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.S^TVO^^ 





THE 

JOURNAL 
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY 

GREAT BBITATO AND lEELAND. 




TOIUME THE SETEITTH. 



LONDON: 

TRtJBNEB AND CO., 57 & 59, LTIDGATE HILL. 



Beifu'-i^' 







CONTENTS OF VOL. VII. 



[new 8BRIE8.] 



ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS. 

PiOE 

Abt. I. — The Upasampadd'Kammavded being the Baddhist 
Manual of the Form and Manner of Ordering of 
Priests and Deacons. The Pali Text, with a 
Translation and Ifotes. By J. F. Dickson, B.A., 
sometime Student of Christ Church, Oxford, 
now of the Ceylon Civil Service • 1 

Abt. II. — Notes on the Megalithic Monuments of the Coim- 
batore District, Madras. By M. J. Walhouse, 
late Madras C.S 17 

Abt. III. — Notes on the Sinhalese Language. No. 1. — On 
the Formation of the Plural of Neuter Nouns. 
By R. C. Childebs, late of the Ceylon C.S. , . 35 

Abt. IY. — The Pali Text of the Mahdparinibhdna Sutta and 
Commentary, with a Translation. By B. C. 
Childebs, late of the Ceylon Civil Service .... 49 

Abt. V. — The Byhat-Saiihita ; or. Complete System of 
Natural Astrology of Yaraha-mihira. Translated 
fi^>m Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern .... 81 

Abt. VI. — Note on the Valley of Choombi. By Dr. A. 

Campbell, late Superintendent of Darjeeling . . 135 

Abt. VII. — The Name of the Twelfth Imam on the Coinage 
of Egypt. By H. Sauvaibe and Stanley Lane 
Poole 140 

Abt. VIII. — Three Inscriptions of Parakrama Bahu the 
Great from Pulastipura, Ceylon (date circa 1180 
A.D.). By T. W. Rhys Davids 152 

Abt. IX. — Of the Khardj or Muhammadan Land Tax ; its 
Application to British India, and Effect on the 
Tenure of Land. By N. B. E. Baillie 172 



IV CONTENTS. 

PAOK 

Art. X. — SIgiei, the Lion Eock, near Pulastipura, Ceylon ; 
and the Thirty-ninth Chapter of the Mahavamsa. 
By T. W. Ehts Davids 191 

Aet. XI. — The Northern Frontagers of China. Part I. The 

Origines of the Mongols. By H. H. Howorth . . 221 

Art. Xn. — ^Inedited Arabic Coins. By Stanley Lake 

Poole 243 

Art. Xin. — Notice on the Dinars of the Abbasside Dynasty. 

By Edward Thomas Eogers 262 

Art. XIV. — The Northern Frontagers of China. Part II. 
The Origines of the Manchus. By H. H. 
Howorth 305 

Art. XV. — Notes on the Old Mongolian Capital of Shangtu. 

By S. W. Bushell, B.Sc, M.D 329 

Art. XVI. — Oriental Proverbs in their Eolations to Folk- 
lore, History, Sociology ; with Suggestions for 
their Collection, Interpretation, Publication. By 
the Eev. J. Long 339 

Art. XVII. — Two Old Simhalese Inscriptions. The Sahasa 
Malla Inscription, date 1200 a.d., and the 
Euwanwseli Dagaba Inscription, date 1191 a.d. 
Text, Translation, and Notes. By T. W. Ehts 
Davids 853 

Art. XVIII. — Notes on a Bactrian Pali Inscription and the 

Samvat Era. By Prof. J. Dowson 376 

Art. XIX. — Note on a Jade Drinking Vessel of the Emperor 

JahdngCr. By Edward Thohas, F.E.S 384 

Index ' 391 



Appendix. 

A Specimen of a Syriac Version of the Kalllah 
wa-Dimnah, with an English Translation. By 
W. Weight 1 



JOURNAL 



OP 



THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



Art. I. — The Upasampadd-Kammavdcd being the Buddhist 
Manual of the Form and Manner of Ordering of Priests 
and Deacons. The Pali Text, mth a Translation and 
Notes. By J. F. Dickson, B.A., sometime Student of 
Christ Church, Oxford, now of the Ceylon Civil Service. 

In May, 1872, I was invited by my learned friend and 
pandit Kewitiydgala Unn&ns^, of the Malwatt^ Monastery in 
Kandy, to be present at an ordination service, held, accordin]g 
to custom, on the full-moon day of Wesak, (May, June), 
being the anniversary of the day on which Gautama Buddha 
attained Nirvdna, B.C. 543. I gladly availed myself of this 
opportunity of witnessing the celebration of a rite of which 
Englishmen have but little knowledge, and which has rarely, 
if ever, been witnessed by any European in Ceylon. 

Nothing could be more impressive than the order and 
solemnity of the proceedings. It was impossible not to feel 
that the ceremony was being conducted precisely as it was 
more than two thousand years ago. 

The chapter house (Sinhalese, Poya-ge) is an oblong hall, 
with rows of pillars forming an inner space and leaving broad 
aisles at the sides. At the top of this inner space sat the aged 
Abbot (Sinhalese, Maha Ndyaka), as president of the chapter; 
on either side of him sat the elder priests, and down the sides 
sat the other priests in number between thirty and forty. 
The chapter or assembly thus formed three sides of an oblong. 
The president sat on cushions and a carpet ; the other priests 
sat on mats covered with white calico. They all sat cross- 
legged. On the fourth side, at the foot, stood the candidates, 
behind the pillars on the right stood the deacons, the left was 

VOL. YU. — [new SBKIB8.] 1 



2 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OP THE FORM AND MANNER 

given up to the visitors, and beliind the candidates at the 
bottom was a crowd of Buddhist laymen. 

To form a chapter for this purpose not less than ten duly 
ordained priests are required, and the president must be not 
less than ten years' standing from his TJpasampada ordination. 
The priests attending the chapter are required to give their 
imdivided, unremitting, and devout attention throughout 
the service. Every priest is instructed to join heart and 
ipind in the exhortations, responses, formulas, etc., and 
to correct every error, lest the oversight of a single mistake 
should vitiate the efficacy of the rite. Previously to the 
ordination the candidates are subjected to a strict and 
searching examination as to their knowledge of the discourses 
of Buddha, the duties of a priest, etc. An examination and 
ordination is held on the full-moon day in Wesak, and on the 
three succeeding Poya days, or days of quarters of the moon. 

After witnessing the celebration of this rite, I read the 
Upasampadd-Kammavdcd or book setting forth the form and 
manner of ordering of priests and deacons, and I was subse- 
quently induced to translate it. This manual was translated 
into Italian in 1776, by Padre Maria Percoto (Missionary in 
Avaand Pegu), under the title of "Kammuva, ossia trattato 
della ordinazione dei Talapoini del secondo ordine detti Pinzi,'' 
and a portion of it was edited in 1841, in P&li and Latin, by 
Professor Spiegel. Glough translated it in 1834, and Hardy 
has given an interesting summary of it in his Eastern 
Monachism ; but neither the text nor any complete transla- 
tion is readily accessible, and I have therefore thought that 
this edition might possibly be acceptable to those who desire 
information respecting the practice of Buddhism in Ceylon, 
where, as is well pointed out by Mr. Ghilders, in his Pdli 
Dictionary, (s.v. Nibb&nam, p. 272, note), ''Buddhism retains 
almost its pristine purity/' 

With regard to the transliteration, I have used the 
system adopted (after Fausboll) by Mr. Ghilders in his 
Dictionary. In the translation I have placed in italics the 
rubrical directions in the text, and all explanations and 
amplifications of the text I have placed in square brackets. 



OF ORDERING OF PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 3 

I have thus endeavoured to give a translation of the text as 

it stands, and, at the same time, to set out the ordination 

service fully and completely, precisely in the form in use in 

Ceylon at the present time, as I have myself witnessed it. 

No one who compares this form with that given in article 

XY. of Hodgson's ''Literature and ReUgion of the Buddhists 

in Nepaul," can fail to be struck with the purity and simplicity 

of the Ceylon rite as contrasted with that in use among the 

Northern Buddhists. 

J. F. D. 

Kandyj ^th January ^ 1873. 



upasampadA-kammavaca. 

Namo tassa bhagavato arahato sannndsambuddhassa. 

Ok^sa. Kdmnnaih katvd pabbajjam detba me bhante. Ukkutikam 
nisiditvd, Abam bhante pabbajjam ydcdmi. Datiyam pi abam bhante 
pabbajjam yddimi. Tatiyam pi abam bhante pabbajjam ydcdml. Sabba- 
dnkkhanissarananibb&nasaccbikaranatth&ya imam k&sdvam gahetvd 
pabbdjetha mam bhante anukampam updddya. Tatiyavdram, Sabba- 
dukkbanissarananibbdnasacchikaranatth&ya etam kdsdvam datvd pabba- 
jetha mam bhante anukampam updddya. Tatiyavdram. Okasa. Vand&- 
mi bhante. Sabbani aparidham khamatha me bhante. Mayd katam 
punfiam sdmind anumoditabbam. Samin4 katam punnam mayham d^- 
tabbam. Sddha s&dhu. Anumoddmi. Okdsa. K4runnam katvd fisaranena 
saha sfl&ni detba me bhante. Abam bhante saranasnam ydc&mi. Dati- 
yam pi abam bhante sara^asflam y&cdmi. Tatiyam pi abam bhante 
sara^asdam y&cdmi. Imdni dasasikkhapaddni samddiydmi. Okdsa. 
Vanddmi bhante. Anumoddmi. 



Okdsa. Kdninnam katvd nissayam detba me bhante. UkkuHkaai 
nisiditvd. Abam bhante nissayani ydcdmi. Dutiyam pi abam bhante 
Dissayam ydcdmi. Tatiyam pi abam bhante nissayam ydcdmi. Upa- 
jjhdyo me bhante bohi. Tatiyavdram, Patir6pam. Okdsa. Sampa- 
ficcbdmi. Tatiyavdram, Ajjatagge ddni thero mayham bhdro aham 
pi therassa bhdro. Tatiyavdram, 

Okdsa. Tvam Ndgo ndma. Okdsa. Ama bhante. Tayham upayhdyo 
dyasmd Tissatthero ndma. Okdsa. Ama bhante. 



4 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OF THE FORM AND MANNER 

Namo tassa bhagavato arahato samrndsambaddhassa. 
Pathamam upajjhani g^hdpetabbo. Uppajjbam gahapetva pattaci- 
varam deikkhitabbam. Ayam te patto. Ama bhante. Ayam sangbati. 
Ama bhante. Ayam uttar^sango. Ama bbante. AJram antaravasako. 
Ama bhante. Gaccba amumbi okdse tit^hdhi. Sundtu me bbante 
sangbo. Nago dyasmato Tissassa upasampaddpekbo. Yadi sanghassa 
pattakallaih abam Ndgam anusaseyyam. Sunasi Ndga. Ayam te sacca- 
kdlo bhiitakalo. Yam jdtam tarn sanghamajjbe pucchante santam attblti 
vattabbam, asiEintam n*atthiti vattabbam. M4 kho vittbasi. Ma kho 
manku ahosi. Evan tarn puccbissan ti. Santi te evar6p4 dbddbd, 
kuttham. N'atthi bhante. Gan4o. N'atthi bhante. Kildso. N'atthi 
bhante. Soso. N'atthi bhante. Apam4ro. N'atthi bhante. Manusso'si. 
Ama bbante. Puriso'si. Ama bhante. Bhujiso'si. Ama bbante. Ana- 
no^si. Ama bhante. N'asi rdjabha^o. Ama bhante. Aunnfidto'si jndtd- 
pituhi. Ama bhante. Paripunnavisativasso'si. Ama bbante. Pari- 
piinnaih te pattaclvaram. Ama bhante. Kinndmo'si. Abam bbante Ndgo 
ndma. Kondmo te upajjhayo. Upajjhdyo me bhante ayasmd Tissatthero 
ndma. Sunatu me bhante sangbo. Ndgo dyasmato Tissassa upasampada- 
pekho. Anusittho so maya. Yadi sanghassa pattakallam Ndgo dgaccheyya 
dgacchdhiti vattabbo. Agaccbdhi. Sangbam bhante upasampadam ydcd- 
mi. UUumpatu mam bhante sangbo anukampam updddya. Dutiyam pi 
bbante sangbam upasampadam yddlmi. Ulhimpatu mam bbante sangbo 
anukampam upaddya. Tatiyam pi bhante sangbam upasampadam ydcd- 
mi. UUumpatu mam bbante sangbo anukampam upadaya. Su^dtu me 
bhante sangbo. Ayam Nago dyasmato Tissassa upasampaddpekbo. Yadi 
sanghassa pattakallam abam Ndgam antardyike dhamme puccbeyyam. 
Sunasi Ndga. Ayam te saccakdlo bhdtakdlo. Yam jdtaih tam pucchdmi. 
Santam atthiti vattabbam. Asantam n'atthiti vattabbam. Santi te 
evarupd dbddha, kuttham. N'atthi bhante. Gan4o. N'atthi bhante. 
Kildso. N'atthi bhante. Soso. N'atthi bhante. Apamdro. N'atthi 
bhante. Manusso'si. Ama bbante. Puriso'si. Ama bhante. Bhujisso'si. 
Ama bhante. Anano'si. Ama bhante. N'asi rdjabhafo. Ama bbante. 
Anufindto'si mdtdpitdhi. Ama bhante. Paripunnavfsativasso'si. Ama 
bhante. Paripunnan te civaram. Ama bhante. Kinndmo'si. Aham 
bhante Ndgo ndma. Kondmo te upajjhdjo. Upajjhdyo me bbante 
dyasmd Tissatthero ndma. Sundtu me bhante sangbo. Ayam Ndgo dyas- 
mato Tissassa upasampaddpekbo. Parisuddho antardyikebi dhammebi. 
Psripunnassa pattadvaram. Ndgo sangbam upasampadam ydcati 
ayasmatd Tissena upajjhayena. Yadi sanghassa pattakallam sangbo 



OP ORDERING OF PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 5 

Nagam upasampddeyya dyasmatd Tissena apajjMyena, esd Hatti. Sandta 
me bhante sangho. Ayam Ndgo dyasmato Tissassa upasampaddpekho. 
Parisuddho antardyikehi dhammehi. Paripunnassa pattacivaram. Nago 
sangham upasampadaih ydcati ^yasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena. Sangho 
Ndgam upasampddeti dyasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena. Yass'ayasmato 
khamati Ndgassa opasampadd dyasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena so 
ta^b'assa. Yassa ua khamati so hh^yya. Dutiyam pi etam attham 
vadimi. Sundtu me bhante sangho. Ayam N^o dyasmato Tissassa 
npasampadapekho. Parisuddho antardyikehi dhammehi, paripunn'assa 
pattacfvaram. Ndgo sangham upasampadam yacati ^yasmatd Tissena 
npajjhdyena. Sangho Ndgam opasampddeti ayasmatd Tissena upajjhd- 
yena. Yass'dyasmato, khamati N%assa upasampadd dyasmatd Tissena 
upajjhayena so tunliassa. Yassa na khamati so bhdseyya. Tatiyam pi 
etam attham vadami» Sundtu bhante sangho. Ayam Ndgo dyasmato 
Tissassa upasampaddpekho. Parisuddho antardyikehi dhammehi, 
paripu^^Vissa pattacivaram. Ndgo sangham upasampadam ydeati 
dyasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena. Sangho Ndgam upasampadeti dyasmaid 
Tissena upajjhdyena. Yass'dyasmato khamati Ndgassa upasampadd 
dyasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena so tunh'assa. Yassa na khamati so bhd- 
seyya. Upasampanno sanghena Ndgo dyasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena. 
Khamati sanghassa tasma tu^hi. Evam etam dhdraydmiti. 



Tdvad eva efadyd metabbd. Utupamdnam dcikkhitabliam. Divasa- 
bhdgo dcikkhitabbo. Sangfti dcikkhitabbd. Cattdro nissayd dcikkhi- 
tabbd cattdri ca akaraniydni dcikkhitabbdni. Pin^iyalopabhojanam 
nissdya pabbajjd. Tattha te ydvajivam ussdho karanfyo. Atirekaldbho, 
saDgbabhattam uddesabhattam nimantanam saldkabbattam pakkhikam 
uposathikam pd^ipadikam* Ama bhante. Pansukiilacivaram nissdya 
pabbajjd. Tattha te ydvajivam ussdho kara^iyo. Atirekaldbho khomam 
kappdsikam koseyyom kambalam sdnam bhangam. Ama bhante 
Rukkhamiilasendsanam nissdya pabbajjd. Tattha te ydvajivam ussdho 
karaniyo. Atirekaldbho, vihdro aiji^hayogo pdsddo hammiyaih guhd. 
Ama bhante. P6timuttabhesajjam nissdya pabbajjd. Tattha te ydvajivam 
ussdho karaniyo. Atirekaldbho, sappi navanitam telaih madhupphdni- 
tam. Ama bhante. Upasampannena bhikkhund metbuno dhammo 
na patisevitabbo, antamaso tiracchdnagatdya pi. Yo bhikkhu methunam 
dhammam pafisevati assamano hoti asakyaputtiyo. Seyyathd pi ndma 
puriso sisacchinno abhabbo tena saHrabandhaneoa jivitum evameva 



6 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OF THE FORM AND MANNER 

bhikkhu metbunam dhammam pafisevitvi assama^o hoti asakyaputtiyo. 
Tarn te ydvajivam akaranfyam. Ama bhante. 

Upasampannena bhikkhund adinnam theyyasankbatam na ddatabbam, 
antamaso tinasaldkam up&d4ya. Yo bhikkbu pddam vd pddiraham v£ 
atirekapidam vd adinnam theyyasankhdtaih ddiyati assamano hoti 
asakyaputtiyo. Seyyatba pi n&ma pan^upal&so bandhand pamntto 
abhabbo baritatt&ya, evameva bliikkhu pddam v4 paddrabam \'d atireka- 
pddam va adinnam theyyasankbdtam ddiyitva assamano hoti asalsya- 
puttiyo. Tarn te yavajivam akaraniyam. Ama bhante. 

Upasampannena bhikkhuna sancicca pdno j(vit4 na voropetabbo, anta- 
maso kunthakipillikam upadaya. Yo bhikkbu sancicca manussa^iggaham 
jivitd voropeti, antamaso gabbhapdtanam upddaya, assamano hoti asalsya- 
puttiyo. Seyyathd pi ndma puthusild dvedhdbhinnd appafisandhikd hoti, 
evameva bhildtbu sancicca manussaviggaham jivitd voropetvd assamano 
hoti asakyaputtiyo. Tarn te ydvajivam akaranfyam. Ama bhante. 

Upasampannena bhilikhund uttarimanussadhammo na uHapitabbo, 
antamaso sufifidgdre abhiramdmiti. Yo bhikkhu papiccho icchdpakato 
asantam abhutam uttarimanussadbammam uDapati jhdnam vd vimo- 
kham vd samddhim vd maggam vd phalam vd assamano hoti asakya- 
puttiyo. Seyyathd pi ndma tdlo matthnkacchinno abhabbo punavir^lhiyd, 
evameva bhildthu papiccho icchapakato asantam abhdtam uttari- 
manussadbammam ullapitd assamano hoti asakyaputtiyo. Tarn te 
yavajivam akaraniyam. Ama bhante. 



THE ORDINATION SERVICE, 

Praise be to the Blessed One, the Holy One, to him who has arrived at 

the knowledge of all Truth. 

[The candidate, accompanied by his Tutor, in the dress of a layman, 
but having the yellow robes of a priest in his arms, makes the usual 
obeisance and offering to the President of the chapter, and standing 
says,] 

Grant me leave to speak. Lord, graciously gfrant me admission to 
deacon's orders. Kneels dovm. Lord, I pray for admission as a deacon. 
Again, lord, I pray for admission as a deacon. A third time, lord, I 
pray for admission as a deacon. In compassion for me, lord, take 
these yellow robes, and let me be ordained, in order to the destruction of 
all sorrow, and in order to the attainment of Nirvd^a. To be repeated 



OF ORDERING OF PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 7 

three times. [The President takes the bundle of robes.] In compassion 
for me, lord, give me those yellow robes, and let me be ordained, in order 
to the destruction of all sorrow, and in order to the attainment of Nlrvdna. 
To be repeated three times, [And the President then gives the bundle 
of robes, the yellow band of which he ties round the neck of the 
candidate, reciting the while the tacapaficakaih, or formula of meditation 
on the perishable nature of the human body, as follows: kes4 lom£ 
nakhd dantd taco — taco dantd nakhd lom& kesd. Hair of the head, hair of 
the body, nails, teeth, skin — skin, teeth, nails, hair of the body, hair of 
the head. The candidate then rises up, and retires to throw off the dress 
of a layman, and to put on his yellow robes. While changing his dress 
he recites the following : — Pa^isankha yoniso civaram pa^isevdmi ydvad 
eva sftassa pa^ighdtaya unhassa pafighdtdya 4^^^^^"^^^^^^^^?^" 
sirimsapasamphassanam pa^ighdtaya yavad eva hirikopinapaticchddan- 
atthaih. In wisdom I put on the robes, as a protection against cold, 
as a protection against heat, as a protection against gadflies and mus- 
quitoes, wind and sun, and the touch of serpents, and to cover naked- 
ness, i,e, I wear them in all humility, for use only, and not for ornament 
or show. Having put on the yellow robes, he returns to the side of his 
tutor, and says,] Grant me leave to speak. I make obeisance to my 
lord. Lord, forgive me all my faults. Let the merit that I have gained 
be shared by my lord. It is fitting to give me to share in the merit 
gained by my lord. It is good, it is good. I share in it. Grant me 
leave to speak. Graciously give me, lord, the three refuges and the 
precepts. [He kneels down.] Lord, I pray for the refuges and the 
precepts. 

[The tutor gives the three refuges and the ten precepts as follows, 
the candidate still kneeling, and repeating them after him sentence by 
sentence. 

1. 

Buddham saranam gacchdmi. 

Dhammam saranam gaochdmi. 

Sangham saranam gacchdmi. 

Dutiyam pi buddham saranam gacchdmi. 

Dutiyam pi dhammam saranam gacchdmi. 

Dutiyam pi saugham saranam gacchdmi. 

Tatiyam pi buddham saranam gacchdmi. 

Tatiyam pi dhammam saranam gacchdmi. 

Tatiyam pi sangham sarai^am gacchdmi. Sara^attayam. 



THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OP THE FORM AND MANNER 

2. 

Pdn&tipdtd verama^f sikkbapadam. 
Adinnaddnd veramani sikkhdpadam. 
Abrahmacariyd veramani sikkhdpad&m. 
Musav&dd veramani sikkhdpadam. 
Surdmerayamajjapam^da^th^nd veramaijii sikkhdpadam. 
Vikdlabhojand veramani sikkbdpadam. 
Naccagitavdditavistikadassand veramani sikkbdpadam. 
Mdlagandhavilepanadhdra9aman4anavibhii8ana^hdna veramani 

sikkbdpadam. 
Uccdsayanamahdsayaud veramani sikkhdpadam. 
Jdlardparajatapatiggahand veramani sikkbapadam. Dasasikkbd- 
padam. 

1. 

Tbe Tbree Refuges. 

I put my trust in Buddba. 

I put my trust in tbe Law. 

I put my trust in tbe Priestbood. 

Again I put my trust in Buddba. 

Again I put my trust in tbe Law. 

Again I put my trust in tbe Priestbood. 

Once more I put my trust in Buddba. 

Once more I put my trust in tbe Law. 

Once more I put my trust in tbe Priestbood. 

2. 

Tbe ten precepts or laws of tbe Priestbood. 

Abstinence from destroying life ; 

Abstinence from tbeft ; 

Abstinence from fornication and all uncleanness ; 

Abstinence from lying ; 

Abstinence from fermented liquor, spirits and strong drink wbicb 

are a bindrance to merit ; 
Abstinence from eating at forbidden times ; 
Abstinence from dancing, singing, and sbows ; 
Abstinence from adorning and beautifying tbe person by tbe use of 

garlands, perfumes and unguents ; 



OF ORDERING OF PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 9 

Abstinence from using a high or a large couch or seat ; 
Abstinence from receiving gold and silver ; 
* are the ten means (of leading a moral life).^ 

[The candidate says,] 

I have received these ten precepts. Permit me. [He rises up, and 
makes obeisance to his Tutor.] Lord, I make obeisance. Forgive me 
all my faults. May the merit I have gained be shared by my lord. 
Give me to share in the merit of my lord. It is good, it is good. I 
share in it. 

[This completes the ordination of a deacon, and the candidate retires.] 



The foregoing ceremony is gone through previous to the ordination of 
a priest in all cases, even where the candidate has already been admitted 
as a deacon. If the candidate is duly qualified for the priestly office, he 
can proceed at once from deacon's to priest's orders ; otherwise he must 
pass a term of instruction as a deacon : but a candidate who has received 
deacon's orders must solicit them again, and go through the above 
ceremony when presented for priesfs orders. 

The candidate, being duly qualified, returns with his tutor, and goes 
up to the President of the chapter, presenting an offering, and makes 
obeisance, saying,] 

Permit me to speak. Lord, graciously grant me your sanction and 
support.^ He kneels doum. Lord, I pray for your sanction and 
support; a second time, lord, I pray for your sanction and support; 
a third time, lord, I pray for your sanction and support. Lord, be my 
superior. This is repeated three times. [The President says,] It is 
weU. [And the candidate replies,] I am content. This is repeated 
three times. From this day forth my lord is my charge. I am charge 
to my lord. [This vow of mutual assistance] is repeated three times. 

[The candidate rises up, makes obeisance, and retires alone to the foot 
of the assembly, where his alms-bowl is strapped on to his back. His 
tutor then g^s down, takes him by the hand, and brings him back, 
placing him in front of the President. One of the assembled priests 
stands up, and places himself on the other side of the candidate, who thus 
stands between two tutors.^ The tutors say to the assembly,] With 
your permission, [and then proceed to examine the candidate as to his 

1 See Ehuddakap&tha, by R. C. Childers, pp. 2, 3. 



10 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OF THB FORM AND MANNER 

fitness to be admitted to priest's orders]. Yoar name is Ndga? It is 
so, lord. Your superior is the venerable Tissa? It is so, lord. [The 
two tutors together say,] Praise be to the Blessed one, the Holy one, to 
him who has arrived at the knowledge of all Truth. [They then recite 
the following commands of Buddha.] First it is right to appoint a 
superior. When the superior has been appointed, it is right to inquire 
whether the candidate has alms-bowl and robes [which they do as 
follows]. Is this your alms-bowl? It is so, lord. Is this the stole ?^ 
It is so, lord. Is this the upper robe ? It is so, lord. Is this the under 
robe? It is so, lord. Go and stand there. [The candidate here retires, 
going backwards in a reverential posture, and stands at the lower comer 
of the assembly. The tutors remain in front of the President, and one 
of them says,] Priests, hear me. Tlie candidate desires ordination 
under the venerable Tissa. Now is the time of the assembly of priests. 
I will instruct the candidate. [The tutors make obeisance to the 
President, and go down to the foot of the assembly, and join the 
candidate, whom they instruct and examine as follows.] Listen, 
N%a. This is the time for you to speak the truth, to state what 
has occurred. When asked concerning anything in the midst of the 
assembly, if it be true, it is meet to say so ; if it be not true, it is meet to 
say that it is not. Do not hesitate. Conceal nothing. They inquire 
qf the candidate as follows. Have you any such diseases as these ? 
Leprosy? No, lord. Boils? No, lord. Itch? No, lord. Asthma? No, 
lord. Epilepsy? No, lord. Are you a human being? Yes, lord. Are 
you a male? Yes, lord. Are you a free man? Yes, lord. Are you free 
from debt? Yes, lord. Are you exempt from military service. Yes, 
lord. Have you come with the permission of your parents? Yes, lord. 
Are you of the full age of twenty years? Yes, lord. Are your alms- 
bowl and robes complete? Yes, lord. What is your name? Lord, I am 
called N%a. What is the name of your superior ? Lord, my 
superior is called the venerable Tissa. [The two tutors here go to the 
top of the assembly, and make obeisance to the President, and one of 
them says,] Priests, hear me. The candidate desires ordination under 
the venerable Tissa. He has been duly instructed by me. Now is the 
time of the assembly of priests. If the candidate is here, it is right to 
tell him to approach. [One of the tutors says.] Come hither. [The 
candidate comes up, and stands between the tutors, makes obeisance to 
the assembly, and kneels down. Priests, I ask the assembly for ordination. 
Priests, have compassion on me, and lift me up.^ A second time, lords. 



OF ORDERING OP PRIESTS AND DEACONS. H 

I ask the assembly for ordination ; lords, have compassion on me, and 
lift me up. A third time, lords, I ask the assembly for ordination. 
Lords, have compassion on me, and lift me up. [The candidate rises up, 
and makes obeisance. The tutors say,] Priests, hear me. This 
candidate desires ordination under the venerable Tlssa. Now is the 
time of the assembly of priests. I will examine the candidate 
respecting the disqualifications for the pnestly office. Listen, N%a, 
This is the time for you to speak the truth, to state what has occurred. 
i will inquire of you concerning facts. If a thing is, it is right to say it 
is ; if a thing is not, it is right to say it is not. Have you auy such 
diseases as these? Leprosy? No, lord. Boils? No, lord. Itch? No, 
lord. Asthma? No, lord. Epilepsy? No, lord. Are you a human 
being? Yes, lord. Are you a male? Yes, lord. Are you free from 
debt? Yes, lord. Are you exempt from military service? Yes, lord. 
Have you come with the permission of your parents ? Yes, lord. Are 
you of the full age of twenty years ? Yes, lord. Are your alms-bowl 
and robes complete? Yes, lord. What is your name? Lord, I am 
called Ndga. What is the name of your superior? My superior, lord, 
is called the venerable Tissa. [Here ends the examination in the midst 
of the assembly, and one of the tutors reports the result as follows.] This 
candidate desires ordination under the venerable Tissa. He is free 
from disqualifications. He has his alms-bowl and robes complete. The 
candidate asks the assembly for ordination uuder his superior the 
venerable Ussa. The assembly gives the candidate ordination under 
his superior the venerable Tissa. If any of the venerable assembly 
approves the ordination of the candidate under the venerable Tissa, let 
him be silent ; if any objects, let him speak. A second time I state this 
matter. Priests, hear me. This candidate desires ordination under the 
venerable Tissa. He is free from disqualifications for the priestly 
office. His alms-b«wl and robes are complete. The candidate asks 
the priesthood for ordination under his superior the venerable Tissa. 
The assembly gives the candidate ordination under his superior the 
venerable Tissa. If any of the venerable assembly approve the ordina- 
tion of the candidate under his superior the venerable Tissa, let him be 
silent ; if any objects, let him speak. A third time I state this matter. 
Priests, listen. This candidate desires ordination under the venerable 
Tissa. He is free from disqualifications for the priestly office. His 
alms-bowl and robes are complete. The candidate asks the priesthood 
for ordination under his superior the venerable Tissa. The assembly 



12 THE BUDDmST MANUAL OF THE FORM AND MANNER 

gives the candidate ordination under his superior the venerable Tlssa. 
If any of the venerable assembly approves the ordination of the candidate 
under his superior the venerable Tissa, let him be silent ; if any objects, 
let him speak. [The two tutors here again make obeisance to the Presi- 
dent, and say,] The candidate has received ordination from the priest- 
hood under his superior the venerable Tissa. The assembly approves 
the resolution : therefore it keeps silence. So J understand your wish. 



[The ordination is here ended, and the candidate retires to the foot of 
the assembly, in which the tutors now resume their seats. The ceremony 
is repeated with each candidate, and when all the candidates have been 
ordained, one of the assembly (generally one of the tutors) rises up, and 
addresses the following exhortation to the recently ordained priests, who 
stand in a reverential attitude.] 

It is meet to measure the shadow of the sun.^ It is meet to tell the 
season. It is meet to tell the division of the day. It is meet to tell all 
these together. It is meet to tell the four requisites for a priest.' It is 
meet to tell the four sins forbidden to priests to commit. Food collected 
in the alms-bowl is a requisite of a priest. So fed, it is good for you to 
strive so long as life shall last. The following exceptions are allowed : 
rice offered to the whole body of the priests ; rice offered to a certain 
number of priests; rice offered on special invitation to a particular 
priest; rice offered by lot;^ rice offered once in fifteen days; rice 
offered on the full-moon days ; rice offered on the day following jfull- 
moon day. Yes, lord. 

Robes made of pieces of rag are a requisite of a priest. So clad, it is 
good for you to strive so long as life shall last. The following ex- 
ceptions are allowed : robes made of linen, of cotton, of silk, of wool, 
of hemp, or of these five materials together .'^ Yes, lord. Lodging at 
the foot of a tree is a requisite for a priest. So lodged, it is good of 
you to strive so long as life shall last. The following exceptions are 
allowed: monasteries; large halls; houses of more than one story; 
houses surrounded by walls ; rock caves. Yes, lord. Cow's urine as 
medicine is a requisite for a priest. Thus provided, it is good for you 
to strive so long as life shall last. The following exceptions are allowed : 
cow's butter ; cream ; rape oil ; honey ; sugar. Yes, lord. 

A priest must not indulge in sexual intercourse, in short not even with 
a female of any kind. If any priest indulges in sexual intercourse, he 



OF ORDERING OF PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 13 

ceases to be a priest, and is no longer a son of Sakya, Just as a man 
whose head is cut off is unable to live, so does a priest who has indulged 
in sexual intercourse cease to be a priest, or to be a son of Sakya. This 
k to be avoided by you as long as life shall last. Yes, lord. 

A priest must not take, with dishonest intent, anything which is not 
given to him, not even a blade of grass. If any priest takes, with dis- 
honest intent, either a quarter of a pag^da,^ or anything worth as much 
or more, he ceases to be a priest, and is no longer a son of Sakya. Just 
as a sere leaf loosed from its stalk can never again become green, so a 
priest who, with dishonest intent, has taken anything which has not 
been given to him, ceases to be a priest, or to be a son of Sakya. This 
is to be avoided by you as long as life shall last. Yes, lord. 

A priest must not knowingly destroy human life, in short not even 
the life of an ant.^ If any priest destroys human life even by causing 
abortion, he ceases to be a priest, or to be a son of Sakya. Just as a 
large rock once cleft in two can never be re-united, so does a priest 
who has knowingly destroyed human life, cease to be a priest, or to 
be a son of Sakya. This is to be avoided by you as long as life shall 
last. Yes, lord. 

A priest must not lay claim to more than human perfection, even by 
saying, " I delight in a solitary hut." If any priest with evil intent and 
for sake of gain untruly and falsely lays claim to more than human per- 
fection, whether a sfate of mystic meditation,^ or freedom from passion,™ 
or perfect tranquillity," or a state of absorption removed from all 
worldly influence,*' or attainment of the four paths, or of the fruition of 
those paths,^ he ceases to be a priest, and is no longer a son of Sakya. 
Just as a palmyra tree, the top of which has been cut off, can never 
Sprout again, so a priest who, with evil intent and for sake of gain, 
untruly and falsely has laid claim to more than human perfection, ceases 
to be a priest, or to be a son of Sakya. This is to be avoided so long as 
life shall last. Yes, lord. 



NOTES. 

^ Nissayo, Without the consent and promise of assistance of a 
priest of ten years' standing, the candidate cannot obtain ordination. 
Nissayo involves mutual assistance and association for at least five years. 
The elder who gives nissa beconies the spiritual superior or preceptor 
(upqjljhdyo), and the one who receives nissa becomes his co-resident or 



14 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OF THE POEM AND MANNER 

pupil (nigsantevdriko). The relative duties of the two are laid down in 
detail in the Vinayapitaka. Briefly the superior is to advise and instruct 
his co-resident, and to perform towards him all the duties of a parent in 
sickness and in health. The co-resident is to tfeat his superior with all 
the respect due to a father, and to perform for him all the duties of a 
personal attendant. Buddha directs that fluent-speakings and well- 
informed priests shall remiun as pupils for five years. They who are 
not fluent-speaking* shall remain as pupils as long as they live. 

^ Tutors (Kammavdcdrino). The tutors represent the assembly, and 
conduct the examinations on its behalf. Compare the relations of the 
proctors at Oxford to Convocation. 

^ Sanghdii. Stole. This part of the dress is a large double robe 
folded to about five inches in breadth, which is thrown over the left 
shoulder, and fastened close to the body by a waist-belt. This robe is 
used by a priest when travelling as a doak. 

^ Lift me up {ullumpatu). The meaning of this is explained in the 
commentary to be, lift me up from the slough of demerit {tJcusala) to the 
dry land of merit (kuMla), or lift me up from the lower order of a 
deacon (sduian&a) to the higher order of a fully ordained priest (i^mi- 
sampadd). 

® The hour, day and month are carefully recorded, to settle the 
order of seniority among the newly ordained priests. 

' The four ninayd or requisites are all that alw necessary fur an 
ascetic ; but the exceptions under each head, which were allowed in early 
times only occasionally, have now been generally adopted as the rule ; 
and the ascetic principle is, in fact, destroyed. Still the priests live 
strictly by rule, and with the utmost simplicity. 

^ SaldkOf by lot or tally. The practice is occasionally for several 
householders to ag^ree together to give food to the priests of a monastery. 
Each householder writes his name on a piece of ola or palm-leaf; all 
the names are put into an alms-bowl, and each priest draws a lot, and 
goes to the house thus indicated, whether it be rich or poor. 

^ Bhangam, In Childers' Pdli Dictionary this is given as "hetnpen 
cloth," and in Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary bhangd is g^ven as 
hemp (Cannabis sativa) ; but the commentary explains it as cloth made 
of the five materials mentioned in the text. 

^ A quarter of a pagoda, somewhat less than two shillings, it is a 
sin to take even a blade of gprass, but a priest must be guilty of theft to 
the value of about two shillings to be expelled from the priesthood. 



OP ORDERING OP PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 15 

^ KunthakipUlikathf lit. a large-black-ant, and the-smallest-kind-of- 
ant. To take life at all is a sin ; but to take human life even by pro- 
curing abortion is a sin involving expulsion from the priesthood. 

^ Jhdnam, abstract or mystic meditation. The following explanation 
is taken from Childers' Pdli Dictionary, s.v. "Jhdna is a religious exercise 
productive of the highest spiritual advantage, leading after death to 
re-birth iu one of the Brahma heavens, and forming the principal means 
of entrance into the four Paths. The four Jhdnas are four stages of 
mystic meditation, whereby the believer's mind is purged from all 
earthly emotions, and detached as it were from the body, which remains 
plunged in a profound trance. The priest desirous of practising Jhdna 
retires to some secluded spot, seats himself cross-legged, and shutting 
out the world, concentrates his mind upon a single thought. Gradually 
his soul becomes filled with a supernatural ecstasy and serenity, while 
his mind still reasons upon and investigates the subject chosen for con- 
templation ; this is the first Jhdna, Still fixing his thoughts upon the 
same subject, he then frees his mind from reasoning and investigation, 
while the ecstasy and serenity remain, and this is the second Jhdna. 
Next, his thoughts still fixed as before, he divests himself of ecstasy, 
and attains the third Jhdna, which is a state of tranquil serenity. 
Lastly, he passes to the fourth Jhdna, in which the mind, exalted and 
purified, is indifferent to all emotions, alike of pleasure and of pain." 

^ Fimokkho (from muncati, to loosen). The term is thus explained 
in the Patisambhiddpakaranath of the Khuddakanikdya, Pathamena 
jhdnena nivaranehi mueeattti vimokkho arahattamaggena gabba" 
kilesehi muccatiti vimokkho. It is a loosening of the bonds formed by 
the elements of existence, and hence freedom from the ten evil passions. 
It is discussed under sixty-eight heads, of which the three principal are, 
1. Suhnato vimokkho, the regarding the body as mere emptiness; the 
contemplation of the Void, i.e. a state which has no self. 2. Animitto v,, 
the freedom from passion which results from the contemplation of the 
unconditioned, or from regarding the perishable nature of the elements 
of existence. 3. Appanihito v,, the freedom from longing or desire 
resulting from a contemplation of the sorrow attaching to the elements 
of existence. By these three the four paths and the four phala are 
attained by those who have vipassand, or the power of supernatural 
sight. 

^ Samddhi, a state of meditation in which the mind, shut up in itself 
and insensible to that which is passing around, contemplates only the 



16 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL, ETC. 

virtaes of Buddha, etc The following illustration is taken from the 
Mahdvansa (see Tumour's translation, pp. 261, 262): "The usurper 
stripped the king naked, and casting him into iron chains, built up a 
wall, embedding him in it, and exposing his face only to the East, and 
plastered that wall over with clay. Thus the monarch Dhdtusena was 
murdered by his son in the eighteenth year of his reign. This rdja, at 
the time he was improving the Kdlawdpi tank, observed a certain priest 
absorbed in the samddhi meditation, and not being able to rouse him 
from that abstraction, had him buried under the embankment he was 
raising by heaping earth over him. This was the retribution manifested 
in this life for this impious act." The six kinds of Samddhi are 1. 
Buddhdnussati «., 2. Dhammdnussati «., 3. Sanghdnussati «., 4. Sild- 
nussati «., 5. Cdgdnussati &,, 6. Devatdnussati s. ; abstract meditation 
on Buddha, the Law, the Church, mor^l duties, alms-giving, the Gods. 

^ Samdpaiti is of eight kinds, 1. Pathamajjhdnasamdpatti, 2. Duti" 
yajjhdnas,^ 3. Tatiyajjhdnas.^ 4. Catutthajjhdnas,^ 5. AUdsdnahcdya- 
tanas,, 6. Finhanahcdyatanas,, 7. Akihcahhdyatanas., 8. Nevasanhd- 
nasanndyatanas ; the ]>erfect accomplishment of the state of abstrac- 
tion resulting from the practice of each of the four jhdnas (vide suprh 
note ^), and from 5. mastering the idea that space is infinite, 6. that 
thought only exists, 7. that nothing exists, 8. that there is neither 
consciousness nor unconsciousness. 

P Phala, the higher stages of the four paths, the fruition of the four 
paths. There are thus eight grades of sanctification in the road to 
Nirvdna, viz. sotdpattimaggo, sotdpattiphalarhi sakaddgdmimaggo, 
sakaddgdmiphalam, andgdmimaggo, andgdmiphalam, arahattamaggo, 
arahattaphalam. Arahattaphala necessarily ends in Nirvdna, with 
which it is all but identical, and it is sometimes called simply nibbdnam. 
See Childers' Dictionary, 8.vv. maggo, nibbdnam. 



ANCIENT IMPLEMENTS OF SOUTHERN INDIA. 




1- jSj:e. 4. TrianffxUar kn\fe, 

S. Graiii-Bar-cuHar ? 5. Tweezer. 

8. ^rrow-kead. 6. ^rroiu-head. 

7. Bpear-blade. 
W Grigui. F/toto-nrA 



OP THE COIMBATORE DISTRICT. 19 

slabs. A colossal capstone had been laid over the chamber, 
but was now overthrown and broken, and the fragments 
lying scattered round, the interior had been emptied of any- 
thing it may have contained. All the stone-heaps around, 
small and large, covered similar megalithic graves, of di- 
mensions varying from little more than 2 feet by 1, to 6, 8, 
or 10 feet in lengthy and of proportionate breadth. From 
numbers the heaps had disappeared, and the covering-stones 
and tops of the cists were exposed, some level with the 
ground, others raised above ; and not unfrequently,^ the earth 
having sunk or been excavated away, the cist, still bearing 
the capstone, was laid bare for more than half its depth. 
One in particular, the side-slabs of which inclined slightly 
inwards, bore up an immensely broad and massive covering- 
stone, overlapping its supports all round, so as to appear like 
a monstrous mushroom. The chambers even of the smaller 
were seldom less than five feet deep, oblong, and the bottoms, 
always paved with great flagstones, were in the larger fre- 
quently divided lengthwise by a lesser partition-slab. Of 
the contents more will be said presently. A wilder and 
more impressive scene than the site of the cairns could 
be seldom met with. The desolate rugged plain rolling as 
far as eye could reach in rocky ridges and barren expanses, 
whilst around lay the multitudes of blackened grave-mounds; 
many of the massive chambers half revealed, the immense 
capstones on some still in place, on others overthrown or 
fantastically tilted, whilst on all sides rose tall stones, some 
upright, some leaning, — the whole realizing the poet's vision 
of 

'* dismal cirques 
Of Druid stones upon a forlorn moor." 

On the western side of the district, a few miles from the 
Malabar border, is the village of NatkSlpalliam, evidently 
drawing its name (signifying country -stone- village), from the 
megaliths in its precincts. Here the tumuli are not scattered 
over a wild waste, but stand amid cultivated fields, the prin- 
cipal ones not dispersed, but gathered into a sort of nucleus. 
The striking feature here is an assemblage of some fifteen or 



20 MEGALITHIC MONUMENTS 

twenty large cairns close to one another, each surrounded by 
a circle of unusual height and uniformity, the stones tall and 
pointed, often exceeding six feet in height, many of them 
leaning, but none at the circle-heads pre-eminent over the 
others, as at Nallampatti. This company of huge grey 
ancient stones had a curious effect, rising over the tall green 
crops amid which they stood at the time of my visit ; the 
chambers beneath were very large, formed with enormous 
slabs, and divided into two compartments by a slab rising 
to half their depth ; here also one was divided into four 
compartments by three longitudinal slabs. AU these con- 
spicuous graves had been ransacked and emptied. Around 
this predominant group smaller cairns of all sizes extended 
for a considerable distance, as thickly as graves in an ancient 
churchyard ; they were of the same description as those at 
Nallampsttti, and numbers had, no doubt, been effaced by 
cultivation, the chambers still lying undisturbed under the 
surface. I remarked that thjB chambers were more generally 
square here than oblong, as at Nallampatti, widening down- 
wards to a great depth, often exceeding six feet even in the 
smaller. In connexion with the distribution of these remains, 
it may be noted that the three principal mountain ranges of 
Southern India are all visible from the Coimbatore plain, 
the Nilgiris bounding it on the north, the Arnemally and 
Palany Hills on the south, and the Shevaroy, in Salem 
district, on the east. On the last-named hills, the kistvaen- 
sepulchres occur frequently over the whole plateau, and their 
large flat slabs have been extensively utilized by the planters 
in forming drying-floors for coffee. They do not occur on the 
Nilgiris, where rude stone-remains are plentiful, but diverse ; 
whilst on the Palany range no ancient remains, so far as I 
am aware of, exist at all. These mountains have extensive 
plateau regions, and are at this day pretty thickly inhabited. 
It remains to say something of the contents of these mega- 
lithic graves. Some, even of the larger and most laboriously 
constructed, with capstone and chamber complete, and evi- 
dently not previously disturbed, were nevertheless empty, 
whilst large quantities of pottery were found in other, often 



OP THE COIMBATOEE DISTEICT. 21 

comparatively humble-sized, chambers. There was nothing 
by which a productive grave could be distinguished from 
one empty. The pottery of both the cemeteries was of 
characteristic styles, common to all similar megalithic tombs, 
not only in Coimbatore, but in other southern districts, and 
of late found abundantly even in remote and mountainous 
Coorg. This ancient pottery surpasses in design and texture 
that now in common use ; it is made of finely- washed red clay, 
often highly polished by friction, but not, as sometimes as- 
serted, glazed, and frequently ornamented with straight or 
wavy streaks of two or three light tints ; this is peculiar, and 
at once distinguishes this pottery, no such ornamentation is 
now in use. Another decoration consists of Inroader semi- 
circular streaks, concentrically arranged in bows round the 
vessels; something of the same kind is occasionally seen 
to-day upon the painted chatties used by Sanniasies, and 
at certain festivals. One form very characteristic of the 
cairns is a tall narrow urn standing on three or four legs, 
often three feet high, the shoulders frequently rounded. 
These urns generally contain fragments of burnt human 
bones ; nothing of the same shape is now in use, and the 
obvious and useful device of legs to stand on has become 
extinct.^ Some modem baking-chatties and small pots have 
small knobs underneath to steady them, but nothing more. 
Single-footed cups, something like large egg-cups, often occur, 
but are not in use to-day, though so convenient in shape. 
Other forms of pottery more nearly resemble the chatties 
and vessels of modern days. Some are red, either light or 
dark, with or without the wavy or semicircular streaks ; some 
are black, and one large urn was of yellowish clay. Earthen- 
ware rings or stands of all sizes for vessels with round or 
pointed bottoms are exceedingly abundant in the tombs; 
but this device, so simple and convenient fqr native daily 

^ A prodigiously exaggerated and unique variety of this urn was exhumed many 
years ago by the late Capt. Newbold in North Arcot. It was a coffin-shaped 
trough, rounded at the ends, deeply rimmed at the edges, 6| feet long, 10 inches 
deep, 2 feet broad, and stood on eight legs, each 1 foot 3 inches long, and 3) inches 
in diameter. It was filled with hard earth and human bones. Coffin -shaped 
terra-ootta sarcophagi have been discoTered in Babylonia, Egypt, and Italy. 



22 MEGALITHIC MONUMENtS 

requirements, is now, I believe, unknown. Small dishes or 
saucers are also found by dozens, and must have been exten- 
sively used. I once found a thick red earthenware ring 
grooved out on the inner side, and a foot in diameter ; its use 
was not clear, the natives thought it had been a musical instru- 
ment. The principle on which the pottery placed in the 
tombs was selected is not plain ; numbers of the pieces had 
evidently been much used and blackened by fire, whilst many 
were clean as if fresh from the potter. With the singular 
exception of the Nilgiri group, the incised and punctured 
patterns, crossed or herring-bone, with which' British sepul- 
chral urns are generally decorated, are never seen on the 
Goimbatore examples. The latter are generally placed at the 
bottom, round the sides, or in the comers of the cists, often 
with the mouth downwards, sometimes lying on their sides, 
if upright, usually with remarkably well-formed covers on 
them, more conical and conveniently shaped than the covers 
now in use, with the white streak often exhibited on the upper 
and inner sides in an unbroken coil. Clay beads, from the 
size of a walnut to that of a lozenge, are abundant, and 
closely resemble the beads found in British interments. The 
tall four-legged urns above mentioned, and frequently the 
smaller sorts, contain fragments of human bones, broken up 
into small bits. I discovered none other than human. I 
have never foimd or heard of a skeleton, or even complete 
skull, being found in the cists ; a few jawbones and long 
bones of the legs were the only perfect bones discovered. 
In remarkable contrast to this, the same description of cist 
cairns in the Beccan and the Central Provinces often con- 
tain, as reported by Colonel Meadows Taylor, numbers of 
complete skeletons, — a curious feature respecting which, 
namely, the skulls being often detached, and placed separate 
upon or near the body, occurs also in Dorsetshire barrows. 

Iron is the only metal known to me as having been found 
in the burial-places on the Coimbatore plains. Shapeless 
pieces, thoroughly corroded and crumbling at a touch, are 
not uncommon, but any still retaining form are very rare. 
These sketches show the actual sizes of all I was able to 



OF THE COIMBATOKE DISTRICT. ^ 23 

discover tolerably perfect, which are now in the British 
Museum. No. 2 is identical with an implement now in 
common use in the Tamil provinces for cutting off the ears 
of the larger grains, and called KSmbu-KStti. No. 4 is of 
a form imfamiliar at the present day. No. 5 seems a sort of 
tweezers. I once found a piece of chain of several oblong 
links, two inches each. The largest object I discovered was 
a spear-blade, two feet long and two inches broad, fixed to a 
hollow socket, but it fell to pieces on being lifted. Square 
crystal and barrel-shaped red cornelian beads are occa- 
sionally discovered, always deposited in small vessels placed 
within larger. The cornelian beads (see sketch) are orna- 
mented with incised rings and zigzag lines, much resembling 
similar beads found in England. The art of boring these 
hard pebbles would hence appear to have been known to the 
primitive inhabitants. A necklace of small sea-shells wds 
found in a Nallampatti grave. Colonel Meadows Taylor 
mentions having exhumed one in the Deccan. Similar 
shells are still used as ornaments in various ways by the 
lower races of the Peninsula. Some cores of wrist-bangles 
resembling those now worn by women were also discovered. 

The subject of these kistvaens cannot be dismissed without 
a few words on a pecidiarity that specially distinguishes 
them, namely the circular or sometimes nearly square 
aperture which very generally occurs in the slab closing the 
eastern end of the larger structures. Neither this feature 
nor the orientation are, however, absolutely imiversal. A 
large kistvaen is seldom seen without, a small one seldom 
with, the orifice ; which, however, really appears to have no 
fixed aspect, for though occurring in Coimbatore much most 
frequently in the eastern slab, it is sometimes seen on the 
west, and sometimes on the north side, whilst in the Sorapur 
territory it is reported to be generally on the south side. 
Open-sided dolmens are very commonly associated with the 
closed and holed kistvaens in Central India, but I have 
heard of none in the South ; though closely allied structures, 
with three sides and roof formed of rude slabs, the fourth 
side open, and containing within lingam stones or rough 



24 MEGALITHIC MONUMENTS 

images, are frequent in Mysore, on the Shevaroy Hills, and 
elsewhere, used as rude hut-temples, and suggesting the idea 
that, as no sepulchral vestiges have been found in the open 
dolmens, they too may have served as homely readily-con- 
structed shrines. The apertures or doors above referred to 
vary from one to two feet in width, sometimes of irregular 
form, and placed just below the capstone, as in the re- 
markable double kistvaen^ lately discovered in Coorg, and 
figured by Mr. Fergusson in " Rude Stone Monuments,'' p&ge 
473. Sometimes the opening is round or oval, and placed 
lower in the slab. Very curiously too, holed kistvaens, 
strikingly similar, exist in Circassia, in Sardinia, and Mr. 
Fergusson (p. 344) figures one at Trie in France, that might 
well stand for one of those in Central India depicted by 
Colonel Meadows Taylor. It is these openings, suggesting 
doors, that has caused the natives universally to invent what 
Mr. Tylor calls a myth of observation, and regard the tombs 
as the dwelling-houses of a pygmy-race, helped perhaps in 
the idea by the quantity of domestic pottery they contain : 
it never occurs to the natives to look upon them as sepul- 
chral. The dwarf-races of preternatural strength to whom 
the natives ascribe their erection may also have been sug- , 
gested by the limited size and ponderous material of the 
tombs, but may also be a remnant of a primitive mythology, 
such as peopled the hills of Ireland, Scotland, and Scandi- 
navia, with elves and dwarfs. A large mound near Chingle- 
put, on the road to Triehinopoly, is surrounded by a niunber 
of megalithic graves, and believed to be inhabited by a 
bearded race of "PandaySr," three feet high, ruled by a 
king who lives in the top of the mound. This reads like 
a Norwegian folk-story of the Trolls or hill-dwarfs. More- 
over, the very name of Pandu-houses, by which the tombs 
are familiarly known in every district, points to primitive 
pre-Brahmanical times and beliefs ; — all that is related of 

^ I have heard of two kistraenSf uncertain whether separate or united, having 
heen found within one circle in Goimhatore. Magnificent douhle cists, forming but 
one structure, have been found not long ago by Canon GreenwcU, in large tumuli 
in Yorkshire, and must, from the description, have borne a strong general re- 
semblance to the Indian cairns and their inclosed kistvaens. 



OP THE COIMBATOEE DISTEICT. 25 

the Pandaya princes being directly opposed to Brahmanical 
rites and ideas, and savouring rather of aboriginal practices. 
As Max Miiller intimates, it seems probable that the 
BrahmanSy finding the legend too popularly rooted to be 
suppressed, adopted both it and its heroes into their own 
system, to increase and extend its acceptance. 

Almost all observers who have seen the kistvaens and 
their apertures have inclined to think that the true intent 
of the latter was to provide means of introducing fresh 
urns into the sepulchral chamber as occasion might require. 
All the apertures would admit an arm, and some of the 
larger a child. This idea is further strengthened by some 
of the kistvaens having two slabs placed edgewise, parallel 
to one another, and forming a sort of porch to the aperture 
to which they lead, so indicating the way to it when the 
earth was heaped over, and still more by the urns being very 
generally just under, or in front of, the aperture. Still, I 
think, one cannot affirm more than that the idea does not 
seem improbable. This leads to the question of whether 
these megaKthic graves were family or tribal sepulchres used 
by successive generations, and betokening a settled popula- 
tion, or only the vestiges of a passing army or nomadic in- 
cursion. As far as multitudes of tumuli and immensity of 
material and labour go, there has been strong reason shown 
that assemblages of monuments quite as great as those at 
Kallampatti and Natkalpalliam may have been constructed 
in a very short time by the united eflforts of an army or 
nomadic tribe; but when one considers the quantity of 
domestic pottery contained in the Coimbatore graves, the 
circumstance of the urns occurring at times in two or even 
three layers, arguing a succession of deposits, and above all 
that the graves are thickly sown over the whole district, not 
gathered in a few spots, but scattered everywhere on plain 
and hill, in open ground and forest, it can hardly be doubted 
that they are not the vestiges of war, or of an occasional 
wave of immigrants or nomads, but of a settled people, and 
apparently one much more numerous than the present popu- 
lation, for, were that now suddenly swept away, it would 



26 MEGALITHIC MONUMENTS 

leave no traces of its existence comparable to these ancient 
remains. Who that people may have been, and when the 
monuments were built, are debatable questions. But it 
seems likely they are the vestiges of a race of which History 
speaks vaguely or not at all, but which lives in village 
chronicles and popular traditions and superstitions. Sir 
Walter Elliot, in a paper read before the International Pre- 
historic Congress at Norwich, and again in the Ethnological 
Journal, vol. i. p. 108, has brought together indications of a 
great invading pastoral or shepherd-race, known as Kurum- 
bars, Gadi-razu,^ Palli, and other names, who, at some period 
"in the dim backward and abysm of time," spread over 
Central and Southern India, displacing, it is said, an earlier 
wild race who had cleared the forest, and settled there before 
them. They were masters in the South, which is still full of 
traditions of them, and in the Camatic formed a federal 
community of twenty-four castle-states, all of which have 
been traced, and reached no mean stage of civilization. In 
the sixth or se^nth century they were scattered and 
destroyed by the Chola Kings of Tanjore after a long and 
wide-spread domination; probably continuing to exist in 
larger or smaller communities, ever wasting and driven 
further and further into the hills and wildernesses by their 
conquerors. It is to this perished people that the megalithic 
monuments may be with most probability ascribed ; they are 
still associated with them in popular tradition ; the circles 
and kistvaens being often commonly called " Kurumbar 
rings " and "Kurumbar forts," especially around Conjeveram, 
once a principal centre of their power. It is to the earlier 
aboriginal tribes, which they supplanted, that the stone 
implements which have of late years been found abundantly 
in India may probably be referred. The stone imple- 
ments have never, as yet at least, been found in or plainly 
connected with the monuments. In India there is no over- 
lapping of the stone and metal ages, as in Europe.* The un- 
known stone-people has utterly disappeared, but the invading 

^ ^' Gadi-rSzu," exactly corresponding to Hyksos — Shepherd Kings. 
3 Future discoTcry may, howeTer, set aside this assertion. 



OP THE COIMBATORE DISTRICT. 27 

tribes that ousted them still surviye in scattered remnants, 
always servile, despised, and held unclean, but regarded with 
superstitious dread as skilled in witchcraft and malignant 
arts. Sometimes they retain their ancient name, as the 
Kurumbars of the Nilgiri slopes, a dwarfish hairy race, 
dwelling in the densest most feverish jungles, and feared 
even by the other mountain tribes as the most dangerous of 
enchanters.^ Elsewhere they are known by many titles, 
Kaders, or wood-men ; Malei-SrSsar, or hill-kings ; Kor&gas, 
or bushmen ; Holyars, or men of the river ; Iriilar, or people 
of darkness : all names indicative of contempt tinged with 
fear. In still larger remnants they probably survive in the 
wide unknown jungle-regions of the northern circars, as 
Gonds, Kols, and many others. 

That these dwindled miserable tribes are the representa- 
tives of the race that once covered the plains with megalithic 
monuments is proved, as far as proof is ever likely to be 
obtained, by the curious fact of their maintaining at the 
present day the same practice in miniature show. The Malei 
Arriyans of the Travancore mountains, who still number 
from 15,000 to 20,000, on a death amongst them, make an 
imitation kistvaen o£ small slabs of stone, lay in it a long 
pebble to represent the body, and place a flat stone over with 
ceremonies and offerings ; the spirit of the deceased is sup- 
posed to dwell in the pebUe. The Kurumbars and Irulars 
of the NUgiri Hills do the same, and I have seen small 
covered slab structures there filled with long smooth pebbles, 
the meaning of which I was long in ascertaining, the people 
being reticent on the subject. The Gond tribes of the 
Godavery and Orissa make miniature cromlechs, " like three- 
legged stools," which they place over the bones and ashes of 
the deceased. The Kols are reported by Major Macpherson 
to place the ashes in a chatty, bury it in the ground, and lay 
a large flat stone over it. Here we find wild secluded tribes 
keeping up the semblance of constructing kistvaens and 
stone monuments on moimtain-fastnesses overlooking the 

1 << Earombar," 4.^. the mischieTous; from the Tamil word "Kurumbu," 
mischief. 



28 MEGALITHIC MONUMENTS 

plains where such structures abound; and the inference is 
strong that they must be the weakened descendants of the 
people who, when numerous and powerful, dominated the 
plains and built the structures. More light on this sulgect 
will doubtless be gained in the unexplored regions of the 
Upper Godavery and Hydrabad country. Existing customs 
may be found there that will throw back a strong light on 
the past. As an example of what may be expected, Col<mel 
Haig reports having met in the Bastar country with the 
Kois of the plains, " a curious plague-stricken people, who 
bum their dead, erecting over their ashes great monoliths 
which stand out from the bleak hill-sides or the barren 
valleys in dismal upright parallels." 

Whence the Kurumbar tribes came is a point there is not 
yet sufficient information to determine. It appears certain 
that they were strangers in the land, and the broad steppe 
regions of Central Asia, roamed over from immemorial 
antiquity by Turk or Tartar tribes, seem the most probable* 
almost the only possible source of their origin. Waves of 
immigration from those swarming regions have swept west- 
ward to Europe and eastward to China, and one may have 
descended to India; but I agree with Mr. Fergusson in 
holding that they were distinct from that Aryan race which 
subsequently descended from the lofty table-land where rise 
the Oxus and Jaxartes, as well as from the Dravidian races 
which supplanted them in the south. It may be objected 
that the dialects spoken by the now-existing secluded primi- 
tive tribes from the Gond-country to Cape Comorin show 
more or less affinity tQ Tamil, the mother of Dravidian 
tongues ; but, as Mr. Fergusson observes, isolated languages 
are absorbed and perish, as the Cornish has, and like that, 
the Bheel tongue is reported to have become recently extinct 
in Berar. It is noteworthy that the Hindus invariably 
believe that the wild tribes, wherever found, have a language 
of their own, known only to themselves, which they keep 
secret. Assuming that the Kurumbar invaders came &om 
the remote Central Asian steppes, it would be an important 
connecting link were remains similar to what they are sup- 



OF THE COIMBATOEB DISTRICT. 29 

posed to have left in India found on the steppes also. On 
this point further research and information are required. 
Travellers report the steppes to abound with myriads of 
tumuli, often of vast dimensions, and assembled in immense 
cemeteries, as in India, and that gold ornaments and copper 
and iron weapons have been found in them ; but details of 
their construction have seldom been given. The fullest 
description I know has been given by Mr. Atkinson, who 
opened one on the Kirghis Steppe. The tomb was circular, 
twenty-five feet in diameter, with waUs four feet thick. It 
was carried up to a height of fifty feet, taking the shape of 
a blast furnace, with an aperture at the top, and an opening 
in the side two feet square and four feet from the ground. 
Through this access was obtained to the interior, in which 
were two graves covered with large blocks of stone. Here 
may possibly be an analogue to the hole in kistvaens, and 
the slab-covered graves; and future, search may discover 
much nearer, perhaps identical, features. One peculiarity of 
the steppe tumuli, the upright stone on them rudely carved 
into a resemblance of a human figure, is unknown on the 
Indian tombs. Upright stones surround them, but they are not 

" Topped with rough-hewn 
Grey rain-bleared statues that o'er-peer 
The sunny waste." 

In the present state of information it seems therefore no 
improbable hypothesis that the megalithic monuments of 
Southern and Central India were constructed by a race, 
originally nomad, descending at some unknown period from 
the steppes of Upper Asia, establishing themselves, and 
remaining in power long enough to found settled and con- 
siderably advanced dominations, and cover the face of the 
country with their tombs, and finally overpowered and dis- 
persed about the seventh century. This view would be con- 
tradicted by Prof. Huxley's theory of an identity of origin 
between the Deccan hill-tribes and the Australians, which, 
proceeding from him, calls for respectful consideration. 

Before quitting the kistvaens, one or two curious features 
connected with them may be noticed. In Central India they 
are usually found filled in with a soft greyish earth, not the 



30 • MEGALITHIC MONUMENTS 

surrounding soil. Those at NatkalpaUiam in Coimbatore wer^ 
* filled with finely sifted sand ; so were the vaults under the 
Topekals in Malabar ; and on the Nilgiri Hills the urns in the 
cairns are imbedded in fine black mould, like none existing 
near. In strange resemblance to this peculiarity, Col. Meadows 
Taylor describes cairns on Twizell Moor, in Northumberland, 
as well as the urns in them, as filled with " a fine red earth not 
belonging to the locality, which is peat." The chatties in 
the Malabar graves were filled with " bright shining sand.*' 
So were many at Natkalpalliam, and I once found in a small 
cairn on the Nilgiris a curious flattened vase, covered with 
a flat dish, and filled with red sand like none in the neigh- 
bourhood. The meaning of this widely dispersed custom 
seems open to much conjecture. Probably some symbolical 
or religious idea governed it, possibly akin to that which led 
mediaeval devotees to be buried with soil brought from the 
Holy Land, and formed the Campo Santo at Pisa. The 
Coimbatore monuments are formed from the gneiss or granitic 
rock everywhere cropping out on the surface. I observed 
no instances of masses having been brought from a distance ; 
but in the lateritic district of Malabar, the covering stones 
of the sepulchral vaults (invariably granite) must frequently 
have been brought from lesser or greater distances. In the 
Central Provinces Col. Meadows Taylor describes masses 
exceeding 200 tons in weight that must have been moved 
from hills three miles distant. In England the Stonehenge 
monoliths will at once recur ; and at Bridlington, in York- 
shire, the stones of some enormous cists uncovered by Canon 
Greenwell must have been transported for at least twelve 
miles. Smooth stones were observed by Mr. Atkinson to 
have been brought from distant rivers to tumuli on the 
steppes. 

One other form of megalithic interment remains to be 
noticed. Associated with the kistvaen circles at Natkalpal- 
liam and elsewhere on the western border of Coimbatore, 
though not to my knowledge occurring on the eastern side, 
are numerous examples of those remarkable sepulchres called 
in Malabar " Topekals," described long ago by Mr. Babing- 



OF THE COIMBATORE DISTRICT. 31 

ton, in vol. iii. of the Tramaetions of the Literary Society 
of Bombay. Those in Coimbatore consist of huge mortuary 
jars or urns, usually five feet high, by four feet in girth, of 
thick coarse red ware, wide-mouthed and tapering to the 
bottom, like the ordiaary 'codums' now in use, the only 
ornament a rude cross-pattern round the neck. These are 
buried in the ground within no cist or chamber, and a huge 
flat stone is laid over them, but with no stone circle around 
or stone-heap above. In Malabar the great urns are placed 
in an excavation mad6 to fit them, and between their tops 
and the overlying stone there is a small ledged chamber, to 
which a descent or passage, leading to a square door closed 
by a square stone in the side of the chamber, communicates 
from above. The passage and chamber are made more plain 
in Mr. Babington's drawing. I could not, however, find 
them in the Coimbatore graves, the great overlying stone 
had crushed all in, and very frequently the large sepulchral 
urn also. In Malabar, however, the stiflF laterite earth 
hardens into rock after being excavated, and would support 
any weight; but the loose crumbling soil of Coimbatore 
would fall in : hence upper chambers may have existed there 
also. Around the great jars in Coimbatore I found several 
small pots and urns, placed mouth downwards, on their 
shoulders. The jars were filled with earth, at their bottom a 
quantity of bones broken small, and occasionally a small urn 
also filled with bits of bone, or sometimes with clean sand. 
The Rev. Henry Baker, of the Travancore Mission, kindly 
informed me that the same description of burials and jars 
occur in the Travancore low country, where they are called 
" ManchSra '* — earth-jars — generally covered with a heavy 
granite slab, and containing pieces of bone and iron. The 
natives there say they contain the remains of sacrificed 
virgins. All the petty Rajahs are said to have sacrificed 
virgins on the boundaries of their estates, to protect them, 
and to confirm their engagements with neighbouring chiefs. 
Sacrifices of young girls are known to have been ofiered to a 
late period, even till British occupation ; very old men were 
anciently so oflfered. The jars are sometimes found in square 



32 KEGAIITHIC XOXUMCIkTS 

places cut in tlie laterite, somedmeB in gravel, or even in 
allavial soil ; in the latter cases nsoallr of thinner material 
and smaller, about two feet in diameter. Near Chow-ghat 
a large vault was found with a passage to it cut in the late> 
rite, full of these jars, which all feU to pieces. This recalls 
the Malabar Topekals. The Coinmars, a feibulous race of 
old, were said to have made it. Pieces of much corroded 
iron, straight, and ten or fourteen inches long, are found 
with the jars, which Mr. Baker suggests may be the sacri- 
ficial knives. Iron fragments did not occur in similar burials 
in Coimbatore, neither did I hear any popular story connect- 
ing them with sacriiiced virgins ; indeed, they often occurred 
so numerously and so close together, as to throw some doubt 
on the idea that thev could have marked boundaries. The 
case of the Meriah human sacrifice, hardly yet suppressed 
amongst the Khonds, indicates, however, how rooted and 
widely spread such customs, with varying objects, may have 
been amongst the earlier tribes. The following curious ac- 
count, taken from Mr. C. P. Brown's " Wars of the Rajas," 
is interesting as throwing light on the objects and manner of 
conducting these girl-sacrifices, and as supplying a detailed 
and doubtless authentic instance of one in a part of the 
Peninsula more to the north. 

" While Bucca Rayalu ruled Yijayanagar, his chief servant, 
in the s.s. year 1286, answering to ' Krodhi ' (a.d. 1364), 
built a tank near Bucca Haya Samudram (in the present 
district of Bellary). After some time, this tank became so 
full of water, that the two sluices did not suffice, and were 
rushing in a flood. While the villagers beheld this, a 
goddess possessed a woman, and she exclaimed, ' I am 
Ganga-Bhavdni. If you will feed me with a human sacri- 
fice, I will stop here ; if not, I will not stop.' 

" While the villagers and the elders took counsel about 
making the sacrifice, Ganga Devi possessed a girl, not yet 
grown up, named Musalamma. She was the seventh and 
youngest daughter-in-law of Basi Beddi. The goddess said 
to her, ' Become thou the sacrifice.' 



OF THE COIMBATORE DISTRICT. 33 

" She accordingly was prepared to become a sacrifice ; she 
adorned herself as a bride with yellow and red paint, wearing 
a pure vest, and holding a lime in her hand. She set out in 
a procession from her home, and came up on the embank- 
ment. She adored the feet of her father-in-law, Basi Beddi, 
and did homage to the townsfolk. She said, 'I have re- 
ceived the commands of Ganga Bhawdni. I am going to 
become a sacrifice.' Thirty feet from the sluice there was 
now a gap, between which and the bank a chasm had opened. 
She went through the chasm and stood therein, and they 
poured in earth and stones upon her; so the bank stood 
firm. 

"The following day this Musalamma, who had] thus be- 
come a sacrifice, possessed the females of the village. She 
said, ' Make a . stone image of me, place it under a tree, and 
worship it.' Accordingly they erected it, and worship her, 
but there is no chapel. Besides, if people who passed near 
the breach cried out ' Musalamma ! ' she used to reply 
' Ho ! ' But one evening as men went for grass and called 
to her in the usual manner, on her answering they replied, 
* Though thou art dead, thou art still proud.' From that time 
she never answers, and from that day Saint Musalamma is 
worshipped." 

The above story, so graphically related, is probably true in 
all its details, and thoroughly Hindu; notably so in the 
manner in which the deed is glossed over by representing 
the sacrifice as voluntary, and in the superstitious dread 
which gathered round the memory of the victim. In the 
little-known social condition of the Hindus four or five cen- 
turies back, it does not seem extravagant to surmise that 
such sacrifices may have been frequent. Any unusual 
occurrence or ill hap in a village would be ascribed to the 
anger of a deity, and demand its sacrifice. The victims 
would be buried in some special way, as Musalamma was 
under a cairn. And in time such memorials might accumulate 
in one locality to the extent noticed by me. Who can 
reckon indeed how many maidens since Jephtha's daughter 

TOL. VII. — [new 8BBIB8.] 3 



34 ME6ALITHI0 MONUMENTS. 

and Iphigenia in still more distant ages have been destroyed 
under the delusion of appeasing offended deities P 

Tantom relligio potnit snadere malonmu 

It is notewortKy that Musalamma speaks from her cairn as 
the Scandinavian sagas represent the slain heroes singing in 
their grave-mounds. 



35 



Art. III. — Notes on the Sinhalese Language. Na. 1. — On the 
Formation of the Plural of Neuter Nouns. By E. C. 
Ghilders^ late of the Ceylon Civil Service. 

The Sinhalese is one of the Aryan vernaculars of India, and 
is spoken by the descendants of a people who migrated 
from Magadha to Ceylon at a very remote period. The 
tradition recorded in Mahavansa is that Ceylon was colonised 
by a prince of L&la, a district of Magadha, who landed in 
the island with seven himdred followers on the day of 
Gautama Buddha's death. Accepting this tradition, and 
comparing it with the tradition that Pali was a Magadha 
dialect, we should expect to find a close resemblance between 
Pali and Sinhalese. And such in fact is the case. With a 
few exceptions, Sinhalese follows Pali so closely that at first 
sight one might feel inclined to say that the former was 
derived from the latter. As a general rule, where Pali 
differs from the other Prakrits, the Sinhalese agrees with it ; 
and this is the case not only with words but with gramma- 
tical forms.^ And there are several words not found in the 
other Prakrits or Sanskrit which are found in both Pali and 
Sinhalese. I have alluded to exceptions, and these deserve 
full consideration ; but they are such as may be explained by 
the circumstance, to which the Buddhist traditions clearly 
point, that the language of Buddha's sermons was the dialect 
of one district of Magadha, and the language spoken by the 
colonisers of Ceylon that of another district. As an in- 
stance of these exceptions, I may mention the Sinhalese itiri 
" woman," which clearly cannot have come to us through 
the Pali itthi^ since the latter has lost the original r of the 
Sanskrit ^^. 

^ A typical instance of this agreement is found in the Sinhalese dak-inava " to 
see," and the Pali dakkhati, hoth of which retain the a of their Sanskrit original 
drakshyatiy while the other Prakrits have altered it to e. 



36 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. L 

Besides the vernacular Sinhalese spoken in Ceylon in the 
present day, there is also the ancient language called Elu, 
from which the present vernacular is immediately derived, 
and to which it bears something of the same sort of relation 
that the English of to-day bears to Anglo-Saxon. Funda- 
mentally Elu and Sinhalese are identical, and the difference 
of form which they present is due partly to the large 
number of new grammatical forms evolved by the modem 
language, and partly to an immense influx into it of Sanskrit 
nouns, borrowed, often without alteration, at a comparatively 
recent period. It must be observed, however, that these 
"tatsamas" are very rare in the colloquial speech of the lower 
classes, their true home being the more pretentious class of 
literary compositions, and the highflown language of cere- 
mony and official intercourse. For verse compositions the 
ancient language is still exclusively employed, and con- 
temporary Sinhalese poetry is unintelligible to those who 
have not made Elu their special study. 

Strange as it may appear, the word Elu is no other than 
Sinhala much corrupted.^ It stands for an older form Hela 
or Helu, which occurs in some ancient works, and this again 
for a still older Sela, which brings us back to the Pali form 
Sihala. For the loss of the medial syllable ha compare the 
Sinhalese ddla^ representing the Pali dohala and Sanskrit 
^(^, and for the loss of the initial « compare tra=w^ 
and 2lru=:mv^. Sinhala is the name by which the Sinhalese 
call themselves, but curiously enough the word is itself not 
Sinhalese but Sanskrit. It was borrowed from Sanskrit 
literature many centuries ago, and gradually took the place 
of the unpretending dissyllable Elu. Among the uneducated 
classes its pronunciation has degenerated to Hingala. 

The English transliteration of the word Sinhala has gone 
through several phases. First of all we called the inhabi- 
tants of Ceylon " Cingalese," and for a long series of years 
this spelling reigned unquestioned. But about fifteen years 
ago an uneasy impression began to prevail that the old- 
fashioned transcription was hardly equal to the requirements 

^ See D*AlwiB*8 Sidath Sangarawa, p. zzzii. 



ON THE FORMATION OP THE PLURAL OP NEUTER NOUNS. 37 

of modern philology^ and a new and more scientific spelling, 
"Singhalese/' gradually crept in, and was fixed and popu- 
larised by its^ adoption in Emerson Tennent's work. The 
substitution of 8 for c was a great advance, and the existence 
of the aspirate was no longer igpored ; but the obnoxious g 
was still retained, the idea being that the anusvara, or nasal 
n, could only be represented by the combination ng. At 
length, about six or seven years ago, the Ceylon Government, 
following the wise example of the Indian Government, 
adopted and enforced a uniform and scientific system of 
transliteration of native names, and the g was finally got 
rid of.^ 

The Sinhalese language, when compared with Sansl^rit, 
presents a remarkable picture of phonetic decay. Nearly 
all conjunct consonants have disappeared, a group being 
either represented by only one of the ccmsonants which 
composed it^ or broken up into two syllaUeSv The letter ^ 
is lost, and is generally replaced by 9, and the letter ^ is 
generally replaced by d. Initial h is usually dropped, and 
initial 8 very frequently passes into A, or is dropped ^together. 
In a great number of instances a hard consonant between 
two vowels is softened to y or v^qs when jjm becomes pavu, 

wft^ I6va, irnr ^^y^^ c^d so on. The aspirated consonants 
are lost, being mostly replaced by the corresponding un- 
aspirated consonant, but occasionally broken up by a vowel, 
as in daham from dharma. Whole syllables have been elimi- 
nated, sometimes from the beginning or end, sometimes from 
the middle of a word. Long vowels are generally short^ied, 
and a number of complicated and fantastic vowel changes 

* On the analog of the word " Sanskrit," we ought to write " Sinhalese,'* the 
Bonnd represented by the n being in each case the same (anusvara). Strictly 
speaking, annsrSra should be represented by m or in, but it would be pedantry to 
write '*Samslqrit" with the diacritical marks, because the word is thoroughly 
Anglicised ; and the same may be said of the word Sinhalese. It is a matter of 
abidine regret to me that I was the means of introducing into Ceylon an n with 
a circ& under it to represent anusvdra. In 1863 I read a paper before the 
Ceylon Asiatic Society, *' On the Romanisation of the Sinhalese Alphabet," and, 
to carry out my (somewhat crude] views, imported to Ceylon a set of types with 
diacritical marks made to my order in England. When I left Ceylon soon after- 
wards, the GoTemment took over my types, which included the unsightly 9, 
and made use of them, I believe, for their official system of transliteration. Hence 
ray sense of the fitness of things is occasionally offended by the sight of the word 
SmhaleBe written Sii^halese, a practice against which I here enter my protest. 



38 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. L 

have taken place, which in several instances have beem ex- 
tended and utilised so as to express grammatical relations. 

The Knhalese language can boast of a very high antiquity. 
I have already said that the Elu of literature differs in no 
essential respect from the modem language, and Elu books 
have come down to us from the fifth and sixth oenturies 
after Christ. But Elu inscriptions have been found on the 
rocks at Mahintale dating from the second and third cen- 
turies, and we may yet hope to find others of even older 
date. Nor is this all. We know from Mahavansa, that so 
early as the beginning of the third century before Christ 
Mahinda translated the Buddhist ArthakathAs from Pali 
into Sinhalese, and hence there must have been even at that 
remote period a Sinhalese language distinct from Pali. This 
fact gives rise to a very interesting question. Assuming 
that the colonisers of Ceylon in the middle of the fifth 
century B.C. spoke Pali, or a dialect closely akin to it, how 
ia it that Mahinda, less than two hundred and fifty years 
afterwards, found the language of Ceylon so different from 
Pali that he thought it worth while to translate the 
Arthakath&s into it P I am inclined to base my explanation 
of this phenomenon on the well-known fact that the rate of 
phonetic decay in a language varies in a remarkable manner 
according to the circumstances, social, political, and literary, 
of the people who speak it. I believe that the secret of the 
astonishingly rapid decay of the language spoken by Yijaya 
and his immigrants is to be found in their isolation, in their 
being cut off from their Indian brethren, and withdrawn 
from the influences of literature and ancestral institutions. 
But, granting that the transition from Pali to Elu in two 
centuries and a half was possible, a further question arises — 
how are we to account for the crystallisation (so to speak) of 
the Sinhalese at the beginning of the third century B.C., an 
arrest of its decay so complete that there is strong reason 
to believe the Sinhalese of Mahinda's time tp have been 
fundamentally the same as that of the present dayP^ I 

* The Oeylon chronicles give us no reason to suppose that Buddha^hosa found 
Mahinda's Sinhalese, which he retranslated into Pau, substantially different from 
the Sinhalese he hiniself spoke. 



ON THE FORMATION OF THE PLUEAL OP NEUTER NOUNS. 39 

reply that it is to be explained by the iDfluence of Litera- 
ture, all powerful to arrest the decay of a language by 
affording an ever-ready standard of reference. Mahinda, 
by translating the sacred texts into their language, first 
gave the Sinhalese a literature, and this sacred literature 
it was which finally arrested the decay of the language. 
I do not offer this solution ad a final one. Intimately con- 
nected as it is with the origin of Buddhism, the question is 
not one that can be disposed of in a few paragraphs ; and I 
hope to return to it some day after the mature study which 
its importance demands.^ 

One more question connected with the origin of the 
Sinhalese language I wish briefly to allude to, the question 
as to where we are to find the missing links between- Pali 
and Sinhalese. It is evident that between the Magadha of 
Yijaya's followers and the Elu of King Tissa's subjects, 
there must have been several stages exhibiting successive 
gradations of phonetic decay, and is there any hope of 
meeting with vestiges of these intermediate links ? Where, 
for instance, can we find the intermediate forms between 
oaadha and 6m^ between manjettha and niadata, between 
bhAta and m, between auriya and ira^ between cattdro and 
haiara ? I reply that our only hope is in the rock inscrip- 
tions of Ceylon. These have already been found in great 
numbers in different districts of the island, and many more 
remain to be discovered. They belong to different periods. 
Of the ancient ones we know little enough, but that little 
gives us strong reason to believe that rich treasures of 
history and philology are locked up in these adamantine 
records. The importance of the Ceylon rock inscriptions 
has long been known to Oriental scholars; and it will 
gratify many members of this Society to learn that they are 
about to be systematically collected and deciphered under the 
orders of the wise and enlightened statesman who now holds 
the reins of government in Ceylon. 

The Sinhalese language in wealth of forms and general 

^ It is to be obsenred that the facts I have been discnssing tend not to advance 
bat to throw back the Baddhiat era. 



40 



NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. 1. 



philological interest far surpasses its sister Temaculars, 
though it has had the misfortune to be almost entirely oyer- 
looked bv comparatiTe philologists in their investigations 
into the Indian dialects.^ It will be mv endeavour in this 
and succeeding papers to do something towards rescuing it 
from the unmerited neglect with which it has been hitherto 
treated in Europe. 



The Formation of the Plural of Xeuter Nouks, 
The modem Sinhalese has two principal declensions^ the 



r animate 


nouns. 


m^^0 ^^^^ «i»i«4 






DfASnXATB DBCLEXnOX. 




A3iiMATS Dscucraiosr. 


Goda^'hmk." 




Balld " ( 


iog." 




•nra. plck. 




uve. 


pLrB. 


Norn. 


Ifoda gadaval 


N. 


UUd 


halld 


Ace. 


goda godaval 


A. 


halld 


haHan 


I. Ab. 


goden godatalin 


D. 


haUdta 


hailanfa 


Bat. 


godafa godaralafa 


Ab. 


haUdgen 


halkmgen 


0. Loc. 


gode godavala 


G. 


haiidgi 


hallangi 






L. 


halldkere 


hallanker^ 



The names of all inanimate things, as house, book, sun, 
virtue, take the inflections of goda; those of all living beings, 
as child, father, mother, horse, poet, take the inflexions of 
balld. It will be seen at once that these two declensions 
difier on several points. In this paper I propose to deal 
with the inanimate declension. 

The termination -en of the instrumental and ablative 
singular is the ipi of the instrumental sing^ular of Sanskrit 
nouns whose base ends in ^. Thus potefi, " from the book," 
is V%if ; gahen, ''from the tree," is 9|%if. In a few nouns 
it takes the form of -m, as nuvarin^^if^, t^arin=\jf^^. 
Some few words take either termination, as ekin or eken '= 

* This neglect reaches its climax in Beames's ** Comparatiye Grammar of the 
Modem A Iran LsLJiruBigeB of India," in which the author omits the Sinhalese 
from his scneme. ui spite of this defect, Mr. Beames's work is a most raloable 
one, and I earnestly hope that he will continue it 

' N.B. The vowels e and o in Sinhalese are short unless marked long. 



ON THE FORMATION OP THE PLURAL OP NEUTER NOUNS. 41 

X{^%if^ lovin or lovenz^'^l)^^. In some cases the original 

instrumental sense of the termination -en or -in is retained, 
as mpayin "on foot "=i^i ^ if, wm=7|^jif. 

The dative is formed by adding ta to the base. This ta is 
the remains of an older form hata found in Elu books, so 
that godata is an abbreviation of godahata, godavalata of 
godavalhata, Hata will be met with again when we come to 
speak of the infinitive. There can be little doubt that it is the 
corruption of some Sanskrit substantive meaning nearness or 
approach, and that goda-ta really means " bank-nearness " or 
"bank-approaching." I have not yet succeeded in identify- 
ing it, but suspect it may be ;q^, which in Sinhalese would 

become aata, and then hata.^ 

The term, -e of the genitive and locative is no doubt the 
Sanskrit loc. term, i^of nouns whose base ends in '^. Thus 

pote would be tj%, gahe would be 1[^. The genitive in 

Sinhalese is assimilated to the locative, and the same thing 
has taken place in Latin, the old genitive in -as of the first 
declension being lost, and replaced by a form ending in at 
or flp, which is really a locative. 

We noif pass to the plural. It will be seen that it is 
formed by adding to the base a vocable val, to which in the 
oblique cases are appended the terminations of the singular. 
This ra/ is simply the Sanskrit ^if " forest," with the if 
changed to ^, and godaval really means "a forest of banks," 

and is a compound noun in the singular number, which can 
be regularly inflected like goda. At verse 110 of N&m&vali 
(C. Alwis* ed.), the words vana^ vala, val, are given with the 
meaning of " forest," and Clough in his Sinhalese Dictionary 
attributes to val the meanings " jimgle, wood, thicket." That 
val is really isp/{ is further shown by the fact that compounds 

beginning with ispf in Sanskrit begin with val in Sinhalese. 

Thus we have t?afeara =mipqr^ "a woodman," mlpup='^m^ 

"a wild flower," vall^1/a=^^^m "a wild creeper," mlkama 

=^T'niW "delighting in the forest," valkukuldz=^^[^ 

^ It cannot be ^^ > wMch in Sinhalese becomes ata. 



42 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. 1. 

'^jungle cock '' ; and in Clough's Dictionary we find a host of 
names of plants beginning with val, the Sanskrit equivalents 
of which begin with ^«f. Having identified val with '^^y 

we have no difficulty in identifying rukval, the plural of 
ruk " a tree," with v^^pf " a forest of trees ; " gaaval, the 
plural of gasa or gaha •'* a tree/' with if^^ipf > kumuduwil, 
the plural of kumudu "a water-lily," with ^4|^qi| • 
Similarly vasval " bamboos "=zni-ipf, mahal " flowers "= 
ifnirX-iBpf . Already in Sanskrit ^epT nieans a multitude when 
used of lotuses and other plants. Its use in Sinhalese was 
first extended to all trees and plants, and thence gradually 
to all inanimate objects, so that we have geval " houses "= 
i^^-^epif, lit. "a forest of houses,"^ payaval "feet"=xrf^-^ipif 
"a forest of feet," lovacal " worlds "=ift^-^if, iraval 
" suns "=^fr^-;Bpr, pelaval " lines "szxnftr-^Bnf, hanaval " ser- 

mons"=^fnir-^^-^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ o^ ^^^^ ^ Sinhalese has 
stopped short at inanimate nouns, and to say minihdval, '^ a 
forest of men," would be as great a solecism in Sinhalese as 
in Sanskrit or in English. 

Although all neuter nouns take -val in the oblique cases 
of the plural, the majority of them do not take it in the 
nominative plural. The following is a specimen of the com- 
monest form of declension of inanimate nouns : — 

UNO. PLVE. 

N'.A. and Y. mdvaia mdvat 

I. and Ab. mdvatin m&vatvalin 

D. mdvatafa mdvatvalafa 

G. and L. m&vati mdvatvala 

Here we see the nom. plural formed not by adding val to 
the nom. sing., as was the case with goda, but by merely 
dropping the final vowel of the nom. singukr. How did 

^ This expression would be admissible in English, and we say " a forest of 
masts," '' a forest of columns," etc. 

* Since writing the aboye, I have seen the article ^M in Bohtlingk and Roth's 
Dictionary, in which several references are given for the use of vana in the sense 
of "multitude" in classical Sanskrit, e.g. girivana <* forest of mountains" 
(MahEbharata). 



ON THE FORMATION OF THE ?LURAL OF NEUTER NOUNS. 43 

this method of forming the plural arise P I think I can 
answer the question satisfactorily. In Sinhalese a very 
large proportion of nouns end in a short a, and of these 
the great majority drop this vowel when they become the 
first part of a compound. Thus we have duka "sorrow," 
but dukpat " distressed "=^:i§-irnT> magula "festivity," 
hut magulkaduva " state-sword "=7f|f?|-^|^; 8aka=^'^^f but 
8akvala= ^9mm ; 8ita=^^y but «Yri*afa=t^nTftfH?I "per- 
plexed"; pana=Ji^, but pansala^i\i^mi^\. Let us now 
take the case of mdvata, which is also written mahavata, 
and is the equivalent of Sanskrit ^TfT^^- ^ magula 
in composition becomes magul, so we should expect mdvata 
in composition to become mdvat. And accordingly we 
find mdvatvalin = ^ f | M^-^nN> mdvatvalata = iff | M^ -^^-^|]5 > 
where (as we showed before) mdvata is the first part of 
a compound. Originally the nominative plural of mdvata 
was mdvatval; but in process of time it was observed 
that when the -fa/ was dropped, there was still enough to 
differentiate the plural from the singular, the absence of the 
final vowel being amply sufficient for the purpose. In ac- 
cordance, therefore, with the imiversal tendency in language 
to get rid of unnecessary inflexions, the val was dropped in 
the nominative. But it was impossible to get rid of it in the 
oblique cases, since if val be eliminated from mdvatvalin 
and mdvatvalata, there remains only mdvatin and mdvatata, 
which are already required for the singular. Mdvat then 
stands for an earlier mdvatval; and similarly we have pota 
" book," pL poty haka " chank," pi. hak, tepula, pi. tepul, and 
so on. 

We have now to inquire why it is that words like goda 
retain the termiuation val in the nominative plural. The 
answer is as follows. There are certain letters which, for 
euphonic reasons, are unable to stand at the end of a word 
or syllable. These are t, rf, r, A, y, t?, and nouns ending in 
to, da, ra, Aa, ya, va, are obliged to retain the final vowel 
when they become the first part of a compound. Thus we 
have y(Ptojga^fl =--4|fiqqui and not gcetpana, madabima "a 



44 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. 1. 

swamp "=v^pifi| and not madbima, /orand=ff^^i||H| and 
not lovnd, niyakatuva='9(^^Jiiij^^ and not nij/katum, pdrO' 
laiiga "near the road "=Tn"^-^rcr and not pdrlanga. In the 
same way we find that nouns ending in ta^ da^ ra^ ha, va, f/a, 
retain their final vowel when <5ompounded with ml, and we 
have in the instr. pi. gceiavalin, godavalin, pdratalin, niyavalin, 
lovavalin, instead of gcetvalin, godvalm, pdrvalin, niyvaUn, 
lovvaliny combinations which are opposed to the phonetic 
rules of the Sinhalese language. Now we have seen that 
in words like mdvata the nominative plural is the base in 
composition (val having been dropped), and differs from the 
nominative singular. But in words like goda, para, etc., 
the base in composition is the same as the nominative 
singular; so that if val were dropped in the nom. pi. we 
should have the nom. pi. the same as the nom. singular. 
Hence in this class of words val is retained in the nomina- 
tive plural, and we have pdraval "roads," iraval "suns/' 
payaval " feet," kataval " mouths," godaval " banks,'' niyaval 
" finger-nails," lornval " worlds." 

The termination ha requires special notice. When ha 
represents a Sanskrit ha, the vowel is retained both in com- 
position and in the nom. pi.; thus gaha " house "=«, 
makes its plural gahaval, and gaha " planet," forms with rada 
the compound gaharada " moon " = 4|9<^|^. But when ha is 
the softening down of an original 8 pointing to a Sanskrit 
^ or i| or ^ or q^, the 8 is revived in the plural and in the 

base of composition, and the vowel dropped, there being no 
objection to 8 standing at the end of a syllable. Thus gaha, 
" tree," points to an older form ga8ay which is actually found 
in Elu, and which is a corruption of the Sanskrit i|^ 

"shrub." Its base in composition is ga8, e.g. gas-gemidiyd 
" tree-frog," and its nom. pi. is ga8^ the val being dropped 
because ga8 differs sufficiently from the sing, gaha to render 
the val unnecessary. 

Neuters ending in a nasalised consonant followed by a 
drop the final a and also the consonant, retaining only the 
nasal under the form of anusv&ra. Thus kalaiida makes its 



ON THE FORMATION OF THE PLURAL OF NEUTER NOUNS. 45 

plural kalam, which is a softening down of kalahd, ahga 
makes am for ahg^ hulahga makes hulam for hulahg, gahga 
makes gam for gaiig, lihda mq^es lim for liiid.^ Here again 
we find that the nom. pi. is identical with the base in com- 
position, and we have the compounds kalampadi for kalahda- 
padi, gamtera = 3|>j{> | ^ <^ , lintota for liflda-tota, etc. 

Maga "a road"=?n'i> makes its plur. mam, which is a 
softening down of mag, g being unable to stand at the end 
of a syllable. So in composition mammula " having lost his 
way," " gone astray," = 4f \A^ ., 

Monosyllabic nouns ending in e form their plural by 
adding val, first shortening the final e, thus ge " a house " = 
i}|[, plur. geval. So in composition gehima " boundary of a 

house "=i}f;B^. 

Nouns ending in va and ya drop those terminations to 
form their nominative plural and their base in composition. 
Thus we have oruva " raft "=^5^, pi. oru, gediya " lump " 

= ?)H>gdft , pi. gediy and in composition gedi-yatura " padlock " 

"We have now to consider a very remarkable peculiarity, 
the occasional reduplication in certain words of the plural 
inflexion val. At p. 11 of Lambrick's Grammar the fol- 
lowing are given as specimens of two different kinds of 
plural declension : — 

Ab. 

D. 

G. 

Now it will be remembered that 7ndvat stands for an older 
mdvatvaly and that originally it was not the plural but only 
the base of the plural. But in course of time this was for- 
gotten, mdvat came to be looked upon as a true plural, and 
'Valin, 'Valata, -vala, as inflexions of the oblique cases. 
Hence when nom. plurals like godaval, geval, were met with, 
it was thought necessary to add to them -valin, -valata, -vala, 

^ The m is pronounced like the English and German ng at the end of a word ; 
ihiu gam is pronounced exactly Uke the German gang. 



mdvat 


godaval 


mdvatvalin 


godavalvalin 


mavatvalafa 


godavalvalafa 


mdvatvala 


godavalvala 



46 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. 1. 

in forming the oblique cases, and hence we have the 
monstrosities godavalmlin, etc., due entirely to a miscon- 
ception.^ It is necessary to olyerve that this double val is at 
present properly confined to the oblique cases of nouns whose 
nom. plural ends in val, and even then is not used by carefiil 
speakers. It is of recent introduction, and perhaps did not 
exist four centuries ago. Nevertheless the tendency is to 
adopt it and extend its use. Moreover the inevitable transi- 
tion of ava and va into o is turning it into olol, and we often 
meet with such forms -as godololata, get/ohlaia, and even by 
false analogy sometimes potololaia. A few centuries hence 
all neuter noims in Sinhalese will form their plural by 
adding olol, a termination which the philologist of the day 
will have some difficulty in tracing to the Sanskrit Vana. 

Lastly we come to a numerous class of neuter nouns exhibit- 
ing in the most striking manner the capacity of the Sinhalese 
language for adaptation and development. Lambrick says 
of them (p. 14), " Neuters ending in a double consonant with 
the inherent vowel drop one of the consonants to form the 
plural ; and those that end in nd change it into M." The 
reverse of this is in reality the case : instead of a consonaiit 
being dropped to form the plural, a consonant is added to 
form the singular. I will endeavour to show how the pro- 
cess originated. Lambrick gives the following list : — 

BINO. PLT7B. SINO. YLVK. 



pcetta 


peeti 


vatta 


vatu 


inna 




pihafta 


pihafu 


Ulla 


leli 


dunna 


dunu 


handa 


handi 


potta 


potu 


hijja 


hiju 


udalla 


udalu 



To which I may add ginna pi. giniy hilla pi. Uli. In each 
case the form with the double consonant is the singular, and 
the form with the single consonant the plural. But in the 
old language we find that the forms hillay potta, etc., do not 
exist, double consonants being unknown in Elu, while the 
forms bill, potu, etc., are singular. Now though a short 

1 An analogouB anomaly is found in the Pali dakkhissati ^* he will see," when 
the term 'ismti of the future is added to dakkhaiif itself originally a future. 



ON THE FORMATION OP THE PLURAL OP NEUTER NOUNS. 47 

a is dropped in forming a compound, as when duma^yon be- 
comes e/wmyon=^jf^^, and mala'dama becomes maldama=z 
Wm^lH* yet an t or tt is retained, and we have dunudiya 
(not dundiya) " bowstring '^=^ijip!nr, ginidala "flame of fire" 
= ^fM^IMh hiliputu "crow"=^f^rq^, bijurupu " citron "= 
^^i|^. Hence when the practice of using the base in com- 

position from the nom. plural was introduced, a difficulty 
arose in the case of nouns ending in i or u, their base in 
composition being identical with their nom. singular. So 
the device was adopted (if I may use such an expression) of 
elaborating a new form for the singular, by strengthening 
the penultimate syllable of the old singular, and changing 
the * or tt to a. This strengthening is obtained by throwing 
back the accent upon the penultimate. Thus dunu becomes 
dunha, potu becomes potta, udalu becomes udcella^ kahdu be- 
comes kanda; and in each of these secondary forms the 
voice dwells upon the first syllaUe, while in the original 
forms dunu, kaiidu, etc., it passes rapidly on to the last. 

In an article " On the Origin of the Sinhalese Language," 
Mr. James D'Alwis thus speaks of the neuter plural : — 

As in the primitive Indo-European tongues, the plural of a 
Sinhalese word is carefully distinguished jfrom the singular. It is 
true that in modem usage we find a few nouns which take in the 
plural valf like the Tamil ^a/, but it should be borne in mind that 
that formative is not an inflexion, but that which may be regarded 
as a complete word by itself, serving, when added to nouns indi- 
cating inanimate objects, to render the expression a compound, like 
" stone-heap " or ** tree-mass.^ Thus ^e " house " becomes in the 
plural ge-vah This is supposed by some to be identical with the 
gal in the Tamil Mtugal " houses." Dr. Stevenson is of opinion 
that this addition is an abbreviation of the Sanskrit sakala (= Tamil 
Bogala "all"). But, says Caldwell, the root signifying "all," 
which the Dravidians have preferred to retain, i.e. ell, is connected 
not with the Greek ol "whole," the Hebrew kol, etc., but with the 
Saxon eal, English all. "Whether it comes from the one to the 
other, it is indeed very clear that this addition of pluralisation con- 
veys like {sic) the Sinhalese word aiy-al^ "all." Now in the Sinhalese 
only a few inanimate nouns take this val as a sign of pluralisation ; 
and in some instances it is found in the oblique cases, and never in 
the nominative ; thus ata " hand," at " hands," atvala " in hands " ; 

J Siyal is the S. f|c|<j|.-.R. C. C. 



48 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. 1. 

ga$a " tree," gM " trees," gawala " in trees." Hence it accards 
well with Professor Max Muller*$ belief^ of this being a compound 
expression like << animal-mass" for ''animals," or "stone-heap" 
for ''stones." There is another strong reason which induces me to 
believe that this rai in the sense of rana for a " mass " is a word by 
itself. . . . (Joum. Ceylon Branch Roy. As. Soc. 1867-70, p. 51.) 

It was this use by Mr. D'Alwis df the word tana whicliy 
after much fruitless research, set me on the right track to dis- 
cover the true nature of the termination of the neuter pluraL 
It is strange that being so near the solution of the question 
Mr. D'Alwis should hare failed to attain it, and it is unfortu- 
nate that his limited acquaintance with Sanskrit and Pali, and 
with comparative philology, has everywhere hampered him 
in his endeavours to explain the true nature of Sinhalese 
grammatical forms. Nevertheless Mr. D'Alwis's Sidath 
Sangarawa, and other essays on the Sinhalese language, will 
always be a rich mine to the student, and I have much 
pleasure in bearing testimony to the eminent services he has 
rendered to the study of Sinhalese lore and literature. 

^ Any one reading this passage wonld suppose that Professor Max M tiller had 
written upon the formation of the neuter plural in Sinhalese. This, howerer, 
is not the case, and it will hardly be believed that what Mr. D'Alwis refers 
to is a passage in Dr. Max Miiller*s well-known essay ** On the Relation of the 
Bengali to the Aryan and Aboriginal Languages of India" (Rep. British 
Association, 1847), showing that the syllable dipy which forms the plural of 

masculine nouns in Bengali, is really a noun, the Sanskrit Uc«|. A reference, 

however brief, to this essay, would have saved the reader a great deal of trouble ; 
but Mr. D'Alwis, though he twice quotes it in his article, nowhere mentioi^ it by 
name. The case of the postposition diff is curiously analogous to that of pm. 
The example given by Dr. Max Miiller is pandit'digete^ **in or among the 

pai?4its," lit. " in the paijdit world," f^^ having acquired the secondary mean- 
ing of ♦< world " (see p. 338 of the Report). 



49 



Art. IV. — The Pali Text of the Mahdparinibbdna Sutta and 
Commentary^ with a Translation. By B. C. Childers, 
late of the Ceylon Civil Service. 

Evam me sutam. Ekam samayam Bhagav& B&jagahe 
viharati Gijjhak(ite pabbate. Tena kho pana samayena £.aj4 
Magadho Ajatasattu Vedehiputto Vajji abhiy&tuksLmo hoti, 
so evam &ha. Aham ime Vajji evammahiddhike evammah&- 
nubh&ve ucchecch&mi Vajji vin&sess&mi Vajji anayavyasa- 
nam &p&dessami Vajjt ti. 

Atha kho raj& Magadho Ajatasattu Vedehiputto Vassakft- 
ram br&hmanam Magadhamah&mattam amantesi. Ehi tvam 
br&hmana yena Bhagavd. ten' upasankama, upasankamitvd 
mama vacanena Bhagavato pMe sirasi vandahi, app&badham 
app&tankam lahutthanam balaih ph^uviharam puccha, r&j4 
bhante MsLgadho Ajatasattu Vedehiputto Bhagavato psLde 
siras^ vandati, appabadham app&tankaih lahutthanam balaih 
ph&suvih&ram pucchatiti: evan ca vadehi, raja bhante Ma- 
gadho Ajaltasattu Vedehiputto Vajji abhiyatukamo, so evam 
&ha, aham ime Vajji evammahiddhike evammah&nubh&ve 
ucchecchslmi Vajji vinasessami Vajji anayavyasanaih &pd- 
dess&mi Vajji ti : yatha ca te Bhagava vy&karoti tarn s&dhu- 
kam uggahetvd, mamam 4roceyy4si, na hi Tath^gata vitatham 
bhanantiti. Evam bho ti kho Vassakaro Brahmano Magadha- 
mah&matto rafifio Magadhassa Aj&tasattussa Vedehiputtassa 
patissutv^ bhaddani bhaddani yanani yojapetva bhaddam 
y&nam abhirCihitva bhaddehi bhaddehi yanehi Eajagahamh^ 
niyy&si, yena GijjhakCito pabbato tena payasi, yavatika yan- 
assa bhAmi yanena gantv4 yan& paccorohitv4 pattik(^'va yena 



* T samayam ^ S Vajji *Z Vajji, Y -mah&n<i- '^SZ ucchejjami, Y anayyas-, 
8 anayavy^s- » Y Mag- • D upasankami, Y tenup- ^^ Y lahutth-, phasii- " Y 
lahiitth- 1* YZ evam ca, D evam vad- i* S Vajji ^^ Y -raahana." SZ ucchejjami, 
Z Vajji {the first time), D vindsessami, DSYZ anavyasanam ^o d evam so hoti, 
Y evam so bho ti, Y Mag. 21 Y ranifio *» S abhiruh-, SYZ Mjagaham »* YZ 
niyyasi, D niyyasi " D bhiimiyyanena, Y pattiko ca. 

VOL. vn. — [new sebibs.] 4 



A A 



50 MAHAPAEINIBBANASUTTAM, [BhIn. 1. 

Bhagav^ ten** upasankami, upasankamitv^ Bhagavatft saddliini 
sammodi, sammodaniyam katham s&raniyam yitisllretY& eka- 
mantam nisidi, ekamantam nisinno kho Yassak&ro br&hma^o 
Magadhamah&matto Bhagavantam etad avoca. R&j& bho Go- 
tama Magadho Ajatasattu Yedehiputto bhoto Gotamassa p&de 
siras^ vandati appslbadham app&tankam lahutth&nam balam 
ph^uvihd.ram pucchati evan ca vadeti, r&j& bho Gotama M&- 
gadho Ajatasattu Vedehiputto Vajjl abhiy&tukamo, so evam 
&ha, ahaih ime Vajji eyammahiddhike eYammah&nubh4ye 
ucchecchslmi Vajjl yin&sess&mi Vajji anayayyasanam ftpft- 
dess4mi Vajji ti. 

Tena kho pana samayena &ya8m& Anando Bhagayato pitthito 
pitthito hot! Bhagayantaih yijamano. Atha kho Bhagay& 
ftyasmantam Anandam &mantesi. Kinti te Ananda satam 
Yajji abhinhanisaiinip£lt& sannip&tabahuld, ? ti. Sutam me taiii 
bhante Yajjt abhinhamsannipd,td. 8annipatabahul& ti. Y&ya- 
ktyaii ca Ananda Vajji abhinhamsannipattl sannip&tabahul& 
bhavissanti vuddhi yeva Ananda Vajjinaih patikankh& no 
parihani. Kinti te Ananda sutaih Vajjt samagg& sannipat- 
anti samagggl vutthahanti samaggft Vajji karaniyfi,ni karontitiP 
Satam me tarn bhante Vajji samaggd, sannipatanti samagg& 
yutthahanti samaggft Vajji karaniy&ni karontiti. Y&vakivafi 
ca Ananda Vajji samagga sannipatissanti samagg& yuttha- 
hissanti samaggft Vajji karaniyani karissanti yuddhi yeya 
Ananda Vajjinaih p&tikankhft no parih&ni. Kinti te Ananda 
sutaih Vajji apatinattaih na pann&penti pamiattam na samuc- 
chindanti yath&pannatte por&ne Vajjidhamme sam&d^ya ya- 
ttantiti ? Sutaih me tarn bhante Vajji appanftattam na panii4- 
penti pannattam na samucchindanti yath&paiinatte por&ne 
Vajjidhamme sam&daya yattantiti. Y&vakiyan ca Ananda 
Vajji appannattam na paiinslpessanti pannattam na samucchi- 

» D saran- * Y MAg- ^ DY bho Gotamassa, D pfide ti ' D pucchattti, DY 
eyam vadeti, Z evam ca • Z Vajji " SZ ucchejjami, Z Vajji (Jirst time), Y anary- 
» D omits Bhagayato >* Y -bahuld, D sutam me tarn »« Z Vajji, 8 -tabahuia 
Y -bahuia " Y-bahuia " D sannipat- «i D sutam me tam, DSYZ substitute . . pa 
. . for samagga sannipatanti s. vutthahanti '* D -yani '* D Y appamfi-, pamiUp-, 
pamii-, ^ DY yathapamn-, Vajjidh- " D tam, appamfi-, DY pamMp- » DY 
pamii-, yathapamfi-, D samundicchindanti ^ D Vajjidh- ^i j)Y appamfi-, D 
pamfiap-, DY pamfi. 



I. 



BhAn. 1.] aparihIniyA dhammA. 51 

ndissanti yath&pamiatte por&ne Yajjidhamme sam&d^ya vatti- 
ssanti yuddhi yeva Ananda Yajjinam. p&tikankli& no parih&ni. 
Kinti te Ananda sutam Vajji ye te Yajjinani Yajjimahallak& 
te sakkaronti garukaronti m4nenti pCijenti tesan ca sotabbam 
mafi&inttti ? Sutam me taiii bhante Vajji ye te Vajjinaiii 
yajjimaliallak& te sakkaronti garukaronti mduenti pdjenti 
tesaSl ca sotabbam manoantiti. Yd.yakivaii ca Ananda Vajji 
ye te Yajjinam Yajjimahallaka te sakkarissanti garukarissanti 
m&nessanti p&jessanti tesan ca sotabbam mannissanti vuddhi 
yeva Ananda Yajjinam p&tikankbd. no parihd.ni. Kinti te 
Ananda sutam Yajji ya ta kulitthiyo kulakumariyo t& na 
okkassa pasayba vSsentiti ? Sutam me taiii bhante Vajji yeL 
t& kulitthiyo kulakumelriyo ta na okkassa pasayha v^entiti. 
Y&vakivaii ca Ananda Yajji yk ik kulitthiyo kulakumd.riyo 
t& na okkassa pasayha v^essanti vuddhi yeva Ananda Yajji- 
nam p&tikankh& no parihsLni. Kinti te Ananda sutam Yajji 
yftni t&ni Yajjinam Yajjicetiy&ni abbhantar^ni c'eva bS.hirani 
ca t&ni sakkaronti garukaronti manenti pCljenti tesan ca 
dinnapubbam katapubbam dhammikam baliiii no pariha- 
pentlti. Sutam me tarn bhante Yajji yani tS.ni Yajjinam 
Yajjicetiy&ni abbhantarani c'eva bahir^ni ca td.ni sakkaronti 
garukaronti mdnenti piijenti tesan ca dinnapubbam kata- 
pabbaih dhammikam baliih no parihS^pentiti. Y^vaktvan 
ca Ananda Yajji yini t&,ni Yajjinam Yajjicetiyani abbhan- 
tarani c'eva b&hirani ca tani sakkarissanti garukarissanti 
m&nessanti pdjessanti tesan ca dinnapubbam katapubbam 
dhammikam balim no parihapessanti vuddhi yeva Ananda 
Yajjinam psLtikankhe^ no parih^ni. Kinti te Ananda sutam 
Yajjinam arahantesu dhammika rakkhslvaranagutti susaihvi- 
bitfty kinti an&gatel ca arahanto vijitam ^gaccheyyum ^gatS. 
caarahanto vijite phasum viharoyyun? ti. Sutam me tarn 



>^DY yatMpamfl-, S porano, D Vajjidh- s Z Vajji, D ye te ca, Vajjim- » DY 
mtmfl., D ye te ca « DY Vajjimah- ^ Z yotabbara, D mamfi-, Y Vajji ^ D 
y» ta ea, Vajjlm- » DY mamfi- " SY Vajji i* D Tasenti, tam, YS Vajji " SYZ 
Ttiji >• Y Yajji " D Vajjic-, Y abbhantarani, bahirani ^^ D omiU t&ni » D 
MtMn ma tam, SY Vajji ^i D Vajjic-, Y abbhantarani, bahirani, D omil8 tani 
» Y mA^enti »* SY Vajji, D Vajjic-, Y abbhantarOni « Y bahir&ni, D reads ca 
fmr a'ava, omiU ca »» S Vajjinain, -gutti ^i DY phasu, D vihareyyum, D oe tarn. 



52 MAHAPABINIBBANASUTTAM. [BhA?. 1. 

bhante Yajjinam arahantesu dhammikH rakkh&varanagatti 
8iLsamvihit&, kinti an&gat& ca arahanto vijitaih &gacclieyyiim 
&gat& ca arahanto vijite ph&sum vihareyyun ti. Y&vakivaft 
ca Ananda Yajjinam arahantesu dhammik& rakkh&varana- 
gutti BU8aihyihit& bhavissati, kinti an&gat& ca arahanto 
vijitam d.gaccheyyuih &gat£L ca arahanto vijite phftsom 
Tihareyyun ti Yuddhi yeva Ananda Yajjinaih pAtikankhA 
no parih&niti. 

Atha kho Bhagayd. Yassak&raih br&hmai^aih Magadha- 
mahsLmattam d.mantesi. Ekam id&ham br&hmai^a samayam 
Yes&Iiyam viharsLmi S&randade cetiye, tatr&ham Yajjinam 
ime satta aparihd.niye dhamme desesim, y&yaktvaii ca br&h- 
mana ime satta aparih&niy& dhammd. Yajjisu (hassanti imesu 
ca sattasu aparih&niyesu dhammesu Yajji sandissanti yuddhi 
yeva br&hmana Yajjinam p&tikankh& no parih&niti. Evam 
vutte Yassakd.ro br&hmano Magadhamah&matto Bhagavan- 
tam etad ayoca. Ekamekena pi bho Gotama aparihaniyena 
dhammena samann&gat&nam Yajjinam yuddhi yeya p&ti- 
kahkh& no parih&ni, ko pana y&do sattahi aparih&niyehi 
dhammehi: akaraniyft Va bho Gotama Yajji rahnk M&ga- 
dhena Aj&tasattun& Yedehiputtcna yadidam yuddhassa a£L£La- 
tra upal4pand.ya annatra mithubhed& : handa ca dd.ni mayam 
bho Gotama gacchdma, bahukiccd. mayam bahukaraniy& ti. 
Yassa d&ni tvam brfthmana k&laih maflfiusiti. Atha kho 
Yassakftro brahmano Magadhamah&matto Bhugayato bhftsi- 
tam abhinanditysL anumodity& utthay' dsand. pakk&mi. 

Atha kho Bhagavil acirapakkante Ya8sakd.re brfthmane 
Magadhamahd.matte dyasmantam Anandam &mantesi. Gaccha 
tvam Ananda ydyatik& bhikkhfl R&jagahuih upaniss&ya vi- 
haranti te sabbe upatth&nasAI&yaih sannip&tchiti. Evani 
bhante ti kho &yasmd. Anando Bhagavato patissutvd. yd.yatikft 
bhikkh& RSjagaham upaniss&ya viharanti te sabbe upatthA- 
nas&I&yam sannip&tetvsL yena BhagavsL ten' upasankami, 



» 8 -gutti » D omits kinti » DY phasu, D viharcyyum » S kifici, D an&g- • T 
ph&su ' D Tihareyyumn, Y viharcyyum • Y Mdg- •» D tthussanti " DSYZ 
Vajji »o Y Mag- «> S akarantyft, DY ramfid, S rafifio, D Ma^- " DY suddhaiM, 
amfiat'a {twice), *' Y upamapanilya » D bahukiccha ^ D mamfi- ^ DY bhikkhu 
» D eytm » DSY bhikkho. 



BhIn. 1.] aparihIniya dhammA, 53 

upasankamityd. Bhagayantam abhiy&detyd. ekamantam atthftsi^ 
ekamantam thito kho &yasm& Anando Bhagayantam etad 
ayoca. Sannipatito bhante bhikkhusangho^ yassa dftni 
bhante Bhagay& k&lam mannasiti. Atha kho BhagaysL 
utth&y' &saii£L ycna upatthd.nas&ld. ten' upasankami, upasanka- 
mityd. pannatte d.sane nisidi, nisajja kho Bhagay& bhikkhii 
ftmantesi. Satta yo bhikkhaye aparih&niye dhamme desess&mi 
tarn 8un£Ltha sMhukam manasikarotha bh^iss&mtti. Eyaih 
bhante ti kho te bhikkh{i Bhagayato paccassosum, Bhagay& 
etad ayoca. Y&yaktyan ea kho bhikkhaye bhikkh^i abhinham- 
8annipd.t& sannip&tabahiil& bhayissanti yuddhi yeya bhik- 
khiinaih p&tikankh& no parihd.ni. Yd.yakiyafi ca bhikkhaye 
bhikkhd samaggsL sannipatissanti 8amagg& yutthahissanti 
8amagg& sanghakaraniyani karissanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye 
bhikkh^inam patikankhd. no parih&ni. Y&yakiyafi ca bhi- 
kkhaye bhikkhu appannattam na paniid.pe8santi paMattam 
na samucchindissanti yath&paniiattesu sikkh&padesu 8am&- 
d&ya yattissanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkh{inaih p&ti- 
kankh& no parih&ni. Y&yaktyan ca bhikkhaye bhikkh^ ye 
te bhikkhii therd. rattann^ cirapabbajit& sanghapitaro saA- 
ghaparind.yak& te sakkarissanti garukarissanti m&nessanti 
piijessanti tesaii ca sotabbam mannissanti yuddhi yeya bhi- 
kkhaye bhikkhunam p&tikankh^ no parih&ni. Y&yakiyan 
ca bhikkhaye bhikkhft uppannftya tanh&ya ponobhayik&ya 
na yasam gacchanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkhiinaiii 
p&tikankhd. no parihd.ni. Y&yakiyaii ca bhikkhaye bhikkhfi. 
ftrannakesu send.sanesu s&pekhd. bhayissanti yuddhi yeya 
bhikkhaye bhikkhfinam p&tikankhfi. no parih&ni. YftyaMyaii 
ca bhikkhaye bhikkhii paccattam yeya satim upatthsLpessanti^ 
kinti an&gat& ca pesal& sabrahmac&ri dgaccheyyum &gat& ca 



* D8Y thita s T sannipatito, Z bhikkilsangho ^BT mamf&astti « DY pamfiatte, 
Y bbikkhu ' DY satfime {corrected from sattamo), SYZ desissami » SZ sunatha, 
D eyam » DS bhikkhu, lo SZ omit kho, DS bhikkhu " Y -bahuia, ^^ DSY 
bhikkhu ^^ Y -kara^tya ^^ D bhikkhunam ^< S bhikkhu, DY appamfi-, pai&fiap-, 
pamfiatta^ >" DY yathapamiiattesu ^^ D bhikkhunam ^» DY bhikkhu ^ DS 
bhikkhu, DY rattamfia, S rattafiilu ^i D -nayako, Z nefor te «» DY mamfi- »» D 
bhikkhunam ^ DY bhikkhu, D po^- ^ DSY bhikkhu »' SZ arafifi-, DY aramil- 
» D bhikkhunam ^ S bhikkhu ^ D aabbrahmacari, Z anagata/or agata. 



A ■ . A 



54 MAHAPARINIBBANASTJTTAM. [Bhan. 1. 

pesal& sabrahmadlri ph&suih vihareyyun ti vuddhi yeva 
bhikkhave bhikkhtinam patikankhd. no parih&ni. Y&yakiya£L 
ca bhikkhave ime satte aparih&niyd. dhamm& bhikkhtisu 
thassanti imesu ca sattasu aparih&niyesa dhammesu bhikkhii 
sandissahti vuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkhtLnam pd.tikankh& 
no parih&ni. 

Apare pi kho bhikkhave satta aparihftniye dhamme de- 
eessftmi tarn sun&tha sftdhukam manasikarotha bh&siss&mtti. 
Evam bhante ti kho te bhikkh^i Bhagavato paccassosom, 
Bhagav& etad avoca. Y&vaktvan ca bhikkhave bhikkhii na 
kamm&r&md. bhavissanti' na kammarat& na kamm&rftmataih 
anayutt& vuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkh^nam pd.tikankh& no 
parih&ni. Y&vaklvail ca bhikkhave bhikkhd na bhass&r&mi 
bhavissanti na bhassaratH na bhass&r&matam anuyuttel vuddhi 
yeva bhikkhave bhikkhiinam p&tikankh& no parih&ni. Y&- 
vaktvaft ca bhikkhave bhikkhd na niddirHmH bhavissanti na 
nidd&rat& na nidd&r&matam anuyutt& vuddhi yeva bhikkhave 
bhikkh^inam pfttikankh& no parih&ni. Y&v£Jdva& ca bhik- 
khave bhiUdiA na sanganikar&m& bhavissanti na sangani- 
kftrata na sanganik&r&matam amiyutt& vuddhi yeva bhik- 
khave bhikkhflnam p&tikankhd. no parih&ni. Y&vakivaft ca 
bhikkhave bhikkhii na pslpicch& bhavissanti na p&pik&nam 
icch&nam vasam gatd vuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkh{inam 
p&tikankh^ no parihd.ni. Y&vakivaii ca bhikkhave bhikkhii 
na p&pamittft bhavissanti na p&pasahd.y& na p&pasampavank& 
vuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkh^inam p&tOcankhd. no parih&ni. 
Y&vakivafii ca bhikkhave bhikkhd na oramattakena visesd- 
dhigamena antar& vos&nam apajjissanti vuddhi yeva bhik- 
khave bhikkh^inam p&tikankh& no parih&ni. Yivaktvafi 
ca bhikkhave ime satta aparihftniy& dhammd bhikkh^^su 
thassanti imesu ca sattasu aparih&niyesu dhammesu bhikkhd 

^ D «abbr-, phasu, Tihar- * B bbdkkhimam > DSY bhikkhusa « D t^bttssanti, 
DS bbikkbu ^ 8 aparo, DSTZ desLssami » SZ sonatba ' DY eyam, DS bbikkhu 
^0 D bbikkhu ^^ D kammarata ^^ D bbikkhonam ^^ DS bbikkbu, D bbaBsarama 
>« S bbanarftta, DSYZ bbassaramatam ^^ D omits na niddaraUl, S -ramatam 
i> DSY sanga^ikarama, D sanganikarata altered to -karamata ^ S sanganikarata, 
Y ganasanganikarata, DSY sanganikaramatam ** D bbikkhu *« S bbikkbu ^ D 
TMdbi, bbikkbuuam ^ D bbikkbu ^s Y yasanam, D yCLddbi »> D after bbikkhaye 
inurts bbikkhu, and Y bhikkhil » Y bhikkhuBU, 'i D ^^buManti, S bbikkhu. 



Bhan. 1.] APARIHANIYA DHAMMA. 56 

sandissanti yuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkhunam pd.tikankh& 
no parih&ni. 

Apare pi kho bhikkhaye satta aparih&niye dhamme de- 
sess&mi, tarn sunsLtha s&dhukaiii manasikarotha bh&sissamiti. 
Eyadi bbante ti kho te bbikkhii Bhagayato paccassosum, 
Bhagay& etad ayoca. Y&yakiyan ca bhikkhaye bhikkhd 
Baddh& bhayissanti hiriiiian& bhayissanti ottslpt bhayissanti 
bahussutA bhayissanti &raddhayiriya bhayissanti upatthita^ati 
bhayissanti panngLyanto bhayissanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye 
bhikkhunam p&tikankhd no parihini. Y4yakiyan ca bhik- 
khaye ime satta aparihd.niy& dhamm& bhikkhtisu thassanti 
imesu ca sattasu aparih&niyesu dhammesu bhikkhd sandissanti 
yaddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkhunam psltikanl^d. no parih&ni. 

Apare pi kho bhikkhaye satta aparih&niye dhamme de- 
8es8&mi, tarn sun&tha s&dhukam manasikarotha bhsisiss&mtti. 
Eyam bhante ti kho te bhikkhu Bhagayato paccassosum, 
Bhagayft etad ayoca. Y^yakiyafi ca bhikkhaye bhikkhii 
satisambojjhaDgam bh&yessanti dhammayicayasambojjhangam 
bh&yessanti yiriyasambojjhangam bh&yessanti pitisambojjh- 
angam bh&yessanti passaddhisambojjhangam bh&yessanti sa- 
m&dhisambojjhangam bh&yessanti upekhasambojjhangam bh&- 
yessanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkhunam p&tikankh& no 
parih&nL Y&yakiyan ca bhikkhaye ime satta aparihaniyH 
dhamm& bhikkhiisu thassanti imesu ca sattasu aparihaniyesu 
dhammesu bhikkh^i sandissanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhik- 
khflnam patikankh& no parih&ni. 

Apare pi kho bhikkhaye satta aparih&niye dhamme de- 
seBS&miy tarn sun&tha sadhukam manasikarotha bh&siss&miti. 
Eyam bhante ti kho te bhikkhd Bhagayato paccassosum, 
Bhagay& etad ayoca. Yayakiyan ca bhikkhaye bhikkhii 
aniocasailnam bh&yessanti anattasannam bh&yessanti asubha- 

1 Z omitt bhikkliaye, DSYZ desiss- * S manasi- ^ DSYZ evam, DS bhikkhu, 
DSYZ -ssosum ^ DY hirimata, S hirimana, Z hirimantl, DS ottapi ^ DS -sati 
• DY pamfl- »<> DY after parihani insert . . pe . . " DS -khusu, D tthassanti 
» DY omit c&,J)S bhikkhu " D -khunam " DSYZ desiss- i» S ma^asi-, D -miti 
>• YZ evam, DS bhikkhu, D -sum " D bhikkhu «i D upekkhd- >« D -khunam »* S 
-khttra, D tthussanti ^^ DS bhikkhu, -khunam ^7 D-iya dhamma desissama, SYZ 
dodflB- » DYZ eyam, S bhikkhu, DSY -sum ^o S bhikkhu ^i in thejirst twoplacf 
Z hat -samOfiam, in the other five -safifiam : D -samfiaih throughout : SY -safifiani 
in (hi tteondpkue. 



56 MAHlPARINIBBlNASTJTTAlif. [BhAn. 1. 

BaiiSam bh&yessanti ftdinavasaiifiam bh&yessaiiti pah&nasa- 
nfiam bhd.yes8anti vir&gasaMam bhd.yessanti nirodhasaiinam 
bh&yessanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkb^iiiaih p&tikankh& 
no parihani. Yd.yaklyan ca bbikkbaye ime satta aparihd.niy& 
dhammd bhikkbiisa tbassanti imesu ca sattasu aparih&uiyesu 
dhaminesu bhikkhd sandissanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhi- 
kkh^inam p^tikankhd. no parih&ni. 

Cha bhikkhaye aparih&niye dhamme desess&mi^ tarn sun&- 
tha s&dhukam manasikarotha bh&siss&miti. Eyam bhante ti 
kho te bhikkh(i Bhagayato paccassosum Bhagay& etad ayoca. 
Y&yakiyan ca bhikkhaye bhikkhti mettam k&yakammaih 
paccupatth&pessanti sabrahmac&risu kvi c'eya raho ca yuddhi 
yeya bhikkhaye bhikkhdnam p&tikankhd. no parihd.ni. Y&- 
yaktyaft ca bhikkhaye bhikkhii mettam yacikammam paccu- 
patth&pessanti sabrahmac&risu kyi c'eya raho ca yuddhi yeya 
bhikkhaye bhikkhunam no parihd.ni. Y&yakiyan ca bhi- 
kkhaye bhikkhii mettam manokammam paccupatthd.pes8anti 
8abrahmacd.risu kwi c'eya raho ca yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye 
bhikkh(inam p&tikahkhd. no parih&ni. Y&yakiyaii ca bhi- 
kkhaye bhikkh(L ye te l&bh& dhammikd. dhammaladdh& 
antamaso pattapariy&pannamattam pi tathd.r{ipehi l&bhehi 
appatiyibhattabhoji bhayissanti silayantehi sabrahmac&rthi 
s^h&ranabhogi yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkhdnam pati- 
kankh& no parihd.ni. Y&yakiyaii ca bhikkhaye bhikkhd 
y&ni t&ni sil&ni akhandd.ni acchidd&ni asabal&ni akamm&s&ni 
bhujissani yinnuppasatth&ni apar&matth&ni sam&dhisamyatta- 
nikd.ni tath&rfipesu silesu silas&ma£Liiagat& yiharissanti sa- 
brahmacd.rthi kyi c'eya raho ca yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye 
bhikkhdnam p&tikankh& no parih&ni. YayakiyafL ca bhi- 
kkhaye bhikkh{L y& ^yam ditthi ariy& niyyd.nikd. niyy&ti 
takkarassa samm&dukkhakkhay&ya tath&r<ip&ya ditthiyft 

1 SYZ adinaya « DY bhikkhusa, D tthossanti • D bhikkhu ^ DSYZ desiss- • Y 
maijasi-, DY eyam *« D bhikkhu, D -flum " D bhikkhu " Y -carisu, ftyi " D 
bhikkhunam ^^ D -cttrisu, DSYZ omit from ayt to bhikkhii, substituting , . pe . . 
" Y mano- " DY ^yi »» Y bhikkhu »' S apattapar-, Y attapar-, Z pantapar « D 
-bhoji, Y -bhogt, Y -cart » D -na, bhoti eorreeted to hoti, Z -bhogi " Y bhikkhu 
•• D bhufij-, yimii- ^ D omits silesu, DY -samamfi. " D ayi, S ayi »<> D ya'yan, 
Y yasan, D ariyani niyyanikani, SYZ ntyyanika, D omUs niyyati, S niyyani, Y 
ntyyani, Z niyyati '^ D sabbadukkh-, Y -kkhaya. 



BhIn. 1.] BUDDHA AT AMBALATTHIkI. 57 

ditt1ii8&maiinagat& viharissanti sabralimac^rihi kvi c'eva 
raho ca vuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkh^inani pd.tikaiikha no 
parih&ni. Yd.yakivan ca bhikkhave ime cha aparihd.Qiy& 
dhamm& bhikkh&su thassanti imesu ca chasu aparihd.niye8u 
dhammesu bhikkhd sandissanti vuddhi yeva bhikkhave 
bhikkhihiam p&tikankhsL no parih&niti. 

Tatra sudam Bhagav& R^jagahe viharanto Gijjhak&te 
pabbate etad eva bahulaih bhikkhiinani dhammim katham 
karoti, iti silam iti samMhi iti pann&, silaparibhavito samMhi 
mahapphalo hoti mah&nisaihso, sam&dhiparibh&vit& paniid. 
mahapphald. hoti mah^nisams&, pann&paribhd.vitam cittam 
sammad eva &savehi vimuccati seyyathidam k&m^v& bha- 
Tftsav& ditth&savd. avijj^savd. ti. 

Atha kho Bhagavd. BSjagahe yathabhirantam viharitv& 
iyasmantam Anandam &mantesi. Ay4m' Ananda yena Amba- 
latthik^ ten' upasankamiss&mati. Evam bhante ti kho 
ftyasm& Anando Bhagavato paccassosi. Atha kho Bhagav& 
mahat& bhikkhusanghena saddhim yena Ambalatthikft tad 
avasan. 

Tatra sudam Bhagavd. Ambalatthik&yam viharati Ed.j&g&- 
rake. Tatra pi sudam Bhagavft Ambalatthikayam viharanto 
Rftj&g&rake etad eva bahulam bhikkhdnam dhammim katham 
karotiy iti silam iti sam&dhi iti pafin^, 6ilaparibhd.vito sam&dhi 
mahapphalo hoti mahanisaihso, sam&dhiparibh&vit& paM& 
mahapphald. hoti mahsLnisamsa, paiin£lparibhd.vitam cittam 
sammad eva &savehi vimuccati seyyathidam kam&savd. bhav&- 
8av& ditth&sav& avijjasav& ti. 

Atha kho Bhagavd. Ambalatthik&yam yath&bhirantam vi- 
haritvi &yasmantam Anandam &mantesi. Ay&m' Ananda 
yena N^Iand& ten' upasahkamiss&m&ti. Evam bhante ti kho 
ftyasm& Anando Bhagavato paccassosi. Atha kho Bhagav& 



> DY -sAmamfi-, DZ sabbr-, DY avi * Y bhikkhusu, DSYZ &mit ca • D 
parih&ni ^ Z Gijjhapabbate ^ SY etad avoca {sie) for etad eya, Y bahulam, 
dhammt » DY pamiia i© D -vito, DY painfi& »» Y painll- " Y omits ditthasaya 
w D AmbaUka »« DSYZ eyam " s mahata »» S avasart »» D hi for pi, Y tatra 
sopidam ^ Y bahulam, dhammikam katham ^ S samadhisam, DY pamfia ^ D 
•▼ito, DY parnna » DSY pamfi- ^^ Y omits ditthasava ^ DY Naianda, DSYZ 
eyam. 



.A_ A 



58 MAHAPAEINIBBANASUTTAM. [Bhan. 1. 

mahatH bhikkhusanghena saddhim yena Nalandll tad avasari. 
Tatra sudam Bhagavd. N&land&yam viharati F&v&rikamba- 
vane- Atha kho ayasm^ Sariputto yena BhagavA ten' upa- 
sankami, upasankamitY& Bhagavantam abhiv&dety& ekam- 
antam nisidi, ekamantam nisinno kho &yasm& S&riputto 
Bhagavantam etad ayooa. Evanipasanno aham bhante 
Bhasravati na c&hu na ea bhayissati na c'etarahi yiiiati an&o 
« J,. ,4 ^M«^ ,. Bh.g.,.« bMyyo 'blnJL y.d- 
idam sambodhiyan ti. Ul&r& kho te ayam Sjlriputta fisabhi 
y&c& bh&sit& ekamso gahito sihan&do nadito, eyaihpasanno 
aham bhante Bhagavati na cslhu na ca bhayissati na c'etarahi 
vijjati anno samano y& br&hmano y& Bhagayat4 bhiyyo 
'bhinfiataro yadidam sambodhiyan tL Kin nu S&riputta ye 
te ahesmh atitam addh&nam arahanto samm&sambuddh& 
sabbe te bhagayanto cetas£l cetoparicca yidit& eyamsil& te 
bhagavanto ahesum iti pi eyamdhamm& eyampafini eyamyi- 
h&rt eyamyimutt& te bhagayanto ahesum iti ptti ? No h'etam 
bhante. Kim pana S&riputta ye te bhayissanti an&gatam 
addhdnam arahanto samm&sambuddhd. sabbe te bhagayanto 
cetas& cetoparicca yidit& eyaihsil& te bhagayanto bhayissanti 
iti pi, eyamdhamm& eyampaiin& eyamyihsLri eyamyimutt& te 
bhagayanto bhayissanti iti piti P No h'etam bhante. Kim 
pana S&riputta aham te etarahi araham samm&sambuddho 
cetas& cetoparicca yidito eyamsilo Bhagay& iti pi eyam- 
dhammo eyampanno eyaihyih&ri eyamyimutto Bhagay& 
iti pitiP No h'etam bhante. Etth' eya hi te S&riputta 
atit&n&gatapaccuppannesu arahantesu sammdsambuddhesu 
cetopariyan&nam n'atthi, atha kin carahi te ayam S&riputta 
uld.r& isabhi y&c£L bh&sit& ekamso gahito sihan&do nadito, 
eyampasanno aham bhante Bhagayati na c&hu na ca bha- 
yissati na c'etarahi yijjati anno samano yi br&hma^o y& 



^ ST Naianda * DY N&landajam * D eyam /or aham, T aham ? D m^hu for 
oAho, DT amfio ^ D samano, Y brah-, SYZ bhtyy-, DY -bhimfi. ^ DS ul&io 
" D aham, Bhagavati " DY amfio, D samano, SYZ bhiyy- ^ DY -bhimfi- " D 
▼ijita, S to/or te i< DY -pamfia, DS -yihari ^^ D h'etam ^o D eTamsila to s^ DY 
-pamfia, DS -yihari »> D h'etam >> D angafii for aham » D -pamfio, -yihari 
*• D h'etam, S ett'eya, Y ettha carahi » S aaabhi, Y aaahi, Z asabhi ^ D -nno 
'haia '^ DY amho, Z samano, S omita brahmano ya« 



A 



BhAk. 1.] BUDDHA AND SARIPUTTA. 59 

Bhagavatft bhiyyo 'bhiniiataro yadidam sambodhiyan ti. Na 
kho me bhante atit&n&gatapaccuppannesu arahantesu 8amm&- 
sambuddhesa cetopariya&sLnaih atthi, api ca dhammanvayo 
Tidito^ seyyathlLpi bhante ranno paccantimam nagaram dalh- 
udd&paih dalhap&k&ratoranaiii ekady&ram^ tatr' assa dov&riko 
pai^dito yiyatto medh&vi aiin£lt&Qam niyd.retd. nat&nam pave* 
setft, so tassa nagarassa samantsl anupariy&yapatham anukka- 
mamftno na passeyya p&k&rasandhim y& p&k&rayiYaraiii v& 
antamaso bil&ranissakkanamattam pi, tassa evam assa, ye 
kho keci ol&rik& pftnd. imam nagaram pavisanti \k nikkha- 
manti vk sabbe te imin& \a dvslrena pavisanti vd. nikkha- 
manti y& ti, eyam eya kho me bhante dhammanyayo yidito 
ye te ahesnm atitam addh&nam arahanto samm&sambuddhd 
sabbe te bhagavanto panca niyarane pah&ya cetaso uppakki- 
leee pan£[d.ya dubbalikarane catusu satipatth&nesu supatitthi- 
tacitt& satta bojjhange yath&bhutam bh^yetyil anuttaram 
samm&sambodhim abhisambujjhimsu : ye te pi bhante bhay- 
issanti an&gatam addhUnam arahanto samm&sambuddh& 
sabbe te bhagayanto panca niyarane pah&ya cetaso upakkilese 
paM&ya dubbalikarane catusu satipatthUnesu supatitthitacitt& 
satfca bojjhange yath&bhdtam bh&yetysl anuttaram sammd- 
sambodhim abhisambujjhissanti : Bhagaya pi bhante etarahi 
araham samm&sambuddho panca niyarane pah&ya cetaso 
upakkilese pann^ya dubbalikarane catusu satipatthanesu 
supatitthitacitto satta bojjhange yath&bhutam bh&yety& an- 
uttaram samm&sambodhim abhisambuddho ti. 

Tatra sudam Bhagay& N&land&yam yiharanto P&ydrik- 
ambavane etad eya bahulam bhikkh^inam dhammim katham 
karoti iti silam iti samildhi iti paMsl, silaparibhslyito sam&dhi 
mahapphalo hoti mah&nisamso, sam&dhiparibh§.yit& pailn& 
mahapphali hoti mahinisams^, paimslparibh&yitam cittam 



» D bhtyo, SYZ bbtyyo, DYZ -bhimfi * DY rainfio, Y dalhuddanampa » D 
dalhapak-, SZ ekamdyaram « D medbavi, nmH- '' D -seto » DSYZ bU-, DSZ 
-ninakkata*, Y nissakkamana- »o DY omit kbo, DSYZ ol-, Y pana " D ca/or 
't«, Y dvarena ^^Z inserts bbante before ahesnm, S omits samma- ^* D pamHaya, 
wpattibita^, Y sdpatthita- ^ D pamfiaya, supatthita-, Y siipatittbita- *» Y etari 
»« D pamfiaya, DY dubbaU-, Y casu, « D supatthita-, Y sikpanhita. " DY Nai- 
M Y bahila^ ^ D pamfia ^ D pamfia s^ D pa^p-. 



60 MAHIpARINIBbInASUTTaA. [BhIn. 1. 

sammad eva eUiavehi yimuccati seyyathidam k&m&say& bha- 
y&say& ditthSsay& ayijJ£Lsay& ti. 

Atha kho Bhagavfi. Nfilandjlyam yatMbhirantam yiharityft 
ftyasmantam Anandam ftinantesL Ay&m' Ananda yena P&ta- 
lig&mo ten' upasankamissam&ti. Eyam bhante ti kho &yasm& 
Anando Bhagayato paccassosi. Atha kho Bhagaysl mahat& 
bhikkhusanghena saddhim yena Fd.talig&mo tad ayasaru 

Assosnih kho P&taligdmiya up^ak& Bhagayd. kira FUtali- 
g&mam anuppatto ti. Atha kho Pd.talig&miy& up&8ak& yena 
BhagaysL ten' upasankamimsu, upasankamity& Bhagayantam 
abhiy&dety& ekamantam nisidimsu, ekamantam nisinnd kho 
Pd.(alig&miy& up&sak& Bhagayantam etad ayocuih. Adhi- 
y&setu no bhante BhagayH ILya8athagd.ran ti. Adhiy&sesi 
BhagaylL tunhibhILyena. Atha kho Pd,talig&miy& upasak& 
Bhagayato adhiy^anam yiditysl utthd.y' d.san& Bhagayantam 
abhiy&dety& padakkhinam katya yena &yasath£Lgaram ten' 
upasankamimsu, upasankamityd sabbasantharim &yasath&g&- 
ram santharity^ isan&ni pafinipetyd. udakamanim patitth&- 
petyd. telappadipam &ropety& yena Bhagay& ten' upasanka- 
mimsu, upasankamity& Bhagayantam abhiy^ety& ekamantam 
atthamsu, ekamantam thit& kho P&taligd.miy& upd.sak& Bha- 
gayantam etad ayocum. Sabbasantharim santhatam bhante 
ftyasath&gsLram £Lsand.ni paimattani udakamaniko patitth&pito 
telappadipo d.ropito, yassa d&ni bhante Bhagayd ksLlam 
mannatiti. Atha kho Bhagayd. niy&setyd. pattaeiyaram &d&ya 
saddhim bhikkhusanghena yena d.yasathd,g&ram ten' upa- 
sankami, upasankamityft p&de pakkh&lety& &y6isath&g&ram 
payisityd. majjhimam thambhaih ni8sd.ya puratthd.bhimukho 
nisidi; bhikkhusangho pi kho pd.de pakkh&lety& &yasath&- 
gd.ram payisityft pacchimaih bhittim niss&ya puratth&bhi- 
mukho nisidi Bhagayantam yeya purakkhaty& ; PsLtaligi- 
miy& pi kho up&saki psUle pakkh&lety& &yasath&g&ram 



s T omits di^asayft ' Y yatbabhirattam » DY eyam i^ D maerts te after 
kbo » DY omU no, Z avayath- " D abhtyadetva " D -Batiharim »» D 
pamflUpetTa, DSY -manim >9 SYZ telappadipo » 8 santatam » D pamfiattani^ 
8Y -maniko '« D mamiiatiti <^ D pade ^o D puratt&bbimukbo '* D omitt pi 
kbo, Y aT|8atbag&ram. 



BhIn. 1.] BTJDDHA AT PATALIGAMA. 61 

pavisitvd. puratthimani bhittim niss&ya pacchftbhimukhi 
nisidimsu Bhagavantam yeva purakkhatv&. 

Atha kho BhagavA P&talig&miye up&sake ftmantesi. Paiic* 
ime gahapatayo ^dtnavd. dussilassa silavipattiyd, katame 
pafLca? Idha gahapatayo dussilo silavipanno pamd.d&dlii- 
karanam mahatim bhogaj&nmi nigacchati, ayam pathamo 
ftdlnayo dussilassa silavipattiy^. Puna ca param gahapatayo 
dttsstlassa silavipannassa p&pako kittisaddo abbhuggacchatiy 
ayam dutiyo &dinayo dussilassa silavipattiyd. Puna ca param 
gahapatayo dussilo silavipanno yaii iiad eva parisam upa- 
sankamati yadi khattiyaparisam yadi br&hmanaparisam yadi 
gahapatiparisam yadi samanaparisam avis&rado upasaiika- 
mati mankubhuto, ayamtatiyo adinavo dussilassa silavipattiy&. 
Puna ca param gahapatayo dussilo silavipanno sammdlho 
k&lam karotiy ayam catuttho adinavo dussilassa silavipattiyd.. 
Puna ca paran gahapatayo dussilo silavipanno kdyassa bhed& 
param maranjl ap3,yam duggatim vinipatam nirayam uppa- 
jjati, ayam pancamo Minavo dussilassa silavipattiy4. Ime 
kho gahapatayo panca 4dinavll dussilassa silavipattiyd.. 

Pailc' ime gahapatayo anisamsa silavato silasampadaya, 
katame panca ? Idha gahapatayo silava silasampanno appa- 
m&d&dhikaranam mahantam bhogakkhandham adhigacchati^ 
ayam pathamo anisamso silavato silasampadaya. Puna ca 
param gahapatayo silavato silasampannassa kalyano kitti- 
saddo abbhuggacchati, ayam dutiyo anisamso silavato sila- 
sampadaya. Puna ca param gahapatayo silav^ silasampanno 
yan nad eva parisam upasankamati yadi khattiyaparisam 
yadi brahmanaparisam yadi gahapatiparisam yadi samana- 
parisam visarado upasankamati amahkubhuto, ayam tatiyo 
ftnisamso silavato silasampadaya. Puna ca param gahapatayo 
silav& silasampanno asammulho k£Llam karoti, ayam catuttho 
Anisamso silavato silasampadaya. Puna ca param gahapa- 



i Y puratthima, DSZ -mukho « SYZ Bhagavantafi fieva » D umattesi * SZ 
ftdinav^ D adinavo * D pamadadikarnnaiii ® S bhogajdtiih "^ SYZ adinavo ® D 
papaka • SYZ adinavo ^o DS yam flad >3 DSYZ adinavo '* D sammulho kajam 
»» SYZ adinavo is SYZ adinavo i» YZ adinava, D adinavo »3 D adinisaiso, 
S aais. 2* D kaly- " D yam flad 2» D -bhuto ^^ D -mulho. 



62 MAHAPAEINIBBANASUTTAM. [Bhan. 1. 

tayo silav^ silasampanno k&yassa blied& param maranft 
sugatim saggam lokam uppajjati, ay am paikamo ftnisamsa 
silavato silasampad&ya. Ime kho gahapatayo pailica dni- 
sams^ silavato silasampadsly&ti. 

Atha kho Bhagav^ Fatalig&miye up&sake bahud eva 
rattim dhammiya kath&ya sandassetvft sam&dapetv& samutte- 
jetva sampahamsetvd. uyyojesi. Abhikkant& kbo gahapatayo 
ratti, yassa d^i k41aih manfiath&ti. Evam bhante ti kho 
'Pktaligkmijk up&sak& Bhagavato patissutv^ utth&y' disanft 
Bhagavantani abhiYMety& padakkhinam katY& pakkamimsiL 
Atha kho Bhagav& acirapakkantesu Fsltalig&iniyesu up&sa- 
kesu sunn&garam p&visi. 

Tena kho pana samayena SunidhaYas8akd.r& Magadhama- 
h&matt& P^taligstme nagaram md.penti YajjiQam patibd.h&ya. 
Tena kho pana samayena sambahul& devatsLyo sahassasseya 
Fsltalig&me vatthiini pariganhanti, yasmim padese mabesa- 
kkhS, devata vatth&ni pariganhanti mahesakkhsLnam tattha 
ranfiam r&jamah&matt&nam cittelni namanti niyesan&ni m&- 
petum, yasmim padese majjhim^ deyat& vatthfini pariganhanti 
majjhimd.nam tattha ranfiam. rajamahd.matt£Uiaiii cittini na- 
manti niyesan&ni mslpetum, yasmim padese nic& deyat&, 
yatthdni pariganhanti nicd.nam tattha rafinam rajamah&- 
mattd.nam cittd.ni namanti niyesan&ni md.petuih. 

Addasd. kho Bhagay& dibbena eakkhun& yisuddhena ati- 
kkantamd.nusakena tk deyatayo sahassasseya F&talig&me 
yatthflni pariganhantiyo. Atha bho Bhagayd. rattiyft paccA- 
sasamayam paccutth&ya dyasmantam Anandam dmantesi. 
Ko nu kho Ananda P&talig&me nagaram mapetiti P Sunt- 
dhayassak&rd. bhante Magadhamahamatt& F&taligd.me naga- 
ram m&penti Yajjinam patib3,hd.y£lti. Seyyathel pi Ananda 
deyehi T^yatimsehi saddhim mantetyd. eyam eya kho Ananda 
Sunidhayassak8lr& Magadhamah&matt& F&talig&me nagaram 
m&penti Yajjinam patib&h&ya : imsL 'ham Ananda addasam 



A D baharattim ^ Y abhikkh- ^ D maihfi-, D bhante si ^^ D omita padakkhinam 
katyft »* D sumfi- " D -karo '* SYZ mapeti »« Y -bahul&, S devatdso " S vatthuni, 
Y -eakka, ^^ S Tatthuni, SY -sakkanam ^^ s vatthuni *^ S parigai^hantttiolnam 
M s pariganh-, S pacousa- ^ Y kho nu, S Sunidha. 



A A 



BhIn. 1.] PROPHECY CONCEENING PATALIGAMA. 63 

dibbena cakkhun& visuddhena atikkantam&nusakena sam- 
bahul& devat&yo sahassasseva P&taligslme vatthiiiii pari- 
ganhantiyo^ yasmim padese iualiesakkh& devat& vatthiiiii 
pariganhanti mahesakkhanam tattha raiinam rdjamahd.- 
matt&nam citt&ni namanti nivesan&ni mslpetum, yasmim 
padese majjhim& devatd, vatthuni pariganhanti majjhim£Lnam 
tattha rannam r&jamahd.mattanaih cittani namanti nivesa* 
nftni md.petuih, yasmim padese nic& devat^ vatthdni pari- 
ganhanti nic&nam tattha ranfiaih r£LJamahd.matt£knam citt&ni 
namanti nivesan&ni m&petuih : y&yat& Ananda ariyam &ya- 
tanam y&vatd vanippatho idam agganagaram bhavissati 
P&taliputtam putabhedanam : Psltaliputtassa kho Ananda 
tayo antarslyd. bhavissanti^ ^gg^tfo yk ud£ikato y& mithubhed& 
v&ti. 

Atha kho Sunidhavassakelrel Magadhamah&mattsi yena 
Bhagava ten' upasankamimsu, upasankamitvsl Bhagayat& 
saddhim sammodimsu, sammodaniyam kathaih s^rd.niyam 
yitisd.rety£l ekamantam atthamsu, ekamantam thit4 kho 
Sunidhayassakard. Magadhamahamattll Bhagayantaih etad 
ayocum. Adhivfeetu no bhayam Gotamo ajjatanaya bhattam 
saddhim bhikkhusanghenati. Adhiyasesi Bhagay& tunhi- 
bhd.yena. Atha kho Sunidhayassakara Magadhamah&matt& 
Bhagayato adhiydsanaih yidityS. yena sako Ayasatho ten' 
upasankamimsu, upasankamityd. sake d.yasathe panitam kh&- 
daniyam bhojaniyaih patiyfid^lpetyd Bhagayato k&larii &roc&- 
pesum, kalo bho Gotama nitthitaih bhattan ti. Atha kho 
Bhagay& pubbanhasamayam niyasetyd. pattaciyaram £Ldd.ya 
saddhim bhikkhusanghena yena Sunidhayassakardnam Maga- 
dhamah&matt&naih Hyasatho ten' upasankami, upasankamityft 
paiiiiatte dsane nistdi. Atha kho SunidhayassaksLrS. Maga- 
dhamah&mattd Buddhapamukhaih bhikkhusanghaih panitena 
kh&daniyena bhojaniyena sahatthsL santappesum sampay&- 



• Y -hula deyata, S yatthuni ' S yatthuni pariganh- • S pariganh- ^ S vatthuni 
pariganhantt " DSYZ yan-, S agganaram, Z agganaram ^^ Dy -bhedo ** 8 
Sunidha- ^^ D sarantyaih ^» SZ Sunidha- «^ S hhikkhu- «* DSY panitam, DSZ 
kh&daniyam bhojaniyam 2* SY omit bho '^ S -rain mtldaya ^^ Y omits yena, 8 
Sunidha-, Y -k&ranam ^o s Sunidha- >i DY panttena >* DZ khadaniyena, 8 
kh&da^iyena, SZ bhojantyena. 



A 



64 MAHAPABINIBBANASIJTTAlf. [BhAm. 1. 

resum. Atha kho Sunidhayassakd.r& Magadhamah&mattlk 
Bhagavantam bhuttavim onitapattapanim annataram nicam 
ftsanam gahetv^ ekamantam nisidimsu, ekamantam nisinne 
kho Sunidhavassak&re Magadhainah&matte Bhagavft im&Iii 
g&tMhi anumodi, 

Yasmim padese kappeti ySsam panditaj&tiko 
Silavant' ettha bhojetvsl sannate brahmac&rayo 
Yk tattha devat& assu td^sam dakkhinam idise ; 
Tk pujit4 piijayanti m&mtH mstnayanti nam, 
Tato nam anukampanti m§.t& puttam va orasam : 
Devatd.nukampito poso sad4 b1iadrd.ni passatiti. 
Atha kho Bhagavi Suntdhavassak&re Magadhamah&matte 
im&hi g^thahi anumoditv^ utth&y' asan& pakkdmi. 

Tena kho pana samayena Sunidhavassakard. Magadhamah&* 
mattfit Bhagavantam pitthito pitthito anubaddhft honti, yen' 
ajja Samano Gotamo dv&rena nikkhamissati tarn Gotamadv&- 
raih n4ma bhavissati, yena titthena Gangam nadim tarissati 
tarn Gotamatittham n4ma bhavissatiti. Atha kho Bhagavft 
yena dv4rena nikkhamitam Gotamady^Lram n&ma ahosi. 

Atha kho Bhagay& yena Gahga nadi ten' upasankamL 
Tena kho pana samayena Ganga nadi pQr& hoti samatitth* 
ik& k&kapeyya, appekacce manussa nS^vam pariyesanti app* 
ekacce ulumpam pariyesanti appekacce kullam bandhanti 
aparaparam gantukama. Atha kho Bhagay& seyyathft pi 
n&ma balav4 puriso samminjitam y& b^ham pas&reyya pasft- 
ritam yk baham samminjeyya evameyam Gangaya nadiyi 
orimatire antarahito pslrimatire paccutthasi saddhim bhikkhu- 
sanghena. Addasa kho Bhagava te manusse appekacce n&- 
vam pariyesante appekacce ulumpam pariyesante, appekacce 
kullam bandhante aparaparam gantukame. Atha kho Bha- 
gayd. etam attham yiditva tdyam yeUyam imam ud&naih 
udanesi, 



I S Sunidha- » D onitapattapani, Y onita- ^ DS nisinno * S Sunidha- ' DY 
-c&riyo, Z cariyo corrected to carayo ^ D assu corrected to tsuih • Y tarn for nam 
» S Sunidha- ^» S Sunidha- i» Y Samano, dv^rei^a ^^ y Gotaraam, SZ Gotamam 
corrected to Gotama- ^® SY dvarcna ^ D upasaukami '^ SZ purtl, samatittildty 
DY samatittiya ^ DY ulumpaia ^ SZ aparaparam, ^^ D parima-, paccapa^^hlfli 
^ D ul-y Y uluppain ^ SZ ap&rapuram, D -k&mo. 



Bhan. 1.] THE FOUB SUBLIME TEUTHS. 65 

Ye taranti annavam saram setmh. katv&na visajja pallal&iii : 
Eullam hi jano pabandhati tinn& medli&vino jan& ti. 

FathamakabMnav&ram. 



Atha kho Bhagava &yasmantaiii Anandaih dmantesi. 
Ay&m' Ananda yena Kotig3,mo ten' upasahkamissdmati. 
Evam bhante ti kho dyasma Anando Bhagavato paccassosi. 
Atha kho Bhagava mahat^ bhikkhusanghena saddhim yena 
Eotig&mo tad avasari. Tatra sudam Bhagavd. Kotigdme 
viharati. Tatra kho Bhagava bhikkhd ^mantesi. Catunnam 
bhikkhave ariyasaccanam ananubodhi appativedhS. evam 
idam dtgham addhcLnam sandhdvitaih samsaritam mamail 
c'eva tumh^kan ca, katamesam catunnam? Dukkhassa 
bhikkhave ariyasaccassa ananubodh& appativedha evam idam 
digham addhinam sandhavitam samsaritam mamaii c'eva 
tumhsLkan ca, dukkhasamudayassa bhikkhave ariyasaccassa 
ananubodhd appativedh^ evam idam digham addhanam 
sandhavitam samsaritam maman c'eva tumhakaii ca, dukkha- 
nirodhassa bhikkhave ariyasaccassa ananubodha appativedhS. 
evam idam digham addhanam sandhavitam samsaritam 
mamail c'eva tumhakan ca, dukkhanirodhagalminiyjl pati- 
pad&ya bhikkhave ariyasaccassa ananubodha appativedh^ 
evam idam digham addhanam sandhavitam samsaritam 
maman c'eva tumhakaii ca. Tayidaih bhikkhave dukkham 
ariyasaccam anubuddham patividdham, dukkhasamudayam 
ariyasaccam anubuddham patividdham, dukkhanirodham ari- 
yasaccam anubuddham patividdham, dukkhanirodhag&mini 
patipadS. ariyasaccam anubuddham patividdham, ucchinna 
bhavatanhd khina bhavanetti n'atthi d^ni punabbhavo ti. 
Idam avoca Bhagavi, idam vatva Sugato ath&param etad 
avoca Sattha, 

Catunnam ariyasaccinarii yathabhutam adassanfi. 

Saihsitam digham addhanam t&su tas' eva j&tisu : 



^ DY annavam, setam * D tinna, S tinnam, Y tinna • DY evam ' D bhikkhu 
" D dakkhadukkha- ^^ DSYZ substitute . . pe . .for the words from ananubodha 
to CA ^ S -gamiyd, Y -garaini =» S -gamini, Y -gamini padd *^ DSY ucchinna 
SB Y khin&, D bhavanati ^ S sasitam. 

TOL. VII. — [new sbkies]. 6 



66 MAHIpARINIBBANASTTTTAM. [BhIn. 2. 

T&ni et&ni dittb&ni bhavanetti sam{iliat&, 
TJcchinnamftlam dukkliassa n'atthi dslni punabbhavo ti. 
Tatra pi sudam Bhagava Kotigame viharajito etad eva 
babulam bhikkbdnaiu dhammim kathaiii katheti, iti silaiii iti 
sam&dhi iti pafifiS,, silaparibhS.vito samMhi mahapphalo hoti 
mah&msamso, sam3,dhiparibh&vit& paiiM mahapphald hoti 
mahanisamsa, pannS-paribhavitam cittam sammad eva asavehi 
vimuccati seyyathidam kamSjsavsL bbav&savft ditth&savd avijj&- 

SSLYk ti. 

Atha kho Bhagavfi, Kotigame yatlifi,bhiraiitam vibaritv& 
ftyasmantam Anandam S^mantesi. Ayfi-m' Ananda yena 
NS-dikS. ten* upasankamiss&m&ti. Evam bbante ti kho 
dryasma Anando Bhagavato paccassosi. Atha kho Bhagav^ 
mahata bbikkbusangbeDa saddbim yena N&dik^ tad avasari. 
Tatra sudam Bhagava NSdike viharati Ginjakavasathe. 
Atha kho ^yasmsl Anando yena BhagayS. ten' upasankami, 
upasankamitv^ Bhagavantam abhiv&detvd. ekamantam nisidi, 
ekamantam nisinno kho ayasm^ Anando Bhagavantam etad 
avoca. Sctlho n^ma bhante bhikkhu Nadike kS,lakato, tassa k& 
gati ko abhisampar^yo ? Nanda naraa bhante bhikkhuni 
N^dike kalakat^, tassd. ka gati ko abhisampar^yo P Sudatto 
n&ma bhante upd.sako NMike kd,lakato, tassa k& gati ko 
abhisampar^yo P Suj^ta n&ma bhante up^ikSl N&dike 
k^lakatd., tassi hk gati ko abhisamparclyo P Kakudho nama 
bhante upasako Nadike kalakato^ tassa k^ gati ko abhisam- 
par^yo P K&lihgo n&ma bhante uptake . ,. pe . . Nikato 
nd,ma bhante uptake . . Katissabho n&ma bhante. upasako . . 
Tuttho naraa bhante upHsako . . Santuttho nama bhante 
uptake . . Bhaddo nd,ma bhante upd.sako . . Subhaddo n&ma 
bhante up^ako Nadike kalakato, tassa k& gati ko abhisam- 
par^yo P ti. S&lho Ananda bhikkhu &savanam khay& an&- 
savam cetovimuttim paiindvimuttim ditthe 'va dhamme sayam 
abhinna sacchikatv^ upasampajja vih&si. Nanda Ananda 



» D bbayanteti, S bhavanetati « DY omit ti * Y bahulam, S bbikkhunam, D 
kathesi' D mahanisamsamsa ^ DY omit di^hasava »« DY -bbirattam '^ Z omitt 
Anando " Y Gijjhavasathe 20 dS bhikkbuni «• Z tassa «« DY read Nikato 
ndma bbante upSsako . . pe. >* S Saddo/or Bhaddo '' Y Nand^nanda. 



A _ A 



BhAn. 2.] THE DHAMMADASA. 67 

bhikkhuni pailcannam orambli&giy&naih samyojan&naih. 
parikkhay& opap&tika tatthaparinibb&yini an&vattidbamm& 
tasma lok4.. Sudatto Ananda up&sako tinnam samyojandnam 
parikkhay^ rd,gadosamob&iiam tanutti sakaddg^mi sakid eva 
imam lokam dgantva dukkbass' an tarn karissati. Suj&t& 
Ananda upasikd. tinnam samyojan&naiii parikkbaya sot&pann& 
avinip&tadbammd. niyata 8ambodbipard,yaDa. Kakudbo 
Ananda up&sako pancannam orambbd.giyslnam samyojananam 
parikkbayd opapS.tiko tattbaparinibbalyi an&vattidbammo 
tasm& lok& . . Ksllingo Ananda upd,sako . . pe . . Nikato 
Ananda upasako . . Katissabbo Ananda up^sako . . Tuttbo 
Ananda up&sako . . Santuttbo Ananda np^ako . . Bbaddo 
Ananda upasako . . Subbaddo Ananda upasako pancannam 
orambbd.giy&nam samyojananam parikkbaya opapatiko tattba- 
parinibbayi and,vattidbammo tasma lokd. Paropann&sa 
Ananda Nadike updsak^ kalakata pancannam orambbd,giya- 
nam samyojananam parikkbaya opapsltikd. tattbaparinibbayino 
an&vattidbamma tasma loka. S^bikcl navuti Ananda Nadike 
updsaka kalakatd. tinnam samyojandnam parikkbayel rslga- 
dosamob&nam tanuttiL sakad&gamino sakid eva imam' lokam 
&gantv& dukkbass' antaih karissanti. Ssltirek^ni Ananda 
pailcasat&ni Nadike up&saksl k&lakata tinnam samyojananam 
parikkbaya sotS^pannS. aviniplitadbammd niyatS. sambodbi- 
par&yan&. 

Anaccbariyam kbo pan* etam Ananda yam manussabbftto 
kdrlam kareyya tasmiih tasmim ce k^lakate TatbS.gatam 
upasankamitvS.' etam attbam puccbissatba, vibesa c'esd 
Ananda Tatb^gatassa : tasmS. ti b' Ananda dbamm&d&sam 
n&ma dbammapariy&yam desessami yen a samannagato ari- 
yas&vako ^kankhamano attand Va att&naiii vyalkareyya, 
kbinanirayo 'mbi khinatiraccbanayoniyo kbinapettivisayo 
kbin&p&yaduggativinipS.to sot&panno 'bam aSmi avinip&ta- 



1 D bhikkhuni, S bhikkhdni ^ DSYZ un-ongli/ insert . . pe . . after loka, Y 
tinnam * DZ -gdmi • S YZ tinnam ' D ayini-, Y inserts . . pe . . after -par^yana 
• D opapatika, -bbfiyi ** D samfiojananam '* DY -hhkji *• D omits upasakft 
" D saM-, opapatika »» Y tinnam, D sainii-, SY aafifi-, Z samfifi- «^ Y anagantvA, 
D yatirckani « SY tinnam " S -bhuto 2« Y me for ce " Y y*eskfor c^esa «• Z 
-parisayam, SYZ desissami ^ D y&for *?a '* D khi^a- three times, S khinapaya- 
in $aeh ease. 



A _ . A 



68 MAHAPARINIBBANASUTTAM. [BhAn. 2. 

dhammo niyato sambodhiparayano ti. Katamo ca so Ananda 
dhamm&daso dhammapariyayo yena samannagato ariyas&vako 
^kahkhamano attan^ 'va att&nam yy&kareyya khinanirayo 
*mhi khinatiracch&nayoniyo khinapettivisayo khtn&p4ya- 
duggativmip&to sot&panno 'ham asmi ayiiiip&tadhainmo 
niyato sambodhiparS^yano tiP Idh' Ananda ariyas&vako 
Buddhe aveccappas&dena samann&gato hoti, iti pi so Bhagav^ 
araham sammelsambuddho vijjdx^aranasampanno sugato loka- 
TidCi anuttaro purisadammasarathi sattbi devamanuss&naih 
Buddho Bhagavsl ti ; dhamme aveccappasMena samannigato 
hoti, svakkh&to Bhagavata dhammo sanditthiko ak&liko 
ehipassiko opanayiko paccattani veditabbo vifiiiuhiti ; sanghe 
aveccappasMena samannagato hoti, supatipanno Bhagavato 
s&vakasangho ujupatipanno Bhagavato s&vakasangho Mya- 
patipanno Bhagavato s&vakasangho s4micipatipanno Bhaga- 
vato sS,vakasangho yadidam cattari purisayugsLni atthapurisa- 
puggal& esa Bhagavato s&vakasangho fthuneyyo pihuneyyo 
dakkhineyyo anjalikaraniyo anuttaram punfiakkhettam 
lokassati : ariyakantehi silehi samannagato hoti akhandehi 
acchiddehi asabalehi akammsUehi bhujissehi vinnuppasatthehi 
aparlimatthehi sam&dhisamvattanikehi, ayam kho so Ananda 
dhammadaso dhammapariyayo yena samann&gato ariyas&vako 
akahkham&no attan^ 'va att^nam vyslkareyya khinanirayo 
'mhi khinatiracch&nayoniyo khinapettivisayo khin&p&ya- 
duggativinipato sot&panno 'ham asmi avinip&tadhammo niyato 
sambodhiparayano ti. 

Tatra sudam Bhagava N&dike viharanto Ginjak&vasathe 
etad eva bahulam bhikkhiinam dhammim katham karoti, iti 
silaih iti samMhi iti pannsl^ silaparibhavito sam&dhi mahap- 
phalo hoti mah^nisaihso, samMhiparibhavita panna mahap- 
phala hoti mah&nisams&^ pafinaparibhavitam cittam sammad 
eva &savehi vimuccati seyyathidam k&msisava bhav&8av& 
ditthS^avS. avijj&sava ti. 

Atha kho Bhagavfi. N&dike yathft-bhirantaih viharitv& &yas- 

* D dhammfilpariyttyo ^ D vd /or Va, D kbtnS- * D khtna- three times j 8 
khinapdya- • D -vidu " Z abui?-, DYZ p^hun- ** D dakkhin-, Y -kara^iyyo 
*^ DS va/or *va, khtna- '* D kbind in each caae, S kbi^iapayasadugg- ** Y ni 
for ti »' Y Gijjbak- « Y bahulam *» DSYZ substitute pe for Bilaparibh&vito — 
Timuccati ^ DY omit ditthsbava ^ DY -bhirattam. 



^. 



BhA^. 2.] THE POUR SATIPATTHANA8. 69 

mantam Anandam &mantesi. Ayd,m' Ananda yena Yes&lt 
ten' upasaDkamiss&m&ti. Evam bhante ti kho &ya8m& Anando 
Bhagavato paccassosi. Atha kho BhagavsL mahat& bhikkhu- 
sanghena saddhim yena Yes&li tad avasari. Tatra sudam 
Bhagay& Vesaliyaih viharati Ambap&livane. Tatra kho 
Bhagav& bhikkhii &mantesi. Sato bhikkhave bhikkhu vi- 
hareyya sampajano, ayaih vo amh&kam anus&sani. Kathan 
ca bhikkhave bhikkhu sato hoti P Idha bhikkhave bhikkhu 
k&ye ksLy&nupassi viharati &t&pt sampaj&no satim& vineyya 
loke abhijjhddomanassam, vedansLsu vedanS^nupassi viharati 
&t&pi sampaj&no satimft vineyya loke abhijjh^omanassam, 
citte citt&nupassi viharati &t&pi sampaj&no satim^ vineyya 
loke abhijjh&domanassam, dhammesu dhamm&nupassi viharati 
&t&pt sampajslno satimd. vineyya loke abhijjhadomanassam, 
evam kho bhikkhave bhikkhu sato hoti. Kathaii ca bhik- 
khave bhikkhu sampajlLno hoti? Idha bhikkhave bhikkhu 
abhikkante patikkante sampajanak&ri hoti, £Llokite vilokite 
sampaj&nak&ri hoti, samminjite pas&rite sampaj&nak&ri hoti, 
sangh&tipattacivaradh&rane 8ampaj§.nak&ri hoti, asite pite 
kh&yite s&yite sampajanakarl hoti, uccELrapass&vakamme 
sampaj&nak&ri hoti, gate fhite nisinne sutte j&garite bh&site 
tu^hibh&ve sampajanak&rt hoti, evam kho bhikkhave bhikkhu 
sampaj^o hoti. Sato bhikkhave bhikkhu vihareyya sampa- 
j&no, ayam vo amh&kam anus&sani ti. 

Assosi kho Ambapaliganik& Bhagav^ kira Yes&liyam 
anuppatto VesaLliyam viharati mayham ambavane ti. Atha 
kho Ambap&liganik& bhadddni bhadd&ni y&n&ni yojclpetv^ 
bhaddam y&nam abhiruhitv& bhaddehi bhaddehi y&nehi 
ye8&liy& niyy&ei, yena sako &r^o tena p&y&si, y&vatik& 
y&nassa bhAmi y&nena gantv& y&n& paccorohitv& pattik& 'va 
yena Bhagava ten' upasankami, upasankamitv& Bhagavantam 



» DSYZ VesaU « DSYZ evam ♦ DSYZ VestOi • D bhikkhu, yato kho bhikkhaye, 

Y bhikkhCl ^ DY kho for vo, D anusaaani » SZ bhikkhu » D -pasai, DY atapi 
'® DSYZ vedanasu citte . . pe . . dhammesu : I have supplied the text from 
MahdsatipaUhAna Sutta i« DSYZ dt^pi » Z bhikkhO, Y katham i« Z bhikkhii, 

Y Ida " D alokite ^^ s -kdri *2 D tunhi-, Z bhikkhft " Z bhikkhii «* DY kho/>r vo 
» Y Ambapaii- ^ Y AmbapaU-, S -ganika 2* DZ abhiruhitra » DYZ niyyabi, 

Y kho /or sako ** D yanani/or yana, Y pattiya. 



A _ . A 



70 . MAHAPARINIBBANASUTTAM. [Bhan. 2. 

abhivd.detya ekamantam nisidi. Ekamantam nisinnam kho 
Ambap^lim ganikam BhagavS. dhammiya kathaya sandassesi 
sam^apesi samuttejesi sampahamsesi. Atha kho Ambapali- 
ganika Bhagavata dhammiya kathaya sandassita sam&dapitA 
samuttejita sampahamsita Bhagavantam etad avoca. Adhi- 
T&setu me bhante Bhagava svatanaya bhattam saddhim bhik- 
khusangbenati. Adhivasesi Bhagav^ tunbibhavena. Atha 
kho Ambapslliganika Bhagavato adhivasanam viditva utth&y' 
Ssana Bhagavantam abhivMetva padakkhinam katv& pak- 
k^mi. 

Assosum kho Yesalik& Licchavi BhagayeL kira YesMiyam 
anuppatto Yesaliyam viharati Ambapalivane ti. Atha kho 
te Licchayi bhaddani bhaddani yEtnani yojslpetya bhaddam 
yanam abhirfthitya bhaddehi bhaddehi y&nehi Vesiliyi 
nlyiihsu, Tatr' ekacce Licchayi nlla honti ntlayann& nila- 
vattha niiaiankarsl, ekacce Licchayi pita honti pitayannd 
pitayattha pit&lank&ra, ekacce Licchayi lohitaksl honti lohita- 
Tanna lohitayattha lohitaiankd.r& ekacce Licchayi oditH honti 
odatayannd od&tavattha odd.t&1ahk&ri. Atha kho Ambap&li- 
ganika daharanam daharanam Licchayinam akkhena akkham 
cakkena cakkaih yugena yugam pativattesi. Atha kho 
Licchayi Ambapalim ganikam etad avocum. Kin je Amba- 
pdli dahardnam daharanam Licchayinam akkhena akkham 
cakkena cakkam yugena yugam patiyattesiti ? Tathd hi 
pana me ayyaputtd Bhagavi nimantito svatan&ya bhattam 
saddhim bhikkhusanghenati. Dehi je Ambapali etam bhattam 
Batasahassen^ti. Sace hi pi me ayyaputt& Yes&lim s&h&ram 
dassatha eyammahantam bhattam na dassdmiti. Atha kho 
te Licchayi anguli pothesuih, jit' amh& vata bho ambak&ya, 
yancit' amh& yata bho ambakdyilti. Atha kho te Licchayi 



* D nisinntl * Y -liih ganikam ' Ambap&li- ♦ SY -ganikk * Y Ambap&li-, 8Y 
-ganika " DSYZ Licchavi » Y Ambapaii- »« DSYZ Licchavi »* SD abhiruhitvE 
» Y niyamsu, DSYZ Licchavi, Y honti, Z -vavnAni »• SYZ Licchavi " DY 
Licchavi, D lohitakavaw^^ " DY lohitakavatthd, YZ Licchavi " Y Ambapali- 
'^ S -ganika, S dahardi^aih twice ^ DZ Licchavi, Y Ambapalim, D ganikaih, Y 
kim/or kifi, Y Ambapali *' S daharanam twicej Z Liochavinam ** 8 ayy&- •• Y 
Ambapali, D etam " D sahassenati, Z same /or saec, S omits pi (it is written and 
then erased), D omits me, reads sagaram ^ DS Licchavi, DSZ anguli, Y pho^um 
» DYZ Licchavi. 



BhA^. 2.] BUDDHA AND AMBAPAU. 71 

yena Ambap&livanam tena p&yimsu. Addasd. kho Bhagav^ 
te Licchavt ddrato Va &gacchante> disva bhikkhu ^mantesi. 
Yesam bhikkhave bhikkhdnam devd T&vatiih8& aditth^ 
oloketha bhikkhave Licchayiparisam avaloketha bhikkhave 
Licohaviparisam upasamharatha bhikkhave Licchaviparisam 
T&vatimsaparisan ti. Atha kho te Licchavi yavatikel y&nassa 
bhdmi y&nena gantv& jkn& paccorohitvd pattik^ 'va yena 
Bhagavft ten' upasankamimsu, upasankamitva Bhagavantam 
abhivMetvd. ekamantam nisidimsu, ekamantam nisinne kho te 
Licchavi Bhagava dhammiysL kath&ya sandassesi samddapesi 
samuttejesi sampahamsesi. Atha kho te Licchavi Bhagavat& 
dhammiy^ kath&ya sandassitft sam^dapit^ samuttejitsl sampa- 
haihsit& Bhagavantam etad avocum. Adhivasetu no bhante 
Bhagavft svatandya bhattam saddhim bhikkhusahghenati. 
Adhivutthaih kho me Licchavi sv&tan&ya Ambap&liganik&ya 
bhattan ti. Atha kho te Licchavi anguli pothesum jit' 
amh& vata bho ambak&ya, vancit' amh& vata bho ambak&y& 
tL Atha kho te Licchavi Bhagavato bh^sitam abhinanditvd 
anumoditvd utth&y' asan& Bhagavantam abhivadetva padak- 
khinam katv& pakkamimsu. 

Atha kho Ambap&iiganikd tass^ rattiy^ accayena sake 
&rame panitan^ khManiyam bhojaniyani patiyd.dapetv& Bha- 
gavato kalam &rocd.pesi, k&lo bhante nitthitam bhattan ti. 
Atha kho Bhagav^pubbanhasataayamnivalsetv&pattacivaram 
&d&ya saddhim bhikkhusanghena yena Ambapliliganikaya 
parivesan& ten' upasankami, apasankamitv& pannatte &sane 
nisidi. Atha kho Ambap^liganikd, Buddhapamukham bhik- 
khusanghaih panitena kh&daniyena bhojaniyena sahatth& 
santappesi sampav&resL Atha kho Ambap&liganik& Bhaga- 
vantam bhuttavim onitapattap&nim annataram nicam sLsanam 
gahetva ekamantam nisidi, ekamantam nisinn^ kho Ambap&li- 

* Y Ambapali-, Y payamsu » DYZ Licchayi, Y'durato, D bhikkhu » S bhik- 
khunam • DYZ Licchavi « Y -mimsil » DY nisinna ^^ DY Licchavi, S Licchivi 
" DSYZ Licchavi " D omUa Bhagavd »« S adhivuttam, DSYZ Licchavi, Y 
Ambapaliganikaya '* Y bhattam ti, D S YZ Licchavi, DSZ aiiguli, Y an^lim potesum 
1* DSYZ Licchavi >» S omits anumoditva ^^ Y -ganikS » DY panitam, DSZ khfi- 
dantyam, SZ bhojantyam ** Y -pali- ^ Y omits upasankami *' Y -ganiksL ** SZ 
khadaniyena bhojaniyena » Y -paii- ^ D bhuttsLvi, DY onita-, -panim 'i DYZ 
nisinno, Y -paii. 



72 MAH1pABINIBB1NA8¥TTAA. [BhIh. 2. 

ganika Bhagayantam etad avoca. Im&ham bhante &r&mam 
Buddhapamukhassa bhikkhusanghassa dammiti. Fatiggabesi 
Bhagava &r&mam. Atba kbo Bhagav& Ambapldiganikam 
dhammiya kath&ya sandassetvA samftdapetva samuttejetvi 
8ampahaihsety& uttb&y' isank pakk&mi. 

Tatra pi sudaih Bbagav& Yes&liyam vibaranto Ambap&- 
livane etad eva babulam bbikkb^nam dbammim katbam 
karoti, iti silam iti sam&dbi iti pann&, silaparibb&yito sam&dbi 
mabappbalo boti mabsLnisamso, sam&dbiparibb&yita panfi& 
mabappbaia boti inab4nisams&, paM&paribb&vitam cittam 
sarnmad eva sLsavebi vimuccati seyyatbtdam k&mftsaY& bbaT&- 
8ay& dittb&saY& aYijj^v& ti. 

Atba kbo Bbagavi Ambap&livane yatb&bbirantam viba- 
rityd ^yasmantam Anandam ^mantesi. Ay&m' Ananda yena 
BeluvagS^mako ten' upasankamiss&m&ti. Evam bbante ti kbo 
^yasma Anando Bbagavato paccassosi. Atba kbo Bbagavi 
mabat& bbikkbusangbena saddbim yena Beluvagtlmako tad 
avasari. Tatra sudam Bbagavft Beluvag&make yibarati. 
Tatra kbo Bbagavd bbikkbd ^mantesi. Etba tumbe bbik- 
kbave samantd Yes^lim yatb&mittam yatbdsandittbam 
yatb^mbbattam vassam upetba> abam pana idb' eva 
Beluyag^make vassam upagaccbamiti. Evam bbante ti kbo 
te bbikkbA Bbagavato patissutvft samantft Ves&Kih yatbft- 
mittaih yatbd^andittbam yatbftsambbattam vassam upa- 
gaccbum^ Bbagav& pana tattb' eva Beluvagftmake vassam 
upagaccbi. Atba kbo Bbagavato vassApagatassa kbaro 
&b&dbo uppajji, b§.lb& vedana vattanti m&ranantik&. T& 
sudam Bbagavd sato sampaj&no adbiv&seti avibaMam&no. 
Atba kbo Bbagavato etad abosi. Na kbo me tarn patirdpam 
yo' baiii an&mantetv& upattb&ke anapaloketv^ bbikkhusan- 
gbam parinibb&yeyyam, yan niin&bam imam &b&dbam viri- 



> Y -paji- « D pakkamimsu « Y -p&li- ' Y bahulam, 8 bhikkhnnaih • D 
pamfia * DS pamfi& ^o D pamna- ^^ DY omii ditthasayk i' Y -pa}!-, DY yatiid- 
bbirattam '« D Belugamako, Y Beldva-, Z Bel- " 8 Bel-, Y Bemra- ^^ 8 Bel-, 
Y Beldva- " D bhikkhu, 8 bbikkhum ^ D khittam for mittam » SZ Be|., Y 
Bemya- ^ D8 bhikkhu ^ D khittam for mittam, DYZ npagafichum, 8 apa- 
gafynm ^ SZ Bel-, Y Belaya. ->« YZ upagafichi, 8 upagafiji, D upagafidiiin ^ D 
pabaiha-, SYZ pabdlha '^ D ayihamii- ^ Y anamanctya. 



BhIn. 2.] BUDDHA'S ILLNESS AND KECOVERY. . 73 

jensL patippan&mety& jivitasankh&ram adhitth&ya vihareyyan 
ti. Atha kho Bhagay^ tarn ^badham viriyena patippan^- 
mety& jiyitasankharam adhitth&ya yih^i. Atha kho Bhaga- 
vato 80 &b&dho patipassambhi. Atha kho Bhagay& gil&n& 
Tutthito acirayutthito gelanfia yih&r& nikkhamma yih&ra- 
pacch&y&yaih pafinatte sLsane nisidi. Atha kho dryasmH 
Anando yena Bhagayd ten' upasankami^ upasankamity^ 
Bhagaydntam abhiyMetydr ekamantam nisidi^ ekamantam 
nisinno kho &yasm& Anando Bhagayantam etad ayoca. 
Dittham me bhante Bhagayato phclsu dittham me bhante 
Bhagayato khamaniyam, api hi me bhante madhurakaj&to 
viya k&yo disi pi me na pakkhsLyanti dhamm& pi nam na 
patibhanti Bhagayato gelannena, api ca me bhante ahosi 
kicid eya assslsamattd,, na t&ya Bhagay& parinibb&yissati na 
y&ya Bhagay& bhikkhusangham arabbha kiiicid eya ud&« 
haratiti. Kim pan' Ananda bhikkhusangho mayi paccd- 
simsatiP desito Ananda may& dhammo anantaram ab&hiram 
karity^, na tatth' Ananda Tathagatassa dhammesu &cariya- 
mutthi. Yassa nAna Ananda eyam assa aham bhikkhusah- 
gham parihariss^miti y& mam' uddesiko bhikkhusangho ti 
y& 80 niinsL Ananda bhikkhusangham &rabbha kincid eya 
ud&hareyya : Tathd^gatassa kho Ananda na eyam hoti aham 
bhikkhusangham pariharissamtti vk mam' uddesiko bhikkhu- 
sangho ti y^, kim Ananda Tathd.gato bhikkhusangham 
ftrabbha kincid eya ud&harissati P Aham kho pan' Ananda 
etarahi jinno yuddho mahallako addhagato yayo anuppatto 
asitiko me yayo yattati, seyyath^ pi Ananda jarasakatam 
yeghamissakena y&peti eyam eya kho Ananda yeghamissakena 
maMe Tath&gatassa k&yo y&peti. Yasmim Ananda samaye 
Tath&gato sabbanimitt&nam amanasiksLr& ekaccdnam yedan&- 
nam nirodh& animittam cetosam^him upasampajja yiharati 
ph&sukato Ananda tasmim samaye Tathagatassa k&yo hoti. 



* Y patippan- ' Y pa^ippan- * D vih&rsl- • Y -pacchaTfUam, S -pacch&yftya 
^ DY dittha and omit me, D di^ha ^^ D khama^tyam, DY omit me, DY 
madhurakafijato, S madurakajato ^^ D patibhanati, SZ patihanti *^ D ca for 
ta^a ^ Y inserts ca after bbikkhuBangbo ^^ Anananda, Y acariya- '^ SZ nuna 
w DY tarn for na »* SZ sakim /or kim *« D ji etarahi, Y jinno, S jinne »« D yati 
for yapeti ^ S maMa, samayena ^ S amasikara ^ D pbasukate. 



74 MAHAPAEINIBBANASUTTAM. [BhAn. 2. 

TasmS. ti h' Ananda attadip^ yiharatha attasaran& ananfiia- 
sarana dhammadipd. dhammasarand aiiannasaran&. Kathail 
ca Ananda bhikkhu attadipo viharati attasarano anaiiiiasarano 
dhammadipo dhammasarano anannasarano P Idh^ Ananda 
bhikkhu k&ye kdyS^nupassi viharati &t&pi sampaj&no satimft 
vineyya loke abhijjh^omanassam, vedan&su vedan&nupassi 
viharati d.td.pi sampajd.no satima vineyya loke abhijjh&doma- 
nassam^ citte cittanupassi viharati &t&pi sampaj&no satim& 
vineyya loke abhijjhadomanassam^ dhammesu dhamm&nu- 
passt viharati &t&pi sampajd.no satim^ vineyya loke abhijjhft- 
domanassam^ evam kho Ananda bhikkhu attadipo viharati 
attasarano anannasarano dhammadipo dhammasarano anaiifla- 
sarano. Ye hi keci Ananda etarahi v& mamam v& accayena 
attadipIL viharissanti attasaran& anannasarand dhammadip& 
dhammasarana anannasaran& tamatagge me te Ananda 
bhikkhd bhavissanti ye keci sikkhak^md ti 

Dutiyakabh&nav&ram nitthitam. 

V • • • 



Atha kho Bhagav& pubbanhasamayam niv&setv& pattaci- 
varam &d&ya Ves&lim pindaya p&visi : Ves&liyam pi^d&ya 
caritv^ pafinatte &sane nisidi : pacch&bhattam pi^dap&ta- 
patikkanto ayasmantam Anandam ^mantesL Qa^hfthi 
Ananda nisidanam, yena G&p&laih cetiyam ten' upasankamis-i 
s&ma div&vih&ray&ti. Evam bhante ti kho Ayasm& Anando 
Bhagavato patissutvi nisidanam &d&ya Bhagavantam pitthito 
pitthito anubandhi. 

Atha kho Bhagav& yena G&p&lam cetiyam ten' upasan- 
kami, upasankamitvd paimatte sLsane nisidi. Ayasm& pi kho 
Anando Bhagavantam abhivcLdetv^ ekamantam nisidi, eka- 
mantam nisinnam kho &yasmantaih Anandam Bhagav& etad 
avoca. Eamaniyft Ananda Yes&li ramantyam Udenam ceti- 



^ D a^amfia- ' D anariifia- ' Z bhikkhd, S -sara^e *• D anamfi*, T -sara^e 
s Z bhikkhd, DSTZ atapi « DSYZ have yedanlUu citte . . pe . . dhammesa and «o 
Oft 10 8 -passi, DSTZ atSpi ^^ Z bhikkhu " D anamna- {twice) » D omits hi i« D 
anainna- »* D anamfia- " DY bhikkhu i» Z Vesaiiyam. Y YesAlim » DY upa- 
sankamiBs&mi ^' DY eyam ^ D sane for Ibane *o D rama^iyam, Y YeMUi, 
raman- in each imtance except thejlret. 



A 



Bhan. 2.] ANANDA'S HEAET IS HARDENED. 75 

yam ramaniyaih Gotamakaih cetiyam ramaniyam Sattam- 
bakam cetiyam ramaniyam Bahuputtam cetiyam ramaniyam 
S&randadam cetiyam ramaniyam G&p&lam cetiyam: yassa 
kassaci Ananda cattslro iddhipadd. bhavit^ bahulikatd yanikatH 
yatthukat& anutthit& pariciteL susam&raddh& so slkankham&no 
kappam yk tittheyya kapp&vasesam \k: TatMgatassa kho 
Ananda cattaro iddhipd.di bhd.yitsl bahulikatsL yanikatd 
Tatthukat& anutthit& paricit^ susam&raddh&, so &kankliam&no 
Ananda Tathagato kappam va tittheyya kapp&vasesam vd ti. 
Evam pi kho ^yasmd. Anando Bhagavati olarike nimitte 
kayiram&ne olclrike obhase kayiram^ne n&sakkhi pativijjhitmh 
Ba Bhagavantam ycLci, titthatu bhante Bhagay^ kappam 
titthatu Sugato kappam bahujanahitaya bahujanasukhaya 
lok&nukamp&ya atthaya hit&ya sukhsiya deyamanuss&nan ti : 
yath& tarn M&rena pariyutthitacitto. Dutiyam pi kho 
Bhagay& . . pe . . Tatiyam pi kho Bhagayd &yasmantam 
Anandam &mantesi. Ramaniy^ Ananda. Vesaii ramaniyam 
TJdenam cetiyam ramaniyam Gotamakam cetiyam rama- 
niyam Sattambakaih cetiyam ramaniyam Bahuputtam 
cetiyam ramaniyam S^randadam cetiyam ramEiniyam Ckpk- 
lam cetiyam: yassa kassaci Ananda cattaro iddhipd.d& 
bh&yit& bahulikat^ yslnikata yatthukat^ anutthitsi. paricit& 
8U8am£Lraddh& so &kankhamd.no kappam \k tittheyya kap- 
p&yasesam y& : Tathagatassa kho Ananda cattaro iddhip&d& 
bh&yit& bahulikat& yanikata yatthukata anutthitd paricit^ 
Bosam&raddha so §,kankham&no Ananda Tath&gato kappam 
y& tittheyya kapp&yasesam y& ti. Eyam pi kho &yasm& 
Anando Bhagayat^ olarike nimitte kayiram&ne ol&rike 
obh&se kayiram&ne nsLsakkhi patiyijjhitmh na Bhaga- 
yantam ydx)i; titthatu bhante Bhagayil kappam titthatu 
Sugato kappam bahujanahit&ya bahujanasukh&ya lok&nu- 
kampftya atthiya hit&ya sukhaya deyamanussAnan ti : yath& 



* D Gotamam, Z has ramai^tyam G. cetiyam twieet S ramaniyam ^ Y bahuli-, 
8 yant- « Y ankh- ' Y bahult- »o D ol- »» D ol- >» Y MSrena " DY omit pe '^ *SZ 
rama^yam, Vesali, D ramantyam, Vesalim, Y ramantya, Vesaii, Z ramaniyam 
U-, Y has -niy- in each ease i* SYZ Gotamam, Y Sattambac- ^ D ramaniyam B. 
" Y bahuli- »* Z -avaseea »» Y bahuli- «« SZ omi^ bo » D omits olflrike » D 
bhante bhimte '^ S omits bahajanahitflya ^ 6 omits atthaya. 



.A_ . A 



76 MAHAPARINIBBANASUTTAM. [BnJbr.a. 

tarn M&rena pariyutthitacitto. Atha kho Bhagayft dyasman- 
tam Anandam ^mantesi. Gaccha tvam Ananda, yassa d&ni 
k^laiii mannasiti. Evam bhante ti kho &yasm& Anando Bha- 
gavato patissutv^ utthd.y' &san& Bhagayantam abhiy&detY& 
padakkhinam katy& ayidAre anfiatarasmim rukkhamMe nisidi. 
Atha kho Maro p&piin& acirapakkante dyasmante Anande 
yena Bhagay^ ten' upasankami, upasankamityft ekamantam 
atth&si, ekamantam thito kho M&ro papima Bhagayantam 
etad ayoca. Parinibb&tu dd.ni bhante Bhagay& parinibb&tu 
Sugato, parinibbd.nakalo d&ni bhante Bhagayato, bh&sit& kho 
pan' es& bhante Bhagayat& vkck. Na t&ystham p&pima pari- 
nibb&yiss&mi yaya me bhikkhii na sayakd bhayissanti yiyatti 
yintt& yis&radd, bahussutll dhammadhar^ dhamm&nudhamma- 
patipann& sd.micipatipann& anudhammac&rino sakam ftcariya- 
kam uggahety& ^cikkhissanti desessanti paiintLpessanti pattha* 
pessanti yiyarissanti yibhajissanti utt&nikarissanti uppannam 
parappayadam saha dhammena suniggahitam niggahety& sap- 
p&tihd,riyam dhammam desessantiti. Etarahi kho pana bhante 
bhikkhii Bhagayato s&yak& yiyatta yinit& yis&rad& bahussntft 
dhammadhar^ dhamm&nudhammapatipann& samicipatipann& 
anudhammac&rino sakam dcariyakam uggahety^ ^ikkhanti 
desenti panii&penti patthapenti yiyaranti yibhajanti utt&ni- 
karonti uppannam parappay^am saha dhammena suni- 
ggahitam niggahetya sapp&tihariyam dhammam desenti, 
parinibb&tu dani bhante Bhagay^ parinibb&tu Sugato, 
parinibbanak&lo d&ni bhante Bhagayato, bh^sitft kho pan' 
es& bhante Bhagayatsl vkcL Na t&yaham p&pima parinibb&- 
yiss&mi y&ya me bhikkhuniyo na s&yik& bhayissanti yiyattA 
yinitd . . pe . . y&ya me upasak& na s&yak& bhayissanti . 
yiyatt& yinita yisdradft bahussuti dhammadharsL dhamma- 
nudhammapatipann& sd.micipatipann& anudhammac&rino sa- 
kam acariyakam uggahety^ &cikkhissanti desessanti paMft- 
pessanti patthapessanti yiyarissanti yibhajissanti utt&nikaris- 
santi uppannam parappay^am saha dhammena simiggahttam 

1 Y Mare^a, D -tamcitto » D amnatarasmiih * S Mftre ^^ T papica- ^* D ce/>r 
me, DS bhikkhu ^3 Y bahussilta i« D samici-/S omits acariyakam ^» D pamn- ^^ SZ 
-gahitam i* D bhikkbu, Y yinita ^^ Y -cari^o, ariyakam, 8 acikkbannti » D 
desessanti) pamfi-, S nttant ^ S pannasa/or pan' esa ^^ Z esa ha bbaqte, Y papima. 



Billy. 2.] THE TEMPTATION OP MARA. 77 

niggahety& sappfttih&riyam dhammam desessantiti. Etarahi 
kho pana bhante up&sak^ Bhagavato s&vak& viyatt^ vmit& 
YiB&rad& bahussutA dhammadhar& dhammanudbammapati- 
panii& 8&micipatipann£l anudbammac&rino sakaiii ^cariyakaiii 
uggahetv& Acikkbanti desenti pannapenti pattbapenti viva- 
ranti vibbajanti uttlLnikaroiiti uppannam parappav^daih saba 
dhammena suniggabitam niggabetva sappatib^riyam dbam- 
mam desenti^ parinibb&tu d&ni bbante Bbagav^ parinibb&tu 
Sugato, parinibb&nakalo d&ni bbante Bbagavato, bbetsita kbo 
pan* es& bbante BbagavateL \kck. "Na, tsLvabam papima 
parinibb&yissslmi y&va me up^ika na s&vika bbavissanti 
yiyatt& Tinitd. vissLradS. babussutal dbammadbard dbammsl- 
nudbanunapatipanna samicipatipannd. anudbammacsiriniyo 
sakam ftcariyakam uggabetvsl acikkbissanti desessanti panfid- 
pessanti pattbapessanti vivarissanti vibbajissanti uttanikaris- 
santi uppannam parappavadaih saba dbammena suniggabitam 
niggabetvA sappatibariyam dbammaih desessantiti. Etarabikbo 
pana bbante updsikd Bbagavato savika viyatta vinita visaradi 
bahu88ut& dbammadbar^ dbammanudbammapatipanna sami- 
oipatipann& anudbammacariniyo sakam acariyakaiii uggabetveL 
ftcikkbanti desenti pannapenti pattbapenti vivaranti vibba- 
janti utt&nikaronti uppannam parappavadaih saba dhammena 
suniggabitam niggabetva sappatibariyam dbammaih desenti, 
parinibbsltu dani bbante Bbagava parinibbatu Sugato, pari- 
nibb&nakalo d&ni bbante Bbagavato, bbasita kbo pan' esd 
bhante Bbagavata vaca. Na tavabam papima parinibbayis- 
8&mi y&va me imam brabmacariyam na iddbaii c'eva bbavis- 
aati pbitan ca vittbarikaih babujannaih puthubbutaiii, yavad 
eva manussebi suppakasitan ti. Etarabi kbo pana bhante 
Bhagavato brabmacariyaiii iddbafi e'eva pbitan ca vittbari- 
kam b&bujannam putbubbiitaih yavad eva manussebi suppa- 
k&dtaihy parinibbatu dani bhante BhagavS. parinibbatu 
Sugato, parinibb&nak&lo dani bhante Bbagavato ti. Evam 
YUtte BbagavA Malraih pslpimantam etad avoca. Appossukko 

* D sappa^i-, D desessanti * S vinita * Y -car i no ^ S vivaranati ** D desessanti 
» Y B<ig«to " D savaka i* S ucikkhanti, D pamfi- ^^ S vinita ^o S -carii^iyo ^ DSZ 
iddham '^ D pitam, bahujaiiiiiam ^^ SZ -kasitam ^^ DY Bhagavati, SZ -cariya, 
DSYZ iddham, D pitaii ^^ 1) -jamnam, S -bhutam ^^ D omitt dani. 



78 MAHAPABnOBBAXASTTTAi [Bkav. i. 

tram papima bohi, naciram Tathagataasa parmibbftnaib 
bhayissati, ito tinnam mas4nam accayena Tathigato parimb- 
baTissatiti. 

Atha kho BhagaT& C&pale cetiye sato sampaj&no ftyusan- 
kharam ossaji, oseatthe ca BhagaTato ^yusankhare mah&bhik* 
miealo ahosi bhimsanako lomahamsano deTadundubhiyo ca 
phalimsu. Atha kho BhagaT& etam attham Tiditrft tAyam 
velayam imam udanam udanesi, 

Tulam atulan ca sambhaTam bhavasankharam arassaji muni, 
Ajjhattarato samahito abhida kavacam W attasambhavan ti. 
Atha kho iyasmato Anandassa etad ahod. Acchariyam 
vata bho abbhutam Tata bho mahi Tatayam bhumic&Io 
somaha vat4yam bhumicalo bhimsanako salomahamso deva* 
dundubhiyo ca phalimsu, ko nu kho hetu ko paccayo mahato 
bhumicalassa patubhavayati ? Atha kho &yasm& Anando 
yena Bhagava ten' upasankami, upasankamitvi BhagaTantam 
abhivadetva ekamantam nisidi, ekamantam nisinno kho 
^yasm^ Anando Bhagavantaih etad avoca. Acchariyam 
bhante abbhutam bhante maha vatayam bhante bhumic&lo 
sumaha vatayam bhante bhumicalo bhimsanako salomahamso 
devadundubhiyo ca phalimsu, ko nu kho bhante beta ko 
paccayo mahato bhumicalassa patubhavs^yati ? Attha kho 
ime Ananda hetQ attha paccaya mahato bh(imic41assa p&ta- 
bhav^ya, katame attha ? Ayam Ananda mah&pathaTi udake 
patitthita udakaih rate patitthitam rato akasattho hoti, so 
kho Ananda samayo yam maharatsk T^yanti mah&y&t4 
y4yant4 udakam kampenti udakam kampitam pathavim 
kampeti, ayam pathamo hetu pathamo paccayo mahato 
bhCkmi:alassa patubhavaya. Pnna ca param Ananda samayo 
y^ hoti bdLhmano \k iddhima cetovasippatto deyat& y& 
mahiddhik^ mahanubhava yassa paritt4 pathayisanM bh&yit& 



< T tinnam ^ D ossattbo, S -bhnmi- < Ybhimsanaki * T -sankh&ram onajt mimi 
{evrreeted from oasaji), D -sankhara oesaji, DSY ayaasaji muni >* ZS abhidadi, 
D abbida kacammicatta-, T sambbaran ^^ T sumabatil Tail ratayam " the four 
Sinhaieu MSS. read pdtnbbavdva deyadundubbinaii ca pbalitun ti : the addition 
it an evident fflo9$, and it not in the Burmese MS. ** DS ko for kbo ** D8YZ 
hetu ** D patbavi /or mahapatbaTi *« Y santi for Tajanti, Z mabaTatd *^ aftw 
kampenti Y ineerti pathavirh and SZ patbarijam >* S samano ^ D omiU Ti 
after brihmaoo *> 8YZ pa^han-, DSZ -samfia. 



BHiy. 2.] THE EIGHT CAUSES OF EARTHQUAKES. 79 

hoti appam&n&, &posaiiii& so imam patbavim kampeti sankam- 
peti sampakampeti sampavedheti, ayam dutiyo hetu dutiyo 
paccayo mahato bhiimic&lassa patubb&v&ya. Puna ca paraih 
Ananda yadsL bodhisatto Tusitd k^ya cavitv^ sato sampaj&no 
m&tukucchim okkamati tadd 'yam patbavi kampati sahkam- 
pati sampakampati sampayedhati, ayam tatiyo hetu tatiyo 
paccayo mabato bbiimicalassa p4tubbavd.ya. Puna ca param 
Ananda yad& bodbisatto sato sampaj&no m&tukuccbism& 
nikkbamati tad§. 'yam patbavi kampati sankampati sam- 
pakampati sampavedbati, ayam catuttbo betu catuttbo pac- 
cayo mabato bbtimicsLlassa p&tubb&v^ya. Puna ca param 
Ananda yadd Tatbagato anuttaram samm&sambodbim abbi- 
sambujjbati tadd. 'yaiii patbavi kampati sankampati sampak- 
ampati s^mpavedbati, ayam pancamo betu paficamo paccayo 
mabato bbumicalassa patubbslvElya. Puna ca param Ananda 
yad& Tatb&gato anuttaram dbammacakkam pavatteti tad4 
'yam patbavi kampati sankampati sampakampati sampave- 
dbati, ayaiii cbattbo betu cbattbo paccayo mabato bbumica- 
lassa p&tubbavslya. Puna ca param Ananda yada Tatbagato 
sato sampajano &yusankb&ram ossajjati tad si 'y^^ patbavi 
kampati sankampati sampakampati sampavedbati, . ayam 
sattamo betu sattamo paccayo mabato bbiimicalassa p4tubb&- 
v&ya. Puna ca param Ananda yadd TatbS,gato anup&disesaya 
nibbslnadbsLtuyd parinibbsiyati tada 'yam patbavi kampati 
sankampati sampakampati sampavedbati, ayam attbamo betu 
attbamo paccayo mabato bbtimicalassa patubbd.vayslti. Ime 
kbo Ananda attba betu attba paccaya mabato bbumic&lassa 
patubb&v&yati. 

Attba kbo im& Ananda parish, katamsl attba P kbattiya- 
paris& brd,bmanaparisa gabapatiparisa samanaparis^ c&tum- 
mab&rSjikaparis& tavatimsaparisS, m&raparissl brabmaparisA. 
Abbijan&mi kbo pan&bam Ananda anekasataih kbattiyapari- 
sam upasankamitv^ tatra pi may& sannisinnapubban c'eva 



» D -samfia, S yo for so * D okkamtti ' SZ mabato, Y pdna » SYZ pathavi 
" D pftna " SY pathavi " SZ -vedheti »« S bhumi- " S pathavi »8 S bhurai- 
i» D p^na ^ D ossajati, Y pathavi '^ D omiU kampati, Z sampavedhati ^ D 
<mxU yada, Y pathavi »« DSYZ hetu » Y at^h* ima, D me /or kbo 3o Ysamana- 
** DY sannisinnapabbam eva. 



(^ XAHlPARDaEBAXASUTTAX. [BkAn. 2. 

Ballapitapubbail ca sakaccha ca 6aiii&pajjitapabb&, tattha y&di- 
tmko teKaih vai^no hoti tadisako mayham vanno hoti y&disako 
tefKiih Haro hoti tadisako mayham saro hod, dhammiyi ca 
kath&ya sandassemi gamidapemi samattejemi sampahamsemi, 
b)ja«am^nafi ca mam na j&nanti, ko nu kho aj^am bhftsati devo 
v^ rrmnui>8o va ? ti ; dhammiy& ca katbava RandafwetvA samftda- 
IHiivk Hamuttejetva 8ampaham6etT& antaradh&y&miy antarahi- 
taji ca main na j4iianti ko nu kho ayam antarabito devo y& 
ixmnuHHO va ? ti. Abhij4n4mi kho panaham Ananda anekasa- 
tuiii br^hrnanaparisani . . pe . . gahapatiparisam samanaparisam 
c&tummab&r&jikaparisam t&vatimsaparisam m&raparisam brah- 
inaparisaih upusankamitv^ tatra pi may& sannisinnapubbafL 
c'cva 8uliupitapubbail ca sakacch& ca sam&pajjitapubb&, tattha 
ytkdiHuko leBuih vanno hoti t&disako mayham vanno hoti 
yHdiHako tcHuni saro hoti t^isako mayham saro hoti, dham- 
iuiy& ca kutli&ya saiidassemi samsLdapemi samuttejemi sampa- 
huiimomi, bhiisum&nuii ca mam na j&nanti, ko nu kho ayam 
bhiUati dovo \k manusso v& P ti ; dhammiy& ca kath&ya 
Hau(luHHi)tv& 8uniildupctv& samuttejetvd sampahamsetv& anta^ 
radhiiyilnii, anturuliitafl ca mam na j&nanti, ko nu kho 
tiyitiii autaruhito devo vd manusso v^P ti. Im& kho Ananda 
u^thu pariHft. 

Attha kho initini Ananda abhibh&yatan&ni,katam&niatthaP 
Ajjhattaiii vupasanfii eko bahiddbcL rClp&ni passati paritt&ni 
8uvan^uidiibbunnaui, t&ui abhibhuyya j&n&mi pass&mtti evam- 
mii\i\i hoti, iduiii })athamum abhibhtLyatanam. Ajjhattam 
ri\|uiMai\Ai oko bahiddha nlpaui passati appam&nslni suvanna- 
dubl)inn,u\iu, taui abhibhuyya ji\ndmi pass&miti evamsailiii 
hoti, iihuii dutiyarn abhibhayatanaiu. Ajjhattam ariipasafifii 
oko l^ihiddh^ ri\|^\ui passtiti jxiritti^ni suvannadubbaQn&ni, 
tAui ubhiMuiyya jauami jKissiimiti evaiiisaiiiii hoti, idam 
tativaiU abhihluUatanaia. Ajjhattam ardpasanni eko bahid* 
ilhtl n\)k\ui )msti)ati apj>tuua\i&ni suva^nadubbajyin&niy t&ni 



^»u^^v*m cv* ** \^ v*maiviMiu»i\ jmbK* '* UY ^wi- oa *' D omits mam *' Y a|^' 



81 



Art. V. — The BrhaUSahhit&i or, Complete System of Natural 
Astrology of Vardha-mihira, Translated from Sanskrit 
into English by Dr. H. Keri^. 

{Continued from Vol. VI. p. 338.) 

Chapter LXV. 
Siffns of Ooats, 

1. I will tell the lucky and evil signs of goats. Such as 
have eight, nine, or ten teeth, are lucky, and may be kept ; 
such as have seven teeth, should be removed. 

2. A black circle on the right side of a white goat is a 
favourable mark. Likewise a white circle on the right side 
of one having the colour of an elk, of sable hue, or red.^ 

3. The udderlike part hanging down from the neck of 
goats is known by the name of "neck ornament."* A 
goat with one dewlap brings happiness ; extremely lucky are 
those having two or three dewlaps. 

4. All goats without horns, and those that are entirely 
white or entirely black, promise good. Lucky also are such 
as are half black, half white ; or half russet, half black. 

5. A goat that marches in front of the flock, and the 
first that plunges into water, — that has the head white, or 
blazes^ on the forehead, — is favourable.* 

* Or " dark red." 

' Anglice dewlap or wen. Manx is taken in the gense of Latin 
monilej Norse men. Old Saxon meni ; it is well known that the same 
acceptation is very common in Vedic writings. 

' Utpala reads kfttikd instead of tikkikd, explaining it by tilakdh. 
The word krttikd, evidently in the acceptation of '' blaze, star, white 
dot," occurs also in the CrautasCktra of K&ty&yana 20, 1, 34, where 
kfttikdnji is interpreted by the commentator in this way: Skprl^l 
V^dQl^ '^^ ^fWT% M^lt^gllUf. The man understood the general 
purport, but was evidently unacquainted with the technical meaning of 
kfttikd. 

* A goat of this description is termed kuttaka ; see below, st. 9. 

VOL. vn. — [nbw sbbibs.] 6 



82 THE b^hat-saSthitA. 

6. One that has the neck or head speckled, the colour of 
pounded sesamum, and the eyes red, is esteemed of good 
augury. Likewise a white one with black legs^ or a black 
one with white legs.^ 

. 7. A white goat with black testicles and a black patch in 
the middle, or one whose step is resounding and slow^ is 
auspicious.^ 

8. A goat with horns and feet like an elk's, or white in 
the forepart and black behind, promises good.' About this 
matter there is a stanza of Garga's, running as follows : 

9. C' The various kinds of goats denominated) Kuttaka, 
Kutila (or Kuttika), Jatila and Y&mana, are all four children 
to Fortune, that do not dwell in places from whence she has 
fled." 

10. Inauspicious are such goats as have a voice like a 
donkey, a wretched tail, misshapen claws, a bad colour, 
stunted ears, an elephant's head, or a black palate and 
tongue. 

11. Such as have a colour and dewlap of favourable ap- 
pearance, are hornless and red-eyed, will, when properly 
attended to in the dwellings of men, yield pleasure, renown, 
and fortune. 



Chapter LXVI. 

Signs of Horses. 



1. A courser will be perfect in all its limbs, when the neck 
is long, the prominences above the eyes* extensive, the rump 

' Such goats go by the name of kutila. ^ 
' An animal of this description is called ja^a. 
' The term for it is vdmana. 

* In a quotation, not unlikely from Parftqara, we find a definition of 
akihik^fa : 



THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 83 

and heart broad, the palate, lips and tongue red, the skin, 
hair and tail fine, the hoofs well formed, the pace and face 
good, the ears, lips and tail short, the legs, knees and thighs 
round, the teeth equal and white, the shape and appearance 
nice. Such a horse kept by the king will always tend to the 
destruction of the foe. 

2. (Turnings in the hair) under the eyes, on the jaws, 
cheeks, heart, throat, nose, temple, hip, abdomen, knee, 
scrotum, navel, shoulder, or breech, and on the left (or 
" right '') loin or leg, are ill-omened.^ 

3. Turnings of hair on the muzzle, throat, ears, back, 
eyes, lips, haunches, forelegs, loins, flanks, along with those 
on the brow, are of very good augury.^ 

4. Amongst them there is one "constant turning" on 
the muzzle, one in the hairs of the forehead, two on the 

^41fifti '^T^:^ cwmr^ ^ ^rm^: i 

' In a work on horsecraft, ascribed to K&tya Vararuci, and cited at 
large by Utpala, we read the following : 

The term ^c|iij| is defined in another quotation (probably from 
Parft9ara) : 

' Comm. : Tl^fT^ ^wf^* 




84 THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 

groins, two on the adjoining parts/ two on the head, and 
two on the breast.' 

5. A colt is marked by six white teeth, which become 
tawny when the horse is two years old; at three years it 
loses, and (at four years) recovers its middlemost incisors; 
at five (and six) years the eyeteeth. The same teeth will 
after every subsequent period of three years become darkish, 
yellow, white, coloured like black salt, wax, conch-shell, 
become hollow, slack, and at length fall out.» 



Chapter LXVII. 
Signs of Elephants, 



1, Elephants with tusks of the colour of honey, with 
well-proportioned body, being neither too fat nor too lean, 
fit for use, with even members, a back curved like a bow, 
and buttocks like those of a boar, are denominated Bhadra 
{i.e. well-favoured). 

2. The characteristics of the species called Manda {i.e. 
dull) are : a slack breast, slack folds on the waist, a paunch- 
belly, a thick skin and neck, a huge loin and root of the tail, 
and the look of a lion. 

I am unacquainted with the English terms. 
' The corresponding passage from Par^ara has : ?^ VTT^nTt I 



THE brhat-saShitI. 85 

3. The elephants of the species Mrga (i.e. deer) have the 
Up, tail and penis shorty the feet, neck, tusks, trunk and ears 
small, the eyes large. The sort called Sankirna (i.e. mixed) 
shows the characteristics of those before described inter- 
mingled. 

4. The height of the Mrga is five cubits, the length 
seven, the circumference eight. These numbers increased 
by one are those of the Manda ; by two, of the Bhadra. 
The " mixed " elephant has no fixed measure. 

5. The colour of the Bhadra's frontal juice is green ; of 
the Manda's, turmeric hued ; of the Mrga's, sable ; of the 
mixed elephant's, mixed. 

6. 7. Auspicious are such elephants as have the lips, 
palate and mouth red ; the eyes like a sparrow's ; the tusks 
smooth and turned up at the extremity ; the face broad and 
long; the backbone arched, long, not protruding, and lying 
deep ; the frontal globes like a tortoise's back, and covered 
with thin and scanty hairs ; the ears, jaws, nave^, front and 
genitals big; the claws convex, to the number of eighteen 
or twenty ; the trunk round and covered with three lines ; 
the hairs of the tail nice ; the frontal juice, and the wind 
from the trunk's point, of good odour. 

'8. Elephants with a long finger ^ and a red point of the 
trunk, with a voice like the din of rainclouds, and with a 
big, long and round neck, bring luck to the king. 

9. But elephants devoid of frontal juice; having too 
many or too few claws and limbs ; crooked, undersized, with 
tusks similar to ram's horns ; with prominent testicles ; 
lacking the extremity of the trunk; having the palate 
dusky, dark-blue, spotted or black ; with small tusks or no 
tusks at all ; or without sex ; those, as well as a female 
elephant that shows some characteristics of the male, and 
one that is pregnant, should the king order to be re- 
moved to another place, as they produce very dire conse- 
quences. 

^ Comm.: ^flfRt 'ITin^ ^^Ntj^f^^^^qi'^ : I W:W[^ M 



86 THE BRHAT-SAfTHITA. 



Chapter LXVni. 
Signs of Men. 

1. By duly observing the height, weight, gait, compact- 
ness, temperament, colours, sleekness, voice, natural character, 
physiognomy, division of limbs,^ and complexion, the skilled 
soothsayer may reveal the past and the future. 

2. Feet not sweaty, hued like the calix of a lotus, warm, 
curved like a tortoise^s back, with soft soles, connected toes, 
bright and red nails, well-shaped heels and no projecting 
ancles, are those of a monarch.^ 

3« Feet shaped like a winnowing basket, rough, with 
whitish nails, crooked, covered with veins, meagre, with 
toes standing far from each other, bring poverty and pain. 
Feet elevated in the middle are fit for travelling ; tawny ones 
lead to the extirpation of the lineage ; feet with soles of the 
hue of burnt clay cause Brahman murder ; yellow ones go to 
forbiddea ground,' 

83. Any limb being coarse, lean and covered with veins, 
» Cf. ch. Ixx. 24-26. 

The translation from st. 4-82 is here omitted, as it affords very little 



THE BRHAT-SAfirHITi. 87 

is pronounced ill-favoured; in the contrary case entirely 
auspicious. 

84. Three parts of a king's body should be broad ; three 
others deep ; six lofty ; four short ; seven red ; five long and 
fine. 

85. Navel, voice and character — these three should men 
have deep. Breast, forehead and face — these three being 
broad ifl a happy sign in men. 

86. The six members (which should be) lofty are breast, 
girdle, nails, nose, face, and raised part of the neck. The 
four limbs that bestow benefits by being short, are penis, 
back, neck and legs. 

87. The outer comer of the eye, feet, hands, palate, lips, 
tongue and nails — these seven, to be sure, bring happiness 
by being red. Five parts, viz. teeth, finger-joints, hair, skin 
and nails, being fine,^ are proper to happy .people. 

- 88. Jaws, eyes, arms, nose and the space between the paps 
— these five will not be long in men, unless they be kings.* 

interest, and as some stanzas are coached in a language too free to 
be decent in an English garb. It may be noticed that the signs of 
beauty, such as described in this chapter, generally agree with the 
32 lakshanas and 80 anuvyanjanas of the ideal image of Buddha ; 
e.g. sunigddhagulpha in st. 2 corresponds with gUdhagulpha in Lalita- 
vistara 122, 17 ; ruciratdmranakha in the same stanza and st. 41 with 
tdmranakha of C&kya ; and so forth. Cf. Bumouf, Lotus de la bonne 
loi, 583, sqq. Any distinction between lakshana and anuvyanjana is 
unknown to our author. 

' In the text read ^^if^, of course* 
^ Utpala quotes from Garga : 

^n^ ^T^^ ftw^ ^injf ^^wft ^^^ift ^pft I 



88 THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 

On Complexion. 

89. Let those who are able to predict the future from 
the marks on the body, observe the complexion of men, 
quadrupeds and birds, as it announces lucky jand unlucky 
consequences. For it is like the shining of a lamp within a 
crystal jar, revealing the qualities of the inward light to the 
outside. 

90. A complexion that originates in the element of earth 



Ri<f^^ <^*ii^ 



^r^ 



^TfWTT: 



ifw^i^tfi^; 



WW 'Np^ ^rrft f^S'f^ ^mrft" iTOT 



fl^fl^M iRN iNi^ 




^ni^^ firf^: wf%^: inranl i 



tWrBRrnj 



inranl 



THE BRHAT-SAAHItA. 89 

manifests itself in the sleekness of teeth, skin, nails, hairs 
on the body and the head/ and is connected with a sweet 
smell. It causes contentment, acquisition of wealth,, bliss 
and daily progress in virtue. 

91. A complexion due to the element of water is smooth, 
white or clear yellow, and delightful to the eye. It gives 
affection, meekness, pleasure and bliss. Like a mother it 
causes that wants get fulfilled, and grants to mortals its bene- 
ficial effects. 

92. The " fiery " complexion is harsh and fierce, showing 
like red lotus, gold or fire. Allied with energy, valour and 
ardour, it leads men to victory, and effects that the object 
aimed at is soon attained. 

93. A complexion derived from the element of wind will 
be smutty, coarse, black and of bad odour; it engenders 
death, captivity, sickness, misery and loss of wealth. A 
complexion arising from the aerial element shows like 
crystal, is bright, very noble, allied with good fortune, and 
a treasury, so to say, of felicity. 

94. The complexions enumerated are the products, sever- 
ally, of earth, water, fire, wind and sky. Some teach that 
there are ten of them, to wit (besides the foregoing), those 
derived from the Sun, Vishnu, Indra, Yama, and the Moon, 
successively. In their characteristics and effects, however, 
they are, to state it briefly, equal to the others. 

On Voice. 

95. Kings have voices resembling the sound of an elephant, 
buU, host of chariots, battle-drum, tabor, lion or thunder. 
A voice like a donkey's, or broken and harsh, is proper to 
men deprived of wealth and enjoyments. 

On Temperament, 

96. There are seven constituents of temperament: fat, 
marrow, skin, bone, sperm, blood, and flesh. The effects of 

* Read «%qT7n7T- 



90 THE brhat-sa:^hit1. 

the different temperaments of men may be stated, in short, 
as follows : 

97. Those in whose temperament blood is the prerailing 
element hare the palate, lips, gams, tongrie, onter eye- 
comers, anns, hands and feet red, and are blessed with many 
enjoyments, wires, goods and sons. 

98. Persons with a smooth skin are rich men ; those who 
haye the skin soft, will be beloTcd ; intelligent men haye it 
thin. Those in whom marrow or fat prevails, are possessed 
of a handsome form, and rich in sons and goods. 

99. A man in whom the bones predominate, has thick 
bones, is strong, an accomplished scholar and good-looking^. 
Men with much and heavy sperm are happy husbands, 
learned and handsome. 

100. One in whose constitution flesh plays the foremost 
part, is corpulent, learned, wealthy and comely. The being 
well knit of the joints is called compactness. It is a cha- 
racteristic of a man enjoying a good fortune. 

101. Five parts ought to show a sleeky appearance, viz. 
mouth, tongue, teeth, eyes and nails. They are sleek with 
men rich in sons, wealth and popularity ; rough with the 
poor. 

On Colour, 

102. A bright, sleek colour is proper to kings ; the same, 
but in inferior degree, marks persons possessing sons and 
wealth ; a coarse colour is proper to indigent people. 

On Phymgnomy. 

103. The peculiar character implied by one's physiogno- 
mical appearance, must be studied from the countenance. 
Those who have a face like a buU, tiger, lion or sun-eagle, 
are endowed with irresistible valour, and monarchs conquer- 
ing foes. 

104. Men with countenances like a monkey, bu£Sdo, boar 
or buck, are owners of sons, riches and happiness. Persons 
marked by faces and forms resembling those of asses and 
camels have neither wealth nor enjoyment. 



THE BeHAT-SAlJHITA. 91 

On Height. 

105. The number of digits which make the measure of 
men's height is, for the tallest, 108 ; for those of middle 
height, 96 ; for the shortest, 84. 

On Weight. 

106. A man living in happy circumstances weighs half a 
bh&ra {^^IQQO palas) ; an unhappy man less than that. One 
bh&ra is the weight of very well to do people; one and 
a half, that of monarchs. 

107. A female has her full weight and height at twenty 
years of age, but a male at twenty-five years, or else in the 
fourth period of life.^ 

On Natural Character. 

108. Man is bom with a character that is congenial to 
earth, water, fire, wind, aether, gods, men, giants, imps or 
beasts. The marks are the following : 

109. A man of the nature proper to earth has the odour 
of fragrant flowers, is liberal in sharing with his fellow- 
creatures, of sweet breath, and constant. One of a watery 
genius is in the habit of drinking much water, fond of 
Women, and relishes liquids. 

110. A man of the nature of fire is fickle, very keen, 
cruel, hungry and gluttonous. One of the nature proper to 
wind is restless, lean, and soon swayed by anger. 

^ The words of the text are clear in themselves, but convey no dis- 
tinct meaning. The Comm. says : ^sfVHnfHPl ^"^T^f'^^ ^ *f!i?t- 

how can it be said that any person may grow in height after his fortieth 
year? It may be supposed that the author had only in view the 
weight. As to the interpretation of the commentator, it is wholly 
wrong ; the four periods are t|lp[| (infancy), IH^I||4 (boyhood), ^Cn^T^ 
(prime of age), and the fourth '^pVFT^ TT^^- The ^l^^Pf coincides 
with the juvenilis aetas of the Romans, and extends to the fortieth 
year ; cf. Su^ruta, i. 129. 



92 THE BRHAT-SATHTTA. 

111. One of aetherial nature is ingenious, lias an open 
face, is skilled in the knowledge of aoimdsy and porous of 
his body. A man who has the genius of gods will be 
generous, placable and affectionate. 

112. A person of the genius of mortals delights in song 
and finery, and is always ready to share with his fellow- 
creatures. 

113. One endowed with the character of giants is irascible, 
knavish, and wicked. One who is congenerous with imps 
will be fickle, dirty, talkatire and yery plump of body. 

114. One that is timid, greedy and voracious, you may 
take to be a man of bestial character. Such is the different 
nature of men which by the soothsayers is called ''the 
character." 

On Gait. 

115. In gait kings resemble tigers, swans, elephants in 
rat, bulls and peacocks. Likevrise persons whose pace is 
noiseless and quiet will be great lords; while the step of 
poor fellows is swift and skipping. 



116. A carriage when tired ; a meal when hungry ; drink 
when vexed by thirst; a guard when in danger — the man 
who can command these things in time is called fortunate, 
indeed, by those skilled in telling a man's character and 
future from the marks on his person. 

117. Herewith have I, with (due) attention to the opinions 
of the Sages,^ succinctly expounded the signs of men. He 
who studies it will become esteemed by the king and a 
favourite with everybody. 

' That is, in other irords : " myself am not responsible for any 
statement." Appealing to the Sages is usnal with onr author whenever 
he wishes to disburden himself from responsibility. Utpala foils not to 
make a similar observation : M^4)^H|^1|f ^^ lrfi!l|Tlt '^TCfT "Wt- 

ftffj wwrt jui ^^ (Ch. ix. 7)" ^iri fiRrJ ^^t^tpv: jij^iii- 



THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 93 



Chapter LXIX. 
Signs of the Five Oreat Men. 

1. By the planets being powerful, standing in their own 
asterisms, in their culmination, or in the centres {i,e, the first, 
fourth, seventh and tenth houses), will be bom the five 
exalted personages I am now going to speak of. 

2. By Jupiter being in its power will be bom (the per- 
sonage denominated) Hansa ; by Saturn, the man Qa9a ; by 
Mars, the Bucaka ; by Mercury, the Bhadra ; and by Venus, 
the M&lavya. 

3. 4. The person's character, in its fulness, derives from 
the Sun (in full power) ; the qualities of body and mind, 
from the Moon's power. Moreover, the man will show the 
same characteristics with (the lord of) any subdivision Sun 
and Moon happen to stand in; so that he will agree in 
temperament, elements, nature, complexion, colour, cha- 
racter, shape, etc.^ When the Sun and Moon, while occupy- 
ing such and such a subdivision, are weak, the persons to be 
born will have characteristics of a mixed nature. 

5. From Mars comes spirit ; from Mercury weight ; from 
Jupiter the voice; from Venus grace; from Saturn the 
colour.* The qualities will be good or bad, according to 
the planets being well or ill circumstanced. 

6. Persons with qualities of mixed nature will not be- 
come sovereigns, but have a similar course of life and become 
happy men. The differences arise from the benign planets 
{i.e. full moon. Mercury, Jupiter and Venus) being stationed 
in the house of their enemy, or in descension, or from their 
being looked at by the evil planets. 

7. The length and stretch of the Hansa ^ is of 96 digits. 

^ For the dhdtu or sdra, cf. Bfh. J&taka, ii. 11 : for the five elements, 
6 ; for the character and shape, 8-11 ; for the colour, 5. 
' Cf. Brh. jataka, ii. 1. 
' ue, what we call Phenix, metaphorically. 



94 THE B?HAT-SA*HITi. 

The personages going by the names of Qa9a, Kucakay 
Bhadra and Msllavya, are each taller than the preceding by 
three digits. 

8. A person in whom the quality of goodness predomi- 
nates will possess charity, steadiness, uprightness of cha- 
racter and piety to Gods and Brahmans. One in whom the 
quality of passion is uppermost will have the mind addicted 
to poetry, art, sacrifices and women, besides being a great 
hero. 

9. He in whom the quality of gloom prevails will be a 
cheat, stupid, lazy, irascible and sleepy. As the qualities of 
goodness, passion and gloom may be differently combined, 
there will be seven kinds of persons with mixed characters, 
bating the minor varieties. 

10. The M&lavya will be marked by arms resembling an 
elephant's trunk, and by hands reaching to the knees. His 
members and joints are fleshy ; he has a well-proportioned 
and neat frame, and a slender waist. His face, of oblong 
form, measures thirteen digits, the transverse measure be- 
tween the ears being three digits less. He has fiery eyes, 
comely cheeks, even and white teeth, and not too thick lips, 

11. Having by his valour obtained wealth, he will, resid- 
ing in the recesses of Mount Palriyjltra, reign as a wise king 
over MMava, Bharoach, Surashtra, Lslta, Sindh, and so forth. 

12. This Mallavya will at the age of seventy years piously 
depart from life at a place of pilgrimage. — Having in due 
form indicated the characteristics of this man, I now pro- 
ceed to mention those of the others. 

13. The man Bhadra is marked by having the arms thick, 
equal, round and long ; his length is equal to the stretch of 
his arms from one side to the other ; his cheeks are covered 
with soft, small and dense hairs. 

14. In his constitution skin and sperm are predominant ; 
his breast is broad and thick ; his prevailing quality is good- 
ness. He has a tiger-like face, is steadfast, forbearing, 
virtuous, grateful; he has the pace of an elephant, and 
knows many sciences. 

15. He is sagacious, handsome, clever in the arts, con- 



THE brhat-saJthitI. 95 

stanty an adept at ascetic phflosophy ; has the forehead and 
temples well-shaped ; the loins likewise ; the hands and feet 
hued like the lotus calix ; the nose fine ; the eyebrows even 
and well-knit. 

16. His person smells like earth when moist from fresh 
rain^ or cassia-leaf, saffron, frontal juice of elephants, agal- 
lochum. The hair of his head is black, curled, and such 
that each single hair has its own pore. Sicut equi yel 
elephantis, pudenda ejus non conspicua. 

17. His hands and feet are marked by the figure of a 
plough, pestle, club, sword, conch-shell, quoit, elephant, 
sea-monster, lotus, chariot. His imperiousness will be fully 
experienced by his people, for, self-willed as he is, he does 
not spare even his own kin. 

18. Should his length come to 84 digits, and his weight 
to one bhdra, then he will be lord over the Middle country ; 
but if he have the full measure implied in the words " taller 
by three digits" (st. 7), he will be emperor of the whole 
country. 

19. After dutifully ruling the country he acquired by his 
bravery, the Bhadra, at eighty years of age, will depart 
from life at a place of pilgrimage, and go to heaven. 

20. The Qa9a will have somewhat projecting, otherwise 
fine teeth, fine nails, blubber eyes ; a swift pace ; he takes 
delight in science, mining and trade ; has full cheeks ; is 
false ; a good general ; fond of love's sport and partial to 
other men's wives ; restless, valorous, obedient to his mother, 
and attached to woods, hills, rivers and wildernesses. 

21. The same (^sl^sl is suspicious, and a keen observer of 
another's weak points. He is 92 digits in length, and, not 
being very heavy, has a soft step. The chief constituent of 
his body is marrow. 

22. His waist is slender ; the lines on his hands and feet 
show the figures of a buckler, sword, lute, couch, garland, 
drum, trident, and run in an upward direction. 

23. This Qaga will be a border chieftain or provincial 
governor. His body afflicted with colic or a fistula on the 
buttocks, he will, seventy years old, reach Yama s home. 



96 THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 

24. The marks of the Hansa are : the mouth red ; the 
face gold-coloured, and showing thick cheeks and an ele- 
vated nose ; the head round ; the eyes honey like ; the nails 
wholly red; the figures (formed by the lines on hands and 
feet) similar to garlands, fillets, elephant's hooks, conch- 
shells, intertwined fishbraces, sacrificing implements, water- 
pots and lotuses ; the voice sweet as a swan's ; the feet 
well-shaped ; the senses subdued. 

25. He delights in water ; the predominant constituent 
in him is sperm ; his weight comes to 1600 palas, whereas 
his length, according to the statement of the Sages, will be 
96 digits. 

26. The Hansa will possess the country of Khasa, 
Qdrasena, Gslndh&ra, and the land between the Ganges and 
Jamna. After exercising the royal power for 90 years,^ he 
will meet death within a wood. 

27. (The worthy Rucaka by name) will have good eye- 
brows and hairs ; a red-tinged dusky colour ; a neck marked 
with three folds like a shell ; an oblong face. He is brave, 
cruel, an egregious counsellor, a chief of robbers, and a 
practised soldier. 

28. The measure of Eucaka's face, in length, being taken 
four times, gives the measure of his middle. His skin is 
thin ; in his temperament blood and flesh are the chief parts. 
He is a killer of foes, and attains his objects by dint of 
reckless audacity. 

29. His hands and feet are marked with figures like a 
club, lute, bull, bow, thunderbolt, spear, moon and trident. 
He shows piety towards his guruSy to Brahmans and deities. 
His length is a hundred digits ; his weight a thousand palas. 

30. He is an adept in charms and spells, and has thin 
knees and legs. When this Rucaka has reigned as king 

' This is evidently a mistake of the author's ; he certainly means, 
"at ninety years of age the H. will die," but his words convey quite a 
different meaning^. Better in the S^r&vall : ^^it^Vlt ?1|^^4l#|f 
^^rn9[^rr% ^^^Hr ^l^l^- it must, however, be noticed that the 
author of the S&r&vali is posterior to Var&ha-mihinu 



THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 97 

over the Vindhya, Sahyagiri and Ujein, he will, on reaching 
seventy years, find his death by the sword or fire. 

31. There are five other men, who will be the attendants 
of the fore-mentioned monarchs, viz. Vamanaka, Jaghanya, 
Kubja, Mandalaka and S&min.^ Now listen by what tokens 
these men, generally called the " mixed ones," are character- 
ized. 

32. Y&manaka is corpulent, hunchbacked, and somewhat 
broad in the middle and between the armpits. He will be a 
famous servant of king Bhadra, prosperous, liberal in giving, 
and devoted to V&sudeva. 

33. He called Jaghanya will be a servant to M&lavya. 
His ears are similar to a crescent ; the joints of his body are 
good ; sperm is the principal part of his temperament ; he 
is a denunciator, a poet, rough of skin, and has gross hands 
and fingers. 

34. The same Jaghanya will be cruel, rich, of comprehen- 
sive* intellect, generally famous, red of complexion, and a 
jocose fellow. On his breast, feet and hands, he shows the 
figure pf a sword, spear, noose and axe. 

35. 36. As to the man of the name of Kubja, he shows 
no defects in the lower members, but is somewhat shrunk in 
the forepart of the body and crooked. He will be an at- 
tendant on Hansa, an atheist, rich, learned, brave, an 
informer, grateful, ingenious in arts, quarrelsome, have 
plenty of retainers, and be wife-ridden. This said Kubja, 
always stirring, will on a sudden leave this world to which 
he was so much attached. 

37. He named Mandalaka will be a follower of Kucaka's, 
an adept in spells, clever, and devoted to acts of witchcraft, 
ghost-banning and the like, and to sciences. 

38. He looks elderly, has rough and coarse hair, is able 
in destroying enemies, devoted to the Brahmans, deities, 
religious worship and ascetic philosophy ; swayed by his 
wife, and intelligent. 

' Also savin. 

' It IS not a little curious that in one codex of the Comm. i|imif?f 
is explniued by ^^dfj!* in the other by 7Yf[|^f^. 

TOL. YII. — [nBW BSRIBS.] 7 



98 THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 

39. As to S&min, he will be a retainer to Qbl^bl, very mis- 
shapen of body, liberal in giving, and a man that performs 
deeds by powerful enterprise. For the rest, he will in his 
qualities resemble Qa9a. 



Chapter LXX. 
Stffns of Women. 

1. If one aspire to become lord of the country, let him 
marry a girl whose feet . are sleek, elevated, thin at the 
extremity, with red nails and ancles equal, not bony, nice 
and not protruding ; with connected toes and rosy soles. 

2. Of good augury are feet marked with fishes, hooks, 
lotuses, barley-corns, thunderbolts, ploughs and swords ; not 
sweaty and soft on the soles. So, too, legs not hairy, without 
prominent veins, and quite round ; knees even and not fat at 
the joints.^ 

4. Broad, plump and heavy hips to support the girdle, 
and a navel deep, large and turned to the right, are held of 
good omen in women. 

5. A female middle with three folds and not hairy ; 
breasts round, close to each other, equal and hard ; a bosom 
devoid of hair and soft, and a neck marked with three lines, 
bring wealth and joys. 

6. A swelling lip hued like the blossom of Pentapetes or 
the brilliant Bimba fruit, and equal teeth white as jessamine 
buds, are such qualities in wives as will be conducive to the 
husband's joy and immense advantage. 

7. A tone of voice sweet as the kokila's and swan's, 

' Gomm.: cl^STT? ^^^: 
The translation of the third stanza is omitted. 



THE BRHAT-SASHITI. 99 

genteel, sincere, not grovelling, is attended with much happi- 
ness. A straight, handsome nose, with even nostrils, and an 
eye yieing with the lustre of the petals of the dark lotus, 
are esteemed of good foreboding. 

8. Auspicious are brows curved like a crescent, not knit 
together, not too broad, not hanging. Likewise a forehead 
neither low nor lofty, of the shape of a crescent, and not 
hairy. 

9. They deem it also of good augury that the two ears 
are properly thick, soft, equal and close to the head. Hairs 
aleek, dark, soft, curled and coming forth one by one from 
ihe pores, bring joy ; so does a head of moderate size.^ 

10. Damsels who bear the following marks on foot or 
handpalm attain to the state of queen, viz. waterpots, seats, 
horses, elephants, Bilva-fruits, sacrificial posts, arrows, gar- 
lands, ear ornaments, chowries, hooks, barleycorns, rocks, 
standards, archways, fishes, crosses, altars, fans, conch-shells, 
umbrellas, lotuses. 

11. Hands with not prominent pulses, and similar in 
colour to the inside of young lotuses; with slender fingers 
the joints of which are placed far from each other; are 
proper to king's wives. A palm neither too flat nor too 
rising, and showing good lines, secures to her who owns it 
the possession of children, pleasure and wealth, and causes 
her to be not widowed for a long time. 

12. A line running from the pulse up to the middle finger, 
either in a woman's handpalm or a man^s, as well as a line 
going upward along the footsole,^ will lead to the joy of 
sovereignty, 

13. The line that, issuing from below the little finger, runs 
to between the fore and middle finger, insures the longest 
term of life ; the shorter it is, the shorter will be one's life. 

14. At the bottom of the thumb are the lines of progeny. 

' The author seems to mean ** a line on the footsole moning from 
the heel to the toe.'* . > 



100 THE BRHAT-SAliirHITl. 

Big lines denote boys ; thin ones girls. Long-lived persons 
will have them long and uninterrupted ; short-lived ones, 
short and broken off. 

15. Herewith has been told what promises good in females ; 
anything contrary to it is pronounced evil, I will now 
briefly mention the consequences that are particularly 
execrable. 

16. A wife whose little toe or the one next to it does not 
touch the ground, or whose second toe extends beyond the 
great toe, is a most vile whore. 

17. Legs either lean or ^ too plump, covered with veins, 
hairy, with the calves drawn up; a pudendum wry to the 
leftward, low and small, and a potlike belly, are proper to 
imhappy females. 

18. A short neck with a woman announces poverty ; a 
long one, the ruin of the family ; a broad and prominent 
one, maUgnancy. 

19. She who has squint,* or tawny, or grey and fickle 
eyes, will be of a bad character, and she who, when smiling, 
shows dimples in her cheeks, is pronounced imquestionably 
to be an unchaste wife. 

20. If the forehead is hanging over, she will kill her 
brother-in-law ; is it the belly that projects, she is to kill 
her father-in-law; is it the buttocks, her husband. A 

^ This is the meaning of ca ; TflTT^ ^•t* 

A var. readiog, obviously a bad conjecture, exhibits f^T?rf% ^; futhka 
and vimdmsa mean exactly the same. 

^ The Gomm. explains kekara by kdcara, a word denoting the oolour 
of a cat's eyes in Kathftsarit-sftgara, 65, 162, and 167. It occurs also 
In a parallel passage, probably from Garga ; Tf^TT^ 

It is by no means likely that in this passage kdcara is used in the seose 
of -kekara. 






THE BRHAT-SjUSrHiri. 101 

female being excessively tall, and haying the upper lip 
covered with too thick hair, brings no good to her husband. 

21. Hairy, smutty looking and lumpish breasts, and un- 
equal ears, produce misery. Big, protruding and unequal 
teeth bode misery, and black gums thievishness. 

22. Hands lean, showing thick veins, unequal, and marked 
with figures like beasts of prey, wolves, rooks, herons, worms 
and owls, are proper to women deprived of joy and wealth. 

23. A female having the upper lip very high, and the hair 
coarse at the ends, likes quarrel. Generally speaking, vices 
will be found with the ugly, whereas the virtues reside there 
where beauty dwells. 

On the Division of the Human Body in General. 

24. The first division (of the limbs) consists of the feet 
along with the ancles ; the second, of the legs with the knee- 
pans ; the third, of the sexual member, thighs and scrotum ; 
the fourth, of the navel and hip. 

25. They call the belly the fifth division ; the sixth is the 
heart along with the paps ; the seventh, the shoulder and 
nape of the neck ; the eighth, the lips and neck. 

26. The eyes along with the brows make the ninth di- 
vision ; head and forehead the tenth. The feet and farther 
divisions being ill-favoured, are indicative of an unhappy 
lot ; their being auspicious, of a lucky lot. 



Chapter LXXI. 

Omens from Slits of Garments. 

1. In the comers of a cloth dwell deities ; ^ in the middle 
part of the upper and lower ends men ; whilst the remaining 

' It mast be understood that the cloth is to be divided into nine 
compartments : TV^TTQ' 'T^* 



102 THE B^LHAT-SASHITI. 

three portions fall to the share of the spirits of darkness. 
The same applies to couches, seats and shoes. 

2. When a cloth gets soiled by ink, cowdung, mud and 
the like, — when it is slit, singed or rent, — you may reckon 
that the effects, good or bad, shall be complete, if the cloth 
be new ; but always decreasing the more it has been used. 
The effects are more intensive, in case of an upper garment. 

3. A slit, etCr, in the portions of the spirits of darkness 
bodes illness, if not death ; in one of the portions of men, 
it bodes the birth of a son and power ; in a part presided 
over by deities, increase of enjoyments. A flaw in any tip 
is declared unfavourable. 

4. A slit in figure like a heron, pelican, owl, pigeon, 
crow, beast of prey, jackal, ass, camel or snake, although it 
appear in a portion presided over by deities, causes among 
men a danger amounting to death. 

5. A slit of the shape of an umbrella, standard, cross, 
Vardhamslna, Qrivrksha, waterpot, lotus, archway, and the 
like, should it even be found in the parts allotted to the 
demons, brings men speedy fortune. 

6. The asterism Agvini ^ gives plenty of garments, but 
Bharani takes them away. A cloth (being worn for the first 
time) at Krttikd will be burnt; at Rohini, it will bring 
wealth and success. 

7. (From a garment being first used) at Mrga9iras, there 
will ensue danger to it from mice ; at Ardrsl, the very death ; 
at Punarvasu, good luck ; at the asterism next to it (i.e. 
Pushya), acquisition of riches. 

8. (If a new cloth is put on) at A^leshA, it will be torn ; 
at Magh&, it announces ' death ; at Pdrva-Phalguni, danger 
from the sovereign. XJttara-Phalguni is conducive to ac- 
quisition of wealth. 

9. By Hasta enterprises will succeed; by OitrA good 
luck is coming. The putting on a new garment at Sv&ti is 
auspicious ; by doing so at Yi^sLkhft, one will become gene- 
rally beloved. 

^ t e. if Aqviot be the asterism of the day on which a garment is 
worn the first time, the consequences mentioned are to ensue. 



THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 103 

10. Meeting with a friend is the result (of a new garment) 
at Anurddhd. The cloth will be ruined, if used for the first 
time at JyeshthsL, and it will get a ducking in water, if put 
on at MClla. Diseases (attend one's using a new cloth) at 
Piirva-Ash&dh&. 

11, 12. He who wishes to use a new garment at Uttara- 
Ash&dhd may, it is deemed, expect dainty food ; at Qravana, 
ophthalmy ; at Dhanishth^, acquisition of corn ; at Qata- 
bhishaj, great danger occasioned by poison; at PArva-Bhadra- 
pad&, danger from water ; at Uttara-Bhadrapadd, getting of 
sons, and at Revati, as they state, possession of jewels. 

13. Using a new garment, even at an unlucky asterism, 
will have satisfactory effects, if it be worn with permission 
of Brahmans, or if it have been bestowed by the king, or 
procured for the wedding ceremony. 

14. (Using a new garment, even at an unlucky asterism, 
ifl approved of on the wedding day, as a token of royal 
favour, or with permission of Brahmans.) 



Chapter LXXII. 
Siffns of Chotvries. 

1. They say the gods have created the Yacks in the dens 
of the Snowy Mountains for the tail's sake. The hairs of 
their tails are some yellowish, some black, some white. 

2. Sleekness, softness, density of the hairs, brightness, 
the being connected with a small bone, and whiteness, are 
pronounced to be the good qualities in chowries. Such as 
are defective, small or broken off, are bad. 

3. The handle to the chowrie must measure one cubit, or 
one and a half, or otherwise an ell. Made from favourable 
wood, decked with gold and silver, and ornamented with 
variegated gems, it will be to the benefit of kings. 

4. Clubs, umbrellas, elephant's hooks, canes, bows, cano- 
pies, halberds, standards and chowries with sticks of pale 
colour, are fit for Brahmans ; of the hue of Cocculus cordi- 



104 THE BRHAT-SA^ITA. 

folios for Ksliatiiyas ; with honey-coloured ones for yai9]ras : 
with black ones for Qddras. 

5. Sticks with an even nnmber of knots, two, fonr, and 
BO forth np to twelve, produce, successively : loss of a 
mother, of land, wealth, family, engender sickness, and 
death. 

6. The same having an odd number of knots, three, five, 
seven, and so on, will secure to the owners success in journey- 
ing, destruction of enemies, much gain, acquisition of land, 
increase of cattle, and fulfilment of wishes. 



Chapter LXXIII. 
Signs of Umbrellas, 



1, 2, 3. A white umbrella constructed either ^ of feathers 
of swans, cocks, peacocks and cranes, or covered entirely 
with new silk-cloth ; studded with pearls ; dark with gar- 
lands hanging down ; with a pommel of crystal and a stick 
of pure gold ; six cubits long ; containing nine, seven knots 
or a single ; having three cubits in extension ; all over well 
covered; adorned* with jewels; — such an umbrella, kept 
high aloft, will tend to a sovereign's benefit and bring 
victory. 

4. The umbrella sticks of a prince royal, queen, com- 
mander-in-chief and general, must be made such as to 
measure, in succession : 4|, 5, 4 and 2 digits. 

5. Let other officers have their umbrellas decorated at the 
top with gold fillets as tokens of royal favour; fumiBfaed 
with hanging wreaths and jewels, and made from peacock's 
feathers. 

6. Private persons should have the umbrella stick of a 
square form, but the umbrella of Brahmans is to be made 
with an entirely round stick. 

' In tbe text read '^ — IJ, and not, as it is printed, H — V. 
' Read in tbe printed text ^jf^i not f^PTf^?!. 



THE BRHAT-SAfTHirA. 105 

■ 

Chapter LXXIV. 
Praise of Women} 

1. In the domain * of a country there is one city para- 
mount ; in the city one mansion, and in that mansion one 
place, and in this a couch, and on the couch a choice wife, 
brilliant with jewels, who is the quintessence of royal 
enjoyment. 

2. Jewels are set off by women, but these latter do not 
derive their splendour from the lustre of jewels: lovely 
maidens captivate the heart, even without gems, whereas 
gems do not, unless connected with a woman's form. 

3. For princes who are anxious to conceal their inward 
emotions ; who exert their strength to subdue the power of 
the enemy ; who are pondering on policy entangled by the 
ramifications of business consequent upon so many things 
committed or omitted ; who have to follow ' the decisions of 
their counsellors; have reasons for suspicion on every side, 
or are plunged into a sea of troubles, — it is a drop of joy to 
embrace a dear love. 

4. There is not anywhere by the Creator produced a 
gem, woman excepted, that on being heard, seen, touched, 
yea remembered, awakens gladness in men. For her sake 
do virtue and wealth exist ; from her are children and 
worldly pleasures : esteem then women like the goddesses of 
Fortune in the house by giving them honour and influence. 

5. And those who from aversion proclaim the faults of 
women and pass over their virtues, I inwardly suspect to be 
malicious men, whose sayings do not proceed from honest 
motives. 

> This chapter forms, with the four following, the Antahpuracintft or 
Reflections on Womankind. 

' The word jay a is explained by Utpala with vyaya, quite right, if 
the latter be taken in the sense of domain, dominion. That vyaya and 
vijiiam occur in this acceptation is noticed in the translator's disserta- 
tion '' Over de jaartelling der Zuidelijke Buddhisten," p. 90 and p. 106. 

« Read fif^Hrf. 



106 THE BRHAT-SANfllTA, 

6. Speak out the truth, what offence is there in females 
that is not committed by males ? They are outdone by men 
in impudence, but excel them in virtues. And so says Manu 
about this matter : 

7. " Soma has given them purity, the Gandharvas a 
trained voice, and Agni the faculty of eating all sorts of 
food. Hence women are like unto pure gold. 

8. " Brahmans are clean at the feet ; cows are so on the 
back ; goats and horses in the face ; but women are clean all 
over. 

9. " They are objects of matchless purity ; in no way can 
they be defiled, for every month do their courses carry off all 
faults. 

10. " Those houses that are cursed by their female inmates 
being undutifuUy treated shall totally perish, as if struck by 
witchcraft. 

11. " Whether it be your wife or your mother, (do consider 
that) men are sprung from women. What pleasure^ can 
you expect, ungrateful men ! in reviling both P 

12. '' It has been established in the moral code that there 
where man and wife go astray, both have equal guilt. Men 
do not regard it ; women then are better in this respect. 

13. " On transgressing against his wife, a man may ex- 
piate his sin by wearing for six months an ass's hide with 
the hair turned outward. 

14. " (A wife's) amorous inclination will not in a hundred 
years pass away. Men leave off from it by impotence, 
women by self-command. 

15. "0 for the impudence of the wicked! who revile 
blameless females, and like thieves, themselves engaged in 
the act of stealing, cry out ' hold, thief ! hold, thief.' " 

16. The coaxing words ^ a man utters to the sweetheart in 
privacy, he is apt to forget afterwards, but a wife will from 
gratitude embrace her lifeless husband, and so enter the fire 
(of the pile). 

' Utpala reads gubham, '' good, boon.*' 

'In the text read ^ZWff^y ^^^^ the a short. 



THE BRHAT-SANHITI. 107 

17. He who possesses a jewel of a wife, let him be never 
ao poor, is, to my judgment/ a king. Dainty dishes and 
women are the quintessence of royalty, the rest being but 
fiiel to kindle the fire of appetite. 

18. A voluptuous delight equal to that you feel when 
embracing a paramour in the prime of youth, with swelling 
bosom, and murmuring sounds, soft, lovely, tender and sup- 
pressed, is not to be found, I mean, in Brahma's heaven. 

19. (If you demur to this, please) tell me what pleasure 
is there, owing to gods, Sages, seraphs and heavenly choristers 
attending on the Fathers and other worshipful beings, such 
as not to be found in embracing a woman in privacy ? 

20. This whole universe, from Brahma downwards to the 
very worms, depends upon the union of male and female. 
Why then should we feel ashamed of it, when the Lord 
himself, &om desire of a maiden,^ assumed four faces P 



Chapter LXXV. 

Winning of Affection, 



L All genuine enjoyment of love is his only, who is 
beloved ; others do not get but the shadow, as the mind[is 
far away. 

2. Like a tree's cutling broken off and planted in the 
soil, or a seed sown in it, retains the nature of the plant, 
even so one's very nature is reborn within the wife, though 
some difference may be produced by the varying circum- 
stances of the soil. 

8. The soul combines with the mind ; the mind with the 
organs; the organs with their objects, and that in quick 

' In the text change ^ into iff. The sentiment expressed in this 

half stanza reminds one of Biirg^r's : 

•* Wie selig wer sein Liebchen hat, 
Wie selig lebt der Mann. 
£r lebt wie in der Eaiserstadt 
Kein Fiirst and Graf es kann." 

' Tilottamft, of course. 



108 THE BRHAT-SAffHITi. 

succession. This being the natural process, what would be 
unattainable for the mind P And whither the mind goes, 
thither goes the very soul (the principle of life). 

4. This soul lies concealed within one's own heart, but 
may be observed by an attentive mind through continual 
application. Now, since every one identifies himself with 
the person he cherishes in his mind, therefore women are in 
their thoughts with the beloved one, and with no other. 

5. Genteelness, in the very first place, is the cause that 
you will be beloved ; a contrary behaviour produces aversion. 
Charms, philters and such-like quackeries are attended with 
many evils, but no help. 

6. Tou will get beloved by forsaking pride; arrogance 
engenders dislike. The arrogant man will with great diffi- 
culty accomplish his ends, where the affable man will with 
ease. 

7. It is not indicative of vigour, to be partial of violent 
measures, and to speak odious, ill-devised words. Those are 
strong, who perform their work calmly ; not those who are 
boasting. 

8. If you wish to be generally liked, tell everybody's 
good parts in his absence. By dwelling on another's faults, 
you will incur many charges, even unmerited. 

9. If a man tries to benefit every one, the world at large 
will try to benefit him in every way, and the reputation you 
shall get by bestowing benefits upon enemies in distress, 
shall prove of no little value. 

10. Virtue may be obscured for a while ; it will, like fire 
concealed by grass, grow the stronger, and he who desires to 
efface his fellow's virtues will reap nothing but the character 
of a bad man. 



Chapter LXXVI. 
Erotical Remedies. 



1. When (at the time of coition) the blood exceeds the 
sperm, a female will be conceived; in the contrary case, a 



THE brhat-saShitA. 109 

male; when blood and sperm are equal, a hermaphrodite.^ 
Hence one should avail oneself of potions fit to increase 
sperm.* 

2. The flat roof of a mansion, moonbeams, lotus, spring, 
a sweet girl languid with the efiects of wine, a lute, privacy, 
and garlands : these constitute the ensnaring net of love. 

3. By swallowing a mixture of mineral honey, bee's 
honey, quicksilver, iron dust, yellow myrobalan, bitumen, 
vermifuge and ghee,' during twenty-one* days, one will, 
however old, be he an octogenarian, pleasure a girl as if he 
were a young man. 

4. If one drink milk boiled with cowach roots, or pease 
cooked in milk and ghee, every sixth portion being followed 
by a potion of milk, he shall not be exhausted by women. 

5. A man having numerous wives should take powder of 
Batatas paniculata with its own sap, repeatedly commixed, 
and then dried, and drink along with it milk boiled with 
sugar. 

6. On swallowing powder of emblic myrobalan with its 
own sap, well commixed, and joined to honey, sugar and 
ghee,' and on drinking milk after, a man may at heart's 
content indulge love, when the remedy has been digested. 

7. Siquis amasius lacte un& cum testibus hircinis concocto 
saepe conspersa sesama, deinde bene sicca ta, ederit, posthac 
lac biberit, quomodo ei passer antecellet P 

8. Men who take boiled Shashtika rice with ghee and 
pease porridge, and after it drink milk, shall over night not 
abate in the sport of love.* 

' Cf. Su^ruta, i. p. 321. 

^ Cf. Suqruta, ii. p. 153, sqq., with the contents of this chapter 
throughout. 

• Comra. : HjcfXfM ^Wlf^^^m^ ^tftT ^T^WT^TftT WRhftT I 

^fl*iir^*wf w^^^ ^r^m (i.e. pill) ^rpSt n 

^ It is strange that all MSS. agree in exhibiting f^KffTf^lfrf^ > th® 
author ought to have written — I dare not say, has written — fifljf?!- 

* The Commentator has not understood the passage, because he 



110 THE BRHAT-SAi^HITl. 

9. A mixtare of Batatas paniculata and Shashtika-rioe, 
pounded, with sesamum, Physalis and cowach.root, the whole 
soaked in goat's milk and ghee, then boiled, will be a Tery 
invigorating pudding. 

10. Afler applying Asteracantha longifolia with milk, or 
eating the bulbs of Batatas paniculata, one will not be 
exhausted (in sexual intercourse), if the remedy be well 
digested. Should the digestion be slow, you may apply the 
following powder. 

11. Yellow myrobalan with Ajowan and salt ; pepper with 
ginger (take equal portions of them, and pound the whole) ; 
have the powder soaked in vinous liquor, buttermilk, sour 
gruel and boiling water. This is a mixture for promoting 
digestion. 

12. One who takes to the habit of eating excessively sour, 
bitter, salt or pungent things, and meals chiefly consisting of 
saline potherbs, will lose the power of sight, sperm and 
manhood, and so, after getting a woman, he will, however 
young, make several sham attempts, as if he were an old 
man. 



Chapter LXXVII. 
Preparing of Perfumes, 

m 

1. Since wreaths, perfumes, pastils, garments, ornaments, 
etc., are not beseeming in a man with white hairs, one should 
have care of dyeing the hair, no less than of unguents and 
ornaments. 

2. Put into an iron vessel grains of Paspalum, boiled in 
vinegar, with iron dust ; pound the whole fine ; apply it to 
the head after wetting the hair with vinegar, and keep the 
head covered with wet ^ leaves. 

wrongly takes '^^^ If to be one word, in the instramental case. 
Hence his explanation H^d^ ^T^ ^IT^ ^^ quite wrong ; ^|^^ means 
here the same as ^ft^fiff , ^^fH^fifT* 

' According to tlie reading of the Comm., viz. drdrapatrm^. Tile 
term of the printed text is rendered : " with leaves of CalotropiA.'' 



THE BRHAT-SANHITA. HI 

3. After six hours take them off; thereon apply to the 
head an unguent of emblic myrobalan, and have it for six 
hours wrapt in leaves. On being washed, the head shall 
become black. 

4. Thereupon remove the smell of iron and vinegar from 
the head by means of scented hair-waters and scented oils, 
sweet perfumes and sundry pastils, and so indcdge in the 
royal pleasure in the female apartments.^ 

5. A scented hair-water fit for kings is prepared from 
equal proportions of Cassia-bark, costus, Renuk&, Nali, Trigo- 
nella, myrrh, Tabernaemontana and Andropogon schoenan- 
thus, mingled with Mesua^ and Tam&la leaf (Xanthochymus). 

6. Hair oil of the scent of Gampaka is made from 
powder of madder, cuttlefish bone, Nakhi (shell perfume). 
Cassia-bark, costus and myrrh, which, after being parched 
in the sun's rays, should be mixed with oil. 

7. From equal proportions of Tam&la-leaf, olibanum, 
Andropogon schoenanthus, and Tabernaemontana is prepared 
a perfume (going by the name of) "Incentive of love.'* 
The same, combined with fragrant Dhy&ma grass ^ and fumi- 

' Between stanzas 4 and 5 the Comm. inserts the following remarks : 

' The identification of the drug« enumerated here and in the sequel 
rests chiefly upon the authority of the Commentator. 

' With two MSS., read ij|U||YI^, because something else is re- 
quired but a term for kushtha, which occurs in the next line. Now 
the word ci|||| is a synonym of ^^, though the dictionaries give cQTfM 
and a much suspected ec||ii|. The proof that «QTf^ And ci|||| are 
right is this : ku^htha denotes " costus," and *' a certain disease 
(leprosy)." As ^Tf>| means "disease," the words are considered 
synonymous, and, according to Indian fashion, interchnngeHhle. Ck)n- 
sequently we have to look for another synonym in '^\J{. This word 



112 THE B9HAT-SANHITA. 

gated with Areca nut and Assafoetida/ yields a perfume 
(called) " Bakula-scent." The same with costus is termed 
" Lotus-scent," and with sandal, " Gampaka-scent." Allied 
with nutmeg, Cassia-hark and coriander, it goes by the 
denomination of " Gaertnera-scent," 

8. For one-fourth anise and pine-resin; for one-half 
Nakhi^ and olibanum ; and for on%-fourth sandal and fragrant 
Priyangu : ^ these make a perfume which is to be fumigated 
by sugar and Ifakhi. 

9. Bdellium, Andropogon schoenanthus, lac, cypems 
grass, Nakhi and sugar (in equal proportions), constitute a 
compounded perfume. Another is made from spikenard, 
Andropogon schoenanthus, Nakhi and sandal. 

10. Many nice compounded perfumes are prepared from 
yellow myrobalan, Nakhi, Cassia-bark,* myrrh, Andropogon 

is wanting in the dictionaries in the sense of *' disease," but there is 
not the slightest doubt of its existence, because "^1^?= O^' » ^I^^Hlt 
etc., is common enough. Consequently g^T^I^ «9Tf^» And I!9Tf%|^ 
S9, therefore c{n^=^ilS7* Herewith is established the existence of 
vydma in the acceptation of "disease, eviV and it follows that the 
reading ^\*\ in one MS. of the Comm. is corrupted. Another question 
remains: "what did Utpala read?" He paraphrases «|)JDI| (so in 
the MSS.) with f«i^«^q|. According to the dictionaries the latter 
should be Solanum Jacquini ; it may be, but is as yet rather doabtfal. 
In a list of botanical terms to be found in the Comm. we find this, un- 
happily corrupted, line : -^CTOT (v. 1. K\^) WSfJWtt <|4i^ (v. 1. IRTVt) 

iirrrrti (v. 1. c«iT*«4) <«i4jm<*h i 

The term devadagdhaka is unknown to the dictionaries ; it is the same 
with Utpala's f^?AI^ (either masc. or neut. and not fern., though the 
dictionaries know only a fern. f«i24t(qi|, etc). 

^ Comm. takes hingu to be bdellium or vermilion; l^pfl | fff 9^t I 

^rnpr«ll jfH Trflnr*. I I see no reason for this, as Assafoetida is ex- 
tensively used in India. 

' Comm. : ^^ H^t^^ ^A I 
' In the text read ^|J|\'. 

^ Reading and rendering equally doubtful. In my MSS. ot the 
Comm. it is here written ipf, elsewhere ^[^ , Utpala gives here do 



THE BRHAT-SAlirHITA. 113 

schoenanthus, sugar, costus, benzoin and cyperus-grass, by 
increasing the proportion of each subsequent drug out of the 
nine by I, ^, and so forth. 

11. Four proportions of sugar, benzoin and cyperus-grass ; 
two of turpentine and S&ltree-resin ; one of Nakhi and 
bdellium : let all this be made into a lump with honey, and 
let the scent be excited by camphor.^ ^The result is a 
compounded perfume termed Kopacchada (i.e. concealing 
anger), worthy of kings. 

12. A powder from Cassia-bark, Andropogon muricatus 
and Tam&la-leaf, in three portions, allied with half a portion 
of small cardamums, is an excellent perfume for clothes, 
when the scent has been revived by musk and camphor. 

13. 14. An immense number of perfumes can be made 
from sixteen substances, if every four of them are per- 
muted at will, and that in one, two, three or four proportions.^ 

paraphrase, but in st. 29 he explains it by paripelavam, Hiis term, 
however, is synonymous with musta, and as the latter is enumerated 
apart in st. 10 and 24, Utpala must be mistaken, unless, contrary to 
the authority of the dictionaries, paripelavam be not ^ musta. Even 
if we prefer ghana, we are not sure that Cassia-bark is intended ; cf. 
however st. 12 and 24. 
' The Comm. gives a definition of the terms vedha and bodha : "^^ 

^W^ lEft ^^t^ ^ ^: I ^fiS^ ^Tfwf ^^t^ ^ ^^: I He 

quotes for the purpose a distich in Prakrit, from l9vara, an author on 
the art of preparing perfumes : ^wft^TW ^^t f^RH^ 

The last words should be corrected, I think, into nvfUl^f^ ^P^lf^ (or 
ipift^ or il^fMj) = Skr. fe|«C|^ Jf^ ; the rest is clear. 

« Comm.: imt^^lft^^lUllt^f^ ^RTf^fH^gfil^Ufil: #- 
fif^^ ^C=nTt«Vt«V^t^TT* {^^^^ » receptacle is called a ^^^) I 

VOL. Yn. — [nBW BBBIS8.] 8 



114 THE BRHAT-SA^HITA. 

The drugs are: Cassia-bark, Andropogon schoenanthos, 
benzoin, Curcuma Zerumbet/ Andropogon muricatus, Mesua, 
cuttlefish-bone, Trigonella, agallochum, Artemisia, Nakhi, 
Tabemaemontana, coriander, Goi*a and sandal. 

15. Always take only one proportion of coriander, and 
still less of camphor ; of neither add two or more propor- 
tions, because otherwise their scent would be too powerful. 

16. The enumerated drugs must be fumigated with pine- 
resin, turpentine, sugar and Nakhi, seyerally, not combined. 
As a means to revive the fragrancy, add musk and camphor. 

17. The number of perfumes resulting from sixteen in- 
gredients (being mixed in all possible combinations) is 4000 
+70000+100000+720 (=174720). 

18. Each drug taken in one proportion, being combined 
with three others in two, three and four proportions, suc- 
cessively, makes six sorts of scents. Likewise when taken 
in two, three, and four proportions.* 

19. As in this manner four substances combined in dif- 
ferent proportions yield twenty-four perfumes, so too the 
other tetrads. Hence the sum will be ninety-six. 

20. If a quantity of sixteen substances is varied in four 
different ways, the result will be a number of 1820. 

21. Since this quantity combined in four ways admits of 

4 

^^i^^u] irWrr ttSirc ^WT^* ^^'rf''' ^ ^^j^na ^gW^ni- 

fr^ (see Bt. 18 sq.) | TRRTT 'HTlNRfR: I TTW^W ^ Wft I 

^^TTT* I ^rfl^n 'Wt H and so forth. 
* Readll^. 
' Cf. foregoing note. 



THE BRHAT-SA^THITi. 115 

mnety-siz yariations, the number of 1820 must be multiplied 
by ninety-six. The product will be the total of possible 
combinations of perfumes.^ 

23, 24, 25. Take two proportions of agallochum, three of 
Tam&la-leaf, five of olibanum, eight of benzoin, five of 
fragrant Priyangu, eight of cyperus-grass, two of myrrh, 
three oi Andropogon, four of Trigonella, one of Cassia-bark, 
seven of Tabemaemontana, six of spikenard, seven of sandal, 
six of Nakhi, four of pine-resin and one of Deodar-resin. 
Mix them four by four in a receptacle of sixteen divisions* 
The mass of eighteen proportions (in each tetrad) consti- 
tutes a compound for perfumes, etc. 

26. Let the same be blended with Nakhi, Tabemaemon- 
tana and olibanum ; revive the fragrance by nutmeg, camphor 
and musk; fumigate with sugar and Nakhi. In this way 
are made scents called Sarvatobhadra {i.e. *' good for all 
use"). 

27. Many perfumes for the mouth ^ are prepared from a 
collection of four substances among the fore-mentioned, per- 
muted at will. After the fragrance has been excited by 
nutmeg, musk and camphor, the compound should be 
sprinkled with mango juice and honey. 

28. If the compounded perfumes into whose composition 
enters turpentine and pine-resin are modified, so that the 
place of turpentine and pine-resin is taken by Andropogon 
Bchoenanthus and Cassia-bark, they become scents for washing. 

29. 30. Take Lodh, Andropogon muricatus, Tabemaemon- 
tana, agallochum, cyperus-grass, fragrant Priyangu, Cassia- 
bark ^ and yellow myrobalan ; permute and vary them three 

^ The translation of st. 22 (recurring in Brh. Jfttaka, 13, 4) is 
omitted, as, without the copious commentary and some diagrams, it 
woold be hardly intelligible. The explanation also is found in the 
printed edition of the Bfh. J&taka. 

' Comm. : MTR^ITTT: mlX^Ucf^iSl^WI ^^«ll^l H'rf^ I 
' Reading and rendering doubtful. The Comm. paraphrases the 
word by paripelava. But, this being the same with mustd, is wholly 
out of question, because we find mustd in the same line. As vana is 



116 THE B^HAT-SANHITA. 

by three in a receptacle of nine compartments ; join to each 
compound one proportion of sandal, one of olibanum, one- 
half of Nakhi and one- fourth of anise ; fumigate with 
hellebore (P), vermilion and sugar. In this manner are pre- 
pared eighty-four perfiimes for the hair. 

31. (To perfume) tooth sticks used for brushes, put them 
for a week into cowstale mixed with yellow myrobalan, and 
again into scent- water. 

32, 33. This scent-water is to be prepared from small carda- 
mums. Cassia-bark, Tam&la-leaf, antimony, honey, pepper, 
Mesua and costus. Keep the tooth sticks for a while ^ in it ; 
then powder them with a mixture of four proportions of 
nutmeg, two of Tam&la-leaf, one of small cardamim[is, and 
three of camphor, and let them dry in the sun's rays. 

34. Tooth sticks (so prepared) will procure to him who 
uses them, freshness of colour, brightness of the face, purity 
and fragrance to the mouth, and an agreeable voice. 

35. Betel stimulates love, sets off the countenance, in- 
gratiates, gives fragrance to the mouth, is tonic, quells 
phlegmatic diseases, and is producive of yet other advantages. 

36. Used with a moderate dose of lime, it gives colour ; 
with too excessive a dose of areca-nut, it destroys^ colour ; 
with too much lime, it gives a bad smell to the mouth, but 
when the betel-leaf predominates, a pleasant smell. 

37. At night a quid of betel is salutary, if it consists 
chiefly of leaf, and at day-time, if it is mixed with lime ; 
to apply betel in any other fashion than those here prescribed 
is a mere abuse of it. When the fragrance of betel is en- 
hanced by Kakkola, Areca, Averrhoa and Erythrine,* it 
awakens the joys of amorous intoxication. 

one of the terms for water, and any word for water denotes Andropogon 
schoenanthus (hrtvera), it is possible that oui' author, if he really wrote 
vanOf meant hrtvera, 

' Half a day, says Utpala. 

^ The Comm. takes MlfX^l^ to mean ^|<fiih^, and about HRf^- 
Ti^ he says : W^F]f^^ cT^ Mi^lfl^^l^; of course wrong, for who 
would say phala instead of pushpa? As to pdrijdta, the author may 
have meant ''scents for the mouth" in general. 



THE BRHAT-SAlifHITi. 117 

Chapter LXXVIII. 

Union of Man and Wife. 

1. Tradition says that VidAratha was killed by his own 
queen with a weapon concealed in her plaited hair, and the 
king of K^i-land ^ by his disaffected queen through means 
of an ankle-ring smeared with poison.^ 

* ll^il^H *s *° errstum for ^ITTftl*. 

' Utpala quotes from K&mandaki a passage, which in the Calcutta 
ed. of the Nttisftra is vii. 49, sqq. Some readings in my MSS. of the 
Comm. (which need not he exactly those Utpala himself wrote down), 
are bettd*, some worse than in the Calcutta ed. ; the passage mns thus : 



*tM 






^JT'lI ^ ^^^ (v« 1- ^'f^) «n^«J ^'Jul'i ^ M 

It is obvious that the reading l['3t"^4\* in the Calc. ed. is prepos- 
terous, because it is distinctly prescribed in the next following verse that 
the king should not go ; gacchet is a would-be emendation, from some 
half-learned reader, who was unaware of pa^ati (drg, darganam, etc.), 
meaning '' to receive one^s visit." On the other hand, we have to read 

with the Calc. ed. ^^J|fJ|^ and If^TPW^ ^iH . I am doubtful 
about ^^'^^il^l and lIHHUII^t but judge them preferable, as they 
harmonize with the tenor of the whole passage, which tends to incul- 
cate the necessity of being suspicious. It may be noticed that Kft- 
mandaki and our author are at variance anent the story of the 
poisoned ankle-ring. 



118 THE BflLHAT-SAifHITA. 

2. So do disaflEected wives occasion deadly mischief: why 
need we mention other examples ? Therefore, let men care- 
fully try whether their wives are affected or disaffected. 

3. Affectionateness springing from amorous passion is 
indicated by expressions of feeling, by showing the navel, 
arms, bosom, ornaments, by tightening the garments, by 
imtying the plaited hair, by twitches and tremblings of the 
eyebrows, by side-glances. 

4. (Other tokens of affection are:) in her husband's 
presence, she will spit, with noise, laugh loud, rise up from 
couch or seat, have slight convulsions and yawn« ask little 
for things easily to be had, fondle and kiss her child ; when 
he has turned his face, she will look at her female companion, 
follow him with the eye, mention his virtues, scratch her ear. 

5. You may hold that she, also, is affectionately disposed 
who talks kindly, shares her wealth, gladdens at seeing her 
husband, and, forgetting her anger, wipes out any fault of 
his by extolling his good parts. 

6. She will honour his friends, hate his enemies; be 
grateful, feel sad at his absence ; offer him her breast and 
lips, clasp him in her arms, sweat, and be the first to apply a 
kiss. 

7. The gesture of a disaffected wife is frowniii^* the 
brows, turning away the face, ingratitude, want of eagerness, 
fretfulness, kindness towards her husband's enemies, and 
harsh language.^ 

8. On touching or beholding him, she shudders ; plays 
the proud part ; tries not to retain him when he is going ; on 
receiving a IdaB, she wipes her mouth ; she rises the last, and 
sleeps the first. 

9. Buddhistic nuns, female ascetics, handmaids, nurses, 
errand-girls, laundresses, flower-sellers, vile women, female 
companions, barbers' wives, serve as go-betweens. 

10. As go-betweens occasion the ruin of respectable 
families, one should carefully keep any wife from them, 
that the reputation and honour of the family may increase. 

^ Gf. Rftja-taraDgi^t ill. 503, sqq. 



THE BflLHAT-SANHITA. ]J9 

11. Nocturnal walks, vigils, pretended sickness, visits to 
another's house, consultations with soothsayers, and immoral 
festivals, are occasions for rendezvous at which wives must 
be taken heed of.^ , 

12. A loving wife will, at first,* show no desire, and will 
not leave off the amorous chat, though somewhat abashed 
and drooping. In the midst of the action she will be devoid 
of shame, and, on the close, bashfully drop her face. Then, 
again, she will show various expressions of sentiment, and, 
perceiving the humour of her husband, attentively ac- 
conmiodate herself to him in movements indicative of weari- 
ness or otherwise. 

13. Good qualities in a wife are youth, beauty, fashionable 
dress, genteelness, discreetness, sprightliness, and so on. If 
they are possessed of good qualities, they are called "jewels 
of wives,'' whereas others, for an intelligent man, are 
" nuisances." 

14. A wife, when in privacy with her husband, should not 

* 

' Gomm. TRH^ ^Hi^: 

^TOTt irf^^^ flH*l*!^lH^^insni II 



The third stanza has been received into VetMa-pancavinqati and other 
works (see Bdhtlingk, Ind. Spriiche, 2217)> with many corruptions and 
nnsuccessful attempts to restore the true reading;. The neuter g^ender 
of IfT^ is vouched by unimpeachable authorities, and as in the Diet, 
of B. and R. it is distinctly noticed that the neuter v^am has not, as 
yet, been discovered, it is worth while to remark that it occurs in the 
passage above. 



120 THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 

be smutty, not talk in boorish terms, not speak of unseemly 
parts of the body, nor mention other business, for it is in 
the mind that Love takes his origin. 

15. Sending forth her breath equally with her husband, 
ready to offer him her arm for a pillow and her breasts, the 
hair scented and the amorous desire soon aroused, she goes 
to slumber after he has fallen asleep and awakes before him. 

16. Avoid ill-tempered females, and such as are impatient 
in times of pressure. Nor are those approved whose blood 
is dark, blue, yellow or slightly copper-red. 

17. 18. A woman that is sleepy, has too much blood and 
bile, is vexed with the whites, of a rheumatic and phlegmatic 
constitution, gluttonous, sweaty, with deformed limbs, short- 
haired and with (prematurely) grey hairs ; further, one whose 
flesh is not solid, who is paunch-bellied and4isping ; besides, 
those who in the chapter on the signs of women have been 
declared wicked : with any such should a man not play the 
sport of love. 

19. The menstrual blood is sound if it is tinged like hare's 
blood or similar to lac, and fades after washing.^ 

20. Such blood not attended with noise and paiu, and 
ceasing to flow after three days, will unquestionably, subse- 
quently to coition, develope into an embryo. 

21. Let a woman during those three days not indulge in 
bathing, wearing wreaths, and anointing the body, and let 
her bathe ^ on the fourth day according to the injunction pre- 
scribed in a work of authority. 

22. Let her use for her bath the herbs enumerated in the 
chapter on the Inauguration ceremony (Ch. xlviii.), mixed 
with water; on the same occasion the prayer there taught 
will serve. 

23. In the even nights, so they say, males are procreated ; 
in the odd ones, females ; ' in the even nights, each fourth 
night ^ omitted, long-lived, handsome and lucky males. 

^ Cf. Su^mta, i. p. 315. ' Gf. Su<pruta, i. p. 316. 

^ Cf. Suqruta, i. p. 321. 

* Coram. : HHm ^^Hnf Ttf^ ^^itf^T^ I 



THE BRHAT-SANHITi. 121 

24. On the right side (of the womb) lies a male child ; on 
the left, a female one; twins occupy both sides; a fetus 
lying in the middle of the womb may be held to be a 
hermaphrodite. 

25. Let a man have sexual intercourse with his wife when 
the central houses {i,e. the 1st, 4th, 7th and 10th) are occu- 
pied by benign planets ; when the Moon is stationed in the 
first house and in conjunction with good planets ; when the 
maUgn planets occupy the third, eleventh, sixth houses, or 
when the constellations are of a kind to portend the birth of 
sons. 

26. During the space of time fit for coition should a man 
by no means hurt his wife with nails or teeth. The fit time 
for coition is sixteen days, but in the first three nights he 
had better have no intercourse with her. 



Chapter LXXIX. 
Signs of Couches and Seats. 



1. I am going to tell the signs of couches and seats, 
because this science will constantly be of use to everybody, and 
especially to kings. 

2. Good trees (for beds and seats) are Asan, Dalbergia, 
sandal-tree, yellow sandal-tree, Deodar, ebony, S&l, Ghnelina, 
Morunga, Padmaka, Tectona and Sissu. 

3. 4. Unfit are trees overthrown by thunderstrokes, water, 
wind ; those in which bees and birds have taken up their 
abode ; those growing on a hallowed spot, cemetery, road, or 
being sear at the top, and entwined with creepers ; or spinous 
trees, those growing at the confluence of great rivers or near 
temples, and such as have fallen down in a south-western 
direction. 

5. From the use of couches and seats constructed from 
forbidden trees ensues the ruin of the families, and diseases, 
peril, expenses, quarrels and all sorts of misfortimes arise. 

6. Or should the timber have been hewn formerly, then 



122 THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 

it behoves to be examined at the tinie the work is taken in 
hand. If a little lad climb upon the timber, it will procure 
sons and cattle. 

7. You may deem it a lucky token, if at the beginning 
of the work you happen to see white blossoms, a rutting 
elephant, curdled milk, barley-corns, fiUed water-jars, gems, 
and other auspicious things. 

8. A digit, as used in workmanship, is equal to eight 
barley-corns deprived of the husks and laid in such a way 
that they touch each other on the swelling part. A bed of 
the greatest length, amounting to a hundred digits, is fit for 
kings and promises victory. 

9. Couches of ninety, eighty-four, seventy-eight, and 
seventy-two digits are fit for princes, ministers, army com- 
manders and court-priests, successively. 

10. The width is, after the prescript of Vi9vakarman, one- 
eighth less than half the length.^ The height of the legs, 
with swelling part and top included, is equal to one-third of 
the length of the couch. 

11. A couch constructed wholly of Ghnelina, will bestow 
riches ; one of Asan, removes sickness ; one of the hardest 
ebony, gives wealth. 

12. One exclusively fablicated from Sissu, promotes well 
being in many ways ; one of sandal-wood, repels enemies and 
promotes virtue, renown and long life. 

13. A couch of Padmaka secures longevity, fortune, 
learning and wealth ; one made of S&l timber, produces 
happiness ; so does one of Tectona. 

14. A monarch who reposes upon a couch constructed 
exclusively of sandal-wood and decked with gold, studded 
with variegated gems, will be honoured by the very gods. 

15. Ebony and Sissu produce no good efiects, if joined 
with other wood ; nor do Gmelina, Deodar, and Asan. 

16. Tectona and S&l, however, bring luck, whether com- 
bined or separate. Likewise yellow sandal and Naudea are 
lucky, whether single or united. 

' Taken roughly, e.g, the width of a royal couch will be equal to 
60— «= nearly 43. 



THE brhat-sanhitI. 123 

17. A couch made wholly of Dalbergia is not favourable, 
whilst one of tamarind-wood is destructive of life. Asan 
being joined with other timber, will soon produce many 
evils. 

18« The legs may be made from tamarind-wood, Tectona 
and sandal-wood, but the best from Tectona. Couches and 
seats from the timber of any &uit-tree will have favourable 
effects. 

19. They approve of using ivory in connexion with any 
timber before mentioned, provided the ornamental work be 
made from irreproachable ivory. 

20. Cut off from an elephant's tusk a part equal to thrice 
the circumference at the bottom, a little more in case of tusks 
of elephants frequenting marshy grounds, a little less in case 
of hill elephants, and thereon carve the rest. 

21. If in cutting figures appear resembling a Qrivatsa, 
Yardham&na, umbrella, standard or chowries, good health, 
triumph, increase of wealth and joy are to be expected. 

22. A figure similar to some weapon bodes victory; one 
like a spiral turning to the right, bodes the recovery of land 
lost ; one resembling a clod, the complete possession of land 
formerly acquired. 

23. If some figure showing like a female turns up, riches 
will be lost ; if it be a vase, a son will be bom. A water-pot 
indicates the getting of a hidden treasure, and a rod im- 
pediment to a journey. 

24. Figures of lizards, monkeys, snakes, portend famine, 
sickness, oppression by a foe; forms like vultures, owls, rooks 
or hawks, bode pestilence. 

25« If the figure resembles a noose or headless trunk, the 
sovereign will die ; if blood is oozing, calamity befalls the 
people. If the cut be black, grey, rough and bad-smelling, 
disaster is near. 

26. A white, even, good-smelling and sleek cut will bring 
luck. The being auspicious or inauspicious of the cuts, 
produces corresponding effects to the couches. 

27. According to the precept of the masters, one ought, 
in fitting the sidebeams, to lay the points of the beams in a 



124 THE BRHAT-SANHITi. 

direction from left to right.^ If they be laid contrariwise, 
or all turned to one direction, there will be danger from 
Spirits. ^ 

28. Where one leg* stands topsy-turvy, there will the 
owner's foot get crippled; where two legs are in the same 
predicament, food remains indigested ; where there are three 
or four in such a condition, will be misery, death and 
captivity. 

29. If there is a hollow or discoloured spot in the upper 
part of the leg, it portends sickness ; a knob on the swelling 
part of the leg threatens disease of the belly. 

30. Beneath the swelling part is the lower leg, a knob in 
which causes unsafety. There below is the base ; a knob in 
this place will occasion the ruin of goods. 

31. A knob at the hoof (so called) will, it is declared, 
cause distress to hoofed animak. Inauspicious also is a knob 
occurring at a third of the wh(de length of the sidebealns 
and crossbeams. 

32. The di£Perent sorts of flaws in the wood may be summed 
up in the following nomenclature : cavity, boar's eye, hog's 
eye, calf's navel, freckle and Dhundhuka.^ 

33. The flaw called cavity looks like a waterpot, hollow 
in the middle and narrow at the mouth ; the other termed 
boar's eye is as large as a Catjang-pea and blackish. 

34. The "hog's eye" is distinguished by being rough, 
discoloured, and by extending over one knot and a half. 
The " calf's navel " is a fissure running from right to left, 
and extending over one knot. 

35. The defect termed freckle is black, and the Dhundhuka 
is a cleft. If a faulty spot shows the same colour with the 
rest of the wood, it is pronounced to be not so very bad. 

36. The defect going by the name of cavity causes loss of 
property ; the boar's eye, ruin to the family ; the hog's eye, 
danger from the sword; the calf s navel, danger fix)m sickness. 

' i.e. in a direction fdlowing the course of the bud. 

' i,e. support of the couch. 

' The true form of thb word is uncertain ; cf. var. readings. 



THE BRHAT-SAlSrHiri. 125 

37. The flaws termed freckle and Dhundhuka, as well as 
spots vitiated with insects, bring no good. In general, timber 
with numerous knobs will in no case be favourable. 

38. A couch made from one kind of good timber will be 
lucky ; yet more lucky one of wood of two trees ; one con- 
structed from three promotes the well-being of one's children ; 
one from four insures wealth and eminent renown. 

39- He who rests on a couch constructed from five kinds 
of trees will lose his life on it. A couch made from the 
timber of six, seven, or eight trees occasions the ruin of the 
house. 



Chapter LXXX. 



Trying of Diamonds. 

1. A good jewel insures to kings good luck; a bad one, 
disaster. Hence let connoisseurs examine Destiny as con- 
nected with jewels. 

2. The word "jewel" is applied to elephants, horses, 
women, etc., if they excel in the good qualities of their own 
kind ; but here are we to treat of jewels in the sense of precious 
stones, i.e. diamonds and the rest. 

3. Some say that gems owe their birth to Bala, the demon ; 
as others tell, to Dadhica. Others still teach that the variety 
of precious stones is a result of earth's nature.^ 

4. 5. (The most common gems are :) diamond, sapphire, 
emerald, agate, ruby, bloodstone, beryl, amethyst, Vimalaka, 
quartz (?), crystal, moongem, sulphur-hued gem (P), opal, 
conch, azure-stone, topaz, Brahma-stone, Jyotirasa, chry- 
solite (P), pearl, and coral. 

6. The diamond found on the bank of the VenS. is quite 
pure; that from the Ko9ala-country is tinged like Sirisa- 
blossom ; the Surashtrian diamond is somewhat copper-red ; 
that from Supara, sable. 

7. The diamond from the Himalaya is slightly copper- 

^ Gf. also Atharva-Veda, iv. 10. 



126 THB BRHAT-SANHITA. 

coloured ; the sort derived from Matanga ^ shows the hae of 
wheat-blossom; that from Ealinga is yellowish^ and from 
Pundra, grey. 

8. A hexagonal, white diamond, is consecrated to Indra ; 
a dark one, of the shape of a snake's mouth, to Yama ; one 
hued like a plantain stalk, of any shape, to Yishnu. 

9. A diamond of the shape of a female pudendum and 
hued like the flower of Pterospermum, will be Varuna's ; a 
trigonal one, of the colour of a tiger's eye, is consecrated to 
Agni. 

10. A diamond having the form of a barley-corn and the 
hue of A9oka-blossom, is declared to be Y&yu's. Diamonds 
are found in three diflerent ways : in rivers, in mines, and 
sporadic. 

11. A red or yellow diamond is fit for Kshatriyas; a white 
one, for Brahmans; one of the hue of Sirisa-flower, for 
Yai9yas ; whereas a diamond of the dark tinge of a sword ia 
deemed good for QMras. 

12. 13. Eight seeds of white mustard make one grain. 
The price of a diamond weighing twenty grains is two lakhs 
(200,000) Earshas silver; a diamond weighing eighteen 
grains is worth two lakhs lessened by J {ie, 150,000) Earshas 
silver; weight sixteen grains, price twenty lakhs— | {Le. 
133,333 J) ; weight fourteen grains, price 100,000 ; weight 
twelve grains, price 66,666 J ; weight ten grains, price 40,000; 
weight eight grains, price 12,500 ; weight six grains, price 
8000; weight four grains, price 2000; weight two grains, 
price 200 Earshas of silver. 

14. A diamond is said to be beneficial (to the owner), if it 
cannot be pierced by any other substance, is light, cleaveB 
through water like a ray, shows glossy and similar to light- 
ning» fire, or the rainbow. 

15. Diamonds that show scratches like crowfeet, flies, or 
hairs, are mixed with coloured mineral substances or gravel, 
have double facets, are smeared, tarnished, dull' or perforated, 
are bad. 

» Acconlingr to I tpala : 4|af ^1(^ll|^aH I 



THB BRHAT-SAlitelTA. 127 

16. Likewise sucb. as are covered with bubbles, split at the 
points, flattened, or oblong like the fruit of Gendarussa. The 
price of all such is one-eighth less than that above specified. 

17. Some authorities maintain that women who are anxious 
to get children should not wear any diamond, but (our opinion 
is that) diamonds shaped like a triangle, Triputa-grain,^ 
coriander-seed, or female pudendum, are salutary to ladies 
desirous of offspring. 

18. A diamond with wrong characteristics causes to 
monarchs the ruin of house, fortune, and life; whereas a 
good diamond dispels foes, danger from thunderstrokes or 
poison, and promises many enjoyments. 



Chapter LXXXI. 
Trying of Pearls. 

1. Pearls come from elephants, snakes, oysters, conch- 
shells, clouds, bamboo, dolphins, and boars. Out of these 
the pearl from oysters is by far the best. 

2. The latter is produced in eight places, viz. Ceylon, 
Paraloka,^ Surfehtra, T&mraparni, Persia, the North country, 
P&ndya district, and Himalaya. 

3. The pearls coming from Ceylon are many-shaped, 
glossy, swan- white, large ; those from TUmraparni are white 
with a slight red tinge, bright. 

4. The pearls from Paraloka are blackish, white or yellow, 
mingled with gravel, not smooth; those from Surashtra 
neither big nor too small, and hued like fresh butter. 

5; The Persian pearls are brilliant, clear, heavy, and 
extremely valuable. The Himalayan pearl is light, hollow, 
coloured like curdled milk, big, of various shapes. 

6. That from the North country is rough, black or white, 

^ TheComm. takes tripufa to mean a triangle: f^rf^* ^^m WH,* ^^ 
may be right. 

' A coontry, according to Utpala; it is not unlilcely the P&rak:a 
in Rftm&yana, iv. 40, 29. 



1:28 THE B?HAT-SAJfrHITA. 

light, of good size and brilliancy. Feai;^ from the F&ndya 
district are like Ntm-leaf^ Triputa-grains^ or coriander-seed, 
and fine as grit. 

7, 8. A pearl, dark-tinged like flax-blossom, is consecrated 
to Yishnu; one like the moon, to Indra; one having the 
hue of orpiment, to Yaruna ; a sable one, to Yama ; one red 
like a ripe pomegranate's kernels or Abrus-berry, must be 
attributed to Yayu; one resembling smokeless fire or red 
lotus, to Agni. 

9. The price set down for a single pearl of good lustre 
and quality, weighing four MSahakas, is 5300 Karahas 
silver. i 

10. The prices for pearls weighing 3^, 3, 2^, 2, 1^ M&shakas, 
successively, are : 3200 ; 2000 ; 1300 ; 800 ; 353 K. silver. 

11. A single pearl, having the weight of 1 Mdshaka, may 
fetch 135 K. ; a single pearl weighing 4 Rettis ^ is worth 
90 K. ; one of 3 J Rettis, is worth 70 K. silver. 

12. The price of a single pearl of good quality, weighing 
3 Rettis, comes to 50 silver pieces (Le. Karshas) ; that of one 
weighing 2| Rettis, comes to 35 silver pieces. 

13. The tenth part of a Fala is equal to 1 Dharana. If 
thirteen nice pearls together fetch the weight of 1 Dhara^a, 
their price is fixed at 325 K. silver. 

14. 15, 16. Sixteen pearls to one Dharana are worth 200 ; 
twenty p., 170 ; twenty-five p., 130 ; thirty p., 70 ; forty p., 
50; sixty or fifty-five p., 40; eighty p., 30; a hundred 
pearls, 25; two hundred, three hundred, four himdred, five 
hundred pearls, weighing together one Dharana, are worth, 
successively : 12 ; 6 ; 5 ; 3 silver pieces. 

17. The term to denote a collection of thirteen pearls that 
together make up the weight of one Dharana, is Pikka ; a 
collection of sixteen, Ficca ; and so in succession are collec- 
tions of twenty, twenty-five, thirty, forty, fifty-five, or sixty 
denominated Argha, Ardha, Ravaka, Sikthaka, and Nigara. 
Eighty, and so forth, are called pearl-dust. 

18. The price specified above for collections weighing one 

* One Retti (gunjd, kfshi^ala) = \ Mftahaka. 



THE BRHAT-SANHItA. 129 

Dharana applies to the case of pearls of good quality, and is 
to be lowered for such as are of inferior quality. The value 
of quantities intermediate between the enumerated terms 
must be calculated proportionally. 

19. When pea^^ls look black, whitish, yellowish, copper-red, 
somewhat rough, they are worth less by one-half; when 
considerably rough, their value is diminished by one-sixth ; 
and when quite yellow, by one-half. 

20, 21. The tale goes that there are pearls engendered in 
the frontal globes and the hollow of the tusks of elephants 
from the family of Air&vata at (the Moon's conjunction with) 
Pushya, ^ravana, on Sundays and Mondays, and of the 
happy elephants bom during the Sun's northern course at 
an eclipse of Sun or Moon. They are abundant (it is told), 
of big size, of various shapes, and splendid. 

22. Those are beyond any estimate, and should not be 
perforated, being too splendid. When worn by kings, they 
will prove highly purifying, and bestow children, triumph 
and good health. 

23. At the root of boars' tusks there is (it is told) a pearl 
of great value, lustrous like moonshine. The pearl coming 
from dolphins resembles a fish's eye, is highly purifying and 
of great worth. 

24. It is also affirmed that pearl is produced in the 
manner of hailstones, and dropped from the seventh {i.e. 
highest) region of wind, where celestial beings took it from 
the sky. The pearl springing from the clouds is lightning- 
like. 

25. The snakes of the lineage of Takshaka and V^uki, 
and the snakes roaming at will^ have bright, blue-tinged 
pearls in their hoods. 

26. If the Hain-god, on a sudden, drops something on a 

^ These snakes are, of course, the clouds, and their pearls the rain 
and dewdrops. Whether our author understood the mythological 
phrases he borrowed, is not quite clear ; but this much is certain, that 
he distinctly intimates the mythical character of the tales about snake 
pearls, etc., for he says kila. 

TOL. TU. — [new 8EBIS8.] 9 



ia(0 THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 

blessed spot of the earth, and into a silver vessel, one may 
regard it to be a pearl coming from the snakes. 

27. The inestimable snake pearl, when worn by kings, 
dispels misfortune, destroys enemies, propagates renown and 
bestows victory. 

28. You may know a pearl to originate from bamboo by 
its being flat, coarse, and coloured like camphor or crystal. 
The pearl produced from the conch-shell shows a moonlike 
hue, is roimd, glittering, and clear. 

29. Pearls from conch-shells, dolphins, bamboo, elephants, 
boars, snakes and clouds may not be perforated, and as they 
are of immense value, no price has been fixed upon by the 
authorities. 

30. All these pearls are of great worth, procure to monarchs 
sons, wealth, popularity, renown ; dispel sickness and sorrow, 
and give them what they desire and like. 

31. A pearl chain, composed of 1008 strings and four 
cubits long, is an ornament of the gods, and termed Indra- 
cchanda {ue. Indra's pleasure). Half the former in measure 
is the Vijayacchanda (i.e, the pleasure of Indra's grand- 
son), 

32. A chain of 108 strings is styled a pearl collar; one of 
81 is a Devacchanda {i,e, the pleasure of gods). A half- 
collar has 64 strings, and a Ba9mikal&pa (i.e. radiant zone) 
has 54. 

33. A garland is composed of 32 strings ; a half-garland, 
of 20 ; a MUnavaka of 16 ; a half-MUnavaka of 12. 

34. The chain called Mandara consists of 8 strings; the 
H&raphalaka (i.e, plat collar) of 5 strings. A necklace of 
one cubit's length, and containing twenty-seven pearls, is 
named a Star-cluster. 

35. They call the latter a Gem-ladder, when it has precious 
stones or small balls inserted, and a GUtukHra (i.e. coaxer), 
when it has a brooch in the middle. 

36. A so-called single string may contain any number of 
pearls, is one cubit long, and has no gem ; but if it is joined 
with a gem in the middle, it is termed a Stake by the 
connoisseurs of omature. 



THE BRHAT-SAlSrHITA. 131 



Chapter LXXXII. 

Trying of Rubies. 

1. Eubies come from sulphur, cinnabar/ and crystal. 
Those produced from sulphur show the lustre of bees, anti- 
mony, lotus, rose-apple, or myrrh. 

2. Those which proceed from cinnabar (or black salt) are 
grey,, of a pale lustre,* and mixed with mineral substances; 
those coming from crystal are lustrous, vari-coloured and pure. 

3. Smooth, bnUiant on the surface, very pure, sparkling, 
heavy,, of nice shape, brilliant within, high-coloured,^ — such 
are the good qualities of these precious stones in general. 

4.^ The defects of the stones are their being impure, of 
faint lustre, covered with scratches, blended with coloured 
minerals, fragmentary, ill-perforated, not lovely to the eye, 
and mixed with grit. 

5. They affirm that in the head of snakes there is a gem, 
hued like a bee or peacock's tail, and shining like the flame 
of a lampv Such a one may be considered of inestimable value. 

6. The sovereign who shall wear it, shall never receive 
injury from poison or illness ; in his domain abundant rain 
is always poured by the Bain-god, and he annihilates his 
enemies by the power of that gem. 

7. The price of a single ruby weighing a pala (=4 karshaa) 
is, we are taught, 26,060 silver pieces («>. Riipakas=K£Lrsh&- 
panas) ; one stone of the weight of three karshas is worth 
20,000 p. silver. 

8. A single ruby, having the weight of half a pala, is 
valued at 12,000 p. s. ; weighing one karsha, at 6000 p. s. ; 
one of eight Bettis' weight, at 3000. 

9. One having the weight of four Bettis may be bought 
for 1000, and one of two Bettis costs 500 s. pieces. The 
price of rubies of intermediate weight must be calculated 

' Or black salt. * Read in the text •'^rV. 



/ 



132 THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 

proportionally, and with regard to their being of inferior or 
superior quality, 

10. A stone deficient in colour fetches half the (usual) 
price ; one lacking brilliancy, an eighth part ; one with few 
good and many bad qualities, fetches one-twentieth of the 
standard price. 

11. A stone somewhat dusky, with many flaws and few 
good qualities, will fetch ^-^. Such is the price of rubies, 
as stated by the ancient masters. 



Chapter LXXXIII. 
Trying of Emeralds. 

1. An emerald^ of the hue of parrots, bamboo-leaves, 
plantain or Sirisa-blossom, and of good quality, is extremely 
beneficial to every man, when worn at ceremonies iiL honour 
of the gods or Fathers. 



Chapter LXXXIV. 
Symptoms of Lamps, 



1, A light turned leftwards, showing dull rays, sputtering 
sparks, of little bulk, going out soon, although furnished with 
pure oil and wick, crackling and quivering, forebodes evil 
consequences. Not less so, when it has a diffused flame, and 
gets extinguished without the agency of grasshoppers or wind. 

2. A light of compact form, long-sized, quiet, glaring, 
noiseless, clear, turned rightwards, of the lustre of beryl or 
gold, reveals speedy luck ; likewise when it shines long' and 
sprightly. The other symptoms resemble those of fire, and 
apply mutatis mutandis. 

* The first syllable of Tf^^RT ^^^ h^tn lost in printing'. 
^ The translation follows the var. reading Mfff{^. 



THE BRHAT-8ANHITA. 133 



Chapter LXXXV. 

Tokens of Tooth Sticks. 

1. Sticks for cleansing the teeth maybe made from thou- 
sands of sorts of creepers, spreading plants, shrubs and trees,^ 
and one might (if needed) expound the eJBTects of them seve- 
rally; but in order not to delay too long by doing so, I 
will only tell the favourable consequences. 

2. Let no one use for tooth sticks twigs of an untried 
sort of wood, nor twigs with leaves, or with an even number 
of knots, or such as are split, sear at the top, or devoid of 
bark. 

3. From Flacourtia, Bilva, and Qmelina (being used) is 
to be expected Brahminical illustriousness ; from the Kshema- 
tree, a good wife ; from the Indian fig-tree, prosperity ; from 
Galotropis, much splendour; from Bassia, sons; from Ter- 
minalia Arjuna, popularity. 

4. Fortune is (insured) by the use of Sinsa and Fongamia ; 
much-desired success by the waved-leaved fig-tree. By the 
use of jessamine-wood one becomes honoured with the 
people; the use of Pipal, they say, is attended with emi- 
nence. 

5. Good health may be expected from Jujube and Solanum ; 
increase of dominion from Acacia and Bilva ; desired goods 
from Dalbergia ; ditto from Nauclea. 

6. Azadiracht procures acquisition of wealth ; and Oleander, 
getting of food; the Indian fig-tree, abundant food. He 
who uses Sami and Terminalia Arjuna, dispels his enemies ; 
Echites also tends to the destruction of foes. 

7. Dignity, they say, will result from the use of S&l and 
A9vakar^,^ as well as of Deodar and Gendarussa. By 
(using the wood of) fragrant Friyangu> Achyranthes, rose- 

' Cf. Su^rnta, !i. 135, sqq. 

' Sftla and A^vakar^a are generally taken to be synonymous. 



134 THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 

apple and pomegranate, one will become a favourite with 
everybody. 

8. Let one after treasuring up any wish whatsoever in 
his heart for a year, use an irreproachable tooth stick, seated 
at his ease, with the face turned northward or eastward, and 
let him after cleansing leave the stick in a pure place. 

9. A tooth stick falling towards you, and in a tranquil ^ 
quarter of the horizon, is &vourabIe ; it is particularly good 
if it occupies an elevated place. The reverse is declared 
mischievous, whereas it announces dainty food, if it stands 
one instant, and immediately after falls. 

^ ue, not scorched by the sun. 



fTo be continued.) 



135 



Art. VI. — Note on the Valley of Choomhi, By Dr. A. 
Campbell, late Superintendent of Darjeeling. 

As this valley has never been visited by an European 
traveller, the little I have to say about it may make it 
acceptable to the Society. On one occasion I tried to visit 
it in company with Dr. Hooker, but unsuccessfully, as, after 
reaching the top of the Chola Pass — 14,900 feet — which 
leads into it from Sikim, we were met by an officer of the 
Chinese Government at Lassa, with a military escort, who 
refused us permission to enter the valley.^ The particulars 
I have to state may, I believe, be relied on, as during many 
years I ha^ constant opportunities of communicating with 
traders and others residing in the valley, in addition to the 
officials of the Sikim Baja, who annually sojourned in it 
from May to November. The route from Darjeeling to 
Choombi was described by me many years ago,' as also the 
route from it to Lassa; but no one has described the valley 
itself. 

Choombi lies in the Eastern Himalaya, between Sikim and 
Bootan, and on the route from Darjeeling to Lassa. It is in 
the bed of the Machoo River, which, rising from the base of 
Chumalari, a mountain 23,000 feet high, runs through 
Choombi, and leaving it at Rinchingong, traverses Bootan 
to Cooch Behar, in the plains of Bengal, where it is known 
as the Torisha River. It is bounded on the West and South 
by the Chola and Yakla ranges, 17,000 feet high, and on the 
North and East by the Chakoong and Kamphee mountains. 
To the North by Thibet. Its length from Galling, on the 
North, to Rinchingong, the exit of the Machoo, is 20 or 24 
miles. It is not above a mile broad anywhere. It is in the 

^ See Dr. Hooker's Himalapn Journals, toI. ii., for details of this expedition. 
^ See Journal Asiatic Socie^ of Calcutta. 



136 THE VALLEY OF CHOOMBI. 

territories of the Government of Lassa, and is said to have 
been so always. In its physical characters it much more 
resembles Bootan, which bounds it on the South and East, 
than it does the contiguous province of ,Fhari to the Northy 
which is characteristically Thibetan, ue. bare, and without 
trees. 

The soil is generally light loam and sand, and not rocky. 
Cultivation is carried on in the flat part of the valley, and 
some way up both sides of the bounding mountains there is 
a good deal of vegetation and many trees. Pines prevail, 
of rather stunted growth ; and there are three kinds of 
Ehododendron on the neighbouring mountains. The Pinus 
longtfolia is not found there, nor does rice grow in any 
part of it. The crops are wheat, barley, pease, mustard, 
sown in March, reaped in September. 

The grazing is excellent, and large herds of yaks and cows 
abound. The cow is a very small breed, like the gaina of 
India, but is a good milker. 

It is administered by the civil officer at Fhari, of which 
Thibetan district it is a dependency, but the Government 
operations are confined to collecting the revenue, which is 
raised by a land tax, head money on cattle, and a house tax. 
There are no magisterial or police arrangements, the Bootanese 
commit thefts there with impunity, and also carry off the 
people occasionally. When this has been carried very far, 
the Lassa authorities have addressed the Paro Filo, whose 
Bootanese jurisdiction extends to the confines of Choombi, 
and it has been arrested. 

The inhabitants are of the same race as the Bootanese, at 
least they are more like them than they are to the Thibetans. 
The climate is notedly salubrious. The rainfall is much 
less than in Bootan or Sikim, there is but little damp ' in 
the air, and the soil is never muddy anywhere in the rains. 
It is well peopled. The town of Eusa is built in close 
streets, the houses are of mud, with shingle roofs. 

The valley is divided into sixteen Talooks, called Chochee- 
roop, viz. Galling, Eusa, Gango, Rinchingong, Bukchaum, 
Tema, Ghoombi, Xeoomsheth, Rebun, Phari, Kanghoo, 



THE VALLEY OF CHOOMBI. 137 

Eangten, Toyen» Shari, Gianuk, Eeomoosboo. The popu- 
lation is estimated at 3000 souls.^ 

The people are fond of trade, their mart to the north is 
PharL To the south they trade with Bootan, and a little 
with Sikim. 

The carriage from the south and to Fhari is all by 
porters. At Phari yak carriage is to be had abundantly 
and cheaply. In trading with Thibet from Bootan and 
Sikim, the great drawback is the expense of porter carriage as 
£Eir as Phari. Bice, tobacco, sugar, munjeet, endicloth, timber, 
rattans, bamboos, are the principal articles exported from 
the south to Phari. The Chinese authoritatively monopolize 
all the rice that goes to Phari, whether through Choombi 
from Sikim, or from Bootan. It is required for the Chinese 
troops at Lassa, who hate feeding on wheat, barley, and even 
dried mutton, the staple articles of consumption in that city. 
Rice is always very dear at Lassa, five seers per rupee is 
reckoned cheap. A maund of tobacco will sell at Lassa for 
30 rupees ; it may be had at Darjeeling for 3, and at the 
foot of the hills sometimes for 1. Sugar is proportionately 
dear, and all this enhancement of price arises from the want 
of roads for bullock and pony carriage. 

The direct route from Western Bootan to Phari is not 
through Choombi, but by a more northerly one from Paro 
tnd Pemla. This is the route which Turner took in 1783, 
it leaves Choombi to the left. The distance of Paro from 
Choombi is a long day's journey east, and a little south — say 
25 miles. A traveller on foot can go from Choombi to Phari 
in a day. After the first few miles, you round the end of 
the Chakoong range ; there you leave trees and vegetation, 
and come on the bare stony plains, which continue to PharL 

The Sikim Raja has no territorial rights in Choombi. He 
has, however, become the possessor of a little land by pur- 
chase. In Thibet proper he has two small Talooks, viz. 

> Number of houses— Choombi, 20; Pema, 20; Ensa, 12; Qsneo, 45; 
Rinchingong, 25; Shari, 20; Gianuk, 20; Bukchaum, 10; Tojen, 8; Galling, 
60; Keoomshcth, 18; Rebsom, 60; Kanghoo, 30; Kangten, 12; Phari, 300: 
total, 650. One-half of the houses at Phari are mere temporary booths erected 
by casual traders. 



138 THE VALLEY OF CHOOMBI. 

Dobtah and Sareh, they are west of Kongra Lama/ and on 
the road to Digarchi and Lassa. 

The Sikim Baja and the Bootanese of the Paro File's 
jurisdiction are constantly engaged in disputes and quarrels^ 
which arise about contested limits, and in the practice of 
kidnapping one another's subjects. The Bootanese before the 
last war were desperately addicted to this, and carried it on, ^ 
not only against the Sikimites, but against British subjects 
along their whole frontier of Rungpoor, Oooch Behar, and 
Assam. The persons kidnapped were of all ages, of both 
sexes, and were usually sold into slavery. 

Another cause of feud was their respective claim to the 
supremacy of a Goomba or monastery in GhoombL This 
was for a long time a large and thriving monastery, and 
had nearly 100 lamas attached to it. Dissensions arose 
among them, in the course of which the Abbot died. ' To 
complicate matters completely, it was announced that he had 
reappeared in this life in two places, and in two persons, at 
the same time : one was at Gantoke, in Sikim, in the person 
of the Kazi's brother ; the other in Bootan, and the person 
was a relative of the Paro Pile ! Here were nuts to crack 
for the wily monks. The partisans on both sides made 
strenuous ejBTorts to induct their respective Awatars; but 
neither got a footing in the Goompa, and the dispute was 
referred to the Grand Lama at Lassa. His Holiness decided 
in favour of the Sikim candidate. This was not to be disputed 
by the Pile. But before the successful Lama was seated, the 
Bootanese plundered the monastery of all its silver utensils, 
other valuables, and library, and left nothing but the bare 
walls for the new superior. The Goomba has now gone 
entirely to decay, and is deserted. The temporal authorities 
at Lassa did nothing to punish this outrage. They appeared 
to leave Ghoombi to take care of itself, and much at the 
mercy of the Bootanese. 

On one occasion a party of Bootanese, under orders from 
the Paro Pile, was assembled near Phari, and actually be- 

^ The Pass by which Dr. Hooker and I entered Thibet. See toL ii. of 
Himalayan Journals. 



THE VALLEY OP CHOOMBI. I39 

leaguered the Sikim Baja on his return from Thibet, and for 
two months prevented his return to Choombi. This was 
their method of forcing him into their terms regarding some 
boundary dispute, and it was for the purpose of coercing me 
as the PoUtical Agent for the affiiirs of Sikim, that the Raja's 
Dewan ordered my siezure and imprisonment. 

A reference to the Thibet authorities procured his release 
eventually. The Eaja applied to me for assistance in arms 
and ammunition, but it was refused. The Raja and his 
Ranees, who are all Thibetans, leave Tumloong ^ annually for 
Choombi in the month of May, and return to Sikim in 
November. The great damp and constant rain in Sikim for 
that period disagrees greatly with all natives of Thibet. 

^ The Sikim Raja's usual residence. 



140 



Akt. VII. — The Name of the Twelfth Imdm on the Coinage 
of Egypt. By H. Sauvaire and Stanley Lane Poole. 

Seventeen years ago the lamented M. Soret published a 
description of a most interesting silver coin struck at Misr 
in the year of the Flight 525 (a.d. 1130-1), bearing a name 
Abu'l-Kdsim Muhammad At-Muntazar-bi-amri'lldh, which 
does not appear in the list of the F&timi Khalifahs of Egypt, 
though the place and date of the coin would certainly lead 
us to suppose that it was struck by a ruler belonging to this 
dynasty. A remarkable circumstance is that the coin was 
struck during the reign of Al-Hdfiz. 

Hitherto this dirhem of M. Soret's has been the only 
recognized coin of Al-Muntazar : but now another may be 
added, a gold coin in the collection in the British Musemn, 
struck at Cairo in the same year as the dirhem above 
mentioned. The following is the description of this din&r, 
and of M. Soret's dirhem. 

1 Gold. Inedited, {British Museum.) 
Al-KAhirah, 625. 
Obverse — Area — ilc Jit 

Inner Margin— .Oil J^ Jlc ^1 J^^ jJLs-* ^\ Sj i^\ X 
Outer Margin — (J^\ ^^Jj u^V ^^J^ ^^ i}y^J •^^■^•^^^ 






Reverse — .^^ . ^ 



Inner Margin — (j-^J^^jl^^-^i <lI11 ^ J AaiiX^ ^J£\ ^\ 
Oater Margin— -^jJ\ Vsib l^j*^ (^i^j^^ v:r*'^J^^ ^^ (*^ 

U-*-*^^ Uij^J LT-*^ ^ ir^^^ ^y^^. 



ON THE COINAGE OP EGYPT. 141 

2 Silver. (Soret, Rev, Arehiol, XIII* annde.) 



Ohverte — Area { 



Inner Margin— As on the dCn^ just described. 
Outer Margin — As on the dinar. 



Bevene — Area j • * 



Inner Margin — ^j^yi\j0^\ iSiSj^\i Jri\ ;4>H ^USl ji\ 
Outer Margin— (jm4c>^ L^j^oaj ^ J!\ 1 jJb c,^ 4^\ ^ 

(I have taken several liberties with M. Soret's description 
of this coin. In the first place I agree with M. Sauvaire 
that the engraving of the coin warrants the reading 
(suggested by M. Sauvaire himself) Jkull instead of j^'\ \ 
which Soret read ; and besides this I have reversed M. Soret'a 
designation of avers and revers for the sake of uniformity with 
the din&r, and because I think that the obverse is always the 
side on which the more important inscriptions and names 
occur ; and there can be no question that a Muslim, (not being 
a numismatist,) if asked which was the more important side, 
would say, That with the profession of faith on it) 

Now, having described the coins, there comes the question, 
who was this Abu-l-K&sim Muhammad Al-Muntazar P The 
answer which Professor Tomberg proposed was that he was 
the father of the Khalifah Al-H&fiz, and in this opinion 
Soret agreed. It is, of course, a curious coincidence that 

Al-H&fiz/s father should have borne the name Abu-l-K&sim 

• • • 

Muhammad ; but it must be remembered that this name and 
patronymic combined are common enough. There is no 
historical evidence for Prof. Tomberg's theory. 

The case is very different, however, with M. Sauvaire's 
explanation: it is supported by incontrovertible evidence, 
and must at once establish itself as the real solution of the 
problem. M. Sauvaire will soon publish his explanation of 



142 THE NAME OF THE TWELFTH IMAM 

the difficulty in his work on the coins of the F&timi 
Khalifahs, which will fonn one of the sections of the new 
international edition of Marsden's Numiamata OrietUalia: 
but in the meanwhile he wishes me to make his solution of 
the problem generally known, and I therefore transcribe part 
of his letter to me. 

Extract from a Letter from M. H, Sauvaire, 

Albxaitdris, le 23, 9toe, 1873. 

Yous terminez yotre liste des Fath^mites 

du British Museum en signalant I'embarras caus^ par la 
presence, sur le pr^cieux dinar de 525 (el Qah^ra), du nom 
d'un personnage qui ne se trouve pas dans la s^rie des 
Khalifes d'Egypte. F. Soret et M. Tomberg ont ^galement 
essay^ de r^soudre cet int^ressant probl^me pour un derhem 
de la meme ann^e frapp6 dans latelier mon^taire de Masr. 

J'ai ^t^ assez heureux pour trouver la solution du problSme ; 
elle figura dans mon petit travail ; mais en attendant qu'il 
soit termini vous pourrez, si yous le jugez k propos^ donner 
communication de la pr^sente note au " Journal of the Boyal 
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland." 

F. Soret avait tr^s-ing^nieusement suppos^ que le pdre de 
H&fezh, ^tant encore en vie^ d, I'^poque de Tay^nement de 
son fils, avait pu se consid^rer comme ayant le plus de droit 
dla succession eventuelle d'El-Amer; ime coincidence Strange, 
car le pere de H&fezh portait les noms d'Abou'l Q&sem Mo« 
hammady semblait pouvoir corroborer d tel point Pezplication 
du savant et regrett^ numismatiste de Geneve, que M. Tom- 
berg ne pouvait s'empecher de lui donner la pr6f6rence sur 
toute autre^ et ne mettait meme guere en doute que de nou- 
velles recherches ne vinssent la confirmer.* 

Cependant une note manuscrite de la main meme de F. 
Soret sur I'exemplaire qu'il eut la bont^ de me faire parvenir 

* Cependant Maqrizi dit qu'El Hclfezh 4tait le plus &g6 des plus proches 

parents d'El Amer. 

' [Here I must remark that M. Sauyaire has made a slieht OTersiffht : it was 
Prof. Tomberg who proposed the explanation here referred to, and M. F. Soret 
who ga?e it the preference over all others. — S. L. P.] 



ON THE COINAGE OF EGYPT. 143 

de sa ''Lettre k M. Tomberg sur quelques monnaies des 
dynasties alides," contient ces mots : " Lorsque j'ai public 
cette lettre j'ignorais encore d'existence d'un mgme m^moire 
de De Sacy, qui explique un dinar analogue k TespSce d^crite, 
et donne une interpretation plus satisfaisante qui la mienne 
du probleme que j'ai cherch^ k r^soudre." 

Yous serez plus i m6me que moi, Monsieur, de recbercher 
le m^moire publi6 par S. de Sacy ; mais j'ai tout lieu de croire 
que ce savant,' qui avait fait une ^tude approfondie de 
Maqrizi, a trouv^ la veritable solution ; c'est Ik en cfiet 
qu'elle se trouve complete, bien qu'Ebn Khallik&n soul^ve 
en partie le voile dans la biographic du XI°^ Xhalife fath^- 
mite. Quant k Ebn El Athlr, (ed. Tomberg, t. x. pp. 468 et 
473,) ses renseignements, quoique tres-int&'cssants, ne sont 
pas complets. Je signalerai meme, a propos de cet auteur, 
un fait qui m'a surpris : c'est Tabsence de toute mention, 
dans ses Annales, du nom d"Abd Er-Eahim qu'El Hakem 
be'amr allah d^signa en Ta. 404 comme son heritier pre- 
somptif. Quoiqu'il en soit, I'auteur du X&mel fi't tarikh 
nous apprend bien qu'Abou 'Aly Ahmad, le vizir, fit faire la 
Xhothbe en son propre nom avec les titres honorifiques de 

"Es-Sayyed El Afdhal El AdjaU Abou 'Aly 

Ahmad Ebn Es-Sayyed El Adjall El Afdall Chahinchah, Emir 
El Djoyouch," et pent fitre trouvera-t-on un jour quelque 
monument mon^taire venant confirmer cette assertion, car la 
Khothbe etait accompagn^e du droit de battre monnaie ; mais 
Ebn El Athir ne nous donne pas comme Maqrizi la solution 
de notre probleme. 

Ebn-Khallik&n (t. i. p. 429, du texte tlrabe ed. de Slane, et 
vol. ii. de la trad*** p. 180) nous apprend qu'apr^s s'etre saisi 
d'El H&fezh, le fils d'El Afdhal fit faire la priere publique au 
nom d'El Q&im fi akher ez-zam&n que les sectateurs des 
douze imams ou Im&mites d^signent sous le nom d' El Im&m 
El Montazhar (I'im&m attendu)« 

Mais j'en arrive k Maqrizi, oil on lit, t. i. p. 406 (ed. de 
Boulaq), sous le chapitre consacre a I'hCtel des monnaies 

c-^^-aJ\ i^J: " Le premier acte du vizirat d' Ahmad 

Ebn El Afdhal fut de faire saisir le Khalife El Hftfezh qu'il 



144 THE NAME OF THE TWELFTH IMAM 

emprisonna dans la dite chambre : il le fit charger de fers, et 
soidut le d^poser; mais il ne put accomplir ce projet. Ahmad 
Ebn El Afdhal ^tait im&my, aussi supprima-t-il de la Khothb^ 
la mention d'El H&fezh et il fit faire I'inyocation au nom 
d'El Q&'im El-Montazhar ; il fit graver sur la monnaie 

J^\ d)J\ Dieu r^temel. 

\^Vi L'lmam Mohammad. 



Quand il eut 6t6 tu^ le mardi, 16 de Moharram, de Va. 526, 

El H&fezh fut tir^ de sa prison," etc. 

Nous avons presque la description de la pr^cieuse monnaie 
du British Museum : le derhem decrit par F. Soret porte en 

effet au centre d'un c6t6 J^^^ <dl\i 

et de Tautre J^^*^*^ aUXV 

II ne nous reste plus qu'd rechercher les noms et kenny€ de 
I'Im&m Mohammad. Je ferai d'ailleur remarquer que sur 
la gravure donn^e par Soret, sous le no. 10, dans la I" 
planche accompagnant sa lettre k M. de Dom, Bruxelles, 

1856, le I9 de^i^:^\ est tr^s-distinct, et que c'est ainsi qu'il 

faut lire au lieu de^;«jc^t El Montaser. 

La biographic de Mohammad sumomm^ El Heuddj^, se 
trouve dans le 2^^ vol. de la traduction d'Ebn Khallik&n par 
M. le B®°- de Slane, p. 81. Nous y lisons:* 

' Abi&'l-X^im Muhammad, the son of al-Hasan al- Askari 
(vol. i. p. 390), the son of Ali al-H&di (vol. ii. p. 214), the 
son of Muhammad al- Jawad (see the preceding article), was 
one of the twelve Im&ms, according to the opinion of the 
Im&mites. He was sumamed al-Hujja (the proof of the 
truth) y and it is he whom the Shiites pretend to be the 
Muntazar (the expected), the Kdim {the chief of the age), and 
the Mahdi (t/ie directed). According to them, he is the 
S&hib as-Sird&b, (th^ dweller in the cistern, [I'habitant du 

1 [Ingtead of this the British Museum dSn&r has i>\^ Jl^ , — 8. L. P.] 

^ [M. Sauvaire, in his letter, gives a French translation of this biography, but 
I thought it better to extract the nvhole intact from Ibn-KhaUik&n in th« 
EngliBh.— S. L. P.] 



ON THE COINAGE OF EGYPT. 145 

souterrain, Sauyaire,] ) and the opinions they hold with 
regard to him are yery numerous. They expect his return 
(into the world) from a cistern at Sarra man r&a, when time 
is near its end. He was bom on Friday, the 15th of 
Shaab&n^ a.h. 255 (July, a.d. 869). When his father died, 
he was five years of age. His mother's name was Al-Khamt, 
but some call her Narjis (narcmua). The Shiites say that 
he entered into the cistern at }iis father's house whilst his 
mother was looking on, and that he never again came out. 
This occurred in the year 265 (a.d. 878-9), and he was at 
that time nine years of age. Ibn al-Azrak says, in his 
History of Maiy&fSrikln : "The birth of the Hujja took 
place on the 9th of the first Rabi, a.h. 258 ; others say, and 
with greater truth, on the 8th of Shaab&n, 256 (July, a.d. 
870). When he went into the cistern, his age was four 
years ; some say five ; and others again state that he entered 
it in A.H. 275 (a.d. 888-9), at the age of seventeen years." 
God knows best which of these statements is true.' 

J'ai traduit Serd&b par " souterrain." ^ On sait en effet qu'a 
Baghdad pendants les fortes chaleurs les habitants ont I'habi- 
tude de se retirer dans des Serd&b, qui sent, non des citernes, 
mais des esp^ces de caves ou places pratiqu^es sous le sol. 

Je vous demande pardon. Monsieur, d'avoir abus^ vos 
instants, et vous prie d'agreer I'assurance de ma considera- 
tion la plus distingu^e. 

Hy. Sauvaire, 

\er Brogman du Coruulat 04n4ral de France a Alexandrie d*Egypte. 

At the beginning of this notice I said that hitherto only 
one coin, a dirhem, of this Muhammad Abu-1-Kdsim had 
been known, and that the din&r from the British Museum, 
now for the first time published, was the only other. M. 
Sauvaire's reference to De Sacy's memoir^ has shown me 
that a third coin, similar to them, was described by that 
eminent scholar forty-three years ago: but it was strictly 

* [In this D'Ohsson agrees, translating grotte. Tab. G^n. t. i. p. 88 (apud 
De Sacy). S. L. P.] 

' Published in the Jfe'moires de VAcad. des Inscriptions ei BeHes-Lettres, toL iz. 
1831, pp. 284-316. 

VOL. Vn. — [nBW 8BBIB8.] 10 



146 THE NAME OF THE TWELFTH IMAM 

true that the only coin really known was F. Soret's dirhem, 
for it is clear that neither that renowned numismatist nor 
the accomplished savant Prof. Tomberg knew of De Sacy^s 
treatise, until after Soret's was published. 

De Sacy's coin is a din&r precisely similar to that in the 
British Museum, except that the mint-place is Al-Iskandar- 

lyah, and that (like Soret's dirhem) it has ^\ ^u J^^^t 
whilst the British Museum din&r has ^\ A \ai:\\ distinctly.^ 

As M. Sauvaire foretold, De Sacy's explanation is precisely 
the same as his own. I quote a sentence : 

" Le prince dont on lit le nom sur notre m^daUle n'est 
point un personnage historique, qui a regn^ ou aspir^ & 
regner en Egypte k T^poque oil elle a it& frapp^ : c'est un 
personnage fantastique, je dirois presque mythologique, 
Vimam attendu dont la manifestation dpit avoir lieu 4 la fin 
des temps ; en im mot, le Mahdi, dont les noms sent effec- 
tiVement Mohammad Abou* I Kasem,** (M6m. de I'Acad. des 
Inscr. 1831. t. ix. p. 288.) 

De Sacy supports his theory by many historical ex- 
tracts, including that from Ibn-Xhallik&n (life of El-Hafiz) 

JlLJI ^^^ <U^\ c,.^-;^^, which is quoted by M. Sauvaire, but 
without mentioning the important last few words, about 
which Do Sacy observes that his name (not merely his lakab) 
was on the coins, showing that Ibn-Khallik&n was aware of 
the prominency of the name, Muhammad, of Al-Mimtazar, 
on the coinage. 

De Sacy, however, had not found that passage in Al- 
Makrizi's Khitat (though he found others), which M. 
Sauvaire quotes, from the chapter on the Mint, and which 
is by far the most important piece of historical evidence 
on the subject. 

Though, therefore, this theory had before been propounded 
by Silvestre de Sacy, yet equal credit is due to the in- 



^ Both readings are intelligible : the former means ' the expected by the 
mand of God ' ; the latter * the expected for [executing] the command of (}od.* 



ON THE COINAGE OF EGYPT. 147 

genuity and labour of M. Sauvaire for his independent re- 
searches; and to him alone belongs the credit of having 
brought forward the most valuable witness to the accuracy 
of the solution of the problem. 

On the Names of the Capitals of Egypt} 

The occurrence of the name Al-MoHzziyah Al-Kdhirah qu 
the first of the coins described above needs some explanation, 
and in order to do this I must first say a few words on the 
names of the successive capitals of Egypt under the rule of 
the Muslims. 

When the Arabs first conquered Egypt in the eighteenth 
year of the Flight (a.d. 639), they rejected the existing 
metropolis Alexandria, and founded AlrFustdt, This re- 
mained the capital till shortly after the end of the Amawi 
Khalifahs, when (in 133, a.d. 750-1) the governors or ndihs 
of the 'Abb&sis changed the seat of government by founding 
the small town of Al-'Askary close to Al-Fust&t, and there 
taking up their residence. In 256 (a.d. 870) Ahmad 
Ibn-Tulun was appointed governor, and very soon made 
himself independent, and transmitted his power to his 
descendants, founding the dynasty of the Beni-Tulun. 
This dynasty occupied another capital, Al-Katae\ a town 
which was built by Ahmad Ibn-Tulun near the two already 
founded. Al-Kat4e* was partly burnt down in 292 
(a.d. 904-5) when Muhammad Ibn-Suleym&n restored 
Egypt to the rule of the 'Abb&siyah, who continued to 
appoint lieutenants till 323 (a.d. 935). These later ndibs of 
the 'Abb&sis, like the earlier governors who preceded the 
Benf-Tuiun, established themselves in Al-'Askar^ which 
thus became once more the capital of Egypt. But in 323 
Muhammad Al-Ikhshld was for the second time appointed 
ndib, and made himself independent, like Ahmad Ibn-Tulun, 

* My authorities for this account of the Capitals of Egypt are chiefly the Ency- 
clopflBCua Britannica, art. Egypt^ of which the part relating to modem Egypt was 
written hy my father E. Stanley Poole; Mrs. Poole's Englishtvomnn in Egypt ; 
and Mr. Lane's MS. account of Cairo (forming part of his Description of Egypt), 
which I used to confirm the other two works. I may add that the account of the 
history of Cairo in Mrs. Poole's work has heen republished abroad by a German 
Orientalist without the slightest acknowledgment. 



148 THE NAME OF THE TWELFTH IMAM 

founding the djmasty of the Ikhskidit/ah, and retaining 
Al-'Askar as capitaL In this state the government remained 
till 358 (A.D. 968-9), when the Fatimi Khalifah of Africa 
(Tunis) Al-Mo'izz-li-dini-ll&h sent Johar Al-K&i'd to invade 
Egypt. Johar, having conquered the country, set about 
making a fit metropolis for his master. He found the large 
and populous city of Al-Fust&t, and near it the town of 
Al-'Askar and the remains of Al-Katae' ; but none of these 
seemed to please him, so he founded a new city, which he 
called Al-MansMyah, but which shortly afterwards received 
the name of Al-Kdhirahy on account of an omen which 
happened whilst J6har was laying the foundations of the 
wall, the planet Mars (Al-K&hir) being in the ascendant. 
Al-Kahirah was the residence of the Fdtimis, and has 
remained the capital of Egypt ever since. In the present 
day the city, which we call Cairo, and the inhabitants 
call Ma§r, includes not only *A1-K&hirah proper, but also 
what has been built upon the sites of Al-'Askar and Al- 
Kat&e'. Al-Fust&t has not quite vanished from the land, 
for remains of it at a short distance from Cairo are still 
known by the name of Masr Al-^Atikah or Old Masr. 

We see, then, that Al-Fu8t4t, Al-'Askar, Al-Kat&e', 
Al-'Askar again, and Al-K&hirah, have successively been the 
capitals of Egypt. The question now arises, by what names 
are these various towns represented on the coins P 

From 113 (the date of the first known coin struck at 
Misr) to 560 the name Mi§r alone is found on the coins, 
with two exceptions : the first is the occurrence of Misr and 
Al-Fust&t, on opposite sides of some copper coins struck 
between 127 and 132 ; the other is the din&r of 525 described 
above, to which I shall return further on. From the loose 
habit of Arab historians to refer to the capital of Egjrpt by 
the name Misr (which was also applied to the country itself), 
it has been concluded that each successive capital (by which 
term I mean seat of government) was called Misr. It is my 
belief, however, that this name was correctly applicable to 
Al-Fust&t alone, until Turkish times, when Al-K&hirah 
succeeded to the designation. If this view be correct^ we 



ON THE COINAGE OF EGYPT. 149 

must obviously admit that the coins were always stmck at 
Al-Fust&t, (which was the largest of the cluster of towns 
imtil Al-K&hir^h became supreme,) without reference to the 
changes in the {>lace of residence of the different govemors. 
I haye not, as yet, met with any historical evidence to the 
truth of this theory, but the coins themselves furnish a fact 
which lends considerable support to it. We have already 
seen that up to the year 560, the name Al-K&hirah does not 
appear on the coinage, except in the dindr of 525, and this 
being a sort of revolutionary coin cannot be regarded as of any 
weight in deciding the question whether the regular coinage 
issued from Al-Fust&t or from El-Kdhirah: moreover, a 
dirhem was struck in the same year with the name Misr. 
After this curious din&r of 525, the name Misr was restored to 
the coinage, imtil 560, after which I know of no coin bearing 
that name till the modem Turkish coinage was introduced. 
But it is remarkable that on a din&r of the Fdtimi Al-'Adid, 
of 564, the name Al-Mo'izziyah Al-K&hirah occurs, just as 
on the coin of 525, and that from that date Al-K&hirah 
alone appears on the coinage, not of the Fdtimis, for this 
dindr is the last struck by them at their capital so far as I 
know, but of the succeeding dynasties of the Ajrytibis and 
the Bahri and Burji Memluks. In itself there would be 
nothing extraordinary in the fact that the regular appearance 
of the name of Al-Kdhirah on the coinage dates from 564, 
but we only see the full significance of it when we remember 
that it was in 564 that Al-Fustdt was burnt down by the 
Wezir Shdwir, to save it from the hands of Amaury, and 
the inhabitants took reAige in Al-Kdhirah. This, then, is 
the chief support of my view of the applicability of the 
name Misr to Al-Fustdt alone, and of the consequent in- 
variableness of the mint-place, that we find the name Al- 
Kdhirah permanently introduced on the coinage as soon as 
Al-Fustdt ^^ burnt down, and not before, save on one 
exceptional coin. 

We must now look at the name AUMo^izziyah Al-Kdhirah^ 
by which the latest capital of Egypt is designated on the 
earliest two coins struck in it. The reason for the use of 



150 THE NAME OF THE TWELFTH IMAM 

this name Al-Mo'izziyah is sufficiently obvious, from the city 
having been founded by Johar, the general of the F&timi 
Al-Mo'izz. But however reasonable may be the adoption of 
the name, no historian seems to have been acquainted with 
it, and even Al-Makrizi does not, to my knowledge, mention 
it. This ignorance of the name by the historians made me 
very careful in asserting the reading. If the coin of 525 
had been the only example of the name, I confess I should 
not be able to insist upon the reading ojx^f, for the coin 
has had a blow in the middle of the mint-name which 
renders it somewhat indistinct ; but the occurrence of this 
name on the other din&r, of 564, convinces me that the read- 
ing of the earlier coin is also correct. After having satisfied 
myself of the accuracy of Al-Mo'izziyah, it occurred to me, 
that though the name was ignored by the historians, I might 
find some mention of it among the geographers. A reference 
to the Mar&sid-el-ittil&' produced the subjoined extract, 
which shows that the reading of the name is historically as 
well as nimiismatically correct : — 

**Al'Kdhirah, a city by the side of the city of Al-Fust&t ; 
one wall comprehends them both ; and in the present day it 
is the greater city [of the two] ; and in it is the regal palace 
and the abode of the army ; and in the present day building 
has extended so as to form a junction between it and Misr 
[Al-Fustat]. And it is known as Al-K&hirah El-Mo'izziyah, 
because it was built in the days of the 'Alawi .El-Mo'izz 
Abu-Tamim, who was in Egypt : his slave J6har, whom he 
had sent with the armies of Afrikiyah to take possession of 
the country of Egypt, founded it in the year 358, after the 
death of Kifur."! 



• • . • 



^ L5^J '^^^ jy^ W^'^^ LlixwuiS\ ^(^ v,,.^V,n^ ^"^ ijb^ 

^^l^ f^^y J^ ^^^ ^ ii 



ON THE COINAGE OF EGYPT. 151 

It is noteworthy that the author of the Ma^dsid-el-ittil&^ 
writing in the eighth century of the Hijrah, applies the 
name Misr to the old city. I am strongly inclined to believe 

that Misr was the name of Al-Fust&t alone of all the Muslim 

• • • 

capitals of Egjrpt, until it became desolate and ruined, when 
it received the epithet of Al-'Atikah; and that when his- 
torians speak of Misr at a time when Al-'Askar or Al-Kat&e' 
were the capitals, they are using the name in a vague and 
inaccurate sense for the whole cluster of towns. This is a 
question which deserves to be worked out. The coinage 
certainly favours my view. 

^j™22^^im! Stanley Lane Poole. 



Postscript. 

A few weeks ago Dr. E. von Bergmann, Custos of Coins 
and Antiquities at the Imperial Museum at Vienna, was 
good enough to send me a Separat-Abdrttck of an article 
by him, Beitrdge zur muhammedanischen Miinzkunde, in the 
Sitzungsberichte of the Akademie der Wissenschaften at 
Yienna. It is a singular coincidence that Dr. von Bergmann 
publishes a coin of Al-Muntazar similar to Soret's, and has 
arrived at precisely the same solution of the difficulty as De 
Sacy and M. Sauvaire« As the learned Yiennese numis- 
matist does not refer either to De Sacy's or to Soret's memoir, 
I conclude his researches have been conducted independently. 

Feb. 24. S. L. p. 



152 



Art. VIII. — Three Inscrtpiions o/Pardkrama Bdhu the Great 
from Pulaatipura, Ceylon (date circa 1180 a.d.). By T. 
W. Ehts Davids. 

PuLASTiPURA, situated in lat. 7° 56' N., long. 81° 3' E., and 
rather more than 50 miles S.E. of Anur&dhapura, was the 
capital of Ceylon from the middle of the 8th century to the 
beginning of the 14th (a.d. 769 — 1314), and when at the 
height of its prosperity, during the long and glorious reign of 
Par&krama B&hu the Great, it must have been a city of great 
size and importance. It is pleasantly situated in the plain, 
on the shores of one of those numerous artificial lakes which 
the Simhalese kings loved to dot over the country ; and from 
most of its ruins, as well as from the lake itself, are visible 
to the S.W. the mountain ranges of M&talS, ending in the 
Hunasgiriya Peak, and to the N.W. the haimted top of 
Ritigala.^ 

Through it there passed in olden times the great road from 
M&gama,^ the capital of the Southern Province of Buhuna, 

1 Arittha-pabbata, Mab^yaiiiBa, page 64, line 2. Tbe history of this bill is 
curious : it seems in tbe older portion of Ceylon history to bave been a place of 
much importance. Here Pandukclbbaya entrenched himself for the seTen years 
from B.C. 444 to b.c. 437 ; here Sura-tissa (b.c. 247-237) built a monastery, tbe 
Lanka- yibclra, at the foot of the mountain; and here Lajji-tissa (b.c. 119-109) 
built a vihdra (Tumour's Mahayafiisa, pp. 64, 127, 202). Since that early 
time it is not again mentioned ; and in quite later times has been looked on as 
the abode of devils. The natives are afraid to ascend it, and I believe that I was 
the second Englishman who climbed it. My predecessor was a surveyor, who cut 
his way up it in order to make some trigonometrical observations ; and one of 
the men who had been with him was my guide. He, however, lost his way, and 
very fortunately so, for in making a new path I came upon extensive ruins in a 
fine forest halfway up the mountain ; ruins which it is not unlikely may have 
suggested to some native the existence of devils : for they are far larger than 
any native thereabout could build, and if come upon suddenly or at dusk, could 
not fail to affect with awe any timid mind. From the ruins to the^ top I found 
an easy path, and at the very summit a solid retaining wall, supporting a terrace, 
on which a building of some kind, perhaps a watch tower, seems formerly to have 
stood. The river Malwattu Oya, the kadamba of the Mahdvafiisa, on which 
Anuradhapura stands, rises in this hill, and the old road from Pulastipura to 
Anuradhapura must have passed close by its base. 

^ Mdgama is curiously enough not the Mdgrammum of Ptolemy ; for as he 
' calls it the metropolis, and plu^ it beside the great river/ Tennent (Ceylon, L 



RANKOT DAGABA, PULASTIPURA, CEYLON. 







•'/</^''/A'/A V/////yW/:--/>:'>\A-.'. 



OF parIkeama bIhu the great. 155 

which is given on p. 305 : according to IJpham's translation 
of the BAjawaliya (p. 254) it was Kit Serinewan, probably a 
mistake for Kit-Siri-Mewan, the Elu for Kirti-Sri-Megha- 
y&hana (or perhaps yarna), whose daughter, according to the 
Epitome, p. 305, he married : and his mother's name, ac- 
cording to Sola Lihini Sandese, v. 103, was Ratnam^li, if, 
as is probable, he be the Par&krama B&hu there referred to. 
On the other hand, it seems clear from a contemporaneous 
inscription at Pulastipura, a copy of which I have made, that 
he was not of Simhalese birth at all, but son of King Jaya 
Gopa, of Sinihapura in Kalinga, by his Queen Parvati. 

But whether he were Si&halese or Tamil, Aryan or Dra- 
yidian, and whatever doubt there may be about his parentage, 
the principal events of his reign are well known. He first 
defeated all native competitors for the throne: then con- 
solidated and strengthened his power by wise internal laws 
and reforms, made Pulastipura his capital, adorned it with 
many palaces and temples, and so enlarged it that its walls 
in his time are said to have extended seven gaws, equal to 
about twenty-seven miles. In the eighth year of his reign the 
district of Ruhuna revolted, but the revolution was put down 
with a strong hand. In the sixteenth year of his reign, 
A.D. 1169, he invaded K&mboja and Aramana, and afterwards 
Ghola and P&ndya ; and towards the close of his reign he 
constructed some of the most gigantic of those irrigation 
works for which Ceylon is famous. 

A short account, from one of the Si&halese history books, 
of his invasion of South India, has been given by me in the 
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Soc, vol. xli. p. 197 et seq. : 
and I hope to be able to publish the full account of his reign 
from the Mah&vamsa itself, of which seventeen chapters, Nos. 
62-79, of altogether about 5000 slokasi give in great detail 
this period of Si&halese history. There are several coins of 
Par&krama B&hu extant; figs. 3 and 4, plate xxxv., 'Thomas's 
Prinsep,' are a farthing and half-farthing, the inspription 
on the reverse of which is interpreted Srt E&ma Nath by 
Wilson, but consists very clearly, as Prinsep points out, of 
the words Sri Par&krama B&hu. I have a coin very similar 



156 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CEYLON 

to No. 3, but with a lion rampant yery beautiAilly executed 
on the right side of the standing figure ; and No. 1 of 
the plate referred to, a gold coin, the inscription of which 
Prinsep deciphers as La&keswara, but assigns to the minister 
Lokaiswara, a.d. 1060, belongs imdoubtedly also to Par&- 
krama B4hu the Great, who in the second inscription now 
published calls himself Lamkeswara.^ 

It should be added that the modem name of Pulasti- 
pura is Top&wsewa, sometimes shortened into Top&wa, i.e» 
Sthiipa-y4pi ; Tennent's name Pollanarua, usually pro- 
nounced Pollana-rda, is simply a mistake for Polon-narua, 
with the accent on the short nd, a fc^rm perhaps derived 
from Pulasti-nagara, but only foimd in the artificial language 
of modem poetry, and never used by the Simhalese people 
of the district. Another inscription of the same place and 
date, showing the constitution of Par^rama B&hu's Coimcil 
of State, or rather of the Court by which he was surrounded 
on State occasions, will be found deciphered in the Number 
of the 'Indian Antiquary ' for September, 1873. 

The three inscriptions now inclosed (copied by me at Pulas* 
tipura), were inscribed during the latter part of the reign of 
Par4krama the Great, who died, according to Tumour, in 

1186 A.D. 

The First of the Three Inscriptions is a kind of pro- 
clamation addressed by Par&krama B&hu to the people, 
urging them to choose a Kshatriya for their king, and not a 
man belonging to any other caste. It must, I imagine, have 
been put up towards the end of Parfikrama's reign, when he 
had no longer any hope of a son of his own to succeed to 
him ; and recollecting that in Ceylon there were no families 
of any caste higher than the Well&las or cultivators, it will 
appear that Par&krama is in fact exhorting the people to 
choose for their king, and invite over, one of his own re* 
lations from Kalinga, on the coast of India. The inscription 
opens with a Sanskrit stanza in the Sardtda-vikridita metre, 

^ Two of these coins are to be foand in the collections at the British Maaeam ; 
where there are, besides, two copies of the farthing of Bdja LtlftTSti, Par&knma 
B&hn*s queen. 



OF PARAKRAMA BAHTJ THE GREAT. 167 

setting forth that the choice of a Kshatriya as king would 
be the only way to insure peace and prosperity to the 
nation. In point of fact, Parslkrama B4hu's words were 
almost prophetic. The succeeding two kings, apparently 
of Simhalese birth, reigned respectively twelve months and 
five days, and each met with a violent death. Sirti Nis- 
sanka, from Kalinga, then reigned for nine years, but was 
followed by kings mostly of Simhalese birth, who reigned 
successively one day, nine months, nine months, three years, 
two years, six years, twelve months, seventeen days, twelve 
months, nine months, seven months, and three years. Of 
these, at least three were murdered, and two had their eyes 
put out. The ninth was a restoration of Par4krama B&hu's 
widow, L114vati (a coin of whose reign is still extant), 
and the fifth, who reigned two years, was a near relative 
of Par4krama B4hu's, being the son of Sri Gopa Raja^ king 
of Simhapura, in Kalinga, by his Queen Lank& Mah& 
Dewi. Particularly interesting is the injunction, not to any 
council of state, but to the people at large, that when the 
office of King or overlord (M^h&r&ja, Elu maharaja) becomes 
vacant, " either he who is heir apparent (yuva-rfija) ; or if 
there be none such, one of the princes (r&ja-kum4ra) ; or 
if there are none of them, one of the queens (bisowa), 
must be chosen to the kingdom." The inscription was en- 
graved on a fine slab of stone 12 feet long by 2 feet 9 inches 
broad; it was put up at the principal gate of the king's 
palace; and having been completely buried, the letters are 
quite perfect. Underneath it I found a spear-head,* which 
makes it probable that it fell into the position where I found 
it at one of the sieges of Pulastipura, and very probably 
at the taking of the city by the Malabar Mclga, who con- 
quered the island a.d. 1216, in the reign of the last king 
in, the list above given. A facsimile of the inscription is 
prefixed to this article. 

The Second Inscription, a copy of which is also prefixed 
to this article, I found repeated four times on four pillars, 
which surrounded apparently a kind of throne or dais opposite 

^ Now in the possession of the Ceylon GoTemment. 



168 THREE mSCEIPTIONS FROM CEYLON 

the Rankot, or golden-tipped D&gaba, forming, if one may 
say so, a kinS of royal p^w, from which, as the inscrip- 
tion states, the king was wont to worship towards the 
holy D4gaba. The space within the columns was probably 
about 8 feet by 8 ; two were fallen and broken, which 
was, as far as the inscription goes, very fortunate, as it 
could scarcely have been deciphered at all had it not been 
for the parts which had been covered and protected by the 
dihria ; as it is, only one line at the beginning and one 
or two words in two places further on are now irrecover- 
able. I inclose facsimiles of the inscriptions on pillars Nds. 1 
and 2, the nearest ones to the Ddgaba. It will be noticed 
that the pillars, which are square at top and bottom, are 
octagonal in the centre, and the writing there becomes 
narrower. 

The Third Inscription is on a seat almost cubical in shape, 
about 3 feet high, 3 feet by 3 at the top, and a little larger 
at the bottom, which was found in the jungle some 200 yards 
to the east of the D&gaba, at a place where there could not 
possibly be any danger to any one who, as the inscription 
tells us of Par&krama, should watch from it the building 
of the bell-shaped sacred pile. Messrs. Lawton and Co., of 
Kandy, have taken a good photograph of this stone, a wood- 
cut from which is annexed to this article, and several very 
beautiful photographs of the D&gaba, both as a whole and 
in detail. All the words in the inscription are clear, and 
are written round the top of the stone, so as to form a 
border round a smooth square in the centre : a plan which 
has been followed in at least two other instances in Pulasti- 
pura. 

The language of all the inscriptions, save the two Sa&skrit 
stanzas in the first, is an old form of the Si&halese dialect, 
discussed in the valuable paper read by Mr. Childers before 
the Society at its last meeting. Most Si&halese poetry is 
written in a much shortened and very difficult form of this 
dialect, called Elu; a form which was probably never in 
existence as a living language; the word Elu is, however, 
also used simply of old Simhalese, and in this sense of the 



OF PABAEBAMA BAHD THE OfiEAT. 1S9 - 

name a good many EIu words and forme are found in these 
inscriptions, which would be nnintelligible to a modem 
Siffihaleee. I must defer the consideration of the very 
interesting paleeographical and philological results of these, 
dtscoTeries until I am able to prepare for publication certain 
other Ceylon inscriptions : especially one long one dating a 
few years after these, whose dialect should be considered 
together with the dialect of these ; and a large number of 
short inscriptions in the old Eock P&li alphabet, from which 
that of these inscriptions is derived. 




160 THREE IXSCRIPTIOXS FROM CEYLON 

Traxsliteration and Translation of the Inscription ok 
THE Granite Slab at the Door of ParIkraica 
Bahu the Great's Palace at Pulastipura. 

Lakshmim Yarddhayitum yyathain samayiton tr&tmn sra 

yansa-sthitim 
E^aulan dharmmam up&situm yadi manas samrakshitoin 

c'&srit&n, 

Kshatrany eva kulani yd gamayata SY&mitYam, any&n punar 
Yarnn&n neti ; nay&n im&n bhajatabho Nissankamallo 'ditAa.^ 

6.'^ Ok4was raja parapurehi S&rya wansaya 

7. tilakdya sam^na wae, raja piliwelin r&jya la- 

8. -din, wotunu paelandaD, maha raja tan pat wii Nissan- 

9. -ka Malla Kalinga Pr&krama B&hu cakrawarttin waha- 
10. -nse anat rajasirin Sakray& se wii*4 jam&na 



translation. 

[Samskrit.] If it is your wish to increase your prosperity, 
and allay your fear, to preserYe the proper positions of your 
families, to respect the customs of your tribes, and to protect 
subjects, choose you families of knights to soYcreignty, and 
not the other castes : embrace these maxims, (they are) spoken 
by Nissanka Malla. 

[Elu.] He who comes of the royal race of IkshY&ku, like 
a star on the forehead of the family of the Sun, who receiYing 
the kingdom by royal succession, and putting on the crown, 
obtained the office of chief king, His Imperial Majesty 
Nissahka Malla K&linga Parakrama B&hu (the fearless 
Ynrestler, the strong-armed one of K&linga), illustrious as 
Sakrayi the King of Gods, with endless royal splendour, 

^ After this word is drawn a fish, as a sign equivalent to our full stop: a similar 
fall stop is used on Parakrania's Lion seat at the Audience Ilall. oca facnmile 
in the Indian Antiquary, Sept. 1873. 

^ The numbers snow where each line of the inscription, as given in the Uc» 
rimilCf begins. They are omitted, as unnecessary, in the transliteration of the 
SafiLskrit stanzas. 



OF parIkeama bAhu the great. 161 

11. wse, ty&gra-satya-saaryy&di-guna-ganayen asMbft* 

12. -rana wse, XJd&gal mundun pat hiru se satur anduru 

13. dural&, mulu Lakdiwa semehi tab&, lo wseda pi- 

14. -nin upan kalpa-vrkshayak se waedea sitae, 

15. lo-W8Bda sasun wseda kotas, dasa raja dharmmayen r&- 

16. -jya keremin Polasti-piira nsBmseti K&linga r&ja pu- 

17. -rayehi wseda wasana seyen — taman wahanse ran 

18. ridi kahawunu mutu msBnik wastr& 'bharan&di d&na wa- 

19. -sh&yen dilindun gim niw<i, mahft janayange 

20. samurddhi dseksB satutu wae/' apage K&linga wamsayatae 

21 . '^ swabh&wa dbannmawii lokopak&ra kala maba-krta-yu- 

22. ''-gayekse se apa me kotalu samurddhaya kal- 

23. ''-pdntayft dakw& kese stbira kotse gani- 

24. "-tdoboyi *' mab& k&ran& pr4jn&yen pa- 

25. -riksbft kota wad&rana seyen — " lowata mawu 



and distinguished by the number of his virtues, generosity, 
truth, heroism, and others like them — (He) dissipated the 
darkness of his enemies like the Sun when he rises o'er 
the moimtain of the dawn, and made peace throughout 
Ceylon, living in the K&linga-raja-pura called Pulastipura, 
reigning with the ten kingly virtues, and increasing religion 
and the prosperity of the world like a wishing tree produced 
by the merit of the inhabitants of the earth. 

His Majesty relieved the exhaustion of the poor^ by the 
rainfall of his gifts, ornaments and dress, and jewels and 
pearls, and coins and silver and gold; and being pleased 
when he beheld the prosperity of the people, deeply con- 
sidered in his great mercy and wisdom, thinking, "How 
" after benefiting the world by the qualities inherent in our 
"family of Kalinga, can this prosperity like that of the 
" good old Golden Age be maintained to the end of this dis- 
" pensation," and perceiving that the prosperity and the very 
race of the wicked were rooted out, who, not knowing the 
greatness and virtue of kings, the gods of men, and parents 
of the world, offended against them, he thought, " ! that 



^ gim niwu, literally '' who quenched the fire." 

YOL. YU. — [nBW aUBIBS.] 11 



162 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CEYLON 

26. "piya was naradewatae wae siti raja-daruwange 

27. ^'guna mahimll no-daensB, unta apar&dha kala du- 

28. ''rjjanayange msB wargga hk sampatwa hk ni- 

29. ''rmmiila wana bawa dsBksB, eseda kisi kenekunta 

30. "win&sa nu wu man&wedayi" sitA, ajnAnayen 

31. andha wd Ipkayahafa aesa dennft se satata- 

32. yen boho awaw&da anus&san& kotSD ; '' r&- 

33. ^'-ja-drohanam panc&nantaryyakarmma se nokata 

34. "yutu deyekaeyi" dharmma-niti dakwana seyen, 

35. prdndtipAtAdi duscarita kal&lmda, wisha kaewoda, 

36. tamu matu nasiti ; r&ja drohanam kalawun da unge 

37. wargga da, un ha ekwu wan nasajri : eheyin r&- 

38. -ja-drohanam sitin at no sitiya 

39. yutteysB, arfijakawae da no wisi. 

40. yutteysD : eheyin maharaja ta- 

41. -n pat W83 sitiyawun naeti tasneka 

42. yuwaraja w8d sitiyawun ho, un adu 

43. nsDta hot r&ja-kum&rawarun ho, 

44. un udu nscta hot bisowarun ho, 

45. rajyayata taakiya yutteysD. Budu sasu- 

46. nata himi Lakdiwata abaudha Ghola Ke- 

• • • 

such destruction would happen to no one ! " and always giving 
much advice and instruction, which were like two eyes to 
the world blind in its ignorance, he published just laws as 
follows : '' Treason is a thing which must be avoided like the 
five great unpardonable sins: those who commit the five 
sins, murder and the rest, and those who take poison, destroy 
only themselves, but the very race of those who commit 
treason, and all who are with them, is destroyed. Treason 
therefore must not even be imagined in the heart ; neither is 
it right to live without a king. 

Therefore when there is no one who has the office of chief 
king, either he who is heir apparent, or if there be none 
such, then one of the princes, or if there are none of them, 
one of the queens, must be chosen to the kingdom. 

Over our Island of Ceylon, which belongs to the teaching 
of Buddha, non-buddhistical princes from Chola or Kerali or 



OF parAkeama bAhtt the GBEAT. 163 



47. ral&di rajadaruwo da no taekiya yutt&lia. 

48. XJn h& ek wsq pereli-kalaha r&jadrohi 

49. nam weti. K&kay4 hansagatiyata da kota- 

50. luw& saindhawayanta da, gaendahul^ n&ga- 

51. -r&jayanta da, kanamaendiriya s(lryyfi,-prabli&- 

52. wayata da, watuwa hastinta da, kaenahil4 

53. sinhayanta da bh&wa karann& se, gowi kule 

54. -hi aettan r&ja-lilllwata no paetuwa maenae- 

55. waD ; kese balawat wuwa da gowikulehi 

56. aetto r&jyayata bala no gata yutt&ha. 

57. Tam& hk samagaettan waenda pud& r&ja sam- 

58. bhftwan& kal&hu da, ungen nam tanaturu la- 

59. dd&hu da, r&jadrobi nam mae weti. Me ki wan M 

60. wargga sampat rajadaru kenek paQmunu 

61. witae mae nirmdla karann&ha. Eheyin Lak 

62. diwa manushya-wS-sa-kala Wijaya rfijayan 

63. parampar&yen &, Lak diwata himi ra- 

64. -ja daru kenekun soy 4 gensed&wl na- 

65. -m, aesa r^kshd-karannd se lo waeda sasun 



other countries must not be chosen : those who join them 
and make disturbances shall be called traitors. 

As the crow should not be compared to the ha&sa, nor the 
donkey to the Arab, nor the worm to the cobra, nor the 
firefly to the sunshine, nor the snipe to the elephant, nor the 
jackal to the lion, so should no men of the Well&la caste be 
appointed to the sovereignty. However powerful they may 
. be/ the men of the WeMla caste ought not to force (their 
way) to the kingdom. 

Those who honour as a king servants like themselves with 
salutations and presents, or receive offices aud titles from 
them, shall be called traitors : whenever a prince of wealth 
and family joins with such people, he destroys himself. 

Therefore, if you look for and find a prince who has a 
right to Ceylon, and is descended from the race of King 
Wijaya, who first peopled Ceylon, take sides with such a 
ruler, who will take care of religion and the prosperity of 



164 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CEYLON 

66. raksliayehi yedi, sw&mi-paksha W2q, taman 

67. wargga sam-pat raksM karanu msBiisewi. 

Dhvdipksho hamsagatin kharo hayavaram gandi^padam 

pannagam 
Khadyoto mihiram mrgendralalitain kroshth& dvipam yark- 

takah 
Wamno 'nyo 'nukaroti rSjacari tan naiw&drtam kevalam 
H^yassy&d iti yakti niti-kusalo Nissamka-Mallo nrpah. 

the world as if they were his two eyes ; and so protect your 
own families and fortunes." 

[Sa^krit.] As the crow may imitate the gait of the 
hamsa, and the donkey the Arab steed, (as) the worm may 
imitate the cobra, and the firefly the sunshine, (as) the 
jackal piay emulate the Uon, and the snipe the elephant: 
so some other caste the conduct of kings ; yet it certainly 
will not (thus) meet with respect, but only with ridicule: 
thus speaks the wise and good Nissanka Malla, the King. 



Inscription on the Four Pillars on the Upper 
Terrace of the Rankot DAgaba. 

Sin Laka paedsBkunu kotae sis&r&, gam niyam gam patun 
gam r&jadh&ni da, Dewu-nuwara Kaela^i Dambulu Anu- 
r&dhapura nuwara SBtuluwu tun rajayehi no ek prasiddha 
sth&na da, jala durgga giri durgga wana durgga panka durgga 

at-ambulu-pakak se nissesha-kotae bal& wad&r&. Ban 

. . . Tal&padi aetuluwu tun rajayehi no ek maha wsb teensB asesha 
pr^inta abhaya di, no marana niy&yen sammata kotae, pi- 

TRANSLATION. 

He who went round and over all Ceylon, and having seen 
the villages and fortified and market towns and cities, and 
several celebrated places in the three kingdoms, including 
AnurMhapura, Dambulla, Ksclani and Dondra, and the 
strongholds in water, and on hills, and in forest and marsh, 
and could distinguish them like a neli-fruit in his hand ; — ^he 
who in several difficult places in the three kingdoms, vL^ 
Ban Talftpadiy and others, gave security to all 



OF paeIeeama bIejj the GEEAT. 165 

samburawa da ... . sehen-kotaB-gat-tenata da, hsema dawasa^a 
msB kseti aya haera, piirwa r&jayan dawassB aneka wadha band- 
hana t&danayen hk go mahish&di sarwa 8awbaru:gayeii it& 
dushtba wae giy&wu lokaw&stuta dandanftdi no ek deya haera, 
mutu msBnik pabtdu SBtuluwu noek ratna da go mabiska 
dbana dh&nya d&si d&sayan da dt, wel gam pamunu SBtuIuwu 
aneka prak&ra wastr&bharana da, ran-walan ridi-walan dt, 
sakala lokaw&sin swastba kotae, Lank& talaya nisbkantaka 
kotse semebi tab&, lanlu (?) yuddb&s&wen bastyaswa-ratba-pa- 
d&di caturangini maba senanga piriwar&, Maba Damba-di- 
wubi P4ndi rata wsedsB sam&na Pratimallayan nodaekae, Cola 
F&ndy& aneka desayen panduru gensB wad&r&, dik wijaya kala, 
Sri Wtra K&linga Lankeswara A-pr&timalla Nissanka-Malla 
Par&krama B&bu cakrawartti sw&minwabanse d& wsenda 
wad&rana kudamayi. 

living tbings, and commanded tbat tbey sbonld not be killed; 
— be wbo for ever remitted tbe royal dues on places reclaimed 

by clearing, and on ; — ^be wbo saved from fines, 

flogging, and otber tbings of tbat kind, tbe inbabitants of 
tbe world become very poor in cattle, bufialoes, and all 
otber means of support, tbrougb oppression, imprisonment, 
and torture, in tbe time of former kings ;~be wbo gave 
pearls, and precious stones, and beads, and otber jewelry, and 
slaves, and slave- girls, and com, and wealtb, and buffaloes, 
and cattle, and different kinds of clotbes, and ornaments, 

besides fields and villages, and , and tbus made all 

men self-dependent ; — be wbo secured and pacified tbe realm 
of Lankft; — ^be wbo longing for battle, and attended by a 
great army witb four divisions of elepbant-riders, cavalry, 
cbarioteers, and infantry, went to P&ndi on tbe continent of 
India, and finding no equal nor opponent, accepted presents 
from Cbola and several countries near P&ndy&, and was vic- 
torious on every side ; — (be wbo did all tbis), His Excellency 
tbe illustrious overlord Wtra K&linga Lankeswara Aprati- 
Malla Nissanka-Malla Par&krama-B&bu, was pleased to salute 
tbe reHc from tbis bouse. 



166 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CEYLON 

On the Stone Seat near Rankot DIgaba. 

Sri siri Sanga-bo Wirar&ja Nissanka Malla E&linga 
warttln wahanse, Lakdiwa niskantakota, ek sesat kota, pera 
rajun nobanda aya gena dustha kala Lankft waslnta pas 
awuruddakata aya haera, awurudu pati pas tulA bhirayak dl, 
nam gam wahal sarak pamunu parapura ran mwan waatrft* 
bharanftdi boho wastuwa di, suwa pat karawft, kat aya hadina 
kalata ma hsBra, wal maba waD tsensQ pr&ntuta abbaya dl, 
swadesaparadesa-yebi bobo catra nafiiw&, maha da& pawatwA, 
tun rajaya psedaekunu kota, siyalu durgaraha rata bim balA, 
loka sasanaya samurddha kotSD, yuddh&s&yen siworanga se- 
naga piriwar& Dambudiwu waeda en& yuddhftdtn ilw&y senft no 
ladin Cola-P&nd&din raja-daruwan webelft-gena, ewu rana- 
aengili hk nlja-kanyak&wan b4 pandum dsBka, jayastbambha 
karaw4, Lak diwu wasda, dasa rftjadbarmmayen r&jjyaya 

TRANSLATION. 

His Excellency, tbe illustrious overlord Sangabo Wirar&ja 
Nissanka Malla of Kalinga ; — wbo restored peace to Ceylon, 
and brought it under one sceptre (umbrella) ; — wbo remitted 
five years' taxes for the people of Lanka afflicted by the 
unbounded taxation of former kings, and by yearly giving 
five times his own weight^ in metals, and much property, 

including titles, villages, slaves, cattle and gold, 

and jewels, and clothes, and ornaments, made them happy ; 
— who for ever remitted royal dues ; — who even in the woods 
and difficult places rendered Uving things secure ; — who at 
home and abroad built many resthouses and gave great 
largesses ; — ^who travelled through the three kingdoms, and 
inspected all inaccessible and despised districts and lands ; — 
who increased religion ; — who from the lust of war went witk 
his four-fold army to Dambudiwa, and demanded soldiers, 
and when he did not receive the army harassed the princes 
of Cola and P&^di and other places, and having looked at 
the rings and virgins they sent as gifts, and put up pillan 
of victory, returned to Lakdiwa, and reigned with the tea 

^ Soe my note about this curious custom on a similar panaffe of the loo^ 
Dambulla Inscription in the forthcoming Journal B.A.S. Ceylon Branch. 



OF PABAKRAMA BAHU THE GBEAT. 167 

keremin, Buwan-wseli D&gaba karaw& wad&rana kala, 
karmm&nta balsL-wad^rlL w»da-uii mulu galin kala isana- 

kingly virtues; — {He) used to sit on this throne made of a 
single stone, and was pleased to watch the work when he was 
building the Buwan-wsBli D&gaba.^ 



Note. 

The chief authority for the history of Parakr&ma's reign 
must always remain the Mah&vamsa, but there are many 
incidental notices to be found in the different yamsa-pot or 
history books still extant in Ceylon in the Su^halese and 
P&H languages; and Dr. Caldwell has informed me that 
some references to his conquest of South India may be ex- 
pected from inscriptions and other records in Tamil.^ The 
fame of the Mah&vamsa has even in Ceylon so eclipsed that 
of the other vamsa books that they are seldom mentioned to 
Europeans ; and Tumour seems, from his list at page ii. of 
the "Introduction" to his edition, of the Mah&vamsa, to 
have known very few of them : it may be useful, therefore, 
to give a further list. 

The P&li text of the Attanagaluvamsa has just been 
published by Mr. J. d'Alwis, who had previously published 
the translation with notes; and who has also published a 

^ The D^ba is now called Bankot, or golden-tipped, a name certainly very 
ancient, as there has been no eolden tip for several centuries, and the word appears 
in old SiSibalese books : it is, howerer, evident from this inscription, that the 
builder of it named it Buwanwseli (golden sand), after the celebrated Dslgaba of the 
same name at Anursidhapura, whose building 07 Dush^a Gamini, b.o. 158, is 
described at such length in the Mahavafiisa, ch. 27-31, pp. 165-193. I take this 
opportunity of correcting an error (as it seems to me) in Tumour's edition of the 
Mahdvadisa. The older DUgaba (i.e, Dh&tugarbha ; see MahUv. pp. 179, 211, and 
Childers' Diet.]) is called throughout the description referred to simply Mah&- 
thfipa, but it is now called Buwanwseli, the name which it probably bore in 
Sif&halese even from the first: to this Uie correspon^uig P&h form w^ould be 
Hemav&li, which actually occurs at Mahir. p. 97, line 1 ; Hemamalika, p. 108, 
line 7) and Hemam&li, p. 202, line 8, are therefore probably misprints, or rather 
mistakes, for the m occurs also in the English translation. 

> In Prof. Wilson's Historical Sketch of Pa^^y&f Journal of the Boyal Adatic 
Society, vol. iii. p. 201, the name of Pardkrama &a[hu is the 65th in the list of 
kings. 



168 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CEYLON 

description of it in his Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit, 
PUi, and Simhalese Literary Works, vol. i., according to 
which,^ it was written about 1180 a.d., at the close of the 
reign of Parakrama the Great, by an unknown pupil of the 
priest Anomadassi. There is a Simhalese version of this 
vamsa written by an unknown author in 1382 a.d.* 

The KesadhAtuvai^Isa, mentioned in the 39th chapter of 
the Mah&vamsa, is a history of a reKc consisting of Buddha's 
hair ; no copy of this work has reached Europe, and I am 
not aware whether it is in Simhalese or P&li. A translation 
of the 39th chapter of the Mah&va&sa will appear in the 
forthcoming volume of this Journal ; where the question of 
its probable date will be considered. 

The TntypAVAMSA, a history of the principal D&gabas in 
India and Ceylon, is written in Simhalese. Mr. Alwis 
assigns it to about a.d. 1324 ; but gives no reason for doing 
so.^ It is a work of high authority among the Sidihalese 
Buddhists, and is reckoned by them among the bana-pot or 
sacred scriptures, although it does not, of course, belong to 
the * Three Baskets.' Three copies I have are written on 
202, 231, and 153 leaves, 20, 19, and 22 inches long re- 
spectively. 

The DaladAvamsa or Dh&tuva&sa, a history of the cele- 
brated Tooth relic,^ is in Si&halese, and according to Mr. 
Alwis,^ appeared in 1326 a.d. He calls it ^* a very elaborate 
work, which ranks among the classics of the Sidihalese,'' and 
mentions a translation of the original Simhalese work into 
P&li. Mr. Alwis, however, gives no authority for this state- 
ment or for the date 1326, and does not notice either Tumour's 
remark^ that the Dh&t&dh&tu-va&sa mentioned by Mah&- 
n&ma in the 37th chapter of the Mah&va&sa was still extant 

^ Descriptiye Catalog:ae, p. 33. 

* Ibid. p. 33 ; but in his Introd. to Sidat Sanganlwa, p. clxzxy., Mr. Alwis 
.anigns it to Durandura, and at p. 34 of the Cat. dates it 1301 a.d. 

> Sidat Sangar&wa (Colombo, 1862), p. cIxxt. 

^ See Tnrnour's ** Account of the Tooth Relic of Ceylon/' Journal of the 
Asiatic Soc. of Bengal, 1837, vol. yi. pp. 2, 856. 

^ Introduction to Sidat Sangarltwa, pp. cIzxt., clxzxiii. A new edition of 
this valuable * Introduction,' our only authority on Sinhalese literature, is much 
reauired. 

" Mahdyafiisa, p. 241, note. 



OF paeIkeama bIhtj the great. 169 

in 1837; or Forbes's identification of Dalad&vaffisa with 
that work.^ It is possible that at least ihe earlier portion 
of the book, which gives a minute account of the great 
struggle between the Buddhists and Brahmans in India a.d. 
290-31 Oy may be yery ancient, and even perhaps not much 
subsequent to the events it describes. 

The DiPAVAidSA is a history of the Island of Ceylon, sup- 
posed to be one of those referred to, as already existing, by 
Mah&n&ma (who lived in the 5th century a.d.) in the opening 
verses of the Mah&vaf&sa. Mr. D'Alwis, in the ' Descriptive 
Catalogue,' pp. 12&-168, has given an abstract of this work, 
incorporating from the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal 
Tumour's analysis of those parts of it which seemed to him 
most interesting; The first eight cantos treat of the History 
of Buddhism in India, and the 9th and 10th of the History 
of Ceylon, to the time of Asoka the Great ; the llth-16th 
treat of the reign of Dev&nam piya Tissa ; and the 17th-21st 
of the Kings of Ceylon for the next 500 years (about B.C. 200- 
A.D. 300), the reign only of Dushta G&mini being treated at 
any length. Tumour thinks the Dlpavafiisa to be the same 
as the Mah&va&sa written in the ITttaravih&ra, the oldest 
possible date of which is 301 a.d., and its probable date 
somewhat later.^ It is written on about 30 leaves. 

The PtJAWALiYA was written in Sinhalese by Maimp&da, 
the author also of Yogan&wa, in the reign of Pardkrama III. 
1267-1301 A.D. It gives a description of the different offer- 
ings that have been made to Buddha ; and an extract from 
it will be found at p. clxxii. of Mr. Alwis's Introduction to 
the Sidat Sangar&wa. It is one of the works relied on by 
Tumour in writing his Epitome of the History of Ceylon.^ 

The BuDDHAVAfisA, or history of the Buddhas, in P&li 
verse, is the fourteenth book of Khuddaka-nik&ya, the fifth 
section of the Sutta Pitaka or third Basket. It gives the 

^ Forbes, Ceylon, yol. ii. p. 210. 

' Attanagaluvafiisa, Introa., pp. x. xxr. Descr. Cat pp. 118-168. Tornonr, 
.Tournal Bengal Asiatic Society, vol. yiii. p. 922. Weber, '' Koneste Forachiingen," 
p. 61. Westergaard, " Ueber Buddha's Todesjahr./' p. 98 (of Prot Sten«ler*s 
German edition). St. Hilaire, Journal des Sayans, Fey. 1866, p. 102. 

' See MahftyafiiBa, Introduction, p. ii. 



172 



Art. IX. — Of the Khar&j or Muhammadan Land Tax ; its 
Application to British India, and Effect on the Tenure of 
Land. By N. B. E. Baillie. 

[Bead on the 30th June, 1873.] 

Khardj or KMrdj, for the word Is written both ways, 
indifferently, signifies Kterally "going or issuing out of." 
It occurs, with a slight difference in the spelling, in a 
passage of the Koran, where two constructions have been 
put upon it by commentators — one that it means qfr or 
hire, and the other that it means na/a or profit generally. 
In the former sense, khardf when applied to land would be 
rent, and the person rendering it a tenant for the recipient, 
who would be the proprietor ; in the latter sense, it might be 
a profit of any kind issuing out of the land, and the person 
rendering it might himself be the proprietor. To this double 
meaning of the word may perhaps be traced a controyersy 
respecting the proprietary right to land in India, which has 
subsisted more or less down to the present time. 

A tax of the same nature as the khardj existed in the 
Sow&d of Irak in the time of its Persian rulers. It was 
originally levied by a division of the produce between the 
Sovereign and the cultivator. But that mode of levying the 
tax being deemed oppressive by Cobad, he caused the land to 
be measured by the zird, and imposed a rate on it of a kqflz 
in grain and a dirhem in money for each ^arii or square 
area of 60 by 60 zird. This arrangement continued in force 
till the time of the Mussulman conquest, when it was adopted 
with some modifications by Omar. But there is some land 
to which that mode of assessment cannot be conveniently 
applied, and it is reasonable to suppose, with regard to land 
of that description, that recourse should be had to the 
original mode of dividing the produce with the cultivator. 



OF THE KHAEXJ OE MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 173 

The khardj came thus in the course of time to be divided 
into two kinds, to which the names of mukdmmah and 
wazifa were given, probably because the former signifies 
mutual division, and the latter is a synonym for zird, the 
standard by which the land was measured. 

Be that as it may, there is a marked distinction between 
the two kinds of khardj. The mukdsumah is defined to be 
something out of the produce, as a fifth or sixth, or the like ; 
while the wazifa is described as something in obligation, 
that is, a personal liability on account of a definite portion of 
land. The former is dependent on the actual crop or issue 
from the land, not on the kind of crop which it is capable of 
yielding ; insomuch that it is not due when the land, though 
capable, is allowed to lie idle. While the latter or wazifa 
is dependent on the return that the land is capable of yield- 
ing ; insomuch that it is due, whether the land b(B tilled or 
not. It is thus a permanent burden on the land, for which 
every proprietor is liable, whether he retains the land in his 
own possession or lets it to others. Of the two kinds of 
khardj^ the wazifa is therefore the more onerous, and, being 
for that reason deemed to be more appropriate to the lands 
of unbelievers in the Mussulmtui faith, it is the wazifa that 
is usually meant when khardj is mentioned by Muhamma- 
dan writers, unless the mukdsumah is particularly specified. 

There are three ways in which land becomes liable to 
khardj. The first is when the country in which it is situated 
has been conquered by the faithful from imbelievers. The 
examples of the Prophet and Omar have formed a precedent 
with all the schools of Simni lawyers for the treatment of 
conquered coimtries, though they are not all agreed as to the 
proper construction to be put on these examples. On one 
point there is no difierence of opinion, namely, that by con- 
quest the whole property of a conquered people passes to the 
conquerors, without any distinction between what is mov- 
able and immovable, or between what belongs to the State 
and what belongs to private individuals. They are also 
agreed that the movable property is plimder, and should be 
divided among the soldiers of the conquering army. But 



172 



Art. IX. — Of the Khardj or Muhammadan Land Tax ; Us 
Application to British India, and Effect on the Tenure of 
Land. By N. B. E. Baillie. 

[Bead on the 30th June, 1873.] 

Khar&j or Kkirdj, for the word is written both ways, 
indifferently, signifies literally "going or issuing out of.'* 
It occurs, with a slight difference in the spelling, in a 
passage of the Koran, where two constructions have been 
put upon it by commentators — one that it means qfr or 
hire, and the other that it means nqfa or profit generally. 
In the former sense, khardj when applied to land would be 
rent, and the person rendering it a tenant for the recipient, 
who would be the proprietor ; in the latter sense, it might be 
a profit of any kind issuing out of the land, and the person 
rendering it might himself be the proprietor. To this double 
meaning of the word may perhaps be traced a controversy 
respecting the proprietary right to land in India, which has 
subsisted more or less down to the present time. 

A tax of the same nature as the khardj existed in the 
Sow&d of Irak in the time of its Persian rulers. It was 
originally levied by a division of the produce between the 
Sovereign and the cultivator. But that mode of levying the 
tax being deemed oppressive by Cobad, he caused the land to 
be measured by the zird, and imposed a rate on it of a ka/lz 
in grain and a dirhem in money for eachjarib or square 
area of 60 by 60 zird. This arrangement continued in force 
till the time of the Mussulman conquest, when it was adopted 
with some modifications by Omar. But there is some land 
to which that mode of assessment cannot be conveniently 
applied, and it is reasonable to suppose, with regard to land 
of that description, that recourse should be had to the 
origioal mode of dividing the produce with the cultivator. 



OF THE KHAEXJ OE MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 173 

The khardj came thus in the course of time to be divided 
into two kinds, to which the names of mukdmmah and 
wazifa were given, probably because the former signifies 
mutual division, and the latter is a synonym for zird^ the 
standard by which the land was measured. 

Be that as it may, there is a marked distinction between 
the two kinds of khardj. The mukdsumah is defined to be 
something out of the produce, as a fifth or sixth, or the like ; 
while the wazifa is described as something in obligation, 
that is, a personal liability on account of a definite portion of 
land. The former is dependent on the actual crop or issue 
from the land, not on the kind of crop which it is capable of 
yielding ; insomuch that it is not due when the land, though 
capable, is allowed to lie idle. While the latter or wazifa 
is dependent on the return that the land is capable of yield- 
ing ; insomuch that it is due, whether the land bp tilled or 
not. It is thus a permanent burden on the land, for which 
every proprietor is liable, whether he retains the land in his 
own possession or lets it to others. Of the two kinds of 
khardj, the wazifa is therefore the more onerous, and, being 
for that reason deemed to be more appropriate to the lands 
of unbelievers in the Mussulmtui faith, it is the wazifa that 
is usually meant when khardj is mentioned by Muhamma- 
dan writers, unless the mukdsumah is particularly specified. 

There are three ways in which land becomes liable to 
khardj. The first is when the country in which it is situated 
has been conquered by the faithful from unbelievers. The 
examples of the Prophet and Omar have formed a precedent 
with all the schools of Simni lawyers for the treatment of 
conquered coimtries, though they are not all agreed as to the 
proper construction to be put on these examples. On one 
point there is no difierence of opinion, namely, that by con- 
quest the whole property of a conquered people passes to the 
conquerors, without any distinction between what is mov- 
able and immovable, or between what belongs to the State 
and what belongs to private individuals. They are also 
agreed that the movable property is plimder, and should be 
divided among the soldiers of the conquering army. But 



174 OF THE KHARAJ OR MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 

there is a difference of opinion among the sects as to the 
disposal of the land. According to Shafei, the land also is 
plunder^ and ought to be divided among the soldiers ; ac- 
cording to Malik, it becomes wdlrfy or an appropriation for 
the general benefit of Mussulmans ; according to Abu 
Hunifa, the Imam or Head of the Mussulman community 
has an option, and may either divide the land among the 
soldiers, or bestow it upon the people of the country, even 
though they should persist in rejecting the true religion. 
If he adopts the former alternative, the land will generally 
become liable to ushr or tithe ; if he adopts the latter, and 
bestows the land upon the conquered people, the khardj must 
necessarily be imposed upon it. 

The next way in which land becomes subject to khard^ is 
when waste land is brought into cultivation : waste land 
being unappropriated does not pass by conquest to the con- 
querors, but remains free to be appropriated by the first 
occupant who brings it into cultivation with the permission 
of the Imam. According to the prevailing opinion among 
the Hanifites, this permission is indispensable. But still it 
is not the permission that constitutes the right of property ; 
for though a person should obtain permission, and commence 
his operations by a partial clearance of the land, yet if he dis- 
continue them before the reclamation is completed, there is no 
establishment of property, and any other person is at liberty, 
after the expiration of three years, to enter upon the land 
and reclaim it, provided that he has the Imam's permission 
to do so. Waste land, when brought into cultivation by a 
zimmi, or infidel subject of a Muhammadtui Power, is liable 
to kkardj under all circumstances. 

The third and only other way in which land becomes liable 
to khardj is when land on which the ushr was originally 
imposed is transferred to unbelievers. It then loses its 
original character, according to Abu Hunifa, and becomes 
khardji. Land subject to khardj, according to the same 
authority, retains the character once impressed upon it, and 
remains khardji imder all mutations of property. 

It thus appears that in all cases where land has become 



OF THE KHARAJ OR MTTHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 175 

subject to the khardj by original imposition or by conversion 
from being ushriy a right of property, according to the 
Hanifites, has first been established in it in favour of some 
one, either by grant from conquerors, or by reclamation from 
waste, before the khardj was imposed upon it. This is said of 
khardj generally, but I have already remarked that whenever 
that impost is spoken of by Muhammadan writers, they must 
be understood to mean the wazifa, unless the mukdsumah 
is particularly mentioned. So far as I have been able to 
ascertain, there is no instance on record — except the doubtful 
case of Kheiber, of which contradictory accounts are given 
in the Hidayah — of the mukdsumah khardj having ever been 
formally imposed upon any land. Moreover, the reason 
which is assigned for the imposition of the tax on the land 
of unbelievers, and for the conversion of tishri to khardji 
land when transferred to them, is that, being due whether 
the land be tilled or not, it is burdensome, and therefore in 
the nature of a punishment for their unbelief. But this is 
true only of the wazi/a ; and ^hen waste land is brought 
into cultivation, it is expressly said that it becomes subject to 
that form of the khardj. What then has been predicated of 
the khardj generally, is thus restricted to the wazi/a^ and 
afibrds no warrant for inferring that, when land is subject to 
the mukdsumah, a right of property in it was first established 
before the mukdsumah was imposed upon it ; if, indeed, the 
khardj in that form ever was , formally imposed upon any 
land. But as no land in countries conquered by Muhamma- 
dans can be originally acquired otherwise than by grant from 
the conquerors or reclamation from waste, it would seem, 
with regard to the wazlfa, that all land which is subject to 
it must necessarily be the property of those who are re- 
sponsible for it. This conclusion is confirmed by the ve^y 
nature of the wazlfa^ which, being due so long as the land 
is capable of bearing, must be accompanied by powers 
equally permanent over the land to meet the liability. 
Wazifa is thus a test of ownership ; and wherever we find 
that land is subject to it, we have only to seek for the person 
who is liable for the khardj, and there we have the proprietor 



244 INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 

the coins may be found described which I have thought 
inedited. Still, I have searched through all the more 
important ones; and at all events if it should prove to be 
the case that some of the coins now described have already 
been noticed in some less-known continental journal, the re- 
publishing of them may yet not be useless, as the Journal of 
this Society passes into many hands, into which the supposed 
continental journal may not fall. 

1*^ Gold. King of EaemIn. ^ Imdd-ad-dawlah Kard-Anldn B^. 
Struck at Tazdashir, a.h. 462 (=a.d. 1069-;o). {British Museum.) 

Obv. Area. ill ^ ''' W H 

Margin (inner) ,^1 i:,^ ^^J^ jlijjJl I jjb c-i^ ^\ mms^} 

(outer) *"2^y^^' ^ 

Eev. Area. <UJ\ J^-*; Xkff^ 



Margin. ^l <(Ls^t ^\ (Jt^ 

* An asterisk (*) after the number of the coin indicates that it 
is photographed in the accompanying Plate. 

' Some readers may not remember that J I is an abbreviation for 
ijs>^\ ^\ to the end of it, equivalent to etc. 



^^ y 



176 OF THE EHAKU OB XUHAIOCADAX LA5D TAX. 

of the 8oiL This cannot be said of land that is sobject to 
the mukdsumah; and with regard to such land we have 
neither precedent nor reason for the same inference, amj 
ought rather to conclude that the conquerors have neTer 
parted with the right acquired by conquest, and that the 
hmd is therefore still the property of the Sorereign as the 
representatiTe of the general Mussulman community. 

The khardj in both its forms may be Taried according to 
the capability of the Lmd, provided that it is never to exceed 
a half of the produce, or its value. Whether there shall be 
a margin of produce between the tax and what is considered 
necessary for the support of the cultivator and his £unily, is 
thus dependent on the wQl of the ruler for the time; amj 
if the full half is taken, there is no room for the pennanent 
interposition of any one between him and the cultivator. If, 
on the other hand, the khardj is only a third of the produce, 
or some other proportion less than a half, and is allowed to 
remain so for a considerable length of time, the cultivator 
may gradually rise above his condition, so as to have others 
of the same class to till the ground under him, or some third 
party may be enabled gradually to insinuate himftplf between 
the ruler and the cultivator. But in all these cases the con- 
dition of the party, whoever he may be, that is thus inter- 
posed, will be necessarily precarious, depending entirely on 
the continued forbearance of the ruler ; and if the khardj 
should at any time be raised up to its full legal standard, the 
interloper may be crushed out altogether, and the ruler be 
again brought into immediate contact with the actual culti- 
vator. The cultivator may thus be said to be the only person 
who can have a permanent interest in the land, besides the 
Sovereign. 

Whatever be the form of the khardj\ the Sovereign is 
entitled to receive it, and the law has armed him with suf- 
ficient powers for its recovery. But when received, it cannot 
be legally applied to any other purposes than those to which 
it has been specially appropriated by the law. The persons 
on whom it may be expended, such as soldiers, kaziSf muf- 
tis, learned men, etc., are called ahl^i-kharqf, or people of 



OP THE KHARAJ OR MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 177 

hhardj; and when the owner of khanS^i land belongs to any 
of these classes, the ruler may apply to him the Ithardj of his 
own land, that is, leave it with him uncalled for. So also he 
may authorize another person, being duly qualified, to receive 
and appropriate for his own benefit the hhardj of any par- 
ticular land, though it may happen to be the property of 
others. This is called an iktoui^ or cutting ofiT, as if it were a 
separation of something from a general fund belonging to 
the community. An ihtaa may be for any time not exceed- 
ing the life of the grantee ; but an iktaa to a person and to 
his successors and heirs after him is void. When an xUtaa is 
for services to be rendered, it is called ma&hrut or skarti, 
that is, conditional; but it may be gratuitous when the person 
in whose favour it is made is one of the ahl or people of 
khardj, and then it is called bila shart, or without condition. 
In both cases the iktaa requires an order called a tankka on 
the person by whom the khar&j is due, to pay it to the 
grantee. When the iktad is of a specific sum out of the 
revenue, a mere tankha may suffice ; but when it extends to 
the whole revenue of a district, then the grantee is supposed 
to be vested with the powers of the Sovereign for its re- 
covery, and not only so, but also with his general jurisdic- 
tions and other rights during the continuance of the grant. 

Khardj is the proper subject of iktaa; but as waste land 
cannot be brought into cultivation without the permission of 
the Sovereign, the term has also been applied to such per- 
mission. Waste land when reclaimed is liable to wazifa^ as 
already mentioned ; but until the wazifa has been formally 
imposed upon it, it may be supposed to be exempt from the 
payment of khardj. This exemption, however, cannot be 
legally extended beyond the life of the grantee, even when 
he is one of the ahl or people of khardj. No land can 
therefore be legally lakhardjy or permanently exempt from 
the payment of revenue. 

Having said all that appeared to me to be necessary of the 
khardj generally, I proceed to inquire when and how it was 
applied to any of the Provinces that now constitute the 
British Empire in India. 

YOL. TU. — [nBW 8EBIB8.] 12 



178 OF THE KHABAJ OB MTHAMICADAX LAXD TAX. 

There is no record of the manner in which the land was 
disposed of at the time of the Mussulman conquest. Nor 
does it appear that any attempt was made formally to impoae 
the khardj on any part of the land until the time of Ala- 
ud-din, whose reig:n commenced about the year a.d. 1296. 
It is told of that SoYereig:n in the Tarikh of Feroze Shah, 
and by Ferishtah, that he resolved that all cultivation, 
whether on a small or large scale, should be carried on by 
measurement at a certain rate for every biswah^ and ordered 
a tax equal to half the gross amount of the produce to be 
levied throughout the kingdom, and to be regularly trans- 
mitted to the Royal Exchequer. Measurement is the basis 
of a wazifdy and the operations of Ala-ud-din look very 
like an attempt to impose the khardj in that form upon the 
land. But his system was never completed, and it was not 
till the time of Shere Shah and Selim Shah that any attempt 
was made to revive it. These rulers are said in the Ayin 
Akbery to be the first who abolished the custom of dividing 
the crops, which must therefore have existed for some time 
previous, and probably before the operations of Ala-ud-din. 
The changes introduced by them were afterwards more fully 
developed in the system of Akbar, of which I now proceed to 
give some accoimt so far as relates to the imposition of the 
khardj. 

He first established a uniform standard of length, corre- 
sponding to the Arabian zirdy which he called the IkM 
gazy and, having adopted the jarib, to which he also gave 
the name of bighah, as the measure of surface, he made it to 
consist of 3600 square gaz. He then divided the land, ac- 
cording to its difierent capabilities, into four kinds, namely, 
Pulej, or land cultivated for every harvest ; Perowty, or 
land kept out of cultivation for a short time to recover its 
strength ; and Ghecher and Bunjer, or lands which had lain 
fallow from three to five years or upwards, on account of ex- 
cessive rain or inundation. It was only on the first kind 
or Pulej land that a permanent tax like the wazifa could 
be immediately imposed, and Pulej was accordingly taken 
as the standard for fixing the revenue. Perowty when cul* 



OF THE KHAKAJ OR MTJHAMMADAN LANI> TAX. 179 

tlvated was to pay the same revenue as Pulej. The other 
two kinds were to pay more moderate rates for some time, 
but were also ultimately to become liable to the same revenue 
as Pulej. The produce of a big hah of Pulej land of 
average quality was then . ascertained for many different 
kinds of crops^ and a third of that average was taken as 
the revenue to be paid for each different kind. The revenue 
being thus determined in kind, was made convertible into 
money at an average of the prices for nineteen years ; and it 
was left optional to the husbandman to pay in money or in 
kind, as he might find more convenient. 

In this way the revenue of a biff hah of land would vary 
from time to time according to the kind of produce ; and a 
plan seems to have been early adopted, if it was not coeval 
with the first assessment, of fixing the revenue at a lump 
sum for each biff hah. This was at first termed the tumar 
jammah^ but came afterwards to be called the asul or original, 
to distinguish it from several additions subsequently made 
to it. 

If we now compare the system of Akbar with what has 
been said of the wazifa khardj\ we will find that of the 
four different kinds into which the land was divided, it was 
only the Perowty that could not be brought under the con- 
^ ditions of that kind of impost. It is true that it was not 
immediately applied to Checher and Bunjer, but that was on 
account of the accidents of excessive rain and inundation to 
which they had been exposed; and, full allowance having 
been made on that account, they were thenceforth to be 
treated in the same way as Pulej, and would thus become 
permanently liable to khardjt which was the characteristic of 
the wazifa. Perowty when cultivated was brought imder 
the same liability ; and we may therefore safely infer that 
the impost levied by Akbar on the land was in reality the 
wazifa khardj of the Muhammadan,law. We have, there- 
fore, only to inquire who were the persons that became liable 
for its payment, in order to find out who became the pro- 
prietors of the soil. 
, It has been already observed that it was left to the option 



180 OP THE KHARAJ OR MTJHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 

of the husbandman to pay the revenue in money or in kind, 
as he might find convenient. This points to him as the 
person immediately liable for the khardj; and his liability is 
confirmed by the special instructions given to the a$ml 
gazzar or collector of the revenue. In these he was directed 
to consider himself the immediate friend of the husbandman, 
to assist him with loans of money, to transact his bufidnesB 
with each husbandman separately, and in particular to agree 
with him '^ to bring his rents himself at stated periods, that 
there may be no plea for employing intermediate mercenariea." 
From all this it seems sufficiently clear that the revenue, 
whatever it was, was payable by the ryots or cultivators 
direct to the State, and that they only were held to be liable 
for it. Hence we are in a manner constrained by the prin- 
ciples of the wazifa khardj to infer that it was to them that 
the right of property in the land was transferred from the 
conquerors, and that consequently they became its pro- 
prietors. 

It was probably the intention of Akbar to have extended 
his system to the whole of the lands in his dominions, but 
that was never done ; for in most of the Soubahs or provinces 
into which they were divided, large tracts of land were left 
unmeasured. On these the public revenue seems to have 
been levied in a manner corresponding to the mukdsumah 
khardj , that is, by a division of the produce ; but there is no 
further evidence that the khardj in that form was ever im- 
posed upon the land. Even though there were such evidence, 
we should have no right to infer a preliminary grant in that 
case, and may therefore conclude, with regard to the un- 
measured lands, for want of evidence to the contrary, that 
they would still remain the property of the conquerors, or 
the Sovereign as their representative. 

I have no means of tracing the tenure of land through 
the reigns of Jehangir and Shahjehtui; but we have an 
important document of the time of Aunmgzebe, from which 
it appears that the tenure and position of the ryots or culti- 
vators was pretty much the same at that time as it had been 
left by Akbar. This document, which was a firman in- 



OF THE KHAEAJ OB MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. X81 

tended for the guidance of the officers employed in the col- 
lection of the revenue, follows very closely the instructions 
of j^bar to his amil ffozzars. It is therefore unneoessary 
to go minutely through its contents. It may be sufficient to 
say that in the firman we have the distinction strongly 
marked between the two kinds of khardj, leaving no doubt 
that the rate imposed by Akbar was a true wazifa; though 
in the firman it is called mowazzaf; for that is only a dif- 
ferent inflexion from the same root, and has the same meaning. 
Moreover, what was only an inference from the imposition 
of the wazifa in Akbar's settlement, has now become a 
reality, for at every step the ryots or husbandmen are 
treated as the proprietors of the land where the kharaj is 
Tnowazzdkf. 

The assessment of Akbar was limited to a third of the 
produce of the land, and primd facie the ryot might retain 
the whole of the remaining two-thirds for his own benefit. 
There might, however, have been some other party entitled 
by custom, or by virtue of some right recognized by the ryot, 
to a portion of it ; and the difference between a third and a 
half of the produce, which the law considered generally suf- 
ficient for the maintenance of the cultivator and his family, 
or one-sixth of the whole, might thus have been left for the 
benefit of such other party, though in strictness he might 
have no legal right to it after the ryot had become the pro- 
prietor of the land. 

In the Ayin Akbery mention is made of a class of 
persons called zamindars, as forming an important part of 
the military force of the empire. In Bengal they are par-* 
ticularly described as furnishing large bodies of cavalry 
and infantry, besides cannon, boats and elephants; and speak- 
ing genendly of the army of the empire, the zamindary 
troops are said to be upwards of four millions. The word 
zamindar is a compound of two Persian words, zamin (land) 
and dor (holder), and means literally a holder of land. The 
name, therefore, could hardly have been given to lany class 
of persons who had no recognized connexion with the land ; 
which would imply some degree of power over it or its occu- 



1^2 ^>F TH£ KRASJU OR IfTEUlDLLDAX LlXD TAX. 

panUy in the persons who were obliged to provide for so large 
a force. 

In the Memoirs of Timor we meet with freqaent notices 
of powerful chiefs sometimes submitting to that conqueror, 
on his invasion of India, and as often in rebellion against 
him. In the Persian translation of that work these peraons 
are called zamindars, and if we may assume that they be- 
longed to the same class to whom the name is applied in the 
Ayin Akbery, it would seem that there were at that time 
two classes of zamindars, one superior and the other inferior. 
Indeed) one is particularly mentioned as having a country 
and subjects with dependent zamindars under him. Thia 
state of things may be differently accounted for. By some 
it has been supposed that the two classes of zamindars were 
the successors of superior and inferior officers that had ex* 
isted under the Hindu kings. By others it may be thought 
that the superior zamindars were the successors of ancient 
Rajahs or rulers of parts of the country^ while the inferior 
were originally subordinate chiefs^ or^ perhaps, pnqnrietors of 
the land. Whatever the ancestors of these different daasea 
may have been, it is evident that both the superior and 
inferior must have been left, at the original conquest of the 
country, in possession of some of the powers which they 
originally had in their particular districts, so far as was con- 
sistent with a general subjection to the conquerors. 

For a considerable time after the first invasion of the 
country, the conquerors seem to have cared for little beyond 
the revenue. The easiest and simplest way for obtaining 
that was to leave the civil government of the country with 
the native chiefs, supreme or dependent, and to impose 
upon them fixed payments in the nature of tribute. Such a 
state of things may be supposed to have continued until the 
government of the conquerors was sufficiently established to 
enable them to impose their own system of revenue, that is, 
the khari^jy upon the land. Whenever that took place, it 
would have created a revolution in the condition of the 
zamindajs. Indeed, to depress, if not entirely to extinguish 
them, seems to have been one of the principal motives which 



OF THE KHAEAJ OR MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 183 

led Ala-ud-din to impose, as already mentioned, a tax 
equal to half the annual produce of the lands throughout 
the kingdom. At that time estimates of the produce were 
required from the zamindars, and superintendents were ap- 
pointed over the collectors " to take care that the zamindars 
should demand no more from the cultivators than the esti- 
mates the zamindars themselves had made.'' 

The various regulations of Ala-ud-din came to naught 
at his death; and the extreme pressure on the cultivators 
being thus removed, a margin of produce would again be 
left for the zamindar, who might then rise to the condition 
in which he was afterwards foimd at the invasion of Timur. 
It is further probable that he remained in that state down 
to the time of Selim Shah and Akbar, which will account 
for his being able to contribute so largely as he then did to 
the miKtary force of the empire. 

In this view the condition of the ryot may be supposed 
generally to remain pretty much the same under all circum- 
stances, while that of the zamindar would sink with every 
fresh demand on the produce of the land ; the ryot becoming 
less and less able to pay anything above what he was obliged 
to render to the State. Amid the anarchy that followed 
soon after the death of Aurungzebe, a number of de facto 
governments were established throughout the country, and 
the pressure on the land may thus be supposed to have varied 
with the exigencies and character of the rulers in particular 
localities. At some places in the north-western provinces 
the pressure became so great that scarcely any of the produce 
seems to have been left with the cultivators beyond what 
was necessary for the subsistence of themselves and their 
families; and the zamindars were reduced to a condition 
very little above that of the ordinary ryots. There is no 
reason to suppose that the demand from the land was less in 
Bengal than elsewhere. Indeed, we know that the tiimar 
jammah had been already increased in a.d. 1658 under Shah 
Sujah, at the commencement of Aurungzebe's reign; and 
that it was again raised in 1722 imder Nawab Jaffier Khan, 
in the fourth year of the reign of Mahmud Shah. 



184 OF THE KHARAJ OR MTHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 

About that time a tmiversal dispossessioiL of the zamindan 
took place, and the province was divided into official zanun-* 
daries, some of which were of great extent^ comprising under 
them smaller zamindaries, that were called taluks or de- 
pendencies. The new zamindaries were constituted by 
sannads ; from the terms of which it is evident that some 
change must have taken place in the relation of the zamin- 
dars to the Government since the time of Akbar's Settlement. 
Originally, or at least in the time of Ala-ud-din, they 
seem to have held an intermediate position between the 
Government and the cultivators. In Akbar's Settlement 
they were entirely, ignored, and appear 'to have been quite 
cut off from any connexion with the Gx)vemment revenue. 
So long, however, as they were obliged to maintain a large 
contingent of troops for the service of the Empire, they must 
be supposed to have retained some interest in the produce of 
the land ; for how else could they have found the means for 
their support? How long their obligation in this respect 
continued it is difficult to say ; but their contingents, it may 
be supposed, would be gradually reduced with every addition 
to the land revenue, which would leave less and less of the 
produce of the land available for the zamindars ; and at the 
time of Jaffier Khan's operations they seem to have been no 
longer charged with military duties, but to have become 
little more than amis or agents for the collection of the 
public revenue. This is apparent from the terms of the 
sannads already alluded to; for in the details of their 
duties it is expressly stated that they are to '* deliver into 
the Treasury, at proper times, the due rent of the Sircar," 
that is, the Government, and take a discharge, according to 
custom, at the end of the year. Deductions were allowed 
for certain known charges, including what was called a 
nankoTy or bread allowance, for the maintenance of the 
zamindar and his family, commonly estimated at about ten 
per cent, of the collections. The sannad was usually granted 
for a consideration called a pesheash^ and the zamindaiy 
being an office, a fresh appointment was required on the 
death of the party to whom the sannad was granted. The 



OF THE KHABAJ OB HITHAMMABAN LAND TAX. 185 

son or heir of the last zamindar was usually appointed 
to succeed him ; so tiiat in the course of time the office 
seems to have acquired a ^e^o^-hereditary character ; but it 
was still necessary that a fresh appointment should be made 
on the death of the last occupant, and that a new sannad 
should be issued, which was not granted except on payment 
of the peshcash. By the terms of the sannad the zamindar 
was required to provide an increased cultivation of the land. 
But this implied a power to mo^ure it and make grants of 
waste ; and it may also be supposed that as ami or collector 
of the revenue, he would be invested with authority to fix 
from time to time the rates at which it was to be held by the 
ryots or cultivators. Such an authority seems to have been 
exercised by the zamindars in the form of writings caUed 
pottahsy which were sometimes limited in respect of time, but 
in other cases were left indefinite. 

Subsequently to the last increase of the tiimar jammah 
by Jaffier Khan, various additions were made to it in the 
fo^ of what were called abwab, which, as the name implies, 
were doors or occasions for further exactions. These, though 
immediately levied on the zamindars, were easily transferred 
by them to the ryot, who thus remained ultimately liable for 
the whole revenue, as he had been under the Settlement by 
Akbar. 

At this time the word mukdsumah had dropped out of use, 
or was lost in the Hindu term battae, which also meant a 
division of produce ; and as that form of the khardj does not 
seem to have prevailed to any considerable extent in Bengal, 
the ryots came to be distinguished only according as the 
lands which they cultivated did or did not belong to the 
village in which they resided. The former were called khtul' 
kasht, the latter pae-kasM — ^names which are still in common 
use, though more properly applicable to the land than to the 
cultivators. Khud-kasht is a compound of the Persian 
words khtui (self) and kasht^ a contraction of kashta (sown), 
and means literally self-sown, which is somewhat ambiguous. 
But the true meaning of the expression is well brought out 
in the following translation by Mr. Oladwin of an edict by 



186 OP THE KHARAJ OE MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 

Jehangir: "The officers of tlief Khalsa are positively pro- 
hibited from the practice of forcibly taking the ryot's lands 
and cultivating them for their own benefit;" these last words 
being in the original khud-kasht sazand, or make them khud- 
kaM. So that a khtid-kasht ryot must be some one who 
cultivates for his own benefit. Pae-kaaht is of uncertain 
etymology ; but, as it is opposed to khud-kasht, it would 
seem to indicate, when applied to a ryot, one who does not 
cultivate for his own benefit, but for that of another, as, for 
example, on hire. Corresponding to this, we are told that 
at the time of the perpetual settlement of the revenue in 
Bengal, the khud-kasht ryots were "considered to be in 
some sense hereditary tenants," while the pae-kasht were 
" considered as tenants at will, and to have only a temporary 
interest in the soil." We are also informed that at the same 
time there was a class of ryots who were compelled to " stand 
to all losses and to pay for the land, whether cultivated or 
not." Only two classes are mentioned, and as that could 
not be said of the pae-kasht, it must have been the khud^ 
. kasht ryots who were held to be liable under all circumstances. 
But that was the very characteristic of the holder of land 
subject to the wazi/a khardj. The khud-kasht ryot is thus 
shown to be his representative, and ought therefore, on the 
principles of Muhammadan law, to be considered the pro- 
prietor of the land, unless it can be proved that his liability 
was only a sub-liability to some other person, who was im- 
mediately responsible to the State for the revenue, whether 
the land was cultivated or not. Now the only person who 
stood between the State and the cultivator was the zamindar, 
and it has been supposed that the khud-kasM ryot was his 
hereditary tenant, and responsible to him for rent, out of 
which he was liable to the Government for the khar^\ But 
in answer to this supposition it may be observed, in the first 
place, that there could be no hereditary tenancy under the 
Muhammadan law, as leases expired with the death of the 
tenant, and second, that it is evident from the terms of the 
zamindar's sannad, that his liability for revenue extended 
only to what he actually received from the ryot, and that he 



OF THE KHAEAJ OR MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 187 

was in no way responsible for the revenue of the land if it 
remained uncultivated. His tenure therefore wanted the 
characteristic of the wazi/a as a test of ownership in the 
land; and the other powers which he possessed over the 
ryot have been traced back to his official capacity as amil or 
agent of the Government. 

It only remains to say a few words regarding the power 
which the khiid-kaaht ryot may be supposed to have pos- 
sessed over the land. If I have succeeded in identifying 
him with the holder of wazi/a land, he had not only a right 
to the productive powers of the soil, to enable him to meet 
his permanent liability for the khardj, but, as owner of the 
land, he must also have had the right to sdl it. Indeed, it 
is expressly stated in the Hidayah, that "the lands of the 
territory of Irak are the property of their inhabitants, who 
may lawfully sell or otherwise dispose of them." Though 
this was said only of Irak, the reason assigned by the author 
for the remark is equally applicable to all other conquered 
countries that were left in the hands of their inhabitants, 
and on which the khardj was imposed. Accordingly, the 
holders of khatqji land are uniformly treated by writers of 
the school of Abu Hunifa as having power to sell or mort- 
gage it. But M. Worms has insisted in his Recherches sur 
la propriete territoriale dans les Pays Musulmans, p. 118,^ 
that Irak was an exception to all other coimtries on which 
the khardj was imposed, and that with regard to these it is 
necessary to conclude that they ceased to be the property 
of their inhabitants. For this opinion the only Hanifite 
authority which he has quoted as being express on the point 
is the following extract from Mr. Hamilton's translation of 
the Hidayah : " In this case " (namely, when the lands of a 
conquered coimtry are left in the hands of the inhabitants) 
"the inhabitants are merely the cultivators of the soil on 
behalf of the Mussulmans, as performing all the labour in 
the various modes of tillage on their accoimt without their 
being subjected to any of the trouble or expense attending 
it." But there is nothing in the original corresponding to 

^ Fint pablished in the Journal Asiatiqne, but afterwards in a separate Tolame. 



188 OP THE XTfAR/yj OR MTHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 

the word '* merely/' the Arabic word ao translated being ku^ 
which signifiefl only " as " or " like." 

It ifl well known that a perpetual settlement of the land 
reyenne was made by the Bengal Government in the year 
1793. This has been the occasion of a very considerable 
change in the tenure of land, and the relative conditioa of 
the zamindars and ryots. But it would require too much 
room to pnrsne the subject further in this place. It is, 
moreover, treated at some length in the Introductory Essay 
to a Second Edition of my Selections firom the Futawa 
Alumgiri, entitled The Land Tax of India according to 
the Muhammadan Law, with full references to authorities 
on all statements of any importanee in this paper. 



189 



To the Editor of the Jouewal of the Kotal Asiatic Socibtt. 

Sir, — Major H. Raverty having felt aggrieved by the 
passage in an article of mine in your Journal, quoted 
below ^ (and by another passage in my Marco Polo, VoL 
I. p. 166), by mutual agreement the question was referred 
to the arbitration of Dr. A. Sprenger and Mr. Arthur Grbte: 

''Are or are not these passages incorrect and uty'ust as as- 
serted by Major Raverty f " 

The arbiters have given their award,' which amounts to 
this: 

"The passages are neither incorrect nor unjust; but they 
are calculated to leave an unfavourable impression on the 
reader's mind. The frame work of both papers appears to 
have been drawn from the same source ; but a comparison of 
the Vocabularies shows that their respective authors worked 
independently of each other. The arbiters are satisfied that 
Major Raverty teas quite unaware of the previous publication, 
and that his position is therefore completely justified.'' 

H. Yule. 



^ ** It may be worth while to call attention to the fact that, according to the 
notes of E&jah Kh&n of K&bol, translated by Major Leech in vol. xiv. of the 
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (pp. 815-817)» Upper K&shlpar is also 

called Shiohnan I must leave the matter on this solitary authority. 

The same is indeed said in Major Raverty's ^ Account of Upper Kdahkdr * in the 
33rd vol. of the same Journal, p. 131. But I cannot regard this as a corrobora- 
tion, for a comparison of the two papers shows that they have been derived from 
the same original notes, though no indication of this is suggested in the latter 
paper." — New Series, vol. vi. p. 113. 

' Colonel Yule originally sent a letter containing nearly the whole award of 
the arbitrators, a document which the Council found greatly too long for in- 
sertion. — ^Ed. 



JOURNAL 



OP 



THE EOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY. 



Art. X. — Slgiriy the Lion Rock, near Pulastipura, Ceylon; 
and the Thirty-ninth Chapter of the Mahdvamsa. By T. 
W. Ehys Davids, late of the Ceylon Civil Service. 

SiGiRi Rock. 

In Lat. 7° 59' N., Long. 81° E., about fourteen miles N.E. 
of Dambulla, and about seventeen miles nearly due W. 
of ParAkrama B&hu's capital, Pulastipura, is the singular 
natural stronghold referred to in the Thirty-ninth Chapter 
of the Mah&variisa, and first re-discovered by Major Forbes, 
of the Ceylon Civil Service, in the year 1831. Sir Emerson 
Tennent (Ceylon, vol. i. p. 15) says of it : "Sigiri is the only 
example in Ceylon of those solitary acclivities, which form so 
remarkable a feature in the table-land of the Dekkan, start- 
ing abruptly from the plain with scarped and perpendicular 
sides; and converted by the Indians into strongholds, ac- 
cessible only by precipitous pathways, or steps hewn in 
the solid rock." And, again (vol. ii. p. 579): "This gigantic 
cylindrical rock starts upward to a height prodigious in com- 
parison with its section at any point, the area of its upper 
surface being little more than an acre in extent. Its 
scarped walls are nearly perpendicular, and in some places 
they overhang their base. The formation of this singular 
cliff can only be ascribed to its upheaval by a subterranean 
force, so circumscribed in action that its effects were confined 
within a very few yards, yet so irresistible as to have shot 

TOL. TIL— [nBW 8B&IS8.] 13 



192 sIgiei, the uon eock, 

aloft this prodigious pencil of stone to the height of nearly 
400 feet." The height of the rock above the sea is pro- 
bably more than this — a point which soon will be (if it is not 
already) settled by the Surveyors engaged in the Trigono- 
metrical Survey of that part of Ceylon.^ I am also informed 
that the occurrence of so circumscribed and yet so irresistible 
a subterranean force is almost, if not quite impossible, and 
that the present position of Sigiri, like that of the many 
similar strongholds in the table-lands of South India, may 
be more easily explained by a general subsidence of the 
soil around it. It is to be regretted that the geological 
history of Ceylon altogether has received so little attention ; 
but it seems certain that Sigiri owes its origin to the sa^ie 
force to which is due the great elevation which stretches 
for more than 150 miles in a N.E. direction from below 
Adam's Peak to Trinkomali, and forms the principal gneiss 
and granite mountain ranges of Ceylon, which, since their 
first appearance above the waters, have certainly undergone 
no second immersion.* If this be so, then the crag of Sigiri, 
which lies almost in the centre line of that upheaval, must 
be among those parts of the now habitable globe which first 
emerged from the deep, and have been longest accessible to 
man. 

Accessible, however, is scarcely the word to apply, at least 
to the top of it. Even with the help of the remains of 
K&syapa's pathway. Major Forbes's friends were only able to 
reach the lower terrace, and the Major himself, who did not 
get so far as they did, acknowledges " that he felt so giddy *' 
as to be unable to keep up with them, "and was sincerely glad 

^ Sir Henry Rawlinson, speaking at the meeting of the Royal Greograpbical 
Society, on the 15th of June iHst, on the Kashgar Expedition of Mr. Forsyth, 
said: "The fact of the greatest interest in connexion with the correspondence 
was the announcement that the system of trigonometrical trian^ulation carried oa 
from India had overlapped the Russian triangulation from the North, so that we 
now have a series of triangulations from Archangel to Cape Comorin." The 
triangulation has now h(-en completed, I believe, to Dondra Head. 

* Tcnnent, Ceylon, i. 16. It may be interesting to notice, in connexion with 
Sir Emerson Tenncnt's theory, that Ceylon was never united to India by land, 
that Mr. I^gge, of the R.A., now stationed at Galln, whose able researches into 
Ceylon Onntliology have met with so much success, informs me that there are on 
the southern slopes of the great mountain range at least thirty species of bizda 
peculiar to Ceylon. 



NEAR PTJLASTIPXJRA, CEYLON. 193 

to see them descend in safety" ^ — not from the top of the hill, 
be it remembered, but from the very beginning of the path- 
way. Tennent also writes in 1848 : " No adventurous 
climber has tested the truth of the popular belief in a 
cistern on the top of the height. Since then, however, one 
or two Englishmen, by a diflferent route from that followed by 
Forbes, and with the help of natives with jungle-rope ladders 
and other appliances, have managed to reach the top. 

Half-way up this almost inaccessible crag, in a hollow pro- 
tected by overhanging rock, I have seen through a telescope 
figures painted in fresco ; and the clearness of their outline 
and the freshness of their colour make it almost incredible 
that they should be the work of Simhalese artists one 
thousand four himdred years ago. But, as will be seen from 
the evidence adduced below, they are without doubt as old as 
that ; for they were evidently drawn at the time when the 
terrace was built by K^yapa the Parricide, after whose death 
the scene of his crime was abandoned, and has ever since 
been regarded with superstitious dread. The paintings are of 
much the same character as the frescoes found on the ceilings 
and walls of most of the Buddhist temples in Ceylon; but the 
figures seemed to me more lifelike and artistic. They are 
far above the terraces, the ruins of which wind round and 
up the precipice ; and it is reasonable to conclude, from their 
being found in so inaccessible a spot, that they are merely the 
last remnants of a large number of similar paintings which 
covered the bare and perpendicular rock immediately above 
the terrace. It is unlikely that the only frescoes should 
have been painted where they can be so hardly and so little 
seen, but they are found in almost the only part of the preci- 
pice protected equally from sun and rain ; so that the de- 
struction of any others that may have existed was inevitable.' 

From the foot of the precipice the ground slopes away 
gradually on one side, and more rapidly on the others, to the 
level of the plain, across which has been thrown a dam 

* Eleven Years in Ceylon, by Major Forbes, 78th Highlanders, vol. ii. p. 10. 
This valuable work, now very rare, was published in 1841. 

^ For a short account of the present method of painting in Buddhist temples 
in Ceylon, see Note A, in the Appendix. 



194 sIgibi, the lion bock, 

forming an artificial lake, still large, in spite of the neglected 
state of the bund, and which must formerly have reached far 
round the foot of the hill, and filled the moat which Major 
Forbes discovered.^ 

From Haburene, six miles oflF, Sigiri, says Major Forbes,* 
'' bears a striking resemblance to a crested helmet resting on. 
a cushion/' the cushion being the rising ground from which 
the overhanging precipice rises. 

It was on the ridge of this ' cushion ' that Ke^yapa the 
Parricide built his palace. Down to the lake the rapidly 
falling ground is formed, by massive and lofty stone retain- 
ing walls,' into platforms, on which stood the less important 
buildings of the royal refuge ; while up the face of the preci- 
pice ran that wonderful terrace, which is one of the most 
interesting engineering remains of the ancient world. 

It would be difficult, even with the help of drawings and 
photographs, to convey to one who has not seen it an exact 
idea of this terrace ; but the photographs before you will 
give a general idea of the rock and the remains upon 
it.^ The path itself was of stone, but supported on a 
solid brick wall, four or five feet broad, carried along the 
face of the cliff. The cliff being nearly perpendicular, this 
wall has to descend far below the path before it finds a 
resting-place on the edge of the rock. As the path was 
gradually carried forward and upward, a line seems to have 
been dropped from it to the rock beneath ; and where the line 
first touched the cliff, however far below that might be, a 
flat place was scooped out large enough to support a single 
brick: this was done along the breadth of the path, which, 
averaged about four feet and a half, and then the solid wall 

1 he. cit. p. 11. * vol. ii. p. 31. 

' No8. 91, 92, 93, and 94 of the Collection of Ceylon Photographs in the 
Colonial Office, Downing Street. 

^ In the collection of photographs referred to in the last note there are 
thirteen photographs of Sigiri rock and the ruins upon it. Nos. 86 and 89 give 
respectively S.E. and S.W. views of the rock, with the lake in the foreg^nnd. 
Nos. 87, 88, and 90 are views of the rock showing the remains of the celebrated 
climhing terrace. Nos. 96 and 96 are views of what was probably Kftyyapa's 
audience hall. Nos. 97 and 98 are of a stone bath and a cave; and the rest are 
mentioned in the last note. The collection was kindly lent to the Boyal ^"^tiiT 
Society on the day on which this paper was read before it. 



NEAR PULASTIPUBA, CETLON. 195 

was built up to the requisite height. Some of the outer 
rows of bricks were carried high enough to form a wall 
breast-high on the outer side of the path, and occasionally 
this breastwork may have been carried right over head, so 
as to form a covered way. The top of this solid wall was 
flagged with stone, and furnished, wherever necessary, with 
stone steps.^ Above in the rock a Eat&rama or ledge was cut, 
to cause the water to drop off instead of trickling down the 
cliff side, and all along the path both the face of the preci- 
pice and the breastwork were covered with fine hard white 
chunam plaster. The flatness of the lofty supporting wall 
was relieved by projections, at the places where the path 
turned in or out, according to the irregular shape of the 
face of the rock ; and it was certainly at the top, and pro- 
bably throughout, covered with this beautiAil plaster (which 
it is quite beyond the skill of the modem Simhalese to 
imitate), and painted in ornamental patterns. 

As this narrow, but solid, structure rose, clinging to the 
face of the rock, it had to pass a comer where for many 
weeks of the year the winds of the monsoon blow nearly half 
a gale, and the rains are dashed with great force against the 
rock ; from here to the summit the structure has completely 
vanished, but the valley for many hundred feet below is strewn 
with its remains, and the little oblong places cut in the rock 
show where the base of the high wall was once sustained. 

It was close to the entrance of this terrace that for eighteen 
years K&syapa the Parricide lived, as the Mah&vaihsa quaintly 
puts it, " in fear of Moggall&na and of death." Around his 
home the huge granite boulders were hollowed and carved 
into bathing tanks and audience halls, and far above, on the 
top of the cliff, a water-tank was formed, from which the 
water, even in dry seasons, is often seen trickling down the 
overhanging rock ; so that the native traditions^ concerning 
the existence of a cistern there are proved to be correct. 

Along this gallery, which only the mad fear of an Oriental 
despot would have dreamt of constructing, Kslsyapa hoped 

* The breastwork and steps are clearly visible in Photograph No. 88. 
^ Forbe8*s Eleven Tears, vol. ii. p. 10 ; Tennent's Ceylon, vol. ii. p. 6S0. 



THE STOEY OF KASYAPA'S CRIME. 197 

that those metres in which the number of sj^Uables and the 
quantity of each are regulated by strict rule, must be more 
modern than the freer and looser metres, which allow much 
choice to the poet ; but though comparatively speaking 
modem, these hard and fast metres, if they may be so called, 
are known to be much older than the time of Mah&n&ma, 
and are found in the earliest of the Sanskrit plays.^ 

Future investigation will succeed in deciding with cer- 
tainty the date at which these two chapters were written ; 
but whatever their date may be, there is no reason to doubt 
the general correctness of the narrative, which tells us, as 
readers of the Mah&vamsa will recollect, that in 434 a.d. the 
Dravidians took the opportunity of a disputed succession to 
make an inroad into Ceylon, and for twenty-four years held 
the capital, then Anur&dhapura, in their hands. As usual, 
the Simhalese could not long bear the yoke ; and when 
they roused themselves, they were led to victory by a priest, 
Dh&tusena, who claimed descent from a member of the royal 
family who had escaped the sword of Subha, a usurper of the 
throne nearly 400 years before. 

No attempt was made to fill 'Up this gap. Subha had 
driven out the descendants of Kaluna (P&li Khall&ta-'N&ga), 
and had been himself dethroned and killed, a.d. 62, by 
Wasabha, who claimed descent from Lajji-tissa B.C. 172 
(Simhalese Laomini-tissa), the brother of Khall&ta-N&ga. 
From A..D. 62 to the Tamil invasion in a.d. 434, the line of 
Wasabha (with possibly one exception) had occupied the 
throne. Dh&tusena ckimed descent from Khaliata-Mga, 
who reigned B.C. 112, and whose descendants, since they were 
driven out by Subha, a.d. 56, had never occupied the throne.* 

* See Note F. in the Appendix. 

^ Crawford, in bis History of the Indian Archipelago (vol. ii. p. 359), referring 
to similar claims in Javanese history, says : '' Oppression on the part of the 
Goyemment acting on the singular credulity and superstition of the people, gives 
rise in Java to those rebels cafied in the language of the country Kiuman, a word 
which literally means * a pretender to royalty,' * an impostor.' Whenever the 
country is in a state of anarchy, one or more of these persons is sure to appear." 
There are several similar instances in Ceylon history, of which the most celebrated 
is that of Par^krama the Great, who, in default of any nearer royal ancestor, 
claimed descent from Wijaya, the Conqueror, himself — a claim wMch seems to 
have been as readily admitteid in his own time as it is in ours. 



198 THE STORY OP KA^SYAPA'S CRIME. 

No one, however, came forward to dispute the claim of 
the successful leader of the patriot insurgents, and Dh&tn- 
sena reigned in peace for eighteen years, encouraging 
literature and Buddhism, promoting public works, especially 
of irrigation, and repairing^ the K&la-v&pi (Siihhalese Kal&- 
wsBwa), the largest and finest of those artificial lakes of 
which the Ceylonese were so justly proud. The dams, one of 
which was at right angles to the other, must have been to- 
gether eight or ten miles long, and the lake itself thirty or 
forty miles round. It is said to have reached to the foot of 
the great Dambulla Rock, and its waters were conducted by 
Par&krama the Great's Jayaganga canal to the city of Ann- 
rildhapura, forty miles away. Even now the stone spillwater 
near the huge breach in its ruined dam is one of the most 
interesting remains in the district of Nuwara-kal&-wiya,' and 
the huge breaeh itself forms the source of one of the largest 
rivers in Ceylon. 

The repairer or maker of this gigantic tank had two sons, 
K&syapa and Moggallana, the children of different mothers, 
and their natural jealousy was fomented by their cousin, who 
had mcuried their sister, and had also been appointed Com- 
mander-in-chief (Sen&pati).' The story shows that Buddhism 
had not softened his manners or tamed his natural ferocity ; 
for he caused the princess, his wife, to be so severely flogged, 
that her garments trickled with blood; and this happened, as 
the Mahslvamsa naively says, vinMosena, without any fault 
on her side, when she did not deserve it. The old despot was 
furiously enraged at this, and had the Prince's mother, his 
own sister, burnt naked and alive ! 

On this a civil war ensued. The Commander-in-chief 
stirred up K&syapa to raise the chatra against his father, 

^ Accbrdingf to the Mahayamsav p. 261: but according to the Rdjaratnslkani, 
p 81 of the MS. in the Library of the University of Cambridge, he tnade this as 
well as many other tanks. 

' The dcnvution of this word is curious. Nuwara-wsowa=nagara-Y&pi ii the 
fine tank near to the '*city" of Anurddhapura ; Kal£l-wa2wa=Eala-y£lpi; wiya, 
according^ to the tradition of the district, is for the third great tank in it, the 
Pahadewila-wffiwa, now called Pddavil-kulam, that part of the district haTing 
become Tamil TTcnnent's Ceylon, vol. ii. p. 506^. Either my informant, bow- 
ever, or the traaition itself, seems mistaken on this last point. 

' Tumour's Mahelvaiu8a» p. 269. 



THE STOEY OP xlSYAPA'fi CRIME. 199 

who was perhaps favouring Moggall&na, as the order in 
which they are mentioned in the Mah&yamsa leads to the 
belief that Moggalldna was the younger son. The rebels won 
an easy victory ; and the ease with which they won it shows 
how weak the old King's power had become. Such arbitrary 
acts of despotic cruelty as the one mentioned above, and the 
one referred to below in Note B, in the Appendix, had per- 
haps become too much even for Oriental resignation to bear.^ 

Moggall&na escaped to Jambudvtpa, which in Ceylon books 
merely means the Continent of India ; but the old King fell 
into the hands of the victors, and was imprisoned at Anu- 
radhapura. He would not, however, inform the victors 
where the royal treasures, which they believed him to pos- 
sess, were hid, until at last, frightened by their importunity, 
he said, " If you will take me to the K&la-vapi lake, I shall 
be able to point them out/' They sent him, therefore, to the 
lake, on the shores of which his friend the sage, probably 
Mah&n&ma, was living. There, says the Chronicle, from th^ 
way in which these two talked, sitting one by the other, and 
quenching the fire of each other's afiSictions, they seemed to 
be those who had won the kingdom. So after the sage had 
fed and consoled him in various ways, showing him the real 
character of the world, and strengthening him in resolution, 
the King went for the last time to the lake, and bathing de- 
lightfully in it, and drinking its water, said to his guards, 
"These alone are the riches I possess."^ 

K&syapa was greatly enraged when he heard this, and, to 
the delight of those whose treason gave them no hope of 
pardon, gave orders for the death of his father; and then 
actually went down in his royal robes, and walked up and 
down in his condemned father's sight, to mock him in his 
fall. Dhdtusena, says the Chronicle, thought, " This sinful 

^ Professor Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. iv. p. 292, calls DMtnsena <* a monarch dis- 
tin^ished for his piety and gentleness " — a description which seems rather at 
variance with the facts of the narrative. 

' Professor Lassen, in his Indische Alterthnmsknnde, vol. iv. p. 291, states 
the King s answer to have been that he had no other treasures besides "bathing in 
that tank." This rendering destroys the very point of the reply. The King un- 
doubtedly meant that he had nothing left beyond the consciousness of the great 
public benefit he bad conferred on the people by his gigantic irrigation works. 



200 THE STORY OF KASTAPA'8 CBIBiE. 

one wants to torment my mind as well as my body; he wants 
to lead me to hell ; what is the use of being angry with 
him?'* and simply said kindly, "Lord of lords, I have the 
same affection for you as I have for Moggalialna/' 

The guards then stripped the old King, chained him with 
iron chains, and built him up alive into a wall, leaving only 
for his face an opening towards the East, which they then 
plastered over with clay. 



The rest of the narrative follows in the words of the 
chronicler, to which I have added a translation. The text 
is formed by the collation of a MS. in my possession, which 
was bought in Kandy, and is denoted by K, with one in the 
library of Dadalla "Wih&ra, near Galle, Ceylon, which is 
denoted by D. Prof. Childers has also kindly compared for 
me some passages in an India Office MS. complete to the 
end of Par&krama the Great's reign. Though the text is 
still imperfect, and in one or two places so much so as to he 
unintelligible, yet in the present state of P&li literature it 
will probably be considered better than none; and those 
most competent to give an opinion have advised the publi- 
cation of the text as it stands. The words printed in italics 
are conjectural. In the English version I have tried to 
retain the naive epic style of the old chronicler by trans- 
lating as literally as possible. 



MAHAVAMSA, CHAPTEB THIRTY-NINE. 201 



The Reigns of Kasyapa the Parricide and of Moogal- 

LANA THE FiRST, FROM THE MahAvaMSA, ThIRTY-NINTH 

Chapter. 

1. Tato Kassapa-n&mo so p&pako nara-pslliko * 

Assa-gopan ca siidan ca pesayitw&na bhsltukan 

2. M&r&petum assakkonto bhito Siha-girim gato 

DursLroham manussehi sodh&petyd samantato 

3. P&k&rena parikkhippa sih&karena kslrayi 

Tattha nisseni-geh&ni tena'tan-nkmBko ahu 

4. Sambaritv& dbanam tattba nidabity£L sugopitam 

Attano nibit&naih so rakkbam datv& tabim tabim 

5. Katy£L rSja-gbaraih tattba dassaneyyaih manoramam 

DutiyMakamandam va Kuvero va tabim yasi 

6. Migdra-ndmo karesi senapati san&makam 

Parivenaih tatba gebam abbisekajinassa ca 

TRANSLATION. 

1. Tben tbat wicked king called K&syapa, baving sent a 
borse-keeper and a cook to kill bis brotber, and being unable 
to do so, became afraid, and went to tbe Lion Rock (Sigiri) ; 
and baving tborougbly cleared tbe place difficult for men to 
climb, and surrounded it by a rampart, built tbere a climbing 
gallery ornamented witb lions, wbence it acquired its name. 
4. Having collected bis wealtb, be buried it there carefully, 
and put guard over tbe treasures be bimself bad buried in 
different places, and built a palace tbere beautiful to look at 
and pleasant to tbe mind, like a second Alakamanda, wbere 
be lived like Kuvera. 

6. Tbe general called Mig&ra buUt tbere a monastery of 
tbe same name, and a coronation ball, wbere be asked tbat 
tbe coronation sbould take place witb more splendour tban 



TABIOIJS READINGS AND NOTES. 

1. D. palako. 2. D. durclroha, K. tva. S D. karena, E. tattb^, E. nisseti, 
E. tarn namako, D. tflnamako. 4. £. D. haritra, E. tattha, tihi tanam, D. 
tibitanam. 5. E. dassa^eyyamy-mandafl ca. 6. E. D. Mig^ron&ma. 



202 TEXT AND TRANSLATION OF THE 

7. Tass&bhisekaiii y&citvd. silll sambuddhato *dhik&Th 

Aladdhll s&mino rajje j&nissami ti santbati 

8. Hutv^ vippati-s&ri so attand. kata-kamman& 

Muccissllmi kathannu ti purinam k&si anappakam 

9. Mab&vattbdni k&resi dwaresu nagarassa so 

Ambuyyanafi ca k&resi dipe yojana-yojane 

10. Issara-saman&r&mam k&retv& Buddhavatthuno 

Adbikam bhoga-g&me ca kinitva tassa dftpiya 

11. Bodbi-uppalavannit ca tass' &su dubit& duve 

Wibd-rass assa k&resi n&maih t&san ca attano 

12. Dente tasmim na iccbimsu samand. tberav&dino 

Pitugb&tassa kamman ti loka-g&rayba-bhiruno 

13. Dsltuk&mo sa tesaih va Sambuddba-patim&ya *ik 

Bhikkhavo adbiv^esuih bhogo no sattbuno iti 

14. Tath& niyanti uyy&ne samipe pabbatassa so 

K&rllpesi yib&ram so tesam n&mo tato abu 

the Silasambuddba, but being refused, kept quiet, thinking, 
** 1 shall know about it when the rightful heir comes to the 
kingdom." 

8. Having repented, he (the King) did no little charity, think- 
ing, " How shall I get free from the deeds I have done P " He 
spent much wealth on the gates of the city, and made a mango 
garden every eight miles throughout the land ; and having 
built the Issara-samana monastery as a place sacred to Buddha, 
he bought still more fruitful land and gave to it. 11. He had 
two daughters, "The wise one" and "The lotus-coloured/' 
and he gave their names and his own to this Wih&ra. When 
he gave it, the faithful priests would not have it, fearing the 
blame of the world that it was the work of a parricide. But 
he still intending to give it them, bestowed it on the image 
of Buddha ; then the priests received it, saying, " It (has be- 
come) the property of our Master." 14. In the same manner, 
in a garden near the rock, he made a monastery, and it was 



7. D. santhiti. 8. K. D. katham. 9. D. dyaresi, uyyanen. 10. D. IsMro, 
dipijani. 11. K. D. asuih, K. D. ttUam. 12. K. ptLynyha, D. gfiruyha. 13. K. 
atthiy^Besu. 14. D. ahum. 



THIRTY-NINTH CHAPTER OF THE MAHAvaMSA. 203 

15. Ad£l dbammarucinan tan sampannam catupaccayaih 

"Wih&ram c'eva uyy&nam disft-bh&gamhi uttare 

16. Bhattam sannira-pakkam so bhunjitwa dinnam itthiyd 

Sappi-yuttam manuiifiebi sdpehi abbis&nkharam 

17. Manunnam idam Ayydnam dass&m evan ti t&disam 

Bbattam pSddsi bbikkbdnam sabbesaii ca saciyaram 

18. Uposatnam adbitth&si appamanfiaii ca bb&vayi 

Sam&dayi dbutange ca likb&peyi ca pottbake 

19. PatimMslnas&Udmi k&rllpesi anappakam 

Bbito so paralokambU MoggaMnft ca Tattayi 

20. Tato attb&rase vasse Moggall&no mab&bayo 

Adesena nigantb&nam dy&dasaggaa(7A<iyar(!l 

21. Jambudip& idb'&gamma dese Ambattba-kolake 

Kutbari-n&me bandbittba yibar^ balasaiicayam 

22. B.aj& 8uty£L gabetylt taih bbunjess&miti nikkbami 

Nemittehi na sakkati vadantehi mab&balo 

called by tbeir name. He gave tbat wib&ra, abounding with 
tbe four necessary gifts, and a garden in tbe nortbem pro- 
vince, to tbe Dbammarucis. 

16. He baying tasted a disb given to bim and prepared by 
a woman witb king-cocoa-nut milk and gbee, and seasoned 
witb excellent curry, tbougbt, "This would be good for 
priests, I will give them some," and gave (accordingly) a 
meal like that and a suit of robes to all the priests. 18. He 
observed the eight rules, and meditated much and vowed 
vows, and had books written, and made many images, and 
dining halls for priests and such like things. Yet he lived 
on in fear of the other world and of Moggallana. 

20. Then, in the eighteenth year, Moggall&na, tbat g^eat 
warrior, by the advice of tbe naked mendicants,* came here 
from Jambudvipa witb twelve chiefs as friends, and collected 
his army at KClthari Wihara (the Axe-temple), in tb^ district 
Ambattbakolaka. The King hearing this, saying, "I will 
catch and eat him," started forth with a large army, although 
tbe fortune-tellers said, " You cannot do it." 

16. K. ittiyd, D. sappiih. 17. K. manuM^m, K. D. uyyanam, dassani. 18. D. 
likh^pesi. 19. E. D. vattati. 20. D. bhato /or haYo, a. sahava, D. 8abh&yay&. 
21. D. bandittba. 22. E. sutYana, E. D. yadante pi. 

* On the Nio&ANTHAS, see LaBsen, Ind. Alt. ii. pp. 692, 892. 



204 TEXT AND TRANSLATION OP THE 

I 

23. MoggaMno pi sannaddhabalo surasahayavd. 

Gacchanto 'sura-sangamam devo viya Sujampati ' 

24. Annam aiifiam upHgamma bhinnavelsl va 8&gar& 

Arabhimsu mab&yuddhaih balak&ysl ubbo pi te 

25. Kassapo purato disvd mabantam kaddam^ayam 

Gantum annena maggena parivattesi dantinam 

26. DisvH tan 8&mik6 no 'yan pal^yati bbane iti 

Balak&yll pabbijjitv^ dittbam pittban ti ghosayum 

27. MoggaMna-baU raja cbetveL nikaranena so 

Sisam ukkbipiy' ^£Lsam cburikam kosiy&m khipi 

28. Katvll llliiganakiccam so tassa kamme pasidiya 

Sabbaih sadhanam eldslya dgaccbi nagaram varam 

29. Bbikkbu sulvsl pavattiih tain sunivattbd supllrut& 

Sammajjity£L vib&ran ca attbamsu patipattiy& 

30. Mab&megbayanam patvd Dewarllj& va Nandanam 

Mabslsenam nivattetv& battbi p&k&rato babi 



23. And Moggall^na, too, marcbed out witb bis armed 
force and bero friends, like tbe god Sakra going to tbe battle- 
field of tbe Titans. Tbe two armies met one tbe otber, 
like oceans wben tbeir waves are broken ; and began the 
migbty battle. K&syapa, tben, seeing rigbt in front a marshy 
bole, turned aside bis elephant, to go another way. Seeing 
him, bis army gave way, saying, " Our master is fljring/* 
But tbe soldiers of Moggall&na cried out, saying, "We see 
his back," and that king, cutting off (Kelsyapa's) head with 
bis sword, threw it into the air, and put back his sword into 
its sheath. 

28. Tben, performing the funeral rites, and confirming the 
acts of tbe late king, and taking all the baggage, be entered the 
wonderful city. The priests bearing this news, well clothed 
and well robed, swept the wib&ra, and stood in order. 30. He 
entered tbe Mabftmegbavana like tbe King of the Gods enter- 
ing his garden Nandana, and stopping bis migbty army out- 

23. D. silra. 24. E. and D. put v. 26 before yy. 24 and 25, and D. repeats U 
before y. 27. 24. E. D. afifLimafifia, E. bhinnuvela, D. bhiima veld, cf. Da^hft- 
vaihsa iii. 5. 26. K. D. bhanc, K. pittha. 27. K. jctyd, D. akdsa, sosiyaid. 
28. D. lubhamiccaih, E. D. agafiji. 29. D. sammajityd, E. pafipa^^hiyatiyft. 
3U. E. Tanaiu vanam patvd, D. yanam ya patyd, E. Nandayanam, na yattetv^. 



^ 



THIRTY-NINTH CHAPTER OP THE MAHIvAMSA. 205 

31. XJpasankamma vandityft sanglie tasmlih pastdiya 

Chattena sangham pujesi sangho tass eva tarn add. 

32. Tan th&naih Chattavaddhiti yoharimsu' tahim katam 

PariveQ&m pi taiii n&mam ahosi. Puram &gato 

33. Vih&re dve pi gantvana sangham tatth&bhivandiya 

P£lpunitv£l mahd-rajjam lokaih dhammena p&layi 

34. Kuddho niharl D&tham so gh&takam pituno mama 

Anuvattimsu mundd ti tena Eakkhasa-n&ma-v& 

35. Atireka-sahassam so amacc&nam vinasayi 

Kanna-n&sMi chedesi pabb&jesi tathsl bahu* 

36. Tato sutv^na saddhammaiii upasanto sum&naso 

Mahd.d^am pav&ttesi megho yiya mahitale 

37. Phussa punnamiyam danam anuvassam pavattayi 

Tato patth&ya tarn d&naiii dipe ajjd.pi vattati 

side the elephant wall, and approaching and saluting them, 
he was well pleased with the priesthood there, and offered his 
kingdom to the priests, and the priests gave it back to him. 
They began to call that place " The gift of the kingdom," 
and the wihdra which had been made there acquired the same 
name. 

33. He went to the citadel, and having entered both the 
wih&ras, and bowed low to the priesthood, he took to himself 
the supreme sovereignty, in righteousness protecting the 
world. Being angry with the priests, saying, "They as-, 
sisted at the death of my father, these baldheads ! '* he took 
away the Tooth, and thence acquired the name of 'Devil.' 
35. He slew more than 1000 ministers, cut off the noses and 
ears of others, and many he banished from the land. After 
that he listened to the Law, became quiet and of a good 
heart, and gave great treasure, as a rain -cloud to the broad 
earth. He gave gifts every year on the full moon day of 
January, and the custom continues in the island up to this 
day. 

31. K. D. nam. 32. K. thSna D. Toharamsu, K. parivenama. 33. K. ce, K. 
D. loka. 34. E.manda, D. macc^. 35. E. D. amacca^a, D. kanna. 36. K. 
upayanto, meso. 37. D. punnamiyam, K. tadanam, D. vattanti. 



206 TEXT AND TRANSLATION OP THE 

38. So pi s&ratthika-l&ja-d&yako pitursLjino 

Anetv& pitum-sandesa MoggallsLnassa dassayi 

39. Tan disvd. paridevitv£l pituno pemam attani 

Yannetv^ tassa plld&si dr&va-n&yakatam vibhii 

40. Sen&pati Mig&ro hi nivedetva yath«l vidhim 

Abhisekajinassslkd. abhisekam yath& rucim 

41. Sih&-cale Dalha-namam Dslthslkondannakam pi ca 

Vih&re Dhamma-rucinaiii S4galinan ca d&payi 

42. Pabbatan tu vih&raih so katvd, therdssa dd,payi 

Mah&nltma-sanllmassa Digb&sana-vib&rake 

43. EAjini-nslmakaih c'eva katvsl bbikkhdn-upassayam 

Ada S&galikdnaiii so bhikkhuninaih mabaroati 

44. Lambakannaka-gotto pi Dllthslppabuti-n&mako 

Kassapassa uppattbane koci nibbinna-m&naso 

45. So pi Kassapato bbito n^takena sahattan& 

Moggall&nena gantv&na Jambudipa-talam ito 



38. Tben the charioteer (see Mah. p. 260), who had given 
the juicy fried rice to his father, brought his father's letter, 
and gave it to MoggalUna. Having seen this, he wept, 
remembering his father's love to himself, and gave the man 
the dignity of Chief gate-keeper. The governor, Mig&ro, 
having told him (all) as it had happened (before), performed 
the coronation (anointing) even as he had wished. 

41. The King built on Sigiri rock the wih&ras called 
Dalha ^nd Dd,th&kondanna, and gave them to the Dham- 
maruci and Sllgali orders : and having made a rock wih&ra, 
he gave it to the thera, to Mah&nima of the Dtghftsana- 
wih&ra (see foot-note, p. 196). Also he, the large-hearted, 
made a residence, called K&jini, for nuns, and gave it to 
the priestesses of the S&gali order. 

43. But a certain man named " D&tb&ppabhuti,'' of the 
family of the " Hanging-ear'd-ones," who had been dis- 
satisfied in the service of K&syapa, and was afraid of him, 
had gone with his relation Moggall&na to Jambudvipa, and 

38. K. Dsdrathiko. 39. D. yannetv&. 40. E. D. Migdrehi. 41. K. Dalham, 
D. Da|haih, K. KondaMaka, K. vihara, D. vih^ram, K. dliammaniciiiai&, D. 
dhammanicina. 44. D. Lambakann&ka. Prof. Lassen ihinkB these mast be the 
Wseddas. 45. £. imd D. put this ver»$ after t. 46. 



THIRTY-NINTH CHAPTEB OF THE ICAHiVAMSA. 207 

46. Qtintv4 Mereliya-vaggam v&san tatth' eva kappayi 

Ahosi putto tass' eko Sil&k&lo ti Tissuto 

47. Bodhimanda-vih&ramlii pabbajjam damup&gato 

Karonto sangha-kicc&ni s&daro so supesalo 

48. Ambam sangbassa psld&si sangho tasmiih pasidijra 

Aha 'mba-sd,manero ti tena tan-nllmako aha 

49. So Kesa-dh&tu-vaihsambi vuttena vidhinft tato 

Kesa-dbatum labhitvd,na tassa rajje idb'&nayi 

50. Tassa katv4na sakk&raiii gabetvd Kesadhsltuyo 

Mabaggbe nidabity&na karande pbalikubbbave 

51. Dipamkaranagarassa patim&ya ghare Tare 

VaddhetvH parib&rena mabd-pdjaih payattajri 

52. M&tulani bbariyaii ca 'ssa katv4 sovannayam tahim 

fbapesi patim&yo ca assa bimbaii ca c&rukam 

53. Kesa-db&tu-karandan ca cbattaih ratana-mandapam 

S&vakagga-yugam vtjanin ca sa k&rayi 

going to Mereliyavagga, bad settled there. He had a son 
named Silak&la. who took the robes in the Bodhi-manda 
wih&ra, and there led a priest's life, loved of all, and virtuous. 
48. He gave a mango to the priesthood, and they, well pleased 
therewith, cried out, "a Mango-pupil." So he was called by 
that name in future. He having acquired the Hair-relic in 
the manner related in the book " The History of the Hair- 
relics," brought it hither in the reign of this king. 

50. (The King) entertained him hospitably, and received 
the Hair-relics, and placed them in a crystal shrine of great 
price, and carried them in procession to the noble image- 
house of Dipaihkaranagara, and gave a great donation ; 
making golden images of his wife and father-in-law, he 
placed them there, and a beautiful statue of himself. 
53. And he made a casket for the Hair-relic, and a canopy 
and a jewelled shrine and (figures of) the two chief apostles, 

.46. K. gantydna meraliyam, D. maggam. I would prefer, after all, to follow 
the MSS. in the order of these verses : kappayi would then he the finite verh to 
Dathdp., and so pi would refer to Sil&k&ta. The son of this Sildkclla hecame 
king of Ceylon 534-547 a.d. 48. E. amha, K. D. ahamba ndmato. 49. D. 
dhatum, K. D. rajj&. Comp. J.B.A.S. 1872, p. 201. 50. K. D. MahagghaA, 
palikumbhave. Comp. Mahav. p. 241, 1. 11. 51. K. pa|iraa^hare. For va^- 
^hetya, comp. D&^h. iii. 58. 52. K. D. bhariyam, K. ya assa bimbam ya. 

VOL. YII. — [MBW 8B&IB8.] 14 



A 



208 MAHAVAMSA, CHAPTER THIRTY-NINE. 

54. Parib&raii ca tassMd. rkjk adbikam attano 

Stl^dlo asigg&ham katvsL rakkh&ya yojayi 

55. Asigg&ha-siUk^lo iti ten'&si vissuto 

Bhaganiii c'assa p&d&si saddhim bhogena blitimipo 

56. Yutto 'yam atisamkbepo Tittb&ro pana sabbaso 

Kesa-db&tuka-vahsamb^ gabetabbo vibbUvinft 

57. Bandhitv& s&gar&rakkbam dipafL c&k^i nibbbayam 

Dbamma-kammena sodbesi sadbammam Jinasftsanaih 

58. Sen&pati-san&m' aksl padb&na-gbaram uttare 

Eiitv& 'ttbd,rasame vasse so pufLiiaiii kbayam gato 

59. Evam ^asaapa-ndmako atihali punnakkbaye samkbate 

Jetum no visabittba mB.QQupagamam so yeva dftso viya 

60. Tasma maccu6a/am nibacca sukbit& bessanti medb&yino 

Nibbdnam param accutam sivapadam pattabbam 
attannun£l 

Ito sujanappas&dasamvegattb&ya kate Mab&vamse 
Saja-dvaya-dipano nama ekx^nacatt^lisamo pariccbedo. 

and of tbe sacred fan :* and be gave it a greater retinue 
tban tbat of tbe King bimself, and made Sil&k&la tbe sword- 
bearer, and placed bim in cbarge (over it) : so be was called 
tbe Sword-bearer Sil&kd,la: and tbe King gave bim bis sister 
(to wife) and mucb wealtb. Tbis is said very sbortly, but 
tbe wbole is well described in tbe History of tbe Hair-relic, 
wbicb tbe wise sbould read. 

57. He saved tbe island from tbe fear (of inundation and 
encroacbment) by building a dyke against tbe sea. In 
rigbteousness be purified tbe doctrine and etbics of Budd- 
bism ; and baving built towards tbe nortb a palace for his 
cbiefs, called Send,pati-gbara, and done (otber) good deeds, he 
came to bis end in bis eigbteentb year. 

59, 60. Tbus tbat powerful one, Kasyapa, wben bis merits 
failed, was not able to resist tbe approach of death, but 

54. E. raja, D. siluk^laman. 55. E. D. bhaganiih, saddhim. 66. E. D. 
pasabbnso, K. viharina. 57. E. nibbaya, D. saddham, E. sabbammam. 58. K. 
b. san&mamka uttaro, kayam. 59. E. D. Eassapo noti balim, maccum upagatain. 
60. E. D. maccumpana sukliito, nibbanam. Last line — D. cat&lisatiino. 

• Compare citra-vijani, p. 168 of Fausboll's Dhammapada: Tumour mm 
(Mab. p. 164) that an ivory fan was the si^ of chief-priesthood (like our orosiei), 
but I have often seen ordinary priests use it. 



FRESCO PAINTING IN CEYLON. 209 

became its slave. Therefore the wise will be happy only 
when they have overcome the power of death ; and he who 
has attained to knowledge of himself will reach NirvAna, 
the excellent, eternal, place of bliss. 

So is finished the 39th chapter — called the history of two 
kings— of the MahS-vamsa, which is made for the delight and 
agitation of righteous men. 



APPENDIX. 

Note A. 

Fresco Painting in Ceylon, 

With regard to the frescoes referred to at page 193, 
it would be perhaps useful to add here a note made on 
Unap&hura "Wihara, which I visited in December, 1868. 
This Wihglra is one mile and three-quarters from Tatawatte 
Rest House, and ten miles from Md.tale, in the Central Pro- 
vince of Ceylon : it was built by Bhuvaneka B&hu the Sixth 
(a.d. 1464-1471), repaired by Wira Parakrama (a.d. 1706- 
1739, whose name I have also found on the Dambulla rock), 
and restored by the villagers in 1837 and 1865. About a 
quarter of a mile from it is the most venerable tree I have 
seen in Ceylon, a N&-tree {Meaua ferrea, Clough) about thirty 
feet round, three feet from the base ; under whose spreading 
branches a gang-sahhdwa (gr«Lma-sabh&) or village council^ 
has been held, according to tradition, all through the endless 
commotions and revolutions of the dynasties of Ceylon since 
the time of Walagam Bahu (104 B.C.). The old ruppa or 
semicircle of stone seats is still remaining, and certainly has 
the appearance of age, for the stones are worn away by re- 
peated sitting. I went to the Wih&ra to copy some old in- 
scriptions on the granite boulders surrounding it, and finding 
a man engaged in repainting the image and the walls, I 
inquired from him how the frescoing was done. 

^ "This ancient institution," says Sir E. Tennent, Ceylon, toI. ii. p. 695, 
" identical in its objects with the punehayeta of Hindustan, the geroiuia of the 
Greeks, and the Assembly of the £lders in the Gate among the Jews and Romans, 
still exists in Ceylon." See Maine's * Village Communities,' pa$sim. 



210 FEESCO PAINTING IN CEYLON. 

He informed me that the painter first spreads makul, a' 
kind of very hard white plaster, over the wall or image^ and 
then^ with a brush made of aettuttiri or itana grass {Ariatida 
aetacea, Clough), lays on the paint mixed with a gum (l&tu) 
made from the diwul tree {Ferania elephantum^ Clough). No 
previous drawing is made, at least, not on the image or wall ; 
and if the painter makes a mistake, he covers it over with 
the plaster (makul), and begins again. The colours used 
were as follows : — 

White is the plaster, made of a kind of very fine pipe-clay 
(cf. Ummagga J&taka, p. 115, line 15). The painter 
I saw had brought his makul from Maturata, fifty 
miles away. Comp, MaK p. 259. 
YeUow (Simhalese kaha) is the gum of the gokatu-tree, 
gamboge (Stalagmitis camJjogioides, Clough). The 
yellow is also called in the Southern Province, Sariyal 
(cf. Ummagga J&taka, p. 115, line 30) and Harit&la. 
Blue (Simhalese ml) was English Prussian blue bought in 

the baz&r. 
Bed (Simhalese 8&dilinga=vermilion) was also bought in 
the baz&r. Drawing with Hinguli, vermilion, ia 
mentioned, Mah. p. 162, cf. Alvis, Kacc. 76, and 
Tennent, i. 455. 
Light Blue (Simhalese siwi) is blue mixed with makul. 
Black (Simhalese kalu) is made from resin (dummala), the 
gum obtained from Hal or Dum trees {Shorea robasta, 
Clough, cf. s&la; Clough explains dummala also by 
sandarac). Black is also made by baking the gum 
(kohollae) of the jack-tree {Artocarpus integri/olia), 
till it dries into cakes. 
It is curious to notice that the painter used no green ; and I 
tried in vain to detect green on the Sigiri frescoes : and there 
is no separate word for green in the Simhalese language. The 
painter did not mix his colours, but kept them in separate 
vessels, and the general efiect of the use of such simple 
colours was not impleasing. His art is fast dying out. 

It would be very interesting to obtain correct copies of 
some of the best of these frescoes, especially from remote 



ON samIdhi. 211 

temples, where the priests or their helpers are still adherents 
of the old ante-English style of painting; and where the 
frescoes have neither been destroyed by time nor defaced by 
restoration. By far the most authentic and most ancient 
must be those few remains protected by the over-hanging 
crags of Sigiri, the work of a time when painting particu- 
larly flourished in Ceylon;* and correct drawings and de- 
scriptions of them would be invaluable for the history of 
art, especially if, as Sir Eqierson^Tennent maintains,^ the 
tSimhalese were the first inventors of painting in oil. 



Note B. 

On Samddhi. 

After relating the terrible fate of Dh&tusena, the pious 
Chronicler asks, "What wise man, after knowing this, 
will covet royalty, or wealth, or life?" and explains that 
the King's tragical death was the result or fruit (vip&ka) of a 
previous act of his in burying under the new dam of the 
Kala-V£bpi lake an ascetic who could not be roused from his 
state oi samddhi or trance. I had always looked upon this 
part of the story as a piece of credulous superstition, until 
I read an article on the Physiology of Belief in the Con- 
temporary Reneio for last December, by Dr. Carpenter, the 
distinguished Registrar of the London University. The 
attainment of sam&dhi is looked upon by Dr. Carpenter as 
not only possible, but as having actually taken place in cer- 
tain instances given. No one, whether convinced or not by 
the arguments adduced, can refuse to acknowledge the great 
value of the light thus thrown by so high a physiological 
authority on some of the most difficult points of Buddhist 
asceticism and philosophy. 

The reasoning of Dr. Carpenter shows that it is not only 

^ Fa Hien mentions tbe beauty and correctness of the Ceylon paintings of this 
period, Foe Eoue Ei, chap, xxxviii. ; and Dhatusena sent a picture of Buddha 
to the then Emperor of Gnina. Teunent, vol. i. p. 475. Eing Jye^hta Ti^hya, 
A.D. 340, was a painter, Mah. p. 242, according to the translation by Tumour ; 
but the word eitrAni in the Pdli may there mean various^ and not paintings, 

* Ceylon, vol. i. p. 490. 



212 ON samIdhi. 

not impossible, but is so much in accordance with known 
facts as to be quite credible, that an ascetic should have 
worked himself into a state of samlldhi or trance, in which the 
cries of workmen would fall unheeded on his ear, and from 
which no mere words or blows would suffice to waken him : 
and we know too many instances of the gross injustice into 
which the possession of great power has betrayed civilized 
and even Christian rulers to refuse credence to the statement 
of a generally reliable authority, that a successfiil and power- 
ful despot, engaged in one of the most gigantic and useful 
engineering works which the mind of man had conceived, 
on being told that a hermit, seated in the line of opera- 
tions, refused to move away, ordered him to be buried alive 
under the earthwork of the dam. 

We should not, however, be justified in concluding from 
this story, or from the general picture of kingly violence 
which the undoubted facts of KAsyapa's history reveal, that 
Buddhism had little practical power in Ceylon. It is true that 
it was a State religion, introduced from above, through the 
Court, and not through the people ; that the real religion of 
the masses, the source from which they seek help in times of 
trouble or of sickness, is — and probably always was — not 
Buddhism, but the old (? Dravidian) Devil-worship, aided by 
witchcraft and astrology.^ Yet the influence of the crust of 
Buddhist philosophy which overlay the old beliefs, and was 
especially powerful over the more educated and refined minds, 
is clearly perceptible throughout the history of Ceylon ; and 
if it did not succeed in making its own mildness and charity 
quite supreme in the hearts of the Simhalese kings and 
people; of the priests, at least, it is true, that we have to 
deplore throughout their weakness, not their strength ; and 
we look in vain for the priestly bigotry and oppression which 
produced elsewhere systems of caste or Albigensian wars.' 

* Compare Forbes, Ceylon, toI. ii. p. 194. 

' Sec the instance of the priests of the three sects interceding with Parft. 
krama the Great to make peace wil^ the people of Eclm&nya, giyen in mj 
translation of Narendracarituvalokanapradipikawa in the Journal of the Asiatic 
Society of ]{engal, vol. xli. p. 199, ana the passages quoted in the note. Forbes, 
Yol. ii. p. 206, gives three instances of religious persecution ; but in these 
kings, not priests, are the persecutors. 



DERIVATION OF THE NAME sIgIEI. 213 

Note C. 

Derivation of the name Sigiri. 

Notwithstanding the kind intention of the author of this 
chapter to explain the derivation of the name Sigiri, it is not 
yet by any means clear why this curious hill should have 
been called the Lion Bock. In the passage (v. 3) — 

Pak&rena parikkhippa sth&karena kftrayi 
Tattha nisseni-geh&ni, tena tan-n&mako ahu — 

sihak&re^a seems at first sight as if it ought to be taken as 
an adjective qualifying p&k&rena: but tena most probably 
refers to the action denoted by the verb k&rayi, and if so the 
tena would be a non sequitur, imless sih&k&rena were taken as 
an adverb qualifying karayi. The tena might just possibly 
refer to the 'surrounding' as well as to the 'making/ But in 
the many instances in which such an expression occurs in 
the Mahavamsa — compare vv. 14, 34, 48 in this chapter — 
the tena or tato refers always to the action denoted by the 
last verb. But whether it was the 'rampart' or the 'ladder- 
houses' which were 'after the fashion of a lion,' the difficulty 
of explaining the meaning of such a qualification remains 
equally great. Major Forbes cuts the knot by saying, 
'* Sikhari signifies a moimtain stronghold or hill fort ; but so 
simple a derivation and so appropriate a designation is re- 
jected, and the learned natives derive its name from siha or 
simha (a lion), and giri (a rock), and assert that it was so 
called from the number of lions sculptured on different 
parts of the fortress. Their derivations, always fanciful and 
often absurd, are not supported in this instance by any 
remains which we discovered: it is one of the very few 
places of consequence in which I have not found lions 
sculptured in various altitudes."^ This explanation seems 
more decided than' decisive ; and it is necessary to consider 
somewhat more closely the meaning of the words in the text. 

1 Forbes, Eleven Years in Ceylon, yoI. ii. p. 2, note. Prof. Lassen adopts the 
native interpretation here rejected. 



214 DERIVATION OP THE NAME SIGIRI. 

Nisseni-gehS-ni may correspond to the German Treppen- 
haus, 'stair-case/^ and means, as I think it does, the climbing 
terrace itself; or it may be a dvandva compound, and mean 
' stairs and houses '; or it may mean ' houses with steps' leading 
up to them. Neither of these, one would think, could be in 
the shape of a lion : but Abhidhdnappadtpiksl g^ves addhayoga 
as the name of a house built in the form of a supanna, or 
mythological bird ;' and the DS-th&vaihsa, canto ii. v. 79 of 
the edition just published by Sir Coom&ra Switmy, gives siAa^ 
panjara as the name of a part of the king's palace, not the 
cage in which he kept his lions, but an elevated window, so 
called, probably, from the form of its architectural ornamen- 
tation.^ The May£irapr£Ls&da, whose beautiful columns are 
still standing near the principal street of the little station at 
Anur&dhapura, was so called because the brilliancy of its 
painting and metal work re-called the colours of the Peacock.* 

Sir Emerson Tennent, following the version of this passage 
in an unpublished manuscript of Mr. Tumour's, translates it 
as follows : — " Having repaired to Sigiri, a place difficult of 
access to men, and clearing it all round, he surrounded it 
with a yampart. He built there (uprights), and these he 
ornamented with Jiff ures of lions, Siha, whence it obtained the 
name of Sihagiri, the Lion's Rock."* 

This seems, on the whole, to give the only possible meaning 
which can be attached to Slhdkdrena, and is confirmed by a 

^ Wliatever the derivation of our word 'stair-cose' may be, the latter portion ii 
certainly not the Italian easa^ and has therefore no analogy to the P&li expresdon 
in the text. 

» Abh. Edit. Subhiiti, v. 209. 

' This meaning is confirmed by the use of the word in the Mah&vamsa, p. 168, 
line 9, and is given in the Abhidhanappadipika, v. 216. 

* This temple was originally built 25 cubits high by Buddha-dSsa a.d. 340* 
the author of Surartha-sangrana, a Sanskrit work on medicine, which Tiunour 
says (Mah. p. 245) is still extant. Lassen, Ind. Alt., iv. 208, wrongly calls this 
work Sdratusangraha. At vol. ii. p. 519, he fixes the date of Su^ruta, the earliest 
Sanskrit work on Medicine, at ** several centuries before Muhamed.** If really 
extant, Buddhn-ddsa's work would be most important for the history of Medicine 
in the East. Dhatusena, Kusvapa's father, reconstructed the temple with a height 
of 21 cubits. Mah. pp. 247,'257. 

^ Prof. I^asseu's Indischo Alterthumskunde, vol. iv. p. 292. Sir Emerson 
Tennent's Ceylon, vol. ii. p. 689. Upham's Sacred and Historical Books, toI. i. 
chap, xxxix. p. 341. In his note Prof. Lassen sa^rs that IJpham divides the 
Manavamsa in a manner difi'crcnt from Tumour's division : but this is a mistidLe. 
Upham is quite right in calling this chap. No. xxxix. 



IN8CBIPTI0NS ON sIgIRI HILL. 215 

passage quoted by Tennent from a writer in an extinct 
periodical I have not been able to procure, vi?. Young Ceylon^ 
in the Number for April, 1851, p. 77. The writer of that 
article says, that having succeeded in penetrating the great 
gallery, he found it " covered with a thick coat of chunam, 
as white and as bright as if it were only a month old, with 
fresco paintings, chiefly of lions, whence its name Singhagiri 
or Sigiri." As to the words in italics I must, however, add, 
that I did not notice any painted lions in the frescoes which 
I saw. 



Note D. 

Inscriptions on Sigiii HilL 

I was only able to find three inscriptions on or near Slgiri 
HilL They are over the entrance to an ancient rock cave, in 
which is a gigantic reclining figure of Buddha Jin plaster, and 
bne or two smaller images. There is said to be a similar 
cave with an older image in stone further up the same hill, 
which is not the actual rock on which the climbing terrace 
was built, but an adjoining hill called Piduragala. The 
transliteration of the upper one is clearly — 

Kolgamasawa puta majima Yasajitaya Tisa deviya lene 
sagasa. 

The language is an ancient form of Elu, and the words mean 
The sons of Kolgmas&wa, viz. Yasajita and Tisadeva {have 
hewn out) this rock cave for the priesthood. 

The forms of the letters and meanings of the last two 
words will be found discussed in my article in the " Indian 
Antiquary" for May, 1872, on a similar inscription over 
the Dambulla cave. 

The second inscription in the same alphabet is unin- 
telligible. Both these are, judging from the forms of the 
letters, much older than K&syapa's time; but the third 
inscription, which is also unintelligible, is in a later alpha- 
bet. 



216 THE sIgIBI stone-book at PULA8TIPURA. 

Note E. 

The Sigiri Stone-book at Pulastipura. 

The similarity between the names Sigiri = Slha-g^ri = 
Simha-giri, and S(egirt^=^Getiya-gm = Caitya-giri, has g^ven 
rise to a curious mis-statement in Sir Emerson Tennent's work 
on Ceylon. He says (vol. ii. p. 589), speaking of the so-called 
Stone-book near the Sat-mal-prasada at Pulastipura,* that it 
bears an inscription stating it to have been brought a dis- 
tance of more than eighty miles. As the stone is of granite, 
and measures at least twenty-six feet by four by two, so tliat 
it weighs at least 16 tons, and as there is much of the same 
stone close at hand, this seems strange. The authority he 
gives is, however, a passage from the inscription on the 
stone itself, which he quotes, in inverted commas, from 
Armour 8 Translation in the Appendix to Tumour's Epitome 
(p. 94), as follows : — 

" This engraved stone is the one which the strong men of 
King Nissanga brought from the mountain of Mihintale at 
Anurdjapura.*^ 

Now even Mihintale is certainly not 80 — it is less than 50 — 
miles from Pulastipura ; and, further, on referring to the 
Epitome as given by Forbes (vol. ii. p. 350), Armour's 
translation will be found to be as follows : — 

" This engraved stone is the one which the chief minister 
Unawoomandawan caused the strong men of Nissankha to 
bring from the mountain Scegiriya at Anoorddhapura, in the 
time of the King Sri Kalinga Chakrawarti." 

But on referring to the stone itself, I have found that the 
words 'at Anoorddhapura' are not there at all, and that the 
only authority for the words I have italicised is the simple 
word * Sigiriyen,* from Sigiri, meaning, of course, the Sigiri 
of this paper, which is less than 20 miles from Pulastipura. 

When Armour, who never saw the stone, was translating 

1 The a in Elu and Simhalcso is pronounced when short like the EDgliih « in 
hot, and when long like the French « before r, as in. m^re. 

' The engravin? of which is also to be found in Fergusson's History of Archi- 
tecture, and in Uol. Yule's remarks on the Senbyu Poguda, Journal li.A.S., 1870, 
p. 412. 



METRES IN THE MAHlVAMSA AND DIpAVAMSA. 217 

the transcript of the inscription which had been made for 
Tumour, he probably asked his pandit for an explanation of 
the word. To the Kandian priests Ssegiri, the sacred name of 
the Ddgaba-peaked hill at Mihintale, was familiar enough ; 
whilst Sigiri, of only historical interest, was almost or alto- 
gether unknown. That they should have taken the one 
for the other is not therefore strange ; but it is instruc- 
tive to notice that Armour adds the words ' in Anoorfidha- 
pura,' without informing his readers that they are wanting 
in the original ; and that Sir Emerson Tennent, in quoting 
his translation, further explains away the passage till all trace 
of the original is lost.^ 

That a block of stone of this size and weight should, in the 
middle of the 12th century, have been quarried and then 
carried across country for 20 miles by the servants of a 
Sinhalese king, is a very remarkable fact. A careful history 
of Pardkrama's reign would probably show that at that 
time the Sinhalese had reached as high a state of civilization 
and culture as the English had then attained to. Stone 
blocks of this size have never, I believe, been quarried in 
England, but masses of iron of this weight are now not 
unfrequentiy moved. 



Note F. 

Metres in the Mahd/oamsa and Dipavamsa. 

Each Chapter in the Mah&vamsa ends in a distich, in 
which the lessons of the events related in the chapter are 
summed up from the Buddhistic point of view, after the 
fashion of the Moral at the end of a Fable. These morals 

^ It may be noticed that the stone gives the King's name as EUlinga Ni^sanka ; 
Armour separates the two names, and spells the latter Nissankha ; Tennent then 
drops the former, and spells the latter Nissanga. Now there was a king Kirti 
Nissanga (a.d. 1187-1192), so that here we have a precisely similar mistake to 
that which is found in the native books, that Kirti Nissanga made the great hall 
in the DambuUa rock, whereas the inscription itself — my copy, text, and translation 
of which are in the hands of the Ceylon Asiatic Society for publication— clearly 
gives the name Ni^^anka, withont the epithet Kirti, but addmg the well-known 
title Kalinga Parakrama B&hu. Sir £merson Tennent makes the same mistake 
in his description ef the Dalad& MHig&wa, vol ii. p. 590. 



A 



218 THE DEATH OF KA8YAPA, 

are printed in Tumour's Mah&vaihsa as prose, but they 
really are in the following metres : — 

Tri^h^bh at the end of Chapters 9, 35, 38 

Vam^a-sthayila „ „ 8, 12, 22 

Prahar^hini- „ „ 6, 16> 27, 32 

Prabhavati „ „ 2 

Yasanta-tilaka „ „ 3, 7, 10, 13, 26» 28, 29, 31 

Maiini „ „ 4,21,34 

Anapaests „ „ 24 

Mandakranta „ „ 37 

Sardilla-vikridita „ „ 20, 30, 32, 39 

Sragdhara „ „ 1, 25 

Aupaccbandasika „ „ 17, 33 

Pu^hpitagra „ „ 18, 23, 36 

Atijaffatt „ „ 5, 11 

Jagati „ „ 14 

Akriti „ „ 16 

The passage at the end of Chapter 19 is too corrupt for 
its metre to be stated with certainty. These more modem 
metres, in which the length of every syllable is fixed, do 
not occur in the Dhammapada and the Dipavanasa. In the 
former, out of 423 verses, 304 are Slokas, 30 are Yaitftliya, 
29 are Trishtubh, four only are Jagati (or Yamsa-sthavila, 
with the length of the first syllable uncertain), and the 
remainder are mixed. In my MS. of the Dipavamsa, w. 4, 
5, 7, 62-79, 87-91, 420-434 are Jagati, v. 672 is Trishtubh, 
vv. 52 and 53 are Jagati and Trishtubh mixed, and the rest 
are Slokas, the whole number of verses being 1302. 

Mr. Ghilders has given a short account of Saugharakkita's 
book on Pali metres, the Vuttodaya, in a note to his edition 
of the Khuddaka Pfttha, J.R.A.S. 1869. 



Note G. 

The Death of Kdsiyapa. 

In Tumour's Epitome of the History of Ceylon, and in 
Upham's version of the Ceylon Historical Books, it is stated 
that K&syapa committed suicide on the field of battle, and 
this statement has been repeated in most of the books on 
Ceylon.^ Sir Emerson Tennent, however, relying on some 

^ Upkam, Mahavamsa, vol. i. p. 341 ; Rdjaratnakara, ii. p. 76; Bajawaliya, ii 
p. 241. Knighton, Uistory of Ceylon, p. 104. Forbes^ vol. ii. pp. 3, '291. 
Professor Lassen, who does not seem to have anywhere made use of Tennent*! 
work, repeats this erroneous statement in the Indische Alterthuraskande, yoL it. 



DATHAM. 219 

unpublished notes by Mr. Tumour, has pointed out that the 
words of the text not only do not confirm this, but say that 
he fell by his brother's hand.^ There can be no doubt that 
this is the meaning of the passage, but the wrong impression 
may nevertheless have been derived from the wording of 
vv. 25-27, which is somewhat obscure. 



Note H. 
Ddtham (verse 34). 



No instance is given in Mr. Childers's P&li Dictionary of 
the use of the word Ddthd standing alone, as it does in 
verse 34, for the tooth, par excellence, the supposed left canine 
tooth of Buddha, brought in 310 a.d. from Orissa to Ceylon. 
For the description of that event, see Mah&vamsa, chap. 37, 
and for the early history of the tooth, see Sir Goom&ra 
SwaLmy's valuable little work, " The D&th&vamsa." For the 
story of its destruction by the Archbishop of Goa, see 
Tennent's Ceylon, vol. ii. chap. 5, p. 199, and the translation 
of Diego de Couto's account given in the Appendix to that 
chapter. For my reasons from differing from Sir E. Tennent 
in his belief that the tooth was really destroyed, see my 
article in the Academy for September 26, 1874. 

Dharmakirti, the author of D&th&vamsa, says that Kirti 
Sri Meghavarnna (a.d. 301-329) had a rubric written for 
the observances to be performed before the tooth c&ritta- 
lekham abhilekayi,* Dath&vamsa, canto v. line 68. It would 
be interesting to know whether such a work is still in use at 
the Dalada M&lig&wa in Kandy.^ 

p. 292. One may point out small errors in that storehouse of Oriental learning, 
without stopping each time to express one's appreciation of a work whose value 
has long heen universally admitted. 

' Ceylon, vol. i. p. 392. 

' Sir Coom^ Sw&my translates this ** caused a record to he written of what 
he had done," 

3 Prof. liassen twice states that the tooth was kept in a tope, Indische Alter- 
thumskunde, vol. iv. pp. 657, 706 ; but this, from the nature of a tope or delgaba 
(8thupa=dhdtu garbbna in Ceylon usage), is impossible. The B^s^bas were 
never opened, except in one extraordinary instance; and the tooth which was 
oonstantly shown was always kept in a Dalad& MaligEwa. That at Anuradha- 
pura is close to the Thiipdrdma; that at Pulastipura— a most exquisite little 
building— was close to the King's palace, as was that at Kandy. 



220 DATHAM. 

« 

Dclth& was also used as a proper name. The D&th& men- 
tioned in the Mahavamsa, p. 254, was very appropriately 
both son and father of a Dh&tusena, his son being the king 
of that name who reigned from 459-477 a.d. D4th4 was 
therefore brother to Mah&n&ma, the author of the Mah&- 
vamsa. A chief named D&th&ppabhuti is mentioned in the 
chapter now published, v. 44. 



ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA. 

Page 196, line 12. And see especially Tornonr's note to Mahdv., p. xci. 

Page 200, line 8. In Siam in the seventh century the usual mode of executing 
traitors was to build them up into the walls of the capital. Lassen, Ind. Alt. 
iv. 406. ^ 

Page 201, T. 5. The form Alakamanda is probably correct in PUli, aa it is giren 

by Moggall&na in the AbbidhUnappadipikd y. 32, <* AlakElakamandd 'ssa purt." If 
so, it must surely be a dialectic variety of Alakanandd, which in Sanskrit is the 
name of the £. branch of the sources of the river Ganges, on which Alakd, 
Kuvera's eitf/t was situate ; but see Ghilders s.v. Lassen, Ind. Alt. iv. 322, i. 47, 
uses the form Alak&nandd, not given in B.R.'s Diet. Verto 2, read asakkonto. 

Page 202, line 22, /or, he spent much wealth on, read, he built palaces at. 
Verse 8, read vippatis&ri. V. 10, Eii[^tvd; both MSS. have n. V. 11, Vihdraasa. 
Page 203, vv. Id, 16, read vihdram, bhufijitvd. One would expect sampannam, 
abhisaukhatam. In the note, for Nigranthas, read Nirgra^thas ; and /or pp. 692, 
892, read p. 467. Compare Alwis, Att. cviii. cxviii. and Bum. Intr. 568. Lassen 
{loc. cit.) calls them Nirgran^s. Verse 18, read Uposatham. Verse 22, bhufijiBsd- 
mtti : the Sinhalese at the present day constantly use expressions similar to this. 
It is mere swearing, the idea being derived from the ritual of devil-worship. 

Page 204, v. 23, a, read siira; v. 26, 'yam, bha^e; v. 27, kosiyam; v. 28, tor K.*8 
reading langa^a, I would suggest alahana, and read therefore Katvajfthanakiceam : 
comp. my article on Sinhalese Burial Rites in the Ceylon Friend for September, 
1870; Dhp. 205, 206; Fausboll's note to Das. Jat. p. 21, 22; v. 29. bhikkhii, 
patipa^iya. For v. 26, compare Mahdv. p. 261, 1. 6. Verse 30, vanaih, line 20, read, 
* like oceans which have burst their banlcs,' the figure present to the writer's mind 
having probably been that of the rush of waters on the bursting of one of the 
artificial lakes, so numerous in Ceylon; but he uses the grander word s&garft, and 
is consequently obliged to put * shore' for 'dam.' Perhaps one ought to read in the 
text bhinna vele va sagara; compare our wor4 * breakers.' Note 23, a, read K.D. 
sura. 

Page 205, v. 31, niljesi ; v. 32, read voharimsu, parivenam ; one would expect 
tannamaih; v. 37, Phussa-, dipe; v. 34, KakkhasanHmava ; line 26, read, they 
followed my father's murderer. 

Page 206, v. 38, read, sarathiko, pitu sandesam, Mo^galldnassa; v. 39,dv&ra. The 
highest native officials in Ceylon are still the Mudaliyars of the Governor's Gate. 
V. 41, Sihacale. For the Dhammarucis and Sdgalis see Mahdv. p. 21. For the 
former see Lassen Ind. Alt. iv. 289, where it is stated that Dhatusena expelled this 
sect from Mihintale; so also Tumour (Mahav. p. 259), but the Pflli seems to say 
he gave them a wihtlra there, which would better agree with their being favoured 
by Moggalldna. Comp. Bum. Intr. pp. 132, 161. In v. 42, r^o^, therassa ; t. 43, 
^^ikkhui^- (twice^; v. 44, ppabhuti ; v. 45, Moggalldnena ; sahattano (both 
S. have n&) ; dipa. Line 18, dele juicy. V. 40, nivedetv&. . 



221 



Art. XI. — The Northern Frontagers of China. Part I. 
The Origines of the Mongols. By H. H. Howorth. 



[Read on January 19, 1874.] 

The researches of Schott^ have thrown considerable light 
on what was previously a very obscure question, namely, 
the Origines of the Mongols — a question I propose to re- 
examine, with his assistance and that of other recent authors. 
There are three methods of approaching such a question. 
We may analyze the Mongolian tongue, and thus discover 
the elements which went to make up the race; we may 
collect the references to the race that we find in con- 
temporary authors; or we may examine the traditions 
current among the people themselves as to their origin. 
The first of these methods I shall not at present deal with, 
inasmuch as it is complicated by many extraneous elements, 
the Mongols having borrowed from Chinese, Thibetans, and 
Turks both materials for their civilization and also for their 
language. 

I will first examine the earliest Chinese accounts of the 
Mongols. Dr. Schott agrees with Schmidt's* derivation of 
the name Mongol from the word Mangy which in Mongolian 
means brave, daring^ or bold. He discusses the identity of the 
terms " Mongol " and " Moho," which a tempting similarity 
has led most previous inquirers to make. He shows that 
the words " Mongol " and " Moho " are quite different when 
written in Chinese characters, that the sound ong is an 
essential part of the word " Mongol." The Japanese, who 
probably cannot pronounce the two letters ng^ have cor- 
rupted the Chinese "Mongku" into "Muko" or "Moko." 
Lastly, we have the name Mongu, used by Chinese writers 
contemporaneously with and in addition to the name Moho. 

^ Aelteste Nachrichten von Mongolen und Tartaren. Berlin, 1846. 

' Ssanang Setzen's History of the East Mongols, translated by Schmidt, 1829, 



222 THE KORTHERX FROXTAGERS OP CHDTA. 

These facts satisfy me, and will, I thinky satisfy any at^ 
tentive reader of Dr. Schott's paper, that it is a mistake to 
confuse the Moho with the Mongols. As Moho is the 
collective name of the Tungusic tribes of Manchoria, and 
as the Mongols have a very large Tungusic element in their 
composition, it may well be that the Mongols are partially 
descended from the Moho ; but they have other elements 
besides, and it is a mistake to suppose that one term connotes 
ihe other. 

The earliest mention of the ^longols eo nomine oocors 
in the official history of the Tang dynasty (618-907), which 
was probably written after the latter date.^ In it we find 
them under the title Shi-wei, Mongu being a specific tribal, 
and Shi-wei the generic race-name. 

The Shi-wei, we are told, lived to the north of the Kitan, 
and to the north-west of the He-shui Moho, — that is, as we 
shall show presently, in the present country of the Eastern 
Khalkas and of the Daurians. They were divided into 
many tribes, whose chiefs bore the title Mu-ho-td, and were 
dependent on the Thu-kiu (i.^. the Turks), who bordered 
them on the west. They chiefly lived by tending cattle and 
by hunting. They were an insubordinate race, and much dis- 
united ; their power was consequently but smalL They were 
agriculturists, and used wooden ploughs. Their harvests 
however were poor, both the climate and the soil being harsh 
and unfavourable. They used a kind of waggons drawn by 
oxen, to live in. Their land contained little metal, and their 
iron they purchased from the Koreans. Their princes were 
hereditary ; and when a ruling family died out, they chose 
the wisest and bravest as their leader. They kept oxen and 
horses, but no sheep. They had, however, a large breed 
of swine, whose flesh they ate, and whose hides they nsed 
for clothing. Their nearest tribe was 3000 /i, the farthest 
6000 1% north-cast of Lieutching.* 

The most western tribe of the Shi wei lived to the south- 

* flchott, op. (it. p. 7. 

' The ancioTit name of an old fortified town on the site of the pretent Toh&o 
inn hicn in the diHtrict of Tshing T£ fu, >^^. in the country of the Mongol 
nrn aa Eastern Tumets (Schott, op, eit, p. 19, note 2). 



PART I. THE OEIGINES OP THE MONGOLS. 223 

west of the Kiulun lake,^ and was called TJ sii ku. Its terri-, 
tory bordered on that of the Hoei ho {i.e. the Uighurs). 
To the east of this sea lived the li sai mu,' and more to 
the east, on the banks of the Tchuo, also called Jen-tshi,^ 
the Sai-hu-tshi, a very powerful stock. Further east lived 
the tribes Hokiai, XJlohu, and Noli. The two latter very 
probably so named from living on the Yalo, and No or 
Nonni rivers, and the Hokiai on the Tchola, a tributary of 
the Nonni south of the Yalo. 

Directly north of the tribe Ling si was the tribe No 
petshi, and north of it, beside a great mountain, and on the 
river Shikien, which flows from the Kiulun lake, lived the 
Ta Shi wei {i.e, the Great Shi wei). South of this river 
dwelt the tribe MongH, and north of it the Lotan. We 
thus gather that at the time when the Tang Shu was 
compiled, the various tribes which made up the Shi wei 
race, of which the Mongu was one, lived along the course 
of the Kerulon and its tributaries, on the Upper Nonni and 
its western feeders, and on the Argun, — ^that is, occupied the 
present country of the Eastern Khalkas, and a part of 
Russian Dauria ; and I have thus no hesitation in making 
this area the homeland of the Mongols when they first 
appear in history, nor in identifying as Schott has identified 
the Mongol race with the Shi wei. The only modem 
traveller who has crossed this country, and whose narrative 
is accessible to me, is Isbrand Ides, the first Russian envoy 
to China. Speaking of the country between Nerchinskoy 
and' Argunskoy, he says : " In several scattered places in the 
valleys I observed hundreds of old and partly fallen castles, 
built with rock-stones, which, as the Timgusians told me, 
were built by several warriors long since, when the Mongo- 
lians and Western Tatars made joint incursions into this 
kingdom of Nieucheu, which monarchy comprehended the 
whole land upwards, from Nerzinskoy or Nieucheu (at 
present called Nieucheu by the Chinese), and from the river 

* The » well-known Kiulun lake in the country of the Eastern Khalkas, into 
which the river Kerulon flows. 

* Wolfi" says, "In sai mu." 

^ See the map of Eastern Asia in Bitter. 

VOL. viL— [new be&ibs.] 15 



224 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OP CHINA. 

Amur down to the Albanian mountains and Leao ting, and 
it is not long since that waggon wheels bound with iron, 
and large millstones were found in this country, from whence 
I conjecture that the Nieucheuers, which border on the 
said province of Leao ting, formerly followed their trade 
and manual employments in this Russian Dauria, since they 
made use of these waggon wheels bound with iron, which 
are nowhere else to be found among the Mongolians.^'* 
This narrative shows that this part of the country is strewn 
with the (Uhris of an old civilization, and when we consider 
the idiosyncrasies of the Mongols in the time of Jingis 
Khan, we must predicate for them a comparative degree of 
culture of some standing. They were very different people 
to the wretched Tungusian and Koriak nomades of Siberia, 
and were apparently not much inferior in general culture 
to the Buriats of lake Baikal as we find them now. It is 
something to have stripped the greater part of the desert of 
Gobi, which is now such a characteristic Mongol area, of its 
Mongol inhabitants. There can be small doubt that at the 
time we are speaking of it was occupied almost entirely by 
Turks. It still remains for us to dissect and analyze the 
details of the account already cited. Du Piano Carpino tells 
us : " The country of the Tatars bears the name of Mongol, 
and is inhabited by four different peoples : the Jeka Mongols, 
that is to say, the Great Mongols ; the Sou Mongols^ or the 
Fluviatile Mongols, who call themselves Tatars from th^ 
name of the river that flows through their territory; the 
Merkit and the Mecrit. All these peoples have the same 
personal characteristics and the same language, though 
belonging to different provinces, and ruled by divers 
princes.'** This is the earliest western account that we 
possess of the Mongols, and it is wonderfully accurate. 
The Jeka Mongols or Great Mongols, we are expressly 
told by our traveller, were those over whom Jingis Ehan 
especially ruled. They first, we are again told, subdued 
the Tatars. The Chinese characters for Tatar may be 

' Ishrand Ides Travels, p. 47. 

' Carpino, quoted in De Hull's TraTcIs, p. 265. 



PART I. THE 0RIGINE8 OF THE MONGOLS. 225 

read either Ta ta or Ta tche. This is the opinion of 
Yisdelou, De Guignes, and all other authors known to me 
except Kemusat. The double reading answers to that in 
the names Yuetchi and Yueti*^ This double form of the 
name supports a conjecture of M. Schmidt (whose conjectures 
one cannot always approve), which seems very well founded, 
namely, that the forms Tatar and Taidshut, which are used 
by Western writers, are s)monyms for the same race, and 
this view has been accepted by Wolff. In the works of 
Gaubil, Mailla, and Hyacinthe, the latter form is used in a 
confused manner, sometimes as the name of a leader and 
sometimes as that of a tribe. The strife between the 
Mongols and Tatars in the time of Kabul Khan, as described 
by D'Ohsson, is to be identified with great probability with 
that described by Ssanang Setzen between the Beda {i.e. the 
Mongols) and the Taidshigod.* I consider the position of 
Schmidt and Wolff in this matter to be unassailable. Here 
then we seem at last to be on the track of the correct 
etymology of Tatar. Of the two forms that we meet with 
in Chinese, Ta-tche I believe to be the more correct one. 
This is the Chinese form of the Mongol Taidshigod, and 
Taidshigod is word for word Ta-Shi-wei, i.e. Great Shi 
wei. I believe this identification to be new. In the 
following account I shall use Taidjut throughout in prefer- 
ence to Tatar, to prevent the ambiguity in the terms which 
has hitherto prevailed. We must now say a few words 
about the other tribes ; and I would here remark that the 
topography of the early Chinese accounts of Mongolia has 
been misimderstood both by Schott and Wolff. They very 
properly make the Argun the head stream of the Amur, but 
they overlook the fact that there was a sister stream almost 
as important, namely, the Onon or Schilka, the two being 
separated by the KhingKhan range. The source of the latter 
stream is confused by the Chinese with that of the Argun, 
both being made to spring from the Kiulun lake, whereas 
the Argun alone does so, the Onon rising in the Kentei 

1 Vivian St. Martin on the Epthalites or White Hnns, p. 26. 
' Ssanang Setzen, pp. 377 and 382. 



226 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OP CHINA. 

Khan mountains. We are told very properly that the TTsoka 
was the most western tribe of the Shi-wei, and that it lived 
to the south-west of the Kiulim lake, and bordered on the 
country of the Hoeiho or IJighurs. That is, I belieYe it 
lived on the Upper Kerulon, then followed the li san mui, 
then we come to the lake Kiulim, and east of the lake^ 
on the Kalka, were the Sai hu tshi {i.e. the well-known 
Mongol tribe of the Suldshigod or Suldus).^ To the east of 
these lived the Hokiai (the Hadakins or Katakins P), TTloha 
(? Arulad ^), and Noli {i.e, the dwellers on the No or Nonni). 
We have here a continuous list of tribes extending from the 
Upper Kerulon to the eastern KhingKhan mountains. 

Schott, who has been followed by Wolff, has identified the 
Shi Kian of the above accoimt with the Argun, and haa 
thus caused some confusion. The Shi Kian is in fact the 
river still called Shilka, whose upper part is known as the 
Onon. It was on the Shilka, then, beside a great mountain, 
i.e. the western KhingKhan, that the Ta-Shi-wei lived. It 
was south of this river, i.e. of its upper portion, that the 
Monggu lived. This entirely accords with the traditions of 
the Mongols, which make the Upper Onon and the cluster 
of mountains from which it springs their cradle land. 
North of the river, i.e. of the Onon, lived the Lo-tan. 
Ling-si in Chinese means west of the Pass or mountain 
road, and the Ling-si tribe, I believe, was the tribe which 
lived about the Pass that crosses the KhingKhan range on 
the main route from Nerchinsk to Argunskoy. 

At this period the Mongols were probably limited on the 
west by the great chain of the Yablonoi Chrebet, which 
formed the eastern boundary of the water-shed of Lake 
Baikal on this side ; the country about Lake Baikal then 
being occupied by the Kirghises and other allied Turkish 
tribes, and by the Merkits. 

Oil the east they were probably bounded by the eastern 
KhingKhan chain, which separated them from the Tunguaic 
tribes of Manchuria. 

1 Wolff bos identified the Sai hn tshi with the Taidjuts, but vidi ante. 
^ r in Chinese is Uoiisliterated by /. 



PART I. THB ORIGINES OP THE MONGOtS. 227 

The next work in date to the official history of the 
Tang which mentions the Mongols is the Topographical 
Survey called the Hoan ju-ki, which was written in the year 
976-984.^ In the interval between the two works being 
written, there was apparently some movement of the Mongol 
race, for the Sai hu tshi (i.e. the Suldus) are placed to the 
south instead of the north of the river Tchuo (the Argun) ; 
the tribe Ulohu, which is also styled TTlo, and Ulo hoen, is 
placed to the east of the Hokiai as before ; and we are further 
told that it lived north of the mountains Mo kai tu,* which 
Wolff identifies with the mountain Yalo, a peak of the Khing 
Khan chain.' This account adds that "the Ulohu paid 
tribute from the fourth year of Tai ping of the dynasty Juan 
wei, i.e. 443 a.d., until the ninth year of Tien pao of the 
T'ang dynasty, i.e. 720 a.d.* Two hundred li north-east of 
the Ulo, on the river No, or Nonni, lived the remnants of 
the ancient U-uan.^ They paid tribute under the first two 
emperors of the T'ang dynasty* North of them, and on the 
north side of a great mountain, dwelt the Ta tche^ Shi wei 
on the banks pf a river which flows out of the Kiulun into 
the north-east of the land of the Thu kiu. This river in its 
eastern course watered the lands of the Si and the Ta Shi wei, 
i.e. Western and Great Shi wei. It then separated the Mongu 
Shi wei living to the south of it from the Lo tan Shi wei 
Kving north of it. Further east it took in the rivers No 
and Hu han^ and separating the northern from the southern 
He schui, it fell into the sea." I shall not attempt to 
reconcile the minute details of this topography with modem 
maps. I shall only call attention to the fact that in this 
account the Mongu are expressly made Shi wei, being called 
Mongu Shi wei. The Ta Shi wei of the previous account is 
now enlarged into Ta tche-shi-wei, another proof that we are 

^ Schott, op, eit. p. 10. 

^ Mo ^hai tu in Nl ongol means inhabited by snakes. Schott, op. eit. p. 20, note 2. 

' See Ritter's map, ^ready cited. 

* Not 750, as Schott says. See Wolff, op, eit. p. 19. 

^ A tribe allied to the Sian pi, and whom I oelieye to represent the Hum 
of history. 

^ Ta che or Ta kin means great waggon, just aa Kao che, a Turkish tribal 
name, means horse waggon. S^ Schott, op. cii^. p. 21, note 1. 



228 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OP CHINA. 

right in identifying the former with the Taidjuts or Tm 
tche. The next mention of the Mongols is in a history of 
the Liao dynasty, written by a southern Chinese, called 
Je lung-li, who lived at Kia hing fu, in the province of 
Che kiang, and which he presented to the Sung emperor in 
the year 1180. Having spoken of the Moho, the author 
goes on to speak of their neighbours, the Thie-Ii-hi-ahi- 
kien. This name Schott splits in two. Thie U is a raoe 
name that occurs frequently in the annals {vide Schott, op. 
cit. p. 14, note). Hi-shi-kien he conjectures with great pro- 
bability to be a corrupt Chinese rendering of the Mongol 
tribal name Keshikten, a tribe which still survives, and 
retains its old name, being almost alone in this, most of the 
old tribal names having disappeared in the many vicissitudes 
that Mongol fortunes have undergone since the time id 
Jingis Khan. The conjecture of Schott is strengthened by 
our being told in the history of the Liao just quoted, that 
this tribe differed considerably from the Moho, who, as we 
know, were Tunguses in language and customs* The same 
work teUs us the Thie li hi shi kien lived 4000 U to the 
N.N.E. (P N.N.W.) of Shang king (i.e. Liu hoang fu in the 
district of Sarin). It may be they gave its name to the 
province of Tsitsicar. Directly north of the Thie li hi shi 
kien, at a distance of 4000 /e, lived the people called Mong- 
kuli. They lived entirely by hunting and cattle-breeding. 
Without any fixed pastures, they nomadized every year in 
search of water and grass. Their food consisted of flesh and 
sour milk {i.e. kumiss). They never did the Kitans any 
harm, and bartered with them the hides of their catde, 
sheep, camels, and horses. Here we find the Mongols 
emerging from the obscurity of a subordinate tribe, and 
becoming much more important. Their name in this aocount 
no doubt connotes much more than it did before, and several 
of the other tribes are included under it. We axe next 
told that further west than the Mong kuli, and 5000 li from 
Shang king, lived the people Ju kiu, no doubt the TJsnka 
of the Tang official history, who resembled the Mong kuli in 
everything. ** In the 32nd year of the Emperor Chin tsong. 



PAET I. THE ORIGINES OP THE MONGOLS. 229 

i.e. in 1014, the Ju kiii made a raid upon the Kitans, but 
they were so beaten by the Imperial army, that they had 
since only come to the frontier to trade. They dealt in the 
same articles as the Mong kuli.'^ Further to the north- 
west were the Pi ku li, and further to the north-west again 
the Ta-t& ( P the Tatars of the Inchan moimtains) ; next 
to them were the Turks, and lastly the kingdom of Tangut. 
This direction shows that for north-west we ought to read 
south-west in two places in the previous paragraph. 

Our next authority is the history of the Kin dynasty, 
styled Ta-kin-kwo-chi, also written by a Southern Chinese. 
It bears no date, but was written considerably later than the 
former work, inasmuch as it relates the downfall of the Kin 
empire. According to this authority the Mong ku lived to 
the north-east of the Niutchi (Dr. Schott remarks that this 
is clearly a lapsm penicilli for north-westj. Under the Tang 
dynasty it says, they ate no cooked meats ; they could see 
in the darkest nights, and they made, out of the hide of a 
certain fish, armour that would turn arrows. 

We have now collected such material as the Chinese 
writers afford us about the original homeland of the Mongols, 
and we are in a good position for criticizing the native 
traditions on the same subject. They are contained in two 
classes of authorities. One tradition is found in Ssanang 
Setzen's history of the Eastern Mongols, the only Mongol 
historical work that has been made accessible to students. 
Ssanang Setzen was a chieftain of the well-known Mongol 
tribe of the Ortus, who lived in the seventeenth century, and 
his history was edited and translated by Schmidt in 1829. 
The Chinese authors translated by De Mailla had recourse, 
it would seem, to the same authorities as those used by 
Ssanang Setzen ; at all events, their narratives agree very 
closely. 

Another tradition is that contained in the pages of Kaschid- 
ud-din, the court historiographer of Gazan Khan, the great 
nkhan of Persia, whose responsible position gave him great 
opportunities of consulting the best authorities ; and he tells 
us that he did so consult some old Mongols, and also the 



230 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

books contained in the Imperial Begistrj. His aooonnt was 
followed by Abul Ghazi Khan, the chief of Khuarezm, who 
wrote a history of the Tatars about the same time that 
Ssanang Setzen was composing his work. This tradition 
differs considerably fr6m the other. 

I may remark that in both cases the genealogy^ which in 
the earlier links, as in many such genealogies in Europe, is 
made eponymous, refers to the Imperial house only, and not 
to the race, about whose origines we are left in darkness. 
The fullest tradition is that of Ssanang Setzen, to which 
I shall chiefly refer. 

Ssanang Setzen makes the Mongol royal house spring from 
that of Thibet. He says that when Longnam, the minister 
of Dalai Subin Aru Altan Shireghetu, usurped the throne 
of Thibet, the three sons of the latter, named Boratshi, 
Shiwaghotshi, and Burteshino, fled to other lands. The 
youngest of them, i.e. Biirteshino, went to the land of 
Gongbo, i.e. the Thibetan province situated north of the 
Jangbo, or Upper Brahma Putra. He did not stay with 
the people of Gongbo, but he took the maiden Qoa Maral 
to be his wife, and having settled for a while on the borders 
of the Tenggis, ue. the sea (doubtless the Kokonoor is meant), 
he marched on to the borders of the Baikal sea, near the 
mountain Burkhan Khalduna, where he met the people Bede. 
When they had interrogated him on the motives for his 
journey, and discovered that he was sprung from the gt^at 
Indian chief, Olana Ergiikdeksen-Khaghan, and from the 
Thibetan Tul Esen, they said to one another, '' This young 
man is of high lineage, and we have no overchief, we will 
obey him," upon which they ranged themselves as his 
subjects. 

In this account we have a confusion of two legends, neither 
of which belongs properly to the Mongols. The story of 
Longnam we know from Thibetan sources. Klaproth^ has 
abstracted it from a Mongol translation of the original work, 
entitled " Nom gharkoi todorkhoi Tolli." The name Burte- 
shino is an excrescence upon it. 

^ Tableaux historiqoM de TAsie, pp. 167-8. 



I 



PART I. THE ORIGINEB OP THE MONGOLS. 231 

In the original Thibetan the three brothers were Dga-thi^ 
or the bird prince ; Nia-thi, or the fish prince ; and Cha sza 
thi, or the flesh prince : the terminating syllable of these 
names, written ^'ri, is pronounced thi. It means " throne," 
and is found in all the names of the ancient kings and 
princes of Thibet. The work referred to mentions the flight 
of Cha sza thi to Gombo, and leaves him there. The whole 
story, as Klaproth says, is like one of the Arabian Nights 
tales, rather than sober history. There is no mention of 
the Beda people, nor of Cha sza's flight to them. Such a 
flight is almost incredible and so are the incidents ac- 
companying it, and we may safely conclude with Klaproth, 
Wolfi", and others, that the story was manufactured by the 
Lamas, who, when the Mongols adopted their religion in 
the thirteenth century, wished to reconcile them to the 
change, or to flatter them by deducing their reigning house 
from that of Thibet, and through it from Buddha himself. 
Burteshino is no part of the Thibetan legend. This name 
has been borrowed from the old traditions of the Turks. 
The name Burteshino means the "blue wolf," which explains 
the Chinese story that the Mongols were sprung from a blue 
wolf. Tsena or Assena {i,e. the wolf) was the founder of 
the power of the Thukiu or Turks proper. A similar story 
of a wolf occurs in the legendary history of the TJsiun (De 
Guignes, i. 56, and Yisdelou, and also Yon Hammer's 
Golden Horde, 54). The Muhammedan historians, Abul 
Ghazi, etc., who also mention Burteshino, instead of deducing 
him from the royal house of Thibet, link him to the chain of 
the Semitic patriarchs in their usual way. Burteshino is 
made by Setzen to marry Goa Maral, the lustrous white hind, 
and by her to have two sons, Bedes Khan and Bedetse Khan, 
the former of whom is made chief of the Tatars and the 
latter of the Mongols. Bede, or Pete, being the primitive 
name by which the Mongols seem to have been known to 
the Thibetans, we can account for these names as we do for 
the eponymous names Turk, Mongol, Helen, Danaos, Latinus, 
Brut, et id genics omne. But to continue Ssanang Setzen's 
list. Bedetse had a son, Tamatsak, whose son was Khoritsar 



232 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

Mergen, whose son was Aghodshim Bughurul, whose son 
was Sali Ehaldshigho, whose son was Nige Nidun, whose 
son was Samsudshi, whose son was Ehali Khartshu> whose 
son again was Bordshigetei-Mergen. From him apparently 
was derived the imperial family name among the Mongols^ 
which was Bordshig. 

Bordshigetei Mergen, by his wife Mergen Mongholdshin 
Goa, had a son named Torghaldshin Bayan^ who by his wife^ 
Boroktshin Goa, had two sons, Doa Sochor and Dobo Mergen. 
The former is made the ancestor of the four XJirat tribes, 
the Kalmuks of later days. He got his name from having, 
like Cyclops, only one eye, and this in the midst of his 
forehead. One day, as he and his brother were playing on 
the mountain Burkhan Khaldun, there came a caravan and 
halted on the banks of the brook Tunggelik.^ Doa Sochor 
said to his brother, '^ In a waggon yonder lies a girl super- 
naturally born ; we will go and find her, and she shall be 
your wife," upon which they sought her out, and, discovered 
that she was bom of Baraghodshin Goa, the wife of Ehoritai 
Mergen, of the Khoyar Tumed, and that she had a spirit 
for her father. Her name was Alung-Goa, and Dobo Mergen 
made her his wife. 

[I may here remark that the mountain Burkhan Ehaldun 
seems to be associated with the earliest traditions of the 
Mongols, and, according to Abul Ghazi, and to one of the 
accoimts in Easchid, it was the burial-place of Jingis 
Khan.^ It is doubtless the knot of mountains from which 
flow the rivers Onon, Kerulon, and Tula, otherwise known 
as Kentei. Yissugei, the father of Jingis Ehan, whose 
patrimony was the land of Burkhan Ehaldun, had his yurt 
or encampment on the river Onon.] 

By Alunggoa, Dobo Mergen had two sons, Belgetei 
and Begontei, and then died. After her husband's death, 
Alunggoa one night had a dream, in which a ray of light 
penetrated through a hole in the ceiling into her tent, and 

^ ThiB stream is still called the Tunglu. It flows into the KangoL 
2 Schmidt's Ssanang Seteen, pp. 389 and 390. 



PART I. THE ORIGINES OP THB MONGOLS. 233 

took the form of a fair-haired youth who lay with her; 
by him she had three sons Bughu Khataki^ Bughu Saldshigo, 
and Budantsar Mong Ehan. 

In reference to this legend, it may be remarked that it is 
a repetition of the original story of the incarnation of the 
Buddha Sakyamuni. The same story is told about the birth 
of Apaokhi, the founder of the Leao dynasty, and also of 
Aishin Giyoro, the reputed foimder of the Manchu dynasty. 
The existence of Alunggoa is attested by so many inde- 
pendent witnesses, that it may perhaps be believed. Easchid 
tells us that, according to the history of the house of Jingis 
Khan, deposited in the Imperial treasury (the same MS. 
elsewhere referred to by him as the Altan Defter, or 
Golden Register), and according to the evidence of very 
old men, she probably lived four centuries before his time, 
i.e, in the early years of the Abbassides and the Samanids 
(D'Ohsson, Hist, des Mongols, i. p. 24, note). This would 
answer to the date when the name Mongku first appears in 
the Chinese histories. 

The three sons who were miraculously born and their 
posterity were named Niruns (children of light) to distinguish 
them from their elder brothers, who were styled Darlegins. 
According to Baschid the Niruns were to the Darlegins what 
the pearl is to the oyster and the fruit to the tree. Each 
of the three former is made the eponymos of a distinguished 
family. The eldest one that of the Eatakins, the second 
that of the Saldjuts or Suldus, and the third that of the 
Bordshigs (i.e. the sacred family of the Mongols proper). 
Wolff remarks that the legend, as reported by Ssanang 
Setzen, clearly breaks off the genealogical tree, and makes 
a fresh start with Alunggoa. She was supematurally born, 
and so was her son, the ancestor of the Imperial house of 
the Mongols. 

We are told that on the death of Alunggoa, a quarrel 
seemed imminent among the three brothers in regard to the 
division of the heritage, " Why embarrass yourselves with 
wealth P'' said Budantsar ; *' are not the plans of man scattered 
by the will of the gods P" He thereupon mounted his horse 



234 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OP CHINA* 

and left them (De Mailla^ ix. 4). Ssanang Setzen says that 
when the heritage was divided, nothing was assigned to 
Budantsar, except a tawny horse named XJruk Sussok. This 
he mounted, and hied him along the banks of the riyer 
Onon (Ssanang Setzen, 61). He halted at a place called 
Balitunala, where he determined to settle, but found himself 
short of provisions. Meanwhile he saw a falcon devouring 
a quarry of the species called Khara-Khuru. He caught it 
with a lasso, and trained it to kill game for him : he passed 
the night in a thatched hut, and he got drink from a colony 
of people who lived there, separated from their race, and 
without any ruler. It is curious that this account should be 
found both in the Chinese authorities of De Mailla and in 
the Mongol account of Ssanang Setzen, with sufficient varia- 
tion to show there has been a separate tradition in each case. 
After a while Budantsar was joined by several families, 
who settled around him. His brother Belgetei went to find 
him. They seem to have returned together, and together 
to have subjected the people who were ruled over by his 
father. But the accounts of Ssanang Setzen and De Mailla 
are not either very clear or consistent. Budantsar left three 
sons, namely, Bagharitai Khan Isaghortu, Khabitshi Bagha- 
tur (called Kapitsi kulup paturu by De Mailla), and 
Wadshirtai (the last of these was the ancestor of the family 
of the Wadshirtai). 

He was succeeded by his second son Khabitshi, and he 
by his son Biker Baghatur. He again by his son Macha 
Todan, called Mahatoudan by De Mailla and Dutum Menen 
by Easchid. He died young, and left a widow, Monalun, and 
seven sons ; Easchid says nine. She was of a turbulent, 
irritable disposition, and one day, when out driving, met 
a number of children of the Jelairs (a Turkish tribe), dig- 
ging up the ginseng root {Rheum palmatum\ and eating 
it. She inquired harshly how they dared to tear up the 
ground where her children exercised their horses, and, with* 
out waiting for an answer, ran over several of them with 
her chariot. The Jelairs resented this; they made a raid 
upon the horses of her tribe, and captured them. Six of 



PART I. THE 0RIGINE8 OP THE MONGOLS. 235 

her sons went in pursuit, without waiting to put on their 
armour. Their mother, fearing for the result, sent off their 
wives with carts loaded with armour, but they arrived too 
late. The six chiefs had been killed. The victors re- 
turned, and put Monalun and her family to death without 
any loss. 

D'Ohsson and Erdmann, apparently quoting Baschid, tell us 
that it was after the Jelairs had sustained a severe defeat 
from the Chinese, on the River Kerulon, that some fugitives 
took refuge on the lands of Monalun, and through pressure 
of hunger dug up the roots there. 

Of the royal house Natchin, a relative of Macha Tudan, 
and his youngest son Kaidu, alone survived. The former is 
called a son of Macha Todan by De Mailla and others, but 
see Erdmann, p. 542, note. He had married and settled in the 
country of Bargu (the Palhou of De Mailla). The latter, who 
was an infant, had been hid away in a kumiss bag. Natchin 
now returned to the horde, and plotted his revenge. Having 
disguised himself as a herdsman, he went towards the Jelair 
country. On his way he met two men, a father and son, 
who were hawking, and some distance apart. Seeing his 
brother's hawk on the younger Jelair's fist, he first told him 
he had seen some wild ducks and geese, and would conduct 
him to them. Having taken him some distance, he assassi- 
nated him, and returning also killed his father. He soon 
after came across a herd of horses, which had also belonged 
to his brothers. Having killed the young people in charge, 
he returned with the herd, and with the hawk on his fist. 
He then removed his father's uluss and the young Kaidu to 
the country of Bargu. When Kaidu attained his majority, 
Natchin caused him to be recognized by the people of 
Palhou (Bargu) and Tsieku as their chief. He is styled 
Chatshi Kuluk by Ssanang Setzen. The young chief at- 
tacked the Jelairs, defeated and reduced them to slavery 
(De Mailla, ix. 7, and Raschid, Mirchawend, etc., quoted by 
Erdmann, p. 643). He settled on the borders of Mongolistan, 
in the district named Burgutchin Tugrum, which from him 
took the name Kaidu Chunlum (Erdmann, p. 543). Many 



236 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

tribes submitted to him. He became rich in wives and 
cattle. He built many towns and villages on the banks of 
the Onon, across which he also built a bridge, and collected 
a large force under his banners. Kaidu was succeeded by 
his son Shingkor Dokshin (Ssanang Setzen; he is called 
Baisengkur by the Persian authors followed by Erdmann 
and D'Ohsson, and Paichongor by De Mailla), and he by his 
son Tumbaghai Setsen (the Tumeneh Khan of Erdmann, 
Tombihai of De Mailla), the fourth ancestor of Jingis Khan, 
and styled Budatur. He had nine sons, who are thus named 
by the Persians : Jaksu, the stemfather of the three tribes 
Nujakin, Urut, and Mengut ; Barim Shir Buka Taidshu, the 
stemfather of the Taidshuts ; Kadshuli, the stemfather of 
the Berulas ; Semkadshiun, the stemfather of the Hedergin ; 
Baitgulgi, the stemfather of the Budats ; Kabul Khan, who 
succeeded to the imperial authority ; Durbajan, the ancestor 
of the Durbans ; Buzendsher Dukelat, the ancestor of the 
Dukelats ; Jintabai, the ancestor of the Baisuts. This is 
the list as given by Erdmann. I cannot attach any credit 
to it. It seems to me like the manufacture of Mussalman 
genealogists, who ever had an eponymous hero ready for the 
ancestor of each tribe. It contradicts other authorities at 
many points, and it is unsupported by Ssanang Setzen, or 
the Chinese authorities. It further confounds Mongol and 
Turkish tribes with little discrimination. The following 
circumstantial anecdote related by Mirchawend may have 
some foundation in fact, and if not, it is a good illustration 
of Mongol modes of thought. One day Kadshuli, the third 
son of Tumeneh or Tumbagai, dreamt that a star issued from 
the thigh of his brother Kabul, but the firmament remained 
dark ; then a second one, and it became twilight ; then a 
third, and it was dusk. Then there came out a very sparkling 
star, so that the whole sky was lit up with its rays, which 
imparted a greater lustre to the other stars. Kadshuli 
awoke, and supposed that only a third of the night had 
passed. He meditated on his dream, and went to sleep again. 
Again a series of stars issued, but this time from his 0¥ni 
thigh. This series consisted of eight stars, of which the 



PART I. THE ORIGINES OP THE MONGOLS. 237 

last was again by far the most brilliant. When daylight 
came, Kadshuli betook himself to his father Tumbagai, and 
related his dream. He was much pleased with it, called his 
eldest son Kabul Ehan, and had it repeated to him. The 
grandees maintained that three princes descended from Kabul 
Khan would mount the throne ; another of his descendants 
would enjoy the Imperial authority, and would conquer the 
earth from one end to the other ; and after his death his 
dominions would remain for a long time subject to his de- 
scendants. That from Kadshuli would also spring seven 
descendants, who should bear rule, and the eighth should far 
eclipse them, and also rule the earth. Tumeneh Khan was 
much struck by this dream, and with the concurrence of his 
other sons he named Kabul Khan as his successor, and 
appointed Kadshuli generalissimo of his forces, and left it in 
his will that these posts should be hereditary. This will 
was written in the Uighur character, was sealed with his 
Tamgha (or monogram), and it was kept in the Imperial 
treasury. Kabul Khan mounted the throne, and Kadshuli 
Khan Behadur faithfully performed his office (Erdmann's 
Temudjin, p. 547, note). We now seem to have reached more 
stable ground, and to be able to walk with more confidence. 
In regard to Kabul Khan, I am disposed to think that the 
authorities followed by both Erdmann and D'Ohsson have 
made two Khans out of one. D'Ohsson makes Kabul to be 
succeeded by his nephew Kubilai. These two names are so 
much alike that they are probably only variants of one 
name. Erdmann escapes from the difficulty by calling the 
nephew Kaidu. Ssanang Setzen only knows one of them, 
and calls him Kabul, as do the Chinese authorities followed by 
De Mailla ; and I shall imitate the latter, and treat the acts 
assigned to the two rulers by D'Ohsson and Erdmann as 
those of Kabul Khan. He was a favourite hero of Mongol 
story. His voice is compared to the thunder in the moun- 
tains, his hands were strong like bear's paws, and with them 
he could break a man in two as easily as an arrow may be 
broken. He would lie naked near an immense brazier in 
the winter, heedless of the cinders and sparks that fell on 



ror 'he bir«*a ii inaecr.^. He ire i Vaeen i fiav. ami 

ixi :mmen.*4e rianrlnr ■->£ ]nTiii:». He ieenu tt> have sbIh 

in. ifuH^riLia proper. He ttw ipparentiv the first Mangol 
*iv<*r«ii:rn. Tr'no iaii inrerrcor^e "viti i;iie Chmege Imperiil 
iTjii:-^. 1: id 4^ii 'ihaz 'aj.Tin;r b^en iazmaoned to the cxmrt 

of 'he Kin £ai::er':r. he asT:«:]ii;:}a6ii riTin bv hm immenoe 

to • 

apperire. '>ne iiv. bein;? very innk. he so far forgot 
*f:i: iH :i: ^riza 'he F.mrer:r§ bearrL When he 
ViCer. he demanded :.j be punfsted. but the Empenw onl^ 
Iau;jhed : and. i.: 4h<:w that he had. overlookad the fimit, pre- 
^enred him wi-h i irld-embrridered silken garmsat gnftuMft 
Vj hU «2e. 1 ':r:wn. inii a zrLden airdle. After hu d^ 
partJir*. inari^ateti bv his «:rurtier5. the Emperor salt 
mfifiiKfziLThT^ *o demazd hi* retnTn : and when these m/ear 
i^i:-2^T% iri^ to '^e him away forcfDlv. he had them, put to 
dear/n. Thii* stoiy, ci:.ii:ained in rhe Persian hLstonans of 
the lIor:^r;L». tallies aiimirablr. b«jth in date and 
stance, with that contained in the historr ot' the 
dmaAtv. at vied the Ta kin kwo chL which I take from Dr. 
Schott'^ paper alreadv q-xored- It was written after the &II 
of the Kin empire. According to this work the Mong kQ 
livfrd to the north-east of the Xiutchi : Dr. Schott remazb 
that thi.^ is clearly a fap-vji p^vicH'l for north-west) ; tkej 
ate no cooked meats, they could see in the darkest night, 
and they made, out of the hide of a certain fish, armour 
which would turn arrows. During the reign of the Kin 
Kmj^rror, Tai t.suns?, whose Tun^usic name was Ukimai (i>. 
in 1 l2'^'i7 , a great number of the Hongus became sabject 
to him : but in the next reisn, ll-iS-40. thev were rebellioos. 
Thi.^t account surely points to the subnussion and the mb- 
ftCTju^-nt reb*:!lion of Kabul Khan. 

The Utr^rr, a^* I huve said, was supreme in Mongolia, and 
ha/1 probjihly subj^K-tf.-d all the tribe? on the borden of the 
rleft^^rt : among th^>^ more or less subordinate to him was 
that of the Taidjuts, formerly the predominant tribe amoo^ 
the 3Iongol.-i. I have already said that Burteshino» the 



PART I. THE ORIGINEB OF THE MONGOLS. 239 

head of the Mongol genealogies, is said by Ssanang Setzen 
to have had two sons, Bedetse Ehan and Bedes Khan, the 
former of whom is made to rule over the Mongols, the latter 
over the Taidjuts. He tells us that while Kabul Khan ruled 
over the Mongols, Ambai, a descendant of Bedes Khan, 
ruled over the Taidjuts. This Ambai is the Hemukai Khan 
of Erdmann, and the Ambagai of D'Ohsson, both of whom 
make him a great-grandson of Kaidu Khan, on the authority 
of the Persian historians. I prefer Ssanang Setzen's narra- 
tive. On one occasion Hemukai went to visit the Tatars, 
probably the Tatars of the Inchan range, query ^ the Keraits, 
to get himself a wife. They seized him, and he was sent 
as a captive to the Kin Emperor, who, to revenge the murder 
of his Chinese officers by Kabul Khan, had him nailed 
down to a wooden ass, a punishment reserved for rebels. 
(The same fate awaited a brother or son of Kabul's, named 
Ukin Berkan, who had also fallen into the hands of the 
Kin Emperor.) It was to revenge this wrong that Kabul 
(according to D'Ohsson and Erdmann, it was his nephew 
Kubilai, or Kaidu), with his grandson Yissugei, and with 
Kadan Taishi, the son of Hemukai, marched against China, 
defeated the Imperial army, and retired with a rich booty. 
This is perhaps what the Kin history refers to when it says 
that in 1138-40 the Mongku became rebellious. ''Since then, 
it goes on to say, the Mongku have obtained many Khitan 
and Chinese boys and girls, either in war or by wAy of 
ransom, who have coalesced with them : they have gradually 
got accustomed to the use of cooked meats, and become a 
mighty nation under the name of Ta MongA ku6 — the 
kingdom of the great Mongus." On his return from the 
Chinese expedition, Kabul Khan, who was engaged in hunt- 
ing, got separated from his army with only one follower and 
a slave. He was thus surprised by the Durbans (a Turkish 
tribe), sped his horse at full speed, drove it into a marsh in 
which it sank, but he sprang on to his saddle and then on 
to firm ground. The Durbans, it is said, disdained to touch 
him, saying, what can a Mongol do without his horse P He 
soon after, once more, reached his uluss. It is at this point 

YOL. YU.— [NBW BB&IB8.] 16 



240 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

we must insert a struggle which the Persians describe as 
being between the Mongols and the Tatars, and which, as 
I have said, I believe to be identical with that described by 
Ssanang Setzen as between the Taidjuts and Mongols. Ac- 
cording to the former authorities, Sain Tekin, the youngest 
brother of Kua Kulkua, the wife of Kabul Ehan, fell ill, 
and a Tatar shaman^ or medicine-man, was summoned to 
cure him : notwithstanding his efforts, the patient died. His 
relatives upon this put the sorcerer to death, and to avenge 
him the Tatars took up arms. A struggle ensued at a place 
called Beran-Segdan, and in it Eedan Behadur, one of 
Kabul's sons, distinguished himself in single combat with 
the Tatar leader, Meter Bahadur. The struggle was re- 
newed the following year, and led to many fights between 
the Mongols and Tatars: such is the story as told by the 
Persians (Erdmann, pp. 553-4). 

Ssanang Setzen tells us that Kabul Khan had seven sons, 
and that Ambai {Le. Hemukai), the chief of the Taidjuts, had 
ten. A strife having ensued between them, the latter fell 
on the former, and killed six of the seven brothers, plundered 
their territory, and overthrew their dominion. The seventh, 
Bardam Baghatur (the Berdam Behadur of Erdmann), 
escaped with three wounds, escorted by four " companions,'* 
while his eldest son Yissugei Baghatur, then thirteen years 
old, speared a mailed warrior through and through, and 
having seized his horse followed his father. Sain Maral 
Khajak, the wife of Bardam Baghatur, had meanwhile 
escaped on foot with her three younger sons, Negun, Men- 
getu, and TJtsuken. We do not know how the Mongols 
revenged this defeat. We are simply told by Ssanang^ 
Setzen that Kabul Khan was succeeded by his son Bardam 
Baghatur. Mailla says the same, only he calls him Pardai. 

Bardam Baghatur had by his wife Sain Maral Khajak 
(called Sunigel Ferdshin by Erdmann) four sons, Mungdu 
Kian, Tegun Taishi, Yissugei Bahadur, and Dariti TJtsuken, 
and was succeeded by Yissugei Bahadur. The latter became 
a powerful king. Ho seems to have restored the supremacy 
of the Mongols^ which had been invaded, as we hjave seen, 

I 

\ 



PART I. THE ORIGINES OP THE MONGOLS. 241 

by the Taidjuts. De Mailla tells us that until his reign the 
Mongols had been more or less tributaries of the Leao and 
Kin dynasties in China, and that he was the first to free 
them from this yoke. This statement, however, is hardly 
consistent with the intercourse his son Temudjin afterwards 
held with China. Ssanang Setzen tells us that one day 
Yissugei was htmting in company with his two younger 
brothers, and followed the tracks of a white hare in the 
snow ; they struck on the ruts of a caravan, and followed 
them to a spot where a woman's tent was set up. Then said 
Yissugei, " This woman will bear a valiant son," and having 
tracked out the ruts, they discovered that the cart belonged 
to Jeke Jilatu, a Taidjut, who had just married the yoimg 
damsel Ogelen Eke (the mother of nations), of the tribe of 
the Olchonods, and was taking her home. As they drew near 
she said to her husband, "Don't you see the intention of the 
eldest of the three men?" With these words, she took off 
her undergarment, gave it to Jilatu, and said, " Haste thou 
away as quickly as thou canst." While this was going on 
the three drew near, and Jeke Jilatu took to flight. The 
three plundered neither the huts nor their contents, but only 
carried away Ogelen Eke. She ceased not to cry until the 
youngest of the three brothers, Dariti XJtsuken, addressed 
her, and said, " We have already crossed three rivers, we 
have traversed three mountains. Pursuit is hopeless. Thy 
cries will not be heard." Upon which, our author says, she 
became quieter. Yissugei made her his wife. Schmidt, in 
a ' note on this passage, suggests that this rape was the 
cause of the struggle between the Mongols and Tatars which 
followed. In 1154-6 Yissugei marched with a large army, 
overran the Tatar country, laid it waste, and killed its two 
chiefs, Temudjin Ergeh and Kur Buka, and returned to his 
encampment on the Onon. The place where his camp was 
fixed was called Dilun Buldak. (The place still exists under 
the same name. ' Jurinsky, a merchant from Nerchinsk, in 
the Proceedings of the Russian Geographical Society, places 
it on the right bank of the Onon, seven versts higher than 
the island Eke Aral, and three versts from the Kotshuewschen 



242 THE KORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

guard house. Erdmamiy p. 572.) It was at tliis spot, and at 
this time, that his wife Ogelen Eke gave birth to a son, and 
Yissagei named him Temudjin, after the slaughtered Tatar 
chief. By the same wife he had three other sons, namely, 
Juji Ehassar, Khadshikin, and TJtsaken, and by two other 
wives two other sons, Bekter and BelgeteL 

The death of Yissugei is thus related by Ssanang Setsen. 
One day he approached a Tatar encampment, where a feast 
was going on. They called oat to him, ** There is plenty of 
meat here, come and eat.'' He turned aside and joined 
them. The Tatars did not forget the g^dge they owed him. 
They mixed poison with his food. He fell ill on his way 
home ; dismounted at the yort of one of his sabjects, and 
sent for his son Temudjin. A messenger was despatched 
from the latter, but before he could arrive Yissugei was dead. 
As Jingis was thirteen years old at his father's death, we 
may date that event about 1168-9. His death was followed 
by some confusion, and the Tatars for a while recovered their 
supremacy. But we have arrived at a crisis in Mongol history. 
With Temudjin an entirely new chapter in their history 
commences. 



a 



243 



Art. XII. — Inedited Arabic Coins. By Stanley Lane Poole. 

(Read Nov. 16, 1874.) 



Few men have done more for the science of Oriental Numis- 
matics than Frederic Soret. And yet among his writings 
we may search in vain for any work of great extent. The 
largest he ever published is his handbook, EUments de la 
Numismatique Musulmane^ and even this appeared in parts in 
the Belgian Itevue, and was reprinted as a separate work 
after his death. Frederic Soret's work was done by small 
pieces, which, when put together, form a very considerable 
whole. The line he took was chiefly that of publishing such 
coins as he found in his own or other collections, and which 
were as yet unknown to the numismatic world, — if I may 
apply so large a term to so small a thing. And those short 
monographs of his are among the most precious additions to 
the knowledge of Oriental coins which the century has seen. 
Nor does Soret stand alone in this system of publishing in- 
edited coins. He has been vigorously followed by a very 
able and sufficiently numerous body of German and other 
scholars, who have made known all the noteworthy coins 
which have come across their path. 

It is my wish to profit by the example of Soret and his 
fellow-workers, and to endeavour to do for the English collec- 
tions what has so long ago and so efficiently been done for 
those on the Continent. I now bring before the Society ten 
inedited coins, seven of which are from the British Museum 
collection, ahd three from that of Col. Guthrie. When I 
say inedited coins, I mean that I have been unable to find 
any description of them in any work on Oriental Numis- 
matics, or in any Catalogue of Oriental Coins, or in any 
serial publication which admits papers on Oriental subjects. 
It is obvious from this definition that the term 'inedited' 
is not absolute; for in the vast number of German and 
other reviews and journals it is not unlikely that some of 



INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 245 

This coin at first caused me no little perplexity. Its 
general appearance closely resembling a badly-executed 
Great-Seljuki coin, and the date falling under Alp-Arsl&n's 
reign, I was half inclined to think that it was struck in the 
name of that Sult&n by some governor who did not know 
the orthography of the name. This explanation, however, 
did not appear to me satisfactory, and I was very glad to be 
able to reject it for a better one. In searching for something 
in that mine of historical facts, Ibn-al-Athir's Kdmily I 
stumbled upon the name of a certain Kar&-Arsl&n, lord of 
the province of Karm&n, in the south-eastern part of the 
Persian kingdom. The passage in which this prince's name 
occurs runs thus : — 

** Account of the Rebellion of the King of Karm&n against 
Alp-Arsl&n, and of his return to fealty. 

" In this year [459] the King of Karman, Kard-Arsl&n, 
rebelled against the Sult&n Alp-Arsl&n. And the cause of 
this was that he had a foolish wezir, whose soul commended 
to him the obtaining [for himself] independent possession 
of the province from the Sult&n. And his lord [Kara- 
Arsldn], when he rebelled, found it necessary to seize him ; 
but he made the opposition to the Sult&n seem good to his 
lord, and Kard-Arslan consented to it, and cast away his 
fealty, and discontinued the khutbeh for the Sult&n. 

" When Alp-Arsldn heard of this, he marched to Kar- 
m&n, and when he drew near to it his scouts attacked the 
scouts of Kar&-Arsl4n, and after a contest the latter's scouts 
were put to flight. And when Kard-Arslan and his army 
heard of the rout of their scouts, they feared and were per- . 
plexed and fled: no man paused for another. And Kar&- 
Arsldn entered Jiraft, and fortified himself there, and sent to 
Sult&n Alp-Arsl&n, professing obedience and asking forgive- 
ness for his fault : so he forgave him ; and he presented 
himself before the Sultdn, who treated him with honour. 
And he^ wept, and caused those who were with him to weep. 



^ We are left in painful uncertainty whether it was the Saltan 
or the King of Karmdn who wept. 



246 I5EDITED ARABIC COINS. 

So he restored him to his kingdom^ and he changed not 
aught of his condition."^ 

'We learn, then, from this that Kar4-Arsl&n was ruling 
the province of Earman, in feof to the Seljuki Sultdn, in the 
year 459 of the Flight. The coin proves him to have been 
still ruling in 462, and the absence of the name of his liege 
lord would lead us to infer that the King of Earm&n had 
again asserted his independence. Shortly after this he most 

1^1 ^'JaUl yj^ji-^j^ ]/^^ U^r^^--^ ^5*^ ^^^ **^ *i 

iui; ^ c^lj-, Jjb\pr jij^ ^ ^l^ ^1 c£M ^..^^ 'J^j^ 



J\ U^\j J^JlA\ J^ ^l^\ ^^U ^ ^ 



^\ jImj ^Ljjf L-^f «^^«mJ '^JLs)t Cr'^j Xciyi {-^^ CX!J 



^Ij^b ^jLuc^ \j^j^ \^ ^f^^ ^^ J^ ^ c>^^ 1^ £«J^ 



<U^li j^lLLJl X^j.d>j <Uc U*i &Jj ^ ^1 jlwuJ^ icUaH^^ 



W- ^^*i jJ^ *^i^=J.^ Jl *jUli s.^:^ ^ v.^^!^ O^^ 



(.rv, n.X) ^U^^ 



INEDITBD AEABIC COINS. 247 

have died or been deposed, for we find K&wart-beg, a brother 
of Alp-Arsl&n, ruling Karm&n in 465. It seems not im- 
probable that when, as the coin suggests, the King of Karm&n 
revolted a second time, Alp-Arsl&n deposed him and ap- 
pointed in his stead his own brother. 

Yazdashir is a town in Karm&n, described by Al-Idrisi 
(transl. by Jaubert, i. 426, 427)) as " jolie ville, offrant beau- 
coup de ressources, entouree de murs et de fosses, munie de 
portes et poss^dant plusieurs bazars." It is not mentioned 
by Y&kut in his Kitdb Mo^jam-al-Bulddn (Geographisches 
Wbrterbuchj ed. Wustenfeld), nor by the author of the 
Mardsid-al'Ittiid' . 

The execution of the coin is imusually bad. The inscrip- 
tion on the Obverse offers several inaccuracies, d! for ^1, 
^\ for ^j^\, ^j^ for ^^^, U for iJU, of which some may 
be duo to want of space. The Reverse Area is double-struck. 



2*. SiLVEB. BuwATHf. ShamS'Od-dawlah'ibn'Fakhr-ad'dawlah. 
Struck at Hamadhdn, a.h. 387-411. {British Museum.) 



Obv. Area. im,^ 



Margin (inner) 1 j^ *&;jJVJ JJk <--^ <tU\ *w 

(outer). ^'j^^* ^ 



248 INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 

Eev. Area. ^lU 

i\ ■mill I I* ^Jl 






m 



I 



Margin. ^\ ^lLj^I ^1 iiyfj 



When Fakhr-ad-dawlah, of the house of Buwayh, died, in 
the year 387 of the Flight (a.d. 997), his sons Majd-ad- 
dawlah and Shams-ad-dawlah succeeded him, the former in 
Ar-Kayy and the principal part of his dominions^ the latter 
in Hamadh&n and Karm&sin.^ But Majd-ad-dawlah was 
unfortunate enough to offend his mother, who had managed 
the affairs of the kingdom during his minority; and was 
deposed and imprisoned by her in 397. Shams-ad-dawlah 
was then summoned to take upon himself his brother's duties, 
and accordingly governed in Ar-Hayy for about the space of 
one year; after which the dowager, taking compassion on 
her captive son, restored him to his dignities, whereupon 
Shams-ad-dawlah returned to Hamadh&n. We hear of him 
again in 405, when Badr-ibn-Hasanwayh, the lord of Al- 



^ Or ^j^M^^^ according to Ibn-al-Athfr, from whose Kdmtl this 
account of Shams-ad-dawlah is drawn. 



INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 249 

Jabal/ died, and Shams-ad-dawlah obtained part of his 
dominions. In the same year he again entered Ar-Rayy, his 
mother and brother retiring on his approach : but he very 
speedily went his way back to Hamadh&n, and suffered Majd- 
ad-dawlah to recover his twice-lost throne. Ibn-al-Athir 
does not record the death of Shams-ad-dawlah ; but as he 
mentions him as ruling in Hamadhdn in 411, and also relates 
that in 414 Sam&-ad-dawlah Abu-1-Hasan, the son of Shams- 
ad-dawlah, was deposed by 'A14-ad-dawlah Abu-Jaafar ibn- 
Kakwayh, it is clear that Shams-ad-dawlah must have died 
between 411 and 414. 



3. Silver. BuwATHf. Sultdn-ad-dawlah, 

Struck at Shirdz, a.h. 405 (==a.d. 1014-,). {Brituh Museum.) 

Obv. Area. ^ '^ << 1» ^ W S 

.UJI >^jj\ £_I1 

* * 

Margin (inner). ^jjJl \sib c-.y^ f*^^^^ {j^^^^J^ <LiJ\ >mj 

(outer). Illegible, but apparently consisting of the 
four words not uncommon on Buwayh{ 
coins. 



^ The mountain*district in which is situated Hamadhdn ; the 
district is also called ^[/-t/aJa/ (JUxXi SS^ t^^* /^' y^ Jr^' 
JLJI <d JUb ^\ Yak6t, Geoffr. Wdrterh., in v., ii. rr). There 
is also a place called AUJdbal, three days' journey from Jazfrat-ibn- 
'Omar (Al-Idrfsf, ii. 172). But the district is here meant. 



250 INEDITSD AEABIO COINS. 



Eer. Area. J«xe 



Margin. 'J\ A^j\ ^\ ijy^j 



This is, I beUeve, the only silver coin of this prince as yet 
published. He seems to have rejoiced in a considerable 
number of titles : The Just King, Shah of Shahs, Pillar of the 
Religion, and Might of the State, and Power of the Moral Law, 
and Aider of the People, Father of Valour. The subject of 
these epithets, however, scarcely played so important a part 
in history as they would seem to imply : he ruled the pro- 
vince of F&ris from the death of his father, Bah&-ad-dawlahy 
in 403, to his own death in 415, and his reign is chiefly re- 
markable for his contests with two of his brothers, which 
would seem to have occupied his attention throughout the 
twelve years of his rule. 

Al-Gh£lib-bi-ll&h, whose name appears beneath Al-K&dir's 
on the Obverse of the coin, was the son and successor desig- 
nate of the Ehalifah. He died, however, in 409, during his 
father's lifetime. 

It is scarcely necessary to remark that the word Jj^, 
"just," which appears on the Reverse, and which is so com- 
mon on most kinds of Arabic coins, is intended to indicate 
the accuracy of the weight. 



INEDITED ABABIC COINS. 251 

4. SiLYEB. "EaxdIsL Alu'l'Barakdt Lataf-AUah. 

Struck at (?), a.h. 359 («a.d. 969-n^). {British Musmm.) 



Obv. Area. ^. \ W SI dt W 1 



Margin (inner) sL^ ^jmuA^j ^mj ii^j 

(outer). ^\j^J\ <d] 

BoT. Area. [^! J>1;] •)''*>^* 

? 

A_li__J J Ull 

Margin. Jl *Lj;\ <dl\ J^ «X^«..«r^ 

Abu-l-Barak&t, thoagh known in history, has never before 
come into the field of numismatics. His father, the cele- 
brated Ndsir-ad-dawlah, died in 358, and was succeeded by 
Abu-Taghlib Al-Ghadanfir, whose name appears on the 
Reverse of this coin. Abu-l-Barak&t was killed in 359; 
so the shortness of the time between his father's death and 
his own makes it probable that this coin will continue one of 
a very few, or even unique. The name of the mint-place is 
unfortunately illegible, and I am unable to discover from 
Prof. Freytag's Oeschichte der Dynastien der Samdaniden,^ 
the best authority on the subject, what city or cities were 
under the rule of Abu-l-Barak&t, in feof to his brother Abu- 
TaghUb. 

^ Zeitschrift der deuUchm morgmldndischen GeseUsehafl, x. xi. 



252 IKEDITED AEABIG COINS. 

The lakab Lataf-AUdh is, I believe, nowlieKe efae to k 
found on coins. It may be rendered '' Bounty of God," or 
" Benefit of God " ; whilst Abu-l-Barakdi, which is wgadij 
unique on coins, means *^ The Father of Bleaaings." 

5 * Gold. 'ABBAsf. Al-MuiVM-ndh. 

Struck at ^^ ;?), a.h. 348 (=a.d. 959-^). {BriiiAMmmum,) 

Obv. Area. aI2J 




Margin. sU^ ^jn^J^ ^^ ^ *-«j jlxjjJl t jjh c-^ aUI 



Rev. Area. 

Margin. Ix *^^ jJl ^J^ \j^b ^1 411 J^j 

(The margin stops at L: for want of space. Ij^l is for u^J^I.) 

The size of this dinar is exceptionally small ; the inscrip- 
tions are arranged in a very peculiar manner, totally different 
from the ordinary arrangement on 'Abb&sl coins; and, lastly, 
the mint-name is quite new. The letters of the mint-name 
are clearly cut, and what ambiguity there is arises not from 
any indistinctness in the coin, but from the different Talues 
which may be given to each letter in the name. The first 
letter, after the prefixed preposition (^, is imquestionaUy 
either an 9 or a 9 ; the next is a simple short stroke, which 
may be c^, CJ, C;, ,^, or ^^; and the last is a short stn^e 
of exactly the same height as the second letter, and th^e- 
fore can scarcely be a J or an 1 (for in other words on this 



INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 253 

coin these two letters are distinguished by height above the 
line), and is not long enough in the horizontal part to be 
a <— ^, ci;, or C-> ; nor would it serve for a c^ ; but it closely 
resembles the final ^^ of ^J^J^ , and I am therefore inclined 
to regard it as a ^j. 

But having determined the letters within certain limits, 
what can the name be ? The most obvious interpretation is 
^j^ ' Ayn^ and we find in the Mardsid-al-Ittild' that ^^ is 

used in El-lrak to meoTi'Ayn-at'TamarjA::]] ^jS,^ and this 

ja::\\ ^^ is described in the same work as i JUI uJ^ (J i*^ 

^1 ^ UfjMjj \j\il \^ ci>V^ ^^j ^1/J' Jr?> J^^ 

In Yakut's Mojam-al-Bulddn (iii, vo <i), 'Ayn-at-Tamar is thus 
described: <J JUb ^y ^jyb 1^3^31 ^^^^j^^ljl!! ^^ JLj^ ifjL 

/^ L5^^ r^.^ L5^ ^^-^i-^1 Ifsiiil i^.^ ^j ^jrll cJ> J^ ^j 



-- o ^ 



>- ^ . cCi 44 O'' / 






I think, therefore, that we may reasonably suppose the 
mint-place to be 'Ayn, i.e. 'Ayn-at-Tamar. 



^^•4 ^ -^ I • I* /''.O^ 



■ (nr, ii) ^-\;>11 ^^ Jj, ^\jA\ J jlk.j 



254 INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 

6.* SiLVEE. AmAWI. 

struck at Sdhitr, a.h. x 2. {CoL Guthrie'' s CoUeetian.) 

Obv. Area. 1^ ^ 11 J 

ifj^j <UJ1 

Margin ^^^ JL«ijyLj ^jJl \ijb c-.^ dUl ^mm^ 

Within double outer circle of dots (not merely serrated). 

Key. Area. <UJ1 j^t ^jJJl 



A_iJ 



,»M^r 



With a row of dots between the second and third lines ; the whole 
area inclosed by two circles of dots; between the circles fire 
annulets. No marginal inscription. 

This is the only Amawi dirhem with which I am ac- 
quiainted with a word beneath the regular Breverse-Area in- 
scription.^ Owing to the bad preservation of the coin, I am as 
yet unable to make out the new word. The first letter might 
be a mim or' an 'ai/n (or ghayn), but its large size induces the 

» Sic. 

' Two coins, published by Dr. Dom and Dr. Mordtmann re- 
spectively, have the Pahlawf word .t{)^ marwun (for so it may surely 
be read in preference to merUn) beneath the Obv. Area. They also 
both bear the mint-name 9^ in the usual Arabic marginal inscrip- 
tion. The dates of these two coins are 81 and 101. (See Tiesen- 
hausen, 294 and 494.) 



INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 



255 



belief that it is an ^ayn (or ghayn). The second letter might 
be biy Uy thiy nun, or y^. The third letter must be sin or 
shin. The fourth letter is, I feel almost sure, tvdw; but there 
is just the possibility of its being kd/. After this wdw comes 
what may either be a separate word <dl (' to God '), or may 
form the termination il of the word, or again (but I think 
most improbably) may be the separate word J (*to him*), 
composed of the preposition J and the pronoim if. 

We may tabulate these possibilities (many of which, how- 
ever, are euphonical impossibilities) thus : — 



6 

M 



4 



8 



J 






2 



< - y 



^ T ^ 



I must leave the task of interpreting these letters to some 
one else : for I confess myself completely at a loss to under- 
stand their meaning. 

The coin is rendered even more extraordinary by the 
absence of any marginal inscription on the Beverse. 

7. SiLVEE. Amawi. 

Struck at Arminiyah,^ a.h. 81 (=»a.d. 700-^). 

(Col. Guthrie's CoUeotion.) 

This coin is of the usual Amawi type, exhibiting nothing 
remarkable, except the position of the conjimction j at the 



^ This (or Irm(niyah) not Artniniyah (with the ye tnushaddad) is 
the correct spelling. 



VOL. Til.— [nBW 8BBIB8.] 



17 



256 ox&rm> .yuscc cido:?. 

besrrnnm^r of the thiri Iir* r;t' nts EeTe-r?e-Aii?a. a 
mi::ial 'jTi octna ot nhe jeara v>, SI. S2, bui osjt airberwariy it 
bfttn-;? vib«ec[aftii.*.l7 cruiipceed -o tLe "^nd oif tte aeeozid line. 
ThA wriolft style, how-rTeT, l§ earioaa. Xo com oi tbis^ mint 
baA LitKeTto been kn:>^Tk ot a date earlier ibaxi 9^ of the 
Plight ''see Dr. TieseiiLiaaeii's Tabk^ p. 323), so tiis specnnen 
is azk intereiatLn^ adiilrioTi to xhe pablLshed series of the coin- 
2ij?e of thLs iHnaatT. The coUectioa to which this belongs con* 
tained before hut one example of the mintage of Aiminijeh.^ 



ObT. Heraclius and his two sons, all standing, and each one hold- 
ing a crosft-bearing orb. 

Rer. The Cross, modified into a pillar with a globular capital, but 
not yet changed into a 6. On either side, B I- 



Aroond. idll Jy^j Ju3r« jfj^^ i]l\ l\ 4\ !l 

I am not acquainted with any gold coin of this Obvene 
type : and the Reverse type is, I think, quite unique. The 
form of the Cross upon the steps is unlike the ordinaiy, and 
the letters B I are, so far as I can find out, unknown on 
Mohammadan coins. B I is merely I B reyersed (in Arab 
fashion) ; and I B (=12) is the value-index peculiar to the 
coinage of the Alexandrian mint, denoting that the value of 
the coin was that of twelve vovfifila? 

I do not think, however, that it can be deduced from this 

' See my Catalogue of the Collection of Oriental Coim Momging to 
Colonel C. Seton Outhrie, Fasc. I. Coins of the Amawi Khalifehs 
(Stephen Austin & Sons, Hertford, 1874), p. 7, and pi. i. fig. 38. 

* I am indebted for this explanation to my uncle, Hr. Reginald 
Stuart Poolo, who has investigated the question of Byzantine and 
Ahfxandrian value-indexes in a paper in the Numismatic CkranMe, 
1863. 



INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 



267 



occurrence of the Alexandrian index that the coin was struck 
at Alexandria ; though it is not, d priori^ unlikely that such 
was the case. The date of the coin is also doubtful. 



9*. Gold. FlTntf. 

Struck at Madinat ^iis, a.h. 51 J ( 



Obv. Area. 



(outer). 



A.D. 112aV 

{British Mmmrn,) 






Margin (inner). i^\ J^ Jl£ ^OJl J^ dj^^s^ aUI SI d!\ "l 



:J\ iLij\ i^\ J^ 



Rev. Area. 



Margin (inner), 
(outer). 



jyd\4lA 



^ifUu*M«^^ jIa ^'^ JLm) j^^ ^.^^ 



The city of Kus ^y is a new addition to the mint-list of 
Arabic numismatics, for it has never before been found on 
coins. The best account of the city is that by Quatremere, 
in his Mimoires gSographiques et historiques 8ur VEgypte ; but 
as it extends over more than twenty pages (t. i. pp. 192-216) 
I must content myself with some extracts. 

"K02, KOS. Cost ainsi que le lexique copte de Mont- 
pellier ^crit le nom de la ville que les Arabes appellent Kous. 
On lit £a>9 ou Koof; dans les vocabulaires sa'idiques de la 



' The i of iJLs- is omitted ; so too the ^^ which should support 
the •* of £jU, the latter probably for want of space. 



268 INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 

bibliotheque imp^riale. Ces diffi^rens ouvrages joignent an 
nom de cette ville celui de ^epjSep ou ^ip/Sip, dont je ne TOis 
pas trop Torigine. Seulement Tauteur de I'un des vocaba- 
laires sa'idiques s6pare du mot Kcd^ celui de fiep^ep, et rend oe 
dernier par Ahsore'in ; ce qui sembleroit devoir mferiter plus 
d'attention. En effet, commes nous I'avons appris d'un 
passage de Macrizj, la ville d'Aksor ou Aksore'in passoit 
pour ^tre habitue par une colonie de Maris, peuple de la 
Nubie. D'un autre c6t^, il est difficile de r^cuser le t^moig;n- 
age presque unanime de tous les vocabulaires coptes, aus- 
quels se joint encore I'autorit^ du manuscrit consults par 
Yanslet. Quoiqu'il en soit, Golius a cru que la ville de Kous 
r^pondait & rancienne Thebes ou Dioscopolis magna, et cette 
opinion paroit avoir ^t^ adoptee par A. Schultens. Mais le 
pdre Lequien, d'Anville, et Michaelis pensent avec raison que 
Kous repr^sente la ville H ApollinopoUs parva, dont il est parl£ 
dans Strabon. Quant au nom Arabe de cette ville, il est 
certain qu'il doit s'ecrire Kous par un sadj et non par un sin, 
comme on lit dans Touvrage de Boha-ed-din. Suivant Aboal- 
feda, 'Kous, situ^e dans le Said, k I'orient du Nil, ^toit, aprds 
Fostat, la plus grande ville de PEgypte. C'^toit Id qu'arri- 
voient les marchands d'Aden.' Sa distance, d regard de 
Keft, est d'une parasange, suivant lakouty, ou de sept milles, 
suivant TEdrisy. L'auteur du Mesalek-al-absar et Macrizy 
ont consacrS d cette ville des articles assez Stendus, dont je 
vais transcrire une partie, en ^leguant les fables que le 
dernier de ces ^crivains y joint, suivant son usage. *' Koxib, 
la plus grande ville du Said, est situ^e sur la rive orientale 
du Nil, et est le chef-lieu d'une province trds-importante. 
G'est le premier endroit oii s'arr^tent les caravanes qui 
viennent des mers de Tlnde, de I'Abyssinie, du Y^men, et 

du Hedjaz, en traversant le desert d'Aidab 

Au rapport d'Al-Adfouy, dans son Histoire du Said, Kous 
est plac^e au cdt^ de Kefk, et si Ton en croit quelques 
^crivains, Kous a commence k devenir florisante, et Keft 

k se d^peupler depuis I'an 400 de I'h^gire 

Depuis I'an 800 de Th^gire, cette ville est entidrement 
d&hue de son ancienne splendour. Pendant les d^sao- 



I 



INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 269 

tres et les malheurs qui afflig^rent I'Egypte, dans le cours 
de Fannie 806, il perit d Ko\i& dix-sept milles persounes. 
Avant cette epoque, cette ville ^toit si peupWe, que, dans la 
s^cheresse de Tan 776, il eut cent cinquante Moglak, qui 
resterent abandonn^s. On entend dans cette province par le 
mot Moglaky un jardin de 20 feddans et au-dessus, accom- 
pagn^ d'une machine hydraulique k quatre faces. Et cela 
sans compter ime foule de jardins moins considerables, qui 
demeurerent ^galement sans Stre occup^s.' Macrizy nous 
apprend ailleurs, que Kous renfermoit un hdtel des monnaies, 
et que Ton voyait sur le territoire de cette viUe de nombreux 
plants d'acacias. Le mSme fecrivain, parlant du lieu nomm^ 
Miniet-al-Baseky s'exprime ainsi : ' Cette ville, situ^e dans le 
canton d'Atfih, a pris son nom de Basek, frere de Behram 
I'Arm^nien, qui fut vizir du Khalife Hafed-li-din-Allah. 
L'an 529, Basek ayant ^t^ nomm^ par son frere au gouveme- 
ment de Kous qui 6toit alors le plus important de TEgypte, 
exer9a centre les Musulmanes toutes sortes d'injustices et de 
vexations. Cela dura jusqu'au mois de djoumady second, de 
Tan 531. A cette epoque, les babitans de Kous, ayant appris 
que Behram avoit ^t^ supplante et expulse par Kadwan ben 
Dulkeschy, qui lui avoit succ^d^ dans la charge de vizir, se 
souleverent centre Basek, et le massacrdrent. Ensuite, apr^ 
lui avoir attach^ un chien au pied, il trainerent son corps 
dans les rue de la ville, et finirent par le jeter sur le iumier. 
Basek professoit la religion chretienne/ . . . On trouve 
les noms de deux de ses ^veques [sc, de Kous], Theodore et 
Mercure, dans Thistoire des patriarches d'Alexandrie. 'Du 
temps du pere Sicard, Jean, 6vSque de Nequad6, I'^toit en 
memo temps de Coptos, de Kous et d'Ibrim. Abou-Selah 
parle de plusieurs ^glises situ^es sur le territoire de Kous." 

The following extract from Brugsch {Geographische In- 
schriften altdgyptischer Denkmdler i. 197 f.) supplies the 
defectiveness of Quatrem^re's account of the names of Ktis. 
" Noch weiter nordlich auf der Strasse> welche von Karnak 
nach der Stadt Qeft, dem alten Koptos, fiihrt, liegt eine 
Stadt mit Namen ^y Qus, die zur Zeit Abulfeda's oder 
im 14. Jahrhundert nach Fost&t die bedeutendste Stadt 



260 INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 

Aeg}'ptens war. Grosse Tnimmerhaufen bei denelbezi sind 
heut za Tage die einzigen Ueberreste eines Jlteren anaehn- 
lichen Ortes. . . . Die GriecheDy das wissen wir mit 
vollster Sicherkeit, nanntea die Stadt ^AmXXiouo^ itoXk, 
gewohlich mit dem Zusatze 17 /u/cpd, zum TTnterschiede you 
der grossen ApoUonstadt, deren bedeutende Briiinen imnitten 
des heutigen Dorfes Edfu liegen. Die Kopten bezeichneten sie, 
wahrscheinlich nach alter Tradition, mit dem Yolgamamen 
KOUC Aepftep (dialektisch Apftip, Apftep), welches 
GhampoUioD, L'Egypte sous les Pharaoas, vol. ii. p. 221 ''das 
brennende" oder "das heisse KUJC" iibersetzt. EinWort kes 
oder qes est mir mit Ausnahme des oben besprochenen kes, 
das aber hier nicht her gehoren kann, nirgend in den In- 
schriften und Texten aufgestossen, wohl aber eine Local- 

benennung brbr, entsprechend dem koptischenEipRcp. In 
dem hieratischen Kalendar Sallier No. 4, p. 11, erscheint 
niimlicheine Gruppe Ra-hrbr (898) "das Hausbrbr" mit dem 
speciellen Determinativ der Pyramide oder des Obelisken, 
das sehr wohl die in Kede stehende Stadt bezeichnen konnte. 
"Wie gesagt ist aber die Sache nicht ausgemacht und wir 
miissen es dem glucklichen Zufall iiberlassen, ob fiir diese 
Zusammenstellung griindliche Beweise gefunden werden. 
Jenes Ha-brbr konnte namlich nach dem Zusammenhange in 
dem beregten Papyrus eben so gut einen bestimmten Theil in 
einem Heiligthume bezeichnen." 

The mention by El-Makrizi of an hdtel des nwnnaies at 
Kus is highly interesting, and this coin is the first to confirm 
the historian's statement. 



10*. Gold. Muwahhid (Almohade). * Abd-Al'Mu-min. 

Struck at Sabiah. (British Jfussum,) 

Similar to the coin described by me in the Numismatic 
Chronicle, n.s., vol. xiii. p. 154, art. MuwahhidSj No. 1. The 
difierence consists in the occurrence of the mint-name Sabtah 
<i-:uM9 between the lines of the encadrement, on each ride, 
beneath the area-inscription. Coins with these finely-written 



INEDITED ABABIC COINS. 261 

mint-names between the lines are^ I believe, peculiar to the 
dynasty of the Muwahhids, and very rare even among them. 
I am not aware of this coin having been already published. 
The diacritical points differ somewhat from those on the 
specimen described in the Num. Chron., as a comparison of 
the plates will show. A curious thing is the way in which 
the tail of the /♦ of |^ on the Obv. is cut through by the 

encadrement. I need scarcely remark that Sabtah is the 
Arabic form of Ceuta ; or rather, Ceuta is the European form 
of Sabtah. 



262 



Art. XIIL — Notice on the Din&ra of the Abbamde Dynasiy. 
By Edward Thomas Rogers, late H. M. Consuly Cairo. 



[Read on NoTember 16th, 1874.] 



Evert collector of early Muhammadan coins rnnst haye 
observed that the dinllrs of the fifth and two subsequent 
Khalifahs are of two kinds : that is to say, some are plain, 
like those of the earlier Khalifahs ; whilst others have various 
Muhammadan names upon them, generally beneath the 
ordinary inscription on the area of the reverse. 

It is well known that dirhams and filses were struck in 
many parts of the then vast Muhammadan Empire ; but it 
does not appear that under the first four Khalifahs dln&rs 
were struck in any other mint than that of the Capital. 

The dinars of the first four Khalifahs do not state where 
they were struck, and we may therefore presume that they 
were all struck in one place, namely, the Capital, just as the 
din&rs of the Khalifahs of Bani Ummeya were all struck at 
Damascus, which was their seat of government. Those of 
the fifth and two subsequent Khalifahs do not, as a rule, 
give any place of mintage ; but by careful examination and 
comparison of the proper names found on some of them, I 
am convinced that the plain ones were struck in Medinet-es- 
Sal&m (Baghdsld), and that those bearing proper names were 
for the most part struck in Misr, which was probably next 
in importance to Baghdad, and was the first place after the 
Capital whence gold coins were emitted. 

I have seen some of these names mentioned in the descrip- 
tions of the coins on which they were found ; but no serial 
account of them has yet been published, nor any identification 
of the persons to whom they refer. 

With a view to partially supply this deficiency, I am pro- 
paring the following observations on dinars hitherto inedited, 
which are for the most part in my own Cabinet and in that 
of Colonel C. S. Guthrie, intercalated with those already pub- 
lished of which we do not possess specimens in our cabinets. 



V 







fjs^^ .«! 









*'^ ^^iifi 




.Jf"*-.!, /■ 



















DINABS OF THE ABBASSISE DTNASTT. 



265 



Datb. 


IX WHOSE 

Cabinet. 


By whox 
Edited. 


DeSCBIPTIYS RiVARKfl. 


157 


C. S. G. 


Inedited. 




\58 


«« 


T. 872. 


A point after the J of (Jy^j, and 
central point in the reverse. 


159 


E. T. K. 


T. 880. 


A dot after the J of J^^-m of reverse. 


160 


E. T. K. 


Inedited. 


A central point on the reverse. 


161 


«« 


Inedited. 


A central point on the reverse. 


161 


E. T. R. 


Inedited. 


A central point on the reverse, and 
three points thus •'• beneath the 
area of the reverse (PI. I. No. 3). 


162 


«« 


T, 917. 


A central point on the reverse and a 
point after the J of J^-a; . 


163 


E. T. R. 


T. 932. 


A point under the L^ of i^j^ , and 
a central point on the reverse. 


163 


C. S. G. 


Inedited. 


A point under the l^ of ^.^«i > and 
three points thus *•* under the area 


# 






of the reverse (Pi. I. Ko. 4). 


164 


Willenheim 


T. 950. 




165 


E. T. A. 


T. 965. 




165 


** 


Inedited. 


A point above the inscription on the 
area of the reverse. 


166 


** 


T. 983. 




166 


E. T. R. 


Inedited. 


A point between the second and third 
lines of the inscription on the area 
of the reverse, and a point under 
the (^ of f^j^ . 


167 


«« 


T. 1010. 


A point under the c-^ of ^--^ and 
under the l^ of ^^ . 


167 


£. T. R. 


Inedited. 


A point between the second and third 
lines of the inscription on the area 
of the reverse ; of Aghlabite type. 


167 


C. S. G. 


Inedited. 


A point under the l^ of %--^i a 
central point on the reverse, and 
above the inscription on the area of 



266 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDK DTNA8TT. 



Datb. 



In wnoflE 
Cauinrt. 



168 



«« 



169 : E. T. R. 



Bt -whox 
Edited. 



T. 1038. 



T. 1057. 



DncaiPTITB RXMAKKS. 



the reverse a email creacent thus w. 

(PI. I. No. 5). 

A central point on the reverse, and a 
point after the J of Jj-«m . 

A central point on the reyerse, and 
helow the inscription in the area 
of the reverse a combination of 
points thus •'•*, which may be in- 
tended to represent the word^ . 



We now arrive at the year in which a name for the first 
time appears on the gold coinage. It is the first year of the 
reign of the great Khalifah HariLn ar Rashid. 



170 



C. S. G. 



170 E. T. K. 



Inedited. 



T. 1094. 



The name of lfi\ appears beneath the 
reverse area, but I have not yet 
identified this name. On a dirham 
of the same year described by 
Fraehn, and referred to by T. 
under No. 1108, the same name is 
found, but the learned author does 
not seem to have been able to settle 
the point (PL I. No. 6). 

The name of ^ appears beneath the 
inscription on the area of the re- 
verse, which is rightly ascribed 
by the learned author to Aly ibn 
Sulcim&n, who was appointed 
Governor of Egypt by Al Hady in 
1 69. He proceeded to Mifr in the 
month of Shawol of that year, and 
remained in power till Rabia, 171. 
This, therefore, is the first din&r 



DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT. 



267 



Datb. 



171 



171 



172 

172 



172 



In vhoss 
Cabinet. 



«« 



E. T. K. 



xl. T. !R. 
£j. T. xv. 



Bt whox 
Editkd. 



Ineditcd. 



T. 1145. 
T. 1146. 



£. T» !R. 



173 
173 



Mars, zxxvi. 



Inedited. 



T. 1166. 
T. 1167. 



DWSCRIPTITX RkMARKS. 



that we can confidently attribute 
to the mint of Mi^r. 

Beneath the area on the reverse is 
the letter A, which is generally 
supposed to refer to the excellence 
of the metal. I presume it was 
struck at Baghdad (PI. I. No. 8). 

Beneath the area on the reverse ap- 
pears the name ^^^ • I find, on 
reference to Abu*l Mahasin's His- 
tory of Egypt, that Musa ibn 'Issa 
(^*u-j-c ^\ ^<^^) was appointed 
Governor of Egypt by Hariin ar 
Eashtd in one of the months of 
Eabia, 171 (PI. I. No. 7). 

A central point on the reverse. 

The name ,<^^ in the usual place. 
Musa ibn 'Issa held the post of 
Governor of Egypt until the 14th 
of Eamadan, 1 72. 

The name^.4x here occupies the space 
beneath the inscription of the area 
of the reverse (PI. I. No. 9). 

Plain. 

^^ *Omar, 'Omar ibn Ghilin was 
appointed Minister of Finance in 
Shaaban, 173, when Muhammad 
ibn Zuheir was made Governor of 
Egypt, and I think it very probable 
that he held the same office under 
Muhammad ibn Zuheir's prede- 
cessor^ Muslimeh ibn Ye]|^ia, which 



268 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSIOE DTNASTT. 



Date. 



Ik wuoflB 
Cabinkt. 



174 



Fraehn. 



174 



£. T. xv» 



174 
175 



£• T. H. 
£. T. 11. 



176 



Xi. T. H. 



176 



xl. T. H. 



Bt whox 
Edited. 



T. 1181. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 
T. 1194. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Dbscbiptite BexaxxI. 



would account for the same name 
being found on a dindr of the 
year 172. 

jAs- *Omar. This din&r must haTe 
been struck during the first fort- 
night of tbe year 174, beeanae 
Daiid ibn Yezld was appointed 
Governor of Egypt on the 14th of 
Moharram of that year, and he was 
accompanied by Ibrahim ibn 8ali]|^ 
as Finance Minister. 

On this din^r the name of J^b D6M 

is given — without doubt D&M ibn 

Yezld (PI. I. No. 11). 

No name and no diacritical points. 
(PI. I. No. 10). 

_^^ MAsa, M^sa ibn 'Issa was ap- 
pointed Governor of Egypt a second 
time in the month of Sa&r, 175. 

fHi^y} Ihrahim. In this year Ibrahim 
ibn Sali^, formerly Minister of 
Finance, was appointed (}ovemor 
of Egypt (PI. I. No. 12). 

Beneath the inscription in the area 
of the reverse^^i*sf- Jaafwr. Aba'l 
Maliasin reports, on the authority 
of Az Zababy (^^^ JJO> that in the 
year 176 Harun ar Eaahtd ap- 
pointed Ja*afar ibn Te^ia ibn 
Barmak to be the Governor of 
Egypt, and that probably 'Omar 
(ibn Mahran) went to Mifr as 
Ja*afar's representatiyOy 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT. 



269 



DATS. 


In whose 
Cabinet. 


By whom 
Edited. 


Descriptits Rbmaeks. 








himself did not go there. This 








remark is doubtless in allusion to 








the under-mentioned circumstance.^ 








From these historical facts I infer 








that the dinars bearing the name 




« 




of Ja afar were struck under his au- 
thority in Mi^r, and that the plain 
ones, of which we have several 
examples, as well as those bearing 
the Khallfah's title <U-iiJ\ , were 
struck in Baghdad (PI. II. No. 13). 


177 


E. T. R. 


T. 1223. 


No name. 


177 


£j. T. R, 


T. 1224. 


jSjtp^ Jaafar. 


178 


£. T. £*• 


T. 2789. 


ji*5>- Jaafar, 


179 


«« 


Inedited. 


-ft*5»- Jaafar. 


180 


«« 


T. 1272. 


jAx^- Jaafar, ^ 


181 


«« 


T. 1293. 


jAx^- Jaafa/r. 


182 


** 


T. 1310. 


jkxs^ Jaafar, 


183 


E. T. K. 


T. 1338. 


ji*5>- Jaafar, 



^ Aba'l Mah^n quotes from the history called Mirdt ez Zamstn, by Aba*l 
Muzaffar ibn Kazaghli, that the Ehalifah, baying receiyed news that Miisa ibn 
'Issa intended to rise against his authority, exclaimed, " Wallahi, I will dismiss 
him, and replace him by the lowest person in my court," and said to Ja*afar ibn 
Yeljia, " Appoint to the Governorship of Mifr the lowest and meanest person in 
my court." So he bethought himself of 'Omar ibn Mahran, Kheizeran's clerk, 
who was of ugly appearance, wearing coarse clothing, and was in the habit of 
riding a mule with his servant mounted behind him on the same animal. So 
Ja'afar went out to him and said, " Will you be Governor of Misr ? " He con- 
sented, and went thither, riding on his mule, with his servant mounted behind him. 
He went to the house of Mdsa ibn 'Issa, and there sat down at the end of the 
divan. When the Council departed, Miisa asked him if he wanted anything, 
whereupon 'Omar gave him the letter. When he had read it, he exclaimed : " The 
curse of God was upon Pharaoh because he said, * behold, am I not king of 
Egypt ! ' " Miisa then transferred the Government of Egypt to 'Omar, who after- 
wards returned to Baghdad just as he had left it. — Vide Abu'l Mal^Ssin, vol. i. 
p. 476. 



270 



DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Datb. 



184 
184 



184 
185 

185 
186 



In whoss 
Cabinet. 



183 ! Stickel. 



£. T. !R. 
E. T. K. 



Holmboe 
Dcscriptio. 



«« 



£. T. !R. 

Marsden xl. 



By whox 
£ditkj>. 



T. 1339. 



Inedited. 
Inedited. 



T. 1355. 
T. 1371. 

T. 1372. 
T. 1393. 



DnSCRIPTIYE BSXARKS. 



Inner legend on the reverse, ^j^\ l^ 



i?y order of the Prince Al Amin 
Muhammad, son of the Commander 
of the Faithful, Id this year Mu- 
hammad al Amtn was appointed 
Governor of 'Irak and of Syria.* 
This dinar was evidently struck in 
the capital of his new province, 
and as the type is very different 
from that of contemporary dinars, 
we may conclude that it is the pro- 
duction of a third mint whence gold 
coins were emitted. 

^^i«>- Jadfar, 

Inner legend of the reverse, ^^f\ U^ 
J\ yjf^\ jf^\ , as on the dln&r 
of the year 183 (PI. II. No. 14). 

SsJj^\ Al Khalifah 

Inner legend of the reverse, ^,y\ U^ 



I 



yi*>- Ja^afar. 

^\ ^\ j^V\ ijy.\ U^ . This is 
the earliest gold coin that Marsden 
had seen with a double legend. 
My earliest dinar of this description 
is of the date of the year 1 84, whilst 
Stickel, see above, has described 
a similar one of the year 183. 



1 Vide Abn'l Matasin, vol. i. p. 610 : J^^\ ^\ J^ jj ju^^l J^^ 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSISE DTNASTT. 



271 



Date. 



186 
186 

187 
188 

190 

190 

191 
191 



191 



192 



192 



193 



Ik whose 
Cabinet. 



E. T. K. 

E. T. K. 

E. T. K. 

E. T. !R. 
C. S. G. 



E. T. !R» 



E. T. It. 



«« 



E. T. R» 



Bt whom 
Edited. 



Inedited. 
Inedited. 

• 

T. 1409. 
T. 1425. 

T. 1466. 

Inedited. 

Inedited. 
Inedited. 



DsSCHtPnTK KlMABKa. 



T. 1491. 



Inedited. 



T. 1504. 



Inedited. 



jSJt^ Jaafar. 

Inner legend of the reyerse, ^^t U^ 

IS'o name. 

No name. Diacritical point over the 
j^ of the word ^^UJ . 

Below the inscription in the area of 
the reverse, <U-is)l AlKhalifah, 

Below the inscription in the area of 
the reverse, the letter A . 

&J4j^\ Al Khalifah. 

This dinar gives us a fourth type, and 
I think, also, a fourth mint for 
the emission of gold coin. The 
inscription in the area of the re- 
verse is in three lines, thus : 

(Pl.II.No. 15.) ,,j^^\j^\ ^^/^ 

Below the inscription in the area of 

the reverse, the letter . , prohahlj 

the initial of the word ^j current. 

Below the inscription in the area of 

the reverse, the letter Jb . 
Below the inscription in the area of 

the reverse, the word ^LaJlc)! Al 

Khalifdh, 
Below the inscription in the area of 

the reverse, the letter Jb. 



In the year 193 the great Khalifah HarAn ar Rashid died 
at T&s. He was succeeded by his second son Muhammad, 
sumamed Al Amin, his elder son Abdallah, surnamed Al 
Mamtin, having been appointed and agreed to as heir pre- 



VOL. VII.— [NBW BBBIB8.] 



18 



272 



DINAES OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTF. 



sumptive. A rivalry and enmity soon sprang up between 
these brothers, which ultimately led to open hostilities, thus 
laying the foundation of the dismemberment of the vast 
Empire over which their father had ruled supreme. 



Datb. 



194 



195 



196 



In whose 

CaBIN£T. 



!E. T. H. 



«« 



C. S. G. 



By wifox 
Edited. 



T. 1562. 



T. 1596. 



Inedited. 



* DsscKipnyB Rkmarkb. 



Below the in86ription in the area of 
the reverse, the word <UJlsJ1 Al 
Khali/ah. 

Above the inscription in the area of 
the reverse, <iLi*Ls?l Al Khali/ah, 
and below, fj^'i\ Al Amtn, 

Above the inscription in the area of 
the reverse, <)lL1s J 1 Al Khalifah, 
and below, (♦Uil Al Imdm (PL 11. 
No. 16). 

It is well known that Al M&mdn was much attached to 
the sectarians of 'Aly, otherwise called Shi'is. Imdm was 
a title almost exclusively adopted by that sect for their 
spiritual chief, so I have no hesitation in attributing this 
din&r to Al M&mdn. Moreover, Al Amin had in 194 pro- 
claimed a change in the succession, appointing his son Mdsa 
his heir apparent, under the surname of An N&tik bil Hak, 
which was naturally resented by Al M&miLn, and war was 
declared between the brothers. Several sanguinary battles 
were fought in diflfcrent parts of the Empire. Al M&mdn 
was proclaimed Khalifah by his partisans in 196, and in that 
same year he succeeded in conqueripg Egypt. In the same 
year he appointed Al Fadl ibn Sahel Governor of the length 
and breadth of the East, with a salary of a million of dirhams, 

granting him the title of ^^^j^i-jb^l Ij Z& ar JRidsatein, which 
he caused to be engraved upon his sword, referring to his 
being the holder of two offices, being Commander in Chief 
of the Army, and also Secretary and Counsellor in Chief. 
He appointed Fadl's brother, Al Hassan ibn Sahel, to the 
Ministry of Finance. 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



273 



Whilst all these great events were occurring, Al Amin 
was in Baghd&d, living a life of luxury, and paying but 
little attention to public affairs. His indolence caused many 
of his partisans to leave him and to join his brother's ranks, 
and he gradually lost all power, and was killed in BaghdSd 
in the year 198. 



Datb. 



196 



In whose 
Cabinet. 



£. T. Xv. 



197 



197 



198 



%* 



£i. T. Xv. 



£i. T. It. 



By whox 
Edited. 



Inedited. 



T. 1649. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



DxfiCKiPTivE Remarks. 



Beneath the inscription in the area of 
the obverse, the word jUc Idbbdd. 
In the area of the reverse, above 
the usual inscription, the word 
iAXsd\ Al Khalifah, and below it, 
^^UIl Al Mdmiin. In the month 
of Eejabof the year 196, Al Mimiia 
appointed *Abbad ibn Muhammad 
to be Governor of Egypt (PI. II. 
No. 17). 

Same as preceding, excepting that 
under the f^^ of jLc there is a dia- 
critical point. It appears, however, 
from Tiesenhausen's description, 
that the word jUc has been misread 

• 

as JumX, consequently the person 
referred to was not identified. 

Above the inscription in the area of 
the reverse, <)dJl ^j Rahhi allah, 
God is my Lord, and below it, 
^J^'i\ Al Amin, Beneath the i^ 
of ^^J^'i\ are two points, and one 
beneath the c-^ of ^^ (PI. II. 
No. 18). 

No name, no diacritical points. It is 
almost impossible to say whether 
this dinar was struck by Al Mamiin's 



274 



DINAHS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Datb. 



Ik wHOflB 
Cabinbt. 



198 



** 



By whox 
Editbd. 



T. 2829. 



198 



£. T. Sf. 



198 



£. T* R» 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



DEScRipnYB Ebmajucs. 



authority or by his brother, as two 
Khalifahs were reigning at this time. 

Beneath the inscription in the area 
of the obverse, the word (.^JikJl 
Al Muftaleh. Above that on the 
reverse, a\^^\ Allmdm, and below 
it, ^y^ \\}Al MdmUn. In the month 
of Safar, 1 98, Al Mamiin appointed 
Al Muttaleb ibn Abdallah to be 
Governor of Egypt. A diacritical 
point over the ^^ of ^jUj . 

Beneath the inscription in the area 
of the obverse, the name (jmUaII 
Al Ahbds, On the area of the re- 
verse, above the usual inscription, 
/♦L«)ll Al Imdm, and below it, 
f^yt[^\ Al MdmHn, In the month 
of Shawal, 198, Al Mamun ap- 
pointed Al Abbas ibn Miisa to the 
Government of Egypt ; he died at 
Bilbeis in Jamad al Akhera, 199. 

Below the inscription in the area of 
the obverse, /JLJ\ <^.«X^ Medinet 
68 Saldm, Baghdad, a very unusual 
place for the name of the place of 
mintage, of which, however, there 
are a few other examples on din&rs 
struck at Al 'Irak, Bokhara, etc. 
On the area of the reverse, above 
the usual inscription, <d] To God, or 
by the grace of God, ^2pi^^)^ ^*i 
ZOl r Eidsatein, referring to Al Fa^l 
ibn Sahel, above alluded to. 



DINAHS OP THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



276 



Datb. 



199 



In wHogs 
Cabinkt. 



£. T* !R. 



19^ 



KT. R. 



200 



C. S. G. 



Bt whom 
Edited. 



T. 1683. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



DSSC&IPTXYI RXXABKS. 



Below the inscription in the area of 
the obverse, i^ A^fll AlMuttcM. 
On the death of Al Abbas, Al 
Mamun re-appointed Al Mutt^leb 
to the Government of Egypt. In 
the area of the reverse, above the 

usual inscription, ^jrP^^J^^3*^ ^^ ^ 
Itidsatetn, and below it fj^\ Al 
Fadh In the margin the place of 
mintage is given, thus — <d!\ tfutj 

Beneath the inscription in the area 
of the obverse, Jf^/J^ Al ^Irdk. 
Above the inscription in the area 
of the reverse, id! To Oody and be- 
neath it, ^j^p^\ij\ ^i^ Za r Ridsa- 
tein. The invocation preceding the 
date is thus given, in the margin of 
the reverse — (^1^J^ U^^ ^^ (^ 

(PI. 11. No. 20.) iU^j 

Obverse, beneath the inscription in the 
area, ^2;MA.^f Al Hassan^ and below 
it the letter c. . The former doubt- 
less refers to Al Hassan ibn Sahel, 

• 

who was Al Mamiin's Minister of 
Finance above alluded to, and the 
c is probably the initial of the wcnrd 
J Jic adel (just), Hassan certifying 
the correctness of the weight and 
the purity of the metal. Keverse, 



276 



DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Datb. 



In whosk 
Cabinxt. 



Bl WHOM 

Editsd. ' 



200 



£. T. R, 



T. 1701. 



200 



Fraehn. 



201 



£. T. R. 



T. 1702. 



Inedited. 



201 



£). T. xt. 



Inedited. 



201 



Fraehn. 



T. 1714. 



Dkscriptivx Bsmaucs. 



above the inscription in the area, a1! 

To God, and below it, ^^J^p>^\)J\ ^ J 

Za r mdsatein (PI. 11. No. 21). 

In the area of the reverse, above the 
usual inscription, a1! To God, he- 
neeLt\iit^^^^p^\jJ\^J ZiL rEidaatein, 

j\jA\ AVIrdk, dJJ To God, ^^^^b^lj J 

ZH r Etdsatein. ^JA^J\ ^\ f^ 

Below the usual inscription on the 
area of the reverse the letter ^- , 
which may be the initial letter of 
the word tX^ good." 

Below the inscription on the area of 
the obverse, ^^J»u^ A% Sary. In this 
year As Sary ibn al Hakam was ap- 
pointedbyMam(inGk>vemorofMi§r. 
Above the inscription in the area of 
the reverse,^lL <dJ To God, Tdher, 

and below, ,,»i^'u^Jl ^i ZClI Temi- 
nein, ambidexter. In the margin, 

fjt^*^ ^ c/A»-l . This Taher was- 
Taher ibn al Hussein, who was a 

• 

zealous partisan of Al Mam<in, and 
who caused the death of Al Amin 
in Baghdad. He was blind of one 
eye, and being able to use both hands 
with the same facility was called 
Z^ I Tmtnein (PI. 11. No. 22). 
fj^c,^^ ^ Jo- ] ij^joj^ , In Mif r the 



DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTKASTT. 



277 



Datz. 



In whosb 
Cabin ST. 



202 



202 



C. S. G. 



£. T. R. 



Bt -whom 
Edited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



202 



Fraehn. 



203 



Description 
de TEgpyte. 



203 



E. T. E. 



T. 1727. 



T. 1738. 



T. 1739. 



Debcbiptitb Remarks. 



year 201. J^l jJJ To God, Al 
Fadl. ^j^\iJ\^J ZiL r Ridaatein, 

On area of the reverse, above the usual 
inscription, l, and below it Jb. 

Below the inscription on the area of 
the obverse, L^Jfji!^\ Al Maghreb, 
Above the inscription on the area 
of the reverse, J-oaJI ^ To Qod, 
Al Fadh Beneath it, ,jfp^^,)\ ^«i 
ZO, r Ridaatein. The marginal le- 
gend on the reverse presents a re- 
markable peculiarity, namely, that 
after the date the name of the then 
Governor of Egypt is inserted, thus 

tjf^l ^jiP-^^ In the name of God 
this dinUr was struck in the year 
202, As Sary (PL II. No. 23). 

^jfZ>^^ ^^jfP^\ iCo^j^oAJ , In Mi§r the 
year 202. ijjJi\ As Sary. ^IL <dJ 
To God, Tdher. ^^tP-^^J^ ^«i ZH r 
Rldsatein, 

^j^p>^ ^ ci^ <UMi}yi^ f In Mi^r the 
year 203. ^^U!\ Al MdmHn, 
y»lL UJ To God, Tdher. ^JJJ\ 
As Sary. 

Beneath the area of the obverse, j]/J^ 
Al 'Irdk, Above inscription in area 
of reverse, ^ To God. Beneath it 
^j^P^^J\ j3 Mr Ridsatein. Mar- 
ginal legend, ^J\ ^J\ aHIjm^ 



278 



DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Datk. 

204 
204 



In vhosk 
Cabinkt. 



£. T. H. 
Fraehn. 



204 

205 



Fi. T. H. 



205 
206 



E. T. E. 
£. T* R, 



Bt whom 
Edited. 



Inedited. 
T. 1748. 



T. 1749. 
Inedited. 



T. 1769. 
T. 1781. 



Dbscriftiyb Rkkakks. 



No name. 

^^f^p^^ J %Jjl ii^j^oAJ In Mi^r the 



year 204. L^JJXA^\ Al Maghreb, 

y>lL «dl 2b God, Tdher. ^jJ^\ As 
Sary, 
{jiP^\J^ J J ^ r Etdsatein, 
Beneath the inscription in the area 
of the obverse, i^jk^W Al Maghreb, 
Above that on the area of the re- 
ver8e,^lt all To God, Tdher. Below 

it, (^jMi\ ^ tXKs^ Muhammad xbn 
as 8ary. In Jamad al Akhera, 205, 
Muhammad ibn as Sary was ap- 
pointed by Mamiin to be Governor of 
Egypt after the death of his father, 
who had held that post for the 
second time for nearly four years 
(PL II. No. 24). 

idl To God. 

Beneath the inscription on the area 
of the obverse, ,^jJiS ^j) <dll Ju^ 
*Obeid aUah ibn as Sary. Above that 
on the area of the reverse, jIlLJls J I 
Al Khali/ah, Below it, ^j^USl Al 
MdmUn. In my specimen the place 
of mintage is not given ; in other 
respects it answers to the descrip- 
tion given by T. No. 1 78 1 . On the 
death of Muhammad ibn as Sary in 
206, his brother, 'Obeid allah ibn 
as Sary, was appointed to succeed 
him in the government of Mifir. 



DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



279 



Datb. 



207 



207 



In whosb 
Cabinet. 



Fraehn. 



£. T« A* 



Bt whom 
Edited. 



Dkscbiptivk Remarks. 



T. 1788. 



Inedited. 



In all respects like the preceding 
dinar excepting the date. 

This dinar is the first specimen of a 
new type of coin. Firstly, the date 
appears on the obverse instead of 
on the reverse as heretofore; and 
secondly, a new quotation from the 
Koran is introduced as a marginal 
legend ; thus, 

Obverse, area— First symbol, a linear 
circle separates the area from the 
inner legend. 



(^ 



Inner legend, \ijb <--^ <Uj1 
Marginal legend, ^ ^ J-i ^^ j^^ ' ^ 

A broader linear circle surrounds 
this, and forms a sort of rim. 
Reverse, area in three lines — *X-4^^ 
<)dJl J^j, which inscription is 
separated by a double linear circle 
from the marginal legend, the 
second general symbol as far as 

There is no name on this dinar, so I 
presume it to have been struck in 
Baghdad, as several contemporary 
dirhams are extant struck at that 
and other places in the Mashrek 
bearing this legend — f^y^^ ^ • 
See Tiesenhausen, Nos. 1789, 1790 
(PL m. No. 25). 



280 



DINAES OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Date. 



208 



209 
209 



210 



In whose 
Cabin KT. 



«« 



£. T. xt. 
£. T. K. 



£. T. H* 



Bt whom 
Edited. 



Inedited. 



T. 1798. 
Inedited. 



Descriptiyb RSMAaEIS. 



215 



£j. T. H. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Obverse — ^.f^l ^j <d!l Ju-j: *Oheid 
allah ihn as 8ary, Eeverse, above 
ilX^\ Al Khali/ah, below ^y^\l\ 
Al MdmUn. 

Same as the preceding dinar of 208. 

This dinar corresponds exactly with 
Tiesenhausen*8 No. 1798, except- 
ing that it does not bear the name 
of the place of mintage, which of 
course must be ' Mi§r.'' 

Date on the obverse and marginal 



legend Jl ^ 



U^j^ 



,^\aU 



as on my 



dinar of 207. Reverse «ldl To God, 
above the inscription in the area. 
On the obverse there is no line of 
separation between the area and 
the legends. On the reverse there 
is one circle. The second symbol is 
complete as far as (ji^^/^^ tf ^y 
Like the preceding dinar. The place 
of mintage is thus given, <0J\ ^ 

^^^U J HjJ^ \j**'^^^ In the name 
of God this dinar was struck in 
Medlnet es Salam the year 215 
(PI. III. No. 26). 



After the date of this din&r there is no difficulty in regard 
to the places of mintage, as they are almost invariably men- 
tioned on the coins, together with the date. I will therefore 
conclude this notice with a list of some still unpublished 
din&rs in the two collections. 

On the following dln&rs the date appears on the obverse, 



DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



281 



and the marginal legend, ^\ J-i ^^ j^^' ^ , is also on the 
obverse, like the dinars above described, 210 and 215. 



Bats. 



219 

220 
222 

225 



226 
232 

232 



234 



236 



238 



In "w^osb 
Cabinet. 



C. S. G. 
C. S. G. 
£. T. H. 

C. S. G. 



£. T. H. 
£• T* lx» 

C. S. G. 



C. S. G. 



C. S. G. 



C. S. G. 



Bt -whom 
Edited. 



Dbsc&iptits Rkha&ks. 



Inedited. 
Inedited. 
Inedited. 

Inedited. 



Inedited. 
Inedited. 

Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



j^>^^ In Misr, 
j^^ In Misr. 
I^LuJl ^ J^ In Medlnet es Saldm (PI. 

III. No. 27). 
fJJL^Si In Dimashk. On the reverse, 

above the inscription in the area, <d! 

To God, and below it, <OJb ^^aix^l 

u4^ M'utasem hillah (PI. III. N*o. 28). 

^j^ In If^rti, like the preceding of 225. 

jU2AJ In ifjsr. Ee verse <dJb jil^l | <i^ 
To God, Al Wathik hillah. 

Ui*A> In San ad. Obverse, Jjt^- Jaafar. 
Reverse, ^d! To God, jJJb JjljSl ^Z 
Wathik hillah. This Ja afar mnst be 
the son of Al Wathik billah, who 
succeeded his father under the name 
of Al Mutawakkel 'al aliah. A 
neatly engraved die of the ordinary 
type (PL III. No. 29). 

• ^ In MerH. Reverse, al! To God, 
^\ 4f J^>^^ ^^ Mutawakkel 'al 
allah, 

^j cT*^;*^ ^° ^*^ *^*^ ''^' -^^^^ ^® 
a half dinar, judging from its size and 

weight. Obverse, ^lJu£^\u^^tt'^3(/- 

cMah, Reverse, aU 2b God, J(^l 

idll <Jx u^; Mutawakkel 'al allah (PI. 

III. No. 30). 

Lcm^j In San ad. Like that of the same 

mint dated 232, but without the name 



282 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Date. 



In -whose 
Cabimet. 



240 



C. S. G. 



242 



** 



246 
249 



«« 
«« 



250 



252 



253 



E. T. E. 



C. S. G. 



C. S. G. 



256 



C. S. G. 



257 



C. S. G. 



Btithox 
Editbu. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 
Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



DlSCKIPTTTS RXICAEKS. 



Jaafar, and with the name of the 

KhaMfah «dll ^ J^yull M Muta- 

wakkel *al allah. 
j^oAJ In Misr. Keverse, aU To Ood, 

^\ ^ J(^\ Al MutawakM *al 

allah. 
j,aAJ In i/»sr. Obverse, dUbjjJwJl Al 

Mutaz hillah. Reverse, aU\ ^ J^jiL^ 

Al Mutawakkel 'al allah. 
•jAJ . Like the preceding of 242. 

j»a^ In Misr. Obverse ^ (jwwl-jJl 
^j^y^\j^\ AlAhhds, son of the 
Commander of the Paithful. This is 
Xbbas, son of Al Masta*in billah, who 
afterwards succeeded to the throne 
under the name of Al M'utamed 'al 
allah. Reverse ^dlb ^j^jComa^] Al 
Mastatn hillah (PI. HI. No. 31). 

j^»A4J In Misr. Like the preceding of 

249. 
aUI <!LijJl4J In Medtnet es Saldm. 

r •* • 

Like the preceding. 

^luJb In Ash Shdsh. Reverse, above, 
^ To God; below,^^! | <dJb Jjjm]1 
^^^y^\ Al Mutaz hillah, Com- 
mander oi the Faithful. 

\fC^,a) In /San ad. Reverse, above, ^ To 
God; below, ^b ^^Jcl^I AlMuhtadi 
hiHahf ^j^^yt^\ j^\ Commander of 
the Faithful. 

aLJ \ iuj tX4J In Medlnet es Saldm. Ob- 

r 

verse, ^a*>- Jdafar. Reverse, - aU 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



283 



Datk. 



258 



258 



259 



260 
261 



263 
263 

268 



In WH08K 

Cabinct. 



«« 



C. S. G. 



E. T. E. 



£. T. R. 
£. T. R, 



£. T. R. 
C. S. G. 

E. T. E. 



^70 



£. T, E. 



Bt whom 
Editxd. 



Tnedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 
Inedited. 



Inedited. 
Inedited. 

Inedited. 



Inedited. 



DxscRipnys Rxmakks. 



idJl ^ Juc^l To God—AlMuiamed 
'al allah. This Jaafar is the son of 
Al Muwaffak, afterwards called Al 
Mufawad il allah. 
^LJl<i:jj^ In MedinetesSaldm. Like 
the preceding dinar of 257. 

-ui^J In Misr, Like the preceding, but 
beneath the name on the reverse is a 
word which I cannot decipher, z*/^ 

j>aAJ In Mtsr. Like the preceding, but 
in place of the word I could not de- 
cipher I find the letter j or ^^ . 

j^'-oAJ In Misr. Like the preceding. 

ij;\j ^J^J**^ In Sir man rda. With the 
same word on the reverse as on the 
preceding dinar of 258 Mi^r. 

yA4J In Misr, Like the preceding. 

I^Lull <L:^.J^ In Medtnet es Saldm. 
Like the preceding. 

Jci^^iwuuJ In Samarkand, Obverse, be- 
neath the first symbol, ^Ub J^%lt Al 
Muwaffak hiUah Eeverse, above, <0J 
To God: below, ^1 Jx j^^cuc^ll Al 
Mutamed 'al allah. 

jlybXb In alAhwdz, Obverse, above the 
first symbol, y probably bir (right), 
and below it, aUIj ^^\ Al Muwaffak 
hillaL Eeverse, above the inscrip* 
tion in the area, <dl To God; below it, 
<d!1 <-Lc <x«cjt^t Al Mutamed al allah, 

U^J^J^^ J^ -2rti7 wazdratein, holder 
of two Yiziriats, or head of two ad- 



284 



DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Date. 



In whose 
Cabinet. 



Bt whom 
Edited. 



273 



£. T. R. 



274 



E. T. R. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



275 



£. T. R, 



Inedited. 



Dbscbiptits Rbmarks. 



ministrations, referring to Saad, who 
was Yizir under Al M utamed and also 
under Al Muwaffak (PL III. No. 82). 
A dinar of small size without place of 
mintage. Obverse, <dJb J^i^i -dl 
Muwaffak hillah. Reverse, above, ^ 
To God; below, <dll ^ Sa2jl^\ Al 
Mutamad 'al allah (PL HI. No. 33). 

isj\J\i In ar Bdfika. Obverse, below 
the first symbol, aUl J. u^^^^ Al 
Mufawad il allah, and below the name 
a double scroll forming a cross. 
Reverse, above the inscription in 
the area, ^ To God; and below it, 
^]i\ ^ j^A:iju^\AlJlf utamed* alaUah, 
d]\\j (jiy^^ ^^ tiiAs>A Ahmed son of 
al Muwaffak hillah, and the letter j 
or ^. A remarkable dinar, as it 
gives the names of the reigning Xha- 
lifah Al M utamed, of his brother and 
coadjutor Al Muwa£fak, and of his 
nephew Ahmed, who afterwards suc- 
ceeded under the name of Al Miita^id. 

This dinar gives no place of mintage. 
The area is smaller than in preceding 
dihllrs, thus giving more space for the 
double marginal legend. Obverse, 
area, beneath the first symbol, -ft«>- 
Jaafar, Reverse, above the inscrip- 
tion in the area, <0J To God ; below it, 
iidll Jx x^cji^t AlMutamed*al allah 
Sh'ueih f (PL ni. No. 34.) 



DINAHS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



285 



)An. 



275 



In whosk 
Cabinet. 



!E. T. K. 



Bt whom 
Edited. 



Inedited. 



DEScaiPTiYK Remarks. 



LumJsJj In Karkisiah, This is a very re- 
markable dinar, and would perhaps 
be more correctly classified in the 
Okeilide dynasty. I leave it, how- 
ever, in this list, because of its re- 
markable interest bearing on the 
history of the Abbassides. 

Obverse, beneath the first symbol, 
^^ di c/'j^' -^^ Mufawad %l allah, 
beneath the name the word Moham- 
med in an ornamental form. 

Reverse area, 



Jr 



1 






<j !J\ ^ jl 






u'^ 



" To Qod. Muhammad, the Apostle 
of God, Al M'utamed 'al allah Ahmed, 
son of Al Mufawad il allah Muhammad, 
son of Safwan" (PL III. No. 35). 

Ibn al Athlr says, in vol. vii. p. 276, 
that in the year 169 (six years be- 
fore this dinar was struck) Ibn Safwan 
al 'Akeili was in Karklsla, and that 
Lulu, a freed slave and General in 
the army of Ahmed ibn Tulun, having 
revolted against his master, fled to Al 



286 



DINAES OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Date. 



281 



281 



Ik -wnosB 
Cabin KT. 



By whom 
Edit£d. 



Descriptitk RxMABXt. 



E, T. K. Ineditcd. 



E. T. E. 



Ineditcd, 



Muwaffak. On his way he stopped 
at Karklsia, took it from Ibn Safw&n, 
and delivered it to Ahmed ibn Malik 
ibn Tawk.^ This dln&r, now under 
consideration, proves that Ibn Safwin 
afterwards retook possession of this 
city, though I have not yet found an 
historical record of the fact. 

The place of mintage is not given on 
this dinar, which is in every respect 
similar to the one dated 275 without 
mintage. It is remarkable in that 
the name Al M utamed al Allah is 
still preserved, although, according 
to Ibn al Athir and other authors, 
this Khalifah died in the year 279.* 

^\ <Xa^ In ITamaddn, Obverse, area, be- 
neath the first sy mboljl?!*! \ JCi^ {jiji 
'Omar, son of Llhd al Idxiz, Eeverse, 



jt^^ L5* (J^y^^ "-r^^J W^ LT*^ <Jij^ J i;ij^^ U^ J^ 
\ jLJ ^J\j J^ ^ \^\ *X4^1 yi\ ^Uli CWjj/i t^lj 4UI 

U^l^ 4UjU!» ^^Uull JyL^ ui^^i^ \^J Jj^ iPy^^ 

U JLmi£— Fi^ Ibn al Athtr, vol. lii. page 316. 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTT. 



m 



Datx. 



281 



286 



In ITHOSK 

Cabinxt. 



£• T. xL, 



C. S. G. 



Bt whom 
Edited. 



Inedited. 



Incdited. 



Drsckiptits Bxmarks. 



above the inscription on the area, ^ 
To Qod, Beneath it, ^b JuoJjtJt 
Al Mutadid hillah (PI. IV. No. 36). 
It seems from the account given by Ibii 
al Athir that it was in this year 281 
that Al Mutadid established his su- 
premacy in the eastern district, and 
appointed 'Omar ibn 'Abd el 'Aziz, 
whose name appears on this dinar of 
Hamadan, as Governor of Nahdvend, 
Ispahan and al Kurj. 

^\J\j In Ar Rdfikah, Reverse, 
dUb iX>a.';.t>»H Al ITutadid hillah. 

This is a beautiful little coin, probably 
a third of a dinar, without place of 
mintage. Obverse, area, 



* \ \ 


To God 


hV.n'.n^n 


Al Jlfutadid 


• 


hillah 


Marginal legend. 


The first symbol. 


Eeverse, area, 




^r-^' 


Commander 


y^\ 


of the 


c;^^ 


Faithful. 



Marginal legend, ii^ S-^ ^^ /*^ 
j\jJO ^ jU ^ ^^1 J ^^l^ ^ J^^\ ^JSj ^\ ^ji—Vide Ibn al 



Alihir, vol. rii. page 324. 

TOL. VU. — [new 8BRIE8.] 



10 



288 



DINAHS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT. 



DATS. 



292 



293 



293 



293 

294 

294 
296 



300 



In WH08K 
CABINJkT. 



E. T. E. 



£. T. R. 



!E* T. A. 



C. S. G. 



£. T. R, 



£. T. R. 
C. S. G. 



E. T. R. 



Bt whom 
Editsd. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 

Inedited. 

Inedited. 
Inedited. 



DSSCRIPTTTX RXMAWU. 



Inedited. 



tlfS^*^^ {2X^^^ 



In the name 



of God, struck in the year 386 (PI. 
IV. No. 37). 

j'OAJ In Misr. Above the inscription 
in the area of the reverse, <0J To God; 
below it, ^b ^JoL^S Al Muktafi 
hUlah. This is a highly interesting 
coin, seeing that it is struck by the 
Khallfah in Mii^r in the year of the 
overthrow of Sheybdn ibn Ahmed ibn 
Tallin, who was the last representa- 
tive of that grand but short-lived 
dynasty the Tulunides (PL lY. No. 
38). 

^\jb4wyj In Sdmaddn. Like the pre- 
ceding of 292. 

j^-oAJ In Ifi§r, Like the preceding of 
292. In addition, however, it has a 
large dot beneath the inscription of 
both areas. 

^jMj^tXi In Bimashk, Like the pre- 
ceding of 292. 

j'A^ In iftfr. Like the preceding of 

292. 
aA^ In Kum, Like the preceding of 292. 

yiA^J In Misr, Reverse, above the in- 
scription in the area, <d) To God ; below 
it, <d!b J jd^Jl Al Muktadir hxUah. 

iJij\J\i In Ar Rdfika, Obverse, area, 

V[ <i ■ \\ i There is no deity 



^ ^lU! but God alone. 
^ CSj tJ^ H He has no associate. 



DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNA8TT. 



289 



Datb. 



JV WBOSB 

Cabimxt. 



300 



801 
801 

301 

302 
803 

306 
306 

312 
312 



E. T. E. 



E. T. B. 
E. T. E. 

E. T. E. 

C. 8. G. 
C. S. G. 

E. T. E. 
C. S. G. 

E. T. E. 



Bt whom 
Edited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 
Inedited. 

Inedited. 

Inedited. 
Inedited. 

Inedited. 
Inedited. 

Inedited. 
Inedited. 



DxBcaiPTXTX Rkxa&xs. 



Eeverse, area. 



J> 



Ahh 1 'Abbas, son of 

the Commander of the 

[Faithful. 

• To God • 
Muhammad 
the Apostle 



J W of God 



^CJU^jomJI A1 Muktadir biUah. 
• * • 

f^]/^, InHarrdn. Like the preceding, 
except that there are no dots on the 
reverse. The \ is here introduced in 
the ^U hundred, and also in the 
preceding dinar. Al Muktadir's son 
Abu 1 Abbas afterwards succeeded as 
Ar Eadi billah. 

hjij In Farah, Like the preceding, 
but without any dots. 

^jMj^iXj In Dimashk, Like the pre- 
ceding, and without any dots. 

j,a^ In Misr, Like the preceding of 

the same date. 
j»a^^ In Misr. Like the preceding. 
aLJ\ <iUjX«j In Medinet es Saldm. 

r - • 

Like the preceding. 
j^oAJ In Misr, Like the preceding. 

\.if,\,ai In Sanad. <d)b jJoaJI Al 
Muktadir hillah (PI. IV. No. 39). 

j^oAJ In Misr, Like the preceding dinars 

of the same mintage. 
<b«X4kj:r^b In Al Muhammadiyeh, Like 



290 



DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Date. 



Im whobk 
Cabinet. 



312 

313 
314 



E. T. B. 



Bt whom 
Edttsd. 



«« 



C. S. G. 



Inedited. 

Inedited. 
Inedited. 



Dbscriptite RniAUU. 



316 



E. T. B. 



Inedited. 



the preceding dinSr of Mi^r, but 
smaller in size. 

^^JL^Jj In Dimashk, like the pre- 
ceding dinar of Mi§r. 

WX4J In JIfisr, Like the preceding dln&r. 

Lcm^j In San ad. Obverse area, first 
symbol, the j of the word d^^ , 
ha7ing an ornamental tail. Legend, 

ciJuj »JLc> ^j\ In the name of 
God this dindr was stmck in Sana& 
the year 314. The word <U^ hundred 
is suppressed, probably for want of 
space. Outside this legend is a fillet, 
on which there is no legend. Ee- 
verse, area, above, dU To God ; below, 
<OJib jJcuJt Al Muktadir btllah. 
Legend, J\ JJ ^j^^\ ^ . A fillet 
without legend surrounds this, as on 
the obverse (PI. IV. No. 40). 



J-j J,b In Ardhil, Obverse, area, 

There is no deity but God 
alone. He has no associate. 
Abu 1 'Abbas, son of 
the Commander of the Faithful. 



BINABS 0? THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT. 



291 



Datb. 



Ik whosb 
Cabikbt. 



317 



322 



«« 



C. S. G. 



325 



325 



E. T. E. 



£. T. A* 



Bt whom 
Editsd. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Dbscriftitb Rbmabkb. 



Beverse, area, 



Jl 



dU 



i 



.nj 



• To God. 
Mohammad 
the Apostle of God 
Al Path, son of Al Afshin, 
Freedman of the Commander of the 
Faithful (PI. IV. No. 41). 

j^^2Aj In Misr, Like the preceding dln&r 
of the same mint. 

J 1^)11 jyuj In Sak al Ahwd%. After 
the name of the place there is a con- 
fosed sign like j\ , which may be 
simply a repetition of the last two 
letters of Suk al Ahw^ from the die 
having shifted ; or it may be an im- 
perfectly struck preposition ^ in, 
which is hardly probable, however, 
seeing that the use of the preposition 
before the date of the year had been 
in disuse ever since the early Omeyade 
period. Eeverse, above, ^ To Ood ; 
below, <d5b ^\)\ Ar Rddy hillah, 

j\^V\ ^y^i In Silk al Ahwd%, Like 

the preceding. 
JU2A3 In Misr, Like the preceding; 

but beneath the area in the obverse is 



292 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT. 



Date. I 



IV WHOSE 

Cabihbt. 



328 



«« 



329 



E. T. R. 



329 



E. T. R. 



Bt whom 
Edited. 



Inedited. 



loedited. 



Inedited. 



335 C. S. G. 



Inedited. 



Dbscrzpttts Sbicabks. 



a letter -^ with the diacritical point 

in it, prohably the initial of the word 
.Xc>- good. 

yax«j In Misr, Like the preceding, but 
in place of the letter ^ is a plain dot - 
and on the reverse at the bottom of 
the area is an imperfect »- . 

j*^^ In Misr. like the preceding as 
to the inscription, and the dot below 
the inscription in the area of the 
obverse. 

j^oAJ In Mtsr. Reverse, above the nsnal 
inscription in the area, <0J To God; and 
below, dUlj Jt^\ AlMuUakihiOah. 
These two dinars, struck in the same 
year, representing the last of one 
Ehalif and the first of his successor's 
reign. 

Uimoj In Sanad. Obverse, area, first 
symbol, the j and the word cl^^J* 

having an ornamental tail. Inner 
circular legend, tjJb c^.^ ^\ a«mJ 

(jJjj ^2;*^^ (juuk'*^ <!^^^ UimO^^ jJf 

In the name of Gt>d this din&r was 
struck in Sanaa the year 335 ; the 
iU^ omitted. On the marginal fillet, 
Icm^ L^jta Struck in Sanlaa. Reverse, 

To God. 
Muhammad 
the Apostle of God. 
AlMuUalillah. 



■r 

All' 






BINABS OF THE ABBAS8IDE DTNASTT. 



293 



Date. 



336 



338 



343 



355 



In wrosb 
Cabimkt. 



C. 8. G. 



C. 8. G. 



C. 8. G. 



By whom 

EOITKD. 



Inedited* 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



£. T. K. 



606 



C. 8. G. 



Inedited. 



Inedited. 



Dbscriftitx Rxmauu. 



Below this name a star. Inner circular 
legend, ^\ jm ^^^ JJ ^^J^'i\ a1! . 
On the marginal fillet, ^Ufl\ ^j^\ \a^ 
By order of the Imam ; or, perhaps it 
may be read j^'i\ the Emir, This 
and the following dinar are of a new 
and hitherto unpublished type. The 
lettering is very inferior to that of 
all preceding dinars (PL IV. No. 42). 

\%\^) In Sanad. With the name of 
alllj ^jSc^\ Al Mwtakfi hillah (PI. 
IV. No. 43). 

Ic^a? In Sanad. With the name of 
idlb _ft^cuu^1 Al Mustahfi hillah, 

U'lj* In Sanad, With the name of 
ai 5--Lil\ A I Mufla liUah (PI. IV. 
No. 44). 

^^m\a) In Filasfln, This din&r must 
have been struck in Palestine (prob- 
ably in Eamleh) during a temporary 
success of the 'Abbasside Xhalifah 
against the Ekhshidites, the last of 
whom, Abu '1 Faw&ris, was soon after- 
wards betrayed to the Fatemites. 

Obverse, area 




The Imam. There is no deity but 



294 



DINARS OP THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Datb. 



In whose 
Cabimbt. 



By wfom 
Edited. 



608 
614 
622 



£. T. R, 



Inedited. 
Inedited. 
Inedited. 



Dbscriftitb Remarks. 



God alone. He has no associate. An 
M^er ledin iUah, Commander of the 
Faithful. 

Marginal legend, ^ J-J ^^ j^'i] ^Ji^ 

:J\ Juu ^j^. Inner circalar legend, 



l«U\ JL^XiJjLj jJU JJ5 



pdUl 



^L« ci 



<JU««» In the name of 

Gtod this dinar was struck in Medlnet 
es Sal&m the year 606. 
Reverse, area, 

Praise be to God! Muhammad the 
Apostle of God. May God be propi- 
tious to him ! 

Marginal legend, second general sym- 
bol. 

Like the preceding. 

Like the preceding. 

Like the preceding, but with the name 
of dUl^by^yi AzZdherhiamriUah, 

who was the 35th Abbasside Xhalifah, 
who reigned only for a few months. 
(PI. IV. No. 46). 



I have no doubt that this list will be of some service to 
the Oriental Numismatist who will undertake .to contribute 
to the new edition of Marsden the article on the coins of the 
Ehalifahs of Bani 'Abb&s, and it is with this hope that I 
hasten to submit it to you for publication. 



DINARS OP THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



295 



Turtliermore, I subjoin a list of the mints which are 
proved to have existed under the Khalifahs of Bani XJmaya 
or Bani *Abb&3, and a sketch-map, on which most of their 
names will be found. This will give an idea of the vastness 
of the Muhammadan Empire at that early period. 



AraMo Namee. 



jr^J 



^ ^^ iii'i'i'**^ ' 



U^J^^ 






J-r7 



Jri'Jj^ 




..o,!» 



No. 



1 

2 



8 



Abrashahr 
Akhsiketh 



Azrabeijan 



ArraD 



Arrajan 



Ardbll 

Ardeshlr 
Ehurra 

Al Ardun 



No. in 

T.»8 

List. 



1 

2 



6 

7 



No. in 

Soret'B 

List. 



1 



16 



49 



23 
25 
24 



Extracts from 
Marasid el *IttiU'a. 



Said to be the place also 
called Nisapiir. 

A city in Ma wara n Nahr, 
the capital of Fargha- 
nah, on the banks of the 
river of Ash Shash. 

A province boanded on 
the east by Barda*ah, 
and on the west by Ar- 
zanj an, and on the north 
by the country of the 
Deilam and At X^nn. 
Its chief towns are 
Tabriz, formerly called 
Al Maraghah, Khoey, 
Salmas, Urmiyah, and 
Ardbil. 

An extensive province 
separated from Azra- 
beijan by the river Aj 
Bass. Amongst its 
chief towns are Kanzah 
or Janzah, Barza'ab, 
and Shamkiir. 

Vulgarly called Arra- 
ghan. A town in Fars, 
one day's journey from 
the sea. 

One of the chief towns 
of Azrabeij&n. 

One of the finest towns 
in Fars. 

A district in Syria, in- 
cluding the Ghor Taba- 
ziyeh, Siir and ' Akkah. 



296 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTKASTT. 



Arabic Names. 


No. 


1 


No. in 

T.'B 

List. 


No. in 

Soret's 

List. 

31 


Extracts fh>m 
Marusid el 'IttUa'a. 


— — ^ 


9 


Armlniyah 


8 


A large province in the 












north. The smaller is 


— * 










Teflis, the larger Khlat. 




10 


Urmlyah 


9 


30 


A town in Azrabeijan. 


1 


11 


Ispahan 


10 


46 


The name of a province, 
and also of its capitAl, 
which was first called 
Jey. 


J^\ 


12 


Istakhr 


11 


45 


The largest town of Fars. 


^J>\ 


13 


Ifdklyeh 


12 


52 


A vast kingdom south of 
the island of Sicily; 
the westernmost part 
being south of the is- 
land of Al Andalus. 


^\ 


14 


Amad 


13 


64 


[Diar Bekr, Soret 


J^\ Aii«*^ 


16 


Medinet 
Amol 




65 


[Tabaristan, SareL' 


»^J^\ 


16 


Anderabah 


14 


^69 


A village 2 parasangs 
from Marw. 


(^jjji 


17 


Al Andalus 


15 


71 


A large and important 
island) on the south of 
which is the strait be- 
tween the ocean and 
the sea of Bum, the 
width of which is about 
12 miles. 


^ikii 


18 


Antakieh 

• 


16 


73 


The capital of Ath Tha- 












ghur ash Shamtyeh. 


jyji 


19 


Al Ahwaz 


17 


77 


First called Al A^waz, 
but softened by the 
Persians to its present 
pronunciation, as they 
cannot pronounce the 

letter-.. Said to be the 
same as EhuzistHn. 




20 


;Rli& 


18 


87 


A name of Jerusalem. 




21 


AlB&b 


19 


89 


Distant from Manbaj 
about 2 miles, and from 
Ualab about 10 miles. 



DINARS OF THE'ABBASSIDE DTNASTY. 



297 



Atmbie Names. 


No. 

22 


b^ 


• 


23 
24 


u*^*V 


25 


A£J^ 


26 


t • 


27 
28 


^ ^Jl^ 


29 


u..n ^ 


30 


• 


31 


.rf^^ 


32 


Ji-m jU^j 


33 


cMr^"=-^ 


34 


j^^^y^^^ 


35 




36 
37 


uw^ 


38 




Bukhara 

Beda'ah 
Badlis 

Bazghis 

Barzalah 

Al Basrah 
Ba*albak 

Balkh (Me- 
dlnet) 

Balkh al 
Beida 

• 

Balad 

AlBanjehtr 

Bihkubaz al 
Asfal 



Beit Jebrln 

Tuster min 
al Ahwaz 

Teflis 

At Teimrah 



Jarj^Q 



20 

21 
22 

23 
24 

25 

26 

27 
28 
29 
30 



No. in 

Sorefs 

List. 



31 

32 

33 
34 



35 



102 

104 
105 

{bis) 

106 

107 

116 
118 

120 

121 

122 

130 



Extracts from 
Marasid el 'Ittila'a. 



151 

154 
158 



166 



The finest city of Ma 
wara n Nahr. It is 7 
days from Samarkand. 

A town in Arminiyah, 

Khlat. 

[Circonscription d'Herat, 
Soret.'] 

A town in Azrabeijan. 
Said to be Airan. 

In al 'Irak. 

• 

A city 3 days' journey 
from Dimashk. 

A celebrated city in 
Khoras^D. 



An ancient city above 
Maw^il. 

A town near Balkh ; it 
has a silver mine. 

One of 3 towns on the 
Euphrates called re- 
spectivelv Bihkubaz al 
a'ala, Bihkiibaz al 
Awsat, and Bihkubaz 
al Asfal. 

A town between Jeru- 
salem and Ghazzah. 



The capital of Jurzan. 

One of two villages in 
Ispahan, called respec- 
tively . . . al Kubra 
and ... as Sughra. 

A celebrated city between 
Tabaristan and Xhora- 



san. 



DINAE3 OF THE ABBA8SIDE DTKABTT. 



Anblo Nmoet. 


... 




ir 


SOITfl 




VjJ' 


39 


A] Jezirah 


36 


168 






40 
41 


Jundey 8 a- 

pur 
Jey 


37 
38 


177 
181 


In Ebuzistan, also called 

Jundcishalip&r. 
The city of Ispahan. 


^ 


42 


Hajar 


39 


183 


ThecityofAlYamfimeh. 
[Capital of Yemen, 




43 
44 


Harran 

Al Hnsn or 
olkhushn 


40 


184 


An Bucientcity.one day's 
journey from Eaha. 


, u 


45 


Halab 


41 


190 


A celebrated city in 
Northera Syria. 


t/>»^ 


46 


Ham? 


42 


193 


Acelebratedcity between 
Dimashk and Halab. 


^y^ 

J^j 


47 
48 


Khflnt 
Debil 


43 

44 


211 
219 


A email town in Asra- 

beijan. 
In Arm inly eh. 


jyfii,'' 


49 


Darabjard 


45 


219 


Capital of Nisapur, in 
the desert. 


iji-jj 


50 


Bestiiwa. 


46 


222 


A town in Kara, eaid to 
be Al Ahwaz. 


JLi^J 


SI 


Dimashk 


47 


225 ' Tho cnpital of Syria. 


^1^1, 


52 


Baa al 'Ain 


48 


235 


The name of a town be- 
tween Harran and 
Nasibein. ' Formerly 
called Rae ain al 
Khapur, but cow ab- 
breviated into R^ al 
'A!n. The river flowa 
into tho Euphrates at 
KarklBia above Ar 
Rahbah. 


iiiljll 


53 


Ar K4fikah 


49 


237 


AtownnearArEakkah. 


^yrli 


64 


Ramhonnuz 


50 


238 


In Ebuzistan. 


Vjll 


65 


Ar Eabbah 


51 


240 


There are aeveral places 
of thia name. 


1" 


56 


At Eukkah 


52 


243 





DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT. 



299 



AnUoMune*. 



No. 






j^/*-^^^ 



or- 



^^J^J^ 






J^^^wmo 






57 

58 

59 

60 
61 

62 

63 



64 



65 



66 

67 
68 



69 



Ar Eamleh 

Ar Eaha 

Ar Rey 

Zerenj 
Sapiir 

Sejistan 

Sarakhs 

Sarrak 
Sir man raa 

Sirmin 

Sir wan 
Salami y eh 

Samarkand 



No. in 

T.»8 

List. 



70 
71 

72 



As Sub 
Suk al Ah- 



waz 



SukMurrah 



53 



No. in 

Soret'a 

List. 



54 

56 
57 

58 

59 



60 
61 

62 

63 
64 



246 

248 

250 

252 
259 

268 
273 

{his) 

274 
277 

278 
279 



Extracts fh)m 
Marasid el *Ittila'a. 



65 



66 
67 

68 



288 



297 
298 

299 



mined, Ar Mfikah be- 
came the capital in its 
stead. 

Formerly the capital of 
Filastin, eighteen miles 
from Jerusalem. 

A city in Al Jezirah above 
Harraa. 

• 

The chief town of Jebal, 
'Ir&k Ajamy. 

The capital of Sejist&n. 

A town 25 parasangs 
from Shiraz. 

A province whose capital 
is Zerenj. 

An ancient city of Khor- 
asan, between Nisapiir 
and Marw. 

One of the villages of 
Al Ahwaz. 

Founded by al Musta'a- 
sem, between Baghdad 
and Takrlt. 

A celebrated village near 
Halab. 

A small town in Sejistan. 

A village in the desert, 
2 days* journey from 
Hamah. 

• 

A celebrated city said to 
have been built by 
Alexander the Great. 
The capital of Saghd. 
South of the valley of 
§aghd. 

A town in Khuzistan. 
[Khuzistan, Soret.'] 

[Khuzistan, Soref] 



300 



DINARS OP THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Arabic Names. 










^.s^ 



73 

74 
75 
76 

77 

78 
79 



80 



Seiraf 
Ash Shash 
Shlraz 
San*aa 

• 

Sur 

Tabaristan 
Tabarlyah 



Tan j ah 



JUl 


81 




82 


J^J^^ 


83 


JJlmSI 


84 




85 


iL 


86 


J^ 


87 


'> 


88 


(j^jM 


89 







AVaai 

Al 'Abbasl- 
yah 

Al Irdk 



Usfan 

'Askar Mu- 
kram 

*Akkah 

'Amm^n 
Ghazzah 



No. in No. in 
T.'a Sorefs 



List. 



Fare 



69 
70 
71 
72 
73 

74 
75 



76 



List. 



300 

305 

319 

324 
325 

329 
330 



77 
78 

79 

80 
81 

82 

83 
84 



85 



337 



340 



342 



Extracts fh>m 
Marasid el 'Ittila'i 



345 

(6m) 

344 



347 



350 



355 



[Farsistan, Saret.'] 
A city near Ar Rey, 
The capital of Fars. 

The capital of Yemen. 

A celebrated ancient city 
on the coast of Syria, 
projecting into the sea. 

Also called Mazanderan. 

One of the cities of the 
Jordan, built on the 
border of a lake of the 
same name, 3 days from 
Dimashl;:. 

On the shore of the sea 
of Al Maghreb, one 
day's journey from 
Cebta (Ceuta). 

Near al Kufah. 

An extensive province 
between al Maw^il and 
'Abbadan. 

Near Mekkah. 

An important town in 
Xhuzist&n. 

A fortified town on the 
coast of Syria. 

A town on the confines 
of Syria, towards Mi^r. 
Two parasangs from 
'Askalan. 

An extensive province, 
bounded by Al 'Iralj: at 
AiTajan; Eerm^n at 
S^irajan; the Indian 



DINAES OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



301 



Arabic Names. 



Zj\jii\ 



Li 







^ y 



Jtji 






U^9 



J^J 



91 
92 



93 
94 



95 



96 
97 

98 
99 

100 



101 



90 AlFurat 



Farah 
Fasa 



Al Fustat 
Filastln 



No. in I No. in 
T.*8 Sorct'a 
list. List. 



Fil 



102 



AlKudsiyah 

Kafr es Sa- 
' lam 

Kum 



Kinnisrin 



Karklsiah 



Eumis 



Eermdn 



86 



87 



88 
89 



90 



91 
92 

93 
94 



95 



96 



365 
370 



371 
373 



Extracts from 
Marasid el 'Ittila'a. 



376 



392 

395 
397 



400 



419 



Ocean at Seiraf; and 
Sind at Mikran. Its 
chief towns are I^^akhr, 
Ardeshir Khurra, Dar- 
S^bjard, and Sap^. 

Name given to many 
villages irrigated by 
the river Euphrates. 

A city of Sejistan. 

A beautiful city in Fars, 
4 days* journey from 
Shkaz, and 8 parasangs 
from Kazarun. 

Near al Kahirah. 

[Palestine.] The south- 
ern district of Syria, 
nearest to Mi^r. Its 
capital is Jerusalem. 

An ancient city in Kha- 
warizm ; first called 
Fil, afterwards Man^u- 
rah, and now called 
Karkanj. 



Built by Harun ar Eashld 
near ar Bakka. 



A city one day's journey 
from Halab. 

A city at the mouth of 
the river Khapiir. It 
is partly on the Eu- 
phrates, and partly on 
the Khapur. 

A district in Tabaristan. 
Its capital is Damghan, 
between Ar Hey and 
Nisapur. 

A district between Fars, 
Makran, Sejistan and 



r 



302 



DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY. 



Arabic Names. 



J! 




ifO^ '^ 



M 



103 
104 

105 

106 



107 



Kankawar 
Al Kufah 

Ludd 

Maridin 



No.in 


No. in 


T.'B 


Soret'8 


T.iRt. 


List. 


97 




91 


440 



Extracts from 
Marasid el 'IttUa'a. 



99 



100 



Mahal Bas- 
rah 



108 



109 





110 



111 

112 
113 
114 



115 



Wk\ al Kvi- 

fah 

Mahy 



Al Mubra- 
kah (for 

Al Mubari- 
kah) 

Al Muta- 
wakkeli' 
yeh 

AlMubam- 
madl^^eb 

Medlnet es 
Salam 

Med) net es 
Scteilim 

(for Med. 
etTeslim) 

Al Mazar 



101 



102 



103 



104 
105 



448 



454 



458 



459 



460 



Kboras^n, celebrated 
for its tin mines. 



The celebrated city in Al 
'Irak. 

A city in Filasfin, near 
Jerusalem. 

A fortified city in Al 
Jezirahy looking to- 
wards Dara and Na^t- 

bein. 

A name applied to Naha- 
vend (as well as to 
Hamazan and Xum), 
because they were con- 
quered by the people 
of Al Basrah. 

Ad Denawar, so called 
because conquered by 
the people of Al KMiah. 

One of two villages near 
MarWy together called 
Al Mahiau. 



461 
463 



106 


465 


108 


474 


107 






472 


109 


471 




(6m) 



A town of Khaw&rizm. 



]N'ear Samarra. 



InArKey. [auparavant 
Roy, 8<yret,'\ 

Old name of Baghdad. 



In Meisan, between 
Wasi^ and Basrah. 



DINARS OF THE ABBA88IDB DYNASTY. 







Nd Id 


No. in 


EilrocUIrom 


AnblE Huaei. 


No. 




T.'. 


LUL 


Mnnuid El 'litJIi'a. 


}J^ 


116 


Marw 


110 


480 


The capital of KhoraBaa. 


J-*' 


117 


Mi?r 


111 


487 


The namo of Egypt and 
of its capital. 


U-^.O^ 118 


Bajlnea 


112 


493 


Nenr Khlat in Armlnl- 
yah. 


yiLlll ^A«^ 119 


Uaadanash 113 


494 








Shish ! 






atj-^b^ 


120 


Sla'atatMi^- 


lU 


Five paraaacga from 
Halab. 


>L. 


121 


Mandzir 


115 499 


In Khuzistan. 


.jy^\ 


122 


Al Man^a- 


116 .105 








rah 








J-j^' 


123 


Al Hawaii 


117 


fill 


One of the largest cities 










in the Uuhummadan 












Empire. It is the gate 










ofAl'Irakandthekey 




1 






of Khorasiin. 1 have 




; 






often heard it said that 










there are three cele- 








brated cities, namely 












Nisapur, because it is 












the gate of the East ; 












Diraaahlf , because it is 












the gate of the West ; 












andAlUuw^il, because 












aperaon going to either 












of Ihem must pass 












through it. It ib 74 












parasanga from Bagh- 












dad. 


J^\ 


124 


Al Mahdl- 
vah 


lie 


501 


[Eraque Arabique, Sorat] 


uW< 


12s'MeisSn 


119 


514 


A populous district be- 












tween 'Witsi^ and Al 












Basrah. 


lirr^r^ 


126 


Na^lbem 


120 


520 


Also called Nasibiin. In 
Jezirah, on the caravan 
mad between Al Maw- 
?il and Dimash^. 


^^.i 


127 


Nahawand 


121 






•-O^^rV 


138 


Nahr lira 


122 


527 


Near Al Ahwaz. 



304 



DINABS OF THB ABBAS8IDE DTNASTT. 



Arabic Names. 


No. 

129 




No. in 

T.»8 

List 

123 


No. in 

Soret's 

List 

528 


Eztraets firooi 
Marasid el 'IttiU>a. 


jy\^ 


Neisapiir 


Thirty parasangs from 












Marw. 


LmS)^ 


130 


Wasit 


124 


537 


Falf-way between Al 
Basrah and Al K^ah. 


<u«J;»ly!l 


131 


Al nashe- 

miyah 


125 


529 


A town near Al Kii&h. 


i\yb 


132 


Herat 


126 


530 


One of the oldest towns 
of Khorasan. 


jU^^^U 


133 


Harunabad 


127 


531 




Cj^J^\ 


134 


Al Haruni- 
yah 


128 


532 


A small town near Mar- 
a'ash, in the Syrian pass 
of Mount al Lokkam, 

(♦ISUI J^, founded 
by Hariin ar Bashld. 


^\*yAJb 


135 


Hamadan 


129 


533 


A city with 120 villages. 


•• 


136 


Al Yama- 
meh 


130 


550 


[Pour Hadjr Yemen, 

SoreL'] 



CORRECTIONS. 



Page 281, on coin dated 236, read ^\j ^j^j*^^ instead of ^^j . . . 

„ 296, No. 20 (Soret 89), dele the statement 'Distant from,' etc., 
and read^ A town on the banks of the Caspian Sea, also 
called Darband.' 

„ 297, No. 33, read jLS^ instead o/jLa^. 



305 



Art. XIV. — The Northern Frontagers of China. Part II. — 
The Origines of the Manchus. By H. H. Howorth. 



For the name Manchu several etymologies have been pro- 
posed. Klaproth says that the Chinese characters represent- 
ing it mean a well-peopled island, and that it is probably of 
Chinese origin ; the Tatar hordes in early times liking to 
adopt Chinese soubriquets. The Thibetans transcribe the 
name Mandjhau, and some have thought it to be of Thibetan 
origin. Remusat has devoted several pages of his magnum 
opus to a discussion of the subject, but without arriving at 
any satisfactory conclusion.^ Palladius tells us that the 
name Mantszuin, t,e. Chinese soldiers, was applied to a large 
number of Chinese emigrants settled by Khubilai Ehan on the 
borders of Corea to resist a threatened attack from Japan. 
It may be that it was from these emigraYits that the name was 
first derived.^ It may be, again, that the name is connected 
with the Corean deity Manchusri, who lived, says Palladius, 
according to the Corean Buddhists, in the Changpo Shan 
mountains, i.e. in the cradle-land of the Manchus, vide infrd? 
This last appears to me to be the most reasonable etymology. 
In regard to the pedigree of the race, all the authorities 
seem agreed in one thing, namely, in deriving them from the 
Juchi, i.e, the Tungusic tribes which gave a dynasty to 
China known as the Kin or Golden. The Mongol account 
in Ssanang Setzen calls the founder of the Manchu empire 
an ofishoot of the family of ancient Manchu Altan Khans 
{i.e, the Kin Emperors).* Altan in Mongol, and Kin in 



* See Recherches stir les Langues Tartares, 14 et sequitur. 

^ See Paliadius's Expedition through Manchuria, Journal Geographical 
Society, vol. xlii. p. 154. 
3 Palladius, op. eiL p. 164. 

* Seanang Setzen, p. 285. 



306 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OP CHINA. 

Chinese, both mean Golden.^ The Chinese annals trans- 
lated by De Mailla make them descend from the Juchi of 
Nankoan, one of the three divisions into which they separate 
the Juchi ; while the tradition of the Manchus themselves 
is that they were sprung from the Wild Juchi.* These 
accounts are amply confirmed by the linguistic evidence col- 
lected by my friend Mr. Wylie and others, and to which I 
shall refer at greater length in a future paper. 

We are now in a position to examine the Manchu tra- 
dition about their origin. Like other similar traditions, this 
commences in the realm of fable. The cradle-land of the 
race is the great knot of mountains which forms the northern 
buttress of Corea, and which consists of two closely-connected 
ranges, the Changpo Shan or Great White Mountains, and 
the Jwuliui range. The Archimandrite Palladius says of the 
former : " The sacred importance of the White Mountains 
has been recognized in the Far East for ages. They are first 
heard of under the name of Bukhian Shan, a name not of 
Chinese origin, but reminding one of the Mongol Burkhan, 
as the Kentei Mountains in Mongolia were called in ancient 
times." ^ Burkhan is in fact the Mongol for God's Moun- 
tain or the Sacred Mountain, and may be further compared 
with the Sacred Mountain of the Kalmuks, the Bogdo-ula. 

Bukhian Shan is also the same name as the Bukuri of 
Klaproth, a mountain whose name, he says, he failed to find 
in this part of Manchuria, and referred, quite unnecessarily, 
to the district of the Amur. The Emperor Kien-lung, in his 
Eulogium on the city of Mukden (translated with notes by 
Klaproth), says: "Our dynasty of Tai Thsing had its origin 
in remote times in the Great White Mountains. There is 
Lake Tamun (? Great Lake), whose circumference is eighty /i, 
whence flow the Yalu (the great river flowing into the 
Yellow Sea), the Khong tung (the Sungari), and the Aikhon 
(i.e. the Hurka)." This is apparently a mistake of the 



1 Schmidt's note, ibid. p. 421. 

2 Plath's Mandschurey, p. 228. 

3 Expedition through Manchuria, Journal Royal Geographical Society, 
Yol. xlii. p. 163. 



PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 307 

Imperial geographer's, for we know no lake the source of 
these rivers. 

The Tung-hua-loa, a MS. history of the Manchu dynasty, 
describes the cradle of the dynasty as the Mount Bukhuri 
(i.e. the Sacred Mountain), east of the Great White Mountain, 
at the foot of which is the lake Bukhuri (i.e. the Sacred 
Lake). This lake we may identify with great probability 
with the great Manchurian lake of Hinka, which does lie 
just to the east of the main range of the Great White 
Mountain. At all events, we may fix upon the mountains 
inclosing and forming the watershed to the river Hurka as 
the district whence the Manchu dynasty sprang. The story 
of the origin, as told in the Tung-hua-loa, may be compared 
with the Lamaist traditions about the origin of the Mongol 
Imperial family, etc. It runs thus: "According to an old 
tradition, there formerly lived near the Lake Bukhuri three 
supernatural virgins, the eldest called Tzu-gurun, the second 
Jing-gurun, and the third Foe-gurun. One day they were 
bathing in the lake, when a sacred magpie let fall on the 
robe of the youngest a red fruit which it had in its beak. 
The virgin ate it, and became pregnant. She gave birth to a 
son, who could speak from his birth, and whose stature and 
appearance were remarkable. The eldest sister was asked 
what name should be given to the child. * Heaven has 
given him thee to re-establish peace among us; call him, 
therefore, Aishin-Giyoro. We give thee the surname Buk- 
huri Yongchon.' When his mother had entered the icy cave 
of the dead, the son got into a little boat, and followed the 
course of the river (i.e. of the Hurka). He at length Ijuided, 
and sat among the reeds. The canton where he landed was 
occupied by three families, whose chiefs lived in discord with 
one another. There he was found by those who went to 
fetch water. They could not help admiring him, and went 
to tell their friends, who came and asked his name. * I was 
bom,' he said, *of the celestial virgin Foe-gurun. Heaven 
meant me to terminate your quarrels.** They thereupon 
chose him as their chief, and he lived east of the Great 
White Mountain, in the town of Odoli, situated on the 



308 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

plain Omokho. His kingdom bore the honorary name of 
Manchu." 

The evidence of Aishin-Giyoro's existence was strong 
enough to convince the sceptical Abel Bemusat ; and if he 
was an historical personage, he probably lived in the second 
quarter of the fourteenth century, when the authority of the 
Mongol dynasty had reached a low ebb. In the Eulogiura of 
Mukden, the Emperor Kien-lung, his descendant, tells us that 
his family name was Giyoro, and that his honorary title was 
Aishin, i.e. Golden, upon which title we have already en- 
larged. In regard to the three families, there can be little 
doubt that by them we are to understand the Han Hala {i.e. 
three families), who are clearly pointed out as the kernel of 
the Manchus. Han Hala, translated into Chinese, becomes 
San Sing, which, as is well known, is an important town at 
the outfall of the Hurka into the Sungari, where the Han 
Hala still have their seats. The three families are no doubt 
to be also identified with the three divisions of the Ussunu 
Jurtshid of the Mongol narrative (Ssanang Setzen, p. 285). 
Ussunu means those living on the water, and answers to the 
Su in the Su Mongol of Dupiano Carpini (Schmidt, note to 
Ssanang Setzen, p. 421). 

The site of Odoli is fixed by the Chinese geographers on the 
banks of the La fuchen pira, 43° 35' N. lat., and 128° E. long., 
that is, on one of the feeders of the Hurka. Its position is 
marked in the map of Manchuria attached to Williamson's 
Travels in North China, and the town itself is described in 
Du Halde's narrative. These facts are conclusive that, in the 
opinion of the Manchus themselves, the valley of the Hurka 
is their mother-land. According to the Chinese accounts, 
the Manchus are to be identified with the Juchi of Nankoan ; 
and although it is somewhat dangerous to deal in etymologies 
for those who are not skilled in a language, I would suggest 
the identification of the Nankoan of the Chinese accounts 
with Ninguta, the chief town on the Hurka. So that the 
Juchi of Nankoan mean simply the Juchi of Ninguta. 

Contrasted with the Juchi of Nankoan, we have in the 
Chinese accounts the Juchi of Pekoan. These Juchi of 



PART II. THE 0KIGINE8 OP THE MANCHUS. 309 

Pekoan, again, we may, from several considerations, identify 
with the four tribes, Khada or Hata, TTla or Wala, Yekhe 
or Yehe, and Khuifa or Knifa, which are found in the 
Manchu accounts in constant feud with the Manchus proper, 
just as the Juchi of Pekoan are with those of Nankoan, in 
the Chinese narrative, and which were comprised in one 
kingdom known as that of Khulun.^ This is doubtless the 
kingdom known to the Mongols as that of the Engke Tsaghan 
Jurtshid.^ The situation of these tribes is not hard to dis- 
cover. 

The Ye-he tribe, according to Mr. Meadows, occupied the 
angle of Manchuria proper, which has Liau East on its south, 
and Eastern Mongolia on its west.' There is still a ruined 
fortress here thus mentioned by Palladius: ''Passing the for- 
tress of Eh-heh Khotan, the former residence of a prince 
(beh leh) of a Manchu tribe called Eh heh {i.e. Ye-he with a 
different orthography), the road approaches the station of 
Eh-heh (I heh). The sides of the fortress measure fifty to 
seventy fathoms in length, and are two fathoms high; its 
shape is that of a parallelogram with rounded comers. This 
fortress was evidently not the work of Chinese hands."* He 
marks it on his map about 43° 5' N. lat., and 124° 40' E. 
long., and it is doubtless the Ye-hoh-djan of Williamson's 
map. 

The Khada or Hata lived in the neighbourhood of the 
fortress still marked in the maps, both of Williamson and 
Palladius, as Hata. It is within the ancient row of pali- 
sades. The latter author says, '* The upper course of this stream 
{i,e. the Tsing ho, a tributary of the Liau ho) flows past the 
fortress of Hata, once inhabited by a people of that name" 
(op. cit. 159). This fortress was close to the Ming frontier 
fort of Ki-Yuan-hien. 

The Ula or Wala are mentioned by the same author (op. 
cit. 158) in the following passage. " The station of Eh lu or 
Ilu, situated between two branches of the range {i.e, a range 

1 See Elaproth*8 note on the Eulogiam on Mukden. 

' Ssanang Setzcn, p. 285. 

3 Williamson, op. cit. toI. i. p. 86. 

* Palladius, op. eit. p. 150. 



310 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

north of Hama ling), is said to occupy the site of an ancient 
town, Eh-lu-hien, called after some ancient inhabitants of 
Manchuria the Eh lu (Yih-low)." 

The Khuifa were no doubt the inhabitants of the town of 
Khuifa, on the river Khuifa, an important feeder of the 
Sungari. These four tribes, who are often mentioned in the 
chronicles, and who, I believe, were certainly the Juchi of 
Pekoan, occupied the south-western portion of Manchuria, 
and lay between the Manchus proper of Ninguta and the 
Chinese frontier. I believe them to descend very directly 
from the Juchi tribes who founded the Kin Empire in 
China. How far their authority extended northwards I 
do not know, but probably a good deal north of Girin. 

Besides the Juchi of Nankoan and of Pekoan, a third 
kind of Juchi were known to the Chinese, namely, the Wild 
Juchi. 

The Wild Juchi were chiefly so called because they were 
entirely independent of the Chinese, paying them no tribute, 
neither did they molest their frontiers, but traded peaceably 
with them at a mart situated near Kai-Yuen. The Chinese 
called their land Kien tcheou.^ They were doubtless the 
Juchi of the Middle and Lower Sungari, who were known 
to Khabarof and his Cossacks as Ducheri.^ 

Having mapped out the diBtribution of the several sections 
of the Juchi, we may now resume the consideration of the 
origin of the Manchu nation. Of Aishin-Giyoro we are told 
little more than that he was sumamed Gorokingamafa, in 
Chinese Yuan tsu, that is, most remote ancestor. After 
some generations, the Manchus rebelled against his family, 
and exterminated it, with the exception of a young man 
named Fan cha kin, who fled to a desert canton. They 
pursued him, but a magpie settling on his head, they mistook 
him for the decayed branch of a tree.' For this reason the 
magpie is highly reverenced among the Manchus, and a 
feast takes place every year at the spot where Fan cha kin 

> Plath*8 Mandschurci, p. 228. 

* See Ravenstein's Amur, p. 19. 

3 The Tang-hua-loa, translated by Klaproth, vide ante. 



PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 311 

was saved. All this is, of course, pure legend, and its chief 
value is in fixing the traditional homeland of the race. We 
now get on firmer ground. After some generations, we are 
told, lived Chau tsu, who is clearly an historical personage, 
and has a distinct place in the Imperial genealogy. 

Before criticizing this portion of the story, I would remark 
on the difficulty, if not impossibility, of entirely reconciling 
the account of the Origines of the Manchu dynasty, as col- 
lected from native tradition, with that contained in De 
Mailla's narrative. The latter seems to me to be at fault in 
certain places, and makes one wish that the second volume of 
Delamarre 8 translation of the Ming Annals, dealing with 
this period, were published. The first mention of the Juchi 
or Nutch^ of Nankoan in De Mailla is in volume x. p. 342, 
where he says, that in the fourth year of Suenti the Nutch^ 
of Nankoan quarrelled with the Wild Nutch^, and robbed 
them of a portion of their territory. Suenti reigned from 
1426 to 1437. So that this happened in 1430 ; and it may 
be that it is with this increase of territory that the Manchus 
considered their nation to have been constituted, while its 
author was placed at the head of their list of Wangtis or 
Emperors. If so, the author of this increase was Chau tsu. 
His name in full was Ghau tsu Yuen Wangti, ue. the 
Emperor who was first of the race, and in Manchu Deribuhka 
mafa da Wangti, i.e. the founding forefather, the primitive 
exalted Emperor. According to the Manchu account, he sub- 
jected the country for 1500 li, i.e. 150 leagues, west of Odoli, 
and annexed Khulan Khada and Khetu Ala. Khulan Khada 
is doubtless the Hata above mentioned ; while Khetu Ala, 
the Hih-too-a-la of Mr. Meadows and others, is " the present 
city of Hing king or Yenden, situated on a small eastern 
feeder of the Liau at about ninety miles to the east of 
Mukden."^ It is with Mukden held sacred, from containing 
some of the Imperial sepulchres. 

To him succeeded his son, the so-called fifth ancestor, who 
was called Sing-tsu-tch^-wangti, or the Emperor who has in- 

^ Meadows, in Williamson's Journeys in North China, vol. ii. p. 84. 



312 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

creased the race, in Manchu Yendem bukha mafa tonto wangti, 
the noble and august emperor. He had six sons, each of whom 
had a separate heritage. Dechiku lived at Guirtcha, Liuchen 
at Akha-kholo, Sotshangga at Kholo gashan, Su tsu at Khetu 
Ala, Bulanga at Nimala, and Busai at Dchanggia. These 
six brothers were called the six chiefs (Ningudai Beile). 
They brought their realm to great prosperity, and surrounded 
their territory with a palisade.^ This inclosure is said to 
have given its name to the great town of Ninguta, on the 
Hurka. Of these brothers, the suzerain who ruled at the 
metropolis, Khetu Ala, was Su tsu ; beside that town, he had 
five others, the nearest one being five, and the furthest twenty 
li from Khetu Ala.^ He was the so-called fourth ancestor. 
His name in the register was Hing tsu-y-Wangti, i.e. the 
Emperor who has made the race to shine, in Manchu Mukdem 
bukh^ mafa gosingga wangti, the distinguished ancestor, 
gracious and august emperor. I believe it is to his reign 
that we must assign the statement in De Mailla's narrative 
that the conquest of so much territory [vide anU) so inflated 
the Juchi of Nankoan, that in the reign of Ou tsong (1606- 
1522) they refused to pay tribute. 

Hing tsu had five sons, Lidun baturu, Ergonen, (Harkan, 
Hian tsu, and Talkha Bianggu.^ Of these, the fourth became 
Emperor under the name of Hian tsu siuan-wang-ti, or the 
Emperor who has made the race known, in Manchu He tu 
lekhe mafa khafum bukha wangti, i.e. the illustrious ancestor, 
the august and extensive Emperor. He was, I believe, the 
Wangti of De Mailla's account. This says that in the reign 
of Chi tsong (1522 to 1567), Wangti, the chief of the Juchi 
of Nankoan, determined to again send tribute to the Chinese 
court. He who bore it returned home with a rich girdle of 
gold and many other costly presents for his master. This 
gained the Wangti great distinction among the Juchi, who 
began to fear him. Some time after, his uncle, Wang Tchong 
(Wang = a Chinese title), presuming on the power of his 

^ Plath's Mandscliurey, pp. 231-32. 

^ Elaproth's M^moires reiatifs & I'Asie, vol. i. p. 445. 

^ Klaproth, op. eiU 



PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 313 

nephew, killed in a dispute Gh^aukonk^, one of the principal 
officers of Nanghia and Ghinkia, the chiefs of Pekoan. To 
revenge his death, this horde intercepted the tribute which 
the Wangti was sending to the court, and also captured 
thirteen of his strongholds, leaving him only five.^ This 
was, doubtless,' a disastrous war, and its consequences are, 
dolibtless, referred to in another passage in De Mailla, in 
which he is describing a conference held between the rival 
Juchi of Nankoan and Pekoan at the instance of the 
Chinese commander, Li tching l^ang, and where he says 
that formerly the land of the Juchi was divided into 999 
districts, of which 700 belonged to those of Nankoan and 
their leader Wangti, and 299 to those of Pekoan; but that 
the latter, by right of conquest, had then obtained the greater 
part of these districts.^ 

Hian tsu had two wives. One was a daughter of Agan 
dondon, who bore the title of Siuan "Wang heou ; the other 
was of the family of Khitara. By the former he had three 
sons, of whom the eldest became the Emperor Thai-tsu.' 
When the latter was only ten years old, he lost his mother ; 
but the father's second wife took charge of him. On turning 
to De Mailla's account, we find him stating that Wangti 
had four sons, Hurhan, Sanmatu, Kankulu, and Monkupolo, 
of whom the second died young, leaving therefore, three of 
these brothers. I may say that Hurhan seems to me to be the 
Chinese form of Gurkhan, ue. Great Khan, a title in con- 
stant use among the Mongols, and very applicable to Thai-tsu, 
the great hero of the Manchus, who is not mentioned eo 
nomine by De Mailla ; and I have no hesitation in identify- 
ing him as the same person. Kankulu is assuredly the same 
person mentioned in Mr, Wylie's authority, and also by Mr. 
Meadows, as Ne-kan-waelan. The names are in fact the 
same, the former being only slightly disguised by a Chinese 
orthography ; and Mr. Wylie expressly says he was of the 
Imperial family. De Mailla goes on to say that the quarrel 
between the Juchi of Pekoan and those of Nankoan, already 

> Klaproth, op, eit, ' De Mailla, op, eit. p. 342. ' ibid, pp. 3i5-46. 



314 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

mentione4^ arose out of differences between Hurhan and his 
brother Kankulu, who lived so much at strife with one 
another that the latter took refuge with Chinkia {ue. the 
chief of Pekoan), and invited him to make war on his own 
father. Mr. Wylie's narrative, in describing this, says, that 
he was threatened by the machinations of one of his own 
family named Ne-kan-waelan, who, with the connivance 
of the Ming soldiers, attacked the Manchu city of Koo lih. 
This city, he says, was governed by one Atae, who had 
married a granddaughter of Kingtsoo, i.e. a cousin of Thai- 
tsu. De Mailla calls him Hatai, and says that Hurhan, i.e. 
Thai-tsu, who was of a turbulent disposition, had killed Wang 
Siuen, the father of Hatai.^ Hurhan and his father seem to 
have gone to the fortress to rescue their female relative, but 
Atae or Hatai refused to let her go. De Mailla says that 
Hatai, having collected a party, made Wangti and Hurhan 
prisoners, and sent the former to the Juchi of Pekoan. Mr. 
Wylie, on the other hand, says that the besiegers decoyed 
the garrison into a surrender, when all the inhabitants were 
massacred, including, he says. King tsu and H^e tsoo, the 
grandfather and father of Thai-tsu. I believe this is a mis- 
take ; it is hardly probable that, when Thai-tsu was already 
twenty-three, three generations of the family would be 
found attacking a town together. The account in De Mailla 
is much more reasonable, and the other seems accommodated 
to the fact that Tai tsang complains of the massacre of two 
of his relatives in his lett-er to the Ming Emperor, but he 
does not say his grandfather and great-grandfather. After 
surrendering Wangti, Hatai is said to have fled to the 
mountain Tieling of Ku chang. A town or fortress, Tieling, 
is marked on Mr. Williamson's map, about forty miles north 
of Mukden. 

The Chinese not only disclaimed all part in the business, 
but, according to De Mailla, their commander in Liau tung, 
named Li tching l^ang, went to the assistance of Wangti, 
attacked the Juchi of Pekoan, of whom he killed 1030 

^ De Mailla, toI. x. p. 342. 



PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 315 

men, and captured their copper seal. Wangti having died of 
grief in captivity, the Emperor sent some mandarins with 
orders to perform the funeral rites over him with especial 
solemnity.^ Hatai waa now in a difficulty. He would not join 
the Juchi of Pekoan, the enemies of his race, nor, after 
what had happened, did he like to return home ; 6uid he deter- 
mined to form an independent power. With the assistance of 
his friends and several thousand braves, he set out to attack the 
Chinese town of Chin yang, i.e. Mukden. When news arrived 
that he had set out from the Yunho river, Li tching l^ang, 
the Chinese commander, went to meet him at several hundred 
It from the frontier, and having met him at Ku la tchai, he 
defeated and killed him (? killed). Another division of his 
army was no less unfortunate, and was scattered. In the 
two actions the Tatars lost 3222 men.* 

The victory is said to have caused as much rejoicing at 
the Imperial Court as the subsequent ruin of the Juchi of 
Pekoan. Leagued with Pe-nu-tchi, chief of a horde of Wangti 
which had quitted the service of Nankoan and deserted, they 
marched at the head of 10,000 horsemen to attack Monku- 
polo and Hurhan, Le. Thai-tsu, and his brother. Li tching 
l^ang (the Chinese governor of Liau tung) went to aid the 
brothers, fell on the Pekoan, who fought bravely, but, over- 
whelmed by numbers, they were beaten. Nangkia and Chin- 
kia, i.e. the chiefs of Pekoan, Harhan, son of the former, 
Niesunpo, son of the latter, and Pe-nu-tchi, remained on the 
battle-field. This crushing defeat, no doubt, made easy the 
path for Thai-tsu, when he shortly after conquered Manchuria. 

We must now turn to the particular history of the latter. 
His proper name was Novurh-ho-chih. In the Imperial 
register he is entitled Tai tsu kao Wangti, i.e. the great 
ancestor, the very exalted Emperor, in Manchu Taidsu 
dergi Wangtai, i.e. great ancestor, sublime, august Emperor. 
He is described by Manchu flatterers as born in 1559, as 
having the face of a dragon, the eye of a phoenix, with 
large ears and hands, and a loud bell-like voice. 

1 De Mailla, p. 343. ^ ibid. toI. x. p. 348. 



316 THE NOETHEEN FEONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

On the murder of his father, he was twenty-four years 
old. The tribes to whose government he succeeded are 
thus enumerated by Klaproth. The Aimans of the rivers 
Suksukhu, Sargu, Giamukha, Jan ; those of the rivers 
Wangghia, Elmin, Jakumu, Sakda, Suan ; those of the 
rivers Donggo, Yarkhu, Andarki ; the tribes Wedzi, Warka, 
and Khurkha, all three on the eastern sea ; lastly, the Fiu 
and Sakhalcha. These names are those of the rivers of 
Northern and Eastern Manchuria, and among them are in- 
cluded, no doubt, the Manguns, Goldi, Oronchi, etc., i.e. the 
Tungusic tribes of th^ Amur and its tributaries. The two 
last are, doubtless, the Giliaks at the mouth of the Amur and 
the Ainos of Saghalien. 

These tribes were known as Fe Manchus, i.e. ancient 
Manchus, to distinguish them from the tribes subsequently 
conquered. I have already described how the Juchi of 
Nankoan had suffered severely in loss of territory, etc., in a 
war with the Juchi of Pekoan in the reign of Thai-tsu's 
father. The first occurrence that we meet with in the Chinese 
annals after the murder of Wangti refers to the restoration 
of a portion of this territory. 

In 1588 Li tching Ifeang, the Chinese governor, set out 
from Liau tung, and went as far as the frontier of Pekoan 
and Nankoan, where he invited the chiefs of the rival sec- 
tions of the Juchi to meet him. After feasting them 
sumptuously, he argued that their common interest was to 
be on good terms with China, who, on account of their depre- 
dations, had suppressed the fairs where they sold their peltries 
and ginseng (or Turkey rhubarb). He pointed out how their 
strife tended to their mutual destruction, and counselled them 
to come to terms, and to re-arrange their boundaries. It 
was agreed that 500 of the original 999 districts should be 
assigned to the Juchi of Nankoan, and 499 to those of 
Pekoan, and the two parties left the meeting highly grati- 
fied.^ To cement their understanding, they agreed to make 
mutual marriages. Pus^, son of Chinkia, gave his daughter 
in marriage to Tai chang, son of Hurhan, and Tai chang his 

1 De Mailla, Yol. x. p. 346. 



PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 317 

eldest sister to Nalinpolo, son of Nangkia. This account seems 
reasonable. Its only mistake is in the mention of Tai chang, 
or Tai-tsong, instead of Thai-tsu, who is ignored by the Chinese 
account, and who was the ruler of the Manchus for thirty 
years after this. Tai chang only succeeded his father, in 
fact, in 1622. The next event we have recorded is in 1593, 
in the account of the Mongol tribes, translated by Schniidt 
from the Chinese, and contained in the second volume of the 
sixth series of the Memoirs of the St. Petersburgh Academy. 
It is said that in 1593 Ongghotai, the chief of the Khortsin 
Mongols, with his cousins, Manggus and Mingan, allied 
themselves with Bosai, the Taidshi, of the tribe Dsege or 
Yege (i.e. the Pus^ above named), and with the tribes 
Ehada, Ula, Khoipa (Kuifa), Ehualtsa (Gualtcha), Jari, 
and others, and marched against Novurh-ho-chih, then 
called by his title of Taidsu "Wangti. They had attacked, 
without success, the town of Gedshige, and had pitched their 
camp on the mountain Gure. The Khakan marched against 
them, and as he drew near to them he thus addressed his 
officers. " The enemy's army is very numerous, but we shall 
assuredly defeat it if we succeed in overthrowing one or two 
of their leaders (Taidshis)." In accordance with this dictum, 
the brave warrior Eitu put himself at the head of a hundred 
horsemen, whom he incited to the combat, and rushed at the 
foe. As soon as the warriors of the Dsege noticed this, they 
ceased attacking the town, and marched against him. In at- 
tempting to seize the horse of Minggan, it stumbled and fell, 
and he escaped on foot. Meanwhile the Manchu army drove 
the enemy to a hill fort of the Khada tribe, completely 
scattered them, and captured a large booty.^ This was a 
very important victory, and no doubt raised the renown of 
the young victor very considerably. The Chinese seem to 
have assisted the confederated tribes, and Tai-tsong, in his 
memorable letter to the Chinese Court, written in 1627, 
makes this one of his grounds of complaint, dating it, how- 
ever, two years earlier, in the 19th year of the Emperor 

» op. cit, 423. 



318 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

Wanli.^ The same event is thus told in the Ts'ing wan k^ 
lung, translated by Mr. Wylie. "Tae tsoo met with a formid- 
able opposition to his progress in the Ye hih tribe, who were 
aided by the Ming. In 1593 these, together with the Hat& 
Wools and Hwuyfa tribes, the Kourh sin and Kwa urh ch'a 
Mongolians, and some hordes under vassalage to the Manchus 
and Kalmin-shanggugan tribes, joining three companies of 
the Ming troops, made an attack on Tae tsoo, who withstood 
them, at the Ko6 lih hill, and eventually put them to the 
rout, killing Po6 chee-chih, prince of Y^ hlh, capturing 
Poo chen t&e, prince of Woola, beheading 4000 men, and 
taking 3000 horses and 1000 coats of mail." This account is 
in complete agreement with that of Schmidt ; and the Gur^ 
hill of the one is the Ko6 lih of the other. 

This important victory no doubt enabled the Manchus to 
obtain the accession of territory admitted in the Chinese 
accounts followed by De Mailla, which I abstract. " Under 
the Emperor Chi-tsong {i.e. 1522-67), the Chinese built 
several forts on the eastern frontier of Liautung, that is to 
say, Koan ti^n, Ta-ti6n, Tchang ti^n, and Sin ti^n. These 
were built as a protection against the Tatars. In the 19th year 
of Wanli, i.e. in 1591 (but P 1593), these people, always un- 
easy, obtained (? a euphemism for conquered) from China a 
certain breadth of country, as far as a mountain on whose 
summit were some stone boundaries, on which was engraved 
the cession then made.*''^ To continue our story. In the 
complaining letter of Tai-tsong, he says that, in the 
25th year of Wanli, i.e. in 1597, the Hatai again made war 
upon his people ; and that, although they were hardly 
pressed, the Chinese abandoned them. Nevertheless the 
Tien, i.e, the Gods, gave them the victory. That the 
Chinese then took the part of the Hatai against the Manchus, 
and forced the latter to surrender the provinces they had 
taken, not to the Hatai, however, but to the Ye he ; and 
that the latter had conducted them within the Chinese 
frontier. He adds : " You, who give yourselves the name of 
Tchong ku6, or Middle Kingdom, you ought to hold an even 

1 De Mailla, toI. x. p. 436. ^ ^^^^^ ^ 406 



PART II. THE ORIGINES OP THE MANCHUS. 319 

balance. To surrender the Hatai prisoners to the Yehe is 
merely to perpetuate war by an injustice."^ Here we see 
the effects of the cynical plan adopted by the Chinese in 
their intercourse with the neighbouring tribes, which con- 
sisted in setting one against another, and by creating mutual 
jealousies, preventing them from uniting. But Thai-tsu con- 
tinued his victorious course notwithstanding; and we find 
him gradually subduing the various tribes of Manchuria. 
In one of Tai-tsong's letters, printed by De Mailla, we find 
it stated that " in the 28th year of Wanli— «.g. in 1600— 
his people were at war in the East, and that the Coreans, 
taking advantage of them, crossed their frontiers and carried 
off some soldiers, which their troops afterwards retook ; and 
that afterwards Putchen tai, Peil6 or chief of the Ula, entered 
at the head of his forces into Corea, and captured several 
towns. The Coreans, understanding that the invaders were 
related to his the writer's people, wrote to them to complain ; 
upon which he complained to him, and they (the Ula) ceased 
their attack."* 

The Chinese seem to have now begun to fear the rising 
power to the north of them, and to have adopted a more 
aggressive policy. The immediate cause of rupture may 
be gathered from the letters of remonstrance sent to the 
Chinese court by Tai-tsong and his father Thai-tsu. One of 
these thus mentions the event, "Notwithstanding the murder 
of our ancestors, we consented to fix the boundaries between us. 
Tour deputies and ours killed a white horse and a black cow, 
swore before heaven and earth that the two nations would 
live in peace, and decreed death against those who should 
break the treaty." This is doubtless the treaty made when 
the cession of territory, already mentioned, was granted. 
Thai-tsu, in his letter of complaint, after mentioning the 
treaty, goes on to say, that certain people having broken the 
treaty, and been treated leniently, the Ming, misconstruing 
this leniency, and ignoiing the terms of the treaty, crossed 
the borders to assist his enemies, the Yehih tribe. ^ This 

1 De MaiUa, vol. x. p. 436. « iHd, p. 439. » Wylie, op. eit. 

VOL. ▼II.— [nBW 8E&IX8.] 21 



326 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

was in 1610.^ The Ming people, being in the habit of cross- 
ing the border every year, between the Tsing and Ya luh 
rivers, for the purpose of plundering, in accordance with 
the treaty, some of them were capitally punished ; but the 
Ming, turning their back on the treaty, charged him with 
putting them to death without authority, and seized upon 
Kan Kuli and Fakima, with ten attendants, whom they 
executed. They also caused the Yehih maiden, who was 
betrothed to him, to be sent to the Mongols ; and afterwards 
their troops broke into the three departments of Ghae ho, 
Shancha, and Foogan, which had been for generations culti- 
vated by his frontier people, and drove them away before 
they could reap the fruit of their labours.* In his son's com- 
plaint, cited by De Mailla, they are said to have advanced 
more than 30 /}' into his territory, to ravage their ginseng or 
rhubarb roots, and their lands sown and unsown.' They also 
again helped the Yehih tribe against him. 

It will be seen from these accounts, crooked as they are, 
that the Manchus had an ample role of grievances against 
their neighbours the Chinese, when fortune gave them an 
opportunity of prosecuting their ambition. Nor is the 
catalogue of grievances to be gathered merely from the 
Manchu accounts; it is amply admitted in the Chinese 
annals themselves. Thus some of the preceding events are 
thus related by De Mailla. In the 30th year of Wanli, i.e. 
in 1602, there were also Tatars at Wang-wo-tang, Tchang- 
ki-tien, Linla, Popi^, and Liei-pao, who cultivated the 
ground and Kved in peace. They were classed as subjects 
of the empire. The Mandarins of Liautung having deter- 
mined to visit their country for the first time, these republi- 
cans expressed their discontent; and to punish them, the 
Mandarins resolved to transfer them to the interior of the 
province, and to disperse them in different places. To effect 
this they sent orders for the troops to bum all their houses, 
break their furniture, and to make them understand that 
they must remove to their new quarters. It was then 

1 De Mailla, yoI. x. p. 436. * Wylie, op, cit. » Op, cit, 436. 



PART II. THE OEIGINES OP THE MANCHTTS. 321 

winter, and the earth was covered with snow and ice ; it 
was a terrible disaster to these people; the mountains re- 
sounded with their cries. They preferred to die of hunger, 
cold, and misery, rather than migrate to the interior of the 
province; many fled, but perished from the weather and 
want of food. It was only the old people, the infirm, and 
ill, to the number of 60,000, they succeeded in transporting. 
These were dispersed in the thirty-five departments of the 
province, where they nearly all died shortly after.. 

Three years later (De Mailla says the third year of Wanli 
instead of the thirty-third) an envoy, sent from the Imperial 
Court, went to the moimt£iin where the boundary had been 
placed. He destroyed a great number of houses, and dis- 
persed their inhabitants. Surely this conduct was good 
warrant for war, but it was supplemented by other as bad. 
Thus in 1608 it is confessed, in De Mailla's annals, that one 
Kao hoai, a eimuch, and a favourite of the Emper(Mp's, who had 
be^i sent as tax-collector to Liautung, committed great injus- 
tice there, seized arbitrarily on the Tatars' best horses and on 
their merchandize, which he taxed according to his fancy. 
This person was recalled, but the mischief was not easily 
repaired. In the account translated by Schmidt, already 
cited, it is stated that this year the Kortshin Mongols and 
the tribe Ula were again defeated, and the hill fort of the 
XJla captured; and that, after this, the Mongols agreed to 
send presents and to enter into alliance with the Manchu 
chief. Thai-tsu was now master of Manchuria, and the border 
lands of Mongolia. He, apparently, also exercised some 
authority in Corea. The tribes of Manchuria whom he had 
successively annexed, and who form the division known as 
Ich^ Manchus, are thus enumerated : — The Joogia, Mar- 
dun, Ongolo, Antu Gualgia, Khunekhe, Jetshen, Tomokho, 
Jangia, Bard^, Jaifian, Dungia, Olkhon, Dung, Jucheri, the 
tribe Neyen in the long White Mountains, Fodokho, Sibe, 
Antchulaku Jang, Akiran, Khesikhe, Omokho soro, Fenekhe, 
Khuye, Namdulu, Suifun Ninguta, Nimatcha, Urgutchen ; 
Muren, Jakuta, Ussui, Yaran, Sirin, Ekhe kuren, Gonnaka 
kuren, the tribes of the rivers Saghalien and Usuri, Noro, 



322 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

Sirakhin, Gualtcha, Khingan, Khuntchun, Kuala, the nation 
Ehulun, comprising the four trihes Khada, Ula, Yekhe, and 
Kuifa. 

Thai-tsu proceeded to organize his dominions somewhat 
after the fashion of Jingis Khan. He divided his people 
into Niuruns or companies, each 300 men strong, and each 
commanded by an Edshcn or chief. These were employed, 
not only in war, but also in the great hunting parties. Each 
Niurun was commanded by one Edshen, while one man in 
every ten saw that the rest were properly armed and 
equipped.^ 

As I have said, he had abundant grievances against the 
Chinese, and he now began to be strong enough to cross 
weapons with the Chinese Empire. He began by making 
raids upon their frontiers in Liautung. Thus in 1609 we 
find the Viceroy of Liautung demanding reinforcements and 
money from the court, to resist the encroachments of the 
Tatars on the east and west of that province, i.e. of the 
Manchus and Mongols. Some time after he made a fresh 
application, as he was informed by Wang Siang, the com- 
mander on the frontier, that ten chiefs of the Tatars, on the 
east of Liautung, had assembled 50,000 troops, and threatened 
to attack Tieling, Nuang-ning, and other towns in the 
neighbourhood ; and that he could not defend the province, 
inasmuch as his soldiers were in arrear with their pay, and 
would not march.* In 1611 news arrived at the Court, from 
Liautung, tliat the Imperial troops had gained some advan- 
tage over the Tatars ; but this is somewhat problematical. 
The news was not credited at the Court, and a commissioner 
was sent to make a report as to the real state of things.' In 
1616 Thai-tsu renounced his dependence on China, took the 
title of Emperor, and gave the years of his reign the honorary 
title of Thian Ming, in Manchu Abkai fulinga, i,e» favoured 
by the sky. In 1()18 he surrounded Khuifa with a wall,* 
and at length, irritated by the murderous raid the Chinese 

* Klaproth, Mcmoires Relatifs & TAsie. 

» De Muilla, vol. x. pp. 39«, 397. 

> ibid, p. 397. ^ Klaproth, cp, cit. 



PART II. THE ORIOINES OF THE MANCHUS. 323 

had made upon his frontier, as I have previously described, 
he marched upon Fuchun, where the fairs between the two 
nations were held. It was stormed, and Wang-min-in, who 
defended it, having been killed in the first attack, it sur- 
rendered. Li wei han, the Viceroy of Liautung, sent 
Chang-ching-in against the Manchus, and they were pushed 
back to their own country; but, supported by a body of 
10,000 cavalry who came up, they completely defeated the 
Chinese general, who was killed, as well as Liang yu ku^, 
his lieutenant. After this battle, when the Chinese were 
cut in pieces, the chief of the Tatars sent the viceroy a list 
of his grievances against the Empire.^ 

This letter has been translated by Mr. Wylie in the work 
already cited, and runs as follows : 

" 1. Whilo my grandfather and father (? a mistake of the 
translator for relatives, ride Plath's Mandschurey, 238) had 
never injured a straw or an inch of ground on the Ming 
territory, the Ming wantonly raised a disturbance and killed 
my father and grandfather — which is the first object of re- 
sentment. 

"2. Although the Ming raised a quarrel with me, yet being 
desirous of living on amicable terms, I entered into a treaty 
with them, which was graven on a stone tablet, to the effect 
that 'the Manchus and Chinese should be mutually pro- 
hibited crossing the border, and those who crossed should be 
put to death.' Now some have, under such circumstances, 
been treated leniently : the Ming, misconstruing this leniency, 
and ignoring the terms of the treaty, crossed the borders to 
assist our enemies the Ychih tribe — which is the second 
object of resentment. 

" 3. The Ming people being in the habit of crossing the 
borders many times every year, between the Tsing and Ya 
iQh rivers, for the purpose of plundering ; in accordance 
with the treaty, some of these have been capitally punished ; 
but the Ming, turning their back on the treaty, charged us 
with putting these to death on our own authority, seized 
E&ng koole and Fang Eeih nuy, our envoys to Ewang 

1 Dc Mailla, toI. x. pp. 408, 409. 



324 THE NORTHEBN FRONTAGERS OF OHINA. 

ming, with ten attendants, whom they put to death at the 
borders — which is the third object of resentment. 

** 4. When the Ming crossed the borders to assist the Yehih 
with their troops, they caused the maiden who was betrothed 
to mc to be sent to the Mongols — which is the fourth object 
of resentment. 

'* 5. The three departments of Ch&e ho, Shanch&, and 
Foogan have been for generations cultivated by the people 
guarding our border ; but the Ming troops have driven them 
away, without allowing them to reap the fruit of their 
labours — which is the fifth object of resentment. 

" 6. The extra frontier tribe Yehih, having sinned against 
heaven, the Ming put confidence in their statements, and sent 
an envoy with a despatch, reviling and insulting us — ^which 
is the sixth object of resentment. 

" 7. Formerly, on two occasions, the H2it& assisted the Ye- 
hih in invading our territory, when we returned the aggres- 
sion. Heaven having delivered the Hilt& people into our 
hands, the Ming, taking part with them, constrained us to 
send them back to their own country ; after which the Hfttft 
people were visited with several incursions by the Yehih. 
Now, in the subjugation of kingdoms, those who con^ply 
with the mind of heaven are victorious, and preserve their 
standing ; while those who oppose the Celestial dictates are 
defeated, and perish. How can those who have died in battle 
be restored to life P Shall those who have been taken 
prisoners be sent back again P Heaven establishes princes of 
great kingdoms, that they may attain universal rule. Why 
should our kingdom be marked out as an object of hate P 
At first the several states of Hoc liin, ue. Elhulun, united 
their troops to invade us; therefore the Hoc ItLn were 
oppressed by heaven, which has looked with fSstvour on us. 
Now the Ming, assisting the Y^h, who are cast off by 
heaven, has opposed the Celestial dictates, reversed the order 
of right and wrong, and acted false in their dedsions — 
which is the seventh object of resentment. 

'* On account of these seven grievances, I am now going to 
subjugate the Ming." 



PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 325 

The Imperial Court treated this letter with its usual 
haughty disdain; upon which the Tatars entered I^autung, 
by way of Ya-ko-koan, and laid siege to Tsing ho. Instead 
of marching to meet them, its commander, Tsow-chu-hien, 
adopted a defensive policy. The Tatars proceeded to storm 
the town. From six in the morning until mid-day did the 
fight continue ; the ditches were crowded with corpses, and 
the Tatars would have had to retire, but for trtiitors within 
the walls, at least so says the Chinese narrative followed by 
De Mailla. The commandant was killed, and with him 6400 
soldiers, and 10,000 inhabitants, upon whom the Tatars 
vented their rage. They then proceeded to ravage the 
country from Sun-tcha-ho, as far as Ku-chan.^ Le wei han, 
the viceroy of Liautung, had been recalled by the Imperial 
court and degraded ; and another officer, named Yang kao, 
was put in his place. The latter proceeded to Ngai yang 
and Koan tien, inhabited by Tatars who had rebelled ; there 
he put to death Tchin-ta-tao and Kao-hiuen, who had gone 
over to the enemy; and he was about to transport their 
inhabitants, when he was joined by a body of 10,000 
Coreans. 

After the capture of Tsing ho, and the ravage of Euchan, 
the Tatars had returned home; but at the 7th moon they 
returned by way of Fu-chun; and occupied Ngan-pao, where 
they captured many prisoners. 

At the beginning of 1619 the viceroy, Yang kao, at the 
head of over 100,000 men, divided into four bodies, attacked 
the Tatars by different routes, determined to exterminate 
them. 

These four divisions were to rendezvous at TJ-tao-koan. 
Tu fong, who commanded one of them, wishing to have 
the sole glory of defeating the Tatars, hastened to cross 
the river Yun ho; but the enemy, who lay in ambush, 
attacked him before his whole force had crossed. This 
portion was cut to pieces ; while the rest were spectators, 
on the' other bank, of their friends' disaster ; and he himself 
was killed. Another division, imder Ma lin, was also vigor- 

^ De Mailla, vol. z. p. 410. 



326 THE NOETHEEN FEONTAGERS OF CHINA, 

ously attacked and defeated. lieou-yen, a third commander, 
succeeded in capturing some ten or a dozen forts; but the 
Tatars, flushed with victory, advanced against him, dis- 
guised in the cuirasses of the vanquished Chinese soldiers of 
Tu fong; and, waving their standards, charged him suddenly 
and defeated him. Li-ju-p^, the commander of the fourth 
division, heard of these disasters, and deemed it prudent not 
to advance. In these combats the Chinese lost more than 
310 general officers, 45,000 soldiers, a largo number of 
horses, arms, ^nd cuirasses, and the baggage of the three 
divisions; and the Imperial Court was naturally much 
troubled. The Tatars were as much elated. Issuing from 
Fu chun, they marched by way of Tie ling as far as Ngan 
pao; and captured Kai yuen by assault. While the Mongols, 
further west, laid siege to Tchin si pao, with 30,000 horse- 
men ; the people of Fayang and Tie ling abandoned their 
houses to escape destruction. The latter town, and Sin yu 
tching, were speedily taken, as well as the forts of Kin taiche 
and Pe-yang-ku, where they foimd Tipurhan and T^lik^, 
chiefs of Pekoan, who had been made prisoners by the 
Chinese. The new Viceroy had been replaced by another, 
but he too foimd it hard to make way with his discouraged 
troops, and he determined to concentrate his efforts upon the 
defence of the capital of the province. 

In the 11th month of 1619, the Tatars, having captured 
Long tan keou, and being masters of the districts of Ktii 
yuen, Ti^ ling, Yun hao. Lie ki^, Ki^ tching, Fuchun, and 
the frontiers of Corea, determined to conquer that kingdom. 
The Coreans asked assistance from the Chinese and the 
Mongols. 

The Manchus were apparently satisfied with their progress; 
for we are told that they spent the remainder of 1620 in 
visiting the places they had already conquered, as far as the 
mountain Hoa ling. They were divided into various bodies 
of cavalry of 10,000 each {i.e. the tumans of the Mongol 
military system), of which one approached Liau yang. Al- 
though Fan yang was abandoned, they did not occupy it. 
After their retreat the Chinese general. Ho chi hien, placed 



PAET II. THE 0RIGINE8 OP THE MANOHUS. 827 

a garrison there. Another body made a raid into the pro- 
yince of Tong chow pao, advanced as far as Tse ku^ tchu, 
and then retired.^ 

The Chinese again changed their Viceroy in Liautung. 
The new officer was named Yuen ingtai ; he was a cabinet 
soldier, and had not had any practical experience of war. 
He determined to fortify the various routes by which the 
Tatars made their incursions ; but they were not thus to be 
controlled. Armed only with swords and bows and arrows, 
they bravely faced the Chinese musketeers, protecting them- 
selves from the balls by making the front rank carry a 
series of wooden shields fastened to one another.^ They now 
attacked Fan-yang. Its commander made a sortie, but was 
beaten; and we are told that the Chinese deserters in the 
Tatar rauks pursued him sharply, and introduced them into 
the town. Only those who did not resist were spared. They 
now proceeded to attack Liau yang, the capital of Liautimg. 
Its fortifications had been repaired, and it was amply pro- 
visioned. An army was sent out to meet the Tatars, under five 
generals, but it was defeated. The Tatars now began the siege, 
and pressed it vigorously. In the Chinese annals the ready 
excuse for defeat is a cry of treason. Here we find it again 
assigned as the cause of the Tatar success, which was doubt- 
less due entirely to their intrepidity. When the Manchus 
captured the town, they especially punished the soldiery ; the 
Viceroy and many of his officers committed suicide. The 
civilians agreed to shave their heads. This was the token of 
submission exacted by the conquering Manchus. They 
shaved their heads, except a pigtail behind, and also plucked 
their beards, except a moustache ; and when they had cap- 
tured Liau yang, they issued a proclamation ofiFering their 
lives to all who would shave their heads and dress in their 
fashion. Many Chinese submitted to this rule,'* The con- 
quest of Liautung seems to have compassed the limits of 
Tatar ambition ; and for several years we do not hear of 
their making any fresh attack. 

» De MaiUa, vol. x. p. 413. » ibid. p. 417, note. » ibid. p. 419. 



328 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA. 

In 1620 Thai-tsu moved his residence or capital from Yenden 
to Sarkhu; and in 1622 he built a new capital two miles 
north of Liau yang^ called Dergi king, or the Eastern Hesi- 
dence.^ It is still found on some maps under the name of 
Tung King. " Its now much-dilapidated walls form merely 
the ring-fence to a farm, which the space within them con- 
stitutes ; and the farm buildings belonging to it are the only 
houses there ; for after only three years Thai-tsu made Shin 
yang, since called officially Shing king or Mukden, the chief 
city of the state." * 

In 1624 the Chakhar Mongols, whose chief, as representing 
the elder line of the house of Jingis, claimed supremacy in 
Mongolia, sent an army to reduce the Kortshins, a tribe 
bordering on Liautung. The threatened tribe appealed to 
Thai-tsu, who sent an army to their assistance,^ at whose 
approach the Chakhars retired.^ In 1625 Thai-tsu died, and 
succeeded by his son Thai tsong. 

With the death of Thai-tsu I shall conclude my survey of 
the very crooked subject of the Origines of the Manchus. 
I hope that fresh material may yet be forthcoming for a 
more detailed and clear account of the subject; but, at 
present, the foregoing paper contains, I believe, a con- 
spectus of all the available facts, and one which, I believe, 
has not previously been made. If you should accept it, I 
propose, in a future paper, to examine into the Origin of 
the Nuchi or Juchi, the ancestors of the Manchus. 

^ Elaproth, M^moires Relatifs k TAsie. 
' Meadows, cp, eU. toI. ii. p. 87. 
a id. 90. 



329 



Art, XV. — Notes on the old Mongolian Capital of Shangtu. 
• By S. W. BusHELL, B.Sc, M.D., Physician to H.B.M. 
Legation, Peking. 

[Read on June 22, 1874.] 

On February 9th, 1874, I read a paper before the Royal 
Geographical Society entitled, "Notes of a Journey outside 
the Great Wall of China," made by the Hon. T. G. Grosvenor 
and myself in the autumn of 1872, including an account of 
a visit to the ruins of the city of Shangtu, the ancient 
northern capital of the Yuan Dynasty, described in such 
glowing terms by Marco Polo, who was there in the reign of 
its founder, the famous Kublai Khan. They are situate on 
the northern bank of the Lan-ho — the Shangtu River — about 
twenty-five miles to the north-west of Dolonnor, the populous 
city founded by the Emperor Kang-hi, as a trading mart 
between the Chinese and the Mongolian tribes. These ruins 
were identified by the existence of a marble memorial tablet, 
with an inscription of the reign of Kublai, in an ancient 
form of the Chinese character. A more detailed account of 
the history of the city so frequently referred to by mediaeval 
travellers, derived from Chinese and other sources, has been 
drawn up; and a plan of the ruins, with a facsimile and 
translation of the inscription, added, in the hope that it may 
prove of some interest to the Members of your Society. 

The city was founded in the year 1256. It is recorded in 
the " Geographical Statistics of the History of the Yuan 
Dynasty," that in the fifth year of the reign of Hien Tsung 
(a.d. 1255) the Emperor (Mangu Khan) ordered Shih tsu 
(his younger brother Kubltii, who succeeded him five years 
after) to occupy this territory, and to form a military encamp- 
ment there. The following year Shih tsu commanded Liu 
Ping-chung to select a favourable site for the city, to the east 
of the city of Huan-chou,^ in the neighbourhood of the 

^ Huan-chou is now known bj the Mongolian name Kourtu Balgasun. 



330 THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OP SHANGTU. 

Dragon Hill, north of the Lan River. The new city was 
named K'ai-p'ing-fu in the first year of the Chung t'ong 
epoch (the beginning of Kublai's reign, a.d. 1260). Four 
years later an Imperial Residence was built there, and there 
was added to the name the title of Shangtu — ^Upper Itesi- 
denco (as distinguished from Taitu — Principal Residence — 
the title of Cambalu, afterwards known as Peking). The 
Emperor resided there for a time every year. In 1268 
Shangtu, previously the chief city of a 'lu/ or circuit, was 
made the scat of a governor-general. It is also recorded in 
the same History, ch. iv. fol. 3, that an imperial decree was 
issued in the third spring month of the cyclical year ping 
chen (a.d. 1256) appointing Seng-tzu-tsung to examine 
geomantically the land east of Huan-chou, north of the Lan 
River, in order to find a propitious site for the new city of 
K'ai-p'ing-fu and of the Imperial Palace to be erected there. 
It was the custom of the Emperor to spend the three summer 
months here, the journey from Cambalu occupying ten days. 
A minute account of the journey, with an itinerary, by a 
Chinese mandarin who travelled in the suite of one of the 
successors of Kublai, is preserved in one of the appendices of 
the recent " Official Statistics of Cheng-te-fu " (Jehol). 
Having passed through the Chii-yung-kuan Pass, the modem 
Kalgan post-road was followed as far as T'u-mu-yi, where the 
party branched off northwards, trending westwards till they 
arrived at the Palace of Chagannor, built near the Mongolian 
city of Hsing-ho (Kara Hotun). From this to the city of 
Shangtu was three days' journey. The return trip in the 
autumn followed the same route as far as Chagannor, where 
several days were spent making hawking excursions among 
the numerous lakes in the vicinity, all of which abound in 
water- fowl. From this in a southerly direction to Hsuan-hua- 
fu — the Sindachu of Marco Polo — a department famous for 
its vineyards and fruit orchards, and once more by the Chu- 
yung-kuan Pass to Cambalu.^ The "order of the Great 
Khan when he joumeyeth " is the heading of ch. 39 of the 
"Description of Friar Odoric of Pordenone:" "Now this 

1 See Yule*8 Cathay, and the Way Thither. 



THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OF SHANGTU. 331 

lord passeth the summer at a certain place which is called 
Sandu, situated towards the North, and the coolest habitation 
in the world. But in the winter season he abideth in Khan- 
balech. And when he will ride from one place to another, 
this is the order thereof. He hath four armies of horsemen, 
etc. The king travelleth in a two-wheeled chariot, all of 
lign aloes and gold, and covered over with great and fine 
skins, and 3et with many precious stones. It is drawn by 
four elephanta, well broken in and harnessed, and also by 
four splendid horses richly caparisoned. Moreover, he 
carrieth with him in his chariot twelve gerfalcons ; so that 
even as he sits therein upon his chair of state or other seat, 
if he sees any birds pass, ho lets fly his hawks at them. And 
80 also his women travel according to their degree, and his 
heir-apparent travels in similar state." 

In the Statistics of Jehol, cited above, there is also preserved 
a description of the new city of K*ai-p*ing-fu by a Chinese 
traveller, Wang Yun, who went there in Eublai's suite soon 
after its foundation. He says : " This walled city was founded 
in the cyclical year 'ping chen ' (a.d. 1256), to the south of 
i;he Dragon Hill, with the Lan River flowing by on the 
opposite side. Encircled on four sides by mountains, it stands 
on a well-chosen site in a luxuriant and beautiful country. 
To the north-east of the city, not more than 10 li distant, 
are large pine forests, the haunt of many kinds of birds, 
notably the species called chapiku (a celebrated kind of 
falcon). The mountains are covered with fine trees; fish 
and salt, and the hundred kinds of valuable natural products 
abound ; and the flocks and herds flourish and multiply, so 
that the inhabitants have at hand an abundant provision of 
iTood. The river, though shallow, is broad ; the water being 
frozen down to the river-bed in the cold season. The climate 
is cool in summer, extremely cold in winter, and altogether 
it is the coolest station in the north-eastern part of the 
empire. This, according to the geographical records, was 
part of the Wu-huan territory during the Eastern Han 
Dynasty. It is distant 45 li from the new city of Huan- 
chou." 



332 THE OLD MONGOLUN CAPITAL OP SHANGTU. 

A more interesting account is contained in chapter IxL of 
Marco Polo, who must have resided here constantly when 
attached to the court of Kublai. ^'And when you have 
ridden three days from the city last mentioned (Ohagannor), 
between north-east and north, you come to a city called 
Chandu, which was built by the Kaan now reigning. There 
is at this place a yery fine marble palace, the rooms of which 
are all gilt and painted with figures of men and beasts and 
birds, and with a variety of trees and flowers, all executed 
with such exquisite art that you regard them with delight 
and astonishment. Hound this palace a wall is built, inclos- 
ing a compass of 16 miles, and inside the park there are 
fountains, and rivers, and brooks, and beautiful meadows, 
with all kinds of wild animals (excluding such as are of 
ferocious nature), which the emperor has procured and placed 
there to supply food for his gerfalcons and hawks, which he 
keeps there in mew. Of these there are more than 200 ger- 
falcons alone, without reckoning the other hawks. The Kaan 
himself goes every week to see his birds sitting in mew, and 
sometimes he rides through the park with a leopard behind 
him on his horse's croup ; and then if he sees any animal 
that takes his fancy, he slips his leopard at it, and the game 
when taken is made over to feed the hawks in mew. More- 
over, at a spot in the park where there is a charming wood, 
he has another palace built of cane, gilt all over, and most 
elaborately finished inside. It is stayed on gilt and lackered 
columns, on each of which is a dragon all gilt, the tail of 
which is attached to the column, whilst the head supports the 
architrave, and the claws likewise are stretched out right 
and left to support the architrave. The roof, like the rest, is 
formed of canes covered with varnish. The construction of 
the palace is so devised that it can be taken down and put 
up again with great celerity; and it can all be taken to 
pieces and removed whithersoever the Emperor may com- 
mand. When erected it is stayed against mishaps from the 
wind by more than 200 cords of silk. The Lord abides at 
this park of his, dwelling sometimes at the marble palace 
and sometimes in the cane palace, for three months in the 



THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OF SHANGTU. 333 

year, to wit June, July, and August ; preferring this resi- 
dence because it is by no means hot ; in fact it is a very cool 
place. When the 28th day of the moon of August arrives, 
he takes his departure, and the cane palace is taken to 
pieces." 

This accoimt of Messer Marco must have inspired Coleridge 
when writing his dream of Kublai's Paradise : — 

" tn Xanadu did Kubla Khan 

A stately pleasure dome decree : 
Where Alph, the sacred river, ran. 
By caverns measureless to man, 

Down to a sunless sea. 
So twice five miles of fertile ground 
With walls and towers were girdled round : 
And there were gardens bright with sinuous rills. 

Where blossomed many an incense-bearing tree; 
And here were forests, ancient as the hills. 

Enfolding sunny spots of greenery." 

In the wail which Sanang Setzen, the poetical historian of 
the Mongols, puts into the mouth of Toghon Temur, the last 
of the Chinghizide djmasty in China, when driven from his 
throne, the changes are rung on the lost glories of his capital 
Daitu and his summer palace Shangtu, as given in Col. Yule's 
translation from Schott's amended German rendering of the 
Mongol : — 

"My vast and noble Capital, My Daitu, My splendidly 

adorned ! 
And Thou, my cool and delicious Summer-seat, my Shangtu- 

Keibung ! 
Ye also, yellow plains of Shangtu, Delight of my godlike 

Sires ! 
I sufiered myself to drop into dreams, — and lo ! my Empire 

was gone ! 
Ah Thou my Daitu, built of the nine precious substances ! 
Ah my Shangtu-Keibung, Union of all perfections ! 
Ah my Fame ! Ah my Glory, as Khagan and Lord of the 

Earth! 



334 THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OP SHANGTF. 

When I used to awake betimes and look forth, how the 

breezes blew loaded with fragrance ! 
And turn which way I would all was glorious perfection of 

beauty ! 

« ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Alas for my illustrious name as the Sovereign of the Worid ! 
Alas for my Daitu, seat of Sanctity, Glorious work of the 
Immortal Kublai ! 

All, all IS rent from me ! " 

I have seen a Chinese version of this poem, perhaps the 
original, the productions of this unfortunate Emperor being 
still quoted as specimens of elegant versification. A despatch 
in verse imploring the mercy of his conqueror, the warlike 
founder of the Ming dynasty, is among the curious pieces 
included in the work cited above. 

Yet another palace was erected by Kublai in this part 
of Mongolia, as described by Rashiduddin. " On the eastern 
side of Kaiminfu a karsi or palace was built called Langtin, 
after a plan which Kublai had seen in a dream and retained 
in his memory.^ The philosophers and architects being con- 
sulted gave their advice as to the building of this other 
palace. They all agreed that the best site for it was a certain 
lake encompassed with meadows near the city of Kaiminfu." 
This has been confused with Shangtu, but was really quite 
distinct. The district through which the river flows east- 
wards from Shangtu is known by the Mongolians of the 
present day by the name of Langtirh, the terminal consonant 
of the old name being softened. The ruins of the city are 
marked in a Chinese map in my possession, Pai ch'eng tzu, 
i.e.. White City, this title implying that it was formerly an 
imperial residence : the ruins of Chagannor, for example, are 
also called Pai ch'eng tzu by the modem Chinese. The 
remains of the wall are seven or eight li in diameter, of 
ston^, situate about forty li N.N.W. from Dolonnor. This 
confirms the statement of Sanang Setzen, that " between 
the year of the rat (1264), when Kublai was fifty years old, 

^ D'Ohsson reads this passage : '* Kublai caused a palace to be built for him 
east of Kaipingfu ; but he abandoned it in consequence of a dream/* 



THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OF SHANGTU. 336 

and the year of the sheep (1271), in the space of eight years 
he built four great cities, viz. for summer residence Shangtu 
Keibung Kurdu Balghassun; for winter residence Yeke Daitu 
Khotan ; and on the shady side of the Altai Arulun Tsaghan 
Balghassun, and Erchugin Langting Balghassun." 

After the fall of the Yuan dynasty the city of Shangtu 
rapidly diminished in importance. It was taken by Chang 
Yu-ch'un in the second year of the new reign (a.d. 1369), 
but remained constantly attacked and harassed by the 
nomade Mongolian tribes, until it was finally abandoned by 
the Chinese in the fifth year of the reign of the fifth Ming 
Emperor (a.d. 1430), when the frontier was contracted to 
the line of the Great Wall, and the garrison removed to 
Tu-shih-k'ou. The site was visited by the Jesuit missionary 
Gerbillon towards the end of the seventeenth century ; it is 
marked down in the map in D'Anville's Atlas under the 
modern name Chau nayman suma, but '' no more notice is 
taken of this famous capital than of Kara Koram and the 
other ancient Mongolian cities." (Astley, iv. 376.) The Abb^ 
Hue, during his celebrated journey from the Valley of Black 
Waters to the capital of Thibet, made some stay at Dolonnor, 
which he wrongly supposed to have been built on the site of 
the ancient city of Shangtu.^ 

The position of Dolonnor has been quite lately determined 
to be 42° 4' N. lat., 116° 4' E. long., by Dr. H. Fritsche, 
Director of the Russian Observatory at Peking, who passed 
through it during his journey last summer (1873) through 
Eastern Mongolia from Peking to Nerchinsk, so that the 
latitude (42° 22' N.) of Chang-tou (Shang-tu) given in the 
Tables of the " Obs. Mathemat. etc." of P^re Souciet cannot 
be far wrong. 

Mr. Grosvenor and I visited the ruins of Shangtu on 
September 16th, 1872. They are situated 80 li (about 27 
miles) north-west of Dolonnor, being now known by the 
Mongol name of Chao naiman sum^ Hotim — " the city of a 
hundred and eight temples." The road passed first over 
a series of low sand-hills, then crossed a steep range of 

^ Souvenirs d'un Voyage dans la Tartarie, le Thibet et la Chine, chap. ii. p. 39. 
TOL. Yii.— [nbw sb&xss.] 22 



336 THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OF SHANGTU. 

Yolcanic hills, descending into a wide rolling prairie, covered 
with long grass and fragrant shrubs, the haunt of numerous 
herds of antelope. This prairie gradually slopes down to the 
marshy bed of the river, here a considerable stream twenty 
feet wide : in former times flat-bottomed grain junks ascended 
from the sea to this point, bringing up supplies of rice from 
the southern provinces for the use of the city and court. Now 
the only building in the neighbourhood is a small Lama 
monastery, the abode of some six or seven wretohed priests, 
while a few scattered tents belonging to the Ghahar tribe 
stand on the river banks. The city has been deserted for 
centuries, and the site is overgrown with rank weeds and 
grass, the abode of foxes and owls, which prey on the nume- 
rous prairie-rats and partridges. The ground is but slightly 
raised above the bed of the river, which flows past the south- 
east at a distance of four or five li firom the city wall, while 
it is overshadowed on the opposite side by the Hingan range 
of mountains, trending south-west, north-east, and rising into 
lofty peaks farther north. The annexed plan will serve to 
give an idea of the ruins. The walls of the city, built of 
earth, faced with unhewn stone or brick, are still standing, 
but are more or less dilapidated. They form a double 
enceinte, the outer a square of about 16 li with six gates, a 
central one north and south, and two in each of the side 
walls ; while the inner wall is about 8 li in circuit, with only 
three gates — in the southern, eastern, and western faces. 
The south gate of the inner city is still intact, a perfect arch 
20 feet high, 12 feet wide. There is no gate in the opposite 
northern wall, its place being occupied by a large square 
earthen fort, faced with brick ; this is crowned with an obo 
or cairn, covered with the usual ragged streamers of silk and 
cotton tied to sticks, an emblem of the superstitious regard 
which the Mongols of the present day have for the place, as 
evidenced also by its modem legendary name — " the city of 
108 temples.'^ The ground in the interior of both inclosures 
is strewn with blocks of marble and other remains of large 
temples and palaces, the outlines of the foundations of some 
of which can yet be traced ; while broken lions, dragons, and 



THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OF SHANGTU. 337 

the remains of other carved monuments, lie about in every 
direction, half-hidden by the thick and tangled overgrowth. 
Scarcely one stone remains above another, and a more com- 
plete state of ruin and desolation could hardly be imagined, 
but at the same time everything testifies to the former exist- 
ence of a populous and flourishing city. Outside the city 
proper there is yet a third wall, marked in the plan by a 
dotted line, smaller than either of the others, but continuous 
with the south and east sides of the outer city wall. This is 
now a mere grassy mound inclosing an area, estimated at 
five square miles, to the north and west of the city. This 
must be the park described by Marco Polo. Inside the north- 
east angle of the outer city — the spot marked h in the plan 
— there lies a broken memorial tablet, amid many other 
relics, on a raised piece of ground, the site evidently of a 
large temple. The upper portion projecting above the sur- 
face of the ground contains an inscription of the Yuan 
dynasty in an ancient form of the Chinese character, sur- 
rounded by a border of dragons boldly carved in deep relief. 
I made a careful copy of this inscription on the spot, and 
Impend a fac-simile, reduced four diameters ; giving also the 
tame in the modern Chinese character. The translation is as 
feEows : — " The monument conferred by the Emperor of the 
August Yuan (dynasty) in memory of His High Eminence 
Tun-Hien (styled) Chang-lao (canonized with the title of) 
fihou-Kung (Prince of Longevity)." This forms the "heading" 
commonly prefixed to similar inscriptions, being, as is often 
tiie ease, in the so-called seal character. The lower portion 
of the massive marble slab lies doubtless buried beneath the 
mir&ce of the grass, but we were unable to get at it for want 
of proper tools. It would be found to contain an account of 
tiie life, oflSces, and achievements of (he Buddhist priest 
mentioned in the heading — that he was actually a Buddhist 
priest is proved by the use of the title " Chang-lao." 

The existence of this inscription is mentioned in the 
" Imperial Geography of the reigning dynasty of China " — 
" In the north-east corner of the outer city wall there is a 
stone tablet with an inscription .of the chih-yuan epoch of the 



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339 



Art. XVI. — Oriental Proverbs in their Itelations to Folklore, 
History, Sociology; mth Suggestions for their Collection, 
Interpretation, Publication. By the Rev. J. Long. 

[Read on February 16th, 1876.] 

Eleven years ago I had the honour to read a paper before 
this Society, entitled "Five Hundred Questions on the Social 
Condition of the People of India." That paper has been widely 
circulated, and has excited some interest on the subject. 
Since then, I have prosecuted one department of it — Oriental 
Proverbs in Relation to the Life and History of the People in 
India. 

This subject I brought before the Oriental Congress, at 
their last Session in London. There was no time to have it 
discussed there; but perhaps the question of Oriental Pro- 
verbs may be submitted again at the next Congress, to be 
held at St. Petersburg. The Russians have done much with 
their own proverbs, and from their political relations in Asia, 
they may be able to give important aid towards securing 
a complete Collection, Classification, and Publication of the 
Proverbs of China, Mongolia, Siberia, and Central Asia on 
one side ; while the English contribute to those of India and 
Southern Asia on the other. These investigations may throw 
light on the supposed affinity between the Dravidian and 
Tartar tongues. 

Some will say cui bono? What have Proverbs to do with 
the lucubrations of learned societies P They relate only to the 
common people, the villagers, the ignavum pecus ; they contain 
much that is frivolous, and superstitious, and absurd — the 
dreamy notions of the ignorant! Very true. Admitting this — 
but they are irapoifiuu, words of the way-side ; like foundlings, 
no one knows the date of their birth. They relate, however, 
to the masses, to those whose views and opinions in these 



340 ORIENTAL PROVERBS. 

days of extended suflfrage are cropping up, and gradually con- 
trolling the upper strata of society. As Lord Shaftesbury said, 
in defence of mass education, we must educate our masters, 
and we must therefore know their views and opinions. Well 
do I remember, in the height of the Indian Mutiny, Lord 
Canning sending for me at Calcutta to consult on the best 
method of getting at native opinion — a very vital one for 
the maintaining good rule in India. His Lordship remarked 
to me, "We have certain Chiefs on our side, but how are 
we to know regarding what the people feel?" I pointed out 
the clues the Native Press gave on this difficult subject, and 
the result was, the Government took action, and instituted the 
important department of Reporters of the Native Vernacular 
Press of India. This department, diving down into the imder- 
currents of native opinion, has been very useful to a Gb- 
vemment like that of India, a small body of Saxon foreigners 
located among an Oriental race, whose stand-point is so very 
diflferent from the European, Now the proverbs in popular 
use are also of value in gauging the depths of popular 
sentiment. A proverb is a spark thrown up from the depths 
beneath ; as Lord Bacon states, " The genius, spirit, and wit 
of a nation are discovered in its proverbs." 

Brahminical influence on the Pandits has led the study of 
proverbs in India to be treated with contempt as relating to 
the baser sort, according to the Brahman view. 

Even in England, notwithstanding the opposition of such 
writers as Lord Chesterfield to proverbs as vulgar, a reaction 
is taking place in their favour as a branch of folklore, as is 
shown by the multiplication of works on them. Take, for 
example, that remarkable book, Tupper's Proverbial Phi- 
losophy, of which forty large editions have been sold in 
England, and more than one million copies in the United 
States. 

Proverbs, which are probably coeval with the discovery of 
writing, survive the overthrow of empires and the desolations 
brought by conquerors; they leave their ripples on the 
sands of time ; they are like the wild flowers, which outlive 
ruin, and mark the flora of the district. When we consider 



ORIENTAL PROVERBS. 341 

that many of the Indian proverbs are probably 1000 years 
old, and when we look at the difficulty of tracing the past in 
India, an auxiliary like proverbs ought not to be despised ; 
from the strong impression they have left on the memory in 
their poetic form, they survive where history perishes. 

Proverbs are guides to antiquity like tradition, being, as 
D'Israeli says, "neglected fragments of wisdom still offering 
many interesting objects for the studies of the philosopher 
and the historian." 

The Eastern people, especially the Hindus, are anti-his- 
toric. We have therefore few historical documents, and 
have to explore the dim recesses of the past by the dim 
lights of ruins, coins, inscriptions, which perish by time. 
What an auxiliary, then, are proverbs, which give the history, 
not merely of kings and conquerors, but of the people, in 
their inmost thoughts, in the domestic hearth. For instance, 
I have found in the Bengali proverbs numerous references 
to old customs, old temples, historical characters, which have 
long since passed away unrecorded either in MSS. or books. 

It is from the data supplied by institutions, languages, 
and material remains, that we gain a glimpse into pre-historic 
times, and proverbs may be the fossils to utilize in the re- 
construction of the long-buried past ; they give us facts 
instead of fancies. 

Primitive law, as Sir H. Maine, in his Early History of 
Institutions, has shown, and has illustrated by the Brehon 
Code, consists chiefly in the reduction to order and method 
of a mass of pre-existing customs. Now proverbs, as stereo- 
typins: customs, are the keys to law, and of course to the 

The Indian proverbs show how deeply the village and patri- 
archal system has been ingrafted into the Indian mind in 
contrast to the feudal one introduced by the Mahommedans 
and English. The families grouped into a village consti- 
tuted the Hindu unit of government. The village system, 
that great fragment of antiquity that has floated down 
the stream of time for 2000 years, through the Indian, 
Slavonic, Keltic, and Teutonic races, is recorded in pro- 



342 OBIENTAL PEOVERBS. 

verbs: it is now dying out in India as far as respects 
lands held in common^ as the Hindus find with the Telugu 
proverb, that— 

The sheep which was the joint property of two persons was 
deserted and died. 

— ^but it is in vigorous action in Russia, as is illustrated in 
the following Russian proverbs : 

"What the mir (commune) has arranged is God's decision. 
The mir (commune) is the surging wave. 
The mir (commune) sighs, and the rock is rent asunder. 
A thread of the mir (commune) is a shirt for the naked. 

Comparative anatomy, or comparative mythology, is of 
great use. The system of comparison has been carried 
even to fairy tales and nursery stories. In the important 
domain of comparative philology proverbs exercise an 
important influence. In them are imbedded the archaisma 
of language. Words that have long disappeared from 
the mouths of living men again come on the stage, 
giving a clue to linguistic aflSnities, and opening out 
a vista into the past life and opinions of the people : and 
yet these words have a place in no dictionary. I found 
this to be the case in the Bengali language. Molesworth's 
Mahratta Dictionary illustrates by proverbs, the only one, I 
believe, with the exception of Dahl's Great Russian Diction- 
ary, which goes to proverbs, as Dr. Johnson went to books, 
to exemplify meanings. 

It is a subject of great satisfaction that the Bengal Govern- 
ment has liberally subscribed to a Hindustani and English 
Dictionary of Dr. Fallon's, which will embrace the spoken as 
well as the written language, and the rekhti or vocabulary 
of the women, never before given in any dictionary. 
"The only national speech," says the author in his pro- 
spectus, '' is that which bears the people's stamp, and in this 
category the first place must be assigned to the language of 
women. The seclusion of native females in India has been 
the asylum of the true vernacular, as pure and simple as it 



ORIENTAL PBOVERBS. 343 

is unaffected by the pedantries of word-makers. It is also 
the soil in which the mother-tongue has its most natural 
development. Many of the most caustic and terse epigrams 
of the language have their birth in these isolated women's 
apartments, whose inmates are jealously barred from any 
communication with strange men." Another important 
feature of Dr. Fallon's proposed work will be a copious 
supply of examples, "which, while they bring out and 
indicate a particular meaning, will serve also to illustrate to 
some extent the yet unwritten literature of the country: 
its proverbs, songs, and traditions ; its wit and humour, and 
satire and invective, in which are compressed with epigram- 
matic terseness the brief epitome of the social life of the 
people, the domestic relations of the men and women, their 
modes of thought and ruling passions, their joys and sorrows, 
and the jealousies and heartburnings of their inner life." 

In the Sanskrit-derived languages of India we have a 
number of words non-Aryan. By collecting these from 
proverbs we have a basis for comparison with other lan- 
guages, especially the Tartar groups of Central Asia. A 
great problem we have to solve is the connexion between 
the Prakrit and Sanskrit vernaculars of India, and every 
archaism is a precious coin in this investigation. 

It is a common thing in India now for some newly-fledged 
Saxons to apply to the natives the contemptuous epithet 
nigger, and to deny to the common people intelligence and 
gratitude; had these neophytes only studied the proverbs, 
they would have learned to appreciate the people in a very 
different way; for comparative studies diminish national pre- 
judices. Travellers would often judge better of the character 
of a people by its proverbs, than by the hasty generalizations 
formed from railway journeys — ^You make the people de- 
scribe themselves, and put them into the witness-box. 

On the great question of peasant education and instruc- 
tion, the proverbs, the hereditary wisdom of the serfs, vindi- 
cate their claim to intelligence. Townspeople and those bred 
up in collegiate seclusion are apt to fancy the peasants are as 
dull as the clods of earth they break; but their frequent and 



344 OEIENTAL PROVERBS. 

apt quotations of proverbs on common subjects show they 
have a power of observation and a moral faculty they do 
not commonly get credit for. 

Proverbs photograph the varying lights of social usages ; 
the experience of an age is crystallized in the pithy aphor- 
ism. What a light is shed by them on customs which shift 
and change like a camera obscura ! Sir H. Elliot's Glossary 
is in this respect a valuable contribution to Indian folklore. 

The proverbs, for instance, on women, are numerous, and, 
as written by men, their masters, are of course sarcastic, 
and dwell on the weak points of woman — 

Money left in the hands of woman won't last ; a child left in 

the hands of a man won't live. 
A woman's word is a bundle of water. 
Woman eats twice as much as a man, and is four times as 

cunning. 
It is only when a woman dies, and is reduced to ashes, we 

know with certainty she is free from fault. 

— yet they give suflScient indication that woman had great 
power in the social and domestic circle. She stooped to 
conquer. The Bengalis say — 

Who venerates his mother gains salvation. 
Happiness is found in the mother's bosom. 

— Another Bengali proverb states : 

A man beaten by his wife no more tells it than he does his 
losses. 

Proverbs will yet rend the veil on what is now so little 
known — the feelings and opinions of women shut up in the 
recesses of the zenana. When are we to have an Indian 
Dickens, who will sound the depths of woman's "inner 
man," with the plummet of proverbs, the material expression 
and vent of her feelings? She will be shown by them to 
have far higher intelligence, wit, observation, than she gets 
credit for. 

Proverbs are of great value to him who would impress the 
popular mind in the East either by teaching or preaching, as 



OMENTAL PEOVEKBS. 345 

Captain Burton says, ''The apposite use of aphorisms is^ like 
wit and eloquence, a manner of power." But proverbs are 
with the people what the sutra or aphorism was with the 
pandits and philosophers. It is this love for sense, salt, and 
wit which makes the bulk of vernacular literature in India 
to consist of poetry ; and Sakhya Muni, the great Buddhist 
preacher, set an example by the use of metaphorical proverbial 
language in his preaching, which those missionaries who 
imitate the example of Christ in teaching by parables, would 
do well to study. In Bengali literature, the most de- 
veloped of all the Indian vernacTilars, the revival is marked 
by the free use of proverbs and proverbial sayings in the 
modem works ; these give point and raciness, instead of the 
stiff pedantic pandit style, sesquipedalia verba. 

Dr. Muir has lately published some interesting papers on 
religious and moral maxims freely translated from Indian 
writers. 

This is a transition period in Hindu society. The spread 
of education and the changes of society are rapidly sweeping 
into the gulf of oblivion many of the old traditions and frag- 
mentary folklore. The old Pauranic pandits are vanishing 
from the scene. Now is therefore the time to collect what 
remains of the living proverbs, which are connected so much 
with local history, and the domestic life of the people. We 
want some one now to do for proverbs what Mr. Thomas 
has done so well for coins, Le. collect, classify, and publish 
them. 

Pocock, Erpenius, Burkhardt, Freytag, have laboured much 
in illustrating the Semitic class. Bohtlingk in his Spriiche 
gives a few of the Sanskrit. 

Oriental Proverbs are little known in Europe out of 
the circle of Orientalists; and even they have to a great 
extent overlooked them, — coins, architecture, antiquities, 
naturally having the preference. 

Among the Indian Proverbs recently published are : Perct- 
vaVs Tamul Proverbs; Carres Telugu Proverbs; 1000 Malai/a- 
lim; Long^s Bengali Proverbs. 

The Russians, as head of the Slavonic race, are coming 






tBP!flqae» widt % «arrft5F< orioitil cfflnTJag, Ik 
tbii Bi0C% erSdcBt t2:aa in tiieEr FoZUor. of vUcb 



luf Sctt^ of iKe ItiMMTi People It is to be 
we bare co tracj^xdacs cf tfcecr y t o%«l» : I pwHiJipJ im 
Calmna €i)ritf T€*rs ago a tnoosIatfiOQ of aboot ofiO, wbick 
interssted manr Earopeani; thk i& I bcBere, tbe oohr 
Eoj^uL one ezistxn^, though the ndne is tett zidi, ridier 
than tLe Sjwnuh ; I broaght whh me £roiii Moscov 25i«000 
KusRan ProTerts, paUi<hed br the Rosan Aademj, and 
coIIei!:t«d br Dr. DahL PiofesBor Soegiref pobKahfJ in 
\^jA^ in yLfmww, a work in four Tcdumes on Baasian Pn>- 
Terba, wfakh is a UK^el of what clasafication dioald be. 
yizmfm published in St. Petersburg, in 1S6S, a sdectioo 
of Ra«nan p ro verbs, arranged according to mbjects, with 
parallel onea from GermanT, France, Spain, England, and 
other Arran nations. 

The Knsnan proTerbs have a strong Oriental ring; I will 
gire a few in illustration as relating to women — 



\^lien joa walk, pray once ; when 3roa go to sea, twice ; when 
jon go to lie married, three times. 

The preparations of a woman are as long as the legs of a goose. 
A woman's hair is long : her tongne is longer. 
The tears of a woman and of a drunkard are cheap. 
A woman is a pot, everything put in will boQ. 
The flattery of a woman has no teeth ; bat it will eat your 
flesh with the bones. 

What I have to propose practically to this Society is that 
it should issue a circular to the leading Oriental and Ethno- 
logical Societies in Europe, Asia, and America, asking their 
co-operation towards the collection, interpretation, and pnbli- 
c;atir;n of proverbs ; especially in reference to India, acting 
there through the Asiatic Societies of Calcutta, Bombay, 



ORIENTAL PEOVEBBS. 347 

and Madras, as well as through the Directors of Public 
Instruction in the local govemments, and the editors of 
native journals and newspapers. 

The Bengal Government has set a good example by pub* 
lishing lately Lewin*s Hill Proverbs of the Chittagong Hill 
Tracts; they show that those wild people, under a barbarian 
outside, have a heart beating with sympathy, as shown in 
these proverbs — 

For sweetness, honey ; for love, a wife. 

Do not love a woman because she is young, nor cast her off 
because she is old. 

Having myself been engaged in the collection and classifi- 
cation of Bengali and other Indian proverbs for fifteen years 
(I published in Calcutta 6000 Bengali Proverbs), I will give 
the resTilt of my own experience as to the mode of collecting 
Proverbs. I found the services of Pandits, teachers, and in- 
spectors of village schools, of great value in collecting them. 
The editors of native newspapers also lent me aid by adver- 
tising their willingness to receive and forward to me any that 
might be sent to them. As the best collections of proverbs are 
among the women, who interlard their discourses plentiftdly 
with them, I paid women to collect them in the zenanas. 
I got a plentiful and rich crop, though many of them, from 
their coarseness, could not be published : native women in 
their Billingsgate slang draw copiously from the well- 
fiimished arsenal of native proverbs ; they can scold in them 
in a style not exceeded by that of the Les dames des Halles 
of Paris. 

It might be desirable to publish the proverbs classified ac- 
cording to subjects. I here give Snegiref's classification of 
Russian proverbs, which may serve, cwteris paribus, as a 
basis for the classification of Oriental ones. 

I. Foreign : Historical influences in relation to proverbs, 
and illustrated by proverbs. 

II. Proverbs in relation to Philology, the meaning of 
words, archaisms, wit, songs, and metaphors. 



348 OBIENTAL PROVERBS. 

III. Proverbs in relation to Anthropology, the laws, 
customs, belief, food, dwellings, dress, servants, recreations, 
home life, education, creed, superstitions, sects, family life, 
relations, marriage, woman's position, funeral customs, hospi- 
talities, patriotism, trade, truth, justice. 

IV. Proverbs, Political, Legal, laws expressed in pro- 
verbs, the ruler's power, people's meetings, upper classes, 
priests, monks, fairs, ordeals ; the effect of foreign rule or 
law, punishments, tortures, the lot. Proverbs, the echos of 
history, religion, and localities ; history at various periods 
illustrated by political and juridical proverbs. 

V. Proverbs relating to Physical subjects, meteorological, 
astronomical, rural, referring to crops, seasons ; medical, 
remedies, diseases. 

VI. Historical, topographical, local, relating to various 
dynasties, celebrated places. 

VII. Ethnographic. 

VIII. Satirical. 

One of the most difficult problems in proverbs is the 
interpretatmiy owing to their local allusion and special 
references, as well as to their epigrammatic brevity, the 
vagueness of which allows a great variety of meanings, 
while the play upon words, and alliteration, cause many of 
them to lose their point in translation ; the wit, like a fine 
essence, vanishes in the transfusion. I have found in Bengal 
the same proverbs susceptible of several interpretations, ac- 
cording to the individual who gave it or the locality it was 
in. What one wants is not the guesswork of mere indi- 
vidual private judgment, but the traditional interpretation of 
the people. The pandits will, when pushed, rather than avow 
their ignorance, give you a fancy interpretation. The meaning 
must therefore be gathered from the people themselves. 

In Russia, for instance, I found Iponsiderable difference of 
opinion as to the meaning of that pr&yerb— 

Do not buy a priest's horse, or marry ft widow's daughter. 

— the latter clause is easy on Sam Wellei^'s maxim, " Beware 
of the widow ; " or, as an old English p^verb has it, " He 

t 
( 

\ 



ORIENTAL PBOVEEBS. 349 

who marries a widow with two daughters, marries three 
thieves." 

I select a few specimen proverbs as illustrating native 
opinion and social life. 

The Hindus have no sympathy with the abolitionists of 
corporal punishment. The Telugus say — 

A washerman will only wash for one who thrashes him. 

like the Russian — 

Strike a Russian, and he will make you even a watch. 

The feelings towards a mother^in-Iaw : 

When the daughter-in-law said she was hungry, her mother- 
in-law told her to swallow the pestle,* 

the Bengalis say, Sisters-in-law are nettles. 

The want o{ punctuality in the East is expressed by the 
Telugu proverb— 

When he says to-morrow, he means six months. 
The Bengalis denote their aversion to straightforwardness by, 
You can only extract butter with a crooked finger. 

Women in the East have far more power over men than is 
commonly thought. The Telugus describe a hen-pecked 

husband as — 

One on whose head the wife grinds pepper. 

The quarrels of women by — 

When three women join together, the stars come out in broad 
daylight. 

Men that give you otAj fine words — 

Let us have a talk in my house, and dinner in yours. 

The view of the cunning of the Brahman : 

A Brahman's hand and an elephant's trunk are never quiet. 

^ This feeling againft motben-in-law is very strongly expressed in Bussian 
proverbs. 



^ 



350 ORIENTAL PBOVERBS. 

The equalization of property an evil — 

The joint hnsband was neglected and died. 
"Where there are brothers, there are divisions. 

The dread of Government employes — 

Face a royal tiger, but not a Government official. 

The Russian proverbs are equally strong against the tehi- 
novnik, or subordinate official. 

The pocket of a tchinovnik is like the crop of a duck, you can 
never fill it. 

The tchinovniks have a good portion in the next world, they 
are at once made devils. 

Defend yourself against a thief by a stick ; 

Defend yourself against a tchinovnik by a rouble. 

The tchinovnik only takes up his pen. 
The peasant prays, and birds tremble. 

The responsibility of girls in a family — 

A house fall of young girls, and a fire of little twigs. 

The feeling towards the Musalman is expressed — 

Yain as a Hindu begging in a Musalman town. 

When the Musalman is judge, the Hindu has no holidays. 

Social Equality an impossibility-^ 

If all get into the palankin, who will be the bearers ? 
Are the five fingers equal ? 

The Expenses of Marriages referred to — 

Try building a house, try making a marriage. 

The connexion between the Bengali Zamindar and Ryot is 
expressed by — 

The relation of the carving knife to the pumpkin, 
The love the Musalman has to his fowl. 
The same the Zemindar has to the Eyot. 



ORIENTAL PROVERBS. 351 



Desiderata on Indian Proverbs. 

1. The archaic words used in proverbs, throwing light on 
the formation and affinities of the language. 

2. Clues to the origin of the nation. The problem of 
the origin of the Aborigines of India, like that of the Red 
Indians of North America, might thus receive some aid 
towards its solution. The Aborigines were in India what 
the Kelts were in Europe — the first inhabitants ; they have 
been compared to the ripple-marked slabs of sandstone re- 
cording the tidal flow of the primeval ocean. 

3. The earliest dialects existing as shown in proverbs. 
The dialectical variations are far more numerous in India 
than in England ; thus in Gujarat the dialect is said to alter 
every thirty miles. 

4. Sanskrit proverbs incorporated in vernacular ones.^ 

5. The proverbs of the Aborigines of India. These may 
furnish a clue to how they came to India, and what were 
their movements. 

6. Jain proverbs. This steady, commercial people, an 
oflfehoot from Buddhism, deserve more attention than they 
have received. 

7. Hindi proverbs. Chand, who was contemporary with 
Dante, may furnish some and may throw light on the dreary, 
dark period between the first and ninth centuries. 

8. Mahratta proverbs. 

9. Panjahi proverbs. 

10. Prakrit proverbs. The women in the Hindu dramas 
speak in Prakrit, the connecting link between Sanskrit and 
the modern vernaculars, as the Romance languages were to 
Europe.^ 

* Bohtlingk, in his excellent *' Indische Spruche, " has collected a large 
numher of Aphorisms, hut these cannot he called proverbs. 
' See Lewis on the Romance Languages. 

VOL VII. — [new series.] 23 



*^r 



rxrz-vi" - -iTi >y z '* 



fc? :i.r: '2Cr.i :f l>»ei::ber. 1^7-L Tie ters h»Te not ss ret 

■ 

TLe M&r.STdilsa at ilia i>eri>i i* eiTr?=2i=lT short, dianias- 
iii? ^iiirnrL. kins* ir. on^r clifTcr of S^j Tcrses, « w^ch only 
oi^«: apifH-A *o .Sdl^L-a Milli.- &::i ci^v zdne :* Xissftnka Mails, 
wLo '■'a* c-er-iiilj a p^-a-errsl ani 5:::*:T£s«fsI king. This is 
fzxpjiiziefi }jT tiie n:>de il. -■■•:£:•: tie M^l^raosi was written, 
viz. it ii^'ieTrals ai.i by dir-rr-ez.: rjs-'is : eaoc. new chronicler 
L'jrried over :r.e ref^ns c: the kinTs preo&iing the one under 
w:*om he wrot^, a::d :i;ea eiJirstd a; leasth on the ev<ait3 of 
tLit monarch's rri^i:.* 

yjs-ar.ka Ma'. la's reijn is thus hasdiv sketched in the 
foliowiag verges of the ><>:h chapter of the Mahira&sa (I 
quote from the India Office 31S.^ : — 

1^. GLatetva taih ahu raja Kittinissankanamako 
Bafino Vijayabahassa oparaja £alingato 

Id. Patra rSjabhisekam so Pulatthinagare rare 

Dat hadhatugharam rammaih. karipesi silamaTam 



TR.\>*SLATI0X. 

18. Having killed him '"viz. Mahendra\ the Viceroy of 
Vijayabahu, named Earti ^i^fanka, from Kalinga, became 
King. When he had been crowned, he had made in the fine 
city of Pulastipura a beautiful house of stone for the Tooth- 

1 S. T>je MS. has Kalingaro. 19. The mir^ of tbi« Daladi Miligava still exist, 
tad bhow that, though snuul, it must h^w be«n a building of exquisite beantr. 



* It is giren below in note 4. 

^ Thi<i coiiKid<^ratir>n leao!? me to the §upp«^ition that Tumour (Mah. p. it) 
may \/t wron^' in »5>>i^riinof the whole of the Maharamsa, from the period at which 
Malanama's work terminated to the end of Dambadenija Paraknuna's reign in 
A u. 13W, to one hand. There seems to bt- a break at 'the end of the erentfol 
reign of Parakrama the Great : no less than eighteen chapters, some of them of great 
lenjrth, being devoted to the life of that king, whilst the succeeding kings are 
Lurried over till the time of Dambadcniya ParHkrama. whose reign occupies terea 
chapters. Perhap!* there has been s^me confusion between two Dharmakirtia, one 
the: author of Dathuviiihsa, who lived in Parukrama the Great's time, and the other, 
tbf* author of one p^irtion of the Mahuvanisa. who lived in Dambadenija PBri- 
kriima'ii time. When the whole text is published, the evidently late style of the latter 
portion, from which the above extract is made, may throw light on this quettioii. 



363 



Art. XVII. — Ttco Old Shnhalese Inscriptions, The Sdhasa 
Malia Inscription, date 1200 a.d., and the Rmcanwali 
Ddgaba Inscription, date 1191 a.d. Text, Translation, 
and Notes. By T. W, Rhts Davids, late of the Ceylon 
Civil Service. 

Introductign. 
Of the following two inscriptions, the former is edited from 
a MS. in Dambulla Wihare, of which I have a transcript in 
the Roman character by a native copyist ; and the latter 
from a copy made by Naranwita Unnanse, which I owe to 
the courtesy of Mr. R. C. Childers. In the Dambulla MS. 
the inscription is repeated twice, and the readings of the 
two copies differ pretty frequently, as will be seen from the 
various readings given below the text. 

The latter, the Ruwanwali Inscription, was recorded in 
the fourth year of Nissanka Malla, i.e. 1191 a.d., and was re- 
discovered near the Ruwanwoeli Dagaba, at Anur&dhapura, in 
1874, by Naranwita Unnanse; the former was recorded at the 
commencement of the reign of Sahasa Malla in 1200 a.d., 
and is on an upright stone, resembling a very large grave- 
stone, a little north of the Ilacta-da-ge (or 60 days' house), 
close to the new path which I cut from the King's palace at 
Pulastipura to the Rankot Dagaba. I much regret that I 
had no time to copy the inscription myself; but, except in 
one or two places, the text, at least of the Elu parts, seems to 
be pretty correct. 

Both inscriptions are of great importance, the latter 
settling the question of the identity of Nis§anka Malla 
Parakrama Bahu with the Kirti Nissanga of Mr. Tumour's 
list; and the former giving us, not only historical details not 
found in the Mah&vauisa, but also a date. Both have been 
translated before : the former by Mr. Armour in the Ceylon 
Almanac for 1834 ; ^ and the latter by the Interpreter Muda- 

* I haT« never been able to procure tbU extremely rare book ; but the traniu 
latioQ is reprinted (under a wrong title) at page 353 of the lecond Tolume of 
Major Forbet's Ceylon. London: Ben tley, 1841. 



354 INTRODUCTION TO 

liyar of the Courts at Anuradhapura in the Ceylon Observer 
for the 29th of December, 1874. The texts have not as yet 
been published. 

The Mahavumsa at this period is extremely short, dismiss- 
ing sixteen kings in one chapter of 80 verses, of which only 
one applies to Sahasa Malla,^ and only nine to Nissanka Malla, 
who was certainly a powerful and successful king. This is 
explained by the mode in which the Mahavamsa was written, 
viz. at intervals and by different hands : each new chronicler 
hurried over the reigns of the kings preceding the one under 
whom he wrote, and then enlarged at length on the events of 
that monarch's reign.* 

Nissanka Malla's reign is thus hastily sketched in the 
following verses of the 80th chapter of the Mahava&sa (I 
quote from the India Office MS.) : — 

18. Ghatetva taih ahu raja Kittinissankanamako 

Ramio Vijayabahussa uparaja Kalingato 

19. Patva rajabhisekam so Pulatthinagare vare 

Dathadhatugharaih rammaiii karapesi silamayam 



TRANSLATION. 

18. Having killed him (viz. Mahendra), the Viceroy of 
Yijayabahu, named Kirti Nissanka, from Kalinga, became 
King. When he had been crowned, he had made in the fine 
city of Pulastipura a beautiful house of stone for the Tooth- 

1 8. The MS. has Knlingnro. 1 9. The ruins of this Dalada Hfiligfiwa still exist, 
and show that, though small, it must have been a building of exquisite beauty. 



* It is giycn below in note 4. 

^ This consideration leads me to the supposition that Turnour (Mah. p. ii.) 
mny be wrong in assigning the whole of the MahuTaihsa, from the period at which 
Mahunama's work terminated to the end of Dambadeniya Pardkrama's reign in 
A I). 1300, to one hand. There seems to be a break at the end of the eTentftil 
reign of Parakrama the Great ; no less than eighteen chapters, some of them of great 
length, being devoted to the life of that king, whilst the succeeding kings are 
hurried over till the time of Dambadeniya Parukrama, whose reign occupies seven 
chapters. Perhaps there has been some confusion between two Dharmakirtis, one 
the author of Duthuvafhsa, who lived in Parukrama the Great's time, and the other, 
the author of one portion of the Mahuvaiftsa, who lived in Dambadeniya Para- 
kruma's time. Wlien the whole text is published, the evidently late style of the latter 
portion, from which the above extract is made, may throw light on this qoestion. 



TWO OLD simhalese inscriptions. 355 

20. Bandhapetvii samuttungam Ratanavalicetiyaih 

Alaihkarittha sovannatthnpikuyanam uttamam 

21. Karayitva sanuinona pasadasatam addhikaiii 

Viharaih bhikkhusaihghassa niyyadetva upatthahi 

22. Sovannarajatubbhasabhittitthambhehi bhasuram 

Ilingulamayabhubhagaiix sovannacchadanitthikaih 

23. Vihiiraih Jambukolavhaih karayitva tahim sudhi 

Patitthilpayi sovannasatthubimbo tisattatim 

24. Sonaya caturanginya saddhim hatthipurassaram 

Gantva Saraantakritaiii so abhivandiya bhupati 

25. Pupphiirarae phalarame ancko ca sabhasuha 

Tainvanniyadlpasmiiii sildhii sabbattha karayi 

26. Evaih bahuvidham pufinam sancinanto dine dine 

Navasamvaccharam sainma rajjaih kasi sa bhupati. 



relic, and caused the lofty Rankot Dagaba to be built, orna- 
menting the high road to the golden Sthupa. 

21. And he made one hundred rest-houses (on the road- 
side to it), called by his own name, and having delivered 
the vihiira near it into the keeping of the priests, he himself 
paid homage to it. 22. He made the vihara called Dam- 
bulla, with golden roof-tiles and a vermilion floor, and 
dazzling with walls and pillars shining with silver and 
gold ; and he, the pure-minded one, put up there seventy- 
three gilded images of Buddha. 

24. The King also went with his fourfold army, and with 
elephants, to Adam's Peak, and worshipped there ; and he 
established flower gardens, and orchards, and .... and did 
good throughout the island. 

25. Thus heaping up merit of different kinds from day to 
day, this King reigned for nine years. 

21. The MS. hiu addhitaih. For Aanamcna compare line 15 of the inscrip- 
tion below. 22. The MS. has ubbhuyu, busuram. 23. The form Jambu- 
koU throws iutore-itinji^ lij:ht on the derivation of Dambulla; but it is more 
probable that the Puli worn is a translation of the Sinhalese word, than that the 
Sinhalese word has come through the Puli. Another JambukoU on the sea-coast 
is mentioned in the Mahuvaihsa, pp. 110, 119, ridr below, note 18 to the Suhasa 
Malla Inscription. 24. The MS. bus bhupatim. 2o. The reading of the MS. 
in this line neither agrees with the metre nor gires any sense. 



356 THE SIHASA XAIXA IXSCSXPnOX. 

A. — ^The Sah.isa Malla Ixsc&ipnox ox the Ufkight Slab 

3KOBTH OF THE K.ITA-DA-CE, FOnn> WHJJJBl CnTOG THE 
KEW PATH TO THE BaXKOT. 

Srlmat Sahasa-mallah Sinhalapatih EalinnwansifiTUiir 
AgamTatra Kalingato 'rggliitavate LankadluraJTasriTam 
AyashmatprtaiiadliipiTa mahatlm gramidhikan fiampadam 
DattaTan* krtavan STayan kitavidam ekadliiri\je padam, 

Sri eiri-sara Okawas-parapurehi ^ mula sakwala ek-aat- 
kala ^ Kaiinga cakiawartti paramparaTata, Sri Groparajajan 
waliiaase Baliidaloka mahadewin wahanse kasin Sinhi^iiidii 
prasiitawiiy^ asama sahasayen^ Sahasa 31alla yayi wimda lada, 
siri Sangabo Kaiinga Wijaya-baha raja pa waliaaae, palamu 
Lanka jehi rajasiri^ pa&mina siti Nissanka Malla nam bsenan 
wahanse swarggastha wu pasu; him astayata^ giya taena* 

traxslatiox. 

[Sanskrit.] The illustrious Sahasa Malla, King of Ceylon, 
and chief of the Kalingan race, having come over here firom 
Kaiinga, gave to the deserving and venerable aged chieftain 
the great fortune of the Lordship of Ceylon, together with 
much land, giving a share in his absolute power to those who 
were grateful to him. 

Come of the stock of the Kaiinga Emperors, who, descended 
from the sacred and illustrious race of Ikshwdku, brought the 
whole earth under one umbrella, bom at SinhapurOy in the 
womb of Bahiddloka (the large-eyed one), the chief queen 
of the illustrious Gopardja ; the illustrious king Sangabo 
Kaiinga TVijaya Bahu was, on account of his unequalled 
daring, celebrated under the name of Sahasa Malla, ''the 
excellent by courage." After his elder brother, Nistanka 
Malla, who before him had come to the regal dignity in 
Ceylon, had gone to heaven ; when, like a number of stars 

TARIOUS HEADINGS. 

* A. siruiramakawaB^ B. sisin6aramakawa8^ ' A. eksakwalasatkotalm. ' A. 
prarataim. * A. asamasahaycn, B. daaamasahasajen. ^ B. rajasL * A. B. 

bastajata. "* B. tena. 

* The second »jUable shoald be I(mg ; the MS. reads dattormn or dantyovaa. 



THE SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 357 

taru gananak se klpa rajakenakun^ gili giya kalhi,^ Lah- 
kawa aswamika wae,^® sanda ^^ uda no lat raeyak se anduruwa 
tubu sanda ; ^^ Lankadhikara LolupsBla ^^ kulu dun naewi 
abonawan, ^^ taman srata slla kulac&radi mantri gunen yedi 
nitiparama wana^^ heyin taman ta parama mita wu Lankadhi- 
kara Lolupaelakulu ^® budalnawan ha ekwa, "rajahu^^ naeti 
rajyaya^® nam niyamuwa naeti naewak se no pawatneya, 
hiru naeti dawasa se no hoboneya, Buddha sasanaya da anasak 
nsBtiwa niralabha ^^ wanneya, tawada Lakdiwa ^^ Wijaya raja- 
yan Yakshappralaya kota kanu mul ba taenu wiyalak se 
pawat kala heyin ema wahsayehi^^ rajun bohose rakshakala^ 
taenaya, e^ baa win mehi raja kala Nissanka Malla swaminge 
malanuwan wahanse Kalingu rata yawa wada-awut losasun 



after the sun has set, several kings had sunk and gone, and 
Ceylon being without a ruler, weis dark as a night without 
the rising of the moon, Lolupaelakulu, Adhikar of the realm, 
and Lord High Admiral, spoke (as follows) with Lolupaela- 
kulu, Adhikar of the realm and Lord High Treasurer, who^ 
— as he excelled in ethics, being endowed with all the qualities 
of an adviser, by his faithful disposition and family virtues, — 
had become his dearest friend. 

"The kingdom without a king, like a ship without a 
steersman, will not continue ; like a day without the sun, 
will not flourish ; and the religion of Buddha, without regu- 
larity, will become profitless : and further, after Wijaya raja 
drove away the devils, and made Ceylon like a field formed 
by the tearing out of stumps and roots, it is a place which 
has been much protected by kings of that family : therefore 
let us send to the country of Kalinga and fetch the younger 
brother of the Lord Nissanka Malla who was reigning here, 
and thus secure the government of the world," Having 
determined to do so, they sent to Kalinga the chief Malli- 

® A. B. kenakun. • A. tanhi. *° A. wa. i* B. sana. ^^ A. awuruduwata- 
sata, B. andoruwatubusata. ^^ B. pselse. '^ A. duttai^i abonawan, B. donnsewi 
abonuwan. ** A. parawawana, B. parawacana. ** A. kulQ. " A. raja. ^^ A. 
rujyayanama, B. rajyanama. ^' B. niralambha. ^ B. Lakdiwanam. '^ B. 
wansayehi. ^ B. parikshakala. ^ A. tawada e. 



358 THE SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 

rakumha yi" beona niscaya kota, swami^ paksha p&ta dhira 
sara gunen }nikta e rata waesi Mallikarjjuna nam pradhani 
Kalingu rata yawa, aradhana kota, maha pelaharin genwft. 
Soli ratin^ Kahakonda-pattana^^ ma) wadii hinduwa, ratna- 
bharana wastradin matu wana rajya sriyata*^ anurupa srin* 
satkara karana kalhi, e bawa^^ asii anugraha^ parigraha 
dekata pohosat losasun rakna rajawarayan no ksDmseti wa 
tama tamage^^ ma adhipatwaya patii wigna karana durmman- 
trln de hawuruddakin^'^ sadha, pun sanda naga pana se sabha 
naekat^ mohot muhudu pita^* maha potin*^ nirupadra wa 
kota wada awut, Tri-sinhalaya ekadhapatra ^ kota Buddha '^ 
warsba (1743) ek dahas hat siya te sails hawurudu tunmas 
sat wisi dawasak giya tena Binara pura doloswak lada Bada 
da subha naakat mohotin abhiseka karawu me ananya-sadha- 
rana-daskamata taman wahanseta palamuwannehi senewi rat 

karjjuna, who was a resident of that country, well affected 
towards his master, and of a brave and firm disposition, and 
having conciliated (the prince), and brought him with a great 
retinue from the Soli country, and placed him at the port of 
Kahakonda, they hospitably entertained him with all the 
splendour of jewels, ornaments, and robes suitable to the 
dignity of the kingship to be. 

Whilst this was being done, some evil-designing men, each 
considering and hoping for his own advancement, did not 
desire kings who would secure the government of the worldi 
(but) in two years, having overthrown them, raising and 
showing as it were the moon in its fullness, they brought 
him safely, at a lucky moment, over the sea in a great ship, 
and having united the three divisions of Ceylon under one 
sceptre, 1743 years 3 months and 27 days after the Nirva^ 
of Buddha, at the full moon of the month Binara, on 
Thursday, at a lucky moment, him they crowned. For this 
service, unequalled by others, in the first year of his reign he 

" B. swamT. » B. ra^a. «« B. pattamaB. ^ B. rajjasrlhra^. ^^ B. 91T. » A. 
mabawa, B. eba. ^o \ anun^j^raha. ^^ B. tamangc. ^i g. hawuruddoki. " A. 
8;]hana>kat, B. sahanakat. ^^ A. B. muhunupita. ^ A. mahapeta, B. mahipetL 
^^ A. ekddapatra, B. ekutapatra. ^' B. Budha. 



THE SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 359 

pata bandawa^ agra mantrlkota situwa, meweni daruwan^ 
lada mawimta woedi^® satkiira kalamana we daeyi mowun 
m£uiyanta Lankatilakadewi yayi nam dl badaran pata 
bandawa boho sammana di hira sanda pamunu kota Lak- 
wijayasingu senewi abonawanta *^ di wadala gamwara ha 
pariwara ha*^ siyalu sampattiyata, matu wana rajadaruwan 
udu taman'*^ tamanta daskam kala un raksha-kirima raja 
dharmma heyin, wilopayak no kota mema paridden taba dl 
mawun wansha raksha karanu ma9nawaDyi silalekha karawa 
wadala seka. Me balabala raja wallabha wa siti amaptyta- 
dihu da balutkarayen me ki deya gattu*^ nam wewayi*^ 
rajasthaka kalahu nam wewayi*^ rajjyaya maekuwa nam weti, 
kulen hinayan ha da kawudu ballan^*^ ha da samanam weti. 
Eheyin swami*® pakshapata wa raksha karanna kaBmaettawun- 
wisin^^ mowun ta dun haoma sampat raksha karanu msBnawL^ 

gave to the honourable one the office of Commander-in-chief, 
and made him his Prime Minister : and thinking, " to the 
parents of such children much honour should be done," he 
gave their mother the name Lankatilakadewi (the princess, 
the ornament of Ceylon), and girded her with a golden 
girdle, and gave her much honour. 

And using (the royal sign manual of) sun and moon, he 
was pleased to make a record on stone that future princes 
might in a similar manner protect their family, and leave un- 
disturbed the complete enjoyment of the lands and dignities 
he had been pleased to grant to the Commander-in-chief Lak- 
wijaya Singu ; for it is the duty of kings to protect those 
who have done them service. If ministers and others who 
enjoy royal favour should, after seeing this (inscription), tak^ 
by force the things here mentioned, or claim them as property 
of the crown, the kingdom will go to ruin, and they will 
become like low-caste men, and like dogs and crows. There- 
fore, let them protect the wealth granted to them by Him 
who desired to protect those who had been loyal. 

'8 A. B. banawa. ^9 a. dam. *^ A. B. wa>di. ** A. -sTngu-, B. -hingu-. 
" A. omits hd. *^ A. tama. ** A. gattru, B. gathu. ** A. wewayi. *^ A. 
wewayi. *' B. ball*!. *» A. swami. ** B. ksBmaBtta. *° A. msenawt. 



360 THE RUWANW.ELI DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 

Devas Sahasa-Malla esha jagatam manyasayam yacate 
Trayan yad drdhapakshapatadhurinam kshatro 'bhidharm- 

maparam 
Ayushmatprtanapateh krtavatam KaUngayansodayam 
Candrakhyavadhisampadaih sahasato rakshantu yansyan 

Drpah. 



B. — ^The Ruwanw^li Inscription found in 1874 by 
Naranwita XJnnanse, at the S.E. Entrance to the 
Terrace round the Ruwanw^li Dagaba at Anu- 
radhapura. 

(1). Srimat-wu, tyaga - satya - saury yadi - guna - ganayen 
asadharana wu, Oka-was-raja-parapuren a, Ealinga- 

(2). cakrawarrti-raja-wansayata tilakaya-samaiia wbb, Sinha- 
purayehi sajata-wu, Nissamka 

(3). Malla-Kalinga-Parakramabahu-rajapa-walianse ; swa- 
wansayata pa ramparayata 

4. Lamkadwipayehi ek se-sat kote; malu Farakrama-bahu 

wahanse purwa-raja- 

5. carita ikmas kala ati-dasa-awinayen pTdita-wu dilindu- 

W8B gos sorakam kotse 

6. jiwatwana boho janaya jiwitasahaeraB sorakam karanne 

yan' 

7. asawen wedaeyi, ran-ridi-masuran-mutu-maBnik-wastra- 

bharanadi un-un-kaBmati-wastu ha 

8. sarak-gam-bim-adi abbaya dl, sorakam harawa ; sesu 

boho janaya da e c dukkhayen galawa, mese 

TRANSLATION. 

After Nissanka Malla Kalinga Farakrama Bahu, who was 
born at Sinhapura, as it were the crowning ornament of the 
imperial Ealingan race, the descendants of King Ikshyaku ; 
and who was unequalled in the number of his yirtues, gene- 
rosity, truth, heroism, and the like ; (4) had made one authority 
(supreme) in the island of Ceylon, which belonged to his family 
by ancestral right; (8) he put down robbery by relieying, 
through gifts of cattle and fields, and of gold and silyer coins. 



THE RUWANW-ELI DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 361 

9. msewiwidhawicitra-wastu-danayeiisanatha-kotSB; madun- 
deya sthlrakotse tawa da wsBdiyak samurddhawa sata- 
mana 

10. wedaeyi, awurudu gananakata aya hserse wadara, tun raja- 

yehi msD haema kalata kasti aya haersB wadara; ma 
dawasaokak 

11. no simha suwase wisuwaB maBnaewaeyi, pera-rajadaru- 

wan no kala wirulesekae tulabhara naegewi sita 

12. wadara, urehi da Wira-bahu mahapanan wahanse ha 

agamahesun Kalinga Subhadra bisowun wahanse 

13. ha saha wotunu abaranin saedi, taman wahanse ha tun- 

dena-wahanse tulabhara naegl sat ruwan 

14. ha aetulu riditiram ha anantakoto, raja-wlthiyehi (ne) 

swamin maha-dana-warsha pawatwa ; tun raja- 

15. yehi bohokotse Nissamka-namin satra namwa, annadana- 

da nirantara- 



and pearls, and jewelry, and clothes, as each one desired, the 
anxiety of the people ; who, impoverished and oppressed by 
the very severe taxations of Parakrama Bahu the Old 
(which exceeded those customary under former kings), lived 
by robbery : for, thought he, they wish to steal only through 
their desire for life. (9) He relieved a great number of other 
people also, each one from the hardship that he felt, and 
having thus, by gifts of various kinds of goods, made the 
people feel that they had a protector, (10) he was pleased to 
take off taxes for a number of years, and to relinquish for 
ever in the three divisions (of Ceylon) the tax on chena cul- 
tivation, thinking, " may that which I have given be main- 
tained, and prosperity be still further increased." (11) And 
further thinking "that no one may be imhappy in my time, I 
wiU moimt the balance as no former princes have done," he 
mounted the balance together with Prince Wira Bahu, the 
fruit of his loins, and his chief queen. Queen Kalinga Sub- 
hadra, three persons in all, wearing their crowns and orna- 
ments, and so caused a rich rainfall of gifts in the royal 
street . . . silver . . . containing the seven jewels. (15) He 



362 THE RUWANWJELI DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 

16. yen pawatwa ; siyalu dilindu-bhaya sora-bhaya kantaka- 

bhaya durukote, Lak-diw-wasi-haemadena 

17. suwapatko^a) ; sasanayehi da dussllayan da ukkanthitayan 

da pahanowanne pratyaya lo- 

18. bhayen ha katayuttehi bhayin bawa daena, sasanaya 

kilutu no kotae siwuruhalawunta katayutu dae- 

19. nae, ran-ridl-yakada-bat-bijuwata-sarak-adlwu d^laebeyi 

sammata-karawa wadara ; susllawahanse- 

20. warundsbta da paribhoga no wuwamanawedaDyi, obage 

nsowadaeyanta nowatunsituyen 

21. sangrahakota, siwpasayen dana-prawaha paturuwa ; mese 

lokaya da sasanaya da semehi taba, 
22. , Pulastipurayehi waeda-wasana-seyen, Ruwanwaeli dagab 

wahanse da wandana pinisae siyura- 
23. nga senaga piriwara mahanubhawayen taman wahanscta 

satarawannehi nikmae ; dagab wa- 



put up rest-houses in the name of Nissanka in many places in 
the three provinces, and established food endowments to con- 
tinue for ever ; and removing far away the fear of poverty, 
and the fear of thieves, and the fear of distress, he made 
every one in the island of Lanka happy. 

(17) Having perceived that those who did not keep their 
vows, and those who still had (worldly) desires, would not 
leave the Church through greed of gain and fear of work, 
and having perceived what ought to be done for those who 
threw off the robes without disgracing the Church, he was 
pleased to order that they should receive gold and silver, and 
clothes, and rice, and seed padi, and cattle, and the like; and 
thinking "it is not right for the reverend priests who keep 
their vows to have wealth," he poured out a stream of gifts 
of the things allowed to the priests, and took their relatives 

under his protection (21) Whilst he, having thus 

pacified the world and the church, wqb living at Pulastipura, 
he set out, in the fourth year of his reign, with great pomp 
and surrounded with a powerful army, to worship the relics 



THE RUWANWiELI DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 363 

24. hanse penena manayelii dlmsB wahanayen bsBSSD, srI 

padayen RuwanwaBli-maluwata wajda, malu- 

25. wehi waeli tawaranna se ananta mutu atutse, wseli nala- 

pimanan kusum pudunna se 

26. ran-mal ridi-mal sat ru wan sisara niraturu kotae puda ; 

anangi pata kada patakayen 

27. dagabata atapaniwaranaya kotae, sisara ; niraturu kota) 

kapuragoda goda kotae, pahan 

28. puda ; taliyantel-suwanda tel-adiwu telin satiyak pahan 

pudii mese mae kalu wael 

29. dumin suwanda-malin puda siwaedgandin sisara, piri- 

badagenaB, satalis lakshayak masuranin 

30. pQjakotaB ; nuwarata hatpasin sat gawwak pamana taenas 

hacma satun no maerlya haokkaeyi 

31. abhaya dl, bera lawa, dolos maha wae taenae masunta 

abhaya di, Kambodinta ranridi-adl- 

32. wu kaemati wastu dl, pakshin no marana niyayen sam- 

mata kotao, pakshlnta abhaya di ; pritln 

in the sacred Dagaba of Ruwan waeli. He alighted from his 
carriage as soon as the sacred Dagaba appeared in sight, and 
walked on his royal feet to the terrace, and went round the 
Dagaba ; having scattered countless pearls as if he were 
sprinkling sand on the terrace, and offered in perpetuity 
gold and silver flowers inlaid with the seven gems as if he 
were offering ordinary flowers on a bed of sand, and covered 
it with flags of priceless silken cloth. (27) Having heaped 
up heaps of camphor, he offered lamps in perpetuity, and for 
a week he offered lamps with taliyan oil, and scented oil, and 
the like, and likewise offered Kaluwel incense and sweet- 
scented flowers, surrounding it with the four kinds of odours, 
and had it swept, and offered forty laks of masurans. (30) He 
gave security to animals, ordering by beat of tom-tom that 
they should not be killed within a distance of seven gaiia 
from the city ; he gave security to the fish in twelve great 
tanks ; giving gold and silver, and whatever other goods 
they wanted, to the Kambojians, he commanded them not to 
kill birds, and so gave security to birds. When in his joy 



364 THE RUWANW.EU DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 

33. da wandana welelii ehi bauddha dewatawan saha min 

ha bananna dutu minisange priti 

34. ghoshana asa e welehi upan Baddhalambana priiin Lak- 

diwwasinta nsewseto hawu- 

35. mddakata aya haeras ehi siti Loke-arak menawan adhi- 

kara koto undae pada Mirisa- 

36. wid adiwu wihara karawawayi ananta waatu ha wl 

siyaganan yala di situwa nuwara dew- 

37. nuwarak se peraparidden sarjjitako^ wadala niyadameta 

si tin puja kala 

38. nata bauddha dewatawangen memse lesae ar^ksha seti 

bawa da dasna matuwana rajadaruwanudu 

39. wisin nuwarae wihara wihara wasln lokasasana sanatha- 

kotse raksha katayutu 

Sriyamna ratnacaityapacitim avikalair yo na lakshair dha- 

nyanam 
Catyarimsatpramanair nnirupamaracitam dvikshasandraih 

pramodyaih 
Pratyakshany eva naikastutim akrtattu priticitto 'yam ab- 

dam 
Lamka-Nissamkamallo daramayadakara SrI-Parakranta- 

bahuh. 



he was worshipping the reKcs, he heard the joyful shouts of 
those who saw the Buddhist gods talking there with men, 
and from the enthusiasm towards Buddha which then arose 
in him, he again relinquished to the people of Ceylon a year's 
taxation. (35) He made the philanthropic men there pre- 
sent judges, and giving them countless wealth and hundreds 
of yalas of padi, told them to restore the Mirisawiti and 
other wiharas, and decorated the city like a city of the gods. 
(37) May future princes, perceiving that protection in like 
manner will be granted by the Buddhist gods to those who 
in their hearts worship this Dagaba, protect and preserve the 
wiharas in this city, and those who dwell in the wiharas ! 



NOTES ON THE SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 365 

Notes on the Sahasa Malla Inscription. 

1. Siri'Sara. — Sara here is derived from sara, and means 
fall of, whose very essence is. This sense is not given in 
Clough's Dictionary ; but this compound sirisara occurs in 
SsBlalihini-sandese, vv. 83, 93; and also in the TJmmaga 
Jataka, p. 60, line 13, and Kusa Jataka, w. 612, 633, 655, 
678. In the sense of ' arrow * sara is common ; compare 
Malsara, ' the flower-arrowed one,* as a name of Anangaya or 
Cupid ; Kusa Jataka, v. 204. 

2. Wirudulada. — ^Wirudu kiyanawaa is to recite panegyrics 
in verse, usually at a feast, in praise of some chieftain (San- 
skrit viruda, wirudu being the Simhalese pi.). Clough gives 
wiridu kima with the sense of 'speaking verses extempore, 
repeating apropos,' but I doubt whether the form in ri was 
ever in use. In the Guttila, a poem composed by Wettsewe 
in the fourteenth century, and still popular among the Simha- 
lese, at V. 237 occurs the phrase— 

Kiyata noyek wirudawali satose 

— in a note on which passage Pandit Batuwantudawa ob- 
serves that, in a vocabulary called Gadyapadya, wiruda is 
explained by rajastuti. I do not understand the expression 
wiradu raja on the Great Lion at the Audience Hall, Pulasti- 
pura, where it is used as an epithet of Nissanka Malla. See 
the Indian Antiquary for September, 1873, pp. 246, 247. 

3. Rajapd. — Compare aepa in the contemporary Inscription 
on the fourth pillar of the Audience Hall at Pulastipura, and 
my note in the vocabulary, Indian Antiquary for September, 
1873, p. 248. Compare also Sidatsangarawa, line 44. 

4. Bcenan, — Sahasa Malla is not mentioned at all in TJp- 
ham's Rajawaliya (p. 255), and only in a list of sovereigns 
in TJpham's Rajaratnakara (p. 93) : in Tumour's Epitome 
his relationship to Nissanka Malla is also not given, and in 
the Mahavamsa itself his reign is dismissed in the following 
brief stanza (I extract from the India Office MS., chap. Ixxx. 
V. 32) :— 

Tato Sahasamallo ti raja vikkamakesarl (MS. kesari) 
Bajjam kasi duve vasse Okkakakulasambhavo. 



366 NOTES ON THE 

The word b^nd is now applied only to a daughter's husband, 
or a sister's son ; but Xissanka Malla, who came to the throne 
eighteen years before Sahasa Malla, was probably his senior 
in age. Clough, who under b^na only g^ves 'a nephew, a 
sister's son/ has another form hrehcBndy under which he gires 
also 'an elder brother.' In the charms used in the Bala 
ceremony to propitiate the planets, the expression tcelendu de 
hcB occurs in the sense of * two brothers, merchants.' I have 
translated 'elder brother'; but that meaning is doubtful, as 
bha<nneva in Sanskrit, and bhac'ine\'A'a in Pali, both mean 
exclusively nephew. 

5. TJdd must mean the rising, but udaya or ude are the 
usual forms ; the one used in the inscription being not even 
noticed by Clough, and only now occurring, as far as I re- 
collect, in the verb uddicenaicd, * to rise ' (of the heavenly 
bodies). But compare Guttila, v. 118, and Kusa Jataka, 
V. 369, where udd is used as a noun. The latter poem is an 
Elu version of the weU-known Jataka, written about 1610 a.d. 
by Alagiyawana Mohottala, and is very popular among the 
Simhalese, some of whom consider it the finest poem in the 
language. A printed edition by Don Andris Tudawa was 
published in Colombo in 1868. 

6. Tubiisanda. — I have ventured, against both MSS., to 
adopt this reading, which corresponds well with the giya 
kalhi above. 

7. Ahondican is still used in the hiU country of Ceylon as 
a term of respect s}Tionymous with elder. 

8. Bxidalndican is used as equivalent to mudalndtcan, which 
only occurs with the meaning of treasurer, and is derived 
from the Tamil mudal, 'money;' mudaiif/d, with its derivative 
fnudiyanse, is derived from the Tamil mudali, 'first,' and is 
a native title of rank, not used in India, but much used in 
Ceylon. Clough gives mudali, with the meaning ' a treasurer, 
a cash keeper,' but mudaliya does not occur with that mean- 
ing, and the form mudali, though good in Tamil, can only in 
Simhalese be the base used in compounds and in the plural. 

9. Niyamtucd is not given in the Sinhalese dictionaries : 
if the reading is correct, it must, I think, be Sanskrit niyiL- 



SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 367 

maka^ and must mean steersman, although niyamako is given 
in Abhidhanappadlpika, v. 667, as used of sailors generally. 
Namaniya is, I am told, still used by the Simhalese sailors 
engaged in the coasting trade in the sense of ' mast/ 

10. anaaak = ajnacakra, the wheel of command, the con- 
stantly recurring succession of orders and ordinances. 

11. bd tcenu. — Bahanawa, according to Clough, is 'to put 
in,' and banawa, 'to lower, to let down, to unload;' the latter 
word being very common in that sense : taBnu I take to be 
the p.p'p. of tananawa, but I am not certain that I have 
imderstood these words rightly. 

12. wiyalak, — Namawaliya explains this (v. 138) by 
walanga, snake; in which sense it must be derived from 
Sanskrit vydla. Soraiciyala is the old form of the modern 
porowwa, ' sluice.' Mceti-wiyala is the moist clay ready for 
making the mud walls of native houses with. Wiyalanawd, 
according to Clough, is ' to dry,' and tciyala, besides a tiger, 
a snake, and wet clay, means also bedstead. Here it means 
a muddy field, madabima, a padi-field, rice-field: compare wila, 
which Clough explains by lotus, pond, cavern, etc., and which 
also means marsh. 

13. malanuwan is not given in Clough or Namawaliya, but 
is still in use occasionally as an honorific form of malaya. 

14. wadd-awut. — Wada enawa is used as the causal of the 
respectful expression wadinawa = yahapat wenawa. Simha- 
lese politeness does not (or did not) speak of priests or 
headmen eating, sleeping, coming or going, like ordinary 
mortals, but contrived euphemisms to be used of such dis- 
tinguished persons alone. 

15. fo sasun, — I have both here and below translated this 
government of the world ; but it may also be a dvandva com- 
pound, and mean the Church and State: compare the 
expressions lo waeda sasun waeda, at line 15, and lo waoda 
sasim rakshaya at line 65 of the Palace Inscription, J. R. A. S. 
1874. 

16. bcBnd is so in both MSS., perhaps baena, p. part. act. of 
baninawa, should be read. 

17. pradhdnL — So read both MSS., but I think the form 

VOL. TII.~[nBW 8E&IB8.] 24 



368 NOTES ON THE 

should be pradhana. It is difficult to determine the exact 
force of the titles of the high officials in ancient Ceylon, as 
they doubtless varied at different times. Lankadhikara, used 
at the commencement of this inscription, is evidently the origin 
of the title Adigar, which the English, in their first inter- 
course with the King of Kandy, found applied to the Prime 
Minister. Moggallana, at v. 982 of the Abhidhanappadlpika, 
explains padhana by mahamatta. Councillor of State. On the 
pillars in Nissanka Malla's Audience Hall are the remarkable 
inscriptions translated in the Indian Antiquary^ loc, cit.y show- 
ing the position of those who were present when he sat in 
state. They were in the following order: — 1. The ywirarq/a, 
seated. 3. The ^/?a5=adhipas, seated. 3. On one side the 
«ew^7rira</w=senapatis; and on the other side the mdrtdaWcaBf 
governors of provinces, 4. On one side the pradhdnaa ; on the 
other the caurdsls, governors of 'hundreds* (from caturasi, 84, 
see Sir H. Elliot's Glossary of Indian Terms, sub voce), 
5. On one side the kdyasthaSy or secretaries ; and on the other 
the members of the kadagoshthi or ba^ar council (Chamber of 
Commerce). 

In the seventeenth century, Knox, whose faithful and 
full description of the whole inner life and customs of 
the Simhalese is a mine of valuable information, gives the 
titles of the State officers as follows: — 1. ' Adigars * = adhi- 
kara. 2. ^Dissanvas,' i.e. (/wdM?afa=disa, the rulers of pro- 
vinces. 3. The * courlividani,' i.e. kbrali viddnes = vidhanas 
over the korales, into which the provinces of Ceylon are 
divided. 4. The ' congconna,' i.e. kangdni, a Tamil word for 
a petty officer ; and courti-archila, which must be, I think, 
kdrale drracila = arakshika, the t being a misprint. The 
revenue officers under the disawas were: — 3. ^Liannahs,' 
i.e. Uyannds, writers. 4. 'TJndias,* i.e. undii/ds, undiya mean- 
ing originally a lump or ball, and then a particular coin, four 
of which, according to Clough=l salt, 4 sali being =iyanain, 
i.e. I^d. 5. The 'Monannahs, ' i.e. maninnds, measurers, 
collectors of the king's tithe. 

In the Mabavamsa Tumour translates purohita (p. 61) by 
' purohitta minister ; ' at p. 69 we have an amaccapamukha, 



SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 369 

to whom the purohicca is subsequently given in India ; 
an amaccay who is made dandandydka (cf. 146, 4; 153, 
13, 14; 170, 5; 172, 9; 173, from which two passages it 
appears that Dushta-gamini had at least eight amacce, 
p. 205, 5; 227, 6; 229, 9; 231 3; 233, 5; 248 9; 253 11); 
and a ganakay who is made a setthi; while the honour of 
sendpati is given by Asoka to Devanam-Piyatissa's nephew. 
This word senapati is several times translated by Tumour 
' minister,' which is also his rendering for camupati (Mah. 
44, 13; where camupati = senapati at line 10, Mah. 137, 
4 ; 204, 8, 9, 10 ; where camupati = senapati at line 7 ; 
at p. 64 both these words are translated commander, and 
so at pp. 219, 225, 16; 259, 9). Nagaraguttika is said at 
p. 65 to have been a permanent official in Anuradhapura. 
Kiimdra used at pp. 23, 148, of the son of a king, is used at 
p. 141 of a villaga chief ; apparently the same as sammata on 
p. 142 (an epithet applied to an amacca at p. 172, 4). At 
p. 248, 5, kumara are the king's pages. Raja kammika, 
king's overseer, pp. 175, 176, is perhaps not the title of an 
official, but balaitha, pp. 175, 209, 210, 218, 219, peon, mes- 
senger, certainly is. Dovdrika^ p. 117, 11, and jetthadovdrika, 
p. 209, 8, are also officials, but evidently much beneath the 
dtdrandyaka, p. 260, line 10, again mentioned in the 39th 
chap. V. 39, J.R.A.S. 1874, Pt. II. At p. 231, 3, we have 
a bhanddgdriko amacco, lord high treasurer. At p. 195 we 
have a lekhaka, secretary who keeps a diary of the king's 
good deeds, and another is mentioned at p. 236, 5. Mahd" 
mattd is the name of Wankanasika's queen, p. 223, and also, 
on the authority of the translator only, of Ilanaga's queen, 
p. 216. The title mahamatta does not occur in the Mah., 
but is applied by Buddhaghosa in the commentary on the 
Dhammapada (Dh. p. 307, 336) to Santati, who is also called 
(p. 336) an amacca of King Bindusara : compare also p. 390, 
line 9. Odmanl at Mah. 151, 1, seems to mean a village 
headman, but may also mean lord or owner of the village. 
There is a curious list given in the Sumangala Yilasini, as 
quoted by Alwis, Pali Grammar, p. 99, where it is stated that 
on the arrest of a thief, he was tried first by the viniccaya" 



370 NOTES ON THE 

mahdmattas, then bj the tohdnkas^ then bj the 9utiadara9, 
then by the atthakulikas, then by the 9endpaii, then by the 
ypardja, then by the King : each haying the power of ao- 
qoittaly bat not of conyiction and punishment. 

Throughout the history of Ceylon the political constitution 
seems to have remained the same. At the head the King, 
bound by no law, but never altering the law ; his despotism 
only restrained by his own sense of justice or fear: at his 
court one or more ministers, among whom the departments of 
state were sometimes divided, but to any one of whom usually 
an appeal lay £rom every inferior officer, and who advised the 
King, or administered in his name, on all affidrs : over each 
province a chief, bound to pay into the treasury not the exact 
revenue he received, but a lump sum, and intermediate appeal 
iudge in all cases arising in his district : under him, again, in- 
ferior officers, some of whom were clerks and accountants with 
specified duties, others petty territorial headmen over villages 
or small districts with judicial as well as administrative 
power. No great landowners, but the land in the hands of 
peasants bound only to pay some share from one-tenth 
to one-half to the King, or to a temple or chief when the 
King had made a grant to that effect. Sumptuary laws, or 
rather customs, and the great difficulty of obtaining justice 
against oppression, prevented any rise in the general scale of 
comfort, and prevented therefore at the same time any great 
extension of commerce. Three-fourths of the people be- 
longed to one, the wellala, or agricultural caste ; but caste 
customs bound mechanics, barbers, washers, weavers, etc., to 
perpetual servitude; whilst slavery of a mild form was 
universal. 

18. pattanamcB. — I am not sure whether the mae here 
should be taken separately as the adverb of emphasis, or 
whether this is one word, the Sinhalese locative sb added to 
the Tamil word pattanam. Fausboll, in his Five Jatakas, 
p. 25, says, "Pattana is given by Wilson in the general sense 
of town, but it must particularly mean a town near the sea, 
a port.*' Compare patun gam in the Rankot Pillar Inscrip- 
tion, Joum. Boyal As. Soc., VoL VII. Part I. n.s. p. 164. I 



SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 371 

think the word is of Dravidian origin. At Mahava&sa^ 
p. 110, Tumour translates Jambukola by Jombukolapattana: 
compare Mah. 119, 13, where the reading should probably 
be Jambukolavhapattane. Tumour reads Jambukolamhi- 
patthane, and the India Office MS. has J^ padane. 

19. pata from patanawa = prarthana karanawa. 

20. Both MSS. read wigna not wijfia. This is very 
curious. Compare the modem pronunciation of nirvana 
which is usually in Ceylon = nirgwana. 

21. 8ddhd, — Compare F. Dh. p. Ill, 21, 'tassa rukkhassa 
pupphapalasadin sadeti, where a MS. I had reads sadheti. 

22. subha, — I have ventured to read so in accordance with 
an expression used below in this inscription. 

23. Mahdpotin. — This word gave me much difficulty, owing 
to the MSS. reading peta and peti respectively ; but I think 
the reading adopted must be right. Pota is given for a ship 
at Abhidh. 1118. Compare potadhana, Clough s.v., a shoal 
of fish so large as to stop the course of a ship when sailing. 
Perhaps to distinguish it from pot, a book, the word ought 
in Sinhalese, following the Sanskrit and Pali, to be written 
with long 0, 

24. sddhdrana in modem Sinhalese means justice, equity, 
sarwasadharanawa, equitable towards all, is opposed to pak- 
shapatawa, partial, in the sixth column of the number for 3rd 
September, 1869, of the Lakrittikirana or Ceylon Sunbeam, a 
native newspaper, whose leading articles are as much dis- 
tinguished for their idiomatic and correct Sinhalese as they 
are for loyalty and good sense. Clough's derivation of the 
word is quite wrong. 

25. Ranpata bandawd. — Knox, p. 133, says: "Among the 
noblemen may be mentioned an honour that the king confers 
like unto knighthood; it ceaseth in the person's death, and is 
not hereditary. The King confers it by putting about their 
heads a piece of silk or ribbon, embroidered with gold and 
silver, and bestowing a title upon them. They are styled 
mundianna {Le, mudiyanse) ; there are not above two or 
three of them in the realm living now." 

26. Rqiawallabha, — At Mah. 236, 5, raMo vallabha is the 



372 NOTES ox THE 

king's mistress. At 23o, 4, Sonamacco rajaTallabho 
the minister Sona, a fayonrite of the King. 

27. kawudu hallan. — On several inscriptions reooiding 
grants I was surprised to see roagh drawings of a crow and 
dog. This passage explains their meaning, bat as seYcral 
of these inscriptions were in alphabets much older than the 
time of Sahasa 3IaUa, the comparison most have be^i in 
common use £rom an early period. 

28. The Sanskrit stanzas at the end of this and the next 
inscription are so corrupt in the MSS. that it would be use- 
less to attempt a translation. 



XOTES ox THE RCT\'AXW^L1 DIgABA IxSCRIFTIGN.^ 

2. Samdna. — The MS. reads tilakdyamdna, which gives no 
sense : samana is the reading in the parallel passage at line 7 
of the Palace Proclamation of Nissanka Malla, J.R.A.S., 
Vol. VII. Part I. NisMnka is spelt with ss at line 8, and 
throughout the three inscriptions published in Vol. VII. 
Part I. of this Journal ; but as the name is given with 88 
in the Inscription on the Great Lion by the Audience Hall 
at Pulastipura (see the Indian Antiquary for September, 
1873, p. 246), I have not ventured to alter the reading of 
the MS. 

3. The MS. has tcahanse, which I have corrected to tcahanse, 
see vv. 12 (bis), 13 (bis), 19, 22, 23, 24. 

4. Mdlu being used of Parakrama Bahu the Great, who 
had only been dead less than ten years, must mean old in 
years, and not old in the sense of former. The Mudaliar, 
who does not translate the title, points out very rightly that 
this reference in Nissanka Malla's inscription to Parakrama 
settles the question that Nissanka Malla Parakrama Bahu 
cannot be identical with the Parakrama Bahu of Tumour's 
list. When, however, as an additional reason for the same 

* The namben prefixed to these notes refer to the numbers of the lines in the text. 



RUWANW^LI DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 373 

conclusion, he points out that the Stone Book at Pulastipura 
gives a description of Nissanka Malla agreeing in all im- 
portant points with that given in the present inscription, he 
forgets that this proves nothing to the point at issue. Be- 
cause one inscription of Nissanka Malla's agrees with another^ 
it does not follow that he i& the Kirti Nissan ga mentioned by 
Turnour. But that point also is settled by other facts men- 
tioned in these inscriptions agreeing with the extract from 
the Mahavamsa now published, from which it also appears 
that Tumour's spelling Nissanga was incorrect. 

The Mudaliar translates the whole of this passage : " Con- 
sidering the great many people oppressed and impoverished 
by injudicious inordinate taxation repugnant to the ancient 
royal institutes of the exalted Malu Parakrama Bahu," etc., 
which seems to me grammatically impossible : the subject of 
the verbs ikmcB hala must be Parakrama Bahu. Such a trans- 
lation is also inconsistent with the known facts of history, as 
only one king, the mild and religious Wijayabahu II., 
reigned between Malu Parakrama and Nissanka Malla. 

9, 10. These lines, which must be written very closely on 
the stone, as they contain more than the other lines of the 
inscription, seem to have presented some difficulty to the 
copyist, and are corrupt, sandtha-hotce is a strange form ; 
perhaps the stone has swastha-kotw which occurs in the 
parallel passage on the Eankot Dagaba Pillars published by 
me in the present volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, p. 164, but compare v. 39. The MS. has sthlra kotce; 
I have ventured to read sthira; and wiwiya, where I read 
wiwidha^ the former giving no sense, and the y being so much 
like the dh of the twelfth-century alphabet. Satamand 
also seems to be a mistake for satamana, which I read, and 
ma dawasaekak should be md, I do not understand simha at 
the commencement of the new line. For samurddhawa 
compare the Palace Inscription, line 22. 

14. {ne) swamin. sic in MS. The MS. here, and in vv. 7, 
19, 26, has ridi, though ridi is the more common form. I 
have corrected the MS. reading cetalu into cetulu, which alone 
is correct. 



374 NOTES ON THE 

17. The MS. here has sdsanayehi, and at w. 18, 21, sdfa- 
naya ; at v. 39 it reads sasana, which is right. 

18. The MS. has dcencence. The Mudaliar takes holawunta 

m m 

as a nominative, and translates katayutu ds&nsB by *' had no 
means of living." 

19. For ridl-yakada-bat-bijuwata, the Mudaliar has " vest- 
ments, iron, seed, paddy," which is probably through a con- 
fusion with kada * cloth.' 

20. The Mudaliar renders obage .... sangrahakotse by 
''presented their kith and kin with various articles of 
wealth." 

22. The MS. has Pulastl. 

27. dtapaniwdranaya kotce the Mudaliar translates by 
" fanning it with fans." 

33. This reference to gods talking with men is most 
curious, and certainly refers to a miracle supposed to have 
been wrought on this occasion. The Bauddha-dewatawan 
cannot mean simply Buddhist priests, for it is said on the 
Stone Book at Pulastipura {teste Armour apud Forbes, 
Ceylon, vol. iL p. 347, last line) that Nissanka Malla 
'' having made offerings worth a sum of seven lakshaa to the 
great Ruanweli Saya at Anooradhapura, he caused statues 
to be made of the Dewetas who rejoiced at the said puja, 
and had the same gilded and placed in proper situations." 

39. Vihdra meant, in the Post-Vedic times in India, firstly 
pleasure, relaxation, and then a pleasure-ground or place of 
relaxation ; and after the rise of Buddhism it was applied to 
the Buddhist temples. It meant originally the meeting place 
of the Buddhist priests ; but after images of Buddha began 
to be set up, and dwelling-houses for the priests to be per- 
manently erected round the image-house, the word vihara 
was used — as it still is — to denote either, 1. dagaba (or 
dome built over a relic). Bo-tree {Ficm reiigioaa), and more 
exactly the temple itself; or, 2. and more generally, the 
whole monastic establishment. This usually consists in all 
Buddhist countries alike of one or more of the following 
buildings : — 1. The temple or image-house containing one or 
more figures of Buddha, either standing, sitting cross-legged, 



EUWANWJELI DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 375 

or lying on his side : before these images the pions Buddhist 
goes through his simple worship, bowing, placing his palms 
together, and raising his hands to his forehead, repeats the 
creed or some moral sentences from the Buddhist books, and 
offers flowers. 2. The ddgaba or solid bell-shaped dome, 
sometimes of enormous dimensions, under which some relic 
of Buddha is supposed to be buried. 3. The sacred Bo-tree 
{Ficus religiosa). 4. A preaching hall. 5. A hall in which 
the priests meet; and lastly, the cells in which the priests 
sleep. See Davy's Ceylon, p. 220 ; Tennent's Ceylon, vol. i. pp. 
347-349 : for Siam, Pallegoix, Annales de la Propagation de 
la Foi, Janr., 1854, pp. 31 et seq. : for Burma, Bigandet, 
Legend of the Burmese Buddha, p. 162: for Nepal, Hodgson's 
Sketch of Buddhism, p. 241: for Tibet, Koppen, EeUgion 
des Buddha, vol. ii. p. 258, and cf. vol. i. p. 376. 



X 

/ 



376 



Art. XVIII. — Notes on a Badrian Pali Inscription and the 

Samvat Era. By Prof. J. Dowson. 



In TrUbners Record of June, 1871, I gave a notice of a 
short Inscription, of which a rubbing was brought from 
Takht-i-Bahi by Dr. Leitner. The rubbing showed the In- 
scription to be in a very defective state, and, according to 
General Cunningham, the original stone has been used for 
grinding spices on. A photograph of it has since been 
obtained, from which the accompanying plate has been 
copied. Many of the letters are indistinct, but the photo- 
graph would seem to indicate that the blank space in the 
middle was blank from the first. The stone is now in the 
Lahore Museum. I quote what I said in the Record, 

"Altogether there are six lines of writing, but of theaOy 
the first two, containing the name of the King and the date, 
are alone intelligible. Fortunately this is the only part of 
the inscription which is of any importance ; for the word 
pui/ae, which is twice legible towards the end, shows that 
this inscription is a mere record of a votive offering, such as 
Buddhist worshippers loved to make and to set up in remem- 
brance of their devotion. The opening words of the inscrip- 
tion may be thus translated : * In tlie 26, twentt/^sixth, year of 
the great King Guna . . . pharasa, on t/^e 7, seventh, day of the 
7nonth VaisdkfuL* As usual, the numbers are expressed both by 
numerals and by words. The ' great King Guna . . . pharasa' 
is probably the ' Gondophares ' of the bilingual coins, whose 
name is written in a variety of ways in the Bactrian versions 
of the name. This identification, however, is open to doubt, 
for in the inscription three letters are obliterated in the 



NOTES ON A BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION. 377 

middle of the name. There is nothing even to suggest a 
guess as to what these letters were, but they must have 
made the name longer than it has yet been met with. 
It may be that it is a mere difference of spelling, but, 
on the other hand, it may be a different though similar 
name." 

In a subsequent number of the JRecord, General Cunning- 
ham, under his initials A.C., communicated his own version 
of the Inscription.^ Before seeing my version he had read ^ 
the name as Gudupharasa, and had identified it with Gondo- 
phares. He had also read the name of the month Yesakha. 
He then proceeds. " The date of the Inscription I read as 
Samvat 103, the fourth day of the month Vesdkh (equivalent 
to A.D. 46), in the 26th year of the King's reign. The 
inscription ends with the words sa piiyde mdtu pitu puyae^ 
' for his own religious merit, and for the religious merit 
of his father and mother.' It is therefore only a simple 
record of the building of a Stupa or a Vihdr by some pious 
Buddhist." 

General Cunningham's decipherment of the word Samvat 
induced me to take up the Inscription again ; and although 
the letters are very indistinct, I have no doubt that the 
word is there. The transliteration of the first two lines 
runs as follows : — 

Maha-rayasa Gunu . . . pharasa vasha iixj 

Samvatsarasa satamae uixi vesakhasa masasa divase. 

. • 

The word vasfia in the first line is the Sanskrit varsha 
" year," and this line may be unhesitatingly translated, " In 
the 26th year of the great King Gunu . . . phara (Gondo- 
phares)." 

The first two words of the second line are Samvatsarasa 
satamae^ " In (the year) one hundred of the Samvat." 
The other words are Vesakhasa masasa divase, " on the day 

^ Beprodaced in the Indian Antiquary of August, 1873, p. 242. 



AND THE SAMVAT ERA. 379 

tion is not self-conTincing, for the number of the year and 
the date of the month are placed together in a very awkward 
and deceptive way ; and according to the ordinary practice, 
the figures representing the date of the month ought to 
follow the name, not precede it. I cannot decipher the 
word following the name of the month, but I am satisfied 
that the first character is not a numeral. General Cun- 
ningham found a 4 somewhere, but I venture to say there 
is no such figure — so the three perpendicular marks re- 
present " 3 Yaisdkha." The translation of the first two 
lines is — 

" In the 26th year of the great King Gondophares (and) 
on the third day of the month Vais&kha, (year) one hundred 
100 of the Samvatsara." 

These few words are of great importance, as they prove 
that an era called Samvatsara was in use in Bactrian Pali 
days, and that it had become recognized as an era in its 
hundredth year. Whatever doubt may exist as to the above 
rendering of the numerals, I feel perfectly assured in the 
reading of the words " Samvatsaraaa satamae^^ which can 
mean nothing else than "in one hundred of the Samvat- 
sara." 

As the word Samvatsara, in its primitive sense, means 
simply ** year," it has been difficult in early dates to deter- 
mine whether to read it simply as "year," or as ^Hhe year," or 
" era." In translating the Mathura Inscriptions I purposely 
left the question open. Some of those inscriptions bore very 
early dates, as 5 and 9 ; and it seemed very improbable that 
the Samvatsara, whatever its epoch, should have come to be 
recognized as an era at so early a time : for the establish- 
ment of an era is almost always a retrospective, not a pro- 
spective arrangement. Though it may well come to pass 
that at the end of a long or remarkable reign, its years may 
continue to be counted onwards, and so the commence- 
ment of that reign may become the epoch of an era. Some- 
thing like this would seem to have been the case with the 
Samvatsara. 

General Cunningham, in reproducing my translations of 



380 



NOTES ON A BACTRIAN PAU INSCRIPTION 



the Mathura Inscriptions/ took a bolder course than I had 
/Ventured upon. Instead of reading Samvatsara as ** year/' 
he converted it into '' era ; " and no doubt he was quite 
justified in doing so with such high dates as 135 and 281. 
But there still remained a doubt as to whether the word 
samvatsara might not be used in the inscriptions with its 
simple primary meaning of " year/* as year of a reign or of 
some unspecified era. The present Inscription, in speaking 
of the year 100 of the Samvatsara, makes it perfectly clear 
that the Samvatsara was then recognized as an era. Having 
thus become fairly established as an era, whenever the word 
Samvatsara occurs in dates, unqualified by the mention of 
some other era, it must be taken as being the name 
of the era ; for the use of the word in such a position, 
with the simple meaning of year, would be not merely am- 
biguous, but deceptive, and such a use would no doubt be 
avoided by employing some synonym for "year," as the 
word varsha is used in this Inscription; or by giving the 
name of the era, as it is found expressed in other Inscrip- 
tions, *' Saka-Kdla-samvatsare"^ "in the year of the Saka era." 
A review of all the dates in the Bactrian Pali and 
Mathura Inscriptions gives the following results : — 



Kino. Samtat Yxah. 


Insc&iption. 




Eanishka 


9 


Mathura 


(Arch. Rep. toI. iiL p. 31). 


9} 


11 


Bhawalpur 


(Joum. Vol. IV. N.8. p. 600). 


it 


18 


Manikyala 


(Joum. Vol. XX. p. 261). 


Huyishka 


39 


Mathura 


(Joum. Vol. V. N.8. p. 182, and Arch. 
£ep. vol iii. p. 80), 


9t 


47 


»i 




» 


48 


»» 




M 


51 


Wardak 


(Joum. Vol. XX. p. 266). 


Moga 


78 


Taxila 


(lb. p. 223). 


V&8u-deva 


6 


Mathura 


(Arch. Eep. p. 30). 


tf 


44 




(Joum. VoL V. -N.8. p. 182, and Arch. 
Bep. vol. iii. p. 36). 


ft 


83 


19 




tt 


87 


tt 




»> 


98 






Gondophares 


100 


Takht-i Bahi. 



1 Archeeological Surrey, iii. 29. 

2 Journ. B.A.S. vol. iii. p. 269. Mnltai Plates. Joum. B.A.S. toL tL p. 870. 



AND THE 8AMVAT ERA. 381 

The only name in the series which presents any difficulty 
is that of V&su-deva. The name is first met with in an 
inscription of the year 5 ; but that inscription is very 
defective. The words V&su-deva are clear, but they are' 
not preceded by any title of royalty, and the context in 
which they occur is unintelligible ; it may, therefore, be 
reasonably doubted if they represent the name of the King. 
But the name occurs in the year 44, when Huvishka was 
reigning, and again in the years 83, 87, and 98. Apart 
from the fact of Huvishka being King in the year 44, it is 
extremely improbable that the same V&su-deva was reigning 
in that year and in the year 98. Thus the name Vdsu-deva 
is used apparently in the year 5, and certainly in the years 
44 and 98. Can any suggestion be offered to account for 
this P The name V&su-deva, it must be observed, is the 
only Hindu name in the series ; Kanishka, Huvishka, and 
the rest are of foreign origin. May not V&su-deva then 
have been the Hindu title by which the monarchs of this 
Scythic dynasty were known among their Hindu subjects P ^ 
Three foreign Kings, " Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka," 
are mentioned in the R&ja Tarangini, and it should be 
observed that the order in which the names succeed each 
other is a metrical arrangement. Kanishka and Hushka 
are known by inscriptions ; the name of Jushka has not been 
found, so he may have been known by another name. 

The dates of the various Bactrian Pali Inscriptions are, 
as above shown, entirely in agreement with the Indian Pali 
Inscriptions of Mathura. In all of them the word Samvat- 
sara is used. The present inscription proves that it was 
the title of an era, and its frequent abbreviation to " Sam " 
shows that it was a well-known familiar term. What, then, 
was the era it designated P In the Bactrian Pali Inscrip- 
tions the Macedonian months are frequently used, so that 
the natural inference was that the era used was the Seleu- 
cidan. But this era carried the inscriptions too far back. 
An ingenious theory has lately been set up to get over this 

^ This title or name is also found upon the Indo-Sassanian coins of a some- 
what later date. — See Thomas's Prinsep, Yol.ii. p. 113 ; Ariana Antiqua, p. 400. 



382 NOTES ON A BACTEIAN PALI INSCRIPTION 

difficulty. It supposes that the number of the century was 
suppressed, as we now suppress it in saying '75 for 1875. Bat 
we never adopt this practice in dating documents^ and it is 
obvious that it would entirely defeat the object of patting a 
date upon a monument intended to endure for a long period. 
It is true that in Bactrian Pali Inscriptions we have no date 
higher than the year 100; but the Mathura Inscriptions, 
which are intimately connected with them, have the dates 
135 and 281 Samvatsara.^ 

The question still remains as to what was meant by the 
word Samvatsara, and I have no hesitation in answering, 
The Samvatsara of YikramsLditya. In the first place that era 
accords with the period to which, for other reasons, these 
Inscriptions are referred. There has been a disposition of 
late years to question the great antiquity of this era. Some 
have said that it does not go farther back than the year 400, 
and one writer has even disputed its having been in use 
before the year 1000 a.d.* Little has been adduced in 
support of these attacks upon the antiquity of the era ; but, 
according even to the most hostile of its assailants, the era 
known as the Samvat has been current for a thousand years. 
This era is intimately bound up with Hindu ritual, and it is 
the one in which are enshrined those methods of computing 
and recording time which are peculiar to the Hindus. Both 
these considerations lead to a strong presumption in favour 
of its antiquity. The Ballabhi Samvat, which was based 
upon this Samvat, " is shown by the Annals of B4jasth&n to 
correspond with 375 of Vikramftditya." ' There is no very 
great gap between this date and the date of the present 
Inscription, and the interval is filled up by the Mathura 
Inscriptions of 135 and 281 Samvatsara. All the Bactrian 
Pali Inscriptions and the Mathura Inscriptions designate 
the era simply "Samvatsara," or, as abbreviated, "Sam.** 
Later inscriptions, which are unquestionably dated in the 



1 Jomn. R.A.S. Vol. V. n.s. p. 182 ; Arch. Rep. vol. iii. pp. 36, 87. 
' Extrait des Notices et Communications de TAcadlmie royale d' Amster- 
dam, 1873. 
3 Prinsep's Useful Tables, in Thomas, toI. ii. p. 158. 



AND THE SAMYAT ERA. 383 

era of Yikram&ditya, in the same way, name it only as 
" Samvatsara/' and I know of no instance of the word Vikra- 
maditya being used in an Inscription to qualify the word. 
In modern times the era is known simply as "Samvat/* 
There has thus been an era called " Samvatsara " from the 
year 100 to the present time ; and a natural conclusion 
follows, that, as it is now, so it was in the beginning, and 
that the title '' Samvatsara " has throughout designated one, 
and only one era. It is incredible that a second era should 
have been set up and called simply Samvatsara without any 
distinctive appellation. There have been other Samvats, as 
the Ballabhi Samvat, and the Siva Sinha Samvat,^ but these 
have their distinctive titles, and it is not to be lightly assumed 
that the bare word Samvatsara was used to designate either 
of them. So, when the word Samvatsara occurs in dates 
unqualified by a distinctive name, I hold to the opinion 
strongly expressed by James Prinsep, that it designates the 
Samvat of Vikram&ditya, and no other.* 

Oeneral Cunningham, in his last Archaeological Beport, 
has brought forward various arguments, showing that the 
Samvat era was used by Xanishka and the other Scythic 
monarchs in India.^ It seems now hardly possible to doubt 
the fact. What has been above written tends also to sub- 
stantiate his opinion that the Samvat era of Yikramftditya 
dates from the establishment of the Scythic power in India. 

* Prinsep's Usefiil Tables, in Thomas, vol. ii. p. 168. 

* Thomas's Prinsep, vol. ii. p. 258, and a note in p. 269, where Mr. Wathen 
records his opinion, that he made a mistake in supposing the *' Samvat" of a 
certain Guzerat inscription to have been the Ballabhi Samvat, and that the 
Samvat so used " is that of Vikramaditya." 

^ Arch. Report, iii. p. 46. Coincidently he proposes to identify Eanishka with 
Wema-Eadphises. In a later page (139) Chandra Gupta I. is placed in the year 
79 A.D. ; that is, the very epoch of the era of SMivahana. 



VOL VII.— [kiw bbribs.] 25 



384 



Art. XIX. — Note on a Jade Drinking Vessel of the Emperor 
Jahdngir. By Edward Thomas, F.B.S. 

Among other curiosities dispersed at the sale of the late CoL 
C. S. Guthrie's Oriental Collection, Lot 118— described as 
''A Dark-green Jade Jar, the neck engraved with an 
inscription" — realized £60, and was wisely retained in the 
family by Mr. Arbuthnot Guthrie. 

The yase in question constitutes a most interesting memorial 
of the Great Mughal Emperor JahangIr, being in fact one 
of his drinking yessels, cut expressly for his use at Fathpiir,^ 
near his capital of Agra; and in its surroundings brings 
yiyidly before us the tales of his drunken revels, of which we 
hear so much from Captain Hawkins and Sir T. Roe, the 
Ambassador of James I. at the Court of the Indian monarch. 
W. Hawkins, an almost boon companion, in speaking of his 
potations, goes on to say — 

'' Foure or five sorts of very well dressed and roasted meats are 
brought him, of which as bee pleaseth, he eateth a bit to stay his 
stomacke, drinking once of his strong drinke. Then hee oommeth 
forth into a private roome, where none can come, but such as himsellb 
nominateth, (for two yeeres together I was one of his attendants 
here). In this place he drinketh other five cupfdls, which is the 
portion the Physicians alot him. . . . And after he hath dept two 
houres, they awake him, and bring his supper to him, at which 
time he is not able to feede himselfe." — Hawkins (aj>. 1609-1611, 
▲.H. 1018-1020), in Purchas, vol. i. p. 224. 

Sir Thomas Roe's more reserved experiences are also pre- 
served in his own words — 

<' The King sent me word, it was his birth day, and that all men 
did make merry, and to aske if I would drinke with them. ... So 
hee called for a Cuppe of gold of mingled wine, halfe of the grape, 
halfe artificially and dranke, causing it to bee filled, and sent to me. 
.... I dranke a little, but it was more strong than euer I tasted, 

^ Jah&nglr was born at Fathpdr Slkri, in 977 a.h.— Eh&fi Kh&n, L 69. 



NOTE ON A JADE DRINKING VESSEL. 385 

80 that it made me sneeze, whereat he langhed." ' — Sir T. Eoe 
(a.s. 2nd Sept. 1616, a.h. 1025), Parchas, yoL i. p. 551 ; Pinkerton, 
vol. viii. p. 15 ; Churchill, vol. i. p. 636. 

Jah&ngir's own confessions are embodied, with full naivete, 
in his diary, which has been preserved in its more or less 
authentic form in the various memoirs of his life 



" Up to my fourteenth year I had never drunk wine, except two 
or three times in childhood, when my mother or nurses had given 
me some as a remedy for some childish ailment Once also my 
father called for some spirit {^arak) to the amount of a iola^ and 
mixing it with rose-water, made me drink it as a remedy for a 
cough. In the days when my father was in the field against the 
Yusufzdi Afghans, I was encamped near Atak, on the NiMb (Indus). 
I one day went out hunting. I met with many mishaps, and was 
very tired, when one of my attendants told me that if I would drink 
a cup of wine, it would relieve my fatigue and weariness. I was 
young, and prone to indulgence, so I sent a servant to the house of 
Hakim 'Ali for a refreshing drink. He brought me about a cup 
{piydla) and a half of yellow wine of sweet taste in a small bottle, 
and I drank it. The result was pleasant. Erom that time I took 
to wine-drinking, and from day to day took more and more, until 
wine of the grape had no effect upon me, and I took to spirit- 
drinking. In the course of nine years I got up to twenty cups of 
double-distilled spirit, fourteen of which I drank in the day, and 
the remaining six at night. The weight of this was six sirs of 

'Hindustan, equal to one man of frdn No one dared to 

expostulate with me, and matters reached such an extreme, that 
when in liquor I could not hold my cup for shaking and trembling. 
I drank, but others held the cup for me. At last I sent for the 
hakim (doctor) Humdm, brother of Hakfm Abu-1 Fath, who was 
one of my father's attendants, and placed my case before him. With 
great kindness and interest, he spoke to me without concealment, 
and told me that if I went on drinking spirits in this way for six 

* " Beinf entered, you approach the King's Derbar or Seat, before which is 
also a small court inclosed with railes, couered ouer head with rich Semianes to 
keepe away the Sunne . . . sitting forth in a small more inward Court . . . 
into which none but the Grandes ... are permitted to enter, where he drinkes 




Terry, Purchaa, yol. ii. p. 1481. See also p. 387, his "Voyage to East India." 
London, 1787. 



386 NOTE ON A JADE DEINKING VESSEL 

months longer, my state would be past remedy. His adyioe was 
good, and life is dear. I was greatly affected by his words, and 
from that day I began to diminish my potations, but I took to 
eating faluhd. As I lessened my drink, I increased the opium, and 
I directed that the spirits should be mixed with wine of the grape ; 
two parts wine and one spirit. Lessening my allowance daily, I 
reduced it in the course of seven years to six cups, each cup weigh- 
ing eighteen miskdls and a quarter. For fifteen years I have 
now kept to this quantity, taking neither more nor less." — ^Elliot's 
Historians, Waki' dt-i Jahdngiri, vol. vi. p. 341. See also p. 285. 
[Entry under the tenth year of the reign, a.f. 1024, a.d. 1615.] 

'* The climate of this part of the country (Gujarat) was not bene- 
ficial to my health, and the physicians had advised me to lessen the 
quantity of wine I usually drank. I deemed this prudent, and 
began to do so. In the course of one week I reduced the quantity 
about one cup. Formerly I took six cups every night, each cup 
containing seven tolas and a half of liquor, that is, forty-five ioUu 
altogether ; but now each cup contained six and one-third of a toUty 
the whole being thirty-seven tolas and a half." — Elliot, vol. vi. 
p. 361. [Entry under the thirteenth year of the reign, a.h. 1027, 
A.D. 1618.] 

These definitions of quantities enable us to determine the 
extent of the Emperor's potations. The two estimates^ in 
miskdls and Indian tolas accord so closely that we need not 
seek to reconcile the weight of the sir of Hindiist&n or the 
man of fr&n. Under these tests, our potentate, in his evil 
days, is found to have consumed 52 or 53 ounces of " double- 
distilled spirits." The quantity was sufficiently startling, but 
the strength and the quality of the liquor' must have been 
the great trial for the constitution. 

Our monarch does not appear to have had any euck scruples 
or reserve in the avowal of his tippling tendencies as has been 
sometimes attributed to him; for we find him causing the 

1 The mifkdl of 40 ratis^ or 70 grains troy, ^yes as the maximum 70 y 18} y 20 
= 53-220 ounces Apothecaries weight. The minimum being 18^x6 = 15*966 os. 

The tola of 96 ratit, or 168-00 grains (7} tolat x 6 = 45), gives a nmTim nm of 
52*500 oz., and a minimum of 37 ^o/a« = 15*750 oz. 

' B&bu R&jendralfid Mitra has given us a full account of the strong drinks 
of the ancient Hindis in the Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1873, p. 1. 
lie there shows that arraek was in use among the rites of the Vedic Aryans. 



OP THE EBfPEEOE JAHANGIB.. 387 

representatioii of his own sacred person to be stamped on the 
coinage of the empire, in the act of raising the wine-cup to 
his lips, so early as the sixth year of his reign/ a device which 
is retained, with slight modification, till his ninth year. In 
these examples the cup is shaped like an ordinary China tea- 
cup, so that we must suppose that this Jade vessel' constituted 
the water mug of his repentant eflforts at the reduction of 
stimulants, an inference alike demanded by the date and 
tenor of the inscription itself, as well as by the form of the 
jar, which follows that of the ordinary Indian Lotah, made 

1 Manden, No. 1335. Gold. Weight, 168 grains. a.h. 1020. 

Oby. Bust of Jah&ngir raising the wine-cnp preparatory to drinking. A light 

nimbus surrounds the head. 

Legend. i»^*«-*Li>Uli^l«:^ .Ui 'i:?: ^'iStthS'."' 

Left — lA*'^^ I f" * ^'-tj i Year six of the reign. 

Rby. The Sun in the constellation of Leo, occupying the full surface of the 

piece — at the foot of the device the words 

^T * lStS^ ^^:^ Year 1020 Hijri. 



Marsden, 1338. Gold. Weight, 167 grains. Ajmlr, a.h. 1028. 
Oby. Full figure of the King seated on his chair of State, holding a cup of 

wine. A prominent nimbus encircles the head. 

Legend, ^fi^^-^^-jly^ i^Jjj *L.y,\^\^ft t^J^t 

H. M. Sh&h Jah&ngir 
Siffht^'^X^ 2rLl ^,^ -fjj-^ ^A*r was placed on the gold 
"^ * * coin. 

Rby. Small sun in the centre. 

AhoY»— .\ . V* \v,» % l-\ • . From eternity, the numeral 
AbOYO-^^ A-, J Ac J J Jjyjlfj letters for Jahdnffir and 

^ ^ AIM Akbar have been 

Below — ^\ jJJ\ . ,.00 U>- u^«*>- in unison. [The totals 

^^ -^^^ ^* -2/^ ineitherca8ebeing292.] 

On the two sides — U TT ,*-«»^-l (— >-ii 1 ^U«j ,,r»*^ ^ 
Oh Defender I Year 9 (of the reign). Struck at Ajmir, 1023 (a.h.). 

Variety. Similar coins, with the figure of the monarch and the lion and the 
sun (of No. 1336) reduced in size to meet the more ample legends. See Marsden, 
p. 609. The coins are dated Ajmir ^ the 8th year and the 9ui year = 1023 a.h. 

' William Hawkins, in his enumeration of Jah&nglr's treasures, says, '*0f 
vases for wine Yery faire and rich, set with jewels, there are one hundred. Of 
drinking cuppes five hundred, that is to say made of one piece of Ballace ruby 
and also emerods, of eehim (which stone cometh from CathaY), of Turkish stone 
and other sorts of stones."— Purchas, yoI. i. p. 217. This eehim is the identical 
term which is engraYed on the cup, j j^ \ yathmy the Chinese Yuh^ehih, " gem- 
stone.'' » 



388 NOTE ON A JADE DRINKING VESSEL 

upright in the neck for facility of drinking, with an inner 
groove to receive and retain a cover« The cup holds 25^ 
ounces weight of water. 

Ikscription on the Cup. 



j^\ if\J^ ^li^^.j ■( jL-f»- j\ 



j^fjs:\ij0 



JLmI 



^1* 






TRiLNSLATIGN. 

Diamond scrolls, 

1 God is great. 

2 Manufactured at Fathpiir, 

3 in the 14th year of the reign, 

4 the year 1028 Hijri. 

Intermediate spaces. 

1 This cup of jade, choice gem, is 

2 (the cup) of JahaDgfr Shdh, the great king. 

3 Let the water of life be in his cup, 

4 BO that it may be the water of 
Khizr,' life prolonging. 

^ It is necessary to examine the Mnhammadan Idea of the prophet Eliizr, which 
may be gathered from Yullers's note on the word, giving, as we must suppose, 
the local Tiew of the Indo-Persian Lexicographers. 

" ^r^ V, ^r^ nom. prophets cujusdam ( ,^,^tJuJ ) ?b. Quia fuit Ehisr, cui 

fontem yitae, cujus custos est, invenisse eontigit, et vis vitalis Iribuitnr, totam 
naturam ftnimang et yiriditate induens, qui a periculiB liberat et viam per deserta 
yitse monstrat, ex iis, qusB Arabum et Persarum scriptores tradunt, baud intelli- 
gitur, quum alii sapientem quendam et socium Mosis, alii Eliam prophetam rel 
St. Georgium, alii denique Yezirum Alexandri ilium fuisse contendant." 

See a^ Sale's Eur&n, Surat xviii. note. ** Some . . . suppose Al Khedr, 
having found out the fountain of life and drank thereof, became immortal ; and 
that he had therefore this name from his flourishing and continual youth." 



OF THE EMFEROB JAHANOfR. 389 

I have reproduced, with as much exactness as modem type 
admits of, the original extant record on the jade cup, omitting 
intentionally all dots and points of the Persian version, which 
the workers in hard stone have seen fit to leave out.^ There 
may be a suspicion that certain discriminating dots have 
been designedly dropped, with a view to alternative, and to 
us enigmatical, readings of the more obvious version ; for 
instance, c:^. ^Jb 'Us" may be read as ^^s."^*^ ** drunk," the 
succeeding i^J^ "cup" is left as <— i;^, and the^^ l/^^> 
without the qualifying dots, may lend themselves to many 
satumalian imageries. At first sight I supposed that the 
contrast ofy^is*- ti^l jy b implied a higher motive, as rising 
beyond the mundane ti>W^ <--^i "water of life;"* but the 
general tenor of the couplet reduces the leading idea into 
something very sublunary, and the fabulous mission of the 
Prophet Xhizr may perchance bring the whole version within 
the arena of the drunken orgies to which Jah&ngir and his 
English visitors so freely confess, and which were probably 
not altogether abandoned under the influence of the sanitarj^ 
measure of comparative temperance, so newly inaugurated, to 
which his Majesty alludes. 

* The Emperor Bkbar, in noticing the abundance of artificers in India in 
1626 A.D., and the presenco of Htone-masonA from *' Azerbaijim, Fam, Hindnst&nf 
and other countricM/* goes on to remark, *' In Agra alone, and of stone-cutters 
belonging to that place only, I cscry day employed on my palaces 680 persons, 
and on other works 1941 stone-cutters." — Leydcn's B&bar, p. 334. 

Thevenot, in Sh&h Jah&n's time, refers to the perfection of one of the special 
industries of Agra, the working on hard stone. London, 1687. p. 39. Sf» also 
Asiatic Researches, toI. xv. p. 434. 

' Akbar had already given this name to water cooled with saltpetre. — ^Aln-i- 
Akbari, Gladwin, vol. i. p. 71. 



INDEX. 



Abbasside Coins, 262 ff. 
Abul-E&sim, 144 ff. 
Al-Askar, 147 ff. 
Al-Atq^h, 161. 

Al-FuBt&t, 147 ff. 
Al-H&fi?, 140 ff. 
Al-E&hirah, 147 ff. 
Al-Kat&e, 147 ff. 
Al-Man^ariy&h, 148. 
Al-Munta?ar, 140 ff. 
Anurddhapara, 353. 
AttanagaluYamsa, 167. 

Bactrian Pclli Inscription, 376 ff. 
Baillie.N. B. E,, £»q., Of the Khar&j 

or Muhammadan Land Tax, 172 ff. 
Bhadra, 84, 93 ff. 
Bhira, 91, 95. 
Bharoach, 94. 
Bl^hah, 178. 
Bila shart, 177. 
Bodhiva&sa, 170. 
Brhat-Sanhita, 81 ff. 
Buddhavadisa, 169. 
Buddhist Manual of Ordering, 1 ff. 
Bushell, Br. S. W,, Notes on the Old 

Mongolian Capital of Shangtu, 

329 ff. 

Cairns, 17 ff. 

Campbell^ Dr. A., Note on the Valley 

of Choombi, 135 ff. 
Childer»y Frof. R. C, Notes on the 

Sinhalese Language, 35 ff. 
MahSparinibbSna Sutta, 

49 ff. 
Cholians, 153 ff. 
Choombi, Notes on, 135 ff. 
Coimbatore, Megalithic Monuments in, 

17 ff. 
Coins, Inedited Arabic, 243 ff. 

Abbasside, 262 ff. 

Cunningham, General A., 376 ff. 
Curumbars, 26. 

Dalad&vafiksa, 168, 



Davids, T. W. Rhysj Ssg., Inscription 
of Par&krama Bahu, 162 ff. 

Note on Sinhalese HiBtorical 

Books, 167 ff. 

Sigiri, the Lion Rock, etc., 



191 ff. 



-^— Two Old Siffihalese Inscrip- 
tions, 353 ff. 

Dhatusena, 196 ff. 

DhatuYafiisa, 168. 

Diamonds, Trying of, 125 ff. 

Dickson f J. F.^ The UpasampadS- 
Eammavaca, 1 ff. 

Dimbutagala Medankara, 171. 

Dipayanisa, 169, 217. 

Dolonnor, 334 ff. 

Dowson, Frof. /., Notes on a Bactrian 
Pali Inscription and the Samvat 
Era, 376 ff. 

Egypt, Capitals of, 147 ff. 

Coinage of, 140 ff. 

Elu, 36 ff. 

Gadi-rdzu, 26. 
Gandhara, 96. 
Gondophares, 376 ff. 
Gopa Kaja, 157. 
Gunapharas, King, 376 ff. 
Guthrie, Col., 262 ff., 384 ff. 

Hansa, 93. 

Hian tsu, 313. 

Hingtou, 312. 

Howorth, H. JT., The Northern Fron- 
tagers of China. Part I. The 
Origines of the Mongols, 221 ff. 
Part II. Origines of me Manchus, 
305 ff. 

Iktaa, 177 
Ilahi gaz, 178. 

Jaghanya, 97. 

Jah&ngir, Drinking Vessel of, 384 ff. 

Jarlb, 178. 



392 



INDEX. 



Jayagopa, 155. 
Jttchi, 308 ff. 

E&lapanchip&, 171. 

Kalilah wa-Dimnah, Syriac Version 

of, Append. 
Ealuna, 197. 
Eammavacsl, 1 ff. 
Eatfyapa, the Parricide, 164, 192 ff., 

218. 
Kern, Prof. JT., Brhat-Sanhita, 81 ff. 
Eesadh&tnTa&sa, 168. 
KhaUata N^ga, 197. 
Ehar&j,172ff. 
Ehasa, 96. 

Eirtti Nissanka, 157, 353. 
Eirtti-Sri-Meghayslhana, 155. 
Eit Serinewan, 155. 
Eubia, 197. 
Enblai Ehan, 329. 

Laijitissa, 197. 

Lalatawaffisa, 171. 

Lankesvara, 154. 

Lata, 94. 

Leitner, Dr., 376. 

Long, Rev. 7., Oriental Proyerba in 

their Relation to Folklore, History, 

Sociology, etc., 339 ff. 

Madhnratta Yilasini, 170. 

Maga, 157. 

Magadha, 35 ff. 

Mahanama, 196. 

Mahaparinibb^na Sntta, 49 ff. 

Mahasdratthadipani, 171. 

Mahavamsa, 167, 196 ff., 219, 354. 

Mahendra IV., 154. 

Mahinda, 38. 

Malabarana, 154. 

Maiava, 9*4. 

Maiayya, 93 ff. 

Mdnabarana, 154. 

Manchus, Origines of, 305 ff. 

M anda, 84. 

Ma^dalaka, 97. 

Marco Polo, 332. 

Mashrtit, 177. 

Ma^r, 148. 

Megalithic Monuments in Coimbatore, 

17 ff. 
Mihindu, 153. 

Mihintale-Wamanawa, 170. 
Misr, 148 ff. 
Mogallana, 171, 198. 
Mongols, Origines of, 221 ff. 
Mnpa, 85. 
Mukasumat, 173. 

Nif^anka Malla, 154, 353 ff. 



Odoli, Site of, 308. 
Oriental Proyerba, 339 ff. 

Pali, 35 ff. 

Palli, 26. 

Parikrama BAhn, 162 ff., 353 ff. 

Pariyatra, 94. 

Pearls, Trying of, 127 ff. 

Pollanama, 156. 

Fooky 8. X., Etq.^ Inedited Arabic 

Coins, 243 ff. 
Proverbs, Oriental, 339 ff. 
Pdjawaliya, 169. 
Pulastipura, 152 ff., 191(=Topaw»wm, 

Topitwa, 156). 

Rajaratnakara, 170. 

Rajawali, 170. 

Rayerty, Major, and CoL Tvle, 189. 

Rashiduddin, 334. 

Roger », E. T., £$o., Notice on ike 

Dinars of the Abbaadde DyiMty, 

262 ff. 
Rucaka, 93 ff. 
Ruwanweli Dagaba In8cripti<tt, S60 ff. 

Sahasa Malla, Inscription of, 368 ff. 

Samin (Sayin), 97. 

Samyat Era, 376 ff. 

Sariputra, 171. 

^asa 93 ff. 

^asanawatara, 171. 

Sauvairey M. JET., and 8. Z. JfMIr, 

Rtq.j The Name of the Twelflk 

Im&m on the Coinage of Egypt, 

140 ff. 
Seriyut, 171. 
Shangtu, 329 ff. 
Shartf, 177. 
Shi-wei, 222." 
Sigiri, 191 ff., 213, 215. 
Simhapnra, 155. 
Sindh, 94. 
Sinbala, 36. 

Sinhalese Lang^ge, Notes on, 36 ff. 
Inscriptions, 152 ff., 191 if, 

353 ff. 
$ri Gopa Raja, 157. 
Ssanang Setzen, 229 ff., 333. 
Snbha, 197. 
SCLrasena, 96. 
Surash^, 94. 

Takht-i Bahi, Insoriptioa of, 376. 

Tankha, 177. 

Thai tsn, 315 ff. 

Thomas y £., Esq., Note on a Jade 

Drinking Vessel of the ^nperor 

JahGngir, 384 ff. 
ThapawaAsa, 168. 
Topawa,Topawewa» Piilaatipiira,168. 



INDEX. 



393 



Upa8ampad&-EainniaT&c&, 1 ff. 

Yal Sink, =yana Samk,, 41. 
Ydmanaka, 97. 
Yarslha-miliira, 81. 
Vidiiratha, 117. 
Vijaya, 38. 
yinay&rtihasamnchchaya, 171. 

Walhouaey M. J,y Esq., Megalithic 

Monuments in Goimbatore, 17 ff. 
Wasabha, 197. 



Wazifa, 173. 

"Wijaya-bShu, 164. 

Wright f JProf, W,j Specimens of a 

Syriac Version of the Ealilah wa- 

Dimnah, Append. 

Yuan Dynasty, 335. 
Yule, Col. H., and Major Raverty, 
189. 

Zir&, 178. 



COEEECTIONS. 

Page 17, line 9, read * Madura,* instead of * Madras.' 
„ 23, „ 12, dele * (see sketch).' 



tTXPHSK AVSTUf AKD BOMS, PRIMTftBS, HX&TFORD. 



A P P EN D IX. 



JOUENAL 



OP 



THE ROYAL ASIAHO SOCIETY. 



Aet. L — A Specimen of a Syriac Version of the Katilah wa* 
Dimnah, witK an English Translation. By W. Weight. 

[Read December 2, 1872.] 

During the course of last summer I had^ thanks to the 
kindness of the Principal Librarian, the Rev. Dr. Malet, 
an opportunity of examining a manuscript in the Library 
of Trinity College, Dublin, marked B. 5. 82, which contains, 
Bmongst other things, a translation of the Katilah wa-Dimnahj 
evidently made, not from the original Sanskrit or the early 
Pahlawi version, but fi*om one of the first redactions of the 
later Arabic. As this secondary translation is, I believe, 
wholly unknown to Orientalists, a specimen of it may not 
-be uninteresting, even when they are anxiously awaiting 
the publication of the older and more important Kalllag 
^a-Lamnag'y an edition of which is promised by Professors 
Senfey and Bickell from the manuscript brought to Europe 
by Dr. Socin.* 

The 'Dublin MS. is about 5| inches in length by 3f 
in breadth, and consists of 207 leaves, the first seventeen of 
which are vellum. The greater part of the volume, which is 
written by different hands, seems to be of the xiii*^ or xiv*** 
^ntury, exc^t some more recent supplements, in particular 
foil. 186 — 199, which are quite modem. It contains : — 

1. The Katilah wa-Dimnahj foil. 1 b — 185 a. The actual 

> See "tihe Academy*' for August 1, 1871, p. 387. 

VOL. VI I. — [JIEW SERIES.] 1 



KALILAH WA-DIMNAH. 



history of Kalilah and Dimnah ends on fol. 78 a with the 
words : 1.TJC ^norafls ^lii 00120*1 jLL CUCULt^ 3&0 



• tCDCL&r^Ls KL2JLM.1 cafiii\juao • f^'Vaoi >CDCUL:k. 
rUDb^ ^.%»0D • (sic) Ti&jJ reb r<%ftix. ^ (sic) iioaartb 

r^floioii K^ KbcQio • f^^x^Af^ f^(K&o.V3 jin^f^MO 
iuA^ AuaJMo . Kl*AuB.S)0.i f<l\o (sic) f< \\^nn t^ 



See De Sacy's edition of the 
Arabic version^ pp. iaa, \o^, The last tale in the MS. is that 
entitled ft^*gni%u ir^ll&a:! rcdua^JL^i (De Sacj, p. rpv)> 

which ends on fol. 166 a, and is followed by the history of 
Sarzawaih (De Sacy^ p. 11). This portion of the volume is 
much damaged by water^ and some words have been im- 
skilfully supplied, or retouched, by a modem hand.' It com* 

mences thus : coAu^NX-ii ^l^sa^ r^bAi^ [lAsa .aoii] 
r^i\^da>Ai2»] KbcD 003.1 . rd»o.iia9 r^i^lsa >oiV3l] 



f^i&jafA Kl*o.iio3 [K'i&flD] ^ Klaiifik KlsoA pa\iiia 
^ Kboa JLaI rdsf^ .i^^Mrt" .1^ >ii.] KLa^i^ii^ 
r < y *r \ rtLx^i [^ Ju.i] KLjsni^o • rdJL^vA 
r^bAr<3 oa^ni %\ [iia:kA&x.] ^o . r<i^|S?ivam 
.ooolfk ^ fca[af^ iua] 1 o ■ ^ iuocp >»\ \ > 
^iiicu.lo (sic) Aftlii [oooa] ^A^^o • ^^.oooLi f^alsi 
r^y%yr\\ >L.i f<4is;. a[jh^^] la^o • >i>f^ ^^^omi^ ^2a 
1^0 • f^iiLfl9 iuaX (fol. 166 2) 1^0114. • 7^'*-'*^^ 
^ \ *i ft • ^nr> flLaa,j.i [rt'iii.^] vyr< >bi ^\\ ^l±X1 

1 So the MS.; >Q3o!\^d09 P 

2 Theso I bavo enclosed, in the following extract^ within brackets. 



EALILAH WA-DIHNAH. 9 




AiduaA^Kb »i&]-»i oaSl&a oaL.1 di&A*0 [f^^CUfi9f^.t 

«jl].m i\a2^ .l&c • rdsi (sic) f^okOf^Lsn [aUL» 
aioiKb Kbi*vA iCL^Jtof^.! [icoiii. KV^ucp i^lK^ 

The work ends on foL 186 a with the colophon : [paJLx.] 
• [(sic) ornsolio] on\i\\:i rds^ Kl*ca\f^ KLiria^A 
^ A:l. [rtd^] K'va.i • fOii-a.i (sic) ft^\r« ?rwa 

Then commences, on fol. 185 b, a section entitled it^ tiI 
f^LAooKUL^ 9 ^' Questions and Answers^" or riddles and 
their solutions. The first of these \b: clAc _.^^ ^^ 
r^a • ^.^^^^ cAo ^^.OQoAiAJ^c • ^.,oqp^\\pB 



fiAo KLlxjm^a. k^^oAIm clavs^K^ ^.^ooiivl^ao 

1 Some such words as ^CP^ l \*yi oAo have been omitted by 
the scribe. 



4 KAT,n>AH WA-DIMKAH. 

Next are inserted, in a very modem hand, the '' Fables of 
Josephus" (or rather, of ^^»#), j^aSkkSoeun t^Aiuab ^ 
foL 187 *, preceded by an index in Arabic, u-y»--»ji vlo vs-^-^i.^ 

They are eighty-three in number, of which I give the first 
three as specimens. 

rdlrf KlSc^ i^iif^ «^^oaA U9f^ . .x*!.! .M ^.^ocoiioX 

• oA ^ij^r^ (sic) . . Kllf^ 1 uO ^ •--X^ • 

• • • 






#• «• 






^ Soe Afwemani, BibL Or., t. iii., pan 1/p. 7, note 2, 



EALILAH WA-DIMNAH. 5 



A^f^ •^U* r€AaSo (sic) A nTO K^bcD r^.^^ AVn^X 

fOa.i^%..jj si-^o • »flpci.^ ft! I *wcx D en ^ t» O0i-*i^o 
fdricp.l OoA cn\ nfo fX'iiO.lai iJu^iif^ r^LscD.!-! 
; fcpg 1 n iiaX Ali^ r<.iaB .i^o • r^.AAfiA f^.TJLa 

kL^iclm •:• A^n en T mo Klduajop ogoA en n fti i 
KLif^o r<i.axp «^oqA AiA rtLiua r^LzJf^.1 f^:iCD 
oeoA iJBBLjt f^Ao A^oeoA ^i^ rdsi f<l i Cft 



• ja«' 



The '' Questions and Answers " are succeeded by a section 
on the different kinds of interrogation, beginning, fol. 201 * : 

• rd\or^xA .ai^^ r^A^f^.1 tt^ n n>U.l .XJf^d orA 
oK" • f^JL&iusn r^A.M ^rds Ci^ • »:ka'^ K1licl& 



KlSf^.l KL» vyf^ • f<l\oOft^ T 1 f<l\oor<ijE. 



On fol. 202 b commence '' Sayings of Pythagoras" (compare 
De Lagarde's Analecta Syriaca, p. 195) : 




TtTTTJkW WA-: 




TirfSft art £:3.:w=i 




I fpMt ike ajTBg 






^ao Af^^Lft^ o\L& 







f^X 



t^ 



on:^ 



It* 




TBAXSLATIOX OF THE STBIAC TEXT. 

In reliance upon God we write the histoiyandphiloeoplueal 
stories of Kalilah and Dimnab, as translated br tlie 



THE SIOBT OF THE LI09 ASD TEE OX. 
Ther sar that Dabdhrm^' king of Indian nid to 



jz-zw-Wy J^ A 'W!T::j,t:ca of ^OVC^^-S ^ ZAiiAftrw, in wLScb we miglitdueeni 
'/;/Vrr i'.rui '/5 lMjJ,*AaJtmzzlMcaiarmaM : bu: Prcfeseor Cowell wriM* to 
" I v^rv:.*T u.«Lk ^^i^t tie dkrm oi-nld bare come br accidesL 



KALILAH WA-DIMNAH. 7 

Nadrb^ the philosopher/ the sage and the chief of the sages : 
'* Show me the similitade of two men^ companions or friends^ 
between whom a false^ or cunning, and crafty man has 
produced dissension^ and who have been turned from love and 
concord to hatred and enmity/' 

Ndrab the philosopher says: ''When a feJse man comes 
between two loving brothers, he disturbs their brotherhood 
and estranges their concord. They say in the apologue, 

that there was in a country called — • a merchant, who 

possessed no small wealth. He had sons, who, when 
they came to the state of manhood, began, all with one 
accord, to squander their father's property, and cared not 
to amass, but only to disperse. Then their father rebuked 
them, saying : ' My sons, every one in the world studies to 
procure three things, which cannot however be attained save 
by four other things. The first of those three is an ample 
and abundant livelihood ; the second, honour among men, and 
a good name; the third, provision for the world to come. 
The other (four) things are : firstly, the collecting of wealth 
legally; secondly, the administering of it well; thirdly, the 
providing for one's natural wants; and fourthly, liberality 
towards one's neighbours, almsgiving to the poor, supplying 
the wants of the needy. By these four things one pleases 
his Creator; and he who does not gamer these four in his 
bam, or neglects any one of them, derives no pleasure from 
his wealth, and does not attain the limit of his hopes. If 
he does not amass anything, and despises wealth, and cares 

generally written after the king's name, but it might be prefixed, — deva 
dharma. Gould it be deva Dharmardjay and the rdja have been taken as only 
meaning ' king', and not as a part of the name ? " 
• 1 In the Arabic, \iJ^, Baidahd, See Benfey, loo. cit., p. 35. Both l^J^ and 

the Syriao •SllJIfCJ or «a^l!|l are probably corruptions of the same 
Sanskrit word, for l> Juj is not very dissimilar to U4;jii . 

s rUiJiM 9 if Buch be the correct reading, is rather '< rhetorician, sophist "; 

further on he is called ft ^^ACttWi^ , ipiXoaotpo^. 

* The Arabic has jJjU.*^, Dastaxoand. In the Syriac MS. the name was left 
blank, and a later hand has added ^u^-lJLsk ^ ''so and so." See Bonfoy, 
loc. cit., p. 96. 



8 EALILAH WA-DIMNAH. 

not at all for it^ he neither gives nor receives pleasure^ and- 
will without doubt be found destitute of property and remain 
without sustenance. And if he manages his property fittingly 
and quietly and sensibly and prudently^ but still adds nothing 
to it^ he resembles stibium or iokly of which the portion 
taken is like a little dust or smokci that flies from a breath 
of air^ but which^ notwithstanding the veiy small quantity 
of it that is taken^ is surely used up. Sut if it be not 
fittingly managed^ nor properly laid out^ nor justly spent, 
he shall be recompensed with justly deserved affliction and 
illtreatment by enemies^ in addition to his loss of wealth* 
And if it is amassed^ and is not dispensed kindly and distri- 
buted lovingly^ but is stored up and hidden covetously in the 
bosom of the earthy and its owner seems like a needy and 
destitute person who owns nothings most assuredly it shall be 
lostj or pass into other hands, or remain in the heart of 
the earth. It resembles a tank of water/ which has many 
channels leading into it^ but not one leading out of it; 
and when there is much water in the tank^ breaches are 
sometimes made in it^ and the water runs out of it and 
becomes useless; whilst at other times the tank is preserved 
from accident or breach^ and the water remains in it^ but 
the hot winds dry it up. Thus it fares with that wealth 
which is not dispensed compassionately to the needy, when 
death dries up the limbs of its owners.' 

Then the sons of that merchant took their father's advice, 
and bowed to him the shoulder of obedience, and showed him 
the fruits of prosperous industry. And his eldest son set 
out upon a trading expedition and travelled to a country 
called Mthwa.' And he and his companions passed by a 
place in which there was much clay, or stinking mire. 
And he had with him a cart, which two oxen were drawings 
one of which was called Shanzabah, and the other Banza- 




iB explained in the native lexicons by^o^ and xT^. 

2 Mthwd, \yi^ or ly*, corrupted from |/u or ^-., le. Mathura {\jf^) or 
Muttrcu In the Arabic text, p. « s last line, it is still further corrupted into 
j-i^. See Benfey, Pantschatantra, erstor Theil, p. 99 ; zwoiter Theil, p. a. 



KALn.AH WA-BIMNAH. 

hnW Then Shanzabah became wearj^ and stumbled in the 
mire^ and fell. And the metchant and his companions hastened) 
and drew, and pulled the ox out of the mire. And the 
merchant left the ox in that place^ and let one of his young 
men remain with him, till he should recover from his fall and 
the young man should bring him along after him. But 
next day the hireling became tired of the place, and went 
after the merchant and said, * The ox has died in yonder 
place.' 

Then the ox recovered his strength and went about by 
little and little, and came to a JAil,^ the waters of which were 
abundant, and its herbage dense and luxurious. And after 
he had remained a long time in that place, he became very 
sleek and robust, and his reins became thick with fat. Then 
he thrust his horn into the ground, and bellowed tremendously, 
and raised his voice vehemently. And there was in that 
country a lion, who was king of all the beasts in that region, 
and was named Pingalaka ; ' and there were with him many 
beasts of every kind. This lion was very haughty in his 
spirit, and whatever he wished to do of his soul's desire, 
he did it, and made use of no one's advice. But he was not 
very perfect in his knowledge ; and when he heard the voice 
of the ox, he was very much frightened, because he had never 
heard a sound like it before, nor had he ever seen an ox. 
But he did not like to show the agitation of his heart; and 
so he stayed in the place where he was for a time, and did 
not quit it. 

And there were in his camp, or at the gate of his royal 
residence, two jackals,* who were brothers. One of them was 

> In the Arabic text, p. a*, U. 1, 2, Shanzabah, i^^, and Bandahah, 4fjif, 
corruptions of Sanjlvaka and Nandaka. See Benfey, Pantsch,, erster Theil, 
p. 99 ; zweiter Theil, p. 7. 

> L e., a shaUow, marahy lake. 

* De Sacy'B Arabic text gives no name. In the Sanscrit the lion-king is 

called Pingalaka, of which the Syriao O Tli^ififf f^ is only a corruption. The 
word was originally written in Arabic JZXSs^, which became saccessiyely 
aUuL^, AXILj, AXJL, and JLCU1. 

^ In the Arabic ^jl U^ 1 . The Syriac text gives no less than three synonymous 



10 KALILAH WA-DIMNAH. 

called Ealilah, and the other Dimnah.* They were veiy 
crafty^ and well trained in learning or wisdom* The* sonl 
of Dimnah was very greedy, and he was not contented with 
his pay, nor satisfied with a humble situation, and did not 
know himself. 

Dimnah says to Kalilah : •' I see that the king has stayed 
in one place, and has not moved from it to another; and 
I would fain know for what reason he does so, and does not 
take his amusement as usual/ 

Kalilah says to him : ' And why dost tiou ask about 
a thing like this, which is none of thy business or thy concerns ? 
We are well cared for, and dwell in comfort at the gate of 
the king, receiving sustenance from God, the Nourisher of all; 
and we are not of those who are worthy to inquire into the 
actions of the king, and to try to become acquainted with his 
secrets; nor are we of those who have any occasion to 
speak with him. Be quiet, brother, and know that if one 
is eager after and desirous of something that beseems him 
not and comes not within the scope of his observation, there 
will befal him what befel the ape.' 

Dimnah says to him : ' What was his story ?' 

Kalilah says : ' They say that an ape came to a carpenteri 
and saw him mounted on a log and sawing another log to 
cut it into two pieces ; and the carpenter was like one riding 
in a carriage. And he saw the carpenter take out of the 
middle of the log, which he was sawing, a little piece of wood/ 



terms; yiz. f^l^OSn ^lia , K'loi^ ^la y and <019\ 

Tho first of thcso is unknown to me; the second, familiar. The third is 
probably derived from the Persian v^y, torcth^ <<a jackaL** A fourth Syriac 

term for the same animal, f^O\ i n ■ I IOP j ig a oormption of (cants) 
Jltp^cantis, 

' Oormptions of Karataka and Damanaka, See Benfey, Pantaoh., erster 
Theil, p. 86 ; zweiter Theil, p. 8. 

3 Hero tho Syriac toxt adds the words P^l i.^ !■ dVaJkOP^ • ■ ^T^i 

** agin or beautiful." If tho word ag'in bo Syriac, it must be corrupt. But can 
it roprosont tho " anjana^y^oodi " of tho Sanskrit? See Bonfoy,PantBch., zwoiter 



KALHiAH WA-DIBfNAn. 11 

find put another like it in its place in the deft made by 
the saw. Then the carpenter went elsewhere on some business 
of his. Then the foolish ape sprang up^ and mounted on the 
log like the carpenter, and turned his back towards the cleft 
in the log, and his face towards the little piece of wood, and 
his testicles ^ hung down and lay in the middle of the cleft in 
the log. [Then he pulled out the little piece of wood,*] but 
the fool forgot to put another in its place, and his testicles 
were caught in the middle of the log that was being sawed. 
Then the poor wretch fell down on his back, smitten (as it 
were) with the pangs of death, and his senses forsook him 
{h)m the violence of the pain which came upon him; and he 
was soundly chastised by the carpenter, and suffered from him 
a beating which was worse than the violence of the pain caused 
by the log of wood/ 

Dimnah says : * I have heard your speech, and understand 
what you say. But know, O brother, that not every one who 
draws nigh unto kings, or attaches himself unto them, does so 
merely for the sake of receiving pay, that he may fill his belly; 
for the belly may be filled anywhere. But he who is desirous 
of drawing nigh unto kings, does so that his place may be a 
distinguished one; that his horn may be uplifted, and his 
estimation raised; his noble character scrutinised, and his 
knowledge examined ; that his Mend may rejoice in him and 
exult, whilst his enemy is downcast and rent with anguish. 
Those who are wanting in good qualities, destitute of virtue*' 
void of wisdom, and bereft of knowledge, exult and rejoice 

Theil, p. 9. In that case the original Arabic form most have been ^\ 

• 
gradually corrupted into ^^t/d], ^^ . 

' The Syriao explains the rarer word fCP Ol flftf *W (gee John of Ephesns* 

Eccles. Hist., p. 161, 1. 4, p. 373, 1. 3) by tCPQJkla, i.e. ]^^5, lya. 






n. 



3 Some such words as these seem to be wanting in the Syriao text. The 
Arabic has jlJ^I cpj (p. at, 1. antepenult.). Compare Benfoy, Pantsch., 

zweiter Theil, p. 9. 

r^OuXo ^ \}j^ y virtus^ true manliness. 



1 2 KALILAH WA-DIMNAn. 

bver a single crumb, (liowever) small and insignificant; and- 
when they find one, they lay hold of it like a hungry and 
wretched hound, who, when he finds a bare' bone, that is 
utterly void of savour or juiciness, (greedily) lays hold of it. 
But he whose mind's eye is bright, and the sense in whose 
brain is sound, and his knowledge clear, does not lay hold of 
small things, nor put up with trifles, but studies to attain to 
great honour, and to .raise himself to high rank, and to seat 
himself on an honourable seat ; just as a lion, who finds a 
hare and seizes it, that it may be his food, as soon as he sees 
a sheep or a goat, lets go the hare which was in his mouth, 
and takes that (sheep or) goat. Hast thou never seen, O 
brother, the dog, who fawns upon ' a man and tries to please 
him, and wags ' his tail, till he throws to him a morsel of dry 
bread ? And the elephant, who is thoroughly trained, and 
well aware of the extent of his strength, and knows his own 
worth, because kings ride upon him, when they bring him his 
food, will not touch it or eat of it, until he is groomed * by 
his keepers, and his body is washed clean of dust, and he is 

^ Literally, a white, 

'Sol would render the word r^JtoCXJttJM ^ which is ezplalned by 

Bar Bahlul thus : • {^j*^ jf^ OTJ99 ^lA ^^aPT f^W>A ftl ^W 

%^Mf^ i ■ fp<\ tp ^ • amLmJI jsf*^^ All offCL^ai— aa 

Je jUil JiJ CD X^Tkf^hK Aa. (read f^.li..^) 1^13 

In a poem of 'Ebed-Yeshua', pointed out to me by Mr. Bendy, occnr the woids 
Al.^ y\ tjff *yi XpO X^JOCLjSo , the first of which has the gloss 



»AOI 



^1 • 



- s The word ^^^^SQ m this sense is wholly unknown to me. Perhaps 
it may be cormpt. 

* This is evidently the meaning of the passive participle 
See the last note but one. 



EALILAta WA-DIAnAH. 13 

• * •• ^^ •»•• 

taressed with kind words. T^ierefore, lie who lives in this 

world so as to please his Creator ; whose position is high^ and 
his horn upraised, and his honour eonspicuous ; whose wants 
are relieved, and who can also relieve his fellows; — ^this man^ 
though he lives hut a short life, is reckoned to have lived 
many years. But he who ends his days in a lowly state, and 
whose years pass away in distress of mind, and who departs 
from life through scantiness of food and total want of luxuries, 
and who has neither enjoyed wealth himself, nor gladdened 
others (with it) ; — this man, though his years he many and 
long, is called short-lived and surnamed much-sighing. And 
they say of him who lacks good things, and whose pay is 
small, and who cares for naught hut filling his belly and for 
sexual gratification, that, though his days be many and the 
years of his life be long, yet he is coimted among the irrational 
and those who are destitute of all true virtue.' 

Ealilah says: 'I understand what thou hast said. But 
examine, my brother, thy thoughts by the light of subtle 
understanding, and know that every man has his distinct 
station; and when a man sees his station, so as to conduct 
himself well in it among his fellows, and his life does not pass 
away badly with his associates, it behoves him in truth to hold 
fast by his station, and not to go forth in search of what is too 
high for him, and not to be greedy after much, but to let his 
pay suffice him. And I see that we do not &re badly in this 
position of ours.'' (De Sacy, p. ai«, 1, 1.) 



( A, ) 






^1.1 ^A»f^ A:l. «a&i f<l\o • coiifika^a 
• cD^uLiaa^f^ col ^n ^ ftiio .^ KWlAi^^ A:l. ^^t^il 
^.11 iurdaua aX.i : i^icD «^Jk&03^ KLlr^ KVmO 



1 Road 




illtoP 



oruiA r^:ia«iiiiLdao cdAiaci f<%\ \ htsno 



( « ) 

.mm likf^ f<l\ Au2kor< cos jjiauticn f<l\ .coiiSDioii 

€a«oiaX.i r<^\ KLioo ft^^\ \ n r^Li4j.i acb 

1. 

K'lOJk.i f<l»$ ^f^ r^cD •* >QBiciJau» A:l. .aa^ cqp 
f^f^ Kill fdXo . cDiuiskai^ (foL 6 i) ^laj^io 









1 MS. orUl.va . 3 Read ^O^ik^re-SO ? 

> Read idakl^r^ ? 




( » ) 



•^ M0 ^3*c .f«iBMea «^ 




^ 










coJL^ 








. col 1 ft ,t g .x^f^d rtLflpajDuos tt^i\^\ 







1 Road r^lLsL^D ? 

a Read KUiToX P or K'VJy P 



( « ) 




• f<lfiftajii OCD r^iiaaj ;!&rt^ oo^j* ^fipo ocb r^iJ^l 

iO . r^fiftA«.i f^iittJl ocb iuw^^na >ldio 

• KbcD TikLiAtsio.i ocb r<lfia*oi cp^ Vy*n n »CDCi^Jla 
cq\ ^iw^in .Vk iuK^iiufiui^ JL^ r<«o.i ocp ^.i^co 

(foL4*) . 




all . ^.^^OMft^ oK^ •:w.io . di^j^Qf^.! ^.t.sqX AJb^l^Kb 
■ AV** * ^<3UiAa eU9Vi rtdMl.i coiuxttiaf^ Anni.i A^ 

1 The word f^lOa^.! is repeated in the MS. 
3 For 







vol. vii.— [new series.] 



( « ) 

• en 1 1.1 ■% KbcD T^v«adi..2Q ^^^cori i ,*fai 9.,4» • coco 
(fol. 3 b) . »^o 0003 ^iNiigO • oaiSRUi KUiiiftrtb 



• 0003 a.t. T«i:|JSq rTOI^\|ju3 OlJLAOr^ f 

X. Kilo • mT^i diooa f<\ \» t\fo 




liuiiflL&rdl 



•:^lf^.l iuooa Kla^o • •Inx.r^ Kll r^iiij»Kl\ oaxsno 
f<\JuaAiJ^ Kilo .in V ftliAoa kAvLw f^:u»ns^iJ^^ 



^ cAi • f^^GLsa^ T^.io3 vyr<.i .Liki ^K^ Jlft^T rm 



r^\\^l 



lO 





r<ivj^?U* -L^ ^.„<\ji n, \ io • rf\\ ^.i rdJi ^A..flp 
I Tff ^ tri ^^ ifo f^ ^d\J»T^ .so^ KlXo • oaitJuxjL:! 

Kll.i ^u&«\ .\jt\JiAv»o »£un£4Au2n jtiK' ^..^n 

vyl.'Un .oiuT^ cq1*.1 r<«iOT^(&i ^ Kilo • oA KlMll 
. ori I rxi >.i coA T.23Qr< • Tt^^<\a\ vvilK".! >b;i-M cq\ 



1 Road ^Uaiiv^Q 



( « ) 

^AftKb f^i\f^(&i r<fvi\^ .acDijQpQ . JLsaa rdu^ ocaa 

»i&lt<b • T^iia^cia oasa i^ioiA oaa f^i\j^^ qqa:^o 

• osiuodM ^ jLaii&CQ :i^ • »cdni^i\\„ ^ sm QOkimju 
coiAi nA Khcpo • cDiiua ocb w*^*** «A ^ fCDfluLaaJo 

1^0 Ulq lAa K'.iio lMi^f^(foL 8 a) oaa K'lo^ 

• - Viy o »2^ .£flUAfl»o tCDcba ^n£^9i f^9*^i&\ 

>^^ ^sox. • rCl&i&o.l3 oia KV^^a fdisi .xSk n&p 

coj^al >fia ^.i4CD • fdaiiua coAvAoik 

en I o n •AJ^iKto • 

oiuf^.l Sm f<lif^ T^(k«iSk »oaa Kboa iuKb • AurdAfa 

f^lD^oao • r^Auii^ »cb.i rc^OjUi ^oai^^ rdflklsia rdacD 

r<^K!j^^ t^^oIm cn^ \, rtbcD ^r^ • oA&lfiar^ Kbos 

• >^0 en T ^in KbcD i^iut rdaiK^ ocbo • jbaji^a:! 
cn.Y^l ^Oja^ ^ .1 1 \ 13 Kbaa t< > nn 7b.*u^»o 

,\SnT :uko • KbcD ^ i^V^ »\fla cA aaiiiw^va 
rdXn \\n • T^<&uai r^idM.i Jlm.i ocd K^io^i oAol 





rdXo • KlLa f^qa vyK' .ao^ oA Kbaa 

» • •• 

• rebcD «a9 K^iia^O.1 >caA liuakO . aaaX.i rd^oi 

cpAui t ^ *i oocdo • mi^ jbumii^ rtl\o • ft^l y\