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Presidential Address 


1 Thalner Plates of Vakataka Harishena : A Re-Appraibal 


2 Two Jaina Inscriptions from Siyamangalam 


3 An Early reference to Madana-Mahotsava in the 
Gudnapur Inscription of Kadamba Ravivarman 

__S. P. TEWARI__ 

4 Date of Nagachandra 


5 The Kumbhakonam Plates of Vijayaraghava, Saka 1578 


6 An Inscription of Tukoji Rao (I) Holkar from Thalner, District Dhule 

...N. M. GANAM.,, 

7 Some Interesting Aspects of the Maratha Rule as gleaned from the 
Tamil Copper-Plates of the Thanjavur Marathas 


8 Five Pandya Kings of the 14th Century 


'T9j)Land Reclamation of flood-damaged and sand-cast Lands-A study in 
prices, rentals and wages in later Chola times (From A.D. 1070 to 
A..D. 1210)-based on Srirangam Inscriptions 


10 Chandavara Inscription of Kadamba Biradevarasa 

...M. D. SAMPATH... 

11 Hyderabad Prakrit Inscription of Govindaraja Vihara 


12 Some Important Inscriptions from Daulatabad 

,...M. F. KHAN_ 

13 Barsi Plates of Krishna I 


14 The Date of the Masoda Plates of Pravarasena II 







Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer 


Secretary and Executive Editor 
Dr. S. H. Ritts 



Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India [Bharatiya Purabhilefcha Paldka 
[Being Vol. XI of Studies in Indian Epigraphy]: Vol. XI, pp. vi-fl40fvi Plates 
Editor : Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer ; Secretary and Executive Editor : Dr. S. H. Ritti 
Published by the Epigraphical Society of India. 

First Published 1985 


The Publication of the Journal was financially supported by the Indian Council oJ 
Historical Research. 

And the responsibility for the facts stated, opinions expressed or conclusions reached 
is entirely that of the authors of the articles and Indian Council of Historical 
Research accepts no responsibility for them. 



I V O R . I JIJL. 

From Dharwad to Dharwad again : 

It was in January 1975 that our first 
Annual Congress was held here in Dharwad, 
under the auspices of the Department of 
Ancient Indian History & Epigraphy at 
the Karnatalc University. Attracting a 
large number of scholars who were happy 
at the formation of such a Society, the 
Congress provided a firm base for the 
growth of the Society. D*. B.Ch. Chhabra, 
the President of the first Congrass expressed 
his pleasure by stating in his Presidential 
address that 'it is a dream come true'. 
Dr. Sarojini Mahishi, the then Union Mini- 
ster of State for Law, Justice and Company 
Affairs, who inaugurated the first Annual 
Congress, appreciated the motto of the 
Society and concluded her speech saying 
Vriddhirastu. True to her hopes the Society 
has grown well. After completing ten years 
of fruitful existeno, we are back here again 
at Dharwad to look back and review 
our growth 

During these ten years, the Society 
has traversed many parts of the country 
by organising Annual Congresses in diffe- 
rent States (a list of these congresses is 
printed elsewhere in the issue) and it has 
now assumed an. all India Character and 
has been able to build up a fraternity of 
epigraph ists, Triu to the words again, of 
our founder Chairman, Dr. G S.Gai, the 
Society has created interest in epigraphy 
amongst younger generation of scholars. 
Fairly good number of younger scholars 
from different Universities and other aca- 
demic institutions have been effectively 
participating in our Annual Congresses. 

We hope this eleventh Congrees, which 
marks the completion of a successful de- 
cade, paves way for further growth with 
more vigour and strength, and with better 
plans and projects. 

The Journal : 

Our first three issues of the Journal 
were issued under the title 'Studies in 
Indian Epigraphy' because of certain exi- 
gencies, but with the 4th volume onwards 
it has assumed its usual form and name 
as Journal of the Epigraph ical Society of 
India. This is the Xlth volume of the 
Journal. We are happy to note that the 
Journal has been well received in the 
academic circles. The index to the first 
ten volumes appended to this issue speaks 
about the contribution of the Journal to 
Epigraphical Studies in the lecent years. 
It has been able to bring to light not 
only many new inscriptions but also many 
younger scholars in the field We humbly 
believe that this is no mean achievement. 
This has been possible because of the 
unstinted cooperation of our members from 
all quarters of the country. 

It is our pleasent duty to place on re- 
cord here our appreciation and gratitude 
to the Indian Council of Historical Research 
for their helping hand in the form of 
grants for the publication of these issues. 
We are sure, we can bank upon them for 
the publication of the further issues as well. 
Presidential Addresses and PfaSastis : 

We are happy that we have been able 
to bring out this year a collection of all 
the Presidential addresses delivered during 

the past ten years, to mark the successful 
completion of a decade by the Society. 
We hope that the thoughts, the ideas and 
the suggestions expressed by the best men 
in the field regarding the eprgraphical studies 
in our country will serve as a reference 
work for all those who are interested in 
these studies. The book contains the texts 
of the pra&astis presented with Copper 
Plates conferred on the distinguished 
scholars of our country, In addition to 
making an interesting reading, these pra&a- 
siis place on permanent record the achieve- 
ments of our stalwarts, which serve as a 
becon light to the younger generations. 

We take this opportunity to place on 
record our deep appreciation of and gra- 
titude to our friend Pandit V S.Subrama- 
niyam who has bsen our official composer 
of the prakastis for his pleasing and lively 

New Books 

In the last issue of our Journal we 
made a reference to a Seminar on the 
Kadambas held at Sirsi and also a Seminar 
on the South and South East Asian Epigra- 
phy held at Tokyo as a part of the 31st 
International Congress of Human Sciences 
in Asia and North Africi. We are happy 
ihat we have an occasion to refer to them 
here again about the outcome of both 
these Seminars viz., a volume of Kadamba 
inscriptions and the collection of papers 
presented at the Tokyo Seminar. Happily 

indeed, both these volumes are being re 
leased at this llth Congress at Dharwad 
Nothing is more phasing to the Societ; 
than to do this which furthers the caus> 
of epigraphical studies. We congratulat 
the Editors of both these volumes fo 
their valuable contributions to the Epigra 
phical literature. 

Our Congratulations : 

We are happy to bring to the notice 
of our members that two of our accreditec 
members of the Executive Council havi 
been elevated to the higher position 
Dr. K. V. Ramesh as Director of Epigraph; 
and Shri M.N KattJ as Chief Epigraphist 
While congratulating them for their ele 
vation, we hops that these new position 
will help them to serve the cause of epigra 
phy with greater zeal and vigour. 

Our Thanks: 

As usual, the responsibility of bringin; 
out this journal has been ably shouldere< 
by our friends at Mysore Dr. S. Subramonii 
Iyer, Editor, and Dr. Venkatesh, Asst. Secre 
tary and their associates. The printing ha 
been handled as usual, and ably, by Shri S.K 
Lakshminarayana and his enthusiastic as 
sistant Shri R. Venkatesh of the Vidya 
sagara Printing and Publishing House 
Mysore. We express our heart-felt thank 
to all of them. 

Shrinivas Ritti 

Secretary & Executive Editor 













































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XI Annual Congress 

JANUARY, 7-9, 1985 



President : 

Dr. Noboru Karashima 

Professor of South Asian History, Faculty 
of letters, University of Tokyo, Japan. A 
Japanese Scholar of Indian studies with out- 
standing contributions like 'A Portrait of India,' 
'Studies of Village Communities in Indian 
History,' 'A Concordance of the Names in 
the Chola Inscriptions,' 'South Indian History 
and Society,' 'Studies from inscriptions A. D. 
850-1100', 'Indus Civilization' etc. 

Scholar to be Honoured : 
Prof. Ganesh Hari Khare 

Honorary Professor, Poona University, 
Poona ; Chairman, Bharat Itihasa Samsodhana 
Mandal, Poona ; erudite scholar in Marathi., 
Sanskrit, Hindi, Urdu, Persian and Arabic ; 
has written large number of books and research 
papers in English and Marathi on early and 
medieval Indian History, particularly Maha- 
rashtra ; President, Indian History Congress, 
1979 ; Member, Historical Records Commission. 
Among his notable contributions are the volu- 
mes of Sources of Medieval History of the 


K. V. Soundara Rajan 

Fellow Delegates, Ladies and Gentle- 
;n, I deem it a great privilege to have 
sn called upon to occupy this chair 
lay, as the General President of this 
nth Congress of the Epigraphical Society 
India. I dare say that il is my aca- 
nic link with the discipline of Epigraphy 
I continuing collaborative institutional 
olvement in the Archaeological Survey 
India and my own associations with 
Epigraphical Society in various ways 
t should have prevailed upon you to 
ose to honour me with this Chairper- 
ship. I am conscious of my humble 
Ltion amidst the galaxy of academic and 
fessional scholars in Epigraphy over 
recent decades who have shed lustre 
le pursuit of this independent discipline 
offer my homage and respects to them for 
ing made Epigraphy a live and ver- 
e medium in the process ofcomrnuni- 
m of human legacy across the millennia. 
i sub-continent which could boast of 
ultiplicity of linguistic families and 
ches thereof, as India is, the study of 
growth of writing as a tool for his- 
>graphy and the evolution of a diversity 
criptal modes is bound to be of para- 
tit importance as a vehicle of social 
nunication and archival potential which 
id attained already in the pre-Christian 
iries. The art of writing had much 
sr blossomed in India as a part of 
arental Indus Civilization, though it 
sast the onus of identifying and satis* 
dly understanding it on posterity. We 
/et amidst the dust and din of con- 

troversy in unravelling this enigma which 
was seemingly a crucial component of this 
antecedent urban efflorescence, millennia 
before India attained its present stamp 
of culture. Epigraphical scholars have a 
special commitment towards the facilita- 
tion of the intent and content of this Indus 
script riddle and should not be mere silent 
spectators to exclusive confrontations amidst 
a handful of ardent scholars who have 
staked their specialist claims for unlocking 
the key to this ancient writing as well as 
the language family to which it is ger- 
mane. We shall have more to say on this 

Meanwhile, it is my desire to look 
at the discipline of Epigraphy, for the 
nonce, from an archaeologist's viewpoint. 
It would certainly be agreed that in India, 
the archaeologist has been using epigraphy 
for the primary bias of his namely, com- 
parative chronology and thus the epi gra- 
phical evidence is virtually confined to a 
confirmation, from certain temporal con- 
texts, of the stratigraphic sequence, 2 and 
if I am not mistaken by my archaeologist 
colleagues, may I add that in this process 
the intrinsic dimensions of epigraphy have 
been under severe constraint and isolation, 
Inscribed data which start occurring mostly 
from the Mauryan times, have been uti- 
lized either in the form of numismatic 
antiquities or stamp, seal or such on terra- 
cotta, ivory or stone. Either way, they 
are taken as ancillary data which historic 
archaeology can be garnished with, in the 

reconstruction of the life-style of the people. 
But do archaeologists have a frame-work and 
in dependent means of evaluating the literacy 
of the societies in which these occur, not to 
mention those antecedent to them ? Have 
they any rationale by which the capacity of 
a society which had extensive potential and 
displayed penchant for trading and dissemi- 
nation of a variety of lore and knowledge, 
both ethical, moral and technical, could be 
discerned, diagnoised or appreciated ? 3 If 
Rukmini sent a letter of supplication and 
redressal of her plight, through a brahmana 
messenger from Kundinapura in Yidarbha 
(which is modem Kaundinyapura 1 and has 
yielded c. 8th century B.C., for its lowest 
strata) to Krishna-Vasudeva at Dvaraka, 
are the archaeologists entitled to deny, 
prima facie, the right of Rukmini to 
inscribe in an intelligible script known to 
her, or to disown the story of this 
spectacular facility of communication both 
spatially and romantically between two 
persons who had heard of each other ? 
Will the spectre of Aiska and Maga^thenes 13 
stand in the way of our ascribing the 
channel of expression by written word in 
that period, perhaps to a script form nearer 
to the late Harappan or post-Harappan 
graffito seeii here and there before and 
beyond 15th century around these regions ? 
Did Rama's ring* containing his name, as 
the story would have it, have to be a 
proven myth or a potential possibility, 
when we know that the Indus people 
wore rings and certainly knew a script 
and that was the time and place where, 
perhaps, one has to place Rarna and his 
illustrious warrior parent who, as tradition 
avers, had run to the succour of Indra 
in his battle with gambara ? Did Vigfi- 


ne^vara merely feign writing with his tusk 
tip when Vyasa was reciting the 'Java' 
or, is the whole stated tradition to be 
taken as a facile later display of literacy 
by an alter-ego of Vyasa who could have 
neither seen original Vyasa nor understood 
the genesis of Gaije^a ? If the cult of 
Gartes'a and Vyasa could be shown as 
coeval, will it make us accept a possibly 
prevalent mode of writing then ? If 
Anathapindika had brought a cart load 
of gold coins to be spread on the soil 
to be consecrated for the Buddha's usage, 
was he keeping the entire transaction in 
his mind's eye, or was he bringing the 
coins by weight or had some rational 
empirical means of estimating what he 
was committed to ? All this would show 
that writing itself is a socio-economic 
factor and one does not imagine an 
unlettered tradesman as the source of all 
economic well-being. The crux of the 
matter is that: (a) writing emerges inevi- 
tably in a mult i- vocational polity and if 
such a polity has emerged, the germs of 
writing also have surely emerged ; and 
(b) that negative evidence is no indicatoi 
of non-existence. Nor is the absence oi 
an alphabetical form an indication of the 
formative stage of usage-status of writing 
in that community. For instance, there 
is a time, lag of more than a millennium 
between the provenance of the Indus 
script vestiges and that of the recrudes- 
cence of usage in the stage of 'second 
urbanisation' in the Iron Age. And taking 
note of the fact that in this interval, 
much water had flown down Sarasvati 
and Ganga- Yamuna systems, it would .be 
enigmatic that the factors for wuting 
noted above did not constitute the social 


context for the re-emergence or the 
continuity of the written tradition. One 
may perhaps argue that since it is the 
clear presence of a trade and transport 
situation that would essentially create 
the need for writing, such an intensity 
of trade, either external or even internal, 
in bulk, might not have obtained in this 
interval, and similarly conditions favourable 
for an urban continuity in multiple 
avocation also, might not have been 
present. This is brought at this stage of 
my address only to show how pertinent 
is the need to look at the stages of an 
emerging script usage, as part of plank 
of the epigraphical study itself, well before 
the baptism of 'BrahmP formally in the 
Mauryan times. 

What about the Indus civilization it- 
self ? The latest study in Pakistan 7 shows 
that the beginning of this civilization could 
be taken back now to Kot-Diji stage IA and 
to earlier than 3135 B. c, by C 14 datings. 
The stratigraphic evidence confirms the 
continuance of the contents characterizing 
IB, or the mature Indus stage, implicating 
in the early phase all that followed in the 
mature phase, at least one millennium be- 
fore the rise of occupation at Mohenjodaro 
and Harappa. As seen from Sarai Khola, 
Ghumla, Rahman Dehri, Kalibangan etc., 
on the early Harappan pottery, these 
traits also include, bssides pottery fabrics 
and painted motifs, representations of iden- 
tical forms on terracotta, of female figurines, 
and horned motif suggesting common be- 
liefs throughout the 'Greater Indus Valley'. 
Simple marks or signs engraved or incised 
on pottery, as found at Rahman Dehri, 
appear to represent an early stage of 
Harappan script. This necessitates now an 

in-depth analysis of the question of the 
process by which changes from the early 
to mature phases (and even later stages, 
as seen in the Sarasvati and the Drishad- 
vati valleys, Sutlej, Beas and sub-montane 
Himalayas) took place. Such a study will 
certainly have Inter alia, something specific 
to argue about the authors of the Indus 
script. Further, the geographical extent of 
the early Harappan settlements revealed 
by recent intensive field work in Pakistan 8 
in this decade is more than double that 
of the mature phase sites documented 
duing the last decade, showing that the 
settlements of the mature stage utilized 
the same riparian environment in which 
the communities of the early Harappaa 
period were settled and had the same 
ceramics, craft, artefacts, terracotta, kiln 
technology (the last mentioned, as seen 
from those of Bahawalpur, identical to 
to those of Mohenjodaro and Lothal 
in shape 9 ). This surely gives us a new 
understanding of this civilization and 
the burgeoning fact that it developed 
into the 'Greater Indus Valley', with 
outposts at Mehergarh, Shortugai and 
Oman and expansions into Rajasthan, 
Panjab and Haryana, shown by Kaliban- 
gan, Siswal, Mithathal, Banavali and 
Manda 10 . 

On top of this, we seem to have an 
involvement also with a re-examination 
of the authors of certain types of copper/ 
bronze axes, especially the shaft-hole type 
discovered in 1961 in Pakistan in the villages 
of Manikhal and Shumari in Darel, different 
from the shapes known from the mature 
Harappan sites in the 'Greater Indus 
Valley' and found in late or post-Harappan 
contexts at Darel which compare with those 



earlier discovered in the Persian Mafcran 
and Shahi Tump in south Baluchistan, 
besides those further afield from south 
Russia at Maikope and Tsarskai. These 
also have to 1?3 studied with the two 
Trunnion axes from Dare! as well as that 
of Shalazon found in the Kurram valley 
a long time ago and considered by several 
scholars including Heine-Geldern" as likely 
to be linked typologically with those known 
from the Mediterranean region, Europe, 
Trans-Caucasia and northern Iran. Jet mar's 
observation 13 is that the occurrence of 
Trunnion axes of the 'western type' in 
North Pakistan indicates the penetration 
of Caucasian elements into the Steppes ar,d 
eastwards in the Pamirs and then on to 
the Hindu Kush and the Karakorams and 
should have some connection with the 
movements of Aryan (linguistic) speaking 
people towards the end of the second 
millennium B. c. This would indeed have 
some exciting relevance to the nature of 
the possible authors of the Indus script 
by the long shot and would bring a new 
orientation in preference to our present 
tendency towards Hyping 1 these authors as 
either the Indo-Aryans or the proto-Dravi- 
dians, as being consistently contended. We 
are certainly led by these discoveries and 
the recrudescence of old issues., to avoid 
any hard and fast positions about the 
racial or ethnic affinities in dealing with 
Indus script as such, excepting for con- 
sidering that the entire Baluchi piedmont 
from the 4th-3rd millennium B c. had 
been the crucible for several communities ; 
and the urban flowering under the early 
to mature Indus civilization phases saw 
them use a script of some formative kind 
which continued to ba used without too 

much of a drastic development excepting 
for transformations from the ideographic 
pictorial to the syllabic forms and could 
certainly not give us yet a well consolida- 
ted grammatical fixation pointing to exclu- 
sive lingistic families to which they should 
be assignable. The devolution of the 
'Greater Indus- Civilization' and the rise of 
certain viable Chalcolithic cultures in limited 
time range in many parts of Rajasthan, 
Ganga-Yamuna doab and on the western 
fringe of the Central Indian plateau further 
underscores the complexity of the situation. 13 
Here, normally, given the mature and 
expansive Indus culture stimuli, the script 
should have caught on to be implicated 
into the day to day usage as an instrument 
or basic equipment in public transactions, 
which had not happened. 

What we know or seem to know is 
that the ethnic structure of the 'new' 
society after the close of the 2nd mille- 
nnium B. C. had been contradistinctive 
from that of the antecedent period, and 
was already in the throes of such a 
change in the entire second half of the 
2nd millennium B. C. It is against these 
that we should consider the geo-political 
developments of the age between c. 1500 
and c. 1000 B. C. in which perhaps the 
greatest single event of first magnitude 
was the so called 'Bharata war.' 14 We 
have no desire to meander through this 
nebulous stage but we would like to stress 
that Harappan script context was a matter 
purely of its own materialistic requirements 
and no single group nor a whole society ' 
was exclusively involved in it. It was 
perhaps certain autonomous trade agencies 
that carried forward the scriptal traditions 
from out of the texonymic phonetic system : 



prevailing already in West Asia and 
tailored it to its own spoken vocabulary 
deliberately. That such a vocabulary could 
and indeed should have bsen cosmopolitan 
and not weighed in favour of the usages 
of any single community group may be a 
viable premise. That it was during the 
prelude and processes of the second 
urbanisation that it redefined it 
organically is also an admissible thesis. 
We may compare it to the rise of the 
Hellenist city-State culture from the 9th 
century B.C. onwards, which was preceded 
by the prolonged dark period which was 
a sequel to the catastrophic end of the 
Aegean civilization and was so dark that 
the Minoan systems of writing had fallen 
out of use and the literate Greek- speaking 
world did not revive the Minoan sylla- 
baries but adopted the Phoenician alpha- 
bet. 16 Such a paradigm could have existed 
in India and need not have been the 
linguistic possession on one single ethnic 
group but an admixture of indigenous 
and other strains whose linguistic usages 
could have become quite familiar in the 
post-Indus society. One does indeed feel 
emboldened to say that if the Indus 
civilization could have had the linguistic 
'Aryan' and linguistic 'Dravidian' in their 
ethnic mosaic, the script itself could well 
have been the fusion or admixture of 
bolh, which is another way of saying 
that the Indus citizen might have bsen 
bilingual himself, of necessity and no 
ethnic barrier would have existed in this 
regard. We may, therefore, plead for a 
truce between the pro and the antistands 
in the decipherment of the Indus script; 
and future scientific research, I am sure, 
will show it as a dichotemised structure 

in speech and script. 

Thus we are advisedly on more 
scientific grounds if we separated material 
cultural remains (which displays a static 
uniformity in its artefactual assemblage 
and presents the life-style), from the script 
which is an explosion and a running- 
maid to a socio-economic requirement 
and would not guarantee universal literacy 
for the whole society. Also, we have 
not yet been able to detect aberrant 
cultural traits in the artefactual assemblage 
to invent them with ethnic values, as 
would be shown by the cranial remains. 
A componental analysis of the artefactual 
remains in a site like Kalibangan is 
overdue, relating the cultural differentiae 
vertically and horizontally. 

Even of the script itself, granted we 
are unable yet to link the material culture 
with the linguistic stems of the script, 
statistical and computer-aided analysis 1 " 
of the structure and orthography of the 
script passages becomes inescapable. The 
latest, in addition to those of the Russian, 
Finnish, etc., is that of Raman 17 which 
is a deliberate preliminary exercise in this 
direction. We may try to relate them 
only to the stages between the early 
and mature phases, but should not subject 
them to a linguistic strairjacket with a 
post-Harappan situation. 

On the basis of ideographic symbol 
converted into a syllabury as done in his 
attempts by Mahadevan, 18 earlier to his 
recent seeming volte-face from a proto- 
Dravidian origin for these instead of the 
Indo- Aryan (specifically Vedic Sanskrit), 
Ramesh 19 has, quite enthusiastically, 
bruited the greater eligibility of Vedic 
passages being likely to give clues to the 

inipiit of the script and apparently to 
! ;\ ov.n best bu limited satisfaction, 
1-elt that most independent as well as 
(.vinj unct s., mbols can b ; convincingly related 
t,i Vedic word;, and phrases, but had 
tfeulii if all the Indus symbols on seal 
or settlim can \ield an interpretation 
\v!i,vii \vill exactly correspond to any of 
the uv.tilthle V.-dic passages. As we have 
sa'fj. to '-elect a range of linguistic voc-ibu- 
I.ii} and evolve a fc;ipt consonance for 
it-* letters (on pre-e.xi-.ting extra-Indian 
fcsipt p:iral'e!>, as Rao 20 did, or for 
aiuri.'ht Vedic phrases or passages as 
R.ffiush \vas at tempt in,i) would clearly bs 
'illiiv: t!:e .-cript to preconceived linguistic 
-.trail jacket. The Soviet and the Finnish 
K'hoitrS attempts towards finding the 
siractme and the syntax of the Indus 
cript usages (a treatment that Raman 
,i!-o etw-iders necessary) by computer 
aru!\Ms I-, to a degree more tenable 
nietlmdoUvieally since the results of the 
;\sis can be accepted, rejected or 
improvcil UJVMI. The fact of the matter 
v.ould vtill be that one has to be sure 
as lo which among the Indus city 
communities had been most familiar with 
ami weiv employing t j, e script fof the 

puipo%e of the seals, etc., or in other 

ords what is the total range of function 

i>t Hth the seal script, the figures on 

them and the usage, quite apart from 

the minimum known context of trade for 

them. For, if we admit that traders 

Here ushy these, Vedic Sanskrit and its 

apphcmons for them .would be out of 

court. And if M and for the nonce if 

*e presume that the other possible 


been using the seals, we have to prove 
that they were traders, in which case, it 
will leave still the problem of who were 
the leaders of the Indus cities open, 
unless the traders were themselves the 
leaders and were having other groups on 
their band-wagon for authoring the engraved 
figure part of the seals. By saying that 
the script might be affiliated to lli c 
Indo-Aryan stem of usage, one would 
indeed be committing a firm presence of 
Vedic religion in the Indus city, for 
which the material evidence, at present, 
even including the much harassed Tai5u- 
pati seal' does not offer any identifiable 
varia of evidence. This script, while still 
bestowing literacy to the Indus community 
or a part thereof, does not have the same 
historiographic and archival import that, 
for instance, the Summerian Cuneiform 
or the Egyptian Hieroglyphics did. If 
the disappearance of the Indus script in 
the late Harappan stage itself, for all 
intents and purposes, were to be given 
its weightage that appears due for it 
particularly in the subsequent story of 
our national script tradition, it would be 
safer to posit thai the cessation of any 
worthwhile external or even busy internal 
trade growth after the heyday of the 
Harappan city culture was an environ- 
mental compulsion and in much the same 
way as the Aiyo-Dravidian ethnic fusion 
was the natural avenue for potent survival 
of the socio-cultural ethos O f the late 
Vedic Aryans, and the scriptal usage also 
had nnplieH hybridisations * and commo 

had actually 

- of it, the collective benefit* of the 
toe society was promoted b th| ' 
the mu,gUng of lrade usa j e X with ' 


engravings for heraldic group identity 
was also feasible. All this would under- 
score that systematization of the socio- 
cultural premises for seal use and engraving 
motivation should receive priority, by 
archaeological data analysis, over fishing 
expeditions in the troubled waters of a 
mere linguistic framework. e Whai J should 
have precedence over 'Who 1 , in respect 
of the seal-sealing artefacts. 

Now I move to the historical stages 
where epigraphy has already come into 
its own and give typical situations where 
the inter-relationship of epigraphy and 
archaeology is typically displayed Though 
independent disciplines, these two, owing 
to their minimum common grounds in 
being authentic and concrete creations of 
man and with deliberate intentions behind 
them and contemporaneity to the situations 
they pertain to, are closely identifiable 
with the authors, as a group or community 
in the case of archaeology and with in- 
dividual patron or scribe, and more often 
precisely dated to the actual occurrence 
of the event, in the case of epigraphy. 

Epigraphs in such contexts serve as 
the handmaids of literature and history 
(including art history) providing credibility 
for oral traditions, and often introduce as 
well as solve problems which otherwise are 
liable to be controversial. We would like to 
detail soni} interesting examples of this 
laison, each of which has a distinctive 
socio-cultural significance. 

It is to be clearly seen that as long 
as a region makes great cultural 
strides, inter-relationship of contemporary 
evidence is bound to prove mutually bene- 
ficial, facilitating a better understanding 

of the cultural developments in the region. 
There is some highly circumstantial but 
specific manner in which a known corpus 
of literary evidence, belonging to a familiar 
cultural milieu of a region whose origins 
could not be dated by any sure means 
other than the inter-relationship of these 
material remains and the literary reference 
to these usages. We are referring to the 
great cluster of important hero stone 
monuments found in recent decades in 
the area around Chengam in North Arcot 
district of Tamil Nadu, the age range of 
the inscribed among which relates to c. 6th 
century to c, 10th century A. D. As regards 
the institution of these hero-stones and 
how far back they could go in the imins- 
cribed among them, in this area which is 
very rich in this class of monuments, we 
have a spectacular confirmation from the 
literary tradition of the Sangam lore of 
the early Tamil society. One of the im- 
portant works of truly Sangam vintage is 
Malai-padu-kadanf 3 whose scenario and 
descriptions are located just in this 
Chengam area and which describes 
profusely and graphically the presence 
of hero-stones in the country-side here. 
By this consonance, it is patent that 
the hero-stones of this zone, in the manner 
seen now, should have been seen actually 
by birds who composed this Sangam work 
and thus should antedate the work itself. 
This situation helps particularly in giving 
a realistic terminal dale at least to this 
Sangam work, as around the 5th century, 
and by that token, reinforces, the basic 
hypothesis of sober scholars of the Sangam 
literature on the ago range of this antho- 
logy which forms the bed-rock of historical 
evidence for early Tamil society. This date 

nuK'e i> taken from the 2nd century to 
t'ij 5u c.'ntury A. D. As we have the 
riv, Bianco of the Tamil-Brahmi scjpt alone 
i> about the 3rd century B. c. to the 
3rd century A. i>., and as certain Vatteluttu 
i MU -formations appear to take place from. 
the -Ith century and most of the earlier among 
the iitfdib.'d hero-stones of the Ched^am 
arc.i a.v sejn to be in Vatteluttu chara- 
evrv 1 and a certain collateral evidence 
.'f a hoard of po^t-fJatavahana lead coins 
tV.nn AnJinuttr" in the same Cheii^arii 
ami, by its inscribed legend on the coins 
. iv;tJm; probiblyas 'Tinriniiedirana Che?i- 
J.ititr,. placjs itself in the transitional 
script stages and as there had been both 
u N.tnnan andChendan known from Sangam 
Htctuture and tradition, we are well per- 
MW J^d to fh the date of Malai-pa^u-kadam, 
work of the Saiijam anthology as c. 5th 
century A. D., thus, a direct correlation 
between a prestigcous literary heritage of 
the Tamils and the material vestiges around 
the sime ajc stand attested to and mutually 
correlated, yiving a break through for the 
historiographic credibility of the early Tamil 
literary heritage and its supportive culture, 
where the voice of epigraphy and the voica 
of the material remains prevail in unison , 
for hiitoric;tl reconstruction. 

Elsewhere in India, to take another 
culture situation, archaeological evidence 
found in the area of the Tarai 
on either ide ofihe Indo-Ncpalese border 
and in the Basti district of Eastern Uttar 
Pradesh on the Indian side, had not for 
on^btien able to clinch the firm basis for 
luting which among the towns excavated 

men J'^ T " Uld anSWCr t0 the re ^- 
mcnt of the location of Kapilavastu,- from 
* AwWhMana, lather of Gautanm 


Buddha ruled, which on Chinese evidence 
was reasonably close to Lumbini, of the 
iSakyas and the place of the mother of the 
Buddha, namely Mayadevi and where indeed 
as we know, she gave birth to Gautama. The 
evidence, ultimately, of excavations of the 
Piprahwa-Ganvaria site complex by the 
Archaeological Survey of India that yiel- 
ded in the form of several clay tablets 
from one of its vihara sites carrying the 
significant inscribed label, namely, 'Deva- 
putra-vihare Kapilavastu-bhiksliu-sanghasya' 
established that this site of Piprahwa was 
the Kapilavastu of yore. Here, epigraphy 
became the mouthpiece of archaeological 
data and revealed, at one stroke, the ans- 
wer to a long contended issue. 

Pillayarpatti 27 in Ramnad district, of 
Tamil Nadu, near Karaikudi, in one of 
the famous Pandyan rock-cut caves, whose 
north facing important niche (m the 
front mondapa of the otherwise east facing 
sanctum) through a prominent and impre- 
ssive Gauefia niche-sculpture, gave the 
village itself its name, as originally the 
cave temple without the many front side 
additional structural mandapas of the 
medieval times, would have displayed the 
Gane^a sculpture directly to any visitor 
A prima facie presumption on this score 
can be that the village going by this 
present name should have come up at i 
date subsequent to the excavation of the 
cave temple. This situation is rendered 
even more piquant by the occurrence of 
a brief inscribed record on the finished 
stone surface of the side wall near its 
entrance mto the rock-cut part. The 
record re ads something like 'Eruk&Wrkk&n 
pern Parana* though the first word is < 
according to some, as lhkan iint 


In any event, by the occurrence of the 
record on a rock-cut part of the monu- 
ment, the clear deduction should have been 
that the cave temple preceded the inscribed 
record. Apparently on the supposed 
palaeography of the record, some scholars 
were inclined to date the cave temple to 
the 5th century A. D. and building on 
this basis, went as far as to declare that 
this would make this cave temple the 
earliest example of the Brahmanical cave 
art in the whole of the South India. 
But there is no question, even otherwise, 
of this cave temple being so early, as 
it is a part of a series of rock-cut temples 
excavated by the early Pandyas in this 
tract of which there are three more 
within a few miles of PUJayarpatti at 
Kunnakudi, not to mention eight more 
around Madurai, the capital of the Paadyas 
of the same age and ilk. Here, epigraphy is 
liable to be overplayed and might be 
misleading, if not considered in concert 
with the architectural evidence of the 
man-made monument. The caution is that 
the script of an inscribed record may at 
times represent a lingering and static 
form of one of the script sub-varieties 
here at Pilfayarpatti, a Vatteluttu usage, 
of a local form and is part of the 
local situation and should not be taken 
as the exclusive evidence or should not 
be studied shorn of its own context of 
the surface upon which it is engraved. 
A similar mistake was committed else- 
where, again in Tamil Nadu, at 
Pulankurichi 2s in the same Ramnad 
district, where the long and admittedly 
important record datable to the 5lh-6th 
century A D. as somewhat over enthusias- 
tically assigned to the 3rd century 
taking the date of the record which was 

furnished, without the era specified, as 
liable to be reckoned in Jsaka era with- 
out warrant, and considering the record 
as unique and earliest reference to the 
functioning of village administration in 
the Sangam period of Tamil Nadu. Here 
again, epigraphy trips those who might 
not give full consideration 10 the vicissi- 
tudes of script, orthography and context, 
but basically authentic still if its signals 
are read aright. 

The use of several media or material 
for engraving records such as stone, wood 
and metal gives an insight into their 
co-eval craft development. Similarly, the 
continuance of two scriptal traditions of 
the same age at the same site may give 
rise to a queer situation in the assess- 
ment of script provenance though it has 
its own significant revelations. As an 
example, one may cite the occurrence of 
Tamil-Brahmi label records on pottery at 
Arikamedu, 29 along with instances of the 
northern contemporary variety of script 
for Sanskrit usage. Of course, it would 
lead to the surmise that in this trade 
out-post of the Lido-Roman mart, both 
Tamil people and Sanskrit-using men from 
northern India were hobnobbing with 
each other, besides the Romans. Such a 
situation, deliberately created, is also to 
be seen at Mahabalipuram in the cave 
temple excavated by Narasimhavarman II, 
Rajasimha, and given the name of 
Atiranachan^a-mandapam. 30 Here, the same 
record is transcribed in both the Pallava 
Grantha and upper Indian Siddhamatrika 
script forms, on either of the side walls 
of the facade of this cave temple. This 
was seemingly a gesture of solicitude of 
the king to the varying men of his realm 


who, though using Sanskrit, were writing 
the same in differing scriptal forms in the 
same period. 

Sometimes, inscriptions help inter- 
lockedj. or may we say, even dead-locked 
situations between material remains and 
quondam architectural contexts. The typical 
example had been afforded by the presence 
of rock-cut reclining Vishnu carving, 
sandwiched between the smaller and the 
larger of the two Shore temples at Maha- 
balipuram, both of which were erected 
by Narasimhavarman II Rajasimlia for 
Siva, while the Vishnu carving was a 
pre-existing creation of an earlier king, 
probably Narasimhavarman Mamalla. 
Despite vestigial evidence for these twin 
contexts the fact that the earlier position 
was well preceding the latter could, not 
be clinched, not with- standing a fortuitous 
literary evidence of Avantisundailkatha of 
Dandin recalling the traditional account 
of a clever sculptor having mended a 
broken arm of the Vishnu image here. 
The ambiguity could be finally cleared by 
a copper plate grant 31 of a still later 
Pallava king, Nripatunga, which specifi- 
cally referred to Mamalla having erected 
a reclining Vishnu temple here on the 
brink of the sea (Ya&=bayya- griham 
asmabhir^jalanklhau chakre muhuch 
chakrinah). Here epigraphy vicariously 
and posthumously bales out vestigeal 
archaeological evidence and clears an art 
historical tangle. 

Epigraphy sometimes helps us in 
reading between the lines in a historical 
situation where a contemporary record 
chooses to by-pass it. We are referring 
to the famous record of Mangale^a in 
the cave No. 3 at Badami which is 


quoted in the 'augmenting victoria! 
regnal year' of his reigning elder brother 
Kirtivarman, but at the same time, in 
the body of the record, mentions the 
significant ritual of Ndrayana bah sz which 
is performed when a person is either 
dead or his whereabouts are unknown 
and he was to be taken as dead. The 
seeming intention of the record, if we 
are to read history at this juncture at 
the Chalukyan capital aright shows that 
Mangalea was cleverly manoeuvring to 
capture the throne for himself after Kirti- 
varman is removed from the scene, and 
to prevent young Pulakeli II from claiming 
successor rights. Hence the oozing words 
of praise about the qualities of head and 
heart of Kiritivaman to lull the people 
into a support for his moves. The art 
historian is the beneficiary in this process, 
who can still sense it by the overprofessi- 
ons of a clever royal claimant, as ambitious 
as Mangales'a, trying to baulk the brave 
and enterprising Pulakes'm II who certa- 
inly got the better of the former, in the 
final count, but only after posterity had 
been gifted with a marvellous architectural 
creation and speciously but eloquently 
worded record. 

Epigraphical records found in the vici- 
nity of notable monuments but out of 
context and referring themselves of temples 
in the same place which, however do not 
exist today, have their own valuable impli- 
cation on the changes in the cult scene 
when an illustious and resourceful ruler 
blazes his unique trail overshadowing many 
earlier events of note. An excellent example 
of this phenomenon is the set of refences 
to 'Tanjai-taiikkulattari** which recall the 
sacred temple for &va, close to a tank 



by the side of Brihadi^vara temple, the 
magnum opus of Raja Raja's exemplary 
religious patronage and art imagination, 
We know that the Talikkulattan temple 
at Tanjavur had been sung in the hymnals 
of Saint Sambandar (who had adorned the 
end of the 7th century A. D. and was 
extolled spicily a 1 ? the 'Dravida-blSif by 
Ankara Bhagavatpada, for having been a 
child prodigy in his spiritual achievements). 
The fragmentary records referring to this 
Talikkulattan temple seem to continue into 
the 12th century and later, but no vis- 
tiges of it even have survived. What could 
be the reason for this seeming disregard 
for a sacred early temple, in the very 
premises of the <*reat temple built by 
such an unqualified devotee of iva ? 
The reason may only be coniectured. Tt 
can be that this earlier temple suffered a 
disappearance, having been an Agamic- 
-oriented one, when the avalanche of 
Mahe^vara brand of ?aivism was sedulo- 
usly fostered under Raja Raja I, and the 
additional cause for its struggling till upto 
two centuries later to disappear thereafter, 
can be that it was a casualty of the 
layout of the 3ivaganga tank, on whose 
bank it seemingly stood An unknown 
page of great socio-religious import had 
been revealed by the fragmentary records 
referring to this temple found in recent 
years from the very court-yard of the 
Brihadi^vara temple at Tanjavur. 

Epigraphy, thus, plays a complement- 
ary role with archaeology and material 
remains, and by dealing with epigraphical 
records in isolation as a mere exercise 
on the table, instead of on the ground, 
a social enquiry into cultural history is 
defeated, and may sometimes affect the 

very credibility of the documentations 
of the times. 

Friends, may I now be permitted to 
offer some remarks on the condition of 
epigraphical research in India today. It 
does not require any special ingenuity 
to suggest that this research demands a 
very sound basic concert with adequate 
knowledge of the great linguistic stems 
of India, the Tndo- Aryan and the Dravi- 
dian not to mention the Semetic langu- 
ages which had been of such great signi- 
ficance in Asia. This also involves access 
to the mechanics of linguistic growth. A 
high calibre academic potential is also 
called for in the research and publication 
of epigraphs. Tt is a truism to state that 
such a potential is not lacking in our 
country which can boast of magnificent 
literary legacies and traditions in all these 
languages. Then, what ails this important 
discipline of epigraphy? Firstly, the diffi- 
culties in talent- scouting of the right 
type Traditional scholars in this regard, 
have indeed been given a step-motherly 
treatment, inasmuch as they often might 
not be meeting official educational requi- 
rements for job recruitment. It is likely 
that, in due course, we may not be in 
a position even to secure them. That the 
Government is aware of this plight is 
obvious from the steps envisaged for 
inducting traditional scholars by provid- 
ing monetary fellowship assistance for 
getting acclimatised and involved in the 
tasks related to epigraphical research. 
Secondly, even official Epigraphy cannot 
claim emolument scales commensurate 
either with the arduous and complicated 
nature of their duties* or the enormous 
volume of work pending fulfilment. It 



may even be said that the extra-Indian 
scholars working on Indian epigraphical 
material are more adventitiously placed 
than their Indian counterparts who keep 
the primary documentational resources of 
this discipline, only to be conveniently 
availed of by these authors. Steps to be 
taken for mitigating the lot of epigraphical 
scholars and for finding appropriate pra- 
ctical and concrete steps for clearing the 
voluminous work that awaits disposal will 
be not a day too late. Thirdly, technical 
equipment of modern kind in the 
methodological and analytical programmes 
for thib discipline is at present awefully 
absent, and unless easy and continuing 
direct liaison and coordination exists, 
within the framework of the Epigraphical 
organisation of the Government, for 
linguistic research directly and function- 
ally relevant for Epigraphical research, 
the situation cannot be redressed. Let us 
hope that steps which will lead to the 
Epigraphical research being raised to the 
status of an independent organisation or 
of a national status as an Epigraphical 
Survey of India, with all the machinery 
for meaningful research, will emerge. 

Dear colleagues, before I wind up 
my address, may I have the privilege of 

stating that the disciplines of epigraphy 
and palaeography are among the subtlest 
techniques for unravalling the mysteries 
of our written legacies, in which there 
should indeed be a consortium of scholar- 
ship, in both the Government and outside 
in our universities which are our present 
and future hope for fundamental thinking 
and systematic pursuit in the academic 
studies of our past. Several bands of 
scholars of ancillary fields should have 
access to one another's wisdom and res- 
earch. This -alone will enable the common 
man to receive the requisite inspiration 
and motivation for appreciating the inte- 
grated and composite character of lingu- 
istic and epigraphical research in a multi- 
lingual country like ours. 

I heartily thank you for having given 
an indulgent hearing to my somewhat 
rambling academic and professional thou- 
ghts. May Bharatl or Vagdevi, in the 
form of the written word (akshara) 
guide our intellectual destinies in this 
sublime pursuit of Epigraphy in future 

'Idam^andhath tamah kritsnam jayeta 

Yadi Sabd-ahvayarn jydtir=asaihsarath na 

Notes : 

2 ' 


**"*" acaaim 


, S.P. and 

K.S.. (ed) n, O rls ,n of Srifm , Scrifl , ,,,, 


4. Dikshit, M. G., Excavations at Kuundinyapura, Bombay, 1968, 

5. Singhal in Gupta and Ramachandran, 1979 op. cit. 

6. Sankalia, H. D., Ramayana : Myth or Reality, New Delhi, 1973, 

7. Jansen, M., Mohenjodaro-Dokumentation in tier Archaeologle-Techntken Metitoden Analysen Achen 

8. Mughal, M. R,, Cultural interpretation in some pre-and protohistoric discoveries in K/wakorum region 

9. Rao, S. R., Lothal and the Indus Civilization, Bombay, 1973, 

10. Indian Archeology-A Review, 1960-61 to 1968-69. 

11. Heine, Gofdern, R.. The coming of the Aryans and the end of the Harappa civilization Man 
LVI, 136-40, 1958. ' 

12. Jetinar, Karl, Bronze axes from the Khara-korum, Proceedings of the American Philosophical 
society, 105, I, pp. 98-104 also Lai, B.B., The Indo-Aryan hypothesis vis-a-vis Indian Archaeo. 
logy. Seminar on the Ethnic problems of the early history of the peoples of central Asia 'In 
the 2nd millenium B. C, Dushambe, 1977. 

13. Indian Archaeology - A Review, 1971-72. 

14. Gupta, S. P. and Ramachandran, K. S., (ed) Mahabharata Myth and Reality, Differing views, Delhi 

15. Toyenbee, Arnold, (Cities of Destiny), London, 1976. 

16. Parpola Asko, Indus Script Decipherment, The situation at the end of 1960, also Parpola. Further 
progress in the Decipherment of Indus Script, Copenhagen, 1970. 

17. Raman, B. S. A new direction of approach for the decipherment of the Indus script, Seminar 
on the Indus script, Tamil University, Thanjavur, India, 1983. 

18. Mahadevan, I, Special lecture on the Harappans and the Soma ritual, C. P. Ramaswami Iyer 
Institute of IndoFogy, Madras, September, 1983. 

19. Ramesh, K. V., Some observations of an epigraphist on the Indus Script, Seminar on the Indus 
Script, Tamil University, Thanjavur, 1983. 

20. Rao, S, R., Decipherment of the Indus Script, Bombay, 1982. 

21. Katre, S. M., Some Problems of historical linguistics in Indo-Aryan, Building centenary & Silver 
Jubilee Series No. 25, 1965, also Dictionary of Pagini Vols. l-lll, Building Centenary & Silver 
Jubilee Series-53 pt. l-lll, 1968. 

22. Nagaswami, R., Chengam Nadiikar.kal , Madras. 

23. Pattu pattu, also Pillai S. Vaiyapuri, History of Tamil Language and Literature, Madras, 1956. 

24. Settar, S., (ed) Memorial Stones : a Study of their Origin, significance and variety, Kamatak 
University, 1982. 

25. Soundara Rajan, K. V., Early Tamil Written Traditions, Journal of Kerala studies, Vof I. 


i'k. Srivastav.i, K, M., Kapilavastu, Magpur, 1978. 

27. Scurujfira Rajan, K. V., Pandyan cave temples, T. V. Mahafingam Commemoration Volume, Mysore 
{in press) and afso ARSIE., 1935-36, B 156 and Part II, para 45, p. 76. 

2S. Nagaswami, R., An outstanding Epigraphical discovery in Tamil Nadu* paper presented at the* 
World Tamil Conference, Madurai, January, 1981. 

29, Whseler, R. E. M., Arikamedu, An Indo-Rornan Trading Station on trie east coast of India, 
,'Piant India, No. 2, pp. 17-124, 

30, Hu!t7$ch, E,, South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. I, pt. I, London, 1890. 

*!. Kamesan, N., .S/w/u-v in M^icval Deccan History, Hydrabad Archaeorogicaf series Mo. 29, p. 71. 
>-J. Sauidara Rajan, K. V., Cats temples of the Deccan, New Delhi, 1981. 

33. Sounds Rajan. K. V., Taajal Talikku|attin. in Gal. G. S. (ed) J.Pjf. V o S <l 
-./ , (m press). 

34. Datj^in, KjfyaJarsa, parichchheda I, v. 4. 


AJay Mitra Shastri 

The set of three rectangular plates 
bearing this charter was acquired by a 
copper-merchant of Dhu}e, headquarters of 
the district of the same name in. Maha- 
rashtra, from a resident of the village of 
Thajner (ancient Sthalaka-nagara) in the 
same district. There are strong reasons 
to believe that the plates were actually 
found at and were probably issued from 
the same place even though it is not speci- 
fied as the place of issue in the record. 
The inscription has been edited by D. R. 
Bhat 1 and V. V. Mirashi. 2 In view of the 
great value of this charter and our disa- 
greement with the last mentioned celebrity 
in important matters, we propose to offer 
some observations here. 

Like most other Vakataka copper-plate 
grants, the present record is also incised 
on the inner sides of the first and the 
last plates and on both sides of the middle 
plate. But whereas all the other hitherto 
known inscriptions of the Vakatakas with 
the solitary exception of the Poona plates 
of Prabhavatigupta are inscribed in 
the box-headed characters of the Southern 
variety of Brahml, the characters of the 
present charter are characterised by round 
knobs scooped out hollow instead of the 
usual boxes, a characteristic noticed in 
some inscriptions found in the neighbo- 
uring Nasik District. The language is Sans- 
krit, but for a couple of imprecatory stanzes 
towards the end, the record is composed 
in prose. The plates are held together by 
a ring, but the seal attached to it is missing. 

The inscription belongs to Harishena, 
the last known membsr of the Vatsagulma 
branch of the Vakatakas, and is his only 
known official record 3 and chronologically 
the second extant complete copper-plate 
charter of this branch. 4 Its object is to 
record Harishena's donation of a couple of 
villages to the brahmanas Devasvamin, 
Gangasvamin, Varahasvamin, Bhattarasva- 
min, Khudasvamin, Dharasvamin and others 
who were students of the Chhandoga or 
Samaveda and belonged to the Padanchala- 
gotra. The gift villages and piece of land 
in other villages are specified as follows : 
(i) Bhattikapadra to the east of Jatikkhe- 
taka and west of Vatalika ; (ii) Kumarada'- 
sava$aka on the southern bank of the river 
Mayasini in Vamfirvahali and situated to 
the east of Chchhabilanaka and west of 
Bodrakanaka ; (iii) 20 or 20 1/2 E nivartanas* 
of land in the village called Karhsakara- 
grama included in the bhukti or district of 
Anarttapura ; (iv) a plot of land measuring 
20V2 7 nivar tanas in the village Suvarnna- 
kara-grama ; and (v) a piece of land of 
the same size in the village of Govachch- 
hatati. Some of these villages have been 
located satisfactorily in the region round 
Thajner, the provenance of the charter 
in the Dhuje District. 

Like most other copper-plate grants 
of the Vakatakas 8 the present charter com- 
mences with the genealogical account, prece- 
ded only by the auspicious words siddham 
and svasti. 3 However, this portion differs 
from its counterparts in other epigraphs both 


in regard to contents and nature. All the 
other official records with only u single 
exception 10 begin this account with Pravara- 
sena I, the second member of the dynasty, and 
for information about his father, Vindhya- 
sakti I, one had so far to depend entirely on 
the historical accounts met with in some of 
the Puranas and the inscription of Varaha- 
<kva, a minister of Harishena, in Cave XVI 
at Ajanta." The Thajner plates, however, 
commence their dynastic account with 
Vindhyasakti I who is described as the first 
(aiii)dharmnurmaharaja of the Vakatakas. 12 
It looks as if though, Vindhyasakti, the 
progenitor of the family, who was for- 
gotten or ignored by all the earlier members 
of both the branches of the family, whose 
records are available to us, was all of a sudden 
remembered reverentially, for some reason 
which cannot be ascertained, during the 
reign of the last known membsr of the 
Vatsagulma branch. Next we find the 
description of Pravarasena I. However, 
thereafter it takes a wide leap passes over 
several members of the Vatsagulama branch 
including Sarvasena I, 13 its founder, and 
his son VindhyaSakti II, who is known 
from his Wasim plates which, for the first 
time, brought this branch of the dynasty 
to light. 11 In a stranger manner, as if in 
great haste, it refers to Harishena, the 
grantor, as the great-grandson of the grand- 
son of the son of Pravarasena I, grandson 
of Sarvvasena and son of Devasena. This 
description is in full conformity with the 
genealogy reconstructed on the basis of the 
combined evidence of the Basim plates of 
Vindhyasakti II and the Ajanta Cave XVI 
inscription of Harishena's minister, Varaha- 
deva. The present inscription adds to our 
knowledge by supplying the name of the 


father of Devasena which is omitted in the 
latter's India Office plate and is damaged in 
the aforesaid Ajanta inscription. It is Sarvva- 
sena who may be designated as Sarvva- 
sena II with a view to destinguish him 
from that of the founder of the line which 
should accordingly be called Sarvvasena I. 
It may be of some interest to note 
that the title Dharmmamahardja and 
Haritiputra, both of which were particularly 
popular among the ruling families of the 
Deccan and South India, are found 
employed only for Pravarasena I, the 
second and, for that matter, the greatest 
member of the dynasty, whereas his father 
VindhyaSakti I, who is first mentioned 
in this record, is given only the former 
title. All the remaining monarch s 
mentioned in the record including the 
donor, Harisheija, are styled simply 
Maharaja. The Basim plates 15 also reserve 
the epithet Haritiputra only for Pravarasena 
I; however, the title Dhannmamaharaja, 
which is used for his son Sarvvasena I 
and grandson VindhyaSakti II, is denied 
to him, maybe due to oversight or, more 
probably, because the superior title samrat, 
which is employed only for him in most 
of the charters of both the branches of 
the dynasty, 18 was thought to be enough. 
In any case, it is apparent that in the 
oificial records of this branch, which care 
to give the family history, 17 the epithet 
Haritiputra is applied to Pravarasena I 
alone and the other style, Dharmmamaharaja, 
to him as well as the members of this 
branch, viz., Sarvvasena and Vindhyasakti 
II. In the absence of necessary evidence 
this difference cannot be explained satis- 
factorily. Let us hope future discoveries 
will shed more light on this problem. 



The grant communicated through this 
charter is stated to have been made with 
the permission of a certain Gomikaraja 
(Gdmikaraj-anujnatam) about whose identity 
we have absolutely no information either 
from this or from any other record. 
According to Mirashi, he was the local chief 
of the Dhuje or West Khandesh region 
with Thajner as his capital and owing 
allegiance to the Traikutakas. It has been 
suggested that he was completely vanquished 
by and submitted to Harishena who 
launched on a campaign of victory and 
vengeance against the Traikiitakas who had 
occupied a portion of the territory under 
the Nandivardhana branch of the Vakatakas 
on the western boundary of Vidarbha. 
It! is assumed that in the course of this 
expedition he defeated Gomikaraja but did 
not annex the territory under him. And 
as the donated villages were situated in 
the vanquished enemy's kingdom, he thought 
it necessary to formally obtain his new 
vassal's permission as recorded in these 
plates. Unfortunately, however, there is 
absolutely no evidence to support the 
suggested historical reconstruction. The 
theory of the Traifcutaka occupation of a 
part of the Vakataka kingdom is based 
solely on the discovery of a few silver 
coins of Traikutaka Dahrasena in a small 
hoard at the village of Dahigaon in the 
Malkapur Taluka of the Buldana District. 18 
However, while only ten coins belong to 
Dahrasena, the remaining twenty-six coins 
in the hoard are of the western Ksha- 
trapas including Sanghadaman, Vijayasena, 
Damajada^n, Bhartridaman, VisVasena and 
Rudrasirhna II or Rudrasena III. There- 
fore, if the inclusion of only ten coins 
of Dahrasena is construed to indicate 

his occupation of the area in which the 
hoard has been found, the same line of 
argument should lead us to the theory of 
prolonged Kshatrapa occupation of the 
same region. Moreover, we know that a 
large number of Kshatrapa, silver coins 
both as stray finds and in hoards have 
been found in the whole of the Vakataka 
kingdom from time to time and quite a 
few of them have b2en published by Mirashi 
himself, but they have not been taken as an 
evidence ofKshatrapa rule in the area in ques- 
tion. 19 This underlines the need for exercising 
utmost restraint and caution while using 
the evidence of the provenance of coins 
for historical purposes. Hoards of coins, 
particularly of precious metals like silver 
and gold which might have been valued 
as an item of wealth, may be, and have 
quite often been, found in regions far away 
from the area of their circulation and are 
of no use for historical purposes except 
indicating the value attached to them. 
Large hoards of Kshatrapa silver coins have, 
for example, been found in Andhra Pradesh 
and Maharashtra at places far removed 
from Gujarat and Malwa where Kshatra- 
pas ruled, but the same cannot evidence 
Kshatrapa rule in those areas. These evi- 
dently were carried away and buried under- 
ground as treasures by their owners. The 
provenance evidence attains historical value 
only if coins are reported frequently in 
hoards and more specially as stray finds. 
It is thus obvious that the discovery of 
a single small lot of coins of Dahrasena 
cannot by itself sustain the theory of the 
Traikutaka occupation of a part of the 
Vakataka kingdom and Harishena's counter- 
attack on the Traikutakas. 80 Furthermore, 
while Harishena's occupation of the Tha"l- 
ner region or, in case of its occupation 


by one of his ancestors, its retention by 
him cannot be gainsaid, 21 there is abso- 
lutely no indication in our record that 
the grant in question was made immedi- 
ately after his conquest of Thalner, as 
has been surmised. And but for the name- 
ending rajs, which cannot by itself be 
taken, as an indubitable indication of the 
regal status, there is nothing to warrant 
the conjecture that Gomikaraja, with whose 
consent or permission the grant was made, 
was a ruling chief, much less that he was 
the vanquished monarch of Thalner. It 
is difficult to believe that the conqueror 
would ever feel it necessary to seek, much 
less to record it in a public document, his 
vanquished enemy's or vassal's permission to 
grant land in the latter J s territory. At least, 
to our knowledge, there is no such instance 
on record. An exactly parallel expression 
occurs in the Malhara plates of the Mu- 
Odaputra king Adityaraja which are stated 
to have been given at the behest of Ya- 
jnaraja (Yajnaraj-anujnatam}, 22 who appears 
to have been an elderly member of the 
same family or an otherwise respectable 
personage. The same may have been the case 
with Gomikaraja as well. Alternatively, it is 
not impossible that the composer of the re- 
cord erroneously employed the word 
anujnata instead of prarthanaya and that 
the charter was in fact given at the en- 
treaty of Gomikaraja. However, this, it 
must b.3 admitted, looks less likely. 

We may allude, en passim, to a cou- 
ple of copper-plate charters of the 
Kumbhakarija chief Blianushena of Stha- 
lakanagara (or Sthallnagara, modern Tha- 
Jner) 23 found at Tliafner because Mirashi 
refers to them in connection with Hari- 
sheija's assumed victory over Gomikaraja, 


the supposed vassal of the Traikutakas. 
These records, which mention four prede- 
cessors of Bhanushena all of whom are 
styled Maharaja, are dated only with 
reference to the issuer's reign and men- 
tion no known reckoning. However, on 
palaeographical grounds Moreshwar G. Dik- 
shit placed them in the 6th-7th century 
AD, 24 Mirashi, however, assigns them to 
a much earlier period without adducing 
any reason and feels that Bhanushena, 
the last known member of the family, 
was overthrown by the Traikutaka king 
Dahrasena (circa 440-465 A.D.), As we have 
seen above, we have absolutely no evide- 
nce in support of the Traikutaka invasion. 
of the Thalner region. Further, we are 
inclined to opine that the date proposed 
by Dikshit is fairly reliable and finds 
support from the internal evidnce as well 
and that the Kumbhakarna chiefs ruled 
over the west Khandesh region after the 
end of Harishena's rule. 2 ' 1 

The charter was registered (nibaddha} 
on the twelfth day of the fourth fortnight 
of the rainy season in the third year of 
Harishena's reign. The employment of this 
mode of dating with reference to seasons, 
coupled with similar dates in a couple 
of copper-plate grants of Prithivlsheijta 
II, the last known member of the Nan- 
divardhana branch of the Vakatakas, 
found in the excavations at MandhaJ, 
about 75 kms from Nagpur in the Nag- 
pur District, indicates its popularity till 
about the close of the fifth century A.D. 
The present record furnishes the latest 
known example of the use of this system. - 

The diitaka or executor of the cha*- 
rter was Svamiladeva about whom no 
information is given. But we know of 


another personage named 'Svarailladeva 
who, according to the Hisse Borala ins- 
cription, was an officer under Harishena's 
father Devasena and had a tank named 
Sudaritana excavated in iSaka 380." As 
our record was issued shortly after Hari- 
sheiia's accession, its dutaka may be re- 
asonably identified with Svamilladeva. 28 
Likewise, Boppadeva, the writer of this 
inscription, was in all probability the 

same as Bappa mentioned as the karmo- 
padeshtfi or overseer of the work in the 
Hisse Borala inscription. It is interesting 
to note that both these persons are 
mentioned together in both the inscripti- 
ons belonging to two consequtive gener- 
ations, and we may reasonably conclude 
that they served the last two generations 
of the Vatsagulma branch of the VakiS- 

Notes : 

1. SaModhaka (Marathi Journal of the Rajwatfa SaraSodhana Magtfaja). Vol. xlvii, 1980. nos. 1 .2, 

2. Indological Research Papers. Vol. I, Nagpur, 1982, pp. 78-87. 

3. The Ajanta and Ghatotkacha cava inscriptions of his time belong to his officials and vassals 
and record their own charities. 

4. Wasim grant of Vindhyas'akti II is the only other complete charter, the India Office grant of 
Harishe^a's father Devasena being incomplete. 

5. The relevant portion in the text reads vithSati arddhavifotiati which fails to yield a satisfactory 
meaning. It seems that, as in other cases that follow, arddhaviihdatify was intended here as 
well : but by oversight the scribe first wrote vifhiatl and thereafter, realising hfs error, the 
intended word, arddhaviih&ati, but, again by oversight, forgot to cancel viritdati. Arddhavtritilati, 
in this as well as in other subsequent cases, is a mistake for sQrddhavifhfati. 

6. Though not specified, this was a common measurement obtaining under the Vakajakas as we 
know from several copper-plate grants of the dynasty. The same appears to have been intended 
here also. 

7. According to Mirashi, the expression arddliaviMati should be taken to mean 'half of twenty' 
(Indological Research Papers, Vol. I, p. 80). viz., 10. However, if this were the intended meaning' 
we should have expected data or, less justifiably, vithSaty-arddha, As pointed out earlier; the 
intended reading probably is sarddhavimtiatih. Mirashi is also of the same opinion but takes the 
restored expression in the sense of 30 (ibid., p. 80, fn. 5), which doas not appear to be correct. 

8. The India Office plate of Devasena (CII, Vol. v, p. 102), which begins with a reference to the 
grantor himself (Devasena) without naming any of his predecessors, forms the only known exception. 

9. The word drishtam, which sen/as as a means of authentication and is found at the beginning 
of most of the copper-plate charters, is missing. 

10. /. e., India Office plate of Devasena. 

11. CII, vol. v, p. 107, verse 2. 



12. The relevant portion of the text reads Vakatakanam=> M~dharr f wtamahardja-tri-~Vindhyaaktefywhkb 

Mirashi proposes to restore as Vakafakanam ^adir^dhai'mmamahJraja tn-Vlndhyztakftl) which 
is totally unwarranted, for even without any alteration the phrase gives good meaning. Alter- 
natively, if at all we have to break the compound and tnaka it simpler, we must better restore 
it as Vakalakanam** ader= dharmmamaharajasya Jri-Vindhyataktefy, the following syS being restorable 
as a. And if we wish to observe sandhi rules, we should restore as -flakier** agnishtdma-. 

13. Earlier only this Sarvvasana was known"; but now that another later member of this line has 
come to ba known from the present record, ha rnust ba called Sarvasena I in order to dis- 
tingush him from his later namesake, 


14. CII, vol. v, pp. 93-100. An account of this branch was also given in Varahadeva's inscription 
at Ajanta, but owing to bad condition of that inscription tha identity of this branch was not 
established earlier. 

15. Ibid, p. 96, text-line 3. 


16. Barring only the records of Prabhavatigupta which give the genealogy of tha Imperial Guptas 
and Devasena's India Office plate which altogether omits genealogy. 

17. Le.> the Basim plates of Vindhya&akti II and Thajner grant of Harishena. 

18. 'V.V. Mirashi, JNS1. vol. XXXV, pp. 118-122 ; Literary and Historical Studies m Indohgy Delhi 

1975, pp. 180-184. 

19. For references, see ibid., p. 180, fn. t. 

20. We have examined this question at length in Numismatic Digest, vol. I (i) pp 26-28 iii (\\ 
pp, 6-8. ' ' u ' 

21. As the plates in question were issued shortly after Harisheija's accession (in the third regnal year) 
the second alternative looks more plausible. 

22. JESI, vol. iv, p. 38, text-line 31. Also see p. 37. 

23. El, vol. XXXVIII. pp. 69-75. 

24. We are discussing this problem in detail elsewhere. 
26. Its m9a 8 , S89 D . c . 

27. Dr, Mirashi Felicitation Volume, Nagpur, 1965, p. 384. 

28. The slight d.fference of spelling in this case as well as that of the name of th. - , 
no significance. n name ot tne writer is of 


P. Venkatesan 

The two inscriptions edited below 
with the kind permission of the Chief 
Epigraphist were discovered in the hill, 
opposite to the rock-cut temple of Pallava 
Mahendravarman in the village. Of the 
two inscriptions, which for the sake of 
convenience can be designated as e A J1 and 
'B )2 , 'A' is engraved in a cave on the top 
of the hill. This epigraph is important 
as it reveals the date and the name of 
tKe king during whose period, the 
Jaina temples at $iyamangalam were 
established. The inscription is in Grantha 
characters and Sanskrit language. The 
characters can be compared to those of 
Valjimalai inscription 3 of Rajamalla as 
for instance the letter k, m, 6, and r are 
quite identical. The writing is in a good 
state of preservation and there are in all 
eight lines of writing. 

The inscription is partly in prose 
and partly in poetry. The prose passage 
begins with the auspicious word svasti 
occuring before the commencement of the 
second verse in line five. The poetry 
portion contains two verses in Anushtubh 
metre. At the top of the inscription, 
there is a figure of an umbrella, which 
is a symbol of Jaina religion. Below this 
inscription, there is an ornamental design 
which looks like a richly carved tier 
flanked on either side by two lines. The 
first verse describes Arunkaj-dnvaya which 
was adorned by illustrious pontiffs, who 
had successfully crossed the vast expanse 
of the sea of knowledge of all sciences 

(niitesha-iastra-varSil-pSragatfi, thereby 
meaning that they were proficient in all 
Sastras. Aruhkal-anvaya figures in a number 
of Jaina inscriptions in Karnataka also.* 
This Aruhkal-anvaya is stated to belong 
to Nandi-Sahgha, in Jinendra s afi sha. 
According to Jaina religion an anvaya is 
normally described as belonging to only 
one Songha. 

In the second verse tjiat follows, it 
is recorded that Rajamalla established 
two temples (niveSanaih) for Jinaraja at 
Vijayadri in gaka 815 (892-93 A.D.) 
expressed by the chronogram $akabdam. s 
This inscription does not supply any infor- 
mation regarding the identity of Raja- 
malla. It is a point to be noted that in 
the present record Rajamalla is not end- 
owed with any regal titles which may 
probably be due to the exigencies of the 
metre. Attention may be drawn in this 
connection to another inscription 8 from 
VaJlimalai in the same North Arcot Dis- 
trict, engraved in Grantha characters and 
Kannada language belonging to the same 
9th century A. D. , wherein one king 
Rajamalla described as the son of Rana- 
vikrama, the grandson of iSripurusha and 
great grandson of Sivamara is stated to 
have laid the foundation of a Jaina 
shrine (vasati}. Judging from the provenance 
of the two inscriptions, both of them 
being situated in North Arcot District as 
well as their contemporanity and simili- 
arity in their purport, it is tempting to 
identify Rajamalla, the donor of the 

inscription under study with his namesake 
of the Vajjimalai inscription. If this identi- 
fication is accepted, then it will go to 
prove, that probably a portion of North 
Arcot District might have been under 
the control of the Western Gan?a king 
Rajamalla for some time. He had built 
Jaina temples (basalts} in Valjimalai, 
Siyamangalam and established chaturvedi- 
maftgalams, one of which named after the 
donor king himself viz., Rajamalla-chatur- 
vedi-mangalam, the name of which survived 
upto the 27th regnal year of Rajaraja I 
as gleaned from epigraphs 7 . This Raja- 
malla is otherwise known as Rajamalla II 
(Satyavakya) .who is known to have reig- 
ned between 877-907 A. D. and his father 
Raijavikramma mentioned in the VaJJima- 
lai inscription is no doubt identical with 


Nitimarga (Ereganga) who is known, in 
inscriptions as Ranavikrama. Rajamalla II, 
it may be noted, was a devout Jaina and 
at the sam.3 time he was also tolerant 
to other religions as exemplified by his 
various gifts to brdhmanas. 

Vijayadri, where the two temples for 
God Jinaraja was established appears to 
be the ancient name of the hillock on 
which the two inscriptions under study 
are incised. The two Jaina temples might 
have been established in the natural cave 
itself which fact is futher corroborated 
by the flight of steps leading to it the 
construction of which is recorded, by the 
inscription C B' discussed below. The cave 
however does not have at present any 
remnants of the once existing Jaina temples. 

TEXT-'A 1 

1 >rimaj= Jinendra-sanghe = 'Smin 


3 Anvayo bhati nUSesha- 

4 $astra-vara6i-paragaih [ 1* 11] 

5 Svasti [1*] Rajamalla iti sthapya 

6 SSakabdam yojayet budhahi [1 1! ] 

7 tat=dvayarh Jinarajasya 

8 Vijayadri-niveSanam [n 2* } 


Inscription 'B' is engraved on a rock 
at the foot of the hill from where the 
flight of steps lead to the cave on the 
top of hill, where inscription 'A' is 
engraved. It is in Grantha and Tamil 
characters and Sanskrit and Tamil 
languages. The characters are similar 

to those of the inscription 'A' discussed 
above and may be assigned to the same 
period. The inscription as that of 'A' is partly 
in prose and partly in poetry. The poetry 
portion is in Sanskrit while the prose pdr- 
tion is in Tamil excepting the auspicious 
word M at the beginning of the line 4 



which however is in Sanskrit. The inscrip- 
tion is not dated. The scribe shows some 
carelessness in not following the sandhi as 
in line 6 in eta[t*]-vad-ibha-simhasya. 
The inscription begins with the auspicious 
word svasti followed by a verse in Anus- 
titbh metre extolling Aruhkal- anvaya which 
is more or less similar to the first verse 
of inscription 'A', with the only difference 
that instead of Jinendra-sahgha, Dravila- 
Sangha is mentioned, to which belonged 
Nandi-sangha and Arunkal-anvaya. Dravila 
(da}=sangha and Dravida-gana occur in a 
number of epigraphs from Karnataka. 8 

As against the inscription 'A', in the 
Sanskrit portion Arumkal - anvaya is stated 
to belong to Nandi Sangha in Dravila-sangha. 
In the prose passage that follows which 

is in Tamil language, it is recorded that 
Vajranandi-yogindrar, the disciple .of Guija- 
viradevar who was the maqdalacharya of 
$n Arunkaj-anvaya caused to be construc- 
ted a flight of steps which survives even 
to this date intact. As already pointed out 
this will be one of the few Jaina epigraphs 
from Tamil Nadu where a Jaina monk and 
his disciple are mentioned along with their 
sangha and anvaya. 9 This is followed by a 
verse again in the same anushfubh metre 
which prays for the perpetuity of the grant 
made by no less a person than Vajranan- 
di-y5glndrar referred to above, who was 
a lion to the elephant like disputants and 
who by his thunderbolt like argument 
cut asunder the mountain like bad 


1 Svasti [I*] Srimad= Dravila-sanghe= 'smin 

2 Nandi-sanghe^'sty-ArunkaJah [1* Anvay5 bhati 

3 NiWesha-Sastra-vSraii-paragaifc [" 1* "J 

4 &i-Arimkal-anvayattu mandala-acharyar 

5 Gunaviradevar fiishyar Vajranandi-yogindrar 

6 Seyvitta tiruppadanam [1*] Etat[i*] vad~Ibha-simhasya 

7 gasanan=jayatach=cliiram[l*] yasya syad-vada-vajrena nirbhinna[h*] ku-mat-adra- 

Notes : 

I am highly indebted to the Chief Epigraphlst who has glftA permission fel editing these two 
inscriptions and Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer who guided me in tha preparation of this paper. 

1. This was copied by ma during my tour In 1982. It is being included in the *W.> fo, 


2. A.R.No. 227-A of 1901 ; Pub. in &/,/.> Vol. Vll, No, 441, 


3. Ep. M, Vol. IV, No. 15-A pp. 140 If/ 

4. P. B. Dasai, Jainism in South Mia and sotm Jaina Epigraphs, p. 76 (Notes), 

5. The composer has intended Paranomasia in the use of the word Sakabdam by which 

not only the chronogram but also the era. 

6. Ep, M., VoF. IV, No. 15^-A, pp. 140 ff, 

7. A,$. Ep., 1916, part 11 para 8, p. 115. 

8. P. B. Desai, Jainism in South India and some Jalna Epigraphs, p. 76. 

8, K, Q. Krishnan, Studies in South Mian History and Epigraphy, p. 108-09. 



S, P. TewarS 

To all those interested in and acqua- 
inted with the history of the Kadambas, 
the discovery and also the singular importa- 
nce of the Gudnapur inscrition of king 
Ravivarraa are well-known. This record, 
as rightly remarked by it's editor, is 
important in several respects. 1 It's main 
significance for him, and similarly for 
most students of Indian political history, 
has been in the fact that it casts new 
light on the ancestors of Mayuravarma 
by giving their names. But, as gleaned from 
the text of the inscription itself, this is 
not the only purpose for which the record 
was issued by the king Ravivarma. The 
basic aim of this inscription was to register 
the construction of a temple of manmatha 
(the god of love) and give specific infor- 
mation regarding the celebration of a 
festival known as Madanotsava or Vasan- 

As it is clear from the introduction 
by the learned editor, which precedes the 
text of the inscription, he has laid more 
emphasis on the political aspect of the 
record. The next thing which has received 
his attention in order of sequence is the 
issue of Kamajindlaya and in between these 
two issues, one of political importance, 
and the other of sectarian significance, a 
reference of great cultural importance has 
somehow got lost. In other words, that 
which was the main object of this record 
in the eyes of the king Ravivarma himself, 
has been casually summarised in a couple 
of sentences by the editor and set aside, 

This is why I plan to dwell on this aspect 
of the record and elucidate it's significance 
in the light of other similar references from 

Before coming to the main body of 
the discussion I would like to go through 
the relevant lines of the record where the 
abode of Manmatha and the festival is 
referred to along with other details. These 
references are noticed in the text of the 
inscription from line 12 onwards. A casual 
look at the original text (in this connection) 
will not be out of place. It reads as 

L 12. "yasya punya-nimmaga bandho durgam 
cha yasyoru-parvvatam-tena ve&ma man- 
mathasy-edam Ravina kshitlndretiakaritam"* 

Dr. Gopal, having omitted the mean- 
ing of half of the sentence, summarizes 
it as 'such a king built a beautiful abode 
for Manmatha". * The omitted part of the 
sentence suggests that the king whose good 
deeds (punya) were like a dam (bandha} 
on the river (Ganga) and whose powerful 
thighs (uru} were like a raountaineous 
fort, got such a beautiful abode of Man- 
matha built. Indirectly, it may also indicate 
that he got a dam built on the river 
Esaje which is mentioned later in the 
record. 6 

L. 13. "Dakshine-sya raja-vasa gfiham 
vame tath - antafr purollasat nfitta Sale dve 
punar-saumye prag-bhagam a&ritya vfshfhife 
kusuma - gandha vdhibhis - M&lralr - dhfita - 


haribhir-dakshlnanilaih yatra shit-padavali- 
dhumali sandhukshyate manmath - analah " 6 
Here also, although Dr. Gopal has 
referred to the boundaries of the temple 
which was adjacent on the right side to 
the palace and on the left to the female 
apartment with two dancing halls (nritta- 
&a!e) in it's front, 7 he has omitted the 
references to the close friends of Manmatha 
like kusuma - gandhavahi dakshinanila and 
shafpadavalldhuma etc , which I shall discuss 
further on. 

L. 14, "A pi f.ha> phulla - renu dhusariio 
Rati vigrahachchheva dakshinah yatra kama 
yuddha sannaha pa{aha1i kalarauti kokilafy 
tatra chitta-janrnutid jagatah tihiti sankshay- 
otpatti - karinah - sthapito madhau madhau 
loka - nay an - arvind - otsavb mahafy".* 

L. 15. "yadi net yujyate mahastu madhau 
kurypan-nripo madhavethava sambhaved- 
yada tada karyy ah kalavadh'b breya sava- 
dhafy(vadhify) Bhagav&to Madanasya nir~ 
yyane karyy - anuyatra mahikshita yadi na 
veshyate na nirbandhah sarvvassukhartha 

The only fact stated in the sentence 
cited above which Gopal has included 
in his summary is that the festival 
(not festivals as he says) 10 of kama 
(not pleasing to the eyes as he 
renders it) was to be celebrated in this 
temple during the spring season. He has 
omitted the useful references to Rati - 
vigraha, and kokila. Like wise, he could 
not discern the real purport of the phrase 
madhau madhau. Both these words are 
in the locative case meaning in the month 
of Madhu or Chaitra, The use of the 
locative case here can be interpreted in 
two -possible ways. One is that perhaps 


the image or the temple of Kama itself 
was installed or finally completed in the 
month of Chaitra (i. c. Madhu} before 
the commencement of the Vasantosava 
(or madhu-maha) and the other is that 
possibly the image of Kama which was 
made specially for the purpose of madhnt- 
sava was installed before the commence- 
ment of the festival. The latter, as also 
evinced from the literary sources, seems 
to be more probable. 

Regarding the latter part of the 
sentence, the remark by Dr. Gopal that 
great laxity was shown in determining 
the actual date of the celebration, is not 
borne out by the text. 11 The only thing 
it says is that in case the festival could 
not be observed in the month of madhu, 
the king should observe it in the month 
of madhava (i.e. VaiSakha'} or otherwise 
on an auspicious and pre-appointed time 
which should bs clearly defined (kala- 
vadhi&reyasavadhi}.^ His other remark that 
'there was no compulsion that the king 
must perform it for all such acts were 
for seeking pleasure,' 13 is misleading. It 
has an altogether different meaning. The 
text says that on the eve of departure, 
setting out or the disposal (nirydna) of 
the idol(?) of Madana, the king should 
observe an anuyatra, i. e., like the jatra^ 
yatra or ratha-yatra procession performed 
annually at Puri, or as it is done even 
today in case of Vinayaka. The phrase 
bhagavato madanasya niryaye karyy - 
anuyatra mahikshita may also render the 
sense that after the Madana is disposed 
of or he is dead, the king should orga- 
nise a yatra for him. Indirectly, it also 
seems to refer to the fireworks which 
take place on the evening before the 



festival of madhu-masa and which symboli- 
cally refer to the death of Kama or 
Madana. The inscription says that if the 
king so desires (vessate} he may also take 
part in the yatra, but he is under no 
compulsion (nlrbandha) to do it. It means 
that the laxity was there only in the 
king's either talcing part or not taking 
part in the anuyatrd and not in the case 
of conducting the utsava as such. 

The other possible meaning of the 
same phrase may be that after the festi- 
vities of the god Madana are over (Bha- 
gavato madanasya nlryyane [sati]) the king 
should think of making journeys or going 
on expeditions if he wishes. 15 

Having considered the relevant portions 
of the record which refer to the festival 
of Madana, I will now procsed to examine 
their details by comparing them with 
other similar references form the literary 

First of all, I will consider the reference 
to the abode of Kama (Vekma manmathasya] 
which, from whatsoever information I 
could gather, seems to be one of the earliest 
epigraphical reference to a temple of 
this god. 

As regards literature, the temple of 
Kama or Madana finds mention as Kama- 
devayatana in the Mfichchhakatika 10 of 
Sudraka, Padatatjitakam" of Shyamilaka, 
Padma-Prabhntakam^ of Sudmka and as 
Kamadevagriha in the Kadambari^ of Bana 
and in a few other works. The actual 
location of the temple of Madana is more 
pointedly made clear when the reference 
to the celebration of the festival of 
Madanotsava is made. For instance, in 

the Kadambari the Kamadeva-griha is refer- 
red to in connection with the description 
of vasa-bhavana of Kadambari, where there 
used to hang a scroll painted with the 
image of Katnadeva (Kamadevapafa}. Like- 
wise, in the Ratnavali of Harsha which 
gives an extremely interesting description 
of Madanotsava, the location of the temple 
of Kama is said to be inside the maka- 
randodyana of the antahpura. Here the 
image of the god was installed under an 
A&oka tree. In the same way, king Uda- 
yana, described in the Kuttanlmata of 
Damodaragupta, witnesses the worship and 
the festivities (parva] of Kama from the 
roof-top of his palace. 81 In another drama 
called Parijdtamanjan or Vijayain which 
is better known to epigraphists as the Dhar 
Praksti of king Arjunavarman, both the 
palace (harmya-bringa] and the harem figure 
in connection with the festival of Kama** 
All this goes to confirm the statement of 
our record where the location of the temple 
of Kama is also referred to exactly in 
the same way. 

The second important point of this 
record is the reference to two dancing halls 
which were adjacent to the forefront of 
the harem. Before I substantiate this piece 
of information from literature, it would 
be interesting to note that the word nrilta 
which is used here is of an early usage. 
Bharata, in his Na$ya&a$tra has invariably 
used this term and there is no reference 
to the word nritya which is of later origin. 
The word nritta means a dance in general 
where abhinaya is not included, 33 

From the literary references to 
danotsava we know that on such occasions 
dance used to form the main part of the 


festivities. In the Ratnavali of Harsha, the 
two dancers are described as entering the 
stage while dancing and singing dvlpadl 
khanda songs whereupon the Vidushaka 
also gets inspired and says that aham~apy 
etayor-madhye gatvd nrityan gayan madana- 
mahotsavam manayishyami.-* The Kuffani- 
mata also' describes Udayana as witnessing 
the char chat i type of dance on this occa- 
sion.^ The charchatl as we know from 
later works w 1 as also a kind of dance inclu- 
ded in 'the la&ya variety. 26 The Manasol- 
lasa says that on the occasion of Vasan- 
tdtsava a raga called hlndola with the tala 
known as charchan should be recited in 
Prakrita dialect. 27 In the pra&asti cf Arju- 
navarman I have referred to above, the de- 
tails of dance on the occasion of Vasan- 
totsava are further elaborated. According 
to this drama, once the madhutsava started 
(adhunarabdho madhorutsava) the ladies of 
the harem started participating in the dance 
along with the men. The two relevant 
verses from this pra&asti are worth noti- 
cing in this regard. They read : 

Paushpair - abharariair - manojna tanavafy 
svairam dadhatyo-dhuna. Nrityantyo mada- 
vihvalarh lay a visamvadeshii panranganafy 
Krlda Maurajika svakanta vadanany - alo- 
kayanti - smhah* s Likewise, in the following 
verse from the same pra&asti the whole 
composition of music and dance is elabo- 
rated : 

Athsa - nyasa graha knta padaih taditam 
mandra bhumau. Shadjam tanvan rishabha 
xahitam dhiivat&ndpi hinam. Hindolakhyah 
sukhayati dadhan - madhyamam tara - deke. 
Kampam vibhrat - kimapi ruchiram shadjake 
panchame cha. The reference to two 
nntta - kalas in our inscription is a clear 
indication of the fact that activities such 


as these were taking place there also. 

After the description of the abode 
of Ma&matha, raja - vasa, antahpura and 
the two dancing halls, what follows next 
in the record is the description of Madhu 
masa along with all if s salient features. 
Before entering into further details, what 
will be interesting to note here is the 
fact that the reference to madhu - maha, 
madhutsava or Madanotsava of this inscrip- 
tions is probably the earliest of it 1 s kind 
in as far as the epigraphical literature is 
concerned. Therefore, the record is not 
unique only for it's political details 
but also for it j s cultural information. 

Coming to the details of madhumasa, 
I notice that the composer of the record 
has taken every care to include all the 
elements which were the favourites of 
classical poets on such occasions. For 
instance, his vivid description of the 
soothing breeze ladden with sweet fragr- 
ance known as dakshinanila, the ever 
humming sound and also the movement 
of black bees (shatpadavali), his reference 
to the person of Rati smeared with 
flowery powder, and to the passionate 
sound of Kokila, all closely resemble to 
the descriptions of Vasanta from Kalidasa, 
Dandi, Magha, Harsha, Bana, Bilhana 
and many others. Although, on account 
of time and space, I cannot go in all 
of the details, a few select examples from 
Kalidasa and the Mandasor inscription 
will suffice to make the point clear. For 
example, the 'kusuma - gandha vahibhib- 
til&irair - dhriti - haribhir - dakshinanihitf of 
our inscription is akin to the 'dig - dak- 
shina gandhavaham mukhena vyalika 
ni&vasam - iv - otsasarja' of the Kumarasam- 
bhava, 30 and again the line 'shat - p&davali 



dhumah sandhitkshyate inanuiathanaJah' is 
reminiscent of Kalidasa's '/z'>jtf 'yamasa ma- 
dhur-dvirephan-nam-akshutan-ivti munobha- 
vcuya' and 'rnadhu dvi*epliah kitsunictika- 
patre papau priya/n sv~ani~anuvartaman<;h'* 1 . 
Likewise, the references to Rati-vlgraha 
and kaluranti kokilah of the inscription 
have their parallels in Kalidasa's : 

Sa madliaven-abhimatena sakhya Raiya cha 
sci&ankani-awiprayatah and, Kusitma-janma 
tato nav.i pallavas-iadanu shatpada kokila 

Iti yatha kiamtim-avirablnm-madhu dnima- 

From the ep graphical literature, the 
description of tnadliu-ni asa (though without 
reference to wadhutsava) noticed in the 
Mandsor Inscription of YaSodharman is 
most worthy of mention in this regard. 
Without taking muck time, I would prefer 
to qaote the following verse from that 
record : 

Yaxmin-kale kala mrldu girdtn kodlancim 
pralcipa Bhindant-iva sni^ta - Saui - mbhah 
pro\h!tanani manahsi Bhrlngalinam dhvanh- 
anuvandm bhara-numdrci&-cha yasminn- 
Adhufiijruih d/unnir ~ iva nadacli - chhruyate 

Having gone so far in search of paral- 
lels to the details of madhu-masa of our ins- 
cription, a point which I want to bring 
home is thai all the references quoted above 
figure in connection with the festival of 
Madana the ^od of love aiid the central 
theme of all the works referred to is en- 
tirely Brahman icil in character. Besides 
ihejc, references to the worship and also 
ths festivities of Madana occur in the later 
pwatyis like Bhavishyottara, This leads us 

to conclude that the worship of Madana 
was purely a Brahman ical ritual. The other 
sects like Buddhists and Jains were averse 
to it. 

In the light of all these details, when 
we reconsider line 17 of the record which 
according to Dr. Gopal, refers to the abode 
of Kama as Kama-jinalaya, it causes us 
to conclude that : 

1. Even if the reading jinulaya which is 
doubted by some epigraph ists" e is accepted, 
the word jina was not u ,ed exclusively by 
Jains during this peiid, as it happens at 
a later date. In the early stajes, the word 
jina was used not specifically for Tirthan- 
karas but more so for the Buddaa" and 
in my opinion the word was free from 
any sectarian affiliation. Depending on the 
occasion, necessity or context, this word 
also rendered the sense of a victor (i, e. 
jayati-iti jinah\ although I must admit 
thai except in a few rare cases the word 
jina has not baen widely used by sects 
oth-_r than the Buddhists and Jains. 

2. If we take Kania-jinahna to mean a 
Bahubali temple as Dr. Gopal suggests/' 1 
we should ah,o find references to the 
celebration of madliiitsava, vasantotsava or 
madanotsuva and also towaids Kali - the 
consort of Kama from the Jaina cannons. 
But such references are not found, however. 

3. Dr Gopal's line of reasoning that 
Gommata Bahubali is the Kama of the 
Jaina pantheon 3 ' 11 suffers from more than 
one lacuna,, and since he himself has 
withdrawn the statement which he makes 
later that Gommata is a tadbhava of 
manmathii , it is no use going further in 
this matter. However, his citations' from 
the Adi pur ana and the Chavimdaraya'purana, 



whew Bahubili is equated with mynmatha,' 1 
do merit consideration. 

The idea that on account of his rupa- 
sampadc?- Bahubali has been seen and 
praised as madana, manobhava or manoja 
by the women (ahgana) of his times is 
not new. It has been an age-old practice 
with poets to praise the physical charm 
of their heroes and compare them with 
Kama, the ideal of physical charm in the 
mythology of Hindus. A^vaghosha in his 
Buddhacharita has compared the physical 
charm of Buddha, with that of pushpa- 
kotu (i.e. Kama) : 

"Ayarh Ma vyayata pi no bahu rupena 
sakshad-iva pttshpaketuh 3 * 3 

Kalidasa while talking about Rama 
says that 'Vigrahena madanasya chdruna 
so=bhavat - pratinidhir na karmand. '" and 
for the poetic fancy of Vatsabhatti the 
Bandlruvarrnan of Mandsor inscription him- 
self was another Kama : Rupena yah kusu- 
ma chapa iva dvitiyalj. 1 , 15 Likewise, when 
Krishna of the Bhagavata entered the city 

of Mathura he was seen variously by 
different people but always as Kama by 
the fair sex : 

'MaUanam-a&anir-nf.naih naravaro stnnam 
smaro murtiman.* 6 Instances like such can 
be further multiplied. What I would like 
to say in short is that relying on such 
a stylistic and literary description of 
Bahubali in order to identify him with 
Kama is a far fetched supposition. 

4. Hence, since no deities such as Kama 
or Rati his consort is mentioned in the 
Jaina cannons and also since there Is no 
provision for celebrations like madhutsava 
or madanotsava there, it is clear that the 
temple belonged to Kama the Hindu god 
of love, whose festival is also described 
elaborately in the inscription. This contro- 
versy has arisen partially because of a 
little mistake committed by the scribe 
and partially due to epigraphists who are 
not willing to forgive him for even one 

Notes : 

1 Srlkavthika, Gudnapur inscription of Kadimba Ratitarma, pp. 61-72, edited by Dr. B. R. Gopaf 

2 Ibid, p. 70, text lines 12-15. 

3 Ibid, p. 70, I. 12. 

4 Ibid, p, 63. 

5 Ibid, p. 71, text 1.19. 

6 Ibid, p. 70, text 1.13. 

7 Ibid, p. 63. 

8 Ibid, p. 70, text 1.14. 

9 Ibid, text 1.15. 
10 Ibid, p. 63. 


1 1 Ibid, p. 63. 

1 2 This was necessary on account of descrspenoies regarding the actual tithis on which the Hindu 
festivals were to be observed. For instance, Vasantotsava as per some literary references, was 
to be celebrated either on the 1st day of the chaitra sukla-paksha or on purnima day, but in 
the work called Dharmor-slndhu (vida Kielhorn, Int. Ant. Vol. XXV!-pp. 177-79) and Bhavishyot- 
tarapurana (ch. 135-19) it was to ba celebrated on the 13th of chaitra-sudl. The words Kala. 
vadhi treya and savadhi (not savadha as Dr. Gopal has read) refer to this meaning clearly. 

13 "2 op. cit. p. 63, 

1 4 The word veshyate as read by Dr. Gopal is not correct. The reading is vessate i. e. dental sa. 
I owe this suggestion to Dr. K. V. Ramesh, Director Epigraphy, Archaeological Survey of India. 
Mysore. As for the exact meaning of both the words (either veshyate or vassate) is concerned 
I am not confirm since the words as such are not noticed in the dictionaries. My probable inter- 
pretation of the term is based on the meaning of the verb ves given by Monier Williams (p. 
1019) which means to desire, to go, to move or to love. 

1 5 According to Kalidasa (Raghu IX. 48) the king after celebrating the vasmtotsava went out on 
hunting expeditions : 

Atha yatha sukham-artavam-utsavam samanubhuya vilasavati sakhah, Narapatis-chakame mfigaya ratim 
sa madhuman-madhu-manmatha sannibhab. 

1 G Mj'ichchhakafika Act I, Kama-devayatan-odyanat-prabhfiii tasya, etc. 

17 Chaturbhani (ed. by Motichandra and Agarawala, Bombay, 1959) pp. 196 and 218., 

1 8 Ibid, p. 35. 

19 Kadambari (N. S. edition, Bombay, 1921) p. 335. Malatike pajalaya sindum-renuna Kamadevng- 

2.O Ratnavali (Bombay, 1925) Act I, V. 15 ff. Adya kfiahimaya makarandodyanam gatya rakta/toka 
padapa tale sansthapitosya bhagavatah kusumayudhasya puja nivartayitavvd. 

21 Kuttanlmata ^Calcutta, 1944J Verse. 885, prasa dam - amhantam Kusumayudlia ~ parva charchanm 

22 Ep.hd. Vol. VIII, pp. 101 ff. text. L. 13 Nai'3yane - matya Suchau n'wedya saitrajya bharam 

svayam - aruroha. 

Devo vasantotsava kautukena nanna - ratnojjvala harmya ~ Sringam. 

23 See. Natya-Sastra, Vishnu. Dh.p, Sangita Rafnakara VII, 27-28, 31-32 and Abhinayu - Dcirpaiur 

15-16 etc. I owe this information to Kum, Hema Govindarajan of Mysore. 

24 Ratnavali Act I. , " , , 

2B Op. cit. verse 885, For details on Charcharl, see Tewari S. P. 'On the meaning of the word chat-- 
chart' (vide Svasti-Sri, Dr. B. Ch. Chhabra Felicitation Volume, Delhi 1984, pp. 257-265). 

26 See. Amara. 3.5. 10 and the commentary of Bhanuji on that ; sae also Karpuramanjari IV. 
< 10-18 ; Sangita Ratnakam IV. 292-293. I am thankful to Kum. Hema Govindarajan for pro- 
viding me all this information. 

Manasollasa (G. 0. S) Vim. 4. ch. 16 : 

Rago Mndolakos-tatra talaf-ch-aish-Stra charchari Vasantasy-otsiue geya sphu{am prakfita bhdshayS, 


23 L P InJ. VIII; P. 101 ff. text I 2T. 

29 Ihd. lines 21-22. 

30 Ki'.nJtii, HI 25. 

31 /-W. Verses 2? and 35 respectively. 

32 //"'</. 23, 

33 Raghii. IX, 26 

34 CU, Vol. Ill pp. &S-59. 

35 Blurishvit. ch. 135. 19. 

36 Gui, G.S. 1 >Wt' o,; ///rf Gud'iapur Inscription of Kadamba Riiiflvarman vide Journal of Indian 

Vol. pp. 301-02, and the facsimile. 

37 So*. Am 11 u: Sttmanta bhadio bhagumi-mam-jit loka-jit-jmuli end the commentaries theie upon 
which explain the word jinu as bhavam jtiyatifi jinafj In a lecervly found stone pedestal 
inscription of the time of Buddhagupta (year 161) fiom fvla.huia (vide Thdplyat, K. K. and 
Siivastava A.K. in J.E.SJ. Vol. IX, pp. 7-11) Budd'ia has b mn referred to as jina. Baija- 
bhatta in his H.irshd charita has invariably addressed Budd'ia and his followers as jma (na 
ji,iasy eva - arilutvadd Siinyani darsanani, p. 236) and jaina (Kapiluir - j&imir - hkayutikeih, 
p. 77). Halayudha Bhatta on the analogy ot the word j t ,ia meaning a victor, has called 
Vishnu also as swwtano jmafr sarhblmr - vidliii vecllia gadagrajah m his Abhidiilnaraf.iainah (1.25). 
Sea also Agrawala, V.S. in his Ilarshachai ita Eka Samskritika Ad'iyayana (p 195) who elabo- 
rates the points further. Thus, the sense of the word Kam^-jim may ba de.ivdd as the 
K'imi t!is victor (i fj. Kiiineni Ichchhaya va jayati - iti Kama - jitiaji). It was also suggested 
to me by Dr. K.V. Ramosh, that ths woid Kama-jina may equally apply to Siva, 

38 Op, at. p. 66. 

39 Ibid, p. 66. 

40 Ibul. p. 67. 

41 Ibid. pp. 66-67. 

42 Ilnd. p. 67. see the verse quoted from the Adipuvana. 

43 Buddhacharita, III. 23-24. 

44 Ragtot. XI. 13. 

45 C./.7., Vol. Ill, pp. 790 ff. 

46 Bhagamt /to-fine. X, 43. 17. 

I am thankful to Ms. Cynthia Talbot who went through the" manuscript of this paper and 
graced it with some of her valuable suggestions. 


Madhav H. Katti and INS. N. Swamy 

Much has been discussed about the 
famous poet of medieval Karnataka, Naga- 
chandra, known also as Abhinava Pampa, 
who has earned a permanent place in the 
history of Kannada literature. His works 
like Pampa Ra may ana and Mallinatha 
Purana 1 are too well known to the students 
of Kannada literature- while discussing 
about his date, Sri Venkata Subbaiah opines 
that he may have lived earlier than 1040 
A.D., while Sri Govinda Pai and Dr. 
D.L. Narasimhachar have suggested that 
he may have lived around 1140. 3 Many 
of the literary historians have thought 
his time to be around 1100 A D. 3 It was 
really unlucky that so far we could not 
get any direct clue about the date of this 
important poet of Kannada literature, 

An inscription 4 form the village Pancha- 
lingala in Kurnool Taluk and District, 
found engraved on a stone kept in front 
of the PanchalmgeSvara temple, in Kannada 
language and characters, belonging to the 
reign of Chajukya Bhtivanaikamalla and 
dated gaka 990, Kilaka-samvatsara, Pushya 
ba- 5, Sunday, Uttarayana-sumkran/i, how- 
ever mentions at the end of the record, Naga- 
chandra-kavindra 6 as the composer of the 
record (Sasanamath Nagachandra-kavindram 
baredam}. Bhuvanaikamalla is stated, in 
the record, to be ruling from his capital 
at Kalyana It is known to the historians 
well that this Bhuvanaikamalla was none 
Dther than Chajukya SomesVara-II, the 
slder brother of Vikramaditya-VI and 
cnown to have ruled from 1068 to 1076 
^.D * The details of date correspond to 

1068 A.D., the month being December. If 
the (it hi (bahula panchami} is taken as 
correct, the date corresponds to Decem- 
ber 16, Tuesday. However in all proba- 
bility, the day as given in tile record (i. e. 
Sunday) was correct, in which case the 
tithi would have to be taken either as ba. 
3 or 9 (ie., respectively Decembar 14 or 
21)'. However, it is of much significance 
to know from the record that the given 
date was definitely within the later half 
of the month of December. 

It is known that the poet under reference 
i.e. Nagachandra was also highly respected 
in the royal court as the expressions 
"janapati-sabheyol pujyam and dharani-bhu- 
bhfttpati-pujyarit" indicate. 8 It is also sug- 
gested by some historians that Nagachandra 
may have been the court poet of either 
the Chajukyas of Kalyana or the HoysalaV 
Sri Govinda Pai also surmises that he 
may have been in the court of Vik- 
ramaditya-VI. 10 

From the above discussion, it is clear 
that most of the literary historians have 
hinted at the possibility that Nagachandra 
may have lived in the middle of the 
llth century AD., though they could not 
pin point the date because of the absence 
of direct or epigraphica'l source material. 
The inscription under discussion states 
that it was written by Nagachandra- 
kavindra. In the light of the fact, men- 
tioned above, it can be suggested 
that the poet and the composer 
of the present record is none else but the 


famous poet Nfigachandra, the author of 
Patnpa Rumclyana and Mallinatha Purana. 
The surmise of the literary critics, as 
icferred to above, about his being a court 
poet is also proved by the fact that he is 
mentioned as the writer of the present record therefore must have lived under the pat- 
ronage of BAUvanaikamallai.e.,Some$vara-II. 
It may also be noted that the record was issued 
during tiie 1st year of the king's reign. 
The phrases like "satkavi-Nagachandra- 
nantire perarar Saraswati kudal padedar 
varttmaih kavUvarar", "niravadya-gunam 
sandit Nagtichandra-kavlndram", "kavi-Naga- 
chanJran antude saphalam" 1 * are expressive 
of the greatness of Nagachandra as a poet. 
Our inscription also calls him as 'kavindra' 1 * 
there by affirming the essence of the above 
descriptive phrases. 


During the 12th century A.D. the only 
poet we know by name Nagachandra is 
the one discussed above, the author of 
Patnpa Rdmayana and Mallinatha Purana. 
Therefore the possibility of any other poet 
of this name being such a famous court 
poet is obviously ruled out. It is there- 
fore, a matter of much significance to the 
history of Kannacla literature in general 
and the medieval Kannada literature in 
particular, that the epigraph under discu- 
ssion provides a direct evidence about 
the date of the great poet Nagachandra 
and shows that he was under the patro- 
nage of Bhuvanaikamalla Some^vara II of 
the Kalyaija Chajukya family. 14 Thus it is 
of much significance both for the political 
and literary history of Karnataka. 

Notes : 

1 R. S. Muguli : Kannada Sahitya Charitre, (Mysore, 1968), p. 80. 

2 Ibid,, p. 82. 

3 Jbul. 

4 A.R.Ep, 1953-54, B No. 50. 

5 P. B. Desai and others : A History of Karnafaka (Dharwar, 1981), pp. 174 ff. 

6 From the inked impressions, text line 30. ' 


8 Kan^a SWtya Charitre, Vol. Ill, (Mysore University 1976), p. 784. 

9 7f/., pp. 784-85. 

10 Ibid., p 785. 

11 Jbi4. t p. 787. 

t2 Samagra Xanmda Sahitya Charitre Vof in to t < < 

}U ^ iarit '-e> vol. Ml, (Barrgafore University, 1376), p 200 
13 From the inked impressions. 

th3t , 9 i 

SAKA 1578 


This copper-plate charter secured from 
Kumbhakoijam in Tanjore district of Tamil- 
nadu 1 is of king Vijayaraghava-nayaka of 
Tanjore. The set consists of three plates 
written on both the sides. Excspt for the 
last side of the third plate which has three 
lines, each side of the other plates con- 
tain eight lines. The lines are demarcated 

The language of the charter is Sans- 
krit and the script is Telugu. The cha- 
cfers of the grant are of the 17th century 
and they are regular to the period to 
which they belong. 

The charter is dated in Saka 1578, 
Manmatha, when the Sun was in Mina, 
3udi, Paurnami, Friday corresponding to 
1656 A. D. February 29, but the $aka year 
was expired. 

Following the date portion, lines 2-8 
describe the string of epithets born by the 
king. They are Chbla - Pandya Tundira - 
mandala - mukha - bahudeba - mandita, Kar~ 
nfifamahi - samrajya - vyamjakai-ha vimdara - 
ga/hda, Sambuvara - gathda, Mannera - 
gamda, Gaftidara - gdji etc. He also had 
the title Achyutaraya* just as his father. 3 

This record for the first time furni- 
shes the genealogy of the Nayaks of 
Tanjore in unequivocal terms as under : 

Timmavani - nayaka, md Bayyimamba 
Chevva - bhupa 


Raghunatlia, md Athbika 


Chevva - bhupa who was respected by his 
enemies was succeeded by his son Achyuta. 
He is described as the son of Garhga 
(i.e., Bhishma) in battle and as the wor- 
shipper of the deity 3ri RarfigeiSa. He is 
compared to lord Achyuta in protecting 
his subjects, Vaikartana (i.e. Karija) in 
giving' gifts, Indra in enjoyment (bhoga] 
and Bhoja in learning (Bhoja&cha Sarasvate] 
To him was born Raghunatha just as 
the moon (SaSamka) was born from the 
ocean (Sindhti), He is like a Parijata 
(i.e. Kaliyuga kalpavnksha] in fulfilling 
the needs of the needy. 

The donor of the present charter i.e., 
king Vijayaraghava succeeded his father. 
He is described as the learned (vtdyani 
dhi], worshipper of &rl - Rajagopa. Further, 
he is compared to king 3ibi in offering 
gifts (dana\ Nabhaga in offering alms 
(annadand) and Nava - Manmatha in 
beauty. He is stated to have renovated 
the vimana, gopum and prdkara of 
Dvarakanatha, re - excavated a tank called 
Haridra - tatini of Champakaranya and 
endowed a crown (kirltd) probably to the 
deity in the temple of Dakshiija-Dvaraka 
(i.e., modern Mannargu^i), obviously, the 
deity 6ri - Rajagopa stated above. He is 
also mentioned to have revived the Vaishna- 
vism from the clutches of the (pasharhdis} 

The object of the present charter is 
to ivgistcr the gift of the village Alam- 
elumuiiigumarhbapura as an agrahara to 
the Vaishnava brahmanus who were well 
versed in the Vedas, by the queen. The 
gift village Alamelumamgamaihbapura., 
named after her is said to have been the 
best of the villages. It covers an area of 
sixty thousand in extent mesured by the 
rod called kalapadadmma - danda- 
It is at a distance of two yajanas to 
the south of the river Kaveri in the vicin ity 
of Sirumamgala on the highway (mohapatha} 
to Matlajammapura. 

The foundries of the gift village are 
specified as to the east of Nagaraniptira 
which contained a mantapa and a tank ; 
to the south of Savajakkara village ; 
to the west of Kovanur and to 
the north of Yadayar Kisiyanur. The 
charter ends with two imprecatory verses. 
The sign - manual at the end reads : 
&rl - Vijayaraghava. 

The present charter is the last to be 
issued during his reign period. Another 
copper-plate' 1 belonging to his reign 
period is dated gaka 1560, Bahudhanya 
corresponding to 1638 A. i>. This was 
obviously, the first plate that was issued 
soon after his accession. 

We know from a literary work called 
Vijayaraghava- vam^avali that his corona- 
tion took place in 1633 A.D. Another in- 
direct evidence referring to his coronation 
is found mentioned in the work Tantia- 
tikhaman! of Rajachudamani-dikshita 5 . The 
record from Patt&varam" in Tanjore dist- 
rict dated in 1634 A.D. does not refer to 
his access-on. But it refers to a vow 
made on the feet of Nayakkarayyan who 
may have been in all probability Raghu- 


natha-nayaka himself. On the basis of 
this record, it is not impossible to suggest 
that he might have succeeded his father 
Raghunatha-nayaka around this date. The 
same epigraph also mentions Govinda- 
dikshita by the expression ' Dikshitasvami' . 
Govinda-dikshita was a well-known admini- 
strator and minister under Raghunatha- 
nayaka. But he did not continue in the 
same capacity during the period of his 
successor Vijayaraghava. Considering these 
view points, it may be inferred that Raghu- 
natha did not continue to rule after 
1633 A.D. The record in 1642 A.D. of the 
lime of the king Vijayaraghava comes from 
the village Mudigoijdanallur in Mayavaram 
taluk of Tanjore district. 7 It was on this 
date that Vijayaraghava who was power- 
ful seem to have extended his help to 
the Vijayanagara king Srirangaraya III 
when the latter was in trouble. Not 
many inscriptions before the date of our 
charter have been noticed, except for a 
record from Papanas'arn dated in the cy- 
lic year Vyaya corresponding to 1647 A.D. S 

It is necessary to take stock of the 
political conditions of the period to 
which our record belongs. During this 
period, Vijayaraghava was perhaps conce- 
ntrating in the fortification of the vulne- 
rable places of his kingdom B The condition 
of the empire was such that Vijayara- 
ghavanayaka could not count upon the 
support of his Vijayanagara counterpart 
Siirangaraya who deserted and exposed 
the foimer to the attacks of Muhammadans 
and Madurai forces. According the acco- 
unts of the Jesuits Vijayaraghava took 
shelter in the forest unable to face the 
onslaught of the Muhammadan army 
and was thus subjected to their command. 


It was during this troubled period that 
the Muhammadan supremacy was establi- 
shed over Tanjore and Madurai. In the 
meanwhile, the Nayaks of Madurai 
were concentrating in the fortfications of 
their strongholds. Though Vijayaraghava 
was submitted to the Muhammadans, he 
was allowed on sympathetic grounds to rule 
peacefully for a short period of about 
six years by the Bijapur General who 
invaded Tanjore earlier as evident from 
the Jesuit sources. It was during this 


period of lull in political activities that 
Vijayaraghava managed to issue the pre- 
sent grant. 

The gift village Alamelumathgam- 
ambapura may be identified with Alamelu- 
pura in Tanjore taluk and district. Among 
the boundaries of the gift village, Naga- 
ranipura is in all probability be identical 
with Nagatti of the Tanjore taluk. The 
other villages referred to as boundaries 
are not identifiable, 

Notes : 

1 am highly thankful to the Chief Epigraphist for permitting ma to edit this inscription. I am 
also indebted to Dr. M. D. Sampath: Dy. Superintending Epigraphist for his help in preparing 
this paper, 

1 A.R.Ep., 1921-22, No. A. 10. 

2 Ibid., B. 461. 

3 Ibid., 1946-47, No. A. 13. 

4 Ibid., 1945-46, No. A. 16. It states that the king granted the villages Nadiyam, Tur.aiyr 
and Udainatfu in Pattukotijai-sirmai for feeding the pilgrims at the choultry of Saluvanayak- 

, karpattagam on their way to Setu. 

5 V. Vriddhagirisan ; The Nayakas of Tanjore, pp. 126-27. 

6 A.R.Ep. 1926-27, No. B. 257, This record is dated in cyclic year Bhava which along with 
other details viz., Afji 21 corresponds to 1934 A. D., June 19. 

7 Ibid., 1924-25, No. B. 166. Dated in the year Chitrabhanu, ivatf 20 corresponding to 1 642 
A. D'. August 20, it refers to an order issued by the king's agent Nayiniyappanayakar making 
provision for the maintenance of worship in the temple of the goddess of this place. 

8- Ibid., 1921-22, No. B. 461. 

9 This is referred tojn a Telugu work called TaHjSviiri-AndhrarSjula-Charitraimi ; The Nayakas of 
Tanjore p. 140. 


N. M. Ganam 

This short record was found from 
Thalner during the course of my visit 
to the place in the summer of 1981. 
Thalner is situated in the Shirpur talufca 
of the Dhule District in Maharashtra. 
Now reduced to an insignificant village, 
it was at one time an important place, 
h.'int' the first capital of the Faruqi rulers 
of Khandesh. It possesses a ruined fort 
and few tombs of architectural importance 
of the Faruqi kings. 1 

The tablet 3 bearing the inscription is 
set up above the central Mihrab of the 
'Idgah. It occupies a total space of about 

36 X 50 CM. The text which is in Persian 
and inscribed in Nasfa'lig characters 
consists of three couplets preceded by an 
invocation to Adah by His Attribute and 
followed by the endorsement containing 
the scribe's name and the date is given both 
in figures and chronogram. The epigraph 
records the construction of an 'Idgah in 
A.H. 1201 (1786 -87 AD.) by Muhammad 
Sharif son of Shahji "Bab^^dabir (i.e. sec- 
retary) of Tukoji Rao I Holkar and native 
of Patan (i.e. Paithan). It was composed 
by Zarif and inscribed by one Quraishi 

The text has been read as under :- 


1 Huwa'l Karlm 

2 Sakha ba Shuja'at Muhammad Sharif Dabrr ast Tufcba-i-Hulkar Zarif 

3 Wa bashinda-i-Shahr-i- Patan Pay qadim Pisar-i-Shahji Baba Maljammad Sharif 

4 binS saH-ThaJnir Shud 'Idgah 'azim kSra-i-'Idgah ay Zarif (A. H.) 1201 

5 tfurrara Quraishi 1201 


1 He is Munificent 

2 (Possessed) with generosity and bravery, Muhamad Sharif is the secretary of TntM 
(L e. Tukob3) Holkar (O !) Zarif 

(i - e - paithan) - an andent 
it L* lnir ' a magnificient 

5 Written by Quraishi (A. H.) 1201 (1786-87 A. D.) 


The inscription is important in more 
then one aspect. It is the only record 
so far available of Tukoji Rao I and the 
fourth of the Holkar dynasty. 3 The epi- 
graph which is dated A. H. 1201 (1786- 
87 A. D.) shows that the record belongs 
to a period of pre - kingship of Tukoji 
^Rao. We are told that after her accession 
to the throne in 1754, Ahilya Bai appo- 
inted Tukoji Rao, a trusted officer as 
the Commander - in - Chief of the Holkar 
forces and also selected him as the heir 
to the house of Holkar. In recognition 
of his being the titular head of the Hol- 
kars, Tukoji Rao received a robe of 
honour (Khil'at) from Peshwa Madho 
Rao who also conferred him the title of 
Subhedar. During the life time of Ahilya 
Bai, Tukoji Rao performed only the duties 
of the Chief Commander of the Holkar 
forces and never interfered in the civil 
administration of his patron. It was only 
after the death of Ahilya Bai in 1795 
that Tukoji Rao assumed the power of 
the head of the State. 4 

Another and important aspect of this 
record is that the builder of the 'Idgah 
viz., Muhammad Sharif is mentioned in 
the text as the dabir of Tukoji Rao. The 
term dabir is generally taken to mean a 
writer, a secretary. But this post carried 
much weight under the Sultanate and 
the Mughals. He was the confidential 
secretary of the state. All the corresponde- 
nce between the sovereign and the rulers 
and other states and officials were passed 
through him. Dabir was an important 
member in the Council of eight Mini- 
sters called Ash fa pradhan of Shivaji. 8 


The record under study is thus important as 
it furnishes the evidence about the admi- 
nistrative status of the Holkar dynasty, 
Muhammad Sharif who was holding the post 
of dabir must have enjoyed a high position 
due to the fact that he was attched to 
Tukoji Rao. The epigraph also supplies 
an additional information about Muham- 
mad Sharif that he was a resident of 
Paithan which is spelt in the text as Patan 
a town of great antiquity in the Auran- 
gabad district. Unfortunately the identity 
of Muhammad Sharif cannot be establi- 
shed with certainty. Sir John Malcolm 
mentions one Sharif Bhai as the Comm- 
ander of the Ahilya Bai's guards who led 
a force against the invading army of the 
Rana of Udaipur. 7 But in the absence of 
any other evidence, it is difficult to say 
if both are identical. 

None of the persons mentioned in 
the epigraph, the person who composed 
the text namely Zarif and the scribe 
Quraishi can be satisfactorily identified. 
Unfortunately both the persons are recorded 
not by their proper-names but respecti- 
vely by the poetic and surnames. 

Further the present epigraph does 
not mention the name of the Mughal 
emperor which indicates that by this period, 
the Holkars ceased to acknowledge their 
sovereignty. It also confirms the historical 
references that at this period the region 
of Khandesh in which Thalner is situated 
was under the control of the Holkars. 

To sum up, the record under study 
is quite important as it provides some 
details about the history of the Holkar 


Notes :~ 

1 Dhulia District Gazetteers, (Bombay, 1984) pp. 829-832. For an account of the monuments 
of Thafner, see Percy Brown, Mm Architecture (Islamic Period), Bombay, 1968, p. 79. 

2 Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy 1981-82 No. D. 110. 


3 Ibid., 1966-67, Nos. D, 81, 95 and 110. 

4 Sir John Malcolm, A Memoir of Central India,' Vol. ! (N. Delhi, 1970) pp. 164-174 ; Madhya 
Pradesh District Gazetteers ; More (Bhopal, 1971), pp. 63-64. 

5 I. H. Quraishi, The administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, (Karachi 1958), p. 86. 

6 J. N. Sarkar, Shivaji and his times, (Calcutta. 1961), pp. 360-361. 

7 Malcolm, Op. Cit. f p. 179 (f. n. 1). 


C. R, Srinivasan 

RECENTLY I had the opportunity 
of examining the Copper - Plate inscripti- 
ons of the Thanjavur Maralhas along 
with my ex - colleague Mr. Pulavar S. Raju 
in the Tamil University. These inscripti- 
ons are now published under the caption 
'50 Copper - plates of the Marathas of 
Thanjavur' in Tamil by the Tamil Uni- 
versity as its very first prestigious publi- 
cation. This critical and comprehensive 
edition throws much light on the regional 
history primarily and deals in greater 
detail the other aspects, such as social, 
religious, economic, linguistic etc. As a 
matter of fact, the history of Marathas, 
is of absorbing interest in exterminating 
the Muslim rule to a greater extent and 
preventing the aggrandizement of British 
for some time. The British historians and 
as well as some of the historians under 
the British rule, instead of bringing out 
the true colours of this ethnic race of 
militant hercoes of independence,, painted 
them with uncouth and ugly colours of 
hatred and hostility ; characterising them 
as monsters, murderers and 'mountain rab' 
always adding piquancy to their reports 
that they were bent of upon pillage and 
plunder. These Marathas who had some 
pockets in the down south far away from 
their original home are also portrayed by 
the Indian writers of the pre-indepen- 
dence days as the incompetent and in- 
efficient rulers whose sole prerogative or 
aim was to fill their coffers with repre- 
ssive taxation from the conquered soil. 

An introspective study of these Tamil 
copper - plates indicate the efflorescence 
and sweet blend of twin cultures viz 
Tamils and Marathas. A bond of fidelity 
and friendship could be seen between 
the ruler and ruled in the coveted 
Kaveri basin, the rice bowl of South 
India. Now let us turn our attention how 
this far - flung Marathas penetrated to the 
deep South. Shahji of Bhonsale extraction 
who was garrisoned at Satara Fort was 
the member of the militia of Bijapur 
Sultan drifted to Bangalore during his 
campaign annexed and bestowed his fief 
to Ekoji alias Venkoji, the younger son 
of his eldest queen who was dear to his 
heart. This was the period when inter- 
nal dissensions and disharmony was pre- 
valent between the two branches of the 
Nayakas ; viz Chokkanatha Nayakar of 
Madurai and Vijayaraghava Nayaka of 
Thanjavur who crossed swords with each 
other on a flimsy reason of repudiating 
the request of the former to have the 
daughter-a ravishing beauty- of the latter 
in wedlock. The drums of Destiny beck- 
oned the belligerent invader at the nor- 
thern gates of the Palace. Unable to de- 
fend the pious and obstinate Vijayaraghava 
Nayaka who was mortally wounded his 
royal retinue mostly of the members of 
the harem martyred themselves on the 
demise of the king in the pre-arranged 
gun powder explosion leaving behind his 
grandson the last descendant - the sole 
survivor of the family - Sengamaladoss to 


the care of the loyal guardian Dharma- 
linga cliettiar of Nagapattinam. 

The heir apparent was brought up by 
him in cognito. Kadar, the military com- 
mander, GawaskhSn and Abdul Halim, 
the ministers of the Bijapur Sultan elevated 
Sengamaladoss to the throne at the requst 
of Rdyasam Venkanna in 1675 A. D. and 
evicted the usurper Alagiri-Nayakar, the 
representative of the MuduraiNayaka. Desire 
unfulfilled to become the minister,, Raya- 
sam engineered a plot and persuaded Ekoji 
through his two ' ministers who were sta- 
tioned at the outer gate of Thanjavur to 
extract the indemnities of war from the 
new ruler. It had a desired effect. The 
inexperienced Sengamaladoss abdicated the 
throne in a bloodless coup staged by his 
one time, mentor Ekoji. Approval was 
bought and silence sought by the fabulous 
presents to the overlord, Bijapur Sultan. 
Thus ended a short span of one year 
rule paving way to the advent of Maratha 
rule at Thanjavur in 1676 A. D, 

The two copper-plates viz. Batavia 
Museum Silver plate? and National Museum, 
Delhi copper-plate of Ekoji reveal the 
pattern of taxation and exemption. Though 
the first is a mutual agreement with stipu- 
lated nine articles in respect of the com- 
merce carried on by the Dutch Company. 
It reveals the exemption of the traditional 
eleemosynary charities like devadayam, mani- 
yam and madappuram at Nagapattinam. The 
second record refers to socio-economic 
structure of various communities unani- 
mously congregating to pay the respective 
dues both in kind and cash for the upkeep 
of the local temple and its related festi- 
vals. The important point which is to be 


observed here that Ekoji did not meddle 
with the fabric of the society and simply 
followed and honoured the tax pattern of 
his predecessor, Nayakas, an offshoot of 
Vijayanagara bureaucracy. Any radical 
change introduced in the alien land would 
have landed him or his successors in 

The first copper-plate cited above was 
only a ratification and renewal of the 
earlier agreement of the Nayakas with the 
Dutch and the change of power necessita- 
ted Ekoji who was only an agent and 
commander of the Bijapur Sultan in 1676 
A. D. But in the second instance as the 
reigning king in 1679 A. D. Ekoji could not 
alter the routine affairs of the State except 
insisting the presence of the Peshwa, to be 
the witness of concord and consensus which 
was arrived at by the different communities 
The very revenue terms such as devadayam, 
maniyam, and madappuram are reminiscence 
of the Vijayanagara-nayaka rule. Even the 
introductory portion was conventional an d 
closely resembling to that of Vijayanagara 
rulers (Snman Mahamandalebvaran Ariya* 
raya etc.) and also includes the names oJ 
some of the Choja, Vijayanagara, Nayaka,, 
predecessors and legendary heroes: 3 There- 
fore the statement made by the earliei 
authors that the tex-'Sauth' was levied b> 
the Marathas in the conquered soil parti- 
cularly in Tamilnadu is absolutely far from 
truth. The policy of taxation has to b< 
judged by the 19th century standards. Mr 
K. R. Subramaniam* rightly observes thai 
"No problems of popular education, saiii- 
tation and health taxed the ruler's brair 
for they were the concern of the peopl< 
and ^ the local agencies. The cry for con s- 
titutional liberty never troubled his cons 



cience for the best of reasons thai the 
idea was absent A simple, light and equi- 
table system has still to be evolved in 
India so it was not a fault of the Mara- 
tha if he loaded the back of the land holding 
camel to the breaking point." 

Taking the administrative terms of 
official heirarchy, it can also be proved 
that most of the terms such' as attavanai 
astantaram, ayam kanakku 'kavalkdrar,sena- 
patl, tanapati, tanikam, n'attamii, nattut- 
tanam, manly am maddisam, muddirai, were 
already familiar in the 'palmy days of Vija- 
yanagara rule. Some may contend from 
the terms other offices such as amina, 
Agent, Ffuzur, karubar, kllledar samprati\ 
salkel, subedhdr, Jemedhar, Peshwa etc. were 
introduced by Marathas. Barring the terms 
denoting high offices sarkel, subedhar, and 
peshwa, the cream of the administrative 
unit was always entrusted to their 
own kiths and kins. Other terms were 
brought into vogue either by the Muslims 
or adopted and popularised by the Briti- 
shers in their day to day administration 
even after the fall of these dynasties. 

The Official incharge of Subfia was 
known as Subedhar ayyar and avyan being 
the honorofic suffix. For the administrative 
convenience the country under their con- 
trol was divided into five major Subhas 
viz. PattukSttai, Mantiarkutfi, Kumbakonam, 
Mayavaram, Tiruvaiyaru : This seems to 
be only Official classification for internal 
palace records rather than popular adop- 
tion by the populace- Some other suffixes 
denoting territorial divisions such as manda- 
lam, slmai pattu, karai tanfyur, valanadu, 
kurram, chavadt, were known from either 
Chola or Vijayanagara inscriptions, thereby 

clearly indicating that Marathas either did 
not aher the existing pattern of the divi- 
sions or could not regroup or rearrange 
or revamp them. When Rajaraja, the great 
expanded his empire, he classified and re- 
named almost all the places under his 
empire. Thanjavur being the capital of the 
erstwhile Cho}as and heart of the Choja- 
mandalam, Maralhas-it appears could not 
make any effective changes in the long 
established divisions, as the fate was spin- 
ning new threads and weaving a new web 
to entrap them, on one side of the mighty 
Muslims and on the other the scheming 
British and their lust for dominon. But 
it is interesting to note that the copper- 
plates provide reference to more than 26 

places with suffix 'Shnai' suggesting the 
lingering impact of the Vijayanagara-Nayaka 

rule over these places. The suffix pattu 
denotes the numerical count or cluster of 
villages grouped under one major village. 
In Vijayanagara period, several pajaiyams 
or feifs came into existence. The Pajai- 
yakkarar or the man in charge of the 
Pa[aiyams were to render military obliga- 
tions in times of war. There was a wrong 
notion that during the Maratha rule, the 
division Palaiyam was absent. The Tamil 
University Copper Plate dated in the reign 
of Shahji (1701 A. D.) records the grant 
of land by the Pajaiyakkarar of &rk21i- 
Imai e to some brahmana residents of the 
same division. Ravuttamiijda nayinar seems 
to be the heriditary title of this parti- 
cular Pajayakkarar of Vadakal, connoting 
the skill in 'Horse-riding' of their ances- 
tors". The title Ravutta was known from 
Vijayanagara times as saint Arunagiri attri- 
butes this title to Lord Muruga as the 
best rider on horse in his Tiruppugal. 
The standard rods which were used 



for measuring the lands were of varying 
length viz. 24, 12, 14, and 21 feet in 
different places and periods of Mdratha 

As such it can be inferred there is 
not uniformity or standardisation in re- 
gard to the survey lands. S 'indents of 
history are well sware of some of these 
'Standard rods' which were in vogue du- 
ring the rule of the Cholas and Pandyas. 
The same diversity of usage marks the 
systems of land, liquid and grain measures 
adopted in different areas in the Maratha 
period. Thus we get references to the 
measurements of land ma, kuli, veli, and 
liquid and grain measurements, such as 
kalatn, lai^uni, kandl, xer, padi, nali, uri, 
tuiii, ma, tondi, kudam and measurement 
of weights manu., and tulam. The cur- 
rency of Marathas are not available for 
study. However some references are seen 
in the inscriptions about mint (Kambattam) 
and coins such as panam, pon, Varahan, 
and Rajigopzlachakram, tulcii-pon etc. The 
observation of the giant historian about 
coinage in general is worth remembering 
"The absence of prominent land-marks 
in the numismatic history of Southern 
India and the small proportion of inscri- 
bed specimens of coins discovered so far 
have stood in the way of scientific treat- 
ment of the coinage of the South. At 
the same time the relative richness of 
Epigraphical material has contributed to 
make the study of South India History 
largely dependant of the always difficult 
and none too certain conclusions of numis- 
matics. 7 The statement holds good for the 
period under riview. 

Mention was made earlier about a 
mint (Kambuttam). This old mint of the 

Nayaka at Nagapattinam was reopened and 
revived jointly by Ekoji and the Dutch 
Company with exclusive privelcge of audi- 
ting the accounts to the ruler. In con- 
sonance with the articles of the agreement, 
authoristation was given to mint two de- 
nominations of gold coins of 3 */2 and 8 J /2 
of mat in or fineness viz. 'Panakambattam 
and 'Vardgan Kambatlam'* for circulation 
in two different territories, with equal rights 
over the profits on income. 

The transition of power from Nay akas 
to Marathas did not make any dent in 
the religious history of the period as evi- 
denced by the Copper-plates. The Mara- 
thas of Thanjavur were Saivities in their 
faith, and in addition they are noted for 
their catholicity. Both Vaishnavism and 
Saivism received a paternal care. This Hindu 
kingdom preserved the ancient culture and 
its symbols the temples uninterruptedly. 
Islam and Christianity too flourished with 
trieir liberties uncurtailed. Though the 
members of the fairsex are not figuring 
in the pra&asti portion of the Maratha 
records along with their Royal husbands, 
or sons, some of the grants made by them 
to various., temples bear testimony to the 
religious piety and philanthropic disposition. 8 
The widow of the last ruler Kamakshi- 
yambaBai, wife of Shivaji ( 1832-55 A. D.), 
deserves mention here as various temples 
received gifts from her benevolent hands. 
A Bronze statue of Amunu Ammani moul- 
ded in the form of a 'PSvai Vijakku' in 
in the MahalingeSvara temple at Tiruviciai- 
marudur is a fine specimen of Bronze 
cast. The donotrix had donated this as 
thanks-giving to the Lord for having ful- 
filled her deep desire to marry the prince, 
Pratapsing with whom she fell in Jove. 



The Prince was the son. of the deposed 
ruler Amarsing (1798 A. D.). The Princess 
is potrayed as holding the lamp with re- 
verence, parrot perching on the right shoul- 
der, the plaited hajr dangling on the back 
and the bsautifal feminine contours add 
dignity to the lady of the lamp. This 
exquisite icon is of 125cm in height and 
weight about 41P/4 ser. The pedestal con- 
tains the message of love, accomplishment 
of the cherished desire by the Grace-Devine 
and the commemoration of this event by 
the celebration of Lakshadipa. Instances 
wherein the royal house-hold took keen 
interest in the upkeep of the temple with 
gifts and donations are not uncommon. 

These copper-plates as a whole high- 
light some of the important events which 
had not come to the notice of the historians. 
The rule of Ramabhadra-Nayakar in between 
Raghunatha Nayalcar (1614-1640 A. D.) and 
Vijayaraghava Nayakkar (1640-1674 A.D.) 9 the 
confirmation of joint rule of three sons of 
Ekoji I viz Shahji, Sarafoji I and Tukkoji 
between 1684, and 1735 A. D. 1(1 the rule of 
Venkatapati Nayakkar, Gurumurti Nayakkar 
and Rajagopala Nayakar the hitherto un- 
known Nayakas in some parts of Choja- 
rnandalam during the Vijayanagara days, 
the deposed ruler Amarsing (1798 A. D )had a 
son named Pratap sing 11 and the startling 
discovery is the absence of icon of the 
famous Chidambaram for a period well over 
37 years form 1648-1686 A. D. ia The period 
synchronises with the rule of two kings 
Ekoji (1676-1684A.D.) and Shahji, his succes- 
sor (1584- 1711 A. D ). However the copper 
plate which speaks about the episode refers 
to the regin ofSambaji ofGingee(1680-89A.D. ) 
andRajaramthe sons ofShivaji (1640-80A. D.) 

The reference to the reign of Sambaji 
in the Copper plate casts a shadow of 
doubt whether Chidambaram was under 
the control of Marathas of Thanjavur or 
Marathas of Gingee-during the period of 
stabilisation as we know Shivaji was not 
pleased over the bequeathal of Bangalore 
Jagir or the southern places of conquest 
to Ekoji and rose in revolt with his younger 
brother, during his expeditions to the 
South. The absence of Nataraja image 
for such a pretty long time and perhaps 
the clandestine itinerary of it to places 
of safety and religious asylum to Madura i 
and Kuclimiyanialai may in all probabi- 
lity be attributed with reasonable certai- 
nity to the Muslim infiltrations in the 
heart of the Choja country ; apprehending 
the dangers of distractions from the icy 
hands of the iconoclasts. It is worth 
remembering here a similar fate shared 
by Lord Ranganatha earlier in Choja period 
and Kamakshi, the tutelary deity of the 
Kanchi Kamakotiplta trekking her way in 
a hammock under the pretext of small- 
pox from the distant Kanchi to Thanja- 
vur via Kumbakonam during the Maratha 

Tiruvarur, one of the Saptavitanka 
sthalas, was the hot favourite of the 
Maratha kings as majority of Copper plates 
are from this temple. We know from 
other source that Shahji (1685-1712 A. D.) 
eulogised this presiding deity in his musical 
opera 'Pallaki seva prabandham' and this 
initiation set a precedence to his succes- 
sors to take up his cue for the particular 
preference to the deity or the ( Tyage6a 
cult' as. evidenced by the host of MSS 
on Music and musicology available in the 



Thanjavur Saraswati Mahal Library. 13 It 
is even said that the worship of the Brahadis- 
vara temple at Thanjavur was regulated 
and reorganised on the lines of Tirnvarur 
temple. His deep devotion finds an out- 
burst in constructing the manijapa at 
Manambucliava^i in his capital wherein 
Lord Tyagaraja is enshrined in the sylvan 
surroundings of paintings (now decayed 
and faded due to vandalism). 

The 180 years of illustrious rule of 
13 kings including the illegitimate claimant 
Katluraja (1738 A. D.) and the deposed ruler 
Amarsing (1787-98A.D.), the general tendency 
of the rulers was to identify themselves 
readily and totally with the people whom 
they ruled in an alien soil with a sense 
of justice and charitable disposition. They 
held the ground without coming into 
grips with neighbouring powers or people 
of their state, in major conflicts. This 

led to the cultural culmination which gave 
ample scope for many literary outputs 
and growth in various disciplines of fine 
arts. This was warranted on account of 
their self-foisted policy ^ of isolation with 
the houses of Satara and Gingee Mara- 
thas or vice- versa. 

Sandwitched between the aggressive 
attitude of the then Muslim power in 
South and imperialistic, designs of the 
British bureaucracy coupled with subtle 
diplomacy the Maratha power under Sara- 
foji, the great patron of arts and letters, 
came to the fold of the British who 
relegated the ruler a3 a puppet and pensio- 
ner of the exalted Briush. empire, result- 
ing to such an ingloiious career at the 
end, and signifying only the former great- 
ness, wealth and splendour and vanity and 
evanascence of earthly empires. 

Notes : 

1. S. Raju. Fifty copper plates, pp. 1 ff, 

2. Ibid, pp. 2 ff. 

3. Ibid, Introduction, p XIX. 

4. K. R. Subramanian, The Maratha Rajas of Tanjore, p. 97. 

5. Fifty copper plates, p. XXXVII 1. 

6. Ibid, p. 32. 

7. K. A. N. Sastry, Colas, (old Edition) p. 443. 
8 Fifty copper plates, pp, 194-202. 

9. Ibid, pp. 112 ff. 

10. Ibid, pp. 25 ff. 

11. Ibid, PP. 195 ff. 

12. J&iA PP. 268 ff, 

13. Gown Kuppuswamyj op. cit. p. 63. 


SSI. Sethuraman 


The extreme South of the Indian Penin- 
sula was the Pandya kingdom. Madura was 
the traditional capital of the Pandyas. In 
the course of seven hundred years i. e., 
from 1000 to 1700 A. D. scores of Pandya 
kings existed. They had only six names- 
often repeated. The six names were Kula- 
s*ekhara, Srivallabha, Vira Vikrama, Sundara 
and Parakrama. They were either Jatavar 
mans or Maravarraans. Kings with the same 
or different titles ruled jointly or concur- 
rently. Overlapping of the reigns is com- 
mon. The phenomenon is more prominent 
in the 13th and 14th centuries. When one 
tries to study the chronology of these Pandya 
kings he is liable to confuse one with 
another. Kielhorn (1907J Jacobi (1911) 
Swamikkannu Filial (1913) and Robert 
Sewell (1915) identified eighteen Pandya 
kings who extsted between 1162 and 1357 
A. D. Following in their foot steps, in my 
books "Medieval Pandyas" (edition 1980) 
and "The Imperial Pandyas" (edition 1978) 
I identified twenty two more Pandya kings 
who existed between 1000 and 1400 A. D. 

The investigation of the Pandya records 
is not easy. There are many obstacles and 
hurdles. In the midst of many difficulties 
I progress slowly and identify the hitherto 
unknown kings. In my books "The Im- 
perial Pandyas" and "Medieval Pdrjdyas", 
I have dealt with in detail the methodo- 


logy which should be followed in the 
investigation of the Pandya records. I 

commenced my research work in the 
Pandya chronology in 1978. I am still 
continuing my research. I visit many 
temples and see the stone records in situ. 
I also get necessary transcripts from the 
office of the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore. I 
compare the records, consult the internal 
evidence and apply the astronomical data. 
The discovery of the Sanskrit poem Pandya- 
kulodaya also throws new light. In the 
process of finding the truth, wherever ad- 
justments are warranted, I never hesitate 
to accommodate them. My paper "Two 
Jatavarman Vim Pandyas of accession 1253 
and 1254" presented in the annual congress 
of the Epigraphical Society of India held 
in March 1983 at Gorakhpur are such 
examples. In this paper also there are 
some revisions which I shall explain some- 
where below. In the 14th century there 
were many Panclya kings. I have identified 
some of them vide my book "The Imperial 
Pdydyas" and my 1983 Gorakhpur paper. 
In this article I identify five Pandya kings 
namely, Jatavarman Sundara Pandya 1330- 
1347, Maravarman Vira Pandya (I) 1334- 
1367, Maravarman Vikrama PSndya 1337. 
1343, Jatavarman Vira Pandya 1337-1378, 
and Maravarman Vira Pandya (II) 1341- 

In my book "The Imperial Paqdyas" 
when I identified Jajavarman Sundara of 
accession 1329, I mixed up the records of 
his junior. In this paper the junior is 
identified as a separate king Jatavarman 
Sundara Pandya of accession 1330. In my 



earlier research, I surmised that Maravar- 
man Vikrama came to the throne in 1334 
and he was called Rajakkal Nay an with 
natal star Hasta and acceession star Rohini. 
In this paper I have found that Mara- 
varman Vikrama came to the throne in 
1337. There wai another Maravarman Vik- 
rama Pandya with a surname RajakkaJ 
Nayan, natal star Hasta and accession star 
RQhini. He was a different king. I know 
his date but I have not introduced him 
in this paper Swamikkarmu Pillai surmi- 
sed that there was only one Maravarman 
Vira Pandya and that king existed in the 
14th century with the accession date 1334. 
In this article I have identified two Mara- 
varman Vira Pandyas with accession dates 
1334 and 1341 respectively. The existence 
of two Maravarman Vira Pandyas is a fixed 
point in the Pandya chronology. In the 
history of the Pandyas from 550 to 1400 A^D. 
there were two Maravarman Vira Pandyas 
and they existed in the 14th century only. 
Their records are available in all the districts 
of Tamil Nadu with the exception of the 
Tirunelveli and Kanyafcumari districts. This 
information is a fixed point in the metho- 
dology in the investigation of the Pandya 
records. If we find the name Maravar- 
man Vira Pandya in the records found 
north of Madura, we can immediately con- 
clude that the records belong to the 14th 
century. Thus the two Maravarman Vira 
Pandyas help us in identifying the contem- 
porary Pandya princes also. 

Maravarman Vira Pandya II of acces- 
sion 1341 is an important king. In his 
Tiruldcalakkudi (Ramnad district) record 
dated Friday the 12th September 1371, 
Vira Pandya states, that the Vijayanagar 
prince Kampana drove out the Muhamma- 
dans and established orderly government. 
This statement, which agrees with the 
records of Kampala, Tamil Chronicle Ma- 
dunii tola varalaru, Sthtiflikar varalaru 
and the Sanskrit poem Mathura - vijayam 
is a turning point in the history of Tamil 
Nadu and also South India. 


Jatavarman Sudara Pandya came to the 
throne between the 25th January and the 
7th July 1330. In the year 1343 he gilded 
the Tiruvendipuram Vishnu temple. He 
was called koyil pon meynda Perumal "lord 
or king who gilded the temple". To some 
extent he was successful in fighting against 
the Madurai Sultanates. This is evident 
from the appearance of his records dated 
1339 and 1340 at Kajaiyarkoyil which is 
60 kilometers east of Madura where the 
Muhammadan invaders, Sultans, were 
ruling in that period. Probably because 
of this success Sundara adopted the title 
paliyll pugalanan "he who became famous 
in removing the bad name". His rule 
upto the year 1347 is known. The records of 
Sundara are tabulated below. The logical 
arguments of how, the kings are identified 
are detailed in the discussion. 


Year, data and other details 



4, Karkataka, fiu 4, 
Uttiram and Friday 

16th July 1333 A.D. 



Record- Village 

Year, data and other details 








6, Karkataka, 3u. 4 

Uttiram and Monday (Lands were sold 
to the brahmanas of the colony Sri Laksh- 
mar^a ChaturvedimaAgalam founded by 
Nallutfai Appar) 

10, Karkataka, ba. 5, 

Monday and RevatI (see discussion) 

Year lost, Dhanus, ku. 9, 

Friday and RevatI (Year must be 10-see 


24th July 1335 A.D. 

10, Dhanus, Su. 3, mistake for ba. 3, 

and Sunday - (tit hi is restored in bracket 
as thuthikai. It must be trithikai"), 

11, Dhanus, didikai for ba. 2, Punarpus'am 
and Wednesday. 

17, Makara, s*u. 5, RevatI and Wednesday. 
The king is called Port Parappina-peruma} 
(who covered the temple with gold). 

26th July 1339 A.D. 

10th Dec. 1339 A.D. 

19th Dec. 1339 A.D. 

6th Dec. 1340 A.D. 

17th Jan. 1347 A.D. 

On the basis of 119 1944 the star RFvati 
in Makara of 1347 falls in the 17th year. 
Accordingly Revati in Makara fo 1330 
falls in the regnal year Zero, The star 
was current on 24th January. On the 
basis of 137/1902 star Revati in Karkataka 
of 1339 falls in the 10th year. Accor- 
dingly Revati in Karkataka of 1330 falls 
in the regnal year one. The star was 
current on 7th July. 

24th January 1 330 = Regnal year Zero. 
7th July 1330 s= Regnal year One. 

Jatavarman Sundara Paij^ya ca'me to 
the thone between the 25th Janury and the 
7th July 1330 A. D, His reign upto 1347 A D, 

is known. Only seven records with astro- 
nomical data are available. The other 
records of this king are identified with 
the help of internal evidence. This we 
shall see below under discussion. 


Taramangalam record 25/1900 of the 
table is dated 1335. The record 1 states that 
lands were sold to the Brahmins of the 
Brahmin colony iSri Lakshmaija - chatur- 
vedimangalam which was founded by Na- 
llu^ai Appar. This colony was under 
construction by Nallutfai Appar in 1316 
and 1317 A. D. This is evident from Ta- 
ramangalam record 2 24/1900 and 23/1900 
discussed in Appendices III and II of my 


paper "Jn-o Jatavarman Sundara Pandyas 
of accession 1303 and A304' J -presented in the 
9th annual conference of the Epigraphical 
Society of India held in March 1983 at 

Tiruvendipuram record 137/1902 of the 
table is dated 1339. The record 3 registers 
the settlement made by the villagers of 
gojakulavalli Nallur. The chief U^aiyar 
alias Puttulan Tiruvarangachelvar was plea- 
sed to be present in the meeting. Certain 
villages were assigned to the temple. 
Puttulan Tiruvarangachelvar founded a new 
Brahmin colony called "Puttulan Brahma- 
detain" in his name. The villages and 
the Brahmin colony were declared tax 
free in accordance with the royal letters 
received from PerumaJ Sundara Pandyadeva, 
Petunia] Vikrama Pandyadeva and PerumaJ 
Vira Pandyadeva. The internal evidence 
supplies the following information. 

The Brahmin colony Puttulan Brahma- 
dekm was founded in 1339. This is im- 
portant and it will be referred to some- 
where below. The royal letters were 
received from three kings namely Sundara 
Pandya of this record, MSravarrnan Vik- 
rama Parj^ya of accession 1337 and Jata- 
varman. Vira Pandya of accession 1337. 
The three kings figure in 1339 (the date 
of this record) in the chronological order. 
They were contemporaries. In this record 
one of the signatories is Sankaramake^ari 
Muvendavejan and he figures in 406/1921 
year 6 corresponding to 1347 discussed 
under Majavarraan Vira II of accession 

The village TirukkancUsVaram is within 
a few kilometers from the village Tiru- 
vendipuram, A record which comes from 


TirukkandisVaram is in the 14th year of 
Konerinmaikondan. 4 The proper record 
belongs to the Tiruvendipuram Vishnu 
temple. Since the lands mentioned in the 
transactions are in the village Tirukkandis'- 
varam, the record is engraved on the walls 
of the Tirukkandi^varam iSiva Temple. The 
record refers to the service called Sundara 
Pandyan sandhi instituted in the name of 
the king. The record mentions the Brah- 
min colony Puttulan, Brahmadelam situated 
in the village Tiruvendipuram. We have 
already seen that this brahmin colony was 
founded in 1339 by Puttulan Tiruvarnga- 
chelvar Villavarayar. Evidently this record 
belongs to Jatavarman Sundara year 14 
corresponding to 1344, The record states 
that in the 13th year of the king (i. e., 
1343) the chief Puttulan Tiruvarangachelvar 
Villavarayar granted 30 veils of lands to 
the Tiruvendipuram Vishnu Temple. Lands 
were also granted for those who worked 
for forming the garden called ulagamundan 
tirunandavanam called after Lord Krishna. 
The income from the lands was to be 
utilised as follows : 

a) For offerings to the image (of god) 
called koyil pon. meymda perumaJ 
set uy by the king in his name in 
the Tiruvendipuram Vishnu temple. 

b) For the service called Sundara 
Pandyan sandhi instituted in the Tiru- 
vendipuram Vishnu temple in the 
name of the king. 

It is evident that Litavarman Sundara 
of accession 1330 was also called "koil 
pon meynda peiumaT i.e., "the king who 
gilded the temple". Probaibly he would 
have gilded the Tiruvendipuram Vishnu 
temple. The garden is mentioned in the 


records of Maravaiman Vira I and II dis- 
cussed below. 

The Rishivanjiyam record 119/1944 
dated 1347 (listed in the table) rightly calls 
the king "pon parapplni perumaf Lord 
or king who gilded the temple. 5 

The above chief Puttulari Tirevaranga- 
chelvarvillavarayar figures in the records 
of the contemporary Icings Maravarman 
Vira Pandya I of accession 1334, Mara- 
varman Vikrama Paijdya of acc3ssion 1337 
and Maravarman Vira Pandya II of acces- 
sion 1341. We shall see those records 

1) The above chief figures in the 
record of Maravarman Vikrama 
dated 1340. This is Timvendi- 
puram record 8 No. 143/1902 and 
it is discussed under Maravarman 

2) A record which comes 7 from Tiru- 
vendipuram belongs to Maravar- 
man Vira Pandya I or II year 
10 corresponding to 1244 or 1351. 
The record refers to the agree- 
ment made with Uclaiyar Puttulan 
Tiruvarangachelvar alias villavara- 

3) Another record 3 which also comes 
from Tiruvendipuram bslongs to 
Maravarman yira I or II year 15 
corresponding to 1349 or 1356, 
The record states that ulagamundan 
tiruttoppu the garden called after 
Lord Krishna was founded by 
Puttulaji Tiruvarangachelvar alias 
villavarayar. We hava already seen 
that in 1343 the same chief was 
constructing this garden. 


4) A record 9 (151/1904) which comes 
from Tirukkandi^varam belongs to 
Sundara year 14 corresponding to 
1344. The record states that Milai- 
yaji Kilaft Alagiya Tiruchirram- 
balam Udaiyan Marjrir Kuijikkum 
PerumSn. alias AbimSna tunga 
Pallavarayari of Meyurmade grants 
. to the temple for conducting a 
service called paliyil pugalanan i.e., 
"became famous in removing the 
bad name"-probably in the sur- 
name of the king. A signatory 
by name Kannarnarigalani Udaiyan 
figures. The two individuals of 
this record figure in the records 
of Maravarman Vikrama of acce- 
ssion 1337 and the two Maravar- 
man Vira Pandyas of accession 
1334 and 1341. This we shall see 
in the records discussed under 
those kings. 

Kajaiyar Koyil records 

Record No. 583/1902 (listed in the 
table) belongs to Jatavarman Sundara and 
it states 10 that Nangudaiarj Avudaiyan 
Perunkarunaiyaian, a merchant of the city 
Srivallabhanperunteruvu, institutes (kattuki- 
ra) a service called Peruhkarunaiyalan 
sandhi in his name in the temple. The 
word kattukira is in present tense. I have 
restored the regnal year as 10 after con- 
sulting the following records. The date of 
the present record is 10th December 1339. 

Another record 11 of the same temple 
belongs to Jatavarman Sundara year 10 
Margali 24th day. It refers to the Peru- 
nkaru%aiya}an sandhi instituted (kattina] 
by the same individual. The word "kattina' 
is in past tensd This is justified by the 


data which ajrea with 21st December 1339 
which date is later than 10th December 
of the previous record. 

Record No 584/1902 of the same temple 
(listed in the table) 13 is in year 10. The 
record refers to Peruhkarunaiyatan sandhi 
instituted (kaffirta - in past tense) by the 
same individual. The date of the record 
is 19th December 1339. 

Record No. 581-A/1802 of the same 
temple (listed in the table) 13 is in year 11. 
The record refers to the service Peruh- 
karunaiyalan sandhi instituted (kattina) in 
past tense by the same individual. The 
date falls on 6th December 1340. 

Satisfying the internal evidence the 
data of the above four records do not 
supply dates in the reign of any other 


known Jatavarman Sundara Pandya. The 
data agree for Jatavarman Sundara Pandya 
of accession 1323 only. 

Note : Kalayar Koyil is approximately 
60 kilometer east of Madura. The record 
of Sundara dated 1339 and 1340 are found 
in Kajaiyar Koyil when the Muhammadan 
Sultans were ruling in Madura. The 
Pandya records indicate that the Pandyas 
were slowly moving towards Madura. 


Vira Pandya ruled from 
1337 to 1378. He figures in the Tiruven- 
dipuram record No. 137/1902 (dated 1339) 
discussed under Jatavarman Sundara of 
accession 1330. The records of Vira Pandya 
are tabulated bslow. 


Year, data and other details 




Pd 431 


40, gaka 1298, Mithuna 22, Pu^arvasu, 17th June 1376 A.D. 
Monday mistake for Tuesday. 

13, Kanni, 6u. 9, Tiruvoijam and Monday.' 21st Sep. 1349 A.D. 
42, Dhanus, ba. 12, Anuradha and Friday. 17th Dec. 1378 A.D. 

In the first record the title Jatavarman 
or Maravarman is absent. The other two 
records supply the title Jatavarman. 

On the basis of the Neivafol record 
star Anuradha in Dhanus of 1378 falls in 
the 42nd year. Accordingly, Anuradha in 
Dhanus of 1336 falls in the regnal year 
Zero. The star was current on 2nd 

December. On the* basis of the Peri- 
chikoyil record star Pujiarvafo in Mithuna 
of 1376 falls in the 40th year. Accordingly 
Anuradha in Dhanus of 1336 falls in the 
regnal year Zero. The star was current 
on 2nd December. On the basis of the 
Perichikoil record star Punarvasu in Mithuna 
of 1376 falls in the 40th year. Accordin- 


gly star Punarvasu in Mithujja of 1337 falls 
in the first year. The star was current 
on 1st June- 

2nd December 1336= Regnal year Zero. 
1st June 1337= Regnal year One. 

Jatavarman Vira Pahdya came to the 
throne between the 3rd December 1336 and 
the 1st June 1337. The Tamil kings nevjr 
ascend the throne in the month 
December which falls in the inauspicious 
month Margali. Jn the circumstances we 
can surmise that Jatavarman Vira came to 
ihe throne in the first quarter of 1337. 
His rule upto 1378 is known. His 
other records can be identified provided 
the texts of all the Paij^ya records are 



Maravuman Vikrama Pandja came to 
the throne between the 20th May and 
the 15th August 1337. In the year 1340, 
his chief Abhimanatunga Pallavarayan cau- 
sed the image of Sri Varaha to be set 
up at the sacred entrance of the Tiruvendi- 
puram Vishnu temple. This Varaha is 
praised in the Vaishnavite Chronicles of 
the later period. The reign of Vikrama 
is known upto 1343. The records of 
Maravarman Vikrama are tabulated below. 
Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1330, 
Maravarman Vira I of accession 1334, 
Jatavarman Vira of accession 1337 and 
Maravarman Vira II of accession 1341 are 
the then contemporary princes. They are 
referred to in the discussion. 


Year, data and other details 








3,^ Makara, fa. 4, mistake for su. 14, Punar- 14lh Jan. 1340 A.D. 
pusSam and Friday (see-discussion) 

4, Kuth ba, fa. 3, mistake for ba 3, Sunday 4th Feb. 1931 A.D. 
and Uttiram (see discussion) 

4, Rishabha, ba 5, Uttiradam and Sunday. 6th May 1341 A D. 

5, Dhanus, fa, Revati and Sunday 
(see discussion) 

6, Kanni fa. 1, Hasta and Sunday. 

7, Sirhha, ba. 4, Re/ati and Sunday 
(see .discussion) 

16th Dec. 1341 A D. 

1st Sep. 1342 A.D. 

10th Ain. 1343 A.D. 



On the basis of 104/1944 star Uttira- 
dam in Rishabha of 1341 falls in the 4th year. 
Accordingly star Uttiradam in Rishabha of 
1337 falls in the regnal year Zero. The 
star was current on 19th May. On the 
basis of 252/1956 star Revati in Sirhha 
of 1343 falls in the 7th year. Accordingly 
star Revati in Sirhha of 1337 falls in the 
first year. The star was current on 15th 

19th May 1337 = Regnal year Zero. 
15th August 1337 = Regnal year One 

Maravarman Vikrama Pan dy a came to 
the throne between the 20th May and 
the 15th August 1337. His rule upto 1343 
is known. 


1, TTrthanagari record 124/1904 (listed in 
the table) of Vikrama is dated 
4th February 1341. The record 1 ' 1 
registers the gift of 20 ma of lands by 
Tamandai Vejan Tiruvannamalai Ud- 
iyarj Tennavarayan o f perunganur in 
Panchavan Madevipuram in Kuvalaiya 
nadu in Raja Raja - Valanadu to the 
kankayikarayattar of the temple Tiru- 
ttinainagar Udaiyar as tinmamatiuk- 
kani, A record' 6 which comes from 
this temple belongs to Maravarman 
Yira I or II of accession 1334 or 
1341, year 9. It is dated either 1343 
or 1350. It refers to the 20 ma of 
lands formerly given as tinmamattU'- 
kkani by the above individual Tam- 
andai Tennavarayan of Perutiganur. 

2. Tiruvendipuram record 143/1902 of 
Vikrama (listed in the table) is dated 
14th January 1340. The record menti- 
ons several grants. One of them was 

meant for conducting services to the 
image of Sri Varaha which image 
was caused to be set up by Milai- 
yan Kilan Manril Kiujikkum Perumari 
alias Abin'.<ana Tunga Pallavarayar of 
Meyur, a hamlet of ^ojakulavalli- 
nallur of Pattan pakka naclu in Nadu- 
vil-nadu alias Raja Raja Valanadu. 16 
The record repeats two times that 
the donor caused the image of Sri 
Varaha Nayanar to be set up at the 
sacred entrance (timva&appdiyil} of the 
temple. The donor purchased some 
lands and agreed to burn lamps be- 
fore >ri Varaha and also supply oil. 
Incidentally the record also refers to 
the grants made by Puttajan Villava- 
rayar who figures in the records dis- 
cussed under Jatavarman Sundara of 
accession 1330. 

A record 17 which comes from Tiruvadi 
belongs to Maravarman Vikrama. It % is in 
year 3 corresponding to 1340. The record 
states that the chief Milaiyan Kiiari Manrjl 
Kunikkum Peruman alias Abimana'unga 
Pallavarayar of Meyur formed a ga den 
in his name and gifted it to the Tiruvadi 
temple. Another record 13 of this temple 
is the order of the same chief and it refers 
to the same garden formed by him. 

The village Tiruvendipuram is about 
20 kilometers east of Tiruvadi. A record 1 * 
which comes from Tiruvendipuram belongs 
to Maravarman Vira Pandy II It is in 
year 4 corresponding to 1345. It states 
that Milaiyan Kiian Kunikkum 
Peruman alias Dipattarayaft of Meyur 
caused the image of Si i Varaha to be set 
up at the sacred entrance (tiruvSijppadiyil) 
of the temple. Here the donor is called 
DIpattarayaa instead of Abimanatunga 


Pallavarayaii. 20 DJpattarayaii is a title. It 
means "Officer for lights" (in the temple). 
The record states that the actul consec- 
ration of the image of &i Varaha was 
done (pratishfai pannlna) by Bharadvaji 
Adiyarkku Meyyan alias .SingapperumaJ of 
Arumbhakkam. 21 

3. Tiruveokadu record 22 No. 120/1896 of 
Vikrarna listed in the table) is dated 
1341. In this record the same chief 
Milaiyan Kijarj Manril Kunikkum 
Peruman alias Dipattarayan of Meyur 
figures with his full address. He makes 
grants for burning lamps in the temple. 

The same chijf figures in the Chidam- 
baram record 23 of Maravarman Vira I or 
II year 9 corresponding to 1343 or 1350. 
Again' the same chief figures in the Tiru- 
vadi record 406/1921 dated 1347 listed 
and discussed under Maravarman Vira II. 

4. Timvendipuram record 252/1956 of 
Maravarman Vikrama (listed in the 
table) is dated 10th August 1343. It 
states that Periyadevan Amarakdfl 
inherited lands from his father - in 
law Nayakaperuma"]} as Sndfiana when 
the latter died. Amarakon did not 
pay the tax dues' accrued on these 
lands from the 17th year of Sundara 
Paadya to the 6th and 7th year of 
Vikrama. So Amarakon sold some 
lands and paid part payment in 1343. 
Tirvuendipuram record 249/1956 dated 
1347 is discussed under Maravarman 
Vira II. It repeats the same story. 21 
It states that Amarakon sold some 
more lands and cleared the dues, 

Sundara whose 17th year is quoted 
is J \tavarman Sundara Papaya 20 of acces- 
sion 1318. The above transactions re veil 


that Amarakoii did not pay the taxes 
accrued on the lands from 1335. In the 
year 1343 in the reign of Maravarman 
Vikrama he sold some lands and made 
part payment. Again in 1347 in the reign 
of Marvarman Vira II he sold some more 
lands and cleared the dues. 

5 Discussions 1 to 4 prove that Jata- 
varman Sundara of accession 1330,, 
Mar.avarman Vikrama of accession 
1337, Maravarman Vira I of accession 
1334 and Maravarman Vira II of 
accession 1341 were contemporaries. 


A record 2 * which comes from the village 
Vikravaodi (South Arcot district) intro- 
duces the king as Sakalaloka Chakravartin 
Raja Narayanan Vikrama Pandya. Probably 
Vikrama defeted the then local chieftain 
Sakalaloka Chakravarthi Raja Narayaija 
Sambuvaraya arid adopted his title. The 
village "Vikravandi" is a corrupt name 
of Vikrama Paijdi or Vikrama Paridya- 

ACCESSION 1334 AND 1341 

Swamikkannu Filial surmised that Ma- 
ravarman Vira Paijdya came to the throne 
in 1334. He futher surmised that no other 
kin-* of this name existed in the 13th or 


14th century. His conclusion was that 
there was only one Maravarman Vira Pan- 
dya 1 ' 1 and that king came to the throne 
in 1334. 27 

The clue which points out the accession 
date is found in the Kovilur record Pd. 450 
engraved on the south wall of the central 
shrine in the BalapurisVara temple. The 1 
record belongs to Vira Pandya. The title 
Maravarman is absent. The other data 


are ; year 34, month Ani, 8th solar day ; 
and star Malcha. The week day is absent. 
The date is 28 certainly 4th June _1367. It 
was 8th day in the Tamil month Ani and 
star Makha was current upto 8 4 3 A. M. 
The record indica'es that 1334 was the 
accession year of the king On the basis 
of this record Pillai consulted some more 
records and surmised that Vira Pandya 
was a Maravarman and he came to the 
throne in 1334. However certain dates 
suggested by Filial are not satisfactory. 

Another record Pd 451 is found on 
the same south wall of the central shrine 
of the Kovilur BalapurlSvara temple. The 
record belongs to Vira Pandya. The title 
Maravarman is absent. The data are ; 
year 33, month Vaika^i 29th solar day. 
Wednesday and star Vi6aka. Pillai correctly 
equaled the data to Wednesday the 24th 
May 1374. It was 29th VaikaSi and the 
star was current upto 6-30 P.M. The record 
indicates that U41 was the accession year 
of trn king. But Pillai said that the regnal 
year mentioned in the record was proba- 
bly a mistake 29 for 40. This suggestion is 
not acceptable. 

Pd 450 do^s not supply the week day 
It is taken as the foundation to establish 
the existence of VTar ivarman Vira Pandya 
of ac;ession 1331 Pd 451 is engraved on 
the sami wall and it supplies the week 
day. But Pillai corrected the regnal year 
in this record Why should we accapt a, 
record in whic'i the we day is absent 
and correct the record in which the week 
day is quoted ? 

As a matter of fact both the re- 
cords supply the regnal year, solar month, 


solar day and star. In the second record 
week d.iy is also quoted. In the circum- 
sUncjs we have to acknowledge the two 
records Pd 450 and 451 as genuine and 
perfect in all respects and accept that two 
kings by name Vira Pandya existed. The 
senior came to the throne in 1334 arid 
the junior in 1341. As we shall see be- 
low both had the same title Maravarman. 
We shall consult those records which were 
consulted by Pillai and also the records 
of recent discoveries. We shall rely on 
the internal evidence and establish the 
existence of the two kings. 


Maravarman Vira Pandya I came to 
the throne between the 25th January and 
the 7th June 1334. His surname was Kali- 
yugaraman (?). His reign upto 1367 is 
known. The records of this king are 
discussed below. 

1. Record No. 481/1916 is found on 
the Nambantattai rock in the village 
Pappakudi in Tirunelveli district. The data 
are restored as year 2 [2] Karkataka 2 [2] 
6u- 14, Saturday and Uttiram a mis- 
take for Uttiradam. Swamikkannu Pillai 
said that the reading was doubtful 30 in 
many cases. Anyway he suggested two 
dates either 5th July 1354 which was 8th 
Karkataka or 19th July 1354 which was 
22nd Karkataka, ba. 14 and Punarvasu. 
The regnal year does not admit 1334 as 
the accession date. The data are techni- 
cally imperfect and they were restored 
from the damaged portions. The record 
belongs to a later Pandya of the 15th or 16th 
century. Because in 1354 Maravarman 
Vira could not have influenced his autho- 
rity south of Madura where the Sultans 
were ruling at that time. 


2. Record No. 422/1917 comes from 
Kuttalam (In Tirunelveli district). The 
data are ; year 23, FLishabha, hi 5, Wed- 
nesday and Pushya. Pillai suggested 31 2-Ith 
May 1357 and also 12th May 1445. The 
internal evidence proves that this MSra- 
varman Vira Panclya existed in the 15th 
century. 32 This record should also ba 



Pillai assigned the above two records 33 
to Maravarman Vira I of accession 1334. 
I have given the reasons for rejecting 
them. Records which are assigned to 
Maravarman Vira Panclya I (of accession 
1334) are tabulated below. 


Year, data and other details 








11, Karkataka, S u . 7, Saturday and Svati 
(Vai^ya and Van.niya merchants of 18 
districts constructed Alahkdra-matha for 
Dharma Dhavala Kuttar. 

17th July 1344 A.D. 

14, Tula, hi. 11, Monday and Sadayam. 15th Oct. 1347 A,D. 

14, Makara, ba. 5, Hasta and Sunday. 20th Jan, 1348 A.D. 

21, Tula, ba 13, mistake for ba. 11 or 12 
Uttiram and Monday. 

34, Arji 8, Makha (The king is called Vira 
Pandya. The title Maravarman is absent). 

13th Oct. 1354 A.D. 

4th June 1367 A.D. 

On the basis of 57P/1902 star Hasta 
in Makara of 1348 falls in the 14th year- 
Accordingly Hasta in Makara of 1334 falls 
in the regnal year Zero. The star was cur- 
rent on 24th January. On the basis of 
Pd. 450 star Makha in Arji of 1367 falls 
in the 34th year. Accordingly Makha in 
An.i of 1334 falls in the first year. The 
star was current on 7th June. 

24th January 1334= Regnal year Zero. 
7th June 1334=Regnal year One. 

Maravarman Vira Pandya I came to 
the throne between the 25th January and 
the 7th June 1334, His reign upto 1367 is 

A record which comes from Idaiyar" 
indicate that Kaliyugaraman was the sur- 
name of Maravarman Vira Paadya. Since 
there were two kings of the same name 
Marvarman Vira Pandya, we are not in 
a position to identify the king who had 
the surname Kaliyugaraman. For the pre- 
sent we shall accept the report 35 and assign 
the surname Kaliyugaraman to Maravar- 
man Vira Pandya I of accession 1334. This 
surmise will not do any damage or harm 
in the construction of the chronology. 
However if fresh evidence comes up in the 
future, the surmise is also to bs revised 
in favour of that evidence. 



known. The data of Kilvaram record also 
produce a date in the reign of Maravar- 
man Vira Panciya II of accession 1341. 


Maravarman Vira Paij^ya II came to 
the throne between 8th May and 12th June 
1341. He ruled till 1388. On Friday, the 

12th September 1371 Vira Pandya mentions 
the success of the Vijaynajara prince Karh- 
paija udaiyar who established orderly gove- 
rnment after destroying the Muhammadans. 
Vira Pandya refers to this historical event 
in the record which comes from Tiruk- 
fcallakku^i south of Madura. The records 
assigned to Maravarman Vira Pandya are 
tabulated below. 


Year, data and other details 













5, Sirhha, u. 8, Saturday and Afluradha. 6th Aug. 1345 A. D. 

17th Mar. 1347 A.i>. 

19th Sept. 1347A.D. 

5th Oct. 1347 A.D. 

6, Mifla, &u, 4, Saturday and Rohiiji 
(Jatavarman mistake for Maravarman-see 

7, Kajini, ^ti. 14, Wednesday and Uttira- 
dam mistake for Uttirat^adi (see dis- 

7, Tula, ba, Friday and Svati 

10, Kanni, 4u. 2, Uttiram and Friday 3rd Sept. 1350 A.D. 

10, Tula, iu. 1, Sunday and Svati. 

3rd Oct. 1350 A.D. 

14, Mlfla, ba. 1, , Saturday and Hasta. 28th Fcb, 1355 A.D. 

15, Vrifchika, fa. 5, Monday and Utlirattadi 9lh NQV. 1355 A D 
mistake for Uttira^am. 

15, Dhanus, ba. 8, Saturday and Hasta. 26th Dec. 1355 A .ix 

21, Tula, ba. 13, mistake for ba, 11 or 12 25lh Oct. 1351 A D 
Uttiram and Monday. 




Year, data and other details 



27 A/1903 





25, Rishabha, ba. 6, Tiruvonam and Friday. 1st May 1366 A.D. 
24, Mesha, s"u. 4, Wednesday and Rohini. 26th Mar. 1365 A.D. 

33, Kanni, 6u. 3, Friday and Svati (Refers 12th Sept. 1371 A.D. 
to the success of the Vijayanagara prince 
Katnpana-udaiyar see discussion) 

33, VaikasSi 29, Wednesday and ViSakha 24th May 1374 A.D. 
(king is called Vira Pandya ; title Mara- 
varman is absent) 

44, Mithuna, ba, Thursday, Rohini. 16th June 1384 A.D. 

On the basis of 483/1963 Tiruvorjam 
in Rishabha of 1366 falls in the 25th year. 
Accordingly Tiruvonam in Rishabha of 
1341 falls in the regnal year Zero. The 
star was current on 7th May. On the basis 
of Pd 453 Rohini in Miihuna of 1384 
falls in the 44th year. Accordingly Rohini 
in Mithuna of 1341 falls in the first year- 
The star was current on 12th June. 

7th May 1341= Regnal year Zero. 
12th June 1341=Regnal year One. 

Maravarman Vira Pandya II came to 
the throne between the 8th May and the 
]2th June 1341. Adanur record Pd 454 
belongs to Maravarman Vira year 47. Pro- 
bably his rule extended upto 1388. (The 
record mentions vajdl vali tirandan payam 
-a coin called after the surname of Jata- 
varman Parakrama of accession 1315). 


1. Tiruvendipuram record 252/1956 is 
listed under Maravarman Vikrama. It is 

in year 7 dated 10th August 1343. It states 
that Periayadevan AmarakQrj inherited 
lands from his father-in-law Nayaka-peru- 
man, as Sndhana after the latter's death. 
Amarakon. did not pay the dues accrued 
on these lands from the 17th year of 
Perumal Sundara Pandyadeva i e. from 
1335 (the 17th year of Jatavarman Sun- 
dara of accession 1318) to the 6th year 
and also the 7th year of Vikrama. There- 
fore Amarakofl sold some lands to pay 
the r dues, 

Tiruvendipuram 249/1956 listed in the 
table belongs to Maravarman Vira II dated 
19th September 1347. It repeats the above 
story and states that Amarakon sold some 
more lands and cleared the dues. 39 

2. Tiruvadi record 4C6/1921 listed 
in the table* is dated 13J-7. It introduces 
the king as Jatavarman Vira Pandya. I 
got the transcript from tLe office of the 
Chief Epigraphist and studied the text 37 . 
The internal evidence reveals that the title 


Jatavarman is a mistake for Maravarman 38 
In this record the chief Meyur Milaiyan 
Kihln Manril Kunikkum Perumaj; alias 
DIpattarayan of So|akulavallinallur of Pa- 
ttan Pakka - nadu in Naduvil-nadu alias 
Raja Raja Vaja-nadu figures Two signa- 
tories Kannamangalamudaiyan Tennavara- 
yati and Sirraru Poygai Velan Tiru- 
valanjuli - udaiyag alius Sankarama Kesarl- 
muvendavelaft also figure 

The chief DIppattarayan with his 
full address and name figures in the 
records of Jatavarman Sundara of accession 
1330 and Maravarman Vikrama of acces- 
sion 1337. We have discussed those records 
under Sundara and Vikrama. The same 
chief figures in the Tiruvendipuram record 
9^/1943-44 of Maravarman VIra Pandya 
year 4 discussed under Maravarman 
Vikrama foot notes 6 to 8. Again the 
chief figures in the Chidambaram record 
of 320/1913 of Maravarman VIra year 9. 

Among the two signatories, the chief 
Kannamangalam - udaiyan figures in the 
Tirukkandi^varam record 151/1904 of 
Jatavarman Sundara year 14 corresponding 
to 1344. 

The other signatory Sankaramakes'an- 
tnuvendavelan figures in the Tiruvendi- 
puram record 137/1902 of Jatavarman 
Sundara dated 1339. For further details 
please refer to the discussions made under 
Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1330 
and Maravarman Vikrama of accession 1337. 

The chief Puttu3[a R Villavarayan figures 
in the records of Jatavarman Sundara of 
accession 1330, Maravarman Vikrama of 
accession 1337 and the two Maravarman 
VIra Pandyas of accession 1331 and 1341. 

We have discussed this under Jatavarman 
Sundara of accession 1330. 

The Muhammadan invaders captured 
Madura and ruled therefrom 1323 to 1371. 
This is e/ident from Madurai Tola Vara- 
Idru and Sihanikar Varalam discussed be- 
low. The Paridyas put up stiff resistance. 
From the year 1339 they started moving 
towards Madura. This is evident from 
Kajaiyarkoyil records dated 1339 and 1340 
di cussed udder Jatavarman Sundara of 
accession 1330. 

Jatavarman VIra Pandya of accession 
1297 ruled till 1342. His Tiruppattur record 
120/1908 is dated 16th June 1342, The 
record states that the Miihammadans who 
occupied the temple were driven out. From 
this date the Pandyas gradually start mo- 
ving towards Madura. The following 
records confirm this surmise. 

Sakkottai is a village in the Tiruppa- 
ttur taluk of Ramnad district. In the 
inscriptions the village is called Saykhijur 
and the Siva temple is called Virasekari 
ISvaram udaiyar. Three records which 
come from this temple attract our attention. 

The first record (102/1946) belongs to 
Maravaiman VIra Pandya I of accession 
1334. It is dated year 14 Margali first 
solar day corresponding to 28th November 
1347. The record states that the chief 
Danman K-impin alias DaflmarSyan made 
grants to the temple and also for provi- 
ding offerings to the deity Vikrama Vijaya 
Pillaiyar (Vinayaka) set up in the temple 
by Alankara bliattan. 

The second record (40/1947 , belongs 
to some king year 9 Margali 8. In view 
of the internal evidence this is to be 



assigned to Maravarman Vira Paijclya II 
of accession 1341. The date of the record 
is 4th November 1349. The record refers 
to the deity Vikrama Vijaya* Pijlaiyar set 
up in the temple by Alankara 

The third record (105/1946) belongs 
to Maravarman Kulas'ekhara II of accession 
1314 year 37 corresponding to 1351- The 
record refers to the grants made by the 
village assembly for providing offerings to 
the deity Vikrama Vijaya Piljaiyar set up 
in the temple by Alankara bhattan. 

In the last chapter we have seen the 
Kajaiyarkoyil record (578/1902) dated 1318 
of Maravarman Vira PancJya I. Tiruvada- 
vur record (483/1963) listed in the table 
belongs to Maravarman Vira II and it is 
dated 1366. This village is east of Madura. 

The village Tirukkallakudi (Ramnad 
district) is very near to Madura. Record 
No. 64/1916 of this village is dated Friday 
the 12th September 1371. In this record 
Maravarman Vira Pandya states 39 that the 
Vijayanagara prince Kampana-udaiyar drove 
out the Muhammadans and established 
orderly Government. This agrees with the 
historical event. The earliest records of 
Vira Kampana found in Ramnad district 
come from Tiruppullajji 10 and they are 
dated July 1371 and September 137L 
Madurai Sthanikar Varalaru 11 states that 
Kampana drove out the Muhammadans 

and captured Madura in the Kaliyuga 
year 4472 corresponding to >aka year 1293. 
The date falls in 137L 

Madurai Tala Varalaru^ which is a 
prose introduction to Madurai Tiruppani- 
malai states that Kaihpaua - udaiyar drove 
out the Muhammadan invaders and restored 
the worship in the Madurai temple after 
purificatory ceremonies. The poem Mathurd 
Vijayam states that Kampana entered 
Madura after driving out the Muhamma- 

AH put together it is a fact that 
Kaihpana captured Madura in 1371 and 
put an end to the Muhammadan rule. 41 

However there is one obstacle and it 
can be easily overcome. Coins bearing the 
Hijira year A. H. 779 corresponding to 
1377 A. D., issued by the Sultan were found 
in Madura 45 . This shows that the Maduai 
Sultan continued to live upto 1377. This 
can be easily explained. According to 
Manu Dharma the enemy would be killed 
in the battle. If the enemy surrenders he 
will bo allowed to live peacefully. Follo- 
wing the foot steps of Manu Dharma, 
Kampana allowed the last Sultan -who 
probably surrendered in the battlefield to 
spend the evening of his life in peaceful 
retirement. The tomb of the last Sultan 
exists even tody on the Tirupparankunram 
hill near Madura. 

Notes : 

1 Taramangalam SJJ.. Vol. VII, 25. 

2 Taramangalam S I.I , Vol. VII 24 and 23. 

3 SJJ, Vol VII, 76I. Please refer to E. I. Vol. Vllf, page 278. KielhOrn Suggested 2rd July 12Si 
He corrected the regnal year 10 as 9 and surmised that Ja^avarman Sundara II came to the throne 


in 1276. In my book '"The Imperial Pandyas" I have proved that there was no Jatavarman 
Sundara with accession date 1276. Jatavarman Sundara II came to the throne in 1277. 

Also see page 306 of E. I, Vol. XXVII. Venkatasubba Aiyar equates the date to 24th July 1312 and 
identifies the king with Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1303. Aiyar further states that Vikrama 
who figures in this record attacked Malik Kafur in 1311. 

The internal evidence of 137/1902 does not place the kings in 1311. Similarity of the names 
confused the earlier scholars. The record belongs to Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1330 

150/1904; S.I.I., Vol. XVII, 170 assigns this record to Jatavarman Sundara I of accession 1251. 
The internal evidence is against this surmise. The record is to be assigned to Jatavarman Sundara 
of accession 1 330 only. 

A.R.S.I.E., 1943-45, Part II, para 20 rightly assigns this record to Patj^ya king. The arguments 
advanced by the report are convincing. But the report assigns the record to Jatavarman Sundara 
of accession 1251 and equates the data to 9th January 1269, the 17th regnal year of the king. 
It means that the king did not come to the throne til! January 1252 whereas his accession date 
is 1251. The surmise of the report is to be revised in favour of Jatavarman Sundara of acces- 
sion 1330. 

143/1902 ; S.I.I., Vol. VII. 767. 
144/1902 ; S.I.I., Vol. VII, 768. 
145/1902 ; S.I.I., Vol. VII, 769. 
151/1904 ; S.fJ., Vol. XVII, 171. 

S.H., Vol. VIII, 177. 
581 B/I902 ; SJJ., Vol. VIII, 174. 

S.I.I, Vol. VIII, 178. 

S././., VoT. VIII, 173. 

SJJ., Vol. XVM, 144. The report equates the data to 2nd February 1253 after correcting the star 
Uttiram as Uttiradam. The internal evidence is against this surmise. The record belongs to Vik- 
rama of accession 1337 only. 

Tirthanagari 122/1904 ; SJJ., Vol. XVII, 142. 
TJruvendipuram S /./., Vol. VII, 767. 
Tiruvptfi 52/1903 ; SJl., Vol. VIM, 327. 
Tiruva^i 53/19O3 ; SJJ., Vol. VIII, 328. 
Tiruvindipuram 99/1943-44-Miravarman Vlra II year 4, 
A.R.S.I.E., 1943-45, part II, para 14. 

I am thankful to Dr. K. V. Ramesh, the Chief Epigraphist who kindly supplied me the transcript 
of the record on my request. 

Tiruvegkadu S.IJ. Vol. V. 985 Maravarman Vikrama year 5. 


23 Chidambaram 320/1913 Maravarman Vira, year 9. 

24 A.R.I.E., 1955-56 page 6 last para It makes a useful surmise. 

25 I quote here threa records of Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1318. 

a) Namakkal 376/1940, year 5, Kar.kataka 13, ba. 11, Saturday. Rohirjl corresponding to 10th 
July 1322. 

b) Vafiji Nagar near Madura! 291/1973 year 7, Kanai 12, ba. 6. Rohiiji and Sunday correspon- 
ding to 9th September 1324. 

c) Sij}}jamaaur near Madurai-437/1907 year 7, Makara 3, Pwrva-paksha, Friday and Mrigaiira 
corresponding to 28th December 1324. 

d) All the three records are perfect in data and supply the solar dates also. They produce 
the above three dates only and confirm the existence of Jatavarman Sundara of accession 1318. 

26 Vikravari^i 288/1915 regnal year lost. 

27 A.R.S.I.E. 1917, page 92. 

28 A.R.S.I.E. 1918 pages, 112 and 113, 

29 A.RS.I.E., 1918 Part II, para 55. The king was a contemporary of Tenka^i Parakrama 1422-63. 

30 Indian Ephemeris, Volume I, Part II, page III. 

31 Iflaiyar 282/1928-29 Maravarman Vira, year 9. 

32 A.RJ.E., 1928-29, Part II, para 21. 

33 A.RJE., 1955-56. page 6. 

34 i am thankful to the Chief Epigraphist, Mysore, who supplied me the transcript of the record 
406/1921. I compared it with other records and found the truth. Most of the individuals who 
figure in this record also figure in 151/1904 (S.I.I. vol. XVII No. 171) of Jatavarman 
Sundara year 14 corresponding to 1344. 

35 Mistakes in the titles are not unknown in the Pai.icLyan records. Such mistakes can be found 
with the help of internal evidence only. Let us see some records. 

a) TirunalJar records 110 and 111 of 1969 belong to Jatavarman Kulaiekhara year 22. They men- ' 
tion va{aJ vali tirandan panim a coin called after Jatavarman Parakrama of accession 1315. 
Evidently KulaSekhara mentioned here is Maravarman Kulaiekhara II of accession 1314 and 
the title Jatavarman is a mistake. 

b) Vrinjipuram record 177/1939-40 belongs to Mar.avarman Vira Pagtfya gaka 1239 regnal 
year 21 dated 5th February 1318. This is Jatavarman Vira of accession 1297. Maravarman 
is a mistake for Jatavarman (A.R.S.I.E., 1939-40 to 1942-43, page 250). 

c) llayattankugi 34 and 38 of 1926 introduce the king as Maravarman Vira Paijgya. The data 
agree with 22nd March 1275 the 22nd year of the king. The title Mar.avarman is a 
mistake for Jatavarman (Vira I of accession 1253). The record states that the donor 
5majagiyan alias Kalingattariyan set up an image of Lord Vishnu. The same donor figures 
in the same temple record 35/1926 of Majavarman Kula&ekhara I year 39 corresponding 
to 1307 and it is said that the donor made some more gifts for services to the same 
image of Lord Vishnu, 


d) Kanur record 378/1962 belongs to (Jatavarman) Kulaiekha'a I and it contains the praiasti 
puvin kilatti etc. But in the record the title Maravarvan appears instead of Jatavarman.^, 
Mijavarman is a mistake for Jatavarman. 

36 A.R.SJ.E., 1916, Part II, para 33. 

37 Tiruppullani records of VIra Ka&paija HI/1903 (S.T.I VoF. VIII, 397) dated July 1371-106/1903 
(S.I.I., Vor. VIII, 392) September 1371-114/1903 (S.U., Vol. VIII, 400) 22nd October 1374. 

38 Sentamil Volume V page 141. 

39 Sentamil publication No. 27. 

40 Sanskrit poem Mathura Vijayam ~ by Gangadevl the queen of Vira Kampala. The Pandyan 
kingdom edition 1972, K. A. N. Sastri. 

41 Kampala died sometime after 2nd October 1374. In the Tiruvaggamafai record 573/1902 
dated 17th December 1374 Jamuna states that his father Kampala is no more. 

42 Wa have coins of the last Sufan of Madura Alaudin Sikandar Shah dated A.H. 779 correspon- 
ding to 1377, Brown, the Coins of India. 


A large number of inscriptions from 
about the 10th year 1080 A.D., if not earlier 1 
to the 48th year 1118 A. D. of Kulottunga-I 
from SriraAgam temple record transactions 
of reclamation of flood-damaged and sand- 
cast lands, granted as devadana to the 
&irangam temple, The lands were mainly 
located in Karaikkudi and Tandurai villages 
in Vijattur-nadu 'sometimes called Vila- 
for short) and also in Karku^i 8 and 
ilku^i, 3 located on the South bank 
of the river Cauvery. The grants should 
have been made even as early as the first 
half of the 10th Century, if not earlier. 

The process of reclamation had con- 
tinued in the reign of Vikrama Chola, 
But the intensity of effort and the extent 
involved appear to have diminished in his 
reigft, if the quantum of evidence availa- 
ble is to be of any guide. Some parcels 
of land still left for reclamation in the 
south bank of Cauvery as in Chinta- 
mani area-which even today is liable to 
inundation when Cauvery is in floods-were 
taken up as late as in 1290-91 A. D 4 But 
the bulk of the reclamation work had 
been undertaken during the period 1070 
to 1135 A D., in a span of about 65 years, 

The reign ofKulOttunga-Ihad witnes- 
sed some scrutiny of administration of 
temple endowments 5 and noteworthy acti- 
vity in land reclamation, with a view to 
augment garden and wet lands" Two land 
surveys were conducted, one in 1086 A. D., 

R, Tirumalai 

and the other in 1170 A. D, 7 Presumably, 
these should have brought to account addi- 
tional extents of land fit for cultivation, 
or that were already under cultivation, but 
not brought to account, They could have 
also brought to light lands to be reclai- 
med and utilised for horticulture even if 
agriculture was not practicable. 

In line with this process of land utilisa- 
tion the reclamation of the devad'dna lands 
on the south bank of the river Cauvery 
on an extensive scale is evidenced by a 
spate of records from ^rirangam. Some 
inscriptions state that the lands were da- 
maged due to the breach in the bund or 
embankment of the Cauvery river that had 
occurred some (UddeSam] 100 years earlier. 
Others date the occurrence some 50 years 
earlier. 8 The lands were sand-cast, and 
over-burdened with earth ; here and there 
were depressions (kutfam) and all were 
left uncultivated for ages. Where they Were 
all cultivable, dry-crops like horse-gram and 
cotton were raised. 9 

From the reference to the Cauvery 
floods as having occurred some 100 years 
earlier we might infer that they should 
have occurred in the middle of the 10th 
century. Actually there was a big breach 
of the embankment of the Cauvery river 
in 937-938 A. D. As a result, the lands in 
the north-eastern part of Allur village, 
also on the south bank of the river Cau- 
very, were sand-cast and damaged. A long 


and painstaking reclamation activity bit by 
bit had been undertaken from the time of 
ParSntaka-I tapering off (to infer from the 
extant evidence) towards the end of the 
reign of Rajendra-I 10 . 

The lands reclaimed 'in the reign of 
Kulotturiga-I and after lie south-east of 
Allur. The river flows in embankment 
and the channels taking off deflect sharply 
southwards, even today, which could in- 
dicate that the gradient or the contour slopes 
southwards. A narrow strip in between 
the river and the canal being on a high 
level-perhaps as much resulting from sand 
accretion due to floods as causing further 
damages to the lands lying south could 
have had the full impact of the velocity 
of the flood or flash- flows with movement 
of sand, even in the floods of 937-938 A.D., 
and could have got worsened by further 
deposits in subsequent floods. 


The lands damaged by floods and 
taken up for reclamation were in two 
devadana vitlages-Karaikudi and Tan^urai, 
endowed for kitchen provisions, and food 
offerings to the deity at 3rirangam (iiru- 
madappalltputam). Bulk of the lands fit 
for garden were recovered, including some 
suitable parcels for wet cultivation. The 
latter were allocated for providing sus- 
tenance and support to the gardeners. The 
gardens so laid were named after the- do- 
nors or their principals. 

From the boundary descriptions the 
two villages appear to bs adjoining each 
other, almost lying cheek by jowl. To 
their east and south lay Gudalur village" 
and to their west was the eastern boun- 


dary of Paluvur. 1 * Paluvur boundary also 
extended to the north of the damaged 
lands. 13 The headmen of Paluvur had re- 
claimed the lands to the west and to 
the southwest of a parcel reclaimed in 
Karaikudi, 14 These were located in ViJ- 
attur-nadu or Vila-nadu in which the 
townships of iSrirafigam and Paluvur lay. 
fsnrangam was on the north bank, and 
Paluvur on the south bank of the river. 
The e nadu' had extended to either bank 
of the river Cauvery flowing in between. 
Paluvur is identical with Palur in Tiru- 
chirapaJli Taluk (village No. II), 15 Two 
natives of Karaikudi have made land gifts 
for offerings in the temple at Pajluvur 
alias Rajendra-Chola-nallur, and for singing 
Tiruppadiyam in that temple. " In the 
39th year of Rajakesari Kulottunga-I (A.D. 
1109) at the instance of Chediyarayan lands 
were gifted as brahmadeya to 108 bra- 
hmanas in Paluvur. 17 

Gudalur can be identified as the ham- 
let of the same name lying south, south- 
east of Kayakucli in Muttarasanpettai village 
limits (village No. 10) of TiruchirapalJi 

From these locational details, Karai- 
fcudi could be identified as Kayakudi, a 
hamlet lying west-south of Muttarasanal- 
lur. The flood-damaged lands were then 
lying west of the present Elandavattalai 
channel, taking its bend sharply to the 
south and in between the Cauvery river 
bank and the Tiruchirapayi-Karur highway 
on the north, and Gudalur hamlet to the 
south. The Karur highway had its Choja 
precursor in the Konguperuvali mentioned 
in some inscription as the northern boun- 
dary of the sand- cast lands. 



The total extent of land as far as can 
be computed from the available data, taken 
tip for reclamation in the reign of Kulot- 
tunga-I alone was 55 veH (about 350 acres). 
In the subsequent reigns of Vikrauu Chola 
and his successors, another S'/4 veil or 
about 55 acres were sold for reclamation. 
The recorded evidence accounts in all for 
about 400 acres of flood-damaged lands 
sold for reclamation ( Append ix-1). The 
total period during which this reclamation 
activity was in progress had extended from 
about 1080 to 12r9 AD, in the reign of 
Kulottuiiga-IIT, a time spread of about 130 

The lands taken up for reclamation 
in the reign of Vikrama Chola lay closer 
lo the Konguperuvali, lying to the north 
of the lands to be reclaimed. 18 It could 
be inferred that the reclamation work had 
proceeded from the southern end to the 
north upto the river-bund. The plots sold 
for reclamation were often contiguos to 
the plots already under reclamation or just 
taken up for it. 19 The plots taken up 
earlier for reclamation for laying a garden 
called 'Gunavalli' in the 25th year of Kulot- 
tunga-I 1095 A. D. figured as the boundary 
for another allocated for reclamation some 
15 years later in 1110 A.D. The vendee in the 
latter case appears to be connected with the 
vendee in thefomieiv" Invariably, plots given 
as southern boundaries were aheady reclai- 
med lands held as gardens or as wet-lands. 
The density of sand deposit could have 
been less at the southern end with the velo- 
city of flow lessening and hence they were 
comparatively easier to reclaim, and were 
taken up earlier. The more difficult areas 
were to t'le north Reclamation had procee- 
ded from the south-east to the north-west. 

In the later years of Kulottunga-I, the 
plots sold are surrounded more often by 
the already reclaimed plots (vi {again) endo- 
wed as gardens or as wet-lands for maintai- 
ning the gardens. In Vikramu Chola's reign 
the Konguperuvali and Jayangonda - va>k- 
kal occur as the southern boundary of two 
parcels/ 1 As already stated, the Konguperu- 
vali was the precursor of the Tiruchirapa]Ji- 
Karur trunk road running along the 
Cauvery river bank. The Jayarigonda-vayk- 
kal and the cultivated lands (vifai nilam) 
of Tandurai occur as the southern boun- 
dary in a few cases 32 and in others as 
northern boundary, 23 or both. 24 The Can- 
very bund and Konguperuvali occur as the 
northern boundary of the plots to be re- 
claimed. 26 These are clear indications that 
reclamation was being taken up in Vikrama 
Chola's reign, i.e., in the first half of 12th 
century, in the lands nearer the channel- 
heads and the river-bund and the highway 
on the northern extremities. 

The lands had belonged to the deity 
of Srirangam and were devadana in tenure 
for meeting the ki'.chen expenses and the 
food services. They were so damaged by 
floods and sand-cast that they could not 
be utilised for any wet cultivation, gene, 
rally, but only gardens could be raised for 
the supply of flowers and occasionally also 
of fruits to the temple. The reclamation 
work consisted of levelling the lands, dig- 
ging and depressing the level and raising 
garden crop. The smaller plots for wet 
cultivation were far and few between and 
were far less in extent. 

The lands for reclamation were assi- 
gned or sold under the orders (Sval) of 
the SrikSryam Adhikaiigal, the executive 
officers of the temple 29 The ac;ual deed 


was drawn up and attested by six mem- 
bers of Sri Vaishnava vdriyam (a commit- 
tee of Sri Vaishnavas attending to the 
temple affairs) together with six other 
members of Sri Bhanddra variyam (the 
committee supervising the temple treasury), 
the Sn Vaislmava kanakku (the accountant 
for the body of Sri Vaishnavas), and the 
Sabha kanakku of Srlrangam (the acco- 
untant of the sabha or the township 
organisation of the resident landholding 
brahmanas of. >rirangam)-m all about 16 
persons including the temple accountant. 
This bespeaks for the care taken to ensure 
the collective responsibility for administe- 
ring the temple lands and public know- 
ledge that was enjoined, of the conclusions 
of such transactions, when they were 
reduced to writing. It is noteworthy that 
the organisation of the brahmin towship 
of Jsrirangam as such (the sabhaydrs) 
whose exstence is referred to as in No. 
29, or of the townships in which the 
devadana lands were located did not figure 
in the documents, though the sabha acc- 
ountant of Srirangam was a signatony 

The transcations are described as adai 
otoi, or assignment or entrustment for re- 
clamation. The full land value does not 
appear to have been realised, but only a 
fee (tiruttadai oradaippukkuli)^ or tiruttuvi- 
lai)-or price for reclamation of land or 
nila-vilai the land price for reclamation. 
The standard rate for such price was 1 
ka&u per veil (or 6-60 cents) of land. Con- 
sideration seems to have been paid to the 
reclamation cost, and expenses and hence 
the concessional price of 1 ka&u If the 
land was already reclaimed (palan-tiruttu\ 
the rate was doubled, at 2 kaiu per 1 ve//. 30 


Some idea of the exchange value of 
diramam to a kas"u could also be had as 
it had obtained in the 40-42nd year of the 
reign of Kulottunga-I. 220 diramam were 
paid for 4 veil of land in Karaikkudi which 
were sand-cast. (1 1.20-21 of No. 93). One 
veli then was priced at 55 diramam. If the 
lands were identical with other sand-cast 
lands sold for reclamationas they appear 
to be from the rate of rental fixed at 8 
kalams per veil as for dry lands - 55 diramam 
could be taken to be the exchange-equiva- 
lent for 1 ka&u, the normal price taken 
for such lands sold for reclamation. 81 

The persons to whom the lands were 
entrusted were not themselves the cultiva- 
tors, but were the benefactors or the donors. 
There is a distinct reference to the actual 
tenders of the garden, or those in-charge 
of it. Some of whom might have, them- 
selves, been the gardeners providing their 
own labour. These were the ddsars or the 
lion -brahmin Vaishnavite devotees of the 
temple. Some others were temple service 
holders. The temple authorities themselves 
cited the persons who were to be inchargc 
of the garden in the sale deed often. 32 

The responsibility of those undertaking 
the reclamation was to apply their capital, 
engage labour, remove the sand and earth, 
depress the level and make the lands fit 
for raising flower-gardens or orchards. 
They could also cultivate where feasible 
the lands with wet-crops and appropriate 
the paddy for the maintenance and wages 
of the labour engaged in attending to the 
garden, where this was not feasible, alter- 
native parcels already under wet cultiva- 
tion or suited therefor were purchased 
or assigned. 



A rental (kadamai) (in lieu of assigned 
revenue) of 8 kalams per veli, a rate pre- 
vailing as for dry-lands, was stipulated 
to be paid by the reclaimer to the temple, 
the devadana land-holder. Exceptionally, 
it was specified at 7 kalams or at 7 3/ 4 
kalams per ve//. 34 Half of this quantum 
was to be delivered at the temple after 
the first crop was harvested and the other 
half after the second. 85 The rate was again 
concessional. It is sometimes termed as 
dues for svami-bhogam, or the share due 
to the land-holder 3 * 

The residual part of irai (irai-mi 
thai is of the assigned land dues from 
the lands, was to be utilised for maint- 
aining the gardeners or the tenders of 
the orchards. 

Where composite sales had occurred, 
comprising cultivable wet-lands and recl- 
aimed dry or sand-cast lands, the total 
grain dues as igai have been fixed at a 
higher level. The excess over 8 kalams 
per veil was perhaps attributable to the 
yield-share from the wet-lands. 38 

Sometimes, the garden proper was 
located at SriraAgam island. But the lands 
for the support of the gardeners and the 
maintenance of the garden (tirunandavana- 


river, in Taijdurai 

In some cases, the rental was stipula- 
ted to be delivered in the form of flowers, 
or a Portion of the fruit-yields were olat- 
ed* The excess over the Kafimai was 
utifiied in some cases for special offerings 
to the deity,- or for feeding fin Vaish.a- 
r for special festivals and in one case 

rate of levy was higher for arccamit grown 
on the river padugai than for the arccanut 
grown on the dry lip-land*} (No, 123;, 

In a few cases, a moratorium of five 
years or less was provided, 43 so that the 
actual process of reclamation miuht ne 
completed and the lands brought to bene- 
ficial yield within that period. During Mich 
moratorium, the full yield \\.i> alkmed to 
be appropriated by the reclaimer him\ell 
(murruttu-undu).^ The payment of the irai 
at the optimal level was postponed to a 
crop year after the expiry of ^ the mora- 
torium to synchronize with the time of full 
yield. The labomers or the gardeners, \\ere 
given the hereditary occupancy ihihu on 
the land for themselves and their heirs 
(vargattar}. But there were instances when 
the gardens endowed were ineligible 
for sale or for making usufractory moit- 
gaae of and if these were transgressed the 
vendees who acquired the garden were to 
forfeit their acquired property rights.*" 


The labour provided for reclaiming 
the lands (?) and mantaining the gardens 
generally worked out at one person far 
T/ 2 vsli (3 acres and 30 cents i." This 
should be taken as the requirement lor 
maintenance. The actuil reclamation of 
the land would have required a lot more 
of labour to be deployed. 

The wages for the gardeners were 
normally one kunmi of paddy per day, 
per head plus a capital deposit of two 
oold kaiu (For ktou) per head, the proceeds 
of which were adequate for the Annual 
clothing to the supplied." From 10-0 A D. 
or so, this cash deposit for annual supply 
of clothing (pudaval *./) became reduced 



to I kuu. If a rate of interest of about 
20% to 25% were to be presumed the 
yield of 0.4 or 5 ka&u was adequate 
for the annual supply of clothing - of a 
dhoti or two per labourer per labourer 
per year. Sometimes, the grain compo- 
nent of wages was higher at kuruni and 
4 na{\ per head. 17 The labourers (kudi) 
were free from the obligations attached 
to the tenantry or the cultivators - of (a) 
contributing free labour (vetti) or (b) 
physical labour at the palace or the 
temple and such obligations ; sometimes 
they were even relieved of the obligations 
(c) to keep a watch over the river bund 
(kulaikappu, kaval) and (d) to contribute 
labour for strengthening the earthwork 
embankment for Cauvery river and (e) 
for clearing the channels (of silt) at the 
time of freshes and (f) to put up a 
Korombo work across the river to divert 
water into the supply channel. But these , 
were not uniform. Specific reservation of 
the obligations (c), (d) and (e) had been 
made. These were enjoined in a few cases, 
on the cultivators and garden tenders des- 
pite the arduousness of the reclamation 
work and maintenance. 48 The maintenance 
of the security of the river embankment 
and clearing the channels of silt were of 
paramount importance and could not admit 
of any indifference. 

The progress of reclamation and the 
course of the direction it had been taking 
as gleaned from the inscriptional evidence 
has already been delineated. Portions of 
the lands already reclaimed or under en- 
joyment were excluded, six ma in one case, 
and the charge was on the remaining nine 
ma and mukka/ii. If an earlier assignee 
had not reclaimed the land or did not 

require it, the parcels were resumed and 
granted to another. In the instant case, 
the stipulation was 200 lotuses were to be 
supplied daily (nittcmi) to the deity at 
Srirangam. To maintain the labour enga- 
ged in picking and supplying them the 
excess over the rentals or kadamai had to 
be utilised The 2 ma kilarai of wet-land 
was priced at 6 ka&u ; the 9 ma of garden 
land cost only 1 ka&u-m all 7 ka&n.^ 


Inscriptional evidence throws up inter- 
esting data on the. comparison of the level 
of price of paddy, and of the wages and 
the changes that had occurred therein during 
this period. 


The price of land sold by iSrirangam 
temple from out of the devadana grants 
could be compared with the private sale of 
lands in the same location. Secondly, the 
land- values of devadana lands situated on 
the south bank, and those on the nortli 
bank of the Cauvery river would also bo 


In the 45th year of Kulottunga-J, 
A.D. 1115, a Brahmin lady, the wife of 

__ Taya-nambi-piran and daughter 

of an Athreya-gotra Brahmin, Damodaran 
Narayanan, by name Sri AndaJ Sani, sold 
for a big garden 6 ma of land in several 
parcels to some Sri Vaishnavas, including 
Tiruverigada Pichchar and another. (The 
location of this land is unfortunately not 
available in line 10 of the published epi- 
graph) The price was 23/80 kaiu, i. e., it 
works out to almost one ka&u per ve//, &0 

Sales of other lands in different loc- 
ations are set out in Appendix-Ill, It 



could be inferred that the prices of garden 
lands of devadana tenure on the northern 
bank of Cauvery, especially so within 
tfrlrangam island, were higher, particularly 
when there was a well within, which could 
be of avail for baling water in summer 
months. The price gets weighted if there 
were yielding trees in the garden lands. 
Of course, the wetlands were far more 
valuable then the garden lands. The flood 
damaged sand-cast lands on the south 
bank, extensive as they were f were priced 
at one kabu per veil; regard bsnig paid 
to the reclamation cost. The possible re- 
currence of such floods could also be a 

In H56A-D. Kodai Ravivarman, the 
Keraja ruler, donated cash for a lamp- 
service. There was reluctance explicitly 
stated that if the cash were invested on 
land, when the lands were damaged, the 
service could not be kept up. But if the 
cash was deposited in the temple treasury, 
the proceeds could be utilised for perma- 
nently maintaining the service. 51 


Some idea could be formed of the 
wage level for the gardeners during the 
Choja times, from the time of Uttama 
ChSja to the reigns of Kulottunja-l and 
Vikrama Choja and Rajaraja-III and also, 
for comparison, the wages obtaining at 
Chidambaram some 120 years later during 
the time of Kopperunjinga- They are ta- 
bulated in Annexure-V. The inferences are 
as follows : The ratio of a supervisor to 
the number of workers had varied from 
1 : 17 to 1 : 24. The dairy attendants got 
wages in between a gardener and a supe- 
rvisor, in terms of clothing, though the 

grain wages were the same, or sometimes 

There was a rise in wages from the 
time of Uttama Chola to the first part of 
the reign of Kulottunga-I (i.e., 1090 A. D.). 
The wages in terms of capitalisation for 
the supply of clothing had however, halved 
from the 21st year of Kulottunga-I(i. e., 
from 1090 A.D.) and the trend had con- 
tinued during Vikrama Choja's time. Both 
grain wages, and capital requirement for 
annual clothing supply had got doubled 
form that level some 120 years later, i.e., 
1246-60 A D. Ba 

It could be inferred that from 1090 
A.D., the interest yield on one ka&u was 
adequate to procure the requisite clothing 
for the gardener; prior to that date double 
that quantum was necessary. Logically, 
either the interest rates which was usually 
as high as 20-25 percent should have 
doubled for the deposit quantum to come 
down to half. Alternatively, the price of 
cloth should have come down to half. It 
is not conceivable that the supply rate 
of clothing could admit of 50 percent 
reduction. Of the two possibilities, the 
price of cloth should have altered more 
, favourably for the consumer, perhaps due 
to batter availability and production. This 
trend had continued in the reign of Vik- 
rama Choja as well. The cloth price should 
have risen to its earlier level by the middle 
of the 13th century. 


A third economic trend is them ove- 
ment of paddy to Ka$u ratio and it can 
be viewed in juxtaposition with the trends 
in wages. The number of kalams sold per 
ka&u that can be gleaned from inscriptions 


is set out in Annexure-V. The following 
inferences are plausible: 

The paddy was cheaper in Uttama 
Choia's time (10 kalams) than in the time 
of Rajaraja-I and his successors including 
Virarajendra (8 kalami) This seems to ta 
the case even in the southern parts of 
Chola empire in Rajaraja's time where 7 
kalam? could b-3 had for one k36u at Gan- 
gaikondan (Tirunelveli District.) 53 In the 
heyday of the Chola empire, paddy-avai- 
lability per ka&u was far less than in the 
earlier or the later periods. By the reign 
of Kulottunga-I, paddy could be had at 
the same level (\ kalams) per kd&u as in 
Uttama Chela's time. In the later half of 
his reign, it was even cheaper (13 kalams) 
than in the earlier half, in some locations 
as at Alangudi (Thaiijavur District). But 
by 12 "9 A. D., l 1 ^ times the quantum of 
paddy could be had per ka&u (15 kalams} 
than what was obtainable in the earlier 
half of Kulottunga's reign. Strangely, grain 
was cheaper at the time of the decline 
of the Cho|a& than in their hey-day. The 
season and crop condition, and availability 
of grain in any particular year and specific 
locality would account in part for this 
fluctuation, and unless these details are 
filled in, the contours of economic trends 
are apt to be puzzling. 

Making allowance for all possible varia- 
bles, it still stands out that at a time when 
paddy was cheaper at percent in the mid 
13th-century, the wages had doubled. Wages 
had increased even at times when the 
price of paddy had declined to the con- 
sumers' advantage The former had occurred 
despite or should we say, because of the 
latter. The increase in grainwages gene- 


rally from 986 to 1131 A. P. was from 6 
naif, to 8 //, a rise of 33-1/3 percent, 
if one could compare the rates in Ching- 
leput and in Thaiijavur ; perhaps in 986 A. D. 
labour was cheaper in Kachchipedu (Kanci- 
puram) than in Thaiijavur, but in the Cauvery 
delta and the riverine tract, they were 
constant at one ku^urii per day. It had 
occasionally increased also (H kuruni) to 
12 nali perday in the period 1070 to 
1098, but had settled at one ktiruni 
again from 1099 to 113] A D. In the mid 
13th century, grain wages have increased 
by 100 percent, when paddy prices had 
got depressed by 50 percent. Cheaper 
grain availability would not necessarily 
guarantee a concomittant lowering of wa- 
ges. If grain-Ar^M ratio was elastic, so were 
the wages ; not merely in terms of grain, 
but the interest yield required for annual 
supply of clothing. The price of cloth see- 
ms to harden at a time when grain avai- 
lability was cheaper in the mid 13th-century 
a trend which was somewhat of a contrast 
in the mid 12th century 

While paddy prices had become further 
depressed, the cloth prices had increased 
as between the periods 1090 to 1135 A.D. 
and 1246-60 A.D. The price per unit of 
supply in terms of interest yield on cash 
deposits had doubled. In any event, a 
gardener in the mid 13th century should 
have been tatter fed, but not better clothed 
than his counterpart at any earlier time. 
On the whole, a long stability in wage 
level had continued from 978 to 1090 AD. 
The wages had somewhat become cheaper 
thereafter for about half a century. But 
about 125 years later, the wage levels 
had risen sharply, almost doubled. 

These are pointers to the areas for 


further investigation into the economic commensurately, but even more elastically ? 
trends of the Choja and the Panclya times. Was it because the grain was cheaper though, 
The composite and complex economy of but demand for labour was far more, 
the times had a substantial part of the the rate of increase in wages for labour 
transactions made in grain, and it would had been higher than the rate of decrease 
imply grain perfoiming the function of in the price of paddy? Only further pa- 
money. Could it be, then, that if grain tient collection of data and analysis can 
was cheaper, wages would have risen, not provide answers to these questions. 


Annexure I. The extent of land reclaimed and the names of irikaryarn Officials. 

Annexure II. The extents of land reclaimed in ^rirangam, and the number of wor- 
kers and the wages. 

Annexure III. Prices of land sold at different dates and locations. 
Annexure IV. Wage levels in the Cauvery-Coleroon delta at different periods. 
Annexure V. Price-movement of paddy. 


The date marshalled in Section II are necessarily based on sampling of available 
data, and .as such arc subject to the limitations inherent in such sampling. These 
limitations are sought to be mitigated, to some extent, by drawing the sampling data 
from a restricted localised area with homogeneous trait-characterestics. The data, as 
presented, are hence pointers to some tendencies and at this stage the inferences 
should be treated as hypotheses, subject to further detailed check with fuller data,, if 
they can be had from identical source-material. In any investigation, it follows, the 
stage of formulation of hypotheses could well be a cross-road with even contradictory 
or subaltern possibilities being met with. 

It will be the endeavour of the author to pursue the detailed check of data as 
well, as part of his intensive research into the history of the townships. 




to inscrin- 

tion no in 

Reign - date 

A. D. 


krlkaryam Official 

S. I. I., 

Vol. XXIV 







Kulottunga I Yr. N.A. 


11 veil 

Ilakkantir.attu Sankaranara- 

yarja Bhat^an 








Kulottunga T (6) 


9-3/80 ma 


cultivable land 

2-1/640 ma 


( vilai nilam) 

(6 ka&u) 


-do- Yr. N.A. 


H veli 



-do- -do- 


li veil 

Devar Vefaris 


1 sey. 



-do- N.A. 

\ veil 3 ma 



-do- N.A. 


li veli 




-do- N.A. 





-do- N.A. 


I- veil 


wet-land 1/8 veli 



-do- N.A. 


1 veli 


14i ma 



-do- - N.A. 


11 veli 

Srlk'aryam Narayaija 



-do- N.A. 


1 veli 



-do- N.A. 


5/8 veil 

N.A. x 


-do- N.A. 


I veli 

N A. 


-do- N.A. 


2 V//(l.ll) 



-do- N.A. 


2 ma 



-do- yr. 13 (?) 



Sirilango Bhattar 


-do- yr. 10 


11 veli 

54: -do- yr. 13-14-231 1084 

1 veli 



Anantanarayana Bhattar 


-do- y. 13 


11 veli 

Karipui;attu .... 


-do- 15 


6 veli 



-do- 15 


1 ma 








> 5) 


Kulottunga I 



I veil 






1 veli 

&2i ma 


~do- ' 



2 veil 

Karipurattu i Narayabja 






1 veli 








1 veli 

Chola ^ikhama^i 





1 veli 

(I)^vara Kulukala 

Brahma marayar 





li veli 

Adhikarikal Vint Choja 





i veli -\- 

Rajendra Muvendavejar 

} ma 





n veli 






11 veli 





2 veli 





7/1 veli 


Netfunjerikkudaiyari Bul- 
vani Narayarjia muvenda- 






J veli-l ma 

Adhikarikal Bhuvani Na- 
rayaija Muvendavejan 






1 veli 
I veli 

Narayana Muvendavejan 
Vichchadira Muvenda- 





i veli 

Nedunjerikku^aiyan Bhu- 
vani Narayana Muvenda- 






4 veli 

Pfirthivendra Brahmadi- 








III .! '' II. '- 


Kulottunga I yr. 



li veh 

Parthivendra Brahmadi- 











3i ma 





i ve//+- 
2 ma 

Parthivendra Brahmadi- 





2\ veli 

Sabha sold the land 





6 ma 

Talaichchengadu l^irilango 






Adhikarikal Nittavinoda 
mu (vendavejanj 





i Veli 

Nittavinoda muvenda vejar 





1 veli 


, 104 




6 ma-kale 






6 ma 



Vikrama Chola 

Pulivalam ..... 


Vikrama Choja 



1 veli 

Visayalaya Vijupparayar 








Vikrama Chola 



1 veli 

. . . Valava narayaria Mu- 
venda velar 





3 makani- 
8 ka&u 

Both are same transaction. 





3 makani- 
North of 

Private transaction. 





2 kabu= 
2 veli 






(puli . . . ?) Pulivalam udai- 
yan vel^r Tiruvaykkula- 
mu^aiyan alias Vajava 
narayaija muvendavejan 



(1) (2) 




118 Vikrama Choja, yr. 12 


1 veil 


Raja vichchadara Brahma- 

Naravichchadara Brahma- 

119 -do- 13 


1 veil 


120 -do- 15 


. * 

Naravichchadara Brahma- 

121 -do- 15 


(ka&u 40) 

Tiruvala nattu 

122 Vikrama Choja 16 


about 1\ veil 

private sale in Allur- 

123 Kulottunga II 7 


For planting arecanut and 
coconut - confer 147, 
Kulottunga II 

124 Kulottunga II 11 


(1000 kuli a 
1 veil) north of 
Cauvery- south 
Tim Vettaik- 

The street by which the 
deity passes for the hunt- 

' ." 1 " 

126 Rajaraja-n 11 


2 ma kaiu 

' F h 

146 Kulottunga III 32 


15 vi;/ 15,000 
1 vsli = 
1000 kaisu 
1000 ka&u 
1 old fca^w (?) 

Including land in Tandu* 
rai Karaiku^i (6) 

152 Rajaraja 111 32 


(ace.) ' 

21 ma= 15000 

North-east of TiruvaraA- 








153 Rajaraja III 


1237 400 kuli 

8 ma= 20 5 OGO 
3 veil of land for 
maintenance = 
30,000 @ 10,000 
per veli 10000 = 
1 vehl 

Somala-deigar 50000 kau 
for garden and for land for 
the maintenance of gardens. 
In.Tirukkurai parru Ten- 


SII., 123, Kulottungall, 7th year (1140 A.D.) 

(i) in river-bed 

(ii) Kollai 

1st year 
2nd year 
3rd year 
4th year 
15 for 1000 

SIL 147., 35th yenr of Ku. Ill (1212 A.D.) 
per tree 100 p er v // 

200 Paddy 
300 1 veil - 100 kalam each x 2 crop 

400 "vambu payir" - 50 kalam 
gO (unsetted cultivation) 
120 Reclaimed year = i 
240 2nd year I 

300 3rd year 

4th year Full 
Kamuku = 2000 trees per veli ', 
400 nuts per tree 

Veil = 3,000 plantain, 
mango trees=2 kaku per ma 
coconut trees 2 ka$u per ma 





Extent No. of 

paddy wages Remarks 





(5) (6) 




Kuruni per day 

2 fcarfw 

per head 

cloth capital 


9-3/80 ma 


kuruni, 4 nali 

2 ka&u For collecting flowers 


li veH 


kur.uni per day 

2 ka&u Reading in 1. . .10 as 

per tuni 2 per year 

appears to be wrong ; 

should be per day. 


i veil ; 


kuruni per day 

3 ma 

per head 


H veil 




lit veli 


kuruni per head 





4 kuruni 


2 veli 


kuruni 4 no]/ 

2 kau For Work in diary 


H veli 

. 2 

kur.uni for 1 

2 ka&u 


21 veli 



2 ka&u 


1 veli 


kuruni per head 

1 kabu 

per day 


li ma 


1 ka&u 


1 veli 

' 4 


1 ka&u 


7/8 veli 


kuruni per head 

per day 

1 fcSiw 




4 veli 


1 kaSu 

(32 kalam @ 






\ veli-2ma 


1 /cai 






(5) (6) 


6 ma 


kuruni per head 

1 ka&u 


\ veil 



1 ka&u 


6 ma 

6 makani 


) kuruni 

1 /cJiw 




1 ka&u 1 /ca^w= 10 kalam 




1-1-1/3 nati 

1-1/6 kdiu 
(3i AraSu for 3) 





; veil 






But no cloth 

i- 11 

capital indicated 

Average worker can take i ve/f for maintenance of gardening ? 




2 " 

^rg Reign and Date Location classification Extent 




104 KuiottuAga I, 45 N.A. 
1115 AD. 

Garden 6 wa 

/:a/e- Private sale by 

mukkani a brahmin lady 


-do- yr. 47 
11 17 AD, 

Tiruvaranga- wet- 
nal iu r j and 

Madlmrantaka- k&ju 
chaturvedi- nilam 

KulBttuiiga I, 48 Karaikudi- 


1118 AD. 

Taijdurai (?) to be re- 

4 va/i 
6 ma 

kaiu Temple sale 

6 makani 






(3) (4) (5) 

(6) (7) 


Vikrama Chola I 

In iSrirangam Garden 31 ma 

8 kabu private sale 

yr. 8 (1126 A.D.) 

Island- fully 

(Teftiiarukku establi- 

vadakku) shed 



(also with 

a well) (A fully reclaimed well 

laid garden land). 


Vikrama Choja I 

Tiruvadak- Wet land 1/16 

15 kau Private sale 

yr. 16, 1134 A.D. 

kucli (a brah- veil 


forming part (1 ve//=240 ka&u) 

of Allur. 


Kulottunga II, 

Within For lay- 1000 

30 kalanjti Temple sale. 

llth year 

Srirangam ing a kuli= 

of gold 

1144 A.D. 

island garden. 1 veil 


Rajaraja II 

Within Already 200 

17000* Private sale 

llth year 

grlrangam establi- kuli- 


1157 AD. 

island- shed 2 mS 

Tirukkuzaip- garden 

par fit - 

Vada volugu 

(northern (Deposit for gardens 

side) ^ 



Kulottunga III 

yr. N.A. 

Within -do- 50 kuli 
$rirangam m ^ 

N.A. Private sale 
for plantain 



and coconut 



-do- yr. 32, 

1210 A.D. 

Lands both Some 
within Sri- laid 15 vll 
rangam island gardens 

15000* Could it be 
ka&u the old gold 

j, f, j. . . \ C\C\(\ 

andinTaitfurai others 

/C?iJW= lUuU 

I ~ i n 

and Karaiku^i to be 

new kahi I 

sandcast waste reclaimed 



Rajaraja III 
yr, 8 f. 1 

Tirukkaraip- Already 21- ma in established 


(1225 A.D.) 

grirangam garden 



(1) (2) 




(6) (7) 

153 Rajaraja III 





21st yr. 

arju - 


kuli : 


1237 A.D. 

southern side 


4 man 2 

towards west 

8 ma. 


3 veli 


for main- 


tenance of 


156 Rajaraja III 



2 ma 

8! ka&u 

23rd yr.( 1239 A.D.) 

padi otugu 

160 Rajaraja III 





26th yr. 

a,rru - nor- 


1242 A.D. 

thern side. 

191 Pandya 



2 ma 

10,000 Private sale 

Ma^abharaija" sou- 


thern side 

JOS Jatavarman 



1000 kuli 


Sundara Pandya II 

vaja chatur- 

= i veli 

panam for 

1290-91 A.D. 




800 kuli 



700 kult 

120 panam 

= 1500 kuli 



Note : 

As already set out in the text, invariably the sand-cast flood damaged lands 
in Karaikudi and Taijdurai on the south bank of Cauvery river were sold at 
per vsli in the time of Kulottunga I and Vikrama Choja, for reclamation. 






wages in Kind 

cash Deposit Remarks 








Uthama Choja 
8th year 
978 A.D. 


one kupurii 
per day 


(6 nafi for food ; 
2 nali for cloth- 

. ing ?) 

SI I, , 
Vol. Ill, 








Uttama Ghoja 
I4th year 984 A, 

D. puttur 

(near U$ayar~ 

one kuiuni 1 ka&u 

One woven SIL, Vol. 

fabric: ipo/j. XIX, 357 
At 25% interest. 
1 ka&u could give XIX, 380 
%pon for clothing. 

Parakesari., 15th 

985 A.D. 
Parakesari, 16th 

986 A.D. 

Kulottunga I 
1070-98 A.D. 
(pi. see 
Annex. II) 

Kulottunga I 
and Vikrama 
1090-1131 A.D. 

Rajaraja III 
year (21) 1247 A. 

yr. Sembiyanma- 

yr. Madras Museum 6 nali 

plates Kachchi- 


Price of cloth : 3 pieces : 3-3/20. 



1 kuruni 
1 kuruni, 
4 nali) 

3 kiiuni I ka&u 

1 kalanju 

for 2 or narakkan 

I ka&u for i ka&u per 

clothing pudavai 

Please see 
Annex. II 

III No. 128 


for details. 

jSnrangam 3 kururii 


Kopperunj inga* 
1246-1260 A.D. 


3 kuruni 

No cash 
for cloth 

2 ka&u 

3 ka&u 

Padakku 11 ka&u 
Ratio of supervisors to workers had varied from 

For supervision 
and garden plant- 
ing (No. 56) 
Diary attendants (54) 

1.17 to 1.22. 

*For details, please see below : 


Reference Year 




per day Each Rate 
paddy cloth 





(5) (6) 




3rd year, 
8 1st day 
1246 A.D. 

48 workers 
9 supts. 

50 " 1 supt. : 

3 kuruni 
per day 
24 workers. 

1 kfi&u-l5 kalams 
2 ka&u for funding 
3 ka&u per individual 






(5) (6) 




3rd year 
1246 A.D. 

16th year 
1259 A.D. 

16th year 
228 day 
1260 A.D. 

1 shepherd for Padakku 
150 cows 

95 workers Padakku 
5 joipts. 3 kuruni 

19 workers per superintendent 

34 workers Padakku 
2 nayakam 3 kuruni 
2 garden planters 3 kuruyi 


11 ka&u 

2 ka&u 
3 ka&u 

1 kaht 
3 kau 
3 ka&u 





- - 

Reign and period 

Location Price Movement 






Uttama Choja 
984 A.D. 

Rajaraja I 
1006 A D. 

VIra Rajendra 
5th yr, 348th day 
1069 A D. 

Kulottunga I 
Date N,A. 

JCulottuftga I 
47th yr, 1117 A.D, 

Vikrama Chofa 
3rd year 1121 A.D. 


(Thanjavur Dt.) 

(North Arcot Dt ) 

(Tiruchirapalli Dt.) 

(Thanjavur Dt.) 

(Tiruchirapalli Dt. ) 

10 kalams per ka&u 
8 kalams per ka&u 

8 kalams per ka$u 
(16 per kalanju) 

S/L, XIX, 357 

68 of 1928 
182 of 1915 

10 kalams per kdiu XXIV-44 

13 kalams per ka&u SII., IV, 44 of 1891 

10 kalams per kaiu XXIV-112 


_____ __ ___ __ ... ^_-__ 

15th year 1 133 A.D. 10 kalams per /cfliw SI I., Vol. XXIV- 121 

Kopperunjinga Chidambaram 15 kalatfis per kau S//., Vol. VIII, 

1259 A.D. (South Arcot Dt.) -15. 

Note : The Caveat has to be entered that katu denoted different values at different 
times but circumstantial evidence could support more or less our equivalence. 
Please see f.n .52 in the text. 

Notes : 

1. In all about inscriptions. In quite a few inscriptions, the date is lost or is not available. 

2. S.I.f. f Vof. XXIV, No. 54 

3. Ibid., No. 55 

4. Ibid., No. 208 

5. For eg., please see S.I.I., Vol. V, No. 1356, Tiruverj;iyur 

6. Pf. see ARSIE,, No. 201 1919: Tribhuvani; ARSIE., 1922 No. 404 Madurantakam; of 1922 
ARSIE., 224; Tenneri; 5.7.7, Vol. V, No. 436, Tirunslveli. 

7. "The Cholas," Vol. II, pt. i, p. 51 (1937 Edn)-K.A.N. Sastri. 

8. No. 38 for e.g.; No. 54 gives it as 40 years. These should be taken to indicate that the 
lands were lying waste and unreclaimed for long and not specifically for tne number of 
years. The numbers refer to S.I.I., Vol. XXIV. 

9. Ibid., No. 59. 

10. On this please see the author's detailed study "Allur and Isanamafigalam Re-visited" * in 
"Svasti tfri," Dr. Chhabra. Felicitation Volume (1984) (Agam Prakasham, Delhi). Allur is a 
village, just two miles north-west of KaraikujLi lands belonging to drirangam temple. 

11. S.U., Vof. XXIV, No. 102 Linen. 

12. Ibid., No. 64, Line 12. 

13. Ibid . No. 64 Line 13. 

14. Ibid., No. 72. 

15. ARSIE,, 1918, No. 346-352 

16. Ibid.. No. 358 Parakesari - 3rd year. 
Ibid., No. 349 - Rajakesari - 6th year. 

17. Ibid., Np- 350 - One Karuma^ikkam Aditta Devan alias. Chediyarayan had a land 
assigned to himself in Karaiku^i village, the deyadana of 3 irangam temple in the 40th 
year of KuIottuAgal (1110 A.D.). Please seeS./,/., Vol. XXIV, No. 88. 



18. PI. see 5.7.7., Vol. XXIV, Nos. 111, 112, 113. Some plots lay even further north of the 
highway and to the north of Karaikudi habitat. PI, see No. 120, 

19. PI. see the boundaries in No. 85. On the eastern boundary of the plot sold, a land was 
already under reclamation. On its South, a parcel had already been reclaimed. On the west, 
there was wet-land held by the potters. On the north lay the riverbund of Cauvery, 

20. PI. see Nos. 72 and 87, ibid. 

21. Ibid.. 119 

22. Ibid., 99 

23. Ibid., 39 & 

24. Ibid. 65 

25. Ibid., Nos. 111, 3rd year of Vikrama Choja 1121 A.D. 113, 8th year of Vikrama Choja 
1126 A.D. ; 119, 13th year of Vikrama Choja 1130 A.D. 

26. These executive officers appear to have been officers appointed by the king and were 
frequently changed, unless there were more than one officer simultaneously in-charge. Their 
tenure appears to be for about 1 or 2 years at a time. Persons of the same name could 
be noticed again after an interval and if they were identical they had been resposted after a 
a break. The officers are either styled Brahmadirayan (Brahmin) or Muvenda V&\M (other 
than Brahmins). A tabulated statement of officers from the 10th (1080 A.D.) to 44th year 
(1114 A.D.) of Kulottunga I and from the 3rd to the 15th year 1114 A. D. of KuISttunga I 
and from the 3rd to the 15th year of Vikrama Choja 1121 to 1133 AD. is provided in An- 
nexure I, It will be an interesting study if we could have an analysis of the change in incum- 
bsncy, their tenure and their reposting and to trace the same officer's postings elsewhere. 
Likewise, it will be interesting to study the composition of the committees, and the incum- 
bency and get at their tenure the frequency of rotation of the same members and the identity 
of the persons composed in the committees over the corresponding periods. 

27. 577., Vol. XXIV, No. 59. 

28. Ibid., Vol. XXVI, No. 77. 

29. A price of one ksu for 1/2 ve/i in No. 72 and 87 appears to be exceptional. 

30. Ibid., No. 59. The four parcels totalling 1 veil sold at 2 kaiu in No. 119 also appears to 
be of this category as some of the lands were readily cultivable. 

31. S'll.. Vol. XXIV, Nos. 91 and 93. 

32. Ibid., Nos. 77 and 83. 

33. Ibid.. No. 32, 

34. Ibid., No. 86, 65 

35. Ibid., No. 68. 

36. Line 12, No. 55 ; also No. 54 

37. Ibid., No. 86 

38. e.g., No. 35 the text has a number of gaps and henoe this shoufd ortfy be treated as & SUrmlsl, 


39. No. 39. e.g., No. 119. 

40. Please see No. 33. The inscription is damaged. 

41. e.g., Nos. 29, 123 Kulottunga II - 7th year. The garden TirukkQraiparru appears to be located 
within Srirangam island. Also No. 147, No. KulottuAga III, 34th year. 

42. See Nos. 39. 59, 111 and 30 for Surabhlvi tagctm (I. 9) 

43. e.g.. No. 69, line 9; also No. 64 

44. e.g., No. 31. 

45. SI/.. Vol. IV, No. 512. Even as early as in the 4th year of Rijakesari, the Mdiauhhti of 
3rirmgam prohibited those who left the township (imndai) and no longer resident therein 
from- holding, cultivating and enjoying the dentdana and garden lands. Any transgression 
was visited with a fine of 25 Pan to be severally paid by the members of the committee 
(variyam) and the accountants (SII., Vol. IV, No. 51 6J. 

46. Vide Annexure II. 
47 No. 28. 

48. . g., ibid; also Nos. 33, 38, 39 and 55. Please see the wording "Kolai-kappu, xcnnlr vetti 
alladu matl'e-pper pattuduvum tavirndu". Korombu is added in Nos. 99, 111, among the ooli- 
gations to be rendered. 

49. e. g.. No. 28. 

50. /hid , No. 104. 

51. Ibid., No. 125. 

52 The argument assumes that the kaiu occurring in the inscriptions of different dates had identical 
value an assumption which is not without hazards and could hence be a weakness. Th.s could 
hence' be a weakness. This could bear a check. But circumstantial evidence could lend sup- 
port to this assumption. At any rate, so far as the grain-wages are concerned, this possible 
weakness could not vitiate their comparability. 

The kaJam. if not the totu. could more confidently betaken to convey the same value when 
used to express daily wages, but not the paddy totu nexus, as both the units >*"" 
and of currency could vary from area to area and time to time The need ,. henc. the 
greater to attempt a detailed history of the economic conditions from nw""** 
period to period within the same, reign, and region to reg.on. For even such penods 
there are fluctuations and short-term changes in the same reign. 

53. SII, Vol. V, No. 724. 


M. D. Sampath 

In recent years a number of inscrip- 
tions have come to light from North 
Kanara District, Karnataka, The existence 
of as many as five inscriptions in close 
proximity to one another at Chandavara 
in Honnavar Taluk of North Kanara Dis- 
trict was of considerable importance during 
the Kadamha times. It was the headquar- 
ters of a branch of the Kadamba family. 
The earliest of these lithic records is a 
slab inscription lying in the compound of 
Masnrker's house in the village Chanda- 
vara. 1 

Before taking up the discussions on 
this important inscription, I wish to ex- 
press my sincere gratitude to the Chief 
Epigraphist, Archaeological Survey of 
India, Mysore for his kind permission 
to publish the record in the pages of 
this journal. 

The writing consisting of forty eight 
lines in all is well preserved but for the 
last few lines. The language of most part 
of the record is Kannada verse and prose 
and the script is Kannada comparable to 
those found in the records from the 
neighbouring places in the Kumta and the 
Honnavara Taluks. They are regular to 
the period to which they belong. At the 
beginning of the record there are two 
Sanskrit verses in Annshtubh metre. 

The epigraph contains a few ortho- 
graphical errors. Su is written for $u in 
IwsivarasBla (line 11). The omission of 
aspirate in the- case of b in the week day 

of the date portion (line 33) may be 
noted here. 

The record opens with an invocatory 
verse in Sanskrit invoking god Nrisirhha. 

The epigraph refers to the >aka date 
in words. The term used is nu.ra-nalvatt 
azaneya. It is, obvious, that 'Savirada' 
is omitted. For, the palaeography and the 
internal evidence definitely takes the record 
to the period of 13th century. It v refers 
to the rule of chief Biradevarasa of the 
Kadamba family and is dated in the &ika 
year [1*]146, the cyclic year being Sva- 
bhanu, Chaitra 3u., 11, B[h*]riguvara. 
These details of date do not work out 
satisfactorily in the preceding or succeeding 
year. In the given cyclic year the tithi 
occurred on 13th April 1223 A.D., the 
week-day being Thursday and the month 
Vai Sakha. The cyclic year Svabhanu falls 
in the Saka year 1146 which was current. 
But the Christian date noted above might 
be taken as the intended date. 

The object of the record is to register 
the grant of lands by Kadarhba-chakra- 
varti Biradevarasa for the daily food-offer- 
ings to the deity Paripurna yoga-Nrisi- 
ihhadeva consecrated by Kirti Narayanit 
on the above date. It also records the 
grant of lands by Narana darhnayaka, made 
after purchase, for a price-value, from 
the different families of gayigas (cowherds) 
for the purpose of amga-ramga-bhoga of 
the same god. The last portion of the 
record is damaged and hence, details arc 


not clear. The extant portion states that 
the guilds like mumuridaihda, nanad~eai, 
etc., of [Banava*]se-12000 divison stipul- 
ated that a fixed measure from any corn 
sold in the market was to be made over 
for the food-offerings to the deity. 

The record happens to be a royal 
grant and the donor chief Biradevarasa 
is described with a long string of epithets 
and titles (11. 7-13), some of which are 
significant. The assumption of high-soun- 
ding title chakravartt proves beyond 
doubt that the chief must have enjoyed 
an indcpendant status. Just as the other 
members of the Kadarhba lineage, the 
ruler of the present record is stated to 
have borne a number of epithets, like 
Banavasipuravaradhlivara, Kadamba-chakra- 
varti, Mlayuravarmma-kulabhushana, Kada- 
rhbar-abharana, Jaycmtl- Madhuke&varadeva 
labudha-varaprasada, etc. He was a devotee 
of god Mahabala of Gokarna (Gokaraqa 
Mahabale&vara - divya - inpacla-padm-arddha- 
/ca). This ruler is further described as 
pardbala-sdJhuka, hutsivarabula, chaladamka 
Rama, nigalmka-malla, gamdara- davani^ 
kaligala-mogada-kai, subhata-chudamani and 
satyokti -kaminlldla. The titles Kadambar- 
abharana, BanavasipuravaradhUvara, etc., 
seem to associate the chiefs including BI- 
radeva with the Kadambas of Banavasi. 
The existence of a branch of the later 
Kadambas of the Banavasi stock who ruled 
from Chandavara, contemporaneously with 
the members of the main line holding 
power at Banavasi is referred to in. a 
number of Hthic records that are coming 
from Kekkar, Kumta, Haldipura, Malla - 
puru, KonaHi, Aunsalji, Hebbaranakere, 
Oundbal*, Chandavara, Ankola, etc. in 
* taluks of Kumta, Ankola and Honna- 

vara of North Kanaia District.'- 1 Takin- 
into consideration the several name-, refe- 
rred to in different epigraphs from the 
aforesaid places, Punchamukhi li.u stated 
that the Kadaraba family of CIumi:.varu 
was ruling from Sal, a 1000 to 114f> nwr 
the Honnavar region. 3 This family is ic- 
presented by about twenty-two inscripnons 
besides the new ones recently copied from 
Chandavara. The records from Gundhalv' 
which gives the genealogy of Malliile\a 
commencing from Chandra I are stated 
to have been dated in Saka 1063. He \\u% 
ruling over Haive-5CO, Konkaiui-900, Buin- 
vasi-12000 and Santaliye-1000 divisions on 
this date from his camp (nelevidu) at 
Siriyara. 4 

The record from KanagiP in Ankola 
taluk mentions the rule of Sivachitta 
Tribhuvanamalla. The date and other de- 
tails are lost. In a damaged inscription 
from Ankola," figures, three other Kadam- 
ba chiefs of which one is named Bvisa- 
videvarasa who was administering over 
Haive-5GO division. The name of the second 
chief is Kali[devarasal while the name of 
the third is lost. These chiefs are aUo 
found bearing the same titles as the ones 
borne by Biradevarasa of the present record. 
More noteworthy title which the chiefs 
figuring in the Ankola record had, is the 
epithet trilochana Kadath[ha*}. This record 
which is not far removed by date from 
the date of Chandavara record now under 
study is also in characters of early 13th- 
century. The connection between the chiefs 
Kalidevarasa, Basavidevarasa and the other 
whose name is lost cannot be made out 
for the present. The unknown ruler has 
been identified with Malhdeva. 7 It is quite 
likely that this chief was the son of Malla 



or Tribhuvanamalla and grandson of 
Kama II who is referred to in the Gu- 
ndbale record 3 Further, the Ankola record 
refers to a Kavadeva whose identity is 
not clear. The area Homnavara referred 
to here was probably being ruled by this 
chief. If this is accepted, we will have 
to presume that the administration of 
this new territory appears to have been 
held by Kavadeva, while Chandrikapura 
was the camping place of Biradevarasa 
whereform the earlier members of this 
branch of the Kadamba family started 
ruling. Honnavara was, therefore, never 
lost to anyone and reoccupied at any time 
as held by Panchamukhi. 9 The details 
given in the Ankola record at this juncture 
can neither be ignored nor the details 
can be made out. However, it may be 
suggested that the chiefs seem to have 
had a joint rule. 

It is interesting to note that the record 
from Chandavara mention the names of 
three chiefs viz , Kalidevarasa, Biradeva- 
rasa and VIra Kavadeva. 10 Of these, the 
two records of Biradevarasa are earlier 
in point of date, while the date of the 
records of Kalidevarasa and Kavadeva 
are little later. The hero-stone record 11 
of Biradevarasa found in a field in the 
above place is dated in the year Bahu- 
dhanya, Chaitra u 5, Thursday corres- 
ponding to 1219 A.D., March 21, f.d.t. .37, 
It states that he proceeded against Malli- 
deva of Gutti and in the course of a 
cavalry fight at Sujiyakere, a hero named 
Saleya-nayaka died. Not much is known 
about this ruler who ruled from 1219A.D. 
to 1223 A.D. 

The next member of this family figuring 
in a record from Mogta, Ankola Taluk 

is Sivachilta VIra ICavadevarasa. 12 This is 
dated in the third year of his reign, This 
year along with other details of date, Vijaya, 
Phalguna u. Padya, Wednesday correspond 
to 1234 A.D., February 1. It is obvious, 
theiefore, that he started his reign from 
1231 A.D. Though the titles panchamahd- 
Aabda, mahamaridale&vara, mahamahebvara, 
etc , are indicative of the subordinate 
position of the Kadaihbas to the Kalyana 
Chalukya rulers, Kavadeva started using 
his own regnal year. The gap between the 
last date of Biradevarasa and the accession 
date of Kavddeva is just eight years and 
hence, Kavadeva may be considered as 
the successor of the former. But their exact 
relationship is not clear. That this chief 
(Kavadeva) ruled for a period of 56 years 13 
i.e.* till 1287 A.D. is known from some 
other record. 

The only record of Kavadeva that is 
available from Chandavara is dated in the 
10th year of his reign. 14 Taking 1231 A.D., 
as the date of his accession, his 10th year 
would correspond lo 1241 A.D. It is tem- 
pting to suggest that the Naraija-damna- 
yaka or -Kirtinarayana of our record is 
identical with his namesake figuring in the 
record of Kavadeva. It is not difficult to 
'be sure about this identification, for the 
records referring to them are coming from 
one and the same place i.e., Chandavara. 
On the other hand it may be suggested 
that this dandanayaka continued to serve 
under Kama (Kava) deva also, atleast for 
about two decades after the rule of Bira- 
devarasa. The territory of Chandavara no 
doubt continued to be under the sway of 
the Kadambas of this branch. 

The principality that formed the 
territory of Kavadeva included an area 



of five miles south- east and ten miles 
north of Kumta in Kumta Taluk, the 
strip of west coast in North Kanara 
District and portion of the Sagar Taluk 
in Shimoga District. 15 These geographical 
references are known from the records 
of Gokanja plates of Kamadeva and of 
his namesake of the Kamba}ikoppa ins- 
cription. 18 

Of the two ancestors of this Kadamba 
viz., Vira and Taila, the latter is met 
with in both the records while the former 
Vira is known only from the Gokarna 
plates dated Saka 1177 (1256 A.D.), 17 It is 
known from this plate that the grand- 
father of Kama was Vira, a king who 
established his command on the heads 
of multitude of kings. It was from the 
place Chandavura that Kama, the donor 
of the plate also ruled. It is tempting 
to identify the Biradevarasa of our record 
with that of his namesake, the grand- 
father of Kamadeva of the Gokarna 
plates. The nearness of data, the place 
of his capital and other details does not 
stand in the way of establishing this 

In addition to the details known 
already, the record of Biradevarasa dated 
Saka [1*J146 (1223 A.D.) gives an additional 
information that KJrtinarayana was born 
to Soma and Chathdrarhbike. Also he was 
a brahmana belonging to Amgirasa-Gau- 

In the present record Biradeva is de- 
scribed as Virabhubhuja. As a great warrior, 

he styled himself as Ravi's son, as Ke- 
charadhipa and as Bhargava's son in valour, 
in enjoyment and in truth. The verse 
describing thus is an example of Sabda- 
lamkara. He had truth as his banner. 
Another verse states that he was very 
powerful in binding the nerves (naravam) 
and the intestines (kantla] of the enemies 
with twisted braide. The next sloka, of 
which the second half is little defaced, 
also praises his fame. That this was not 
at all a tall claim of Biradeva is proved 
by ihe praise showered upon his general 
Kirtinarayana in a fine Kannada verse in 
Sardulavikndita metre. 

We further learn that, to substantiate 
the claim alluded to in the preceding 
verse in Kanda metre, he donated lands 
for the purpose of food-offerings to his 
tutelary deity Nrisimhadeva. He is stated 
to have sent word to the gayigas (cow- 
herds) of the different families (the names 
of which are given) and got their lands 
in full settlement (mula-parichchhedav-dgi] 
after paying the money (arthumath-kottu) 
towards its value. The same which was 
in their possession or enjoyment was gifted 
to the deity as stated above. The bounda- 
ries of the gift lauds and the channel 
excavated by the damnayaka are specified. 
The names of the families (bali] of the 
gayigas viz., jadiya-ba\\, bekarana-bali, 
sirikuva-bali, kunyaluvana-bali, homneya - 
homna-bali and tailanayaka-basavana-bali, 
which are hitherto unknown, are of 
social interest. 

TEXT 18 

[Metres: Verses 1-2 Anushtubh; 3-5 Champakamala ; 6-7Kamda; 8 
1 gri Padpurna nrikesarine namahp*] nity-anamdamayam vamde paripurna nrikesarim 
Lakshml kucha- 


2 yugollasi vuksliesum bhakta rakshakam n [1*] Namas = tuniga-SiraiS-chumbhi'bi)- 

3 ve [i] trailokya-nagar-arambha mula-stambhaya Sambhave n [2*] 

4 [Samadhi]gata-pamcha-maha-^abda mahu-maheSvaram tryaksha-kshma sambhavam 
chatur-a^Iti nagar-adhishti- 

5 tarn lalata lochanam chaturbhuja jagad-vidit-a[pa]~da^-a^vainedha-yajna-dii<:sha- 

6 Imdra-[rumdra] bhujaga samsthapita fiila-stambha baddha madagaja maha &rl 
mahimabhirama Ka- 

7 damba-chakravartti Mayuravarmma-kulabhushana pemmatti turyya uirgvo(nirgho)^a 
(sha)nam iSakhacharemdra-dhvaja 

8 virajamana maii-ottumga simhvalamchhanam dattartthi kamchanam samara-jaya- 


9 Kadambhr-abliarna(raija) Banavasipuravar-adhidvaram Jayamti Madhuke^vara-deva- 
labu(b)dliavara-prasadam. ma- 

10 rkkoluvara-gamda gamdabamdara(na)n-ajjauasimga sahasottumga sahaja mrigamad- 
amodam Sri Gokarijii(karana)- 

11 Mahabajadeva dibya^rlpada-padm-aradhakam parabaja sadhakam husivara-sula(Aula) 
chaladamka-Rama niga- 

12 Jamka-malla gamdara-davaiji kaligala-mogada-kai subhata-chudamaiji satySkti-kamini- 
lolar ii- 
lS m=appa ^rima[t*]-tribhuvanamalla-pratapa vira-Biradevarasara vijayarajyam-uttar- 

ottar-abhivri(vfi)ddhi pravaraddhama- 

14 nam-achamd=arkka tarambaram Chamdrikapurada nelevldi-noju sukha-samkattra- 
vinodadim ra- 

15 jyam-geyvuttamire i husivara-sula(4ula)n-emdu nigalamka-mahipatiy-emdu 
na [i*]vasata Kadamban-emdu 

16 sale satya-patake nripHradran-emdu bani [i*hnisuvud-ilata!am parte(ri)du eamdara- 
. dayani-yam paramgana[i*] byasa- " 

17 na-viduranam negajda viranan-aliavaramgadavanam [3*] Ravijane Kecharadipane Bhfi 
rggava putrane virad-e- 



20 nya narapSlara homnaravam karam-gajim ' purikojvam (luvan)-negam hosedu mup- 
purigudida damavalliyo- 

21 [Julfl) i karula liiijilu(lva)galam samedu mujeya gutanian-alenattukelu(l) i biramda- 
raneyde bamdisane gam- 

22 dara-davani virabhubhujam " [5*] n ire vitana tare paritavatiya didrajagemdradi rahwn 
naiha tumga- 

23 baiji namgga hanamiti grihai^varyya aryya vicharyya bhamimnya bhu aribetya nija- 
pati . rama samprayo- 

24 . . . da chitkale ku[rbba]^inaiva sana jaghana bliurbham[gu]rah purttam-eva " [6*1 
tadlya rajya samuddharakam 

25 Kirtinarayaija-damdajiathana mahatvanamnte (vam-emte) [m*]dade n amit-odara-guna 
kalanidhi vi[fii] sht-Amgi-rasa- 

26 sya-Gautana-gotram dvij'a-rajan-attnajankam Somam sut-amnvayottame Chamdram" 
bike yenalu 

27 Narayanam [tajne putti mahichakram-aiiuddharippen-enutam Narayaijam puttidam n 

28 dharirji puvilram-adudu i varijasambhavan sapti sapta[ta] vedayti i charuguija mam- 
trim am- 

29 ^ana i Nai-ayana nimdavemdade nialiatvam [7*J jnanambhonidhi yogivrimdatilakam 
samduddha chidru- 

30 pi ni i tyanamdaprabhu sa(^a)^vatam matu nij-aradhyam mukumdam sure ' dranikar- 
chchita pada padma[rya]- 

31 gan-ajdam BIradevaip. dhari i tritnatham tanagemdodem piriya[na]-sat-Kirttiaaraya- 
ijam " [8*3 

32 a mahanubhavam tamma kuladeyva Paripurnna(na) yoga-Nrisimhadevaram sakavar- 
shada nuj-a- 

33 nalvatt-araneya Svabhanu samvachharada Chaitra su(^u)ddha yekada^i bri(bhri) gu- 
varad-amdu pratishte-yam 

34 majvudum-adevara nitya naivedyakke ^rimatu BIradevarasar-adevara badaga-dese ye- 

35 radu hajlad-edeya tamdasina . . ijadevargge dhareya neradaru mattam Naraua-dam" 

36 nayakar-adevara amga-bhoga-ramga-bhogakke ve[va]dikekara gayigar=appa [ja]diya 

37 ya bekarana-baliya bediverggade sirikuva-baliya kunyaluvana-baliya horn 


38 neya homiiLi-b4iya tailanayaka - basavana-ba|iya malachaiiimti-inibarumam kareyal- 


39 y-avarura holaaa maieya begaliya kelage temkana-sime moradi paduvana-sime hudu- 

40 kitiya halla vayabyada-sime hajlada kudalu badajalu yi&anya pariyamta damijaya- 
karu ka- 

41 ttisida nlruvariya vallmere agirdda samasta bhumiyau-a gayigarig-artthamam ko- 

42 ttu mula-parichchhedav-agi marugomda mu . ra kaiyal-adevargge varayi. 

43 . . birimda dhareya nerasidaru " Chamdavurada . . . gain bitta dharmma ga 

44 [Banava*]se pannirchchasira gudikomdu sakala mumuridamda nanadesi .... 

45 .... petheyal-avadhanyav-ajadadam kotta varalo 

46 kiya mele devara nivedyake yippanafya] 

47 ra nivedyake voppane (ya] 

48 sahita 1D 

Notes : 

1 A.R.Ep. ; 1380-81. No. B 

2 Prog, of K.R.I. Province, 1941-46, Pts. I and II, pp. 6-7. 

3 Ibid., p. 7. 

4 Ibid. 

5 B. R. Gopal : Minor Dynasties of South India : Karmtaka, p. 75 ; Kamatak Inscriptions, VoF VI 
No, 77. ' ' 

6 K.I, Vol. V!, No. 78. 

7 Minor Dynasties of South India : Karnataka, p. 75. 

8 Prog, of K.R.L, 1941-46, p. 7. 

9 Ibid. 

10 A.R.Ep., 1980-81, Nos. B. 

11 Ibid, No. B. 

12 KJ.i Vol. VI, No. 76. 

13 B. R. Gopal : Ibid,, p. 75. 

14 A.R.Ep., 1380-81; No. B. 

15 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXV! I, p. 160. 

16 Ibid., p. 159. 

17 Ibid., pp. 157 ff. 

18 From Ink impression. 

19 Macron over wherever required has not been used in the text of the Inscription [Ed-] 


P. V. Parabrahma Sastry 

In the eastern out skirts of Hyderabad 
city in Andhra Pradesh, on the right 
bank of the Musi river, a Prakrit inscri- 
ption has come to light recently, It is 
incited on a big boulder, b^low which on 
the wall of a small cavity a carved image 
of the God Narasirhha, locally known as 
Kosagundla Namsifhhasvami is being wor- 
shipped. The inscription has been noticed 
about five years back; but owing to the 
rough nature of the rock and light incision 
of the letters, no good estampage could 
be taken and it was descarded as useless. 
But again the residents of that locality, 
called Chaitanyapuri reported the matter 
to the Director of State Archaeology, 
Dr. V.V. Krishna Sastry. With the kind 
assistance of his staff members and the 
temple trustees I re-examined the inscri- 
ption in situ and prepared a tentative tran- 
script of it, which along with my observa- 
tions I place before the scholars. 

The letters belong to the late Brahmi 
type and although big in size, about 10 
to 15 cms., the incision is very light. 
The record runs into six lines. It is about 
three metres high from the ground on the 
hillock. It is interesting to note that there 
is yet anothar record in four lines, at a 
still higher part of the boulder, which is 
inaccessible. The letters exhibit certain 
features of northern Brahmi. The letter 
la is very similar to that of the Gupta 

records, which resembles na of the late 
period in the southern letters, It is also 
noticed in the Alluru Prakrit inscription 1 
of C. second century A D. The letters 
of the present record although basically 
belonging to that variety, are more developed 
particularly ta f medials a and e. Anusvara 
is represented in the form of a small 
cipher as in some northern records of the 
period, as against the usual southern pra- 
ctice of denoting it by a dot or the class 
nasal (eg. pdmdahul-avasam, 1. 1; piftda~ 
patika 1. 3 ; parampara 1. 4 ; safogha 
Govirhdaraja and gamdha,!. 5; samvasa, 
dhararh and thapitam 1. 6. Another feature 
seen in the record is that the anusvara is 
written by means of a dot not on the top 
of the letter on which it should be but on tke 
top of the proceeding letter. The bottom 
of the letters ka and ra is terminated with 
a small curved bend to the left but not 
elongated upwards as in the southern script 
of third century onwards, The medial i is 
just a crescent-like curve facing the left 
on the top of the letter. The letters ka, 
and ra and medial i, thus exhibit a marked 
difference from the Ikshvaku letters. They 
resemble those of the Alluru inscription. 
In the last part of line 5 one ka seems 
to be just a vertical line with the hori- 
zontal bar above the middle and the 
small serif at the top. This resembles 
almost the northern ka of the fourth century. 


1 Purimavi[4a]la Paclamhulavasarh 3 pu^hagiri 4 mahS- 

2 vihara patithapakasa Vasudeva giridamasa maha- 



3 vitaragasa [madaja] 5 Pimdapatika Daniadharasa" 

4 paramaparagatasa Bamradeva 7 [The]virasa 8 sisena Bhadamta 

5 samgha devena Goviddamraja 9 - viharasa gamdhaka chivarika 10 

6 . . ta-sela 11 samvasa dha(gha)ram 13 patithapitam [n*] 

The inscription is not dated. If we 
have to consider palaeography the letters, 
la, ha, da and ja are similar to those 
of those of the Aliuru Brahmi record 
cited above, which is ascribed to the 
second century A.D. The letter, ta looks 
to be latter in its form. When compared 
with the northern letters of the period 
the record can be assigned to a later 
period, say to the latter half of the 
fourth century A.D. In any case the letters 
do not seem to be later than the fourth 
' century A.D. 

The language of the record, although 
Prakrit in general, unlike other Prakrit 
records of the Deccan exhibits the influence 
of Pali, We do not come across any 
compound letter in the record, leaving 
the personal name Bamradeva in line 4. 
This feature also suggests' the northern 
influence particularly of the Pali language. 
Influence of Sanskrit is also noticeable in 
the words vltaraga, parampardgata and 
gamdhaka. This does not mean that the 
record" is totally "free from the local 
influence. A glaring example in this as- 
pect is the word Patfamhuldvasam in line 
1, instead of a word like Pandavavasam. 
Pandavulu is the Telugu plural form with 
which the compound is made with the 
word avasa to mean the abode of the 
Pan^avas, There was an aboriginal tribe 
know as Pan^avulu in the Telugu speak- 
ing area and probably in some other 
parts also. We notice certain places as 

Pantfavula-gutta and Pandavula-gullu attri- 
buted to Megalithic burials. So there is 
no wonder that the site either Pudhagiri 
or the place of the record was once in- 
habited by that ancient tribe. Or, the 
place intended in the record may represent 
the northern Buddhist site, named Patidava- 
parvata near Rajagriha where according to 
Suttampala (in Pabbajji-sutta) king Bimbi- 
sara met Bodliisatva. 13 In such case also 
the word Pdndavula -f avasa has its corrupt 
from in Telugu as Panduhnhi + civcisa, that 
is the avasa of the Pan^avas. Avasa in the 
Buddhist terminology means a place of 
retreat for the monks in the rainy season. 
It might be the intended sense of this 
corrupt word. Such corrupt forms are 
not uncommon in Tulugu, for example. 
Pad! 4- enu padihenu ; pad! 4- dm = 
padahdm etc. Similar in the word 
PnnQahulu, About Puphagiri, it can be iden- 
tified with Pushpagiri, the ancient place 
on the left bank of the Penna river in. 
the Cuddappah district, Andhra Pradesh. 

Coming to the inscription, according 
to the tentative text, it records that a 
stone residential cell (selasarhvasa-(gha}ra} 
was built for the use of the persons in 
charge of incense and clothes, attached 
to Govindaraja - vihara, obviously situated 
not far from the place of this inscription 
by a certain Bhadahta Sarfighadeva the di- 
sciple of (the ascetic) Bamhadeva Thevira, 
belonging to the line or school of the 
(Buddhist) mendicant Pin^apaiika Damn 



(or Varna) dhara, who again was a disciple 
of the great vitaraga Vasudeva Siridama, 
'the establisher of the Mahavihara at Pu- 
phagiri, the residing place of the Pandavas. 14 
The word puritnavididla occurring in the 
beginning of the inscription is not 

The vihara mentioned in the record 
Cdn be taken to be of the Buddhists, 
though it is not explicitly stated. The 
Word Pmdapatika is generally noticed in 
their writings. 

From the above it is understood that 
a great Buddhist vihara was established 
at Puphagiri by a certain Vasudeva Siri- 
dama, who was reputed as a Vitaraga, 
that is free from the evils of raga or 
attachments- It is not known whether this 
ascetic was a royal personage or a Bu- 
ddhist monk. It seems that the great 
vihara which he is said to have established 
at Puphagiri was probably near the Puri or 
capital, that is Rajagriha, if the identity 
of Pandabulavasa of the record with Pa- 
ndava - parvata is acceptable. Here I am 
not able to interpret the word viddla. 
Pa ndava- parvata as said before is a noted 
hill near Rajagriha, where according to 
Suttan'pata, Bodhisatva is said to have 
stayed for some days and king Bitnbisara 
met him there. If this view is acceptable, 
we have to assume that a vihara of the 
Theravadins affiliated to the mahavihara 
of Rajagriha, flourished in the vicinity of 
modern Hyderabad, in the early centuries 
of the Christian era. The influence of 
northern features in the script and language 
of the record also support this view. 

Prof. A.M. Shastry informed me that 
Pin^apatikas were a separate sect among 

the Hmayana Buddhists, According to him 
Devadatta pleaded with the Buddha to 
include Pindapata, who was living only on 
the food that can be obtained by begging in 
a limited number of houses, as one of 
the principles in the conduct of the bhikshus. 

The main importance of the inscri- 
ption lies in the mention of GSvi'ndaraja 
vihara. This stone cell is stated to have 
been set up for those who carry water 
for the bhikshus of that vihara. About 
the identity of Govindaraja, we know 
one king by that name in the Vishnukundi 
family from the two gopper plate grants 16 
recently discovered at Tummalagudem vi- 
llage which was situated about forty ki- 
lometers down the river Musi. In one of 
these copper plates Govindaraja is credi- 
ted with the installation of several stupas 
and vihdras all over the Deccan. 

prati-vishayam= ati-bahu-prakara-manoram 
-odara karmm-adbhuta-stupa-vihara-chu?t- 
sya ia 

He is also known from those records 
to be the founder of the independent 
Visbnulcundi kingdom and predecessor of 
Madhavavarman, the great. It is worth 
noting the attributive phrase applied to him 
in the same charter (set II). 

'Shadabhijna - pratiharya - adetan - anugra- 
ha-janita-Sugata asan-abhiprasadasya vibu- 
dha bhavana- pratisparddhi - Sobha-samuday 
ananta - brahma - punya-sambharasya maha- 
raja - ri - Govinda - varmanah 17 

He is also called Govindaraja in the same 
set. 18 So Govindaraja of the present record 
can be taken to be the founder member of 
the Vishnukundi dynasty. But, the pala- 
eography of the record poses some diffi- 



culty in accepting, this identity. The cha- 
racters as observed above even after allow- 
ing the possible marginal adjustment 
indicate a period not later than the fourth 
century A.D. The Prakrit language and Brahmi 
script of the record also support this 
view. Dr. S. Sankaranarayanan has placed 
Govindavarman I between A.D. 422-460 ; 1S 
and Dr. N. Venkataramanayya between 
A. D. 405-445. Now in view of this discovery 
it may not be altogether impossible to 
re-adjust Govindavarman 's initial regnal 
year to sometime between C. 375 and 380 
A. D. S and a rule of about forty years, 
with his closing date between C. A.D. 415 
and 420 A. D. His Tummalagudem set I 
might have been originally drafted in 
Prakrit language and subsequently re-wri- 
tten, in ornate Sanskrit kavya style. His 
son Madhavavarman II, the great, might 
have ruled till C. A.D. 475. It is not known 

when he married the Vakataka princess. 
As it seems to be a political alliance, we 
may not be wrong in assuming that he 
entered into a marital alliance with the 
Vaka^akas some time in the fifties of the 
fifth century, and by that queen, likely 
not pattamahishi, had his son Vikramendra 
I. So leaving some considerable ruling 
period to Devavarman, probably the son 
of the chief queen or pattamahishi and 
his son Madhavarman III, Vikramendra I 
might have seized power from the colla- 
teral line in the first decade of the sixth 
century A.D. and had a rule of fifteen 
years or so. Thus it may not be very 
difficult to re-adjust the Vishijukuij$i 
chronology. The early part of their chro- 
nology is only a tentative arrangement 
based on certain assumptions. The follo- 
wing scheme may be considered in the new 
light, with the appoximate dates indicated, 


Madhavarman II 

(C. 375-420 A. D. 
(C. 420-475 A.D.) 

(by pattamahishi) 

Madhavavarman III 
C. 475-505 A.D. 

(By Vaka^aka princess) 
Vikramendra I 
C. 505-555 A.D. 


C. 520-555 A. D. 


Vikramendra II 

Thus Govindaraja of the present record can be taken to be Govindavarman the 
founder member of the Vishnukundi dynasty. 




This record takes back the antiquity 
of Modern Hyderabad to the early cen- 
turies of the Christian Era as a Bud- 
dhist site of the Pindapatika School 
(of the Hinayana sect). There is a 
likelihood of its being affiliated to the 
mahavihara of Pandava-Parvata near 

The place Puphagiri can be identified 
H with Pushpagiri on the river Penna 
in the Cuddapah district of Andhra 
Pradesh. In one of the inscriptions 
of Nagarjunakon^a 21 a certain Bodhisiri 
is stated to have constructed a stone 
mandapa at Puphagiri. Recently a 
research scholar has reported in a 


local news paper about his discovery 
of a stupa on the hill Pushpagiri. 23 
The place become a popular religious 
centre in the Rashtrakuta period. 
There now exist a mafha of the 
Advaita School and some good temples 
bearing considerable number of ins- 
criptions of the medieval period. The 
reported stupa is yet to be thoroughly 

As the identity of GSvmdavarman, 
the founder member of the Vishnu- 
kundi dydnasty is acceptable, this 
would be the earliest record of that 
family. It would establish the origin 
of that family in Hyderabad-Nalgonda- 
$rrparvata region of Telangana. 

Notes : 

1 SVUOJ., Tirupati, Vol. XX, pp. 15ff. and plate facing p. 87. See also ARSIE., 1923-24, 
p, 97 and plate. 

2 From Photographs. I am thankful to the Director (Epigraphy,), Archoeological Survey of India 
for kindfy visiting the findspot and arranging to have the Inscription photographed. I am also 
thankful to him for several of his suggestions in the reading of the inscription. 

3 Read Paihdahulavasam. 

4 The correct reading is Puphagiri [Ed.] 

5 The correct reading is mafia [Ed.] 

6 The correct reading is Vamadham [Ed.] 

7 The correct reading is Bahmadeva [Ed.] 

8 The correct reading is Thivirasa [Ed.] 

9 Read Govithdaraja. 

10 The correct reading is gamdhakuti vSrikSna ima [Ed.] 

11 The correct reading is fn iidita sela. [Ed.] 

12 The correct reading is vamfii 

13 Dharmanda Kosambi, Buddha Bhagavan, Ch. V. 


14 The purport of the inscription is to record the establishment of a habitation on the hillock 
by Mita SflAgliadevft, the water bearer of the nUlihti of Govindaraja-vihara, who is 


described as the disciple of Bamhadiva Thivira of the lineage of Vasudeva Sirldama, the 1 
establishef of the great nlm on the Pushpagiri and wkMMMk Vainadhara [K, V, RJ 

iw A * 4 MW 

15 Ikiati, 1965, Jone, pp, Hff and July, pp,2ff, If. Mrta, Vol, II, pp. 411, 

16 4. Milieu, Vol, II, p, 16, II, 23-24 

17 M, p, 15, II. 4-6, 

18 Rp, If ,1,28 

19 Us FWijaWte ml Mi Tim, p, 13 


20 Miiikilmh (Telogy), pp, 2W5 

21 4, W, Vol, XX, F, 3, p, 22 

22 D CWcfe 1383, November 6, Sunday, 


IV! F. Khan 

Daulatabad, "the abode of wealth" is 
situated about 15 km. to the north-west 
of Aurangabad in Maharashtra State, 1 It 
is famous for its hill fort, which was one 
of the most strongholds both in design 
and construction, of the medieval period 2 . 
Now reduced to a small village, Daulata- 
bad was once the capital of Yadavas who 
ruled all the western part of Deccan during 
1210 to 1318 A. D. and it was then known 
as Deogir or Devagiri, "the hills of gods" 
and was famous for its prosperity and 
wealth. 3 

The first Muslim invasion of the Deccan 
took place in 1296 A. D., when 'Alau'd-Din, 
the nephew of Sultan Jalalu'd-Din Khaljl, 
attacked Deogir and Ramachandra Deva, 
the Raja of Deogir was forced to submit. 
'Alau'd-Din, returned back with imense 
booty. 4 In 1380 A.D., it was again attacked 
under the command of 'Alau'd-Din's gene- 
ral Malik Kafur as the Raja had stopped 
paying the tributes to the Sultan. But on 
making his submission and offering sump- 
tuous gifts, he was pardoned and officially 
installed as governor of Deogir with the 
title of Ray-i-Rayan. During the last days 
of his indifferent health, Shankara, the 
then Raja of Deogir asserted his indepen- 
dence and withheld the payment of tribute. 5 
Therefore Malik Kafur was again sent in 
1313 A.D. who killed Shankara and installed 
Kampala Deva on the throne. After passing 
three- ^ears Harapala proclaimed indepen- 
dence. Taking this revolt seriously, Qutbu'd 
-Din Mubarak Shah, the son and succes- 

sor of c Alau'd-Din Khalji marched towards 
the Deccan., attacked Deogir, killed its 
ruler and annexed this part of country 
finally to the Sultanate of Delhi. The next 
mention of Deogir was when Muhammad 
Tughluq changed its name as Daulatabad 
and made it his capital. He ordered all 
his courtiers and officials to migrate to his 
new capital from Delhi. 8 He built spacious 
bazars, laid out beautiful gardens, dug out 
step wells for the use of common people 
and erected magnificent buildings in a be- 
fitting scale. Thus Daulatabad enjoyed the 
honour of being the capital of India. Un- 
fortunately as the people suffered terribly 
and on account of the Mughal raids 
in north India, Muhammad bin Tughluq was 
compelled to abandon this city. Thereafter 
on account of wide spread disorder in 
the Deccan, the hold of Tughluqs over 
Deccan became loose and out of this, cul- 
minated the establishment of Bahmani dyna- 
sty in 1347 by 'Alau'd-Din Bahman Shah. 7 
Daulatabad remained under the Bahmanis 
upto 1500 A. D. when it was passed to the 
Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar. Under the 
rulers of Nizam Shahi dynasty, Daulatabad 
became their capital in 1607 A. D., but it was 
taken away from them by the Mughals in 
1633 A.D., after a long seize of four months ' 
After the downfall of Mughals, Nizamu'l- 
Mulk Asaf Jah, a distinguished general of 
Aurangzeb, the founder of the Asaf Jahi 
dynasty in 1724, transferred his capital from 
Aurangabad to Hyderabad making Daula- 
tabad an integral part of his dominion." 


Although Daulatabad remained under 
Muslim occupation for about five centuries 
but very few remains of that period have 
survived today. It is also a wonder to see that 
neglible number of Arabic and Persian ins- 
criptions have been found from Daulatabad 
so far. About thirty five Arabic and Per- 
sian Inscriptions were copied till now by 
the Office of the Superintending Epigraphist, 
Arabic and Persian Inscriptions, Nagpur. 
These inscriptions cover a period of nearly 
five hundred years from A.M. 722 (1322 A. D.) 
to A. H. 1270(1853 A. D.), and throw light 
on the history of Daulatabad. Of them the 
important inscriptions of Tughluq, and Baha- 
mams published earlier in the series of Epi- 
graphia Indo Moslamica and Epigraphia In- 
dica Arabic and Persian Supplement are 
described in this paper. 

The earliest inscription available in Dau- 
latabad is fixed on the southern wall of 
the tomb of QuttSl Shahld. 10 The text runs 
into eleven verses in Persian inscribed in 
fairly good Naskh. Jt records that during 
the reign of GhiySthu'd-DIn Tughluq Shah, 
a step welt was constructed in A. H. 722 
(1322 A.D.) by Thakkar Nanak son of Jagbir. 
As is evident from the text, the well was 
constructed for the purpose of providing 
drinking water to the public. The most 
interesting part of the epigraph is that certain 
conditions have been laid down for the 
people before taking water from, this well. 
For the interest of the scholars, the trans- 
lation of that portion of the text is given 
as under, "Those who desire to enter this 
step- well should walk bare-footed on the 
ground. They should not touch its water 
with unwashed hands and should not draw 
water with pitchers whose bottoms are 
smeared with mud. Since its water refre- 


shes the soul, they should not do gargling 
into it." 

The second inscription is of the time of 
Muhammad bin Tughlug. The inscriptional 
slab which was laying loose in the fort 
has now been kept in the Regional Museum 
at Aurangabad. 11 Its text which runs in to one 
line of Persian prose is inscribed in Naskh 
and states that a mosque was constructed 
in A. H. 733 (1332 A. D ) by Malikush- 
Sharq Saifu'd-Daulat Wa'd-Din akhukrbek-i- 
Maisara Qutlugh, Malik Safdar. Also men- 
tions that the work was supervised by 
Shad I, the deputy Kotwal of Deogir. The 
importance of this record is two-fold. Firs- 
tly it mentions the name of the city as 
Deogir though by this time it was rena- 
med as Daulatabad. It seems that the 
new name was not so prevalent. Secondly 
this record is the only source of informa- 
tion from where we could know full titles 
and designations of Malik Safdar though 
Diyaud-Diin Barni, the author of "Tarlkh-i- 
Fituz Shahi", mentions him in his list of 
officials. The epigraph furnishes us that 
Maliku'sh Sharq Saifu'd Daulat Wa'd-Din 
Qutlugh Malik Safdar was the trusted no- 
bleman and akhurbek-i-maisara (superin- 
tendent of the royal stable), 12 Another 
official ShadI, who supervised the constru- 
ction work, was the deputy Kotwal of 
Deogir as mentioned in the epigraph. 

The third inscription is also of the 
time of Muhammad bin Tughlug It is fixed 
on the eastern gateway of the enclosure 
of the Dargah of a celebrated saint of 
fladrat Nizamu'd - Dm at Kagzipura, a 
village about two km. away from the pres- 
ent Daulatabad. 13 This Kagzlpura must 
have been one of the localities of the then 



city of Daulatabad and famous for its paper 
making industry, but due to passage of 
time it has become a separate village. The 
epigraph comprising two lines of Persian 
prose in Naskh characters records the con- 
struction of a mosque at the instance of 
Maliku'l-Umara Ikhtiyaru'd-Daulat Wa'd- 
Dln Ulugh-i-A'zam Qubli Sultani entitled 
Nasmi'1-Mulk in the year A. H. 733 (1332 
A. D.}. The record is quite important as it 
has preserved the name and honorofic titles 
of one more important official of Muham- 
mad bin Tughluq, about whom little is 
known from chronicles of that time. Diya- 
u'd-Din Barni" mentions one Nasiru'1-Mulk 
Qubli who might be the same person as 
given in this record. 

Among the four Bahroani inscriptions, 
the first constitutes the earliest record of 
Muhammad Shah I, It is carved on the 
Central mihrabofthe Tdgah. 1B It consists 
of nine couplets in Persian inscribed in 
three lines, in Naskh characters. The epi- 
graph refers to the construction of an 
( Idgah during the reign of Muhammad 
Shah by Ulugh Qutlujh Bahrain Khan in 
the year AH. 760 (1359 A.D.). The builder 
Bahram Khan is no other than the trusted 
nobleman of Muhammad Shah. According 
to Tabataba, 1 " he was the king's sister's son 
but as per Farishta's statement he was like 
a son to the king. 18 He was appointed as 
a Na'ib-i-Arid of the royal army. The fort 
of Daulatabad was placed under his charge. 
It would be seen that the epigraph is a 
valuable record which furnishes informa* 
tion about an important nobleman of the 
Bahmani period. 

The other Bahmani inscription belongs 
to Aljmad Shah II, It is fixed on the 
southern wall of the mosque adjacent to 

Chand Minar. 17 It contains twenty one 
Persian couplets. The epigraph states that 
'Alau'd-DIn Ahmad Shah through its far> 
man issued from Bidar bestowed Daulata- 
bad to one of his favourite slaves, Parwiz 
son of Qaranfal. Accordingly Parwiz came 
to Daulatabad alongwith his brothers and 
took the administrative charge of the fort. 
He constructed a beautiful edifice which was 
completed in the year A. H 849 (1445 AD.) 
in a period of three years. The record 
provides us valuable information about the 
Minar, the duration of the period taken 
for its construction and the builder of this 
minaret ; hence it is quite important. 

One more inscription belonging to 
the same king was found on the main gate 
of the mosque situated at the foot of the 
Yak Minar. It is undated and contains 
only one Persian couplet in bold Naskh 
style. 20 The text invokes prayers for the 
happiness of the reigning king and expre- 
sses a wish that the edifice may prove auspi- 
cious for him. It is strange to see that details 
regarding the nature of edifice, the name 
of the builder and the date are not mentio- 
ned in the record. As the gate and the 
mosque seems to be newly constructed, 
it is possible that the praiseworthy edifice 
referred to in the epigraph is no other 
than the Minar. 

The last inscription also of Ahmad 
Shah II was found at Kagzlpura. The in- 
scriptional slab is fixed on the southern 
wall of the Masjid-i-Haud and consists of 
six lines in Persian prose in Naskh chara- 
cters. 81 According to the text the mosque 
situated on the bank of Zainasar was con- 
structed by the slave of the king. Malik' sh 
Sharq Malik Parwiz son of Quranfal in 


the year A.H. 861 (1457 A.D.) The record is us the valuable information about Parwlz 

important in more than one aspect. It gives son of Qaranfal who continued having 

the name of the tank on which mosque administrative charge of this region uptq 

was constructed as Zainasar. It was so called A.H. 161 (1457 A. D.). If it is so, Parwlz 

after the name of the celebrated saint seems to have been a.powerful nobleman 

Zainu'd-Din Shirazi who lies buried in who remained in one"" region upto fifteen 

A. H. 771 at Khuldabad. 23 It also furnishes years holding charge of Daulatabad fort. 

Notes : 


1 District Gazetteer, Aurangabad District (Bombay-1977), P. 964 

2 Sidney Toy, The strongholds of India (London-1957) P. 33 

3 Sherwani, H.K., History of Medieval Deccan, Vol. I (Hyd-1973), P. 79 

4 Firishta, Tarikh-i- Firishta, (Lucknow-1864), PP. 117-18; Radhey Shyam, "The Kingdom of 
Ahmadwgar, (Varanasi-1966) P. 5 

5 Sherwani. Op. Cit. 

6 Firishta, Op. Cit, P. 136 . _ 

7 Sinha, S.K., Medieval History of the Deccan, Vol. I {1964, Hyderabad), P. 29, Radhey Shyam, 
Op. Cit., P. 6 

8 Dist. Gaz , Aurangabad Op. Cit, P. 122 

9 Dtst. Gaz, P. 938. 

10 (ARIE.,) 1958-59, D43. 

11 ARIE., 1962-63, D113. 

12 Diyau'd-Dln Barani, TSrlkh-i-Pirus Shahz, (Calcutta-1862), P. 454 

13 Kid., P. 454, 

14 ARIE., 1958-59, D-52 ; EIAPS., 1957-58, P. 39, Pl.X(b) Bashiruddin Ahmad, Waqiu'at.i- 
Mumlakat-i-Bljapur (Agra-1915), P. 260. 

15 Barani, Op, Cit., P, 455. 

16 ARIE., 1958-59, D44 ; EIAPS., 1964. P. 22, PI.VII (b) 

17 Tabataba, Burhan-i-Ma'dthir (Delhi-1936), P. 29 

18 Firishta, Tarikh- 1 -Firishta (Kanpur-1884), P. 277. 

19 ARIE., 1958-59, No. D35 ; Epigraphia Indo-Moskmica 1907-08, PP. 21-22 ; Bashiru'd-dln 
Ahmad, Op. Cit., PP. 279-80 


20 ARIE., 1958-59. No. D36 ; EIAPS., 1964, PI. XII (a), P, 38. 

21 ARIE., 1958-59, No. D54 ; EIAPS,, 1954, Pl.Xtl (P. 38. 

22 Syed Sabahu'ddln Abdur Rahman, "Bazm-i-Sufiya", (1949-Azamgarh), PP. 287-88. Shaikh- 
Da'ud entitled Zainu'd-din was the son of Khwaja Husain He was burnt at Shiraz (i.e. Iran). 
He came to India & settled at Dalhi but he migrated to Daulatabad at the instance of 
Muhammad-bin Tughlaq. He was the disciple of the celebrated Saint Hadrat Shaikh Burhanud- 
din Ghasib. Malik Raja of Khandesh, the founder of the Fariiql dynasty had great reverence 
for him. He popubted Zainabad after his name on the other trade of the rvlvr Tapti 'near 


H. S. Thosar and A. A. Hingmire 

The present set of three copper pla- 
tes was in the possession of Shri M,M. 
Hadge, a resident of Barsi, district Sho- 
lapur in Maharastra. We are deeply indebted 
to him for making these plates available 
for study. It is a matter of great pride 
to note that this is the third successive 
new set of. copper plates provided by Shri 
Hadge since last three years. 

The plates are rectangular in size 
measuring 28 cms and 15 cms in length 
and breadth respectively. The plates were 
held together by a copper ring passing 
through a circular hole, having a diameter 
of 2 cms, The ring is lost The weight 
of the set is about 3 kgs. The plates are 
in a good state of preservation. 

As found in most of the cases, the 
edges of these plates are thickened and 
raised inside for the protection of the 
matter. The first and the third plates are 
inscribed only on the inner side, while 
the second plate is inscribed on both the 
sides. The first plate contains fifteen lines 
the second plate thirteen and twelve lines 
respectively on the obverse and reverse 
sides while the third plate contains thirteen 
lines. Thus the text contains altogether 
fifty three lines. 

The characters, belong to the Southern 
type of Brahml which was in vogue during 
the 8th century A.D. The script of the 
present charter is identical with the script 
of the Talegaon 1 and Bharat Itihasa Sa- 
thdsdhak Manual plates 2 of Rashtrakuta 
king Krishna I. The language of the grant 

is Sanskrit, but the rules of sandhi, vigraha 
etc. have not been strictly observed. Pro- 
minent mistakes such as omission of letters 
(lines 29,35) and repeating a verse in toto 
(lines 4 to 6) are noticed in the present 
grant. At the same time there are many 
scribal errors also. For example in line 29 
the place name Amarakantakarii has been 
wrongly written as Amarakamkata. The 
shape of letters varies at different places. 

As regards orthography va is used 
throughout the charter to denote ba. After 
r the consonants are invariably doubled. 
The letter ta is doubled before ra such as 
'gottra'. The dropping of the final visarga 
is frequent. Semi-Prakrit words such c va 
rishati' in lines 20-21 are found. The 
signs for half and full stops have not been 
used regularly. 

The object of the present charter is 
to register a village grant by Rashtrakuta 
king Krishnaraja I to a learned brahman a 
named 3ridharabhatta. The endowment 
was made on the occasion of a solar eclipse 
in the Jyeshtha Amavasya in the iSaka 
year 687. The name of the samvatsara has 
been given as ^ubhakrit-samvatsara. Accord- 
ing to Indian Ephemeris, Subhakrit-samvat- 
sara falls in 3aka 684, while the name of the 
samvatsara in $aka 687 was Vi^vavasu. There 
was a solar eclipse on the Jyeshtha Ama- 
vasya in aka 685, the name of the sana- 
vatsara being Sobhana. 3 The details of the 
date given in the grant will correspond 
to 4th June 764 A. D., the week day being 
Monday. 1 In spite of the discrepancies 


mentioned above in the date, the charter 
seems to be an authentic one. 

The grant opens with the well known 
auspicious symbol for siddham followed by 
an invocatory verse in praise of Vishtju and 
>ankara. Verses 2-15 give the genealogy 
of the Rash|rakuta dynasty from Govinda 
to Krishnaraia I and the description and ex- 
ploits of the ruling king. Verse 16 speaks 
of the king making the grant (brahmadeya) 
having thought of life as transient and 
worthless. Then follows the prose passage 
which give all the details of the grant. 
When the endowment was made, king 
Krishnaraja was on an expedition in Cen- 
tral India. It is stated that he issued the 
present charter from a vijayaskandhavara 
in Amarakantaka on the banks of the river 
Narmada. The present record seems to be 
a very important one as in no other publi- 
shed record Krishna's campaign upto the 
Narmada river is mentioned. Secondly the 
Bharat Itihasa Sarhs'Qdhafca Mandala grant 
dated 758 A. D. 5 is the earliest so far known 
record of this ruler. The Talegaon 6 and 
Bhandak 7 plates of the same ruler are dated 
in 768 and 772 A. D., respectively. Therefore 
the present record which is dated 764 A.D. 
ranks second in order of chronology 
among the published charters of Krishna I. 
Till the discovery of the Bhandak plates, 
Krishna's conquests into Central India 
were not known at all. The Bhandak plates 
were issued from Nandipuradv&ri, i.e , Nan- 
durbar in the Dhulia district of Mahara- 
shtra. 8 The present record reveals that 
Krishna had undertaken an expedition in 
Central India even farther right upto the 
banks'of the Narmada river and that too 
eight years bsfore the issue of the Bhandak 


The present inscription thus brings to light 
a new fact about the reign of Krishna I. 

However, the grant does not provide 
any information about the enemy against 
whom the expedition was undertaken. In 
this regard the following possibilities can 
be conjectured. Among the main adver- 
saries of Krishna, the name of Rahappa 9 
is mentioned in several Rashtrakuta records. 
The identity of this person has not been 
established so far. Dr. Altekar has sugges- 
ted that he might be Krishna's contem- 
porary ruler of Mewar. 10 If it is so the 
vijayaskandhavara in AmarakaJjtaka on 
the banks of the river Narmada from which 
the present grant was issued might be Kri- 
sbrga's camping place on way to Mewar. 
Besides Rahappa, one relative is also men- 
tioned in some records among the enemies 
ousted by Krishna I." The identity of this 
person is also yet to be established. Dr. 
Altekar has surmised his identification with 
Karka II of the Gujarat branch of *the 
Rashtrakutas. 12 This view does not appear 
to be convincing, because the relations 
between the Imperial Rashtrakutas and the 
Rashtrakutas of Gujarat remained cordial 
during this period. Even after this period 
the rulers of this branch continued to rule 
in Gujarat as the vessals of the Malkhed 
house. Therefore the relative ousted by 
Krishna might probably be from the Vidar- 
bha branch of the Rashtrakutas as nothing 
is heard about this branch after the pro- 
clamation of sovereignity by Dantidurga. 
Prior to it the Rashtrakutas of Vidarbha 
as well as the ancestors of Dantidurga were 
the subordinates of the Chalukyas of Ba- 
dami. 13 After the overthrow by Danti- 
durga a trial of strength among these two 
equals was quite probable. In this conflict 


the'Rashtrakutas of Vidarbha seem to have 
been completely 'Crushed and their territory 
incorporated into the Rashtrakuta empire. 
That is 'why no records of this family are 
fouh'd' after this -period'. 'Orithe 'contrary 
Krishna I and his Successors from the 
imperial Ime donated '' villages ' from 'the 
Vidarbha- region'. 14 ' Tii'e expedition referred 
td in 'thV present 1 grant niight^be' in this 
connection-' klso. ' ' ' ix '<">' 

- - The f ck>nee's name has been given as 
{srldharabhatta who belonged to the ICaS-? 
yapa-gotra and who was \ well-versed iji 
grammar,, (&abd-arthavedine), Veclaa .as, well 
as Vedanga. ,He was the son of ,R.avisvamin. 
who was a dvivefiji^iidsdmayajin and the, 
grandson of Duggaiyopadhy^ya, 

The present charter introduces' a hithero 
unknown division (vishaya) of- the Rfch- 

_*.'."' ' " ' ; * i . 

trakuta -empire 1 . It -is- Nijunautfa vishaya/. 
On the bads of phonetical similarity a,s 
well as the location of other geographical 
names mentioned in the present grant, 
Nigunaura can be identified' with Neknur 
in the district Bhir h] ' the] Marathwada 
region -of Maharashtra. Along with Nigu- 
naura-vishaya all other, placenames occurr- 
ing in the present record can be easily ar^d 
satisfactorily located in the' adjacent 'parts 
of "Bhir" 'and ' OSmanalbad ^districts. Th4 
Nigunaura-vishaya thus seems to have com- 
prised the, adjoining , parts ", of these two 
districts.' 'On 'the north it was bounded 
by ,pharaura- vishaya and Uppalika 300 and 
on the south by the Ivlurumba 'and i^anaka- 
vishayas. 16 , , ------ i 

The donated as well, as the b9undary 
villages along with the names of their modern 
equivalents are "as under. 18 " 

I.^No. Inscriptional name , , Modern equivalent , Taluka , District 

( .. 

1 , l 

orlt^j , -. a^agramai- j > .' 
3 KStesamvara-grama 

)U 4''" Vihilambagrama 
5 Karagrama " , 

6-, . .yayylagrama 
1 j Pdppalagrama 
.--8 - r - -Palidhara " ^'- ! 
9 Kuranganadi " " 

10. ^ T Yjiha^/Virak^" \ 

11 , , . M S^raijagrama _ 

12 Viralclravira: . \ 

13 SarolagrSma ' - 


Wadgaon-kalsambar- ' ! ' 
.Kala'sambar" ' 

YallkmGh'at ' '' . 
Karegavan- , ,, ., , 


Devrbabhulgaon , : , 
Pimrtelgaon ' ' - .'. . 

_ River to the north of Wadgaon 
, Hiyra Bk. , \ , . . - 


5 J 




SI. Nb'. ' '" Iritariplional name Modern equivalent " r Taluka Districl 

14 r - Vakkadagfama ', \ Wakdi- '.'-. ' Kallam ""/Osibanabad 

15 Junavali Junoni " Oiinanalad '",," 2 

16 . Amarakanta'fca. 1 ' . - Amarkantaka ' . o , . M. P. 

17 N armada Narma'da river .-- - - - ... 

Besides the endowment ' of Vafagrama was the s'ame ; India -.who -tad composed 

and Ka]asamvaragrarn,a-to Sndharabhatta, , r ,the Talegaon 17 and the 'Bharat Itihas^ 

the present record also registers land grants "SamSodhaka Marsala plates of Krishria 18 ! 

by Krishnaraja to. other 120 bnalimanas. and the Samangailh grant of Dantidurga 19 . 

1 ' '*'' xali - Taradeva, ' the 1 son of Vatsaraja was the 

The composer of the present grant engraved. - 

TEXT 20 

- . '-' 1 ! .' i." ..." . - ' i j r I ''j ' ' ' ' ,' 

[Metres: verses 1, 7, 17-18," 20-22," 24 Anushjubh ; verses 11-14, 16 ^rys; verse 15 

Aryagiti \ verse 19 Indravajrd ; verse 6 (//// ; " verse 26 Pushpitagra ', verse 2-5 8 
Vasantatilaka ; verse 10, 23 Surdulavikridita] 

-i, r - ^ ;;.' _ - r . . - ^, 

FIRST i JPLATB . , f u - : , 

1 ,Sidd,ha.m ai ;II*] Sk. vd=vyads= Vedhasa dharaayan'-nabhikamalam kritam IL(l') Hara^=- 

cha yasya Ka[m]tendu kalaya kaifi=a'larfakfitaA(tamr " [1 "*3 Asi[d*]=dvishat - 
tirni,- -, . , . 

2 ram = udyata - mandalagro dhvastin=nayann= 'abhiraukho 'rana'-' 5arvvarishu"i'bhupah 

c=.iv==^pta- digasta(nta) -kirttir=gGovimda" 

3 Raja iti rajasu raja^sim'ghali [2*1 Tasy=atmaj5 -jagati Vifrtita-dlrgha . kirttir= 
, -artt==artti - hari - Hari - vikrama-- dhama dha - , 

4 ri[l*] bhupas=trivishtapa 22 - nripanukritih kptajnat ^ri - Kakkaraja iti 'gottra - 
.. , maijir=-vy ! abli j avah{-va) "[311*].. Tasy=satinajo: jaga 

5 ti vi^ruta dirgha - kirttir=artt=artti - hari - Hari-vikrama - dhama - dhari i bhupas= 
trivishtapa.^-nrip-^nulcnititi kritajjaa^ iri-,. i,.v i- M.- . 

6 Kakkaraja iti gottra - maijir=vvabhuvali (va)[4n*3 3:> Tasya prabhinna^'karata- 
chyuta 7 d^pa lTj danti - 0aqta ? pijaftpra - ruchir - 51U - ., j . -- 

7 khit - amsa-plthahi[l*] kshmapa^ kshitau kshapita- !t &trur=abhut=tanujah sad'- 

Tasy=6 - 


pSrjita- tapasah tanayas=chatur udadhi valaya - malinyah [1*] bhokta bhuvafci 
Satakratu - sadri^alj in Da - 

9 ntidurgga- rajo=bhut [6"*] yasy=ajau raja - simghasya vittrasta vairi - varariati 
sval=laja 24 stambham=unmu - 

10 lyd jnayante kv=api no gata[h*j n[7*3 Kanch - i^a-Kerala - nna(naJradhipa-Chola - 
Pa^ya - 5riharsha - Vajrata - vibheda - vi - 

11 dhana daksham Karnnatakam va(ba)lara=anantam=ajeyam=anyair=bhrityaiti 
kiyadbhir=api yah sahasa jigaya "[8"*] A - bhruvibham- 

12 gam==agrihita - ni^ata - ^astram=ajnatam=apranihitajnam=apetayatnam[l*] yo 
vallabham sapadi darida - valena ji - 

13 tva rajadhiraja - parame^varatam= avapalj(pa) !i[9*] Asetor = vvipul - opal - avail - 
Ha(Ia)sat - Io(llo)l - 6[r*]mmi - ve - 

14 1-achalad-a praleya - kalamkit - amala - $il jala[t*] - tushar - achalat [i*] a purvv - 
apara - varira - 

15 6i - pulina pranta - prasiddh - avaddher=yen=eyam jagati sva - vikrama - va(ba)len = 
aik - atapattra(ttri)krita^(ta) n[10n*] 


16 Tasmitn^divath prayate Vallabharaje kshata - praja - vaddha[h*i] in - Kakkaraja-su- 
nur=mmahipatihi Krishijarajo=bhut "[12"] ya - 

17 sya sva - bhuja - parakrama - nih^esh - otsarit - ari - dik - chakrath i Krish^asy= ev - 
akfish^am charitam ^ri - Krishnarajasya n[12*] 

18 Subhattuipga - ttumga - turaga - pravriddha - ret? - urddhva - rudha - ravi - kiraijam i 
grishme c pi nabho nikhilam pravri^kalayate spa - 

19 shtarfi(tam) [1 3 "*] Ud[d]ama - darppa - nirbhara - mahSvala - prachalitasya bhu - 
pjish^e f Saknoti ko niroddhuri) prasararh vara - nna(na)ra - 

20 samudrasya [14*.i] Dm-anatha-praijayishu yatheshta-chishtam samihitam=ajasrain i 
tatksha?jam= Akalavari - 

21 sh5 (Akalavarsho) varshati sarvv - artti-nirmmathanam(nam) n[15*] yena niia-raivam= 
iarjitam=aneka-bliupalam palita - 

22 m=anantaih[l*]gri - Rashtrakuta - santati - chudamatji - Krishna - rajena iri6*n] Ten - 
edam=anila- vidyu - ' 

23 [t*lchamchala.jivitam=asaram . kshiti - dana - parama - punyah pravarttite 
brahraadeyo=yam(yam) n[!7ii*] * ^ IdV llLluo 

24 Sa cha pj-ithivivallabha - maharajadhiraja parame^vara - paramabliattkara - Akalava- 


25 rsha - ya6o 25 - mahanidhifc Sri - Krishijaraja - devak i sarvvann=eva rashtrapati - 
vishayapati - gra - 

26 ma - vu(ku)ta 2 " - mahattaradim(n) samajnapa[ya*]ti astu valj samviditatfa yatha maya 
mata - pitror=a- 

27 tmanaS=scha puijya - ya^o - vriddhaye i gak'a - nyipati - samvatsa[ra*] - ata - shafke 

28 $ubhakrit samvatsare i Narmada tat " avasita vijaya - skandhavare sadhita - 
Mahe^vare 27 


29 Jyeshtha - masi Amavasyayam Surya - grahe(ha)[ga*j - nimittam gate Amarkarh- 
katam 28 sri Vallabharaje - Niguija - 

30 lira - vishay antarggatah Vata - gramah Kalasamvara - grama dhana samopeta i 
yasya purvvato Khadaka 29 

31 Virakaravira 30 1 agneyyam di^i 31 Saiyalasarola - grama|i i dakshiijataliL Vihllamva 
gramalj i nairttyarh (nairittyam) Nigu 

32 nauram ' pa^chimata^i Niguija[u*jra -pravrita(tta) Juqiavaijiyaka 32 gata vata eva I 
uttarato Kuramga- 

33 nadi" Kara-gramaj=cha i Nigupiirasya ajiieyarh di^i Vakkada 34 - grania^ Kinihika 
Saraijama 35 gra - 

34 madhana dvayena saha i yasya purvvato Vrihadvirakah i dakshinatalj Vavula - 
gram5 Pippala 36 - gra - 

35 ma6=cha i pa$chi[ma*]tab Pani(li)dhara 57 uttarato i purvva - lli(li)khita - Vihilamva- 
gramah ' 

36 Evaih chatur - aghat - opalla(la)ksliitam grama - panchakam i Duggaiyopadhyaya 
pauttraya ' Ravisvami - dvive - 

37 da - Soma - yajina - puttraya ' a^esha - 6abd - artha - vedine veda - vedaifaga-paragaya 
mahasatvaya ' Kadypa - 

38 sa-gottraya 38 Sridhara - bhattaya i purvva - bhujyaman a eva in - Vallabha-rajena 
apratigrahaka iti matva 

39 tebhyo gramebhya^ ^asanam dattam tena cha vith^aty==uttara~ ^ata - brahmaije- 
bhyalj veda - vedamga - para - 

40 gebhyaft*] gruti - smriti - vihita - karmanushthana - parebhyal? dyuta - chourya - 

gamana - nirddha|ana - pa - 



41 rebhyah llo(lo)k - ottarebhyah pratipaditam n Achata - bhat - apraveSam raja(ja) - 
va(ba)dha-rahitam bhurai - chhidra - nyayena prati - 

42 paditam sa cha asmad vamSyair = anyair = vva svadaya - nirviiesham pratipalam- 
yah i Uktatn cha bhagavata vedavya - 

43 sena Vyasena i Va(Ba)hubhir = vvasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar - adibhilji ' yasya 
yasya yada bhumis = tasya tasya tada pha - 

44 lam(lam) [18ii*] Sva - dattara para - dattam va yo hareta vasumdharam [1] shashtim 
varsha sahasraiji vishthayam jayati krimilj ' [I 19*] yan - iha 

45 dattani pura nna(na)rendrair = ddanani ddha(dha)rmartha - ya^askaraiji [l*]nirmmal- 
yavantam pratimani tani ko nama sadhuh 

46 punar-adadlta ii[20"*] SvaA datum sumahach - chhakyarh du^kham = anyasya 
palanam I dSnam va palanam v = eti dana - 

47 ch - chhriyo - nupa]anam(nam) n[21*] Shashtim varsha sahasraiji svargge modati 

' achhet[i*]a ch = anumanta cha ta - 

48 ny-=eva narake vaset [22n] Tataganam sahasra(sra)ai aSvamedha-Satena cha ['*] 
gavam koti-pradanena bhumi-hartta na 

49 ^udhyati [23n*] Ya[Jj*] sampatbhir = anudhya(ddha)talj para~hita-vyasam[gi*]nl 
ya[sya*]dhir = yya(ya)stan = v(mm = v)apy = upakarttum = itya(chchha)ti suhrid = var 
ggasya ka- 

50 stha(shtha) dhane i Ten = Endreijta nna(na)rendra-vrinda-sahitah 
ajnaya prity - edam lli(li)khitaih tad = ummta-yaSalj pro- 

51 dbhasanam ^asanam n[24*] Utkirijam Taradevena Vatsarfijasya sununa I ddha(dha)rm~ 
adharma-vidhijnena sarvva-satvopa 

52 kariija ii[25*] Itikamal-dal-atnvu-vimdu-ll6(lo)latt iriyam = anuchimtya manushya- 
jivitath cha i sakalam = idam = uda- 

53 hntam cha vu(bu)ddhva na hi purushaifai para-kirttayol>(y5) vilopyal? f26*J] Nam o 

Notes : 

1 Ep, Ind., Vol. XIII, pp. 275-82 

2 B.I.SM.Q., Vol. VIII, No. 3, pp. 165,173 

3 Indian Ephemeris, by S.K. Pillai, Vol. I, pt. II, pp. 126-131. 

4 Ibid. 


5 BJ.S M.Q., Op. Cit. 

6 Ep. Ind.. Vol XHI. pp. 275-82 

7 Ibid., Vol. XIV, pp. 121-130 

8 Ibid 

9 A.S. Altekar. Rash traku tax and their limes, p. 43. 


1 Ibid. 
1 1 Ibid. 
1 2 Ibid. 

, _ ^,^. g^ 

13 Thosar & Pathy, Bhindiion plates of Rashtrakuta Karkkaraja, Piatisifutn 

afcrt TTTCr \/nl y nn 30 ff. 

afso JJ3SI.. Vol. X, pp. 30 ff, 

afso JJ3SI.. Vol. X, pp. 30 ff, 
Bhandak plates of Krishna I, Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV, pp. 121-130 

, , , i A // U r<i/ zeoeraphy and ethnography of AtaraihwaJa fun- 
H.S. Thosar, Studies in the historical & cultural geograpt / 

published thesis) _ . 


17 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, PP. 275-82 

18 B.I.S.M.Q., Op. Cit. 

19 7m/. j4n*.. Vol. XI, p. 111. 

20 From impressions 

21 Expressed by a symbol 

22 Read trivishtapa v 

23 This verse is engraved twice by the scribe by mistake 

24 Read tal-lajja. 

25 The correct reading is tyaga [Ed.] 

26 The authors have not read this word. 

27 The authors have not read this word. 

28 Read Amarakaihtakarh 

29 The authors have not read this word. 

30 The correct reading is 0M [Ed ] 

3a The C0rrec t reading is Aiyawpodolla [Ed.] 

~* ronriina is JnanavSifiyaka [Ed.] 

32 The correct reaamy - 

33 Thd correct reading is Kuda^-na* [Ed.] 

34 The correct reading is ChaW ^ {] 

35 The correct reading is Kinihiid 

36 The correct reading is Vaghapa tE 

+ ,oaHina is PSniySaa Lt'J'J 

37 The correct reaamg i= . 

O * ' * B __ frntfytl VH I tCI i J 

38 The correct reading is 5py*- 


Ajay Mitra Shastri and Chandrashekhar Gupta 

We published a paper on the Masoda 
copper-plate charter of the Vakataka king 
Pravarasena II in Vol. X (pp. 108-116, pi. 
VIII) of this journal. The transcript of 
this epigraph was prepared from the original 
plates some seven or eight years ago. But 
while finalising the text for the pre,ss we 
had no access to the plates and had to 
depend on the estampages of the plates 
in our possession. Due to some mechanical 
defect the portion of the estampage of 
the last plate containing the date was 
heavily inked and consequently the fourth 
letter of the relevant word mentioning 
the year could not be read out satis- 
factorily, and depending on the mee- 

tion of Senapathi Katyayana, who 
is also referred to in the Pattan plates 
of the twenty - seventh year of the same 
king, we proposed to read this word as 
ekn(ko)[natriiht:a]d, i.e., 29, and accor- 
ingly assigned this charter to the twenty- 
ninth year of the reign of Pravarasena II. 1 
This portion has, however, come out very 
clearly in the photographic illustration of 
the plate accompanying our article, and 
the word in question can be read as 
ekunavim&ad (correctly, ekonavim&ad) in- 
dubitably, and accordingly the plates in 
question were issued in the nineteenth, 
not twenty-ninth, year of Pravarasena IPs 

Notes : 

1. JESl, x, p, 114, text. Fine 48 & p. 116, note 39. 


M, J. Sharma 

The inscription was found engraved 
on a hero-stone standing slantly near the 
tank in front of the Panchayat office at 
Paja in Mundgod Taluk of North Kan- 
ara District, Karnataka State. The stone 
slab has four panels of which the top- 
most one, contains the inscription with 
four lines while the other three panels depict 
the usual battle scenes, death of the hero 
and his attaining heaven. The centre por- 
tion in between the inscriptional lines, is 
occupied by a figure of a lotus with sixteen 
petals. 1 The surface of the stone parti- 
cularly the inscriptional portion, is much 
exposed to the weather and hence the letters 
are worn out and damaged in some places. 
The inscription 3 which was copied by me 
during 1972-73 is edited here with the kind 
permission of the Director (Epigraphy), 
Archaeological Survey of India, Mysore. 

The script and the language of the 
inscription is Kannada and it is engraved 
in characters of about the later half of 
the 8th century A. D. 

The inscription, at first, refers to a 
Kattiyarasa who was ruling over the earth 
(prithivl-rajyaihgeye) and then states that 
when [Padeyejrara Sirimara attacked Pin- 
galimoge, a certain ri Dhurtta [son of] 
Dhurttagamiga attained heaven after killing 
Bachchara-ballaha Kaljama. The stone is sta- 
ted to have been erected by a person whose 
name is not clear. 

The name Kattiyarasa is not new. In 
the Godachi 3 plates, Kirtivarman I of the 

Chalukyas of Vatapi was known by the 
name as Katti-arasa (Ranavikrama-Dharmma 
-maharajasya Priya-tanaynh Katti-arasa na- 
madheyah meaning Katti-arasa as the favou- 
rite son of Ranavikrama Dharma-mahaiaja 
i. e. Pulake&n I). But, Kattiyarasa of the 
present inscription cannot be identified with 
Katti-arasa i. e. Kirtivarmman I (c. 566-578 
AD,) as the characters of the present ins- 
cription belong to a later period i. e. 8th 
century A. D as stated above. Hence, this 
Kattiyarasa who is stated as ruling over 
the earth may suitably be identified with 
Kirtivarman II as palaeographically the 
record suits to his reign i. e. 744-757 A.D. 
Kirtivarman II was also known by similar 
names 'Kattiyara' or TCatyara'. The Di^gur 1 
inscription states that while Kattiyara was 
ruling over the earth, a certain Dosi was 
governing the Banavasi Twelve Thousand 
province. Another contextual reference to 
him as Katyara was found in an inscrip- 
tion of the later Chalukyas of Kalyana from 
Bimra, 5 Deglur Taluk, Nanded District, 
dated in Chalukya Vifcratna year47(U22A.D.) 

Of the names occurring in the inscrip- 
tion, Dhurtta-gamiga and Bachchara-ballaha 
Kajjama draw our attention. The former 
one recalls a resembling name Dhutta- 
gamini,* the name of a king of Ceylon. 
While in the other name (Bachchara-bal- 
laha-KaJJama) the two words Bachchara and 
ballaha when sauskritised read as Vatsa 
and Vallabha and the resultant meaning 
will be as Kaf Jama, the king (vallabha) of 


theVatsas, So far, there are no evidences the reign of Kirtivarman II, though refe- 

to show that any king of the Vatsa country rences regarding them are found during 

participated in any battle or a fight during the period of Dhruva, 7 the Rashtrakuta king. 


1 Svasti iii Kattiyarasan-prithivi~rajyarlgeye Pade[ye'rara Sirimaran 

2 Pingalimogeyan-e[lidu](erik)koivalii Dhuiltagamrgana-magaiHca . . 

3 &i Dhurttaa-Bachchara-ballaha KSJlamana erjdu svarggalayakk-eridon 

4 tavim kotta ka[lla]n-iridon. 

Notes ; 

1 See for a partial lotus figure engraved at the top of the A^iir inscription of Kirtivarman II, 
in Karnatak Inscriptions Vol. I, pp. 4-8 and plate. 

2 AR.Ep,, 1972-73 B.79. 

3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 59 ff and plate. 

4 Ibid , Vol. VI pages 252-53 and plate, 

5 S. H. Ritti and G, S. Shelke : Inscriptions from Nanded, No. 23, pages XXXIV and 39. 

6 H. Parkar : Ancient Ceylon, pages 330-31 and Rasanayagam : Ancient Jaffna, Pages 68-70, 

7 Fleet : Dynasties of Kanarese Districts, pages 393-94. 

8 From impressions, 



H. R. Raghunath Bhat 

That there has been a socle-cultural 
tradition of erecting epitaphs with or with- 
out inscriptions or sculptural representations 
may be substantiated by a number of 
inscriptions and memorial sculptures in the 
BaJligave - Banavasi region. A wall (label) 
inscription along with an interesting relief 
sculpture of a couple, which has been rece- 
ntly discovered during my field work at 
Baljigave in Shikaripur taluk of Shimoga 
district (Karnataka) represent yet another 
addition to the long list of memorial inscri- 
ptions and sculptures so far noticed. 

The inscription in three long lines is 
found engraved on the lower part of the 
left or northern wall of the garbhagriha 
of the Kalikadevi temple, which by itself 
is of absorbing interest because of the 
icon Graphical peculiarities. 1 It occupies 
an area of 86 cm. by 12 cm. The first 
two lines are shorter than the last Hue. 
The size of the letters varies from about 
2.5 cm. to 3.5 cm. in height. The 
conjunct letters like Sn ({.*) is of 5cm.. 


The characters are neither boldly en- 
graved nor exhibit the perfect alignment in 
the mode of writing. Though not dated, 
on grounds of palaeography and the struc- 
ture of the language of early medieval 
period, the inscription is ascribableto 1243th 
centuries. The language of the record is 
(nadu] Kannada and the text is in prose style. 
The whole inscription is in the form of only 

one long sentence. It is not dc\ok! of 01- 
thographical errors here and there. 

The present record may be consider! 
as a commemorative- cum- memorial ascri- 
ption. It records at the fir>t insi.ince tle 
death of Ekadamaroja, son of Kahclri -ant 
Majqja of Baljigave. In the second iiiv 
tance, the inscription purports to record 
the erection of the figures (jmitimc] of 
Ekadamaroja and his wife (name not men- 
tioned), who probably performed sitti and 
died along with her beloved huslund (sdha- 
gamana), by their daughter Vinuyavve, in 
the temple of Kalikadevi. Along with and 
on the top of this inscriptiona! reference 
to the couple, the relief sculpture of Ekada- 
maroja and his wife is equally interesting. 

Both the husband and wife are seated 
side by side in padmantinn with folded kinds 
in great devotion, The rigat side jiiLt or 
projected &HJia, well buiH pliyMt-jue uhd 
moderate ornamentation and line jewellery 
are specially noteworthy here. Howe\er, 
these figures of husband and wife lack ex- 
pression. Added to it the faces are slightly 
worn out. 

The ri^ht or southern wall of the 
garbhagriha of the same temple contains 
another relief sculpture of a couple. The hero 
is seated in pudmasanu with folded hands 
and by his left side is seated his wife in 
the similar pose, showing her devotion to 
Kaji. Both these figures on the ryht and 
left walls of the garbhagriha appear to have 


been associated with Kalikadevi temple in 
more than one way. 

Incidentally it may be mentioned here 
that Kalikadevi temple by itself is one of 
the unique monuments of Bal}igave from 
the point of view of composite iconography 
of Kaji and its association with the co- 
mmunity of Panchalohadhipatis particularly 
the family of Maloja, a prominent Kan- 
chagara of BaJJigave. He has been described 
in two of the inscriptions on the doorjamb 
and pedestal of the main deity of the 
temple as Balligave nagarada putra (worthy 
son of the Ba}]igave city), Mahanagara- 
da magarh (the son of the great city). 2 The 
wall inscription, in question, is also related 
to Maloja's family in the sense that it 
records the death of Majoja's son Eka- 
damaroja and his wife (name not known). 
The cause for the death of these psrsons 
have not been specified in this epigraph. 
But the reasons for inserting the relief 
sculptures of these two great personalities 
on the wall of the Kalikadevi temple appear 
to be obvious. It was built or rather re- 
built in stone by Kanchagara Maloja of 
Baljigave as evidenced by the temple record. 
Kali happens to be the family deity (kulade- 
vata) of Panchalohadhipatis, to which com- 
munity Maloja belonged; not only that 
Maloja built or rebuilt the Kali temple but 
continued to maintain the temple as stated 
in the inscription. 3 Tne prominence or the 
social status of Maloja is indicated in such 
expression as Balligave nagarada putra and 
mahanagarada magam He is also described 
as Manikojanaliya ( son-in-law of Manikoja), 
To these known genealogical details are 
now b^ing added the following facts and 
figures in relief provided by the recently 
discovered inscription: 



Kancha^ara Maloja 


Ekadamaroja-wife (name not known) 



Thus the association of the community of 
Panchalohadhipatis particularly the carpen- 
ters and goldsmiths with the Kali shrine 
continues even to this day. They repre- 
sent the officiating prierts of the temple 
on special occasions like raihotsava (car 
festival) and other parvas. But the associa- 
ted family-deity is iconographical curiosity 
in so far as the composite relief sculpture 
which include the three faces with kin fa 
depicted to the right of Kali, seated Gaija- 
pati to her left side and most curiously the 
relief sculpture of sacrificing elephant. 4 These 
kirifadhari faces may be taken as Indrasena, 
Rudrasena and Bhadrasena, three celebra- 
ted sculptors known as " Kanchiviras" as 
described in a Kannada kavya know as 
Kanchipurana. Further study of the Kanchl- 
purdria. as well as the study of the icono- 
graphical details of Kali temple may throW 
light on this unique composite sculpture 
of Kaji associated with Kanchagara and 
other panchalohadhipatis. 

The place-name Baligave for Baljigave, 
personal names like Maloja (and not 
Majoja), Ekadamaroja, and Vinayavve arc 
also noteworthy from the point of view 
of social history. 

Thus the new wall inscription further 


corroborates the association of the Kali Ekadaraaroja and his wife as well as the 

temple with Panchalohadhipatis, and brings erection of the images of these persons in 

out the information probably for the first the KaJI temple by their daughter Vinayavve. 
time regarding the death of Majoja's son 


1 Srlmatu Baligaveya Kanchagam Mardjaru-maganu Ekdamarojcnu 

2 svargasthanagalu Yitana-magalu Vinayavveyan yi 

3 b[b*]ara pratimaya madise Srikalikadeviyara sthanadalu nilisidalu 

Notes : 

1 See Janananda, G. Sarita Jnananda, (Eds) Acharya Abhinandana, Bangalore, 1930, pp. 216 ff. 

2 EC. Vof. VII, Sk 133(1131) ; QJMS LXVIII (3-4) pp. 28 ff. 

3 Ibid. 

4 Dr. A. Sundara's description of the iconography may be taken as one of possible ones ; it 
however needs, futther researches in this regard. I have taken up a separate study of the 
Kajika temple of BaJJigave. My thanks are due to Dr. Sundara for his help in this study. 

5 From photographs. 


K. V. Ramesh and S. Subramonia Iyer 

The Barsi plates of K rishna I have been 
edited by Dr. H. S. Thosar and A A. Hing- 
mire in the preceeding pages of this journal. 
We find therein some important differences 
in their reading and interpretation of the 
text of the copper plate charter. 

On the first side of the second plate, 
in line 28, the editors have failed to read 
the words sadhita-MdheSvate which was 
perhaps intended by the composer to con- 
vey more than one meaning. The word 
sadhita means 'brought about', 'accompli- 
shed', 'perfected and mastered', 'subdued' 
etc (Monier Williams, Sanskrit-English Dic- 
tionary, s.v.). The expression Chdlukya- 
mahe&varatvam occurring in some of the Wes- 
tern Chalukya charters, much in the sense 
of parame&varatva, shows that the word 
mahebvaratva, which in a sense is the same 
as mahetvara, was used to denote the total so- 
vereignity of the Karnataka emperors. There- 
fore, the description oflCrishna I a sadhitu- 
mdhetsvara may be taken, for one thing, to 
refer to the fact that by finally liquidating 
Chalukya Kirttivarman II he had success- 
fully established his total sovereignty over 
the erstwhile Chalukya empire. 

Alternatively, Hahes'vara could as well 
be the name of a pi acs of strategic impor- 
tance, the conquest of which may have been 
absolutely essential for the successful accom- 
plishment of Krishija Fs Central Indian 
campaign. There is, as a matter of fact 
a place of that name even today on the 
banks of the river Narmada in West Nimar 

District, Madhya Pradesh. In this case the 
expression s'adhita-mahe&vara may be taken 
to refer to the fact that Krishna I had 
reduced to subjection the strategically im- 
portant township of Mahe&vara in the course 
of his campaign in Central India. 

The editors have stated that king 
Krishna I made a grant of a village to 
Jsridharabhatta belonging to Ka^yapa-gotra. 
They have further stated that "besides the 
endowment of Yata-grama and Kalasamvara- 
grama to 3ridharabhatta, the present record 
also registers land-grants made by Krishna- 
raja to anther 120 brahmanas". These two 
statements are not corroborated by the text 
of the copper plate charter under review. 
What the charter records is that Vallabha- 
raja, i.e., Krishriaraja on the given date 
granted five villages (1136-41 Evath chatur- 
-aghat - dpalla(ld)kshitaih grama - panchakath 
\ Dttggaiyapadhyaya - pauttrdya I Ravisvami 
-dviveda - sdma - yajina\h,*\ putt ray a \ a&esha 
-habd - artha - vedine veda - vedamga - para- 
gaya mahasatvaya \ Kapysa - gottrdya 
ra - bhuttaya I purvva - bhujyamana eva 
Vallabha - rajena apratigi dhaka iti 
tebhyo giamebhyah iasanaih dattam{\*} tena 
cha viMaty uttara - &ata - brahmanebhyafy 
veda - vedamga pdragebhyafy Sruri - smriti - 
vihita - karm - anushthdnaparebhyah dyuta - 
chau[r*]ya - iadfl - gamana - nirddhdjanci - 
parebhyah llo(lo}kdttarebhyQhpratipaditam : 
"to Sridharabhatta who is described as ap- 
ratigrdhaka, who belonged to Kapysa - gStra, 
who is the grandson of Duggaiyopadhyaya, 
the son of Ravisvamin who in turn is dcs- 



as a dmdin and Smrijin and wlio 
had profound knowledge in Veda, Vedamga 
and grammar (toWrt), fridharabhatta 
in turn,ga\e away the gift villages to 120 
eminent brahmajas". 

The five villages granted by the king 
were Vata-gramf and Ktomvara-grania 
( fata jjrffiwfl J Mmfn ma - gram taut 
smopitalt Chakvada, Ki?ihika and Gha- 
ragama (Nigittmiinisya agneya/ti diki C/ia- 
bada gi&mb Kinihikt Gh&ragMQ dwyina 
wH All these five villages, mentioned in 
the grant in two separate groups, were situ- 
ated in Nigunaiira-vishaya, The boundaries 
of the two gift villages Vata grama and 
Kalasaravara grama were to the east Kha- 
ira, to the south-east Aiyaijapo^olla- 

grama, to the south Vihilatiiva - grama, to 
the southwest Nigunaiira and to the wjsi a 
row of banyan trees extending from Nigun- 
aiira to Ajna?ava?iyaka and, to the north, 
Ku^aiiga nadi and Kara -grama, The three 
other grant villages Chakvada grama, Kioi- 
hika and Gharagama were situated to 
the south east of Nigunaiira and bounded 
on the east by Vr ikdviraka, on the south 
by Vavula - grama and Vaghapa grama, on 
the west by Panivada The boundary village 
if any existing to the north of the three gra- 
nted villages is, however, not mentioned, 
In the light of the readings* suggested above 
regarding the names of the villages mentio- 
ned in the grant, the identification of the 
villages suggested by the editors will have 


to be revised, 


South Indian History and Society ', 
Studies from Inscriptions A.D. 850-1800 , by 
Noboru Karashima, published by R. Dayal, 
Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1984, 
pp. XXXVI and 217, Price : Rs. 140/-. 

The book which is a compilation of 
research papers written by Prof. Karashima 
is a new and welcome addition to the litera- 
ture on South Indian history and society. 
Though as the author states, the volume is 
compiled by the inclusion of thirteen rese- 
arch papars, one of them being an English 
translation based on a paper originally 
published in Japanese, it runs well as a book 
as the subject matter of these papers is 
interrelated. The subject is broadly 
grouped under four heads l)Land holding in 
Chola times (2) Integration of Society in 
Chola times (3)Reveuue system under Cho- 
las and Panclyas and (4) Aspects of later 
periods. The subheads, which are thirteen, 
throw much light on various important 
aspects of the agricultural holdings on their 
administration during the Choja and later 
period. There is an interesting discussion on 
revenue assessment, power structure of the 
Chola rule, village communities, social and 
administrative systems during the Chola 
period and the author also dwells on the 
sytemsof their contemporaries, the Pandyas. 
He also traces the condition of land - hold- 
ings in the Nayaka period and the place of 
mlrasdars in seventeenth and eighteenth 

The author has very carefully assessed 
the views of various scholars including those 
of Burton Stein about the nature of bureau- 

cracy during the Chola times and substan- 
tiates his own views with inscriptional evi- 
dences. He shows that the Ch5la administ- 
ration far from being non-existant, had 
the required grip inspite of considerable 
independence enjoyed by persons at the 
lower levels. 

In Chapter I, the author has discussed 
at length the nature of land-holdings in the 
brahmadeya and non-brahmadeya villages 
and the role of land-holders and cultivators. 
There is also an interesting discussion about 
private land-holding in the lower Kaveri 

While discussing about the power 
structure of Chola rule, in Chapter II, the 
author highlights about the administrative 
divisions like the mandalams, valanadus, 
nadus etc., which strengthen the author's 
view about the strength of Chola administ- 
ration. He also discusses about the irrigati- 
onal sy terns, temple administration, crema- 
tional .grounds attached to the villages etc., 
He shows, how by applying statistical 
methods, some hitherto unknown facts 
about the Chola administration and the 
social set up during the Chola period are 

Chapter III dealing with revenue system 
prevalent in the Chola and Pandya areas 
gives an interesting account of the revenue 
terms prevalent in these areas and shows 
that the Pandya inscriptions reveal some 
new terms not used in the Choja area. 

Chapter IV deals with the land systems 
and control of land attempted by the 
Central and local powers, during the 


Nayaka and later periods. He also dis- 
cusses about the Ryatwari system intro- 
duced by the East India-company and the 
right of the mirasdurs in the Chingleput 

He stresses the examination of the data 
provided by the epigraphs on the one hand and 
other documents on the other and shows 
how the socio-economic development can 
be traced through centuries from the Choja 
period to the British times. 

Coming from the masterly pen of Prof. 
Karashima, who has made survey of both 
the inscriptions in various regions of the 
Tamil country and the survey of the regions 
themselves, with his scholarly assessment 
of the data and conclusions, very carefully 
arrived at, the book provides an upto date 
and therefore very valuable account about 
the researches in the field of socio-economic 
history of South India, of which the Tamil 
country forms a very important part. The 
value of the book has increased multifold 
because of the map 1 ,, notes, bibliography 
and index, which the author has prepared 
with a meticulous care. The book is bound 
to be welcomed botli by the students and 
established scholars working in the field of 
socio-economic history of South India. The 
author deserves our hearty congratulations 
for the same. The printing of the book is 
very neat and the get up pleasing and quali- 
tative. For this, we also congratulate the 

Madhav N. Katti. 

Guptakalina Abhilekha : by Dr. S. R. 
Goyal (Kusumanjali Prakashana, Meerut, 
1984, pp. i-xix+385 with 35 plates); Price. 
Rs 375/-. 


The author of this book Dr. S. R. 
Goyal is already known to the world of 
indologibts through a number of his 
earlier publications. He has already done 
a lot of work on the origin and palaeogra- 
phical development of the Brahmi script 
and a few of his findings in this field 
are to be well taken while others of a 
speculative nature deserve serious conside- 
ration. The present work is a compen- 
dium of inscriptions of the Imperial 
Guptas of Magadha and their allies and 
feudatories. Of the Guptas themselves, 
the volume includes fiftynine inscriptions 
including recent discoveries Of the other 
allied families, twenty inscriptions find their 
place. As many as thirty five well produced 
illustrations appended to the volume 
considerbly enhance its value. The book 
is in Hindi, a point which should be 
appreciated. All the earlier corpuses of 
the Gupta inscriptions contain critical 
comments and notes in English while 
Dr. Goyal's volume will help a bigger 
circle of historical researchers to get 
closely acquainted with the epigraphs and 
history of the Guptas. 

While making his critical observations 
on these inscriptions, Dr. Goyal has bro- 
ken much new ground. As significant exa- 
mples, we may quote here his suggested 
identification of Chandra of the Mehrault 
inscription with the great Samudragupta 
as also his conclusion that the Nalanda 
and Gaya copper plate charters ofSamu- 
dra^upta may not be wholly spurious but 
on the other hand could, be later copies 
of earlier original charters, the genealogi- 
cal portions alone being lifted from later 
inscriptions and hence unreliable. 

The author has not spared any pains 



in highlighting all the aspects of Gupta 
epigraphy and the presentation of his 
observations under suitable sub-titles is 
systematically done. Because of this, while 
he has rendered the task of research 
scholars who would like to go through 
his views and accept the right ones and 
reject the wrong ones easier, the present 
publication is a great boon to the students 
of Indian Epigraphy who would like to 

get more closely acquainted with Gupta 

The book has been well produced 
though the price is a little on the higher side 
While eagerly recommending the book for 
the consideration of the scholarly world, the 
reviewer would like to congratulate Dr. S. R. 
Goyal for a work well done. 

K. V. Ramesh 









= z 


-J CC 

o. o 













INDEX 125 






Vols I-X (1974-1983) 

Compiled and Edited by-Dr. S. Subramonia Iyer, (Mysore) P. S. Roman figures 
to the left and Arabic numerals to the right indicate Vol. No. and Page No. respec- 
tively. In a few rare instances however Roman figures have been used as in the 
original under the Page No. 



Agra Inscription, of Kanisbka I IV. 76 

Ahada Jaina Inscription of ^aktikumara I, 132 

(The) Ahadanakaram Plates : A Critical Study I. 124 

Agriculture and Trade in Ancient Karnataka I. 50 

Amardaka through the Inscriptions yn. 44 

Ariigura Plates of Mali a Jayaraja, Year 3 IV. 70 

Anatomy of Political Alliance from Temple Records of Tirunavalur and 

Tiruvorriyur ' V, 26 

Ancient Foundation Stone Inscriptions of Chamba VII. 30 

Ankalammaguduru Inscription of Ereyapporu IX. 107 

Anvalda pillar Inscription of SSmeivara and Prithviraja I. 119 

Aravalem^ Cave Inscription yn. 138 

Are the grants of Maharaja Bhuluncla Dated in the Gupta Era II. 42 

Art of Dance in the temples of Tamil Nadu-Epigraphical evidence V. 15 

(An) Ayagapata Inscription from Mathura VIII. 26 

Bagh Hoard of Copper Plate Inscriptions X. 86 

Banavasi Inscription of Siva Siri Pujumavi I. 34 

Belmannu plates of Aluvarasa II IV. 9 1 

Bhatgam Inscription of the Naga king Prataparudra IX. 94 

Bhindhon plates of Rashtrakuta Kakkaraja X. 30 

Bhitari stone inscription of Skandagupta VII. 86 

Bihar stone pillar inscriptions of the Imperial Guptas VII. 49 

Boundary stones : A study jy t 42 

(A) Brahml Inscription from Hampi yil. g 

B:alimi Inscriptions in Tamil Nadu I. 26 

Brahml Inscriptions of Tamil Nadu : A Historical Assessment I. 104 

Chandala Rock Inscriptions jj^ \\^ 

ChOl i Hsgemony in South India-A comparative and critical Assessment II. Ill 

(A) ChBja Temple in Karnatafca iy, ^4 

Coins of Samarakolahala-A Study U 72 

Commercial Integrity in Medieval Karnatafca (A. D. 1000-1600} VIII. ]09 

Computer Methods for Epijraphical Studies , VII. 133 


Computer Techniques of Image Enhancement in the study of a PalJava. 

Grantha Inscription II. 55 

Copper plate grant of Gayadatunga VII. 120 

(The) Date of the Malhara plates of Adityaraja V. 1 

(The) Date of the Malhaia plates of Adityaraja VII 69 

(The) Date of Tivaradeva IV. 1 

(The) Date of Tivaradeva VI. 1 

Did Kakati Rudramadevi Die on the Battlefield ? f. 40 

Dodvad plates of JayakeSi III, 1209 A. D. HI. 43 

(A) Duplicate Inscription of Chalukya PoIekeSi at Badami IX. 12 

Early Epigraphical Refjrcncjs to some Royal Attendants VIII. 5? 

Economic implications of the Harihar Inscription of DevarSya I, 1410 A. D. III. 138 

Epigraphical Discoveries at Guntupalli V. 48 

Epigraphical Howlers V. 10 

Epigraphical Notes V. 64 

Epigraphical Studies in India : Some observations-(Presidential Address at the 

Second Epigraphical Scciety Congress, In do re, 1975) III. 9 

Evidence of the use of long vowel sign in the Kliaroshthi (Kharoshti) 

script of India VIII. 45 

(The) First Inscription of the Chalukya Vikrama Era From Hampi X. 63 

Four unedited Inscriptions from Kashmir VIII. 39 

(A) Fragmentary Dedicatory Inscription of Purnarakshita X. 36 
Further Note on the Uroa Muhevara Image Inscription from Skandar (Afghanistan) III. 180 

(Tlia) [F*] utility and (Fjutilityof palaeography in dating undated inscriptions III. 156 

Garhi Matani Inscription of Kanishka I V. 113 

(The) Genesis of Temple in India and its from as gleaned form coins VI. 53 

Geographical Data in Gudnapur Inscription " IV. 26 

(The) 'Gift after Purchase' in Vijayanagara Inscriptions VI. 25 

Glimpses of Chola Townships in Srilanka IX. 14 

Hampi Inscription of Krishnadevaraya VII, 76 

Harishi Inscription of Rashtrakuta Kannara IV II. 96 

(A) Hero-stone Inscription from Madavalam V. 82 

Historical Archaeology Vis-a-Vis Indian Epigraphy VII. 84 

Honnudike Inscription of Sripurusha I- 17 

(The) Identification of Kacha ; A Fresh Study 1.75 


Identification of Maharaja Sada of the Guntiipalti Inscription VIII, 53 

(An) Incomplete Eu]ogy of the Sun God at Udaipur VIIL 97 

Indus script and Dravidian II. 16 

Inscribed potsherds from South Indian Excavations III. 120 

Inscriptions of Lokanathadevarasa VII. 112 

Inscriptions of Durjayas ; A study IV. 23 

Inscriptions on Hero-stones in Karnataka III. 103 

(An) interesting Epigraph from VadodarS VIII. 63 

(An) interesting Persian inscription from Baroda in Gujarat IV. 10 

Interpretation of Dvirada-Danava : A Note VI. 50 

(The) Itikala epigraph of the Kakatlyas IV. 56 

Jaunpur Stone Inscription of IsVaravarman V. 89 

Kandhar-Through Epigraphy and Archaeology VII. 22 

(A) Kiin ida Heuo-stom Inscription in Madras City V. 103 

Karpuravilai VI I. 31 

KU'i and Karrtataka X. 73 

(The) Kekayas or Kaikeyas of Ancient Karnataka II 47 

Kelagundhi Insription of Kadamba Ravivarma-A Note X. 117 

Khandavalli Plate of Gaijapati of the Kakatiya family VI. 56 

Khandavalli plates of the time of Kakatiya Prataparudra III. 163 

Khandpara plates of Maha-Sivagupta Dharmaratha I. 85 

(A) Kilgunte Inscription from Hemavati II. 76 

Kshlrarames'vara Temple Inscriptions : A study VIH. 105 

Kurancli Tintkkattampalli, An Ancient Jaina Monastery of Tamil Nadu II. 84 

Lake Inscription from Kanheri, I. 21 

Legends on the coins of Chimuka Satavahana and his predecessors V. 136 

Local Measures seen in Kollurmadam plates Kollam year 364 IV. 101 

Machine Recognition of an Ancient Tamil script of the Choja period VI. 18 

Mahasamund plates of Sudevaraja : Year 3 V. 93 

Malhar plates of Pa^clava king Surabala II[. 183 

(The) Malhara plates of Adityaraja : A reappraisal IV. 30 

Malltir plates of Vyaghraraja IX. 4o 

Masoda copper plate charter of Pravarasena II, year 29 X. 108 

Mathura Inscription of Huvishka, year 50 X, 71 

TV S e '^<a. >- ' 

of m the Osiau Inscription dated 1013 and its M,, M c, ,x ,. 

Middle Brahm, Inscription on an Indra Image " ,."', 

K M " t-7 V l S I <-l 

Migrations with reference to Andhra Country V0| \ 

More on the Rajghat shell character seal !x ^ 

More Prakrit Inscriptions from Amaravati %11 ^ 

Mudabidure Settra - Basti Inscription of Bammadevaipindradeva tl PM 

.The) Myth of Sujata ~ Griha V1J| ^ 

The) Nalanda stone Inscription of the reign of YaAovarmadeva - 

^ fresh appraisal H} ^^ 

Vambi grant of Prithvisingh of Ratlam, Samvat 1812 Jv . 93 

NTaijeghat Inscription of an inknown queen - A , Historical Re-appraisal 11.59 

Nu^eghat Inscription Re-examined III, h6 

[A) New Chalukya - Alupa Inscription from Jamba rd y. 85 

N^CAV Early Chalukya Inscription -yij j 

NTew Epigraphicai light on the History of Madhya Pradesh vil, 93 

[A) New Inscription of Ereyammarasa from Balligave IX, 103 

New Inscriptions from Kaijheri V. 110 

Now light on the Piprahwa Vase Inscription II, JQQ 
Newly Discovered Edicts of A^oka from Karnataka ' VIII. 101 

Note on Kadali plates of Amma II VIL 25 

Note on Kalabhras X. 120 

(.A) Note on Kandulavu or crown lands X. 55 

(A) Note on Patyuparika VII. 54 

Note on Ponangy plates of Vijayaditya IX. 88 

Note on Sugrihitanaman -* ^1 

Note on Tembhuriji plates of Vikramaditya X. 61 

(A) Note on the Arjunvada Inscription MI. 124 

(A) Note on the Date of Tivaradeva V. 5 
(A) Note on the Hisse-Borala Inscription of the time of VaJcataka Devascna VU 3 

Note on the Indore plates of Prayarasena II V. 9X 

Note on the Mathurft Pedestal Inscriptton of Kanishka, year 14 VI. 12 
(A) Note on the Orissa state Museum plate of MahtfJvagapta Yayati, 

-r-v * A VI. JO 

Regnal year 4 

* * J, v" 6 

Note on the Raja-Pra^asti Inscription 


(A) Note on the term 'Udiuchchi' of the Kannada Inscriptions III 128 

(A) Note on Van'ka of the Inscriptions IX. 31 

Notes on Budidagaddapalle, Kotturu and Muttukuru Inscriptions III. 146 

Notes on D. R. Bhandarkar's Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings IX. 48 

Notes on the Kauvatal and Vakratentali charters III. 152 

Notes on the so called 'Queen's Edict' of A^oka III. 35 

Observations on an 'Unknown Script' IV. 14 

One more Edict of Jahangir from Madhya Pradesh VII. 108 

On some Inscriptions edited by Fleet IV. 85 

On the Greek Epigraphs from Ai Khanum I. 97 

Padavarta - An Explanation VIII. 104 

(The) Palaeographical study of the Arang Copper plate of Bhimasena II V. 126 

Pallava Queen Rangapataka6 Inscriptions IV. 67 

Pandya AJupa coins III. H6 

(The) Philosophy of Mahendravarman's Tiruchirapalli Epigraph III. 91 

Phulbani copper plate grant of Sri Raijabhanjadeva, year 9 V. 115 

Pisangaon Inscription of Queen Rajamati, Vikrama 1532 IX. 78 

Presidential Address (at the Second Annual Conference of the Epigraphical 

Society of India, Indore, 1975) III. 104 

Presidential Address (at the First Annual Congress of the Epigraphical 

Society of India, Dharwar, 1974) jj 9 

Presidential Address (at the Sixth Annual Congress of the Epigraphical 

Society of India, Ahmedabad, 1980) yjj 

Presidential Address (at the Seventh Annual Congress of the Epigraphical 
Society of India, Calcutta, 1981) 

Presidential Address (at the Eighth Annual Congress of the Epigraph ical 

Society of India, Bhopal, 1982) ^ o r IX V 

Presidential Address (at the Nineth Annual Congress of the Epkraohical 

Society of India, Gorakhpur, 1983) & F x j 

(The) Rama^upta problem Re-examined jjj 26 

(A) rare Brarai Sealing of Wima (Kadphises) from Ganwaria (Kapilavastu) VII. 98 

Raw an plate of Maharaja Narendra yj ** 

Rfiyapur plates of Kalachuri Ahavamalla and Kadamba Permadideva 1 135 

Reappraisal of two Inscriptions from Kanheri jj[ 32 

(A) Rre-examination of the Halmidi Inscription of Kadamba Kakustha IX. 78 

(The) Regnal year y^ 105 


Religious conflct in the Tamil country : A reappraisal of Epigraphic Evidence V. 69 

Religious learning of the Pala Kings of Eastern India I. 7 
Retrospective Review of Recent Discoveries VIII. 140 

Risthal Inscription of Aulikara Prakakdharmma, [Vikramal year 572 X. 96 

Sale of land in the Choja period IV. 79 

Sarkhej Inscription of Muzaffar Shah VII. 58 

Sealings of Sthanesara (or Sthanavisvara) from Thanesar Region IX, 98 

Segmsntation of unusually long texts of Indus writings : A Mathematical 

Approach IX. 68 

Self Immolation in Chola times and a New Inscription from Mallal IX. 29 

Shankarpur plate of Budhagupta and Harivarman, Gupta year 166 IX. 62 

(A) Sharqi Inscription from Aligarh (Kol) IX. 85 

(A) Shell character Inscription on a seal from Rajghat (Varanasi) VII. 6 

(A) Short Note on Harappan Script VII. 128 

Significance of Gstras and Matronymics in some Early Inscriptions VIII. 67 

Social and Economic conditions of Ancient Chamba V. 32 

(The) Social Status of the Paraiyas as revealed from Inscriptions VII 12 

Socio-Economic Roll of Temples in Medieval Karnataka IV. 106 

(A) Sociological Interpretation of the Mandasor Inscription of Kumargupta 

and Bandhuvarman, the Malava years 493 and 529 VI. 32 

Some aspects of Bhattiprolu Casket Inscriptions IX. 23 

Some Epigraphical Echoes of the Sangam Period V- 62 

Some Important Inscriptions from Idar Taluk IX. 37 

Some Important Sarada Inscriptions of Kashmir- A Socio-political study HI. 69 

Some Interesting Terms in Vijayanagara Inscriptions of the Pudukkottai region VI. 2$ 

Some More Inscriptions From Amaravati Excavations and the chronology 

of the MaMstupa * 60 

Some Observations of the Sirpur plates of Sudevaraja, Regnal Year 7 II. 50 

Some problems of Perso - Arabic Epigraphical Discoveries in Madhya Pradesh VI. 63 

Sreshthin in Epigraphs X - l04 

(A) Statistical Analysis of pairs of Indus Signs with Jar or lance X. 82 

Suggested Semantic and Phonetic values of selected Indus pictograms II. 31 

Sugh Terracotta Plaque "" 

Studies in the Epigraphy of the ASokan inscriptions 1L 


SuSilpin Amrita Ix - 20 

Tcmbhurni Plates of Vikramaditya I IX 1 

Tcmbhurni Plates of Vikramaditya (Second set) X. [Q 

Teuknii Parakrama Pandya and his successors IX. 58 

Three Chilukya Inscriptions from Rachanapalle VII. 63 

(The) Tiruvendipuiam Inscription of Rajaraja III - A study III. 60 

The Inscribed Terracotta Balls from Bhelawar IV. 82 

Two inscriptions of the Chalukyas of Vatapi VII. 78 

Two inscriptions of the Rathoda Bhfiramalla, Sam 1599 VII. 65 

Two Jatavarman Sundara Paijdyas of Accession 1303 and 1304 A. D. X. 15 

Udvahanathasvami Temple Inscriptions - A study X. 67 

Uma-Mahe^vara Image Inscription From Skandar I- -I 
(An) Unpublished Inscription from Kanheri : Clue for the identification of 

an Ancient Almonry VI. 46 

(The) Village communities in Chola times : Myth or Reality VIII. 85 

Was Kappe Arabhatta same as Aryabhata, the famour Astronomer ? VIII. 76 

Was Puri Ever A capital of the Northern Silaharas ? I. 12 

Weights and Measures in Karnataka (Upto 1300 A. D.) 11.81 

Were Madhavavarman I and Trvaradeva Contemporaries ? V. 20 


Agrawal Jagannath x 

Ahmad Nisar v ' ,' , 

\ , 126 

Annigeri, A. V. m m 

Asko Parpola n 3| 

Bajpai, K. D. VL 63 ; VII. V : VIII. 2f 

Bajpai, S. K. ' VII. 93 ; X. ^ 

Bhadri, K. M. VII. 65 ; IX 37 

3hat Raghunatha, H. R. IV. 26 ; IX. 103 : X. 117 

3hat Raghimatha, H. R. and Murthy Narasimlia, A. V. I. 34 ; II. % 

iliat Vishnu, A. and Lockwood Michael TIT. 91 ; IV. fi7 

ihat; S. K. IV. % 

ihattacharya, Gowriswar, V>II. 82 ; IX. 20 : X. 36 

^liampakalakshmi, R. II. 84 : V. <v) 

-liandrasekharan, M. Chandrasekharan R. and Siromoney Gift \ I. 18 

^tiandrasekharan, R. Chandrasekharan M. and Siromoney Gift VI. iS 

^li.andrasekharan, R. Chandrasekharan M. and Siromoney Gift VI IK 

:tihabra, B. Ch. 1.31 : II. 9 

>eambi, B. K. III. 69 ; V. 32 ; VII. 30 ; VIII. 3') 

>esai, Z. A. II. 91 ; TV. 10; VII. 5S 
3- a ^ G. S. I.I; 11-47; 111.180; IV. 91 ; V. 9S ; VI. U 

3-anam, N. M. UIL 63 

3-okhale Shobhana Mrs. 1.21; III. 83 : V.I 10: VII. 22 

3oyal,S.R. V - s9 : V1L ^ 

3-randa Peter VI. -r 4 

3-upta Chandrasekhar and Shastri Ajay Mitra x IIK 

^, . n Q II 116 
3upia, C. S. 

Grupta ParraeshwariLal 

^ w XT 1 135: 

Gxirav, R. N. 

Gurukkal Rajan, P.M. v U 

xt c in 1.^1 

Ourumurtny, a. 

. t, c It si ; iv. iWi; Mil tw 

Oururajachar, S. " ^ 

THCanumanthan, K. R. " ^ 

Hingmire, A. A. and Thosar, H. S. 


Hug Abdul and Siromoney Gift IX. 68 ; X. 82 

Iyer Subramonia S. IX. 94 ; X. 71 

Iyer Subramonia S, and Ramesh K. V. VIII. 97 

Jain Balachandra IV. 62 ; V. 93 

Jain Usha VI. 44 

Jalali S. Farriikh, A. IX. 85 

Karashjma Naboru * VIII. 85 

Kasinathan, N. IV. 79 

Katti Madhav, N. IV. 76 ; V. 103 ; VII. 138 

Khan. M. F, VII. 108 

Kotraiah, C, T. M. III. 128 ; IV. 42 ; VII 8 ; X. 63 

Krishnana, K. G. I. 26 ; IX. V ; X. 61 

Kuppuswamy, G, R. III. 138 

Lockwood Michael and Bhat Vishnu, A. II f. 91 ; IV. 67 

Mahalingam, T. V. III. 60 

Mehta, R. N. VII. 1C4 

Mirashi, V. V. 1,12; 11.42; III. 26 ; III. 86 ; IV. 1 ; V. 1 ; VI. 1 ; VII, 86 ; IX. 48 

Mishra Shyam Manohar III. 108 ; VIII. 53 

Mukherjee, B. N. IV. 14 ; V. 113 ; VII. 3 ; VIII. 45 

Murthy Krishna, M. S. II. 76 

Murthy Narasimha, A. V. and Bhat Rajhunatha, H. R. I. 34 ; If. 96 

Murthy Narasimha, P. N. II. 120 ; VII. 112 

Murthy Ramachandra, S. S. III. 146 ; VII. 18 ; VIII. 105 

Murthy Ramachandra, S. S. and Ramesh, K. V. 1. 124 

Nagaraju, S. VI 56 

Nagaswamy, R. II. 72 ; III. 116 

Narain, A. K. 1.97 

Narayanan, M. G. S. V. 26 

Norman,, K. R, II. 36; HI 35 

Panchamukhi, R S. 1. 50 

Pentti Aalto, ' II. 16 

Perumal, A. N. V, 15 

Prasad, P. R. K. and Srivastava, K. M. VII. 98 

Ramaiah, B. HI. 124 


Raman, B. S. vn> 133 

Raman, B. S. and Sharma, M. J. HI. 183 

Raman, K. V. I 104 ; V. 62 

Ramaswami, N. S. IV. 104 
Ramesh,K, V. II. Ill ; III. 156 ; IV. 85 ; VJI, 84 ; IX. 12 ; X. 30 

Ramesh, K. V. and Iyer Subramonia, S. VIII 97 

Ramesh,K. V. and Murthy Ramachandra, S. S. 1.124 

Ramesh, K, V. and Tewari, S. P. X. 96 

Rao Lakshminarayana, N. I. 17 

Rao Somasundara, C, III. 1 4 3 ; IV. 23 ; VI. 57 

Rao, S. R. VIFI. 1 

Rath, B K. and Tripathy, S. Mrs. VI. 36 

Ritti Srinivas . VII, 1 ; VIII, 101 

Saloman Richard VII. 6 

Sampath, M. D. VII, 25 ; IX. 88 ; X. 75 

Sanna, LK. 160; V. 48 ; VII. 18 ; VIII. 67 ; IX. 23 

Saslri, P. V. P. 1.40; IV. 56 ; V. 136 

Sastry Padmanabha, C. A. VII. 63 ; VIIL 46 ; IX. 107 ; X. 90 

Sethuraman, N. V. 105 ; IX. 58 ; X. 15 

Shantakumari, S. L X. 73 

Sharma, M.J. 1.75; V. 85 ; VII. 128 ; VIII. 76 ; IX. 78 ; X. 120 

Sharma, M J. and Sitaraman, B. jjj 133 

Sharma, T, R. . VI 32 
Shaslri Ajay Mitra 185; 11.50; III. 152 ; IV. 30; V 20; VI, 5; VII. 69 ; IX, 40 

3hastri Ajay Mitra and Gupta Chandrasekhar X. 108 

Shukla, S, P. ' IX, 98 

Singh Sarjag Prasad IV. 82 

Singh Sheo Bahadur VI 53 ; X. 104 

Sircar, D.C. 1.7; III. 9 ; IV. 6 ; V. 10 ; VIII 24 

Siromoney Gift II. 55 

Siromoney Gift, Chandrasekharan, R. and Chandrasekharan, M. VI. 18 

Siromoney Gift and Huq Abdul IX, 68 ; X. 82 

5olomon Richard IX, 26 

Somani Ram Vallabh I 132 


Srinivasan, C. R. V. 82 ; VI, 20 ; VII 140 

Siivastava Aravind and Thaplyal Kiran Kumar IX. 6 

Srivastava, K. M. j[ JQQ 

Srivastava, K. M. and Prasad, P. R. K. yjj 9^ 

Suri, C. L I H9 

Swaminathan, S. X. 67 

Tewari,S. P. VI, 50 ; VII. 54 ; VIII. 57 ; IX. 34; X. 41 

Tewari, S. P. and Ramesh, K, V. X. 96 

Thaplyal Kiran Kumar and Aravind Srivastava IX 6 

Thosar, H S. yil. 44 ; IX, 1 

Thosar, H. S. and Hingmire, A, K. X, 10 

Tinimalai, R. VIII. 31 ; IX. 14; IX. 29 ; X. 55 

Tripathi, L. K. IX, KJQ 

Tripathy, S. IV. 70; V. 115; VII. 120 

Tripathy, S. Mrs. and Rath, B K. VI. 36 

Trivedi, H. V. y 64 

Vcnkatesha , vn .76; 1X78 

Annual Report on Epigraphy, 1967, edited by P. 


Pub - by 

/- -Reviewed by S. S. Ramachandra ~Murthy. IV. 109 
Banavasi Kadambaru by Ba Ra Gopal, Pub. by Kadamba Samskritika Adhya- 
yana Samsthe, Sirsi, North Kanara District, First edition, 1983, pp. I-XXXVI 
and 1-18. Price Rs.20/- -Reviewed by Madhav, N. Katti. IX. 114 

(7%e) Chalukyas of Kalyana and the Kalachurisby B. R. Gopal, Published bv 
Karnatafc University, Dharwad, pp.459, 1982. Price not given. 

Reviewed by K. R B.isavaraja VI 1 1. 114 

(The) Cholas (Mathematics reconstructs the chronology) by N. Sethuramtm 
Published by the author, 1977, pp. 193, Price not given. 

Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh and C. R. Srinivasan. IV. Ill 
Coinage of the SatavShanu Empire by I. K. Sharma, Published by Again 
-Cala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. i to xxi and pp. 1-297 with index and twenty "plates, 
L980, Price Rs. 140/- - Reviewed by K. G. Krislman VIII. 115 

(The) Coins of Karnataka by Dr. A. V- Narasimha Murthy, Published by 
3eetha Book House, New Statue Circle, Mysore, pp. 254, Price not mentioned, 

Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh 1.151 

(A) Concordance of the Names in the Cola Inscriptions, Vols. I to III by 
NToboru Karashima, Y. Subbarayalu and Toru Matsui, Published by Sarvodaya 
llakkiyapannai, Madurai. Reviewed by C. R. Srinivasan VI. 69 

Descriptive Catelogue of the Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions in the Epigraphy 
Ja/lery, Indian Museum by Shyamalkanti Chakravarti, Published by Indian Museum, 
Calcutta, 1977, pp. 207 and plates 8. Price Rs 15-00 

Reviewed by Ajay Mitra Shastri. V. 143 

Early Chdlas - Mathemat'cs Reconstructs the Chronology by N. Sethuraman, 
Published by the author, Kumbakonam 

Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh and C. R. Srinivasan VI. 70 

Epigraphia Andhrica, Vol. II (1974), edited by N. Venkataramanaya and 
P. V. Parabrahma Sastry, Joint editor, Md. Waheed Khan, Price not given. 

Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh .111.195 

Epigraphia Andhrica, Vol. Ill (1974), edited by N. Venkataramanayya and 
P. V. Parabrahma Sastry, Joint editor, M. Ramesan, Price not given. 

Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh MI. 195 


Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. IIJ, Published by Institute of Karma da Studies, 
University of Mysore, Mysore, 1974, pp. 125, and 990 and 17 plates, Price Rs. 80/- 

Reviewed by A. V. Narasimha Murthy I. 153 

Geographical Names in Ancient Indian Inscriptions, by Dr. Pararnanand Gupta, 
Published by Concept Publishing Company, Delhi, 1977, pp. 176 and 16 plates 
Price Rs. 60/~ Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh IV. 10 

Hindu Iconography by S. P. Tewari, Published by Agam Kala Prakashan, New 
Delhi, 1979, pp. i-XIV 4- 117 and 38 illustrations, Price Rs. 100/- 

Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh V. 143 

(The) Imperial Pandyas - Mathmatics Reconstructs The Chronology by 
N Sethuraman. Published by the author, Kumbhakonam, 1978, pp 252, 
Price not given. Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh and C. R. Srinivasan V. 144 

Indigenous States of Northern India (circa 2CO B. c. to 320 A. D.) by Dr. 
(Mrs.) Bela Lahiri, Published by University of Calcutta, 1974, pp. XVI and 
398, Price Rs. 50/- __R ev j ewec i Dy A. V. Narasimha Murthy II. 123 

Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh- Warangal District, edited by N. Venkata- 
ramanayya ; General editor, N. Ramesan, Published by the Govt. of Andhra 
Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1974, pp. XI and 325, plates 14, Price Rs. 86/- 

Reviewed by S. S. Ramac'.iandra Murthy III. 196 

Inscriptions oj Andhra Pradesh - Karjmnagar District edited by P. V. Para- 
brahma Sastry, General editor, N. Ramesan, Published by the Govt of 
Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, pp. XXI and 155 and plates, Price not given 

Reviewed by S S. Ramachandramurthy IV. 110 

Jaina Inscriptions of Rajasthan by R. V. Somani, Published by Rajasthan 
Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, Jaipur, pp. 1-271 and Appendix pp 1 68 
Price not given. -Reviewed by S Subramonia Iyer IX 115 

Jaina Literature in Tamil by A. Chakravarti, revised by Dr. K. V Ramesh 
Published by Bharatiya Jnanapitha, New Delhi, 1974, pp. 254, Price Rs. 20/' 

Reviewed by A. V. Nara'imha Murthy I. 149 
Kakatiya Coins and Measures by P. V. Parabrahma Sastry, Published bv 
Govt of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, 1975, pp.23, PriC3 not mentioned. 

Reviewed by A. V. Narasimha Murthy III 194 


u'vorsity of Mysore, Second edition, 1975 DD XT! anH no 

5 |Q,_ ' ""' HU LJJ .JLX JL-T, 

Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh II. 124 


Karnataka Sasanakale by H. V. Ragliunatha Bhat, Published by Bharati 
I'raka^ana, Mysore, pp. XX and 216 and plates and line drawings, Price not given. 

Reviewed by M. J. Sharma IV. 109 

ftauhambi Hoard of Magha Coins by Ajay Mitra Shastri, Published by Nagpur 
XJniversity, Nagpur, 1979, pp. XVI + 108 -j- IX plates, Price Rs. 60/~ 

Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh VI. 68 

Mahabalipuram Studies, by Michael Lockwood, Gift Siromoney and P. 
n>ayanandan, Published by The Christian Literature Society, Madras, 1974, 
Pp. V and 112, Price Rs. 18/. Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh II. 27 

Medieval Pandyas (1000-1200 A. D.) by M. Sethuraman, Publised by author 
<umbafconam, pp. 200 with five plates, 1980. Price not given. 

Reviewed by C. R Srinivasan X. 127 

Napura - the anklet in Indian Literature by S. P. Tewari, Published by 
Vgam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 1982, Price not given. 

Reviewed by Hema Govindarajan VIII. Ill 

(The} Prehistoric Afghanistan : A source book by V. C. Srivastava, 
> ublished by Tndological Publications, Allahabad, pp. XXV + 244 with 135 
igures, 18 maps and 8 charts, 1982, Price Rs 250/- 

Reviewed by B. K. Gururaja Rao X. 125 

Rajendra Vinnngar by R. Tirumalai, Published by Institute of Epigraphy 
>cpartment of Archaeology, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, Madras, First edition 1980, 
p. 1-58 (and Annexure etc , total pp. 78), Price Rs. 25/~ 

Reviewed by Madhav N. Kaiti IX. 112 

Sasanamum Tcimilum (Inscriptions and Tamil Studies) by Dr. A. Velupillai, 
p. 368, Price Rs. 10/- Reviewed by K. G. Krishnan II. 126 

Some Aspects of Economic and Social Life in Karnataka (A. D. 1000-1300) 
y Dr. S. Gururajacaar, Published by Prasaranga, University of Mysore, Mysore, 
p. 328, Price Rs. 20/- Reviewed by S. S. Ramachandra Murthy 1.150 

Studies in ancient townships of Pudukkottai, by R. Tirumalai, Published 
y the Institute of Epigraphy, Department of Archaeology, Govt. of Tamil 
fadu, Madras, pp. 1-414, bibliography and index. Price not mentioned. 

-Reviewed by K. V. Ramesh IX. Ill 

Studies in Indian Place Names (Bharatiya Sthalanama Patrika), Vol. I 
Htcd by Madhav N. Katti, Published by Geelha Book House, Mysore-1. 
)ii behalf of the Place Name Society of India), 1979, pp. 100, Price not given. 

Reviewed by S. P. Tewari VI. 69 


Slices in South Mm History and Epigraphy, by K, G. Krishnan, Published 
by New Era Publications, Madras, pp. i-vii and 184, Price Rs, 70/- 

-Reviewed by B R, Gopal VIIL 114 

SM/ies In Wiivfl History and Culture by Dr, Gururaja Bhatt, Published by 
the author, pp, LXIV and 451 and 468 art plates, Price R& 250J- 

-Reviewed by A. V, Narasimha Murthy fl 125 

Smti Sri (Dr, B, CL Chhabra Felicitation Volume) Published by Agam 
Kala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. I, XXVII and 376 (with 15 plates and 1 line drawing), 
Price Rs, 350f- -Reviewed by Madhav N Katti X. 125 

Tftrw Grants fro/n M$h by N, Mulcunda, Rao, Published by the Govt 
of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad, pp, I to VIII and 1 to 32 and plates 20, 1982, 
Price not indicated -Reviewed by Madhav N Katti X, 128 

ftitefjafa by K, V.Raniesli and 

M, J. Sliartna, Published by the Geetha Book House, Mysore (on behalf of 
Rashtrakavi Govinda Pai Memorial Research Institute, Udipi) 1978, pp 239 
and 7 plates, Price Rs 50/- -Reviewed by S, S Ramachaadra Murthy VI, 71 

criplion of Kattiyarasa 

...M. J. SHARMA... 

Wall Inscription of Kalikadevi Temple at Balligavc 


<w the Barsi Plates of Krishna I 


e views ; 

outh Indian History and Society 

iiiptakalina Abhilekha 

r Articles Nos. 2, 10, 11, 13, 15 and 16. 

Vols, J-X : 
Title Index 


\ulhor Index 
toview Index 





, V. Mirashi 

Cli. Chhabra 
, C. Sircar 

Jagannath Agrawal 

6 Dr G. S. Gai 

7 Dr H. V. Trivedi 

8 Prof. G. R.- Sharma 

9 Shri K. G. Krishnan 


Clnii i man : 

Prof, K. D, Bajpai, Sagar 

Vice Clidi 

Dr, Z. A. Dosai. Nagpur 

Dr. S, R. Rao, Banoafore 

Dr, A jay Mitra Shastry, Nagpur 

fict'rt'htry tmtl Kwittivc I-'tlftt>r : 
Dr, S. H. Ritti, Dharwar 

Trt'axun 1 r ; 

Dr. A. Sundara, Dharwar 

Editor ; 

Dr, S, Subramoriia Iyer, Mysore 

Asst. Secretary ; 

Dr, Venkatash, Mysore 

Executive Committee : 

Dr. K. V. Rarnesh, Mysore 

Dr. K. K. Thaplyal, Lucknow 

Dr, 1, K. Sharmfi, Madras 

Dr 1 V. S. Pathnk, Gorakhapur 

Shri Maclhav, N. Kntti, Mysore 

Mrs. Snifldlm Tripnthi, Bhubanesvor 

Dr. C. Somasundara F^io, Waltair 

Dr, B, K. Kaul Doanibi, Srinagar 

Dr. T, V, Patliy, Aurannshad 

Shri N. Sethuraman, Kumbhakonnm 

Dr, S, P. Tewari, Mysore 

Dr. MIR. Dovahuti, New Delhi 

Dr, B. R. Gopal, Mysoro 

Dr, A. V. Nataiiimhsi Murthy, Mysore 

Dr. S, Faruk Ali Zolalt 

Dr. K, K, Tripathi, Banaras 

Shri P, N. Narasimha Murthy, Karkala 

Dr, S, K. Chakiavarthi, Calcutta 

Dr, S. S. Ramachandra Murthy, Tirupati 



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