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THE

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

VOLUME THE TWENTIETH.

LONDON :

BERNARD QUARITCH, 15 PICCADILLY.

JI.DCCC.LXIII.

MINTED

LONDON :

BY HA Hit I SOX /ND SONS, ST. MARTINS LANr.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XX.

ORIGINA L COMMUNICATIONS.

PAGE

Art. I. — Sketch of the Topography of East and West Berar,
in reference to the Production of Cotton. By Captain

Meadows Taylor 1

Art. II. — Does the Vaiseshika Philosophy acknowledge a

Diety, or not ? By J. Muir, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D. . . 22

Art. III. — Legends chiefly from the Satapatha Brahmana.

By J. Muir, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D. . . . . .31

Art. IV. — Brief Account of a Javanese Manuscript, in the pos-
session of the Society, and entitled “ Babad Mangku

Nagara.” By G. K. Niemann, Esq 49

Art. V. — On the Language of the Afghans. By Viscount

Strangford ......... 52

Art. VI. — Glossary of Tibetan Geographical Terms. Collected
by Hermann, Adolphe, and Robert de Schlagintweit,
and edited by Hermann de Schlagintweit, Ph. Dr.,
LL.D. Trin. Coll. Dnbl., &c., &c 67

Art. VII. — Bactrian Coins. By E. Thomas, Esq. . . .99

Art. VIII. — Text and Commentary of the Memorial of Sakya
Buddha Tathagat'a. By Wong Puh. Translated from
the Chinese by the Rev. S. Beal 135

Art. IX. — On a newly-discovered Bactrian Pali Inscription ;
and on other Inscriptions in the Bactrian Pali Character.

By Professor J. Dowson, Royal Staff College . .221

Art. X. — On the Indian Embassies to Rome, from the Reign of
Claudius to the Death of Justinian (continued from
p. 298 of the XIXth Vol., Journal R.A.S.) By
0. de B. Priaulx, Esq. 269

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Art XI. — The Linguistic Affinities of the Ancient Egyptian

Language. By R. S. Poole, Esq. . . . .313

Art. XII. — Translations of the Hieroglyphic Writing on an
Inscribed Linen Cloth brought from Egypt. By
Sir C. Nicholson, Bart. 323

Art. XIII. — Note on the Reh Efflorescence of North-Western
India, and on the Waters of some of the Rivers and
Canals. By Henry B. Medlicott, Esq., B.A., F.G.S.,
Professor of Geology, Thomason College, Roorkee. . 326

Art. XIV. — On the Siirya Siddhanta, and the Hindu Method
of Calculating Eclipses. By William Spottiswoode,

Esq., M.A., F.R.S., &c 345

Art. XV. — On some Fragments of Aryabhatta. By Dr. II. Kern. 371

Art. XVI. — On the Botany, Geology, &c., of the Country
between Tamatave and Antananarivo, in Madagascar.

By C. Meller, Esq., of H.M.S. “ Gorgon ” . . . 388

Art. XVII. — On the Cost and Construction of the Railways in

India. By J. C. Marshman, Esq. .... 397

Art. XVIII. — On Manu, the Progenitor of the Aryyan Indians,
as represented in the Hymns of the Rigveda. By
J. Muir, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D. 406

Art. XIX. — On a Neo-Syriac Language, still spoken in the
Anti-Lebanon. By the Rev. Jules Ferrette, Mis-
sionary at Damascus . . . . . . .431

Art. XX. — On the Bodily Proportions of Buddhist Idols in

Tibet. By Emil Schlagintweit, Esq., LL.D. . . 437

Art. XXL — On the Inscription of Khammurabi. By II. F.

Talbot, Esq. ........ 445

Art. XXII. — Abstract of a Sanskrit Inscription, accompanied
by a Decipherment of the Original. By Fitz-Edward
Hall, Esq., M.A., D.C.L. ...... 452

Index ........... 459

JOUKNAL

THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Art. I. — Sketch of the Topography of East and West Berar,
in reference to the Production of Cotton. By Captain
Meadows Taylor.

The present province of Berar Las been materially altered since its
first cession by His Highness tbe Nizam, under the Treaty of 1853.
It then consisted of two districts, called North and South Berar;
the former being bounded to the north by the Satpoora mountains,
and to the south by the hills which form the southern face of the
valley; to the east and south-east by the Wurdah river, and to
the west by the British province of Khandesh, belonging to the
Presidency of Bombay. It was about 150 miles long from east
to west, and from 40 to 60 broad, containing an area of about 7,500
square miles.

South of this tract was an irregular portion of country, bounded
to the east and south-east by the Wurdah river, to the south and
south-west by the Peyn Gunga, a tributary of the Wurdah,
which in fact formed the boundary from its source to its junction
with the Wurdah — which was termed South Berar. It was of a
somewhat greater area than the northern province, or exceeding
8,000 square miles ; but had a worse soil, thinner population, and
was altogether inferior in value, yielding a revenue very much
less in proportion to area than North Berar,1 and requiring, in many
respects of revenue and police jurisdiction — larger establishments.

The northern province consisted of two “ Sircars” or ancient
geographical divisions, provinces as they may be termed : Gawil-
1 The proportion was about 8 to 15 lacs.

VOL. XX.

PRODUCTION OF COTTON

gurh to the east, Narnalla to the west. These portions were
pretty nearly equal, and were divided by a line taken due south, or
nearly so, from the fort of Gawilgurh. It appeared most con-
venient, therefore, that this line should be prolonged till it met
the river Peyn Gunga, and the provinces east and west of it were
called East and West Berar. This arrangement was made in
1860-1, and still remains. East Berar, therefore, consists of Sirkar
Gawul, with that portion of Sircar Mahore which lies north of the
Peyn Gunga. West Berar, of Sircar Narnalla, and Maikar, and
that portion of Sircar Bassim which lies north of the same river.
The Pergunna Nursee, which lies south of and adjoining Bassim,
was doubtful when I last heard from India ; but I rather think that
the river boundary, though irregular in contour, will be preferred
to one which has no particular indication.

I need not refer particularly to the terms of the Treaty of
1853, further than to state, that a certain sum, say 50 lacs of
Hyderabad rupees per year, were required to pay the Nizam’s con-
tingent, the interest of his debt to the Company, and some
Mahratta claims and stipends for which we were guarantee under
the Treaty of 1822. Should any surplus arise, it was to be applied
to the gradual redemption of the debt. To make up the sum
required, four frontier districts were transferred to British ad-
ministration, namely, the two Berars to the north, the district of
Nuldroog, or Daraseo, as it was afterwards called, to the west,
and the Raechore Dooab to the south : the ag-gregate estimated
revenue of which was Hyderabad rupees 52 lacs, or thereabouts.
From 1853 to 1860, however, this amount had increased very con-
siderably, under a great extent of cultivation ; and it might in any
case have been a question whether we were justified in holding a
greater amount of revenue than was actually needed for purposes
of payment. When, therefore, a suitable acknowledgment of the
Nizam’s good faith during the rebellion became necessary, it was
determined, among other benefits to be conferred, to cancel the old
debt altogether. This, of course, reduced the demand to provision
for the payment of the contingent and the Mahratta stipends only;
and there was no resource but to resign to the Nizam as much of
the territory first assigned to us as was superfluous to our actual
requirements.

A new treaty, in 1860, or rather a revision of the old one,
arranged this in a definite manner. His Highness received from
us, in free gift, the principality of Shorapore, which had proved
unfaithful, and had been conquered, and the districts of the Raechore

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IN EAST AND WEST BERAR.

Dooab and Daraseo were entirely relinquished to him. Now, in the
provinces of North and South Berar, as in the other provinces under
the first Treaty, certain portions and villages, which had belonged
to the Nizam himself, or to the Prime Minister, or to noblemen or
others, by special grants in former times, were retained under the
independent revenue management of the several parties by the
title of Surf-i-Khas. This separate and divided jurisdiction was
found very inconvenient in many respects ; and under the new
arrangement, and in consideration of what he had received back,
as well as to make up the amount required for the future payments
of 30 lacs per year, the Nizam relinquished all the Sarf-i-Khass
territory in North and South Berar, ceding also, in perpetuity, a
portion of territory upon the Godavery which was necessary in
order to provide for the navigation of that river.

I need not detail the various items of Sarf-i-Khass territory so
transferred ; suffice it to say, that the whole of both provinces of
Berar is now assigned to us, those isolated villages only excepted
which were held in Jahgeer or Inam under former grants by the
Nizam and his predecessors, and which were guaranteed to the
holders under the provisions of the first Treaty. These, however,
are comparatively few.

The accompanying tracing from Major Scott’s map, which is
itself a reduction from the Trigonometrical Survey Map of India,
shows the provinces of East and West Berar as they now exist.
The dotted line south of the Peyn-Gunga shows also the position
of the Pergunna of Nursee, which was held up to the Revenue year
1861-2, but about the ultimate disposition of which I am now
uncertain.

These provinces may be better described, as far as the topo-
graphy is concerned, under the old division than the new ; for the
features of what were North and South Berar differ very materially,
as well as the quality of their soils in relation to the cultivation of
cotton.

North Berar, as I have said, comprised the Sircars of Gawil and
Narnalla. To the north, the Satpoora hills rise to a height of 3,000
to 3,800 feet above the sea, or from 2,200 to 3,000 feet above the
valley. The ridge is narrow and irregular, descending to the
Taptee on the north, in deep ravines clothed with dense jungle, in
which teak to some size is found, the whole tract having a very
sparse population of “ Gonds,” and “ Gowlees” (herdsmen), and but
little cultivation. The descent to the valley on the south side is
more abrupt, the mountains having steep scarped faces of prismatic

B 2

PRODUCTION OF COTTON

basalt, and the culturable soil is met with close to the ends of the
spurs which, thickly wooded, descend into the plain. The moun-
tains are exclusively of basalt; but eastwards, from near Ellichpoor,
sandstone is met with through which the basalt has bm'st, at the
period of the elevation of these mountains, as appears by the dis-
tortion of the sandstone strata and then’ partial vitrification when
in contact with the basalt.

On the south side of the valley, the elevation of the hills is not
so great, not exceeding 800 feet, at any point ; nor is the ascent so
abrupt. It is, in fact, the summit of one of the great Deccan
plateaux, and descends to the valley by a scries of steps on the
north side, sloping very gently to the Wurdah and Godavery on
the south and east.

The valley between these ranges has a very rich soil of great
depth. Towards the hills on both sides it becomes shallower, and
rests upon the basalt, which here and there crops out above the
surface ; but towards the centre of the valley no rock whatever is
met with, and the banks of the Poorna River show escarpments of
pure black soil of from 30 to 50 feet deep, while in the salt wells
of Dehunda, nothing but black earth and yellowish clay is met
with to a depth of 120 feet.

The whole of the valley is available for cotton cultivation.
Although the soil towards the hills on both sides is gravelly,
occasionally even stony, yet the crops of cotton are as fine, if not
indeed finer than those on purely black soil in the centre of the
valley ; but the gravelly soils require a different species of cotton
which has not quite so high a value as that grown upon the purely
black soil, though, if the season be favourable as to rain, the
produce is much larger.

In the attached map, I have endeavoured to show the areas of
cotton-producing lands on both sides of the valley of North Berar ;
the grey colour denotes the gravelly soils, which are composed of
nodules of trap and of lime kunker, mixed with coarse agates,
chalcedonies, &c. It is often shallow and very light in quality, not
retaining moisture ; but the better qualities are a rich brown loam,
resting upon beds of kunker, or, with the shallow portions, upon
the basalt below. Thus, in North Berar, as the centre of the
valley is reached, the substratum rock is found at a greater and
greater depth, till it disappears as far as 120 to 140 feet, and the
deep beds of black soil or reger are found to be resting upon
yellowish and greyish white clays intermixed with beds of gravel.
These portions are coloured yellow.

IN EAST AND WEST BERAR.

The soil of the southern portions of both provinces — what
in fact constituted the former district of South Berar — is very
different, and for the most part is unsuited to cotton cultivation, of
which, comparatively speaking, there is very little. The soil near
the top of the plateau is much denuded, and comparatively very
shallow, except in the low bottoms of the narrow valleys, where
occasional fields of cotton are met with. Where the soil however
is good, grain grows better than cotton, for which perhaps the
climate is too harsh ; and I have observed in all the high plateaux
of the Deccan, that cotton grows indifferently, is uncertain in pro-
duce, of a rough staple, yields comparatively small returns per
acre, and, in fact, is grown more for local consumption than for expor-
tation. This, perhaps, results from the comparatively high elevation
of these plateaux. North Berar, which is essentially a cotton-pro-
ducing district, has an elevation in the valley of from 800 to 900
feet above the level of the sea, whereas the plateaux lying to the
south is from 1,600 to 2,000 feet. North Berar is a very moist,
damp climate. South Berar, on the contrary, dry, and more uncer-
tain as to falls of rain than the northern districts.

On all the small hills in the southern part of the district a low
scrubby jungle prevails, and grows on a soil which is unfit for agri-
culture of any kind ; and as these hills cover a very large propor-
tion of the area, the population is proportionably sparse. On the
Wurdah, south-east of Oomrawutte, there is a good deal of fine grass-
land, all waste, with hardly any population, which might possibly
be available for cotton to some extent. It would be difficult
however to induce people to settle on it and to build new villages,
or even to break up lands which have been so long waste. I
have coloured this portion of the tract green, and the rest, in which
cotton grows only partially, yellow. The original boundary of North
and South Berar, which is in fact the line of hills, is marked with
dots, for the sake of distinguishing the old arrangement and the
difference of the two provinces.

There are two kinds of cotton in North Berai’, Jhurree and
Bhunnee. The former, Jhurree, grows upon the richest and deepest
soil ; the Bhunnee, on the more gravelly. The fibres of these two
kinds are essentially different. Good Bhunnee, which is a pure
white in colour, and is perhaps most esteemed in native manufac-
tures, has a crisp strong fibre, the native test being to squeeze a
portion in the hand close to the ear, when a slight crisp sound is
heard. Jhurree, on the contrary, is soft and silky, and is perhaps
somewhat weaker in staple. It however commands the highest

PRODUCTION OF COTTON

price for the foreign market. Both species bear very prolificacy in
good seasons and attain a considerable height ; and having once
had occasion to collect specimens of cotton plants, large and small,
for transmission to America, I find, from my memoranda, that the
following were the results :

The average height of twelve plants of Bhunnee cotton was
5 feet 6 inches.

Of eleven plants of Jhurree cotton, 7 feet 3 inches.

The average spread of branches from the stem in the above,
Bhunnee, 1 foot 10 inches ; Jhurree, 2 feet 4 inches.

I find that as many as 321 pods and flowers were counted upon
one plant of Jhurree as a maximum, and that averages of plants
of all sizes were as follows :

Jhurree, 12 plants, 126 buds, flowers and pods.

Bhunnee, 12 do. 82 do.

Jhurree produces more prolifically than Bhunnee, but the pods
of Bhunnee are larger.

This proves how luxuriously the plant flourishes in Berar. The
amount of yield is also satisfactory, and I give the following
averages as the result of Punchayets assembled in every Talook of
the district, composed of the most wealthy and intelligent farmers
that could be found.

First quality crop, cleaned cotton, per beegah of 3,600 square
yards, 45 to 60 seers, or 90 to 120 lbs.

Second quality crop, 35 to 40 seers, or 70 to 80 lbs.

Third quality crop, 20 to 25 seers, or 40 to 50 lbs.

Newly ploughed virgin soil is however known to yield from
130 lbs. to 150 lbs. per beegah, which would be the maximum. The
beegah may be taken at two-thirds of an acre, so that the produce
above given, would be 120 lbs. to 160 lbs. first quality— 85 lbs. to
105 lbs. for second — and 53 lbs. to 66 lbs. for third quality, per acre ;
while exceptional returns may run as high as even 200 lbs. per acre.

In the eastern portion of Berar, and along both sides of the
valley, where the soil is light, and will bear irrigation from wells,
a good deal of garden produce, such as turmeric, ginger, yams, &c.,
is raised — the two former for exportation ; as also sugar-cane for
local consumption, which is necessarily large in so well populated
a district. These are annual crops : and by way of rest to the
land cotton is sown intermediately, followed by grain, before
the land is re-manured and re-irrigated. It is in these lands that
I have seen the finest crops of Jhurree cotton. The farmers say
that the plant will not bear direct manuring, or too exciting a soil,

IN EAST AND WEST BERAR.

because it runs to wood, and becomes weak, which is true ; but
manured land, wliich has borne a crop, and has had water applied
to it during the whole or most part of a year, is decidedly the best
suited for Jhurree cotton; and some of the fields I saw, of this
description, in 1857 and 1858, must have yielded returns far higher
than the results given by the punchayets, which I am inclined
to tliink underrated — the average being 60 lbs. to 83 lbs. per
beegah, or 80 lbs. to 100 lbs. per acre, only} The land is, however,
naturally so rich that manure of the lightest description is preferred,
such as the sweeping's of cattle sheds, and refuse forage, inter-
mixed with some cow-dung in the rainy season, when cakes for
burning cannot be made. It is laid on in heaps, spread over the
ground, and worked in with the hoe, before the rain falls. Manure
is only applicable to the lighter soils ; the heavy reger, or black
soil of the centre valley, does not require it ; indeed, if applied, it
has the effect not only of exciting the soil too much, but of dis-
integrating it and making it too friable. Virgin soil, cleaned and
well ploughed with the heavy subsoil Maliratta plough, is good
for from ten to fifteen years. The surface hoe, or fight plough,
being used only to clear away stubble and prepare it for sowing.
After that period, a perennial grass, called Hurrialee, begins to infest
it, and gradually overspreads it in a few years more. The farmers
then allow it perfect rest for two years if possible, and repeat the
old subsoil ploughing with the same result as before. At present
a great proportion of the central area of Berar, from east to
west, is entirely new cultivation. The former dense Babool jungles
have almost all disappeared, and given place to cotton and wheat
crops of surprising luxuriance ; and I question, at the rate at which
cultivation has extended since the transfer of Berar to British
management, whether any waste land will soon be procurable.
The province, indeed, is rapidly attaining its maximum rate of
production.

It must be remembered, however, that Berar must always require
the production of a large quantity of grain, and that all its lands,
or even an unusual proportion of them, cannot be applied to cotton

1 In a report by Colonel Cuthbert Davidson, C.B., resident at Hyderabad, on
the soil and products of Berar, and on estimate of the cost and returns of a
beegah of cotton — { candy or 30 maunds of cotton is given as the produce per
beegah. This, at 12 seers to the maund, would be 360 seers = 720 lbs. of uncleaned
cotton, or 480 lbs. of cleaned, which appears very large, so much so as to be
doubtful. At this rate the produce per acre would be 640 lbs., which is greater
than any American return !

PKODUCTION OF COTTON

cultivation. I have before remarked that the population of North
Berar is unusually large in reference to the rates per square mile for
Central India generally, and there is no question that it increases.
Now Berar cannot import grain, because all around it the production
only suffices for local consumption, hardly indeed for that. To the
north are the mountains and jungles of the Satpoora range ; to the
east Nagpoor, which only grows enough for its own consumption ; to
the south a partly unproductive country till the Godavery is ap-
proached, and the grain from thence is sent to Hyderabad. To
the east is Khandesh, any surplus from which goes to Bombay.
There is not, therefore now, and there never can be, any material
import of cereals into Berar, which, throughout, produces grain in
large quantities.

It is always difficult to estimate the actual proportion of cotton
cultivation to that of cereals, and I regret to state that I cannot
obtain it from Berar in time to give it with this paper, even if it be
obtainable there ; but an approximate calculation of probable pro-
duce of cotton may be made as follows. I make the estimates for
the former divisions of North and South Berar separately, because
of the great excess of non-productive land in the latter over the
former, and the comparatively small area of cotton-producing land
in what is culturable.

I have assumed the total area of North Berar to be 7,500 square
miles, of which 1,500 being set off as an estimate of unculturable
wastes, and lands unfit for cotton cultivation, 6,000 square miles,
or 3,840,000 acres remain, of which, say that one-fourth, would
be the maximum sum of cotton cultivation, or 960,000 acres, which,
on the previous average of 90 lbs. of cleaned cotton per acre, would
afford a gross produce of 86,400,000 lbs. Now, assuming the
population to be one millon, and the local consumption to be at the
generally estimated rate of 12 lbs. per individual per year, a residue
t)f 74 millions of pounds would result.

Again, in relation to South Berar, which has an area of about
10,000 square miles, a more unfavourable comparison must result
from the fact of the unculturable waste lands being so extensive in
comparison with lands available for agriculture ; but if one-fourth
be culturable land, we have 2,500 square miles, or 1,600,000 acres,
of which one-eighth may be fit for cotton growing, or 200,000
acres; but the produce might not exceed 50 lbs. per acre, or 10
millions of pounds, and if the population be 400,000, 4,800,000 lbs.
of cotton would be required, which would leave 5,200,000 lbs. as
the available surplus only.

IN EAST AND WEST BERAR.

In all, therefore, 80 millions of pounds may be the total pro-
ducible quantity from both districts, or, as they are now arranged,
of East and West Berar.

It is fair, however, to give an estimate made by one of the
former assistants in the province of South Berar, and the truth
may he between the two. He estimates the whole province as : —

Square Miles.

East Berar, area 10,000

West Berar 9,000

Total . . . 19,000

Of which about cne-fourth is cultivated (not cultivable) land, or
4,750 square miles, or 3,040,000 acres ; and of this one-eiglith as
sown with cotton, or 380,000 acres ; which, at an average of 70 lbs.
per acre, would yield 26,600,000 lbs. of cotton. Then, if the con-
sumption of 1,400,000 people be deducted, at 12 lbs. per head per
year, there would be a residue of, say 10 millions of pounds only,
which I should think considerably below the mark, and an average,
perhaps, of the two, or, say 42 or 50 millions of pounds, may be
nearer an actual result.

It is, however, next to impossible to estimate the producing
capabilities of Berar, East or West. The land has not, as yet,
been classified or surveyed, and until that is done, the area fit for
cultivation cannot be known, much less what is fit for cotton
sowing. I have no doubt that the actual area estimated to be
sown with cotton this year will be obtainable from Berar, and
when I receive it, I shall do myself the pleasure of forwarding it.
With it also will be sent an estimate of produce calculated on the
most recent returns of produce that may have been obtained.

There are, at present, two principal cotton marts in Berar,
Oomrawutte and Kliamgaon. Of these, Oomrawutte which has
been made the civil station of East Berar, has always been a con-
siderable place of trade, being an entrepot for spices, salt, and
coast produce in general, as well as for export of cotton and other
local produce to the coast, as well as to Mirzapoor. Oomrawutte
is well situated on a gravelly soil, near a small range of hills which
are an offshoot from the southern range, and is marked as being
928 feet above the level of the sea. All the produce of the
Pergunnas of Bunnera Beebee, Soorjee Anjengaom, Ellichpoor,
Toogaom, Durriapoor, Chandore, Kolapoor, Nandgaom, Mung’rool,
Koora, Tulligaom, Duseshwur, Ilewurkheir, Buroor, Morchee, Sur-
rusgaom, Manna, Joosoo, and Mortuzapore, is taken to Oomrawutte;

PRODUCTION OF COTTON

as well as much of the produce of those Pergunnas of Nagpoor
which lie on the left bank of the Wurdah, and even of those further
to the eastward.

Khamgaom is situated about 80 miles to the westward of
Oomrawutte. It has not the same amount of import trade, but is a
considerable entrepot for local produce which is exported to the
coast, both cotton and linseed, with madder, sesamum, and other
productions in demand at Bombay. It collects the produce of the
western Pergunnas of North Berar, namely, A kola, Argaom, Jamode,
Julgaom, Bunneria, Mulkapoor, Balapoor, Akola, Dehinda, and
Pannajee. Some cotton, linseed, and sesamum also reach it from
Maiker and other Pergunnas, above the southern hills. The station
of the West Berar district has been fixed at Akola, which is more
central than Khamgaom, and as the railway will touch it, I have
no doubt that Khamgaom will decline, or, at least will not
increase.

There are other cotton marts, but of a more local character, at
Balapoor, Akote, and Mulkapoor, in West Berar; and Ellich poor,
Hewurkheir, Morchee, and Surrusgaom, in Eastern Berar ; but I
am inclined to think there is no direct export, except from the
great marts of Omrawutte and Khamgaom.

To the east of the Wurdah river, in the province of Nagpoor,
there are large cotton-producing tracts, and the Pergunnas of
Mangaom, Andoree, Wyegaom, Khamgaom, Natchengaom, Deolye,
Ponar, Kelsee, Sindee, Bela, and Iling'unghat, are as famous for
their cotton as any part of Berar. These Pergunnas supply the
market of Ilingunghat. Another mart in the Nagpoor territory is
Aroee, which collects produce from the Pergunnas of Aroee,
Seyloo, Ashtee, Amnair, and Kondalee. Most of this cotton goes to
Mirzapoor, as more profitable for export, perhaps, than Oomrawutte
and Bombay; but the railway which will traverse the cotton-
producing' Pergunnas of Nagpoor, lying between the Wurdah and
that city, will no doubt convey the whole of the Nagpoor as well
as the Wurdah Valley produce to Bombay. The produce of Nag-
poor which does not go to the west coast by the Berar Valley, or
to Oomrawutte, &c., is sent direct from Ilingunghat via Bassim,
Jalna, and Ahmudnugger, to Bombay, but it is not very con-
siderable.

From the above I think it may be safely assumed that agencies
might be established with great advantage at Akola and Oomra-
wutte, with branches about the country. For instance, for Oom-
rawutte, a branch at Ellichpoor, which is a cantonment of the

IN EAST AND WEST BERAR.

Hydrabad Contingent, would gather produce from Anjengaom to
the west and Surrusgaom to the east.

A branch at Hewurkheir or Morchee, would gather supplies
from Burroor, Morchee, and Hewurkheir.

A branch at Hingunghat would supply produce from the
Nagpoor country’s districts lying on the left bank of the Wurdah.

A branch at Karinjah, and one at Bassim, would drain the
southern districts.

So also, a minor agency for West Berar at Akolali, which, as
the civil station and upon the railway, would be preferable to
Khamgaom, and could have branches at Akola, for Akote, Argaom,
and Bunnera : — At Mulkapoor, by which the railway will pass, for
Peepulgaom, Jamode, Mulkapoor, and Rohunkher, while Akolah
would command Balapoor, Dehunda, Punnagee, Warroor, and other
central Pergunnas. An agency at Maiker, above the Southern Hills,
would also obtain produce, but the country is not rich.

Thus both general agencies would be situated upon the railway,
and in communication with the best cotton districts of East and
West Berar, and would also communicate with the southern por-
tions of those districts which he south of the range of Southern
Hills, and with Nagpoor.

Thoug'h cotton might be the main object of a Company’s enter-
prise, it is by no means to be supposed that the produce of Berar
is confined to that article. On the contrary, I know of no district in
which such varied productions are grown, or which is better suited
by soil and climate, to all descriptions of Indian staples.

The whole of the northern and southern sides of the valley
where water is near the surface, and soil is of mixed quality, pro-
duces ginger, turmeric, sugar-cane, and all other irrigated crops in
great variety and luxuriance. The soil is naturally rich, and the
water in the wells is near the surface. The Pergunnas in which
irrigated produce is grown to the north, beginning from the eastern
side, are, — Burroor, Morchee, Hewerkheir, Anjengaom, Akote,
Julgaom, Argaom, Jamode, and Mulkapoor. On the south side of
the valley, Tulligaum, Mungloor Peer, Karinjah, Ballapoor, and
Peepulgaom. In all these localities which, from the quality of the
soil, allow of irrigation being applied to agriculture, much might
be done to preserve the water which at present flows to waste, by
collecting it in tanks, or lakes, and making dams upon the small
rivers. Such works would be within the proper province of the
Company ; and, to judge from the results and experiments elsewhere,
in the province of Golcondah, for instance, would prove very remu-

PRODUCTION OF COTTON

nerative, both for the sale of the water to the people and the
great stimulus they would give to irrigated produce.

In the course of a report. made by me to Government upon the
feasibility and necessity of providing water for agriculture in the
province of Daraseo, then under my superintendence, I showed by a
series of calculations founded on returns furnished by every col-
lector of every province in the Bombay Presidency where irrigation
existed, as well as from the Commissioners of the remaining three
districts of the Hyderabad Commission, that the average cost of
watering an acre of ground per year for sugar-cane, or any crop
which requires water for a whole year, was thirty-seven rupees and
a-half. The returns were obtained by puncliayets of respectable
farmers which sat in every talook, and the aggregate of talooks
and their average was transmitted bjr the collector. The expense
included proportions of cost of bullocks and repairs of well, feed of
cattle, gear for raising water, rope, leather bucket, &c., ironwork,
wages of men — the one to drive the cattle, the other to turn off the
water, and the like. Now the cost of water per acre per year is
about three rupees on the Ganges canal, and varies from three
rupees to twelve rupees per year from tanks and dams in the
Madras Presidency, according to number of crops irrigated. In
the Daraseo districts, the people would have given six rupees per
acre per year gladly for water, and no wonder, if they were spending
thirty-six. On an occasion of a proposed “ anicut ” from the river
Tumboodra in the Raecliore Dooab, which was under my charge in
1859 and 1860, Government was offered eight rupees per acre
for water on each crop of rice on land of first quality, or from
sixteen to twenty-four rupees per acre per year. It was proved
also, on data which admitted of no question, that by construction
of lake or tank dams, water could be stored, to be sold at a profit,
and so as to supply irrigation, at the rate of two rupees per acre per
year , and even less.

As I have before stated, the sides of the valley of Berar, mig-lit
be provided with water to a groat extent by damming up the small
rivers, and storing up the monsoon overflow ; but, beside this,
there is the Wurdah, by which, at one spot where it falls pre-
cipitously about thirty feet, and continues to fall by rapids for
nearly a mile, or in all, probably, from eighty to one hundred feet,
a head of water could be obtained which would irrigate the whole
of the right bankas far as the water would last ; and my impression
also is, that if a system of dams, one below another, built on natural
ledges of rock, as is the casein the Tumboodra, were constructed, much

IN EAST AND WEST BERAR.

of the waste unproductive tract of land lying on the right bank of
this river, south-east of Oomrawutte, would be rendered very
valuable. That tract, now quite or nearly uncultivated — except by
a few Gonds, and used only for pasturage by wandering herdsmen —
might be purchased by a company, or rented on very favourable
terms, and the application of irrigation to it would at once attract
a large population. I cannot say for certain that the plan is as
feasible as it appears, but of the perfect possibility of putting the
whole of the water of the Wurdah to use from the spot I have
mentioned, which is a few miles below the Kasba Amnair, in the
Burroor Talook I have no doubt, as I inspected the locality with
great minuteness and for the purpose of reporting upon it, in
1858 ; and it is impossible but that the natural descent of the river
per mile, and of the country with the river, should not furnish
localities for the construction of dams to command the lands below
them from spot to spot, according with the natural levels.
This is the system pursued in all the rivers of the south of India,
and except where the channels of the rivers are too deep to admit
of it, or ledges of rocks with strong banks are not found, there is
nothing’, in my opinion, to prevent the water of Berar, or else-
where, being used in a similar manner. It is, however, hopeless
to expect Government to construct such works, and it is under the
formation and operation of companies alone that they could be
executed efficiently or worked profitably.

I think this will not be considered a dig-ression from the subject
of Berar topography and production, for it is in reality one of the
greatest importance to the district. Irrigation is not applicable
with any good effect to cotton cultivation, and experiments have
been made which prove this beyond a doubt; but the value' of
sugar, tobacco, indigo, ginger, turmeric, and the like is far beyond
that of cotton as a crop to the farmer, and, I should think, to the
merchant also ; and irrigation is necessary to all these and others.
In any case, they would combine with cotton, sesamum seed (Till),
linseed, and mustard seed (the demand for each and all of which
has been very rapidly increasing for some years past), rape,
castor oil, safflower and its seed, hemp, and other local produce
required for exportation to the coast for Europe or other countries.

There is yet another subject to which I beg to be allowed to
attract attention, as I think it is feasible to effect much by a little
pains. I allude to the manufacture of flax from the linseed plant.
The fibre may not be very long; but it will be fine, and machineiy
for spinning flax has been so improved of late years, that anything

PRODUCTION OF COTTON

a few inches long can be spun into excellent yarn. I have made
several trials myself with success, and the Berar flax, growing more
luxuriantly and more succulently than the flax of the Deccan usually
does, yielded fibre with comparatively little trouble. Government
officers, however, distracted with other business, obliged to be
continually moving at the season when flax is ripe, and unable to
obtain proper instruments, or to direct the process in a fitting
manner, can only make very partial experiments ; but a company,
whose business it would be to perfect all existing productions as
much as possible, might pursue the subject of flax with, I should
think, much advantage. Thousands of tons must now be destroyed
simply from the inability of the people to make flax, indeed, from
their absolute ignorance that any fibre can be obtained from the
plant, which is burned, lest cattle should eat it and be poisoned.
In the Punjab, flax has already become a staple product for expor-
tation to a considerable amount, and I have no doubt that the same
result would follow in Berar, were its production systematically
undertaken.

I return, however, to cotton.

It has been proved that the American species of New Orleans
or Upland cottons, sown in the Deccan at Dharwar, the Raechore
Dooab, Shorapore, and other localities, produce a staple as good, or
nearly so, as that obtained from America. There is a slight
difference in the present market price, but for the most part they
range within a penny a pound of each other, the “ Ginned Dharwar”
having the preference in some cases. I myself had a large share
in the experiments by which New Orleans seed was cultivated hi
the Deccan, and have seen enough of its cultivation to be assured
of its not only maintaining its ground against the indigenous
varieties, but of surpassing them in every respect. The acclima-
tized New Orleans is a hardy plant, rarely affected by the dry,
withering north-east winds which so often ruin the produce of the
indigenous variety ; it requires no particular cultivation : no manure
if sown in good black soil : is a heavy bearer, certainly one-half more
than native under all circumstances, and more frequently double.
It also gathers far less dirt, and the leaves being of a firmer and
less friable nature, do not break in gathering the produce, as those
of the indigenous varieties do, and become mixed with the wool so
inextricably I am informed, that the more the wool is separated,
the more are the particles of leaves broken and diffused. The pro-
portion of wool to seed is also greatly more — nearly one-third;
while, as is well known now, it not only commands a greatly

IN EAST AND WEST BERAR.

enhanced price in the market over the indigenous, but is adapted,
by the length of its staple, to the use of manufactures in those
spinning machines which are adjusted for American cotton without
any special adjustment for itself.

This plant requires no special cultivation, nor was it till exactly
the same mode of treatment was adopted with it, as was customary
with ordinary cotton, that it succeeded at all. The American plans
of sowing in partitions, upon ridges, in square holes, and the like,
difficult of execution and involving much manual labour, would
never — could never have been adopted by the Indian Ryot ; and it
was the practical Deccan farmers, at Dharwar, who, after seeing
the real value of the plant, rejected the American system as too
complicated, and in reality not suited to the climate because
creating too much evaporation, and treated it in their own way with
perfect success. This plan was adopted by me in the Shorapore
State, which is not far north-east from the Dharwar boundary ;
and the plant was becoming a favourite crop, when I was trans-
ferred to other duty in 1853. Upon its introduction into the
Raechore Dooab, which borders Dharwar and Shorapoor, it was
rapidly increasing in demand and in favour when I left the district
in 1860; but, I fear, as that province has been retransferred to the
Nizam, that the cultivation will not be carried on so carefully — that
is, without mixture of native varieties — as it was before. A want
of seed was the only difficulty in 1859-60; if it had been procurable
in time, a very much larger breadth would have been sown than
was sown.

Now, I think this kind of plant would, after a few trials, succeed
perfectly in Berar. The only objection to its cultivation in the
Deccan generally is, that the climate and soil are too dry, and that
if sown at the time the ordinary cotton is sown, it dries up before
the produce is complete.

It must be understood here, that both the indigenous kinds in
Berar, Bunnee and Jhurree, bear but one crop of flowers and pro-
duce. Some of the buds flower and form into bolls a little later
than others, as might be expected on any annual plant, but there
is not more than a fortnight’s difference. Now, the New Orleans
variety comes into flower earlier than the native plant, and bears a
constant succession of flowers and bolls till the end of the hot
season. The plants, particularly the hybrid varieties of the Sea
Island, would, indeed, answer well another year ; but they require
pruning, and the crop is perhaps less prolific than that of the first
year, and more liable to attacks of insects.

PRODUCTION OP COTTON

But great drought is not a characteristic feature of Berar ; in
fact, almost the contrary. It has a moister climate all the year
round than any part of the Deccan with which I am acquainted,
and a more unvarying supply of rain. The monsoon rarely gives
less than 30 inches ; sometimes, indeed, much more ; and whereas
for the last twenty years the average of the Deccan would not,
perhaps, amount to 20 inches, certainly would not exceed it — the
average of rainfall for 1855, 1856, 1857, in Berar, was 30’75 inches,
and they were barely average years, and when other portions of
Western India were sorely afflicted with drought. The moisture
in Berar, therefore, may be attributed to the retention of the
monsoon fall by the deep tenacious soils of the district, and con-
sequent heavy evaporation afterwards, which tempers the dryness
of the air, and makes it so favourable to the production of the
indigenous plant ; for nowhere in the Deccan proper, or in- Dharwar,
are such crops seen as ordinarily exist in Berar in all its localities.

From this I assume that the cultivation of the American plant
would succeed if properly tried. I am aware that some attempts
have been made which failed ; but during the time I had charge of
the province, I could not discover that any proper trial had ever
been made, or that any one was particularly interested in the
subject. American and other varieties of imported seed had been
sent to the province, which, in most instances, had failed to vege-
tate ; in others, had come up so sparsely, that its failure was
attributed to the quality or condition of the soil or climate. The
native farmers, therefore, were disappointed, and declined further
experiments ; the Government officers were none of them agricul-
turists, or cared very much about the matter in any way ; and so
the first trials being as unsuccessful as they had been in many
other localities — at Dharwar and Shorapoor for instance, further
efforts were abandoned altogether. Yet in 1857-58, I saw, in
some localities, individual plants and patches of New Orleans
cotton as fine as any I had experience of in Shorapoor, if
not, indeed, finer; and were fully acclimatised seed used, and
persevered in until the proper treatment of the plant was
ascertained, I should anticipate a certain success.

It would be a great object of any Company to make such trials.
Land sufficient for the purpose in different localities and of different
qualities, could easily be rented from Government, or waste land
could be taken up and cleared for the purpose. Acclimatized seed
can be obtained in Dharwar to any amount, and I would advise
trials with this seed, which, so far as my knowledge goes, has never

IN EAST AND WEST BERAR.

yet been tried in Berar. It was my intention, had I remained in the
province, to have got up seed from Dharwar in time for the early
sowings in June, and I would have tried them in all the Pergunnas
of Berar and on all kinds of soil, — the deep black, the mixed loams,
and gravelly soils ; and those soils on which irrigated produce — •
sugar-cane, ginger, and the like — had been grown the year before.
All these should be attempted, and the results carefully noted. If
the seed failed partially, or even entirely in some places, fresh seed
from Dharwar should be obtained; but if any plants succeeded,
even partially, that seed would be more valuable than any other for
the next year’s growth.

If the seed were sown in the loamy or gravelly soils of the sides
of the valley, near the hills, the earlier it was put into the ground,
the better ; say as soon in June as the moisture admitted, at the
same time, indeed, as the indigenous varieties. But in the very
deep black soil of the centre of the valley, the seed might be sown,
as it always is in Dharwar and Shorapoor, in August. It would
ripen later, but it would be a stronger plant, less liable to heating
and casting its bolls, than it is if sown earlier. In short, it is
impossible to lay down any exact rules ; but that deviation from
local usage is sometimes useful, I myself had a notable example
of in regard to this cotton at Shorapoor.

In the granitic formations of the western districts of India,
there is a good deal of reddish loamy soil, consisting of decomposed
felspar and granite, which is used for the early or “ khurreef ” crops
of grain and pulse — never for cotton. I had tried early sowings of New
Orleans in black soil, with bad success; and yet it appeared that
greater moisture was necessary to its perfect development than
could be obtained by sowing in August and September. I determined
therefore (the last year that I was at Shorapoor, 1859-60), to try
red soil with the plant. The result was most perfect success.
The red soil seemed to suit this cotton far better than the black ;
the plant was not so high, perhaps, but it was much stronger, and
more bushy, and the yield incomparably larger. It happened, too,
that that year was scanty in supply of rain, and other native cotton
was much affected; not so the field of New Orleans on red soil, which
grew and flourished abundantly. This field had not been manured,
and no particular pains was taken with ploughing it. The seed
was thinly sown by the drill-plough, and twice weeded by hand ;
the plants being thinned at the same time. The field was sown
early in June ; it began to flower in six weeks, and ripe cotton was
pulled in great plenty in the end of September ; and from this time
VOL. XX. C

PRODUCTION OF COTTON

till February, when I left, and hot weather bad begun, the plant still
bore a continuance of flowers and pods, which were, to me, truly
surprising. If I had remained, I should have repeated the experi-
ment on a much larger scale ; and it may, indeed, have been con-
tinued by the local farmers, who came from all parts of the district
to look at what they could not believe from report. The produce
of this field, which was sent to the Bombay Chamber of Commerce,
was declared the “ best which had ever been sent of the American
variety.”

Another kind of cotton which, to my perception, seemed more
suited to the climate of the Raechore Dooab and Shorapoor — in short,
to a dryer climate than Dharwar — is the Egyptian. An intelligent
farmer of a village on the western frontier of Raechore, had
obtained some seed from a friend in the Dharwar Collectoi-ate ; it
proved to be of mixed qualities ; and having observed a difference
between the plants, and that one kind in particular grew better
than others, he saved the seed of it and sowed it separately the
next year, giving also portions to other farmers of the same village.
He asked me to come and look at it ; and as Dr. Forbes — who has
gone to India with Mr. Heywood of Manchester for an inspection
of cotton districts — was with me, we went together. The field was,
indeed, most luxuriant; the plants far asunder, breast high, and
full of pods and flowers. I have no doubt that the result in
yield was most satisfactory, and will encourage the farmers to
persevere.

There are, however, prejudices among native farmers against
the sowing of New Orleans cotton which are not easily overcome.
The seed is not fitted for the food of cattle, like that of the native
variety, which affords so much nourishment, and forms part of the
value return to the cultivator — and there is difficulty about cleaning
it. Many kinds of gins have been tried with varying success ; but
whether from its great dryness in the gin, and consequently more
brittle character, or from the staple being really shorter than in
America, I cannot say ; but there is no doubt that the staple of
all Dharwar-ginned American has been hitherto very much cut in
ginning, and thereby reduced in value. After many experiments,
I believe that a gin has been perfected upon the roller principle, of
which Dr. Forbes is the inventor, and which promised to effect all
that was desired in the improvement of the staple. It could also
be made applicable to native cotton. New Orleans cotton can,
however, be very well cleaned by the native hand-churka, a small
gin with rollers working different ways, sometimes both of hard

IN EAST AND WEST BERAR.

wood, sometimes one of wood and one of iron. What I sent last
from Shorapoor, the produce of my red-soil field, was entirely cleaned
by the common churka, and was very much admired. Such a gin,
however, as Dr. Forbes’s is an actual necessity in the country. A
factory or company would have to supply many to the people, and
keep up many itself ; and, under proper treatment in cleaning, the
indigenous cotton of Berar would, I believe, be the best in India.

It is excellent in colour, both Bhunnee and Jhurree, and the
staple of both is longer and finer than any indigenous cotton with
which I am acquainted ; but stored badly, picked and cleaned badly,
exposed to dust, which, in Berar, is hardly to be conceived, packed
badly, and finally carried badly to the coast, it is no wonder then
that Berar cotton hitherto has had a bad reputation.

Within the last four years, however, there is much improve-
ment. Officers of Government have used their utmost endeavours
to induce the adoption of careful picking when the cotton is
ready, not too ripe and falling from the pods, or catching all the
dust which blows upon it. The storing in “kulls” or enclosed
spaces near villages, to be kept till the rent was settled with exact-
ing talookdars, is also at an end. The rent now to be paid is
settled beforehand, and the Ryot can take his produce as he pleases.
Above all, the farmer has come to learn that there is a better price
to be got from the purchasing agent for really good cotton than
for bad, and he is beginning, in Berar to take pains about the pre-
paration of it for market. In this respect the operation of a com-
pany would be of great benefit. It would either receive the cotton
in the seed and clean it in its own gins, or it would supply gins to
certain localities and take the cotton as cleaned. It would main-
tain discrimination between good and bad cotton, and it would soon
be perceived by the people, that to get the best procurable price,
the best article must be furnished; not as before in quantity,
without any reference whatever to quality or condition, but with
reference to quality.

And as I have before stated, the principle of buying only
good produce would apply to all other articles of local growth,
irrigated and non-irrigated.

Another important point to be considered is, that advances, if
required by the people, would be given them by a Company on
much lower terms than those they now get get from local merchants
and petty bankers. The manner in which the Marwarree traders
of Berar make up accounts with their constituents is curiously
complex, and very ruinous to the people ; yet to some extent, — a

C 2

PRODUCTION OF COTTON

great extent, indeed, — the advances are necessary. I need not
enter here into a subject which in itself has a peculiar and separate
interest ; but while some progress has been made by the Berar
farmers to independence of the petty village banker or merchant,
a great deal of necessity exists for continuance of prepayment, or
loans upon time bargains. The lender is everywhere under the
protection of the local law, which is not complex, nor is justice
difficult of attainment. One great object of the present adminis-
tration, indeed, has been to make justice as easily attainable as
possible. There is no special law of contract existent; but the
section “ upon contracts,” which forms part of Mr. Temple’s Punjab
Code, is administered in the province with success. I can state
also, from my own judicial experience, that disputes about
agricultural loans are comparatively very rare, and it is evident
that the Ryots will rather stand a good deal of extra squeezing
by the Marwarree lender, than apparently break faith with
him by going to law. There are however, of course, occasional
breaches of faith, and undoubtedly instances of extortion, also,
which cannot be endured. Were a Company to make advances, it
would do so judiciously, and under proper agreements ; nor need
the interest be higher than absolutely to protect the Company from
loss. It would look to its profits upon the produce obtained, rather
than to interest upon loans.

Another branch of employment of capital with profit, would be
the direct importation of English fabrics for the supply of retail
dealers of the district. Indeed retail sales might be established if
possible. At present the Presidency is the only place in which
cloths, cotton, and woollen can be obtained. But the large ware-
houses of a Company might always be stocked for the supply of the
country at large, with advantage to itself and corresponding advan-
tage to the people ; and as cloths locally used and prepared could be
obtained in the country and sent home for imitation, the exact
quality, colour, and form could be imitated. I conceive that this
would become a large and profitable branch of its business.

The main agency should be at Oomrawutte. I hear no com-
plaints about its climate, but many of that of Akola ; and I know
personally that Oomrawutte is pleasant for the greater part of the
year. It is here that screwing-presses should be established;
machinery for making “ gunny” for bags, and cordage for the bales,
when pressed. The railway will be open, it is said, in another
twelve months, or at most eighteen months more ; and by that
time the Company’s buildings, warehouses, screw-presses, and the

IN EAST AND WEST BERAR.

like plant, could be prepared ; and those connections established
between respectable farmers and local dealers, which would be
indispensable. If it be desired to purchase land on the terms of the
new Act, the tract on the right bank of the Wurdali could be
examined and reported upon ; as also waste lands near the River
Poornah in the centre of the valley, eastward of Toogaom, in the
Pergunna of that name ; as also in other Talooks and Pergunnas
adjacent to Oomrawutte. Much of the land has already been
taken up and cleared ; but some may still remain. The whole is of
the finest quality. In short, an active agent, acting in concert
with the Deputy Commissioners of the Berar Provinces, could, I
have no doubt, secure waste lands wherever they were obtainable ;
and, whether cultivated directly by the Company, or rented for
produce , to native farmers, they would be equally advantageous ;
but this much is certain, that waste lands are fast disappearing, ,
that none are reserved, and that the best obtainable are always
selected by the people : the sooner, therefore, if possession of land
be an object, that selection is made, the better.

Oomrawutte will not only be advantageous for the goods’ station
on account of the railway, but because, should the navigation of
the Godavery ever become an established fact, produce would be
easily transmitted by that river, which could be comparatively
quickly reached from that town. My own opinion is not favourable
to the navigation of the Godavery ; or that if it is ever effected, it
will materially reduce the amount of transit by rail from Berar ; it
may, however, benefit those tracts lying south-east between Berar
and the sea and the southern provinces of Nagpoor, and though at
present, for an immense extent they are uninhabited wastes and
forests, they may in then’ turn become populated countries.

Art. II. — Does the Vaiseshika Philosophy acknowledge a Deity ,
or not? By J. Muir, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D.

In the paper on the Indian Materialists, lately published in the
Journal of this Society (Yol. XIX, p. 313), I have expressed a
doubt whether the Vaiseshika philosophy is not atheistic. As the
aphorisms of the Vaiseshika, lately published in Calcutta, in the
“ Bibliotheca Indica,”1 have been received in Europe since the paper
in question was read, I have had an opportunity of testing the
opinion then put forward by a reference to the primary authority
for the tenets of this system ; and, although I do not pretend to
have studied the essential principles of this school of philosophy so
as to be able to assert whether its theory of the universe is founded
on theism or on atheism, I find some aphorisms which, in opposition
to the Mlmansakas, assert — 1st, that the Vedas are the product
of an intelligent mind; and 2ndly (if the interpretation of the
commentator is to be received), that they have been uttered by
God.

Assuming that these aphorisms are genuine, and that they have
been correctly interpreted, it will result that the Vaiseshika system
is not atheistic, or, at least, that whatever the author’s theory of
creation may have been, he was unwilling to deny the existence
of a supreme intelligence and his agency in reference to the
revelation of the Veda.

Of the aphorisms wliich I am about to quote, the first has been
translated by Dr. Ballantyne, and it, as well as the others, is
briefly commented upon by Professor Banerjea in his “Dialogues
on Hindu Philosophy,” p. 474 f., and Pref. p. ix. note.

Aphorism i., 1, 3. — “The authority of the Vedic record arises
from its being uttered by him.”

In the preceding aphorism, righteousness had been defined as
that through which happiness and future perfection are attained.
The commentator then proceeds thus : —

1 Only a small portion of these aphorisms had been previously published,
with a translation, by Dr. Ballantyne.

V AISESHIKA PHILOSOPHY.

i., 1, 3. — “But may it not be objected here that it is the Veda
which proves that righteousness, in the form of abstinence from action,
is, by means of the knowledge of absolute truth, the cause of future
perfection ; but that we dispute the authority of the Veda because
it is chargeable with the faults of falsehood, contradiction, and

tautology1 And further, there is nothing to prove the

authority of the V eda, for its eternity is disputed, its eternal fault-
lessness is doubted, and if it have a personal author, the fact of
this person being a competent utterer is doubted ; since there is a
risk of error, inadvertence, uncertainty, and want of skill attaching
to him. Thus there is neither any such thing as future perfection,
nor is either a knowledge of absolute truth, or righteousness, the
instrument thereof. Thus everything is perplexed.”

In answer to all this the author of the aphorism says : —

i., 1, 3. — “ The authority of the Vedic record arises from its
being uttered by him.”

“ Here,” says the commentator, “ the word tad (His) refers to
Isvara (God) ; as, though no mention of Him has yet been introduced,
He is proved by common notoriety to be meant; just as in the
aphorism of Gautama : — ‘ Its want of authority is shown by the faults
of falsehood, contradiction, and tautology,’ the Veda, though not
previously introduced, is intended by the word tad.2

“ And so [the meaning of the aphorism is that] the authority of
the sacred record, i.e., the Veda, is proved by its being spoken by
Him, composed by Him, by Isvara. Or, tad (its)2 may denote
dharma (duty) which immediately precedes; and then [the sense
will be that] the authority of the sacred record, i.e., the Veda,
arises from its declaring, i.e., establishing, duty, for the text which
establishes any authoritative matter must be itself an authority.
The proof of Isvara and his competence will be hereafter stated.”
The commentator then goes on to answer the charges of falsehood,
contradiction, and tautology alleged against the Veda.

The next aphorism which I shall quote (vi., 1, 1) is thus intro-
duced by the commentator : —

“ An examination of righteousness and unrighteousness, which
are the original causes of the world,3 forms the subject of the

1 Here the same illustrations are given as in the commentary on the Nyaya
aphorisms, quoted in my Sanskrit Tests, vol. iii., pp. 78, ft'.

2 For the sake of those who do not read Sanskrit, it may be mentioned that
tad being in the crude, or uninflected form, may denote any of the three genders,
and may be rendered either “ he,” “ she,” or “ it.”

3 This, I believe, means that the existence of the world in its present o

VAISESHIKA PHILOSOPHY.

Gth section. Notv, righteousness and unrighteousness are to be
constituted by virtue of such injunctions as these : ‘ Tlie man who
desires paradise should sacrifice,’ ‘ Let no one eat tobacco,’ &c.,
provided these injunctions and prohibitions be authoritative. And
this authoritativeness depends upon the fact of the utterer [of these
injunctions or prohibitions] possessing the quality of understanding
the correct meaning of sentences, for the supposition of inherent
authoritativeness is untenable. The author, therefore, first of all
enters upon the proof of that quality which gives rise to the
authoritativeness of the Veda.

“Aphorism v.i., 1, 1. — ‘There is in the Yeda a construction of
sentences which is produced (lit. preceded) by intelligence.’

“ The ‘ construction of sentences,’ the composition of sentences,
is ‘ produced by intelligence,’ i.e., by a knowledge of the correct
meaning of sentences on the part of the utterer [of them] ; [and
this is proved] by the fact of these sentences possessing an arrange-
ment like the arrangement of such sentences as ‘ There are five
fruits on the river side,’ composed by such persons as ourselves.
‘In the Yeda,’ i.e., in the collection of sentences (so called). Here
the construction of the sentences composing the collection is the
proposition which is asserted. Nor is the contrary (i.e., the unautho-
ritativeness of the Veda) proved by its being a [limited] intelli-
gence, such as ours, which produced these sentences. [Because
it was not a limited intelligence which produced them.] For it
is not an object of apprehension to the understandings of persons
like ourselves that such injunctions as, ‘ He who desires paradise
should sacrifice,’ are the instruments of obtaining what we desire,
or that the desired results will follow. Hence in the case of the
Yeda the agency of a self-dependent person is established (since
these matters could be known by such a person alone).1 And since
the meaning of the Veda is not the subject of knowledge produced
by any proof distinct from the proof [arising] from words and their
dependant [ideas] — Vedicity, or the characteristic nature of the Veda
consists in its being composed of words which possess an authority

developed form, is necessary in order to furnish the means of rewarding
righteousness and punishing unrighteousness. But, as I believe the Indian
philosophers regard the eternal soul as incapable of action, and thus of righte-
ousness, or unrighteousne-s, prior to its becoming embodied, it is difficult to
see how righteousness and unrighteousness, which are themselves effects depen-
dent on the existence of the world, can be its causes. Perhaps the explanation
wi 1 be, that all things are considered to revolve in an eternal cycle.

1 Here the writer assumes that the Yedic ceremonies will be followed by the
desired results in another world, as he is not arguing with those who would deny
this.

VAISESHIKA PHILOSOPHY.

springing' from a knowledge of the meaning of sentences composed
of words.”

I will introduce the next aphorism (x., 2, 9,) which I propose
to cite (and which is a repetition of Aphorism i., 1, 3,) by adducing
some remarks of the commentator on the one which immediately
precedes it, viz., x., 2, 8 : —

“ Now all this will be so, provided the Yeda is authoritative :
but this condition is difficult to attain ; for you do not hold, like
the Mlmansakas, that the authority of the Yeda arises from its
eternal faultlessness ; since you admit that it has a personal author,
and error, inadvertence, and a desire to deceive are incident to such
a person. It is with a view to this objection that the writer says
in his aphori^n, ‘ In the absence of what is seen,’ i. e., in the
absence of those personal faults which are seen in other persons
like ourselves,1 such as error, inadvertence, and the desire to
deceive ; for the Supreme Person who is inferred from the creation
of the world, or the authorship of the Yeda, can only exist in a state
of freedom from fault ; and, consequently, neither want of meaning,
nor contradiction of meaning, nor uselessness of meaning, can be
predicated of his words. Incorrectnesses in words are possible
when they are occasioned by error, inadvertence, or unskilfulness,
arising from some defect of the elements, the senses, or the mind.
But none of these things is possible in the word of Isvara (the Lord).
And this has been expressed in the following verse : 1 A speaker may
utter falsehood, from being possessed by affection, ignorance, and
the like ; but these [defects] do not exist in God ; how then can
he speak what is otherwise [than true] V

“ But may not the fact that the Veda is composed by this God
be disputed ? In consequence of this, the author says (in the next
aphorism) : —

x., 2. 9. ‘ The authority of the Yedic record arises from its being
uttered by Him.’

“ Thus at the end of his treatise [the writer lays it down that]
the authority of the Veda is derived from its being His word, viz.,
from its being spoken, i. e., composed by Him, i. e., by Isvara. As
thus : The Vedas, now, are derived from a person, because they
are formed of sentences. This has been proved. And persons
like ourselves cannot be conceived as the utterers of these Vedas,

1 A different interpretation is given by the commentator to this phrase
drishtabhave, in an earlier aphorism in which it occurs, viz , vi., 2, 1. He there
understands it to mean that where there is no visible motive for a prescribed
action, an invisible one must be presumed.

V AISESHIK A PHILOSOPHY.

which are distinguished by having thousands of Sakhas (recensions),
because their purport is such as to lie beyond the reach of the senses ;
and persons like us have no perception of any thing beyond the reach
of the senses. Further, the Yedas [are not only derived from a
personal author, but they] have been uttered by a competent person
( dpta ), because they have been embraced by great men. Whatever
has not been uttered by a competent person is not embraced by great
men: but this (book) is embraced by great men: therefore it has been
uttered by a competent person. Now, composition by a self-dependent
person1 is utterance by a competent person ; and the reception (of
the Veda) by great men is the observance of its contents by persons
who are adherents of all the different philosophical schools : and
(the infallibility of the Veda is defended by that which) has been
already said, viz., that any occasional failure in the effects (of
ceremonies prescribed in the Veda) is owing to some defect in the
rite or in the performer, or in the instruments employed [and not
to any fallibility in the Veda].

“ If it be objected to this reasoning, that no author (of the Veda)
is recollected, we rejoin, that this is not true, because it has been
formerly proved that the author is remembered. And that it was
composed by Ilim is proved by the simple fact of its being com-
posed by a self-dependent person ; and because it has been said
that the self-dependence [or unassisted ability] of people like us in
the composition of the Veda, consisting, as it does, of a thousand
Sakhas, is inconceivable. And since authority (in a writing in
general) springs from a quality, it necessarily follows that the
authority of the Veda also springs from a quality. And here the
quality in question must be declared to be the speaker’s knowledge
of the correct meaning of sentences. And thus (we have shewn
that) there is such an utterer of the Veda, who possesses an intui-
tive knowledge of paradise, and of the yet unseen consequences of
actions, &c., and such an utterer is no other than Isvara. Thus
all is satisfactory.”

The ultimate proofs, then, of the binding authority of the Veda
are, according to the commentator, 1st, its extent and subject-
matter and, 2ndly, its unanimous reception by great men, adhe-
rents of all the different orthodox systems. Of course these argu-
ments have no validity except for those who see something
supernatural in the Veda, and on the assumption that the great men
who embraced it were infallible ; and therefore as against the
Bauddhas and other heretics who saw nothing miraculous in the
1 See the note at the end of this paper.

VAISESH1KA PHILOSOPHY.

Vedas, and consequently regarded all tlieir adherents as in error,
they were utterly worthless. But it does not appear to be the
object of the commentator, and perhaps not of the author of the
Aphorisms, to state the ultimate reasons on which the authority of
the Vedas would have to be vindicated against heretics, but merely
to explain the proper grounds on which the orthodox schools who
already acknowledged that authority ought to regard it as resting ;
i.e., not as the Mlmansakas held, on then eternal faultlessness, but
on their being uttered by an intelligent and omniscient author;
Avhose authorship, again, was proved by the contents of the V edas
having reference to unseen and future matters of which only an
omniscient Being could have any knowledge ; while the fact of these
revelations in regard to unseen things having actually proceeded
from such a Being, and being therefore true, was guaranteed by the
unanimous authority of the wisest men among the faithful.

It may be said that the proof of the theistic character of the
Vaiseshika system is little, if at all, strengthened by the texts
which I have adduced from the aphorisms, as the concluding text
(x., 2, 9) is a mere repetition of Aphorism i., 1, 3, which had been
previously discussed, and the sense of which is disputed ; while the
other passage (vi., 1, 1) merely declares that the Veda is the work
of an intelligent author, but does not assert that that author is
God.1 But I think that the Aphorism vi., 1, 1, throws some light
upon the object and sense of the other two, as it shows that the
question regarding the authorship of the Veda was one which
occupied the attention of the composer of the aphorisms. I may
further observe that the alternative explanation which the com-
mentator gives of the Aphorism i., 1, 3, viz., that the authority of
the Veda arises from its being declarative of duty, is a much less
probable one than the other, that its authority is derived from its
being the utterance of God ; for it does not clearly appear how the
subject of a book can establish its authority ; and, in fact, the
commentator, when he states this interpretation, is obliged, in
order to give it the least appearance of plausibility, to assume the
authoritative character of the precepts in the Veda, and from this
assumption to infer the authority of the book which delivers them.
I may also observe that Jayanarayana Tarkapanchanana the
author of the “ Gloss on Sankara Misra’s Commentary,” takes no

1 The purport of this and the following aphorisms is not correctly rendered
by Professor Banerjea (p. 4741, in the words, “ The composition of sentences and
the rules of alms giving contained in the Vedas are according to reason." The
true sense has been given above.

VAISESHIKA PHILOSOPHY.

notice of the alternative interpretation alluded to ; and that in his
comment on the same aphorism, when it is repeated at the close
of the work at x., 2, 9, Sankara Misra himself does not put it
forward a second time.

Besides the aphorisms already adduced, there are two others,
ii., 1, 18, and 19 (p. 93 ff), which are regarded by the commentators
as establishing the existence of a Deity. These aphorisms are thus
introduced by Sankara Misra : —

“Having thus concluded the section on the wind, he now, in
answer to the question, whether the names given to the wind in
the Yeda (see the comment on the 17th aphorism) do not resemble
the names dittha, davittha, senselessly jabbered by the insane, pro-
ceeds to prove that the Veda has been composed by an omniscient
person ; and desiring to commence an introductory section on the
Deity, he says, Aphorism 18, ‘But name and work are signs
of beings superior to ourselves.’

“ Safijnd means ‘name;’ ‘work’ means ‘ an effect,’ such as the
earth, &c. Both of these things are signs of the existence of
beings superior to ourselves, viz., God, and the great rishis. lie
explains how this is, in Aphorism 19, ‘Because name and work
proceed from perception (or intuition) [of the thing named, or of
the substance of the thing made].’

“ Here the sense arising from the copulative combination
( samahara-dvandva ) of the two words ‘ name ’ and ‘ work ’ is akin to
that of unity, and indicates that there is no distinction between the
imposer of the name and the maker of the world. As thus : He
to whom heaven and the unseen future are apparent, is alone able
to give the names of ‘ heaven,’ and ‘ unseen future ;’ just as a
father, &c., imposes the names of Chaitra and Maitra on the visible
persons of his sons Chaitra and Maitra. In the same way the
imposition of the names ‘jar’ and ‘cloth’ depends upon the sign
instituted by the Deity. Whatever word is applied by Him to any
object as its sign, is correctly so applied. Thus an intimation (or
proposition) like this : ‘ every plant which has been touched by the
tip of a weasel’s1 grinder destroys the poison of a serpent,’ is a
sign which leads us to infer beings superior to such as ourselves.
And so also the name of Maitra, &c., given by a father to his son
is also certainly imposed by God, through the instrumentality of
such precepts as this, viz. : ‘ Let a father give a name on the
twelfth day.’ And thus it is proved that a name is a sign [denoting
the existence] of God. In the same way work also, or effect, is a
1 Weasels are known to be great destroj-ers of serpents.

VAISESHIKA PHILOSOPHY.

sign of the Deity. As thus : The earth, &c., has a maker, since it
is an effect (lit. a thing to be made), like a jar, &c.”

The commentator proceeds to enter on a very abstruse discus-
sion, in which I shall not attempt to follow him.

Note to page 26.

It is not probable that, in these words, the commentator intends
to represent the term apta, “a competent person,” as commen-
surate, and convertible, with sva-tantra purusha, “ a self-dependent
person.” It is more likely that he merely means to say that the
“self-dependent person” must, a fortiori , be “competent.” If this
be a correct interpretation of his meaning, it will remain doubtful
whether the author of the Nyaya aphorisms, who bases the autho-
rity of the Yedas on that of the “competent person” by whom they
were uttered, intended by that term to denote the Deity. For the
Tarka Sangraha (Sanskrit Texts, iii., 209), which distinguishes sen-
tences into “ Vedic” and “ Secular,” and ascribes the former to the
Deity as their author, considers one class of “ secular” sentences
also to be authoritative, because they are uttered by a “ competent
person” (apta). Vatsayana also, a commentator, cited by Professor
Banerjea, in his dialogues on Hindu philosophy (and after him,
in my Sanskrit Texts, part iii., p. 210), defines a “competent
person” (apta) as one who has an intuitive perception of duty —
(saxat-Jcrita-dkarma, — a word which is employed in the Nirukta i.,
20, as an epithet of the rishis), — an instructor possessed by the
desire of communicating some subject-matter just as it was seen by
him.” According to this writer, “ the intuitive perception of the
subject-matter constitutes ‘ competence’ (apti), and a person who
has this ‘competence,’ is ‘competent.’ ” 1

As it ig a matter of some interest to know what is the nature
of inspiration, or supernatural knowledge, as conceived by the
Vaiseshikas, I shall quote some passages bearing on this subject
from the aphorisms, or from their expounder, Sankara Misra. In his
remarks on Aphorism viii., 1, 2 (p. 357), the commentator states that
knowledge (jnana) is of two kinds, true ( vidya ) and false (avidya) ;
and that the former (vidya) is of two descriptions, arising from
perception (pratyaxa), inference (laingika), recollection (srnriti), and
inspiration (arsha, the knowledge “peculiar to rishis”). Perception
or intuition, again, is of different kinds or degrees (Aphorisms ix.,
1) 11 — 15, pp. 385 ff). Aphorism xi., 1, 11 (p. 386), is as follows : —

1 The Kusumanjali argues against the supposition of a created person being
the author of the Veda. Sanskrit Texts, iii., p. 213.

VAISESHIKA PHILOSOPHY.

“ From a particular conjunction of both the soul and the mind1 with
the soul, arises the perception (or intuition) of soul.” On this the
commentator remarks : — “ There are two kinds of yogins (intent, or
contemplative, persons), (1) those whose inner sense is fixed
( samdhitdntahkarandh ), who are called ( yuhtdh ) united (i.e., with the
object of contemplation), and (2) those whose inner sense is not
fixed, and who are called ‘disunited’ ( viyuJctdh ). Of these the first
class, who are called ‘ united,’ fix their minds with reverence on the
thing which is to be the object of intuition, and seek to contem-
plate it. In this way, in their souls knowledge arises regarding
their own souls, and the souls of others. ‘ Intuition of soul that
is, a knowledge in which soul is the perceptible object of intuition.
Thus, although persons like our ourselves have sometimes a know-
ledge of soul, yet from this knowledge being affected by ignorance,
it has been said to be like what is unreal. ‘ From a particular conjunc-
tion of the soul and the mind ;’ that is, from the grace arising from
the righteousness produced by yoga, which is a particular conjunction
of the soul and the mind.” See also Aphorism 15, p. 390.

At the conclusion of his remarks (in p. 408) on the third sort of
time knowledge (referred to in p. 357), viz., recollection, the com-
mentator remarks that the author of the aphorisms does not make
any separate mention of the fourth kind of knowledge, viz. inspi-
ration. “ Inspired ( drsha ) knowledge,” he says, “ is not separately
defined by the author of the aphorisms, but is included in the
intuition of yogins .2 But the following statement has been made (in
reference to it) in the section on the categories : ‘ Inspired (drsha)
knowledge is that which, owing to a conjunction of the soul and
the mind, independent of inference, &c., and owing to a particular
species of virtue, illuminates those rishis who have composed the
record of the Vedas (amnaya-vidhatrinam), in reference to such
matters, whether past, future, or present, as are beyond, the reach
of the senses, or in reference to matters of duty, &c., recorded in
books,’ &c. And this sort of knowledge is also sometimes obtained
by ordinary persons, as when a girl says, ‘ my heart tells me that
my brother will go to-morrow.’ ” See also Aphorism ix., 2, 13,
pp. 414, 415.

1 The “mind” ( manas ) is regarded by the Indian philosophers as distinct
from the soul, and as being merely an internal organ.

2 It had been already noticed by Professor Max Muller in the “ Journal of
the German Oriental Society,” vii., p. 311, that “the Vaiseshikas, like Kapila,
include the intuition of enlightened rishis under the head of pralyaxa, and thus
separate it decidedly from aitihya * tradition.’ ” He also quotes the commenta-
tor’s remark about the girl, which he thinks is not “without a certain irony.”

Art. III. — Legevds chiefly from the Satapatha Brahmana.
By J. Muir, Esq., D.C L., LL.D.

The Brahmanas may be generally described as occupying an
intermediate position, both as regards chronology, character, lan-
guage, and mythology, between the Yedic hymns, and the Indian
epic poems and Puranas. They are liturgical works, connected
with the different Sanhitas, or collections of hymns, and having it
for their object to explain the application of those hymns to the
different parts of the Brahmanical ritual, as practised at the period
when they were compiled.1 In these works we encounter a great
many legends of greater or less extent, which are introduced with
the view of showing the occasion on which some particular hymn
was first uttered, or of accounting for the origin, and enforcing
the efficacy, of some particular ceremony, or for some other such
purpose. Many of these stories have their germ in some brief
notice or allusion in the hymns of the Rig Veda, while they occur
in a greatly developed form in the epic poems and Puranas. The
shape in which these legends occur in the Brahmanas is thus an
intermediate one between that in which they appear in the hymns,
and that which they subsequently assume in mythological works
of a later date. Of this description is the story of Sunahsepha in
the Aitareya Brahmana, which appeared about the same time in
the 1st and 2nd vols. of Weber’s “ Indische Studien,” in the
German translation of Professor R. Roth, and in the Journal of
this Society, vol. xiii., pp. 96 ff., translated into English by the
late Professor Wilson, and which has subsequently been given by
Professor Max Muller, in his “History of Ancient Sanskrit Lite-
rature,” pp. 408 ff. In this story the author of the Brahmana
quotes various hymns from the first Mandala of the Rig Yeda,
which he considers to have been uttered by Sunahsepha, at the
time when he was in danger of being immolated. The legend
was, at a later period, introduced into the Ramayana, Book i.,
sections 61, 62.

1 For a detailed account of these works. Professor Max Muller’s well known
“History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature-’ may be consulted.

LEGENDS CHIEFLY FROM THE

Two interesting legends, from the Satapatha Brahmana, have
been translated by Professor Weber, in the first volume of his
“Indische Studien,” as illustrative of the immigration of the
Aiyas into India from the north, and of their subsequent diffusion
to the eastward.1 The first of these two passages contains the
legend of the Deluge (at the close of which the ship carrying
Manu, the progenitor of the Indian Aryas, was stranded on one
of the peaks of the Himalaya), in the oldest form in which it
occurs in any Indian work. A later version of the legend occurs
in the Mahabharata,2 and a third of a still more modem complexion,
is to be foimd in the Bhagavata Purana.

I shall now proceed to adduce, from the Satapatha Bnlhmana,
and other similar works, some other stories relating to Vishnu,
and some of the other deities.

It has been noticed by Professor Wilson, in the Introduction
to his translation of the Big Veda, vol. i., p. xxxiv, that Vishnu,
as represented to us in the hymns of that Veda, is a deity of quite
a different character from the god of the same name whom we
meet in the later Hindu mythology. As Professor Wilson’s remarks
are readily accessible, I shall not introduce here any description of
the Vedic Vishnu. When we descend from the hymns to the
Brahmanas, although we discover perpetual allusions to the earliest
conception of Vishnu, as traversing the sky in three strides, yet
he no longer appears exclusively under that character, but becomes
invested with some new attributes, and forms the subject of various
new legends, which are quite foreign to the hymns ; — at the same
time that he is still very different from the deity of the same name,
who is described in the Puranas.

The following are the principal legends regarding Vishnu which
I have noticed in the Satapatha Brahmana.

The first, from chapter i, 2, 5, 1 ff, in which the god is repre-
sented as a dwarf, and as having, under the form of sacrifice,
conquered the whole earth, appears, when combined with the
conception contained in the hymns, of his having traversed the
world in three strides, to have formed the germ of the story of the
dwarf incarnation. The style, it will be remarked, is characterized
by a naive simplicity.

1 One of these stories has been subsequently quoted by Professor Max
Muller in his “ Anc. Ind. Lit.” p. 425 (along with some others from the other
Brahmanas), and both have appeared in the 2nd vol. of my Sanskrit Texts,
pp. 325 ff., and 420 ff.

2 Vana-parva, vv. 12746 — 12804.

SATAPATHA BRAHMANA.

“ The gods and Asuras, who were both sprung from Prajapati,
strove together. Then the gods were, as it were, worsted, and
the Asuras thought, ‘ this world is now certainly ours.’ 2. Then
they spake, ‘ Come let us divide this earth, and having divided it,
let us subsist thereon.’ They accordingly went on dividing it with
ox-hides from west to east. 3. The gods heard of it, [and] said,
‘ The Asuras are dividing this earth ; come, we shall go to the spot
where they are dividing it. Who shall we become (i.e., what shall
become of us), if we do not share in it?’ Placing at then- head
Vishnu, the sacrifice, they proceeded [thither], 4. and said, ‘ put us
in possession of this earth ; let us also have a share in it.’ The
Asuras, grudging as it were, answered, “ We give you as much as
this Vishnu can lie upon.’ 1 5. Now, Vishnu was a dwarf. The gods
did not reject that offer; [but said among themselves], ‘ They
have given us much [these Asuras], who have given us what is
co-extensive with sacrifice.’ Then having- placed Vishnu to the
east, they surrounded him with metres ; [saying], on the south
side, ‘ I surround thee with the Gayatrl metre ;’ on the west,
‘ I surround thee with the Trishtubh metre ;’ on the north, ‘ I sur-
round thee with the Jagatl metre.’ 7. Having thus surrounded
him with metres, they placed Agni (fire) on the east, and thus they
went on worshipping and toiling. By this they acquired the whole
of this earth ; and since by this they acquired ( samavindanta ) it all,
therefore [the place of sacrifice] is called vedi (from the root vid ,
‘to acquire’). Hence men say, ‘as great as is the altar, so great
is the earth ;’ for by it (the altar) they acquired the whole of this
[earth]. Thus he who so understands this, conquers all this [earth]
from rivals, expels from it rivals. 8. Then this Vishnu, being
wearied, surrounded by metres, with Agni to the east, did not
advance ; but hid himself among- the roots of plants. 9. The gods
then exclaimed, ‘ What has become of Vishnu ? what has become
of the sacrifice?’ They said, ‘Surrounded by metres, with Ag-ni to
the east, he does not advance ; search for him here.’ So digging,
as it were, they searched for, and found him at a depth of three
fingers ; therefore let the altar [have a trench] three fingers deep.

1 Compare with, this legend the similar one quoted by Sayana in his note on
R. V. vi., 69, 8, from the Aitareya Briihmana, 6, 15 : — “ Indraand Vishnu fought
with the Asuras. Having conquered them, they said, ‘ let us divide [the world].’
The Asuras said, ‘be it so.’ Indra said, ‘As much as this Vishnu strides over
in three strides, so much is ours ; the rest is yours.’ He strode over these worlds,
then the A'edas, then speech.”

VOL. XX.

LEGENDS CHIEFLY FROM THE

Therefore, also, Pdnchi 1 made an altar of this description for the
soma sacrifice. 10. But let no one do so,” etc.

The next legend from the same work relates how Vishnu
became pre-eminent among the g'ods, and how he lost his head.
Here also he is identified with sacrifice.

Satapatha Br. xiv. i. 1, 1, ff. : “ The gods, Agni, Indra, Soma,
Vishnu the Sacrifice, and all the [other] deities, excepting the
Asvins, were present at a sacrifice. 2. Kuruxetra was the place of
their divine worship. Hence, men say that Kuruxetra is the country
where the gods sacrifice. Consequently, to whatever part of Ku-
ruxetra a man goes, he looks upon it as a place for divine worship,
since it was the spot where the gods worshipped. 3. They were
[there. They said], ‘ May we attain prosperity, become famous, and
eat food.’ And in the very same way these [men] attend a sacrifice
[saying]. ‘ May we attain prosperity, become famous, and cat food.’

4. Then [the gods] said, ‘ Whosoever among us, through exertion,
austerity, faith, sacrifice, and oblations, first comprehends the issue of
the sacrifice, let him be the most eminent of us : this [renown shall
be] common to us all.’ [To this they consented, saying], ‘ Be it so.’

5. Vishnu first attained that [proposed object]. He became the most
eminent of the gods : wherefore men say, ‘ Vishnu is the most
eminent of the gods.’ 6. He who is this Vishnu is sacrifice ; he who
[is] this sacrifice is the Aditya.2 Vishnu could not support this fame.
And the same is the case now, that every one cannot support fame.
7. Taking his bow and three arrows, he departed. He stood,
resting his head on the end of his [bended] bow. Being unable to
overcome him, the gods sat down all round him. 8. Then the ants
said to them (now the ants were the same as upadikas), 1 What
will you give to him who gnaws the bowstring-?’ [The gods
replied], ‘ We will give him the enjoyment of food, and he shall
find waters even in the desert ; so shall we g-ive him every enjoy-
ment of food.’ 9. [The ants, then], approaching, gnawed his
bowstring. When that was divided, the ends of the bow, starting
asunder, cut off the head of Vishnu. 10. It fell, making a sound

1 On this the commentator remarks : — “ Piinchi thought that the altar for
the soma sacrifice also should have a trench three fingers deep.” Panchi is again
mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana 2, 1, 4, 27 (p. 143), along with Asuri and
Madhuki, where the commentator speaks of them as three munis (Asuri-
prabhritayas trayo munayah). See Weber’s Ind. Stud. i. 192. 434.

2 It seems as if there were a play of words here, the word yasah, “fame,”
having reference to the words sa yah sa Vishnub, etc., sa yah sa yajiiah, etc.
“He who [is] this Vishnu,” etc. ‘ He who [is] this sacrifice,” etc.

SATAPATHA BRAHMAN A.

(ghriu). That having fallen, became that Aditya. Then the rest of
him became extended towards the east. Since the head fell with
the sound of ghrin . hence g/tarma, [the ‘ sacrificial kettle,’ received
its name] ; and since he became extended, (pro the pro-

vargya [received its appellation]. 11. The gods then said, * A great
hero ( mahtin virah) of ours has fallen.’ Hence arose the name of
mahach a (a sacrificial vessel).1 They wiped ( sammcmurijuh ) with
their hands the fluid (blood) wluch flowed from him. Hence arose
the name of samrat. 12. The gods touched (?) him (Yishnu), as
men wishing to know property (?) do. Indra first reached him.
He came into contact with him limb by limb. He embraced him.
Having- embraced him, he became this fame, which Indra is. He
who so knows this becomes fame. 13. That Yishnu was indeed
sacrifice ( makha ). Hence Indra became the possessor of sacrifice
( mal'havln ). He is Makhaoan ; they call him Maghacan tran-
scendentally : for the gods love what is transcendental (lit. beyond
the reach of the senses). 14. They (the gods) gave food to those
ants. All food is water ; for with water men, as it were, moisten
the food which they eat : as the common saying is. 15. Then they

divided into three portions this Yishnu. the sacrifice With

that headless sacrifice (see above), the gods went on worshipping
and toiling.”

I am indebted to Professor Weber for the next two passages,
the first from the Taittiriya Aranyaka, and the second from the
Panchavimsa Brahman a. which both relate the same legend which
has just been given from the ^atapatha Brahmana.

Taittiriya Aranyaka, v. i. 1 ft'.— u The gods, desirous of fame,
were attending a sacrifice complete in every respect. They said
‘ whatever fame first conies to us, that shall be common to us all.’
Kuruxetra was their altar. Khandava was its southern, Turghna
its northern, and Parinah its hinder section. The Marus were the
earth dug from it. 2. Fame came to the Sacrifice derived from
Yishnu [Makha Yaishnava ] among their number. This fame he
eagerly desired ; with it he departed. The gods followed him,
seeking- to obtain [this] fame. From the left [hand] of him while
thus followed, a bow was produced, and from his right hand arrows.
Hence a bow and arrows have a holy origin, for they are sprung
from sacrifice. 3. Though many, they could not overcome him,
though he was only one. Therefore many men without bows and

1 A long account is given of the a ’.arm a pravargya, and mahadra in Katya-
yana’s Srauta Sutras, stsvi.

D 2

LEGENDS CHIEFLY FROM THE

arrows cannot overcome one hero who has a bow and arrows. He
smiled, 4 Though they are many, they have not overcome me who
am only one.’ Virile strength issued from him as he continued
to smile. This the gods put upon the plants. They became
fyamaka grain. For they are smilers ( smayakdh ). 4. Hence this
grain derives its name. Wherefore a person who has been con-
secrated should smile with reserve, that he may retain his virility,
lie stood leaning on his bow. The ants said [to the gods], 4 let us
choose a boon ; and after that we shall subdue [or kill him].
Wherever we dig, let us open up water.’ Hence wherever ants
dig, they open up water. 5. For this was the boon whicn they
chose. They gnawed his (Vishnu’s) bowstring. His bow, starting
asunder, hurled his head upwards., It travelled through heaven
and earth. From its so travelling (prdvarttata), the pravargya derives
its name. From its falling with the sound of ghram, gliarma
obtained its name. Virile energy (or seed, viryam ) fell from the
mighty one ( mahatah ) : hence the mahuvira got its name. 6. From
their taking a portion ( samablmran ) of it (the bow-string?) the samrat
obtains its appellation. The gods divided him, when prostrate,
into three parts; Agni [took] the morning oblation; Indra the
midday oblation; and the Visvedevas the third oblation. Sacrificing
with this headless sacrifice, they (the gods) neither obtained
blessings, nor conquered heaven. 7. The gods said to the Asvins,
4 Ye two are physicians, replace this head of the sacrifice.’ They said
4 Let us ask a boon, let our graha (libation of Soma) be received here
also. [The gods accordingly] received this [libation] to the Asvins
on their behalf. [The Asvins] replaced this head of the sacrifice,
which is the pravargya. Sacrificing with this sacrifice with a head,
they obtained blessings, they conquered heaven. When one spreads
out the pravargya , then he replaces the head of the sacrifice.
Sacrificing with this sacrifice with a head, a man obtains blessings,
and conquers heaven. Hence this pravargya is principally con-
cerned with oblations to the Asvins.”

Panchavimsa Brahmana, vii., 5, 6. — “Desirous of fame, the gods
Agni, Indra, Vayu, and Makha (Sacrifice) were attending a sacrifice.
They said, 4 whatever fame comes to us, that shall be common to
us.’ Fame came to Makha among then- number. Taking it, he
departed. The others wished to take their share in it. They
strove with him. He stood leaning on his bow. The end of his
bow, springing upwards, cut off his head. He became th e pravargya.
Makha is sacrifice. When men spread out the pravargya , they
replace the head of Makha.”

SATAPATHA BRAHMANA.

It is not my object to cite here the later legends about Vishnu,
the principal of which are well known, and easily accessible. I
shall merely indicate two of the most important passages which
give an account of the Dwarf incarnation. These are in the Rama-
yana, i., 31, 2 ff., Schlegel’s ed. ; i., 32, 2 ff., Gorresio’s ed. ; and
the Bhagavata Purana, Book viii., sections 15 — 21.

I shall now adduce some legends from the Satapatha Brfih-
ymana about the creation, the primeval waters, the mundane egg,
&c., which will readily be recognized as the originals from which
the representations of the same subjects given in Menu’s Institutes
and in the Puranas have been derived :

Satapatha Bralimana, vi. 1, 1, 1 (pp. 499 of Weber’s edition):
In the beginning this [universe] was indeed non-existent. But
men say, ‘ what was that non-existent ? ’ The rishis say, that in
the beginning there was non-existence. Who are these rishis?
The rishis are breaths. Inasmuch as before all this [universe],
they desiring this [universe], strove (? arishan), with toil and
austerity, therefore they are called rishis. 2. This breath which is
in the midst is Indra. He by his might kindled these breaths hi
the midst : inasmuch as he kindled them, he is the kindler ( Indha ).
They call Indha Indra transcendentally ; for the gods love that which
is transcendental. They being kindled, created seven separate men
( purusha ). 3. They said, ‘ being thus, we shall not be able to

generate these seven men ; let us make one man.’ So speaking,
they made these seven men one man {purusha). Into the part
above the navel, they compressed two of them, and two others
into the part below the navel ; [one] man [formed one] side ;

[another] man [another] side ; and one formed the base

5. This [one] man became Prajapati. The man who became Pra-
japati is the same as this Agni who is kindled on the altar. 6. lie
verily is composed of seven men ( purusha ) : for this man is com-
posed of seven men, since four [make] the soul, and three the sides
and extremity (lit., tail). For the soul of this man [makes] four,
and the sides and extremity three. Now, inasmuch as he makes
the soul [which is equal to four] superior by one man, the soul, in
consequence of this [excess of] force, controls the sides and

extremity [which are only equal to three] 8. This man

(purusha) Prajapati desired, ‘ may I become more, may I be repro-
duced.’ lie toiled, he performed austerity. Having toiled and
performed austerity, he first created the Veda (brahma), the triple
science. It became to him a foundation ; hence men say, ‘ the
Veda ( brahma ) is the foundation of all this.’ Wherefore having

LEGENDS CHIEFLY FROM THE

studied [the Veda] a man has a foundation (?), for this is his
foundation, namely the Veda. Besting on this foundation, he
performed austerity. 9. He created the waters from the world
[in the form of] speech.1 2 Speech belonged to him. It was created.
It obtained (pervaded) all this. Because it obtained ( apnot ) all this
which exists, it (speech) was called waters ( upah ) ; and because it
covered ( avrinot ), it was called vah (another name of water). 10. lie
desired, ‘ May I be reproduced from these waters.’ So saying,
with this triple science he entered the waters. Thence an egg
arose. He pondered on it (?). He said, ‘ let there be,’ ‘ let there
be,’ again, ‘ let there be.’ From it the Veda was first created, the
triple science. Hence men say, ‘ the Veda is the first-born of this
whole [creation]. Further, [as] the Veda was first created from
that Man, therefore it was created his mouth. Hence they say
of a learned man that he is like Agni; for the Veda is Agni’s
mouth.”

The same idea about Prajapati being composed of seven men,
occurs again in the Satapatha Brahmana, x., 2, 2, 1 (p. 7 67). —
“ These seven men whom they made one man ( [purusha ) became
Prajapati. lie created offspring. Having created offspring, he
mounted upwards ; he went to this world where he shines upon this.
There was then no other object of worship : the gods began to
worship him with sacrifices. Hence it has been said by the rishi
(Rig Veda, x., 90, 16), ‘the gods worshipped the sacrifice with
sacrifice.’”

II. In the preceding legend, the gods are represented as the
creators of Prajapati, who in his turn is stated to have generated
the waters, and the mundane egg. In the following story, the
order of production is different. The waters generate the egg,
and the egg brings forth Prajapati, who creates the worlds and
the gods.

Satapatha Brahmana, xi., 1, 6, 1 ff. (pp. 831 ff.) — “ In the
beginning this universe was waters, nothing but water.* The

1 This is illustrated by another passage in the Satapatha Brahmana, vii., 5,
2, 21 (617), which says : vdg vci ajo vclcho vai praja VUvakarmd jajdna | “Speech
is the mover [or, the unborn]. It was from speech that Visvakarman produced
creatures.” And in the Brihad Aranyaka (p. 290 of Bibl. Ind.) it is said | trayo
lokd ete eva | vdg evdyaih loko mano ’ntarixa-lolcah prdyo ’sau lokah | “ It is they
which are the three worlds. Speech is this world, mind is the aerial world, and
breath is that world (the sky).”

2 Satapatha Brahmana, vi., 7, 1, 17. — Tasydpa eva pratishdid | cipsu hi ime
lokah prathsluhitdh | “ Waters are its support : for these worlds are based upon

SATA PATH A BEAH3IAN A .

waters desired, ‘how can we be reproduced?’ So saying, they
toiled, they performed austerity. While they -were performing
austerity, a golden egg came into existence. Being produced, it
then became a year. Wherefore this golden egg floated about for
the period of a year. 2. From it in a year a man ( purusha ) came
into existence, who was Prajapati. Hence it is that a woman, or a
cow, or a mare, brings forth in the space of a year, for in a year
Prajapati was born. He divided this golden egg. There was then
no resting-place for him. He therefore floated about for the space
of a year, occupying this golden egg.1 3. In a year he desired to
speak. He uttered bhuh, which became this earth ;2 bhuvah, which
became this firmament ; and svcih, which became that sky. Hence
a child desires to speak in a year, because Prajapati spoke in a

year 6. He was born with a life of a thousand years.

He perceived the further end of his life, as [one] may perceive the
opposite bank of a river. 7. Desiring offspring, he went on
worshipping and toiling. He conceived progeny in himself ; with
his mouth he created the gods. These gods were created by
attaining heaven. This is the godhead of the gods ( devali ) that
they were creating by attaining heaven ( divam ). To him while he
was continuing to create, heaven, as it were, arose (?). This is the
godhead of the gods, that to him as he was continuing- to create,
heaven, as it were, arose. . . . 14. These [following-] gods were

created from Prajapati, viz., Agni, Indra, Soma, and Parameshthin,
son of Prajapati 18. Prajapati said to his son Indra,” etc.

In the next passage, Prajapati is said to have taken the form of
a tortoise :

Satapatha Brahmana, vii., 4, 3, 5 (p. 609.) — “ Having assumed
the form of a tortoise, Prajapati created offspring. That which he
created, he made ( akarot ) ; hence the word kunna. Kasyapa means
tortoise ; hence men say, ‘ all creatures are descendants of Kasyapa.’
This tortoise is the same as Aditya.”

the waters.” Satapatha Brahmana, xiv., 8, 6, 1 ( = Brihad Aranyaka TJpanishad,
p. 974). — A pa eiedam agre dsuh \ ta d pah scityam asrijanta satyam Brahma
Brahma Prajdpalim Prajapatir devan \ “ In the beginning waters alone formed
this universe. These waters created Truth, Truth created Brahma, Brahma
created Prajapati, and Prajapati the gods.”

1 Tasya Prajapater dspadam icimapi na babhuva sa cha niradharalvdt
sthdtum asahiuvann idam eva bhinnam hiranmaydndam punah samvatsara-
paryantam bibhrad dhdrayan tdsv evdpsu paryasravat | “ There was no resting
place for Prajapati ; and he, being unable to stand, from the want of any support,
occupying this divided golden egg for a year, floated about on these waters.”
Comm.

2 Compare Satapatha Brahmana, p. 141.

LEGENDS CHIEFLY FROM THE

In the later mythology, as is well known, it is Vishnu who
assumes the form of a tortoise.

Thus in the chapter of the Bhagavata Purana descriptive of
Vishnu’s incarnations it is said (i., 3, 16) : — “In his eleventh incar-
nation, the Lord in the form of a tortoise supported on his back the
churning-mountain, when the gods and Asuras were churning the
ocean.”

In its application of the Vajasaneyi Sanhita, 37, 5, the Satapatha
Brahmana 14, 1, 2, 11 (p. 1025) makes the following allusion to the
elevation of the earth by a boar : — “ 1 She (the earth) was formerly
so large,’ &c. ; for formerly this earth was only so large, of the
size of a span. Emiisha, a boar,1 raised her up.”

I quote some further texts relative to Prajapati.

In the following he is said to have in the beginning constituted
the universe, and to have created Agni (see above, pp. 37, 39).

Satapatha Brahmana, ii., 2, 4, 1 (p. 151). — “ Prajapati alone was
all this [universe] in the beginning. He considered, ‘ how can I
be reproduced?’ He toiled, and performed austerity. He gene-
rated Agni from his mouth.”

In the next passage, ii., 4, 4, 1 (p. 173), he is identified with
Daxa:2 — “Prajfipati formerly sacrificed with this sacrifice, being
desirous of progeny, [and saying] ‘ may I abound in offspring and
cattle, attain prosperity, become famous, and obtain food.’ He was
Daxa.”

In Satapatha Brahmana, vi., 8, 1, 14 (p. 565) Prajapati is said
to be the supporter of the universe (a function afterwards assigned
to Vishnu : — “ Prajapati is Bharata (the supporter), for he supports
all this universe.” 3

Compare the first verse of the Mundaka Upanishad, where
Brahma is called the preserver of the world ( bhuvanasya gopta).

In the next passage, xiii., 2, 4, 1 (p. 977), Prajapati is repre-
sented as desirous, not to create, but to conquer, the worlds : —
“ Prajapati desired, ‘ may I conquer both worlds,’ that of the gods,
and that of men,” &c.

In chapter xiii., 6, 6, 1 (p. 997) Purusha Narayana is introduced :
— “Purusha Narayana desired, ‘may I surpass all created things;
may I alone become all this?’ He beheld this form of sacrifice

1 See R.V. viii., 66, 10.

2 See R.V. x., 72, 4, 5.

3 In R.V. i., 96, 3, the epithet Bharata is applied to Agni. The commentator
there quotes another text, no doubt from a Brahmana, esha prdno hhutvd jmijd
bibhartti tasmud esha bharutah | “lie becoming breath, sustains all creatures ;
hence he is the sustainer.”

SATAPATHA BRAHMANA.

called purusha medha (human sacrifice) lasting’ five nights. He
took it ; he sacrificed with it. Having sacrificed with it, he sur-
passed all created things, and became all this. That man surpasses
all created things, and becomes all this, who thus knowing, sacrifices
with the purusha medha , — he who so knows this. The Purusha-
sukta is shortly afterwards quoted.

In chapter xi., 2, 3, 1 (p. 838) Brahma (in the neuter) is intro-
duced as being the original source of all things : — “ In the beginning
Brahma was all this. He created the g’ods. Having created the
gods, he placed them in these worlds, in this world Agni, Yiiyu in
the atmosphere, and Surya in the sky.”

In chapter xiii., 7, 1, 1 (p. 1000), Brahma is described as sacrificing
himself : — “ The self-existent Brahma performed austerity. He
considered, ‘ in austerity there is not infinity. Come let me sacrifice
myself in created things, and created things in myself.’ Then
having sacrificed himself in all created things, and all created things
in himself, he acquired superiority, self-effulgence, and supreme
dominion (compare Manu, xii., 91). Therefore a man offering all
oblations, all creatures, in the sarvamedha (universal sacrifice),
obtains superiority, self-effulgence, and supreme dominion.”

With the preceding passages relating to the creation of the
world from primeval waters, through the medium of a mundane
egg, may be compared the texts of later writers, where the same
subject is treated (in some cases with an intermixture of later
philosophical doctrines), such as Manu, i., 5, ff. ; Ramayana ii.,
110, 2 ff.1 Harivansa, verses 35 ff. ; and 12425 ff. ; Yishnu Purana,
i., 2, 45 ff. ; Linga Purana, i., 3, 28 ff. ; Bhagavata Purana, iii.,
20, 12, ff., &c.

I quote here some other interesting legends which I have
observed in the Satapatha Brahmana regarding Prajapati, the
creation of the gods, and the manner in which they acquired
immortality, and became superior to the Asuras, or to other deities.
The first two tell how Prajapati himself became immortal.

Satapatha Brahmana, x, 1, 3, 1, ff (p. 761). — “Prajapati pro-
duced creatures. From his upper breaths he created the gods, and
from his lower breaths mortal creatures. After the creatures, he
created Death, the devourer. 2. Of this Prajapati, half was mortal
and half immortal. With that part of him which was mortal, he
was afraid of Death. Fearing, he entered this (earth), having

1 See Vol. xix. of this Journal, p. 307, note.

LEGENDS CHIEFLY FROM THE

become two things, earth and water. 3. Death said to the gods,
‘what has become of him who created us?’ [They answered],
‘ fearing you, he has entered this earth.’ Death said, ‘ let us search
for, and collect him. I will not kill him.’ The gods then collected
him on this [earth]. The part of him which was in the waters,
they collected those waters, and the part which was in this [earth],
they [collected] that earth. Having collected both of these, the
earth and the waters, they made a brick. Hence these two things
make a brick, viz., earth and water. 4. Then these five parts of
hun were mortal, hair, skin, flesh, bone, and marrow ; and these

immortal, mind, voice, breath, eye, ear G. The gods said,

‘ let us make him immortal.’ So [saying], having surrounded this

mortal part with these immortal parts, they made it immortal

thence Prajapati became immortal ”

x, 1, 4, 1. — “ Prajapati was formerly both of these two things,
mortal and immortal, nis breaths were immortal, and his body
mortal. By this rite, by this ceremonial, he made himself uniformly
undecaying and immortal.”

The next extracts tell how the gods acquired immortality,

Satapatha Brahmana, x, 4, 3, 1 ff. (p 787). — “ It is this year
which is death ; for it wears away the life of mortals by days and
nights, and then they die ; wherefore it is it which is death.
Whoso knows this death [which is] the year, — it does not wear
away his life by days and nights before [the time of] his decay :
he lives through bis whole life. 2. This [the year] is the ender ;
for it by days and nights brings on the end of the life of mortals,
and then they die ; hence it is the ender. Whosoever knows this
ender, death, the year, it does not by days and nights bring on the
end of his life, before his decay : he lives through his whole life.
3. The gods were afraid of this ender, death, the year [which is]
Prajapati, ‘ lest he should by days and nights bring on the end
of our life.’ 4. They performed these rites of sacrifice, viz., the
agnihotra, the darsa, and purnamusa , the chaturmasyas (oblations
offered at intervals of four months), the pasubandka, and the saumya
adhvara ; but sacrificing with these rites they did not attain immor-
tality. 5. They moreover kindled sacrificial fires ; they celebrated
parisrits, yajuskmatis, lokampriiias, without definite measure, as some
now1 celebrate them. So did the gods, but they did not attain
immortality. They went on worshipping and toiling, seeking to
acquire immortality. Prajapati said to them, ‘Ye do not celebrate

1 This seems to be a polemical hit aimed by the author of the Brahmana at
some contemporaries who followed a different ritual from himself.

SATAPATHA BRAHMANA.

all my forms ; ye cany them to excess [?] and ye do not duly carry
them out ; hence ye do not become immortal.’ 7. They said, ‘ Tell
us how we may celebrate all thy forms.’ 8. He said, ‘ perform
63 hundred parisrits, 63 hundred and 36 yajushmatis, and 10 thousand
8 hundred lokamprinas : ye shall then celebrate all my forms, and
shall become immortal.’ The gods celebrated accordingly, and then
they became immortal. 9. Death said to the gods, ‘ In the same
way all men will become immortal, and then what portion shall
remain to me ?’ They said, ‘ no other person shall henceforward
become immortal with his body, when thou shalt seize this portion
[the body] : then every one who is to become immortal through
knowledge or work, shall become immortal after parting with his
. body.’ This which they said, ‘ through knowledge or work,’ this
is that knowledge which is Agni, that work which is Agni.
10. Those who so know this, or those who perform this work, are
born again after death ; and being born, they are born for immor-
tality. And those who do not so know, or those who do not
perform this work, and are born again after death, become again
and again his (death’s) food.”

Satapatha Brahmana, xi, i, 2, 12 (p. 828). — “ The gods were
originally mortal.1 When they obtained the year, they became
immortal. The year is all : all is undecaying ; by it a man obtains
undecaying welfare, an undecaying world.”

Satapatha Brahmana, xi, 2, 3, 6 (p. 839). — “ The gods were
originally mortal. When they were pervaded by Brahma, they
became immortal.”

From the next passage, as from two others already quoted, it
appears that Prajapati himself was not entirely exempt from the
power of death. Satapatha Brahmana, x, 4, 4, 1 (p. 790). — “ Sin,
death, smote Prajapati when he was creating living beings. He
performed austerity for a thousand years to get free from sin.”

The following legend describes how the gods became distin-
guished from, and superior to, the Asuras. Satapatha Brahmana,
ix, 5, 1, 12 ff.:

“ The gods and Asuras, both descendants of Prajapati, obtained
their father Prajapati’s inheritance, speech, true and false, both
truth and falsehood. They both spoke truth, and both [spoke]
falsehood. Speaking alike, they were alike. 13. Then the gods,
abandoning falsehood, adopted truth ; while the Asuras abandoning

1 See Satapatha Brahmana, ii., 2, 2, 8 (p. 146), quoted in Part II. of my
Sanskrit Texts, p. 388, note 36, for another legend on this same subject, in which
the gods are said to have become immortal by another means.

LEGENDS CHIEFLY FROM THE

truth, adopted falsehood. 14. The truth which had been in the
Asuras, perceived this, ‘ the gods, abandoning falsehood have
adopted truth ; let me go thither,’ So [saying, truth] came to the
gods. 15. Then the falsehood which had been in the gods,
perceived, ‘ the Asuras, abandoning truth have adopted falsehood ;
let me go thither.’ So [saying, falsehood] came to the Asuras.
16. The gods [then] spoke entirely truth, and the Asuras entirely
falsehood. Speaking truth alone (or devoted^) the gods became,
as it were, weaker, and, as it were, poorer. Hence it happens that
the man who speaks only truth, becomes as it were, weaker and
poorer ; but in the end he becomes [superior ?] ; for the gods became
so in the end. 17. Then the Asuras, speaking only falsehood,
increased like saline earth, and became, as it were, rich. Hence
it happens that he who speaks only falsehood, increases like saline
earth, and becomes, as it were, rich ; but is overcome in the end,
for the Asuras were overcome. That which is truth is the triple
science (the three Vedas). Then the gods said, ‘let us, perform-
ing sacrifice, spread this truth.’” The gods then performed a
variety of sacrifices, which were always interrupted by the arrival
of the Asuras. At length, 27. “When these had gone, they
instituted the third savana, and accomplished it. That which they
accomplished, they obtained entirely true. Then the Asuras went
away, and these gods became [superior and] the Asuras were
worsted. The man who knows this becomes in his own person
superior, and his hater, his enemy, is defeated.”

The next legend explains how inequality was introduced among
the gods. Satapatha Brahmana, 4, 5, 4, 1 (p. 397 f.) : — “ Originally
the gods were all alike, all pure. Of them, being all alike, all pure,
three desired : ‘ May we become superior,’ viz., Agni, Indra, and
Surya (the sun). 2. They went on worshipping and toiling. They
saw these atigrdhyas ; 1 they took them over and above. Because
they did so, these draughts (or cups) were called atigrdhyas. They
became superior. As they [obtained ?] thus, as it were, superiority,
so superiority is, as it were, acquired by the man, of whom, when
he knows this, they receive these grahas (draughts, or cups).
3. Originally there was not in Agni the same flame, as this flame

1 By this name are called “ three particular grahas, or sacrificial vessels, with
which libations were made in the Jyotishtoma sacrifice to Agni, Indra, and
Surya. ’ Prof. Goldstucker’s Diet. The word is explained by Boehtlingk and
Roth, as meaning “ hauslus insuper hauriendus,” a draught to be drunk over and
above; the designation of three fillings of the cup, which are drawn at the Soma
offering.

SATAPATHA BEAHMANA.

which is [now] in him. He desired : ‘ May this flame be in me.’
He saw this graha, he took it ; and hence there became this flame
in him. 4. Originally there was not in Indra the same vigour, etc.,
etc. [as in para. 3.] 5. Originally there was not in Surya the same

lustre, etc., etc. [the same as in para. 3.] That man has in himself
these forces, these energies, of whom, when he knows this, they
receive these grahas.”

It is already known from the remarks made by the late Professor
Wilson, in the introduction to his translation of the Rig Yeda (vol. i.,
pp. xxxvii. ff., and vol. ii., p. ix. ff.) that the god Rudra, as repre-
sented in the hymns, is very different from the deity (Mahadeva)
to whom the same name is applied in the later mythology. I shall
not inquire here what the Yedic conception of Rudra was (a subject
which has also been discussed by Professor Weber in his “Indische
Studien,” ii., 19 ff ; see also pp. 30, i. ff.); but shall merely quote the
two following legends ; the first from the Satapatha Brahmana,
(vi., 1, 3, 7 ff.,) in which Rudra is represented as a form of Agni,
and which appears to be the original from which the legends of the
birth of Rudra in the Yishnu Purana (Wilson, p. 58), and in the
Markandeya Purana, sect. 52, are derived —

“ This foundation existed. It became the earth ( bhumi ). He
extended it. It became the broad one ( priihivl ). On this foun-
dation beings, and the lord of beings, consecrated themselves for
the year ( samvatsara ). The lord of beings was a householder, and
Ushas (the dawn) was his wife. Now these beings were the
seasons. That lord of beings was the year. That wife Ushas was
Aushasi (the daughter of the dawn).1 Then those beings and that
lord of beings, the year, impregnated Ushas, and a boy ( Kumar a )
was born in a year. The boy wept. Prajapati said to him, ‘Boy,
why doest thou weep? since thou hast been born after toil and
austerity.’ The boy said, ‘ My sin, indeed, has not been taken
away, and a name has not been given to me. Give me a name.’
Wherefore when a son has been born (to any man) let a name be
given to him ; that takes away his sin ; and (let) also a second and
a third (name be given) in succession ; that takes away his sin.
Prajapati said to him, ‘ thou art Rudra.’ Inasmuch as he gave him
that name, Agni became his form, for Agni is Rudra. He was

1 I am unable to explain how Ushas, the dawn, is here identified with her
own offspring, Aushasi.

LEGENDS CHIEFLY FROM THE

Rudra because he ‘ wept’ ( aroclit , from rvd, 4 to weep.’) The boy
said, ‘ I am greater than one who does not exist : give me a name.’
Prajapati replied, ‘ Thou art Sarva.’1 * * Inasmuch as he gave him
that name, the waters became his form, for the waters are Sarva
(All), because all this is produced from the waters (see above,
p. 38). The boy said, * I am greater than one who does not exist :
gave me a name.’ Prajapati replied, ‘ Thou art Pasupati.’ Inas-
much as he gave him that name, the plants became his form, for
the plants are Pasupati. Hence, when the beasts obtain plants,
they became lords (or strong?). The boy said, ‘ I am greater than
one who does not exist : give me a name.’ Prajapati said to him,
‘ Thou art Ugra.’ Inasmuch as he gave him that name, Vayu (the
wind) became his form. Vayu is Ugra (or, the ‘fierce’); where-
fore when it blows strongly, men say, ‘ Ugra blows.’ The boy
said, 4 I am greater than one who does not exist : give me a
name.’ Prajapati said to liim, ‘ Thou art Asani.’ Inasmuch as he
gave him that name, Vidyut (Lightning) became his form. Light-
ningis Asani. Hence they say that Asani has struck a man whom
lightning strikes. The boy said, ‘ I am greater than one who does
not exist : give me a name.’ Prajapati said to him, 4 Thou art
Bliava.’ Inasmuch as he gave him that name, Parjanya (the god
of rain) became his form. For Parjanya is Bliava (Being) ; because
all this (universe) arises from Parjanya. The boy said, 4 1 am
greater than one who does not exist : give me a name.’ Prajapati
replied, 4 Thou art the Great god ( Mahan devah).’ Inasmuch as he
gave him that name, G’handramas (the Moon) became his form.
Prajapati is the Moon : Prajapati is the 4 Great god.’ The boy said,
4 1 am greater than one who does not exist : give me a name.’
Prajapati replied, 4 Thou art I Sana (the ruler)’. Inasmuch as he
gave him that name, Aditya (the Sun) became his form. For the
Sun is Isana ; because he rules over this universe. The boy said,

4 1 am so much : do not give me any further name.’ These are the
eight forms of Agni. Kumara (the Boy) is the ninth. This is the
threefoldness ( trivritta ) of Agni. Since there are, as it were, eight
forms of Agni, the gayatrl metre has eight syllables. Hence men
say, ‘Agni pertains to the Gayatrl.’ This boy ( kumara ) entered
into the forms. Men do not see Agni as a boy : it is these forms
of his that they see ; for he entered into these forms.”

1 The origin of this name may perhaps be found in Rig Yeda s, 61, 19, where

these words occur, “ This is my centre, here is my abode, these are my gods, this

is I Sarva (or All), &c."

SATAPATHA BRAHMANA.

The same legend is given in a somewhat different form in the
Sankhayana or Kaushitaki Brahmana, and an abstract of the
passage has been furnished by Professor Weber in his Indisclie
Studien, ii., 300 ff. The following translation has been made from
a copy taken from the MS. in the Bodleian Library, for which I am
indebted to the kindness of Dr. Aufrecht: —

Sankhayana Brahmana, vi, 1. — “ Prajapati being desirous of
progeny, performed austerity. From him, when he had performed
austerity, five (children) were produced, Agni (fire), Vayu (wind),
Aditya (sun), Chandramas (moon), and Ushas (dawn) the fifth.
He said to them, ‘ Do ye also perform austerity.’ They consecrated
themselves. Before them, when they had consecrated themselves,
and had performed austerity, Ushas (dawn), the daughter of
Prajapati, assuming the form of a celestial nymph ( Apsaras ), arose.
Their attention was riveted upon her.” As a result of this
appearance of Ushas, “ a being arose with a thousand eyes, a
thousand feet, and a thousand arrows.1 He came to his father,
Prajapati, who asked him, 1 * Why dost thou come to me ? ’ He
answered, ‘ Give me a name : I shall not eat this food, so long as
no name has been given to me.’ ‘ Thou art Bhava,’ said Praja-
pati, for Bhava is the waters. Therefore, Bhava does not slay this
man, nor his offspring, nor his cattle, nor any (creature of his) who
speaks. And further, whosoever hates him, is most wicked. Such
is not the case with him who possesses this knowledge. His rule
is, Let a man wear a garment.

“He (this newly formed being) came a second time to Prajapati,
who asked him, 1 Why dost thou come to me.’ ‘ Give me,’ he
replied, 4 a second name : I shall not eat this food with only one
name.’ ‘ Thou art Sarva,’ Prajapati answered, for Sarva is
Agni. Therefore Sarva does not slay him, nor his cattle, nor any
(creature of his) who speaks. And further, whosoever hates him is
most wicked. Such is not the case with him who possesses
this knowledge. His rule is, Let not a man eat every sort of
food.

“ He came the third time to Prajapati, who said to him, &c.
‘ Thou art Pasupati,’ Prajapati answered, for Pasupati is Vayu
(wind). Therefore Pasupati does not slay, &c. His rule is, let
no one slander a Brahman.

1 Pratihitabhih. This word (as I learn from the Indische Studien) is ex-

plained by the commentator, Vinayaka Bliatta, as equivalent to pravrittibhih

‘•energies.” Weber renders it by “arms.” Dr. Aufrecht informs me that the

word has in the Rig Veda the sense of “ arrows.”

LEGENDS FROM THE BRAHMANAS.

“ He came the fourth time to Prajapati, who said to him, &c.
‘ Thou art Ugra deva (the fierce god),’ Prajapati answered, for
Ugra deva is plants and trees. Therefore Ugra deva does not
slay, &c. His rule is, Let not a man look upon the shame of a
woman.

“ ne came the fifth time to Prajapati, who said to him, &c.
‘ Thou art Mahan deva (the great god),’ Prajapati answered, for
Mahan deva is Aditya (the sun). Therefore Mahan deva does
not slay, &c. His rule is, Let no man look upon him (the sim)
rising or setting.

“He came the sixth time to Prajapati, who said to him, &c.
‘ Thou art Kudra,’ Prajapati answered, for Kudra is Chandramas
(the moon). Therefore Rudra does not slay, &c. His rule is, Let
no man eat anything decomposed (?) or any marrow.

“ He came the seventh tune to Prajapati, who said to him, &c.
‘ Thou art Isana,’ Prajapati replied, for I Sana is food. Therefore
Isana does not slay, &c. His rule is, Let no one reject him who
desires food.

“ He came the eighth time to Prajapati, who said, &c. ‘ Thou

art Asani,’ Prajapati replied, for Asani is Indra. Therefore Asani
does not slay, &c. His rule is, Let a man speak truth, and possess
gold.

“ This is the Mahan deva (great god) who has eight names and
eight forms. The progeny to the eighth generation of the man
who possesses this knowledge, eats food, and ever wealthier men
will be born among his descendants.”.

Art. IY. — Brief Account of a Javanese Manuscript, in the pos-
session of the Society, and entitled “ Babad Mangku Nagdrd.”
• — By Gf. K. Nieman, Esq.

The subject of this manuscript is the War of the celebrated prince
Mangku Nagara against the Dutch and them allies, which began in
the latter half of the 17th century. The language is the modern
Javanese, with here and there a word or two in Kavi, the ancient
poetical idiom of Java, and in one passage wholly in Kavi. The
composition is metrical ; the metre is that which is usually employed
in works of this nature, and the style is somewhat monotonous.
The MS. is dated in the Javanese year 1724 (a.d. 1798), and the
owner, and perhaps author of the work, is stated at the end to be
Rader Fumenggung Suma diningrat.

The principal details of the war of Mangku Nagara are known
to the student of Javanese history from Sir Stamford Raffles’s
“History of Java,” with which the MS. generally agrees; and
therefore although little interest will be felt in the work on this
score, there are some particulars in it which serve to illustrate the
mode of warfare, as well as the manners and customs of the people.
I will, therefore, select such passages of the manuscript as may be
likely to afford an interest of this sort, confining myself to such
portions as are not mentioned by Raffles.

Mangliu Nagara is always depicted not only as a brave and
valiant, but also as a very religious man. His soldiers and those of
Mangku Bumi, who was at one time his ally, were steady adherents
of the rites of Islam, so far as they were enabled to observe them ;
such as ablutions, prayer, the Fast of Ramadan, and other practices
of the Moslem. His confidence in the power of Allah, and his
submission to His will when in distress, are praised, and his
character is contrasted with that of the cruel Mangku Bumi, who
put two of his wives to death for the most trifling- offences, such
as neglecting to offer him his coffee. Mangku Nagara, on the
contrary, is described as greatly attached to his wives and children,
carefully providing for their safety, and visiting them at their
places of concealment, whenever he could snatch a temporary

VOL. xx. E

ACCOUNT OF A JAVANESE MANUSCRIPT.

interval from liis duties as a warrior. Attachment to his family
and attention to religious observances seem to have been thought
quite compatible with a strong attachment to the sex generally ;
we find him at the village of Zamenang- engaged for two months in
copying the Koran and other religious works, and yet frequently
amusing himself with the Bedaja, or dancing girls, from whom he
was unable to separate himself in his retirement. Mangku Bumi
had the imprudence to deprive him of two of these women, whom
he had previously presented to him as a mark of kindness; and
although he subsequently restored one of them to Mangku Nagara,
this prince could not pardon the offence. The one that Mangku
Bumi did not restore appears to have been especially a favourite of
Mangku Nagara, whose grief and resentment were aggravated by
some other offences ; and the Dutch Governor of Samarang took
advantage of this disposition to urge him to forsake the cause of
Mangku Bumi. His efforts were at first successful, and Mangku
Nagara made peace with the Dutch and declared war against
Mangku Bumi ; but this state of things did not continue long. War
soon recommenced between the Dutch and Mangku Nagara, from
some cause which does not fully appear. It is believed that the
latter was unable to prevent his adherents from quarrelling with
and attacking the Dutch ; but the fact is, that Mangku Bumi
finding himself unable to resist the united forces of Mangku Nagara
and of the Dutch, found means to effect a reconciliation with the
latter, and by their mediation received from the Sunan Zaku
Buwana nearly a half of the empire of Mataram, assumed the title
of Sultan, and fixed his residence at Jot jokarta, the Sunan residing
at Solo, or Surakarta. This division of the Empire took place in
a.d. 1755. From this epoch the power of the unfortunate Mangku
Nagara declined. Mangku Bumi made common cause with the
Dutch and the Sunan against him, and the desertion of several of
his adherents, who now joined his relentless enemies, left him no
rest. He was hunted from place to place like a wild beast, until
he resolved, in his despair, to fall upon his numerous foes, in the
persuasion that he should perish in the strife. Forty of his bravest
friends joined in this resolution ; their example encouraged the few
troops who remained with him ; they attacked their enemies with
desperate courage, and unexpectedly gained a great victory. The
Dutch were wholly defeated ; nearly a hundred of them were left
dead on the field of battle, and, better than all, his brave and
indefatigable enemy, Van der Zoll, the Dutch commander, perished
in the fight. Mangku Nagara’s success, however, was not per-

ACCOUNT OF A JAVANESE MANUSCRIPT.

manent : he was defeated in the next battle, and although the war
continued with varying success, sometimes to the advantage of one
side and sometimes of the other, his cause gradually declined. It
was a guerilla war; Mangku N a gar a was now flying to the moun-
tains of Kerdenz, and now issuing forth to fall upon and harass his
enemies, but upon the whole his losses were predominant, and the
manuscript ends with the account of the peace he was compelled to
submit to, and the conditions on which it was concluded ; all this
may be read in “ Raffles’s History.”

The last six pages contain an enumeration of all the various
fights in which Mangku Nagara was personally engaged.

It is necessary to remark that Mangku Nagara is called by
Raffles Zaku Nagara ;* but this name never occurs in this MS.,
nor in “ Crawford’s History of the Indian Archipelago,” nor in the
Dutch works of Roorda van Eysinga, or Winter, or any others.
The two a’s in the name Nagara are pronounced broad, as in the
word “ water,” and the word is often written “ Negoro” by Dutch
authors.

Corrected in the second edition of Raffles.

Art. V. — On the Language of the Afghans. — By Viscount
Strangfokd. — Part I.

In 1839 the British Government committed itself to an under-
taking- which practically amounted to the conquest, military occu-
pation, and civil administration of a remote mountain land, inhabited
by a savage and warlike race, animated by the strongest feelings of
nationality. Yet it was all but wholly unprovided with the means of
acquiring or imparting a knowledge of the difficult and peculiar
language in which that nationality found its strongest expression
and support. Such knowledge, indeed, was not absolutely indis-
pensable for the purposes of official or social intercourse and cor-
respondence. The requirements of current business were suffi-
ciently met by the employment of Persian, g'enerally known among
the educated classes of Afghans, and strictly vernacular with that
large population of Afghanistan which is Persian in its origin and
Shiah by religion. But the inner life and distinctive character of
the Afghans remained a sealed book for want of a knowledge of
Pushtu. A vocabulary inserted at the end of Mounstuart Elphin-
stone’s travels, a translation of the New Testament into Pushtu,
and a brief grammatical sketch and vocabulary by Major Leach,
constituted at that time the whole of the materials accessible to
the English or Anglo-Indian student desirous of making himself
acquainted with this language. These were scanty in amount, of
little use for practical purposes, and of not much intrinsic value.
The translation of the Testament was executed with haste and
carelessness; and, though every allowance must be made for the
zeal of the translators and the difficulties of a little-known, and, to
them, uncultivated language, with the literature of which they
were evidently unacquainted, such an error as the often-quoted
rendering of “Judge not, that ye be not judged,” by words mean-
ing “ Do not practice equity, lest equity be practised towards you,”
was more than mere inaccuracy hi Pushtu, as it indicates funda-
mental ignorance of the real meaning of insaf a word universal
and of quite common and vernacular use in every language spoken
by Mahometans. Leach’s grammatical sketch goes a very little

OX THE LANGUAGE OE THE AFGHAN'S.

way in facilitating the student’s progress, being slight, imperfect,
and not always accurate or consistent in rendering Afghan sounds
into Roman letters ; but his dialogues are original, animated, and
apparently idiomatic. An ode of Rahman, subjoined to his sketch,
is so disfigured with bad misprints that it is of no use to any one
who is not proficient enoug-h to restore the text by means of the
translation at the side : in other words, it is useless to a learner.
As this work bears the official countersign of Mr. Torrens, certify-
ing it to be a “ true copy,” the responsibility of these misprints
must be borne at least as much by the censor as by the author.
The late Dr. Leyden appears at one time to have turned his atten-
tion to Pushtu, and to have succeeded in adding some knowledge
of that language to his other great and varied accomplishments.
A memoir by him on the Roslienian sect, in the 11th volume of the
Asiatic Researches, contains some extracts from the Makhzan i
Pushtu, the earliest extant work in the language,1 and the main
authority for his subject. This, however, was not philology, and
he added nothing to our knowledge of the language. A gallant
and distinguished officer, Lieutenant Loveday, whose barbarous
murder, at the instigation of the dispossessed Khan of Khelat,
caused a deep and painful sensation in England at the time, is
understood to have contemplated a systematic study of Pushtu,
with a view to publishing the result ; a project which was abruptly
stojDped by his untimely death.

It must not be supposed that the same neglect or disregard of
the claims of the Pushtu lang-uage, which so markedly character-
ized the period at which our political relations with the Afghan
states acquired a sudden and prominent importance, had always
prevailed among the authorities in India. Early in the century the
East India Company, always the ready and munificent patron of
Oriental studies, authorized a learned native gentleman, Mohabbet
Khan, son of the famous Rohilla chief, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, to draw
up a grammatical sketch of Pushtu, together with a vocabulary,
the whole being written and explained in Persian. No current
practical use appears to have been made of this work in India ;
but two copies of it were found by Professor Dorn of St. Peters-
burg in the East India Company’s Library in London, and the
learned Professor was thereby supplied with the groundwork of

1 Captain Raverty, however, in a letter contained in the “ News of the
Churches, ’ of February 1st, 1861, mentions the existence of at least two older
works, of one of which, the “ History of the Yusufzai Tribe,” he was able to
obtain a copy.

ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

his subsequent valuable labours in the field of Pushtu grammar, a
study which lie was the first to establish on anything like an accu-
rate and scientific basis.

From the commencement of the century, continental philolo-
gists had begun to include the Pushtu among the objects of their
research. Owing to the scantiness of the material upon which
they had to work, their labours were mostly imperfect and un-
trustworthy, and are described by subsequent investigators as
abounding in errors. The researches of this period are represented
by the Afghan portion of Klaproth’s Asia Polyglotta, and by the
treatises of Eversmann and Wilken. A marked improvement on
these was a brief notice by Ewald, in which the great Semitic
scholar pronounced decisively upon the un- Semitic character of the
language, which, indeed, no philologist, with any genuine materials
before him, could fail in perceiving at a glance.

But Professor Dorn was the first to publish in extenso a real
grammar and vocabulary of the language, and to determine its
true philological character and affinities with accuracy in detail.
Not having lived in the country, however, and having had few or
no opportunities of acquiring the language in a living form by oral
and vernacular intercourse with natives, his works are described
by Captain Raverty as not being wholly free from error, at least in
them lexicographical portion, where the meanings of several Afghan
words are stated to be merely “guessed at.” Considering the
comparative want of resources at the Professor’s command, it is
more to be wondered at that so much precision and accuracy
should have been attained, and that Captain Raverty, a ready
censurer of the errors and shortcomings of his precursors, should
have found so little cause of complaint.

Our associate, Captain Richard Burton, the celebrated traveller,
contributed an interesting article upon Professor Dom’s work to
the proceedings of the Bombay Asiatic Society for 1849, in which,
from his having acquired both a literary and a vernacular know-
ledge of Pushtu during his service in Upper Sindh, he was able to
supply many valuable additions and corrections to the work in
question.

The first Pushtu Grammar written in English, and containing
more than a mere outline of the rules of the language, is the useful
and unpretending little work of Colonel Vaughan, published at
Calcutta in 1854, and followed in 1855 by a second volume, con-
taining an English-Pushtu vocabulary. This work is entirely
practical, and does not meddle with philology or grammatical

OX THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

theory ; its use, therefore, is less for the comparative philologist
or the ambitious student of Afghan literature than for the soldier
or the man of business desirous of obtaining a knowledge of the
elementary rules and common words of the lang-uage by a simple
and easy method. Its accuracy, though not unimpeachable, is
quite sufficient for the ordinary purposes of business, or the rough
and ready wants of the officer ; and it only requires more idiomatic
phrases and dialogues to be pronounced by far the most practically
useful, if not the most theoretically perfect, of existing Afghan
Grammars. Colonel Vaughan’s Grammar was immediately followed
by Captain Raverty’s more complete work. It is to the latter
gentleman that the credit undoubtedly belongs of being the first
student to combine a masteiy of vernacular Pushtu, acquired upon
Afghan ground, with a thorough knowledge of its literature — a
literature far more extensive in its records, and of gveater intrinsic
merit, than is generally supposed, even among Orientalists. He
has communicated to the public the results of many years’ labour
in a series of works apparently intended to comprise the whole
subject of the Pushtu language and literature in all its branches.
These works consist of a full grammar of the language, which has
reached a second edition ; of a dictionary, Pushtu and English,
having the advantage of a transcription of the Pushtu words in
Roman letters ; of a Chrestomathy, or series of selections from the
prose and poetical writings of the best authors ; and of a literal
English version of the poetical portion of the last-mentioned work,
preceded by a popular introduction to the subject. Whatever may
be the merits or demerits of the system upon which Captain
Raverty has deemed it advisable to construct his grammar and
explain its rules, it is probably beyond doubt that his works contain
a complete and trustworthy record of all its actual facts ; and it is
in this point that the real value of these works lies. The accumu-
lation of materials by the linguist is a matter of primary necessity
to the philologist, without which the latter is unable to pursue his
science with any prospect of success ; and in the present case his
gratitude is fairly due to Captain Raverty for the ample store of
such material which he has placed at the disposal of the learned
public at home and abroad.

When the linguist who is no philologist, but has mastered a
language by ride of thumb or routine study, contents himself with
a plain statement of the grammatical facts of that language,
respects the limits of his own and his fellow- workman’s art, and
refrains from dogmatizing on those problems in philology and

ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

ethnology which he beyond those limits, he acquires the good-will
of his readers, and the voice of censure or criticism passes over his
occasional slips or mistakes in silence. It is quite allowable in a
writer upon language at Peshawar, who has lived most of his life
cut off from Europe, to treat M. Klaproth, who died some thirty
years ago, as a living author, or to be manifestly ignorant of the
processes and chief results of the science of comparative philology.
But if he lends the weight of a name and authority fairly earned
by the successful cultivation of one branch of study to the reitera-
tion of baseless, untenable, and exploded theories in ethnology, the
utter futility of which a proper view of his own special study should
have led him to perceive, and to the support and propagation of
such theories by arguments of his own, wholly unworthy of serious
consideration, he incurs a heavy responsibility, and he has no right
to complain if he becomes the object of severe comment. These
remarks are unavoidable in the presence of Captain Raverty’s
various prefaces to his works, especially that to his Grammar, and
of a very able paper by Dr. Lowenthal, a missionary at Peshawar,
which appeared in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society for
18G0 (No. IV.), under the title of “Is the Pushtu a Semitic Lan-
guage animadverting in detail upon the arguments contained in
the above prefaces, where Captain Raverty makes himself the
advocate of that curious delusion, the Semitic character of the
Afghan language and the Jewish origin of the Afghans. Inci-
dentally, the Doctor has brought forward many new and most
valuable illustrations of the Pushtu phonetic system and vocabulary,
as also, in a less degree, of its forms ; and it is therefore all the
more to be regretted that he should have been thus forced to treat
this really necessary and important branch of inquiry as an object
secondary to the refutation of an absurd theory, in which no one
capable of appreciating his arguments now believes, and the
believers in which seem to be proof against his or any other man’s
demonstration.

“Error is immortal,” says Dr. Lowenthal, with perfect truth,
and it would therefore be sheer waste of time to try and kill the
Semitic theory, or to gainsay a writer like the Rev. Mr. Forster,
when he tells us that “ asman” is a Pushtu word, derived from the
Hebrew “samim” (sic) with the article “hesamim” (sic); that “5r”
is Pushtu for “ light” (which it is not), as in Hebrew ; that the
Hebrew “nahar,” “a river,” is contained, in that sense, in a Pushtu
compound (not a word of which is true) ; and that therefore the
Pushtu is a Semitic language. It is more to the purpose to inquire

ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS. 57

how Sir William Jones came to countenance this theory, as he
unquestionably may be said to have countenanced it, when he
stated the Pushtu to be an actual dialect of Chaldee. It is probable
that his opinion, in the first place, was uttered more or less at
random, and was hastily conceived, without more than a mere
cursory examination of the language. In the second place, one or
two remarkable, though superficial and accidental, coincidences do
really exist. The genitive is formed in Chaldee by a prefixed di or
(T, in Pushtu by da. They are wholly unconnected in origin, as
the Chaldee word is simply the Aramaic relative pronoun, while the
Pushtu word is probably part of the demonstrative pronoun dagha.1
Dr. Lowenthal compares it with the Latin de and the Polish od;
referring both — the former, after Bopp, conjecturally — the latter,
with certainty, to the Sanskrit adlms. The demonstrative pronouns,
moreover, are not unlike in the two languages at first sight. The
Chaldee dek, den, haden, dak, da, masc. and fern. “ this,” resemble
the Pushtu pronouns hagha, dagha, on the surface, but are of quite
different origin. Bawlinson compares hagha with a presumed Zend
from hakha, corresponding to the Sanskrit sasva ; but as the Pushtu
gh rarely, if ever, answers elsewhere to the Zend q or kh, glia is more
probably a mere phonetic or inorganic increment, while the da- and
ha- are no doubt respectively cognate with the Zend demonstrative
ha, Sansk. sa , and the Zend and old Persian base da, found in the
enclitic pronouns -dim, - dis , in the inscriptions -dish. Whether these
dental bases, which are found both in the Semitic and the Aryan
languag-es, be real instances of primeval connection or mere acci-
dental coincidences, is a question to be determined only by Semitic
and Aryan philologists of the highest authority and experience
respectively, such as Ewald and Muller : it is, at all events, quite
certain they are no evidence whatever of special and distinctive
affinity between the Semitic languages and Pushtu. The word or,
“fire,” probably reminded Sir William of the well known Semitic
word for light, and it is possible, though not probable, that he may
have remarked a curious resemblance to the ordinary process of

1 Dr. Trumpp compares it with the Punjabi postfix da, which he shows to be
originally an ablative derived from the Prakrit do, itself a corruption of the
Sanskrit -las. It is more convenient, however, to assign Pushtu forms to a
native and Iranian origin, as long as it is possible to do so without violent
assumptions. Hagha is also found in Assyrian in exactly the same form,
but in the sense of the near, not, as in Pushtu, the remote demonstrative. Ha-
is, without doubt, the .Zend via, S nskrit sa, old Persian ha-uva (Sk. sa-sva),
whence the Persian 6, in modem pronunciation u.

ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

formation or derivation of words in Arabic in sucli instances as the
Pushtu tor , black, tiara , blackness : a change not easily explained,
from our not possessing the Pushtu language in any other than a
quite modern form, and our having, therefore, but limited means of
comparison. The above examples, it may be said, constitute the
amount of those “treacherous indications,” to use the words of
Dr. Dorn, which misled the great linguist and man of letters into
the hasty utterance of an opinion which has been employed to
shelter idle theories that its gifted author would have been the first
to disavow and refute, had he lived long enough to become ac-
quainted with the modern science of Comparative Philology, of
which he himself unconsciously helped to lay the foundations.

It may be worth while here to call attention to the undue stress
winch has been laid upon the so-called native tradition of the
Afghans, connecting them with King Saul, son of Kish, and upon
the name of Beni Israil, which they are said to give themselves, at
the same time that they reject the title of Yaliudi. This affiliation
of themselves upon a historical personage of the Old Testament is
in their case looked upon as an exceptional and unique phenomenon,
instead of being, as it really is, the rule in all analogous cases.
Wherever a rude atid uncultivated people have been brought
within the pale of Islam, they have never failed to connect them-
selves with the traditionary quasi-Biblical ethnology of their con-
querorf? or spiritual instructors through some patriarch or hero of
Scripture, the knowledge of whom was derived by the early Mus-
sulmans from corrupt Jewish sources. Thus the old Turkish tradi-
tions of Central Asia make an eponymus for that race after the
usual process, out of its own national title, and connect them with
Japhet under the name of Yafet oghlan Turk , Turk son of Japhet:
and the Berbers or Amazigh of North Africa make eponymi out of
their native and their Arabic names, and affiliate themselves upon
Ber, son of Mazigh, nephew of Canaan, grandson of Ham. The
Persian civilization and native religious and heroic traditions were
far too strong- and deep seated to yield to this process, and in
Persia, accordingly, there are no traces of it to be met with. As
for Beni Israil, it is obviously, and on the face of it, a mere Holla's
Arabic phrase, derived from books, and, therefore, those who repre-
sent it as a national title prior to, and independent of, Mahometan
influence, do what is equivalent to putting Latin words with a
Latin construction into the mouths of the Highland clans of Scot-
land previous to the Christian era.

The most complete analogy to this so-called Pushtu tradition is

ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

furnished by that of the Gipsies, which affords, perhaps, the most
perfect and typical example of a spurious and insitive tradition, as
opposed to a genuine home-grown one, having been instantly and
universally adopted by a race from its neighbours, and by it passed
off in turn upon the latter as being really its own. In every
country of Western Europe where the Gipsies made their first
appearance during the course of the fifteenth century, their invari-
able reply to all questions as to their race and origin was the legend
that they were the descendants of Egyptians who had inhospitably
driven the Virgin Mary from their doors. On the faith of this,
their Egyptian origin was always recognised in Europe as a matter
of orthodox belief, until Grellman published his researches based upon
an investigation of then- language; and this delusive belief stands
recorded in three extreme points of Europe, by the English, Spanish,
and modern Greek names of this race, Gipsy , Gitano , Tv^ro?. The
legend is not found among any Asiatic Gipsies, and was manifestly
forced into the mouths of the European wanderers by the leading-
questions of their Christian interrogators. It vanished into air at
once before the first examination of the Gipsy language, from which
we are now enabled to know not only whence they came, but from
what particular part of India they came, and through what coun-
tries of Western Asia and Eastern Europe they passed on their
way to the west. The strong elements of Persian, Byzantine
Greek, and Wallachian, which their language contains, suffice to
show their route as clearly as a written itinerary. The acquired and
spurious tradition of the Jewish origin of the Afghans appears to
have its exact parallel in the above fable of the Egyptian origin of
the Gipsies. It would be an interesting inquiry to ascertain how
far the former is really current among the Afghans, and whether it
is to be met with at all among the clansmen and primitive classes,
living comparatively out of the reach of the influence of Mollas.

It is impossible to conclude this brief notice of the Jewish or
Semitic theory without expressing- great regret that Captain
Raverty should have thought it answered any practical or scientific
end to support his paradoxes with regard to the language by argu-
ments derived from the fact that numerous Arabic words are con-
tained in the Afghan vocabulary, and from the use of the tech-
nical terms of Arabic grammar in the treatment of their own
language by Afghan grammarians. If Pushtu be Semitic for the
former of these reasons, so is every language spoken by populations
professing Mahometanism ; if for the latter reason, so is every
language that has ever been grammatically taught and cultivated

OX THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

by Mahometans ; and we therefore must fain look on Persian and
Turkish, Malay and Mandiugo language, French and modern Greek
as comprised, one and all, in the category of uniform Semitism, on
the strength of their being expounded by Turkish, Arab, or native
teachers, through the technical apparatus of ism and ft l, and mdzi
and muzari’.

The real fact is, that the language of the Afghans corresponds,
with great and exceptional exactness, to the position in which we
should be inclined to place it upon a priori grounds, from a mere
consideration of the geographical conditions and political history of
the country in which it is spoken. We should expect to meet with
a language descended from either the ancient speech of India or
that of Persia. We should be more inclined, upon geographical
grounds, to favour the Persian alternative, as the highlands of
Afghanistan, even now called Khorasan by the inhabitants of the
plains of the Indus below the passes, and thus, by them, identified
with Persia, belong physically to that country rather than to
India. At the same time, we should look for the evidences of the
language of the Afghans having been powerfully influenced in its
formation by the neighbouring dialects of India, as well as by the
vernacular form of its more ancient and cultivated language ; and
we should expect the vocabulary of a mountain tribe, that never
worked out its own civilization, but has always adopted that of its
settled and powerful neighbours, so far as it is civilized at all, to be
fully loaded with importations from those languages in all their
different stages. The result which, upon inquiry, we do find, pre-
cisely corresponds with all these expectations. There is no reason
for doubting that the forms n«KTue? and II (ncrvi xij x^'P'h met with
in Herodotus, express the modern national name of Pushtu in the
pronunciation of the Eastern Afghans, with whose geographical
position they completely coincide. They are of sufficient importance
for the contingent supplied by them to the host of Xerxes to be
noticed by the Greek historian, at the same time that they do not
constitute a special satrapy, nor is any such satrapy mentioned
either by Herodotus or in the Behistun or Naksh i Rustam inscrip-
tions. It is probable that they were at tins time a mountain tribe
of limited extent and importance, situated in the most easterly
parts of their present area, upon whom the Achgemenian yoke sat
lightly, but dependent upon some one or more of Rie great adjoin-
ing satrapies of Gandara, Thatagush, naraiva, Hara’uvatish, or
Hindush ; settled countries with a population, then, as now, with
the exception of the last, almost entirely pure Iranian, and speak-

ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

6*1

ing a form of Persian, of which if it were not actual Zend, at all
events Zend is the nearest representative that has come down in
documents to our time. The distinction between the Pushtu as we
now have it and the Persian languages, properly so called, in their
various forms and stages, is so deeply and clearly marked, that it is
reasonable to conclude that, even at this early period, a considerable
difference already existed between the Zend or old Aryan of the
plains and the contemporary form of Aryan then spoken by the
ancestors of the Afghans, from which the present Pushtu is
descended. This separation must have been widened and rendered
permanent by the absence of Persian, and great preponderance of
Indian, influence, to which Eastern Afghanistan was subject during
the whole period between the downfall of Achsemenian power and
the rise of Islam. The traces of Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Scythian
dominion and influence to be met with in the Pushtu language are
imperceptible, but the constant intercourse with India, and the direct
Indian rule, which prevailed during most of this period, have left
a strong and indelible stamp on Pushtu, not only in its vocabulary,
but even in its forms, idiom, and general character. So strong and
pervading is this effect, that it is not easy to determine, without
minute investigation, whether the Pushtu is to be ranged among-
the Indian or Iranian dialects. The nature of the words which it has
borrowed from the Indian dialects is sufficiently remarkable, as indi-
cating the source whence the Afghans obtained many of the rudi-
ments of civilization and the means of expressing them. To write,
for instance, is called by the Indian root likh , not the Persian pish.
Even to the present day many insulated tribes in the Hindu Kush,
such as the Dir, Tirhai, Laghmani, and Pashai, specimens of whose
languages are given by Major Leach, speak dialects of distinct
Indian rather than Iranian origin, and therefore ethnologically re-
present either an actual population of Indian ancestral settlers, or
else of a thoroughly Indianized native race. Far more important
than all these are the Siah-push Kafirs of Kafiristan, whose lan-
guage, as exhibited and illustrated by Dr. Trumpp in a late number
of this Journal, is a genuine Indian dialect, and whose physical
character, at all events in the instance of the men seen by the
Doctor, is no less Indian than their language. The safest general
conclusion about the Pushtu would seem to be, that it is the descen-
ded of a language belonging to the western rather than the east-
ern branch of the true Aryan people, and therefore allied more inti-
mately with Zend than with Sanscrit ; but that, during the period
of the disintegration of the old Persian languages and the gradual

ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

formation of the modem Persian, it was from political causes far more
exposed to Indian than to Persian influences ; this period being that
in which the spoken Sanskrit language was ceasing to be ver-
nacular in its purest form, and was gradually becoming corrupted
into the colloquial Prakrit forms, which are now generally acknow-
ledged to have immediately preceded, and truly and directly given
birth to, the modern vernaculars of Northern India. The Neo-
Indian dialects, while thus undergoing the process of formation,
powerfully affected the Pushtu while itself in the same presumed
transitional state, and the Persian does not seem to have recovered
its lost influence until it had substantially acquired its modern form
under the late Sassanians and in the post-Islamic period. Since
then it has modified the whole nature and character of the Pushtu,
which in its modern, and especially its literary form, appears en-
tirely recast in a Persian mould. Yet it is quite possible to determine,
in a majority of instances, not only whether Pushtu words, of
which the affinity with Persian is evident at first sight, have been
directly adopted from the latter language, or belong strictly and
originally to Pushtu ; but even, in the former of these cases, to
ascertain within some sort of limits at what period and from what
stage of the Persian they have been adopted.

In order to assign to the Pushtu its proper position among the
Iranian languages, it is necessary to enumerate briefly, yet with
sufficient detail, the different dialects of which that important group
consists, according to the most natural classification and arrange-
ment of which they admit. For this purpose it is convenient to
assume the Persian language proper as the central unit or standard
of comparison, by which to test the nearness and remoteness of the
affinity of the rest. This arrangement is natural as well as conven-
tional, for the Persian language covers more time in its records and
more space in its distribution than any of the others, and occupies a
position central to, conterminous with, and directly influencing all, or
nearly all, of them. By the Persian language proper is understood,
firstly, the old language of the Aclimmenian inscriptions, the direct
parent of modern Persian, to which may be added the two dialects
— whether they be contemporary dialects or successive stages — of
the Zend, most intimately allied witli old Persian ; the transitional
dialects spoken during the Sassanian period, comprising the lapidary,
numismatic, and literary Pehlevi, in so far as it is Aryan, and stripped
of its Semitic element, and the language formerly called Pazend,
but now generally known as Parsi, differing very slightly, if at all,
from the former, and being the penultimate stage of modern Per-

ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

sian ; the classical modern Persian of literature during1 the Maho-
metan pei’iod, from Firdausi and his immediate predecessors and
contemporaries downwards ; and*, finally, that which has furnished
philologists with fewer materials than any, the true living language
of modern Iran. It must not be forgotten that Persian is spoken
as a native and vernacular language much beyond the limits of the
Persian Empire, in the settled parts of Turkistan and Afghanistan,
far into the heart of the Chinese Empire, by a population whose
Persian origin and agricultural habits are variously indicated in
these countries respectively by the names Tajik, Sart, Dihkan, and
Parslvan. Besides these, the pastoral and nomadic tribes of moun-
taineers dwelling in the ranges which traverse and inclose the plains
of Eastern Persia and Western Afghanistan, of whom the Eimak 1
and Hazara are the principal, are known to speak Persian as
their own language. Their native traditions, whatever they may
be worth, point to a Turanian rather than an Iranian origin, and
one of the four clans of the Eimak is actually called Moghul, and
speaks a corrupt dialect of Mongol ; but the other Eimaks, the
Hazara, and the settled Tajiks of the plains, all speak the Persian
language in an archaic form, which may be generally described as
being the Persian of Firdausi. But of the provincialisms, archa-
isms, and special differences of this Tajik or extra-Iranian Persian,
there does not exist any notice whatever in detail, and it would be
well worth the while of linguists and scholars in Persia, or the
neighbouring countries, to endeavour to form a collection of the
kind. One or two vocabularies of the Persian of Bokhara have
been compiled and published, but as they were drawn up, not with
the object of contrasting Tajik-Persian with Iranian- Persian, but

1 Generally so pronounced, but written Uimak, j; Igy, ' . The word is
Turkish, meaning a clan or tribe ; “the four tribes,” is the usual

Persian name for this race. The word is lost in Osmanli, but survives among
some Turkoman tribes of the interior of Asia Minor, l>y whom the main tribe
is called ’ashira, and the next minor subdivision oymak. I am indebted for this
information to Mr. Edmund Calvert, for a long time resident among the
Turkomans of the neighbourhood of Kaisariya. A vocabulary of the dialect of
the Moghul Eimaks drawn up up by Major Leach, has somehow given rise to the
impression that the whole body of the four Eimaks speak Mongol, and are of
Mongol descent; and they accordingly figure as Mongols in all modern works
on language and ethnology. This is quite incorrect, and there is nothing
whatever in Leach’s words to warrant or give rise to such a supposition. What-
ever their descent may be, their language, with the one excception of the Moghul
Eimal.s, is exclusively Tajik-Persian.

ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

of showing that the language of Bokhara was Persian rather than
something else, they have done more harm than good, as they have
served to induce comparative philologists to accept and admit the
“langue boukhare” into their essays and vocabularies as an inde-
pendent dialect, having its own ordinal value, and standing towards
Persian in the same relationship, more or less, as Kurdish or
Ossetish. The “Farsi” of Bokhara, in reality, differs from that of
Tehran in the same manner and degree as the “Francjais” of
Canada or the Mauritius differs from that of Paris, or the English
of Boston from that of London. Each, in the ratio of its conscious-
ness, accepts the metropolitan standard of literature and conversa-
tion, each considers itself, and really is, of the same name, form,
and virtual identity, with the main branch from which it sprung,
and though each may contain many curious provincialisms ami
archaic expressions, that circumstance of itself does not elevate
them to the rank of separate substantial languages, or even dialects.

The dialects standing- nearest to Persian, being its genuine
sisters, and not modern offsets or corruptions of it, are the Mazan-
derani, Gliilek, and Talish, spoken in the wooded and mountainous
country south of the Caspian. They are closely allied to each
other, and form a natural family, which may be conveniently called
the Caspian. They are known through some brief specimens of
popular poetry published, with notes, by M. Chodzko; the Talish,
moreover, through a grammar and vocabulary published at St.
Petersburg; the province in which it is spoken being partly
Russian. More remote from Persian than the Caspian group, and,
respectively, about equidistant from it, stand the languages of the
north-west and the south-east frontiers, the Beluchi and the
numerous Kurdish dialects. The former, well illustrated in Ger-
many from materials supplied by Major Leach’s vocabulary, is
unfortunately only known to us as spoken by the Rind Beluchis, the
conquerors of Sindh, and it bears many traces of Indian influence
accordingly. The dialect of the Nliarui or western Beluchis, bor-
dering on Kirman and Sistan, has not yet, to the writer’s know-
ledge, been noticed. Regarding the various Kurdish dialects, it
would be more convenient to call them by a less limited and more
comprehensive term, such as Kurdo-Lurish or Lekl, as they are
not only spoken in Kurdistan proper, including the area of Kurdish
migration and settlement in Asia Minor and Northern Syria, and
among the extensive settlements of true Kurds in Northern Khora-
san, but by the Lurs and Bakhtyaris of Luristan, and by the
whole of those Iliyat, or wandering tribes of Persia, who are not

ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE AFGHANS.

of Turkish race. These latter are called Lek in Persia, and of their
distinctive dialect absolutely no record exists. The same may be
said of the Luri, for though everybody who has been in the East
and inquired into the subject is aware that the Lurs speak Kurdish,
yet there is nothing to show in proof of the assertion save a few
words in the Kurdish vocabularies in Mr. Rich’s work on Kurdistan.

A very peculiar and insulated dialect must be classed in this
stage or degree of proximity to Persian. This is the Baraki,
spoken by a small hill-tribe in a secluded district of Afghanistan.
Their tradition, pointing' to a recent Arabian origin and to a lan-
guage invented for purposes of secrecy by themselves, though
accepted by its chronicler, Major Leach, is worthless in presence of
the language itself, which is an interesting and in many points
truly archaic Iranian dialect. Kshar , for instance, Persian shah?',
old Persian khshatram , Jcsha, the number six, Zend ksvas, Persian
shash, shish, which could not, of course, have been invented out
of nothing, could not, any more, have been adopted from the local
Tajik Persian of the plains, from which the old initial compound
sound must have disappeared long prior to Islam. Leach only gives
a vocabulary and dialogue, without any outline of the grammar,
but the construction of sentences, as shown in the dialogue, is
far less Iranian and more Turanian than would be expected from
the Avholly Iranian forms and words of this language.

Next come the two well known Ossetian dialects, which have
now for some time attracted the attention of European scholars,
owing to their outlying and insulated position in the Caucasus, and
to their unexpected philological affinities. They have been fully
illustrated by the labours of Rosen and Sjogren. The numerous
Indian characteristics, and the strongly marked sound-system of the
Pushtu, and the special and peculiar nature of much of its vocabulary,
serve to remove it further from Persian than any of the dialects
previously mentioned. Yet it does not close the list, and upon the
whole, after due consideration, the extreme position among the
Iranian dialects should probably be reserved for the Armenian ; the
affinities of which to Persian, nevertheless, are numerous, clear,
and undoubted.

The above enumeration, it is believed, will be found to have
comprised the whole circle of Iranian dialects that have come down
to us, and that are, at present, known to exist. They are all of
them closely connected with one another, and each one of them is
capable of supplying great and effectual aid in throwing light upon
the difficulties and explaining the peculiarities of any or all of the
VOL. xx. F

ON THE LANGUAGE OP THE AFGHANS.

others. Pushtu, obviously, and, as a matter of course, has to be
illustrated by Persian, but the dialects are also capable of rendering
it equally efficient services. Dr. Dorn has thus drawn useful compari-
sons from the Caspian dialects in two or three instances, and would
have done so more fully had it been Ids object in that place to
explain, rather than to state, the rules of Pushtu grammar. The
principal end with which the Persian dialects have been examined
in the preceding survey, has been to show how very scanty, after
all, are the materials which lie at the disposal of the philologist for
their due investigation, and to stimulate the linguist who may read
these pages, and who may have opportunities for such researches,
to dig and quarry in a valuable mine which, so far from having-
been exhausted, is as yet in many places unworked and undis-
turbed.

G 7

Art. YI. — Glossary of Tibetan Geographical Terms. Col-
lected by Hermann, Adolphe, and Robert de Schlagint-
weit, and edited by Hermann de Schlagintweit, Pb. Dr.,
LL.D. Trin. Coll. Dubl., &c., &c.

I. Materials and Method employed. — II. Alphabet and Signs. —
III. Arrangement and General Abstract. — IV. Names
Explained.

I. Materials and Method Employed.

During our travels in India and High Asia, a careful collection
of geographical names in the native spelling, and, if possible, with
an interpretation added, became necessary for guiding us in tran-
scribing those names in European characters. We soon observed
that a considerable part of such information presented novel,
unexpected, and well defined details, particularly for the countries
beyond India. We directed our attention to it, therefore, with the
greater zeal, as it gave us the idea of incorporating into our
publications also a selection of geographical and ethnographical
names.

In the collection of such materials we all three took an equal
part: their elaboration became my share. From the glossary1,
which contains about 1,200 names explained, I select the Tibetan
names only for the memoir now presented.

When travelling in Tibet, we had to consult the natives, chiefly
the Lamas, through the medium of our Hindustani interpreters,
and we were particularly careful to get the respective names
written down in native characters. Questions about the details
of the meaning were readily understood and answered with decided
intelligence ; but occasionally, even the consultation of Csoma’s
and Schmidt’s dictionaries, and all the varieties of the meaning of
a word, which may be found there, proved an insufficient guide
to finding a final interpretation for the spelling we had obtained.
Here, as in our Hindustani materials, we limit our communications

1 The geographical glossary from the languages of India and Tibet, with an
essay on phonetic transcription and interpretation will form the second part of
Yol. III. of our “Results of a Scientific Mission to India and High Asia."
Leipzig, F. A. Brockhaus.

F 2

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

to those words only for which we found an explanation that
appeared satisfactory ; though the numerous geographical names
for which we obtained the spelling only, as used in loco, was a
material very welcome for our maps and measurements.

In the elaboration of the Indian materials I was assisted by
our Munshi, Es-Seyyid Muhammad Sa’id; in that of the Tibetan
by our brother Emil, who had made our materials and observations
on Buddhism an object of his particular study, and also had
occupied himself with various questions of Tibetan philology.1 I
mention, moreover, the important information we obtained for
India in general from Colonel Sykes, and for Tibetan from
Mr. Hodgson (whom I had the pleasure to find at Darjiling), and,
after our return, from Professor Schiefner at St. Petersburgh. In
reference to the questions of transcription in general, we owe
various and important information to Professor Lepsius at Berlin.
As some of the principal publications in reference to Tibetan, I
quote : — Hodgson’s papers on “Colonization,” Calcutta Government
Records, No. XXVII, 1857 ; Schiefner’s Tibetauische Studien, in
“ Melanges Asiatiques,” St. Petersburgh, vol. i., pp. 324-94 ;
Lepsius’ “ Uber die chinesischen und tibetanischen Lautverhalt-
nisse,” Berlin, 1861.

II. Alphabet and Signs
used for the phonetic transcription,

The alphabet we used is that of Sir William Jones (generally
adopted in England), with some of the modifications proposed later,
particularly by Professor H. II. AVilson.2 We added some signs,
an explanation of which will follow, and besides, every word is
provided with its phonetic accent.

Alphabet. — a (a, a, a, a) a,, (it) ; b (bh) ; ch ; d (dh) ; e (e, e, e) ;

f 5 g (gh); h (<’); i I, i); j (jh); k (kh), kh ; 1 (111); m; n; o (o, 5),

0, (&); p(ph); 1' (i'll) ; s; sll; t (th); u (u, u), U; v; y; z; zh.

Pronunciation. — Vowels: 1. a, e, i, o, u, as in German and

Italian. 2. a like the English a in wall. 3, a, 6, ii, as in German.
4. Diphthongs give the sound of the two component vowels com-
bined. 5. Diseresis is marked by the accent falling on the second
of the two vowels.

1 Hia work will appear nearly simultaneously with the third volume of our
"Results of a Scientific Mission to India and High Asia,” under the title:
“ Objects of Buddhist Worship to illustrate the Buddhism of Tibet.”

* They are detailed in his “ Glossary of Revenue Terms,” London, 1 855.

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

b. Consonants : 1. b, d, f, g, h, k, 1, m, n, p, r, s, t, are pro-

nounced as in English and German [the variations of g and h (in
English) excepted]. 2. h, after a consonant, is an audible aspira-
tion, except in ch, sh, and kh. 3. cli sounds as in English {church).
4. sh, as in English {shade), 5. kh as ch in German {lioch). 6.
j, as in English {just). 7. v, as the w in German ( Wasser) being
different from v in very, and w in water. 8. y as y in the English
word yes, or j in the German ja. 9. z, soft, as in English. 10-
zh, soft, as j in the French word jour.

In our alphabetical registers the letters follow the order of the
alphabet, irrespective of the signs attached to them. This arrange-
ment has the advantage of coinciding as nearly as possible with
the system adopted in the dictionaries of European languages.

Modification of the letters and signs. — -Vowels. - above a vowel
makes the vowel long; ^ indicates its imperfect formation;
designates its nasal modification. Consonants: ’ in detailed
Tibetan transcription is used for the letter 3, since its nature does
not much differ from the Greek spiritus lenis. ‘ is a mark of
separation used to show s‘h to be an aspirated s, not sh. Italics
are used in the Tibetan words when written in full detail, for
representing consonants which are not pronounced; Syllables in
general : - between two parts of a word shows them to form one
word. It is particularly used in Tibetan terms ; whete, however,
words combined by mere juxtaposition without forming a com-
pound, are often met with ; these have not the mark - between
them.

Accents: — -The sign ' marks the syllable on which the phonetic
accent falls, whether the syllable be long or short. In Tibetan no
written accent exists ; but in speaking, every polysyllabic word has
its well-marked phonetic accent as in German, English, &C; We
found its introduction facilitate considerably the understanding of
native words when pronounced by a foreigner, and it did not
in any degree interfere with our rendering the characters of the
word.

In using these letters and signs, though not eoitiplete for
Hindustani, all the elements representing the vowels and conso-
nants existing in Tibetan can be reproduced, the distinctions in the
Tibetan alphabet being altogether much less numerous. When in
the seventh century a.d., the Tibetan alphabet was formed from
the ancient Devanagari, many vocal and consonantal characters
were omitted as not existing in Tibetan.

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

III. — Arrangement and General Abstract.

In this glossary the names are given first in their transcribed
forms generally used by us or others. Inhabited places are not
specially distinguished, but names of districts, peaks, mountains,
passes, lakes, &c., are indicated as such. We next give the pro-
vince in which the place is found, together with its degrees of
latitude and long'itude (details of geographical position, as well as
heights are contained in our second volume “ Uypsometry”). The
spelling in the romanized transliteration of the Tibetan characters
follows next. It will be seen that it was sometimes unavoidable to
make a material difference between the phonetic transcriptions first
given and these transliterations, the mute consonants, now distin-
guished by italics, causing in such cases the principal differences.
Also the letters used as terminals often showed a decided differ-
ence between pronunciation and spelling. Amongst the limited
number of letters which, according to Tibetan grammar, are allowed
to be used as terminals, the mutes (k, j), and t) are not contained ;
but, though written as inedials (y, b, and d), they are in many cases
spoken as mutes. Previous travellers, Cunningham, the Straclieys,
&c., who have been very careful in their orthography, show instances
of such variations.

The translation of the name is followed by some explanatory
remarks, including, if in reference to etymology, also the results
obtained by previous researches. But, in the speciality of Tibetan
geographical terminology I found, to my regret, existing literature
of less assistance than 1 had expected. When two or more names
co-exist for the same place, I have added them both, though,
perhaps, we have been able to explain one only.

As a general abstract of the explanatory remarks referring to
the formation of geographical names in Tibet, the following consi-
derations may be presented in conclusion.

By far the greater number of geographical names are formed by
composition. Descriptive delineation of physical or geographical
features of the object is a type of names particularly frequent in
Tibet. Epithets connected with Buddhist-Indian mythology, or
the heroic period of Indian history, are also very numerous, especi-
ally with reference to religious settlements. Ancient Tibetan
history and prae-Buddhist myths could not be traced, unless some

1 As the romanized translation reproduces all the details of the original
native characters, the Tibetan type is left out in this Journal, but it will be given
in M. M. de Schlagintwoit’s third volume.

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

of the superstitious interpretations, such as Mordo, “the oracle
stones,” may be quoted as an instance. Names which reveal no
trace of compound formation in one or the other of the forms just
alluded to, are comparatively rare ; on the contrary, a combination
of numerous words is frequently formed into one name which then
assumes considerable length, as Gantug-sumgya-dumdum, “the
370 children of the venerable,” or Tsomote-shung-, “ the lake, tho
wild horse’s drinking-place.”

Hindu names in Tibet, which occur in native Indian maps, and
also in European ones, are nearly always of foreign, plain Brah-
manical origin ; the inhabitants themselves having’, in such cases,
another Tibetan name. The double names of Gaurisankar and
Chingopamari (compare also Chamallniri), and, with many others,
the more generally known names of Mansaraur and Tso Maphan,
may be alleged as analogous cases.

IY. Names Explained (in Alphabetical Order).

No. 1. Bara Laclia, properly Bara Ldtse, a pass leading from Lahol
to Ladak, lat. 32°, long. 77°. — la-rtse, “ the crest of the
crossing roads.”

Bara is the Lahol-Tibetan word for “ the place where several
roads cross each other (French, carrefour) ;” the name here refers
to the roads to Shigri, Spiti, Kardong, and Ladak, separating at
this spot. In Tibetan proper, we could find no word like “ Bara,”
neither in use amongst the natives, nor in the dictionaries.

Lacha seems to be used here as a dialectical substitution for
“ La-tse,” the crest or top of a pass. By a few of the men wo
heard the name pronounced “ Bara Latse,” and those who could
write invariably wrote it “ Latse.”

No. 2. Bhutan , a native territory in the Eastern Himalaya, under
the government of the Dharma Rajah Lama. — Corr. Sanskrit ;
bhut, from the Tibetan root, phod. “ End of Tibet.”

Properly Bhot-ant ; Bhot, “Tibet;” anta, “end.”

In this form, though more or less modified, the name has been
received in Indian and European literature. The spelling- is a
modification of the Tibetan word phod, “to be able, to dare,” which
is the softer form. Bod is still in use amongst the natives for
Tibet proper (see Tibet, No. 119). B. Hamilton, in his “Account
of the Kingdom of Nepaul,” p. 8, mentions the word Madra as the
name used in ancient Hindu writings for Bhutan.

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

No. 3. Brdggo, in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 75°.— brag sgo, “gate of

the rocks.”

Brag-, “ rock sgo, “ door, gate, entrance.”

Rather more usual is the pronunciation of “hr” as “d,” as kept
Up in Milum (in Kamaon), where the name for rock is “ dag.” —
Cornpare Stego (No. 102).

No. 4. Brog, in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 73°. — ’brog, “ summer

village.”

Literally the meaning- of the word is “ wilderness,” or “isolated
house,” in opposition to the villages permanently inhabited* and
surrounded by cultivated grounds.

No. 5. Chdgzctm , in Gnari Khorsum, lat; 31°, long; 79°. — /ehags
zam, “ iron bridge.”

Zchags, “ iron zam, “ bridge.”

The Ilunia name of the larger bridge near Tholing.

No. 6. Chamalhari, a peak in Bhutan, lat. 27°, long. 89°. — jo-mo
lha ri, “ the mistress and the lord’s mountain.”

Jo-mo, “mistress, lady,” is here equivalent to dolma (sgrol-ma),
in Sanskrit, “Tdra;” dialectically it is also pronounced chomo, or
chama; lha, “god, lord;” ri, “mountain.”

It is most remarkable and characteristic that this sacred moun-
tain, which is the highest in Bhutan (attaining’ an elevation of
23,944 English feet), has a name of quite the same meaning- as
Gaurisankar, the highest mountain in Nepal (attaining an elevation
of 29,002 English feet), though they are more than two hundred
miles distant from each other. I was the more surprised to find
this coincidence, when working out the etymological remarks we
had collected, since I obtained the explanation of Chamalhari in
1855 in Sikkim and Bhutan, and that of Gaurisankar in 1857 in
Nepal, the recollection of the former having- disappeared for the
time from my memory after two years hard and various wdrk.

Chama corresponds here to “ Gauri,” Lha to “ SlnVa* or Sankar,”
but to the Bhutia name the word “ mountain,” ri, is still added.

The Lepcha name for Chamalhari has also the same meaning as
the Tibetan name ; it is : Rimiet-rim-sachu, as told to me by
Chhibu Lama;

Jomo (Chomo, Chama) ncft unfrequeutly occurs also in North-
eastern Tibet in names of mountains, as Chomogankar, (jo-mo
gangs dkar) “ the mistress’ white ice,” or as a specimen of minor
elevation Chomonagri (jo-mo nags ri) “ the mistress’ woody morn.-

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

tain.” These two examples were kindly communicated to me by
Mr. A. Schiefner, of St. Petersburg!).

No. 7. Chandundngi, a mountain in Sikkim, lat. 27°, long. 88°. —

5stan ’bru nang rgyas, “ the powerful sunk by the esoteric

symbol.”

.Bstan, “ strong, secure, firm, powerful ’bru, “ a grain, a corn,”
or, “to pick, to dig, to vex;” nang, “intrinsic,” or “esoteric,
orthodox, a Buddhist, the morning rgya, “a seat, token, symbol
s is the sign of the instrumental case.

Though Chhi'bu Lama gave me the spelling written above as
the only correct one, he at the same time told me a great variety of
the meanings of its component parts, and the stories current about
this mountain; he could neither find a proper reference of the
words to the legends, nor a satisfactory explanation of the various
elements. However, when after much hesitation on my part, I
finally proposed to render the name as above, he coincided with me
at last in considering this interpretation as quite congenial with
Buddhist Himalayan terminology.

The pronunciation of the syllable “ tsa” as “ cha” we found very
frequent in many Tibetan dialects.

No. 8. Chon i Lam , in Balti, lat; 35°, long. 76°. — chhom lam, “the
robber’s road.”

Chhom, “ a robber, plunderer;” lam, “a way, a road.”

It is a halting-place between Burze and the small lake Sar
Sengri. The name refers to the circumstance of the road having
frequently been taken in former times by plunderers for going to
Sln'ngo.

Lam is found occasionally used in very unexpected combina-
tions for geographical names. As an instance I mention Paksi lam
nor, in Rupchu, “ Paksi has lost the way.” Paksi is a proper name ;
nor “ to err, to miss.” This is the name of a very elevated pasture
ground to the north of the Tsomoriri salt-lake, in lat. 32°, long. 78°.

No. 9; Chorigsa , or Niti , in Garlival, lat. 30°, long. 79; — ychong-sa,
“ land of narrow passages;”

This is the Tibetan name in use for Ni'ti, but we found it
nowhere marked in the maps. The meaning- of the name “ ychoug,”
or, if not abbreviated, “ychong-rong,” a narrow passage, a defile;
“ sa,” soil, land, can very well be referred to the deep erosions
characteristic of this part of Tibet.

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

Adolphe also mentions having been once told that “ chong ”
meant a “ kind of grain but the Tibetan dictionaries give neither
for “ chong, jong, tsong, and dzong,” nor for the corresponding
aspirated words, meanings which could be referred to grain.

No. 10. Chuhrag , in Pangkong, lat. 34°, long. 78°, — chhu brag,
“ water (spring) rock.”

Chhu, “water;” brag, “rock;” name of a hot spring a little
above Pangpoche.

No. 11. Chudangmo, in Kamaon, lat. 30°, long. 80°, — chhu grang-
mo, “ the cold water.”

Chhu, “ water ;” grang-mo, “ cold ;” name of a spring, north of
Kyungphur. — (See No. 47.)

No. 12. Chuharva, a river in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°, long. 79°, —
chhu nga-ro-va, “ the roaring water.”

Chuharva is the dialectical form of the word given in the full
transliteration, in which “ chhu” is water, “ nga-ro-va,” an abbre-
viation of ngaro-chan-ba, “roaring;” but “chan,” which means
“full of, filled with,” is often omitted. As an analogous case we
may mention lan and lan-chan, “ humid and full of humidity.”

The name refers to a small glacier stream, a lateral affluent of
the Mangnang river; its junction is near Mangyu. (See No. GO.)

No. 13. Chumig Marpo, in Lahol, lat. 32°, long. 77°, — chhu-mig
rfinar-po, “ the red spring.”

Chhu-mig, “ spring ;” mar-po, “ red.” The name refers to
deposits of oxide of iron.

Churu , see Tsomognalari. (No. 124.)

No. 14. Churulba, in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°, long. 80°, — chhu
rul-ba, “ putrid water.”

Chhu, “ water ;” rul-ba, “ putrid.” The Bhutias of Mi'lum call
it “ Manipani,” in reference to the numerous cliortcus and their
sacred inscrip lions (om mani padme hum) at the entrance of the
valley.

No. 15. Chushul , in Pangkong, lat. 38°, long. 78°, — chhu-shul,
“ the water-tracks.”

Chhu, “ water ;” shul, “ track.” A very characteristic name,
referring to the empty river-beds, so very numerous in the environs
of the Tsomognalari salt-lake.

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

No. 16. Dcigkdr , a mountain in Rupchu, lat. 33°, long. 78°, —
brag rfkar, “ a white rock.”

Brag, “ a rock c/kar, “ white.”

No. 17. Ddla, a mountain south- of Samye, on the route from
Tauong to Lhassa, — brag la, “ pass of rocks.”

Brag, “ rock la, “ pass.”

No. 18. Dapsang, a peak in Nubra, lat. 35°, long. 77°, — 5rda-
bsangs. Literally, “ the purified sign,” which was explained to
us to be the “ brilliant, the sublime apparition ;” viz., brda,
“ sign,” or “signal;” bsangs, “purified.”

It is by far the most prominent object on the Yarkand road, and,
as the most recent surveys have shown, a rival in height to Kan-
chinjmga (see No. 39), and inferior in that respect only to Gauri-
sankar. The Dapsang peak attains a height of 28,278 feet.

No. 19. Darjiling , in Sikkim, lat. 27°, long. 88°. — dar rgyas yling,
“ the far-diffused island (of meditation).”

Dar, “ diffused, propagated rgyas, “ far, extensive, large ;”
yling, “ land, region equivalent to the Sanskrit dvipa, “ a con-
tinent surrounded by a circumambient ocean, an island.”

I have followed in this interpretation the spelling used in
religious books, though, to be complete, the word given above
should be preceded by Sam (tsam), meaning “thought, meditation.”
Originally the name had decidedly been given to the Buddhist
monastery erected there, and was transferred only later to the native
settlement, and now even to the European sanitarium.

Another interpretation I had heard, was to connect it with
Dorje (rdorje), as “ place of the Dorje,” the sceptre of Buddhist
priesthood ; but the Tibetan orthography does not agree with this
translation. Though in Sikkim the Tibetan is not the native
language, it is one of the consequences of the introduction of the
Buddhist faith by Tibetan Lamas, that many of the principal places
have Tibetan and not Lepcha names.

No. 20. Digdrchi, the capital of the province Tsang", in Eastern
Tibet, lat. 29°, long. 89°.— bz\\\ ka rtse, “ the four-housed
(houses with gable ends).”

/tzhi, four ; ka is the article ; rtse, “ the upper part (of a house).”
I have followed herein the interpretation of Mr. Hodgson (“ Journ.
As. Soc. Beng., vol. xxv., p. 504), who quotes the Nevari mode of
spelling it zhi-ka-chhen as an instance more of the family identity

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

of Nevari and Tibetan. He remarks at the same time that the
Tibetan “ ka,” the generic sign for houses, is represented in Nevari
by kha, and “ tsen” by chhen, though “ kyim” be now the com-
mon form for house in written Tibetan. Compare also Tashillninpo,
(No. 112.)

No. 21. Dogsum , in Balti, lat. 35°, long; 75°. — grog ysum, “the
three rivulets.”

Grog, “ rivulet ysum, “ three.” A little above’the confluence
of the two rivers a small “ brog,” or summer-village, is situated.
It is characteristic of Tibetan geographical terminology, that the
word (/sum, “ three,” is very generally brought into connection
with the confluence of two rivers, by which the third is considered
to be formed as a new One; The Latin word “Trivium,” for the
junction of two roads is somewhat analogous. Compare also
Sumdo (No. 103), and Sumgal (No. 104).

No. 22. Dolotig Kdrpo, in Balti, lat. 34°, long. 7G°. — rdo Hong
(Zkar-po, “ the bank of the white rocks.”

7?do, “ stone Hong’, “ a mass c/kar-po, “ white.” It is a
sandbank in the TIanu Liingba river, covered with numerous blocks
of white rock.

No. 23. Drdngkhar, also pronounced Dancfkhar , in Spiti,- lat; 32 °,-
long. 78°. — drang wkhar, “steep (literally “straight”) fort.”
Drang, “ upright, straight, vertical mkhar, “ fort.”

No. 24. Dungnyi, in Garhval, lat. 30°; long. 79°. — ydung gnybj
“ the two families’ settlements.”

Gnyis, “ two ;” ydung, “ beam, timber, family.” It is the
Tibetan name of Mana, and refers, as we were told, to an original
settlement of two houses or families. Now, the place is a large
village ; the highest in the Alaknanda valley.

No. 25. Gdritug Sumgyd Vunchit, in Garhval, lat. 30°, long. 79°.—
rgan phrug ysum brgya idun-chu, “ the 370 children of the
venerable.”

^gan, “ old, aged, venerable ;” phrng,- “ a child ;” ysum, “ three ;”
brgya,, “ hundred bdOn-cliu, “ seventy.” This is the name of
the large Ibi Gamin glacier ; it refers most probably to the very
numerous ice-needles in the lower part of the glacier.

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

No. '26. Gari, frequently occurring in Tibet. — gangs ri, “ ice

mountain.”

Gangs, “ ice, neve, frozen snow ri, “ mountain.” It is the
general name for peaks reaching above the snow-limit. Snow,
properly speaking, if fresh, or at least not yet granular and icy, is
called “ kha.” Compare Ivhavachangyiyiil (No. 43).

No. 27. GdrtoJc, or Gar, also Gdro, in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°,
long-. 80°. — sgar thog, or sgar, “ the beginning (the most
elevated) of camps or, “ the camp.”

/Sgar, “ a camp thog, “ beginning.” The most complete
name, “ Gartok,” is that used by the Blnitia merchants, who come
to this place in great numbers during the large autumnal fair in
August ; then tents in unexpected quantity are pitched here for
a short time, as the place can show but few stone houses, and
even these are not permanently inhabited throughout the year.
Moorcroft calls Gartok “ Gartop;” Gerard, “ Gertope;” but Strachey
mentions the proper name, “ Gar.” Compare also Phande khangsar
(No. 76).

No. 28. Gnari Khorsum , a province in the central parts of Tibet. —
mnga’-ris skor (/sum, “ the three dependent provinces.”
A/gna’-ris, “ dependent ;” skor, “ circle, province ysum,
“ three.” This interpretation alone agrees with the native spelling
invariably written for us. The name “ dependency ” was referred
to its political relation towards China ; the pronunciation we
generally found to be Gnari in accordance with our usual mode
of writing it. “ Gnari ” is also found in the villag’e name Gnari
Lu, in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 76°.

No. 29. Grdmpa, in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 75°. — gram-pa,

“ a swamp.”

This is the name pf swampy meadows, a little above the village
of Sln'gar.

No. 30. Gurla , a peak in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 30°, long. 81°. —
gur la, “ the tent-shaped pass.”

Gur, “tent;” la, “passage.” It is a name sometimes given to
mountains which show a longitudinal, tent-like crest with a
depression in it. The circumstance that the depression of the
crest is very essential for completing the conformity with the
Tibetan tent, also explains that we find this name connected with

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

peaks exceeding 20,000 feet, and, therefore, considerably above the
general height of passes, even in the most elevated parts of Tibet.
Comp. Riba, No. 84.

No. 31. Gyagdr, in Ladak, lat. 34°, long. 77°. — rgya gar, “the

white plain.”

7?gya, “ extent gar (equal to c/kar), “ white.” The name of
a sandy plain on the left shore of the Indus river, near the monastery
of Hnnis. In Tibetan literature it is also the name used for India,
as gyanag (rgya-nag), “ black region,” is used for China. Con-
cerning these names and the reference of colours to the dress
of the people (not to their complexion), compare the interesting
remarks of Mr. B. H. Hodgson, in his “ Himalaya and Nepal,”
Calcutta, 1857, Govt. Selections, xxvii, p. 82.

No. 32. Gyugti, a river in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 32°, long. 80°. —

rgyug-rta.

i?gyug, “ to run, fly rta, “ a horse,” seems to have undergone
here only a dialectical modification into “ ti.”

The name is given by the natives in connection with the horse-
races held every year at the time of the Gartok fair. The race
takes place between the Makyu and Gyugti rivers ; prizes are
distributed by the Kharpon (mKhar-c/pon) or head man of the
place. The first prize consists in a horse and a dress ; the second
in a box of tea ; the third in a present of five rupis and a silk-
cloth. The latter object, the kadiik, is very generally presented
to superiors as a sign of respect and acknowledgment; we also
received kadaks on many occasions in Tibet.

The word “ Gyugti” is also met with in the name “ Gyugti La,”
a pass north of Gartok.

No. 33. Himbab, a river in Dras. — him babs, “ snow-descended,
having its origin in the snowy regions.”

Him, “ frozen snow, ice, snow babs, “ the prseterite of
’bab-pa, ‘ descended.’ ” The same name is also given to the
province of Dras, which is another instance, well defined by the
meaning of the word, of the fact, that, if names of towns or
provinces are identical with those of rivers, the latter are most
probably the older and the original names.

Himis , see Sungye chi hi sung thug chi ten {No. 91.)

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

No. 34. lbi Gamin, or Abi Gamin, a peak in Garhval Gnari
Khorsum, lat. 30°, long. 79°. — a-phi gangs smin, “ grand-
mother of the perfect snowy range.”

A-phi, or, here dialectically ibi, “grandmother;” gangs, “ice,
glacier;” smin, “perfect.” This peak (height 25,500 feet) belongs
to the Himalaya; but its slopes offer a most surprising view of
the snowy peaks of the Kailas range. To the Badrinath Brahman,
we found the mountain is known under the name of Nanda Pfvrbat,
“mountain of the goddess Nanda.”

On the maps, we frequently see for it the name Kamet, copied
originally from Strachey’s map. We could not, however, discover
a knowledge of this name among- the natives.

The word smin also signifies “ eye-brow,” and would allow the
name lbi Gamin to be translated by “ grand-mother with icy eye-
brows ;” but our native companions decidedly explained smin in
this case by “ perfect,” in which sense we also meet in Min-dum
(smin idurn), the constellation of Ursa Major = the seven perfect
ones (stars).

It is also worthy of notice, that this is one of the few
geographical names in Tibet, which begin with a vowel.

No. 35. Jdngla, near Tangtse, in Ladak, lat. 34°, long. 77°. —
byang la, “ north pass.”

Byang, here pronounced jang, “ north ;” la, “ pass.”

No. 36. Jdnglung, in Ladak, lat. 34°, long. 78°. — /jang lung, “the

green valley.”

Ajang, “ green ;” lung, “ valley.”

No. 37. Jdngthang, a province in Gnari Khorsum. /jang thang,

“ green plain.”

A jang, “ green ;” thang, “ plain, meadow.”

It is so called on account of its being visited by shepherds only,
and scarcely at all cultivated. An anologous name is Bung-thang,
the name for cultivated plains in general ; rung-, “ useful.”

No. 38. Kamzam, or K dngdsang, in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°,
long. 79°. — skam zam, “the dry bridge.”

(Skam, “ dry;” zam, “bridge.” It is the name of a small bridge
on the road from Tholing to Chabrang, leading over a deep, but
narrow erosion.

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

No. 39. Kanchinjinga , the highest peak (28,156 feet) in Sikkim,
lat. 27°, long. 88°. — gangs chhen ??idzod /nga, “the five trea-
sures (jewels) of the high snow.”

Gangs (ga), in this part of the Himalaya generally pronounced
kang, “snow, ice;” chhen, “great;” 7/idzod, “treasure;” Znga,
“ five.”

The name, it was told me by Chhibu Lama, might be referred
to five of the principal snow’-filled valleys (cirques de neve) sur-
rounding the crest of Kanchinjinga. The Lepchas have a name
for it; this, however, by its perfect identity of meaning, seems to
have been merely transferred from the Tibetan into the Lepclia
language ; it perfectly corroborates the interpretation I have
adopted. The Lepcha name for Kanchinjinga is “ Chu-tlu'ngbo-
jet-pungo ;” occasionally also the first part alone of the name,
“ Chu-thing,” is frequently used.

Karchan , see Lalwl. (No. 51.)

No. 40. Kdrdong, in Lahol, lat. 33°, long. 77°. — rfkar dong, “white
hollow (cirque de neve).”

Dkar, “ white ;” dong, “ cavern, profundity, abyss, pit.” — The
name evidently refers to the extent of snowy regions in this
district.

No. 41. Khdche, the Tibetan name of Kashmir. — Kha clihe, “the

large mouth.”

Kha, “mouth;” chhe, “large, great.” — The name refers to the
central, lacustrine plain of Kashmir, in which Srinagar, the capital,
is situated ; it extends from Islamabad to Baramula. The drainage
of the lake formerly covering this plain, is the immediate conse-
quence of the gradual progress of the erosion of the Jliflum river.
In nindu mythology it is considered to be the work of the saint
Kasyapa (see Wilson, in “ Asiatic Researches,” vol. xv, p. 9).
But notwithstanding this interpretation being given very generally
by the natives to kliache, it is not impossible that it was only a
subsequent meaning given to the name, and that it mnst be con-
sidered originally to be only a mutilation of the Sanskrit kas-
mira. For the various interpretations of Kashmir, see Thornton’s
“ Gazeteer of the Countries adjacent to India.”

No. 42. Khdrgyil, in Dras, lat. 34°, long. 76°. — wikhar cfkyil, “the
fort in the centre ,” or literally, “ the fort’s centre.”

Afkhar, “ fort ;” dkyil, “ the centre.”

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

No. 43. Khavachangyiyul , one of the names of Tibet. — Kha-va-chan
gyi yul, “ the land full of snow.”

Khava, “ snow chan, adjective termination, “ full gyi, the
genitive case, signifying “of;” yul, “land.” — This is the explana-
tion received from a Lama in the monastery of Lama Yura. We
cannot decide whether the term is in use as a geographical name,
but it is frequently found in Buddhist legends.

No. 44. Kliyagtod, or Kdlctet, in Pangkong, lat. 33°, long. 78°. —
’Khyags stod, “ the frozen upper settlement.”

’Khyags, “frozen;” stod, “the upper part.” — The name is
referable to the great elevation and low temperature of the site.

No. 45. Khyirong , a valley in Eastern Tibet. — Khyi rong, “the
dog’s passage.”

Khyi, “ dog ;” rong, “ defile, passage.” It is the name of a
valley in Tibet to the north of Nepal, as communicated to us by a
Pandit of Jhang Bahadur.

No. 46. Kyangchu, in Eiipchu, lat. 33°, long. 77°. — rkyang chhu,
“ Kyang’s (wild horse’s) water.”
i?kyang, “ the wild horse, equus hemionus ;” chhu, “ water.”

No. 47. Kyungpliur , or Kyungar, in Kamaon, lat. 30°, long. 80°. —
sKyung ’phur, “ the flying crow.”

&kyung, “ a crow, jack-daw ;” ’phur, “ to fly.” In the Kamaon
dialect, the name has been changed into Kyungar.

Crows are very numerous in this part of the Himalaya, even in
the ice-regions of the greatest elevation. Some of the species of
corvus thibetanus (Hodgs.) accompanied us during our ascent of
the Ibi Gamin peak, up to our highest encampment at 19,326 feet.

No. 48. Labcha, a mountain in Spi'ti, lat. 32°, long. 78°. — lab-tse,

“ a heap.”

Labcha, or Lapcha, is a name given to the stone-heaps erected
by the natives on various occasions for religious purposes in large
numbers all over Tibet. Conspicuous points, particularly summits
of mountains, are selected with predilection, and generally poles
with rags or pieces of cloth with religious prints on them, are fixed
in the Labchas. These flags, which are believed to keep off the
evil spirits, are called Derchoks.

The word Labcha is not met with in classical Tibetan literature,
and presents itself, as we think after a careful examination of all
VOL. xx. G

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

circumstances, as a modification of the original word Labtse, “a
heap;” which, however, still occurs, in compound geographical
names, as in Labtse Nagu and Labtse Chu, in Gnari Khorsum.

No. 49. Ldmlung, in Kamaon, lat. 30°, long. 79°. — lam lung, “ the
valley of the road.”

Lam, “ road lung, “ valley.” It is a halting place north of
Mi'lum.

No. 50. Ldngchen Khabab, also Langchen Khabap, the Satlej river.
— ylang-chhen kha bab. — “ Descended from the mouth of an
elephant.”

dang-chen, “ elephant ;” kha, “ mouth ;” bab is the prasterite
of ’bab-po, “ descended.” This is one of the names of the Satlej
river, connected with Hindu mythology. See also Wilford, in
“ Asiatic Researches,” vol. viii, p. 318.

No. 51. Lahol, alias Lahoul, or Lahul, a province in the Western
Himalaya, derived from — lho yul, “ the southern province.”

Lho, “the south;” yul, “land, country.” In this case, the
name is referred to its position compared with Ladak. Another
name for Lahol, which is chiefly used by the Ladakis, is Karchan ;
its component parts, dhar, “ white ;” chan, “ full ;” refers to the
numerous glaciers and snow-fields. The Lahclis themselves call
their province Songla.

No. 52. Lang Tso, a lake in Zankhar, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — ylang
??its‘ho, “ Bullock lake.”

dang, “bullock;” mts‘ho, “lake.”

Lha dan , see Lhdssa.

No. 53. Lliddung , on the road to Lhassa, in Eastern Tibet, lat. 29°,
long. 92°. — lha dung, “the god’s conch-trumpet.”

Lha, “ god ;” dung, “ a tortoise-shell, a trumpet, a conch.”
The word “ dung ” is frequently met with in Eastern Tibet as a
component part in names of Lama settlements. It is the name of
the shell they use in their religious ceremonies.

No. 54. Lhdssa, the capital of Eastern Tibet, lat. 29°, long. 92°. —
lha sa, “ the land of gods.”

Lha, “God;” sa, “land.” Yigne, in his “Travels in Kashmir,”
vol. ii., p. 249, gives for it the name of Yul-sung; yul, “land;”
<7sung, “ order, command ;” which may possibly be locally used,

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

as its meaning can also be referred to the clerical authority of the
Dalai Lama. Lha-fdan, “provided with gods,” is mentioned as its
ancient name by Schmidt, “ Tibet.” Worterbuch, p. 626.

No. 55. Lhctzab Cku, a spring in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°, long. 79°.
— lha zab chhu, “ the deep water of the gods.”

Lha, “ god zab, “ deep ;” chu, “ water.” This is the name
of a sacred spring on the road from Puling to the Labtse Nagu
pass; the spring is the more venerated as no other water is pro-
em-able within a great distance.

No. 56. Lhou, a station four days’ march south of Tauong, in
Bhutan, lat. 22°, long. 92. — lhou, “the south.”

Lho, “ south ;” u, “ a kind of definite article.” The name was
connected by the natives with the beginning of a general drainage
of the country to the south.

No. 57. Lungmar, a river in Pangkong, lat. 34°, long. 79°. — Hung
dm ar, “the red river” or “red river bed.”

/ilung, “ river,” or here “ river bed.” The river has no water,
being above the present level of the salt lake Tsomognalarf.

No. 58. Madia KJiabdb, also Mdpcha Khabdb, a river in Nepal. —
?-ma-bya kha bab, “ bowing out from the mouth of a peacock.”

Ama-bya, “ peacock kha, “ mouth ;” bab is the prseterite of
’bab-po, “ descended.” It is a Buddhist name of the Karnali river,
without any direct connection with the character of the countiy.

No. 59. Mdhe Sumdo, in Kamaon, lat. 30°, long. 79°. — ma-he
<7sum w.do, “ the Mahe’s Trivium.”

Ma-he, “ a kind of buffalo ^sum, “ three ;” mdo, “ place.”
This is the name of the conbuence of the Looka and Gfrthi rivers ;
Mahe, we were told, is the name of a species of wild animals (which
come frequently here to drink) ; but we could not get it properly
described. The dictionaries translate it as a kind of buffalo.

No. 60. Mangyu, in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°, long. 79°. — smang
gyi yul, “ a place containing medicines (medicinal plants).”
Sman, “medicine;” gyi is the sign of the genitive ; yul, “land,”
the 1 being here suppressed in the pronunciation.

Adolphe’s companions, though they knew the signibcation of
the name, could not tell anything about particular medicinal plants
being found there.

Margo Lungba, see Marpori.

G 2

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

No. 61. Marpori, in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 75°. — c/mar-po ri, “the

red mountain.”

Dmar-po, “ the red ri, “ a mountain.”

The name refers to the frequent occurrence of reddish rocks.
In reference to the occurrence of the same name, I mention Mar-
pori, or Marbori, near Lliassa, with the large monastery Potala,
the residence of the Dalai Lama, and Marpo Liingba (ehnar-po
Hung-ba), <£ the red river,” in Balti.

No. 62. Martholi , in Kamaon, lat. 30°, long. 79°. — mar witho ling,
“ the Lower Tholing.”

Mar, “ low mtho, “ high, elevated ;” hng, or more correctly
Iding, “to float, fly. See also Tholing (No. 117). The Hunias call
this village Namla.

No. 63. Maryut, the western, low provinces of Tibet. — mar yul,
“ the low country.”

It is one of the Lama names (also occasionally used in classical
writings) for Ladak and Balti, but we could not find it used by the
natives.

No. 64. Migmetkhar, in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 75°. — mig lned wikhar,
“ the invisible fort.”

Mig, “ eye med, “ a particle forming negative adjectives
mkhar “fort.”

No. 65. Miliim, or Miduin , in Kamaon, lat. 30°, long. 79°. — mi
izlum, “ Man’s union (congregation, colony).”

Mi, “ man ;” Jzlum, “ to gather.” The name can be explained
by the place being a colony of Tibetans, on the southern slope of
the Himalayan crest. It is pronounced Mflum, and also Midum ;
both expressions can be brought into connection with the ortho-
graphy, for in “ zlum ” the “ zl ” is generally spoken as “ d,”
whilst in the pronunciation of “lum,” the soft “s” is phonetically
dropped. In loco, we had it also translated as “ Man’s exhaustion,”
which leads us to rdura, “ mutilated this interpretation, we
were told, alludes to the hardships and the exhaustion of the first
settlers when they had reached this spot after haring crossed high
and difficult passes.

No. 66. Minchu, in Sfkkim, lat. 27°, long. 88°. — smin chhu, “the
perfect water.”

rimin, “ perfect chhu, “ water.” Originally the name of a
spring, now of a small village near it.

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

No. 67. Mordo, in Rupchu, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — mo rdo, “ the

oracle stones.”

Mo, “ oracle rdo, “ stone.” It is a halting place near the
ridge of a pass, the slopes of which are covered with stones of a
dark and a light colour. They are thrown into the air; a black
stone falling down to the earth as the first is a bad omen. There
is even a legend, that Alexander the Great, whose memory is
preserved and alluded to (more generally than might be expected)
in Tibet and Turkistan, here consulted the stone oracle, in order
to decide whether or not to proceed to Ladak; “but with a
negative result,” my Lama companion added, most earnestly.
Alexander’s name in Tibet is Gyalpo Kyshar.

No. 68. Padun, also found spelt Pddum, in Zankhar, lat. 33°,
long. 78°. — cfpa’ Jdun, “ the seven champions.”

_Dpa’, “ a champion, hero Mun, “ seven.” Referred by the
nhabitants to a legend in connection with the foundation and former
importance of Padun. The term champion was taken, by our
Lama informants at least, as champion of the faith.

No. 69. Pang , frequent in "Western Tibet. — spang, “a grassy

place.”

Often used for shepherds’ halting-places, and particularly fre-
quent in compound geographical names.

No. 70. Panggur (Pangar), in Rupchu, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — spang
rfgur, “ the verdure-curve.”

.Spang, “ verdure c/gur, “ crookedness, curve.” It is a place
below the salt lake Tso Rul, with a somewhat better vegetation
than is to be found in the environs.

Panggge, see Pangrmpo.

No. 71. Pangkong , a province in Western Tibet. — Jpangs kong,
“ the heights and depressions.”

Dpangs, “ the height ;” kong, “ concave, not plain, concavity.”
The numerous valleys and ridges are characterized by this name.
My informants referred the name most positively to the province in
general (see Tsomognalari, No. 124), though sometimes also the
salt lake Tsomognalari was ^called Tso Pangkong, particularly by
native travellers, who were not inhabitants of this province.

No. 72. Pangmig, or PanamUc, in Pangkong, lat. 33° long. 78°. —
spang mig, “ a meadow-eye.”

Spang, “grassy place;” mig, “eye.” I first met this name,

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

used for a small grassy place on the left shore of the salt-lake
Tsomognalari, which, on account of its shape, might be compared
to an eye, but rather of the Tibetan elongated form ; I afterwards
found the name repeated in many other parts of Tibet, for instance
in Nubra, and not far from Leh ; it generally was connected with
the existence of an isolated grassy spot.

No. 73. Pangpoche, in Nubra, lat. 34°, long. 78°. — spang-po chhe,
“ the great grassy place.”

8'pang-po, “ the grassy place chhe, “ great.”

No. 74. Pangnngpo, in Rupchu, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — spang ring-po,
“ the long meadow.”

(Spang, “ meadow ring-po, “ long.” A grassy valley in the
Pangkong district. An analogous name is : Panggye (spang-
rgyas), “ the broad valley,” a name met with in Rupchu, and also
in the Pangkong district. Namaringpo and Namagya are used in
the same sense ; Nama, signifying a peculiar kind of grassy places,
is a name very often used for halting-places all over Tibet.

Pdksi Lamnor, see Chom Lam (No. 8).

No. 75. Pentse La , a pass leading from Zankhar to Dras, lat. 33°,
long. 76°. — cfpen rtse la, “the pass with the beautiful top.”
Dpen, “ beautiful rtse, “ the top or point of anything
la, “ pass.” The name has been decidedly given in consequence
of the easy access and gradual ascent of the road.

No. 76. Phdnde Khangsar, also Phunde Kliangsar, in Gnari Khorsum.
— phan Me khang sar, “ the new house of blessing and
welfare.”

Phan, “usefulness,” in the sense of being a blessing; Me,
‘‘welfare, the state of being well;” khang, “a house;” sar, “new.”
This is a name given to the few solid houses at Gartok ( see
No. 27). The euphemistic name is to be taken in the sense
of an option, since, in consequence of its very great elevation
(15,090 feet), the climate is particularly rough, and the place is
dreaded by the Chinese superintendents who have to pass the
summer there.

No. 77. Phyichu , in Rupchu, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — phyi chhu, “the
marmot-rivulet (Arctomys Bobac).

Phyi, “ the native name for Arctomys Bobac ;” chhu, “ water.”
A place frequented by marmots for the purpose pf drinking.

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

No. 78. Pimo La , in Lahol, lat. 32°, long. 77°.— pi-mu la, “the

knee pass.”

Pi-mu, “ the knee la, “ pass.” A name also met with in the
European Alps, e.g ., near the Eibsee, in Bavaria.

Schroter’s dictionary, p. 181, has “pi-mu” for knee; Csoma and
Schmidt have pis-mu, which Mr. Schiefner tells me is the ancient
woi’d for knee.

No. 79. Poi Ldbtse, a mountain in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°,
long. 80°. — spo’i lab-tse, “ the heaps of the summit.”

Spo, “ summit ;” i is the genitive ; labtse, “ a heap.” By this
rather curious name allusion is made to three rounded prominences
on the crest of this mountain (of very moderate elevation). The
middle of these prominences is called Karpo, “ the white the
southern, Marpo, “ the red and the northern Nagpo, “ the
black;” they are considered the seats of three goddesses. The
mountain is situated in the outer chains of the Trans-Satie j range.

No. 80. Porgyal, peaks in the north-western Himalaya, lat. 31°,
long. 78°. — spor rgyal, “the lofty twins.”

*S'por, “ a raising, promoting-, advancing ;” rgyal, “ name of a
constellation of two stars, analogous to the Gemini.” Cunningham,
in his “ Ladak,” p. 62, whose explanation I follow, connects this
name with the double-peaked appearance of this mountain. The
fundamental meaning of the word rgyal is “ victorious.”

No. 81. Pundun, in Pangkong, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — spun Mun,
“ the seven brothers.”

(Spun, “brother;” Mun, “seven.” A group of seven glaciers,
which we also heard named Manmo pundun.

No. 82. Pusethang, in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°, long. 80°. —
spu-chhen thang, “ the plain or meadow of the puses.”

Puse is a kind of mole ; thang, “ a plain, a meadow.” Numerous
hills are thrown up in this place, and are rather surprising in so
great an elevation, where vegetation of any kind is so scarce. In
the dictionaries, we looked in vain for puse, but Mr. Schiefner,
whom we consulted about it, kindly informed us, that it might be
corrupted from spu-chhen, “ long-haired,” spu meaning “ hair,”
chhen, “great.” For a short-haired animal of this kind might then
be expected spu-/u-ug, pronounced pu-sliuk.

No. 83. Reru, in Zankhar, lat. 33°, long. 77°. — “the horn (river

bend).”

It will be a dialectical form of ra ru, or ra’i ru, “ a goat’s horn,”

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

and I consider the name to have originated from a curvature in the
Zankhar river near the village.

No. 84. Riba , a mountain in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 75°. — a dialectical
form of ru-ba, “ tent of woven cloth.”

Ru-ba, here pronounced riba, “ coarse tent of sack-cloth.” A
snow-peak of tent-like form in the environs of the Mustagh pass.
Riba is the name for the Balti tent ; the ordinary Tibetan felt tent
is called Gur. (Comp. Gurla, No. 30.)

No. 85. Rigydl, in Western Tibet. — rirgyal, “ mountain king.”

Ri, “ mountain,” rgyal, or if not abbreviated, rgyalpo, “ king,
sovereign.” One of the names of the Kailas range, mentioned in
Cunningham’s “ Ladak,” p. 43.

No. 86. Ringmo, used in composition. — ring-mo, “ the long . . .”

Ring, *‘long;” mo is the article. We found it often used in
Balti, in compositions of mountain names. As an instance, we
name Ringmo chor, lat. 35°, long. 75°, in the Stirikushu valley.

No, 87* Rongchung, in Ladak, lat. 34°, long. 77°. — rong chhung,
b a short narrow defile.”

Rong, “ a narrow passage chhung, “ small.”

No. 88. Rongdo, in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 75°.— rong wdo, “a
district of defiles.”

Rong, “ a narrow passage, a defile ;” mdo, “ a district, lower
part of a country.” Another name also used for it is Rongyul, or
dialectically Royul, yul being “ land.”

No. 89. Samgdun , properly Sem-gya-nom, in Kamaon, lat. 30°,
long. 79°. — sems gya-nom, “a mind of joy and content.”

Sems, “spirit, mind;” gya-nom, “joy, contentment.” The
name refers to the luxuriant vegetation of grass, a most pleasant
sight for every one coming from Tibet.

No. 90. Samye, in Eastern Tibet, lat. 29°, long. 92°. — 5sam yas,
“ the thought from above.”

2?sam, “thought, thinking;” yas, “the upper, from above.”
Here stands the far known temple Bima, which is described by
Ssanang Ssetsen (Gesclnifte der Ostmongolen, ed. by I. I. Schmidt,
St. Petersburg, 1829, p. 41) as a wonder of architecture. The
temple was built by the King Thisrong de tsan, as early as 811 a.d.

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

According to a note of Klaproth to the “ Chinese description of
Tibet” (“ Nouveau Journal Asiatique,” vol. iv, p. 281), the Chinese
call it Sang yuan.

No. 91. Sang gye chi hu sung thug chi ten , the Lama name of the
monastery Hi'inis, in Ladak, lat. 34°, long. 77°. — sangs-rgyas
kyi sku ysung thugs kyi 7-ten, “ the support of the meaning of
the Buddha’s precepts.”

Sang-?-gyas, “ a Buddha ;” kyi is the sign of the genitive ; sku,
“a body, a person;” ysung, “the precept;” thugs, “heart, mind;”
/•ten, “ a support.”

We met this name in the historical document relating to the
foundation of the monastei-y of Himis, and is used there as its
clerical name. For a view of this large monastery see Plate No. 16
of our “ Atlas of Panoramas and Views of India and High Asia.”
Its erection took from the year 1644 a.d. to 1672. For details,
see the abbreviated translation of the foundation-document in
Emil Schlagintweit’s “Objects of Buddhist Worship,” part ii,
chapter i.

The name here analysed alludes (as is general with one of the
names of each Buddhist monastery) to its being a centre of the
Buddhist faith. (Compare Darjiling, No. 19.) Another instance is
Mindoling (smingrol '/ling), “ the place of perfection and eman-
cipation,” mentioned as a name of a monastery in the dictionaries.

No. 92. Se'nge khabdb river. — seng-ge kha bab, “descended from
the mouth of a lion.”

Seng-ge, “ lion ; ” kha, “ mouth ;” bab is the prmterite of
’bab-po, “ descended.” A mythological name of the river Indus.

No. 93. Se'ngchong, a small fort in Bhutan, lat. 27°, long. 92°. —
seng-ge rdzong, “ lion fort.”

Seng-ge, “ lion ;” rdzong, “ fort.” The epithet “ lion,” has
here the meaning of strength ; also in the composition of personal
names this word is very often used in that sense.

No. 94. Shalong, in Kamaon, lat. 30°, long. 80°. — sha slong, “the
place where the deer rise.”

Sha, “ deer ;” slong, “ rise.” Fine meadows, a likely place for
deer, though they are now said to be scarcely ever seen there.

No. 95. Shchgshung, a district in Gnari Khorsum. — zhang zhung.

This is an ancient name of the district of Guge. If we are
allowed to view Shangshung as a phonetic modification of zhong

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

zhong, which is translated in Schmidt’s dictionary, p. 494, by
“ excavated, uneven,” it might be connected with the deep cuttings
and erosions of the rivers, and translated by “ eroded country.”

No. 96. Shdrba Tso, a lake in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 76°. — zhar-ba
?nts‘ho, “ the blind lake.”

Zhar-ba, “ blind ;” wits‘ho, “ lake.” — The blindness is referred
to the form of an eye sunk in and blind ; the depression of the lake,
and its difference from its former level is here significantly
alluded to.

No. 97. Sking. . — shing, “wood, tree.”

It not unfrequently forms a part of geographical names, as
Murshing, in Bhutan, Mur, “ upper limit,” probably referring to a
particular kind of trees being no more cultivated here. Also
Shing-yal, “ the king of the trees,” is occasionally found connected
with localities, wlmre isolated trees of unusual height occur.

No. 98. Shingrul, in Pangkong, lat. 33°, long. 78°, — zhing rul,
“ the putrid, marshy ground.”

Zhing, “ ground ;” rul, “ rotten, putrid.” A salt lake, almost
entirely dried up.

No. 99. Singrul, in Ladak, lat. 34°, long. 77°. — ysing rul, “The

putrid moor.”

Gsing, “ a place covered with small green grass, a moor ;” rul,
“ putrid, rotten.” — The name refers to a swampy ground near the
village, where formerly a lake was.

No. 100. Stnka Tong , in Kainaon, lat. 30°, long. 80°. — stong, “ the
thousand Sinkas, or gods.”

Si'uka, name of a divinity ; stong, “ thousand.”

No. 101. Skai-do, in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 75°. skar wdo, “the
separated country or valley.”

£kar, “ to separate ?«do, “ district, lower district.” The
name is perhaps referable to the country being cut up by deep
valleys and ravines. “ Nkar,” might be also “ star and Cunning-
ham, in his “ Ladak,” p. 34, translates it “ starry place.” The
pronunciation Kardo, without showing the s prefixed, would be more
usual according- to the general rules, but now Skardo is more fre-
quently heard. In the actual Hindustani an “ I ” is added as usual
before S, if followed by a consonant. With an “E” prefixed, it
also occurs in Tibetan literature, as quoted to us by Mr. Schiefner
from a Tibetan work on the history of Buddhism.

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

No. 102. Ste-go, in Balti, lat. 35°, long. 73°. — sgo, “the gate

of Ste.”

The name of a small fort opposite the village Ste Ste, situated
above the narrow defile, through which the road leads to Askoli.
The name “ gate” is to be taken literally, since a gate exists, to
close the defile.

No. 103. Sumdo, in Zankhar, lat. 33°, long. 77°. — ysum mdo, “ the
place where three (ways, or rivers) meet.”

(7sum, “ three ;” wido, “ a particle used in compound words.” It
is a name very frequent in Tibet, and is referred to the meeting of
three roads, generally coinciding with the confluence of two rivers.
The Garhvali word “ Hamdo,” for the same object, appears to be
but a corruption of Sumdo. Compare Dogsum (No. 21).

No. 101, Sumgal, in Turkistan, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — ysum rgal,
“ the three fords.”

Gsum, “ three ;” rgal, “ ford.” Here also the existence of three
fords, two above and one below the junction, can be very well
connected with the confluence of two rivers.

No. 105. Sumzdmba , inGarhval, lat. 30°, long. 79°. — ysum zam-ba,
“bridge over the three (trium pons).”

There is only one bridge here over the Vishnuganga, below the
junction.

No. 106. Surserko, sometimes Sunsdrka, in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°,
long. 80°. — yser brko, “place where gold was dug.”

Gser, “ gold;” brko, “dig.” “Sur” is the Garhvali word for gold,
here repeated, though already contained in the Tibetan word. The
word is composed of pure Tibetan and Garhvali, and refers to a
tradition that gold-diggings had formerly been there.

No. 107. Tachog khabdb, a river in Eastern Tibet. — rta ?nchhog
kha bab, “ descended from the mouth of the best horse.”

-Rta, “ horse ?nchhog, “ the best in its kind kha, “ mouth
bab is the prgeterite of ’bab-po “ descended.” — One of the mytho-
logical names of the Dihong. See also Tsangbocliu, No. 121.

No 108. Tugndg, a pasture-ground in Ladak, lat. 34°, long. 77°.

brag nag, “ a black rock (or rocky mountain).”

Brag sounds like tag, “ a rock nag, “black.” Nags would
have the same sound and would mean forest; but the place in

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

question is considerably above the limit of forests, and, besides, we
only had it translated to us by black.

No. 109. Tdlong, in Bhutan, lat. 27°, long. 92°. — rta long, “ oppor-
tunity for horses.”

.Rta “ horse long, or long-ba, an obsolete form for len-pa, “ to
seize, opportunity.”

No. 110. Targyug , a mountain in Zankhar, lat. 33°, long. 77°. —
rta rgyug, “ the running horse.”

.Rta, “ horse;” rgyug, “to run.” As the outlines of the moun-
tain present nothing comparable to the form of a horse, the name
seems rather to have a mystical signification and to lead to the
“airy horse,” in Tibetan “Lungta,” a frequent imploration of
which is universally considered to be of the greatest efficacy for
the good success of any undertaking. For details I refer to Emil
Schlagintweit’s Objects of Buddhist Worship,” part iii.

No. 111. Tdrsum , stations for postal use in Tibet.

The general name of such stations in Chinese Tibet, where
horses and yaks are kept ready for the use of travellers, or for
postal purposes ; they are very numerous. Rta, “ horse ;” of
“sum” we could obtain no proper explanation from the people.
The dictionaries give for station rta-zum, where “zum” is seen to
have meant originally “ bridge.”

No. 112. Tashilhunpo , the residence of the Panchen Rinpoche

Lama, in Eastern Tibet, lat. 29°, long. 80°. — ikra-shis lhun-po,
“ the sublime glory.”

_Z?kra-shis, “ glory lhun-po, “ sublime.” It is a city of chiefly
ecclesiastical establishments, a little to the south-east of Digarchi,
(see No. 20) the political residency, which was visited during
Samuel Turner’s embassy to the Court of the incarnated head
Lama.

No. 113. Ta tso, in Zankhar, lat. 33°, long. 77°. — rta mts‘ho,

“ horse lake.”

.Rta, “horse;” mts‘ho, “lake.”

No. 114. Tduong, in Bhutan, lat. 27°, long. 92°. — rta dvang, “ the
horses’ power.”

.Rta, “ horse ;” Rvang, “ power.” Also in this name we will
have to explain, “the horse” by the “airy horse” Lungta, and

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

its wonderful effects upon man’s welfare (see Targyug, No. 110);
for there is no particular abundance of horses in the environs of
this large monastery.

No. 115. Tang Chenmo, in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°, long. 79°. —
thang chhen-mo, “ the large plain (meadow).”

Thang, “ plain, meadow chhen-mo, “ the large.” The
Garhvali name is Guru Garik. It is a halting place in the Upper
Nelong valley. An analogous name is Changchen mo, in Pangkong,
lat. 34°, long. 78°.

No. 116. Thang gong , in Pangkong, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — thang
sgong, “ Egg-plain.”

Thang, “ plain, meadow sgong, “ egg.” It is a halting place
on the salt-lake Tsomognalari ; the name refers to its being the
breeding place of numerous aquatic buds.

No. 117. Tholing, not unfreqtiently written Toling, or Tot Ling , in
Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°, long. 79°. — mtho lding, “the high
floating.”

Uftlio, “ high, elevated $” lding, “ to fly, float.” The name is
an allusion to its great height (12,369 feet), as well as to its high
rank amongst the monasteries. It was built, according to Ssanang
Ssetsen’s “History of the Eastern Mongolians, edited by I. I.
Schmidt,” St. Petersburgh, 1829, p. 53, as early as 1014 a.d., and
it is still remarkably well preserved. Its various temples and
establishments extend Over a large surface, and are inclosed by a
common wall, though not strong enough to be called a fortification ;
the laics, chiefly cultivators, five outside the walls. The head
Lama, called Khanpo, is appointed by the Dalai Lama’s government,
and keeps his office from three to six years.

No. 118. Thonpo , a snow-peak in Zankhar, lat. 33°, long. 76°.' —
mthon-po, “ the lofty.”

4/thon-po, “ lofty.”

No. 119. Tibet.

It is the name now received by the Europeans to designate the
longitudinal valley between the Himalaya and the Karakorum,
which is drained to the east by the Dihong (sometimes called by
mistake Brahmaputra), and to the west by the river system of the
Indus and Satlej.

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

Ritter,1 Cunningham,* and recently Koppen,3 have collected
several of the older modes of spelling Tibet.

Marco Polo writes Thebeth, Simeon Sethi4 knows Tovrat, the
Arabian annalists Abu Zaid A1 Hasan, in the year 913 a.d., Ibn
Haukal, in about 950, Abu Reyhan, in 1030, and Edrisi, in 1154
write Ti-bat.

In the Chinese description of Tibet, translated by Klaproth,6 a
victorious chief, who founded a powerful empire in Tibet (about
630 a.d.), is said to have called it Tha-pho, a name which Chinese
historiographers have changed into Thu-fa, or Thu-fan. In Mon-
golian, this country is called Tubed, the vowel “ u ” having a sound
between the u as we use it here, and the French u in tu (= thou,
Engl.) ; the same sound also exists in the Swedish language. In
Kalmuki, the name sounds Tobod.® The names Tobbat and Tobot
are incorrect, as Mr. Schicfner has shown, who also has made
evident,1 that the word Tibet, or its modifications in use, are to
be derived from the Tibetan words thub and phod, which have
both the meaning of “ to be able, to have strength, to dare they
have been combined for increasing the power of their meaning.

The name now in use in Tibetan, besides several descriptive
designations,8 is Bod, Bod-yul (yul= country), decidedly a softer
form of phod. To the Tibetans themselves Tibet is now a foreign
word. In the districts bordering on the British dominions, they
have learned it from the English ; but in Balti, our brother Adolphe
was told that the Mussulmans are considered to have introduced it
long before Europeans visited the country.

No. 120. Tisuvi, in Gnari Khorsum, lat. 31°, long. 80°. — Jsti ysum,

“ three halts.”

i?sti, “halt;” ysum, “three.” — The natives refer it to its
being a halting place where three roads meet. Compare Sumdo
(No. 113).

* i "Erdkunde von Asien,” vol. ii. p. 177. 5 “ Lad&k,” p. 119.

3 “ Die Religion des Buddha,” vol. ii, p. 41.

4 “ De Alimentor Facultate,” ed. Paris, p. 70.

5 Nouveau Journal Asiatique, vol. iv. p. 106; compare also “Asia Poly-
glotta,” p. 343.

6 Also I. 1. Schmidt writes so in his “ Forschungen im Gebiete der alteren
Bildungsgeschichte der Volker Mittelasiens,” Petersburgb, 1824.

7 Melanges Asiatiques de St. Petersbourg, vol. i. p. 332.

8 Such descriptive designations for Tibet are : Kha-va-chan-gyi.yul, " the land
full of snow,” (see No. 43); gangs ri'i khrod “an assemblage of snowy tracts;”
gangs ri‘t Zyongs “ a tract of icy, or snowy mountains ;” sa-yi-Zte-va “ the navel
(the centre) of the earth.”

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

No. 121. Tsangbochu, or Dihong, the principal river in Eastern
Tibet. — ytsang-bo chlm, “ the pure (sacred) water.”

Gtsang-bo, “ the pure chhu., “ water.” In its upper course it
is also often combined with Yarn, — Yarn Tsangbochu; yarn
meaning “ upper.”

The Tsangbochu river is the principal affluent of the Brahma-
putra, and is the same which with the Indians in Assam bears the
name of Dihong It was a long time mistaken for the Iravadi (see
Klaproth: “Memoires relatifs a l’Asie,” Vol. iii., p. 370), and is
still very often erroneously considered to be the Brahmaputra,
though the direction as well as the quantity of water unmistakably
define the principal river as such. Tsangbochu also occurs in
Balti as the name chiefly used by the natives for the Shayok river.

Tsangbo, or Tsangpo, seems to be repeated not unfrequently
even for smaller rivers, either alone, or in compositions ; as an
instance, I name the Shung Tsangpo river, near Khargyal in
Balti.

No. 122. Tso Gyagur , in Rupchu, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — “ Lake with
the white plain.”

For details compare Gyagar (No. 31).

The sandy shores of this salt lake are well characterized by
Its name.

No. 123. Tsokar, in Rupchu, lat. 33°, long. 77°. — mtsflio rfkar,

“ white lake.”

Jfts‘0, “lake;” rfkar, “white.” The name “white,” in this
case, probably refers to the thin layers of salt along its shores.

No. 124. Tsomognalari, a lake in Pangkong, lat. 33°, long. 78°. —
mts‘ho-mo mngar la ri, “ the fresh (water) lake in the
mountains.”

ATtsflio-mo, “the lake;” mngar, “sweet, fresh;” la is the sign
of the locative ; ri, “ mountain.”

The word mngar, “ sweet,” is referred to the water being so
little salt, that it is drinkable ; its pronunciation is here modified as
the “ ng ” in Gnari Khorsum. (See No. 28.)

The Tsomognalari lake is the largest in Western Tibet; on the
maps it is generally called Tso Pangkong, from the province in
which it is situated. Another name of Tsomognalari is Churu, as
we were subsequently told by Captain Speke, the well-known
African traveller.

.96

GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN

No. 125. Tsethang , in Eastern Tibet, east of Tauong. — rtse thang,

“ the flat top.”

jRtse, “ top, point thang, “ plain, open flat.” Both component
parts are frequently met with in Tibetan names.

No. 126. Tso Gam , in Rupchu, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — mts‘ho skam,

“ dry lake.”

il/ts‘ho, “lake;” skam, “dry.” We should have written, as
generally, “k” for the Tibetan letter here used, if we had not
heard it distinctly pronounced “ g,” probably a provincial modifica-
tion, so frequently met with in every language, particularly in
Alpine countries.

The lake is not dry, properly speaking, but it is one of those
which became unusually salt in consequence of the great evapora-
tion, which it had undergone; its surface is now considerably
reduced.

No. 127. Tsomoriri, in Rupchu, lat. 32°, long. 78°. — rats‘ho-mo ri-ri,
“ mountainous lake.”

ilfts‘ho-mo, “the lake;” ri-ri, according to Cunningham’s
“ Ladak,” p. 138, is “ mountainous,” the adjective of mountain. I
could not succeed in obtaining an etymological explanation, when
in the environs of the lake. Cunningham says, that there is also a
legend, according to which the lake received the name from the
cries of a drowning woman, crying out “ riri ” when, riding a yak,
she lost her life in the water.

No. 128. Tsomotetliung, in Rupchu, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — mts‘ho-mo
dre ’thung, “ the lake, the wild horse’s drinking place.”

ilftsdio-mo, “the lake;” dre (te), “mule, wild horse, kyang;”
’thung, “ a drinking place.” The name probably refers to its being
visited by the wild animals in its neighbourhood.

No. 129. Ts'dna, in Eastern Tibet, north of Tauong.— ts‘ho nag,
“ dark community.”

Ts‘ho, “ a flock, an integral, a community ;” nag, “ black, dark.”

No. 130. Tso Pang, in Rupchu, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — /rats ‘ho spang,
“ the green lake.”

M ts'ho, “ lake ;” spang, “ green.” One of the numerous small
lakes north-west of the Tsomognalan lake.

GEOGRAPHICAL TERMS.

No. 131. Tso Sul, in Pangkong, lat. 33°, long. 78°. — mts‘ho rul,
“ putrid, bitter lake.”

A/tsdio, “ lake rul, “ putrid, bitter.” I found this name also
given to several of the smaller lakes which I passed in Western
Pangkong.

No. 132. Tsurlog , in Ladak, lat 34°, long. 77°. — ts‘hur logs,

“ towards this side, or wall.”

Ts'hur, “ here, this side logs, “ side, wall.” It is a halting-
place on the side of a pass towards the more inhabited part of the
country, in this case lyiug to the south. “ On the other side of the
mountain,” would be Pharlogs, also occasionally used for a halting-
place.

No. 133. Ydrmi Chu, in Balti, lat. 34°, long. 76°, — yar-mi chhu,
“ the highlander’s affluent.”

Yar, “upper;” mi, ■“man;” chhu, “water.” It is a lateral
affluent of the Shayok river.

No. 134. YarJchor , a district in Balti. — yar ’khor, “ upper

settlement.”

Yar, “upper;” ’khor, “literally followers, servants, establish-
ment ;” in Balti it is frequently used in the composition of names
of villages, particularly for settlements of Kulis and followers of
parties sometime ago so frequently fighting against each other in
these regions.

No. 135. Y ovtot, on the southern foot of the Dala mountain, in
Eastern Tibet. — yar stod, “ up the upper valley.”

Yar, “up, upwards;” stod, “the upper part of anything, a
valley, etc.” It is an elevated halting station, probably the highest
inhabited place on the Dala mountain.

Yul sung , see Lhdssa (No. 54).

No. 136. Zdmbct , used in Gnari Khorsum. — zam-ba, “ a bridge.”

Often used as an element of compositions in Tibetan names,
particularly in Gnari Khorsum.

No. 137. ZdnJchar , a province in Western Tibet. — zangs mkhar,

“ copper fort.”

Zangs, “ copper ;” mkhar, “ fort.”

The explanation of this name presented unexpected difficulties
on account of the various modes of writing and pronouncing it.

VOL. XX.

98 GLOSSARY OF TIBETAN GEOGRArillCAL TERMS.

Our brother, Adolphe, when in loco, was repeatedly told, that the
first syllable should be taken as zan, “ a thick soup with paste
made of parched grain,” a term which is also very frequently
used for food in general.1 This explanation agrees well, at least
comparatively speaking, with the fertility of the valley of Zankhar.

The dictionaries, as well as Cunningham and Strachey, trans-
literate zangs e/kar, which gives the interpretation of “ copper
white ” As pronounced, the name sounds “ Zanskar,”2 the “ g” not
being heard. When addressing Mr. Schiefner with the request that
he would kindly assist and provide us with some more materials, he
informed us, that in the “ Tibetan Geography of Tibet,” as well as
in various other Tibetan books, he found it spelled Sangsdkar,
which coincides with the translation of “ copper white.” In some
other books, however, he saw it written sansmkhar, “ copper fort.”
Our word “ zan,” as the kind of food described above, remained
quite isolated, and was not corroborated by any Tibetan authority.
In our selection of “copper fort,” we were guided for wkhar by
the detailed explanation in our brother Adolphe’s manuscript as
meaning “ fort the interpretation he obtained of “ zan ” not
coinciding with the spelling in Tibetan literature, seems to be
rather the consequence of a local mode of understanding it at
present. As concerning the pronunciation, we write phonetically
zankhar, because most of the natives suppressed the “ s,” which
method is also supported by Csoma’s observations.3

No. 138. Ze'thang, in Balti, lat. 34°, long. 76°. — zed thang,

“ bristle plain.”

Zed, “a bristle;” thang, “ a plain.” The general name of the
plain of Kapalu, which is referred to the thin bristling grass
covering it.

1 In this sense “zan” is also used in the sacred Tibetan literature. As an
instance, I quote the address to the thirty-five Buddhas of confession, in Tibetan,
entitled sdig-pa tama-chad tshag.s-par “repentance of all sins,” for a translation of
which see Emil Schlagintweit's “ Objects of Buddhist Worship,” part i, section ii,
chapter v. In this address it is said, that man will recur to this treatise and
read it with assiduity when the meanness will have become so general “ that the
priests shall eat the zan (food) offered to the Buddhas.”

2 Csoma, and Schmidt “ Dictionary,” sang*1 kupfer “ (Engl, copper) ; Cunning-
ham’s” Ladak, p. 21 ; Strachcy’s “Map of West-Nari.”

3 “ Grammar,” p. 5.

Art. VII. — Bactrian Coins.

[5 th July, 1862.]

The subjoined paper was commenced, with a view to its insertion
in this Journal, more than two years ago ; circumstances, over
which I have had no control, have delayed and still obstruct its
completion ; nor would it now appear, in its imperfect and unfinished
state, were it not that the illustrative plates, prepared for the
occasion, await an accompanying notice.

The original design of the article was, to undertake a more
careful examination of the extensive series of Bactrian Coins
described in my edition of “ Prinsep’s Essays on Indian Antiquities,” 1
which I had, at the moment of publication, neither time nor space
to do more than classify in an outline catalogue, and further, to
incorporate in the general fist whatever novelties might be found
in the choice collections of Major Hay and Colonel J. Abbott,
which had only lately been brought to this country.3

1 J. Murray, London, 1858.

2 Major Hay’s extensive collection, formed during many years’ residence in
the Hill states of the Punjab, is still in that gentleman’s possession. A few of
the rare specimens have been secured for our National Museum.

The carefully selected cabinet of Col. J. Abbott, obtained almost in situ during
his official superintendence of the Huzarah country, has been temporarily de-
posited for reference in the British Museum, in the laudable desire of making its
contents available for the study of those interested in this branch of Numismatic
Science. Among other interesting novelties, Col. Abbott’s collection contributes
a coin of a new King, named Epander.

It is a square copper piece, with an obverse device of a figure of Victory,
with chaplet and palm branch, to the right, and the legend —

BA2IAEQ2 NIKH4>OPOY
EIIANAPov

Reverse— Bull to the right; legend imperfect.

Maharajasa Jayadharasa
( e )padra( sa ).

I must not omit to take this opportunity of expressing my obligation to
Mr. J. Gibbs, of the Bombay Civil Service, who, amid a very limited number of
.specimens, has succeeded in securing two of the most important gems of the

n 2

100

BACTRIAN COINS.

As it will be seen hereafter, that certain of these published
acquisitions had already necessitated a revision and partial re-
construction of the previously-received arrangement of the order
of the Bactrian Kings, it was clearly desirable that the limited
evidence furnished by the classical authors who treat directly on
this section of history, should be reproduced anew, in as simple and
intelligible a form, and in as much of a continuous narrative as the
materials admitted of — not only as properly introductory to the
special enquiry, but as furnishing an appropriate groundwork for
any modifications the recent medallic testimony might appear to
demand — and, to complete the summary of recorded data, it was
proposed to append any obviously-needed annotations, as well as
any incidental information that might chance to be gleaned from
other authors who only indirectly adverted to the special subject
under reference, seeing that the fragmentary Bactrian proper
history required to be checked by dates and events primarily
pertaining to contemporaneous dynasties, whose annals claimed
a higher interest among' Western writers, and thus secured a more
ample and abiding chronicle.1

In any such review as the present, however, the early historical
or latest numismatic evidence would be incomplete without a
reference to the labours of modern scholars, whether of the class
who have drawn their knowledge solely from the exact study of
the classic authors, or those who, more practically, have based
their investigations on the progressively - increasing store of
ancient coins, applied with a greater or lesser degree of acumen to
the critical liistory prepared for them by the former. With this
object an abstract series of tables giving the results arrived at by
successive enquirers, has been inserted immediately after the
translations of the Greek and Latin texts.

Bactrian series, the one being, not only unique, but of the utmost value in the
new phase it puts upon the collocation of the earlier monarchs, the second which
is of but little less interest, being a well executed variant of the original and
previously unique coin of M. de Bartholomasi.

1 This purpose has been so far modified by the subsequent departure from the
original plan of the article, that I now reserve the discussion of the subordinate
collateral passages bearing on the three prominent texts quoted in detail, for
their possibly more appropriate place in direct connection with the reigns of the
different monarchs, as they may severally come under notice in the eventual,
though problematical, continuation of the article as it now stands. Equally, the
general geographical inquiry will be set aside for examination at the conclusion
of the paper, though incidentally the subordinate details may require to be
adverted to as occasion arises.

BACTR1AN COINS.

101

As a prelude to the written history of the period, it is necessary
to advert, in the first instance, to a nearly contemporaneous
monumental record of the Indian Sovereign Asoka, engraven
on the Kapurdigiri Rock, in the Peshawur valley, a site not far
removed from Bactrian boundaries, and destined soon to pass into
the hands of the successors of Diodotus.

The historical value of the inscription in question, which, on its
first discovery, was expected to throw new and important light
upon the then state of political intercourse between the east and
the west — is, I regret to say, but limited. Asoka, indeed, in his
Buddhist proclamation preserves in detail the names of Antiochus,
Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, and Alexander, implying by the
context, which, however, is obscure in the hitherto published
transcripts, that these potentates, in some way, consented to aid
or abstain from discouraging the tenets of the creed advocated by
the Indian monarch. A large amount of speculation has been
indulged in, with a view satisfactorily to fix a given epoch
during the proved co-existence of the five western kings,
apropos to their mention in the text, and thereby to determine the
date of the inscription itself. But, as this monumental writing,
like its counterparts, in the Indian Pali character, at Dhauli and
Girnar, is dated in the years of the Buddhist Sovereign’s reign, and
the identity of Prhjadarsi , — the epithet used in these edicts, — with
Asoka is generally admitted, the simplest method of determining
the period of their composition, is to apply their internal evidence
to the now almost uncontested era of Asoka’s accession. That
monarch is held to have succeeded his father Bindusara in 263 u.c.,
and to have been formally inaugurated in 259 u.c. This would
bring the date of the viii.th tablet to 249 — 8 b.c. ;l and tablets
iii. and iv. to 247 — 6 b.c.2 That the writing was inscribed on
the rocks at a period even subsequent to these dates, there is every
reason to believe,3 which circumstance at once does away with any
importance the inscriptions might otherwise possess as bona-fide
synchronous records.

Amongst other unexplained difficulties inherent in the texts
of these edicts, is one, which I am not aware of having- been
the subject of previous remark, viz. : that the name of Antiochus
should appear alone in the ii.d tablet, while it is placed in association

1 J.R.A.S. xii, p. 202, “ having been ten years inaugurated.”

2 Ibid, p. 173, Tablet iii, “twelve years inaugurated p. 181, Tablet iv, “in
the 12th year of bis inauguration.”

3 J.R.A.S. xii, p. 249.

102

BACTRIAN COINS.

with those of the other four kings in the later tablet. I do not-
think I am hazarding too much in suggesting that the portion
which contains the reference to the five Princes, is an addition
made subsequent to the composition and incision of the body of the
writing. The inscriptions themselves go far to establish this fact.
The Dhauli epigraph is the only one of the triple versions we are able
to refer to, that may be termed a clean and unbroken copy, follow-
ing, section by section, in parallel columns, and containing eleven
tablets in all. The Girnar lapidary writing is in accord with its
eastei'ii counterpart, up to the end of the x.th tablet, when three
extra edicts are interpolated, and the xi.th tablet of Dhauli' becomes
the xiv.th of Girnar. It would seem to be something more than
a coincidence that these same three extra tablets do not form a
portion of the continuous inscription on the northern face of
the Kapurdigiri rock, but are graven on a separate surface at
the back of the stone ; and it is in the second of these super-
numerary edicts, in either case, that the five Kings’ names occur.
The subsequent addition of these three tablets being conceded, I
should account for the anomaly by supposing that when the front
face of the Kapurdigiri and the entire text of the Dhauli in-
scription were prepared, Asoka’s emissaries had only secured the
adhesion of Antiochus Theos himself — the accession of the good
will of the other four Kings was probably obtained later and
embodied in the supplementary passages. This is a point of
no very great moment, but it militates, equally with the inference
previously drawn against the immediate, or strictly contemporaneous,
execution of the writing itself.

Of the various theories that have been propounded to explain
the association of these individual five monarchs, and to satisfy the
requirements of probability as to their due identification, the most
rational appears to be that put forward by Mr. James Fergusson.
Leaving the architectural question to rest on his high authority, I
may fully concur in accepting the historical combination so
appositely prepared for us in the single chapter of Justin.

“ The most interesting record is that contained in the xiii.th edict
of the rock-cut inscriptions, where he [Asoka] mentions having-
formed treaties or alliances with Ptolemy, Antiochus, Antigonus,
Magas, and Alexander ; not treaties of war or peace, but for
the protection or aid of his co-religionists in the dominions of those
Kings. Owing to the imperfections of the stone and of the record
it is not easy to make out what is exactly intended ; but this much
is certain, that about the year 25G b.c., Asoka did make arrange-

BAGTBIAN COINS.

103

ments for religious purposes with Ptolemy Philadelphia, Antiochus
Theos, Antigonus Gonatas, with Magas of Cyrene, and Alexander,
who could only be the King of Epirus and Macedonia, mentioned
by Justin, in the same passage in which he relates the death
of Magas.”1

“ The existence of rock-cut Viharas or Monasteries at Petra,
in the dominions of Antiochus, and of similar excavations at
Cyrene, goes far to confirm and elucidate this ; for though travellers
have hitherto called every excavation a tomb, there can be no doubt
that many of those at Petra and Cyrene and elsewhere, were the
abodes of living ascetics, and not burial places at all.” *

As Magas died in 258 b.c., even the body of Asoka’s in-
scriptions must have been prepared 12 years after that event, or
about 246 b.c. while the additional section, in which the five Kings’
names are given, must have been inscribed after a still more
extended interval. Either Asoka’s emissaries tarried unduly by
the way, or the whole passage must be received as a mere record
of a past but yet uncancelled treaty, retaining possibly a certain
importance among Buddhist votaries on the frontier, and hence
thought worthy of publication in the Northern and Western
States of the Indian monarch, but of insufficient moment
to be either proclaimed in the South, or of enduring interest
enough to be reproduced amid the subsequent pillar edicts of the
27th year of his reign.3 The absence of any notice of the Bac-
trian Kings may readily be accounted for, on the ground that
Antiochus II. was still, as far as foreign nations were concerned,
the reputed suzerain of the countries they had possessed
themselves of.

However, I am unwilling to enlarge on any deductions from
the comparatively imperfect materials furnished by the published
copies of these inscriptions, as I am aware that no less than
two new counterpart versions have lately been discovered, which
may seriously modify or largely improve the results obtained from
Professor Wilson’s elaborate analysis.1

1 Justin, “ Historic ” xxvi, e. ii.

2 Quarterly Review, 1860, p. 218.

3 Jour. As. Soc., Bengal, April, 1838.

4 While adverting to the subject of Ancient Indian Inscriptions, I am anxious
to take the opportunity of noticing a series of translations, submitted to the
Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, by Dr. Bliau Daji, an abstract
report of which has been received as these sheets are passing through the press.
As the paper in question refers to much that has already been the subject of
comment in this Journal, and contributes a large amount of new information on a

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BACTRIAN COINS.

The first of these is referred to in a communication from
the Government of Madras to the Secretary of State for India,
dated April, 1860, forwarding photographs of “ an inscription on a

succession of Indian inscriptions, I have thought it advisable to reprint the
notice nearly entire, reserving for a future occasion any of the numerous remarks
its text suggests. As I am ordinarily better inclined to respect the philological
aptitude of our Eastern fellow-labourers to decipher and translate indigenous
inscriptions couched in a tongue so largely infused into the vernaculars of
India, than to accept the speculative combinations or suggestive identifications
of the Native mind.

August 14, 1862. — Dr. Bhau Daji then read his translations, 1st of the
“ Sah ” inscription on the Girnar rock in Surashtra, 2nd of the incription on the
northern face of the Girnar rock, and concluded with the following remarks on
the Sah, Gupta, and Yalabhi dynasties. “The Sah inscription, the revised
fac simile and translation of which have this day been submitted to the Society,
was deciphered and published by Prinsep in the vii.th volume of the Journal of
the Bengal Asiatic Society, p. 334. Mr. E. Thomas has republished the same in his
admirable edition of Prinsep, and has added a revised translation of the record
by Professor H. H. Wilson, based on an independent transcript of the original,
which Mr. Thomas had prepared with much care from the improved fac-simile of
Messrs. Westergaard and Jacob, published in the Journal of the Bombay Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society for April, 1842.

“Professor Wilson’s translation is anything but an improvement.

“ The translation of the Sah inscription differs in many important particulars
from that of Mr. Prinsep ; the name of the lake Sudars'ana occurs at the very
commencement, but is not recognized by him. Mr. Prinsep’s Aridama is only a
mislection of Eudra Dama, from the imperfect fac-simile.

“ An historical fact of great importance in my translation is, that Rudra
Dama appears to have been a grandson of Swami Chashtan, and not his son.
The inscription contained his father’s name, but that part of it is unfortunately
completely lost. The names of the countries as I read them, over which Rudra
Dama ruled, are also somewhat different The names A’kara and Avanti occur
in Padumavi’s inscription in one of the Nasik caves. The others need not
detain us here.

“ The name of the actual builder of the bridge is not the Pahlava Mavya or
contractor as rendered by Mr. Prinsep, but the Pahlava Minister of Rudra Dama,
named Suvis’akha, a Sanscrit adaptation, I think, of the Persian name Siavaksha.
His father’s name, as I make it out, is Kulaipa, and Siavaksha appears to have
been the Governor of A’narta and Surashtra.

“ This inscription offers materials for many observations, but I must
reluctantly postpone most of them to another opportunity.

“In the second inscription we have the names of Skandagupta and of
Parnadatta, and his son Chakrapalita.

“ Skandagupta is undoubtedly the monarch whose name has been discovered
on coins, on the Bhitari lat, and on the Kuhaon pillar. To-day I have fulfilled
the promise I made in my paper on Kalidasa of furnishing a translation of the re-
maining Junagur inscription. Mr. Thomas has remarked that ‘ up to this time no
more satisfactory account of its purpose and contents can be given than is to be
found in the brief notice published by Prinsep in April, 1838 (Prinsep’s Indian

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105

rock, near the village of Naugam, in the Pubbakonda Taluk,
about 3 miles from Pursatpur near the Rushkulia river in Ganjam.”
“ The rock [is described as] standing in a quadrangular space
enclosed by high embankments, indicating ancient fortifications.
The place is called Jonghar or Lac Port.”

The authorities in India do not seem to have been aware of the
purport of this inscription, but Mr. Norris has compared some
portions of it with the Girnar and other texts, and finds, he believes,
that it is so far a counterpart transcript of Asoka’s edicts.

The second new inscription has been brought to notice by
Colonel A. Cunningham, who describes the site and condition of the

Antiquities by Thomas, vol. i, page 247).’ All that Mr. Prinsep found was ‘an
allusion to Skandagupta, one of the Gupta family, &c.’ It appears that
Parnadatta was appointed Governor of Surashtra, by Skandagupta, and the son of
Parnadatta, named Chakrapfilita, with two sons were in office, in the same
province. The Sudars’ana lake appears to have given way in the 13th year of
the Gupta Kala, or Gupta era ; it was repaired seven years after, in the 137th
year of the Gupta Kala by Chakrapalita, who also erected a temple to Yishnu on
the top of the Jayanta hill, or the hill of Girnar, in the 138th year of the
Gupta era.

“ In my essay on Kalidasa I remarked that the Kuhaon pillar inscription is
dated ‘ in the 141st year of the Gupta dynasty, in the reign of Skandagupta, and
not after his decease as deciphered by Prinsep.’ The present inscription leaves
no doubt of the correctness of my interpretation, and will enable ns to fix the
chronology of the Gupta and Valabhi monarchs with some certainty.

“ The position of Skandagupta in relation to the Gupta era being now placed
beyond doubt, the other dates of Chandragupta, Samudragupta, and Budhagupta,
as made out from inscriptions, must now be granted to commence from the
Gupta era.

“The dates obtained are Chandragupta Vikramaditya 82 (Udayagiri in-
scription) and 93 (Sanchi inscription) Skandagupta 141 (in the Kuhaon pillar
inscription). Budhagupta 161, in the Eran pillar inscription.

“ At the next meeting I shall produce proofs to show that the Valabhi plates
are dated in the S’aka Nripa Kala, and that the symbol which has been hitherto
read 300 is really 400.

“Granting these premises, as the Valabhi era is found in Colonel Tod’s
Somnath inscription to have commenced in a d. 318, Skandgupta must be
placed in a.d. 448-459 with a margin of five or ten years on each side

“The Valabhi plates bear dates in my opinion from 410 to 465 S’aka Kala
i.e. from a.d. 488 to a.d. 543. The Valabhi dynasty, of which Bhatarka
Senapati was the founder, dates it rise, therefore, shortly after Skandagupta, a
fact borne out by a comparison of the alphabetical character’s of the monumental
records of the Gupta dynasty, and of the copper-plate grants of Valabhi. I may
here remark that Dr. Mill’s interpretation of Bhitari lat is most defective, and
the genealogy of the Valabhi dynasty has not yet been correctly given. I should
be thankful to any lover of antiquities for procuring for me a fresh fac simile of
the Bhitari lat inscription.

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BACTRIAN COINS.

stone upon which it is engraved, in a late report to the Government
of India, from which the following is an extract : —

“ Khaki, on the Jumna, where the river leaves the hills. At

“ The correct genealogy of the Y alabhia is, I think, as under : —

SENAPATI BHATARKA.

Dhara Sena. Drona Sinlia. Dhruva Sena. Dharapattali.

Guha Sena.

Dhara Sena.

S’laditya or Dhanudditya. Kharagiaha.

Deraliliatta Dhara Sena Dhruva Sena or Baladitya.

S’ildditya Deva. Khara grata. Dhruva Sena.

S’iladitya. Dhara Sena.

S’iladitya.

“Colonel Cunningham is right in placing the Gupta era in a.d. 318, but in
admitting the Guptas noticed by Hiouen-Thsang amongst the successors of
Skandagupta he has committed a grave error which has been correctly and fully
exposed by Mr. Thomas, who is, however, I think, himself wrong again in placing
the Sabs of the coins as early as the second and first centuiy before Christ ; and
to a brief consideration of this point I shall now proceed.

“ On comparing the alphabetical characters of the inscription in the reign of
Padumavi, the Andhra King, at Nasik, Karlen, and Kanheri, with those of the
Rudra Dama or Sah inscription, no doubt the Padumavi inscriptions will appear
the older of the two.

“This Padumavi or Puloman was pronounced long ago by Wilford to be
identical with Siri Pulomai of Baithan or Paithan on the Godavery, mentioned
by Ptolemy Claudius. Professor Lassen has also pointed out the identity. I
have a new inscription of Padumavi on a tank on the Nana Ghaut. There is no
reason to doubt that Padumavi, the Andhra King, was a contemporary of Ptolemy;
and that he flourished about a.d. 120. Ptolemy in noticing Ozene or Ujjayini,
mentions it as the royal residence of another king whom he calls Tiastanus.
This Tiastanus is, in my humble opinion, no other than the Swami Chashtan of
our Sah inscription. If we grant that Chashtan was a contemporary of Padumavi
and Ptolemy, we can well allow that Chashtan’s grandson Rudi-a Dama conquered
repeatedly (as stated in the inscription) the last of the Andhras; for within 50
years of Padumavi’s death, the Andhra dynasty ends, a misfortune no doubt
brought about by the rising power and personal qualities of Rudra Dama. I
have already stated that a comparison of the alphabetical character of the
inscriptions shows that Rudra Dama flourished shortly after Padumavi ; I have
also shown that we must place the rise of the Gupta dynasty in a.d. 318,
and as there are cogent reasons for believing that the Guptas succeeded the Sahs,
the date of a.d. 200 for Rudra Dama appears not incompatible. I may here re-

BACTRIAN COINS.

107

this place there still exists a larger boulder-stone, covered with
one of Asoka’s inscriptions, in which the names of Antioclius,
Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, and Alexander are all recorded. This
portion of the inscription, which on the rock of Kapurdigiri (in the
Yusufzai plain), and of Dhauli (in Cuttack) is much mutilated and
abraded, is here in perfect preservation.”1

However imperfect in the contributions to history, these in-
scriptions possess a value peculiarly their own, under the Palaeo-
graphic aspect, in the assistance they have afforded, primarily, in
determining the value of the hitherto obscure Semitic characters on
the Kapurdigiri rock, and by their aid correcting the previously
doubtful Bactrian counterparts of the Greek names on the early
coins ;2 but, more important still, the phonetic value of the letters

mark that the most distinguished monarch of the S’atkarni or Andhra dynasty
■was Gautamiputra, the father of Padumavi. He appears to have extended his
conquests over Malwa, Gujarat, Cutch, Akar and all those provinces over which
a Kshatrap or Satrap of the Parthian dynasty (Phrahates) ruled immediately
before. This I make out from the inscriptions. Gautamiputra is praised for
having established the glory of the S atavahan family, for having defeated Sakas,
Yavanas, and Pahlavas, and for exterminating the descendants of Khagarat
(Magadhi), Kshaharata (Sanskrit), (Phrahates). As Nahapana, the Satrap of
Phrahates judging from the character of the inscriptions, preceded Gautamiputra,
and had proceeded on an expedition to Malabar from the North, and through the
Deckan, the Andhra princes of Paithan could not have been powerful, and as
Gautamiputra appears to have been the bravest and most successful of the whole,
I am strongly inclined to look upon him as the founder of the S’alivahan era.

“ I cannot help also pointing out the great similarity of the titles Zathou
Korano and Zathou Yahano, to S’atkarni and Sata Viihana. I am inclined to
look upon Kadphises as Sipraka or Sikrapa, the founder of the Andhra dynasty ;
Krishna, his brother, as Kanerki, and Su-Hermeus his predecessor as Susarman
the Kanva. If further analogies were required, I may point out the similarity of
Athro to Andhra, and of Ado to Adha, also of Athro Pharo to Andhrabhrit, the
former class of words occurring on the coins of Kadphises and Kanerki ; the latter
in the Puranas and inscriptions. The title Rao Nana Rao on the coins of Kanerki
is more common in the Deckan, the former seat of the Andhras, than in any
other part of India. I am also strongly inclined to look upon the name of Nana
Ghaut as coming from the goddess Nanaia. It contained in a cave or recess, at its
top, images of the founder of the Andhra dynasty ; also of the chiefs of the
Marathas, of Kumara S’atavahana, and Kumaro Hakusiri and of another Kumara
whose name is lost. Haku may be intended for Hushka. The word Kumaro
also occurs in some of the Indo-Scythic coins. These reflections regarding the
founder of the Andhra dynasty, I beg to offer more as speculations to direct
attention and invite discussion than as the mature results of deep research.”

1 J.A.S. B. No. I. 1862, p. 99. Memorandum by Col. A. Cunningham regard-
ing a proposed investigation of the Archaeological remains in Upper India.

2 Dr. Latham, in his paper on the date and personality of Priyadarsi (vol. xvii,
p. 273 of this Journal), has failed to do justice to the assistance we derive from

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BACTRIAN COINS.

being now uncontested, we are able to master the names and desig-
nations of the later sovereigns, who flourished at a period when
the local character had superseded the debased and gradually
disused Greek, which had hitherto furnished the sole key to the
decipherment of the Semitic variety of Arian writing. And, finally,
by the means thus placed at our disposal, we may hope to read
what is now becoming of itself a promising series of Bactrian
proper inscriptions, of which we have neither Greek nor Indian Pali
transcripts or translations.1

Mr. Norris’s decipherment of the Kapurdigiri Inscription (J.R.A.S. viii, 303),
and, singularly enough, quotes the Bactrian equivalents of the Greek names on
the coins, from the “ A r Lana Antiqua,” which purely tentative readings exhibit
only our early want of knowledge of the character, and in no way prove the
ignorance or incomplete power of definition of the local transcribers of ancient
days; indeed, since Prof. Wilson has published his parallel transcript and trans-
lation of the various rock inscriptions of Asoka, we discover that the Arian
versions of the Greek designations are defined with considerable accuracy, and
by no means authorise the “latitude” in “identification,” that should make
Priyadarsi into Phraates. I need scarcely add that I do not concur in Dr. La-
tham’s theory.

1 Babu Rajendra Lai Mitra has lately published in the Journal of the
Asiatic Society of Bengal (1861 p. 337), a revised transliteration with an original
translation of the Bactrian Pali Inscription on the Wardak vase, from the fac-
simile lithographed as Plate x. vol. i, Prinsep’s Essays on Indian Antiquities (J.
Murray, London, 1858). The Babu conjectures, with some plausibility, that the
name of the Maharaja is Huvishka, who has been identified with Hushka, the
King of Kashmir of the Raja Tarangini, the Ooerki, OOHPKI, of the debased
Greek numismatic legends (Ariana Antiqua 375), whose name is so frequently
associated with that of Kanishka, the Kanerki of the Indo-Scythian Coins. I
may add, as a matter of interest connected with monumental records of this age,
that an inscription of Hushka, in the square Indian-Pali character, has been
lately discovered at Muttra. (See note by Mr. E. 0. Bayley, Jour. As. Soc.
Bengal, 1861, p. 347).

Professor Dowson has succeeded in mastering the inscription on a steatite
funereal vase, preserved in the PeshSavur Museum, which proves to refer to the
erection of a tope by the Brothers Gihilena and Siha-rachhitena. And finally
Mr. Norris, in concert with Mr. Dowson, is engaged on a most promising Inscrip-
tion from the neighbourhood of Hussun Abdal, near Riiwul 1'indee, in the
Punjab, regarding wThich Professor Dowson has obligingly communicated to me
the following notice : —

“ The plate, which is fourteen inches long by three and-a-half broad, is broken
in the middle, where many of the letters are lost ; a connected reading of the
whole cannot, therefore, be hoped for. The King’s name is Chhatrapa Siliako
Kumluko ; these words are followed by nama, so there can be no doubt that they
form the name. After the name there are some letters obliterated, and then
follow the words Takhasilaye nojjart utarena prachu deso, which probably mean
the country north-east of Taxila.” The words Chhatrapa liako are stamped as

BACTKIAN COINS.

109

I now annex an English version of the texts of the classic
historians.

“Justin, xli, c. iv.1 — After the death of Alexander the Great, when
the kingdoms of the east were divided among his successors, the
government of Parthia was committed to Stasanor, a foreign ally,
because none of the Macedonians would deign to accept it. Sub-
sequently, when the Macedonians were divided into parties by civil
discord, the Parthians, with the other people of Upper Asia, followed
Eumenes, and when he was defeated, went over to Antigonus.
After his death they were under the rule of Seleucus Xicator, and
then under Antiochus, and his successors, from whose great-grand-
son, Seleucus,2 they first revolted, in the first Punic war, when
Lucius Manlius Yulso and Marcus Attilius Regulus were Consuls.3

an endorsement on the back of the plate.” I myself have not had an oppor-
tunity of examining this inscription, but 1 should be inclined, as a first conjec-
ture, to identify the Kusululco with some of the Kozola Kadapes family. The
figured date on the plate is XX? 3 33, which is followed by the words Maha-
rayasa mahata, &c. (Prinsep's Essays ii. 202, 203).

1 Translation of the Rev. J. S. Watson. Bolin’s Edit : London, 1853.

2 Clinton justly remarks, — “The account of Justin is inconsistent with his

date. Seleucus, the son of Antiochus Theus, began to reign four years later.
But this date i3 confirmed by Arrian apud Photium, cod. 58, who seems to fix the
revolt to the reign of Antiochus. * Eusebius agrees in this date, 01. 132, 3
[b.c. 250] Parthi a Macedonibus defecerunt : ex iisque unus imperavit Arsaces a
quo Arsacidae * * Suidas ’Ap^dcijc 6 ITapOuaToc, &c. * * The 293 years com-

puted from b.c. 538 (the beginning of the reign of Cyrus in the Canon) will give
B.C. 245 for the commencement. Strabo, xi, c. ix, 2 * * The establishment was

therefore gradual, and might not be completed till the reign of Sdeucus. Justin
xli, 4, describes the acquisitions of Arsaces as gradual, and adds, c. 5, “ qutesito
simul constitutoque regno matura senectute decedit.” — Fasti Hellenici, p. 18.

3 Clinton Fasti Romani, ii, 243, places Arsaces in b.c. 250. Fasti Hellenici
iii, p. 18, “I read in Justin L. Manlio Yulsone C. Atilio Regulo eoss — that is, I
understand with Yalesius ad Ammianum 23, 6, 3, Caius Atilius Regulus L.
Manlius Yulso the consuls of b.c 250, and not L Manlius Yulso Mabccs Atilius
Regulus the consuls of b.c. 256. I prefer the lower date because it is more con-
sistent with Justin himself, who refers the acts of Arsaces to the reign of Seleucus,
b.c. 246, and with the dates preserved by other authorities. Eusebius and Suidas,
who are quoted in the Tables F. H. iii, p. 18, give b.c. 250 and 246. Moses
Chorenensis ii, 1, refers the rise of Arsaces to the 11th year of Antiochus Theus :
undeeimo ejus anno a Macedonum jugo Parthi defecere, that is in B.c. 251 ; or
60 years after the era of the Seleucidae began : ii, 2, post sexaginta annos quam
Alexander mortuus est, Parthis imperitavit Arsaces. But the 60th year of that
era (which is here meant) was completed in autumn, B.c , 252. These dates also
more nearly agree with the later date, b.c. 250.”

Mr. J. Lindsay, the latest writer on Parthian Numismatics, places the revolt
of the Parthians in 255 b.c. ; but as he does not notice Clinton's emendation of

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BACTRIAN COINS.

For their revolt, the dispute between the two brothers, Seleucus
and Antiochus, procured them impunity ; for while they sought to
wrest the throne from one another, they neglected to pursue the
revolters.

“ At the same period, also, Theodotus, governor of the thousand
cities of Bactria, revolted, and assumed the title of king ; and all the
other people of the east, influenced by his example, fell away from
the Macedonians. One, Arsaces, a man of uncertain origin, but of
undisputed bravery, happened to arise at this time, and he, who
was accustomed to live by plunder and depredations, hearing a
report that Seleucus was overcome by the Gauls in Asia, and being
consequently freed from dread of that prince, invaded Parthia with
a band of marauders, overthrew Andragoras, his lieutenant, and
after putting him to death, took upon himself the government of the
country. Not long after, too, he made himself master of Hyrcania,
and thus, invested with authority over two nations, raised a large
army, through fear of Seleucus and Theodotus, king of the
Bactrians. But being soon relieved of his fears by the death of
Theodotus, he made peace and an alliance with his son, who was
also named Theodotus ;* and not along after, engaging with King
Seleucus, who came to take vengeance on the revolters, he obtained
a victory ; and the Parthians observe the day on which it was
gained with great solemnity, as the date of the commencement of
their liberty.

“ Justin, xli, c. v. — Seleucus being then recalled into Asia by new
disturbances, and respite being thus given to Arsaces, [ii.d] he set-
tled the Parthian government, levied soldiers, built fortresses, and

the consular date, or enter upon any discussion of the subject, I presume he ac-
cepted the ordinarily received epoch without question. “ Coinage of the Par-
thians,” Cork, 1852. The author of the article, “ Arsaces,” in Smith’s Dictionary
(London, 1844), who seems to have examined the various authorities with unusual
care, gives the preference to the date of 250 b.c.

1 M. de Bartholomaei, in his “ Rdponse a Mr. Droysen,” incidentally offers
some valuable criticisms on this statement of Justin : —

“Nous ferons observer encore, que le temoignage de Justin sur les premiers
Arsacides est assez conforme a celui qui nous occupe dans ce moment. On le
trouve dans le mCme livre. Justin, aprfcs avoir fait des deux premiers rois Parthes
un seul Arsace, dit de ce roi : ‘ Cujus memoriae hunc honorem Parthi tribuerunt
ut omnes cxinde reges suos Areacis nomine nuncupent. Hujus filius et succes-
sor regni Arsaces et ipse nomine * * II s’agit cependant du troisifeme roi Parthe
que nous trouvons dans un auteur bien plus digne de foi, sous le nom d’Artaban,
et ce dernier nom, ainsi que celui du second roi (Tiridate) a e'te omis par J ustin.
Cette double omission ne peut Otre motivee par la seul raison que tous les rois
s'appelaient Arsace, car dans ce cas ce nom repete ne signifierait rien ; ou bien,

BACTRIAN COINS.

Ill

strengthened his towns. * * Ilis son [?] and successor on the

throne, whose name was also Arsaces, fought with the greatest
bravery against Antiochus the son of Seleucus, who was at the
head of 100,000 foot and 20,000 horse, and was at last taken into
alliance with him.

“ Justin xli, c. vi. — Almost at the same time that Mithridates
ascended the throne among the Parthians, Eucratides began to
reign among the Bactrians ; 1 both of them being great men. But
the fortune of the Parthians, being the more successful, raised
them, under this prince, to the highest degree of power ; while the
Bactrians, harassed with various wars, lost not only their dominions,
but their liberty ; for having suffered from contentions with the
Sogdians, the Drangians, and the Indians, they were at last over-
come, as if exhausted, by the weaker Parthians. Eucratides, how-
ever, carried on several wars with great spirit, and though much
reduced by his losses in them, yet, when he was besieged by
Demetrius, king of the Indians, with a garrison of only 300 soldiers,
he repulsed, by continual sallies, a force of 60,000 enemies.
Having accordingly escaped, after a five month’s siege, he reduced
India under his power. But as he was returning from the country,
he was killed on his march by his son, with whom he had shared his
throne, and who was so far from concealing the murder, that, as if
he had killed an enemy, and not his father, he drove his chariot
through his blood, and ordered his body to be cast out unburied.
During the course of these proceedings among- the Bactrians, a
war arose between the Parthians and Medes, and, after fortune on
each side had been some time fluctuating, victory at length fell to
the Parthians, when Mithridates, enforced with this addition to his
power, appointed Bacasis over Media, while he himself marched
into Hyrcania (and ultimately) extended the Parthian empire * *
from Mount Caucasus to the river Euphrates.”

[As the prologue of this book of Justin’s history is of consider-
able importance, I revert to the original text]. Prologus, lib. xli.

si l’auteur avait voulu l’appliquer a tous les rois, il aurait egalement suffi au 4me
dont Justin fait le 3me ; (tertius Parthorum rex Priapatius fuit, sed et ipse
Arsaces) or Justin s’exprimant de la meme maniere sur le nom du fils de Diodote
que sur celui du fils d’Arsace, a bien pu commettre le meme genre d'erreur pour
tous les deux. * * * “Mais Justin confond quelquefois les faits, et encore

plus souvent les noms ; et comme cette fois il n’est appuysf paraucun autre auteur,
son temoignage concernant le nom du fils et successeur de Diodote, n’est pas
d’un bien grand poids.” 134.

1 Delph. Note, b.c. 182.

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BACTRIAN COINS.

Uno et quadrigesimo volumine continentur res Parthicae et Bac-
trianse. In Parthicis, ut est constitutum imperium per Arsacem
regem. * * In Bactrianis autem rebus ut a Diodoto regnum

constitutum est : deinde qua re pugnantes Scythicae gentes Saraucae
et Asiani Bactra occupavcre, et Sogdianos. Indicas quoque res
additrn, gestae per Apollodotum et Menandrum, reges eorum.
Teubner’s Edit., p. 232, 1859.

Strabo, B. xi, c. ix, 2.1 — Disturbances having arisen in the
countries beyond the Taurus in consequence of the Kings of Syria
and Media, who possessed the tract of which we are speaking, being-
engaged in other affairs,2 those who were intrusted with the govern-
ment of it occasioned first the revolt of Bactriana ; then Euthydemus
and his party the revolt of all the country near that province.3
Afterwards Arsaces, a Scythian4 * * invaded Parthia, and made

himself master of it. * * The Parthians at last took possession

1 Translation by W. Falconer. — Bohn’s Edit., London, 1856.

2 Adopting Tyrwhitt's conjecture n-p og abXoig. W.F.

3 Strabo xi. s. iv. French translation by MM. De la Porte du Theil, Coray,
and Gosselin. Paris, 1805. Yol. iv. p. 272.

II se fut Sieve de grands troubles dans les pays d’au dela du Taurus ; on vit
d’abord les officiers auxquels dtoit confi6 le gouvemement de la Bactriane,
se soustraire a leur autorite ; et Euthydemus se rendit maitre de ce qui avoisinoit
cette province. “ Ensuite Arsaces, Scythe d’origne, &c.2

4 Elsewhere [ix, 8] Strabo says, — “according to others he was a Bactrian, and,
withdrawing himself from the increasing power of Diodotus, occasioned the revolt
of Parthia.”

° On vit d’abord, <£-c. J e crois avoir rendu assez litteralement le grec : —
IT puiTov fitv n)v RaKTpiavrli’ anicrTr](Tav oi TrtTnoTivfiivot, ical rr/riyyvgau
7r aryav o'i Trfpi EiiOvdrifjiov. Mais cette phrase obscure donne matibre a beaucoup
de diffieultes historiques et chronologiques. Pour les exposer toutes, fftt-ce de la
manibre la plus simple, il faudroit une note extrSmement longue ; et je ne
tenterai point de les rbsoudre, quand, a plusieurs reprises, de savans hommes
l’ont vainement essay e.0 Seulement dirai-je que, d'aprbs un autre passage (cap.
xiv.) on pourroit croire qu’ici les mots, xai rr)v iyyvg avrijg iraoav oi 7npi
EbOvtitifjor, annon9ant des faits posterieurs a la premibre defection des satrapes de
la Bactriane, et memc a la revolte d’Arsacbs I dans la Parthyaea, doivent Ctre
regardes comme une espece de parenthbse. Clinton, in referring to the
same passage, remarks, “ Strabo makes the revolt of Bactria precede the rise of
the Parthians. But he speaks without precision, for we know from Polybius that
Euthydemus was contemporary with Antiochus ; and, according to Strabo him-
self, the founder of the Bactrian kingdom was Diodotus.” F.H. app. 315.

b Conf. Palmer Exercitat. &c., p. 332. Vaillant, Arsacid. imp. &c. tom. 1,
p.l, et seq. Longuer, Annal. Arsacid, p. 1, et seq. Bayer, Hist. regn. Graec.

BACTRIAN COINS.

113

of all the country within the Euphrates. They deprived Eucratides,
and then the Scythians, by force of arms, of a part of Bactriana.

Strabo, cxi, 1. — 1. The Greeks who occasioned the revolt [of
Bactria] became so powerful by means of the fertility and advantages
of the country that they became masters of Ariana and India,
according to Apollodorus of Artamita. Their chiefs, particularly
Menander (if he really crossed the Hypanis to the east, and Isamus)
conquered more nations than Alexander.1 These conquests were
achieved partly by Menander, partly by Demetrius, son of Euthy-
demus, King of the Bactrians. They got possession not only of
Pattalene, but of the kingdoms of Saraostus and Sigerdis, which
constitute the remainder of the coast. ■» * * «

Their cities were Bactria, which they call also Zariaspa * *

and Darapsa, and many others.2 Among these was Eucratidia, which
had its name from Eucratidas, the king. When the Greeks got
possession of the country they divided it into satrapies, that of
Aspionus and Turiva the Parthians took from Eucratidas. They
possessed Sogdiana also, situated above Bactriana, to the east,
between the river Oxus (which bomids Bactriana and Sogdiana)
and the Iaxartes; the latter river separates the Sogdii and the
nomades.

Polybius, x, 9.3 — When Antiochus was informed that Euthyde-

1 Strabo speaking of the difficulty of obtaining trustworthy information regard-
ing these distant countries elsewhere [xv. 2, 3] remarks: “Apollodorus, for
instance, author of the Parthian History, when he mentions the Greeks who
occasioned the revolt of Bactriana from the Syrian kings, who were the successors
of Seleucus Nicator, says, that when they became powerful they invaded India.
He adds no discoveries to what was previously known ; and even asserts, in con-
tradiction to others, that the Bactrians had subjected to their dominion a larger
portion ofindia than the Macedonians ; for Eucratidas (one of these kings) had a
thousand cities subject to his authority. But other writers affirm that the Mace-
donians conquered nine nations, situated between the Hydaspes and the Hypanis,
and obtained possession of 500 cities, not one of which was less than Cos Meropis,
and that Alexander, after having conquered all this country, delivered it up to
Porus.”

2 Ptolemy vii, 1, 46. SayaXa j) k ai Ev9vSrjnia. M. P. Vivien de Saint-
Martin identifies this city with the modern Amritsir. “ Etude sur la geographie
grecque et latine de l’lnde.” Paris, 1858.

3 From Hampton’s Polybius.

Bactrian. s. 15, et seq. p. 32, et seq. Ed. Corsin de Minnis. aliorumque, &c.,
s. 2, p. 31. Froelicb, Dub. de Minnis, &c., p. 35. Sainte-Croix, Mem. sur le
gouv. des Parthes, Acad, des Inscr. et B. L. vol. L. Mem. p. 49 et 53.

VOL. XX.

114

BACTRIAN COINS.

mug had encamped with his whole army near Taguria, and that he
had stationed a body of 10,000 cavalry upon the banks of the river
Arius to defend the passage, he immediately raised the siege, and
resolved to pass the river and to advance towards the enemy.
Being distant three days’ journey from the place * * the Bactrian

cavalry, being now informed by their scouts of what had happened,
ran towards the river, and were ready to attack the troops as they
marched * * [the result of the engagement was to force] the

Bactrians, whose ranks were already broken, to fly in great disorder.
Nor did they stop their flight till they had reached the camp of
Euthydemus * * Antiochus had a horse killed under him in the

battle, and was himself wounded in the mouth * * Euthydemus,

disheartened by this defeat, retreated to Zariaspa, a city of Bac-
trian a, with all his army.

Polybius, xi, 8. — Euthydemus, who was himself a native of
Magnesia, endeavoured to justify his conduct, and said that Antio-
chus had no reason for attempting to deprive him of his kingdom,
since he never had rebelled against him, but had only obtained
possession of Bactriana by destroying the descendants1 of those
who had before revolted. He insisted long upon this point, and
entreated Teleas to mediate for him with Antiochus that hostilities
might cease, and that he might be allowed to retain the name of
king. He urged that such a reconciliation was even necessary for
their common safety. That those wandering tribes, who were
spread in great numbers along the borders of the province, were
alike dangerous to them both * * With these instructions he

sent back Teleas to the King.

Antiochus, who had long been desirous of putting an end to
the war, acknowledged the force of these reasons, and declared
himself willing to accept the peace that was offered. And when
Teleas had gone and returned again many times, Euthydemus at
last sent his own son Demetrius to ratify the treaty. The king
received him favourably, and * * promised to give him one of his
daughters in marriage, and to suffer his father to retain the name
of king. The rest of the treaty was expressed in writing, and the
alliance confirmed by oaths.

1 As this passage has an important, bearing on certain arguments I have yet
to develope, I transcribe the original text: — Kai yap abrog yv 6 EutivSrjpog
M ayvrjg' 7rpo£ ov airtXnyiZ,tTO tyaaKwv, a>g ov SiKaiuig avrov ' AvTio%og tic rijg
fiaoiXtiag iKfiaXtTv <nrov8dZti' ytyovkrai yap ovk abrog diroaTciTrig rob fiacnXewc,
d\\’, irkpiov cnrotTCivTiov, irraviXopevog rovg h criviov ticyovovs ovru> Kparijaai
rijg BaKrpiavdv apxpg- Polyb. xi, c. 34. — See also Bayer, p. 67, and a note on
hyovovg, in Ariana Antiqna, p. 218.

BACTRIAN (JOINS.

115

After this transaction, Antiochus, having first distributed a large
quantity of corn among his troops and taken the elephants that
belonged to Euthydemus, began his march with all his army.
Passing- Mount Caucasus, he came into India and renewed his alli-
ance with Sophagasenus, the Indian king. In this place he obtained
more elephants, so that the whole number was now 150; and
having furnished his army with a new supply of corn, he again
decamped, but left Androsthenes behind him to receive the money
which the king had engaged to pay. He then traversed the pro-
vince of Arachosia, and having passed the river Erymanthus and
advanced through Drangia into Carmania, as the winter now
approached, he sent his troops into quarters. P. 349.

The above complete the fragments relating directly to Bact.rian
history. Among the incidental notices, I may advert to Plutarch’s
anecdote of the distribution of Menander’s ashes,1 which has an
interesting bearing upon other questions of Indian Archaeology,2 as
well as to the statement in the Periplus of the continued currency
of the coins of Menander and Apollodotus at Baroach.3

Having exhibited the materials contributed by classic authors
towards the determination of the history of the Greek dynasties in
Bactria, I next reproduce an abstract of the conclusions arrived at
by the more prominent commentators on the general subject — from
Bayer, who had to rely almost exclusively on the fragmentary
passages I have just quoted — to the later writers, who have each,
in their degree, had the advantage of the gradually accumulating
Numismatic testimony now represented by nearly 250 different types
of coins, independent of the minor varieties of each.

1 Latin Translation — Plutarchi opera, vol. 4, p. 821. — “ At Menandri cujusdam,
qui apud Bactra regnum moderate gesserat, in castris mortui civitates funus cilm
pro consuetudine procurassent, de reliquiis in certamen pei venerunt, segrdque pax
hac conditione coiit, ut singulae parte cinerum ablata eequali, monimentum ei viro
apud se quaeque ponerent.” — Hudson, edit. p. 27.

2 Note on Topes, Prinsep’s Essays, I. 165.

3 Latin Translation. — Alexander ex his (Bactriorum) regionibus profectus,
usque ad Gangem descendit, relinquens a latere Limyricam et australia Indiae :
quamobrem usque ad hodiernum diem in Barygazis veteres commeant drachmae
literis Grsecis inscriptse, titulo eorum, qui post Alexandrum reqnarunt, Apollo -
doti et Menandri: est etiam ilia in regione ad orientem urbs dicta Ozene, in qua
olim regia erat. — Vincent., Commerce of the Ancients, ii. 204 ; Wilson, AA. 348 ;
J.K.A.S. xii. 46.

116

BACTRIAN COINS.

BACTRIAN DYNASTIES.

No. 1.

Bayer’s List (1738 a.tx).

1. — Theodotus I. 255 b.c.1 regni Bactriani conditor.

2. — Theodotus II. 243 B.c. Theodotus Theodoti f. pacem facit cum Parthis.

3. — Euthydemus 220 B.c. regno evertit Theodotum regem.

b.c. 208, Antiochus iii., Euthydemum hello petit. B.c. 205, Antiochus cum
Euthydemo pacem facit.

4. — Menander 1 95 b.c. Rex Indise et Bactrianas.

5. — Eucratides 181 b.c.

b.c. 152. Mithridates Parthus Mediam Hyrcaniam et Elymaida occupat.

6. — Eucratides Eucratidis f. 146 b.c.

“ The Greek kingdom of Bactriana was founded at the same time with the
Parthian, and subsisted for about 120 or 130 years, under seven kings : —

“ Diodotus or Theodotus * * then Theodotus ii., and Euthydemus, with

whom Antiochus Magnus was engaged. These three kings • * appear to
have occupied a space of about fifty years B.c. 250-200.” Demetrius, Menander,
Eucratides. * * “We may discern in these notices, Eucratides, a warlike

king, the master of 1,000 cities, who was despoiled of his provinces by the
Parthians, and finally lost his kingdom to the Scythians. Between Arsaces ii.,
who was contemporary with Euthydemus, and this Mithridates i., Justin (xli. 5)
reckons two kings of Parthia, whose times would correspond with the reigns of
Demetrius and Menander. Eucratides ii., in whom the Bactrian monarchy
ended, appears to have been no other than the son of Eucratides I., recorded by
Justin as the murderer of his father. These four last kings might extend the
duration of the kingdom to seventy or eighty years longer, and might terminate
at b.c. 120 or 130.” Fasti Hellenici iii, 315.

1 Parthorum primi tumultus et prima eorum epocha, 250 b.c. Altera epocha
Parthici regni, 247, b.c. Arsaces Hyrcaniam occupat, 244 b.c. Arsaces contra
Theodotum regem bellum parat.

No. 2.

Clinton’s List (1830).

f 4. Demetrius.

BACTRIAN COINS.

117

No. 3.

Prof. H. H. Wilson. (1841.)1

Greek Dynasties.

B.C.

Theodotus I

256

Theodotus II

240

Euthydemus

220—190

Demetrius

190

Eukatrides

181

Heliokies

147

Lysias

147

Amyntas

135

Agathokleia

Antimachus

140

Philoxenes

Antialkides

B.C.

130

135

Archebius

125—120

Menander

126

Apollodotus

110

Diomedes

100

Hermseus

Agathokles

135

Pantaleon

120

Barbaric Kings.

Sc-Hermjeus, Kadaphes, Kadphises.

Mayes 100

Palirisus 80

Spalyrius 75

Azilises 60

Azes 50

2QTHP META 2, King of Kings

1 The following is a summary of the more prominent contributions to Bac-
trian Numismatics prior to 1840 : —

1. Kohler, Me'dailles greques tie Rois de la Bactriane, du Bosphore. St. Pe-
tersburg, 1822 ; Supplement, 1823.

2. Tychsen, Comentt. Recentt. Gottingg. y., vi.

3. Schlegel, Journal Asiatique, 1828.

4. James Prinsep, Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1833 to 1838. Re-
printed in the edition of his Essays, London, 1858.

5. Raoul Rochette, Journal des Savants, 1834 to 1839, and 1844.

6. K. O. Moller, Gottingen Anzeigen, 1835 (No. 177), 1838 (No. 21).

7. Mionnet, Suppt. viii. 1837.

8. Lassen, ‘Zur Geschichte der Griechischen und Indoskythischen Konige.’
Bonn, 1838. Republished in the Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, 1840.

9. Grotefend Die Miinzen der Konige von Bactrien. Hanover, 1839.

I am not aware that any of the above works require especial notice. The
value and importance of James Prinsep’s labours in the cause of Oriental Numis-
matics and Palaeography are, I trust, sufficiently appreciated by the ordinary
readers of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. It maybe necessary, how-
ever, that I should advert briefly to M. Raoul Rochette ’s series of Essays in the
Journal des Savants, which are not so readily accessible to English students. The
antiquarian and purely numismatic portion of these are fully worthy of M. R. Ro-
chette’s deservedly high reputation ; but the general consistency of h'S classifica-
tion is sadly damaged by an eccentric theory, perseveringly adhered to, regarding
the origination of the Bactrian Dynasty, which he attributes to the Agathocles,
(elsewhere called Phericles ; Arrian apud Photium, 1 viii.), mentioned by Syncellus
as the Governor of Persia, on the part of Antiochus ii., and who M. Rochette

118

BACTRIAN COINS.

Vonones ...
Undopherres
Gondophares
Abagasus ...

Indo-Parthian Dynasty.

.... Kodes

Miscellaneous Arsacidan
.... Kings

Kadpkises
Kanerki ....
Kenorano

Indo-Scythian Princes of Kabul.

Ooerki

Baraoro

Sassanians

Contemporary Classification.

Eukratides.

. Heliokies.

Antialkides Antimackus Agatkokles

Arckebius Philoxenes Menander Pantaleon

Apollodotus
Diomedes
Hermaens
Su-Hermseus (1)

* Ariana Antiqua/ p. 267.

No. 4.

M. de Bartholom-iKi’s List.

1. Defection de la Bactriane et commencement du r&gne de Diodote, vers 256

av. J. C.

2. Agathoclbs succbde h son pbre [Diodote lr], vers 240 av. J. C.

3. Euthydfcme s’empare du tr6ne de la Bactriane par le meurtre d’AgathoelSs

215 av. J. C.

4. Pantaleon se maintient dans le Kaboulistan oriental contre Euthyd&me

jusque, vers 214 av. J. C.

5. Guerre d’Eutkydfeme avec Antiochus apres 210 av. J. C.

6. Traite de paix, conclu avec le Roi de Syrie, vers 205 av J. C.

7. Euthydeme fait des conquetes dans l’Ariane et l'Arachoise, vers 200 av. J. C.

8. Demetrius fils d’Eutkydeme succfede a son pbre, vers 190 J. C.

9. Eucratides s’empare de la royaute dans la Bactriane, Demetrius fonde une

monarckie dans l’Arackoise et dans les contrees de l’lnde qui avaient ete
conquises par son pere vers 181 av. J. C.

10. Eucratides fait pendant plusieures annees la guerre a, Demetrius et finit par

s’emparer de ses 6tats, vers 164 av. J. C,

11. Eucratides e'tend ses conquetes dans l’lnde, vers 160 av. J. C.

Euthydemus.

Demetrius

Lysias

Amyntas

Agatkokleia

identifies witk the Agatkocles of tlie coins, completing tke association by sup-
posing him to have been tke father and grandfather respectively of Diodotus I-
and Diodotus II. (J. des Sav. 1835, p. 593 ; 1836 p. 75).

BACTRIAN COINS.

119

12. Meurtre d’Eucratide, par son fils Heliocles, qui s’empare de la couronne en

Bactriane, vers 155 av. J. C.

Ici commence le ddmembrement graduel de la monarchie, et les donnees his-
toriques semblent nous manquer pour tenter meme un ordre chronologique
quelconque.

13. Antimachus fonde un royaume dans la Drangiane 1

14. Antialcides rdunit sous sa domination l’Arachoise et la Kaboulistan oriental,

15. Me'nandre fonde un puissant royaume dans l’lnde.

16. Arsace VI., Mitridate lr roi Parthe, envabit la Drangiane, vers 145 av. J. C.

17. Chfite complete de la Monarchie grecque-bactrienne, proprement dite, vers

139 av. J. C. ' Kbhnes Zeitschrift,’ 1843, p. 76.

No. 5.

No. B.C.

1 256
243

2 247

3 227

4 220

5 196

6 190

7 190

8 185

9 173

10 165

12 165

16 159

17 150

20 161-

21 135

22
23

Major Cunningham’s Table.

Diodotus I. 1 J3actriana (including Sogdiana, Bactria, and Margiana).

Diodotus II. J

Agathocles . par0pamisa(jae anq Nysa.

Pantaleon I

Euthydemus — Bactriana, Ariana (including Aria, Drangia, Arachosia,
and Paropamisadae), Nysa, and subsequently Gandharitis, Peukelao-
tis, and Taxila.

Demetrius — ditto, ditto ; and, later in his reign, Patalene, Syrastrene,
Larice.

Heliocles — Bactriana and Paropamisadae.

Antimachus Theos— Nysa, Gand., Peuk., and Taxila.

Eucratides— Bactriana, Ariana, besides Patalene, Syrastrene, and
Larice, as well as Nysa, Gand., Peuk., and Taxila.

Antimachus Nikephoros— Nysa, Gand., Peuk., and Taxila, contempo-
rarily with Eucratides’ retention of the rest of his dominions.

Philoxenes — succeeds to Antimachus Nikephoros’ kingdom.

Nicias — ditto, with the exception of Taxila.

Apollodotus succeeds Eucratides in Ariana, as well as Pata., Syr., Lar.

Zoilus ■'j

Diomedes 1 follow Apollodotus in Ariana alone.

Dionysius J

Lysias— succeeds these in Paropamisadae, and obtains Nicias’ dominion
of Nysa, Gand., aud Peuk. ; while Mithridates T. possesses himself-
of Ariana, having previously gained Margiana from Eucratides.

Antialcidas —succeeds to Lysias’ kingdom.

Am) ntas | f0p0w Antialcidas

Archebius !

140 Menander — reigns in Paropamisadae, Nysa, Gand., Peuk , Taxila,
Por. Reg., Cath., Patalene, Syr., Lar.

Strato— succeeds, with the exception of the countries of Pata., Syr.,
Lar., which fall to Mauas.

Hippostratus|follow ^

Telephus j

120

BACTRIAN COINS.

126

105

110

A.D.

107

207

Hermaeus— rules over Parop., Nysa, Gand., Peuk. (The Su-Sakas
obtain Aria, Drangia, and Arach., from the Parthians).

Mauas — has Taxila, Por. Reg., Cath., Pata., Syr., Lar.

Kadphises — ( Yuchi) — takes possession of Hermaeus’ kingdom, and
Taxila from Mauas (Kozola Kadaphes).

Vonones ~|

Spalygis J- Paropamisadae.

Spalirises J

Azas — succeeds Mauas, obtaining also, in 90 b.c., Nysa, Gand., and
Peuk.

Azilisas — succeeds Azas in the three latter, adding Taxila, and the
Paropamisadae.

The Soter Megas obtains the dominions of Azas, and subsequently
those of Azilisas.

The Yuehi again possess Parop., Nysa, and Tax., &c.

Gondophares — reigns in Ariana.

Abdagases (and Sinnakesor Adinnigaus) — ditto in ditto, less the Parop.

Arsaces (Ornospades or Orthomasdes) — ditto, ditto.

Pakores Monesses — ditto, ditto (Hiatheleh in Baetriana).

[36a Orthagnes.)

Artemon — in Aria, Drangia, Arachosia.

Sassanians.

“ Numismatic Chronicle,” vol. viii., p. 175 (1843).

No. 6.

M. Lassen’s List.

Die Grieciiisch-Baktrisciien und Grieciiisch-Indisciien Konige
1. Die Griechisch-Baktrischen.

Diodotus I., vor 250 vor Chr. G.1
Diodotus II., seit 237

Euthydemos, unabhangig seit .... 245 ;

in Baktrien seit 222 ;

Demetrios, seit 205 ; besiegt um 165.

Eukratides, nach 180.

Heliokles, seit 160 ; Lysias, nach 165 ;

Archebios, 150-140 ; Antialkides ; ....

Amyntas.

1 Lassen had originally adopted the date 256 b.c. “ Zur Geschichte,
&c., 1838.”

Agathokles, in Badakshan und am
obern Indus seit 245.

Pantaleon.

Antimachus, seit 170.
Philoxenes, um 160.

BACTRIAN COINS.

121

2. Die Gbiechisch-Indischen Koniqe.

Appollodotus, nach 160.

Zoilos und Dionysios.

Menandros, seit 144.

Straton, rnn 124.

Hippostratos, nach 114.

Diomedes, Nikias, Telephos, zwischen 114 u. 100.

Hermaios, 100—85.

Die Indoskythischen und Parthischen Konige.

1. Caka-Konige.

Yonones, kurz vor u. nach Chr. G.

Spalygis.

Yndopherres, um 90.

Abdagases, von 40 bis 30.

2. Joeitchi-Konige.

Kadphises I., nach 85 vor Chr. G.

Kadaphes, und seine namenlosen N achfolger etwa bis 60 v. Chr. G.

Kadphises II., seit 24 vor Chr. G., bis etwa 1.

3. Tcrushka-Konige.

Hushka oder Oerki, von etwa 10 vor bis 5 nach Chr. G.

Gushka, bis 10 nach Chr. G.

Kanishka, oder, Kanerki, bis 40.

Balan, bis 45.

Oer Kenorano, bis 60. #

“Indische Alterthumskunde,” vol. ii., p. xxiv., published 1852.

Antiochus Theos, in addition to the ordinary currency of the
Western portion of his dominions, exhibiting the conventional
reverse device of “Apollo seated on the cortina,” seems to have
issued a special currency for the Eastern provinces bearing the
emblem of Jupiter JEgiochus. These latter coins are interesting,
as forming the connecting link in the Numismatic history of
the period — between the expiring dominancy of the Seleucidse in
Bactria and the assertion of independence by Diodotus, who
continues to use the same style and device, with his own newly
assumed title of BA2IAEY2.

This special coinage is more important, however, in its bearing
upon the subsequent issues, in the connexion between the two
series established bjr identity of Mint-monograms, especially if

Mayes, nach 120 vor Chr G.
Azllises, um 100.

Azes, seit 95.

Spalirisos, um 60.

122

BACTRIAN COINS.

these are conceded, as a general rule, to be composed of the initial
and closely following letters of the name of the city in which
coins themselves were struck.

At present, the number of examples I am able to cite is limited
to the following combinations as figured in Prinsep’s Essays
PI. xi. c., Nos. A, B, C— On, combined with D, and No. 12, which
last is simply the letter N.

In addition to these, a new coin of Sir Bartle Freres gives the
monogram A, associated with a second mint mark, composed of an
S enclosed within an 0.

Diodotus.

No. 1 — Gold. Weight, 132-3 grains. Major Hay.

Obverse — Head of the king to the right, apparently giving the
portrait of Diodotus at an early period of his reign.

Reverse — Erect figure of Jupiter, in the act of hurling the
thunderbolt ; Aiigis on the left arm ; Eagle in front of the left foot;
Chaplet in the field ; no monogram.

Legend— BA2IAEQ2 AIOAOTOY.

No. 2 — Gold. Weight, 131 ‘3 grains. Major Hay.

Similar to the above, No. 1. Except that the head of the king

No. 2.

is more finished, and represents his features at a more advanced
period of life. On the reverse field, there is an addition of a
spear-head under the left arm.

The only other known gold coin of this king is in the
Bibliothcque Imperiale. It has been described in the “Journal des
Savants,” by Raoul Rochette, and noticed in Wilson’s “ Ariana
Antiqua” (p. 218). A glyptique line engraving of the coin may
be referred to in the “ Tresor de Numismatique,” pi. lxxii., fig. 4.

The silver coins of Diodotus follow the types of the gold pieces
given above — figure 1 of the accompanying Plate ii is a copy of the
king’s head on the obverse of a tetradrachma in the British
Museum.

BACTLIAN COINS.

123

The monograms on Diodotus’ proper coins are comprised in the
following- numbers, as discriminated in PI. xi., c. Prinsep’s Essays.
No. 1 with x. No. 2 with C, a. No. 2, a. Mr. Gibbs has a
tetradrachma bearing a new monogram, composed of an open M
with the centre angle prolonged downwards.

Diodotus and Agatiiocles.

No. 3 — Tetradrachma, weight 4 drachms, 14 grains (French).
M. de Bartholoman.1 2 Fig. 2, Plate iii. Koehnes’ Zeitschrift, 1843.

Obverse — Head of Diodotus to the right.

Legend— AIOAOTOY 20THP02.

Reverse — Erect figure of Jupiter, as in Diodotus’ coins.

Legend— BA2IAEY0NT02 ATA0OKAEOY2 AIKAIOY.

Monogram — No. 3 Prinsep, with chaplet in the field.

No. 4 — Plate ii, fig 2. A similar coin in the possession of Mr-
J. Gibbs — monogram No. 4, Prinsep.

Diodotus and Antimachus.

No. 5 — Tetradrachma (cast). Major Hay.*

Obverse — Head to the right.

Legend— AIOAOTOY 20THP02.

Reverse — Erect figure of Jupiter, as in Diodotus’ coins.

Legend — BA2IAEY0NT02 ANTIMAXOY 0EOY.

Monogram — AN, with chaplet.

1 First published in 1843, by the owner, in Kohnes Zeitschrift, p. 67, pi. iii,
fig. 2.

2 An engraving of this cast may be seen in the "Numismatic Chronicle,” fig. 7,
plate iv, vol ii, N.S. It may be necessary to explain how and why I venture to
recognise and claim credence for a cast coin, that is, in effect, for a forgery. But
the truth is, the not very discriminating demand by Europeans for Bactrian coins has,
for long time past, stimulated the native goldsmiths and other cunning craftsmen
of the Punjab to fabricate copies of the ancient Greek originals ; this is usually
effected with considerable skill by a casting of silver, more or less debased, in or-
dinary clay moulds, produced from direct impressions of the medal to be imitated.
So that the intentional forgery simply constitutes for those who would use it as
an aid to history, a very close reproduction of a genuine model. The most
frequent practice is to cast in silver, and, on rare occasions in gold, counterparts of
the true copper coins ; as the more precious metal is more suitable for the
purpose, and when turned out meets with a readier sale, at prices far higher in
proportion than specimens of the lower currency. This prevailing usage does
not, however, debar the fac-simile reproduction of the more rare silver coins, as may
be seen in the present example. Indeed, within my own limited experience, I
have had occasion to examine a collection made by an Officer of H.M.S. at

124

BACTRIAN COINS.

Euthydemus and Agatiiocles.

No. 6 — Plate ii, fig. 3. Tetradrachma. Unique. Mr. J. Gibbs,
Bombay, C.S.

Obverse — Head of Euthydemus to the right.

Legend— EY0YAHMOY 0EOY.

Reverse — Hercules, seated on a rock, with a club in his right
hand.

Legend— BA 21 AEY0NT02 ArA0OKAEOY2 AIKAIOY.

Monogram No. 5, pi. xi. c. Prinsep.

Agathocles.

The ordinary types of Agathocles’ proper coinage comprise
three varieties : —

The first, exclusively of silver— having the head of the king on the obverse,
combined with a reverse exhibiting Jupiter leaning on a spear, with a small
figure of Diana Lucifera in his right hand, with the legend, BA2IAEQ2
ArAGOKAEOrS.1

Second, both silver and copper coins, displaying a finished and beautifully-
executed head of Bacchus on the obverse, with a Panther reverse, and the usual
Greek legend.2

Third, exclusively copper pieces, of a square form, apparently following
the local Indian model,3 having a Panther and the legend BA2IAEQ2
ATAGOKAEOYE on the other side —with the reverse of a Bacchante and a
legend in the Indian- Pali or LAt character Agathuklayesa.4

Monograms, Nos. 3, 4, the mint marks found on the binominal coins of
Diodotus. No. 5, which occurs on the medal acknowledging the supremacy of
Euthydemus. No. 6, = AP, and the uncombined letters 4>I, and EH.

Peshawur, in which were detected an absolute handful of silver casts, of various
degrees of merit, all taken from one exquisite original of Agathocles’ Panther
type of money, which had, itself, without the purchaser’s suspicion of its com-
parative value, found its way into a reassociation with its own family. But
while pleading for the utility of hona-fidt casts, which in some cases almost
approach the accuracy of electrotypes, I must add, for the credit of Bactrian
Numismatics, that no collector of ordinary acuteness need fear to be deceived by
modern forgeries properly so called, that is, where dies have been cut for the
purpose of producing new coins. Here Oriental aptitude is altogether at fault,
the Eastern eye of the present day is unable to realize, equally as the hand is
incapable of executing a semblance of Greek art.

1 Tetradrachmas, pi. xiii, fig. 3. Priusep’s Essays. PI. vi, fig. 3 Ariana
Antiqua. PL ii, fig 1. Journal des Savants, 1836. PI. lxxiv, fig. 3. Tresor de
Numismatique. Drachmas, J. des Sav. June, 1834, fig. 2. — A. A. vi, 4.

2 Jour, des Sav. 1834, plate, fig. 1. A. A. vi, 5, 6, T. de N. lxxiv, 2.
Numismatic Journal, vii, pi. iii, fig. 30.

3 See Prinsep's Essays, vol. i, page 220.

4 J. des Sav. 1835, pi. i, fig. 1. A. A. vi, figs. 7, 8, 9.

BACTRIAN COINS. ‘

125

Pantaleon.

I dispose at once of the coins of Pantaleon, in sequence to
those of Agathocles, as they imitate severally the lower types of
the latter king, and offer but little subject for remark beyond the
retention of the Indian Pali characters in the expression of the
Oriental version of the prince’s name.

The specimens available are limited to a unique coin of the
late Mr. Brereton’s, with the head of Bacchus and the Panther
reverse, and the not uncommon mintage of square copper pieces,
similar to those of Agathocles, having a Panther on the obverse,
with the legend, BA2IAEQ2 IIANTAAE0NT02 — combined with
a reverse of a Bacchante, and the Indian Pali name Pantalevasa.1

Antimachus Theos.

The ordinary coins of Antimachus Theos are limited to a single
series in silver, of which we have specimens in the descending
scale, of Tetradrachmas, Drachmas, Hemidrachmas, and Oboli.
These uniformity bear the head of Antimachus with the Causia,
or Macedonian Hat, and a reverse device of a figure of Neptune
standing, to the front, with trident and palm branch, accompanied
by the legend, arranged in two lines : — thus,

BA2IAED2 0EOY — ANTIMAXOY.

The king’s countenance is marked, and the likeness is usually
well preserved. An engraving from a Tetradrachma in the B.M. is
given as fig. 4 of the accompanying plate. Other engravings may
be seen in the Mionnet. Supp. viii., 466. Ariana Antiqua, pi. xxi.
12. Num. Chron., vol. xiii., fig, 2, plate, page 70.

The monograms on Antimachus Theos’ coins are represented
under the following numbers of pi. xi. c. Prinsep’s Essays : —
Nos. 8a, 9a. 23 — 27. 48. c. Cunningham J.A. S, B. ix., p. 872.

To these must be added the new monogram AN, which occurs on
the Diodotus’ medals.

I have placed the above coins together, in supersession of the
usual order followed by previous commentators, as they are prac-
tically combined into a single group by the three medals, which
introduce such important modifications in the distribution of the
entire series.

I propose to confine myself, in the present division of this paper,

1 See Prinsep, pi. xxviii., fig. 8.

A. A — pi. vi., fig. 11.

126

BACTRIAN COINS.

to a consideration of the limited number of coins under review,
which in themselves constitute the strictly initial chapter of the
Numismatic history of the Bactrian monarchy.

It will be seen from the various dynastic lists compiled by
modern writers, that from the very commencement of the discovery
of the coins, which were destined to enlarge the suite of Bactrian
rulers from the seven monarchs recorded in ancient stoi-y 1 to the
fifty kings, princes, or satraps, whose monetary memorials have
survived to testify to the past position of the potentates whose
names they bear — a difficulty was experienced in the compression,
which was the most obvious idea, or the contemporary subdivision,
which was the better theory — of so many kings within so confined
a period of time ; 2 and, as a general rule, when any synchronous
classification was attempted, the process was applied not to the
leading monarchs of the line, but to their supposedly inferior and
less powerful successors, who flourished towards the conclusion of
the Bactrian epoch. Singular to say, the new coins now described
necessitate a totally opposite course, and demonstrate that three, at
least of the earlier potentates, held power contemporaneously ; to
how many more names on the general list a like law may apply, it
would be hazardous at this moment to speculate.

The highly interesting medals, Nos. 3, 4, 5, and 6, which exact
a general reconstruction of the series to which they belong, present
little or no difficulty in regard to then relative bearing on each
other, or the effect of their combined evidence on synchronous
issues, and seem susceptible of but a single classification.

Nos. 3 and 4 can only be looked upon as issues by Agathocles,
from two different mints of the kingdom over which he directly
ruled, in self-avowed subordination to Diodotus.3

1 In this number I include Apoilodotus, rejecting all belief in any 2nd
Eucratides.

2 M. E. Rochette graphically illustrates his own sense of this difficulty : —
“ Aux princes qui semblaicnt dfijii trop nombreux pour letroit espace de temps
et de lieux dans lequel ils se trouvaient presses, sont venus se joindre une foule
de rois nouveaux, qu’il faut admettre dans cc meme espace et qui redoublent
notre embarras, en meme temps qu'ils augmentent notre intcAet. Far cette
apparition inattendue de rbgnes dont il n’existe d’ autres tunoignages que ces
monuments memes, plus d'un systhme de classification se trouve detruit, plus
d’une conjecture, rejetee d’abord, se trouve justifiee ; et l'histoire a pris, sur
beaucoup de points, une face nouvelle, grace a ces medailles, seuls debris qui
nous restent dc la puissance de rois qui etendirent leur domination sur une
partie considerable des countrees sitnees au sud et au nord du Caucase indien et
des deux c6tes de 1’ Indus.” J. de Sav. 1844, p. 109.

3 On its first publication in 1S43, M. de Bartholonuei interpreted the com-

BACTRIAN COINS.

127

No. 5 similarly typifies an acknowledgment of the supremacy
of the same Diodotus by Antimachus Theos, in the government
under his own immediate administration.

No. 6 exemplifies the continued retention, by Agathocles, of his
local kingship, at a period when Euthydemus had to be recognised
in the place of Diodotus.

The ordinary coinage of Diodotus (Nos. 1, 2, &c.,) may be sup-
posed to have constituted the local currency of the Imperial Satrapies
over which he personally presided. In the same manner the proper
coins of Agathocles and Antimachus may be held to have comprised
the common circulating medium of then- local governments, while the
binominal medals represent the occasional or exceptional mintag'e,
struck with the jjolitical motive of renewing, at stated times, a
confession of allegiance,1 and, possibly, even designed to form in

bination of the types and legends of coin No. 3, as implying its issue by
Agathocles after the decease of Diodotus, in posthumous honour of the latter as
the founder of the Bactrian monarchy. This attribution was adopted in its
leading features by M. R. Rochette, in his concluding Essay in the Jour, des
Sav. (1844, p. 117.)

The assignment was, however, contested by Droysen (Gesehichte des
Hellenismus, Hamburg, 1843) who held, as must now be admitted, with better
reason — that the relationship between the two monarchs, indicated by the medal,
could only be that of contemporaneous subordination on the part of Agathocles.
This new theory elicited an elaborate reply from M. de Bartholomsei (Zeitsehrift
fur Miinz, 1846), which, however clever in argument, failed altogether to
show that the change from the title of BA2TAEY2 to that of SQTHP, in
connexion with the name of Diodotus, necessitated the inference that he had
then ceased to live.

Lassen in reviewing the various possible bearings of this piece in a somewhat
involved manner, leaves the real question at issue, nearly as undecided as ever —
inter alia “be remarks the relation of Agathocles to Diodotus I. is shown in the
binominal coin. The title of Deliverer denotes the latter as a liberator of the
land from foreign domination, and the absence of the title of king either shews
that he no longer reigned, as M. R. Rochette supposes, or more probably, that he
was no longer acknowledged as a king by Agathocles, when this coin was struck.
The repetition of the Jove type on the reverse proves that Agathocles, if not
Diodotus’ ally, was at all events, his contemporary, and that he reigned at the
same time with or shortly after him.” After referring to the use of the word
BASIAEl’ONTOS as opposed to the ordinary title of BA2IAEYS. Prof. Lassen
proceeds to add, “ its meaning could only be this, that Agathocles practically pos-
sessed royal power, and used it, but that he acknowledged Diodotus as standing
in a higher position, although he (even then) entertained the idea of making
himself independent. * * If this supposition be correct, Agathocles was first

Governor of one of the provinces of the Bactrian kingdom, and became inde-
pendent, while the rule of Diodotus still existed.” Indische Alterthumskunde,
1847.

1 It will be remarked that in each case the subordinate kings make use of

128

BACTRIAN COINS.

itself a special tribute-money, which, in imitation of the Oriental
conception of annual offerings to the Suzerain, often of merely
nominal amount, may, in these instances, have been submitted in
the form of medals prepared for the purpose.

Having so far determined the purport of the coin combinations
from the testimony of their own dies, it becomes needful to
examine how far the result accords with extant written history ;
as might be anticipated from the positive facts so frequently
contributed by coined money, these medals, so far from dis-
turbing or negativing recorded evidence, elucidate and illustrate
it in a most marked manner. As I have before observed, there
has been a curious perseverance on the part of most com-
mentators in restricting the number of kings who should compose the
initial section of the Bactrian dynasty ; indeed in following out such
a received idea, attempts have been made to limit and contract the
full meaning of the important passage in Polybius (xi. 8, quoted at
page 114), wherein Euthydemus excuses himself to Antiochus III. ; so
that the word ’etcyopom has been distorted by an early writer from its
legitimate translation of “ posteros” descendants, into “ subolem,’’
— and as such its application has been narrowed into a presumed
reference to Diodotus II., instead of being allowed to carry its full
force as implied in the plural form of the word itself and the entire
context of the sentence — “ the descendants of those who had before
revolted.”

The term descendants, in the ordinary acceptation, undoubtedly
presented a difficulty, especially if the persons destroyed by
Euthydemus, at so brief an interval after the death of the first
Diodotus, had to be understood to be only the bonu-Jicle descendants
from that one individual ; but the medals now under review teach
us to revert to the true interpretation of the passage, which, by
their aid, may be made to throw a new light upon the whole
inquiry, and to determine conclusively that the revolt of the Bac-
trians was not effected by any single potentate, but by a combina-
tion of the several Satraps in charge of the various provinces,1 an

the reverse device of the Suzerain in supersession of the emblems peculiar to
their own local coins.

1 I do not wish to press an unnecessary argument into the service of a theory
already sufficiently complete in itself, otherwise it might be suggested that Justin
had imperfectly reproduced the sense of Trogus Pompeius, in the following passage,
and that “ totius Orientis populi ” was primarily designed to refer to the associates
of Diodotus.

xli. 5. Eodem tempore etiam Theodotus, mille urbium Bactrianarum

BACTRIAN COINS.

129

organization probably headed by Diodotus as Eparch, under the
impulse of so much of the Eastern polity as developed the
Bang of Kings of the Biblical record, the Rajadhinija of Indian
nations, the adopted BA2IAEY2 BA2IAEQN of the Parthians,1 and
the Shahanshah of the Persians, rather than in obedience to any
practice obtaining among the Greeks; such a conclusion would
possibly elucidate the otherwise obscure remark of Strabo (si. i. 1)
that “ the Greeks, when they got possession of the country, divided
it into satrapies.”2 Whether this arrangement resulted from an
adaptive policy or not, some such subdivision and distribution would
soon have proved necessary, under the peculiar topographical
aspect of the country, where access and intercommunication must,
at certain seasons, have been greatly restricted, apart from the
question of absolute distance.

Under such a system, existing as is proved by the coins, during

prsefectus, defeeit, regemque se appellari jussit : quod exemplum secuti totius
Orientis populi a Macedonibus defecere. 6. Erat eo tempore Arsaces, vir, sicut
incertae originis, ita virtutis expert*, &c.

1 The Parthian system was specially one of local kings, under an imperial

chief, hence the term t, odjU^ ‘J^\ - under which administration, subdivision
was carried to such an extent, that, as Tabari tells us, in every city there was a
“ king ” (Ju.i iLijL 1 , ^ <• The Semitic Malkin Malkd of the VT estern

coins (Num. Chron. xii., 68), equally with the unique association of “ Satrap of
Satraps,” embodies the same idea. (Jour. Boyal Asiatic Soc. xi., 118. Sir H.
Rawlinson’s note on the inscription of Gotarges, at Behistun.)

2 It is not quite clear to what period Strabo alludes in this sentence. The

context would seem to imply a reference to a state of things existing after the
Bactrian revolt ; but, however, this may be, it will be sufficient for the exem-
plification of the political organization of these provinces to go back to the
subdivision already effected at the death of Alexander the Great, and which was
probably extended into far greater detail in the interval between 323 B.c.and 250
b.c. “ In Ulterior Bactriana, and the countries of India, the present Governors
were allowed to retain their office. The region between the rivers Hydaspes and
Indus, Taxiles received. To the colonies settled in India, Python, the son of
Agenor, was sent. Of Paropamisia, and the borders of Mount Caucasus,
Extarches had the command. The Arachosians and Gedrosians were assigned to
Sibyrtius ; the Drane* and Arci to Stasanor. Amyntas was allotted the
Bactrians, Scythseus the Sogdians, Nicanor the Parthians, Philippus the
Hyrcanians. * * * When this allotment, like a gift from the fates,

was made to each, it was to many of them a great occasion for improving their
fortunes ; for not long after, as if they had divided kingdoms, not governments,
among themselves, they became princes instead of prefects, and not only secured
great power to themselves, but bequeathed it to their descendants.” Justin,
xiii., 4. See also Arrian, in Photius, ix., xcii. 2 Curtius, x. Diod. Sec. xviii.
Dexippus, in Photius, lxxxii. Orosius, iii.

VOL. XX.

130

BACTRIAN COINS

the rule of Diodotus, and retained as is seen, in one instance at
least, under Euthydemus, who, whether from motives of policy
or from approval of such a scheme of administration, clearly allowed
Agathocles to retain power in subordination to the leadership he
himself had achieved. Thus, with kings succeeding kings, each
in his own locality, and rendei’ing, in all probability, but irregular
fealty to the suzerain for the time being, and in many cases accom-
plishing complete independence, Euthydemus might reasonably
have had to exterminate, not only children and grandchildren in
exceptional cases, but successors other than hereditative, readily
comprehended in the general term of “ descendants ” of the various
parties to the original defection from the Seleucidan supremacy.

Such, then, being the real state of the monarchical distribution
under the early Bactrian Greeks, wherein three out of many
potentates are found to have held contemporaneous power, instead
of being spread, as was supposed, over a period of time represented
by the duration of three average reigns ; it is clear, that all previous
conjectural epochal assignments will have to be abandoned, and a
satisfactory classification will have to be undertaken under a
greatly modified system. It will naturally be asked, what possible
data exist for such a purpose. It cannot be concealed that the new
assignment demanded by the synchronous co-existence of many
kings, adds materially to the difficulty of attributing to each his
own epoch, and more perplexing still, under the geographical aspect,
wherein, instead of the one realm of Bactria, many kingdoms have
to be appropriated, and kings to be selected out of a little discriminated
list, each claiming an appropriate section of country. But, on the
other hand, if the mint monograms really represent the names of
the cities in which the coins were struck, the grouping of any
given series of the leading towns of the divisional monarclis will be
checked and corrected by the more limited circle embraced, in a way
that the single extensive monarchy of Bactria, including so many
provinces, could scarcely have ensured.

The question that has now, therefore, to be decided is, have we
good and valid reason to assume that the Bactrian mint-marks do
indicate localities.1 The parallel custom of neighbouring and

1 Mr. Masson, so early as the year 1836 (J.A.S.B. v. 545), stated his im-
pression that the monograms on Bactrian Coins, “might be presumed to be
monograms of locality,” an opinion concurred in by Professor H. H. Wilson, who
speaks of these mint-marks as “denoting probably the places where [the pieces]
were coined ” (Ariana Antiqua, p. 223). It was reserved, however, for Colonel
A. Cunningham, to make the first real effort to analyze and explain the purport

BACTRIAN COINS.

131

proximately synchronous dynasties would certainly justify such an
inference. Certain of the Western mints of Alexander the Great, are
admitted to have represented then- own names under conventional
combinations of letters. The Seleucidan series, though not yet
proved in detail, seems to follow a like practice. The conterminous
Parthians, though they commence such an elaboi’ation of the art of
moneying later in point of time,1 adopt and continue the usage with
uniform regularity, and their contact with the Bactrians is singularly
exemplified in the reproduction of the identical symbols of the
latter on the Arsacidan currency as the Parthian frontier advanced.
The succeeding race of the Sassanians equally mark the city of
issue, though no longer in monograms composed of Greek cha-
racters, but with very inexpressive brevity, in uncombined initial
letters of the name, in the Pehlvi alphabet. The Arabs, who
conquered their land, for some time continued to define the mints
of their imitative coinage in similar Pehlvi letters, though in a less
abbreviated form, until, on the introduction of the Kufic character
for mint purposes, the surface of the coin bore record of little
beyond the date and place of issue, which latter, to this day, forms
so prominent a feature in the extensive circle of Oriental coinages
that follow Muhammadan models.

I shall however reserve any more complete examination of the
general question for a succeeding number of the Journal, as I find
it impossible to illustrate and explain the complicated forms of the
mint-monograms without engravings or wood-cuts, which there is,
just now, no time to prepare.2

of these combinations. The results of his investigations were published in
the viii.th volume of the Numismatic Chronicle (1843)— under the title of “An
Attempt to Explain some of the Monograms found upon the Grecian Coins of
Ariana and India.” In this paper, Colonel Cunningham has given a table of no
less than sixty different monograms, specifying in a comprehensive form the
various kings upon whose coins the several symbols occur, and giving suggestive
explanations of the reading and identification of nearly two-thirds of the
entire number.

1 Arsaces iv. Mithridates I.

2 As this paper may eventually remain incomplete, it may be as well that I
should indicate in this place, subject to the test of a more extended comparison,
such interpretations of the monograms already quoted as seem reasonably
encouraging.

The monogram No. 1

which occurs on the coins of Diodotus, and

subsequently on those of Euthydemus, has been read by Colonel Cunningham as
TAYKIANA, which he proposed to amend into TAA1KANA, Tdlikdn, and

K 2

132

BACTRIAN COINS.

I may conclude these observations by intimating to those who
would follow up the subject, that as regards the comparative
geography of the period, we are fortunate in having lately been
furnished with a most exhaustive series of essays on the subject
from the pen of M. P. Vivien de Saint Martin,1 who has further
completed his researches, by examining- the more exclusively Indian
section of the inquiry, the result of which has lately been published2
under the title of “ Etude sur la geographic et les populations pri-
mitives du Nord-ouest de l’lnde, d’apres les Hymnes Vediques.”

further to associate with the Tapauria of Polybius (Taguria, p. 114, supra). I
confess to a distrust in any such an elaborate sequence of identifications, and
should prefer some more simple lection, such as NIK A I A. It may elucidate the
ultimate determination of this monogram to refer No. 7a, which, when viewed
from the right hand side of the coin, is found to present a form absolutely
identical with No. 1.

No. 2 a, FfP, had been originally resolved by Colonel Cunningham into the
name of MAPTIANH, an attribution which seemed strengthened by the dis-
covery of a variant of the same monogram, having an additional r at the
top (No. 2 fvP), in this case, however, the r already existing in the compound
became superfluous, a fact which may possibly be explained by supposing that the
upper line of the square of the monogram was intended to form a portion of the
letter n, representing the initial letter of nd\<c.

Of the monograms of Agathocles, No. 6 = AP., seen s to stand for the metro-
politan city of the province of Arachosia, which, as in the parallel cases of AP
and XOP denoting severally the capitals of Drangia and Chorasmia, referred
rather to the name of the kingdom than to the designation of the specific
capital .

No. 4 has been supposed to symbolize the name of 04>IANH, but the cross
line forming a T in the centre of the 0, rather damages this assignment.

No. 4 (See Plate ii., coin 2) gives, with singular completeness, the forms of
every letter in the word AIOAOTOIIOAI2, which may be taken to represent
some city temporarily named after Diodotus, in accord with the frequent custom
of the times.

The isolated letters 4>I on the copper coins may possibly instruct us rightly in
the initial rendering of the monogram No. 5, seen on the binominal medal of
Euthydemus (PI. ii., fig 3), which continues its combination into a third character
A, with the optional letters O, and P.

The mint marks of Antimachus Theos commence with the new monogram
AN, which may be taken to indicate either a town named after Antiochus, or a
more newly designated city called after Antimachus himself. No. 8a seems to
answer fairly for Kaprava, and I should likewise be disposed to concur in
Colonel Cunningham’s interpretation of No. 27, as AiowtroiroXig if it should
hereafter stand the trial of association of localities.

1 Etude sur la geographic grccquc et latine de 1’ Inde. Paris, 1858.

2 Paris, 1859.

BACTRIAN COINS.

133

Note Explanatory of the Contents of Plate ii.,
Yol. xx., J.R.A.S.

No. 1 — Diodotus. Tetradrachma, p. 122.

No. 2 — Binominal medal of Diodotus and Agathocles, p. 123.
No. 3 — Binominal medal of Euthydemus and Agathocles, p. 124.
No. 4 — Antimachus Theos, p. 125.

No. 5 — Heliocles. Didrachma. Col. Abbott. Weight, 146'3
grams.

J Obverse— BA2IAEQ2 AIKAIOY HAIOKAEOY.

° ' ( Reverse — Mabarajasa Dbramikasa Heliyakreyasa.

Monogram — No. 22 b. Prinsep’s Essays.

No. 6 — Zoilus. Hemidrachma. Col. Abbott.

T , f Obverse— BA2IAEQ2 2QTI1P02 SQIAOY.

i Reverse — Mabarajasa Tradatasa Jlioilasa.

Monogram — No. 60, Prinsep’s Essays.

No. 7 — Dionysius. Hemidrachma. Col. Abbott.

Legends —

JBA2IAEQ2 2QTHP02 AIONY2IOY.
1 Mabarajasa Tradatasa Diannisiyasa.

Monogram — No. 60, Prinsep’s Essays.

Journal. Puyycd Asiatic Society , VoLXKPll

BACTRIAN COINS

ERRATA.

Art. II.

In page 29, line 5 from the bottom of text, for “ two descrip-
tions,” re-ad “ four descriptions.”

Art. III.

In page 46, lines 2, 6, 11, 15, 19, 24, 28, instead of “ I am greater
than one who does not exist ” read “ I am yet greater than that.”—
This mistake arose from supposing asatah, instead of atah, to be the
reading in the corresponding passages of the original

Art. IV.

page 49, line 3 (title), for “ Niemnn” read “ Niemann.”

„ „ 10 for “Rader Fumenggung” read “ lladen Tumeng-

gung;.”

50 „ 4 for “ Zamenang ” read “ Pamenang.”

„ „ 25 for “ Zaku ” read “ Paku.”

„ „ 27 for “Jotjokarta” read “ Jogjokarta.”

,, ,, 40 for “ better than all” read “ best of all.”

51 „ 5 for “ Kerdenli ” read “ Keudeng.”

„ ,, 13 for “Zaku” read “Paku.”

„ .,14 for “Crawford” read “ Crawfurd,”

135

Art. VIII. — Text and Commentary of the Memorial of Saky a
Buddha Tathagata. By Wong Puh. (Translated from the
Chinese by the Rev. S. Beal.)

PREFATORY REMARKS BY THE REY. SPENCE HARDY.

There is no life of Gotama Buddha, by any native author, yet
discovered, that is free from the extravagant pretensions with which
his history has been so largely invested ; from which we may infer
that the records now in existence were all prepared long after his
appearance in this world. The Chinese work, of which the follow-
ing is a translation, was written about the middle of the seventh
century after Christ. We learn from “ The History of the Sung
Dynasty ” that there was constant intercourse between China and
Ceylon at this time, as well as in much earlier periods. The
pilgrims from China were accustomed to take from the island relics,
extracts from the sacred books, and models of the most celebrated
images of Buddha. We are, therefore, prepared to discover a
similarity between the mythical records of India and China, but
could scarcely have expected that it would be so complete as is now
proved by recent researches. The popular worship of the Queen of
Heaven is one of the most striking innovations. Neither in the
legends, nor in the philosophical disquisitions of the Chinese, are
there evidences of much originality, so far as their translated works
on Buddhism enable us to judge. They seem here to be the same
unimaginative copyists that they are in works of art and manufac-
ture.

The “ Memorials ” are written after the form most prevalent in
India since the decline of the more flourishing ages of its literature.
There is first, a short text, regarded as authoritative, and then an
extended gloss or comment by a more modern writer. In the defi-
nition of terms the same rules are generally followed as in India,
though with some differences of minor importance. In nearly all
the works that profess to give an account of the principal events in
the life of Gotama Buddha, whether written in India or China, there
is the same sequence of circumstance, and the same phenomena are
presented with corresponding minuteness. By both classes of

VOL. XX. L

136

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

writers the incidents attendant on Sakya’s conception, gestation,
youth, and marriage ; the four reasons for his becoming an ascetic,
the manner in which he received the Supreme Buddhaship, and the
success of the first sermons he preached, with notices of his earliest
converts, are given in detail, and nearly in the same consecutive
order. But here the record ceases to be a connected narrative, and
the other events of his long life are nearly unrecorded by those who
profess to be his biographers, until we come to the circumstances
connected with his death, or his reception of Nirvana. In the
Chinese writings there is not the same extent of exaggeration
relative to the supernatural events that are said to have attended
all the important acts performed by Gotama — such as the shaking
of the earth, and the appearance of the gods, on almost every great
occasion ; but miraculous events are frequently presented by these
writers in greater profusion than in the Indian legends within a more
limited ai’ea. The “Memorials, by Wong Puh,” maybe regarded as
holding the same place in relation to the legends of Sakya that the
Pratimoksha, by the same translator, occupies as to the discipline
to be observed by the priests ; both these works throw new light
upon the subjects on which they treat, and both serve as a link of
connexion between Indian and Chinese Buddhism. They are also
of value as stating the occasion on which many of the most im-
portant Sutras were delivered. There are incidental expressions of
a doctrinal character that are contrary to the opinions received in
Siam, Burma, and Ceylon, that will form matter for further investi-
gation by the student of Buddhism.

(Obs. — In this work the figures point to the successive para-
graphs of the text ; after each paragraph is a commentary. I have
preserved the original arrangement throughout. The Chinese work
is in three volumes. — S. B.)

This work is entitled “ Shik-ka Ju-loi Shing-Taou Ki,” i.e.,
“ Memorials relating to the perfected wisdom of Sakya-Tathagata.’’
It was originally compiled by Wong Puh, one of the literati who
held office in the court of Kaou Tsung (the 3rd Emperor of theTang
dynasty, a.d. 650 — 684). From the brief memoir prefixed to the
present work, we find he was banished by that Emperor to Kwoh
Chau, on account of a satirical notice he issued, ridiculing the

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 137

princes of the palace, on account of their love of attending cock-
fights. The Emperor suspected this production of his to be the
beginning of a seditious movement, and so, being angry, expelled
him to the above locality (the present Yung Yang-hien, in the
prefecture of Kai Fung, in the province of Honan).

The preface to the work before us, was written by Ming Teh,
dating from the 6th year of Wan-lih, the 13th Emperor of the
Ming dynasty, a.d. 1573. The notes and explanations are by
Hwui Wuh Tai-Sse, written whilst living at Yueh lin Shan (Full
Moon Hill).

The copy in my possession, from which the following translation
is made, I took from the library of the Kwan-yin-San Temple, at
the captui'e of Canton, January, 1858.

Introductory note (in the original).

The term Sakya is Sanscrit ; rendered into Chinese, it signifies
“ efficient virtue,” or “ able to practice virtue.” It is the family
name of the Buddha who appeared under his apparitional form in
this So-po Sakwala (obs. So-po according to Julien, is an error for
So-ho, i. e., the Sahalo-Kadhaton). The following- is the account
given in the Great Agama Sutra, respecting the origin of the term
(Sakya). “ In the olden times there was a wheel king (Chakra-
vartti) whose family name was Kan-che-shi (He who belongs
to the ‘ sugar cane.’ Shi probably corresponds to a patronymic
termination in the Sanscrit ; and the name “ Kan-che ” is, per-
haps, the same as Amba or Ambata of Spence Hardy, or Amra
of Julien; the Chinese, indeed, signifies ‘sugar-cane,’ and the
Sanscrit, 1 Mango.’ Yid. the legend respecting Ambapali, in
Manual of Bud., p. 456, and also in Julien. And particularly, with
reference to the family name being Ambatta, Spence Hardy, M B.
133). Listening to the enticements of his second wife, he was
induced to banish his four sons to the north of the Snowy Moun-
tains. These sons founded here a city, and as they governed
their subjects virtuously, in the course of a few years the country
became thickly populated and prosperous. Their Royal Father, on
recollecting his conduct, regretted what he had done, so that he
sent certain messengers to bid his sons return to their possessions ;
but the four sons refused to do so ; on which them father, with
three exlamations said, ‘ my sons are Shik-ka,’ i. e., 1 strong in
virtue.’ Hence the family name.” f(Vid. this fable, somewhat
differently related, in Spence Hardy, M.B. 132.)

The expression Ju-loi is the Chinese equivalent of the Sanscrit
Tathagata, and is the first of Buddha’s ten (descriptive) names.

138

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

It signifiies, “ he who has come in the rig-ht way, and perfected true
wisdom.”

The expression “ Shing Taou,” i. e.. arrived at complete know-
ledge (Bodhi) is used to signify the self-manifestation or revelation
of the king of the land (Dhannavadya, i. e., Buddha).

1. I am about to declare the traditional records (lit. traces
handed down as tradition) relating to Shik-ka Ju-loi.

2. "With respect to his pure and universally diffused body — that,
indeed, is, in its character, incapable of beginning or end.

Notes. — Being about to record the beginning and ending of his
apparitional history, the author first alludes in passing to his spiritual
body (Fah Shin, i.e., his essential body). Now, with respect to this
essential body, what is it ? It is nothing more than the substantial
basis of his apparitional form — perfectly at rest and pure — universally
diffused !

Sang-Chan, of the Tsin (state), says, “ What we call Ju-loi is
only that which is the basis of the universe (dhanna dhatu, this
term is of very general use, and is defined as that which the heart
(soul) is capable of knowing ; viz. : the universe. Vid. the work
Fah kai lib.) No form can represent it — its extent is immeasura-
ble ! imperishable ! unchangeable ! (Obs. I believe the original is
here defective). It is, therefore, said in the text, “ in his essential
character incapable of beginning or end.”

3. But by the powerful exercise of his great compassion he
manifested himself, and received fife (i.e., birth).

Notes. — This clause illustrates the subject of Buddha’s having a
beginning and end. What the phrase “ great compassion ” means
is this — the first and chief of the four perfect characters (heart or
soul) by which Buddha is revealed [the four are compassion, love,
beneficence, and blessedness (or perfection of joy)]. This great
compassion is, as it were, the bottom root of the reason of Buddha.
It manifests or exerts itself in destroying sorrow. This employ-
ment is, as it were, the delight (fruit) of Buddha. Hence it is
called “ great.”

The word fin (this word has a comprehensive meaning — it
signifies the power of a strong vow or prayer), used in the text,

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 139

means “ mig’hty constraining force.” The word lih refers to the
10 lih, i.e., the 10 Paramitas. Hence, because all the Buddhas pos-
sess such wondrous compassion, they could not remain in a state of
nirvana ; and because they possess such infinite wisdom they could
not remain in a condition of life and death ; because they were so
powerfully constrained (by compassion), they passed from the state
of true existence to that which is false, and assumed a body ; hence
the text says, “ manifested himself and received life.”

4. Resting for a time in the To-si-to heavens (Tusita).

Notes. — To-sz-to, otherwise To-shi-To in Chinese, signifies
“ sufficiency of knowledge.” This is the 4th heaven of the world
of desires (Kamadhaton). The Nirvana Sutra says, “ This is the
most excellent of all the heavens in the world of desires, and is,
therefore, the resting place of the Bo-sat (Bodhisatwas). All of
them are manifested by being born in this heaven before going to
teach all sentient beings in an apparitional form.

5. Being (known there) as ti-ming Bo-sat (? Uchadhwadya1).

Notes. — ti-ming — this is, as it were, the ground-cause of
Sakya Buddha. During this Bhadra Kalpa, in ages past when
men’s life extended to 20,000 years, then Kasyapa was Buddha;
and when he predicted that (Sakya) should come and perfect reason,
he assumed the name we are considering, and then he was born in
the Tusita heaven. So he adopted and used this name just as
Maitreya now does. Bo-sat is a Sanscrit word, which, written in
full, would be Bodisatwa — it signifies “ (he who has) wisdom and (at
the same time) lives.” The common contraction of this word is
Bo-sat.

6. He descended to the country of Ka-pi-lo [Kapila Yastu].

Notes. — The Sanscrit word Ka-pi-lo-su-to is equivalent in
Chinese to “ the city of preeminent virtue (or the preeminently
virtuous city).” It is the same as Central India.

7. Assuming the title Yih-tsai-i-shing (the perfection of all
systems. Sarvartasiddha).

Notes. — The Sanscrit is Sah-po-pi-ta-sih-ta (Sarvatasiddha —
Observe that the text is wrong, and, as Julien says, it ought to be
Sa-po-ho-la-ta-si-to). This is the very first of Sakya Buddha’s

Prab&p&la Bodhisatwa, 3., iii, 487.

140

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

little names ( i.e ., names assumed before arriving at manhood).
Contracted it becomes Sih-ta (Siddhartha). The Sui-ying Sutra says,
“ At the time of Buddha’s birth in the royal palace, in the very
centre country, and of the Sliik family (Sakya), there were, at the
same time, born 500 male children, 500 foals of horses and elephants ;
in the midst of the palace 500 treasures came to light ; in the midst
of the sea 500 merchants received precious freights, and, returning,
each presented (Buddha) with distinguished offerings. His father
beholding these valuable offerings therefore gave him this name.

8. The Deva Kin Tim (golden mass) choosing his family.

Notes. — The Pun Hing Sutra (Lalita vistara) says, “ U Ming

(i.e., Purucha or Uchadhwadya) ” calling the Deva Kin Tim, said,
“ From olden time, all the Bosat who dwell in this heaven, awaiting
then- birth, when about to assume their human form must select
a family conspicuous for sixty eminent qualities — pure for three
generations. Descend, therefore, to Jainbudwipa, and examine
for me such a family.” Kin Tun replied, “The city of Ka-pi-lo,
the king named Tsing-fan (Quddhodana), his wife named Ma-ye
(Maya), through all their generations perfectly pure and eminently
endowed, of great renown ; in this family may you be born.”
tj-Ming replied : “ Good ! I am resolved to be born there.”

9. (The illustrious) Tsing-fan (i.e., pure food, or ^uddhodana),
was his father.

Notes. — In Sanscrit, this is Shan-to-to-na (Quddhodana).

10. A gemmous elephant, (like a) moving sun,

11. Manifesting itself, came and took up its abode in the womb
of Tai Shuh (great delusion, i.e., Maha Maya).

Notes to 10 and 11. — From the beginning to the end, there
are eight signs which distinguish the incarnation of Buddha. —
1. That of his coming from the Tusita heaven. — 2. His being born
in the Lam-pi-ni (Lumbini) garden. — 3. His going out of the four
gates to obsexwe. — 4. Leaving the city, becoming a recluse (Pra-
javaka). — 5. Practising asceticism in the Snowy Mountains. —
6. His struggle with Mara, and arriving at perfect reason under
the Bo-Ti (Bodhi) tree. — 7. Turning the wheel of the law in the
park of deer. — 8. Arriving at Nirvana under the So-lo trees (Salas).
That mentioned in the text (10) is the first work.

The Po Yau Sutra says : “Now why did Bosat take the form

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 141

of a white elephant to enter the womb 1 Because, of the three kinds
of animals (sheep, horse, elephant) who cross a river, the elephant
alone touches the bottom (alluding to Buddha crossing the stream
of life).

Notes to 11. — The Sanscrit Maha Maya is equivalent to the
Chinese “Tai Shuh” (great delusion); she was the mother of
Buddha. She was the eighth daughter of Shin-Kioh, the king or
ruler of the city Tin-pi (vid. an account of Maha Maya’s descent,
Manual of Buddhism, pp. 136 — 137). A Rishi (seer or sorcerer)
predicted that she would become the mother of a Chakravartti, on
which Quddodhana took her as his wife. The Pun-Hing’ (Lalita
Vistara) says : “ The Lady Maya dreamt that she saw a white
elephant, bright as the sun (or surrounded as it were with a sun)
come and enter her right side. On telling this to the king, he
summoned a seer, and asked him (saying, what means this dream ?)
He replied : “ The woman who has dreamt this, must necessarily
become the mother of a Chakravartti.

If it be objected, with reference to this account, that the Sutras
say that for 91 Kalpas Bosat had not entered any of the evil
ways, i. e., as a beast, asura, or demon), how then, in this very last
manifestation, did he appear as an elephant ? To this the Pi-cha
(Yibacha) Shastra replies : “ The narrative of the text is not liter-
ally true ; but as in that country they worship the sun, and honour
the elephant, so all those who dream on those things are considered
fortunate.” Hence, the verdict of the seer. Again, it may be
asked, “ Is it possible, in this very last appearance of Bosat he
should assume a body born from the womb ? to which we reply,
the Fali-Yan Sutra says : “ It was on account of his desire to
complete his intention of delivering all sentient beings, and not for
the purpose of securing their worship and reverence, that he
assumed his apparitional form. His eminent merit and complete
wisdom, accrues not from any amount of preparation (but from his
very nature) — he, therefore, assumed this corporeal form, when he
manifested himself.” Again, it (?'. e., the Fah Yan) says: — “Bosat,
dwelling in the womb of his mother, sat upon a precious dais, as
it were in a mansion of Heaven, went, remained, sat, and slept
without causing her the least pain or sorrow. Three times every
day all the Buddhas of the ten regions, entering in, remained with
him to express their sympathy, and conversed on the subject
of his receiving birth — whilst the Bosat, of similar gTade, of all the
ten regions, entered in likewise, to hear the law.”

But all this is mere fiction.

142

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

12. Constituted a king of the golden wheel (or, The golden
wheel constitutes him a king).

Notes. — There are four sorts of wheel kings. — 1. An iron-wheel
king, who governs one empire. — 2. A copper- wheel king, who
governs two empires.— 3. A silver-wheel king, who governs three
empires. — 4. A golden- wheel king, who controls four empires. He
possesses seven precious things. What are they? 1. A golden
wheel. — 2. A generous woman. — 3. The horse. — 4. The elephant.
— 5. The treasure-ruling spirit. — 6. The ruling soldier minister. —
7. The Ju-i (magical) jewel.1 These seven things the sacred king
receives on the day of his consecration— all seem to come out of
empty space ; then, ascending, they traverse through the four
empires. All men beholding the golden discus flying in advance,
submit themselves willingly to the ministers. The Pun Hing(Lalita
Vistara) says, “ When the heir apparent was born, all the sooth-
sayers, from the thirty-two signs on his person, predicted that he
would become a holy Chakravartti.

13. Beginning his life (cho’ng tan, i. e., dating his birthday) in
(the place) beneath the Mo-yan tree (Sala).

Notes. — This is the second work, viz. : that of his birth in the
Lam-pi-ni (Lumbini) garden. The Sui Ying Sutra says, “The
royal lady Maya, her time of gestation being completed, wished to
proceed and walk in this garden. When she arrived, she immediately
stretched forth her right hand, and grasped a branch of the Mo-Yan
tree ; and from her right side was born the royal prince. The king
of Heaven (i. e., Sakra) received him respectfully in a costly robe,
and swathed him therein, whilst the Devas held over him a golden-
handled parasol. All the dragon spirits scattered fragrant flowers
around him, amidst the sound of drums and other music. The great
earths of the ten regions trembled and shook sis times, whilst the
thirty-two great wonders appeared.” (For an account of these
wonders, vid. Manual of Bud., p. 143).

These wonders are not mentioned much in our records ; yet, in
the treatise called “Kara Ku Lun” (i.e., discourse on things new
and old), under the head “ Records of different events of the Chan
dynasty,” we read, “in the 24th year of the reign of Chaou
Wang (1028 b. c.) of the Ki Chaou dynasty (Chaou is a general
title of this dynasty), the 8th day of the 4th month of the
Kiah Yin year, all the rivers, brooks, fountains, and wells over-

ViU. Lalita Vistara, Cap. iii, and Man. of B., p. 127.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 143

flowed ; the very beds of the mountain rivers were shaken ; the
fixed stars ceased to shine ; whilst in all the sky appeared gleams
of light, composed of the five colours. (Observe that I have trans-
lated this as if it alluded to the constellations or divisions of the
sky ; also in the sentence above instead of ‘ the very bottom of the
mountain streams ’ we may render it ‘ the mountain torrents and
the starry heavens were shaken ’). The king, having enquired of
his assembled ministers the meaning of these wonders, the Tai-Sz’
(chief historian) Su-Yan, respectfully said, ‘ There is a holy man
born in the western heavens ; after 1000 years his doctrine shall
extend to his country.’ The king ordered this to be recorded on a
tablet, and placed for memorial in Nan Kan (either the place where
the sacrifices at the Solstice were offered, or generally ‘ the region
of the south ’).”

14. Adorned, as to his person, with the eighty sorts of excel-
lencies— lovely as the Fan flower (Pundarika).

Notes. — The Pi-cha Lun (Yibacha Shastra) says, “ The eighty
sorts of (inferior) beauties, residing amongst all the other tokens,
compose what is called the ‘ chwong yan ’ (‘ perfectly lovely.’ Is
this the same as the garden of Mi<;raka? — vid. Lalita vistara 56 — 86
passim) body of Buddha.” The Fan flower — this word is Sanscrit —
written in full it would be Fan-to-li (Pandarika) flower, i. e., the
white Lotus. The Nit-Pun King (Nirvana Sutra) says, “ The body
of Buddha had none of the impurities natural at birth — but was like
the white lotus flower in its very nature — pure and calm.”

15. And with the thirty-two (superior) excellencies the proper
marks of a great seer. Bright as the full moon !

Notes. — The Nirvana Sutra says, “ Exhibiting- (in his person)
the thirty-two superior marks of beauty, and so in himself complete
(chwa’ng yen). Like the full and rounded moon of the 15th evening
of the month.”

16. (Then facing) the four quarters, he took seven steps each
way.

Notes. — The Sui-Ying Sutra says, “At the time when Bosat
was first born he required not any one to hold him ; but, looking
towards the four quarters of heaven, he took seven steps each
way. A lotus, of its own accord, sprang up beneath his feet.”
The Fah Yen Sutra says, “ (He did this) because there was no one
to be seen in the world in any way comparable to him.” The Kin

144

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

Kong Sin Ki (Diamond Risliis’ Record) says, “Juloi, in exhibiting
his power of locomotion, adopted three methods. — 1. By his spiritual
power going through the air. — 2. By walking on lotuses which
sprang up voluntarily under his feet. — 3. At the time of walking
raising his feet above the ground about the height of four fingers,
and thus moving whilst a thousand luminous circles of light issue
(or display themselves) beneath on the earth (lit. like scales on the
earth).”

17. Whilst nine streams of water uniting bathed his body (lit.
his one body).

Notes. — The Po Yan Sutra says, “ At the time when Bosat was
born, the nine dragons dwelling in space caused a fine and gentle
rain to fall, neither too hot or cold, to refresh the body of Bosat.”

18. Then also appeared the Yan-Tam flower (Udambara).

Notes. — The Yan-Tam-Pat-lo flower (t.e., the Udambara flower,

ficus glomerata, Lalita Vistara, p. 106, 2) appears whenever a
golden-wheel king is born. Because it is very seldom seen in the
world, it is said, therefore, to be “ difficult to see so also is it
difficult to live exactly when a Buddha is born. And so the
Pun Efing Tsali (Lalita Vistara) Sutra says, “ A-sz-to ” (Asita),
the Rishi, addressing the great king (Maharaja) said, “ As the
Udambara flower throughout immeasurable ages is not seen in the
world ; so also is it with regard to the appearance of a Buddha.”
The Nirvana Sutra says, “ To be born just when the Udambara
flower appears (we may well) believe to be difficult.”

19. As he uttered with the voice of a lion

20. These words, “ There is now a clean end of human births
(births from the womb). Soon, indeed, shall I attain the immutable
body.”

Notes to 19 and 20. — The Yan Kwo Sutra says, “ At the time
when the royal prince (Kumararaja) was born, with one hand
pointing to the heaven and one to the earth, he uttered the voice
of a lion, and said, ‘ Above and below Heaven I only am The
Honourable One (Ary a).’” Now the lion amongst other animals is
accounted the king, and his roar is attended with four consequences.
— 1. All the other beasts hearing it quake with fear. — 2. The musk
elephant (Gandhahasti, vid. Jul, iii, i) falls down, and is subdued
with fear. — 3. All birds on the wing fall down. — 4. All animals

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 145

living in the water seek to hide themselves. So also the voice of
Buddha is much to be regarded, and is attended with four conse-
quences..— 1. The voice of Buddha declaring the law, all (other)
laws (or substances, Dharma) come to an end. — 2. Mara is subdued.
— 3. Heretics and opposers of the truth fall down and are overcome.
— 4. All troubles, distresses, and anxieties disappear. So the
comparison used in the text holds good with reference to the pro-
clamation of the law.

Notes to 20. — His “immutable body,” i.e., his universally dif-
fused and essential body (Dharma Kaya). The Fah-IIoa Sutra (Lotus
of good law, Saddharma pundarika) says, “ Juloi having arrived
at perfect possession of the condition of Buddha, long since, what
need can there be of any further births — receiving no after-sub-
stance, how can he be born ? ”

21. Returning and coming as I have for the purpose of saving-
men (sentient creatures), how shall I bring to an end the traces of
my apparitional births ?

Notes. — This is what is called the great compassionate heart of
all the Buddhas. For as there is no bound to created beings or
worlds (or classes of created beings), so the love of Buddha is inex-
haustible. It was on this account, therefore, viz., to save the
world, he came amongst men. Now it may be asked, “ Buddha
having completed his reason (perfected reason) long ago, and being
in his own nature self-existent (Ishwara or Swabava), why did he
not content himself by sending a being born in the apparitional
way to forfeit reason (on this occasion)? Why did he use the plan
of being bom from the side, as the womb ? ” To this we answer,
the Tai Shen Ki’uen Sutra says, “ If Buddha had wished not to be
born from the womb, and arrive at perfect wisdom, for once he
feared lest his earnest intention to deliver all creatures would be
ineffectual ; lest men, doubting the truth of this apparitional
appearance, should be unwilling to receive instruction. And if he
had been born as a poor man, then (they would say) ‘ it were easy
for him to become a recluse ; to avoid hunger and cold (he did this).’
And so, when he manifested Limself he entered the womb, and was
born in a king’s palace, with an abundance of every sort of
agreeable delights ; nevertheless, he afterwards became a recluse.”

22. Thus wrapped up once more (lit. returning to his lodging-
house, i.e., his body) in swaddling clothes, he was manifested as a
little child.

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Notes. — The Nirvana Sutra says : “ The body of Juloi is the
same as his essential and universally diffused body, not that sort of
body which consists of flesh, bones, blood, &c. But in order to
fulfil the laws of all sentient beings (or rather to comply with the
laws which constitute a sentient being-), he manifested himself as
a little child. The expression ‘ Ying Th ’ refers to his sucking the
breast as a little baby.”

23. Then came the casting his horoscope ! Alas ! for the grief of
Ho-sz’-to (Asita), the Rishi !

Notes. — The Sanscrit Ho-sz’-To, corresponds to the Chinese
“incomparable” (“mo pi”). This was the name of a great
Rishi of the western regions, who possessed the mirror for dis-
tinguishing the destinies of men. The Pun Iling- Sutra (Lalita
Yistara) says; “Quddhodana summoned Asita, the Rishi, to cast
the horoscope of the prince royal. The Rishi appeared choked
with grief, on which the king asked why he was so sorrowful ?
to which he replied, ‘ the royal prince possesses the thirty-two
superior signs, and the eighty inferior ones, which makes it manifest
that this child will be no Chakravartti ;’ but it is certain, that be-
coming a recluse (Prajawarka), he will perfect reason as Buddha, and
turn the wheel of the law ! What joy for all the world of sentient
beings ! But as for* me, now an old man (ki — an old man upwards
of sixty), I shall not see the flower of the law ! (or otherwise ‘ the
apparitional form of the law ’). Deprived of this great benefit, I
am, therefore, sorrowful and downcast !”

24. And when he went to worship at the ancestral temple,
what reverence did he receive in the shrine of Tsz’ Tsoi (Mahi-
swara).

Notes. — The Sui Ying Sutra says, “ (^uddodhana Raja, riding
in his chariot with the royal prince in his arms, went to wor-
ship at the shrine of Maha Iswara Deva. Then all the figures
of the gods rose up everywhere, and did obeisance to the prince,
bowing at his feet. His royal father, astonished at the sight,
exclaimed: ‘My son, in the midst of the gods, is even more
excellent than they his fitting title then is, ‘ Tin chung Tin,’ (a
Deva amongst Devas).” This is the same as Buddha’s second little
name.

25. And so he grew up to be a youth.

Notes. — The Pali Yen Sutra says: “He manifested himself in

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 14 7

the condition of a young man, because he would accomplish through-
out all the different conditions of humanity.

26. And learnt the Shing Ming (i. e., the Yyakaranam of Panini,
or the Qabdavidya. Vid. Jul. ii, 73.)

Notes. — The great works of Indian literature include five Ming
(i.e., scientific treatises) viz., Shing-ming (treatise on sounds,
Qabdavidya). (2) Kung Kian Ming (treatise on mechanical
arts, Qilpasthanavidya). (3) I-fong-ming (treatise on medicine,
Tchikitsavidya). (4) In-ming (treatise on causes, Iletonvidya).
(5) Nu-ming (treatise on interior things, A dhy atmavidya). Now,
this Shing Ming (Oabdavidya) is mentioned, because it is usual in
India for a child who has displayed considerable talent, to begin to
study it. The royal prince, indeed, studied all the treatises, but
this one is particularized because it includes, as it were, the others.

27. And with what success he practised the military exercises,
let the “Arrow Pagoda,” and the “Arrow Well,” declare !

Notes. — The instructor of the prince royal was Tche’en-Tai Ti po
(Tchanda Deva?), that is, “ Yan Tin” (or “ Patient Deva ”). With
respect to his learning the military arts, the Lalita Yistara says :
“ The royal prince, when he was fifteen years old, contended with
all the Sakhyas in various athletic sports ; one arrow perforated and
passed through seven golden targets (drums) ; another arrow pene-
trated seven iron blocks. These arrows, passing through the targets,
went beyond them, and stuck in the earth, and forthwith, from the
spot where they were fixed, gushed forth wells of water. At the
same time, the god Sakra took the arrows and conveyed them to the
To-li heavens (the thirty-three heavens, Trayastrin<jas), where he
carefully preserved and reverenced them, raising a pagoda over
them — this is the first of the four pagodas erected in those heavens
for similar purposes. The well which sprang forth is by men called
‘ the arrow well.’ ” The Si-yu-ki (written by Hiouen Tsang) contained
in the three pitakas belonging to the Tong dynasty states : “The
arrow well is 30 li S.E. of the city of Kapila-vastu. The water
is sweet as nectar to the taste ; those who are sick are restored
by drinking it ; and it is useful for this purpose to the present
day.”

28. And what strength he displayed in seizing animals ; the
traces of the elephant left on the ground, and the ditch, are standing-
proofs.

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

Notes. — The Sutra says, “ The royal prince, with his brother
(or cousin) Lan-To (Qundrananda) and Ti’n Ta (Devadatta),
leaving the grounds after the athletic exercises, Devadatta going
in front saw a great elephant standing in the gateway (of the
arena) ; so, hitting it with his hand, he killed it. Next, Nanda
coming out saw the elephant tying in the road, and, seizing it with
his hand, he drew it on one side. Afterwards the prince royal came
out and saw the elephant (still tying there) ; so, using his left hand,
he raised it up, and, with his right hurled it away : the elephant
fell outside the city, and where it fell indented the earth ; and so
it is called, and the text mentions, the Elephant Ditch (Hastigarta)
(Jul. ii, 313, 314).”

29. Thus for ten years he revelled in all the pleasures of
indulgence !

Notes. — These pleasures (desires) are results of the five dusts,
viz. : form, sound, scent, flavour, and touch. Those who inhabit
the world of desire enjoy every pleasure they covet. The Lalita
Vistara says, “ The royal prince, in his palace, had each of the five
sources of pleasure ; for ten years, amidst every species of enjoy-
ment, he left not the palace.” Hence the words of the text.

30. But now he shewed himself taking a tour of observation
from the four gates.

Note. — This is the third of the principal events of Buddha’s life,
and is the cause of his becoming a recluse.

31. (When he beheld) the Sha-mun with a pleasant expression,
and the begrimed old man, the leper, and the corpse.

Notes.— Sha mun (Qramana) is a general term for disciples that
have left then- homes. The Lalita Yistara says, “ The royal prince,
enjoying his pleasures in the midst of the palace, still earnestly
desired to go forth and roam through the pleasure gardens ; where-
upon the king ordered the public thoroughfares to be adorned and
cleaned, and the places of repose (kun) in the garden to be orna-
mented throughout ; he selected also a prudent minister to attend
on the prince for the purpose of answering whatever he might ask.
First of all, going out of the east gate, a Deva of the pure abode
transformed himself into an old man — withered and emaciated, sup-
porting himself with a staff. The royal prince seeing- him, asked
the attending minister, ‘ Who is this man ? ’ to which he replied,

‘ This is an old man.’ Again he asked, ‘ What is this phrase, ‘ an

MEMORIALS OF SAYKA. BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 149

old man ? ’ To which he replied, ‘ Formerly strong and hearty ;
by the alternation of heat and cold, the blood and humours dry up,
and change — all men bom in the world must come to this condition
of old age.’ Next they went out of the south gate, when the Deva
transformed himself into a leper. The prince asking the minister
with respect to this, he replied, ‘ This is a leper — a man indulging
his appetites without restraint — drinking, and eating beyond bounds,
the four great (elements) not being in harmony, changing and
transforming themselves, bring about a complete state of sickness ;
he is ever suffering from pains and aches without help. No man
bom in the world can escape such consequences.’ Next, going out
of the west gate, the Deva transformed himself into a corpse. The
prince again asked the minister with respect to this object ; he
answered, ‘ This is a dead man ; the number of his years being
now completed, and the animal spirits exhausted, the four elements
all separate, the six senses have no perception; then neither father,
mother, wife, nor son — be their love ever so great — can detain the
object of their affection. Rich and poor, learned or ignorant, all
must die ! ’ The prince reflecting on what he had heard was deeply
pained; and turning his chariot, went back to the palace.” But it
may be asked, “ The Sutra says that the king ordered them to
cleanse and purify the roads and avenues so that there should be
no stones or rubbish of any sort left as an impediment. How was
it then these objects, the sick man and the corpse, appeared before
the chariot ?” We reply, the Lalita Yistara says, “ The Deva of the
pure abode concealed himself in his transformation, so that only the
prince and the minister saw him ; and the very proper replies of the
attending minister were all owing to his divine influence.” It may
be asked again, “ But what have Devas to do with men, that they
should transform themselves for such purposes as these ? ” To which
we reply that all the Bosat living amongst men under different
forms ever surround and protect the virtuous. [This is the sense
of the paragraph.] And it was by their influence that the royal
prince was disg-usted with the pleasures of the palace, in order that
he might not be unmindful to become an ascetic. But, finally, the
royal prince going out next from the north gate, the Deva of the
pure abode transformed himself into a Shamun, holding his staff,
and carrying his alms bowl ; composed and collected he walked
before the chariot ! The prince then enquired, “ What man are
you?” To which he replied, “I am a Shamun — a disciple of
Buddha.” He asked again, “ What word is this — a Shamun ? ”
To which he replied. “ The three worlds (Kamaloka, Rupaloka,

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Arupaloka), how full of sorrow ! the six paths, how dark and sad !
Knowing this, and going’ to the very bottom of his spiritual nature,
he is called a Shamun; ” and speaking thus he disappeared in the
void ! The royal prince, looking after him, respectfully and yet
joyously, exclaimed, “ This only is happiness ! I will seek out this
wisdom.” And so he returned to the palace.

32. Whereupon the Deva Tso Pong ( ? Dharmachari, Lalita
Vist., 196) in order to excite him to wisdom, exhibited to him the
unbecoming appearances of the dancing women.

Notes. — The prince royal, thinking day after day of the joy
and the disgust he had experienced, owing to the various sights he
had witnessed when going out of the four gates, his father, the
king, on the same account increased the pleasures of his palace, in
order to fascinate him. (In this state) in the middle of each night
a Deva of the pure abode, called Tsau Ping (Dharmachari ?)
caused him to hear words of encouragement and direction, he him-
self (i.e., the Deva) dwelling in emptiness (i. e., being’ invisible) ; and
moreover caused those means of delight he used to render him no
pleasure; (he caused him also to hear) of the impermanency of worldly
joys, of the rest of Nirvana; the sound appearing to come, as it were,
from a long way off. At last he caused all the dancing women to
be affected with an overpowering sleep, their garments all thrown
about and disordered, their positions revolting and unbecoming ;
and so the royal prince passing by and seeing them all in this con-
dition, his disgust was doubled.

But, it may be said, Ju loi, dwelling in the purely spiritual
world, in his own nature of compassionate love, when he manifested
himself among men, why did he indulge in these pleasures, or why
did he hesitate until he heard this voice of the Deva 1 why did he
depend on such expedients as these ? or in what way did he differ
from ordinai’y sages ? The answer to this is, that he did all these
things in order to conform throughout to the condition of humanity.
The (Tai Fong Tang-) Mo Seung Sutra says : “ If we say the Juloi
was truly born in the king’s palace, and passed through the eight
conditions before arriving at perfect wisdom, this would be to
abuse Buddha (Juloi).”

33. The Deva of the pure abode, by tightly grasping and wait-
ing in attendance, restrained the prancing of Ku-nik (Kaniku) and
the glittering chariot.

Notes. — This is the fourth circumstance or sign in Buddha’s

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 151

history, viz., going out of the city to become a recluse. In refe-
rence to this, the Great Development School (Tai Sliing) says, that
he had now arrived at the age of 19. Ku-nik (Kanika) is the
name of the royal prince’s charioteer (it should be rather “his
horse;” for Chandaka was his charioteer). The Lalita Vistara
says : “ The prince frequently spoke to his royal father on his

intention to become an ascetic ; to which his father replied: ‘ You
ought, my son, to become a Chakravarti, possessing the seven great
treasures and the 1,000 sons (? vid. L. Y. 249), ruling over the four
empires. What pleasure can there he in the shaven crown, and
the soiled robes of an ascetic ? ’ The royal prince answering said :
‘ How can we compare an empire over four continents, and the
possession of seven precious substances and the 1,000 sons,
with the attainment of perfect wisdom, the government of the
great chiliocosm, command over apparitional births in the four
orders of being (viviparous, oviparous, from spawn, and appa-
ritional)— power to bring forth the long night (? Nirvana)?’ The
king then doubled his guards in the streets, and added new
pleasures to his palace, to engage his attention day and night.
One night, however, the Deva of the pure abode spoke out of
empty space, and said: ‘Would you go! this is the time!’
summoning Ku-nik (this must be Chandaka) to prepare his horse,
the royal Kin-cliing (Kanika), and await the royal prince coming to
mount him, (as he did). Four yakshas support the horse’s feet ;
Devas bring precious substances. Brahma takes his place on the
left, &akra on the right ; the four heavenly kings going through
the streets, caused the gates of the different guards (Kwoh kung —
palaces of the land) to open of themselves, and the guards
themselves to know nothing of it; and so, travelling- through
the air, they went on, till they arrived at the middle of the
forest of the ascetics in the Snowy Mountains, having passed
over 800 li.”

The Fah Yen Sutra says : “Bosat in his very last manifestation
proclaimed the law in this way, wishing to cause all those who
were attached to the world (their family or house), to let go and
leave the world (i. e., to become ascetics), and obtain a knowledge of
the self-existent. He, therefore, gave up these things, and mani-
fested in himself the great excellency of becoming a recluse.” This,
then, is the exhibition of his leaving his home (and enteiing on the
life of a pravrajaka).

34. Leaving the city at the beginning of spring (? literally the
VOL. XX M

152

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

“ Spring city,” or it may be the “ Spring gate or wall ”), on the
eighth evening.

Notes. — The 8th day of the second month, in the middle of the
nig'ht, he left the city and his home. U Lun Wang (?) says, “ in the
reign of Chaou of the Chow Dynasty, the 42nd year — the cyclic
title being Jin Kiah.”

35. Sojourning in the Snowy Pass for six years.

Notes. — This is the period he dwelt with the ascetics in the
Snowy Mountains.

36. Oh ! the feelings (heart) of the man departing and grieving
for his much loved lord (or grieving to leave, See.) !

Notes. — The man spoken of is the charioteer Ku-nik (Channa
or Chandaka). The Lalita Vistara says : “ The prince having
arrived at the Snowy Mountains, spoke thus to Chandaka : ‘ Go
now ! go with the horse Kanika ; difficult as it has been, you have
been able to accomplish it. Now then return to your country.’
Chandaka, full of grief, replied : ‘ Who ! who shall teach me now,
returning alone to within the palace ! ’ ”

37. The horse, licking him with love, letting fall a succession of
pearly tears.

Notes. — The horse, Wong Kin Cliing (Kanika), hearing the
words of the Royal Prince, kneeling down, licked the foot of his
master, weeping immoderately.

38. Wielding his precious sword, than fell the rosy locks
around. A pagoda was raised in the heavenly mansion !

Notes. — The Lalita Vistara says : “ The royal prince, himself
with his precious girdle-suspended sword, and using- his left hand to
grasp his rosy (blue) locks, cutting them off, made this vow : ‘ I
now cut off my hair and vow to save and rescue men from the
sorrows and anxieties which now oppress them, and to remove and
destroy the obstacles that oppose their advance in virtue ! ’ Throw-
ing- his locks into the air, Sakra, seizing- them, carried them to the
To-li heaven, and erecting a stupa over them, paid religious vene-
ration. This is the second of the four heavenly pagodas ! ”

39. Taking his royal garments in order to exchange them for
leathern raiment, he became in form like one who waits among
mountain deer 1

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 153

Notes. — The Lalita Yistara says : “ The royal prince reflect-
ing that his garments were not such as became a recluse, at the
same time the Deva of the pure abode, transforming himself, appeared
as a hunter, clothed in a torn ka-sha robe (or throwing open his
ka-sha). The prince perceiving him, took off his valuable robes
and exchanged them for those of the hunter ; then joyfully ex-
claimed, ‘ Now I have begun, indeed, the life of an ascetic.’ ”

The ka-sha is a robe of a non-conspicuous colour, and therefore
one which becomes an ascetic. The hunters also of the western
regions wear a robe of similar colour, because the Shamuns who
frequent the mountains where they go, usually wear this, and so
it is familiar to the animals (?).

[I omit the rest of this note as of no consequence. — S. B.]

40. He rejected the system of the mountain rishis, and put an
end to the false (pursuit) of a worldly rest.

Notes. — This is the 5th work, viz., the preparation of life in
the Snowy Mountains. The mountain rishis are the same as the
heretics (Brahmanas ?) who practice austerities in the midst of the
forests.

The system of these men and the species of “ fixed composure ”
they strive to attain, consist in the exercise of mortification and self-
denial, training themselves to be unaffected either by joy or sorrow.

Now, although by these means they may be born in one of the
heavens, yet they are hereby not disconnected from the world (the
three worlds) ; hence the text speaks of the worldly character of
their resting point.

How false their idea that they can arrive at the condition of
perfect freedom from thought (fi seung, fi fi seung, the highest
heaven short of Nirvana) ! For after 80,000 kalpas, the root of evil
growing again, they fall from their estate to the world of desire.
Yea ! and may even be born in the three evil ways, according to
their previous karma. The Diamond Sutra (Vajra Chandaka) says,
“ more than 80,000 kalpas passed and gone.” If then it is possi-
ble to be brought down from the state of forgetfulness, this is a
worldly system of fixed composure.

The Lalita Yistara says : “ The prince royal having come to the
Snowy Mountains, and living amongst the ascetics there, asked
the rishis, saying, 4 In practising these austerities what rewards do
you look for V They replied, 4 We seek to be born in all the
Heavens.’ The prince was dissatisfied with this answer, left
them, and went on as before, arriving at an A-lam-ka-lan (Aranyaka

M 2

154

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

Sangrama?) where there were two Yuh-to-lam-fi (cells?) in which
two eminent fishis lived. On asking them the same question, he
found that they sought the rest derived from birth in the four
empty heavens (Arupa-Loka). After considering their case also
he said, 1 all these have no elements in them of final emancipation
so he rejected their creed also and left them.”

41. He ate grain and hemp seed, subduing pain, subduing
pleasure.

Notes. — The Lalita Vistara says : “ The prince coming to the
Ka-ye (Gaya) mountain, to the Ni-lin (Nairanjana) river, reflected,
considering that, as he intended to penetrate to the secret influences
which actuate the conduct of men, he might, after six years, be in a
position to save them. Thus he addressed himself to the practice
of austerities (Duslikaracharya), each day eating one grain of
hemp, one grain of rice ; by this means reducing himself to a con-
dition of overcoming all pleasure. Afterwards, perceiving that this
was not the true way, he pursued the contrary method, using indul-
gencies, bathing, perfuming himself, and so on ; by these means
he subdued sorrow (as the text says).”

42. But lie who would make sweet music, playing on the lute,
must adopt the middle method (viz., having the strings neither too
sharp nor too flat), and the music will be perfect.

Notes. — This is the reflection of Sakya when he had perfectly
subdued both pain and pleasure ( i.e . proved their inutility in the task
of self-perfection)!

When Buddha was living in the world there was the son of a rich
nobleman, who, wishing to become a recluse and follow Buddha, gave
himself up to every sort of self-mortification, even to the degree of
causing his blood to flow ; and, having acted so for a long time, still
attained to nothing; so that he felt disposed to give the matter up
and reject all hope of attaining reason. Buddha then asked him this
question relating to the lute, and so shewed him that the middle
course, between extreme mortification and over indulgence, was the
true method. He soon obtained the rahatship. His name was
Yih i (100,000 ears).

[The above is an abstract. — S. B.]

43. So also he who would reach the complete accomplish-
ment of his aim, and arrive at the condition of Buddha, must also
affect the middle course, and his reward will be fully attained.

Notes. — This is the application of the former section. The

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 155

Sanscrit word Fo-to is the same as “Intelligence” (Kioh), i.e., self-
intelligence and intelligence of that which is not self (ta). He
who (or that which) is the perfect fulfilment of the practice of
intelligence is here briefly called “Fo,” i.e., Buddha. This is the
great Nirvana resulting from the two “empty systems” [i.e.,
proving, or arriving at the conviction of, the emptiness both
of the elements composing humanity (i.e., perception, under-
standing, &c.), and the elements composing substance or matter
(dharma)]. The expression “yan” refers to the many lines of
conduct pursued in going through the six paramitas, tending all
to this perfection of Buddhaship. (The idea of the whole section is,
that the only sure standing’-ground is the medium course between
over severity and relaxation. — S.B.)

44. From this point (of his life) he selected that place beyond
the dragon cave.

Notes. — Place near the Bodhimanda [Bo-ti-tchang (arena of
Bodhi)], which is in the middle of Jambudwfpa. The Buddhas of
the three periods have all selected this place to arrive at supreme
wisdom ; so (&akya) selected it. The Pun-liang Siitra says,
“ Buddha remained in the Bodhimanda ; in that place there was a
king of dragons (Naga), called Ka-cha.1 This dragon was very
old, and had witnessed the signs which attended the five former
Buddhas when they arrived at supreme wisdom. This dragon,
therefore, with his attendants, taking flowers, music, and banners,
went out to met Bosat, and to render him reverence.”

Again, when he arrived at the place where the blind dragon Man-
lun (Montchilinda. Lai. Yist. 355) dwelt, sitting by the side of the
water, he launched forth a ray of glory which illumined the
waters ; the dragon’s eyes were forthwith opened ; and he also
came out with flowers, &c., to reverence Buddha. This dragon
had seven heads ; his body encircling Buddha three times round,
and elevating his heads, he prostrated them again before Bosat.

45. Then bathing his body, he entered the Lin river (Nai-
ranjana).

Notes. — The Sutra says, “ Bathing himself in the Ni-lien river
(Ni-lien, for Ni-lien-chen-na the river N air an j an a, now called
Niladjan. Vid. Jul. and Lai. Yist.). At this time all the devas,
waiting on him with all sorts of flowers and perfumes, threw them

1 Kalika, Iutiud. to J. B., p. 386.

156 TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

in the middle of the liver. After he had bathed, a tree-deva, lower-
ing down a branch, as with a hand assisted Bosat to come out of
the water and arrive at the shore.

46. Exhibiting (the sign) that (food be given him) to eat, he
received the rice and milk of Lan-to (Nanda).

The Nirvana Sutra says, “ The body of Juloi, for innumerable
asankyas of kalpas, had taken neither food nor drink ; but now, on
account of all the Sravakas, he declared that he would first receive
the rice milk of the two shepherd girls.” The Pun-hang Sutra says,
“ Bosat being about to go from the tree of knowledge, at that time a
Deva spoke to the two daughters of Shin-sing (Sujata), the lord
of the village, one of whom was named Nanda (joy), and the
other Polo (Bala. II. B., 3801), i.e., strength [Obs., in Lalita
Vistara the two persons are called Trapusha (melon) and Bhallika
(gourd?], and said, £ You are now able the very first of all to present
an offering of food.’ On this, the two women boiling rice and milk
over the kettle, there appeared various sorts of wonderful signs ;
then, using a patra (alms-bowl), they respectfully offered the food.
Bosat having eaten this, took the alms-bowl, and flung it into the
river Ni-lien (Nairanjana). On which, £akra, taking it up, returned
with it to his heavenly abode, and there paid it honour, erecting
over it a pagoda. This is the 3rd of the four heavenly pagodas.”

47. Exhibiting (the sign) of that seat, he received the grass
mat of Ki-Tseung (&anti, S. Hardy).

Notes. — The rules of sitting in India require that certain boughs
of trees be gathered, and a mat made of them. At this time, there-
fore, Sakra, transforming himself into a grass-cutter, Bosat asked
him his name ; he replied, my name is Ki-Tseung ; then he received
his grass mat — it is of a bluish colour, pliable, bright, and soft.
(Yid. this fable, Manual of Bud., p. 170).

48. With regard to this excellent basis of his very last (appear-
ance).

Notes. — Po-chii Bosat had only this one body (for his comple-
tion)— he was to receive no more ; hence the expression of the
text.

49. He directed his steps (or tended or pointed) towards B6-

1 Nandi and Nandabali. Tntrod. to J. B., p. 386.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 157

dhimanda (i. e., the arena in which he should arrive at supreme
wisdom).

Notes.— The Sanscrit Bo-ti (Bodhi) is equivalent to the Chinese
“reason” (Tao). The place where Buddha perfected reason, is hence
called Tao-tchang, i.e., arena of reason. The Si-yu-ki says, “In
the country of Mo-kit (Magadha), forty lis S.W. of the river Ni-lien
(Nairanjana), there is a tree called Bo-ti.” The Pun-Sing-tsah Sutra
(extracts from the Lalita Yistara) says, “ When Bosat was about
to arrive at that place, all the devas of the world of forms (Rupa-
vacharas) first hung on the tree silken banners or streamers.” They
use them as signs or signals of a sacred place.

50. As the profound cause of complete deliverance.

Notes. — “ Deliverance,” that is, the removal of all obstacles, so
that there should be no impediment in the way ; the dust of the
world unable to hold the maxims of the world to govern ; and so
able to undergo or forfeit complete renovation. This is the fruit
to which all the sages tend. (This paragraph is obscure. — S.B.)

51. So he ascended the diamond throne (Vajrasana).

The Kiu-she-lun (Koshakaraka Sastra?) says, “Under this seat
turns a golden wheel;” — hence the expression “diamond seat.” All
the Buddhas have perfected wisdom on this spot, and it has
always been a place of religious veneration.

52. Possessing the 140 excellent distinctions, not enjoyed by
(or in common with) the two vehicles (viz., Pratyeka Buddhas and
Sravakas).

Notes. — According to the Fah-siang school (this school is one
which professes to believe in the reality of external phenomena,
the same probably as the school Sarvastivada), there were 140
signs peculiar to Buddha, viz., 32 siang (Maha-purusha-lakshana),
80 marks of beauty (anuvyanjana-laksbana), 10 powers (dasa-bala,
M. B. 380), 4 Wuli-slio-wai (Abhaya, Jul. II., 300, “ freedom from
fear”), 3 nim-ckii (fixedness of reflection?), 3 puh-ii (?), 4 yih-
tsai-tsing-sing (complete purities), great compassion, great love, no
forgetfulness, complete knowledge. (These last 18 are probably
the 18 Buddha Dharma of Spence Hardy, M. B., 381 ; which see.)
These works are peculiar to Buddha, and hence the expression of
the text.

53. And the 84,000 gates of the law (fah mun) leaping high
over the 10 earths (dasa-bkumi).

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Notes. — When speaking of the world, the word Fah is used ;
but that from which all the holy sages proceed is called Mun. As,
therefore, amongst sentient creatures there are 84,000 chan lo,
(“causes of trouble;” lit., “dust-troubles”), so there are the same
number of fah-mun (“ gates of the law ; ” fah-mun may perhaps be
freely rendered “ methods of salvation ”). These act as medicines
act, curing the former (84,000 dust-troubles). The term 10 earths
(dasa-bliumi) refers to the following : — 1. The earth of happiness
and joy. — 2. The uncontaminated earth. — 3. Resplendent earth. —
4. Brilliant wisdom earth. — 5. The earth difficult to excel. — 6. The
ever-present earth. — 7. Without exercise or action earth. — 8. The
earth ever at rest. — 9. Virtuous wisdom. — 10. Law-cloud earth. —
[Obs. that these earths are conditions of mind, “ though which an
adept in Buddhism must pass before he obtains his final reward,
the perfection in any one state being denominated the element or
‘ bhiimi ’ of that state. The commentator of the Riksha Bhagavati
enumerates ten Bhiimi appropriate to the priesthood, the last
being Buddha-Bhumi.” (Lalita Vistara, Edit. Calcutta, 1853,
p. 8, n.)] The U-ka Sastra says, “For ever separated from
the very minutest particle of sorrow, and every barrier in the
way of knowledge being entirely removed, so that there be
complete and perfect intelligence ; this is ‘ Fo ti,’ the earth of
Buddha (Buddha-blnimi) ;” it is above the others : hence, in the
text, the expression, ‘ leaping high.’

54. After this, the army of Mo (Mara or “ Sin ”) destroyed by
the energy of his love, covered with confusion and fear ; see them
return !

Notes. — This is the sixth sign, viz., the conquest of Mara, and
the attainment of supreme reason under the Bodhi Tree. At this
time Juloi had attained his thirtieth year. The U-ka ^astra says :
“ There are four sorts of demons (Mo). — 1. Deva Mara. — 2. Dead
or Death Mara. — 3. Trouble and anxiety Mara. — 4. The five yin
Mara (i.e. pancha skandlia, i. e., rupa (form), vedana (perception),
sanjnana (thought), sanskara (action), vijnana (knowledge). These
five are the causes of ignorance, and the obstacles in the way
of man’s arrival at perfect purity.” (Vid. Jul., II., 385, n.) In
the text, they speak of the army of Mara, which alludes to the first
species, the Devas who compose his retinue. No doubt, indeed,
that each of the Maras was overcome ; but for the purpose of
fixing a basis for observation, he specifies this sort of Mara par-
ticularly. The Lalita Vistara says : “ When first Bosat seated

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 159

himself in the Bodhimanda, he immediately launched from between
Ills brows a gleam of light, called ‘destroying Mara,’ ( Kong mo,
i.e., Sarvamaramandalavidhwansanakarin, L. V., 28G), which illu-
mined the whole of the palace hall of Mara Raja, so that he lost
all colour from his face, and at the same time trembled violently
with fear. Then Mara, taking with him all his soldiers, and assum-
ing every species of shape calculated to inspire fear, each one
grasping his massive club, they desired to overthrow Bosat. Then
Bosat, entering on the Samadhi of a ‘ merciful heart,’ the clubs
and arms which the demons used, all produced lotus-flowers.
Seeing this, all the army of Mara, affrighted, fled with precipitation.”

55. By the power of Samadhi (fixed heart) he destroyed the
poisonous influences of the ogling women, and changed them into
old hags.

Notes. — Mara had four daughters (Lalita Yistara says ?), pro-
perly, indeed, of no sex whatever ( ? ). These in a. body came before
Bosat, all of them, by their conduct, trying to seduce him, and
destroy his “pure conduct” (Fan hang, Brahma discipline).
Then Bosat, by the influence of his Samadhi of love, changed the
four women into hideous hags ; so that, covered with shame, they
fled.

56. Whereupon, Kin-Lo (solid and strong, Sthavara, L. V., 305),
the earth Deva, leaping forth, became his surety.

Notes. — Koon Fah San Mui King (i.e., Buddha Samadhi Sutra)
says : “ Tan Raja (Papiyan ?) demanded of Buddha : ‘ Who is
your surety, whereby your merit may be proved ? ’ Bosat imme-
diately, disengaging his hand from the sleeve of his robe, pointed to
the earth ; then all the great earths were shaken six times, and
Kin Lo, the earth Deva, leaping forth, appeared, exclaiming, ‘ I am
surety.’ ”

57. The devas who live in space (gods of the atmosphere,
L. Y. 373) proclaiming the news (lit. “ opening out and turning,” the
flag, for example), made it known.

Notes. — Bosat having arrived at supreme reason, the devas of
the earth told it to the devas of the air, and these proclaimed it
among the heavenly spirits or gods, who, ascending to the
highest heavens, declared the news (unfolded the news. Yid.
Lalita Yistara, p. 373.)

58. Like a lotus, 60 came he out from the water (or rather, like

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a lotus as it comes from the water, so was he) bright and glorious
beyond comparison.

Notes. — The Nirvana Sutra says, “ Juloi came into the world
pure and spotless as a lotus.”

59. Like the resplendent moon, as it were, being in space,
illumining some darkened glen.

Notes. — The Nirvana Sutra says: “Juloi came into the world
as the autumn moon at full, pure and calm, free from clouds, the
admiration of all.

60. Seven days having passed he received the wheat and honey
of Ti-wei (Trapusha), arousing them with a brief prediction.

Notes. — “ Seven days,” i. e., seven days after he had arrived at
perfect reason. “ Ti-wei,” referring to the two merchantsof Northern
India. “ Wheat,” “ honey,” the usual food of India. The Lalita Yis-
tara says, “ Buddha having arrived at supreme wisdom seven days,
there was a Tree Deva who told two merchants, one called Tai-wei
(Trapusha) the other Po-li (Bhallika), saying, ‘ You are now able to
make an offering of food to Juloi?’ On this each of the merchants
offered wheat and honey. Buddha having received it, spoke on their
account the Po-shi-yan-kwo (cause and fruit of charity) hence the
words of the text (vid. Lalita Vistara, pp. 362, 363).

61. Condescending to repeat his transcendant doctrines, he gave
to Kia-keh the refuge afforded by keeping the precepts, conferring
on them a share in the happiness of the devas and of men.

Notes. — The voice or words of Buddha are immaculate (without
leak or deficiency); hence the phrase “yih-yin” (lit. “one voice”).
“ Kia-keh ” is the same as Tai-wei (Trapusha). “ The precepts,”
i.e., the five precepts. The word “ refuge (Kwai, i. e., return)” refers
to the three kwai or refuges (viz., the trisarana, or tun-sarana,
“ I take refuge in Buddha, in the truth, in the associated priest-
hood”). The reward of keeping the precepts is, to be born after
death among the Devas, and afterwards amongst men ; hence the
expression, “ conferring on them a share, &c.” Now the doctrine of
all the Buddhas transforming the everlasting law (or it may be
“ teaching, during their appearance in the world, the everlasting
law”), has these seven requirements before arriving at, or com-
pleting, the heart of man. — 1. Charity.— 2. Holding precepts. —
3. The reward of being born in heaven. — 4. The enjoyment of
delight as a reward. — 5. The removal of anxiety as a reward. —

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 161

6. Freedom from worldly influences. — 7. Sighing for Nirvana.
Buddha, then, having arrived at supreme wisdom, just inclining, as
it were, to look at the root of the matter (i.e., taking a superficial
stand-ground), first of all declared the refuge to be derived from
keeping the precepts.

62. Having now completely accomplished perfection, he ex-
amined what were the influences of change (i.e., what the direction
of the influences in the world were as regards his doctrine).

Notes.— That is, examining who would be the first to obtain
salvation.

63. Compassionating the two Bishis who had not found oppor-
tunity to hear the thunder voice (of Buddha).

Notes. — The two Bishis, viz., A-lam-ka-lan (Ardda Kalama)
and M-to-lam (Udraka Bamaputra). Calling to mind the proper
condition and the weakness of the hold of sin on these two heretics,
he desired to convert them first : but (he said) that one had
been dead seven days — alas ! that he had not heard the sound of
the true law ! The expression “ thunder sound ” refers to the
first of five sorts of voice belonging to Juloi.

64. Joyful (he said), the five men were able to sustain trans-
formation by the law.

Notes. — The five men ; that is, Kin-chan-ju, Poh-tai-li,
Po-sha-pi, O-che-lun, Ma-ha-nam (vid. Juh, II, 364, n., A$vadjit
Bhadrika, Mahanama, Da9abala Ka9yapa, and Adjnata Kaundinya)
Buddha next perceived that these men dwelling in the park of deer
(Mrigadava), the root of then- principles being now properly
matured, were able to receive salvation.

65. So it is, by the dust of the world and the senses (roots of
evil) there is darkness and feebleness ; but the wisdom of the sage,
how vast and deep !

Notes. — All vexations and annoyances are able to pollute the
pure heart ; they are the dust of the eye, the causes of fife and
death ; hence the word “ root.” The perfect wisdom of Buddha in all
its kinds is revealed during the three ages in all the forms of being ;
and, therefore, cannot but be self-existent. Hence the words
“ wisdom of the sage,” or “holy wisdom.”

66. Obeying this law, then the law cannot admit of these roots

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of evil ; but following these roots then they cannot allow the ad-
mission of the law.

Notes. — The transforming doctrine of Juloi. The law is either
“Kieun” or “Shat.” (For an explanation of these two expres-
sions, vid. the “Daily course of the Shamuns — appendix.” We
may briefly state that they are the titles of two schools ; one of
which professes to believe in the true character of phenomena, the
other in their ideal character, sufficient for the wants of all sentient
existences.) The “roots” are small or great. The great ones admit
of but small portion of the law, as filthy food in a precious vessel.
A little root is that which is connected with the great vehicle, and is
like an insect bearing a great mountain. If we regal'd not the
root, then both the man and the law are lost ! (Obscure. — S. B.)

G7. It cannot but be, indeed, that the river of sensual pleasure is
that which swallows up men for so long; the influence of this
foolish pleasure is that which blinds.

68. But if, hearing my words, there should be no profit, then
would I plunge again into non-being.

69. Hereupon Sakra, monarch of the To-li heavens, cloud-
driving through the thirty-three heavens.

Notes. — The Sanscrit word To-lo-ye-tang-ling-she (Trayas-
trinsas) is contracted into To-li, i.e., the thirty-three heavens, viz.,
eight on each of the four peaks of Sumeru, and 6akra’s in the
middle. Ti-shie, i.e., Sakra (able to rule), the supreme ruler of the
thirty-three heavens.

70. The great monarch of the “ever patient” 6akwala {i.e.,
Sohoehi Kai or Sahalokadhatu), closed or mist enveloped in the
eighteen Fan heavens (Brahma-loka).

Notes. — So-po or Soh-ho-Sah-ho, i.e., the (world of) patient
beings, is a general name for this great chiliocosm ; because. the
men of this Sakwala are very strong in endurance. Maha Brahma
is the ruler of tliis region (Brahma Sahampati. Introd. to J. B.,

p. 610).

The eighteen Brahma heavens are these : in the first Dhyana
(Shan) are three. — 1. Fan-chung (Brahma-kayika). — 2. Fan-fu
(Brahma-purohita). — 3. Tai Fan (Maha-Brahma). In the second
Dhyana, three heavens; viz.: 1. Shan Kwong (Parittabha).
— 2. Mo-leung Kwong (Apramanabha). — 3. Kwong yin (i.e.,

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 163

“whose glory is as it were a voice,” in which translation I agree
with M. Remusat and differ from Burnouf, [Introd., pp. 611, 612],
i.e., Abhaswara). The third Dhyana has three heavens; viz.:
1. Shan Tsing (Parittasubha). — 2. Mo-leung Tsing (Apramana
subha). — 3. Pien Tsing (E^ubhakritsna). The fourth Dhyana
has nine heavens. — 1. Fuh-sing (“happy birth.” Obs. Burnouf
and others translate the corresponding title by “ those who are
without clouds.” Anabhraka). — 2. Full ngai [“ happy love ; ” this
does not correspond with Burnouf’s list. The Sanskrit Punyaprasava
evidently corresponds to the former heaven, i.e., those whose birth
or life is happy (“ vie heureuse ; ” Remusat). I do not know, there-
fore, the corresponding term for this heaven], — 3. Kwang Kwo
(“extensive reward” i.e., Vfihatphala). — 4. Mo-seung (“absence of
cares or thought engendering care. ” Avriha). — 5. Mo Fan (“absence
of trouble.” Atapa).— 6. Mo Jeh (“ absence of heat.” The other
authorities give “those who see admirably.” Sudrisa. But this
does not agree with the text). — 7. Shen-in (“virtuous appearance.”
Sudarsana). — 8. Shen-kin (virtuous sight. Sumukha. Obs.
Burnouf has a short note on this heaven, vid. p. 6. 5. The Chinese
evidently follow the Nepalese list of Hodgson). — 9. Shik-kan-keng
(“termination of form.” Akanishtha). These together compose the
“ eighteen heavens ” of the text. “ Fog-enveloped ” refers to a
epithet applied to Brahma.

71. These, bowing their heads, pay him (i.e., Buddha) worship;
earnestly beseeching him to turn the wheel of the law ; exhorting
him to declare the law according to that which is just.

Notes. — The expression “bowing their heads” refers to the
mode of salutation called the five wheels or circles, i.e., prostrating
oneself so that the face, both hands, and both feet touch the
ground.

72. According to that which is just, i.e., the system of deliverance,
Juloi, investigating the subject and reflecting on the methods adopted
by the virtuous ones now departed, in agreement with the systems
of the ancient Buddhas, resolved to adapt his teaching to the com-
mon desires which actuate men generally.

Notes. — The “virtuous ones departed” refers to the Buddhas
gone before, and, having arrived at supreme wisdom, entered the
long night of Nirvana.

The mode of deliverance here referred to is that known as
“Fong pien,” or the mode of salvation by three vehicles, i.e..

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

Pratyeka Buddhas, Rahats, &ravakas ; or, Buddhas, Pratyeka
Buddas, Bodhisattwas.

73. Then all the Buddhas of the ten regions, showing themselves,
simultaneously uttered words of praise and commendation.

Notes. — At the time Juloi contemplated the mode of deliverance
mentioned above, all the Buddhas, appearing before him, uttered
his praises, saying, “ Excellent ! excellent ! &akya Muni (? man,
is this Muni, or might it mean, ‘ excellent doctrine of &akya ! ’), the
teacher and guide of the first (Doctrine) ! He is able to declare the
law of escape (Fong pien) according to that which is just.”

74. These different divisions of the one law were all, nevertheless,
directed against the stronghold of wordly deception [“ the territory
(yu) of dust -troubles ”].

Notes.' — This is opening as it were the Gate of Rescue. The Nir-
vana Sutra says, “ The law of one vehicle (i.e., the law which pro-
duces escape by transforming the heart at once into the condition of
Buddha), according to just precedent, is spoken of as three.” The
troubles and anxieties of fife and death in the world are called the
“ territory of dust-troubles.”

75. Whereupon, rising from the tree of Bodhi, he directed his
steps to the park of deer (Mrigadava).

Notes. — This is the seventh sign, viz., turning the wheel
of the law in the park of deer ! The Bodhi tree is the place
in which Buddha had attained supreme wisdom. Having now
received the earnest solicitations (of the Devas), and intending to
turn the wheel of the law, he removed from that place. The
park of deer is the scene of his first efforts. The Si-yu-ki says,
“ This is where the king of the deer offered his life for the female
deer that was about to drop her young.” (Vid. the whole of this
account, Julien, II, p. 361, from which it is copied.)

76. For three months harmonizing the root, the five men then
obtained deliverance ; Kiao-tchin-ju, understanding the first in-
structions of the compassionate teacher, hence received this name
as the sign of his first having obtained deliverance.

Notes. — “Harmonizing the root during three months,” i.e.,
after waiting this time, Buddha, perceiving that the influences
which affected the principles of the five men were now matured,
went to convert them. Only not yet believing, they receive his

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 1G5

instructions, i.e., they did not yet believe in him. Buddha observ-
ing the different changes their minds underwent, harmonized their
principles by every sort of application (or experiment) ; so, after a
lapse of three months, and having explained amongst them the
various doctrines of the law, the three Chun (?), the four Tai (sublime
truths, aryani satyani), and the twelve hing (?), then Kiao-chin-ju
(Kauhclinya), first of all comprehending the method of deliverance,
obtained the pure eyes of the law. Having immediately arrived at
the condition of a Eahat, Buddha called him O-jo-kiao-chin-ju (Ajnata
Kauhclinya), the word 0-jo (Ajnata) signifying “ delivered it
was, therefore, applied to him as a title significant of his having
first found salvation. The other four men obtained deliverance in
succession. Moreover, the word Kiao-chin-ju is sometimes also
written Chin-na (jina — victorious ?), which signifies “ fire-vessel,” a
surname derived from his ancestor (grandfather), who first meddled
in fire worship.

Now the explanation of these circumstances is to be found in
his previous history. According to the Yan Kwo Sutra we find,
“ &akya (Buddha) was, during his time of preparation (for supreme
Buddhaship), the Rishi Jin Juli1 (or ‘ a rishi practising the Para-
mita of patient endurance ’). He dwelt in a mountain, practising
reason. At this time Kiao-chin-ju (Kauhclinya) was the king of
the country, and was then called Ko-li — who was possessed of a
cruel and wicked disposition. One day, taking his women with
him, he entered on this mountain to hunt ; being tired, he lay down,
as it were, to sleep (or he pretended to sleep). Then all the
women went into the woods to gather flowers ; and as they went,
came to the cell (or retreat) of the Rishi. The Rishi began to
repeat Bara to them. After some time the king awoke, and not
seeing the women, drew his sword, and went in search of them.
Seeing them standing in front of the Rishi’s cell, the king, in
a rage, exclaimed, ‘ Who are you ? ’ He replied, ‘ The Rishi
Jin Juh.’ Again he asked, ‘And have you obtained “ Sheung te
teng? ” i.e., the Samadhi which raises one above the earth. He
replied, ‘Not yet.’ The king replied, ‘If you have not attained
this, what are you better than the whole class of philosophers
(Fan-fuh)? ’ and he proceeded to cut off his hands and feet with his
sword. On observing that the Rishi’s face and spirit underwent no
change, he asked him if he were not angry at what he (the king)
had done. The Rishi answered, ‘ I have no anger ; so far from

1 Jin Jo Rishi, t. e., Keh&ntirichi. Vid. JuL ii, 133.

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that, I vow that when I obtain supreme wisdom, you, the king,
shall be my first convert.’ Accordingly, having now arrived at the
condition of supreme reason, he first converted Chin-Ju (Kauhclinya),
the same Ko-li Raja.”

77. Then Shi-li-fuh, accidentally meeting with Ma-Shing, by
considering the traditional words of the teacher, came to a percep-
tion of the true mode of wisdom in the way.

Notes. — The Sanscrit Shi-li-fuh (fSariputra) is equivalent to
“the son of the Tsau bird” (sari, a sort of hawk with remai’kable
eyes) ; this was a name derived from his mother. At first, he was
a disciple of the heretic Shan-che-na (i.e. Sangha, vid, M.B., 195), he
was versed in all the eighteen Sastras, unrivalled in discussion
(or power of distinction), and was ever open to learn that which
any teacher could impart ; but, nevertheless, he was unable to
obtain knowledge of the true doctrine. lie was, moreover, dis-
gusted with the rude and evil proceedings of these heretics (i.e.,
their way of life). One day as he was going along the road, he
met, by chance, Ma-Shing, the Bikshu (Assaji, M.B. 195), carrying
his staff and his alms-bowl, his garments clean and properly
arranged, his gait slow and dignified. Pleased at the circumstances,
he asked him, saying, “Who is your master?” Ma-shing (Assaji)
replied, “ The great Sha-mun Buddha— he is my teacher.” Again
he asked, “ And what law does he teach?” To which he replied,
“I am but a disciple of a day (i.e., recently become a disciple), and
I cannot recollect much ; but, in brief, one gatha may exhibit
his doctrine, and this is it: “All things (tehu fah) proceed from
the connection of cause and effect. And the destruction of things
results from the same. I, Buddha, the great Sha-Men, always
make this the body of my doctrine.” (This gatha is given by
Spence Hardy, in M. B., 196, and is somewhat differently translated.
Originally it may have differed from the Chinese, but vid. M. B.
in loc. cit. supra.) Shi-li-fuh, on hearing these words understood
the mode of deliverance. The expression “ Tai,” is equivalent to
“ the true method of doctrine.” Ma-shing was the first of the
five (four?) men, in the park of deer who obtained salvation.
O-che-lun was his name. (A<;vadjit, Assaji? vid. M. B. 149. It is
evident he was the first after Kaundinya. Vid. Jul., II, 356.)

78. Tsai-shuh-shi, following in the same steps, and adher-
ing to the doctrine of the same teacher, with his friend found
refuge.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 167

Notes. — “ Tsai-Shuh-shi,” the same as the family name of the
great Muh-km-lin (Mugalan). Formerly he followed the same
teacher as Shi-li-fuh. As a condition of his obtaining satisfactory
knowledge, he said, “ Should I obtain sweet dew (Amfita), then
I tow freely to dispense it to all.” That day, seeing Shi-li-fuh
coming back with a happy and light appearance, he asked him,
saying, “ Has my brother obtained knowledge of the excellent
law.” Shi-li-fuh then said whom he had met, and repeated the
gatha ; whei'eupon Mugalan (Mudgalaputra, Sanskrit) understood
right reason, and both agreed in saying the law of the heretics
(Brahmanas, Jul.) is vain and laborious. These two men, with
the same mind, each brought 250 disciples to follow Buddha, and
become ascetics, who, according to the. laws of the order, shaved
their heads, and took the kia-cha (Chfvai'a) robe. Buddha then
addressing the assembly said, with respect to these two disciples
(Sariputra and Mugalan), the first, i.e., Sariputra, shall become
pre-eminent for wisdom — the other, Mo-kai-lin, for spiritual percep-
tion (or “force of divine faculties,” vid. Jul. ii., 299).

79. In consequence of the conversion of Ke-ye-shi, the whole
of the fire worshippers returned (to right reason) in a mass.

Notes. — Ka-ye-shi, the followers of Ka-ye [i.e., Kasyapa. Obs.
The patronymic or generic (as in introd. not., which see), here indi-
cating Kasyapiyas], i.'e., heretics who concerned themselves in the
worship of fire. The surname of Kasyapa was Yeou-lou-pin (Ouron-
viloa, vid. Jul. ii, 483). Buddha, wishing to convert him, went, there-
fore, to his resting- place. Kasyapa explaining, as an excuse, the
absence of any proper accommodation, Buddha pointed (or directed
his steps) towards the Dragon Hall ; (on which Kasyapa) replied :
“ The nature of the dragon is malevolent in the extreme ; it is to be
feared he may do injury to your virtuous person (lit. injure
virtue).” Buddha said, “ I have no fear ;” and so, arranging his
garments, he by himself entered the middle of the divan (or seat).
When evening came, the dragon returned, and seeing Buddha, he
soon became angry, and belched forth fire to destroy him ; Buddha
then entering into “ the Samadhi, resembling the brightness of fire
(Agnidhatu Samadhi), enveloped himself with it as in a cave or
casket of fire. The dragon by this means had no ground by which
to overturn or destroy him,1 only seeing the alms -bowl of

1 Perhaps the translation might be “The dragon was consumed with grief at
finding no ground (of attack, i. e., no means for attack).”

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Buddha pure and cool, he leapt into the midst of it. Kasyapa, that
evening seeing the glare of the fire, addressing his followers, said :
“ That Shamun, no doubt has been destroyed.” The morning
came, on which Buddha, taking up the alms-disli, came out and
showed himself (or it) to Kasyapa, and so his heart was partially
subdued. He then asked Buddha to remain there a short time and
receive nourishment from him ; but he, i. e., Kasyapa, was not yet
willing to receive the law in its completeness. Then Buddha dis-
played before him 500 spiritual changes, so that at last he returned
to the refuge, and relied on Buddha’s doctrine, bringing with him
250 men, Iris disciples, who, at one time, shaved then- heads, and
became ascetics ; and so all obstacles being- removed to their com-
plete deliverance, they (or he) became Rahats ; and what instru-
ments they had employed in the sendee of their fire worship, they
flung all into the water (the river Nairanjana, Jill.). Now,
Kasyapa had two brothers, who lived somewhere down the stream,
one named Ka-ye (Gayakasyapa), the other Na-tai (Nadi'kasyapa) ;
these also were connected with the worship of the fire dragon.
When they saw the sacred vessels in the middle of the stream, they
came up in haste to see for themselves what had happened ; and
finding their brother already become a Sha-mun, they asked him
the reason ; whereupon he repeated the law on their account, on
which they, with 250 of their disciples, also became followers of
Buddha, and all obtained the fruit of Bodhi (i.e., Rahatsliip).1

(The expression “ lui ” refers to a class or heap, as the Yih
King explains it with reference to a heap or bundle of grass.)

80. So it could not but be but that there should be overflowing-
streams of the heavenly dew (amfita), enlightening displays of
Mo-ui (Mani).

Notes. — “ Sweet dew,” the drink of the gods, compared here to
the excellent law of the one vehicle (i.e.. Buddha). “Moni,” other-
wise “ Mani ” — this signifies “unspotted,” and is the name of a pre-
cious jewel (pearl). The beauty of the round body of this jewel (lit.
“ this jewel as to its body being round and beautiful ”), tvhen
placed opposite to or in contrast with any substance, brings
out its form, just as the self-existence of Buddha (exhibits his
character). “ Bright manifestations ” (referred to hi the text)
allude to the various actuating principles and springs of action

Yid. the act of Kasyapa, Jul. ii, 483, 484.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 169

found amongst men, and which, according to their root, enable
them to receive the law.

[End of Vol. I. in the Chinese.]

81. Both in the world of devas and the world of men.

Notes. — “ The world of devas.” Buddha when he had arrived at
supreme reason, and fourteen days had elapsed, transforming him-
self, appeared in the heavenly abodes of Tsz’ Tsoi (Iswara). At
the request of the King of the Devas (Devendra) he repeated the
“Shih-ti” Sutra (Dasabhumi Sutra?). Again, on a second
occasion, dwelling in the same abode, he repeated the Pan-jo-li-t’su

(Prajna ? Sutra). Dwelling in the abodes of Ma-hi-shan-lo

(Maheswara, i.e., Siva), he repeated the Man-shu-tsien-poh-king
(Manjusrf sahasrapatra Sutra ?). Dwelling in the To-li abodes
(the heavenly abodes of the Trayastrinsas heavens), in the tower
called Po-pin-kwong-ming (“universally diffused brightness”) he
repeated the Yeh-tsze-ki-teh-fuh-teng King (the unrivalled Sutra
which proceeded from the summit of the head of Buddha, and is in
explanation of the word “ one ;” lit., “ one-word-single-unique-
Buddha-head Sutra ”1). Moreover, on account of his mother Ma-ye
(Maya) delaying three months, he spoke various accounts of the
law (or, he said Bana on various occasions). “ The world of men
referring to various places in all the sixteen kingdoms of the five
Indies.

82. In the parrot forest, and the Chi forest.

Notes. — “ The parrot forest.” The Peh-un Sutra (the 100 influ-
ence or consequence Sutra) says, “ Buddha was going' from She-wei-
Kwo (i.e., Sravasti) to Mo-kie-ti (Magadha); in the middle of the
x'oad or journey there was a wood of parrots (ying’ mo-a Macaw). The
king of these parrots, and all his friends and relations, on this occasion
kept flying in the air, and respectfully addressed Buddha and all the
priests, saying, ‘Would that, stopping here in my forest, you
would let me make my offerings to you.’ Buddha immediately
assented ; and, with his company of priests, entered into the midst
of the wood. Then the parrots perching around beheld the beauties
and excellencies of Buddha’s person, and the silent and decorous
behaviour of all the priests ; so that each of them, conceiving joy

1 Is this the Aditapariya Sfitra, 51. B. 191 1

N 2

170

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

iii their hearts, believed at once on Buddha. The same day they
died, and were born as devas in the To-li heaven (thirty-three
heavens).

“ The Chi forest.” The Nirvana Sutra says, “ On one occasion
Buddha was dwelling on the banks of the Ganges, in the middle of
the Chi-san (?) forest. Then the world-honoured one, taking up a
few fallen leaves in his hand, asked all the Bikshus, saying, ‘ Are
these leaves in my hand many ? Are the leaves in all the great
earths many ? ’ All the Bikshus said, ‘ World- honoured one !
the leaves of the great earths are so many that they cannot be
numbered ; but those in the hand of Juloi are so few that they
need not be mentioned.’ Buddha replied, ‘All the laws which
I have now completely learned are many, even as the leaves of all
the great earths ; but those which I have delivered and explained
on account of sentient beings are but as the leaves in my hand.’ ”

83. Also at the Heron Lake.

Notes. — In the Karahda Vehuvana, near Rajagriha (vid. the
Chinese, explained in Jul. iii, 510), there is a white Heron Lake,
where Buddha delivered the Prajna Sutra of sixteen chapters (or
collections).

84. Also at the Vulture Peak (Gfidhra Kuta).

Notes. — “ At Rajagriha,” the mountain, called in Sanscrit, Ki-
che-kien (this seems to be taken from the Pali Gliejakato). Buddha
here delivered the Tai-pan-jo (Maha- Prajna), the Fa-hoa-king
(Saddharma pundarika), and other Sutras.

85. Also in the Sea Palace.

Notes. — Buddha was residing in the palace of the Dragon King
Nan-to (Nanda), in the “ Ki tseung ma ni po tsong wan to tchang
po lan,” i.e., “the beautiful pearl chamber, belongingto the precious
tower possessing the great cloud hall. (Obs. This Sutra is in my
possession. The title is somewhat different from that in our present
work; the translation above is accommodated to that of the Sutra) ;
he here delivered the “ Tai wan lun tsing li king,” i.e., “ the Sutra
called the great cloud wheel, for asking rain. [Obs. This Sutra con-
sists of magical formulae (dharani) for forcing dragons to provide
rain in time of dearth.]

16. And in the garden of Amras (i.e., the Amravana, Jul. ii,
390).

Notes. — “ Om-ma-lo (Amra),” the name of a fruit (Mango) ; in

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 1 71

the midst of this garden there are many of these trees. Buddha here
delivered the Tsing-ming (pure name, Suddlianama ?) Sutra.

87. And in the monkey stream (Markatahrada, Burnouf,
J. B., 74).

Notes, — Near the city of Pi-ye-li (ye is perhaps a mistake for che;
in which case it would be Pi-che-li, i.e., Vaisali), there is the lake of
the female monkey (Markatahrada); over (or on) this lake is a Ts’o-
tsing residence (flower or grass Vihara?). Buddha, dwelling in this,
entered on the Samadhi which admits of no disturbance. Here,
having converted 500 merchants, they all attained rahatship. It
was on this occasion the assembly asked Buddha to relate the
ancient Nidanas (history of previous births) of Ye-shu-to-lo
(Yasodara, the wife of Sakya) and of the 500 merchants (or tins
last portion may mean “ to relate the connection of the 500 mer-
chants in former times with Yasodora ”).

88. And in the cave of the Fiery Dragon.

Notes. — Si-yu-ki says, “To the west of a city in Northern
India (viz., the capital of Na-kie-lo-ho, i.e., Nagarahara; vid.
Jul. ii, 96 . . .) is a large and deep cavern, the residence of the
Dragon King Kin-po (Gopala). This dragon, having all at once
conceived a wicked heart, desired to destroy the king and waste
his country. Buddha knowing this, and using his power of spiritual
transport, conveyed himself there. The Dragon King seeing Buddha,
was rejoiced, and his wicked heart was dissipated. Buddha re-
peated the law on his account, and gave into his charge the precepts
against slaughter. But, because he besought Buddha much to
remain there, and to receive his religious offerings, Buddha replied,
‘ I am about to enter Nirvana; but now, for your sake, I bequeath
to you my shadow, and it shall come to pass after my Nirvana, if a
wicked heart again rises in you, you ought to look at this my
shadow (and so destroy it). Moreover, I will depute 500 Rahats to
remain here, and receive your offerings, so that you may have
ground of merit.’ On this account no great troubles or calamities
ever happen to the king of this country or the city.”

The Records (i. e., Si-yu-ki) say, “ Ilieouen (Tsang), a Fah-sse
(priest) of the Tang dynasty, himself went to worship this shadow
and pay it religious homage (i. e., make offerings to it). The shadow
of Buddha, when viewed far off, was of a gold colour, bright and
glittering ; but when (he came) near, it was not visible.”

89. Again residing at Po-lo-nai.

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

Notes. — The true Sanskrit is Po-lo-ni-sse (Varanasi, or Benares).
This word in Chinese is Kiang Yau Kwo., i.e., river-bound country.
Buddha, residing here, delivered the “ Ch’uh-yan-shi-shai-chiin-fah-
lun,” and other Sutras.

90. Then dwelling at Mo-kie-ti (Magadlia).

Notes. — In Chinese this is, “ the peaceful country.” Buddha here
delivered the “ Fah-yen,” “ Pun-hi,” “ Kin-ii,” and other Sutras.

91. Also resting in the Kin-ku grove (i.e., the grove of sala
trees).

Notes. — That is in Sanscrit Sha-lo, or “ strong ” (Kin-ku). Yan,
a doctor of the law (fah-sse), in his translations, says, “ Kin-ku,
just before Buddha was about to enter Nirvana, the very last of all
he delivered the Parinirvana Sutra (great Nirvana).”

92. Also resting (under) the M-loh tree (music tree ?).

Notes. — Living’ at Pi-ye-li (Vaisali ?), Buddha resided under a
tree, and there delivered the “ Kiin-teng-poh-chu-sing-sse-teh-to ”
Sutra (i.e., “ the baptism that rescues from life and death, and con-
fers salvation ”).

93. Also on the Peak of Lenka, near the borders of the sea
(Lanka, Ceylon).

Notes. — This is a mount on the borders of the sea in Southern
India; the Sanscrit is Leng-ka, but the Chinese puh-lio-wong,
“ not able to go.” Only those possessed of the power of spiritual
transport are able to go there. Buddha residing here, delivered the
Sutra called Jih-leng-kia [Lankavatara Sutra. (Obs., the word
Jill “ to enter ” does not seem to form part of the Sanscrit title)].

94. Also in the mount bordering on the Po-To precipice
(Patalaka).

Notes. — This Sanscrit word, written in full, would be “ Po-tan-
lo-kia.” It is now written in brief as Po-To. It is the name of a
little white flower. They say that this mount produces a great
number of these flowers, the fragrant scent of which is perceived
from far. This place (i.e., Patalaka, perhaps the present Ramase-
ram) is the residence of Kouan-tseu-tsai (Avalokiteswara) ; Buddha,
stopping here, repeated the Sutra called “ Shih-i-min-kouan-tseu-
tsai (“ Avalokiteswara with twelve faces ”). (Vid. an account of
Potalaka, Jul. iii, 123).

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 173

95. Again in the garden of Bamboos, called “ Kalan to” (Karan-
flavenavana).

Notes. — The Sanscrit “ Kia-lan-to,” is in Chinese “ lio-in,” and is
the name of an animal known in western countries (Obs., “ lio-in ”
means “lucky voice;” the animal is a squirrel. The whole story
may be read in Spence Hardy, M.B., 194, and also Jul. iii, 29, &c.
Note that this garden is known to the Singalese as Weluwana.)
He who is called the nobleman Ka-lan-to is the same as Pin-hi-so-lo-
wang (Bimbasara Raja), who built in this garden a vihara, and
presented it as a gift for the followers of Buddha to reside in. (Yid.
Spence Hardy, ut supra.)

96. And on the golden ground in the She-wai country.

Notes. — The Sanscrit word is “ Che-lo-fu,” which is corrupted

into “ Che-wai (&ravasti).” The Chinese equivalent is Man-wuh-
shing (the city for perceiving and knowing tilings). In this city
dwelt a certain noble, named Su-ta-to (Sudatta), which in Chinese
is equivalent to Chen-chi (i. e., virtuous gift or charity). He ever
had compassion on, and felt for, the orphan and the poor. The
men of the country, therefore, made much of him ; and also named
him Ki-kon-to (Anathapindika — he who bestows charity on orphans
and the bereaved. Yid. Jul. ii, 296). Now, on one occasion, having
gone to the city of “the house of the king,” i.e., Rajagriha, and
living in the house of his friend the nobleman Humi, his object
being to find a proper wife for his son, he observed the house
fitted out with perfumes, flowers, eatables, &c., because Buddha was
expected there on the morrow. Now Sudatta was, in reference to
himself, a follower of the heretics ; and when at first he heard the
name of Buddha his heart g’rew cold, and his hair stood on end.
This evening-, therefore, he went to hear the law and worship
Buddha; and so, on account of his former ground of merit, he
received a rightly believing- heart, and obtained the first fruit (i.e.,
entered on the first path, Sowan). He then asked Buddha to return
with him to his country, to which Buddha assented ; and he then
returned to his house. He then began to look around (lit. “divine ”)
for a propitious or excellent ground for Buddha to reside in ;
and, considering the garden of Chi-to (Jeta), the heir apparent, that
it was both elevated and pleasantly situated with a commanding
view, fit for erecting a vihara in, he went, therefore, and asked it
of the prince royal, who, laughingly replied, “ If you will cover the
garden with gold I will sell it you.” Sudatta joyfully said, “ The
garden then is mine.” So, returning to his house, he brought out

174

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

his gold, and with it covered upwards of eighty ki’ng (a ki’ng is
15 square acres. There were eighty of these). With this he
bought the garden, and built in it a vihara, and called it “Chi hwan ”
(Jetavana); but now people call these buildings ‘Full shi’ (“Tem-
ples”). This explains the expression in the text, “ golden ground.”

97. Then in answer to the earnest desire or thought, in the air
he manifested himself.

Notes. — Po-sse-ni-Wang (Prasnajit Raja, king of Kosala in
Buddha’s time) and the Mo-li philosophers or sectaries (this
expression is probably a contraction of Yan g- k i n -li-mo-lo, or Angouli
Malyas, concerning whom, vid. Jul. ii, 295 ; or it may be trans-
lated, “Prasnajit and his wife Mo-li,” i.e., Mallikadevf, concern-
ing whom, vid. M.B., p. 285), having met Buddha, believed on his
law. Whilst paying him reverence he said, “ If my daughter
Ching'-man (Srimaladevf ?), who is possessed of perfect wisdom, and
whose mind is already prepared to understand the law, were to
behold Buddha, she would certainly obtain Bodhi (reason). Would
that this might be the reward of my faitli !” Ching-man hearing of
the merits of Buddha, fdled with joy and bowing her head, said the
following gatha in his praise: “ Would that Buddha, possessed of
infinite love, would cause me now to behold him !” At the time sh*e
made this prayer, ^akya-Juloi suddenly caused his incomparable,
lovely person to appear to her in the air ; on which occasion he
delivered the Ching-man Sutra (Snmaladevi Sinhanada Sutra).

98. Then disappearing- from the mountains, and appearing in the
lieavingly abodes. (Obs., the symbol used is difficult to translate ; it
signifies “destroying,” “annihilating.” I have translated it “dis-
appearing from,” as though he, i.e., Buddha, was the object of this,
as a verb).

Notes. — Buddha, from the Vulture Peak Mount (Gridhrakuta)
disappearing, was born in the To-li heaven (Trayastrinsas). Dis-
appearing from Su-mi (Sumeru), he was born (or appeared) in the
Nu-ma (Yiima, the first heaven above the Trayastrinsas) heaven ;
and so, having ascended up to the highest (heaven), he delivered
the Fa-yen Sutra.

99. Again he delivered the law as it is symbolized by the six
points of the heavens.

Notes. — The Yan-po-sah-kai king (ITpasampanna Sutra?)
says, “The son of the nobleman Chen-sing (well-born, Sujata?)

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 175

asked Buddha, saying-, “All the teachers of the heretics (t.e.,
Dissenters) teach their followers at early dawn to bow to the six
quarters, N., S , E., W., above, below) ; and by this means they
promise them increase of years and wealth. Has Buddha’s law
any thing of this sort ? ” Buddha replied, “ Yes ! certainly. That
which is called bowing’ to the east is the Ta’n (dana) Paramita (i. e.,
the paramita of charity). Bowing to the south is the ‘ Shi ’ (sila)
Paramita (the virtue paramita). Bowing to the west is the Tsh’een
(Kehanti) Paramita (the paramita of patience). Bowing to the
north is the Pi-lai-ye (Vfrya) Paramita (the energy paramita).
Bowing to the nadir is the Chen (Dhyana) Paramita (the paramita
of contemplation). Bowing to the zenith is the Po-ye (Prajna)
Paramita (the paramita of supreme wisdom). If a man is able (to
attain to) a state of correct contemplation, day after day, and if he
pays worship and homage in a similar manner, what is this but
increase of years, wealth, and honour? ”

100. Again transforming himself, he assumed a body only three
feet (chili) in size.

Notes. — Ku-shi-lo (Gochira), the nobleman, was only three feet
high. Buddha on his account transformed himself into a person of
similar size, and so caused him to return to a knowledge of the
right law.

101. And again there was the “hand covering” and the
“ pointing (to the earth) transformation.”

Notes. — “The hand covering.” The Ling-yen Sutra says, “The
world-honoured one, with his ‘ Chen-feon-tan ’ golden hand
(Chen-feon-tan, lit. ‘ Jambudana,’ probably for ‘Chen-tan,’ i.e.,
chandana or sandal wood), stroking or touching the head of A -nan
(i. e., Ananda), at the same time the Sakwalas of the Buddhas
pervading the ten regions of space were violently shaken six
times ; and the infinite number of Buddhas who abide in these
Sakwalas, each diffusing from his person, brought rays of glory,
which (rays), at the same time, came together to the garden of
Che-to (Jetavana), and meet as if outpoured on the head of
Ananda.”

“The pointing transformation,” the 1 'sing Ming Sutra (Visuddha-
nama? Sutra) Says, ‘Lo-Kai (?) Brahma, addressing Shi-li-fuh(Saripu-
tra), said, ‘ I see this earth or ground as it were the heavenly palace

Vimakita Sutra, vid. infra, 115.

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

of Iswara.’ ^ariputra replied, ‘ And I behold it as a dunghill, full
of filth and pollution.’ On this the world-honoured one with the
toe of his foot touching the ground, immediately the great
chiliocosm appeared all glorious, and adorned like the perfectly
beautiful abode of Buddha.”

102. Then again the dispersion of the rays of glory, causing the
advent of the Buddhas, and the one body universally diffused and
divided into many bodies.

Notes. — The Fa-hoa king (Saddharma Punflarfka Sutra) says,
“Tai loh shwoh Bosat (Mahasthamaprahta Bodhisattwa ?) desired to
see the body of &akya Juloi divided into all the Buddhas. At this
time the world-honoured one darting a ray from the mark between
his eyebrows (urna), it spread through and illumined the ten
regions, each containing an innumerable number of lands of Buddhas;
all these Buddhas then taking with them each one a Bodhisattwa
and his attendants, came to this earth ; and so all the Buddhas
appeared sprung as it were from the body of &akya Buddha.”

103. Again this world issuing brightness through the other
worlds.

Notes. — The Koon-Mo-leung-shui king (z. e., Avalokitamitabha
Sutra; or, as the “Koon” is generally omitted, it will be the
“ Amitabha Sutra.” Amitabha is the attribute of eternity —
symbolized under a Buddha of that name, “ The eternal one ”)
says, “ We'i-tai-hi, the honourable woman, seeking a birth in one
of the pure lands at this time, the world-honoured one caused her
to behold (caused to appear) all the pure lands of the Buddhas of
the 10 regions, and then bade We'i-tai-hi (Videha?) to behold and
choose in what land she would be born. Then We'i-tai-hi, pointing
to the country of O-mi-to (Amitabha) Buddha, said, ‘Would that
I might be born there, and practice the sixteen dhyanis.’”

104. Again transforming the pure, and thus causing the pure to
envelope the impure.

Notes. — The Fong pin po sz’yan king says, “ Buddha, darting
forth a great ray, and illumining the earths (chaityas) of the Bud-
dhas of the ten regions; there were innumerable Bodhisattwas who
appeared — the So-po world at the same time appearing, deprived of
its mountains, rivers, forests, &c.” (?)

105. Again following the common method of teaching, and

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 177

at the same time, making this method illustrate the true
mode.

Notes. — The law which Buddha taught, proceeded not according
to the two methods of philosophy, i.e., the common method and the
true method. So it is said, “pursuing the 'common mode, he caused
its light to return and illustrate the true.” And, again, “ the vulgar
method and the true are one and, again, “by the common method
he threw light on the true.” The Jin Wan Sutra (Karuhika raja
Sutra) says, “ Prasnajit, the king, asked this question, ‘ Is the
common method of philosophy included in the super-excellent
method (of Buddha) or not 1 ’ Buddha replied, ‘ The oue system
and the two systems are both contained in this : “ It cannot be pre-
dicted of me that 1 speak, nor of you that you hear.” ’ ” (That is,
the absence of affirmation is the true philosophy.) Again, the
kings of the sixteen countries (of India) thought thus in them-
selves : “ When the most merciful Buddha obtains Nirvana, who
then shall defend our country.” On this Buddha forthwith began
to deliver the sublime wisdom which shews how the Bosat preserve
the fruit of Buddha (i.e., how the perfection of Buddha resides in
the Bodhisattwas).

106. But his doctrine was as the responsive echo of the hollow
valley, or as the stroke which has awakened the sound of the
spreading bell.

Notes. — This alludes to the method of Juloi in adapting his
doctrines to the secret moving power of his hearers.

107. Amongst those which he uttered, we find the four IIo-
hom (Agama Sutras), which advocate the existence of a sensible
world, and the right Pot-yo (Prajna), which declare all to be
empty.

Notes. — Buddha having arrived at perfect wisdom, within thirty
years from that time he declared these two methods of instruction,
appealing to the principles of men according to their state of pre-
paration. The Sanscrit, Ho- Horn, is, in Chinese, Fah-kw’ai
(Refuge of the Law). These belong to the Little Vehicle (Hinayana)
mode of instruction. They are four in number : — 1 . The large Agama.
— 2. The medical Agama. — 3. The mixed Agama. — 4. The addi-
tional Agama. The doctrine of these works declares the existence
of all things (Sarvastivadas). Hence the name used in the text.
The Sanscrit, Pot-ye (Prajna) is, in Chinese, “ Tsing Ilwui ”
(Pure wisdom). This is the doctrine of the Great Vehicle (Maha-

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

yana). There are eight principal works of this class, all of which
declare the emptiness of all things.

The Mi-yen, the Fah-yen, the Fuh-ts’ong, the Ti-tso’ng.

Notes. — These are the names of four Sutras of the Great
Development school; the Ti-tso’ng is the same as the Sliih-lun-
king.

109. And the questions of Sz’ yih.

Notes. — Sz’ Yih, the name of a Deva of the Brahman heavens
(Brahmacharin), his enquiries into the character of the law, is the
origin of the title of this work.

110. The U-Sin (conversations as to the Ileart) held atLeng-ka
(Ceylon).

Notes. — The Yih-leng-ka-Shan Sutra1 advocates the doctrines
of the Great Vehicle. This Sutra regards the heart as chief, hence
the title.

111. The “ Wan hing slian leng yen.”

Notes. — The “ Shan leng yen,” is the name of a Samadhi, from
which this Sutra receives its name.

112. “ Yeh Clung mo leung i” (one vehicle endless systems).

This also is the name of a Samadhi from which the book takes

its title.

113. The “ Tai pi fan to li” (Great compassion Lotus flower).

Notes. — The Sanscrit “ Fan to li ” is equivalent to the Chinese

“ White Lotus flower ” (“ pih lin fah ”). The title is derived, as
it were, from the beauty of this flower. (Fan to li — panflan'ka.)

114. The Fah Kii To lo ni (The Dharani, which are as the torch
of the Law).

Notes. — The Sanscrit, To-lo-ni, signifies “collection,” from
the fact of their being a “ collection ” or “ epitome ” of the law.
They are the evidence or exhibition of the enlightenment of the
mind in perfect rest, and from this the comparison in the text of
“ a torch.”

115. He spoke also the Sutra of the “Pure Name” [Vimakita
(Edkins)].

1 Lokavatara Sfitra.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 179

Notes. — Tbe Sanscrit “ wei mo lo kih,” in Chinese, is “ Tsing
Ming ” (Pure Name) ; it is also called “ Spotless Title ” (Yimakita
Sutra).

116. The “ Sui Ying” of Su-ta-na.

Notes. — “Su-ta-na (Sudana),” i.e., “character” (virtuous charity).
The name Sakya took on leaving his wife and two children.

117. Then there are the distinctions between “punsse” and
“pun sing” (matters concerning one’s own experience), the
beauties of the “ Fung Tsung” and the “ Chung Tsung.”

Notes. — These are the four names of the “ teaching of twelve
divisions.”

The Pun sse ai'e the affairs connected with Buddha’s previous
states of existence (the Jatakas).

The Pung sing are predictions addressed to Bodhisattwas, &c.
(Itivfittaka).

The Fung Tsung are Gathas.

The Chung Tsung are Geyas.

(The Gathas denote a whole narrative in verse, including many
Geyas or stanzas. So a Sutra contains many Itivfittakas or predic-
tions ; but the latter never the former.)

(Obs. For an account of the “ twelve divisions ” referred to at
the beginning of the above notes, vid. Burnouf, Introd. to Ind. B.,
pp. 50, 51.)

118. The comparison of the elephant, horse, and hare, crossing
a river.

Notes. — This refers to the order observed in Bosat, Urn Kioh
(Pratyeka Buddhas), and Ching Man (^ravakas). The river over
which they cross is the river of humanity, so to speak, or the
twelve Nidanas (causal concatenation— the causes which hold
us in life; vid. Jul., sub v. Nidana). The understanding of these
three classes of beings is of the same character, but not the same
degree (of depth). The comparison in the text refers to the animals
mentioned when they cross the river — the hare floats, the horse
half reaches the bottom, the elephant walks straight across on his
feet, touching the bottom.

119. Then there is the comparison of the three chariots, drawn
by the sheep, the deer, and the ox (this comparison occurs in the
“ Lotus of the Good Law ”) ; and the leaving the dwelling.

Notes.— The Fak hwa king (Saddharma Pundarika Sutra) speaks

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

of these three chariots, by way of comparison; the chariot drawn by
a sheep being' compared with the condition of a Sravaka ; that by
a deer with a Pratyeka Buddha ; and that by an ox with the con-
dition of a Bodhisattwa. These three chariots exemplify the system,
as it provides sufficient means of deliverance. The two first means
of convej'ance represent that mode which is known as “Fong pin.”
The other vehicle, known as that of the “ great white ox,” is the
true mode of deliverance ; drawing any brother to a distance; con-
veying all ; losing nothing. The “ dwelling ” spoken of is in keeping
with what the Sutra says, “ There is no rest in the three worlds —
they are as a burning house ; ” again, “ The body of the three
worlds (i. e., the body possessed by those in the three worlds) is, as
it were, a house, from which everything is beheld through a dis-
torted medium.”

120. Then again he spoke of it (his doctrine) as the actual, the
empty, and the “ keeping the mean,” or the “ safe mean.”

Notes. — These arrangements are the methods of instruction
employed by Juloi. 11 is mode of teaching was not uniform. First,
he spoke of the method which supposes the existence of all things;
then he adopted the method which supposes their non-existence.
Neither of these was the perfect method. The safe method is the
medial one. He spoke nothing dogmatically, but awaited this
period for the development of his doctrine.

121. And again he spoke of a holding ground (or standing
point) of unvarying brightness.

Notes. — The method which advocated the non-existence of
matter only overthrew the faulty portion of the other system ; viz.,
of actual existence. As yet the nature of the true spiritual existence
(lit. the nature or being of the true soul) was not manifested.
The system then was that the conditions or qualities of all distinct
phenomena constitute the actual being or substance (of that
phenomenon). This, indeed, is the “ being ” exhibited in the vulgar
method of philosophy. But that which throws light on the belief
in “b ng,” which consists in the absence of conditions, life, death,
increase, decrease, and in the most complete indifference (i. e.,
absence of all selfish or partial consideration) ; this system is the
true one.

Now this theory is that which depends on the word Mo
(“ absence of,” e. gr. this theory says that the true consists in the
“ absence of the false,” or “ the absence of conditions”). But the

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 181

word “fei” (opposite to) destroys the “Mo,” and it is thus we
arrive at a perfect theory. (That is, to say : “ Truth is not , or does
not consist in certain phenomena,” is different from saying: “ Truth
is that which is not phenomenal.” The first is mere negative. The
second is an affirmative clothed in a negative form. The power of
the word fi may be learned from the expression meaning an asura
— “something which is not a man.” Now with mo instead of fi the
expression would mean “ absence of men,” or “ without men.”)
This idea opens out and illustrates the character of the true vacancy,
which contains in a mysterious manner the nature of the true soul.

This is the “brightness” or enlightenment to which the text
alludes.

122. Again he spoke of his doctrine as the “ vulgar” method
(tun, i.e., blunt) and the “ gradual ” method.

Notes. — These terms refer to the mode of Buddha’s teaching, as
he adapted it to the capacities and condition of his disciples.

123. And again he styled it the “half” method and the “ full ”
method.

Notes. — The Nirvana Sutra says, “ The word ‘ pun ’ (half) is
the origin of all cares and troubles; but the word ‘ mun ’ (‘full’) is
the root of all virtuous or excellent laws (fall). The one is an
imperfect philosophy, the other a perfect one.”

124. Then again there was the absence of assertion, and the
constant condition of assertion.

Notes. — The Prajna Sutra says, “ Let no one say Juloi has a
law which may be spoken. [This phrase “ Yan sho shut full ” is a
very common one in the Prajna Paramita works ; it seems to
allude to the impossibility of the Supreme Buddha (Tatliagata)
being confined to the limit of any fixed law in his doctrine. His
law is spiritual ; speaking to, affecting, the inmost self of a man,
and not stereotyped in external forms.] If a man say that Juloi
has any law which may be spoken, he libels Tatliagata. ‘ That man
does not understand the system which I deliver.’” Again, there is
a Gatha which says, “ From the first, in the garden of deer, down to
the last scene near the Po-Tai river1 (Hirahyavati, M.B. 345 ; the
Po-Tai of the text, is equivalent to Va-Ti, a contraction of this river’s
name ; Buddha crossed it just before entering the garden of Sal
trees), during this interval of fifty years, not one word did he say.”

1 AdjitavatI ; vid. Jul., sub voce.

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

This assertion refers to Tathagata in his pure and essential nature —
identical with all the Buddhas of the three worlds (or three ages —
present, past, future). Hence the expression “ absence of assertion.”
But, according to the common theory of Buddha’s existence, he
did not cease from delivering the law.

125. Again there is the expression “not hearing” and “con-
stantly hearing.”

Notes. — The Tsing meng king (Vimakita Sutra) says, “ What
we say as to delivering the law, is actually no delivery and
no exhibition of it ; and as to hearing, there is really no hearing or
attaining anything. In this is the system or secret of the highest
philosophy.

126. And he gave them a ground of confidence to assure them
of liis protection on which they might be able to rely.

Notes. — The Lotus of the good law says, “ I now, on your
account, give you a security for what I say (‘to be security for’) ;
the end is not emptiness [or, ‘which (i.e., security) in the end
shall not be false or vain This theory is that all sentient beings
have the nature of Buddha ; and all shall attain to his perfect
condition.

127. There were, moreover, supplying the deficiency, so that
there should be no forgetfulness.

Notes. — Ananda, twenty years after Buddha attained supreme
reason, became a convert. But Buddha, by the power of his
influence, brought all his sayings, both delivered before, which he
had not heard — and even those of the former Buddhas, to his recol-
lection. Therefore, the Pao Tsi king (Ratnakara Sutra) says,
“ Juloi, by the divine power of Buddha, assists all sentient beings,
and enables them to recollect without mistake or chance of error ;
and, addressing them, says, ‘You now may recollect through ages
past ; ’ and thus having implanted in them the root of all virtuous
principles (laws), these beings forthwith are able to recollect all, by
the power of Juloi.”

128. There is the absence of the “ small ” and yet not “ great.”

Notes. — This is the basis of the “Yung Tsang-” school (this

school professes to combine all theories in one ; it seems to be
eclectic, finding truth in all systems, agreeing with none ; but I
am in want of the Sanscrit term). The “small” alludes to the

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 183

small vehicles, and the great to the great vehicle. The text
alludes to the fact that though the roots of action, or principle, in
men be different, yet there is no distinction of great or small in con-
nection with essential being'. The Siitra of the questions of
Manjusri says, “ Buddha declared that twenty schools into which
the little vehicle should divide in future time, were but like the
water of the sea ; the taste of which in every place was the same :
all these schools do not spring from the ‘ Prajna-paramita
school.’ ”

129. Without bounds, and yet no centre.

Notes. — (This is another definition belonging to the same
school. There is a similar definition of the Divine Being — “the
centre of a circle whose circumference is nowhere,” or a similar
idea.)

130. The three vehicles united, enter the one vehicle.

The Nirvana Sutra says, “ The one vehicle, that is, the nature of
Buddha ; with reference to this system all sentient beings have this
one vehicle. ” The Fa hwa Sutra says, “ Amongst the earths of the
Buddhas of the ten regions, there is only one vehicle as a law,
neither two nor three.”

131. The three natures together return to the one nature,
which is that of the law. [Obs., the term here rendered by “ nature,”
refers, in all the later Buddhist works, to the one essential sub-
stance or being which pervades immensity.]

Notes. — “The nature of the law,” i.e., the nature of Buddha
(hence Buddha is the same as what is literally the Law or Dharma).
The Nirvana Sutra says, “ The nature of the Snivaka, of the
Pratyeka Buddha, and of the Bodhisattwa, is the same ; they are
together but the one essential nature.”

132. He, in truth called himself (or may be called) the father
and mother of his helpless children, the guide and leader along the
even path by the precipice.

Notes. — The Nirvana Sutra says, “ Buddha, thinking on the
welfare of all sentient beings, and regarding them as poor children,
is therefore considered as the merciful father and mother of all
created beings.”

The Fa hwa Sutra says, “ Now on account of you all, I become
a great leader and guide, knowing all the precipices, dang’ers, and

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

winding paths of life and death.” This is what the text calls the
precipices, i.e., the evil paths of the three worlds. The word “i”
(smooth or even) refers to the mysterious power of the one vehicle.

The Fa Yen Sutra says, “Buddha is regarded as a father to
all creatures, because of the kind assistance and advantage he
gives them ; and as a mother, because he nourishes and produces
in them the seed of Buddha’s nature. He is a leader, because he
guides them to a place of rest ; a teacher, because he bids them
enter into the only true centre of being-.

133. Like the sun or moon in the dark (or profound) vault of
heaven.

The Kin Kwong Ming King- (Suvarna Prabhasa Sutra) says,
“ The sublime sun, Buddha, whose wide-spread rays brighten and
illumine (all things.).” Again, it says, “ Abiding for a time in
the three worlds, like a sun he enlightened (the world, as with)
daylight.”

The Fah Yen Sutra says, “ The moon has four distinguishing
peculiarities. 1. Its rays drown the brightness of all the other stars.
— 2. It appears and disappears according to season. — 3. Its shadow
cannot but be manifested in all the surfaces of pure water in the
world. — 4. It appears face to face to all those who behold it,
(i.e., though they be in any relative position to one another: refer-
ring to the shadow in the water, as well as to the moon itself.) So
also, is it with respect to Buddha’s appearance in the world. 1. His
presence eclipsed all the heretics of the two vehicles. 2. lie regulated
his period of manifestation according to the work he undertook of
illustrating the truths he proclaimed.— 3. His appearance cannot
but be reflected in all the receptacles of supreme knowledge of all
beings, the pure hearts which pervade the three worlds of all the
fsakwalas (*. e., his presence is visible in the heart which is
developed in the good). 4. All beings who regard him with reve-
rence speak of J uloi as being in their immediate sight, filling their
hearts with joy, and on their account delivering the law.” The great
Pi Shi Lun (Mahavibhasha 8astra) says, “ The moon as it shines on
high in the heavens has two sorts of beneficial effects. — 1. It
spreads its bright rays through the dark void. — 2. It strengthens
and nourishes the plants and trees. So Buddha, coming into the
world, conferred two benefits. 1. He dissipated and scattered the dark
errors of ignorance. — 2. He nourishes and strengthens the vir-
tuous principles of men and Devas.”

The expression “ dark (or profound) vault,” in the text, alludes

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 185

to the abodes of life and death. The Wei Shi &astra (Vidya-
matra-siddhi) says, “ Not yet arrived at true wisdom, we ever dwell
in the land of dreams ; hence, I speak of the long night of life and
death.”

134. Providing (as it were) a ferry boat over the sea of va
shadows.

Notes. — The infinite wisdom and great love of Tathagata, pro
viding (or containing) a method for conveying all beings, and
transporting' them from the shores of life and death ; and as it
causes joy to use it, it is called a ferry-boat. All secondary exist-
ences, vain and empty as they are, the text likens to (a sea of)
shadows; the sea, i.e., the troubles and anxieties in which all
beings ai'e anchored, and so cannot cross over to the other shore.

135. As a rain-cloud, causing that which is withered and dry
to return to fife.

Notes. — The Fah hwa king (Saddharma Pundarika) says, “When
Juloi was born, he was as the rising of a great cloud, from which
rain descends on all beings, trees, plants, and shrubs, according as
their several divisions receive nourishment.” So all sentient beings
dried up by cares and troubles, the water of the law not having
yet descended, are compared in the text to that which is withered ;
but Juloi having become incarnate, according to his ever com-
passionate and merciful nature, _ delivered the law in due measure,
so that all beings whose principles were good, received increase
and strength ; hence, the text speaks of returning and restoration
to life.

136. Providing salvation and refuge, he directs to the final
path that leads to the eternal city.

Notes. — “ Salvation,” that is, deliverance. “Refuge (or return),”
that is, speedy escape.

Tang Liang, a priest (fah sse) of the Liang dynasty, says, “A
lord delivers or protects his country — a man’s own relative protects
his family. But Buddha is not so, he protects and saves all.”

The expression “ eternal city,” refers to the Nirvana.

137. But, alas! the end is at hand ! — His work now completed,
merit completed dwells not with us ! — Now about to I'esume his
original nature by returning to the source from whence he came ! —
the fuel expended, the fire dies out and perishes!

0 2

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

Notes. — This is the eighth sign in the life of 8akya — viz., his
entering Nirvana beneath the two sala trees. — Juloi having- made
an end of crossing the influences of life (i.e., having finished his
work in life), it is said, therefore, in the text, “ his work completed;”
being about to terminate the great exhibition of his power (or
being), he g-ave indications of returning to the true state of repose
(Nirvana); hence, the expression, “his finished merit could not
dwell among men the expressions “pun” and “iin,” both refer
to the one true essential state of being.

The Fa Hwa King (Lotus of the Good Law) says, “ Buddha this
night ceased to exist ; as the fire dies out — the fuel being expended.”
The Fah Yen King says, “ Juloi, for the purpose of exhibiting all
the active principles of life and existence, was unwilling to remain
for ever obscured (i. c., in Nirvana). But for the sake of men and
Devas, who were satisfied with the bodies they possessed, he ex-
hibited the unchangeable condition of ‘Won Sheung ’ (anuttara,
i. e., insurpassable condition).” All the Buddhas of the ten regions
not entering- Nirvana, except for the purpose of harmonizing and
elevating the principles of all sentient beings, exhibit this destruc-
tion (having accomplished their work). Now the end of manifesta-
tion is called destruction ; viz. : that destruction which admits of
no division or separation.

139. From this time he directed his course to the land of plenty,
and arrived at the golden river.

Notes. — The city of Ku-shi-lo (Kusmara, or Kusinagara.
Although Kosnla would be almost suggested by the Chinese). This
is a city remarkable for its riches and abundance, so that it has no
rival. Hence the name. The Sanscrit term in full is “ I-li-pan-na-
fi-tai (Hiranyavatf, M.B., 34o, or, Adjitavatf, Jul.) ; this is contracted
to “Po-tai” (vid. supra. 121). In Chinese it is equivalent to the
“river which possesses gold.” This (land) produces camphor
(jambu), sandal wood (tan, for chandana), and g-old. No water can
be purer than that of this river. Sang-Tsung-Fah-sse, of the Liang
dynasty, says, “Buddha came to the border of this river, intending
to enter Nirvana ; then he compared the turmoil and hurry of life
and death to the eddies and flowings of the river’s tide, the
motionless golden sands to the unchangeable and enduring nature
of Buddha.” Again, in the previous history of Buddha, at the time
he was fitting for the supreme Buddhaship, he resided in this place
as the Chakravarti Lu-chi (Bodhiruchi 1) ; and now being about

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 187

to enter Nirvana, lie came to this land, as it were, by way of
recompensing it.

140. The bright rays and the words of his mouth, together
reaching through the innumerable worlds of the Buddhas (chaityas),
the mountahis shook, and the earth quaked, and all around were
heard the sounds of lamentation.

Notes. — The expression in the text is “gate of the face,” and
refers to the mouth. The scattering of rays is the most remark-
able of the distinguishing marks of Buddha. The “ rays ” and
“ quaking ” are signs which attended the occasion. The expression
“dust chaityas ” refers to the innumerable worlds of the Buddhas.
The Nie-pan-hou-fau King (Nirvana Sutra?) says, “All the
Sakwalas of the ten regions quaked and shook, and there came forth
the sound of a great voice — the cry of pain and lamentation, as of
one in distress.”

For how else could it be when the world was to be left
desolate, and the sun of wisdom about to set? They mourned for
a truly compassionate father. So all the great seas raised then-
floods and roared, and a sound of grief pervaded the world. Yan-
Fah-sse, a priest of the Liang dynasty, says, “Things without
life moved towards him! (he., inanimate objects displayed then-
love to him.) How much more those possessed of a heart ! ”

141. His different appearances being now ended, at the same
time appeared the blood of the Che flower.

Notes. — The Nirvana Sutra says, “ All the eight sorts of
dragons observed, with pity, the grief which pervaded all things ;
then through their bodies the blood appeared, like the juice of the
Po-lo-che (Palasa) flower.”

Liang, a priest of the Liang dynasty, says, “ This is a flower of
India — white in appearance, and with red juice.”

142. Having- received the last offering of Shuu-to (Chunda,
vid. M.B., 343).

The Sanskrit Chan-To is equivalent to the Chinese “ Kai-mian-i ”
(excellent system of liberation). He was the son of a smith (artisan)
of Ku-she (Kusinara). Coming to Buddha, he addressed him in these
words : “ As you have commanded the men of the world to obtain
ground for reward, receive, I pray you, this, my offering, which is
to be the very last. Buddha, on this, assented to receive it.”
(Spence Hardy says, it was an offering of Pork, M.B., 343.)

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

Now one may ask such a question as this, “ The Sutra says,
how is it when lie refused the offerings of devas and kings, he
accepted this one of the workman’s son ?” In reply, we may quote
the words of Liang Fah-sse, “ Buddha desires not in his system
either to reject the insignificant or accept the many — the rich and
the poor are alike ; and, although Shun-to was born a poor man, yet
his virtuous intention was very g-reat. It was because in the other
cases this principle was not observed, their offerings were rejected.”
Now what is said respecting “ virtuous intention ” is only significant
of a man’s being acquainted with the fixed principle of the law (or

the fixed law) [An important disquisition here follows.]

But how could the diamond body of Tathagata receive food? The
Nirvana Sutra says, “ During endless kalpas past, Juloi had received
neither food nor drink ; but on account of all the 8ravakas he first
received the rice and milk of the two shepherd women ; and on
account of all sentient beings he received the last offering of
Slnm-To ”

143. Receiving the secret words of Pi-ye (Papiyan).

Notes. — “ Pi-pi-ye,” i.e., wicked; the po-tsiin (comprehensive?)
name of Mara Raja. The Nirvana Sutra says, “Mara came to
offer a precious offering- to Buddha ; and at the same time delivered
a ‘ protective formulary.” Buddha said, “ I accept your dharam
(formula) for the good of future ages.” It is held, therefore, by the
followers of the four schools (?) (Ananda, K asyapa, Upali, Katya-
ana ?).

144. — Repeating- the four excellent distinctions (lit., virtues) in
order to manifest the three “ I.”

Notes. — The four excellent distinctions are these “permanency,”
“ delight,” “ personality,” “ purity.” These are the four fruits of
Nirvana. The three “I” are these — “Prajna” (supreme wisdom),
“ complete deliverance,” “ the essential body.” These are the four
bases or substance of Nirvana. In Sanscrit the letter “I” is sig-
nified by only three dots — one dot above and two below (.•.). The
upper dot signifies the essential body; the left-hand dot below sig-
nifies Prajna ; and the right-hand one, perfect deliverance. This
theory provides for both subject and object (in the condition of Nir-
vana). The Nirvana Sutra says, “Tathagata repeating the fol-
lowing words (lit., chanting or intoning) said, ‘ I now finally
establish these three laws (dliarma) for the sake of all beings.’
Hence the name Pari-Nirvana.”

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 189

145. Pointing out, or exhibiting, how the 10,000 actual existences
all return to one nature.

Notes. — “The 10,000 states of being ” refers to the great number
of existing creatures. The “one nature” is the nature of Buddha.
Juloi arrived at the point of Nirvana directly after he had stated
this doctrine, “ All creatures have the nature of Buddha.”

146. Instructing To-lo Ka-ye (Kasyapa. But what does To-lo
signify ? J ulien gives a name To-lo to a Bodhisattwa ; vid. in loc.) ;
settling the forty-two questions he asked.

Notes. — Before the Nirvana (?) there was a To-lo assembly (?).
Kasyapa Bodhisattwa, on this occasion, proposed thirty-four
questions, as, “ How to obtain the indestructible body,” “ how to
possess the Kin-ku force (Kin-ku is generally a synonym of Sala,
the Sala tree),” &c. Buddha’s answers, embodied in forty sections,
are what is alluded to in the text.

[This section is obscure. — S.B.]

147. Converting Su-po-to-lo (Subhadra) when just completing
81 years.

Notes. — The Sanskrit Subhadra is equivalent to the Chinese
virtuous — sage. ITe was a master of an heretical school. Having
heard Buddha proclaim the very profound exposition of Nirvana,
wisdom dawned in his mind, and ignorance fled ; so he became a
follower of Buddha, and entered on the duties of a Bhikshu, cutting
off his own hair, and taking the Ka-she (chi'vara). He then at
once arrived at the condition of a Rabat, aged 81. Buddha then
said, “ This is my very last disciple that shall attain salvation
(during my lifetime).”

148. Overthrowing the cross-questions of the ten Risliis, he
caused them to receive the influence of the day dawn.

Notes. — These ten Risliis were all leaders of heretics; each came
at the time of the Nirvana assembly, and proposed their questions,
which were successively answered by Buddha ; and so they received
the day-dawn, i. e., reason, the end of night. The Nirvana Sutra
gives the names of these Risliis.

149. How rudely planned those four pagodas which were
erected ! To the remotest town, the most trifling ornament !

Notes. — This refers to the four pagodas erected in the world; the
first where Juloi was born. — 2d. Where he arrived at supreme

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

reason. — 3d. Where he turned the wheel of the law. — 4th. Where
he entered Nirvana.

150. About to illustrate the subject of the perishable character
of all existencies possessed of ah active principle, he explained the
absence of conditions leading to the absence of birth.

Notes. — “ Active principle ” refers to the vulgar theories with
respect to being. In the middle' of the hundred sorts of being,
ninety-four are immediately liable to life and death. The Prajna
says, “ All the different species of being are but as dreams,
shadows, bubbles, faucies. As the morning mist, or the evening
lightning.”

That which is unconditioned is the true system of philosophy.
The nature of the being that is without active or partial principles
of life, is that which is rid of all unreal conditions ; there being an
end of all such conditions, there must be an end also of life and
death.

151. liaising up his diamond body, he dwelt again in the empty
void.

Notes. — The N irvana Sutra says, “ Juloi exhibiting his golden
yellow body to all disciples said, ‘ By practising severities and
enduring afflictions through the toil of ages have I obtained this
golden, imperishable body. But now my years are come to an end.
Minutely examine me therefore. To-day 1 am here such as I am ;
to-morrow I shall be no more. I am about to enter Nirvana.’ Then
raising himself from his precious couch, he ascended into the air
about the height of seven tala trees. This he repeated seven times,
and then returned to his couch.”

152. The sun and moon there shall decay! What then is the
duration of the sparkling of a fire-fly.

Notes. — The sun and moon Devas (Surya-Deva and Chandra
Deva) live 500 years, which is the same as 18,000,000 years
of men. A hundred years, the life of man, compared with this, is
but as the sparkle of a fire-fly. The Kian-Shi Ching-kwong-wang'
Sutra says, “ The Devas of the sun and moon exerting their
strength, scatter the brightness of their rays and illumine the
world ; but in the end they shall perish ! ” The Mo-chang King
(Anuttara Sutra) says, “ The great earth, and even the sun and
moon, will in time all come to an end.”

153. Exhorting them to aim at the possession of the eternal

MEMORIALS OF SAYKA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 191

body, causing them to cast away and destroy the perishable and
unenduring.

Notes. — The impermanent body is that which consists of the
four elements, and the five skandha,1 and the thirty-six organised
materials. It is this body which all the heretical schools declare to
be everlasting. The Nirvana Sutra says, “During ages past for
your sakes have I sacrificed body, life and goods ! Seeking the in-
surpassable Bodhi, ye ought, therefore, after my destruction, by
an earnest degree of preparation, to strive after release from the
three worlds ; not again to lapse into indifference ; to scatter and
destroy the listless heart.”

These were the very last exhortations of Juloi.

154. Then again returning, he resumed his gemmous couch ;
(with) his head (towards the north), he reposed in the “stork
garden.”

Notes. — “Returning” and “resuming;” pointing to Juloi’s return
from the air. “ His gemmous couch” refers to that whereon he slept.
“ Head sleeping,” i. e., his head to the north. In India the north
is the superior quarter ; or, again referring to the fact that after
Buddha’s Nirvana, the true law would for a long time flourish in
Northern India. The trees under which Buddha attained Nirvana
are called, in Sanskrit, Sa-lo (Sala), and in Chinese, Kin-ku (strong).
The four quarters (of the garden?) each had two; altogether,
therefore, there were eight of them ; they are fifty cha’ng (feet)
high ; at the top they are bushy, and below thin and separate in
the boughs. At the time of Buddha’s Nirvana this tree became, as
it drooped and dried, of a white colour, like the stork; hence the
allusion in the text.

155. Completely traversing the gate of Samadlii ; about to resume
the nature of the one true state of being (or the one true nature).

Notes. — San-Mui, i.e., Clung Teng (Samyak-Samadhi) “right
composure.” This is the gate through which all the holy sages
pass, and hence the expression used in the text. The one true
nature, i.e., Fah-kai (Dharma-dhatu — “the world of the law;”
but its meaning is, “ the essential state of existence of all being
properly so called”). The Nirvana Sutra says, “The Great Nirvana

1 The five skandha (Chinese “ wan ”) are : 1. Rfipa, organized body. 2. Ve-
dana, sensation. 3. Sanya, perception. 4. Sanskara, discrimination. 5. Vijnana,
consciousness.

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

reason. — (Parinirvana) ; this is the Fah Kai (essential mode of
existence) of all the Buddha Tathagatas.”

156. lie entered (the different Dhyanis) in a direct order, and a
reverse order, by an entire leap and a half leap.

Notes. — This section explains the order of his entering the
gates of Samadhi; the Nirvana Sutra says, “ Juloi, about to enter
Pari-Nirvana, entered the first Dhyani (the Dhyanis! refer to the
different Swargas or divisions of the three worlds) ; coming out of
that, he entered the second, and so he passed up to the highest of
the four empty heavens (Arupa-Loka), and so entered the Samadhi
of complete destruction. This is called in the text, “ entering in a
direct order.” Emerging from the “ Samadhi of destruction ” he
entered the Samadhi of the “ fi fi seung ” heaven (the highest of
the Arupa-Lokas), and descending, emerged through the first
Dhyani. This is called “ entering by a reverse order.” Then
entering the first Dhyani, and emerging from the third — entering by
this third, and coming out in the empty abodes (Akanishta ?) and
so up to the very highest heaven. This is called a half leap.
Again entering at the first Dhyani, and coming out at the very
highest — this is called a “ complete leap.” Thus, having passed
through the different Dhyanis, and repeated the process seven
times — he then addressed the great assembly : “ I now, by using
the eyes of Buddha, on eveiy side contemplate all the laws of
the three worlds. Ignorance (ino-ming, avidya) is the natural cause
of limitation (i.e., of the mind). Nature (i.e., exercise of powers of
the divine nature) is the true emancipation. By this system of
cause and effect (Nidana) I have now attained rest.” This is
called the great Pari-Nirvana (Maha-pari-Nirvana).

157. Fixed thus in the Samadhi which results from a com-
plete mastery of the four Dhyanis — he dived into the perfect
rest of the three dots (i.e., the three “I;” explained above,
sect. 144).

Notes. — The Nirvana Sutra says, “ The world-honoured one
resting under the sala trees, stretched upon his precious couch, in
the middle of the night entering the fourth Dhyani, calmly thus
sank to the great Nirvana. Now what is called tang ch’i
in the text ( freely translated, “ holding in perfect check ”) is in
Sanskrit termed, San-mo-ti (Samadhi), i.e., “sustaining the mind in
a perfectly just and equal balance.” It is collecting into one sum-
mary all the powers (laws) of mind — and so causing them to

MEMORIALS OE SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 193

undergo no confusion or dispersion, and deeply investigating their
several influences — this is called “ tang ch’i it is the same as
the union of the seven Teng, i.e ., state of composure. Now the
words, “ relying on the four Dhyanis,” is the union of these Teng,
and is the Sanskrit To-na-yen-na (?) that is, “ unmoved and silent
thought.”

The Pi-sha Lun (Yibhasha &astra) says, “ This compos ui'e (or
Samadhi), is the “ tranquil condition of fixed wisdom,” admitting of
no fault or deficiency, &c.” The “ three i” have been explained
before (144) ; the “ perfect rest ” spoken of in the text, is that of
Pari-Nirvana. The word “un” points to the perfect endowment of
this condition (i.e., endowed with every perfection); the expression
“tsih,” alludes to the complete removal of every barrier; this is, in
short, the Nirvana or Pail-Nirvana of the Sutras — in Chinese, it is
the “ bright boundary,” i.e., the bright boundary fine of all cares,
anxieties, and exercises.

158. Then both Devas and men cried out in distress (lit. pros-
trate); the birds and beastsmtter cries of distress. The winds drive
the clouds in confusion, the mountains quake, the floods return to
their sources.

Notes. — These are some of the signs which distinguished the
Nirvana of Buddha, the tokens that his transmigrations (lit. changes)
were finished. Our records are able to throw some light on the
subject — Wang, relying on the discourse termed “A discourse on
ancient and modem events,” says, “ On the 15th day of the 2nd
month, of the 52nd (Jin Kieuh) year of the reign of Mo-wang,
of the Chow dynasty (949 b.c.), occurred the Nirvana of Buddha.
On this day, a violent wind suddenly arose, overturning both
men and houses, and uprooting the trees of the forest. The
mountains, rivers, earth, and heavenly mansions (palace thrones)
were shaken. Mo-wang enquired of his assembled ministers the
meaning of these signs, on which Pi- to, the chief historian (?)
respectfully answered, ‘ These are the signs of the great saint of
the west entering Nirvana (destruction).’” The Nirvana Sutra
says, “ Sse-tseu han Bosat (Sinha . . . Bodhisattwa) asked,

saying, ‘ Why does Juloi choose the loth day of the 2nd month
to enter Pari-Nirvana? ’ Buddha said, ‘Because this is the time of
springtide ; the flowers and trees put forth their bloom, birds and
beasts pan-, all sentient beings are exercised by various thoughts and
cares ; Juloi puts an end to these thoughts, and enters Nirvana.’”
According to human computation, Buddha was now 79 years of

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TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

age exactly. The Kin-Kwang-Ming King (Vajra Prabhasa Sutra ?)
says, “ Sin Siang Bosat thought thus with himself, ‘ Sakya
Juloi limits his life (or the life of Sakya Juloi is limited) to
80 years.’ Suddenly, his abode was illuminated by a pure, wide-
spreading light, and the four Tathagatas appeared before him, and
spoke thus : ‘You may count the drops of all the oceans, or the
grains of all the Surneru mountains, the dust of all the great
earths, or calculate the limits of space, but think not you can count
the years of Sakya Ayuchmat ; let no question be raised on this
point.’ ”

159. With respect to the rules for burial, he directed them to
follow the old rules of the wheel kings.

Notes. — The Nirvana Sutra says, “ Ananda asked Buddha
with respect to the rides he would have them follow in his burial.
Buddha replied, that they should observe the old system of the
wheel kings.”

160. And he so ordered it, that the powerful princes, with
respect to the offering they had made in seizing it, were, notwith-
standing, unable to move it.

Notes. — The princes of the city of Ku-shi (Kusmara) in all coun-
tries were without equals. Having offered a golden coffin for Buddha’s
body, in the end, when they tried, they were not able to lift it. At
this time, the Princess Maya, descending from the To-li heavens,
came to the scene of the Nirvana, and taking Buddha’s robe, alms-
bowl, and staff,1 in her hand, she gave way to excessive grief.
Then Juloi, of himself opening the g'olden coffin, and raising his
body, with clasped hands, respectfully saluted his loving mother*
and begged her not to weep ! Then Ananda asked Buddha, saying,
“ If hereafter men should ask the reason of this proceeding’, how
should we answer ?” Buddha said, “ Simply say, that after Buddha’s
Nirvana, the Royal Princess Maya having come down, Buddha,
for the sake of future beings not inclined to pay reverential duty
to parents, raised himself from his golden coffin and with closed
hands paid respect to her. This must be your answer.”

161. Upon this, the golden coffin, raising itself, travelled round
the great city of Kusmara.

Notes. — The Nirvana Sutra says, “ Juloi, wishing to enable all

1 KLakkaram.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 195

sentient beings to obtain equal degrees of merit (lit. happiness., i.e.,
happiness resulting from merit), himself raised the golden coffin (or
rather, caused the golden coffin to raise itself), and ascending into
the midst of the air, to move on with a regular orderly motion. Then
devas and dragons, with perfumes, flowers and music, surrounding
the coffin, paid it reverence ; thus itself entering the west gate of the
city Kusinara, it came out of the east gate, and entering the south
gate, it came out by the north ; and thus coming out and entering
seven times, all the people respectfully adored it ; which finished,
it then came and alighted on the odoriferous funeral pyre !”

1G2. But now, the precious torches would not enkindle (the
pyre), awaiting the crowning act of worship of the cremation
(To-wei).

Notes. — The Sanskrit To-wai (?) is the same as cremation or
burning. The Sutra says, “ Men and devas seizing the precious
torches, desired to kindle the scented wood of the pyre ; but as
soon as the fire approached it, it was extinguished. Then Ananda,
addressing the assembly said, “Juloi awaits the arrival of the
great Kasyapa ; for this reason the pyre will not burn.”

163. It could not but be, that Mi-sing’-iin (Ajatasatru), should
have in Rajagfiha evil dreams respecting the ten-named, merciful,
honourable one.

Notes. — Mi-sing-un is the same as the King of Rajagfiha — his
little name was Ajasat (Ajatasatru). At the time of Buddha’s entering
Nirvana, the king had an ill sort of sleep, and had five evil dreams ;
and so when he awoke, he knew that Buddha had entered Nirvana.
The ten names of Buddha are these : Juloi (Tathagata), Ying
Kung (he who ought to be worshipped), Telling hien chi ( Sarny ak
Sambodhi, Jul. 497), Ming hang Tsuk (illustrious conduct-foot),
Chin-chi (Subhadra, Jul.), Shai-kan-kiar (world-midst-deliverance),
Won-chia'ng-sse (the insurpassable doctor), Tiu u chung fu (the
Ilarmonizer ? ), Tiu Jin sse (Sasta devamanushyanam), Full
(Buddha), Shai-Tsiin (Lokadjyeshtha).

“ Merciful” — this is the first of the four kinds of heart peculiar to
Buddha.

164. The great Kasyapa, coming down from the distant Cock-
pass (Kukkutapadagiri) was privileged to behold and reverently
worship the thousand-wheel foot.

Notes. — The “Cock-pass” — this mountain has three peaks like the

196

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

foot of a cock, and hence it is called the Cock-foot Mountain (Ku-
kkntapadag'iri) Kasyapa stopped in this place as his abode, having
left Kusfnara. Then, afar off, hearing of the Nirvana of Buddha,
not using his spiritual power of locomotion (pada irddhi), he took
500 disciples with him, and toiled on foot towards the sala trees.
After seven days he arrived at the spot ; — on which Buddha, putting
forth both his feet from the coffin, exhibited them to him. Kasyapa
respectfully adored them, and wept with pity. On the bottom of
the feet were seen the 1,000 wheels, golden and glorious in appear-
ance. After he had repeated some gathas in praise of Buddha, the
voice of Juloi was heard proclaiming, “ I now endow thee with the
eyes of the right law ; — this ought to be your rest and support.”
The feet then withdrew.

165. Which done, sacred fire, self-kindled, consumed the Teou-
lo and Chi-Ti.

Notes. — “Teou-lo,” the name of a silk of India. (Tara ? or Tala?)

“ Chi-Ti,” the name of a valuable cloth of India. (?)

The wheel kings were all buried in this, and, according to
their patterns it was bound round the golden body of Buddha ;
but when the fire would not light it, Kasyapa said, “ No earthly
fire can burn the diamond body of Juloi.” On this, Juloi, by the
force of his compassionate love, caused fire to proceed from the
middle of the heart letter, and itself consume the body. Hence,
the expression “ sacred fire.”

166. The water of the golden pitcher of &akra, poured out,
extinguished the (burning) sandal wood presented by kings.

Notes. — The scented wood of the Tcha-pi (cremation, vid.
Shan-lin-po, vol. 2, sec. 1, where it is explained) was all presented
by heavenly and earthly kings ; hence, the expression, “ the
sandal wood presented by (different) kings.”

&akra had previously asked Buddha, supplicating for half (the
relics) of his body as She-li (Sarira) that he might return with
them to heaven, and pay them reverential homage. Buddha so far
assented, as to promise him one tooth from his upper right jaw.
The sacrificial fire having been now kindled, it burnt with unre-
mitting power for seven days, and then was not extinguished. On
this the dragon kings reflected, “ If we extinguish this fire, then we
shall be the first to take the She-li (&arira, relics) ; but all of them,
exhausting their power, were unable to extinguish it. At last,
6akra, seizing his golden pitcher, and pouring out the water,

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 197

exting-uished the fire. Then he saw the different linen cloths that
swathed the body of Buddha, corresponding in shape to the body
they had enveloped, and particularly the two uppermost napkins,
which covered, as a screen, the middle portion of the body, re-
maining as they were, except that they were all burnt and reduced
to tinder. Then the bone of the head (ushmsha), and four teeth
unconsumed by the fire, remained as they were. &akra, previously
instructed, took only that one tooth Buddha had granted him.
With it, he returned to the heavenly mansions, and erecting a
chaitya over it, paid it reverence. This is the fourth of the
heavenly chaityas.

167. The force of that vow still endures! The mystic incense
of his compassionate heart ! The very excellent body of his
divided diamond (body) — the relic (&arira), which is the bone he has
bequeathed !

Notes — All the Buddhas, at the beginningof their course, make
four vows. — 1. To cause the salvation of all not yet saved, and so
long as any worlds of beings remain, so long- this vow shall endure.
So in the midst of the, as it were, world of his true existence, within
his great compassionate heart, there arises an apparitional (ideal)
body, which is mighty in effecting the salvation of all sentient
beings. And although it appears to have entered the condition of
Nirvana (destruction), yet there are relics left to benefit the world ;
so that whoever renders to these the honour which is due to them,
shall have born in him a heart productive of virtue. Hence the
expression, “the force of that vow still remains.” “The incense of
his compassionate heart,” — the Nirvana Sutra says, “With respect to
the excellent diamond state of rest, whilst in this condition he him-
self broke his diamond body, but did not forego his exceeding
compassion ; the relics still diffuse it through the world.” (This is
obscure. — S.B.)

168. Then came the gorgeous retinues of the princes of the
eight kingdoms, with the four kinds of military array, each bring-
ing their own golden vase, emulous to raise precious chaityas over
the relics.

Notes. — “The eight kingdoms,” viz., the eight principal countries
of India. “The four kinds of military array,” viz., elephants, horses,
chariots, infantry. “ The vases (Ta’n),” a kind of pitcher made of
gold.

The Sanskrit Su-to-pa (stupa) is equivalent to “precious tower”

198

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

or “pagoda;” they are made of earth, •wood, stone: and are only
called precious when they contain relics. The Bosat chii-toi Sutra
says, “After the Nirvana of Buddha there were eight hoh, four ta’u
of relics (in Canton one hoh is ten pecks, a ta’u, one peck ; the
measure hi the text, therefore, would be eighty-four pecks). The
princes of the eight countries, with their military retinues, came to
claim them ; and the eight dragon kings came at the same time,
with the intention of earning them off by force. At this time there
was a wise minister, who addressed them, saying, “ If all the
princes quarrel about the division of these relics then a part will
conquer and some be defeated ; in which case the relics of Juloi will
not effect the good in the world they were designed for. I will,
therefore, divide them into three parts ; one part to be offered to the
Devas, one to the dragon spirits, one to the princes of the eight
kingdoms.” On this they were all rejoiced. Each one, taking his
golden vase, received his portion ; and, returning to their respective
domains, erected pagodas for their preservation and worship.

169. Then whether the tooth or the hair (stupa) Ka-yeh-po
(Kasyapa) in the To-li palaces worshipped.

Notes. — This refers to the four stupas erected by 8akra in the
To-li (Tryastrihsas) heavens. The great Kasyapa, about to go to
the Cock-foot Mountain (Kukkutapadagiri) to enter Nirvana, first
went to the heavenly abodes (bhuvana) to pay worship to these
pagodas.

170. Both the ashes and dust Mo-yan-wang (Asoka Raja)
(stored in pagodas) erected throughout Jambudwipa.

Notes. — “ The ashes and dust” refer to the remains of the pyre
at the place of cremation (To-wei?).

At the time of the distribution of the relics the wise minister
had preserved these and built over them a pagoda to conceal them.
A hundred years having elapsed, there arose an iron-wheel king,
called A-nu-ka, in Chinese Wou-yan (without sorrow), otherwise
called A-yuh. He was the grandson of A-che-slii (Ajatasatru). lie
erected all the stiipas of the five Indies. He, moreover, took the
relics from the dragon palaces. He then commissioned the King of
Demons (Yakshas?) to take the small fragments of the seven
precious substances, and in one night to perfect 84,000 stupas to
contain them — which was done. There was a Rahat, called Ye-she
(Ya<;na, Burn. J.B., 373), who, spreading out his five fingers like the
6pokes of a wheel, scattered rays of light from their points in 84,000

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 199

directions, and who commanded the flying demons (Yakshas), each
one following one ray, to erect a Stupa wherever it alighted ; and
so throughout Jambudwipa they were raised. Now in the king-
dom of the great Sung (i.e., China), there were nineteen places
where these rays alighted; the temple (Pao-Tsz’) in the eastern
capital (Lo-yang) being the first. Originally this was (or, the first
was) erected at Man-shan, in NIing-chan (that is, at the modem
Fung-hwa, in Chi-kiang, lat., 29.45 north; long-., 4.48 east from
Pekin). It was erected by Suh-wong, who ruled over Yueh-kwo (east
of Chi-kiang) during the time of the Wu (one of the three kingdoms,
between the Tang and Sung- dynasties, 907 a.d. to 959 a.d), on the
occasion of his paying respect to his ancestral tablets. It was a
nine-storied wooden pagoda. It was allowed to go to ruins until
rebuilt by Tai-Tsung (Yung-Loh), of the 5 ling dynasty (1403, a.d.).

[The above passage is confused. — S.B.]

“Jambudwipa.” There is a tree to the south of Sumeru, called
Jambu; the country below this is therefore called Nan-chin-fan-
chow (the country to the south of Jambu).

171. What wisdom there was in his golden words, the law of
endless duration preserves.

Notes. — Having before spoken of the parts and portions of the
instruction of Buddha delivered in his apparitional form, we come
now to consider the law as it was handed down and delivered from
generation to generation. Juloi having throug-h endless ages prac-
tised this law, he now causes it to be handed down, not mutilated or
broken ; hence the expression, “ the law of endless duration pre-
serves.”

172. The elephant king having departed, the disciple (lit.
elephant’s son) follows.

Notes. — Kiao-fan-po-ti (Gauvampati, vid. “Lotus of good law ”)
Ayushmat was the disciple of Shi-li-fu (Sariputra. The expression
here used may signify “ younger brother ” as well as “disciple”). He
was skilled in keeping the treasure of the Pi-ni (Yinaya, the first
division of the Tri pitaka). He constantly dwelt in the To-li heavens.
Ka-ye (Kasyapa) having summoned him to come to the general
assembly, he then entered into a state of Samadhi (Teng), and
scattered in three directions a white, mellow effulgence, and,
coming before Kasyapa in the midst of the fight, a voice was heard
repeating the following gatha : — “Kiao-fan-po-ti, with humble
mien, worships the completely pure and ever virtuous priests in this
assembly. The elephant king having gone, the elephant son
VOL. xx P

200

TEXT AXD COMMENTARY OF THE

follows. The great teacher having perished (i. e., entered Nirvana),
I, in return, also perish ( i . e., enter Nirvana).” On this, the appari-
tional brightness itself died out (lit., fired itself, or was self-con-
sumed).

173. One lamp extinguished, yet the one lamp continues by con-
nection.

Notes. — That which the text calls “ a lamp,” is the eye (i. e., com-
plete perception) of the true law of Juloi; it is hence compared to
a lamp. Its use is to enlighten the dark and dissipate the gloom (of
ignorance). Hence the sacred name applied to this lamp is “ the
inextinguishable lamp referring- to the doctrine figured thereby.
Juloi, at time of his Nirvana, delivered his doctrines to the keeping
of the great Kasyapa, who, at the time of his Nirvana, delivered them
to Ananda, Ananda to Chang-na-fu-so (§anavasa, or Jsanakavasa),
and so on downwards through twenty-seven patriarchs ; only one
man delivered them to one man.

Kwai-Fung says, “ The former patriarchs, guarding against any
irregularity or carelessness by which the law might be lost, there-
fore handed it down, man by man, so that the world might have a
sure basis of instruction ; for where the lamp is preserved the light
will be diffused (lit., preserving a 1,000 lamps, 1,000 lights).

174. Nor could it be but that the great Kasyapa should cause
the assembly of the thousand.

Notes. — Buddha having entered Nirvana, all the heretics joy-
fully said, “ The sun is beclouded ; the teaching of the law will
now be like fire ; the source being already extinguished, that will
soon be puffed out.” At this time Brahma, 6akra, and all the
heavenly kings, coming, addressed Kasyapa, saying, “ Since Juloi
has handed down his doctrine (eyes of the time law) to you, you
ought early to collect (the law into one body).” On this Kasyapa
dismissed a messenger to the top of Mount Mi-lu (Sumeru ?) to
strike the gong,1 and proclaim, “Let the 1,000 saints, who have
arrived at the condition of ‘ wou-heou ’ (beyond learning) on every
side, come together to the country of Mo-kie-to (Magadha), to the
city of Chang-Man (i. e., of excellent grass, viz., Kusinara, or
rather Kusagara, i. e., Rdjagfiha), at the Pi-pa-lo grotto (Pippala,
ficus religiosa).2 At which place, having requested Ajasat to erect
a sandal-Avood barrier, they compiled a body of true doctrine.

175. Ananda with the tlmice-gifted thunder-voice.

1 Ghanta, a bell. Yid. tlys legend, Jul., iii, 34. 2 Yid. Jul., iii, 24.

MEMORIALS OE SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA 201

Notes. — Ananda, i.e., excellent joy. lie was the cousin of
Buddha ; after becoming a recluse, he was 20 years a follower of
Buddha, as the first of the To-man (Sfavakas ajcovaral). At the
time of the first assembly, they only allowed Rahats within the
precincts of the enclosure ; at which time Ananda being amongst
the “ ot students ” (hioh), Kasyapa bade him quit the assembly.
Ananda, fired with zeal, and grieved at the necessity of leaving,
practised in the quiet of the forest the “ Chung Ti ” (above earth)
Samadhi ; and separating himself completely from all temporal
anxieties, he attained at once the fruit of Rahatship. Then going
to the gates without, he asked permission of the assembly to enter.
Kasyapa said, that if he had attained the condition of a Rahat,
he might, passing through the door, enter the assembly. Ananda,
hearing this, then entered and paid reverence to the great assembly
[A wrong punctuation in original ?]. Kasyapa then requested
Yeou-po-li (TJpali) to collect the Vinaya Pitaka (Lin-Tsong), and
Ananda to collect the Sutra Pitaka (King-Tsong). On Ananda
ascending the throne (rostrum), the community felt three doubts :
1. Whether Buddha would come again? — 2. Whether he would
come in another place ? — 3. Whether Ananda would arrive at (or
had arrived at) the condition of Buddha. But when Ananda
began, “ Thus have I heard ” (the formula with which all the
Sutras begin), then all their doubts disappeared.

The expression “ thunder-voice ” is borrowed from the phrase
used in the “Fah-kii” Sutra: “The Bhikshu Ma-ha-lu-ta
(Maharatha) had a voice like the sound of thunder.”

The expression “thrice gifted” (lit., three wheels) refers to the
“ sound,” “ pronunciation,” and “ words.” With respect to
“sound,” there are five excellencies : — 1. Deep as thunder. — 2. Dis-
tinctly heard at a distance. — 3. No confusion, i.e., clear enunciation.
4. Thrilling the heart of those who hear. — 5. That, being enunciated,
they be easy of explanation. Ananda possessed all these excellen-
cies, and hence the expression in the text, “ thrice-gifted thunder
voice.”

176. Chang-na (£anakavasa) exhibited himself in a condition of
Samadhi, which has relation to the future.

Notes. — Wrhen Juloi was alive, he was passing through the
kingdom of Mo-to-lo (Mathura), when, pointing to a verdant grove
of trees, he addressed Ananda as follows : “ This mountain is called
Yeou-lou-cha (Urasa ?) ;x after my Nirvana, there will be a Bhikshu

1 This legend is evidently connected with that recorded in Bumouf (J. B. 378),

P 2

202

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

named Chung’-na-fo-shan (^anakavasa) who shall erect a Ka-lum1
(Sangharama) here, and explain the law for the benefit of many.”
So after Juloi’s Nirvana, Ananda had a disciple called Chan-na-fo-
shi, to whom, when he (Ananda) was about to enter Nirvana,
he committed the treasure of the law. He was, as Buddha de-
clared, eminent in teaching apparitional births. Now 6anakavasa con-
verted a certain eminent person (sthavira), called Yeou-po-kun-to
(Upagupta), who became his follower. One day he came to
where Ohang’-na was sitting on his couch ; Upagupta and the
other disciples not understanding the entire doctrine, their minds
were uneasy. Then Sanakavasa, raising his hand in the middle of
the air, there fell, like rain, a shower of swTeet dew (amfita),
and there appeared 500 doors of the law (methods of salvation?).
Upagupta not understanding, ^anakavasa said, “When Buddha
entered on this species of Samadhi, then Mangdilyana (Muh-kien)
did not comprehend it ; and on his practising it, the Bhikshus did
not comprehend it ; and now I practise it, you do not understand
it. I indeed have obtained 77,000 Peu-seng-king (Jataka Sutra)
80,000 Yinaya Sutras, 80,000 Abhidharma ; you all fail to understand
them ; if I go, they also will follow.

177. The divining or converting rods of Upagupta, even to
the filling of the cave.

Notes. — Upagupta wras the successor of Sanakavasa as the
holder of the law. When Buddha was alive, there was a certain
heretic, a follower of the Ni-kien (Nirgrantha), whose name was
Sah-che (Sasi ?). He was distinguished for his wisdom and power
in argument, having thoroughly investigated all the Sastras. All
the princes therefore paid him reverence, and made him their
master. Knowing, then, the superior excellence of the Law of
Buddha, he desired to seek the condition of his disciples. Coming
therefore to Buddha, he asked him, saying, “ If I become your
disciple, shall I obtain the condition of a Buddha ?” Buddha
answered he would not. Again he asked if he should arrive at
the condition of Sariputra or Mangdilyana ; and at last he asked
if he should become as one of the 500 Bhikshus, who listened to
Buddha’s doctrine. To all which questions Buddha replied, “ You
will not obtain ; but after my Nirvana, when there are no great
men (such as these), you may after them obtain so and so.” Buddha,

which is made to relate to Upagupta. The mountain there is called “ Urumunda’’
(vid. in loc.)

1 Viz. of Natabhatika.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 203

addressing the community said, “After my Nirvana about 100
years, this heretic shall be born in Mathura, and named Upa-
gupta.” This name signifies “near or belonging to defence.”
[Cpa (under) gupta (defended or protected); he was the son of
Gupta, vid. Burnouf.] Having become a disciple, he obtained fruit
(of Rahatship) and was the means of converting a vast number of men.
This, so far, is according to the records of Buddha. In Central India,
when any one who says the law and teaches the necessity of con-
version, if only to an ordinary man with his wife and family, and
these all arrive at Rahatship, then they throw a piece of wood into
a stone receptacle. This chamber or receptacle is 2 cheung high
(23 ft. 6 in.) and 3 in length and breadth (35 ft. 8 in.). At the
time of Upagupta’s Nirvana, these rods had filled the chamber (or
nearly filled it), so that his disciple “ Tung-chau-leung (Dastaka?)
used only them at (or for) his To-wei, i. e., funeral pyre.

178. The beginning, indeed, near from the time of the broken
bridge, affecting the mind (of Ajasat).

Notes. — The great Kasyapa about to enter Nirvana, having
delivered the law to the keeping of Ananda, took the robe which
Buddha had committed to him, and entered the Cock-foot Mountain
(Kukkutapadagiri) to enter Samadhi, awaiting the time when
Maitraya should be born on earth. But previously, king Ajasat had
made an agreement, that when the venerable (Kasyapa) entered
Nirvana, he should come, and, acquainting him with the fact, take
leave of him. Now the king, being asleep, did not see (Kasyapa
come) ; but in his sleep he had a dream, that the bridge of the
palace was broken ; and awaking, he knew by this that Kasyapa
had entered Nirvana. Without delay he set out for the mountain,
and came in front of it ; but the mountain had already closed. Pre-
viously, however, when Kasyapa entered the mountain, he had
expressed this wish, “ If king Ajasat comes before Maitraya be born,
let the mountain open.” As soon then as the king arrived, the
mountain opened itself, and there he saw Kasyapa, holding the
robe, sitting, with devout mien, in the midst of it. The king
worshipping, shed tears; and, having finished the repetition of some
laudatory verses, the mountain closed again.

179. The end almost was the appearance of the flowing blood
(milk).1

1 If the expression used refers to the whiteness of the River Sw£ti or Subha-
vastu (the white river), then the text would be “ the appearance of the river ”
— referring to its rising a foot, owing to the massacres. Yid. the Commentary,
and compare Jul., ii, 197.

204

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

Notes. — In the order of transmitting the law in India, the 24th
patriarch was the venerable Sse-tsen (Sitsi). lie was dwelling in
Ki-pan-kwo (Ki-pan, according to Remusat, is Kandahar). Knowing
the calamities which impended, and from which he could not escape,
he delivered the garment and the gatha to his disciple Po-sz-to
Ayushmat (Bashiasita), and said, “ I know there are calamities im-
pending. You must, therefore, go to another country to practise
renovation (or to undergo transmutation, i. e., to die).” After this,
the heretics increasing in power by flattering the king Mi-lo-kieu
(? for Mo-hi-lo-kiu-lo, i. e., Mahirakula. Yid. Jul., ii, 190), the kings
lost the true faith, overturned the law, destroyed the temples, and
murdered Sse-tsen (Sitsi). The waves of the “ Peh-ii ” (the Sweti,
or Subhavastu) rose several feet (Jul. ii, 197), owing to the
massacres of people. This was the end of the transmission of the
law in that country.

180. The vessels, indeed, may be different ; nevertheless, the
water must be the same.

Notes. — The Agama Sutra says, “ Ananda delivered the law of
of Buddha just as different vessels are employed for holding and
carrying water; but though the vessels differ, the water is the
same.” ’

181. There may be different flames of lamps, but the illumination
which results is all one.

Notes. — The lamp may be compared to the different men through
whom the law was transmitted; the brightness is the law of
Buddha itself. Now, although there may be 1,000 individual lamps,
yet the illumination is the same from all.

182. Hence, in the mysterious subsistence which pervades the
true void, as taught by the Great Vehicle, there are the different
schools of Manjusri and Maitraya (Manchu and Mi-li).

Notes. — “The mysterious subsistence of the true void” is the
highest flight of reason in the “ Great Vehicle.” So, although the law
of Buddha have but one taste, yet, owing to the different principles
which actuate the minds of those who receive it, there cannot but
be differences. So Manjusri founded the school, called that of
the One Nature. This is only in confirmation of what was already
taught by the “ true theory,” that all creatures possess the one
nature of Buddha. But Maitraya Bodhisattwa founded the school of
the Five Matures, saying that there was one nature of the Sravakas ;

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 205

a second of the Pratyeka Buddhas ; a third of the Great V ehicle
(i. e., Bodhisattwas) ; a fourth of the Unfixed Nature, that is to say,
in the midst of the eighth degree of knowledge (ashta vijnana. Yid.
this described in the 2nd vol. of the Fah-kai), there are remaining
certain influences of the three vehicles which exert their power as
soon as a mode of preparation is commenced ; hence the expression
“ unfixed.” The fifth nature is that which is perfectly unfettered
and pure, i. e., when in the midst of this eighth knowledge there be
no adverse influences, but he as it were a lump of clay or potteiy,
without stone or grit. As the “ Chen-Kai ” Sutra says, “ The
man whose nature is without remnants, or influences from without,
only requires to have the “ karma” or root of a man or Deva, and
then he will be perfected beyond improvement.”

183. And with respect to the Little Vehicle, there was the tom
marble and the divided gold. The Chang-Tso (Sthaviranikaya or
Kasyapiya) and the Tai-Chung (Ylahasangika) originated these
schools.

Notes. — The doctrine of the “Little Vehicle.” — The mode of
deliverance instituted by Buddha in consideration of the unprepared
state of men’s minds, was originally one and the same in its
standard. But after the Nirvana of Buddha, according to the
different peculiarities of the teachers, distinctions arose and pre-
vailed. The San-Tchong-Ki says, “ When Buddha was living,
there was an eminent person who dreamt that his valuable mantle
divided itself into five parts. Being anxious, he asked Buddha the
meaning of this dream Buddha replied, 1 This signifies that after
my Nirvana, the Yinaya Pitaka will be divided into five parts. ’ ”
Again the Miin-King (Nidana Sutra) says, “King Bimbasara
dreamt that his golden sceptre broke into eighteen parts. On asking
Buddha the meaning of this, he said, 4 The Little V ehicle shall be
divided into eighteen schools.’” The Chang-Tso (Kasyapiya) and
Tai-Tchung (Mahasangika) were the two original schools.

[End of Vol. II. in the Chinese.]

184. Then there was the opening out of the ten branches.

Notes. — This is an introduction to the eminent sages who com-
posed treatises (Ssastra) for the purpose of overcoming error and
establishing truth. Now these ten branches are :

206

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OP THE

1. ^atasastra? Pe-fah-lun.

2. Panchaskandliaka lustra. — Written by Tien-tbs

(Vasubandhu).

3. Ilien-Yang-lun (vid. Jul., ii, 286, who gives the name

Ilien yang ching kiao lun, i. e., “ treatise to enlighten

the true doctrine,” but does not add the Sanskrit); and

4. Mahayana samparigraha 6astra. — Both written by

Asanga Bodhisattwa.

5. Samyukta &astra? Tsa-tsi-lun? — Written by Asanga

(Won-Cho) Buddhasinha (Sse-tsen-kio), and Hin-
hoei (?).

6. Pin-chung-pien (Tattwasatya Sastra ?). — Written by

Asanga Bodhisattwa.1

7. Eul-shih-wei-shih.

8. San-shih-wei-shih (?). — Written by Vasubandhu.

9. Ta-tchoang-yen-lun (Sutnilankaratika?) ; and

10. Yu-ka-lun (Yoga Sastra?). — Both by Maitraya Bodhi-
sattwa.

185. Then there was the fragrant exhalation of the 1,000
olumes.

Notes. — Tien-thsin Bodhisattwa (Vasubandhu Bodhisattwa)2
was, according to the common account, a younger brother of
Asanga Bodhisattwa ; but, speaking according to the law (in a
religious sense), he was his younger teacher. In the beginning he
belonged to the school which taught the existence of the exterior
world (Sarvastivada), and then he composed 500 discourses in com-
mendation of the “Little Vehicle” and against the “ Great Vehicle.”
There was no one in India dared to compete with him. Asanga at this
time, being a Bodhisattwa of the lowest order (cho-ti),3 perceived
that the principles of his brother were now adapted to receive the
“Great Vehicle.” He sought an interview with him, being sick (or
feigning sickness). So, when he came to lodge near the hostel
where Asanga was stopping, the latter sent a disciple to meet and
conduct him to his abode. And it came to pass that, on the night
when these two were lodging together, the disciple, during the

1 Probably the Madhy&nta Vibhaiigha Castra. Vid. Jul., ii, 269.

2 Obs. that in the work we are translating, this Bodhisattwa, is always called
Tien-thsin, i. e., “ The friend of Devas,” and not Chi-thsin, “ The friend of the
age.” Vid. Jul., iii, 499.

3 The “ Ling-Yen ” Shtra explains “Cho-ti Pusah ” as a Bodhisattwa, who
understands orperceives the lands of one hundred Buddhas. Jul. (1), Vol. ii., p. 15.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 207

nig-ht, began to repeat a gatha to the following effect : — “ If a man
has wished to gain knowledge of all the Buddhas of the three ages,
he ought to consider the nature of the ‘ aggregate of laws ’ (the
universal law or soul of the universe), (and that) all things proceed
solely from the heart.” Vasubandhu, hearing these words, pene-
trated and understood the principle of the Gi’eat Vehicle, and re-
pented of his old animosity against it. Considering what reparation
he could make for his fault, and regarding his tongue as the cause
and root of his'offence, lie took a knife, and, raising his hand, was
about to cut his tongue out. Asanga, from a distance, perceiving
his desig’n, arrested him in the act, and signified thus, “You now
understand the principle of the Great Vehicle ; formerly with
your tongue you maligned that system : now, with the same
tongue, you ought to extol it. This is the amends you should
make. But if you cut out your tongue, and become speechless, how
can you pay this worthy recompense ? ” Vasubandhu listened to
this advice and desisted. Passing on, he had an interview with his
master, and being perfected in his principles, composed 500 treatises
in favour of the Great Vehicle. Hence Vasubandhu is spoken of as
the writer of 1,000 Sastras.1

186. Ma-Ming (Aswaghosha) and Lung-shu (Nagarjuna) were
connecting links in this garland of sweets.

Notes. — These two Bodhisattwas at first belonged to heretical
schools ; but were both converted to the true law. Leaving their
homes, they manifested the doctrines of the Great Vehicle, being
both writers of ^astras.

187. Won-Cho (Asanga) and Tien-thsin (Vasubandhu) dis-
seminated their fragrance.

Notes. — These also were writers of distinction. (See above,
185).

188. Then also Ti-po (Deva Bodhisattwa), boring out the eyes
(of the idol), waxed angry at the deceit.

Notes. — Ti-po Pu-sah (Deva Bodhisattwa) was a disciple of
Lung-shii (Nagarjuna). He was possessed of great power in
argument, and the valour of his name was diffused through the five

1 This legend is somewhat differently related in Jul., ii, 273, 274. It proves
at any rate that Tien-thsin (the friend of Devas) is Vasubandhu (the friend of
men).

208

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

Indies. Dwelling in Southern India, when he first became a con-
vert to the law, men generally had not attached themselves to the
faith. There was in this country a temple (miau : compare
Japanese miya) of the Deva Maheswara (&iva), which was possessed
of an image cast from gold, the height of which was two cheung
(23 feet 6 inches). The eyes of this idol were made of precious
crystal, and by the use of machinery were capable of movement ;
so that the people dared not look straight at the figure. Deva Bo-
dhisattwa, entering this temple, looked at the idol with scrutiny; all
the worshippers were now assembled ; at which time the idol moving
its eyes towards Ti-po, fixed them upon him. Then Deva Bo-
dhisattwa, exclaiming, said, “ A spirit is a spirit ! What then is this
insignificant object ! A spirit ought by his spiritual power to
influence men by his wisdom to overcome gross matter. But to
magnify himself by assuming a shape of yellow gold, or to exert
his influence by the dazzling’ of crystal eyes, — this surely is beyond
the province of (i. e., not fitting) such a being.” And with that,
going up to the idol (lit. ascending by a ladder), he struck out
its eyes, and so exposed the fact of the absence of any spiritual
qualification in the (so called) spirit. The voice of Deva Bodhisattwa
affecting an angry tone is alluded to hi the text, where the word
“hi” is employed. He used this method and angry tone in order
to excite the people, wdio had not yet placed their faith in the law,
to do so at once.

189. Then again, Chin-na (Jina), and the shrieking rock, with
its departing sound (lit., flying voice).1

Notes. — “ Chin-na Pu-sa (Jina Bodhisattwa),” a great master of
8;istras. Early in the (present) Kalpa. there was a heretic called
Ka-pi-lo (Kapila), who practised a worldly form of religious compo-
sure (Samadhi) and obtained the five divine faculties (panclia-
bhijuana). He composed a treatise called Sang-kie Sah-tu-lo
(8;'tnkhya Sutra) that is to say, “ a discourse on numbers.” Fear-
ing that men hereafter would pervert his system, he went to
Maheswara Deva (i. e., 8iva) and besought him for the power (lit.
magical power) of lengthening his life. The Deva said, “ I will
transform you into a substance that will endure for an unmeasurable
period of years, an imperishable rock.” So he made it generally
known among his followers, that he was about to be transformed
into a stone ; and if any man confuted (or opposed difficulties) to his

1 Vid. this phrase explained, Jul., ii, Ixv.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 209

treatise, that they should bring the hook and place it on the stone,
and that he would then answer the arguments himself. Now
Chin-na (Jina), having composed the Ma-ming-lun (Hetuvidya
6astra) for the purpose of destroying all false systems of deliver-
ance (or, of “explanation”), and knowing that this stone was (the
transformed appearance of) that heretic, wrote certain opinions, and
placed them on the top of this stone, in order to destroy his theory ;
to which an answer was emitted as usual. Then Jina again
placed other written opinions in answer to the reply of the heretic ;
and after some delay, the voice came again and answered up to the
fourth difficulty ; this the stone was unable to answer. On which, it
suddenly sent forth one prolonged shriek, and was broken in
pieces. Hence, in India, they say, “ Jina was the victor (lit., able
to master) over the shrieking stone.”1

190. Then there were the 100 lines, which dissipated altogether
the heretical schools.

Notes. — The teacher of £astras, named Pi-lo ( Yimalomatra?),
was a disciple of Ha-ming (Aswaghosha). He made 100 lines
composing a &astra called “ Won-’go ” (Anatma, the non-existence
of “ I ”). He arrived at the point of explaining the character of
“ I,” which no heretic was able to overthrow.

191. And there were the laudatory sentences of the ten masters,
which the gathas hand down as a bequest.

Notes. — Yasubandhu composed thirty verses, called “Yidya-
matrasiddlii (Wei-Shi).”2 U-Fa (i. e., Dharmapala) and ten great
masters of 6astras, all made commendatory verses to complete
this work, which as a whole, is now called Yidyamatrasiddhi
Sastra.

192. Then there was hearing the Sutra in ascending up by
night to the Tushita heaven.

Notes. — Asanga Bodhisattwa, having entered the “Fa-kwong”
Samadki (Dharma-Prabhasa Samadki?), in the night ascended to

1 There are some particulars relative to Jina Bodhisattwa in Jul., iii,
105, 153. The story about the elephants in the latter reference, may have some
connection with the legend of the text.* Obs. The translation of the latter
portion of the commentary is only a substance of what is said. There is a
difficulty in one word of the original, which is a corruption or a misprint, and
throws the translation out.

2 Is this “ Y idyll miltra siddhi trida5a s&stra kurikl.” Jul., iii, 503?

210

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

the Tushita Heaven, and respectfully asked Tsz’-shi (Maitraya) to
explain the system of the “ Kin-Kong (Yajrachhedika) ” Sutra.
Maitraya then repeated eighty gathas, illustrating the great prin-
ciple of this work. Asanga taking up eighteen points of this
exposition composed a lustra in two volumes ; and Vasubandhu,
taking- as his theme twenty-seven points of uncertainty in the same
exposition, composed a 6astra in three volumes.

193. Then there was the waiting for Maitraya, and entering the
cave of the A suras.

Notes. — Ming-pien lun-sse (i. e., the Master of ^astras, Bhava-
viveka. Julien gives the Chinese equivalent of this name “thsing
pien,” instead of “ming pien;” but the legend is the same. So there
can be no doubt the persons alluded to are also one), wishing to
obtain the secret of long- life, in order to await the time of
Maitraya’s birth in the world, went into Southern India, and stand-
ing in front of a cave belonging- to the Asuras, repeated some
dharahi, called “Kin-Kong- (Vajrapani dharani),” being perfect in
their repetition, even to a grain of white mustard seed.1 He then
knocked at the door of the cave, and the rock-door immediately
opened. Then Ming-pien (Bhavaviveka), taking up his robe and
arranging it properly, entered the cave with six other men ; when
the rock-gate closed behind them.

The word “ Asura ” means “ A spirit whose nature is not per-
fectly upright (lit., a not correct, true, spirit).”

194. Then there was the vow to cut off the head, according to
the compact.

Notes. — Deva Bodhisattwa, having received the law which
requires a man to leave his family (t. e., the law of Buddha), in the
middle of the four great highways of India, from a lofty throne

1 M. Julien, in translating the legend (iii, 115), has rendered this part thus :
“ He recited these magical prayers over a grain of mustard seed, which he used
(et s’en servit) to knock at the rock.” I have ventured to render it in another
way : “He recited these prayers even to a grain of mustard.” i. e., to such a
nicety that he did not mistake so much as a grain of seed ; or, as we say some-
times, “he recited so and so to an azimuth,” i.e., perfectly.

This legend will be found in extenso in Julien (ut supra.)

I would suggest, with diffidence, that the usual explanation of the passage
iav VTf iriartv <ii£ kokkov oivcnruvt; (Matt, xvii, 20) as signifying the “least
faith ” is not so apposite to the sense of the passage, as if it were explained in
accordance with the above, as denoting “perfect faith,” — “faith to a mustard
seed."

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 211

which he had erected, proclaimed these three propositions : 1. “ In
the midst of all holy sages, Buddha is chief 2. “ In the midst of all
laws, the law of Buddha is chief;” 3. “Among all the modes of saving
the world, the community (of Buddha) is first.” “ If any of the
doctors (said lie) of the eight regions, are able to overthrow these
theses, I will pay my head as the stake.” Then having sounded the
gong (ghafita, a bell) all the doctors of the eight regions came to-
gether, in an assembly, and each one fixed this as the compact :
“ If I do not overthrow these theses (lit. system), then I will also
pay my head as the forfeit.” And so for three days they contended
in their discourses, one after another (lit., guest and host), until the
doctors of the eight regions gave up their propositions, and were all
overthrown. Each of them then proposed to cut of his head; but
Deva replying, said, “ The law which I profess, is that which
teaches how the universe is animated by a virtuous principle of life ;
this law requires not that you should cut off your heads, but your
hair. You then become as those who are dead (i. e., to the
world).” On this, the doctors of the eight regions all cut off then’
hair, and became disciples of Buddha.1

195. Then there was the gold carried upon the elephant, and
the request for explanation.

Notes. — Yasubandhn Bodhisattwa, on account of the com-
munity, was in the habit of discoursing on the Pi-cha-lun (Vibhasha
6astra). On a certain day, when he was discoursing on a particular
thesis, he took the opportunity of composing a g-atha bearing on the
subject ; he inscribed it in letters on a sheet of red copper,2 and
placed this tablet immediately over the head of an elephant ; he
likewise took fifty pieces of gold, and suspending them above the
elephant’s tail, seated himself in the middle ; when, striking on a
gong (ghanta), he proclaimed, and said, “ Whoever is able to over-
throw tliis thesis shall have the gold.” In all the kingdoms no
man was able to overthrow his system ; and so, taking the gatha
and the gold, he went on to Ki-pan (i. e., Kandahar) ; there also
none of the doctors of the Vibhasha were able to explain the subject
of his argument. Then these doctors, taking in addition fifty pieces
of gold, came and offered them to Vasubandhu, asking him to

1 This legend is differently related, Jul., ii, 435. According to that account
the discussion took place in the Ghaht'a Sangharama, in Patalipouttra (Pauta.)
Vid. as above.

2 On the use of red copper for this purpose, vid. Jul., ii, 178.

212

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

write an explanation of his theory ; on which Vasubandhu com-
posed a lengthened series of lines on this subject, which is now
known as the Kin-she-lun (i.e., Abliidharma Kosha lustra.)

196. Then there was the gift of authority to mle a city.

Notes. — The Lun-sse (Doctor) Mo-ta-na was of very eminent
talent in dispute ; and having in discussion gamed a victory, Pan-
po-sha-lo (Bimbasara) Raja presented him with a town to
govern.

197. Then there was the victory and the setting up of streamers.

Notes. — The work entitled “Records of the Law(Fuh-fah-tsong)”

says, “ Ma-ming (i. e., Aswaghosha) Bodliisattwa, who succeeded
Fu-na-yi-shi (Funayashe, the 11th patriarch), having gained a vic-
tory (in a discussion) on the law, they erected great streamers,
called flags of the law (Dharmaketu).”

128. Then there was the discourse on the hidden sense of
Prajna, called the “ Lamp.”

Notes. — There was in Southern India, a doctor Ka-pi, who com-
posed a treatise, called Po-ye-tang (lamp of knowledge), professing
to be the exposition of that wisdom which lies at the bottom of all
principles, and is itself indivisible and simple. This wisdom, having
the power of perfect rest, and yet dispersing its rays of bright-
ness, is likened to a lamp.

199. And, finally, the work written in opposition to the Kin-she-
(Kosha), which was called “ Po (hail).”

Notes. — There was anciently a doctor of Sastras in Cashmere,
called Chung-hien (Sangabhadra), who, having seen the Kosha
&astra, written by Vasubandhu, composed 5,000 gathas to over-
throw its false system ; and he called his work “ Kin-she-po-lun ”
(Abliidharma-Kosha-Karaka Sastra), taking the idea of his title
from the hail which is able to destroy seed, grain, fruits, and
flowers. Then, wishing to confirm his reputation, he took one of his
disciples to carry the work, and went to meet and expostulate with
Vasubandhu. Vasubandhu, for the sake of all men in the kingdom
who were of unsettled faith, entered into a discussion on the subject
or rather, was at this time engaged in various discussions (i.e., with
the opponents of the law in various places), so that they did not im-
mediately meet. But it came to pass, while Sanghabhadra was
lodging at an hostel near the place where Vasubandhu was, that

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 213

he suddenly arrived at enlightenment ; and angry at not having
before gained this knowledge, he immediately prepared a written
discourse, and sent it with his treatise by a disciple to Yasu-
bandhu. The epitome of this discourse is as follows : — “ I composed
this treatise without rightly measuring my strength. My wisdom
is little, my ambitious design was great ! But now death has come
to my door ! By your delay, great Bodliisattwa, I have obtained
enlightenment. If I only, by this confession, preserve my honour-
able name, then death will come without regret.” Yasubandhu,
having read the treatise, saw that there were many sentiments in it
agreeable to reason ; and, considering that he knew his faults, he
named it “ Chun-tching-li-lun (Nyayanusara lustra).”

200. It could not be but that the Tchou-to-i-chih (? dwisliashti-
drishta, t. e., the sixty-two heretical sects. — Yid. Bumouf, Lotus,
356) should all, in the end, return to the One Source, from the
advocacy of actual existence, and through the maintaining of mere
emptiness, to the refuge of the 10,000 excellencies.

Notes. — “ Tchou-to-i-chih,” i. e., the heretical schools of the
Little Y chicle : the advocacy of actual existence and the mainten-
ance of a perfect void. These both refer to limited perception ; but
the “ one source of 1 0,000 excellencies ” refers to the true theory
of the real nature explained in the Great Yehiele.

201. And so, from the time of the Shang- and Chow dynasties,
when the rainbows were seen spreading far and wide,

Notes. — The miscellaneous records of the Chow dynasty, relate :
“ In the 52nd year of the reign of Mo- Wang, of the Chow dynasty,
the style of the year being ‘ Yin-Cliin,’ the 2nd month, the 15th
day, a white light appeared in the western regions, shining from
north to south. The king asked the Tai-Sz’ (chief historiographer ?)
what was the meaning of these signs ? On which he answered,
1 These are the signs of the Nirvana of the Holy Sage of the
West.’”

202. To (the time when) the illustrious emperor of the Han
dynasty saw the golden man,

Notes — The second emperor of the latter Han djmasty, named
Ming-Tai, (of the style) Wing-Ping, in the second year of his reign,
saw in a night dream a golden man, 6 cheung in heig'ht (70 ft. 6 in.),
flying, who entered the hall of audience, bright and shining to look
at. In the morning he asked his assembled ministers the meaning

214

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

of this dream. On which, one of the literati, “ Chung-y,’ said respect-
fully, “ There is a holy man in the west called Full (Buddha); this
person, whom you saw descending towards you in your dream,
must be that same Buddha.” The erudite “Wang-Tsun” also
said, “Your minister finds in the records of the Chow dynasty, that
the Tai-Shi Sou-yu informed the King Chow, saying, ‘There is a
sage born in the western regions ; a thousand years hence, the
report of his teaching shall arrive in this land.’ Your Majesty’s
dream does certainly relate to this prediction.”

203. The teaching indeed spread through Shin-Chow (i.e., India),
and the report spread to Fa-Hin (t. e., China).

Notes. — The explanation of the words “ teaching ” and “report,”
is this — all the classics in which the teaching of Buddha is recorded,
and which are known in this region, are founded on the exact words
of Buddha himself. Hence, the Wei-chi-lun (Vidya-Matra-Siddhi)
says, “ The four expressions (fall) — report (lit., voice), name, phrase,
exposition (man, i. e., any learned work), — are the body or substance
of (Buddha’s) teaching.” At the time of Ming-Tai, of the latter
Han dynasty, the teaching and worship of Buddha was intro-
duced into China. [See the translation of this account in my
previous paper, Journ. R. A. S., vol. xix, p. 337 — S.B.]

Now there was a high priest (ko sang) of the Tong' dynasty,
a master of the “Great Vinaya (Pitaka),” named Tau-Siin, who
dwelt all his life at Nan Shan (the southern hill). By his great
distinction for keeping the precepts, he had received the title Ko
(high). Vichamen, the king of the northern heaven (i. e., of the
north of the four heavens round Mount Sumeru), constantly de-
puted two Devas to look after his welfare. Now Sim one day, as he
was walking, missed his footing, and would have fallen, had not the
Devas raised him up on his feet. Then, making their bodies visible,
and because he asked, they declared themselves to be Devas;
whereupon Sun asked them, saying, “How is it that Sti-Yu and
Yili-To, of the Chow dynasty, and Fou-Y, and Wong-Tsiin, of the
nan dynasty, and Hou-Chai, of the Wai dynasty, all of whom
knew nothing about Buddha’s law, were yet able to know the
time of the birth and Nirvana of the sage, anticipate the arrival,
and detect the superiority of the law of Buddha ? — What men were
these ?” The Deva, IIwang-King, answering, said, “ These men
were all Devas. The law of Buddha being- about to reach this
land, the Devas came down as deputies to the country, to manifest
and make plain the law of Buddha.”

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 215

204. (Wong*) Poll, favoured by being- born in the latter times,
receiving only the veritable words, though he connected and com-
piled the golden sentences (of Buddha), yet residing at Piu Ling,
saw not the generous sign.

Notes. — After the Nirvana of Sakya Tathagata, the true law
lasted 500 years, the law in which visible images were worshipped
1,000 years, no law 10,000 years. The third generation of the dynasty
of the Tang emperors,1 would just bring us to the end of the law of
images (period of worship paid to images) ; hence, the phrase,
“ latter times.”

The “ veritable words,” alluded to in the text, are those of
the three Pitakas. The “ golden phrases ” are those of Buddha’s
“ golden ” mouth. The “ generous sign” is the circle between the
eyebrows (Urna).

205. All immediate revelation has ceased. The systems of re-
ligious instruction emit their light. The words bequeathed to us
as depositories of truth are not shaken, but are treasured in their
several collections.

206. His apparitional forms, all founded on his (one) original
(nature).

Notes. — The “apparitional forms” allude to the three species of
Buddha’s body [viz., Ying-shan, pao-shan, fah-shan, which are the
body assumed by Buddha when he was born as &akya Muni ;
the body commonly called Lu-che-na (Rojana), emitting number-
less rays ; and the universal body supposed to pervade the universe,
and otherwise called Pi-lo-che-na (Vairojana, “brightness every-
where diffused”)]. The one “ original body” refers to the one true
“Fah-kai” (Dharmadhatu), i.e., “soul of the universe.”

207. He arrived at perfect merit in this Bhadra-Kalpa, as was
predicted.

Notes. — Juloi, having passed through three asankhyas of years
in preparing himself by practice of the innumerable actions included
in the six paramitas, and having been bom hi every single portion
of this great chiliocosm, arrived, as the text says, at perfect
merit. Jin-Teng Fuh (Depankara Buddha) had predicted that he
should complete his course of preparation in the Bhadra Kalpa.

1 A.D. 650, This would make Buddha’s birth about 850 B.c.
VOL. XX. Q

216

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

The Chinese “ Kin-ki” is, in Sanskrit, Poh-to-kah-po (Bhadra Kalpa),
i. e., “ the period of sages.” It is a species of cycle.

208. These infinite lines of conduct (actions in previous births)
did all manifest the one true system.

Notes. — The true Buddha is not anything exterior to us. Every
sentient creature has individually Buddha in himself ; but from the
constant turmoil of empty and false opinions, men have not yet
realised the truth of this.

Pu-sah (Buddha), by the various events of his previous exist-
ences, elicited this true principle of our nature ; and having com-
pleted his course, it shone out in his divine reason, as the brightness
shines in the diamond.

So that his “ conduct ” was like the powder which is used for
br ightening a mirror.

209. The treasured merit of Asankhyas.

Notes. — The Sanskrit “O-sang-ki (asankhya)” means “an endless
number of years.” It is now contracted to San-kya. Pu-sah
(Buddha, when a Bodliisattwa), in his various exercises of the six
paramitas, is spoken of as obtaining “wild-goose merit.” (This
extraordinary phrase may allude to the endless succession of these
birds, which visit the same regions year after year. The pagoda at
Nankin was sometimes called the “ wild-goose pagoda.” See the
phrase explained in the article on pagodas, by Dr. Milne, Transact,
of the Chinese Branch of Royal Asiatic Society. — S.B.)

210. For the sake of the law he was manifested in the world;
descending in a spiritual form (divine form ?), he appeared from the
divided (side of his mother).

Notes. — The Won-Shang King (Anuttara Sutra) says, “ If
there had been no old age, sickness, and death in the world
(these three existences are called ‘ laws,’ in the text, — ‘ Dharma ’) ;
then Juloi would not have appeared, or taught us to overcome these
things.”

211. His brows arched like the bow of Jsakra.

Notes. — The Fall-yen Sutra says, “ The delicate filaments of
his eye-brows, arched like the bow of £akra.” The “ bow” of which
the Sutra speaks, is the rainbow.

212. Ilia eyes ribboned (or ribbed) like the leaf of the blue lotus.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGAT A. 217

Notes. — Chan-fah-sse says, “ In India there is a blue lotus, its
leaves are adorned by transverse streaks of blue and white.” This
is one of the “marks” in the eye of a “great man”; hence the com-
parison of the text.

213. The Rishi, divining his fortune, laments (at his own mis-
fortune. Yid. ante , 23). The Devas contend for the honour of paying
him honours. His head sprinkled with water, the flying wheel pro-
claimed the birth of a Chakravartti.

Notes. — The word “ tih, a scroll,” is used to signify the silent
way in which this announcement is made. “ Sprinkling the head,”
refers to the fact that when the heir of a Chakravartti is proclaimed
successor to the throne, his father, taking water brought from the
four seas, pours some of it on the top of his son’s head, and then
crowns him. At this time, the “ seven precious things ” appear of
themselves, coming from and through the air, and the “golden-wheel
jewel,” flying, passes over each of the four empires ; by which thev
are advertised to submit to his sway.

214. Descended from the illustrious race (maha samata) of the
Sun in the line of Sse Tsen Kih.

Buddha’s family name was Surya (Sun) Deva. “ Sse-tsen-kih
(Sinha Okaka ?),” one of the descendants of the above — the grand-
father of Buddha.

215. Illustrious men were appointed to instruct him.

Notes. — The Lalita Vistara says, “ The Royal Prince (Kumara)
when seven years old, entered on his course of instruction. The
king appointed the Brahmin Pi-che-mi-to-lo (Viswa-mitra) to teach
him literature, Danflapahi to instruct him in military art, and
Arjuna in figures. Now, although these teachers were appointed,
being Devas in disguise, yet the prince was perfectly master of
the subjects they taught ; for he possessed that perfect wisdom
which was intuitive to him, and born with him, and which cannot
be imparted by any teacher. It may be asked, however : “ If this
supreme wisdom belonged to him by nature, or of itself, is not this
in support of those heretics who teach that all things result from a
fixed and necessary succession (or that things are as they are, of
themselves)?” To which we answer, “No, indeed! for this inborn
wisdom of Buddha is that which is necessarily inherent in him ; but
although we do not say it was born from any cause, yet we assume
a cause from which its manifestation proceeds. Hence the Lotus

Q 2

218

TEXT AND COMMENTARY OF THE

says, 4 The principles of Buddha (in the mind) are excited by in-
fluences.’ ”

21 G. Seizing the bow he alone could thrum the string.

Notes. — The Classic (Lalita Vistara) says, 44 The prince,
when fifteen years old, entered on trials of strength with all
the members of the Sakya family. Then he ordered to be brought
to him the bow belonging to his ancestor, the Chakravartti, which
was in his temple ; no one could pull the string of this bow. Then
the prince, sitting down at his ease, pulled the string, and curved
the bow to its full extent — thrumming the string with his finger.
The sound, extending far and wide, shook the air like the thunder.
Thus he conquered all in the trial of strength.”

217. Whilst making his tour of inspection he was brought to
reflection by seeing the sick man and the corpse ; passing out of the
city, he left his attendants and his wife (or his faithful wife) ; he cut
off his flowing- locks with his own precious sword ; exchanged his
clothes with the hunter whom he met ; dwelt in the retreats familiar
to the roaming deer ; reduced his body by austerities to a mere
shadow. lie partook of the offering of wheaten flour, having dis-
carded all human knowledge. Sitting on the mat, he shook the
kingdom of Mara, coming forth from the trial clean as the water-
lily emerges from the water. Bright as a mirror was the opening
of his wisdom’s store ! deep as the sea ! high as the mountains !
How vast his attainments (lit. the thundering's and lightnings of
his accomplishments) !

Notes. — The great Vibacha 8astra says, 44 Juloi entering- on
the vacant region of the incomplete Nirvana ; exerting the influences
(lit. exciting the clouds) of his vast compassion ; flashing out the
lightnings of his ineffable wisdom ; shaking the void with the
thunder-voice of which we cannot partake (or, the thunder voice of
the “No-I,” referring to the principal doctrine of the Prajna
Paramita system ; the absence of all 44 ishness,” i. e., individuality).
The expression 44 Tsz ” refers to sustaining the four theses without
an error. The expression 44 Tsit ” is, to be able to crown the seven
theses by an invincible argument. (I cannot explain these terms. —
S.B.) Juloi possessed all these faculties in argument. Knowing,
therefore, all the names, qualities, divisions, and characters of all
the laws (i. e., all possible existences), he rejoiced to speak of them
in a subtle manner ; not fearing to lose anything, or drop a thread
of the argument— so perfect were his powers of distinction.

MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA. 219

218. There was the development of the teachings of the three
periods.

Notes. — There are three distinct periods of Buddha’s teaching.
The first, when he taught the real existence of matter. The second
period was that in which the empty character of all existences was
taught, destroying the defects of the former system. The third
period is that which includes the “middle doctrine,” because it
corrects the faults of the two former. Now it may be asked, since
the object of Buddha’s manifestation was of such vast moment, how
was it he employed his first efforts in teaching men the real exist-
ence of matter. To which we reply, that during this first period his
object was to recover many of those who where deceived by
heretical teachers. If he had, at this period, promulgated the law
of the fixed standing point of the Great Vehicle, men, whose
principles were weak, would have fallen into the guilt of reviling
the whole system.

219. Every species of being was able to receive his doctrine.

Notes. — The Wei-Ma King (Viyukta Suti’a) says: “When
Buddha delivered the law in his peculiar voice, all different
species of beings were able in their different orders to receive and
understand it ; hence it is said, ‘ the one voice of his mysterious
utterance conveyed to every creature perfect comprehension of his
doctrine.’ ”

220. These were the satisfactory replies to the four queries.

Notes. — The Chi-to Sastra says : “ At the time when Buddha
entered Nirvana, Ananda proposed to him four questions : ‘ After
your Nirvana, by what shall the body of the Bhikshus (i.e., com-
munity) be governed?’ To which Buddha replied, ‘By the pre-
cepts.’ The 2nd question, ‘ And on what shall they be fixed and
abide as a reliance?’ Buddha replied, ‘ They shall rest on the four
Nim.’ The 3rd question, ‘ How shall the Bhikshu, possessed of a
vicious disposition, be able to conquer it ? ’ Buddha replied, ‘ By
the practice of enlarged charity.’ The 4th question, ‘ And how shall
all the Sutras commence?’ To which Buddha answered, ‘They
shall commence in this way ! Thus have I heard.’ ”

221. Then were the ten Rishis converted, following closely on
his Nirvana.

Notes. — (Vid. supra, — S.B.)

220 MEMORIALS OF SAKYA BUDDHA TATHAGATA.

222. Then he delivered his prediction relative to the succession
of Tsz-shi (Maitreya).

Notes. — At the Nirvana of all the Buddhas who appear in the
world, they must predict that a certain Bodhisattwa will succeed
after a certain number of kalpas, and also in what place he will
arrive at perfect wisdom — what law he will deliver — how many
converts he will make — and what his present name is. Buddha
$akva predicted all these things concerning Maitraya.

223. Reposing under the “ ngo ” tree (Salus Shorea-robusta) at
the opening of spring.

Notes. — The “ ngo ” tree is the Sala tree.

224. — There he held the napkin preserved after the burning
pyre, and the brilliant relics (shi-li) left by his mercy, as an object
of worship.

Notes. — The Sanskrit word “ shi-li-lo (sarira),” now contracted
into “ shi-li ” in Chinese, signifies “ bone-bod}'.” The reason of
this designation is not sufficiently plain. . . . It is also called

“ To-to ” (data?) i.e., not to be destroyed. There are two sorts of
these. 1st. A perfect body ; 2nd. A broken body. Of the latter
there are three sorts : 1. A bone of the white colour. 2. A flesh
san'ra of a red colour. 3. A hair sari'ra of a black colour.

The sariras of the body of Buddha alone are of five colours,
possessing the power of transformation, and unable to be destroyed
— either by time or violence. This is the reason it is called To-To
(data?)

225. I, the solitary one, born in the last period, fortunate in
partaking the refreshing showers of his traditional teachings.

Notes. — The “solitary one” refers to the fact that Wong Puli was
the last of his family. The “ latter times” refers to the period after
the term of image-worship ; the doctrines of Buddha’s teaching are
alluded to in the expression “ traditional showers ;” — the latter word
“ showers,” alludes to the manner in which this teaching distilled, as
it were, a falling rain, from heaven.

221

Art. IX. — On a newly discovered Bactrian Pali Inscription ;

and on other Inscriptions in the Bactrian Pali Character.

By Professor J. Dowson, Royal Staff College.

[ Read 16 th February, 1863.]

In January, 1862, Mr. A. A. Roberts, of the Bengal Civil Service,
presented to the Society two copper plates inscribed with Bactrian
Pali characters, said to have been found at Hussun Abdal, near
Rawal Pindee, in the Punjab. These plates were submitted
to the examination of Mr. Norris, and that gentleman at once
picked out the names of Takhasila nagara (Taxila) and Sakya-
muni, proving the inscription to be one of more than ordi-
nary importance. Having made a transcript of the document,
he wrote a few notes upon it which were read at one of the
Society’s meetings, and he then suggested that the plates
should be sent to me. The interest I had taken in these Bactrian
inscriptions from the time of our joint labours on the Kapur di Gin
edicts was well known to him, and was sufficient to ensure a
careful if unsuccessful consideration of the newly-discovered inscrip-
tion. In this recommendation the Society acquiesced and placed
the plates at my disposal for examination and report. I now pro-
pose to state the results of my investigation.

A very short examination satisfied me of the value of the record,
and of the great service which Mr. Roberts had rendered to Pal geo-
graphic science in preserving this relic and in making it available
for the furtherance of our knowledge of the somewhat restricted
but greatly perplexing stock of Bactrian Pali records. The inscrip-
tion of Kapur di Giri, with all the assistance it received from two
independent versions in another character, has in many points
baffled the learning and industry of Wilson and Burnouf, and I
know of no inscription in this character of which, up to the present
time, a complete and convincing interpretation has been offered.
The one now before us has enabled me to understand many
things in other inscriptions of which I was in doubt or ignorance
before, and, above all, it supplies the long-desired key to the Bac-
trian system of numbers. Encouraged by the new light which it

222

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

affords, and emboldened by the very unsatisfactory condition of
Bactrian antiquities, I have extended my enquiries to several other
inscriptions in the Bactrian character.

Mr. Thomas, with the consent of Mr. Austin, has kindly placed
at my service the two plates of inscriptions which appeared
in his edition of Prinsep’s works. These two plates, and the
additional two now published, contain nearly all the Bactrian
inscriptions which have been made known. I propose to go
through the whole of these, and although I have no expecta-
tion of making- all things clear, I hope to help the advance of
knowledge by a detailed statement of the results of my study
and a frank acknowledgement of my doubts and difficulties.
Others may thus be incited to follow up the investigation, and
looking at it from a different point of view, or bringing to it
greater and more varied knowledge, may correct my errors and
make up for my deficiencies.

The inscription of Mr. Roberts was described as being upon
two copper plates, and Mr. Norris dealt with them as distinct
plates, but their general appearance made me suspect them to be
two portions of one plate broken very nearly in the centre. A
careful examination confirmed this surmise. The two correspond-
ing ends were much corroded and abraded, but upon joining them
together a small portion of each accurately fitted into the other,
and in one place the juncture completed a letter, part of which was
graven upon one and the remainder upon the other portion of the
plate. This was decisive, and afforded a clear direction as to the
order of reading the inscription.

The plate is fourteen inches long and three broad. The letters
which are composed of small dots punched upon the plate, vary
somewhat in size, but are very carefully and distinctly formed ;
their average length may be said to be half an inch. The short
line at the bottom of the plate is in somewhat smaller characters,
as also is that stamped on the back of the plate as an endorsement
or label. With these preliminary remarks, I proceed to give, in
Roman characters, my reading of the inscription : —

Line 1. Samvatsaraye atta-satatimae XX7^^ Maharayasa ma-
liantasa mogasa pashemasa masasa divase panchame IX
Etaye purvaye chhaharasa

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Chhema nama atri

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BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

223

3. sepatiko apratittavita Bhagavat Sakamunisa sariram pati-
thavati sangharamam cha sarva-buddhana puyae mata
pitaram puyayanfo

4. chhatrapasisa putra darasa ayu bala vardhia bhratara sarva
cha satiga . . . a . . . dhavasa cha puyayanto mahadana
patipatika s'ldka, uva jae

Short line at bottom . Rohini mitrenaya imahi sangharame nava
kamika

On the bach. Patipasa Chhatrapa Liako.

The opening' sentence is Samvatsuraye atta-satatimae, Sans. Sam-
vatsare ashfa-saptatime, “ In the 78th year.” The first word has two
points of interest ; it supplies a new compound in the form ts, and
a variety of the locative case, ye being used instead of the common
e. The words expressing the number are of the chief importance ;
it is therefore satisfactory to find that the letters on the plate are
distinctly legible, and that, with one exception, them powers have
long been conclusively decided. The exception is the second
character rendered as tt (or tth) but of which the value has hitherto
been unknown. A little consideration will, however, demonstrate
that its power must be that now assigned to it. There cannot be
any doubt as to the second word of the number being- satati,
“ seventy the preceding word must, therefore, be the unit, and
that unit unquestionably begins with the vowel a. Ashta (Pali,
atta) is the only unit which has a for its initial, and consequently,
that number must be hei'e intended. A further proof of the
value of this character is found in line 3, where we have it in
the word apratittavita , the Pali equivalent of dpratishthdpita. After
this there cannot be any doubt of the character being the equiva-
lent of the Sanskrit sht and shth. The reason for reading it as tt,
and not as sht, is twofold ; the number seventy being in the Pali
form satati, it is only reasonable to expect that the unit must be
the Pali atta, not the Sanskrit ashta, and in the second place we
have another character for the compound sht very clearly written
on the Wardak Urn. These words are succeeded by six numerals,
representing the number 78. The system of notation will form an
independent portion of this paper, and need not be further noticed
here. Then follow the words Maharayasa mahantasa pashemasa
masasa divase panchame 5. The three concluding words admit of
no doubt whatever, but signify the “ 5th day of the month.” The
other four words are all in the genitive agreeing with masasa, and
apparently in connection with it. The last of them, or perhaps the

224

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

last two, must be the name of the month, but I have been unable
to identify it quite satisfactorily. The name unfortunately occurs
just at the fracture of the plate, and the first two letters are very
indistinct ; the first of them may be p, k, or bh, and the second
seems to be she, but as it is difficult to decide what these letters
really are, we may perhaps assume the name to be Panemasa, i. e.,
Pancemus, one of the Seleucidan months ; for we shall find these
months employed in other inscriptions. The initial letter seems to be
preferably p, and it is easy to perceive how the letter ne might come
to look like she, where the plate is so eaten away and corroded.
Assuming then the name to be Panemasa, we have the words
Maharayasa mahantasa mogasa, to dispose of. The first word is the
same as Mahdrdjasa, the substitution of y for j, being common in
Prakrit, and of which we shall meet with other examples, as puyae
for pnjae. Mahantasa is the adjective “great,” for the Pali retains
throughout the conjunct n, which occurs only in some of the cases
in Sanskrit. In modern times the word is used for the head of a
religious establishment. I have not been able to find a plausible
equivalent for moga, and hence am led to conclude that it is a name.
Having thus examined the meaning of each word, their syntactical
relation requires attention, and is not without its difficulty. The
words are all in the genitive case, agreeing with the word masasa,
but whether they are to be taken as epithets of the month, or
whether they are to be construed in connection with the previous
sentence, “ In the year,” is a matter of some importance. In Fig. 2,
of Plate x, we have the words Chetrasa maha dharistisa 8, the
words maha dharistisa, whatever they may mean, clearly being used
as an epithet of the month, like the Eajabu ’l-murajjab of the Muham-
madans. There is, therefore, good ground for believing that
descriptive epithets were occasionally applied to the months. But
when we come to examine those before us, it is difficult to see how
mahavajasa and mogasa can thus be applied. The former might possibly
have the forced signification of “ very royal,” but no intelligible
meaning is discoverable for mogasa ; 1 propose, therefore, but not
without much hesitation, to read the opening sentence, “ On the
5th day of the month Pansemus, of the 78th year of the mighty
king, the great Moga.” Who or what this Moga is it is difficult
to conjecture. There is the Magas of the Kapur di Giri Inscription,
and the name of Maudgala or Mogala, the great disciple of Gotama,
is derived from the word Mudga, the Pali of which is Muga or Moga.
Mahanta might fairly be applied to this great priest, but the appli-
cability of Maharaja is not so apparent. The epoch from which

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

225

the year is numbered, must also remain in doubt — the number of
the year is too high to be that of the reign of any king, so that if
it really be “ the year of ” of any particular person, it must date
from his birth or accession, or his death, like the era of Buddha.
We shall have, however, to recur to this subject in reviewing other
dates.

The words coming next after the date are etaye purvaye , locative
cases apparently like samvatsaraye at the beginning-. The following
word is chkakarasa, but the final s is doubtful, and the vowel attached
still more obscure. Taking the word in connection with the next,
Chukhsasa, which is a genitive, and followed by the conjunction cha,
we may fairly assume this to be in the same case. The opening-
sentence then will read, Etaye purvaye chlialiarasa chukhsasa cha.
Unfortunately the two words chhahara and chukhsa are unintelli-
gible ; the latter has a very foreign look, but the former may spring
from the root kshi “ to dwell,” “ to reign.” Etaye , is the demonstra-
tive pronoun, and means, “in this;” and the word purva, as a noun,
signifies “ the east,” and in Pali has the meaning of “ the presence ”
(Clough 124). The latter seems to be the most suitable meaning
here. We may, therefore, read the sentence, “ In this presence of
Chhahara and Chukhsa.” The following words are, Chhatrapasi
Liako Kusuluko nama, “ The satrap by name Liako Kusuluko.” I
read the final of chhatrapa as si, for the point of the s is evidently
curled intentionally, and is so made when the word occurs again in
the third line. The whole word appears to be a mere variant, not
an inflection, of the word chhatrapa , as we have the genitive ter-
mination added thus, chhatrapasi-sa in line 3. The next word is tisa
“ his,” and is followed by the letters patropati, which extend as far
as the fracture, and leave the word incomplete, as there is room for
two more letters. If this be the right reading-, it is probably con-
nected with the word patra, though the application of this word is
not obvious. In my first reading of the plate, I took it to be
patipati , but Mr. Thomas, after leaning the copper, considers the
engraving as correct, and so we must leave the word in doubt.
The next words are Takhasilaye nagare utarena prachu deso chhema
nama — rather an awkward sentence, but apparently signifying
“ The country called Chhema, north-east of the city of Taxila.”
Prachu is the Sanskrit prdch, pray, “ east,” and the phrase utarena
prachu is equivalent to the ordinary prag-uttarena. Chhema for
Kshema represents a well known word, but it has not been found as
the name of a locality agreeing with that specified in our text. The
following word is atri or atra , “ here.” The third line begins with

226

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

the word sepatiko , the name of the building- or establishment set up
by the Satrap. No Sanskrit equivalent for this word is apparent.
The word sepa, with the signification of “comfort,” is given by
Hardy in his Eastern Monachism, and possibly is connected with
the word sepatiko. We shall probably be not very far wrong in
assuming this word to designate a temple, vihar, or some sort of
building for religious purposes. The following word is a participle,
apratittavita for apratishthapita “established,” founded” — the substi-
tution of tt for shth has already been referred to, and that of v for p
is common in Prakrit ; thus padivaddi is the Prakrit of pratipatti, and
in a future page we shall find thuvo for thupo. After this come the
words Bhagavat Sakamunisa sariram , “ a relic of the Holy Sakamuni,”
and the verb patithavati, the medial letter of which is somewhat
obscure, but the whole word is sufficiently clear, and signifies “ esta-
blishes,” “ places.” The sentence then may be translated, “ The
Satrap, by name Liako Kusuluko, deposits a relic of the Holy
Sdkyamum in the sepatiko established in the country called Chhema,
north-east of the city of Taxila.” The language is not very gram-
matical, and the dependence of the different words is not very
clear. The word atra seems to be used instead of putting the
name of the country in the loc. case, that case having already
been used for the name of Taxila.

The next sentence is Sangharamam cha sarva buddhana pnyae,
“ in honour of the Sangharama, and of all the Buddhas.” Burnouf
discusses the meaning of Sangharama (Lotus 436), and comes to the
conclusion that it signifies “ the garden of the assembly,” and by
extension the “ lieu d’habitation des Rcligieux.” This signification
is certainly borne out by the etymology;, and would seem to apply
to the word in a passage lower down, but it hardly suits our text,
where the word is coupled with “ all the Buddhas.” May not the
term be used to designate the Buddhist religion, or the priesthood
collectively? The next sentence is Mata-pitaram puyayanto, “for
the honouring of his father and mother.” The last letter oipuya-
yanto is indistinct, but there can be no hesitation about it as the
word occurs again in the next line. It is the dative case of the
active present participle. The following sentence, beginning line 4,
is Chhatrapasisa putra darasa ayu-bala vardhia, “For the long life,
strength, and prosperity of the son and wife of the Satrap.” The
Sanskrit word dard, wife, is a masculine, and is always used in the
plural ; but the Pali, while retaining the gender, employs the word
in the singular, as in the text (Clough 29). Vardhia is from the
Sanskrit vriddhi. The next sentence is defective — Bhratara sarva

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

227

cha sati.ga . . . dhavasa cha puyayanto. The defective word after the
cAais doubtless some form of sat, “ good,” “virtuous,” and. . dhavasa
may probably be completed as banclhavasa, gen. of bandkava, “ a
relative.” Omitting the defective word, the sentence may be trans-
lated, “ For the honouring of all his brethren and . . . relatives.” The
last sentence appears to be Malta dana patipattika sidha uvajae, “For
the knowledge (making known) of his great liberality, fame, and
success.” The final word seems to be uvaja, the Sanscrit vpajna —
maha dana patipatti is clear ; but whether the lea should go with
patipatti, or with the following word sidha or sija, is doubtful. I
have taken this word to stand for siddha or siddhi.

The small line at the foot reads Rohini Gatrenatja imahi san-
gharame nava Jcamika. The two first words form a name, and must
be read as transcribed ; for if Gatrena be taken as an instrumental,
the ya will be superfluous. Imahi is the loc. “ in this,” agreeing
with sangharame, “ religious abode.” The next word is obscure, and
maybe nava, nara , or nata; as nava it will mean “new,” as nara
“ man.” The last word is Kamika, Sanskrit Karmika or Kdrmika ,
“ maker.” Kdrmika is also the name of a Buddhist sect (Burnouf,
Int., 441), but the word would here appear to be used in its simple
sense. The whole seems to be the builder’s endorsement or cer-
tificate, “ Rohini Gatrenaya, the new (?) builder in this religious
abode.”

The endorsement on the back is a sort of label comprising the
Satrap’s name — Patipasa Chhatrapa Liako. If Patipasa be taken as
a gen., the reading will be “ Liako, Satrap of the Lord of Lords ; ”
but if the word be a nom., as we have seen Chhatrapasi to be, it will
then read, “ The Lord of Lords, the Satrap Liako.”

Translation.

In the year seventy-eight (78) of the great king, the great
Moga, on the fifth (5) day of the month Panaemus. In this pre-
sence of the Chhahara (?) and Chukhsa (?), the Satrap, by name
Liako Kusuluko deposits a relic of the Holy ^akyamuni, in the
sepatiko established in the country called Chhema, north east of the
city of Taxila, in honour of the great collective body of worshippers
and of all the Buddhas ; for the honouring of his father and mother ;
for the long life, strength, and prosperity of his son and wife ; for
the honouring of all his brothers and relatives ; and for making
known his great liberality, fame, and success.

Rohini Gatrenaya, the (new ?) builder in this religious abode.

228

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

Liako, Satrap of the Lord of Lords.

Liako Kusuluko, the Satrap of this inscription, is a new name ;
but his dynastic name of Kusuluko is, without much doubt, the
same as the Greek Kozola, and the Bactrian Kujula or Kuyula
which has been found upon many coins (see Thomas’ Prinsep II,
202, 3). Mr. Thomas has kindly favoured me with copies of the
usual legends of these coins, and has noted several variants ob-
servable in them. They will come under review in a subsequent
portion of this paper. Little is known of these Kozolas or of the date
of their power. Then coins have been found in considerable
numbers in the Punjab, and the present inscription is an indication
of their authority over Taxila. They would seem to have belonged
to a Scythic race ; and the various ways in which their name is
rendered in Bactrian characters is strong evidence of its being a
foreign one.

The Bactrian word for Satrap, which has hitherto been rendered
“ Chatrapa,” I have converted into Chhcitrapa. The initial letter is
a clear modification of the chh of Kapur di Giri, and the transition
stages are seen in Mr. Bayley’s seal (plate iv, fig. 6), and in the
Wardak Crn (pi. x). It is always found as the representative of
the Sanskrit ksh, of which compound, chh and not ch, is the modern
representative. Thus we find Rachhita for rakshita, and dachhina for
dakshina ; and the word chhatrapa itself is spelt Kshatrapa on the
coins of the Sail Kings, and Khatrapa on the coins of the “ Buddhist
satraps,” the signification being “ ruler or patron of the Kshatras.”
(Prinsep ii, 85, 87, 223.)

Numeral System.

Before entering upon a consideration of any other inscriptions I
propose to investigate the numeral system as exemplified and ex-
plained in this inscription, and to bring together all the dates within
reach. These Bactrian figures have, for a long time, excited the
curiosity of the learned, and Colonel Cunningham has put forward a
system of interpretation so authoritatively that I feel bound to
notice it at length, and accordingly allow him to speak for himself
in a note.1 He gives the fig-ures a decimal value ; but a mere

1 Colonel Cunningham's readings of these dates were, I believe, first made
known in the year 1854 (Beng. Journal, xxiii, p. 703), in which he states his
interpretation to rest “ upon the authority of a stone slab in my own possession,
which gives in regular order the nine numerals of as early a period as the Sah

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

229

glance at the array of six figures in the Taxila plate is sufficient to
prove that the numerals must have an arbitrary and not a decimal
power; that the Bactrian system must in fact be of the same
nature as the Roman. I had long been possessed with this idea,
arising, in the first instance, from the fortuitous resemblance of the
figures in the Manikyala inscription to the Roman C and X, and I
was confirmed in it by the occurrence of three figures in the date
of the month on the Wardak Vase.

Upon reading the words citta satatimae, “ seventy-eight,” in the
Bactrian plate, and the word panchame, “ five,” I immediately sent
my readings, with the figures, to Mr. Norris, and by return of post he

coins of the Satraps of Saurashtra and he then continues to state in a note
that he discovered in the year 1852, “that these numeral figures, from 5 to 9,
■were the initial letters of their Pashtu names written in Ariano Pali. Thus
5 is represented by p for pinz ; 6 by sp for spaj ; 7 by a for avo ; 8 by th for
atha, the a having been already used for 7 ; and 9 by n for nah. Even the 4 is
a cli ; but as the Pashtu word is salor, this form must have been derived from
India. The first four figures are given in two distinct forms, the second set being
the older ; and the two forms show, in the clearest manner, how the straight
horizontal strokes of Asoka’s, and even of later days, gradually became the 1, 2,3
of India, from which they were transmitted through the Arabs to Europe.” The
objections to this theory have already been very forcibly urged by Mr. Thomas
(Jour. As. Soc. Beng. xxiv, p. 556 ; Prinsep. Vol. I, 144, 145), and 1 should not
have noticed it so fully here but for the reference to the inscribed stone upon
which the theory is stated to have been founded. It is very much to be regretted
that no copy of this stone has ever been made public for the satisfaction of the
learned in these matters, as it is quite clear that Colonel Cunningham’s inter-
pretation and method of application are uncertain or erroneous, indeed he him-
self seems to have mistrusted his own renderings, as in his first paper above
quoted he read from left to right, but in his last (Beng. J. 1862, page 303) he
reverses the method. The dates of which he gave solutions in the first paper, are —

1. Manikyala (pi. ix), XXj? = 446.

2. Ohind (pi. x, fig. 2), month XX = 44.

3. „ „ year | | 333.

4. Panjtar (see pi. x, fig 3), year 390.

Upon comparing the first and second of these, it is clear that they were read
from left to right ; the reading of the last date is unintelligible. In the last
paper the reading is from “ right to left,” and the numbers 7^^ (Wardak, pi. x),
and XX7 (PI- is, fig. 3), are rendered as 331 and 144, from which also it
appears that the figure 7 tad in the interim changed its value from 6 to 1.
The true value has been given to the figure X, 4, from the first ; but the reading
of XX as 44 in the date of a month was a manifest error, as has been well urged
by ajendra Lai (Beng. J.vol. xxx, 342). Whether the correct rendering of the
figure X was more than accidental it is impossible to say without a reference to
the authority of the “stone slab,” a publication of which document is urgently
required for the furtherance of antiquarian knowledge.

230

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

favoured me with his interpretation of the numerals, which entirely
agreed with that I had myself determined in the interim, and
satisfied me that we had concurrently arrived at the true solution.
It was clear from the date of the month that IX represented

0, i.e., 4 and 1 ; consequently the two X’s at the left of the number
of the year expressed the number 8. It was thus manifest that the
figures must be read from right to left. Taking the form 7 to repre-
sent 10, and the duplication of that form in the figure ^ to be
20, the required number 78 was obtained — thus XX7^5-

78 = .4 + 4 + 10 + 20 + 20 + 20

The result of this is that we get examples of the figures

1, 4, 5, 8, 10, and 20, and are enabled, as I shall presently show, to
express all numbers under 100.

The date then of the Taxila Plate is 5tli Panasmus, of the
year 78.

The inscription on the Ilidda Jar, which will be found in the
plate at page 262 of the Ariana Antiqua, appears to be the earliest
date known; the year being XX = 8. Colonel Cunningham, in
his last paper on these dates, reads it as consisting of three figures
XX7, but this is a mistake, as there are only two figures. In
this interesting paper, Colonel Cunningham first makes known the
fact of the Seleucidan months being in use. I had previously made
the same discovery by reading the name of the month in the
Wardak inscription as Artemisius. Gladly conceding to Colonel
Cunningham the merit of first publication, it is desirable to mention
the fact of my having independently arrived at the same conclusion,
and being entirely of accord in identifying a Seleucidan month.
The very unsatisfactory nature of the published copy of the Hidda
inscription, and the absence of any means of verifying it, had
induced me to pass it over, but I now fully concur with Colonel
Cunningham in reading the month as Apilaesa, or rather Apiraesa,
t. e., Appelkeus. The succeeding words he reads as vrehi dasami.
We may admit that the last word is that which is really intended,
but it reads dasahi rather than dasami; it may, however, be
allowed to pass for “ 10th.” The word which Colonel Cunningham
reads “vrehi” requires attention, as it occurs in several other
inscriptions. Rajendra Lai, in his paper on the Wardak inscrip-
tion, agrees in reading the word as vrehi, and thinks it to be an
abbreviation of Yrihaspati, or Thursday. Colonel Cunningham,
however, considers it the representative of the Sanskrit vriddhi,
and to mean the increase of the moon— the bright half of the

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

231

month. I am obliged, however, to dissent from these opinions,
and I concur with Mr. Thomas’s tentative reading stela. The
initial letter is clearly the well-known “ st ” of Thomas’s alphabet :
it is found in the names of Strato (Ari. Antiq., plate vi, fig'. 10)
and Hippostratus, and in the word which Colonel Cunningham
reads as “ Strategasa,” the Greek ST-pan/yd?, on the coins of Aspa-
varma (Beng. J., 1857, p. 696). In the face of all these it is im-
possible to read the word as vrehi, however desirable it might be.
We must here anticipate a little, and compare the various dates in
which the form appears. The following are examples of its use: —

Hidda — Apiraesa stehi dasahi — 10.

Wardak — Artamisvjasa stehi 1X7 = 15.

In fig. 3, pi. ix, it occurs after an illegible month as stehi J
= 10. It may possibly be found in the Manikyala inscription
between the name of the month and the word divasa, “ day but
this is far too doubtful for the purposes of argument. Colonel
Cunningham, in his last paper, supplies another date, Tsattikcisa
divasa vrehi (stehi), 3, which he renders “ third day of the increase
of Xanthikos.” It is very desirable to ascertain if the word
divasa really occurs as placed in the last date, or whether it is
only inserted as complementary, as is the case with Colonel
Cunningham’s reading of the Wardak inscription, in which he
gives the word divasa, though it is not in the original. The solu-
tions of the word proposed by Babu Rajendra Lai and Colonel
Cunningham, even supposing it to be vrehi, as they read it, are
by no means satisfactory. The supposition of its being an abbre-
viation of Yrihaspati, Thursday, is quite inadmissible, for the
letters “ vrehi” are not “ the initials ” of Yrihaspati; and even if
they were it is next to impossible that they could be used in that
sense in so many different records. The proposal to look upon the
word as signifying the increasing half of the moon is more specious,
but equally untenable. I cannot find that the Sanskrit vriddhi is
ever used to express “ the increase of the moon ; ” but even sup-
posing it to have been employed in that signification vrehi is not the
Prakrit or Pali form of the word. The word vrehi is used as we have
seen with the Seleucidan months, perhaps exclusively with them ; and
although there are reasons for believing those months to have been
luni-solar, there are none, that I am aware of, for supposing the
purely Hindu division of the bright and dark half to have been ob-
served in them. Finally, if Colonel Cunningham’s reading of his last
date Tsattikasa divasa vrehi (stehi) is accurate, it settles the question,
for there the term follows the word “ day,” which it could not do if
VOL. XX. R

232

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

it had the meaning he proposes : it would necessarily come after
the name of the month if it related to the month. Though
satisfied of the inaccuracy of the interpretations proposed, it
must be confessed that no convincing solution of the word is
apparent. It seems to be a word in the locative case ; and in
plate x, fig. 2, we have a form “ stisa,” which may possibly be
the genitive. It seems to be equivalent to “date;” the “ Artamisiyasa
stehi, 15,” of the War dak Vase, corresponding with the “ divase
panchame , 5 ” of the Taxila inscription. Further discoveries may
enable us to settle the meaning of the word more distinctly, but we
cannot err very much in attaching to it the meaning here proposed.

The Manikyala inscription (plate ix) is dated XX7> ke., 18;
and the month is apparently given in the last line of the short
passage on the right-hand side of the inscription. Colonel Cun-
ningham has read it as “ Kattikasa mdsa divasa, 3 ;” and I agree in
the main with this reading of the letters ; but there is such obscurity
in this part of the record that copies and tracings made at different
times vary considerably. The first two letters and the last two
are distinct, the others are all very hazy, and cannot be traced with
any degree of certainty. The first two letters make karti (for the
compound is rt, not tt ), the next letter does not resemble the re-
quired k, but its true form is somewhat doubtful. The next is s,
and is tolerably clear. The succeeding letters are extremely in-
distinct ; and one tracing of my own is somewhat suggestive of
the word stehi. The d of divasa is not clear, but the other two
letters are distinct. The figure which Colonel Cunningham reads
as 3 is badly formed ; but there can be no hesitation in identifying
it with the 20 of the Taxila plate. We may, therefore, read the
date of the Manikyala inscription as “20th Kartika, year 18.”

The short and indistinct legend figured in plate ix, fig. 3 is
dated in the same year as the Manikyala inscription ; that is
XX7 = 18. Colonel Cunningham reads the month “doubtfully”
as Artemisius (Beng. Journ., 1862, p. 303), but I cannot go with
him in this reading. The number of the year is followed by two
unknown letters, and the rest are indistinct, but appear to finish
with “ stehi 10.” The date would then appear to be “10th of
, year 18.”

The date next in succession is that of the Wardak Urn, which is
Sam 17?? Masya Artamisiyasastelii |X7 “ loth of the month

Artemisius, in the year 51.”

Colonel Cunningham’s two Yusafzai inscriptions from Oliind and
Panjtar (plate x, figures 2 and 3) have the peculiarity of being

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

233

preceded and followed by a straight stroke, enclosing the three
central figures as it were in brackets ; and it is just possible that
this may be their use here ; but as the single stroke is the represen-
tative in other places of the numeral 1 we are not justified in assum-
ing that they have no numerical value in the dates before us. If
they are really part of the date the right-hand stroke may be the
representative of 100 ; but this is a mere speculation. The Ohind
inscription reads “ San Chetrasa mciha-dhatistisa vaorniti XX.”

I have adhered strictly to the published copy, but I am curious to
know if the original might not justify the reading- of attamiti instead
of the unintelligible word vaorniti. The first letter as it now stands
may be read indifferently as a or v, and the second merely requires
a straight instead of a curved top to make it tt — the word would
then be attamiti, “ eight,” and would agree with the numerals
XX = 8. The emendations required to arrive at this intelligible
reading are so slight that they may very fairly be suggested, but
I will not assume them however probable they may appear. The
date then of this inscription is “ 8th Chaitra, of the year 61.” The
value of the right-hand stroke remains to be settled ; but, as before
stated, it may possibly stand for 100, and if so the year will be 161.
I have, in a previous page, noticed the words “ maha-dhatistisa ,” and
the ground for considering them to form a descriptive epithet of the
month. The meaning of maha is obvious ; dhatistisa may possibly be
the Sanskrit adjective dhdtri, “ cherishing-, nourishing, fostering” —
an epithet not unsuitable to the vernal month of Chaitra. As to the
termination stisa , may not this be the genitive form of the word
stehi, already commented upon.

The other Yusafzai inscription from Panjtar (pi. s, fig-. 3)
presents an unknown numeral if the form is correctly delineated.
It is not possible to do more than guess at its value ; but sup-
posing- it to be a real figure, it may dispute the representation of
the number 100 with the right-hand I. The following- figure is 20,
and the two succeeding strokes may be considered as representing 2.
Colonel Cunningham reads this date as San 390 Srdvanasa masci
sudi pratkame. Passing- over the number of the year, which is
irreconcileable with our present system of numbers, the remainder
of the reading is satisfactory. I am not sure, however, that
we should read mdsa sudi rather than mdsasahi, for the very slig’ht
twist at the bottom of the s is not to be compared with the well-
developed conjunct u which occurs subsequently; and the next letter
is more like the usual h than d. Sudi is certainly more intelligible,
and so far preferable. The word prathame is clear and certain,

R 2

234

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

and the stroke following- it may be taken as its numerical repre-
sentative.

Review of the Numerals.

Having- thus gone through all the known dates, we may now
proceed to sum up our acquisitions, to examine the arguments for
and against the values assigned to the fig-ures, and to see -how far
the Bactrian system is capable of development from the materials
in hand.

1. The stroke representing* the figure 1 has been hitherto passed
over, with the belief, apparently, of its being a mere stop or mark of
separation dividing the numerals from the letters ; and at first
sight there is nothing improbable in such a supposition. The Wardak
inscription employs this stroke after two figures in the date of the
month, so that it could have no power if the figures had a local value
like the Arabian numerals ; and the copies of the Ohind and Panjtar
inscriptions (pi. x, figs. 2 and 3) place it both before and after the
undoubted figures, enclosing- them as it were in brackets ; thus
affording a prima facie case for deeming it of no numerical value.
On the other hand, it must be observed that it is entirely absent
from the Manikyala inscription, and in the Taxila inscription it is
absent from the number of the year, while it is used in the date of
the month. Independent, therefore, of any knowledge of its value
it would seem to have been used with a purpose and a power.
Now, as to its being- the representative of the unit one, the general
tise of this symbol for that purpose need only be referred to as
strongly favouring the supposition. The four straight strokes in
the Kapur di Giri inscription, representing numerically the chaturo
rajano, prove it to be there used as the figure 1 ; following the
word prathame in the date of the Panjtar inscription it must be looked
upon as the figure representing that number ; and, finally, the way
in which it is used in the Taxila inscription is decisive of its value ;
unless, indeed, the interpretation of the numbers in that document
is altogether erroneous.

2. 3. The equivalents for these numerals are not g-iven in the
Taxila inscription, and the only inference we can draw respecting
them is from the Kapur di Giri inscription, where four distinct
strokes are used as the representative of the numeral 4.

4. The four lines of the Kapur di Giri inscription are represented
by X in the Taxila inscription ; the four points of the cross being
severally counted as one, like as a star with 5 points, was used
by the Egyptians as the representative of 5 (Revue. Arch. Oct, 1862).

BACTKIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

235

The change thus effected between the date of the Kapur di Giri
and Taxila inscriptions is a very reasonable one, and the character
so formed is a fair and intelligible symbol for the number 4. This
figure, like the Roman V, is an important one, being- used with
additions for expressing other numbers. As we have facts to deal
with, it is unnecessary to theorise as to the employment of the
number 4 as a master number; there are arithmetical reasons in its
favour, and the Indians have certainly shown a partiality for this
number and its multiples, in their weights, measures, and coinage.

5. This number is very clearly expressed in the Taxila inscrip-
tion by IX, i.e., 4x1.

6. 7. We have no example as yet of these numbers, but we may
conjecture that they are represented by the X for 4 with additional
straight strokes, upon the same principle as in the numbers 5 and 8.

8 Is represented by XX, that is by two figures of 4.

9. Of this numeral we have no example ; it might, however, be
clearly represented by I XX.

10. 20. Ten is represented by the sign and twenty by
that is by a double ten, in the same way as 8 is noted by a
double 4.

The highest numeral that we are acquainted with is 78, the date
of the Taxila inscription, in which the 70 is expressed by three 20’s
and a ten. It may reasonably be inferred that the same principle
continued up to 100. Thus, although we have examples of only
six figures, including the 10 and 20, we may, by carrying out the
principle, express the unknown numbers intelligibly and in all like-
lihood accurately, thus : —

1 . . . .

Certain. Conjectural.

10 ...

Certain.

Conjectural.

2 ....

20 ...

III

30 ...

40 ...

5 . , . .

nil or IX

50 ...

733

G . . . .

IIX

GO ...

333

7 ... .

MIX

70. . .

8 ....

80 . . .

3333

9 ....

IXX

90 . . .

73333

In the conjectural column there are many numbers about the
accuracy of which there cannot be the remotest doubt ; thus, seeing-
how the numbers 5 and 8 are formed, there can be very little doubt

236

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

about 9; aud having the number 70 there is small room for
hesitation about the way of representing the numbers between
20 and 70. No number, however, has been inserted under the
head of “certain” without express authority in words for the
value assigned to it. As to the numbers from 100 upwards we are
at present in the dark, and have not the same means of constructing
them as we have of lower numbers. Whether a simple stroke upon
the right of the figures is the representative of 100, or whether the
unknown figure in pi. x, fig. 3, be the symbol of that or any
higher number must, for the present, be a mere subject for specu-
lation, and remain open for the decision of future discoveries. The
newly discovered inscriptions of Muttra with Indian Pali letters and
Bactrian Pali figures may, when published, afford means for
verifying and extending our knowledge of these numerals.

The Bactrian system thus developed may appear, at first sight,
clumsy and complicated ; but keeping the Roman system in remem-
brance, it is impossible to pronounce it improbable or unpractical.
Comparing the Bactrian, so far as we know it, with the Roman,
there is little reason to prefer one over the other, on the ground of
clearness or simplicity.

It is beside my present purpose to seek analogies to these
numerals, or to make any general comparison of them with other
ancient systems of notation ; nor have I the means at my com-
mand for doing so. Mr. Thomas, who has taken great interest in
my discovery, has very kindly brought to my notice an “ Expose
des Signes de Numeration usites chez les Peuples Orientaux ; ” par
A. P. Pihan, Paris, 1860, in which the following very curious
account is given of the Phoenician system : — “ Un trait horizontal
( — ), quelquefois recourbe a droite ( - — t ) indiquait le nombre

10 La premiere clizaine s’exprimait aussi par l’un des

signes suivants /a s] o , ou — O , ou bien o • Le nombre

20 pouvait s’ecrire ou ou bieu encore /w Q o 3

(ce qui represente deux fois A ). Cependant il existait uu signe
commuu pour les vingtaines. On le figurait habituellement ainsi
N.” The higher numbers up to 80 were made by repeating
the sign for 20, thus N N = 40, N N N N = 80. This system, so
far as respects the numbers 10 and 20, and the repetition of the
latter for the expression of higher numbers is identical in principle
with our numerals, and seems conclusive as to the accuracy of the
values assigned to the Bactrian figures before this Phoenician system
came under my notice. The similarity of the two cannot well
be accidental. The Bactrian figures, therefore, like the characters

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

237

of the alphabet, must have been drawn from a Semitic source. It
is interesting also to compare the Egyptian figures j) for 100
and f) for 10 which continued in use to the second or third
century after Christ ; and the following illustration of the Egyptian
system which appeared in the Revue de l’Archeologigue for October,
1862, is very apposite in its analogy to the Bactrian.

nnn

non

boeufs 65.

Mill

Epoch of the Dates.

The materials at our command do not enable us to fix the epoch
from which the dates start, nor are we by any means certain that
they are all concordant and of the same era. The use of the
Seleucidan months gives fair ground for believing- the Seleucidan
era also to have been in use ; but the documents before us cannot be
so old as their dates would make them according- to that era. The
Samvat of Yikramaditya comes perhaps nearest in point of time, but
we cannot assume that era to have been in use in Bactrian inscrip-
tions without good evidence, and none is at present forthcoming-.
The epoch may be the rise of the dynasty, or the accession or the
death of some king or great personage. The number is too high in
one instance (Taxila plate) to admit of its being- the year of the reig-n,
which is encourag'ing, and leaves ground for hope that future dis-
coveries may enable us to determine the epoch, and thus settle a
very important point in Indo-Bactrian chronology.

Coins op the Ivozola Kadphises Group.

The coins of the Kozola Kadphises group give us three names,
Kadphises, Kozola Kadaphes, and another Kadphises. The Bactrian
Pali legends present a few variants, which Mr. Thomas has pointed
out, and which will be noticed in due order.

The coins of Kadphises are thus described by Mr. Thomas in
Prinsep’s Essays, vol. ii, p. 202 : —

“ Copper — Plate xxviii, fig. 12.

“ Obverse — Head as in the Su-Hermseus’ coins.

238

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

“Legend— KOPEH AO [Variety KOPONAO] KOZOYAO KAA-
4>IZOY.

“ Reverse — Hercules as above.

“ Aiian Legend — Dhama Phidasa Kvjula Kasasa Kuslumayatugasa.

“ Monograms — Arian dli with r. Ariana Antiqua, pi. xi, figs.

10, 11.”

These coins have also been described by Colonel Cunningham
(Beng. J., vol. xxiii, p. 709, and pi. xxxv). His reading of the
Arian legend is Kvjula Kasasa Kushanga Yathagcisa Dhama pidasa.

I propose to slightly amend these versions by reading the Bactrian
lcg'end (pi. iv, fig. 7 a) as follows : Dhama thiclasa Kujala Kasasa
Kushana Yarugasa, “(coin) of the Yaruga of the Kushans Kujala
Kasa, steadfast in the Dharma.” In the variants of this legend we
find tharasa for thirasa and Sujula for Kvjula.

The coins of Kozola Kadaphes are thus described (Prinsep,
vol. ii, p. 203) : —

“ Copper small coin — Plate xviii, figs. 13, 14, 15, and pi. xxviii,
figs. 13, 14.

“Obverse — Youthful head.

“ Legend— KOZOAA KAAA4>EE XOPANEY ZA0OY.

“ Reverse — A Scythic figure.

“Arian Legend — Khashanasa Yauasa Kuyula \Kuyanla ?] Kaph-
sasa Sachha dhani phidasa.

“Monogram, No. 124 — Some specimens add the Bactrian letter
inserted in the plate under No. 125. Ariana Antiqua, pi. xi, fig. 14.”

Colonel Cunningham’s reading and translation of the Bactrian
legend is (Beng. J., vol. xxiii, p. 709), Khushanga Yathaasa Kvjula
Kaphsasa Sachha-dharmapidasa, “ Coin of the kiug of the Khushang
Kujula Kaphsa the Crown of the true dharma.” My reading differs
in a few particulars, being, Khashanasa Yauasa Kuyula Kaphsasa
Sacha-dharma thirasa “(coin), of the Yaiiasaof the Khashan, Kuyula
Kaphsa, steadfast in the true dharma ” (plate iv, fig. 7, b).

The coins of the second Ivadphises are thus described (Prinsep’s
Essays, ii, 213) : —

“ Gold — Unique.

“ Obverse — King, seated after the Oriental fashion (cross-legged)
on clouds. He holds a club in his hand, and small flames ascend
from his shoulders ; he wears a Scythic cap surmounted by a
single-centred trident.

“ Legend— BACIAEYC OOEMO KAAddCHC.

“ Monogram — 1 69.

-f- 9-J

* ^

■* a

; k

x/\

V I.

3e\ zjr-

"V.

to p-

Sk 5

Ck.

fss .

J\l

*k.

-T^sj

-R

~sr

W. We*st LitJi

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

239

“ Reverse — Siva and his bull (Nandi) ; flames rise from the
divinity’s head ; he holds a trident in his right hand.

“ Arian Legend — Maharajasa Rajadirajasa sarvaloga Irnastasa
Mahimastasa Hapinasasci.

“ Monogram — 159.

“ Other gold and copper coins of this king have some varieties
in the device, thus : —

“ Obverse — King seated on an Eastern throne, with a flower in
his right hand. Legend and monogram as above.

“ Reverse — Device as above.

“ Jour, des Sav., 1834, pi. fig. 7 ; Ariana Antiqua, pi. x, fig. 5,
and pi. xxi, fig. 7.

The Bactrian legend (pi. iv, fig. 7 c) is remarkably clear and in-
telligible. There is no reason to call in question the first half
of Mr. Thomas’s reading, but the latter half may certainly be
greatly improved. The reading I propose is Maharajasa Rajadira-
jasa Sarva-loga-iswarasa Mahiswarasa Kapisasa “ (Coin) of the Great
King, King of King's, ruler of the whole world, the mighty Lord
Kapisa.” The gold coin which Mr. Thomas describes as “ Unique,”
reads Hapinasasa for Kapisasa. The star at the foot of the pi in the
name is persistently repeated, but its power is not obvious. Pro-
fessor Wilson read it s, making the name Kapsisa ; but the analogy
of the phs in fig’. 7 h forbids this rendering.

The substitution here proposed of thira or thida for the word
hitherto read pida or pliida is a manifest amendment. The old
reading originated with the late Professor Wilson, who thought
the character to be “ in all probability pi,” because “ the same
form very nearly commences the equivalent of Philoxenes” (Ariana
Antiqua, 257). The same learned writer conjectured the title as
being- either Dhama-pidasa or Dhama-piasa , “ the parent, or the
friend of justice.” Colonel Cunningham considered the word to be
pida, a chaplet or crown, and consequently read the compound
Dhama-pida, “Crown of the Dharma.” He admitted this compound
to be “unusual,” but still he thought it “grammatically correct and
eminently Buddhistical.” Mr. Thomas appears to have adopted the
last reading in default of a better, but has changed the word pida
to phida. With respect to Colonel Cunningham’s reading it must
be observed, in the first place, that the Sanskrit word for “crown”
is not pida, as he writes it, but pida, not masculine but feminine ;
next that the cerebral d is not employed in the word on the coins, but
the dental d or the letter?’,- and lastly the compound is, as he
admits, an unusual one. On examining the character, it is evident

240

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

that the right hand perpendicular is the stem or base of the letter,
and the line on the left is the vowel mark — to make the letter pi ,
the positions of these lines must be reversed, and a downward
curve must be added to the horizontal line. The character is,
perhaps, more like phi, but still the curve of the horizontal line,
distinctive of the letter ph, is absent in the character before us.
The only objections to the proposed rendering (hi, is the circumstance
of the left end of the horizontal line being somewhat longer than in the
simple th ; but this prolongation has probably been made to allow
of the vowel i being- graven distinctly across it. But the fact of
the word being written tharasa upon some coins is, I think, conclu-
sive as to the word being- really thirasa. The emendation thira
represents the Sanskrit sthira, firm steadfast, a word very com-
monly employed in compounds ; and the epithet dharma-thira,
steadfast in the dharma, conveys a very appropriate and intelligible
meaning, corresponding with the well-known name Yuddhish thira.

The alteration in Fig. 7 a of Colonel Cunningham’s reading
Yathagcisa, and of Mr. Thomas’s, Yatugasa to Yarugasa, is abun-
dantly justified by the exact resemblance of the letter in question
to the normal form, and to the frequently recurring r in Fig. 7c.
This word Yaruga corresponds with the word in Fig. 7b, Avhich I
concurwith Mr. Thomas in reading Yaiiasa. No meaning has yet been
assigned to this word or words, and I have no conjecture to offcr
as to the signification. The two words are probably only different
ways of expressing- some foreign title. The letter r is rarely
elided, but the guttural is frequently omitted ; thus we have
dhamiasa for dhatnikasa on the coins.

Fig. 7c is important, as affording in the word sarva, a character
which there can be little hesitation in accepting for rv, and as sup-
plying a key to similar combinations with other letters, as rdh
of the word samvardhaka in the Manikyala inscription. The
word which I have transcribed iswara, I at first read isura, a diffe-
rence of spelling, not of meaning ; but finding the vowel u to be
invariably affixed to the left perpendicular line of the s' in the Kapur
di Giri and Wardak inscriptions, and the same vowel to be similarly
annexed, in the Taxila inscription, to the left line of the y, while
the anuswara is annexed to the light, I conclude that the word
on the coin must be read iswara — if this is right we get a new
compound siv. It may further be observed that in the Kapur
di Giri inscription, and in the word Sravan in Colonel Cunningham’s
Panjtar inscription, the letter r is appended to the right hand per-
pendicular of the s; these facts together, establish the rule that

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

vowels are added to the left limb, and conjunct consonants to the
right limb of the letters y and s'.

Peshawar Vase.

Plate iii, fig. 2. This is a legend copied from a Steatite Vase now
in the Museum at Peshawar, but its history is unknown to me.
The inscription is carefully and clearly executed, every letter is
distinctly formed, and the whole is in a fine state of preservation.
A copy of the inscription was sent to me some months ago by
Mr. Thomas, and I had but little difficulty in mastering it. The
reading is —

Gihilena Siha-rachhitena cha bhratarehi Takhasilae ayam thuvo
pratithavito sava Budclhanci puyae. “ This tope was erected in Taxila
by the brothers Gihilena and Siha Rachhitena, in honour of all the
Buddhas.”

The word Taxila, I was at first disposed to read as tat silae or
tan silae, but there can be no doubt that the reading now proposed
is the right one, especially when the light of the Taxila inscription
is thrown upon it. There is little in the wording of this inscription
to call for special remark, as the whole is expressed in very gram-
matical language. The word Takhasilae , derived from the Sanskrit
Takshasild, takes the proper form of the feminine locative. The inward
bend of the right limb of the y in ayam has been read as anuswara,
but it may be omitted without injury to the sense. Thuvo may be
tuvo with the unaspirated letter, and the substitution of v for p in
this and the following word is a regular Prakrit change already
noticed in the Taxila inscription. The form sava instead of sarva
is a nearer approach to the Pali.

Biharan Vase.

Fig. 3, pi. iii, is from a Steatite Vase, found by Masson in a tope
at Deh Bi'maran, near Jelalabad. Within the vase was inclosed a
gold casket, described by Professor Wilson in the following terms : —
“ The casket is chased with a double series of four fig-ures, repre-
senting Gautama in the act of preaching ; a mendicant is on his
right, a lay follower on his left, and behind the latter a female
disciple : they stand under arched niches resting on pillars, and
between the arches is a bird ; a row of rubies is set round the
upper and lower edge of the vessel, and the bottom is also chased
with the leaves of the lotus. The vase had no cover ” (Ariana
Antiqua, 41). Engravings of the vase and casket are given in the
same work. The longer inscription is scratched or g-raven round

242

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

the body of the vase ; the shorter one round the upper part or
shoulder, not on the cover, as stated in the description of the
plate ; for, as above observed, the vase had no cover. Burnouf
picked out the word Sarirehi, but Colonel Cunningham was the first
to make known the fact of the upper line being only an abbrevia-
tion of the longer one, and to read the opening words as Bha-
yavdna Sariraki “ (Stupa), containing relics of Bhagwan or Buddha ”
(Jour. As. Soc., Beng\, vol. xxiii, p. 707). The commencement of
the longer inscription he read as Sri Tabachitrasa Khamaspada
putrasa “(gift) of Sri Tabachitra, the son of Khamaspada.” These
readings, although imperfect and open to amendment, do, never-
theless, give a very good idea of the import of the inscription.
The engraving in the Ariana Antiqua is somewhat fault3r ; but the
copy now given has been carefully copied from the original vase.
Taking the longer inscription, the first word is a name in the
genitive case, and is plainly Siva-rachhitasa. This differs con-
siderably from Colonel Cunningham’s reading, but the variation
arises from the close resemblance of the letters t, b, r, and v — the
normal forms of which are clearly distinct, but are sometimes con-
founded in practice. A close adherence to the normal forms in this
instance supplies a well-known name in Sanskrit, Siva-ralcshitasya.
The next word is also a name which is very difficult to read;
indeed, the two versions of it on the vase differ materially. The
first character Colonel Cunningham reads M, to which letter it bears
a partial though not satisfactory resemblance. The next character
differs in the two versions ; in the long one it appears to be d in the
other mi; the following character is like v in the first, and dh in the
second ; the last letter is in both versions an n or d. Assuming
that the first letter is kh, until a more satisfactory reading is arrived
at, the transliteration of the name of the longer legend will be
Khadavana, and of the shorter Khamidhanci. I leave the name in
doubt, for future discoveries or more acute investigators to deter-
mine. The following word is clearly putasa, or putrasa, and that suc-
ceeding it danemi. The next character is one to which no equivalent
has hitherto been assigned : but I think we have now very good
grounds for reading it as mu. The syllable mu, in “ Sdkyamuni” in
the Taxila inscription, is expressed by a character strongly re-
sembling this, and in the same name on the Wardak Vase the mu
is identical with this character. This is tolerably decisive, and the
sentence now before 11s appears to strengthen the proposed render-
ing. The mu is followed by hi, making muhi. The Sanskrit adas,
“ that,” “ this,” makes, in several of its cases, amu ; and I take

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

243

this word mithi to be a contracted form of the Prakit locative amuhi,
“in this.” But whether this conjecture be right or wrong, and what-
ever the true value of the letter, there can be little or no doubt of the
word in the inscription signifying “here;” the words “gift here,”
corresponding exactly with the “ relic here,” which comes in sub-
sequently. Here the shorter legend terminates. Continuing with the
longer one, the next word is the verb, or rather participle. It com-
mences with niya. The following letter is uncertain ; and the engraver
appears to have so deemed it, for he has endeavoured to make it
more distinct by re-writing it, but with little success. It may be
khi, di, or ti ; the final character may be read nam. The whole
word is in all probability niyatinam, the causal past participle of the
root pat, which signifies “made to descend,” “lowered,” “deposited
beneath.” The following words are bhagavat sarirelii; which words
also occur separately at the beginning of the shorter legend.
Sarirehi is as Burnouf observed the “ forme Palie de l'instrumental
pluriel,” but it is not probable that the word can be used in that
sense here. In the longer legend an instrumental plural might
possibly be admitted, but the construction would be a very forced
one. In the shorter legend it seems quite inadmissible, for no sense
can be got out of the phrase “ with the holy relics.” The word ehi,
or ihi, a dialectical variety of the Prakit iha, signifying “ here,” or
“ in this,” is, doubtless, the true reading, and supplies a consistent
and appropriate meaning- — Bhagavat sarir ehi “ Here (or, in this) is
the holy relic.” The remaining words are but a repetition of the
formula in figs. 1 and 2 — Savva buddhana jmyae, “ in honour of all
the Buddhas;” the n of Buddhana is oblite rated, but may be unhesi-
tatingly supplied.

The reading of the shorter legend is then Bhagavat sarir ehi.
Siva-rachchitasa Khamidhana ? putasa dana ehi. “ In this is the holy
relic. In this is the gift of Siva Raehhita, son of Khamidhana ” ('?).
The reading of the longer one is Siva-rachhitasa Khadavana
( Khamidhana ) putasa dana muhi niyatinam. Bhagavat sarir ehi sarva
buddhana puyae. “ The gift of Siva Raehhita, son of Khamidhana (?),
is here deposited. In this (is placed) the holy relic in honour of all
the Buddhas.”

In this inscription we have met, for the first time, a variety in
the form of the letter y, differing but slightly from the letter s', with
which it has hitherto been confounded. The difference, thoug'h
small, is distinctly marked in this inscription ; the top line of the y
being sloped, that of the s quite straight. The final word of this
inscription recurs in the Wardak Vase inscription, in which Babu

244

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

Rajendra Lai lias read it “ pusae and has translated it as
“ nourishment, protection, or prosperity,” making it an imaginary
noun, supposed to be derived from the root push, to cherish or nurture
(Journ. As. Soc., Beug. : Xo. IY, 1861, p. 344). Mr. E. C. Bayley
subsequently adopted this reading in an attempt to explain the in-
scription now under notice1 (Id. : Xo. II, 1862, p. 190). The
formation of a simple noun meaning “ prosperity,” from the root,
“ to cherish,” is not very obvious. But it is unnecessary to pursue
this enquiry further ; the employment of the same formula in two
other inscriptions, where the word is clearly written pupae, is quite
sufficient to determine the true reading-.

Manikyala Cylinder.

We now come to some of the important articles extracted by
General Ventura from the great tope of Manikyala. A full descrip-
tion of the excavations and of the articles discovered is given in
Prinsep’s Works (vol. i., p. 93), but it will be sufficient for our
present purpose to state that althoug-h coins, medals, and other
relics were found in several parts of the tope, there were three
distinct deposits at the depths, respectively, of 12, 45, and 64 feet,
for the security and preservation of which great precautions had
been taken. In the first deposit was found an iron or copper box,
enclosing one of pure gold, within which were several coins, some
of a comparatively late date. The second deposit also consisted of
a copper box, enclosing a gold one ; but nothing was found in the
latter. The third deposit consisted first of a copper box, enclosed
in this was a brass cylindrical box on the cover of which an inscrip-
tion was punched. Within this brass box, and immersed in a thick
brown liquid, was a gold cylindrical box, four and a-half inches
long, and one and a-half inches in diameter. This box also con-
tained some of the brown liquid and some fragments resembling-
broken amber. There was besides a small gold coin with the
legend OHPKI KOPAXO, and some other illegible letters, another
small gold coin, and lastly, “ a plain disc of silver, upon which have
been engraved certain letters evidently calculated and intended to
explain the whole mystery ” (Prinsep i, 102). The inscription on
the lid of the brass cylinder is that given in fig. 4, pi. iii, and that
of the silver disc as fig 5 in pi. iv.

Colonel Cunningham has given considerable attention to these.

1 Mr. Bayley says, “ The inscription from Bimaran is also a dedication of a
reliquary for the prosperity (pusae) of Sri vechitra .... dhatra putra.”

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

245

Ilis reading of the first is — Sivati Siva Chatrapasa Gandaphuka
Chatrapa putrasa danatrayam. “ The three g'ifts of the Satrap
Swasti Siva, son of the Satrap Gandaphuka.” In explanation
of this, he says — “ The last four letters of the inscription which,
for want of room on the lid of the cylinder, are placed below, I
read as danatrayam , ‘the three gifts.’ These, I suppose, to refer
to the three cylinders or relic boxes which were deposited in
the three separate chambers of the tope ” (Jour. As. Soc. Beng.
xxiii, G99). Mr. Thomas has already taken exception to the
rendering “ Swati Siva,” preferring “ Kavi Siva and his amended
copy of the legend fully justifies him in this reading-. The word
Kavi signifies “ poet ” and may possibly bear that meaning
here. The following word is unmistakeably Chliatrapasa. The
next word, which Colonel Cunningham reads Gandaphuka, is
somewhat doubtful, but his rendering can hardly be right. He
appears to have taken the line at the bottom of the rj for an n, but
this addition to the letter is frequently used without any alteration of
the sound, as in Bhagavat, in fig. 3, pi. iii. The first letter, then, is a
simple g, the next is n, not d. The third is a doubtful compound; the
upper part of the letter is identical with the ph of the coins of
Gondophares, and is observable in Colonel Cunningham’s Panjtar
inscription, though it is not the usual form of ph. Mr. Thomas has
already demurred to the rendering of the subjoined letter by u, very
justly observing that it is different from the usual form of that
vowel. This part of the letter resembles k in shape, and from the
analogy of shk in the names of Kanishka and Huvishka in the
Manikyala and Wardak inscriptions, would appear to be a k, — if
it be so, the compound will be phk, and the whole word Ganaplikaka.
The two next words are clearly Chhatrapa putrasa , and the following-
word dana. The last word, which Colonel Cunningham reads
tray am, is open to much doubt, and is important as the basis of his
theory as to the three gifts or deposits. The first letter may be
either tr or t, — it has generally been read as tr in the word putra,
but it may be a simple t, as it is in the word Bhagavat (fig. 3, pi. iii),
where the curl of the bottom cannot represent the letter r. The final
character is a compound which Colonel Cunningham reads yam , but
the first is preferentially the cerebral nasal, and the whole word
therefore is traham or taham. It must be admitted that there is
much plausibility in the reading trayam, for “ it assimilates so well
with apparent probabilities.” To my eye, however, the word is
traham, not trayam, and I cannot allow any conjuncture, however
plausible, to lead me astray from a strict literal rendering of the

246

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

original. The reading- trana appears, moreover, to be a very
natural one, and requires very little theory to support it. The
Sanskrit trana with the cerebral as in the word before us, sig-
nifies “preserving, protection,” and, according to Bohtlingk and
Both, “ covering for the body, armour, helmet 1 ” ; it may therefore
be considered as applicable to the brass box on which the inscription
is engraved, and in which the “gift” was deposited. For these
reasons, the reading now proposed is —

Kavi-Siva Chhatrapasa Ganaphkaka Chhatrapa putrasa clana
tranam. “ Casket of the gift of Kavi. Siva Chhatrapa son of Gana-
phkaka Chhatrapa.”

Manikyala Silver Disc.

The short inscription on the silver disc, which Prinsep con-
sidered so important as a key to the whole (fig. 5, p. iv) now claims
our attention. Colonel Cunningham has published more than one
decipherment and interpretation of this legend. Upon his last
reading he has built a very ingenious and attractive theory, con-
cerning which it is desirable to quote his own words. He says —
“ The upper line (of the inscription) may be read, without hesitation,
as Gomangasa ‘ of the emancipated,’ or more literally of ‘ one who
has abandoned the body,’ from guna abandoning, and angga the
body. The second line I read as Kanarakasa , taking the first and
fourth letters as cursive forms of k. No doubt this plain disc of
silver, as J. Prinsep supposed, was intended to explain the whole
mystery. This mystery I believe to be explained by my reading
of the two words as Gomangasa Kanarakasa , or ‘ (relics) of the
emancipated Kanerki.’ According to this reading, the great tope
of Manikyala was the Mausoleum of the Indo-Scythian Kanerki
or Kanishka, the paramount ruler of Kabul, Kashmir, and the Pun-
jab, about the beginning of the Christian era. The Brown liquid,
therefore, most probably contained the mortal remains of the
great Indo-Scythian emperor, mixed with a portion of sandal wood
or other ashes from his funeral pile ” (Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. xxiii,
701).

I very much regret that I am unable to acquiesce in this theory.
The true interpretation of the legend has long seemed to me to be
much more simple than that proposed by Colonel Cunningham. I
must confess that in the examination of old inscriptions, and

Schutz fur den Kdrper. Hamisch, Helm u.s.w.

BACTRLAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

247

especially in these Buddhist inscriptions, my turn of mind inclines
me to seek for the simple rather than the mystic, for a plain
ordinary meaning, intelligible to all contemporaries, in preference
to a refined and spiritual expression, comprehensible only by the
learned and the priesthood. Mr. Thomas has already demurred to
this interpretation, and veiy pertinently remarks that “ no theory
at all is preferable to a bad one ; the negative position is not likely
to mislead, the positive converse is.”

The reading of the first word as Gomangasa seems to me unten-
able, and the interpretation of that reading to be equally inadmis-
sible. The first letter with the subjoined vowel is certainly go ,
the next letter is m; thus far our readings coincide. The following
letter, which Col. C. reads ng1, is clearly n, — the dental, as I believe,
but the cerebral, according to Mr. Thomas, — at any rate it most
closely resembles the n in the word clanam, the curve not being
sufficiently deep for the cerebral. The final letter is sa ; thus there
is only a difference of one letter between us ; Colonel Cunningham’s
reading being Gomangasa, that now proposed Gomanasa. Let us
now examine if there is anything in the proposed etymology of
Gomangasa to make that reading preferable. The derivation of the
term is said to be from gun, abandoning, and angga, body. In the
first place, there is the fatal objection that gun cannot by any
conceivable means become gom, nor is any suggestion offered in
explanation of the assumed change. The meaning “ abandoning,
leaving ” is certainly to be found under the substantive Guna in
Wilson's Dictionary, but Bohtlingk and Roth remark upon it as
an unusual sense (besondere Bedienst); and no such m’eaning
is given to the word in the Pali Amera Kosha (Clough, pp. 51,
104, 107). But it is with the verb or participle, and not the
noun, that we are concerned in this compound word, and no
such signification is traceable to the root in any of the authorities
consulted. Wilson gives to the root the meanings to “invite,
advise”; Westergaard agrees, “Consilium dare, suadere”; Clough’s
List of Pah roots says “ to accustom.” It is not to be found in
Delius’ Radices Pracriticse, nor can I find it in Cowell’s Vararuchi.
Taking all these points into consideration, it is not too much to
say that Colonel Cunningham’s interpretation is inadmissible.

1 “It is not a little singular that Major Cunningham should have fallen in
with so many of these otherwise rare letters ng, — they are infrequent enough in
the ordinary language, but we have no single example of their use in the entire
Kapur di Giri inscription, and Prinsep was a long time before he detected the
sign at all in the Pali Lat alphabet.” — Thomas in Prinsep, vol. i, p. 103, note.

VOL. XX. S

250

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

The Manikyala Stone Inscription. — Plate IX.

The Manikyala inscription discovered by M. Court, and which
is the subject of Plate ix, baffled the acumen and ingenuity of
Prinsep, and has remained to the present time the opprobrium of
scholars and antiquaries. The familiar words maharaja and chha-
trapa were picked out at once, and the word vihar in the left hand
margin lias since been read. Colonel Cunningham, in his paper so
frequently referred to, made a considerable advance by reading
the names of Kanishka and Gushan, but his other speculations upon
the inscription are more than doubtful. He put them forward,
indeed, with considerable hesitation. Taking the end of the fourth
line he says the name of the Satrap “ is unfortunately doubtful, but
I venture to read the name as Gandaplmka,1 which I will retain
for the present for want of a better or more probable reading.
The inscription appears to me to contain the following important
facts : — ‘ In the year 446, in the reign of Kanishka, Maharaja of
the Gushang (tribe) the Satrap erected a tope (for what purpose I
have not yet been able to decipher).’ As a proof of his attachment
to the Buddhist faith, the inscription ends with the words Sacha-
dhama-pidasa , ‘ of the crown of the true dharma .’ ” That the in-
scription refers to the building of a tope may very fairly be predi-
cated, but I am obliged to reject unhesitatingly the supposed name,
Gandaphuka, and the reading of Sacha-dhama-pidasa.

The foregoing is, I believe, a fair summary of the decipherments
of this inscription, and I fear that I cannot add very much to them.
Some few words, however, seem to be intelligible, and I hope to
aid the progress of discovery by making them known, and by
pointing out possible variants from the published plate. The ori-
ginal stone had, apparently, a very uneven surface originally, and
time has so added to its imperfections that no two copies of the
inscription agree in all the details. I possess several independent
tracings, three of Mr. Thomas’s and two of my own, and I propose
to point out the important variations which occur in them.

The first line of the inscription appears to be independent, and
to serve as a kind of heading to the rest, being, perhaps, somewhat
similar in character to the “ Sacred to the Memory ” of our grave-
stones. The reading seems to be Bhatarasya Tabuddhisa aga patiaiae ,

1 This is Col. Cunningham’s reading of the name on Gen. Ventura’s cylinder,
and which he supposes to occur again in this inscription. The reading of the
name on the cylinder has been already noticed in page 244.

Note. — Plates ix. and x. are borrowed from Thomas’s edition of “Prinsep’s
Indian Antiquities,” without changing their numbers.

pin.

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JSt4*€

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ev.

sk,

LT"

rC.

— p

r^ JV

/^> ^

~t>- J<

<- JV

X~S

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^S,

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<15

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Fig 2.

n-<>ni <|<

h t s } y, 'r r 1 1 ^ h y r 7 X

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Fig. 3.

.^cVX*?^ rfiyjl ^n^rplxff Tijft

i5-.Z

Fabbished. bjr Stephen Autftn Hertford.

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

251

“In hope of the future of the brother Tabuddhi.” The meaning of
the word aga will be discussed in the notes on the Wardak Urn
inscription, in which it occurs many times. The word patiasa is,
probably, the Sanskrit pratyd&a, “reliance, hope” — one tracing makes
the pati into pali, but this would make very little, if any, alteration
in the meaning.

The body of the inscription opens with the date “ San 18.”
This is succeeded by the character sp, which is followed by a letter
wholly illegible ; the next letter is pu, then comes one without a
head, but which is, probably, rv or rt, for the conjunct r is distinct ;
the last of this series is again sp. It is difficult to make any guess
at the import of these five syllables beginning and ending with sp ;
the word purva , “ old, prior, chief,” is probably included among
them, and the last may be aspa, a word found on the coins (Sans.
aswa) ; the whole is, perhaps, a name or title. The next word is
maharajasa, “of the great King;” the object of this genitive case is
not very manifest, it may, however, refer to the date “ In the year

18 of the great King,” but this is far too doubtful to form the

basis of any theory. The following word is unmistakeably Kaneshka,
but it has for its final a letter which all the tracings agree upon,
and which cannot, I think, be read otherwise than as ram, thus,
apparently, forming a word in the genitive plural. The succeeding
words are clear Gushanna vasa samvardhaka, “ Increaser of the do-
minion of the Kaneshkaras and Gushans.” The last word may be
read without the final ka, and may signify simply “increase.”
Va$a maybe either vansa, “family,” or vasa, “authority, supre-
macy but the latter seems preferable. The next letter is a clear l
in the plate, but some tracings make it resemble an e, and as such
it might be the dative or locative of the word Samvardhaka. The
last letter of the hue is l. The first letter in the following line is no
or nu in the plate, but one tracing makes it lii, and another more like
da. The following letters are term saga, but the first of them may
be re, or even d, for its outline is not very distinct : and the last
letter has an o added to it in some copies. I am quite at a loss to
suggest any probable meaning for these six or seven letters, and
am afraid that the sense must remain in obscurity. The next
words are vespasisa chhatrapasa, the first of which will be found
repeated in the last line. The next line, and the line following
(five and six) begin with a series of letters which may be con-
sidered identical, notwithstanding some little varieties in the
outlines. The copies differ most in respect of the second letter
of the upper line ; some make it, doubtfully, o', but the i

252

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

should probably be nothing more than the upward bend pecu-
liar to the consonant. Continuing our reading, the fifth line
beg'ins with hut a (or hobo) murtasa, and continues tusa apanage
vihare ; the last letter re is somewhat obscure, but is not doubtful.
The rendering mu has been already referred to in the notes upon
fig. 3 of plate iii, and will again come under notice in the Wardak
Inscription. Vespasisa Chliatrapasa Hutamurtasa are all genitives,
and must be taken together ; they, probably, have their complement
in some of the words preceding them, while the following word
tasa, the genitive of the pronoun, would more naturally relate to
what follows. The words Vespasi and Hutamurta are, probably,
names or titles, standing, as they do, in agreement with Chhatrapa.
A further reason for considering them to be names or titles is that
Hut a, apparently, is found in the last line connected with Vespasi,
thus, “ Iluta Vespasi.” In Sanskrit, huta signifies “ offered sacri-
ficed,” and murta may represent murtti, “ form, body,” murtta,
“ formed, swooned,” or, mrita, “ dead.” None of these, however,
supply any intelligible meaning to the context. I take the words
tasa apanage vihare, to signify “in his own viliar,” for it is not
improbable that the word apanage is connected with the Hindi dp,
apna, from the Sanskrit dtman ; or, it may be a proper name “ in
his Viliar of Apanaga.” The sixth line begins “ Iluta (Hoba) murta”
in the nominative, followed by the words atra, “ here,” and nana,
“ many, various.” These are succeeded by two words, which I
pretty confidently render as Bhagava Budha ; the letters bh, v, and
dh, are clear and are so given in all the copies ; a copy of my own
makes the second letter distinctly ga, and the unknown form given
in the plate closely resembles that letter. The most doubtful is the
bu, which is more like su in some of the tracings. Taking all the
letters together, however, there can be very little hesitation in
recognizing the words Bhagava Budha. The succeeding letter is an
unknown one, and we have nothing here to suggest its power.
The plate gives the true form graven on the stone, and the only
point open to doubt, is, whether the bend of the down stroke is
sufficiently distinct to form the nasal. The last letter of the line is,
apparently, va.

The last fine is in a very unsatisfactory condition, and will, I
fear, remain unintelligible until the preceding context is so clearly
understood as to suggest the words to be expected here. Two
tracings make the line to begin with a, but this is, probably, a mere
fracture. Several copies agree in making the first letter pa, and the
second la, but one of my own makes the latter resemble lea, as in

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

253

the engraving. The following character is pretty clearly sta, and
that after it va. The next letter is very doubtful ; besides the
form given in the engraving', we have the variants ve and h in
different copies. The following letters ri, sa, are sufficiently dis-
tinct. The next two are obscure, but the plate gives a fair re-
presentation of them, and no variant is sugg-ested. The following
letter may possibly be c, not hu; and the next, which is obscure,
must be either v or t. Then comes the word vespasi. The following
letter is clear on the stone, and may be a badly-formed a ; the next
seems to be a defective n ; then comes khu, followed by two un-
known characters, and the finals are e and na. The third letter
from the end may be did or chi, but is very doubtful.

The short passage in the left margin commences with a series
of instrumental cases connected by the copulative cha. The first
words may be read as Buritena cha vihcira ; then come the letters
kara , followed by an unknown form. The next letter is possibly a
defective k, and the last is na. From the collocation of the words
there can be little hesitation in admitting this last word to be in the
instrumental case, and there is very little doubt in my mind as to
the meaning’ of the word, which I suppose to be, “ maker, builder.”
The following word reads samvenci, but probably is either intended
for sarvena ., or is used in the same sense. The next word is cha,
and that following is parivarena, the re being defective at the
point where the characteristic twist of the r should appear. The
following word is saddhae, and but for its commencing with the
dental s I should take it to stand for sraddha, “ faith ” — sandhd,
“ union, association,” seems, however, to be the more suitable
equivalent. The following words are clearly term kusal-mulena, for
some tracings indicate the presence of the u wanting to the
k, and we have a repetition of the phrase imena kusal-mulena on the
Wardak urn. I take the word mula, if that be the true reading, to
be a derivative, signifying “ foundation,” from the root mu l, to
plant, and in Pali “ to found.” The passage thus far may, there-
fore, be somewhat conjecturally rendered as “Buritena, the architect
of this vihar, and his whole train of workmen in union by this
meritorious foundation,” do something which I can only guess at,
for the remainder of the passage is very indistinct and unintelli-
gible. The first letter is tu, as given in the plate, but the next is
so obscure that its true outline cannot be traced — st, the next letter,
is tolerably clear, but hi seems a possible variant and a more likely
form. The next letter, which is di in the plate is converted dis-
tinctly into cha in two tracings. The next two characters are spa,

254

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

va, and the next, which is ka in the plate, may also be spa — that
next in order may be sta or hi — the last is cha. There seems then
to be fair ground for considering these letters to form two words
ending in sta or hi, and the conjunction cha to be placed between
them ; if the former is the right rendering, they are probably verbs ;
but if the latter, instrumental plurals. This short inscription ter-
minates with the copulative cha, which affords good reason for sup-
posing it to be connected with the two lines on the opposite side,
where we find the same prevalence of instrumental cases. The
first words of this may be read as Sandha hudhi Una cha, for the i
to the second dh is clear in two copies. This would appear to be a
name. The next letter is very obscure, but probably va. The next
is still more doubtful; one copy makes it si, another so, the others
incline to the form of k, as in the plate : the following letter is also
doubtful, but the plate appears to have the best rendering. The
last two letters are clearly uyena,” another instrumental case. It
is impossible to make much out of this beyond assuming that the
first is a name in the instrumental case, followed by a conjunc-
tion ; which makes it probable that the last word, in the same case,
is a name also. The last line contains the date, and has already
been examined. It appears to read Karttikasa masa divasa 20 —
“ Twentieth day of Karttika.”

The two words written upside down at the top of the inscription
may be read Sachhasana bhavatu, for there seems to be a stroke
under the second letter, making it chli in preference to in. This
may be rendered “ May it be manifest ” — “ May it be clear to all.”
The Sanskrit Sdkshdt, has the signification of “manifest” being
derived from aksha, the eye.

Fig. 2 of plate ix is the bi-literal inscription discovered by
Mr. E. C. Baylcy in the Kangra hills. These counterpart legends
are stated to be “ cut on two granite boulders, about thirty yards
apart.” I shall simply quote the rendering of these as given in
Thomas’s Prinsep (vol. i., p 1G0). Bactrian, Krishanya&asa arama;
“ the garden of Krishnayasa.” Indian, Krashnayasasya arama
madantasya : “ the garden of the happy Krishnayasa.”

Fig. 3 of Plate ix. — This is taken from the lid of a brass box,
which “ seems to have enclosed the usual silver and gold boxes
devoted to the enshrinement of relics.” It was included among the
relics sent home by Mr. Masson, but the place of its discovery is
unknown. The inscription seems to have been badly executed at

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

255

the first, and the box has been very much rubbed, so that a correct
delineation is difficult, if not impossible. I have a copy of my own
which differs in some respects from that in the plate. There can be
no doubt that we ought to begin with the date “ San 18,” &c.,
which has already been examined, and need not be further referred
to here. After the date is a small blank, and then the inscription
begins with what appears to be a name in the gen. case — Hasharesya.
Taking the letters in order they read ga, go or gi, la or vi, the letter
we have assumed to be mu, and then two doubtful letters, possibly
both of them n, or one n and the other d. My copy makes the next
word sarir, and the last word seems to be parishkasti, or parishpasti,
for the character read slip differs somewhat from the slik of the
Manikyala and Wardak inscriptions, and the last compound sti has
not been met with before. The word seems to be connected with
the root kds, “ to shine,” or spas, “ to touch, take, connect,” and to
both of which the sense of “ making manifest ” is applicable.

AVardak Inscription'. — Plate X.

The inscription upon the W ardak uni is the longest we possess
in the Bactrian character, after that of Kapur di giri. It is in a
most perfect state of preservation, not a single letter has been
obliterated, yet such are the difficulties attending the interpre-
tation of these inscriptions that high authority pronounced this
record to be written in no Sanskrit dialect. This opinion has been
shown to be erroneous ; and some isolated passages have been trans-
lated, but no satisfactory interpretation of the whole document has
yet been accomplished and I cannot boast of a complete success.
I hope, however, to clear up a few points, and to render some ser-
vice by stating the objections which appear against some of the
readings and interpretations proposed by my fellow-labourer Babu
Rajendra Lai. The Bengal Journal, No. IV, of 1861, contains
his proposed translation of the document, but the writer dis-
claims all desire of having it looked upon “ as other than ten-
tative,” and expresses himself “fully prepared to surrender the
version whenever further research will suggest another better fitted
to suit the requirements of the monument.” Before proceeding to
criticise I will perform the more grateful task of applauding the
success he has achieved, especially in the reading of the name of
the king, and in identifying him with the Huslika of the Raja
Tarangini. This alone would have been a valuable gain; but I
am disposed to go further, and agree, in a great measure, with

256

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

Colonel Cunningham, in believing- that however much the details
may be improved, a very fair notion of the general scope of the
record has been obtained.

Before entering upon a consideration of the document I must
express my acquiescence in the opinions of Mr. Thomas and
Bajendra Lai as to the want of due care in the delineation of the
characters. They have been formed by a firm decided hand ; but so
little trouble has been taken to mark the true outlines and nicer
shades of distinction that it would seem as if the work had been exe-
cuted from a copy by an engraver who was ignorant of the letters
or language : take for an example the letter bh as it appears in the
frequently recurring word bliavatu. It is also desirable that some
guiding principle should be first laid down for discriminating the
letters r, t, and v, which differ in some respects from the normal
forms. In the best examples of writing, as we have already seen,
the r and the v are about equal in height, if there is any difference
the v is longer than the r. In this document, however, the v appears
to be generally short in the stem, but the main point of distinction
is observed ; the horizontal hue of the v being straight, that of the
r curved at the point. The t is more true to the real form, being
generally short in the perpendicular, and curled at the point of the
horizontal. The line at the bottom of the letter g would appear to
be an optional addition, for it is sometimes given and sometimes
omitted in the same word agabhaga, and it can hardly have any
power in the word bhagavan.

The inscription opens with Sam, for Samvatsara, year; then
follow the figures for 20, 20, 10 and 1, the year, therefore, is 51.
The words Masya, or Mdssa, “ of the month and Ailam isiyasasteh i,
“ Artemisius,” follow, and are succeeded by figures representing 15.
The date, then, is “ 15th Artemisius of the year 51.” The value of
this date has already been discussed in a previous page, and needs
no further notice here.

Rajendra Lai’s amended reading of the first line, as given in a
note at the end of his article, is —

“ Imena gatrigeno Samagusa putra Vagamitegaso iya lhaba dhar-
masatasa siga Vagamitega Vihar Mritica-vrimri Bhagavat Sakyadanna
sarir paridhareti or patidhareti”

“In this gatriga (cross way?) the son of Samaguso of (the
village) of V agamitega has placed this pillar (of religion and virtue? ?),
and that monastery of Vagamitega for the relics of the divine
Sakya.”

The reading of the first two words is clearly imena gatrigena,

V si mi tt o

0/-/-

17 09

7" line

\j>r-

Z'^Urie

'rV-it?r?y?^ti?o/J'rf /‘r'rv ?nniq<Tj'%

J+ihhsh-tsI oy Stephen. AaeUn, Hertford

W. West I.ith f

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

257

there is no o at the end of the last word, and its insertion in the
reading is probably a mere slip of the transcriber or printer. The
following letter is, I think, bh, for it is identical in shape with the
undoubted bh, five letters from the end of the third line ; if it be a
sibilant it must be the cerebral sh, but the bh is preferable for the
reason given. A similar variety in the form of the letter h is ob-
servable in the fourth letter of line 2. The letters magu suc-
ceed, but it is by no means clear that the final is s, or rather sy or ss,
the sign of the genitive, as it differs materially from the final sy or
ss of the word mdsya in the date, and of the word Vagamaregcisya a
few letters further on. There are no means at present for deter-
mining its true value, but the upper part of the character appears
to be l and the lower part a conjunct y ; the preceding- letters
being Bhamagu, we may arbitrarily read the whole as a name
Bhamagu?ya. The next word is putra, and I think there can
be no doubt of the following one being Vcigamaregasya, not
Vagamitegaso, for there is no i perceptible, and the middle con-
sonant has the true normal form of the r. The next word is iya,
and then follows a series of 9 letters, which are perhaps the most
difficult in the inscription, and out of which nothing satisfactoiy can
be extracted. Mr. Thomas’s tentative transcription and Rajendra’s
first and second versions are as follows: —

Thomas. — Khaahagrashaha — siga.

Rajendra. — 1. Khasavamri sekhala — siga.

,, 2. Kliaba dharmasatasa — siga.

The first letter may be admitted to be kh. The next is doubtful ;
it may be a b, for it is like the initial of the word which appears to
be Budha, in line 6 of the Manikyala inscription, or it may be a
badly formed a ; the succeeding letter I have no hesitation in read-
ing as d, and that following as mi or mini, making altogether
khabadami or khaadarnmi , which I take to be a word in the locative
case, the horizontal stroke at the bottom of the mi possibly having
the power of doubling the consonant, and making mini the common
Prakrit form of the locative. The mi in Artemisiyas and viitra has no
such mark appended ; some value must, therefore, be assigned to it,
and that which I have suggested is the most obvious. The next
letter is a very bad one ; it may be k, bh or sh ; let us take it as ka.
The following letter is da, the next a badly formed I, like the l in the
undoubted word kusal at the beginning of line 2 ; the last two letters
are siga, upon which all are agreed. The reading then is khabadammi
kadala siga ; the first word may be the Sanskrit stambha, and the last

258

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

may be the representative of si-inga as suggested, but I am at a loss
to propose any meaning for the whole. I would gladly adopt
Rajendra’s last version, could I find the least warrant for it, as it
affords an intelligible meaning ; but a strict adherence to the text
forbids the reading, and compels me likewise to reject a fancy I
have sometimes indulged of the latter mini being an imperfectly
formed <7, which supposition would give us the word dagabha. We
now come to a more intelligible passage, Vaga-mariga viharammi, “ in
the vihara of Vaga-mariga.” The next letter is tu ; but the follow-
ing one is doubtful, probably sti; the next is mini, making altogether
tustimmi, apparently a locative. The nearest Sanskrit equivalent is
stuti “ praise ; ” but the Pali form of that word is tuti, and tusti is
hardly admissible for the Prakrit. The next word is Bhagavan, not
Bhagavat , but the following name is doubtful ; it begins with sa,
and, although the next compound is more like shy than ky, the latter
is preferable ;» the h is supported by the word Jcusal in the next line,
and a warrant for the conjunct y may be found in Masya and Vaga-
maregasya. We thus get Sab/a. The power of the next letter has
hitherto been unknown. It resembles, however, the indubitable
mu of the Taxila Plate, and as that sound is required here, we may
assume it to have that power until a better offers. It is followed
by an n apparently doubled ; but there can be no doubt of the word
being in the gen. and so we will read Sah/amunna, “ of &akya-
muni.” The last two words are distinctly sarir paridhareti or parid-
haredi, the latter being the true Prakrit form. The following is a
consecutive reading, the doubtful letters being in Roman : —

Imena gatrigena Bhamagulya, jmtra Vagci-maregasya iya Kliaba-
dammi Ka dala siga Vaga-mariga viharammi tustimmi Bhagavan
S'akyomunna sarir paridharedi.

I can find no authority supplying- a meaning to the word gatriga.
Rajendra Lai says, it may “possibly” have the sense of “crossway;”
but this compels him to read “ imena gatrigena ” as a locative,
though the phrase is unequivocally in the instrumental. May not
the word apply to the urn in which the relic would seem to have
been deposited, and be read, “ With this urn.” The following
words apparently mean, “ Vaga-marega, the son of Bhamagulya,”
and the donor in a subsequent passage distinctly calls himself
“ Ilashtuna marega,” leaving little room for doubt as to “Marega”
being the name of his family or sect. Vaga is possibly the Sans.
varga, “ class.” The following doubtful words are not suggestive
of any intelligible rendering but Vaga-mariga viharammi may be
translated “in the Vihara of Vaga-mariga.” The following

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

259

obscure word, tustimmi may possibly signify “ in praise.” Bhagavan
Sakyamunna Sarir, means “ the relic of the Holy &akya,” and the last
word paridhcireti or paridharcdi is the Prakrit Causal form, from the
root dhri, to hold, to keep — and may be rendered as “ places, de-
posits.” The obscurities in this passage are so great as to deter
me from venturing upon any attempt at a literal translation, but the
general meaning is, I think, sufficiently clear ; viz. : “ With this
(votive urn!) of Yaga-marega, the son of Bhamagulya there is
deposited a relic of the Holy Sakya in the Vihar of Vaga-mariga.”
Rajendra’s reading of the next passage is Imena Kusaldkhilena
Maharaja rajatiraja Huvishkasya agahhagae hhavatu, which he
translates, “ May the fruit of this depository of innumerable bless-
ing's (relic-deposit) be conducive to the good fortune of Huvishka,
the great king’ and king of kings.”

There is little objection to this reading beyond that which
Mr. Bayley made to the reading of the 7th letter as Mi — it is cer-
tainly not the same as the M in the preceding line. We have
in the name of Sakyamunna assumed its power to be mu, and for
consistency will so read it here. The reading will then be —
Imena kusal mu lena maha-raja rajatiraja Huveshkasya agahhagae
hhavatu. The second and third words occur in the Manikyala
stone, on the left-hand side, where the initial is clearly k; this re-
moves all doubt which might arise from the malformation of the
letter on the urn. The reading of the second word is mula, the first
letter appearing' to be mu for the reasons above stated. This word
I have supposed to mean “foundation” in the Mankyala inscription.
The g'ist of this and of many other passages depends entirely upon
the words agahhagae. This phrase occurs several times in this form,
that is, in the locative case, which is employed in Pali for the
dative, and may also stand for the inst. and genitive. At the end
of the 3rd line, however, aga-hhaga the nominative is found ; and
in two instances we have a variety of the phrase in agahhaga
patisasanam (or patiyasanam) hhavatu. Rajendra Lai has discussed
the signification of the term at some length. In the first place he
rejects Mr. Bayley’s idea of its meaning “ an expiation for sin,” on
the ground that the Sanskrit agha, “ sin,” would in all likelihood
have been written with the Bactrian gh, and not g. In Pali, how-
ever, there is a word aga or agu, meaning “ sin ” (Clough’s Pali
Vocab., p. 10), which would seem to be connected with a root ang;
as in the Dhammapada, we meet the word anangana, “ sinless.”
(Faussbbll Dhammapada, pp. 23, 295 ; Weber in Zeitschrift Deutsch.
Morg. Gresell, vol. xiv, p. 49). In Sanskrit also we have Agas, “ sin.”

260

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

It is clear then that we may adopt the signification “ sin,” if desira-
ble ; and if taken in that sense the second word bhaga must stand
for the Sanscrit bhanga, “ breaking,” “ defeat.” Another reading
which suggests itself is the Sanskrit anga-bhaga, “ a portion of the
body ;” and a third is that which Rajendra adopts agra-bhdga, “first
or chief share,” but which he understands to signify “ good fortune ”
in the record before us. Let us now see if the word patisasanam will
help us. Rajendra reads this word “ parisasana,” and takes it to be
the Sanskrit “ pratisdsana ,” which he renders “ control.” The true
reading of the word in the inscription is pati (or pati), not pari, being
in this respect nearer to the equivalent proposed; but Sdsana is hardly
admissible, because the second sibilant of the Sanskrit word is dental,
while that in the inscription is palatal, and the sibilants are so
clearly and regularly distinguished in Bactrian that very strong
evidence is required to establish a case of confusion. The word may
be either patiSaSanam, or patiyayanam, for it is difficult to distinguish
s from y, and the changes may be rung upon these two letters — the
curve of the right limb of the first of them may also be intended
for the anuswara. 1 cannot think of any satisfactory Sanskrit
equivalent, for the only words which suggest themselves are
pratisraya, “ a house, refuge,” and a derivative from cither saSwat,
“ continually, perpetually,” or yasas, “fame.” The word ago. makes
its appearance in a different combination in the Manikyala inscrip-
tion, the first line of which reads, “ bhatarasya Tabuddhisa aga
patiasae (or paliasae) ; the last word is the Sanskrit prcitydsa “trust,
confidence,” and hence this line appears to signify “ In hope of the
'•Aga' of the brother Tabuddhi.” If this be anything like the
true sense all idea of aga signifying “ sin ” must be set aside. It
is also very difficult to see how the word anga, “ body,” can have
any application, and we are consequently driven back upon the word
agra, “chief, supreme,” which would make the above line read, “ In
supreme hope of the brother Tabuddhi” — a vague and unconvincing
l-esult. Agra, however, as a substantive, has the meaning of “ top,
summit,” and hence may signify “ exaltation,” “ preferment.” The
same word under the form aga is used in Hindi, with the sense of
“the front,” “that which is before,” “the Future;” and I am
strongly inclined to believe that the latter is the true meaning of
the word in the inscription. At any rate it seems the most suitable
of all the possible equivalents that we have examined, and it
may accordingly be adopted. I shall gladly surrender it if a
more appropriate or authoritative rendering is offered. Taking the
word then to mean “ the Future,” bhaga must signify “ lot,” and

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

261

patisasanam, we may assume to mean “ perpetual,” the whole
meaning “ a lasting portion in the world to come.” Turning
now to the passage, a further difficulty meets us in the construc-
tion of the sentence ; it begins with an instrumental, which
is followed by a genitive, and ends with a locative and the verb.
There seems to be no help for this, but to take one as a nominative,
when we shall find the sense to be, “ May this meritorious founda-
tion tend to (procure) a lasting future lot for Huvishka, the great
king, king of kings.” The difference after all, between this and
Rajendra’s version, is but little ; an exhaustive examination of all
conceivable renderings of the phrase agabhagae seemed, however, to
be desirable, and has not been, I hope, altogether unprofitable.

The next two sentences are about the clearest in the whole in-
scription ; Rajendra reads them —

Mdtdpitcl name pushae bhavatu. Bhrata name hasphanimategasya
pushae bhavatu. “ May it be to prosperity of the name (my)
mother and father — may it be to the prosperity of my brother
Hasphanimatega.”

I can find no warrant for the reading “ name,'” which appears to
have troubled Rajendra in his translation ; and the me is manifestly
the possessive pronoun. I think the compound letter in the name is
clearly “ sht.” — The word which he reads “ pusae,” and for which he
constructs the meaning “ nourishment, prosperity,” from the root
push to cherish, is without doubt the puyae (Sans, pujd) of the
Taxila Inscription. In the Bimaran Vase we have seen the same
word written with a character intermediate between the y and s,
and in this inscription the two characters appear to be confounded.
The ordinary form of the y never occurs in this Wardak inscription,
but it cannot be conceived that the letter is altogether absent. The
reading of these sentences is —

Mdda pidar me puyae bhavatu. Bhradar me Hashtunamaregasya
puyae bhavatu. “ May it be to the honour of my father and mother
— may it be to the honour of the brothers of me, Hashtunamarega.”
The final r of pidar and bhradar seems to represent the genitive plural.

Rajendra’s reading of the next clause is — Suchyami bhushana
tigamitrasya bhratigana pushae bhavatu. “ May it be to the pros-
perity of the brothers of Tigamitra, the ornament of Suchyami.”
“ The doubtful word,” he says, “being the first, Suchyami.” To me
this word or words seems not at all doubtful, but my reading is
different. The first letter is so not su, the next a simple ch not chy,
and Rajendra so reads the same character three times in the last
line, and the third is me and not mi — the whole making socha me,

2 62

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

“ my purity,” socha being the Sanskrit saucha. Rajendra’s bhusliana
is inadmissible, the sibilant, if it be one, is palatal, not cerebral, and
ought not to be confounded with it. The letter seems to be pre-
ferably y, making bhuya, which I suppose to represent the Sanskrit
bhuyat , the optative of bhu, giving the sense “ May it be to my
purity.” The remainder of the sentence reads natiga mitrasa bhati-
gana puyae bhavatu. The first word I suppose to be the Sanskrit naptri
“a grandson,” or preferably jnata, “a relative,” which becomes ndtd in
Hindi, and supplies a meaning consistent with the context. Bliati-
gana, a genitive plural, which Rajendra read as bhrdtigana “brothers,”
is more probably the Sans, bliartti, “protector for a clause has been
specially devoted to the brother, and the orthography of the word
differs. The reading of this clause is Socha mebhuya. Natiga mitrasa
bhatigana puyae bhavatu. “ May it be to my purity — may it tend to
the honour of relative and friend (and) of (my) protectors.”

Rajendra’s reading of the next clause is Mahisachya TJgama-
tegasya aga-bliaga parisdsana bhavatu, “ May it unsure to the highly
pure (or the great minister) Ugamatega control over good fortune.”
The first word is either Mahisacha or Mahiyacha, for it is impossible
to distinguish with certainty whether the character is intended for
s or y ; the word occurs again lower down, and there the form of
the letter gives some ground for reading it as y. Rajendra supposes
the word equivalent to Maha suchi “ highly pure,” or malid sachiba,
“ great minister ;” but neither of these is satisfactory in sense, and
the orthography is objectionable. The whole sentence reads,
Mahisacha Vaga-maregandm aga-bliaga patisasana bhavatu. The first
word appears to be a term qualifying the second, which, as we have
seen above, is the name of the donor’s family or class, and one
would expect it to have some religious or sectarial meaning. There
was a sect of the school of Rahula designated “mahfsaka” (Bour-
nouf, Int. p. 446) and this term is so like the one in our text, that
we may presume them to have some connection. This clause then
will read as follows, “ May this work tend to the lasting (happy)
future lot of the Mahisacha Vaga-maregas.”

Rajendra’s reading of the first clause in the third line is Sarva-
satu-ena dirya gaticliinae bhavatu, “ May it prove conducive to the
moral improvement of mankind.” I read “ Sarva sattana ciroga
dachhinae bhavatu.” The letter tt (or tiv) is a new form, but the
body of it is clearly t. The formation of the chhi is curious, the
stem extending above the semicircular top, and so far resembling
mi. As, however, the vowel is appended in addition there can be
no hesitation in reading it as chhi. The vowel mark i is more

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

263

distinct on the urn itself, passing, as it ought, right through the
letter. Sattana is a genitive plural from the Sans. Sat, and signifies
in Pali, “ wise,” learned (Clough 28) dachhina is the Sans, dakshiha.
The whole may be confidently rendered, “May this tend to the
health and reward of all the learned.”

Rajendra says the next clause, “has a long string of names of
objects, most of which are unintelligible,” and he offers no explana-
tion of any part of it. I am reluctantly compelled to come to much
the same conclusion ; but some of the words are intelligible, and
afford a clue to the drift of the passage. The first three words seem
to be avisana Sans, avesana, “ passion, demoniac possession ruga,
“desire, lust;” and parsa, Sans, sparsa, “touch” “contact.” The
succeeding- letters are tasdvabhavagaso. I cannot suggest any mean-
ing for tasa, as the palatal s precludes us from assuming the word
to be either trishna, “ thirst,” or trasa, “ fear.” The ta may possibly
belong to the preceding word making sparata instead of parsa,
and then the next word would be sava, Sans, sava, a corpse. The
succeeding word is in all probability bhdva, state, condition of mind;
but gaso, the following one, is unintelligible. After this come the
words atra antara, “ hereupon.” Some letters follow which are
difficult to read with precision, and I am unable to discover any
meaning until we get towards the end. The last words appear to
read arupanta sarvina pugae bhavatu, “ may it be to the honour of all
incorporeal beings (emancipated spirits ?).” So far then as this
clause of the inscription is readable, it appears to begin with an
aspiration for the removal of passion, lust, and ceremonial impurity,
and to conclude with a desire that the work (of building the vihar)
may be to the honour of all emancipated souls.

Rajendra’s reading of the next clause is Ma h isa ch ay yd rhana
satwasangena avashati ganasya parivara cha aga-bhaga parisasana
bhavatu, “ May it ensure control over good fortune to those who
observe the autumnal fast abasatha, as also to their domestics
and such pious congregations as are capable of noble conduct.”
My fellow-labourer must forgive me for saying that here he seems
to have given the reins too freely to his imagination. I cannot ac-
quiesce in the reading satwasangena, nor in the greater part of the
translation. The first word is the same as that we have above read
as mahisacha ; the next is a name Rohanasa ; the next is dasa, pro-
bably ddsa, “ a slave,” “ servant.” It is difficult to say what the
next compound character is intended for, as we have no exact
parallel to it. The body of it is v, so that it may be intended for
rv, and be only a faulty execution or a variety of the character
VOL. xx. rp

264

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

which occurs at the beginning of this line in the plate. If so the
word is probably sarvina, which compels us to suppose the letter s
to have been omitted, and the phrase to read dasa sarvina instead of
dasarvina. In offering this suggestion I may be making up for my
own deficiencies, but I see no other way of getting through the
difficulty. The following word is avashatri or anvashatri, which
Rajendra takes to mean the dvasatha religious observance. I find
no authority for considering the dvasatha to be a Buddhist institu-
tion, but even if it be, the orthography differs too materially from
that of the word anvashatri to be taken as its original.. The nearest
equivalent appears to be anveslitri — “inquirer,” “searcher.” The
next word is ganasa, “ of the band or class ; ” those succeeding are
parivara cha, “ and the train,” which is followed by aga-bhaga
pansasanam bhavatu. The whole of it appears to signify, “May
there be a perpetual happy future lot for all the servants of the
Maliisacha Rohana, and for his train of attendant students.”

The last clause Rajendra reads Mistngrasya cha agabhaga bhavatu,
“May it ensure good fortune to Mistugra.” The only objection to
this reading is to the rendering of the second character. The
first part of this character is clearly the cerebral t, and when we
consider the few consonants that can be added to this letter, we
shall have little hesitation in reading the compound as tth. The
whole will then read Mittliagassa cha aga-bliaga bhavatu, “May there
be a (happy) future lot for Mitthaga.

The last line written in larger characters is thus rendered by
Rajendra Esha vilidru asansthdnna mahdsangigana patigaha. “ This
vihara is the asylum of the houseless of the great congregation.”
The first two words are clearly esha viharam, the termination of the
last word, however, seems to be erroneous, the accusative beiug
employed as a nominative. The following word, which Rajendra
reads asansthdnana, presents some difficulties. The first two
characters are pretty certainly asan, but the following is the palatal
rs, and certainly cannot be taken as sth. But giving the compound
its proper equivalents rs we get the impossible combination asanrs.
To escape from this difficulty we can only suppose the compound to
be sr instead of rs, which will give the word asansrana, a word
which has much the same meaning as Rajendra’s asansthdnana ;
but may possibly have also some peculiar sectarial signification,
being connected as it is with the Mahdsanghis, the great sectarians.
Parigraha signifies “accepted;” it has also the meaning “belong-
ing- to” (Clough, 115). The passage may, therefore, be translated

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

265

“ This Vihcira belongs to the asansras (or, ‘ to the houseless ’) of
the great congregation.”

Proposed Translation.

Year 51 — Artemisius 15. — With this (votive urn?) of Vaga-
marega, the son of Bhamagulya, there is deposited a relic of the Holy
Sakya in the vihar of Yaga-mariga. May this meritorious foundation
tend to (procure) a lasting future lot for Huveshka, the great king,
king of kings : may it be to the honour of my father and mother :
may it be to the honour of the brothers of me, Hashtuna-marega :
may it be to my purity : may it tend to the honour of relative and
friend, and of (my) protectors : may this work tend to the lasting
future lot of the Maliisacha Yaga-mare gas : may this tend to the
health and reward of all the learned. (The nest clause is not fully
intelligible, but appears to begin with an aspiration for the removal
of passion, lust, and ceremonial impurity, and to conclude with a
desire that the work of building the vihar may be to the honour of
all emancipated souls.) May there be a perpetual (happy) future
lot for all the servants of the Maliisacha Rohana and for his train of
attendant students : may there be a happy future lot for Mitthaga.

This Yiliar belongs to the Asansras (or “ to the houseless ”) of
the great congregation.

Before dismissing this inscription I may remark that there
appears to have been an attempt at writing a portion of it in verse.
The fourth line apparently concludes with a couplet of twelve
syllables, and is preceded by a couplet of eleven.

Fig. 2 of plate x has been already examined in page 233, and
the greater part of Fig. 3, comprising the date, has also been referred
to. The words following the date are Maliarayasa Gnshanasa raja.
“ Of the great king Gushan.” The substitution of y for j is a common
one, as we have already seen in several instances. Here the word
Gushan is apparently used as the name of a king not of a people.

These two last inscriptions were discovered and published by
Colonel Cunningham, Beng. J., xxiii, 705. The first of them con-
tains a few letters more than are given in the Plate ; the second
two lines more ; but the dates, being the most important parts,
were alone included in our plates. Nothing is known of these in-
scriptions beyond the fact of their having been found, the one at
Ohind and the other near Paujtar, in the Y usafzai country. It is to be

266

ON A NEWLY DISCOVERED

regretted that so little is known about them. A description of the
positions in which they were found, and some account of the per-
fection or imperfection of the stones and the inscriptions would be
of service in any attempted translation.

Notes on the Alphabet.

The characters of the Taxila Plate are so clear and so well
defined that a few notes upon them and upon the characters in
fig. 8 of plate iv. will be useful for reference.

The letters t, r, and v, which have hitherto been frequently con-
founded, here appear in their true normal forms. The t is short in
the stem, and curled at the point of the horizontal line. The r and
v are longer in the, stem than the t ; the horizontal line of the
r is curled like the t, but that of the v is perfectly straight. These
are the true points of distinction, and ought never to be disregarded
without strong- reason. That variations do occur is certain, as we
have seen in the Wardak inscription (page 25G) ; but all the best
specimens of writing mark the points of distinction above defined.

I have incidentally stated some of the reasons for the emenda-
tions in respect of the letters ch and chh ; but the following general
summary may be acceptable. The first form of the ch, of which
two slightly varying specimens are given, has long been conclu-
sively settled by the Kapur di Giri inscription and the coin legends.
The second form, of which also there are two slightly different
types, is well exemplified and decided by the Taxila Plate. The
third form is used in the word Chaitra in fig. 2, plate x, and is em-
ployed for the copulative cha in the Manikyala Inscription. The fourth
form is so used in the Wardak Inscription as to leave no doubt of
its power. The earliest form of the chh is that of the Kapur di
Giri edicts. The second form, found on Mr. Bayley’s seal, departs
slightly from this type by omitting the transverse line. The
transition from this form to the third, by converting the angular
to a semi-circular top, is easy and manifest. This letter has usually
been read as ch , but is very clearly chh for reasons I have stated
above (page 228), chief of which are its similarity to the earlier
forms of the chh, and its being- the constant representative of the
Sanskrit ksh. The fourth form is found in the Wardak Inscription
in line 8 of plate x, in the word dachkina for dakshina (see page 262).

The two forms of the letter y are found in the word puyae in the
Bimaran and Wardak Vase Inscriptions. This word is written with

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

267

the ordinary form of the y in the Taxila Inscription in precisely the
same phrases, and there cannot be the slightest doubt of its being
the same. The first form differs sufficiently from the s to mark a
difference in pronunciation, and the second is probably only a care-
less manner of writing.

The additional form of the Kh is found in the Wardak Inscrip-
tion, line 2, and in the word Khushan of the coin legends (plate iv,
fig. 7 b).

The reasons for reading the character thi are given in page 239,
where it is shown to occur in the word thira for the Sanskrit sthira.

There can be no doubt as to the character mu, which is found so
distinctly in the word Sdkyamuni in the Taxila plate. The second
form, however, is not quite so certain, but still there is little room
for doubt. It resembles the certain form of the mu more than any other
letter ; it occurs in what seems to be a faulty spelling of the same
name Sakyamuni in the Wardak Inscription; and wherever it occurs
the sound mu appears to be suitable (see pp. 242, 253, 259).

The variety of the letter s, which has been read si, occurs twice
on the Taxila plate in the word Chhatrctpasi, and it is difficult to see
what else than the vowel i can be expressed by the curl of the
point. The same twist appears to be added to the letter t at the
end of line 2 ; but this is not quite certain as the plate is much
decayed in this spot.

khs — See line 2 of Taxila Plate.

tt — See lines 1 and 3 of the Taxila Plate where it is the represen-
tative of the Sanskrit sht and shth. It also occurs in a short inscrip-
tion published in the Beng. J. for 1862, page 178, where it greatly
troubled Rajendra Lai, who finally read it as jna, and the word in
which it is found as prajna . The word, however, is clearly pretta,
Sans. preshta,“ dear.”

phs — See coin legend. Plate iv, fig. 7 b.

bhr — The first form of this compound is found on the coins, and
was so read by Colonel Cunningham (Ben. J. xxiii, p. 695). The
second form is found in the word bhrata in the Taxila, Peshawar and
W ardak Inscriptions.

rt, rt, rdh. &c. &c.- -The conjunct form of the r preceding a con-
sonant is found in two shapes That of the rv and rdh of the
Taxila and Bimaran Inscriptions (plate iii), and that of the rv in
the word Sarva in the coin legend (plate iv, fig. 7 c). This latter
form is found combined with other consonants in the Manikyala and
Wardak Inscriptions, and its power may be now considered settled.

The two forms of the rm differ from the ordinary way of pre-

268

BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION.

fixing the r, Colonel Cunningham was the first to read this com-
pound. The character rmi, which occurs in the Manikyala Inscrip-
tion is doubtful.

sw — This compound is found in the word Iswara (plate iv,
fig. 7 c ) ; and I may here repeat what I have before stated in page
240, that conjunct consonants appear to be always joined to the
right-hand limb of this letter and the letter y, while vowels are
added to the left.

shk — The first form of this compound occurs in the name
Kaneshka, line 3 of the Manikyala Inscription. The second form
in the name Huvishka, Wardak Vase, line 4.

sht — See Wardak Vase, line 5.

st, str — The first form of the st was made known by Mr. Norris in
his article on the Kapur di Giri Inscription. The second will be
found in Mr. Thomas’s Alphabet (Prinsep’s Essays ii, p. 166). The
form str occurs in the word read “ Strategasa ” by Colonel Cun-
ningham.

sy — The two forms of this compound are found in lines 1, 2, and 6
of the Wardak Inscription. And it maybe here stated that the
first appears to be the common way of adding a conjunct y. See
the words read as Gulya and Sakya in lines 2 and 3 of the same in-
scription.

pr, tr, fyc. — The adjunct form of the r has long been well-known.

pan, ram, 4'c. — The form of the anuswara has also been long
recognised, but a few examples are given from the Taxila Plate.
The mam and han are worthy of attention.

I cannot conclude this paper without expressing my thanks to
Mr. Thomas for many valuable hints and for references to books of
authority not within my reach. The characteristic care and accuracy
with which he has prepared the Taxila plate will be appreciated as
much by my readers as by myself.

2fi9

Art. X. — On the Indian Embassies to Rome, from the Reign of
Claudius to the Death of Justinian — continued from p. 298 of
the XIXth Vol., Journ. R.A.S. By O. de B. Priaulx, Esq.

[Read 17 th November , 1862.]

After the fall of Palmyra and the many disasters which about this
time overwhelmed Alexandria, the far East ceased to occupy the
Roman mind or much place in Roman literature. India and the
name of Buddha are however to be met with in Christian contro-
versial writings of the third and fourth centuries directed against
the Manichsean heresy. They occur, in Arclielaus’ account of his
disputation with the heeresiarch Manes held at Charra in Mesopo-
tamia1 (a.d. 275-9), in the Catacheses of Cyril of Jerusalem
(a.d. 361), and in the Heresies of Epiphanius (a.d. 375), which all
trace back the Manichaean doctrine to one Scytliianus and his
disciple Terebinthus, whom they connect with India in this wise.
Scythianus, of Scythian descent, though by birth a Saracen of the
Saracens of Palestine and thus familiar with the Greek language
and literature,2 was a contemporary of the Apostles, and a merchant
engaged in the India trade. In the course of his business he
had several times visited India ; and while there, being a man of
an inquiring mind and great natural parts,3 had made himself
acquainted with the Indian philosophy.4 In his maturer years,
having now amassed great wealth, while returning homeward
through the Thebais, he fell in, at Hypsele,5 with an Egyptian slave

1 Tide Archelai et Manetis Disputatio : ed. Zacagnii, 1 p., 93-4 pp. This
work, written originally in Syriac, I refer to, because it is Cyril's and Epiphanins’s
authority for their notices of Scythianus. Cyril says this heresy sprang up in
the reign of Probus (a.d. 276-82), Catechesis, vi., 20.

2 awo rijg Eapacqrjjc oppuufitvov Kara ct ra TtpfiaTa Tijg XlaXaiarrivijg,
Tovrto-i tv rij Appa/3 tq, avarpaiptvrog' ovrog Ynv9iavog tv roig TTpottpij/xti’cig
Tonoig TraidtvQtig ti jv 'EWr/vipv yXiooaav k, ti)v tuv ypaft/iaTiov waicriar •
Epipban. Ad. Hseres, L. II., 66, 1§, 618 p., I. v.

3 “Yalde dives ingenio et opibus sicut hi qui sciebant eum per traditionem
nobis quoque testificati sunt,” Archelaus, ib.

4 Epiphanius, who writes with theological bitterness throughout, alone alludes
to his Indian acquirements, but makes him little better than an Indian juggler :
Kai yap k, yor]g r\v awo rrjg t iov Ivcwv k, Atyowrcov cai tQvo/tvOov aotbiag, ib., 3§.

5 tt\ovt<p TroWtp tjrapOtig ic, Krrjpaaiv y)CvGfia~uiv k, roic aWoig roic awo rqr
Ivtiag, k, t\6ivv wepi -rjv QrjflcuCa tig 'Yl>i]\r]v. Epiph., ib., 2 §.

VOL. XX.

270 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

girl, whom he bought and married, and who persuaded him to settle
in Alexandria.1 Here he applied himself to the study of and
mastered the Egyptian learning,2 and here formed those peculiar
opinions which, with the assistance of his one disciple and slave
Terebinthus, he embodied in four books,3 the source of allManichtean
doctrine. Here, too, he heard of the Jewish Scriptures ; and
wishing to converse with the Jewish doctors,4 he set forth with
Terebinthus for Jerusalem, and in Jerusalem met, and in a scornful
and self-willed spirit disputed, with the Apostles of Christ; and
there, after a short time, died.5 At his death, Terebinthus either
inherited or seized upon his books and other wealth, and hurrying
to Babylon, proclaimed himself learned in the wisdom of Egypt."
He also took the name of Buddha (Bou^av, Buddas), and gave out
that he was born of a virgin, and had been brought up on the
mountains by an angel.1 Some twenty years after the death of

1 '■ Quae eum suasit habitare in iEgypto magis quani in desertis." Archelaus,
ib., and Cyril, C. vi. c xxii., rqi» WizavCpaav oiKt/trae, he thus locates him in
Alexandria. Ib., 184 p., I. Reischl., ed.

2 ‘In qiA provincial cum .... habitaret, Egyptiorum sapicntiam didis-

cisset.” Archelaus, ib.

3 Epiphanius, 2 § ib. and Cyril assert that Seythianus wrote these books,
.Archelaus, on the other hand, that Terebinthus was their author. These books
Mysteriorum, Capituloruir., Evangelium, (nv xptarov irpaZeiQ Trtpi(\ovaav, Cyril,
ib.) et novissimuin omnium Thesaurum appellavit.” Archelaus, ib.

4 Eirttrq (It curqvnji ttwcoi npi^qrrri k, o l’opot; irtpi n/c tov Koapov avaTnmioQ,
&c. Epiphanius, ib. 3§ : “ I’lacuit Scythiano discurrere in Judaeam, ut ibi eon-
grederetur cum omnibus quicunque ibi videbantur doctores.” Archelaus, ib.
Cyril merely mentions that he went to Juda;a and polluted the country by his
presence: g XviipvarrHai rq v \wo ar, ib.

5 Epiphanius will have it that he fell from the house-top and so died — the death
also of Terebinthus. Archelaus merely says that arrived in Judea he died; and
Cyril, that he died of a disease sent by the Lord, tov vooip Bararwaac b Kupiop, ib.

6 Terebinthus dicens omni se sapientia ^Egyptiorum repletum et vocari non
jam Terebinthum seb alium Buddam nomine, sibique hoc nomen impositum, ex
quadam autem virgme natum se esse, s n.nl et ab Angelo in montibus enu-
tritum. Archelaus, 97 p. Epiphanius asserts that he took the name of Buddha,
irn pij KnTnipuipiic ytvijTai. ib. Cyril, omitting the virgin birth, that he took it
because he was known, and condemned in Judaea for his doctrine, ib. 23§. But
Petrus Siculus, a.d. 790, and Photius, 890, give further details : 'O piv S/cuOiavoc
iToAprqm) Thtrtpa iavrov oiopaoai’ b £i HovbCaQ viov tov B(ov iy ITarpoc, f k Trap-
9tvov ytyt\ i]aBai g (V Toig op taiv avarpaptcBai. 09tv iy bwciira paB/jrai;
6 avrypi/rrof rip: ir\aiT)g Ki/puKac airtoreiXiv. Reischl, note to Cyril, ib.

7 Besides this Buddha, Terebinthus, there is a second Buddas, Baddas, or
Addas, one of the twelve disciples of Manes, who preached his doctrine in Syria ;
a id a third Bud or Buddas Periodeutes, who lived a d. 570 : “ Christianorum in
Persidi finitimisque Indiarum regionibus curarn gerens. Sermonem Indieum
coluisse dicitur, cx quo librum Calilagh et Damnagh (Kalilah va Dimna, de bonis

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 271

Epiphanius, Hieronymus (a.d. 420) incidentally notices the manner
of Buddha’s birth. Having enlarged on the honour in which
virginity has been ever held, and how to pi’eserve it some women
have died ; or how, to avenge its enforced loss, others have killed
either themselves or their ravishers ; he goes on to say, that among
the Gymnosophists, there is a tradition, that Buddha, the founder
of their philosophy, was born from the side of a virgin.1

Of these writers Hieronymus is the only one who directly refers
to the Indian Buddha, and of ancient writers is the first who
correctly narrates the manner of Buddha’s birth ; and yet his notice
of him is by no means so full and satisfactory as that of Clemens,
written some two centuries before. For Clemens described Buddha
as a man and moral lawgiver, and as a man raised to deity by his
own supreme majesty and the reverence of Iris followers ; shortly
indeed, but how truthfully and characteristically ! when compared
with Hieronymus, -who knows him as the founder of the Gymnoso-
phists, i.e., of the Hindu philosophy, which'is as much as if a Hindu
should see in Mahomet the author of the Western religions.

Again, Hieronymus gives Buddha a virgin mother. But a virgin
mother is unknown to the Buddhist books of India and Ceylon, and
belongs — derived perhaps from some Chinese or Christian source —
to the bastard creed of the Buddhists of Tartary.2 Under any

moribus et apta conditione animi. — Gelderoeister de Rebus Ind., 104 p.) Syriaee
reddidit.” Asseman. Bib. Orientalis, III. 219, but as the work bad been already
translated into Persian by order of Ghardes (a.d. 5.31-579) “Syriacam versionem
proxime post Persicam fecit Bud Periodentes.” Asseman. ib., 222 p.

1 “ Contra Jovianum Epistoloe, Pt I., Tr. II., c. 26 : “ Apud Gymnosopkistas
inde quasi per manus hujusopinionis traditurauctoritas, quod Buddam priucipem
dogmatis eorum e latere suo virgo generavit.”

2 Accoi'ding to the Nepaulese “ Neither Adi Buddha nor any of the Pancba
Buddha Dhyani .... were ever conceived in mortal womb, nor had they father
or mother, but certain persons of mortal mould have attained to such excellence
.... as to have been gifted with divine wisdom .... and these were ....
Sakya Sinha,” Hodgson, Buddhist Rel., 68 p. And the Thibetan books from
the Sanskrit, among the qualities required of the mother of Buddha place this
one: “elle n’a pas encore enfante,” to which Eoucaux appends this note:
“ Mais il n’est pas dit qu’elle sera vierge.” Hist, de Bouddha, tr. de Foucaux. The
Singhalese: “Our Vanquisher was the son of Suddhadana and Maya,” Maha-
wanso, Turner, p. 9, Upham, 25 p. Indeed the Virgin mother seems strange to
the Indian mind, vide Birth of Parasu-Rama, Maurice, Ant. Ind., II. 93, and
of Chriskna, Harivansa, Lect. 59, Langlois. According to the Mongols “ Sou-
dadani .... epousa Maha-mai, qui, quoique vierge, con5ut par l influence divine
un fils le 15 du dernier mois d 6t§,” Klaproth, Mem. sur l’Asie, II., 61 p.
Whether, however, the Tartars borrowed the idea from the Christians or it is
original among them may be a question. For I find among the Mongols that

U 2

272 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

circumstances, this dogma of Tartar Buddhism1 could scarcely have
reached Hieronymus ; and he here writes, it may be presumed, on
the authority of Archelaus or Epiphanius, and confounds through
ignorance the Manichsean with the Indian Buddha.

With regard to the Buddha of Archelaus, Cyril, and Epiphanius,
when we remember the many points of at least superficial resem-
blance between Buddhism and Christianity, and the proselytising
spirit of both religions, we may well wonder that so few of the
early Christian fathers have known the name of Buddha ; and that
of these few, Archelaus and his copyists have so little appreciated
its religious significance, that they speak of it merely as of a name
assumed by Terebinthus, and so assumed, Epiphanius asserts, because
it is the Assyrian equivalent of the Greek word Terebinthus.8
They in fact connect the Manichaean heresy with India,3 not
through the name of Buddha, but through Scythianus and his Indian
travels and familiarity with Indian learning.

But if the Indian Buddha was unknown to Archelaus, he
certainly was not unknown to the disciple and successor of
Scythianus, who took his name ; probably, because it was sym-
bolical of his own mission, and of himself as destined to inaugurate
a new era in the history of mankind ; and because by it he con-
nected his own system of religion, which was eclectic and concilia-
tory, with the religions of the East. But, this notwithstanding,
Manichseism, the Gnostic perhaps excepted, is that scheme of Chris-
tianity with which the Buddhist faith has the least affinity. For
the Manichaean was an essentially speculative, metaphysical creed,
or rather a philosophy from and to which a religion and morality
were derived and attached, and of which Manes was but the author

Alankava, the ancestress of three great Tartar tribes, after a certain night vision,
“se trouva fort surprise de cette apparition; mais elle le fut beaucoup plus,
lorsq’elle appercut qu’elle etait grosse sans qu’elle eut connu aucun homme.”
Alankava. Diet. Orient., D'Herbelot. And of the great Lao Tseu, who is some-
what anterior to Buddha, the Chinese believe that his mother conceived him im-
pressed “ de la vertu vivifiante du Ciel el de la Terre,” Mailla, Hist, de la Chine,
xiii., 571 p.

1 Indeed I suspect that the Tartars were not at this time Buddhists, for of the
Buddhist faith Klaproth w'rites, “qu’elle n’a commence it se rdpandre au nord
de l’Hindoustan que 60 a.d. ; et beaucoup plus tard (the 7th century id., 88 p.),
dans le Tubet et dans les autres contrees de l’Asie Centrale,” U. S., 93 p.

2 Tfpij l3ii’9ov .... fiiTovofiaaOtiirog BnvcSa Kara rrjv Acrcrupi ur yXojaoav,
Epiph., ib.

3 “ Error quoque Indicus Manetem tenuit qui duo pugnantia Numina intro-
duxit,” Ephrem Syrus from Assemann, though as Assemann very justly observes
the two hostile deities are evidence not of an Indian but a Zendiau origin.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE BALL OF PALMYRA. 273

and expounder. Buddhism, on the other hand, spite of its real
atheism and its Nirvana, is a religion eminently practical, formal,
and ritual, of which Buddha is the great central sun, and his
example, wisdom, and precepts, the world wherein his followers
live, move, and have their being.1

The next incidental notice of India belonging to these times is
to be found in Damascius’ Life of Isidorus, preserved by Pliotius.2
It is an account of some Brahmans who visited Alexandria, and
lodg-ed in the house of Severus, Consul a.d. 470. They lived, we
are told, very reputably, after the manner of their people. They
frequented neither the public baths nor any of the city sights, but
kept within doors as much as they could. They ate palms and
rice, and drank water. They were not mountain Brahmans, nor yet
common Indian folk, but something between both, just agents for
the Brahmans in the city, and for the city with the Brahmans.
What they reported of the Brahmans quite tallied with all one reads
about them : as that, by their prayers, they can bring down rain,
and avert famine and pestilence, and other incurable ills.3 They
told also of the one-footed men, and the great seven-headed ser-
pent, and other strange marvels.

I suspect that the prophetic and supernatural powers of the
Brahmans were greater on the shores of the Mediterranean than on
the banks of the Ganges. The one-footed men were a favourite
Hindu myth, and known in Europe from the days of Ctesias. The
seven-headed serpent maybe referredeither to that king of theNagas,
who with his seven folds covered the body of Buddha, and shielded
him with his crests, or to the seven-headed serpent on which Vishnu
reposes.4 But whatever the tales of these men, the question arises,

1 See, however, Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., III., 406 p., who finds traces of the
influence of Buddhism in the religion of Manes. 1st. In the two opposite prin-
ciples of Manichaeism. 2nd. In its account of the world's origin. 3rd. In the
laws which it supposes determine the several existences of individual souls in
their progress towards final emancipation ; and 4th. In its final destruction of the
world. But without denying that these dogmas may have been borrowed from
Buddhism, it must be allowed that they may just as probably be the result of
independent thought applied to the great problems of which they are supposed
to be the solution.

2 Vide Photii Bib., ed. Schotti, 1042 p. : i/kov cje rrpoc rov Stjlripov Kf
Bpaypavat Kara rr]v A\e%ai’Cpeiav, k ai tSt^aro aipaQ oiKttp ifup, etc. This visit
must have taken place, therefore, before Severus took up his residence in Eome,
and before his consulship.

3 So Onesecritus : «pr] Cavrovg Kj tu jv rrtpi tyvmv woAAor tZtraaai k, Trpoaijfiamtiiv
PfifSpwi', avxptov, roerojr, Strabo, xv., I., 65, and Dio Crysostom, Oratio xlix.

4 Hist, du Bouddha, Foucaux trans., 354 p. And compare Vishnu Purana,

274 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

why came they to Alexandria ? They were not merchants, or they
would have been found in its markets ; and they travelled neither
for their own instruction nor for that of others, or they would have
mixed with the world, and not avoided the haunts of men. What-
ever might be their object, they so lived that they could learn
nothing, teach nothing.

Of direct notices of India subsequent to the fall of Palmyra, I
find a short one in a Description of the Whole World, extant only
in Latin translations, but originally written in Greek about a.d. 350,
and seemingly by some eclectic in religion. In the farthest East,
it places the Eden of Moses, and the sources of that great river,
which, dividing itself into four branches, is severally known as the
Geon, Phison, Tigris, and Euphrates. Here dwell — and we are
referred to the authority of some unnamed historian1 — the Carmani,
a good and pious people, who know neither moral nor physical ill.
They all live to the age of 120, and no father ever sees his children
die.2 They drink wild honey and pepper, and they eat a bread and
use a fire both which daily come down from heaven ; and the fire is
so hot, that it would burn them up did they not run and hide them-
selves in the river until it returned to its own place. They wear
garments of a stuff that scarcely ever soils, and then recovers all its
freshness on being passed through fire. Next them, to the west,
are the Brahmans. Like the Carmani, they are subject to no king,
and live happily, sharing something of their neighbours’ felicity.
Their food is fruits, pepper, and honey. Then follow five other
nations, and we arrive at the greater India, whence comes silk (or
wheat), with all other necessaries, and the Indians five happily, and
in a country large and fertile. Next to India Major is a land which
is rich in everything. Its inhabitants are skilled in war and the
arts, and aid the people of India Minor in their wars with the
Persians. After these comes India Minor, subject to India
Major ; it has numberless herds of elephants, which are exported
to Persia.

by Wilson, 205, where Ananta is described with a thousand heads, with the
plate in Moor's Pantheon, representing Vishnu on the seven-headed “Ananta
contemplating the creation, with Brahma on a lotos springing from his navel to
perforin it,” Plate 7.

1 “ Et haec quidem de praedictis gentibus historicus ait,” Juretianns Geogra-
phicus, Descriptio totius Orbis, 21S, 516 p , II., Geog. Grseci. Minores.

2 Their great age the Carmani share with others: “Cyrnos Indorum genus
Isigonus annis 140 vivere. Item Etbiopas Macrobios et Seras existimat,” Plin.,
JLLst. Nat., vii., 2 ; Strabo, xv., 15. But their other blessings, that they die each
in his turn and know no ills, are their own.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 2 75

Though our author parades the authorities he has consulted
from Moses and Berosus to Thucydides and Josephus, his work,
which is rather a popular description of the world than a scientific
geography, is interesting only when it treats of those countries
and places, as Syria and its cities, with which he was himself
acquainted. Of the far East his account is especially meagre, and
would be worthless, but that it serves to show how necessary is
commercial intercourse to keep alive our knowledge of other and
distant countries ; and how very soon after that intercourse had
ceased, India again faded away into the land of myth and fable.

Some few years later (a.d. 3G0-70) and Avienus published a
Latin hexametrical version of Dionysius Periegetes’ Geographical
Poem of the World. And though he nowhere shows any extra-
ordinary regard for his text, and never stops at any alteration of
it to suit his own taste or the views of his age, I observe that he
scrupulously follows it in everything relating to India.

I will but mention Dracontius (died a.d. 450) and Avitus a.d. 490,
who the one in his Carmen de Deo, speaks of India in connexion
with spices—

India tunc primum generans pigmenta per herbas
Eduxit sub sole novo, i., 176.

and with precious stones and ivory —

India cum gemmis et eburnea monstra minatur. 307

while the other, in his Poem de Mosai. Hist. Gestis, glorifies the
Indians because they receive the first rays of the sun,1 and describes
them as black, and with their hair bound back off the forehead;2
and who both — like the author of the Description of the Whole
World quoted above — place India to the west of Eden, whence the
rivers bring down all sorts of precious stones to us common mortals.3

1 . “ Ubi solis abortu

Yicinos nascens aurora repercutit indos,” 196, 1.
borrowed probably from Avienus “ primam coquit banc radiis sol,” 1308, and
Dionysius Periegetes, 1110.

“ Caesaries incompta riget quaa crine supino
Stringitur ut refugo careat frons nuda capillo.”

3 “ Est locus in terra diffundens quatuor amnes,” Draeont, 178. The Ganges,
one of these, brings down all sorts of precious stones. — So Eudoxus presents to
Euergetes from India aromatics and pre, ious stones : wv tuvi; fitv KaTa^tpovcnp
6i TOTO/XOI fxtTit TUJV yijipwr. Strabo, II. III., 81 p.

“Hie fons perspicuo resplendens gurgite surgit,

Eductum leni fontis de vertice flumen

Quatuor in largos confestim scinditur amnes.” — Avitus, I.

276 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

They add nothing to our knowledge of India, and merely illustrate
the common-place axiom, that in an intellectually inferior age fables
and myths were preferred to truth, and the most wonderful tales
to the best ascertained facts.

To this age, the 5th century, also probably belongs Hierocles.
Of his work, Philistores, but a very few fragments have been
preserved ; and of these two relate to India, and imply that India
he had himself visited, and in India travelled. The first from
Stephanos of Byzantium, under Brachmanes, is to this effect : —
“ After this I thought it worth my while to go and visit the
Brahman caste.1 The men are philosophers dear to the gods, and
especially devoted to the sun. They abstain from all flesh meats,
and live out in the open air, and honour truth. Their dress is made
of the soft and skinlike (ZeppaTwct]) fibres of stones, which they weave
into a stuff that no fire burns, or water cleanses. When their clothes
get soiled or dirty, they are thrown into a blazing fire, and come
out quite white and bright.” The second from the Chiliads of
Tzetzes (VII. Hist., 144 to 71G): “Then,” he says, “I came to a
country very dry and burnt up by the sun. And all about this
desert I saw men naked and houseless, and of these some shaded
their faces with their ears, and the rest of their bodies with their
feet raised in the air. Of these men Strabo has a notice, as also of
the no-heads, and ten-heads, and four-hands-and-feet men, but
none of them did I ever see, quoth Hierocles.”

Hierocles’ account of the Brahmans is so modest, and his expla-
nation of the one-footed men of Strabo so natural, that his narrative
might easily be accepted as the genuine production of one who had
visited India ; but, first, for the asbestos stuff in which his Brahmans
are clothed, and which we have no reason to believe they ever
wore, but which, as it was an Indian manufacture,2 and rare and
valuable, he perhaps substituted for the wonderful earth-wool3

1 iOvoq, but having before us the opinions of his predecessors about the
Brahmans, I suspect we should translate “nation.”

2 “Inventumjam est quod ignibus non absumeretur .... ardentesque in

focis conviviorum ex eo vidimus mappas, sordibus exustis splendescentes igni
magis quam possent aquis .... Nascitur in desertis adustisque Sole Indise,
ubi non cadunt imbres inter diras serpentes ; assuescitque vivere ardendo, rarum
inventu, difficile textu propter brevitatem. Rufus color.” Pliny, xix., 4. Strabo
hoivever speaks of it as a product of Euboea, and in his time also used for napkins :
tv t\ j VLupvarti) (9 >) \160p (jivtrai 7) Zaivoptvi] vipatvoptvT] uiotc ra vtjir)

Xiiponavroa yivtodai, pvirwOtvTa Site p\oyu jdaWetrfkii 19 anoKadaiptoGai, x.,
I. B., p. 383.

3 'H < £ > Xij T>)t; coGi/rop, tpiov tn'Totpmg 7) y>) \tvicov ptv wmrtp to IT«p-

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 277

Philostratus imagined for them ; and, secondly, for the monsters he
so carelessly attributes to Strabo — and of which, so far as I know,
Strabo is innocent — had Hierocles but told of them as of something
he had seen or heard of, these ten-headed and four-hand-and-footed
men would have been identified with the statues of Ravana and
Ardhavan,1 and adduced as an evidence of a visit to India. As it
is, we know him as an untrustworthy writer, and we have only his
own word for it that he was ever there.

We have next an account of India2 written at the close of the
fourth or beginning of the fifth centuiy, and drawn up apparently
at the request either of Palladius or of Lausius, to whom Palladius
inscribed his Historia Lausiaca. Its writer states that he went to
India with Moses, Bishop of Adule ; but found the heat such, the
coldest water being set boiling in a few minutes,5 that he very
quickly returned. lie had little to say of his own knowledge ; but
in the course of his travels he had fallen in with, and heard a good
deal about India from a scholar of the Thebaid, a lawyer, who, dis-
gusted with his profession, had thrown it up, and set out to see the
world, and more especially the land of the Brahmans. He recounted,
that in the company of a priest he took ship in the Red Sea for
the Bay of Adule. Here he landed and went to visit the city, and
pushed on inland as far as Auxume,1 where he met with some Indian,

'tpvXwv, paXanioTtpov Of TiKTii, t) ft xiptXr] oia tXaiov a: x civtov Xtifitrai. Toi>0'
itpav f<70ijra iroiowrai, (c, it tiq trtpog tt apa rovg Ii'Sovg rovrovg avaamoi] avro,
ov piQitTai >'/ y 7/ tov fpiov. Philost., Apoll. Vita, III., xv., 54 p.

1 Vide Plates 54 and 24, Moor's Hindoo Pantheon.

2 Of this tract there are two versions, a Greek addressed to some eminent
personage not named, and a Latin attributed to Ambrosius, and addressed to
Palladius. In the Greek version the author himself visits India ; in the Latin it
is his brother, Musseus Dolenorum Episcopus, who traverses Serica, where are the
trees that give out not leaves but very fine wool, and where he sees the stone
columns raised to Alexander, and reaches at length Ariana, which he finds burnt
up by the heat, and so hot that water is seen boiling in the vessels that hold it,
and who then gives up his journey and returns to Europe. In this first part I
have preferred the Greek, but I oftener follow the Latin version as the more full
and intelligible.

3 Ctesias of the Indian sea : to ct avo) avTt]g .... Qtppov tirai iiort prj
i%Qvv Zi]vai. Photius Bib., 144 p. Strabo, of the heat in India says, lizards
crossing the road are burnt up, and that water quickly warms, 730 p. This, how-
ever, may have been an extravagant mode of speech merely, for Sidonius, almost
a cotemporary of Palladius, when urging his friend Donatius to leave the city,
says “ jam non solum calet unda sed coquitur.” Epist. II., 2.

4 I here follow neither the Greek nor Latin version. The Greek : oiaTrXtvaag
ftfra Trps/T[3vrepov ravri/v UaXatjaav KartXafie Trpuiruv A CovXiv ft ra rrjv Av%ov-
fu/v tv y >\v ilatnXuKog rwr Ivluv, vii. Pseudo-Callisthenes, Muller, 102 p. and

278 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

i.e. Arab, merchants about to proceed for India : he joined them,
and together they crossed the Ocean. After several days’ voyage
they reached Muziris, the chief port on this side the Ganges, and
the residence of a petty Indian rajah. At Muziris our traveller
stayed some time, and occupied himself in studying the soil and
climate of the place, and the customs and manners of its inhabitants.
He also made inquiries about Ceylon, and the best mode of getting
there ; but did not care to undertake the voyage when he heard
of the dangers of the Singhalese Channel, of the thousand isles, the
Maniolai, which impede its navigation, and the load-stone rocks1
which bring disaster and wreck on all iron-bound ships. They told
him however of this island, of -its happy climate,2 and its long-lived
inhabitants, of its four satrapies, and its great king’,3 of whom the
petty sovereigns of the coast were but the governors. He knew,
too, of its g-reat trade, and its markets thronged with merchants
from Ethiopia, Persia, and Auxume (Latin version only) ; of its five
great navigable rivers,4 and perpetual fruit-bearing trees, palms,
cocoa, and smaller aromatic nuts. And he had heard how its sheep

afterwards Airo rijc; Av^ov/Jiig ivpuiv Tivag irXoiapup Chr/3airoprap Ipbovg f/j7ropiag
\apir, urtipatit)}’ tpborepop aniABup, viii., 103 p. The Latin: “In rubno mari
navim conscendens navigavit primo sinum Adulicum et Adulitarum oppidum vidit,
mox Aromata promontorium et Troglodytarum emporium penetravit ; hinc et
Auxumitarum loca attigit, unde solvens .... Muzirim pervenit, ib. 103. The
Greek version is evidently defective, for it never brings our scholar to India at
all, while the Latin traces out an itinerary confused and improbable. For after
leaving Adule our traveller makes for Aromata, the most eastern point of Africa,

and the emporium of the Troglodytes; but — “ Aduiiton maximum hie

emporium Troglod. etiam Ethiopum (Plin., iv., 34.) — or suppose it some port
in the Aualitic Hay, still he is always retracing his steps till he comes to Auxume,
an inland town (i't£<7ri;x£>'ai n/p AfiuvXiP rt] c AvZ<iv/.iiuig TrcireKaiSaKa r//ccpu>i>
obog. Nonnosus, 480 p., Hist. Bizant.), whence he sets sail for India.

1 Ptolemy knows of the Maniolai and the loadstone rocks, but limits their
number to ten, and throws them forward some degrees east of Ceylon, vii , 2,
21 p.; and before Ceylon places a group of 1378 small islands, vii., 4, 213 p.
And Masudi, who had traversed this sea, says that on it iron nails were not
applicable for ships, its waters so wasted them, 374 p.

2 So Fa-hian : “ Ce pays est temp 're, on n y connait pas la difference de l hiver
et de l’i'ti. Les herbes et les arbres sont toujours verdoyants. L’ensemencement
des champs est suivant la volonta des gens.” Tr. de Remusat, c. xxxviii.,
332 p.

3 “ Huic quatuor moderantur .... satrapes, inter quos unus est maximus
cui .... caeteri obediunt.” Latin version. These satrapies would be those of
Jafna, Malaya, Rohuna, with that of Anarajapura as the chief.

4 Ptolemy likewise gives five rivers to Ceylon, ut sup. The Soana, Ayanos,
Baraeos, Ganges, and Phasis, and after him Marcianus Heracleensis Geog. Minor,
Didot, 634 p.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 279

were covered, not with wool, but hair, gave much milk, and had
broad tails ; and how their skins were prettily worked up into
stuffs, the only clothing of the inhabitants, who also on feast-days
ate both mutton and goat’s flesh, though commonly milk, rice, and
fruit only.

And the scholar further said : “ I tried to penetrate into the
interior of their country, and got as far as the Besadm, a people
with large heads and long- untrimmed hair, dwarfish and feeble, but
active and good climbers, and who occupy themselves with gather-
ing the pepper from the low and stunted trees on which it grows.
They seized on me; and their king, the consumption of whose palace
was one measure of corn a year (sic.), whence got I know not, gave
me as slave to a baker. With him I stayed six years, and in this
time learned their language, and a good deal about the neigh-
bouring nations. At length the great king of Ceylon1 heard of me,
and out of respect for the Roman name and fear of the Roman
power, ordered me to be set free, and severely punished the petty
rajah who had enslaved me.”

Of the Brahmans, this scholar reported that they were not a
society like our monks, but a race, born2 Brahmans. They lived, he
said, near the Ganges, and in a state of nature. They went naked,

1 This tract is imperfect. The Greek version sends our traveller direct from
Auxume into the interior of Africa, where he was not likely to hear anything
about the Brahmins : the Latin, on the other hand, after saying every thing to
dissuade him from the voyage to Ceylon, suddenly and without a hint that he had
left Muziris, sets him down in them dst of its angry and excited population. But
it is rarely consistent with itself, for 1st, it describes Ceylon on hearsay as an
island of the blest, “ in quit sunt illi quibus Beatorum nomen est,” and seems to
countenance that description, and yet the people our scholar falls among he found
a weak, hideous, and inhospitable race. 2nd, It speaks of pepper as the chief
produce of the island : “piper ibi nascitur in magnstque coiligitur copia but
though pepper certainly grows in Ceylon it is not and never has been among its
staple productions (Ptolemy, viii , 212 p.) nor to gather it the occupation of its
people. But from their name and description, SirE. Tennent ! Ceylon) has iden-
tified the Besad* with the Singhalese Veddahs. Let me observe that the name is
unknown to the Latin version and belongs to the Greek, -which expressly states
that our scholar never went to Ceylon : uv yap ctcui'riTcu ovc' avrog ciq r»jv
vi^aov fnrfXth tv, liv., III., vii., ib , and appears there in several shapes as Thebaids,
Beth.-iads, and Bethsads. 2ndly, that the Besadte are in Ptolemy a people
living in the extreme North of India. 3rdly, that the Besaidae, except in those
great features common to ill-fed barbarous race-, bear no resemblance to any
Singhalese people. For though, like the Veddahs they are puny, ill shaped live
in caves, and recognize a domestic chief, the Veddahs, unlike them, have no king
living in a palace, no political existence, and no arts such as the existence of a
baker implies.

5 Vide from Bardesanes, Jour. Rl. As. Sec., xix. 280 p.

280 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

wandering in the woods, and sleeping on leaves. They had no
domestic animals, tilled no land, and were without iron, or house,
or fire, or bread, or wine ; but then they breathed a pleasant,
healthful air, wonderfully clear. They worshipped God, and had
no slight, though not a thorough, knowledge of the ways of
Providence. They prayed always, turning but not superstitiously to
the East. They ate whatever came to hand, nuts and wild herbs ;
and drank water. Their wives, located on the other side of the
Ganges, they visited during July and August,1 their coldest months,
and remained with them forty days.* But as soon as the wife
had borne her husband two children, or after five years if she were
barren, the Brahman ceased to have intercourse with her.’

The Ganges is infested with the Odonto, a fearful monster, but
which disappears during the Brahman pairing months; and by
serpents seventy cubits long. The ants are in these parts a palm,
and the scorpions a cubit, in length ; and hence the difficulty of
getting there. The tract then concludes with a series of letters,
winch purport to have passed between Dandamis, the chief of the
Brahmans, and Alexander the Great, and which might have been
written anywhere, and by anybody, except one who had learned to
think or was accustomed to command.*

1 “In India .... December, January, and February are their warmest
months; our summer being their winter; July and August are their winter.”
Masoudi’s Meadows of Gold, 344 p.

2 Among the Buddhists : “ Quand venait la saison des pluies . . . . les
Eeligieux pouvaicnt cesser la vie vagabonde des mendiants. II leur etait permis
de se retirer dans des demeures fixes. Cela s'appelait sojourner pendant la
Varcha : c'est-a-dire, pendant les quatre mois que dure la saison pluvieuse.”
Burnouf, Hist, du Boud., 285 p. The rainy season, however, is not the same on
the East and West of the Ghauts.

3 Suidas, s. v. Up axpavtc, has) with a slight alteration, copied this account of the
Brahmans. He says “they are a most pious people (t9voc), without possessions,
and living in an island of the ocean given them by God ; that Alexander came
there and erected a pillar (the bronze pillar of Philostratus, As. Jour., xviii., 83 p.)
with tbe inscription ‘I the great king Alexander came thus far;’ that the Ma-
krobioi live here to 150, the air is so pure .... The men thus dwell in the parts
adjoining the ocean, but the women beyond the Ganges, to whom they pass over
in the months of July, &c.” The island of the Indian Makrobioi is probably
borrowed from the Atlantic Erythia, where dwelt the Ethiopian Makrobioi
according to Eustatius. Com. in Dion. Per., 558§, 325 p., II., Geog. Min.

jjroi fiiv vaiovcn flooTpoipnv apup’ Epufifinv

MaKpoj3iu)V vir)ig afiv/iovii, oi ttoQ' ikovto

rrjpvovos ptra ttot^ov ayrjvopog. Diony. Perieget., 558, &c., ib.

* Of cotemporaries of Palladius, who in their works have noticed India, I pass
over Marcianus Heracleensis (a.d. 401), who as a geographer had necessarily much

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 281

Our author’s account of liis own experience of India, its great
heat, is so absurdly impossible, that we lose all faith in his veracity.
I believe neither in his own story, nor in that of his travelled
lawyer, who seems to me introduced merely to give reality and
interest to the narrative. In the narrative itself we first hear of the
loadstone rocks, though still attached to the Maniolai, as guarding
the coasts of Ceylon. These rocks, which the voyages of Sinbad
have since made so famous, probably owed their origin to some
Arab merchant, some Scythianus, who thus amused the imaginations
of his wondering customers, and at the same time fenced round
with terror the trading grounds whence he obtained his most precious
wares. Here, too, we read of a Singhalese Empire, with dominions
extending far into the interior of India, and here only ; for the
Singhalese annals show us Ceylon ever open to Tamil inroads,
sometimes subdued, or at best struggling for independence, and at
other time prosperous and powerful, but never even then claiming
rule over any part of India.1 And here, also, wTe have an account
of the Brahman marriage, which, though in one particular, divorce
for barrenness, not altogether incorrect, is, as a whole, quite opposed
as well to all we know of Brahman habits, as to that ideal of
Brahman life on which the Laws of Menu so willingly dwell.2

1o say about it, but who as the mere copyist of Ptolemy principally, and occasionally
of other writers (Geog. Graec., Min. Pf., 133 p., I. ed. Didot, conf. Lassen, u. s.,
288, 111 1, added nothing to the existing knowledge of India: and Justin, Hist.
Philip. (Smith’s Biog. Diet., s. v., and de iEtat. Justini and Testimenta, Valpy’s
Delphin ed.), to whom we are indebted for much of the little we know of the Greek
rule in Bactria and India, but whose history, as an epitome of that of Trogus
Pompeius, belongs really to the Augustan age.

1 This tract was written about a.d. 400. If the scholar ever existed, he must
have travelled and obtained his knowledge of Ceylon some time in the last half
of the fourth century, during the reigns of either Buddha Da'sa, from 339 to
368 a.d., or of Upatissa II., a.d. 368-410. From the Mahawanso, 237-9 pp., and
the Rajavali, 241-2 pp., we gather, that Ceylon was at this time in a flourishing
condition, but nothing which can lead us to suppose that its kings held dominion
in India. Fa-hian also was in Ceylon about a.d. 410, and his description of the
island quite corroborates the statements of its Sacred Books. Fae-kour-ki,
xxxviii., 9. Upham’s Sacred Books of Ceylon, 1. c., and Tumour’s Appendix to
the Mahawanso, 72 p.

J For the marriage duties and the respect due to women, v. Menu III., 45-8
and 55-62. For the marriage duties of women, ib. 153, 160, and ix. 74. The ideal
of marriage : “ Then only is a man perfect when he consists of three persons
united, his wife, himself, and his son, and thus learned Brahmins have announced
this maxim — The husband is even one person with his wife,” ib. 45. Consequent
upon this “ A barren wife may be superseded by another in the 9th year, she
whose children are all dead in the 10th, she who brings forth only daughters in
the lltb,” ib. 81.

•f

282 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

About this same time (a.d. 360-420), appeared the Dionysiacs, a
poem in 48 books, written by Nonnos, of Panoplis in Egypt, to
celebrate the triumphs of Bacchus, and his conquest of India. The
first eight books tell of Cadmus, and the loves of Jupiter, and the
jealousy of Juno. The 9th, 10th, 11th, and 12th recount the birth
and education of Bacchus, and his love for, and grief at the death
of, the youthful satyr Ampelos;1 and how Ampelos was then
changed into a vine, and how of the grapes Bacchus made wine,
and drank it, and threw off his old sorrow.2 In the 13th book Iris5
from Jove calls on Bacchus to drive the lawless Indians from Asia,
and by great deeds and labours to gain a place in Olympus. It
then enumerates the Centaurs, Satyrs, Cyclops, and peoples which
gather round the Bacchic standard. In the 14th and 15th books
Bacchus is in Bithynia, near the lake Astracis,4 and he then and there
changes its waters into wine, encounters and makes drunk and
captive an Indian army under Astrais ( aoTtjp ) ; and afterwards,
17th book, marches into Syria and defeats another and more powerful
one, commanded by the son-in-law of Deriades6 the Indian king,

* OvCf t icaXXog tXfirrt, ti OavlV u>g Zarvpog ct

Kfiro vucvg, ytXouvTi TravdKF.Xog, oiairep aiu
XtiXtoiv aipQoyyoioi \tu>v ptXiijcvv aoiCr)r. xi., 250.

5 .... nportpag 5’ tpp ixf/e pepifxvag

< pappaicov iifiqTripog tx<pv tvobpov 07nvp/)v. 290, xii.

3 He sends Iris to bid him —

otppa bucr/g ubibaicTov inr(p<}>taXwv ytvog Ivbiup
AaiCog fZ'Xaosifv. 5, xiii.

But unlike the Tris of Homer, who always strictly delivers her message, she some-
what varies it, and bids him —

tvaipiijg aCibaKTOv aitmutraL ycvog Ivdutv.

4 b 7rtpi Viicnfiabtiav KoXnog Aarax^og KaXtirai. Strabo, xii., 43. Nonnos,
ed. de Marcellus, N. N., 100, xiv., 7, xv.

5 Aripwfrig, from cijpi c, strife, says Nonnos. The name is probably borrowed
from the Bassarics of Dionysius, for Eustatius in his Comm, on the Periegesis
(606 v., 332 p., II., Geog. Grae. Min.) observes that the Erythraean king was
Deriades, an Erythraean rtp ycvii, but who went to India and bravely opposed
Bacchus. And I hen if Dionysius, as Muller is inclined to think, lived in the first
century, it may possibly be either a translation or adaptation of the Sanskrit
Duryodhana, from “dur,” bad, and “yodha,” strife, as Professor Wilson, in a
paper on the Dionysiacs of Nonnos, As. Bes.,xvii., suggests, and may have become
known in Greece through the Greeks who had visited India, or the Hindus who
visited Alexandria. Or as Duryodhana is the oldest of the Kaurava princes and one
ot the heroes of the Mahabharala, his name and some notion of the Epic may
(spite of Strabo’s hint to the contrary, L. xv., 3) have been transmitted to Greece
by the Bactrian Greeks, whose relations with India were many and intimate. But
in this case one name only in that poem, and not the greatest nor the easiest fitted
to Grecian lips, has, though all disfigured, found a place in Grecian literature.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 283

Orontes,1 who in despair kills himself, and gives his name to the
neighbouring river, ever since called the Orontes. After this battle,
Blemmys, king of the Erythraean Indians, and subject to Deriades,
submits to Bacchus, and settles with his people in Ethiopia.* The
18th book shows us Staphylos, the Assyrian monarch, with Methe
and Botrus, his wife and son, doing honour to and feasting Bacchus
in their palace, whence, after a drunken bout, Bacchus goes on his
way Indiaward, and at the same time despatches a herald to Deriades,
threatening war, unless his gifts and orgies be accepted. The 19 th
book relates the death of Staphylos, and the games held hi his
honour. In the 20th, Bacchus reaches Arabia, but in the forest of
Xyssa, all unguarded and defenceless, is set upon by Lycurgus, and
takes refuge in the Bed Sea. The 21st book tells of his ambassador’s
reception at the Indian court, and of the scorn with which Deriades
rejects the preferred gift of Bacchus. “ He cares for no son of
Jove,” he says, “ his sword and his buckler are his wine and drink,
and his gods earth and water.”3 Bacchus learns this answer while
frolicking with the mountain nymphs.4 He prepares for war, and
calls on the Arab Rhadamanes to equip a fleet, and attack the
Indians by sea. He himself, with his army, passes over the
Caucasus.5 In the 22nd book we have the first battle on Indian
ground. Near the Hydaspes, in a thick forest, an Indian army

1 Orontes, Greek form of the Persian Arvanda, from “aivat,” flowing, Lassen,
III., 147, or of the Egyptian Anrata. Rougfe, tr. of a poem on the exploits of
Rameses by Pentaour. Of this river, both Wilson, u. s., 610 p., and Lassen
observe that in the belief of Syria, confirmed by the oracle of Klaros, it took its
name from an Indian chief who died there, and whose coffin and bones, indicating
a height of 11 cubits, were found when the Romans diverted or canalized the
river. Pausanias, viii., 2, 3, and see Strabo, xvi. II. 7, 639 p.

2 Eustatius, u. s., either on the authority of Nonnos or the Bassarics, gives
them the same origin: BXeppvtg ovtui KaXovpcvoi airo B\f ppvog rn/nc, !>g >nroj-
rparriyiov Tip fiaoaXti ArjoiaCy Kara Aiovvaov uvvtTroXepeae. (Com. 220 v.,
255 p., ib.)

3 Ai 7pia£ijc yrtp

oo paQtv ovpaviiiiv pacapuiv x°po>’, ovdt ycpaipet

HtXiov /cat Zjjva

• . . . • i «

oivog ipog irtXtv ty\og' 6 fan irorog tan /3uht]. 256.

povvoi f pi yiyaam 9toi $ Taia Kj Ycwp. 261, rxi,

* .... opuam piyvvTo ~Svptpnic. 277, xxi.

5 The passage scarce occupies three lines —

Kai ra\vg t]Xaat fi^pov Eohov ug nXipci yairjg

ap<pi Se iriTprjv

Kavicacirjv Xoipoivra ciacreixuv tlvuva . . .

’Hwjjc Tzapapujit Trt£av. 307, XJU.

2Si ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

under Thoreus lies in ambush, but is betrayed to Bacchus, who by
a pretended flight draws them out into the open and completely
routs them, and then crosses the river to combat with Deriades.
Deriadcs, by the advice of Thoreus, retreats on his elephants
within the city walls. Attis, on the part of Rhea, presents Bacchus
with arms forged by Vulcan, and foretels that not till the seventh
year shall he destroy the Indian capital.1 In the meanwhile Deriades,
at the treacherous instigation of Minerva, marshals his hosts, and
the 26th book gives the names of the cities, islands, and peoples,
with them chiefs, which form his army. And on the contents of this
book, as specially occupied with India, we shall dwell at some
length. At the summons of Deriades came Agraios {a^pa, the chase),
and Phlegios (cpXe^/w, to burn), the two sons of Eulgeus (river, Ulai, ?
Marcellus), and with them those who dwell in Kusa2 andBagia, near
the broad muddy waters of the Indian Zorambos ; the people, too,
of the well-turretted Rhodoe, the craggy Propanisos, and the isle
Gerion,3 where not the mothers, but the fathers, suckle their
children. There, too, were found the inhabitants of the lofty
Sesindos and of Gazos,4 girt about with impregnable linen- woven
bulwarks. Near them were ranged the brave Dardge,® and the
Prasian force, with the gold-covered tribes of the Sarangi, who live
on vegetables, and grind them down instead of corn. Then came
the curly-haired Zabians with their wise ruler Stassanor; then
Morrheus® and his father Didnasos, eager to avenge the death of

' ov yap irpiv xoXepov reXog taatrai, ei <toks \apprp;
iktov ava7rXijaioaiv trot; Ttrpai^vytg 'Qpai.

trsaopivy ct

i/3copaTip XvKa/3av~i diappaiang ttoXh1 IvSuiv. 363-7, xxv.

5 Those who would identify the different places in the text I refer to M. de
Marcellus’ notes to the 26th Book of his edition of Nonnos. They will at the
same time see how he has accommodated, and I think not unfairly, the names to
the Geographies of Ptolemy, &c.

3 Yuptiav, Po lor)v ri Kai oi Xtivorti\ea ra£oj>. Stephan, Byzant., s. v. ra£of
from the 3rd Book of the Bassariks of Dionysius.

4 This description of Gazos is borrowed from the Baoaapuca of Dionysius (n.
12, xxvi. B. de Marcellus), and from the same source he probably took his account
of Gercion and the Sarangii, for Nonnos is of those poets who repeat but do not
invent. Stephanos Byzantinus by the way, always quotes Dionysius Periegetes
as a historical authority, e.g., s. v. Bpepvee and ra£oc.

5 A apSai IvtiKov t9vog inro Arjpiacy TroXeptjoav Aio vvtrtp, uig Aiovvaiog tv
y Baaaapinuiv, Steph., S. V. A apcac.

6 Lassen, u. s., derives Morrheus from popped, the material of the vasa murr-
hina. Prof. W. H. Wilson, ib., suggests Maha, rajah. Neither derivation seems

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 285

Orontes. Now followed the many-languaged Indians from well-
built sunny iEthra, and they who hold the jungles ( Xaaiwva ) of Aseue
and the reedy Andonides, the burning Nicsea, the calm Malana, and
the water- girt plains of Patalene. Next them marched the serried
ranks ( irvKivcu ) of the Dosareans, and the hairy-breasted Sabaroi, and
near them the Ouatecetoi,* who sleep lying on their long ears, with
their chiefs Pliringos, Aspetos, Tanyclos, ilippouros, and Egretios.
Tectaphus also was there at the head of his Bolingians,1 Tectaphus,
whom, when in prison, his daughter suckled and saved from death.
From the earth’s extremity, Giglon, Thoureus, and Hippalmas
brought up the Arachotes and the Drangiai, who cover with dust2
those whom the sword has slain. Habr^atos led on the archers.
Shamed by the loss of his hair, a disgrace among the Indians, which
had been cut off by order of Deriades, he came on slowly and
perforce, with hate in his heart. He commanded the savage Scyths,
the brave Ariainoi, the Zoaroi, the Arenoi, the Caspeiri,3 the Arbians
of the Hysparos, and the Arsanians whose women are wondrously
skilled in weaving. Near them were ranged the Cirradioi, used to
naval warfare but in boats of skins. Their chiefs were Thyamis and
Olkaros, sons of Tharseros the rower. Under Phylites, son of
Hipparios, came a swarm of men from Arizanteia, where a certain
bushy tree from its green leaves distils sweet honey,4 while from its
branches the Horion6 pours forth a song like the swan’s for melody,

to me satisfactory, — tbe first strange and far-fetched, the second scarcely appli-
cable, for Morrheus is no rajah, a soldier of fortune merely, though of high birth,
an autocthon : jjXi/lorou Tvtpaivng t\>vv nvTo\9ova <t>v\rjv. 177, xxxiv.

* So Scylax. Tzetzes Chil., vii. Hist., 144, 635 1.

1 Kai rorf Btu\iyyr]iu ft it’ avSpaai TticrcHpog ojpro. Bassar., Dionys., Stephanos
Byz., S. V., BoiXi-yya.

2 “ The Dandis and Dasnamis Sectaries of Siva .... put their dead into
coffins and bury them, or commit them to some sacred stream." H. H. Wilson,
Religious Sects of the Hindus, As. Res., xvii., 176 ; and in a note : “ In the South
the ascetic followers of Siva and Vishnu bury their dead (Dubois), so do the
Yaishnava (Varangisl), and Sanyasis in the North of India" (see Ward), all the
castes in the South that wear the Lingam, ib.

3 tv c £ re Kurra-fipoi 7ro<Ji kXutoi, tv o’ Apirjvoi, Stephanos, S. V., Kacnrtipoc,
from the Ba-sar. Dionys.

4 E(in St Km StvSpa Trap' avroig pt\i TrotovvTa avtv ^uitxtv. Strabo, xv., I., 20,
Geog. Min. Grace., 620 p., ii.

5 Clitarchus, quoted by Strabo, speaking of the movable aviaries belonging
to the Indian kings, says that they are filled with large leaved trees, on the
branches of which are perched all sorts of tame birds, and that of these the finest
songster is the horion, the most beautiful the catreus : wv tvtpwvorarov ptv . . .
tov tppttova, XapirporaTov St Kara oxpiv Kai 7r\ti<Trr]v t\ovTa TroiKiXiav rnv
Karpta, xv., I., 690 p.

VOL. XX.

286 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

and the yellow purple-winged Catreus utters its shrill cry, prophetic
of rain. Then followed the Sibai, the people of Hydara, and the
Carmanian hosts, with their leaders, Kolkaros and Astrais, the sons
of Logos. The 300 isles at the mouths of the Indus sent their
contingent under Ripsasos, a giant in stature ipdaX^ta

Ti^avrwv, 248 v.) Aretos, too, with his five sons bom deaf and
dumb, obeyed the call of Deriades. With them were ranged the
shield-bearing warriors of Pyle, Kolalla and Goryandos: then, under
Phylates marched on those who dwell in the woody Osthe, mother
of elephants, and with them their neighbours from Euthydimeia,
speaking another tongue. The Derbicei, the Ethiopians, the Sacse,
the Bactrians, and the Blemyes, also joined the army of Deriades.

The contest then begins. The Gods, as was their wont, take each
his side. Jupiter, Apollo, Vulcan, and Minerva, declare for the
Bassarids ; Juno, with Mars, Ceres, and Neptune for Deriades and
his Indians, and from no interested motives, for throughout Deriades
stoutly disavows all allegiance to them. The fight is carried on
with various fortune. Now, the Indians flee before Bacchus and
his crew aided by the gods ; and now, headed by Mars, Morrheus,
and Deriades, or Deriades’ wife and daughters, and befriended by the
stratagems of Juno,1 they drive him from the field. At length night
intervenes (XXXVII.), and Greeks and Indians bury their dead : the
Greeks with funeral piles and games, the Indians with tearless eyes,
for for them death but frees the soul from earthly chains, and sends
it back to its old starting point, to run afresh life’s circle of change.2

Six years have now passed away, and Rhea has long ago
announced that the 7th year and a naval battle shall put an end to
the war. The Rhadamanes arrive with their ships. Deriades collects
his fleet, and goes forth to meet them.3 The fight is long and doubtful,

1 Juno drives Bacchus mad. Eustatius in his Commentary on Dionysius
976 v., alludes to this madness, probably from the Bassarics : Miitvtrai Aiovvaoc
' Hpae Trpovoiif. Geog. Min., II., 386 p. It is also mentioned by Pseudo Plu-
tarchus, de Fluv. et Mont. Nom., Geog. Min. Grape., II., 663 p.

3 Deriades, xxxvi. B., speaks of the Rhadamanes as ship-builders:
iitraiut P ada/iavag, in dp vropup tivi Tix>'y
vt]a c tTi\vr\aavTo <pvyoTzro\ipup Aiovvaip. 414 V.V.

but boasts of Indian skill on the sea :

IrJot yap tOrjfiovcg tiai Kvdoifiov

uvaXiov, Kai paWov apiarevovin daXaoay

xxxvii., 3 v.v.

r i \9ovi di)pio(i)VTe$.

465 v.v.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 287

till at length the Cabeirian Eurymedon sends a fire ship into the
midst of the Indians, and a g'eneral conflagration ensues. Deriades
(XL B., 75) escapes, renews the contest on land, and engages in a
single combat with Bacchus ; but, affrighted by the presence of
Minerva,1 he flies towards the Hydaspes, and, struck by the thyrsus
of Bacchus, falls and dies in the river. The city and India submit
to the conqueror ; and Bacchus, having raised a monument to those
of his troops who have perished, distributes the spoils among the
survivors, and then returns to Lydia. The remaining eight books
tell of the loves, and wars, and vengeance of Bacchus, and the
poem concludes with his apotheosis.2

Notwithstanding the probability that through the Bactrian
Greeks some knowledge of the Hindu Epics may have reached
Greece and our author, I am inclined to think that they were wholly
unknown to him.

I. Because his poem speaks of an Indian Empire, and therefore
presupposes Indian conquests, extending to the shores of the
Mediterranean and Red Seas, while the Indian books show us the
tide of Indian domination rolling ever South and East, and if West-
ward,3 never passing the Indus.

II. Because, though the names of the Indian cities and peoples
in the Dionysiacs, as edited by the Comte de Marcell 11s, pretty
fairly correspond with those given by Ptolemy, Pliny, and Strabo,
and are thus accounted for, the names of its Indian chiefs are,
with but few exceptions, as Morrheus, Orontes, &c., purely Greek.

III. Because his Indian facts, manners, and customs are few,
and are :

1st. Such as were, long before his time, well known to the
Roman world ; as when he tells of the tearless eyes with which the
Indians bury their dead, and shows them worshipping earth, water,
and the sun, and marshalling their elephants for war, and calling
their Brahmans to counsel, or employing them as physicians.4

1 A 9t]vt]

daipovi (3oTpvtvri TraoKJTaro’ diptcoptvovPe
dapari Bta-irtaup Xuro yuvvaTa AiipiadtjQ. XL., 74.

3 k ai (hog fr/U7TfXoEic, Trarpwiov aiBipaficuvuiv

TraTpi avv tvwFim pirjg rjsavtre TpaiTiZ,r]c,

Kai fipoTttjv pirn caira, pira irpoTtppv \vaiv oivov

0 vpaviov 7 tie vtKTap apuorepoitn ku7teXXoi£

avvBpovoc A7 roXXuii/(, awtaTiog inn XLVIII.

3 But compare Gildemeister, Scrip. Arab, de Rebus Indicis, 2, 8, 9 p.

4 And the Brahmans heal the wound with magic chaunt, just as in Homer,
when Morrheus is wounded :

'0ppa pi v ivQtov iKkoq, o pip Xa^E, Saipopit] ^Eip

X 2

288 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA.

2ndly. Such as were not so well known, but for which authority
may be found in the Indian boQks : as when Deriades, by depriving
Habraatos of his hair, disgraces him — thus Vasichta punishes the
Sacas by cutting off the half of their hair, and the Yavanas by
shaving their heads and chooses two soldiers of fortune2 for his
sons-in-law — thus their fathers give Sita and Draupati, the one to the
strongest, the other to the most skilful, bowman : and as when
Morrheus neglects and deserts his wife, daughter of Deriades, for a
Bacchante — and thus the Hindu Theatre3 affords more than one
example of kings and Brahmans in love with women other than
their wives, as in the Toy-cart, the Necklace, the Statue,4 &c. But,
however warranted by Indian custom, these several acts, as pre-
sented by Nonnos, scarcely associate themselves with Hindu life,
certainly not more than the name of Deriades with that of
Duryodhana, though they sufficiently remind us of the Greeks of
the Lower Empire.®

3rdly. Such as are unsupported by Hindu authority. Thus
Deriades shows himself skilled in the niceties of Greek mythology,
and his wife and daughter, Bacchanal-like, rush to the battle ;6 and
as if India were deficient in wonders, the fathers in Gereion
suckle their children, and Gazos is impregnable with its cotton
bulwarks.

\vOl7TOVOV Bp a\flT]VOQ aKdJOClTO <1 >0(/3a5l Te\vy,

Oemremy payov vpvov LKorpvZovrog aoifiy. XXXIX., 369.

1 Harivansa, I., 68 p. Langlois, tr., Or. Tr. Fund; and Wilson, Hindu
Theatre, 332, II.

2 Of Morrheus —

WfKfiioQ aKTt]fiu)V, apery I’eKryaaTO vvp<pyv. xxxiv., 163.

And when he married his daughters, all gifts

Ai;pia^»jc awtenre' § eype poOoiai ita\t]raig

Qvyarepwv e%ev%ev atiiopoSoicovg vpevaiovg. ib., 169, 170.

3 Wilson’s Hindu Theatre, 326 and 364 pp., II.

4 See the several plays in Wilson’s Hindu Theatre, and some observations of
Wilson’s on the p'urality of wives among the Hindus, II., 359.

6 I do not, however, know that this inappreciation of Indian life is an evi-
dence of Nonnos' s ignorance of the Hindu books, but of his want of imagination.
With some play of fancy and the faculty of verse, Nonnos is essentially without
the poet’s power. His personages are all conventional, and I suspect that no
knowledge of India, not even had he trudged through it on foot, would have
made them more Indian, more real, and more lifelike.

6 In the Hanuman Nataka, nevertheless, the wife of Ravana, to animate his
drooping courage, offers

“ If you command. By your side I march
Fearless to fight, for I too am a Kshetrya.” Hind. Theat., II., 371 p.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYKA. 289

The Topographia Christiana^A.D. 535) next claims our attention.
Its author, Cosmas, who had been a merchant, and who as a
merchant had travelled over the greater part of the then known
world, betook himself in his latter years to a monastery, and there,
though weak of sight and ailing in body, and not regularly educated,1
set himself in this work to prove, that our world was no sphere, but a
solid plane.2 He describes it, and illustrates this and indeed all his
descriptions by drawings,3 as a parallelogram lying lengthways
east and west, and sloping up very gradually from its base, but
more gradually on its south and west, than on its north and east
sides, into a huge conical mountain, round which sun and moon run
their courses, and bring with them day and night.4 All about this
great mass of earth5 he places an impassable ocean, communicating
with it by four gulfs, the Mediterranean, Arabic, Persian, and
Caspian Seas,6 but eternally separating it from a transoceanic land,
where was and is Eden, the happy birthplace of our race, and whence
rise sheer up those mighty walls which arch themselves into the
firmament above us. Written with such a theme, enforced by
many quotations from Scripture misunderstood, and the authority
of fathers and philosophers, worthless on this point, the Topographia
Christiana is but dull reading, and would long since have been
forgotten, had it not here and there been lighted up by some sketch
of Cosmas’s own travels, some notice of what had fallen either under
his own observation or that of others trustworthy and competent
witnesses, and always told with a simplicity and guarded truthful-
ness which place him in the first rank of those who know how to
speak of what they have seen, and repeat what they have heard,
just as seen and heard, without exaggeration and without
ornament.

Cosmas had a personal knowledge of three of the four inland
seas — the Caspian7 he had not visited. As an occasional resident

1 agOtvurv rj)iii)V Tvy\avovTo>v Tip Tt erw/xart, raig Tt otptm .... mtZofitviov
— aXXuj rt <ai Trig t%iv9tv tyicvicXiov 7r aiding Xinropivorv k, prjTopncrig Ttxvyg
n/ioipowTurv. Lib. II., 124 p. Montfaucon, Nova Collectio Patrum.

2 Vide Prolog., p. 114.

3 Vide the Plates at the beginning of Montfaucon’s Nova Collectio Patrum,
PI. I.

4 Vide 133-4 pp., ib.

5 The length he computes to be of 400 mansions of 30 miles each, its breadth
of about 200, vide 138 p.

6 Lib. iv., 188 p., and 186-7 pp„ and 132 p. : etc n St tv ravry ry yy nal3aX‘
XovTtg tic tov Qictarov .... koXttoi Ttoaaptg' .... ovtoi yap /xovoi oi ico\7rot
nXtovrai ' advvarov vnapxovTog tov Qictavov irXitadai. 132 p.

7 tfiKopiag yap Xa9iv tTcXtvoa rovg rp ug KaX irovg rovrovg, tov ti icara ryv

290 ON THE RELATIONS OE ROME WITH INDIA,

at Alexandria (124 p.), lie knew thef Mediterranean well. He had
sailed down the Red Sea from CEla and Alexandria to Adule he
had passed the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, and had been within sight
of, though he did not land at, the Island of Socotora ;2 and thence,
if he ever visited India, had stretched across the main to Ceylon
and the Malabar Coast, or, coasting and trading along the eastern
shores of Arabia, had made for the Persian Gulf and the emporia of
the Indus. Once, too, the ship in which he sailed was on the very
verge of the great ocean, and then the flocks of birds hovering
about, the thick mists, and the swell of meeting currents9 warned
sailors and passengers of their danger, and their remonstrances
induced the pilot to change his course.4 On the continent he had
crossed the Desert of Sinai on foot;5 he was well known at Adule;6
he had visited Auxume;7 and indeed had travelled over the greater
part of Egypt and Ethiopia and the countries bordering on the

Pwfiai’iav . ... k, airo tojv oikovvtiov de y icai xXiovtoiv rovg roxovg aicpifiuig
f lypaSyKtoc , 132 p.

1 Adule ivHa K) ryv ipxopiav xoiovpida oiov otto AXiZuvdpuag iy axo EXa
ipxoptvoptvoi, 140 p.

2 Dioscorides yv vyoov xapixXivoaptv ov KaTyX8ov$i tv aury, 179 p.

3 Masoudi, in his Meadows of Gold, says of the sea of Zanj “I have often been
at sea, as in the Chinese Sea, the Caspian, the Red Sea. I have encountered many
perils, but I have found the sea of Zanj the most dangerous of all.” 263 p. See
also from Albyrouny, by Reinaud, Journal Asiatique, Sept. -Oct., 1844, 237-8 pp.
But as indicative of the superior experience and enterprise of his age, compare with
Cosmas the description of the same sea by the author of the Periplus; he points
out its dangers at certain seasons because open to the south wind ; and also how the
danger may be foreseen by the turbid colour of the sea, and how all then make for
the shelter of the great promontory Tabor, 12§, I., 266 p., Geog. Min. Grasc.

4 Ev oig xoti xXivaavTig ixi ryv eouTipav ( tv ry Ta)3poxavy, ev ry

tatoTtpy Iccha tv6a to ivSiKOv xiXayog tori, 178 p.), kcu vxipfiavTii ; fliKpip xpog
ttjv Bap/Iapiai'" ivda xipatTtpto to Ztyyior rvy\av n' ovrw yap KaXovo t to aropa
tov Qiceavov' ticei idiiopov v piv tig ra dt^ia, Hoipxopevwv yptov, xXy9og xirtiviov
. ... a KaXovai covotpa .... dm duXiav 7 ravrag, icat iXiyov rifj icvfiipvyTy,

ryv vavv txt ra apiartoa tig tov kuXxov, 132-3 pp. And Bap)3apia
KVKXovrai vxo tov Qictavov tK titZiiov, 137 p And aru Tyg A^ioptwg tiog avpiov
Tyg AifiavtuToipopov vyc Tyg KaXovptvyc Bap3aoiag, yrig teat xapaKtiTai Tip
QKiavifi, 138 p. The recommendation to the steersman would, therefore, it seems
have driven them further out to sea, unless we suppose that they were just doubling
the promontorium Aromata, when it would bring them nearer to the Arabian
coast.

6 Q e avTog tyto 7 TtZovaag Tovg to xovg papTvpm. Of the desert of Sinai,
205 p.

6 Here Elesboas commissioned him to copy the inscription on the throne of
Ptolemy, 141 p.

7 tov roig etpOaXpoig ypiov tdtatrapeda ixi ra pipy AKiopttog iv t y
AiBioxia, 264 p.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYBA. 291

Arabian Gulf ; and had moreover written an account of them
which unfortunately has not come down to us.1

But Cosmas, a merchant and a traveller, mixed much with other
merchants and travellers : and while his simple and genial nature
won their confidence, his curious and enquiring mind drew from
them all they had to tell of or had seen in other lands that was
worthy of note. With their information he corrected or confirmed
his own impressions and enlarged and completed his knowledge.
In this way he first heard from Patricius of the dangers of the
Zingian Ocean,2 and in this way learned the adventures of Sopater;
and in this way, by going among the slaves3 of the merchants at
Adule and questioning them about their people and country, he was
able to speak to the correctness of the inscription on Ptolemy’s
chair.

As a merchant engaged in the Eastern trade, Cosmas was
interested in and well acquainted with everything relating to it.
He has accordingly noticed the principal ports at which it was
carried on, together with the kinds of goods which each port
specially supplied. He speaks of China, the country of silk, as lying
to the left as you enter the Indian Sea in the furthest East and on
the very borders of the habitable world, and yet not so far but
that in its cities might occasionally be seen some Western merchant
lured thither by the hope of gain.4 Adjoining China5 to the West
was the clove region ; then came Caber and next Marallo, famed,
the one for its alabandenum, the other for its shells. With Marallo
Ceylon seems to have been in communication, as it certainly was
with the five pepper marts of Male, Pudopatana, Nalopatana and

1 Vide Prologos II. I have noticed only those places which Cosmas posi-
tively states he had visited, but he insinuates a much wider range of travel. Thus
measuring the earth’s breadth from the Hyperborean lands to Sasus, he says there
are but 200 mansions ; aKpifiuig yap txiaraptvoi, iy ov xoXv Siapapravovrtg rt]g
aXr/dtiag, ra ptv xXtvaavrtg k, oStvaavrtg ra SuKpif3wg ptpaOpKiog Kartypaipaptv,
144 p.

2 ravra St rrapaXafiiiiv tK r ov Qttov avSpov .... rjroi K) avrtjg rtjg xnpag
tapppva, 132 p.

3 Captain Burton describes the trade at Zanzibar as in the hands of Arab
merchants, who bring with them a train of native porters, some of them as many
as 200.

4 avrr) St t] XwPa T0V ptraZiov tanv tv r?j tawTtpq xavriov IvSiy Kara to
apiurtpov ptpog tiaiovruiv r ov IvSikov xtXaytog, and a little before, ti yap nvtg
Si a ptraZriv tig ra to\ara rrjg yt]g tpxopiag oiKrpag xaPlt> 0VK okvovci SitXOtiv,
137 p.

5 For this account of the countries and ports of the East trading with Ceylon,
vide 337-8 pp.

292 ON THE RELATIONS OE ROME WITH INDIA,

Salopatana, Mangarouth1 and Purti, and the other ports further
Northward on the Western coast of the Indian Peninsula, as Sibor
and Calliana2 a place of great trade where ships might load with
copper, sesamine wood, and clothing stuffs, Orrhotha3 and Sindus,
which last exported musk and androstachys. These Indian marts
forwarded their wares to a great emporium situated on the southern
coast of Ceylon, where they exchanged them for the silk, cloves,
aloes, tsandana, and other merchandise which came from China and
the countries lying eastward, or for Roman g'old4 and the manu-
factures of the West. In its ports5 you might see ships freighted
for, or coming from, Persia, (Ethiopia, and every part of India, and
in its markets you met with men of all nations, Indians, Persians,
Homerites, and merchants of Adule. Answering to this great
commercial city of the East tvas Adule in the West, situated some
two miles inland6 * on the southern shore and at no great distance
from the mouth of the Arabian Gulf. It was in direct and frequent
communication with India. The merchants of (Ela and Alexandria
thronged to its markets; for there they found, besides the rich
productions of the East, slaves, spices, emeralds,1 and ivory, from
Ethiopia and Barbaria.

Besides the sea route from China to the Persian Gulf, Cosmas
speaks also of another and a shorter road8 which led through
Juvia,9 India, and Bactria to the eastern confines of Persia,
150 stations, and thence through Nisibis, 80 stations, to Seleucia,
13 stations further on, and each station he computes at about
30 miles. That this road was much frequented may be gathered

1 “ Mangarat, urbs inter Malabaricas maxima regi gentili obediens.” Gelde-
meister de rebus Indie., 181 p.

2 Calliana : Lassen, Kaljani ; Hippoeura on the mainland, somewhat to the
north-west of Bombay.

3 Orrhotha, Soratha, Surat.

4 To the unwersal use of Roman gold Cosmas testifies: tv rip vo pity pari
avrujr (Pivpauuv) t/x7roptvovrai navra ra tOvt) .... Oavpa£optvov -KapairuvTog
avGpiuTrov .... tTtpy PaaiXtitf ovk iyirapxti to roiovro, 148 p.

5 Ibn Batoutah similarly speaks of Calicut, the great emporium of his day.
“ Un des grands ports du Malabar. Les gens de la Chine, de Java, de Ceylon,
des Maldives, du Yaman, et du Fars s’y rendent, et les trafiquants de diverses
regions s’y reunissent. Son port est an nombre des plus grands du monde,”
iv., 89. Dufr.'mery, tr.

6 Vide 140 p. and 338 p.

^ Vide 339 p.

3 hartpvti 'ovv TroXXa fiaorijpara 6 diet rpQiodoV tpxofitvog ai to TZirir^ag
nri TlfpcnSa, 6 dtp Kj 7rXi/0»£ fitTa^mv att tin rrjv rifpcritia tvpiontTcv, 138 p. B.

9 ib. “ Vaticanus autem Ovvvia secunda manu.” Note.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 293

from the quantities of silk always to be found in Persia and which
it brought there; but that it was used only by Persian, and not
by Roman merchants,* I presume from the exaggerated length
attributed to it by Cosmas, and his generally vague account of it.1

He speaks of Ceylon as situated in the Indian Sea beyond the
pepper country midway between China and the Persian Gulf,2 and
as lying in the midst of a cluster of islands which all are covered
with cocoanut trees3 and have springs of fresh water. On the
authority of the natives he gives it a length and breadth of about 200
miles each, and states that it is divided into two hostile kingdoms.
Of these the country of the Hyacinth has many temples, and one
with a pinnacle which is surmounted by a hyacinth the size they
say of a fir cone, of a blood red colour, and so bright that when the
sun shines upon it, it is a wondrous sight.4 The other kingdom
occupies the rest of the island, and is celebrated for its harbour and
much frequented markets. The king is not of the same race as
the people.

In Cosmas’s time India seems to have been parcelled out into
many petty sovereignties ; for besides these two kings of Ceylon he
knows of a king of Malabar, and kings of Calliena, Sindus, &c., but

* Ammianus Marcellinus seems to intimate that in his time this road was
travelled by Roman merchants: “ Praeter quorum radices et vicum quern Lithinon
pyrgon appellant iter longissimum mercatoribus petitum ad Seras subinde com-
meantibus,” 336 p.

1 Nisibis and Pekin are on the 37th and 40th parallels of north latitude respec-
tively, and the one on the 41st, the other on the 117th parallels of longitude ;
there are consequently 76 degrees of longitude between them. But according to
Cosmas there are 230 stations of 30 miles each, or 6,900 miles. In the same way
between Seleucia and Nisibis he places 13 stations, or 390 miles, whereas there are
in fact but 4 degrees of latitude. Might then these fiovai a-rro / n\iov X’ be airo
fu\i ov k of 20 miles, which would pretty fairly give the real distance 1

2 “ L’ile de Kalah,” Point de Galle, “ qui est situ£e a mi-chemin entre les
terrcs de la Chine et le pays des Arabes.” Relation Arabes, 93 p. It was then
the centre of traffic both from and for Arabia, 94 id.

3 apytWia (336 p., Cosmas). The narikala of the Hindus, and the nardgyl of
the Arabs. LVII. Discours Prel. Rel. Arabes : and for an account of the islands,
id., p. 4.

4 H ouen-Thsang (a.d. 648, some century after Cosmas) thus: “A cdte du
palais du roi s'eleve le Yihara de la dent de Bouddha .... Sur le sommet du
Vihara on a eleve une fleche surmontee d une pierre d une grande valeur, appellee
rubis. Cette pierre pre'eieuse repand constamment un t'clat resplendissant. Le
jour et la nuit en regardant dans le lointain, on croit voir une c'toile lumineuse, ’
II., 141 p. Fa-hian, however, who was at Ceylon, a.d. 410 : “ Dans la ville on a
encore construit un fedifice pour ud'! dent de Foe. II est entitlement fait avec
les sept choses prdcieuses,” 333 p. 1 a-hian thus mentions this Vihara, and, as if
only lately built, but says l.uuhing of the hyacinth, probably placed there subse-
quently to his time, v. Marco Polo, 449, Societe Geog., ed.

294 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

all these rajahs seem to have acknowledged the supremacy of, and
paid tribute to, Gollas, king of the White Huns,1 a white people
settled in the northern parts of India. Of this Gollas he relates that
besides a large force of cavalry he could bring into the field 2,000
elephants, and that his armies were so large that once when
besieging an inland town defended by a water fosse, his men, horse
and elephants, first drank up the water, and then marched into the
place dryshod.2

He speaks of elephants as of part of the state of an Indian
monarch, and of the petty rajahs of the sea-board as keeping some
five, some six, hundred elephants, and of the King of Ceylon as
having moreover a stud of horses which came from Persia and were
admitted into his ports duty free.3 His elephants he bought and
paid for according to their size at from 50 to 100 golden pieces4
each, and sometimes even more. They were broken in for riding and
were sometimes pitted to fight against one another ; but with their
trunks only, a barrier raised breast high preventing them from
coming to closer quarters. The Indian elephants he observes have
no tusks and are tamable at any age, while those of Ethiopia to be
tamed must be caught young.5

As a Christian he naturally observed, and as a monk willingly
recorded, the state of Christianity in the East. In Ceylon there
was a Christian church of Persian residents, with a priest and
deacons aud other ecclesiastical officers,8 all from Persia. At Male,
Calliena, a bishop’s see, and the Island of Dioscorides7 (Socotora),

1 To Ovi’vwv r<ov E<p6a\iT(ov tGvog, ovamp \tvKovg orofia^ovcri. Procopius,
de Bell. Pers., I. III., 15 p. Eo0aXirai St Ovvvikov pti’ tGvog titn iy ovop.aZ,ovTat
.... povoi St ovtol \tvKoi Tt ra otofiara § ovk apoptyoi rag oiptig uaiv, 16 p., id.
The valley of the Indus seems to have been occupied by a Tartar tribe, even in
the first century of our aera. Ptolemy calls the lower Indus Indo-Scyth. Reinaud,
Mem. sur l’lnde, 81 p. and 104 p.

2 Cosmas Indicopleustes. Montfaucon, Nova Coll. Patrum, I., 338 p.

3 T ovg St 1 7T7Ti vg airo Iltpffttfog Qtpuvcriv avrip, K) ayopa^fi Ti/up anXttav
rovg tytpovTac, 339 p. This importation of horses into India, and from Persia,
continues to this day, and is frequently alluded to by Ibn Batoutah, those from
Fars were preferred, 372-3 pp., II., but they were then subject to a duty of seven
silver dinars each horse, ib., 374 p.

4 vopioitara, 339 p. The word used by Sopater in the preceding page, conse-
quently a gold coin, see Embassy to Ceylon Procopius observes that neither the
Persian king, nor indeed any barbarian sovereign, places his effigy on his coins,
II., 417.

5 339 p., u. s., and compare 141 p., with regard to the Ethiopian elephants
from the inscription at Adule.

6 Kai Trtxogtv tt]v iicKXii<na<TTiKt)i' Xtirovpytav, 337 p., u. s.

7 So also the Relations Arabes of Socotera : “ La plupart de ses habitants sont
Chretiens .... Alexandre y envoya une colonie de Grecs . . . . ils embrasserent

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 295

were Christian communities, also dependent on Persia for their
ministers, and subject to the Persian metropolitan ; and this, though
in the case of Socotora, the inhabitants, colonists from the time of
the Ptolemies, were Greeks and spoke Greek. In Bactria too,
and among the Huns and other Indians, and indeed throughout
the known world,1 were numberless churches, bishops, and multi-
tudes of Christians, with many martyrs, monks, and hermits.

He describes and gives drawings of some of the animals and
plants of Ethiopia and India. In general he closes his descriptions2
by stating, either that he has himself seen what he has been just
describing and where and how he saw it, or if he have not seen
it, what personal knowledge he has of it. Thus, to his notice
of the rhinoceros he adds, that he saw one in Ethiopia and was
pretty near it ; to that of the Cliarelephus, that he had both seen
it and eaten its flesh ; to that of the hippopotamus, that he had not
seen it, but had bought and sold its teeth : and to that of the
unicorn, that he had only seen a statue of one in brass standing
in the four-turretted palace in Ethiopia ; but when he comes to
speak of the bos agrestis, the moschos, and the pepper3 and cocoanut
trees, animals and plants belonging to India, he does not even hint
at any personal knowledge of them, and I ask myself — Was Cosmas
ever in India ?

When his ship was nearly carried away into the Great Ocean,
Cosmas was then bound for Inner India ; and as he calls Taprobane
an island of Inner India, by Inner India I presume that, unlike the
ecclesiastical writers of his age, he intends not Ethiopia and Arabia

la religion Chretienne. Les restes de ces Grecs se sont maintenues jusqu'aujourd’hui,
bien que dans File il se soit conserve des hommes d’une autre race,” 139 p., and
see also note, 217-59 pp., II. v., where Reinaud refers to both Cosmas and the
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea ; see also Marco Polo, 702 p., Marsden's ed.

1 Cosmas goes through the several nations in detail : but having to do only
with India I omit particulars. I observe, however, that he gives no Christians to
China, though Masoudi says of Canton, in the 10th century : “the town is inha-
bited by Moslims, Christians, Jews, and Magians, besides the Chinese.” Meadows
of Gold, 324, I. In the space of three centuries then Mahomenadanism had pene-
trated to China. At the same rate of progress Christianity should have been
known there in the 6th century.

2 For these descriptions vide 344-5 pp., and the drawings at the beginning of
II. v. Montfaucon’s Nova Coll. Patrum.

3 He describes the pepper tree as a sort of vine, very unlike the pepper trees

I have seen at Palermo. He probably means the betel. “ The betel is a species
of pepper, the fruit grows on a vine, and the leaves are employed to wrap up the
areca-nut. ’ Heeren, Hist Res, II., 294. “ The betel is found in the two Indian

peninsulas, Malabar and Arracan,” id., 295.

296 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

Felix, but the Indian Peninsula.1 * Again, in another place, after
having spoken of Ceylon, and alluded to the principal marts of
India, to the White Huns settled on its northern frontier and the
lucrative commerce the Ethiopians carry on with them in emeralds,2
he adds “ and all these things I know partly of my own knowledge
and partly from what I have learned by diligent inquiry made at
no great distance from the places themselves.” But this surely is
no evidence of India visited, at least not such evidence as is before
us of his having been at Auxume, where at mid-day with his own
eyes he saw the shadows falling south; at Adule, where at the
request of Elesboas, he copied the inscription on Ptolemy’s chan- ;3
or in Sinai, which he trudged through on foot listening to the Jews
as they read for him the Hebrew letters sculptured on its holders.4
So, notwithstanding that he passed the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb
and lay off the Island of Socotora ; notwithstanding his name of
Indicopleustes and his vague assertions ; and, more than all,
notwithstanding his narrative, which is sober as fact and common-
place as reality, I cannot help doubting that he ever was hi India.

On a review of these notices of India, it seems: 1st. That for
nearly a century after the fall of Palmyra no important mention
of India was made by any Greek or Latin writer whatever.
2ndly. That the accounts of India which then and afterwards
appeared, whether in Travels, Geographies, Histories, or Poems,
those in the Topographia Christiana excepted, were all in the mam
made up of extracts from the writings of previous ages and added
nothing to our knowledge of India. 3rdly. That of such writings,
they in general preferred, not those which recorded the best
authenticated facts,5 but those which worked most on the imagina-
tion; and they indeed heightened then- effect by new matter of the
same character. 4tlily. That they gradually took rank with, and

1 See supra, note 4, p. 22.

3 339 p. “ Autrefois on portait dans l'lnde l’emeraude qui vient d’Egypte ”
(Eel. Arabes 1), 153, 1., 232, II.

3 For Auxume, 264 p. Adule, 144 p., id.

4 dOtv toriv ictiv tv tKtivy Tij t p i) fi 10 tov Etvaiov ooovg tv Traoaig raig Kara-
Ttavatoi Travrag rovg Xidovg tivv avroOi, r ovg tK Tuiv optotv cnroK\(upptvovg
ytypapptvovg ypappaoi .... 'Ej3paiK0ig, a Tiva § Tivtg lovdaioi avayvovrig
tiiriyovvTO r)ptv, Xtyovrtg ytypaipOcu .... ovrutg, cnnpoig tov £t, tK <j>v\pg Tt)gbt,
irti ripbe, firjvi TipSe, Kada Kai n ap y)piv 7roX\aKig rtvtg tv raig Ztviaig ypa<pov< jiv,
205 p. Does he allude to the Nabathsean inscriptions: "qui couvrent les parois
des rochers de la presqu'ile du mont Sinai.” Reinaud, Mem. sur la Mcrfene, 12 p.,
tirage a part ; and for these inscriptions, Journal Asiatique, Jan. and Feb., 1859.

5 The description of India in Ammianns Marcellinus must be excepted from
this censure, v.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 297

even displaced the more critical studies of Strabo, Arrian, Ptolemy,
&c. Thus the Periegesis of Dionysius, on which Eustatius wrote a
commentary, and the Geography of the anonymous writer who, so
far as I know, first gave locality to Eden, were honoured by Latin
translations, and, judging from the currency their fictions obtained,
became the text books of after ages. Thus, too, the Bassarika of
Dionysius, for Indian countries and towns, is more frequently referred
to by Stephanos Byzantinus, than either Strabo or Arrian ; and thus
the Apollonius of Philostratus becomes an authority for Suidas,1
and the Theban Scholasticus for both Suidas and Cedrenus, who
borrow from him their accounts of the Brahmans,2 to which Cedrenus
adds some particulars drawn, partly from the anonymous Geography
probably, partly from the Pseudo-Callisthenes, and partly from
some other writer whom I am unable to identify. 5tlily. That of
Eastern travellers in the 4th or 5th centuries many were priests: as
we may surmise from the number of Christian churches in India,
which were all subject to the Persian metropolitan,3 and all received
their ecclesiastical ministers from Persia, or sent them there for
education and ordination: and as we gather from the frequent
mention of priests in the travels of those ages. Thus the author of
the Tract inscribed to Palladius,4 and the Theban Scholasticus visit
India in company, the one of the Bishop of Adule, the other of a
priest. And Cosmas travels on one occasion with Thomas of Edessa,
afterwards metropolitan of Persia, and Patricius of the Abrahamitic
order; and himself in his latter years becomes a monk, as also
Monas,5 who assisted him in copying the Inscription on the throne of
Ptolemy. 6tlily. That notwithstanding the religious spirit which
evidently animated the travel writers of these times, their accounts
of other and far countries are, contrary to what one mig'ht have
expected, singularly silent on the subject of the religions of the
people they visited. I have already expressed my surprise, that

1 Vide sub vocibus Poros, et Brahmans. Suidas.

2 Hist. Comp., 267-8, I. v., Bonn. Here the description of the Brahmans is
from Palladius; of the Macrobioi from the Geography; the story of Candace from
the Pseudo-Callisthenis, HI., 23 ; but whence Alexander's visit to Britain?

3 Jesujabus of Adiabene, Patriarch a.d. 650 (Assemann, III., 313 p.), thus re-
monstrates with Simeon, Primate of Persia : “ At in vestr& regione ex quo ab
Eccles. canon, defecistis interrupta est ab Indi® populis Sacerdotalis successio :
nec India solum qua a maritimis reg. Pers. finibus usque ad Colon spatio 1200
parasangs extenditur, sed et ipsa Pers. regio .... in tenebris jaeet.” Assemann,
Bib. Or., III., 131.

4 Palladius was himself a great traveller, vide Hist. Lausiaca, 1027 p., as
indeed were the monks and priests of these ages, ib. passim.

5 He entered the monastery of Raithu, Elim. Cosmas, 195 p.

298 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

the earlier Christian fathers, -who, to win the attention of the
sleeping nations, called up from their tombs the forgotten creeds of
Chaldaea and Phoenicia, Assyria and Egypt, should never have
appealed to the living faith of Buddha. Its ritual was not unlike
the Christian. Like Christianity, it rejected the claims of race and
country, andin itself found another and stronger bond of brother-
hood. Like Christianity, it was a religion Catholic and apostolic,
and to attest its truth, not a few had died the martyr’s death. It
was, besides, the creed of an ancient race ; around and about it
was a mystery which startled the self-sufficiency of the Greek, and
awakened to curiosity even Roman indifference. It was emi-
nently fitted to elucidate Christian doctrines, and therefore to draw
to itself the attention of Christian writers,1 and yet the name of
Buddha stands a phantom in their pages. But then few were the
Hindus who visited the Roman world, and all as merchants lived
buying and selling, though not all were Buddhists. And if, here
and there, one more earnestly religious than his fellows was eager
to preach his law, whom could he address, and where find an
interpreter for thoughts so far out of the range of the ordinary
Greek intellect? Allow, however, that he had studied and mastered
the Greek language. Among his auditory, the merchants with
whom he traded, the few men of letters, if any, who sought Ins
society, that a Christian, one of a small community, should have
been found, is an accident scarcely to be expected, and the silence
of the fathers is in some measure intelligible. But now that we
have a Christian church at Ceylon, and Christians who are daily
witnesses of the ceremonial of Buddhist worship, who have heard
of Buddha’s life, and miracles, and mission, and have visited the
monasteries where his followers retire to a life of prayer and self-
denial, I cannot understand how it is that no word relating to this
wide-spread faith has reached the ears of Cosmas, or has attracted
the notice of Syrian bishops, and that these ages are worse informed
on Buddhism than was that of Clemens Alexandrinus.

1 Buddhism and Buddhist practises attracted the attention of the earliest
travellers of our age. Tide Carpinus, in Hakluyt, 64, I. Bubruquius, 118, 127-8
ib., Marco Polo, 47 p., S. G. ed., and a summary of what was known of Buddhism
in his own time in Maffei, Hist. Indie., 169 p., 12mo. Marco Polo too has given
an account of Buddha, 449-50 pp., u. s., with some errors, no doubt, but wonder-
fully correct and detailed when compared with the short notices in Greek writers.
But still none of these early travellers, I am bound to say, connect, or see any
similarity between the Buddhist and Christian services. Marco Polo only
observes of Buddha “ si fuisset Christianus fuisset apud Deum maximus factus,”
ibid.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 299

We will now trace the changes which took place in the com-
mercial relations of Rome and India. When Palmyra fell, Alexandria
did not, as might have been expected, inherit its Indian trade, and
the wealth and power that trade brought with it. For when
Palmyra fell, Alexandria was suffering from civil war, recent siege
and capture. Its citizens had been given up to plunder and put to
the sword, and Bruchium, its noblest quarter, razed to the ground.1
It was overwhelmed by its own disasters, and in no condition to
engage in distant and costly ventures. But when Palmyra fell,
the fleets, Arab and Indian, which fed its markets, did not perish in
its fall. The ships and crews lived still, the populations to whose
wants they ministered2 had not disappeared. The old demand
existed. For a moment the course of trade is disturbed. A great
mart has been destroyed, and others must be found or created to
take its place. At first, probably, the merchant fleets, as was their
wont, made for Vologicerta, and there delivered their cargoes, which
perhaps found a way up the right bank of the Euphrates to
Apamea, and thence to Antioch and the cities of Syria. But the
cost of transit and the want of a back freight must very soon have
closed up this route, in so far at least as it was the route to the
Syrian sea-board, though, doubtless, the river remained always the
great highway for the supply of Mesopotamia and the neighbouring'
states. And now it was that the Arabs and Indians probably began
to frequent the ports which, unknown to Strabo and Pliny, studded,
according to Ammianus Marcellinus, the Persian Gulf ;3 hither they
brought the products of the East, and hence shipped horses, for
which they found a ready sale among the kings and nobles of India
and Ceylon. And now, too, it was that the Arabs turned their
attention to the Red Sea route,4 once in the hands of the
Alexandrian merchants, but now neglected. In a deep bay on the
western shores of the Arabian Gulf,5 6 the first, after having entered
the straits, which afforded shelter and a safe anchorage, they

1 See from Ammianus Marcel, and Eusebius, notes, 297 p., xix. v., Jour. Rl.
As. Soc.

2 Appian thus describes the Palmyrenes : Pupaiivv ict TlapQvaiuiv ovrtg
apopiat, {£ tKartpovt; tiridt^iuii; u\ov' tpiropoi yap ovrtg, tcopi^ovm ptv tic
Iltpaivv ra IvSuca k, A pafiuca, Sian^tvrat o’ tv rp Pivpaicov, de Bel. Civil., v. ix.

3 “ Cujus sinus per oras omnes oppidorum est densitas et vicorum, naviumque
crebri decursus,” xxiii., 6, 11.

4 It had been known from old time. Agathareides (2nd cent, b.c.) speaks of

the native boats which from the Fortunate Islands (probably Socotora) traded
with Pattala, on the Indus. De Mari Eryth , 103 §. Muller, Geog. Min., 1 , 191 p.

6 tfiiropiov vopipov Ktifitrov tv ko\ 7r (p /3a6n .... airo a raStitiv tiKoai rrjg
QaXaaapg tonv i) AdovXig icuipp av/ipirpog. Periplus, 45 §, or 4§.

300 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

found Adule, the chief port of Ethiopia, though in the time of the
Periplus only a village. They saw that access to it both from East
and West was easy, that it lay beyond the confines, and was not
subject to the fiscal regulations of the Roman Empire ; that its
mixed population, of which the Arab race formed no inconsiderable
part, was friendly and eager to forward their views. On Adule,
then, they fixed as the depot for their trade, and soon raised it from
a village and petty port, to be one of the world’s great centres of
commerce.

But under the immediate successors of Aurelian (died a.d. 275),
the Roman Empire was in so disturbed a state, and under Diocletian
(a.d. 283-304) Alexandria suffered so fearfully for its recognition of
Achilleus, that its merchants were probably compelled, and not
disinclined, to leave the whole Indian trade in the hands of the
Arabs, who had always been, not only carriers by land and sea,
but traders also, as the story of Scythianus proves ; and who, as
they travelled from city to city, carried their wares1 2 with them, and
wherever they stopped exposed them for sale and thus supplied the
immediate wants of the neighbourhood and the tradesmen of the
district. But with the restoration of order, during the long reign
of Constantine, the Roman merchant grew wealthy and enterprising;
he extended the sphere of his operations, and though, partly from
inability to compete with the cheaply built but well manned craft of
the Arabs, and partly from long disuse and consequent ignorance
of the Indian seas, he does not seem to have again ventured his
ships upon them, yet he gradually recovered his old position in the
Arabian Gulf, and at least shared in its trade from Adule home-
ward.* To Adule he himself resorted, and at Adule, through his
agents,3 managed his dealings with the East, leaving to the Arabs,
and perhaps the Indians, all the risks and profits of the ocean voyage.

1 The wealth of Scythianus, when it came into the hands of Manes, consisted
Xpvaov $ apyvpnv k, ttpuiyciTtuv Kf aWior (Epiphanius a. Manichse, 617, I.) show-
ing that Scythianus's journey to Jerusalem, if undertaken primarily in the
interest of truth, was not without some commercial object.

2 Both by his ships on the Red Sea and his fleets of boats on the Nile. Of
Roman ships on the Red Sea we know from Cosmas and Procopius (de Bello
Pers., I., 19, 101 p.) Of the traffic on the Nile we may get some notion from the
ruse employed by Athanasius to escape from his pursuers (Photius, Hoeschiel,
1448 p ). and more directly from the wealth Palladius gives an Alexandrian
merchant, avbpa tv\a3r] v K) <pi\oxpi<rro v, bvo pvpiaCag xputru’wi’ irpaypaTivofitvov
[itra i Karov ir\ou ov fn rrjg arwrtpac Opflaiboe Kanovra. LXY., Hist. Lausiaca.

3 I conclude this from a passage in Procopius, already cited in part. Telling
of the slaves and adventurers left behind him by Hellestheaus, on his return from
the conquest of the Homerites, he says ovrog o Xtiug avv iripoig naiv Etnpitpaup

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 301

But that Roman intercourse with India was indirect and kept up
by Arab vessels is so contrary to received opinion, that I will now
cite and examine the few events and notices bearing on the Indian
trade which are to be met with in ancient writers. And,

I. The embassy to Julian1 (a.d. 361) is scarcely conceivable,
unless during his reign, or rather that of Constantine, some and
probably a commercial intercourse existed between India and the
Roman Empire.2 But as for such an embassy, the presence at the
Singhalese Court of any enterprising Roman merchant, a Sopater,
and who like Sopater may have reached Ceylon in an Adulitan
ship, would fully account, — and indeed its Serendivi so much more
akin to the Serendib of the Arabs than the Salike of Ptolemy
smacks of Arab companionship, and must have filtered through Arab
lips — I cannot look upon it as indicative of an intercourse either
direct or frequent.

II. Epiphanius (about a.d. 375) gives some few details relating
to this trade. In his story of Scythianus he speaks of the Roman
ports of entry in the Red Sea, (Ela, the Alah of Solomon, Castron
Clysmatos,3 and Berenice, and observes that through Berenice
Indian wares are distributed over the Thebaid, and by the Nile are
carried down to Alexandria and the land of Egypt, and to Pelusium,
and thus passing by sea into different cities, TraTpiEas* the merchants

tio fiaoiXti nravaaTavTtg avrov ptv tv tivi tcjv (Ktivy ippovpiojv Ka9tip£av,
ertpovEt 'Optpiraig fiaoiXta KaTtOTyaavro A/3 papov ptv ovopa • 6 St Aj3papog
ovrog xptoriavor ptv yv, EovXog Et Pmpaiov avSpog, tv noXti Ai9iomuv A EovXiEi
tm rij Kara QaXucroav tpyautif Eiarpipyv txovTog, Id. I. 20, p. 105. And
that commercial agents were of old date may be shown from Belations Arabes,
I., 68.

1 Yide Journ. As. Soc., xix., 274 p.

2 In a Geographical Tract, Totius Orbis Decriptio, translated from the Greek
and written a.d. 350-3, Geog. Minor., II., 520, it is said of Alexandria : “ Hsec
cum Indis et Barbaris negotia gerit merito ; aromata et diversas species pretiosas
omnibus regionibus mittit.” But another version, ib., “ supra caput enim habens
Thebaidis Indorum genus et accipiens omnia praestat omnibus ” — thus showing
that although dealing in Indian wares its Indians were only Ethiopians.

3 So called because here the Israelites crossed over the Eed Sea. Cosmas
Montfancon, Col. Non. Pat., 194 p.

4 'Oppoi yap Trig Epv9pyg 9aXaooyg Eiaipopoi, tm ra OTopia rr]g Piopaviag
ciaKtKpiptvoi, 6 ptv tig £7ri tt]v AiXav . . . . 6 St irtpog I7ri to Kacrpov KXutr-
parog' aXXurg Et avioTaTio tir i Tt)v PtpviKtjv KaXovptvr]V, Ei’ r/g BtpviKt]g
KaXovptvtig tm ri)v QrifiaiEa (fripovrai k, Ta ano rryg IvSiicrig tpxoptva tiEp tntiot
Ty OyfiaiEt Eia\vvtrai, iy tm Tyv A Xt£avEptiav Eia tov .... NftXou f7ri
iraoav tuv A lyvTTTivv yyv, v, tm to IleXotxTtov iptptTai, k, ovriog tig rag aXXag
rrarpiEag Eia 9aXaa<Jt)g Eitp\optvoi oi arro rr/g IvEwyg tm Tyv Piopaviav
ipTroptvovTai. Epiphanius, a. Haeres., XLA'I., 618 p., I.

VOL. XX.

302 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

from India import their goods into the Roman territory. From this
passage, written at the close of the 4th century, it appears :

1st. That Epiphanius speaks of Indian goods as then imported
by sea and through one port, Berenice, into the Roman Empire.

2ndly. That he uses the same terms1 to designate both the
imported goods and the importing merchants, and thus possibly
intimates that like the goods the merchants also were “ Indian,”
i.e.j Arabs of either Ethiopia or Eastern Arabia, the Indians of the
ecclesiastical writers of this age. Indeed one might ask whether
it was not owing to their association with Indian wares that these
peoples came to be themselves known as Indians.

3rdly. That he makes no mention of Adule. But Adule, how-
ever closely connected with the ocean trade between Rome and
India, was really an Ethiopic city, and could therefore scarcely find a
place in this itinerary which begins with the Roman ports of entry.

III. The presence at Alexandria (some time befoi’e a.d. 470) of
those Hindus whom Severus lodged in his house.2 I have already
remarked on the inexplicable proceedings of these travellers who,
as they were neither merchants nor public officers, could only have
travelled for amusement or instruction, and who took every precau-
tion against either.3 I would now direct attention to the character
as well of Severus who received, as of Damascius who has recorded
their visit. Both clung to the old superstition: and the one was sup-
posed to favour its re-establishment by his personal influence and
the other by his writings, the very dotage of “Platonic Paganism.”4
Both Avere credulous : and as Severus would without examination
and only too eagerly have welcomed as guests any men calling them-
selves Hindus with whom he became acquainted, so Damascius
would have noticed a visit of any reputed Hindus, whether made or
not, if said to be made to such a man. The visit is open to suspicion.

IY. The Indian Embassy to Justinian. Malalas notices two

1 ra cnro ttjq IvZikIiq (pxoptva hSti and Supx°liev01 «wo T1Q I vSikijq. The
lighter and more precious wares are expressed by the word net], as spices, pearls,
&c. It corresponds with the “notions” of American commerce.

2 Aide supra, p.

3 Many an English traveller might be cited whose habits abroad very much
resemble those of Damascius’ Hindus. But then we travel for fashion’s sake a
good deal, because Ave must ; but a Hindu who leaveshis country travels because he
has in him the spirit of travel; he travels as Mungo Park did, Belzoni, Burkhardt,
and many others, impelled by the strong desire to see strange men and strange
lands.

4 See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. xxxvi., sub an. 468, and the extracts from
Damascius, in Phot.ius Bibliotheca, 1042 p.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 303

Indian Embassies, either of which may possibly be Hindu. The
first reached Constantinople with its gifts the same year (a.d. 530)
that John of Cappadocia was made Praetorian Praefect ; the second
with an elephant about the time (a.d. 552) that Narses was sent
into Italy against the Goths.1 Now with regard to the first of these
Embassies, as in Malalas the Ethiopians and Eastern Arabs are
called Indians,2 the question arises whether this Embassy does not
properly belong to some one or other of these peoples; and to
answer it we must enter into some detail. From Malalas and
Procopius3 we gather: that there were seven Indian kingdoms,
three Homerite, and four Ethiopian ; that the Ethiopians occupied
the I’egions lying eastwards and extending’ to the ocean, and
carried on a great trade from Auxume with Rome through the
Homerite country ; that some time prior4 to a.d. 529, Dimnos the
Homerite king, who with many of his people was of the Jewish
persuasion, seized upon some Roman merchants while traversing his
dominions in pursuit of their business, confiscated their goods, and
put them to death, in retaliation, as he pretended, for the continued
persecutions to which Jews were subjected in the Roman states ;
that the Auxumitan trade with Rome was in consequence interrupted,
and that the Auxumitan king, aggrieved by the injury to himself
and the wrongful death of his allies, invaded and subdued the
Homerites, and in fulfilment of a vow contingent on his success
declared himself a Christian. To this Ethiopian sovereign or rather
his successor, called Elesboas by Malalas, Hellesthreus5 by Proco-
pius, on the breaking out of the Persian War (a.d. 529), Justinian
sent an embassy, and adjured him by their common faith, to invade
the Persian territory, and breaking off all commercial relations
with the Persians to send ships to those Indian ports where
silk was to be found, and there purchase it, and thence by way of
the Homerite country and down the Nile and through Egypt, to

1 Y. from Malalas, note 4, 274 p., xix., Journ. As. Soc., and Malalas, 484 p. :
IvdiKTiixivog ty’ Trpt<yf3tvTt](; lvSuiv KaTnrtfj.<p9r] /ura ic, t\t<pavroQ tv KuivcTav :

2 Malalag, u. s., and 457 p. ; also Asseman, Bib. Orient., IV., 452-3 pp.

3 Malalas, 433 p. Procopius, de Bello Pers., 104 p. The division of the
Indians into kingdoms belongs to Malalas; the slaughter of the Roman merchants
and its cause and consequences to both.

4 In a.d. 524, vide Asseman, u. s., I., 365, note.

5 The converted king Malalas calls Andas, 434 p. Theophanes Adad ; Aidog,
Asseman, u. s., I., 359, notes 5 and 6. The king of the Embassy, Cosmas, like
Malalas, knows as Elesboas. The ambassador I should have thought was Non-
nosus, who left an account of his embassy, and from the ambassador, whoever he
was (Procopius calls him Julianus), Malalas derived his information, 457-8 pp., ib.

Y 2

304 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

import it into Alexandria ; and as an inducement to attempt this
enterprize he held out to him the prospect of a monopoly and the
hopes of great profits. But Procopius observes that, though the
Ethiopians promised and exerted themselves, they failed to gain a
footing in the silk trade : for they found the ground already occu-
pied by Persian merchants who everywhere forestalled them in the
Indian markets.1 2 And Malalas concludes his account of this
negotiation by stating that Elesboas in return sent an Indian
ambassador with letters, aa/cpas, and gifts to the Roman Emperor.
Is then our Indian Embassy the same as this one from Elesboas ?a
and does its first mention refer to its departure from Auxume, its
second to its arrival in Constantinople ? Or is it to be referred to
some one of the Pseudo-Indian kingdoms ? Or though unrecorded
by any other writer, is it really Hindu? Who shall tell? With
regard to the second Embassy : it is noticed by both Theophanes
and Cedrenus,3 but noticed seemingly not because it was any strange
sight in Constantinople, but because its elephant, a native of
Africa as of India, broke loose and did much mischief. However
this may be, a Hindu Embassy in Constantinople was no improbable
event, for after Elesboas had, at the instance of Justinian, ineffec-
tually attempted to open up the trade with India, would he not
naturally bring over and forward to the Roman Court some native
Indians, ambassadors or others, as the surest evidence he could

1 rote ti A lOioipi tt)v ptra£av ivvtiaQai irpog rwv Ivfiuiv afivvarov i]v. nrti at i
fit oi Tlepcriov tpj ropoi irpog avToig toiq oppoig ytvoptvoi (ov fit Ttpiora at toivI vfiiov
vtjtQ Karaipovmv, art \wpav TrpoaoiKovvTtg TJ]V opopov) enravra wviioQai ra
(popTia tiu>9aot. Procopius, u. s., 106 p.

2 Elesboas having received and entertained Justinian’s Embassy, Kartirtp-^i
K) (jciKpag fiia Ivfiov Trpttrf3vTtpov 19 ^wpa Tip f3atn\ti Pitipaiuv. Malalas, 459 p.,
and afterwards 477 p., incidentally mentions the Embassy we have been examin-
ing: tv avrip fit rip \povip k, TrptoflvTtig I vfiiov pirn fi lopiov KaTtireptpOri tv Kiov-
ijTavTivovxoXti, avrtp Tip \povip lioavvrjg 6 Kajrwa^oi; tytvtro tTrap^og
TrpaiTiopiitiv.

3 The chronology of these times is loose and uncertain. According to Theo-
phanes (Chron. I., 346-7), the Christianization of Auxume, and the events which
led to it, occurred a.d. 535, and the Embassy with the elephant, a.d. 542.
Cedrenus refers it to a.d. 550. Taking then the dates assigned by Malalas,
a.d. 530 for our first, a.d. 552 for the second, Embassy, and it is clear that the
first Embassy follows too closely on the alliance and engagements of Elesboas,
while between these and the second there is too great an interval, to admit of
the reasons I have adduced for either one of these Embassies being Hindu. Of
Theophanes’ dates (he lived early part of 9th century) I scarcely like to speak —
the first is so manifestly wrong. But if we take a.d. 542 for the date of the
Elephant Embassy, and a.d. 533, Gibbon’s, for that of Justinian’s to Auxume,
then these reasons would be pertinent enough.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 305

give of his good faith and zeal in carrying out his part of the treaty?
One of these embassies may be Indian, but it is no proof of any direct
intercourse with India. Indeed the whole narrative rather inti-
mates that Roman enterprize extended no further than Auxume, and
that all trade beyond was in the hands of some other people.

Y. The introduction of the silk-worm into the Roman Empire.
According to Procopius,1 it happened in this way. Aware of the
interest Justinian took in the silk trade, some monks from India
who had lived long in Serinda (Theophanes2 says it was a Persian),
brought over in a reed (ev vapOrjia) silk-worm’s eggs, taught the
Romans how to treat them, and by acclimatizing the worm to make
themselves in the article of silk independent of the Persians and
other people. I incline to think that the monks were Persians ;
for India was under the Persian metropolitan, and its churches, as
we learn from Cosmas, were served by priests from Persia ; and a
Persian Christian would be more Christian than Persian, and more
likely to benefit his co-religionists than his countrymen. But let
the monks be Romans, and Romans we know did occasionally visit
and sojourn in India, and their introduction of the silk- worm is no
evidence of any ocean trade with India.

VI. A passage in Procopius which intimates that Roman ships
frequented the seas in which were found the loadstone rocks.
This passage I will quote at length and examine. After having
described the Arabian Gulf from (Ela, and told of its islands and the
Saracens and Homerites on its Eastern coast, and alluded to the
many other peoples living inland up to the very borders of the cannibal
Saracens, beyond whom he places the Indians, “ but of the Indians
leaves others to speak at their discretion,”3 Procopius returns to
Boulika of the Homerites, and notices the calm sea and easy transit
thence to Adule. He then proceeds to treat of Ethiopia, but first
touches on the peculiarly constructed boats used by the Indians,
ev \v£ois, and on this sea. “They are not,” he observes, “painted

1 Two tovtov Tov xPovov ~lveg pova\oiv £? I vB(OV T]K0V7tg yV0V7t£ 71 big
lovo7iviavip Cia gttovct}q eiij pjjicsrt irpot; Htpooiv 7jjv pt7alav oivtioOai Pcopaiovg,
&c. De Bel. Goth, 546 p.

2 ryv 7(ov okiuXtikuiv ytvtoiv avt]p Htptryg . ... tv Bu?avn<p v—eBti£tv'
0V70£ tK Sr/puv . ... 70 o—eppa 7iov okoiXijkoiv ev vapdrjKi Xaf3uiv ptxpi
Bv£av7iov iieooioa7o, &c. Excerpta Theoph. Hist., 484 p., lived close of 6th
century. The seed was brought overland, as the French, to avoid the tropical
heats, are now sending it. — Times, May 12, 1863.

3 oi £t 'Opijoirai ov7oi tv XWP$ ry tTTtKtiva itiKt]V7ai wpog ry rye QaXaoorjQ
t)ovi, V7rt p 7t av7ov£ aXXa tOvr) jroXXa, fitxpi t£ 7ovg avQpivwoipayovg Saparyvot'C,
i£pvo9ai <paa r ptO’ ovg £e ra ytvrj tojv I vdiov tonv. aXXa roi/rtur ptv —epi
Xf)tra> tnao7og big ttij avup (3ovXo[itvip to7iv. De Bello Pers., 100 p.

306 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

over with tar or anything else, nor are their planks made fast to
one another by iron nails, but with knotted ropes, /I/joyoi?, and this
not as is generally supposed, because there are in these seas rocks
which attract iron (for the Roman ships from QRa, though iron-fastened ,
suffer nothing of the sort), but because the Indians and Ethiopians
neither have any iron nor are able to buy any from the Romans
who are forbidden to sell it them on pain of death. Such is the
state of things about the so-called Red Sea and the coasts on each
side of it.”1 On this passage I will observe —

1st. That as long- as it treats of the shores of the Arabian Gulf,
where the Romans traded, its language is clear and definite enough,
but as vague when it comes to speak of the inland peoples, of
whom very evidently Procopius had been able to obtain very
imperfect information.

2ndly. That the Indoi.with whom the Ethiopians and the Persians
seem to have had commercial dealings must have been the inhab-
itants of a country without iron, and not therefore of India celebrated
of old time2 for its steel, but very possibly of Arabia,3 into which
in the age of the Periplus iron, and sometimes from India, was
regularly imported, and the boats of which4 quite answered to the
description of Procopius. And

3rdly. That the last paragraph indicates that Procopius confines
his observations to that part of the Red Sea which is inclosed by
coasts on either side, the Arabian Gulf, and that consequently the
loadstone rocks referred to are not those on the Singhalese coast,
but loadstone rocks in or near the Arabian Gulf.

VII. We have Chinese authority that a great trade between
Rome and India existed in the 6tli century of our era. Ma-touan-

1 ra fitv ovv ry OaAaooy iy x°P? V avrrjQ t<p irartpa ton ravry

th) txtli ib., 102 p.

2 Ctesias, p. 80, 4.

3 Of Arabia or Arabians settled in Ethiopia. Elsewhere Procopius speaks of
Ethiopia as India : NfiXoc piv . ... t£, Ivdujv nr Aiyvnrov ytpoptvoQ, &c. De
JEdificiis, vi. I., 331 p., III.

4 “ Les vaisseaux Arabes n’approchaient pas pour la force des vaisseaux
Chinois (Ibn Batutah mans each junk with 1,000 men, 600 sailors and 400
soldiers, iv., 91, French tr.) .... construits en general en hois et sans melange
de fer, ils tiraient trfes-peu d’eau .... Les Arabes employaient .... dans
leurs constructions naval es des planches de cocotiers, et ces planches etaient liees
entre elles avec des chevilles de hois.” And Rel. Arabes, Dis. Prel., 56 p. “ II n'y a
que les navires de Siraf dont les pieces sont cousues ensembles,” ib., I., 91 p. ; but
Ibn Batutah : “ C’est avec des cordes de ce genre que sont cousues les navires
de V Inde et du Yaman,” and he adduces as a reason why iron is not used, the
rocky bottom of the Indian sea against which iron-bound vessels break to pieces,
iv., 121.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 307

lin, bom a.d. 1317, in his Researches into Antiquity, briefly affirms
■“that India (a.d. 500-16) carries on a considerable commerce by
sea with Ta-Tsin, the Roman Empire, and the Ansi or Asge, the
Syrians”;1 and the Kou-kin-tou-chou (Ancient and Modern Times),
having alluded to the commerce of India with the West, states
that the Roman trade with India is principally by sea, and that by
sea the Romans carry off the valuable products of India, as coral,
amber, gold, sapphires, mother of pearl, pearls, and other inferior
stones, odoriferous plants, and compounds by concoction and dis •
tillation of odoriferous plants, and then adds that from these com-
pounds they extract the finest qualities for cosmetics, and after-
wards sell the residue to the merchants of other countries.2 3 We
observe —

1st. That silk is not included in the list of Indian merchandize
(the ei£r) of Epiphanius) sent to the Roman Empire by sea.

2ndly. That this trade by sea necessarily presumes that the
goods exported from India were known to be so exported either on
Roman account or for the Roman market, but not that they
were exported in Roman ships. We have seen that Roman mer-
chants sometimes visited India, that in India Roman money was
current, and the Roman Empire known and respected, and we may
fairly suppose that that Empire, its trade, and its wants and their
supply, were often subject of talk in the Indian8 ports, and would

1 Vide Chinese account of India, from Ma-touan-lin, tr. by Pauthier, Asiatic
Journal, May to August, 1836, 213-7 pp. For the date of Ma-touan-lin’s birth,
v. his Life, Remusat, Nouv. Melanges Asiat., II., 168, where Remusat compares
Ma-touan-lin’s great work to the Mem. de l’Academ. des Inscriptions, and observes
that De Guignes in his Hist, des Huns, and the Jesuit missionaries in their several
works, owe to it much of their knowledge of China and Chinese literature.

2 Also tr. by Pauthier, Journal Asiatique, Oct. and Nov., 1839, 278, 389-93 pp.
This account seemingly refers to India in the early part of the 6th century
(ib., 274 p.) ; but it then goes back to speak of the relations which had before
existed between Rome and China ; how that (a.d. 166) Antin, Antoninus, sent
an embassy through Tonquin with presents, and how the Romans in the interest
of their commerce travelled as far as Pegu, Cochin China, and Tonquin ; and how
a Roman merchant, one Lun (a.d. 222-278), came to Tonquin, and was sent on
by its Governor to the Emperor, and in answer to the Emperor's questions told of
the ways and manners of his country. As Lun and his doings close this short
summary of Roman relations with China, I conclude that he was one of the mer-
chants mentioned above, and that they, like him, belong to the period ending
a.d. 278, when Roman commerce with the East most flourished, — and as with
one unimportant exception no further notice is taken of the Roman Empire, I
presume that after this time its commerce with these distant regions entirely
ceased.

3 When in Bochara (a.d. 1250), Marco Polo meets the ambassadors of Kublai

308 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

certainly become known to the Chinese traders there, and would as
certainly be spoken of by them on their return home, and would
thus find their way into the works of Chinese geographers and
historians.

But in order that we may not reason on to a foregone conclu-
sion, hurrying over or explaining away the events and authorities
which make against us, we will for a moment suppose that they
sufficiently establish the fact of an ocean trade between Rome and
India — and then as from the age of the Ptolemies (ending b.c. 46)
to that of Firmus (a.d. 273), we know through Strabo, Pliny, the
Periplus, Ptolemy, and Vopiscus, that Alexandrian ships sailed for
India ; we have to show why it is that after that time, though we
read of Romans, lawyers, priests, and merchants, who travelled
thither, and all seemingly through Adule, and one of them certainly
in an Adulitan craft, we read of none who went in a Roman ship.
How, too, is it, we will be asked, if Roman ships thus crossed the
Indian Ocean, that neither they nor their crews are seen among
the vessels and peoples which, according to Cosmas, crowd the port
and thoroughfares of the great Singhalese mart ? How, that the
Christians of Socotora, an island of Greek colonists,1 and right in
the course of Alexandrian ships en route for India, were subject
not to the Greek but the Persian metropolitan ? And when
Justinian, as Procopius relates, sought to re-establish the silk
trade and to wrest it from the hands of the Persians, how is it that
he applied, not to his own merchants of Alexandria, whose services
he might have commanded, and whom, had they had ships in those
seas, he would have wished to encourage, but to the Ethiopian
Arabs, whom to the detriment of his own subjects he tempted
with the hopes of a monopoly ? Again on this supposition, how
account for it, that the loadstone rocks, those myths of Roman
geography, which in Ptolemy’s time, the flourishing days of Roman
commerce, lay some degrees eastward of Ceylon, appear a.d. 400
barring its western approach, and a.d. 560 have advanced up to

Khan ; they press him to visit their master : “ eo quod nullum latinum usquam
viderat, quamvis videre multum affectarat,” c. II. And Maffei (Hist. Ind.,
L. iv.) observes of the Byzantine Turks that in the 15th century the Indian
kings called them “ corrupts, GrsecS voce Rumos quasi Romanos.” But while
this indicates that the memory of Rome survived among the Hindus, it is no
evidence of any commerce between the peoples, no more evidence than is the
mention of an Indian princess in the romance of (Peredurl) of a knowledge of
India among the Cambrian bards.

* Speaking of the inhabitants, the Periplus : uat Sc cmKcvoi § ctti/juctoi
Apafiuv Kj I vSiov K) cti 'EAArivwv rcup npog cpyaoiav ckttAcovtu)}’, 30§, 281 p.

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA, 309

the very mouth of the Arabian Gulf ?* Surely an ocean trade with
India is, all things considered, all but impossible.

But to return to the loadstone rocks. As in an age little
observant of the laws and phenomena of nature, lands unknown
save by report and unexplored are ever, according to their surround-
ings, invested either with mythic terrors or mythic beauties ; and
conversely, as all lands in the conception of which the mythic pre-
dominates are lands which he outside the sphere of knowledge,
and consequently of intercourse, of the people wdio so conceive of
them ; it follows that these rocks at the very least indicate the
extreme limits of Roman enterprize, and the several changes in
their position, changes ever bringing them nearer to the Roman
Empire, the ever narrowing range of Roman enterprize in their
direction. Their changes of position, therefore, confirm our view
of the Roman maritime trade.

But though there is no evidence to show that at this period
Roman ships navigated the Indian seas, we know that Indian
goods still found their way to Constantinople, and from both Greek
and Arab writers, that Arab vessels were employed in the Indian
trade. So early as the age of the Ptolemies, Agatharchides*
(b.c. 146) notices a trade between Aden and the Indus, and carried
on in native boats, e/nropuca* tu>v ■7rpo‘?xwPlwl’ ox6^£as- The Periplus
(a.d. 89-90) speaks (26 §) of Arabia Eudsemon, Aden, as the great
entrepot of Indian commerce in the olden time, before Alex-
andrian ships ventured across the ocean ; and describes Muza,
Mokha, as a busy sea-port full of sea-faring men, shipmasters, and
sailors, and as trading with Barygaza in its own craft.1 2 3 And lastly,
Cosmas (a.d. 535), among the merchant ships to be seen at Ceylon,
mentions those of Adule and the Homerites. Arab writers also
allude to this branch of Arabian enterprize. Thus Haji Khalfa,4 in

1 See supra, p., and the Pseudo-Callisthenes, III., vii., 103 p., Didot, and
Procopius, sup., 38 p. For Ptolemy’s Maniolai Geog. Lib. vii., c. II., p.

2 De Mari Erythraeo, 103 c., 191 p., II., Geog. Graeci Min., ed. Muller.

3 to piv o\ov A.pa(3u>v vavicXijpucMV avQpionwv K) vavriKwv nXtovaZti icj roig
air’ epTropiag npaypam Kivttrai ’ ovyxpwvrai yap tij tov Tnpav tpyaoia ^
BapvyaZwv tdioig iZapnopoig. 21§, 274 p., I., ib.

4 “Ad qualemcq. historic Arabum et Persarum inquit Hemdani notitiam
sibi parandam nemo nisi per Arabes pervenire potest .... Peragrabant enim
terras mercatus causa, ita ut cognitionem populorum sibi compararent. Pari
modo qui Hizam incolebant Persarum hiatoriam, Homeritarumq. bella et eorum
per terras expeditiones cognoscebant. Alii qui in Syria versabantur, res Eoman.
Israel, et Grsec. tradiderunt. Ab iis qui in insulis Bahrain et terram Omman
consederant historiam Sindorum, Hindorum et Persarum accepimus. Qui

310 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA,

his sketch of the ante-Islamic tunes, tells of the old Arabs : how they
travelled over the world as merchants and brought home with them
a larg-e knowledg-e of the peoples they had visited : and how to the
Islanders of Bahrain, and to the inhabitants of Omman, his age
owed its histories of Sinds, Hindus, and Persians. And thus, though
Masoudi1 implies that in the early part of the 7th century the
Indian and Chinese trade with Babylon was principally in the hands
of the Indians and Chinese, yet have we every reason to believe
from the Relation des Voyages Arabes, of the 9th century, that it
was shared in by the Arabs whose entrepot was Khanfou.2

But what in the meanwhile had become of the overland trade
with India ? When in the second half of the 3rd century, and after
nearly 300 years of Parthian rule, the Sassanidre reasserted the
Persian supremacy over the peoples of Central Asia, taught by
the misfortunes and fall of their predecessors, which they might not
unfairly trace to a partiality for western civilization,3 they eschewed
Greek and Roman manners, literature, and philosophy. They besides
restored and reformed the national faith, the religion of Ormuzd.
They cherished old national traditions. They boasted themselves
lineal descendants of the old Persian kings,4 and stood forward as
the champions of the national greatness. Their first communication
with Rome was a threatening demand for all those countries which,
long incorporated with the Roman Empire, had in old time been
subject to the Persian dominion.6 For a moment it seemed as though

denique, in Yemana habitabant cognitionem horum popul. omnium consecuti
sunt, utpote regum erronum (Sayya’ret) umbra tecti.” Haji Khalfa, tr. Fliigel,
I., 76, Or. Tr. Fund.

1 “ The Euphrates fell at that time (the time of Omar, died, a.d. 644) into the
Abyssinian Sea, at a place .... now called en-Najaf ; for the sea comes up to
this place, and thither resorted the ships of China and India, destined for the
kings of El-Hirah,” 246 p., Sprenger's tr. But Reinaud, who by the way has no
great confidence in Sprenger's accuracy, refers these observations to the 5th
century. The passage is alluded to in a previous note, 295 p., Yol. xix., Jour.
Rl. As. Soc., but incorrectly.

2 Relations Arabes, 12 p., which gives an interesting account of the dangers
and mishaps to which the merchant was liable, and which, p. 68, shows the
commerce with China falling away, and why. In Ibn Batutah s time, in so far
as the Chinese seas were concerned, “ On n’y voyage qu’avec des vaisseaux
Chinois,” iv., 91 ; but of these the sailors were often Arabs— thus the intendant
of the junk in which Ibn sailed was Suleiman Assafady, id., 94 ; and one of the
men wras from Hormuz, 96 ; and I think the marines were from Abyssinia.

3 Y. Tacitus, Annal., L. II., c. 2.

4 Reinaud, sur la Meshne, 13 p., tirage h part.

5 Apra£ep£j)p yap re IIep<7)j<; roup re II apOovg .... viKyaay .... orpaTtv-
pan re noWip . ... K) ry Svpiif. tiptfptvcrag, K) cnrtiXojv avaKTyaiaOai Travra, <py

SUBSEQUENTLY TO THE FALL OF PALMYRA. 311

by force of arms they would have made good their claim, but their
barbaric pride proved their overthrow ; and after they had spurned
his friendship,1 they were compelled to abate then- pretensions in
the presence of the victorious Odenatus, and subsequently to buy
a peace of Diocletian by a cession of Mesopotamia and the
eastern borders of the Tigris. Thus stayed in their career of con-
quest and even despoiled of their fairest provinces, they directed
then’ attention to the consolidation of their power and the develop-
ment of the resources of their kingdom. They anticipated and
enforced that cruel policy which in later years was advocated by
and has since borne the name of Machiavelli. Under one pretext
and another, and sometimes by force of arms, they got within their
hands and pitilessly ordered to death the petty kings who owned
indeed their supremacy, but whose sway was really despotic and
allegiance merely nominal.2 To the hitherto divided members
of their Empire they gave unity of will and purpose. They
made it one State, of which they were the presiding and ruling
mind. To educate and enlarge the views of their subjects, they
did not, like their predecessors, study Greek and speak Greek, but
they collected and translated the masterpieces of Hindu literature
and Greek philosophy,3 and thus nationalized them. They encour-
aged commerce. So early as the 4th century of our era, they
entered into commercial relations with China, which they cultivated
in the early part of the 6th by frequent embassies.4 We hear, too,
of their ambassadors in Ceylon, and with Ceylon and the East they

K) TrpoorjKovTa oi tK Trpoyovtov, baa ttots oi tt a\ai Utpaai pt\pl TrIQ 'EXXijju/cijf
QaXaaarig taxor, &c. Dio Cassius : ic, SupiXiror, 80, 3 c.

1 Sapor, who followed out the policy of his father, and forbade the use of the
Greek letters in Armenia, and promised to make Merugan its king if he would
bring it to the worship of Ormuzd (Moses Khorene, II., 83-4 pp., tr.), ordered his
servants to throw into the river the rich gifts, fitya\oirpt7n) biopa, of Odenatus,
and tore up his supplicatory letters, ypappara Str/atirg cvvapiv txorra, and trod
them under foot, and asked, “Who and what he was who dared thus address his
Lord.” “ Let him come and with bound hands prostrate himself before me unless
he is prepared to die, and all his race with him.” Petri Patricii Hist., 134 p.,
Byzant. Hist.

2 Y. Reinaud, u. s., 46-7 pp.

3 E. G. of Hindu literature, the Pancha-Tantra. — Assemann, Bib. Orient., III.,
222. Plato and Aristotle, of Greek philosophers, &c., — as we may gather from
Agathias, II., 28 c., 126 p.

4 “ On a eu des rapports avec la Perse au temps de la seconde dynastie des
Wei” (it la fin du 4ibme sihcle). Remusat, N. Rel. As., I., 248. “ Ce royaume,
a.d. 518-19, payait un tribut consistant en marchandises du pays,” 251 p., ib.
“ Le Roi, a.d. 555, fit offrir de nouveaux pr6sents,” 252 p.

312 ON THE RELATIONS OF ROME WITH INDIA.

carried on a large ocean traffic, as the many flourishing emporia in
the Persian Gulf sufficiently indicate, and as Cosmas distinctly
affirms.; The old overland route to India, also, comparatively
neglected in the great days of Palmyra and during the troubled
reigns of the last Parthian kings, regained under their fostering care
its old importance, and became the great high-road over which
silk was brought to Europe. And such was the justice of their
rule,1 and such the protection and facilities they afforded the
merchant, that silk worth in Aurelian’s time its weight in gold,
and a luxury of the rich and noble, was in the reign of Julian sold
at a price which brought it within every man’s reach.2 By their
treaties with Jovian (a.d. 363) and with the second Theodosius, they
not only recovered the provinces they had lost, but acquired also,
with a not unimportant cantle of the Roman territory, a portion of
the much coveted kingdom of Armenia.3 The overland route was
now wholly in their hands, the Persian Gulf also was theirs, and
when towards the close of Justinian’s reign Khosroes Nushirwan4
overran Arabia, and gave a king to the Homerites, they may be
said to have held the Red Sea and the keys of all the roads from
India to the West.

1 Agathias, II. L., 30 c., 131 p., though he speaks of the high opinion held of
the Persian rule to refute it.

2 Of Aurelian’s time, Vopiscus: “libra enim auri tunc libra serica fuit.” Hist.
Aug., II., 187. Ammianus Marcellinus observes of the Seres: “eonficiunt
sericum, ad usus ante hac nobilium, nunc etiam infimorum sine ullS, discretione
proficiens.” Hist., xxiii., 6.

3 The hundred years truce between Theodosius and Bahram concluded
a.d. 422. Gibbon, iv., 310 p. The final incorporation of Armenia as Pers-
Armenia with the Persian Empire took place at the commencement of the
4th century, ib., 212.

4 Y. d’Herbelot, Bib. Orientale, s. v., but Tlieophanes (Hist., 485 p.) seems to
place this event in the reign of Justin. Excerp. Hist., 485 p. Corpus Byz. Hist.

313

Art. XI. — The Linguistic Affinities of the Ancient Egyptian
Language. By Reginald Stuart Poole, Esq.

[ Read 5tk July, 1862.]

[This paper was prefaced by some observations, of which the
substance is here given.]

The importance of the relation of the ancient Egyptian language
to the Semitic group will be acknowledged, if it is remembered
that the late Baron Bunsen based upon this relation his theory of
the dei'ivation of the latter from the former or a closely-similar
variety of speech.

It is necessary here to state briefly the reasons for the correct-
ness of the method of interpreting hieroglyphics discovered by
Dr. Young and developed by Champollion. The Rosetta Stone is
the key. It is in three inscriptions, called in the third (which is
Greek), sacred letters (hieroglyphics), enchorial letters, and Greek
letters. Dr. Young’s first step was the guess that certain signs
enclosed in rings in the hieroglyphic inscription corresponded to
the names of royal persons in the Greek. The alphabet he thus
formed may, however, be independently obtained without any
recourse to a guess. There is an enchorial papyrus in the Leyden
Museum, in which certain words are transcribed in Greek characters.
From these transcriptions an enchorial alphabet can be formed, by
which the words enclosed in signs like parentheses in the enchorial
inscription of the Rosetta Stone will be found to furnish the same
names as the corresponding words enclosed in rings in the hiero-
glyphic inscription. We thus obtain the means of reading the two
characters of ancient Egyptian. In order to interpret the language
conveyed by these characters it is necessary to know that language.
It has been always held that Coptic is substantially the same as
ancient Egyptian. From the date of the Rosetta Stone to that of
the oldest Coptic work, the translation of the Bible, not more than
four or five centuries intervened, and there were no political causes
that could account for any real change in the language during this

314

THE LINGUISTIC AFFINITIES OF THE

period. Coptic in this, its latest form, fs essentially but little
advanced beyond pure monosyllabism. But we have not to depend
upon any such inferential reasoning. Ancient Greek and Latin
writers have preserved to us a number of transcriptions of Egyp-
tian words, with their meanings, which Parthey has collected
in the appendices to his Vocabularium Coptico-Latinum, <J*c. The
greater part of these words, if we exclude the names of plants
given by Dioscorides, are easily recognisable in the Coptic dic-
tionary, essentially unchanged in form and meaning. There can,
therefore, be no doubt that ancient Egyptian, in its two dialects,
the sacred and the vulgar — which cannot have differed much, if we
compare the hieroglyphic and enchorial inscriptions of the Rosetta
Stone — is essentially the same as Coptic. If, therefore, we can
transcribe ancient Egyptian words (as has been proved possible),
we have nothing’ further to do but to refer to the Coptic dictionary
for their significations. This has been the course followed by the
Egyptologists, and it has led to the recovery of enough of the
ancient language to enable them to discover the general sense of
any document.

Perhaps the most satisfactory confirmation of this system of
interpretation is to be found in the minute and congruous nature
of the information it affords as to the character of the ancient
Egyptian language. A systematic grammar has never been
obtained by a mere guessing interpretation, and, it may be asserted,
will never be so obtained.

Before attempting to discover the characteristics of a single
language, or to institute any comparison between languages, it is
necessary to lay down a systematic classification of the varieties
of human speech.

If we adopt what appears to be the only reasonable system,
and class the languages of the simplest character lowest, and next,
those more complex, gradually ascending, we obtain the following
main divisions : —

a. Monosyllabic languages, such as the ancient Chinese. (Many
languages, now polysyllabic, show evident traces of original mono-
syllabism : thus, in Turkish the accentuation and etymology of
every syllable point to such an original condition.)

b. Agglutinate, as the modern Chinese. (The characteristic of
agglutination may be illustrated from the formation of words in
our own language, such as earring. It is observable that the
absolute agglutination is often a slow operation, and in English the
hyphen remains in all new words of this class, as nose-ring. We

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN LANGUAGE.

315

have no instances in English of the yet-earlier condition in which
each of the two words retains its separate declension, as the Latin
respublica, cornucopias.

c. Amalgamate, as all the Semitic and Indo-European languages.
The words “beseech,” “beseeching,” and “besought,” present
excellent instances of amalgamation.

The great question of comparative philology, always to be kept
in view, is : — Can we infer a consecutive growth of languages ? in
other words, were they all originally monosyllabic, whether from
one origin or not ?

1. For the purpose of comparison, it is necessary to separate a
language into radical and formative elements. The radical ele-
ments are the simple roots ; the formative elements, not only the
additions and modifications of declension and conjugation, but all
those which are employed in the formation of derivatives. The
division may be illustrated by the separation of vocabulary from
grammar, though the vocabulary of a language includes more than
its roots, and the grammar more than its formative elements.

The mere comparison of words as we find them, whether roots
or derivatives, can lead to no clear results. A language may con-
tain an abundance of words borrowed from another language of an
essentially-different nature. Thus Persian is in roots and forms
essentially-diffexent from Arabic, yet it contains a multitude of
Arabic words. An unscientific comparison of Persian words with
Arabic words might lead to the theory that the two languages
were nearly connected, and the consequence would be the same
connection with Arabic, of German, or English, which are demon-
strably kindred to Persian. Few persons are aware of the extra-
ordinary agreements, which must be generally accidental, of indi-
vidual words in languages which have no real points of contact
either in radical or formative elements. Thus in hieroglyphics,
BET is bad, HEP a bird (comp, to hop), SER a chief, SHAF a ram.
Sixty years ago such agreements would have afforded matter for
grave speculation.

But it does not follow that a scientific comparison of roots with
roots is not of very different value to such a chance-method as
that to which I have referred. If we find the roots of two lan-
guages, for the most part, to agree in form and in signification, we
may be sure of their close relationship, as of Greek and Sanskrit.
We must, however, be cai'eful, if such a comparison does not give
us a very great number of correspondents, closely to examine such

31 G

THE LINGUISTIC AFFINITIES OF THE

words as may be merely imitative of sounds, as names of animals
derived from their cries, which abound in some languages, as in
Coptic, krour a frog ; ouhor, a dog ; emou, a cat, and the like ; yet
while excluding such words, we must note their presence as a class
as characteristic of the language. We must also lay little stress upon
certain words which may reasonably be traced to some instinctive
expression of admiration, fear, or any like feeling, and to the sense
of personality, and of non-personality. Thus the identity of the
name of the moon in Egyptian (AAH), in several modern languages,
and probably in some early dialect in Greece, 'ho, may perhaps be
accounted for by the supposition that it is a natural expression of
wonder, and the similarity of personal pronouns in languages
otherwise utterly opposed, may, perhaps, be explained — it seems
otherwise inexplicable — by the supposition that they express some
instinctive sense of personality or non-personality. In the first
and second cases we must look for a general identity of the names
of objects of the doubtful classes, in the third we must require a
very close resemblance.

2. The comparison of the Egyptian with any other language,
therefore, cannot be attempted without a correct knowledge of its
radical and formative elements.

The radical elements or roots of Egyptian are very easily
discovered. They have not, as often in our language, to be
faintly traced in the common character of a multitude of descend-
ants which preserve the traits of a long-lost ancestor. They are
incontrovertibly clear.

In form Egyptian roots are all monosyllabic. I am quite pre-
pared to meet with opposition on this point, but I feel justified in
maintaining it very strongly. In the whole of the Egyptian
vocabulary there are even very few words which are not obviously
monosyllabic roots or derivatives readily reducible to such roots :
the exceptions are too few to affect the ride. In Coptic there is a
departure from monosyllabism, but it is so obvious that it should
occasion no difficulty.

We must not suppose that the Egyptian roots as transcribed by
us are limited to the number of the corresponding sounds that we
write. It is usual to take Bunsen’s vocabulary of 685 so-called
roots as representing all the roots of the old language known to
us. But it will be observed that these roots are written in Roman
characters, and frequently correspond to more than one hiero-
glyphic group. Thus SHA, “ a diadem,” and SHA, “ a book,” are
written with different characters; and no process of ingenuity

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN LANGUAGE.

317

could satisfactorily trace them to a common source. Further, there
are roots written with the same characters, but distinguished by
ideographic signs, placed after them to determine their sense, as HA,
“ a day ; ” and HA, “ an abode.” There can be no reasonable
doubt that these words of seemingly-identical sound, represent, at
least originally, differences of pronunciation, and that, as in Chinese,
so in the most primitive Egyptian, a large variety of vowel-sounds
increased the utility of a consonant or consonants. I am therefore
disposed to think that Bunsen’s list, after the exclusion of many
words carelessly repeated in slightly-different forms, and of a few
derivatives, whether of known or lost roots, must be held to con-
tain upwards of a thousand distinct roots.

Egyptian monosyllabism is generally either biliteral or triliteral.
The most common form is biliteral, the root being expressed by a
consonant and a vowrel ; the next in order, triliteral, by a vowel
between two consonants ; the third, by a vowel and consonant ; the
fourth, by a vowel and two consonants ; and so on. It is, perhaps,
scarcely possible to say whether the biliteral or triliteral roots
predominate. The place of the vowel also is often difficult to
determine, for it is frequently omitted altogether, and it is very
frequently written after two consonants, between which it must
certainly in some cases have been pronounced.

The Egyptian formative syllables and words are immediately
recognised as strikingly similar to the Semitic. The personal pro-
nouns in their separate and enclitic forms and the use of the
latter for the purpose of inflecting- verbs and adding the possessive
idea to nouns, are almost identical. It is not necessary to prove
this well-recognised fact. In like manner the most common form
of the substantive verb is the same as the Hebrew. The prepo-
sitions and adverbs are important as possessing the forms, and in
their use as nouns the significations, of the primitive nouns from
which they originated, thus warning us not to place the eai'liest
known Egyptian very far from the first condition of the language.
Egyptian has the power of forming derivatives, but these do not
follow one single fixed system. They are framed in such a mul-
titude of different ways that we cannot trace any dominant idea,
as we can, for instance, in the Hebrew and Arabic verbs. There
is but one very common derived form of the verb, that with S
prefixed, which is causative, but there is a reduplicated form which
has a frequentative or augmentative sense, and there are traces of
three other forms, respectively with T, H, and N prefixed. The
compounds are mere agglutinations of two words, never more, as

VOL. xx. Z

318

THE LINGUISTIC AFFINITIES OF THE

HAS-SBA, “ a flute-player,” from HAS, “ to play,” and SBA, “ a
flute.” The amalgamate stage of compounds is never reached.

3. The changes which the Egyptian language underwent in the
four thousand years of which we have its records, from the day
when the inscriptions in the tombs of the subjects of Cheops were
engraved till the death, ninety years ago, of the last speaker of
Coptic, are chiefly valuable as showing the essential character of
the language. It remained during this vast period an essentially-
monosyllabic form of speech, never prolific of derivatives, and to
the last unable to form compounds save by the rude process of
agglutination, which loosely binds words together instead of fusing
them into one mass. The approaches to amalgamation are mere
colloquialisms. There is probably an important change in the trans-
position of certain verbal formatives which are prefixes in the Coptic
but suffixes in the hieroglyphic, unless indeed their being written
finally in the latter is on account of then* subordinate character.

4. The Egyptian language may be compared with the Semitic
languages on the one hand, and the African on the other; any
comparison with the Iranian family is a point of less interest and
probable result. On this occasion I intend to confine myself to the
first comparison, hinting only at some results of the second, which
I hope more fully to discuss on a future occasion.

The comparison will be first of roots, then of formatives. As
the Egyptian language is monosyllabic, the first step is to endeavour
to ascertain whether the theory that Semitic was biliteral before
it reached its historical triliteral condition affords any aid in the
comparison. Semitic roots, as we know them, are mainly triliteral,
that is to say, there are three principal letters besides vowels.
Thus in Hebrew we have the verb KaTaL, “ he or it killed,” in
Arabic KaTaLa, where, in each case, the root is of three chief
letters, no more having been anciently written.

These triliteral roots are, however, frequently monosyllabic,
and it has therefore been conjectured by those who consider that
everjr language must have gone through a long course of growth
that the rest were originally monosyllabic also. Fiirst and Delitzsch,
by a supposed philosophical law of language, derive all the Semitic
triliteral roots from biliterals with prefixes or suffixes, but they do
not explain how these formatives lost their power after their
first use. Hupfeld supposes that the triliteral stage was developed
from the biliteral. Dietrich and Boetticher hold that this process
was analogous to that by which derivatives are formed from the
Iriliteral roots, and this theory certainly has some strong internal

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN LANGUAGE.

319

evidence of correctness. But it may be a question whether these
theories do not depend upon the strength of certain radicals and
the weakness of others rather than upon any fixed system of
development. It is obvious, when we see how easily the weak
letters, such as the gutturals, are eliminated, and how hard it is to
reduce a root consisting of three strong letters, that there may here
be a confusion between change and development. Such a word as
the Hebrew “ yasad,” “he placed,” may be reasonably compared
with the Sanskrit sad , our “sit,” as the “y ” is a weak letter, but
is this loss of a weak letter, supposing the roots to be the same,
enough to prove that the Hebrew form was originally without
that letter? I should not strongly oppose theories so generally
received were I not supported by the opinion of M. Renan, who,
as plainly as possible, excludes them from the province of severely -
correct philological inquiries. At the same time he admits that
the biliteral roots of Hebrew show the greatest analogy to the
roots of Indo-European languages, so that possibly the two races
may have separated when then' radicals were not completely
developed and especially before the appearance of their grammar.
But he wisely hesitates to proceed far on this dangerous path. —
(“Histoire des Langues Semitiques,” i., pp. 418, seqq.)

But supposing that we can reduce the Semitic languages to a
primitive monosyllabism of biliteral roots, is this the same as
Egyptian monosyllabism ? The Egyptian monosyllables are not
always biliteral ; and even if we consider the expressed vowels not
to be equivalent (though they really are) to certain of the Hebrew
gutturals, we have still triliteral roots of three consonants. The
probability that the supposed biliteral stage of Semitic is not to be
considered the only condition in which it can be compared with
Egyptian, is, however, rendered a certainty by the occurrence in
the ancient form of the latter language of two triliteral roots
absolutely the same as Hebrew ones of the same signification.
These roots are in Egyptian PTEH “ to open,” and SHTEM or
KHTEM, the first sign corresponding to SH and KH, “ to
shut;” in Hebrew flDS Patah, and D/in Hatam. There can be

- T - T

no doubt whatever as to the meanings of the Egyptian words,
and their relation to the Hebrew is rendered certain by their belong-
ing to the same class in their significations. Both are found on
early monuments, and PTEH is the name of the god of Memphis,
and as such probably as old as the Egyptian language in its present
form, certainly as old as its most ancient inscribed records. It is
thus certain that, at the earliest date at which we know Egyptian,

Z 2

320

THE LINGUISTIC’ AFFINITIES OF THE

at least 4000 years ago, it liad triliteral roots, unmistakeably
Semitic. We must, therefore, if we follow the safer course, com-
pare the Semitic languages in their triliteral form, not in any
supposed earlier form, with the Egyptian. It may be remarked
that these two roots in the Hebrew seem especially to offer them-
selves to the operation of reduction. In Patah, the final letter is
feeble, and we accordingly find it twice changed without a change
of meaning in Hebrew itself ; ITHD, il/IE), and yng unused ; so that
Fiirst unhesitatingly reduces it to a root 713 with a suffix ft.
Hatam is still more easily reducible ; it begins and ends with a
feeble letter, but the guttural was the most likely to be additional,
and therefore Fiirst makes the root D/l with a prefix n. Both
these ingenious chemical operations become very doubtfid when we
find the words as monosyllables without any radical being dropped.

The presence in Egyptian of some words also found in Semitic
must not lead us to conclude that their contact was at a time of
which we have any monuments yet remaining. The Egyptian of
4000 years ago is the same as the Egyptian of the last century ;
and the latest Hebrew will be considered by sound criticism but
little chang-ed from the Hebrew of the patriarchal age. We cannot
therefore suppose, on positive evidence, any gradual approach of the
two languages. It is to be remarked that in the old Egyptian
foreign Semitic words are usually written with a vowel expressed
to each syllable, contrary to the usage with native words : thus,
MAKATARA for Migdol, MARKABATA for merkabah (t); and
that somewhat in the same manner. Egyptian words cited in
Hebrew are given in a Semiticized form : thus, Men-nufr (Mem-
phis) becomes Moph and Noph ; Shebek, Seva (So, A.Y.). There
is therefore no mutual assimilation of the two languages in the
historical period.

In examining the Egyptian roots, no one can fail to notice some
of biliteral form and others of triliteral with a medial vowel, which
show a correspondence to Semitic roots that can scarcely be
accidental. Bunsen has pointed out a few of these in the 4th
volume of his Egypt’s Place, but he left his fuller list unpublished.
Some of these may, however, be equally traced in the Iranian
languages to which other like roots also seem to point. But it
does not appear to us that in either case there is a sufficient simi-
larity to lead to any definite conclusion. Certainly the Arabic roots
in Persian and Turkish are more important than the Semitic and
Iranian possible correspondences to be traced in Egyptian.

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN LANGUAGE.

321

In the formative part of Egyptian the case is wholly otherwise.
In the isolated pronouns and those employed as verbal formatives
as well as to give the possessive sense to nouns, there is not a
similarity to Semitic, but a close relation to it. So remarkable is
this relation, that in describing the Egyptian pronouns it would
scarcely be incorrect to speak of them as Semitic, to use the easiest
mode of explaining their character, just as it may be said of a
Phoenician inscription that it is written in a Semitic character. In
the derivative verbs we trace, however, a far less stable Semitic
element. We can clearly determine a hiphil form and probably a
niphal, respectively with H and N prefixed, but there are no other
certain conjugations, save the reduplicated, common to Egyptian
and Semitic. The reduplicated form has so non-Semitic an aspect
that I scarcely venture to lay stress upon it. The other two forms,
though traceable, seem to have lost their vitality before the time of
the earliest records of Egyptian that we have. The particles have
a resemblance to Semitic, but they are more primitive in being
nouns still in use, or easily recognisable.

5. It must be admitted that Egyptian presents strong resem-
blances to Semitic, but that those resemblances are very unequal.
Their discovery by Benfey, whose labours have been since carried
on by Bunsen and Ewald, but more successfully by the former,
has led to two theories of the place of Egyptian in relation to the
Semitic family of languages.

Bunsen, firmly convinced of the single orig'in of language, and
holding that its oldest form was purely monosyllabic, is forced to
put the Egyptian further back in point of development than the
Semitic. The presence of a strong Semitic element in the lang-uage
makes it necessary, on his theory, that it should be an older stage
of Semitic, a result which is clogged with this dilemma. The
Asiatic descendant of Egyptian possesses one of its two elements,
the Semitic; the African neighbours show the other, a foreign
element. Why have the two thus had a separate existence for so
many centuries ? We can understand the continued existence of
a dwarfed and unproductive offshoot of a language, as Egyptian
might be thought to be of Semitic, but how are we to account for
the division of a language into its two elements and the separate
existence of these two elements, and of the language as a whole ?
Why, if Egyptian stand between pure monosyllabism and Semitism,
have we no traces of Semitism in the monosyllabism of Nigritia, ox-
in the Semitic languages of pure monosyllabism ?

The cuneiform discoveries throw fresh light upon this curious

322 AFFINITIES OF THE EGYPTIAN LANGUAGE.

question. Sir Henry Rawlinson has shown that a monosyllabic or
Turanian language, which he derives from Ethiopia, was spoken in
Babylonia until supplanted by the neighbouring Semitic. Here,
if anywhere, we must expect at least a trace of the supposed
earlier stage of Semitic. On the contrary, the two languages, the
Assyrian Chaldee and the Turanian of Babylonia, are wholly
distinct, as, I believe, Semitic and Turanian always are. But upon
this subject I trust Sir Henry Rawlinson will afford us clearer
information than I am able to give.

I now come to the second theory, which supposes the two
elements of Egyptian to be opposed, meeting like two different
races in Egypt, and there intermixing. In support of this theory,
which was first stated in a work edited by me, “ The Genesis of the
Earth and of Man,”* I must remark that no Semitic scholar of any
weight has been found fully to accept the only other theory that
seems possible, and, in particular, that M. Renan has brought all
his ability to bear upon its refutation, I venture to think, with
no little success. Semitic scholars hold that the two elements
are never fused in Egyptian ; that its pure monosvllabism is only
mixed with the Semitic pronouns, and never could be more per-
fectly united. Their opponents challenge them to produce a parallel
instance of a language which takes its roots from one source and
its formative element in part from another. In reply, instances
may be shown where the roots have wholly changed and the
grammar remains the same, although no instance has been brought
forward in which by borrowing, the complete set of roots of one
language has been substituted for that of another.

This question is one of much broader import than would at
first appear. If it be answered by the second theory I have
endeavoured to state, a severe blow will have been dealt to the
idea that all languages were gradually developed from the rudest
beginnings. If we lose the imagined earlier stage of Semitism
which Egyptian has been held to afford, we may well feel disposed
to maintain the ancient theory, that civilized language, like civiliza-
tion itself, was a gift of God to man, and to suppose that bar-
barous language sprang from a separate, perhaps a natural, source,
rather than to hold that it indicates the first steps of a progress of
which history affords not one corroborative instance.

* Second edition. Williams and Norgate, 1860.

323

Art. XII. — Translations of the Hieroglyphic Writing on an
Inscribed Linen Cloth brought from Egypt. By Sir C.
Nicholson, Bart.

[ Read 5th July, I860.]

In the year 1857 Sir Charles Nicholson returned to London after
a visit to Upper Egypt, where he had made a large collection of
objects of antiquarian interest, including several stelae, sepulchral
inscriptions, papyri, and inscribed linen cloth. Amongst the latter
was one containing, in hieroglyphic writing, a part of the 129th
chapter of the Book of the Dead. The document is itself of no
particular interest. It presents a few new homophons. From
the style of writing it is of an early date, and is probably of a
period contemporaneous with the XVIIIth dynasty.

Sir Charles first showed this inscription to Mr. Birch of the
British Museum, and was much struck with the facility with which
that gentleman read its contents. Mr. Birch having given to
Sir Charles a translation in writing, Sir Charles nest forwarded the
original document to his friend, the Rev. J. Dunbar Heath, of the
Isle of Wight, requesting that he would favour him with his version
of it also, and without intimating to him that the document had
previously been submitted to the inspection of Mr. Birch ; so that
the Rev. J. D. Heath was, in point of fact, in entire ignorance of
any previous effort having been made towards deciphering the
document in question. In the course of a day or two the Rev. J.
D. Heath favoured Sir Charles with his translation, and the respec-
tive versions of these two eminent Egyptologists are now published
side by side. It will be perceived, that although there are some
discrepancies, there is a remarkable general conformity in the sense
conveyed by the two translations ; and the experiment must be
regarded as satisfactory and conclusive, in the highest degree, of
the correctness of the data employed. It is inconceivable that any
merely arbitrary and unfounded system could produce such a
result as that here exemplified, which is given as a small illustra-
tion of the perfect reliability of the mode of interpretation of
hieroglyphics now generally received and adopted. (C.N.)

Translation hy Mr. Birch. Translation by Rev. J. D. Heath.

(The vignette represents the (The figures represent Isis,
deities Isis, Homs, Kliepera, Thoth, Kheper, and Mu, fol-

324 HIEROGLYPHIC WRITING ON A LINEN CLOTH.

Garnu, followed by the deceased
female, Tani, for whom the
Ritual has been written. The
text contains chapter 129 of the
Ritual [Lepsius Todt. Taf. lii.,
c. 129]. It is preceded by a
paragraph not in the Ritual.)

(Parag’raph.) Say the gods
who belong to the sun, Let Tani
stand at the boat of the sun,
coming out justified before
Ilorus, who is in his disk; she
is justified against all his ene-
mies.

(Rubric.) The book of pre-
paring a person so that he may
stand at the boat of the sun
with the gods who belong to
him.

The Heron (Bennu) has gone
to the East, Osiris to Tattu.
I have opened the doors of the
Nile ; I have cleared the path
of the sun ; I have led (or
drawn) Socliavis on his sledge ;
I have placed the crown (or asp)
in its place; I have followed
(Osiris) ; I have adored the sun ;
I have joined them who adore
him; I am one of them; I was
made second after Isis ; I over-
came their power; I knotted the
cord ; I turned back the Apopliis ;
I made him to recoil. The sun
gave me his hands. His satel-
lites did not stop me. I pre-
vail; the eye prevails also; Tani
has separated, it is separated
the egg and the fish.

(Rubric). This chapter is said
over the representation which is

lowed by the deceased woman,
Tani.)

Hail ye Gods who accompany
the Sun ; Grant that the de-
ceased Tani may embark in the
sun’s boat, may issue justified
before Horus in his disk, and
may be justified against his
enemies.

(Then follows a portion of the
129th chapter of the Book of
the Dead.)

The chapter on the strengthen-
ing of the soul, and the allowing
it to embark in the boat of the
sun with his companions.

I have ferried over the Phoenix
to the East, and Osiris to Dadu ;
I have crossed the channels of
the Nile ; I have surmounted the
route of the sun’s disk ; I have
hauled Sokari into his barque,
and paddled Ourti without delay;
I have served, I have adored the
disk ; I am collected among his
worshippers ; I am one among
them ; I form the second with
Isis ; I paddle their souls across ;
I handle the oar ; I have smitten
the serpent ; I have turned back
his legs. The Sun has given me
his arms, his opponents have not
hindered me; and when I am
engaged in sculling, his Sacred
Eye sculls also; when the de-
ceased Tani feasts, she feasts on
eggs and the Abon fish.

This chapter is addressed to
the wanderer in the picture, it

HIEROGLYPHIC WRITING ON A LINEN CLOTH. 325

in the pictures; let it be written
on a clean book, with the point
of an emerald graver. Wash it
in scented water, lay it on the
knee of the dead, let it accom-
pany his flesh. She is not turned
away at the bask of the sun.
Thoth clothes her when she
comes forth. She is arrayed in
pure linen.

is written upon a roll tinted
with solution of colouring matter
in liquid of Anti, which the soul
lias received upon its knees; it
will never stumble with its limbs ;
she appears in the boat of the
Sun; Thoth adores her on her
appearance, walking in the gar-
ment of righteousness.

326

Art. XIII. — Note on the Reh Efflorescence of North-Western
India, and on the Waters of some of the Rivers and Canals.
— By Henry B. Medlicott, B.A., F.G.S., Professor of
Geology, Thomason College, Roorkee.

[Read 15 th December , 1862.}

The following notes, very nearly as they stand, were forwarded in
July, 1861, by post to the late Colonel Baird Smith, for communica-
tion to the Royal Asiatic Society. The address got defaced in the
mail-bags ; and the parcel, after lying for several months in the
Bead Letter Office, found its way back to Roorkee. My observa-
tions have thus forfeited the advantage of correction and criticism
from one so experienced in the subject to which they relate.
Meanwhile, I have had some hurried opportunities of seeing and
hearing more, and can thus make some alterations and additions. —
H. B. M.

I have recently made several examinations of waters and soils
for the information of the navigation departments of the north-
western provinces and of the Punjab. Though undertaken for a
purely practical object, the question contains matter of general
interest, and may thus deserve record in The Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society.

It will be seen that the following investigation is far from
being so full as the impoi'tance of the subject might warrant. I
have not had an opportunity myself of studying directly the
phenomenon discussed, and have thus had to depend, for that part
of the question, upon the somewhat scanty and unsystematic
observations of others. As, however, I may not be able for some
time to add to the information thus obtained, I give it as it is ; the
facts at least will be valuable, and their publication may elicit
further investigation.

Reh is an efflorescence that occurs extensively in the less
elevated districts of the doabs. Of two samples examined by me
from the district of the W. Jumna canals, one gave 76 per cent,
of sulphate of soda, and 24 per cent, of chloride of sodium ; the
other gave only 4 per cent, of the latter salt to 96 of the former.
The reh, therefore, seems to be chiefly glauber salt with a varying

REH EFFLORESCENCE.

327

proportion of common salt. No doubt more numerous analyses
would discover the occasional presence of other alkaline and earthy
salts ; indeed Dr. O’Shaughnessy gives a case in which the
prevailing salt is carbonate of soda.

It would require very delicate experiments to determine at what
precise proportion these salts begin to be prejudicial to vegetation.
In the first of the samples alluded to the soil contained 30 per cent.,
and, in the second, 40 per cent, of reh. But both these were col-
lected off the very surface as samples of reh, not of soil, and so
they give no evidence on this point. The usual limit to the word
soil, is the depth of ground worked up in cultivation. Among the
specimens sent to Dr. O’Shaughnessy, we find the means of closer
approximation. Two of those soils are given as containing but
5 and 8 per cent, of reh, which, supposing it all sulphate of soda,
would correspond to 2-8 and 4*5 per cent, of sulphuric acid. In
both cases the ground was ruined for cultivation.

On the other hand it is well known that a certain amount of
these salts forms a necessary element in all good soils. In com-
bination with organic matter, the sulphates furnish some of the
most nutritious classes of plants with their most nutritious elements.

I find from published analyses,1 that a noted fertile soil may
contain as much as 1 per cent, of sulphuric acid, a quantity far
above that contained in the irrigation waters, the greatest pro-
portion I found in these amounting to '002436 per cent.

What brought this reh into prominent notice was the fact that
it was found to increase slowly but surely in the vicinity of the
canals, under certain conditions. The extent of the destruction of
good lands was so great that, in 1850, the subject was seriously
considered by Government. Through the kindness of Colonel
Turnbull, Superintendent of Irrigation, N. W. P., I am enabled to
append extracts from the official correspondence on the subject.

In forwarding some samples to Calcutta for analysis, the Official
General Superintendent of the Western Jumna Canal writes thus :
October 1st, 1850. — “ The attention of the civil and canal authorities
in these parts has for a considerable period been directed to a
change which is taking place in the soil in various parts of the
country irrigated by these canals. A white efflorescence has made
and is making its appearance in various places, destroying all
vegetation with which it comes in contact. The barren space
gradually increases in area, and speedily the ground thus affected
is deserted by the cultivators, who forthwith assail the civil officers
1 Art. Agricultural Chemistry. “ Enc. Brit.,” 8th edition.

328

REH EFFLORESCENCE OF

with petitions for remission of revenue .... I trust I have sup-
plied you with sufficient data for the elucidation of the following
points :

“ I. Whether the reh, or natron, is entirely inherent in the soil,
and evolved merely by the excessive use of water practised by
cultivators irrigating from the canal; or whether the chemical
properties of the water tend to create the noxious substance.

“ II. The nature and quantity of substances hostile to
vegetation existing in the various specimens of soil, and their
comparative intensity in the several surface and corresponding
subsoil specimens.

“ III. Whether the waters taken from the Sorreput and Bhotuk
districts has become impregnated with this poison during its course
from the Jumna, and to an extent calculated to create the deposit
of natron, and to deteriorate the produce of lands to which it may
be delivered.

“ IV. The nature of the repellant which destroys or neutralises
the noxious elements contained in the soil, or held in solution in the
water ; and whether you can suggest any substance easily obtain-
able, and of so low a price as to be within the reach of cultivators ;
in other words, a practical remedy, partial or complete.

“ V. Your opinion as to the probable increase or otherwise of
the deterioration of soil under the following circumstances:

“ a. As at present, unlimited water and scanty manure.

“ b. Limited use of water and liberal nourishment to land.

“ c. Abstinence from irrigation and manure.

“ The subject is one of great interest in these times ; when a
great increase of canal irrigation is on the point of being given to
the country.”

The following is from Dr. O’Shaughnessy’s memorandum in
reply: 15 December, 1850. — “I give the results in rough, reserving
details for a future communication if required.

“ Waters:

“No. 1. Below Dadoopoor Bridge : is remarkably pure. It does
not contain more than 1 part in 16,000 of solid matters and this
chiefly a calcareous salt with traces of sulphate of soda.

“ No. 2. Canal waters, Paneput district : still more pure than
No. 1.

“ No. 3. Contains -g oVo °f R0^d matter, partly organic, partly
saline, the salts being of lime and soda.

“ There is nothing whatever in these waters which could prove
prejudicial to crops of any kind.

NORTH-WESTERN INDIA.

329

“ Subsoils :

“No. 1. Ivhotuk district: 2 feet below surface, yields saline
matter 1 part in 500. This saline matter is composed of muriate
and sulphate of soda and lime. No nitre or carbonate of soda.

“No. 2. Jagu, Paneput district: 2 feet deep; yields barely a
trace of saline matter in 500 parts.

“ No. 3. Boola, Kurnaul district : 1 foot below surface ; not
1 part in 1,000 of saline matter.

“ No. 4. Jooah, Paneput : 2 feet below surface ; same as No. 2;
little or no salt.

“From the above facts it is clear that there is nothing' in the
under-soil in question which could prove injurious to vegetation.

“ Soils :

“No. 1. Rohtuk district. Saline matter 4-90 percent.; chiefly
common salt, sulphate of soda, and muriate of lime, a trace of
nitrate of lime and soda.

“ No. 2. Jag-u, Paneput : saline matter 20 per cent. ; carbonate
of soda hi abundance, with sulphate and muriate of soda and
lime.

“ No. 3. Boola, Kurnaul : saline matter 8*9 per cent. ; chiefly
sulphate of soda and common salt.

“ No. 4. Jooah, Paneput : saline matter 22*80 per cent. ;
sulphate and muriate of soda and lime ; little or no carbonate or
nitrate of soda.

“ Soil so strongly contaminated with saline matter, as the
above results show to be the case, are unfit for cultivation.

“ There is no chemical substance procurable, within the means
of cultivators of any class, capable of neutralizing the deleterious
effects of these saline matters.

“ But, wherever drainage can be accomplished, the thorough
working up of the surface soil, with abundance of water from the
canal, will, if continued for a couple of seasons, dissolve and carry
away the noxious salts. But the drainage must be efficient and
rapid, otherwise the salt will merely dissolve, and be again
deposited in the same place.”

In these remarks Dr. O’Shaughnessy very clearly expresses, for
all practical purposes, the very same facts that I have now arrived
at, that the salt does not exist to an injurious extent in the irri-
gation water, nor in the sub-soil, and that it only exists at the
surface. He, moreover, unhesitatingly pronounces that a special
system of irrigation and drainage would cure the affected lands.

330

REH EFFLORESCENCE OF

The data furnished to him did not admit of his saying more, and
others did not follow up his statements to their legitimate conclu-
sions. The question is still as much in debate among the canal
officers as it was in 1850. I have now referred to me from the
Baree Doab Canal the very same question that we have just seen
answered by Dr. O’Shaughnessy for the case of the Western Jumna
Canal ; accompanying a sample from Mazby, the tail of the Lahore
branch. It is dated, 5th July, 1861. “As the canal passes
through a tract of land full of kullur, it is desirable to ascertain
the quantity of this salt the water takes up.” The notion expressed
in this request is extensively believed among natives, and through
them has found acceptance with a few Englishmen, who are blind
enough to object to canal irrigation. It was to refute the suppo-
sition with facts that the analysis was asked for. There can be no
better reason for offering the case for publication. Dr. O’Shaugh-
nessy’s analysis never got into print, and was unknown to the
engineers of the Baree Doab Canal.

In endeavouring to account for the indecision I have pointed
out, I think I have detected the one small link that was wanting
to give full acceptance to Dr. O’Shaughnessy’s recommendations.
It is a link that, as I have said, he had not the means of supply-
ing ; and I may even add, that it is only apparently essential to
the practical question at issue. It is this: — Where does the reh
come from ? This is the question that I now find stopping the way.
The one fact , that was eagerly accepted from Dr. O’Shaughnessy’s
report was, that the canal water was harmless ; — a fact, however,
qualified by the figures of the same document, showing the presence
of sulphate of soda (the prominent element of reh) in canal water.
Thus, I find the Superintendent of the Western Jumna Canals, in
stating the case to the civil authorities, writes, 30th January, 1851 :
— “ The communication referred to distinctly settles this most
important question. Mr. O’Shaughnessy not only states that the
canal water in the Paneput districts, where the efflorescence is
most abundant, is remarkably pure, and contains no matter in any
way prejudicial to the crops which it irrigates, but actually recom-
mends its use, in conjunction with a regular system of drainage, to
free the country from the noxious salts which at present cover its
surface.”

Had Dr. O’Shaughnessy been able (or, perhaps, thought it
necessary) to state, that drainage would prevent as well as cure , —
that even a small decimal per centage would surely, and in no very
long time, accumulate to 3 or 4 per cent., or more, according to the

NORTH-WESTERN INDIA.

331

circumstances of the ground in relation to evaporation and drainage
— a definite opinion on the point would surely have long’ since been
adopted and put in practice. This small want has for so long
shaken confidence in the case and kept it in abeyance. It is still
questioned whether the reh cannot be mysteriously elaborated from
the soil, or be brought from some unfailing- store below ground.

Considering the many hundred miles of canal (principal and
secondary) that have been constructed since 1850, it is a matter
for most serious regret that so important a point should have been
left in doubt.

The evil, however, went on increasing. In 1856-1857,
Mr. Sherer, a civil officer, was deputed to report upon the affected
districts, with a view to the reduction of the assessment. He gives
a very distressing account of the poverty and disease produced by
the noxious effects of the reh, with its cause, upon the cultivation
and upon the inhabitants ; and he gives a long list of estates which
are gradually advancing to a like state with the worst.

It is from Mr. Sherer’s MS. Report (lent to me by Colonel
Turnbull) that I have gathered some facts connected with the
appearance of the reh. The unexceptional fact that appears from
these notes is the invariable association of reh , canal, and swamp ;
at least this is the case with the lauds that have recently been
impregnated , and which were the object of Mr. Sherer’s inquiries.
Under the general name of swamp, I include not only ground
actually under water, but also ground that is saturated immediately
below the surface ; what Mr. Sherer speaks of as “ choyul or dry
swamp.”

For example: — “ Bal Jatan. In land that is accessible to
irrigation only by the process of dal (raising the water), the soil
looked tolerably well in the central part, but as the slight elevation
closed off towards the low lands again, the crops looked sickly and

the colour of the soil indicated the presence of reh.”

“ I draw attention to the fact, that the lands where there is a slight
rise above the general level of the estate are the only ones that
enjoy anything like immunity from injury.”

“Didwaree. Beautiful crops crown the high lands that rise
from the sides of the canal, but as soon as the banks rise the land
falls, and all appearance of cultivation passes gradually away.”

Such is the uniform tenor of Mr. Sherer’s observations. But
he, too, seems to have been at the mercy of pure conjecture regard-
ing the origin of the reh ; thus, after noticing some £u//ur-land
(land that had of old been abandoned to the reh), he exclaims,

332

KEH EFFLORESCENCE OF

“ ’Where is the theory that this reh is produced by excessive
irrigation and dofussli farming? Here is land which has never
been ploughed and never been irrigated, producing the noxious
salts in far greater quantity and virulence than the cultivated lands
of the same estate.” I must not stop to notice the fallacy of this
argument. I will presently consider the case of kullur-land.

Thus, then, the canal is the abundant cause of the swamping,
either by the copious irrigation it affords, or by the unavoidable
percolation through its bed raising the level of saturation for a
considerable distance on each side ; or, at least occasionally, by
obstructing the natural drainage of the country. Mr. Sherer calls
attention to two cases of this, thus : — “ Boorshaum : this flood is
also caused by the Munameh Rajbuha, which, running along the
south of the estate, holds up all the water.” “Munder: much
swamp, particularly just round the village, by water held up by the
Kusandhu Rajbuha,” and with this swamping- comes the reh.

Now, then, we have got a proximate cause of the evil. It is a
direct inference, that if the swamping is prevented, if the drainage
is provided for, the reh will not appear. It is only at the surface
that we can control the water, so there is no choice of remedies.
The only other remedy would be to remove the cause of swamping,
i. e ., the stopping and clearing away of the canal, a remedy which
of course no one will dream of.

If this point be fully established — and, as far as I have had the
means of judging, it is inevitable — the investigation need not, for
practical purposes, be carried further. The question that has for
years kept the matter in abeyance seems to me, in a great measure,
futile. It does not signify in the least whether the substance is
in the water originally, or whether the water finds it in the ground
below the surface, or even the imaginary case of its being evolved
from the soil. The evident facts of the case go to prove, that the
injurious accumulation of it is the slow result of prolonged concen-
tration, of which the essential concomitant is swamping. A small
amount of consideration further shows that the accumulation is
due to evaporation from a surface which is, for a great portion of
the year, more or less saturated with water, or which is almost or
entirely dependant on evaporation for relief from drainage-water.
Such is the state of the reh land described by Mr. Sherer, upon
whose observations I have chiefly to depend; they seem to have
the merit of being unprejudiced in any way. The latter condition
alone would be sufficient in time and without excessive flooding.
It may, indeed, be said, that if the reh comes from the canal water,

NORTH-WESTERN INDIA.

333

it would be desirable to reduce irrigation to a minimum. This
would, no doubt, in many cases postpone the evil day, but no
more. The other remedy, which is the very opposite of this one,
would have to be adopted at last ; so why not start with it ?

As a matter of interest the question of the origin of the reh is
worth attention. As far as the facts before me are a guide, I
am inclined to the opinion that the canal water is the chief source
of the salt. I am now speaking of the lands newly affected.

The canal water is a known cause ; it must act to its full extent ;
it affords an inexhaustible , an ever-renewed supply, and it may be
adequate to the result. Let us put the case in its strongest light.
It is undeniable that, supposing the soil, the subsoil, and the rock
to be perfectly free from these salts, the very result before us
would eventuate under the conditions described, and from the canal
water alone. We have seen that a soil containing 30 parts of
sulphuric acid in a 1,000 of soil produces barren reh land. We
may take 30 parts of sulphuric acid in 1,000,000 of water, by
weight, as the quoted proportion contained in the canal water.

Taking 2 as the specific gravity of sulphuric acid, it would
require an evaporation of 5,000 inches deep of water to convert
10 inches cube of soil into reh soil. I have no authority for giving
an approximate figure to the annual evaporation for this part of
India; any one who has spent a hot season in upper India will
allow that it must be very great. I am not, however, now aiming
at exactness, but rather at a free illustration of the case ; if, then,
we take 10 feet, or 120 inches, as the annual evaporation, we
should get rid of our 5,000 inches in about 40 years. Fifteen feet
is the amount estimated by Massey for the tropical seas (“ Physical
Geography of the Sea,” edition 1860, p. 37), where, be it remem-
bered, the atmosphere is but little below the point of saturation.
To this computation, moreover, a very large correction has to be
applied in our case ; a correction that will at least compensate for
any exaggeration of the evaporation ; we have been supposing
the area to become impregnated by evaporation from its own
surface only, a case that probably never occurs ; it is almost a
necessary condition of these low, swampy lands, that they should
receive the washings of the surrounding area, it may be many
times greater than that of the land actually destroyed. Mr. Sherer
more than once calls attention to this fact of drainage water
bringing reh with it.

Something such as I have just described being a necessary
process under certain conditions, it must be accepted as at least an

von. xx. 2 A

334

REH EFFLORESCENCE OF

auxiliary cause when these conditions are seen to exist. The
other cause assignable is the existence of a supply of these salts,
more or less concentrated, at some depth below the surface, and
from which the reh is derived by the change produced by the canal
in the water-circulation near the surface. In some parts of the
country there seems to be little doubt of the presence of such a
source : I will presently refer to it. When it exists to any great
extent , it could not fail to be detected by proper observation.

The supposition vaguely put forward by some, that the elements
of these salts exist, to the full extent, latent in the soil, and are
developed by irrigation, is quite inadmissible. The assertion must
be proved. No chemical operation could be simpler than to show
the presence or absence of the ultimate components of these salts.

The very few facts we possess from the districts affected show
a rapid decrease in the proportion of salt with increase of depth.
At two feet below a surface containing 40 per cent, of salt, the
subsoil contained but 0*167, and at four feet, only ‘144 per cent.;
corresponding to ’094 and "081 of sulphuric acid ; — a quantity less
than might be expected in any clay, — a proportion, however, greater
than that in the canal water. This latter fact, surrounded by the
opinion that the necessary action of the water in percolating
through the ground would be to reduce the salt in it to an equal
proportion with that in the water, may be put forward as evidence
that the quantity in the subsoil had formerly been greater than
what has been found in the samples examined, and that it has in
the process of percolation furnished the reh at the surface. To
such an argument I can only answer, that unless in cases where
facts are brought to support the supposition, it is irrational to
accept it in opposition to what I have shown to be, necessarily, at
least a partial source. It is well known how retentive clays are
of minute portions of these salts ; it does not at all follow, because
a clay gives up all its soluble ingredients when it is well powdered
and freely washed in a beaker glass, that it would do so under the
natural conditions we are discussing-. Moreover, we know that
the percolation of water through strata is very irregular, according
to slight variations in the texture and composition of the rock.

What gives the most plausible encouragement to the notion
that the reh originates in the ground below the surface, and has
only an indirect relation with the canal water, is the well-known
fact that in many parts of the countiy, more particularly I believe,
if not exclusively, along or near to the southern limits of the
quondam alluvial deposits of the Gangetic plains, wells are fre-

NORTH-WESTERN INDIA.

335

quently sufficiently briny to afford an available supply of salt.
Where such is the case, it would be natural to expect that any
cause such as the canal (see diagram) which would bring this

briny water nearer and sufficiently near the surface, would result
in saline effloresence. Here, too, we may demand of those who
put this forward as a general cause, to the exclusion of the canal
water, that they should bring- some evidence of this being a general
phenomenon. If it were so, evidence could not fail ; a necessary
concomitant would be, that in the canal reh districts the well-water
should be decidedly and universally more saline than the canal
water. If such were the rule, or even frequent and to any marked
extent, it could hardly fail to have been noticed in connection with
the reh. It may, however, be so slight as to be only discoverable
by chemical means, as in the case at Roorkee, to be presently
noticed. Were this cause very decided, we should also, I think,
find the amount in the subsoil to be above the normal proportion
instead of below it, as we have seen in the cases examined.
Indeed, this cause would seem to be inadmissible, or but very sub-
ordinate, in many of the cases most insisted on by Mr. Sherer,
when within a few dozen yards or less from the canal the lower
ground is reh land. Within this limit the water direct from the
canal must largely predominate over any water contaminated from
below.

I have but one tolerably satisfactory observation to bear upon the
question under discussion. Within the station of Roorkee reh has
made its appearance. This pretty and salubrious station is situate
between the Ganges canal and the Solani river, at the southern angle
of their intersection. It is built upon the ground that rises rapidly
from the broad valley of the Solani. Some of the houses stand
upon the very edge of this rise ; in one case the garden is on the
lower level, in the khadur of the Solani ; it is the garden belonging
to the Director of Irrigation, N.W.P. Eight years ago, and sub-
sequently, the garden was not noted as less productive than others.
Now, and latterly, it is markedly so, and the cultivation of it has
been in some measure abandoned. Reh shows plentifully on the sur-
face ; and at present, in the end of March, 1862, the water lies
at a depth of only four feet. The actual amount of this reh on and
near the surface of the ground necessarily fluctuates greatly with
the' state of the weather ; a smart shower would take away excess

2 A 2

336

REH EFFLORESCENCE OF

of it down to the water level below, to be drawn up again by
continued evaporation. Samples taken on the 8th April, 1862, gave
in the soil scraped from the surface 2 per cent, of reh : in 4 incurs
cube taken from and including the surface, there was but 0‘4 per
cent. ; and in the subsoil at the water level but 0-2 per cent, of the
dried sample. The water in the garden- well ( d , pi, Y) gave but
0-007 per cent. To compare with this, I examined the water of
three other wells : the relative position of each is exhibited on the
accompanying plan ; showing also the levels of the ground and of
the water in each, reduced to the level of the masonry floor of the
Solani, under the aqueduct. The level of the canal-floor and of
some other points are also given. The level of the water in the
wells is more or less affected by the constant drawing of water ;
this is very marked in the well c. The usual depth of water in the
canal is from six to eight feet. The results are shown together
in Table A. The wells a, b, and c, are distant from the canal
500, 4,000 and 3,500 feet ; in each the water is well removed from
any sensible influence of surface evaporation; and in each the
amount of reh is but slightly different from that in the canal water ;
rather less than more ; but the difference is within the limit of
variation in the canal water itself. The well d is between the
canal and c, at 1,400 feet from the canal. In it the amount is more
than trebled ; it stands in reh land : this amount would no doubt
be greater were there free communication with the ground imme-
diately around ; it is a pucka well, the masonry walls going several
feet below the water level.

Table A. — Parts in 10,000, by weight.

Ganges

Canal.

Well a.

Well b.

Well c.

Well d.

Sur-
face d.

Soil d.

Sub-
soil d.

Sulphates . .
Chlorides . .

0 1745
0-0357

0-2441
0 -0122

0-0174
0 0953

0-0417
0 0837

0-347

0-349

155-0
145 -0

Totals

0 2102

0 2563

0-1127

0 -1254

0-696

200-00

40 00

20 00

The evidence of this case seems to me very strongly in favour
of the supposition I have advanced. It cannot be reasonably main-
tained that the subterranean conditions at d are different from
those at a, b, and c. The superficial features are due to a totally
different class of causes from those by which the strata were formed.
It would be beyond the limits of probability that a saline deposit

PL .V, VOL. XX

30 . ce

19 . 81

PART ot ROORKEE STATION.

N. l'i . The upper figure • vefer-s te the grounds and the
lower one to the water' level , reduced te the level of
the masonry floor of Selena at aqueduct .

Scale, 1,200 Feet One lurli .

i Tu fuee p.tlSG.j

NORTH-WESTERN INDIA.

337

should occur below d, and not at the other places. Even in super-
ficial conditions the well c is but slightly different from d, being
but 200 feet from the edge of the Solani khadur. The wTater levels,
in a, b, and c, as well as in d, are affected by the rise and fall in the
canal, so that any saline deposit below should contaminate all
equally, yet it is only in d that any such action is marked. I
cannot avoid concluding that the reh at d has been accumulated
from canal water, or at least from a solution of no greater strength,
which is the chief point in debate. Although there is no increase
apparent in the total soluble matter in the well-water as compared
with that of the canal, this table shows a very marked but perhaps
local change in the constitution of these salts : the chlorides seem
to increase at the expense of the sulphates. In the reh itself this
is most marked ; the common salt in this reh is three times as much
as the glauber salt. This chemical reaction must be due to the
salts in the ground ; but it is only a change of kind, not of
quantity, and is as marked at b and c as at d.

This example corroborates those already given as to the mode
of action of the soil; that it is at the very surface that the accumu-
lation takes place, and that the mischief is done. A fair sample of
the soil, only to the depth of four inches even, shows an amount of
reh well below the normal useful proportion for a soil, and still less
in the subsoil ; it seems to be the undue activity, mobility, and
concentration given to these energetic salts by the constant damp
condition of the ground, assisted by the intensity of atmospheric
action, that makes them so injurious. It may, indeed, be questioned
if the injury done in this case is not due to the water alone, and not
to the poisonous influence of the salts. However, it is reh land.

In a former part of this paper, when computing the possible
period of growth of reh land from canal water, I took 10 inches
cube of soil with 3 per cent, of sulphuric acid, as the standard of
reh soil, but in the case just given we have all the symptoms of
reh land, produced by a quantity of reh below what we know may
exist with advantage in a soil. This complicates the question of
cure not a little. It seemed possible to reduce a large excess of
soluble salts by free irrigation, with rapid removal of the water ;
it would not be at all so easy to deal with so small a proportion as
we have just shown may act with serious effect ; the first water
that touches it carries it into the soil, and its proportion there is so
small that the water has very little power to remove it. At the
same time these results give us strong hopes of the effects of per-
severing drainage, without the troublesome and wasteful process

338

REH EFFLORESCENCE OF

of flooding. In the well d, which, as I said, is protected from the
ground near the surface by impervious walls, we still find the water
considerably charged with reh ; if this water were compelled to
move on, the circulation must, even without the assistance of
irrigation, reduce the reh within harmless limits, but this action
will be somewhat slow : an obvious fact which makes its adoption
as a preventive the more urgent. The further investigation of the
question ought to show the depth from the surface at which the
water’s level begins to influence the surface in this way, with due
attention to the circumstances of soil, exposure, and contour.

I do not at all wish to put forward this mode of origin of the
reh as universal. There can be little doubt but that in many parts of
the country the ground is, to some extent, overcharged with salts,
but I am pretty well convinced that in many cases the cause is
what I have described. It would be a matter of much importance
to be able to distinguish the several causes ; for the remedy,
though the same for all, should be adopted accordingly. When the
cause is purely superficial, it might be sufficient to maintain a very
moderate amount of circulation in the drainage water, at but little
below its natural level, especially if the remedy were adopted in
time ; whereas in the case of a subsoil charged with salts, it would
be necessary to keep the water level well below that depth at
which it comes within the influence of atmospheric changes. If this
cause existed in a marked degree, it would evidently be hopeless to
attempt to keep it down by ensuring the moderate washing of the
few upper inches of soil. I believe that the examination of the
subterranean water will always enable us to detect this cause.
The whole subject is one that calls for judicious experiment.

The existence of kullur land long- before the canals were con-
structed, and in places where the canal water can never reach, has
greatly contributed to maintain the doubts as to the formation of
reh. I have scarcely any analyses or field observations to guide me
in discussing this point, but there are some general considerations
that seem to me of much weight. In localities where the river
and the well water is sweet, as is the case in some kullur districts,
and where in consequence the ground cannot be largely impregnated
with salts, is it not a physical impossibility that the surface, which
once or twice a year gets well drenched with rain water, should
remain charged with highly soluble alkaline salts if the drainage be
efficient ? May we not then conjecture that these kullur lands are
natural areas of inefficient drainage — lands more or less dependent
upon evaporation for the removal of surface waters ? For this it is

NORTH-WESTERN INDIA.

339

not necessary that they should always be the lowest parts of the
country ; upland hollows present the same conditions. Under these
conditions reh would slowly accumulate, whether from an original
small excess in the soil itself, or aided by contributions from the
higher ground around. The difference between Jcullur land and
canal reh land is, that in this there will be no limit to the accumu-
lation, unless carried off by drainage.

I would again remark, that this attempt to find the origin of
the reh, is of little direct consequence to the question of its pre-
vention or cure. In eveiy case noticed, which are, I confess, but
few, we have seen that, immediately below a surface copiously
charged with it, the amount present was below what may be
considered desirable in a good soil. Wherever the reh comes from,
drainage is the only and the efficient cure.

I wish, also, to repeat, that my views as to the common origin
of the reh have been adopted from small evidence (as the reader
may judge), and in opposition to the universal opinion of those
connected with the canals. Some of the objections offered present,
I confess, grave difficulties to my theory. For instance, an
experienced canal officer writes — “ I have seen what appeared to
me to be reh on the edge of high baugur land, with a droj) of
some 30 feet to the khadur below.” It would require very
peculiar conditions to make this a case of inefficient drainage, but
it is not impossible. We have seen what a very small total pro-
portion of salt in a soil is sufficient to produce a reA-surface.
Again, I am told that, on the very edge of a drainage cut, there
may sometimes be seen a fine of reh efflorescence *(“ stratum of
reh”). This fact may be but an illustration of my argument ; this
fine may have been a more porous band of subsoil, in which
percolation was just sufficient to keep the exposed sectional
surface damp, and along which, therefore, evaporation would con-
centrate any soluble element. Every one may have noticed such
bands of percolation in natural and artificial sections. At all
events, these examples illustrate the uselessness (? mischief) of
observations isolated in time and from surrounding circumstances,
and without the object of testing some particular hypothesis.

When passing through Lahore in February last, I made some
incomplete observations upon the reh land about Anurkullee ; some
of the facts are puzzling. I cannot say what the relations of the
ground are with regard to thorough drainage, but reh showed freely
on plains where the surface drainage was complete, as, for instance
along the sides of the road, where it runs in embankment several

340

REH EFFLORESCENCE OF

feet high by the ground selected for the new Horticultural Gardens.
In the low ground close by, I picked up some facts that may
illustrate this and other difficulties. In the lowest parts of the
hollow area, there was a rich crop of young wheat growing. It
was irrigated from a well in the centre. In several parts of the
field there were small patches white with reh, and with nothing
growing on them, though they had evidently been tilled and sown ;
they were a few inches higher than the surrounding surface, and
were thus removed from the irrigation. Three inches cube of soil
(including the surface) taken from one of these patches, gave the
very high proportion of 3'8 per cent, of reh in the air-dried soil.
A few yards off, among the wheat, a similar quantity of soil gave
the very low proportion of 02 per cent. Having no other facts to
guide me, I can only make the following surmises : from the very
small proportion of salt in the irrigated ground, I* conclude the
water to be tolerably pure, evidently sufficiently so for advantageous
irrigation. The amount of reh due to the whole area, cannot be
anything like that found on the isolated patches ; the same process
that removes the reh from the general surface to distribute it
temporarily through the subsoil, effects its special accumulation on
these spots ; they remain dry from day to day, and the results of
evaporation can thus accumulate, the supply being constantly
renewed at the expense of the common stock, which, on the whole
is not probably an abundant one. The appearance of reh on higher
places, as on the roadside, may be due to the same action. The
phenomenon reminded me of that often seen when a saline solution
is allowed to* dry up in a vessel, the salt seems as it were to creep
up the sides.

This reh contained 88 per cent, of sulphates, 7 per cent, of
chlorides, and 5 of other salts.

On the whole, we cannot but look forward to canal irrigation as
the cure for all this. It places a powerful agency within our
control. It would be especially applicable when it can be brought
to bear upon the more elevated kullur lands. In those more
parched districts of Upper India, it seems to me doubtful if such
lands ever get a thorough soaking from the sui-face to the water
level below ; there is no such thing as natural subsoil drainage.
The first few drops of rain dissolve all the surface salts, and are
soaked into the ground ; the dash comes ; as much as can runs off,
nearly as pure as it falls, as far as soluble ingredients are con-
cerned; and the rest is dissipated before enough has been absorbed
to establish a free connection with the water-stratum below. Thus,

NORTH-WESTERN INDIA.

341

time after time, the same hillin' makes its appearance. Free
irrigation, with drainage, would very soon catch it and dispose
of it.

Such, at least, are the opinions suggested to me by the cursory
and indirect examination I have been able to give to the subject.
I subjoin tables, showing the results of some experiments on the
contents, in solution and suspension, of the water of these rivers
and canals.

Table B. — Showing the principal soluble ingredients in 10,000 parts of water.

Locality.. ..

Ganges,

Hurdwar.

Ganges

Canal,

Roorkee.

Ganges

Canal,

Roorkee.

J umna,
Fyzabad.

E. J. Canal,
96th mile.

Time of collection |

13 June,
1861.

22 May,
1861.

4 July,
1861.

1 June,
1861.

Carbonate of lime .

0 4731

0-57

(1) 0 -57

0 -1600

0-4285

Sulphates . .

0 -10293

0 -1747

0-12507

0-2428

0-0914

Chlorides . .

0 00539

0-0357

0-00232

0 -0174

0-1500

Totals

0 -58042

0-7804

0-69739

0 -4202

0 -6699

Locality. . . .

E. J. Canal,
96th mile.

Ravee,

Madhopore.

Ravee,'

Madhopore.

Baree Doab
Canal,
Neazbeg.

10.

Thames,

Twickenham.

Time of collection |

1 June,
1861.

See note.

5 July,
1861.

Carbonate of lime .

0-2142

0-4514

(1)0-4514

0-4357

1 -97

Sulphates . .

1-1462

0 -2042

0 -4325

0-14244

0 -38

Chlorides . .

0-8440

0-0285

0-0348

0-01832

0-25

Totals

2 2044

0-6841

0-9187

0-59646

2 60

Note. — A gallon of water was operated on in each instance.
The sulphates and the chlorides are estimated as soda salts,
which they were proved to be almost entirely in some cases, by
more complete analysis. No. 6 is given as a warning in collecting;
two gurrahs of the water were sent, filled at the same time and in
the presence of the canal officer ; in checking the analysis from the
second vessel, I found this enormous discrepancy. I repeated the
analysis to make sure of the fact ; the second gurrah must have
been independently charged with salts. The sample No. 7 was
collected in bottles on the 1st and 18th September, 3rd and 15th

342

REH EFFLORESCENCE OF

October, 15th November, and 1st and 15th December ; No. 8 on
the 15th January, 1st and 15th February, 15th March, and 15th
April. I have given an analysis of Thames water for comparison.
I made a more complete analysis of one example as a clue to the
others. The water from Neazbeg, the tail of the Lahore branch of
the Baree Doab Canal, gave in 10,000.

Silica

.. *0114

Carbonate of lime

. . -3700

Carbonate of magnesia . .

. . -0657

Chlorine

.. -0113

Sulphuric acid

. . .0801

Lime . .

. . -0368

Magnesia

trace

Soda . .

.. . -0310

The water from the College well ( b , Table A) also showed a
trace of lime and magnesia in the portion dissolved in water after
evaporation.

The analyses in this table are not numerous enough, nor accom-
panied by sufficient collateral observations, to exhibit any rale in the
variations indicated in the proportions of the soluble ingredients of
water taken at the same place at different times, or at about the
same time, from different places on the same stream. These
variations most probably depend upon the prevailing changes of
the weather as causing rainfall or evaporation, and consequent
dilution or concentration of the water. The canals receiving little
or no drainage water below the heads would probably exhibit this
very markedly ; thus, the decided decrease in No. 9 as compared
with Nos. 7 and 8, may be due to rainfall on or before the 5th of July,
for the highly soluble salts, the sulphates and the chlorides, any
means of supply that might have originally been present in the
ground cut by the canal would have been rapidly washed away,
giving an example on a large scale of what may be done with it in
detail. An increase in the carbonates, as seems indicated by 4 and 5,
might continue for an indefinite time, if the stream passed over
much kunkur, the process of solution being very slow.

NORTH-WESTERN INDIA.

343

Table C. — Silt Estimates, parts in 10,000.

No.

Date

Hurdwar

Asufgurh

Roorkee

•i

4 Max, 1856 . .

2-03

•33

3-37

1 May, 1857 ..

•09

1 -28

1 May, 1858 . .

22 May, 1861 ..

3-82

5 June, 1856 . .

6 05

7-34

5-19

4 feet of water at Roorkee

10 June, 1857 . .

6-88

2 ’75

4 feet of water at Roorkee

1 June, 1858 . .

3-41

3-85

13 June, 1861 .

13 -65

4 July, 1856 . .

14-50

8-00

11 -79

4 July, 1857 ..

10 -45

5-17

2 August, 1856

23-10

13-30

26-10

2 August, 1857

17 93

5-83

2 Sept., 1856 ..

6 -89

81-00

7-66

1 Sept., 1857 . .

5-39

4 Oct., 1856 .

clear

•85

1 Oct., 1857 .

1 -98

1 -00

5 Nov., 1856 . .

•61

3-30

2-20

6-5 feet of water at Roorkee

1 Nov., 1857 . .

•44

1 Dec., 1856 ..

•20

1 -43

•55

1 Dec, 1857 ..

clear

1 32

1 Jan., 1857 . .

•45

1 -67

1 Jan., 1858 . .

clear

1 -32

1 Feb., 1857 . .

1-02

•12

1 -26

1 Feb., 1858 ..

1 March, 1857. .

1 27

•99

1 March, 1858. .

1 April, 1857 . .

•37

•45

•82

1 April, 1858 . .

Table C. — Hurdwar is where the Ganges leaves the Simalik hills
to enter upon the plains ; the stream is much more rapid there than
lower down. Asufgurh is on the Ganges, about eighteen miles
below Hurdwar. Roorkee is eighteen miles below Hurdwar, on the
Ganges Canal. These estimates are of course exclusive of the
soluble ingredients. If the single series of estimates from Asuf-
gurh for 1856 — 1857 can be trusted, they seem to indicate approxi-
mate equality with Hurdwar during- the period of low water a very
decided diminution during the period of greatest flood, involving a
very considerable deposition along the bed and low branches of the
river below Hurdwar, and a marked increase about the rise (from
snow-water) and fall, before and after the rains in the mountains
have charged the river with sediment, the lower reach of the river
thus preying on its muddy banks. No. 13, from Asufgurh, may be
questionable, for all the samples from there I had to depend upon a
native messenger.

The proportion of silt in the canal water at Roorkee, as compared

344

REH EFFLORESCENCE.

with the head, seems to depend upon the depth of water, producing
either silting-up or erosion.

Some cases in Table D show how very indefinite such silt-esti-
mates must sometimes be; samples collected by myself at same
time, in same way, and with equal care, showing a difference of
a third. — See 6 and 7.

Table D. — Occasional Silt Estimates, parts in 10,000.

No.

Date.

4 July, 1856 ..

Solani at Roorkee,

a 3 feet flood

47 -30

16 July, 1856 ..

3-5 feet flood

93-90

19 July, 1856 . .

6 feet flood

80 00

19 July, 1856 ..

same time as No. 3

87-10

22 Sept., 1856 . .

5 5 feet flood

68 -50

31 July, 1857 ..

9 feet flood

228 -80

31 July, 1857 ..

same time as No. 6

148 -50

1 June, 1861 . .

Jumna, at Canal head . .

1 -04

10 June, 1861 . .

3 -05

1 June, 1861 . .

E. Jumna Canal, 96th mile ..

10-50

2nd May , 1862.

H. B. MEDLICOTT.

345

Art. XIV. — On the Surya Siddhanta, and the Hindu Method of

Calculating Eclipses. By William Spottiswoode, M.A.,
F.R.S., &c.

[ Read 19 th January, 1863.]

Some years ago it was suggested to me to undertake an edition
and translation of the Surya Siddhanta; but a long and careful
study of the work convinced me that it would be impossible satis-
factorily to accomplish the object without more assistance than
was to be found in Europe. The MSS. were few and insufficient
in accuracy ; the lexicon was deficient in most of the technical
terms ; and the only works that threw any light upon the subject
were those of Colebrooke, invaluable as far as they went, and the
Abbe Guerin’s Astronomie Indienne. The other writers who had
touched upon the subject merely reproduced what was to be found
in Colebrooke.

Mr. Hall’s edition in the Bibliotheca Iudica, and Mr. Burgess’
elaborate translation and notes, published by the American Oriental
Society,1 now seem to leave little wanting upon the subject. But
for those who wish to comprehend the nature, and estimate the
real value, of the Hindu astronomical methods, without entering
more deeply than necessary into the complexities of either text or
commentary, it may still be useful to present the processes in as
compendious a form as possible. I have therefore attempted to
translate into modern mathematical language and formulae the
rules of the work in question.2 The text, like all Sanskrit works,
gives no account whatever of its rules or methods ; and as the
explanations of the commentators, being of comparatively recent
date, have little or no interest for the history of the science, it
appeared to me foreign to the present purpose to retain them.
Under these circumstances I have contented myself in the case of
exact formulae, with occasionally adding a few of the steps necessary
for verification ; and in the case of approximate, with pointing out
what assumptions are involved in the rules which they express.
It should be added that, the assumptions so indicated are not

1 Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. vi, pp. 145 — 498.

2 These rules are contained in Chaps. I — YI. To the remaining chapters the
process is not applicable.

346

OX THE SURYA SIDDHAXTA.

necessarily identical with, although in some sense equivalent to,
those originally made by the author of the treatise.

From such observations as they were able to make, the Hindus
deduced values for the mean motions of the sun, moon, and planets,
supposed to revolve about the earth, and of their apsides and nodes.
By means of these values they calculated back to remote epochs,
when, according to their data, there would have been a general
conjunction of parts or of the entire system.

The following- is an outline of the process of calculating a lunar
eclipse. First find the number of days elapsed from the commence-
ment of the ag-e, or period, to the mean midnight next before the
full moon for which an eclipse was to be calculated. The original
determination of the mean motions had of course given the current
year of the period. This being done, an easy arithmetical process
gave the mean longitude of the sun, the moon, and the moon’s
apsis.

The process of correction, whereby the true longitudes were
thence deduced, is curious and peculiar. It had been noticed that
the apsides, or points of slowest movement, and the positions of con-
junction with the sun had proper motions. These were attributed
to influences residing in the apsides and conjunctions respectively ;
and corrections due to each were accordingly devised. The un-
disturbed orbit was considered a circle with the earth (E) in the
centre ; and upon it the centre of a smaller circle or epicycle moved
with a uniform angular velocity, equal, but opposite in direction, to
that of the undisturbed planet ; so that M being the centre, and m
any given point on the epicycle, M m always remained parallel to
itself. If then at the apsis, or conjunction (according as the correc-
tion of one or of the other was being calculated), M m was in a
straight line with E m, the true position of the planet was conceived
to be at the point where E m cut the undisturbed orbit. The
radius moreover of the epicycle was variable ; and its magnitudes
at the odd and even quadrants being determined so as to satisfy
observation, its intermediate variation was considered proportional
to the sine of the mean anomaly.

The true longitudes and daily motions of the sun and moon
having been found, the interval between mean midnight and the
end of the half month, or moment of opposition in longitude, or
middle of the eclipse is then determined. But since the Hindu
time is reckoned from true sunrise to true sunrise, it is next required
to determine the interval between mean midnight and true sunrise.
This is effected by means of (1) the equation of time, found by a

OX THE SURYA SIDDHAXTA.

347

simple but rather rough method ; (2) the precession, of which more
below ; and (3) the ascensional difference.

The diameters of the sun, moon, and shadow, are found on the
principle that their time are to their mean diameters, as their true
are to their mean motions.

Lastly are determined the moon’s latitude at the middle of the
eclipse ; the amount of greatest obscuration ; the duration of the
eclipse; of total obscuration (if it be total); and the times of first
and last contact of immersion and emergence ; by methods which do
not require particular notice apart from the details themselves.

SURYA SIDDHAXTA.

Chapter I.

Ox the Meax Motioxs of the Plaxets.

The divisions of time are as follow (vv. 11, 12) : —

10 long syllables = 1 respiration (= 4 seconds),

6 respirations = 1 vinadi,

60 vinadi = 1 uadi,

60 uadis = 1 day.

Those of the circle are the same as ours (v. 28).

The civil day is reckoned from sunrise to sunrise, and for astro-
logical purposes a month consists of 30 such days, and a year of 12
such months.

The astronomical day is the interval from midnight to midnight.

The lunar month is the interval from one new, or full, moon to
the next. It is divided into 30 lunar days, which of course do not
correspond with civil days. The lunar month is named after the
solar month in which it commences. When two lunar months
begin in the same solar month, the former is called an intercalary
month, and both bear the same name. The civil day is named
after the lunar day in which it ends ; when two lunar days end in
the same civil day, the former is “ omitted,” and both bear the
same name (see also w. 34-40).

The solar year is sidereal, and the zodiac is divided into 12
signs, to each of which corresponds a solar month (w. 12, 13).

348

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

The following is the composition of the “ Great Age,’
imaginary period (w. 15-17)

Solar Years.

Dawn . .

144,000

Krita Yuga . .

. . 1,440,000

Twilight

Total

144,000

1,728,000

Dawn . .

108,000

Treta Yuga . .

. . 1,080,000

Twilight

Total

108,000

1,296,000

Dawn

72,000

Dvapara Yuga

720,000

Twilight

72,000

Total

864,000

Dawn . .

36,000

Kali Yuga

360,000

Twilight

Total

36,000

432,000

Total of Great Age 4,320,000

Furthermore, the Kalpa (3T«Cf*) is thus composed (v. 18, 19): —

Dawn . .

71 Great Ages
1 Twilight

Solar Years. Solar Years.

1,728,000

. . 306,720,000
. . 1,728,000

1 Manvantara . . 308,448,000

14 Manvantaras

4,318,272,000

1 Kalpa

4,320,000,000

The Kalpa is a day of Brahma. His night is of the same length;
and his age consists of 100 years, each of 360 such days and
nights. The total duration is 311,040,000,000,000 solar years
(vv. 20, 21).

The following is a computation of the time from the commence-
ment of the Kalpa to the end of the present Treta Yuga
(vv. 21-23)

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

349

Dawn of current Kalpa
6 Manvantaras

27 Great Ages
Treta Yuga . .

Solar Years.
1,728,000
1,850,688,000
116,640,000
1,728,000

But from the elapsed portion of the
present Kalpa there must be deducted
the time occupied in creation (v. 24,
see also w. 45-47) . .

1,970,784,000

17,064,000

1,953,720,000

In their daily westward motion the planets lag behind the fixed
stars each by the same absolute mean distance, viz., 11,858,717
yojanas esf-r^r: ) ; and their angular motion is inversely as the
radius of the orbit. The initial point of the sphere is the end of
the constellation Revati (w. 25-27).

[The principal star of Revati is said to be 10' W. of the above-
mentioned point, and is supposed to be f Piscium.]

The numbers of revolutions of the planets, &c., are as follow
(vv. 29-34, 41-44)

In a Great Age. In a Kalpa.

Revolutions of the Planets.

Apsides. Nodes.

Sun

4,320,000

387

Mercury . .

17,937,060

368 488

Venus

7,022,376

535 903

Mars

2,296,832

204 214

Jupiter . .

364,220

930 174

Saturn
Moon: —

146,568 ..

39 662

Sidereal rev. . .

37,753,336

Apsis . .

488,203

Node . .

232,338

From the foregoing data
. 34-40)

the following results are deduced
In a Great Age.

Sidereal days

• •

1,582,237,828

Deduct solar revolutions

4,320,000

Civil days

. .

1,577,917,828

VOL. XX.

2 B

350

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

Sidereal solar years

4,320,000

Solar months

51,840,000

Moon’s sidei’eal revolutions . . . . „

Deduct solar revolutions . .

57,753,336

4,320,000

Synodical revolutions (lunar months)
Deduct solar months

53,433,336

51,840,000

Intercalary months

1,593,336

Lunar months x 30 = lunar days
Deduct civil days . .

1,603,000,080

1,577,917,828

Omitted lunar days . .

25,082,252

In order to find the number of civil days that have elapsed
since the creation, or any other given epoch, to a given date,
proceed first as in vv. 23, 24. Then (vv. 48-51) let —

Y = No. of years to end of last Krita Yuga,

y = „ since Y,

m = complete solar months since y,

cl = lunar days elapsed of current month.

Then the required number of lunar days

= 3o(l2 (Y + y) + »)(l + + d

Z' w„ . a 2226389
= (l2(Y+y) + »») -72000 + d-

And the corresponding number of civil days

= {(l2 (Y +*) + «)

2226389

72000

25082252 x
1 603000080 )

= { (12 (Y + y) + m)

2226389

72000

) 394479457
+ d f 400750040-

Suppose the planets were arranged in the order of their supposed
distance from the Earth, viz., Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus,
Mercury, Moon. The first hour of the first day of the first month
of the first year was assigned to the Sun ; and so on for all the

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

351

other hours in the order given above. The succession for the
days, months, and years will consequently fall as follows : —

Hours. Days.

1 1 = 7 X 0 + 1

2 25 = 7x3 + 4

3 49 = 7 X 7

4 73 = 7 x 10 + 3

5 97 = 7 x 13 + 6

6 121 = 7 x 17 + 2

7 145 = 7 x 20 + 5

Months.

1 = 7 X 0 + 1
31 = 7 X 4 + 3
61 = 7 x 8 + 5
91 = 7 x 13
121 = 7 x 17 + 2
151 = 7 x 21 + 4
181 = 7 x 25 + 6

Years.

1 = 7 X 0 + 1
361 — i x 51 + 4
721 = 7 x 103
1081 = 7 x 154 + 3
1441 = 7 x 205 + 6
1801 = 7 x 257 + 2
2161 = 7 x 308 + 5

Hence the following
months, and years : —

scheme of

arrangement

of planets,

Hours.

Days.

Months.

Years.

Sun

Sim

Venus

Moon

Mars

Mercury

Mars

Jupiter

Saturn

Moon

Mercury

Saturn

Mars

Saturn

Jupiter

Moon

Venus

Jupiter

Venus

Mercury

Moon

Mars

Saturn

Venus

J upiter

Hence, to find the planet of the day we have only to find the
remainder of D (or the number of days) -+ 7, and the planet opposite
the corresponding place in the days column will be the planet
required. Now the positions of the planets in the day column
being of the form D, those in the month column are of the form
2 D + 1, and those in the year column of the form 3 D + 1. Hence,
q implying quotient, and r remainder, the formulas for finding the
planet corresponding to a given —

/Dn

Day will be ( ^ )r
Month „

Year

The mean place of the planets at any given time (No. of days

elapsed = D) is given by the formula -q-, where —

R = No. of revolutions in an age (w. 53-4),

C = No. of civil days in an age.

2 B 2

352

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

To find the current year of the cycle of Jupiter (60 years) ; if
J be the number of past revolutions and signs of Jupiter —

Current year

The above method gives the mean places of the planets, &c.,
for the prime meridian (through Ujjayim) ; we now proceed to find
them for any other meridian (vv. 59, 60) —

Let p = radius of Earth = 1600 yojanas,
l = latitude.

Then p ^lO = circumference of equator,

r 10 cos. I = circumference of parallel, whose latitude is l.

Let t, t' be the calculated and observed lines of immersion and
emersion of a total lunar eclipse, then the correction for longitude
(and latitude) expressed in yojanas (w. 63-65)

v'io cos. I

= cos. I

80 VlO

And if n be the planet’s mean daily motion, the mean position
for the meridian of the place will be —

DR n r VJo cos. I DR t^t'

C — 60r Vio cos. I C “ 60

And, if t" = time before or after midnight expressed in nadfs,
then the planet’s mean position at that time will be expressed
by (v. 67}—

DR nT
C - 60

The orbits are however inclined to the elliptic as follow

(vv. 68-70): —

O I

Moon . . . . . . . . . . 4 30

Mars . . . . . . . . . . 1 30

Mercury . . . . . . . ..20

Jupiter . . . . . . . . ..10

Venus . . . . . . . . ..20

Saturn . . . . . . . . ..20

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

353

Chapter II.

On the True Motions of the Planets.

The planets are advanced or retarded, or diverted in latitude, in
various degrees, from their mean positions, by agencies situated in
their apsides, nodes, &c. (vv. 1-14). To determine their true
positions, a Table of Sines is necessary. The intervals of arc for
which the shies are calculated are 225' ; then, if s, s', s ", be the
sines of 225', 2 x 225', 3 x 225', we have the following rule for
calculation : —

s = 225’
s' = s + s

s" = s' + s

And the Table given as the result of these formulas (although
from the 7th to the end some modifications have been made)
is (vv. 15-27) : —

Arc.

Sine.

Arc.

Sine.

Arc.

Sine.

225

1910

3084

449

2093

3177

671

2267

3256

890

2431

3321

1105

2585

3372

1315

2728

3409

1520

2859

3431

1719

2978

3438

It must be remembered that the sine is a line, not a ratio, and
consequently that sin, 90° = radius.

354

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

The sine of any arc not an exact multiple of 225' is given by
the formula (vv. 31-33) —

sin. (n 225' + 6) =

6 (sin. (ra + 1) 225' — sin. n 225')
225*

Similarly the arc might be found from the sine.

If S be the Sun, N its node, and N S II a spherical triangle
right angled at II, the Sun’s declination D (= S H) is given by the
equation (v. 28)

R sin. D = sin. S N sin. S N H.

The corrections of the mean longitudes are made by means of
epicycles, the magnitudes of which vary in different parts of the
orbit. The dimensions are expressed in arcs of the orbits to which
they belong, as follow (vv. 34-38) : —

Circumference of Epicycle

Planet.

Of Apsis

Of Conjunction

‘At even
Quadrant.

At odd
Quadrant.

At even
Quadrant.

At odd
Quadrant.

Sun . .

Moon

# #

, ,

Mercury

133

132

Venus

262

260

Mars

235

232

Jupiter

Saturn

Let e0, ev be the magnitudes of the epicycle at the even and odd
quadrants respectively, expressed as above, ce the correction to be
applied to e0 for any point whose mean anomaly is nt; let R =
radius of circular orbit ; then —

Se _ sin. nt
ej — e0 ~ R ’

and the circumference of the epicycle e at that point is —

sin, nt

(e, — e„).

ON THE SURYA S1DDHANTA.

355

The following is the calculation of the correction for the apsis
(v. 39). Let E be the Earth, and APB the undisturbed circular
orbit ; A a the radius of the
epicycle at A, P p the radius
of the epicycle at P ; draw
n m, Q q, _Lr to E p. The
movement is represented by
supposing the epicycle to
move with its centre on the
circle APB, without revolv-
ing about its centre. Conse-
quently, the radius A a, or
its equivalent P n, is parallel
to E A ; in other words, z p F n = z P E A = 0. The point Q,
in which E n cuts the circle APB, is the true position of the
planet ; and P Q is the correction sought.

Since the circumferences of circles are as their radii, —

360° _ sin. Q
e ~ sin. j) P m’

And when, as in the case of the epicycles of the apsis, e is small,
we have approximately —

m n — q Q = arc P Q.

Hence the correction for the apsis —

8 0 = ----- sin. 0.

360a

But if, as in the case of the conjunction, the epicycle is not small,
we have (vv. 40-42) —

E m2 + m n3 = E «2.

n m Q q

Hence, if S, 0 be the correction for the conjunction, —

sin. S, 0 — Q q =

m m

VE m? -\- m n*

The correction for the apsis is the only one required for the Sun
and Moon. For the other planets, calculate (1) the correction of
conjunction, and apply half of it to the mean place ; thence (2) calcu-
late that of the apsis, and apply half of it to the place already
corrected ; thence (3) calculate that of the apsis afresh, and apply
it to the original mean place of the planet ; and lastly, thence (4)

356

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

calculate that of the conjunction, and apply it to the last place
(vv. 43-45).

The part of the equation of time, depending upon the difference
between the Sun’s mean and true places, is given in minutes by
the formula (v. 46) —

O’s equation x n
3600'

To calculate the correction 8 n of the mean daily motion n of a

planet due to the influence of the apsis ; let v be the mean motion

of the apsis, then —

s „ (n — v) 8 tabular sin. 6
0 sin. e = V A-5 ;

Also, if & be the arc of the epicycle (e), corresponding to 6 in the
orbit, —

360° _ 8 sin. 0 _ 8 sin. 6 _
e ~ 8 sin. a — 8 n ’

Whence — , e (n — v) 8 tab. sin 6

c n = — .

360 225

To calculate the corresponding
correction 5, n, due to the influence
of conjunction (vv. 50, 51). In
the following figure —

Let E be the Earth,

M' M the correct daily
motion of the centre of
the epicycle at M',
m m points in the epicycle
corresponding to m' m.
Make Eti^Ero;

Join M m, and M wl ;

Then in the As M mt, z M < m = r < / , . ' . M i = 90° — m! mt
mc'm, /.mo' in' = rt Z =mm'o,

. • . the As are similar.

And since the epicycle is small compared with the orbit, we have
approximately t s = o' m' .

o' m' t m t s

m m M m m m' ■

. t s m in _ M M'

t rn M in EM’

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

357

The text, however, substitutes E m for E M in the above expression
without explanation ; so that —

n = M M'

E m

When the commutation in the final process of 43-45 is between
the following limits, the motion becomes retrograde (vv. 52-55) : —

Mercury

.. 144°

215

Venus . .

.. 163°

197

Mars . .

.. 164°

426

Jupiter . .

.. 130°

230

Saturn . .

.. 115°

245

To find the latitude of a planet (vv. 56-58). Subtract from the
mean place of the planet, corrected for the apsis only, that of its
node ; then, if —

V = distance of planet from its node,

L — extreme, or greatest latitude,

V — latitude at mean distance R,

l — „ true „ r ;

We have for the Moon —

; _ 7i _ L sin. V
l - L ;

And for the other planets —

L = L, whence l = ^ s^11- ^ .

R l r

This is to be added to or subtracted from the declination, neglecting
the difference between arcs measured on secondaries to the equator
and ecliptic.

The day and night of a planet, or the interval of its passing
twice over the same meridian, differs from a sidereal day and night
by a quantity thus found. Each sign contains 1800' ; then, if p =
number of respirations occupied by the passage of the sign, in
which the planet is, across the meridian (determined in chapter iii),
the quantity required (v. 59) —

1800'.

The radius of the hour circle (v. 60)

= R cos. D = R — R vers. D.

358

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

To find the length of the day of a planet, or the time during
which it is above the horizon (vv. 61-63). In the following figure —

Let N P Z S represent the meridian
of an observer at C,

P P' the N. and S. poles,

E E' the points of the meridian
cut by the equator.

E D the declination of the planet.
Draw DBA parallel to E C,
EHl'toNS,

PAG the arc of a great circle
through P and A.

Then the As, ABC, CHE, are
similar.

_CB _ g
’ ' HC BA s’

And — C B = D F = sin. D.

Hence— A B = S_simD.

But the arc, of which A B is the sine, is the same part of the
diurnal circle that the arc, of which C C is the sine, is of the
equator.

A_B GO

' ’ B D C E’

which determines G C. And the arc, of which G C is the sine, is the
measure in time of the difference between a quadrant and the arc
of a diurnal circle intercepted between the horizon and meridian.

The ecliptic is divided into 27 lunar mansions, each of which
consequently contains 800'. Hence, in order to find in what man-
sion a planet is at any given time, let 0 = its longitude.

No. of complete mansions traversed =

Portion traversed by current mansion =

No. of days elapsed = - , — 7 ,

J 1 n V 800 A’-

A lunar day is ^ of a lunar month, or of the interval in which
the moon gains 360° in longitude on the Sun. It is therefore
measured by-3^f° = 12° = 720'. Hence we may find the number
of lunar months and days elapsed by proceeding as above with a
divisor 720'.

ON THE SUBYA SIDDHANTA.

359

The yoga t) (y) is the period during' which the long-

itudes of the Sun ( 6 ) and of the Moon (6X) together amount to the
space of a lunar mansion (v. 65).

. 0, + 0 _

800'

= No. of yogas passed + portion of current yoga

— qy + z suppose.

Then if n, nv be the daily motions —

J50z _ _ elapsed of current yoga.
Similarly for the lunar days (c/,) —

— e

720

602

n , — n

= qdi + 2,

= nadi's elapsed of current lunar day.

Each lunar day is divided into two halves (^T^trr;), wliich

have particular names and portions assigned to them. But they
appear to have no practical use.

Chapter III.

On Direction, Place, and Time.

To construct the dial (vv. 1-7).

Describe a circle ; at its centre erect a gnomon 1 2 digits high.
Mark the two points where in the forenoon and afternoon the extre-
mity of the shadow meets the circle.

From each point as a centre, with
the distance between them as a
radius, describe two circles ; the
line joining their points of section Q
will be a N and S line. By similar
processes draw E and W, NE and
SW, NW and SE lines. Draw a
circumscribing square, and mark off
the sides passing through the E
and W points in digits. Let e be
the extremity of the shadow at s

noon, when the Sun is on the equinox ; through e draw Q Q'

E W.

e / \

1 \

360

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

Then (v. 8) if g — height of gnomon,

h = length of hypothenuse,
s = „ equinoctial shadow,

A* = 9* + «*.

In a yuga the sidereal circle
lags behind on the zodiac 600 revo-
lutions. And the position x of the
initial point of the sphere at any
period is consequently given by the
following proportion : —

When d = No. of days elapsed,
di= „ inayuga,
d\_ 600 rev.
d x

But it is an oscillatory movement and has periods and changes
of sign like a sine ; only the range instead of being 90° is
90° x 30 _ 0?0
10

The annual precession consequently

_ 365 x 360° x 360 3 _

4320000 x 365 10

In the accompanying figure let (vv. 12-25)

C b represent the gnomon = g,

b e

equinoctial shadow = s,

b d

any other „ = s',

C e

equinoctial hypothenuse = h.

C d

any other „ = h'

C E

radius “ R,

d e

measure of amplitude = a „

zenith,

south point.

Then if the Sim be upon the equator —

sin. I = B E = ®i,
a

cos. 1=CB = JL?.

If it be not on the equator —

sin. Z = B E,
sin. A = C B,
and 90° — L = Z + D.

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

361

Similarly from the above equations we may find the shadow or
hypothenuse for a given latitude or declination.

The true and mean longitudes may be found, when the latitude
and declination are known, by an inversion of the processes of
ii 28-30.

If a represent the Sun’s amplitude, then C A = sin. a ; and from
the similar As C be, C F A, we have —

h sin. D

sin. a —

Also from the similar As C d e, D C A, we have —

h sin. D h!
ax = _ ;

9 R
and s' = s ± ctj.

Returning to the figure —

Z C will be the projection of the prime vertical,

V „ „ point where the Sun passes it.

Then V C = sin. A.

And generally sin. A =

_ Ry

Now since the As V C F, E C H are similar,

R sin. D

sin. A =

sin. e

Hence if h" be the value of the hypothenuse when the sun is
on the prime vertical —

sin. D _ g

~ w

sin. e

Also since-

sin. I __ s
cos. I g
_ s cos. I
sin. D

Again, since the As H E C, F C A are similar —

sin. a =

Whence (v. 28)

a, =

R sin. D
cos. I
h 1 sin. a

To find, for a given declination and latitude, the sine of the
Sun’s altitude at the moment when it crosses the SE or the SW
vertical circle.

Suppose that the plane of the above figure is turned about C Z
as an axis through 45°, so that Z D E S represents an arc of SE, or

362 ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

of a SW circle. Then be — V2 s, . D E '= V 2 sin. a. The alti-
tude is then given by the formula —

. 2 s g sin. a /(B2 — 2 sin.2 a) g2 4 s2 g2 sin.2 a

Sm‘ " — ~ g2 + 2 s2 /\/ g2 + 2 s2 ( g 2 + 2 s2)2

To verify this, form the quadratic equation in sin. A —

(g2 -h 2 s2) sin. 2 A — 4 sg sin. a sin. A + 2 g2 sin. 2a — R2y2 = 0,

2 (s sin. A — g sin. a)2 — g2 (R2 — sin.2 A) = 0,

or, referring to the figure —

(b e . D K - C b . D E')2 — C b2 C K2 => 0.

But

C K + _D _R _ be orJe.DK — CJ.DE' = CK.C6,
D K Go

which renders the equation identical.

If the declination be south, D E' falls in the opposite direction :
hence the double sign.

To find the sine of the Sun’s altitude at any hour, when its
distance from the meridian, the declination, and the altitude are
known (vv. 34-36).

In the same figure as before, let 0 be the projection of the
Sim’s place at any time, and P 0 Q that of an arc of a great circle ;
PAG that of another.

Then —

But —

EH
0 E

C G = sine of ascensional difference = sin. a.

E Q = versine of horn- angle = versin II.

0 R = sin. A.

R, = radius of diurnal circle.

sin. A = (R + sin. a — versin H) ^

_ G Q . F D . E H
C E2

OR , DF_GQ . GQ.FD.EH
“ OA C E ~ A 0 ' • C E2

0 R.

In a given latitude to find the Sun’s declination, and thence its

ON THE SHRYA SIDDHANTA.

363

true and mean longitude from the shadow at any hour (vv. 40-61).
It was shown above that —

k_ EC EH
a CA F C

. • . F C = sin. D

a cos. I
h

To describe on the dial the path of the extremity of the shadow
for any day, set off three bases in the forenoon, noon, and afternoon
(y-co-ordinates); calculate the distances E. and W. (x-co-ordinates);
and draw a circle through the three points. This represents the
path required (w. 41, 42).

To determine the time occupied by each sign in rising. First
for a point on the equator. Let R„ R2, R3 be the day radii of
1, 2, 3 signs respectively. Then if tv t2, t3, be their time of rising,
and s", s2", s3" the number of seconds in 30°, 60°, 90° respectively ;
then —

sin. tl =

sin. s,

sin.

R3 sin. s2'

RT^

sin. t3 =

Rj sin. s3''

For the two sets of quantities (s/', s2”, s3"), (f15 t2, ^3), being
measured, one on the ecliptic, and the other on the equator, form
respectively the hypothenuses and bases of three rt. z d As ; and
by ordinary spherical trigonometry —

sin. s" = cos. Sj" sin. ^ sin. tr

IV3

For the next three signs the expressions will be the same as
these, only in an inverse order; and so on for the other six.
For a point not on the equator we must add (or subtract) the
ascensional difference.

Given the Sun’s longitude and the local time, to find the points
of the ecliptic on the horizon and on the meridian (vv. 46-49).

The preceding method gives the ascensional equivalents for the
various signs; and for the portions of signs, in which either the Sun

or the horizon is, we have

t2 t2

A similar process will give the local time at which any given
point on the ecliptic will be upon the horizon (vv. 50, 51).

364

ON THE SURYA S1DDHANTA.

Chapter IV.

On Eclipses.

The diameter of the Sun = 6,500 yojanas (v. 1).

„ Moon = 480 „

Let, as before, re, re,, represent the mean, and re' re,', the true
daily motions of the Sun and Moon respectively ; then —

Corrected diameter of the Sun = 6500 — ,

re '

„ Moon = 430 — 1 .

re,

In order to find the apparent diameters in minutes of arc, the
corrected diameter of the Sun is projected on a circle at the Moon’s
mean distance, by multiplying the expression by the ratio of the
Sun’s revolutions in an age to those of the Moon, or by that of the
Moon’s to the Sun's orbit. At the distance in question 1’ = 15
yojanas (vv. 2-3).

Corrected diameter of the Earth = 1600 — .

re,

To find the diameter of the Earth’s shadow upon the Moon’s
mean orbit. Project the difference of the Sun’s and the Earth’s
corrected diameters on the Moon’s orbit, and subtract the result
from the Earth’s corrected diameter (vv. 4, 5). The formula is —

1600 — — ( 6500 — - 1600

re, v re re, J 6500

Calculate the longitudes of the Sun and Moon at midnight next
preceding or following the opposition or conjunction ; then, if an
eclipse be probable, calculate the interval to the instant of opposition
or conjunction, by the methods of Chapter II (vv. 6-9).

If r„ r, be the radii of the eclipsed and eclipsing bodies, and /,
the latitude of the former, the amount of the obscuration is given
by the formula (vv. 6-11) —

r, + r — lv

The times of duration of the eclipse, and of total obscuration
will be expressed by (vv. 12, 13) —

V (r, ± rf - P X -JfL,

60 being the number of nadis in a day.

OH THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

365

This method assumes that the latitude remains unchanged
during the eclipse ; but if greater accuracy is required, with the
above formula as a first approximation recalculate both longitude
and latitude of the Moon; and repeat the process as often as
desired (vv. 14, 15).

The instant of true opposition or conjunction is considered as
the middle of the eclipse (w. 16, 17).

If from the formula of vv. 12, 13, corrected by vv. 14, 15, we
subtract any interval of time (t), and reconvert the remainder into
arc, we may regard the result as the perpendicular, and the latitude
as the base of a right-angled triangle ; the hypothenuse will then
represent the amount of obscuration at the time t. In the case of
a solar eclipse, a correction for parallax during its continuance must
be made. This is explained by Chapter Y, vv. 14-17 (vv. 18-21).
Conversely we may require to know when the obscuration will
attain to a given amount. The method, being similar to those
given above, need not be given in detail (vv. 22, 23).

In projecting an eclipse (a process which is explained in
Chapter YI), the eclipsed body is represented in the centre of the
figure with a N. and S. line, and an E. and W. line drawn through
it as co-ordinates, or lines of reference. The N. and S. line repre-
sents a great circle drawn through the N. and S. points of the
horizon ; the E. and W. line a small circle parallel to the prime
vertical. The position of the ecliptic is fixed by calculating, first,
the angle ( v ) between the E. and W. line and the circle of diurnal
motion ; and secondly, the angle (w) between the latter circle and
the ecliptic.

For the first process let P be the pole of the equator, M
the eclipsed body, N the north point of the horizon. Then

P N = l, M P N = 180° — hour angle
= 180° -IT.

If M were on the horizon and at the E. or AY. point, then P M and
N M would be quadrants, and PMN = v. It is, however, assumed
that the same relations would remain approximately unchanged for
other positions of M ; hence for the triangle P M N, we have —

sin. M P N sin. P M N . sin. II sin. I

sm. M N sm. P N R

Secondly, it seems supposed that the diurnal circle and the equator
meet at 90° from M ; hence moving M to a point M', 90° forward

2 0

VOL. XX.

366

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

on the ecliptic, the declination of M' will measure the angle between
the ecliptic and the diurnal circle.

The sine of the deflection ( v+iv ) so found is laid off on a straight
line on the scale of radius = 49 digits; i.e., 3438 -f- 49 = 70, or
70' = 1 digit.

To take account of the apparent increase of heavenly bodies
near the horizon ; it is assumed that 3' at the horizon are equivalent
to 4' at the zenith. Hence it is calculated (v. 26) —

^ day altde. in time

1' excess over 3'

Whence the rule —

w . , . . f alt. in time + 3i days

Equivalent of digits in minutes of arc = p- = ± — — .

Chapter V.

On Parallax in a Solar Eclipse.

When the Sun is on the meridian, it is considered that there
is no parallax in longitude. When the latitude is equal to the
declination, there is none in latitude (v. 1 ).

The first step towards finding the parallax at the moment of
conjunction, is to determine the sine of amplitude of the point of
the ecliptic on the eastern horizon (vv. 2, 3). For this purpose, let
D, = the greatest declination ; then, adopting the notation hitherto
used, we have by ii, 28 —

R sin. D = sin. 6 in. sD„

And by iii, 22, 23 —

sin. a —

R sin. D
cos. I

Whence —

sin. a =

sin. 6 sin. D,
cos. I

To find the sines of the Z D and altitude of the point of the
ecliptic having the greatest altitude (vv. 4-6), —

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

367

Let Z' = meridian Z D,

Ci = Z D of point in question,

A, = Altitude „

Then if, in the spherical triangle Z B L, Z be the zenith, Z L a
meridian, Z L J_ to the ecliptic B L, and M n
the arc of a great circle from M to the pole of
the ecliptic,

Z L = Z',

Z B = Zi,

Z L B = 90° — B Z L, approximately,
ran — parallax in longitude, m

And —

sin. z, sin. Z L B _ sin. Z L B sin. (90° —a) _ ^R2 — sin. 2a,
sin. z' — sin. ZBL- R “ R — R

And —
Whence-

sin.2Z, + sin.2A! = R ;

c:„ 7 _ / • , , sin. 2z' s:

sin. Z, _ ^ sm.2z - ^

sm. ‘a

sin. Ai = VR2 — sin. 2Zr

But (v. 7) we may approximately take Z, .= z'.

To find the parallax- in longitude (w. 7-9). The Moon’s greatest
horizontal parallax = 4 midis. Hence the proposition —

sin. Z m R

= T

But —

M m

sin. Z m . sin. B m sin. A,

M m ' n m R

. sin. B m sin. A, _ R

But — = sin. 30° ; hence —

Parallax in longitude =

sin. B m

sin. 230° sin. A, '

[The term used in the text seems rather to imply L m, instead

of B m.']

The formula must be used to correct the time of conjunction
previously found ; the parallax must then be calculated afresh, and
the process repeated.

2 C 2

368

ON THE SURYA S1DDHANTA.

To determine the parallax in latitude (v. 10), we have only to
substitute, from the formulas —

Sun’s greatest parallax = yp

Moon’s

n i

“ T5’

the quantity — - for 4 in the equation ^ m = 5 ; whence

15 Mm 4

Parallax in latitude = — ~n_

1 5 K

This formula may be simplified for calculation by the following
considerations (v. 11): —

n, — n = 731' 27"

15 R = 51570',

and —

51570' _A1 R ,

= 701 = _ nearly.

731' 27" 2 40 J

Hence, approximately —

Parallax in latitude

Sin.Z, _ 49 Sin. Z,
~ 70 ’ 1 R

With the value of the parallax so found, th6 time of conjunction is
to be corrected. The parallaxes in longitude (pu p2, p3) for the
beginning, middle, and end of the eclipse respectively having been
calculated ; the quantities —

Pi ± Pi, Pi ± Pz

are to be added as corrections to the half durations previously
determined.

Chapter VI.

On Planetary Conjunctions.

To find when two planets will have the same longitude (vv. 3-6).

Let 0\ 0\, be their longitudes,
n , n„ their daily motions.

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

369

Then they are distant from the point where they will have the
same longitude, respectively, —

(Z ~ n, and H~
n + n1 n + n1

To find the moment of conjunction, i.e., when they will be on the
same secondary to the ecliptic (vv. 7-12).

Let Y, S, be the two planets having the n
same longitude,

N the north point of the horizon,

P, P', the poles of the equator and
ecliptic,

P S, P V, great circles from P, cutting
the ecliptic in s and v,

N S, N V, great circles from P, cutting
the ecliptic in s' and v',

then the two planets are removed from con-
junction by the distance v s. To determine
this, find —

M v + M s = v v' — Mi)' + s s' — M s'.

Let ss'o be the value of s s' when S is on the horizon. Then P S M
is an angle which = 0° when the pole is on the horizon, and
= 90° when it is at the zenith ; and is on that account supposed to
vary with the elevation of the pole ; in other words, it is assumed
= the latitude (L) of the observer. And S being supposed always
near the ecliptic, s S s' is regarded as a plane triangle, having the
angle s' s S = 90°. Hence —

ss'0 sin. L _ s

l cos. L g

Again, for any other position of S, we have the proposition —
s s' : s s' o = merid. dist. in time : ^ day,

9 i day *

In the same way, in the A M S s', the angle at s' is considered
as = 90°, and consequently —

M S _ R
M s' sin. M S s''

370

ON THE SURYA SIDDHANTA.

But since M is supposed always near the ecliptic, M S s' = P' S P
= P' M P, nearly ; and if D' be the declination of a body 90° in
advance of M, —

MS _ R
M s' sin. D' ’

But —

Sine of greatest declination = sin. 24° = 1397' = 58 x 24' nearly;

whence it is concluded that sin. D' = 58 x D' :

also radius = 3438' = 58 x 60' nearly;

whence —

M s' = — .
60

In the same way v v', and M v' may be found ; and thence v s com-
pletely determined.

371

Art. XV. — On some Fragments of Aryabhatta. By Dr. H. Kern.

[Read 1 6th March , 1863.]

There are few names in the history of Indian science which have
acquired a celebrity equalling that of Aryabhatta. He is — to use
the words of Colebrooke — “ the earliest author known to have
treated of Algebra among the Hindus, and likely to be, if not
the inventor, the improver, of that analysis ; by whom, too, it was
pushed nearly to the whole degree of excellence which it is found
to have attained among them.” But, notwithstanding the renown
of the Indian algebraist and astronomer, not only among his
countrymen, but also among the Arabian scholars, his works seemed
to be lost. Neither was Colebrooke successful, nor was Davis more
so, in their endeavours to find any work of his. What was known
about his doctrine, which in many points deviated from the prevail-
ing opinions among Indian astronomers, was derived from quota-
tions occurring in various mathematical and astronomical writings.
Now, it is deserving of notice, that in Southern India there are
copies extant of works that most unequivocally lay claim to being
the genuine productions of Aryabhatta. The late Mr. Wliish knew
an Aryabhattiyam, a treatise on arithmetic and mathematics, to
which I shall have to revert in the course of this paper. Prof.
Lassen says, in his Indisclie Alterthumskunde,1 that lie has received
from Southern India copies of two works ascribed to Aryabhatta,
viz., of the above-mentioned Aryabhattiyam and of the Dasagitaka-
sutra. In an article on the Arya-siddhanta in the 6th volume of
the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Dr. Fitz-Edward Ilall
has verified an Arya-siddhanta, of which he possessed two imperfect
copies, by extracts occurring in the writings of various commen-
tators. The conclusion he arrives at is, that there were two

1 Ind. Alterth., 2nd vol., p. 1136. Prof. Lassen concludes, from the somewhat
equivocal words of Reinaud, Memoire sur I'Inde, pp. 321 and 322, that the
Aryabhattiyam is spoken of by Albirtini. So far as I can see, Alblrfini inti-
mates only that the Indian astronomical systems (methodes) could be reduced to
three, the Sindhind, the Aryabhatta, and the Arkand. It is an inference of
Reinaud that the system called Aryabhatta is identical with the Aryabhattiyam,
which, according to Whish, is not a treatise on astronomy, but on arithmetic and
mathematics.

372

ON SOME FRAGMENTS

authors of the name. If the same course were adopted in regard
to all the works ascribed to Aryabhatta, or to an Aryabhatta, if their
contents were compared with the numerous fragments scattered in
different works, chiefly commentaries, one might indulge the hope
that the question of the authorship of Aryabhatta would be settled
in a satisfactory manner.

This is a task, however, I cannot assume at present ; and I
propose only to contribute a small share towards solving the
question by giving the following extracts. All of them are taken
from the commentary of Bhatta Utpala on the Varahi Sanhita,
or Brihat-Sanhita, of Varaha-mihira. According- to the list of
astronomical writers furnished by the asti’onomers of Ujjayini to
Dr. Hunter, and published by Colebrooke (Algebra, Note E), the
commentator flourished about the .Saka-year 890 (a.d. 968-69); and,
agreeably to this statement, it is said, at the end of the commentary,
that it was finished in the Saka-year 888, or a.d. 967.1

I am sorry to say that the copies of U tpala’s commentary are
in such a condition that I have often been obliged to recur to con-
jectures, most of them, however, being obvious. The uncertainty
about the true reading materially affects the translation ; and the
want of any explanation on the part of Utpala does so in a no less
degree. At the same time, I am of opinion, that the greater or less
degree of correctness of the extracts by no means renders them
less important for the purpose of comparing them with the complete
works ascribed to the renowned Indian mathematician and astro-
nomer.

I shall begin with the following extract, which is to be found
in the commentary on the second chapter of the Varahi Sanhita:2

1 The date in full is given in Utpala’s own words :

f%HteT^T?Tf%rTT*ri I

'srrir 11

“ On the second lunar day of the dark half of the month Phalguna, on a
Thursday, in the Saka-year 888, I finished this commentary.”

2 One of the MSS. belonged formerly to Colebrooke : for convenience sake, I
shall call it B, and the other A. The fragment is introduced, in B, by the words

TT^rr ^t4vTT:, in Aby nm ^FqTWF:- The various readings,

mere blunders being omitted, are : B iJefrTT tzm for WTT

^^th.-A-RHT^TT, B for

OF ARYABHATTA.

373

^rrf^rfgrr. i

^^tyrfaif^rewr wfar: wn 3th ll

£ v* C\ £

^^j^Tcpprof^n 3Tf%7r: Wrpr: i

^rt^r: ll

^^rspr^rnr: wr^na fwmT trfrf^r: i
cT^q^ ^4?rV frr: ll

: f% cHf%^ HH ||

“ The teiTestrial globe, a compound of earth, water, fire, and air,
entirely round, encompassed by a girdle {the equator--], stands in the
air, in the centre of the stellar sphere. Like as the ball formedLy
the blossoms of the Nauclea Kadamba is on every side beset with
flowerets, so is the earth-globe with all creatures terrestrial and
aquatic. Mount Meru, measuring only a yojanct , being wholly
round, and consisting of gems, spreading lustre, and surrounded by
the snowy mountain, is in the midst of Paradise.1 Heaven and
Mount Meru are in the midst of the land ; hell and the
Vadavamukha are in the midst of the waters. The gods and the
demons, of necessity, deem each other to be undermost.”

The general features of this geographical system agree with
that of the Surya-siddhanta (chapter 12), and other astronomical
works. By hell, naraka, is intended the abode of the demons ; and
Vadavamukha, denoting, in popular belief, as well the submarine
fire as a kind of Charybdis and abyss, is here, as it will appear
more clearly from another passage of Aryabhatta, the supposed
abode of the dead. We find here, about the division of our planet
into land and water, nearly the same notion that prevailed, not
only in other text-books of Indian astronomy, but also with
Greek geographers, as Eratosthenes and Strabo, namely, that the
northern hemisphere only is a continent and inhabited, and that
the southern half consists of water, and is uninhabitable, at least for
men. A peculiar feature of this piece of Aryabhatta’s geographical

1 The word Nandanavana, rendered here by Paradise, is the well-known
garden of India. It is also called Nandanadyana in the Katha-sarit-sagara,
taranga 28, vs. 52 (edition of Brockhaus in the Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des
Morgenlandes, 1862).

374

ON SOME FRAGMENTS

system, which distinguishes it from the prevailing opinion of the
Hindus, is his acknowledging only four, not five, elements. To
account for this peculiarity by assuming him to have adopted this
doctrine from the Bauddhas and Jainas seems objectionable, be-
cause these sects are notorious for their preposterous ideas about
the heavenly bodies,1 quite different from those of Aryabhatta.
I would rather suggest that he borrowed this idea from the
Greeks. However, it is but fan- to say that he could not have
borrowed the idea from an ancient work of reputed Greek origin,
viz., the Paulisa-siddhanta, the author of which was Pulisa, or, as
Albfrum styles him, Paulus the Greek. For we know, accidentally,
from a quotation by Bhatta Utpala, that the Paulisa-siddhanta
acknowledges five elements. It will not be out of place to give
the very words:2 —

^tTT HTT ^THH I

“ The earth is round like a wheel (or disk), produced by the
Creator at the end of darkness. It consists of five elements. In
the midst of it is the Meru of the gods.”

It will be seen at once, that the shape of the earth being com-
pared to a wheel or disk implies a much lower degree of geogra-
phical science than is met with in any Indian book on scientific
astronomy.

To revert to Aryabhatta, I subjoin the original of a passage
already noticed and translated by Colebrooke in his Algebra,
Note I:3 —

“ An equal half of the ecliptic, from the beginning of Aries to

1 See Colebrooke, On the sect of the Jainas, and As. Res., xii, p. 228.

2 They are to be found in Cod. A, fol. 29, in B, fob 33. The latter MS. has

3 Here both copies concur in reading cf^IT ^rTvTRWf’ ' , intending, very

likely, ^T^T^T^^Tb-A TOTHTiraii B

OF ARYABHATTA.

375

the end of Virgo, is situated in the north ; the other half, from the
beginning of Libra to the end of Pisces, is in the south.”

The following two passages bear upon the relative distance of
the planets, including the sun and moon, from the earth, the sup-
posed centre of the celestial sphere, and upon the relative dimen-
sions of the planetary orbits: —

“Below the fixed stars are, successively, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars,
the Sun, Venus, Mercury, and the Moon; below all these is the
Earth, being in the midst of the ether.” 1

Concerning the relative dimensions of the orbits, Aryabhatta
has taught thus : —

TT3r?ft ihrr: i

■zinj: 3v*TT^flH f^^fTTfrTW: II

vl Vj

“ The Moon, being undermost, completes a small circle in a short
time ; and Saturn, being uppermost, a large circle in a long time.
For upon a small circle the signs are small, whereas they are great
upon a large circle ; so, too, the degrees and minutes are divided
proportionately to the respective orbits.”

Aryabhatta, for aught we know, was the first, and remained
almost the sole, astronomer among his countrymen, who affirmed
the daily revolution of the Earth on its own axis. His words, as
quoted by Utpala,2 differ from those cited by Prithudakaswamin,
the commentator of Brahmagupta (As. Res., xii, p. 227) ; but it is
superfluous to remark that the same author had more than one
opportunity, either in the same work or in some other, to repeat his
assertion.

1 The word meshibh&td is omitted in the translation, since it is devoid of
meaning in this connexion. I surmise that we ought to read medhibhdtd, media
being “ a post fixed in the centre of a threshing-floor or barn, to which the cattle
are attached, as they turn round it to tread out the corn.” — Wilson.

3 A has B

376

ON SOME FRAGMENTS

TOrarro i

*TTfa fT^^T^f%^r»rrf% ^T^TRIT^ II

“ As a person in a vessel, while moving forwards, sees an im-
moveable object moving backwards, in the same manner do the
stars, however immoveable, seem to move (daily) ; at Lanka (be.,
at a situation of no geographical latitude) they go straight to the
west (be., in a line that cuts the horizon at right angles, or, what
is the same, parallel to the prime vertical at Lanka).”

The theory of the immobility of the fixed stars is not approved
of by Bhatta Utpala, who endeavours, consequently, to refute it,
partly by reasonings of his own, partly by invoking other autho-
rities. One of his arguments is based upon the supposition that
birds, after having soared to the sky, would be unable to find again

their nests, (if the Earth moved) «T

Further, he appeals to the Paulisa-siddhanta,

vj \j

which taught i1 —

“ To its (the celestial sphere’s?) so-called upper pole this wheel
is fastened with cords of air; the (points of) rising and setting of
the stars propelled by the wind are always revolving.”

This is another instance of the inferior quality of the science
expounded by Pulisa. Another authority ajjpealed to by Utpala is
the Brahma-siddhanta, an extract from which is here subjoined:

wn f^ir^^rfcr ^wfT wr *rof?T i

^TWT '5pft f%frT^ II

1 The reading is conjectural, A exhibiting ‘sjcf, B As to the

general meaning there can be no doubt.

OF ARYABHATTA.

377

“ The circle of asterisms (the ecliptic) connected with the two
poles revolves, being propelled by the provector wind; to the gods
(being at the north pole) it is in the horizon, and moves from left to
right,1 but, to the demons, from right to left. Everywhere else the
sphere is elevated, and the pole is depressed. For Lanka (e.e., for
a place of no latitude), however, the circle of asterisms goes from
the east point of the horizon to the west point, and there the pole
is in the horizon.”

Utpala might have selected more unobjectionable passages than
this, which commits the unwarrantable inaccuracy of confounding
the ecliptic with the equator. A third authority opposed to
Aryabhatta — and it is not a little surprising to learn this — is
Aryabhatta himself. For Utpala cites from him as follows: —

cn^jcrrf%TU i

r wfa 11

“ The cause of the rising and setting is, that the circle of
asterisms, with the planets, being always propelled by the pro-
vector wind, moves straight to the west.”

This passage may have been one of those on which Brahma-
gupta founded his charge of inconsistency against his renowned
predecessor (see Colebr., Algebra, Note G, and As. Res., xii,
p. 213). But, without knowing more of the context, we dare not
assert Aryabhatta to have been really inconsistent : the foregoing
stanza does not prove what Utpala supposes it to prove. Nor is it
necessary to assume that this stanza is from another work of
the same author. It is by no means improbable that the author
simply intended, here, to report the opinion of others, or to give a
description how the luminaries appear to move. It is deser'ving of
remark that Utpala, who could have strengthened his position by
pointing out the inconsistency, does nothing of the kind. This
looks as if he were himself aware of his quotation’s being inconclu-
sive. I pass from the commentary on the second chapter of the
Varahi Sanhita to that on the sixteenth, vs. 6. The fragment to
be found there has been alluded to by Dr. Fitz-Edward Hall, in the
Journal of the Am. Or. Soc., Yol. YI, p. 559.

1 For the sense of the terms savyaga and apasavyaga, see Sdrya-siddhanta,
ch. 12, vs. 55, and the valuable translation of it by the Rev. Mr. Burgess and Prof.
Whitney.

378

ON SOME FRAGMENTS

^tt: wf^rT wn?rr4^^^^f%TfTT: 1

rj tittt: 11 1

“ The gods dwelling- on Mount Meru, in the north, see half
of the asterisms going from left to right ; the same half is seen by
the dead in Vadavamukha, in the south, moving from right to left.”
As to Meru and Vadavamukha, I refer to the extract near the
beginning of this paper.

The last extract I have to offer is, in more than one respect, of
high importance. Aryabhatta, as has been mentioned by Davis,
in the As. Res., iii, p. 215, and afterwards by Colebrooke, in the
As. Res., xii, p. 244, and Algebra, Note I, stated the revolutions of
Jupiter in a Mahayuga to be 364,224. The original is given by
Utpala in his comment on ch. 8, vs. 1, of the Yarahi Sanhita:*

TaftiTTWT ^Tpg*pr?7T ii

“ The revolutions of Jupiter, multiplied by the number of
the signs (12), are the years of Jupiter, called Aswayuja, &c.; his
revolutions are equal to the number of the Jinas, a couple, the
Vedas, the seasons, the fires (i.e., 364,224).”

There are, in this stanza, two circumstances that call for par-
ticular attention. In the first place, it is clear that Aryabhatta
most distinctly states the first of the twelve years in the revolution
of Jupiter to be Aswayuja, whereas, generally, up to the present
day, the first year is called Karttika. If we were sure that this
fact implied another, viz., that Aryabhatta considered the lunar
mansion Aswinf to be the first of the series, instead of Krittika, we

1 Both MSS. have which here is devoid of sense, and more-

over disturbs the metre. Further, A has B

-B TTW, A 7T^.

♦ ♦ »

2 B has MtIT for TOIL and snrr^T- The latter is unobjectionable,
provided it be taken for two words, not for a compound. — A

Both have rTWb and have added, in numerals.

OF ARYABHATTA.

379

should hare one datum more for determining approximately his age.
Before pronouncing upon the question, we have to bear in mind
that the rule, according to which the twelve years of Jupiter
received their names, is not uniform. Yaraha-mihira1 prescribes,
that “ the name of the year of Jupiter is determined from the
asterism with which Jupiter rises heliacally, and that the years
follow in the same order with the months.” Other astronomers or
astrologers of far more ancient date, as Garg-a, Kasyapa, and Rislii-
putra, give rules of the same purport. In order to avoid needless
prolixity, I refer to the copious treatment of this subject by Davis,
in the third volume of the As. Res., pp. 217, sqq. It is obvious that
the rule laid down in Yaraha-mihira, or rather repeated by him,
was framed at a time when the series of asterisms was reckoned
from Krittika, and not yet from A swim'. It is, further, obvious that
the same rule could not be followed after A swim” s beginning the
ecliptic, unless the first year changed its name. Now, we are
directed by the Surya-siddhanta (ch. 14, vs. 17) to determine the
name of a year of Jupiter from that asterism in which the Sun and
Moon will be in conjunction at the end of the month in which
the heliacal rising and setting take place. The first month being-
called Yaisakha, — so-called because originally full moon occurred in
the asterism Yisakha, — it follows that the conjunction of the Sun
and Moon, at the end of this month, will fall in Krittika; and, agree-
ably to the rule, the first year of Jupiter is to receive the name
of Karttika. In this manner the order of the years is preserved ;
but it could be so only if the Surya-siddhanta, which considers
Aswini to be the first asterism, changed the rule of Yaraha-mihira,
or rather of his predecessors. Yery likely the rule of the Surya-
siddhanta is an innovation by which it was designed to find a means
of leaving unaltered the traditional order of the years. It is
pretty sure, that Aryabhatta, whether the first asterism with him
was Krittika or Aswini, could not have determined the names of
the years in the same manner with the Surya-siddhanta. For, on
the former supposition, the first year would have been called
Margasirsha ; in the latter, it would receive the name of Karttika.
Unfortunately, we cannot assert so confidently whether he did or
did not make use of the rule with Yaraha-mihira. If he really
did, then the necessary consequence would be, that in his time
the first of the series of asterisms ivas Aswini. But it will be
permitted to affirm that the fragment quoted affords no sufficient
data for deciding this question satisfactorily.

1 Yar. Sanh., ch. 8, vs. 1.

380

ON SOME FRAGMENTS

We are in a more favourable position as to the second fact worthy
of notice, which I alluded to. For it may be shown that the way in
which Aryabhatta gives the number of Jupiter’s revolutions implies
that he has made use of our arithmetical notation. This fact,
although by no means surprising of itself, has acquired importance
since the discovery, by Whish,1 of an alphabetical notation in the
Aryabhattiyam. This discovery has induced Prof. Brockhaus2
to assert that Aryabhatta was unacquainted with the decimal
notation ; and with him agrees Reinaud, to whom we are indebted
for an interesting Mernoire sur Vlnde. The latter scholar expresses
his opinion in the following words:3 “ x\pparemment, le procede
employe par Aryabhatta (viz., the alphabetical notation) etait tombe
en desuetude au temps d’Albyrouny. Neanmoins, les traites scien-
tifiques composes par Brahmagupta, au 7e siecle de notre ere, et
par les ecrivains posterieurs, ne supposent pas, en general, l’usage
des chiffres ; les nombres sont exprimes par des mots susceptibles
d’etre rattaches a une qualite quelconque.” Now, it is very true,
as well as generally known, that, in Sanskrit works, numbers
may be denoted by other words than the usual names of the
numerals. This, however, has nothing whatever to do with the
question of a particular notation, but is a matter merely of prosody.
It is quite immaterial whether one chooses to say tri or agni , as,
in English, twenty or a score ; the essential point is to know whether
the name of a unit, whatever the sound of that name may be, may
occur at another place than the first right-hand place. When it is
unquestionable — and so it is in the above-cited stanza — that, for
instance, the sixth numeral from the right, denoted by a word
for three , has the value of three hundred thousand, it is clear that
the notation must have been a decimal one. Every passage in any
Sanskrit book where we meet with the same method of expressing
the numerals by the names of things, considered to present them-
selves in a certain quantity, tells us that it originated at a time
when the decimal notation was known in India, with this restric-
tion, that the numeral must consist of at least two figures. The
fragment quoted shows, not only the views of Prof. Brockhaus
and M. Reinaud to be inadmissible, but also, I believe, those of
Prof. Lassen. This most distinguished scholar argues, from the
existence of an inscription of the Samvat- year 380 or 323, which
exhibits an alphabetical notation, that, in the time of Aryabhatta,

1 Transactions of the Lit. Soc. of Madras, 1827.

2 Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. iv, p. 81.

3 Memoire sur Vlnde, p. 299.

OF ARY ABHATTA.

381

the decimal system was not yet fully developed ; although he rightly
urges, on the other hand, that the discovery of an alphabetical
notation does not involve an entire ignorance of the ciphers (see
Ind. Alterth., 2nd vol., p. 1139, and Thomas, in his edition of
Prinsep’s Indian Antiquities, 2nd vol., pp. 80-84). Assuming the
Samvat- year to mean the year of the Vikramaditya-era, it remains
still to be proved, first, that Aryabhatta lived before or about 380
or 323 of the Vikramaditya-era, and, secondly, that the use of a
certain notation in one monument involves the general currency
of the same notation, for every use, throughout the whole of India.

Thus we may safely conclude, I think, that the great algebraist
has made use, in his calculations, of the system handed down to us
by the Arabians, and to these by the Hindus. To the unpractical
alphabetical notation no regard has been paid, even by those
Indian mathematicians who derived their science mainly from the
works of the reputed founder of algebra. Whish, l. c., p. 56, tells
us : “I am not, indeed, aware that it has since been in use among
mathematicians, never having observed it in their works. It must,
however, have been understood by them ; for the three books,
Lllavatl, Laghu-Bhaskariyam, and Maha-Bhaskarlyam, of Bhas-
kara-acharya are founded upon the principles of the Aryabhatlyam;
the Lilavatl, in particular, is composed from the second chapter of
the work.”

If Bhaskara nowhere mentions the alphabetical notation,
Albfrum decidedly knew nothing of it (see Memoir e sur VInde ,
p. 299) ; which would be rather strange, if, by the third of the three
astronomical systems, Sindhind, Arkand, and Aryabhatta, the
Aryabhattiyam really was intended. But I have already stated
my grounds for not believing this work to be identical with the
system of Aryabhatta.

The above fragments of Aryabhatta are not of a nature, at
least to my idea, to afford new data for fixing his age. The
last extract, exhibiting Aswayuja as the name of the first year in
Jupiter’s revolution, makes, indeed, the impression that he considered
Aswini to be the first asterism ; but it is no more than an hypo-
thesis, so long as it is not corroborated by other evidence. And
it may be observed that, if the hypothesis, after further investiga-
tion, should prove to be true, it still does not admit of the inference
that, in his time, the very beginning of Aswini coincided with the
vernal equinox. And every degree of difference in longitude
involves a difference of about seventy years in the time of preces-
sion. Therefore I shall content myself with referring- to the dis-

vol. xx. 2 D

382

ON SOME FRAGMENTS

cussion of the subject by a scholar who with most profound and
vast learning combined so much cautiousness and conscientiousness,
— by Colebrooke. He has made out that Aryabhatta lived before
Varaha-mihira, who, according to external evidence, lived in the 6th
century of our era (Algebra, Notes I and K ; cf. Memoir e sur I’lnde,
p. 337). He was not aware of Varaha-mihira’ s distinctly mentioning
Aryabhatta; and, certainly, neither in the Sanliita, nor in the Brihad-
Jataka, nor in the Laghu-Jataka, is the name to be met with.
Nevertheless, I believe I have found a passage, quoted bysUtpala,
and perhaps taken from the Panchasiddhantika, in which the name
occurs. The passage itself must have been known to Colebrooke ;
but the MS. he possessed is so badly corrupted, that it seems to
have escaped his notice that the passage was from Varaha-mihira.
In order that others may judge for themselves, I subjoin the
whole passage, which is a little long, but, for many reasons,
curious.

Bhatta Utpala, after giving the rules for finding the lord of
the day, month, year, &c., proceeds to intimate that learned
authorities are at variance touching the commencement of the days
of the week (and consequently about that of the creation) ;
some reckoning from sunrise, others from midday, others from
sunset, and others, ag-ain, from midnight.

i if*rrf¥

TfrT II rf^T II '

“ The lord of the day of the week begins, with some, at sunrise,
with others at midday, with others again at sunset, with a fourth
school at midnight. So says also the Acharya.” The title dchai'ya ,
by itself, invariably means, with Utpala, Varaha-mihira ; and the
following extract exhibits, in every respect, the famous astrologer’s
style, being defective in precision and clearness : —

1 B, the MS. formerly in the possession of Colebrooke, omits
5 ct) tf 1 1 which may account for his knowing only three schools,

instead of four. See Algebra, Dissert., p. viii. Cf., however, Davis, As. Res., ii,

p. 261.

OF ARYABHATTA.

383

^WTf^^TTTf^^TWtS fa f% |

VT^fa II1

s» «\

^nirrct fa^r^w fa*Rntfrs fVrf%??: i
^T^TT^t fafrr npfm l|2

fapHT^faT I

v ttw ^T^T^T^Wfg-T^ ii'

^T ^ rf^TT rff%T^ I

^T^r^TTfw^T^ ?r^TT# ^^T7TT^^ ||*

*TSITjj? 3^W ^rr^T^TT^T^T I

>V» ^ ^ '»

w^r zft ^rfT^rf ^rts^Rre: f%^gr i

^R'sfT^T *ro*rhsri ffar^rfa^s vtt^: ii

^^TrH^fafaTCTT: W ^xTT ^^TTt 11

<t V* N

^TW^^TT^f^T^TTlN II

■ A has WT^TT^T^W -B cfT^R.

2 B omits *YT-A ft^wr:.

2 a tjt^twt:, which is wholly out of the question. The reading of
e

B, t| I <4 f I , however, is also against the metre ; and therefore I venture to
r __

read a form not infrequent in MSS., and in favour of which might

be urged the fact that the Arabian transcription sounds Arjabhar. A has

aj^rrw xnr ^T^T<^T^cy r 334; rat. b * tr^.

4 a fT^rrf^T^ i to b ttst ^ rrfar^ i

^Trrwrf%?^ w

2 D 2

384

ON SOME FRAGMENTS

rT^Tfcr ^TTTRT^J ^ ^ *lf%: II1

^t ufafeniT f^nf?r: uf^fif^ i

f^rofci^ II
wt^tt fr^Tfvwr^T i
TTOTqfTfa^TJT ^TTTfyrTfrT: ^ *T3frT II

iTT^fr f^^TT u^ttYs^ i

SptifTRf ■STT^T^T^T: II

“ The day of the week is to be determined from the sum of days
(viz., from, the creation) ; the sum of days stands in connexion with
situation and daytime. Latacharya says that the days are to be
reckoned from sunset in the city of the Yavanas. Sinhacharya
states the sum of days (to begin) from sunrise at Lanka ; and, in
adopting this view, they must begin, with the Yavanas, at the time
when ten muhurtas of the night are past. Aryabhata has
affirmed that the day begins (i.e., is considered by some to begin)
at midnight at Lanka; but the same says, further, that the day
commences (viz., according to his own opinion) from sunrise at
Lanka. If, after taking into account the different longitude of a
country, the result does not agree with the actuality in this
country, yet the correspondence of time has been stated by the
same authorities, on scientific principles, as follows:2 The sun,
while rising in India, at the same moment causes midday in the
region of the Bhadraswas, sunset in that of the Kurus, midnight in
Ketumala. At the time of the sun’s rising at Lanka, he is setting
in the city of the Perfected; it is midday in Yamakoti, and
midnight in Romaka-country. The intercalary months, the omitted
lunar days, the days of the planets,3 the lunar days, the days, the

1 A -RfTfcTC.

2 The meaning of this obscure stanza seems to be, that there is no general
rule for determining the commencement of the days of the week, this depending
not only upon longitude, but also on the particular custom of a country.
What, nevertheless, can be brought under scientific rules, is the correspondence
of time. In other words, the rules are only theoretic, yath&i&stram.

3 U'nardtra and its synonym Kinar&tra are wanting in the dictionaries.
With the aid of etymology, we can make out that they mean the night, or nearly

OF ARYABHATTA.

385

Ram, the Moon, the Sun, the half-years, the seasons, the daily
motion of the stars, the nights, start at (i.e., must be reckoned
from) the same moment in the commencement of the yuga. It
is not the same if you count the longitude from Romaka-
country and from Yavana-city; nor is it alike, if you begin
from midnight at Lanka and from sunrise there. Neither do we,
when determining from sunset the lord of the day for every situa-
tion, have trustworthy oral evidence, nor is there any means for
inference. In one place it is twilight, elsewhere day, or night ; in
short, for every small distance there is a different lord of the day.
So, ascertaining the lord of the day is an entangled question. The
case stands the same for the return of the hords ; for the hord is
the first (hour) of the lord of the day : the latter not being fully
ascertained, how can the lord of the hord be so *? Generally, people
here regulate their concerns on a day of the week, without con-
sidering such questions ; the learned pronounce it to be right,
when one takes the day to coincide with the limits of the
apparent (i.e., not the mean) lunar day.”

Besides the name of Aryabhatta, or Aryabhata, we are indebted
to this quotation for one glimpse more into the geographical system
of this astronomer and two others, Latacharya and Sinhacharya.
It appears, from the words of the text, that these three agreed
with each other. Comparing their opinions with the doctrine of
the Surya-siddhanta (ch. 12, vs. 37-40 and vs. 70), we find the
same agreement. As Albfrum seems to give a somewhat different
account, I will quote his words, as translated by M. Reinaud, and
examine the weight to be attached to them:1 “II est dit dans
le Paulisa-Siddhanta, compose par Paules le Grec, que la terre et la
mer sont coupees par une ligne nominee Tilkascha,2 c’est-a-dire,
ligne sous laquelle il n’y a pas de latitude. Cette ligne repond a
ce que nous appelons la ligne equinoxiale. Aux quatre points
cardinaux sont quatre villes considerables, a savoir: Yama-Kota,
a l’orient ; Lanka, au midi ; Romaka, a l’ouest ; et Siddhapour, au

so, by which the synodical lunar month of thirty tithis is less than thirty solar
days. The number of tithis continually gaining upon that of the solar days, the
difference will amount, in a little more than two months, to a whole tithi, which
must be expunged. Therefore, tinar&tra is rendered by tithinaya ; it properly
being the cause of the latter becoming necessary. — The days of the planets mean
here, I think, ttte days of the week.

1 Mem. sur VInde, p. 341.

2 This word is certainly wrong. For j one may read j, and pronounce
nilaksha, closely approaching the Sanskrit niraksha.

386

ON SOME FRAGMENTS

nord. Quand le soleil se leve sur la ligne qui va de Lanka a
Merou, il est midi a Yama-Kota, minuit a Romaka et six heures
du soir a Siddhapour.” Reinaud proceeds thus : “ Albyrouny ajoute
que la meme opinion avail ete emise dans les Siddhantas composes
par Aiyabhatta, Yasishtha et Lat; mais il fait observer avec raison
que. d’apres les termes memes, il ne peut s’agir la des quatre points
cardinaux, mais des quadrans de l’equateur.” I cannot help mis-
trusting here the accuracy of the Arabian astronomei'. The
doctrine of the Paulisa-Siddhanta, absurd as it is, is consistent
with the false assumption of the Earth’s having the shape of awheel
or disk, as we have seen above. Therefore this Siddhanta must
have intended really the four cardinal points. On the other hand,
it is quite impossible that Aryabhatta, or any one else who supposed
the Earth to be a globe, took the same view of the course of the
Sun. The words of Varaha-mihii’a, as well as those of the Surya-
siddhanta, leave no doubt as to the author’s meaning quadrants of
the equator, and not the cardinal points. Moreover, we know that,
according to Aryabhatta, at the north pole was situated Mount
Meru, and, at the south pole, Hell. I fear that Albfrum has been
too hasty in passing his criticisms.

I shall conclude with a remark suggested by the occurrence of
the names of Romaka-country and Yavana-city.

It is intimated, that, in the country of the Yavanas, the time
coiyesponding- to sunrise at Lanka, that is, six o’clock in the morn-
ing, is ten muhurtas in the night. It is not distinctly said at what
time the night is to begin; but it can hardly be at another hour than
six o’clock in the evening. Now, ten muhurtas later gives two o’clock
in the morning, from which we derive the fact, that Yavana-city
was presumed to have a longitude west from Lanka, or the meridian
of Ujjayim, amounting to GO degrees. The meridian over Yavana-
city having- a longitude of 30 degrees (consequently, east from
Romaka-city), we arrive at the conclusion that by Yavana-pura is
meant Alexandria. The error in determining the longitude of Rome
from the mei’idian of Ujjayim is conspicuous, but not so very
astonishing, if we remember that even Ptolemy’s estimates of
longitudes exceed the truth. So, to take one instance, Kanogiza,
or Kanoj, is made by him to have a longitude, east from the
Insulae Fortunatas, of 1 45 degi’ees ; the error amounting to nearly
50 degTees. The Hindu errors of position, carefully compared with
the erroi-s in the writings of Greek geographers, successively,
would perhaps lead to important x’esults for ascertaining the times
of intercourse between Greek and Indian science. It is, however,

OF ARYABHATTA.

387

not the object of the present paper to do this ; and I fear I have
already made too long a digression.

ADDITIONAL NOTE.

Since the reading of the foregoing paper, I have been enabled,
by the kindness of Prof. Weber, to ascertain, that all the quotations
of Utpala, with the exception of one half-stanza, occur in a MS. of
the Berlin Library. In the colophon of that work the title is given
as follows : “ Ity Aryabhata-siddhanta-vyakhyane Bhatapradfpe
Dasagiti-bhashyam samaptam.” The concluding stanza is commu-
nicated in the Journ. Amer. Or. Soc., 6th Yol., p. 561, by Prof.
Whitney, with the following translation : “ Bhuta-Yishnu (?) hath
thus comprehensively explained — having learned it by the favour of
his teacher — the Dasagfti text-book ( Dasagiti-sutram ), of very obscure
meaning, formerly promulg’ated by Bhatta.” It is evident that
Utpala must have considered this Dasagiti-bhashyam either as a
composition by Aryabhatta himself, or as an authoritative para-
phrase and substitute. It is somewhat puzzliug that, at the end of
the 3rd chapter of the Berlin MS., we find the words : “ Iti srimad-
acharyaryabhatavirachite siddhanta (r.-te) golapadas chaturthah.”
In the second chapter the author gives his own date : “ shastyab-
danam shashtir yada vyatftas trayas cha yugopadah i adhika vinsatifr
a)bdas tad iha mama janmato’tftah.” The metre of the second
half-stanza requires an emendation : perhaps we are to read tadeha,
in lieu of tad iha. But still there remains a difficulty as to the
meaning of adhika vinsatir. The stanza may mean : “When three
of the four Ages, and 3,600 years, are past, then there are past
more than twenty years1 from my birth.” If this be the sense,
the date would be the year 478 from the beginning of the
Christian era. Unfortunately, it is not clear whether the date of
A'ryabhatta is meant, or that of Blnitavishnu. However it may be,
certain it is, that one stanza in the large extract which I have
ascribed to Yaraha-mihira, is to be found in the Dasagiti-bhashyam,
•\ •

viz., *rr *rrnm, kc. Hence this work must have been

anterior to his time.

1 As a date requires precision, I should surmise that adhikd is a misread
tryadliikd; the characters ^ and being liable to be confounded. The
rendering, in this case, would be, “twenty-three years,” and the date, a.d. 475.

388

Art. XVI. — On the Botany, Geology, &;c., of the country between
Tamatave and Antananarivo , in Madagascar. By C.
_\1eller, Esq., of H.M.S. “ Gorgon .”

[Mead 2nd March , 1863.]

To Major-General Johnstone, &c., &c., &c.

H.M.S. “ Gorgon,”

My dear Sir, September 27th, 1862.

In compliance with your request that I should furnish a few
particulars on the botanical features of the country we passed
throug-h, on our way to Antananarivo, I will reduce my journal,
and give as many salient points of the road as I can remember,
begging you to have in mind that, in so hurried a journey, it is
impossible to do justice to the materials supplied, and that our
visit having been made in the winter season, a just appreciation of
the country could not be formed. From specimens of timber sub-
sequently obtained from a part of the island, remote from that of
our road to the capital, I am able to aver that no opinion of the
size or value of the woods can be formed from any seen on our
journey.

One might prognose more from the character of the soil than
from the existing flora what the products might be. So long as
our road lay southward, we passed over a sandy tract, the first
part of which, between Tamatave and Hivondro, formed a plain,
studded with copse, and sparsely covered with grass.

By the sea, at Tamatave, is a belt of trees at a distance
resembling Mangroves, but on nearer inspection they are found to
consist of small Myrtles, Cinchonias, and Brexiads, larger specimens
of which are met further on the road. One of these trees, the
Inophyllum, is used by the natives for making their smaller canoes,
and for building purposes. There was nothing remarkable to be seen
in our first day’s journey, if we except the Angrseca Orchid, and
a few flowering shrubs and trees that are seen in greater perfection
farther on. A tree with a small greenish-white flower, and round
hard fruit, was very common so long as our road was by the sea. It is
a species of Strychnos of the Logania order, and is called Voantaka
by the natives, who are very fond of its refreshing acid pulp.
There is another tree scattered about with this Logania, the

ON THE BOTANY AND GEOLOGY OF MADAGASCAR. 389

Zizyphus Bselei, of the Buckthorn order. It is the Masaon of the
East Coast of Africa, and Mason of Mauritius. As I have men-
tioned edible fruits here, I may add there is a Clusia bush with
plum-like fruit on the same plain ; an Anona, called Anatundirik
by the natives, and many Leechees and Mangos, but the latter
have probably been imported ; and from the way in which devotees
resort to the shade for prayer and offerings to the gods, one may
infer that they are held in some veneration.

In the first small wood we passed through, there were many
orders represented, but we saw better specimens of the same
farther on ; amongst these the Ficus Elastica was conspicuous, and
the first Copal gum trees seen ; also some Ardisiads, with their
strikingly beautiful foliag'e. As bushes rather than trees were
some Lauras, Brexiads, and Eucalypti. The ferns common by the
sea route have been noticed by former visitors, — varieties of Poly-
pody, a Pteris, the Langue de Boeuf, an Asplenium, and a Blechnum,
are very common, with several others.

Forming a barrier to the beach, and scattered about, are
several species of Pandanus. It is said that the natives plant
them by the coast to protect villages and plantations from sand-
drift. From the denseness of some of these barriers, there can be
no doubt that they must act in this way, whether planted for the
purpose or not, and they must be far more efficient than the
Hottentot Fig of the Cape, which I believe is held in esteem as a
natural break-drift. Leaving Hivondro, you will remember we
passed by an extensive plain covered with timber in all stages of
decay. Numbers of the dead trunks standing were topped or
knobbed on the trunk or limbs with pommes de fourmis, — of a red
ant.

Some parts of this plain seemed capable of fertility, having
a sandy soil, with a thin superstratum of loam, but nowhere did
the large trees thrive. May not the presence of these formidable
ants account for this? Approaching the sea again, we found the
Pandanus, Casuarina, and Copal, and the Apocynaceous order
hitherto represented only by shrubs or herbs, such as the Vinca
Rosea of the plains near Tamatave and Anerium, gives now the
Tanghinia Veneniflua, the Voan Sangan, or ordeal poison of the
Malagash, and a tree from which the natives procure India-rubber,
called by them Tanghinia. We find now several species of Aloes,
one like the Agave, a Zamia, and the Cycas Circinalis. By the
lakes of the same part are seen two species of Hibiscus, and another
of the Malvaceous order, with native name “Lafa,” from the bark

390

C N THE BOTANY AND GEOLOGY

of all three of which the natives obtain a strong fibre, from which
they make twine and cord. Twining about these and other trees
were several Convolvuli, one of which, an Ipomcea, is conspicuous;
and near the same places a handsome little flowering Petrea. The
Arums growing by the lakes are, as they have been represented,
gigantic, and the Nymphaeas growing in the lake may be worth
notice, as one of them, a Lotos, furnishes its bulb as food for the
natives in times of dearth of more common food. In the marshy
parts by the lakes we saw the large white Crinum lily, and near
them another, a Gloriosa. Along by the sea, and inland to a (pro-
bable) height of 3,000 feet, we have citrons. Of flowering plants,
the Angrajca and Daphnes are abundant, also two smaller Angrmca
and a Vanda Orchid.

Turning westward from the sea, vegetation changes. We
meet the Ravanelle, and it accompanies us for the next three days’
journey, viz., to Beforona, where it is lost, at a (probable) height of
1,400 feet. It has been held incredible that the Traveller’s tree
should reach a height of thirty feet. There were several to be
seen on our wajr, that must have far exceeded this. In the ravines,
where the Traveller was first seen, was the Bamboo common to the
country; but it was not until we reached the thicket woods that we
found the creeping varieties. On the banks of the lake, between the
sea and the first village of the ascent, were ferns in abundance, —
Hymenophyllum, Platycerium, wflth the Stag’s-horn moss, and over-
hanging them the Jamrosin tree, and several Erythrime with their
bunches of scarlet flowers. Sugar caUe and cotton grew on the
lands about, and though both were of an inferior description, they
were in a flourishing condition. The cotton is confined to one sort,
and does not seem to be much cultivated ; I saw only small
quantities of it in the market at Antananarivo. At Marombi, the
village from which the ascent commences, the ground is loamy —
almost alluvial, and well adapted for rice growing ; the natives
have made large tracts available for this purpose. Here we saw
the Astrapma, several Acacias and Erythrinae growing, and round
about the villages patches of wild raspberry and Heliconia. The
raspberry leaf and fruit are used as a medicine for cough in young
children, and a Solanaceous herb with blue flower, called “ Bred,”
grows here abundantly ; it is eaten as a vegetable, and given
with other herbs as a medicine.

Before leaving the coast, I should have mentioned the
peculiarity we noticed in the sand by the brackish lakes. It is
very heavy, black, and full of shining particles resembling

OF MADAGASCAR.

391

pulverized plumbago. Rubbed in the hands, it leaves a black stain,
which is not easily washed off. By the coast grew a heath, from
four to eight feet high ; it was met again on the red-clay hills,
fifty miles south of the capital. One of the largest trees we leave
with the sea was a Barringtonia. The Barringtonia Speciosa and
this (another species) were also to be seen near Tamatave. By
the village of Marombi were some trees of the Cinchona order, and
shrubs of the Yangueria Edulis, or wild coffee of the country. For
the three days occupied in passing from this to the entrance of the
woods, ve passed over fine grass hills, the ravines between which
were filled with Traveller’s tree, Rofia, and Musads. The road some-
times lay between rows of Composite trees and Mimosas, and the
higher we attained the more abundant did these become. By the
rivers were some fine Copal and Betel-nut trees. The largest Copal
seen was one by the Hivondro, which measured twenty-eight feet
in circumference. From the soil of the ascent being at first of
yellow clay, it had afterwards superimposed a layer of pebbles and
detritus of quartz, and the river beds, from being at first of sand,
later consisted of this and quartz and sandstone. I endeavoured to
get some of the Ranomafana water, by making a valve at the end
of a bamboo, such as the natives use for carrying water, and
placing the mouth directly over one of the spots from which the
hot jet was issuing. It is almost impossible to get the real
temperature, unless a spring were isolated, as there must be more
or less admixture with the cold water before the full effect is felt
by the thermometer. The warm water obtained had a slight
alkaline reaction, was insipid, and free of smell. A dollar previously
brightened was put into the water, and observed after two days,
when the surface was found of a brownish black colour.

Entering the woods, we lose the Traveller’s tree, and find the
tree-ferns. I noticed four varieties. They are most abundant
between Beforona and Aneooca, that is to say, in the lowest and
moistest part of the woods. Studding- the hills and projecting in
the ravines were boulders of sandstone, the exposed surface quite
blackened ; but there were scarcely any stones to be seen whilst
passing through the first woods, the soil being wholly of clay,
yellow and white stratified, and in some parts almost of the density
of shale.

Pendent from most of the old trees, and fringing the trunks
of both young and old, were many Lichens, Mosses, and Lycopo-
diums; the most abundant Lichen being of a yellowish green
colour, much resembling Rocella Fuciformis. The trees were of no

392

ON THE BOTANY AND GEOLOGY

magnitude. Two species of Tilia, or limes, grew to a height of sixty
feet, and circumference of six (native name Ilinzin); there was also
a tree with red wood, the sap of which stained the earth about the
roots of the same colour. The Yaroan and the Salenti, a species of
Gamboge, were amongst the finest trees seen as to size. The
ebony is scarce and very small ; much finer is brought to Tamatave
from woods of the north-west and other parts. Sassafras wood is
got from here, and Sarsaparilla and Calamba were seen in several
parts of the woods, and are abundant elsewhere. There were
two trees with abundant yellow resin named “ Ilarunga ” and
“ Kise.” I had no means of ascertaining their respective orders.
In the moist parts of the woods were several plants with variegated
leaves of beautiful colours. Of these a Coleus, a Begonia, Sonerila,
and Medinilla were conspicuous. A shrub (Pleroma) with bright
scarlet flower and brilliant pink-veined leaves was a common
ornament of the road-side before, and for sometime after, leaving
the woods. On one of the highest hills in the centre of the woods
stood two palms (Borassus) ; these were the only ones of the kind
seen. One was probably between seventy and eighty feet high.
A detour from the village of Analamagotra brings one to some
level peaty ground, surrounded by the woods. Here I picked up
what appeared to be some surface coal, of a bituminous nature.
A piece held in a flame burnt away with a brilliant light, leaving
no residue. It was about here that we met for the first time
the Osmunda Regalis fern; but we had it for the rest of
the road. On the hill sides, after leaving the woods, we met the
Buddleia Madagascariensis (“ Seore ” of the natives) ; it forms the
greatest ornament of the road to within forty miles of the capital ;
with it, on the hill sides and by our road, grew the Composite tree
before mentioned, and two species of Arbutus.

The geological features of this part of the road have been
pointed out by the former mission.

Thus far along the road we had had the houses made either
entirely from the Rofia palm, and wooden planking or poles for
supports, varied to split bamboo for sides, and grass for roofing.
We met now with Papyrus in the marshes, and soon found this
taking the place of the Rofia and of grass for roofing. We had
this kind of roofing till arriving at the capital, Avhere it is ex-
tensively used, but where also we found real tiles made of wood
or clay, taking the place of it, for all the better houses.

The ravines after leaving the woods were less fertile than
before, and in place of the loam soil which made them prolific

OF MADAGASCAR.

393

hitherto, there was now only a soil of yellow and red clays. The
gneiss and black basaltic rocks were no longer seen studding the
hills ; in fact, the soil appeared to be of pure clays, and the stratifi-
cation of them was exposed in the landslips twice seen by the way.

That at the Mangoro river exposes first a thin layer of
sedimentary sandstoue, beneath which is one of yellow clay, below
this a red clay, mixed with a latentious detritus, and below and
penetrating this last, a mass of honeycombed lava-like matter.

It was not before reaching the bare hills about 20 miles south
of the capital, that we saw the massive slabs and boulders of
granite spoken of by former visitors, and it may be that the
barrenness of the country round about renders them the more
conspicuous.

It is only at the lowest part of valleys and at the bases of
hills that the soil can be made productive ; it is evident from
the devices had recourse to to irrigate these green spots, how
valuable they are for producing a small supply of rice for the teem-
ing population round about. With the exception of a few heaths
and ferns, Citrons, the Buddleia, and other hardy plants, there is
but little vegetation after leaving M’batomanga; but that judicious
care and irrigation will permit of the soil being made productive,
was proved in our visits to the country round about Antananarivo,
where we found Bananas, Fig-trees, a few Rofias, Pandanas, and
prune and ornamental trees growing luxuriantly.

Visiting the country at so healthy a season, very little can
be said of the diseases common to it. The little fever we saw had
an intermittent character, but readily gave way to treatment.
Hearsay evidence of its worst forms, however, would lead one to
conclude that it rapidly destroys life, especially when it takes the
irregular form of an alteration of hot and cold stages, with speedy
supervention of Coma. Now that there are European medical men
in the country, some reliable information may be looked for after
the next unhealthy season.

There is certainly not so much syphilis as we were led to
suppose, though the ravages have been frightful in isolated cases.

Again, we must remember that the natives know of no
specific treatment, and the disease is sent down from generation to
generation.

Though many natives are marked with the scars of small
pox, I was led to understand that this disease is seldom deadly ;
insomuch that, though acquainted with the advantage of vaccination,
they seldom have had recourse to it.

394

ON THE BOTANY AND GEOLOGY

The skin diseases seem to be those common to the tropics.
Impetigo, Lepra, Elephantiasis (only one case seen), secondary
eruptions, &c., &c.

I append the names of woods obtained as specimens for the
Admiralty, and of those in use with the natives for house and
canoe building, with a few other particulars, and am,

My dear Sir,

Very faithfully, yours,

(Signed) CHARLES MELLER.

RETURN JOURNEY.

DEPARTURE.

Date.

Time.

ARRIYAL.

Date.

Time.

Distance

Miles.

1862

A.M.

1862

P.M.

Antananarivo

Au. 18

11 -o

M’batomanga

Au. 18

4 0

M’batomanga

7-0

Mandranahody

3 0

Mandranahodj'

6 -50

Moramanga

4 0

Moramanga

7 0

Analamazotra

3 0

Analamazotra

7 0

Beforona

3 -30

Beforona

7 -20

M’passimbe

3 0

M’passimbd

7 -0

Monambohitra

5-0

Monambohitra

7-0

Andravakamenerana

3 0

Audravakameneraua

7 0

M’panirano

4-0

7 -0

Tamatave

5 0

Total ...

204

THERMOMETER.

Maximum at noon, 85°. Miniumum, between four and six
o’clock, a.m., 49° (but Mr. Caldwell’s party observed as low as
45°). Mean at noon, 75°.

OF MADAGASCAR.

395

NAMES OF WOODS PROCURED.

Baraka. — Very hard and capable of fine polish; is used for making
furniture and cabinet work.

Hazoamba — 50 to 60 feet high ; very soon rots if not protected
from moisture.

Hazomainty. — Ebony; not much on the east coast ; more and better
on the west.

Hazombato. — Grows to the northward of Tamatave, to 50 feet
high, and 2 feet diameter. It is also used for making canoes.

Hazotsihariana. — Is plentiful, large, and used for buildings.

Hintzy. — Elastic, very strong wood; good for oars and planking;
grows to 60 or 70 feet, from 2 to 4 feet diameter. It is
plentiful in the Analamazobra woods, but not so large; the
stem grows to 30 or 40 feet before branching.

Langotra. — Grows to a very large size — to 60 and 80 feet, and
4 to 5 feet diameter. It is used in making- pirog-ues.

Maranghoditra. — Used for buildings, grows to 80 feet, and 4 feet
diameter.

Nanto (1st kind). — Grows from 40 to 70 feet hig-h, and to 2 or 3
feet diameter.

Nanto (2nd species). — Of same order and kind as 1st species.

Nanto (3rd species).

Nanto (4th species).

Orondry. — Good for making planks, grows from 40 to 50 feet
high.

Vintangho. — For pirogues ; 80 to 100 feet; dark ; is plentiful.

Voantsilamy. — This is very abundant, growing to a height of 40
or 50 feet, with circumference of 4 to 6 feet. It is a good
durable wood.

Durable Woods used for making Canoes.

Hazocerea. — Red wood, plentiful.

Inci. — Yellow, abundant.

Mara. — Very durable black wood.

Randraho. — Very abundant, but not so durable as the rest.

Sungut. — Brown, takes a good polish, and is very durable.

I collected a few specimens, with many names of native
fruits, and have sent them to Sir Wm. Hooker, at Kew.1

1 See Dr Meller'a letter to Sir W. Hooker, Linnaaan Journal, Xo. 26, p. 57,
vol. vii.

396 ON THE BOTANY AND GEOLOGY OF MADAGASCAR.

Without specimens of the fruits the names are almost use-
less, except for any one intending to make a visit to collect these
things. I therefore omit them.

I obtained also several native medicines, and the names of
trees held in repute for medicinal virtues. Several of them are for
blistering ; one, a Ranunculus, is a very efficient blister. The small
leaves of the herb are pounded in a mortar, and the expressed
juice is bound on the part to be blistered.

Another, the Menerana, is the oil expressed from a fruit
(a Euphorbia, I believe). It consolidates to the consistence of
butter. It is the universal ointment of the country, and really
seems to have good properties — stimulant for ulcers, bites of
insects, and for the greater number of skin eruptions.

The Yoingoamba is a herb (of the nettle tribe), the leaves of
which have a volatile principle. They medicate a vapour bath
with these, and have recourse to the bath in the cold stage of
fever — in syphilis, &c., &c.

There are several emetics in use, the most common of which
is their native salt (that got from the ashes of the Sirahaz plant).
When this is not effective, they mix it with bruised leaves of
the Mango, and drink the infusion ; and if this is not sufficient,
they drink an infusion of a powerfully emetic herb, the “Yazea-
zea.”

Sarsaparilla is abundant in the woods, and in common use
as a soothing medicine in gastric disorders, dysentery, &c.

I took the names of many more, specimens of which I could
not procure in the short time left after the “ Gorgon ” arrived.

(Signed) C. MELLER.

397

Art. XYII. — On the Cost and Construction of the Railways in
India. By J. C. Marshjian, Esq.

[Presented by the Committee of Agriculture and Commerce, and read
20 th April, 1863.]

It is now an admitted truth, which is passing into the stage of a
truism, that the most effectual means of “ developing the re-
sources of India, augmenting its value as a national possession,
and promoting- the prosperity of its inhabitants, are to be found in
the general establishment of internal communications, and more
especially in the construction of railroads. It will therefore be
interesting to the members of this Committee to pass in brief
review the exertions which have been made in the last ten years to
establish a system of railways in India, together with the measures
now imder discussion to give full efficiency to it.

It is fifteen years since the Court of Directors1 determined
to sanction two railroads in the Beng-al and Bomba}- Presidencies
by way of experiment. Sir Macdonald Stephenson took a pro-
minent part in the establishment of the railway system of India ;
and the merit of having brought it into actual existence at the
Bengal Presidency, is to be ascribed to his exertions. It was
under his guidance that the East India Railway Company was
constituted in 1845 by a deed of settlement ; but the plan was
interrupted by the mercantile crisis in England shortly after, and
it was not till March, 1849, that the enterprize received the
sanction of the Court of Directors. At the same period, the Court
, also gave its sanction to the first fine at Bombay — \fbich had 'been
projected by- Mr. Chapman, and supported by some of the most
enlightened officers at that Presidency — and three years after to
one at Madras. But these three lines were merely experimental ;
that at Calcutta was to extend only to the collieries at Ranee-
g-unge, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles ; that at
Bombay, thirty-four miles to Callian, and that at Madras, to a
distance of fifty miles towards the western coast.

But the necessity of extending these facilities of communica-
tion throughout India became daily more apparent to the public
authorities in India. Fortunately for the interests of that country
the Government was at the time in the hands of Lord Dalliousie,
the ablest Indian statesman since the days of Warren Hastings,
1 In the year 1848.

2 E

VOL. XX.

398

ON THE COST AND CONSTRUCTION

and a man of the largest and most comprehensive views. He had
been President of the Board of Trade during the great railway
mania in England, and the original regulation of that great national
movement devolved on him. lie had thus an opportunity of
becoming thoroughly master of the whole question of railroads in
all its bearings, and, what was of particular value to India, was
fully aware of the errors which had been committed at the time in
England, which he was powerless to avert, and which are computed
to have entailed a loss on railway undertakings little short of
one hundred millions sterling. He was now in a position to give
the system of Indian railways the benefit of his experience, and to
place it upon a sound basis.

While the Government in Leadenhall-street was pausing upon
the threshold of this great enterprise, Lord Dalhousie drew up his
celebrated Minute, in 1853, in which he sketched a general system
of trunk railways for all India, urging the Court of Directors to
abandon the timid plan of experiments, and adopt the bolder policy
of giving the various provinces and the Presidencies the most
ample benefit of this means of communication. This despatch
arrived in England at a most happy period. The question of re-
newing the privileges of the East India Company was then under
discussion in Parliament, and the neglect of internal communica-
tions, which was the disgrace of our Government, was urged
by the enemies of the India House, as one of the strongest argu-
ments for refusing to prolong those privileges. It was in these
circumstances that the plan of Lord Dalhousie for the construction
of railroads, at a cost of twelve millions sterling, under the
guarantee of the State, arrived in England, and was at once
adopted. The system of Indian railroads may be considered to .
have substantially commenced from that time.

The principle on which the system is based may be thus stated : —

The Government of India gives the land to the companies for
a period of ninety-nine years, and thus the demands of landholders,
which have been found in some cases so exorbitant in England, as
also the heavy legal expenses connected with them, are avoided.

The Government guarantees for the same period interest at the
rate of 5 per cent, on the capital subscribed and expended with its
sanction.

After a period of twenty-five or fifty years from the signing
of the contract, Government has the right of purchasing the rail-
way at the mean market value in London of the shares during the
three preceding years.

OF THE RAILWAYS IN INDIA.

899

The shareholders have likewise the power of surrendering the
works into the hands of Government, after giving six months’
notice, and Government would, in that case, be bound to repay the
entire sum expended with their sanction on the undertaking.

The Government in India and in England exercises an absolute
control over all the operations of each company, prescribing the
mode of management, and regulating the tariff for goods and
passengei’s.

When the line or any portion of it is brought into operation,
one-half the surplus profits beyond 5 per cent, is to be devoted
to the repayment of the interest which Government has advanced
during the construction of the line, together with simple interest
at the rate of 5 per cent. ; the other moiety of the profits will go
to the shareholders. But when the Government advances, with
interest, have been completely liquidated, the whole of the surplus
profits will go to the shareholders. The Government is pretty
generally understood to be restricted from the reduction of fares
till the interest paid to the shareholders shall amount to 10 per
cent. ; though this appears to be a moot point.

The system of Indian railways was gradually expanded under
the influence of Lord Dalhousie’s Minute. Not only were the
operations of the existing Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay railways
extended from about 200 miles to 3,200, but, in the course of the
next four years, five other trunk lines received the sanction of the
India House. The lines to which the guarantee has been g-ranted
now extend over 4,679 miles, the longest of them being 1,369, and
the shortest 29, miles in extent. The following is a list of the
various companies, with their local objects, and the spheres of
operation connected with each.

1. The East India Railway, which has nearly completed a line from
Calcutta to Delhi, with a branch to the collieries at Raneegunge,
and another to meet the Bombay line at Jubbulpore. The whole
length will be 1,369 miles.

2. The Great India Peninsular line, with its sea terminus at
Bombay. The object of this line is to connect the western capital
and emporium, in one direction, with Madras, and in the other with
Delhi and Calcutta, by a junction with the East India Railway to
Jubbulpore. In order to develop the resources of the great cotton
field of Berar, a line runs also from Bombay to Nagpore. The
total length of the lines confided to this company is 1,266
miles.

3. The Madras line, which commences at that Presidency, and

2 E 2

400

ON THE COST AND CONSTRUCTION

proceeds in a western direction to a place called Arconum, where it
bifurcates ; one line taking a south-westerly direction to Beypore,
on the Malabar coast, and the other a north-west direction to
Bellary, to join the Bombay line, and thus complete the triangula-
tion of India. Two branches strike off from the south-western
line ; the one to the Nilgherrees, 30 miles ; the other to Bangalore,
80 miles. The entire length of line under the management of this
company is 850 miles.

4. The Bombay , Baroda , and Central India Railway, which com-
mences at Bombay, and runs in a northern direction for a distance
of 310 miles to Ahmedabad, the object being to bring the extensive
cotton districts of Surat into direct communication with the port of
Bombay.

5. The Sinde and the Punjab Railways are under one and the
same direction. The object of the Sinde Railway is to connect the
port of Kurrachee with Kotree, near Hyderabad, on the Indus, the
distance being 114 miles. At that point the company has a flotilla
for the conveyance of traffic up the Indus to Moultan. They then
construct a railway from Moultan to Lahore and Umritsir, a dis-
tance of 252 miles, and from thence down to Delhi, 300 miles.
The entire length of the lines under the management of this
Company is 666 miles.

6. The Eastern of Bengal Railway is intended to afford rapid and
regular communication between Calcutta and the districts lying to
the north and east of it. A line has already been opened to
Koostee, on the Ganges, which will bring the produce of the
districts above that place to the port of Calcutta, without encoun-
tering the delays and difficulties of the navigation through the
Soonderbunds. The length is 110 miles.

7. The Great Southern of India Rail is constructed to give the
provinces south of Madras the benefit of railway commimication.
The first portion of the line, which has been completed, runs from
Negapatam, on the Coromandel coast, to Trichinopoly, a distance
of 79 miles.

8. The Calcutta and South-Eastern Rail is of the length of 29
miles, and is designed to establish a communication between
Calcutta and an auxiliary port on the Mutlah, in order to relieve
the difficulties now experienced from the crowded state of the
nooghly, and the increasing embarrassments of the navigation of
this stream.

The extent of the lines of railway for which the Government
guarantee has been granted, and the sums which, according to the

OF THE RAILWAYS IN INDIA.

401

present estimates, will be required for their construction, stand
thus : —

Miles.

Capital.

1. East India Rail . .

1,369

24,750,000

2. Great India Peninsular. .

1,266

12.000,000

3. The Madras Rail

850

8,500,000

4. The Bombay and Baroda

310

4,500,000

5. The Sinde and Punjab . .

666

7,700,000

6. The Eastern of Bengal . .

110

1,500,000

7. The Great Southern of India . .

660,000

8. The Calcutta and South-Eastern

500,000

4,679

£60,110,000

But there is a principle of expansion in the expenditure which
seems to baffle control, and there can be little doubt that the cost
of the 4,679 miles which have received the sanction of the Govern-
ment of India, will eventually exceed sixty millions sterling-. This
will be at the rate of £12,894 per mile. That sum, however, will
include the cost of constructing some of the largest railway bridges
over the Soane, the J umna, and the Ganges ; as well as the cost
of crossing, on two separate hues, the stupendous Western Ghats,
by ascending to an elevation of 2,000 feet. These latter works
are considered the greatest engineering triumphs in the world,
except the passage of the Summering, in Austria.

The guarantee of interest on the part of Government involves
a charge on the Indian exchequer of about three millions a-year.
But this sum is gradually lessened as different sections of the line
are opened to traffic. There is no doubt that it will cease altogether
when they are completed, and that Lord Dalhousie’s prediction will
be fully verified, that “ the Government will never be called upon,
after a fine shall have been in full operation, to pay the interest
guaranteed upon the capital.” The sums which Government has
advanced for interest during the construction of the lines — which
bear interest at 5 per cent.^mtil fully liquidated — will, at no distant
period, be also refunded from their profits.

It will thus be eventually found that these grand undertakings,
which will give such an impulse to improvement in India as was
never dreamt of twenty years ago, will have been brought into full
operation without having subjected the Government to the loss of
a farthing. At the same time, the State will reap the highest
benefit from them by their increasing to an indefinite extent the

402

ON THE COST AND CONSTRUCTION

security of our dominion, and reducing1 the military charge of
defending it. It is thus that India will derive from its subjuga-
tion to England the advantage of drawing on an inexhaustible
capital for those local improvements which its own resources
could not have furnished. England will be repaid by a safe and
remunerative investment for its capital, and by the increase of its
traffic to India. Even without the facilities of the rail, the com-
merce of India in exports and imports had increased from twenty-
five millions in 1848, to fifty-nine millions in 1858.

With regard to the completion of the most important of these
lines, it may be observed that the East India Railway opened its
line to Benares on the 22nd of December last, and that the line
from Calcutta to the immediate vicinity of Delhi, a distance of
1,100 miles, through the entire length of the valley of the Ganges,
will be opened by the middle of the present year. The Bombay
lines will be completed before the end of 18G5, when the vast cotton
fields of Berar will be placed in direct communication with the port
of Bombay The Bombay and Baroda line is rapidly approaching-
its completion, when it is expected that the cotton from Surat and
the neighbouring districts will reach Bombay in a purer state, and
with greater expedition and economy. The line between Allahabad
and Jubbulpore will be finished in less than four years; the great
idea of Lord Dalhousie will then be realized, and troops from
England may be landed at Bombay and sent to the North West
Provinces in a little over 30 days. If these facilities of locomotion
had existed at the time of the mutiny, it might have been crushed
out before the end of the year in which it arose.

The fares for third-class passengers on these lines have been
fixed at a much easier rate than prevails in England, because the
great aim of the undertaking is to place the facilities of communica-
tion within the reach of all but paupers. Thus, while the charge
for the first class on the East India Railway is 2 \d. per mile, that
for the third class is only § of a penny, or less than two farthings
a-mile. To understand the bearing of this low tariff on the cost of
travelling, we must compare it with that of an English line. Take
for example the Great Western; the distance from London to
Bristol is about the same distance as from Calcutta to Raneegunge,
that is 120 miles more or less.

The difference stands thus : —

Great Western . .
East Indian . .

First Class.
s. 20T0
s. 22-6

Second Class.
15-8
11-4

Third Class.
910
3T0

OF THE RAILWAYS IN INDIA.

403

Or, take the Brighton excursion trains, the cheapest in the world,
a miracle of cheapness ; the fare for a journey there and back, a
distance of about 100 miles, is 30 pence. But the ordinary third-
class fare on the Indian line is cheaper than tills ; and on the
Bombay lines of the Great India Peninsular there is a fourth class
still cheaper.

The result of the system has been most singular. When rail-
ways were first proposed for India, it was considered certain that
they must depend for remuneration almost exclusively on the con-
veyance of goods, as the immutable habits of the natives would, it
was affirmed, be an insuperable bar to the use of a means of con-
veyance so novel. But this idea has proved fallacious ; the immu-
tability was imaginary. Travelling by rail became at once a
passion with the lower classes, and the number of third-class
passengers conveyed on the East Indian fine, though it is scarcely
half open, is at the rate of two millions and a half a-year. But
the rail has done more, it has broken the strength of caste, and a
Brahmin of the purest descent, who would have considered it the
greatest act of pollution to come in contact with a man of low
caste, may be seen sitting side by side with him in a third-class
railway carriage, in order to save his money.

The proportion of each class of passengers stands thus : —

1st class D2

2nd ,, 6‘2

3rd ,, 92'6

Nine-tenths of the passengers, therefore, are of the third class,
and it is their custom which furnishes the sinews of revenue.

The charge for the conveyance of goods has been fixed at a
very moderate rate ; for such articles as bricks, firewood, lime, ores,
salt, and imwrought timber, it is a penny and half-a-farthinga-mile.
Traffic, however, requires time to get out of the old grooves ; aud,
except in the article of coal, the conveyance of goods has not yet
kept pace with the transit of passengers. But, as the superior
convenience and economy of using the rail becomes more apparent,
there can be no doubt that the wag-gons of the rail will be crowded
with goods, as much as the carriages now are with passengers.

The guage adopted throughout the Indian lines at all the
Presidencies, is the medium of 5 feet 6 inches, which was considered
best calculated to combine the advantages of economy and speed.

The expense of these railways has been furnished almost
exclusively by English capital. The total number of proprietors of

404

ON THE COST AND CONSTRUCTION

all the eight lines is 26,160; of whom only 833 are native share-
holders in India, or about 3 per cent. Of the sum expended in the
construction of the lines, more than one half has been laid out in
this country, in the purchase and transmission of iron rails, sleepers,
girders for bridges, locomotives, and other stock ; and the smaller
moiety in India.

It is gratifying to observe that, while the law and Parliamentary
expenses of the eig’lit chief English railways have amounted to
£3,700,000, the entire cost under these heads of the eight Indian
railways, has been £21,700, not even one half per cent, of the
English outlay.

The railways in India have been constructed on the principle of
their being great trunk lines, intended as the main artei’ies of
communication throughout the country ; they have therefore been
constructed of so solid and permanent a character as to ensure an
uninterrupted traffic throughout the year, and to afford the means
of high speed locomotion. But for the full development of the
commerce of the country, it is necessary that they should be
supplemented by light branch railways, to connect the opulent
districts and towns lying on either side of the main line with it.
There are few metalled roads in India, and the consequence is, that
during the rainy season, all communication is interrupted, while
even in the dry months it is slow, tedious, and expensive.

Branch lines have come into disrepute in England, because they
have been found to impair the resources of the main lines, instead
of augmenting them ; in fact, to act as suckers, and not as feeders.
But the case is different in India. Without the supplies furnished
by such branch lines, the trunk lines must be to a great extent
starved, and unable to afford that remuneration which, with
adequate nutriment, they are certain to afford. In these branch
lines, there is no necessity for aiming at a higher rate of speed than
ten miles an hour. The conveyances need not be expensive, and the
rails may be lig'hter, though it appears important that they should
preserve the established and universal guage of 5 feet 6 inches.
And these railways it will be found in every respect more eco-
nomical and efficient to work by locomotive than by animal
power.

Proposals have been submitted to the Government in India
and in England by associations, distinct from the railway com-
panies, who are willing to undertake the construction of light
railways without a guarantee, but with such other assistance as
may be found desirable. The cost of a single line, exclusive of the

OF THE RAILWAYS IN INDIA.

405

construction of bridges, has been computed at from £4,000 to £6,000
per mile.

Of these companies, one, which is rather inappropriately called
the Indian Tramway Company, inasmuch as it proposes to work
the trains by steam, has drawn up a railway map of India, and
marked down the various branches on each side, which appear
to require the aid of feeders. The Company has already raised
capital for the completion of one short line, at the Bombay
Presidency, by way of experiment ; and one of the Directors has
been deputed to India to make the necessary arrangements with
the local authorities.

Another association, called the Branch Light Railway Company,
has been for some time in communication with the Government in
India on the same subject. The Government was anxious to
connect the city of Moorshedabad with the East India Rail at
Nulhatty, a place twenty-seven miles distant, and had already
thrown up the embankment and thoroughly metalled the road. At
the request of this Company the road was transferred to it, and it
will soon be furnished with permanent way and rolling stock. The
same Company has gone up to the Government of India, and
obtained a concession, which now awaits the sanction of the
Secretary of State for India, embracing the entire provinces of
Rohilkund, Oude, and Benares, with a population of ten or twelve
millions ; and the extent of rail contemplated in the arrangements
will fall little short of six hundred miles. The importance of such
light railways to bring the contributions of traffic and passengers
from the interior to the main lines, and to distribute the traffic
conveyed by them, cannot be exaggerated ; and there can be no
doubt of its eventually receiving such consideration at the India
House as will result in attracting ten millions more of English
capital to the system of locomotive communication in India.

406

Art. XVIII. — On Manu, the progenitor of the Ary ij an Indians ,
as represented in the hymns of the Rigveda. By J. Muir,
Esq., D.C.L., LL.D.

[Read lsi June, 1863.]

It is well known that the ordinary theory of the Indian books,
from the Institutes of Manu downwards, is, that the inhabitants of
Hindustan were originally divided into four castes, Brahmans,
Kshattriyas, ^Vaisyas, and Sudras, who are asserted to have sprung
respectively from the mouth, arms, thighs, and feet, of the Creator.1
It is true that in these books this theory is not consistently main-
tained, as we sometimes find a different origin assigned to the four
classes.2 In one passage, the Maha-Bharata (xii, 6939) even goes
the length of denying- that there was at first any distinction of
castes, and of affirming that all the world was formed of Brahma,
and that, at a period subsequent to their creation, men became
divided into classes according to their different occupations.3 In
another part of the same great poem (i, 3138 f.) it is declared that
the “ descendants of Manu became known as Manavas (or men) ;
that men, Brahmans, Kshattriyas, and the rest, were sprung from
this Manu.”4 These declarations are clearly inconsistent with the
myth of the four castes having issued separately from the Creator’s
body. And the derivation of mankind, or, at least of the Aryyan
Indians, from Manu, as their common ancestor, was evidently the

1 See my "Original Sanskrit Texts,” vol. i, pp. 5 f.; 11 f. ; 14 f.; 33 f.

2 Ibid., p. 35. For an account of various families, both of Brahmans and
Kshattriyas, sprung from the same human ancestors, see the same work, pp. 45ff.

3 Ibid., p. 40. The words of the original are na vUtaho ’sti varnanam sarvam
Brahma/m idwtn jagat, Brahmand pu va-s ish am. hi karmabhir varnatam
gatam. See also the Vayu Purina, cited ibid., p. 23, and the passage from the
Bhigavata Purana quoted in p. 48, in both of which places it is declared that
castes did not exist in the beginning.

4 Ibid., p. 41. The original words are Manor vamso mdnavanam tato 'yam
pratldto ’bliavat. Brahma-kshattrddayas ta.tmad Manor jdtds tu mdnavdli.

In the Siinkhya karika, verse 53, superhuman beings are said to belong to
eight classes, creatures below men to five classes, but men only to one : aslda-
vikalpo daivas tairyag-yonascha panchadhd bhavati, mdnushyan chaika-vidhah
samasato bhautikah sargah.

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR, ETC.

407

common idea of the Ilindus in the Yedic period, as I shall now
proceed to show.1

(I). It must, indeed, be admitted that in the Purusha Sukta, or
90th hymn of the 10th book of the Rigveda, the ordinary myth
appears to be recognized in these words (v. 12): “The Brahman
was his (Purusha’s) mouth, the Rajanya was made his arms, the
Vaisya was his thighs ; the Sudra sprang from his feet.”2 But not
to insist on the allegorical character of this passage, it is to be
observed that the hymn in which it occurs is justly regarded by
scholars as among the most recent in the Rigveda, which contains
no other statement of the same kind, whilst in various passages it
speaks of Manu as the father, or progenitor, of the authors of the
hymns, and of the people to whom they addressed themselves.
This will appear from the following texts : —

i, 80, 16. “Prayers and hymns have been formerly congre-
gated in that Indra, in the ceremony which Atharvan, father Manush ,
and Dadhyanch celebrated.”3

i, 114, 2. “Whatever prosperity or succour father Manu
obtained by sacrifice, may we gain it all under thy guidance,
0 Rudra.”

ii, 83, 13. “ Those pure remedies of yours, 0 Maruts, those

which are most auspicious, ye vigorous gods, those which are
beneficent, those which our father Manu chose, those, and the
blessing and succour of Rudra, I desire.”

viii, 52, 1 (Sama, v. i, 355). “ That ancient friend hath

been equipped with the powers of the mighty (gods). Father

1 See the remarks which had previously been made on this subject by Nbve
(Mythe desRibhavas, pp. 69-83), who dwells at length upon the fact, w'hich he
has well illustrated, of Manu being represented in the Rigveda as the parent of
mankind, or specially of the Aryyas, and as the introducer of civilization. At
the time (in 1847) when his work appeared, however, the first Ash taka only of
the R. Y. had been published, and he was therefore unable to quote the passages
relating to Manu which occur in the later books. His remarks, however valu-
able, do not therefore supersede the necessity of the fuller elucidation of the
subject from more numerous texts, which I have here attempted. See also the
late Dr. P. Windischmann’s Ursagen der Arischen Volker; Kuhn’s Zeitschrift
fur Yergl. Sprachfi, iv, 88 ff; and Ad. Pictet’s Origines Indo Europeennes, seconde
partie, pp. 544 f., and 612-632.

2 Sanskrit Texts, i, pp. 7-11.

3 This verse is quoted in the Nirukta, where the words Manush pita “father
Manu,” are explained as meaning “ Manu the father of men.” Sayana interprets
them as meaning “ Manu the father of all creatures.” In R. V., x, 82, 3, the
words “our father and generator” are applied to Visvakarman, the creator of the
universe.

408

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR

Manush has prepared hymns to him, as portals of access to the
gods.”1

x, 100, 5. “ Through our hymn Indra has supported (our

every?) joint. Brihaspati, thou art the prolonger of our life.
Sacrifice is Manu, our wise father ,” &c.2

viii, 30, 2, 3. “ Thus ye are praised, destroyers of enemies,

gods worshipped by Manu (or the manu , or man), ye who are three
and thirty. Do ye deliver, protect, and intercede for us ; do not
lead us far away from the paternal path of Manu.”

On this verse Siiyana comments thus : “ Manu is the father of
all. Father Manu- journeyed along a distant path. Do not lead us
away from that path. Lead us along that path on which conti-
nence, the agnihotra sacrifice, and other duties have always been
practised. But lead us away from the path which is different from
that.”

As in the preceding passages Manu is spoken of as the pro-
genitor of the worshippers, so in the following the same persons
are spoken of as his descendants :

i, 68, 4 (v. 7 in Prof. Aufrecht’s ed). “ lie (Agni) who abides
among the offspring 3 of Manu as the invoker (of the gods), is even
the lord of these riches.”

The commentator here explains the offspring of Manu as the
race of worshippers.

i, 96, 2. “ Through the primeval invocation, the hymn of Ayu,

he (Ag-ni) produced these children of the Manus.”

The commentator here identifies Ayu with Manu, and interprets
the fines thus : “ Agni, being lauded by Manu, produced this off-
spring of the Manus.” The third verse of this hymn is as follows :
“ praise, ye Aryyan people, him, who is the first performer of sacri-
fice.” We shall see, further on, that the offspring- of Manu and
the Aryyan race are generally, if not always, regarded as identical.

iii, 3, 6. “ Agni, together with the gods, and the children

( jantubliih ) of Manush, celebrating a multiform sacrifice, with
hymns,” &c.

iii, 60, 3. “ The Ribhus have acquired the friendship of Indra ;

the active grandsons of Manu ( Manor naputah) have run (?)” &c.

1 I am indebted to Frof. Aufrecht for pointing out the meaning of this, to
me, obscure verse; as well as for correcting my renderings of various other
passages in this paper.

2 Compare R. V., x, 53, 6, quoted below.

3 Manor apatye. The Nirukta, 3, 7, gives Manor apatyam Manusho va
“the offspring of Manu, or Manush,” as one definition of man.

OF THE ARYYAN INDIANS.

409

“ Manu ” is here explained by Sayaua as meaning “man,”
meaning the sage Angiras.

iv, 37, 1. “Ye gods, Vajas, and Ribhukshans, come to our
sacrifice by the path travelled by the g'ods, that ye, pleasing
deities, may obtain a sacrifice among these people of Manush
(. Manuslio viksku) on auspicious days.”

vi, 14, 2. “ The people of Manush magnify in the sacrifices

Agni the invoker.”

viii, 23, 13. “ Whenever Agni, lord of the people,1 kindled,

abides gratified among the people of Manush (. Manuslio visi), he
repels all Rakshases.”

x, 80, 6. “ People who are of the race of Manush (visa

mdnuskih ) worship Agni. Those who are sprung from Manush
and Naliusli (worship) Agni.”

It is also to be observed that the words manu and manush are
frequently used in the Rigveda, both in the singular and plural, to
denote men,2 or rather men of the Aryyan tribes. In the following
passages the words are so used in the singular : — i, 130, 5 ;
i, 140, 4 ; i, 167, 3 ; i, 180, 9 ; i, 189, 7 ; ii, 2, 8 ; iii, 26, 2 ; iii, 57, 4 ;

iv, 2, 1 ; v, 2, 12; vii, 70, 2; viii, 27, 4; viii, 47, 4;3 4 viii, 61, 2;
viii, 76, 2 ; ix, 63, 8 ; ix, 65, 16 ; ix, 72, 4 ; ix, 74, 5 ; x, 25, 8 ;
x, 40, 13; x, 99, 7 ; x, 104, 4; x, 110, 1, 7. In the text, x, 99, 7,
the word is applied to an enemy ( drulivane manushe).

In the next passages the same words in the plural are used for
men, i, 181, 8; vii, 9, 4 (?) ; viii, 18, 22; x, 91, 9; iv, 6, 11;

v, 3, 4 ; x, 21, 7.

The words manava (a regular derivative from Manu) and
mdnusha and manushya (which are regularly derived from Manush , a
form peculiar to the Veda) are also of frequent occurrence in the
hymns, in the sense of persons belonging to, or descended from
Manu, or Manush ; and would of themselves almost suffice to prove
that in the Yedic age Manu was regarded as the progenitor of the
people of whom these terms were descriptive. In later Sanskrit,
as is well known, they are the most common words for men in
general.

The adjectives manushya, 1 and manusha, are also in constant use

1 Viipati. Compare R. V., vi, 48.8.

- See Wilson’s Diet., under the word Manu, which, as the second sense, is said
to mean “a man in general.”

3 Ayashfur manushyasya, Sayaua.

4 In iv, ], 13, the words a-smakam atra pita.ro manushyah may mean “our
fathers descended from Manu.”

410

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR

in the Rigveda in combination with the substantive vis, and occa-
sionally with the substantives krishti, ksliiti, charshani, and jana, to
denote people descended from Mann, or tribes of men generally.
The combination manushir visah, in one or other of its cases, is
found in the following passages : — i, 148, 1 ; 3, 5, 3 ; 3, 6, 3 ; 4, 6, 7 ;
5, 8, 3 ; 5, 9, 3 ; 6, 48, 8 j1 2 * 7, 5, 2 ; 7, 67, 7 ; 9, 38, 4 ; 10, 1, 4 ;

10, 69, 9 ; 10, 83, 2. Charshanindm munushdndm occurs, iv, 8, 8 ;
mdnushinam krishtindm , i, 59, 5 ; vi, 18, 2 ; kshitir mdnushih , vi, 65, 1;
mdnusho janah, v, 21, 2; vi, 2, 3 ; viii, 53, 10.8

In two passages (viii, 59, 11, and x, 22, 8), the word amanusha
is applied to the Dasyus together with the other epithets, anya -
vrata , ayajvan, adevayu, akarman, amantu, “following other rites,”
“ not sacrificing,” “ godless,” “ without ceremonies,” “ thoughtless.”
The other epithets are such as apply more properly to men than to
demons ; and if therefore it were certain that by Dasyus in these
passages were meant the aboriginal tribes, we might suppose that
the word amanusha might as well mean “ not belonging to the race
of Manush,” as “ not human,” or “ inhuman.” In the verse pre-
ceding one of the passages I have quoted (x, 22, 7), however, this
word is used as an epithet of the demon of drought, Sushna, where
it must have the seuse of “not human.” And in ii, 11, 10, where
the word manushah , applied to Indra, must have the sense of
“ friendly to man,” the adjective amanusha which is applied to the
Asura Vrittra, must have the opposite signification of “hostile to
man.”

(II). From all that precedes, it is clear that the authors of the
hymns regarded Manu as the progenitor of their race. But (as
appears from many passages) they also looked upon him as the first
person by whom the sacrificial fire had been kindled, and as the
iustitutor of the ceremonial "of worship ; though the tradition is
not always consistent on this subject. In a verse already quoted
(i, 80, 16) Manu is mentioned in this way, along with Atharvan
and Dadhyanch, as having celebrated religious rites in ancient
times. The following further passages refer to him as the kindler
of fire, and offerer of oblations : —

i, 13, 4. “0 Agni, lauded, bring the gods hither in a most

1 The first line of this verse is as follows: “Thou. Agni, art the household-
lord ( griha-patili ) of all the people descended from Manush” (visvdsdm visum
rndnushindm) ; compare v, 8, 2; vi, 15, 1; vi, 15, 19; vii, 7, 4; viii, 23, 1.3 •
and iii, 29, 1. In vii, 5, 3, viiih asikuih, “ black tribes,” are mentioned.

2 The words mdnushd yuyd occur in R. V., v, 52, 4; vi, 16, 23; x, 140, 6

( = S. V., 2, 11711.

OF THE ARYYAN INDIANS.

411

pleasant chariot. Thou art the invoker (of the gods) ordained by
Manush.”1

i, 14, 11. “ Thou, Agni, an invoker ordained by Manush, art

present at the sacrifices : do thou present this our oblation.” (See
also R.V., iii, 2, 15.)

vi, 16, 9. “ Thou art the invoker ordained by Manush, the

visible bearer (of our oblations), most wise : Agni, worship the
people of the sky (divo viscih ).

viii, 19, 21. “ With a hymn I laud that adorable bearer of

oblations ordained by Manush,2 whom the gods have sent as a
ministering messenger.”

viii, 34, 8. “ May the adorable invoker ordained by Manu bring

thee (Indra) hither among the gods,” &c.

i, 36, 19. “Manu has placed (or ordained) thee (here), a light
to all mankind.”

ii, 10, 1. “When Agni, the invoker, like a first father (is)
kindled by Manush (or man)3 on the place of sacrifice,” &c.

•

1 The compound word which I have rendered “ordained by Manu” is in the
original Manur-liita. That the sense I have given is the true one, appears, I
think, from i, 36, 19, where the same root, dhd, from which hita (originally
dhita) comes, is used, joined with the particle ni. The same participle hita is
used in vi, 16, 1, where it is said, “ Thou, Agni, the offerer of all sacrifices, hast
been placed, or ordained, among the race of Manu by the gods.” The compound
manur-liita occurs also in the following texts, where, however, it has more pro-
bably the sense of “good for man,” viz.: — i, 106, 5. “ Brihaspati, do us always
good : we desire that blessing and protection of thine which is good for man.”
(Sayana says that here rnanur-hitam means either “placed in thee by Manu, i e.,
Brahma,” or, “favourable to man.”) vi, 70, 2. “ Heaven and earth, ruling over
this world, drop on us that seed which is good for man." x, 26, 5. “ He
(Piishan) who is a kind to man, or, appointed by Manu," &c.

In i, 45, 1, we have the words yaja sv'tdhvaram janam manu-jatam, “wor-
ship, o Agni, the race (of gods), rich in sacrifices, sprung from Manu," &c., which
Sayana explains, “generated by the Prajapati Manu.” Benfey, in his transla-
tion of the R. V. (Orient und Occident, i, 398, note) says that the words may
mean either, in the later sense, produced by Manu, as the creator of a mundane
period with all its contents, or, in the older sense, established as objects of
veneration by Manu, to whom the ordering of human life appears to be ascribed
in the oldest Indo-Germanic legends.”

2 Though the word manur-liita is here interpreted by Sayana as meaning
“ placed by Manu Prajapati who sacrificed,” it might also signify “ friendly to
men,” as Agni is also said to have been sent by the gods.

3 The Satapatha Brahmana (i, 4, 2, 5), quoted by Weber find. Stud , i, 195),
thus explains the words deveddlio Manv-iddhah : — “ The gods formerly kindled
it (fire): hence it is called ‘god-kindled.’ Manu formerly kindled it: and
hence it is called ‘kindled by Manu.’” The Aitareya Brahmana, however,
explains the word Manv-iddhah from the fact that “ men kindle it.”

412

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR

vii, 2, 3. “ Like Manush, let ns continually invoke to the

sacrifice, Agni who was kindled by Manu.”

Sayana explains the last words as meaning “ formerly kindled
by the Prajapati Manu.”

vi, 10, 2. “0 Ag-ni, brilliant, very lustrous, invoker, kindled

by the fires of Manush,” &c. (?)

viii, 10, 2. “ Or as ye (0 Aswins) besprinkled the sacrifice for

Manu, think in like manner of the descendant of Kanva.”

x, 63, 7. “ 0 ye Adityas, to whom Manu, when he had kindled

the fire, presented with seven hotri priests, the first offering,
together with a prayer, — bestow on us secure protection,” &c.

x, 69, 3. “ That lustre of thine, 0 Agni, which Manu, which

Sumitra, kindled, is this same which is now renewed. Shine
forth, thou opulent deity,” &c.

i, 76, 5. “As thou, thyself a sage, didst, with the sages,
worship the gods with the oblations of the wise Manu, so to-day,
Agni, most true invoker, do thou worship them with a cheerful
flame.”

iii, 60, 6. “ These days are fixed for thee (Indra), the obser-

vances of the gods, with the ordinances of Manu (or man).”1 (See
iii, 3, 1.)

v, 45, 6. “ Come, friends, let us celebrate the ceremony

whereby Manu conquered Yisisipra,” &c.

i, 139, 9. “Dadhyanch, the ancient Angiras, Priyamedha,
Kanva, Atri, Manu, know my (Paruchhepa’s?) birth; those who
were before me, Manu, know it.”

(Though this passage does not connect Manu with the institu-
tion of sacrifice, it may be introduced here as conveniently as
elsewhere.)

iii, 3, 2. “ The powerful god (Agni) hastens between the two

worlds, abiding as the invoker, the priest of Manu (or man).”

iv, 26,4. “When the swift-winged bird, borne by his own
power without wheels, brought to Manu the oblation desired by
the gods.”

Sayana explains this of the soma being brought from heaven
to the Prajapati Manu.

1 In the following passage the words Manusfio dharlmani are interpreted by
Prof. Roth as meaning “ by the ordinance ” of Manu (or man) ; but Sayana
assigns to dhcirlman the signification of “ altar.”

i, 128, 1. “ This Agni, an adorable invoker, has been bora on the sacrificial
hearth of Manu (or man), for the ceremony of the worshippers, for his own cere-
mony The irresistible invoker hath sat down on the place of sacrifice,

surrounded, on the place of sacrifice.”

OF THE ARYYAN INDIANS.

413

v, 29, 1. “They (the Maruts) have established three lights,
three celestial luminaries, at the sacrifice of Manush (or man ), &c.
7. Agni, a friend, quickly cooked for his friend, through the power
of the latter, three hundred buffaloes. Indra drank at once three
lakes (or cups) of Manush (or man), the soma which had been
poured out for the slaughter of Vrittra.”

vi, 4, 1. “ Just as, 0 invoker, son of strength, thou at Manush’s

ceremonial dost (didst?) worship the gods with sacrifices, so too
to-day,” &c.

Manush is here interpreted by Sayana as meaning “ the Prajapati
Manu who sacrificed.” On iii, 26, 2, he explains the same word as
meaning “man”; but the context is different. In some passages
it is difficult to say whether the patriarch Manu, or man merely, is
meant ; and in some cases, I have given an alternative rendering.
But wherever Manu is referred to as having been an example
in former times, we maj7 reasonably suppose that the patriarch is
referred to. In many of the passages I have quoted under this
head, however, there is no such distinct reference to ancient times ;
and therefore such texts ought perhaps to be classed among those
formerly cited where Manu means simply man.

ix, 96, 12. “ As thou, Soma, didst flow purely for Manu, source

of life, destrojmr of foes, dispenser of wealth, rich in offerings, so
too now flow purely,” &o.

vi, 15, 4. “ Thou seekest Agni, your celestial guest, the sacri-

ficial invoker for Manush (or man),” &c.

vii, 8, 2. This grand Agni has been known as the great and
gladdening invoker for Manush (or man),” &c.

vii, 35, 15. “ Those who are adorable among the adorable

gods, objects of worship to Manu (or man), immortal, skilled in
religious rites,” &c.

The last words are repeated in x, 65, 14.

vii, 73, 2. “ The dear invoker for Manush (on man) has been

placed,” &c.

x, 36, 10. “ Ye who are the objects of worship to Manu (or

man), hear us : give us, 0 gods, that which we seek.”

See viii, 30, 2, above, p. 408.

x, 51, 5. “ Come (0 Agni) a pious Manu, desirous of sacrifice,

having made preparations. Thou dwellest in darkness, Agni, make
easy paths leading to the gods (or, for the gods to travel) ; carry
away our oblations with good will.”

Compare x, 100, 5, above, p. 408.

x, 53, 6. “ Spinning the thread, follow the light of the sky.

von. xx. 2 F

414

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR

Keep the luminous paths formed by the understanding (or, the
hymn). Weave ye a smooth work of the encomiasts. Be a Manu,
and generate the divine race.”

This verse is translated and explained by Prof. Muller in his
article on the “ Funeral rites of the Brahmans,” in the Journal of
the German Oriental Society for 1855, p. xxii. I need not refer to
the rest of his explanation, which does not bear upon the present
subject. I will merely quote his interpretation of the last clause :
“ Be Manu, i.e., do like Manu ( manush-vat ) who first kindled the
sacrificial fire, and generate the divine man, i.e., Agni.”

x, 66, 12. Let us become Maims , i.e., imitators of Manu(?)
for your worship,” &c.

There is also a class of passages in which the example of
Manush is referred to by the phrase manush-vat , “ like Manush,” or,
“ as in the case of Manush.” Thus in i, 44, 11, it is said, “Divine
Ag'ni, we place thee, like Manush,” &c.

v, 21, 1. “Agni, we place thee like Manush, we kindle thee
like Manush. Agni, Angiras, worship the gods like Manush, for him
who adores them.”

viii, 27, 7. “ We invoke thee, Varuna, having poured out Soma,

and having kindled fire, like Manush.”

viii, 43, 13. “ Like Bhrigu, like Manush, like Angiras, we

invoke thee, Agni, who hast been summoned to blaze.” .... 27.
“ Agni, most like to Angiras, whom men kindle like Manush, attend
to my words.”

See also i, 31, 17; i, 46, 13; i, 105, 13, 14; ii, 5, 2 ; ii, 10, 6;
iii, 17, 2; iii, 32, 5; iv, 34, 3; iv, 37, 3; vii, 11, 3; x, 70, 8 ;
x, 110, 8.

The Satapatha Brahmana, i, 5, 1, 7 (quoted by Weber, Ind.
Stud., i, 195), explains thus the word Manush-vat : — “ Manu formerly
sacrificed with a sacrifice. Imitating this, these creatures sacrifice.
He therefore says, Manushvat, ‘like Manu.’ Or, he says ‘like
Manu,’ because men speak of the sacrifice as being Manu’s.” 1

Manu is not, however (as I have above intimated), always
spoken of in the hymns, as the first, or only, kindler of fire. In
i, 80, 16, already quoted, Atharvan and Dadhyanch are mentioned
along with him as offerers of sacrifice.

1 The same work in the same passage thus explains the phrase, Bharata-vat.
“He bears (bharati) the oblation to the g ds; wherefore men say, Bharata (or
‘the bearer’) is Agni. Or, he is eaded Bharata (the ‘sustainer’) because, being
breath, he sustains these creatures.” This phrase maj% however, refer to the
example of King Bharata. See below, p. 425.

OF THE ARYYAN INDIANS.

415

In the following verses Atharvan is mentioned as having gene-
rated fire : —

vi, 15, 17. “The wise draw forth this Agni, as Atharvan did,”
&c.

vi, 1G, 13, (= S. Y, 1, 9 ; Vaj. Sanh. xi, 32). “ Agni, Atharvan

drew thee forth from the lotus leaf,” &c. 14. “ Thee the rishi

Dadhyanch, son of Atharvan, kindled,” &c.

In the Vajasaneyi Sanhita, the first of these verses is imme-
diately preceded by the following (xi, 32) : “ Thou art adorable,
all-sustaining. Atharvan was the first who drew thee forth,
Agni.”

Again it is said in the Rig’v. x, 21, 5. “Agni, produced by
Atharvan, knows all hymns, and has become the messenger of
Vivaswat.”

Again Atharvan is thus mentioned : i, 83, 5. “ Atharvan was

the first who by sacrifices opened up the paths ; then the friendly
Sun, the protector of rites, was produced,” &c. x, 92, 10.
“Atharvan, the first, established (the worship of the gods?) with
sacrifices. The divine Bhrigus by their wisdom followed the same
course.” 1

The next text of the Rigveda speaks of the Bhrigus as the
institutors of sacrifice by fire : —

i, 58, 6. “ The Bhrigus have placed thee, o Agni, among men,

as an invoker, beautiful as riches, and easily invoked for men,” &c.

ii, 4, 2. “ Worshipping him (Agni) in the receptacle of waters,

they placed him among the people of Ayu.”

x, 46, 2. “ Worshipping and desiring him with prostrations,

the wise and longing Bhrigus have followed him with their steps,
like a beast who had been lost, and have found him concealed in the
receptacle of waters.” (i, 65, 1).

vi, 15, 2. “ Thee (Agni) whom, residing in the tree, the Bhrigus

have placed, adorable and high-flaming, like a friend,” &c.2

1 In the following texts also Atharvan and Dadhyanch are spoken of, viz.: —
i, 116, 12; i, 117, 22; i, 119, 9; vi, 47, 24; ix, 108, 4; x, 14, 6; x, 48, 2;
x, 87, 12.

2 In the following passages also the Bhrigus are mentioned as connected
with the worship of Agni : —

i, 60, 1. “ Matariswan has brought Agni .... a friend to Bhrigu.”

i, 1 27, 7. “ When the Bhrigus, uttering hymns, aspiring to the sky, making
obeisance, worshipped him (Agni), — the Bhrigus drawing him forth from the
wood, &c.”

i, 143, 4. “Whom (Agni) the Bhrigus have obtained, the source of all
wealth,” &c.

2 F 2

416

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR

In other places the gods, as well as other sages, are mentioned
as the introducers of fire : —

i, 36, 10. “ Thou, 0 bearer of oblations, whom the gods placed

here as an object of adoration to Manu (or man) ; whom Kanva,
whom Medhyatithi, whom Yrishan, whom Upastuta (have placed) a
bringer of wealth,” &c. Compare vi, 16, 1, quoted above, p. 411, note.

x, 46, 9. “ Matariswan and the gods have established, as the

earliest adorable object of worship to Manu (or man), that Agni
whom heaven and earth, whom the waters, whom Twashtri, whom
the Bhrigus, have generated by then- powers.”1

iii, 5, 10. “ When Matariswan kindled for the Bhrigus Agni, the bearer of
oblations, who was in concealment.”

iv, 7, 1. “ Whom (Agni) Apnavana and the Bhrigus kindled,” &c.

viii, 43, 13 (see above, p. 414).

viii, 91, 4. “ Like Aurvabhrigu, like Apnavana, I invoke thee, pure Agni,

who abidest in the ocean.”

x, 122, 5. “The Bhrigus kindled thee by their hymns.”

See also i, 71, 4 ; iii, 2, 4 ; viii, 43, 13 (above p. 414); i, 148, 1.

1 In his illustrations of the Nirukta, p. 112, Professor Roth, in explaining the
text R. V., vi, 8, 4 (“ Matariswan, the messenger of Vivaswat, brought Agni
Vaiswanara from afar”) makes the following interesting observations on the
Yedie conceptions regarding the genesis of fire : “ The explanation of Matariswan
as Vayu” (which is given by Yaska) “cannot be justified by the Vedic texts,
and rests only upon the etymology of the root Sous. The numerous passages
where the word is mentioned in the R. V. exhibit it in two senses. Sometimes
it denotes Agni himself, as in the texts i, 96, 3, 4 ; iii, 29, 4 (111); x, 114, 1, &c.;
at other times, the being who, as another Prometheus, fetches down from heaven,
from the gods, the fire which had vanished from the earth, and brings it to the
Bhrigus, i, 60, 1 ; i, 93, 6 ; iii, 2, 13; iii, 5, 10 ; iii, 9, 5. To think of this
bringer of fire as a man, as a sage of antiquity, who had laid hold of the light-
ning, and placed it on the altar and the hearth, is forbidden by those texts
which speak of him as bringing it from heaven, not to mention other grounds.
As Prometheus belongs to the superhuman class of Titans, and is only by this
means enabled to fetch down the spark from heaven, so must Matariswan be
reckoned as belonging to those races of demigods, who, in the Yedie legends, are
sometimes represented as living in the society of the gods, and sometimes as
dwelling upon earth. As he brings the fire to the Bhrigus, it is said of these
last, that they have communicated fire to men (e.g., in i, 58, 6), and Agni is
called the son of Bhrigu ( Bhrigavana ). Matariswan also must be reckoned as
belonging to this half-divine race. I am not disposed to lay any stress on the
fact, that in the passage before us (vi, 8, 4) he is called the messenger of
Vivaswat ; but to conjecture that the verse has become corrupt in the
course of tradition, as Agni himself is elsewhere called the messenger of
Vivaswat, the heavenly light (iv, 7, 4 ; viii, 39, 3, and elsewhere); and the same
sense can be obtained here by the slight alteration of clutah into dutam .” (The
sense thus becomes : ‘ Matariswan brought from afar Agni Vaiswanara, the mes-
senger of Vivaswat.’) “ Of these two senses of the word Matariswan to which 1
have above alluded, the first, according to which it denotes fire itself, appears to

OF THE ARYYAN INDIANS.

417

But to return to Manu. Although the distinction of having
been the first to kindle fire is thus, in various passages, ascribed to
Atharvan or the Bhrigus, none of these personages is ever brought
forward as disputing with Manu the honour of having been the
progenitor of the Aryyan race. In this respect the Vedic tradition
exhibits no variation.

(III). The following passages represent Manu (or, perhaps in
most cases, the Aryyan man in general) as being- the object of
some special favour or intervention on the part of some of the gods : —
i, 31, 3. “ Agni, thou, the first, didst become manifest to

Matariswan, and to Yivaswat through desire of sacrifice, &c.
4. Agni, thou didst reveal the sky to Manu, to the pious Pururavas,
(thyself) more pious,” &c.

On this passage Benfey remarks: “Vivasvat (the remover of
night, a being who stands in the closest connection with the Sun)
wished to sacrifice, and chose fire for the accomplishment of the
sacrifice. Manu is the son of the Vivasvat mentioned in the fore-
going-verse, who instituted (i, 14, 11) for mankind the fire which
his father had chosen for sacrifice.”

i, 112, 16. “Come, Aswins, with those succours whereby,
0 heroes, ye sought out a path (of deliverance) for Sayu, for Atri,
and formerly for Maim, whereby ye shot arrows for Syumarasmi
.... 18, whereby ye preserved the hero Manu with food.”1

me to be the original one. Fire is swelling in his mother ( mdtari ), proceeding
forth from her (from the root su, Svi, Benfey's Gloss., p. 117), whether we regard
this mother as the storm-cloud, or as the wood ( arani ) from which by friction
smoke, sparks, and flames proceed. It may also be mentioned that the same
function of bringing down fire is ascribed in one text (vi, 16, 13) to Atharvan,
whose name is connected with fire, like that of Matarisvan ; and also that the
sisters of Atharvan are called Matariswarls in x, 120, 9.”

1 In none of the passages hitherto adduced is any epithet except ‘‘father,” or
“ hero ” applied to Manu.

In the 4th Yalakhilya, following R. V., viii, 48, however, this verse (the
first) occurs “ As in the case of Manu Vivaswat (Alanau Vivaswati ) thou, Sakra,
didst drink the Soma which had been poured forth,” &c. (see Roth in Z. D. M. G.,
iv, 431). Manu Samvarani is similarly mentioned in the first verse of the
3rd Yalakhilya.

And in the following passage a personage called Manu Savarni, who appears
to have been a contemporary of the author of the hymn, is celebrated for his
generosity : —

x, 62, 8. “ Let this Manu now increase ; let him shoot up like a sprout, —

he who straightway lavishes for a gift a thousand, a hundred horses. 9. No one
equals him, who reaches at it were the summit of the sky. The liberality of the
son of Savarna is wide as the sea. 11. Let not Manu, the leader of the people,
who bestow-s thousands, suffer injury. Let his bounty go on vying with the

418

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR

This passage, as far as it concerns Manu, is thus explained by
Say ana : “ And with those succours, whereby ye made a path, a
road which was the cause of escape from poverty, by sowing barley
and other kinds of grain, &c., for Manu, the royal rishi of that
name; according to another text” (i, 117, 21). In his note on
verse 1 8, Sayana adds that the grain had been concealed by the
earth.

i, 117, 21. “Sowing barley with the plough, ye potent Aswins,
milking forth food for Manusha (or man), blowing away the Dasyu
with the thunderbolt, ye have made a broad light for the Aryya.”
Sayana say^s, that the term manusha in this passage is a
synonym of Manu, and connects with it the word aryya as an
epithet.1 The next passage refers to the same legend : —

viii, 22, 6. “ Succouring Manu (or man), ye (Aswins) cultivate

with the plough the primeval barley in the sky,” &c. According
to Sayana, Manu here means a “ king of that name.”

(The same expression, “ seeking out a path for Manu,” which
we have found in i, 112, 16, occurs in another passage : —

sun. May the gods prolong the life of the son of Savarna ; during which let us
enjoy food.”

In this passage this Manu is represented as the son of Savarna, or Savarna.
In It. V., x, 17, 1, 2, the word Savarna occurs, but it appeal’s to be rather an
epithet of the wife of Vivaswat, than her name.

“1. Twashtri makes a marriage for his daughter. This whole world
assembles. The mother of Yama, being married, became the wife of the mighty
Vivaswat. 2. They concealed her, the immortal, from mortals: making her of
the same colour or nature ( savarna, ), they gave her to Vivaswat,” &c.

In later Indian mythology, Yama and Manu are regarded as brothers, the
sons of Vivaswat, or the sun, by his wife Sanjna. The Manu Savarni is, however,
said to be another son of Vivaswat, begottc-n by him on another wife, Chhaya,
along with Sanaischara and Tapatl. Wilson's Vishnu, Pur., p, 206. This Manu
Savarni is, according to the same authority, said to preside over the future eighth
Manvantara, and takes his appellation of Savarni from being of the same caste
( Savarna ) as his elder brother, the Manu Vaivaswata (p, 267).

1 This verse is quoted in the Nirukta, vi, 26, and is explained by Roth in his
illustrations of that work, p. 92. He remarks : — “ It appears to me that the
explanation of the word vrika (wolf), as meaning ‘plough,' though in itself pos-
sible .... is, nevertheless, a rationalistic one, and that we rather have here an
allusion to some myth. In viii, 22, 6, also we read, “For the pleasure of man
ye have formerly in heaven ploughed barley with the wolf. .... That clhamanta
has here its proper sense (of ‘ blowing ’), and consequently refers to a particular
trait of the legend which is not otherwise known to us, cannot admit of doubt, if
we compare ix, 1, 8, dhamanti bakuram d, Him, ‘they blow the crooked (1)
skin.’ Bakura, perhaps, denotes a crooked wind-instrument, which the Aswins
employed to terrify their enemies, and bakura, as an epithet of the skin, might
designate one in the shape of a bakura.”

OF THE ARYYAN INDIANS.

419

v, 30, 7. “ When, seeking out a path for Manu (or man), thou
didst overturn the head of the Dasa Namuchi.”)

The following passages also refer to favours shown by the gods
to Manu or man : —

x, 76, 3. “ This is his oblation. May he remove sin. Let him

run his course, as formerly for Manu,” &c.

x, 104, 8. “ Thou foundest the ninety-nine streams as a path

for the gods for Manu (or man),” &c.

i, 165, 8. “I, bearing the thunderbolt, have made for Manu

(or man) these all-gleaming, flowing waters.”

iv, 28, 1. “ With thee for a companion, Soma, and in thy fel-

lowship, Indra then made the waters to flow for Manu (or man),” &c.

v, 31, 6. “I declare, Maghavat, the earlier deeds, and the
latter (acts), which thou hast performed, when thou, 0 mighty one,
didst sustain both worlds, conquering for Manu (or man) the
gleaming waters.”

i, 166, 13. “ With this (favourable) disposition, having lent an

ear to Manu (or man), those heroes (the Maruts) became known at
once by their mighty acts.”

iii, 34, 4. “ He (Indra) kindled for Manu (or man) the bright-

ness of the days ; he discovered a lig'ht for the great conflict.”

vi, 49, 13. “ Vishnu, who thrice measured the terrestrial

regions for Manu when distressed.”

Sayana interprets this of “ Manu the Prajapati, when injured
by Asuras ;” but gives no further explanation.

vii, 100, 4. “ This Vishnu strode over this earth, bestowing it

on Manush (or man) for an abode.”

(Compare i, 100, 18 ; ii, 20, 7.)

vii, 91, 1. “ They (the gods) displayed the dawn with the sun

to Vayu and Manu when distressed.”

viii, 15, 5. “ Exulting with that exhilaration, whereby thou

didst discover the luminaries to Ayu, and to Manu, thou art lord of
this sacrificial grass.”

Sayana explains Ayu as the son of Urvasi, and Manu as the son
of Vivaswat, and says that Indra disclosed the heavenly lights by
driving away Vrittra, &c., who concealed them.

x, 43, 4. “ The light of them (the Soma libations?) has shone

forth with power. The heaven hath disclosed a noble light to

Manu (or man) 8. Maghavat has discovered a light for

the Manu or man who presents libations, who is prompt in liberality,
and who offers sacrifice.”

viii, 27, 4. “ May all the (gods) possessors of all wealth, and

420

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR

repellers of foes, be a cause of prosperity to Manu (or man)

21. 0 ye possessors of all wealth, confer riches on the wise Manu

(or man) who offers oblations.”

Sayana explains Manu in the 4th verse, as “ the worshipper,”
and in the 21st verse, as “ a rishi of that name,” viz., the speaker
himself.

x, 11, 3, “Beneficent, vigorous, renowned, glorious, Ushas
dawned for Manu, when for the sacrifice they generated the ardent
Agni for the work of the eager worshippers.”

(IV). In the following passages Manu or his descendants appear
to be placed in opposition to the Dasyus (whether we understand
the latter of aboriginal tribes, or hostile demons), and identified
with the Aryyan race : —

i, 130, 8. “ Indra who bestows a hundred succours in all

battles, in heaven-conferring battles, has preserved in the conflict
the sacrificing Aryya. Chastising the neglectors of religious rites,
he has subjected the black skin to Manu.”

Compare i, 117, 21, above.1

ii, 20, 6. “ May the most mighty god, renowned as Indra, be

exalted for the sake of Manu. Self-reliant, may he violently over-
turn the dear head of the destructive Dasa. 7. This Indra, the
slayer of Vrittra, the destroyer of cities, scattered the Dasyu
(hosts) sprung from a dark womb. lie produced for Manu the
earth and the waters ; at once he fulfilled the desire (or, he always
strengthens the renown) of his worshipper.”

iv, 26, 1. “ I was Manu, and the Sun ; I am the wise rishi

Kashivat. I subdue Kutsa the son of Arjuni ; I am the sag-e
Usanas ; behold me. 2. I gave the earth to the Aryya ; I (gave)
rain to the sacrificing mortal. I have led the sounding waters ;
the gods followed my will.”

Indra is supposed to be the speaker in these verses. Sayana
understands the word aryya of Manu. See Sanskrit texts, vol. ii,
p. 376, and note.

vi, 21, 11. “ Do thou, a wise god, the son of strength, approach

my hymn with all the adorable (deities) ; who have Agni on their
tongues, who frequent religious rites, and who made Manu superior
to the Dasa.”

viii, 87, 6. “ For thou, Indra, art the destroyer of all the cities,

the slayer of the Dasyu, the promoter of Manu, the lord of the sky.”

ix, 92, 5. “ Let this (spot) where all the poets have assembled,

1 The same contrast is drawn between the Ay us and Dasyus in vi, 14, 3 : —
“ Overcoming the Dasyu, the Ay us, by rites seeking to vanquish the rite-less.”

OF THE ARRYAN INDIANS.

421

be truly the abode of the pure god (Soma) : since he has made
light and room for the day, has protected Manu, and repelled the
Dasyu.”

(Compare iii, 34, 9 : “ Having slain the Dasyu, he has protected
the Aryyan colour.”)

x, 49, 7. “ I (Indra) move around, borne with power by the

swift steeds of the Sun. When this libation of Manu summons me
to splendour, I drive away with my blows the vigorous Dasa.”

x, 73, 7. “ Thou didst slay Namuchi seeking the sacrifice,

making the Dasa devoid of guile to the rishi. Thou didst make for
Manu beautiful paths leading as it were straightway to the gods.”1

In the set of passages last quoted, the descendants of Manu
appear, as I have said, to be identified with the Aryyan Indians,
and to be contrasted with the Dasyus, or enemies of the Aryyas,
whether we regard these enemies as being the aboriginal tribes,
or as terrestrial or aerial demons.

The descendants of Manu are, as we have seen, spoken of as
worshippers of the gods, as those among whom Agni has taken
up his abode.

Frequent mention is also made in the Rigveda of five tribes,
under the appellations of pancha-jandh, pancha-krishtayah , pancha-
kshitayah, &c. These five tribes are often alluded to as worshippers
of Agni, and the other Aryyan deities. Unless, therefore, we
arc to suppose that these deities were adored by non- Aryyan as
well as Aryyan races, it would appear to result that, whenever the
five tribes are spoken of as worshippers of these gods, they must
be regarded as identical with the Aryyas, or the descendants of
Manu ; of whom they would thus represent a five-fold division.
The grounds which exist for this conclusion will be seen from a
comparison of the following passages, which I shall quote as the
basis of my remarks : —

The term pancha-krishtayah is that employed in the first set of
texts which I shall adduce : —

ii, 2, 10. “ May our glory shine aloft over the jive tribes, like

the Sun, unsurpassable.”2

iii, 53, 16. “ May the goddess who ranges everywhere quickly

bring to us food more than there is among the Jive tribes .”

1 This verse is translated by Prof. Benfey in his glossary to the Sama veda
under the word Namuchi.

2 In iii., 49, 1, mention is made not of the five tribes, but of all the tribes:
' Praise the great India, in whom all the tribes who drink soma have obtained
their desire.”

422

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR

iv, 38, 10 (Nirukta, x, 31). “ Dadhikra has pervaded the five

tribes with his might, as the waters with light.”

The same words, with the omission of Dadhikra, occur, x, 178,
3 (Nir., x, 29).

vi, 46, 7. “ Indra, whatever strength, or power, there is in the

tribes of Naliush ( nahushlshu krishtishu), or whatever glory belongs
to the five tribes , bring it (for us) ; yea, all energies together.”

x, 119, 6. “ The five tribes appeared to me (Indra) not even as

a mote.”1

In the verses next to be quoted, the term pancha kshitayah is
employed : —

i, 7, 9. “ That Indra, who alone rules over men and riches,

over the five tribes .”

i, 176, 3. “In whose hands are all the riches of the five
tribes.'”

v, 35, 2. “Whether, Indra, four (tribes) or, 0 hero, three
(tribes) are thine ; or whatever succour belongs to the five tribes ,
bring that to us.”

vii, 75, 4. “ She (Uslias) arriving from far, straightway encir-

cles the five tribes.”

vii, 79, 1. “ Uslias hath dawned salutary to men, awaking the

five tribes of Manush (jpancha kshitir manvsMh).” This verse is
important as actually connecting the five tribes with the word
manushih. In Atharva veda, iii, 24, 2, we have in like manner
mdnavih pancha krishtayah.

The phrase employed in the next verse is pancha mdnushah : —

viii, 9, 2. “Whatever grandeur there is in the firmament, in
the sky, or among the five tribes of Manush ( pancha manushan mu),
confer all that on us, Aswins.”

In the Atharva veda we find pancha-mdnavdh, Thus in v, 17, 9,
it is said : — “ The Brahman is the master, and not the Rajanya, or
the Vaisya. This the Sun goes declaring to the five tribes of Manu.”
And in xii, 1, 15, it is said : — “ Thine, 0 earth, are these five tribes of
Manu, to Avhom, mortals, the Sun, rising, conveys undying light by
his rays.”

Pancha-jandh is the term used in the following passages : — •

i, 89, 10. “ Aditi is the five tribes,” &c.

iii, 37, 9. “ I desire, Indra &atakratu, those powers of thine

which are in the five tribes.”

1 I here follow Prof. Roth’s rendering in his Dictionary, ii, 1077, under the
root 2 chhad. In the Atharvaveda, xii, 1, 42, the words, these five tribes, also
occur.

OF THE ARYYAN INDIANS,

423

iii, 59, 8. “ The five tribes have done homage (?) to Mittra, who

is mighty to succour.”

vi, 2, 4. “ Agni, whom, abounding in oblations, the five tribes ,

bringing offerings, honour with prostrations, as if he were a man
(i dyum na).”

Sayana here defines the five tribes as “ priests and offerers of
sacrifices ” {ritvig-yajamdna-laxandh).

viii, 32, 22. “ From far pass by the three (points ?), pass by the
five tribes , Indra, beholding the cows.”

ix, 65, 23. “ Or those (Soma-libations) which (have been poured

out) among the five tribes .”

ix, 92, 3. “ May he (Soma) delight in all the hymns. The

wise god seeks (?) the five tribes.”

x, 45, 6. “ He (Agni), travelling afar, clove even the strong

mountain, when the five tribes worshipped Agni”

In the following texts the five tribes are denoted by pancha
cliarshanayah : —

v, 86, 2. “ We invoke Indra and Agni who (dwell) among the

five tribes”

vii, 15, 2. “ The wise and youthful master of the house (Agni)

who hath taken up his abode among the five tribes in every house.”

ix, 101, 9. “ Who (Indra) is (salutary?) to the five tribes”

The expression pancha bhuma is used in the next quotation : —

vii, 69, 2. “ Extending over the five tribes , let your three-seated

and yoked car, 0 Aswins, wherewith ye visit the worshipping-
peoples, approach through our prayer,” &c.

The word bhuma occurs also in ii, 4, 27.

In vi, 61, 12, Saraswatl is spoken of as “ augmenting or pros-
pering the five tribes,” here expressed by pancha jdtd.

In viii, 52, 7, it is said : “ When shouts were uttered to Indra
by the people of the five tribes ” ( pancha-janyayd visa), &c.

In It. V., i, 117, 3, Atri is styled rishim pdnehajanyam, “a rishi
belonging to the five tribes. In v, 32, 11, the epithet satpatih pdn-
chajanyah is applied to Indra. And in ix, 66, 20, Agni is called
the purified rishi, the priest of the five races ( pdhehajanyah
purohitah).1

1 See Maliabharata, iii, 14160, as referred to by Roth under jana, where the
birth of a being of five colours, apparently a form of Agni, is described, who was
generated by five rishis, and who was known as the god of the five tribes
( panchajanya ) and the producer of five races.

In some cases the panchajandh seem to be gods, as in the following verses: —

x, 53, 4, 5. “ Ye five tribes, who eat food, and are worthy of adoration, favour-

424

OX MANU, THE PROGENITOR

Now it is true that in many of the preceding texts, viz., in

ii, 2, 10; iii, 53, 16; iv, 38, 10; vi, 46, 7; x, 119, 6; i, 7, 9 ;
i, 176, 3; v, 35, 2; vii, 75, 4; vii, 79, 1; viii, 9, 2 ; i, 89, 10;

iii, 37, 9 (|)p. 421, 422), there is nothing to show that the five tribes
must be identified with the Aryyas ; though, on the other hand, it
does not appear to me that there is anything to forbid this identifi-
cation. But in many of the passages which follow these (p. 423),
the five tribes are spoken of as worshipping some of the Aryyan
gods, or the latter are said to have taken up their abode among the
five tribes, or to be their patrons.

In regard to these panchajandh Yaska, however, remarks as
follows : — Niruktu, iii, 8, “ Some say the word denotes the (five
classes of being’s called) Gandharvas, Pitris, Devas, Asuras, and
Raxases. Aupamanyava says it designates the four castes, with
the Nishadas for a fifth class.” This explanation of the word can
scarcely be correct as regards its ordinary application to men ; as
we have just seen that the five tribes or classes of men were all
such as were admitted to join in the Worship of Agni and the
other gods, and therefore could not have included the Nishadas,
who were outcasts.

On the same subject, Prof. Roth remarks as follows in his
dictionary under the word krishti : — “ The jive races is a designation
of all nations , not merely of the Aryyan tribes. It is an ancient
enumeration, of the origin of which we .find no express explanation
in the Yedic texts. We may compare the fact that the cosmical
spaces or points of the compass are frequently enumerated as jive
(especially in the following text of the A.Y., 3, 24, 2 : — ‘ these five
regions; the five tribes sprung from Manu’); among which we
should have here to reckon as the fifth region the one lying in the
middle {dhruva dik, A.Y., 4, 14, 8; 18, 3, 34), that is, to regard
the Aryyas as the central point, and round about them the nations

of the four regions of the world According to the Yedic

usage, five cannot be regarded as designating an indefinite number.”

In the Yeda a strong line is drawn between the sacrificers

ably receive my oblation.” See Nirukta, iii, 8, and Roth’s illustrations, p. 28.
See also x, 55, 2, 3, where the phrases priydh pancha, and pancha ilevdh occur.

x, 60, 4. “ In whose worship Ikshvaku prospers, wealthy and victorious, like
the five tribes in the sky (diviva pancha krishiayah).

In iii. 20, 4, mention is made of the “ divine peoples” ( Icshitinam daivinam ;)
and in vi, 16, 9 (see above, p. 411), the words divo vUah, “ people of the sky,” occur.

In Atharva veda, xi, 2, 9, there is a fivefold divison of animals: — “Thy
(Rudra Pasupati's) five sorts of animals are thus divided, kine, horses, men
( purushuh ), goats, and sheep.”

or THE ARYYAN INDIANS.

425

( yajamana , devayu , &c), and the non-sacrificers ( avrata , apavrata ,
anya-vrata, adevayu , &c). Now, the descendants of Manu appear,
as we have seen, to be generally identified with the Aryyas, and
with the worshippers of Agni, Indra, &c. ; and the five tribes again
seem, very frequently at least, to represent the very same classes
of persons, and to be described as adherents of the same divinities.
It is therefore difficult to perceive the propriety of Roth’s conclu-
sion, that the words pancha jandh, pancha krishtayah, &c., as com-
monly employed in the hymns of the Rigweda, are mere general
designations for the whole of mankind. Unless these Jive tribes are
identified with the Aryyas, it is not easy to see what portion of
the inhabitants of India at least they can be held to designate, as
those inhabitants appear so distinctly to be divided into wor-
shippers and enemies of the gods, and it is scarcely conceivable
that persons not of Aryyan extraction, or, at least persons who
were not incorporated with the Aryyan tribes, should have been
recognised as members of the same religious community, and
sharers in the same institutions. Roth, indeed, speaks, in the
extract I have made from his lexicon, of a portion of the pancha
krishtayah as foreign nations living around the Aryyas ; but as we
have seen, many of the passages I have quoted above seem to
regard them as forming part of the Indian people. It may be,
however, that the term is sometimes used in a stricter sense of the
Aryyan tribes, and at other times extended to mankind in general.

The expression pancha-mdnavah occurs also in the Satapatha
Brahmana, 13, 5, 4, 14, in an old verse celebrating a sacrifice of
King Bharata.1 “Neither former nor later men of the five tribes
sprung from Manu have equalled this great ceremony of Bharata,
just as no mortal has reached the sky with his arms.” With the
phrase pancha-mdnavah. here employed, Weber (Indische Studien, i,
202) compares the expression pancha-janah , which, as he there
states, has been referred by Kuhn (in the Hall. Allg. Lit. Z., 184G,
p. 1086) to the five tribes pointed out by Roth (Lit. and Hist, of
the Veda, p. 131 f.) as existing in the Panjab. These five tribes,
the Anus, Druhyus, Purus, Turvasas, and Yadus, are mentioned in
several parts of the Rigveda. Of these names the Anus are ex-
plained by Roth in his dictionary (under the word) as, “ according
to the Nighautu, 2, 3, denoting men in general, but as being in
the Veda limited to the designation of remote peoples, strangers to
the Aryyans, and as only apparently (not really) signifying a par-
ticular race, when it is joined with other appellatives, such as
1 See above, p. 114, note.

426

ON MAN IT, THE PROGENITOR

Turvasa, Druhyu, & c., to distinguish more clearly the varieties of
nations and places.” In a later part of his work, however, Roth
speaks of Turvasa as being “ the name of an Aryyan tribal hero or
patriarch, and of the tribe itself, which is frequently mentioned in
the Rigveda, and appears to be nearly related to the family of
Kanva, and is commonly connected with Yadu.”

It seems, however, difficult to dissociate the Anus from the
Turvasas, and to suppose the one to have been Aryyan and the
other non- Aryyan. The five tribes in question appear to be closely
connected in the following verse : — ■

i, 108, 8. “ If, 0 Indra and Agni, ye are among the Yadus,
Turvasas, Druhyus, Anus, Purus, come hither, vigorous heroes,
from all quarters, and drink the soma which is poured forth.”

There is another word employed in the Rigveda to designate
some portion of mankind, viz., nahush. We have already met with
this term in a verse (x, 80, 6) quoted above, p. 409, where it is closely
connected with Manush, and the adjective derived from it occurs
in vi, 46, 7 (p. 422), where the tribes of Nahush rather appear to be
distinguished from the five tribes, whom we may suppose to be
those of Manush. This word Nahush, or its derivative, Ndhuslia,
is also to be found in the following texts: — i, 31, 11; v, 12, 6;
vi, 22, 10; vi, 26, 7; vii, 6, 5; ii, 95, 2; viii, 8, 3; viii, 46, 27;
ix, 101 ; x, 49, 8 ; x, 80, 6 ; x, 99, 7.

Roth (s. v.) regards the people designated by the word nahush as
denoting men generally, but with the special sense of stranger, or
neighbour, in opposition to members of the speaker’s own commu-
nity ; and he explains the words of x, 80, 6, referred to above
(p. 409), as signifying “ the sons of our own people, and of those
who surround us.”

If, however, the descendants of Manush in that passage are
understood as embracing all the Aryyas, and the descendants of
Nahush are separate from the latter, it would follow that Agni
was worshipped by tribes distinct from the Aryyas. The descend-
ants of Nahush, are, in fact, distinctly spoken of in x, 80, 6 (the pas-
sage just referred to), as worshippers of Agni ; in i, 31, 11, it is said,
“ The gods made thee, O Agni, the first man (ayu) to man (ayu),
and the prince (vispati) of Nahusha ; they made I la the instructress
of Manusha; and in vii, 95, 2, Sarasvatl is described as milking
forth butter and milk for the descendant of Nahush.

The descendants of Nahush can scarcely, therefore, have been
regarded by the Aryyas as aliens from their race and worship.

Waiving the question above raised, whether or not any races

OF THE ARYYAN INDIANS.

427

distinct from the Aryyas were included among the descendants of
Manu, there is no doubt that he was regarded as the progenitor of
the Aryyas at least. But it is not merely in the hymns of the
Yeda that we find proof of his being originally so regarded. In
the Satapatha Brahmana also, and in the Mahabharata, there is
evidence to the same effect in the legend of the Deluge, which
occurs in both these works. As this legend is given at length in
several publications,1 I need not introduce it here at length, but
will merely abstract its most important points. According to the
story in the Brahmana, a fish came to Manu,2 and asked to be pre-
served by being placed, first hi a jar, and then successively in a
trench and in the ocean, as it grew larger and larger. In return
it promised him deliverance from a flood which was to come upon
the earth, and sweep away all living creatures. Manu did as he
was desired, and when the flood came he embarked in a ship
which he had constructed, and fastened the cable to the horn of
the fish which swam near him. He was thus conducted over the
northern mountain, from which he descended as the waters abated.
Now “ the flood,” as the legend goes on to say, “ had carried away
all these creatures, and Manu alone was left here. Being desirous
of offspring,” he performed a religious rite, and in a year a female
was born, who called herself Manu’s daughter. In her company
he renewed his religious observances, and “ begot with her this race
which is called the offspring of Manu.” This testimony to Manu
being regarded as the progenitor of the Aryyau Indians is suffi-
ciently clear.

In the same way it is related in the Mahabharata (Yana-parva,
vv. 12746 — 12802) that when Manu Vaivaswata was performing-
austerity, a fish came and claimed his protection ; and was, in con-
sequence, placed by him in a jar, in a pond, in the river Ganges,
and in the sea successively, as it grew larger and larger. When
thrown into the sea, the fish announced to Manu the approaching
deluge, and desired him to have a ship constructed in which he
should embark, taking with him the seven rishis, and all the seeds
as formerly described by Brahmans, separately preserved. Manu
did as he was enjoined; taking all the seeds he embarked in the
ship, and meditated on the fish, which arrived, and after the ship’s

1 Weber’s Indische Studien, i, 163 ff; Muller's History of Ancient Sanskrit
Literature, pp 425 ff; my Sanskrit Texts, ii. 325 ff.

2 In this passage Manu receives no title. In Book xiii, 4, 3, 3, of the same
Brahmana, however, a King Manu Vaivaswata is spoken of, of whom men are the
subjects.

428

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR

cable had been attached to its horn, it drew the vessel for many
years over the ocean, and brought it to the highest peak of the
Himalaya. The rishis there fastened the ship according to the
command of the fish, who then revealed himself to them as Brahma
Prajiipati; and enjoined that “all beings, gods, asuras, men, and
all worlds, including things moveable and immoveable, should be
created by Manu.” Manu accordingly, after performing rigorous
austerity, began to create all beings.

Though Manu is here represented not as the progenitor of men,
but as the creator of all beings, the legend even in this form cor-
roborates the supposition that he was originally regarded as the
ancestor of the Aryyan Indians. The story, as contained in the
Mahabharata, includes some details which do not occur in the
version given in the Satapatha Brahmana, and which brings the
account into closer accordance with the Semitic form of the legend,
as preserved in the book of Genesis. These details are: 1st. That
Manu was accompanied by the seven rishis, who made up with
himself eight persons, — the same number as Noah, with his wife,
and his three sons and their three wives. 2nd. That Manu took
with him all the seeds, just as Noah is said to have taken pairs
of different animals with him into the ark. In another respect,
viz., in describing Manu as having offered sacrifice immediately
after his deliverance from the deluge, the Brahmana coincides more
nearly than the Mahabharata with Genesis viii, 20 ; where Noah is
also represented as having offered burnt offerings. The only
feature of the story in the Mahabharata, which answers at all to
the sacrifice, is the austerity which Manu is said to have performed
before he began to create.

Although the particulars to which I have alluded (regarding the
seven rishis and the seeds) are omitted in the Satapatha Brahmana,
it does not necessarily follow that these details were invented by
the author of the account given in the Mahabharata. It is, no
doubt, true, that in most instances the transformations which we
find the older legends to have undergone in the Mahabharata and
Puranas, are entirely due to the imagination of the later writers ;
but this need not have been always the case; and it is, therefore,
quite possible that the particulars to which I refer may have been
borrowed by the writer in the Mahabharata from some other more
ancient work now no longer extant.1 It is noticeable that no

1 I find that the same idea has occurred independently to M. Pictet, whose
observations on this subject (Origiues Indo-Europeennes, ii, 616) I had not read
when the remarks in the text were written.

OF THE ARYYAN INDIANS.

429

subsequent mention is made in the sequel of the story of Manu
having made any use of the seeds which he took with him for the
purpose of aiding him in the restoration of the world which had
been destroyed by the deluge.1

But was it the Aryyan Indians only who looked upon Manu, or
Manush, as the progenitor of their race, or was this belief shared
by the other branches of the Indo-Germanic race? On this subject
Professor Roth observes (Journal of the German Oriental Society,
vol. iv, p. 430) : — “ But Manu, ‘ the intelligent,’ or ‘ the man ’ abso-
lutely, is the prototype of men endowed with reason. In the Yeda
he is frequently called ‘ father Manu,’ but without the more par-
ticular features of a mythical personification, for he is without
lineage, attributes, &c. He represents the intelligent man, who
understands how to order himself upon earth, and especially how
to place himself in the proper relation to the gods; he kindles the
fire of the altar : knows how to obtain celestial means of healing ;
and is able to bequeath benefits of this description to his descend-
ants. The absence of the word in Zend, not merely as a proper
name, but also as a designation of man, leads us to conclude that
Manu is not a creation common to both the Aryyan races (i. e., the
Persians and the Indians) in this primeval period, but a more
recent Indian creation.”

In his Indische Studien, however (see vol. i, 194 ff.), Prof.
Weber expresses a different opinion. After referring to Burnouf’s
discussion (in the preface to the third volume of his Bhagavata
Pur.) of the sense of the word Manu in the Rigveda, he goes on to
remark that that author “ goes too far when he asserts that Manu
had not then yet become a proper name, since comparative my-
thology will scarcely consent to separate King Manu from King
Minos (not to adduce anything- further) ; the representation which
lies at the foundation of both personag-es must rather have been
formed before the separation of the Indo-Germanic races.” 2

1 In a note to a passage which I have quoted above, p. 407, from the Rigveda, ii,
33, 13, where Manu is said to have “chosen certain remedies,” Prof. Wilson
remarks : “ This alludes, no doubt, to the vegetable seeds which Manu, according
to the Mahabharata, was directed to take with him into the vessel in which he
was preserved at the time of the deluge ; the allusion is the more worthy of
notice, that this particular incident is not mentioned in the narrative that is
given of the event in the Satapatha Brahmana.” See also the introduction to
the same volume, p. x. The commentator, however, is silent as to any refer-
ence being made in this passage to the seeds taken by Manu into the ship ;
which, besides, are said to have been “ all the seeds, as declared before by the
Brahmans.”

2 Weber goes on (p. 195) to quote two texts of the White Yajur-veda, where

vol. xx. 2 G

430

ON MANU, THE PROGENITOR, ETC.

In the same passage Weber refers to various other texts relat-
ing to Mann, and among others to the following : —

S. P. Br., i, 1, 4, 14 ff. (p. 9 of Weber’s ed.) “ Manu had a bull,
in which resided a voice which destroyed Asuras and enemies.
From its snorting and roaring- the Asuras and Raxasas were being
destroyed. The Asuras said, ‘ This bull, alas ! is doing us evil ; how
can we destroy it ?’ Kilata and Akuli were the priests of the
Asuras. They said, ‘ Manu is full of faith ( sraddha-devah= ■
sraddhaiva devo yasya sa sraddha-devah sraddhaluh. Comm.); let us
know (try) hiih.’ They came and said, ‘ Manu, let us sacrifice for
thee.’ ‘ With what offering0?’ asked Manu. ‘ With this bull,’ they
answered. He answered, ‘ So be it.’ The voice issued forth from
the bull when it was sacrificed, and entered into Manavi, Manu’s
own wife. Wherever they heard her speaking, the Asuras and
Raxasas were destroyed. The Asuras said, ‘ It brings us now still
greater evil, for the human voice speaks more.’ Kilata and Akuli
said, ‘ Manu is full of faith, let us know (try) him.’ They came
and said, ‘Manu, let us sacrifice for thee.’ ‘ With what offering?’
inquired Manu. ‘ With this, thy wife,’ they replied. ‘ So be it,’
he answered. The voice issued forth from her when sacrificed, and
entered into the sacrifice and sacrificial vessels. The two Asura
priests could not drive it (the voice) out thence; it is it which
sounds, destroying Asuras,” &C.1

It has been remarked by various authors (as Kuhn, Zeitschrift,
iv, 94 f.), that in analogy with Manu, or Manush, as the father of
mankind, or of the Aryyas, German mythology recognises Mannus
as the ancestor of the Teutons. Tacitus says, Germania, 2. Cele-
brant carminibus antiquis Tuisconem deum terra editum, et filium
Mnnnum, originem gentis conditoresque. Manno tres filios ad-
sign ant, «fec.

The English “man,” and the German “ Mann,” appear also to be
akin to the word manu , and the German “ Mensch ” presents a
close resemblance to manush.

he considers that Manu must be treated as a proper name, viz., xi, 66, “ Hail to
the Prajapati Manu;” and 37, 12, “ Thou art Manu’s mare on which last text
the Satapatha Bralimana adduces a myth in the following words, “ This (earth)
became a mare, and carried Manu.”

1 Translated by Weber in the Journal of the German Or. Society, vol. 4,
p. 302, who remarks in a note that this bull of Manu is compared by Dr. Kuhn
to the Greek Minotaur ; but that though the resemblance is at first sight mani-
fest, considerable difficulties arise when the two stories are compared more in
detail. See Kuhn’s Zeitschrift fur Vergl. Sprachf.. iv, 91 ff.

431

Art. XIX. — On a Neo-Syriac Language, still spoken in the
Anti-Lebanon. By The Rev. Jules Ferrette, Missionary
at Damascus.

[Read \th May, 1863.]

In the spring of 1861 I passed through the town of Ma’lula, on my
way from Ba’labakk (Baalbek) to Damascus. Ma’lula is one of the
most curious towns not only in Syria, but in the world. It hangs
in an apparently unsafe manner on the side of a perpendicular rock
of veiy great height. The houses are partly excavated from the
rock, and partly built upon one another. The streets are so steep
that men have to walk on all fours and mules on two legs. The dogs,
which in other eastern cities manage their affairs among them-
selves without belonging to any master, or seeming to notice any
passer by, are here of an exceptional temper. They bark at tra-
vellers, and especially at the skirts of European coats, in a most
threatening manner, so that one has to look after his legs, beside
trying to keep his equilibrium. Ma’lula is full of antiquities, the
study of which would abundantly repay the sojourn of an antiquarian
for a whole summer. They consist chiefly of innumerable caves
and tombs cut in the rock, wondrous carved figures of priests and
kings, &c. The top of the mountain is a plateau, fertilized by
a very large stream, the waters of which, divided into two
mig'hty torrents, encircle the town, and loose themselves in a
thousand rivulets under the walnut, mulberry, and pomegranate
trees of the oasis below. On one side of the village is the famous
convent of St. Thecla, inhabited by bons-vivants, monks of the
Greek orthodox denomination, whose only business is to work
miraculous healings of sick pilgrims, and to supply with cordial
hospitality, and streams of the generous wine of the locality, any
traveller who may repair to them, whatever his creed. Contrary to
my custom, I was not their guest this time, but pitched my tent at
the foot of the monastery, under a large tree near the mill. As soon
as the news of my arrival was spread, the whole town came down
to look at the traveller. Men and women, boys and girls, priests
and monks, all sat around, to the unspeakable annoyance of my
servants and soldiers, but to my great satisfaction, for I was glad
to talk of the Gospel with these simple mountaineers. I had also

2 G 2

432

ON A NEO-SYRIAC LANGUAGE.

long been looking for an opportunity of having some idea of
the Syriac dialect still spoken in Ma’lula and in two neighbouring
villages, while it has disappeared, as a vernacular language, from
the rest of Syria. I, therefore, took a pencil, sat on my carpet in
the door of my tent, and without other formality proceeded to
make a little Syriac vocabulary by naming divers objects in Arabic
which they all know, requesting them to translate each word into
their own dialect, and writing the answer on the red cover of an
Arabic catechism, of which I had already distributed some scores
of copies among them. I give this glossary in its unpretending
form, as I was able to get it from those villagers, with whom I had
only one night to spend.

« p - * * 7 \ 0 7 \ 7 7 7

poll I'r&w U-&C2 pALo iZ^a^GD fo»>

sultan flower staff belly herb king tunic head

*»* 0 7 i *n i o 0 _ 7 p

fo>> I’ACO foxu.fo> fo") foaAik) i&lo

road ass barley church hand horse teacher town

"A Y y Y 7 Y Y

IAaSorSd Isou fo’^ fort on ]ioZ fo»A fol» foiifSD

apricot

morning

river war roof

fop foiki» foU

evening day night

IkbL

field

eye heaven altar

1 . Vp |jQJ ]<*> ■ ro

water light sword

In the above words the pronunciation of Ma’lula is simply
Syriac, but has a striking peculiarity. It is known that in Hebrew
the long T is pronounced a by the Spanish and Italian Jews, as
well as by the translators of the Septuagint and the Vulgate,
whereas the Polish and German Jews pronounce it o. The vowel ",
the Syriac correspondent of the Hebrew long T, is pronounced a by
the Nestorians, and o by the Jacobites and Maronites. In Ma’lula
both pronunciations are used by the same person in different words,
and by different persons in the same word. No sooner was a word
given to me in the one pronunciation, than some other person
present pronounced it in the other manner, except in a few words
in which all seemed to be agreed.

In the following words some of the Syriac letters are pro-
nounced by the Ma’lulans in such a peculiar and unexpected
manner, that I have thought it necessary to exhibit the pronuncia-
tion by means of the Arabic alphabet, supplemented by the two
Persian letters < — > and — .

ON A NEO-SYRIAC LANGUAGE.

433

til

lAmipSo

1,!\

U^?

~|As.om

blLl

\e\jS

UUj

!/**

Uj j

UlxS-

Uo~j

wheat

arm

school

foot

walnut

beard

stone

finger

til

lAljrlO

IAajQ

)uA

UUa.

Ujo

” V

UUl

door

mouth

nose

city

book

house

mule

dog

tii

Uij

•ft

u;u

7 7

KjU-

uGj

Is- ,U>

lli

wall

sheep

tongue

goat

house

tooth

tree

battle

I then requested them to translate for me the Lord’s prayer into
Ma’lulan Syriac; but a universal outcry was raised from every side
as to the exorbitant nature of my demand. Some of the priests
affirmed, ex cathedra , that not only had the Lord’s prayer never
been uttered in modern Syriac, but that to translate it would be a
mere impossibility. All the competent scholars of the town gave
peremptorily then- assent to this declaration, but I was not so easily
satisfied. They had therefore to submit, and I obtained, not with-
out trouble, the following result, with which I also give the figured
pronunciation and an interlineary version : —

Oy . 7 o 0 * 7 7 I . 0 -R 7 X

. yl qASD GLA „,S rcZ\j . ***JOO|

. tuum-regnum sibi veniat, tuum-nomen sanctificetur, coelo-in noster-Pater

-titi

. terra-in

A .(

. die-in

0 0 T\

^ \

aut coelo-in

) Con .

)

( )

0 x

GU3

sicut tua-

-voluntas

ea-cum

Yeni

tiol 'Q

Lc-s^

ti\

die omni

panem

nobis

434

ON A NEO-SYRIAC LANGUAGE.

7 7

x 0

-h y?x7

. IAju ^

✓ ✓

. onis fiho nos dimittentes sicut nostrum-peccatum nobis dimitte

•n is

♦ ♦

P 1 7

lr*r»

7 T\ 7 £ p "Tk 7

^JL^3 . lAo-^Ao

Uj*

J^0

W X

iff •

. Amen.

malo omni-ab nos libera, tentationes-in nos-inducas ne

I regret that this translation is not more adequate, but it is all
I could get. My principal object was not so much to have a per-
fect Neo-Syriac version from the original Greek, as to have an intel-
ligible and authentic specimen of the Ma’lulan dialect. When I saw
it impossible for me to get from them what I wished, I feared, if I
insisted more, that I should get some apociyphal words forged for
the purpose of pleasing me. I, therefore, took what they gave,
and brought the effort to a close.

This translation of the Lord’s prayer exhibits leading features
of the declension, the conjugation, and the use of affixes. But how
great would have been my pleasure had I been able to get the
whole conjugation of one verb or two. In this attempt I was very
imperfectly successful. Notwithstanding all my entreaties here is
the preterite, which was forced upon me, and which in some
persons looks like that Syriac present which is formed of the par-
ticiple and pronoun.

Ipse occidit .
Tu occidisti .
Ego occidi

. JJi*!

• JZ **

ii' <2

Ipsi occiderunt
Yos occidistis

001 3 |
aS>4q Ajoi 2 l
^1 1

Vx&O .01 3

,C>Z ^^£>£3 <oAjO! 2 \

vM.J 1

t-i

Nos occidimus

ON A NEO-SYRIAC LANGUAGE.

43 5

The conjugation of the verb is interesting on account of

the wonderful changes of pronunciation in the letters A ZiD

Preterite.

.La'

Ipse scripsit .

Tu scripsisti .

Ego scripsi

Ipsi scripserunt

Vos, serf- . si, ’ . T

bentes-vos

\i\

Nos, scri-
bentes-nos

Imperative.

p p

cdAdI

Active Participle.

Scribens

• Ias-K teAa m.

Scribens

• }AqAo /.

Scribentes

UUa=1k lAaAa /.

Passive Participle.

Scriptus

. UjJLA- IcuAo

■Sing.

Plur.

T\ v

OOl 3

AsAo AjI 2

^LoLo W ]

«£>Ao] ^01 3

Kol ,-s.CiZ'O .oAj) 2

^aOAs vMj} 1

' 3

When I asked for the future, I was told that there existed none,
and that the preterite was used instead of it. This is a manifest
contradiction to what we see in the Lord’s prayer, where futures
are used, and that not only in verbs of almost Arabic forms, but
also in a perfectly Syriac verb as

The imperative, as far as I was able to ascertain, undergoes no
alteration in the feminine or plural.

436

ON A NEO-SYRIAC LANGUAGE.

The passive participle is jL^uAs, pronounced UjJLa.- It is
strange that the form which should, according to analogy, have
been that of the masculine plural of the passive participle should
have been given to me by the natives as that of the active

participle of the same gender and number.

- 0 0

I could g'et no participles from but was told that

means a murder, and a battle.

I have given all that I was able to gather in a few hours so-
journ. Incomplete as information so hastily gathered must neces-
sarily be, I thought it was not to be neglected. In the defect of
other information it will be better than nothing ; but I rather hope
that it may excite others, if not myself, to make a fuller study of
an interesting’ dialect, which, pressed as it is on every side by the
Arabic, is likely very soon to disappear.

It is very remarkable that the only three villages of Syria in
which the Syriac is still vernacular, though in a corrupt form, do
not belong to the Syriac Church. Some are Muhammedans, and
some Christians of either the Greek Orthodox or Greek Catholic
denominations, both of which have’ their liturgies in Arabic.

437

Art. XX. — On the Bodily Proportions of Buddhist Idols
in Tibet. By Emil Schlagintweit, LL.D.

[ Read 15 th June , 1863.]

We learn from the ancient legends, that in the very earliest
periods of Buddhism relics and images of Buddha were highly
honoured. The religious works recommend their worship, as also
that of the monuments in which the relics are deposited ; and we
find it mentioned that the images sent to royal personages at their
desire were previously inscribed with the sacred dogma, “ Ye
Dharma,” &c., and similar formulas, in order to make those person-
ages acquainted with the Bhuddist doctrines.1 Such were the first
objects of worship. In the seventh century a.d., however, this
adoration and worship had already been considerably increased ;
for Thien Thsang, the Chinese pilgrim, mentions, that all the
principal disciples of Sakyamuni were then addressed, as also the
Bodhisattwas who had excelled in virtue and the sciences, as
Manjusrf. “ The Mahayana schools,” he says, “ have adored even
all Bodhisattwas without any further distinction.”

Modern Buddhism goes much further still. Besides the things
and persons just mentioned, it worships the mythological Buddhas
and Bodhisattwas preceding Sakyamuni, as well as those who will
follow him ; also a host of gods, spirits, and deified priests enjoy-
ing a local reputation for sanctity. It has further made, in order
to facilitate the adoration of its many deities, representations of
them in prodigious quantities. Copies are met with everywhere ;
not a temple but contains numbers of them ; and they are also set
up in private houses and in the open air.

An analysis of the bodily proportions of these representations,
showing well-defined features belonging to two groups decidedly
differing from each other, will be the object of the following pages.
The difference between the plastic forms of the Buddhas and
Bodhisattwas on the one hand, and those of Dragsheds, Genii, and
Lamas on the other, has not yet been, as far as I know, examined
by measurements, though in Tibet the forms are more worthy our
attention, from the fact that the country is inhabited by a race of

1 Burnouf, “Introduction,” pp. 337-51. Sykes, “Miniature Chaityas and
Inscriptions of the Buddhist religious dogma.” Jour. R. As. Soc., vol. xvi,
p. 37.

438

ON THE BODILY PROPORTIONS OF

men widely differing in form and customs from the Indian races,
among whom the Buddhist faith originated.1

My brothers had made it a particular object of their ethno-
graphical researches, to take facial casts, moulded by a mechanical
process from the living subjects ;2 and also to define, by minute
measurements of the different parts of the head and body,
the general bodily proportions of the various tribes. They were
also allowed to take measurements of the statues of the Buddhas
and of other pieces of sculpture representing divinities set up in the
temples. These materials have proved a very welcome fund to
me, as they have, taken together with analyses of images and the
examination of the Buddhistical speculations respecting the ex-
ternal appearance of their royal founder, given me the opportunity
of entering into a discussion of the ethnological characteristics of
the various classes of deities represented.3

The artistic representations in human form of divinities, and the
figures of heroes, we find to be, in every nation, the reproduction of
its own peculiar type of features, unless history somewhat modifies
this otherwise natural course. Instances of this latter case are,
however, much less frequent than we might anticipate. The prin-
cipal causes why history has not a greater influence on the adop-
tion and employment by art of foreign types are, it may be sup-
posed, the following: — Firstly, the employment of images of a
foreign type can be but temporary ; for, the peculiar bodily propor-
tions of a people being constantly before the eyes of these artists,
they are soon taken as the leading models. And secondly, the bodily
proportions have shown but little variety for periods of unexpected
length. Did not the type of a nation remain, indeed, comparatively
unchanged during a long period of time, the retention or not of
foreign elements in art could not be judged of at all. As a

1 I here limit myself to an analysis of the human forms, referring, for varieties
in attitude, dress, and emblems, to chapter xiv of my volume on Buddhism,
entitled, “ Buddhism in Tibet, illustrated by Literary Documents and Objects
of Worship.”

2 The entire series of 275 facial casts (published in a metallic edition by
F. A. Barth, Leipzig, and Triibner, London) are to be seen in the India Museum,
London, and in various other Museums. In this reproduction four principal
shadings are distinguished, corresponding to the variations of complexion.

3 The ethnographical materials collected by my brothers during their travels
will be the object of vol. viii of the “ Results of a Scientific Mission to India and
High Asia.” Such of the numeric values as were wanted here for comparing the
measurements of the sculptures with the mean proportions of the Brahmans (the
purest caste of the Hindus), and of individuals of the Tibetan race, have been
calculated for the purpose at once.

BUDDHIST IDOLS IN TIBET.

439

peculiarly striking instance of the constancy of national type, I
mention the results obtained from the inspection and comparison of
works of Egyptian sculpture.1 They show, although somewhat
disguised under the monumental form, the features of the present
inhabitants of those regions, as well as of the various neighbouring
nations with whom their ancestors had come in contact.

A tendency to adopt in religious images the figure peculiar to
the artist’s own nation, is observed wherever foreign images have
been introduced together with foreign worship. The images dis-
play the characteristics of the nation now executing them; the
proportions of the body and the features may become somewhat
idealized.2 Garments, however, ornaments, arms, and the like,
remain recognizable as of foreign origin.

But it is a peculiarity of the religious representations of Tibetan
Buddhism, that they display two well-defined co-existing types ,
the one showing the Tibetan features, the other having retained
the marks of Indian origin. To an eye practised in the examina-
tion of minor features in ethnography, the respective geographical
origins of the two prototypes present themselves distinctly enough;
and even intelligent natives, on their attention being directed to
the leading characteristics, soon learn how to distinguish the types.
Nevertheless, great precaution is necessary iu touching on so
delicate a consideration. Questions of ideal modifications have to
be discussed and settled here, as in nearly every analysis of artistic

1 As the principal works which treat of these interesting and delicate ques-
tions, I quote “Types of Mankind,” and “Indigenous Kaces,” by Nott and
Gliddon. As another phenomenon in corroboration of the comparative invari-
ability of the original type, may be quoted the Jewish colonies in India, whose
members have preserved the Semitic features, and even the fair complexion,
wherever they have abstained from intermarriages with natives ; but have become
assimilated in form to the natives where intermixture with them has taken place.

2 As a curious and till now isolated instance cf an apparent deviation in
sculpture from the natural proportions, I may here mention that my brother
Hermann observed in the Niniveh sculptures that the foot was considerably
longer than the ulna; whilst arbitrary deviations in this respect from nature in
sculpture most generally show the opposite error. It must be added, however,
that as yet it appears impossible to decide whether this deviation is based upon
a real anatomical feature or not, as no human remains from these countries, nor
portraits of the Ninivites by other nations which would corroborate it, are to be
seen even in the rich oriental museums of London. Perhaps the continued
researches and important discoveries in these regions made by Sir Henry
Eawlinson, to whom my brother had occasion to communicate his remark, will
one day assist in deciding the question. Foreign nations figured as prisoners by
the artists of Niniveh have not these exceptional proportions; this decidedly
increases their importance wherever we meet with them.

440

ON THE BODILY PROPORTIONS OF

works, before one enters upon a comparison of positive data. And
this, probably, has been the obstacle to the explanation of forms at
first sight appearing altogether unusual, as well as arbitrary.1

The Bhot race, belonging to the Turanian family, has been so
often described in detail that I shall confin ■ myself, in my remarks
on this people, to what is absolutely necessary. The Bhots are
characterised by broad features, prominent cheekbones, and oblique
eyelids, the orbits and eyeballs, however, being unaffected thereby.
I may add as other features less striking, perhaps, but not less
typical, that in the Bhot race the ear is comparatively longer, the
mouth broader, and the lower jaw, with the chin, decidedly weaker.
Now in all the representations of the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas,
we meet, on the contrary, with features reminding us of the type
of the Indian races of Aryan origin — the high and open forehead,
with a broad, symmetrical, and prominent elfin. My analytical
remarks in reference to the measurements given will also prove
that the body, too, of the Buddhas presents many other not acci-
dental analogies with the bodily proportions of the Aryan family of
mankind. Dragsheds, Genii, and Lamas, on the contrary, show
the Tibetan character.

Before entering into details, I wish to say a few words on the
numbers laid down in the following tables. In order to facilitate
an immediate comparison, these numbers are made to represent
only proportional values. The absolute dimensions were referred,
by division by the total height, to that total height here taken as
unit ; and they can be re-obtained at once by multiplying the
respective numbers by the total height, which before was used as a
divisor. Its mean value for the Brahmans measured is 5 feet
6 inches (English); for the Bhots, 5 feet 4 inches. For the statues
the absolute values are of much less importance. It is here par-
ticularly necessary to keep in view that objects of coarse work-
manship and of very small dimensions were avoided, as such
things could not be considered as presenting a fair average. As
an approximate mean value of absolute height I may name 3 to
4 feet for Group C, and 2 to 3 feet for Group D. Group C includes,
besides, two statues from Burmah, exceeding 10 feet in height,2

1 I limit myself here almost exclusively to Tibetan Buddhism. China,
Japan, and Ceylon, as also the Indian Archipelago, have gods of their own; and
these latter show, as was to he expected, types differing from those of the Tibetan
representations.

2 Sculptured figures of Buddha of enormous dimensions are not rare either
in Burmah or Tibet. An album of ninety-six photographs by Colonel Trype, of

BUDDHIST IDOLS IN TIBET.

441

which were presented to my brother Hermann by Dr. Mouat, who
obtained them when accompanying the army in the expedition
ag'ainst Rangoon. The measurements of these two statues were
only taken into calculation because a careful comparison with
figures of Buddha measured in Tibet have proved them to have
almost identical proportions ; and they have, besides, the advantage
of furnishing, by them size, definite values.

The first and second columns of the tables contain the means of
different measurements of the humau figure. The Brahman dimen-
-sions are based upon five high-caste individuals of perfectly pure
race; the Bhot upon twenty-seven, limited also to persons of pure
(Tibetan) type, although they include natives of the tract of
country extending from the Eastern Himalaya to Western Tibet.
The third column of the tables shows the mean measurements of
plastic representations, partly also of pictorial ones, the latter
being of Buddhas and Bodhisattwas. The fourth column gives the
same for Dragsheds, Genii, and Lamas.

The number of measurements taken from living individuals was
limited to such parts of the body as by a varied and most detailed
examination had been found to be characteristic.1 In the present
comparison with statues, such parts of the body had to be excluded
which cannot be well defined in clothed or draped sculptures.

In reference to the terminology used in the dimensions, a few
words of explanation will be sufficient.

By vertex is to be understood the place of junction of the
principal cranial bones at the crown of the head, coinciding with
the whorl of the hair.

The antero-posterior diameter is the line connecting the central
part of the forehead with the line of junction of the head with the
nape of the neck.

The distances from the crown of the head to the trochanter,

which the Madras Government ordered several copies for official distribution,
contains numerous instances of such figures varying from 20 to 40 feet in height.
They are sometimes in a sitting, sometimes in a standing attitude. In Tibet my
brothers saw an unusually large figure in the temple at Leh. The statue repre-
sents Buddha in meditation (in a sitting attitude), and is a little larger than the
temple itself, a part of the head going through a hole in the roof into the open
air. rIhe composition of this statue is not less curious than its dimensions; the
body and legs are formed by a framework of wood, draped with doth and paper,
while the head, arms, and feet are the only parts moulded in clay.

1 For the anatomical definition of the parts measured, and for the instruments
employed, see Hermann de Schlagintweit's Memoir in Bar and Wagner, “Bericht
fiber die authropologische Yersammlung in Gottingen,” 1861.

442

ON THE BODILY PROPORTIONS OF

and from the trochanter to the ground, give together the total
height of the man. The trochanter is the prominent part of the
thigh-bone near its upper end at the hip-joint.

The total span is the distance from the tip of one middle finger
to that of the other, the arms being stretched out to their full
length in a horizontal position. In statues the total span had to be
obtained by adding the length of hands and arms to the breadth of
the torso at the shoulders.

The ulna is one of the two bones of the fore-arm; its ends
are marked by the elbow and the prominence of the wrist-joint
on the side of the little finger.

It is evident that in comparing relative values, the amount of
difference has not the same importance for all the parts measured.
For, if the object in itself is already diminutive, a small difference
is in such a case of the same value as a much larger one in others.

1. DIMENSIONS OF THE HEAD.
(Total height of the body=l.)

Objects measured.

Brahmans.

Bhots.

Buddhas,

Bodhisattwas.

Dragsheds,
Genii, Lamas.

Periphery round the forehead

0-322

0-345

0 -350

0-420

f orbital margin

0-103

0111

0110

0 131

base of the nose

0-126 .

0 131

0 140

0-150

mouth

0 -133

0 -140

0 -150

0-152

tU LUC

chin . .

0-145

0-149

0-166

0-160

Diameter at the temples . .

0 078

0 083

0 088

0-100

Diameter, antero-posterior

0-105

0-114

0-130

Eyes, distance of exterior corners. .

0 055

0 -065

0 071

0 -087

„ interior do.

0 021

0-022

0-023

0 030

„ length of the eye

0 017

0 022

0-024

0 029

Malar, or cheek bones, breadth . .

0-064

0 -078

0 081

0 090

Nose, breadth

0 -022

0 023

0 025

0-029

„ length

0 029

0 033

0-035

0 033

Ear, length .

* *

0 035

0 040

0-110

0 070

The numbers in the table show that all the dimensions of the
head are greater in both groups of the figures than in the groups
of the living beings. The figures have, in general, the head much
too large in proportion to their height ; but the deviations are not
the same in each group. The most arbitrary form is that of the
ear ; thus, by the lobe of the ear being- perforated for the reception
of ornaments, and its being extended to an unusual length, it some-
times reaches down to the shoulders. The eyes, too, are extremely

BUDDHIST IDOLS IN TIBET.

443

large, and have in both groups a decided, though unequally strong,
Bhotian type. They show the outer angles raised, the horizontal
axis inclined, and a great length. The effect of these dimensions
becomes still more striking by the eyes being very often only
partly open. The periphery round the forehead, the diameter at
the temples, and particularly the antero-posterior diameter, are
much less increased in the Buddha figures, Group C, than in those
of the Dragsheds and Lamas, Group D. The parts least differing
in the different types are the mouth, the cheek bones, and the
breadth of the nose between the eyes, as well as at its base.
Group D has these latter, however, a little larger.

On examining the general character of the head in the respective
groups, we find in Group C the vertical length of the head com-
paratively greater, and the head itself of a more oval form.
Group D has the head horizontally elongated— a form characteristic
also of the Bhot race, Group B ; in both these the forehead is low,
and the jaw-bone weak. The distance from the vertex to the
orbital margin, and to the base of the nose, is greater in Group D
than in Group C ; the distance from the vertex to the chin, on the
contrary, is considerably less in Group D ; it exceeds the distance
to the mouth by 0-016 in Group C, and only by 0008 in Group D.
The pure Brahman type, A, has the respective difference 0-012.

2. DIMENSIONS OF THE BODY.

Objects measured.

Brahmans.

Bhots.

Buddhas,

Bodhisattwas.

Dragsheds,
Genii, Lamas.

Total height

1-000

1 -ooo

1-000

Crown of the head to trochanter . .

0 -446

0 -449

0-430

0-410

Trochanter to ground

0-554

0-551

0-570

0-590

Total span of extended arms

1-025

1-069

1 -080

1 -117

Length of arm

0 -433

0 -451

0 -449

0-430

„ ulna

0 165

0 -164

0 149

0-155

„ hand

0 -107

0-110

0-111

Foot, length

0 144

0-145

0-140

0-144

„ breadth

0 057

0-058

0 050

0 -051

In reference to the dimensions of the body we see, as a pecu-
liarity of the figures, that the upper part of the body is too short.
I found this to be more frequently the case with comparatively
small figures than with larger ones. The total span of the ex-
tended arms is too large ; less on account of a disproportionate

444

ON BUDDHIST IDOLS IN TIBET.

dimension of the arms — which in Group D have even a tendency to
be below the average — than on account of a great and somewhat
exaggerated breadth of the chest. The difference in, the length
of the arms, and the greater shortness of the upper part of the
body, may be considered as the principal distinctive marks for the
two classes in reference to the body ; the following deviations
from nature are nearly the same for both classes of images. The
fore-arm is decidedly too short. The hand, when well executed,
differs but very little ; but in badly executed figures it is occasion-
ally a little too long. The foot is tolerably well proportioned both
in length and breadth, though in small figures its dimensions fre-
quently exceed the mean proportion, particularly as regards the
length ; but these must be considered arbitrary, as dimensions
below the average are scarcely less frequent in larg-e-sized figures.

Details concerning the conventional or canonical costume of
these statues, the objects which they hold in their hands, &c.,
might be added in great variety, and could easily be shown to
corroborate the distinctions I have endeavoured to establish here
by their bodily proportions ; it will be sufficient, however, to refer
the reader to the various and important researches published at
various times in the volumes of the Society’s Transactions and
Journal.

445

Art. XXI. — On the Inscription of Khammurabi. By H. F.
Talbot, Esq.

The first portion of the volume of Cuneiform Inscriptions, recently
published by the British Museum, contains an important series
of legends of the early Babylonian kings. These are written in
the Proto-Chaldajan language, which as yet is little understood.
I therefore heard with great interest that the Paris Museum pos-
sesses an inscription of one of these kings, Khammurabi, -written
in the Babylonian language, and that Messrs. Oppert and Menant
had presented a copy of it, together with a translation, to the
British Museum. The accession of so ingenious a scholar as M.
Menant to the small band of Assyrian interpreters, is a subject of
much congratulation, and in this instance he has certainly pre-
sented the world of letters with a valuable gift. I am indebted to
my friend, W. H. Coxe, Esq., of the British Museum, for an accu-
rate copy of this important document, and from it I have made
the translation which I now beg leave to offer to the Society. It
will be seen, that though agreeing with M. Menant in many
things, I differ from him considerably in some parts of the second
column.

The language of this inscription is by no means so archaic as I
expected to find it. In fact, except in greater simplicity of style,
and shortness of lines, I do not see that it much differs from the
language of Nebuchadnezzar's time. How far then must we
recede into antiquity in order to find the beginning's of this Semitic
tongue? Tiglath Pileser, in 1120 b.c., uses substantially the same
language as Sennacherib and Sargon, and he seems to have been
able to read the inscriptions of Ishmi-Dagon and others who lived
at least 641 years before him.

1. Khammurabi

2. sar danu . .

3. sar Babilu

4. sar mustisimi

5. kibrati arba im

Colujix I.

Khammurabi
the great king
the King of Babylon
the king who wears the crown of
the nations of the four quarters of the
world
2 H

VOL. XX.

446

ON THE INSCRIPTION OF KHAMMTJRABf.

6. kasit saniti . .

7. Marduk :

8. ship mutib . .

9. libbi-su anaku

. . the conqueror of the enemies
. . of Marduk :

. . the Monarch closely united
. . to his heart, I am he.

Observations.

Mustisimi. This participle seems to be another conjugation of
rrmsim or musimmu, crowning, or crowned: which comes from sima
or simat, a crown.

Im, heaven : the sky. A rba im, the four quarters of the sky,
the four cardinal points : an expression equivalent to “ the whole
world.”

Kasit, conqueror : occurs frequently.

Saniti, enemies : from Ileb. to hate.

We find in other inscriptions ir saniti, the enemy’s city.

Observe that Marduk is named in line 7 as the chief object of
Babylonian worship in this king’s reign. And so he continued to
be for many centuries.

Ship. It is doubtful how this word was pronounced. It is a
compound symbol formed of the syllables pa. lu. joined together.
But as this was pronounced ship in the name of the city Borshippa
or Borsippa, and elsewhere, I have adopted provisionally that pro-
nunciation.

It. also clearly denotes “a king ” in the Proto-Chaldsean inscrip-
tions.

In the great inscription of Nabonidus, col. Ill, he refers to
ancient inscriptions of one of these early kings, Sliaga-saltiash,
whom he praises as having been ship kinu, rubu nadu, a glorious
king and a noble prince.

The phrase mutib, or mudib libbi-su, occurs in several other in-
scriptions, always of a king beloved by his deity, or closely united
in spirit with him.

Ahulib means “ joined.” The first person singular vdib, I joined,
occurs in one of Sennacherib’s inscriptions, udibu bakhulati, I joined
together all the workmen, in order that by their united streng’th
they might move one of the colossal bulls to Nineveh. This verb
seems to be the Hebrew to join: or, to cleave to a thing; but
the final guttural is lost in Assyrian.

Libbi-su. There is no certain distinction in this inscription be-
tween the syllables su and hi : both are written by the same
symbol. The same thing occurs in several other inscriptions.

ON THE INSCRIPTION OF KHAMMURABI. 447

Thus, in the description of a palace, some inscriptions read ita-su
(probably its interior walls), while others read italcu.

10. Ninu II u Bel

11. nisi Sumirim. .

12. u Akkadim . .

13. ana bellim iddinunu :

14. Tsirra gina . .

15. ana gati-ya . .

16. umallu

The favour of God and Bel
the people of Sumiri
and Akkadi

gave unto my dominion.
Their celestial weapons
into my hand
they gave.

II. “ the god,” Ka-r efoxF, *•& Marduk. The same phrase is
•used in the Assyrian inscriptions found at Nineveh, but there it
designates Ashur.

Nisi. This word is generally written un, followed by a plural
sign. I suppose that un was the Proto-Chaldsean word for “ man,”
Nisi agrees with the usual Semitic term.

Bellim , command. This word is very frequent, especially in the
phrase hi bilim Hi, “ by command of the gods.” The king frequently
boasts that the gods have lent him their own weapons. See
Tiglath Pileser’s inscription, &c.

Tsirra, supreme.

Gina or zina, weapons, is the Chald. gin p armour, whence pa
armatus.

Umallu : properly, “ they filled.” Heb. implevit. “ They
fill’d my hand,” with their heavenly or powerful arms.

17. (nahal) Khammurabi

18. nukhu’s nisi

19. babilat mie kanik . .

20. ana nisi Sumirim . .

21. u Akkadim

22. lu-akhri . .

The river Khammurabi
(so the people call it)
a canal of mingled waters
for the use of the men of Sumiri
and Akkadi
I dug.

The word Khammurabi in line 17 is preceded by the usual
symbol for “ running water.” As this was the king's own name, but
here transferred to a river, or canal, the interposed observation,
“ so the people call it,” nisi nukhu-su, comes quite naturally.

Babilat, M. Menant renders this word “ Babylonian.” But this
interpretation is quite set aside by the fact that Ashurakhbal
when he rebuilt Calah dug a canal there, and says concerning it
just what Khammurabi says here : — “ I gave it the name of the
babilat kanik.”

2 II 2

448

ON THE INSCRIPTION OF KHAMMTJRABI.

I think it may be provisionally rendered “ a canal of mingled
waters,” from Heb. *13 confusio. In fact, we learn from
Sennacherib’s inscription at Bamian, that he united the waters of
no less than eighteen brooks to form a river at his palace near
Nineveh.

23. kisliadi-sha kilalin

24. ana miri tur lu-utir

25. kai’ie ashnan

26. lu-astappak

27. Mie daruti

28. ana nisi Sumirim

29. u Akkadim

30. lu-askun.

. . Its banks, which had fallen in.

. . I restor’d to their former form.

, . With new walls, or mounds of earth
. . I heap’d them up.

. . Perennial waters
. . for the use of the men of Sumiri
. . and Akkadi
. . I prepared.

Kilalin , broken through. Perhaps from Heb. perforavit,
solvit, aperuit: and also subvertit, destruxit. This word seems
well applied to a break in an earthen dyke.

Miri , work, workmanship. This word is often used in Sen-
nacherib’s inscriptions.

Tur , old, ancient, former : as llaikal tur suatu, that old palace :
that former palace.

Karie is often used in the great E. I. H. inscription of Nebu-
chadnezzar, as is also astappak , in the sense of heaping up mounds
of earth for the defence of Babylon.

Ashnan, new : from Heb. njt# shana, in another conjugation,
shanana renovare (Ges. 1025).

Astappak is the T conjugation of shapak, Heb. 1D’u7 effudit.

Mie daruti. See many other inscriptions. The kings prided
themselves very much in bringing perennial waters into their chief
cities.

Column II.

1. [Z7n] Sumirim . . . . Of the tribes of Sumiri

2. u Akkadim . . . . and Akkadi

3. kali-sun, [mm] pakliati . . all of them, the chief people

4. lu-upakhir, . . . . I assembled together.

The word written TJn [homines] was probably pronounced Nisi.
Or perhaps the Semitic root Oy populus was employed to express
it. This, however, being uncertain, I have left it as \_Uri] in the
present passage.

ON THE INSCRIPTION OF KHAMMURABI.

449

Kali-sun vpakhir is a frequent phrase, whenever a king assembles
his principal noblemen, or his vassal kings. Compare the Esarhaddon
inscription, I, 27 (B. M., pi. 45), where the king says, vpakhir sarin
Khatti kali-sun, I passed in review, or I assembled, the kiugs of
Syria, all of them.

Kali. Heb. to omnis.

Upakhir. JEeb. "irQ examinare, probare : here, to inspect or
review.

Pakhati. Heb. nnS pakha prgefectus provincial (Gesenius). Here,
magistrates : chief people. And so Bohlen, quoted by Gesenius,
“ magnates : proceres ” — from a Persian root.

5. Mirita u maskita . .

6. lu-askun sina sim.

7. Innut sirik u kanik

8. lu-eri sinati :

9. subat nikhiti

10. lu-shasib sinati . .

With sights and shows
I made amusement for them.

With favours both great and small
I honour’d them :
and on seats of splendour
1 seated them.

Mirita, sights : from the root mar to see, which occurs fre-
quently in Assyrian.

Maskita, shows : is the Heb. maskit JTOtPO imago, figura (see
Ges. 623) from the Chaldee root hOtf aspexit.

Sina, ludus. This word means, most probably, amusement or
diversion, from the Heb. senina ludibrium. The root is

from a simpler original root acuit. Ex. gr. acuit linguam (Gesen.)
to use sharp or witty sayings.

Innut, favours. Heb. hin gratia.

Sink is probably Ileb. m2» clarus, manifestus.

Kanik I have rendered “ small.” It seems to have that mean-
ing in the Phillips Cylinder, III. 16, where we read (....) si u kaniki,
which may mean large and small (offerings). It may be related to
the Heb. humilis fuit.

Kanik is also a canal ; but that meaning has no place here.

Eri. I think this verb may be the Heb. coluit, honoravit.

Nikhiti is probably the same as nukhuti, from nulchu splendor,
which I find in various passages of the inscriptions.

11. Ninumi-su

12. Khammurabi

13. sar danu . .

14. migir il reb-reb anaku

By his favor (viz., that of Marduk)

Khammurabi

the great king

the worshipper of the supreme god,
I am.

450

ON THE INSCRIPTION OF KHAMMURABI.

Ninumi-su. See Col. I, 10.

Reb-reb, a Cliald. word occurs in Dan. 4, 33, &c.

15. Inemukin.. ,,

1 6. gaskrati . . . , . .

17. sha Marduk iddinam

18. Til tsiram . .

19. in ebiri rabuti

20. sha riska-sun

21. kima ssatu im eli-ya

22. in resh (nahal) Khammurabi

23. nukhu’s nisi

24. lu ebus.

According to the oracles
infallible

which Marduk gave to me,
a lofty citadel,
on a high bank,
whose summits

tower’d like the vault of heaven
above me

on the bank of Khammurabi river
(as people call it)

I built.

In Sargon’s Cylinder, he says that he was commanded by in-
fallible oracles to build a new city on the banks of a river.

EmuJcin , mysteries. Ileb. pOJt profundus.

Gaslirati. Chal. “lli’D hasher , rectus, dignus. Perhaps translate,
“ the direct oracle.”

In resh (of a river) is used in the Annals of Ashurakhbal to
express “ opposite the river,” viz., the Euphrates : not “ at its
source,” which was many hundred miles distant from the spot
where he was then encamped.

25. Til suati . .

26. Til uminu baniti . .

27. abim alidi-ya

28. anaku lu-abbam. . .

29. In Ri ummu banit

30. abim pi alidi-ya . .

31. in kibrati . .

32. lu-shaib ! . .

That Citadel

“ The Citadel of the mother who
bore me

and of the father who begot me ”

I named.

In the holy name of Ri, the mother
who bore me

and of the father who begot me
during long ages
may it last !

Abim. The final M or V seems to mean “ and,” so that abim may
be rendered “ patrisque.”

By his “ father and mother” the king means the god Marduk
and the goddess Ri. The citadel probably bore the name “ Castle
of Marduk-Ri.” Nebuchadnezzar in his great inscription says, that
the god Marduk was his father, and the goddess Makh or Mali his
mother.

ON THE INSCRIPTION OF KHAMMURABI.

451

The construction of lines 29, 30, appears to be in pi, in the holy
name of. The phrase occurs frequently. Often a king prays to a
god to take a new palace under his protection and says, lishalcin in
pi-ha, may it stand firm in thy holy name ! The full phrase is, in
pi-ha illiti, in thy lofty or celestial name, which was not the same
as that pronounced here on earth.

In hibrati, for long ages. From Heb. “130 diuturnitas temporis
(Ges. 464).

Lu shaib, probably from Heb. 3i£° mansit.

452

Art. '%XLY.~~Abstract of a Sanskrit Inscription, accompanied by
a Decipherment of the Original. By Fitz-Edward Hall,
Esquire, M.A., D.C.L.

[Read 6th July, 1863.]

The two facsimile copies from which the following inscription is
edited were obtained, some years ago, from Colonel Dawes. This
gentleman has had the goodness to inform me that the stone con-
taining it “ was found in a very old temple, which was filled with
images of different kinds, situated in the village of Lakhamundul,
in the Sirmoor District. It is on the right bank of the river Jumna,
and only a few miles from the spot where that river leaves the
Himalaya mountains. The slab was in good preservation ; two feet
by one and a half ; and of good durable stone.”

An account of the contents of this inscription was communicated
to Mr. Edward Thomas by the late Professor H. H. Wilson ; and
that account,1 with the exception of a few proper names, cor-
responds, as far as it extends, with the results of my own decipher-
ment. The Sanskrit has not beforo been printed. A detailed
translation seeming to be unnecessary, I shall confine myself,
instead, to a report of the genealogical and other statements which
the document comprehends.

First, we have a series of twelve Kshatriya kings,2 claimed

1 It will be found in Mr. Thomas’s edition of Prinsep’s Indian Antiquities,
Yol. II., p. 245.

2 With the name of each of them the word Sri or Srimat is connected ; but,
in all cases, I take it, simply to mark respect.

Yet there are names of which the syllable Sri forms a component part; and,
in general, it is easy enough to decide whether it is so to be understood.
Familiar examples are S'ridhara, S'rikantha, S'rikara, S'rinivasa, and S'ripati.
Before such appellations, at least in inscriptions, the complimentary Sri is, it
appears, always omitted.

As to the first of the Guptas of whom we have any knowledge, it has been
usual, with orientalists, to term him simply Gupta; and I believe that all of
them who write S'rigupta write Gupta also, as if they considered the S'ri to be
an honorific prefix merely. His name occurs, so far as is yet known, on only two
occasions; once on the Bhitari pillar, and once on the Allahabad pillar: and in
both places we find S'rigupta, “ Fortune-protected.” Apparently, it was a

ABSTRACT OF A SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION. 453

as descendants from Yadu, and wlio governed the realm of
Sainhapura.* 1

Senavarman.

A'ryavarman, son of S.

Devavarman, son of A'.

Pradiptavarman. son of D.

I's'waravarman, son of P.

Yriddhivarman, son of I'.

Sinhavarman, son of Y.

Jalavarman, son of S.

Yajnavarman, son of J.

Achalavarman, son of Y.

Divakaravarman, son of A.

Bhaskara, younger brother of D.

Of these magnates we are told little ; and that little is very
indefinite. Sinhavarman is said to have had signal success against

misapprehension with regard to S'rigupta’s designation that has led to his being
spoken of as “ the founder of the dynasty known by his name.” His being the
founder of a dynasty does not follow from the fact that we have learned nothing
of his ancestors.

For a S'rigupta who practised against the life of Buddha, see Voyages des
Pilerins Bouddliistes, Yol. 111., pp. 18, et seq.

1 The original has, distinctly, Sainghapura. Again, in the eighth stanza,
it exhibits Singha, the name of a king. That these are vernacular forms
which were current in the days of the inscription is not to be doubted. Still, it is
most likely that their appearance in the inscription was due, not to the writer of

it, but to the engraver ; for, in the eighth stanza, there is

also

•which the presence of a pun is insufficient to account for.

For in place of 55^°, in another old inscription, see the

Journal of the Bombay B. R. A. Soc., Vol. II., plate II., line 9.

It will scarcely admit of question that the kingdom of Sainhapura was like-
wise, and more commonly, known as Sinhapura. A region bearing the latter
name is noticed by Hiouen Tsang, who expressly says, however, that it had
no king of its own, and was a dependency of Cashmere. Westerly, it extended
to the neighbourhood of the Indus ; and its capital was in the mountains. This
was in the seventh century. See Voyayes des P'derins Bouddliistes, Yol. II.,

p. 162.

The second stanza of the inscription may be translated thus : “ Among the
monarchs born of the stock of Yadu, who, from the beginning of the present
Yuga, have held the kingdom of Sainhapura, there was, in course, a regal saint,
the auspicious Senavarman by name.” Such is the more probable interpretation.
Nevertheless, it is obvious to suggest that Sainhapura may have been indebted,
for the name by which it is found designated, to Sinhavarman, its sixth master in
descent from Senavarman.

454 ABSTRACT OF A SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION.

certain persons of Solarian origin;1 and Achala is mentioned as
having possessed himself of Ghanghala.2

Bhaskara married Jay avail, daughter of Kapilavardhana. Their
daughter, I'swara,3 became wife of Ghandragupta,4 son of an un-
named Raja of Jalandhara. On the decease of her husband, who
met his death while riding on an elephant, I'swara founded a reli-
gious house, to honour his memory.

The inscription was composed by the king5 of Ayodhya,
Yasudeva, son of Skanda, son of Kshemasiva. Its engraver was
an artificer6 from Rauditaka, by name I'swaranaga, son of
Nagadatta.

Mo inference, touching the length of time by which it antedates
the eighth or ninth century, can safely be drawn from its paleo-
graphy ; and upon future research depends any accession of informa-
tion bearing on the persons whom it enumerates.

The Jalandhara Inscription.

WT II \ II

1 See stanza VIII.

2 See stanza XII. I am at a loss to conjecture what this Ghanghala could have
been. Its name, which is said to express its character, looks like a depravation
of the Sanskrit janghdla, “ fleet.” The word occurs again in the fifteenth stanza ;
and ghanghalabha'd is met with in the fourteenth.

3 No exception need be taken to the form itward,. even as a common
noun, “mistress.” It is the only form authorized by Panini : III., 2, 175. The
iiwari of the Ramayana and later works is a deviation from the Paniniyan
standard.

4 It is not imperative to conclude, because of this name, that I's'wara, the
daughter of a Kshatriya, was wedded to a Vais'ya. The ending gupta, it should
seem, is not restricted to the appellations of members of that class. S'rlgupta
and his successors have been reputed to be Vais'yas ; but I know not on what
irrecusable authority. See Professor Wilson’s translation of the Vishnu-purdiia,
p. 479, foot note 70. The rule of the Manava dharma-tdstra , II., 32, as explained
by Kullfika, has long been practically disregarded. Was Kalidasa a S'udral

5 B hat fa, a corruption of bhartn. For its equivalence, as used by the
humble, to rdjan, see the Da^a-r&pa, II., 64. Bhattaraka, in the phraseology
of inscriptions, is much more common.

6 Sdtradhdra, literally, “ cord-bearer.” To judge from its etymology, it
may have meant, originally, “ one who holds a plumb-line.” As found used, if
import is wider.

ABSTRACT OF A SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION. 455

^N^R*TTOT XT^lfw:1 2 3 3TsfRWHj}rT II ^ II

rR^TW II

^TTCsTfTrTt Wfa^rNr^T^fw’ H ^ 'I

^t^snuRrar 11

wt rr^im^r ^ff?r:4 5 6 11 8 11

*t?r*jw:8 ^tTT^tenrefrr ii

11 ^ 11

TT^R ||

tN4* -5T:7 tz ^TSIRT^ II $ II

^rrrfR: ii

^ T^ rTTWrft *HRRi TT5TT II ^ II

1 I here substitute the visarga for sh.

2 Corrected from RRR.

3 An anuswdra has been supplied over

4 “ His son was the auspicious King Devavarman, so called ; who inspired the
timorous with fearlessness, conferred wealth on the needy, secured victory to his
family, and wrought the destruction of his enemies.’’

The paltry figure of rhetoric exemplified in the Sanskrit is not unknown to
mediaeval Greek and Latin. Subjoined are some specimens :

MapTVC, fiaaiktv, hnri , \oyxV> (3dp[3apoi,

Y.v\iirvu, diojKf, (77 TtiiSe, TrXijTTt, iriirTirt.

II sc tria tabiscam pellunt adverbia pestem :

Mox, longe, tarde, cede, recede, redi.

And see, among English poets. Sir Philip Sidney.

5 There is no visarga in the original.

6 The original here has an upadhmdniya. But we have no type for it.

7 Here the original has a jihwdmuliya: and for this, too, a type is wanting.

I have exchanged fWirT0 for ^hT°.

456

ABSTRACT OF A SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION.

^rif^rowTOT totot TTarf^fYs^ ii ^ 11

TO ^fVs^rnn^WT^T ^JTO rTT^f^TT II

^wf?r: wif^ro^TwifaTOww1 2 3 4 : 11 £_ 11

^t^^RcfTTTT fT^^TS TOftwfrTTO ||

TOT^^^tf^TOfiwn-:’ httt: farf^ro: u \° n

fiTOTOf^TOwr to ^Tf^TO*?Twn7 11 ^ 11

TOT Vf^TWTO*NttT WT^: II

II V* II

TO fTTOSTTOT ^f^TTOT TOW ^^\w> II
TO f^WfTTTT^n^^TfTOW^^W II II

^TWfwWTWTTOTOTOTO^fr^: W^T TO II

^rfr^ftTOWTOfr *rV w^tottw ii \8 11

1 The unusual -TOTTR0 is deserving of notice.

2 There is here a jihwdm&Uya in the original. fwirrr: is there put, by
error, for ^ifTTI.

3 At the end of a pdtda, in the Bliatti-lcdvya, X., 14, an anuswdra is taken to
make no position ; and the commentator, Bharatasena, citing relevant authority,
holds that there is no breach of the laws of prosody. Such is the laxity, in a
matter of metre, observable in a work written for strictly grammatical purposes.
In aggravation of this laxity, the syllable gha of ghangliald is reckoned as a
single instant.

For the substance of this note, I have to thank Dr. Goldstiicker, and also for
the emendation of the sixteenth stanza.

4 The verb apagnn I have not seen elsewhere. It is the same as avagan.

6 Almost certainly there is some mistake here.

ABSTRACT OF A SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION. 457

rnu ^^"^rnTr TW*jyif7Pn*r: it

frgw*rrfavT*r ii ^ II

^TWrf^rT^ : tot: II

wrstf%*T*§T$^t H ^ H

^ Vj sf

^RTfaW *Tgjt ^rTf^RT^TR fN^TTfa II

spplWT ^Tf^fTT: fafw: II v° II

<m ^^^^^TTRjrT 11

TTsft HT^ITT II II

rf^T^^rr ^r4t ^Tfir^^fa ^rr^TftrT 11

*n*n%nRTR*rr4reT ^ffa^rrrei u \£_ 11

£ C\ N ef '

wffr ^rT^fn ^ ^rf^n* ¥T II

r| rif UdT^rRTr^T^T^T^TrRT^IT^ II II

fTref^<r?n§ WrfenR II ^ II

^T%^fa^T7?rWF^^T^TTrcpr^lTT II

Tpft 3T,2lf%^^¥T¥^T^'Sr: II ^ II

^«prr 11

^rrwf% w^ttw ^tft??qit%¥rf%^T 11 ^ 11

1 I have added the last letter. Agreeably to the method followed in the in-
scription, there would here be an anuswdra : a symbol that could easily escape
the eye of a copyist.

2 The facsimile, violating metre, has

3 Iva may here mean the same as eva.

4 The vlsarga is omitted in the original.

6 Compare, for analogous instances, Panini, VIII., 4, 3 and 10.

INDEX.

Acacias . .

Achala . .

Achalavarman
Acharya . .

Aden
Aditi

Adityas . .

Adule

Advances to ryots
Aithra
Afghan Testament
legend of descent

Page
.. 390

.. 454

.. 453

.. 382

.. 309

.. 422

.. 412

300, 302, 305
19

from

Saul

Afghans, on the language of; by
Lord Strangford
Agatharchides . .

Agathocles, coin of

and Diodotus, coin of

and Euthydemus,

285

309

124

123

coin of .

Agencies, retail . .
Agglutinate language
Agni

Agraios . .
Ahmednuggur . .
Aitareya-Brahmana
Akkadi
Akola
Akote
Akuli
Albiruni
Alexandria
Allahabad pillar . .
Aloes

Alphabet, notes of the
Amalgamate language
American cotton-seed
Ammianus Marcellinus
Amnair . .
Anatundirik
Andonides
Andoree . .

Angiras . .

Angraeca . .

Anjengaom
Anona

Anpamanyava

124
20

314
408, 421
284
10
411
447-8
10
11
430
371, 385
299, 301
.. 452

.. 389

266
.. 315

.. 299

.. 389

.. 285

409, 412, 414
388, 390
.. 9, 11
.. 389

. . 424

125

Bactrian

Antimachus Theos, coin of
and Diodo-
tus, coin of

123

Page

Antioch 299

Anus 425

Apamea 299

Apnavana .. .. ,, 41 6

Apocynaceous order . . . . 389

Apollonius of Philostratus .. 297

Arab ships and merchants . . 299

Arachotes 285

Arbians 285

Arbutus .. 392

Archelaus .. .. 269, 272

Ardisiad 359

Arenoi 285

Argaom 10, 11

Arianoi 285

Arizanteia 285

Arjuni

Arkand

Armenian language . . . . 65

Aroce 10

A rsanians 285

Arum

Aryabhatta, on some fragments
of ; by Dr. Kern
Aryabhattiyam
Arya-Siddhanta

Aryavarman
Aryyan Indians
Aryyas . .

Asene . „

Ashtee
Ashur
Ashurakbal
Asplenium
Astrapoea. .

Asura 33, 40, 43,410
Aswayuja. .

Aswini . .

Aswins .. 412,417

Atharvan.. 407, 41i
Atharva-Veda ..

Atri

Aufrecht, Professor
Aurvabhrigu
Auxume . .

Avienus, Poem of the World
Avitus, de Mos. Hist. Gest
Ayodhya . .

371
371
371
453
406, 430
430
285
10
447
447, 450

389

390
419, 424, 430

378, 381
378, 381
418, 422, 423
414, 415, 417
422, 424
412, 417, 423
408

Ayu

416

303

275

454

.. 408, 415,419

460

INDEX

Baalbek . .

Babad Mangku-NagasS., a Java-
nese manuscript, account of, by
G. K. Niemann, Esq...

Babool jungles . .

Bactrian alphabet, notes on the
■ coins, on, by E. Thomas,

Esq.

dynasties
• numeral system
Pali inscription, on

Page

431

266

116

228

newly discovered; by Professor

Dowson

• « • •

221

at Alexandria

473

Bactriaus

• • • •

286

Brahma-siddhanta

376

Bagia

• • • .

284

Branch Light Railway Company

405

Ba labakk

• • . •

431

Bred

390

Balapoor . .

• • . .

..10, 11

Brexiad .. .. .. 388-9

Bamian . .

448

Brihadjataka

382

Banana . .

393

Brihat-sanhita

372

Bar and Wagner's Bericht liber

Brihaspati . . . . 408,

411

die authropologische

Ver-

Brockhaus, Professor

380

sammlung in

Gottingen

. .

441

Buddha, 269, 298, 437, 440, 441,

453

Baraka . .

. ,

395

name of, in early Chris-

Baraki dialect

tian writers . .

293

Baroda and Bombay railway 399, 400
Barringtonia ... .. .. 391

Barygaza . . . . . . . . 309

Bassarika of Dionysius . . . . 297

Bassim . . . . . . . . 2, 10

Beal, Rev. S., translation from
the Chinese of Memoir of
Sakya-Buddha-Tathagata .. 135

Beegah , . . . . . . . 6

Begonia . . . . . . . . 392

Bel 447

Page

Bolingians .. .. .. 285

Bombay .. .. .. .. 10

, Baroda, and Central

Indian Railway . . 399, 400

Borassus . . . . . . . . 392

Botany of Madagascar . . . . 388

Boulika
Brachmanes
Brahma . .
Brahmagupta
Brahmans

305
.. 276

41, 43, 411, 428
.. 374

276, 279, 281,

406, 407, 422, 427, 429, 441

Buddhas .. 440,442, 443

Buddhism . . . . £98, 437

in Tibet . . 438, 440

Buddhist Idols in Tibet, on the
bodily proportions of ; by E.

Schlagintweit
Buddleia madagascariensis
Bunnera Beebee . .
Bunneria. .

Bunsen, Chev. . .

Burgess, Rev. Mr.

437
, 392-3
9

10
, 321

. 377

Bela

Burmah . .

.. 440

Beluchi dialects . .

Burnouf . .

429, 437

Benfey .. .. 321,411,

417, 421

Buroor

. .

.. 9,11

Berar, topography of, byM. Taylor,

Burton, Captain R.,

on Dorn’s

Esq.

.. 1

Afghan W ork . .

• ,

Berenice . .

.. 301

Betel

.. 391

Calah

, ,

.. 447

Bhadraswas

.. 384

Calamba . .

.. 392

Bhagavata purana

406,429

Calcutta and South-Eastern Rail-

Bharata .. . . ..

414,425

way

.. 400

Bharatasena

. . 456

Carmanians

.. 286

Bhaskara . .

..453-4

Carmen de Dio of Dracontius

.. 275

Bhaskara-acharyya

.. 381

Cashmere

.. 453

Bhatta Utpala’s commentary

Caspeiri . .

. ,

.. 285

the Varahi-sanhita ..

.. 372

Caspian dialects . .

..64, 66

Bbatti-Kavya

.. 456

Castron Clysmatos

.. 301

Bhitari pillar

.. 452

Casuarina

, ,

.. 389

Bhrigu . .

414,417

Catacheses of Cyril

269, 272

Bhots

. . 440-1

Cedrenus . .

, ,

297, 304

Bhunnee cotton . .

.. 5, 6

Ceylon

, ,

.. 440

Blechnum

.. 389

Champollion

, ,

.. 313

Blemmys, an Indian king

.. 283

Chandore..

. «

.. 9

Blemyes . .

.. 286

Chandragupta

• •

.. 454

Bodhisattwas . . 437,

440, 441

Chhayfi, . .

, ,

.. 418

Bohlen . .

.. 449

Chiliads of Tzetzes

.. 276

INDEX.

461

Page

China . . . .

, ,

440

Dasa rfipa

454

Chinese Memoir of Sakya Bud-

Dasyus.. .. 410,418,420

, 421

dha Tathagata, translated by

Davis

371

Rev. S. Beal . .

, ,

135

Dawes, Colonel . .

452

Christians of Socotora . .

, ,

303

Dehunda ...

4, 10

Churka . .

Deluge, The

427

Cinchonia

391

Deolye

Cirradioi . .

285

Derbicei . .

286

Citron

390

Deriades, King of India. .

282

Clusia

, .

389

Description of the whole World

272

Coins, Bactrian, E. Thomas

Devas

424

of Agathocles

124

Devavarman . . . . 453

455

and Diodo-

Dharwar Cotton . .

tus

. ,

122

Didnasos . .

284

and Euthy-

Diodotus, coin of

122

demus . .

124

and Agathocles, coin of

123

of Antimachus Theos

, ,

125

and Antimachus, „

123

of Diodotus

122

Dionysiacs of Nonnos ..

282

and Agathocles

123

Dionysius, coin of

133

— and Antimachus

123

Dionysius’ Basarika

297

of Dionysius

133

Periegesis . .

297

of Euthydemus and Aga-

Divakara varan an . .

453

thoeles . .

, ,

124

Divisions of time, Hindu 34

7—9

of Heiiocles

133

Dorn on the Pushtu language . .

of Pantaloon

125

Dosareans

285

of Zoilus . .

133

Dowson, Professor John, on a

Colebrook

371

382

newly-discovered Bactrian Pali

Coleus

392

Inscription

221

Conjunctions, Planetary

•

368

Dracontius’ Carmen de Dio

275

Contracts, Law on

Dragsheds .. .. 437 440-1

Copal

3S9

391

Drangiai . .

2S5

Coptic language . .

314

Drubyus .. .. .. 425-6

Cosmos’ Topographia Christiana

289

Dunnos, a Homerite King

303

Cost and Construction of ltail-

Durriapore

Avars in India, on the,

Duseshwar

J. C. Marshman, Esq.. .

397

Dynasties, Bactrian

116

Cost of Irrigation

Cotreus . .

286

East and West Berar

1, 2

Cotton

390

Eastern of Bengal Bailway

400

Berar

.. 1, 14

)■ ast India Railway

399

Dharwar . .

Eclipse, Solar, Parallax in

366

Shorapore

Eclipses ..

364

Cotton-gins

. •

Hindu method of calcu-

Cotton-picking . .

lating, bA W. Spottiswoode, Esq.

345

Crinum Lily

390

Efflorescence, Reh, On the, by

Cuneiform discoveries . .

, .

321

Dr. Medlicott . .

326

Cycas circiuaas • . . .

, .

3S9

Egyptian Cotton seed

formatives

317

Dadhikra . .

422

language. Affinities of

Dadyanch 407, 410, 412,

414

415

Ancient, by R. S. Poole, Esq. .

313

Damascus. .

431

— t roots or radicals

316

Damasius’ Life of Isidorus,

Elesboas, King of Ethiopia

303

Photius

273

F.llichpoor

4, 9

Daniel

, .

450

Embassies to Rome, On Indian,

Daphne ..

, ,

190

by O. de B. Priaulx, Esq.

269

Darasco . .

Embassy to Julian

301

Dardae

284

Justinian . .

302

Dasa • • • • i •

420

Enchorial papyrus in Leyden

Dasagitaka-sutra. .

, ,

371

Museum

313

Dasa Namuchi ..

• •:

419

Epiphanius

269

VOL. XX.

462

INDEX.

Tage

Epiphanius, Heresies of . . 272, 301-2
Erythrina. . . . . . . . 390

Esarhaddon .. .. .. 419

Ethiopians .. .. .. 286

Eucalyptus . . . . . . 389

Euloeus . . . . . . . . 284

Euphrates . . . . . . 450

Euthydamus and Agathocles, coin

of 124

Euthydimeia . . . . . . 286

Eversman on Pushtu . . . . 54

Ewald 54, 321

Page
133
303
209
9, 11
389
276

Hcliocles, coin of . .

Hellestheus, King of Ethiopia
Heresies of Epiphanius . .

Hewwikheir .. ..

Hibiscus . .

Hierocles’ Philistores . .

Hieroglyphic writing, transla-
tions of

Hieroglyphics interpreted by
Dr. Young . .

Hieronymus
Himalaya .. .. 428 441, 452

Hindu divisions of time, . . 347-9

523

313

271

Facial Casts

438

method of

calculating

Features, Semitic, Tibetan

439

eclipses, on the, by W. Spottis-

Ferrette, Rev. Jules, On a Neo-

woode, Esq.

• • . .

345

Syriac language in the Lc-

Hingunghat

• •

banon . .

431

Hintzy

. . . •

395

Ficus Elastica

389

Iliouen Tsang ..

453

Fitz Edward Hall on the Arya-

Homerites

* • . .

303

siddhanta

371

ILorion

• • • •

285

Five tribes of the Rigveda

421

Hottentot fig

. .

389

Form atives, Egyptian ..

317

H unter, Dr.

372

Hurrialee. .

. • • •

Gandharvas

424

Hydara ..

, , , .

286

Ganges, the

427

Hymenophyllum. .

. *

390

Garga

379

Hypsaros . .

. .

285

Gawil, or Gawul. .

2,3

Gawilgurh

1, 2

Gazos

284

Idols, Buddhist, on

the bodily

Genii .. .. .. 437,

440 1

proportions of, by E. Schlagint-

Gerion, Isle of . .

284

weit, Esq.

. . . •

437

Gesenius . . . . . . 449, 451

Ikshwaku

424

Ghanghala

454

Inci

395

Ghilek dialect

Indian Archipelago

440

Gins for cotton . .

embassies to

Rome, by

Gloriosa Lily

390

Glossary of Tibetan Geographical
Terms, by H. de Schlagintweit 67
Godavery.. .. .. .. 421

Golconda . . . . . . . . 1 1

Goldstiicker, Dr. Th., . . . . 456

Gonds . . . . . . . . 3

Gowlees . . . . . . . . 3

Great India Peninsula Railway 399
Great Southern of India Railway 400
Gupta .. .. .. .. 452

Habraatos . . . . . . 2S5

Haji Khalfa .. .. .. 309

Hall, F. E., Abstract of a Sanskrit
Inscription .. .. .. 452

Harunga . . . . . . . . 392

Hazoamba .. .. .. 395

Hazoeerea .. .. .. 395

Hazomainty .. .. .. 395

Hazombato . . . . . . 395

Hazotsihariana .. .. .. 395

Hebrew vowel, T value of . . 432

He'iconia. . .. .. .. 390

269

407, 408, 410-13, 419, 426
453

Priaulx
Indra
Indus

Isles of the

Inophyllum

Inscription, Bactrian Pali, on a
newly discovered, by Dowson

of Bactrian seal-ring

Khammurabi by

II. F. Talbot, Esq

— Manikyala cylin-

der

silver-

disk

stone

Peshawur vase
Wardak urn

by F. E. Hall, Esq.
Institutes of Manu
Ipomoea ..
Irrigation, cost of

of Berar

Ishmi-Dagon

Sanskrit, abstract of,

286

388

221

249

445

244

246

250
241
255

452

406

390

445

INDEX.

463

Page

Isidorns, Damasius, Life

of, by

Kusa .. .. ..

284

Photius. .

273

Kutsa

420

Isles of the Indus

286

Iswari

, .

454

Laghu-Bhaskariyam

381

Iswaranaga

454

Laghu-Jataka

382

Iswaravarman

453

Lakhamundul

452

Lamas .. .. .. 437, 440-1

Jacobites . .

, .

432

Language of the Afghans, on the ;

Jalandhara

454

by Lord Strangford . .

J alavarman

453

Langue de Boeuf. .

389

Jalna

Lankfi, . . . . . . 37

7-84

Jamode . .

10, 11

Lassen, Professor .. 371

380

J amrosin . .

390

Latarharya

384

Japan

410

Laura

389

Javanese Manuscript

Babad-

Law on contracts

Mangku-Nagara, account of.

Leach’s Afghan Vocabulary and

by G. K. Niemann

, .

Grammar

Jayavali . .

454

Lebanon

431

Jewish Colonies in India

439

Leechee

389

Jews, German, Italian.

Polish,

Legends from the Satapatha-

Spanish

432

Brahmana, &c. by J. Muir,

Jhurree cotton . .

5, 6

Esq.

J oosoo . . 1

of the

Jovian

312

Creation

J ulgaom . .

10, 11

of Vishnu

Justinian..

305

, 312

from Tait-

tiriya Aranyaka

Kanogiza (Kanoj)

, ,

386

Pan-

Kalidasa . .

454

chavimsa Brahmana . .

Kanwa

412, 416

, 426

Leyden, Dr.’s, Memoir on the

Kapil vardhana . .

453

Roshenians

Karinjah . .

Lllavati . .

381

ICarttika . .

378

Linguistic affinities of the an-

Kashivat . .

420

cient Egyptian language ; by

Kasyapa . .

379

R. S. Poole, Esq.

313

Katha-sarit-sagara

373

Loadstone rocks .. 278, 305, 308 9

Kelsee

Lofia

389

Kern, Dr., on fragments of Arya-

Logania . .

388

bhatta

, ,

371

Lord’s Prayer in Keo Syriac

433

Ketumala

384

Lotos

390

Khamgaon

9, 10

Khammurabi

447, 4 49, 450

Madagascar, on the botany of; by

inscription of, by

C. Meller, Esq.

H. F. Talbot, Esq.

445

Madras line of railway

. . 399

Khosroes Nushirwan

, ,

312

Maghavat

.. 419

Kilata

430

Mah

.. 450

Rise

, ,

392

Maha-Bharata . .

406, 423, 427-9

Klaproth on the Afghan language

Maha-Bhftskariyam

.. 381

Kolapoor . . . .

. .

Mahayuga

.. 378

Kondalee . .

, ,

Mahore ..

Koora

, ,

Maikar . .

..2,10

Kozola Kadphises coins. .

237

Makh

. . . . 450

Krittika . .

. ,

378

Mai alas ..

. . 302-3

Kshattriyas

. ,

406

Ma’lula . .

..431-2

Kshemasiva

454

MalwS,

.. 285

Kuhn, Zeitschrift fiir

Vergi.

M anava-dharma-sastra

454

Sprachf.

407, 425

430

Manavas . .

406, 4u9

Kulluka . .

454

Manavl . .

. . 430

Kurdish dialects . .

, ,

Mangaom. .

Kurus

384

Mango

. . 389

388

INDEX.

464

Page

Mangrove

• .

388

Muir, J., Esq , legends from the

Mauiehaan doctrine

, .

269

Satapatha Brahmana . .

Manikya’a cylinder inscription..

244

on Manu,

pro-

silver disk „

246

genitor of the Aryyan Indians

406

stone „

2-50

Mu'.kapoor

.. 1C

, 11

Maniolai . .

278

Muller Professor, on the funeral

ManjusrI..

. ,

437

rites of the Brahmins..

413

Manna

. ,

Mungloor Peer ..

, ,

Mannus . .

. ,

430

Mungrool

, ,

Manu, progenitor of the Aryyan

Musad

, ,

391

Indians, on ; by J. Muir, Esq.

406

Muza

, ,

369

Manu

406,

430

Muziris . .

278

Institutes of

406

Myrtle

, .

383

Manush . .

407

-430

Mythe d:s Ribhavas, par Is eve..

407

Manusha . .

409,

418

Manushya . . i .

, .

409

Nabonidus

. .

446

Mara

. .

395

Nagadatta

, ,

454

Marangboditra . .

. .

395

Nagpoor . .

..11, 12

Marduk . . . . 446-

7-9

450

Nahush .. .. 401

, 422,

426

Margasirsha

. .

379

Namuchi . .

421

Maronites

432

Nandanadyana ..

• .

373

Marshman J. C., Esq., on railways

Nandanavana

. .

373

in India

397

N andgaom

Maruts . . . . 407,

413

419

Nanto

, ,

395

Marwariee traders

Narnalla . .

Masaon . .

389

Natchemgaom ..

i .

Mason

3-9

N ebuchadnezzar . .

415,448

Matariswan

415, 17

Neo-Syriac language, on a

5 by

Matariswaris

417

Rev. J. Ferrette

431

Ma-touan-lin

. .

306

vocabulary . .

..432-3

Mazenderani dialect

. •

preterite . .

• .

434

Mean motions of planets

347

conjugation

• .

435

Medhvathiti

. .

416

Nestorians .. ..

fc .

432

Medinilla

392

Neve, Mythe des Ribhavas

, ,

407

Medlicott, Dr , on the Reh efflo-

Nicaea

285

rescence in India

326

Nicholson, Sir Charles Bart.,

Meller, C , Esq., on the botany of

on translations of a hieroglyphic

Madagascar . .

388

writing. .

323

Memorial of Sakva lluddha Ta-

Niemann, G. Is. Esq. account of

thagata, translated from

the

a Javanese MS., Babad-Mang-

Chinese ; by Eev. S. Beal

135

ku Nagar5,

Menant . . . . . .

. .

445

Nighantu..

425

Menerava. .

. .

395

Nineveh ..

446

-7-8

Mimosa ..

391

sculptures

439

Minos

, ,

429

Nirukta . . 407-8, 416, 418, 422. 424

Mirzapoor

Nisliadas . .

425

Mittra

423

N izam, treaty with the, in

1853

1, 2

Mohabbet Khan's sketch of Push-

Nonnos’ Dionysiacs

, ,

282

Numeral system, Bactrian

. ,

223

Monosyllabic languages .

314

Nursee ..

. .

Moorehee

9, 10. 11

N ushirwan

, .

312

Morrheus. .

284

Nymphma

• .

390

Mortuzapore

. .

Motions of planets, mean

347

Odonto of the Ganges . .

'' i .

280

true. .

353

ffila

301

M ouat. Dr.

441

Oomrawutte

5, 20, 21

Mountstuart Elphinstone's

Af-

Oppert . .

« •

445

ghan vocabulary

Orondry . .

• .

395

Muir, J., Esq., on the Vaise-

Orontes, an Indian general

»-• •

2S3

shika philosophy

INDEX.

465

O’Shaughnessy, Dr., experiments

Page

on Reh. .

327-30

Osmunda Regalia

.. 329

Ossetian dialects. .

. . 65

Osthe

.. 286

Ouatecetoi

.. 285

Pali Bactrim Inscription, on a ;

by Professor Dowson . .

.. 221

Palladius. Historia Lausiaca

.. 277

Panchasiddhantika

.. 382

Panchavimsa Brahmana, leg

;end

from

Pandanus

.. 389

Panini . .

454. 457

Panjab

.. 425

Pannajee . .

Pantaleon, coin of

.. 125

Papyrus . .

.. 392

Enchorial, in Leyden

313

366

Museum

Parallax in solar eclipse
Parthey, Yocabularium Coptico-
Latinum
Paruchhepa
Pasupati . .

Patalene . .

PaCilisa-siddhanta . . 374, 376-385
Peepulgaom . . . . ... 11

Pelusium . . . . . .

Periegesis of Dionysius . .

Periplus . .

Persian dialects . .

Peshawur vase, inscription on
Petrea

Peyn-Gunga Eiver
Pliilistores of Hierocles . .

Phillips’s cylinder
Phlegios

Photius, life of Isidorus,

Damasius

Pictet, Origines Indo-Europeen-
nes . . . . . . 407

Pillars of Allahabad and Bhitari
Pitris

Planetary conjunctions..

Planets, motious of, mean

true

Platycerium
Pleroma . .

Poem of the World, by Avienus
Polopody . .

Ponar

Poole, It. S., on the affinities of
the ancient Egyptian language
Poorna River
Pradiptavarman .

Prajapati 37, 40

Prasians

314

412

424

285

301
297
309
62-3
241
390
1, 2
276
449
284

273

428

452
424
368
347
353
390
392
276
389

313

453

411, 413, 419,

428, 430
,. 284

Page

Preterite in Neo-Syriac .. 434

Priaulx, O. de B., Esq., on Indian
Embassies to Rome . . . . 296

Prinsep's Indian Antiquities .. 452

Prithddakaswamin .. .. 375

Priyamedha .. .. .. 412

Procopius . . . . . 303, 305-6

Prometheus .. . . .. 416

Propanisos .. .. .. 234

Proto-Chaldean language .. 445

Pseudo-Callisthenes ... . . 297

Pteris . . . . . . . . 389

Fulisa ,. .. .. 374, 376

Purhravas .. .. .. 417

PCtrus .. .. .. .. 425

Purusha Narayana .. .. 40

Sukta .. .. 41,407

Pfishan .. .. .. .. 411

Pushtu language . . . . 52-65

— works on ; by

Burton.. .. .. .. 54

Dorn . . . . . . . . 54

Elphinstone . . . . . . 52

Eversman . . . . . . 54

Ewald . . . . . . . . 54

— by

Klaproth .. .. .. 54

Leach . . . . . . . . 52

Leyden . . . . . . 53

Mohabbet Khan . . . . 53

— by

Raverty . . . . . . 55

Yaughan .. .. .. 54

Wilken. . . . . . . . 54

New Testament. . .. 52

Pyle . . . . . . . . 286

Radicals, Egyptian

Semitic

Raechore Doab . .
Railway, Bombay,
Central

i — Calcutta

Baroda, and
and South

Eastern

Eastern of Bengal . .
East Ind;a

Great India Peninsular
Great Southern of India
Madras

Sinde and Punjab

316

313

400

399
392

400

399

400

466

IXDEX

Page

Railway Company, Branch Light 405
Railways in India ; by C. Marsh-

man, Esq,

.. .. 397

Rain in Berar

.. .. 16

Rajanya . .

. . 407, 422

Rakshases . .

.. .. 409

Randraho..

.. .. 395

Rangoon . .

.. 441

Ranunculus

.. .. 396

Raspberry

.. .. 390

Ramlltaka

.. 454

Ravanelle

. . 390

Ravertv, Captain’s,

Pushtu works 55

Raxases

. . 424, 430

Reh Efflorescence, on, by Dr. Med-

licott . .

.. 327

origin of

333-9

cure for

. . 340

Reinaud . . . . 371,

380, 385

Report on cost of irrigation

Retail agencies .

Rhadamanes the Arab . .

283, 286

Rbodoe . .

.. 284

Iti

. . 450

Ribhavas . .

. . 407

Ribhukshans

.. 409

Ribbus

. . 408

Rigveda . . 407, 410, 415, 421, 423,

425, 426, 429

Ring, Se il, Bactrian inscription

249

Rishi-putra

379

Rofia . .

391,

, 392

Romaka . .

384-6

Roots, Egyptian . .

. .

316

Semitic . .

, ,

318

Rosetta stone

313

Roth, Professor 412,

, 416, 422-9

Rudra, legend of . .

••

Sabaroi . . . .

285

Sacae

# #

286

Sainghapura, Sainhapura

. .

453

St. Thekia, Convent of . .

431

Sakra

417

Sakya Buddha Tatbagata, Memo-
rial of. translated from the
Chinese : by Rev. J. Beal

135

Sakyamuni . . 1

, #

437

Salenti gamboge. .

# ,

392

Sama Veda, Benfey’s

, .

421

Samvaram

# #

417

Sanaischara

# ,

418

Sanhita . .

, ,

382

Sanjna

# .

418

Sankhiiyana Brahmana, 'eg
Rudra . .

end of

Sankhya Karika . .

. .

406

Sanskrit Inscription, abstract of

a;, by F. E. Hall, Esq. .. 452

Page

Sarangi

.. 284

Saraswati . .

423, 426

Sarf-i-Khass

Sargon

445, 450

Sarsaparilla

392, 396

Sassafras . .

.. 392

Sassanid®

.. 310

Satakratu

.. 420

Satapatha Brahmana

411,

414, 425, 426,

42S, 429, 430

legends from ;

by J. Muir, Esq.

.. 31

Satpoora mountains

.. 1, 3

SavarnS, . .

.. 418

Savarni . .

.. 417

Sayana . . 407-8-9, 411-12-13,

418-19-20, 423, 425
Sayu .. .. .. .. 417

Scklagintweit, E., on the bodily
proportions of Buddhist Idols
in Tibet . . . . . . 437

H. de. Esq. 439, 441

glossary of Tibetan

geographical terms .. .. 67

Scholasticus, Theban . . . . 297

Scytkianus. . . . . . . . 269

Seal ring, Bactrian inscription
on .. .. .. .. 249

Semitic features . . . . . . 439

roots or radicals . . 318

Senavarman .. .. .. 453

Sennacherib 445,446, 448

Sesindos . . . . . . . . 284

Seyloo .. .. .. .. 10

Sbaga-saltiash . . . . . . 446

Sherer, Mr., reports on Bell . . 331

Shorapore . . . . . . 2

cotton.. .. .. 15

Sibai . . . . . . . . 286

Siddbapour . . . . . . 385

Sidney, Sir Philip . . . . 455

Silkworm introduced to Europe 305
Silt in waters, Table of . . . . 343-4

Sinde and Punjab Railway . . 400

Sindee .. .. .. .. 10

Sindhind . . . . . . . . 371

Singha . . . . c , . . 453

Sinhacharya . . . . . . 384

Sinhapura . . . . . . 453

Sinhavarman . . . . . . 453

Sirmoor . . . . . . . 452

Skanda . . . . . . . . 454

Socotora, Christians of . . . . 308

Solar eclipse, parallax in . . 366

Soluble ingredients in waters.

Table of . . . . 336, 341

Soma . . 413-14, 417, 419, 421, 423
.. 392

9
1

Sonerila
Soorjee Anjengaom
South Berar

INDEX

467

Page

Spottiswoode, TV., Esq., on the
Surya Siddhanta and Hindu

method of calculating eclipses 345
Srigupta . . . . . . 452-4

Stag's-hom moss. . .. .. 390

Stannasor. . .. .. .. 2S4

Stapbylos, king of Assyria . . 2S3

Stephanos of Byzantium .. 276

Stone, Rosetta .. .. .. 313

Strychnos . . . . . . 388

Sudras . . . . . . . . 406

Sugar-cane . . . . . . 390

Sumiri . . . . . . . . 447-8

Sumitra .. .. .. .. 412

Sungut . . . . . . . . 395

Surf-i-Khas .. .... .. 3

Surusgaom . . . . . . 9. 10

Surya-siddhanta and the Hindu
method of calculating eclipses,
on the; by TV. Spottiswoode,

Esq. . . . . . . . . 345

Translation of;

by Rev. Mr. Burgess and Pro-
fessor TVhitney . . . . 377

Sushna . . . . . . . . 410

Sykes, Colonel, on Miniature
Cbaityas . . . . . . 437

Syria . . . . . . . . 431

Syriac vowel sign * . . . . 432

Syumarasmi .. .. .. 417

Table of dimensions of bodies of
Buddhist Idols . . . . 443

Buddhist heads . . 442

silt in waters . . . . 4t3-4

soluble ingredients in

waters . . . . . . 336, 341

Tacitus . . . . . . . . 430

Taittiriya Aranyaka, Legend
from . . . . . . . . 35

Talbot, H. F.,Esq., translation of
Inscription of Khammurabi . . 445

Talish dialect . . . . . . 64

Tanghinia veneniflua . . . . 3S9

Tapati . . ; . . . . 41S

Taptce

Taylor, Meadows, Esq., on Berar 1
Tectaphus . . . . . . 285

Terebinthus .. .. .. 269

Teutons . . . . . . . . 430

Theban Fcholasticus . . . . 297

Thecla, St., Convent of,.. .. 431

Theodosius II .. .. .. 312

Theophanes . . . . . . 304

Thomas, E. Esq... . . . . . 452

on Baetrian coins . . 99

Thoreus . . .. .. .. 284

Thsien Thsang . . . . . . 437

Tibet, Buddhism in, , . . 438

Buddhiri Idols in . . 437

Page

Tibetan Buddhism . .

439-40

features

. . 439

Geographical terms.

on.

bv H. de Schlagintweit, Esq. 67

Tiglath-Pileser, . .

445. 447

Ti.ia

.. 392

Titans

.. 416

Toogaom . .

Topographia Christiana

.. 2S9

Topography of Berar

Tramway Companv, Indian

.. 405

Trans'ations of hieroglyphic

writing

. . 323

Traveller's tree ..

. . 390-1

Treaty of 1853 with the Nizam I, 2

True motions of planets. .

. . 353

Trype, Colonel, ..

.. 440

Tullegaom

.. 9,11

Tumboodra river. .

Turvasas . .

.. 425

Twashtri . .

.. 418

Tzetzes’ Chiliads

.. 276

Ujjayini . . . . 352

372, 386

Upastuta . .

.. 416

Drhas

420, 422

Urn, TVardak, inscription on.

. . 255

L rvasi

.. 419

Usanas . .

.. 420

Utpala

.. 372

Yadavamukha

. . 373

Yaisakha..

. . 379

Yaiseshika Philosophy, on

the.

by J. Muir, Esq.

Vaiswanara

.. 416

V aisvas . .

406, 422

Yaivaswata ..

.. 427

Yajas

.. 403

Vajasaneyi sanhita

.. 415

Yalakhilva

.. 417

Yanda orchid

.. 390

Yan_eria edulis . .

.. 391

Varaha-mlhjra ..

372, 382

Yarahi-sanhita ..

.. 372

Y aroan . .

.. 392

Yaruna ..

.. 41 4

Yase, Peshawur, inscription on. . 241

Yasudeva. .

454

Vaughan, Col., TVorks on

the

Afghan language

. . 54

Y ayu

416, 419

Purana

.. 406

Yinca rosea

.. 389

Yin'angho

. . 395

Yisakha . .

.. 379

Yishnu ..

.. 419

Legends of,

Purina, Wilson’s

413, 454

Yisisipra . . . . ;

.. 412

468

INDEX.

Page

Viswakarman .. .... .. 407

Vivaswat . . .. .. 415-19

Voan-Sangan . . . . . . 389

Voantaka. . .. . . .. 388

Voantsilamy .. .. 395

Vocabul. Copt. Latin.; by Partkey 314
Vocabulary, Neo-Syriac.. 432, 433

Voingoamba . . . . . . 396

Vologicerta ... . . . . 299

Vriddhivarman .. .. .. 453

Vrishan .. .. .. .. 416

Vrittra .. 410,413,419-20

Wardak Urn, Inscription on .. 255

Weber, Professor, . . 387, 411, 414, 425,
429, 430

West Berar .. .. .. 2

Whish, Mr 371, 38)

• discovers an alpha-

betical notation in the Arva-
bhattf3Tam . . . . . . 380

White Yajur Veda .. .. 429

Wrhitney, Professor, .. '• 377

WTilken on Pushtu .. .. 54

AVilson, Professor H. II., 429, 452, 454 t

Page

Wilson, Professor’s, Dictionary . . 409

Vishnu Purana 418

Windisehmann, Dr. F., Ursagen

desArischen Volker

.. 407

W urdah river

.. .. 1

Wyegaom . .

Yadu

.. 425-6, 453

Yajnavarman

.. .. 453

lrama

.. 418

Yamakoti

.. 384-6

Y;'ska

416,424

Yavana city

385-6

Y avanapura . .

.. 386

Y azeazea . .

.. 396

Young, Dr., interprets

hierogiy-

phics . .

.. 313

Zabians . . .,

.. 284

Zamia

.. 389

Zizyphus Baelei

.. 389

Zoaroi

. 285

Zoilus, Coin of ..

.. .. 133

Zorambos . .

.. .. 28 t

PRINTED BY HARRISON AND SONS, ST. MARTINS LANE.

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

PROCEEDINGS

OP THE

FORTIETH ANNIVERSARY MEETING OF THE SOCIETY,

Held on the 18fA May , 1863.

MAJOR-GENERAL SIR H. C. RAWLINSON,
K.C.B., F.R.S., &c., &c.,

IN THE CHAIR.

The following' Report of the Council was read by the Secre-
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The Council is happy to be able to commence its Report,
by notifying to the Society, that His Royal Highness the
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ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

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1863.]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

ill

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manufactured, had been sent by the Mysore Government to
the International Exhibition, at the close of which they were
to be presented to our Society. These articles have, ac-
cordingly, since been received, and are now added to our
Museum.

The Secretary of State for India has kindly presented to
our Library a number of valuable books, which we did not
before possess, and of which duplicates existed in the Library
of the East India Office ; also the fourth volume of the “ Rig
Veda Sanhita,” edited by Professor Max Muller.

J. Muir, Esq., has presented the fourth volume of his
“ Sanskrit Texts,” and Professor Goldstiicker, the fifth part of
his “ Sanskrit Dictionary.”

The Council has authorised the presentation of copies of
our Journal to the Geological Museum of Calcutta, to the
United Service Institution of Western India, and to the
Library of the College of Civil Engineering at Roorkee.

The two copper plates mentioned in last year’s Report as
having been presented to the Society by A. A. Roberts, Esq.,
have proved to be fragments of one sole plate ; and in the
hands of Professor Dowson (aided by the sug-gestions of
E. Norris and E. Thomas, Esqrs.), the inscription on them has
not only been deciphered, but has proved the means of
enabling several other relics from the Punjab to be satisfac-
torily translated, and has also furnished a key to the system
of arithmetical notation used in that class of inscriptions.

The Council regrets to observe somewhat of a falling off
in the number of our Members during the past year, the
losses by death or retirement having rather exceeded the
accession of new Members. And of these latter, a large
proportion being non-resident, the pecuniary loss is even
greater than the mere numerical diminution might indicate.
The account is as follows : —

Elections. — Resident Members , six ; Non-resident , ten. Total

16.

Deaths : Members who had compounded for their subscrip-
tions, two; Original , one; Resident , three ; Non-Resident, two.
Total 8.

Retirements: Resident, fifteen; Non-Resident, two. Total 17.

Total loss. — Compounded, two ; Original, one ; Resident,

a 2

iv ANNUAL REPORT OF THE [May,

eighteen ; Non-Resident , four. Making altogether, 25 Mem-
bers.*

In money value these figures represent a yearly addition
to our funds of only twenty-eight guineas, against a diminu-
tion of sixty guineas ; and this again makes, as the general
result, a loss of thirty-two guineas. f

It is computed that this year our income, with the aid of
certain exceptional receipts, will quite cover our expenses.
And, as the sum voted for the purposes of the Committee of
Agriculture and Commerce has now been drawn, while there
appears sufficient reason to anticipate that the new arrange-
ment for the publication of the Journal will effect a saving on
that head, it may be hoped that next year also our receipts
will quite balance our expenditure.

Proceeding now to the notice of those of our deceased
Members, respecting whom some little account has been
found accessible, we have first to mention the late Henry,
third Marquis of Lansdowne, K.G., P.C., who was one of the
Original Members of this Society. His Lordship served on the
Council for a short period from 1843, and the calls of business
on his time was the sole preventive to his acceding to the
wish of the Council to put him in nomination for election as

* Sleeted. — Resident .’ His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales ;
Rev. S. Beale ; Hermann Bicknell, Esq.; S, E. B. Pusey, Esq.; Joseph
Constantine, Esq. ; Rev. Dr. E. Spooner. Non-Residents: Rajah V. L. P.
N. Conjeveram ; G. L. N. Chettv, Esq. ; S. D. Nazhnjung Bahadoor,
Esq. ; Dr. Bhau-Daji, G.G.M.C. ; A. M. Dowleans, Esq. ; Lieutenant

S. B. Miles ; M. Coomarasamy ; W. Dickson, Esq. ; Capt. M. W. Carr ;
Henry P. Le Mesurier, Esq.

Retirements. — Resident : W. A. Shaw, Esq. ; Charles Gubbins, Esq. ;

T. Robinson, Esq. ; Sir John Wedderbum ; James Waddell, Esq. ; Sir
II. C. Montgomery ; Edward Hamilton, Esq. ; T. S. Gladstone, Esq. ;
Murray Gladstone, Esq. ; Rev. T. Preston ; A. B. Hill, Esq. ; J. Jackson,
Esq. ; Colonel W. n. Sykes ; W. P. Adam ; Rev. Geo. Small. Non-
Resident : Cotton Mather, Esq. ; Captain H. G. Raverty.

Deaths. — Resident ; Lieutenant-Colonel C. Tlioresby ; Walter Ewer,
Esq.; Marquis of Lansdowne ; Lieutenant-General Sir James Outram ;
Geo. Forbes, Esq. Non-Resident : T. A. Compton, Esq. ; Lieutenant-

General Cullen ; Mirza Ja’fer Khan.

t 15 Retirements at three guineas, , . . . . 47 5 0

2 do. at one guinea 2 2 0

49 7 0

3 Deaths at three guineas 9 9 0

1 do. at two guineas 2 2 0

2 do. at one guinea 2 2 0 13 13 0

Total loss by deaths and retirements 63 0 0

6 Elections at three guineas 18 18 0

10 do. at one guinea 10 10 0 29 8 0

Total money loss 33 12 0

1863.]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

President. He was bom on the 2nd of July, 1780, and was
in his eighty-third year when a slight accident became the
proximate cause of his death on the last day of January, 1863,
he having succeeded to the Marquisate on the death of his elder
brother in 1809. His Lordship’s public life is too well known
to need any comment here. Suffice it to say that he was
beloved by all who knew him, and that he was ever noted as
a generous patron of the arts and of literature, a promoter of
education* and a liberal ■‘minded man in every respect.

Lieutenant-General Sir James Outram, Bart., G.C.B.,
K.S.I., bom in 1805, first went to India in 1819, and was
shortly afterwards appointed a Lieutenant in the 23rd Regi-
ment of Bombay Native Infantry. Serving with this he first
achieved distinction by making, with two hundred men of
the regiment, a forced march of thirty-five miles, attacking
and capturing the fastness of an insurgent leader, who had
hoisted the standard of the Peishwa, in a hill fortress in Can-
deish. The eye of Mountstuart Elphinstone, then Governor
of Bombay, recognized the merit of the young officer. Pro-
motion from regimental service to a civil mission followed ;
and from 1828 to 1835, we find Outram employed, first
against, and then over, the wild and lawless Bheels of Can-
deish, ever giving fresh proof of the possession of great
qualities, not only as a soldier, but also as a ruler of men.
From 1835 to 1838, he was employed in establishing order in
the Mahee Kanta, a province of Guzerat.

On the breaking out of the war in Afghanistan in 1838,
Outram, as many others, laid down his civil appointment, and
was made an honorary Aide-de-Camp on the staff of General
Sir John Keane, who was then commanding the Bombay divi-
sion of the army sent against Dost Muhammed Khan. By the
greatest activity, Outram nearly succeeded in hunting down
this celebrated chief ; but he generously refused to effect
the capture of the fugitive when a traitor offered him the
means.

Outram afterwards joined the expedition of Sir T. Will-
shire against Khelat in Beluchistan. After the capture of
that stronghold, he volunteered to cany the General’s dis-
patches to Bombay through the enemy’s country ; and this
service he performed by disguising himself as a holy man,
and travelling, in one week, a distance of three hundred and
sixty miles to Kurrachee, whence he proceeded by ship. For
these various proofs of zeal and ability he was gazetted a
Major in the army, and was soon after named Political Agent
in Lower Sind. Here, uniting, as before, vigour in action
with sympathy and kindness whenever he could create the
opportunity, he soon gained the confidence of the Hyderabad

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[Mar,

Ameers, as he did also that of Nusser Khan, the youthful
successor to the throne of Khelat, when afterwards sum-
moned to the post of Tipper Sind.

During the disasters of the army in Afghanistan, in 1841-2,
Outram was firm in advising that the foe should be chastised ;
and he rendered most eminent sendee by throwing into Kan-
dahar, at that critical juncture, troops, stores, ammunition,
and money.

Outram was at Hyderabad in Lower Sind, when General
Sir C. Napier advanced on that place to coerce the Ameers
into the adoption of a new line of policy. Notwithstanding
the entreaties of the Ameers, and their declarations that they
would be powerless to control the populace, Outram remained
at his post. His defence of the Residency, when at length
assailed by the Beluchis of the place, has been called one of
the brightest records on the page of Indian history. General
Sir C. Napier had before this styled Outram the Bayard of
India ; but the policy now adopted in Sind, and the series of
operations which thence ensued, brought on between these
two great men a controversy which has been universally
regretted. But Outram stedfastly adhered to his principle of
dealing kindly and justly to the inhabitants of our Indian
empire — principles on which he acted alike while Commis-
sioner in Sind and while in the Mahratta country as Resident
at Sattara, to which latter post he was appointed in 1845.
He had previously visited England on furlough, and after his
return to India had again adorned his name by a series of
worthy exploits in Kolapoor and Sawuntwaree against the
local insurgents.

In 1847, Sir George Clerk appointed him Resident at Ba-
roda — the highest post in the gift of the Governor of Bombay.
Removed from thence by Sir George’s successor, Outram again
visited England, and on his return to India was appointed to
Aden.

When Lord Dalhousie, in 1855, resolved on the annexation
of Oude, Outram was selected to carry out the measure,
which he did with all the consideration in his power. His
health then failing he came to England in 1856 ; but the war
with Persia soon caused his services to be again required, and
he was appointed to command the expedition to Bushire.
Completely successful, he soon forced the Court of Teheran
to sue for peace, and so to set him free to fly to the aid of his
countrymen imperilled in India itself by the outbreak of the
Sepoy Mutiny. Having been appointed Chief Commissioner
of Oude, he marched to Cawnpore, united his corps to that
under the heroic Havelock, and then proceeded to the first
relief of the small garrison of Lucknow, beleaguered in that
place by hosts of rebels and mutineers. In this advance he

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Vll

1863.]

most generously put liis Commissionership in abeyance, and
volunteered to serve under Havelock as a subordinate. The
devoted gallantry displayed by the garrison of Lucknow,
both before and after Outram and Havelock had joined them,
is too well known to need more than a passing allusion here.
Afterwards, on the first advance of Sir Colin Campbell, his
relief of the garrison, and his subsequent retreat to Cawn-
pore, Outram was left in charge of the post of the Alumbagh,
which he not only defended for three months against im-
mensely superior numbers of assailants, but from whence he
succeeded in implanting in the minds of the gveat landed
chiefs of the province the idea that the power of England
must prevail. In the final attack on Lucknow, Outram had
command of the force detached to the other side of the river,
crossing it finally into the town by the Iron Bridge. He was
then installed as Chief Commissioner of the province, and did
much, by his conciliatory policy, to facilitate its ultimate
pacification. Returning to Calcutta, he took his seat as a
member of the Supreme Council, and there displayed his
usual energy, tact, and devotion. The climate, however,
proved too much for his already impaired health. He left
India for the last time in 1860, and spent the winter of
1861-2 in Egypt, where he seemed to have somewhat re-
covered, and came to England for a short time last summer.
Under medical advice, however, he again left for a milder
climate, and repaired to Pau, residing there for several
months. The change was unavailing, and his death occurred
there on the 11th of March, 1863, when he was but fifty-eight
years of age. In recognition of his splendid character and
services, his remains were honoured with a public funeral in
Westminster Abbey, and it is hoped that the memorial
statue which Outranks friends have voted him, and which
has recently been executed by Mr. Noble, may be allotted a
place in Trafalgar Square, where it will form a striking and
not inappropriate pendant to that of his great rival, the late
General Sir Charles Napier.

Walter Ewer, Esq., was the son of a gentleman who
had been for some time Governor of the then British settle-
ment of Bencoolen in the island of Sumatra. Having been
educated at a private semiuary, he proceeded to India in 1803
as a member of the Bengal Civil Service. He joined the
College of Fort William, at a time when that institution was
in full vigour as a school of Oriental literature ; and having
great natural talent for the acquisition of languages, he took
full advantage of the facilities for those studies which it then
afforded in an eminent degree. He distinguished himself by
his proficiency in Persian, Arabic, and Urdu; at the same

Vlll

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

time obtaining' collegiate honours by his knowledge of the
laws and regulations of the local Government, and by the
composition of an essay on the English language.

On leaving college he joined the judicial branch of the ser-
vice, and was for some time attached to the District Court of
Rajeshye. Thence he proceeded to Amboyna, as First As-
sistant to the Resident, W. B. Martin, Esq., of the Bengal
Civil Service, holding, under that gentleman, the g’overnment
of one of the subordinate islands, in which he exercised the
mixed political and judicial authority of Lieutenant-Governor.

Returning to Bengal in 1816, he was appointed Judge and
Magistrate of his old district of Rajeshye ; and after holding
that office for about three years, having early become marked
as an able administrator, he was selected for the important
situation of Superintendent of Police in the provinces of Ben-
gal, Behar, and Orissa, and was subsequently transferred, in a
like capacity, to the conquered and ceded provinces. This
post he continued to occupy for nearly ten years, being at the
same time more than once charged with temporary commis-
sions, involving duties of more than ordinary trust and re-
sponsibility.

After a short service in the Revenue Department as Com-
missioner for Delhi, he was restored to the judicial line by an
appointment to the high office of Judge of the Sudder-De-
wanee and Nizamut-Adawlut of the Upper Provinces. This
situation he held till his resignation of the Company’s service
in 1839-40, when he returned to England after an unbroken
career of public duty of more than thirty-five years. He died
at his residence in Portland Place, London, after a short ill-
ness, on the 5th of January 1863, at the age of seventy-eight.

Mr. Ewer’s talents were of a high order. Possessing
great quickness in the acquisition of knowledge, and equal
clearness in the application of it, he occupied a foremost rank
among the public servants of the Government ; and his ready
intercourse with the inhabitants, while affording him an
accurate knowledge of the thoughts and feelings of those
over whom he was placed, secured for him at the same time
that popularity and influence among them which have never
been withheld from any English functionary of high rank in
whom our Indian fellow-subjects have recognised a genuine
sympathy and interest in their welfare.

His reading was extensive, and his scientific acquirements
were surprisingly great, considering the comparatively little
leisure he could command from his official labours, and the
necessarily itinerant life which those labours involved. Music,
or astronomical observations, formed his favourite source
of relaxation. Tn all his wanderings he carried with him his
piano, and, with other mathematical instruments, a powerful

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

1863.]

telescope. This last, indeed, he applied to an unusual pur-
pose, of which the mention may be not without interest to
this Society, viz. : when he visited Delhi in 1822, that singular
structure, the Cootub Minar, was in such a state of disrepair
as to prevent any access to the inscriptions which surround
its several galleries.* These Mr. Ewer was able to read with
the assistance of his telescope of g'reat magnifying power,
and the result of his observations was communicated to the
Asiatic Society of Bengal in a paper which is published in
the fourteenth volume of its Transactions — a notice which
doubtless influenced the Government in the adoption of mea-
sures subsequently taken for the preservation of that and
other interesting remains in the vicinity. He also sent me-
moranda of the latitude and longitude of various places,
determined by himself, to Arrowsmith, and to the Royal Geo-
graphical Society, for the correction of the then very imperfect
maps of Upper India.

It is to be regretted that so accomplished a scholar as
Mr. Ewer did not, after his return from India, show a more
sustained devotion to the cause of literature ; and it is espe-
cially to be lamented that he caused to be destroyed a valu-
able series of notes, in which he had recorded the results of
much varied and extensive observation, and of which the
value was estimated very highly by competent judges to
whom the manuscript was communicated. They appear to
have contained much which, without any elaborate prepara-
tion, would have afforded materials for very interesting com-
munications to this and other Societies. Some time before his
death Mr. Ewer presented his astronomical instruments to the
Royal Geographical Society, of which he was a member, having
also the distinction of being a Fellow of the Royal Society.

This is not the place for entering on any details of private
life. It may suflice to state that no man could be more
generally loved than Mr. Ewer, while his social and con-
versational talents amply sustained his high character as
a public functionary, and strongly impressed those who were
brought most intimately into association with him, with a
cordial admiration of his genius, but also with a deep regret
that a certain indolence of disposition should prevent the full
development of his natural gifts. He was, indeed, a delight-
ful companion, ever ready to impart his knowledge to those
who sought it, and, while generally calm and undemonstrative
in his demeanour, was ever a most genial and much valued
member of the circle in which he moved.

Colonel Charles Thoresby went first to India in the

* For a full account of the inscriptions at Delhi, with their latest
readings, see Thomas’s edition of Prinsep’s works, vol. i, p. 326.

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

year 1809, to join the Bengal Native Infantry. After passing
his examination in the Hindustani language, he was attached
to the 34th regiment in that force, and in 1810 went as a
volunteer to the Mauritius. On his return he joined his
regiment for a short period. Having leisure, then, to study,
he acquired considerable proficiency in several of the Indian
languages, ancient and modern, and was appointed to be one
of the Secretaries of the Hindu College at Benares, where he
continued about ten years. After this. Lord William Bentinck,
then Governor-General, judging that the services of this
officer would be useful in the Civil Department, employed him,
in 1835, as his Political Agent in settling the new State of
Shekawattee. lie there managed affairs so judiciously, and
established such order in the district, that he was soon after-
wards appointed to be Resident at Jypoor, and lastly to the
still more important post of Resident at Nepaul at the time
when the Sikh war broke out in 1848, and when there was so
much dread of a general insurrection of the Native Powers.
Having remained there three years, and been above forty
years in India without a furlough to his native country, he
resigned the service and returned to England in 1850, residing
for the last ten years at Torquay, where his benevolence and
liberality acquired for him the esteem and affection of a large
circle of friends and of the inhabitants in general.

Lieutenant-General William Cullen, late of the Madras
Artillery, went to India in 1804, and served in the field at
Candeish and Berar with the Hyderabad subsidiary force in
1805-6, commanding a brigade of artillery at the surprise of a
large Mahratta force in the former year. He was present at
the capture, of St. Denis, in the Isle of Bourbon, in 1810, and
also with the force employed against Kurnoal in 1815. He
attained the rank of Colonel in 1842, and that of Lieutenant-
General in November, 1851. Meanwhile, on the decease of
Colonel Maclean, General Cullen had been appointed Resident
of Travancore and Cochin in September, 1840, retiring from
that post in January, 1860. After his retirement, he con-
tinued to reside at Travancore ; but was on his way to the
Neilgherries for the benefit of his health, when he was
attacked at Quilon with fever and ague, and expired at
Allepey on the 1st of October, 1862, at the age of about
seventy-six.

REPORT OF THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND
COMMITTEE.

The translation of Ibn Khallikan by Monsieur le Baron de
Slane, of which two volumes and the first part of a third
have been published, has been suspended since 1845. It was

1863.]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

resumed at the request of the Committee last year, and the
learned translator has made considerable and satisfactory pro-
gress in bringing the work to a conclusion. The second part
of the third volume, and one additional volume will most
probably complete the whole. It is proposed not to commence
printing until the entire manuscript is nearly ready.

It is hoped that a small volume of miscellaneous transla-
tions may also be published this year. The expense of these
publications will exhaust the resources of the fund at present
available.

REPORT OF TIIE COMMITTEE OF AGRICULTURE
AND COMMERCE.

It was stated in the last Report that the Council had
determined to revive the Committee of Agriculture and Com-
merce, with the view of collecting, digesting, and diffusing,
information regarding the productive resources of the East,
and of India in particular. The Committee reported last year
that four papers had been brought forward at their meetings.
They have now to state that since the issue of the last
Report, nine papers have been read and discussed at the
meetings which have been successively held, on the following
subjects : —

1. On the Production of Cotton in Bengal, by the Secretary.

2. On the Cultivation of Cotton at the Madras Presidency,
by the Secretary.

3. On the Soil, Climate, and Productive Resources of East
Berar, by Captain Meadows Taylor.

4. On the Supply of Cotton from the East Indies, by
Mr. Fincham.

5. On Indian Railways, by the Secretary.

6. On the Prospects of the Supply of Cotton from India
in the present year, by Mr. Fincham.

7. On the Progress of Cotton Cultivation in the district of
Dharwar, by the Secretary.

8. On the Cultivation of Flax in the Punjab, by the
Secretary.

9. On the Resources and Prospects of the Central Pro-
vinces, by the Secretary.

The Committee have to state that of the sum of £100
placed at their disposal by the Council, there still remains in
hand at the present time, £15 18s. 3d.

They reg-ret to observe that there has not been that
interest manifested in the revival of these discussions, which
they had expected to find at a time when the material im-
provement of the various dependencies of England, and the de-
velopment of their resources had become an object of national

Xll

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

importance. Their meetings have been feebly attended, and
the compilation of papers has devolved almost exclusively on
their Secretary. In these circumstances they cannot venture
to solicit the Council to renew the grant. But they would
propose that the organisation of the Committee be maintained,
in order that meetings may be convened whenever papers of
sufficient interest, and falling within the scope of the Com-
mittee’s labours, have been presented, or whenever it may be
deemed advisable to collect information with a view to the
discussion of any question of g'eneral importance and
interest.

AUDITORS’ REPORT for the Year 1862.

The Auditors beg' to report, that they have carefully ex-
amined the accounts of the Society for the year 1862, and
have found them correct.

The balance on hand, 31st December, 1861, was

£323

Outstanding liabilities . .

230

Leaving a balance applicable to 1862

The receipts in 1862, were

881

Total Credit

973

Expenses of the year 1862

705

6£

In hand, 31st December, 1862

267

101

Outstanding liabilities . .

188

Leaving a net balance applicable to 1863 . .

Your Auditors desire to draw the attention of the Society
to the evident deduction from the above statement, that the
present income is barely sufficient to meet the requirements
of the Society, and to impress upon the minds of its Members
the continued necessity for strenuous efforts in its favour.

The reading of the Reports being concluded, Sir H.
Rawlinson rose and addressed the meeting as follows :

Gentlemen, — In the absence of our zealous and accom-
plished President, it becomes my duty to make a few obser-
vations to you on the subject of the Annual Report, which has

FRED. FINCIIAM,

E. C. RAVENSIIAW,
THOS. 0G1LVY,

| Auditors for the Society.

Auditor for the Council.

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

1863.]

been read to you by our Secretary. If we were to estimate
our position solely by the number of our subscribing members,
then, no doubt, Pshould have to address you, on the present
occasion, in tones of apprehension, if not of despondency ; for,
as you will have observed, the secessions from our ranks
during the past year far out-number the additions. But our
pecuniary condition, although a very important item in our
welfare as a Society, is not the only — nor, indeed, the most
essential — matter that we have to consider. So long as we
can pay our way — and I see no reason at present for doubting
that we can do so — we may go on steadily in our path, work-
ing out unostentatiously, but still with earnestness and suc-
cess, those great objects for which the Society was consti-
tuted ; and we may even increase in reputation and in
usefulness, though shorn of our numerical strength. The
main object, indeed, to which I think our attention should be
directed is the position that we hold as a body of Orientalists,
in relation to the other great Oriental bodies of Europe, Asia,
and America ; and this position depends, as I need hardly re-
mind you, on the character of the papers that we publish to
the world Here, then, there is certainly no falling off. The
papei’s which have appeared in the two first parts of our
Journal, published since the last Anniversary Meeting, are in
every respect worthy of the Society. Two, indeed, of these
papers, that by Mr. Thomas on Bactrian Coins, and that by
Mr. Dowson on the Bactrian Pali Inscriptions, are, perhaps,
the most important contributions that have been ever made
to this particular branch of Eastern archaeology ; and I be-
lieve that the forthcoming double number of the Journal will
contain articles that will still further raise the reputation of
our Society, both at home and abroad. The papers, also,
that have been collected by our Committee of Agriculture
and Commerce, and for which we are mainly indebted to the
indefatigable Secretary of that Committee, Mr. J. C.Marshman,
are of the utmost value in placing before the world, in a con-
densed form, extensive and varied information with regard
to the productive resources of India.

It is a rule in many Societies that the President should, at
the Anniversary Meeting, report on the progress during the
past year, of that branch of science for which the Society is
specially instituted ; and it is to be hoped that hereafter, in
our own Society, so very excellent a plan may be adopted
and persevered in. I am not myself prepared to enter at
present upon such a review of Oriental science. I can merely
indicate, in the briefest manner, a few recent or forthcoming
works on which the Orientalists of this country may be congra-
tulated. Firstly, then, Professor Goldstiicker has published
another part of his Sanskrit Dictionary, which is, in every

XIV

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

respect, worthy of his high reputation. This dictionary,
indeed, is a vast improvement on that published by the late
Professor Wilson, and, when completed, will be the standard
authority in this branch of Eastern learning. Secondly, the
opening volume has at last been printed of Mr. Lane’s great
Arabic Dictionary, on which that indefatigable scholar has
been employed for the last twenty years. The remaining
volumes will now follow in rapid succession, all the materials
being already prepared for the press, and I think we may
safely predict that this great work, which thoroughly ex-
hausts the subject, and which is at once critical and practical,
will, in a short time, supersede all the other Arabic lexicons
now in use. Thirdly, the British Museum is about to publish
two volumes of great interest for Oriental students ; one
being a collection of Phoenician Inscriptions from Carthage,
edited and translated by Mr. Vaux, and the other a series
of Himyaric Inscriptions, which have been copied from copper
plates brought to this country from Southern Arabia by
General Coghlan, and which are being edited and translated
by Mr. Franks.

But if I thus coniine myself to the briefest notice in
alluding to works of general interest to Orientalists, I can
describe, in somewhat more detail, the progress of research
and discovery in that particular branch of enquiry, which
forms the subject of my own studies, and which has been so
much discussed in the pages of our Journal : I mean, of
course, the Cuneiform Inscriptions.

During the past year, I have been principally occupied in
examining and preparing for publication a selection from
among the many thousand fragments of clay tablets from
Nineveh which are preserved in the British Museum ; and
some very important discoveries, both ethnological and his-
torical, have resulted from this examination. It seems to be
now pretty clearly ascertained that the primitive population
which occupied the valley of the Tigris and Euphrates was of
the Semitic family, and that this population was partially
displaced in Babylonia, about 2500 b.c., by Turanian tribes
from the Persian mountains. These Turanian colonists,
moreover, appear to have brought in with them the use of
letters, and they may be thus supposed to represent the
Zoroastrian Medes, who, according to Berosus, furnished the
first historical dynasty to Babylonia, and who are further
generally described by the Greek traditionists as having con-
tended with Ninus (the Eponyme of the Semitic race), and as
having introduced the arts of magic (i. e., of writing) into
Western Asia. There were probably many successive immi-
grations of mountaineers into Babylonia and Elymais, and many
different languages seem to have prevailed amongst the colo-

1863.]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

nists ; each tribe, indeed, having its own dialect and indepen-
dent vocabulary, although all belonging to one great ethnic
family ; and it is further curious to observe the large propor-
tion of Aryan roots and Aryan nouns which these Turanian
inscriptions exhibit, as if the two races had been completely
intermixed in their primitive seats in Central or Eastern Persia.

We also find, that there was an independent Semitic em-
pire in Assyria, in the very earliest times, co-existent with a
Turanian empire in Babylonia, and we are thus led to suspect,
that the chronology of Berosus, and the chronology of
Ctesias, which have been hitherto supposed to be absolutely
incompatible, may be partially reconciled with each other as
applying to two diffei’ent countries. It may further be noted,
that there is no indication of a change of dynasty in Assyria,
from the first institution of the empire, down to the destruction
of Nineveh, in about b.c. 625 ; whereas in Babylonia several
successive races seem to have risen. to power, the Turanians
being finally expelled from the sovereignty in the twelfth or
thirteenth century b.c. A Turanian dialect however, con-
tinued to be the prevailing language in Babylonia, down to
the age of Nebuchadnezzar, or even later.

The most important historical result which has followed
from the examination of the Museum tablets, has been the
discovery of what is called the Nineveh Canon ; that is, a
catalogue of the archons, or Eponymes, who gave their names to
the Assyrian year, extending over a period of about two cen-
turies and a half, or from b.c. 900 to b.c. 650. Unfortunately
although there are fragments of four independent copies
of this canon, a complete list cannot be made out. The
beginning is wanting in all, and the several lists close at
different periods of history. As the durations, however,
of tfie reigns of the Assyrian kings are duly marked in
the Canon, we are able to define the dates of the contemporary
kings of Judah and Israel, relatively to each other, and some
very important rectifications are thus obtained of the l’eccived
Scripture Chronology. The several copies of the Canon have
been lithographed, in fac-simile, and will be published with
ample illustrations in an early number of the Society’s
Journal.

The only other subject to which it is necessary to refer, is
the discovery of a certain number of bilingual legends in
Assyrian and Phoenician. In the present advanced stage of
Cuneiform decipherment, a bilingual key can hardly be of any
real use, as far as regards the identification of the phonetic
value of the different signs. It may serve, however, to
supply an answer to those sceptics of the school of the late
Sir George Lewis, who require the direct testimony of a
known language and character, before they can believe in the

XVI

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

possibility of reading an unknown character, and resuscita-
ting an unknown language ; and this purpose the bilingual
legends, limited as they are in extent, may be said to have
actually achieved ; for any one may now compare an Assyrian
name, as written in Phoenician, with its correspondent in
Cuneiform, and thus satisfy himself that the phonetic powers
which have been given to the Cuneiform signs are correct.
The history of the discovery is simply as follows : — I had
occasion to examine with care the whole collection in the
British Museum of small bulging tablets (which are for the
most part legal documents, deeds of sale, &c., &c.) for the
purpose of verifying the names of the Eponymes, which fur-
nished the dates ; and in the course of this examination, I
found that in several cases there were a few words or lines of
Phoenician writing scratched on the edge of the tablet. A
further scrutiny satisfied me that the Phoenician legend was
a mere docket or endorsement, — stating the general purport of
the Cuneiform text, — which had been scratched, for the con
venicnce of reference, on the tablet by the librarian, or keeper
of the records, who was probably a native of Phoenicia.
Having copied all the fragments I could find, I was thus able
to exhibit some ten or twelve names and words written
both in Phoenician and Cuneiform. The key, if it can be so
called, has not furnished me with a single new reading, and
I cannot, therefore, consider it of any real value ; but still, as
a mere matter of curiosity, I propose to publish the bilingual
readings before long in the Society’s Journal.

Before concluding this brief review of Cuneiform progress
during the past year, it is only proper that I should draw
attention to the labours of Messieurs Oppert and Menant,
in France, and of Dr. Hincks and Mr. Fox Talbot, in this
country. Although I am not prepared to accept all the
results which the}7 have put forward, and although I think, as
a general rule, that the work of translation should be pursued
with more caution and reserve than they have usually dis-
played, still I am bound to admit, that the papers which have
severally appeared in the Journal Asiatique and the Annales de
Philosophic Chretienne, in France, and in the Journal of the
Royal Society of Literature, in our own JoKraaf, and more re-
cently in The Atlantis, in England, have greatly advanced our
acquaintance with the Assyrian language ; and I regret ex-
tremely, that owing to the slow process of lithography, and
the difficulty of obtaining correct impressions of the minute
and half-obliterated writing on the Museum clay tablets, I
have not been able before this to place at the disposal of my
fellow-labourers the second volume of the Cuneiform Inscrip-
tions of Western Asia, which, containing as it does, nearly 300
explanatory lists and vocabularies, would have so greatly

1863.]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

XVII

facilitated their studies, and improved the accuracy of their
results. The volume in question is, however, now nearly
completed, and will certainly be published during the ensuing
autumn.

In conclusion I would only reiterate the appeal which was
made last year by our accomplished President to all those
interested in the cultivation of Eastern science, that they
should rally round this Society, and by their united efforts
place it in the proud position which it formerly occupied, as
the Oriental mouth-piece of England. The India Board has
given proof of the interest which it feels in our proceedings,
and the confidence which it reposes in us, by continuing to
the Society the full yearly grant of two hundred guineas.
Let us show that we appreciate this support, and are not un-
worthy of it.

When Sir Henry had concluded his remarks, General
Briggs rose and proposed:

“ That the Report of the Council, with those of the Com-
mittees and of the Auditors, be adopted for circulation, and
that the thanks of the Society be offered to the Auditors for
the trouble they have taken in verifying the correctness of
last year’s accounts.”

In rising to propose this motion, General Briggs said:
He congratulated the Society on its satisfactory condition as
regarded its funds, so much improved in the last few years.
He considered the Auditors entitled to our thanks for the
voluntary labour they had bestowed in examining and testify-
ing to the correctness of our accounts. He could not, how-
ever, sit down without expressing his admiration of the
extremely interesting account which the gallant Chairman,
our Director, had given of the progress made in the exami-
nation of the rich stores in the arrow-headed character which
had been brought to light by modern research. He had heard
this day various details of the existence in ancient times,
among a people of whom our knowledge was still very small,
of a methodical frame of society of which we had hitherto
had but the most confused accounts. The discovery of the
several elements of a very complicated social system had
been mentioned to us with a clearness most admirable, and
with proofs incontestible, which in bygone days could not
have been hoped for. The gallant gentleman concluded by
congratulating the Society on the eloquent discourse to which
they had just listened with so much attention and pleasure.

Captain W. J. Eastwick having seconded the motion,

XYlii ANNUAL REPORT OF THE [May,

it was unanimously adopted ; and F. Fincham biieily returned
thanks for the Auditors.

Sir Henry Rawlinson then proposed:

“ That the thanks of the Society be conveyed to the
President, Lord Strangford, for the sustained interest he has
shown in every question connected with the welfare and
influence of the Society.”

The motion was seconded by M. P. Edgeworth, Esq.,
and adopted unanimously ; when the Right Hon. Holt
Mackenzie rising, moved :

“ That the thanks of the meeting be offered to the
Director for his valuable co-operation in conducting the
affairs of the Society, and for his kindness in presiding on
the present occasion.”

In proposing this resolution, Mr. Mackenzie said : lie
believed that he need say very little in support of his pro-
posal. Every member of the Society being, he imagined,
fully acquainted with the eminent position held by Sir Id.
Rawlinson as an Orientalist, and with the works by which he
had given lustre to the Transactions of the Society. They
could not forget that in taking the office of their Director, Sir
Henry succeeded one who stood, not only among themselves,
but by every European reputation, in the very foremost rank
of Oriental scholars — Horace Ilayman Wilson, the worthy
successor of their first Director, the illustrious Colebrooke —
and it was no small praise to assert that he had worthily
supplied the place of those eminent men. But without pre-
suming to do more than to echo the general sentiment on
that point, he ought, as a Member of the Council, to bear
testimony to the constant zeal with which their Director
exerted himself to promote the prosperity and reputation of
the Society, and to the efficiency with which he influenced and
guided the proceedings of their Council. He need not say
one word as to the obligation due to Sir Henry Rawlinson for
the manner in which he had presided at that meeting. They
themselves would duly estimate the interesting address with
which he had favoured them ; and though they had never
probably shared the doubts which an ill-informed criticism
endeavoured to cast on the results of those researches that had
given an historical value to the Cuneiform inscriptions, and
shed light on so large a field of ancient story, previously
involved in darkness, they could not be but gratified to learn
that their Director was now able to satisfy the most in-
credulous, by a proof scarcely less satisfactory than if he
had been able to appeal to a bilingual inscription of the
monuments he had deciphered.

1863.]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

XIX

Before resuming his seat he wished to express his full
concurrence in the sentiment that there was no reason to
despair of the future of their Society ; while there appeared
to him many grounds on which more than ever the necessity
of such an Institution was established, and on which its
Members might justly be urged to exert themselves to g’ive
increased life and vigour to its proceedings, by papers and
discussions calculated to make Oriental subjects, and especially
questions relating to the great Hindu and Moslim nations
who were their fellow-subjects of the British Crown, better
known in this country than they now are. They could
not but perceive that many influential classes and persons
otherwise distinguished by extensive knowledge, did con-
stantly exhibit a marvellous want of accurate information in
regard to the East, and to the circumstances even of those
whose destiny depended largely, for good or evil, on the acts
of the British Government. A curious illustration of this
he met with a short time ago, in an ingenious work published
by an eminent statesman, recently lost to this country (a man
he believed equally and deservedly loved by his friends, and
lamented by the community, and who would generally be
recognised as one of the most learned and best informed of
our public men) — he meant the dialogue on the best form of
government, by the late Sir G. C. Lewis. For in it he
found it gravely stated that the Orientals were scarcely, if
at all, less inferior in intellect to the Europeans than they were
superior to the Negro ; and that of their literature there was
nothing worthy of the regard of scholars, excepting (what do
you think) the Arabian Nights’ Entertainments. In the same
work their moral condition is spoken of as so utterly degraded
(and the sentiment applied apparently to the whole of the
vast region from the western extremity of Arabia to the
eastern Emits of China), as to make it hopeless to think of
their co-operation towards self-government. So also in a
recent number of the Edinburgh Review, there is an able article
attributed to a nobleman high in office, and at all events im-
portant from the place where it is to be found, in which all
private property in the land in India, unless directly bestowed
by the Government, is apparently denied, and the right of
Government to deal with it according to their pleasure seems
to be asserted or inferred. Need he in this Society state the
momentous consequences which are likely to follow from the
practical application of such opinions, such principles, —or how
likely legislation, however well intentioned, touching the
dearest interests of the people (they all knew how that people
clung to their native villages and paternal fields), — was to pro-
duce a widespread discontent, and not improbably to lead to
results even more disastrous than that deplorable mutiny

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

■yv

which shattered the long-tried fidelity of our native army.
And although it might appear that there is already an abun-
dant supply of works demonstrating the fallacy of those
opinions (on the question of land tenure, it might be suffi-
cient to refer to the works of our esteemed colleague, General
Briggs), yet he was satisfied that the members of this Society,
especially those fresh from India, may perform a very valu-
able service to their country, and highly enhance the repu-
tation and usefulness of the Society, by the frequent com-
munication of papers calculated, not only to illustrate the
ancient literature and antiquities of the East, but to present
to those who read our Journal or attend our meetings, a
lively picture of its present condition and of the changes
which, often unperceived or unheeded by the Government, the
circumstances, opinions, and feelings of the people, more es-
pecially of their leading classes, are slowly but surely under-
going. He had always thought that details of the circum-
stances of single villages, collected on the spot or gathered
from the lips of the inhabitants, might be made eminently
interesting and instructive ; and he would venture to sug-
gest that by a simple record of such observations, the
result of enquiries in single villages, situate in different dis-
tricts, and occupied by different races or castes, the members
of the Society, especially non-resident members still abroad,
might greatly enrich our transactions, and contribute to them
matter not only of high interest to the curious inquirer, but
of essential value to the legislator and the statesman.

Sir Frederick IIalliday, K.C.B., having seconded the
motion, it was duly carried, and Sir Henry Rawlinson re-
turned thanks to the meeting as follows : —

It is no easy task to fill with credit the office of Director,
lately held by one so able as the lamented Professor Wilson.
I can only assure the meeting that I am animated with an
equal interest in the cause, and will do my best to fulfil the
duties of the office. I thank Mr. Mackenzie for the flattering
terms in which that gentleman has spoken of me, and 1 echo
most sincerely that which has fallen from him in respect to the
impolicy, as well as the injustice, of infringing the rights of
our Indian fellow-subjects, by interfering with their tenure of
the land. The Government would, however, from the tenor of
the recent debate on the subject, appear to be aware of the
danger of such an interference, and I trust, therefore, that
the fears expressed by Mr. Mackenzie, are never likely to be
fulfilled.

It was then proposed by E. C. Ravenshaw, Esq., seconded
by T. Ogilvy, Esq., and unanimously adopted :

1863.]

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

xxi

“ That the thanks of the meeting be given to the Vice-
Presidents and Council for their efficient services in managing
the business of the Society.”

The Right Hon. II. Mackenzie acknowledged the vote
for the Vice-Presidents and Council, and it was then proposed
by Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart. :

“ That the thanks of the Society be tendered to the
Committee of Agriculture and Commerce, and especially to
its Honorary Secretary, J. C. Marshman, Esq., for the valuable
papers communicated during the past year.”

In moving this resolution Sir C. Nicholson stated as
follows : —

It had been appropriately observed by their Chairman,
Sir H. Rawlinson, that the objects of the Royal Asiatic Society
were twofold -practical as well as scientific. He (Sir C.
Nicholson) believed that few objects, at the present moment,
could be regarded as of greater importance as affecting- our
national welfare than those relatiug to the capabilities of
India in the production of cotton. He had, within the last
fifteen months, had an opportunity of A'isiting those Presi-
dencies ; and, although his journey was rapid, and his oppor-
tunities of observation limited, he had, nevertheless, arrived
at certain convictions respecting our great Indian Empire,
which, but for such brief personal experience, he should never
have otherwise acquired. He might say, generally, that two
conclusions had been forced upon his mind. One was the
difficulty, if not impossibility, of any one being able properly to
appreciate India, or to deal with its vast and complicated
interests, who had never been in the country. The other
was as to the vast, and he would say unlimited, capabilities of
India for the production of the great staple article upon the
supply of which the prosperity of the manufacturing popula-
tion of England so largely depended. He was satisfied that
it only required time, and the increased facilities of transport
which were now being so continually carried out by means of
railways and water communication, to enable our Indian
possessions to meet all the demands of our manufacturing
industry. It was not in cotton alone, but in sugar, tea,
coffee, and all the varied vegetable productions of the tropics,
that India had unbounded (though, at the present moment, to
a great extent untried) capabilities. It was most desirable that
enquiries such as those instituted by the Royal Asiatic Society
should be prosecuted. He might add that much interest
would be felt in investigations such as these here referred to,
in other parts of the British Empire. The northern portions

XXII

ANNUAL REPORT OF THE

[May,

of Australia bore many points of resemblance to India in
climate and soil, and good efforts were being made in that
direction towards the cultivation of the cotton plant. The
reports which had emanated from the Committee of this
Society would be highly prized by the colonists of Queens-
land, and would, he doubted not, be found most useful in the
hints and directions they afforded. Before concluding the
few brief remarks he had to offer, he would just allude
briefly to another topic. Much credit had properly been ac-
corded to the government of India for its desire to preserve
the ancient monuments of that country. On a recent occa-
sion, however, when at Delhi, he had noticed with regret that
one of the great Asoka pillars or hits, on the north side of the
city, and near the line of entrenchments occupied by our
troops during the late mutiny, was lying prostrate on the
ground, broken into two or three fragments, and in a position
where it was constantly liable to abrasion by carts and car-
riages passing in its neighbourhood. He suggested whether
some attempt should not be made either for its re-erection, or,
at all events, for enclosing it within a fence, so as to protect
it from further injury.

The motion having been seconded by Edward Norris, Esq.,
was adopted nem. con., and Mr. Fincham, in returning thanks
for the Committee of Agriculture and Commerce, expressed
how much he regretted the absence of the Honorary Secre-
tary, Mr. Marslunan, to whom they were almost entirely
indebted for the valuable communications which had been
mentioned in the Report. The revival of the Committee, after
being twenty years in abeyance, appeared to him expedient
under the trying circumstances in which the great cotton
interest was placed by the failure of the supply of the raw
material, and in the hope of aiding, in some degree, the efforts
of Government to meet the exigency. He regretted that the
attendance of Members had not been so numerous as had
been anticipated.

It was finally proposed by General Briggs, and seconded
by J. W. Bosanquet, Esq. :

“ That the thanks of the meeting be giveu to the
Secretary, to the Honorary Secretary and Librarian, and
to the Tieasurer, for their respective services since the last
anniversary.”

In proposing this motion, General Briggs observed in a
few words that the duties undertaken and so efficiently per-
formed by the several Officers of the Society included in its
terms, merited their cordial thanks, and he had little doubt
that they would be given unanimously.

1863.] ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. xxiii

E. Norris, Esq., Honoraiy Secretary and Librarian, having
replied in the name of the Officers, Captain Eastwick and
Mr. Edgeworth were solicited to undertake the duties of
Scrutineers ; and the Ballot being had recourse to for the
Election of Officers and six new Members of Council, the
following result was declared by the Director, who further
congratulated the Society on having secured the support of
General Briggs, as one of the Vice-Presidents, and paid a
well-merited tribute to his long and able service in the cause
of Oriental Literature.

Director — Major-Gen. Sir H. C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L.,
F.R.S.

Treasurer — Edward Thomas, Esq.

Secretary — James Wm. Redhouse, Esq.

Honorar y Secretary and Librarian — Edwin Norris, Esq.

Council — Thomas Bazley, Esq., M.P. ; J. W. Bosanquet,
Esq. ; John Dickinson, Esq. ; Mounstuart Elphinstone Grant
Duff, Esq,, M.P. ; M. P. Edgeworth, Esq. ; James Fergusson,
Esq. ; Frederick Fincham, Esq. ; Professor T. Goldstiicker ;
Sir Frederick Halliday ; John C. Marshman, Esq.; Edward
Stanley Poole, Esq. ; Patrick Boyle Smollett, Esq., M.P. ;
Col. W. H. Sykes, M.P., F.R.S. ; Dr. Forbes Watson ; Major-
Gen. Sir A. S. Waugh, C.B.

At the conclusion of Sir H. Rawlixson’s eulogium,
Gexeral Briggs again rose and said, that he had great
pleasure in offering his thanks to the meeting for the honour
conferred on him by his election, and especially to the gallant
Chairman for his encomiums, and to the Right Hon. Holt
Mackenzie, who had also in his speech adverted to the services
of the gallant General as a Member of the Society, and
particularly to his labours in illustrating the nature of landed
tenures in India.

After which, the gallant General continued :

“ I believe I am one of the oldest surviving Members of
this Society. It is true I have occasionally served on its
Council, and have from time to time contributed to its Trans-
actions ; but it cannot be expected at my time of life that I
should be able to do much more for it, and I consider the
honour of a Vice-Presidentship now conferred, a sort of de-
coration, a kind of K. C.B. -ship, for services performed during
a very long career.

“ It is more than sixty-two years since I first sailed for
India, and I have continued in the public service till the
present time. Thirty-three years of that period have been

LIST OF THE MEMBERS

THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND:

5, New Rttheingtok Street, W.

CORRECTED TO MAY, M.DCCC.LXIII.

LONDON :

PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY,

BY HARRISON AND SONS, ST. MARTIN’S LANE, W.C.

1863.

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

PATRON.

HER MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY THE QUEEN.

VICE-PATRONS.

HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE OF WALES.

HIS MAJESTY LEOPOLD I., KING OF THE BELGIANS.

THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA.

THE CHAIRMAN OF THE HON. EAST INDIA COMPANY.

PRESIDENT.

THE RIGHT HON. LORD VISCOUNT STRANGFORD.

DIRECTOR.

MAJOR-GENERAL SIR H. C. RAWLINSON, Iv.C.B.,F.R.S., LL.D,

VICE-PRESIDENTS.

THE RIGHT HON. SIR EDWARD RYAN.

THE RIGHT HON. HOLT MACKENZIE.

SIR EDWARD COLEBROOKE, Bart., M.P.

GENERAL JOHN BRIGGS, F.R.S.

COUNCIL.

BOSANQUET, J. W., Esq.

DAVIS, SIR JOHN FRANCIS, Bart., K.C.B
EDGEWORTH, M. P., Esq.

FERGUSSON, JAMES, Esq.

GOLDSTUCKER, PROFESSOR THEODOR.

GRAHAM, C. CYRIL, Esq.

HALL, FITZ-EDWARD, Esq.

IIALLIDAY, SIR FREDERICK, K.C.B.

MARSIIMAN, JOHN C., Esq.

OGILVY, THOMAS, Esq.

PRIAULX, OSMOND DE BEAUVOIR, Esq.

RAVENSHAW, EDWARD COCKBURN, Esq.

SMOLLETT, P. B., Esq., M.P.

WATSON, DR. FORBES.

WAUGH, MAJOR-GENERAL SIR A. S., C.B.

TRUSTEES.

LORD STRANGFORD.

SIR T. E. COLEBROOKE, Bart., M.P.

BERIAH BOTFIELD, Esq., M.P., F.R.S.

treasurer — EDWARD THOMAS, Esq.
secretary — JAMES WM. REDJIOUSE, Esq.
honorary secretary AND LIBRARIAN — EDWIN NORRIS, Esq.
HONORARY SOLICITOR. — T. LUXMORE WILSON, Esq.

^onorarg Jflembrrg.

HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS PRINCE JOHN OF SAXONY.

HIS HIGHNESS NAWAB IKBAL UD DAULAH BAHADUR.
THEIR MAJESTIES THE KINGS OF SIAM.

THE REVEREND ROBERT CALDWELL, B.A.

THE REVEREND R. SPENCE HARDY.

THE REVEREND EDWARD HINCKS, D.D.

PROFESSOR N. L. WESTERGAARD.

PROFESSOR GUSTAVUS FLUEGEL.

PROFESSOR MAX MULLER.

JAMES R. BALLANTYNE, Esq., LL.D.

Jttcmberg;.

RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT.

N.B. — The marks prefixed to the names signify —

§ Original Members.

* Non-resident Members.

+ Members who have compounded for their Subscriptions.

ft Members who, having compounded, have again renewed their subscriptions, or given
donations.

[| Members whose Subscriptions are in abeyance during absence.

His Royal Highness the Prince or Wales.
fHis Majesty Leopold I., King of the Belgians, K.G.
*fAGA Mahomed Rahim Shieazi, Bombay.

*+Aga Mahomed Jaffeb, Bombay.

Alexander, Lieut.-Col. Sir James Edward, K.L.S., United
Service Club, S.W.

*f Ali Mahomed Khan, Consul for the Ottoman Porte, Bombay.
* Alison, Charles, Esq., H.B.M. Minister to the Court of Persia.
*Alves, Colonel N., St Helier, Jersey.

Anstrutheb, Major-General, 1, Chapel St., Grosvenor PI., S. W.
Anderson, H. Lacon, Esq.

*tARDASEER Cursetjee, Esq., Bombay.

#fARDASEER Hormanjee, Esq., Bombay.

fARROWSMiTH, John, Esq., 37, Hereford Sq., South Kensington, W.
Arthur, the Rev. W. A., Wesleyan Mission House, E.C.
Ashburton, the Right Hon. Lord, Bath House, Piccadilly, W.
Ashpitel, Arthur, Esq., 2, Poets' Corner, Westminster, S. W.

b 2

LIST OF MEMBERS.

fAsTELL, J. H., Esq.

*Auer, Mons. Alois, Conseiller a la Regence, Sfc., Sfc., Vienna.
fBABiNGTON, B. G., Esq., M.D., F.Ii.S., 31, George St., Hanover
Sq., TV.

Baker, Colonel 4V. G., Athenceum, S. W.

Baillte, N. B. E , Esq., 93, Gloucester Terrace, Ilgde Park, TV.
+Balfour, E. C., Esq., 2, Brunswick Place , Cheltenham.

§Ball, Samuel, Esq., TVolverley, Kidderminster .

*Barth, Dr. Henry, Berlin.

Baskertille, Henry, Esq.

*Batten, J. H., Esq., Bengal C. S.

t Baxter, H. J., Esq., Oakjield Lodge, E. Cowes, 1. Wight.
*Batlet, E. C., Esq., Bengal C. S.

Bazley, Thomas, Esq., M.P., 3a, Ring St., St. James's Sq., S. W.
*Beaufort, W. Morris, Esq., Bengal C. S.

Beal, Bey. S., H.M. Ship Shannon.

Beamont, Eev. W. J-, Trinity College, Cambridge.

IBenson, Eobert, Esq.

|| Bettington, Albemarle, Esq., Bombay C. S.

Bicknell, Herman, Esq., Clyde House, Palace Square, Upper
Norwood, S.

+Bland, Nathaniel, Esq.

* Blunt, J. E., Esq., H.M. Consul , Adrianople.

#tBoiiANJEE Hormanjee, Esq., Bombay.

Borradaile, John, Esq., 26, Gloucester PL, Portman Sq., W.
Bosanquet, J. W., Esq., 73, Lombard Street, E.C.
tfBoTFiELD, Beriab, Esq., M.P., E.E.S., 5, Grosvenor Square, W.
TBoiyring, Sir John, LL.D., Athenceum, S.JV.

#Brandreth, J.E.L., Esq., Bengal C. S.

*Braune, G. C. P., Esq., H.M. Consul, Tamsay, Formosa.

Brice, Charles Alexander, Esq., Malabar Lodge, Lee, Kent, S.E.
ttBRiGGS, General John, F.E.S., Oriental Club, W.; Bridge Lodge,
Hurstpier point, Sussex.

§ Broughton, the Eight Hon. Lord, F.E.S., 42, Berkeley Square, W.
Brown, Charles P., Esq., 7, Alfred Ter., Queen's ltd.,
Bayswater, W.

* Burnell, Arthur, Esq., 33, York Terrace, Regent's Park, N.W.
*fBuRNS, David Laing, Esq., Allahabad.

tBuRNEY, the Venerable the Archdeacon, D.D., F.E.S., United
University Club, Suffolk Street, S. W.

Burton. Capt. E. F., Bombay Army.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Burzorjee, Dr., Northwick Lodge, St. John s Wood, N. IV .
Butlix, J. R., Esq., F.S.A., 37, Gordon Square, JVC.

+Cabbell, Benjamin Bond, Esq.,E.R.S.,l , Brick Court, Temple, E.C.
Caldwell, Colonel Hugh, late of the Bengal Army.

Calthoepe, the Right Hon. Lord, 33, Grosvenor Square, JV.
*Calvert, Edmund, Esq., Constantinople.

*Camerox, Captain C. D., H.M.’s Consul, Massowah, Abyssinia.
Capox, Maj.-Gen. David, C.B., Anglesea House, Shirley, South'
ampton.

#Carmichael, David E., Esq., Madras C. S.

*Carr, Captn., M. W., Madras Army, 10, Bathurst St., Sussex
Sq., JV.

*Catafago, Joseph, Esq., 7, Howard Street, Strand, JVC.
+Cautley, Col. Sir Proby T., K.C.B., F.R.S., 31, Sackville
Street, JV.; India Office, S.JV.
tCHASE, Lieut. -Col. Morgan, 31, Nottinqham Blace, W.

Chetty, G. Latchmee Narrasoe, Esq., Madras.

^Churchill, A. H., Esq., C.B., H.M. Consul-General, Alqiers.
t Cl ark, Gordon \Y, Esq., 72, Gt. Tower Street, E.C.

Clarke, Richard, Esq., 13, Hotting Hill Square, JV.

Clerk, the Rt. Hon. Sir George R., K.C.B., Athenceum .

#Cole, Lieut. R. A., Madras Staff Corps, Ulysore.
ft Cole brooke, Sir Thomas Edward, Bart., M.P., 37, South Street ,
Bark Lane, JV.

*Conjeverah, Rajah Yasooreddi Latchmee Pathi Xaidoo
Bahadoor, Madras.

Coxstaxtixe, Joseph, Esq., 11, Cambridge Ter., Sussex Card., JV.
Coomarasamy Modeliar, Esq., 11, Bark Terrace, Brixton, S.
fCooPER, Charles Purton, Esq., LL.D., F.R.S.
fCouRT, Major M. H., Castlemans, near Maidenhead.

Crawford, J. II., Esq., Oriental Club, JV.
t Crawford, R. W., Esq., 71, Old Broad Street, E.C.

Crosse, the Rev. T. F., D.C.L., St. Leonards-on-Sea ;
Oriental Club, JV.

*fCRUTTEXDEH, Captain C. J., Indian JVavy.

#Cuxxixghah, Lt.-Col. A., Bengal Army.

*tCuRSETJEE Ardaseeh, Esq., Bombay.

#tCuRSETJEE Jamsetjee, Esq., Bombay.

*tCHRSETJEE Rustomjee, Esq., Bombay.

CtTRZON, A., Esq., 181, Euston Road, N.JV.

Cuthbert, S. T., Esq., 31. Caledonian Blace, Clifton.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

*tDADABnoT Pestonjee, Esq., Bombay.

#Daji, Dr. Bkau, Bombay.

*Dalyell, Robt. A. O., Esq., H.AI. Consul, Jassy.

Dayies, the Rev. John, Walsoken Rectory, near Wisbech.
IDayis, Sir John Francis, Bart, K.C.B., Athenaeum, S.W. ;
Hollywood, near Bristol.

De Grey and Ripon, the Right Hon. the Earl, 1, Carlton
Gardens, S.W.

#1"De IIayilland, Colonel Thomas Fiott, Guernsey.

De Salis, William, Esq., Hillingdon Place, TJxbridge.

Dent, William, Esq., Beckley Park, Bromley, Kent, S.K.

Dent, Thomas, Esq.. 12, Hyde Park Gardens, W.

Dickinson, John, Esq., 13, York Street, Portman Square, W.
IDickinson, Sebastian S., Esq., Brown's Lodge, Stroud.
^Dickson, C. H., Esq., H. B. AT. Consul, Sukoum Kale.
*Dickson, W., Esq., Teheran.

*Dowleans, A. M., Esq., India.

Dowson, Prof. John, Staff College, Sandhurst ; Wokingham,
Berks.

fDEANE, Thomas, Esq., Alary church, Torquay, Devon.

+Deysdaxe, William Castellan, Esq., 26, Austin Friars, E.C.
Duff, Mountstuart Elphinstone Grant, Esq., M.P., 4, Queen's
Gate Gardens, South Kensington, W.

Dyhes, Danl. D., Esq., 9, Alincing Lane, E.C.

||Eabl, G. W., Esq., Province Wellesley.

t"t Eastwick, Captain Wm. J., 12, Leinster Terrace, Hyde Pk., W;
India Office, S. W.

fEASTWiCK, E. B., Esq., F.R.S., Athenaeum, S.W.

Edgewoeth, M. P., Esq., Athenaeum, S.W. ; Mastrim House,
Anerley, S.

Elliott, Walter, Esq., Wofelee, Hawick ; Travellers' Club., S. W.
Engel, Carl, Esq., 54, Addison Road, Kensington, W.

♦Eeskine, C. J., Esq., Bombay C. S.

JEyerest, Col. Sir George, Bart., F.R.S., 10, Wesibourne St., S.W.
fFARREB, James William, Esq., Inglcborough, Lancaster.
Fergusson, James, Esq., 20, Langham Place, W.

Finch a^i, Frederick, Esq., 9, Sheffield Gardens, Kensington, W.
||Fobbes, Charles, Esq., Bombay C. S.

fFoEBES, Professor Duncan, LL.D., 58, Burton Crescent, W.C.
*Forbes, Alexander K., Esq., Bombay C. S.

IFokbes, James Stewart, Esq., 3, Fitzroy Square, W.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Forsteb, W. E., Esq., M.P., Reform Club, S.W.

Fox, Sir Charles, 8, New St., Spring Gardens, S.W.

Fbaseb, Charles, Esq., 38, Conduit Street, ¥■
tFfiEDEBiCE, Lt.-Gen. Ed., C.B., Shawford Souse, Winchester .
Freeland, W. H., Esq., M.P., Athenaeum, S. W.

Fbeeman, II. S., Esq., Governor of Lagos.

♦Frere, W. E., Esq., Bombay C. S.

Fbith, J. G., Esq., 13, Wimpole Street, W.

Fbost, the Her. George, M.A., 28, Kensington Square, W.
*Fryer, George, Esq., Madras Army.

Gallenga, Mrs., The Falls, Llandogo, Coleford, Monmouthshire
Garden, Pobert, Esq., 63, Montagu Square, W.

||Gaestin, Lieut.-Col. Pobert, late of the Madras Army.

Gillett, William Stedman, Esq., Harefield , Southampton.
Gladstone, William, Esq., Fitzroy Park, Highgate, N.
♦Glasford, Capt. C. L. R., Nagpore.

*Goldenblumm, Dr., Odessa.

Goldstucker, Prof. T., 14, St. George's Sq., Primrose Hill, N.W.
GoODLiFEEjAVm.G ,,Esq.,7 ,AdelaideRd. North, Finchley Rd.,N.Wr-
♦Gordon, Hon. Arthur, Governor of New Brunswick.

Gore, Montague, Esq., Oriental Club, W.

Gbaham, C. Cyril, Esq., 9, Cleveland Row, St. James's, S. W.,
Delroe House, Watford.

*tGrBEGOBY, John, Esq., late Governor of the Bahamas.
IGregson, Samuel, Esq., M.P., 32, Upper Harley Street, W.
||Gkey, the Right Honourable Sir Charles E.

♦Griffith, R. T. H., Esq., M.A., Benares.

||Grindlay, Captain Robert Melville.

t Guest. Edwin, Esq., F.R.S., Master of Caius College, Cambridge.
♦Hale, F. H., Esq., H.B.M. Vice-Consul, Foo-chow Foo.

Hall, Fitz-Edward, Esq., D.C.L., 16, Lansdoicn Terr., Gloucester
Rd., Regent's Park , N.W., King's College, Strand, S.W .
tHALL, Richard, Esq., 92, Baton Place, S. W.

HALLiDAT,SirFredk., R.C.B., 28, Cleveland Square, Bayswater, W
♦Hamilton, Col. G. W., Commissioner, Mooltan.

♦Hammond, H. W., Esq., Bengal C. S.

Hammond. W. P., Esq., 74, Camden Road Villas, N.W.
fHAUGHTON, Richard, Esq., 137, High Street, Ramsgate.

Haywood, G. R., Esq., 1, Newall's Buildings, Manchester .
♦Hay, Sir J. H. D., K.C.B., H.M. Minister, Morocco.

Heath, the Rev. D. I., Brading, Isle of Wight.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Heming, Dempster, Esq
Hendebsoh, James, Esq., Oriental Club, W.
fHETwooD, James, Esq., F.R.S., Athenaeum , S. W.

+HOBHOESE, H. W., Esq., Brookes's Club, St. James's St., S.TV.
t Hodgsox, Brian Houghton, Esq., The Rangers , Dursley.
tUoDGSON, David, Esq., South Hill, Liverpool.

Hogg, Sir James Weir, Bart, 4, Carlton Gardens, S.W.; India
Office, S. W.

fHoLBOYD, Thomas, Esq., 54, Upper Berkeley St., PortmanSq., W.
Hoole, the Rev. Elijah, D.D., Sec. Wesleyan Miss. Soc., E.C.
IHopkitsox, Major-General Sir Charles, K.C.B., 2, King Street,
St. James's Square, S. W.

♦Hughes, T. F., Esq., Oriental Secretary, H.BM. Embassy,
Constantinople.

Hughes, Capt. Sir F., Ely House, Wexford.
t+HuxTEB, Bobert, Esq., F.B.S., Southwood Lane , Highgate, N.
Oriental Club, W.

Hutt, John, Esq., Oriental Club, IF.

Hutt, Benjamin, Esq., E. India U. S. Club, W.

Jacob, Maj.-Gen. G. Le Grand, C.B., Bonchurch , Isle of Wight.
♦Joices, C. T. Esq., H.M. Consul, Shanghai.

♦fJuGOXATHJEE Sunkebsett, Esq., Bombay.

Kate, J. W., Esq., India Office, S.W.
tKEX>'EDT, R. H., Esq., 22, the Mall , Clifton, Bristol.

+Kebb, Mrs. Alexander.

|! Kmghtox, W., Esq., Assistant Commissioner, Lucknow.

*Kxox, Thomas George, Esq., British Consulate, Siam.

Landon, James, Esq., 91, Inverness Terrace, Bayswater, W.
♦Laxgmobe, Capt. E. G., Bengal Army
Latham, Dr. B. G., F.B.S., Greenford, Middlesex, W.
Laueence, Bight Hon. Sir J. L. M., Bart., G.C.B., Southgate
House, Southgate, AT.

+Law, J. S., Esq., Oriental Club, W.
tLAWEOED, Edward, Esq.

t Fawfokd, Henry S., Esq., M.A., Austin Eriars, E.C.

Lewin, Malcolm, Esq., 31, Gloucester Gardens, Bayswater, W.
*Leitxee, Gottlieb, Esq., King's College, Strand, W.C.

Le Messueiee, A. S., Esq., 26, Connaught Sq, IF.; Oriental Club.
*Le Mesubtee, H.P., Esq., Chief Engineer. Jubbulpore Railway.
Lewis, Lt.-Col. John, 27, Dorchester PL, Blandford Sq., H.W.
Lewis, Henrv, Esq., R.N.. Oriental Club, W.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

JLinwood, the Eev. William, Birchjield , Handsworth, Birmingham.
§Loch, John, Esq., 15, Great Stanhope Street, Mayfair, W.
Loewe, Dr. L., M.S.A. Paris, 48, Buckingham Place, Brighton.
Low, Lt.-Genl. Sir John, K.C.B., Clatto, Fifeshire.

Ludlow, Major-General J., Oriental Club, W.

IMacDouall, Prof. C., M.A., Queen's College, Bedfast.

* Ma c F ARL ane , Charles, Esq., Bengal Army.

#Macalister, J. H., Esq., Beaulieu, St. Peter's, Jersey.
Mackenzie, the Eight Honourable Holt, 28, Wimpole Street,
W.

Mackenzie, J. T., Esq., 41, Threadneedle Street, F.C.
§Mackillop, Janies, Esq., 11, King's Arms Yard, F.C.

Mackintosh, Alexander Brodie, Esq., Oriental Club, W.
t Mackintosh, Eneas, Esq., 17, Montague Square, W.
Mackintosh, Lieut.-Gen., A. E., 7, Tilney Street, TV.

Macleod, J . Mac-Pherson, Esq., 1, Stanhope Street, Hyde Pk., TV.
*tM‘NElLL, Sir John, G.C.B., F.E.S., Granton House, Edinburgh.

Macpherson, Wm., Esq., 6, Stanhope Street, Hyde Park, W.
fMADDOCK, Sir T. Herbert, Union Club, Trafalgar Square
W.C.

#tMAHOMiiED Allay Eogay, Esq., Bombay.

Malcolm, Major-General G. A., 67, Sloane Street, S. TV.
*Mallouf, Nassif, Esq., H.M. Consulate, Smyrna.

♦IManockjee Cursetjee, Esq., Bombay.

Mann, J. A., Esq., Kensington Palace, TV.

Manning, Mrs., 41, Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, JV.
+Mardon, Thomas Todd, Esq., 30, Wimpole Street, W.
Marshman, John Clarke, Esq., 7, Palace Gardens, Kensington, TV.
Martin, Sir J. Eanald, F.E.S., 21, Mount St., Grosvenor Sq., TV.
’v'Mason, the Eev. Francis, D.D., Tonghoo.

JMatheson, Sir James, Bart., M.P , 13, Cleveland Bow, S.W.

Matheson, Farquhar, Esq., Oriental Club, W.

IMaughan, Captain Philip, 37, Melville Street, Edinburgh.
Mayer, J., Esq., F.S.A., 68, Lord Street, Liverpool.

Melyill, Philip, Esq., Ethy House. Lostivithiel.

Melvill, Major-General Sir P. M., Bombay Army.
+Mexborough, Earl of, Travellers' Club, W.C.

*Miles, Capt. Joseph, Oriental Club, W.

*Miles, Lt. S. M., Bombay Army.

^Milligan, John, Esq., Australia.

Mills, Rev. John, 10, Lonsdale Square, Islington, H.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Modeliar, C. P., Esq., 33, Western Villas , Bloomfield Hoad,
Paddington, W.

Moffatt, G., Esq., M.P., 103, Eaton Square, S.W.
Montefiore, Sir Moses, Bart., 7, Grosvenor Gate, Park Lane, W.
+Moor, Bev. A. P., M.A., Subwarden St. Augustine' s College,
Canterbury .

*Moore, Niven, Esq., C.B., late H.M. Consul-General, Beyrut.
*Mouat, Fred. John, Esq., M.D., Bengal Medical Service.

Muir, John, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D., 16, Begent Ter., Edinburgh.
^IAIunmohundass Davidass, Esq., Bombay.

*fMuRRAT, the Honourable C. A., II. M's Envoy, Dresden.
*Murray, E. C. Granville, Esq., MM. Consul-General, Odessa.
*fNELSON, James Henry, Esq., King's College, Cambridge.
*Neale, Colonel E. St. John, Secretary of Legation, China.
ANiciiolson, Sir Charles, Bart., D.C.L., Australia.

#Niemann, G. K., Esq., Botterdam.

Norris, Edwin, Esq., 6, Michael's Grove, Brompton, S.W.
*Norris, Captain Henry MacFarlane, Madras Army.
^Northumberland, His Grace the Duke of, Northumberland
House, Strand, W. C.

*|Nowrojee Jamsetjee, Esq., Bombay.

Ooilvy, Thomas, Esq., 4, Park Crescent, Portland Place, N.W.
*Oliphant, Lawrence, Esq.

Osborne, Capt. Willoughby, C.B., Tudor House, Bichmond, S. W.

|| Palmer, George, Esq., Bengal C. S.

||Parbuity, George, Esq.
t Parker, John E., Esq.

#Parry, the Bev. W., M.A., Mozufferpore, Behar.

*Pelly, Capt. Lewis, Bombay Army.

Perry, Sir T. Erskine, India OJJice, $. TP.

Pilkington, James, Esq., M.P. j Reform Club, S.W.

*Pisani, Count Alexander, Constantinople.
ft Platt, William, Esq., Conservative Club, St. James's , S.W.
Pollock, Lieut.-Gen. Sir George, G.C.B., Clapham Common, S.
Poole, Edw. Stanley, Esq., 4, Berkeley Gard., Campden Hill, W.
Power, Edward Bawdon, Esq., 15, Adam St., Strand, W.C.
Powis, The Bt. Hon. the Earl of, 45, Berkeley Square, W.

Pratt, Hodgson, Esq., 7, Begency Square. Brighton.

Priaulx, Osmond de Beauvoir, Esq., 8, Cavendish Square, W.
Prideaux, F. W., Esq., 13, Avenue Bd., St. John's Wood, N.W;
India Office, S. W.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Prinsep, H. Thoby, Esq., Little Holland House , Kensington, W;
India Office , S. TV.

*Puckle, Major James, Mysore.

Puzey, S. E. B., Esq., 14, Grosvenor Place , S. W.

Ravenshaw, Edward Cockburn, Esq., 36, Eaton Sq., S.W.
ttRAWLiNsoN, Major-Gen. Sir H. C., K.C.B., E.R.S., D.C.L.,
1, Hill Street, Berkeley Square, TV.; Knowle House,
Hindon, Wilts.

Redhouse, J. W., Esq., 16, Kilhurn Priory, JSf. W.
tREHOTJAED, the Eev. George Cecil, B.D., Swanscombe, Kent.
Reynolds, the Rev. James, B.A., Great Ilford, Essex, E.
Reynolds, Major P. A.
fRiCKETTS, Mordaunt, Esq.

Rigby, Lieut.-Colonel, Oriental Club, W.

‘^Roberts, A. A., Esq., Bengal C. S.

Robertson, T. C., Esq., 68, Eaton Square, S.W.

Rolland, S. E., Esq., Junior United Service Club, W.

Rollo, Lord, Duncrub Castle, Perthshire.

Russell, George Edward, Esq., 6, Hyde Park Street, W.
Russell, A. Esq., M.P., 2, Audley Square, W.

Ryan, the Right Hon. Sir Edwd., 5, Addison Ed., Kensington, W.
Salomons, D., Esq., M.P., 26, Cumberland St., Hyde Pk., W.
*fSAMPSON, Lieut.-Col., Thos. Edm., E.G.S., Oriental Club, W.
#Samsamu-’d-Dowla, Nazim-Jung, Bahadoor, Madras.

Scarth, John, Esq., Manderston House, Eunse, Berwickshire.
*Scott, Mathew Henry, Esq.

' Selwyn, the Rev. W., B.D., Cambridge.

#fSERAJ-UL-MuLK Bahadur, Hyderabad.

Seymour, H. D., Esq., M.P., 39, Upper Grosvenor Street, W.
Sheil, Major-General Sir Justin, K.C.B., 13, Eaton Place,
S.W.

Sheridan, Henry Brinsley, Esq., M.P., Belfield House, Parson's
Green, Fulham, S. W.

IIShowees, Major, India.
fSiGMOND, George Gabriel, Esq., M.D.

*Skene, J. H., Esq., H.B.M. Consul, Aleppo.

Sleswig- Holstein, H.S.H. Prince Frederick of, 15, Maddox
St., W.

fSMiTH, George, Esq., LL.D., F.A.S., M.R.S.L., Trevu, Camborne,
Cornwall.

Smith, John B., Esq., M.P., 105, Westbourne Ter., Hyde Park,W.

LIST OF MEMBERS.

Smith, Newman, Esq., 34, Cumberland St., W.
tSsiiTH, Thomas Charles, Esq., 25, Oxford Square, TV.

Smollett, Patrick Boyle, Esq.,M.P., Cameron House, Alexandria,
Dumbartonshire; Conservative Club, S. JV.

Spooner, the llev. Dr. E., Brechin, N.B.

Spottiswoode, Andrew, Esq., 12 , James St., Buckingham Gate,S. TV.
tfSpoTTiswooDE, Win., Esq., F.R.S., 19, Chester Street, Belgrave
Square, S. JV.

+Stanley, the Right Hon. Lord, M.P., 36, St. James's Sq., S.W.
Stanley, the Hon. H. E. J., 40. Dover Street, Piccadilly, JV.
Stephens, Major James Grant, Catherine College, Cambridge.
Strachey, William, Esq., Oriental Club, W.

Steangford, the Rt. Hon. Lord Viscount, 58, Cumberland St.,
Hyde Parle, JV.

#Strickland, Edward, Esq., Barbadoes.

Talbot, W. H. Pox, Esq., F.R.S., 11, Gt. Stuart St., Edinburgh.
#Taylor, J. G., Esq., iZ.il/. Consul, Diyarbekr.

*Taylor, Major R. L., C.B., Bombay Army.

§Teignmouth, the Right Hon. Lord, F.R.S., Langton Hall,
North Allerton.

Tennent, Sir J. Emerson, LL.D., K.C.S., 66, Warwick Square,
Belgravia, S.W.

fTiiOMAS, Edward, Esq., 1, Albert PI., Victoria Bd., Kensington, JV.

Thomas, Henry !L, Esq., 9, Laura Place, Bath.
t'l'iioMPSON, Lieut.-Col. T. P., F.R.S., Eliot Vale, Blackheath, S.E.

Thornton, Thos., Esq., 29, Gloucester St., Belgrave ltd., S. TV.
*fTiEN, Antonio, Esq., Constantinople.

§Toone, Francis Hastings, Esq., 31, Portland Place, JV.
||Treyelyan, Col. H. W., C.B., Bombay Army.

*tTROY'ER, Captain Anthony, 55, Hue de la Pepiniere, Paris.
*Tronson, Major R.N., Moultan.

#Trumpp, the Reverend Dr. E., 18, Jacob's Strasse, Stutgardt.
fTuRNER, Thos., Esq., 31, Curzon Street, TV
t XJrquhart, David, Esq., Montague Cottage, Worthing.

*Van Deival, M. l’Abbe, Arras.

Vaux, W. S. W., Esq., British Museum, TV. C.
t Verne y, Major Sir Harry, Bt., M.P., 32, South St., Park Lane, W.
tv yvyan, Sir Richard Rawlinson, Bart., F.R.S., Athenaeum, S. JV.
tVxYYAN, R. H. S., Esq., F.R.G.S., Conservative Club, S.W.
Watson, Dr. J. Forbes, M.D., Fife House, Whitehall, S.W.
Waegh, Major-Gen. Sir A. S., C.B., 136, Westbourne Terrace, W.

LIST OF MEMBERS

t Watte, William, Esq., Highlands, Caine, Wilts.

Wells, Charles, Esq., 6, Ponsonby St., Bessborough Gardens, S. W.
Westwood, John, 27, Cannon Street, E.C.
fWniTE, General Martin, Bath.

tWHiTE, James, Esq., M.P., 2, Queen's Gate, Hyde Park, W.
White, John, Esq., Oriental Club, W.

||Wilbeaham, Major Richard, Gibraltar.

tWiLKiNSON, Robert, Esq., 22, Cumberland Terrace, Begent's
Park. N. W.

Wilkinson-, Lieut. -Col. Thomas, 23, Hanover Square, W.
fWiLLiAMS, Monier, Esq., A.M., Boden Professor of Sanskrit,
Oxford.

Williams, the Rev. H. G., 37, Bversfield St., St. Beonards-on-Sea.
Williams, Maj.-Gen. Sir ¥m. Fenwick, Bart , K.C.B ., Montreal.
Willoughby, J. P., Esq., India Office, S.W.; 18, Westbourne
Terrace, W.

fWiLLOCK, Major George, K.L.S., Bath.
fWiLsON-, the Rev. John, D.D., Bombay.

HWright, the Rev. IT. P., New Zealand.

TTates, W. Holt, Esq., M.D., 5, Sumner Terr., Onslow Sq., S.W.
*Zohbab, James, Esq., H.M. V. Consul, If os tar, Turkey.

dFordgtt Jftemfcerg.

[By the Regulations of the Society, as amended in 1850, no further additions
can be made to the lists of Corresponding and Foreign Members; the
elections being restricted to Resident, Non-Resident, and Honorary
Members.]

Professor Jacob Berggren, Stockholm.

The Chevalier T. X. Bianchi, Paris.

Professor Francis Bopp, Berlin.

Baron de Cetto, Bavarian Ambassador.

Professor F. B. Charmoy, Toulon.

M. Alexandre de Chodzko, Paris.

Professor Bernhard Dorn, St. Petersburgh.

Professor Garcin de Tassy, Paris.

William B. Hodgson, Esq., New York.

Monsieur E. Jomard, Paris.

Professor Stanislas Julien, Membre de I'Institut, Paris.

Mirza Alexander Kazem Beg, St. Petersburgh.

Professor Christian Lassen, Bonn.

Senhor Joaquim Jose da Costa de Macedo, Lisbon.

Dr. Julius Mohl, Membre de I'Institut, Paris.

The Chevalier Ce'sar Moreau, Paris.

Professor Charles Frederick Neumann, Munich.

Monsieur Reinaud, Paris.

Professor Gustavus Seyflfarth, United States.

The Hon. Martin Van Buren, United States.

^oiwpoitHing

[See Note, p. 14.]

Rutherford Alcock, Esq., I1B.M. Envoy Extr. Min. Plen.in Japan.
M. le Chevalier E. G. Arbanere, Paris.

Johannes Avdall, Esq., Calcutta.

Lieut. -Colonel G. Balfour, C.B., Madras Army.

The Hon. F.W. A. Bruce, H.B.M. Envoy Extr.fy Min.Plen. to China.
Archibald Campbell, Esq., M.D., Darjeeling.

Dr. E. Carmoly, Brussels.

Dr. J. F. J. Cassel, Paderborn.

Simon Casie Chitty, Esq., Maniyagar of Putlam, Ceylon.

The Chevalier Clot-Bey, M.D., Cairo.

Monsieur Court, late of Lahore.

Monsieur N. D’Avezac, Paris.

James Finn, Esq., H.B.M. Consul, Jerusalem.

The Rev. D. J. Gogerly, Colombo, Ceylon.

Professor J. Goldenthal, Vienna.

Maharaja Kali Krishna Bahadur, Calcutta.

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Signor G. Michellotti, Turin.

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Professor F. Neve, University of Louvain.

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The Rev. P. Parker, M.D., Canton.

Sir Harry S. Parkes, K.C.B., H.B.M. Consul, Shanghai.

The Chevalier Etienne Pisani, Constantinople.

Christian A. Rassam, H.B.M. Vice-Consul, Mosul.

Raja Radhakant Deb, Calcutta.

James Pringle Riach, Esq., late of the Bombay Medical Service,

M. Augustus Sakakini, Egypt.

Mir Shahamet Ali.

The Rev. Mr. Thomson, Beyrut.

J. W. Walker, Esq.

Richard Wood, Esq., H.B.M. Consul-General, Tunis.

Oriental ^Translation Committee

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1-5 1863

Journal of the Royal Asiatics,

iiteas*- Seminary-

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