*,
1 41972
THE JOURNAL ^^
OF
THE EOYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUAKIES
OF IRELAND
FOR THE YEAR 1903.
PAPERS AND PROCEEDINGS-PART L, VOL. XXXIII,
ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING
ON TUESDAY, 27in JANUARY, 1903.
BY JOHN RIBTON GARSTIN, M.A., M.R.I.A., F.S.A. (LOND. AND SCOT.),
D.L., PRESIDENT.
PRELIMINARY AND PERSONAL.
FELLOWS AND MEMBERS OF THE
ROYAL SOCIETY OP ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND —
IN accordance with the usage of our Society, its President, on
entering on his three-years term of office, has to deliver, on the evening
of the day of his election, an Inaugural Address. The time available for
its preparation is very limited ; and it might be thought advisable to
postpone the performance of this duty to a later date.
I prefer, however, to take the earliest opportunity of meeting the
Fellows and Members of the Society, and expressing to them my thanks
for the honour they have done me.
I am conscious of suffering under the disqualifications of living at a
considerable distance from Dublin, and of having reached an age which
involved my having twice been retired from the office of Vice-President
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2 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
on account of seniority* A similar fate has happened to me in the
Royal Irish Academy ; and it is nearly a quarter of a century since I
withdrew from its Treasurership, on removing to the country.
"While it was my pleasing duty to serve the Academy in that office,
along with your late President, who for many years was elected to the
onerous office of Secretary, I was often tempted to regard this Society as
one admirably adapted to train recruits for the Academy ; but, since it
has been your pleasure to place at your head two retired officers of that
body, I am disposed to believe that, besides its chartered function of
promoting the study of science, polite literature, and antiquities, it
performs another useful function, namely, the training and supplying of
Presidents to this less venerable and more popular Society, which exhibits
an activity, perhaps attributable to youth.
The disqualifications of age in your President and distance from
Dublin may have some compensatory advantages. Age is generally
credited with wisdom, and seems appropriate in a Society of Antiquaries.
And as regards my residence in the country, it may be well that a Society
which originated in the provincial city of Kilkenny, which not only
claims all Ireland as its domain, but year after year exploits it to its
furthest corners, which has officials for every province and every county,
and which draws so large a number of its members from beyond the
limits of the capital, should occasionally look afield and select a President
from the Provinces.
There were, however, two other considerations which made me hesitate
when I was asked if I would allow my name to be put forward for the
office. I was painfully conscious that I had not done much for this
Society, and that I should come after one under whose presidency it had
attained to a position of remarkable prosperity. Dr. Wright, I knew
well, brought to its service exceptionally great experience, knowledge,
and zeal ; and he further had the advantage of leisure in the midst of
the abodes of learning. All of us, doubtless, recognise how well and
wisely he has guided the work of the Society ; and it is satisfactory to
know that, as a Yice -President — albeit transplanted to Munster — we shall
still have his counsel and co-operation.
SUBJECTS FOE ADDEESS.
"When, last month, it became necessary for me to consider what topics
to bring before you in this address, I was embarrassed by the unlimited
range available. The past, the present, and the future all suggest
subjects worthy of your attention ; but I concluded that, in addressing a
Society of Antiquaries, my choice should lead me to deal chiefly with the
past.
PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS. 3
Looking backwards, then, through the three years of my predecessor's
presidency, my attention was arrested by the recent Coronation of King
Edward YII. and some events following on his accession to the Throne.
As Prince of Wales, he had long been Patron-in-Chief of our Society, and
now, as King, he is still graciously pleased to occupy that position.
To His Royal Mother, Queen Victoria, this Irish Society of
Antiquaries is indebted for being permitted — alone amongst the Societies
of Antiquaries of the United Kingdom — to prefix to its title, since 1869,
the epithet "Royal"; and, accordingly, in its badge, which figures in
the forefront of its publications, a crown occupies the most prominent
position.
One might be tempted to expatiate on the unrivalled antiquity of
the Royal line which King Edward represents. One might moralize
on the various dynasties through which, from Saxon times, the crown
has devolved — Danish, Norman, Angevin, Tudor, Stuart, Hanoverian —
until, by the accession of King Edward, it has again reverted to a Saxon
Monarch, and one of a race so ancient that its name is now almost
unknown. Strange it is to reflect that this metropolis, which was so
long under the dominion of Danish or Scandinavian Kings (whose coins
are almost the earliest to perplex our antiquaries), now owes allegiance
to a Danish Queen.
But I prefer to avoid such discursive topics, and to refer briefly to
the way in which the advent of a new Sovereign and some consequent
^events have affected Ireland, chiefly in relation to the coinage,
I take up this topic the more readily, because, though this country
and this Society in the past century possessed many notable numismatists,
such as Lindsay, Simon, Aquilla Smith, and Dr. Frazer, this important
branch of historical research seems nowadays to be but fitfully cultivated.
It may be that the study of postage stamps, and what the President of
another society, in his valedictory address, a few days ago, stigmatized
as the " craze " for book-plates, have monopolised most of the available
zeal, in favour of more fashionable, if less instructive, researches. Our
antiquarian journals, which used to contain countless representations of
coins, now seldom have a contribution on the subject. That of
Mr. Patterson on the comparatively modern Cronebane, or St. Patrick's
•" half-pence," in the last volume of our Journal (p. 261), was, therefore,
the more welcome.
THE CORONATION STONE.
First, however, let me say a few words as to Ireland's share in the
Coronation itself. A volume might be written about the famous Lia Fail,
or Stone of Destiny, which, since its removal from Scotland in 1296, has
been used at every Coronation in Westminster Abbey. Its early history
B2
4 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
and the controversies which have raged about its supposed connexion
with Tara and the early monarchs of Ireland, with the Pharaoh of the
Exodus, with Egypt and Spain, with the Milesian incursion into Ireland,
and its alleged identity with the stone on which Jacob rested his head at
Bethel, have engaged the pens of many antiquaries, and of some
romancers. Mr. P. J. O'Reilly contributed to our Journal of last year
(p. 77) a valuable series of notes on this stone; and I refer any one who
desires to see its history concisely told to a paper written by Mr. James
Hilton for the Royal Arch geological Society in 1887, and to the summary
of it in the beautiful " Coronation Book " of Mr. "W. J. Loftie, F.S.A.
He says that the actual stone, though often described as marble,
" is really a piece of hard red sandstone, such as occurs in many places in
Scotland, and especially in Argyllshire, where its authentic history may
be said to begin."
This is just one of the cases — like the state of the tide at the battle
of Clontarf, solved by Dr. Haughton — where the perplexities of anti-
quaries might expect aid from the votaries of science. Accordingly
Professors Ramsay and Geikie, and several other geologists, were invited
to aid, and the silent stone was subjected to microscopical and chemical
examination. The result was mainly negative, and tended to displace the
claims of Palestine, of Egypt, and, alas, of Tara, which were pronounced
destitute of the red sandstone of the Lia Pail. Much scientific evidence
has, however, been since adduced to prove that this class of stone is found
in Moab, on the eastern side of the Red Sea, and also in Egypt ; so,
perhaps, Tara may yet be able to have its claim rehabilitated. Belfast,
however, possesses a stone which is said to have been the Coronation
Stone of the O'Neill monarchs.
The Regalia of England was broken up after the decapitation of
Charles I., and, at the Restoration, a new set had to be provided for the
Coronation of Charles II. A crown of his passed into private hands, and
is, with others, in the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackney. The
various vicissitudes of the crowns would take too long to recount. It is
a remarkable fact that the oldest crown pertaining to the King is that of
Scotland. Two elaborate and beautifully-illustrated accounts of the
Scottish Regalia, by Messrs. Reid and Brook, were prepared for the
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, and published by it in 1890. After
the Union of Scotland with England, in 1707, the Regalia, including the
Crown arid Sceptre and a very beautiful Sword of State, given by Pope
Julius II. in 1507, were deposited in a great oak chest in the Castle of
Edinburgh. There they lay until 1818, hidden and almost forgotten
for over a century. In that year, partly at the instance of Sir Walter
Scott, the oak chest was opened. This was done by driving out the
joint-pins of one hasp and cutting through the other ; for the keys, of
course, were not forthcoming.
PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS. 5
Eventually the crown, &c., with other interesting objects, including
insignia of the Order of the Garter, &c., bequeathed to George III. by
Cardinal York, were removed from their oaken tomb, and they may
now be seen in Edinburgh Castle.
IKISH CROWNS.
What have we in Ireland of such symbols of Royalty, and what do
we know of Irish Eegalia in the past? I commend this subject to our
members as worthy of further investigation, and I proceed to offer a few
observations on Irish Crowns.
"When Dermod O'Connor, styling himself " Antiquary of the
Kingdom of Ireland," published, in 1723, the first printed English trans-
lation of Keating' s " History," he concluded his Preface with a long
paragraph, commencing thus : —
" There has been a dispute among learned men whether the ancient kings of
Ireland of the Milesian race wore crowns of gold, after the manner of other nations.
We are informed by Hector Boetius, in his 2nd and 10th book, that the kings of
Scotland from the time of Fergus, to the reign of Achaius, used a plain crown of
gold, ' Militaris valli forma J in the form of a military trench ; and it is more than
probable that in this practice they followed the Irish monarchs, from whom they
derived their descent and customs. And this conjecture is still rendei'ed more reason-
able by a golden cap, supposed to be a provincial crown, that was found in the year
1692 in the Co. of Tipperary, at a place called Barnanely, by the Irish, and by
the English the Devil's bit. It was discovered about ten feet under ground by some
workmen that were digging up turf for firing. This cap or crown weighs about 5 oz.
The border and the head is raised in chase work in the form here represented ; and it
seems to bear some resemblance to the close crown of the Eastern empire, which was
composed of the helmet, together with a diadem, as the learned Selden observes in
his Titles of Honour, Part i., chap. 8. Some of the antiquaries of Ireland have
imagined that this was the crown worn by some provincial kings under the command
of Bryan Boiroimhe, who beat the Danes in so many battles ; others are rather
inclined to believe that it belonged to the Irish monarchs before the planting of
Christianity in that kingdom ; and they give this reason : because it is not adorned with
a cross, which was the common ensign of Christian princes. However, it is a valuable
piece of curiosity, and would unavoidably have been melted down had it not been
preserved by Joseph Comerford, Esq1"., a curious gentleman, descended from a younger
brother of Comerford, in the Co. Stafford, who attended King John in his expedition
to Ireland, and there married a niece of Hugo de Lacy, a great favourite of that
king ; ever since which time the family has flourished in that country, and were
formerly Barons of Danganmore. This gentleman being rendered incapable, by
reason of his religion, to purchase lands in his own country, has bought the
Marquisate of Anglure, with a good estate, on the river Aule, in Champaigue."
Annexed to this account is a small wood-cut representation of this
cap or crown, which is the only such illustration in the text, and so
catches the reader's eye. Prefixed to this volume is a fanciful engraved
picture of Brian Boru, " Monarch of Ireland, Ano. Dom. 1027." He is
6 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
represented in regal and warlike panoply, wearing a crown (to be
presently noticed), and holding in one hand a sceptre, and in the other
a shield, with his arms — the three lions. On a table beside him is
another representation of the crown or cap described in the Preface.
Under it appears, embroidered on the table-cover, a harp of impossible
shape. (See plate.) The shamrock had not established itself even then
as a national emblem.
"When, over forty years later, "Walter Hams brought out his transla-
tion of Sir James Ware's works, from the Latin, he explained, in his
brief Preface to the " Antiquities of Ireland," what part he had in the
work, and says : —
" I have discussed two points not well settled by our native writers : — 1st,.
Whether the ancient kings of Ireland wore a crown ? And 2ndly, Whether they
were inaugurated into that office by the Ceremony of Unction, or by any other, and
what Ceremonies ? "
Accordingly these topics are discussed at length in chapter 10, where
a summary is given of O'Connor's notice of the gold cap or crown above
quoted, the only information added respecting it being that it was
supposed to remain in France amongst the descendants of Mr. Joseph
Comerford, who carried it to that country. A representation of it,
identical with those referred to as given in Keating, is the first of the
few engravings of Irish antiquities shown in this and in the former
English edition of Ware.
It is as unlike a modern crown as it could be. In shape it is more
like a mandarin's cap. The edges are turned up and peaked ; but it has
no rays, and the ornamentation seems to consist mainly of repeated
circles. No cross figures upon it.
I wish I could tell you what has become of it. If it has escaped the
melting-pot, it would be welcomed by our museum authorities.
Although this is the only golden object hitherto depicted and described
as possibly the crown of an Irish king, I know that it is now supposed
that some of the larger crescent-shaped gold plates in our museum may
have been worn, like a nimbus, round the head, and were regal ornaments.
The question is too vague to be now pursued. I must, however, briefly
refer to a stone representation of a mediaeval Irish crown, and some bronze
objects, which are supposed to be fragments of a much more ancient
one.
We have representations of the seal, and of the monumental efiigy of
Felim O'Connor, King of Connaught, who died in 1265, and was interred
in the Dominican Friary of Roscommon, which he had founded a few
bin .air.) bojKoimb
IRISH CROWNS.
(From Keating's " History," first English edition, 1723.)
8 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
years before. According to Walker's " Dress, &c., of the Irish," his
monument was not erected until more than a quarter of a century later,
so was not contemporaneous. It has been described more than once in
our Journal, and is noticed in the history of the family by 0' Conor Don.
The stone effigy of the king has been much mutilated. The right arm
holds a sceptre, the head of which is of fleur-de-lis shape. Mr. O'Gorman,
who described the tomb in 1866 in our Journal (p. 546, with plate), says
that, on close examination of the king's head, a small portion of the
crown may be seen, and, ''judging from the fragment which remains, the
crown was formed by a fillet some two or three inches deep, from which
sprung three obtuse points [? angles] , one at each side of the head, and
one in front." A note suggests that the sculptor was not an Irish but an
English artist.
I now come to the most interesting and- less known example — that of
bronze. We are probably indebted to its material for its survival, and
we are indebted to the late Miss Margaret Stokes for divining its use.
Just a month before his death Mr. John M. Kemble, who was one of the
greatest archaeologists of Northern Europe, delivered an address to the
Royal Irish Academy, in February, 1857. Discussing a form of the
double spiral line found chiefly amongst Celtic remains in these islands,
he referred to some similar objects in the Academy's Museum, adding —
' ' Perhaps there is, in all Europe, no more striking one than an implement
of unknown use, in the possession of our great archaeological master,
Dr. Petrie. For beauty of design and beauty of execution (says Kemble)
this may challenge comparison with any specimen of cast-bronze work
that it has ever been my good fortune to see." Much as Kemble, and
probably Petrie and Dr. Todd, admired this scrap of bronze, it was not
until more than twenty years later that Miss Stokes, with that wonder-
ful instinct which few possess, suggested the purpose for which so much
skill had been lavished upon it.
She found that Dr. Petrie possessed another similar fragment, and,
combining these, she arrived at the conclusion that they formed part of an
Irish crown of remote antiquity. Having prepared an elaborate descrip-
tion and drawings of these wonderfully interesting objects, Miss Stokes
showed a conjectural ll Restoration of an Irish Radiated Crown " (see
plate), and she read before the Society of Antiquaries, in London, a
descriptive Paper, which was published in the forty-seventh volume of
Archaologia. In that Paper she gives references to the early legends
of Ireland relating to such diadems or crowns. I cannot delay to refer
to these, or other literature on the subject, but must try briefly to
describe the shape of the crown so constructed conjecturally. Round the
top of a band, about 1£ inches high, there are fixed (seven) circular plates
of somewhat greater diameter, and from the back of each springs a cone
or ray 4£ inches high. All are elaborately ornamented with the earliest
10 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
form of the divergent spiral or trumpet-pattern. Though probably not
specimens of casting, as Kemble supposed, they are in design and
workmanship perhaps unsurpassed. The radiated crown, so constructed,
agreed in form with those first shown on coins minted in Gaul and
Britain a century before the introduction of Christianity into Ireland ;
but these bronzes (now in our National Museum) are probably considerably
older, and may date from the beginning of the Christian era.
Miss Stokes did not remark upon the confirmation thus given to the
form of radiated or "Eastern" crown, which has been traditionally
associated with Ireland. It is found on the Cashel crozier, and led
Petrie to think that it was of Irish workmanship, which, however, would
scarcely now be admitted. The fanciful picture prefixed to "Keating,"
and already referred to, shows such a radiated crown ; the rays, however,
which are five in number, spring only from the back. It was a radiated
crown which Sir "William Betham, Ulster King- of -Arms, introduced
when devising new armorials for the Royal Irish Academy in 1846, so that
Miss Stokes' discovery gave some confirmation to modern heraldry in
this.
"Whether any of the " Sunburstery," which this country is sometimes
supposed to have transplanted to America, may have been inspired by
reminiscences of this radiated or "Eastern" crown, I leave to others to
discuss.
IRELAND ON THE COINAGE.
But it is time to pass from crowns to coins. In order to show how
gradually and completely Ireland has vanished from the coinage, a few
historical facts must be mentioned ; and I advise anyone who desires to
study the subject within a reasonable compass, and with up-to-date
illustrations, to consult the Handbook by Mr. H. A. Grueber, published in
1899 by the British Museum authorities. You need not be alarmed at the
prospect of a discussion as to whether any of the many early monarchs of
Ireland ever coined money — suffice it to say, that no coin with the
image or inscription of any of those kings is now known, nor do letters
of the form usually called Irish appear on any coin now extant. The
inscriptions from the earliest times were in Latin. If the very interest-
ing series recently arranged in our National Museum be examined, it will
be found to commence with the Danish coins of the tenth or eleventh
century, which bear on the reverse the name of the moneyer and
place of coinage, identified with Dublin, &c., and in letters usually styled
Lombardic. Then came the Hiberno-English series in 1177, commencing
with those of John, son of Henry II., as Lord of Ireland, consisting of
silver halfpennies and farthings, and afterwards pennies, struck in Dublin
and "Waterford, as indicated by the inscriptions.
PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS. 11
John De Courcy, Earl of Ulster, who was constituted Governor in
1185, had farthings coined at Downpatrick and Carrickfergus, which were
called " Patrick's." Little is known about the coins of the first three
Edwards ; hut in their time the title DNS. HYB. (Lord of Ireland) appears,
with Dublin, &c., as the place of issue. For about three centuries this
formula — sometimes expanded and slightly varied — prevailed. In
1478 the seventh issue of Edward IY. introduced the additional titles
(in Latin of course) of " King of England and France." It bore three
crowns, in pale, and was called "three crowns money" from that.
Mr. Grueber thinks these crowns probably represented the arms of
Ireland at that time (as they since did those of one of its provinces —
Munster) ; but may they not also refer to the Three Kingdoms, then
first named on the coinage ? In this reign there was another issue
of farthings, with a bust of St. Patrick, mitred, facing, bearing the
words PATBICITJS and SALVATOR, and the title " Hex " was sometimes
substituted for "Dominus," which it finally superseded in 1541.
Mention of the place of minting gradually became less usual.
Considerable changes were made under Henry VIII., silver only being
coined, and new denominations introduced, representing sixpence, three-
pence, three-halfpence, and three-farthings. The arms of England and
France were shown, quartered, on the obverse ; and on the reverse was
introduced the harp, which, sometimes associated with Hibernia, written
or depicted, held its place generally as long as a separate coinage for
Ireland existed. In the English coinage it first appeared under
James I.
It must be borne in mind that the coinage minted in Ireland, or
bearing special Irish devices, has always supplied but a small part of the
money current in Ireland. From the time of Charles II. to the present,
no silver money was coined in or exclusively for Ireland, except bank
tokens. No money of any kind was struck for Ireland in the reign of
Queen Anne. Under the two first Georges only halfpennies and farthings J
under George III. these and pennies. The Irish series — exclusively
copper — survived the Union, but came to an end with an issue of pennies
and halfpennies, coined in Birmingham in 1822, soon after the accession
of George IV. Since then we have had no coins but those common to
the United Kingdom. The mint of Edinburgh had ceased operations in
1709.
From the time of William III. the Irish portion of the coinage was to-
all appearance exclusively Irish, having no reference to Great Britain,
the King being simply described by the one word " Rex," and the harp
(generally with Hibernia and the date) occupying the reverse, a&
Britannia did on the corresponding coins of the sister island.
12 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Though gold is frequently mentioned in our " Annals" as a medium
of exchange, not a single Irish gold coin, in the ordinary sense of the word
" coin," has been proved to have existed. The solitary issue of gold
pieces was one of the several series known as " money of necessity,"
which Dr. Aquilla Smith so ably described in our Journal for 1860.
Mr. Grueber says it was called a " pistole," and belonged to the set called
"Inchiquin money," of 1642, of which, he adds, " only two specimens
are known, and both are of recent discovery." Like the silver pieces of
the issue, they are irregularly shaped pieces of bullion, with no inscription
such as is usual, but stamped with their weights in pennyweights and
grains. It has been stated that they were struck chiefly for the purpose
of paying the army.
Having thus referred to the coins which bore a special relation to
Ireland only, I must pass on to consider the several issues common to
England and Ireland, including those with which, we of the present
generation are concerned.
But here again it is necessary to advert to the changes which the
Unions of England with Scotland and of both with Ireland, and the
succession of different Sovereigns, entailed in the coinage, arid the
inscriptions thereon.
On every devolution of the crown, it was usual to issue a Royal
Proclamation announcing the Regnal name of the new Sovereign, and
the Royal Style and Title. Everyone knows that His present Majesty
adopted as his Regnal name the second of his Christian names, as had
also been done by his Royal Mother, Queen Victoria. It has become
usual for the Popes on election to select names quite different from their
baptismal names. Such names alone appear upon the coins and medals
of the Sovereigns, but almost invariably in Latin. But the change of
what is known as the Royal Style, though less generally remarked, is
the one which now most isolates Ireland from the coinage of the Empire,
so far as the inscriptions thereon.
William the Conqueror used the simple formula, " Rex Anglorum,"
taking his title (like the late French and present German Emperor) from
the people, not the place, which latter the first of the Plantagenets
adopted in preference. John figures as " Rex Anglias and Dominus
HiberniaB." Nearly a century and a half later Edward III., in the 13th
' year of his reign, interposed France between England and Ireland.
Henry VIII., in pursuance of Acts of the Irish and English Parliaments,
substituted "Rex" for " Dominus" as applied to Ireland: abolishing
the distinction previously existing.
While Mary and Philip jointly reigned, the Royal Style was elongated
by Naples and Jerusalem being associated with France in keeping Ireland
PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS. 1$
apart from England, but, on the Shilling of 1555 and Groat of the
following year (which were their only contribution to the Irish series of
coins, and bore the Harp crowned, though made in London), they
curtailed their title by restricting it to England, and the ANGLIC
representing it was reduced on some of their shillings to the single
letter A.
Under Elizabeth the Royal Style again reverted to " Queen of
England, France, and Ireland"; but on one of the shillings of her
extensive coinage for Ireland, the two former countries are represented
by one letter each, while HIBERNIE in full stands for Ireland, so that it
figured last but not least; and on a shilling of 1561 there were three
harps.
Soon after the crowns of England and Scotland became united under
James I., England (ANGLIA) disappeared from the coinage, and "MAGNA
BRITANNIA " (Great Britain) came into use as the designation representing
England and Scotland united. This, with France followed by Ireland,
held the field, with some interruption during the Commonwealth and
subsequently.
The Commonwealth, of course, discarded Royal Style ; but it may be
worth noting that though no regular coins were issued under it for
Ireland, the Harp of Ireland was placed side by side with the Cross of
St. George of England — Scotland being at first ignored — in the general
coinage of 1649-52. The inscription on the obverse was in plain English,
"The Commonwealth of England." In 1656 Cromwell had gold 50s.
pieces called " Broads " struck, bearing his own head laureated, and
on the reverse a crowned shield with the crosses of St. George and
St. Andrew and the Irish harp : the Protector's own paternal arms being
introduced, on an escutcheon of pretence, as the heralds call it. He
reverted to Latin, and described himself as " Olivar. D. G. n. p. [Rei-
publica3] Ang. Sco. et Hib. Pro[tector]." It will be observed that he
restores England with Scotland in place of " Great Britain," and wisely
drops out France.
With Charles II. the old order was restored, and Ireland figured
prominently in the Royal Arms and in the inscriptions on all coins. In
1668 a new type of milled money appeared, bearing on the reverse the
arms of the four kingdoms, arranged in the shape of a cross, under
crowns, and showing four sceptres : that for Ireland having a small
harp on its top, as on some recent coins.
The Legislative Union with Scotland seems not to have involved any
change in the inscription on the coinage : " Great Britain," which then
came into use in the Royal Style, superseding " England and Scotland,"
14 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
was continued on the coinage ; but the arms of those two countries were
impaled on one shield instead of being quartered quarterly as before,
which had made the three lions of England and three fleurs-de-lis for
Prance (each repeated four times) look small in contrast with the bold
Harp of Erin and the Single Lion of Scotland.
With the Georges came in the use on the coinage of the title PIDEI
DEFENSOR (long used on the Great Seal), and a perplexing array of
additional letters, indicating that they were Dukes of Brunswick and
Liineburg, and Arch-Treasurers of the Holy Roman Empire and
Electors.
But in the reign of George III., on the Union with Ireland in 1801,
a Royal Proclamation was issued, declaring the regal title not only in
English but in Latin. The title of King of Prance was then at last
finally abandoned. Ireland shared with Great Britain, in the English
form, as it has ever since done, the exclusive honour of supplying the
Regal title of the United Kingdom. But in the Latin version a new
formula was invented which finally displaced " HIBERNTA. " from the
coinage, and brought into use the plural genitive word "BRITANNIARUM,"
presumably meaning " of the Britains " — great and small — (or, as some
say, " of the British Islands"). No doubt ancient authority could be
found for applying the name Britain to Ireland, but it never was a
familiar designation.
When Queen Victoria was proclaimed Empress of India, on January
1st, 1870, that title was introduced on the coinage in the abbreviated
and uncouth form IND. IMP. (which left it doubtful what the IND. is
abbreviated from). The coin-inscriptions being thus crowded, the
BRITANNIARFM, representing the United Kingdom, was generally curtailed
to the abbreviated BRITT. (as it had been before on some coins). The final
T was reduplicated to represent the plural, as in the formula LL.D. (for
Doctor of Laws), where the double L indicates the plural. This expla-
nation seems to have been overlooked by the authorities of the mint for
some time, for the florins first issued not only omitted the " Dei gratia,"
(whence they got the nickname of " graceless "), but also the second T of
this BRITT., and it was nearly twenty years before the latter was
restored. Now, what seems deserving of attention, especially in this
country, is that this extra letter T was the last vestige of Ireland's
appearing in the inscriptions on the coinage as forming with Great
Britain the motherland of the Empire.
I say " was," for even that has now disappeared. Under the second
Proclamation issued after the King's accession, on 4th of November,
1901, the Royal title was expanded, by way of compliment, it is sup-
posed, to the Colonies, or, to quote the Act of Parliament authorizing
PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS. 15
the change, " in recognition of His Majesty's Dominions beyond the
Seas.' Accordingly, the Royal Style and Titles to be used "henceforth,
so far as conveniently may be, on all occasions, and in all instruments,"
when required, now run thus : —
(1) In English, (which does not affect the coinage,) — "Edward VII,
by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland and of the British dominions beyond the seas
King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India."
(2) In Latin, (which alone concerns the coinage,) — " Edwardus VII,
Dei Gratia Britanniarum et terrarum transmarinarum quse
in ditione sunt Britannica Rex Fidei Defensor, Indiae Impe-
rator."
The punctuation is that of the Gazette. It provides that all moneys
then or afterwards " coined by Our authority with the like impressions,"
shall be " deemed and taken to be current and lawful moneys of the said
United Kingdom ; and further that all moneys coined for and issued in
any of the Dependencies of the said United Kingdom and declared by our
Proclamation to be current and lawful money of such Dependencies,
respectively bearing Our Style or Titles, or any part or parts thereof"
shall be lawful money thereof. This last clause seems to relate only to
the Colonies, but it may have been held to warrant the abbreviation of
the Royal Style, and the introduction of the compendious word OMNIUM
(akin, of course, to the familiar "omnibus"). According to Lewis and
Short's Latin Dictionary, the word DITTO (in the ablative), which it
supersedes, is a "less correct form from DICJ.O."
The Royal Style is now expressed in Latin on the coinage, and appears
on the recently issued coins of the Realm abbreviated as BKITT. OMN.,
representing doubtless BEITANNIABUM OMNIUM (of all the Britains). It
might seem captious to inquire what constitutes a Britain; but certainly
Ireland no longer enjoys a monopoly of the final T, and it has now ceased
to figure in the inscriptions on the coinage, as England and Scotland had
ceased before. How far its harp and shamrock remain may next be
considered. If this be an injustice to all of the so-called Three Kingdoms,
perhaps the simplest remedy would be to revert to a plain English form
of title, and banish Latin altogether from the coinage, as has been
already done in part ; and as seems to be threatened in the education
of the rising generation.
Let us now consider how, since the Union, Ireland has figured on
the coinage in respect of the national emblems, as distinct from inscrip-
tions. The order of King George III. in Council incidental to that
Union in 1801 determined the necessary changes in the Royal Arms and
16 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
in the flags of the United Kingdom, and it recognised and officially adopted
as national emblems the rose, thistle, and shamrock. The shamrock,
and its colour, green, are comparatively modern symhols of Ireland. The
same Eoyal order arranged that in the Union Flag the white transverse
cross, or saltire cross of St. Andrew, was to he above the red saltire of
St. Patrick on the one side and the reverse on the other. This red cross
of St. Patrick, it may be worth noting in passing, had not come into use
so early as the white cross of St. Andrew, which had long figured on the
Scottish coinage. The earliest instance of use of this cross for Ireland,
which I happen to have met with, is on the seal of Trinity College,
which bears date " Aprill, 1612." In the armorial device on it the two
towers of the castle, supposed to be derived from the arms of Dublin
city, instead of being "fired, proper," are surmounted by flags, which
close inspection shows to bear the upright cross of St. George and this
saltire for St. Patrick's. It may be also worth noticing that the heraldic
rule forbidding colour to touch colour, necessitated the interposition of
"metal," represented by the silver or white line or " fimbriation," and
this reduces by a third the area of St. Patrick's cross, while not affecting
that of St. Andrew. The order in council overlooked this, while making
provision .to obviate national jealousy, not only, as just observed, as to
the sides of the Union Jack, but also by providing for varying the juxta-
position of the three floral emblems : the shamrock being sometimes
placed to the right of the rose, and sometimes the thistle. Well, how
fared the harp and the shamrock on the coinage ? "We have already seen
how Hibernia with her harp was, down to the time of George IY., allowed
an ignoble existence, limited to the copper coinage, and on them restricted
to coins only intended for circulation in Ireland. The shield under the
figure of Britannia, who now alone appears on our bronze coinage, exhibits
only the combined crosses of St. George and St. Andrew, and so far
Ireland is there unrepresented.
In 1816, after the long series of wars, it was decided to reorganize
the coinage. Guineas gave place to sovereigns, and a series of new dies
were engraved by Benedetto Pistrucci, an Italian, who devised the
St. George and the Dragon, which has since mainly held the field. It is
said that it was intended for a gem which was being engraved by the
artist for Lord Spencer. I have no desire to disparage St. George, nor
does it seem necessary to adopt such strong language regarding him as
did Ruskin, who held him up to odium as a dishonest army contractor;
but I submit that he should not have been allowed to supplant on our
gold coinage, as he and his Dragon have twice done, the Royal Arms of
the United Kingdom. If a saint must figure on our money, as St.
Andrew long did on the Scottish coinage, and St. Patrick several times
fitfully on the Irish, we might at least dispense with this outlandish
personage and his Dragon.
PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS. 17
It may be worth noting that Pistrucci not only introduced St. George
and the Dragon, hut that on the crown piece of George III., issued
in 1818, he obtruded his own surname at length both on the obverse
and reverse. On the half-crown he surrounded the Royal Arms with
the Garter and Collar of that order, having a small pendent St. George.
This introduction of England's patron saint was probably intended as a
personal compliment to King George. If so it is now out of date, and
should not have been continued under late Sovereigns. The reverse of
the half-crowns of 1893, by Mr. Brock, and of the florins and shillings
of the same year, by Sir E. J. Poynter, perpetuate this mode of treat-
ment. Is it too much to hope that the arms of the United Kingdom may
again appear on our gold coinage, and that the shamrock, rose, and thistle
may be less sparingly used, and not, as in 1826, under the feet of the
lion ? Mr. William Wellesley Pole, Master of the Mint, abused the
three leaves of the shamrock on the half-sovereigns of 1821, and on the
half-crowns of 1820, by making them carry the three initials of hi&
name — a liberty which the new Irish Master of the Mint will scarcely
venture to repeat !
Strange to say, the supporters of the Royal Arms — the English
lion and the Scottish unicorn — never gained a footing on the coinage}
though it was accorded to St. George's Dragon. As Ireland does not
contribute a supporter, it has no reason to complain of the omission of
these two Royal beasts. The design for the reverse of our new shillings
is a revival, in a modified form, of that supplied by J. E. Merlen, which
was in use on what were known as tl Lion" shillings from 1825 for four
years. The elongated lion, which now displaces the separated arms of
the three kingdoms, is not one of the supporters of the Royal Arms ; but
the animal of the Royal crest, who " jumps upon the crown." The
shamrock, rose, and thistle were beneath both him and it on the shillings
of George IV. Now the date, and the words " one shilling," take their
place.
As it has lately been suggested that India should be represented in
the Royal Arms and on the coinage, it may be worth recalling to mind
that on some guineas of 1668, and down to 1726, an elephant appeared
as symbol of the African Company, who imported from Guinea the gold
which gave its name to the coin; and the letters E. I. C., " for East India
Company," also appeared. Wales was not allowed any coins peculiar to
itself, but there are examples bearing the plumes; and the letters-
W. C. C., for " Welsh Copper Company," were once admitted.
TEEASUKE-THOVE. — THE GOLD ORNAMENTS.
It might be expected that your President's address would deal with
the controversy as to whether the dismal gold room at the British
r \t <; A T f Vo1- xiii., Fifth Series. ) r
Jour. R.S.A.I. | Vol ,aa^Lt Consec. Ser. }
18 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Museum, or the National Museum in Dublin, is to provide a resting-place
for the matchless and miscellaneous collection of gold objects unearthed
in 1896 near Limavady. Your Council has in its present Report not
touched this burning question, and I propose to follow their example, for
reasons to which I may briefly advert. And, firstly, it seems to me that
there is not much which can now be added to the literature on the
subject. Mr. Arthur Evans's Paper, which first enlightened us about
them, described them fully and well. Apart from numerous newspaper
discussions, we have some fifty folio pages of the Report of the Treasury
Committee (H. C. Return, 1st May, 1899, No. 179). The address of my
predecessor in this chair in 1900 was mainly devoted to the subject of
Irish Treasure-trove (see the Journal r, vol. xxx.). Our chief excursion last
year included a visit to the district in which the gold objects were found;
and our Secretary, Mr. Cochrane, F.S.A., has enriched our Journal with a
Paper which, from the suggested connexion with S. Columba, makes these
objects — already supremely interesting as works of early art — of still
greater interest to this country historically.
The Royal Irish Academy has latterly abstained from agitating the
subject, since the Government decided on testing by process of law the
question of ownership. But with the last issue of its Proceedings it has
printed a lengthy Report, which will enable any one to see how the
matter stands.
There were many curious questions not only about the law of
Treasure-trove, but about the proper procedure. A coroner's inquisition
was for a time deemed necessary. Issue has, however, been joined, and
the case has been entered for hearing in London in the Chancery
Division, before Mr. Justice Farwell, or Mr. Justice Swinien-Eady, and
it will probably come on within the next month, when, presumably, the
Law Officers of England, on behalf of the Crown, will have charge of
the proceedings against the Trustees of the British Museum. The case
being thus sub judice, it would manifestly be improper to discuss its
merits. The question there is one of law alone.
But I venture to give utterance to the opinion that for this and other
reasons the Society of Antiquaries of London should have abstained
from interfering with the Government on behalf of the British Museum,
especially as the Museum official who bought these objects is the
Secretary of that Society, and its President is one of the Trustees of the
Museum.
The Society's resolution was passed at a special meeting held on the
28th of November, 1901. That Society, which by its name at least is asso-
ciated only with London, therein avows its u keen interest in all matters
PRESIDENT S ADDRESS. 19
connected with the archaeology of these islands," pronounces the British
Museum to be the " central Museum of the Empire," and commits itself
to the assertion that the gold objects in question are "remains of the
Art of the Ancient Britons." Each of these statements suggests matter
for controversy. I venture only to remark that they go 'far towards
betraying a desire that outside of London no " Society of Antiquaries,"
no "National Museum," and no " gold ornaments" should be tolerated.
The regret occasioned by the action of the Society of Antiquaries of
London is accentuated by the consideration that that Society is presided
over by an accomplished nobleman who, if not to be regarded as an
Irishman, at least derives his title from this country.
The Society of Antiquaries of London, though housed at the expense
of the State, has not established a Museum of its own. That was done
by the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, in Edinburgh, by the Royal
Irish Academy, in Dublin, and, on a smaller scale, by our Society in
Kilkenny. The last alone of these was independent of Government
assistance. Considering the difficulties experienced by these Societies
in maintaining Libraries and Museums, the great and wealthy London
Society may have been wise in not setting up a Museum, and the
Academy may possibly not regret having been relieved of the housing
of its Museum by the State. Several very interesting objects from our
small Museum have been transferred to the same fine building.
THE NATIONAL MUSEUM IN DUBLIN.
Ireland was long left by the Government without adequate provision
for a Museum of Antiquities and of Industrial Art. But in 1868 the
Chancellor of the Exchequer promised to give to Dublin an institution
analogous to that at South Kensington, to which it should, under Irish
direction, be a sister and not a subordinate. That promise remained
long unfulfilled, and I can remember joining in a successful agitation,
which found expression in a pamphlet which I published in 1876. But
at length the Museum building and equipment were handsomely pro-
vided, and, as one of the Board of Visitors, I have loyally supported the
management. Under one of the strange changes of fortune the Academy,
which successfully resisted its Parliamentary grant being voted through
the Department of " Science and Art," now finds its Museum, in common
with Dublin Institutions of Science and Art, placed under an Irish
Department of "Agriculture and Technical Instruction." So far the
Museum has not suffered, but there has not been time for any far-
reaching changes. It is not likely that an enlightened public opinion,
fostered and educated by organizations such as ours, would
tolerate such neglect as prevailed within living memory. But
C2
20 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
already, as with the National Library, the Museum buildings are becom-
ing congested, and the staff was never fully adequate. Therefore, while
congratulating the Museum authorities on the success which has attended
their operations so far, it may be well to remind them that this is the
National Museum, and that its contents are to be treated as of historical
importance, and not merely as subserving Technical Instruction, and
to furnish patterns for artizans.
FORTHCOMING PUBLICATIONS.
There are three works in preparation relating to Ireland, which I
think well to mention, not so much for the purpose of bringing them to
your notice, as to bespeak help from those able to co-operate.
Irish Bibliography and the history of Printing in Dublin engaged the
attention of Sir John Gilbert; and, not long before his lamented death, he
prepared two Papers on the subject, one only of which has been partially
published. Both, however, are to be edited for the Royal Irish Academy,
within the coming year, by Mr. E. R. M'C. Dix. Following the plan of
Mr. Anderson's excellent list of Belfast-printed books, Mr. Dix decidecl
to publish an account of books, &c., printed in Dublin, but only during
the seventeenth century. Three parts of this work have appeared
since 1898, each embracing a quarter of the century, and each nearly
doubling in size its predecessor (though the price remains unchanged)..
The remaining part, for 1676 to 1700, has yet to appear; and I am
confident that Mr. Dix would welcome information as to rare Dublin-
Drinted books of this period. May I express the hope that he will
" advance backwards " (more Hibernico] — amplifying his pamphlet of
1901, entitled "Earliest Dublin Printing" — and also forwards, so that
his work may begin at the beginning, and continue at least to 1725 ? I
observe that Mr. Dix is announced to read before the Bibliographical
Society in London, on the Eve of St. Patrick's Day, a Paper on " Early
Dublin Printers and the London Stationers' Company."
The Papal Archives at Rome contain a vast mass of documents relating
to mediaeval ecclesiastical affairs in Ireland. Bishop Donnelly, one of our
Vice-Presidents, gave us a welcome specimen; and the late Dr. Maziere
Brady published much relating to Episcopal appointments from this
source. It has remained, however, for the Rev. Father Costello, as the
result of many years of research in Rome relating to the Annata, or first
fruits payable on the appointments of Ecclesiastics, to place within our
reach a series of Latin documents of venerable antiquity, ranging from
the twelfth to the fifteenth century. These are now being printed at
Dundalk, under the care of the Rev. Ambrose Coleman, O.P., with
copious annotations; and the first portion, including the Diocese of
PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS. 21
Armagh, is completed, but not yet issued. The names of places and
persons appear in unfamiliar forms, occasionally showing traces of varia-
tion, attributable to the language and the country they originated in.
Help is needed for the identification of these names ; and if any of our
antiquaries, skilled in the mediaeval nomenclature of Irish dioceses and
districts, is willing to assist in supplying explanatory notes, he would
do well to communicate with Father Coleman.
Hall-marks on plate, and especially the date-letters used by the
makers to perpetuate, while concealing, a knowledge of the age of the
pieces of silver or gold on which they are stamped, have engaged the
attention of English antiquaries at least from the time of Mr. Octavius
Morgan. They have extended their attention to the hall-marks used by
the Goldsmiths' Company of Dublin, since its incorporation in 1637 ; but
the lists hitherto published have either been misleading or defective.
Though the well-known books of Chaffers and Cripps have passed through
several editions, we have as yet no satisfactory account of the Dublin
hall-marks ; and though Cork antiquaries interested themselves in trying
to fix the date of silver manufactured in the South of Ireland, the absence
of date-letters outside of Dublin made their task difficult. I have myself
long worked at Irish hall-marks, and collected materials towards a book
on the subject. But the task has recently been taken up by a gentleman
of more energy, Mr. C. J. Jackson, F.S.A., of London, who possesses the
happy skill of being able to produce accurate representations of the
marks. The book which he is preparing for publication will not be
limited to Ireland ; but there is less uncertainty about the other hall-
marks. The date-letter tables, constructed for Dublin, were usually
started from a few articles of known dates, on the erroneous assumption
that the alphabets used in the several cycles consisted of the same number
of letters ; that they proceeded uninterruptedly ; and that no letter of the
same alphabet was used for more than one year. The books of our Gold-
smiths' Company are extremely defective, and they record only about a
dozen of the years indicated by the date-letters before the last century.
There are not as many silver articles in that time, the date of the actual
making of which is known. This being so, the meaning of these letters
can now be only determined approximately by examining pieces of plate
bearing dated inscriptions, usually recording presentations. Church plate
is the most helpful, because having been usually made to order, it fixed the
value of the date-letter more closely than did presentation plate in general.
This fact will render welcome to lovers of silver the forthcoming volume
on Irish Church Plate, of which Col. Vigors, one of our Vice-Presidents,
has just issued the prospectus. It is surprising how few dated pieces
have been yet made available. Between 1642 and 1655, a time of unrest,
only one is forthcoming. Of the alphabet in use at the time of the
22 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Eestoration, only three letters have yet been recorded as found on dated
Church plate. Two of these are on Communion plate at Kells, County
Meath; but, though they are /and g, coming next to each other, the
inscribed dates, 1665 and 1671, differ by six years. This I mention as
an example of the difficulty of fixing the date of making. From 1685 to
1692 no Dublin date-letter has been identified. In the next cycle some
letters seem to have done duty for more than one year each. If any of
our antiquaries will help by communicating inf ormation as to early dated
examples, it will be useful and welcome.
THE u BOOTS. OF ARMAGH."
"While referring to new books about to be published, I should turn
for [a moment to a Book in Manuscript, which is probably the oldest
connected with Ireland, and the publication of which has long been
anxiously awaited. I refer to the famous and venerable "Book of Armagh."
That great antiquary, Bishop Eeeves, was instrumental in securing it a
permanent and suitable resting-place; and the munificence of Primate
Lord John George Beresford provided for its publication. This was
undertaken by the Eoyal Irish Academy, who entrusted the work to
the Eev. Professor Gwynn, who will doubtless do it justice. The text
of the book, consisting chiefly of the Gospels in Latin, is printed in
ordinary type. Dr. Eeeves, who hoped to edit the precious MS. himself,
prepared a large collection of illustrative matter for the purpose. He
published a short memoir of it in 1861, which has been at least twice
reprinted ; and, just thirty years later, it was the subject of the last but
one o"f the many Papers he read before the Eoyal Irish Academy. It is-
now nearly ten years since the issue of the book was announced as
imminent. Perhaps you may see it before you have to elect my successor
as President.
THE SOCIETY AND ITS EOLL.
I must not conclude without referring to the state of our Society.
Several Presidential Addresses and Annual Eeports to kindred societies
are mainly composed of obituary notices of their members whom death
recently removed. I would willingly dilate on the loss we have sustained
by the death of Mr. Cooke-Trench, one of our Yice-Presidents, though
his work lay more with the Kildare ArchaBological Society. For that
body he unravelled the intricacies of the interlacing work, which used
to be considered to belong especially to Irish Art, but which Italy now
claims — perhaps only as deriving it from us. His love of research also-
showed itself in his History of the Trench Family, which is a model for
the genealogist. He had the rare advantage of being able to trace all
persons of his name to one ancestor, whose name, Le Tranche, originally
derived from France, on his migration hither took the form now familiar
in Ireland.
PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS. 23
But I must leave to others such. Memorials of the Dead, and notice
the present state of our Society's Roll. When His Majesty the King
was lately petitioned to assume the office of Patron, he was told that the
Society was supposed to be the largest of its kind in his kingdom. I was
justly proud when the prospect of being made President of such a body
was placed before me. But, long accustomed to " verify quotations," I
resolved to inquire how the roll of similar societies figured, and here is the
result: — The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland at the close of 1900,
after a net loss of 23 in the year, numbered 687. The great Society of
Antiquaries of London, in 1899, after a less loss, numbered 750 ; so that
there is not such disparity as might be expected between the antiquarian,
zeal of North and South Britain.
The Royal Irish Academy, according to the numerical summary
appended to its List of Members in 1902, was reduced to 255 members
(besides 63 Honorary), and of these, Science would probably claim half
as exclusively its own.
The number on our roll, as to-day reported, is 1248, so that our
Society in membership nearly equals those of the English and Scottish
Societies combined. If the roll of the Academy be added to ours,
Ireland, comparatively small and poor, shows a larger number of
persons devoted to the study of antiquities than does the Britain styled
Great.
As regards the larger and better portion of the human race, the
disparity is even more in our favour. The Scottish Antiquaries recog-
nize women's rights (or claims) so far as to admit gratuitously to a
separate class, styled "Lady Associates" (not Fellows), a chosen few
"who have done valuable work in the field of Archaeology," but
"according to the laws their number is limited to 25." The London
Society has, I believe, no such law for ladies, and no lady Fellows or
Associates. The Royal Irish Academy has, in over a century, numbered
on its roll two only, I believe. We have no law or limitation such as-
Scotland interposes. All are welcome with us, and I rejoice to notice
on our long list of communications for to-night that a Paper by a lady
heads that list.
And not only has this Irish brotherhood and sisterhood of ours itself
flourished and grown, but its influence and training have led to the
establishment of similar local societies ; and besides welcoming from Cork
and Belfast the admirable archaeological journals which they have long
issued, we greet the publications of the younger provincial Societies of
Kildare, Waterford, Galway, and, I may add, Limerick.
24 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Numbers alone, however, could not ensure success ; but they have
helped to secure to this Society some measure of financial prosperity, and
that, in turn, has tended to make its publications worthy of our Society.
If, as in the case of the kindred societies which, thanks to the bounty
of the State, acquiesce in a plan supposed to be peculiar to Ireland, and
" pay no rent," we could be relieved by a paternal Government from that
somewhat antiquated obligation, our Society might become more firmly
rooted in and racy of the soil, our meetings would be in more inviting
and inspiriting surroundings, and our Society would be better able to
promote in Ireland those branches of learning which for over half a
century it has cultivated so zealously, and, as a last word, I venture to
add, successfully.
IsOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK.
PART I. — THE HISTOBY, A.D. 900 TO 1579.
BYjTHOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A., M.R.I.A., VICE-PKESIDENT.
[Read JULY 1, 1901, and OCTOBER 28, 1902.]
A SKEATON, an ancient village and former parliamentary borough on the
•^*- river Deel, possesses a castle, church, and Franciscan friary, which
form a most interesting group of ruins only inferior to Adare and
Kilmallock, in the same county. The site is, however, lacking in the
Askeaton, from the Franciscan Convent.
beautiful surroundings of the last-named places. The modern (and in
many cases half -ruinous and poor) houses of the village close round the
castle, and appear in nearly every distant view of the friary, while ugly
quays with no shipping, and flat country with only low and distant
hills, take the place of the reed- and bush-shaded Lubagh and Maigue
26 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
and the piled masses of the Galtees behind Kilmallock. Coming to
Askeaton from the railway station, through a flat and unpicturesque
though wooded country, with only the broken keep of the castle to
show that we are approaching any place of ancient note, the first impres-
sion is one of disappointment. It is not till we drop abruptly from the
table-land to the bridge over the shallows of the Deel that we see to any
advantage the towering and picturesque ruins of the fortress in its river
gorge, and, on the other side, the confused mass of ivied gables and
shafted windows of the Franciscans' ancient house.
No detailed description of these fine ruins has been published, nor has
any proper plan or illustration of them appeared. Grose1 gives a very
inadequate and incorrect view of the castle, dated 1792, over the name
of Rockbarton Castle, which proves to be Rockbarkeley or Askeaton.
O'Callaghan Kewenham, in a style of picturesque inaccuracy (surpassing
even Bartlett), depicts the friary. Of the quaint but instructive old view
in " Pacata Hibernia " we shall have more to say. The best account
hitherto published is that by the Rev. James Dowd ;a but from the scope
of his very interesting book, " Round About the County Limerick," the
description is brief and untechnical. Some architectural notes on the
friary and castle have also appeared in the Gentleman's Magazine f or I864.z
In the face of all this, we may be forgiven for striving to deal more
fully with this place and its history, trying to fill up a gap no less in the
history of the lesser Irish towns than in our monastic literature, and to
lay up material for some future author who may compile an Irish
Monasticon more worthy of the abbey-abounding Isle of Saints.
THE NAMES OF ASKEATON AND INISKEFTY.
Askeaton most probably derives its name, Eas Gephthine — Gephten's
Cascade — from an ancient though obscure tribe, the Gebtini,4 who held
in pre-Christian times5 the western section of the present county of
Limerick,6 and shared the district with the more important and far-
reaching tribes of Ua Cathbar and Ua Corra.
Older legend tells of Gared, one of the chieftains who commanded
under Finn Mac Coul at the battle of Cnamross, and how he dwelt at
Eas Gepthine ; later antiquaries tell of a lady, or chieftain, Gephthine,
or Gepten, or, with perfervid fancy in derivation, evolve the name
1 " Antiquities of Ireland," vol. i., plate xxx., p. 71.
2 " Round About the County Limerick " (1896), p. 178.
3 Part 2, pp. 542, 544.
4 See valuable Paper, by Mr. H. T. Knox, in Journal, vol. xxx. (1900), p. 344,
with map based on M'Firbis.
^O'Donovan, in Ordnance Survey Letters, R.I. A. MSS., 14, E. 9, p. 453. Eas
geptine, Gepten, a man's name " in pagan times." In tbis and the following notes,
C. S. P. I. indicates the " Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland " ; L. M. H.,
" Liber Munerum Publicorum Hibernise" ; R. I. A., Royal Irish Academy.
6 Borlase's " Dolmens of Ireland," vol. in., p. 876.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK, 27
11 Eas caed tinne," from the " hundred fires " lighted in honour of Baal.
Few things are more dangerous to true archaeology than false etymology
derived from revising local names into supposed Irish equivalents when
unchecked by ancient records.
We have seen that the basis of the name was Gebten ; but in the
records from 1200 to 1450 a variant to Eas Gebthine appears, and was
almost exclusively used among the clergy and the English. It appears
in various forms ; but was evidently Iniskefty, i.e. Inis Geibhthine. It
occurs in such strange forms as Iniskefly, Iniskesty, Inisketti, Hineskefly,.
Hinckesti, Hinksti, Imkesti, Inikefli, Iniskyfly, Inknesci, Jyskefty, and
Imkefti. It gets into forms so dangerously like Iniscatti, Inisketty, and
Iniscathaig that I have in some cases refrained from using records with
the less usual spellings, lest they should not refer to Askeaton, unless
where the internal evidence decided the question. These vague spellings^
and the appearance of " Asketon" castle in the early records, led me into
the belief that Askeaton and Iniskefty were different places. I also
supposed that some of the entries related to Iniscathaig, and these
mistakes I take this opportunity of noticing and correcting.1 No previous
writer has2 given any proof for the identification ; so until I was satisfied
by the " llental of O'Connyll" that Iniskefty was actually Askeaton, I
feared to use any of the Iniskefty records. Prom other documents it
appears that Asketon (or rather Askeion) was Escloon or Eschluana,.
a castle, church, cantred and parish in the deanery of Limerick, probably
near Carrigogunnell, but not Kilkeedy.3 Accordingly we may dismiss the
Asketon entries, and confine ourselves to Iniskefty and Askeaton. The
intermediate form, " Yneskitun," is used in the " Valor Beneficiorum "
in 1539. 4 It is impossible to suppose that Iniskefty is a corruption of
Eas Geibhthine ; it is much more probable that both prefixes to the name
Gebhthine existed in Irish, representing the island and the waterfall of
the Deel, and thence the castle on that island.5
EARLY HISTORY, A.D. 900 TO 1383.
The fort of Geibhtine was reserved to the kings of Cashel in the
"Book of Rights," at any rate before A.D. 900, if not in the fifth
1 I may give as corrigenda to my former Papers references to mistakes as to
Iniskefty, or Inisketty, in our Journal, vol. xxvii. (1897), p. 279, note 5, and vol.
xxiv. (1894), p. 335 ; also to Proc.R.I.A., Ser. in., vol. vi., p. 112. As an Appendix
to this Paper shows, the fact of the early annexation of Iniscathaigh by the See of
Limerick rests on a mass of evidence untouched by these errors.
2 As in Bishop Reeves's Manuscripts, T.C.D.*, and ''Round About the County
Limerick," p. 293.
3 Bishop O'Dea's "Taxa. Procuration urn," 1418, gives "Eschluana, alias Kyl-
kyde,"next Mungret, but the older records, the Taxation of 1291, &c., give these
churches as in separate parishes.
* MS. T.C.D., E. 13, 15, No. 632.
5 The Inquisition of the estates of Gerald, Earl of Desmond, September 11, xxvi.
Eliz. , includes the castle of Inniskesty, in the * service ' of Asketten.
23 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
century.1 We hear nothing more of the place till, in 1199, the " Annals
of Inisf alien "2 record the building of the castle of "Eas Gephthine."
There was "great abundance of fruit in Desmond" that year, which
probably extended to other neighbouring districts, and favoured the
foundation. The founder is not mentioned, but (as we shall see)
was most likely William de Burgo. King John, of England, on October
13th, 1203, notified to his Irish Government that "William de Burgo
had paid for the livery of the castles of Kilfeakle and Hinneskefti, and
Askeaton Castle, from the south-west.
that he retained de Burgo's sons as hostages till the justiciary, Meyler
fitz Henry, came to the king at Caen.3 In the same year the king
restored to Hamon fitz Hamon de Valoignes the castle of Hineskesty,
or Hinckesty, which belonged to said Hamon by inheritance, he having
paid 50 marks for it.4
1 "Book of Rights" (ed. O'Donovan), pp. 89, 91».
2 MS. T.C.D. i. i. 19. Ware, in his " Annals," 1198, says :— " The English
built . . . another (castle) the next year at Astretin, hy the river Delvin," sic.
3 Calendar, Patent Rolls, John, An. xvii. ; " Liber Munerum Pub. Hib." vol. i.,
p. 30 ; Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, 1171-1251, No. 593.
4 Fine Rolls, John, xvii. and xviii., m. 8 ; Patent Rolls same years, No, 593, grant
of castle of Hineskefty.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 29
It next appears as having a church dedicated to St. Mary. Through
some unexplained favour of the ruling powers to the Augustinian abbey
of Keynsham, in Somerset,1 a number of the Limerick churches had been
granted to that monasteiy. Hubert de Burgo, Bishop of Limerick in
1237, had the ability to procure the restitution of most of them from
John de Bineford, Canon of Keynsham, proctor for the abbot and convent.
They were Rathgel (Rathkeale), Eathfergus (Kilfergus), Mayntaueney
(Moy Tawnagh, or Mahoonagh), Mayryne (Kiltennan), Browry (Bruree),
Culballysiward (probably Howardstown), Karracnesy (Caherhenesy,
llathkeale), Mayne, Moymolcally, Orosse (Iveruss), and Doundouenolde.2
The church of Iniskefty seems to have been also given to Keynsham ;
but the transaction, save as to the grant, is not very clearly stated.
The bishop granted " Iniskefty, " with the consent of its chapter, to the
church of St. Mary of Keynsham, in England, and to the abbot and con-
vent of that place. One-third of its income was reserved to the vicar of
Iniskefty, Thomas de Cardiff, a canon of England.3 This grant was
unrepealed ; for in the great Desmond Roll, an Elizabethan survey of
county Limerick, by Christopher Peyton in 1584, " the rectory of
Askeaton church was impropriate to the Crown in right of the dissolved
abbey of Kensam."4
The grant, however, led to litigation; for in 1268 we find that
Walter de Lacton and Gunnora, his wife, were plaintiffs in an action
against the abbot of "Keyneresham." The plaintiffs claimed 10 marks
off Oross, and other matters, " out of the inheritance of the said Gunnora,
held by the king in capite," and "another writ against the abbot con-
cerning the advowson of the churches of Ineskefty and Kilculgin."5
In 1289 an Inquisition was taken, which found that Hamo de Yalenges,
former lord of " Iniskyfty," enfeoffed the predecessor of John (deSanford),
Archbishop of Dublin, of one knight's fee in Culballysiward, in pure
and perpetual alms, along with a certain tenement in Browry. The
original charter was evidently lost ; for in the " Registry of the Arch-
bishops of Dublin" there is no older document than the grant of the
whole tenement of Culballisiward, in County Limerick, from Alexander
1 Keynsham was a foundation of William, Earl of Gloucester, in 1170, and of
Gilbert De Clare, a later earl. Had the connexion of either the De Clares or Berkeleys
with Askeaton or Limerick been of earlier date, the grants of the Irish benefices to
Keynsham would be less problematical. Hamo de Valoniis was, however, connected
with it. Dugdale's "Monasticon Anglicanurn," ed. 1830, vol. vi., Part i., page 451.
" History of Somerset," by the Rev. J. Collinson, vol. ii., p. 402.
2 " Black Book of Limerick," No. LI., p. 75. Culballysiward seems to have been
Cooleen and Howardstown ; hut there was another Ballysyward, or Ballyhoward, at
Adamstown, some miles to the east.
3 A Richard de Kaerdiff was living at Keynsham at the same time. Dugdale, as
ahove, p. 453.
4 Desmond Roll, Record Office, Dublin ; also an Inquisition on possessions of late
Abbey of Keynsham, 1542 (C. S. P. I., p. 62).
5 Plea Roll (Ireland), 53 H. in., mem. 8, /. (Cal., vol. i., p. 32).
30 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Anno, son of Godfrey de Anno, to John de Sandford, Archbishop of
Dublin, along with the homage of the grantor's nephew John, on the
morrow of the Holy Trinity, 1284.1
Among the lists of " capitnla " (an equivalent, it should appear, to
later parochial administrations), and the coroners' districts in Limerick
under Edward I., Iniskefty appears. For example, we find — " For
the Crown — Inskyfty and Rathgele — Villa ta de Coulbalysyward — John
Dondon tried for their neglect.2 The bridges of Coulbalysyward and
Cloncullig were broken (as was alleged). The jnry find that the said
John does not hold and repair the bridge of Cloncullig, and that the
bridge of Coulbalysiward is made up, so that men, horses, and wagons
(carruce) are able to cross." An interesting side-light on the
maintenance of public works under the great Prince in 1290.3
Iniskefty is next stated to have passed to the ill-starred Thomas de
Clare and his wife, Juliana, daughter of Maurice FitzMaurice, Lord of
Offaley, before 1287,4 and particulars are given as to the house of
Desmond succeeding to that of Offaley. This is not borne out by the
elaborate Inquisitions on the death of Thomas de Clare, 1287. However,
we find a grant of Edward IT., 1318, to Robert de Welle and his wife
Matilda (sister of Richard de Clare, who that year had fallen at
Dysertodea) of the castle, manor and barony of Imkifty or Inikefty,
valued at £14 Is. I%d. They also claimed the advowsons of the
churches of Inikifty and of Bunratty and Quin, in Tomond, in 1322.6
In 1314 (8 Edward II.) a lawsuit was tried at Limerick. The
plaintiff Isabella, widow of Gilbert de Clare, proceeded against Robert
de Wall on a plea of account for the time when he was Gilbert's bailiff
in the manors of Yoghell, Inchecoyn, Candlestown, Any, Iniskyfty,
Mountauenach, Bonrat, and Ardrayn.6 So it is evident that, if not
Thomas de Clare, at least his sons Gilbert and Richard held the Manor
at the beginning of the fourteenth century.
To go back for a few years, King Edward I. in 1300 asked for an aid
from the towns of Ireland for his war with Scotland. The entry gives
1 Plea Roll, xviii. Ed. I., mem. 10 (Cal., vol. i., p. 50), and " Liber Niger
Alani" (Reeves's MSS. T.C.D., 1061), vol. ii., p. 828. Dr. Stokes gives a note, but
a very inaccurate one, on this deed in the Journal, vol. xxvii. (1897), p. 407.
2 This old family, not unrepresented among the present inhabitants of Limerick,
appears from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries as landowners at Ballysiward.
3 Plea Roll, xviii. Ed. I., m. 44 (Cal., vol. i., p. 140). The other " chapters "
given are Ardach, Othenach, Esclon,Iolegar (luregar), Browry, Fontymchil (Fontemel),
and Cromyth (Groom). The Pipe Rolls give the " Villate " as Adar, Rathgel, Ins-
kyfti, Ardagh, Cromech, Kilmehallock, Dermochy, Natherlagh, Any, Grene, and
Karkinl(iss), 1303.
4 Journal, vol. ix. (1867), p. 79.
5 Cal. Close Rolls, 1322, p. 440. Matilda, sister and heir of R. de Clare, claims
the advowsons of Bonrat, Conighy, and Inskifty. See also Grossi Fines, 1321.
Matilda holding " Castra de Bonrath, Coinguy de Totomon, cast. man. et barouiam de
Inskisty, castr de Corkemoyth, cus. de Any," &c.
6 Plea Roll, No. 109, viii. Edward II., mem. 40 (Cal., vol. iv., p. 19).
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 31
the names and assessments of each of the Irish towns, and is an
invaluable record of their standing and wealth. Inskefty is assessed at
40«., and is evidently a town of the standing of " Athdare," " Rathgel,"
and " Cromoth," its sister towns in County Limerick.1
If the "Dictionary " of Lewis can be trusted, there was a preceptory
of the Knights of the Temple at Iniskefty, and they built the church,
part of whose ruins still stand, in 1291. This derives some support
from the Civil Survey of 1655, which mentions "one garden, hospital
land surrounded by the lands of Asketten," as being in the town. It is
probable that here, as in so many other cases, the hospitallers succeeded
to the possessions of the suppressed Templars.2 The Church appears
in the Papal Taxation of 1302 to 1306 as Ynyskyfty, and is valued at
16 marks, and its vicarage at 8 marks.3
The invasion of Bruce gave the English Government a deadly blow,
and its elaborate organization nearly collapsed. The notices in the Plea
Rolls and other records get fewer and of less interest. We learn from
a group of pardons in 1346 that among the families residing in
u Ineskyfty " that year were those of Albus (White), Bethegan, Catewoly,
Cissor, FitzDavid, Germye, Harold, Nasshe, O'Calan, Pronce, Playfort,
and Rus.4
Two years later the place appears as held by that most ill-starred
family, the Lords of Desmond, who left the mark of their power, wealth,
and liberality on the buildings, still beautiful in their ruin among the
crowded houses of the modern village. On June 20th, 1348, the
Escheator notifies to the King " that he has learned by Inquisition
that Maurice Fitzmaurice, late Earl (Comes) of Dessemond, held,"
among numerous other possessions, " the manor of lyskifti " by service,
and 40*., along with the manor of Glynnogre.5 The Barony, as already
stated, formed a cantred; so late as 1358 we find the cantreds of County
Limerick named as Inyskysty, Ocarbri, Adare, Cromyth, Any, Grene,
Ardagh, Fontymshyll, Esclon, and Wethney, or Oghney.6
About 1367 John Maltravers, junior, held the manors of Rathgell
and Inskyfty, in County Limerick, in Ireland,7 but thenceforth the name
of Desmond stands almost alone in the Annals of Askeaton for two
centuries.
1 Plea Koll (Ireland), xxvii. Ed. I., mem. 2. Mr. James Mills, the Deputy
Keeper of the Records of Ireland, most kindly called my attention to this important
document.
2 " Topographical Dictionary of Ireland" (Lewis), vol. i., p. 81; and "Civil
Survey," 1655, pp. 66, 67 (Record Office).
3 C. S. P. I., 1302, from Exchequer Rolls.
* Cal. Patent Rolls, xx. Ed. II. " Catewoly " is the Welsh family of Cadewalla,
•or Cadwelly, frequently mentioned in Plea Rolls.
5 Cal. Patent Rolls, An. xxii. Ed. III., p. 72, No. 2.
6 Ib. xx., Ed. III., No. 44, and An. xxxii., No. 101, p. 72, Nos. 2-10.
7 Calendar Inquis.post mort., 1367 and 1375, pp. 284, 352.
32 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
In 1383, Philip de Courtenay held a meeting at Kilmehallock to
consult as to payments of scutage, &c. This was necessitated by the
wars raised in Munster. At this meeting 40s. was paid by the Earl of
Desmond for the Barony of Incheskyn, in County Limerick.1
THE FEANCISCAN FBIAEY, 1389-1420.
One of the Earls of Desmond, according to Wadding,2 founded the
Friary of Franciscan monks in 1389. The founder was probably Gerald,
" the poet," the fourth Earl of Desmond, Lord Justice of Ireland,
of whom tradition 3 asserts that he mysteriously disappeared into the
Askeaton — Franciscan Convent (Chancel).
enchanted waters of Lough Gur to re-appear once in seven years, and
ride over its waters till the silver shoes of his horse were worn out.
Our Annals only know of his penitent death after receiving the Sacra-
ments. The Four Masters and Ware, on the other hand, place the date
of the foundation in 1420, James, the 7th Earl of Desmond, being then in
1 Remembrance Rolls, vii. Ric. II., m. 42, facie.
2 " Annales Minorum," xv., pp. xviii, 145.
3 Also told as of Gerald, the " rebel Earl."
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 33
power.1 Father Hugh Ward, writing about 1630, says : " The founder
of the convent was * D.' Earl of Desmond, who erected there a tomb
for himself and his family, as also did ' D.' Macnamara of Tomond, and
many others of both families."2
Wadding adheres to the earlier date in another passage of his works :
" 1389, conventus de Athskettin dictus . . . per haec tempora constructus,
ferunt a quodam comite Desmonie." He then relates its ruin by the
English, under Malbie, in 1581 (recte 1579). Allemand (or more
probably his printer) reproduced this date as 1481, misleading Archdall,
Lenihan, and the later writers. The Four Masters record how, in 1420,
" The monastery of the Franciscans at Easgephtine, in Munster, on the
bank of the Shannon (Deel), was founded for Franciscan Friars by the
Earl of Desmond, who erected a tomb in it for himself and his descen-
dants." The Earl was, however, buried far from Askeaton, at Youghal.
It is possible, despite the indecision and 4< ferunt" of Wadding, that
1389 may represent the foundation, and 1420 the completion, or, as in
so many cases (e.g. Q,uin, 1433), an addition, though many features
suggest a date nearer the time of Earl James' death (1459) than 1420,
much less 1389. Indeed, it was about 1460 that Terence (Torlough),
the MacMahon of Corcovaskin, the husband of More Ine Brien (whose
fine monument remains at Ennis), "made another tomb for himself and
his family in the convent of the minorites at Askeaton."3
To supplement the brevity and want of detail of these records, we
may here record the possessions of the convent in 1 586 as given by Peyton :
" Scitus dom. relig. in Asketten vocat' the Begginge ffryers." It was
built near the river Deele (which flows into the Shannon), and contained
certain buildings and half an acre. . . The field called " Clone numrare,
also called the ffryers' lande "... to the north of the Abbey. . . One
water-mill called " Mollin begg," within the town . . . near the mill of
the Earl of Desmond. A weare commonly called " a ffysshing weare,"
also called " Corra numrar," alias "the ffryers weare." . . . There per-
tained to the same religious house . . . tythe of the f ysh called tythe ffysche
from one of the weares in Asketten, called " Corren Erie," "the Erles
weare " which was built near the bridge, . . . namely, the fishes taken in
the Tides on one day and two nights in each week, . . . namely, between
1 " Annals of the Four Masters," 1420.
2 " Brevis Synopsis Provincise Hiberniee" (F. Hugo Ward). A translation has
heen published by Dr. Mullock, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Newfoundland, in
Duffy's Catholic Magazine. I must here thank the Rev. Mr. O'Reilly, Librarian of
the Franciscan Convent, Dublin, for his kind trouble in copying for me, at the
suggestion of Mr. M. M'Enery, of the Record Office, this and other still more im-
portant notes from unpublished manuscripts in his custody. Ward is mistaken as to
Macnamara. Bruodin has Mac Mahon of Corcovaskin, whose wife made the beautiful
" Mac Mahon " monument, now partly rebuilt into the Creagh tomb in Ennis Friary
To this the broken tomb in Askeaton Friary bears a very marked resemblance.
3 "Annales Minorum" (Luke Wadding), vol. viii., pp. 46-47. For the Ennis
tomb, see Journal, vol. xxv. (1895), pp. 145, 150.
T~ * v < * ^ f Vol« xiii., Fifth Ser. (
Jour. R.S.A.I. j Vol xxxm Consec< Ser> j D
34
ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
12 o'clock on Saturday and 6 or 7 o'clock on Monday."1 Then for several
generations the convent and its inmates sink into obscurity ; doubtless the
feet of the monks kept to the paths of peace and silence, and events bore
out the trite proverb, " Happy the place that has no history." It was
reformed to the strict observance in 1497, and was given over to the
Observantines by the Provincial, Father Patrick Healy, in 15 13.2
ASKEATON-, 1440-1550.
The records almost cease during the remainder of the fifteenth
century, save some entries relating to the Abbey and to the successive
Askeaton— Franciscan Convent (north-east angle of Cloister).
Earls of Desmond. This is the more to be regretted from the fact that
many of the most beautiful details of the monastery and the Banqueting
Hall of the Castle date from the period.
The noteworthy " Rental of O'Connyll" in the Exchequer collection,
1 "Survey of Escheated Estates in County Limerick," by Christopher Peyton and
other Commissioners, 1586, Record Office, Dublin, pp. 198, 262, and 263.
2 "Wadding's "Annales," xv., xxviii., p. 145, and "Ward's " Bre vis Synopsis."
As Father Patrick Healy was Provincial from 1497 to 1500, and Father Philip
O'Meagber held office in 1513, Ward, despite the divergent date, thus bears out that
given by Wadding.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 35
1452, is the chief authority for the Desmond estates in the century.
It gives the lands and their valuations, with the royalties and sergeantries,
the mills, and free tenants on the Desmonds' Manors of Shaned,
Killyde (Killeedy), Corkothe, Bathyn, Eathgalway, Moytawnagh.
(Mahoonagh), Innyskefty and O'ffargus. (Appendix B, at end of
Paper.)
The rental was probably taken by the Crown during a minority or tem-
porary seizure of the lands. There is no mention of the castle, though the
castles of " Eobert Dondwnull vocata haroldes castell " and " Castro Robti
Goer vocat " (blank) are mentioned on other manors. If silence proves any-
thing, we might suppose that the castle of 1199 had perished, and that
the present castle, as. tradition said (when the Ordnance Survey letters
were written in 1840) was only built by Gerald, the 7th Earl of
Desmond, who died in 1459. l At least the tradition -falls in with many
of the details of the building, and the apparently older portions (at least)
are not inconsistent with an extensive rebuilding.
In 1541 a meeting was held in the Chapter House of the convent
before Maurice Maddy, Official General of the diocese, and Hugh Lees,
in presence of John, Bishop of Limerick, at which John, son of Thomas,
son of Philip, Knight of the Yalley, acknowledged an obligation to the
Bishop of 5 marks, in usual English money, out of Cappagh Kilmclwony.2
This must have been soon followed by the Dissolution.
THE CLOSING YEARS OF DESMOND RULE, 1557-1575.
As the Earls of Desmond were all-powerful in their own domain, it
is not surprising that the convent survived the dissolution for many years.
In 1558 James, the 14th Earl of Desmond, and in 1564, Joan, Countess of
Ormond (wife of James Butler, the 9th Earl), were buried within its walls.3
The Countess was the only daughter of James, the llth Earl of Desmond.
"During the time " of the 14th Earl "it was not found necessary to
infold cattle or to close the door in all Munster." Alas ! other records
show that this is a pretty fiction, like the jewelled lady of King Brian's
day, and other personages of the Golden Age yearned after but never
seen.4 The year 1564 also saw a chapter of the order held in the
monastery.
There remains one tragic story of the monks before that terrible day
when Malbie destroyed their convent under the eyes of Gerald, Earl of
Desmond, safe in his stronghold up the river, but unable to beat off the
invincible heretics of the "Red Queen." If Russell, the author of the
curious "History of the Fitzgeralds," can be trusted in this tale (though
he differs elsewhere from the Four Masters and the State Papers as to the
1 Ordnance Survey Letters, R. I. A. MSS. 14. E. 9, p. 453.
2 " Black Book of Limerick," p. 144.
3 " Annals of the Four Masters," 1558 and 1564. * Ibid,, 1558.
D2
36 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
slaying of Earl Gerald and other matters, and wrote nearly a century
later), the neglect of Earl Gerald to punish a crime led to his own death
at the hands of the murderer's sons. The story gets a strange side-light
from another tale " heard truly" by Sir Henry Sidney, how the same
Earl of Desmond countenanced " a principal servant of his " after a still
more revolting, inhuman, and above measure detestable crime.1 It is>
therefore, conceivable that the weak earl, under the influence of his
strong-minded and not very scrupulous wife,2 may well have condoned
the crime of a favourite and (then the most powerful of ties in Ireland) a
fosterer. In any case it will bear repeating as part of the great latter-
day " saga of Gerald the Earl " worthy of a place with the lays of Deirdre
and the other " sorrows of story-telling" in Ireland;: —
" ' Garrett (fitz James, the 15th Earl of Desmond) was betrayed by his own
fosterers, who, with their own hands, did cut off his head in Glunegeinhagh, in the
County of Kerry.' So powerful were the * murtherers, that Fitzmaurice, Lord Kerry,
could get no man to execute the chief actor, who first laid hands on the Earle, and,,
being before the gallows, he was forced to put the halter about his neck with his owne
hands. It was surely the judgment of God fell out upon this great person, for the
very father of these murtherers, being overseer of the Earl's lands about Athskeaton,
was wont to distrain two or three cowes, which the Poor fryers had thereabout in
a little pasture belonging to their Abbey, which cowes, chancing to goe out of it,,
were by this man detained from them until they should pay treble trespass. This
fellowes cattle, I say, chanced to goe into the said fryers' little pasture, and were
by the fryers also impounded, they (poore souls !) thinking noe other harme but
something to allay the man's fury, always bent against them. This man haveing
notice hereof came to the Abbey door and there knocked, whereupon one of the Fryers
came forth and saluted him according to their wonted manner, which was noe satisfac-
tion to him, but called for the father Guardian, who likewise came, and with a
religious, grave countenance, saluted him. There was no further discourse, but he,
asking the guardian how durst he presume the boldness as to impound his cattle, he
being the Earl's fosterer, and with him in great estimation ? He expected [awaitedj
noe answer, but presently [at once] draweing out his long skeane, stabbed the good
prelate to the heart: whereupon the fellow betooke himself to flight; thinking by
long running to procure his pardon from the Earle. . . . Not long after this man's
wife goes to the Countesse of Desmond with a present of a whole cupboard's furniture
of plate, and with many other fine and gay things, begging her Ladyship, with weep-
ing eyes, that she would mitigate the Earl's fury against her husband, but, to be
short, the mild Earle being of merciful and generous disposition, pardoned at last this
wicked malefactor, whose sons, as I sayd, brought him to his ruine.' " 3
1 Letter of 20th April, 1567, " Hamilton Calendar," p. 330 ; « Carew Calendar,"
vol. iii., p. Iviii ; Eichey's " Short History," p. 490.
2 Eleanor, Countess of Desmond, the second wife of Gerald. See accounts of her
interviews with her husband's enemies, and of her securing a pension and her own
interests while he was a fugitive. She was daughter of Edmond Butler, Baron of
Dunboyne, and married, secondly, Donogh, the O'Conor Sligo. Her will, September
6th, 1636, was proved at Dublin, and her well-preserved effigy remains in the chancel
of Sligo Friary.
3 Journal, (vol. x. (1868-9), pp. 466-7).
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 37
ASKEATON ON THE EVE OF DESMOND'S REBELLION.
It is a difficult task to restrain oneself from telling once more the
story of that awful desolation which swept over a whole province, and
confine oneself to the vicissitudes of one little fortress. The waves
of destruction swept again and again over the ill-destined lands of the
Ef,rl of Desmond and his adherents till, in the fearful words of a recent
historian, " the victory was terribly purchased. The entire province of
Munbter was utterly depopulated. Hecatombs of helpless creatures —
the aged, the sick, the blind, the young mother, and the babe
at the breast, had fallen under the English sword ; and though the
authentic details of the struggle have been forgotten, the memory of a
vague horror remains imprinted on the national traditions."1 " They
killed the feeble men, women, boys and girls, sick people, idiots, and
old people," say the Four Masters ; and the English despatches abound
in similar horrors, and more than support the Irish accounts. The far
less deadly and cruel Cromwellian war has overlaid and obliterated the
traditions of the Desmond campaign ; but the record lives in countless
letters and reports ; and as we read these, our blood can still be stirred and
our interest intensified till that dark war seems closer and more real to
us than even the campaigns of our own days. To tell how Askeaton
fared in that evil period, when " the gods of destruction were athirst " in
Munster, is all that we can here attempt.
So early as October 18th, 1569,2 we find the Government casting
covetous eyes on "the Earl's house of Askeating" for the President of
Munster ; and its owner corresponded with Cecil about a surrender of the
castle to the Crown. Desmond had at the time 160 " galliglasse," 300
kerne, and 30 horsemen, and the Government was not in a position to
oust him from any of his castles by violence ; but in some way the
English got possession of some of them, and retained them, as he com-
plained to the Lord Deputy on November 28th, 1573. Desmond had
been under some restraint ; but he got free, gathered his kerne, and this
threatening portent led the Deputy to send him in great haste royal
letters securing his personal liberty, and asking him to disperse his
forces. Desmond might have kept himself very safe had he observed an
armed neutrality and formal loyalty ; but, unfortunately for himself, he
tried to be " all things to all men" — unlike the apostle, to save him-
self. He sent his relatives letters, and betrayed some proscribed eccle-
siastics to the Government, while at the same time (not so secretly as he
imagined) he kept in touch with the more dangerous of the malcontents
of the time — encouraging them to plot against the Crown.
In 1574 he went to Killaloe to meet with O'Brien Arra, and Clan-
rickard, and promised "to fortify Castlemaine and Askeaton." That
1 Froude's " History of England." 2 Carew MSS., p. 392 ; C. S. P. 1., p. 421.
38 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
same day Queen Elizabeth wrote to Lord Burleigh to complain of
Desmond's " undutiful taking of Castlemaine." The Earl soon f;ot
information that he was being watched ; he brought " pickaxes and tools "
to Askeaton, sent a threatening letter to the sheriff of County Limerick,
and a letter of injured rectitude to the Lord Deputy, complaining tlkat
the latter was bent on making war on him.1
On June 10th, 1575, Desmond wrote to Leicester "from Asketten,"
asking to have his castles restored. He was afraid to "come into a
walled town since Kildarewas committed," wrote Lord Ormonde,2 •' and
ke maketh a yery strong house at Askeaton." Desmond also made an
unsuccessful attempt to bring his son from Bristol to Askeaton. The
Earl of Ormonde, on October 28th, visited Desmond, and attempted to
arrange for the surrender of Askeaton; but, of course, in vain. Again
the Government hesitated to proceed to extremities, and again the Earl
got a respite to mature his plans and prepare for a struggle now scarcely
avoidable.
Desmond was more or less forced into revolt by the action of his more
manly relatives ; they had taken up arms under Sir John of Desmond and
the Papal Legate, Nicholas Saunders. They met near the noble Cister-
cian Abbey of Monasternenagh (which also perished in the struggle),
and a btoody combat terminated in favour of Malbie and the English
(October 3rd, 1579).3 Desmond, wavering to the very last, watched the
battle from the summit of Dromassell, or Tory Hill ; his sympathy,
of course, lay with his brother Sir John and his followers, but he saw
the Irish, after a brave attack on Malbie and the English, checked,
broken, beaten back, the Papal standard taken, and all lost ; so he fled
to Askeaton Castle. Malbie had written a fierce letter, bidding him not
to heed Saunders, "who deceiveth with false lies"; but even yet the
Earl imagined that he could prevaricate, and wrote exculpating himself
and asking Malbie not to camp in the Abbey. The distracted Earl had
recently met Sir William Drury at Kilmallock, and attempted to clear
himself from the charges of Sir James Eitz Maurice ; he now realised at
last that his statements were disbelieved. He wrote, in his despair, to
some unnamed member of Elizabeth's Government, enumerating hi&
services, and telling how he had executed a bishop and two Irish soldiers,
and opposed the O'Elaherties. It was all in vain, for Drury had returned
" in his chariot to Waterford," and there died.4
1 C. S. P. I. (1574-1585), pp. 28, 34.
2 The "Carew Papers," vol. i., page 15, show that in January, 1541, James,
Earl of Desmond, renounced the right (claimed since the beheading of his grandfather
at Drogheda) of exemption from appearing in Parliament, or " entering a walled
town, under the King's obedience."
3 Journal, vol. xix. (1889), pp. 235, 236.
4 C. S.P.I., October, 1579, various Papers, p. 189, &c. ; "Annals of the Four
Masters." Father Hugh Ward puts the destruction of the Abbey " in the day of
persecution in 1575," Wadding in 1581 ; both probably trusted to memory.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 39
ASKEATON RAVAGED.
Malbie followed the Earl like an avenging spirit — burning, slaying,
" spoiling " — he slew at the altar the monks of Monasternenagh ; he
burned Rathmore ; he destroyed Rathkeale ; and Desmond could see the
smoke of his advance from the keep of Askeaton. The Earl wrote an
agonised letter to his friend in the ministry — " As you are a gentleman,
tell the Queen of my wrongs " ; but long ere the letter could have reached
the Tudor Court it was too late — Malbie was at his gates. The fierce
captain and army burned the town and crops ; they then c ' defaced and
burned the Abbey " ; they entered the deserted church, desecrated it,
and smashed the tomb of Earl James. The monks had fled, save brother
John Cornelius (or Conolly) ; him they " cruelly slew " ; they also hanged
an Irish soldier of the Earl, one Geoffrey Eerall; and (if there is no
mistake in the later " Epitome," for the original " Annales Minorum "
are silent) hanged with his own cord another monk, William Tenal.1
While this tragedy was accomplished, the Earl was safe in his island
fortress. In view of the flaming friary, he wrote a letter to Malbie,
protesting against " the destruction of his tenants' property," but he was
powerless to save, and the only notice taken by the English Captain was
to press him to disseminate the English manifestoes, and to arrest
Saunders and give him up to the Government. The wretched Earl
wrote to another Englishman, October 7th, 1579 : " Sir Nicholas Malbay
camped within the Abbey of Askeaton, and there most maliciously
defaced the ould monuments of my ancestors, fired the Abbey, the whole
town and the corn thereabouts, and ceased not to shoot at my men
within Askeaton Castle."- Malbie again, on October 8th, wrote " to the
Earl or Countess, or Morice MacSheehan or the Constable of Askeaton";
but the matter was now beyond negotiation, and after a week in the
blackened ruins of the convent, and a feeble attempt to take the castle,
Malbie marched away. The Fitzgeralds were left to bury the slain, and
probably gibbeted, body of Eriar Conolly in the Chapter House,3 while
the refugees could steal back to the ruined town and burned cornfields,
to face the anxiety and scarcity of winter.
Events came rapidly to a crisis ; a vain correspondence with Pelham,
Malbie, and Captain Felton closed on November 8th, 1579, by the formal
proclamation of Gerald, Earl of Desmond, as a traitor. He had, they
1 " Annales Minorum " of "Wadding (ed. 1723), vol. -viii., p. 87 ; " Epitome'* of
same makes Ferral a friar. Volume xx., p. 303, mentions the deaths of Conolly and
Tenal. One suspects confusion hetween "Ferral" and "Tenal"; see also Carew
MSS., 1579, p. 161. A few bosses, ribs, panels with defaced saints, and other shattered
remnants of a canopied tomb remain in the Friary, and may bear the mark of the
vengeance of Malbie.
a " Carew MSS., 1579, p. 160 ; also C. S. P. I., pp. 189, 195, and "Annals of the
Four Masters."
3 " Annales Minorum," loc. cit.
40 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
stated, "practised with foreign princes, caused murders, settled the
Spaniards at Smerwick, released traitors, hanged the Queen's servitors,
and his warrs in his castle of Askeaton caused the death of 2 or 3 of
Her Majesty's soldiers."
They could not as yet besiege the castle of "Asketten," for they
" had no victuals or other necessities, and especially because the house is
circuited with a deep water and well fortified,"1 while all their own
artillery was " one dismounted culverin."1
1 Carew MSS., 1579, p. 165.
(To le continued.)
ON A DOUBLE CROSS AT DUNCRUN, COUNTY DERRY.
BY THE REV. GEO. RAPHAEL BUICK, A.M., LL.D., M.R.I.A.,
Vi CE - PRE SIDENT .
[Submitted MARCH 31, 1903.]
Q OME time ago, being the guest of the Rev. Hugh Mclntyre Butler, of
Magilligan, in the County of Deny, he took two other friends and
myself to see a rounded hill, almost opposite his home, known locally as
the Canon-Brae.
Double Cross at Duncrun, County Deny.
The hiH itself is the end of a somewhat elevated ridge, which runs
parallel to the .sea-coast, and occupies a position midway between the
Magilligan plain and the mountain range, of which Benevenagh is the
highest and most dominating point.
42 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Here, to our surprise and pleasure, we found a large stone of trap or
basalt, standing in the fence of one of the fields, with a fine double cross,
in relief, upon it. The farm on which it stands belongs to Mr. A.
MacDermot, of Church-hill, in the townland of Duncrun.
From beside the stone, the spectator obtains a magnificent view of both
land .and sea. To the west and north-west lies Lough Foyle, gleaming in
the sunshine like a long river of molten silver, touched here and there
with gold. Behind the Lough are the ' ' grey mountains of dark Donegal "
and the undulating high lands of fair Inishowen. At his feet spread out
the low-lying lands of Magilligan, as level almost as the sea itself, from
which, in comparatively recent geological times, they have emerged to be
the beloved home of as thrifty and as estimable a race of men and women
as can anywhere be found ; while, if the observer turns northward, his eye
will range, delighted, past the bold headlands of Downhill and Portrush,
white at the base with breaking waves ; and then, out and on, over the
wide expanse of broad ocean to where, in the distance, the Paps of Jura,
dimly discerned as faint blue specks, just break the outline of the far
horizon to tell of land beyond, but all unseen, the " land of the mountain
and the flood."
The stone must have stood where it is for many centuries. It is now
the sole remaining relic of the once celebrated ancient ecclesiastical
establishment which formerly occupied the neighbouring spot. As will
be seen from the late Bishop Beeves' reference to it, cited below, the
foundations of a small building could be traced when he paid the place a
visit. Now they are all gone, and the stones used up in the neighbouring
fences. Fortunately, the one bearing the cross has escaped the vandalism
of the past, and remains in solitary state "to point the moral or adorn
the tale." It is to be hoped that, as the years go by, those who own the
farm on which it stands will see to it that no one is allowed to deface or
destroy it.
The cross itself is a little over two feet two inches in length ; the stem
is two inches broad; the lower arms are of the same breadth as the stem ;
the upper ones about half an inch broader ; and the whole stands out about
half an inch above the surrounding surface of the stone, which has been
entirely cut away to leave it in bold relief. The other dimensions
can easily be made out from the sketch, drawn to scale for me by
Mr. S. K. Kirker, C.E., who was one of the party on the occasion of my
visit to the spot. (See page 43.)
It is an early form, though possibly not quite so early as crosses of
a similar form which are incised. Mr. Wakeman, in his paper " On
the earlier forms of inscribed Christian Crosses found in Ireland,"
Journal R.S.AJ., vol. xxi. (1890-1891), page 354, writing of this
particular class, says : — " Immediately adjoining St. Kieran's Monastery,
on the great Island of Aran, County Galway, is a pillar-stone exhibiting
a double cross. At Glendalough, County "Wicklow, and on Devenish,
ON A DOUBLE CROSS AT DUNCRUN, COUNTY DERRY. 43
County Fermanagh, are double figures of the same kind, most beautifully
executed. Mr. Patterson, of Belfast, in our Journal for January, 1883,
has given an illustration of a four-armed cross slab or pillar remaining
at Maghera, County Down."
This latter, which would be more correctly described as a slab, or
pillar, with a four-armed cross incised upon it, " appears," says Mr.
Patterson, "to be very ancient." In all probability the cross with two
arms is older still ; the simpler form would naturally come before the
more complex. There is one with three arms on Inismurray. Why
Double Cross at Duncrun, County Deny.
there should be this variety is at present unknown. It has been surmised
by some antiquaries that those which have three arms symbolized the
Trinity ; but as we find others with two and four arms respectively, the
explanation seems defective and unreasonable.
Of the ancient Church of Duncrun, little is known historically.
The Rev. G. Y. Sampson, in his " Memoir explanatory of the Chart
and Survey of the County of Londonderry, Ireland," writes as follows,
page 224: — " Under this title" — viz., Dunbo, the mount of the Ox —
" the Monasticon Hibernicum relates that St. Patrick founded Duncruthen
44 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
(i.e., the fort on the round hill) for St. Beoran. In Magilligan there is
a remarkable hill of this description, and on it are found all the traces of
an ancient burial-place. One part is called, to this day, the Canon
bank — not, improbably, from tradition of its having been a convent of
Canons Regular. There is also a traditionary recollection of a great
robbery having been committed by the Danes, and of a great battle
in consequence. So far, it might seem as if the convent in question had
been at Duncrun, and the robbery at the same place, rather than at the
present chapel; but then the Monasticon adds that it is opposite the
Atlantic Ocean, and on the territory of Machare. [Does this mean Derry,
formerly called Macharerabeg, or does it intend the present Maghera ?]
It is also mentioned as in the Barony of Coleraine. I cannot resolve this ;
not unlikely there has been another Duncruithan, where the ruined old
Church of Dunbo now stands."
It is not at all likely that there was anything of the kind. Sampson
was led into making this supposition, because he evidently confounded
Duncrun with Ballinascreen. The robbery was from the latter — not the
former — as the entry of the Four Masters, under the date 1203, clearly
shows : —
" Dermot, the son of Murtough O'Loughlin, went on a predatory
excursion into Tyrone, and plundered Screen-Columbkille. He was
encountered, however, by a party of the Kinel-Owen, who defeated
Dermot and his English ; and Dermot himself was killed, through the
miracle of the Shrine."
In the same Annals, under the date 1206, we are told : — " Gillapatrick
O'Falaghty, Erenagh of Dun-crun, died." 0 'Donovan's note to this is as
follows: — " Duncrun (t)u n-Cpui en e), translated Arx Cruthanonm by
Colgan in 'Trias Thaum.,' p. 181, col. 2. The name is now sometimes
anglicised Dun-croon, and is a townland in the parish of Ard Magilligan,
in the County of Londonderry. There was a church here, erected by St.
Patrick, and a shrine finished for St. Columbkille by the celebrated
brasier Conla. (See 'Tripartite Life of St. Patrick,' lib. 2, c. 125, and
O'DonnelTs 'Life of St. Columbkille,' lib. 1, c. 99 ; see also Sampson's
'Memoirs of a Map of Londonderry, 'p. 487.)" This last reference, viz.,
page 487, is wrong, as the Yery Rev. A. MacMullen, P.P., Ballymena, has
taken the trouble to point out to me. It should be p. 224. There are
only 359 pages altogether in the Memoir, which was published in 1814.
The Rev. Richard King, M.A., of Ramelton, has kindly sent me
the following interesting account of Duncrun, taken from Archbishop
Colton's " Visitation of the Diocese of Derry" : —
Extract from the " Rentale reverendissimi in Christo Patris et
Domini Johannis permissione divina Archiepiscopi Ardmachani,
etc., etc., .... Decanatus de Bennagh
" . . , . Item de tertiis episcopalibus ejusdem decanatus."
ON A DOUBLE CROSS AT DUNCRUN, COUNTY DERRY. 45
TEXT.
" Dunchron,1 Tawlaght de ardo,m et Ballenescrine de ardo.
iij. marc."
BEEVES' NOTES.
" l Dunchron (Dun Cpuicne), 'Arx Cruthaenorum ' ('Trias Thaum.,' p. 181 bt
n. 187). Gillapatrick O'Falaghty was erenagh of Duncrun in 1206 (Four Masters).
The ' Tripartite Life ' ascribes the foundation of the church to St. Patrick, stating
that he left Beoaidh bishop there.— ii. c. 125 (' Trias Thaum., 'pp. 146, 181, £,n. 188).
The modern parish church of Magilligan is in the townland Duncrun, and at a short
distance W.N.W., on the top of a hill called locally Canon's Brae, may be traced the
foundations of a small building, 35 feet by 19, inside which lies a long rude stone,
having on it the figure of a cross in relievo. The cemetery has not been used for
many years, and has been partly tilled ; a ditch which has been drawn across the hill
divides the sites of the cemetery and the church. The spot, however, can always
be identified, for it is marked on the Ordnance Survey * ruins of an abbey ' (London-
derry S. 5)."
' < m Tawlaght de Ardo. Tamlaght Ard is still the ecclesiastical name of the parish
of Magilligan, and the ruins of the old church are in the townland Tamlaght, which
adjoins Duncrun on the S.W. The patron saint was Cadan, or Catanus, whose tomb,
nearly covered by the surrounding graves, lies close under the east gable of the old
church. In the ' Book of Leacan,' as cited by O'Donovan, he is called cpuimceji
Cdbdn o Camla6cain Qpbba, 'Priest Cadan of Tamlaght Ard' (' Annals of the
Four Masters," 448). The * Tripartite Life' styles him 'Catanus PrEesbyter,' and
notices him as one of St. Patrick's household. — iii. c. 98 (' Trias Thaum.,' p. 167«.)
The Ordnance Survey was led into a slight mistake by the similarity of pronunciation,
marking the spot as ' Espug Aedarfs tomb,' and the neighbouring well as ' Tobar
Easpuig Aedain (Bishop Aedan's well'). (Londond. S. 5.) The herenagh paid 20s.
per an. out of the Tertia. Inq"
Extract from the " Tripartite Life " (p. 124) :—
" Where Patrick went [next] was into Daiggurt and into Magh
Dola, in Aird-Dailauig. He erected a church there — namely, Dun-
Cmithne ; b he left Bishop Beoaedh there, after having made friendship
"between him and Eugen, and [he erected also] Domhnach-airthir-
Arda.c"
" b Dun cruithne, now Duncroon, in Magilligan."
" c Arda, now Tamlaght- Ard."
46 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
ANCIENT ECCLESIASTICAL BELLS IN ULSTER.
BY SEATON F. MILLIGAN, M.R.I.A., VICE-PRESIDENT.
[Read JULY 28, 1902.]
the introduction of Christianity into Ireland, bells, consecrated to
the service of religion, were used in the Irish Church. It is recorded
in our Annals that St. Patrick had associated with him skilled artificers,
amongst whom were three smiths who made bells, as well as three
brasiers who made altar-cups. One of these smiths called Mac Cecht
made a bell known as the Finn Faidhech. From this time, the Irish
became skilled as metal-workers, many beautiful specimens of whose
handiwork have survived the hands of the spoiler and the vicissitudes
of time, and remain with us as examples of the work that Irishmen
were capable of producing in past ages. The first bells were made of
hammered sheet-iron, riveted on two sides, quadrangular in form,
sloping from the base upwards to the crown, and surmounted by a
handle. They were next dipped in a solution of molten bronze, which
filled up all apertures and coated the bell, giving it more resonance
and solidity. The quadrangular shape continued to about the twelfth
century, gradually becoming more rounded at the angles, until the
rotund shape was ultimately adopted. The earliest iron bells show indi-
cations that the clapper was added at a later period, and were rung by
being struck, like a gong, with a hammer or small mallet. The clapper,
when adopted, was found more convenient, as it left one hand free to
the ringer, and soon came into universal use. Until quite recent times,
some of the larger bells suspended in church-towers in various European
countries were rung by being struck like a gong. A few years ago, I
acquired a gong said to have been used from the seventeenth century as
a church bell. It is a circular disk of metal, about 39 inches in diameter,
and about 1 cwt. weight. It was suspended on an axis through a central
aperture, and was rung by being struck by a mallet, which I have been
informed was worked by an ordinary bell -rope. This gong is now in
the collection of the Royal Irish Academy.
The Irish name for bell is clog, French cloche, which some assert is
derived from the Irish, whose missionaries in the early ages brought
with them, not alone their books but their bells to ancient Gaul, to be
used in the service of religion. Bells were known in Italy before the
introduction of Christianity, and are referred t6 by some of the classical
writers of that country. Church bells were first made in Campania in
ANCIENT ECCLESIASTICAL BELLS IN ULSTEli.
47
southern Italy in the town of Nola. The Italian for a bell is campana,
derived from the province where they were first made. Considering
the length of time that has elapsed since these Irish bells were made, it
is rather remarkable how so many of them have been handed down
through the intervening centuries for a thousand years and more — even
from the time of St. Patrick, whose bell we still have. The explanation
is, the special reverence the Irish always exhibited for such sacred relics,
and the method they adopted to preserve them. The head of a special
family was selected, to whom the guardianship of rare manuscripts or
bells was entrusted. This was accompanied by a grant of land for
maintenance. In the event of invasion or danger from fire, the first care
Bell found near Ballymena (now in Belfast Museum) ; iron-riveted, and partly
overlaid with bronze. (Photograph by Mr. R. Welch.)
of the custodian was to safeguard the sacred object entrusted to him.
This will account largely for the preservation of so many rare manuscripts,
bells, and relics of various kinds. The hereditary keepers of the bell of
St. Patrick, all through the ages — with the exception of a short interval —
was a family called Mulholland ; and for this duty, they were given a
townland called Ballyclog (or the town of the bell), situated near to
Stewartstown in the east of the County Tyrone.
The contributions to the pages of this Journal on the subject of
ecclesiastical bells are not numerous. The Yery Kev. Abraham Dawson,
Rector of Seagoe, and Dean of Dromore, read a Paper, at a meeting of
the Society at Ballymena in the year 1883, on a bell known as the
48 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
" Clog Ban." This Paper is given in vol. xvi. (1883-4), page 126, of
this Journal. The Clog Ban was in the possession of a family called
Hennon or Henning, who lived in a cottage on the low road midway
between Lurgan and Portadown. It was frequently borrowed from.
its hereditary keeper that it might be rung at funerals, where it was
carried after the coffin and in front of the teeners, and was always, on
these occasions, carried by one of the Henning family. Sometimes
there was a pause in the procession whilst a service was performed in
a field by the roadside, on the way to the graveyard, during which the
Clog Ban was rung at intervals.
The Rev. A, Dawson says further that an intelligent woman, then in
her ninety-fourth year, recollected seeing the coffin carried three times
around the old church in Seagoe graveyard, and being made to touch the
four corners of the church at each round, whilst the Clog Ban was rung,
and the keeners chanted alternately. The very ancient custom of three
rounds to the right in the direction of the sun is still practised in some
remote districts of Ireland, and is a survival of sun-worship, coming
down from Pagan times. If the movement was of a maledictory
character, it would be a turn to the left, or in a direction opposite to the
sun. The Clog Ban was occasionally borrowed to be brought to the bed-
side of sick persons, and placed near them, being supposed to have healing
virtue. It was also used to swear people on, as it was considered the most
binding oath that could be taken, and was never known to be violated.
The Hennon family were not able to state clearly how or when this bell
came into their possession. It was said to have been found in the year
1725, in the graveyard of Ballynaback in County Armagh, It is called
Clog Ban from the colour of the metal, being a fair or light colour, a&
another in the parish of Moira was called the " Clog Ruadh," or Red
Bell. A bell I shall refer to later, and not hitherto described, is known
as the Black Bell or Clog Dubh. The Clog Ban passed through several
hands until it reached its final resting-place in the collection of the
Royal Irish Academy. There is an inscription in Irish on this bell in
three lines, which reads, "A prayer for Cummascach MacAilell." He
was oeconomist in the cathedral of Armagh ; and his death is recorded in
the Annals of the Pour Masters, in the year 904. The handle and
tongue are of iron, and the body of the bell a light-coloured bronze.
The height, including the handle, is 12£ inches; width at mouth, 11 inches
by 8 — quadrangular shape. The name Cummisky or MacCummisky is
still known in County Armagh.
The late Mr. W. J. Doherty, C.E., a native of Innishowen, and long
resident in Dublin, contributed very materially to our store of knowledge
on Irish ecclesiastical bells, particularly those of his native county of
Donegal. He read a Paper before the Royal Irish Academy on bells,
which he afterwards included in a work entitled "Innishowen and
Tyrconnell," which also embodied historical sketches of eminent Donegal
ANCIENT ECCLESIASTICAL BELLS IN ULSTER. 49
men. He referred to the bell of St. Buodan, which, is still in the
possession of its hereditary keeper.1 Mr. Doherty, in his Paper, referred
to the following Donegal bells : — the Long Island bell, the Gartan bell,,
the bell of St. Ernan of Drumnaholm, the Clog Columcille, bell and
shrine of St. Mura of Fahan, the Donegal bell, the bell of Connall of
Inniskeel.
Many of these bells are lost, not alone to Donegal, but to Ireland —
notably the bell and shrine of St. Mura ; this bell and shrine were
purchased by a Mr. M'Clelland, of Dungannon, from a man called
Reynolds, of Innishowen, in the year 1850, for the sum of six pounds.
It was afterwards sold by auction at Christie's in London, and bought by
Lord Londesborough, for 72 guineas ; and at the disposal of his collection
was sold to a Erench dealer, who took it to Paris, and thus one of the
most valuable relics of early Christianity in Ireland is probably lost to
us for ever.2
The extinction by death of the hereditary keepers, and the great
Irish famine of 1846, and the distress and emigration in the years
following, were the principal factors that led to the dispersal of many
valuable Irish relics. The Gartan bell was sold to the Rev. G. H. Reade,
Rector of Inniskeen, County of Louth, for the sum of three pounds, in the
year 1847. It was a riveted iron bell coated with bronze, and was used as
a cup to drink water or medicine from as a cure. It is stated there are
some ten Irish ecclesiastical bells in the Antiquarian Museum, Edinburgh,
that were sold by a collector, Mr. John Bell, of Dungannon. We cannot
deal with Irish bells without referring to the greatest Irish antiquary of
the latter part of the nineteenth century, the late Bishop Reeves of
Down and Connor. He was a great Irish scholar, and deeply read in the
ancient ecclesiastical history of Ireland. In the year 1849, he published,
through the firm of Marcus Ward & Co., a beautifully illustrated monograph
on the bell of St. Patrick, with five chromo-lithographic drawings. In
November, 1863, he read a Paper on this bell before the Royal Irish
Academy; and in the following month, December, he read a second
Paper on " Some ecclesiastical bells in possession of the Lord Primate."
The most important bell in the Primate's collection was the bell of St.
Mogue, which he, the Rev. Marcus Gervais Beresford, secured when
Vicar of Drung and Larah, in the County of Cavan. But it is the bell
of St. Patrick that we are most interested in, from its ancient con-
nexion with the city in which this meeting of our Society is held, viz.,
Deny Columcille.
1 This bell was exhibited by its keeper, Mr. Charles Doherty, to the members of
the Society at Culdaff, the day after this Paper was read.
2 Mr. W. H. Patterson, M.R.I.A., who was present at the reading of this Paper,
afterwards informed me that he believed it was then in Hertford House, Manchester-
square, London. I have since ascertained it was secured in Paris by the late Sir
llichard Wallace, and is now safe in the Wallace collection. It is described and
illustrated in the old Ulster Journal of Archeology, vol. i., p. 271.
Trmr « «; A T J Vo1' XIU-> Fiftt Series, ) p.
Jour. K.b.A.I. j Vol xxxin ? Consec Ser- j
50 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
As Bishop Reeves' Paper on the bell of St. Patrick is of great
interest, and as it may not be accessible to all our members, I may be
pardoned for repeating some of the references in it, made with that
thorough knowledge of his subject that characterised all Dr. Beeves'
work : —
" This bell is known as the bell of St. Patrick's "Will ; it was so called, par
excellence, as the one supposed to have been reserved by him for his own immediate
use, and to have been conveyed, after his death, to the church of his especial
regard."
Bells he distributed through the multitudinous churches and oratories
founded by him with unsparing hand. Fifty he is said to have bestowed
on the churches of a single province, Connaught ; and wherever he placed
a minister of religion, he provided him with the instrument of invitation
to his ministrations.
He further says, agreeably to the ancient custom — both Pagan and
Christian — of depositing, in the graves of the illustrious dead, the personal
insignia of life, there was an early belief that three sacred objects were
buried with our apostle in his grave at Saul ; and the record of the
invention, which the mediaeval compiler of the Annals of Ulster borrowed
from the then ancient Book of Cuana, may be regarded as the earliest
announcement of the existence of the bell under consideration. At
the year 552 he thus writes : — I have found what follows in the Book
of Cuana. The relics of Patrick were placed in a shrine by Columcille,
sixty years after his death. Three precious reliquaries were found in his-
tomb — to wit, the Cup, the Gospel of the Angel, and the Bell of the Will.
The angel, in this manner showed to Columcille how to distribute the
three reliquaries, namely, the Cup to Down, the Bell of the Will to
Armagh, and the Gospel of the Angel to Columcille himself ; and it is-
called the Gospel of the Angel, because he received it at the Angel's
hand.
Then follows a very elaborate description of St. Patrick's bell, which
is given in Dr. Reeves' Paper in the Transactions of the Royal Irish
Academy, vol. xxvii., from page 1 to page 30. It is an iron-riveted
bell, coated with bronze, formed of two plates of sheet-iron, bent
over so as to meet; the height, including the handle, is 7f inches,
exclusive of handle, 6£ inches ; breadth at crown is five, and the width
1£ inches ; the mouth is 4£ by 3| inches, and its girth 16 inches. The
entire weight is 3lb. 11 oz. The Four Masters, in 1425, style it the
Bell of St. Patrick's Will; and Dr. O'Donovan accepts the name as
denoting a bequest of the saint. In the course of ages, this bell came to
be regarded as a most valuable relic. Like the Cathach, it was probably
taken in front of the battle, the warriors being actuated by the same idea
as the Israelites when they took with them the Ark of the Covenant.
Oaths taken, and covenants made on it, were supposed to be inviolable ;
ANCIENT ECCLESIASTICAL BELLS IN ULSTER. 51
so that by the eleventh century it became greatly venerated, and an
hereditary keeper was appointed, whose special duty was its charge.
The keepers of St. Patrick's Bell were a family called Mulholland, who
had its custody for ages, for which service a townland was granted to them.
This responsibility was shared only for a short period by another family
called O'Mellin. The Annals of Ulster, at the year 1044, record — "A
predatory expedition by Niall, son of Maelsechlainn, King of Aileach,
against Ui-Meith, and against Cuailgne, in which he carried off 1,200
cows and a multitude of captives in revenge for the violation of ' the
Bell of the Will.' Another excursion by Muirchertach Ua !N"eill into
Mughdorna, whence he carried off a cattle spoil and prisoners.in revenge
of the violation of the same bell." Thus we see that any violation of the
sanctity of covenants or oaths taken on this bell was visited with the
most severe punishment. In the eleventh century, some time between the
years 1091 and 1105, a most magnificent shrine was made for this bell.
There are four names on the shrine : the first was Domhnall O'Lachlainn.
His death is thus recorded by the Four Masters at 1121 — "Domhnall,
son of Ardghar Mac Lochlainn, King of Ireland, the most distinguished
of the Irish, for personal form, family, sense, prowess, prosperity and
happiness; for bestowing of jewels and food upon the mighty and the
needy; died at Doire-Choluim-Chille, after being twenty-seven years in
sovereignty over Ireland, and eleven years in the kingdom of Aileach,
in the seventy-third of his age, on the night of Wednesday, the fourth of
the ides of February, being the festival of Mochuarog."
The second name was Domnhall, coarb or heir, that is successor in
the Abbacy of St. Patrick. The third name is that of the keeper,.
Chatholan O'Maelchallan.
The fourth name is that of the cerd or artificer who designed and
executed the costly and beautiful work which covers the shrine. It
was customary for artists to record their names on important works such
as the one under consideration. His name was Cudulig O'Immainen
(O'Meenan). He was of a County Cork family, and was assisted in the
execution of the work by his sons. There is a minute description of the
shrine in the preface to Stuart's History of Armagh, as well as in
Dr, Beeves' Paper, which are too lengthy to repeat here. The metals-
used in this rare work are bronze, copper, silver, and gold. There is
beautiful gold filagree work in various convoluted and interlaced patterns
of great beauty and intricacy ; also ornaments of fine gold representing
serpents curiously and elegantly intertwined in most intricate folds and
in various knots. The shrine was made at the expense and by order of
King Domhnal, and presented to his friend and namesake Domhnal Mac
Amhalgaidh (M'Auley), the Primate. This unique relic passed from
the last of the Mulhollands, an old man who had been a teacher, who
gave it on his death -bed to one of his pupils, Mr. Adam M< Clean, of
E2
52 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Belfast, who had rendered him many acts of kindness, and saved him
from arrest for being implicated in the rising of 1798.
He said: ''My dear friend, you were an old and valued scholar of
mine ; on one occasion you were the means of saving my life, and on
many subsequent occasions of providing for its comforts. I am now
going to die ; I have no child to whom I might leave the little I possess,
nor have I any near of kin who might prefer any claim to it. In either
case the treasure I possess, and which I hold dear as life, should not
have left the family of Mulholland, in which it has been handed down
for ages and generations ; but I am the last of my race, and you are the
best friend I have. I therefore give it to you ; and when I am gone, dig
in the garden in a certain spot, and you will find a box there ; take it up
The Bell of Cappagh.
and preserve the contents for my sake." Mr. M'Clean did so, and came
upon an oak box, on opening which he found this bell and shrine, and
beside them a worn copy of Bedell's quarto Irish Bible. The bell and
shrine passed from Mr. M'Clean to Dr. Todd of Trinity College, and
afterwards to the Royal Irish Academy, in whose collection (now in the
National Museum, Dublin) it is one of the most valued treasures.
I will next refer to two bronze bells which have not been previously
described ; and some facts connected with them which I wish to record
are probably known only to myself. Both bells belong to County
Tyrone — one, the bell of the parish of Cappagh, and the other the
Bell of Drumragh, the parish in which Omagh is situated. The Bell
ANCIENT ECCLESIASTICAL BELLS IN ULSTER. 53
of Cappagh is at present in the collection formed by the late Surgeon
Young, of Monaghan, and which was purchased after his death by Sir
John Leslie, Bart., of Glasslough House. I have frequently handled
this bell, and have a photo of it taken by Mr. Young. The following
inscription is on a label on the bell in the handwriting of Mr. Young : —
" The old bell of Cappagh Abbey, County Tyrone, founded A.D. 792.
This ancient bell was given by the Rev. Francis Quinn, P.P., to Mr.
John Donnelly, merchant, Omagh, when he removed from Cappagh to
another parish." Mr. Donnelly certified this, and that he sold it to
J. F., 5th April, 1858.
The J. F. from whom Surgeon Young purchased this bell was an old
man whom I last saw in the year 1890. He was an itinerant bell-hanger
and collector of antiquities, whose circuit of operations extended over the
provinces of Ulster and Connaught. He corresponded with me about
antiquities he picked up in his travels ; and I retain several of his letters,
written with great intelligence and a thorough knowledge of the objects
he collected. His name was John Ford. The last two letters I received
from him were written from Ballina, Co. Mayo, dated October, 1890.
He informed me that he collected for several gentlemen in
Dublin — amongst others, the late Sir William "Wilde ; and the method
he adopted was rather novel, and worth repeating. In the course
of his journeys, he attended fairs and markets, and usually retained
a few typical specimens of bronze, stone, and flint implements. He
would procure a hay-rake, and suspend the various articles from the
pegs of the rake, and mount it over his shoulder. The country folk were
attracted ; and he then announced that he was a purchaser of such things.
By this means he was most successful in getting implements at a time
that they were very little valued. Mr. John Donnelly, of Omagh, from
whom Ford purchased the Eell of Cappagh, was personally known to me
for very many years. Cappagh was an ancient ecclesiastical seat in
existence for centuries before the town of Omagh — near to which it is
situated — was heard of. It is referred to in Primate Colton's Yisitation
of the See of Derry in the year 1397 (see Ulster Journal of Archeology ;
vol. i., page 184). The Primate passed through Cappagh on his way
to Derry. It was too small to accommodate his retinue, so that they
had to proceed to Ardstraw — another veiy ancient foundation — to lodge
for the night.
The following are the dimensions of this ancient bronze bell : — from
mouth to crown, 9 inches; to top of handle, 2f inches ; total height, llf
inches; breadth at mouth, 6J inches by 4f inches; breadth at crown,.
1* by 3£ inches.
The Bell of Drumragh, known as the Black Bell, is still in possession
of its hereditary keepers,1 a family long resident in the vicinity of Omagh,
1 The Bell of Drumragh was exhibited at the Derry Meeting, having been
entrusted to me by its hereditary keeper.
54 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
called M'Enhill. The last of the M'Enhills in the male line died within
the past few years, and the bell passed to a sister who is married to a Mr.
Doherty, of Omagh, in whose possession it now is. The last member
of the M'Enhills in the male line related to me several years since
some legends about the bell. When a member of this family died,
the oldest surviving male member carried this bell before the coffin,
and rung it at intervals until the church was reached. After leaving
the church, the bell was carried behind the coffin and rung till the
grave was reached. The following legend was told me many years
ago by an old man of the M'Enhill family. He said : — " Many cen-
turies ago, before roads or bridges were made to old Drumragh grave-
yard, two funerals were entering it at the same time, one a person called
The Bell of Drumragh, Omagh.
M'Enhill, and the other Campbell. When the M'Enhills' funeral was
passing a certain spot, a bell began to ring in the ground ; but when the
other funeral passed the same spot, it ceased. After this, when any
member of the M'Enhill family was being buried, and passed this spot, the
bell rang; but it never rang when anyone else passed over, so the
M'Enhills dug down and discovered the bell ; and it has been in their
family ever since." Another legend related to me by the present
custodian of the bell is :-« About twenty years ago, Sarah M'Enhill
The night before the funeral, an uncle of deceased, a certain Oiney
Owen M'Enhill, was returning from Omagh about ten o'clock at night;
when he reached the plantation at Cavanacaw, the bell started ringing in
ANCIENT ECCLESIASTICAL BELLS IN ULSTER. 55
the plantation, and kept ringing until he got half a mile further on his
way. Thinking someone was ringing the bell for mischief, he inquired
when he reached the house, and was told the bell had not been moved
from its place." The following are the dimensions of this bell : —
7^ inches high from mouth to crown; 2 inches to top of handle — a
total of 9£ inches ; at mouth it is 5 inches in breadth, by 4£ inches in
depth.
Another well-known Ulster bell is that of Kilbroney, which is now
in the Roman Catholic Church, Rostrevor, Co. Down. It is 10£ inches
high; handle, If inches; at mouth it is 7f inches by 7. I was shown
St. Broncha's Bell, Kilbroney, near Rcstrevor, County Down
(From a Photograph by Mr. R. Welch.)
this bell by the Rev. Mr. Lowry, c.c., in the church in the year 1888,
It is a fine specimen of a bronze bell. Father Lowry gave me the
following particulars : — It was found about a century ago amongst the
branches of a tree that had been blown down during a storm, in the ruins
of the monastery of St. Broncha, patroness of the parish.
The Bell of Bangor Abbey, County Down, is now in the possession of
Colonel M'Cance, of Knocknagoney, near Holywood. In the old Ulster
Journal of Archeology r, vol. i., p. 179, it is recorded that " This bell was
found in the ruins of the Abbey about sixty years ago" (which would bring
it back to the last decade of the eighteenth century), and was in 1853 (the
56 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
date this reference was made) in possession of Dr, Stephenson, Belfast.
It is quite perfect, except the clapper, and made of a darkhronze, giving a
good tone when struck. It is ornamented by an incised border around the
base as well as a handsome Latin cross on each side of its broadest lace.
I submitted a photograph of the ornament to Mr. John Ymycomb,
M.K.I.A., who considers it a Celtic variety of the Tret. The cross
extends from the border to the crown; and where the arms cross the
shaft, it is cusped. It measures— height to crown, 12 inches, and to top of
handle 14 inches ; the mouth is 9 inches by 8 ; the metal is i of an inch
thick, and the entire weight is 20 Ib. 6| oz. From its large size, style
of ornament, and weight, I consider it one of the later bells.
The Bell of Bangor, County Down. Height, 14 inches ; mouth, 9 inches by 8. *
(From a Photograph by Mr. R. Welch.)
The Bell of St. Patrick weighs only 3 Ib. 11 oz. ; and all the early
bells are small in size, and light in weight, so that the Bell of Bangor,
weighing as it does almost 1 J stone, would be heavy for a hand-bell, and
may have been made at a period that bells were beginning to be
suspended.
I will briefly refer to another Ulster bell known as the Bell of
Bally mena. It was discovered in the townland of Cabragh,and parish
of Kirkinriola, distant from Bally mena three miles. It was found in
July, 1 870, and purchased by Mr. W. Arthurs, a dealer in antiquities,.
ANCIENT ECCLESIASTICAL BELLS IN ULSTER. 57
and bought from him by Robert Day, Esq., J.P., F.S.A., Cork. I had a
personal interview with Mr. Day about this bell, and he assured me that
it was found at the ruined Church of Kirkinriola, which was appropriate
to the Abbey of Muckamore, and that Bishop Reeves had no doubt but
that it was the ancient bell of that church, of which there is little else
remaining. Mr. Day stated further that he was in Ballymena the
week that Arthurs bought it, and that he was able to verify hi&
story. It is now in the custody of Professor E. Perceval "Wright, M.D.,
J.P., of Trinity College, President of our society. The following are
the dimensions of this bell kindly forwarded to me by Dr. Wright : — from
mouth to crown, 10 inches ; to top of handle, 1£ inches — total height, 11£
inches ; breadth at mouth, 7£ inches ; depth at one side, 4 inches ; at the-
other side, 3f inches. It has no ornamentation, and shows no signs of
weathering.
I have confined myself to bells belonging to Ulster ; but there are-
many others in museums and private collections that I have not referred
to. There are bells, and also many ancient Irish manuscripts, in various
places on the Continent of Europe. Of the latter, the Book of St. Gall
and the Antiphonary of Bangor, both brought from County Down in the
very infancy of the ancient Celtic Church : the first is now in Switzer-
land, and the second in Milan, removed from Bobbio, Northern Italy, to-
which it probably came with St. Columbanus or some of his disciples.
NOTES ADDED IN THE PRESS.
Page 49. — The bells referred to on this page were presented bjr
Primate M. G. Beresford's son to Armagh Library. Bishop Reeves'
account of these five bells was published in the Proceedings of the
Royal Irish Academy, vol. viii., pp. 441-450, and the Paper was partly
reproduced in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London
in 1865, with a plate and woodcut. — [ED.]
Page 50.— Dr. Reeves' Paper was not published until fourteen years-
after it was read. It was re-issued with an enlarged title and a brief
introduction. — [ED.]
58 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
OCCUPATION1 OF COKtf AUGHT BY THE ANGLO-NORMANS
AFTER A.D. 1237.
BY H. T. KNOX, M.R.I.A., FELLOW.
(Continued from Volume XXXII. , page 406.)
PART III.
CANTRED OF Own,.2 — INQUISITION C.
taken before John Moriz, Escheator of Ireland, at Athemy,
on the last day of December, in seventh year of King Edward III.,
by the oath of Bernard de Staunton, Knight, John de Stauntone, Knight,
John de Exeter, Robert Gaynard, Maurice Gaynard, Robert a clerk,
Thomas Dolfyn, William Walshe, William Seman, Thomas Glyse,
"William de Atthy, and Richard Dolfyn, jurors, who say, etc., etc., that
there is —
£10 from one cantred in Owyl Botiller, by John le Botiller.
£10 13s. 4d. from four townlands which John de Burgo held
£10 13s. 4d. from four townlands which Onayl3 held.
£16 13s. 4d. from seven townlands which Robert Laweles holds.
53s. 4d. from one townland in Myntraghyn,4 which "William de
Burgo of Owyl holds.
40s. from Knappaugy.5
Total of value of this cantred of Owyl, parcel of the manor of
Loghry, £52 13s. 4d.
CANTEED OF BAK AND OF GLEN.
£13 6s. 8^. from the cantred of Bak and of Glen, which the heirs of
William Baret hold freely.
13s. Sd. from one townland in Irchloghton, now nothing.
22s. from one townland of Cabragh6 and Raytrayny.
11s. Sd. from one quarter in Corbeggan.7
10s. 4d. from one quarter in Lyssarewel.
Us. Sd. from one quarter in Cathyrleilan.
2s. from Inchawyn, by Richard Baret.
1 The Paper on the "Occupation of the County Galway " was prepared for the
meeting at Gaiway, and was confined to that county (Journal, vol. xxxi., p. 365).
Uinnall. 3 o'Maille (?)
6* rTbabiy M°ne7 .°v Moyna> near Castle Affy- 5 Knappagh.
Cabragh, near Inishcoe. 7 Corraveggaun, in Ballynahaglish.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 59
12d. from Row,1 by Thomas, son of Philip Baret.
6^. from a piece of land, by Geoffrey Martyn.
Tenants in Rathberk pay six crannocs of oats for suit of the lord's
mill, in ordinary years worth 405.
Total of old value of these cantreds, parcel of the Manor of Loghiy,
£19 7s. 2d.
Total of value now, £18 13s.
CANTRED OP TrRAULYF,2 ORRus,3 TrROMoy,4 AND CONDTJMMOR.S
£13 6s. Sd. from the cantred of Tyraunlyf.2
26*. Sd. from one townland in Casteldunghy,6 now nothing.
110*, from one townland in Carne.7
Pleas and perquisites of the Court, 4s.
£13 6s. 8^. from one cantred of Orrus,3 which John de Exeter holds
in fee.
£13 6s. Sd. from the cantred of Tyrremoy,4 now nothing.
40s. from three townlands in Duncoghy,8 now nothing.
£13 6s. Sd. from the cantred of Condomnor, now nothing.
£4 10s. from three townlands in Leyghuyl,9 now nothing.
Total of old value of these cantreds, parcel of the manor of Loghry,
£66 17s. 4d.
Total of value now, £32 7s. 4d.
CANTRED OF SYLMOLRON 10 (CASTLE OF ToBERBRiDE).11
At Toberbride is an old castle surrounded by a stone wall, which
would be very useful for keeping the peace of those parts, if a sufficient
ward was. . . In the castle are ruinous buildings, a hall, a chamber, a
kitchen, and other houses, worth nothing beyond cost of repairs, because
they need great repairs.
In demesne two carucates and sixty acres of arable land were under
the lord's plough, worth I2d. an acre, in all £15, but now nothing.
12 acres of meadow, 12s., but now nothing.
One pasture 13s. 4d.t but now nothing.
Another woodland pasture in Rathfernan, 26s. 8d., but now nothing.
Another pasture, 10s., now nothing.
A watermill at Rathfernan, 46s. Sd., now nothing, because ruinous,
and on account of the war.
1 Roe Island, in Lough Con.
2 Tirawly, i.e. Kilmoremoy and Ballysakeery parishes.
3 Parishes of Toomore, Attymas, and Kilgarvan.
4 Tireragh, east of Leaffony river.
5 Dunmaic Uonchobhair, now Castleconor. An indistinct mark of contraction is
over the Con in each case.
6 Castle-na-Geeha, near Rathfran. 7 Cam, in Moygawnagh parish.
8 Donicoy, in Tireragh.
9 Lisladhghuill, obsolete, in Dromard parish.
10 Sil Maelruain. n Ballintoher, in Roscommon.
60 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
20«. from prisage-of beer, with " Staus,mnow nothing.
Grass of a certain place, 3s., now nothing.
At Toberbride, a water-mill, 66s. 8d., now nothing.
26s. 8d from prisage of beer there, now nothing.
Free Tenants.— £14 from one townland in Balymacgagan, three
townlands in Dyrydunus and elsewhere, which M'Cortan held at will,
but now nothing.
Pleas and perquisites of the Hundred of Toberbryd, £4, now nothing.
10s. from one townland in Fichbary2 [or Fithbary], which the heirs
of John de Barry held, but now nothing.
6d. from one piece of land in Clanfadd,3 which Lucas M'Cortan held,
now nothing.
40s. from one townland in Curran,4 which Adam de Burgo held, but
now nothing.
£12 14s. 4d. from five townlands in the Burgage of Rathfernan, but
now nothing.
£20 from five townlands atToberbrid, now only £10.
40s. from half a townland which was under the lord's plough, but now
nothing.
52s. from one townland in Myntynan, now nothing.
Total of old value of this cantred, parcel of the manor of Loghry,
£84 Is. IQd.
Total of value now, £10.
Sleoflow. — £20 from the cantred of Sleoflow,5 but now nothing.
66s. 8d. from one theodum in Arkagh,6 now nothing.
66s. Sd. from one theodum in Kerymoyng,7 and Keryloghnayrn,8 but
now nothing.
66s. 8d. from Caryoghtragh,9 now nothing.
Total of old value of this cantred, parcel of the manor of Loghry,
£30, now nothing.
SEEJEANTY AND PLEAS AND PEBQTJISITES OF GREAT COTJET OF CONNAUGHT.
£13 6s. 8d., from the Serjeanty of Connaught, and now only
£6 3s. 4d.
Pleas and perquisites of the Great Court of Connaught, were 500
marks, but now only £100.
Total of old value of Serjeanty and Great Court of Connaught,
£346 13s. 4d.
Total of value, now £106 3s. 4d.
1 Or « Stans.' This is not understood. May it be a mistake for « Stallage ' :
Figh, T. L., north-west of Lough Glinn (?). ,
1 Clonfad, north-east of Lough Glinn.
4 Caran, in Cloonigormican (?), or an obsolete Curraun.
Sliabh Lugha. « Airtech.
7 Ciarraige Muige Ai. a Ciarraige Locha na n Airneadli .
9 Ciarraige Uachtarach.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 61
William, late Earl of Ulster, held in demesne in fee 71 acres of land
of Bede of the Bishopric of Clonfert by service of 36s. Gd., which are
worth nothing for the present on account of poverty of tenants of those
parts.
Sligagh. — The Earl held the manor of Sligagh, Goran, Lune, and
Carbry with appurtenances, which were worth £333 6s. 8d., which are
in Connaught, by the same services by which he held his other lands,
etc., in Connaught, from which nothing can be got now, on account of
the destruction of the war of both English and Irish there.
Total of old value, £333 6s. 8d., now nothing.
Knights' Fees. — They cannot learn anything about knights' fees,
because they hold their lands by townlands making suit at the lord's
court. There is one church, taxed at 6 marks, whose advowson and
presentation belonged to the Earl and will belong to his heirs. There
is another church1 at Owyl, taxed at 6 marks, whose advowson and
presentation belonged to the Earl and will belong to his heirs. There is
another church at Arthdraghyn,2 taxed at 6 marks, whose advowson and
presentation belonged to the Earl and to the heir of Richard de Cla . . .3
alternately.
There are other lands in Connaught, Ulster, and other parts of
Ireland which are among the Irish, and none can go to them to value
them or take any profit, because the Irish among whom they lie will not
allow any minister of the king or any other Englishman to manage
them.
Elizabeth de Burgo is daughter and next heir of the Earl, and is of
age of one year and a-half and upwards.
The kingdom of Umhall is at the head of Inquisition C, forming one
great cantred of Umhall. It was much broken up. A Butler had the
northern part, the parishes of Achill and Burrishoole, which were a
large native denomination called Latharis in the Taxation, which I think
is Leath Fhearghuis. O'Fergus was one of the three chief families of
Clann Maille. As the Earl of Ormond owned Ballycroy at the Compo-
sition, I suppose that the O'Malleys held it in the thirteenth century.
"The sons of Maghnus, and the sons of Conchobhar Ruadh, joined
together, and turned against the Foreigners, and the castle of Mac Henry
was burned by them, and its constable taken prisoner ; . . . . Jordan de
Exeter, however, and John Butler, and Robin Lawless, and several
persons along with them, assembled and went to Baile-tobair-Patraic,
and from thence to Achadh-Fabhair ; and they plundered all Umhall,
north and south on the morrow. Mac Henry came also, with a large
army, into Umhall (for it belonged to himself and he was residing in it),
1 Latharis, in Taxation, i.e. Burrishoole. 2 Ardrahan. 3 Clare.
62 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
MacHenry then made peace with Domhnall, son of Maghnus" (L.C. 1248).
From this it appears that the sons of Maghnus and of Conchobhar Ruadh,.
the Clann Muirchertaigh Muimhnigh, had previously submitted and
lived under MacHenry.
In this paragraph " Mac " has been inserted in the translation before
the second Henry, which does not appear in the Irish. It would run
that after Mac Henry's castle was taken by insurgents John Butler and
others assembled. Henry himself also brought a large army. Mac Henry
then made peace. This is the form in which the event is described by
the "Four Masters" who copied the annals of Loch Ce or a common
original. But they explain that Mac Henry is Piers Poer. For calling
him Piers Poer I see no authority beyond the entry in 1249 (L.C.)>
"Piers Poer, i.e. the son of Henry." A son of Henry Pincerna is
mentioned in 1215 and Henry le Buttiler in 1237. l I take this second
Henry, if they were not the same, to be the Henry who came up, and
Mac Henry to be his son who owned the castle, to whom Donnell 0' Conor
again submitted in face of irresistible force. John Butler was killed in
1270, and Henry Butler, lord of Umhall, was slain by Conor Roe's son
Cathal and others in 1272 (L.C.). The turmoil of this period seems to
have been the cause of the final expulsion of Clan Murtough from Erris.
I think there can be no doubt that Henry Butler and his sons were
the immediate lords of north Umhall. The Butlers do not appear again,
in the Annals, and seem to have had quiet possession after the turbulent
0' Conors left. The Irish gentry must have had a much easier time
under their Norman lords than when they were subject to the irregular
domination and exactions and encroachments of the 0' Conor family. The
Butlers of this branch became extinct or removed soon after 1333, as
the whole Butler estate was occupied by Bourkes and O'Malleys in the
sixteenth century. The Lawless family also disappeared from Connaught.
The castle is called of Tyren-morein the " Annals of Clonmacnoise."
Downing says that Burrishoole was reputed to have been a corporation,
and to have been built by the Butlers. The castle, of which some
traces remain on the point to the north of the abbey, was Mac Henry's
castle. The town was the Burgeis Cinntrachta, Burgage of Head of
Strand, burnt by Clan Murtough in 1247 (L.C.).
A large part of Umhall belonged to the Archbishop of Tuam.
Regarding the remainder, the only information is that given by the
Inquisition. John de Burgo and O'Malley each held four townlands at
£10 13*. 4d. Robert Lawless had seven at £16 13s. 4d. • "William de
Burgo had one in Myntroghyn, at £2 13s. 4^; and £2 10s. came from
Knappagh. The whole territory seems to be covered by these holdings.
John de Burgo is probably the son of Philip, from whom descended the
MacPhilpins, and "William is probably his brother. O'Malley thus-
1 D.I. i., Nos. 672, 2266.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 63
appears as a tenant of the Earl. He was the only Irish chieftain
who had a considerable position in the county Mayo in the sixteenth
century.
The Inquisition does not mention Erris in any form that I can
recognize. The Clan Murtough, having been driven out of Carra and
Clancowan by Richard de Burgo in 1235 in consequence of their rising
against him, remained in North TJmhall and in Erris. It is most likely
that the head of the clan held Erris by knight service, or that Erris was
given on such service to William Barrett on condition of expelling them.
They were at all times a very turbulent clan. After a rising under
Donnell Irruis in 1272, they were finally expelled in 1273 (L.C.). The
country seems then to have been given to "William Barrett, called by
Mac Firbis, "William Mor of Kilcommon,1 I suppose, because he built a
castle at Kilcommon Erris. It remained in the hands of the Barretts
until the Bourkes of Carra encroached on them in the fifteenth century,
and they built several castles therein.
Next after Umhall the Inquisition takes the two great cantreds called
of Bak and Glen and of Tyraulyf, which comprise the whole kingdom of
O'Dubhda, omitting Erris. The former was the southern part of Tiraw-
ley, broken up in part into small holdings. A Hundred court was put at
Carn in Moygawnagh, where a castle has been from early times.
Omitting profits of mill and court, the rents, from what I have
identified as in the present barony of Tirawley, come to £37 10s. 6d.,
which is very close to the sum of £40 charged upon the freeholders of
160 quarters of land as Mac William's rent in the Composition, being the
sum due to him out of certain lands named in a list extracted from the
Historia et Genealogia Familiae de Burgo, all but a few of which are
identified.2 These I take to be the tenures of 1333.
The principal tenants were the Barretts, who certainly had Bac and
Glen. The Bacs are the parishes of Ballynahaglish and Kilbelf ad ; Glen
is Glen Nephin, which included, I think, Glenhest, which took its name
from Hosty Merrick, said to have held it under the Barretts.3 He was
killed fighting on the side of the Butlers in 1272 (L.C.).
Barrett built a castle called Caislen na Circe, and founded a town,
just opposite to Foxford, but on the Tirawley side of the Moy.*
The small cantred of Tyraulyf is the part of the parish of Kilmoremoy,
on the west of the Moy. The parish bears the name of Tirawley in the
Yalor Beneficiorum of 1535 and in the Eegal Visitation of 1615. The
cautred seems to have included Ballysakeery or a considerable part
thereof, for the Barretts were in possession in the sixteenth century,
except so far as the Bourkes had ousted them.5
The Carews had lands and a castle called Doonmacnyny, which I
1H. F. 329. 2H.W.C. 335, and H. F. 455. 3H.F. 331.
4 0. S. L. Mayo, ii., p. 354. 5 H. F. 458 ; H. W. C. 331.
64 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
cannot identify, at the Composition, llichard Care w is mentioned in 1 255
as haying conveyed 11 villsof land in Bredagh, the parish of Moygaw-
nagh, and part of that of Kilfian, to William Barrett.1 It is likely to be
the 1 vill in Carne, held at £5 10s., which would be 10s. for each of
1 1 carucates, sometimes called villatas, supposing villata to be used in
the Inquisition in the indefinite sense of a tract less than a cantred, but
not a defined tribal denomination like theodum.
Mac Firbis says that Sir William Lawless had the tract from the
strand of Lacken to Eathfran.2 The name does not otherwise appear in
connexion with Tirawley, so I suppose the Lawless rights were trans-
ferred. The estate would be respresented by Casteldunghy, castle of
Dun na Gaoithe, afterwards Caislen nagaoithe.
In 1306, a Cogan and an Usher and John son of William of Eathcogan
-were indicted for robbing the abbot of the B.V.M.'s convent near Cross-
molina.3 That abbey seems to have been founded within the estate of a
de Barry, as the rectory of that parish church belonged to the Francis-
can House of Ballybeg, near Buttevant.4 Eathcogan is an old name of
Charleville in the de Barry estate in the county Cork. An estate seems
here to have passed from de Barry to de Cogan, as did Clancuain. Cab-
~bragh and Eagtrayny may represent it.
Cusacks were among the earliest settlers. The family was important
in the thirteenth century. They survived as freeholders in a small
position to the sixteenth century, but I cannot ascertain where their
lands were. According to Mac Firbis, Adam Cusack had Meelick. The
fighting between the Barretts and the Cusacks, in which William
Barrett was killed, explains the entry in the accounts of considerable
sums paid in 1285 and following years by Batinus Barrett and Gilbert de
Lyneth "for having peace."5 The Lynets were of some importance, as
Gilbert was sheriff for a time, but became obscure.
In the thirteenth century the Barretts were in two branches. Their
relationship is not clear, but taking the entries in the English records
and the statements, admittedly uncertain, of D. Mac Firbis and of
M. O'Clery,6 it seems that there were two William Barretts ; one was
father of Batin, and seems to be the William who fought with Adam
Cusack, and to have been the owner of Tyraulyf. The other William
was lord of Bac and Glen Nephin. Batin was head of his family, and
gave its chief the title Mac Bhaitin, but he was chief of his own branch
only, which was the most important ; in the Composition Barretts and
Clanpadynes are mentioned as if separate families.
Breatnach is given as another name of the uncertain William of
Moyne, and Mac Firbis thought it was correctly given. The name
Bretnach occurs in the English record in connexion with Connaught,
i ?hLi?'f/0< 272> 474'r, ? H' F' 333' 3 Arohdall'B " Mon.,» 501 .
* 8 D. K., No. 902. » D. I. lii. « H. F. 325 ; Journal, vol. xvii., p. 91, 92.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 65
4mt indefinitely. This William is called of Kilcommon, and is said to
be the ancestor of the Barretts of Erris. I suppose the name Breatnach
(Welshman) was merely descriptive, and was not carried on by the
family.
Tirawley was one of the tracts kept much in the lord's hands.
Hence there was room for the Bourkes to settle themselves in the fifteenth
century, and cause for fighting if the Bourkes sought to enforce against
the Barretts a superior title to lands not included in the old estates.
Until then the Barretts had no rival power in Tirawley.
The Inquisition, down to the item of the court at Carne, has dealt
with the present barony of Tirawley ; it now deals with the land of the
Hy Fiachrach of the Moy, the present barony of Tireragh and the
parishes of Kilgarvan and Attymas and Toomore in Gallen. These
three parishes form the " cantred of Orrus which John de Exeter holds in
fee." Orrus looks like, and may be, a form of lorrus, but it is not the
barony of lorrus. That had a proper name, " lorrus larthair " (H. F.
73). This tract may have been lorrus, with a qualifying word. Con-
donmor I take for Conordonmor, and to be a name of the ancient Dun
Maic Conchobhair, now called Castleconor. This cantred and Orrus
make up the tract from Toomore to Leaffony, which was the lordship of
O'Caomain. Orrus is now in Gallen, because Mac Jordan held it.
The cantred of Tyrremoy, or Tiromoy, I take to be Tir Muaidhe, or
a form from Tir Fhiachrach Muaidhe, and to be the rest of Tireragh,
except the comparatively small estates of "Duncoghy and Leyghuyl.
Duncoghy must be Dun Ui Chobhthaigh, now Donicoy, a little to the
east of Donaghintraine, and may have covered that castle. Leyghuyl is
Ladhghuill, which appears in Lios Ladhghuill,1 " the head seat of the
eastern district." Longford Castle answers in position ; for the district,
according to the account in " Hy Fiachrach," must be at least a part of
Dromard parish. Dr. O'Korke says he has found the Lis in Coillte
Luighne, but gives no reasons.2
Tireragh was known as Mac Pheorais's country, and the eastern part
was certainly occupied by the de Berminghams. They are mentioned in
connexion with this country in 1249 and 1261, L.C., and 1278, P.M., and
in 1308, if Mac Walter, constable of Bunfinne, was one of them. Dr.
O'Rorke quotes3 a deed of 1330, by Gilbert de Bermingham, dealing with
parts of Tireragh and the Termon of Ballysadare. The O'Dowdas easily
accepted the new lord. They are rarely mentioned as fighting against
the Foreigners; and, in 1308, Brian O'Dowda and the Hy Fiachrach
were in alliance with the Foreigners of Luighne. In 1248 Murtough
O'Dowda was killed by Aedh 0' Conor, who had attacked the Ber-
minghams.4
Ardnarea was burnt against the Foreigners in 1266, and this marks
1 H. F. 173, 263, 273. 2 « Ballysadare and Kilvarnet, pp. 275, 276."
3 Ibid., p. 9. * F> Mt 1247, 1248, 1278, 1316 ; L. C. 1308.
Tnnr T? <; A T f Vo1- XIII-» Fifth Series. { v
>ur. R.S.A.I. '
66 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
at least a castle. Castles of Duncontreathain and Bunfinne are men-
tioned in 1249, 1266, 1308, 1310, L.C. It is evident that some Berming-
hams were settled here for forty or fifty years after the Conquest.
Thereafter members of the family are not mentioned. It seems as if
there were latterly no resident landlords, only garrisons, the country
being let out to the O'Dowdas and others.
Castleconor and Ardnarea are said to have been taken from the
Foreigners in 1371 by Donnell O'Dowda (P.M.). This shows the early
existence of Castleconor— a ruin remarkable for veiy narrow lancet
windows, looking as of an earlier period than the ordinary square tower.
It also shows that the de Burgo tenants held their own until then at
least.
It is not certain that the Berminghams ever held the cantred of
Castleconor. I have noted that Eustace Le Poer had lands at Castle-
conor, which may be these lands. Piers Poer was with the Berming-
hams in 1247. It may be that this part of the country held out till
1371, and was a subject of contention later on, because Sir William,
de Burgo or his son had taken it over from Le Poer.
The Inquisition now moves to the county Roscommon. The marginal
note is Cantred of Sylmolron, which is Sil-Maelruain, the tribe name of
the O'Flynns. The omission of this cantred in the text must be because
no rent was due, but only knight service. " Piers Ristubhard, lord off
Sil-Maelruain, and a noble baron, was killed by Murchadh O'Maelsech-
lainn on Loch Ribh " (L.C., 1254). Ristubhard seems to be the same
name as Ritabhard, which represents Ridelesford in 1235, L.C. ; but it
may be meant for Rochford. It is the only reference in the Annals to a
Ridelesford as settled in Connaught. But the name appears in the
State Papers in connexion with Connaught from time to time.
Hardiman's List gives Henry de Rupe as tenant of Sylmorne, which
should be the same place. His tenancy of this tract accounts for his
having taken up the neighbouring Keryloughnarney. He must have
succeeded Piers Ristubhard, if the latter held immediately from de Burgo.
No real settlement appears to have been made, or the property fell into
absentee hands and the colony decayed. The O'Flynns fought vigor-
ously against the English ; but, as after fifty years they drop out of the
Annals, I suppose that Earl Richard's subjugation of the O'Conors in
1286 made them give up hope, submit to the English, and accept the
position of tenants, whereby they were in possession and became inde-
pendent after 1338. There is some direct evidence of agreement in the
record that Fiachra O'Flynn was killed by a Burke and de Berraingham
when he went to contract a marriage with the Foreigners in 1289, L.C.
The territory consisted of the parish of Kiltullagh and a part of
Kilkeevin.
The castle of Toberbride appears as the head of a valuable cantred or
Hundred. The place-names being now generally unknown, the extent
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 67
is uncertain. The parish of Ballintubber and the eastern part of Kil-
keevin were in it, and part of Cloonigormican, and the part of Tibohine,
close north-west and north and east of Lough Glinn, and probably a good
deal of Baslick. The value was high, though the area was small, be-
cause the land was kept under the chief lord's management, and not let
out in large fees. The castle is suitable for the reception of a large
garrison and use as a magazine, a great border castle in the best position
to overawe the O'Conors and prevent raids or to punish them. It is
never mentioned in the Annals ; because it was, like the towns of
Athenry and Gal way, far too strong for a plundering Irish army to
attempt to take. In 1315 the burning of the town of Toberbride is men-
tioned in the " Annals of Loch Ce." The Inquisition calls it an old
castle, and notes that the buildings within it need repair, and that with
a sufficient garrison it would be very useful for keeping the peace in
those parts. It fell into neglect because the O'Conors and all the
Irish of Connaught had been thoroughly beaten down in 1316, and had
been quiet since. There is no record of date of building; but I am
inclined to attribute it to the earliest years of the occupation. It has
been fully described in the Journal, vol. xix., p. 24.
Boroughs had been established at Toberbride and at Eathfernan,
five townlands for each borough. The rent and mill and prisage of
beer of Eathfernan were worth little more than half of the value of
those of Toberbride. Possibly Milltown House, near Castleplunket,
preserves the memory of the mill of Eathfernan, but it is only a guess.
I suspect the Curran, which Adam de Burgo held, to be Caran, a town-
land name close by in Cloonygormican parish. The principal tenant was
Mac Cortan, one of the very few Irish tenants. With no resident
lord to protect them these little towns must have disappeared imme-
diately.
The presence of de Barry here, as well as at Ballyhaunis, is to be
noted. The Bary in Fychbary may be the name of the owner.
The next Great Cantred is called Sleoflow, Sliabh Lugha, from the
first item the cantred of Sliabh Lugha. With it are placed three theodums
of the Kerry.
At the Conquest, or soon after, Miles de Angulo, in Irish called
Mac Goisdealbh, had the territory of Sliabh Lugha, consisting of the
parishes of "Kilcolman, Castlemore, Kilmovee, Kilbeagh. The Mac Cos-
tellos had also part of Kilturra. He moved here from his old possessions
in Gal way, Muinter Mailfinnain, &c., if he were indeed son of that
Gilbert to whom they were given. Miles certainly settled here, and is
mentioned as Lord of Sliabh Lugha in 1253, L.C. He secured his pos-
sessions by building the Caislen Mor of Sliabh Lugha, now called Castle-
more Cost< llo. It is close by and was most likely partly built of the
stones of Ailech Mor Ciarraige, which in position answers to the Dun of
Ailill Finn, the king of the Gamanraige, to which Fergus Mac Eoigh
F2
•68 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
marched from Cruachan in the Tain Bo Elidais. In his time or soon
after was built the castle of Kilcolman, mentioned in 1270, L.C.
Airtech is said to have been the parishes of Kilnamanagh and
Tibohine. These did constitute the lordship of Mac Dermot Gall in the
later times. In the Taxation of 1306 three churches— Kilrodan, Clonard,
Kilnardan, now called Kilrooan, Clonard, Kilroddan, or Kilredan— are in
the south, and two churches, Glynsemvill, now Clonshanville, and Tech-
bithiri, now Tibohine, are in the north of Tibohine. The account of
"St. Patrick's journey from near Castlemore toDrummut, now Kilroddan,
indicates that he left Airtech. The territory of Airtech lay between the
river Lung on the west and Abhaim na Foraoise near Belanagare on
the east.1
Thus the country about the three southern churches would be the
Kerymoyny part of Mac Dermot Gall's lordship, and the three northern
churches would be in the part properly called Airtech, which is called a
theodum in this Inquisition, that is the parish of Kilnamanagh and the
northern part of that of Tibohine.
Airtech thus restricted was a part of Mac Dermot' s kingdom at the
time of the Conquest, but must have been still in actual occupation of
families of the Ciarraige. Nothing indicates how it was dealt with at
the Conquest ; but it seems to have been let out by Earl Richard or by
his tenant to one of the Mac Dermots called Dermot Gall, who first
appears in history on the side of the English at Ahascragh in 1307,
and who in 1315 was in possession of Airtech. Hence I suppose he
was called Diarmaid Gall, English Dermot. He called himself lord of
Moylurg in 1315, and was killed in 1316 fighting against Felim O'Conor
and the English.2 His descendants were lords of Airtech with the
title Mac Dermot Gall, and acquired possession at some time of the
Kerymoyny portion of Tibohine parish, but how or when I find no
indication.
Kerymoyng and Kerylochnayrn are to be taken as one theodum. I
take Kerymoyng to be really Kerymoyny. Loch na n Airneadh is known
to be Mannin Lake. The Ciarraige of Magh n Ai in early days occupied
the parishes of Kilkeevin and Baslick and Kilcorkey and Ballintubber,
but by the thirteenth century had been much reduced by the Silmurray,
and seem at this time to have had but a part of Kilkeevin and the southern
part of Tibohine. Mac Cethernaigh, the chief of the Ciarraige Ai, had
an estate near Castlereagh. He seems to have been of the same family
as O'Cerin, the old king of the Ciarraige. O'Donovan gives the reputed
-district of Ciarraige Ai as extending from Castlereagh to the county of
Mayo.3 This agrees with the other indications. Hardiman's list gives
Thomas Fitz Lyons and John Fitz Thomas as tenants of two cantreds in
Kerymoy and Kerylothnarne. This relates to a much earlier time than
1 O'Donovan, 0. S.L. Mayo,ii., p. 293. * L. C. 1307, 1315, 1316.
3 " Book of Rights," p. 104.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 69
the Inquisition, and denotes two tenures, if the note is accurate, but in
the Inquisition they are one theodum.
. By an Inquisition of 8th August, 1282, taken to ascertain what lands
John Fitz Thomas of Desmond had held in fee that John held at his death
in 1261, it was found that he owned "£ theodum at Kerylochnarn, in the
earldom of Connaught, of Sir Maurice of London, rendering to the chief lord
5 marks a year, worth in time of peace 120 marks, now worth 60 marks
and no more, for the greater part is destroyed hy the war of the Irish. After
the death of John, the said Thomas Fitz Maurice when he came of age
gave the same theodum to Henry de Roche in exchange for the manor of
Moyale, in the county of Cork," subject to certain conditions.1
It was a temporary exchange, not a sale, but it continued, and Henry
de Rupe and his son appear in the accounts making payments to the king
for this cantred. Henry Roche held it at Thomas Friz Maurice's death
in 1298 at a rent of £33 6*. Sd.
Sir Maurice of London was a contemporary of Maurice Fitz Gerald
the Justiciary, but I cannot ascertain who he was. He seems to have
been a Carew.2 As the rent due to the chief lord was 5 marks, I think the
term £ theodum s of no significance, and that there was but one tenure.
In early times the Upper Ciarraige lands extended into the parishes
of Knock and Bekan, if I correctly identify the names of places in the
list of offerings which u the Upper Ciarrichi and their kings offered for
ever to Patrick," which is in the Book of Armagh after Tirechan's Collec-
tions. They were there in the thirteenth century, and left their name to-
a large denomination of land ; but the portion of their territory lying
within the barony of Clanmorris had come to be known as Tirnechtaiii
and Tir Enna.
John Mac Costello's surrender to the Queen in 1586 describes hi&
territory under twenty denominations, whereof the first seven are in
Sliabh Lugha.3 Among the rest are " Keryeghter, Keryoghter, and
Cowgy." Coogue townlands lie north and west of Mannin Lake. Kery-
oghter should be near it and is in fact the parish of Knock and the
northern part of Aghamore. The term "parish" here is not very accurate,
but is a sufficient indication. Mannin is a separate denomination. The
castle was occupied by Mac Jordan Mac Costello, who was known as
Mac Jordan of Keryeighter. A list made in settling the Composition in
1587 reduces the whole to 5, and these 13 to 3 tuaths, viz. : —
1. Castlemore, 52 quarters = Castlemore, Kilcolman, Kilturra, North
Kilbeagh.
2. Litter Mac Philip, 48 quarters = South Kilbeagh, Kilmovee.
3. Kearyoughter, 52 quarters = Nearly all Aghamore, Knock.
4. Twlwroghan, 52 quarters = West Bekan, South Annagh.
5. Bellahawnes, 48 quarters = East Bekan, North Annagh, South and
East Aghamore.
1 D. I. ii., No. 1912. * D. I. i., Nos. 448, 1732, 2138, 2346 ; ii., No. 1912.
3 15 D.K., No. 4898.
70 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
These quarters were really only one-fourth of a quarter, called
" carrow-myres."
Keryeighter should be the land about Mannin, east and south of
Keryoughter. The Lower Kerry seem to be the same as the Kerry of
Lough Narney, and to have the latter name because the chief residence of
the family was in the peninsula on which Mannin Castle stood. Downing
writes in 1684, when traditions were still fresh :— " The barony of Cos-
telowe, alias Kerry Arny and Kerry Oughter," and in mentioning lakes,
" another fine lough called Loughglinn." This inclusion of Lough Glinn
in Kerry loughnarney agrees with the tradition which ascribes the build-
ing of Lough Glinn Castle to the Fitz Geralds of Desmond. De Burgo
says that Urlare Abbey was the burying-place of the Geraldines of Lough
Glinn.1 I find no other reference to such a family. It shows the family
survived the middle of the fifteenth century, when Urlare Abbey was
built. The castle is the only work ascribed to the Geraldines, and a
round tower belonging to it, which was at one corner of a rectangular
enclosure, remains.
Downing gives a tradition that Ballyhaunis friary was founded by the
Sliocht Jordan Duff Mac Costello upon a site where the Lords Barry had
a manor-house about the beginning of the English Conquest. It is
worthy of belief because the friars never left Ballyhaunis ; a few always
remained in houses close by when they abandoned the conventual build-
ings. As a son of Jordan Duff was killed in 1367 (F. M. note) it is to be
assigned to the close of the fourteenth century at earliest. The architecture
suits such a date. This is the only reference to de Barrys in this neigh-
bourhood besides the entry in the Inquisition under Toberbride.
The tract called Kerymoyny in the Inquisition I have defined above
as part of Tibohine parish, but it may have extended nearer to
Castlereagh.
There was no effective occupation of Airtech, but there was an
occupation of Kerymoyny by the Castle of Lough Glinn. It is to be
noticed that Lough Glinn was in the seventeenth century treated as
part of the barony of Costello, but it was in fact in the county Eoscom-
mon. It seems as if Mac Costello had some traditional claim over it.
The Keryoughter and Keryloughnarny part was effectively held, but I
cannot ascertain how or when the Mac Costellos got possession. These
traditions suggest that the Geraldines and de Barrys, a set of Munster
colonists, may have held out in these parts longer than is apparent in the
Annals, and at last gave up their lands and went away.
The Inquisition now takes up the manor of Sligo, but gives no details
beyond the fact that it comprised Sligo, Corran, Leyny, and Carbury,
the great Fitz Gerald estate in North Connaught. From the Annals we
learn that the O'Haras rose immediately after Earl William's death, and
1 Htbernia Dominicana, p. 314.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 71
that Sir Edmund, his uncle, came to subdue them. The fighting appears
to have been general and ruinous. Prom the fact that the manor com-
prised only the Fitz Gerald estate, it may be inferred that it was con-
stituted a separate manor after the settlement with John Fitz Thomas.
Though only portions were transferred to him by Amabill, he may have
held the remainder by inheritance or otherwise.
Maurice Fitz Gerald had a grant1 of Leyny from Richard de Burgo.
He seems to have at first given a part of it in fee to Jordan de Exeter by
an " agreement2 relative to Lugna" in 24 Henry III., i.e. 1239 or 1240.
From the following memorandum it appears that it was cancelled. Jordan
was perhaps cautious, and found Gallen and Orrus as much as he could
manage. " A feoff ment from Jordan de Exonia to Maurice Fitz Gerald,
totum theodum de Moynter Lathnan, with these villages, videlicet, Clon-
geth, Imegan, Gortlanith, the Letchie, Gassill, Glimemothilt, Lethbally,
Macklyirch, Crokan called Bally harith, Couchcoule, Coulkenaldetu, Bally -
obrollan, Lismostuly, Ardcarthie, Ferchath, two towns of Carthytuly,
Loghbrochry, Castlan, Killartheth, Elyuaxchust, with their appur-
tenances " (11. B. 266).
Ballyharith is a fair rendering of Baile Ui hEathra, now Ballyara,
near Tobercurry. Glimemothilt is as to the first part some such word as
Glinna, and as to the second is Mucolt,3 now Muckelty, a high hill near
Tobercurry. Lethbally, Macklyirch, I take to be Leghbally Meylogh,4 a
denomination of land about Moylough in Achonry parish. Clooningan is
a townland name, of which the part ing an (probably equivalent to Ime-
gan) is uncommon. Gortlanith is like Gortlamhach, and there is a
Lavagh townland. Clongeth is like Clonca, Cluaincatha, in Kilmacteige.
•Couchcoule, if read as Conchcoule, is like Kincuillew, in Kilmacteige.
The first two identifications are, I think, quite satisfactory, andjshow
that the transaction related to South Leyny. Castles were built at
Banada and at Rathardcraibe, which were destroyed in 1265, L. C. The
latter is identified as a fort in the demesne of Annaghmore, near the
bridge of Ardcree.5 There is no trace of a castle in it, but the castle
may have been anywhere within an estate known Jby that name. Sir
Maurice Fitz Maurice made over the lands of Banada to his brother
Thomas.6
The Templars had lauds in Kilvarnet which amounted to 16 quarters
in the Composition. They must have built a castle, as the destruction of
the castle of Templehouse is recorded in 1271, L. C. Dr. O'liorke identi-
fies it with the castle built by Walter de Burgo at Athingail7 in Corann.
It may be so, but the description of it as in Corann is not likely to be
1 K. B. 266. * Ibid., 271.
3 F. M. 1368, note 5. 4 Wood-Martin's " History of Sligo," Part i., p. 395.
5 O'Rorke's " History of Sligo," ii., p. 149. 6 fi. B. 266.
7 "History of Sligo," ii., p. 73.
72 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
an error. It may have disappeared as completely as that of Rathard-
craibe, or have another name.
The Berminghams held the tract called the Termon of Asdara, and
probably a good deal of land southwards, and these seem to have been
the only settlers.
From these facts it appears that the rest of Leyny was held by
garrisons, and that no attempt was made at colonization on a large scale.
The O'Haras rose when they had a chance in periods of general disorder,
restrained by military occupation of castles in quiet times. Thus they
were in possession all through, with Fitz Gerald or de Burgo as their
lord instead of O'Conor. It is only in 1338 that they are said to have
wrested Leyny and Corran from the English.1 "When Fitz Gerald was.
at war with his de Burgo lord, the O'Haras were naturally on the
de Burgo side.
"A gift2 from Gerald de Prendergast to David .Fitz Maurice upon
the cantred of the Coron in Connaught," and the inclusion of " the third
part of the cantred of Goran, in Connaught," in a deed3 by Amabill in
favour of John Fitz Thomas, point to Gerald Prendergast as the original
grantee, and to his having passed the estate to his intended son-in-law
David. Fitz Maurice. I find no David Fitz Maurice in the Offaley family
at this time. The name occurs in Munster. David Fitz Maurice of the
diocese of Cloyne had a dispensation from the Pope in regard to his
marriage with Matilda, daughter of Gerald de Prendergast, in con-
sequence of her having been betrothed to his deceased brother David.4
It may be inferred that Maurice Fitz Gerald or his son acquired the
land.
This cantred is not much noticed in the " Annals." It was held by
chiefs of the Corcofirtri under the O'Haras until the Conquest. The
Castle of Athingail is said to have been built in it in 1263, L. C., and the
great Castle of Ballymote was built by Earl Richard in 1300, while John.
Fitz Thomas's lands were in his possession. O'Dobhailen is mentioned
as king of Corann in 1248, L. C. Immediately after this period the
Mac Donoghs appear as lords. They were at first lords of Tirerrill under
Mac Dermot, and are first mentioned in 1318, L. C. There is no sign of
settlement or colonization, only the record of building castles by Walter
and his son Richard. The land was left to the Irish as far as we can
judge. Yet when we compare the revenue of £333 from this manor
with the revenue of the Loughrea manor, it is evident that the country,
at least in the fourteenth century, was held so firmly, and peace was so
well secured, that high rents were paid, whether by Irish or by
English.
1 P.M. 1250, 1261, 1266, 1269, 1278, 1316, 1335, 1338.
2 R- B. 266. 3 jrjtf. 267.
4 Theiner's Vetera Monuments, Ep., No. 212, Pope Alexander IV., dated 12th
October, 1259.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 73
The territory of the Gregraige of the thirteenth century is defined with
fair exactness by the bounds of the barony of Coolavin. As it does not
appear in the Inquisition, it may have been held by knight service, but
inasmuch as it was a part of the kingdom of the O'Haras and O'Garas,
it is very likely to have been a part of the manor of Sligo.
The Castle of Moygara I take to be the Castle of Lough Techet,
mentioned in the " Annals of Loch Ce " in 1256 as Richard Cuisin's
Castle. The Cuisins were in Connaught in 1270, and the name occurs
among the tenants of Admekin, fourteen years later. It is most likely
that the O'Garas, abandoning the hope of recovering Sliabh Lugha,
accepted the position of tenants under the English lord of Gregraige,
and, after some resistance when circumstances were favourable, became
tenants of the whole barony under an absentee Cuisin, or under the heir
of one, and so had effective possession in 1338.1
The castle is somewhat like Ballintubber on a small scale, having
small square castles at the corners, joined by curtain walls, enclosing
1 rood 6 perches. The masonry is good, of rough stones, with very little
cut stone. It may well be a thirteenth-century castle, quite unlike the
usual type of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century castles, and suited for a
garrison to check petty raids.
The Gormanston Register2 notes an undated charter of Richard de
Burgo granting to Hugh Lacy, Earl of Ulster, five cantreds in Connaught.
It was made about the time of the Conquest, as Maurice Fitz Gerald the
Justiciary and Walter de Ridelesford witnessed it. The cantreds are not
named, but there are two grants3 by Earl Hugh to Maurice Fitz Gerald
of Tirconnell and of Carbry Dromclif in Connaught.
In 1249 Stephen de Lungespee had recovered from Richard de Burgo
the manor of Melok, by warranty of a third part of five cantreds of land
as dower of his wife Emelina, and Richard gave him in exchange the
manor of Tristelaurent.4 Those are the only two that can be identified.
He must have disposed of his cantreds at once, having his hands full
with Ulster. Sliabh Lugha may have been one, because the wife of
Miles Mac Costello, the first lord, is called a daughter of the Ultonian
earl, and she must have been an illegitimate daughter of Hugh, or a
daughter of John de Courcy (L. C. 1253).
Maurice built the Castle of Sligo in 1245. It was often destroyed or
burnt by the Irish and rebuilt, finally by Earl Richard de Burgo in
1310, who made it a great fortress, so that Sir Henry Sidney described
it thus in 1567 : — " The castle is fair, and is the greatest of any that we
have seen in any Irishman's possession."6 Sligo was a good town and a
port of considerable trade, as well as a most important position for
dominating Leyny, Corran, and Carbury, and for action towards
1 F. M. 1254, 1256, 1285. 2 Hist. MSS. Comm., 8th Report.
3 R. B. 266. * p. I. i., No. 3006. 5 Journal, vol. xii., p. 22.
74 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Tirconnell, and Fermanagh, and Brefne. The town survived to some
extent until O'Donnell utterly ruined it in 1396, F.M. But no other
colony appears in Carbury. The clan Andrias 0' Conor submitted to a
lord who could give some protection against O'Conors of Moy Ai on one
side and O'Donnell on the other. It is quite certain that they were
good subjects of the Fitz Geralds and of the de Burgo Earls.
JSTOTES ADDED IN THE PRESS.
j.— Clann Taidhg is associated with Tir-Maine and Soghan
and Ui Diarmada in an entry under 1224 L. C., so that it should adjoin
them. Soghan seems at this time to have meant only the parish of
Ballymacward, as Sogoun is the name of that parish in the Taxation of
1306.
Kilmore-ne-togher—It is more likely to be Abbeygrey, in Athleague
parish, which is between the townlands of Kilmore and Togher. Abbey-
grey is also called the monastery of Slenshancough.
In the second part of "Occupation of Connaught," where the cantred
of Clantagg is mentioned, after the sentence— " The O'Kellys at this
time were settled in the north of their kingdom upon the Sodhans " —
insert the following : —
" * The Annals of Loch Ce ' associate Clann Taidhg with Tir Maine
and Soghan and Ui Diarmada as suffering from a malignant shower in
1224. In the Taxation of 1306, Sagoun (Soghan?) is the name of a
parish in the deanery of Othir, which I take to be Ballymacward, where
O'Mannin lived. The name Soghan seems, then, to have been confined
to a small area, where the Sodhans were still chiefs."
The following abbreviations are used in references : —
H. F. = 0' Donovan, " Tribes and Customs of Hy Fiachrach."
H. M. =» „ " Tribes and Customs of Hy Many."
H. W. C. = Hardiman's edition of O'Flaherty's "West Connaught."
D.I. = Sweetman, " Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland," 1172-
1307.
D. K. = " Annual Report of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, Ireland,"
Calendar of Fiants.
K.B. = "Red Book of Earl of Kildare," in Hist. MSS. Commission, 9th
Report, Appendix.
L. C. = " Annals of Locb Ce " (Rolls Series).
F.M. = „ the Four Masters" (O'Donovan's edition).
0. S. L. = Ordnance Survey Letters.
NOTES ON THE OGAM-INSCRIBED STONES OF DONAGHMORE,
CO. KILDARE, AND INISVICKILLANE, CO. KERRY.
BY PROFESSOR RHYS, M.A., D. LITT., HONORARY FELLOW.
[Submitted MARCH 31, 1903.]
I.— THE DONAGHMORE OGAM, COUNTY KILDARE.
/~\NE day last September, I received a card from Mr. Cochrane, the
indefatigable Secretary of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ire-
land, to the effect that Lord Walter FitzGerald had discovered an Ogam
in the neighbourhood of Carton, the residence of the Duke of Leinster ;
and shortly afterwards, the discoverer himself sent me a rubbing and a
photograph of the stone, which enabled me at once to read most of the
inscription. Later, namely on September 23rd, he took me to see the
stone itself : it was at Donaghmore, a ruined church surrounded by an
approximately circular burial-ground which is still used. Commonly it
goes by the name of the farm on which it is situated, namely, Grange
William. It is about a mile from Maynooth station, and just outside
the demesne of Carton. The church, contrary to its name of Donaghmore,
was a very small one, but there seems to be no doubt as to that being its
name ; and, to distinguish it from other churches of the same name, Lord
Walter had identified it in the Marty rology of Donegal as DomJinacJi m6r
Maighe Luadhat, or Donaghmore of Maynooth. It is curious to find
Nuadat changed there, and in Gorman's Martyrology, into Luadhat,
which reminds one of Lludd in Welsh as an equivalent of Nudd, the
regular representative in Welsh of Nuada in Irish. Who the Nuada
was who gave its name of T&ay-Nooth to the plain in which Donaghmore
and Carton stand, it is perhaps impossible to discover, or even to decide
whether he was a man or a god.
To come to the stone itself, it is described as limestone of a bad
quality ; and it measures along the edge with the second line of writing,
30£ inches, and the widest face is 15 inches across near the bottom or
the beginning of the writing, while it is about 2 inches narrower near
the top. The thickness is about 9 inches near the top, but only 5£ near
the bottom ; and it is the edges containing this narrower face that have
the writing on them. I am glad to know that the stone has been placed
under cover at Carton, for it is not of a nature to stand much weathering.
Strange as it may seem, it was not safe even in the ground ; for I
noticed that a bit of the root of one of the yews had begun penetrating
under a thin layer of the stone. So when I touched the bulging surface,
it crumbled off and the dead root fell out : luckily it did not extend to
the writing.
76 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
The left-hand edge consists for the most part of a long spawl of
ancient date. The relative positions may be roughly indicated as
follows : —
F
C
The wider face is contained by the edges A G and B H ; but it was not
the one envisaged, so to say, by the Ogmist. He chose the narrower
face contained by the edge A G and the spawl c D. In fact, he began to
write on the edge of the spawl ; and near D he got to the original edge,
and finished the first part of his writing towards F. The rest of the
writing he cut on the edge A G, so that he was working practically from
left to right.
The first line of Ogams, consisting of c D, D E, and E F, reads as
follows : —
iCC[i
e
The scores mostly slope, especially those of the n and the v ; whereas
the r is not far from being perpendicular, while the two fs are of
different lengths. The o is quite distinct ; but the vowel notches on the
transition line D E from c D to E F are gone, and it is impossible to say with
certainty whether they were 5 or 4. In the next place, the two first
scores of the first c are rather faint ; but a little close attention convinced
us that they are there. Lastly, the edge E F is rough and damaged, so
that we could not exactly place the notches of the final vowel, which I
take for granted to have been i. This would leave a space blank
between it and the top of the stone, as one would expect. I have said
enough to show beyond doubt that we have to deal with an early form
of the genitive of the attested Irish name JVatfrdwh, borne, for instance,
by a King of Munster in the fifth century. The next line begins opposite
the e of the JVetta, and reads as follows : —
» ::;:: m .
MAQU IMMC COi T R E [ft] A \l It] G GO
0 e
Here the first m is almost perpendicular on the H side : the other
slopes a little more : the qu and the cc tend to spread out somewhat
THE DONAGHMOKE OGAM STONE.
(From a Photograph by Lord Walter Fitz Gerald.)
78 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
like so many brooms : the first vowel of mucooi is not to be traced.
There is room for u, but it may have been o. The i is also gone, and the
notches may have made only e. The first score of the r has to be looked
for, as it comes where there is a step in the stone ; and as for the con-
tinuations of the r on the B side, they have been lost by a flaking of the
stone. That affects also the next consonant, of which one can only say
that the space would do for n. The vowel e preceding it, and the a
following it, are quite plain. Thus we seem to have to do with a name
beginning with trena, like the Trenacatus occurring more than once in
Ogams in Wales. In fact, I thought at first that this was actually the
name here; but it will not fit. For according to the spelling of
Nettavroicci, it should perhaps be written Trenaccatto\_s], and even
without the doubling and the final *, it would have extended beyond the
corner. That is improbable, as no trace of any such a continuation of
the inscription is to be found beyond the corner in either direction,
towards p or towards H. There is even a greater difficulty : the cc is out
of the question, partly for lack of room, and partly because there is no
trace of any writing there — it must have been on the B side. That is to
say the consonant or consonants must belong to the group b, 1, v, s, n,
and the whole did not extend beyond the corner. We want accordingly
a name of comparatively short spelling, beginning with trena. Now the
number of compounds of trena is veiy small so far as I"know, and the
only other one which occurs to me is the Trenalngos incorporated in the
genitive Neta-Ttrenalugos on one of the Monataggart stones in the
Museum in Dublin. Now as to the spaces, the lu would find just room
enough between the a, and the consonant scores which follow : these
last incline like the r, and look like the left-hand halves of two #'s.
The first two scores are longer and more sharply defined than the next
two, which are not only shorter, but more ragged as the edge becomes
worse. The stone shows no continuation now of any one of the four \
and this we felt to be a difficulty, as we thought that the B side was
undamaged, at least opposite the first two of the oblique scores ; but
since then I have come to the conclusion that a bigger spawl is gone on
that side than we imagined at the time. The vowel following should
be 0, of which no trace is to be expected ; and as to the final s of the
genitive, there is plenty of analogy for conjecturing that it was never
there at all. I hardly think there would have been room for it ; but
this is one of the points on which I should be glad to learn from others,
now that the stone is easy of access at Carton. The sum of these last
guesses is that the ancestor's name was written on this stone Trenaluggo.
I should, however, have preferred to regard what I have here treated as
traces of a second g as being the notches for the vowel o • but I am not
convinced that it is possible to treat them so, on account of their inclining
parallel to the scores for the g preceding them, and because of their
position on the H face of the stone rather than right in the edge.
NOTES ON OGAM-INSCRIBED STONES. 79
The later form of this name occurs in Gorman's Martyrology, June
3rd, as Trianlugo, the genitive of Trianlug ; and from it one sees that
our Trenaluggo means Trenaluggo ; and Nettavroicci is composed of a
genitive JVetta, which is supposed to mean ' a champion/ and Vroicci, a
genitive, which became later Frdich, and Fraoich, from a nominative
Fraech or Fraoch. The former occurs in one of the inscriptions at
Rathcroghan, where it is spelled Yraicci: my notes and guesses, as to
the Ogam containing it, have been printed in the Journal, 1898, pp. 230,
231, together with a correction at p. 409. The other day, the cave was
visited by Prof. Bury, who, as the result of close inspection, confirms my
readings. In the present case, however, it will be observed that the
orthography is inconsistent with itself: it shonld have been either
Vroicci with cc = eh and mucoi with c = k, or, vice versa, Vroici and muccoi.
The whole may be rendered thus : * [the place or the monument] of
Natfraich, son of the kin of Trianlug.'
Lastly, in answer to the natural question how it is that this stone
has not been noticed before, it is right to say that we found an easy key
to its recent history : there is lichen on the bigger end of it, but that
lichen reaches only far enough to cover the scores of the n of Nettavroicci :
the rest of the stone is clean and must have been in the ground. That
is to say, it formed probably the headstone of a grave ; and, in fact, it
stood, I have no doubt, only a yard or two away, where a little iron cross
had been fixed to replace it, apparently not many months before.1 That is
doubtless where it was with only one group of the scores above ground,
and nobody on earth could have been expected to notice it. Indeed,
even as we saw it, with the writing exposed to view, I felt sure that
it would not have caught my eye : the scores are hardly wider than the
strokes one could produce in ink with an ordinary «T pen. So the
discoverer of it deserves all the more credit for his unerring habit of
observation ; and the history of this inscription points to the great
importance of our local archaeologists keeping a sharp look-out when any
digging of graves or shifting of stones is going on in ancient burial-places
in Ireland. From time to time more Ogams may be expected to be
found in them ; but I fear that to few is it given to have such a keen
instinct for discovery as Lord Walter Fitz Gerald has shown in the case
of Domhnach mor MaigJie Luadhat.
II.— THE INISVICKILLANE STONE.
Brash, in his first reference to this stone (p. 110), after saying that
Inisvickillane is one of the Blasket Islands, off Dunmore Head, on the
1 Since this was written, Lord Walter Fitz Gerald has sent me word as follows: —
"I have since ascertained that the boulder marked the grave of a family named
O'Farrell, who removed it about a year ago to make room for the granite block in
which the little iron cross was fixed."
80 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
coast of Kerry, writes as follows : — " On it stands a rude cell or oratory,
and in front of it a small Ogam pillar, on which is incised a plain rude
cross." But as the stone has a cross on each of its four faces, I take it
that it was lying on the ground three-fourths covered when Brash's
informant saw it. A more detailed reference to it conies at p. 226,
where it is said that it lay in front of a rude clochan, locally called
St. Brandon's cell. He states also that the stone was discovered by
Mr. Windele, who exhibited a rubbing of it at a meeting of the Cork
Cuvierian and Archaeological Society on January 3, 1849. The reading
given makes mdidbilo ....£, but I do not think that any rubbing
of the stone would have yielded the whole of that lettering even
then — especially the d and the t- — as will be made clear presently. They
came probably from Mr. Richard Hitchcock,1 who was a gentleman
employed by the late Bishop Graves to search for Ogams in the
Blasket Islands, as the Bishop states in a paper on the Croix Gammee
or swastica, which he published in April, 1879, in the Transactions of
the Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxvii. (Polite Literature and Antiquities),
pp. 41 et seq. The Bishop took the Ogam to contain the name of
Maelcedair, after whom is called the Church of Kilmalkedar, near
Smerwick harbour, in Corkaguiny, though such a name does not appear
to emerge very clearly from the Ogam scores in the woodcut used by him
to illustrate his paper. The block has been reproduced in Mr. Macalister's
" Studies in Irish Epigraphy," Part II., p. 44, and he calls Hitchcock
the author of the drawing. It is very neat and pretty, but it seems
to me to have been produced largely from memory, and submitted to the
rigid tyranny of the straight line. That the Bishop had misgivings to
the same effect, I gather from his practically confining his paper to the
swastica, and declining to go into the details of the inscription. The
reading which the drawing yields is the same as that given by Brash,
i Richard Hitchcock was born near Tralee in 1824, and died in Dublin in
December, 1856. At the time of his death he was Chief Clerk in the Library of
Trinity College, Duhlin, and Secretary of the Geological Society of Dublin. Con-
stitutionally delicate, he passed a good deal of his early life wandering about the
\dlds of his native county of Kerry ; he was an accurate observer, and became an
enthusiastic collector. Early in 1847 he attracted the notice of Dr. Graves, who
acknowledges (Proc. R. I. A., iv., p. 179) being indebted to him for the rubbings of
over eighty Ogam inscriptions. There is in the Library, Royal Irish Academy,
a MS. giving details of the sites and surroundings of all the Ogam stones which lie
had examined, but no inscriptions are recorded, as he regarded these as the property
of Dr. Graves; nor did Hitchcock ever make any pretence to being an expert in
Ogamic writing. He presented the well-known Aglish Ogam stone and others to the
Museum of the R. I. A. In Dr. Graves' papers on the Western Swastica (Trans.
R. I. A., vol. xxix., pp. 31, 41) the drawing of the Aglish Ogam was made from the
original, but the " pretty sketch" of the Inisvickillane Ogam was, to the best of my
memory, drawn (from Hitchcock's rubbings) on the wood by 0' Hanlon, and, from
indistinct references on the rubbings, the crosses on the sides of the stone got wrongly
placed. The Inisvickillane Ogam was first made known by Windele, who exhibited a
rubbing in January, 1849, at Cork, from which rubbing it is nearly certain that
Brash's reading was made. — E. P. W.
NOTES. ON OGAM-INSCRIBED STONES. 81
except that it suggests an m, more or less clearly, in both cases, for the b
which Brash adopted. Lastly, it places the Ogams all on the wrong angle,
or, in other words, it misplaces the crosses.
"When Mr. Macalister visited the island in June, 1901, he found the
stone "turned into a lintel for the ancient cella, in whose graveyard it
used to stand." There seems to be no evidence of its standing at any
lime since 1849 ; but that was probably not intended to be emphasised by
Mr. Macalister, who goes on to explain how badly the stone has been
treated, and that his examination of it was unavoidably incomplete,
owing to the masonry which stood in the way. What he was able to
read was YiN^iA'^iMA, which so far as it goes agrees with Hitchcock's
drawing as regards the consonants; but he fills in the first *, and reads
a, not o, after the second m, as to both of which I am inclined to agree.
One day last autumn, Dr. Mahaffy sent me word that his friend Lord
Cork, the proprietor of the island, had presented the stone to him, and
that I could now study it in Trinity College, Dublin. About the end of
September I was over in Dublin, and gladly spent some time in examining
an Ogam which I had never expected to see. The edge which bears the
scoring is the one that has the long-drawn swastica on the face to the
left of it, and a simple cross on the face to the right. It is
to be noticed that if the stone is set up so that the top of the
crosses is uppermost, the inscription reads downwards and away from
them, so to say. This raises the question, which of the two ends of the
stone was originally in the ground — that is, if it was not meant to be
placed in a horizontal position, which would necessarily leave one of the
crosses concealed underneath. But I shall, for the sake of clearness, here
treat the stone as if it stood erect on the end with the crosses.1
The following is my reading of the inscription : —
V I
1 The stone measures 3 feet 6 inches in height, and 6f inches by 6f inches at it a
base, tapering very slightly, and rather irregularly, as will be seen by the photo-
graphs and rubbings, to 6f inches by 65 inches, at a distance of 7 inches from the
top. At the top it is flaked off to 3| inches. The stone is a laminated clay slate
from the Lower Silurian beds, the surface of which is showing a tendency to split
along the lines of stratification, and, as usual in stone of this formation, there is
tiansverse cleavage, which will cause further disintegration. This could be arrested
to some extent by the application of one of the silicate preparations used for indurat-
ing f liable stone. There is a different kind of cross on each of the four faces. That
on No. 1 is of the crux ansata type, or handled cross ; but the most remarkable is that
on face No. 3, where the swastica is assimilated to a cross as much as possible not only
by its long perpendicular, but also by the position of its transverse arms. The cross
has been described by the Rev. Dr. Graves in the Transaction?, of the Royal Irish
Academy, Pol. Lit. and Ant., vol. xxvii., page 41. The rubbings were taken by
permission of the Rev. Dr. Mahaff'y. — [£D.]
D c A T I Vol. xin., Fifth Series. I r
Jour. R.S.A.I. j Vo, xxx;u ; Consec> Ser I
82 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
It may be briefly premised that the face to the left (No. 3), forming the
H side of the Ogam, seems to have been long exposed, so that the scoring is
nearly worn out; while the other face (No. 4), the B side, has hardly suffered
No. 1. No. 2. No. 3. No 4.
PHOTOGRAPHS OF THE FOUR FACES or THE INISVICXILLANE INSCRIBED OGAM STONE.
in that way at all. The damage there is of a different kind : a flake of the
surface is gone near the broken top of the stone. The vowel-notch before
the v of aviis very close to it and partly damaged, but it is distinctly there.
NOTES ON OGAM-lNSCltlBED STONES.
83
I notice that, on this stone, the notch next preceding a consonant is nearer
to that consonant than the next following is to it, with the exception of
the case of the doubtful mo towards the end. The scores for v and I are
-f.WS
»Bb\X*oS!
':» *
f.
v.
HL
No. 1.
No. 2.
No. 3.
No. 4.
RUBBINGS OF THE FOUR FACES OF THE INISVICKILLANE INSCRIBED OGAM STONE.
(Reduced from Rubbings by Mr. Cochrane.)
not widely separated ; and it would, if necessary, be possible to read n.
The t is worn down, leaving nothing but the ground of the grooves of the
three scores ;xbut they are exact and unmistakable ; and much the same
GI2
84 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
remark applies to what remains of the y, which has lost its continua-
tions on the B side. I thought also that I traced slight indications of
some of the scores of the qu ; but I could not identify any of the notches
for the i that should follow: maqui would fit in better than mocoi, though
it would perhaps be possible to get the latter in by a little crowding.
But I am not satisfied that the vowel after the m is o rather than a : the
first gap in the edge is probably the result of accident and not a part of
the writing : it is rather minute and too near the m. The rest of the
spacing is against its being regarded as a vowel-notch at all. I ought to
have said that the m itself is not very perfect ; though it can hardly be
said to be doubtful. The stone is somewhat slaty and liable to split,
though not always into clean flakes, and I may mention that there is just
a trace of a long split running along the H face of the stone at no great
distance from the inscribed edge, and terminating downwards opposite
the base of the vl. I cannot trace across that crack the scores of the t,
owing probably to their faintness ; but the first m boldly crosses it some
way. I should infer the same of the qu, but the imperfect g is
bounded by it, which proves that the present edge of that part of the
stone is not original, and that a flake is gone off the B side near the
top. In its deepest part, it may have been fully £th of an inch thick.
There is an unevenness on the B side at the base of the qu ; and it is there
probably the flake thinned out to zero. No trace of a consonant on the
H side is to be found after the imperfect #, the inclination of which fixes
its identity in my opinion. There is otherwise no objection to d, for one
has no hope of guessing the name. So what consonants belonged to the
name beginning with the Ogam in question must have been on the B side ;
where they were carried away on the lost flake, the first part of some
such a genitive as Glasicunas or Gossucttias would fit. How much of the
top of the stone is gone I cannot tell, for such as it is now, it is jagged
and irregular.
A s to the formation of the Ogams generally, they are neat and fine ; but
the man who cut them worked with a comparatively long-edged tool, such
as a hatchet or a knife, not with a pointed one ; so his work reminds one
rather of the movements of a saw, for he could evidently not end his
grooves short of the actual edge, where they become deeper and wider
than further off. In the latter direction, too, they betray a tendency to
become very fine and to spread out somewhat like a broom. The stone
has on it more traces of writing than I have described ; for though it has
not often been examined by an Ogmist, it has been the victim of other
visitors, as to.whom Mr. Macalister speaks as follows : — " Unfortunately
among the natives of Coumeenoole who visit the island for devotional
or other purposes, it has become a fashion to scratch graffiti on the exposed
surfaces of the stone, and it is considerably disfigured." Nor is this all,
for some of those who have not been conspicuously successful in leaving
their names behind them seem to have thought that they could at
NOTES ON OGAM-INSCK1BED STONES. 85
any rate score in Ogam, and at once tried it : their work looks quite
fresh. Thus there are two of these scores some distance below ««?*"; then
there is one opposite the beginning of the t; another drawn from the 4th
notch of the i of vlati ; and another opposite the a of ami, but not joining it.
If I am not mistaken, they are all on the B side, showing that it
offered the most convenient surface to work upon. But I am happy to
say that the alarm which Mr. Macalister's words caused me proves to be
to some extent exaggerated. I cannot find that any part of the inscrip-
tion seen by Windele or Hitchcock has since disappeared. At the same
time, the stone does not appear to have been removed from the island a
day too soon, not to mention another consideration which is very present
to my mind, and it is this. Had I been landed on the island, I feel certain
that I could not have read the Ogam — it would have been a case of one eye
on the stone and the other on the rolling billows. Visions of a night or
a week of exposure would not leave me in the best of humours for
studying Ogams or anything else. Something of the kind must have
been actually Mr. Hitchcock's state of mind, for he appears to have
sketched the stone very hurriedly, and filled in the rest from a memory
which left room for subsequent errors. How far Mr. Macalister
suffered from the same kind of mental sea-sickness I do not know ; but I
cannot help observing that his visit to the Blaskets was attended with
less than his usual share of success. At any rate, no more unfavourable
conditions for close study of Ogams can well be conceived, unless they
happen to involve the presence of the whole body of an antiquarian
society after a champagne lunch.
Dismissing all the difficulties of that class, I come now to those of
another, the interpretation of what remains of the writing, namely, Am
Vlatiami Ma\_^ui~] G . . . . This may be rendered " The Monument of
Vlatiam's Descendant, son of G ... .," or, as one may venture to put it
more briefly, " Of O'Flathimh, son of Gr . . . ." The man interred was
probably the head of the clan, that is, he was O'Flathimh par excellence ;
and to distinguish him from his predecessors, his father or mother's name
was added. Had we the remainder of the stone, the whole would have been
probably more intelligible. At any rate, as it is, it yields only a single
proper name, but that happens to be one which is new, in the sense that
it has never been met with before in Ogam ; and it sheds most welcome
light on an interesting question of Goidelic phonology. FlatJiim or
Flaithim occurs as the medieval genitive of Flathem ; and we have it in
the pedigrees in the Book of Leinster several times (see fo. 317a3, 323b,
336h) ; and the names ' mac Flaithem ' and ' mie Laithem ' occur on fo.
339bl, 339b2 ; but these have possibly to be corrected into Flaiihen and
Flaithen, which occurs on fo. 340a, and appears in the family name
O'Laithen in the Annals of Ulster and the Four Masters, A.D. 1054, 1062,
1080, 1086, 1087, 1089. Similarly we have O'Laithim as a patronymic
in the same Chronicles, A.D. 1260 and 1343. Under the latter year, the
86 UOVAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUAKIES OF IRELAND.
Pour Masters record the death of loJiannes O> Laitliimli, bishop of Killala.
and Dr. MacCarthy has, in the Irish of the Ulster Annals, lolianncs
Ottaitim, which he prints in the English, on the opposite page, as " John
O'EFhJIaitim.1 O'Donovan, in his translation, Englishes it O'LatthM,
and appends the following note : " This name is now usually anglicised
Lahiff, but some have rendered it Guthrie, from an erroneous notion that
it is derived from lathaigh, i.e., of the slough or puddle." Leaving them to
rejoice in the puddle of their preference, I now come to the other instance
in the Four Masters, namely, Domhnall uafflaithimh, " Donnell 0' Flahiff,"
to which O'Donovan has appended the following note : " This name is
now pronounced as if written O'Flaithimh, and anglicised Lahiff. Thi&
family is now respectable in the neighbourhood of Gort, in the south of
the County of Galway." I may add that when travelling near Castle-
maine in Kerry some years ago, I was much exercised by a place-name
which I heard some peasant women use. I took it down as Mo-Lahiff,
and was delighted when I came home to find that it occurs in the Four
Masters, A.D. 1581, where O'Donovan has the note: "Magh-Laithimh, i.e.,
LahifE's plain, now Mo-lahiff, a townland in which stood a castle belong-
ing to a respectable sept of the MacCarthys, situated near the village of
Castlemaine, in the barony of Magunihy, and county of Kerry."
Having found traces of the family in the country from Gort to th&
Blaskets, and having followed the name down to its most modern form, I
wish to show how it derives from that in the Ogam ; and first let me
point out that it is not to be confounded with flaith&t*, ' a prince,' geni-
\XVQ flaithemon, from which seems to come a patronymic which I only
know in its anglicised spelling of O'Flahavan. These names, together
with a good many compounds, derive from the abstract feminine faith,
which, in Old Irish, meant potestas, dominus, and made in the genitive
flatha, for an early nominative vlati-s and genitive vlati-as, respectively.
"We cannot, however, treat Vlatiam- as Vlatiam-; for the"* would have dis-
appeared according to the usual analogy, 'and we shoufd have Flatham.
So our vocable was more nearly VlaViami ; and ultimately the i + a
resulted in e in the same way, perhaps, as in the declension of a word
like cele, l companion,' from an early Goidelic, celi-as. The Welsh equiva-
lent cilydd, l companion,' would seem to show that the Goidelic was more
exactly celiias with a more or less consonantal * or y in the hiatus.
What was the corresponding consonant in Tlatzami? One may say
that in the last resort it was probably h, into which a more original s had
been widened according to the usual rule : we should thus have a series
riatisamas, Vlathihamh, Vlathiamh, Vlathemh, Flathevsh, Flaitheamh?
1 The uncertainty as to the / is well illustrated by the fact that O'Flaherty and
O'Laverty represent the same Irish patronymic, Ua Flaithbhertaigh. O'Laverty
looks as if it set out from Ui (the genitive singular, or the nominative plural), which
requires the /coming after it to be " aspirated'" into zero.
2^The modern spelling would he Flaitheamh ; and if we may treat the medieval
spelling as less exact in its vowels, we might, perhaps, regard the a as having never
NOTES ON OGAM-INSCRIBED STONES. 87
"When the t became th is hard to say, but probably about the same time
as s became h • and when m became the v sound written in Modern Irish
mh is perhaps a harder question still. I do not pretend to settle these
questions ; but I may remark that very possibly the intervocalic A was
sounded in our Vlatiam-, though not written. The question is a very
difficult one, as anybody will find who will take" the trouble to read
Pedersen's Aspirationen i ' Irsk, pp. 124-146.
The name Vlatisamas, genitive Vlatisami, which has just been postu-
lated, would fall naturally into line with such as Rigisamos, the name of
a god equated with Mars in an inscription found in Somersetshire, and
another in the neighbourhood of Bourges (see the Berlin Corpus Inscr.
Lat., vii. 61, xiii. 1190); and with Belisama, the name of a goddess
equated with Minerva; also of a river supposed to be the Mersey: see
Holder's Altcelt. Sprachschatx s. v. Belisama, where he mentions one or
two more instances in point. There is some doubt as to the meaning of
the latter portion of these names. They look very like Celtic superlatives ;
but they may be merely compounds with an element sam cognate with
the Irish sam, Welsh Jiaf, ' summer.' In that case Rigi-samos would
mean 'summer-king,' and so would Samo-rix (Corpus Inscr. Lat., xiii.
2615), consisting, as it does, of the same elements in the other order.
Such a name may be taken to have meant him who took the lead i:i the
summer expeditions of his tribe. Compare the old Norse sumarlidi, ' a
wicking or a rover ' ; whence Somarled, the name borne by a twelfth-
century king of Argyle, now reduced in its English spelling to Sorley.
Much the same would be the interpretation of our Vlatiam-, provided it
represents an earlier Vlati-sama-s, as it would analogously mean him who
has authority in summer ; that is, the leader of his tribesmen's expedi-
tions. The insular situation of the stone would suggest expeditions by
sea, like those which the Classis Somarlidiorum used to pay at one time
to the coasts of these islands every summer. The goal of such expeditions
from the South of Ireland may be, with the help of Gildas, readily
guessed to have been the western seaboard of Britain. But they must
have begun centuries before the time of that saint, and become a
national practice long before such a name as Vlatiam can have been
formed in allusion to them. This follows, of course, only in case the
foregoing interpretation is approximately correct. For it is not to be
disguised that the name lends itself to other etymologies and other ex-
planations. I have merely chosen the conjecture which seems to me to
offer the fewest difficulties, especially of phonology, which is the only
guide one can have where the facts of history are so conspicuous by their
absence. As far as the Ogam is concerned, there is nothing to prevent
our assigning it to the fifth century; but it may, perhaps, be older.
disappeared altogether from the pronunciation. Then also the changes would appear
in harmony with the general rule that i preceding an a becomes e, as follows: —
Vlatisamas, Tlathehamh, Flathenmh or Flaitheamh. The case would be analogous
with cele, from a nominative celiias.
88 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Note on Maghera, Co. Derry. — In the Journal for 1902 (vol. xxxii.,
p. 320) the Rev. Joseph M'Keefry, c.c., M.R.I.A., questions the accuracy of
the derivation of the name Maghera as quoted by me. This is only of
secondary importance; the object I had in view was to direct the
attention of the Society to some remains of archaeological interest that
I was fortunate enough to discover some twelve years previously whilst
exploring this district. I had then the honour of first bringing before
the Society several interesting remains, amongst which were the cromlech
at Tyrnoney, the Sweat House at Tyrkane, and the fine bullaun at the
old Church of Killylagh.1
The Society, on the occasion of their late visit, had the pleasure of
examining these remains of our ancient civilization.
Regarding the place-name, Maghera, I followed, in my sketch, our
first living Irish authority. Dr. P. W. Joyce. I was aware of the reading
given by the Rev. Mr. Sampson, which is known to all writers on this
subject since his day, but never seriously considered.
Since this article appeared I wrote to Dr. Joyce about it. He says
in his reply : — " The origin of the name in its several forms was a noted
Rath which was taken possession of by Saint Lurach, or, more probably,
the Chief whom he converted made him a present of it — a circumstance
very usual in those times. From the Saint it was called Rath Luraigh,
or Rathlowry, viz. Lurach' s Rath ; the other final development was that
the surrounding level land was called Machaire-Ratha, as Colgan records
for us. This ' Machaire-Ratha ' is a simple Irish compound (so obvious
as not to bear argument) — meaning the plain of the rath.11
Principal Rhys, Professor of Celtic in Oxford, to whom I also wrote,
in reply to my queries, says: — " 1st. I know nothing of an Irish word
'^Nadhra,' meaning 'solemn vespers,' or anything else. The nearest
•word that occurs to me is Nathair, ' a snake, adder, viper, serpent.'
2nd. Even supposing there ever was such a word as Nadhra, solemn
vespers, it is quite impossible phonetically to derive Maghera from such
a form. 3rd. He has supplied excellent proof of the correctness of your
account of the name by citing the spelling Magherira and Magheragh ;
also by producing the lines of verse, and showing that the last syllable
was accented all through. So you have only to read his last sentence
but one with ' disprove ' instead of 'prove,' and the case is quite
correctly stated as between Mr. M'Keefry and you."
The late Rev. George Hill, in his Plantation Papers, states : — " The
northern half barony of Coleraine was in the olden days designated
Machaire, or Maghery, ' the plain lying between the mountains of
| This bullaun had disappeared when the Society visited the place, but inquiry
having been made, it was found to have been built in the wall enclosing the old
church.
MISCKLLANEA. 89
Benevenagh and the river Barm. The greatest length of this plain is
17 miles, whilst the breadth varies from 2 to 9 miles. Its northern
boundary is the Atlantic, and its southern the barony of Loughinsholin
(Lough-Inish-o-Lynn). On the east it is bounded by the County
Antrim, and on the west by the barony of Keenaght.' Maghera is
situated within the bounds of this ancient territory, and the Rath in
which the church was built was correctly designated by Machaire-
Ratha."
Reeves, in his work, " The Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Down,
Connor, and Dromore," at page 27, note c, on the Parish of Rath, by
which name Maghera, in the diocese of Down, was then designated,
gives a note of the celebrated Irish scholar and antiquary, Colgan.
Reeves writes as follows: — "Church of Rath, now Maghera Parish,
Ordnance Survey S. 43. — The original name of this parish was Rath-
Murbhuilg ; afterwards, as in the Taxation, simply Rath, and subse-
quently with a prefix, Machaire-Ratha. Thus Colgan, ' Ecclesia, priscis
Rath-Murbhuilg, hodie Machaire-Ratha appellata,' Act. SS., p. 743, col. 2.
A.D. 1610, 'Magheryragh, alias Rathra,' Rot. Pat. 8 Jac. I. 'Matherira'
— Terrier. 'Magherera' — Ul. Vis. The name now appears in the
contracted form ' Maghera.' Thus the name Rathlury, in the diocese of
Deny, has lost its characteristic component, and by a similar process
become Maghera." We have on the side I quoted Colgan, Reeves,
Joyce, and Rhys ; the word Nadhra is never once mentioned by or known
to any of these scholars, so that it is quite evident that I have given the
correct rendering. — S. F. MILLIGAN, M.E.I. A., Vice-President.
Irish Seals in the British Museum. — It may be interesting to some
of our members to know that the following seals, or impressions from
them, can be seen in the British Museum, London. During a recent visit
to the MS. Department I found notices of the following connected with
Ireland, and it is probable there may be others, which the time at my
disposal did not permit me to notice : —
XV. Century. — Donat Macmuracha Da (sic\ King of Leinster.
(No. 17,335.)
1681. James Butler, Duke of Ormonde, K.G.
Theobaldus de Verdun, 7th Baron, Constable of Ireland ; also of
Theobald, the 8th Baron (p. 363).
Of ECCLESIASTICAL SEALS, I noticed the following : —
The Chapter Seal of the Diocese of Emly, sixteenth or seventeenth
century. (From the Royal Irish Academy.)
1338. Richard Francis, Bishop of Waterford.
1426-1468. John Mothell, Bishop of Limerick. (From the Royal
Irish Academy.)
1292. John de Saunford, Archbishop of Dublin.
1431. Richard Talbot.
90 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUAKIKS OF IRELAND.
1698. Peter Creagh, Vicar- Apostolique.
1690. William King.
1698. Edward Smyth.
XIV. Century.— Walter de Myn, Archdeacon.
1464. Richard Lang, Bishop of Kildare.
1674. Ambrose Jones, Seal of the Court.
1267. Geoffrey de St. Leger, Bishop of Ossory.
1494. Lawrence Neville, Bishop of Ferns.
1566. John Devereux.
1552. John O'Hinalan, Bishop of Kilfenora.
1661. Dean and Chapter Seal, Armagh.
1398. Peter, Bishop of Clonmacnoise. (Irish manufacture.)
XIV. Century. — Seal of the Clergy, Kilmore.
1410. John, Bishop of Dromore.
Dean and Chapter, Cathedral of St. Eunan, llaphoe.
1322. Bishop of Annaghdown, Tuam. (Cotton.)
1377. Thomas Barrett, Bishop of Elphin.
XIV. Century. — David, Dean of Kilmacdmigh. (Erom the Royal
Irish Academy.)
MONASTIC SEALS.
XVII. Century. — Ballinrobe, County Mayo.
XIV. Century.— Abbey of St. Peter and Paul, Clones, County
Monaghan. Frater John Uccogihu, Abbot.
1267. G. Prior of Kenlis, or Kells, County Kilkenny.
1494. John Soloun, Abbot, Cistercian Abbey of B. V. Mary, Tin tern,
County Wexford.
Also the following Local Seals: —
1494. Clonmines.
Drogheda.
1719. New Boss.
1792. Youghal.
Dublin.
P. D. VIQOX& (Colonel).
Finds at Edenvale, County Clare. - At the British Association in
Belfast, Mr. Richard Ussher stated that the committee appointed to
explore Irish caves had carried on works during the late summer for
eleven weeks at Edenvale, County Clare. There were two systems of
caves excavated, both proving to be very prolific in relics of man and
extinct animals. There were found bones of Irish elk, reindeer, bear,
the last of unusual size, besides domestic animals. The human relics
comprised (besides bones, a nearly perfect skull, and charcoal) scrapers
of flint, bone awls and pins, amulets, pierced shells, and teeth. Of more
advanced culture were an amber bead, a bronze bracelet of about the
beginning of our era ; a small gold bracelet, a bronze strap and buckle
with an ornamental design in silver and (in the topmost layer) two iron
daggers. The caves are of complex plan, especially the one under the
MISCELLANEA. 9J
house, which had two entrances with galleries running westward, and
at least four cross-galleries running north and south; the galleries are
all natural, and were deeply filled with earth. — T. J. WESTROPP.
Copyhold Tenure in Ireland, — Tn the Report of the Commissioners
of Church Temporalities in Ireland for the year 1877 there is a notice
of the Manor of Kilmoon, which is stated to he the only estate in Ireland
held hy a copyhold tenure. It was granted hy the Crown to the Arch-
bishop of Armagh in 1614. The nature of the tenure was: — That
tenants hold their lands at a small quit-rent, payable half-yearly. On
every change of tenancy, whether by death or transfer, it was necessary
to surrender the lands to the steward of the manor, who was the servant
of the lord. The incoming tenant paid a fine amounting to double the
full annual value of the holding vacated, and on payment was formally
admitted as tenant by the steward, who recorded the admission on the
Court roll, a copy of which was the tenant's title to the land. Of the
sixteen copyholders on the estate, twelve are stated to have purchased, or
to have agreed to purchase, their holdings at the date of the Report. —
WILLIAM C. STUBBS.
Happarees. — The following, from old Dublin newspapers, may prove
of interest : — Dublin Intelligence. No. 35. Tuesday, May 19, to
Tuesday, May 26, 1691. May 17.— On Friday last Captain Hugh
Massey, a Captain of the Militia of Co. Limerick, with a small party of
the garrison of Shanbally Duff, went beyond the Line, where they met
with seventeen Rapparees, of whom they killed eight, and put the rest
to flight. In this action Mr. Vandelure, who was one of the party (and
being the first that espied them charged them singly before the rest could
come up), behaved himself with great courage and bravery, as also did
Captain Massey and the rest, and brought back with them a prey of
cattle and several arms.
Forcible Abduction. (Lublin Intelligence, May 27, 1707.) — Whereas
the 18th day of April last pursuant Margaret Mac Nemarra, a young
Gentlewoman about 13 years of age, small of stature, the only Daughter
of John Mac Nemarra, late of Crattellagh, in the County of Clare, Esqre.,
deceased, was in a violent and extraordinary manner against her Consent
forced and carried away from her mother by one John O'Brien, with
several other armed Men in his Company, and carried from Place to
Place in such manner that her Friends, notwithstanding all their
Endeavours, cannot inform Themselves where she is ; but is suppos'd to
be concealed in some part of the Province of Connaught. This is to give
Notice that such person as shall Rescue the said Margaret Mac Nemarra,
and secure her until she may be conveniently sent for by her friends,
and gives notice thereof to Mrs. M. Mac Nemarra, the Mother at her
House in Limerick, or unto Mr. G. Waller, an Attorney in Dublin, shall
have a Reward of Twenty Guineas. — J. WAEDELL.
92 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
of
[NOTE.— The works marked thus (#) are by Members of the Society.']
^Studies in Irish Epigraphy : a Collection of revised Readings of the
Ancient Inscriptions of Ireland, with Introduction and Notes. By
R. A. S. Manalister, M.A., F.S.A. Part II., 117 pp., 8vo. (London :
Nutt, 1902.)
THIS most welcome volume is devoted to the Ogam inscriptions of the
Counties of Kerry (not included in Part I.), Limerick, Cavan, and King's
County, as well as the Ogam inscriptions of the Irish type in Scotland
and the Isle of Man, with an Appendix on the Ogam tablets of Biere, in
Saxony. The first part contained only 52 inscriptions, while the present
volume brings the number up to 127, not to mention that it opens with
revised readings of several of the Ogams included among the previous
52. This, let me observe in passing, is an excellent feature of Mr.
Macalister's work : he shows himself quite willing to reconsider his
readings, and, if necessary, to revise them. No other attitude is, in fact,
possible for any man who values accuracy above all seeming infallibility.
The first thing, of course, is to get the Ogams correctly read, and ex-
perience has taught me that something is usually gained by studying the
more blurred and weather-worn of them repeatedly and leisurely ; it
sometimes results in the reduction, at any rate, of the area of doubt ;
and the more students who try it the better. But this is, perhaps, rather
cruel to Mr. Macalister, who pens his preface at Jerusalem : it is to be
hoped, however, that he is not going to listen too long to the voice of the
siren of Palestinian Exploration.
At all events, the author must have made excellent use of his last
stay in this country, as is proved, among other things, by the appearance
in print now for the first time of several Ogams which are quite new to
me as well, probably, as to most of the readers of the Journal. One of
these comes from Valencia Island, another from the neighbourhood of
Cuhirciveen, and a third from Dromlusk, near Sneein — all in the county
of Kerry, and all traced by Mr. Macalister by means of the Papers of
the late Bishop of Limerick, to whose memory and that of Father
Edmoud Barry the volume is most appropriately dedicated. The reading
of the last of the three stones to which I allude is given as Catvvirr maqi
Luguvvec[a], which is remarkable in that we have the combination tvv
by the side of guvv, on which Mr. Macalister makes a remark. The
names are supposed to analyse themselves into Catu-vvirr and Lugu-vvecc,
NOTICES OF BOOKS. 93
which would suggest a parallel treatment in point of pronunciation and
spelling ; not to mention that in another inscription the former name is
known to read Cattuvvirr, which, hy the way, it is impossible to equate
with Catalar.
The Dromlusk stone has, besides the peculiarity of spelling which has
just been pointed out, a detail which Mr. Macalister regards as unique
among Ogam monuments. He describes it as follows: —
"This is a circle 6^ inches in diameter, cut in the centre of its
eastern face. There is also a curved mark, 25 inches below the circle ;
these marks are both shown in the accompanying photographic view.
The form of this symbol, and its occurrence on the eastern face of one of
two stones in approximate north and south alignment, are so strongly
suggestive of solar symbolism that it is impossible to avoid explaining it
in some such manner, although such tempting theories are not without
risk. If this be an admissible interpretation, we have a highly important
co-existence of Ogham writing and pagan symbolism ; for that the circle
and the scores are contemporary is demonstrated by the similarity of
their technique. The wheel-Ogham at Logie, in which the scores are
cut on the circumference of the circle, may perhaps be worth remember-
ing in considering the Dromlusk monument."
This reminds one of the researches of Sir Norman Lockyer and Lord
Southesk : the latter would have something to say on the subject also
of Ogams as amulets, which is discussed in a suggestive manner in con-
nexion with the Glenfahan Ogam, p. 38, which the author reads
LMCBBV: I have read it somewhat differently, and given it up as a
puzzle, which, however, Mr. Macalister's theory goes some way to
explain. He speaks of it as follows : —
" That this inscription had a meaning of some sort to its engraver
may be accepted as axiomatic ; but it seems hopeless for us to attempt to
unravel its interpretation. The letters may be the initials of the words
composing some formula ; they may be the consonantal skeleton of
a word whose vowels are omitted ; or they may be substituted for others
by some cipher or cryptographic system . . . Though the specific mean-
ing of the inscription is thus beyond our reach, we may, with little
hesitation, come to one general conclusion about it — namely, that it is
an occult or magical formula of some kind. This conclusion is pointed
to by the amber bead from Ennis, now in the British Museum, described
later in this volume. The inscription when read retroversely is Imcbtm,
which is nearly identical with that on the stone ; and, as will be seen in
the article, the magical properties of the amulet were traditional down
to the middle of the nineteenth century."
This view seems so reasonable that it hardly requires to be supported
by an appeal to the discoveries at Biere, in Saxony, which, according to
the author, consist of a large hoard of magical tablets, " among which
are certain words which if not written in Ogham are in some character
94 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
indistinguishable from it." I have looked at the drawings, but I am
puzzled what to make of them : of course the first question which they
suggest is the simple one, Are the tablets genuine ?
Another of the suggestive conjectures in the book is the one which
concerns mutilated Ogams. As for myself, I have not yet been able to
give it the consideration which it deserves ; but the following passages a
propos of one of the Ballinrannig stones, reading, Cuna maqyi Corbbimaqq-
\i mucoi .] as, will make it clear what the author means : —
" Now it is very curious that tribal names are so often mutilated
or destroyed on Ogham stones ; and we may possibly detect in this
fact traces of intertribal jealousies. In this stone the inscription is
perfect till we reach the word mucoi, and it is then violently flaked and
spalled : the same is true of the other Ballinrannig stone (No. Ill),
which bore a tribal name. Though the whole Ballinrannig series is
rather difficult to read, these two are the only injuries that cannot be
assigned to gradual weather- or water-wear. Again, the Ballymorereigh
stone (25) is fractured short in the middle of the word mucoi, and the
llathmalode monument (46) has also lost its tribal name. That all the
mucoi Dovinia stones have preserved their eponymous name may be
accounted for on the obvious theory that the tribe of Duben, being-
strong in their own territory, were presumably able to protect their
tribesmen's tombstones. ... It is true that the tribal name is
frequently on the top of the stone, which is the part most exposed to
injury ; but it will be found on comparing proportions that the top of a
stone is more likely to display injury if it. bore a name preceded by
mucoi', and such an objection is not valid in the frequent case (of which
thu present is an example) of the name being flaked off the side of a
stone."
He then lays it do\vn as a working hypothesis " that the tribesmen
of one clan had no hesitation in destroying the name of a rival clan, and
frequently did so, though perhaps leaving intact the names of individual
members of the opposing family" He adds that it follows " that when an
inscription containing a tribal name remains intact, it probably stands in
the ancient territory of the tribe to which it belongs." The weakness of
this theory, if there is any, betrays itself in the clause which I have put
into italics. "Why should a hostile clan have spared the names of their
proximate foes and gone for the shadowy ancestor in the background ?
Now the few instances (about a dozen in all) in which ave (genitive avi)
* ' descendant " precedes the ancestor's name, show no tendency to have
that name damaged or destroyed. So it is possible that the objection
was to the description of the descent as maqui mucoi Toicaci, or whatever
the final vocable might be. I have elsewhere tried to prove that this would
represent a man as son of the kin or clan of Toicac, as it were filius generis
Toicaci, which points back to paternity being at one time almost more
uncertain than even in the state of things described by Caesar, v. 14,
NOTICES OF BOOKS. 95
when he wrote of the people of Britain : " Uxores habent deni
duodenique inter se communes et maxime fratres cum fratribus
parentesque cum liberis" — a notorious passage which I need not re-
produce at length. Nothing seems more natural than that after a people
brought up in that kind of social system became Christians, their
descendants should feel ashamed of such a menage, and go so far at
times as to efface the record of it on their tombstones. Possibly the
missionaries of the Church would do it for them, whether they themselves
would or not.
Mr. Macalister's readings frequently differ from mine ; but in some of
those cases I am certain to be wrong, and in some of them 1 am
convinced that neither of us has as yet got the original correctly — they
require to be scrutinized again. Nor can I always agree with him in
his interpretation of the Ogams and his notes on the proper names met
with. Thus the symbol X, to which I ascribe the value of p, he treats
as /<;, which leads him into rather a tight place when he has to treat
one of the Whitefield inscriptions as Gosocte asmosac wa/c Ini. My
account of it will be found in the Journal for 1902, vol. xxxii., p. 24 ; but
I have since then found reasons for believing that mosac meant servant or
attendant, like the Irish gille, or the cell of Cell Battigni on another of
the Whitefield stones. By no phonological alchemy, I may remark, can
one from this name extract Celibatt as a form of Colabot. I wonder
also whether we have not a word of personal meaning like
mosac and cell in the locid of the Droumatouk inscription, as to
which I must plead guilty to having tempted Mr. Macalister to enter
on a doubtful path ; but he has not followed it very far. To return
to another of the Whitefield stones, he should hardly treat Nocati as
a form of Dunocati. In any case we have now to accept Nocati as
a real name : see Journal, vol. xxxii. (1902), p. 298, where the editor
has published the forgotten reading of the Donegal Ogam lost at Clonca :
it will be a disgrace to the local archaeologists if they do not discover the
stone itself. I cannot agree with the author in his treatment of the
Camp stone, which he reads in Ogam Conu-Nett moqi Conu-Ri, and in
Irish letters FECT CUNUBI. It seems to me impossible to believe that
fttojimust on account of its o be "analysed into mocui and equated to
the more usual mucoi." The vowels of the Ogmist here in question were
peculiar, for he wrote Conu twice for what would elsewhere have been
Cana or Cona ; so I have no doubt that his moqi meant the word which
others wrote maqi.
A word now as to the other writing, which appears to have been
discovered by Sir Samuel Ferguson, and read by him with some hesita-
tion FECI (or FECIT) c UN UNI. When I saw the stone, in 1883, I
well remember my disappointment at not being able to discover that bit
of Latin : I could see various traces of writing on the stone and one or
two little crosses, but not what Sir S. Ferguson had found. In 1898,
96 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
however, my wife and I spent some time scrutinizing the surface of the
stone, and she, having better eyes than I have, found the vanishing
script : we might, douhtless, have done so sooner had we had or under-
stood Sir Samuel's indication of its position " on the upper face of the
block, in a direction contrary to the course of the associated Oghams."
My own note made this last time is, that it is not far from the beginning
of the Ogam, and that it runs parallel to the Ogam, but in the contrary
direction. It is so minute and insignificant that I do not think it has
anything to do with the Ogam, and I cannot be sure that the letters are
of " a very early type." The best- guess we could make came to this —
peccan blip; but the first letter may be an F, or even an E, and the
third may be a c ; the fifth is a minuscule a, followed by a capital N.
The next word is abbreviated, consisting of a minuscule b and n, followed
by a tall s of the gamma kind : it may be an i, but we did not think so.
Partly over the I and the n there is a line to indicate contraction;
but what the word intended can have been is not clear to me : I could
think of nothing more suitable than lenedictus, or else Britannicus or
Britannus, though I should have preferred Britto. In case the reading
Pectan is corroborated by further scrutiny, I may remark that it occurs
in Wales in the corresponding form Peithan in " Inis Peithan" in the
"Book of Llandaff" ; but it is right to mention also thut Petan and
Itechtdn occur as Irish names. I have dwelt on the Camp monument so
long, as it is a good instance of one that requires further examination.
A few things, which I consider blemishes, have been mentioned ; but
[ consider the value of Mr. Macalister's work as hardly affected by them ;
iind I sincerely hope that the Holy Land will be able to spare him to go
on with his studies in Irish Epigraphy. Let us hope also that his
vigorous example may induce others to turn their attention to this very
difficult subject : the more men, with good eyes in their heads, who will
study the old monuments, the more likely we are to have those monuments
correctly read.
J. BUYS.
* History of the Warren Family : A History and Genealogy of the Warren
Family in Normandy, Great Britain and Ireland, France, Holland,
Tuscany, United States of America, &c. (A.D. 912-1902). "With
numerous Pedigrees. By the Rev. Thomas Warren, F.R.S.A., Ireland.
Printed for private circulation, 1902. Copies can be obtained from
the Author, 29, Gipsy Hill, Norwood, London. Price 11s.
THE author of this History of the Warrens has accumulated an immense
amount of interesting details about the pedigrees and connexions of this
great and widely-dispersed family. The cradle of the race, still in exis-
tence, is near the village of Garenne, only a short distance from Dieppe,
NOTICES OF BOOKS. 97
and lying on the banks of the Garenne, or Yarenne. An ancient castle
there, the ruins of which were in existence until the early part of the
last century, belonged to the de Warrennes. A bronze wyvern, of
thirteenth- century date, the badge or crest of the Warren family, wa&
found among its ruins. Much has been published about branches of
the family, notably the important memoir by the Eev. John Watson,
on the Earls of "Warren and Surrey, and the elaborate volume on
the Comtes de Warren, by the present holder of the title. The author
has utilized these works, and has also received large assistance from
various members of the family ; he has also made elaborate researches,
extending over many years, into the Kecords in our libraries and Public
Record Offices, with the result that we have, in one volume of 400 pages,
a record which will be most useful to the student. The author himself
acknowledges that there is still a large field for further research, and
feels certain that, with every care to avoid them, errors will be found ;
but all corrections of such, and any new facts, will be gratefully^
received, if forwarded to the address given.
Jnnr n <* J± i ) v°l- XIII-» Fifth Series.
Jonr. R .S.A.I j VoJ ^^ Consec Ser
98 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
THE ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING of the Society was held in the Society's
Rooms, 6, St. Stephen's-green, Dublin, on Tuesday, 27th January,
1903, at 5 o'clock, p.m. :
PROFESSOR ED. PERCEVAL WRIGHT, M.A., M.D., President, in the Chair.
The following Fellows and Members attended: —
Vice- Presidents. —3dm R. Garstin, F.S.A. ; P. Elrington Ball, M.K.I.A. ; Most
Kev. Dr. Donnelly, M.R.I.A. ; W. E. KeUy, D.L. ; Eichard Langrishe, J.P. ; Thomas
J. "Westropp, M.R.I. A.
Hon. General Secretary,— Robert Cochrane, P.S.A., M.R.I.A.
Fellows.— H. F. Berry, M.R.I.A. ; Geo. D. Burtchaell, M.R.I.A. ; John Cooke,
M.A. ; R. S. Longworth- Dames, M.R.I.A. ; Lord Walter Fitz Gerald, M.R.I.A. ;
Arthur Fitzmaurice ; S.A. 0. Fitz Patrick ; Rev. Canon ffrench, M.R.I.A. ; Edward
Martyn ; S. F. Milligan, M.R.I.A. ; James Mills, i.s.o., M.K.I.A. ; R. J. Molloy,
M.R.I.A. ; P. J. O'Reilly; Henry J. Stokes; Rev. Canon Stoney ; Colonel Vigors.
Members.— Rev. William F. Alment, B.D. ; Major John R. Baillie; Mrs. S.
Bewley ; John B. Cassin Bray ; Mrs. Brien ; Rev. Richard A. Burnett, M.A. ; John
Carolan, J.P. ; Geo. 0. Carolin : Miss J. Clark; Henry A. Cosgrave, M.A. ; Rev.
Geo. W. S. Coulter, M.A. ; Robert G. Daniell, J.P. ; Rev. Canon Fisher, M.A. ; George
Godden; Major Lawrence Gorman; Joseph Gougb ; T. Geo. H. Green, M.R.I.A.;
Patrick J. Griffith ; Rev. Canon Healy, LL.D. ; Henry Hitchins ; William F. Howie ;
Miss A. M. Joly ; R. J. Kelly, B.L. ; Rev. Canon Kernan, B.D. ; F. B. Knox ; Rev.
Dr. Lawlor; Mrs. Long; J. B. Mason ; Sheriff Middleton ; Rev. Dr.Moffatt; J. W.
Montgomery ; John Morton ; Francis M' Bride ; Rev. Canon M'Clintock, M.A. ;
James M'Connell ; Walter G. Neale ; Rev. Canon O'Connor, M.A. ; Kevin E.
O'Duffy ; J. E. Palmer ; Miss A. Peter ; George Peyton, LL.D. ; Hugh Pollock ;
Thomas Rice; W. Johnson-Roberts; Mrs. Shackleton; E. W. Smyth; Mrs. E. W.
Smyth ; William Tempest, J.P. ; Henry Vereker ; Rev. Francis J.Wall; Rev. Canon
Walsh, D.D, ; Robert White ; W. Grove White, LL.B. ; Herbert Wood ; W. Geale
Wy brants, M.A.
The Minutes of last Meeting were read and confirmed.
The following Candidates, recommended by the Council, were
elected : —
As FELLOW.
€onnellan, P. L., 6, Via Augusto Yalenziani, Porto Salaria, Rome: proposed by Sir
Thomas H. Grattan Esmonde, Bart., M.P., Fellow.
PROCEEDINGS. 99
As MEMBERS.
Allen, Mrs. Mary, Ailsa Lodge, Kilrane, Co. Wexford : proposed by the Rev.
Canon ffrench, M.R.I. A., Fellow.
Barkley, Dr. James, Maghera, Co. Derry : proposed by Seaton F. Milligan, M.R.I. A.,
Vice- President.
Brunskill, Rev. T. R., B.A., The Rectory, Killencoole, Castlebellingbam, Co. Louth :
proposed by Rev. K. C. Brunskill, M.A.
Colville, Miss Carolin, PH. D., Orono, Maine, U.S.A. : proposed by William C. Stubbs,
M.A., Fellow.
Coulter, Robert, Merchant, Thomas- street, Sligo : proposed by Seaton F. Milligan,
M.R.I.A., Vice- President.
Fricker, Rev. M. A., Canon, P.P., The Presbytery, 25, Rathmines-road, Dublin :
proposed by Rev. Francis J. Wall.
Hanna, Rev. Robert F., B.A., The Manse, White Abbey, Co. Antrim: proposed by
Rev. James H. Maconachie, B.A.
Learmont- Anderson, Mrs., Rossnashane, Ballymoney, Co. Antrim : proposed by Miss
J. Clark.
London Library, The, St. James' s-square, London, S.W., per Charles Hagbert
Wright, LL.D., Librarian: proposed by Professor Edward Perceval Wright,
M.A., M.D., President.
Moore, Count Arthur, D.L., Aherlow Castle, Co. Tipperary : proposed by J. G. Barry,
D.L.
Mulhall, Mrs. Marion, 35, Via Venti Settembre, Rome : proposed by Sir Thomas H.
Grattan Esmonde, Bart., M.P., Fellow.
"O'Neill, Mrs., Jocelyn-street, Dundalk: proposed by Rev. Ambrose Coleman, O.P.
Pirn, A. Cecil, Monarna, White Abbey, Co. Antrim : proposed by William C. Stubbs,
M.A., Fellow.
Pirn, Jonathan, Barrister-at-Law, 10, Herbert- street, Dublin : proposed by William
C. Stubbs, M.A., Fellow.
Wallis, Hector, j.i>., Balheary House, Swords, Co. Dublin: proposed by John Cooke,
M.A., Fellow.
Walters, Rev. Thomas F., B.A., St. John's, Blackrock, Co. Dublin: proposed by
Rev. Francis J. Wall.
Wilson, T. W., 10, Selborne-road, Handsworth, Birmingham : proposed by John
Panton.
The REPORT or COUNCIL for the Year 1902 was received and adopted,
as follows : —
In presenting the Annual Report for 1902, the Council, while again
congratulating the Society on its continued prosperity and satisfactory
financial condition, are obliged to draw attention to the neglect of some
members to pay their annual subscriptions. Out of a total membership
of 1248 for the present year, there are still on the list 69 who have
not paid any subscriptions for 1902, including 39 who have not paid for
the years 1901 and 1902.
The names of the members in arrear have been published in the
December issue of the Journal. Members owing for three years will
be struck off the Roll, and steps will be taken to recover the amounts
due.
H2
100 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
In such a large Society as ours it is not surprising that some are found1
who are but imperfectly acquainted with the rules of the organization to
which they belong, and their responsibility as regards the payment of
their subscriptions. Many appear to regard the Society as an agency for
the gratuitous distribution of its publications, which they as members are
willing to receive but not to pay for. The removal of a name from
the list of members does not extinguish the debt incurred during the
period of membership.
ANCIENT STRUCTURES.
Another misconception, which, however, exists chiefly outside the
ranks of the Society, is that it behoves it to undertake the custody and
repair of structures of antiquity when neglected by the owners, or by
those locally interested.
Before the passing of the Irish Church Act in 1869 (32 and 33 Yict.
chap. 42) there was no legal machinery in existence beyond that provided
at common law for the punishment of persons injuring ancient monu-
ments, and no provision for their preservation. The Society in these
circumstances found it necessary to undertake the execution of works of
preservation of the buildings at Jerpoint, Clonmacnoise, Glendalough,
Monasterboice, and other important ruins, which were at that time
practically derelict. The cost of these works was defrayed by voluntary
contributions, as the Society had no funds for such purposes, and their
superintendence was provided by local arch geologists, who gave their
time and assistance gratuitously. The amount accomplished in this way
was necessarily limited. "When the opportunity arose, steps were taken,
in conjunction with the Royal Irish Academy, assisted by several
influential members, to have a clause inserted in the Act before
mentioned (section 25) which enabled the Government to undertake the
preservation of certain ruins. This was followed in 1882 by another Act,
called "The Ancient Monuments Protection Act" (45 and 46 Yict.
chap. 73), in the promotion of which the Society was actively engaged ;
and an additional Act was passed in 1892 (55 and 56 Viet. chap. 46).
The Society having thus largely contributed to the passing of these
Acts, which resulted in operations on a large scale being undertaken by
the Government, and the expenditure of over £40,000 on the works,
spread over nearly two hundred ruins, it became unnecessary to con-
tinue the work of preservation, which now happily devolves, in a
great measure, on the State.1
When the Acts came into operation, your Council was invited to
suggest lists of ruins which might with advantage be brought under the
operation of these provisions. "With the assistance of the local secretaries,
such lists were compiled and furnished, and there are now 194
1 For a copy of these Acts, and a list of the buildings, see vol. 22 of the Society's
Journal, p. 420.
PROCEEDINGS. 101
structures on the list, which comprises all the most important ruins in
Ireland.
In 1894 your Council was asked to nominate two members of a
committee, to be called the National Monuments Committee, composed
of the Chairman of the Board of Works, the Inspector of National
Monuments, and two members nominated by the Royal Irish Academy,
in addition to the two members nominated by your Council.
One of the objects contemplated by the formation of this committee
was to advise as to the desirability of taking charge of ruins for which
application to vest had been made to the Board of Works. Since the
formation of the committee your Council having secured a sufficient
representation on it, have not, therefore, as a Council, put forward any
recommendation as to adding to the list, especially as it now devolves on
the owners who wish to vest to make their applications direct to the
Board of Works, and persons interested in the preservation of a ruin
should approach the owner and induce him to make applications in the
prescribed manner. No application is now entertained unless from the
owner.
Another important advance in connexion with the preservation of
our National Monuments was made in the introduction of section 19 of
the Local Government (Ireland) Act, 1898, which enables any County
Council to take charge of any monument in the county not already
vested.
There are still a number of minor structures in the country, the
preservation of which is very desirable. It is hoped that County
Councils will take advantage of the salutary provisions of the Act,
which seem to have escaped general attention.
The County Council of Galway is entitled to the honour of being the
first to make the section operative, and under its provisions the High
Cross of Tuam, and the ruined church, Temple Jarlath,1 in the same
town, have been judiciously repaired. Great credit is due to the Chairman
of the County Council, Mr. Joseph A. Glynn, Dr. Costello, Mr. Perry
(County Surveyor), and Mr. E. J". Kelly, J.P., all members of this
Society and of the County Gal way Historical and Archaeological Society,
for their exertions in the matter ; and there is little doubt the example
will be followed in other counties where there is pressing necessity for
such work.
It may be desirable in this connexion to remind members that our
Council are empowered to offer a reward of £5 to any person who
gives such information as would lead to a successful prosecution in the
case of wanton or malicious in jury to any ancient monument in Ireland.2
The foregoing resume is given for the information of members who
are interested in the preservation of ancient monuments and the legislation
1 See Journal, vol. 32, pp. 414, 415. a Ibid., vol. 24, p. 298.
102 KOYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
connected therewith ; but a more detailed account, with copies of the
Act and lists of the monuments, is given in the Journal, volume 22,
pp. 411 to 429.
The Society, liberated from undertaking structural work of pre-
servation, devotes all its energies to the not less important (and in the
minds of some the more important) work of placing on permanent record,
and correctly describing and illustrating, such ruins in the pages of the
Journal, which are freely open to the voluntary contributions of all
members.
HILL OP TAEA, COUNTY MEATH.
The irreparable injury done by the partial destruction of the " Bath
of the Synods," continued during a portion of the present year, has
occupied the serious attention of the Council, and everything that
was considered practicable was done to stop the work of destruc-
tion.
The alleged object in digging up this mound is stated to be a search
for " The Ark of the Covenant," which the instigator of the search has
stated he believes to have been deposited in this particular rath.
The search, as prosecuted by him, involved the digging up and
consequent destruction of the contour of the portion of the mound
examined ; and it is to the credit of Irish archaeologists that they have
not allowed themselves to be identified with this act of vandalism.
The search having proved fruitless, and a strong feeling of indig-
nation having been gradually aroused in the locality and elsewhere
against the continuance of the work, and for other reasons, it was
abandoned during the week ending 28th June last. On the 18th of
that month, the Kavan Rural District Council, in whose district the
monument is situate, adopted a strongly-worded Resolution against
" the action of the parties now engaged in obliterating the ancient and
historic landmarks of the far-famed Hill of Tara in the idiotic search for
the mythical Ark of the Covenant."
The Council have received from the Watching Committee,1 appointed
1 The Committee appointed by the Council, in pursuance of Rule JNo. 19 of the
General Rules of the Society, consists of —
Mr. B. R. Townley Balfour, D.L., M.R.I.A.
Mr. R. Cochrane, F.S.A., M.R.I.A.
Sir John F. Dillon, Bart., D.L.
Sir Thomas H. Grattan Esmonde, Bart., M.P., M.R.I.A.
Lord Walter Fitz Gerald, M.R.I.A.
Mr. John Rihton Garstin, D.L., M.K.I. A., F.S.A.
Dr. P. Weston Joyce, M.R.I.A.
Mr. Edward Martyn.
Professor E. P. Wright, M.A., M.D., M.R.I.A.
PROCEEDINGS. 103
to advise in connexion with the preservation of these mounds, a report
as follows : —
TARA. COMMITTEE'S REPORT.
"The Committee find that the famed earthworks on the Hill of Tara have for
long engaged the attention of the Society. They formed the principal attraction of
the Summer Excursion in June, 1894, for which occasion a short account of the
Antiquities and their History was published, with a copy of the Ordnance Survey
Map of the Hill, and a Map which was adapted from that of Dr. Petrie, as given in
his "Essay on the History and Antiquities of Tara."
The earthworks of Tara are enumerated in the Schedule attached to the Ancient
Monuments Protection Act, 1882 (45 & 46 Viet. cap. 73). Under the provisions of
this Act the owner might hy deed, under his hand, constitute the Commissioners of
Public "Works, Ireland, the guardians thereof. It appears that, in the case of Tara,
no such deed as was contemplated hy the Act was executed hy the owners.
The portion of the Hill in which the greater numher of the mounds are situated,
and the more important part, is on the property of Earl Eussell ; the remaining portion
is on the property of Mr. G. ' V. Briscoe.
In the summer of 1 899 attention was called in Parliament to the fact that deep
trenches were being dug through the Rath of the Synods, which is on the property qf
Mr. Briscoe. The Board of Works took steps to stop the injury to this mound, but,
finding that it was not vested in them, withdrew from any further interference with
the owner.
On Lord Russell's portion of the Hill, where the more important of the existing
structures are to be found, there has been no visible alteration in their contour since
Petrie's time. The Council wrote to Lord Russell representing the importance of
preserving the present condition of the Hill, and requested his lordship "not to allow
any excavations to be made on his property at Tara unless under competent archseo-
logical advice, and that if his lordship wishes to allow excavations to be made, the
Society would he prepared to arrange for such assistance, in the way of advice and
supervision, as may be necessary." To this communication a reply was received
from the agent of the property, as follows : — " My instructions from Lord Russell are
that he will allow no excavations to be made on his property at Tara. I have so
noticed Mr. Briscoe."
Mr. Patrick Boy Ian, of Dublin, it appeared, had acquired the interest of a long
lease of lands, of which Mr. Briscoe was the owner in fee. The Council at once
put themselves in communication with him. Mr. Boy Ian being a resident in Dublin,
the President, Secretary, and Mr. B. R. T. Balfour, of Townley Hall, had the
advantage of several personal interviews with him, with the result that, on the
loth of June, he intimated that he withdrew his permission to Mr. Briscoe ; and on
the 1st July last Mr. Boy Ian wrote as follows : — " I had an interview with Mr. Briscoe,
and he gave me to understand that he would do anything I require in reference to
Tara Hill. The men have ceased working at the Hill, and Mr. Groom has gone
back to England."
Mr. Boylan's premature decease within the last few weeks has, perhaps, created
some uncertainty as to the ultimate disposal of this portion of Tara ; but for the
moment nothing can be done.
The condition in which the Rath of the Synods has been left is deplorable. It has
been trenched over almost entirely to a depth of from 8 to 10 feet, and in some places
to a greater depth. "With such digging up and destruction of the contour no
archseological body could for a moment identify themselves ; nor could your Society
consent to take any part with the instigators of this search for " The Ark of the
Covenant."
104 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Any well-devised scheme for the scientific investigation of the antiquities of Tara
would require not only money, but experience on the .part of the investigators, and
would require the co-operation of Earl Eussell and the representatives of the late Mr.
Boy Ian.
MEMBERSHIP.
The Council regret to have to record the demise during the year of
many friends of the Society. The following is a list of the Fellows
and Members whose deaths have been notified, with the dates at which
they joined the Society : —
FELLOWS.
Eight Hon. E. H. Cooper, M.R.I.A., H.M.L. (1871). His Honor Judge Kane, LL.D.,
M.R.I.A.. (1893). Daniel M'Donnell, M.A., M.D. (1896). Thomas F. Cooke-Trench,
M.B.I.A., J.P., D.L. (1888), Vice- President. Ralph Hugh Westropp, B.A. (1898).
William W. Wilson, M.R.I.A., PKES. INST. C.E.I. (1894).
MEMBERS.
Rev. John "Westropp Brady, M.A. (1889). Thomas Concannon, Solicitor (1898).
Anderson Cooper, J.P. (1893). Lieut.-Col. I. H. Donegan, J.P. (1890). Robert H.
Plunkett Dunne, J.P. (1893). Mrs. Henry L. Hognet (1894). Right Hon. the Earl
of Kimberley, K.G. (1865). Very Rev. Owen Mac Cartan, P.P., V.G. (1892). Charles
Mullin, Solicitor (1889). Middleton Moore O'Malley, J.P. (1894). N. Power O'Shee,
J.P., D.L. (1860). Right Rev. Monsignor O'SuUivan, Archdeacon, P.P., V.G. (1889).
Alexander Patton, M.D. (1889>. Percy S. Swan (1889). Henry Pomeroy Truell,
M.D., J.P., D.L. (1892). James Walby, C.B. (1895). Walter Saunders Wall, J.P.
(1896).
During the year 3 Fellows and 56 Members were elected (five
Members were transferred to the rank of Fellow\ and, deducting the
names of those removed by death or resignation, and those struck off
the Roll, the numbers are as follows : — Hon. Fellows, 8 ; Fellows, 178 ;
Members, 1062. Total, 1248.
FINANCES.
The Hon. Treasurer's Report shows a balance of £158 10s. to credit.
The amount received for Life Composition during the year was £58 10s.,
and for the two preceding years £32 and £54, making for these
periods a total of £144 10s. It has been the practice to invest the sums
received in Life Compositions ; and as no investment was made during the
past three years, the Council have added £100 of the above balance to
the invested funds.
THE INDEX.
This work, which has occupied the time and attention of several
members for some years past in its production, has been finally
completed. Part III., compiled by Dr. Wright as an Index to the
Illustrations, was issued in December. The volume forms an Index
to the Journal for the forty-one years from 1849 to 1889, inclusive. The
Council have also published as an Appendix to the Index Volume a
PROCEEDINGS. 105
List of the Drawings of Irish Antiquities made by the late G. V.
Du Noyer, which are contained in twelve bound volumes in our
Library, arranged under Counties. The List has been compiled by
Mr. T. J. Westropp. These drawings form an important contribution
to the history of Irish Antiquities.
PRESIDENT.
A vacancy occurs in the office of President, the three years having
elapsed since the election of Professor E. Perceval Wright, M.A., M.D.
Mr. John Ribton Garstin, M.A., F.S.A., D.L., has been nominated as
President for the three years next ensuing. He has been long and
intimately connected with the work of the Society.
HON. TREASURER.
Your Council regret to have to announce the resignation of Mr.
William C. Stubbs, M.A., as Hon. Treasurer, on account of the increasing
pressure of his .professional engagements. Mr. Stubbs has held this
responsible office since the commencement of the year 1900, and has
laboured most assiduously and successfully for the benefit of the Society.
The Council desire to place on record their high appreciation of the value
of his services.
Mr. Henry J. Stokes has been nominated as his successor, to be
elected at the Annual General Meeting.
THE COUNCIL.
There were ten Meetings of Council held during the year, at which
the attendances were as follows : —
The President, 9 ; the Hon. General Secretary, 9 ; the Hon. Treasurer, 7 ;
Henry F. Berry, 7; George D. Burtchaell, 7; Frederick Franklin, 6; Colonel
Vigors, 3 ; Dr. Joyce, 3 ; James Mills, 4 ; Rev. Canon Healy, 3 ; Edward Martyn, 5 ;
Lord Walter Fitz Gerald, M.R.I.A., 4; Rev. Canon ffrench, M.R.I.A., 3; Most Eev.
Bishop Healy, 0 ; Sir Thomas Drew, 0.
In accordance with Rule 17, the following Members of Council
retire, and are not eligible for re-election at the Annual General
Meeting, viz. : —
H. F. Berry, M.A., M.R.I.A. ; G. D. Burtchaell, M.A., M.K.I.A. , F. Franklin,
F.U.I.A.I. ; Most Rev. Bishop Healy ; and Sir Thomas Drew, P.R.H.A.
Nominations, in compliance with Rule 16, in addition to those
received for President and Hon. Treasurer, have been received to fill
up these vacancies, and the nominations are as follows : —
George Coffey, M.R.I.A., Fellow, John Cooke, M.A., Fellow; Joseph H.Moore,
M.A., Member; George Noble Count Plunkett, F.S.A., M.R.I.A., Fellow; William
Grove- White, LL.B., Member.
106 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
The retiring Vice-Presidents are : —
For Leinster — John Ribton Garstin, F.S.A., D.L. ; for Ulster — Rev. George R.
Buick, LL.D., M.R.I. A. ; for Munster— James Frost, J.P., M.R.I. A. ; and for Connaught
—William E. Kelly, D.L.
There is also a vacancy caused by the lamented decease of Thomas P.
Cooke-Trencb, D.L., a Vice-President for Leinster.
The nominations received for these vacancies, in accordance with
Rule 16, are:—
FOB LEINSTER :
SIR THOMAS H. GRATTAN ESMONDE, Bart., M.P. (Member, 1890; Fellow, 1902).
WILLIAM C. STUBBS, M.A. (Member, 1890; Fellow, 1900; Hon. Treasurer, 1900-
1902).
FOR ULSTER :
THE REV. WILLIAM T. LATIMER, B.A. (Member, 1892 : Fellow, 1896).
FOR MUNSTER:
PROFESSOR ED. PERCEYAL WRIGHT, M.A., M.D. (President, 1900-1902).
FOR CONNAUGHT :
THE MOST REV. DR. HEALY, Bishop of Clonfert (Fellow, 1890).
As only one nomination has been received for each vacancy, the
foregoing will be declared as elected to the vacant seats on the Council,
and for Hon. Treasurer, Vice-Presidents, and President, respectively.
EXCURSIONS.
During the past year, in addition to the extended Summer Excur-
sions in July and August from Londonderry as a centre, excursions were
made to Drogheda and Slane from Dublin, on the 6th of May, and, in
connexion with the Kilkenny Meeting, an excursion was arranged on the
8th of October to Gowran, Tullaherin, Thomastown, and Jerpoint.
The places visited in connexion with the Londonderry Meeting have
been very fully described and illustrated in the Journal,1 and the other
excursions are noted in connexion with the report of the proceedings of
the Dublin and Kikenny Meetings in May and October last.
The Meeting at Kilkenny for the past few years has been held in
the last quarter of tbe year, the earliest month in which — October — is
not considered sufficiently convenient for a large excursion. It is pro-
posed in the coming year to hold a meeting in Kilkenny, on the 26th of
May, with excursions, instead of in October.
1 See "Proceedings" in vol. 32, pp., 277-320.
PROCEEDINGS.
107
The Summer Excursion for 1903 is to be held in the province of
Munster ; and it is proposed that Youghal should be visited during
the last week in July, or first week in August. With a good Local
Committee to make the necessary arrangements for vehicles and
luncheon, a successful meeting could be held, as the district is rich
in places of historical and archa3ological interest.
Programme for 1903. — The following is proposed for the Meetings
and Excursions in the year 1903 : —
PLACE.
DATE.
REMARKS.
Dublin, . . .
Tuesday, *Jan. 27, t
( Annual Meeting and Evening
\ Meeting, for Papers.
Do., ...
„ Feb. 24,|
Evening Meeting, for Papers.
Do., . . .
Mar. 31,t
Do. Do.
Do., . . .
„ *April 28, t
Quarterly Meeting.
Kilkenny, . .
„ *May 26,
Evening Meeting and Excursions.
Youghal, . . .
„ *Aug. 4,
Quarterly Do. Do.
Dublin, . . .
„ *0ct. 6,f
Do. Do. Do.
Do., . . .
Nov. 24, f
Evening Meeting, for Papers.
The following is an alphabetical list of the Pellows and Members
elected in 1902 : —
FELLOWS.
Beardwood, William H., M.R.I. A.I. , C.E., Architect, 102, Great Brunswick-street,.
Dublin.
Esmonde, Sir Thomas H. Grattan, Bart., M.P., Ballynastragh, Gorey ( Member, 1890).
FitzPatrick, S. A. 0., Glenpool, Terenure (Member, 1898).
Iveagh, The Eight Hon. Baron, K.P., LL.D., M.A. (Dublin), D.L., 80, St. Stephen's-
green, Dublin.
Rath-Merrill, Mrs. M. E., 80, North Weiner-avenue, Columbus, Ohio, U.S.A.
Somerville, Bellingham Arthur, Clermont, Rathnew, County Wicklow (Member,.
1892).
Stokes, Henry J., Barrister-at-Law, Ballynaiiagh, Howth (Member, 1898).
Strangeways, William N., Lismore, 17, Queen's-avenue, Muswell Hill, London, NV
(Member, 1895).
MEMBERS.
Archer, Miss Brenda E., The Rectory, Ballybunion, County Kerry.
Bayly, Col. W. H., Debsborough, Nenagh.
Behan, Rev. W. J., c.c., Killeentierna, Farranfore.
Bellew, The Hon. Mrs., Jenkinstown Park, Kilkenny.
* Railway Excursion Tickets will be obtainable for these Meetings,
t Members of the Society's Dinner Club will dine at the Shelbourne Hotel,,
Dublin, at 6.30 p.m. on above dates.
108 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Blake, The Lady, Myrtle Grove, Youghal, County Cork.
Boland, John, M.P., 12, King's Bench Walk, Temple, London, E.G.
Browne, Thomas, Mill House, Dundalk.
Butler, Lieut. -Gen. Sir W. F., K.C.B., Government House, Devonport.
•Clarke, A. W., Shanagoolan, Bray.
Delaney, James, County Surveyor, Tullamore, King's County.
Ferguson, Rev. Samuel, B.A., Waterside, Londonderry.
Finegan, Rev. Peter, c.c., St. Patrick's, Dundalk.
•Gordon, Patrick, D.I., R.I.C., Dunmanway.
Gormanston, The Viscountess, Gormanston Castle, Balbriggan.
Griffith, Patrick Joseph, Professor of Music, 33, Longwood-avemie, Dublin.
OruBb, Miss Rosa F., Cool quill, Clogheen, Cahir.
Hilliard, John, Castlelough, Killarney.
Howie, William Forbes, 5, Mount Temple-ter., Dartry-road, Palm erston Park, Dublin.
Irwin, Rev. George F., B.D., M.A., The Diamond, Londonderry.
Jones, Arthur Ireton, 135, St. Stephen' s-green, Dublin.
Jones, Cromwell Walter, B.A., T.C.D., Ashroyd, Dundrum, County Dublin.
Kelly, Owen J., Blackrock, Dundalk.
Kelly, Mrs. Owen J., Blackrock, Dundalk.
Kyle, Valentine, Joyce Gorton, County Tyrone.
Laverty, Rev. Francis, P.P., Portglenone, County Antrim.
Lytle, Samuel Douglas, Maghera, County Londonderry.
Maclnerney, T. J., 1, Palace-terrace, Drumcondra, and 27, Lower Sackville- street.
MacNamara, Rev. John, Mount St. Alphonsus, Limerick.
M'Connell, Sir Robert, Bart., The Moat, Strandtown, Belfast.
Moore, John, 117, Graf ton-street, Dublin.
Mullan, James, Castlerock, County Londonderry.
Mullany, Joseph James, H. M. Inspector of National Schools, Gal way.
Mulvany, Rev. Thomas, c.c., Killucan, County Westmeath.
Neale, Walter G., 86, Grosvenor-square, Dublin.
Nolan, Rev. John, P.P., Ahoghill, County Antrim.
O'Brien, Conor, Trinity College, Oxford.
O'Connell, Mrs. Mary, Killeen, Killiney, County Dublin.
O'Doherty, Rev. Philip, P.P., Claudy, Londonderry.
O'Donovan, Rev. J., P.P., Loughrea, County Galway.
Pirn, Miss Ida, Lonsdale, Blackrock, County Dublin.
Pirn, Miss Norah, 10, Herbert-street, Dublin.
Prochazka, The Baroness P., Leyrath, Kilkenny.
Reynolds, Mrs. Kate Isabella, The Mullens, Ballyshannon.
Roberts, W. Johnson, Solicitor, 14, Adelaide-road, Dublin.
Robertson, Hume, Rose Park, Monkstown, County Dublin.
Shaw, Frederick, M.R.I.A., 20, Laurence- street, Drogheda.
Shiel, H. Percy, Summerhill, Nenagh, County Tipperary.
Sibley, John Churchill, Mus. Doc., 22, Fernshaw-road, West Brompton, London, S.W.
Smith, Blair, J.P., Errigal House, Laurence-street, Londonderry.
Smyth, Mrs. John, 64, Dalymount, N. C. Road, Dublin.
Spring, Richard Francis, C.E., Polehore, Wexford.
Tweedy, John, Friendly Brothers' House, 22, St. Stephen's-green, N.
Ward, Edward, Ulster Bank, Dundalk.
Weldon, Rev. P. S., Nurney Rectory, Bagenalstown, County Carlow.
West, George Francis, M.D., Resident Medical Superintendent, Kilkenny County and
City Lunatic Asylum, Kilkenny.
Wilkinson, George, B.A., Ringlestown, Kilmessan, County Meath.
PROCEEDINGS.
-
Report on the Photographic Survey during 1902 l : —
The number of photographs in platinotype added to the Society's collection during
the year is 123. Of these, 8 of County Carlow are the gift of Colonel Vigors,
and 73 of Counties Clare, Limerick, and Meath, of the Curator. The Society has
had 42 printed from negatives lent by Dr. George Fogerty, of places in the
Counties of Clare, Galway, Kerry, and Mayo. This raises the number of permanent
photographs to 1860. Besides these, we have to thank Mr. H. Knox for 55 bromide
photographs in Mayo, Galway, Roscommon, and Kerry. As may be seen by this and
former reports, the " progressive province" is, in this depailment at least, non-
progressive since 1896. Unfortunately the greater advance of the three southern
provinces is almost entirely due to only about half a dozen energetic members of the
Society. The bound volumes are twenty-one in number. There are seven volumes
for Clare, two each for Antrim, Dublin, and Galway, and one each for Cork, Down,
Kerry, Kilkenny, Limerick, Mayo, Meath, and Wexford. The preponderance of the
first county has resulted from a gift of four volumes by a member of the Society. Of
the others, seven were bound in 1900, and ten in 1901.
The additions to the various counties during the year are : —
COUNTY OP CARLOW. — Agha church, west door. Brownshill cromlech (2). Clo-
grenane castle, Leighlin, cathedral (2). Old Leighlin, Black castle, after the fall of its
south-west angle in 1888. Nurney, cross. Total, 8.
COUNTY OF CLARE. — Ballycarrol castle. Ballycullen (Sixmilebridge) castle.
Ballygriffy castle. Ballykelly (Broadford) cromlech. Caheraphuca (Crusheen)
cromlech. Caherblonick (Corofin) fort and cromlech ; the cliff fort. Cahercommaun
(Castletown) triple fort. Caheridoula (Rathborney) fort. Caherlough (Ruan) fort.
Cahermacnaughten, O'Davoren's Law School and fort (2). Cahermurphy (Kilmihil)
fort. Cappagh (Glencolumbcille) castle. Cappaghbane (Scariff) cromlech (2).
Cappaghkennedy (Castletown) cromlech (2). Carncreagh (Doulough) cromlech.
Clare, Augustinian Abbey (2). Cloghoolia (Broadford) cromlech. Drummin (Broad-
ford) cromlech. Elmhill (Broadford) cromlech. Ennis, Franciscan convent (4).
Fortanne ^Tulla), St. Mochulla's well. Glencolumbcille, St. Columba's church.
Kilbrack (near Lisdoonvarna) church. Killokennedy (Broadford) cromlech. Kilna-
boy church and round tower (2). Kiltachy (Boston) church. Knockshanvo (Broad -
ford), cromlech. Mohernacartan and Mohernaglasha (Castletown) forts. Rannagh
(Castletown) cromlech. Rathblamaic, St. Blathmaic's church, sheela, and carved
sill (2). Rockvale (Boston) castle. Scool (Corofin) castle. Tirmicbrain (Corofin)
castle. Violet Hill (Broadford) cromlech. Total, 51.
COUNTY OF GALWAY. — Annaghdown church, carved window and door (2). Clare-
Galway, Franciscan convent (4). Drumacoo (Clarinbridge) church (3). Galway
City, church of St. Nicholas (2). Inchagoill, churches (3). Killeely church (2).
Knockmoy, Cistercian Abbey. Ross-Errily, Franciscan convent (7). Total, 26.
COUNTY OF KERRY. — Abbeydorney Cistercian abbey (6). Rattoo, round tower
(2). Total, 8.
COUNTY OF LIMERICK. — Kilbradran church and fort. MonasternagalliaghdufF
(Shanagolden), Augustinian convent (6). Shanid castle and mote. Total, 8.
COUNTY OF MAYO.— Cong Abbey, doorway. Total, 2.
1 Continued from vol. xxxii., page 110, by T. J. Westropp, Hon. Curator.
110 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
COTJNTY OF MEATH. — Ardmulchan church (2). Baronstown (Slane) cross.
•Castledexter (Slane) castle (2). Duleek abbey (4). Dunmoe castle and church (5).
Fennor church and old house (3). Slane, the bridge, mote, and convent (3).
Total, 20.
To prevent misapprehension in our members, we may inform them that the loose
mounts, interchangeable albums, and Du Noyer sketches, can be seen by permission
of the Council, and by subsequent arrangement with the Curator.
PUBLICATIONS EECEIYED DURING 1902.
Votes of thanks were passed to the donors of the following publica-
tions received during the year 1902 l : —
Aarb4>ger for Nordisk Oldkyndihig og Historie, 1901, 11 R, J6 B, 4 H, and
Memoire des Antiquaires du Nord. N.S., 1900, 1901 ; American Antiquarian Society,
N. S., vol. xiv., Parts 3-4 ; vol. xv., Part 1 : L'Anthropologie, vol. xii., Nos. 5, 6 ;
vol. xiii., Nos. 1-5 ; Antiquary, The, N. S., 1902 ; Archaeologia Cambrensis, 6th
ser., vol. ii., Parts 1-4, and Index to 5th ser. ; Archaeologia Cantiana, vol. xxv. ;
Belfast Naturalists' Field Club, ser. 2, vol. iv., part 7 ; Bristol and Gloucestershire
Archaeological Society, vol. xxiv.. 1, 2; British Archaeological Association, New Ser.,
vol. vii., 4 ; vol. viii., 1, 2 ; Cambridge Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, Nov., 1900,
to May, 1901; also " Christ Church Cathedral" (W. G. Searle), No. xxxiv., and
"Twelve Windows in Canterbury Cathedral " (Montague Rhodes James, Litt.D.) ;
Cambridge, Report of the Library Syndicate for 1901 ; Canada, Geological Survey,
Catalogue of Birds, Part I., and" Index to Reports, 1868-1884; Chester and North
Wales Archaeological and Historical Society, vol. viii. ; Cork Historical and Archaeo-
logical Society, 2nd Ser., vol. viii., Nos. 52-55; Epigraphia Indica, vol. vi., 7;
vol. vii., 1, 2. 3; Folk-Lore, vol. xii., 4 ; vol. xiii., 1, 2, 3 ; Galway Archaeological
Society, vol. i., 1901 ; vol. ii., 1902 ; Glasgow Archaeological Society, Report for
Session 1900-1901, and vol. iv., New Ser., Part 2; Henry Bradshaw Society,
vol. xxi. ; Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire, vol. Hi., 1900 ; Hon.
Society Cymmrodorion, Magazine, vol. xv., 1900-1901 ; Irish Builder for 1902 ;
Kildare Archaeological Society, vol. in., 6, 7 ; Limerick Field Club, vol. ii., 6.
Numismatic Society, 4th Ser., 3, 4, 1900-1901; 5-8, 1902-1903; Numismatic and
Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, Proceedings, 1899-1901 ; Palestine Exploration
Fund, 1902 ; Pennsylvania, University of, Bulletin of Free Museum of Science and Art ;
Revue Celtique, vol. xxii., 4 ; vol. xxiii., 1-3 ; Royal Archaeological Institute of
•Great Britain and Ireland, vol. Iviii., No. 232; vol. lix., Nos. 233-235; Royal
Dublin Society, Transactions, vol. viii., Parts 8-13 ; Proceedings, vol. ix., Parts 3-4 ;
Royal Irish Academy, Proceedings, vol. xxxi., 12-14; vol. xxxii., 1, 2; Royal
Institute of British Architects, vol. ix., 3rd Ser., 1-4, and Kalendar ; Societe d' Archeo-
logie de Bruxelles, vol. xv., 3-4 ; vol. xvi., 1, 2, and Annuaire ; Society of Anti-
quaries of London, Proceedings, vol. xviii., 2, and Archaeologia, vol. lii., 2 ; Society
•of Antiquaries of Newcastle-on-Tyne, vol. x., Nos. 13-27, and Archaeologia Aeliana,
Parts 57 and 58 ; Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, vol. xxxv., 1900-1901 ; Society
of Architects, N. S., vol. ii., Nos. 15-25, and Year Book ; Society of Biblical
Archaeology, vol. xxiii., 8; vol. xxiv., 1-8; Somersetshire Archaeological and Natural
History Society, vol. xlvii., 1901, and General Index to vols. i. to xx. and xxi. to ad. ;
Suffolk Institute of Archaeology, vol. xi., 1 ; Surrey Archaeological Collections,
vol. xvi. ; Sussex Archaeological Collections, vol. xlv. ; " The Reliquary " ; Wiltshire
Archaeological and Natural History Magazine, vol. xxxii., 96 and 97, and Abstracts
of Ina- p. m., Hen. III., Part I. ; Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, Parts 64, 65,
1901: Yorkshire Philosophical Society, Annual Reports for 1901; "Records of the
Coote Family " (Mons. A. de Vlieger) ; "A Trip to the Veddahs" (Dr. H. M. Miller
and Dr. W. Furness) ; The Wade Genealogy, Parts 2 and 3 (The Tuttle Company,
Rutland, Vermont, U. S. A.) ; The Blake Family Records (Martin J. Blake).
Compiled by Mr. R. Langrishe, Hon. Keeper of Printed Books.
PEOCEEDINGS. Ill
The President then declared the President for 190^-1905, and the
other officers as named in the Report, duly elected, as follows : —
PRESIDENT :
JOHN RIHTON GARSTIN, M.A., F.S.A., D.L.
VICE-PRESIDENTS FOH LEINSTER :
SIR THOMAS H. GRATTAN ESMONDE, Bart., M.P. (Member, 1890 ; Fellow, 1902).
WILLIAM C. STUBBS, M.A. (Member, 1890 ; Fellow, 1900 ; Son. Treasurer, 1900-
1902).
VICE-PRESIDENT FOR ULSTER :
THE REV. WILLIAM T. LATIMER, B.A. (Member, 1892 ; Fellow, 1896.
VICE-PRESIDENT FOR MUNSTER :
PROFESSOR ED. PERCEVAL WRIGHT, M.A., M.D. (President, 1900-1902).
VICE-PRESIDENT FOR CONNAUGHT :
THE MOST RKV. DR. HEALY, Bishop of Clonfert (Fellow, 1890).
HON. TREASURER :
HENRY J. STOKES (Fellow}.
•
AUDITORS (re-elected) :
JOHN COOKE, M.A. (Fellow).
SAMUEL A. 0. FITZ PATRICK (Fellow).
Colonel Vigors proposed and Canon ffrench seconded a resolution,
which was passed nem. con., expressing the Society's thanks to the out-
going President for the admirable way in which he had fulfilled the
duties of his office.
The Meeting then adjourned until 8 o'clock, p.m.
EVENING MEETING.
The Chair was taken by the newly-elected President, JOHN KIBTON
GARSTIN, D.L., M.A., M.R.I.A., F.S.A., who delivered his Inaugural Address,
which was referred to the Council for publication. (See p. 1.)
A Paper on "Kilree, with some mention of Kells in Ossory," by
Miss J. Clark, having been read by the Rev. Canon ffrench (illustrated
with lantern slides), was referred to the Council for publication.
TUESDAY, February 24, 1903.
An Evening Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, Feb. 24,
1903, in the Society's Booms, 6, St. Stephen' s-green, Dublin, JOHN
RJBTON GARSTIN, D.L., M.A., M.R.I.A., F.S.A., President, in the Chair.
Papers were read by Colonel P.D. Vigors, J.P., Fellow, on " A List
of High Sheriffs of the County of Carlo w from the earliest date to the
Last Century," and by the Rev. Canon ffrench on " Celtic Heraldry and
the Arms of the Kingdom of Ireland," both of which were referred to
the Council for publication.
The Meeting then adjourned.
112 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
TUESDAY, March 31, 1903.
An Evening Meeting of the Society was held on Tuesday, March 31,
1903, in the Society's Booms, 6, St. Stephen's-green, Dublin, JOHN
RIBTON GAKSTIN, D.L., M.A., M.R.I.A., F.S.A., President, in the Chair.
The following Papers were read, and referred to the Council for
publication, viz. : —
"A Note on the Age of Defensive Motes in Ireland," by Thomas J. Westropp,
M.A., M.K.I.A., Vice -President.
"Antiquities of the Parish of Kilcomenty, near Birdhill, County Tipperary "
(illustrated by lantern slides), by Henry F. Berry, M.A., M.R.I.A., Fellow.
The following Papers were taken as read, and referred to the Council
for publication : —
li The Inisvickillane Ogam-stone," by Professor Rhys, Hon. Fellow (see p. 79).
"The Donaghmore Ogam, Co. Kildare," by Professor Rhys, M. A., Hon. Fellow
(see p. 75). * :
" On a Double Cross at Duncrun, Co. Deny," by the Rev. Dr. Buick, M.A.,
WM.R.I.A. (see p. 41).
" Note on Maghera," by S. F. Milligan, M.K.I.A., Vice- President (see p. 88).
"The Ogam Monument at Kilbonane," by R. A. Stewart Macalister, M.A., P.S.A.
" The Career of Colonel Richard Grace, Governor of Athlone," by the Very Rev.
' J. J. Kelly, P.P., V.F.
"Notices of Cork in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries," by Colonel
Lunham, M.A., C.B., M.R.I.A.
The Meeting then adjourned until 28th April, 1903.
THE JOURNAL
OF
THE EOYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUAEIES
OF IRELAND
FOR THE YEAR 1903.
PAPERS AND PROCEEDINGS-PART II., YOL, XXXIII.
NOTES ON OGAM INSCRIPTIONS,
BY PROFESSOR RHYS, M.A., D.LITT., HON. FELLOW.
[Submitted MARCH 31, 1903.]
I.— THE OLDMILLS PIPER STONE, DONARD, COUNTY WICKLOW.
$ the 26th of September last, Professor Bury accompanied me to
Donard to see the stone which Father Cavanagh had set up in front
of his house ; but we were surprised to find that the stone was not there,
and that Father Cavanagh had left for another parish. However, we
had not long to search, as we were told that the stone had been removed
to the grounds of the squire, Mr. Norris Goddard, on the other side of
the road. Mr. and Mrs. Goddard received us most cordially, and led us
at once to the stone where it stands on their grounds. When Father
Cavanagh was leaving Donard, they undertook the charge of the stone ;
and very properly, too, as it had come from a site at Oldmills, which
was owned, unless I am mistaken, by Mrs. Goddard' s father.
Mr. Macalister has printed his reading of the inscription in his
"Epigraphy," Part i., p. 77 (No. 49); and it runs thus :—
IA£1NI kO! MAji MOJ ? f p
F u~ Vcoi ' '
It had been already published by him in the Academy, August 18th,
1894 ; and this led me and Mrs. Rhys to go and see the stone on
Tn,,r R <; A T J Vo1- XI1I-» Fifth Sen )
Jour. R.S.A.I. j VoL xxxuwConsec Ser< {
[ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.]
ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
September llth, 1896. "When we reached the place where the stone used
to be, we could not find it ; but, after making a tedious search for it, in
a drenching rain, we discovered that it had not long before been taken to
Donard, where we found it in front of Father Cavanagh's house. He
made us welcome ; but we were very wet and miserable. In that state
I tried to read the inscription, with Mr. Macalister's version in my hands.
I am now inclined to think that I followed him a little too much in
accepting his suggestion, that, after the lettering reached
the top, it ran round the head of the stone and down
the edge nearest to that on which it started. I am
now disposed to think that it only barely reaches the
next edge to the right, the edges occupied by the scoring
being, No. 1, on which it begins, and No. 2, the top
edge : I am in doubt whether it extends round the
corner to the top of No. 3.1 The great difficulty in
reading this stone is the fact that the chinks and hollows
made by the natural weathering of the stone, especially at the top, are
almost impossible to distinguish from the work of the inscriber. On
that visit we guessed the Ogams on edge 1 to have made IA^NIP^I ;
and No. 2 we found to begin with m, beyond which we could not proceed
with any certainty, though we thought of a form of the usual maquimucoi.
For his &, Mr. Macalister read one oblique score on the B side : that
score seemed to us, in 1898, to form the right-hand wing of 4\ which
occurs in Wales for^? ; but this time, on getting the edge better cleaned,
I thought the middle score looked more like the result of accident than
a portion of the writing ; while, on the other side, Prof. Bury clearly
traced the remaining half of X. So the first edge stands thus : —
Where the qu comes there is an ancient flake of some length, so that the
scores are somewhat sunk below the level of the others ; but that is not
all, for there is a score which seems to make straight for the first notcli
of the next vowel, so we were rather at a loss whether to read ci or
que, but hardly qui.
The top corner begins with an undoubted m, followed by a vowel-
notch, then by a chink and another vowel-notch : this is followed by
four scores which slope backwards on the H side ; then comes a chink
followed by three or two scores on the sarnie side, and with nearly the
same inclinations. The first of these scores is certain ; but it ends in the
1 The height of the inscribed edge, No. 1 above, is 4 feet 11 inches, the other
edges varying from 4 feet 9 inches to 5 feet 2 inches. The section at foot is nearly
square, 1 foot 10 inches. The top edges vary from 1 foot 7 inches to 2 feet 2 inches.
NOTES ON OGAM INSCRIPTIONS. 115
edge like a vowel-notch: the next one is the same, but somewhat
damaged ; and there is room for a third, but there is nothing left of it
except the notch ; that is, if the notch is not merely to be counted with
the vowel-notches that take up the rest of this top edge. These notches,
therefore, seem to make six or five. The guesses of the whole of this
edge will stand as follows : —
M u cad
o ? t i
The combination suggested to me first some form of the name known
in Irish hagiology as MocJita ; but there are several objections which I
will not discuss. Then there remains the reading mucadia, which I
should treat as standing for an earlier Mucatias. In fact, this may
be the correct reading, with the s omitted and the a placed on the very
corner at the meeting of the top edge No. 2, with the edge No. 3. The
name would be the noun which appears in later Irish as muccaid, genitive
muccada (or muccado), ' a swineherd.7 But it occurs also as a personal
name, as, for instance, in the " Book of Leinster," fo. 347f, 352f, and 374b.
The task of identifying the other name is more difficult, though the
reading is more nearly certain. Mr. Macalister suggests lucJina from the
Rennes Dindsenchas : it would have been easier to accept this if the first
two letters made iu or io. I am, on the whole, more inclined to
equate the name with Echen (or Eicheri), genitivc< Echin (or Echein and
Eichen) : see the "Book of Leinster," fo. 318% 322% 328% 332bl, 333%
334% 335% 338% 339a% 353% and Stokes's " Gorman," October 30th. To
me the etymology of the name is obscure ; but the ia seems to have
become e, as in words like the Vlatiam-i mentioned above in my notes on
the Inisvickillane Stone ; and as to the alternative ci or que (possibly
qui\ I must explain that, as a mere matter of reading the scores, I think
que ought to have the preference : and it has in its favour the coincidence
with the second vowel of Echen ; but against it we have the fact of the
comparative scarcity of words with qu — an objection largely based,
however, on one's ignorance.
Putting the foregoing guesses together we have : —
laqueni poi Mucadia, where we appear to have to regard poi as the
relational word, as in the case of the Monataggart stone reading Bro-
nienas poi Net attr ending os : see this Journal for 1902, pp. 4, 5. Accord-
ingly, I should translate as follows: — "The monument of Echen, boy,
nephew, or successor of Muccaid."
One word more : I do not consider that our reading of the top edge
approaches finality. It is given merely as a conjecture ; but I do not
regard it quite as hopeless as I did before, or as Mr. Macalister seems to
do ; and I should be very glad if he could, when next in this country,
12
116 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
examine the stone again. In the meantime Prof. Bury has promised to
induce a geological friend to accompany him to Donard, and try to dis-
tinguish between the inscriber's work and the destructive effects of the
weather. I doubt, however, that this could be successfully done till the
stone is cleared of the lichen growing on it. The most harmless and
effective way of doing that would be to have the stone buried in the
soil for a few months ; or else to have some sort of a rain-proof building
made to keep it dry where it stands. This would meet any objection
which might be made to having the stone shifted again ; but the building
ought to allow room for photographing and for conveniently examining
all the four edges and the top of the stone. Then, when the lichen
is gone, it would be possible to say, perhaps with certainty, whether
there is an inscription on the edges enclosing the face diametrically
opposite to the one in question in this note. I was inclined to think
that I saw traces of writing on more than one of them. I am sorry to
suggest giving Mr. Goddard so much trouble in addition to what he has
already most ungrudgingly taken in the matter of this most interesting
monument; but I am all the more bold to do so, as nobody is more
anxious than he and Mrs. Goddard to, arrive at a complete and correct
reading of the Ogams.
II.— THE CARNCOMB OGAM, CONNOR, COUNTY ANTRIM.
This has repeatedly occupied my attention since it has found a home
in the Museum of Science and Art in Dublin. My guesses in June last
maybe represented thus : —
CV iSB«I MAQUI VOBARACI.
alu o la
In some of the most doubtful parts, I was able to point to agreement
with the readings of Dr. Buick, whose carefully revised version is now
before the readers of this Journal, 1902, pp. 240-3. "When in Dublin in
September, I spent a good deal of time gazing at this difficult bit of
reading, and made some progress, as I am inclined to think, with my
letters. My first guess of the first name proved to be C-mLasboi, with
a somewhat intelligible genitive. For a genitive would be required to
precede loi, that is, if one is to regard it as a spelling of the poi of other
Ogams. On my pointing out the m to Mr. Coffey, he at once detected
another thin line drawn nicely parallel to what I read as m : this meant
a g, a genitive Cag^as on which we have not been able to improve since.
So the whole stands thus : —
M A QU
NOTES ON OGAM INSCRIPTIONS. 117
One of the chief differences between this and Dr. Buick's reading is that
he finds a v following the ca ; but I can only find certain abrasions which
come opposite the ca and not after it ; and they seemed to me to be wide
and indefinite for comparison with the rest of the scoring. After the
g, and at a distance, come three notches ; and the intervening gap contained
probably a notch : it would mean crowding them rather to suppose that
there were two in it. The first notch of the o of loi is in a hollow
beyond which the edge becomes very rounded, with the result that the
vowel-notches become as long as the m, whence it is that Dr. Buick
suggests g or d. The spacing of what I read as the i of loi is exact ;
and the notches fail to incline enough to yield g among their number :
that is my impression. The a of maqui is damaged, and so is the o of
Vobaraci ; but there seems to be room enough there for two notches
without overcrowding.
The inscription would seem to mean ' [The monument] of Caig, son of
Pobrach.' The latter name may possibly be that which occurs as Folraech
in a passage quoted by Stokes from the " Annals of Innisfallen," A.D.
500 : see the Revue Celtique, xvij. 126. Caig is a name I have not
found ; but that is the form to be expected from a nominative Cagi-s,
genitive Cage-as or Cagi-as : it is probably related to the element cag
in the genitive Netacagi on a stone at Castletimon, in Wicklow, and
possibly to the first element in the old name Cogidulnos, or Cogidumnos :
it may have meant a ' hedge, fence, defence, or protection/ .
NOTES.
Here I append one or two notes which I wish to add in reference to
my Paper in this Journal for 1902, pp. 1-41 : —
1. Since writing of stone No. 15, belonging to the MacGillicuddy group,
and reading Gosocteas mosac Hapini, I have come across other spellings
of mosac besides mossach, genitive mossaig. 0' Curry, in his " Manuscript
Materials," p. 485, gives a poem of Dubthach ua Lugair, in which the
words occur, ar maig mossaid ' upon Magh Mossaid (see the " Book of
Leinster," fo. 45a, line 36). O'Curry fixes the place in the barony
of Eliogarty, in County Tipperary. To be consistent in his spelling,
he ought to have written Magh Mossaidh. In any case, the d here
meant what is written dh\ but it was sounded the same as the
g of mossaig, namely, as gh, a practice which accounts for the frequent
confusion in medieval manuscripts between g and d non-initial. So in
the Rennes Dinnsenchas (Rev. Celtique, xvi.J 161, 162), we have a
mention of an unidentified place called Seg Mosad. Stokes, in his text,
prints it "Mossad mac Main," « Mossad son of Maen ' ; but if the
MS. permits it, one might perhaps suggest Mossad Mec Mam, 'Mac
118 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Maen's mossag ' ; and if Beg cannot have meant anything else than a
hawk, one would be tempted to treat seg mossad as a compound,
segmossag, which might mean literally a hawk-servant, or some kind of
a falconer ; better perhaps segmossag, ' a strong servant.'
But to give the story a little sense and consistency, it seems to me
requisite to introduce a place-word into it, and the vocable wanted is
suggested at once by the words in the text, isin muigh, * in the plain'
(magh, dative-ablative muigh}. The original heading must have been
Mag Segmossag or Mag Segmossaig, according as the genitive is construed
plural or singular. One or other would seem to have been the earlier
name of the place called later Mag Mossaig. Lastly this word occurs in
a passage in the " Courtship of Momera," published by 0' Curry in the
same volume as his " Battle of Magh Leana." I refer to pp. 156-9, where
Eoghan Taidhleach enumerates certain of his foster-brothers and other
favourites who were to accompany him to Spain. The short list closes
with the words : acus Mosad mo gilla, diatd Magh Mosaid, which
O'Curry renders, " and Mosadh, my servant, after whom Magh Mosadh
is called." Here I should suggest that a more original form of the
story probably read for Mosad mo gilla simply mo mosad, that is to say,
' my servant.' This may be regarded, I think, as corroborating the view
that the word meant gilla or servant ; but the etymology of the word is
a desideratum ; and so far I cannot decide whether the last consonant
of mossach was c or g before it was reduced to the spirant which we have
found so often wrongly written d.
2. A friend has expressed his surprise at my reading stone No. 11,
from the neighbourhood of Killorglin :
MAQUI R ECTA
So I had Mr. Coffey's permission to get the glass-case removed, so as
to be able to feel the scores, and turn them towards the light. The
result was that he and I could entertain no manner of doubt as to the
four scores for c.
3. The same friend having also suggested ogg where I had read olg,
namely, in Olgodipoi, on the Aglish stone, No. 20, I examined it again,
with the result that I failed to read gg. I shall be glad to hear of my
friend's having an opportunity of again looking at both these stones.
[To face page 119.
WILLIAM KING, D.D.
(From the Portrait in the Theatre, Trinity College, Dublin.)
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN,
DURING HIS IMPRISONMENT IN DUBLIN CASTLE.
EDITED (WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND APPENDIX)
BY HUGH JACKSON LAWLOR, D.D.
[Read JANUAKY 28, 1902.]
INTRODUCTION.
rPHE story of the life of Archbishop King has been so fully told by the
late Professor G. T. Stokes,1 that it is unnecessary here to do more
than chronicle a few leading dates, so far as the earlier years of his
career are concerned.
William King was born in the North of Ireland in the year 1650, and
at the age of seventeen entered Trinity College, Dublin. His course
there seems to have been distinguished; and in 1672 he competed,
but unsuccessfully, for Fellowship. His answering at the Fellowship
examination was sufficiently good to attract the notice of John Parker,
Archbishop of Tuam, and for his diocese he was ordained deacon by the
Bishop of Derry in 1673. In April, 1674, he was advanced to the
priesthood. Parker gave him the Prebend of Kilmainmore, and subse-
quently the Provostship in Tuam Cathedral. A few years later the
Archbishop was translated to Dublin ; and in 1679 he presented King to
the living of St. Werburgh's, and the office of Chancellor in St. Patrick's
Cathedral. John Worth was at the time Dean. Nine years afterwards
illness obliged him to relinquish the rule of his cathedral, and he nomi-
nated the Chancellor Sub-Dean. On his death in April, 1688, the
Chapter, by a unanimous vote, elected King as their President. A
contest with the Government caused a long delay in the appointment of
Worth's successor, but at length the Chapter met 26th January, 1688-9,
and William King was elected Dean of St. Patrick's.
We have now reached the year of King's imprisonment, and it becomes
necessary, for the elucidation of the Diary which is here for the first
time printed, to follow the history of the time, and of King himself,
somewhat more minutely.
It is well known that, in the early months of the eventful year 1689,
there was a considerable exodus of Protestants from Ireland. Amongst
those who left was Francis Marsh, Archbishop of Dublin. Marsh had
summoned his clergy to a Visitation, to be held on the 8th April, and it
was necessary to appoint commissaries to act for him at it, and to watch
over the diocese during his absence in England. For this purpose he
1 Worthies, Lectures vii.-xv. For references to the authorities quoted in this
Paper, see p. 139.
120 110 YAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
selected two of the more prominent clergy, William King and Samuel
Foley. A copy of the deed of their appointment as commissaries is pre-
served in the Diocesan Eegister. It is dated 5th February, 1688-9. Ten
days before, as we have seen, King had been elected Dean of St. Patrick's,
and without loss of time Foley had been appointed to succeed him
as Chancellor of St. Patrick's1 and Incumbent of St. Werburgh's,
Dublin, and St. Canice's, Finglas. Thus the Archbishop had made all
needful preparation for his departure. He seems to have left Ireland
a few days later, for, on 26th February, John Fitzgerald resigned the
Archdeaconry of Dublin, and his resignation was accepted the same day
by King and Foley, acting as commissaries for the Archbishop. This
fact, which is attested by the Diocesan Eegister, indicates that Francis
Marsh was already absent from Dublin. He was apparently followed
shortly afterwards by Samuel Foley ;2 and thus it came that King, from
about Easter onwards, was the real ruler of the diocese. " I took upon
me," he writes,3 "the jurisdiction of the entire diocese, and, with the
consent of the clergy, ordered all things, as though invested with full
authority so to do." And the statement is confirmed by a very interest-
ing letter addressed to him by the Rev. Jeremiah Dawson, 28th May, 1689,
and preserved in the valuable collection of Mrs. Lyons. King had written
to him complaining of his neglect of his parishes of Kathdrum, Dungans-
town and Derrylossary, in the county of Wicklow. Dawson defends
himself against the charge, but admits the right of Dean King to inquire
into his management of his cure, since "my Lord Archbishop had . . .
left the care of the diocese upon him in his absence."
Meanwhile, under the strong hand of Tyrconnell, things had rapidly
advanced in Dublin and throughout Ireland. The Protestants had been
deprived of their arms in February ; King James, after landing at
Kinsale on the 12th March, had entered Dublin on Palm Sunday, 24th
March. Then followed his short and unfortunate visit to the besiegers
of Deny, and his famous Parliament in Dublin, at which the Act of
Settlement was repealed and the great Act of Attainder passed. The
first act of the sad drama ended with the prorogation of Parliament,
20th July, 1689. By the end of July the fortunes of King James were at
a low ebb ; disaster followed disaster. At the battle of Killiecrankie on
the 27th, the death of Claverhouse had deprived him of his chief sup-
porter in Scotland ; on the 30th, Kirk had entered Deny, and two days
later the siege was raised ; on the 30th, too, Justin Mac Carthy, Yiscount
Mountcashel, had been defeated by the Enniskilleners at Newtown Butler
1 He was installed 31 January (Chapter Minutes).
2 In the Act of Attainder " Samuel Folio, Chancellor of St. Patrick's," is named
among those who "have absented themselves from this kingdom, and have gone into
England, or some other places beyond the seas, since the fifth day of November last,
or in some short time before, and did not return " (S. P. I., pp. 276, 8).
3E. H. E., p. 318.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 121
and taken prisoner ; and, above all, the redoubtable Schomberg had
arrived at Chester on the 20th, and was waiting his opportunity to cross
over to Ireland.
It was probably the approach of Schomberg which was the immediate
cause of the imprisonment of a considerable number of Protestants in the
city of Dublin, which took place towards the end of the month. Among
the rest twelve men of good position were sent to Newgate, some of
whom were transferred to the Castle, and some to Trinity College.1
Others, of whom the Dean of St. Patrick's was one, were sent direct to
the Castle. Others, doubtless, were imprisoned elsewhere.
About King's imprisonment there is a considerable amount of ob-
scurity. In the first place, it is impossible to speak with confidence as
to the reason assigned for it. We may surmise, indeed, that its real
motive was the desire to have a strong man, suspected to be in more or less
close sympathy with the Williamite party, and undoubtedly ready on all
occasions to resist attempts to harass the Church, out of the way. And
King certainly implies that no charge of any kind was brought against
him. " Almost all the Protestant Gentlemen," he writes2 — and he was
among the number — " without Reason or pretence of Reason, without
so much as a Warrant, or Form of Law, were put in Goals (sic) under
the custody of mean and barbarous Guards." But Leslie challenges the
statement. " Was not he accused for holding Correspondence, and giving
Intelligence to the Rebels (as they were then called) both in England and
the North of Ireland ? And was it not true ? Did he not give frequent
Intelligence to Schomlerg by one Sherman, and keep constant Correspon-
dence with Mr. Toilet and others in London ? He knows this would have
been called Treason in those days, and a bloody-minded Tyrant would
have found another Remedy for it than a short Imprisonment."3 King
will not admit the truth of these insinuations, but his denials are not
altogether satisfactory. In his manuscript notes for a rejoinder to
Leslie4 he writes against the passage just quoted, u Most false y1 he was
accused of correspondence] ; knows no such man as Sherman." And
in a more formal reply, in a letter addressed ten years afterwards to Dean
Trench, he has these words : " As for their finding any of my letters, it's
most horribly false, they never had nor cou'd have any such, nor did my
Lord Chief e Justice, Herbert, ever tax me with any such thing."6 But
the real question is not what accusation his friend Herbert may or may
not have brought against him : we want to know whether he was, rightly
or wrongly, suspected by Nugent, or others in authority, of sending
1 See below, p. 141, and note 2 there.
2 S. P. I., chap, in., § 7, p. 92.
3 Leslie, p. 105.
4 Lyons Collection (see Historical Manuscripts Commission, Appendix to Second
Report, p. 236).
5 Mason, p. 211.
122 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
information to the enemy. Again, it may be quite true that he did not
know Sherman; but he makes no such affirmation with respect to George
Toilet of London ; and in fact he was in correspondence with that ardent
Williamite — clearly no new acquaintance — in February, 1 688-9. l And,
finally, whoever will read his own account in the following Diary of his
interview with Judge Nugent on 15th August, will have no doubt that
at least Nugent professed to believe that he had been guilty of treason-
able correspondence. The riddle appears to us to be in part solved,
without the necessity of accusing King of any want of good faith, by
the following passage, which we translate as well as we can, from his
Autobiography : —
"We (so. Anthony Dopping, Bishop of Meath, and himself) were
regarded as oracles, and whatever news they (the Protestants) heard
they used to bring to us; they used to tell us about any ill-usage
they had suffered or feared ; so that almost the whole history of what
was done became known to us — private letters addressed to themselves,
others of a public nature, public instruments, proclamations, ordinances,
even copies of documents which were kept in the presses of the secre-
taries, were communicated to me. About these things we used often
to speak in conversation with our friends, who sent notes of things
which we had said with regard to their affairs to friends in England and
the North of Ireland, and very imprudently blazoned them about as
mine. And when these things were reported by spies to the faction
of King James, I myself was regarded as the author of them all, and
suffered very severely in consequence."2 No charge may have been
alleged at the moment of King's arrest ; but these quotations leave little
doubt as to the nature of the accusation which was subsequently made ;
and they tend to justify James and his Privy Council in regarding the
Dean of St. Patrick's as " a dangerous man."
In what part of the Castle was King imprisoned ? The question is of
little moment, and cannot be answered with assurance. It is sometimes
asserted without misgiving that he and his companions were lodged in
the Birmingham Tower,3 to which one writer adds, by way of explanation,
that his prison was " at the very top of the Eecord Tower, now filled with
1 A letter in Toilet's hand, without address, year, or signature, but endorsed, in
King's writing, " Mr. Toilet, Feb. 22, 1688," is preserved in a collection of letters
which belonged to the late Bishop Reeves (T.C.D. MS. 1 122, No. 5). It quite justifies
Leslie's significant question. An interview with Sehomberg is mentioned, in the
course of which Toilet spoke to him about "Dr. K. and ye Arch BP. of D." He
begs King to inform him of "the quarters of all troops and companys, the number
of Protestants in Dublin, w* [compajnies are made Garrisons, and "whatever you
conceive [....] inquisition of one that extreamly longs to serve his frends in time of
need." One sentence is worth transcribing: " Upon the Ks election to ye crown,
several of our Irish-English here, writ extravagant letters into Ireland, nay to ye
Deputy himself, and I'm atfraid you have or will find ye effects of those undecent
heats."
2 E. H. R., p. 318. 3 E.g. Lough Erne, p. 80.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 123
ancient records."1 That is to say, King was confined in the tower which
is noiv known as the Birmingham Tower, but which he knew as the
Wardrobe Tower.2 That may be true. His way of speaking of that
which he called the Birmingham Tower, at 17th September, makes it
unlikely that he was in it. He was certainly (it is everywhere implied
in the Diary) in a room pretty high up, with a considerable number of
prisoners below and none above him — as it appears, in " a cold nasty
garret."3 It must have been difficult, in the semi-ruinous Castle of those
days, to find such a place, except in one of the towers, and apparently
almost all of these had fallen except the two that have been mentioned.4
The date of King's imprisonment is not wholly without importance,
and here again we are in difficulty. His own testimony is, indeed, very
precise. " On the 25th of July, 1689, 1, and many others, were arrested
and committed to prison." And equally precise is his statement that on
the 4th December, after an incarceration of nearly five months, he was
released.5 Eut unfortunately King's recollection of dates is not to be
trusted.6 In the present case he is inconsistent with himself. For from
25th July to 4th December is not " nearly five months." In fact, it is
certain that his arrest took place before 25th July ; for on the 24th he
wrote to Price asking him to act as Sub-Dean of St. Patrick's, and in his
letter he distinctly states that he was " now under confinement."7 It is,
I suppose, on the authority of this letter that Mason states definitely that
he was sent to the Castle on 24th July.8 But this is scarcely probable.
It is true that a man of King's vigour and sense of duty would not be
likely to let much time pass before he made such arrangements as were
possible for the performance of his work at the Cathedral ; but even he
can scarcely be supposed to have sat down to write letters the moment
the doors of his prison were closed behind him ; and we must not assume
that pens, ink, and paper were at once supplied to him. There is, indeed,
evidence which points to his having been deprived of liberty two or three
days before he wrote to Henry Price. It cannot be stated very shortly,
but as the Church Historians tell us very little about it, and as it is of
some interest for its own sake, we need not scruple to devote a few
paragraphs to it.
1 Worthies, p. 191. 2 See below, note 187.
1 S.P. I., chap, m., § 16, p. 202.
4 One tower was taken down about 1670, another had previously fallen, and the
rest were " veiy crazy" (Bayly's Historical Description and Sketch of Dublin Castle,
p. 16). In 1684 the viceregal apartments, which had been destroyed by fire, were
rebuilt (lb., p. 25. Cp. A. R., p. 311). At the end of July, 1689, " the Mid Rampier
of the Black Tower" fell (Great News from the Port of King sale in Ireland, London,
1689).
5E.H. R., pp. 318, 319.
5 He dates his ordination to the priesthood incorrectly (Worthies, p. 161). Pos-
sibly he is also in error as to the day of his entrance at Trinity College (/#., p. 149).
7 Appendix, No. i.
8 P. 209. Harris gives the date as 29 July in his edition of Ware's Bishops of
Ireland, p.- 364.
124 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF JRELAND.
Among those who landed with King James at Kinsale, 12th March,
1689, was one whose chief claim to fame is the prominent place which
has been assigned to him in recent controversies on the subject of Anglican
Orders. This was John Gordon, some time Bishop of Galloway, in
Scotland.1 John Gordon was bom about 1643, in the parish of Ellon,
in Buchan, Aberdeenshire. He was thus only seven years senior to
"William King, and had as his birthplace a parish only a few miles from
Barra, the home of King's forbears.2 His parents were John Gordon, of
Cold wells, and Marjory Cheyne, his wife. Of his early life nothing is
known except that he took Holy Orders and was a naval chaplain at
"New York, then lately won for England. It is said that he obtained his
bishopric through the influence of Melfort. The conge d'elire was dated
3rd December, 1687 ; but the Charter under the Great Seal was not signed
till 4th February, nor sealed till 4th September, 1688. Gordon was conse-
crated by John Paterson, Archbishop of Glasgow, and three other bishops,
in Glasgow Cathedral, 19th September, 1688. The interval between his
nomination and his consecration was over nine months ; he ruled his
diocese for a shorter period. The Scottish bishops were dispossessed by
Act of Parliament 22nd July, 1689.3 Gordon had fled from Scotland
before the catastrophe came. He was certainly in Dublin that month ;
he may have arrived sooner. On the 12th of July James appointed
him Chancellor and Vicar-General of the diocese.4 Of his conduct
in that office more will be said presently ; but we must now recall
the few remaining incidents of his career. He remained in Dublin till
July, 1690, and then accompanied or followed his patron to St. Germain.
There, we are told, he ministered to James's Protestant adherents
1 Neither Mant nor Mason seems to have known anything about Gordon. His
connexion with the Irish Church is mentioned hy the late Professor G. T. Stokes in
The Pope and Anglican Orders, Two Introductory Lectures on the Religious Relations
between Rome and England, delivered at the beginning of Michaelmas Term, 1896,
Duhlin, 1896, p. 30. But Dr. Stokes appears to have forgotten him when he came to
write his Lectures on Archbishop King, published in Worthies.
Gordon's case is mentioned in the Bull of Pope Leo XIII. on Anglican Orders
(1896, pp. 12 sqq., 37 sq.), and is more elaborately discussed in the Reply of the English
Archbishops, London, 1897, pp. 13, 38 sqq. (English Translation, pp. 14, 43 sqq.}. The
authorities are— S. P. I., chap, in., § 17, p. 205 ; Leslie, p. 50 ; a short account of
Gordon, written about 1730, and quoted in Collections for a History of the Shires
of Aberdeen and Ban/, edited by Joseph Robertson (Spalding Club), Aberdeen, 1843,
p. 305 ; Nullite des Ordinations Anglicanes, ou Refutation du livre intitule, Dissertation
sur la Validite des Ordinations des Anglois [par P.F. Courayer] par Michel Le Quien,
Paris, 1725, vol. ii., pp. 312, Ixix ; An Historical Catalogue of the Scottish Bishops
down to the year 1688 [by Robert Keith], Edinburgh, 1824, p. 283 ; The Question of
Anglican Ordinations Discussed, by E. E. Estcourt, London, 1873, Appendix, p. cxv;
the Diocesan Register of Dublin ; and the Grant Book of Dublin, 1687-1692, preserved
in the Public Record Office, Dublin.
2 The town of Ellon is about ten miles, as the crow flies, from Barra.
3 Grub's Ecclesiastical History of Scotland, Edinburgh, 1861, vol. iii., p. 303.
4 Dublin Grant Book. The grant of the offices there given, which was signed
by Melfort, may have been ante-dated, like others issued in the same year.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 125
according to the forms of the English Prayer-book. Afterwards, how-
ever, as the story goes, he was so impressed by the arguments of Bossuet
that he determined to leave the Anglican Communion. He went to
Rome about 1702 for the purpose, and made his recantation in the
presence of Cardinal Sacripante. It is sometimes said that he was
baptized conditionally on his reception into the Eoman Church ;J but of
this there seems to be no evidence. His assumption of the name Clement
is, as we shall see, to be otherwise explained. The Pope was now
desirous of giving him certain benefices to which a pension was attached.
Accordingly the question of the validity or invalidity of his Anglican
Orders had to be decided. Gordon prayed that they should be pronounced
null and void ; and this was done by Pope Clement XI., 17th April, 1704.
Direction was at the same time given that he should be confirmed. He
then received the tonsure from the Pope, and on this occasion (as Le
Quien tells us) was given the name Clement. The minor orders were
conferred upon him by Archbishop Casoni in the Church of St. Mary
Major. These being sufficient to enable him to hold the benefices which
the Pope designed for him, he did not proceed to the higher orders.
He was henceforth known at Rome as Abbot Clement. He died in
1726.
It has been necessary to mention these facts in order that the part of
Gordon's career which synchronizes with King's imprisonment may be
understood. For it our authorities are a brief statement in the State of
the Protestants, with Leslie's answer thereto, the Diocesan Register of
Dublin, the Dublin Grant Book, the allusions in our Diary, and the letters
collected in the Appendix. The first notice of Gordon in the Register is
the record of what seems to have been his first ecclesiastical act in Dublin,
the appointment of William Budworth as his apparitor. The instrument is
dated 22nd July, 1689. In it he describes himself as " Vicarius in spiritu-
alibus generalis ac officialis principalis curiae consistorialis metropoliticae
Dublin necnon cancellarius ejusdem dioceseos regia auctoritate rite et
legitime constitutus."8 He was appointed to his offices of Vicar-General,
Official Principal, and Chancellor of the Diocese by James II. He was at
once recognised by the Registrar : for the handwriting which records his
acts is the same as that in which the deed of appointment of King and
Foley is written on a previous page. His apparitor having been appointed,
he lost no time, and proceeded to rule his new diocese with a strong hand.
On the 23rd July he licensed two surgeons. It is somewhat significant
that they both bear the name of Gordon. These are the first of a
considerable number of licences of the same kind issued by him in July,
August, and September.3 On the same day, 23rd July, he granted probate
1 Responsio Archiepiscoporum Anglice, p. 38 (E. T., p. 43).
2 The same titles, with the addition of the words " seu Commissarius Generalis,'*
are found in the deed of appointment.
3 On the illegality of these acts, see Appendix, No. ii., note 3.
126 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
of a will. But presently lie exercised his authority in another and more
strictly ecclesiastical direction. The number of sequestrations carried
out under his regime is surprising. The Tlev. Thomas Hamleton was
appointed sequestrator of Swords, Malahide, Killossery, and Killeek,
vacant by the absence of Henry Scardevile ; the Eev. Thomas Tucker,
of Donnybrook and Rathfarnham " cum annexis," vacant by the
resignation of John Fitzgerald, Archdeacon of Dublin; Lewis Griffith,
of Chapelizod, Palmerston and Ballyfermot "cum annexis," of Castle-
knock, of Mulhuddart, and of Clonsilla, vacant by the absence of the
several incumbents ; Richard Hawkshaw, of Donoughmore, of O'Male
(= Imall), of Hollywood, of Donard "cum annexis," of Dunlavin, and
of Castledermot "cum annexis"; and the following parishes were
sequestered, the sequestrator not being named : Tallaght, Templeshandon,
Templeogue, Whitechurch, Cruagh, Wicklow " cum annexis (vizt.
Drumkey, alias Castle macadam, Kilpoole)," and Innisbohen. Authority for
all these sequestrations was apparently given between the 8th and 17th
August. I have observed only one case in which provision was made
by Gordon for the spiritual needs of the Diocese. On the 18th September
Nicholas Richardson was licensed by him as curate of St. Bride's. This
can hardly have been done with the consent of the Incumbent, Dr. Toy.
There were other parts of Gordon's activity of which the Diocesan
Register takes no notice. One of these was the Administration of Wills.
Of this King tells us "he made his advantage," in spite of all attempts to
defeat him. " He cited the Widow or Relation of any deceased Person ;
and if they refused to appear, he granted Administrations to some of his
own Creatures, and they came by force and took away the Goods of the
Defunct."1 He also claimed the power to grant licences for Marriages,
in connexion with which an incident of his rule in Dublin must be
mentioned hereafter.
Gordon's practice of issuing licences to surgeons led him further,
probably, than he foresaw when he began it. There was little use in
licensing surgeons if others acted in that capacity, without a thought of
seeking a licence from him. And there were many such. Of necessity,
therefore, he cited and excommunicated the unlicensed surgeons. One of
these excommunications was directed against a surgeon named Clinton, a
parishioner of St. Werburgh's, and in the absence of the incumbent it came
into the hands of the sexton of the church, Richard Bulkeley, who on
the 2nd of September brought it to the Castle, and showed it to his old
pastor, Dean King.2 This was, it seems, the first intimation which the
Dean received of the proceedings of the intruding Chancellor. And on
this fact two remarks must be made.
1 The record of the many probates granted by him 23rd July, 1689, to 1st July,
1690, may be seen in the Grant Book.
2 See below, Sept. 2nd, 4th, and note 141.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 127
First, as to the date of King's incarceration. King was veiy wide
awake. It seems quite impossible that, if he had been at liberty when
Gordon took possession of the Register of the Diocese, appointed
Budworth his apparitor, and began to preside in the Court of Probate,
he should have known nothing about it. Hence we appear to be
constrained to believe that King had been sent to the Castle at least
as early as the 22nd July.'
Secondly, we must observe the vigour and promptness of the im-
prisoned Dean. He saw at once the danger of the situation, he clearly
grasped the legal aspect of the case, and devised a scheme for checkmating
the Bishop. The day after the excommunication reached him, he wrote
a letter to Dopping, Bishop of Meath ; and a correspondence between the
friends ensued, some of the letters of which may be read in our Appendix,2
while the contents of the rest can easily be guessed with the help of the
Diary. Dopping most readily fell in with the main part of King's sugges-
tion, which was this : that the Chapters of Christ Church and St. Patrick's
should meet, and that each Chapter should select a guardian of the
spiritualities. The persons (or if the Chapters agreed in their choice, the
person) so elected would have legal authority to govern the diocese, sede
vacante. By the beginning of the next week (9th September) King had
written to the Sub-Dean directing him to call a meeting of the Chapter
of St. Patrick's.3 The Chapter was duly summoned ; and the next day
the Prebendary of St. Audoen's came to consult the Dean as to the
procedure to be adopted. But, alas, Henry Price was not such a man as
William King ; and his efforts to get a Guardian of the Spiritualities
elected were for the time unsuccessful. The Chapter minutes are very
brief :
" Tuesday the 10th of Septr 1689.
" Then Mr Price, Mr Finglass, Mr Syddall [Prebendary of Tipperkevin], . . .
Graton [Preb. of Howth], Mr Jackson [Preb. of Stagonil], Mr Hewetson [Preb. of
Tassagard and Vicar of St. Andrew's] did adjourne till thursday in ye afternoone.
" 12 of September.
" Then adjourned untill the 14th day of this Instant."
No meeting seems to have been held on the 14th, and nothing more
was done for nearly a month. On the 10th October King wrote a letter
of strong remonstrance to Price,4 in consequence of which the members of
the Chapter were summoned to meet on pain of suspension, and on the
following Thursday, 24th October, Anthony Dopping was appointed
1 This conclusion is perhaps confirmed by a notice of the prorogation of Parliament
at 12th November. See note 362.
2 Nos. ii.-v. A letter from Dopping, and King's answer to it, are wanting
between Nos. ii., iii. ; also a letter from Dopping between Nos. iv., v.
3 See Appendix No. v. * See Appendix No. vi.
128 KOYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Guardian of the Spiritualities. What the Christ Church Chapter did at
this juncture is not on record. A meeting was held on the 23rd October
at which the Chancellor (Michael Jephson), acting as Sub-Dean, and
the Prebendaries of St. Michael (John Francis) and St. John (Thomas
Bladen) were present. But there is no minute of business done.1
However, it is quite certain that then or subsequently Christ Church
concurred in the choice made by St. Patrick's, and thus Anthony Dopping
became ruler of the diocese of Dublin.2
One question must here receive a short answer. It may be asked,
What was the need for bringing this complicated machinery into action ?
Had not King been already duly appointed commissary by Marsh ? Why
could he not act, or delegate someone else to act, without authority from
the Chapters ? King himself replies.3 Marsh was attainted by James II.'s
Parliament of 1689. The see, therefore, was vacant. James being (as King
held) lawful king of Ireland, and the Acts of the Irish parliament having
legal validity, the moment the great Act of Attainder received the Royal
assent Marsh ceased to be Archbishop. He was an outlaw. And that
same moment King's commission from Marsh lapsed. The see was as
really vacant and the diocese as truly without a lawful ruler as if the
Archbishop had died. The only wonder is that King, who now saw the
consequences of the Act of Attainder, did not perceive them months
before. If he had done so before his imprisonment, much confusion and
trouble would have been averted. As it was, the action of the Chapters
was entirely successful. The clergy refused to publish Gordon's excom-
munications; they heeded not his citations. Except in the matter of the
administration of wills, which did not belong to the Guardian of the
Spiritualities as such, he became powerless. The last act of his recorded
in the Register is dated 4th October — the licence of a midwife.
Dopping was now nominal head of the clergy of Dublin, but the power
was still in the hands of the Dean of St. Patrick's. On this point his
1 Chapter Minutes. I depend on a copy of the original minutes kept at the
cathedral, in which there may be some variations from the original. Thus, for
example, the note of the seizure of the church, 26th October, 1689, comes before the
record of the Chapter meeting of the 3rd September.
2 S.P.I., ut sup.
3 Appendix No. ii. Cp. E. H. E., p. 318. The reasons here given are mutatis
mutandis those of the deed appointing Gordon Vicar-General : " Scians quod quum
officium seu officia Vicarii in spiritualibus generalis . . . Diceceseos Dublin ac pro-
vinciae ad Reveiendissimum Dubliniensem Archiepiscopum spectantia racione absentise
ab hoc Regno nostro Hibernise minime per nos licentiate venerabilis yiri Johannis
Topham . . . necnon Reverendissimo in Christo patre ac Domino, Domino Francisco
providentia divina Dublin Archiepiscopo ._ . . pariter sese absentante ab hoc
regno nostro praedicto Hibernise necnon par offensiou contra coronam ac dignitatem
nostram vaccuum seu vacua merito censentur et ad nos nostrique plenam ac liberam
disposicionem . . . de jure spectat spectantque seu spec-tare debet ac debent," etc.
The king had power to appoint a Vicar- General. But if the Chapters nominated a
Guardian of the Spiritualities, the king's Vicar- General could not interfere, nor
exercise purely spiritual functions, such as the issue of excommunications, &c.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 129
own words are express, and we have good reason to believe them.1 He
ruled diligently and with success. " With his consent," he writes, " I
ordered all things in the diocese. Many of the clergy had fled into
England, and thus most of the parochial churches were left without
pastors. But I provided clergy for them all. Some who had been driven
from their benefices by the Papists were living in the more remote parts
of the kingdom, and they willingly offered themselves to perform parochial
duties in parishes which had been deserted by their proper pastors. Hence,
not a single church in the entire diocese remained without a curate during
the whole time of the tyranny. And though the Papists in many places
kept possession of the Parish Churches, the Curates, in spite of this,
performed the services in private houses."2
But now another entry in the Diocesan Kegister claims our attention.
We have seen that Gordon kept in his own hands the issuing of marriage
licences. Now Lewis Griffith, the sequestrator, as has been already
noted, of several parishes, had ventured to solemnize marriages without
the licence of the Vicar-General. For this and other offences he was
excommunicated. Francis Marsh returned from his exile, and resumed
his position as Archbishop immediately after the Boyne. Griffith applied
to him for redress, and he formally re-admitted him to Communion. It
seems that Marsh did not agree with the contention of King and his legal
advisers, that the excommunications of Gordon were null and void. But
possibly the excommunication had been duly published before the Chapters
elected a Guardian of the Spiritualities. Anyhow the document engrossed
in the Register is a highly remarkable one. For in it Marsh describes the
Vicar-General of King James as * ' Keverendissimus in Christo pater ac
Dominus Johannes providentia divina nuper Dubliniensis Archiepiscopus."
He actually recognises the usurping Vicar-General to have had the same
claim which he himself possessed to the title of Archbishop of Dublin — a
title which, so far as we know, Gordon never assumed!
We may indeed well ask, What position in the Church of Ireland
did Gordon actually claim to hold ? He described himself as Vicar- General
and Chancellor of Dublin. But either of these offices, let us observe,
might have been held by a layman.3 We have no evidence that Gordon
ever performed in Ireland a single episcopal nor even a single clerical
act. And when this is borne in mind, King's short account of him, the
earliest notice of his career which we possess, with the exception of the
documents relating to his appointment to the See of Galloway and the
records of his official acts in Dublin, is most significant. King James,
1 He evidently acted without reference to Dopping in the matter of the daily
service at St. John's Church. See below, note 254.
*E.H. R.,p. 318.
3 All Gordon's offices were actually held hy Sir John Topham. Cp. abovev
p. 128, note 3.
Tn,,r -R * A T ! Vo1- XI»-» Fifth Series. ) v
Jour. R. S.A.I, j Vol xxxm Consec Ser> |
130 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
he tells us, " appointed one Gordon, who called himself Bishop of
Galloway in Scotland, to be Chancellor in the Diocess of Dublin ; this
Gordon was a very ignorant lewd Man, and a profest Papist." Leslie
vigorously repudiates both the statement of fact and the insinuation
conveyed by these words. King's remark, he writes, " was notoriously
false (if we may believe the Irish Protestants who were then in Dublin),
for this bishop was then, and all along, a Profest Protestant, and, as I
have heard, a man of Learning and Parts. But if he had been a Papist
(whether in Masquerade or otherwise), I would gladly know this
Author's Opinion, Whether that would have Uh- Bishop1 'd him ? " King
had made some preparations for a reply to Leslie's book ; and his notes
are preserved in the collection of Mrs. Lyons.1 His remark on this passage
is brief but interesting : " The B'p of Galway, a papist, never went in
clergymens habite." Thus King reiterates the assertion that Gordon
was a "profest Papist"; and he adds the information that in Dublin
he posed as a layman. As a witness to facts Leslie cannot stand
against King. King was on the spot, and must have had good evidence
of the truth or falsity of what he wrote. Leslie confesses that he had
his knowledge at second-hand from certain Irish Protestants in Dublin.
King must have either lied deliberately and maliciously, or spoken the
truth. And it is to be remembered that though his statements about
Gordon may have been prompted by rancour, they cannot have been
suggested by the subsequent career of the Bishop of Galloway. It was
not till some years after the State of the Protestants was published that
Gordon professed to have been convinced by the eloquence of Bossuet.
Ten years and more had passed before he was formally received into the
Roman Communion, and " unbishoped" himself by his petition to the
Holy Office. And, on the other hand, these later events signally confirm
the testimony of King. There is certainly nothing improbable in the
supposition that the man who determined to take the final step of
abandoning the Church of his fathers under the influence of Bossuet,
should have drifted away from Anglican teaching years before ; or that
the man who in 1704 used strong language about " the pseudo-bishops of
the Protestants," and renounced his own orders, should have been content
in 1689 to use the title " Episcopus Gallovidiensis " in official documents,
while at the same time indicating his doubts about the validity of his
episcopal consecration by wearing the dress of a layman. It was not, we
may be sure, from Bossuet that he first heard of the Nag's Head fable,
upon which he afterwards based much of his argument against Anglican
Orders.
There may indeed seem to be a difficulty in the way of accepting
King's statement. It is commonly said, as we have already observed.
1 Historical Manuscripts Commission, Appendix to Second Report, p. 236.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 131
that Gordon ministered to English Churchmen at St. Germain after he had
left Dublin. Are we to suppose that when he did this he had practically
abandoned the Anglican Communion ? Let us say at once that the unlikeli-
hood does not appear to us to be very great. When King held services
for his fellow-prisoners in the Castle, there were Roman Catholics among
those who took advantage of his ministrations ; l and in so doing they
certainly did not act under any compulsion from those in authority. If
James, then, for reasons of policy, ordered Gordon to act as chaplain to
his Protestant adherents at St. Germain, it is scarcely to be thought that
he would refuse to do so. As yet he had made no formal recantation of
his ' heresy.' But we may go further. It is quite possible that the
looseness of his hold on Anglican principles would lead to his selection
for such an office. Gordon was not the only English Divine in the
Jacobite Court. That sturdy Protestant Dennis Granville, Dean and
Archdeacon of Durham, Bishop Cosin's son-in-law, was there also ; and
of his life at St. Germain we have a brief notice which deserves to be
quoted. Some time after the exiled King arrived in France —
" A protestant Party began to distinguish themselves, and endeavour
to make an appearance at that Court. The first considerable step they
made, was to desire a Chappel from King James, for the exercise of their
"Worship according to the Church of England, and propos'd Dr. Granvil
JBrother to the Earl of Bath, formerly Dean of Durham, as a fit Person
to be their Chaplain; they urged the great Incouragement, such a
Toleration would give to his Adherents in England, and what satisfac-
tion it would be to such protestants as followed him ; but tho' common
Policy, and his Circumstances made every Body believe that this Request
would be easily granted, yet it was positively denied, and Dr. Granvile
obliged not only to retire from Court, but also from the Town of St.
Germain to avoid the daily insults of the priests, and the dreaded Conse-
quences of the Jealousies with which they posest't (sic) King James's
Court against him." 2
From this passage, combined with the evidence of Dean Granville's
own letters, the Rev. Roger Granville draws what seems to be the just
inference, that the refusal of the request of the Protestants that Granville
should be their chaplain was due to the influence of the Roman Catholic
clergy by whom James was surrounded.3 May not the permission
accorded to Gordon have been a compromise ? His leaning towards
Rome would remove objections on the part of the Roman Catholics; his
former position in the Church of Scotland would secure him acceptance,
if not a cordial welcome, on the part of the Anglicans. And may not
1 See 22 September.
2 A View of the Court of St. Germain, from the Year 1690, to 95, With an account
of the Entertainment Protestants meet with there, Dublin, 1696, p. 3.
3 The Life of the Honble. and Very Revd. Dennis Granville, D.D., Exeter, 1902,
p. 396.
K2
132 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
the petition in favour of Granville have been due to the dissatisfaction
with which Anglicans like Sir Edward Herbert regarded the ministra-
tions of the Romanizing Bishop ?
All this seems quite possible ; but I must be candid, and express my
conviction that the grounds for believing that Gordon ministered as an
Anglican at St. Germain are very slight. Keith is the only one of our
authorities who makes such a statement ; and he wrote, or at least
printed, as late as 1755.1 Against his evidence must be placed that of
the author of the View of the Court of St. Germain, a strictly con-
temporary witness. The sentence which follows the passage already
quoted from him runs thus : —
"Dr. Gordon, a Bishop of Scotland, the only protestant Divine that
then was there, met with a worse Treatment still than Dr. Granvile, and
was reduced to the necessity of abjuring his Religion for want of Bread,,
with which he could not be Supplied, but upon those hard terms."
There is here no word of Gordon being allowed to minister at his
lodgings to Protestants — the whole context implies the contrary. More-
over, we have in this sentence evidence, which can scarcely be resisted,
that already, seven years before he settled at Rome, the Scottish Bishop
had renounced his Anglican beliefs. These are facts which bring into
serious doubt Keith's statement as to Gordon's ministry at St. Germain,,
and which strongly corroborate King's affirmation that even so early a&
1689 he was a " profest Papist," though not yet formally received into
the Roman communion.
But we must leave Gordon. On the day when the armies of William
and James were contending at the Boyne for the possession of Ireland,
he was quietly at work in Dublin. He granted probate of a will on
the 1st of July, 1690; and from that day forward he is heard of in Ireland
no more.
"While King lay in prison, reports, not always correct, reached him of
the war which was dragging on its weary length. We must now try to
gather together the leading facts to which those reports related.
After the decisive defeat at Newtown Butler and the relief of Deny,
the troops which had been seeking to harass the Enniskilleners retired.
Sarsfield, who had been in the neighbourhood of Sligo, retreated at once
to Athlone ;2 the Duke of Berwick, who had been further north, made for
1 The same thing was asserted, at a much earlier date, with regard to Dr. Ralph
Taylor, " a famous Nonjuror, who was formerly Rector of Stoke Severn, near Worcester /
and choosing to follow the Fortunes of King James the Second at the Revolution, he
was some Years Chaplain at St. Germains to the Protestants of the Court of that
unhappy Prince." — The Political State of Great Britain, vol. xxv. (by A. Boyer),
p. 124. Compare J. H. Overton's Nonjurors, London, 1902, p. 311 sq. It is not
prohahle that there were two Anglican chaplains at the Court.
2 Macarice Excidium, p. 38.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 133
Newiy.1 A few days later Schomberg found it possible to cross the
•Channel. About half his troops embarked at Hoylake on the 12th
August, and landed at Groomsport, near Bangor, on the following day.
The rest followed after the interval of a day or two.2 James no sooner
heard the news of Schomberg' s landing than he determined to con-
centrate his army at Drogheda, and there to resist his march to Dublin.
Orders were issued to the commanders in the field accordingly. Sir
Charles Carney held the Bann at Coleraine. He was instructed to
abandon it and hasten to Charlemont.3 About 17th August he took his
•departure, and immediately a party of the Enniskilleners, who had
reached Derry a couple of days before, entered the deserted town.
When they were joined by their comrades under Kirk, they marched
thence and joined the army of Schomberg.4 James's Brigadier, Maxwell,
4t commanded at Carrickfergus, Belfast, and all betwixt that and the
Newry, having but two regiments of foot in a bad condition, one troop
of horse, and a few ill-armed dragoons." He too hastened southwards,
and repaired to Newry, leaving MacCarthy More's regiment and a part
of Cormac O'Neill's as a garrison at Carrickfergus.5
Berwick's orders were to delay the enemy as much as possible.6
Time was, indeed, everything to James. If he was to make any stand
against Schomberg, he must gather a strong force at Drogheda. And
Schomberg certainly helped his plans. It may have been good generalship
to attack Carrickfergus, but it gave James an extra week to collect his
army. On the 20th August Schomberg (who had reached Belfast on the
17th) sent thither five regiments, and seven more on the following day.
Fruitless negotiations followed, and on the 22nd the siege began. After
a gallant defence, the town capitulated at noon on the 27th, and on the
28th the garrison marched out, on a promise that they should be allowed
to proceed with their arms to Newry.7 Charlemont was now the only
considerable place of strength in the North which held 'for James.8
While Schomberg lay before Carrickfergus, on the 26th, James left
Dublin, and reached Drogheda the same day. leaving Tyrconnell
behind to hurry up more troops.9 Carrickfergus taken, Schomberg's
advance began. The Jacobites retreated before him till he reached
Newry. Here, by a clever ruse, Berwick succeeded in outwitting him.
1 Life, -p. 373. 2 See below, notes 15, 35. 3 Life, p. 373.
4 Hamilton, p. 47, where we are told that "the News coming to Colrain, that the
Inneskilting Horse were joned (sic) with the Maj. General, and that they were all
on their march towards that place, the Garison there deserted the place and fled towards
Charlemont.11 This is perhaps not inconsistent with the statement that they left
in obedience to orders from headquarters.
5 Life, p. 372. e lb., p. 373.
7 Story, pp. 7-10 ; S. P. D., pp. 226, 231 ; J. N., p. 87.
8 Buchan was there, with a regiment of foot, and some of Purcell's dragoons
•(Life, p. 372).
a Life, p 373*2. ; Nibell, p. 221.
134 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
By making liberal use of his trumpets he persuaded Schomberg that he
was in command of a large force, and the cautious Williamite forbade his
advance guard of Enniskilleners to attack. The next morning he
advanced in force, only to find that the town was partly in ashes, and
Berwick gone.1 This was on the 5th September. Berwick marched
(perhaps by Carlingford, which he burnt) to Dundalk and thence to
Drogheda.2 Schomberg, having allowed his army a day's rest at Newry,
moved on to Dundalk on the 7th. He selected for his camp there a spot
about a mile north of the town.3 In that place he was destined to
remain inactive, with all his troops, for two months. On the 16th he
began to entrench his position,4 seeing no immediate prospect of any
further advance towards the South.
Meanwhile James was not idle. He was joined at Drogheda by
Tyrconnell, 5th September, and two days afterwards by Berwick.5 On
the 14th he began to march northwards. That day the entire army
reached Ardee, 14 miles north-west of Drogheda. On the 16th the
cavalry and dragoons went a few miles further on the road to Dundalk,
crossing the Glyde at Mapastown, to select a place for a camp. The rest
of the army followed on the 17th ; and the camp was formed on the south
bank of the Fane, with the right at Allerstown6 and the left near
Knockbridge. The armies were now only about three miles apart, each
afraid to attack the other, while the scouts " stood usually within a
quarter of a mile of each other." On Saturday, the 21st, James
attempted to draw Schomberg from his trenches. He led a strong force
towards Dundalk. Schomberg let them come within musket shot of his
camp, and would not stir. Finding that the Williamites would not leave
their trenches, James retreated to his camp on the Fane, and within the
next few days burnt it and fell back on Ardee, 6th October. There his
army lay till the 1st November, when he began to disperse it to winter
quarters.7 He himself went to Drogheda on the 3rd with six battalions
of foot, leaving a force of six battalions of foot and fifty horse under
1 Story, pp. 11-13 ; S.P. D., p. 251 ; Nibell, p, 221 ; Memoires du Marechal de
Berwick ecrits par lui-meme, 1778, vol. i., p. 41.
2 Story, p. 13.
3 Ib., p. 15.
4 Ib., p. 19.
5 Life, p. 377 ; Story, p. 16 ; Memoires du M. de Berwick, ut sup., and below, 5th
September.
6,Petty's map of the County Louth (1685) marks Lower Allaristown — immediately
south of which was Upper Allaristown — on the right bank of the Fane, two or three
miles below the bridge of Knock, where the next bridge (the bridge of Fane), spanned
the stream. Mr. J. E. Garstin, F.S.A., points out to me that in the Townland Index
of 1851, it is called Allardstown, and is described as a townland of 596 acres in the
parish of Killincoole. The name does not appear in the Ordnance map. Hence some
modern writers have absurdly substituted for it Tallanstown, which lies four miles to
the south on the Eiver Glyde.
7 Life, pp. 378-382; Story, pp. 1S-28, 33; S. P. D., pp. 272, 286; Eelation*
p. 6 sgq. ; Nibell, p. 221 sq.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 135
Boiseleau, as a garrison at Ardee.1 Schomberg, finding that the Jacobites
had taken their departure, gladly followed the example of James, and
abandoned the pestilential camp, where "fever and flux" had been
playing frightful havoc with his army. Having sent such of the sick
as could be moved by sea from Carlingford to Belfast, he gave the order
to march on the 6th. On the 7th twelve regiments or more started for
the North ; on the 9th the remainder of the army followed. Within an
hour after their departure from Dundalk the town was in the hands
of the enemy.3 Schomberg's headquarters were now fixed at Lisburn,
his troops being quartered partly at Armagh and partly in the villages
between Lisburn and Newiy.3 James, having left garrisons at Ardee,
Drogheda, and other places, returned to Dublin on the 8th.4
It was on the eve of his departure from Dundalk that belated news
reached Schomberg of a disaster in Connaught. It was in that province,
indeed, that the only notable engagements of the campaign, after Carrick-
f ergus, took place ; and we must retrace our steps to follow the course of
events there.
A considerable interval elapsed after Newtown Butler before the
Enniskilleners who had not joined Schomberg performed any notable
deeds. But early in September, Wolseley sent Sir Albert Cunningham
with some troops to Sligo, followed on the 10th by Lloyd with three
troops of horse. Thence on the 19th, Lloyd led a force of about 450
men — horse, foot, and dragoons — to Ballinafad and over the Curlew
Mountains, and the next morning, encountering a force of the enemy
under O'Kelly outside Boyle, defeated them, and took possession of the
town. The Jacobite force consisted of not more than 500 or 600 foot,
and some 300 horse. They lost, according to Lloyd, considerably more
than 200 killed and about 75 prisoners. His own loss was 1 killed
and 3 wounded. Cunningham commanded the dragoons. Lloyd's in-
structions were, after taking Boyle, to press on to Jamestown. This he
did not venture to do, the enemy being very numerous in Sligo and
Roscommon.5 However, this town was also captured ten days later,
1st October.6 These victories caused great rejoicings in the camp at
1 Relation, p. 14, where 1 assume that 13 and 18 are misprints for 3 and 8 ;
Life, p. 383.
2 Story, pp. 35-37.
3 S. P. D., p. 320 ; Story gives details, p. 38. Compare also S. P. D., p. 334.
4 Life, p. 383 sq. ; Relation, p. 74 ; and below, 8 November.
5 An Exact Account of the Royal Army under the Command of His Grace Duke
Schomberg, with the Particulars of a Great Defeat given to the Irish Army near
Boyle, London, 1689— a letter from Dundalk, dated 16th October, 1689. With this is
incorporated Lloyd's despatch to Schomberg. Compare below, note 216. Story,
p. 25, makes Lloyd's force to consist of 1000 men, and the enemy he reckons as "about
5000." O'Kelly, he informs us, was among the prisoners; which is an error:
O'Kelly's portmanteau was captured, but not himself. On the other hand, a Jacobite
writer reduces " this mighty action " to "a skirmish between a small band of that
county [Sligo] militia and a troop of rebels, wherein three of the loyalists fell, and
that number twice told of the enemy " (Nibell, p. 223).
6 Story, p. 28 ; S. P. D., p. 283.
136 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Dundalk,1 but they led to no permanent result. On the 30th September
James sent two regiments of foot to Sligo.2 They were followed early
in October by Berwick " with a considerable body of horse," whose aim
was, according to Story to rescue Mountcashel, but more probably to
check Lloyd.3 Another force of four regiments — Luttrell's Horse,
O'Neill's Dragoons, and two of infantry, all under the command of
Sarsfield — marched from the Fane for the same place, apparently on the
6th.4 Schomberg replied (8th October) by despatching " a detachment of
the Inniskillen Horse and Foot, Colonel Russell's Horse, and eight grena-
diers out of every Regiment" to keep a pass in the direction of Sligo.6
Berwick fell sick a day or two after he left the Jacobite camp, and repaired
to Dublin.6 Sarsfield made at once for Jamestown, which place he reached,
it seems, on the 15th.7 A news-letter states that Lloyd had arrived
there two hours before him, and was besieged.8 Story is perhaps more
correct when he says that the place was abandoned without a struggle on
the approach of the Jacobite troops. The next day Sarsfield advanced to
Sligo, whereupon Russell, who was in the town, ingloriously retreated to
Ballyshannon without striking a blow, while Lloyd and de Sauveur
took refuge in " the two forts at the end " of the town. Lloyd escaped
the same night, but de Sauveur made a gallant defence of his fort, and
did not surrender till the third day, when no more provisions were
left.9 The news did not reach Schomberg till 2nd November, when he
immediately despatched reinforcements.10 What they accomplished does
not appear to be recorded. Thus ended the memorable Irish campaign
of 1689. Whatever advantage was gained during its later months was
on the side of James.
All this time King remained a prisoner. The history of his con-
finement must be read in his Diary. Towards the end, however, it
1 See below, note 227. 3 Story, p. 28. Cp. below, note 221.
2 Nibell, p. 223. 4 Life, p. 381 ; S. P. D., p. 287.
6 Story, p. 28; S. P. D., p. 287. There is a confusion as to dates. The
Life puts the expedition of Sarsfield after, and in consequence of, the despatch of
Russell by Schomberg, and before the return to Ardee on the 6th October, But
Story is supported by Schomberg's despatch in S. P. D. Schomberg states that the
force ' consists of 400 dragoons.'
6 See below, 5, 9 October. I assume that the report which reached Story that
Berwick had started for Connaugbt was correct.
7 For the date I depend on A full and true Account of all the Remarkable Actions
and Things that have happened in the North of Ireland, Since the \bth of November, to
the 7th Instant . . . (a letter from Lisburn, dated 7th December, 1689), which may
probably be trusted thus far, though it has clearly passed through the hands of the
censor.
8 S.P. D., p. 305.
9 Story, p. 34. Compare Life, p. 383. Lloyd was in the < Green Fort,' de
Sauveur in the 'Stone Fort,' on which, and on all the events here referred to, see
Wood-Martin, History of Sligo from the Accession of James I. to the Revolution of
1688, Dublin 1889, p. 98 sqq. Compare also his Sligo and the Ennishilleners from
1688-1691, 2nd ed., 1882, p. 105 sqq.
lc Story, p. 33 ; S. P. D., p. 313.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 137
fails us, and we are obliged to fall back on the brief narrative of his
Autobiography. We may leave the reader to translate his curious Latin.
"Dissoluta militia ex utraque parte, et exercitibus in Hybernia
reductis, visum erat lacobo regi incarcerates protestantes liberos dimittere
sub cautione fidei iussorum, deliberatum erat de me inter alios dimittendo,
opponente se meae libertati summo iusticiario Regii Tribunalis in Hybernia
Thoma Nogentio, at pro me stabat amicus mihi antiquus Edwardus
Herbert, eques, tune Cancellarius Angliae per lacobum declaratus, qui et
ipse religionem ref ormatam constanter prof essus est, et multorum bonorum
quantum in se fuit omnibus eiusdem religionis professoribus extitit, in
omnibus enim difficultatibus et angustiis ipsis se exhibuit patronum et
defensorem. Accessit etiam ipse Comes Tirconnell et accusante me
iusticiario, quod in concionibus meis perfidiam in regem docere solebam,
respondet Herbertus se me saepius audivisse concionantem nee unquam
aliquid contra regem aut obedientiam ipsi debitam animadvertisse, sed
e contra semper cum occasio esset me strenue fidem in regem docuisse,
et mirum sibi videri quod iusticiarius qui nunquam concionanti mihi
adfuisset contrarium assereret, nullo teste aurito producto quo crimen in
me probaretur. Adiecit praeterea etiamsi verum esset quod obiiciebatur
me libertate scilicet male usuruni tamen minus noxae rebus regiis con-
tingeret in praesente rerum statu ex perverse usu meae libertatis quam ex
invidia in regem oriunda a detentione mea in carcere sine aliqua causa.
Sic tandem, scilicet 4 Decembris 1689, post fere quinque mensalem in-
carceratus libertati restitutus officia functionis me diligenter obivi."1
The statement that the liberation took place on the 4th December
must be taken for what it is worth. A later date would suit better the
assertions that his imprisonment lasted nearly five months, and that in the
case of most Protestants it ended at Christmas.2 But there is no evidence
enabling us to fix the date more definitely.
Dean King was once more sent to the Castle in June, 1690. Here
again there is a conflict of testimony as to the date. King himself puts
it about the beginning of the month. Two other respectable witnesses,
with all appearance of accuracy, imply that he was arrested some three
weeks later.3 We need not now discuss the matter. It is quite certain that
the victory of the Boyne set him free. His sufferings had their reward
in the Bishopric of Derry, for which he was consecrated 25th January,
1 E. H. R., p. 319. Compare Mason, p. 211.
2 S.P.I., table of contents, referring to p. 92. Mason (p. 210) says that King
was present at a Chapter, 9th December, but I find no record in the Minute Book of a
meeting that day. On the 14th citations were sent out for the Dean's annual Visita-
tion. It seems likely that King was present when this was done, but it is incapable
of proof.
3 E. H. R., p. 319; full and True Account states that King was not imprisoned
till after the news of King William's landing had reached Dublin, that is, considerably
later than 14th June ; while A True and Perfect Journal of the Affairs in Ireland since
His Majesties Arrival in that Kingdom, by a Person of Quality, London, 1690,
(quoted in Worthies, p. 191), gives 24th June as the day.
138 EOYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
1690-1. In 1703-4 he was translated to Dublin. A vigorous episcopate
closed with his death, 8th May, 1729. He lies in the churchyard of
St. Mary's, Donnybrook, in a spot which cannot now be identified.
In his Autobiography, King informs us that during his first imprison-
ment he kept a Diary of all that he observed. That that Diary is the one
now printed can scarcely be doubted. The original manuscript is the pro-
perty of Captain J. A. Gordon King, Scots Guards, of Tertowie, Aberdeen-
shire, the representative in Scotland of the family to which the Archbishop
belonged. It is preserved at Tertowie, within a few miles of Barra, the
home of his ancestors. The manuscript is said to be in the Archbishop's
hand, and most readers of it will agree that it bears upon its face the
marks of genuineness. Unfortunately it is only a fragment. At the
beginning, if the numbering is correct, twenty-six pages have been lost.
A few seem also to be missing at the end.1 There remain in all eighty-
nine, apparently not three-quarters of the entire record.
It remains to say a few words with reference to the present edition.
It has not been possible for me to consult the manuscript. Captain
Gordon King placed in my hands a transcript, a large part of which he
had written himself, and the whole of which he had most carefully com-
pared with the original. When I had read the copy, some places in which
error seemed possible were again examined. Finally, Captain Gordon
King was so kind as to correct the proof from the autograph, paying
special attention to some proper names which a study of contemporary
documents led me to suppose might have been misread. There is, there-
fore, good reason to hope that at least substantial accuracy has been
secured. The pages of the autograph are for the most part numbered,
though sometimes incorrectly. The number given in the manuscript to
each page is here printed in square brackets at the beginning of the page
to which it belongs. The beginnings of pages which are without number
in the original are marked by asterisks enclosed in brackets. "Where the
text cannot now be read it is sometimes conjecturally restored, the restored
letters being enclosed in square brackets ; but more commonly conjecture
is useless, and the illegible portions are represented by rows of dots.
My best thanks are due to Captain Gordon King for his ready
response to my request that I might be allowed to prepare an edition
of his interesting manuscript, and for the valuable aid which he has
given me in so doing. I must express my gratitude to Mrs. Lyons for
permission to examine her magnificent collection of letters and other
documents connected with Archbishop King. To several friends I am
also much indebted for permitting me to make free use of their stores of
antiquarian learning.
1 But see below, note 403.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 139
LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO
IN" THE INTRODUCTION AND NOTES.
A. R., . . Calendar of Ancient Records of Dublin in the possession of the Muni-
cipal Corporation of that City, by J. T. Gilbert, vol. v. (Dublin,
1895).
Cotton, . . Fasti Ecclesise Hibernicse. The Succession of the Prelates and
Members of the Cathedral Bodies of Ireland, by H. Cotton (Dublin,
1848-1860).
D. N. B., . The Dictionary of National Biography.
D'Alton, . Illustrations Historical and Genealogical of King James's Irish Army
List (1689), by John D'Alton (Dublin, 1855).
E. H. R., . English Historical Review for 1898, in which, p. 309, King's Latin
Autobiography was printed from the autograph in Armagh Public
Library (MS., G.I.i.).
Full and True \ A Full and True Account of the Late Revolution in Dublin, and of
Account, . } what hapned there from the Time of the Defeat of King James
his Army at the Boyne, the First of July, MDCXC., till His Present
Majesty's Entry There. In a Letter from a Gentleman who was
then a Prisoner in the Colledge of Dublin to another in London,
August 15th, 1690. London, Printed by D. M. (Licensed 15 Sept.,
1690.)
Gilbert, . . A History of the City of Dublin, by J. T. Gilbert (Dublin, 1861).
Hamilton, . A true Relation of the Actions of the Inniskilling-Men from their
First Taking up of Arms in December, 1688, for the Defence of the
Protestant Religion, and their Lives and Liberties, written by
A. Hamilton (London, 1690).
Indictment, . The Indictment and Arraignment of John Price, Esquire, late Receiver-
General in Ireland, &c. Collected by a person that was present and
took the same in writing (London, 1869).
J.N., . . A Jacobite Narrative of the War in Ireland, 1688-1691, edited by
J. T. Gilbert, 1892 (one of the manuscripts of this work is cited by
Macaulay by its proper title— " A Light to the Blind ").
Jotirnal, . . The Journal of the Proceedings of the Parliament in Ireland with the
Establishment of their Forces there (London, 1689).
Leslie, . . An Answer to a Book intituled the State of the Protestants in Ireland,
&c. (London, 1692).
Life, . . . The Life of King James the Second, King of England . . . collected
out of memoirs writ of his own hand, by J. S. Clarke (London,
1816), vol. ii.
Lodge, . . The Peerage of Ireland, by J. Lodge, edited by M. Archdall (Dublin,
1789).
Lough Erne, Henry's Upper Lough Erne in 1739, edited, with Notes and Appen-
dices, by Sir C. S. King, Bart. (Dublin, 1892).
140 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUAKIES OF IRELAND.
Luttrell, . A Brief Relation of State Affairs from September, 1678, to April,
1714, by Narcissus Luttrell (Oxford, 1857), vol. i.
M., . . . The History of England from the Accession of James the Second, by
Lord Macaulay, vol. iii. (London, 1863).
Macariae Ex- \ Macariae Excidium, or the Destruction of Cyprus ; being a Secret
cidium, . ) History of the War of the Revolution in Ireland, by Colonel
Charles O'Kelly, edited by J. C. O'Callaghan (Irish Archaeological
Society), Dublin, 1850.
Mason, . . The History and Antiquities of the Collegiate and Cathedral Church
of St. Patrick, near Dublin, from its foundation in 1190, to the
year 1819, by W. Monck Mason (Dublin, 1820).
Mullenaux, . A Journal of the Three Months Royal Campaign of His Majesty in
Ireland, Together with a True and Perfect Diary of the Siege of
Lymerick, by S. Mullenaux (London, 1690).
Nibell, . . A Journal of the most remarkable occurrences that happened between
His Majesty's Army and the forces under the command of Mareschal
de Schomberg, in Ireland, from the 12th of August to the 23d of
October, 1689. Faithfully collected by James Nibell, Esq., Under
Secretary to the Right Honourable the Earl of Melfort (reprinted
in O.P.,p. 220s??.).
O. P., . . Original Papers ; containing the Secret History of Great Britain from
the Restoration to the Accession of the House of Hanover, . . .
by James Macpherson, vol. i. (Dublin, 1775).
Paraphrase, The English Life of Archbishop King, in MS. G. I. i. in the Public
Library, Armagh. (References are given to the pages of Reeves*
Transcript, T.C.D. MS. 1121.)
Jtelation, . A Relation of what most Remarkably happened during the Last
Campaign in Ireland betwixt His Majesties Army Royal and the
Forces of the Prince of Orange sent to Joyn the Rebels, under the
Command of the Count de Schomberg. Published by Authority
(Dublin, 1689).
Stuart Papers., Calendar of the Stuart Papers belonging to His Majesty the King,
preserved at Windsor Castle (Historical MSS. Commission), vol. i.
(London, 1902).
S.P. D., . Calendar of State Papers (Domestic Series) of the Reign of William
and Mary, 13th Feb., 1689-April, 1690. Preserved in the Public
Record Office. Edited by W. J. Hardy (London, 1895).
S. P. I., . . The State of the Protestants of Ireland under the late King James's
Government [by W. King] (London, 1691).
Story, . . A True and Impartial History of the Most Material Occurrences in
the Kingdom of Ireland during the Two Last Years . . . written
by an Eye-witness to the most Remarkable Passages (London,
1691).
Worthies, . Some Worthies of the Irish Church. Lectures delivered in the
Divinity School of the University of Dublin by the late G. T.
Stokes, edited by H. J. Lawlor (London. 1900).
»
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 141
THE DIARY.
[27] — August 11. — I preached twice on Luke 18. 9.1 Our fellow-
prisoners had a promise to be admitted to come up to us, but ye promise
was not performed only Mr Yaughan2 came in the afternoon. we
observed much joy amongst the soldiers, Cornelius came up & told us y1
I4m french were landed in the west, ye french fleet having gotten out
from brest by reason y* ye English who blockt ym up were scattered by a
storm,3 at dinner an officer came up to us & told us ye good news, * we
asked how many ships were come, he answered 35 or 45. I hear 20m men
in ym. we had further information in ye afternoon y4 all this was only
an express was come from franco y* the fleet was not yet come, but were
ready to set sail, y1 they consisted of 60 men of war, 40 tenders &
(1) The first verse of the Gospel for the day— the llth Sunday after Trinity.
(2) One of twelve gentlemen who were arrested on the same day, about the end of
July. Their names, as given in Full and True Account, p. 2, were — Captain Robert
Fitzgerald, Sir John Davies, Sir Humfrey Gervaise, Alderman Smith, Esquire
Hancock, and Counsellor Hancock his son, Mr. Thomas Crou, Mr. John "Weaver,
Mr. Hector Vaughan, Mr. Perrian Pool, Counsellor "Wyngfield, and Counsellor
Ormsby. All these, we are told, "they carried through the Streets in the most
insolent manner imaginable, to the Lord Chief Justice Nugent' s House, where they
stayed a pretty while before they could be admitted to speak to him ; and when they
were, it was ordered they should be sent to Newgate, and were carried to the most
common and nasty Room in that wretched Prison ; And though it was represented,
That their Lives should thereby be endangered, yet all the Answer was, That it was
good enough for them." At least five of the twelve are mentioned in our Diary:
from which it appears that some were transferred after a few days from Newgate to
the Castle, and others released — facts which the writer just quoted does not mention.
The date of their arrest is thus fixed : the writer informs us that one of their number,
Mr. Fitzgerald, was detained in Newgate for 21 weeks, and then bailed. Now we
know from other sources (e.g. S. P. I., chap, in., § 7, p. 92) that the Protestants who
had been imprisoned in Dublin were released in December. Counting back therefore
twenty-one weeks from 15th December, we reach 21st July as the approximate date
of the arrest of Vaughan and his companions.
(3) This was, no doubt, an exaggeration of a report which had reached Schomberg a
fortnight earlier. "A letter received from France," he wrote to King William on the
27th July, <•< tells of great naval preparations at Brest ; the French fleet, when augmented
with ships from Toulon, will be superior to that of England and Holland, and will
offer battle" (S. P. D., p. 201). A letter of the 29th July states that the English
and Dutch fleets were lying off Brest, " so that the French cannot go out till Monsieur
Tourville come " (S. P. D., p. 202).
(4) King clearly wrote with the reserve which was natural to a man whose manu-
script might at any moment fall into the hands of his enemies. That in the middle
of August he should have regarded as "good news" the report that French forces
had effected a landing in Ireland would have been hardly consistent with his state-
ment in the Autobiography (quoted in Worthies, p. 168), that after the enactments
of the Parliament summoned by James in May, and the subsequent tyranny of the
Government, " I had no longer any doubt but that it was lawful for me and others to
accept that deliverance which Providence offered by the Prince of Orange . . . and
to submit to him as king and liberator."
142 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
«eyerall fire ships, we had answer from Ld C: J: "N: 6 y* we must not
expect to be bailed before ten days were past & yn if we had peace
and quietness we might expect it. — [28] — One Mr Betagh came to se
Mr Ormsby 6 & told him y1 one Shaw a barber of St. patrick's Street was
brought before Ld Melfort7 & asked concerning an association which he
denyd. my Ld asked whether he coud know his hand for he coud shew
it under his hand he answered no. for he coud neither write nor read
upon wh Ld M: said if it were so a great many had wrong don ym this
story I did not believe but desired Mr 0: to inquire ye truth which
he might easyly do since his wife lived in Bride street.
Aug. 12. — Mr Fitz: 8 drew up a petition to be delivered to ye King
(5) This is of course Thomas Nugent, Baron Riverstown, Lord Chief Justice of
the King's Bench. On him see S. P. I., chap, iii., § 3, p. 61, andD.N.B., xli., p. 271.
It is evident that a few days after his imprisonment the Dean had applied to Nugent
for release.
(6) This was probably Eobert Ormsby, who was appointed Seneschal of the Liberty
of St. Patrick's, and of the Archbishop's Liberty of St. Sepulchre's, at the meeting of
the Chapter of St. Patrick's Cathedral on the 25th June, 1689. In the Minutes of
the Chapter of St. Patrick's he is described as "learned in the law," and he may
therefore, with some likelihood, be identified with Counsellor Ormsby, mentioned
among the twelve Newgate prisoners in Full and True Account, p. 2 (above, note 2).
He was "admitted one of the cittie councell " in the room of Serjeant Lyndon,
1682-3 (A.R., p. 203).
(7) John Drummond, brother of James, fourth Earl of Perth, was created Viscount
Melfort in 1685, Earl in 1686, and Duke in 1692. He and his brother professed to
have been converted to the Roman Catholic faith, by the famous papers in Charles II.'s
strong box. He came to Ireland with James II., and, in his capacity of Secretary of
State, was as unpopular there as he had previously been in England and Scotland.
" He was more universally detested," writes Macaulay (M., p. 182), " than any man of
iris time." He is blamed in J. N. (pp. 84, 94) for the misfortunes of the Jacobite
army in Ireland. See D. N. B., xvi., p. 35, Stuart Papers, p. 71, and below, note 381.
(8) The Christian name of this individual does not occur, and his surname is never
written in full, in the Diary. He is variously called Mr. F., Mr. Fit., Mr. Fitz., and
•Capt. F. ; but of his identity there can be no doubt. He is " the Honourable Robert
Fitzgerald, Esq.," second son of the sixteenth and father of the nineteenth Earl
of Kildare (Lodge, vol. i., p. 106 sqq.}, " by whose great Conduct and discreet
Management this city [of Dublin] has been preserved from violent Tumults "
and many other evils, and whose praises are sounded in the Full and True
Account, quoted in a previous note. According to that tract he took a leading
part in the Restoration of 1660 (compare S.P.I., chap, in., § 2, p. 52), and was a
member of the Irish Privy Council, Comptroller of the Musters, a Captain of Horse,
and Governor of the County Kildare under Charles II. Of all these offices he was
•deprived three weeks after the accession of James II., if the testimony of the writer of
the tract is to be accepted. But it is hard to reconcile this statement with the fact
recorded in the text, that he applied to the king for the arrears of his pay as Cheque-
inaster of the Musters. His name, in fact, appears as Comptroller of the Musters in
a list of King James's Field Officers, dated 2nd June, 1690 (S. P. I., p. 341). It is
certain, however, that he was early deprived of his troop (S.P.I., chap, in., § 2,
p. 53). Fitzgerald was a staunch Protestant. His religious opinions were the cause
of his dismissal from office, and of his subsequent imprisonment. He was arrested
(above, note 2) towards the end of July, 1689, and taken to Newgate. A few days
later, it appears, he \vas removed to the Castle, and was confined there till the libera-
tion of the Protestants in the following December. After this " he was permitted, "
says the writer of our tract, " to live with some Ease in his own House about 5 months " :
where, for ' five,' we must read 'six,' for his second incarceration seems to have
ftegun on the 24th June, 1690, shortly after the news of the landing of William III.
14th June) reached Dublin. On this occasion, we are informed, " he was hurried out
DJAUY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 143
for ye arrears of his office, of cheque Mr: of the musters. An old trooper
of Mr Fitz: came to him & told him yl one Leik9 meet him, one Stockton
& Sr Samuel Foxton 10 at his lodgings in St. George's lane u & amongst
other things ye sd leak, affirmed y1 he knew enough concerning us all to hang
us : which was occasioned by Sr Samuel Foxton's saying yl he knew some of
us to be honest gentlemen, — [29] — & y4t was a pity y* we shoud be troubled
for nothing. In ye morning mr Spranger came & gave us a visite & told
me ye news of ye town. I was likewise visited by one Hogon concern-
ing some way in ye Kings cellor, 12 who knew me at Artragh 13 as he sd
he seemed much concerned for me & was earnest to have me petition for
my liberty. I told him I was content to continue during the Kings
pleasure yl ye Ld C: J: N: had advised us to forbear till ye end of this
week, he told me y1 his freinds in the North were almost destroyed by
of his House by an insolent Militia Officer, assisted by 7 Townsmen, without allowing
him one moment of Time to put his Affairs in Order, and carried to the Castle, where
lie met with Dr. King and Dr. Foy, two eminent Divines, in the Guard- Boom, having
been brought thither some Hours before on the same account ; and after some
Deliberation it was ordered he should be sent to the Colledge, where at that time there
were above 50 Prisoners of all Sorts and Qualities." The day after the Boyne all
prisoners were released, and Fitzgerald at once took the lead in restoring order in the
city. He sent Sir Robert Gore to demand the keys of the Castle, and himself induced
the soldiers at the Main Guard to surrender. Their arms were given to Protestants ; and
one Captain Slaughter was made their commander. Fitzgerald was one of those who
signed a letter despatched at 2 o'clock the next morning to King "William, stating that the
city was " absolutely in his Majesty's dispose." Finally a committee of nine appointed
him Governour of Dublin. The king confirmed their appointment, and continued him in
his office of Cheque -master of the Musters. Fitzgerald found his new master no more
punctual in his payments than the deposed sovereign. The last notice of him which I
have been able to discover is the record in the Calendar of Treasury Papers, 1557-1696,
p. 471, under the date 26th November, 1695, of his petition "concerning the arrears
of salary due to him as comptroller of the musters and cheques of the army in Ireland,
since Michaelmas, 1688, at £365 per annum, and £100 per annum for his deputy."
Fitzgerald was a wealthy man, his income, according to the Full and True Account,
being £3300 a year. As to his exertions in restoring order in Dublin, see further,
Mullenaux, p. 13. A shorter account is given in A True and Perfect Journal of the
Affairs in Ireland since His Majesties Arrival in that Kingdom, by a Person of
Quality, London, 1690, p. 3 sqq.
(9) The following sentences from S. P. I., chap, in., § 7, p. 94, give all the facts
which I have been able to discover about Leak : " Some few Gentlemen were com-
mitted by C. J. Nugents "Warrant, upon a kind of Affidavit made by one Leak, whom
most of them had never seen : several of these, by express Orders of the Lord Chief
Justice, were sent to Newgate, and committed in the Common Goal (sic). ... A Bill
was prepared against them, and offered to the Grand Jury ; but Leak was unwittingly
clapt up, by one of themselves, for a former Eobbery, at the time he should have given
Evidence, and so the Gentlemen escaped being tryed." The gentlemen against whom
Leak made his charges were probably the twelve mentioned above, note 2.
(10) Sir Samuel Foxton, or Foxon, lived at a house on the Shannon, two or three
miles above Limerick (J. N., pp. 113, 288). Samuel Foxon, junior, of Limerick, Esq.,
was attainted in 1689 (S. P. I., p. 249).
(11) Now South Great George's -street.
(12) I cannot explain this enigmatic allusion.
(13) Probably Ardtrea (Lewis' Topographical Dictionary, vol. i., p. 58), a parish
which lies along the western shore of Lough Neagh, in the counties of Deny and
Tyrone, and includes a portion of the town of Moneymore. It may have been in this
parish or its neighbourhood that King spent his boyhood, when he taxed the patience
of his Tyrone teacher, and chafed under the tyranny of Dilgardnus, the master of
Dungannon School. (See Worthies, p. 148 ; E.'H. R., p. 311.)
144 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
burning of the country, but I asked him no question. This evening the
former gentleman y* gave us ye information concerning ye design of
burning Dublin u came again to Mr Fitz: about 7 & told him y1 the King
had certain intelligence both from ye Queen in f ranee & from England
y1 Schomberg had very formally taken his leave of the parlement 15 & had
bin some — [30] — days at ye water side with the army which the King sd
he was sure was now in duglass bay, & y* he expected ym every hour, upon
which he prest him extremely to lose no time or oportunity of getting
out of the Castle, y* he was every day more confirmed of his danger in
being there by reason ye town woud certainly be in a great tumult &
y* there woud certainly be great danger if the King's forces were beaten
upon which Mr F. 16 sd yl he coud not think y* they woud do such a
violent thing as burning the city this being to destroy the innocent with
the guilty & the King having a great number of good subjects in it. upon
which he answered y* most of those yl the K. consulted with were for
violent courses & for his own part he knew not w* to do, tho' he was a
"R. C. Mr Fit: sd y1 yre was no example of so great a city being fired,
on such an account & y* 500 men with torches — [31] — coud not in a
week's time effect it, upon wch he said it woud be don by fire-ball which
were ready, and if it shoud be four or five days a burning it coud not be
quenched till reduced to ashes.
he further told Mr P. 16 y1 yre were certainly great disorders in
England, and y* my Ld Halifax, and Danby17 were committed toy" Tower
(14) Of. S. P. D., p. 278 tq. " The papists do not hesitate to say that if their army
is defeated they will turn the city. . . . "We may justly dread if that city be burnt
they will by a barbarous massacre secure them [the prisoners in Dublin] from joining
with us." These statements occur in a letter written somewhere in England by
Thomas Ashe to Oliver St. George, 30th September, 1689. They are based on infor-
mation received from " Mr. Price's man " (i.e., no doubt, a servant of the former
Receiver-General Price, who was then a prisoner), who had arrived from Dublin the
previous day. For other passages in the Diary in which reference is made to the
apprehended burning of the city, see Aug. 19, 21, 22, 29, Sept. 1, 8, 29. The same
fear still haunted the Protestant citizens after James left Dublin on the 16th June,
1690, and an attempt was actually made, 3rd July, to set fire "to the thach'd
Houses in Sevan-street11 (Full and True Account, p. 4 ; Mullenaux, p. 11). See
also contemporary pamphlets, passim.
(15) For a description of Schomberg's leave-taking on the 16th July, see M., p. 413
sq. He arrived at Chester on the 20th July, and, after long delay, embarked at Hoy-
lake on the 12th August, the very day on which King wrote, landing at Groomsport,
near Bangor, on the 13th. He did not touch at the Isle of Man, though he originally
purposed to call at Ramsey (S. P. D., p. 220 ; Harris' King William, p. 244). He seems
to have abandoned this intention at the very moment of sailing on account of the
favourable wind (Great News from the Army Under the Command of Duke Schomberge,
a letter from Liverpool, dated 20th August, 1689).
(16) This letter is doubtful.
(17) George Savile, Marquess of Halifax, and Thomas Osborne, Viscount Danby
(and, since 20 April, Marquess of Caermarthen), rival ministers of William III.
The gossip here recorded had no foundation in fact. Attempts had been made to
induce Parliament to petition the king for the removal of Halifax and Caermarthen
from office, but they were entirely unsuccessful. The attack on Halifax was defeated
in the Lords on the 3rd August, that on Caermarthen had been disposed of some time
before (M., pp. 406-410 ; D. N. B., xlii., p. 301).
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., AUCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 145
by ye prince's order and 4 of the Convention,18 who were rescued by y«
Apprentices as they were carying to ye Tower, and yl yrcupon ye P: 0:
came from Hampton Court and lay in Hide park with a great part of ye
army encamped about him.
he also added yl McCay was mighty ly routed by Lord Dundee & forced
to retire to recruit his army at Edenburgh 19 ; yl the french fleet were
at sea, and y* ye K. had sd yl ye two fleets had certainly met by this time
yt ye French fleet were in Cap* ships fire ships & tenders above an 100.
— [32] — He again presst Mr F. to endeavour to be bailed, and told him
yl he had presst Ld C. J. N: to accept bail, but he answered y* yre was
no step made in yl matter but by advice of ye privy council,20 and y*
we must aply ourselves yre, whereupon he went to take further advice
<3oiicerning Mr F.'s release, and promised to give an account of his pro-
gress yrein, either to night or to-morrow morning seeming mighty earnest
and pressing yrein begging him to leave no stone unturned in order to
procure it.
Sir Tho Crosby 21 being here this afternoon was likewise of the
same mind & offered to be bail for Mr Fit: affirming yl ye fleet under
Schomberg was certainly at ye isle of man & earnestly wishing y* he
might be released before they came here.
August 13. — Mr Beck zz came up with an order from Ld Chief Justice
N. to have Mr Crow 23 broaght before him in order to bail him, and about
nine Mr Cumberford 24 came & took him away. I drew up a letter to Ld
(18) The Convention summoned by William, which met on the 22iid January,
1688-9, was a month later (22ud February) transformed into a parliament. King,
ignoring this, calls it by its original name.
(19) General Mackay's defeat at Killiecrankie on the 27th July. King's informant,
it will be observed, suppressed the fact that Dundee was killed, and the nominal
victory thus made more disastrous to the Jacobites than a defeat. This intelligence
did not reach the prisoners till 15th October. See below, under that date. Mackay
retired to Stirling, not to Edinburgh (Life, p. 352).
(20) Of. Full and True Account^ p. 2 : " After frequent Applications and Importu-
nities, an Order of Council was obtained to let him out on Bail."
(21) Sir Thomas Crosby, of Tralee, knighted in 1677, a captain in Colonel Francis
Carroll's regiment of dragoons in King James's army, and one of the representa-
tives for the county Kerry in tbe Irish Parliament of 1689. He was one of the
assessors of taxes for the county Kerry appointed by James, 10th April, 1690. With
David Crosby of Ardfert (his father?), and Maurice Crosby of Knockmar, Queen's
County, he was attainted in 1691 (D'Alton, pp. 34, 374, 383). It is stated in a
letter from Dublin, of date 12th June, 1689, that "the Quakers and Crosby talk of
an Invasion [from England], but represent the people of England as dissatisfied"
(Journal, p. 13). A pass for his son William to go to Ireland was issued 10th April,
1689 (S. P. D., p. 58). He died in 1694, his will being dated 20th July, 1694, and
proved 7th Feb., 1695-6.
(22) On Anthony Beck, Mr. Crow's servant, see below, note 184.
(23) Mr. Thomas Croue, Crow, or Crou, was one of the twelve, stated in Full and
True Account, p. 2, to have been imprisoned in Newgate (above, note 2). The
references to him which occasionally occur in A. R. are sufficient to prove that he was
a person of good position in the City of Dublin. See e.g. pp. 417, 429, 437.
(24) Who this Mr. Cumberford may have been I am unable to say with certainty ;
but it is somewhat remarkable that of five persons bearing the name in King James's
Army List, three were in Thomas Butler's regiment of foot, viz. Lieutenant Michael
four tt S \ T $ Vo1' XIIU» ^ft11 Ser- ( T
>ur. R.b.A.I.
146 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
C. J. Herbert25 & a petition to his majesty. I ordered Mr King20
to manage & sollicit ye affair for my releasement.
I need not advise you to make these things a secret.27
[29] — Aug. 13. — Mr Crow produced his discharge from the Lordi
Comerford, and Ensigns James and Garrett Comerfoid (D'Alton, pp. 562, 685 ; cf.
J.N., p. 206). In the same regiment was Lieut. William Smyth, one of only four
Smiths in the list (D' Alton, pp. 665, 685 ; J. N., p. 206), Captain Maurice Roche,
and Ensign Nicholas Roche (D'Alton, p. 685 : J. N., p. 207, in the latter of which
Captain Roche is called Delaroche). Now officers bearing these three names are
mentioned in the Diary as being in the Castle. The inference is plausible that at
least part of the regiment was stationed in Dublin, and furnished a guard for the
prisoners in the Castle. Cumberford is sometimes styled Lieutenant in the Diary :
from which we may infer that he was the Michael Comerford mentioned above — the
only lieutenant with that surname in the Army List.
'(25) Edward Herbert, brother of Arthur Herbert, Earl of Torrington, the incom-
petent admiral of King William's fleet, was a graduate of New College, Oxford. He
practised at the Irish Bar, and became K.C. in 1677. Subsequently (1682) returning
to England, he was appointed Chief Justice of Chester in 1683, and knighted a few
months later. He was appointed Attorney -General to the Duke of York in January r
1684-1685, and, on his accession to the throne, Attorney- General to the Queen.
Later in the year he succeeded Jeffreys as Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench.
In consequence of his opposition to the arbitrary proceedings of King James, he was
removed from the King's Bench to the Court of Common Pleas. Nevertheless, he
remained faithful to his sovereign, following him, first to France, then to Ireland, and
then again to France. As a recompense James conferred upon him the empty titles
of Lord Chancellor of England and Duke of Portland (S. P. I., chap, in., § 1, p. 47 ;
E. H. R., p. 319 ; M., iv., p. 227 ; Stuart Papers, p. 77). As a Protestant, however, he
seems to have had little weight in his counsels, and ultimately retired to Flanders.
He died in 1698 (D. N. B., vol. xxvi., p. 183), The subject of King's letters to him
may be guessed from the entry under Aug. 14, where see note 30. In his younger
days, at the Irish Bar, Herbert was a smoker, and often enjoyed with his pipe the
society of his friend " the Minister of St. Warburgh's." So we learn from two playful
letters from him to King in Mrs. Lyons' collection, the one dated from Trim, 26th
August, 1682, the other from the Inner Temple, 16th December, 1682.
(26) According to Sir C. S. King, Lough Erne, p. 56, this was Robert King, of
Lissen Hall, near Swords, second son of James King, of Corrard, a Scottish immigrant
of the time of Charles I. The same writer states that he was cousin of "William
King, while Mason, p. Ixxvii, followed by Cotton, ii., p. 138, describes his brother as
William King's nephew. What authority there is for either of these conflicting
statements I do not know. Robert King, like his more famous namesake, suffered
under the regime of James II. (see below, 9th September). Sir C. S. King is probably
right in identifying him with " Mr. King an Attorney," who, on 22nd January, 1690,
escaped " from the Enemies Quarters, and gave the Duke [Schomberg] an account
how things stood at Dublin" (Story, p. 53). He was held in much regard by the
Archbishop, for whom he acted as law agent, and is often mentioned in his cor-
respondence. In his letters to him he usually addressed him as "Dear Friend."
In his house in Skinners'-row the Dean resided in the latter part of 1690, as we learn
from the direction of a letter addressed to him on the 9th September of that year
(referred to below, note 32). At his death, in 1711, he left Archbishop King guardian
of his daughter, Mary, sometimes wrongly described as the Archbishop's niece.
(27) These words seem to indicate that the portion of the Diary which precedes
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 147
Chief Justice riverstown28 to Mr Cumberford he took leave of us &
went down stairs hut immediately came up stairs again & told us y1
Mr Cumberford had remanded him for fees. He asked him what fees he
demanded. He said he woud compute ym immediately. Cornelius came up
& called for the keys of the doors and told us y* ^(sic) Mr Cumberford had
threatened to run him through, and had commanded him to lock us up both
rooms. We thought this unreasonable and twas resolved that Mr Crow
shoud stay till he had taken advice. He was remanded about five in ye
afternoon. It hapened y* while Mr Cumb: was in the room Mr Fitz: looked
out of the window and saw one Cap* Smith,29 and said of him yk
when he came over he was a rough soldier but now was become a very
gentile man. I sd y* ye Court woud polish any man y1 was capable of it.
This is observed lest Mr Cumb: should misrepresent it. At supper
Mr Crow's ser1 Anthony Beck came to us and was ordered to move for
a Habeas Corpus for his master.
[30]— Aug. 14- — Mr K. came to me about 4 in ye afternoon, and having
procured an order from Ld C. J. ET. for to have me bailed, I gave him a
letter to Ld C. J. H. to be my bail.30 He went to him & got him
to undertake it. While Mr King was with me, Mr Cumb. came up in
a great passion and asked Mr 1C. how he came up. He answered y1 an
officer came up with him. Mr Cumb. asked w* officer. He replied, a
corporall & shewed him my Ld C. J. N.'s warrant. He ran down in great
passion & we coud not imagine w1 he designed, but he immediately
sent up a soldier to require Mr K. to come down, which he obeyed. A
little time after Mr Cumb: came up, & Mr Crow told him that he was
now his prisoner & not ye King's, inasmuch as the Chief Justice had dis-
charged him. He answered y* he woud justify what he did. Mr Fitz.
bid him take a care what he did, for if he kept any body after the King
had releast him, it woud be at his own peril & he must answer it, & y1
such a thing might ruin him. He reply ed angryly y* he woud do it to any
body, even to him. Mr Fitz. answered y* if it shoud please the — [31] —
King to release him & allow him his sword,31 & he shoud offer after y1
to lay hands on him, he woud not scruple to run him throw & woud not
them was written for the benefit of a friend, to whom it was transmitted immediately
afterwards. The words are followed by a blank space of a page and a half, the next
entry being on a page numbered 29, though the present one has the number 32.
(28) Nugent was created Baron Riverstown by James II. in April, 1689 (S. P. I.,
chap, in., § 12, p. 150 ; Stuart Papers, p. 39).
(29) See above, note 24.
(30) Compare the letter quoted by Mason, p. 211 : "I was much obliged to him to
the* last, and he offered to be baile for me, but was rejected by my Lord Chiefe Justice
Nugent, because he was a protestant, which heartily vexed him."
(31) It will be remembered that the Protestants of Dublin had been deprived of
their arms by order of Tyrconnell, 24th February, and that by the king's Proclama-
tion of 20th July they were forbidden to wear swords (S. P. I., chap, in., § 8,
pp. 111-113).
L2
148 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
doubt to justify it. This he sd in some heat. Mr Cum: sd he wore a
sword & y* he shoud find y1 he woud suffer no body to run him thro
and yl who fees soever (sic) were forgiven his shoud not, and y* he woud
carry ye next that went to be bailed with two or three files of soldiers
lest they shoud refuse to come back. I and the rest endeavoured to
mitigate this heat, and I told Mr Cumber: that I thought it unreasonable
that he shoud be judge in his own cause, that I would give him w1
fees I believed due, y1 if he demanded any more I woud give in security
before C. J. K". to pay ym when convicted by due course of Law, and
y1 1 thought neither he nor I ought to be judge but a jury, and in ye
meantime desired him to treat us as gentlemen, and our differing in a point
of right ought to be no reason of quarrel or incivility. He said he had bin
but too civil to us but especially — [32] — to Mr Fitz. who he perceived
to have had a prejudice to him from ye first night. Mr Fitz sd he had
no prejudice, but he had bin backward to all his civility when he had
invited him to eat & drink &c he answered y1 he ought not to impute
y4 to him since he did it out of respite as not judging it fit for him
to accept such things from a person of Mr Fitz. quality, whom he
reverenced. Mr F. replied that he had eaten with an hundred worse
men yn him, ye King's commission having qualified him to converse
with gentlemen. This brought ym to a better temper & they parted.
L1 Lawless came to visite me & offered to be bail for me,32 which I
accepted. "We discoursed about pious and religious matter but nothing
of news or state matters, only he told me of the french fleet coming out
of Brest.33 About 9 Mr Cumb: came up & staid till near 11. We
drank a bottle of wine & talked of indifferent things only something of
(32) The following paper, in King's handwriting, is preserved in Mrs. Lyons*
collection. It plainly refers to the Lieutenant Lawless of the text (called Captain
Lawless below). No signatures are appended, from which \ve may infer that it is
merely the rough draft of a petition : —
" DUBLIN, Sep* y* 24, 1690.
" "We the undernamed persons do hereby certify that to our knowledge Cap1
Patrick lawless hath in the late troublesom times wherein protestants were
sufferers behaved himself civilly to ye protestant neighbours about his quarters in
Dublin, y* upon severall occasions he readily offered ym his service & when
opportunity was served ym & particularly offered to be bound for some in order
to get ym out of prison in consideration whereof we request the governor to con-
sider him favourably yi he may have the benefit of his former civilitys & what
further favour he lawfully may allow him."
This petition was the outcome of a letter in the same collection \vritten from
prison by Lawless a fortnight earlier (9th September), asking King to represent to
those in authority the barbarous usage which he was receiving.
No Captain Patrick Lawless is named, it seems, in King James's Army List, and
our Captain Lawless can scarcely be identified with either of the officers of that
name who are known to have served under the Jacobite colours (D' Alton, pp. 205,
375).
(33) See above, note 3.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 149
"brass money 34 & w* it cost the King monthly in his army, concerning
which we asked no questions.
[33] — Aug. 15. — In the morning Mr King sent me word y* he woud
be with me about ten, and desired me to get Mr Cumb: ready, and he
woud be ready with bail for me. About y* time Chief J. N. came to \e
Castle which obliged us to defer going to his house till ye afternoon. We
heard y* an express had brought news of 170 ships about belfast35 and
we observed y1 they were in some hurry in ye Castle, which we judged
partly proceeded from y* news & partly for its being a p: holiday.36 Sir
John Ivory37 gave us a visite & we talkt of common things. Mr K. came
to me and told me he had gotten Cap* Martin 38 & Cap* Lawless 39 to
be bail for me. About 3 in the afternoon he came again, and Mr Cumb:
with him. Mr Crow told him that y* he was his prisoner and not ye Kings,
and y* he might allow him w* liberty he pleased & desired him to let
him walk down into ye Castle Court, promising under ye penalty of an
100lb to return, but Mr Cumber: refused upon which he sd he was a
pitifull fellow or words to y* effect, & y* he valued him not an halfpeny
or pin. Hr Cumber: asked whether I woud — [34] — upon my word
promise to return back again to ye Castle as his prisoner, or else he
woud cafy a guard with him to secure me. I answered y* I did not look
like a man y* woud run away, y* if he suspected it he might carry w*
guards he pleased to secure me, as for myself I woud not make myself
prisoner to any by any voluntary promise. Mr French & Mr K. woud
have had me make ye promise, but I desired to be excused, so Mr Cumber:
caryed me with a guard, consisting of a sergeant & I think of a file of
men attending ye coach. Mr Cumber: told me y* he was sorry he was
(34) By Proclamations of June 18th and 27th, 1689, brass money was to be accepted
as payment, save in certain exceptional cases. The exceptions were removed by
Proclamation 4th February, 1689-90 (S. P. I., chap. HI., §11, p. 134 sq. ; Harris'
King William, p. 238).
(35) Probably the ships conveying Schomberg's troops. He sailed with about
ninety ships, the remainder of his army following a few days later (Harris' King
William, p. 244 sq.}.
(36) The Assumption of the B. V. M.
•N37) Captain William Ivory of New Ross, County Wexford, (born 1624, died
1684), received a large grant of lands under the Act of Settlement. His son John
(born 1654), who was knighted at Windsor Castle, 20th May 1683, and was M.P. for
Wexford in 1692, is the person mentioned in the text. He died in 1694. Sir John
Ivory married Anne, daughter of Sir John Talbot of Lacock, Wilts. His son John
assumed the name and arms of Talbot. He is the ancestor of the present family of
Talbot s of Lacock. My knowledge of these facts I owe to the Rev. W. Reynell, B.D.
The only notice of Sir John Ivory belonging to the year 1689 which I have found is
the statement that Lord Mountgarrett petitioned the Lords on 5th June "that Sir John
Ivory may commit no waste on his Estate." An order was made accordingly
(Journal, p. 9).
(38) Probably Captain Francis Martin, of Colonel Dominick Browne's regiment of
foot. There are but two other Martins in the Jacobite Army List, both lieutenants
(D'Alton, p. 861).
(39) This seems to be the same person as Lieutenant Lawless mentioned above,
1 4th August.
150 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
put on this, knowing y1 it woud create him a great deal of Odium & y1
he had such reverence for me y* it went against his inclinations to be
obliged to expose me thus, but I told him y* I knew myself to be
an honest man, and so I believed did all y1 know me, tho he was
pleased to use me as a rogue. We fell to talk of the fees. I told him
y1 it was a most unreasonable thing to expect fees of innocent men at
this time when no man coud get a farthing of his just rents, y* I shoud
look on him as an ill man — [35] — y* woud put a man in jail for a bond
& judgement, much rather for fees which I told him was against law,
& I durst refer it to any two lawyers in Dublin whether the detaining
of a prisoner on y* account was legall or ever practised in England : y1
I lookt on it as a common cause of all the protestant gentlemen of
Ireland who were generally in jail, & I woud not betray yminto a charge
of 10ra pounds by an ill precedent, y1 1 woud sooner ly in Jail to Xstmass.
He sd it seemed I made it a case of conscience. I answered I did & y*
I woud nevertheless not deny him his just fees, but woud have ym
determined by a jury before I paid ym. "Wn I came to Lord Chief
Justice K I met yre Cap* Martin, Cap* Lawless, Mr K. & Mr French.
I walked a turn or two with Mr French in the Hall. He told
me y* I woud never get out without paying fees but I told him,
perhaps I might, for I did not believe my Lord Chief Justice woud
deny me a Habeas Corpus. He said perhaps it may be so, tho
Mr Cumber: — [36] — had positively assured me y* Ld C. J. woud not
meddle in it. Yn I was called into Ld C. J. who asked for my bail and
they appeared he sd he knew ym not, & woud not accept ym y1 he
must have more substantial Rom. C. to bail me, at lest one and Lord
C. J. H. y* it was meerly by his great interest with the K. y* I was
admitted to bail. I told him y1 I was very hardly dealt with 4n y1 it
was impossible any shoud behave ymselves with more caution respect &
submission to ye Government yn I had done. He answered y1 I was
cautious enough, but that he had intimations a great many against me
before he committed me. I told him y* those were false, & y* it was
very hard to have gentlemen refused whom I had procured with diffi-
culty he said that he did not know ym that ye K. had trusted ye
thing to him, & y1 he must take no bail but what he thought sufficient.
I answered y* ye King had trusted ym both wth Commissions, & I
thought ym persons very sufficient ; y1 1 had a great cure & charge on
me, & that my confinement was very inconvenient. He told me y* he
wished I had meddled with nothing else but my cure, but that I wrought
(40) It will be remembered that Herbert had undertaken to give bail for King
(14th Aug.). It was perhaps to this occasion that King referred when he wrote to Dean
Trench in 1699 : " When I pressed for a tryall, the Lord Chiefe Justice Nugent told
me that truly they could prove nothing against me, but he believed in his conscience
I was guilty, for the King look'd on me as a dangerous man ; to which I only replyed
that it was very hard I shou'd loose my liberty for his Lordship's belief" (Mason,,
p. 211).
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 151
against — [37]- — ye Government. I vouched ye contrary & told him y*
I knew w1 1 said to be tru ; whereas his Lordship had w* he affirmed
from false affirmations against which my heing here was a demonstra-
tion. He sd many y* stayd were as bad as those who went & that
he woud do justice tho 20m were landed in the next county ; &
finally refused to bail me ; upon which I returned guarded as before.
I gave 1s 6d to ye soldiers and coachman. In the afternoon Sir Tho :
Crosby came up to visite Mr Fitz: He told him y1 somebody had bin with
the Lord Chief Baron 41 & spoken to him about bailing us. He said
ye Ld C. J. N. might give us good words but he had positive orders to
bail none of us till they saw what came of this business. A little after
Mr Yaughan came up. He told us y1 Coll. Sheldon42 had bin about
his bailing with C. J. N., y4 his Lordship told him y* he knew nothing
for which Mr Yaughan was in, nor anything of his committall, & y*
he woud bail him when he pleased, upon wch Mr Yaughan sent him a
petition but it came back — [*] — to him while he was with us not
granted.
Mem: y1 ye Ch. J. N. objected to me ye letter was found in my
closet : 43 to which I answered y* I supposed y* ye gentleman who
wrote it had given satisfaction y1 there was no part (sic} in it, & for
my own part I did not know whether I had ever read it.
Mem: further y* Mr Cum: asked me how I thought ye King's
(41) Sir Stephen Rice. He was fifth son of James Rice, of Dingle, and was born
in 1637. In 1686 he was made a Baron of the Court of Exchequer, Sir Standish
Harstonge, his predecessor, being dismissed, and, in April, 1687, he became Chief
Baron. King admits that he was "a Man of the best Sense amongst them, well
enough versed in the Law," though he declares that he was " most signal for his
inveteracy against the Protestant Interest and Settlement of Ireland." For the
importance of the Court of Exchequer, over which he presided, and for the way in
which he conducted it, see S. P. I., chap, in., § 3, p. 63. Early in 1688 he went to
London, with Nugent and Nagle, to obtain the king's consent to legislation for the
repeal of the Act of Settlement ; and amusing stories are told of the reception accorded
to these "Irish Ambassadors," who failed to effect their object. On the 10th of
January, 1689, he accompanied Mountjoy to France on a mission of which more
must be said hereafter. He returned to Ireland two months later with King James.
After the conclusion of the war he was allowed to remain in Ireland, where he died
16 February, 1714-15 (D. N. B., xlviii., p. 103 ; D'Alton, p. 183).
(42) Dominick Sheldon was " an English Catholic" (J. N., p. 44), probably from
"Warwickshire. He was, about 1687, a captain to the Duke of Ormonde (D'Alton,
p. 375), and was apparently the " Captain Sheldon, a professed Papist," whom King
mentions as having been given the command of Captain Coote's troop (S.P.I.,
chap, in., § 2, p. 53). He was & protege of Tyrconnell, and was brought to Ireland
by him. Subsequently he became Lieutenant- Colon el of Tyrconnell' s Horse. In
1688-9 he was sent from Dublin to Ballinderry to apprehend Mr. Price, who had
refused to deliver up his arms ( Indictment, p. 4). He subsequently served at Coleraine,
Derry, and the Boyne. At Limerick he was Major- General of cavalry, and at
Aughrim he commanded the left wing. It is clear that Jacobite writers had no high
opinion of his ability as a general, though he afterwards did good service on the
Continent. He appears to have been the only officer of the name in the Jacobite
army (D'Alton, p. 69 ; J. N., pp. 44, 113, 138, 142, 143, 162, 167, 188).
(43) It is interesting to lay beside this the passage from King's letter to Dean
Trench, quoted above in the Introduction, p. 121.
152 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
officers shoud subsist if fees were not pd ; to which I answered y* I was-
not against paying any legal fees in a legal way when recovered ; but I
did not believe y* ye King had any intention when he granted offices yk
they shoud be maintained by ye oppression of his innocent subjects^
& y* I thought y* their salarys allowed ymby the Kings (sic) was judged
by him to be sufficient for ym.
Aug. 16. — Councellour R. Fitz: came & visited Mr Fitz: and told
him y* the rebels were landing in the North, that Schomberg was yet at
ye Isle of Man44 & was resolved to stay yre till the last men were
shipped of & to take measures what to do. 45
(44) Compare above, note 15. (45) Here follows a blank leaf.
(To be continued.}
( 153 )
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK.
PART II.— THE HISTORY AFTER 1579.
BY THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A., M.R.I.A., VICE- PRESIDENT.
(Continued from page 40.)
H side had now drawn the sword and thrown away the scahbard.
For the Government fought skill, grim determination, fierce religion,
and ardent loyalty, and on Desmond's side were the desperate enthusiasm
of a clan, the strongholds of the woods and hills, the morasses and
tangled valleys, and a deep religious zeal fed with strong stimulants.
There were no such overwhelming military resources on the side of the
English as to decidedly outweigh the advantages of the outlawed Earl
and his followers when aided by the sympathy of a province.
On the 12th of November, 1579, the disaffected gentry, Nicholas
Saunders, and many other persons met Gerald, Earl of Desmond, at
Askeaton, and with 1000 armed men entered formally on that fearful
war ;l soon all the district was up in arms ; reports flew about ; some
said the Spanish forces were at Askeaton, others that Desmond could not
muster his galloglasses or get them to fight.2 Next month Ormond,
whose country Desmond had sworn to burn, ravaged and burned
Desmond's lands from Askeaton to Newcastle, Kilfinnan, and Kilbride,
" taking the Earle's studd," and slaying not a few of his soldiers; but
he was unable to assault Askeaton Castle, for, despite his urgent letters,
the Lords Justices and the War Department had sent him no shot for
his demi cannon.3
1580.
When the spring came round, the English pressed on the campaign,
and took Carrigfoyle in April: the very " sound and roar of those
unknown and wonderful cannon "4 heard for incredible distances across
Thomond and Desmond did more than the actual damage of the shot to
terrorise the garrison into surrender. On April 3rd the English were
before Askeaton. Lord Justice Pelham had little difficulty in reducing
1 Exchequer Inquisitions, vol. xii., p. 219 (September 11 and 26), 1584.
2 C. S. P. I., 1579 (November 13), p. 195.
3 Carew Calendar, 1579, p. 203 ; (C. S. P. I.), p. 201.
" Annals of the Four Masters." If the discharge of guns on the Shannon can
(as I am told) he heard on the hills of Burren, the Annalists' statement is hardly
exaggerated. See also Carew, 1580, p. 239.
154 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
the formidable fortress " in the midst of a deep river"; a few shots of the
English cannon, and the garrison fled by night, blowing up and burning
a portion of the out-buildings,1 and, on the 5th, Pelham dated his
letters from Desmond's vaunted stronghold.
The English were unable to press their advantage because of
their sore want of horses, the severe riding " spending" their
steeds. Also because their enemies " were too swift of foot for the
heavy English men at arms. Castles could not, however, run away,
and could be garrisoned, and the enemies' resources were gradually
THE DESMONDS' CASTLE, ASKEATON.
(From the Bridge, 1875.)
but surely exhausted." The English, moreover, occasionally took
cattle, spoil, and prisoners ; and that spring, Pelham, on one occasion,
got so close on the traok of Desmond as to capture his " aquavitse, wine
and dinner."2 The army was at Askeaton again in August, and was
visited by the Countess of Desmond, who confessed " with impudences "
that she had urged Desmond against the Queen, but promised to bring
1 Lenihan's " Limerick: its History and Antiquities," p. 106, falls into the strange
errors of stating that the Lord Justice, after taking Askeaton Castle, "partially
destroyed (it) by gunpowder, leaving tbe towers untouched, as they remain to this
day." The error of the first statement being as great in one direction as that in the
second is in the opposite.
2 Carew (1580), pp. 246, 249.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 155
about his submission. A wife is not always able to "bring in" a husband
to surrender, even where his fate would be safer than that of Desmond,
and nothing came of the interview. Pelham also spent some of his
time in repairing that portion of the castle partly destroyed by the
retreating Irish.1
The English next found themselves badly off for stores,2 save cattle :
the biscuit was musty, the beer was made of bad malt, and a ship, the
" Green Dragon," had met with some rough weather, and stove the beer
casks, so that much of the longed-for drink had to be pumped " out of
shipboard." The horses of the soldiers were again spent, and the land
round the town was too bare to restore them to condition. Guerilla
warfare increased, and the bands were seldom hunted down, escaping by
their superior speed and perfect knowledge of the country. Desmond
sought foreign intervention, and sent to ask help from Philip of Spain,
as well as from the northern chiefs O'Neill, O'Donnell and Sorley Boy.
In December Grey, the Lord Deputy, had sent a captain, Edward
Berkeley, who had served with distinction against Sorley Boy,3 to take
over the command of Askeaton. The day after he had started for it the
rebels entered the place, but were driven out by Lieutenant Parker. The
garrison consisted of 400 foot, Mr. Treasurer's and Sir Peter Carew's
bands being quartered in the castle, and Mr. Holling worth's in the Abbey.
We incidentally hear of a monk of Askeaton, a certain friar, James
O'Haie, who was examined by the English as to the message brought
by Shane O'Farrall, Friar of "Askeaton," from James FitzMaurice to
the Earl of Desmond. O'Farrell, on landing in Spain, hastened to the
Court, and brought Fitzmaurice to Bilbao, where O'Haie lay sick. The
latter asked how the Irish fortunes went, " both good and bad."
"How does the Earl of Desmond?" "He is well if he gets Fitz-
Maurice home"; and (added he) O'Farrell had been sent by FitzMaurice
to the Earl. This was of some importance, as it contradicted the Earl's
statements to Drury.4
THE BERKELEYS.
Captain Edward Berkeley, who was now warden of Askeaton Castle,
and his brother and successor Francis, were respectively third and
second sons of Sir Maurice Berkeley, of Bruton, in Somersetshire, who
had been standard-bearer to Henry VIII., and (in the rebellion that
so seriously threatened that monarch's daughter, Queen Mary) had
received the surrender of Sir Thomas Wyatt, taking up that ill-fated
person on his own horse for his better temporary security. The
Berkeleys of Bruton sprang from a warlike race descended from
Kadnoth the Staller, Sheriff of Bristol, under Edward the Confessor,
Desmond Roll (quoted infra, Appendix B), 1581. 2 Carew (1580), p. 301.
Carew (1584), p. 383 ; (C. S. P. I.) (1598), p. 346. 4 Carew (1580), p. 309.
156 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Harold, and William.1 There had been few of the greater battles of
England, in which the FitzHardings, Barons of Berkeley (the descend-
ants of Eadnoth's son Harding), had not taken part— Hastings, the wars
of Stephen, the Welsh wars, Caerlaverock and Bannock burn, Crec,y,
Calais, the French wars of the Duke of Bedford, and the Battle of
Bosworth. The Tudors had few more loyal or hard-fighting adherents.
The few facts of Edward's connexion with Munster appear in these
pages, while of Francis we need only note at present that he was Provost
Marshal and Sheriff of Connaught, his provostry at that time covering
Thomond (1586). He was a friend and favourite of Perrot (in whose
ruin he was nearly involved),2 a bitter opponent of Bingham, and won
the confidence and even some share of the friendship of the Irish in
Connaught, and at Askeaton, and was indeed censured for this latter fact
in the reign of James I.
1581-1583.— END OF DESMOND'S WAE.
In the following three years (1581-1588) little of note happened at
Askeaton: (Sir) Walter Raleigh reported to Grey that eleven of the
ward of Askeaton had been slain in May, 1581. Edward Berkeley
returned to Bristol in January, 1583, and in his absence Gregory Morgan
was vice- constable, and was committed for relieving rebels. A few
months later Sir Warham St. Leger heard that Desmond had crossed
the Shannon to confer with John OTerrall, friar of Askeaton. Then
Korreys, the President of Munster. asked for the place ; but the Lord
Deputy would not dispossess Edward Berkeley.3
At the end of the year fate overtook the unhappy fugitive Earl.
He had been closely pursued, " as when one doth hunt a partridge on the
mountains," during two years. He spent Christmas Day of 1582 in the
woods near Kilmallock, and was discovered by that garrison, who slew
and dispersed his followers, and took his goods. He and his wife barely
escaped, half naked, and saved themselves by standing up to their chins
in water, under the river bank, till their pursuers had gone. In
1 For Eadnoth and Harding, see Freeman's " History of the Norman Conquest,"
vol. iv., p. 757. The subsequent descent and history are fully given in Collinson's
'* History of Somerset "—the Visitation of Somerset, 1626 (Harleian Society), vol. xi.,
pp. 5-7 ; and in a Paper of mine in the " Journal of the Limerick Field Club,"
1902, vol. ii., p. 118. The descent from Louis VI. (through the families of
Taillefer, Valence, and Crt-oun) is in The Genealogist, New Ser., vol. x. (1893-4),
p. 140. Mr. Richard Langrishe has deduced the descent of Catherine Blount
(daughter of Lord. Mountjoy, and mother of Francis and Edward Berkeley) from
John of^Gaunt. The reputed descent from the King of Denmark is mythical (though
named in a mediaeval inscription), as the "might of buried Denmark" usurps the
place of Eadnoth in the pedigree.
2 He was brought to London and imprisoned on the occasion of Perrot's arrest,
hut was acquitted, and sent hack to Ireland the following year, and his lands
confirmed to him, August 16, 1591 (C. S. P. I.).
3 C. S. P. I. under dates, pp. 304, 423, 448, 462, 557.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 157
August, 1583, he was in Aherloe with sixty galloglasses, when (as they
cooked some horseflesh) they were attacked, and most of the Irish fell ;
their master only escaped by the swiftness of his horse. How many
other hair-breadth escapes took place we know not, but the Earl
drifted into western Kerry, and there he met his end.
Desmond had sent his wife away ; she sought refuge in England and got
a pension from the Queen : l he then wandered about the mountains and
woods of Kerry, sleeping by day and watching by night ; the English
soldiers were of course unable to molest him, but more mobile allies came
to their assistance. In the solemn words of the greatest of our annalists —
"At the beginning of winter, when the long nights began to set in, the
insurgents and robbers of Munster . . . prepared to rekindle the torch of
war ; but God thought it time to suppress, close, and finish the war of the
Geraldines." Desmond's followers seized some cattle; the owner's
brothers-in-law tracked the plunderers, and got some soldiers from Tralee
to join them. They followed the raiders to Glennageenty, watching the
freebooters' camp-fire down in the glen all night. In the "dusk of the
morning " of November llth, 1583, they surrounded and surprised their
camp, and burst into the huts, finding in one of them a majestic old man.
One of them struck him on the arm, nearly severing it from his body.
*• Spare my life : I am the Earl of Desmond," he cried ; but the assailants
fell on him (or, as some say, took him into the woods) and beheaded him.
His body was concealed and buried in Kilnamanagh ; his head was
impaled on London Bridge.2
1584-1598.— THE NEW GRANTEES.
The Crown had now to re-distribute the estates of its late too power-
ful subject, which were made the scene of several Inquisitions and Surveys.
An early one, May 20th, 1 584, 3 mentions the free tenants of "Inislesty."
The mill of Inniskesty worth 305. The weir there worth 16s. The
annual returns or "royal services" of O'Connyllin Asketten, viz., of the
Castle of Inneskesty 40s., after which this ancient and familiar name
disappears from the records.
The very full surveys of the Castle, Manor, and Abbey of Askeaton in
the great Desmond Roll and the Peyton Book of 1586 will appear in the
description of the castle, and in Appendix B to this Paper, and so need
not be given here.
Edward Berkeley continued to be Constable of Askeaton till 1589.
The Government, in one of its periodical fits of economy, got impatient of
1 She had, however, to find securities and pass a recognizance of £1000 for her-
self, and only received pardon from the Queen on February 8, 1597. — Fiants 6195,
Elinor, Countess of Desmond.
2 " Annals of the Four Masters," C. S. P. I., and several Inquisitions in the
Public Record Office.
3 Calendar of Inquisitions (Record Office, Dublin), Limerick, pp. 206 and 208.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTS LIMERICK. 159
the expense, and in the end Berkeley prudently resigned his pension and 15
footmen (small garrison for so important a place) for a fee-farm rent or
other recompense.1 He gave up the castle between May and September, and
in the latter month Sir "W. Herbert tried to get the "void castle" for
his cousin. The next month, however, the lands of Desmond were
apportioned among the " undertakers," and we find a group of three
names (two of world-wide fame, one of only local interest) — Sir Walter
Kaleigh, 12,000 acres, Captain Francis Berkeley, 7000 acres, and Mr.
Edmund Spenser, 4000 acres, at from 3d. to 4d. an acre head rent.
Edward Berkeley must have died soon after the time of his surrender,
for Queen Elizabeth, by a document granted at Richmond, December 18th,
1589, states that, " for the better re-peopling of the Province of Munster,"
she had desired that Sir Edward Barkley should have held the Castle
and Seignory of Askeaton ; but he having died before the great seal was
aflixed to the grant, she desired it to be transferred to his brother Francis.
Accordingly Francis Berkeley got " the Manor of Rock Barkley " for
ever at a rent of £87 10s., and was bound to erect houses for 56 families
and himself ; 4 houses for freeholders, 3 for farmers, 46 for copyholders,
He was also granted all the lands and tenements in the town of Askeaton.
except the castle and 40 acres reserved for the Crown. The grant com-
prises 12,000 (not 7000) English acres, and is dated 18th October,
1590.2
The fall of his patron, Perrot, clouded the prosperity and endangered
the safety of the new constable of Askeaton, after a few months ; for, in
1591, he was sent with other prisoners to London, but was eventually set
free and given £100 compensation for his detention; his lands were also
restored to him. He married Katherine, one of the numerous daughters
of Dr. Adam Loftus, Archbishop of Dublin, in 1596. His settlement
now was 7250 acres, and 21 English families were planted on it.3 He
was appointed Governor of Limerick Castle, November 2nd, 1597, the
patent being given free of seal because he was son-in-law to the
Chancellor. Strange to say, the Crown gave a lease of " the castle or
chief house called the Castle of Askeatinge" to Sir Anthony St. Leger,
17 October, 1598 ; but we may presume the outbreak a few weeks later
brought the grant to an untimely end.4
1 This was not unprecedented among English soldiers in Ireland in the reign of
Elizabeth, and seems to have been agreeable to the economy of her administration,
though at times very much to the advantage of the pensioner. For example, I have
a copy of a patent, 10 Eliz., part 8 (1568), relating to which I find a later grant under
1599, in the Calendar of Domestic Papers (p. 505), for the latter year, where Captain
Thomas "Westropp, of Sutton, Yorkshire, resigns a pension of £18 for his services,
and the loss of his right arm, in the Irish wars, receiving instead a lease of lands at
Sutton worth £30 per annum, for thirty -one years.
2 Cal. Fiants, Eliz., No. 5469.
3 C. S. P. I., p. 592 (1591), pp. 14, 60, 88.
4 Cal. Fiants, No. 6347. St. Leger was granted Mellifont Abbey and many other
places by this deed.
160 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
THE WAR OF THE SUGAN EAKL.
The last of the Earls of Desmond to "make history" was James, con-
temptuously called "the Sugan Earl." We may, after so many genera-
tions, call him here Earl of Desmond without political ill consequences.
He was son of Sir Thomas Roe Fitzgerald (half-brother to the ill-starred
Gerald, the 15th Earl), whose first wife, the daughter of Maurice lloche,
Lord of Fermoy, being his own grandniece, the issue of their union
was illegitimate. Sir Thomas, nevertheless, was recognised as Earl of
Desmond by Philip and Mary, and sat in Parliament in 1555. He was
knighted by Sidney in 1569, and died in peace in January, 1593. James
had joined O'Neill in 1598, and been by him created or recognised as
Earl of Desmond.1
The Lords Justices, Adam Loftus and others, had soon to write a
dismal letter2 (November 3, 1598), recounting a long list of "regrettable
incidents," losses of small towns and castles, raids and revolts in all
directions. The rebels, they stated, had come to the Castle of Askeaton,
and offered conditions to Sir Francis Berkeley, that his wife and others
should be safely conveyed to any port he chose ; and called on him to
surrender. Berkeley told them that the place was as rich and well
furnished as ever it was in Desmond's time, and bade them do their
worst. Thereupon the enemy promptly assailed it, and were expelled
with heavy loss, upon which they retired from its neighbourhood, but
watched the English. Twelve days later Loftus wrote again, pointing
out how Askeaton Castle was of great importance and was much thirsted
after by the rebels;3 and how Captain Berkeley, being one of the sons of Sir
Maurice, was already well known to their Lordships by his services for
many years ; he enclosed Berkeley's letter,4 which commences — " From
Her Majesty's Castle of Askeaton, where I now am environed with
neighbours that seek always to disadvantage us and preventing all means
that may minister to us any relief." Berkeley continues by telling how
the revolt had been so sudden and unexpected that he had only the pro-
vision fitted for a private gentleman, when, on Friday, October 6th, 1598,
at 8 o'clock at night, over 500 of the English settlers — men, women,
and children — came pouring into the castle without provisions. He kept
six score able men, and was fortunately able to send on the others in an
English bark which lay on the Deel, to Limerick, where the Mayor saw
them well cared for. He seems to have got in supplies of corn and
beeves, and asked for 500 men, and he soon had got his refugees trained
for service and anxious to avenge their losses. The enemy had only
ventured on a twelve days' siege, and then fled precipitately on a (false)
report that the Lord General was coming; but they had rallied. And he
1 MSS. T.C.D., E. 3. 18. 2 C. S. P. I. (1598), p. 331.
3C.S.P. I., p. 346. 4^.,p. 347.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 161
•closed by telling how "my lands are wasted and burned, and my goods
all taken away that are without the castle gate ; there remaineth but my
life, which shall be bestowed in Her Majesty's service." The condition
of the garrison, however, was not absolutely desperate, for a certain James
Gould wrote, the same day as Loftus, to the Earl of Ormonde to tell how
he had convoyed provisions into Askeaton, and that it was safe. No
further relief seems to have arrived that year ; Sir Thomas Norreys men-
tions Berkeley and his " 100 tall men of the English" as holding out
and deserving pay. This despatch was brought to the Privy Council by
Edmund Spenser, the poet, himself a sufferer, ruined in the same revolt.1
The "Four Masters" merely note under 1598, " Eas Gephthine in Ui
€onnell Gaura plundered by the Sugan Earl."
1599. — RELIEF OF ASKEATON.
In March Askeaton was still unrelieved, for '* the traitors' galleys
and other boats " still held the Shannon. At last, in June, the Earl of
Essex visited Limerick, and hearing of the extremity of the garrison of
Askeaton, set out to relieve and victual it in person. He was the more
piqued to do so by Desmond l( swearing to impeach" his pass, so he set
•out on June 8th to Adare, where the venerable bridges green with ivy
spanned the Maigue near the noble ruins of the Desmond's Castle and
the lofty towers and ivied gables of three monasteries. The enemy let him
cross, and put seven companies in an old abbey (probably the Augustiriian)
which secured the bridge. Essex, Bingham, and the Earl of Thomond
pressed forward, Thomond being in the van, " the forlorn hope," as it is
strangely called. Desmond lay in a wooded place among bogs at Robhar
(Rower), to the west of Adare, with u 2000 or 3000 Connaught men and
bonnaughts." Essex makes light of the ambuscade, saying that 100 of
the rebels fell and only six English, with twenty more hurt. If we had
Thomond's report, it might give the more serious aspect which the
skirmish presents in the pages of the " Four Masters" ; the latter state
that the Geraldines made a fierce resistance, " they discharged into their
(the invaders') eyes the fire and smoke of their black powder and showers of
balls f rom straightly-aimed guns." An English account says that Sir H.
Norreys lost his leg and Captain Jennings was killed. Essex spent the
night near Cappagh,2 a broken and picturesque tower, with a walled and
battlemented courtyard visible to the north of the railway, and one of the
few interesting objects seen from the train between Adare and Askeaton.
1 C. S. P. I. (1598), pp. 399, 400.
2 Miss Lawless' " With Essex in Ireland " has a picturesque account of the spirits
of those slain in the war passing before Essex in the night as he camped in Askeaton
Friary. This has been treated as a genuine legend in a recent History. I certainly
•did not hear it from the people, or from the Morgans of Old Abbey, with whom I first
visited the ruins in 1875. It is more likely that Essex would have slept in Askeaton
Castle as a most welcome guest than in the ruined Friary.
Tmir » <; A T f Vol. XIH., Fifth Series. )
DUF. R.S.A.I. ' M
162 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUAKIES OF IRELAND.
The enemy only ventured on a slight attack, so the English reached
Askeaton on the Sunday, June 10th, drove off the besiegers, and pro-
visioned the castle in (about) the 247th day of the blockade. The
" Four Masters " say that Essex stayed at his camp, sending on the
convoy to Askeaton; but O'Sullivan Beare,1 confirms the English
account.
Berkeley, after the relief of his castle, was there knighted by Essex,
for his brave maintenance of the siege, on June 12th,2 and evidently
followed him to Kilmallock. He " haunted and hunted "3 Garrett Fitz-
Nicholas and his kerne, capturing their cattle, horses, and corn supply in
July, and left Askeaton in charge of a garrison of 300 soldiers in August
to take various commands and commissions in Munster and Connaught.
Sir Anthony St. Leger got a grant at Dublin, October 17th, 1599, of
"A castle or chief house called the Castle of Askeatinge, with all edifices,
buildings, towers, gardens, courts and bawns," and 40 acres which had
been demised to Sir Francis Berkeley in the 32nd year of Her Majesty's
reign. The mismanagement of the military authorities left James
Fitz Thomas, the Sugan Earl, to blockade the castle (after Berkeley left)
by November 18th. The Government were able again to revictual it
about Christmas, but their army was ready to break up from foul weather
and want of food, money, and clothing.4
1600-1610.
Sir G. Carew passed Askeaton Castle5 in the summer of 1600, and put
in a garrison of 700 foot and 75 horse, sending Oliver Stephenson to hold
Corgrig. Berkeley meanwhile was serving in the disturbed northern
districts. He was at Elphin in August, and O'Docmell, taking advantage
of a fog, nearly surprised his camp, but Berkeley, noticing his movement,
let him come close ; and " then seeing he meant mischief," beat him back,
slaying 80 men.6 Berkeley subsequently took an active part in the siege
of Kinsale.
Finally, on May 29th, 1601, the Earl of Desmond was captured on
the Galtees, and ended his days in the Tower of London, so fatal to
others of his name. Neither his dashing gallantry, his attractive person-
ality, nor the devotion of a province, saved him from this dismal fate ;
1 Quoted by O'Donovan (" Annals of the Four Masters") :— " Essexius Asketiniam
pervenit in cujus castra Catholici noctu faciunt impetum."
' » "Arms of Knights" (1565-1616), in Ulster's Office, Dublin Castle, Book i.,
p. 60 : — " Sr Fraunces Barkley knighted at Asketon ye xij. of June, 1599. At
Kilrnalloke. King 20 shillings." The arms are given quarterly, 1st, gules, around a
chevron argent, 10 crosses pattee 6 and 4. 2nd, or. a saltier engrailed sable. 3rd, as.
two lions passant, or. 4th, gu., 10 bezants, 4. 3. 2. 1.
3 " Pacata Hibernia" (ed. 1810), cap. xii., p. 138.
4 Carew (1599), p. 304; C. S. P. I., 1599-1600, p. 259, p. 343.
5 Carew (1600), p. 401.
6 "Pacata Hibernia" (ed.,1810), cap. vii., p. 316.
NOTES ON ASKE.VTON, COUNTY LIMKKICK. 163
better had he died in that mountain glen a free man, as his kinsman died
in the glen in Kerry.
The new year (1602) had scarcely commenced when Don Juan de
Aquila came to terms with Carew, and the Spanish surrendered Kinsale
to the English army.1 This victory was commemorated by a most
honourable monument, the foundation of the Library of Trinity College,
by the soldiers. The rebellion then died out into a sullen "peace"
of nearly forty years. Berkeley, in 1602-3, repaired Limerick Castle,
and kept in efficiency the small garrison of Askeaton, numbering
barely 150 men.2 We hear little of the place ; but during 1603 one of
its citizens, Koger Rise, with Rowland Delahoyde, brought about the
establishment of ferry boats on the lower Shannon. The fares are worth
noting, and were regulated by the breadth of the river according as the
ferry was near its estuary or farther up. The fee for a cow or garron
varied from 4d. to 6^., two sheep, goats, or pigs from Id. to l%d., and pas-
sengers from 2d. to 3d., any packs they carried being free.3 Berkeley, the
same year, petitioned against the action of the Crown rent collector, who
(foreshadowing the illegal claims that cost the second Stuart King his head)
claimed the same rent for unprofitable as for profitable land contrary to the
terms of the grant of Queen Elizabeth. Askeaton was disturbed by rumours ;
the first news of the gunpowder plot said that it had been successful, and
that John Mac Thomas, a titular Earl of Desmond, was about to arrive in
the district supported by a Spanish army. We — though we may have
occasionally suffered from false rumours — can scarcely imagine the serious
danger and miseiy caused in those times by news that our better know-
ledge of public events would have saved us from fully believing till the
speedy refutation overtook the falsehood. In those days a rumour that
would scarcely lead to the publication of a " stop press" in our time,.
paralysed business and kept the authorities in grave correspondence and
deep anxiety for many weeks. Berkeley's neighbourly feelings towards
the native gentry led 0' Sullivan Beare to write to him about this
time, entreating his intercession with the Government for restoration to
his lands and the royal favour.4 King James, in 1603, granted to Sir
R. Boyle the churches of Ballengarie, Gare or Garrestown ; Askettan,
Askeatinge, or Askeaton ; Kilmachoe ; Lismakyre or Lesmackyrey, and
Eglishe O'Rossey (Iveross), part of the estate of the dissolved Abbey of
Kensham, in England.5
In 1606, despite the deep unrest, the Government, from motives
of economy, cut down the pay of its soldiers and the strength of its
garrisons ; Berkeley found himself left to keep down a large discon-
tented city (writhing under religious disabilities and every real and
imaginary grievance), with a constable, a porter, a " cannoneer," and
1 "Pacata Hibernia," cap. xxiii. 2 Carew (1602), pp. 226, 366, 396.
8 C. S. P. I. (1603), p. 352. * C. S. P. I., pp. 380, 432, 454, 512.
6 Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1 Jas. I., Ixviii, p. 12.
M 2
164 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
twenty warders. The constable was paid 3s. a day ; the porter, 9d. ;
the " cannoneer," Is. 4d. ; and the warders, Sd. each. As no outbreak
took place, the Government two years later discharged Berkeley from
his captaincy, but let him hold the two fortresses of Limerick and
Askeaton as best he was able.1
WALLING AND INCORPORATION OP ASKEATON, 1610-1615.
In January, 1610, Sir Arthur Chichester, the Lord Deputy, was
visited by Sir Francis Berkeley, who offered to wall Askeaton town on
such terms as the Lord Deputy should think fit. A few months later
the King directed Chichester to pass the Castle of Askeaton and 40 acres
of land in fee-farm to Sir Francis Berkeley, as he had offered to make
the castle a place of refuge for the English in those parts. He also
constituted the Constable's lands to be the Manor of Rock Barkeley,
and established a fair and weekly markets. By a second letter (April
25th, 1611), the King further granted the Constableship of Limerick to
" Morice " Berkeley for life, after the death of his father Francis. From
a third document in the same collection we learn that " Rock Barklie "
was also called "Magnestre," evidently from the ruined monastery, and
that the lands had originally been confiscated from Donough MacTeige.2
Askeaton, even if a feeble " walled town," was now ripe for another
act of the Government, whose influence was weak in the counties and
older towns, and who were at once anxious to strengthen the new
colonies and uneasy as to the strength of their own party in the next
Parliament. A number of small boroughs were incorporated, with small
close constituencies, and among the rest we find, " Askeyton,"3 October
20th, 1612. Edmund Drew was first " portrieve or provost," and the
burgesses were Sir Francis Barkley, Edmund Ley, Roger Rue, William
Rastell, Henry Widnam, John Eaton, Gilbert Rue, Anthony Cooper, John
Oreen, John Atkinson, John Stokes, and Andrew Davys.4 Drew, Lee,
1 C. S. P. I. (1606), p. 580 (1607), p. 87. The neglect of Limerick Castle was no
new policy. In about 1224 the C. S. P. I., p. 187, records how " in the Castle of
Limerick there were found (articles) worth scarcely 18 pence, as broken dishes," &c.
2 C. S.P.I. (1610), pp. 351, 430, 433, 577.
3 Members of Parliament for Askeaton — 1613. Anthony Stoughton and Roger
Rice. 1639. Maur. "Williams and George Crofton, 1661. Peter Pett and Richard
Southwell. 1689. John Burke and Edward Rice. 1691. Robert Taylor and John
Odell. 1693. George Evans and Robert Taylor. 1696. Chichester Philips. 1703.
Robert Taylor, junior, and Chichester Philips. 1713. Robert Taylor and Philip
Percival. 1715. John Bury and Edward Denny. 1723. Berkeley Taylor. 1727.
Berkeley and Edmond Taylor. 1729. William Taylor. 1747. John Minchin
Walcott. 1753. Edmond Malone. 1761. Joseph Hoare and Sir James Cotter.
1768. J. Hoare and Hon. Hugh Massy. 1783. Sir J. Hoare, Bart., and Richard
Griffith. 1790. Sir J. Hoare and Henry Alexander. 1797. John Seward. 1799.
Sir Vere Hunt, Bart. The single names were persons elected in succession to dead
or retiring members.
«'C. S.P.I. (1612), p. 293.
M M
166 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Widenham, Cooper, Green, and Atkinson established county families in
Limerick, Tipperary, and Clare. Not contented with the safe boroughs,
every means were taken to elect Government supporters for the counties
and old towns. The election was far from being above suspicion, and indeed
it is impossible to say anything more charitable than that the methods
on both sides were of equal "integrity." To give one example — In
Limerick, Edward Fitz Harris and Jeff erie Galway were said to have
been elected by 314 freeholders, yet the sheriff returned Sir Francis
Berkeley and Sir Thomas Browne. The matter was gone into by the
Parliament, and many of the complainants' votes were found to be given
by unqualified persons, and also many were absent whose names were
recorded. The cause being lost, the complainants confessed that this
was so ; but the successful side by no means cleared away all suspicion
from themselves.1
Berkeley, however, continued on no bad terms with his Irish
neighbours, and was accused to the Government, and found guilty, of
violating his articles of plantation by harbouring Irish husbandmen.
The matter seems to have been speedily dropped by the authorities, who
had few friends to spare, at any rate in those days. The seignory of
Kockbarkeley is stated in the same memorandum to have consisted of
some 1200 acres of demesne, 900 in fee-farm, 1200 evicted, 1100 leased,
and 36 in other tenures. The muster was 21 foot and 7 horsemen.
Berkeley used to bring his tenants to church, and employed Irish-
speaking ministers, which "made the people very attentive." He did,
according to his lights, all that was possible for his tenants, and
evidently had succeeded in undoing much of the ravage of two civil
wars, before his death, which took place at Askeaton Castle on December
20th, 161 5.2 He was succeeded by his eldest son, Maurice Berkeley,
then aged 17 years and 10 months, who became governor of Limerick
Castle, and married, but died young (aged 24), on September 8th, 1622.
His brother, Henry, a boy of 16, succeeded to, the Askeaton estates,
Limerick Castle being granted to his brother-in-law, George Courtenay ;
but Henry died before the age of 20 ; and his co-heirs were found to be
his nephew and sisters, William Courtenay (son of George Courtenay
and his wife, Katherine Berkeley), Elizabeth, wife of George Crofton, then
aged 20, Frances Berkeley, and Gertrude, wife of John Taylor.8 Through
the descendants of the last named, the blood of Sir Francis Berkeley is
1) reserved among the landowners of the district. Livery of the estates
was given to Elizabeth Crofton and Gertrude Taylor on November 21st,
1626, the other sisters not being mentioned. Frances successively
married Thomas Blayney of Tregonan, Denbighshire, by whom she left
1 C. S. P. I. (1613), p. 362 ; Carew (1613), p. 273.
2 Inq. post mortem (Exchequer). 3 Inq. post mortem.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 167
issue, and James Purcell, of Croagh, who died without issue ; her sister,
Katherine Courtenay, also died without issue.1
REVIVAL OF THE CONVENT.
It is evident that there had been a most complete break in the history
and life of Askeaton Convent. The indefatigable Father Donat Mooney
in 1617 was unable (through the dispersion of the monks and the estab-
lishment of the English colony) to collect any facts of value about it or
even (one concludes from his unusual silence) to visit its ruins. His
account seems all the more scanty from the interesting and, to students
of monastic architecture in Ireland, invaluable particulars about the
Franciscan Friary of Adare, which almost immediately precede his
notice of Askeaton. Strange to say, while he apologises for the Adare
notes as meagre (though giving copious extracts from the convent register
and full particulars about the founders of each part of the building, and
about the plate, vestments and monks), he makes no apology for the
truly meagre notes on Lislactin and Askeaton. He writes — " The
Convent of Askeaton is said to have been built by the Earl of Desmond.
It has not been inhabited by the Friars for many years. In the wars
against the Geraldines of Munster the inmates were treated in a most
barbarous manner by the English under Sir Nicholas Malbi. Some were
put to death for the Faith ; among these martyrs of Christ was Father
John Conor, whose remains are buried in the Chapter Room. I have
been unable to ascertain the names of the others."2
The unconquerable courage and vitality of the Franciscans resuscitated
the convent in 1627, when Father Francis Matthew was Provincial.
Some Friars " at the instance of many of the nobles (i.e. men of family)
began to dwell among the ruins of the convent and repaired it, so far
as the persecution would allow them.*' Father Hugh Ward, who re-
cords this in his "Brevis Synopsis Provinciae Hibernian,"3 about 1630,
1 A very full account (temp. William III.) of Berkeley's descendants is given in
the great Loftus Pedigree (MSS. T.C.D., r. 2. 23, pp. 95-115). From Gertrude's
son, William Taylor, descend the Barons Massy, who succeeded to Ballinort, and the
Taylors of Hollypark ; from her daughters the families of Gore and Westropp (see
Journal, vol. xx. (1890), pp. 74, 78, 79) ; of Gore-Hickman and many others. From
Frances Blayney descend, among others, the Croftons, Blayneys, Brownes (of New-
grove, Clare), and Ormsbys. See also Appendix to Thirtieth Annual Report of
Deputy Keeper of the Records (Patent Rolls, 1626, Roll I., Close) ; also Calendar of
Domestic Papers for November, 1672, giving curious particulars of the alleged plot
of Captain Thomas Walcott, son-in-law of Frances Blayney, to seize Limerick Castle,
and bring help from Holland, and his offer to Mountifort Westropp, son-in-law to
Gertrude. It presents a curious picture of the jealousies between the Royalist and
Cromwellian families, and the deep discontent of hoth parties against the Govern-
ment. The last person of the name is " Mr. Purcell, alias Berkly," of Croagh
Gowne, in the parish of Croagh, 1655, in the " Book of Distribution," p. 21
(Limerick). I cannot locate him in the family unless the " d.s.p." is wrongly
recorded of James Purcell, of Croagh.
" The Franciscan Tertiary " (Dublin, April, 1895), vol. v., p. 357.
3 Copied for me by the liev. Mr. O'Reilly, at the Library of the Franciscan
•Convent, Dublin.
168 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
unfortunately gives no further particulars. However, by his time the
tradition of the unmolested community, dispersed 52 years back, must
have got very dim — no less from the interval of time than from the
expulsion of all the better class adherents of the ruined house of
Desmond from the town and its neighbourhood. The records preserve
no appointment of a guardian from 1629 to 1645 ; probably the monks
who haunted the ruin never attempted to organise themselves; but a
great change was near at hand.
THE CONFEDERATES.
Fifteen years after the return of the monks Askeaton was reduced
by the Confederate Catholics. Lord Broghill had sent 200 soldiers to
garrison the castle a few months before ; but the summer passed, and the
Irish besieged the place, and there seemed no hope of relief. Belling L
preserves the terms of the capitulation : " August 14th, 1642. — Lieut.-
Col. Purcell and the Council of his Majesty's Cath cliques for the
Province of Munster for the one part, and the Warden of Askeaton for
the other." The articles were — 1-3. The arms, munitions, and horses of
the garrison and goods belonging to Catholics were to be surrendered.
4. The English and Irish warders to have their lives and safe conduct
to Downarayle or Corcke, with their goods, and half the books in the
Castle. 5. To swear on the Evangelists not to bear arms against the
King, and to sign and seal the same. 6. The garrison and inhabitants to
be unmolested in the Protestant religion. It was signed for the Con-
federates by Patrick Purcell, Oliver Stephenson (of Castleconnell),
Maurice de Rupe (Roche of Fermoy), Richard Butler and Thomas
Purcell. Among the besiegers were Purcells, Stephensons, Fitzgeralds,
Herberts, Donough O'Brien of Carrigogunnell, gent, and captain ;.
Dermot and Murrough O'Brien of Ballykett (Co. Clare), and Macna-
mara of the same, captains ; Lycett of Fannigiston (Fanningstown),
Macmahon, and Dominick Fanning, Mayor of Limerick. A letter from
the Lords Justices to the Commissioners in London, dated September 1st,.
1642, seems written in ignorance of the surrender. The rebels, with
the ordnance found in Limerick Castle, it runs, "have taken all the
castles in the county of Limerick except Asketon," and the numbers of
the English who had been maintained in these castles was so great that
the refugees to Youghal caused great scarcity.2
Those who have searched through the great collection of depositions
relating to the rising in Limerick in 1641-42 and the huge rolls wherein,
with lavish waste of parchment and stern economy of detailed entries,
1 " History of the Irish Confederates and the War in Ireland" (J. T. Gilbert),
vol. ii., xxxvi., p. 51.
2 Carte MSS. in., pp. 268, 272 ; Gilbert's " History of the Irish Confederates and
the War in Ireland " (1882), vol. ii., pp. 53, 54.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 169
are set the receipts, booty, and expenditure of Axtell's regiment, found
little to reward them so far as Askeaton is concerned.
Askeaton is only named once, so far as I can find, in the 1641
depositions, and then only as the residence of a person casually named in
one of them. In 1653, however, commissioners were appointed to take
evidence against the leading Confederates. They sat at Mallow, and one
of the deponents, " Christopher Webb, of Mallow, aged twenty-seaven
yeares," told briefly how, in 1641, " he lived at Archkeaton in ye County
of Limbrick . . . that the said (Oliver) Stephenson was in Actuall
Armes against ye English in ye yeare 1641. This Deponent's cause of
Knowledge is that hee was in ye Castle of Archkeaton aforesaid, when y"
sd Castle was taken by ye Irish, and that after it was surrendered he
saw ye said Stephenson Amongst y* pty (that party) that tooke ye said
Castle, and was called by name of Maior Generall. The Deponent further
saith y* hee had a passe fr: him and Lt.-Gen: Purcell after ye Castle was
surrendered to repaire to Eathgoggan Castle, in the County of Corke."1
THE RESTORED CONVENT.
The victory of the Confederates enabled the monks to repair and
openly re-establish their long ruined home. It is evident from the ruins
that no rebuilding took place ; very probably the church was cleared
from the debris of the fallen tower, and the buildings, or a portion, were
roofed and refurnished. Lewis gives the date as 1648, but the proba-
bilities, and the date on the Stephenson monument, make it clear that
this is a misprint for 1643. The monument was erected (as we shall
see) in 1646, to Richard Stephenson and his son Oliver; the latter fell in
the battle of Liscarroll ; the upper tablet is dated 1 642. I fail to identify
any other structural feature of the convent as belonging to that anxious
period.2
In 1645 Jerome Herbert was elected by the monks as guardian, being
re-elected in 1647 and 1648, and he held office till 1650, when Owen
O'Caghan, S.T.L., was elected. In Herbert's time (1647) the bodies of
Patrick Healy, Bishop of Mayo, and Cornelius Rorke, who had been exe-
cuted in August, 1578, were, it is said, removed to this convent with
great pomp and there buried.3 After this the acts of the Chapter are
significantly silent, till the iron rule of Cromwell closed. In all pro-
bability the monks fled abroad, or remained in close concealment. The
restoration of Charles brought the possibility of reorganization. In 1661
"William Hurley was appointed guardian ; he must have been re-elected
several times, as he was only succeeded by Francis Wall in 1670. In
conclusion, and to keep together these notes, we record the succession of
1 Depositions, T.C.D. Library, Clare and Limerick, p. 387, March 7, 1653.
Before fl. Wheeler and Tho. Coakley.
2 For the Stephensons, see Appendix D, at end of this Paper.
3 O'Reilly's " Memorials of ti
those who suffered for the Catholic Faith," p. 189.
170 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
guardians as— Jeremiah Herbert, 1670, re-elected 1675, 1676, 1681,
1683, 1687; Donatus Mahon, 1672; William Healy (? Hurley), 1678.
The appointment was left to the discretion of the Provincial in 1680.
John Mulcahy was elected 1684; David Geraldine (Fitzgerald) in 1689,
1690. In his term of office I find a legacy of £6 left to the monks of
Askeaton by Daniel, Viscount Clare.1 Then a blank occurs from the
tremendous change of that and the following year, and the reversal of the
indifferent or friendly policy of the Stuarts.
Patrick Purcell was guardian 1697 and 1703 to 1711; Anthony
MacEnery, 1699-1701 ; John Davis, 1702. The last appointments under
the Stuarts were Anthony MacEnery in 1711 and Francis Hickey in
1714. The guardianship must have been a mere shadow after 1690,
though we may suppose that a few monks long dwelt in the neighbour-
hood and haunted the ruins of their " holy and beautiful house" ; we
find no such traces of the survival of the convent as are found at Quin,
Clare-Galway, Ennis — where one of the monks assisted the parish priest,
and was always as such chosen guardian — and elsewhere. The mere
nominal appointments down to 1872 are reserved for an appendix to this
Paper.2
AJ<TEfi 1650.
Any account of Askeaton after 1650 must be at present very frag-
mentary. The ''life-history" of the castle ended in 1652, for it was
taken without recorded struggle and dismantled by Captain Axtell,
Governor of Kilkenny.3 The enormous parchment rolls of Axtell's
accounts in 1652-3 give us no particulars about Askeaton, nor are any
found in the Order Books of the period. Popular tradition in 1875 yet told
how the ubiquitous "• Cromwell" had undermined the castle, propping it
Tvith beams as he worked, and then burning the supports ; half the massive
keep fell by its own weight. As the method was in use at the period,
we may receive the story — less the name of Cromwell — until better
evidence supports or refutes it. The Stephenson family are reputed (we
think most doubtfully) to have expelled the monks " the second time "
(whether the term implies 1651 or 1691), and to have torn down the
high altar and made their tomb on its site.
We do not purpose following the failing fortunes of Askeaton down to
modern times, but are unwilling to omit a few scattered notes throwing
a gleam of light on its history. In August, 1655, a description of Askea-
ton is found in the Civil Survey of County Limerick in the Record Office,
Dublin4 :—
1 Inquisition, Record Office, Dublin.
2 I take these elections from a list painstakingly and most kindly compiled for this
essay by the Rev. Mr. O'Reilly, Librarian of the Franciscan Convent, Dublin, from
the invaluable records in his keeping. (See Appendix C.)
3 " History of Limerick" (Fitz Gerald and Macgregor), 1826, vol. i., p. 361.
4MSS., pp. 66, 67.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 171
'" Asketton town and Lands, beinge a manner with the Priviledge of a
Courte Leete and Court Barronn, five plowlands and halfe with a Castle
and a greate stone buildinge, an Abbie and church ; a corporate Town ;
two Mills, whereof one belongs to Mrs. Crofton, with a greate Bridge, a
fishing Leape, Three Eele wears, Three Salmon weares, Two ffaires in
the yeere and a markett once in the weeke, all thereunto belonging ;
niearinge on the East with Ballihomyne and Englands towne ; on the
South with Bolliglass ; on the West with Tomdily and Ballinecahirigh
and on the north with Tomdili and Moaghneiila. The lliver of Deele
runeth through the said lands (p. 67). Abbie Land in Asketten, twentie
Irish Acres mearinge with Moagh on the East, and the South with
Asketton towne, on the West with the lliver of Deele, and on the north
with Ballinash " (p. 66).
In 1663 More Purcell, plaintiff, claimed two jointures. Thomas
O'Hagan proved that she sent provisions to the Irish at Castlehaven
(really Castletown, Sir Hardress Waller's house, in the other depositions)
and Askeaton ; she paid her proportion towards maintaining the soldiers
at the river.1 Many, like More Purcell, found the memory of those
acts (undertaken for a cause so sacred and once bearing all before it),
rising up to their detriment and ruin, when, in the midway of this our
mortal life, ' ' they had to face poverty and other grim realities and try to
Avin back a pittance from the wreck of their family and fortune from
unsympathetic judges and hostile interests."
In 1690, during the siege of Limerick, we find Eichard Taylor of
Ballinort, corresponding with King William's officers, giving information
on the dangerous state of his district, and asking for a garrison. He also
sent an acceptable present of dainties to the King.2
In 1712 an attempt was made to get the Government to refit the
castle : ' ' Motives humbly offered by the Earl of Orrery to induce her Matie
to Erect Askeaton Castle in the County Limerick into a Government."3
" This castle was built and fortified as a stronge hold by the Earl of
Desmond, and was of great and singular service to him in his Kebellion in
the Keign of Queen Elizabeth : the town was made a Burrow and corpo-
ration by letters patents from King James the First.
" It is scituated in an Island made by a Division of the River about one
hundred yeards above the Castle, and united again at a less distance below
to which the tyde flowes and makes it a navigable river to the Shannon,
where it empties itself after a course of Three mile and is one of the
best passes for crossing that river into the County of Clare. The want of
1 Calendar of the Carte Papers (ed. Prendergast), Part in., p. 155, No. 347.
- Correspondence relating to the War in Ireland, MSS. E.I. A., vol. vi., No. 3 ;
and Lenihan's " History of Limerick," p. 250. The very interesting will of Taylor
is preserved in Dublin (Limerick Registry). It dates 1693 ; proved, 1697.
a Southwell MSS., Record Office, Dublin, vol. ii., p. 131.
172 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
wch conveniency was of great detriment and delay to the speedy reducing
of Limerick in both the late rebellions of '41 and '88.
"It will alsoe be of great security to The Protestants already settled
there, as well as an Encouragement to others to settle, there being at
present no barracks near to protect them from the Insults of Irish
Rapparees.
11 Its scituation near the Confines of Kerry makes it a key to that
County and commands the best passes from Thence for carriages, &c.,
which may be annoyed or sustained by this garrison.
"It will alsoe greatly secure the navigation of the Shannon, there
being noe fortress now Thereon from the mouth of the Biver to the
citty of Limerick, tho sixty mile distant.
ASKEATON CASTLE.
(Drawn by G. Holmes ; published 1799.)
" The ffortress is at present ruinous ; but the Earl of Orrery proposes
for the sum of five hundred pounds from the Government (sic) to put it
into repair, and to keep it soe continualy at his own charge provided
Her Majestie will make him Governor of it at the usual allowance and
with the accustomed profitts made to the other Governors of Corke and
Limerick. The Earl of Orrery, having three-fourths of Entire manner and
town of Askeaton hopes from thence as well as from the advantage that
is likely to accrue by this proposal to the Publick to be well entitled to
this favour from her Matie."
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 173
The Crofton name long remained attached to the locality. I find in
the settlement between Richard Taylor of Rock Abbey, Thomas Westropp
of Ballysteen, and John Colles (made on the marriage of the first with
Mary Colles), 21st January, 1783,1 that Taylor conveyed May or Mayast
or Rock Abbey, near Askeaton, on which the abbey stands, commonly
called the Abbey Parks, and Crofton's Brook, to the trustees. I have
met little other mention, even incidentally, of the abbey in the eighteenth
•century. Grose describes the castle under a wrong name, with an
illustration of 1792.2
Through the kindness of Mr. Philip H. Hore, I am enabled to give
reproductions of two interesting (if not very accurate) engravings of the
period. The first gives a view of the " TOWN and CASTLE of ASKEYTON
taken from the RUINS of the ABBEY." It very much exalts the latter
building, and, for picturesque purposes (worthy of the landscape draw-
ings of the famed Dr. Syntax), doubles the number of arches in the
bridge.3 It was " published, as the Act directs, by G. Kearsly, No. 46,
Fleet-street, March 1st, 1779. P. Sandby, E.A., pinxit." We may note
that the club-house at the castle appears in this view. Another illustra-
tion dates from, or at least was published August 1st, 1799, from a
sketch of G. Holmes, engraved by J. Walker, of Roseman's-street,
London. It reappears in much more accurate form twenty-seven years
later in Fitz Gerald and Macgregor's History. It shows the five-arched
bridge, with the castle and hall behind it, but not the club-house.
The town was disfranchised at the Union, and £15,000 paid as
•compensation to the Earl of Carrick and Lord Massey (as representatives
of the Berkeleys through their marriages with the co-heiresses of William
Taylor of Ballinort), Sir Vere Hunt and Sir Joseph Hoare, baronets.4
The Corporation became extinct ; the Manorial Court died in 1834, with
its last seneschal, and was replaced by the unromantic Petty Sessions
•Court. Even in 1811 the Vice-Provost of Askeaton, Richard Taylor,
"had never heard of there being any public record, roll, instrument,
manuscript book, or paper belonging to the borough, and had never held
any,"5 so that there seems little hope indeed of any really satisfactory
history being compiled for the latter days of steady decadence and abuse
of the little " pocket borough " and corporation, founded with such high
hopes of prosperity and consolidation of English interest two hundred
years before, and which had from the first been galvanized into life,
and maintained in it against reason and almost against destiny for many
1 Dublin Registry of Deeds, B. 361, p. 289.
2 Francis Grose's "Antiquities of Ireland," vol. ii., Plate 39, " Rockbarton "
Castle, i.e. Rockbarkeley.
3 That is to say gives ten arches. The view in " Pacata Hibernia" (c. 1586)
shows six. The bridge at present has that number, but one is closed by the quay, as
in 1799, so that only five are seen from the Abbey.
* Lewis' " Topographical Dictionary," vol. i., pp. 80, 81.
" Liber Munerum Publicorum Hiberniae," Part iv., p. 247.
ROYAL SOCIKTY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
generations. Where I have failed to give a full and connected history,
especially in this closing century of the place, I can only hope for the
pardon of my readers, and that the time may come which may make
possibly a more worthy history of the chequered fortunes of the castle,
convent, and town of Askeaton.
CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA.
Page 35, supra. — Having since copied the entire Rental of O'Conyll, 1452, I find,
near its end, far from the Survey of Innyskefti, the following note among the
" Regalia de O'Conyll" : — " Castro de Innyskesty, xls.," which escaped my notice.
This implies that there is no break in the existence of the castle, though its repair by
Gerald, the seventh Earl of Desmond, is still more than probable.
Page 38 (prefix to note 2). — In 1443, James, Earl of Desmond, was licensed, by
the Deputy, James, Earl of Ormond, to absent himself from Parliament (Sir James
Ware's " Antiquities and History of Ireland " (ed. 1705) under year).
(To be completed.}
( 175
THE OGHAM MONUMENT AT KILBONANE.
BY R. A. STEWART MACALISTER, M.A., F.S.A.
[Read MARCH 31, 1903.]
T COMMENCE this Paper with three postulates :—
First : That there is literary evidence that in' the days when Ogham,
writing was in use, the characters were cut on twigs, and that the
written twigs were sometimes looped or wreathed into a circle. We read
of at least one case of such a looped twig, bearing an important
announcement, and on the monument at Logic, in Aberdeen shire, there
seems to be an illustration of such a wreath.
Secondly : That apart from Ogham writing there appears to have
been a kind of secret jargon in use in Ireland, which is referred to as
the Ogham language, and is described more than once as an accomplish-
ment of men of learning ; and that fragments of the same or a similar
jargon exist in the shape of a vocabulary known as the Bearlagair na
Saor.
Thirdly : That it is possible for an artificial dialect to obtain
currency and to become, as it were, a second language to its speakers,
even when the words are mere random inventions. Volapiik can be
acquired, like any other language, by anyone who has time to waste :
in this "language" the different words are more or less empirical.
When the words are formed by cryptographical processes from the
words of another language, the memory is to some extent aided by
association. Shelta, which is Irish written backwards, and which is
spoken by certain tramps, is an illustration of the possibility of a
" cryptographic " jargon becoming a fluently-spoken language.
These three postulates smooth the way for the interpretation I
propose in the following Paper of the very singular Ogham monument
lying in the old church of Kilbonane.
The writing covers two angles of the slab and the face between them.
The inscription on the face is in two lines and is independent of the
inscription on the angles.
The angle inscription is damaged in places ; but after weighing all
possible alternative readings at the injured points, the following may be
put forward, with a fair measure of certainty, as the original intention
of the engraver : —
. . . AGNI MAQI ADDILONA INAGENE MT7CO-BIDANI.
(" Of ... agnos, son of Addilon, daughter of the tribesman of Bidanis.")
For my present purpose there is no special remark that need be
176 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
made on this inscription, interesting though it be for several reasons,
•except on the question of the missing letters to be restored at the
commencement of the legend. The scribe commenced his work with a
mistake, writing first a B, which he afterwards scratched out. After
the B is a space now blank, containing just room for at most eight
scores, before we reach the surviving AGNI. It is important to notice that
these scores must have been vowels or n-group consonants only, as the B-
surface is quite uninjured, and shows no mark whatever, except a faint,
and, I am persuaded, natural furrow, like the tail of an M. The H-surface,
however, is chipped and broken.
Why did the scribe first cut as? It can hardly have been an
-accident. The more I think of it the more I feel the probability that
he was copying an exemplar cut on a looped twig ; and, not observing at
first the exact place where the legend began, started with BID ANT.
The face-inscription runs as follows : —
NIK <<« MNIDAGNIESSICONIDDALA
AMITBAIDAGNI.
"When I, as well as others, previously treated of this inscription, we
considered the B in the second line to belong to the angle- inscription —
an a priori possibility. In the same way the D of BIDANI has been
transferred to the face-inscription, and so in previous copies the second
line appears as LAMITAIDAGNI.
It ought, however, to have been obvious to me that the true reading
is BAIDAGNI, and that it is to be equated to the MUCO-BIDANI at the end of
the angle-inscription. This equation is nearly equivalent to the Mona-
taggart DALAGNI = MAQI DALI.
It may be at once admitted that in despite of all attempts that have
been made, this inscription has defied analysis into satisfactory Irish of
any period. But the clue afforded by BAIDAGNI leads us to search the
rest of the inscriptions for similar correspondences; and we soon find
IDAGNI, which exactly fills all the necessary conditions for the restoration
of the first name in the angle-inscription, and IDDALA-, which is unmis-
takably parallel to ADDILO-NA. By our looped twig Deus ex machina we
.may complete the correspondence in the latter case, transferring the NI
from the beginning to its proper place at the end of the first line.
He-arranging the face-inscription in accordance with the theories
suggested, we have the following equation between the two legends on
the stone : —
K<^«MN IDAGNI ESSICON IDDALANI AMIT BAIDAGNI
= (id) AGNI MAQI ADDILONA INAGENE MUCO-BIDANI
The word with which the inscription opens may perhaps be a key-
word, giving a clue to the particular form of jargon employed. If, as
THE OGHAM MONUMENT AT KILBONANE. 177
there seems reason to conclude from the Ballymote treatise on Ogham
writing, various forms were in use, some such clue must have been
necessary to afford a key when the writing was not in standard Irish nor
in the standard alphabet. If we write the word in Ogham letters, and
underneath it write the same word backwards :
III
a correspondence will be noted between the number of scores in corre-
sponding letters — a fact probably not without significance.
The name IDDALANI is formed from ADDILONA by the mere interchange
of i and A. Properly speaking we should have IDDALONI ; but the second
A comes at the extreme top of the stone, and there is no room for the
second vowel-point. The scribe, therefore, omitted or overlooked it.
ESSICON and AM IT must correspond to MAQI and INAGENE respectively.
There is no legitimate language likely to be found on a monument in
Kerry in which these words have these meanings : it follows, therefore,
if the other correspondence be not merely a chain of curious coincidences,
that they are arbitrary words invested with the meanings in question.
It would be interesting to know if in any of the vocabularies of JBearlagair
na Saor such or similar words have such meanings.
On their etymology it is hardly profitable to speculate ; but I think
I have hit on a possible explanation of the existence of the form AMIT =
daughter. If the word for son is written MAQV (like QVECI in the Drum-
loghan cave-inscription), it will be seen that AMIT can be derived from it
by an interchange of letter-groups —
/, MM
/ ' Ml
MA Q V
; /;;;;; HJ
AMI T
Theoretically, of course, we should have AMNT ; but that would not
be pronounceable. ESSICON by analogy should have some connexion with
INGEN : the only way I can connect these is by the unsatisfactory device
of moving the first three letters a step forward in the scale, and leaving
the other four as they stand. This gives INNICON, which, however, is still
some distance off INGEN. But analogy is an unsafe guide in so empirical
a subject.
However these words may have been invented, I think I have shown
that the Kilbonane monument affords reason for believing —
(1) That the MS. romances state a credible fact when they assert
that Ogham was written on looped twigs.
T? Q A T i Vo1- XI"-t F»fth Series. \ N
Jour. R.S.A.I. j Vol xxxm ; Consec- Ser. j
178 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
(2) That a jargon was actually spoken, founded on Irish written in
the Ogham alphabet, and treated cryptographically in accordance with
the transpositions shown in the Ballymote treatise : and that this is the
language referred to as " Ogham " in the Annals.
(3) That this jargon had obtained such currency that it might even
be written on monuments with no thought of secrecy or trifling. I
take it that those who had the Kilbonane monument inscribed had it cut
(as they thought) in the two languages known in the district, just as
their brethren in Wales erected monuments in Irish and Latin.
(4) That Ogham monuments were carved, not by the survivors of
the deceased, but by stone-cutters or professional scribes, just as at the
present day. The scribe of the Kilbonane stone knew Irish, and could
write it in Ogham, but was ignorant of the jargon. Hence when he
commenced writing in the wrong place, he detected his mistake on the
first occasion, but not on the second.
How far this interpretation will stand criticism I cannot foresee.
But I may claim that it affords an explanation of the inscription on the
Kilbonane stone, less strained than any other interpretation, founded on
a philological analysis, that has yet been brought forward.
I 179 )
OCCUPATION1 OF CONNAUGHT BY THE ANGLO-NORMANS
AFTER A.D. 1237.
BY H. T. KNOX, M.R.I.A., FELLOW.
(Continued from page 74.)
PART IV.
Po appreciate justly the FitzGerald position and action in Connaught
during the thirteenth century, the position in Ulster must be taken
into account.
Amabill's deeds show that her father held Tirconnell and Fer-
managh.2 An early grant of Fermanagh explains why Maurice Fitz-
Gerald built castles at Clones and at Caeluisce, now Castlecallwell,
•on Lough Erne. I infer that Maurice retired from Fermanagh after the
destruction of his castles in 1213, and that he took up Carbury and
Tirconnell together. Maurice and his son Maurice interfered repeatedly
in Tirconnell and Fermanagh from 1238 to 1260. O'Donnell burnt
Sligo in 1270. A castle was built at Caeluisce again in 1252. From
1286 onwards the Earl alone appears in these proceedings, taking the host-
•ages of O'Neill and O'Donnell, and constituting and deposing chiefs. The
last proceeding of the kind was in 1291. In 1305 the new Castle of Inish-
owen was built. Cenel Eoghain was kept in the Earl's hands. In 1318
an O'Neill was deposed, but returned. Thereafter no collisions between
foreigners and Cenel Conaill or Cenel Eoghain are recorded,3 save in Bruce's
invasion, an occasion of general rising in which even O'Kellys and some
O'Maddens and O'Malleys joined. The result of this effort convinced
them of their feebleness against the great power of the Earl of Ulster,
to whom they gave no more trouble. It was not increase of their power,
but total disappearance of the Earl's power in 1338, that made them inde-
pendent. The king's power had become but a shadow in Connaught and
Ulster, being based on that of the Earl only. The Earl had taken the
place of the king, and of a vigorous king, and gave his dominions a
degree of peace unknown to the greater part of Ireland.
Sir Maurice FitzMaurice's estates were divided between his daughters
1 The Paper on the " Occupation of the County Gal way" was prepared for the
•meeting at Gaiway, and was confined to that county (Journal, vol. xxxi., p. 365).
2 R. B. 266, 267. For explanation of references, see p. 189.
3 L. C. 1212, 1213, 1238, 1239, 1242, 1245-6-7-8, 1250, 1252-3, 1257, 1259,
1260, 1270, 1286, 1291, 1305, 1310, 1319.
N2
180 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Amabill and Juliana. Amabill transferred her share to John Fitz-
Thomas, afterwards Earl of Kildare, upon conditions not shown fully in
the Eed Book. Thus he became lord of her share of the estates in Con-
naught and Ulster and Munster, as well as of what he inherited from his
father, which we know included the Banada part of Leyny. Juliana had
married Thomas de Clare before 1275.1
John FitzThomas's Connaught possessions thus acquired were one-
half Conmaicne Cuile, one-half Carbury, including Sligo, one-third
Corran. one-half Aidhne. The other parts of these may have gone to
Juliana, but I find only the reference already quoted to inheritance by
Margaret de Badelesmere, her granddaughter, and to the half share in the
advowson of Ardrahan in Inquisition C. This partition had great con-
sequences. John FitzThomas, immediately after his accession as lord of
Offaley, interfered with the 0' Conor succession in Moy Ai, and so came
into collision with the Earl, who naturally looked upon the 0' Conors as
within his sphere of influence. Those confused proceedings appear in
the Annals of Loch Ce, 1288-1294. The quarrel culminated in the-
seizure of the Earl by John FitzThomas. The success was dearly paid
for. When the Earl was released, John was bound, as price of forgive-,
ness, to surrender to the Earl 120 librates of land in Connaught as
compensation, and all his lands in those parts and in the County of Louth,
receiving for the residue, over and above the 120 librates, an equal value
of the Earl's lands in other parts. According to his petition to the King
in 1301, John complained that the valuers did not value fairly, but gave
the Earl possession of all John's lands, and gave John nothing instead;3
upon which the king called for the record. The matter seems to have
been settled privately, for the Eed Book, p. 271, shows: "A release
and pardon, from the Lord Bourk to the lord John FitzThomas, of all
injuries done to him and of all such lands as the said John his ancestors had
in Conaghte. Drogheda, 1 0 June, 30 Edw. I. " (= 1 302). This says nothing
of the Louth lands. It seems most probable that John gave up all the Ulster
and Louth lands, and was given back the Connaught lands, for there is
no more interference by Geraldines in Ulster. The Earl seems to have
bought from him some of his Connaught lands after this, as the Earl
built the castle of Sligo in 1310. And Sir William seems to have
acquired other portions, so that John FitzThomas disappeared com-
pletely as a Connaught lord. Ballymote Castle and Sligo Castle, as
improved, formed two very strong points for the protection of Connaught
on the north-eastern border. A full reconciliation no doubt followed in
1312, when John's son Thomas married Richard's daughter Joan.
The fees of Aidhne and Luighne, of which Maurice FitzGerald was
enfeoffed, would not have given his descendants undue weight in Con-
naught, but his acquisition of other grants gave them so great a territory
1 D. I. iii., No. 1142. 2 D. I. iv., No. 835, 843.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 181
in North Connaught that they were tempted to interfere in the O'Conor
quarrels, which their chief lord was accustomed to settle.
It seems a strange statement, but I think it is a fact that the Norman
settlers disappeared from Thomond because Maurice FitzGerald acquired
too much land in Connaught. The following account of Thomoud affairs
is taken mainly from Mr. Westropp's " Normans in Thomond" (Journal,
vol. xxi., p. 284). Thomas de Clare settled in Tradree in 1274, having
married Juliana in that year or earlier. Next year he and FitzGeralds and
Butlers drove out Torlogh O'Brien, King of Thomond, and set up Brian
Roe. Torlogh returned from Galway with de Burgos and O'Maddens and
O'Kellys, and beat Brian Hoe, who was murdered by his ally de Clare.
In 1278 Torlogh was driven out, but returned next year, when a
partition with Brian Roe's son Donough was arranged. In 1280
de Clare came from the South with Geraldine help, and "William
de Burgo came from Galway with Butler help. Earl Richard, who
had been put in possession of his estates in 1279, and arranged par-
tition, ordered that Torlogh be confirmed in possession of East Thomond,
and that hostages be given to de Clare. The reason of his giving hostages
to Thomas de Clare is that Torlogh held 7 cantreds and 16 vills in
Thomond under the manor of Bunratty at a rent of 182 mks., 4s. 4d.1
Friendship existed between de Burgos and O'Briens since William
•de Burgo married Donnell More's daughter. These O'Briens were
Richard's cousins, and he had no interest in making a very strong king of
the Irish. Sir William's wife was a daughter of Brian Roe. From all
de Burgo points of view the partition was a satisfactory settlement.
As Thomas de Clare was a son-in-law of Sir Maurice FitzMaurice, and
was now likely to acquire half of his great estates in Connaught, and
Munster and Ulster, in right of his wife, it became a real de Burgo
interest to support Torlogh against the race of Brian Roe, and not allow
the king of the Irish to be a nominee of de Clare. Mr. "Westropp calls
Emelina de Lungespee wife of Maurice of Desmond,2 but her husband was
certainly Maurice, Baron of Offaley. In 1287, Thos. de Clare was again
at war with Torlogh, who killed him and his ally Gerald FitzMaurice,
and invaded Munster, whence the Earl got him to retreat. It was no
interest of the Earl to destroy Tradree and the English, his ally having
been established as King of the Irish.
If these wars had been only a fight for Tradree on the de Clare side,
depending on Brian Roe's confirmation of the English grant, this defeat
should have brought the de Clare power to an end. In fact, Gilbert
succeeded peacefully when he came of age. During his minority there
was no one to take up the cause of Brian Roe's sons, and so King Torlogh
had peace.
The FitzGerald interference in the O'Conor successions from 1288
1 D. I. ii., No. 459. 2 Journal, vol. xx., p. 286 ; but see vol. xxiv., pp. 188, 291.
182 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
to 1294 looks like an attempt to acquire a footing in Connaught Irish
affairs, to compensate for the complete loss of influence over the Irish of
Thomond.
Gilhert de Clare was given possession of his estates in 1303, and was
succeeded in 1308 by his brother Kichard. In 1309 Brian Roe's grandson
Dermot rose against Torlogh's son Donough, who succeeded Torlogh in
1306, and was supported by Richard and his Munster English. The de
Burgo power under Sir William was for Donough. After indecisive
fighting, Richard and Dermot were defeated in 1311, but Sir William was
taken prisoner. The Earl again personally intervened, and renewed the
partition. Continuous fighting ensued over this partition, which ended
in the defeat and death of Richard de Clare in 1318. His ally Brian
Bane O'Brien was expelled from Thomond, and settled in Ara across the
Shannon, where the chief of his descendants was known afterwards as
Mac I Brien Ara.
The daughters who shared Richard's estate were, with their husbands,
absentees. The cantred of Tradree was left without a lord to give the
English settlers effective defence, and so the English tenants disappeared,
and the land became purely Irish after 1338. But for the de Clare
interference in the O'Brien quarrels, they might have held in peace and
increased in strength yearly, and but for the FitzGerald alliance, might
never have come into serious collision with the great Earl, whose power
predominated over Connaught and Ulster, and was very great in Thomond
and Munster. None could safely come into collision with him or his
grandsons. This great power gave to his part of Connaught and to Ulster
a degree of peace which enabled the colonists everywhere to establish them-
selves well. The Annals show that raids upon the English of Connaught
became fewer and fewer, very little fighting among the English, and that
from the acquisition of the earldom and the coming of age of Earl Richard r
there was an irresistible power able and willing to enforce peace in his-
domain. It may be said that there was a steady progress throughout the
century, and that the peace would have been general in Connaught if the
King had restrained the O'Conors and kept the peace among them, as he
could have done easily. The lord of Connaught steadily beat them down,
but, having no right over Moylurg and Moy Ai and Trituatha, he could
not build castles to restrain their turbulence.
A remarkable feature is the willingness of the Irish to accept
government. The O'Kellys, O'Maddens, O'Heynes, O'Shanghnessys,
OTlahertys, O'Dowdas, were generally quiet. The minor chieftains,
lords of Tuaths, like Mac Neills of Carra and O'Malleys of Umall, gave no
trouble at all. This is intelligible. They were protected from raids as
they were never protected before, were relieved of the uncertain exactions
of the kings above them, and were at most required to pay a rent. At the
time of the Conquest the old nobility had been, and were being, put
down a step lower in rank over a wide extent of country, because the
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 183
descendants of Torlogh Mor and of Ruaidhri O'Conor were being given
hereditary estates, as Brian Luighnech in Carbury, Cathal Carrach and
Conor Moenmoy in Ui Maine, Clan Murtough and Clan Manns in Clan
Cuain and Umall, the sons of Ruaidhri in Carra, a Sil Torlogh growing
over the old tribes as the Silmurray had grown before. Thns such minor
lords and kings were in rather a better position under the new lord than
they would have been under O'Conor domination. The object of the
Norman lords was not to oust them, but to get submission and rent.
The entries in the Annals of Loch Ce for the years 1245 and 1247
seem to mark a decisive defeat of Mac Costello. It seems to have been
temporary, or, in face of fresh efforts on the part of the de Angulo
lord of the Navan, to have been followed by a submission and agreement,
de Angulo made willing to accept less, and Mag Raghnaill to give more,
as a consequence of the warfare, and the negotiations arising from the
demands of the new and the old lords. For, in 1551, Thomas Nangle,
baron of the Navan, complained to the Council that Mag Raghnaill refused
to pay him 100 kine yearly with a knight's fees, due to his ancestors out
of the country of Muintir Eolais ; Mag Raghnaill denied that such duties
had ever been paid, and the Council awarded £6 yearly to the baron,
with the consent of both parties.1 The Council must have seen some
foundation for the claim, though the rent had not been paid for some 200
years perhaps. The Wangle claim was based on a grant made by Walter
de Lacy to Philip de Angulo, between November, 1220, and July, 1221,2
of a tract comprising all the lands of the Conmaicne of Moyrein, and a
good deal in the County Cavan.
Philip de la Rochelle complained in 12823 that the escheator let his
Omany lands during his minority to Irish tenants at such low rents as did
not amount to the rent of £125 due by him to the king.
Such arrangements must have been common all over the country. It
depended on the power of the lord whether much or little or no rent was
paid.
This account would be imperfect without an examination of the case
of the descendants of William de Burgo, who was killed at Athanchip in
1270. It is remarkable that there is little or no evidence to show what
land he held, or what lands or castles were held by his great son, Sir
William Liath, who seems to have been Earl Richard's Governor of
Connaught during his lifetime, and to have been succeeded in that
position by his son Walter. They must have been given fees in Con-
naught by Earls Walter and Richard, and they or their sons certainly
acquired fees from tenants in chief under the lord of Connaught ; but
this is a matter of inference from the estates held by Sir William's sons
and William Og's grandsons. O'Donovan accepted the descent of the
Mac Seonins and Mac Philpins from Sir William, apparently from
1 Morrin, Patent and Close Eolls of Chancery, Ireland, p. 259.
3/£. p. 197. 3 D.I. ii., No. 1986.
184: ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
O'Ferrall's Pedigrees as set out by Hardiman j1 and I followed him in
my account of the de Burgo clans of Galway.2
Though the pedigrees of O'Clery are in many respects wrong regard-
ing the Normans of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries before they
became Hibernian, it seems to me now on the whole that his account of
the sons of William Og and of their descendants is, as regards these
clans, better supported by the Inquisitions and the Annals.3 It runs
thus :—
WILLIAM OG.
i
Sir William Liath. Seonin (John). Philippin (Philip).
1. Hubert. 2. Henry. 3. Gioboun. 4. Johnac Bacagh (John).
From Seonin came Mac Seonin.
Prom Hubert came the Sliocht Hoiberd na Cille, whom I cannot
trace.
From Henry came the Clann Maoilir of the Neale and the Sliocht
MicTeaboid.
From Gioboun the Clann Gioboun.
From Johnac' s son Hubert the Clann Philpin.
Substituting William Og for, William Liath as the common ancestor
in O'Farrell's pedigree, the genealogies agree fairly well. O'Farrell
ignores the clans descended from Henry. O'Clery ignores those of the
same name in TJmall.
John de Burgo is mentioned in 1290, who may be William Og's son,
as the name was not yet common in the family.* O'Farrell gives a John,
son of Seonin, as first Mac Seonin. A Seonin was killed in 1342 (L. C.)
William and his wife Matilda are mentioned in 1293,5 and Henry,
son of William, had pardon in 1304, on account of his good services in
Scotland, at instance of Earl Richard.6 It is the first instance of the
name in this family.
Gilbert and Hubert were taken prisoners with Earl Richard in 1317.
A Gilbert is mentioned in 1335.7 Hubert, son of Gilbert, was a juror of
Inquisition B. Heirs of John and heirs of Philip and a William had
land near Loughrea, and William of Owyl had land in Umhall. Three
Richards were jurors. The heir of a Richard is mentioned. These
names show the opportunities for confusion, and the necessity of definite
indications.
It is remarkable that the Inquisitions do not definitely name any son of
Sir William. Possibly Richard le Hore may be a son, who took the
name le Hore as a kind of surname, equivalent to Liath, or le Hore, his
1 H. W. C. 242.
2 " Galway Archaeological and Historical Society," vol. i., p. 124.
3 Journal, vol. xvii., p. 87. * D- 1. iii. 5 Ibid,
6 D. I. v., No. 330. ' Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. III.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 185
father's description. The heirs of William, who held a large property
near Loughrea, were probably his sons, but that is all that can be said
of the greatest family in Connaught.
In the sixteenth century the Mac Seonins occupied a large tract in
the east of the barony of Kilmaine. Some of their castles were on lands
belonging to the Archbishop of Tuam, and others on land held from the
Bourkes, but they, and the Mac Meylers, and the Mac Tibbots, and some
Bourkes, were freeholders to the extent of 66 qrs. The Mac Meylers
had the castle of the Neale and land about it, and the Mac Tibbots had
tlie castle of Creevagh and land about it, in Kilmolara parish. These
occupied contiguous estates, which adjoined that of Clann Seonin. It
seems as if "William Og had taken up these tracts, and had divided them
between his sons John and Philip.
These Mac Meylers and Mac Tibbots may be the same as those of
Umall, but I think not, because these Mac Meylers are described as of
the .Neale, and the other Mac Meylers and Mac Tibbots seem to be
branches from Clan Philpin.
Mac Philpin' s lands, in the sixteenth century, were in the southern
part of Burrishoole barony, where he had Doon Castle, and another
Mac Philpin had the castle at Aille. Mac Philpin had to pay Mac
William 15*. on 3 qrs. in Dromrany, which is an old name for Aglish
Parish. He had the " Newcastle by Castlebary" in 1574, and this I
take to be an original seat of the family, as O'Clery calls them " Clann
Philpin of Castlebar,"1 and the castle of Bellabourke, in Carra (Division
of Connaught and Thomond). John de Burgo, who held four vills in
Umall in 1333, would do, in point of time, for Johnac Bacagh. The
William of Umall is likely to be a brother. Dabac Dilmain, son of
Ulick of Umhall, head of the kerne, and Theobald, son of Ulick, head of
the kerne, seem to be his sons.2 Theobald suits for an ancestor of
Mac Tibbot of Moyour. The castle of Moyour is now called Castleaffy.
If Myntroghyn be a combination of Moyna, or Money, neighbouring
townlands, with Treathain, a " strand or sea," the word describes the
castle's position. The Mac Meylers are called of Kilmaclasser.3
The Clangibbon were a very large family, but inhabited chiefly the
Archbishop's lands, and some lands under the O'Malleys. In the lands
of Clan Philpin and Sliocht Mic Tibbot they owned the Castle of Bally-
knock, called on the map Bawn Castle, in Westport House demesne.
One Mac Gibbon occupied a castle at Ballymacgibbon, which was Arch-
bishop's land, and another a castle at Ballyeogevan, which I do not
identify, both in Kilmaine barony (Division of Connaught and Thomond.)
The dwellings of the Clangibbon are given in the Calendars of Fiants of
Queen Elizabeth.4
1 Journal, vol. xvii., p. 90. 2 L. C. 1351, 1377.
3 16 D. K., 5173. * 15 D. K., 4583, 4586, 4844 ; 16 D. K., 5075, 5797.
186 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Lord Ormond's estate of 40 qrs. ; the Archbishop's, 38 qrs. ; Abbey-
lands, 4 qrs. ; Clanphilpin, 24 qrs. ; Sliocht Mic Tibbot, 16 qrs. ; and 3
denominations each of 2 qrs., made the whole barony of Burrishoole, in
which the last five items amount to 46 qrs. MacWilliam had a rent of
3s. 4d. a quarter from Mac Philpin out of 6 qrs., and out of 40 other quarters
occupied by Mac Walterboy and Mac Hugoboy (M'Kaageboy or M'Cawoke)
and the Clandonnells and the Bourkes. The Clandonnells were but one
family of gallowglasses. " The Bourkes " must mean the clans descended
from Philip. One of the small denominations is Money. I do not know
the descent of Mac Walter and Mac Hugo, but suppose them to have been
of this race.
These 46 qrs., 11 towns and 2 qrs., are so close to the amount of 12
towns held by the de Burgos and Lawless that they must be the same
properties. In both cases town and quarter meant the quantity of land
amounting to a certain value within an area. My inferences are that
the descendants of John and William acquired the Lawless estate, and
that Sir Edmond Albanagh or his son acquired the Earl's heir's interest,
perhaps by temporary lease called a farm, which was made a property
by subsequent neglect to pay any rent, and ignoring the chief lord's
title.
Mac Firbis's statement that Sir William possessed Firthire after de
Cogan, and that Edmond Albanagh had it afterwards, seems correct in
substance. Sir William probably took it up from the de Cogan heir in
some such transaction as I suggest in regard to Burrishoole.
The arrangements between Earl Richard and John FitzThomas
account for a transfer of the Lough Mask estate to Sir William, which
seems to have taken place, and from him it seems to have passed to his
son Edrnond, in whose possession it is next found. Sir Walter is
described as of the diocese of Annaghdown. Ulick of Annaghkeen and
his son Richard were connected with Galway. There is distinct
evidence of transfer of half the Geraldine estate in Aidhne to the Earl
of Ulster in the note in Inq. C., that the advowson of the church of
Ardrahan belonged to him and to the heirs of Richard de Clare alternately.
But the land seems to have been let out again for knight service, as it
does not appear in the Inquisitions.
The descendants of Redmond and Hubert, sons of Earl Walter, had
large estates along the south-eastern border of Aidhne, from Isertkelly
to Kilbeacanty and "Kiltartan. Thus they seem to have been provided
for in fees held under the FitzGeralds at first. For these seem to have
been the lands formerly held by the O'Clerys, and part of those held by
the O'Cahills in the eastern part of Kinelea, whereof the greatest part
was left in the hands of O'Shaughnessy, the head chief of that division
of the Ui Fiachrach. I cannot make out anything more definite
regarding the occupation of this part of Aidhne.
The FitzGerald estate of Sligo seems to have been taken over by the
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NOKMANS. 187
Earl, because the manor and the three cantreds had been worth £333 a
year, which would not have arisen from rents reserved at the original
infeudation.
The Staunton grant of Carra seems to have been taken over by Sir
William or his sons, as well as the whole of the Earl's rights over
Tirawly. In the barony of Clare, in Galway, MacWilliam seems to
have acquired the same superior right, as nearly all that barony was
held in freehold, and so was nearly all that of Leitrim. In Kiltartan
the opposite case is found. O'Shaughnessy had the bulk of it free of
Mac William's rent. I infer that O'Shaughnessy had a very large estate
in fee in Aidhne from EitzGerald, held by Knight service, or if under
rent, that MacWilliam. did not acquire a superior title from the Earl's
tenant or heir ; that O'Shaughnessy remained in the same position as
O'Malley and Butler in Umall.
I have gone at length into these matters, because they seem necessary
to explain the growth of authority and power of Sir William and his
sons after him during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; and, taken
with other circumstances, show that the usual statement, that Sir TJlick
of Annaghkeen and Sir Edmond Albanagh seized Elizabeth de Burgo's
Connaught estate, and divided it between them, is incorrect. The
offences charged against Sir Edmond and his brother Reymond were
that they adhered to certain rebels and opponents of the king ; the king
did not treat them as principals in rebellion; that adherence was
before August 1338.1 So far were they from being rebels, that Rey-
mond, in 1340, brought a party of men at arms and hobelers to join
the king's army in France, where after his service he sold thirteen
horses to the king for £80, getting £24 for Grissel de Borton,
£13 6*. Sd. for Ferrant Makgibbyn, but only £l for Bayard Stekes."
As the king was bound to carry him and his horses back to Ireland, it may
be assumed that Reymond made a satisfactory deal with the Remount
Department. He and Edmond were asked to come to help the king in
the war against France in 1347.
The Inquisitions show the immediate loss of income caused by the
disorder arising on the removal of the Earl's strong hand, and that the
rent of £200, at which Sir Edmond, Earl Richard's son, had a lease of
Connaught, was not inadequate. The absentee lords of large fees were no
more able to enforce their rights against the de Burgos, who had spread
over Connaught, and who were already the resident lords of great tracts,
than was the king. It is unnecessary to suppose a repudiation of legal
liabilities. The de Clare heiresses and other absentees . could not collect
rents if they were not voluntarily paid when the Karl's courts had
disappeared and the king's courts were powerless. It would not have been
1 Gai. Pat, Edw. III., vol. ir.
2 Cal. Close Rolls, Edw. III., vol. v., p. 397, 547.
188 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
easy for tenants to pay rents regularly in the turmoil of the years after
1333, and we know that matters became worse and worse. Just as the
English townsmen and farmers left the country because their position
was intolerable when they no longer had the protection of the Earl's
power and recourse to his courts, so his chief tenants, not being resident
lords, found it impossible to maintain their rights by their own power.
We can understand that they would be ready to transfer their estates to
de Burgos on very easy terms. After Sir Edmohd's murder, the king's
escheator and the Duke of Clarence would be in much the same difficulty ;
and they would, no doubt, be willing to give temporary leases, called
farms, of the Countess's cantreds to Sir Edmond for such rent as he
might offer, and they were probably obliged to accept excuses instead of
cash whenever Sir Edmond felt that justice to himself forbade him to
offer the better payment. The same remark applies to Ulick and his son
Richard. Such a lease would explain the array of the O'Conors of
Sligo usually on the same side as MacWilliam of Clanricard from the
middle of the fourteenth century, and the claim made by the Earl of
Clanricard, admitted by O'Connor Sligo, before Sir Henry Sidney, in
1567.1 It would be followed by an arrangement between them.
O'Conor Sligo's only doubt was who was his lawful chief lord.
O'Donnell was not legally so ; the Earl of Kildare's ancestor had parted
with his right.
It seems to me that the alleged partition was effected in some such way,
by taking leases, Edmond in the north, TJlick and his son Bichard in the
south. The arrangements, whatever they were, had as their real basis
the successful violence and crime of the de Burgos.
Thus we understand too why so many lords of territories paid no
rent to either MacWilliam, and were only general adherents in time of
war, de Exeter, de Angulo, Prendergast, Bermingham, Butler, among
the English; O'Malley, O'Flaherty, O'Kelly, O'Madden, O'Shaughnessy,
among the Irish. The Clanwilliam had no desire to come into collision
with more than they could help. These lords dealt with their chief lord,
and made their own arrangements in the same way. When, to secure
their position, the Connaught lords adopted Irish customs, the breach
was complete.
After 1347, Sir Edmund became a rebel, but I cannot make out
any particular act of rebellion, unless it was the war of 1349 (L.C.),
against Richard, son of Earl Richard's son Edmund, and the Clanricard,
whom he defeated. That he was so considered appears from the
following extract from the Inquisition taken on the death of Lionel,
Duke of Clarence : — " The Duke held of the King in chief by the courtesy
of England, in right of his wife, the manors of Loghreagh, Tobryd,
Tyloghoban, Loghmeske, Slygaghe, Galvy, Portdempne, in Connaght, by
1 Journal, vol. xii., p. 23.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 189
the service of twenty knights' fees when scutage befalls, and they
were worth when the said Duke should be in Ireland £200, but now
nothing because they are occupied by Edmund de Burgo, Knight, and
many rebels of the king, both English and Irish ; nor has any minister of
the king dared to go there to execute his office."1
The following abbreviations are used in references : —
H. F. = O'Donovan, " Tribes and Customs of Hy Fiachrach."
H. M. =• ,, " Tribes and Customs of Hy Many."
H. W. C. = Hardiman's edition of O'Flaherty's " West Connaught."
D.I. = Sweetman, "Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland," 1172-
1307.
D. K. = " Annual Report of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, Ireland,"
Calendar of Fiants.
R. B. = "Red Book of Earl of Kildare," in Hist. MSS. Commission, 9th
Report, Appendix.
L. C. = " Annals of Loch Ce " (Rolls Series).
F. M. = „ the Four Masters" (0' Donovan's edition).
0. S. L. = Ordnance Survey Letters.
1 Chancery Inq. P. M., in Public Record Office, London.
(To be continued.)
190 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Kiltevenan, County Roscommon (vol. xxxii., pp. 194, 408).— Is it
certain that this estate was in the County Roscommon, of the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries ? The documents quoted do not say so. The
deed of 1190-1200 shows that Roger de "Wiricestria held land about
Kiltevenan then, and the next shows that hy 1226 the abbey was able
to deal with the church. It is not likely that any Englishman was so
well established in an estate on the west of the Shannon as to be able
to make such a grant until after 1200. If the abbey had but one
Irish estate, I would seek it in the neighbourhood of Pethard, which
is mentioned in the fourth deed. Can Kiltevenan be represented in
Kiltinan Castle to the south of Fethard ? Is Wiricestria a form of
Worcester, which is at this time represented in some cases at least by
Wigornia ? I believe there is in England a place called Wroxeter. If
Mr. Macray can answer the first and last questions, there will be a better
chance of tracing the Countess. — H. T. KNOX, Fellow.
Irish Wills and Administrations from the Registers at York
prior to 1660. — Brayman, John, Nurye in Ireland, October 21, 1597.
Proved July 10, 1599. (Reg. Test, xxvii. 629.)
Chambers, John, Dublin, gent., Aug. 14, 1597. Proved Oct. 20, 1597.
(Ibid, xxvii. 37.)
Cockman, Francis, St. Patrick's, Dublin, clerk (Halifax), Feb. 19, 1645.
(Bundle, Nov. 1647-8.)
Hoopes, Robert, Belhinche, County Armagh, Ireland, yeoman, Nov. 16,
1622. Proved June 14, 1627. (Reg. Test, xxxix. 192.)
Marshall, Thomas, Crelesse Castle, Ireland, administration of his estate
granted Aug. 9, 1625. (Cleveland Act Book.)
Mason, Robert, Eniskeene (Ireland), M.A., Aug. 9, 1639. (Bundle
July, 1641-2.)
Scott, Sir Richard, Dublin, Knight, April 6, 1638, codicil July 16, 1638.
(Bundle July, 1641-2.)
Seniohus, John, Tanderkey (? Tanderagee), County Armagh, Esq.
(bur. Newark-upon-Trent), dated Dec. 12, 1643. (Bundle Jan.
1643-4.) In the Act Book, John Seniohus is described as of
Tankersley or Tanderkey, dioc. of York.
MISCELLANEA.
191
Storehouse, Alleson, Bellehinche, parish Kilmore, County Armagh,
Ireland, Nov. 11, 1623. Proved May 22, 1624. (Reg. Test.
xxxviii. 116.) — WILLIAM BROWN, F.S.A., Hon. Sec., Yorkshire
Archaological Society.
Subterranean Chamber at Ballywillan, County Derry.— On
Wednesday, the 16th May last, a very interesting discovery was made
near the dwelling-house of Mr. Joseph Dugan, of Ballywillan, near
Castlerock, County Deny. While sinking a hole for a block of wood on
»o
20
Yard Jurfice
' 1
u
PLAN AND LONGITUDINAL SECTION OF THK SOUTERRAIN.
(By Mr. S. K. Kirker.)
the line of the door of Mr. Dugan' s car-house, the workman felt his
crowbar slip from his hand into an opening underground. On examina-
tion he found that he had broken into a subterranean chamber of
considerable size, and of apparently great antiquity. The house has
been in possession of Mr. Dugan's family for about 200 years, but
nothing has ever been known of the existence of such a chamber. On
visiting the place and making a careful examination of all the accessible
part of the chamber, I found that the proprietor of the premises had
192 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
constructed a very neat trap-door, giving access to the passage below. I
descended this by means of a ladder, and found myself in an apartment
which appeared to be a passage between some underground buildings
with the two ends blocked up with debris of stones and earth. The
length, so far as I could penetrate, was about 40 feet, the height varying
from about 4|- to 5£ feet, the width from 3 ft. 3 in. to 4 ft. 3 in. The
sides were built of large boulder-stones, some of them marked with deep
stria3. The interstices between these were filled with smaller stones,
many of them waterworn. The sides tapered gradually to the centre,
which was roofed in with very large stones ; some of them appear to be
not far from half a ton in weight. There was no sign of quarrying
visible upon them ; but they were of an elongated shape that I have not
often seen in natural boulders. The work was very rough, and the
passage irregular in shape ; but it had evidently been constructed with
5 o 5 10
i i i . , i T I
Jed/oa fl-fl faction 5 5
TUANSVERSE SECTIONS OF THE SoTJTERRAIN.
(By Mr. S. K. Kirker.)
great labour, and seemed very strong. The distance of the roof below
the surface of the ground was, I should think, between two and three
feet. The floor was of earth with apparently a rough paving of stones
below. It had been trampled a good deal before I saw it ; and the only
matters of interest that had then been discovered in the passage were : —
1 . A considerable number of shells of limpets and whelks, in a small
heap on the floor.
2. Some pieces of bone, among the rest what seemed to be a portion of
the skull of some animal, possibly a sheep.
3. Beside the bones, a coarsely made knife of chipped flint.
4. A small irregularly-shaped piece of peat.
5. A mass of some dark-coloured substance, which seemed to have
been burnt, but which, on drying in the air, turned to a distinctly
granulated substance of a grey colour.
MISCELLANEA. 193
Mr. Dugan, who takes an interest in antiquarian matters, is of opinion
that the apartment examined is only a part of some extensive under-
ground buildings. He informs me that he intends making further
excavations later on in the year. It is quite possible that these may lead
to some very interesting discoveries ; meantime the place is to the anti
quarian well worth a visit ; and the owner of the premises will be ver^
happy to give any member of the Society, or any other visitor interested
in Irish antiquities, every facility for examining the curious structure
which has been brought to light, after lying hidden for perhaps many
centuries. As the passage is quite dark, I found a good acetylene bicycle
lamp a very useful aid to investigation. — T. G. HOUSTON, Fellow.
Bullaun- Stone, Glen of Aherlow, County Tipperary. — This stone
lies by the roadside about a mile east of Aherlow Post Office. It is con-
glomerate, circular, 3 feet in diameter, and has six deep indentations,
and it is, I believe, a remarkable stone. Tradition states that the hollows
were formed by the knees of three saints who constantly prayed there,
hut it seems more probable that three housewives of the Stone Age caused
them by constantly pounding corn ; this implies a certain civilization,
and ability to till the land. — DENIS HANAN, D.D.
Ancient Ecclesiastical Bells in Ulster. — Keferring to Mr. Milligan's
interesting Paper on the above subject (supra, p. 46), I send an extract
from an old manuscript book of my grandfather's, relating to a Bell at
Moira. It would be interesting to know if this bell is still in existence. —
MORGAN JELLETT M* WAITERS.
" Having lately, and for the first time, travelled on the railroad from
Belfast to Lurgan, I observed that the Moira station was placed at Lady's
Bridge. This brought to my recollection a rather curious fact of the
reason this bridge has been so called, inasmuch as it records an evidence
of the great tenacity with which the old Irish families, who possessed
estates ere their forfeiture by rebellion, retain and preserve their old
titles thereto, in the hope of their future restoration.
" Somewhere about eighty years ago one of those ancient hand-bells
used in Roman Catholic chapels was found in an old Danish fort, on the
lands of Marahinch, near Moira, and Mr. Bateman, the then holder of
that property, gave the same to the Earl of Moira, who then resided at
Moira. When the late Marquis of Hastings sold his father's Moira
estate, his sister, Lady Granard, had this bell removed with other
interesting family heirlooms to Granard. Some twenty -five years ago a
Roman Catholic chapel was built in the parish of Moira, on which
occasion the then priest, Father Jennings, applied to Lady Granard,
requesting the restoration of the bell, to enrich the new chapel by so
curious a relic. In consequence, the request was transmitted to the
Totir K 9 A T $ Vo1- xlu-» Fifth Seri
[our.
194 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Marquis of Hastings, then in India, his reply to which was that the bell
should be given for the purpose required, provided that the proper repre-
sentatives of the O'Lavery family, who before the Revolution possessed
the Moira estate, should join in the request. In consequence, a very
strict investigation by the Rev. Mr. Doubourdieu and myself, who were
appointed by Lady Granard for that purpose, was made among the
various branches of that old family, when one of them, a female, who
lived near this same Canal Bridge, produced to us an old parchment deed,
written in Latin and signed by ' Tyrone,' granting to Phelim or Patrick
O'Lavery that estate. She signing the priest's memorial, the bell was
duly handed over to Father Jennings, and so remains. And this female
was ever after denominated ' Lady Lavery,' and the Canal Bridge from
thence called Lady's Bridge (MOHGAH- JELLETT, 1 January, 1842)."
In reference to the bell and shrine of St. Mura, I have ascertained,
from the article on this bell in vol. i. of the Ulster Journal of Archceology
(1853), that there was not a separate shrine or cover made for this bell,
but that the ornamentation was attached to the bell itself.
In reference to the note headed " Lady Lavery," I was anxious to
know if this bell was still in the hands of the Parish Priest of Magheralin,
near Moira. I also spoke to Father O'Laverty about it, and he says he
made inquiries twenty-five years ago in reference to this bell, the Clog
Ruadh, and no one knew anything of it. Father O'Laverty's idea, with
which I agree, is that, notwithstanding the statement above, the transfer
of the bell to Father Jennings never took place.
On this point the Rev. John Quail, P.P., Magheralin, writes as
follows : — " It was a Father Jennings who built Kilwarlin chapel ; the
date on it is 1812. But neither in it nor in Magheralin is there any trace
of a bell. Magheralin was built in 1843. I do not know of any person
who had the Clog Ruadh in his possession. I will make some inquiries
about it, and if I find any trace of it will be glad to let you know. I
think there is no evidence that Father Jennings ever possessed the
bell."— S. F- MILLIGAN.
Notes on Bourchier Castle and New Church, Loughgur. — Opposite
page 415, volume x., of the Journal, there are two drawings of Bourchier
Castle, one taken from Dineley's Tour, and the other from G. V.
Du Noyer, and, in a footnote, the following explanation : — " The
castle and bridge shown in the foreground were built by the Bourchiers
after the Desmond's fall."
In Fitz Gerald and MacGregor's " History of Limerick" I find the
following notice of the castle and church : — " This castle is supposed to
have been built, in the reign of Elizabeth, by Sir George Bourchier, son
of the second Earl of Bath, to whom, on the forfeiture of Desmond, it
MISCELLANEA. 195
was granted. It came afterwards into the possession of the Countess of
Bath, who built a very handsome chapel-of-ease, called the New Church,
on the south side of the lake. She also granted an endowment of £20
a year."
As all subsequent writers on this district follow these statements, it
is time that their inaccuracy should be put on record. This church, or
chapel-of-ease,, is, if not of earlier date, at least coeval with the Desmond
stronghold on the island opposite, as the photograph will show. It was,
without doubt, Desmond's "Chapel-of-ease." There are many examples
NEW CHURCH, LOUGHGUR.
of chapels of the same kind attached to castles in this part of the County
Limerick. They are generally found close to the castle when the latter
is not near the parish church. In and around this little church the old
families of the district have their burial-places, including an ancient
family of Fitz Gerald, who claim to have been resident in the district,
from father to son, since Desmond's fall. This chapel, no doubt, was
in a ruinous state after 1642, and was restored, on the accession of
Charles II., by Rachel, Countess of Bath, who added the belfry on the
west gable. As it was now for the first time used for the Reformed wor-
ship, it got the name of the new church, and it still retains that name.
02
196 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Bourchier Castle, properly Castledoon, was erected on the site of an
older fortification, which guarded the natural and only passage into the
island of Knockadoon. That this was the only access to the island is
certain before the building of the great causeway across the lake —
144 yards in length — at its south side, by an Earl of Desmond. Here
the lake was at its narrowest, and was fordable, to judge from that
BOURCHIER CASTLE, LOUGHGUR.
portion between the two castles, which was drained many years ago,
and is now a cutaway bog, and over the level of the present lake.
Castledoon is an oblong structure of the fifteenth century, and is
built, like many castles of the period, in two sections, but on the same
foundations, which have a considerable batter for about five feet over
the surface. The portion of the castle containing the doorway and stair-
case, about one-third of the whole structure, springs clear and independent
MISCELLANEA. 197
from the foundation, with quoin stones at the four angles. These
quoins are, at intervals, bonded into the rest of the structure (see photo),
and the interior walls are bonded by thorough stones where possible.
All the storeys have grouted, arched floors. The stairs, as is usual,
wind from right to left, to allow the defender the free use of his sword-
arm. I know but one castle in this locality where the stairs wind
from left to right, and that is Glenogra Castle (built by the De Lacys),
where the tower is octagonal. Why were these keeps of the fifteenth
century built in this way ?
I presume that as these towers contained the only means of access to
the upper chambers and battlements, and could be easily defended, that
they were the last resource for the garrison when the main building was
taken by assault. On account of the thickness of the interior wall and
the grouted floors, no breach could be made from the ground floor of
the main keep. It is possible they were also a refuge from fire, as the
fire-places are invariably in the main building; and the tower being
quite independent of the rest of the structure, and a storey higher
than it, would be likely to escape when the rest of the structure was
destroyed.
It is possible that the bridge shown in Dineley's sketch was built by
the Countess of Bath, and also the addition to the castle, which is shown
by Dineley. It is probable that, on the erection of the castle, the lake
was deepened and narrowed under its walls into a moat, with the usual
drawbridge, thus affording greater protection. On the building of the
modern addition to the castle, as shown in Dineley's sketch, the draw-
bridge became obsolete, and the causeway was made with the bridge and
gate-house. — J. GBENE BARBY, Hon. Secretary, East Limerick.
Eschluen, or Eschluona Church, near Limerick. — Mr. T. J. Westropp,
in his valuable Paper on Askeaton,1 says that : " From other documents
it appears that Asketon (or rather Askelon) was Escloon or Escluana, a
castle, church, cantred, and parish near Carrigogunnell, but not Kil-
keedy"; and in a note states that although Bishop O'Dea's " Taxa :
Procurationum" of 1418 identifies Escloon as Kilkyde, the older records
and the Taxation of 1291 give these churches in different parishes. I
think Bishop O'Dea's Taxation is more likely to be correct, as I shall
attempt to show.
The ancient name of the district in question was Eschluona or Esclu-
ana, and Carrigogunnell was the seat of its chief. There is no chapel-of-
ease in connexion with this castle, as it adjoins the parish church of
Kilkeedy. We have, therefore, here the castle, church, cantred, and
parish of Escloon district.
1 Supra, p. 27.
198 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
No doubt the church and parish were known by the territorial name
before they received their ecclesiastical title in the middle of the twelfth
century, St. Ceedy's church or Kilkeedy. And for several generations
afterwards it is possible that the church and parish retained both names,
and were sometimes known by the name of the territory, and again by its
ecclesiastical name.
I find that in one set of Returns in the Papal Taxation of 1302-6,
No. 715, the church of Escluen is mentioned, but Kilkeedy is omitted,
and in Return No. 720 Kilkeedy is mentioned and Escluen omitted.
Early in the fifteenth century, when Brian dubh O'Brien made Carrig-
ogunnell his residence and rebuilt the castle, the name of the territory
Escluona gave place to the barony name of Pubblebrien. There is no
other church or parish in the Deanery of Limerick to correspond with the
description given of Escloon. I think, therefore, the evidence is strongly
in favour of the accuracy of Bishop O'Dea's Taxation of the early fifteenth
century, when this church and parish is mentioned as Escloon alias
Kilkyde,
This district, between the river Maigue and Shannon, is of consider-
able antiquarian interest. There are strong grounds for stating that a
colony of Norsemen settled in this district in the ninth century.
The Caoille, pronounced Keeley, are mentioned in Irish Records as
raiding the Irish coasts in the ninth century. The "Four Masters" record,
under the date 844, the plundering of Colooney, near Sligo, by the
Caoille from their ships. In a note it is stated that the Caoille were a
sept of Norsemen.
In a note under the year 1560 the district between the mouth of the
river Maigue towards Limerick is called Caoille am Chosnamha.
From Carrigogunnell towards Limerick there is a continuous line of
forts along the high ground over the Shannon. In fact, there is a circle
of forts around Limerick, as they are also found on the Clare side of the
river. In Tervoe Demesne there are several forts. When I first
knew the district the old people knew the names of several of these
" Danish forts," as they were called. There is one in the parish of
Kilkeedy, called Liss Dermot-ui-Caoille or Caher-na-Caeille, and two in
Mungret parish, called Caherdavin and Cahercaoillegenerah, all within
the present Demesne of Tervoe.1
1 The Caoille. " Lish-Dermot-Ikallie" is mentioned in a perambulation of the
bounds of South Liberties of Limerick made in 1609. The church or temple of
Keilnacailly is named in Bishop O'Dea's Taxation as near the bridge of Claireena. A
map in the British Museum, A.D. 1680, has Tempulnacailly, Caherdavin, and Caher-
Jcillegennar marked. The Down Survey gives Cahernakilly, Caherdavin, and Caher-
keilgeneragh. " O'Keeley (Irish O'Caolidh), chief of Tua Luimnidh, or district about
Limerick," O'Hart's "Irish Pedigrees "; and Lewis' " Topographical Dictionary,"
p. 72, states that a Danish chieftain built a castle and church in Kilcornan parish,
near the fort of Moige (Castletown Waller). There is an ancient burial-ground
known as Kilcornan, in the parish of Kilkeedy. Kiltemplan is a townland in the
eame parish, adjoining Kilcolman. Might this be Tempulkillie, the site of which
cannot be located, near Clarina.
MISCELLANEA. 199
From their surroundings I think they were stone cahers, although
most of the other forts in this district are earthen ramparts. Opposite
Tervoe, on the Clare side of the Shannon, there is a fort called Caher-
dayin. That these forts were used by both the Danes of Limerick and
the natives of the adjoining district for offence and defence I have no
doubt. Near the Maigue, and in the parish of Kilkeedy, there were two
ancient churches called Kilcolman and Tempul-na-Caoille, or Kill-na-
Caoille. Now, how does this term Caoille come to be so common in this
district unless the Caoille sept had a colony here ? Mr. James Frost, in
his " History of Clare," page 408, says in a note with reference to Bally-
morris, which is on the banks of the Shannon opposite Carrigogunnell :—
" In this townland is found a hill called in Irish Knockthurles, which
means the hill of the fortress. It is situated in the vicinity of the
Shannon, and it seems probable that it was a stronghold of the Danes.
The name of the townland itself appears to be derived from one Maurice,
a chieftain of the Danes of Limerick, whose name is mentioned by
Keating."
The Danes of Limerick were Christians, and it is probable they
colonized the districts along the Shannon. In these notes I venture to
put forward the theory that the Carrigogunnell district was colonized by
the Caoille, and that these ancient forts and churches perpetuate their
name. — J. GRENE BARRY, Hon. Secretary, East Limerick.
Eschluen or Eschluona Church, near Limerick. — I am glad that the
necessity for clearing away the " Askelon " entries from the records of
Askeaton and my hesitation as to their identity have led one so well
acquainted with the history and local topography as Mr. Grene Barry to
discuss the question of the situation of Eschluen. But I wish he had
been able to supply some definite evidence as to the identity of the
€hurch sites, as he merely seems to prove that of the parishes or rather
their early union. This, so far from denying, I believe to be the fact.
As may be seen by my note (p. 27, supra] I have obtained no decisive
clue to the identity. The following early records bear on the subject.
The charter of William de Burgo to Donat, Bishop of Limerick (1200-
1207) mentions Lesnernamadda as in Estlona.1 In the great survey of
Meyler Fitz Henry and Bishop Donat, 1200-1201 (after giving Mungret
and "Inbeolchimir"), the lands of Ballidorchun, Ballihibeur, or Balli-
hibebon, E-athen, Raencuam, and Ballyhichnam are " recognised as in
Eschluona."2 This is copied as "Meschluona recognitis" by Bishop
Reeves, and so given in the text published by Sir John Gilbert in
"Facsimiles of National MSS. of Ireland," vol. in., Plate xxii., but it
evidently reads in the facsimile " in Eschluona," and my reading has
been confirmed by Mr. Mills, the Deputy Keeper of the Records in
1 " Black Book of Limerick," p. 103. 2 Ibid., p. 14.
200 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Ireland, and Mr. Henry Berry. The 1291 Taxation gives Escluen,
between Kilmurry and Derrygalvin.1 In 1315 there was a lawsuit of
John le Blound, of Athlecagh, versus John de Kyngesham, about land at
" Newton de Esclon."2 In 1329 another lawsuit arose as to the Manor
of Cros, Esclon, Morsheton, and other lands in County Limerick.3 Lastly,
the " Ecclesia Eschluona als Kylkyde, Rector est Prior de Athissill," occurs
in the "Taxa: Procurationum" (1418-1422)4 of Bishop Cornelius O'Dea*
If our Limerick antiquaries can from local knowledge identify Lisner-
namadda, Ballidorchun, &c., they will establish the identity of Escluen on
a sounder basis. Perhaps St. Margaret's church at Newtown may be the
" Newton de Esclon " of the Plea Roll, and occupy the site of the older
church of Escluen. The flimsy nature of the wooden churches still
maintained in the thirteenth century is such that the complete dis-
appearance of any such ecclesiastical structure excites little wonder. If,
in the certain union of the parishes of Kilkeedy and Escluen, proved by the
" Taxatio," Kilkeedy became the parish church, Escluen may well have
disappeared. The term is so vague, extending perhaps over Mungret
(Raheen ?) to Derrygalvin, that the localization of the actual church site
is one of much difficulty. The name in church matters, so far as my
notes extend, disappears from the records after O'Dea's episcopacy. The
last mention of the cantred is, I believe, in the 1377 Patent Roll.5 The
manor does not, to my knowledge, appear after 1243, when it was held
by Richard de Burgo (along with Castroconigir and Wetheineire), and
was valued at £37 11s. 6^.6
To make my own position clear, I may add that I am satisfied that the
parish of Escluen is now merged in the present Kilkeedy, but I do not
regard the proofs as to the identity of the church sites as conclusive. The
manor and cantred, doubtless, extended beyond the limits of the parish,
and the site of the castle (if not Carrigogunnell, the name of which
appears at 1223 in the "Escluen period," but^ I think, never stated to-
be called Escluen) has yet to be fixed. — T. J. WESTROPP.
1 C. S. P. I., vol. v. 2 Plea Roll (Ireland), No. 113 of Ed. II. , m. 4.
3 " Repertorium Rotulis " (P. R. 0. I., 3d. 154. 2), No. 92.
* Reeves' MSS. T.C.D., No. 1063.
5 Calendar of Irish Chancery Rolls under year. 6 C. S. P. I., vol. i., No. 3137.
( 201 )
jjoticejs; of
NOTE. — Those marked * are by Members of the Society.
*Wakemarfs Handbook of Irish Antiquities. (Third edition.) By John
Cooke, M.A. (Dublin : Hodges, Figgis & Co., Ltd., 1903.)
A LARGE class of persons to whom Petrie and Dunraven are " caviare" have
been taught to claim a heritage in their country's past, and to form sound
views on archaeology by Wakeman' s Handbook, which in a "third edition,"
now appears. We may hope that to many more this new edition may
be a guide and help. The somewhat narrow range of buildings treated
of by Wakeman has been extended, and an attempt to take an " all
Ireland " standpoint has been made ; the work, too, has been brought up
to date. These two facts alone might have justified Mr. Cooke in claim-
ing to be author rather than editor. He has, however, kept on the title
page a name which carries with the public greater weight than many
another of high honour among students of archaeology.
It may seem late to say anything of the original author. William
Frederick Wakeman has recently passed from among us, working to the
last; but we cannot refrain from recalling how "young Wakeman"
worked on the sketches made for the Ordnance Survey when he was
about seventeen, under the eyes of Petrie, O'Donovan, and 0' Curry.
There were giants in those days, but they were needed, for it was,
perhaps, the crisis of our national school of archaeology. Field
archaeology was in its infancy ; few of our ancient records had been
published ; the minds of students were poisoned with the absurd theories
and unfounded deductions of men like Yallancey, Ledwich, Betham, and
Henry O'Brien. An unreasoning section of the public followed these
theorists for their very wildness, and savagely attacked the "fathers of
modern archaeology." In the first volume of our Society's Journal it was
needful to demolish the authenticity of the inscription to Baal (really to
E. Conid), and Papers justifying the hish of Scott and Dickens were read,
published, and approved. The school which, amid much discouragement
and unpopularity, stormed and overthrew these errors, found in Wakeman
not only a helper, but an enthusiastic advocate ; and he taught scores of
beginners the more reliable and scientific methods by which alone true
knowledge of the past can be won.
It is also a good quality in the new edition, that while broadening its
202 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
examples from the farthest ends of Ireland, it still brings to the front the
idea that Dublin is not merely the capital of the island, but also the
focus of its archaeology. Not alone is the city in possession of the
priceless collection of the Boyal Irish Academy, and of the great
libraries of that body, and of Trinity College, but the neighbourhood
abounds in characteristic specimens of most varieties of structures. The
raths, dolmens, pillars, and cairns on the neighbouring mountains ; the
promontory forts of Howth and Lambay ; the early churches at Castle-
knock, Dalkey ; the round towers of Clondalkin, Lusk, and Swords ; the
quaint churches of St. Doulough, Howth, and St. Audoen ; the cathedrals
of the Trinity and St. Patrick ; the castles and peel towers of Malahide,
Swords, and Dalkey, are most representative. "Within easy reach lie such
centres as Glendalough ; the great cemetery round Newgrange ; Kells and
Monasterboice, with their noble crosses ; the Norman towers of Trim,
and the walls and gates of Drogheda.
The arrangement of the book is good and lucid ; the stone monuments
and early carvings, cromlechs, burial customs and urns, the raths and
stone forts, are fully treated, and take up the first half of the volume.
Then follow chapters on the stone, bronze, and gold antiquities of early
date; an interesting section on crannogs, and one on early churches. So
far, save in some minor details, we can only express satisfaction ; but
whether from exigencies of space (for some 300 out of 400 pages are
devoted to the earlier buildings) or from other causes, the romanesque
decorated churches, crosses, and later Gothic buildings seem to us inade-
quately treated. It might almost have been well to have confined the
book to pre-Norman antiquities, or to have extended it a little, to give
students a better text-book of the most interesting and ornate architecture
of the eleventh and twelfth centuries in Ireland, the graceful if simple
Gothic churches and monasteries, and the fortifications which kept out
Irish enemies, but not Irish social connexions and ideas, from the
English settlers. It seems a pity that so little can be found in the book
about the work of that school of builders, who gave us the beautiful
friaries of Sligo, Creevalea, Kilconnel, Quin, Adare, and Muckross.
Some views on disputable subjects would, we think, have better been
excluded from a " handbook " and left to specialist Papers. It is said of
the round towers " their lines can still be traced along the shores of the
waters where the fleets of the Danes are known to have appeared,"
p. 328 : this is a most doubtful statement. The lines of towers round
the coast (say from E-athmichael to Ardmore, or from Roscam to Killala)
are non-existent, while towers in more secluded positions abound a few
miles inland. The age of the County Clare forts is stated to have been
assigned to a date after A.D. 370. This we cannot verify from the
authorities quoted. Clarisford, on the Shannon, is stated to have
derived its name from de Clare, p. 402. We fancied this had been
satisfactorily refuted. The weighing of the souls carved on the cross of
NOTICES OF BOOKS. 203
Monasterboice has the not uncommon addition of a recumbent devil
trying to pull down the scale and falsify the result. This is interpreted
as a soul who " appears to have been weighed and found wanting." But
these very small blemishes hardly diminish the general value of the
work. The illustrations are, as a rule, very good. Many of the old ones
reappear, but many excellent new ones have been added. We only
regret the reappearance of Mr. Wakeman's inaccurate sketch of the
holed stone at Manisterkieran in Aran (p. 20). The inaccuracy has been
noted, we believe, more than once in the pages of this Journal.
Though the Cuthite theory of Keane and the other theories of the late
century and its predecessor do little harm to sound archaeology now, and
appeal only to a few old-fashioned or ill-instructed persons, still the
want of sound works of elementary instruction is as much felt as ever.
The republication of such a book as O'Brien's on the round towers, and
the publication of such literature as led to the disastrous defacement of
the raths at Tara, show that only sound elementary teaching can preserve
our archaeology from a recrudescence of such absurdities as once made it
a mock to all sober scholars outside our island, and the despair of those
striving after better things within its shores. Such a work as we have
here reviewed minimises the danger of the renewal of that reproach,
which, through the influence of our Society, and the labours of our great
archaeologists, we are at last beginning to live down.
204 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND,
(FIFTY-FIFTH YEARLY SESSION.)
A GENERAL MEETING OF THE SOCIETY was held in the Society's Rooms,
6, St. Stephen's-green, Dublin, on Tuesday, 28th April, 1903, at 8 o'clock,
p.m.;
JOHN RIBTON GARSTIN, D.L., M.E.I.A., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The following Fellows and Members attended : —
Vice- Presidents. — F. Ellington Ball, M.R.I.A. ; Richard Langrishe, J.F. ; William
C. Stubbs, M.A.
Hon. General Secretary. — Robert Cochrane, F.S.A., M.R.I.A.
Fellows.— Henry F. Berry, M.R.I.A.; George D. Burtchaell, M.R.I.A. ; George
Coffey, M.R.I.A.; Jobn Cooke, M.A. ; R. S. Long worth- Dames, M.R.I.A.; Major
Fielding; Lord Walter Fitz Gerald, M.R.I.A. ; Arthur Fit zmaurice ; S. A. 0. Fitz-
Patrick ; George A. P. Kelly, M.A. ; P. J. O'Reilly; C. C. Palmer.
Members. — Mrs. Allen ; Frederick Atterbury ; Mrs. Bennet ; Henry A. Cosgrave,
M.A. ; Major 0. Wheeler-Cuffe; Frederick Franklin, F.R.I.A.I. ; Rev. Canon Fisher,
M.A. ; Major Lawrence Gorman ; Joseph Gough ; Patrick J. Griffith ; William F.
Howie ; Miss Anna M. Joly ; Richard J. Kelly, J.P. ; Mrs. Long; Rev. Dr. Lucas ;
Francis M 'Bride ; Joseph H. Moore, M.A. ; John Morton ; James H. F. Nixon,
F.R.G.S. ; Thomas Paterson ; George Peyton, LL.D. ; Miss Ida Pirn ; Rev. R. B.
Rankin, B.A. ; W. Johnson- Roberts ; George Shackleton ; Mrs. E. Weber Smyth ;
W. Grove White, LL.B.
The Minutes of last Meeting were read and confirmed.
The following Fellow and Members were elected : —
As FELLOW.
Wyndham, Right Hon. George, M.P., Chief Secretary for Ireland, Chief Secretary's
Lodge, Dublin: proposed by John R. Garstin, D.L., M.A., M.U.I. A., F.S.A.,
President.
As MEMBERS.
Beatty, Arthur W., 54, Grosvenor-square, Rathmines : proposed by S. A. 0.
Fitz Patrick, Fellow.
Bennet, Mrs., 1, Tobernea-terrace, Monkstown, Co. Dublin: proposed by Miss
J. Clark.
Budds, Mrs. Zoe M., 82, Leinster-road, Dublin: proposed by S. A. 0. Fitz Patrick,
Fellow.
Burke, Miss A., Westport House, Middletown, Co. Armagh : proposed by D. Carolan
Rushe, B.A., Fellow.
PROCEEDINGS. 205
Butler, Mrs. Cecil, Milestown, Castlebellingham : proposed by John R. Garstin,
D.L., M.A., M.R.I.A., F.s.A., President.
Donnelly, Rev. Michael, St. Macarten's Seminary, Monaghan : proposed by Denis
Carolan Rushe, K.A., Fellow.
Donovan, Richard, D.L., LL.B., J.P., Ballymore, Camolin : proposed by Richard
Langrishe, J.P., Vice- President.
French, Edward John, B.A. (Dubl.), Solicitor, St. Ann's, Donnybrook, Co. Dublin :
proposed by Trevor T. L. Overend.
Jackson, Charles James, J.P., F.S.A., Barrister-at-Law, 19, Langland Gardens, London,
N.W. : proposed by John R. Garstin, D.L., M.A., M.R.I.A., F.S.A., President.
Kennedy, R. R., M.A., Grosvenor-place, Carlow : proposed by Colonel P. D. Vigors,
Fellow.
Lawler, Charles, J.P., ti2, Leinster-road, Rathmines: proposed by Francis M'Bride.
Librarian, Public Library, Thomas -street, Dublin: proposed by Robert Cochrane,
F.S.A., Fellow.
Librarian, Public Library, Capel-street, Dublin : proposed by Robert Cochrane.
Librarian, Public Library, North Strand, Dublin : proposed by Robert Cochrane.
Lloyd, Miss Annie, 16, Pembroke Park, Dublin: proposed by S. A. 0. Fitz Patrick,
Fellow.
M'Glade, Patrick, Knockloughrim, Co. Derry : proposed by S. F. Milligan, M.R.I. A.,
Vice -President.
O'Conchobhair, Domhnall, 46 and 47, Dame-street, Dublin: proposed by Henry
Dixon.
Pirrie-Conerney, Rev. John, M.A., The Rectory, Burnfoot, Londonderry: proposed
by the Rev. H. P. Gosselin, B.A.
Pirrie-Conerney, Mrs. E. F., The Rectory, Burnfoot, Londonderry: proposed by the
Rev. H. P. Gosselin, B.A.
Tibbs, John Harding, B.A., 10, "Windsor-road, Rathmines: proposed by John Cooke,
M.A., Fellow.
"Walsh, Richard "Walter, J.P., "Williams town House, Castlebellingham, Co. Louth :
proposed by John R. Garstin, D.L., M.A., M.R.I. A., F.S.A., President.
Wilson, James George, 8, Cope-street ; and Tavistock, Ranelagh-road, Dublin :
proposed by E. "W. Smyth, J.P.
The Report of the Auditors of Hon. Treasurer's Accounts for the year
1902 was read and adopted, and the Accounts were ordered to be printed
in the Journal (see page 206).
Mr. Stubbs, the retiring Hon. Treasurer, in presenting the Accounts
for the year 1902, said: — <4 The arrears paid during the year amounted
to £59 12s., as against £117 paid in 1901 ; but, on the other hand, the
arrears paid during that year were unusually large : only £48 10s. having
been received under that head in 1900. The payments in advance were
£44 10*., as against £51 6s., a decrease of some £6. The amount realized
by the sale of publications was £54 9s. Sd., as against £47 Is. 10^., an
increase of some £7.
" The interest on Consols was the same, taking the income tax into
account. The interest allowed by the bank was £3 2*. 3d., as against
£5 16s. 3d., a decrease of some £2. This is accounted for by the fact
that the Council made arrangements to pay their printers quarterly,
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PROCEEDINGS. 207
when the accounts were due, and was allowed by them a discount, so that
the credit balance was not so large from time to time as in former years.
"The letting of the Hall produced £52 Is. as against £42 8s., an
increase of almost £10.
" Coming then to the other side of the account, we paid for printing
and binding the four quarterly parts of the Journal £248 Us. 3d., which
was some £33 less than the preceding year. The postage of the Journal,
£62 125. Id., was less by £16 than the preceding year.
tl The miscellaneous printing, including illustrated programmes, notices
of meetings, and the postage of them, £100 2s. 7d., as against £78 for
the preceding year. The illustrations of the Journal was £28 9s. 6d., as
against £51 7s. Wd. for the preceding year.
"Postage and incidental expenses increased from £38 14s. 2d. to
£52 7s. 4d. A. considerable amount of this is caused by the necessity
for sending several applications asking for the subscriptions ; if Fellows
and Members would pay on the first application, or, better still, before
it, they would materially diminish an item which is a heavy drain on the
finances of the Society.
" Furniture and fittings cost £20 Is., as against £7 5s. Qd. ; the increase
was caused by the cost of fitting new shelving in the store library. The
other payments were at about the same rate as the preceding year.
"Part I. of the Index, 1849 to 1889, costing £83 4s. 5d., was also
paid for, leaving a balance of £158 10s. to the credit of the year 1903,
as against £39 3s. 3d. at the beginning of 1902."
A vote of thanks was passed to the outgoing Hon. Treasurer for his
valuable services to the Society during the past three years.
The following Papers were read, and referred to the Council for
publication, viz. : —
*' Some Notes on the Judges of Ireland in the year 1739," by F. Elrington Ball,
M.K.I.A., Vice- President.
"Legal Office-Holders in 1739," by Richard J. Kelly, J.P., Barrister-at-Law,
Hon. Local Secretary for North Galway.
*' Some Extracts from John Wesley's Journal — 1735 to 1790 — describing his Visits
to Ireland, with Notes thereon," by the Rev. Canon Courtenay Moore, M.A.,
K.D. , Hon. Provincial Secretary for Munster.
The President (Mr. Garstin) exhibited a rare engraving from an early
magazine (kindly lent by Sir A. Yicars, F.S.A., Ulster), which showed
St. Stephen's-green (where the Society has its habitat), as seen from the
west side, as it appeared in 1745, when there were there elaborate fire-
works in celebration of the Peace of Amiens. The houses shown, those
on the eastern side, were of Dutch type, not continuous. The engraving
has since been presented to the National Gallery, where it will find a
place in the new Dublin room.
The Meeting was then adjourned.
208 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
THE KILKENNY MEETING.
An Evening Meeting of the Society was held at Kilkenny on
Tuesday, 26th May, 1903, at 8 o'clock, p.m., JOHN RIBTOIT GAESTIN,
D.L., M.E.I.A., F.S.A., President, in the Chair.
The following Papers were read : —
*' On the Bourchier Tablet in the Cathedral Church of St. Canice, Kilkenny, with
some account of that family," by Richard Langrishe, Vice -President.
"A Notice of the places to be Visited on 27th May, viz. Bally bur, Burnchurch,
Newtown, Castle Eve, Kells, Eilree, Dunamaggin, and Callim," by John
Commins.
The following Paper was taken as read : —
41 On Finds of Chert and Flint Implements in County Meath," by E. Crofton
Rotheram.
The foregoing Papers were referred to the Council for publication.
The Sword and Mace of the city of Kilkenny were shown to the
members by permission of the Mayor of Kilkenny.
On the motion of Mr. G. D. Burtchael, M.E.I. A., seconded by Colonel
Vigors, Mr. Langrishe's Paper was referred to the Council for publication.
Mr. Commins having read his Paper, the Right Rev. Dr. Crozier, Lord
Bishop of Ossory, &c., in moving that the Paper be referred to the Council
of the Society for publication, said that Mr. Commins had given them a
most interesting and enjoyable bird's-eye view of the course some of
them hoped to take on the morrow. He could not imagine anything
more interesting than to have one's eyes opened before they went to a
place, and to be told what they were likely to see. Sometimes it came
about, as in the case of the knights mentioned in Tennyson's songj " Ye
have seen what ye have seen, because what a man is so he sees." He
(his lordship) was a great believer of the old Chinese proverb, that "a
man thinks he knows, but a woman knows better." He did not know
whether the ladies present that evening knew the places referred to.
He could say that a good deal of the Paper was bright, fresh, crisp, and
interesting information to him, which he hoped long to retain. It was
multum in parvo, and gave not only knowledge that was useful, but also
opened people's eyes as to what they would expect to see.
Mr. M. M. Murphy, Hon. Local Secretary — I have great pleasure in
seconding this motion, and as we shall have the pleasure of having Mr.
Commins with us on to-morrow, I do not think I need say anything
further about his Paper.
PROCEEDINGS. 209
Mr. Murphy also said that the members would like to hear something
from the President with regard to the sword and mace which had been
sent by the Mayor of Kilkenny.
Mr. Garstin accordingly proceeded briefly to refer to the sword and
mace. He alluded to Mr. J. A. Prim's Paper published in the Journal in
1870, which gave a graphic and interesting account of the grand doings
of civic society in Kilkenny in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
He also referred to a Paper on Irish Maces, &c., written by himself for
the Arts and Crafts Society, and published in 1898, which had repre-
sentations of most of them, including that of Kilkenny and the civic
sword. Although Kilkenny was incorporated early in the thirteenth
century, and had many charters before 1609, it was not until then that
the Chief Magistrate was styled Mayor. The great charter of James I.
in that year conferred on him the right to have a sword carried before
him ; and though a great mace was not mentioned, he ' c shall be able to
constitute and have from time to time for ever, 3, 4, or 5 officers " to
execute the office of sergeant-at-mace. On the 6th of October following
the charter a sword-bearer and sergeant-at-mace were appointed, and
they, with the wife of the latter, were "to dyet on festivals at Mr.
Mayor's house." In 1620 the Corporation provided a gown for the sword-
bearer. In 1638 it was ordered " that the sword and 4 maces shall be
carried before the Mayor at the burial of aldermen and their wives, but
at the burial of every sheriff's peer, and their wives, the sword, with
only two maces." In a table of salaries of civic officials in 1658 the
following appeared: — "The sword-bearer, £8 and perquisites; great
mace-bearer, £8 ; city marshal, £5 ; sheriff's sergeants, £4 each ; city
musicians, £5 each." He (President) did not know whether they had any
of these now or not. In 1709 the sword-bearer and great mace-bearer had
still £8 each, but, instead of perquisites for the former, the office of
weigh-master was assigned to the latter, and £4 per annum was the
salary paid to each of the two sergeants-of-mace, two beadles, and four
scavengers ! The latter seemed to have taken the place of the city
musicians. In 1629 the music was represented by the common drummer,
who was allowed £10 per annum ; and, so lately as 1752, a salary was
paid to Mr. John Ximenes, organist of St. Canice's Cathedral, "for
playing this Corporation in and out of Church." In 1768, when the
Mayor, with the sheriffs, aldermen, common council men, and the city
regalia went in procession, "in their formalities," from the Tholsel to
St. Canice's, they were preceded by the charter school boys, " singing
psalms through the streets with becoming decency and regularity." One
of the sergeants was styled " Mayor of the bull-ring." It was his duty
to slay all pigs found straying, and there was a functionary designated
the " whip beggar." The sword was really one of exceptional interest ;
the blade had no inscription on it, the handle was very remarkable, it was
extremely beautiful, but they did not know who the donor of the sword
T i? c A T J v°l' XIII-» Fifth Series. ( „
Jour. R.S.A.I. j VoJ XXJUU^ ConseCf Ser |
210 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
was, or how it was acquired ; it was quite before the time of the mace.
The scabbard was later, and the arms were of the Stuart period. Besides
the usual silver clasps, bands with inscriptions were put on by two
mayors named Colles. The great mace was an exceptionally fine one ;
all maces have the Royal arms, and here they were in the head ; round
the head were the rose, thistle, fleur-de-lis, and harp. The ornamenta-
tion was worth studying ; the inscription recorded that it was given by
the Duke of Ormonde. He thought he might call him the great Duke of
Ormonde. The inscription was in Latin, and it related that it was pre-
sented by James Duke of Ormonde to the Mayor, Francis Rowlidge, and
the date was 1676. The case of this duke was the only instance of a
duke being a duke of both kingdoms. Kilkenny was indebted to that
great duke for this magnificent ornament. The hall-marks prove that it
was made in London, and -the evidence rooms of the castle contained a
letter from one James Clark, dated 1677, announcing its being sent over,
and saying, " I gave a mighty charge to furnish it very well, and I think
'tis much finer than any is here done of late." " Robinson the Carrier"
received 4s. Qd. for bringing -it from Dublin.
Colonel Yigors exhibited two rubbings from sepulchral slabs of excep-
tional interest and beauty. One was that of John Nevil, Sovereign of
New Ross, dated 1632, and lately unearthed. The other was of the
fifteenth, century from the M'Sweenys' Castle at Doe, on the coast of
Donegal.
In connexion with this Meeting, Excursions were carried out as
follows : —
At 2 o'clock, Tuesday afternoon, 26th May, members met at the
Victoria Hotel, where wagonettes were ready to convey them to Dunmore
Caves, which were explored.
The Celtic name is "Dearc Fearna," and it is mentioned in an
ancient MS. preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, called
the tl Irish Triads," as one of the three darkest caves in Ireland.
The Annals of the Four Masters, under the year 928, record the
plundering of Dearc Fearna, and the slaughter of one thousand persons
therein, by Godfrey, grandson of Imhar, and the Northmen of Dublin.
A full and most carefully prepared description of the bones found in
this cave is given by Dr. A. Wynne Foot at p. 65 of the Journal for
1870 (vol. xi.)-
Returning to Kilkenny, the party drove through Jenkinstown Park,
by invitation of the Hon. G. L. Bryan. The Hon. Mr. and Mrs. Bellew
also kindly invited them to tea.
On leaving the park, the members proceeded through Ardaloo to
Castledogh, commonly called Threecastles, where the remains of three
Norman castles are still to be seen,
PROCEEDINGS.
By kind permission of Mrs. Clarke, the party drove through her
grounds, and close to a very fine tumulus near her house, supposed to
be the burial-place of Human Duach, and also close to the remains of
one of the three castles which is situate in her yard. (See Journal,
vol. xxi., 1890, p. 115.)
On the return to Kilkenny a visit was paid to St. Canice's Cathedral,
where the recently-erected Dean Hare Memorial Screens were examined
with great interest. Three very beautiful screens have been erected,
forming a memorial to the late Dean Hare, so long and so well known
as an active member of our Society. They were designed by the architect
of the cathedral, Richard Langrishe, Esq., Vice-President, and were
executed by wood-carvers and sculptors of Bruges, whose representative
in this country, Mr. M. J. C. Buckley, of Youghal, Honorary Local
Secretary for County Cork, undertook the direction and fixing of the
work. The screens, or "Parcloses," are placed — two within the arches of
the north and south chapels of the chancel of the cathedral ; whilst the
third screen occupies the arch immediately behind the Bishop's throne.
These are made in the architectural type of the fourteenth -fifteenth
centuries, and are composed of cusped open arcades in the upper
portions, and solid panellings in the lower dados. Their "trabes." or
cross-beams, are ornamented with vine-leaf crestings, and the largest
screen, behind the throne, is buttressed and surmounted by richly
crocketed pinnacles in the same style as those on the stalls. The
doors in each of the screens have " linen-fold" panels in their lower
halves, all these doors being provided with locks, hinges, &c., in ruddy-
coloured or "rose" metal. Even their trefoil keys are artistic works,
having wrought brass handles in the manner of the Flemish smiths of
the school of Quintin Matsys of Bruges. The upper tracery of the open
arcades of the screens has been ornamented by shields of arms, blazoned
in gold and colours according to heraldic rules. The armorial bearings
of the bishops of Ossory from A.D. 1775 to A.D. 1897, and deans of
St. Canice's from A.D. 1670 to A.D. 1903, are placed on the two screens
at the entrance to the chancel; the shields on the northern, or " Gospel"
side, being those of the bishops arranged in the following order : —
Newcome, 1775; Hotham, 1779; Beresford, 1782; O'Beirne, 1795;
Hamilton, 1799; Kearney, 1806; Fowler, 1813; O'Brien, 1842 ; Gregg,
1875 ; Walsh, 1878.
On the screen of the southern side are the armorial bearings of the
following deans : —
Parry, 1673; Pooley, 1674; Mossora, 1703; Watt, 1747; Lewis,
1755; Pack, 1784; Bourke, 1795; Yignoles, 1843; Hare, 1877;
Lyons, 1901.
212 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
All these arms were delineated and emblazoned by Mr. Langrishe.
On the upper frame of the panelling in the dado of the southern screen
two well engraved and illuminated "rose" metal tablets are affixed
containing the following inscriptions: — " To the glory of God, and in
loving memory of the Very Rev. Thomas Hare, D.D., Dean of St. Canice's
Cathedral, 1877-1901."
"This screen, together with two others in this cathedral, has been
erected by his widow and other attached friends, A.D. 1903."
On the larger screen, behind the present incongruous and inartistic
Bishop's throne, are the armorial shields of the present Bishop, Dr. John-
Baptist Crozier, A.D. 1897, and that of the architect, or Magister Operis
Richard Langrishe, A.D. 1872.
The party were afterwards most hospitably entertained to tea by the
Right Rev. Bishop Crozier and Mrs. Crozier, in the Palace.
The members who arrived in Kilkenny early on the 26th May
visited Kilkenny Castle (by permission of Lord Ormonde). Other places
of interest in the city which were visited in the forenoon are St.
Mary's Cathedral, Black Abbey, St. Francis' Abbey, St. Mary's old
Church, St. John's Priory, and the Society's Museum.
On Wednesday, May 27th, the members drove to Ballybur Castle,
Burnchurch Castle, Newtown Castle and Church and Castle Eve, Kells
Priory and Seven Castles, Kilree Round Tower, Cross, and Tomb, and
Callan, where lunch was served. Mr. John Commins pointed out and
described the different places and remains visited during the day,
amplifying the details in the Paper read by him at the meeting. After
inspecting the numerous places of interest at Callan, the members
returned to Kilkenny in time for the trains to Dublin and Waterford.
The local arrangements for the meeting and excursions were in the
hands of Mr. M. M. Murphy, Solicitor, Hon. Local Secretary for County
Kilkenny, and were admirably carried out, and afforded great pleasure to
the large party of members and friends who took part in the proceedings.
The Managers of the Great Northern Railway of Ireland, the Great
Southern and Western Railway, and the Midland Great Western Railway
kindly issued return tickets at single fares from various stations on their
lines to Dublin on the 25th and 26th of May, and the Great Southern
and Western Railway issued return tickets at single fares from Dublin
and other stations on the line to Kilkenny to members attending the
Meeting and Excursions.
( 818 )
KILREE CHURCH AND ROUND TOWER, COUNTY KILKENNY.
BY MISS J. CLARK.
[Read by the REV. CANON FFRENCH, M.R.I. A.., JANUARY 27, 1903.]
A FTEK the Society's Meeting at Kilkenny, in October last, we stayed
"^ behind to visit some places of antiquarian interest in the neigh-
bourhood. These places were the great Priory of Kells and the Church
of Kilree, with its Round Tower, Celtic Cross, and Holy "Well.
Kilree is on a gently sloping eminence — one of those characterised
by O'Heerin as " warm " hill-slopes — the Round Tower in the centre,
rising above trees gorgeous in autumnal colouring, the ruined church
still hidden in luxuriant foliage. The place was visited in connexion
with the Society's Meeting at Kilkenny in April, 1897 (see Journal,
for 1897, vol. xxvii., p. 204). The Comerford tomb, with the figure of a
cock crowing on the edge of a pot carved on the side, is therein described,
but the brief notice of the objects seen on that occasion made one eager
for more information. There is an illustration of the place in Mr. and
Mrs. S. C. Hall's ll Ireland," but the fine Cross is sadly caricatured. The
Round Tower of Kilree is less tapering towards the summit than usual ;
and is without the conical cap so often seen. It is 50 feet 6 inches
in circumference near the base, and is said to be nearly 100 feet high.
The door faces the church, and is about 6 feet from the ground ; looking
in, one can just see the projecting stones in the wall for the supports
of the first floor ; the grand old structure is in go6d preservation. The
tower stands 27 feet from the church to the north-west.
The masonry of the church is much inferior to that of the tower.
The entrance door is square-headed, the opening into the chancel (part
of which is a modern addition) is arched. The edifice is perfectly plain ;
not a carved stone is to be seen, nor any attempt at ornament.
The Cross stands at the farther side of the adjacent field ; it is of
sandstone, 8 feet in height, and is sculptured with interlaced patterns in
relief. The centre of the front face is studded with bosses, but there are
neither figures nor letters of any kind. According to Keating, the Ordnance
Survey, and local tradition, Kilree was originally named Cill Bhrighda, the
church dedicated to Saint Bridget, and the name was changed to Cill Righ,
after the tragic death of an old Irish king. In A.D. 851 Niall Caille, King
of all Ireland, determined to establish an O'Foelain on the throne of
Leinster, and he arrived at the river Callan at the head of a great force
to invade Ossory. The river was swollen with a flood, and his guide was
carried away in crossing the ford near Kells ; the king plunged in to
rescue him, but he also sank in the current and was drowned. He was
214 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
buried at the church of St. Bridget, to which a road led from the ford.
Ever afterwards the church was known as Kill High, the Church of the
King; and the king as Niall " Caille," from the river Callan, and the
river itself as Abhan Righ, the King's River. To the ordinary tourist no
story could sound more satisfactory ; however, like a great deal of that
class of history, it has been pronounced by high authority an invention.
Dr. O'Donovan, as reported by Mr. John Hogan,1 calls it a mere pseudo-
tradition, founded on the word Kilree (which is only the Anglicised form
of Kill Eraoich). The chapel of Cill-Bhrighde was an ancient church,
he says, " the site of which is a place of great sepulture, known as Kill-
bride, two miles south of Callan";2 the name might come from the
situation of the church.
1 have already suggested that the name might come from the
situation of the church. The local pronunciation, "Kilree," is against
that idea, and seems to indicate its derivation from Rigti, a king. I
mentioned the subject to Dr. Joyce, who pointed this out, but he declined
to give a decided opinion, not having seen the place himself. Mr. John
Hogan, in his Handbook to Kilkenny, states that he has not been able
to obtain li a single vista into the primitive history of this locality."
When we enter the interior of the church we find a record on stone
connecting it with comparatively modern civilisation. Here there is
an altar tomb, with an inscription cut in relief along the edge of the slab,
to the memory of Richard Comerford and his wife. The inscription is
as follows : —
" HIC JACET DOMINUS RICARDUS COMERPORD QUONDAM DE DANOINMORE, QUI
OBIIT [ ] ET DOMINA JOANNA ST. LEGER, UXOR EJUS, PIA HOSPITALIS ET
ADMODUM IN OMNES MISERICORS, MATRONA, Q.VJE OBIIT 4 DIE OCTOB. 1622."
On the front side of the tomb the Instruments of the Passion are
sculptured in the curious style seen on many monuments in Ossory of the
same period. (Miss Margaret Stokes' interesting Paper on the subject
will be remembered ; it was published in the Journal £OT 1898, vol. xxviii.)
The Comerfords were early Anglo-Norman settlers who always took
a high position in the county of Kilkenny, and were titular Barons of
Danganmore, A younger son of the old Staffordshire family of Comer-
ford came to Ireland in the suite of King John, and married a niece of
Hugo de Lacy. In the ruins of Kells Priory there was some years ago
a shattered slab bearing a floriated cross, of the Edwardian period, and an
inscription, without any date, to the memory of Richard Comerford,
formerly Prior of the convent, but it is no longer to be seen.
''Topographical and Historical Illustrations of the Suburbs of Kilkenny "
Journal, vol. v., p. 468, and vol. vi., p. 355).
2 O'Donovan's own idea is that the patron saint of the church of Kilree "was
called by the Irish « Cruimther Fraech,' who, at his principal church in Leitrim, is
called ' Criffer Ree,' the /being totally sunk," whence might come the word " Kilree,"
the present name of his church near Kells. But this derivation seems far-fetched.
PROCEEDINGS.
215
The Richard Comerford who was interred in Tvilree church was
honoured with a second monument in the form of a wayside cross at
Danganmore, the residence of the head of the family. The shaft of the
cross has been missing for about two centuries and a-half ; some say it
was buried to preserve it from destruction by Cromwell's soldiers like the
KlLREB CROSS AND ROUND ToWER.
cross at Finglas. Only the pedestal remained fifty years since, when the
inscription on it was copied by Mr. Prim, as follows : —
ORATE PRO ANIMABUS RICHARD COMERFORD ET JOANNJK ST. LEGER.
RICH. OBIT 5 OCTO. A. 1624. JO. OBIT 3 OCTO. 1622.
RICHARD — COMRF— JOANNA.
CATHERINA FFENNELL ME FIERI FECIT 29 APRIL. ANNO DOMINI 1636.
It may be noticed that the date of Richard Comerford's death, which
is left a blank on his tombstone, is here given as "5 Octo. A. 1624,"
two years after the death of his wife. He had evidently erected the
216 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
monument himself, putting his own name first and leaving a space for
the date — a space never filled up.
Catherine Ff ennell, who erected the cross, is supposed to have been the
wife of the son of Richard Comerford, but it seems strange that it was
she, only connected with the family by marriage, who thus piously
honoured the memory of her husband's parents in his lifetime.
Some light, true or false, is thrown upon her character by local
tradition. She was spoken of by the people of the neighbourhood as
" Katty Comerford, a tremendous warrior, who ruled her husband and
her household with a rod of iron."
A document discovered among the records in Kilkenny Castle shows
her in quite a different light. It appears that on her husband's death
she was left unexpectedly in arrears to the Duke of Ormonde, with her
children unprovided for, and there is preserved her petition to his Grace
11 to commiserate the unableness and low condition of his oratrix . . .
and to discharge her from all arrears, and give her a lease of ye farme of
Danganmore, etc." There is good reason to believe that the prayer was
granted. Of the ancient hill of Kilree few vestiges are to be seen,
though in bygone days it was the centre of busy life in the district ;
four roads met in what was formerly the square in the middle of the
baile, where portions of the foundations of a rude castle were traceable a
few years since.1
1 Kilree Round Tower is 93 feet high, and 50 feet 8 inches in circumference, with
two plinths or projecting base courses. The doorway has a round head, cut out of
one block, and is ornamented with a flat, raised band. It was conserved as a
National Monument in 1883. There are illustrations in Wilkinson's " Practical
Geology and Ancient Architecture of Ireland"; also in Miss Stokes' "Early
Christian Architecture of Ireland," Plate xxiv. There is a good account, by L. C.
Beaufort, in Trans. E.I. A. (1827), vol. xv., p. 219; and a note in Proc. JR. LA.,
Ser. in., vol. v., p. 304.— [ED.]
THE JOURNAL
OF
THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANT1QUAK1E&
OF IRELAND
FOR THE YEAR 1903.
PAPERS AND PROCEEDINGS-PART III., VOL. XXXIII.
apers*
THE ANCIENT CORPORATION OF BARBER-SURGEONS, OR
GILD OF ST. MARY MAGDALENE, DUBLIN.
BY HENRY F. BERRY, M.A., M.R.I.A., FELLOW.
[Read NOVEMBER 25, 1902.]
THE Fraternity of Barbers in this city — the most ancient medical
corporation in the United Kingdom — was incorporated at an
earlier period than the corresponding society in England. The Barbers
here had a royal charter, dated 18th October, 1446, in the twenty -fifth
year of the reign of King Henry VI., while the London Gild had no grant
until the year 1461, in the first year of King Edward IV. The Dublin
company ranked fourth among the city gilds, those having precedence of
it being— 1. Merchants, or Trinity Gild; 2. Tailors ; 3. Smiths. The
charter of Henry VI. is no longer extant, but the records of the gild
show that a copy of it was in their possession in 1747 ; and the document
may have disappeared in 1754, when the charters of the fraternity were-
given out to Daniel Bourne, the clerk, for translation.1 No enrolment of
this charter is to be found in the rolls of Chancery, which are deficient
for some years prior and subsequent to the date of the grant.
1 In 1720 the clerk was ordered to construe and make English copies of the charters
of Henry VI. and Elizabeth : the gild seal was to he affixed, and the copies were to be
deposited among the records.
T v c A T f-Vol. xiii., Fifth Ser. ) ~
Jour. R.S.A.I. Vol xxxl»n Consec ger j Q
[ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.]
218 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
On 6th September, 1715, a document embodying the charter was
brought for enrolment into Chancery by Thomas Collins, master of the
gild, and when duly enrolled, it should have been replaced in the record
chest; it lay, however, in the old Rolls Office from 1715 until the
records of that department were transferred to the Public Record Office,
and it will be found noted as " Charter of the Gild of Barber-Surgeons,
Henry VI.," among the Miscellanea of the Rolls Office in the Record
Commissioners' Reports, 1816-20, p. 520. The document is to the
following effect : — Be it remembered that on Thursday next before the
feast of St. Michael the Archangel, in the 26th year of the reign of King
Henry VI.. the master and wardens of the Fraternity or Gild of the art of
Barbers in the King's city of Dublin (the Fraternity and Gild of St. Mary
Magdalene),1 came here into the court of the said city before Nicholas
"Woder, mayor, Thomas Savage and Henry Fitz Eustace, bailiffs, and
brought into the said court certain letters patent of the lord the King,
which they sought to be enrolled here, &c., which letters patent at the
request of the said master and wardens are enrolled in the court here in
these words — Henry by the grace of God, King of England and France,
and lord of Ireland, to all to whom these present letters shall come greet-
ing ; know ye that of our special grace, with the assent of the venerable
father in Christ, Richard, Archbishop of Dublin, our Justiciary of Ireland,
to the praise of God, and in honour of the B. V. M., St. Mary Magdalene
and all saints, and for fulfilling the pious proposal and wholesome inten-
tion of our beloved and faithful, Richard, Archbishop of Dublin, Giles
Thorndon, esquire, our Treasurer of Ireland, Brother Thomas Talbot,
prior of Kilmaynham, Brother William, prior of the House of St. John
without the new gate, Dublin, Christopher Bernevall, our Chief Justice of
Ireland, Robert Douedall, Chief Justice of our Common Bench in Ireland,
Michael Gryffyn, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, Edward Somerton,
our serjeant at laws, Stephen Roach e, Attorney- General, Edward
Bryan, James Cheyny, barber, Philip Leghelyn, barber, John Bron,
barber, Richard Russell, barber, Stephen Broun, barber, and John Vale,
barber, for us our heirs and successors, we have granted licence that they
or the survivors of them to the praise of God and in honour of St. Mary
Magdalene and all saints may found, of themselves and other persons,
as well men as women, a fraternity or gild of the art of Barbers of our
city of Dublin, to be called the fraternity or gild of St. Mary Magdalene,
and may receive as brethren and sisters any honest and fitting persons
willing freely to join them ; and that the brothers of the said fraternity
1 The Barbers of London do not appear to have placed themselves under the
patronage of any saint ; those of Norwich dedicated their gild to St. John the Baptist,
while the Lincoln Barhers chose St. John the Evangelist. The fact of the Dublin
gild adopting the chapel of St. Mary Magdalene for their chantry may have heen
the reason for placing themselves under her patronage; but it also seems probable that
the story of the Magdalene having wiped our Lord's feet with her hair may have
influenced a fraternity of barhers in claiming her special protection.
ANCIENT COKPO RATION OF BARBER-SURGEONS. 219
or gild so founded may elect each year a master and two wardens belong-
ing to the art of Barbers, for the rule and governance of the fraternity
and for the custody of all lands, tenements, rents, possessions, goods and
chattels which henceforth may happen to be acquired, given, or assigned,
or which may happen to belong to the said fraternity or gild, for the
rule and governance of the art of Barbers in our said city and the
suburbs of the same.
Furthermore, they were to have a common seal, and a chantry
of one or more priests, for the celebration of the divine offices every
day for ever, in the church of St. Mary Magdalene, Dublin, for the
souls of the King, the founders, brethren and sisters, &c., with liberty
to acquire lands and tenements for the endowment of the chantry.
Power was also granted to inquire into all trespasses, extortions,
and defaults by any exercising the art of Barbers, their servants and
apprentices, in all appertaining to the said art, committed within the
city and six miles round its precincts. Such as were convicted before
the master and wardens were to be punished within the prison of the
city, and they were authorized to levy and collect fines imposed for
offences. Apprentices were to be of free condition, of the English nation, of
good conversation, &c. The charter was dated 18th October, 25 Henry VI.
It will be observed that the gild was to have its chantry in the
church of St. Mary Magdalene, the locality of which was not at first
quite apparent, but on investigation it appears to have been a chapel
dedicated to St. Mary Magdalene, which stood within the precincts of the
Hospital of St. John, outside the new gate. In a volume of enrolments
of apprentices, &c., the fraternity is denominated that of St. Mary
Magdalene " without the new gate of the city," and in the year 1388
John Hammond, by his will,1 directed his body to be buried in the cemetery
of St. John, outside the new gate, ' ' before the door of the church of
St. Mary Magdalene," to which church he bequeathed 20s. for masses.
In "Pembridge's Annals," under the year 1308, John leDecer, mayor of
Dublin, is recorded to have built the chapel of St. Mary in St. John's
Hospital; and though Stanihurst has it that John le Decer erected
" another chapel to the Blessed Virgin Mary " in their Hospital, it seems
more likely that the dedication mentioned was that to St. Mary Magdalene.
If this were so, the first of the two buildings erected in her honour did
not long survive its erection, for in 1316, on the approach of Edward
Bruce, the citizens set fire to Thorn as- street, when unfortunately both
the church of St. John itself and the chapel of St. Mary Magdalene were
consumed in the flames. These buildings were subsequently re-erected,
-and King Edward II. made a grant of all deodands for a certain period
as a contribution towards the expenses.2
Gilbert's "Corporation Eecords" (iii., p. 55), under the year 1615,
1 Gilbert's " Corporation Eecords," vol. i., p. 129.
2 King, MSS. quoted in Archdall's " Monasticon."
Q2
220 KOYAI, SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
shows that a grant of the void ground in the east end of St. Molloye's
chapel was made to the inhabitants of St. Thomas-street, St. James-street,
and St. Francis-street, for the purpose of their erecting on the premises a
strong gate of timber, with a shed over it, and providing a substantial
pair of stocks, at the cost of the said inhabitants, for the punishment of
disordered persons and night walkers, and for no other use or purpose.
Under the above alias of St. Molloye, probably a corruption of Maudlin,
will be recognised the chapel of St. Mary Magdalene. Once the premises
in which they had met became secularized, the fraternity of Barbers were
compelled to seek another altar for their chantry, and some entries in the
records, together with a notice in the Proctor's account of Christ Church
Cathedral for the year 1595, show that the worship of the gild was
transferred to Christ Church. This account mentions the " barbors*
chappell," without defining its locality, but it is spoken of in connexion
with " Shelton's holding " — one of the cellar holdings at the north side
of the nave. Mr. James Mills is of opinion that it may have been the
eastern half of the north aisle of the nave ; leases of the seventeenth
century show that this part of the church was then a vestry.1
In the oldest extant volume of the gild records appears an entry made
in 1573 of a payment of 5s. contributed at the command of the brethren,
towards the building of the hall of Christ Church. A sum of Ss. 6d.
was also disbursed on St. Mary Magdalene's day (22 July) for rushes,
&c. As in the case of other fraternities, the gild of Barbers attended
service on the eve of their patron saint's day, and again on the festival
day itself, when the brethren also dined or supped together, and the
officers for the ensuing year were sworn in ancient form. The following
entries throw some further light on the old customs of this particular
gild:—
1582. " A Mary Mawdline Even " to the company of Christ Church,
2s. 6d.
To the " Querysters" same night, 6d.
" A Mauddlyn " day to John Brady, 9d.
1584. At Christ Church, Mary Maudlin day, Patrick Drynane was
at church : the clerk, "Walter Dormer, Patrick Welsh, John Morphin.
"William Kelly, absent. (He came to Evening Prayer. ) "William Naghten,
Richard Egerton, Rowland Mery, absent.
The charge that Patrick Drynane paid that day. To the clergy, bells,
and choristers, 3s. 4d. For rushes, one white grott. For drinking
for the ringers, 4d.
Among the payments made by Richard Egerton when Master (1582-3)
is a sum of I2d. for the Chancellor and Company of Christ Church. It
is evident that great importance was attached to attendance at Divine
1 A Paper on " Sixteenth-century Notices of the Chapels and Crypts of the
Church of the Holy Trinity, Dublin" (Journal, 1900, p. 1^5).
ANCIENT CORPORATION OF BARBER-SURGEONS. 221
Service on 22nd July, from the fact of absentees' names being specially
noted, and William Kelly's getting credit for putting in an appearance
at Evening Prayer. There is further a special note to the effect that
Rowland Merye was to be fined 20*. for not waiting on the master and
wardens three patron days last ; William Kelly, Master, on two of them,
and third patron day Richard Egerton, Master. This note is undated,
but Kelly was Master 1576-7 and 1577-8. In 1569 Patrick Byctone,
Merye, Drynan, and Byrd were fined 4d. each for not being at Even-
song.
Among the records of this period the name of only one chaplain or
chantry priest appears, that of Sir Milles Linche occurring for the first
time in 1569. His name is to be found as a witness in some of the Christ
Church Deeds between the years 1572 and 1578. The next mention of
a chaplain is the appointment in 1750 of Rev. James Fetherston, a free
brother, to that office.
The form of oath taken by the original members of the gild and their
successors is found in the earliest volume of the records, engrossed in the
year 1535. in four parchment leaves, rubricated. As the remaining por-
tion of the volume is of paper, and only dates from 1555, it would seem
that the parchment leaves had belonged to another and much older book
of rules and proceedings — one probably coeval with the foundation of the
fraternity. The entry is as follows : —
" Heer foloweth the othe of the master and wardines also bretherne
of Mary Magdalen is yelde callid the fraternite of the Barbor crafte of
the citie of Dublin from tyme that ther charter was purchasid, that every
of them have gy wen at the time of ther creacon and ingresse into the
said yelde.
" Firste, ye shall swere him by his name and riacone, as here folowith,
I Jone or I Herri filch1 and soforth, by this holy evangeliste boke do swere
promit and bynd yoresilf e all dissimilacon fraud and dissent put apart,
To honor God and Mary Magdalene accordynge to the dayes and all
tymmes apoynted aftir the custumes and statutis made and to be made
concernynge and schall concerne (now and in tyme to cum) the honestie
and behoif of this gelde of God and Saynt Marie Magdalen, and the saide
statutes, laudable custumes, and lawes to observe and kepe, with all your
diligens, and also with helpe of yore goodes, and likewise to humble
yorsilfe with honestie and go ode maners, and so to be obedient to the
master and wardines this tyme and all tymes, and to their successors
after them during the tyme of yore life, notwithstanding if I scholde
change the copi of the Barber's crafte, yet to gyve and yelde in with and
uppon all maner artis, and to berre all maner of chargis with them like
as I had continewed using the Barber's crafte duringe yore life, and as
sone as I are citid or warn to cum to the place where mastir and wardines
1 Master in 1534.
222 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
other any of the brethered by the said mastir and wardines comandement
schall assinge yow to cum, and ther to apier personalli, I wille redy if
God will giwe yow licens (all fayned excusacons put apart). No man is
helpe or counsaile I schall desire to resiste the mastir and wardines of the
said yelde or fraternite neither yor silfe to use rebellion nether to gyw
counsail privey other apert therto agaynste the mastir or wardines of
the saide yelde. Furder more I promitt by the vertu of the same othe
that if it so chaunce that ther scholde rise any discorde fray other strif
in worde or dede between master wardines and yow or any other brother
of the saide fraternitie and yow also, then to abide the sayng of foure of
the bretherne within the said yelde (all other mastres of the citie and
inferiors with other craftis of the same to be excluded) as concerninge
any discencon within the saide yelde. Allso I do promit by this boke
othe to gyw and yelde with the saide fraternite painge quarterage all
dewties multis peynes and fines put unto yowr charge by the saide
mastir and wardines without any resistens or else to deliver a pledge to
the valu of yowre offens or contempte committed by yow, and I do not
lo : then by the mastir and wardynes comaundementis to take such
correccon within the warde of the newe gate1 of Dublin, and ther to reste
till they bring yow owt, and if I cum owt presumptuusly of the saide
warde without licens of mastir and wardines that then to pay twentic
schillinges irische to the mastir and wardines and to the behoof of the
yelde forsaide and so to go within ye new gate agayne till they bring
yow forth oute. Moreover, if it so hap that I schold rebell and disobey
mastir and wardines of the same yelde persevering in rebellion by the
space of a monthe agaynste master and wardines then forthwith to be
expulsed by the saide mastir and wardines without any furder grace, and
so to confesse your silfe giltie, and so not to use secret nethir opinli the
Barbor's crafte within the citie of Dublin againe, and to close the dore
and wyndowes of your schop, neghir to use yor crafte then the tenor of
the charter will permitte or suffer all the premissis and all articles within
the boke or may depende of them to kepe and observe here I do swer so
God yow helpe and this holy evangeliste as I schall answer the day of
judgment before God and all the angelis of hewne."
At the end appears a note in Latin that this oath of the Barbers'
gild or fraternity of St. Mary Magdalene was written by Barnaby Kelly,
scribe, at the request of Thomas Grace, master, and of Henry Filch, late
holder of that office, in the year 1535.
Any information regarding the gild during the latter half of the
fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth century is of a very fragmentary
character. Among admissions to the city franchise appear the names of
the following Barbers : — 1472-3, Richard Evyns ; 1484, John "Wricsam
and Richard More ; 1485, Makyne Kelly,
1 The common house of correction.
ANCIENT CORPORATION OF BARBER-SURGEONS. 223
In the Pageant held on Corpus Christi Day, in the year 1498, the
fraternity of Barbers were bound to appear as Annas and Caiaphas "well
arranged according," under a penalty of 40s. in case of default. In the
year 1557 the city assembly ordained that no foreign surgeon should receive
his faculty within the franchises of Dublin without license of the master
and wardens of the Barbers' and Surgeons' fraternity, so long as there were
able surgeons among the citizens, save that the surgeon of any band of the
king's army might cure any of his fellows who were hurt in the city.
At this period the surgeons had not been incorporated, and it wa&
not until 1577 that they received their charter, when they became
united with the Barbers' gild. Nevertheless, it is plain from the testi-
mony afforded by the records that professors of the healing art had
joined the latter from very early times. Barbers anciently acted as
surgeons, notably in the matter of blood-letting. The pole over a
barber's shop is said to have reference to this, as, for the purpose of
keeping a patient's arm on the stretch during the process, it was usual
for him to grasp a staff at full length. Sir Charles Cameron, in his
11 History of the Koyal College of Surgeons," remarks on the probability of
a large number of persons having practised surgery in the fifteenth century
in Dublin, and notices that in King Henry's charter there is no reference
to the Barbers' art being in any way distinct from that of the chirurgeon.
He thinks the two companies were united for purely medical purposes,
and the original object in founding a fraternity of Barbers was for the
promotion and exercise of chirurgery.
The record of proceedings commences in 1555, and from that date
up to 1577, when the second charter was granted, the principal members
of the gild, which at this period was small in point of numbers, appear
to have been the following : — Stephen Cradocke, John Sampson, Hugh
Ingram, Kichard TJmfrey, Denis Fleming, John Baker, Patrick Byctonne,
Rowland Mery, Patrick Coyle, John Bird, "Walter Kaghten, Patrick
Drynan, Thomas Newman, Alexander Dermott, William Kelly, Richard
Egerton, Richard Luttrell. These all served as masters or wardens.
Prior to the date of Queen Elizabeth's charter there are few rules or
regulations for the guidance of the gild entered ; the earliest appearing
is one of 10th June, 1569, which enacts that any brother enticing or
procuring any customer from any other brother, or calling such into his
shop, he knowing him to be a customer of any other brother, should forfeit
6*. Sd. for his conduct. Also a brother was not to intrude or take a cure
out of another brother's hands, unless he had his licence therefor. In
1573 a law was made that no brother of the gild should henceforth keep
a journeyman without licence of the master and wardens, on pain of
forfeiting a noble for each occasion of making default.
On the 14th September, 1577 (19th Elizabeth) another charter1 was
1 A translation of this charter will be found at p. 60 of Sir Charles Cameron's
"History of the Royal College of Surgeons."
224. ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
granted to the fraternity, which, after reciting that of King Henry the
Sixth, goes on to state that it is necessary for the preservation of health
that the fraternity of Barbers should be more skilled in the art of surgery,
and that there are two distinct societies exercising that art, namely, the
Barbers and the Surgeons. The latter had not been incorporated, and
accordingly "William Kelly, Richard Egerton, Richard Luttrell, Stephen
Cradock, Rowland Myrry, Walter Naghten, John Bride, Thomas Newman,
and Patrick Drynan, surgeons of the city of Dublin, and all others
to be admitted, are constituted for ever a society to be called the Gild of
the Blessed Mary Magdalene of Dublin, with liberty to plead and to possess
land and to have a common seal. Further, on the petition of the two
bodies, the masters, wardens, and fraternity of Barbers, and the Society
of Surgeons were henceforth to form one corporation, to be called the
master, wardens, and fraternity of Barbers and Surgeons of the Gild
of the Blessed Mary Magdalene in the city of Dublin. They might
plead, &c. , and have a common seal, and were to elect annually a master
and two wardens, while they were to enjoy all other privileges granted
by King Henry's charter. Any person exercising either art in the city
or suburbs without being admitted under their common seal was to be
liable to a penalty of 100s. a month while so offending. From an
endorsement on the original charter now in the Library of Trinity College
it appears that the liberties, privileges, and franchises contained therein
were enrolled in the office of the Treasurer's Remembrancer and the
Second Remembrancer of the Exchequer in Hilary Term, 1627 (3 Chas.L).
The following entries with regard to the above charter give the items of
expense connected with obtaining it : —
Paid Thomas Dillon and Mr. Dormor, our learned counsellors,
about the renewing of our charter, 30th April, 1577, 40s.
,, Mr. Dormor's clerk for engrossing it, . . 5s.
,, Queen's Serjeant and his clerk for writing the
Fiant, , , 10s.
,, Parchment aboui same charter, ... 5s. 4d.
(Eight skins of the largest sort.)
,, for a veal skin to write the charter on, . I6d.
,, for a book of gold to trim our charter, . .. 2s. 6d.
,, for white and gold lace for same, . * 3s.
Great seal and writing of same, . . .- 40s.
Privy Signet, 6s. 8^.
Registering said charter, ..... I2d.
Box to keep our charter in, . . . 4s. 6d.
Hinges and clasps for same, .... I8d.
Lock and key, . : . . . . . Sd.
To our learned counsel for perusing our charter, « 3s. 6d.
(Mr. Serjeant Fitzsimones is to be ' ensured ' for his learned counsel
for making and devising of our charter.)
ANCIENT CORPORATION OF BARBER-SURGEONS. 225
AVe have seen that the fraternity attended Divine Service on the
patron saint's eve and day, but, in common with similar bodies, the
members also celebrated the festival in a social manner. In 1572 the
expenses amounted to 5s. ; and when William Kelly took his oath break-
fast cost 2s. In 1576 and 1577 the respective amounts were 5s. Id.
and 2ld.
Bichard Egerton, when master, in 1582, set out the items provided
for entertainment as follows : —
Paid for a pottle of "secke," Mary Maudlin Day at night,
when I was made master, . . . . .1 2d.
Cakes, a Maudlin Eve, last past, ..... 2s.
Rushes same night, ....... ±d.
Two pounds cherries, ...... Sd.
White wine and claret wine, ...... 1 6^.
" Secke," 1 quart, 6^.; more in ale, .... 12d.
On two occasions the gild was assessed at a certain rate, to contribute
towards the maintenance of soldiers — once in 1576, in a sum of 19s. Id.,
and again in 1584, when 5s. were taken out of the box to pay the cess.
That the clause of the oath taken by the members as to their being
prepared to take correction within the ward of the Newgate was no idle
form of words is evident from a circumstance recorded to have taken
place in 1577. Thomas Newman (whose offence is not indicated), who
served as warden in 1575, and was a charter member of the society
incorporated in 1577, was forcibly and against his will carried to the
Newgate, where he lay with two pairs of bolts on his legs until he
11 reconciled himself " for the abuses he had committed against the master
and wardens of his company. He acknowledged on his knees his folly
and " lewdness," craving pardon for his misdemeanour, and had it not
been for the suit of some honest friends, and his own pitiful submission,
he would have been expelled the gild for ever.
There are entries of sums disbursed for arresting offenders ; thus in
1572, that of William O'Moltollye, cost 3d., and the taking of one
Richard Morgho in 1573, 2d., while the fee for entering an action
against him was 4d. O'Moltollye gave trouble again in 1578, and on .
this occasion his arrest cost the gild 6d., and entering action together
with attorney's fees came to 16^. In 1582 John Cruse was paid 6d. for
arresting one Pykring, and Nicholas Sedgrave charged 6d. for shutting
John Morfee's shop. The form of oath bound members, if contumacious,
to close the doors and windows of their shops ; and sometimes when they
proved refractory, no doubt it became necessary for the gild officers to
see this carried out.
Certain entries, which, however, are undated, throw some light on
the reasons for the arrest of O'Moltollye, and they make it plain that he
must have engaged in the practice of the healing art without due
226 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
authority, not being a duly qualified member of the Barber-Surgeons*
fraternity. The entries speak for themselves : —
"Item, that William O'Moltollye hath confessed that he did let one
* Sallomander ' blude."
Said William did let one " Patrick Reade upon Oxmonton grene
blude," as he confessed himself before me and my company.
" Item, that said William confessed he had one Patrick Crosbie in hand
for which he had 30s., and left him in worse case than he found him.
" Said William did let one Pynine blude in the nose, and caused all his
face and his head to swell and impostome, and if it had not fortuned my
brother Rowland Mery to have him in, he had died of some mishap. The
same man is a glower, and dwelled at the Bridge foot.
" Said William had one John Tall on his wife in hands, of a broken leg,
and did set it crooked, and spoiled said Tallon's wife, that she was never
able to do herself no good till she died."
These quaint entries serve to show that the gild had something to da
in combating the intrusion of quackery into its lawful province towards
the close of the sixteenth century.
There is an item under date 1582 which goes to prove that the
members of the fraternity engaged in the practice of firearms ; Richard
Egerton, who was master this year, was said to owe 2s. Id. for two pounds
of powder, which he had of the master of the tailors ; this powder was
the property of the gild, which obtained it from the city. It seems pro-
bable that for defensive purposes the authorities had organized bands to
be trained to the use of arms, and the members of the city companies
would naturally form an integral portion of such.
In 15661 Thomas Smith, apothecary of Dublin, reported to Sir
Henry Sidney, lord deputy, and to the Privy Council, that he had been
" greatly hindered and in manner enforced to abandon his faculty, because
his costly drugs and other apothecary wares " had remained unsold, as
a number of the people of Irish birth preferred to make use of the
ministry of their own leeches or physicians. Smith was made a
special allowance by Government, that he might be the better enabled to
provide fresh drugs, &c., to the needful and good help of such persons of
English birth, and others of the "graver and civiller sort," as should
desire them for ready money, whereby Smith might the better apply his
study and diligence in that ministry, and the better to sustain himself
alive."2 Thomas Smith was mayor of Dublin in the year in which
1 State Papers, Ireland, vol. xviii., No. 36.
2 A place on the north of St. Michael's Church, between Trinity-lane and the
stone walls on the east, the priest's chamber on the west, and the wall of St. Michael's
on the south, was assigned to Thomas Smith, apothecary, on the 12th August, 1574.
This assignment included a cellar and buttery, furnaces, trough, &c., belonging to the
premises. On 17th August, 1578, the Dean and Chapter of Holy Trinity leased to
said Smith two houses on the north side of High- street, one of which was commonly
called the Barber's shop (" Christ Church Deeds," Nos. 1340 and 1350).
ANCFENT CORPORATION OF BARBER-SURGEONS. 227
Trinity College was founded by Queen Elizabeth, and the corporation
having bestowed the grounds of All Hallows Monastery as a site, he
laid the first stone of the buildings. It is interesting to find that even
in Dublin the Celtic inhabitants still clung to their own physicians. In
ancient times the great families in Ireland always had their own
domestic medical attendants, whose office was hereditary, and who
frequently held lands in return for medical services. The regulations in
the Brehon Laws regarding them sufficiently attest the fact that
medicine was recognised as a profession from an early period. Books
which contained the symptoms of diseases, with appropriate remedies
and cures, were treasured and handed down in the families of these old-
time leeches. The O'Maras, physicians to the Kilkenny Butlers, were
the first of the line of hereditary physicians who wrote medical works
in Latin. The O'Cassidys were attached to the Maguires of Fermanagh,
the O'Sheils to the MacCoghlans of the King's County, and their Book is
in the Royal Irish Academy. The Book of the O'Lees, who were in the-
household of the O'Flahertys of West Connaught, is also preserved there.
In 1575 Denis Collier was admitted a freeman of the city, in considera-
tion of his having adventured his life in "this contagious time of
plague," for attendance on the mayor and others. During this year a
dreadful pestilence prevailed in Dublin, and so depopulated was the city
that grass grew in some of the busiest thoroughfares. The lord deputy
held his court at Drogheda, and the municipality met at Glassmenoge.1
Collier became bound to reside in Dublin during his life, doing duty as
well in time of plague as in all other seasons, receiving for fees what
might be agreed on between his patients and himself, or according to
what the mayor might reasonably order or award.
Nicholas Hickey, Doctor of Physic, who became a freeman in 1580,.
was a member of a family that had practised medicine for generations,
some of whom (Sir John Gilbert says) left manuscripts on medical
subjects written in the Irish language. In consideration of Dr.
Hickey's making his abode in Dublin, he was to be paid a yearly sum
of £10 by the city treasurer. His fee for view of a patient's water
(such patient being a citizen) without a visit was to be Qd. ; for a visit and
view, I2d. He was to be at liberty, moreover, to agree to undertake a
cure for a stipulated sum of money. The mayor had power to permit
Hickey to journey three score miles outside the city, provided he re-
turned within twelve days, and he was at liberty to go at any time a
distance which would not prevent his getting back within twenty -four
hours. Should the mayor himself send for him, he was to attend at
once, under a penalty of losing half a year's stipend. This singular
agreement only lasted about three years, Dr. Hickey being removed from
1 Census of Ireland, 1851, Part v., Table of Deaths (Report of Registrar- General
and Dr. Wilde).
228 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
the service of the city in 1583, as the corporation had more occasion
for the money expended on retaining him, as well for building as other
purposes.
In the year 1579 another physician, Nicholas Uriell, also obtained
his freedom on condition of his dwelling within the city during his life.
In 1594 Richard Segerson, a barber-surgeon, obtained a term of sixty-one
years in a little shop adjoining the great conduit or high pipe, at a
rent of 30s. yearly, a way to said conduit being reserved for the purposes
of cleaning and repair.
During the reign of Queen Elizabeth a number of those who obtained
the franchise of the city are described as apothecaries, though there is
no mention of them in the Queen's charter to the Barber- Surgeons.
This branch of the profession sprang up between 1577 and 1687, and a
charter of James II. declares apothecaries to be an integral part of the
latter, and it was not until 1745 that they became a separate body,
being then incorporated as the gild of St. Luke.
In the oldest volume of the gild of Barbers, which ends about 1588,
is copied a document, which, though addressed to the master and
fraternity of the Tailors, would, no doubt, at times be directed to the
other city gilds. Possibly, at the date of the document, the Barber-
Surgeons may have formed a wing of the Tailors' Company, which
would account for its being entered here : —
THESE are to wit and command you to be in readiness with the
number of eight of the sufficient brethren of your corporation at 6 o'clock
on Monday next in the morning, decently furnished with horses and
other necessaries befitting them with provision of victuals, to attend me
in riding of the streams and creeks between this and Arklow Head, and
from thence to the Nany water, "norwarde" hereof. You may not
fail, as you will answer the contrary. At the Tholsel, 3d August, 1607.
You must [send] me the note of their names that shall so attend me by
Friday night next.
JOHN ARTHURS, Mayor of Dublin.
To THE MASTER OF THE COMPANY OF
TAILORS AND THEIR ASSOCIATION.
King Edward III., in 1375, had granted the Mayor, &c., of Dublin,
all customs between Skerries and Arklow Head. In July, 1561, the
city assembly noticed that injury was inflicted on the community by
reason that the creeks and small roads within the limits of the liberties,
i.e. from Arklow Head to Nanny water, were not diligently seen to. As
a remedy, one of the city sheriffs was ordered to ride once in every
quarter over the sea-coast where such liberty extended, for the purpose
of searching out and enquiring into any trespass committed. The sheriff
was to be accompanied on horseback by another, who had been sheriff,
-and two of the brethren of the Merchants' Company, the city bearing all
ANCIENT CORPORATION OF BARBER-SURGEONS. 229
charges. If necessary, he might have a larger number in attendance, and
any refusing to ride were to be liable to a penalty of 40s.
In 1581 Queen Elizabeth granted the mayor of Dublin to be admiral
from Arklow to Nanny water, at the same time confirming all charters
which had granted the office of admiralty, wheresoever the city sheriffs
might receive custom between said bounds.
In 1587 the sheriffs were again ordered to ride the above sea-
coast, and set customs, as had been wont, where occasion might arise.
At a meeting of the city assembly, held in July, 1607, it being shown
that on account of the negligence of mayors in the past, the streams and
coast (of which the mayor of the city is admiral) had not been ridden for
a long time, it was decided that the ancient custom should be observed
this summer. The foregoing summons would appear to have been
issued in pursuance of this determination.
There is a gap in the records between 1588 and 1688, when the
next volume commences, but some gleanings from other sources give us
occasional glimpses of the gild during this period of a century. In
16271 the commons complained that the Barber-Surgeons, Glovers, and
Fishmongers, with several other tradesmen, far beyond many of the
other corporations in ability (i.e. in numbers and importance), were wont
to join themselves to one or two of the eight corporations, who had little
need of them ; but by what authority was not known. By this means
the u weaker sort" of corporations were injuriously affected when any
cess was imposed, or loans raised, because the wealthy tradesmen bore
little or none of the expense, and so a heavy burden fell on the peti-
tioners. They prayed that those " wings " and tradesmen might either
be united with poor corporations, who needed their assistance, or that
they should be appointed to " attend their own charter." The assembly
ordered that the mayor, recorder, and sheriffs should call before them
the gilds of the Barber-Surgeons, Glovers, Fishmongers, and Saddlers,
with a view to ascertain the facts, and if they found them not legally
joined to any, they were to certify the board of aldermen, who had
power to annex them to such companies as most stood in need of their
assistance.
In 1634 a dispute between the Bakers and the Barber-Surgeons,2
concerning their respective precedence in station on station days, which
had been on several occasions before the assembly, was again brought
forward, on the petition of the former. They alleged that the Barber-
Surgeons were but a " wing," and prayed that a settled course might be
laid down for the future. It was ordered that the Act already passed,
and which was to be enforced under a penalty of £10, should be observed.
What this ruling was does not appear, but in 1644 the matter again
came on, and this time on petition of the Barber-Surgeons.3 A
1 Gilbert's " Corporation Records," vol. iii., p. 204.
2 Ibid, p. 300. ' 3 Ibid., p. 425.
230 KOYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
reference was made to the mayor, recorder, and sheriffs, empowering
them to consider the charters of the respective claimants, and to settle
their positions according to the "antiquities" of same. The decision
was in favour of the Barbers ; and the assembly then ordered that that
corporation should have no relation or dependence on any other, but
that it should bear all common charges and cesses in the city as a
distinct body.
It seems strange that a Dublin barber should have been called on to
give evidence on the trial of King Charles I.1 His name was James
Crosby, and his evidence was to the effect that in 1643 he saw the King
riding from Newbury.
In the years 1650 and 1651 the plague appears to have been rife in
Dublin again ; and Dudley Russell, a surgeon, is found petitioning the
city assembly 2 fora grant, under the following circumstances: — The
late mayor, Raphael Hunt, had employed him to enquire of all persons
infected with the plague in the city, and furnish a report on same, with
a view to shutting doors and the prevention of further infection. To
the great danger of his life, and his family's loss, the petitioner had
discharged his trust for six months past, without remuneration, and in
consideration of all the circumstances he was voted £5.
In July, 1666, William Bell and Thomas Lisle, surgeons,3 showed
that by the lord mayor's orders, they had, since Christmas, been em-
ployed in visiting, and searching for, any who had died suddenly, or of
any disease suspected to be infectious, with a view to preventing the
further spread of infection in the city. A grant of £5 each was made
to them, and they .were to continue in office until Michaelmas. Petty's
Bills of Mortality give the number of burials in Dublin during the year
1666 as 1480.
The master and wardens of the Barber- Surgeons' gild presented a
petition4 to James, Duke of Ormond, lord lieutenant, in 1678, setting
forth that Walter Prendergast, an ancient brother, had been chosen
warden for the ensuing year, but being unwilling, as a Roman Catholic,
to take the oath of supremacy, owing to certain rules established by act
of State, on 21st September, 1672, he was rendered incapable of serving
the corporation in that capacity without His Grace's dispensation.
They prayed that, as he was well known to be a sober citizen, he might
have such a dispensation; and, on a certificate of John Smith, lord
mayor, Ormond dispensed Prendergast from this particular oath, on
condition of his subscribing the other declarations.
On 10th February, 1687, King James II. granted a charter5 to
1 Trial of King Charles I., quoted in Gilbert's " History of Dublin."
2 Gilbert's " Corporation Records," vol. iv., p. 15. 3 /^<} p. 330.
4 Haliday Collection of Deeds and Documents, Royal Irish Academy.
6 Copy of this charter is at p. 70, Cameron's " History of the Royal College of
Surgeons."
ANCIENT CORPORATION OF BARBER- SURGEONS. 231
the fraternity, His Majesty being willing to renew the corporation of
Barbers, of which Barber-Surgeons, ''apothecaries, and peri wig-makers,"
were members. Patrick Archbold was to be the first master, and Robert
"White and William Cox the first wardens. The following were named
as the first brethren : — "William, Earl of Limerick, John Barnewell,
Robert Barnewell, Richard Archbold, Christopher Cruce, Thomas Conner,
William Garvan, Patrick Fitzpatrick, physicians and readers of
anatomy; Charles Thompson, Henry Walker, Patrick Bath, John
Seamar, George Byrne, Richard Purcell, Morgan Kennedy, William
Heydon, Robert Archbold, Robert Bellew, Thomas Clare, Stephen
Archbold, junior, Stephen Clinton, Stephen Clayton, Robert Witherall,
Kenny Prendergast, Dominick Ryan, John Clayton, George Gernon,
Francis Dempsey, Richard Nugent, Redmond Tyrrell, and Maurice
Lomergan.
The next volume of the gild records, now extant, commences
22nd July, 1688, and is entitled a Book of Entry of Foreigners and
Quarterages. It opens with a list of brethren — Barber-Surgeons,
apothecaries, and wig-makers, and, in addition to the foregoing names,
the following appear : — Josias Paterson, Robert Bolton, John Gregson,
Henry Dornan, Patrick Halpin, John Dowdall, Christopher Hussey,
Richard Pasmore, William McEvoy, Thomas Savage, Daniel O'Mullan,
Felix Reilly, Richard Begg, George Pasco, John Shaw, Thomas Bath,
John Renton, Redmond Terrill, Thomas St. John, Bartholomew
Dowdall, Nicholas Stephens, William Neile, Morgan Maghan, and
Thomas Clare.
In 1692, and for some time after, a number of the brethren were
classed in the lists as Romans or Roman brethren.1
There is no precise evidence as to the meeting-places of the gild
during the first two centuries of its existence. In 1661 it obtained a
lease for sixty-one years of the Pole-gate (which was situated at the
southern extremity of Werburgh-street), at a rent of £5 and a couple of
capons to the mayor, guarding the portcullis-room in seasons of danger
to the city. The company must have used the gate before the date of
this lease; for in 16642 it is found affirming that even prior to the late
rebellion (1641) £80 had been disbursed on the premises, which was lost
by reason of the troubles, when the house became a prison. The Pole-
gate was a two-storied tower, 46 feet in height, and the upper storey
was a room only 14 feet square. A representation of the gate faces
p. 29 of Sir Charles Cameron's " History of the Royal College of Sur-
geons." In 1664 the premises were required for His Majesty's service,
for the use of the guard, and an order was made that there was to be no
1 From the fact that in an account dated 1702-3, the entry, "since ye Break of ye
Boyn," appears opposite the names of two of them, it seems probable that these
brethren were Roman Catholics.
2 Gilbert's " Corporation Records," vol. iv., p. 90.
232 ROYAL SOCIKTY OF ANTIQUARIES <>F IltKLAND.
liability to rent until the premises were restored. Whether the Crown's
occupation was temporary or not does not appear, and the records afford
no indication of the meeting-place of the gild for a number of years. In
July, 1692, John Cleevely, a mountebank, paid £2 9s. for leave to erect
his stage, which proves that at this time a fixed hall had been provided,
which the gild was able to sublet for public purposes. In 1697 occurs
an entry to the effect that Patrick Ward paid rent for the hall, and
money for the dinners of the corporation ; and a little later on their
1 1 common hall" is mentioned as being in Smock-alley.1 In 1740 and
in 1744 the gild was meeting in the Tailors' Hall in Back-lane.3 In
1759, a resolution was passed that the master and wardens might agree
for such hall in the city as they should think proper ; but nothing further
on the subject appears in the books. Between 17.50 and 1770 the
brethren adjourned for committees, or on festival occasions, to the follow-
ing taverns, as appears in the transactions : — Hose and Bottle, Dame-
street ; Eose, Castle-street ; Bull's Head, Fishamble-street ; Flying
Horse, Mountrath-street ; Elephant, Essex-street; Phoenix, Werburgh-
street ; Three Stags' Heads, Eustace-street ; Carteret's Head, Castle-
street ; Hoop, Cork Hill ; and the King's Arms, Fownes--street.
A warrant from the Lord Mayor was received in August, 1703,
announcing that a dinner was to be given to the Duke of Ormond on the
12th of that month at St. Stephen' s-green. Each brother was ordered
to pay a sum of 3s. towards the dinner, for which sum, in addition to
dinner, he would receive a bottle of wine. It was also enacted that any
failing to appear at the master's house, under arms and in best apparel,
to march with him, were to be fined 10*.
Only two notices relative to the old city custom of riding the
Franchises appear. In July, 1713, those who attended the lord mayor
on the occasion were to pay 4s. ; those who failed to do so were to incur
a fine of 10s. In 1731 the gild was instructed to ride in the same dress,
with Tye perukes and long cravats, as usual. Faulkner's Journal of
1st August, 1767, states that the Barbers' gild perambulated the city,
when its colours were purple, cherry, and red, while those of the
Apothecaries' Company were purple and orange.
In 1701 the Kecorder was paid a retainer of £1 3s., and the Solicitor-
General £2 8s. 6d. as a fee for prosecuting certain persons who " worked!
up horse hair and other unlawful hair," and by the year 1718 the
members of the gild appear to have been aroused to a pitch of indignation
against certain nefarious practices in that line. Now that wigs have
ceased to be a necessary article of clothing, we can hardly be expected
1 This lay at the rere of Blind-quay, and in the Hall of the Smiths here meetings
of clubs, gilds, and Freemasons were held.
2 Erected 1706, and being one of the largest public rooms in Dublin prior to the
building of Fishamble-street Music Hall, it became the meeting-place of various
gilds. A representation of the exterior of the Hall faces p. 87 of Sir Charles-
Cameron's "History of tho College of Surgeons."
ANCIENT CORPORATION OF BARBER-SURGEONS. 233
to sympathise with a fulmiuation like the following : — " "Whereas
great frauds are committed in Dublin by divers persons who sell hairs
therein, by mixing together hairs cut off several heads, though of
different colours, mixing bleached hairs, horse hairs, and live hairs
together, and by giving false colours to hairs, by dipping and dyeing
same, &c., to the great abuse of the brethren of this corporation in
particular and the wearers of wigs in general. It is ordered that all
such persons, sellers, hawkers, and retailers of hair, acting as aforesaid,
be proceeded against with the utmost severity." It is to be hoped that
the miscreants here described met with condign punishment ! Some
years later a committee was appointed to enquire into abuses committed
by barbers and periwig-makers in the city, who made a practice of shaving
customers and dressing wigs on the Lord's Day, with the result that
such conduct became a subject for fines.
In 1713 it was resolved that no master was to hold office for more
than two years successively, but two years later this enactment was
repealed. In 1729 a new procedure with regard to elections to office in
the gild was sought to be established; three surgeons were to be nominated
for the mastership, one peruke-maker and one apothecary were to be
elected wardens. On the next occasion three apothecaries were to be
-nominated for the former post, while one peruke-maker and one surgeon
were to serve as wardens. Tor the third year, the master was to be elected
'from among three peruke -makers, and the wardens were to be an apothe-
cary and a surgeon. This triennial system must have been found
unworkable, as the order authorizing it was repealed within a few
months. By a rule, passed in 1747, members of the fraternity were
permitted to wear their hats on all occasions in Hall, save when address-
ing the chair. Breaches of good taste during meetings of the gild were
punished severely, as it appears that Thomas Lawler was suspended
during a sitting in August, 1715, for uttering scandalous words and
casting reflections on His Grace the Duke of Marlborough. On Lawler's
submission, some months later, he was readmitted.
The gild of Merchants appear to have sought to invade the rights of
the Barbers' corporation in 1715, in what particulars is not recorded,
and the master, Thomas Collins, had a special vote of thanks passed to
him for his great zeal in defending them against this powerful body.
In 1761 James Grattan, Recorder of Dublin, father of the illustrious
Henry Grattan, was elected a freeman. A motion for conferring the
freedom of the gild on Sir James Caldwell, baronet, count of the Holy
Roman Empire, was brought forward in 1764, and passed. The grounds
adduced for this distinction were his patriotic spirit in raising a troop of
Horse at his own expense in the service of his king and country, during
the late war. Lieut. -Colonel William Howe1 had a similar honour paid
1 Afterwards fifth Viscount Howe. He commanded a battalion in "Wolfe's expedi-
tion against Quebec.
T_lir T? c A T f Vol. xiii., Fifth Series. )
Jour. R. S.A.I, j Vol xxxin Consec Spr
234 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
him on account of the loyalty and valour of his illustrious family, and
the particular exertion of his extraordinary talents as a soldier and com-
mander in the conquest of Canada.
The freedom of the gild was conferred, in 1768, on another distin-
guished Irishman, James, Duke of Leinster.1 The fraternity resolved
that it was to be accompanied by the " compliment of one of the emblems
of the corporation, namely, the Free Bazor of Liberty."
Probably the most distinguished and best-known man connected
with the Barber- Surgeons during the eighteenth century was the patriotic
Charles Lucas. He became warden in 1741-2, and was master during
1744-5 and 1745-6, and again 1748-9. In January, 1744, as a public
acknowledgment of the pure zeal and great fidelity of their master, and
in consideration of his extraordinary labour and assiduity in attempting
to revive the ancient and most excellent constitution of the city by restoring
the just powers and privileges of the commons and citizens, as well by
his constant, watchful care and faithful counsels in the city as by his
open remonstrances and strenuous solicitations in the Courts of Law,
Lucas was decreed a gold signet ring or a silver box (whichever he should
approve) with the arms of the corporation and a suitable inscription.
The article for presentation was to be manufactured by a free brother of
the Goldsmiths' Company, and it was to be held by the recipient as a
lasting mark of gratitude. Dr. Lucas chose the ring. In 1750 a
pamphlet designated " scandalous" in the proceedings of the gild, which
pamphlet was entitled "An Examination of the facts and a detection of
the impudent falsehoods and gross misrepresentations contained in a
pamphlet entitled 'A critical review of the liberties of British subjects,'"
was published in Dublin, having been first printed in London. In this
pamphlet the twenty- one corporations of Dublin were said to be traduced
and vilified, and the Barber-Surgeons resolved, as far as they were con-
cerned, to prosecute the writer with the utmost rigour. Their action and
motives in presenting Lucas with a vote of thanks and a ring having
been called in question, they placed it on record that the sole reason for
paying him this compliment was their sense of his services to all friends
of liberty, and his attachment to the rights of the city against the
encroachments of the Board of Aldermen. When Lucas afterwards, in
1761, became a candidate for the representation of Dublin, he and his
colleague, Colonel James Dunn, specially addressed the members of the
gild.
From about 1730, the number of surgeons in the fraternity was
rapidly becoming less. In 1742, when each surgical brother had already
filled the warden's chair, it became necessary to instal therein a barber,
such chair having heretofore been always occupied by a surgeon, when
the master for the year was a barber. From the time that the Company
1 He was twentieth Earl of Kildare, and was created Duke of Leinster in 1766.
His Grace was father of Lord Edward Fitz Gerald.
ANCIENT CORPORATION OF BARBER-SURGEONS. 235
of Apothecaries was formed/ in 1745, the proceedings of the Barber-Sur-
geons became void of interest. The brethren were nearly all barbers,
with the addition of a few others who had political objects in view in
becoming members; and that the practising surgeons in Dublin felt
keenly their incorporation with Barbers is evident from the terms of a
resolution passed at a meeting of the Dublin Society of Surgeons1 which
was formed in 1780. The meeting was held at the King's Arms, Smock-
alley, June 1, 1780, and the resolution was as follows : — "Kesolved: That
in the opinion of this Committee a royal charter dissolving the preposterous
and disgraceful union of the Surgeons of Dublin with the Barbers, and
incorporating them separately and distinctly upon liberal and scientific
principles, would highly contribute not only to their own emolument, and
the advancement of the profession in Ireland, but to the good of society
in general, by cultivating and diffusing surgical knowledge." In 1784
the bond which united barbers and surgeons was finally severed by the
establishment of the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland.
The records from which the greater portion of the foregoing has been
derived, together with the silver seal of the gild and tbe grant of arms
made by Ulster, are now deposited in the manuscript-room of the Library of
Trinity College. They were found by the late Dr. William D. Moore in
possession of Mr. Michael Earrell, of Harcourt-road, the last master
appointed, prior to the dissolution of the gilds. Having made some use
of the volumes of proceedings in his " History of Pharmacy in Ireland,"
Dr. Moore presented all in 1849 to Trinity College. His action cannot
be too highly commended, and the example set by him might well be
followed by others who have custody of records of this kind, which are
liable to fall into careless hands and become lost to posterity. Dr. Abbott's
catalogue of the manuscripts in Trinity College Library (Item No. 1447)
contains the following list of contents of the box lodged by Dr. Moore :
1. Charter of Queen Elizabeth, 1577.
2. Grant of arms by Ulster, 1645.
3. Charter of James II., 1687.
4. Three Freemen' s Bolls (Memb.).
5. Silver seal of the corporation, 1673.
6. Book for enrolment of apprentices and journeymen, 1578-1588.
(This volume contains entries and accounts from 1535.)
7. Book of Quarterage and Entry of Foreigners, 1688-1702.
(This volume also contains bonds, 1692-1704.)
8. Minute-books, 1703-1756; 1757-1791; 1792-1826; 1826-1841.
9. Book of Bonds, 1735-1736.
10. Book of list of Brothers, 1758-1781.
11. EollBook, 1827-1840.
1 Cameron's "History of the College of Surgeons," p. 111.
R2
236 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
In 1874, Mr. Maurice Lenihan, of Limerick, at a meeting of the
Kilkenny Archaeological Society, exhibited what was said to be the seal of
the Barber-Surgeons' Gild of Limerick, and this seal is figured in the
Journal.^ It is described as being of brass, 2^ inches in diameter, the
matrix not older than the end of the seventeenth or beginning of the
eighteenth century. The arms are the same as those granted to the
Barber-Surgeons of Dublin, and the following legend ran round the
seal :— " The arms of the Barber- Chimrgians or Gild of St. Mary Mag-
dalene granted by Henry VI." The Limerick Gild, which had a master
and two wardens, was constituted by the municipal corporation. Cork
also had a gild which was early incorporated by the city authorities. In
1732 2 a bill was preferred against the Barbers' Company by some " refrac-
tory" persons, and the matter having been brought before the corporation
of Cork on 23rd August in that year, it was decided to support the com-
pany in their ancient rights, and Mr. Russell Wood, attorney, was
appointed to assist in endeavouring to preserve them.
1 Vol. xiii., p, 243.
z Caulfield's " Council Book of the Corporation of Cork."
ANCIENT CORPORATION OF BARBER-SURGEONS. 237
LIST OF MASTERS AND WARDENS, 1534-1760.
Compiled from the Records of the Gild.
YEAR.
MASTERS.
WARDENS.
1534.
Henry Filch.
1535.
Thomas Grace.
1555.
Stephen Cradock.
John Sampson, Hugh Ingram.
1557-8.
Stephen Cradock.
John Sampson, John Baker.
1559.
John Sampson.
John Baker, Patrick Bicton.
1563-4.
John Sampson.
John Baker, Patrick Bicton.
1564-5.
Denis Fleming.
John Baker, Patrick Bicton.
1565-6.
John Baker.
Richard Umpherye, Rowland Mery.
1566-7.
John Baker.
Richard Umfrey, Rowland Mery.
1567-8.
Stephen Cradock.
Patrick Coyle, John Bryd.
1568-9.
Patrick Bicton.
Patrick Coulle, Rowland Merye.
1569-70.
Stephen Cradock.
Patrick Coyll, Roland Merye.
1570-1.
Richard Umfrey.
John Berd, Walter Naghton.
1571-2.
Patrick Coyll.
Walter Naghten, Patrick Drynane.
' 1572-3.
Roland Mery.
Patrick Drynan, Richard Egerton.
1573-4.
Stephen Cradock.
William Kelly, Patrick Drynan.
1574-5.
Walter Naughten.
Roland Merry, Richard Egerton.
1575-6.
Patrick Coyll.
Thomas Newman, Richard Luttrell.
1576-7.
William Kelly.
Richard Egerton, Richard Luttrell.
1577-8.
William Kelly.
Richard Egerton, Patrick Drynan.
1578-9.
Richard Egerton.
1580-1.
William Kelly.
1582-3.
Richard Egerton.
Patrick Drynane, Richard Luttrell.
1583-4.
Patrick Drynane.
John Morphin, Richard Luttrell.
1584-5.
Walter Naghten.
John Morphin.
1588.
John Morphin.
Patrick Welsh.
(Records
deficient.)
1678-9.
Walter Prendergast.
1688-9.
Patrick Archbold.
Robert White, William Cock.
1689-90.
Patrick Archbold.
Robert White, Stephen Clynton.
1693-4.
Robert Witherell.
John Shaw, Thomas Johnson.
1694-5.
Valentine Gill.
John Hecklefield, Richard Hughs
(afterwards Timothy Edge, in
place of Hecklefield).
1695-6.
John Stephens.
Thomas Browne, James St. Lawrence.
1696-7.
1697-8.
Robert Jeaye.
John Shaw.
John Benton, George Johnson.
Gabriel Vivan, Richard Dobbs.
1698-9.
Alderman Chas. Thompson.
William Partington, Edward Minchin.
1699-1700
Richard Hughs.
James Temple, William Fleming.
1700-1.
Francis Cooke.
John Freeman, Robert Gauthropp.
1701-2.
Edward Minchin.
John Folliott, Richard Eastcourt.
1702-3.
George Johnson.
Thomas Shaw, Walter Peter.
1706-7.
Walter Birdsome.
John Walker, George Walton.
1707-8.
William Breach.
Richard Thompson, Samuel Steele.
1708-9.
John Webb.
George Johnson, John Brookes.
1711-12.
George Johnson.
Hugh Shaw.
1712-13.
John Brookes.
John Wright, Thomas Lawler.
1713-14.
John Brookes.
John Stanton, Hugh Colvill.
238 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
YEAR.
MASTERS.
WARDENS.
1714-15.
Thomas Collins.
Edward Jesson, John Medcalfe.
1715-16.
Thomas Collins.
Thomas Boulger, James Lindsey.
1716-17.
John Wright.
Chidly Freeman, Alexr Makay.
1717-18.
John Wright.
John Smith, John Galbraith.
1718-19.
Richard Thompson.
John Conliff, William Lisle.
1719-20.
Thomas Collins.
John Conliff, William Lisle.
1720-1.
Thomas Bolger.
Michael Kearney, Francis Green.
1721-2.
John Stanton.
Peter Butler, Robert Curtis.
1722-3.
Chidley Freeman.
Edward Smith, Thomas Tyte.
1723-4.
William Lisle.
riatt Phillips, John Murdough.
1724-5.
Francis Castell.
Thomas Rosse, Richard Bell.
1725-6.
Michael Kearney.
William Savage, Thomas Boulger.
1726-7.
Francis Green.
Henry Etherington, Richard Kings-
berry.
1727-8.
John Conliff e.
Richard Marsh.
1728-9.
Thomas Tyte.
Adam Love, Samuel Stanton.
1729-30.
Samuel Parks.
Robert Hunter, James Reynolds.
1730-1.
Samuel Parks.
Meager, Hugh Geoghegan.
1731-2.
Thomas Rosse.
William Edwards, Matthew Howard.
1732-3.
Thomas Rosse.
Richard Dobbs, William Husband.
1733-4.
Walter Peter.
William Cowan, Charles Eaton.
1734-5.
William Brownly.
William Cowan, Thomas Downes.
1735-6.
William Husband.
Joshua Lamprey, William Cowan.
1736-7.
Edward Smith.
Bryan McCabe, Richard Cox.
1737-8.
Edward Smith.
Bryan McCabe, Richard Cox.
1738-9.
John Sankey.
Michael Cudmore, John Banks.
1739-40.
Anthony Chapman.
Edward Crilliott, Christ' Stockdill.
1740-1.
Thomas Downes.
Joseph Wallis, Hugh Gregg.
1741-2.
Thomas Downes.
Charles Lucas, Hugh Gregg.
1742-3.
John Banks.
Ebenezer Shackleton, Boyle Magrath.
1743-4.
William Thompson.
John Ban-on, Richard Bryan.
1744-5.
Charles Lucas.
David Peter, James Montgomery.
1745-6.
Charles Lucas.
John Roe, James Nicholson.
1746-7.
David Peter.
William Crawford, William Kelly.
1747-8.
Bryan McCabe.
John Miller, John Roe, junior.
1748-9.
Charles Lucas.
Thomas Wood, Thomas Reader.
1749-50.
William Crawford.
Daniel Grant, George Callaghan,
1750-1.
William Crawford.
James Craige, Henry Kirk.
1751-2
Hugh Gregg.
William Franks, James Orr.
(Franks deposed for non-attend-
ance, and 13th Jan., 1752,
William Frazer elected in his
room.)
1752-3.
James Montgomery.
Thomas Wallis, Walter Goold.
1753-4.
James Montgomery.
Thomas Clarke, Joseph RavenscrofL
1754-5.
Henry Kirk.
James Purcell, George Kavanagh.
1755-6.
John Miller.
Matthew Stafford, William Fielding.
1756-7.
William Kelly.
Charles Parkes, John Morrison.
1757-8.
Thomas Wood.
Henry Mullin, Richard Jesson.
1758-9.
James Craige.
Samuel Hope, George Venner.
1759-60.
Richard Bryan.
Samuel Cox, James Black.
(Richard Bryan removed,
and 14th Jan., 1760,
Charles Parks elected
in his stead.)
( 289 )
NOTES ON ASK EATON, COUNTY LIMERICK.
PART III.— THE " ABBEY."
BY THOMAS J. WESTROPP, M.A., M.R.I. A., VICE-PRESIDENT.
(Continued from page 174.)
nHHE topography of Askeaton next calls for our attention, and though
the subject, treated so technically as in this Paper, may prove
unattractive to general readers, I hope it may be of value to students
of the monastic antiquities of Ireland.
ASKEATON ABBEY — PLAN OF PRECINCT.
Askeaton lies over two miles from the mouth of the little river Deel,
in the barony of Lower Connello, and County of Limerick. It will be
remembered that the long reach of the County Limerick is divided
naturally into three divisions by the Deel and Maigue, which rising not
far from each other, near Milford, on the border of County Cork, flow
northward into the Shannon. Strange to say these most obvious
natural boundaries have not been used either in ecclesiastical or civil
divisions.
240 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
The Deel pours over a ridge of rocks into a rather deep narrow gorge,,
and directly below the fall of Eas Geibhthine lies the island called Inis-
kef ty, or (if our theory be true) Inis Geibhthine. The old bridge crosses the
Deel, touching the northern end of the castle island. There was another
island near Askeaton covered with bushes ; possibly it has been reclaimed
into the western bank in the flat reach" opposite the " Abbey." The
latter building stands on sloping ground, the summit of which lies to the
north of the ruins, which are about 1000 yards to the north of the castle.
Opposite, and nearly eastward from the fortress, on higher ground stands
the ancient church of St. Mary of Iniskefty.
THE FRANCISCAN CONVENT.
The ruins of the convent are of great interest, and (with the excep-
tion of the angle of the transept and portions of the sacristy and hospice)
are in fair preservation. It is a large block of buildings which (with its
projecting wings) measures 179 feet north and south, and 127 feet east
and west, the walls being usually 4 feet thick. It stands in a walled
field sloping steeply towards the south-west and the river Deel.
The BELFRY. — One very important feature has left no trace of it&
existence or destruction. The "Pacata Hibernia," in a sketch made
before 1599, probably before 1584, shows a massive and lofty belfry.1 So
generally accurate is this old drawing in its other details that we are
forced to conclude that either in or to the north of the church (opposite
to where the battlements stop on the south wall) stood this great tower.
No trace can now be found to warrant the one uncorroborated feature
of the older artist. Some have fancied that they found its remains in
the fallen masses of the transept, but I have (at least) satisfied myself
that these belong to that part of the church, as they retain parts of
windows and cornices identical with those in the remaining walls, and
even the angle of the transept is found among the blocks. I can only
suggest from the analogy of a number of other convents that the belfry
was an after-thought, standing within but not bonded into the walls of
the church ; that it was destroyed for the safety of the castle ; that the
monks entirely removed its debris when they partly restored the church
(between 1643 and 1650), when, of course, it left no mark on the wall-
and that it possibly stood at a blank spot from 35 feet to 45 feet from
the east end, which would leave a nave 70 feet long, and tally well with
other monasteries. The corbels in this blank wall may be of later
insertion, or may have been simply embedded in the belfry piers.
The view in "Pacata Hibemia" shows the belfry as a massive
tower rising for four stories above the battlements of the church. If
the artist could be trusted, the proportion compared with the height
would be unusually thick. It has a south door opening on the battle-
1 See p. 158, supra.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK.
241
merited gutter of the church. There are windows in the centre of
each face — two in line heing to the west, and three to the south ;
while in the top story, above a string course, two windows appear with
double lights ; above them are the battlements, three steps to each face,
and a small turret at the south-east angle.
The CHUECH. — The church is now open for its full length, 118 feet
6 inches by 23 feet. The architecture is of that very pleasing, though
simple, Gothic which is found in Adare and Eathkeale, in its neighbour-
hood, and not a few others of our western convents. Most of it seems
rather late for the date 1389 to 1420, but, perhaps, this merely implies
ASKEATON ABBEY.
i, 5. Carvings on North Door of Cloister. .2. Carved fragment; 3, 4, on Sacristy Window.
the existence of more conservative masons in other monasteries. The
styles in western Ireland are frequently found to have been maintained
for fifty or one hundred years later than in other parts of the British
Isles. Perhaps Askeaton may be exceptional.
The eastern end is lighted by a large window with four shafts, simply
interlacing without cusps or heading-pieces.1 The splay is large,
pointed, and simply moulded. Above it is a plain small oblong light,
which evidently lit a loft above the ceiling, and outside which is a
narrow passage crossing the gable inside the battlements. The gable and
the side wall to the south are decorated with bold three-stepped battle-
ments, with excellent effect. The altar remains and is devoid of
1 See view, p. 32, supra.
242 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
ornament. Tradition doubtfully says that the Stephensons removed the
older altar, and made a burial-place beneath it. They do not appear as
anti-monastic devastators in the records.
There were numerous curious fragments upon it when I examined
the ruins in 1886-1887, but they have been removed, and some were not
forthcoming in 1902. One figure in a pleated robe and a prim cap was
interesting for its apparently late date. Another tablet had the letters
" HIC . . . s. GEN . . . DOR. TJT . . . 1642," and belonged to the
Stephenson inscription given below, in which we include it.
Examining the north wall from the east, we note the following
features : — A plain pointed door leading into the sacristy. A round
arch, forming a high shallow recess, probably once adorned with frescoes,
lies to either side of the door. Near the corner is a little figure of a
bishop with a rich mitre, and his right hand
raised in blessing, his left hand holds a crosier
with the crook turned outwards. It was tra-
ditionally "St. Patrick," in 1875 ; the hem of
the vestments, being in folds, was supposed to
represent the serpents. A slab ornamented
with a quatrefoil diaper lies before the sacristy
door. Westward we find a handsome window
with a single shaft and decorated tracery (the
heads being cinquefoil and the opes quatrefoil)
of the same period as that in the Banqueting
Hall of the castle. To the west of this a
pointed door opens into a curious little skew
passage lit by an oblong slit, and roofed with
large slabs ; it leads into the transept, and was
closed when I first planned the ruin. In the
wall before it is a sedile of the usual low
broad-arched type (with an ogee-hood, crockets,
and finals) so often seen in Munster convents
of the fifteenth century. The two arches of
the transept stand next to this ; they are pointed, with a chamfered rib
resting on corbels at the side piers, which are square. The central pier
is circular with a plainly moulded capital and a small engaged shaft at
the back. Inside we find neatly corbelled blind arches to the side of
the open arches. A window, with two interlacing shafts, lies near the
west gable, which has a similar window, but with one shaft broken.
Tradition said in 1875 that the west wing had been wrecked by one of
"Cromwell's" cannon from across the Deel. Outside and below the
window is the peaked weather-ledge of a porch ; some trace of a door
(but probably closed and plastered over even in monastic times) is seen
inside. The vault of the Dwyer family, dated 1789, lies in the north-
west corner of the church. It bears their arms, a lion rampant, and the
motto, "Pass me, for I am strength."
ASKEATON ABBEY.
CARVING IN CHANCEL.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK.
243
O'Donovan copies the Briscoll tablet on the west wall, and translates
the Irish verses upon it.1 " This monument was erected by John
O'Driscoll, in memory of his father Edmund Driscoll, who departed
Jan. 3rd, 1780, aged 45 years; and also Edmond Driscoll, who departed
3*7
ASKEATON ABBEY CHURCH — WINDOW IN NORTH WALL.
Nov. 15th, 1798. Eequiescat in pace. Amen. Cut by Pat Nunan."
Then he translates the Irish as : —
" Alas, 0 flag ! good is thy treasured -up companion,
Though strong is man, he must be one day weak in the clay.
There is no lord or chief in [the enjoyment of] action, leap, or agility,
And the Shannon is barren since Edmond was laid under thee. ' '
He finds fault with the poetry and grammar, and quotes appositely
enough : —
" With uncouth rhymes and shapeless sculpture decked,
Implores the passing tribute of a sigh."
The south wall, beginning at the eastern end, displays the following
features : — An elaborate range of sedilia, some of a rather late appearance.
1 Ordnance Survey Letters, Limerick, MSS. R.I. A., 14. E. 9.
244 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
The first three arches have semicircular heads and spiral shafts, with
an unusual straight moulding, with spiral fluting to the sides and
top. The arches have been partly filled up. Above them is an epigram in
raised letters strangely varied, and reading: — " D.O.[M.] | JSVbiliissiMo
D. RICHARDO StepheisrsoN ems FILIO D. OlivE | no Stephenson ac posteris
1886
ASKEATON ABBEY— STEPHENSON MONUMENT AND SEDILIA.
suis HOC Bustum rieri recer | unt D. MAiiGAritA ni Brien et D: ElinorA
Browne Ano d5i 1646." Above this are a plain half -fallen plinth and
a low-moulded arch, the space under it relieved by two ornamental
plaques. A decorated side buttress with a finial remains, also a plain
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY; LIMERICK. 245
and fluted cornice and the words (supplying in italics the portions on
a missing block) : — " Epitaphium1 ch(rono(/rap)hicum | hie Oliverus ine
(st gemtu)s genitorque Bichar(dws) | Stephenson Cl(eri can)dor Ut | erque
choro est (Ano)l642." Half of the upper portion has fallen, having been
built but not bonded into a gap broken into the window pier. The three
next arches are plain, with simple effective capitals and bases. Above
them is a window with two interlacing shafts and trefoil-headed main
lights. Three more arches, forming in all nine sedilia, and two more
windows, each with two shafts simply interlacing, bring us to the
nearly blank space already noted. Not far away lies a tomb with a late
Calvary cross, with fine foliage budding from its shaft.
We then find a plain pointed door leading by a skew passage into the
north-east angle of the cloister. Then three sedilia, similar to the
northern one, which is opposite to them. The first is set in a high closed
arch, evidently older than the present cloister, being much higher than
its vault ; the middle one has been defaced and built up, while the third
has a strangely distorted arch. On the site of the eastern sedile are
heaped many fragments probably of a canopied tomb along with the
bosses and ribs of a small groined roof, and two seated figures, one,
St. Catherine, holds a sword and wheel. Parts of the panelling have
trefoil borders ending in foliage, and are, perhaps, the sides of an
altar-tomb ; others have crockets with conventional foliage dating from
about 1460 to 1480. There is no slight resemblance in some of these
to the tomb of More ni Brien, of the same date, in Ennis Abbey. As
MacMahon, her husband, put up a tomb in Askeaton Convent, we may
suggest that these belonged to it, or (from their manifestly more than
accidental dilapidation) to the monument of James Earl of Desmond,
deliberately wrecked by the iconoclastic English soldiers. Another
pointed door opens back into the church from the cloister. The carvings
on its base are figured ; near it lies a table slab with the date 1634.2 A
shapeless gap. now closed, opened into the Chapter Room so-called.
The SACEISTY. — This lies to the north of the chancel ; it measures 24
feet by 11 feet 5 inches wide. The lower story is covered by a broken
semi- vault turned over wicker. At the east end is a two -light pointed
window. The shaft and part of the heads have been removed. There
are knots and leaves carved on the base of the splay, which has a seg-
mental pointed arch. There is an ambry in the north wall, and next
to it a perfect fireplace and chimney-shaft. The upper story has a
perfect east window with two ogee-headed lights and a flat splay. The
west wall has fallen.
The TRANSEPT. — This consists of a main wing and western side aisle,
separated by a colonnade of two arches and a half one which brings the
whole thrust against the wall over the western arch into the church — a
very weak and clumsy feature. The interior is 59 feet long; the
1 The letters in italics are supplied from Rev. J. Dowd's " Round About Countv
Limerick."
2 Called "the side altar."
246 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
divisions are respectively 20 feet 10 inches and 9 feet 9 inches wide.
The north windows are destroyed ; only the left splay of the main
window remains. Three double-light windows with ogee heads remain
in the west wall. In the north wall near the door of the skew passage
is a window of the late and ugly type which occurs in Kilmallock and
elsewhere, the lower part having two round-headed lights, with a flat
top to the head pieces, through which rise expanding ribs. The shaft
and central block are now lost. An almost shapeless recess opens under
ASK.EATON ABBEY CHURCH — WEST END AT TRANSEPT.
(From a Photograph by Mr. T. F. Geoghegan.)
the sill, near which, in the face of the wall stones, are square slots, which,
with other slots in the north-west corner and in the upper rooms, suggest
a studding to bear a timber lining. A rude ambry in the splay further
disfigures the window. The more northern window has nearly vanished,
along with 23 feet of wall, and half the north gable and window. The
huge fragments lie heaped in the field, thrown out by some severe
explosion, and masses of the missing windows and the cornice are found
almost entire. Near the transept arches lies a tombstone, with a black-
letter inscription on its edge.
ASKEATON ABBEY — NORTH-EAST ANGLE or THE CLOISTER.
(From a Photograph by Dr. George Fogerty.)
248 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
The CLOISTER. — This beautiful quadrangle is, perhaps, the most
pleasing feature in the building, and, though excelled in design by the
cloisters of Q,uin, Moyne, and Sligo, is, in the main, a most excellent
specimen of our native architecture. Two chamfered arches in the
roof near the east ends of the north and south arcades, the different
character of the east arcade and a joining in the outer wall, suggest that
the whole is an after-thought, and perhaps of two periods. Each side
has twelve arches, divided in triplets by broader piers, each angle
with a round shaft, but the outer faces continuous. The inside face of
each of these piers has between its angle shafts — a feature more curious
than pleasing — a shaft bending round the cornice like a modern " down-
pipe." The cloister measures over all 51 feet 2 inches north and south,
and 5 1 feet 6 inches east and west. The
walks are about 6 feet 8 inches wide ;
the sills of the arcade 23 inches wide ;
the pillars are 3 feet 4£ inches high ;
the arches 16 feet high from the capitals,
or 4 feet 9 inches over the sill. The
capitals display a wonderful variety of
filleting, in places relieved by "nail
heads." In the north-east pier is a rude
little figure of St. Francis, distinguished
by drilled stigmata in the hands and
feet, and pointing to the gash in his side
through an oval opening in his gown.
He has a circular tonsure, and stands
in a shallow recess, ogee-headed, with
pillars to each side, and an angular hood
adorned with crockets and finials, con-
ventional oak-leaves and acorns.1 The
face is nearly worn away by (it was said
in 1875) the kisses of the faithful seeking
the infallible cure for toothache there to be found. The figure is far
inferior to the quaint St. Francis in Ennis " Abbey," and the admirable
little Dominican Monk recovered from the ruined cloister at Athenry.
Two of the pillars of the southern triplet of the west walk had been
removed to enable coffins to be buried in the garth, as at Adare Franciscan
Convent. They were traditionally said (in 1840) to have been removed
by a French antiquary fifty years before (1790).2 The robber had changed
his^nationality and become an Italian by 1875. They are now replaced
by roughly dressed blocks. On the sill of the fourth arch from the west
in the northern walk, on a highly polished edge of the sill, is engraved
1 This pretty ornament also is found in the sedilia in the small chapels of the
Franciscan Friary at Adare.
2 Ordnance Survey Letters, Limerick, MSS. E.I. A., 14. E. 9, p. 454.
ASKEATON ABBEY.
CARVING OP ST. FRANCIS.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 249
an epitaph : "Beneath lies the pilgrim's Body, who Died Jan. (20 ££(
1814) 17th,- 1784." The divergent date possibly represents a later
addition. A compass (or sun-dial), probably also of late date, is found
on the sill of the next recess to the west. All the vaulting of the walks
was turned over wicker-work, and then smooth-plastered. There are
cornices or weather ledges over the north, west, and south arcades. In
1834 " an ancient thorn of stately growth" occupied the garth.1 In the
east wall is a small tablet, with a hand holding a sword, and having
" Domini Cornelii Shanahan," and the date 1783.
DOMESTIC BUILDINGS. — The rooms to the east and west 'of the cloister
are also vaulted. The eastern is a long narrow room, across which a wall
was built in later times, but before the destruction of the convent,
partitioning off a sort of porch at the north. This has a pointed and
chamfered door outside, and another leading to the " kitchen." It was
built up in 1887, but has been opened in recent restorations. In the
main room going southward we find a slit window, a plain fireplace with
a semicircular projection or " oven," and a stepped chimney projection
behind it, appearing outside the wall ; two other flat-topped slits and a
door to the staircase and porch. The vault was as usual turned over
wicker, but has a raised rib along the crown, as if the wicker-work had
not met over the centering timbers when the vault was being turned.
A barrel stair, partly broken, stands in the south-east corner of this
wing. It has a newel, seven perfect and nine broken steps, some entirely
removed, three more broken steps, and one retaining the rounded end.
The stair is in the chief porch of the convent. Over its pointed door (to
which several steps lead up from the field) are a weather ledge and five
corbels, showing that a pent -house ran along the outer wall to a door in
the later refectory. The joining already noted is found running up the
wall four feet west of the porch door to the level of the window-sills in
the upper room. The original narrow kitchen wing was evidently
widened by the vaulted cloister as far as the dressed roof arches, and the
upper room partly rebuilt.
The " CHAPTER-ROOM." — I adopt this name from the Naish tradition,
though it is more probably a day-room. It is a long vaulted apartment to
the west of the cloister, and measures 39 feet by 14 feet. In the west wall,
looking out on the river, are three lights, one flat-headed, another double,
and the third and northern having a curious but ugly angular adaptation
of a trefoil head. The greater part of this room is taken up by the vault
of the Naishes of Bally cullen. It bears a long inscription commencing —
"In this ruined chapter-room, the ancient and exclusive burial-place of
his family, this tomb was erected by Carrol Naish of Ballycullen, Esqre.,"
&c. It commemorates his wife (the daughter of Denis Sampson), who
died Dec., 1836. The older family monument is a dark limestone tablet
1 Lewis' " Topographical Dictionary of Ireland," vol. i., p. 81.
T t> c A T J Vol. xiii., Fifth Series. )
Jour. R.S.A.I. j VoJ< '
FRAGMENTS
or
ORIGINAL
ADDITIONS
B MODERN
D FOUNDATIONS
a. Carving of Bishop.
b. Stephenson Monument.
c. Sedilia.
d. Passage.
ASK.EATON ABBEY — PLAN.
e. Dwyer Vault.
f. Carving of St. Francis.
g; Naish Vault.
h. Garderobes.
*. Dial.
/. Pilgrim's epitaph.
k. Cross-shaped light.
/. Reader's recess.
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK. 251
set in the wall. It has an armorial carving ; crest, a dog(?) sejant ; arms
(Naish), a chevron between three birds holding twigs ; impaling (Carrol),1
a sword between two lions counter-rampant ; with crude mantlings.
Below are three lines : " Marito suo Domino Patricio Naish Acq | psteris
hoc bustum fieri fecit Domina Su | zana Naish Alias Carrol Anno Domini
1741." At each top corner is an I.H.S. interlaced.
The " PRISON." — This little room suggests (even if does not actually
deserve) its name. It was very possibly (like the undoubted prison in
the garderobe tower at Ennis Abbey) a cell for punishing offenders. It
lies at the south end of the " chapter-room," and was entered from the
outside of the building which, owing to the steep slope towards the river,
is 10 feet lower than the cloister wall. The "prison" has the usual
wicker-marked pointed roof, and seems to have at one time been entered
only by a door some height above the ground, near the staircase in the
wall from the upper west room. It was only lighted by a little slit-
window, un glazed, and placed in a recess roofed with flags, which
forms a garderobe with a stone seat.
UPPER ROOMS. — Before dealing with what are evidently later additions
to the convent on the ground-level, we may examine the upper story.
These rooms, we may notice, in all cases bear no signs of having had
glazed windows. The slots for tongues of metal frames, so usual in other
monasteries and even in the castles, are here absent. It may be suggested
that glazed wooden frames fitted inside the opes, but no trace is left.
Before the conservation of the building access was difficult, as, except by
the dangerous and broken barrel stair, the higher floors could only be
reached by a difficult scramble to the door of the " prison." A flight of
modern steps now leads up to this opening ; thence (passing the main
garderobe} we ascend an ancient flight of eighteen steps in the thickness
of the south wall, and reach the western room above the " chapter-room."
It commands a pleasing outlook over the outbuildings of the Friary up
to the picturesque bridge and the towering ruins of the Desmond's Castle,
the shattered Club House, and the dancing tidal stream, muddy from its
plunge over " Gephthine's Cascade" and the rush over the shallows near
the castle.2
The room has in its southern gable, first (to the east) the staircase
door, there being an oblong light inside the recess ; a large window with
two pointed lights (the shaft removed), its splay is turned over wicker,
and it has stone seats of unequal size in the recess ; to the west are
another oblong slit and a square ambry. The side walls have each four
chamfered windows unevenly spaced, with lintels over the splays and
pointed lights. Two doorways, pointed and chamfered, open at each
1 These arms of the Carrols appear well engraved on the brass face of a fine old
clock made in Birr, 1749, and now in Ballycullen, the residence of the Naish family.
The latter, it may be recalled, were among the residents of Iniskifty so far back as
1346, and have resided near Askeaton to the present day.
2 See p. 23, supra.
S2
252 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
extremity of the eastern wall to passages above the cloister. The
northern door opened back into the room, the southern into the passage.
The northern end against the main south wall of the church is pierced by
a small slit looking into that structure. There are also two curious
recesses, one straight and one curved, as if long beams had been embedded
in the face of the wall. The gutters have flat stone slabs and blocks
covering their joints.
The northern passage is spanned by two semicircular arches, or rather
chamfered ribs, for the support of water-channels from the south gutters
of the church. They were in a very insecure state, with spandrels only
next the church ; but masonry has been built on the outer flanks which,
though it obscures the original design, preserves this interesting feature.
A projecting corbel in the north wall enabled one to reach the church-
gutters through a break which is now closed. Some plain ambries remain
in the wall. Former exploration was both difficult and dangerous from
the thick ivy. The passage was lit by two windows, now defaced, and
had a doorway at the east end, over which ran another water-channel,
now broken down ; the gargoyles are large and plain, projecting diago-
nally from the corners of the garth.
The eastern room is greatly defaced, but retains its large southern
window, with a (partly restored) shaft and a transom ; the upper heads
are ogee. The four windows towards the cloister are all defaced ; the
third has been restored — it lias double ogee lights. The east wall is
intact ; the flue of the kitchen fireplace opens into the upper fireplace
in this room, and seems to have been an after-thought ; between it
and the stair are two ogee lights. To the north of the fireplace is
a cinquefoil-headed light, while an oblong slit and a sink on the
floor-level (with a projecting gargoyle) are at the head of the barrel
stair.
The south passage above the cloister had a door (now nearly removed,
save one springing block) at its east end, opening back into the room.
The sills of two windows remain next the cloister, and of one (and
there was probably a second) corresponding light in the broken outer
wall.
The REFECTOHY. — This is a two-storied building, 50 feet 2 inches by
20 feet 9 inches internally, almost exactly the size of the main chapel of
the transept. Two doorways open into the upper floor from the south
cloister. Their object is not clear, unless one was partitioned off for
a wooden staircase to the main room, or as a passage to the garderobe.
The east wall was in a very insecure condition when this survey was
made (in 1886, 1887), as four great gaps had been broken through it,
the southern at least breaking an older window ; two upper windows
remain in it. It has been judiciously repaired.
The upper room has a fine pointed window, with a splay and double
light, having lesser lights on either side, that to the left having an ogee
NOTES ON ASKEATON, COUNTY LIMERICK.
253
head, that to the right having a stepped head. The type of the last
occurs elsewhere in the convent and also in the castle.1
There are six ohlong and chamfered slits in the west wall, an ambry
and a door into the large garderobe, and, as we have said, two into the
cloister. The lower room was evidently the refectory. It has no
southern window ; but we find in the west wall (going northward), first
a neat double ogee-headed window, then the reader's recess in a projec-
tion of the main wall. It had three arches with detached and lofty
ASKEATON ABBEY — THE REFECTORY.
(From a Photograph by Mr. T. F. Geoghegan.)
pillars ; the southern had fallen with the adjoining half arches, and the
recess was called " the confessional" in 1875. Another light, a broken
ope, and a skew passage leading into the side vault remain.
GARDEROBE and VAULTED ROOM. — Another room runs westward along
the southern wall of the domicile, projecting at an acute angle at its
western end for 14 feet. It is heavily vaulted over wicker centres.
1 This form of window is the subject of an interesting section of the article by
Mr. J. H. Parker, in the Gentleman s Magazine, vol. xvii., Part n., p. 544, when
describing the ruins at Askeaton.
254 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
There are two large ambries and a small one in the western end. In the
south wall (going westward) are a flat-topped window, a large ambry, a
low window with a cross -slit, a pointed window, and a recess. Above
this room we reach (by the new steps in the " prison ") the great garde-
robe. It had a low lean-to roof, under which was an attic lit by a small
slit to the east. The room is 38 feet 6 inches long, and has doorways to
the east and north ; its ceiling was supported along the north wall by
beams resting on hooked corbels. It has low, oblong lights to the south
(one broken). The gutters have flags projecting under slight battle-
ments ; their joints were covered with stones, rounded or gabled with
angular " side throws" ; their outer edge rests on a cornice and corbels.
The pit extends across the west end of the room, and has an oblong slit
behind it.
The convent stands in a field enclosed by ancient walls 8 feet to 12
feet high and 4 feet thick. There is a closed arch, of no great apparent
age, near the refectory.
" HOSPICE." — A detached building, probably the hospice or infirmary,
lies to the east, and measures 96 feet 4 inches by 22 feet 2 inches inter-
nally. There is a small slit in the middle of the east wall. The south
end is alone entire, being two stories high, each having a window with
an oblong splay ; the upper light is oblong, the lower pointed ; in the
summit of the gable is a small semicircular ope. Only 18 feet of the
west wall remains ; this fragment has only a plain ambry.
Down to 1886 the place was in a ghastly state of neglect, heaped with
skulls, bones, and coffin-planks. Cattle were able to invade the cloister,
and a bull had " horned up " the graves in every direction, disinterring
more than one coffin from its shallow recess. Fortunately such abuses
are now at an end, and as a "National Monument " we may hope that
the convent may remain, secure from further demolition and desecration,
to give to future generations a memento of the skill of the nameless
builders and of the power and piety of that great and historic but most
hapless race — the Fitzgeralds of Desmond.
CORRIGENDA AND ADDENDA.
Page 164.— Add to list of Members of Parliament : — 1634. Sir Hardress Waller,
Knight, and Maurice Williams, Esq.
Page 167, note 1. — The entry " Mr. Purcell, alias Barkeley," is given in other
places as "Mrs.," which removes the difficulty. There is, however, another later
Francis Berkeley living in 1657, near Loughnaguirra and Knockdrowm Asill, or Tory
Hill, who cannot he located in the family pedigree.
Page 35. — Lewis ("Top. Diet.," vol. i., p. 392) alleges that Morgan's Church
(Dysert Merogari) was huilt hy the Franciscans of Askeaton in 1498. The remains
bear out the statement as to the date (see O'Donovan's Ordnance Survey Letters on
Limerick, R.I.A., 14. E. 9, p. 446).
Page 163, line 7. — However, as to foundation of the College Library, see to the
contrary Rev. J. Pentland Mahaffy, F.T.C.D., in Hermathena, 1902.
( 255 )
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN,
DURING HIS IMPRISONMENT IN DUBLIN CASTLE.
EDITED (WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND APPENDIX)
BY HUGH JACKSON LAWLOR, D.D.
(Continued from page 152.)
[*]— Aug. 16." .... thecomm
told a -ford we [endeav-]
our to get house
. . but had could not
about sent to
-etory of he said he was [g]otten ....
his estate but yl the woud . . of ye militia -wh he
-cept said he let ym fight . . estates under ye King as ....
yet recd any profits on . . . ly in Jail rather yn engage ....
reflected on this discourse & . . not ye only man of this hum[our]
MrFitz: heard that Lord M: 47 ha[d] * . . . Eniskillen to ye K: to
be favou[rable] .... [pro]testants were assuring him that ye . . . .
R: C: in Ulster depended on it . . . [resoljved to grant no quar-
ters if .... used here & that ye people of .... to ye
same purpose and like[wise] . . written from derry
[*]—[Auff.l7] . . . only in the .... as y* .... . d
prisoners] . rd . . . . only that . er son . . .
invaders were 2000 [C]ork
[v]oluntiers ... landed ... on ... account . . .
a ... was put on ... likewise that all protes[tants] . . .
-ed by special license en to bru-
ers horses48 y* Judge Keatings horses49 ....
(46) This leaf is torn, so that only the beginnings of the lines on the recto and the
ends of the lines on the verso remain.
(47) LordMelfort(P).
(48) There is evidently a reference here to the seizure, by " several officers of the
army," of " the horses made use of by the common brewers of Dublin for carrying on
their trade," which was regarded by the Commissioners of Revenue as " much to the
prejudice of his majesties revenue of excise," and was in consequence protested
against by them, 26th July, 1689. A proclamation was issued by Tyrconnell on the
4th September, determining the number of horses which might be retained by the
several brewers of the city and its neighbourhood (A. K., p. 615). For references to
authorities quoted, see p. 139.
(49) John Keating, Chief Justice of Common Pleas, younger son of Edmund or
Edward Keating, of Narraghmore, in the county Kildare, who died in 1683. Chief
Justice Keating was a Protestant, and was named a burgess of Swords in the new
256 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
\_Aug. 18. I pre]ached twice on 2 Cor. 5. 50 . . . sacrament on
Sunday 51 . . . . er &c. were permitted to [come up. In the
mor]ning Mr S e52 came up [& told me y*] Maxwell53 had de-
serted [and gone over to y]e rebels and y* Sr Thomas [Newcomen had]
gotten a great party in the [county of Long]ford & had seised the fort
[of Lanesborough &] made himself master — [39] — of y1 country [lead-
in]ge into Connaught.54 In the afternoon Mr . . r came up and
discoursed several things. He told me y* J: K 55 told him y* he
charter granted by King James. He was appointed Chief Justice in 1679, and held
office till 1691, when he was dismissed by William III. He endeavoured to mediate
between the opposing parties with regard to the repeal of the Act of Settlement
(S.P.I., chap, in., §3, and App. '22, pp. 64, 377 (recte 385); D' Alton, p. 829).
The statement in the text, of which only a few words remain, was probably to the
effect that Judge Heating's horses were among those which had been seized by the
government.
(50) 2 Cor. iii. 4 is the first verse of the Epistle for the day (12th Sunday after
Trinity) : 5 is probably a slip for 3.
(51) These words must in some way refer to the celebration of the Holy Com-
munion which took place on the following Sunday (25th August).
(52) Apparently Mr. Spike (see 3rd October) .%
(53) Thomas Maxwell, Brigadier, and Colonel of the seventh Eegiment of Dragoons.
His retreat to Newry (Introduction, p. 133) may have given rise to the report which
King here chronicles. It was certainly false, for Maxwell continued to fight under the
Jacobite colours till the end of the war, taking part in all the greater engagements.
At the same time a mysterious statement in a despatch of Schomberg's must not be
forgotten. "Writing to King "William under the date 16th August, he says: " From
what can be learnt by the discourse of Brigadier Maxuel the enemy will muster towards
Charlemont, and King James is resolved to give battle. They expect aid from France
in a few days, and will encamp within four miles of Dublin " (S. P. D., p. 222). The
information was certainly not very accurate. "Was it merely the report of an eaves-
dropper ? Or did Maxwell hold clandestine communication with the enemy ? At any
rate, for some reason he was constantly suspected by a section of the followers of
James II. Thus O'Kelly calls him a " pretended " Eoman Catholic. Purcell and
Henry Luttrell on one occasion, it is said, were on the point of throwing him into the
sea ; it is stated that the capture of Athlone, 30th June, 1690, was due to his incom-
petence or treachery ; and carelessness is also ascribed to him in connexion with the
defence of Limerick. Maxwell was a Scotchman. He had the command of a regiment
of dragoons in England, and followed James in his flight thence to St. Germain.
After the capitulation of Limerick he again went to France, and fought bravely on the
Continent. His wife was Jane, widow of the sixth Duke of Norfolk (Macariae
Excidium, p. 122, sq. ; D'Alton, p. 408).
(54) Sir Thomas Newcomen of Sutton, County Dublin, knighted about 1666-7,
was an illegitimate son of Sir Beverley Newcomen, Bart., Admiral of the Irish
Seas. He had been a colonel in James's Army, but he deprived him of his commund,
" though he could object nothing against [him] but [his! Eeligion." A Short View of
the Methods made use of in Ireland for the Subversion and Destruction of Protestant
Eeligion and Interest in that Kingdom. By a Clergy Man lately escaped from thence,
London, 1689, p. 29. The first overt act of rebellion on the part of the men of
Enniskillen was the refusal to quarter two companies of his regiment sent thither by
Tyrconnell. His name is frequently written " Newford" in contemporary pamphlets.
He died 1694-5. His first wife was Frances, widow of James Cusack of Cushenstown,
County Meath, and daughter of Sir William Talbot of Carton, County Kildare. He
was thus Tyrconnell's brother-in-law.
It seems likely that the fort was the castle of Lanesborough, reported two days
later to be " in the hands of Sir Thomas Newcomen." Situated on the Shannon at
the north end of Lough Kee, its bridge connects Leinster with Connaught. Lanes-
borough is only six or seven miles from Keenagh, Newcomen's residence in the county
Longford. See further below at 9th November.
(55) Judge Keating ? Perhaps referring to his horses being seized. See above,
note 49.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 257
wished for his own part y* he were in some jail, reckoning y* more
secure [than] being abroad, y* it was confidently] reported Coll.
Sarcefield was in [Athlone] and y* he was under some disgrace ....
led by a party about Foxford and [had] lost by surprise near 600. 5&
I coud not [give] credit to any of these story (sic) because [I did]
not find y* they were confirmed [by any] other yn vulgar surmises.
About Mrs Fanning57 came up to see us & two [gentle]-
women one of which was called tother was a daughter of
Mr Odall [who is] in Jail at Limerick.58 Our discourse
common. Mrs Fanning was a R: C: [but she] said y* she had a brother
come ov[er with] ye invaders. We observed off 59 ye
some tents towards Glassnevin [which we] concluded to be designed
for ye K.
Aug. 19. — Nothing remarkable only L* Cu[mber: came] in the
morning & told [me] y* Coll. Bark[er] as y1 morning, but he
did not.60 We were [told] — [40] — y* one Cap* Lavallin was to ...
ye camp, 6l & a sergeant at ye artillery yard [was c]ondemned by a
(56) Compare Introduction, p. 132. I have not found elsewhere any reference to
the affair of Foxford. It is difficult to understand why Sarsfield should have passed
that place on his way to Athlone. On his career, see D. N. B., 1., p. 305.
(57) Fanning is a Limerick name (D'Alton, p. 828 ; Dowd, Hound about the
County of Limerick, 1896, p. 312). Baron Rice's mother was Phillis Fanning, of
Limerick (D'Alton, p. 183).
(58) John Odell was High Sheriff of Limerick in 1678 and 1679, and John Odell
(the same?) was M.P. for Askeaton, 1692-1695. Lieut.-Col. W. Odell was one of the
members for the county of Limerick, 1797-1818 (Dowd, pp. 320, 327, 330). " Charles
Odle, of Castlemackeniry, Gent.," was among the attainted of 1689 (S. P. I., p. 248).
(59) Possibly " all " or " att."
(60) William Maunsell (or Mansfield) Barker, Lieut. -Colonel of the King's
Eegiment of Foot, Lieutenant of the Ordnance and afterwards Brigadier. He was
killed at Aughrim, when in command of the Infantry (D'Alton, pp. 414, 420 ; J. N.,
pp. 142, 787 ; Stuart Papers, p. 42). He was Constable of the Castle, as we learn from
Paraphrase, p. 80.
(61) Captain Peter Lavallin, of Carroll's Dragoons, whose estates were forfeited in
1691 (D'Alton, p. 380). The story is thus told in J. N., p. 81 : Mountcashel, return-
ing from his unsuccessful attack on Crum Castle, " sent before him most of his horse
and dragoons under brigadier Anthony Hamilton. . . . Hamilton was met by the
enemy unexpectedly near Newtown- Butler and attacked, while the Lord of Mount-
cashel was approaching with the main body. But after a short dispute, brigadier
Hamilton sent the word by captain Lavallin to his men to wheel to the left, as if it
were to rejoin Mountcashel. Lavallin delivered it ' to the left about,' as he thought
it was, though Hamilton maintained it afterwards that it was as aforesaid ; whereupon
the men marched off the field and flew away, as did the brigadier." Thus was the
Battle of Newtown Butler lost. "But how this mistake in delivering the abovesaid
word happened (which gave the occasion of that retreating) it hath been disputed. In
three weeks after the action, brigadier Anthony Hamilton and captain Lavallin were
brought to a trial before a court-martial in Dublin, wherein general de Rosen sate
President. The brigadier was acquitted, and the captain condemned to a military
eath, though at his execution he protested that he delivered the word as he had
received it ; and many believed his protestation. He was a gentleman of a good estate
in the county of Cork, within twelve miles of that city, [viz., Walterstown, or
"Waterstown in the Parish of Templerobin, near Queenstown, granted to Patrick
Lavallin in 1686 : see Records of the forfeitures of 1691 in the Public Record Office,
Dublin, and Abstract of Grants . . . under the Commission of Grace, 1839, p. 45],
258 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
council of war for some misbehaviour. We were told also y* Mr T r
had declared to Mr3 L n62 y* ye King woud give ye enemy [battle
ajbout Dundalk & if he was beaten he [woud th]en order to lay Dublin
in ashes : but we [heard f]rom another hand y* ye King was [very
a]ngry at this report. We had likewise [heard] y* Colrain &
Carrigfergus were both [deserted] by the King's party ; 63 y1 some
forces were Munster, but we coud learn no cer[tainty of]
any of these. I heard that Mr K.'s brother64 s: being as
said sent by Ld M : 65 but his [brother] was very angry with him &
woud not see [him. Mr] Crow was visited by a fryer who did [intreat]e
him to come out of prison. Coll: 66 wrote to Mr Fitz: y1 he
endea[voured'to co]me & give him a visite but was [hindered by] ye
Cap1 of ye guard by name Cap1 [Roch. 67 It] was sd y1 Lord Milford
was petitioned the officers of ye army and y1 he was to
and y1 yre were some dissentions about ye miscarriage
of some affaires.68 [We saw] likewise several chairs & other ....
stuff removing out of the Castle.
\±\}—Aug. 19.— Mr Ors:69 was informed y1 Coll, Blunt70 had
declared y1 they had only one chance for their whole affair which was
the success of a battel, for he was afraid y1 ye french fleet had ye worst
in a fight at sea.
Aug. 20. — Lieut. Cum: came up to breakfast with us he told us y1
Sligo, Eoyle & Roscommon were burnt by Coll. Sarcefield in his
retreat71 & y1 Lanesborough was in the hands of Sir Thomas
Newcomen.72 Mr C. came up & told us y1 Sir Rich. Nagle was to
and was much regretted by his friends." Evidently the writer shared the view of
many (see 21st August), and had little confidence in the justice of de Rosen's
sentence.
(62) Perhaps < L h.'
(63) This was true of Coleraine, and had some foundation in fact in the case of
Carrickfergus. (See Introduction, p. 133, and compare note 53 ahove).
(64) This is almost certainly Thomas King, who is called by Mason (App.,
p. Ixxvii.), on the authority of a contemporary pamphlet, the title of which he
does not give, Archhishop King's nephew. He was sixth son of James King, of
Corrard, and therefore a younger brother of Robert King, of Swords. (Lotigh Erne,
p. 56). He graduated in Trinity College, Dublin, in 1684 (Catalogue of Graduates),
and was made Prebendary of Swords in 1703-4. He is mentioned again under the
date 13th October.
(65) Lord Melfort(P).
(66) 1'erhaps Col. Clifford, who visited Fitzgerald two days later.
(67) The name 'of Roch is suggested by the mention of an officer of that name
under the dates 10th, llth September; but perhaps Cumberford is meant.
(68) Milford, I suppose, is merely a various spelling of Melfort. The reference
must be to one of the many quarrels between the unpopular Secretary of State and the
officers of the army.
(69) Mr. Ormsby, on whom see above, note 6.
(70) This may be George Blount who served under Lord Dover in the 4th Troop of
Horse Guards (Charles Dalton's English Army Lists, vol. ii., p. 75).
(71) See Introduction, p. 132.
(72) See above, note 54.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 259
be secretary of state.73 There were two very lying Gentries told
many lying stories of Deny. I desired them not to ly, for what they
said was impossible to be true. They told us y* they had killed 10m &
60 men at Derry & left only 600 alive.
Mem. that on the 19th we heard y* several persons refrained bringing
butter, cheese &c. to ye markets because they woud not be obliged to
take brass monies & y* such money began to be scrupled.
I saw a piece of ye Prince of O.'s money. Twas a half crown with
two faces on one side anno Regni primo Deus et tutamen, about it Gul:
et Maria. M. Brettanniae Franciae et Hib: Rex et llegina on the sides
with ye arms of England & a lion in ye midst.
About 6 in ye afternoon L* Baker74 came up and intimated to us y1
yre was a generall order to Bail us, which we received with some
surprise. "We resolved not to pay the constable's75 unreasonable
demands.
[*] — Aug. 21. — We heard nothing further of our being bail only
Mr Weaver76 came up & reasoned the case whether it were better to
be bailed or remain confined. It was resolved y* it was safer to remain,
only y* it must be done without disobling (sic) " if therefore liberty
were offered we were not to refuse it except we coud find some reason-
able pretence which might not exasperate. As to ye matter of fees
twas resolved yl we woud call for ye table of fees before we went out
& offer him according to our quality & ye table if he demanded any
more we woud offer security to answer his action, if he woud not accept
of this we woud refuse to leave ye Castle till this were adjusted. This
we resolved to condescend to lest it shoud be said y* we lay in for our
fees.
It was reported y* Canigfergus was not deserted as had bin sup-
posed, y'.Athlone was judged untenable,78 y1 some horse were landed
out of England, y4 his majesty was to leave Dublin to-morrow & go to
fight the rebels in ye north, y1 Ld Tir. was to be governour in
(73) Sir Richard Nagle was descended from an old Cork family, and is said to have
been educated by Jesuits with a view to being admitted to Holy Orders. He was
called to the Bar, and in 1686 became Attorney -General. He was Speaker of the
Irish Parliament in 1689, and in the September of that year was appointed principal
Secretary of State. He left Ireland with James, but returned in January, 1690-1.
The date of his death is uncertain. Throughout his career he supported the policy of
Tyrconnell, being the first to propose the repeal of the Act of Settlement, and after-
wards very active in the matter of the writs of Quo "Warranto by which the corporations
of Ireland were deprived of their charters (D. N. B., xl., p. 22). The remark made in
the text seems to prove that it was already anticipated that Melfort would be dismissed
from office, if Macaulay is right in saying that Nagle succeeded him (M., p. 420).
(74) Was this Captain Francis Baker, of Lord Bophin's Foot (D'Alton, p. 764) ?
(75) The Constable of the Castle.
(76) Possibly Mr. John Weaver, one of the twelve imprisoned in Newgate. See
above, note 2.
(77) Possibly « disabling.'
(78) I do not know what truth there may have been in this rumour. At the time
the town was held by D'Anglour with some foot (Life, p. 372).
260 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
his absence.79 E: Moor who had been bailed some days before was
brought into ye Castle with two files of men.80
About 6 in ye afternoon Coll. Clifford81 visited Mr Fitz: and told
him y* ye King intended to go down to ye North & stay two or three
days at Drogheda, & yn go forward to meet Schomberg & the invaders
who were all new raised men ; y* ye King's army woud be above
40m,82 y* he feared yre were a great many bad officers— [43]— y* he
found ye private [soldiers much] dissatisfied concerning ye death of
Lavallin *3 who did not deserve to dy so well as some of his accusers,
y* he dyed very bravely. He sd further to M18 Fitz: 8i who ex [pressed
her] fear of some mischief to ye prpsoners in] case the army & his Majy
went from [Dublin] & y* she had no reason to apprehend [any] danger
to ym herself, house, or family [as] the King had bin pleased to leave
(79) This is, of course, .Richard Talbot, Duke of Tyrconnell, the viceroy. He was
unwell at this time, and had for some time been living in retirement at Chapelizod
(Life, p. 374 ; Macariae Excidium, p. 337). A letter from Chester, 2nd September,
1689, states that James " hath vested Tyrconnell again with the Government." (A full
and true Account of his Grace Luke Schomberg' s marching toivards Dublin, London,
1689). This may explain the statement, not otherwise easy to understand, that he was.
" to be governour."
(80) This seems to be the same as "Coll. [Moor]e," mentioned below and
frequently afterwards. "Because the Clerk of the First Fruits, Lieutenant Colonel
Roger Moore, being a Protestant himself, would not be severe with the Clergy,
and seize their Livings and Persons, to force them to pay what he knew they were
not in a capacity to do, they found pretence to seize his Person, and sent him with
Three Files of Musquetiers Prisoner to the Castle of Dublin, where he and two Gentle-
men more lay in a cold nasty Garret for some months" (S.P.I., chap, iii., § 16,
p. 202). Elsewhere (S. P. I., chap, in., § 3, p. 71 sq.) we read of a Col. Roger Moor
who had inherited from Sir John Knox, Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1685, a patent for
coining copper money for Ireland. His patent was disregarded, and his coining tools
seized by the government, when James began to supply his needs by establishing a
mint and issuing brass coinage. Probably this was the same person. Supposing
these statements to be true, it is scarcely surprising to find that in March, 1689-90, a
message was sent from Dublin to Schomberg's camp by Col. Roger Moor, a Pro-
testant (S. P. D., p. 532). Moore lived at Johnstown and Lower Blind Quay,
Dublin (Hughes, Church of St. John, Dublin, Dublin, 1889, p. 57). In 1691 he
commanded the Dublin City Militia (A. R., pp. 521, 536).
(81) Colonel Robert Clifford, described in his attainder in 1691 as Robert Clifford,
of Dublin, Esq., commanded the 5th Regiment of Dragoons in the Jacobite Army.
He was a Roman Catholic, but apparently not a whole-hearted supporter of James II.
He is accused by several writers of treachery or gross carelessness, which led to
the capitulation of Limerick. The writer of J. N. does not defend him, but hints
that he was not the only officer in Limerick who had accepted a bribe from the
enemy (D' Alton, p. 356; J. N., pp. 161, 171-3).
(82) This estimate was pretty accurate. Schomberg informed King William
(14th March, 1689-90) that " they had 40,000 men altogether, when they were
encamped at Ardee, and they had, moreover, 15,000 or 16,000 in Dublin, Drogheda,
Cork, Kinsale, and on the River Shannon " (S. P. D., p. 510). Elsewhere the numbers
are stated as 3150 Horse, 4500 Dragoons and 46,800 Foot — which give a total of
54,450 (Ib., p. 386). Story (p. 40) reports that the general opinion was that there
were '« sigh forty thousand " at Dundalk ; but admits that " Lieut. -General Hamilton
denied that they were ever so many in the field." And the figures given in the French
Army List printed by Gilbert (J. N., p. 201 sqq.} yield a total of 34,296 men, four
regiments being omitted from the numeration.
(83) See above, note 61.
(84) Mary, daughter and heiress of James Clotworthy, Esq., Moneymore, Co. Deny
(Lodge, vol.i., p. 108).
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., AKCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 261
commands y* none of tlie people in town who lived quietly shoud meet
with any disturbance, y* my Lord Tire, was left chief in ye [govern]ment
to act witli ye advice of 2 or [3] who were moderate gentlemen : y1
[Mons.] Boysleau late govern our of Cork was [one] of them ; 65 yi ye
thoughts of burning ye city was (sic) quite laid aside, & y1 ye King had
given special direction about ye prisoners & expresst a great abhorrence
against using any v[iolence] against them, he said likewise y* he heard
Cap* Boyle was landed in Munster, 86 & y1 he thought he had more
reason yn many other being made a rebel by act of parlement, y* he had
something to maintain himself if the King's affairs shoud miscarry, &
he promised Mrs Fitz: — [44] if any disturbance shoud
[arise] he woud send a file of men to secure her house, & if bail woud
be accepted for Mr Fitz: he offered to be bound for him.
. . . & Mr Sp r87 came to visite [us] [se]nt me an
account in writing from concerning his brother whom he had
Lord C. J. N. order.88 he told me likewise y1 4 troopers &
five horses were quartered on him & y* ye officer obliged him to furnish
ym with meat drink lodging &c for ym & yre horses [Que]re whether
the like is not done everywhere. Coll was comitted to ye
Castle & came [in a]s a fellow prisoner about six in ye [afternoo]n.89
He had bin before Baron Rice & Ch: [J. K".] they expected ready mony
from him . . . . ye Balance of an account before they had agreed on ye
stating it & Ld C. J. expected he should do some service for ye
government to which he replyed y* he coud not fight for a government y1
had not left him or children a groat. Mr S e 90 came up and told
me y* the K. woud go from here Friday or Saturday next & I heard
from him y* some R: C: were thinking of putting some goods in ye hands
of protestants this was further confirmed by others. He wd not tell
where ye King would go. He was not to [sen]d his tent till further
orders.
[45]— Aug. 22, 1689.— Mrs white (?) came up to visite Mr Fitz:
she told us y1 this morning Mr Billing sent 4lb to Lord Chancellour,91
(85) A captain of the French Guards, who came over with King James to Ireland.
Boiseleau was left in command of the troops which remained at Drogheda when
James broke up his camp at Ardee. In August, 1690, Tyrconnell appointed him
Governour of Limerick, but immediately alter William raised the siege he was
succeeded hy Dorrington "because monsieur Boisseleau was to go into France"
(D'Alton, p. 747; J. N., pp. 46, 91, 113, 117, 261-6).
(86) This was, perhaps, Captain Henry Boyle, mentioned in S. P. I., chap, m., § 13,
p. 170. He had put himself under the protection of Mountcashel, but, in spite of this,
Castle -martyr, which was his property, was destroyed, and he fled into England. He
was attainted in 1689 (Ib., p. 249), which explains the statement that he was " made a
rebel by Act of Parliament."
(87) Mr. Spranger? See 12th August.
(88) Possibly a reference to the incident about Mr. K.'s brother recorded 1 9th August.
(89) This seens to be a repetition of what is said above about ' R. Moor.' See
note 80.
(90) Probably Mr. Spike. See below, 3rd October.
(91) Alexander Fitton, great-grandson of Sir Edward Fitton, Knight, of Gawsworth,
262 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
being rent due to him in Brass mony, which Ld Chancellor sent back
refusing to receive it in y* mony. We were informed y' a French ship
supposed an Admiral, came in to Kinsale much shattered which gave
ground to believe ye fleets had met. We further were informed y1
5.000 horse & dragoons were landed, y* his Majesty designed to go no
further yn Tredath.92 My man came & informed me y* a popish
priest came & demanded ye protestants Tith in my Deanry to which I
sent answer y* it shoud be at yr peril if they paid any & y* I woud
defend ym if they refused.93 I resolved to write to this purpose to
ym. Mr Sp: 94 told me y* the King talked with great horror of ye
burning of Dublin & y* he was not pleased with ye Irish nation in
general as not having performed according to yre promise to him. Coll.
Tuit95 came to Coll: Moor and told him y1 the Lord Chief Justice woud
bail him if he woud perform ye conditions he offered ye day before, but
he seemed indifferent & looked upon himself to be injured so highly by
his — [46] — committall y* he would do nothing but w* ye Law will
oblige him to do. Coll: Bouchier visited Mr Fitz: he complained much
of ye Irish &c.96 Mr Brandcourt visited me but I entertained no
private discourse with him. He came lately out of ye North.
Aug. 23. — We had an account of ye invaders coming near Newry
where some small engagement happened 97 one of the wounded
troopers came to Town. Coll. N: Fitz: " came to visite Mr (sic] & told
Cheshire, Lord President of Connaught and Thomond, and Treasurer of Ireland, who
died 3rd July, 1579, and was buried beside his wife in St. Patrick's Cathedral,
Dublin. Fitton was brought over to Ireland by Tyrconnell, and was made Lord
Chancellor, 12th February, 1686-7. He was raised to the peerage as Baron Gawsworth,
April, 1689. He was attainted in 1691, and died in 1698. He was originally a
Protestant, but became a Roman Catholic. King states that he had been imprisoned
for forgery in England (D'Alton, p. 869; S. P. I., chap, n., § 6", p. 26 ; chap, in.,
§ 3, p. 58 ; Mason, p. Hi. ; D. N. B., xix., p. 80).
(92) Drogheda is frequently called by this name by English writers of the period,
as, for instance, among our authorities, by Nibell. This report modified the statement
of Col. Clifford the day before.
(93) The parliament of 1689 had passed an Act which released Roman Catholics
from the obligation to pay tithes to the Protestant Clergy, and made tithes of Roman
Catholics payable to their own Clergy, a Roman Catholic incumbent of any benefice,
however, being allowed to recover tithes from both Protestants and Roman Catholics.
King states that in practice the provisions of this Act were disregarded, the tithes
being in many cases taken from Protestants, in parishes where their own clergy still
remained, by ' Popish Priests ' (S. P. I., chap, in., § 16, p. 198 sq.}.
(94) Mr. Spike (?). See below, 3rd October.
(95) Probably Brigadier- General William Tuite, who was wounded and taken
prisoner at Aughrim, and attainted in 1691. His name does not occur, apparently, in
the Irish Army List (D'Alton, pp. 957, 961) ; but see Charles Dalton's English Army
Lists, vol. ii., p. 9.
(96) The name of Bouchier, or Bourchier, does not appear to occur in the Jacobite
Irish Army List. There are several officers of that name in Dalton's English Army
Lists (vol. ii., pp. 5, 12, 35, 121, 144), one of whom may be the person here referred to.
He is called ' Captain ' below, 23rd August.
(97) This rumour was false. Schomberg's army did not reach Newry till 5th
September (S. P. D., p. 251).
(98) Col. Nicholas Fitzgerald was Governor of Athlone when it was attacked by
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 263
him y* he came from Newry Monday last y* ye invaders did not bring
above 140 Horse & eleven or 12m foot, that they besieged ye town of
Carrigfergus & woud carry it but not ye Castle," yl yre were 6 or 7m
of ye King's army to oppose ym about Dundalk & Newry & ye rest woud
march down next week.
There happened a scuffle in Town between some frenchmen & some
Irish soldiers two of ye Irish were killed as reported. We observed
some shuffling & change in ye Castle but coud not understand ye meaning
of it. Coll. T 10° came to visite Coll. M. they parted in some anger
their discourse I did not hear. Cap* Bouchier101 visited Mr F. and
took his leave, being to go this afternoon to Tredath.102
[47] — Aug. 2!f. — Nothing remarkable ye day being spent as seriously
as we coud in order to preparation for ye sacrament.
Aug. 25.— I preached 2ce on Luke 10. 25,103 and administered ye holy
sacrament to nine or ten of the prisoners. 104 I observe they were very
busy in ye Castle all day, sending away some & loading other carriages.
Aug. 26. — The King went away about 11 of the clock, his guards
appeared to us to be very ill mounted.105 We heard from several
hands y* some horse were landed in ye north some said 3.000, some five
thousands, others only three regiments. Mr B 1106 visited me &
Ginkel, 19th June, 1691 (J. N., p. 133). There was also a Lieut. -Col. Nicholas Fitz-
gerald in Lord Bellew's Regiment of Infantry (probably the same), who, with Col.
Laurence Dempsey, took part in a skirmish near Newry a week before the Battle
of the Boyne (D'Alton, p. 630 ; J. N., pp. 96, 205).
(99) See Introduction, p. 133, and compare Story, p. 9, where we learn that one
Mr. Spring, who escaped from Carrickfergus on 23rd" August, reported to Schomberg
<; that they resolved, if we stormed the Town, to retire all to the Castle, in order to
which they had laid in great store of Corn, Beef, Salt, and other Provisions pro-
portionable."
(100) Col. Tuite ? See above, note 95.
(101) See above, note 96.
(102) See above, note 92.
(103) From the Gospel for the 13th Sunday after Trinity.
(104) King celebrated the Holy Communion on the last Sunday of each month for
the prisoners. (See 29th Sept., 27th Oct.)
(105) The escort consisted of 100 of the King's Horse Guards and 200 of Parker's
Horse (Life, p. 373). King James reached Drogheda on the same day (Nibell, p. 221).
(106) The pious and accomplished James Bonnell, who seems to be referred to here,
was one of the most attractive personalities of a not very attractive period. His life,
by William Hamilton, Archdeacon of Armagh (The Exemplary Life and Character
of James Bonnell, Esq., Late Accomptant- General of Ireland, 3rd Ed., London, 1707 ;
reprinted, London, 1852), is largely taken up with meditations, which it was his
constant practice to commit to writing. His father, Samuel Bonnell, a Norwich
merchant, wasted his fortune by advancing money to the Stewarts, and in return
received from Charles II. a patent for the office of Accountant- General for Ireland.
He died in 1664, before his son James, who, according to the terms' of the patent, was
to succeed him, had completed his ninth year. In consequence the post was held for
some years by a deputy. James graduated at Cambridge, and immediately afterwards he
became tutor to the son of Mr. Ralph Freeman, of Aspeden Hall, Herts, with whom
he travelled on the Continent. In 1684 he came to Ireland and took up his work as
Accountant-General. He married in 1693 a daughter of Sir Albert Cunningham, by
whom he had three children. As regards his religious persuasion, Bonnell was an Anglican
264 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
told me y1 he had an account of some ships seen at Baltimore who took
away a ship out of harbour loaded with wine & brandy belonging to Md"
Dermor, y* in ye severall ports of Ireland yre were brought in near ten
English & Dutch prizes.
Mr T h & C: W: 10? visited me, we discoursed of ye affaires of
ye parish. I was told y1 with a little pains I might get out, which I did not
believe, that L: M: had bin shot — [48] — if the King had not turned him
out, l08 y1 they had taken a resolution to fight & were getting together
a great army in order to it, that ye Clergy of Dublin were all to be
put up, y1 Duke Tyr: was to be our Governour to thursday next, y* yn
Boysleau was to be Governour of this place & to have two regiments to
defend it ; 109 that a frenchman was put in y1 ye odium of what was
to be don might fall on them.
At 8 in the morning I heard ye chimes of C: Church from wnce I con-
cluded y* ye Church was restored, which I found to be true, but much out
of order.110 I desired an account which was promised by ye V: of
S* patrick's Mr Rouse U1 who came to me on ye 27 112 in the morning.
» I gave 7d received in charity at the communion to be distributed by
Churchwardens, and ordered y* distribution of three barels of beef given
by C. A'. S.
of the High Church school. He had a great desire to resign his secular employment and
take Holy Orders, but was hindered from doing so hy the difficulty of securing a
successor who would worthily fill his post of responsibility. He was a promoter of
the Societies for the Reformation of Manners, which were a striking feature of the
religious life of the closing years of the seventeenth century. His most intimate
friends were King, Foley, Dopping, and Wettenhall (Bishop of Kilmore). The first of
these composed his epitaph, and the last preached the sermon at his funeral. He died of
fever, 28th April, 1699, and was buried the next day in St. John's Church. Compare
the article on him by the late Dr. J. A. Carr in the Churchman for October, 1899 ;
Hughes, Church of St. John, p. Ill ; D. N. B., vol. v., p. 355.
(107) Perhaps Mr. Trench, a clergyman, and Mr. Wingfield, a lawyer, who, with
Capt. King, escaped from Dublin in an open boat, May, 1690 (Story, p. 64). For
Mr. Wingfield see also above, note 2.
(108) Lord Melfort ? It seems to have been on the previous day (25th August) that
he was 'turned out' — in other words, sent to France (Stuart Papers, p. 46). See
below, note 381.
(109) Tyrconnell was left in Dublin for the purpose of collecting troops and
despatching them to Drogheda as quickly as possible. He was just recovering from an
illness (Life, p. 374). What exactly is meant by his being Governor, and being
succeeded in that office by Boiseleau, is not clear. Simon Luttrell was Governor of
Dublin (Life, p. 378).
(110) This is explained by the following entry in the Chapter minutes of Christ
Church: " On Wednesday the 7th of Aug., 1689, Christ Church was searched and
seized. On Sunday the 25th Aug., 1689, the keys were again restored." It is
curious that this is not mentioned in S. P. I., chap, in., § 18, pp. 209, 215.
(111) I have noted only one reference to Rouse in the Chapter minutes of St.
Patrick's. It is under the date 6th December, 1688, and runs thus : " Then Mr. John
Rouse ordered for to allow to Mrs. Brady, widow of Mr. Robert Brady, three pounds ster.
which must be deducted out of Mr. Rouse's Sallary." The letter 'V.' in the text
may stand for < Verger.' Rouse does not appear to have been on the clerical staff of
the Cathedral.
(112) If this figure is correct, this part of the Diary cannot have been written on
the day (26th August), the events of which it describes. Compare below, note 148. But
see next note.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 265
[49] — Aug. 27. — Mr K. came & gave me a visite. We discoursed of
severall things of importance, he informed me from Mr Jones of Mr Rouses
having taken ye Deanry of S1 Patrick's from ye p: Dean for (?0. m Mr
€umberford told me y* my bed & ye other beds must go to ye camp.
Some goods were brought into ye Castle sd to be D. T.'s: a black trunk
was carried out of Mr Crows room which Mr Cumber: sa contained
papers left by Mr Alaway. Mr Weaver came up in ye afternoon & yre
was some talk of Cum: saying y1 we shoud go with ym when they went
to ye field. In ye afternoon it was told us y* ye french & English fleets
hud ingaged & y1 ye first had ye worst & y1 Carrigfergus was possessed by
the invaders. I learnt that Walker late governour of Berry was sent for
byye P: 0: 1U y1 Euiskilling people were in great Disorder till Wolsely
•came to them, 115 y* near 10m dyed in Derry with hunger & sickness, &
many other particulars. I sent to provide a bed in case ye bed I lay on
shoud be taken away. Ld May: steward, and one bragstone came up from
— [50] — the guardroom, who were prisoners yre because a court marshal
as said was kept yre, I spoke to neither.
, Aug. 28. — A great Court or meeting of the officers was held in the
€astle. D. T: was there, it was said D. T: must go to the camp for y*
soldiers woud not fight with him : 116 brass mony was 3 shill8 in the
(113) This entry is enigmatical. If Eouse came to visit the Dean "on the 27 in
the morning," why did he not get the particulars of the transaction — whatever it may
have heen — from himself, instead of indirectly through Mr. Eobert King ? Mr. Jones
is Richard Jones, Notary Puhlic and Eegistrar of St. Patrick's. He was also on the
25th June, 1689, appointed Registrar of the Liberty of St. Patrick's, and Registrar,
Clerk, and Proctor of St. Sepulchre's Liberty. (Chapter Minutes.) But what is the
nature of the transaction referred to ? With much hesitation 1 suggest that « p : Dean '
is to be read ' pro-Dean,' and that Mr. Henry Price, who was nominated as Sub- Dean
by King shortly after his imprisonment, is the person indicated. The rest I must leave
to the ingenuity of my readers.
(1 14) "Walker was commissioned by the inhabitants of Derry, after the raising of the
siege, to bear a loyal address to King William. He left Derry on the 9th August, and
after a triumphal progress through Scotland and England reached London about
the 20th. He was received by the king, apparently on the 24th, or some later
day in August. William gave him £5000. There is no record, so far as I am
aware, that he was < sent for ' by the king : but William addressed a letter to him and
Mitchelbourne, his colleague as Governor of Derry, on the 16th, of which King may
have heard. It is printed in A Concise View of the Origin, $c., of the Honorable
Society of the Governor and Assistants of London of the New Plantation in Ulster, com-
monly called the Irish Society, London, 1832, p. 189, and elsewhere. See also Walker's
Vindication of the True Account of the Siege of Derry, London, 1689, p. 28 : Ulster
Journal of Archceology, vol. ii. (1854), p. 269 ; LuttreU, pp. 373, 575 ; J. N., p. 87 ;
Dl.N. B., lix.,p. 55.
(115) William Wolseley accompanied Kirk to Ireland as Lieutenant- Colonel of
Hanmer's regiment. A deputation from the Enniskillen men having waited on Kirk
on the 12th July, 1689, he appointed officers for their regiments. Among the rest he
made Wolseley Commander-in- Chief, and Colonel of Horse. The deputation took
leave of Kirk on Sunday, the 20th July, and having landed near Ballyshannon on the
26th, they proceeded at once to Enniskillen, which they reached on the 28th. Two
days later Wolseley led his troops to the victory of Newtown Butler. He distinguished
himself at the battles of the Boyne and Aughrim, and succeeded Mountjoy as Master-
General of Ordnance in August, 1692. He died in December, 1697 (Hamilton, pp.
31-33 ; D. N. B., Ixii., p. 323. See also Lough Erne, p. 19).
(116) A slip for ' without' ?
Tmir R <i A T f Vo1- XIII-> Fifth Series. ) „,
Jour. R.S.A.I. j Vt)1 XXXI'H ^ Consec> Ser> j
266 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
pound for exchange. There was much discourse of some ships seen about
Skerrys.117 In the afternoon Mr Pole118 came up & told us y4 only 2£
were excepted in Schomberg's declaration from pardon ; 119 he had some
hopes of getting a copy of it.
Aug. 29, — D. T: went to S* Stephen's green to view some regiment,
they were not full nor well armed he was angry at it & checked ye
officers as was told us he reduced also one regiment to 3 companys.
Coll. Clifford came to visite us in the morning. Mrs Fitz: told him yfr
ye King had made her an ill housewife by confining her husband & she
hoped woud allow her a pension for spoiling her ; to which he replyed
that perhaps he woud during his short reign. He was asked wn his
majesty woud come back, he replyed not till he was beaten back; and
added — [*"] — after a while that this was his Majesty's last stake, y'he
must either conquer now or lose all, A (?) Mrs P. went to wait on ye I). T.
in the afternoon with ye B. L. who dined with us.120 He told her upon
her delivering a petition about her husband that he knew nothing of his
confinement till a day or two ago, and seemed to wonder at it.
Mrs C: came to us in the afternoon & told us y* L. T.121 owed her 12lb,
6lb for rent, & 6lb for malt she had bestowed in charity on ye nunry.m
She had frequently petitioned & spoke to her about y*, yesterday she had
promised her positively her mony & to give her steward order about it,
& had bidden her come for it to day wch she did she met my Lady's
steward who told her y1 he had by order from L. T: sent four men to
bring away her copper which cost 60lb. This startled Mrs C. who told
(117) Skerries is the name of a fishing village in the County Dublin, about three
miles from Balbriggan, so called from some islands off the coast. I have not found
elsewhere a notice of any ships passing it during the month of August, 1689.
(118) Mr. Perrian Poole ? See above, note 2.
(119) Compare Luttrell, p. 571 : '« The Committee of Irish gentlemen mett the
19th [August], by order of the committee of the council for Irish affairs, and had
before them the matter about a pardon to be sent over into Ireland, and debated what
number of persons to except in the same, and by the majority agreed to except 54."
(120) Apparently the Bishop of Limerick (Simon Digby), one of the few prelates
of the Established Church remaining in Ireland (S. P. L, chap, in., § 12, p. 150).
(121) Lady Tyrconnell. Fanny Jennings, Tyrconnell's second wife, was a sister of
Sarah Duchess of Marlborougb. Her first husband was Sir George Hainilton.
(122) King (S. P. L, chap, in., § 9, p. 123) states that two nunneries were
established under James II. in Dublin. One of these was that called ' Gratia Dei,' in
Ship-street, the charter of which is printed in Harris's King William, App., p. Ix. It is
dated 5 June, 1690, and therefore the monastery of Gratia Dei cannot be referred to here.
The other was in Channel-row (now North Brunswick -street). The Chapel was con-
secrated by Archbishop Patrick Russell, in the presence of King James, not three months
before the incident related in the text occurred, 6 June, 1689. Collections on Irish
Church History from the MSS. of the late V. Rev. Laurence F. Renehan, edited by D.
McCarthy, vol. i., p. 232. My friend the Bishop of Canea informs me that this Chapel
still exists in the Richmond Surgical Hospital, and is known as ' the Chapel "Ward/
The statement that Lady Tyrconnell's debt was of two years' standing seems to imply
that the nunnery was founded a considerable time before the consecration of the Chapel.
Harris confuses this establishment with the Royal Nunnery of ' Gratia Dei,' when he
gives the date of the foundation of the latter as 6th June, 1689 (Ware's Works, 1745,.
yol. ii., p. 274).
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 267
him that she coud not believe it, that she came for 12lb which being a
debt of 2 years standing her Grace had positively promised it y* morning*
He assured her it was tru & desired her to make application to his Lady
which she — [52] — did, & with much ado obtained of her Grace an order
to stop ye bringing away ye copper on condition y* she shoud not call for
ye 12ibe
Mem. Coll. Cliff, told us y* Boysleau was to be governour of
Dublin & y* it was very like y1 he woud burn ye town,
Mrs Bolt (?) came to visite Mr 0. and told him y* ye cafe (?) men
offered to bring her daughter Smith from Galway. She asked how the
expected to get there, to which they answered that they were to carry
down the King's good yre but under other names ; & y* they woud be
allowed to bring up whom they pleased.
Aug. 30. — Nothing memorable.
Aug. 31. — There came up Mr Smith who told y* Carigfergus was.
certainly taken, & the Duke of B: had gotten a ruffle near Kewry.
Mr E: told us yl y*e came an order from Schomberg to Eniskilling people to
march down to Ardmagh which they did to ye number of 6m. We heard
also that Athlone was invested with men sd to be landed at Sligo.123 M*
Sp.m told me y* ye D. T: told him y' the expected the K. back within
3 or 4 days at farthest.125 We had troublesome centrys who denyed our
friends— [53] — only one at a time, upon which we had some dispute
with ym. In the afternoon yre came up a ser* of Mr F: who told him that
his coachman's brother had written up y* ye Irish army did not stand
before ye English, that many had thrown down yre arms & Schomberg
intended to be in a little time at Drogheda & y* y° K. intended for
Minister. We heard also y* Chief J. N. was gone with all his furniture
& many other incredible things.126
Sep. 1. — I preacht 2 on Gal. 5. 17.127 Yre came up y9 people below
that came up the last Sunday & likewise Cap* Anderson, one Smith 128
& Blackstone.
(123) These reports, except with regard to Carrickfergus, seem to have been un-*
founded. Berwick was probably by this time at Newry, though the date of his arrival
there is unknown ; but it is not likely that there were any of the opposing forces
there to give him a ' ruffle.' Some of the Enniskilleners had joined Schomberg at
Carricki'ergus (see Introduction, p. 133 sq.), and marched with him to Dundalk. Thfr
rest appear to have remained near Enniskillen. There is no mention of Athlone being
invested in the Life, where such a fact could scarcely have been passed over.
(124) Mr. Spike?
(125) We can scarcely believe that Tyrconnell really expected this. James was most
anxious to fight Schomberg, and had given orders to Tyrconnell to hasten the troops-
from Dublin. He would hardly have left his army at 'this juncture in the hands of
generals who approved a quite different policy (Life, p. 373 sq.).
(126) King justly describes these rumours as incredible. They were absolutely
false. So far from retreating to Munster (or to Athlone, as de Rosen wished), James
would have pressed on at once to Dundalk if he had had sufficient cavalry (Life, p. 375).
(127) From the Epistle for the day — the 14th Sunday after Trinity.
(128) Perhaps the Mr. Smith mentioned under 31st August and 2nd September.
T2
§68 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Sep. 2. — My bed, Mr Crows & Mr Ormsby's were taken away & some
other furniture of the room. ye Cap1 of ye guard was very troublesome
to us & hindered our friends from coming to us. "We heard a noise of
mens landing in Munster but did not believe. Mr Smith came up and
told us Ld T: had chid Sir John Davis for being without his sword, &
bestowed a sword on him.129 He further intimated that ye fleet had
not yet fought.
[54] — Mr C. came up & told me y1 it was resolved Dublin shoud not
t>e injured & it was contrived so yl L. C: 13° shoud be left at his house,
that Ld C. J. "N. was not gone as reported but was going. Mr Fr: m
came to me & told me y* an excommunication came to him from ye Bi: of
Gal way a pretended Vicar General of ye Diocese,132 this I had seen before
with- ye Sexton, I ordered y* it shoud not be read, nor any submission
paid to his citations or notice taken of ym, other yn declining or protesting
against ym. There came likewise Mrs D r to se me & told me y* she
had bin at a place where I was spoken of, & a B. C. said y* ye reason of my
confinement was my writting against M. M. 133 upon which it was by
way of reply asked, whether this was ye liberty of conscience meant by
the K. m
Sep. 3. — Mr Crow was preparing to go out his liberty being promised
him upon condition he woud give a note to pay such fees as ye law
woud adjudge. We were told also y1 my Ld Kinsale135 had in his
(129) Sir John Davis, youngest son of Sir Paul Davis, was a prominent citizen of
Dublin at this period. He had been Principal Secretary of State under Charles II.
{•A. R., pp. 302, 313, 328, 334, 341), having been knighted about 1673. He
was imprisoned in Newgate in July (see above, note 2), and subsequently in
Trinity College (An Exact Account of the Royal Army under the Command of His
Grace the Duke of Schomberg, London, 1689), and, after his release, complained to
Luttrell of the treatment the prisoners received (S. P. I., chap, m., § 7, p. 93). See
further below, 28th October. Tyrconnell's reproach of Sir John Davis for not having
& sword is difficult to understand, for by Proclamation of 20th July, 1689, Protestants
were forbidden to wear swords (S. P. I., chap, m., § 8, p. 113).
(130) See below, note 136.
(131) Mr. Fr: (or, as it may perhaps be read, Tr:) I cannot identify. For the
Sexton, see below, note 141.
(132) John Gordon, Bishop of Galloway. See Introduction, p. 124.
(133) Mr. Manby. Peter Manby, admitted a Minor Canon of St. Patrick's,
23rd November, 1660, was appointed Chancellor of the same cathedral in 1666, and
Dean of Derry in 1672. He subsequently became a Roman Catholic, still retain-
ing his Deanery by dispensation. On the controversy between him and King, see
Worthies, pp. 181 sq., 185-90.
(134) The allusion is to the Act for Liberty of Conscience passed by Parliament,
June, 168.9, and to Proclamations to the same effect. Compare S. P. I., chap, in.,
'§ 14, p. 181 (recte, 189).
(135) Almericiis de Courcey, 23rd Baron Kinsale. He was born in 1664, and
succeeded to the title in 1669, when he was only five years of age. Like his cousin,
Clancarty (cf. below, note 231), he was at an early age placed under the tuition of
Dr. Fell, who gives a not altogether attractive description of his character, quoted
by D' Alton. If the statement in the text may be credited, Fell was not very
successful in imbuing his pupils with the principles of Protestantism. However,
so far as I 'am aware, it lacks confirmation. Lord Kinsale was Lieutenant- Colonel
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 269
sickness declared himself a papist, that Ld C: 136 had other thoughts.
Mr del 137 came to se — [55] — me & told me y* Charlemount was
yielded 138 & y1 Gordon O'Neil had gone over to ye invaders.139
Aug. (Sept.) ^.14°— Mr Bulkley brought me a citation from ye Bishop
of Galway against one of my parishioners. I took it from him & hid
him send ye apparitor to me. I sent to ye Bis: of M. an account of
that matter. Mr D. brought me his answer y1 he advised ye Clergy to
meet about it.341 Mr B. came to see me. We discoursed of Many,
of Sarsfield's Horse (Lodge, vol. vi., p. 155 ; D'Alton, p. 144). A genealogical
table will show the relationship of this nobleman to other persons mentioned in the
Diary.
CORMAC OGE MAC CARTHY, ist Viscount Musketry.
ob, 1640
I
Charles MacCarth
(Reagh).
John de Courcy, =
aist Baron Kin-
sale, 06. 1667.
y = Eleanor.
Donogh, 2nd Viscount Muskerry, = Lady Butler, sister
ist Earl of Clancarty, ob. Aug., of James, ist Duke
1665. of Ormonde.
Ellen. Charles,
Lord
Muskerry,
ob. June,
1665.
Callaghan, =
2nd Earl,
ob. 1676.
=Lady Elizabeth Fitz- Justin, = Lady Arabella
Gerald, daughter of Viscount Went wort h,
the 16th Earl of Kil- Mount- daughter of
dare, and sister of cashel. the Earl of
Captain Robert Fitz- Strafford.
Gerald.
Patrick, Almericus, Four daughters.
22nd 23rd
Baron , Baron
ob. i66g. Kinsale,
Donogh, 3rd = Lady Elizabeth Spencer,
Earl of daughter of the Earl of
Clancarty. Sunderland.
(136) Lord Clancarty (?).
in the ii
This guess is borne out by the mention of his cousin
immediate context.
(137) Mr. Delany. He was the bearer of the letter to Bishop Dopping, dated
7th September (Appendix, No. iv.), and probably also of that which was written on the
day of his visit (Appendix, No. ii.).
(138) Charlemont, on the River Blackwater, 6 miles north of Armagh, was
regarded as a most important post. It was garrisoned by a regiment of foot under
Buchan when Schomberg landed (Life, p. 372). The report that it had surrendered,
recorded in the text, was false. The capitulation did not take place till 12th May,
1690, and an amusing story is told of the interview on that day between the
governour, ' Old Teague' O'Regan, and Schomberg (Story, p. 60). On the many
futile attempts made by the Williamite Army to subdue it see S. P. D., pp. 36 (a letter
from Schomberg, which should have been at p. 519), 252, 287, 336, 368, 374, 413,
458, 498, 561, 563 : cf. also An Account of the Town and Castle of Charlemont in
Ireland, Besieged by a Detached Body . . . under the Command of Lieutenant General
Douglas, London, 1689. On 12th September King James had a force of 400 men there
(S. P. D.,p. 252).
(139) Another false report. Gordon O'Neill was a son of Sir Phelim O'Neill by
his third wife. He was a captain of Grenadiers in Mountjoy's Regiment, and after-
wards raised a regiment of infantry for King James. He was wounded at the siege
of Derry, served at the battles of the Boyne and Aughrim, and died in 1704.
(D.N.B.,xlii.,p.207; S. P.D., p. 386 ; Story,p. 98; D'Alton, p. 833 ; J.N.,pp. Ill,
141, 148, 188, 228, 277 ; S. P. I., pp. 327, 331, 344, 375 (recte, 383).
(140) ' Sept.' is a correction, written above the line.
(141) The Bishop of Galway is John Gordon, Bishop of Galloway in Scotland
(Introduction, p. 124). In his letter of the 3rd September (App. No. ii.), King says
that he had seen an excommunication directed by him against one Clinton, a surgeon
270 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
particularly how he was to behave himself in his imployment.142 He
had no account from ye country.
Aug. (Sept.) 5.— Mrs Moor came & gave us a visite with her two
daughters.1*3 There came up a lieut. with her. We went to cards.
He sate by all the while & said his orders were not to suffer M" Moor
to discourse her husband but in his hearing. We ralleyd him on this
subject but he was so dull y1 he coud not understand it.144 ,
[56] — My Ld T: went away about noon. Ye old woman came in in the
morning & told us y1 we were all to be blown up. Mr Doyle 145 told us y1
Coll. Barker did not intend to go away till Saturday & y1 he would treat
us better, y* it was with difficulty ye guards woud let him up, tho deputy
constable & our proper keeper. One Cap* Bagget was ye cause of this
strickness.146 He came up to Coll. Moor & suffered him to discourse with
his wife, but sd he woud not suffer any other to discourse with ye prisoners
only yre wives, children & serts for he knew how prisoners were treated in
ye plot time in England.147
Sep. 6.— Cornelius came up and told us y1 ye King was to come back
in a day or two which proved false.148 Cumberford sd y* he must take
of St. Wei-burgh's parish. It was addressed to the minister of the parish, who at this
time was Samuel Foiey. But Foley had fled from Dublin (Introduction, p. 120). Now
a Mr. Buckley was appointed sexton of St. "Werburgh's in 1687, during King's
incumbency, and held office till 1715 (Hughes, The Church of St. Werburgh,
Dublin, Dublin, 1889, p. 155). < He is therefore, probably, the Mr. Bulkley of the
text (cf . 2nd September) ; and the ' account of that matter ' is the letter printed in the
Appendix (No. ii.), sent the previous day to Anthony Dopping, Bishop of Meath, by
the hands of Delany (see note 137). The mention of it here is merely introductory
to the statement that the answer was brought by Mr. D. (Delany). The apparitor
whom King directed Bulkley to send to him — and who doubtless disregarded his
message — was probably "William Budworth. (See Introduction, p. 125.) Compare
note 7 to letter vi. in the Appendix. The answer of the Bishop of Meath is not now
forthcoming.
(142) I have no doubt that Mr. B. is James Bonnell, on whom see above, note 106.
The difficulties of the office of Accountant- General under the government of 1689
must have been, to a sincerely religious Protestant, very many, and we can easily
understand that he would wish to consult his friend about them.
(143) Mrs. Moor's 'two daughters' were probably Mrs, Foley, wife of the
Chancellor of St. Patrick's, and Mrs. Scroggs, wife of Benedict Scroggs, D.D., then a
Fellow of Trinity College, and subsequently (1695-6) Prebendary of St. John the
Evangelist in Christ Church (Hughes, The Church of St. Werburgh, Dublin, p. 57).
(144) King possibly had this visit in memory when he wrote, " During their Con-
finement, the Prisoners were kept very strictly, their Servants, Children, and Wives,
were often debarred from seeing them ; or when admitted, not suffered to speak to
them, but in presence of the Soldiers " (S. P. I., chap, in., § 7, p. 93).
(145) Apparently identical with Lieut. Doyle, who is several times mentioned.
There are two Lieutenants of this name in King James' Army List, one in the Earl of
Westmeath's, the other in Oliver O'Gara's Regiment of Foot (D'Alton, pp. 734,
(146) Capt. Mark Baggot of Grace's Infantry (D'Alton, p. 800) is perhaps the
person referred to. He was afterwards executed as a spy (J. N., p. 129). A Lieut.-
Col. Baggot was taken prisoner at Aughrim (D'Alton, p. 801).
(147) The reference is, of course, to the supposed plot of 1678.
; (148) This sentence cannot have been written till a few days after 6th September.
Compare above, note 112.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 271
away ye furniture of ye room. I bid him do as he pleased. We heard
that an English gazet was in town, which gave an account of ye beat-
ing ye French fleet. We heard from Mr S h that Newry was deserted
& partly burnt but y*ye invaders came in & saved some part.149 At night
Mr J). F:150 Lieut. Doyle & another visited us and talkt impertinently
— [57] — being half drunk. Cap. Fitz: told us how he had rifled long
ago near 80 arms from ye Marshalse & y* it was little less yn high treason
to conceal any arms when the King commanded ym to be brought in.151
Doyle said y1 yre was satisfaction given where arms were taken away.
I told him y1 I knew ye contrary & gave instances to which he made a
saucy and impertinent answer. He owned Newry was taken & said
€oll. B: 15a bid him ly in our room when he went away Cap1 Fitz: told
us y1 Cumb: had signified to him his intention of stripping us, so he
expressed ye taking away ye furniture of ye room & y1 he had made
JVTrs Fitz: sneak away when he threatened her with it. I told ym
y* ye lattor part was false & y* I woud rather endure anything y11 be
beholden to him for any favour he coud shew me.
Sep. 7. — We heard y1 ye Newry was taken the duke of Berwick 153
having left it, but y1 yre was not time allowed ym to burn it all, y* Schom-
berg was come as far as Dundalk,154 & some sd as far as Lergon race165
(149) See Introduction, p. 133 sq. Story (p. 13) says that when Schomberg entered
Newry the flames were " not quite extinguished," which leaves a different impression
from that given by the statement in the text.
(150) Mr. D. F. seems to be the same person who is called « Capt. Fitz.' in the
next sentence, and ' Capt. F.' under the date 9th September. He was, perhaps, Capt.
David Fitzgerald, of McEllicott's Foot (D'Alton, p. 913).
(151) Compare S. P. I., chap, in., § 3, p. 67, where it is stated that Wolf, the sub-
verger of Christ Church, who was arrested this very day (6th September), was declared
by Nugent to have been guilty of treason for concealing arms. The Churches had
been seized for the purpose of searching them for arms. (Ib. chap, in., § 18, p. 209).
(152) Col. Barker (?). See above, 5th September, and note 60.
(153) James Fitzjames, eldest son of James II., by Arabella Churchill, sister of
the first Duke of Marlborough. He was born at Moulins 21st August, 1670, and in
1686, when he was only sixteen years of age, acquired some distinction as a soldier.
He was created Duke of Berwick by his father in 1687, and followed him in his
^flight to France the next year. He served at the siege of Deny and at the chief
battles of the war which followed. In February, 1690-1, he was appointed Com-
mander-in-Chief in the absence of Tyrconnell, but does not appear to have shown
much ability while he held that post. Later on, however, he won many laurels on
the Continent, and was killed at the siege of Phipsburg in 1734 (D. N. B., xix.,
p. 178, where references are given to the authorities).
(154) This report was a little in advance of the facts. Schomberg only left Newry
on the 7th, arriving at Dundalk the same day. But an advance party under Lord
Lisburn preceded the main army (Story, p. 14 ; S.P. D.. p. 251).
(155) Probably the River Fane, three miles south of Dundalk — "the river that
goes down to Largon" (Life, p. 379). It is called apparently 'the Lurgan' in
S. P. D., p. 278, and « the River of Largan ' is the name given to it in Relation, p. 7.
The village at the mouth of the Fane is now called Lurgangreen. The name
* Lurgan race ' occurs in A Journal of what has past in the North of Ireland Since
the Landing of the Luke of Schomberg, to the Surrender of Car rick -Fergus, London, 1689
(a letter dated Belfast, 25th August, 1689).
272 ;ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
& Germanstown.156 I had an answer from the B: M. to which I sent
an answer by Mr D.157
— Sep. 8. — I preached twice on M: 6. 25.158 There was Mr
Bragston at Sermon in the morning. We talk of several things. He told
M Carty More was come to town159 & y* he had seen several Munster
gentlemen in yc invaders camp. Mr L: came in ye afternoon & told us
yl Mr Lincoln160 had declared y1 the town shoud be burnt if the King
chanced to be beaten & was very positive in it.
Sep. 9. — We had a venison pasty & Mr Harold a fryer dined with
us.161 In ye afternoon Mr F - h 162 came to se me & gave me an
account of Mr K - g being made a prisoner at ye Wheat Sheaf of which
I had ye account anext from my man. Mr Delany came up with an ac-
count of my business. 163 All this time two officers of ye guard were by
• & very rudely intruded on our privacy which we indured. Yre came up
likewise an officer with a man & a letter to Coll. Moor while We were at
diner. He brought likewise a bill of exchange of twenty from Sir Thomas
Southwell, but Coll. Moor refused to open the letter or accept ye bill
because it came from a person with whom correspondence was not safe.164
(156) Gernonstown, now Castle Bellingham, in the County Louth, which is on the
River Glyde, about 8 miles from Dundalk.
(157) "What seems to be a rough draught of this answer from the Bishop of Meath
is printed in the Appendix (No. iii.). The letter in reply to which it \vas written is
lost. King's answer, sent by Mr. Delany, is No. iv. in the Appendix.
(158) St. Matt. vi. 24 sqq. was the Gospel for the day (15th Sunday after Trinity).
(159) McCarthy More was tlie Governor of Carrickfergus, and on the surrender
of that town was allowed to march with the garrison to Newry (Story, p. 10 ; Life,
p. 374).
(160) Nicholas and Michael Lincoln were Aldermen of Dublin under the charter of
1687 (A.R., p. 473).
(161) In Mrs. Lyons' collection are two letters which hear no date, hut apparently
belong to the year 1690, signed by Francis Anthony Harold. It is highly probable that
he is the friar mentioned in the text. His letters are directed ' ' to the very Rd father
in god, Deane King, Dr. of Divinity, &c.," and beg his aid in recovering two trunks
full of hooks. One had been 'taken from Mr. Coale's house ' the previous day, the
other (' a great trunk ') he had ' lost in ye convent.' Harold was himself powerless
in the matter, for he ' durst not he seen to appear for fear of ye Rahell.' It is
interesting to find friendship maintained between the Protestant Dean, and the Roman
Catholic Friar, at a time when religious feeling was so hitter. Francis Anthony
Harold was, I suppose, a kinsman of a more famous Francis Harold, of Limerick,
Chronographer of the Order of St. Francis, who died at Rome, 18th March, 1685
(D.N.B., xxiv.,p. 426).
(162) Perhaps this should he read ' T - h.' See note 131.
(163) The business of the Bishop of Galloway. Delany probably brought a letter
from Bishop Dopping in answer to that written by King on 7th September, and was the
bearer of the reply to it (App., No. v.). He seems to have been the clergyman who
was " assaulted and pusht at with a naked Sword several times, and carried, after they
had sufficiently ahus'd him, to Jail " (S. P. L, chap, in., § 19, p. 219).
(164) On Sir Thomas Southwell, seeD. N. B., liii, p. 303. He was at this time a
prisoner at Galway. The story of his attempt to proceed at the end of February, 1689,
from Kinsale to Lord Kingston at Sligo, with over a hundred Protestants, his capture
by Power, High Sheriff of Galway, and the incarceration of himself and his follower^
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 273
At night Cap* F: & L1 Doyle came up and — [59] — told us y* Cap* Flower,165
Cap* Long, & some others were killed at a fight at Carrigfergus and
about 1.100 more. It was sd also y* Schomherg had sent to ye King to
tell him y* if his army did not give over ye barbarous custom of burning
the countrey he must torture all ye prisoners he had or coud catch, to
death. 1(56 It was said likewise y* Kirk had gained ye bridge of Slane. 167
My Sexton told me that R. C: were generally removing yre goods.
Sep. 10. — Mr Eorridge came to se us.168 there came up an officer
with him y1 as soon as he came in bid him say what he had to pay
quickly for he woud not stay or wait on him. He said several other insolent
things. I checkt him for ym One bid Mr Bor. speak latine he said
he shoud not speak latine, with several other impertinencys. Upon
which Mr Fitz: began to speak latine. Ye officer laid hands on Mr B.
& woud have pulled him away by violence but coud not & finding
we laught at him he went away in a fury & after a while brought his Cap*
one Roch169 who was a little civiller but yet took away Mr. Bor: after
this. My Churchwarders came to me with a letter from Sir ~W. Ellis to
get my books for minister — [60] — mony. no I put it of till at liberty.
in violation of the articles of surrender, is told by several pamphleteers of the time.
See especially Indictment, p. 28 sq., where the narrative is from the pen of one of the
prisoners who escaped — Thomas Warner ; An account of the Transactions of the late
King James in Ireland, London, 1690, p. 20 ; S. P. L, chap, in., § 12, pp. 157-159,
§ 13, p. 170 sq., p. 356 ; J. N., p. 42. After their capture the prisoners were tried for
treason, and sentenced to be hanged and quartered. James, who had just landed at
Kinsale, granted a reprieve, but a pardon could not be obtained, and the sentence was
kept hanging over them for more than a year. Southwell himself escaped to Scotland.
The rest obtained their release by the victory of the Boyne. In refusing to accept the
bill Colonel Moor did wisely : see below, note 342.
(165) Perhaps the Captain Flower mentioned in connexion with Mr. Thomas Crow
A. E,., p. 429, vol. vi., p. 27. If so this report was untrue.
(166) The message, according to Story, p. 13, was that if James did not cease
to burn the towns, iSchomberg would give no quarter. Compare Luttrell, p. 583 ;
S. P. D., p. 251; Relation, p. 5. The Jacobite answer, in a letter from Thomas
English at the camp at Drogheda, " by command of the late commander-in-chief at
Dundalk," to "the officer commanding-in-chief the enemy's army," taunts Schomberg
with his alleged violation of the articles of capitulation at Carrickfergus, and proceeds
to declare that " the king will retaliate the same usage towards his rebellious subjects,
which he already has, or may have, and more especially towards those of the first
quality" (S. P. D., p. 247).
(167) Untrue. Kirk was with Schomberg at Dundalk.
(168) Ezekiel Burridge, Scholar of Trinity College, 1683, B.A. 1684, M.A. 1687. He
had been King's curate at Finglas (Cotton, vol. v., p. 122), and was one of the clergy
of Dublin who suffered severe usage in 1689 (S. P. I., chap, in., § 19, p. 219. See hi&
affidavit, ib., p. 317). In 1694 Burridge was Vicar-General of Down and Connor
(Cotton, vol. ii., p. 154) ; in 1702 he took the degree of LL.D. ; in 1705, as Vicar-Generul
of Dublin, he successfully resisted an attempt of the Crown to appoint a Dean to St.
Patrick's Cathedral (Cotton, vol. v., p. 107), and, in 1706, he became Prebendary of
Malahiddert in that cathedral (Mason, p. Ixxix). He died before 1708. Harris
Ware's Works, vol. iii., p. 263) states that Burridge was the author of three treatises,
one of which was in the Latin language. He also published, in 1701, a Latin trans-
lation of Locke's Essay.
(169) See above, note 24.
(170) On the career of Sir William Ellis, see D. N. B., xvii., p. 295. He was at
274 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
They brought 6 bottles of wine we drank 3. The centry staid
with ns till I gave him a bottle all which he drank with ye other
centries. Mr Cope 171 was with me & brought 2 excommunication. Mr
Pinglasse likewise in the morning. m I gave him direction about our
chapter.
Sep* y* 11. — We heard of near 80 persons clapt up in ye Queen's
hospital.173 M'P^sei^W; had bin confined all night for carrying letters
to ye post office,174 which ye guard broke open but returned in ye morning.
^Before noon ye Cap1 of ye guard came up & was very troublesome hinder-
ing Mr Delany who had business with me to speak with me. I told him
y1 1 firmly believed he had no such orders y* we were only used thus by
impertinent persons & I endeavoured to show him the unreasonableness
of it, but Cap* Eoch for y1 was his name seemed not to have sense or
good manners to apprehend it. "We heard at night that ye shops on
ye comb175 & ye clothiers hall were robbed of several pieces of cloth ;
that some who were dismissed on bail were clapt up again, par-
ticularly one gentleman who had bin at 12lb charges in getting him-
self bailed ; and yl Schomberg with his army were retreated towards
Dundalk.176
[§l~]—Sep. ye 13. — Many were clapt up in y6 Old hospital177 & in ye
-this time one of the Commissioners of Revenue, an Assessor for the City of Dublin,
,and a member of the Privy Council (S. P. I., p. 336 ; D'Alton, pp. 30, 869 ; A. R.,
,pp. xlvii, 458, 460).
(171) I have failed to identify this person.
(172) John Finglass, Prebendary of St. Audoen's in St. Patrick's Cathedral.
(173) Strangely enough this is an alias for the King's Hospital, which in A. R.,
-vol. vi., p. 294 (5th October, 1703), is called « The queens Blew Coate Hospital in
Oxmondtovvne.' This reference I owe to the kindness of Sir Frederick R. Falkiner,
Recorder of Dublin. The original buildings of King's Hospital stood a little to the
«ast of the present structure (erected in 1773), and were on the west side of Queen' s-
- street. It was possibly for this not very sufficient reason that the name ' Queen's
Hospital ' was occasionally given to them. It was in no other way appropriate ; and
no hospital in Dublin seems to have had any right to the title.
(174) Then in Fishamble- street (Gilbert, vol. i., p. 61).
(175) The long street running westwards from St. Patrick's Cathedral known as
>the Coombe.
(176) There was, of course, no retreat. Plainly King thought that the Williamite
army had advanced beyond Dundalk. Compare Sept. 7, 9. O'Kelly, in like manner,
represents Schomberg to have come to Drogheda, and finding it in James's hands, to
have retired to Dundalk (Macariae Excidium, p. 39).
(177) There seem to have been only three hospitals in Dublin at this time. Since
neither the Military Hospital at Kilmairiham (see note 224) nor the King's Hospital
(note 295) could be described as « old,' the one here intended must be « The great house
commonly called the Hospitall situate in Back-lane' (A. R., vol. iv., p. 543, under
the date 23rd August, 1671). This ' Mass House' originally belonged to the Jesuits,
but in the early part of the seventeenth century was taken from them and became a
College united to Trinity College. Having been for a short time again in the hands
-of the Jesuits, it was made a Government hospital under Charles II., and finally in 1672
a charter was issued for re- opening in it the old City Free School. (See Gilbert,
vol. i., p. 240 sqq.}. It will be observed that Back-lane is mentioned in the imme-
•diate context.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 275
College which was made a garison.178 It was sd several houses in back
lane179 were pulled down to clear ye City wall.
Sep. 14- — We had a great alarm in town of ships seen about Scirrys
and it was sd some forces were landed.180 Ll Doyle came up & told us
this. We coud not get drink & things convenient because of ye hurry. The
great gun in ye Castle yard was loaded. He told also of one Daniel 181
who by his own authority had clapt up many, but sd he, he is got intoy6
army, & is protected by y* means.
Sep. 15. — Word was sent me yl the bells were forbidden to be rung
& service prohibited in all Churches by ye government. I preached
twice on Eph. 3. 14. 182 The report of ships seen at ye Skerrys183
proved to be only a few y* seemed to be driven in yre by stress of weather,
who went off again. The number we coud not learn. Mr Crow got leave
to go out with a sergeant to see his man Mr Beck who died.184 He
came back to evening service.
Sep. 16. — Some barels of powder were put under the prisoners y*
were in Lord Longford's house, & it was told ym y* they shoud be blown
up if they stirred.
The scholars were turned out of ye College & not suffered to carry
yre beds or books with them.185— [62]— Coll.Warren & Mr Clark came
to ye room next us.
(178) This had happened a week before, on the 6th (Stubbs5 History of the University
of Dublin, 1889, p. 129 «?.). It is curious that King should not have heard of it
sooner. On Wednesday, llth September, the College " was made a prison for the
Protestants of the City, of whom a great number were confined to the upper part of the
Hall" (College Register, quoted by Stubbs, ib.).
(179) The street running at the back of High-street, just inside the City "Wall,
from St. Nicholas -street to the New Gate.
(180) At Ardee, on the 14th, James " met with intelligence, that about twelve sail
of the enemy's fleet were the day before up with the Skerries and fired many guns,
which drew the militia and such numbers down to the shore, that they durst not
venture upon it, but bore away large to the southward, where they ply'd too and
again, betwixt Hoath and Bullock, ^with a design, as it is thought, to animate the
malignant party (if any such were in Dublin) to rise." After a time " they vainly
stood off to sea and were soon out of sight" (Nibell, p. 221). This is in substantial
agreement with the account given in a letter of 30th September (S. P. D., p. 279). But
the ships were only five in number — frigates which left Carrickfergus 13th (qy. 12th)
September, under the command of Eooke. They landed 200 men at Skerries, and
entered Dublin Bay, on their way to Cork, which was reached on the 18th (S. P. D.,
pp. 257, 271 sq.}. The incident was made the pretext for prohibiting Protestants from
assembling for worship (S. P. I., chap, in., § 18, p. 215).
(181) The name does not occur in D' Alton's index. But it is possibly the
anglicized form of O'Donnell.
(182) From the Epistle for the 16th Sunday after Trinity.
(183) See note 180.
(184) "Anthony Beck, gentleman, of the City of Dublin," had sufficient property
to render desirable the making of a will, in which he provided for his wife and child.
It was signed 15th September, 1689, and proved in August, 1690. In it he named his
" loving and deaf friend, Thomas Crow, Esqr.," .one of the "overseers in trust of"
his will.
(185) Not quite accurate : " The scholars were all turned out by souldiers, and
ordered to carry nothing with 'em but their books. But Mr. Thewles [one of the
276 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Sep. y* 17. — The ships that lay at Skerrys came to ye harbour of
Dublin. One came in & obliged a ship or two which was yre to run
aground. They went off from thence towards Wicklow.186 Several
pieces of ordnance were placed on Bermingham's tower.187
Sep. 18. — It was said a wood boat from Wicklow was come in which
met the ships & y* they had taken off an Englishman who was on board
& given several letters to ye seamen to be delivered to yre friends in
Dublin, intimating y* ye French fleet needed not be feared & y* another
army was to be landed.
Sept. 19. — Tom W. came to see me & told me y* the K. camp & ye
invaders were near one another & a fight was expected every day. He
told me also y1 at Kilkeny about a fortnight ago there come (sic] a
granadier into church in time of service & committed several rude-
nesses & when he was turned out by force he went & raised ye people
upon them cryed out y * ye Protestants had murthered a granadier in Church
& buryed him in a vault. Upon which there was an assault made upon ye
Church, ye seats pulled up & ye people abused & worse had followed had
not ye governour come in & prevented it. He told me also y* a Lieut. &
a soldier were hanged in Thomas street for pressing horses & selling ym
afterwards. The great gun wh lay in ye Castle yard was taken away in
order to be melted & coined. We observed more yn ordinary crowding
& hufy in the Castle yard.
[63] — Sep. 20. — Mr F: came to us in the morning & told us y1 some-
thing or other was amiss with ye K. forces for they were out of humor.
About night 9 coachs were brought in with prisoners from a ship y* had
license to go out but was brought back again. L* Doyle came up & brought
Mr Welsh with him who served Alderman Ram.188 He turned me
fellows] and some others were not permitted to take their boots with 'em" (Stuhbs,.
ut sup.}.
(186) See above, note 180.
(187) This is not what is now known as the Birmingham Tower, and which is the only
one of the four original towers of the Castle still standing. This Tower was formerly
called the Wardrobe Tower, and marks the south-east corner of the quadrangle.
Birmingham's Tower stood at the south-west corner, and in it the Records were
preserved from 1579. They were transferred to the "Wardrobe Tower early in the last
century, and apparently the name of the tower went with them. The original
Birmingham's Tower was taken down and rebuilt in 1775 (W. J. Bayly, Historical
Sketch and Description of Dublin Castle, pp. 27, 28).
(188) Alderman Abel Ram, son of Abel Ram, of Ramsfort, Co. Wexford, and
grandson of Thomas Ram, Bishop of Ferns and Leighlin (1605-1634), was a gold-
smith. He took a leading part in the affairs of the city of Dublin for many years.
He was elected alderman in 1675-6 (A. R., p. 100), and served on the Water Com-
mittee in 1676 and 1685 (Ib., pp. Ill, 369). He was one of the Auditors of the City
Accounts from 1676 to 1687 (Ib., pp. 126, 147, 162, 182, 197, 224, 259, 292, 368,
409, 449), and again in 1690 and 1691 (Ib.t pp. 506, 525), treasurer of the fund lor
building the new Tholselin 1678 (Ib., pp. 157, 192), a member of the committee which
in 1683 and the following years investigated the finances of the city, which had been
impoverished by this work (Ib., pp. 269, 378), of a committee to consider a message
from Clarendon relative to the admission of Roman Catholics to the freedom of the
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 277
out of my closet & shut in Mr Welsh with wm the governor had ordered
none shoud speak. His crime was sending a bill of exchange to England.
He was not allowed a bed & yrefore I lent him my quilt off my bed.
Mr Short was confined after ye same manner in Mr Ormsby's closet & he
turned out. The constable of ye Castle allowed ym no beds.
Sep. 21. — Mr Welsh & Short were continued in yre several apart-
ments as formerly a mortar was placed in ye Castle yard instead of a
great gun.
Sep. 22.— I preached 2ce on Luke 14. I.189 In ye afternoon yre came
up to service Mr Bragstone & two R. C:
Sep. 23.— Dr F:190 came up & told us y1 his Church windows had
bin broken, y1 his people were disturbed by rude fellows at service, that
his mony had all been seized at Alderman Earns, and only 22d left
him. — [64] — Some 39 persons had bin taken up from ye 3 tuns in
Michael's Lane,191 who were in several rooms yre & hurry ed to several
prisons.
Sep. 2Jj.. — We heard y1 Schomberg kept his trenches and y* the
K was very earnest to have him fight,192 and that 500 barrels
of ale were imposed on the bruers of Dublin to be sent down to ye camp
every week, that the camp was in some want.
..Sep. #5.— Dr P. came again but brought us no news, only y* ye
protestants coud not meet two or three in a house to eat or drink but
they were clapt up ; that two coud not walk in the street but any rogue
that pleased woud seize on ym as the K. prisoners. We found that ye
persons brought into prison munday & tuesday were kept without meat,
Drink, candle, fire, bed, or so much as a stool to sit on.
city in 1686 (7i., pp. 391, 401), and of a committee to consider a proposal for build-
ing a workhouse in 1686-7 (#., p. 419). He was Lord Mayor for 1684-5 (Ib., p. 321),
and was knighted during his Mayoralty, 13th Novemher, 1684. He fled from Dublin
in 1688 or 1689, and was attainted. He died before January, 1693-4 (A. K,., vol. vi.,
p. 51). See also A. R., pp. 223, 247, 249 sg., 286 *q., 332, 382, 385, 397, 428, 443,
526.
(189) Gospel for the 17th Sunday after Trinity.
(190) Doubtless Nathaniel Foy, Scholar of Trinity College in 1663, Fellow of the
College in 1671, D.D. 16S4 (Cat. of Grads.). He was ordained Deacon, 20th October,
1669, and Priest, 29th May, 1670, both by the Bishop of Kildare, and was installed in
Kildare Cathedral as second Canou, 5th October, 1670 (Cotton, vol. ii., p. 250, vol. v.,
p. 19). He was minister of St. Bride's Church, Dublin, and suffered violence and
imprisonment in 1689 and 1690 (S. P. I., chap, in., § 19, p. 218). He was appointed
Bishop of Waterford in 1691, and died in Dublin, 31st December, 1707. See Carroll's
St. Zride's, p. 15 ; Cotton, vol. i., p. 130.
(191) Michael's-lane runs to the north from High-street, at the back of the
Synod Hall. The incident here referred to is more fully related under 27th
September. „
(192) Schomberg began to entrench himself on the 16th (Story, p. 19). See further
Introduction, p. 16.
278 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Sept. 26. — It was said that the K. had endeavoured to draw ym
enemys (sic] to a fight on Saturday before y* they woud not be
engaged193 y* the K. camp was not well provided: y1 a recruit of
4000 men came to Schomberg Sunday last & 40 ships194 y1 the like
was expected every month if he had occasion: y* Mcay195 was either
landed or to land with 8000 foot and 22 troops of horse : y* Sir Albert
Connyngham 195 or some persons from Sligo had fallen heavily on Coll.
Kelly,197 Sir TJlick Burk198 & his brother & their regiments near
boyle.
[65] — Sep. 27. — Mr Bragston came up in the afternoon & told us y*
he & a great many more to ye number of 30 had been driven from the
three tun tavern on this account — one Fitzgerald came in & enquired
for a room, they told him that all ye rooms were full, he swore they were
full with whiggs & that he woud empty them immediately, and he came
with L* Doyle & some musquetiers & drove ym all through the street,
some to ye Castle some to ye marshalsea199 y* he with above twenty
more were put into one room & there kept all night without bed fire or
other conveniency. the next morning some made yre application to ye
governour Luttrell200 some he released without fees & some paid 2lb
10" or thereabout others were kept still yre was no crime or pretence
of crime laid to yre charge. We likewise learnt that it was ye
common practice for Doyle & others to get fees or affront protestants,
(193) This attempt was made on Saturday, 21st. September. See Introduction,
p. 134.
(194) On Sunday, 22nd September, Hewitt's Horse and Ingoldsby's Foot reached the
camp (Story, p. 24). " This afternoon [i.e. 20th September] came the first of our
Ships up to Dundalk from Carlingford with Ammunition and Provisions " (ib.} p. 22).
(195) Mackay, the "Williamite general in Scotland (?).
(196) Sir Albert Cunningham, or Conyngham, was the second son of Alexander
Cunningham, Dean of Raphoe (1630-1660), who settled at Mount Charles, Co. Donegal,
He was appointed Lieutenant of Ordnance in Ireland in 1660, and knighted (not, how-
ever, by Charles IT., as Lodge states) about 1666. He was dismissed by James II.
in 1686, attainted in 1689, and killed by Rapparees 5th Sept., 1691. By his wife
Mary, daughter of Robert Leslie, Bishop successively of Dromore, Raphoe and
Clogher, he had six sons and three daughters, one of whom was married to James
Bonnell (see above, note 106). The Marquess Conyngham is his descendant in the
female line (Lodge, vol. vii., p. 180; S. P. I., p. 244). For the incident here men-
tioned see Introduction p. 17. The substance of this note and much else I owe to
G. D. Burtchaell, Esq.
(197) Colonel Charles 0' Kelly, of Screen, County Gal way, author of Macariae
Excidium. See O'Callaghan's Memoir in his edition of that work, pp. xi-xix ;
D' Alton, p. 118.
(198) Sir TJlick Burke, Baronet, was one of the members for the County Galway
in the Parliament of 1689. See below, note 216.
(199) " An apartment in the Black Dog Prison [Newgate -street] was used as the
Sheriff's Prison or Marshalsea until the ' City Marshalsea ' was established in 1704, on
the Merchants' Quay, between Skipper's-alley and Swan-alley, where it continued tiU
1805 " (Irish Builder, vol. xxix., p. 42).
(200) Simon Luttrell, eldest son of Thomas Luttrell, of Luttrellstown, County
Dublin, was a son-in-law of Sir Thomas Newcomen, and had been Lieutenant- Colonel
in his regiment. He was appointed Governor of Dublin by James. He died in
1698 (D. N. B., xxxiv., p. 301 ; D' Alton, p. 345).
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 279
to run about to eating houses & taverns or wherever they think ta-
meet gentlemen together & to drive ym to jail.
[*] — 201 Sep. 21. — Mr Pierson came up & gave us account of his con-
finement in the College, y* he had bin clapt up before & bailed but yet
was taken again. Twenty of ym were put into ye same room without
fire or beds & y* powder was laid in the room under ym & they were
told y* if the stirred they shoud be blown up.202 Y* on Sunday, Mr8
"Whiteside came wth her children to see her husband & y* the officer
came & turned her out.203 A tenant of Mr Crows who lives on the
Comb came to him & told y* as he came up he was questioned by the
centry and y* he told him he went up to Mr Crow who was in prison
with Cpt P. & Dean K. Cap* F. sd an officer named Ruth, I wonder
what keep him there, for why do they not put y* rogue out of pain.
Mem: Y* on ye 26 Mrs L. came to se me & told me y* one came into ye
extange204 to buy a purse to put gold in, which he had robbed from
one Mrs Taylor & y* Mr P. was robbed of 3 cards of silver or gold lace,
openly in his shop, y* some who had robbed Mr Longfield a papist205
were put in prison but they secretly let such escape not daring to-
punish a vice so universall.
[66] — The guards & centrys were very strict & woud not suffer
(201) These two paragraphs are written on a loose sheet of paper slipped in between
pp. 65, 66.
(202) King repeats this statement, on the authority of Sir John Davis, S. P. I.,,
chap, in., § 7, p. 93. Compare 16th September.
(203) Whiteside was a prisoner in the Castle, but clearly not in the same part of
it as King. See below, 30th October. And for the present incident, compare 5th
September, 5th October.
(204) TheTholselof Dublin was at the corner of Skinners' -row (now Christ Church-
place) and Nicholas -street. It was rebuilt in 1683. In the upper storey was the
Exchange, a room sixty feet in length, the windows of which were on the west side of the
building, looking out on Nicholas -street (Gilbert, vol. i., p. 165, sqq. ; A. R., pp. xxxiii,
46, 96, 101, 111, 153, 156, 157, 170, 192, 197, 254-257, 267, 269, 271, 291, 319, 348).
(205) Perhaps the same as "Mr. Robert Longfield, a Cpnvert, and Clerk of the
Quit-rents and Absentees Goods" (S. P. L, chap, in., § 12, p. 157, and p. 336). A
letter from Mr. Robert Longfield to King, of the date 8th July, 1690, is preserved in.
Mrs. Lyons' collection. From it, it appears that Lougfield was a Roman Catholic,
280 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
people to come to us. Twas whispered yl ye K. was expected back very
soon & yl men were landed near Cork,206 but we supposed it might
be only such an alarm as had bin at Dublin.
Sept. 29. — I preached twice on 1 Cor. 14.207 & administered the
holy sacrament. 13 of us received. Mrs L: came to see her brother &
told us y* last week Mrs Frank Sarcfield told her that it was resolved in
Council 6 weeks ago that Dublin shoud be burnt if ye K: were worsted
•& how, — but we lookt on this only as designed to make the citizens
more zealous for ye K:s service when they thought yre own preservation
depended on it it was told us y* a tallow chandler in fish shamble
street had all his goods to ye value of an 100lb seized & taken away
because he asked more yn ye proclamation allowed for a pound of candles.
Twas observed in the order by ye deputy mayor for ye rate208 goods such
as were known to be most in ye hands of protestants were underrated ;
such as butter, beer, &c.
[67.] — Mr Weaver told us his wool & the wool of some other
gentlemen to ye valu of 700lb was seized on by ye comissioners.209
Yre came up Cap* Mcgrah210 & another & dined with us the discourse was
about the Raperys who they said had ruined the country & the K.
It was sd ye K. had commanded ye country between Drogheda & Dundalk
to be burnt.211 Coll. "Worrens room was all floting with water. We
offered him a place for his bed in one of our rooms but he did not accept
it. We shewed Mr Doyle his room & desired him to procure him
another he sd he coud procure him one below but not above.
{. 30. — Mrs Shaw came up to se me & told me that Alderman
Bams books were taken & all his mony & goods discovered that his ser*8
well thought of by King and Bonnell, who befriended absentee Protestants under
James II. He asks to be informed "why a warr1 is issued ag* " him. From an
enclosed paper, in which his good deeds to the Protestants are enlarged upon, we learn
that " Mr. Longfield is reflected on about seizing Absentees goods in this Citty" — the
charges made against him being, of course, according to his contention, entirely un-
founded. A List of the several Persons in Civil Offices under the late King in Ireland,
printed in London, 1689, however, significantly informs us that he " manages all matters
about Absentees Goods, & Estates, & all that People are robbed of." On the seizing
of the property of absentees, see S. P. I., chap, in., § 11, p. 128 sq., p. 390 (recte, 408).
(206) Rooke's frigates had arrived there 18th September. See note 180. They
landed and took possession of " the Great Island," on the 20th (S. P. D., p. 272).
(207) No doubt this means 1 Cor. i. 4, a verse from the Epistle for the 18th Sunday
after Trinity.
(208) The words ' ye rate ' are added above the line. This sentence is expanded in
S.P.I., chap, in., § 11, p. 140 ; from which we learn that Alderman Edmund Reilly was
the deputy-mayor, and that his order regulating prices of goods sold in Dublin was
issued 27th September, 1689. See also A. R., pp. 618-622, where the order is given
at full length.
(209) Compare S.P. I., chap, m., § 11, p. 140.
(210) There were three captains of this name in King James's Army (D' Alton,
p. 327). Any one of these may be the person here mentioned.
(211) On 23rd September the Jacobite Army burnt the forage between the two
<;amps (Story, p. 24).
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 281
were turned out of ye house, y* severall persons were disturbed for con-
cealing some of his goods y* mony belonging to severall persons were
(sic) taken with him y* his two old aunts were in danger of — [68]
starving yre money being seized amongst ye rest.212 Mr Short was
ill & I spoke to Dardis about him. Dr Mercer was buryed.213
October 1. — Mr Ormsby, upon his petition to Coll: Lutterel,214
procured an order, to visite his wife and waite on My Lord Chief B.
about some business. We heard from ye camp y* the K: had thoughts
of returning. Y* 24 troops of Enniskilling horse and 8 troops of
Dragoons with 3,000 foot had joined Schomberg. We hear y* about
600 men, horse and foot, from Sligo, commanded by Lloyd and
Gore215 had surprised 4 regiments at Eoyle and driven the country y*
Sr Albert Cuningham had ye Government of ye county and y* ye E,. C.
come under his protection & were in perfite peace, plowing and sowing
ye lands ; but we coud not believe such storys.216 Twas sd Dr Fitz-
Maurice had pd his fees and gotten out. We heard y* severall frenchmen
made it yr business to go from house to house and pull Ldys out of
yr beds.
October 2. — I heard y* one of my parishioners had broken his neck
out of a window, being distracted by a — [69] — feavour, as suposed.
But I heard likewise y* ye crowners inquest had found him felo de se —
some sd to get his goods, being left by his son-in-law Mr Topless in his
house.
Mr Ormsby went out in the morning with 2 soldiers for keepers,
he returned at night. I heard y* Friday, Saturday and Sunday last, the
corn between Dundalk and Drogheda, was burnt217; y* Murray was
landed with some men, y1 ye King was about to decamp, y* ye business
(212) Compare 23rd September.
(213) Probably George Mercer, M.D., father of Mary Mercer, the foundress of
Mercer's Hospital and Mercer's School, in Dublin. He was a Scholar (1664) and
Fellow (1670) of Trinity College. When Vice-Provost he was removed by Archbishop
Francis Marsh for being married, in 1687 (Catalogue of Graduates ; University Calendar
for 1901, vol. ii., p. 433).
(214) Simon Luttrell, Governor of Dublin.
(215) Thomas Lloyd, the " little Cromwell," was the leader of the Enniskilleners in
many conflicts, though not himself an Enniskillen man. When the force was organised
by Kirk he was made a Lieutenant- Colonel of Foot. On his exploits, see Hamilton
passim, Lough Erne, p. 28 ; Dalton's English Army List, vol. iii., p. 121. He seems
to have died before 1st March, 1690 (S. P. D., p. 489). For Francis Gore, who was
Lieut. -Col. of Tiffin's Regiment of Enniskilleners, see Dalton, op. cit., vol. ii.,
p. 122.
(216) Compare above under 26th September. Story (p. 25) gives an exaggerated and
otherwise inaccurate account of this victory, the news of which, he says, reached
Dundalk on 27th September. There is a more trustworthy reference to it in S. P. D.,
p. 277 ; but the primary authority is Lloyd's despatch, from which the account in
the Introduction (p. 135) is taken. Lloyd makes no mention of Gore or the Burkes
taking part in the battle, nor of Sir Albert Cunningham being made Governor.
King might well be sceptical about the truth of a report that the Roman Catholics
were " sowing the lands" in September!
(217) Compare above, note 211. This second burning is not mentioned by Story.
o <z A T S Vo1- xm-> Fifth Series. I T,
Jour. R.S.A.I. | Vo] XXX1II<) Consec. Ser. j
282 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
of Boyle was tru. Ye Guards were crosse to us. some furniture was
"brought back to ye Castle. We heard Cp1 Nicolas had his doors broken
open by ye patrol.218 Ye people in Wexford had 10 days allowed ym
to sow yre seed & yn ye protestants were comanded to surrender ymselves
to Jail. Lord Clare219 went to Munster on Sunday, tho' a rainy
day.
October 3. — Mr Spike220 came up and shewed me 2 letters from ye
camp, intimating y1 the King woud not return so soon as was expected.
Some Regiments marched to ye county of Longford to reduce, as
supposed Sr Th: Newcomen's party.221 Ye bridge of Lanesborough
was said to be broken. Mrs Ormsby, about a week ago, when her
child was sick and coud not suck — [*] — lest she shoud lose her milk,
had taken a poor woman's child named to suck her
brest for a night, she returned the child in ye morning with a coat and
shilling. This day, ye woman was sent with a guard by Cap1 Reilly (a
militia Cap1 of new row,222 who had bin I hear a porter) to seize Mrs
Orsmby (sic} for murthering ye woman's child, and to bring her before
ye Cap1 ye woman had told her y1 sjie woud prove this, if she woud not
give her mony & it seems had don it and also y1 MrsOrinsby had offered
her 40s to conceal it. Mrs 0. who had lain in about a fortnight ago,
got out of the way, & Cap1 Holcroft satisfied ye guard ; after search ye
child was found at . There was a order proclaimed
"by beat of Drum, y1 every housekeeper shoud bring in an account of
what officers lodged in yre house, they came accordingly in the afternoon
to give yre account, but yre was no body appointed to receive it.
Oct. y* 4- — Mr Short and Mr "Welsh were caryed to ye commissioners
and brought back again. We heard from severall hands y1 forces were
landed in Munster, but nothing certain an express came in very early.
It was said y1 the King's camp was much destressed for — [71] — drink &
was very sickly. Mr -Bardel(?)2123 came up & told us Captain McGragh
(218) Perhaps Captain John Nicholas, of Lazy Hill, a prominent parishioner of
St. Andrew's ( Worthies, pp. 27, 28 ; A.R., pp. 246, 279). His signature appears in the
Vestry Book of the parish as late as 25th March, 1695.
(219) Daniel O'Bryan, Lord Clare, a member of the Privy Council, and Colonel of
a Dragoon Regiment. He fought at the Boyne and died shortly afterwards. (D'Alton,
p. 315.)
(220) A story is told in S.P.I., chap, in., § 13, p. 167, ahout a Mr. William Spike,
-a Protestant, who held " a small employment " "in the Castle." We are told more
definitely in Full and True Account, p. 3, that he "had the keeping of the Keys of that
Place," while a contemporary pamphlet entitled An Account of the present State Ire-
land is in, under King James : And the deplorable Condition of the Protestants (" Licensed,
Feb. 21, 1690"), describes him as "an English Man" who was "Surveyor of
the King's Buildings." See also S. P. I., Appendix 35, p. 401 (recte 419).
(221) Story (p. 28) mentions a report that the Duke of Berwick was sent about this time
towards Enniskillen " with a considerable body of horse," " to rescue Major-General
Maccarty," probably the same expedition as that mentioned in the text.
(222) New Row was just outside the walls to the west, running from New Gate to
Ormond Gate.
(223) The name may perhaps be Burdet.
DIARY OF WILLIAM KING, D.D., ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN. 283
lodged in Mr Turner's house was cashiered for being civil to y*
protestants in prison, in the new hospitall. 224 Dr Foy came up, and
told me yHhe town was very miserable, by sickness, want of fire and
great poverty ; yl the Lord Mayor 225 had instead of making turf cheap
by setting a rate on it, quit hindered ye coming of it to town, ye country
people having resolved not to sell it, at ye rate prescribed. Coll: Warren,
did not get his room as promised. Ye munster mail brought no letters
from Kinsale, Cork, or the towns yre about, so we were told.
(224) The Royal Hospital, Kilmainham, built in 1684. It was still called the
'New Hospital' some years after the date of the Diary. (R. A., vol. vi., p. 19 ; cf.
•S.P. D., p. 95).
(225) Terence Dennott, or MacDermott (A. R., p. lii).
(To be continued.)
U2
( 284 )
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY THE ANGLO-NORMANS
AFTER A.D. 1237.
BY H. T. KNOX, M.R.I.A., FELLOW.
(Continued from -page 189.)
PART V.
THE KING'S CANTREDS.
HHHE King of England seems to ti"ave had no land in Connaught,
except perhaps a small tract near Athlone, until after the attack
which Cathal Crovderg made on the English of Athlone in 1199. It
is not certain that the Athlone of that time extended west of the
Shannon. The king then took up so much as enabled him to make
grants.
In 1200 Geoffrey de Costentin was given in fee the cantred of
Tirierachbothe by the service of five knights.1 It was the country about
the parish of Drum, and took this name Tir Fhiachrach bhfeadha from
the O'Naghtens, the Ui Fiachrach Finn, formerly of Moenmoy, but now
of the Feadha, The Woods, a name of the country near Athlone.
Richard Tirel got Dungalue,2 which looks most like Dungaillve,
Galway, but I think must be Gaille, Galley, on Lough Ree. No more is
known of Tirels in these parts except that Gerald Tirel was sheriff
from 1303 to 1306.
To this period is referred the grant of the " vill of Adlon, the mills
and one carucate of land near that vill," which the king had in his hand,
in 1225, for which he ordered 15 librates of land to be given to Richard
de Twit.3 In 1234 Richard was given an annuity of £15 until pro-
vided with other lands.4
By a settlement made with Cathal Crovderg in 1204 the king was
to have two cantreds of land in Connaught. A fresh set of grants now
appears.
In 1207 King John pardoned Gilbert de Angulo and his brother Philip.
The former, as I have already noted, had a grant in fee of " a cantred
of land in Estyre, Wintelmolman, Ul'unan and Nyaki," by the service
of four knights.5 Of these names, Muinter Mailfhinnain and O'Loman
are about Finnure, in Abbeygorniican parish. I cannot make out Estyre
and Nyaki. Estyre seems to represent some name such as Aes Tire,.
1 D. I. i., 137. For explanation of references, see p. 294. 2 D. I. i., 153.
3 D.I. i., 1261. * D.I. i., 2173, 2176. & D.I. i., 354.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 285
People of Land . This fee was afterwards in the de Burgo part of
Connaught, but not held under the general grant (Inq. A). Richard de
Burgo appears therefore to have taken it over separately from de Angulo.
In the same year John Marshall had a grant in fee " of the cantred in
which the vill of Kilmie is situated " for the service of five knights.1
It is afterwards called Kilman, and is Kilmeane, near Roscommon. To
this period should be assigned the grant to Philip de Angulo of the
cantred of Roscommon.
In 1210 the Castle of Athlone was built, and new arrangements
were made to provide a demesne for it. In 1213 the king ordered
Geoffrey de Costentin to be given land in exchange for what he had near
Athlone. In 1215 he was given the cantred of Trituatha for the service
of four knights. In 1229 it was ordered that this cantred be taken up,
and that thirty knights' fees outside the twenty knights' fees next the
Castle of Athlone be given to him instead.2 These fees may have been
given inMaghfinn, the parish of Taghmaconnell, which does not appear
in the records, though it was in the middle of the king's lands.
In 1215 new arrangements were made with Cathal Crovderg. They
account for taking up Trituatha, and for the grant of annuities of twenty-
five marks and of ten marks to John Marshall and Philip de Angulo, until
the king give them lands instead of the cantreds of Kilman and
Roscommon, in possession of the King of Connaught.3
These facts show that the king's two cantreds were Tirmany and
Omany, and that the king left the northern part in Cathal's hands,
dealing himself only with the Woods and Omany, which seem to have
been treated as a cantred, and as to that only with the part close to
Athlone. Thus things remained for many years, so far as occupation by
the English is concerned, the rest of the king's cantreds always being in
actual possession of the Irish.
From 1252 the king had effective direct possession of all Omany. Sir
Richard de la Rochelle's grant has been mentioned before, but without
details. In that year Oliver de Asprevijle had a grant, for the service of
one knight, of the vills of Glinehelchy, Deredeglatha, Haghdrum,
Hakedriny, and Clankinhyniscan. These he sold to Sir Richard, who
himself had a grant on the 5th July, 1253, of 20 librates of land next
to Oliver de Aspreville's lands, to hold in fee for the service of one-half
a knight's fee, and on the same day licence to erect a gallows, etc., and
to have assizes, etc., and free warren in his demesne lands in Haghedrinn'
and Clonkin, in Hunesclan, Glinehelchi, and Dereglatha, which are the
Aspreville lands, with varied spelling. On the following day he got a
confirmation of the grant in fee, in which they are called four vills,
namely, Clinehelchi, Deredeglatha, Hakedriny, and Clonkin, Hinesclan.
But Haghdrum is omitted. It may be included in another denomination.
1D.I. i., 353. 2 D.I. i., 508, 590, 1719. 3 D. I. i., 537, 909, 630, 1989.
286 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
It is Aughrim, which was part of the Kochelle estate. The other
places I cannot make out.1 There is no description of the 20 librates.
In 1270 Sir Richard gave a manor in England to John of Arderne in
exchange for land "in the fee of Crohone, in the cantred of Tirmany,
Connaught, of the gift of Edward, the K.'s eldest son."2 This is the
only reference to John of Arderne's grant. Crohone was a denomination
of land in Killian barony,3 and seems to he a form of Cremhthann,
Cruffon. Sir Richard died soon after this, and was succeeded by his son
Philip, a minor. Philip's petition in 1282 gives interesting information
regarding the management of such estates by absentee owners, and by
the king during wardship.4 It recites that Sir Richard was enfeoffed of
the cantred of Omany by the service of seven knights, and a yearly rent
of £125 for a portion of the land. It is evident that Sir Richard had
acquired other grants ; he had taken another direct grant of 25 villatae
at £5 each. In 1267 there was a " confirmation of grants made by
Edward, the king's son, to Richard de la Rochelle, of the cantred of
Omany, and to Richard de Thoythe of that of Tyrmany, called Clon-
nodath.6 Clan Uadach is the tribe name and land of the 0' Fallen s in
Cam and Dysert parishes. Sir Richard was a minister of Prince
Edward, and appears to have speculated in land, making up a great
estate to be developed hereafter, for it is said that he did not make the
rent which was deducted from his salary.6 The petition goes on to say
that the escheator took possession after Sir Richard's death. " As it was
all waste and no man inhabited it," the escheator pressed the Irish who
had before held the land to come back and take it. They refused unless
they had it for a term. He let it for a term. "When Philip came of age,
the escheator demanded the rent rendered by Sir Richard when it was
in herbage and in good peace. Philip could in that year take no more
than the escheator had assessed. Robert de Ufford came afterwards as
justiciary, and demanded full rent. Philip said he could not raise the
rent except by help of justice, which he prayed. The justiciary ordered
bailiffs to distrain. The Irish heard of this, and made peace with him
for a fine. Jordan de Exeter came and seized chattels worth £200 and
more. Jordan de Exeter must have acted in this as sheriff.
It was ordered that Philip should have relief.
Philip sold the manors of Aththrym and Suthkyn to Theobald Butler
before 1293. When Philip's widow claimed dower out of them, one-
third was valued at £40 4s. 4£^.7
Edmund Butler applied for a reduction of rent in 1305.8 The jurors
reported that his father and brother could never levy the full rent of the
25 villatae which Sir R. de la Rochelle held at £5 per villata. The
1D.I.ii., 35, 223, 224, 226.
3H. W.C. 319.
5 D.I. ii., 823.
7 D.I. iv., 765, 766, 814; v., 198.
2 D. I. ii., 878.
4 D. I. ii., 198.
6 D.I. v., 198.
8 D. I. v., 198.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 287
part of the Inquisition relating to value is mutilated, but it shows that
they put a veiy low value owing to the difficulty of defence against the
Irish. Edmund apparently got no relief then ; but he got a remission
for life of all rent and arrears on 22nd September, 1309.
Nothing indicates the situation of the 25 villatae, but it is at least
probable that Lord Ormond's 24 qrs. of Toahbreny, in 1585, represent
them.1 The Butlers established a colony at Aughrim, and the place was
burnt by Ui Maine in 1308 ( L.C.). The entry is not very intelligible, but
I understand it to mean that the O'Kellys burnt Aughrim, and took a
number of prisoners at Ahascragh, and that they let them go, and gave
Edmund Butler satisfaction for burning Aughrim.
The town was burnt again, and its castle thrown down, in 1315 (L.C.).
Suthkyn and Suthyn is the Irish Suicin, which is at Ballinasloe. The
parish of Sukyn in the Taxation of 1306 is that now called Creagh.
This estate extended to the east of the Suck.
It was made up of —
1. The Aspreville grant about Aughrim, by service of 1 knight's fee.
2. 20 librates of land adjoining, by service of ^ knight's fee.
3. 25 villatae, at £5 each.
4. Other lands, how acquired does not appear, but they probably
included the Arderne property in Crohone in Tirmany, by
service of 5^ knight's fee.
The king took Tirmany also into his own hands after Aedh O'Conor's
outbreak in 1249, for a short time only. He made a grant to Eoger
de Lokinton in 1253. I find no trace of any other grant. It is mentioned
in 1253 that Pelim held four cantreds at the king's pleasure. The calendar
shows no further dealings with Tirmany until the castle of Roscommon
was built. I infer, therefore, that it was restored to Eelim at once,2 the
king retaining only his castles and their demesnes. Felim paid £300
yearly for the three cantreds he held in fee-farm.
In 1275 Teige O'Conor, who was king from 1274 to 1278, applied for
a lease of Connaught.3
Sir Robert Ufford came again as justiciary in 1276. It appears from
the Inquisition of 1305,4 reporting upon Earl Richard's application for a
grant or sale to him of Silmurray, that from the time of the death of
Felim O'Conor until Robert d'TJfford came again as justiciary ....
nothing was taken from that land except from one cantred called Omany ;
and that " the said Robert, at his second arrival, demised to O'Conor
two and a-half cantreds ... to wit, the cantred of Moylurg Tirelele,
and the cantred . . . of land which is called Clonmacganenaa,* which
belonged to Richard de Calne, and is now in the hands of the K. ... of
1H.W.C. 319. 2 D.I. ii., 237, 713. 3 D.I. ii., 1135.
4 D. I. v., 437. 5 Trituatha.
288 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Richard, and the half-cantred of Moyhe, rendering yearly to the king
100 . . . ," and that the two and a-half cantreds would be worth 100
marks in time of peace.
The arrangement by Sir Robert must have been with Aedh Muimh-
nech or his successor Cathal. The latter gave a bond for 1000 marks of
silver to have his portion. This is recorded in 1285, l but may have been
much earlier, as it is quoted from the Roll of Stephen, Bishop of Water-
ford, who succeeded Sir Robert at the close of 1281. Maghnus 0' Conor,
who succeeded Cathal, paid £15 13s. Qd. of rent in 1292.2 It does not
appear what became of the other half-cantred of Moyhe. I think that
there was no other half-cantred — that it is the same as "the cantred,"
and that it was given by Stephen to the head of the clan of Cathal
Crovderg when displaced in the sovereignty by Cathal of Clan Murtough
Mweenagh, and that the three cantreds became one tenure again when
Aedh, head of the former clan, gained the sovereignty in 1293.
The Inquisition speaks of two and a-half cantreds as then in question,
which suggests, considering that Earl Richard desired to take up all the
king's land which was not in Tirmany and Omany, but in the hands of
the Irish, that the cantred of Moy Ai was sometimes called the half-
cantred, because about half of the ancient Moy Ai was in the de Burgo
grant and in the north of Tirmany, near Roscommon. Moreover, there
seems to be evidence that King Aedh held the <: three cantreds of Felim "
in 1299, and that Cathal held two cantreds.3 There is no other reference
to the grant to Richard de Calne, which seems to have been immediately
surrendered to the king, and to have been one of those made during war,
which were annulled by peace.
When Henry III. made his eldest son Lord of Ireland, a grant of
land worth £500 a year to Godfrey de Lezignan was to be satisfied out
of the king's waste lands in Connaught. In 1254 Godfrey was given a
grant in fee of four and a-half cantreds ; but he said that the land was
not worth so much, and refused it. In 1255, in order to settle the
question between Godfrey and Edward, Godfrey agreed to an order made
by the king that Edward should take the cantred in which the king's
castles are and the castles, i.e. Tirmany, and one other cantred ; that there
should be no question regarding the land which Eelim O'Conor held on
lease ; that Godfrey should have the other two cantreds, be they worth
more or less. This effected a settlement; for on the 9th December,
1255, Godfrey executed a deed-poll to this effect. Edward "having
granted to him. in fee the cantred of Tyrmany in Connaught (where the
Oscalli dwell), Maillourg and Tyrelele, with a cantred, and the homage
and services of Richard de la Rochelle, Jordan of Exeter, and others
holding there, in place of 500 librates given to him by the K., his
1 D. I. iii., 172. 2D. I. iii., 1148.
3 O'Conor, "The O'Conors of Connaught," p. 127, quoting Pipe Eolls, 1292-
1299.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 289
rother ; Godfrey wills and grants that if he shall sell, mortgage, or
exchange these lands, the Lord Edward [shall be entitled] to the said
omage and services against all men." On 8th November, 1256, Edward
ncelled this by giving Godfrey the manor of Lonth and Castle Frank,
in Ireland, for £140 £ year, with £160 a year of land in England, and
an annuity of £200, until he supplies 200 librates in Ireland.1 These
proceedings are instructive in showing what was considered to be the
fair profit to be got by the lord of such lands.
There are notices of some other grants in Tirmany. John de Sandford,
afterwards Archbishop of Dublin, had a grant from Sir Richard Fitz John,
who was Edward's seneschal from 1254, and the King's Justiciary from
1261, until Sir R. de TJJffiord came in 1268,2 of 5 villatae, namely,
uiiochogenath, Rathmolony, Corbally, Fiegkilbride, and Clony.3 Eieg-
bride is part of Kilbride parish, also called Eidhmonach. He had also,
fore he became archbishop, the grant, already mentioned,4 of Clancon-
ay and some other lands, amounting to 20 vills in the theodum of
lanconway and 10 vills without it.5 William Fitzwarin had been
reviously enfeoffed of one carucate therein, a portion most likely of
0 librates of land given him in 1270 by service of half a knight's fee.6
etween 1280 and 1285 John Huse was given 10 librates of land and £20
fortify it.7
John Mape had a grant of 100s. worth of lands; but in 1284 had
given only one and a-half carucate, leaving one carucate still due.8
He was given 15 marks "to make the causeway of Tawyrfin in Con-
naught."9 He was constable of Eandown in 1275 and 1276, arid Henry
Fitz Leo was constable of Roscomnion at same time.10
Moyvannan was let to "William de Prene at 100s. a year ; but he
could not raise the money in consequence of the wars in a.r. I5i 16, 17. u
t seems to have been surrendered by him. Afterwards Richard de Exeter
it. It lies near Kiltoom.
In 1299 Sir R. de Aston, an absentee, was allowed to enfeoff William
e Irish of Kiltek and Castelmetegan, and Peter Sprot of Ardlekyn and
Tholyogenedy, for a fine of £5 in each case. These men are described as
idents.12 Kiltek and Castelmetegan are Coolteige and Cashelmeehan
ownlands in Kilbride parish. Ardlekyn is Ardlagheen in Cloonygor-
ican. Tholyogenedy might be Tully in Kilbride. Sir Richard Fitz John
imself held as tenant-at-will, until grants in fee were made, Moyvannan,
cranan, Behach, and Carnach, and several other townlands.13 Carnach
now Carnagh, a large tract to north of Moyvannan. I do not identify
ranan and Behach.
I D. I. ii., 321, 365, 447, 448, 478, 524. 2 D. I. ii., 358, 715.
3 " Liber Niger Alani," No. 602, in Journal, vol. xxvii., p. 169.
4 Journal, vol. xxxi., p. 370. 5 D. I. ii., 2115.
6 D.I. iv., 108, 1293. 7 D. I. iii., 79.
8 D.I. ii., 2364. 9 D. I. ii., 1890. 10 D. I. ii., 237, 337.
II D. I. iii., 528. 12D.I. iv., 604, 655, 691. 13 D. I. ii., 1613.
290 KOYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
The Richard de Exeter estate, of which but a part was in Galway,
has been mentioned. The detailed history is of some interest.
Sir Richard the elder was a Government servant of high rank and
importance; was the justiciary's lieutenant when Robert de Ufford left
in 1270, and then spent £90 in fortifying Roscommon Castle; Chief
Justice of the Common Pleas in 1273; constable of the Castles of Ros-
common and Randown in 1282, 3, 4 ; and was killed in battle in Thomond
in 1287.1 Though so considerable a person, very little more is known
about him, and that little is in the Annals of Multifarnham, which
really belong to the Dominican House of Strade or Athlethan, and cease
abruptly after 1274, the year of the foundation of the House of Rath-
fran. They particularly record events connected with Sir Richard's
family, and are supposed to have been written by brother Stephen de
Exeter. The death of John is noted in 1260. Him I suspect to have
been Sir Richard's father, for Lord Richard then comes into view. The
death of his first and his second wife, and his marriage to Lady Ysemain,
daughter of Lord David de Prendergast, and the birth of their son John in
1270, are noted. His son Richard, who succeeded him, was an elder son.2
I take him to be a relation of the de Exeter lords of Athlethan. His
line decayed in the fourteenth century, and dropped out of sight. The
Annals of Multifarnham ignore the Clan Jordan. The Irish Annals,
except those of Innisfallen, which record Sir Richard's death in 1287,
ignore this branch of the family.
Sir Richard is likely to have been the founder of Rathfran Monastery,
regarding which various traditions have been recorded, and which is with
most probability assigned to a de Exeter. A lord of Athlethan is not likely
to have founded it. Sir Richard had become eminent at that time, and was
in a position to take up land there. Mac Eirbis gives a pedigree, quoted
in Ordnance Survey Letters, of de Exeter of Rathfran up to Sir Richard.
Though it is certainly inaccurate in some respects, it is quite likely that
descendants of Sir Richard continued there in obscurity.3 Mac Eirbis
and O'Clery are certainly in error in their de Exeter pedigrees in the
thirteenth century. Sir Richard did not come with Strongbow, and was
not father of Jordan Mor and Jordan Og, ancestors of Clan Jordan of
Gallen. But another Richard may have been father of Sir Richard, or
of his father John, and of Jordan of Gallen, and have been a companion
of Maurice Eitz Gerald at the conquest of Connaught. The Irish his-
torians were not accurately acquainted with the Anglo-Norman families
until the fourteenth century.
To the period of the building of Roscommon Castle I refer Sir Richard's
acquisition of the de Lokinton grant of 1253, 10 librates of land in
Tirmany, called Slef and Muinassan, named in full in other references as
1 D. I. ii., p. 151, Nos. 947, 1907, 2034, 2310.
2 Irish Archaeological Society's Tracts, vol. ii.
3 A de Exeter was there in 1585 (15 D.K. 4731, «« Tho. Delirytor of Raurcany").
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 291
Slefschenechoch and Monecassan. Slef appears in the sixteenth century as
" the Slewe."1 It is the Slieveshancough which gave a name to Abbey
Grey, in the parish of Athleague, and seems to be the same as the tract
called Slievenmrry, in early times Sliabh Furri, in the parish of Killeroran,
a name once evidently covering a very large area, and known shortly as.
"the Mountain." Monecassan is the name Muinecasain, in the parish of
Ballymacward;2 but considering the distance between the localities, it is,
I think, unsafe to take identity of name as marking the place. It is more
likely to be a place nearer Slievemurry. Casan enters into several town-
land names not very far off.
The castle of Athleague was broken down in 127 1.3 It must be taken
to have been built about the same time as Roscommon Castle, not earlier.
A period of warfare ensued, until Sir Eobert de TJfford restored Ros-
common Castle, when Athleague Castle seems to have been restored.
Robert de TJfford gave Sir Richard 20 librates of land in Connaught
to hold in fee-farm by the service of half a knight's fee. The king con-
firmed the grant in June, 1280, remitted rent due and for a year in
advance.4 These lands were 8 villatae, which appear in 4 lists, with
variations of spelling, out of which I adopt the following forms : —
VILLATAE.
Tobyrnechalpye,
Rathf aret,
Lystefchy,
Conyllesty,
Naracheyn,
Corkylbraugyle,
Corcreppan,
Dengynmacossan,
(D. I. iv., 806.)
IDENTIFIED WITH
Sahara, townland in Eahara Parish.
Liscoffy, townland in Athleague Parish.
Coullusty, „ „ „
Araghty(P), „
Cartronkilly, townland in Dysart Parish.
Knockadangan, townland in Athleague.
At about the same time he had a grant of 30 librates in fee-farm, for
which the following, called seven townlands, were assigned : —
VILLATAE.
Kylcoyssch, | villata,
Stregachcrynyn, J villata,
Behach,
Screnan,
IDENTIFED WITH
Kilcash, townland in Ealmeane Parish.
Scregg, townland in Killinvoy Parish.
! These were in Eichard Fitz John's holding,
and seem to have been in this neighbour-
hood.
Ardmullen, townland in Cam Parish.
Ardmolan, . .
Drumcloghry, . .
Lysmorechethan and Cownach, Richard Fitz John's holding.
(Funchinagh townland, in Tisrara Parish
Funchinagh Lake, in Cam Parish.
Duthaidh Lochlainn in Irish (?).
*H.W. C. 319.
3 L. C., Clonmacnoise, Multifarnaam.
2 H. M. 72.
4 D. L ii., 1704.
292 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
These contain 15 carucates of arable land and meadow, valued at 40s. a
carucate, the value of waste lands of Tirmany in the king's hands.1
Sir Richard left the constableship in 1284. A period of warfare
followed, in which his castle of Athleague was levelled, and his lands
were worth nothing, nor were those of the king, until 1299.2
After Christmas, 1289, his son Richard petitioned the king in
Parliament to retake the seven townlands, because they were too
heavily rented ; but failed to secure a reduction of rent, and sur-
rendered them.3
In 1301, things being more settled in Connaught, John Fitz Thomas
having been expelled for five years, Richard desired to take the land up
again, and was given the seven townlands, together with those of
Moyvannan and Torpan, to hold in fee-farm for ever, at £18 a year.4
Torpan and Moyvannan are still townlands in Taghboy and Kiltoom
parishes. Regarding identification, it is to be noted that these old
townlands, or villatae, were very large denominations, and that the
modern townland of the name is usually but a fragment to which the
name has adhered, or is the place which gave a name to the estate.
Skregtreynyn and Screg appear as well as Streg. Corkyle Braugyle I,
take to represent Corcaille, or Round "Wood, of Bruigeol, now Briole, in
Dysert parish, of which the Caille perhaps remains in Cartronkilly.
Knockadangan is the only townland in the neighbourhood which gives
Dangan.
A sufficient number of places are identified to show that Sir Richard,
the elder and younger, acquired a very large estate between Slievemurry
and Loughree.
Sir Richard, junior, became Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in
1302, and was Keeper of the Castles of Roscommon and Randown in
1303 and 1304.5 In 1304 he contracted to repair Roscommon Castle
for £194*. Sd.
Money was coined at Roscommon before 1285.6 The county of
Connaught was divided into the counties of Roscommon and Connaught
in or before 1292 ; Richard is described as Sheriff of Roseommon early
in that year. He was Sheriff again in 130L7
The county of Roscommon seems to have comprised only the king's
Five Cantreds.
The king's power grew steadily, on the whole, through the reign of
Edward I., and declined with the accession of Edward II. Brace's
invasion affected Connaught only by causing the one general rising of
the Irish, who were thoroughly beaten down at Athenry in 1316. Sir
"William de Burgo followed up the victory by entering Moy Ai, where-
upon the O'Conors submitted. Mac Dermot did not, and his territory
1 D. I. iv., 802. 2D. I. iv., 806. 3 D. I. iii., 558.
1 D. I. iv., 802, 806 ; v., 208, 209, 316, 317. 6 D. I. v., 139, 281.
6 D. I. iii., 7. 7 D. I. iii., 520 ; iv., 367.
OCCUPATION OF CONNAUGHT BY ANGLO-NORMANS. 293
was plundered. This fight seems to have been between the English of
Connanght on one side, and on the other the Irish of Connaught,
reinforced by the King of Thomond and some O'Briens, and by some
men of Meath and Brefne. In 1317, Koger Mortimer, with the assent
of the Council, let to 0' Conor all the land in the king's cantreds which
was not already let to Englishmen, or on burgage tenure.1 The
de Burgo power had been much enhanced in respect of the Irish, and
it was thus enhanced also in respect of the royal power, which now
practically withdrew from Connaught, except so far as the king could
rely on the Earl of Ulster. This, perhaps, was a reason for withdrawal.
The King of Connaught was now of small importance compared with
Sir William de Eurgo, and his son Walter, who was suspected by the
Irish of a design to proclaim himself King of Connaught.2 The fact is
improbable, but the record of the suspicion shows that he was con-
sidered by the Irish to be in a position to attempt it.
NOTES ADDED IN THE PKESS.
1. Clantayg (vol. xxxii., p. 399). — Clantayg included Athenry.3
2. KilmorenetogJier and Kilbrenan (vol. xxxii., p. 401). — Kilbrenan
was a house of mendicant friars in the parish of Clonbern, whose parish
church is called Kilbrenan. The friary church is Kilmurry, by which
name the friary also appears.4
Kilmorenetogher may be a name of this small friary, but is more
likely to be Abbey Grey, alias Sleushancough, in parish of Killeroran,
which is close to Kilmore townland. I am told that a togher is
close by.
3. Settlement between the Earl and John Fitz Thomas. — The following
seems to explain and agree with all the facts: — "A. 1298. The two
Earls of Ulster and of Kildare became reconciled by the Earl of Kildare
awarding 3000 marks to the Earl of Ulster, and for a thousand marks
to give him the lordship of Sligo, and all his plate for another thousand,
and his son Thomas to get married to his daughter for the third thousand "
(MacFirbis, " Great Book of Genealogies," Clann William Burc).
4. William of Owyll was a son of Sir William Liath according to
Mac Firbis's account of Clann William Burc, and the Kegistry of
Athenry Dominican Friary. For reasons too long for this note, I
believe him to be Ulick, son of Richard, son of William Liath, who died
1 Pat. 11 Edw. II., No. 103, in Rot. Pat. et Claus. Cancell. Hib. Calendarium.
3L. C. 1330. SH.W.C. 196.
* 12 D. K. 2374 ; 16 D. K. 5306 ; Valor Beneficiorum, 1585.
294 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
in 1343 L. C., who is usually taken to be Ulick of Annaghkeen, whose
death, in 1353, is recorded in that Registry, whom I take to be Sir
"William's son.
5. McKaageloy or M'Cawoke.— M'Firbis's "Genealogy of Clan gibbon"
shows the name to have been Mac Daibhog Buidhe, descended from
Daibhog Buidhe, son of Gibbon, from whom came Clangibbon.
6. Transfer of Estates ly Absentees. — In the seventeenth century
claims to certain lands in the barony of Carra were supported by deeds
of Clan Mac Evillies, " and by virtue of an auncyent Deed of the
Stauntons, bearing date 20th May, in the Raigne of King Edward the
Third — the whole Lordship and Barony of Carra."1 Walter de Cogan's
lands in Connaught were held by Walter de Birmingham, of Athenry,
at close of fourteenth century.2
According to " Historia et Genealogia Familise de Burgo," MS.
No. 1440, T. C. D., Mac William was entitled to rent and services from
Mac Jordan, Mac Costello, and 0' Conor Roe, but, from their form, I
think these claims did not arise from the ancient tenures of those
lords.
The following abbreviations are used in references : —
H. F. = 0' Donovan, " Tribes and Customs of Hy Fiachrach."
H. M. =- „ " Tribes and Customs of Hy Many."
H. W. C. = Hardiman's edition of O'Flaberty's " West Connaught."
D. I. = Sweetman, " Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland," 1172-
1307.
D. K. = " Annual Report of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, Ireland,"
Calendar of Fiants.
R.B. = "Red Book of Earl of Kildare," in Hist. MSS. Commission, 9th
Report, Appendix.
L. C. = "Annals of Loch Ce " (Rolls Series).
F.M. = „ the Four Masters" (O'Donovan's edition).
0. S. L. = Ordnance Survey Letters.
1 Rolls Office, Inq. Mayo, llth January, 1610, in Public Record Office, Dublin.
2 Rot. Pat. et Claus. Cancell. Hib. Calendarium ; Pat. 10 Ric. II., No. 34.
( 295 )
Silver Presentation Cup recording Cambrian Hospitality. — I desire
to call attention to the following short account of a remarkable silver
cup, presented to Dudley Ackland, Esq., of Boulston, Haverford West,
Pembrokeshire. The cup was presented by four gentlemen, whose wives
and children found refuge in Mr, Ackland's house, when they fled from
Ireland in 1798. Unfortunately the cup cannot now be discovered, a
matter much to be regretted, as it was an article of historical value.
Bound the cover are the words : —
And on a medallion, on one side, was the following : —
1 'TO DUDLEY ACKLAND ESQ.: OF BOULSTON, FOR THE ASYLUM AFFORDED
TO THEIR WIVES AND CHILDREN FROM THE HORRORS OF REBELLION.
JUNE 1798. FROM -f SIE JOHN NEWPORT, BART: SAMUEL BOYSE.
ROBERT S. CAREW. WILLIAM MORRIS, ESQUIRES, OF THE CITY OF WATER-
A letter which I have received from Arthur Boyse, Esq., of Bannow,
Wexford, gives some information about the gentlemen who presented
the cup : —
" Sir John Newport, Bart., lived at Newpark (now occupied by Mr. Bloomfield),
just outside the town of Waterford.
" Samuel Boyse was my great-great-grandfather. He lived at Bishop's Hall,
County Kilkenny (now a ruin), and also at Bannow. He bought in some of the estates
from a cousin, Frances Carr, to whom they had descended through a female line,
"William Morris, of Waterford, lived where the present Adelphi Hotel is.
" These three all married sisters of the Robert Shapland Carew (of Castleborough)
whose name is also mentioned on the cup. He (R. S. Carew) was father of the first
Lord Carew of Castleborough, County Wexford. The names of the first two are on
the wooden bridge at Waterford."
I may add that Sir John Newport, Bart., was the son of a Waterford
banker, in which city he was born on October 24, 1756. He was created
<'t baronet in 1789. In 1802 he entered the Imperial Parliament as
member for Waterford, and continued to represent it until 1832.
After the passage of the Eeform Bill, he was appointed Comptroller
of the Exchequer, from which office he retired in 1839, with a pension
of £1000 per annum. He died at Newpark, near Waterford, on
February 9, 1843, aged 87 years. — COURTENAY MOORE (Canon), M.A., R.D.,
Hon. Provincial Secretary for Munster.
296 ROYAL SOCIETY OP ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Kiltevenan, County Roscommon (Journal, vol. xxxii.,pp. 194, 408 ;
vol. xxxiii., p. 190). — I think I can satisfactorily settle the question as
to the locale of Kiltevenan, regarding which the Eev. "W. D. Macray —
the oldest member of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland — has
made some queries.
"Kiltevenan" is in County Tipperary, and is variously written
" Kilteynan " and " Kiltinan." Mr. H. T. Knox is right as to its being
"in the neighbourhood of Fethard." From the Patent Rolls (17 John)
it appears that on July 6, 1215, King John granted to Philip of
Worcester, during pleasure, various lands in County Tipperary, includ-
ing the castles of Knockgraffon, Kiltennan, and Ardmayle. The manor
and castle of Kiltennan reverted to King Henry III. in 1218, who, on
March 11, 1223, committed them to Nicholas Fitz Leo ; but, a few
months later, on July 18, 1223, they were given to William of Worcester,
nephew to Philip, the original grantee. The first deed, quoted by
Mr. Macray as " circa 1190-1200," must be dated as circa 1210, and
the acquisition of Kiltinan Church, with appurtenances, by the Abbot
and Canons of Oseney, must have been in 1218. As Henry, Archbishop
of Dublin, was superseded in his office of Papal Legate in 1218, the
second deed may fairly be given as of that year. In 1233 letters of
protection were granted by the king, for the Abbot of Oseney, in
Ireland.
In 1234, and again in 1238, William of Worcester was summoned to
show what title he had to the manors of Knockgraffon and Kiltenanach.
Apparently he succeeded, as on June 4, 1244, his son, Ralph of Worcester,
was confirmed in said lands. The property was then acquired by the
de Burgos.
In 1302, the church of Kiltenan (written "Kiltenenan''), in the
Deanery of Fethard, Diocese of Cashel, was valued at ten marks, the
tenth being 13s. 4d. ; and, in 1316, it was confirmed to the Abbot and
convent of Oseney.
On November 9, 1328, as appears from the printed Calendar of
Patent Rolls, James Butler, Earl of Ormonde, was given the regality
and other liberties in the County of Tipperary. This James Butler,
first Earl of Ormonde, married Eleanor de Bohun, kinswoman of King
Edward III.
In quoting the Computus of the Bailiff of Kiltinan for the year
1331, wherein it is mentioned that "the Countess" extorted £14,
Mr. Macray asks, " Who was the Countess ? " The answer is :
The Countess of Ulster, as Richard de Burgo, Earl of Ulster, died
July 29, 1326.
On April 9, 1542, a. return was made by William Brabazon in
regard to the revenues of the lands and premises held by the Abbey of
Oseney, in Ireland; and, in 1545, these lands were leased to James
Butler, Earl of Ormonde and Ossory. The Fiants of Henry VIII. give
MISCELLANEA. 297
the name as " Kylteyham," but it is described as (l parcel of the posses-
sions of the late Abbey of Oseney, in England."
The Palatinate jurisdiction of County Tipperary by the Earls of
Ormonde continued until seized by the Crown, by process of Quo
Warranto in 1621. However, it was restored in 1662 (April 22,
1662) — confirmed by the Statute 14 Charles II. — and finally devolved
to the Crown in 1715, by the attainder of James, Duke of Ormonde. —
WILLIAM H. GRATTAN FLOOD.
Temple -na- Cattle and the Churches near Kilkeedy, County
Limerick. — Mr. Grene Barry collects a very valuable mass of notes
on the "Keeley" settlement near the mouth of the Maigue, and
speculates whether Kiltemplan may be the Tempulkillie or Keilnacailly
of the earlier records (" Journal," supra, p. 198). May I supplement
his notes with an extract from the Civil Survey of Pubblebrian (1655),
preserved in the Public Record Office, Dublin ?
This book (p. 19) gives, under the heading of Kilkeedy parish,
" Killnakallye, one quarter & a halfe with one tach [? thatched] house
thereunto belonginge. Mearinge weast to Craigbegg, south to Broskagh,
east to Cnockrounge, north to Doone. Daniell McMahonie of Keill-
nakally, Irish papist [owner]. Shrubby wood, 4 ac. Arable, 18 ac.
Meddow, 3 ac. Pasture, 3 ac. — Total, 28 ac." The other places
beginning with "Kill," in the same Survey, are — "Kilcolman (p. 16),
mearing with Kiltemplan & Cloonana, held by Margaret ny Bryne, alias
Stephenson: Kilboy & Gortskraghone (p. 21), held in 1640 by same, &
the Lady Dowager of Castleconnell, under lease, having ' the ford of
Clare = inis on the northe.' "
As Killnakallye is treated as a separate townland from Kiltemplan,
we must look elsewhere for its history. It is evident that the " Kill-
na-challichi " given after " Killmacgoban " (Kilgobbin) in Meyler Fitz
Henry's Inquisition, 1200, and given as near Claireen Bridge in 1410,
the "Killygelly " of the " Taxatio Procuration™. " (1418, 1422), is the
unknown church site to the east of Cragbeg, called Killnakallye in the
Civil Survey. Thus within the bounds of the united parishes of
Kilkeedy and Escluen we find St. Margaret's, at Kewtown ; Kilkeedy,
Killeen, with a well, dedicated to St. James, in Newtown ; Kiltemplan,
Kilcolman, Killnakallye, Kilboy, and Kilcornan (or Kilcoran), " kyle,"
in Ballyanrihan, near Patrick's Well. — T. J. WESTROPP.
Escloon. — Mr. T. J. Westropp, in his account of Esclon, does not give
any mention of " the Manor after 1243." In the Close Rolls, 18 Edw. I.,
there is mention of the Manor of Esclon, on June 13th, 1290, and it then
belonged to Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, whose tenant was John
Serle of Esclon. — "W. H. GRATTAN FLOOD.
!«„,. T? « A T f Vol. xiii., Fifth Series. ) „
Jour. R.S.A.I. j Vol j^^j ConseCt Ser> \
298 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Inscription on Monument of Lord Wyndham of Finglass, in
Salisbury Cathedral. — The accompanying inscription, copied by Mrs.
Long, Dublin, is an addition to the epitaphs of persons connected with
Ireland, buried in England, already published in the Journal. — P. D.
VIGORS (Col.}: —
Large Monument in Salisbury Cathedral. Figure leaning on a harp,
large urn and coat of arms. — Here lyeth the body of Thomas Lord
Wyndham Baron Wyndham of Finglass in the Kingdom of Ireland,
youngest son of John Wyndham of Norrington in this County, Esqre. He
was educated in the school of the Canons of this Close from whence He
went in 1698 to Wadham College — in the University of Oxford. He
removed from thence to Lincoln's Inn in 1701 and was there called to-
the degree of Barrister-at-Law in 1705. In the year 1724 His Majesty
King George the First was pleased to appoint him Chief Justice of the
Court of Common Pleas in Ireland, where he was two years. In Decem-
ber 1726 He was advanced to the office of Lord High Chancellor of
Ireland, and constituted one of the Lords Justices of that Kingdom ; into
which last office He was sworn eight several times. On the demise of
King George the First, his Majesty King George the Second renewed his
commission of Lord High Chancellor; and in September 1731 in con-
sideration of his diligent and faithful service Was pleased to create him
a Baron of the Kingdom of Ireland. He presided in six sessions of
Parliament as Speaker of the House of Lords of Ireland where there is
a session but once in two years. In April 1739 He sat as Lord High
Steward of Ireland on the trial of Lord Barry of Santry being the first
Lord High Steward that ever was appointed in that Kingdom. In
September 1739 he resigned his offices at his own request, on account of
an ill state of health contracted by a too intent and too long application
to the great variety of Businesses He had been engaged in. He was a
member of the established Church, a strenuous promoter of Justice, a
faithful subject and a kind relation. He was born on the 27th day of
December, 1681. He died on the 24th day of November, 1745.
NOTE.— On his death this title became extinct. Two other Wyndham peerages—
the Earldom of Egremont, and the Irish Earldom of Thomond, with the Barony of
Ibrackan — became extinct in 1845 and 1774 respectively. Percy, second son of
Sir William Wyndham, succeeded his uncle Henry, Earl of Thomond, and bore the
surname and arms of O'Brien, and died in 1740. (See " Extinct Peerage.") Of this
family were the Wyndhams of Dunraven Castle, in Glamorganshire, a name apparently
transferred to Ireland, and giving a title to the family of Wyndham-Quin. For
notices of Lord Chancellor Wyndham, refer to Smyth's " Law Officers of Ireland,"
and the Paper lately read before the Society, on " Irish Law Officers in the Eighteenth
Century," by Mr. F. Elrington Ball."— ED.
( 299 )
of
[NOTE. — The works marked thus (*) are by Members of the Society.']
The History of Ireland. By Geoffrey Keating, D.D. Yol. i. Edited,
with Translation and Notes, by David Comyn, M.E.I. A. (London :
Published for the Irish Texts Society, by David Nutt. 1902.)
FBOM a variety of causes, political and social, the Irish language and
literature derived very little advantage from the invention of printing,
which in other countries led to so great diffusion of knowledge, activity
of thought, and literary work. While literature in other lands was
rapidly spread, the appearance of an Irish printed book was of great
rarity. In Ireland, once renowned for scholarship, original literary
work, discouraged and unfashionable, ceased to be known to the learned,
and Irish as a literary language was saved from extinction only by
scribes and teachers of the humblest condition.
The Irish Texts Society, in conjunction with others, is making a strong
effort to remedy this state of things and give the language a new
impetus. Many of the celebrated Irish historical and literary MSS., now
lost for ever, would be available to-day if they had been preserved and
multiplied in print. . A great part of the MSS. of the last four centuries
exists in single transcripts easily destroyed. The writer of the history
of the Irish people will have to glean much of the history and inner life
of the people from these frail sources. Printing alone can preserve such
of them as are really valuable, and furnish the student of Irish language,
literature, and history with reliable standard text-books.
The Society has now issued its fourth volume, the first part of the
" History of Ireland," by Geoffrey Keating : it is^ edited and translated
by Mr. David Comyn.
Fortunately, there are several MS. copies of this History in existence,
some good, others indifferent ; and it will be an important day for Irish
students when the complete edition shall be in their hands. An
important MS. will be preserved in print, and a valuable text-book made
available. Portions of this work were published by Wm. Halliday in
1811, and by Dr. Joyce in 1881 ; but the present edition will be the
first complete one.
It should prove very valuable as a text-book. Keating was a well-
read man for his time, and reached a high literary level. Intensely Irish
X2
300 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
in sympathy, thought, and expression, and a poet of no mean order, his
History will be extremely useful in illustrating the grammar, idiom, and
vocabulary of the language. Dr. Atkinson says that Keating' s works
are "veritably Irish, uncontaminated by English phrases, and written by
a master of the language while it was yet a power." His vocabulary
is copious and varied, his style natural and pleasing, and his illustrations,
owing, perhaps, to his poetical nature, are singularly happy ; and
although the most critical student may take him as a model, yet,
according to Dr. Atkinson, there is scarcely a line he has written which
an Irish-speaking person at the present day may not grasp, except
where archaic documents are quoted.
Perhaps it is premature, until a complete edition has-been published,
to discuss the historical value of this work, or contrast Keating with the
great classical historians.
In the opinion of very competent judges he was the first historian
of the Irish people, and he has furnished a very fair outline of our
ancient history, and has drawn from the most genuine sources of Irish
history, some of which have been lost since his time.
Although he may not be so rigidly accurate as the great annalists,
and may have given too easy entrance to some ancient tales, yet he drew
the vast bulk of his narrative from pretty much the same sources as they,
aud his History will remain as a great and co-ordinate authority.
The editor states that Keating is believed to have made several
transcripts of his works, and in consequence has noted various readings
or discrepancies existing in the best MSS. He has very properly adhered
closely to the text of his MSS., not modernizing to any extent, and only
excluding what he regards as certain mannerisms of the copyists. The
translation is literal without being unreadable.
As the footnotes to the translation are very brief, it is to be hoped
that, by a descriptive index or otherwise, Mi\ Comyn will give more
information concerning persons, places, and events, and so enhance the
value of the History.
The volume is well printed, and the Society must be congratulated on
the work selected, and on the way in which the editor has performed his
*A History of the County Dublin. Part II. By Francis Elrington Ball.
(Dublin : A. Thorn & Co. 1903.) 5,9.
WE are glad to welcome a second section of this work, which promises to
form so valuable an addition to our Irish County Histories. Part I.
prepared us to expect much from the labours of Mr. Ball. No writer of
Irish history has more faithfully and untiringly searched for material,
or more carefully combined the facts which his industry has brought
NOTICES OF BOOKS. 301
together ; nor has any heen more successful in presenting the resulting
narrative in an attractive and interesting style.
Part II. amply maintains the high character of its predecessor. The
district covered hy it includes the ancient parishes and manors of Donny-
brook, Herri on, Booterstown, Taney, Dundrum, and Eathfarnham, and
the now suburban districts of Eathmines and Baggotrath. Though
possessing few surviving relics of an early past, this district has been
the home of several of the leading county families. The history of each
is traced with the careful research which has characterized Mr. Ball's
previous work.
The family of Fitzwilliam, of Merrion, is traced with special care
from its first appearance in the fourteenth century until its extinction
nearly five centuries later. During the whole of this time it played a
leading part in the history of the county, and for a time in that of the
country at large. Mr. Ball's researches, carried on in the family archives,
in every available source here, as well as at Cambridge and London, have
produced a history of this family which forms a valuable contribution to
the stoiy of our country. It is illustrated with excellent reproductions
of a complete series of family portraits, extending over a period of two
centuries.
Other families connected with the districts, whose history is given in
the same way, are Ussher of Donny brook, and Loftus of Bathfarnham.
There are also shorter accounts of the families of Bagod, De Eideleford,
Jocelyn, Le Bret, and others.
An excellent feature of Mr. Ball's work is the collection of admirable
illustrations, which all really illustrate their subjects. Portraits, rare
plates, and old paintings have been carefully sought for, and are very
well reproduced.
Mr. Ball's interest has been attracted somewhat more by the personal
than the social side of his work, though the latter is by no means
neglected. We should have expected to find more, for example, of such
subjects as Donnybrook Fair, and Yauxhall and Eanelagh Gardens, than
the short notices given of them. He might, too, with advantage, have
used more freely and fully the language of his authorities than he some-
times does. But if we are thus found fault-finding, our complaints only
show that we so much appreciate what is written for us that we crave
more.
The illustrations include a very good reproduction from the Down
Survey, and a very clear modern map. In the latter, however, we think
we notice a few sites not quite correctly placed ; the plan, too, of repre-
senting the foreshore in the same way as the land is misleading.
We look forward with great interest to the future parts of the
History.
302 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
(FIFTY-FIFTH YEARLY SESSION.)
MUNSTER MEETING— YOUGHAL.
A GENERAL MEETING OF THE SOCIETY was held at Youghal, County
Cork, in the Town Hall (by permission of the Chairman, Urban Council),
on Tuesday, 4th August, 1903, at 8 o'clock p.m. ;
JOHN RIBTON GARSTIN, D.L., M.A., M.R.I.A., F.S.A., President,
in the Chair.
The following also attended : —
Vice -Presidents. — Seaton F. Milligan, M.R.I. A., Vice -President for Ulster.
Major- General Stubbs, J.P., Vice -President for Munster.
Hon. General Secretary. — Robert Gochrane, F.S.A., M.R.I. A.
Fellows. — Arthur Fitzmaurice, J.P., Carlow ; Edward Martyn, Tillyra Castle,
County Gal way ; J. J. Perceval, J.P., Wexf ord ; William N. Strangeways, London.
Members. — Rev. Chancellor Abbott, M.A., Tullow ; Rev. W. F. Alment, B.D.,
Navan; Montgomery F. Barnes, Mullingar ; John Barrett, B.A., Macroom ; James
Buckley, Solicitor, London; M. J. C. Buckley, Youghal ; Lieut. -Colonel Biddulph,
Tullamore; James Grene Barry, D.L., Ballyneety, County Limerick; George 0.
Carolin, J.P., Dublin; Henry A. Cosgrave, M.A., Dublin ; Thomas B. Costello, M.D.,
Tuam; Jobn J. Cranny, M.D., Dublin ; Matthew Dorey, Dublin; Rev. Canon Fisher,
M.A., Mountrath; P. J. Griffith, Dublin; Miss Rosa F. Grubb, Cahir; Francis Guil-
bride, J.P., Newtownbarry ; Bryan Hennessy, New Ross; Rev. P. Hurley, P.P., Inchi-
geela ; Miss Frances Keane, Glenshelane, Cappoquin ; Lady Keane, Cappoquin House ;
Owen J. Kelly, J.P., Dundalk; Mrs. Owen J. Kelly, Dundalk ; T. J. Mac Inemey,
Drumcondra; D. T. M'Enery, M.A., I.N.S., Clonmel ; Rev. R. M. Miller, M. A.,
Roscrea ; Rev. Canon Moore, M.A., Rural Dean, Mitchelstown ; Rev. Thomas
Mulvany, c.c., Killucan ; Goddard H. Orpen, H.A., Enniscorthy ; Miss L. J. Orpen,
Enniscorthy ; Lieut.-Colonel Orpen, Killiney ; Miss Parkinson, Ennis ; William
H. Patterson, M.R.I. A., Belfast ; George Shackleton, Lucan ; Mrs. Shackleton,
Lucan ; Mrs. Simpson, Ballymena ; James Tuite, M.P., Mullingar; Richard J. Ussher,
D.L., Cappagh ; Joseph Vaughan, J.P., Athlone ; W. J. Verlin, Solicitor, Youghal;
William Webster, Solicitor, St. Helens, Lancashire; W. J. Wilkinson, B.A., Trim.
Associates. — Mrs. M. F. Barnes, Mullingar ; Rev. S. R. S. Carolin ; Miss Davys ;
Albany Fetherstonhaugh, B.A., Dublin; Miss Hurley, Inchigeela ; James Milling,
Bangor, County Down ; Miss Neville, Ennis ; Edward R. Orpen, Enniscorthy ;
Mrs. Orpen, Enniscorthy ; Miss G. Stacpoole, Ennis ; Miss C. E. Stubbs, Cork.
The Minutes of last Meeting were read and confirmed.
The following Fellows and Members were elected : —
As FELLOWS.
Ashbourne, Right Hon. Lord, LL.D., Lord Chancellor of Ireland (Member, 1863),
12, Merrion-square, Dublin : proposed by John R. Garstin, D.L., M.R.I. A.,
President.
PROCEEDINGS. 303
•Glencross, J. Reginald M., M.A. (Cantab.), 10, St. Mary's-road, Dublin: proposed by
George D. Burtchaell, M.A., Fellow.
Stapley, Sir Harry, Bart., Egypt Cottage, Cowes, Isle of Wight : proposed by Sir
Thomas Drew, Fellow.
As MEMBERS.
Boothman, Charles T., Barrister-at-Law, 14, Clarinda Park, West, Kingstown :
proposed by the Rev. William W. Campbell.
Bootbman, Mrs. Charles T., 14, Clarinda Park, West, Kingstown: proposed by the
Rev. William W. Campbell.
Boyle, Rev. Henry, P.P., Mount St. Michael, Randalstown : proposed by the Very
Rev. Alexander Mac Mullan, P.P.
Comerford, William, Urlingford National School, County Kilkenny : proposed by
John Commins.
Dolan, Joseph F., M.A., Ardee : proposed by J. Ribton Garstin, D.L.r President.
Doyle, the Very Rev. Canon James, P.P., St. Canice's, Kilkenny : proposed by M.
M. Murphy, Fellow.
Gallagher, Miss Jane, Eglish, Dungarvan, County Tyrone: proposed by the Rev.
W. T. Latimer, B.A., Fellow, Vice- President.
Goddard, Norris, Solicitor, 52, Merrion-square, Dublin : proposed by John R. Garstin,
D.L., M.A., M.R.I. A., F.s.A., President.
Kennedy, Thomas Patrick, 12; Alwyne Mansions, Wimbledon, Surrey: proposed by
Thomas F. Nooney.
Leslie, the Rev. J. Blennerhassett, M.A., Kilsaran Rectory, Castlebellingham : pro-
posed by John R. Garstin, D.L., M.A., M.R.I. A., P.S.A., President.
Lyons, the Very Rev. James, Dean of Ossory, The Deanery, Kilkenny : proposed by
M. M. Murphy, Fellow.
Martin, William, Solicitor, Monaghan : proposed by D. Carolan Rushe, Fellow.
O'Leary, the Very Rev. Canon David, P.P., The Presbytery, Dingle : proposed by
P. J. Lynch, Fellow.
Orpen, Miss Lilian Iris, Monksgrange, Enniscortby : proposed by Goddard H.
Orpen, B.A.
Orpen, Lieut. -Colonel (R. E.) Richard Theodore, St. Leonard's, Killiney, County
Dublin: proposed by Goddard H. Orpen, B.A.
Reeves, Jonathan Townley, Assistant Secretary, Bank of Ireland, Dublin : proposed
by The O'Morchoe.
Robinson, James, Solicitor, 47, Up. Mount-st., Dublin: proposed by The O'Morchoe.
Slevin, Felix, Manager, Hibernian Bank, Londonderry: proposed by Mrs. Sheridan.
Stevenson, James, Fort James, Londonderry : proposed by the Rev. William O'Neill
Lindesay, M.A.
Stevenson, Mrs. James, Fort James, Londonderry : proposed by the Rev. William
O'Neill Lindesay, M.A.
Verlin, W. J., Solicitor, Youghal : proposed by M. J. C. Buckley, Hon. Local Sec.,
East Cork.
The following Papers were read, and referred to the Council for
publication : —
" The Ancient Highway of the Decies," by the Rev. Patrick Power.
" The Town Walls of Youghal," by M. J. C. Buckley, Hon. Local Sec., East Cork.
" Notes on Sir Walter Ralegh's House at Youghal," by Goddard H. Orpen, B.A.
The following Papers were taken as read, and referred to the Council
1 for publication :—
41 The Antiquities of Ardmore, County Waterford," by T. J. Westropp, M.R.I.A.,
rice -President.
4t Antiquarian Notes on Youghal," by Robert Day, J.P., P.S.A., Vice- President.
304 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
EXCURSIONS.
TUESDAY, AUGUST 4th, 1903.
EXCURSION IN YOUGHAL AND VICINITY AND EVENING MEETING.
THE members assembled at the Town Hall at 11.30 a.m., where they
were received and welcomed to Youghal by Eichard Carey, Esq., J.P.,
Chairman of the Urban Council. The ancient muniments of the town
were exhibited ; and afterwards the party proceeded to visit several
places of antiquarian interest in the ancient town of Youghal, under the
guidance of Mr. M. J. C. Buckley, Hon. Local Secretary for East Cork.
An interval was allowed to members from 1.30 to 2.30 for lunch at
their respective hotels, and they assembled again at 2.30 p.m. at the
Collegiate Church of St. Mary (by permission of the Eector, Rev. J. Re
H. Becher), and after devoting an hour and a half to this most interest-
ing church, the grounds of Sir Walter Raleigh's House were visited (by
permission of His Excellency Sir Henry Blake and Lady Blake, the
present owners, who unfortunately were absent). Through the kindness-
of Mr. and Mrs. Sealy Allin, the College and its grounds were visited.
Proceeding thence, the ancient town walls were examined, and they
were described by Mr. Buckley. Another interval was allowed from
6 to 8 p.m. ; and at the latter hour the Evening Meeting was held in
the Town Hall, for the reading of Papers, and examination of the
following exhibits : —
BY ROBERT DAY, Esq. — Dated specimens of Youghal Delph, viz. three
plates, a puzzle-jug, and a blue decorated jar; also the seal of John
Thynghul (vide Hayman's Memorials, p. 36, 1863. Lindsay, Youghal).
BY THE REV. J. R. H. BECHER.— Plate of St. Mary's, Youghal, with
the Youghal town-mark. Made by Edward Gillett.
BY THE REV. "W. T. C. DAY, Rector of Killeagh.— The Chalice of
Killeagh, with the Youghal town-mark. Made by Edward Gillett.
BY THE REV. L. M. BEATTY, Rector of Corkbeg. — The Chalice of Iter
Murragh. By the same maker.
. J. C. BUCKLEY, Esq.— Case of " Relics" of Early Celtic Art; also
specimens of " greybeard" jugs, similar to some found in the Dock at
Youghal ; Celtic bronze rings ; brass candelabra (sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries) from County Kilkenny, &c.
PROCEEDINGS. 305
The ancient Charters of Youghal and other muniments were
exhibited by the Chairman and Secretary of the Urban Council in the
Town Hall on Tuesday morning at 11.30, as there was then a better
opportunity in daylight of examining them.
The President delivered a short address to the meeting, which was
adjourned to the following evening.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 5th, 1903.
The members assembled at the Devonshire Arms at 10 a.m., and
proceeded to several places of antiquarian interest in Youghal not visited
the previous day. At 2 p.m., after lunch, the party again met at the
"Devonshire Arms, and drove to Bincrew Preceptory, Temple Michael,
and the Abbey of Molana, the latter on an island on the Eiver Black-
water at Eallinatray, the seat of Lady Harriet and Colonel (Holroyd)
Smyth, who kindly received them.
An adjourned meeting was held at 8.30 in the evening, in the Town
Hall, the President in the Chair.
The President described the several exhibits of silver, referring
especially to the subject of hall-marks on Irish plate, and supplementing
Mr. Day's notices of the work of Youghal and Cork silversmiths.
Additional exhibits were examined and discussed, including the
following by Dr. Charles Ronayne : — Ancient Deed of the Provost of
Youghal, Richard II., 1394 ; original Warrant of Q,ueen Elizabeth, with
the Queen's Autograph and Seal, granting a pension to Eleanor, Countess
of Desmond, widow of the last and great Earl ; ancient Map of Youghal,
temp. Elizabeth ; Youghal Pipes, smoked by Raleigh ; Key of Fran-
ciscan or South Abbey ; Key of the College, temp. Richard Boyle, Earl
of Cork ; Youghal Tokens.
A vote of thanks was passed to Mr. M. J. C. Buckley, Hon. Local
Secretary, for his valuable services in connexion with the Excursions.
THURSDAY, A UGUST 6th, 1903.
On Thursday morning the party, under the guidance of Mr. Buckley,
completed the survey of places of interest in Youghal, assembling at
the same hour and place as on the previous day, and adjourning for lunch
at 12.30 p.m. Members re-assembled at the Devonshire Arms at 1.45
p.m., where cars were in readiness to convey them to Ardmore to see the
Round Tower and the ruins of Ardmore Cathedral, under the guidance
of Mr. R. J. Ussher, D.L., Hon. Local Secretary, County Waterford.
The party returned by road to Youghal, crossing the new bridge over
the River Black water at Youghal Harbour.
306 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 7th, 1903.
On this day Lismore was visited, and the Castle seen (by permission
of His Grace the Duke of Devonshire, Fellow, and late Hon. President
of the Society) ; also Lismore Cathedral, under the guidance of the Very
Rev. Dr. Brougham, Dean, who read a paper on the Cathedral. The
party lunched at the Hotel, and afternoon tea was kindly provided for
them in the banqueting-hall of the Castle by the Duke of Devonshire.
Mr. Penrose showed the party the, 'MS.;" Book of Lismore," the famous
crozier, and the silver maces> &c. The carriages left the Devonshire
Arms at 9 a.m., arriving at Lismore at 12 noon. The return Journey
was made by road to Cappoquin, where the steamer was taken, at
6 p.m., for Youghal, down the River Blackwater.
PROCEEDINGS.
307
The following notes on the places visited have been contributed : —
YOUGHAL.1
HPHE very ancient town of Youghal derives its name from the two Celtic
words, eo, "a yew-tree," and kyle, or caille, " a wood "—that isj the
yew- wood. This name is the same as Okyle, which is a small place on
the banks of the River Bride, near Tallow, County "Waterford. There is
there the ruin of a very remarkable old church of the fourteenth century,
in a dilapidated and unprotected state, attached to which is a most curious
THE OLD TOWN WALLS OF YOUGHAL.
little edifice of very small dimensions, roofed in stone, of similar form and
construction to the bee-hive huts on the A ran Islands. It seems to have
been the cell of a hermit, or anchorite, and, with the exception of the
traces of a similar cell in the north-east wall of the chancel of St. Canice's
Cathedral in Kilkenny, is, perhaps, the only example of such an abode in
Ireland. A townland named Ballyanchor lies in the same district — no
1 By Mr. M. J. C. Buckley.
THE CLOCK TOWER AND GATEWAY, YOUGHAL.
(From a Photograph by W. Lawrence, Dublin.)
^ PROCEEDINGS. 309
doubt, this place was the endowment or " termon" land of the hermit.
The town of Youghal is situated on the west side of the harbour, where
the Biver "Avonmore" or " Broad water," now called the "Black-
water" — as Spenser the poet writes, " the Awny-dubh," by English-
men called " Blackwater" — discharges itself into the Atlantic Ocean.
The geological formation on both sides of the river is the same, coih-
sisting of Upper Old Red Sandstone, Carboniferous slate, and Carboniferous
limestone. An immense submerged forest lies underneath the strand,
which extends from " Clay Castle " towards Knocadoon. A bar of sand,
and large masses of gravel, cemented together by carbonate of lime
(which is held in solution by the waters of the river), render the
entrance of the harbour very dangerous, and prevent large modern
ships from entering. The Danes, or rather the " Vikings," were the
first to establish a small " burgh" or trading-fort here in the course of
the ninth century. Doubtless, an early Irish fortified enclosure or
" rath" existed here, ages before the arrival of the Scandinavian sea-
rovers. This "rath" they seem to have jncorporated within the circuit
of their palisaded burgh or " ton." The name is still preserved in
" Raheen-lane," near the present town walls. The town grew and pros-
pered under the rule of the Northmen for a long period, until the arrival
of King Henry II. in 1172, when the Northmen, who had then become
Christians, were granted many privileges, amongst which " murage,"
the right of taking toll to erect or repair the fortified walls, is included.
The chequered history of the town, like that of many other places in
Ireland, is full of interest, and its details are too voluminous to be told
briefly ; but that very interesting volume called the " Council Book of
the Corporation of Youghal," recording Urban transactions from 1610
to 1800, gives us a very clear idea of the social manners and customs
of this corporate town during the seventeenth, eighteenth, and early
nineteenth centuries.
310 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND,
RALEGH'S HOUSE, YOUGHAL.1
rPnE building known as Sir Walter Ralegh's house at Youghal looks
to-day from the outside much the same as it must have looked
more than three hundred years ago, when the famous soldier, sea-captain,
colonizer, poet, historian, statesman, and courtier (to give him a few of
his titles to fame) of Queen Elizabeth's reign is believed to have some
time sojourned there. Slates, indeed, replace the original thatch on the
roof, and modern glass the ancient leaded panes in the windows ; but the
pleasantly broken front, with its tbree gablets, projecting porch, and bay-
Siu WALTER KALEGH'S HOUSE, YOUGHAL.
(From a Photograph by W. Lawrence, Dublin.)
window ; the south end with its sunny oriel ; the back with its towering
chimneys ; the massive wall, five feet thick ; the high-pitched gables, all
remain, perhaps almost unchanged. Entering the house, we pass through
the hall and visit the low dining-room on the ground-floor, from which a
subterranean passage is said to have connected the house with St. Mary's
Church. Upstairs there are handsome rooms wainscoted with dark oak.
One of these retains in its fire-place the old blue Dutch tiles with scrip-
tural subjects enclosed in a circular border. In a recess in this room
1 Ey Goddard H. Orpen, B.A., Bairister-at-Law.
PROCEEDINGS. 311
behind the wainscoting was discovered about the middle of the last
century "a part of the old monkish library hidden at the period of the
Reformation." One volume contained a black-letter compendium of
scriptural events from the Creation to the days of the Apostles, printed
at Mantua in 1479, together with Peter Comestor's "Historia Scolastica,"
printed at Strasburg in 1483. It is a pity we have not a complete list of
the library, as it might help to throw light on the date of the house.
The principal room, that with the sunny oriel window, still preserves its
beautiful mantelpiece of elaborately carved oak rising up to the panelled
ceiling. Three figures, representing Faith, Hope, and Charity, support
the cornice, above which is an open-work parapet by an apparently later
and inferior hand. The panels between the figures are ornamented with
fantastic shields, while an exquisite design runs over the lintel of the
fireplace, itself supported by grotesque figures. Unfortunately the
original tiles of the fireplace have in this instance been removed.
In the garden four old yew-trees, said to have been planted by Ealegh
himself, are still flourishing, and look very young lor their age. The
myrtle-trees, however, which were also supposed to date from his time,
and which at one period gave their name to the house, were destroyed in
a storm some years ago. Here Ralegh is believed to have planted the
first potatoes ever grown in Ireland, and to have smoked, if not even
planted, the first tobacco, and, no doubt, "found many rare and woonder-
full experiments of the vertues thereof." At any rate, we know that in
these and in many other directions, such as mining enterprises, fruit
culture, making pipestaves, exporting wool, &c., he was busily engaged
at the Irish industrial revival just three centuries before the time.
The house is believed to have been originally intended for the
residence of the Warden of the College of Youghal, and to have been
built soon after the year 1464, when the College was founded by Thomas,
the eighth Earl of Desmond. (See the article contributed by the Rev.
Samuel Hayman to the Society's Journal for the year 1856, pp. 16-28.)
The house can be plainly identified in the map of "Youghal as in
Elizabeth's reign when sacked by the Earl of Desmond," reproduced,
from a MS. in Trinity College, Dublin, in the Society's Journal, 1868-9,
p. 469, more doubtfully in the Map of Youghal in "Pacata Hibernia."
For Sir Walter Ralegh's connexion with it we have to rely on tradition,
in this case probably well founded. He probably obtained possession of
it about the year 1587, in connexion with his Crown Grant of 42,000
acres on the rivers Blackwater and Bride. His visits to Ireland, however,
at this time were fitful and only for short periods, confined probably to
the years 1587 to 1589. He managed his huge estates by deputy, and
they went from bad to worse; and in December, 1602, he sold them all,
including the College of Youghal, to Sir Richard Boyle, afterwards first
Earl of Cork. Since then the house has changed hands many times.
Not many years ago it was occupied by Sir John Pope Hennessy, who in
312 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
1883 wrote a bitter monograph on Sir Walter Ealegh in Ireland. The
house has been known in legal documents as Sir Lawrence Parsons'
House, and in recent times as Myrtle Grove, &c. ; but, in a truer historical
perspective, it is now indissolubly linked with the memory of one of the
most remarkable personalities of his own or indeed of any age, Sir Walter
Ralegh.
BINCBEW PBECEPTOBr.'
N the summit of the hill, at the confluence of the Blackwater, or " Avon-
more," with the lliver Toorigh (" The King's Bleach-green"), are
the ruins of a Preceptory of Knights Templars, said to have been founded
in 1183 A.D., by Baymond le Gros. These ruins are very extensive,
covering almost the whole of the top of the hill. The foundations of
the chapel, cloisters, refectory, and kitchen may still be traced, but with
difficulty. The chapel is about 66 feet long by 27 feet wide ; and the
walls are nearly 5 feet in thickness ; the sills of the opes of the eastern
window are still visible. There is a long vaulted " undercroft," or
cellar, under the apartments which existed on the eastern side of the
cloister. This chamber, which is about 51 feet by 17 feet, is covered by
early pointed vaulting of stone about 1 1 feet high, roughly grouted and
undressed. There are no traces whatever now left of any carved stone-
work ; doubtless, in the construction of this semi-monastic, semi-military
establishment, very little ornamental sculpture was to be found. The
walls in parts are exceedingly thick, being upwards of 6 feet in width.
All the stones used in the construction are of small size, and seem to
have been quarried on the top of the hill. Seven deeply- splayed spike-
opes light this " undercroft," four of these being in the . eastern wall,
two in the southern, and one at the north-east corner. Traces are still
remaining above the vaulted chamber of small apartments. The dormi-
tory, supported on thick oaken beams, and divided into cubicles or cells
(of which we see the vestiges in the Abbey of Molana, near Ballinatra),
must have once existed over the refectory, and in proximity to the
chapel. Local tradition says that some carved effigies of the Knights
(such as may still be seen in the ruined and dismantled chapel of the
Knights Hospitallers, at Hospital, County Limerick) were to be seen in
the ruins at the beginning of the last century, but all traces of such
statues are now lost. The Preceptory was granted, after the dissolution
of the monasteries, to Sir Walter Baleigh, A.D. 1585, and was after-
1 By Mr. M. J. C. Buckley.
PROCEEDINGS. 313
wards assigned, A.D. 1602, to Robert Boyle, the " Great" Earl of
Cork. Tew, if any, historical details are left concerning this monastic
fortress.
TEMPLE MICHAEL CASTLE.
This castle, one of the Geraldine fortresses, stands in a most picturesque
position by the side of the Blackwater. It is very likely that its name
of " Teampul Mihil," or Michael's Church, owes its origin to the
Templars of Rincrew having possession of the crossing or ferry at this
point. This stronghold has been very much battered and maltreated
by the cannon, which the Lord Protector brought to bear upon it, from
a hill near Eallinatra, leaving only the southern and eastern walls of the
keep still standing, with a portion of the spiral stone stairs inside. There
still remains part of one of the small, circular, curtain towers of the walls
of the "bawn" or castleyard. The castle was erected in the course of
the fourteenth century by one of the Fitz Gerald family, the last of
whom when in possession, in the year 1645, assisted Lord Castlehaven to
cross the Blackwater at this point, in order that he might bombard
Youghal from the ferry-point. The architectural features of this keep
were similar in type to those in the fortalice of Kilnatoora, of which a
short description will be found below.
THE ABBEY OP MOLANA.
This ruin is situate on what was formerly an island called Dar-Inis,
and was founded, in the sixth century, by St. Molanfidhe. Within
recent times (in 1806) this island was united to the mainland by a
causeway. Probably it derived its name of " Oak Island" from having
been a "crannog" or island habitation surrounded by oaken stakes,
.such as we still see round an islet in one of the lakes of Inchigeela,
County Cork. Such an islet would have formed a secure and com-
modious site for the primitive " Laura," or monastic settlement, of the
early Christian missionaries, in the midst of a densely-wooded and
trackless land, as all this country was then, and even down to the time
of Ralegh. There are still extensive remains of the church, with its
tower, the chapter-room, or " scriptorium," the refectory, and its
adjacent kitchen and draw-well, as well as the cloister- garth, or
^'paradise." The church was divided into nave and choir by an arch,
of which the bases of the piers are still to be seen. The choir was
lighted by six lancet-headed windows on the south, four on the north,
and a two-light window in the eastern wall. The church is about
120 feet in length, and 24 feet wide ; and the walls, up to the springing
of the roof, are 27 feet in height, and about 3 feet in thickness. The
type of the architectural remains, still to be found, seems to be in Early
English style. In the refectory is a fine, round-arched, moulded and
Tm,r tt 9 A T $ VoL XIU-' Fifth Series, ) v
Jour. K.b.A.I. j Vol XXXIIK) Consec. Ser. J
314 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
ornamented window, which appears to be of an earlier date, and more
" Romanesque " in treatment. This window is now filled up with a
modern wall and slab, surmounted by a sham Greek cinerary urn (surely
the Norman knight was not cremated !), dedicated to the memory of
Raymond le Gros, who is said, on the authority of a Carew MS., to have
been buried here in 1186 A.D. The cloisters had no arcaded opes or
arches, such as we see at Ardfert, in County Kerry, and in so many
other abbeys in Ireland and elsewhere. The ''ambulatory" of this
humble cloister was roofed, most probably with oaken planks, covered by
slates, quarried (as they have been down to recent times) on the banks
of the Finisk, a few miles away on the opposite side of the Blackwater.
This oaken roof rested on wooden posts, and the floor was composed, most
likely, of local stone slabs. There are some traces still remaining of
mural decoration, in the shape of white " ashlar " lines, traced on a
light rose-red ground, on the walls of the apartment, near the chapter-
room, which was most probably used as the "scriptorium," or writing
room. This room commands a most delightful prospect over the broad
waters of the " Avonmore," and it must have formed, in days gone by,
an ideal retreat for the skilled penmen of the Middle Ages, whose
labours have left us such magnificent memorials of their learning, skill,
and industry. This abbey, originally under the ancient Celtic monastic
rule, became a monastery of Canons Eegular of St. Augustine, after the
Norman Conquest. .yv
PROCEEDINGS.
KILtfATOORA CASTLE, YOUGHAL.1
rpnis fortalice is a fair type of the fortified houses or " keeps," which
were erected in great numbers by the Hiberno-Normans, all along
the limits of the Pale (in the same manner as they did in Wales and
Scotland) ; these castles served similar defensive purposes as the
blockhouses which were built during the recent South African war,
all along the border lines. The keep at Kilnatoora, as well as that at
Cornaveigh (which is now utterly ruined), was a Geraldine strong-
hold ; after the attainder of the Earl of Desmond, in Elizabeth's
reign, these castles passed into the possession of Sir Walter Raleigh, and
afterwards of the Earls of Cork. In Kilnatoora we see the expedients
adopted by the military engineers of those days, in order to make use
of the new weapons (such as small cannon called " culverins," and guns or
" arquebuses," either of brass or iron), which the general employment of
gunpowder, both for offensive and defensive operations, was then intro-
ducing all over Europe. In looking at the destructive havoc wrought on
the solidly-built limestone walls of such fortresses of the Middle Ages,
an intelligent observer of these " signs of the times" may well say that
gunpowder, the invention of a peaceful German monk, was one of the
most powerful agents for the overthrow of the whole Feudal system,
both here and in every other European country. Kilnatoora was
besieged, in 1645, by Lord Castlehaven, the commander of the Irish
Royalist forces, which were fighting for the king. The garrison having
been called upon to surrender, they refused to do so, and Castlehaven
bombarded the fortress and made a breach in the walls. The place being
taken " upon mercy," as it was called, the commandant, who was
Lieutenant Smyth, was thereupon shot dead; such summary methods
seem to have been carried out by the commanders on both sides. We
have several letters from Castlehaven addressed to the Republican com-
manders of various fortresses in this part of the country, ordering them
to surrender their " strong places" into his hands. We shall quote two
or three of these peremptory epistles. Eor instance, " To the Commander
of the Castle of Mogeely," he writes, " I summon you therefore to yield
that hold of Mogeely instantly, into my hands, and to become yourself of
our party, which if you do, you shall have quarter ; otherwise, I will
make you and your warden, such an example, as I did last night, to
your neighbours at Conna Castle, by putting to the sword some,
1 By Mr. M. J. C. Buckley.
Y2
316 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
and hanging the rest." June 19th, 1645. This summons not being
obeyed, next day the following missive was sent to the Governor of
Mogelly : —
" SIR, — I have now showed you my artillery, against the effect of
which you can make no resistance, wherefore, come forth instantly, and
submit yourselves, otherwise, you, the Governor, shall be infallibly
hanged, and your company hanged, or put to the sword, by your friend,
CASTLEHAVEN."
This summons was obeyed.
Another letter was addressed to the commander of Templemichael,
to this effect : —
" SIR GOVERNOR, — You may remember that when I sent for you
yesterday, you not only refused to come, but in my defiance, nourished a
sword on the top of your castle. If you do not instantly come forth, and
submit yourself unto me, I will put to death you and all the men within
your place. And as I was so favourable as only to hang the Governor
and Warden of Strangally, because they made me stay some hours there,
I will shoot you out of the cannon's mouth, and give my soldiers the
massacring of all under your warders." June 29th, 1645.
This shows the power which artillery was gaining in the warlike
operations of those times.
Kilnatoora Tower, as far as the edifice is concerned, is still fairly
perfect. As is usual in such fortified dwellings, all the apertures, for
light and air, on the ground-floor, as well as of the story above it, are
merely narrow slits, so as to prevent all ingress ; the entrance doorway
in the south-east angle of the southern face of the castle, was defended
by a small cannon, for which a circular aperture was provided outside the
oaken and iron-bound door. The stone stairs, circular in form, winds
upwards, on the Archimedean screw principle, to the floors above. The
entrance corridor is most ingeniously fortified against sudden intrusion of
enemies, by means of an opening in the ceiling, through which molten
lead, red-hot sand, cauldrons of boiling water, and other disagreeable
"missiles" were showered on the heads of unwelcome intruders; for
in such military dwellings every part of the building was prepared for
hand-to-haud defence, in case of necessity. The vaulted lower apart-
ment was used for the storage of salted meats, and barrels of beer (or
" cervoise") and wine, as well as cheeses, etc. There was also a wooden
floor resting on the stone corbels which divided the room in two ;
this loft was the store or grenier for corn, hard-baked bread or biscuits,
oatmeal, and other perishable provisions. The vaulting of rough stone-
work was evidently ''turned" or built on wattles of willow twigs,
which have left their indents on the bed of concrete, on which the
PROCEEDINGS. 317
" keying" stones were set. The first floor chamber, a spacious one, was
the living-room of the Warden and his family ; the windows of this
apartment, being above the reach of besiegers, are larger than the lower
ones ; they are provided with seats on both sides of their reveals. These
seats, when cushioned (as we see them in many illuminations of MSS.),
formed comfortable and safe lounges, no doubt, for the ladies and
gentlemen of that troubled period. This living-room, as well as the
upper ones above it, communicates by means of long narrow passages
with (l garde-robes" or cabinets, having doors cutting off communication
with the rooms to which they belonged, thus showing that, rude and
uncomfortable as we may esteem them nowadays, these mediaeval dwell-
ings were provided with most practical sanitary arrangements, which
arrangements have been, in most cases, ignorantly called "murdering-
holes."
Ascending by the stone stairs, we reach a chamber which was evidently
the dormitory ; the shallow alcoves next the windows were for the recep-
tion of "pallets" or beds, with movable wooden bedsteads; curtains
hanging from rods separated these sleeping-places from the rest of the
room. A lofty garret was formed under the planked and slated roof ;
this garret was generally used for the storage of clothes and armour,
along with woollen coverings, coffers, and boxes. A narrow stairs led up
to the broad stone walk inside the parapets. A small turret stood on the
north-eastern angle of the castle; this turret was provided with a
" cresset," or iron basket, which held the signal fire, that was lit in case
of necessity, for signalling to the other castles for many miles around
the approach of an enemy or of any other imminent danger ; a small
" boudoir," used most likely as an Oratory, with wide window opes, of
cusped arcades, existed in the south-east angle, and it is evident that all
this ornamental arcading was ruined and brought down from the effects
of cannon shot. Lofty chimneys, built up from the parapets, surmount
the roof-gables ; the fire-places communicating with these chimney-
shafts, were large ogee-arched hearths, in which blocks of wood and
peat were burned, as sea-borne coal was then unknown in this part of
Ireland. " Aumbries," or cupboards, made in the thickness of the wall,
are to be found in the different rooms ; and there can be no doubt that
these cupboards, as well as the walls themselves, were lined with wooden
panellings, such as are still to be seen in the fortified manor-house of the
Earls of Ormond at Carrick-on-Suir, and in the " Warden's House "
(now called Sir Walter Raleigh's) in Youghal. The keep of Kilnatoora,
like many other fortalices, was occupied solely by the Governor and his
family ; the men-at-arms of the garrison lived in the outhouses or in the
small towers attached to the " ballium" or " bawn " of the castle. A few
traces of this " bawn " are still remaining here, amongst them being one
of the ruined angle-turrets or bastions. We can find no signs of the
gate of the castle-yard, nor of any other outward defensive works. Of
318 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
the small " kill " or primitive church, from whence the locality derives
its name, a few foundations can still be traced a short distance from the
castle walls ; but no other architectural remnants are now to be found.
As this Tower of Kilnatoora is a most interesting type of its kind, and
is well worthy of preservation, I think some measures should be taken
by the County Council to prevent quarrying being carried further into
the limestone rock on which the keep stands, for we can ill afford to
lose this, now silent, witness of so many of the fierce struggles for
supremacy which occurred during ages past along the historic banks of
the fair, broad A von more.
PROCEEDINGS. ,'U9
NOTES ON YOUGHAL.1
fT%E ancient and important town of Youghal has been most fortunate
in the number and ability of its historians, commencing in
Elizabeth's reign with the great Earl of Cork, and ending with the
learned antiquary, Richard Caulfield. the interval having been filled by
Alderman Thomas Cooke, who wrote in 1749 ; Thomas Lord, who
issued from his printing press in Youghal, anno 1784, " The Ancient
and Present State of Youghal," and the Rev. Samuel Hayman, who
published in his native town its Historical, Ecclesiastical, and
Antiquarian Records, &c.
Of these published works, the first-named, containing the re-
membrances and diaries of Sir Richard Boyle, first and great Earl of
Cork, was issued in ten volumes for private circulation, and edited
by the Rev. Alexander Grosart.8 It abounds in references to
Youghal, and contains abundant evidence of the interest taken by the
Earl of Cork in its trade, industries and manufactures, and the exports
and imports of its harbour. Who would now suppose that in the reign
of Charles I., instead of importing manufactured iron from Wales, it
was mined, smelted, converted into bars, and exported to the Continent
and England, in cargoes from Lord Cork's ironworks at Lismore,
Lisfinny Castle, and Cappoquin, on the banks of the Blackwater, where
the barges were loaded, and floated down the river to his stores at
Youghal, and from thence abroad ? This important trade continued for
years, until at last the supply of forest timber was exhausted ; no more
charcoal could be produced, and the cost of imported coal was pro-
hibitive, making it too expensive a substitute to work with profit.
Another department of his export trade was the manufacture of pipe and
hogshead staves. In one of his entries, under anno 1619, he writes:
" I paid John Brothers for the making of 52,000 pipe staves, last made
in M'Donagh's woods at 32s. the thousand, delivered free in my yard at
Youghall at £3 a thousand. I have also agreed with him to make me
100,000 hogshead staves delivered free in my yard at Yoghill," &c.
In 1749, Alderman Thomas Cooke, of Youghal, presented to the
Right Hon. Henry Boyle, afterwards first Earl of Shannon, a memoir of
the town, giving an account of its laws and customs, its offices, gates,
walls, church immunities and privileges, with a list of its mayors,
bailiffs, burgesses, and freemen from 1542 to 1749. This has been
1 By Robert Day, F.S.A., Vice -President. . 2 Privately printed in 1878.
320 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
edited by the writer from the original MS. in his possession, and will be-
found in the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society,
vol ix., 2nd Ser. Hitherto it had been unpublished, except the
proemium, which appeared for the first time in Hayman's "Handbook
for Youghal."1
Thomas Cooke, the author, was Bailiff in 1744, and Mayor in 1746,
and again in 1747. His family was of good repute, as members of it
were elected to the office of Chief Magistrate during a period of six
successive years. This MS. antedates the " Council Book " by sixty-eight
years, and carries the town records back to the reign of Henry VIII. ,
anno 1542.
In 1784, Thomas Lord, a printer in Youghal, published there a little
Tolume of 130 pp., dedicated to the Corporation, entitled "The Ancient
and Present State of Youghal, containing a natural, civil, ecclesiastical,
and topographical history thereof."
This was followed by the Rev. Samuel Hayman in his " Notes and
Records of the religious foundations at Youghal," and a Guide to Youghal,
Ardmore, and the Blackwater, editions of which were printed by John
Lindsay at the "Old Lindsay Press," Youghal, in 1855-1858,2 I860,,
fee.
Lastly, we owe a deep debt of gratitude to Richard Caulfield, the
cultured and learned antiquary, profound scholar, and indefatigable
worker, who, when in failing health, edited, as it were a lasting legacy,
"The Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal," with added notes
made during his summer vacations in the Public Record Office, British
Museum, Bodleian Library, and from other original sources, both public
and private.
The Cork Corporation Records, published also by Dr. Caulfield,
although useful to the local antiquary and illustrative of contemporary
manners, are, in comparison \vith those of Youghal, singularly devoid of
historical value. The latter are of much importance as illustrative of the
condition of Munster during a period of which detailed information is
unfortunately scanty. They form a complete record of the town during
the Rebellion of 1641 and the Commonwealth, inclusive of the orders
and requisitions of Lord Inchiquin relative to the large garrisons then
stationed in the town.
Concerning the industries of the town, neither Jordan nor Hayman
1 Lindsay, Youghal, 1858.
2 Lindsay has only recently died. His father, John "Wesley Lindsay, commenced
business as a printer here in 1824, having served his apprenticeship in Cork, and
purchased there an old wooden press, which had formerly belonged to James Blow, a
well-known printer in Belfast in 1696. It is believed to have been the very press at
which the first Bible printed in Ireland (8vo, Belfast, 1704) was struck off. Blow
sold it to a Cork printer, who used it in publishing a small newspaper, and with him
it remained until Lindsay purchased it in 1824. (Vide Cotton's Typographical
Gazetteer (Macmillan, 1866), and Ulster Journal of Archeology, vol.ii., p. 76, 2nd Ser. ;
also Madden's Irish Periodical Literature, and Anderson's Belfast-printed Books.}
PROCEEDINGS. 321
makes any mention of the manufacture of delf in Youghal. Notices
of the earthenware works, which were owned and for many years success-
fully worked by the Drury family, occur by both ; but of the higher class
glazed and decorated delf, which was made there during the first half of
the eighteenth century, there is no notice. That this manufacture existed
there can be no doubt, as well-authenticated examples are preserved by the
descendants of Youghal families ; one of these, the late Robert J. Leeky,
writing in 1889 from London, informed me that " the tradition
concerning the delf is, that a vein of white clay was discovered in the
neighbourhood, and some trials were made with it, but only in a very
small way ; that the place was covered up, and the locality entirely
forgotten. I have a doll's cup and saucer made of it, diameter If inches
and 2-1^6 inches, a thick white glaze, the clay a light grey straw colour.
The cup has the initials 1751' and a mock Chinese ornamentation
outside, colour light blue. These were part of a set given to my grandaunt,
Hannah Poole, nee Lecky (born in 1 74 1 ), when ten years old, (She died in
Cork in 1820.) I have the tradition from my father, who was bom in
Cork in 1764. I don't know whether there is still there any manufacture
of the coarse brown ware once carried on rather extensively by Eisners and
Drurys. There were some fairly successful experiments made by grinding
up the wasters, of which there must be large quantities buried, and
mixing with fresh clay, so that, with modern machinery and more careful
manipulation, I fancy a much-improved class of earthenware could be
made."
Miss Baker, of Carrigbeg, Cork, has four fully authenticated specimens,
one of which was presented to me. The body of the clay composing
these is a light grey, the glaze a very pale bluey- white, the decoration a
full deep blue, the ornamentation Chinese in character. One of these is
a 14-inch circular dish, painted in a willow pattern, with pagoda, bridge,
water, and landscape, also a plate 9 inches diameter, with flower and leaf
pattern of the same colour. And two plates, 7t inches wide, of the same
body and same glaze, plain borders, and within three concentric rings
the initials E. H., for E. Highnet, an ancestor of Miss Baker's, for whom
the set of ware was made.
In my own very small collection are the following examples of this
rare and little known delf : —
-p TT
1. The plate of E. Highnet, 1738, before described, marked
2. An armorial plate. Arg. three fleur-de-lys, az., between six
cross crosslets for Hillary, County Warwick, with the initials K. H.,
and date 1747.
3. A puzzle jug of the same colours, similar to one exhibited in the
1 Smith's " Cork," vol. i., p. 70. (Guy, 1893.)
322 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Agricultural and Technical Loan Department of the Cork Exhibition,
1902, and with the same inscription : —
" Here, Gentlemen, come try your skill,
I'le hould a wager if you will,
That you don't drink this liquor all
Without you spill, or lett some fall."
4. An 8-inch fluted oviform jar without cover, with a dark blue
decoration composed of birds, flowers, ferns and rushes. It was given to
me some years ago by a lady member of an old Youghal family, who,
because it was made in her native town, prized it greatly, and treasured
it for the family associations that clustered round it.
Lord, writing of the manufactures of Youghal in 1784, places that
of earthenware at the head of the list, "a considerable quantity of
which is made in Youghal," and goes onto say, "it is far from being
brought to the perfection the manufacture requires. A considerable
branch of this trade, and which we continue to import in vast quantities
from Holland, is the article of tiles for roofing and flooring, as also
chimney tiles, in many of which one meets with no unelegant designs
done by children in that industrious country, and sold extremely cheap."
Lord also mentions the " exceeding good brick made in Youghal,
very little inferior to that which comes from England." Although a
century and a half has elapsed since he wrote, the industry continues to
flourish, and to retain the high reputation which it then so justly bore.
Hayman1 figures and describes a bronze seal which was found near
the precincts of the Franciscan Friary on Dec. 31, 1853, in the garden of
R. H. Eogers, Esq., from whom I purchased it in 1898. The matrix of
this seal is circular, £ -inch diameter ; the handle is hexagonal, tapering
until it expands into a trefoil head of yellowish bronze. The central
device of the seal is surrounded at the edge by a pearl border, and may
be described as an almond-shaped vesica [emblem of the Blessed Yirgin],
intersected by a square, having in the middle of the field a heart proper
in high relief, pierced in the centre by a sword pointing downwards.
The heart rests on an open calix of a flower-de-luce, or Mary Lily, the
position of the sword being symbolic of Simeon's prophetic words to Mary.
The inscription surrounds the vesica, and reads, in black-letter : —
" 2JI S. FRIS. JOH. THYNGHUL."
Our Local Secretary, Mr. Buckley, has suggested that the legend is
composite in character through an error of the engraver in omitting a
stop between the letters " th " and " yughul," the first being an abbre-
viation for " Thesaurarius," treasurer of the convent. Yughul is one of the
varieties of mediaeval spelling for Youghal, and this seal would, if his
conjecture be well founded, be that of
" FRIAR JOHN, THE TREASURER [OF ST. MARY*S FRIARY], YOUGHAL."
1 Page 30. John Lindsay, Youghal, 1858.
PROCEEDINGS. 323
YOIJGHAL SILVERSMITHS' WORK.
It is to Cooke's MS. we are indebted for a list of the various trades,
of which the four guilds of the town were composed ; they are not men-
tioned by Hayman, and only referred to by Caulfield as the Clothiers,
Leathermen, Victuallers, and Hammermen.
It is with the last-named that the Goldsmiths were incorporated, viz.
Goldsmyths, Black Smyths, Peuterers, Shipwrights, House Carpenters,
Joyners, Coopers, Tilers, Masons, Cutlers, Brasiers, and Glaziers.1
Messrs. Egan & Son, of Cork, had recently for repairs a dated chalice
with the Youghal marks. It was 9^ inches high, the cup plain, and
measuring 4 inches deep by 3£ inches wide at the mouth, resting on a
baluster stem, with pear-shaped knop, on which were three cherubs'
heads, winged, of applied chased work. The foot was splayed, forming
a rose of ten petals, the raised dividing lines of -which had each &fleur-
de-lys, and in one of the open spaces a representation of the Crucifixion,
and the date 1644, the whole resting on a gadrooned edge all engraved.
On the cup were four marks, viz., the galley, and maker's stamp twice
repeated | I. G. I, which corresponds with John Green, Goldsmyth, whose
name is mentioned in the Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal,
anno 1652. This is the earliest example of Youghal marked plate that
has so far been recorded, dating from the reign of Charles I.
The chalice and paten which are now used in the parish church of
Killeagh formerly belonged to the adjoining parish of Clonpriest. I am
indebted to my kinsman, the Rev. W. T. C. Day, Rector, for entrusting
these valuable pieces of Communion plate to my care, by which I was
enabled to more carefully examine them and take impressions from their
makers' stamps.
Both chalice and paten are remarkably fine examples of Youghal
silversmiths' work. The chalice is Scinches high, supported on a circular
foot 4f inches diameter ; the cup is straight- sided, 4 inches in depth,
and 4f inches wide at the lip, embossed with a spiral fluting 3 inches
deep round the lower part, the base resting on an applied rose of five
petals, the stem with fluted baluster knop and similarly decorated.
The paten corresponds in ornamentation with the chalice, which it fits
as a cover. On both are eight makers' marks all alike, namely, the letter
E below a lymphad in one stamp.
The following inscription is underneath the lip of the cup : —
"THE PARISH OF CLOYNE PRIEST, APR 4, 1702."
Extending beyond it was a continuation of the legend which has for
some cause been designedly erased. The paten is a very choice specimen
1 "Proceedings,*' Society of Antiquaries, London, 2nd Ser., vol. xi., p. 388.
324 KOYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
of Queen Anne silver. It stands on a spirally fluted foot, and has a
similar border on its upper rim. The combined weight is 20 ounces
10 dwt. So far the maker's name has not been identified.
After the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland, it was found
necessary to group certain parishes in some of the sparsely populated
districts. One of these unions was formed in the diocese of Cloyne,
where Castlemartyr, Igtermurragh, and Kilcredan were united, and now
form the combined parish of Castlemartyr. Igtermurragh was in the
centre of the three, flanked upon the west and south by Castlemartyr,
and bordered on the north and east by Kilcredan. It was soon apparent
that the convenience of the parishioners would be best consulted by
holding Divine Service in the two last-named, and to save the church of
Ightermurragh from falling into ruin and from possible desecration, it
was taken down, and its church plate handed over to the Rev, Canon
Bolster, Rector of Castlemartyr, after which it was transferred to the
parish church of Corkbeg. In 1886, through the kindness of Colonel
Sir R. U. P. FitzGerald, Bart., I had an opportunity of examining the
chalice and paten, and seeing for the first time an example of silver, with
marks hitherto unpublished and unknown, which I was able to identify
as Youghal local stamps. The cup is straight-sided, 8^ inches high, and
4 inches wide at the lip ; underneath the bowl, and springing from a
baluster-shaped stem, is an open rose resting on a circular foot 4£ inches
diameter ; it has in a scroll the inscription : —
" The legacy of Mrs Mary
Brelsford, who died ye 3rd of
Feby 1712, to the Church
Of Ightermurrough."
[= ••".
Under the rim are four marks, two are those of the maker | E. G. | , and
two the arms of Youghal, a lymphad in a shaped stamp. The initials
are those of Edward Gillett, Goldsmith, who on the 23rd of February,
1711, was admitted free at large, on May '20, 1712, was sworn as such,
and in 1721 was Mayor. The paten forms a cover for the chalice, and
bears an inscription to the same effect ; both weigh 19 oz. 11 dwt.
We have here an example of the Town Arms having been adopted
by the Goldsmiths' Guild of Youghal as their authorised stamp on silver
plate, just as in Cork during the seventeenth century, where its arms,
the ship and castles, were used in the same way for a like purpose.
The only other examples of Youghal marked silver so far known are
the flagon and patens (two) of St. Mary's Church, Youghal, and the
chalice of the parish church of Killeagh, diocese of Cloyne. These and
the Igtermurragh chalice the Rectors have most kindly premised to
bring for your inspection, so that an opportunity may be thus afforded of
examining the town marks and makers' stamps upon them. As it often
happened, the local silversmiths omitted to stamp their work, and in this
PROCEEDINGS. 325
respect the Youghal Guild were not an exception, as the chalice and
paten of Ardmore parish church1 are unmarked, so also is the Youghal
inscribed chalice of the Franciscan2 Order in Cork, and the Mace of
Castlemartyr,3all of which, in all probability, were made in Youghal.
In this short Paper I have only been able to glance at some of the
industries of this ancient town, without touching upon any of its historical
memories and associations. It is unfortunate for the members of our
Society that they have come in the absence of H. E. Sir Henry and Lady
Blake, who would have given them a hearty welcome, and made their
visit to the hospitable shelter of Myrtle Grove a long and happy memory.
Those who will follow the course of the Blackwater to Lismore will find
in the beauties of that romantic river the probable reasons why the
poetical but thoroughly practical Ealeigh settled at Youghal, where his
memory is still green. He was Mayor of the town in the years 1588 and
1589 successively, William Magner being his Deputy. Cooke, under these
dates, has the following note : — " Sir Walter Ilawleigh, K1, a person of
rare endowments, take him as a Statesman, Seaman, Soldier, or learned
writer, being attainted of High Treason, and the sentence lay dormant
16 years, and he sent to Guinea 13 years after his Conviction. Yet he
was beheaded in the great Court at Westminster the 29th October, 1618,
his motto —
"TAM MAJRTI, QTTAM MERCUEIO."
Among the benefits that Youghal, and indeed the kingdom, inherited
from llaleigh's connexion with it was the introduction of the potato,
which he first planted in its congenial soil. Here also, under the yew-
trees at Myrtle Grove, he smoked the pipe of peace, and linked his name
with the introduction of tobacco.
Here the poet Spenser, and afterwards his widow, Elizabeth Seeker-
stone (nee Boyle), lived in the old castle of Kilcoran, which overlooks
the bay; and here, in the " Amoretti," sonnet 75, Spenser writes : —
" One day I wrote her name upon the strand"4 — possibly on what has
continued to be known as the "name rock" upon the beach, so called
because of the custom of cutting lovers' names and " poeseys " upon it.
1 " Journal " of the Cork Hist, and Arch. Assoc., vol. v., p. 61.
* Ibid., p. 46, 1897.
3 Smith's " Cork," vol. i., p. 197. (Guy & Co.)
4 " Lismore Papers," vol. i., p. 18.
326
ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
THE EUEGH OE "VILLE" OE YOUGHAL.1
T^ARLY in the thirteenth century Youghal was already a walled town ;
but, doubtless, long previous to that period this burgh was
enclosed by defensive bulwarks, such as a fosse or ditch, with palisading
of pointed stakes or " chevaux-de-Erise," with some sort of a stone wall
behind them. Such defensive works were usually constructed when
places on the coast were occupied by the original Norse invaders, as
well as by the Normans.
THE TOWN WALL, YOUGHAL.
If the lower courses of the masonry in the Youghal walls be closely
examined, it will be seen that they are built in a different manner from
the upper parts of the same wall. I consider that all this lower portion
dates from the Scandinavian period ; in their configuration these walls
closely follow the " demi-lune" entrenchments of the Viking settlement.
We have no documentary evidence as to the " murage " or walling of the
town earlier than the thirteenth century, when a grant was given in the
1 By Mr. M. J. C. Buckley, Hon. Local Secretary for East Cork.
PROCEEDINGS.
third year of the reign of Edward I., A.D. 1275, to the burghers of Youghal,
for the levying of " customs " or taxes on various articles of merchandise,
in order to enable them to surround their " ville " or town (Celtic "dun ")
with defensive walls ; it is of interest to note that amongst the articles
enumerated as subject to these customs, are wine, salt, tanned and un-
tanned hides, fleeces, badger, rabbit, squirrel, or goat skins, Cordovan
leather, millstones, tar and pitch, lead, bundles of cloth, linen and canvas,
woods for dyeing same, &c., &c. In 1358 we find that Edward III.
granted another permit to levy the same taxes for the repair of the walls •
also in the times of Eichard II., 1380-1394; Henry IV., 1404 ; Henry
V., 1414-15, and in all the succeeding reigns up to the period of
James I.
THE GATES.
On the southern side of the walls, extending from the present Clock
Gate to Windmill-lane, was an enclosure, which surrounded what
was called the "base town," which was ordered, by the charter of
Edward IY., in 1462, to be allotted to the native Irish inhabitants; this
wall was pierced by the south gate, and all ingress was jealously guarded
after a certain fixed hour in the evening. There were originally five
gates in these walls, which were the North Gate, the South Gate, the
Trinity Castle, or the Iron Gate (now called the Clock Gate), the Quay
Gate, and the Water Gate. Until the year 1592 the room over the North
Gate was the Hall of the Guilds. This old gate was entirely removed in
1777, and the South Gate was also removed in the same year.
The Water Gate, which still exists at the lower end of Quay-lane,
was preserved and restored in the early years of the last century, thanks
to the intelligent zeal of Mr. Thomas Harvey, a merchant of Youghal.
A desperate struggle took place inside this gate, after the sack of
the town in 1595, by the insurgent Earl of Desmond, of which a very
graphic account is given in a contemporaneous letter now in the State
Paper Office, London, as well as a notice in the "Annals of the Four
Masters."1 The Iron Gate, now the " Clock Gate," was replaced
by the present structure in 1777, and was built under the direction
of Wm. Mead, architect; it is in the "Palladian" style of architec-
ture, its total height, to the top of the cupola, being 90 feet. This
gate was used as a town prison until 1837.2 The ancient Commercial
1 Tradition assigns this spot as the place of embarkment of Cromwell when he left
Ireland for ever, on the 26th May, 1650.
2 There is a wood-hlock engraving of the ancient iron gate in the quaintly -written
account of Youghal by Thomas Dineley, in the year 1681. This shows a castellated
edifice, square in plan, with angle- turrets, pierced by narrow opes. The archway is
pointed, and a small niche appears ahove it, exactly as we see in the ancient gate-
ways of Bruges, Mechlin, and elsewhere on the Continent. On either side of this arch
are large grated openings, evidently the windows of the town gaol. In the upper
storey is the dial of the public clock, and immediately over this is a domed turret,
surmounted by a wrought-iron girouette. This turret occupies the same position as
the modern bell-cupola. A small circular turret, with a conical roof, and a square-
headed doorway, stands at the left-hand side, just by the present gaol steps.
328 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Exchange a stood on the quay, outside the Quay gate, but of it not a
trace remains.
THE TOWEKS.
Along the walls at intervals were thirteen castles or towers ; of these
towers there are still remaining, a "half -moon" tower, fairly well
preserved, on the western wall of the present College Park (this edifice
is shown in the two illustrations, pp. 307, 326); another " lunette" of
a similar type (occupied formerly as an Astronomical Observatory by the
late Dr. Harvey, who composed therein for many years an almanac
called "The Youghal Nautical Almanack," now obsolete) has been
restored by me when repairing the walls round Montmorenci ; and at the
south-west angle are the remains of the legendary " Banshee" tower, about
which many stories used to be told. All traces of Nott's and Bath's
Castles have disappeared. Doorways led from all these towers to the
"chemin de ronde," or "Archer's Walk," as it is called, by which the
Town Guard, in troublous times, patrolled, in their various companies,2
the precincts of the stout old burgh.
HEMAEKABLE HOUSES.
Of several fortified castellated houses inside the town we have but one
specimen still existing, which is called Tynte's Castle ; it is very similar
in structure to the towers still remaining at Thurles, Cashel, Drogheda,
Kilmallock, and elsewhere. It was erected in the fifteenth century by
the Anglo-Norman family of Walshe, by whose name it was called, until
the forfeiture of their estates in 1 584. It was then leased for ever by the
Corporation to Sir Robert Tynte (of Somerset origin), of Kilcredan. It
shows a striking example of the care bestowed by its old Norman
1 There are two very interesting views of the Exchange, as well as of the Pier and
its fort, along with the walled town, given by Thomas Dineley in his account of
Youghal in 1681. In these views the Exchange is shown as a building of the same
type as the " Bourses " in several of the Flemish and Hanseatic towns. The Youghal
edifice is represented as having four circular arcades, with wide mullioned windows
over them, and dormer windows in the roof. A tower, terminated by a domed cupola
(which appears to be covered with copper scales), stands in the centre of the fa9ade.
The gables are very lofty, and are surmounted, as well as the cupola, by wrought-
iron vanes. On the south side of the Exchange is seen the fortified water-gate,
immediately over which, in the distance, is shown the windmill, which formerly
stood at the top of Windmill-lane.
2 These companies of " Town Guards " were formed in almost the same manner as
the " commandoes" were brought together in the South African war, each townsman
or "burgher" being obliged to turn out, with his arms (consisting of a sword, an
" arquebus " or gun, and some rounds of ammunition in a bandolier ; or a pike or
" halbard," and a sword only), on the alarm being given by the " Town Drummer."
The companies were drilled and inspected in the presence of the Mayor or his
adjutants. Absence from these quarterly inspections and drillings was punishable by
fines and admonitions. At various distances along the walls are small redoubts or
'"bastilles," projecting slightly (five or six inches) beyond the face of the wall.
These redoubts were intended as resting-places for the men off guard ; they were
roofed, and provided with wooden forms or settles, for the accommodation of the
watchers of the town.
PROCEEDINGS. 329
possessors to hold their own dwelling-places, " par la main forte «t
dure," even in the midst of a walled town. Its total height is about fifty
feet. The ancient entrance was on the south side, as we can see by the
projecting hood of the machicolation in the upper storey, which was used
for giving a " warm reception" to unwelcome visitors, in the shape of red-
hot sand, molten lead, heavy stones, arrows, and such -like "douceurs."
The first floor, which is approached by a steeply inclined plane, was of
timber, the oaken joists resting on stone corbels, as in the church tower
of St. Mary's (as we also see in the castles of Kilnatoora, Templemichael,
and others). The principal apartment is vaulted in stone, and must have
been comfortably and even handsomely furnished, as we see traces of
stuccoed cornices still remaining. Doubtless this room was lined with oak
panelling similar to what we have found round the principal apartments
of Roth's House in Kilkenny, and which still exists in the rooms of the
Manor Castle of Carrick-on-Suir, Co. Waterford. The windows to the
street are modern. The ancient apertures, however, seem to have occupied
the same place, and, from the outside of the castle, must have been wide
and open, with stone mullions and heavy labels of the fifteenth century.
In the south wall are the original windows, now built up. Continuing
the ascent, the stairs are lighted by two lancet-windows, at different
heights, which lead us to the upper floor, which was fire-proof, being the
stone-arched covering of the dining-room. The sleeping rooms and
" garde-robe " are in the east side of the castle, with a circular staircase
leading to them, constructed in the thickness of the wall. Prom its position
on the waterside, this castellated house served as a defensive outwork to
the weak and rather unprotected sea-wall, of which some traces still exist
behind the houses abutting on the present Grattan-street, which, as well
as the store-houses and quays, are all built on reclaimed slob-land. In
the records of the town during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
we find many urban enactments were made regarding such reclamations.
Nearly opposite this antique fortified mansion, which was so strongly
guarded against sudden attacks in wild and lawless times, we see
a very quaint and interesting specimen of the domestic architecture
of the early eighteenth century. This is the .large and substantially-
built dwelling, known as " The Eed House," which was built by one of
the " TJniacke" family, between the years 1706-15, from the plans and
under the superintendence of a Dutch builder named Leuventhen. It is
a fine example of the domestic architecture of the Netherlands at that
period; with its Dutch Renaissance details, its wide doorway and portico
approached by a flight of steps, and its tall windows, it forms a striking
contrast to the gloomy, semi-fortress house on the other side of the
street. The whole of this edifice is built of red bricks, which are, most
probably, of Dutch origin, as it is doubtful whether brick kilns had
been established in Youghal at this period. I may here remark that
similar brickwork in houses of this date can still be seen in some of the
T v < A T J Vo1- XIII-» Fifth Ser. »
Jour.R.S.A.I. j Vol js^ Consec. Ser. }
330 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
older parts of towns and cities in the New England States, in the narrow
streets of Manhattan Island, New York, formerly called New Amsterdam.
The interior of this antique Dutch residence is panelled in memel pine-
wood, which is still in good preservation. The old bridge across the
Blackwater was built of the same wood.
Beyond the Red House in the North Main-street is a very
picturesque group of old alms-houses, which, with their gables and
low-arched doorways, add an interest to the street, that is entirely
wanting in our modern thoroughfares. These alms-houses, as well as
the grammar-school, were founded by the Earl of Cork about 1620. A
very fine roof, of hammer-beam construction, still exists in the ancient
school-house close by. This roof is well worthy of careful cleaning
and preservation. Unfortunately all the windows, doorways, and the
interior arrangements have been entirely altered and spoiled by successive
changes, introduced by its various inhabitants. The greater number of
the houses in the Main- street are old, dating mostly from the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. Many of them still retain their ancient
chimney- shafts of stone, of large size; but the fronts have all been
modernised. One may still observe, however, that a large number of
these old houses are built on a " skew" plan to the street (as was very
often the case in medieval towns), so as to allow of small " espions," or
spy-windows, being made in their projecting angles, which are mostly
towards the south-east. Tip to the beginning of the seventeenth
century the timber used in these dwellings, for joists, floorings, doors,
etc., was oak, of which there was an abundance to be got in the great
woods that extended from Youghal, along the banks of the Blackwater,
up to the valley of Lismore and beyond. Even in the days of Sir
Walter Raleigh we learn that there were some thousands of oak-trees to-
be found in the woods around Youghal, which he mentions as being fit
and suitable for the service of the Royal Navy, in Elizabethan days.
THE FRANCISCAN FRIARY, YOUGHAL.
This was the earliest foundation in Ireland of the Order of St. Francis.
Thomas, the second son of the founder, completed the building at
his own expense, and dying 26th May, 1260, was here interred. Several
other noblemen of the house of Desmond were also buried here, viz.
John, 3rd Earl of Desmond, in 1369 ; John, 5th Earl, in 1399 ; James,
7th Earl, in 1462 ; James, 9th Earl, in 1487 ; Maurice, only son of
Thomas, 12th Earl, in 1529 ; Thomas, 12th Earl, in 1534; James, 14th
Earl, in 1540; and Sir Thomas Ruadh Fitzgerald, in 1595. Wadding
informs us that many religious men were interred within the walls. Pro-
vincial chapters of the Order were held here in 1300, 1312, and 1331.
The Franciscan Friary, as we have seen, derived its name of "The
South Abbey " from its local position. At the opposite end of the town,.
PROCEEDINGS. 331
a little outside the walls, was founded by another member of the
Geraldine Family : —
THE DOMINICAN FRIARY, COMMONLT CALLED THE NORTH ABBEY.
1268. — Thomas Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald, surnamed n'appagh, " Simi-
aeus," or " the Ape," founded a Friary for Dominicans, or Friars Preachers,
at Youghal. This House was at first placed under the Invocation of the
Holy Cross (S. Crux), perhaps on account of the Family Arms of the
Founder; but it was subsequently dedicated to St. Mary of Thanks
(S. Maria Gratiarum), on account of a miraculous image of the B. Virgin
preserved here (Bourke's "Hib. Dom.," p. 272). This ivory image is
now in .the Dominican Priory in Cork. A copy of it, in marble, is in the
" Frontale " of the altar of the Catholic Church in Youghal.
1281-1304. — General Chapters of the Order were held.
1296. — The Founder was here interred in the middle of the Choir
(Grace).
1303. — 22nd Oct. Robert de Percival, an eminent benefactor to this
house, having been slain in a battle with the Irish, was interred here
(Lodge).
1493a — This Friary was reformed by Bartholomew Comatius (Bononi-
ensis), 33rd Master of the Order ("Hib. Dom." pp. 76, 273, 518).
1581. — 28th April. This Friary, with six gardens within the liberties
of Youghal (the tithes excepted), was' granted for ever, in capite, to
William Walsh, at the yearly rent of 22 pence sterling. From him
it passed, after a term of years, to John Thickpenny, gent. ("Hib. Dom.,"
p. 273).
1585-86. — 3rd February. The Friary was granted to Sir Walter
Kaleigh, at an annual rent of £12 19*. 6d.
1602.— 7th December. Sir Walter Raleigh conveyed all his Irish
grants, including this Friary, to Mr. E. Boyle.
1604. — 31st March. By an Inquisition taken this day at Cork it was
found that Sir Walter Raleigh, lately attainted of high treason, was
seized in fee (among others) of the Priory, or House of Friars Observant,
near Youghall, called " the Black ffireers, neere Tough all, with appur-
tenances, together with its scite, circuit, ambite, and precinct, etc., and
its other possessions and hereditaments, spiritual and temporal."
1604. — 10th May. The Priory, or late House of Observant Friars,
near Yoghall, called the "Black Friars," of Yoghall, with all their
possessions, spiritual and temporal, was granted by the King to Sir
Richard Boyle. (Calendar of Patent Rolls.)
1617. — The Lady Honor Fitzgerald, of the Geraldine family, pre-
sented the Dominicans of Youghal with a silver-gilt shrine for the image
of the Madonna in their possession. This reliquary is about 4 inches in
Z2
332 ROYAL SOCIKTY OF ANTIQUARIES OF 1KKLAN1-).
height, by about 2 inches in width. Its sides are richly chased with
floriated ornaments, and its summit is surmounted by a cross. It opens
with two folding-doors (as a " triptych"), which, thrown back, display
the statue within. The reverses of these doors bear the Crucifixion, and a
figure of a saint in prayer, respectively. On the outside is this inscrip-
tion in Roman letter: — "Orate . pro . anima . onoriae . filiae . Jacobi .
de . Geraldinis . quse . me . fieri . fecit. Anno Dni . 1617."
1632. — The tenants of the Friary were exempted from taxes or
quartering soldiers.
1632. — In the Dominican House of St. Mary's of the Isle, Cork, is
preserved a handsome silver chalice, as well as a Monstrance, which for-
merly belonging to this Friary. The chalice bears this inscription : —
'Pertinet ad conventum Deiparae Gratiarum de Yeoghall, 1632."
1698. — 1st May. An Act having been passed which commanded the
departure of all monastic orders out of Ireland, never to return " on pain of
death" the Dominicans of Youghal were constrained to leave ; and they
deposited their Madonna Shrine with Sir John Hare, of Shandon Castle,
County "Waterfowl.1
Several remains of stone coffin-lids of the usual tapered form, covered
with " fleur-de-luce " crosses, and bearing traces of Norman-French
inscriptions, were found here from time to time during the last century,
as well as two full-length freestone effigies of knights in armour. One
of these effigies was found in 1857, and a description of it by the late
Mr. Edward Fitzgerald is given at page 287, vol. iv., of the Kilkenny
Archaeological Society's Journal. There is a legend amongst the people,
that the bell of this antique Friary is buried in the angle of the ruined
thirteenth-century chancel-pier ; the same story is told of the five bells
formerly in the tower of St. Mary's, which are said to be buried either
in the churchyard, or in the garden of Myrtle Grove. A similar tradition
was proved to be true, in a most remarkable manner, to the writer's
own knowledge, in the case of the discovery of two splendid " silver-
metal " bells within the ruined church of Boulick, near Thurles,
County Tipperary (a sort of Irish Baalbec), a few years ago. These
bells, one belonging to the ninth-century period, and the other to the
fourteenth, are now deposited in the Archbishop's residence at Thurles,
County Tipperary.
1 Many further notices of this Abbey and its miraculous statue will be found
in the Rev. Ambrose Coleman's Notes (p. 51) , to his reprint of O'Heyn's Irish
Dominicans, 1902.
PROCEEDINGS. 33ft
NOTES ON ST. MARY'S CHURCH. YOUGHAL.1
HPHE Church of St. Mary, of Youghal, although much injured and badly
restored, can still be classed amongst the most interesting and beau-
tiful edifices of its kind remaining in Ireland. The present edifice,
built at various periods, occupies a site devoted to religious worship
during many centuries, even before the advent of the Normans in this
land. The first missionary of Christianity here was St. Declan, of
Ardmore, who, with St. Carthagh of Lismore, St. Cainech of Kilkenny,
St. Ailbe of Emly, and others, were predecessors of St. Patrick.
Doubtless a small " Daimh-liag," or stone-built oratory, such as we
still see at Ardmore (now called " St. Declan's grave"), was erected on
the spot where St. Mary's Church stands. In those early days a sombre
green yew-wood2 covered the side of the hill on which the town is built,
and surrounded the precincts of this primitive oratory. It is very likely
that early Pagan rites were previously celebrated in the same place, for
in many instances the Christian missionaries chose such spots as had been
" consecrated " in the minds of the people for countless ages before their
arrival, and dedicated them to Christian worship, just as they consecrated
so many of the " Dolmen" and "Gallaun" raised stones, by blessing,
and incising the Sign of the Cross on their sides.
As population increased, and the Celto-Danish town began gradually
to acquire the rights and privileges of a trading burgh, this church had
to be rebuilt and increased in size about the middle of the eleventh
century. Many interesting fragments of this Hiberno-Romanesque
edifice are still remaining, incorporated with the walls of the later
building.
There is a very delicately-moulded semicircular arch, resting on two
low columns, with "turned" capitals and bases, existing in the wall of
the aisle of the northern transept; this arch evidently surmounted a
sepulchral slab. High above the present chancel-arch, on either side of
the gable through which this arch was pierced (early in the thirteenth
century), are still seen two open round-headed windows, which belong to
the earlier church, as the wall itself was the eastern end of the same
building. These windows must have been immediately over the roof of
the earlier chancel, just as similar apertures are placed over the chancel
roof of Cormac's Chapel in Cashel, for the earlier chancel stood on the
1 By Mr. M. J. C. Buckley.
2 "Eo-Caille, or Youghal, means "the yew-wood."
334 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
same site as the present choir, although it was most probably much
shorter. The circular ope, with its decorated tracery, which is between
these two windows, is of later date, as far as the tracery is concerned.
The key-stones of semicircular arches still exist in the walls of the west
gable, as well as in that of the north transept aisle. This latter arch
belonged to the northern porch of the earlier church, which portal was
rebuilt and enlarged in the course of the fourteenth century, as can be
seen by the fragments of well-wrought door-mouldings, and polished
limestone colonnettes, lately found in digging inside, under the founda-
tion of the south wall of the tower ; this wall traverses the site of the
northern porch, thus proving that the thickening of the walls of the
tower was carried out at a much later date, probably about 1450, so as
to adapt the tower to the purposes of military defence, as is shown by its
deeply recessed narrow "slit" windows (on the ground-floor), splayed
widely outwards, so as to afford an extensive range for shooting. There
are also remaining several of the tapered stone cross-slabs, which were
formerly placed over sepultures in the earlier church; many of these
incised slabs, with chamfered edges, bearing "Lombardic" lettering,
•were found, during excavations, to have been used by the builders of the
thirteenth century as foundations for the piers of the nave and other
parts.
The present edifice of St. Mary's was largely re-built about the year
1220, in what is called the Early English style. The form of the church
is that of a Latin cross, and consists of a nave with aisles, a north
transept, with aisle at the west side, a south transept, formerly called
the " Chauntry of our Blessed Saviour" (now the Cork chapel), the choir
or chancel, and the tower in the angle of the north aisle and transept.1
There formerly existed the following portions of this building, which
have been ruthlessly demolished, namely, the vestry or " sacristy," two
chantries, a circular stair tower in the west gable, and the north and
south porches to the aisles. This fine edifice replaced the earlier church,
which, having been dismantled in the great tempest of 1192, became
ruinous and decayed. According to ancient tradition, the founders of the
new church were Richard Benet, a knight of Glamorgan, in Wales, who
accompanied Strongbow in his expedition, and his wife, Ellice Barry, who
most probably belonged to the family of that name at Buttevant, County
Cork. The building of such a large place of worship at that period
shows that the population of the town must have increased very much
during the preceding centuries. The south transept was chosen by the
founders as their burial-place. Their tomb existed on the right-hand
side of the altar, which stood in this transept or " chauntry," until the
year 1579, when it was destroyed by the insurgent Earl of Desmond.
* Total length of nave and chancel, 189 feet ; breadth across the transepts, 110 feet
3 inches ; width of nave and aisles, 60 feet 3 inches.
PKOCEEDINGS. 335
From a fragment found some years ago, the monument must have been
similar to the sepulchral arch and effigy of Thomas Paris in the northern
aisle, and that of Mathew the Mercer in the southern, which are both of
the same period (circa 1200). From this date on to the year 1350 no
great structural changes seem to have been made in the church.
About the middle of the fourteenth century extensive additions were
made to St. Mary's. A new chancel was built ; the gables of the aisles
as well as their side-walls were raised up, and pierced with new windows,
rendering them loftier. The new buildings were designed in the style
which is called " Decorated." A finely-moulded pointed doorway, with
polished marble shafts (of the same type as the fragments of stonework
recently found under the tower), was inserted into the western gable wall
(or facade) ; the three-light window, in the same gable, as., well as the
pointed windows of the aisles, were inserted at this time. Several in-
teresting monuments also were erected inside the church during this
century ; amongst them are two effigies of burghers of the town, resting
on their coffin-slabs. These effigies are each covered by a recessed arch,
richly moulded in both cases, and resting on two columns with capitals
and bases: the labels, or hood-moulds, ending in carved "head" bosses.
One of these effigies lies near the junction of the north aisle and transept,
close by the quaint " flying buttress " arch, which spans the aisle diago-
nally; a very clever and uncommon treatment of a " waterway," as well
as a support to the upper portion of the nave wall. The effigy which is
in this recess represents the recumbent figure of a man, who is clad in a
loose tunic (a " gabardine") or " surcoat " of cloth, quite plain, and un-
ornamented ; his feet, ishod with pointed shoes, rest on avdog of the kind
called a " Talbot." He-holds a bird, a ger-falcon, in one hand, thus
denoting his belonging to the class of the gentry having the rights of
chase, &c., according to the Norman code of "Forest Laws." We are
informed by the chronicler, Dineley, in his "tour" of 1681, that this is
the effigy of Thomas Paris, an inhabitant of Youghal, who gained great
privileges for the town, and thus obtained the honour of such an inter-
ment in his parish church. No memorials exist concerning this family of
"Paris," except a short rescript in the Memoranda Rolls of Edward II.
in 1333, directing payment to be made to a certain " Edith Parys, of le
Youghall, for two crannocks of salt." The other effigy, also placed
under a recessed arch, is at the west end of the south aisle. The costume
of the figure closely resembles that of the "Paris" effigy, as he wears the
"gabardine," which was the usual "civil" dress of the period (circt
1300), as distinct from the military "undress" costume. The heads of
both the figures rest upon cushions, one of which is placed transversely
over the other in this carving. The feet of this figure rest upon the back
of a lion, which was an ordinary adjunct of such tombs in numberless
instances for many centuries. The " coiffure " of the hair is like a curled
peruke — a fashion which prevailed during the reigns of Edward II. and
336 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
Edward III. ; as an emblem of his trade, for he belonged to the Guild
of "Gantiers" or " Glovers" (these trades were included under the
general name of "mercerie"), he holds a glove, or " gauntlet," in his
left hand ; thus showing that being a Freeman of a Guild in Youghal, he
had a certain social status of petty nobility, entitling him to certain-
privileges. On the chamfered edge of the tomb-slab on which the effigy
lies, the following inscription, in Norman-French or Lombardic letters,
is still discernible : —
" (Ma)tbCU : 1C : mCtCCC : 0tt : fCf : CClf : fcC : pttC : P0t : 1C :
alme : ..... jours : &e : perfco(n).
"Mathew the Mercer lies here; he who prays for the soul (shall
have) ..... days of pardon."
This effigy has been erroneously described as being that of the
famous old Countess Catherine, of Desmond, who died in the reign of
James L, about 1620. Several early Norman-French stone coffin-lids
have been deposited within the Cork chapel ; some are quite plain, whilst
others have u fleur-de-lys " crosses carved along their roof-ridges ; a few
bear inscriptions cut on their chamfered edges. One stone is carved on
its upper surface with a human head in high relief, surmounting a cross
fleury. The following inscription still exists on three sides of its slab : —
"2UUU : 0tt : iCi : 2>CU : &Cl : alme : elt : met-" "'Alun lies here;
God on his soul have mercy." Another slab bears these words : —
•k IRoger : 2>eivil •• (5 . . •
" Roger Deivil (lies here)." He was one of Strongbow's companions.
The nave of St. Mary's, as it is at present, appears to have been
erected about the middle of the thirteenth century, judging from the
form of the six pointed arches on each side; these arches, which are
simply chamfered on their edges, without any mouldings whatever, rest
upon plain square piers, and are very massive and severe in effect.
At the eastern end of the nave there stood a magnificent " Rood-
screen," to which access was gained, by two newel-stairs, on the north
and south sides, of which stairs one only (that on the south side) still
remains open, its lower steps having been taken away, and the entrance
to the northern stairway closed up, during the " vandalic " restorations
of recent years. We know from the curt remarks of the tourist
Dineley in 1681 that this screen was richly gilt and painted in its
panels and carved work. Similar Rood-lofts exist in a great many
English churches, especially in Devon, Somerset, Norfolk, and Cornwall;
many of these beautiful screens have been most carefully and artistically
restored during the past few years. On this screen stood the Rood or
"floriated" Crucifix.
PROCEEDINGS. 337
"We are told in the records of St. Mary's that the upper panels of
the Rood screen, which bore " subject " paintings on their surfaces, were
ordered to be daubed over, and the "arms" of the twelve tribes of
Israel to be inscribed thereon ! The ancient font, carved in freestone
of the "Decorated" style of the end of the fourteenth century, was
moved from its ancient position at the western end of the nave to the
place it now occupies near the old " Eood " stairs at the south side of
the chancel-arch, during the " restorations " of recent years, thus
destroying altogether the symbolical meaning attached to all baptismal
fonts throughout Christendom, in being placed near the. western porch
or entrance to parish churches. This font is octagonal in shape, and is
supported on four moulded columns terminating in depressed "ogee"
arches, their spandrils being carved with vine-leaves ; a central pillar
of larger size upholds the ribbing of pointed arches, thus forming an
elaborate groining on a small scale ; this central pillar is pierced by an
" aqueduct " aperture to allow the baptismal water to flow into the
earth beneath, as we find in all such mediaeval fonts. There is a font,
precisely similar to this one, but without the supporting pillars (which
are now missing), standing in the centre of the nave of the present
Protestant Church at Ardmore. Over the font, in St. Mary's, is an
" ogee "-shaped cover of oak, with rudely crocketed ribs, forming a
dome-like canopy, surmounted by the gilt figure of a dove, the emblem
of the Paraclete ; this cover appears to be of the Charles II. period.
The floor, now existing, round the font, in its present position, i&
formed, in great part, of antique tiles of the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries, of which a large number were found when the ruined chancel
was cleared of trees, weeds, graves, and their attendant headstones and
monuments.
At the left-hand side of the western doorway, on entering the nave,
is seen the low-pointed arched door, which gave access to the stairs that
existed in the circular turret, which formerly stood against the wall of
the western fagade, and which led up to the narrow stone-paved passage
which was all round the nave roof along the drip-table or stone " wall-
plate" of its clerestory on either side. This turret was roofed with a
conical stone cap, and the doorway opened on the level of the drip-table.
A similar turret existed at the junction of the north transept with the
chancel. This turret not only gave access to the roof, but was used for
the ringing of the " Sanctus " bell. These turrets were ruthlessly
swept away, and all traces of them obliterated, during the miscalled
" restorations " of 1853 and 1858, thus depriving the edifice of some of
its most interesting and essential features. At the same time that these
modern changes were effected the ancient divisions of the nave and
aisle roofs were obliterated, and a vast ugly expanse of blue "Welsh
slating, without a single trace of golden lichen or grey moss to tone
down its crudeness, was substituted by the " restorers " in 1853, giving a
338 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OP IRELAND.
barn-like air to the nave and its two aisles thus hidden beneath this
very monotonous covering. The levels of the ancient lean-to roofs of the
aisles, as well as the faint outlines of the circular stair turret, are still
visible in the masonry of the western wall of the nave. The two
western doorways of the aisles were built up and windows inserted in
their places ; and the picturesque north and south porches were also
pulled down, by Act of the Vestry, in the year 1791.
But it is the chancel or choir of St. Mary's which is the most
deserving of attention by all lovers of beautiful buildings and amateurs
of refined architecture of mediaeval type. This chancel is the latest
portion of the church, having been built about 1468 by Thomas
Fitzgerald, eighth Earl of Desmond, aided by a donation, given for this
purpose, by Pope Paul II. Both externally and inside this choir is a
very fine specimen of the skill of the builders of the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries ; the mouldings of its base, which run round the
buttresses, the lofty gable, with boldly carved foliage crockets, formerly
surmounted by a floriated finial cross (now broken), with the two spirelet
pinnacles at the angles, and the grandly designed eastern window, with
its flamboyant tracery, which has survived all the attacks of wars and
bad taste for many centuries, render this chancel one of the most re-
markable in Ireland. This beautiful structure, although raised and
adorned through the pious zeal of one Earl of Desmond, was utterly
ruined and despoiled during the rebellion of Gerald, sixteenth Earl of
Desmond, in December, 1579.
During the occupation of Youghal, after having made several
breaches in the walls, the soldiers of the rebellious Earl plundered and
sacked the town for five days. According to " the Annals of the Four
Masters," they desecrated St. Mary's Church, robbed all the vestments
and plate, which they found in the north sacristy (now demolished),
injured the south transept, and defaced the tomb of the founders.
The choir, with the vestry attached to it, and the two chantry chapels
(of our Blessed Saviour and of the Portingall family) were unroofed and
made desolate ; horses and cows were stabled (it is said) within the
chancel, and the two chapels, both by the insurgent soldiery of Desmond
(who, we are told by an ancient author, were rebuked for their
sacrilegious conduct by some Spaniards who accompanied them), but
also by some of thp townspeople in revolt. The noble chancel, roofless
and ruined, remained for upwards of 270 years uncared for, a miser-
able wilderness of weeds, bushes, and trees, which grew up inside
this once beautiful sanctuaiy. However, thanks to the intelligent
interest shown by the Rector, the Rev. Pierce William Drew, in 1852,
aided by generous contributions, the chancel was roofed in, the windows
glazed, and the floor re-laid and re-tiled, thus rescuing this archi-
tectural " bijou " from total destruction. Before concluding these notes,
attention must be called to the following objects in the choir. The
THE EARL OF CORK'S MONUMENT, ST. MARY'S CHURCH, YOUGHAL.
(See the Journal of the Society, vol. vii., p. 328, 1862-63.)
340 KOYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
great eastern window, in its tracery, is decidedly of the flamboyant
type, and shows foreign (most probably Flemish) influence, which may
be due, perhaps, to the commercial relations existing in the fifteenth
century between Youghal and Bruges (Flanders). With the exception
of the magnificent east window in Kilcooley Abbey, County Tipperaiy,
this window ranks as the finest specimen of "tracery" in Ireland.
Judging from the traces of designs etched and stained upon numerous
fragments of antique glass, which were found buried in the soil outside
the walls of the chancel during the " restoration " of 1851-1858, the
stained glass which formerly filled the opes of this window must have
been of much artistic merit, and quite unlike the present hideous
jumble of heraldic devices, more resembling a huge kaleidoscope in
effect than the window of the most sacred part of a Christian sanctuary.
A remarkable altar-tomb, in the northern wall of the choir, is
worthy of attention. It is in the perpendicular style of the fifteenth
century; a richly moulded "ogee" arch, crocketed to the top, and
terminating in a finial, rests upon two light buttresses, with spire
pinnacles. The base and recess of the " mensa " are panelled with trefoil
arches, their spandrels being delicately carved with foliage. On a small
shield, in the apex of the curved gable, are the words " hie jacet Thomas
Fleming," with a small engraved " knot" beneath ; it is supposed to be
the tomb of Thomas Fleming, seventh Lord Slane. This recessed altar-tomb,
as well as a similar one, in the roofless chancel of the Church of New Ross
(like many others in this country, in England, and on the Continent),
served as the " Sepulchre " during Holy Week. (See Bloxam's " Gothic
Ecclesiastical Architecture," vol. ii., pp. 98, etc.) The tombs of
founders and generous donors were very often allowed to be erected
inside the choir, in close proximity to the high altar, so that they could
be used for this "laudable custom," as it was called in the Articles of
Convocation in 1536. The whole of this structure appears to have been
gilt and decorated in colours in former days : traces of painted figures
can be discerned on the arcaded panels ; for stone carvings in such a
position were never left plain and bare-looking, as they now are.
On the opposite side of the chancel are four very elaborately moulded
arched niches, grouped in one design ; three of these recesses formed the
seats for Priest, Deacon, and Sub-Deacon during the Divine Office.
The gradation in height of these seats shows the relative ecclesiastical
rank of the clerics who occupied them. The fourth arcade was the
" Piscina," used for the ablutions of the chalice, etc. A small aper-
ture, as in the central pillar of the font, conducted the water of the
ablutions into the earth beneath. A stone shelf across the back of this
recess served for resting the sacred vessels on it before they were
placed on the altar. The present hideous u canopy-work " surmounting
the four niches, as well as the rudely sculptured arcading on the
eastern wall, under the great Window, were all put up during the
PROCEEDINGS. 341
4 'restorations" of 1851-1858. Two boldly-moulded stone corbels
project on either side of the east window at about 12 feet from the
pavement; these two corbels supported statues, most probably those
of St. Patrick and St. Declan, the patron saints of the district. There are
no traces whatsoever now remaining of the high altar ; but, doubtless,
this altar must have been of stone, backed by an arcaded reredos. A
remarkable acoustic contrivance exists in this chancel, namely, several
jugs of Youghal pottery ware (such as are used nowadays), embedded up to
their mouths, at various heights in the walls. These jugs caused a
re-percussion of sound, so as to add considerably to the effect of the
voices of the Collegiate Canons when chanting the " Offices " which were
daily recited in the choir. Specimens of such " sound-bearers " are to be
found in other churches and public buildings. The recessed and arched
"Piscinas'' in the eastern wall of the north transept indicate the
positions of the two altars of the Guild Chapels. There were five altars
in St. Mary's at the close of the fifteenth century, namely, the high
altar in the choir, the altar in the chapel of " Our Blessed Saviour " on
the south side (now the "Cork Chapel"), the altar at the western end of
the south aisle (called the Portingall Chapel), and the two altars of the
Guild chapels in the northern transept. The "College" of Canons which
served in this church was composed of five "Chauntry" chaplains,
one of whom was Warden, and resided in the old house (the Warden's
Lodge), now known as " Sir Walter Raleigh's."
The chancel still retains its "embattled" parapets, such as formerly
stood outside the eaves of the nave roof before the ignorant "restorer"
had covered it in (as well as the lean-to roofs of the two aisles) with the
present hideous expanse of slating. Quaint rough " spout" gargoyles of
limestone served to discharge the rain-water, melted snow, etc., from off
the stone flagging or "wall plate," the access to which was gained by
the choir turret now demolished. A most delightfully designed " Priest's
Door " opened in the sturdy buttress of the southern wall of the chancel ;
a richly moulded pointed doorway, with drip-hood, resting on two bosses
(one of which represents a Tudor rose), leads into the choir ; a much-
defaced stoup (for holy water), terminating in a seraph's head beneath,
still exists in the east side of its deeply-recessed wall. Immediately
opposite to this choir doorway is seen a low-arched narrow entrance,
now closed up, in the old College wall. This was evidently the entrance
to the College, and was used by the Canons for ingress and egress to the
-church.
no no. rtrr.
PLAN OF ST. MARY'S CHTJKCH, YOUGHAL.
(See the Society's Journal, vol. Hi., p. 103, 1854-55.
PROCEEDINGS. 34$
ST. MARY'S CHURCH, YOTJGHAL.
REFEBENCES TO THE DETAILS OF PLAN.
Hiberno-Norman, .... Cross-hatched.
Thirteenth century, or Early English, . Black.
Decorated, . . . . . . Diagonal Hatching.
Modern, In Outline.
Destroyed portions, . , . . Dotted.
A. Destroyed Bell-Tower, Hiberno-Norman.
B. Remnant of Moulded Hiberno-Norman. Entrance built up
in the door to Tower.
C. Double Piscina : thirteenth century.
D. Stoup : thirteenth century.
E. Sedilia and Single Piscina : fifteenth century.
F. Font, Decorated ; original site.
G. Rood Stairs.
H. ,, ,,
I. and K. North and South Porches (destroyed).
REFERENCES TO THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS.
i. Founder's Effigies and Tomb. Restored in 1619 by Earl
of Cork.
ii. Sepulchral Arch, Hiber no -Norman,
iii. Monumental Stone, Coffin-lid : twelfth century,
ifr ,, ,, to a female : thirteenth century.
fr. ,, ,, Roger Deivil: thirteenth century.
bl „ ,, Alun: „ „
Mi. ,, Effigy of Matthew Le Mercer.
Jfrm. Sepulchral Arch and Effigy (unknown) : thirteenth century.
i$. Altar- tomb of Thomas Fleming : fifteenth century.
X. Cross-slab to Uniacke, Mayor, 1557.
*i. „ „ Nagle, 1605.
m. ,, ,, Ronane, 1621.
mi. Tomb of Yilliers, President of Munster, 1626.
sifr. Mausoleum of First Earl of Cork, 1643.
$fr. Monument of Earl of Orrery, 1679.
344 ROYAL SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF IRELAND.
A LIST OF PAPERS ON THE ANTIQUITIES OF YOUGHAL WHICH HAVE
APPEARED IN THE u JOURNAL " OF THE SOCIETY.
Tradesmen's Tokens, vols. v., p. 222, 399 ; vi., 139, 262 ; vii., 149, 237.
The ecclesiastical antiquities of, iii., 96, 326 ; iv., 14.
St. Mary's Collegiate Church, iii., 96 ; Dineley's sketch and description of, vii., 324 ;
plan of, iii., 103 ; the Boyle monument in, iii., 108 ; altar-tomb of Thomas
Fleming in, iii., 118.
The Nunnery, or Chapel of St.* Anne's, iii., 326 pthe light tower of St. Anne's, iii.,
328 ; the Franciscan Friary, or South Abhey, iii., 329 ; the Dominican Friary,
or North Abbey, iii., 333 ;'iv., 287 ; St. John's House of Benedictines, iv., 14 ;
Our Lady's College, iv., 16 ; the Warden's House, iv., 25.
Sir Walter Raleigh's House, w., 25; town plundered by Gerald, sixteenth Earl of
Desmond, iv., 16,; x.,469 ; hand-mill found near, iv., 16 ; Rhincrew Preceptory,
iv., 289 ; St. Coran of, iv., 289; ancient mason marks at, v., 67, 384; the local
tioinage of, v., 195, 222, 399 ; xv., 35 ; mayor's seal of, vi., 140 ; Youghal and
Dungarvan connected, vi., 262; longevity of inhabitants, vii., 338w ; derivation
of name, vii., 323w; blockhouse, vii., 338» ; seamen, vii., 322w ; the ferry of,
vii., 320 ; library of the Franciscan friars, transcript of catalogue made in 1491
(exhibited), xv., 0 ; Youghal money of necessity, xv., 35 ; flag of the Youghal
Volunteers, xv., 263 ; cross-legged effigy in the Dominican Abbey, xv., 342.
Edward Gillet, goldsmith and Mayor of, xix., 303 ; acoustic vases in St. Mary's
Church, iii., 303 ; tobacco introduced into, iii., 308.
A LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE ANTIQUITIES OF YOUGHAL WHICH
HAVE APPEARED IN THE " JOURNAL " OF THE SOCIETY.
|
Acoustic Vases in St. Mary's Church, vol. iii., p. 304.
Altar-tomb of Thomas Fleming, iii., 118.
Cup-marked stone found near, xvii., 604.
Dineley's Tour, general view, vii., 322.
Dominican Friary (North Abbey), iii., 335 ; x., 469.
Doorway of St. John's House, iv., 14.
Earl of Cork's monument, vii., 328.
Franciscan Friary (South Abbey), iii., 331 ; x., 469.
General prospect from Cork road, vii., 325.
House of Sir Walter Raleigh, iv., 26.
Map of, in Elizabethan times, x., 469.
Money of necessity, coined there, v., 197, 198; xv., 35.
Ogam -stone, built into a wall, xv., 39.
Seal of Job. de Yughul, iii., 330.
Seal of Mayor, vi., 140.
Short pipes (dudeens) found here, iii., 304.
St. Anne's light-tower, iii., 328.
St. Mary's Collegiate Church, vii., 324 ; exterior of choir, iii., 99 ; interior of choir,
iii., 117 ; plan of church, iii., 102.
The College, vii., 323.
The Exchange and quay, vii., 321.
The iron gate, vii., 324.
Tradesmen's tokens, vi., 262, 263 ; vii., 237, 238; coined here, v., 223-231, 399 ; vii.
151.
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