Google
This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at |http: //books .google .com/I
.S^TVO^^
THE
JOURNAL
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
GREAT BBITATO AND lEELAND.
TOIUME THE SETEITTH.
LONDON:
TRtJBNEB AND CO., 57 & 59, LTIDGATE HILL.
Beifu'-i^'
CONTENTS OF VOL. VII.
[new 8BRIE8.]
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
PiOE
Abt. I. — The Upasampadd'Kammavded being the Baddhist
Manual of the Form and Manner of Ordering of
Priests and Deacons. The Pali Text, with a
Translation and Ifotes. By J. F. Dickson, B.A.,
sometime Student of Christ Church, Oxford,
now of the Ceylon Civil Service • 1
Abt. II. — Notes on the Megalithic Monuments of the Coim-
batore District, Madras. By M. J. Walhouse,
late Madras C.S 17
Abt. III. — Notes on the Sinhalese Language. No. 1. — On
the Formation of the Plural of Neuter Nouns.
By R. C. Childebs, late of the Ceylon C.S. , . 35
Abt. IY. — The Pali Text of the Mahdparinibhdna Sutta and
Commentary, with a Translation. By B. C.
Childebs, late of the Ceylon Civil Service .... 49
Abt. V. — The Byhat-Saiihita ; or. Complete System of
Natural Astrology of Yaraha-mihira. Translated
fi^>m Sanskrit into English by Dr. H. Kern .... 81
Abt. VI. — Note on the Valley of Choombi. By Dr. A.
Campbell, late Superintendent of Darjeeling . . 135
Abt. VII. — The Name of the Twelfth Imam on the Coinage
of Egypt. By H. Sauvaibe and Stanley Lane
Poole 140
Abt. VIII. — Three Inscriptions of Parakrama Bahu the
Great from Pulastipura, Ceylon (date circa 1180
A.D.). By T. W. Rhys Davids 152
Abt. IX. — Of the Khardj or Muhammadan Land Tax ; its
Application to British India, and Effect on the
Tenure of Land. By N. B. E. Baillie 172
IV CONTENTS.
PAOK
Art. X. — SIgiei, the Lion Eock, near Pulastipura, Ceylon ;
and the Thirty-ninth Chapter of the Mahavamsa.
By T. W. Ehts Davids 191
Aet. XI. — The Northern Frontagers of China. Part I. The
Origines of the Mongols. By H. H. Howorth . . 221
Art. Xn. — ^Inedited Arabic Coins. By Stanley Lake
Poole 243
Art. Xin. — Notice on the Dinars of the Abbasside Dynasty.
By Edward Thomas Eogers 262
Art. XIV. — The Northern Frontagers of China. Part II.
The Origines of the Manchus. By H. H.
Howorth 305
Art. XV. — Notes on the Old Mongolian Capital of Shangtu.
By S. W. Bushell, B.Sc, M.D 329
Art. XVI. — Oriental Proverbs in their Eolations to Folk-
lore, History, Sociology ; with Suggestions for
their Collection, Interpretation, Publication. By
the Eev. J. Long 339
Art. XVII. — Two Old Simhalese Inscriptions. The Sahasa
Malla Inscription, date 1200 a.d., and the
Euwanwseli Dagaba Inscription, date 1191 a.d.
Text, Translation, and Notes. By T. W. Ehts
Davids 853
Art. XVIII. — Notes on a Bactrian Pali Inscription and the
Samvat Era. By Prof. J. Dowson 376
Art. XIX. — Note on a Jade Drinking Vessel of the Emperor
JahdngCr. By Edward Thohas, F.E.S 384
Index ' 391
Appendix.
A Specimen of a Syriac Version of the Kalllah
wa-Dimnah, with an English Translation. By
W. Weight 1
JOURNAL
OP
THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
Art. I. — The Upasampadd-Kammavdcd being the Buddhist
Manual of the Form and Manner of Ordering of Priests
and Deacons. The Pali Text, mth a Translation and
Notes. By J. F. Dickson, B.A., sometime Student of
Christ Church, Oxford, now of the Ceylon Civil Service.
In May, 1872, I was invited by my learned friend and
pandit Kewitiydgala Unn&ns^, of the Malwatt^ Monastery in
Kandy, to be present at an ordination service, held, accordin]g
to custom, on the full-moon day of Wesak, (May, June),
being the anniversary of the day on which Gautama Buddha
attained Nirvdna, B.C. 543. I gladly availed myself of this
opportunity of witnessing the celebration of a rite of which
Englishmen have but little knowledge, and which has rarely,
if ever, been witnessed by any European in Ceylon.
Nothing could be more impressive than the order and
solemnity of the proceedings. It was impossible not to feel
that the ceremony was being conducted precisely as it was
more than two thousand years ago.
The chapter house (Sinhalese, Poya-ge) is an oblong hall,
with rows of pillars forming an inner space and leaving broad
aisles at the sides. At the top of this inner space sat the aged
Abbot (Sinhalese, Maha Ndyaka), as president of the chapter;
on either side of him sat the elder priests, and down the sides
sat the other priests in number between thirty and forty.
The chapter or assembly thus formed three sides of an oblong.
The president sat on cushions and a carpet ; the other priests
sat on mats covered with white calico. They all sat cross-
legged. On the fourth side, at the foot, stood the candidates,
behind the pillars on the right stood the deacons, the left was
VOL. YU. — [new SBKIB8.] 1
2 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OP THE FORM AND MANNER
given up to the visitors, and beliind the candidates at the
bottom was a crowd of Buddhist laymen.
To form a chapter for this purpose not less than ten duly
ordained priests are required, and the president must be not
less than ten years' standing from his TJpasampada ordination.
The priests attending the chapter are required to give their
imdivided, unremitting, and devout attention throughout
the service. Every priest is instructed to join heart and
ipind in the exhortations, responses, formulas, etc., and
to correct every error, lest the oversight of a single mistake
should vitiate the efficacy of the rite. Previously to the
ordination the candidates are subjected to a strict and
searching examination as to their knowledge of the discourses
of Buddha, the duties of a priest, etc. An examination and
ordination is held on the full-moon day in Wesak, and on the
three succeeding Poya days, or days of quarters of the moon.
After witnessing the celebration of this rite, I read the
Upasampadd-Kammavdcd or book setting forth the form and
manner of ordering of priests and deacons, and I was subse-
quently induced to translate it. This manual was translated
into Italian in 1776, by Padre Maria Percoto (Missionary in
Avaand Pegu), under the title of "Kammuva, ossia trattato
della ordinazione dei Talapoini del secondo ordine detti Pinzi,''
and a portion of it was edited in 1841, in P&li and Latin, by
Professor Spiegel. Glough translated it in 1834, and Hardy
has given an interesting summary of it in his Eastern
Monachism ; but neither the text nor any complete transla-
tion is readily accessible, and I have therefore thought that
this edition might possibly be acceptable to those who desire
information respecting the practice of Buddhism in Ceylon,
where, as is well pointed out by Mr. Ghilders, in his Pdli
Dictionary, (s.v. Nibb&nam, p. 272, note), ''Buddhism retains
almost its pristine purity/'
With regard to the transliteration, I have used the
system adopted (after Fausboll) by Mr. Ghilders in his
Dictionary. In the translation I have placed in italics the
rubrical directions in the text, and all explanations and
amplifications of the text I have placed in square brackets.
OF ORDERING OF PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 3
I have thus endeavoured to give a translation of the text as
it stands, and, at the same time, to set out the ordination
service fully and completely, precisely in the form in use in
Ceylon at the present time, as I have myself witnessed it.
No one who compares this form with that given in article
XY. of Hodgson's ''Literature and ReUgion of the Buddhists
in Nepaul," can fail to be struck with the purity and simplicity
of the Ceylon rite as contrasted with that in use among the
Northern Buddhists.
J. F. D.
Kandyj ^th January ^ 1873.
upasampadA-kammavaca.
Namo tassa bhagavato arahato sannndsambuddhassa.
Ok^sa. Kdmnnaih katvd pabbajjam detba me bhante. Ukkutikam
nisiditvd, Abam bhante pabbajjam ydcdmi. Datiyam pi abam bhante
pabbajjam yddimi. Tatiyam pi abam bhante pabbajjam ydcdml. Sabba-
dnkkhanissarananibb&nasaccbikaranatth&ya imam k&sdvam gahetvd
pabbdjetha mam bhante anukampam updddya. Tatiyavdram, Sabba-
dukkbanissarananibbdnasacchikaranatth&ya etam kdsdvam datvd pabba-
jetha mam bhante anukampam updddya. Tatiyavdram. Okasa. Vand&-
mi bhante. Sabbani aparidham khamatha me bhante. Mayd katam
punfiam sdmind anumoditabbam. Samin4 katam punnam mayham d^-
tabbam. Sddha s&dhu. Anumoddmi. Okdsa. K4runnam katvd fisaranena
saha sfl&ni detba me bhante. Abam bhante saranasnam ydc&mi. Dati-
yam pi abam bhante sara^asflam y&cdmi. Tatiyam pi abam bhante
sara^asdam y&cdmi. Imdni dasasikkhapaddni samddiydmi. Okdsa.
Vanddmi bhante. Anumoddmi.
Okdsa. Kdninnam katvd nissayam detba me bhante. UkkuHkaai
nisiditvd. Abam bhante nissayani ydcdmi. Dutiyam pi abam bhante
Dissayam ydcdmi. Tatiyam pi abam bhante nissayam ydcdmi. Upa-
jjhdyo me bhante bohi. Tatiyavdram, Patir6pam. Okdsa. Sampa-
ficcbdmi. Tatiyavdram, Ajjatagge ddni thero mayham bhdro aham
pi therassa bhdro. Tatiyavdram,
Okdsa. Tvam Ndgo ndma. Okdsa. Ama bhante. Tayham upayhdyo
dyasmd Tissatthero ndma. Okdsa. Ama bhante.
4 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OF THE FORM AND MANNER
Namo tassa bhagavato arahato samrndsambaddhassa.
Pathamam upajjhani g^hdpetabbo. Uppajjbam gahapetva pattaci-
varam deikkhitabbam. Ayam te patto. Ama bhante. Ayam sangbati.
Ama bhante. Ayam uttar^sango. Ama bbante. AJram antaravasako.
Ama bhante. Gaccba amumbi okdse tit^hdhi. Sundtu me bbante
sangbo. Nago dyasmato Tissassa upasampaddpekbo. Yadi sanghassa
pattakallaih abam Ndgam anusaseyyam. Sunasi Ndga. Ayam te sacca-
kdlo bhiitakalo. Yam jdtam tarn sanghamajjbe pucchante santam attblti
vattabbam, asiEintam n*atthiti vattabbam. M4 kho vittbasi. Ma kho
manku ahosi. Evan tarn puccbissan ti. Santi te evar6p4 dbddbd,
kuttham. N'atthi bhante. Gan4o. N'atthi bhante. Kildso. N'atthi
bhante. Soso. N'atthi bhante. Apam4ro. N'atthi bhante. Manusso'si.
Ama bbante. Puriso'si. Ama bhante. Bhujiso'si. Ama bbante. Ana-
no^si. Ama bhante. N'asi rdjabha^o. Ama bhante. Aunnfidto'si jndtd-
pituhi. Ama bhante. Paripunnavisativasso'si. Ama bbante. Pari-
piinnaih te pattaclvaram. Ama bhante. Kinndmo'si. Abam bbante Ndgo
ndma. Kondmo te upajjhayo. Upajjhdyo me bhante ayasmd Tissatthero
ndma. Sunatu me bhante sangbo. Ndgo dyasmato Tissassa upasampada-
pekho. Anusittho so maya. Yadi sanghassa pattakallam Ndgo dgaccheyya
dgacchdhiti vattabbo. Agaccbdhi. Sangbam bhante upasampadam ydcd-
mi. UUumpatu mam bhante sangbo anukampam updddya. Dutiyam pi
bbante sangbam upasampadam yddlmi. Ulhimpatu mam bbante sangbo
anukampam upaddya. Tatiyam pi bhante sangbam upasampadam ydcd-
mi. UUumpatu mam bbante sangbo anukampam upadaya. Su^dtu me
bhante sangbo. Ayam Nago dyasmato Tissassa upasampaddpekbo. Yadi
sanghassa pattakallam abam Ndgam antardyike dhamme puccbeyyam.
Sunasi Ndga. Ayam te saccakdlo bhdtakdlo. Yam jdtaih tam pucchdmi.
Santam atthiti vattabbam. Asantam n'atthiti vattabbam. Santi te
evarupd dbddha, kuttham. N'atthi bhante. Gan4o. N'atthi bhante.
Kildso. N'atthi bhante. Soso. N'atthi bhante. Apamdro. N'atthi
bhante. Manusso'si. Ama bbante. Puriso'si. Ama bhante. Bhujisso'si.
Ama bhante. Anano'si. Ama bhante. N'asi rdjabhafo. Ama bbante.
Anufindto'si mdtdpitdhi. Ama bhante. Paripunnavfsativasso'si. Ama
bhante. Paripunnan te civaram. Ama bhante. Kinndmo'si. Aham
bhante Ndgo ndma. Kondmo te upajjhdjo. Upajjhdyo me bbante
dyasmd Tissatthero ndma. Sundtu me bhante sangbo. Ayam Ndgo dyas-
mato Tissassa upasampaddpekbo. Parisuddho antardyikebi dhammebi.
Psripunnassa pattadvaram. Ndgo sangbam upasampadam ydcati
ayasmatd Tissena upajjhayena. Yadi sanghassa pattakallam sangbo
OP ORDERING OF PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 5
Nagam upasampddeyya dyasmatd Tissena apajjMyena, esd Hatti. Sandta
me bhante sangho. Ayam Ndgo dyasmato Tissassa upasampaddpekho.
Parisuddho antardyikehi dhammehi. Paripunnassa pattacivaram. Nago
sangham upasampadaih ydcati ^yasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena. Sangho
Ndgam upasampddeti dyasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena. Yass'ayasmato
khamati Ndgassa opasampadd dyasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena so
ta^b'assa. Yassa ua khamati so hh^yya. Dutiyam pi etam attham
vadimi. Sundtu me bhante sangho. Ayam N^o dyasmato Tissassa
npasampadapekho. Parisuddho antardyikehi dhammehi, paripunn'assa
pattacfvaram. Ndgo sangham upasampadam yacati ^yasmatd Tissena
npajjhdyena. Sangho Ndgam opasampddeti ayasmatd Tissena upajjhd-
yena. Yass'dyasmato, khamati N%assa upasampadd dyasmatd Tissena
upajjhayena so tunliassa. Yassa na khamati so bhdseyya. Tatiyam pi
etam attham vadami» Sundtu bhante sangho. Ayam Ndgo dyasmato
Tissassa upasampaddpekho. Parisuddho antardyikehi dhammehi,
paripu^^Vissa pattacivaram. Ndgo sangham upasampadam ydeati
dyasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena. Sangho Ndgam upasampadeti dyasmaid
Tissena upajjhdyena. Yass'dyasmato khamati Ndgassa upasampadd
dyasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena so tunh'assa. Yassa na khamati so bhd-
seyya. Upasampanno sanghena Ndgo dyasmatd Tissena upajjhdyena.
Khamati sanghassa tasma tu^hi. Evam etam dhdraydmiti.
Tdvad eva efadyd metabbd. Utupamdnam dcikkhitabliam. Divasa-
bhdgo dcikkhitabbo. Sangfti dcikkhitabbd. Cattdro nissayd dcikkhi-
tabbd cattdri ca akaraniydni dcikkhitabbdni. Pin^iyalopabhojanam
nissdya pabbajjd. Tattha te ydvajivam ussdho karanfyo. Atirekaldbho,
saDgbabhattam uddesabhattam nimantanam saldkabbattam pakkhikam
uposathikam pd^ipadikam* Ama bhante. Pansukiilacivaram nissdya
pabbajjd. Tattha te ydvajivam ussdho kara^iyo. Atirekaldbho khomam
kappdsikam koseyyom kambalam sdnam bhangam. Ama bhante
Rukkhamiilasendsanam nissdya pabbajjd. Tattha te ydvajivam ussdho
karaniyo. Atirekaldbho, vihdro aiji^hayogo pdsddo hammiyaih guhd.
Ama bhante. P6timuttabhesajjam nissdya pabbajjd. Tattha te ydvajivam
ussdho karaniyo. Atirekaldbho, sappi navanitam telaih madhupphdni-
tam. Ama bhante. Upasampannena bhikkhund metbuno dhammo
na patisevitabbo, antamaso tiracchdnagatdya pi. Yo bhikkhu methunam
dhammam pafisevati assamano hoti asakyaputtiyo. Seyyathd pi ndma
puriso sisacchinno abhabbo tena saHrabandhaneoa jivitum evameva
6 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OF THE FORM AND MANNER
bhikkhu metbunam dhammam pafisevitvi assama^o hoti asakyaputtiyo.
Tarn te ydvajivam akaranfyam. Ama bhante.
Upasampannena bhikkhund adinnam theyyasankbatam na ddatabbam,
antamaso tinasaldkam up&d4ya. Yo bhikkbu pddam vd pddiraham v£
atirekapidam vd adinnam theyyasankhdtaih ddiyati assamano hoti
asakyaputtiyo. Seyyatba pi n&ma pan^upal&so bandhand pamntto
abhabbo baritatt&ya, evameva bliikkhu pddam v4 paddrabam \'d atireka-
pddam va adinnam theyyasankbdtam ddiyitva assamano hoti asalsya-
puttiyo. Tarn te yavajivam akaraniyam. Ama bhante.
Upasampannena bhikkhuna sancicca pdno j(vit4 na voropetabbo, anta-
maso kunthakipillikam upadaya. Yo bhikkbu sancicca manussa^iggaham
jivitd voropeti, antamaso gabbhapdtanam upddaya, assamano hoti asalsya-
puttiyo. Seyyathd pi ndma puthusild dvedhdbhinnd appafisandhikd hoti,
evameva bhildtbu sancicca manussaviggaham jivitd voropetvd assamano
hoti asakyaputtiyo. Tarn te ydvajivam akaranfyam. Ama bhante.
Upasampannena bhilikhund uttarimanussadhammo na uHapitabbo,
antamaso sufifidgdre abhiramdmiti. Yo bhikkhu papiccho icchdpakato
asantam abhutam uttarimanussadbammam uDapati jhdnam vd vimo-
kham vd samddhim vd maggam vd phalam vd assamano hoti asakya-
puttiyo. Seyyathd pi ndma tdlo matthnkacchinno abhabbo punavir^lhiyd,
evameva bhildthu papiccho icchapakato asantam abhdtam uttari-
manussadbammam ullapitd assamano hoti asakyaputtiyo. Tarn te
yavajivam akaraniyam. Ama bhante.
THE ORDINATION SERVICE,
Praise be to the Blessed One, the Holy One, to him who has arrived at
the knowledge of all Truth.
[The candidate, accompanied by his Tutor, in the dress of a layman,
but having the yellow robes of a priest in his arms, makes the usual
obeisance and offering to the President of the chapter, and standing
says,]
Grant me leave to speak. Lord, graciously gfrant me admission to
deacon's orders. Kneels dovm. Lord, I pray for admission as a deacon.
Again, lord, I pray for admission as a deacon. A third time, lord, I
pray for admission as a deacon. In compassion for me, lord, take
these yellow robes, and let me be ordained, in order to the destruction of
all sorrow, and in order to the attainment of Nirvd^a. To be repeated
OF ORDERING OF PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 7
three times. [The President takes the bundle of robes.] In compassion
for me, lord, give me those yellow robes, and let me be ordained, in order
to the destruction of all sorrow, and in order to the attainment of Nlrvdna.
To be repeated three times, [And the President then gives the bundle
of robes, the yellow band of which he ties round the neck of the
candidate, reciting the while the tacapaficakaih, or formula of meditation
on the perishable nature of the human body, as follows: kes4 lom£
nakhd dantd taco — taco dantd nakhd lom& kesd. Hair of the head, hair of
the body, nails, teeth, skin — skin, teeth, nails, hair of the body, hair of
the head. The candidate then rises up, and retires to throw off the dress
of a layman, and to put on his yellow robes. While changing his dress
he recites the following : — Pa^isankha yoniso civaram pa^isevdmi ydvad
eva sftassa pa^ighdtaya unhassa pafighdtdya 4^^^^^"^^^^^^^^?^"
sirimsapasamphassanam pa^ighdtaya yavad eva hirikopinapaticchddan-
atthaih. In wisdom I put on the robes, as a protection against cold,
as a protection against heat, as a protection against gadflies and mus-
quitoes, wind and sun, and the touch of serpents, and to cover naked-
ness, i,e, I wear them in all humility, for use only, and not for ornament
or show. Having put on the yellow robes, he returns to the side of his
tutor, and says,] Grant me leave to speak. I make obeisance to my
lord. Lord, forgive me all my faults. Let the merit that I have gained
be shared by my lord. It is fitting to give me to share in the merit
gained by my lord. It is good, it is good. I share in it. Grant me
leave to speak. Graciously give me, lord, the three refuges and the
precepts. [He kneels down.] Lord, I pray for the refuges and the
precepts.
[The tutor gives the three refuges and the ten precepts as follows,
the candidate still kneeling, and repeating them after him sentence by
sentence.
1.
Buddham saranam gacchdmi.
Dhammam saranam gaochdmi.
Sangham saranam gacchdmi.
Dutiyam pi buddham saranam gacchdmi.
Dutiyam pi dhammam saranam gacchdmi.
Dutiyam pi saugham saranam gacchdmi.
Tatiyam pi buddham saranam gacchdmi.
Tatiyam pi dhammam saranam gacchdmi.
Tatiyam pi sangham sarai^am gacchdmi. Sara^attayam.
THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OP THE FORM AND MANNER
2.
Pdn&tipdtd verama^f sikkbapadam.
Adinnaddnd veramani sikkhdpadam.
Abrahmacariyd veramani sikkhdpad&m.
Musav&dd veramani sikkhdpadam.
Surdmerayamajjapam^da^th^nd veramaijii sikkhdpadam.
Vikdlabhojand veramani sikkbdpadam.
Naccagitavdditavistikadassand veramani sikkbdpadam.
Mdlagandhavilepanadhdra9aman4anavibhii8ana^hdna veramani
sikkbdpadam.
Uccdsayanamahdsayaud veramani sikkhdpadam.
Jdlardparajatapatiggahand veramani sikkbapadam. Dasasikkbd-
padam.
1.
Tbe Tbree Refuges.
I put my trust in Buddba.
I put my trust in tbe Law.
I put my trust in tbe Priestbood.
Again I put my trust in Buddba.
Again I put my trust in tbe Law.
Again I put my trust in tbe Priestbood.
Once more I put my trust in Buddba.
Once more I put my trust in tbe Law.
Once more I put my trust in tbe Priestbood.
2.
Tbe ten precepts or laws of tbe Priestbood.
Abstinence from destroying life ;
Abstinence from tbeft ;
Abstinence from fornication and all uncleanness ;
Abstinence from lying ;
Abstinence from fermented liquor, spirits and strong drink wbicb
are a bindrance to merit ;
Abstinence from eating at forbidden times ;
Abstinence from dancing, singing, and sbows ;
Abstinence from adorning and beautifying tbe person by tbe use of
garlands, perfumes and unguents ;
OF ORDERING OF PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 9
Abstinence from using a high or a large couch or seat ;
Abstinence from receiving gold and silver ;
* are the ten means (of leading a moral life).^
[The candidate says,]
I have received these ten precepts. Permit me. [He rises up, and
makes obeisance to his Tutor.] Lord, I make obeisance. Forgive me
all my faults. May the merit I have gained be shared by my lord.
Give me to share in the merit of my lord. It is good, it is good. I
share in it.
[This completes the ordination of a deacon, and the candidate retires.]
The foregoing ceremony is gone through previous to the ordination of
a priest in all cases, even where the candidate has already been admitted
as a deacon. If the candidate is duly qualified for the priestly office, he
can proceed at once from deacon's to priest's orders ; otherwise he must
pass a term of instruction as a deacon : but a candidate who has received
deacon's orders must solicit them again, and go through the above
ceremony when presented for priesfs orders.
The candidate, being duly qualified, returns with his tutor, and goes
up to the President of the chapter, presenting an offering, and makes
obeisance, saying,]
Permit me to speak. Lord, graciously grant me your sanction and
support.^ He kneels doum. Lord, I pray for your sanction and
support; a second time, lord, I pray for your sanction and support;
a third time, lord, I pray for your sanction and support. Lord, be my
superior. This is repeated three times. [The President says,] It is
weU. [And the candidate replies,] I am content. This is repeated
three times. From this day forth my lord is my charge. I am charge
to my lord. [This vow of mutual assistance] is repeated three times.
[The candidate rises up, makes obeisance, and retires alone to the foot
of the assembly, where his alms-bowl is strapped on to his back. His
tutor then g^s down, takes him by the hand, and brings him back,
placing him in front of the President. One of the assembled priests
stands up, and places himself on the other side of the candidate, who thus
stands between two tutors.^ The tutors say to the assembly,] With
your permission, [and then proceed to examine the candidate as to his
1 See Ehuddakap&tha, by R. C. Childers, pp. 2, 3.
10 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OF THB FORM AND MANNER
fitness to be admitted to priest's orders]. Yoar name is Ndga? It is
so, lord. Your superior is the venerable Tissa? It is so, lord. [The
two tutors together say,] Praise be to the Blessed one, the Holy one, to
him who has arrived at the knowledge of all Truth. [They then recite
the following commands of Buddha.] First it is right to appoint a
superior. When the superior has been appointed, it is right to inquire
whether the candidate has alms-bowl and robes [which they do as
follows]. Is this your alms-bowl? It is so, lord. Is this the stole ?^
It is so, lord. Is this the upper robe ? It is so, lord. Is this the under
robe? It is so, lord. Go and stand there. [The candidate here retires,
going backwards in a reverential posture, and stands at the lower comer
of the assembly. The tutors remain in front of the President, and one
of them says,] Priests, hear me. Tlie candidate desires ordination
under the venerable Tissa. Now is the time of the assembly of priests.
I will instruct the candidate. [The tutors make obeisance to the
President, and go down to the foot of the assembly, and join the
candidate, whom they instruct and examine as follows.] Listen,
N%a. This is the time for you to speak the truth, to state what
has occurred. When asked concerning anything in the midst of the
assembly, if it be true, it is meet to say so ; if it be not true, it is meet to
say that it is not. Do not hesitate. Conceal nothing. They inquire
qf the candidate as follows. Have you any such diseases as these ?
Leprosy? No, lord. Boils? No, lord. Itch? No, lord. Asthma? No,
lord. Epilepsy? No, lord. Are you a human being? Yes, lord. Are
you a male? Yes, lord. Are you a free man? Yes, lord. Are you free
from debt? Yes, lord. Are you exempt from military service. Yes,
lord. Have you come with the permission of your parents? Yes, lord.
Are you of the full age of twenty years? Yes, lord. Are your alms-
bowl and robes complete? Yes, lord. What is your name? Lord, I am
called N%a. What is the name of your superior ? Lord, my
superior is called the venerable Tissa. [The two tutors here go to the
top of the assembly, and make obeisance to the President, and one of
them says,] Priests, hear me. The candidate desires ordination under
the venerable Tissa. He has been duly instructed by me. Now is the
time of the assembly of priests. If the candidate is here, it is right to
tell him to approach. [One of the tutors says.] Come hither. [The
candidate comes up, and stands between the tutors, makes obeisance to
the assembly, and kneels down. Priests, I ask the assembly for ordination.
Priests, have compassion on me, and lift me up.^ A second time, lords.
OF ORDERING OP PRIESTS AND DEACONS. H
I ask the assembly for ordination ; lords, have compassion on me, and
lift me up. A third time, lords, I ask the assembly for ordination.
Lords, have compassion on me, and lift me up. [The candidate rises up,
and makes obeisance. The tutors say,] Priests, hear me. This
candidate desires ordination under the venerable Tlssa. Now is the
time of the assembly of priests. I will examine the candidate
respecting the disqualifications for the pnestly office. Listen, N%a,
This is the time for you to speak the truth, to state what has occurred.
i will inquire of you concerning facts. If a thing is, it is right to say it
is ; if a thing is not, it is right to say it is not. Have you auy such
diseases as these? Leprosy? No, lord. Boils? No, lord. Itch? No,
lord. Asthma? No, lord. Epilepsy? No, lord. Are you a human
being? Yes, lord. Are you a male? Yes, lord. Are you free from
debt? Yes, lord. Are you exempt from military service? Yes, lord.
Have you come with the permission of your parents ? Yes, lord. Are
you of the full age of twenty years ? Yes, lord. Are your alms-bowl
and robes complete? Yes, lord. What is your name? Lord, I am
called Ndga. What is the name of your superior? My superior, lord,
is called the venerable Tissa. [Here ends the examination in the midst
of the assembly, and one of the tutors reports the result as follows.] This
candidate desires ordination under the venerable Tissa. He is free
from disqualifications. He has his alms-bowl and robes complete. The
candidate asks the assembly for ordination uuder his superior the
venerable Ussa. The assembly gives the candidate ordination under
his superior the venerable Tissa. If any of the venerable assembly
approves the ordination of the candidate under the venerable Tissa, let
him be silent ; if any objects, let him speak. A second time I state this
matter. Priests, hear me. This candidate desires ordination under the
venerable Tissa. He is free from disqualifications for the priestly
office. His alms-b«wl and robes are complete. The candidate asks
the priesthood for ordination under his superior the venerable Tissa.
The assembly gives the candidate ordination under his superior the
venerable Tissa. If any of the venerable assembly approve the ordina-
tion of the candidate under his superior the venerable Tissa, let him be
silent ; if any objects, let him speak. A third time I state this matter.
Priests, listen. This candidate desires ordination under the venerable
Tissa. He is free from disqualifications for the priestly office. His
alms-bowl and robes are complete. The candidate asks the priesthood
for ordination under his superior the venerable Tissa. The assembly
12 THE BUDDmST MANUAL OF THE FORM AND MANNER
gives the candidate ordination under his superior the venerable Tlssa.
If any of the venerable assembly approves the ordination of the candidate
under his superior the venerable Tissa, let him be silent ; if any objects,
let him speak. [The two tutors here again make obeisance to the Presi-
dent, and say,] The candidate has received ordination from the priest-
hood under his superior the venerable Tissa. The assembly approves
the resolution : therefore it keeps silence. So J understand your wish.
[The ordination is here ended, and the candidate retires to the foot of
the assembly, in which the tutors now resume their seats. The ceremony
is repeated with each candidate, and when all the candidates have been
ordained, one of the assembly (generally one of the tutors) rises up, and
addresses the following exhortation to the recently ordained priests, who
stand in a reverential attitude.]
It is meet to measure the shadow of the sun.^ It is meet to tell the
season. It is meet to tell the division of the day. It is meet to tell all
these together. It is meet to tell the four requisites for a priest.' It is
meet to tell the four sins forbidden to priests to commit. Food collected
in the alms-bowl is a requisite of a priest. So fed, it is good for you to
strive so long as life shall last. The following exceptions are allowed :
rice offered to the whole body of the priests ; rice offered to a certain
number of priests; rice offered on special invitation to a particular
priest; rice offered by lot;^ rice offered once in fifteen days; rice
offered on the full-moon days ; rice offered on the day following jfull-
moon day. Yes, lord.
Robes made of pieces of rag are a requisite of a priest. So clad, it is
good for you to strive so long as life shall last. The following ex-
ceptions are allowed : robes made of linen, of cotton, of silk, of wool,
of hemp, or of these five materials together .'^ Yes, lord. Lodging at
the foot of a tree is a requisite for a priest. So lodged, it is good of
you to strive so long as life shall last. The following exceptions are
allowed: monasteries; large halls; houses of more than one story;
houses surrounded by walls ; rock caves. Yes, lord. Cow's urine as
medicine is a requisite for a priest. Thus provided, it is good for you
to strive so long as life shall last. The following exceptions are allowed :
cow's butter ; cream ; rape oil ; honey ; sugar. Yes, lord.
A priest must not indulge in sexual intercourse, in short not even with
a female of any kind. If any priest indulges in sexual intercourse, he
OF ORDERING OF PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 13
ceases to be a priest, and is no longer a son of Sakya, Just as a man
whose head is cut off is unable to live, so does a priest who has indulged
in sexual intercourse cease to be a priest, or to be a son of Sakya. This
k to be avoided by you as long as life shall last. Yes, lord.
A priest must not take, with dishonest intent, anything which is not
given to him, not even a blade of grass. If any priest takes, with dis-
honest intent, either a quarter of a pag^da,^ or anything worth as much
or more, he ceases to be a priest, and is no longer a son of Sakya. Just
as a sere leaf loosed from its stalk can never again become green, so a
priest who, with dishonest intent, has taken anything which has not
been given to him, ceases to be a priest, or to be a son of Sakya. This
is to be avoided by you as long as life shall last. Yes, lord.
A priest must not knowingly destroy human life, in short not even
the life of an ant.^ If any priest destroys human life even by causing
abortion, he ceases to be a priest, or to be a son of Sakya. Just as a
large rock once cleft in two can never be re-united, so does a priest
who has knowingly destroyed human life, cease to be a priest, or to
be a son of Sakya. This is to be avoided by you as long as life shall
last. Yes, lord.
A priest must not lay claim to more than human perfection, even by
saying, " I delight in a solitary hut." If any priest with evil intent and
for sake of gain untruly and falsely lays claim to more than human per-
fection, whether a sfate of mystic meditation,^ or freedom from passion,™
or perfect tranquillity," or a state of absorption removed from all
worldly influence,*' or attainment of the four paths, or of the fruition of
those paths,^ he ceases to be a priest, and is no longer a son of Sakya.
Just as a palmyra tree, the top of which has been cut off, can never
Sprout again, so a priest who, with evil intent and for sake of gain,
untruly and falsely has laid claim to more than human perfection, ceases
to be a priest, or to be a son of Sakya. This is to be avoided so long as
life shall last. Yes, lord.
NOTES.
^ Nissayo, Without the consent and promise of assistance of a
priest of ten years' standing, the candidate cannot obtain ordination.
Nissayo involves mutual assistance and association for at least five years.
The elder who gives nissa beconies the spiritual superior or preceptor
(upqjljhdyo), and the one who receives nissa becomes his co-resident or
14 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL OF THE POEM AND MANNER
pupil (nigsantevdriko). The relative duties of the two are laid down in
detail in the Vinayapitaka. Briefly the superior is to advise and instruct
his co-resident, and to perform towards him all the duties of a parent in
sickness and in health. The co-resident is to tfeat his superior with all
the respect due to a father, and to perform for him all the duties of a
personal attendant. Buddha directs that fluent-speakings and well-
informed priests shall remiun as pupils for five years. They who are
not fluent-speaking* shall remain as pupils as long as they live.
^ Tutors (Kammavdcdrino). The tutors represent the assembly, and
conduct the examinations on its behalf. Compare the relations of the
proctors at Oxford to Convocation.
^ Sanghdii. Stole. This part of the dress is a large double robe
folded to about five inches in breadth, which is thrown over the left
shoulder, and fastened close to the body by a waist-belt. This robe is
used by a priest when travelling as a doak.
^ Lift me up {ullumpatu). The meaning of this is explained in the
commentary to be, lift me up from the slough of demerit {tJcusala) to the
dry land of merit (kuMla), or lift me up from the lower order of a
deacon (sduian&a) to the higher order of a fully ordained priest (i^mi-
sampadd).
® The hour, day and month are carefully recorded, to settle the
order of seniority among the newly ordained priests.
' The four ninayd or requisites are all that alw necessary fur an
ascetic ; but the exceptions under each head, which were allowed in early
times only occasionally, have now been generally adopted as the rule ;
and the ascetic principle is, in fact, destroyed. Still the priests live
strictly by rule, and with the utmost simplicity.
^ SaldkOf by lot or tally. The practice is occasionally for several
householders to ag^ree together to give food to the priests of a monastery.
Each householder writes his name on a piece of ola or palm-leaf; all
the names are put into an alms-bowl, and each priest draws a lot, and
goes to the house thus indicated, whether it be rich or poor.
^ Bhangam, In Childers' Pdli Dictionary this is given as "hetnpen
cloth," and in Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary bhangd is g^ven as
hemp (Cannabis sativa) ; but the commentary explains it as cloth made
of the five materials mentioned in the text.
^ A quarter of a pagoda, somewhat less than two shillings, it is a
sin to take even a blade of gprass, but a priest must be guilty of theft to
the value of about two shillings to be expelled from the priesthood.
OP ORDERING OP PRIESTS AND DEACONS. 15
^ KunthakipUlikathf lit. a large-black-ant, and the-smallest-kind-of-
ant. To take life at all is a sin ; but to take human life even by pro-
curing abortion is a sin involving expulsion from the priesthood.
^ Jhdnam, abstract or mystic meditation. The following explanation
is taken from Childers' Pdli Dictionary, s.v. "Jhdna is a religious exercise
productive of the highest spiritual advantage, leading after death to
re-birth iu one of the Brahma heavens, and forming the principal means
of entrance into the four Paths. The four Jhdnas are four stages of
mystic meditation, whereby the believer's mind is purged from all
earthly emotions, and detached as it were from the body, which remains
plunged in a profound trance. The priest desirous of practising Jhdna
retires to some secluded spot, seats himself cross-legged, and shutting
out the world, concentrates his mind upon a single thought. Gradually
his soul becomes filled with a supernatural ecstasy and serenity, while
his mind still reasons upon and investigates the subject chosen for con-
templation ; this is the first Jhdna, Still fixing his thoughts upon the
same subject, he then frees his mind from reasoning and investigation,
while the ecstasy and serenity remain, and this is the second Jhdna.
Next, his thoughts still fixed as before, he divests himself of ecstasy,
and attains the third Jhdna, which is a state of tranquil serenity.
Lastly, he passes to the fourth Jhdna, in which the mind, exalted and
purified, is indifferent to all emotions, alike of pleasure and of pain."
^ Fimokkho (from muncati, to loosen). The term is thus explained
in the Patisambhiddpakaranath of the Khuddakanikdya, Pathamena
jhdnena nivaranehi mueeattti vimokkho arahattamaggena gabba"
kilesehi muccatiti vimokkho. It is a loosening of the bonds formed by
the elements of existence, and hence freedom from the ten evil passions.
It is discussed under sixty-eight heads, of which the three principal are,
1. Suhnato vimokkho, the regarding the body as mere emptiness; the
contemplation of the Void, i.e. a state which has no self. 2. Animitto v,,
the freedom from passion which results from the contemplation of the
unconditioned, or from regarding the perishable nature of the elements
of existence. 3. Appanihito v,, the freedom from longing or desire
resulting from a contemplation of the sorrow attaching to the elements
of existence. By these three the four paths and the four phala are
attained by those who have vipassand, or the power of supernatural
sight.
^ Samddhi, a state of meditation in which the mind, shut up in itself
and insensible to that which is passing around, contemplates only the
16 THE BUDDHIST MANUAL, ETC.
virtaes of Buddha, etc The following illustration is taken from the
Mahdvansa (see Tumour's translation, pp. 261, 262): "The usurper
stripped the king naked, and casting him into iron chains, built up a
wall, embedding him in it, and exposing his face only to the East, and
plastered that wall over with clay. Thus the monarch Dhdtusena was
murdered by his son in the eighteenth year of his reign. This rdja, at
the time he was improving the Kdlawdpi tank, observed a certain priest
absorbed in the samddhi meditation, and not being able to rouse him
from that abstraction, had him buried under the embankment he was
raising by heaping earth over him. This was the retribution manifested
in this life for this impious act." The six kinds of Samddhi are 1.
Buddhdnussati «., 2. Dhammdnussati «., 3. Sanghdnussati «., 4. Sild-
nussati «., 5. Cdgdnussati &,, 6. Devatdnussati s. ; abstract meditation
on Buddha, the Law, the Church, mor^l duties, alms-giving, the Gods.
^ Samdpaiti is of eight kinds, 1. Pathamajjhdnasamdpatti, 2. Duti"
yajjhdnas,^ 3. Tatiyajjhdnas.^ 4. Catutthajjhdnas,^ 5. AUdsdnahcdya-
tanas,, 6. Finhanahcdyatanas,, 7. Akihcahhdyatanas., 8. Nevasanhd-
nasanndyatanas ; the ]>erfect accomplishment of the state of abstrac-
tion resulting from the practice of each of the four jhdnas (vide suprh
note ^), and from 5. mastering the idea that space is infinite, 6. that
thought only exists, 7. that nothing exists, 8. that there is neither
consciousness nor unconsciousness.
P Phala, the higher stages of the four paths, the fruition of the four
paths. There are thus eight grades of sanctification in the road to
Nirvdna, viz. sotdpattimaggo, sotdpattiphalarhi sakaddgdmimaggo,
sakaddgdmiphalam, andgdmimaggo, andgdmiphalam, arahattamaggo,
arahattaphalam. Arahattaphala necessarily ends in Nirvdna, with
which it is all but identical, and it is sometimes called simply nibbdnam.
See Childers' Dictionary, 8.vv. maggo, nibbdnam.
ANCIENT IMPLEMENTS OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
1- jSj:e. 4. TrianffxUar kn\fe,
S. Graiii-Bar-cuHar ? 5. Tweezer.
8. ^rrow-kead. 6. ^rroiu-head.
7. Bpear-blade.
W Grigui. F/toto-nrA
OP THE COIMBATORE DISTRICT. 19
slabs. A colossal capstone had been laid over the chamber,
but was now overthrown and broken, and the fragments
lying scattered round, the interior had been emptied of any-
thing it may have contained. All the stone-heaps around,
small and large, covered similar megalithic graves, of di-
mensions varying from little more than 2 feet by 1, to 6, 8,
or 10 feet in lengthy and of proportionate breadth. From
numbers the heaps had disappeared, and the covering-stones
and tops of the cists were exposed, some level with the
ground, others raised above ; and not unfrequently,^ the earth
having sunk or been excavated away, the cist, still bearing
the capstone, was laid bare for more than half its depth.
One in particular, the side-slabs of which inclined slightly
inwards, bore up an immensely broad and massive covering-
stone, overlapping its supports all round, so as to appear like
a monstrous mushroom. The chambers even of the smaller
were seldom less than five feet deep, oblong, and the bottoms,
always paved with great flagstones, were in the larger fre-
quently divided lengthwise by a lesser partition-slab. Of
the contents more will be said presently. A wilder and
more impressive scene than the site of the cairns could
be seldom met with. The desolate rugged plain rolling as
far as eye could reach in rocky ridges and barren expanses,
whilst around lay the multitudes of blackened grave-mounds;
many of the massive chambers half revealed, the immense
capstones on some still in place, on others overthrown or
fantastically tilted, whilst on all sides rose tall stones, some
upright, some leaning, — the whole realizing the poet's vision
of
'* dismal cirques
Of Druid stones upon a forlorn moor."
On the western side of the district, a few miles from the
Malabar border, is the village of NatkSlpalliam, evidently
drawing its name (signifying country -stone- village), from the
megaliths in its precincts. Here the tumuli are not scattered
over a wild waste, but stand amid cultivated fields, the prin-
cipal ones not dispersed, but gathered into a sort of nucleus.
The striking feature here is an assemblage of some fifteen or
20 MEGALITHIC MONUMENTS
twenty large cairns close to one another, each surrounded by
a circle of unusual height and uniformity, the stones tall and
pointed, often exceeding six feet in height, many of them
leaning, but none at the circle-heads pre-eminent over the
others, as at Nallampatti. This company of huge grey
ancient stones had a curious effect, rising over the tall green
crops amid which they stood at the time of my visit ; the
chambers beneath were very large, formed with enormous
slabs, and divided into two compartments by a slab rising
to half their depth ; here also one was divided into four
compartments by three longitudinal slabs. AU these con-
spicuous graves had been ransacked and emptied. Around
this predominant group smaller cairns of all sizes extended
for a considerable distance, as thickly as graves in an ancient
churchyard ; they were of the same description as those at
Nallampsttti, and numbers had, no doubt, been effaced by
cultivation, the chambers still lying undisturbed under the
surface. I remarked that thjB chambers were more generally
square here than oblong, as at Nallampatti, widening down-
wards to a great depth, often exceeding six feet even in the
smaller. In connexion with the distribution of these remains,
it may be noted that the three principal mountain ranges of
Southern India are all visible from the Coimbatore plain,
the Nilgiris bounding it on the north, the Arnemally and
Palany Hills on the south, and the Shevaroy, in Salem
district, on the east. On the last-named hills, the kistvaen-
sepulchres occur frequently over the whole plateau, and their
large flat slabs have been extensively utilized by the planters
in forming drying-floors for coffee. They do not occur on the
Nilgiris, where rude stone-remains are plentiful, but diverse ;
whilst on the Palany range no ancient remains, so far as I
am aware of, exist at all. These mountains have extensive
plateau regions, and are at this day pretty thickly inhabited.
It remains to say something of the contents of these mega-
lithic graves. Some, even of the larger and most laboriously
constructed, with capstone and chamber complete, and evi-
dently not previously disturbed, were nevertheless empty,
whilst large quantities of pottery were found in other, often
OP THE COIMBATOEE DISTEICT. 21
comparatively humble-sized, chambers. There was nothing
by which a productive grave could be distinguished from
one empty. The pottery of both the cemeteries was of
characteristic styles, common to all similar megalithic tombs,
not only in Coimbatore, but in other southern districts, and
of late found abundantly even in remote and mountainous
Coorg. This ancient pottery surpasses in design and texture
that now in common use ; it is made of finely- washed red clay,
often highly polished by friction, but not, as sometimes as-
serted, glazed, and frequently ornamented with straight or
wavy streaks of two or three light tints ; this is peculiar, and
at once distinguishes this pottery, no such ornamentation is
now in use. Another decoration consists of Inroader semi-
circular streaks, concentrically arranged in bows round the
vessels; something of the same kind is occasionally seen
to-day upon the painted chatties used by Sanniasies, and
at certain festivals. One form very characteristic of the
cairns is a tall narrow urn standing on three or four legs,
often three feet high, the shoulders frequently rounded.
These urns generally contain fragments of burnt human
bones ; nothing of the same shape is now in use, and the
obvious and useful device of legs to stand on has become
extinct.^ Some modem baking-chatties and small pots have
small knobs underneath to steady them, but nothing more.
Single-footed cups, something like large egg-cups, often occur,
but are not in use to-day, though so convenient in shape.
Other forms of pottery more nearly resemble the chatties
and vessels of modern days. Some are red, either light or
dark, with or without the wavy or semicircular streaks ; some
are black, and one large urn was of yellowish clay. Earthen-
ware rings or stands of all sizes for vessels with round or
pointed bottoms are exceedingly abundant in the tombs;
but this device, so simple and convenient fqr native daily
^ A prodigiously exaggerated and unique variety of this urn was exhumed many
years ago by the late Capt. Newbold in North Arcot. It was a coffin-shaped
trough, rounded at the ends, deeply rimmed at the edges, 6| feet long, 10 inches
deep, 2 feet broad, and stood on eight legs, each 1 foot 3 inches long, and 3) inches
in diameter. It was filled with hard earth and human bones. Coffin -shaped
terra-ootta sarcophagi have been discoTered in Babylonia, Egypt, and Italy.
22 MEGALITHIC MONUMENtS
requirements, is now, I believe, unknown. Small dishes or
saucers are also found by dozens, and must have been exten-
sively used. I once found a thick red earthenware ring
grooved out on the inner side, and a foot in diameter ; its use
was not clear, the natives thought it had been a musical instru-
ment. The principle on which the pottery placed in the
tombs was selected is not plain ; numbers of the pieces had
evidently been much used and blackened by fire, whilst many
were clean as if fresh from the potter. With the singular
exception of the Nilgiri group, the incised and punctured
patterns, crossed or herring-bone, with which' British sepul-
chral urns are generally decorated, are never seen on the
Goimbatore examples. The latter are generally placed at the
bottom, round the sides, or in the comers of the cists, often
with the mouth downwards, sometimes lying on their sides,
if upright, usually with remarkably well-formed covers on
them, more conical and conveniently shaped than the covers
now in use, with the white streak often exhibited on the upper
and inner sides in an unbroken coil. Clay beads, from the
size of a walnut to that of a lozenge, are abundant, and
closely resemble the beads found in British interments. The
tall four-legged urns above mentioned, and frequently the
smaller sorts, contain fragments of human bones, broken up
into small bits. I discovered none other than human. I
have never foimd or heard of a skeleton, or even complete
skull, being found in the cists ; a few jawbones and long
bones of the legs were the only perfect bones discovered.
In remarkable contrast to this, the same description of cist
cairns in the Beccan and the Central Provinces often con-
tain, as reported by Colonel Meadows Taylor, numbers of
complete skeletons, — a curious feature respecting which,
namely, the skulls being often detached, and placed separate
upon or near the body, occurs also in Dorsetshire barrows.
Iron is the only metal known to me as having been found
in the burial-places on the Coimbatore plains. Shapeless
pieces, thoroughly corroded and crumbling at a touch, are
not uncommon, but any still retaining form are very rare.
These sketches show the actual sizes of all I was able to
OF THE COIMBATOKE DISTRICT. ^ 23
discover tolerably perfect, which are now in the British
Museum. No. 2 is identical with an implement now in
common use in the Tamil provinces for cutting off the ears
of the larger grains, and called KSmbu-KStti. No. 4 is of
a form imfamiliar at the present day. No. 5 seems a sort of
tweezers. I once found a piece of chain of several oblong
links, two inches each. The largest object I discovered was
a spear-blade, two feet long and two inches broad, fixed to a
hollow socket, but it fell to pieces on being lifted. Square
crystal and barrel-shaped red cornelian beads are occa-
sionally discovered, always deposited in small vessels placed
within larger. The cornelian beads (see sketch) are orna-
mented with incised rings and zigzag lines, much resembling
similar beads found in England. The art of boring these
hard pebbles would hence appear to have been known to the
primitive inhabitants. A necklace of small sea-shells wds
found in a Nallampatti grave. Colonel Meadows Taylor
mentions having exhumed one in the Deccan. Similar
shells are still used as ornaments in various ways by the
lower races of the Peninsula. Some cores of wrist-bangles
resembling those now worn by women were also discovered.
The subject of these kistvaens cannot be dismissed without
a few words on a pecidiarity that specially distinguishes
them, namely the circular or sometimes nearly square
aperture which very generally occurs in the slab closing the
eastern end of the larger structures. Neither this feature
nor the orientation are, however, absolutely imiversal. A
large kistvaen is seldom seen without, a small one seldom
with, the orifice ; which, however, really appears to have no
fixed aspect, for though occurring in Coimbatore much most
frequently in the eastern slab, it is sometimes seen on the
west, and sometimes on the north side, whilst in the Sorapur
territory it is reported to be generally on the south side.
Open-sided dolmens are very commonly associated with the
closed and holed kistvaens in Central India, but I have
heard of none in the South ; though closely allied structures,
with three sides and roof formed of rude slabs, the fourth
side open, and containing within lingam stones or rough
24 MEGALITHIC MONUMENTS
images, are frequent in Mysore, on the Shevaroy Hills, and
elsewhere, used as rude hut-temples, and suggesting the idea
that, as no sepulchral vestiges have been found in the open
dolmens, they too may have served as homely readily-con-
structed shrines. The apertures or doors above referred to
vary from one to two feet in width, sometimes of irregular
form, and placed just below the capstone, as in the re-
markable double kistvaen^ lately discovered in Coorg, and
figured by Mr. Fergusson in " Rude Stone Monuments,'' p&ge
473. Sometimes the opening is round or oval, and placed
lower in the slab. Very curiously too, holed kistvaens,
strikingly similar, exist in Circassia, in Sardinia, and Mr.
Fergusson (p. 344) figures one at Trie in France, that might
well stand for one of those in Central India depicted by
Colonel Meadows Taylor. It is these openings, suggesting
doors, that has caused the natives universally to invent what
Mr. Tylor calls a myth of observation, and regard the tombs
as the dwelling-houses of a pygmy-race, helped perhaps in
the idea by the quantity of domestic pottery they contain :
it never occurs to the natives to look upon them as sepul-
chral. The dwarf-races of preternatural strength to whom
the natives ascribe their erection may also have been sug- ,
gested by the limited size and ponderous material of the
tombs, but may also be a remnant of a primitive mythology,
such as peopled the hills of Ireland, Scotland, and Scandi-
navia, with elves and dwarfs. A large mound near Chingle-
put, on the road to Triehinopoly, is surrounded by a niunber
of megalithic graves, and believed to be inhabited by a
bearded race of "PandaySr," three feet high, ruled by a
king who lives in the top of the mound. This reads like
a Norwegian folk-story of the Trolls or hill-dwarfs. More-
over, the very name of Pandu-houses, by which the tombs
are familiarly known in every district, points to primitive
pre-Brahmanical times and beliefs ; — all that is related of
^ I have heard of two kistraenSf uncertain whether separate or united, having
heen found within one circle in Goimhatore. Magnificent douhle cists, forming but
one structure, have been found not long ago by Canon GreenwcU, in large tumuli
in Yorkshire, and must, from the description, have borne a strong general re-
semblance to the Indian cairns and their inclosed kistvaens.
OP THE COIMBATOEE DISTEICT. 25
the Pandaya princes being directly opposed to Brahmanical
rites and ideas, and savouring rather of aboriginal practices.
As Max Miiller intimates, it seems probable that the
BrahmanSy finding the legend too popularly rooted to be
suppressed, adopted both it and its heroes into their own
system, to increase and extend its acceptance.
Almost all observers who have seen the kistvaens and
their apertures have inclined to think that the true intent
of the latter was to provide means of introducing fresh
urns into the sepulchral chamber as occasion might require.
All the apertures would admit an arm, and some of the
larger a child. This idea is further strengthened by some
of the kistvaens having two slabs placed edgewise, parallel
to one another, and forming a sort of porch to the aperture
to which they lead, so indicating the way to it when the
earth was heaped over, and still more by the urns being very
generally just under, or in front of, the aperture. Still, I
think, one cannot affirm more than that the idea does not
seem improbable. This leads to the question of whether
these megaKthic graves were family or tribal sepulchres used
by successive generations, and betokening a settled popula-
tion, or only the vestiges of a passing army or nomadic in-
cursion. As far as multitudes of tumuli and immensity of
material and labour go, there has been strong reason shown
that assemblages of monuments quite as great as those at
Kallampatti and Natkalpalliam may have been constructed
in a very short time by the united eflforts of an army or
nomadic tribe; but when one considers the quantity of
domestic pottery contained in the Coimbatore graves, the
circumstance of the urns occurring at times in two or even
three layers, arguing a succession of deposits, and above all
that the graves are thickly sown over the whole district, not
gathered in a few spots, but scattered everywhere on plain
and hill, in open ground and forest, it can hardly be doubted
that they are not the vestiges of war, or of an occasional
wave of immigrants or nomads, but of a settled people, and
apparently one much more numerous than the present popu-
lation, for, were that now suddenly swept away, it would
26 MEGALITHIC MONUMENTS
leave no traces of its existence comparable to these ancient
remains. Who that people may have been, and when the
monuments were built, are debatable questions. But it
seems likely they are the vestiges of a race of which History
speaks vaguely or not at all, but which lives in village
chronicles and popular traditions and superstitions. Sir
Walter Elliot, in a paper read before the International Pre-
historic Congress at Norwich, and again in the Ethnological
Journal, vol. i. p. 108, has brought together indications of a
great invading pastoral or shepherd-race, known as Kurum-
bars, Gadi-razu,^ Palli, and other names, who, at some period
"in the dim backward and abysm of time," spread over
Central and Southern India, displacing, it is said, an earlier
wild race who had cleared the forest, and settled there before
them. They were masters in the South, which is still full of
traditions of them, and in the Camatic formed a federal
community of twenty-four castle-states, all of which have
been traced, and reached no mean stage of civilization. In
the sixth or se^nth century they were scattered and
destroyed by the Chola Kings of Tanjore after a long and
wide-spread domination; probably continuing to exist in
larger or smaller communities, ever wasting and driven
further and further into the hills and wildernesses by their
conquerors. It is to this perished people that the megalithic
monuments may be with most probability ascribed ; they are
still associated with them in popular tradition ; the circles
and kistvaens being often commonly called " Kurumbar
rings " and "Kurumbar forts," especially around Conjeveram,
once a principal centre of their power. It is to the earlier
aboriginal tribes, which they supplanted, that the stone
implements which have of late years been found abundantly
in India may probably be referred. The stone imple-
ments have never, as yet at least, been found in or plainly
connected with the monuments. In India there is no over-
lapping of the stone and metal ages, as in Europe.* The un-
known stone-people has utterly disappeared, but the invading
^ ^' Gadi-rSzu," exactly corresponding to Hyksos — Shepherd Kings.
3 Future discoTcry may, howeTer, set aside this assertion.
OP THE COIMBATORE DISTRICT. 27
tribes that ousted them still surviye in scattered remnants,
always servile, despised, and held unclean, but regarded with
superstitious dread as skilled in witchcraft and malignant
arts. Sometimes they retain their ancient name, as the
Kurumbars of the Nilgiri slopes, a dwarfish hairy race,
dwelling in the densest most feverish jungles, and feared
even by the other mountain tribes as the most dangerous of
enchanters.^ Elsewhere they are known by many titles,
Kaders, or wood-men ; Malei-SrSsar, or hill-kings ; Kor&gas,
or bushmen ; Holyars, or men of the river ; Iriilar, or people
of darkness : all names indicative of contempt tinged with
fear. In still larger remnants they probably survive in the
wide unknown jungle-regions of the northern circars, as
Gonds, Kols, and many others.
That these dwindled miserable tribes are the representa-
tives of the race that once covered the plains with megalithic
monuments is proved, as far as proof is ever likely to be
obtained, by the curious fact of their maintaining at the
present day the same practice in miniature show. The Malei
Arriyans of the Travancore mountains, who still number
from 15,000 to 20,000, on a death amongst them, make an
imitation kistvaen o£ small slabs of stone, lay in it a long
pebble to represent the body, and place a flat stone over with
ceremonies and offerings ; the spirit of the deceased is sup-
posed to dwell in the pebUe. The Kurumbars and Irulars
of the NUgiri Hills do the same, and I have seen small
covered slab structures there filled with long smooth pebbles,
the meaning of which I was long in ascertaining, the people
being reticent on the subject. The Gond tribes of the
Godavery and Orissa make miniature cromlechs, " like three-
legged stools," which they place over the bones and ashes of
the deceased. The Kols are reported by Major Macpherson
to place the ashes in a chatty, bury it in the ground, and lay
a large flat stone over it. Here we find wild secluded tribes
keeping up the semblance of constructing kistvaens and
stone monuments on moimtain-fastnesses overlooking the
1 << Earombar," 4.^. the mischieTous; from the Tamil word "Kurumbu,"
mischief.
28 MEGALITHIC MONUMENTS
plains where such structures abound; and the inference is
strong that they must be the weakened descendants of the
people who, when numerous and powerful, dominated the
plains and built the structures. More light on this sulgect
will doubtless be gained in the unexplored regions of the
Upper Godavery and Hydrabad country. Existing customs
may be found there that will throw back a strong light on
the past. As an example of what may be expected, Col<mel
Haig reports having met in the Bastar country with the
Kois of the plains, " a curious plague-stricken people, who
bum their dead, erecting over their ashes great monoliths
which stand out from the bleak hill-sides or the barren
valleys in dismal upright parallels."
Whence the Kurumbar tribes came is a point there is not
yet sufficient information to determine. It appears certain
that they were strangers in the land, and the broad steppe
regions of Central Asia, roamed over from immemorial
antiquity by Turk or Tartar tribes, seem the most probable*
almost the only possible source of their origin. Waves of
immigration from those swarming regions have swept west-
ward to Europe and eastward to China, and one may have
descended to India; but I agree with Mr. Fergusson in
holding that they were distinct from that Aryan race which
subsequently descended from the lofty table-land where rise
the Oxus and Jaxartes, as well as from the Dravidian races
which supplanted them in the south. It may be objected
that the dialects spoken by the now-existing secluded primi-
tive tribes from the Gond-country to Cape Comorin show
more or less affinity tQ Tamil, the mother of Dravidian
tongues ; but, as Mr. Fergusson observes, isolated languages
are absorbed and perish, as the Cornish has, and like that,
the Bheel tongue is reported to have become recently extinct
in Berar. It is noteworthy that the Hindus invariably
believe that the wild tribes, wherever found, have a language
of their own, known only to themselves, which they keep
secret. Assuming that the Kurumbar invaders came &om
the remote Central Asian steppes, it would be an important
connecting link were remains similar to what they are sup-
OF THE COIMBATOEB DISTRICT. 29
posed to have left in India found on the steppes also. On
this point further research and information are required.
Travellers report the steppes to abound with myriads of
tumuli, often of vast dimensions, and assembled in immense
cemeteries, as in India, and that gold ornaments and copper
and iron weapons have been found in them ; but details of
their construction have seldom been given. The fullest
description I know has been given by Mr. Atkinson, who
opened one on the Kirghis Steppe. The tomb was circular,
twenty-five feet in diameter, with waUs four feet thick. It
was carried up to a height of fifty feet, taking the shape of
a blast furnace, with an aperture at the top, and an opening
in the side two feet square and four feet from the ground.
Through this access was obtained to the interior, in which
were two graves covered with large blocks of stone. Here
may possibly be an analogue to the hole in kistvaens, and
the slab-covered graves; and future, search may discover
much nearer, perhaps identical, features. One peculiarity of
the steppe tumuli, the upright stone on them rudely carved
into a resemblance of a human figure, is unknown on the
Indian tombs. Upright stones surround them, but they are not
" Topped with rough-hewn
Grey rain-bleared statues that o'er-peer
The sunny waste."
In the present state of information it seems therefore no
improbable hypothesis that the megalithic monuments of
Southern and Central India were constructed by a race,
originally nomad, descending at some unknown period from
the steppes of Upper Asia, establishing themselves, and
remaining in power long enough to found settled and con-
siderably advanced dominations, and cover the face of the
country with their tombs, and finally overpowered and dis-
persed about the seventh century. This view would be con-
tradicted by Prof. Huxley's theory of an identity of origin
between the Deccan hill-tribes and the Australians, which,
proceeding from him, calls for respectful consideration.
Before quitting the kistvaens, one or two curious features
connected with them may be noticed. In Central India they
are usually found filled in with a soft greyish earth, not the
30 • MEGALITHIC MONUMENTS
surrounding soil. Those at NatkalpaUiam in Coimbatore wer^
* filled with finely sifted sand ; so were the vaults under the
Topekals in Malabar ; and on the Nilgiri Hills the urns in the
cairns are imbedded in fine black mould, like none existing
near. In strange resemblance to this peculiarity, Col. Meadows
Taylor describes cairns on Twizell Moor, in Northumberland,
as well as the urns in them, as filled with " a fine red earth not
belonging to the locality, which is peat." The chatties in
the Malabar graves were filled with " bright shining sand.*'
So were many at Natkalpalliam, and I once found in a small
cairn on the Nilgiris a curious flattened vase, covered with
a flat dish, and filled with red sand like none in the neigh-
bourhood. The meaning of this widely dispersed custom
seems open to much conjecture. Probably some symbolical
or religious idea governed it, possibly akin to that which led
mediaeval devotees to be buried with soil brought from the
Holy Land, and formed the Campo Santo at Pisa. The
Coimbatore monuments are formed from the gneiss or granitic
rock everywhere cropping out on the surface. I observed
no instances of masses having been brought from a distance ;
but in the lateritic district of Malabar, the covering stones
of the sepulchral vaults (invariably granite) must frequently
have been brought from lesser or greater distances. In the
Central Provinces Col. Meadows Taylor describes masses
exceeding 200 tons in weight that must have been moved
from hills three miles distant. In England the Stonehenge
monoliths will at once recur ; and at Bridlington, in York-
shire, the stones of some enormous cists uncovered by Canon
Greenwell must have been transported for at least twelve
miles. Smooth stones were observed by Mr. Atkinson to
have been brought from distant rivers to tumuli on the
steppes.
One other form of megalithic interment remains to be
noticed. Associated with the kistvaen circles at Natkalpal-
liam and elsewhere on the western border of Coimbatore,
though not to my knowledge occurring on the eastern side,
are numerous examples of those remarkable sepulchres called
in Malabar " Topekals," described long ago by Mr. Babing-
OF THE COIMBATORE DISTRICT. 31
ton, in vol. iii. of the Tramaetions of the Literary Society
of Bombay. Those in Coimbatore consist of huge mortuary
jars or urns, usually five feet high, by four feet in girth, of
thick coarse red ware, wide-mouthed and tapering to the
bottom, like the ordiaary 'codums' now in use, the only
ornament a rude cross-pattern round the neck. These are
buried in the ground within no cist or chamber, and a huge
flat stone is laid over them, but with no stone circle around
or stone-heap above. In Malabar the great urns are placed
in an excavation mad6 to fit them, and between their tops
and the overlying stone there is a small ledged chamber, to
which a descent or passage, leading to a square door closed
by a square stone in the side of the chamber, communicates
from above. The passage and chamber are made more plain
in Mr. Babington's drawing. I could not, however, find
them in the Coimbatore graves, the great overlying stone
had crushed all in, and very frequently the large sepulchral
urn also. In Malabar, however, the stiflF laterite earth
hardens into rock after being excavated, and would support
any weight; but the loose crumbling soil of Coimbatore
would fall in : hence upper chambers may have existed there
also. Around the great jars in Coimbatore I found several
small pots and urns, placed mouth downwards, on their
shoulders. The jars were filled with earth, at their bottom a
quantity of bones broken small, and occasionally a small urn
also filled with bits of bone, or sometimes with clean sand.
The Rev. Henry Baker, of the Travancore Mission, kindly
informed me that the same description of burials and jars
occur in the Travancore low country, where they are called
" ManchSra '* — earth-jars — generally covered with a heavy
granite slab, and containing pieces of bone and iron. The
natives there say they contain the remains of sacrificed
virgins. All the petty Rajahs are said to have sacrificed
virgins on the boundaries of their estates, to protect them,
and to confirm their engagements with neighbouring chiefs.
Sacrifices of young girls are known to have been ofiered to a
late period, even till British occupation ; very old men were
anciently so oflfered. The jars are sometimes found in square
32 KEGAIITHIC XOXUMCIkTS
places cut in tlie laterite, somedmeB in gravel, or even in
allavial soil ; in the latter cases nsoallr of thinner material
and smaller, about two feet in diameter. Near Chow-ghat
a large vault was found with a passage to it cut in the late>
rite, full of these jars, which all feU to pieces. This recalls
the Malabar Topekals. The Coinmars, a feibulous race of
old, were said to have made it. Pieces of much corroded
iron, straight, and ten or fourteen inches long, are found
with the jars, which Mr. Baker suggests may be the sacri-
ficial knives. Iron fragments did not occur in similar burials
in Coimbatore, neither did I hear any popular story connect-
ing them with sacriiiced virgins ; indeed, they often occurred
so numerously and so close together, as to throw some doubt
on the idea that thev could have marked boundaries. The
case of the Meriah human sacrifice, hardly yet suppressed
amongst the Khonds, indicates, however, how rooted and
widely spread such customs, with varying objects, may have
been amongst the earlier tribes. The following curious ac-
count, taken from Mr. C. P. Brown's " Wars of the Rajas,"
is interesting as throwing light on the objects and manner of
conducting these girl-sacrifices, and as supplying a detailed
and doubtless authentic instance of one in a part of the
Peninsula more to the north.
" While Bucca Rayalu ruled Yijayanagar, his chief servant,
in the s.s. year 1286, answering to ' Krodhi ' (a.d. 1364),
built a tank near Bucca Haya Samudram (in the present
district of Bellary). After some time, this tank became so
full of water, that the two sluices did not suffice, and were
rushing in a flood. While the villagers beheld this, a
goddess possessed a woman, and she exclaimed, ' I am
Ganga-Bhavdni. If you will feed me with a human sacri-
fice, I will stop here ; if not, I will not stop.'
" While the villagers and the elders took counsel about
making the sacrifice, Ganga Devi possessed a girl, not yet
grown up, named Musalamma. She was the seventh and
youngest daughter-in-law of Basi Beddi. The goddess said
to her, ' Become thou the sacrifice.'
OF THE COIMBATORE DISTRICT. 33
" She accordingly was prepared to become a sacrifice ; she
adorned herself as a bride with yellow and red paint, wearing
a pure vest, and holding a lime in her hand. She set out in
a procession from her home, and came up on the embank-
ment. She adored the feet of her father-in-law, Basi Beddi,
and did homage to the townsfolk. She said, 'I have re-
ceived the commands of Ganga Bhawdni. I am going to
become a sacrifice.' Thirty feet from the sluice there was
now a gap, between which and the bank a chasm had opened.
She went through the chasm and stood therein, and they
poured in earth and stones upon her; so the bank stood
firm.
"The following day this Musalamma, who had] thus be-
come a sacrifice, possessed the females of the village. She
said, ' Make a . stone image of me, place it under a tree, and
worship it.' Accordingly they erected it, and worship her,
but there is no chapel. Besides, if people who passed near
the breach cried out ' Musalamma ! ' she used to reply
' Ho ! ' But one evening as men went for grass and called
to her in the usual manner, on her answering they replied,
* Though thou art dead, thou art still proud.' From that time
she never answers, and from that day Saint Musalamma is
worshipped."
The above story, so graphically related, is probably true in
all its details, and thoroughly Hindu; notably so in the
manner in which the deed is glossed over by representing
the sacrifice as voluntary, and in the superstitious dread
which gathered round the memory of the victim. In the
little-known social condition of the Hindus four or five cen-
turies back, it does not seem extravagant to surmise that
such sacrifices may have been frequent. Any unusual
occurrence or ill hap in a village would be ascribed to the
anger of a deity, and demand its sacrifice. The victims
would be buried in some special way, as Musalamma was
under a cairn. And in time such memorials might accumulate
in one locality to the extent noticed by me. Who can
reckon indeed how many maidens since Jephtha's daughter
TOL. VII. — [new 8BBIB8.] 3
34 ME6ALITHI0 MONUMENTS.
and Iphigenia in still more distant ages have been destroyed
under the delusion of appeasing offended deities P
Tantom relligio potnit snadere malonmu
It is notewortKy that Musalamma speaks from her cairn as
the Scandinavian sagas represent the slain heroes singing in
their grave-mounds.
35
Art. III. — Notes on the Sinhalese Language. Na. 1. — On the
Formation of the Plural of Neuter Nouns. By E. C.
Ghilders^ late of the Ceylon Civil Service.
The Sinhalese is one of the Aryan vernaculars of India, and
is spoken by the descendants of a people who migrated
from Magadha to Ceylon at a very remote period. The
tradition recorded in Mahavansa is that Ceylon was colonised
by a prince of L&la, a district of Magadha, who landed in
the island with seven himdred followers on the day of
Gautama Buddha's death. Accepting this tradition, and
comparing it with the tradition that Pali was a Magadha
dialect, we should expect to find a close resemblance between
Pali and Sinhalese. And such in fact is the case. With a
few exceptions, Sinhalese follows Pali so closely that at first
sight one might feel inclined to say that the former was
derived from the latter. As a general rule, where Pali
differs from the other Prakrits, the Sinhalese agrees with it ;
and this is the case not only with words but with gramma-
tical forms.^ And there are several words not found in the
other Prakrits or Sanskrit which are found in both Pali and
Sinhalese. I have alluded to exceptions, and these deserve
full consideration ; but they are such as may be explained by
the circumstance, to which the Buddhist traditions clearly
point, that the language of Buddha's sermons was the dialect
of one district of Magadha, and the language spoken by the
colonisers of Ceylon that of another district. As an in-
stance of these exceptions, I may mention the Sinhalese itiri
" woman," which clearly cannot have come to us through
the Pali itthi^ since the latter has lost the original r of the
Sanskrit ^^.
^ A typical instance of this agreement is found in the Sinhalese dak-inava " to
see," and the Pali dakkhati, hoth of which retain the a of their Sanskrit original
drakshyatiy while the other Prakrits have altered it to e.
36 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. L
Besides the vernacular Sinhalese spoken in Ceylon in the
present day, there is also the ancient language called Elu,
from which the present vernacular is immediately derived,
and to which it bears something of the same sort of relation
that the English of to-day bears to Anglo-Saxon. Funda-
mentally Elu and Sinhalese are identical, and the difference
of form which they present is due partly to the large
number of new grammatical forms evolved by the modem
language, and partly to an immense influx into it of Sanskrit
nouns, borrowed, often without alteration, at a comparatively
recent period. It must be observed, however, that these
"tatsamas" are very rare in the colloquial speech of the lower
classes, their true home being the more pretentious class of
literary compositions, and the highflown language of cere-
mony and official intercourse. For verse compositions the
ancient language is still exclusively employed, and con-
temporary Sinhalese poetry is unintelligible to those who
have not made Elu their special study.
Strange as it may appear, the word Elu is no other than
Sinhala much corrupted.^ It stands for an older form Hela
or Helu, which occurs in some ancient works, and this again
for a still older Sela, which brings us back to the Pali form
Sihala. For the loss of the medial syllable ha compare the
Sinhalese ddla^ representing the Pali dohala and Sanskrit
^(^, and for the loss of the initial « compare tra=w^
and 2lru=:mv^. Sinhala is the name by which the Sinhalese
call themselves, but curiously enough the word is itself not
Sinhalese but Sanskrit. It was borrowed from Sanskrit
literature many centuries ago, and gradually took the place
of the unpretending dissyllable Elu. Among the uneducated
classes its pronunciation has degenerated to Hingala.
The English transliteration of the word Sinhala has gone
through several phases. First of all we called the inhabi-
tants of Ceylon " Cingalese," and for a long series of years
this spelling reigned unquestioned. But about fifteen years
ago an uneasy impression began to prevail that the old-
fashioned transcription was hardly equal to the requirements
^ See D*AlwiB*8 Sidath Sangarawa, p. zzzii.
ON THE FORMATION OP THE PLURAL OP NEUTER NOUNS. 37
of modern philology^ and a new and more scientific spelling,
"Singhalese/' gradually crept in, and was fixed and popu-
larised by its^ adoption in Emerson Tennent's work. The
substitution of 8 for c was a great advance, and the existence
of the aspirate was no longer igpored ; but the obnoxious g
was still retained, the idea being that the anusvara, or nasal
n, could only be represented by the combination ng. At
length, about six or seven years ago, the Ceylon Government,
following the wise example of the Indian Government,
adopted and enforced a uniform and scientific system of
transliteration of native names, and the g was finally got
rid of.^
The Sinhalese language, when compared with Sansl^rit,
presents a remarkable picture of phonetic decay. Nearly
all conjunct consonants have disappeared, a group being
either represented by only one of the ccmsonants which
composed it^ or broken up into two syllaUeSv The letter ^
is lost, and is generally replaced by 9, and the letter ^ is
generally replaced by d. Initial h is usually dropped, and
initial 8 very frequently passes into A, or is dropped ^together.
In a great number of instances a hard consonant between
two vowels is softened to y or v^qs when jjm becomes pavu,
wft^ I6va, irnr ^^y^^ c^d so on. The aspirated consonants
are lost, being mostly replaced by the corresponding un-
aspirated consonant, but occasionally broken up by a vowel,
as in daham from dharma. Whole syllables have been elimi-
nated, sometimes from the beginning or end, sometimes from
the middle of a word. Long vowels are generally short^ied,
and a number of complicated and fantastic vowel changes
* On the analog of the word " Sanskrit," we ought to write " Sinhalese,'* the
Bonnd represented by the n being in each case the same (anusvara). Strictly
speaking, annsrSra should be represented by m or in, but it would be pedantry to
write '*Samslqrit" with the diacritical marks, because the word is thoroughly
Anglicised ; and the same may be said of the word Sinhalese. It is a matter of
abidine regret to me that I was the means of introducing into Ceylon an n with
a circ& under it to represent anusvdra. In 1863 I read a paper before the
Ceylon Asiatic Society, *' On the Romanisation of the Sinhalese Alphabet," and,
to carry out my (somewhat crude] views, imported to Ceylon a set of types with
diacritical marks made to my order in England. When I left Ceylon soon after-
wards, the GoTemment took over my types, which included the unsightly 9,
and made use of them, I believe, for their official system of transliteration. Hence
ray sense of the fitness of things is occasionally offended by the sight of the word
SmhaleBe written Sii^halese, a practice against which I here enter my protest.
38 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. L
have taken place, which in several instances have beem ex-
tended and utilised so as to express grammatical relations.
The Knhalese language can boast of a very high antiquity.
I have already said that the Elu of literature differs in no
essential respect from the modem language, and Elu books
have come down to us from the fifth and sixth oenturies
after Christ. But Elu inscriptions have been found on the
rocks at Mahintale dating from the second and third cen-
turies, and we may yet hope to find others of even older
date. Nor is this all. We know from Mahavansa, that so
early as the beginning of the third century before Christ
Mahinda translated the Buddhist ArthakathAs from Pali
into Sinhalese, and hence there must have been even at that
remote period a Sinhalese language distinct from Pali. This
fact gives rise to a very interesting question. Assuming
that the colonisers of Ceylon in the middle of the fifth
century B.C. spoke Pali, or a dialect closely akin to it, how
ia it that Mahinda, less than two hundred and fifty years
afterwards, found the language of Ceylon so different from
Pali that he thought it worth while to translate the
Arthakath&s into it P I am inclined to base my explanation
of this phenomenon on the well-known fact that the rate of
phonetic decay in a language varies in a remarkable manner
according to the circumstances, social, political, and literary,
of the people who speak it. I believe that the secret of the
astonishingly rapid decay of the language spoken by Yijaya
and his immigrants is to be found in their isolation, in their
being cut off from their Indian brethren, and withdrawn
from the influences of literature and ancestral institutions.
But, granting that the transition from Pali to Elu in two
centuries and a half was possible, a further question arises —
how are we to account for the crystallisation (so to speak) of
the Sinhalese at the beginning of the third century B.C., an
arrest of its decay so complete that there is strong reason
to believe the Sinhalese of Mahinda's time tp have been
fundamentally the same as that of the present dayP^ I
* The Oeylon chronicles give us no reason to suppose that Buddha^hosa found
Mahinda's Sinhalese, which he retranslated into Pau, substantially different from
the Sinhalese he hiniself spoke.
ON THE FORMATION OF THE PLUEAL OP NEUTER NOUNS. 39
reply that it is to be explained by the iDfluence of Litera-
ture, all powerful to arrest the decay of a language by
affording an ever-ready standard of reference. Mahinda,
by translating the sacred texts into their language, first
gave the Sinhalese a literature, and this sacred literature
it was which finally arrested the decay of the language.
I do not offer this solution ad a final one. Intimately con-
nected as it is with the origin of Buddhism, the question is
not one that can be disposed of in a few paragraphs ; and I
hope to return to it some day after the mature study which
its importance demands.^
One more question connected with the origin of the
Sinhalese language I wish briefly to allude to, the question
as to where we are to find the missing links between- Pali
and Sinhalese. It is evident that between the Magadha of
Yijaya's followers and the Elu of King Tissa's subjects,
there must have been several stages exhibiting successive
gradations of phonetic decay, and is there any hope of
meeting with vestiges of these intermediate links ? Where,
for instance, can we find the intermediate forms between
oaadha and 6m^ between manjettha and niadata, between
bhAta and m, between auriya and ira^ between cattdro and
haiara ? I reply that our only hope is in the rock inscrip-
tions of Ceylon. These have already been found in great
numbers in different districts of the island, and many more
remain to be discovered. They belong to different periods.
Of the ancient ones we know little enough, but that little
gives us strong reason to believe that rich treasures of
history and philology are locked up in these adamantine
records. The importance of the Ceylon rock inscriptions
has long been known to Oriental scholars; and it will
gratify many members of this Society to learn that they are
about to be systematically collected and deciphered under the
orders of the wise and enlightened statesman who now holds
the reins of government in Ceylon.
The Sinhalese language in wealth of forms and general
^ It is to be obsenred that the facts I have been discnssing tend not to advance
bat to throw back the Baddhiat era.
40
NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. 1.
philological interest far surpasses its sister Temaculars,
though it has had the misfortune to be almost entirely oyer-
looked bv comparatiTe philologists in their investigations
into the Indian dialects.^ It will be mv endeavour in this
and succeeding papers to do something towards rescuing it
from the unmerited neglect with which it has been hitherto
treated in Europe.
The Formation of the Plural of Xeuter Nouks,
The modem Sinhalese has two principal declensions^ the
r animate
nouns.
m^^0 ^^^^ «i»i«4
DfASnXATB DBCLEXnOX.
A3iiMATS Dscucraiosr.
Goda^'hmk."
Balld " (
iog."
•nra. plck.
uve.
pLrB.
Norn.
Ifoda gadaval
N.
UUd
halld
Ace.
goda godaval
A.
halld
haHan
I. Ab.
goden godatalin
D.
haUdta
hailanfa
Bat.
godafa godaralafa
Ab.
haUdgen
halkmgen
0. Loc.
gode godavala
G.
haiidgi
hallangi
L.
halldkere
hallanker^
The names of all inanimate things, as house, book, sun,
virtue, take the inflections of goda; those of all living beings,
as child, father, mother, horse, poet, take the inflexions of
balld. It will be seen at once that these two declensions
difier on several points. In this paper I propose to deal
with the inanimate declension.
The termination -en of the instrumental and ablative
singular is the ipi of the instrumental sing^ular of Sanskrit
nouns whose base ends in ^. Thus potefi, " from the book,"
is V%if ; gahen, ''from the tree," is 9|%if. In a few nouns
it takes the form of -m, as nuvarin^^if^, t^arin=\jf^^.
Some few words take either termination, as ekin or eken '=
* This neglect reaches its climax in Beames's ** Comparatiye Grammar of the
Modem A Iran LsLJiruBigeB of India," in which the author omits the Sinhalese
from his scneme. ui spite of this defect, Mr. Beames's work is a most raloable
one, and I earnestly hope that he will continue it
' N.B. The vowels e and o in Sinhalese are short unless marked long.
ON THE FORMATION OP THE PLURAL OP NEUTER NOUNS. 41
X{^%if^ lovin or lovenz^'^l)^^. In some cases the original
instrumental sense of the termination -en or -in is retained,
as mpayin "on foot "=i^i ^ if, wm=7|^jif.
The dative is formed by adding ta to the base. This ta is
the remains of an older form hata found in Elu books, so
that godata is an abbreviation of godahata, godavalata of
godavalhata, Hata will be met with again when we come to
speak of the infinitive. There can be little doubt that it is the
corruption of some Sanskrit substantive meaning nearness or
approach, and that goda-ta really means " bank-nearness " or
"bank-approaching." I have not yet succeeded in identify-
ing it, but suspect it may be ;q^, which in Sinhalese would
become aata, and then hata.^
The term, -e of the genitive and locative is no doubt the
Sanskrit loc. term, i^of nouns whose base ends in '^. Thus
pote would be tj%, gahe would be 1[^. The genitive in
Sinhalese is assimilated to the locative, and the same thing
has taken place in Latin, the old genitive in -as of the first
declension being lost, and replaced by a form ending in at
or flp, which is really a locative.
We noif pass to the plural. It will be seen that it is
formed by adding to the base a vocable val, to which in the
oblique cases are appended the terminations of the singular.
This ra/ is simply the Sanskrit ^if " forest," with the if
changed to ^, and godaval really means "a forest of banks,"
and is a compound noun in the singular number, which can
be regularly inflected like goda. At verse 110 of N&m&vali
(C. Alwis* ed.), the words vana^ vala, val, are given with the
meaning of " forest," and Clough in his Sinhalese Dictionary
attributes to val the meanings " jimgle, wood, thicket." That
val is really isp/{ is further shown by the fact that compounds
beginning with ispf in Sanskrit begin with val in Sinhalese.
Thus we have t?afeara =mipqr^ "a woodman," mlpup='^m^
"a wild flower," vall^1/a=^^^m "a wild creeper," mlkama
=^T'niW "delighting in the forest," valkukuldz=^^[^
^ It cannot be ^^ > wMch in Sinhalese becomes ata.
42 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. 1.
'^jungle cock '' ; and in Clough's Dictionary we find a host of
names of plants beginning with val, the Sanskrit equivalents
of which begin with ^«f. Having identified val with '^^y
we have no difficulty in identifying rukval, the plural of
ruk " a tree," with v^^pf " a forest of trees ; " gaaval, the
plural of gasa or gaha •'* a tree/' with if^^ipf > kumuduwil,
the plural of kumudu "a water-lily," with ^4|^qi| •
Similarly vasval " bamboos "=zni-ipf, mahal " flowers "=
ifnirX-iBpf . Already in Sanskrit ^epT nieans a multitude when
used of lotuses and other plants. Its use in Sinhalese was
first extended to all trees and plants, and thence gradually
to all inanimate objects, so that we have geval " houses "=
i^^-^epif, lit. "a forest of houses,"^ payaval "feet"=xrf^-^ipif
"a forest of feet," lovacal " worlds "=ift^-^if, iraval
" suns "=^fr^-;Bpr, pelaval " lines "szxnftr-^Bnf, hanaval " ser-
mons"=^fnir-^^-^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ o^ ^^^^ ^ Sinhalese has
stopped short at inanimate nouns, and to say minihdval, '^ a
forest of men," would be as great a solecism in Sinhalese as
in Sanskrit or in English.
Although all neuter nouns take -val in the oblique cases
of the plural, the majority of them do not take it in the
nominative plural. The following is a specimen of the com-
monest form of declension of inanimate nouns : —
UNO. PLVE.
N'.A. and Y. mdvaia mdvat
I. and Ab. mdvatin m&vatvalin
D. mdvatafa mdvatvalafa
G. and L. m&vati mdvatvala
Here we see the nom. plural formed not by adding val to
the nom. sing., as was the case with goda, but by merely
dropping the final vowel of the nom. singukr. How did
^ This expression would be admissible in English, and we say " a forest of
masts," '' a forest of columns," etc.
* Since writing the aboye, I have seen the article ^M in Bohtlingk and Roth's
Dictionary, in which several references are given for the use of vana in the sense
of "multitude" in classical Sanskrit, e.g. girivana <* forest of mountains"
(MahEbharata).
ON THE FORMATION OF THE ?LURAL OF NEUTER NOUNS. 43
this method of forming the plural arise P I think I can
answer the question satisfactorily. In Sinhalese a very
large proportion of nouns end in a short a, and of these
the great majority drop this vowel when they become the
first part of a compound. Thus we have duka "sorrow,"
but dukpat " distressed "=^:i§-irnT> magula "festivity,"
hut magulkaduva " state-sword "=7f|f?|-^|^; 8aka=^'^^f but
8akvala= ^9mm ; 8ita=^^y but «Yri*afa=t^nTftfH?I "per-
plexed"; pana=Ji^, but pansala^i\i^mi^\. Let us now
take the case of mdvata, which is also written mahavata,
and is the equivalent of Sanskrit ^TfT^^- ^ magula
in composition becomes magul, so we should expect mdvata
in composition to become mdvat. And accordingly we
find mdvatvalin = ^ f | M^-^nN> mdvatvalata = iff | M^ -^^-^|]5 >
where (as we showed before) mdvata is the first part of
a compound. Originally the nominative plural of mdvata
was mdvatval; but in process of time it was observed
that when the -fa/ was dropped, there was still enough to
differentiate the plural from the singular, the absence of the
final vowel being amply sufficient for the purpose. In ac-
cordance, therefore, with the imiversal tendency in language
to get rid of unnecessary inflexions, the val was dropped in
the nominative. But it was impossible to get rid of it in the
oblique cases, since if val be eliminated from mdvatvalin
and mdvatvalata, there remains only mdvatin and mdvatata,
which are already required for the singular. Mdvat then
stands for an earlier mdvatval; and similarly we have pota
" book," pL poty haka " chank," pi. hak, tepula, pi. tepul, and
so on.
We have now to inquire why it is that words like goda
retain the termiuation val in the nominative plural. The
answer is as follows. There are certain letters which, for
euphonic reasons, are unable to stand at the end of a word
or syllable. These are t, rf, r, A, y, t?, and nouns ending in
to, da, ra, Aa, ya, va, are obliged to retain the final vowel
when they become the first part of a compound. Thus we
have y(Ptojga^fl =--4|fiqqui and not gcetpana, madabima "a
44 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. 1.
swamp "=v^pifi| and not madbima, /orand=ff^^i||H| and
not lovnd, niyakatuva='9(^^Jiiij^^ and not nij/katum, pdrO'
laiiga "near the road "=Tn"^-^rcr and not pdrlanga. In the
same way we find that nouns ending in ta^ da^ ra^ ha, va, f/a,
retain their final vowel when <5ompounded with ml, and we
have in the instr. pi. gceiavalin, godavalin, pdratalin, niyavalin,
lovavalin, instead of gcetvalin, godvalm, pdrvalin, niyvaUn,
lovvaliny combinations which are opposed to the phonetic
rules of the Sinhalese language. Now we have seen that
in words like mdvata the nominative plural is the base in
composition (val having been dropped), and differs from the
nominative singular. But in words like goda, para, etc.,
the base in composition is the same as the nominative
singular; so that if val were dropped in the nom. pi. we
should have the nom. pi. the same as the nom. singular.
Hence in this class of words val is retained in the nomina-
tive plural, and we have pdraval "roads," iraval "suns/'
payaval " feet," kataval " mouths," godaval " banks,'' niyaval
" finger-nails," lornval " worlds."
The termination ha requires special notice. When ha
represents a Sanskrit ha, the vowel is retained both in com-
position and in the nom. pi.; thus gaha " house "=«,
makes its plural gahaval, and gaha " planet," forms with rada
the compound gaharada " moon " = 4|9<^|^. But when ha is
the softening down of an original 8 pointing to a Sanskrit
^ or i| or ^ or q^, the 8 is revived in the plural and in the
base of composition, and the vowel dropped, there being no
objection to 8 standing at the end of a syllable. Thus gaha,
" tree," points to an older form ga8ay which is actually found
in Elu, and which is a corruption of the Sanskrit i|^
"shrub." Its base in composition is ga8, e.g. gas-gemidiyd
" tree-frog," and its nom. pi. is ga8^ the val being dropped
because ga8 differs sufficiently from the sing, gaha to render
the val unnecessary.
Neuters ending in a nasalised consonant followed by a
drop the final a and also the consonant, retaining only the
nasal under the form of anusv&ra. Thus kalaiida makes its
ON THE FORMATION OF THE PLURAL OF NEUTER NOUNS. 45
plural kalam, which is a softening down of kalahd, ahga
makes am for ahg^ hulahga makes hulam for hulahg, gahga
makes gam for gaiig, lihda mq^es lim for liiid.^ Here again
we find that the nom. pi. is identical with the base in com-
position, and we have the compounds kalampadi for kalahda-
padi, gamtera = 3|>j{> | ^ <^ , lintota for liflda-tota, etc.
Maga "a road"=?n'i> makes its plur. mam, which is a
softening down of mag, g being unable to stand at the end
of a syllable. So in composition mammula " having lost his
way," " gone astray," = 4f \A^ .,
Monosyllabic nouns ending in e form their plural by
adding val, first shortening the final e, thus ge " a house " =
i}|[, plur. geval. So in composition gehima " boundary of a
house "=i}f;B^.
Nouns ending in va and ya drop those terminations to
form their nominative plural and their base in composition.
Thus we have oruva " raft "=^5^, pi. oru, gediya " lump "
= ?)H>gdft , pi. gediy and in composition gedi-yatura " padlock "
"We have now to consider a very remarkable peculiarity,
the occasional reduplication in certain words of the plural
inflexion val. At p. 11 of Lambrick's Grammar the fol-
lowing are given as specimens of two different kinds of
plural declension : —
Ab.
D.
G.
Now it will be remembered that 7ndvat stands for an older
mdvatvaly and that originally it was not the plural but only
the base of the plural. But in course of time this was for-
gotten, mdvat came to be looked upon as a true plural, and
'Valin, 'Valata, -vala, as inflexions of the oblique cases.
Hence when nom. plurals like godaval, geval, were met with,
it was thought necessary to add to them -valin, -valata, -vala,
^ The m is pronounced like the English and German ng at the end of a word ;
ihiu gam is pronounced exactly Uke the German gang.
mdvat
godaval
mdvatvalin
godavalvalin
mavatvalafa
godavalvalafa
mdvatvala
godavalvala
46 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. 1.
in forming the oblique cases, and hence we have the
monstrosities godavalmlin, etc., due entirely to a miscon-
ception.^ It is necessary to olyerve that this double val is at
present properly confined to the oblique cases of nouns whose
nom. plural ends in val, and even then is not used by carefiil
speakers. It is of recent introduction, and perhaps did not
exist four centuries ago. Nevertheless the tendency is to
adopt it and extend its use. Moreover the inevitable transi-
tion of ava and va into o is turning it into olol, and we often
meet with such forms -as godololata, get/ohlaia, and even by
false analogy sometimes potololaia. A few centuries hence
all neuter noims in Sinhalese will form their plural by
adding olol, a termination which the philologist of the day
will have some difficulty in tracing to the Sanskrit Vana.
Lastly we come to a numerous class of neuter nouns exhibit-
ing in the most striking manner the capacity of the Sinhalese
language for adaptation and development. Lambrick says
of them (p. 14), " Neuters ending in a double consonant with
the inherent vowel drop one of the consonants to form the
plural ; and those that end in nd change it into M." The
reverse of this is in reality the case : instead of a consonaiit
being dropped to form the plural, a consonant is added to
form the singular. I will endeavour to show how the pro-
cess originated. Lambrick gives the following list : —
BINO. PLT7B. SINO. YLVK.
pcetta
peeti
vatta
vatu
inna
pihafta
pihafu
Ulla
leli
dunna
dunu
handa
handi
potta
potu
hijja
hiju
udalla
udalu
To which I may add ginna pi. giniy hilla pi. Uli. In each
case the form with the double consonant is the singular, and
the form with the single consonant the plural. But in the
old language we find that the forms hillay potta, etc., do not
exist, double consonants being unknown in Elu, while the
forms bill, potu, etc., are singular. Now though a short
1 An analogouB anomaly is found in the Pali dakkhissati ^* he will see," when
the term 'ismti of the future is added to dakkhaiif itself originally a future.
ON THE FORMATION OP THE PLURAL OP NEUTER NOUNS. 47
a is dropped in forming a compound, as when duma^yon be-
comes e/wmyon=^jf^^, and mala'dama becomes maldama=z
Wm^lH* yet an t or tt is retained, and we have dunudiya
(not dundiya) " bowstring '^=^ijip!nr, ginidala "flame of fire"
= ^fM^IMh hiliputu "crow"=^f^rq^, bijurupu " citron "=
^^i|^. Hence when the practice of using the base in com-
position from the nom. plural was introduced, a difficulty
arose in the case of nouns ending in i or u, their base in
composition being identical with their nom. singular. So
the device was adopted (if I may use such an expression) of
elaborating a new form for the singular, by strengthening
the penultimate syllable of the old singular, and changing
the * or tt to a. This strengthening is obtained by throwing
back the accent upon the penultimate. Thus dunu becomes
dunha, potu becomes potta, udalu becomes udcella^ kahdu be-
comes kanda; and in each of these secondary forms the
voice dwells upon the first syllaUe, while in the original
forms dunu, kaiidu, etc., it passes rapidly on to the last.
In an article " On the Origin of the Sinhalese Language,"
Mr. James D'Alwis thus speaks of the neuter plural : —
As in the primitive Indo-European tongues, the plural of a
Sinhalese word is carefully distinguished jfrom the singular. It is
true that in modem usage we find a few nouns which take in the
plural valf like the Tamil ^a/, but it should be borne in mind that
that formative is not an inflexion, but that which may be regarded
as a complete word by itself, serving, when added to nouns indi-
cating inanimate objects, to render the expression a compound, like
" stone-heap " or ** tree-mass.^ Thus ^e " house " becomes in the
plural ge-vah This is supposed by some to be identical with the
gal in the Tamil Mtugal " houses." Dr. Stevenson is of opinion
that this addition is an abbreviation of the Sanskrit sakala (= Tamil
Bogala "all"). But, says Caldwell, the root signifying "all,"
which the Dravidians have preferred to retain, i.e. ell, is connected
not with the Greek ol "whole," the Hebrew kol, etc., but with the
Saxon eal, English all. "Whether it comes from the one to the
other, it is indeed very clear that this addition of pluralisation con-
veys like {sic) the Sinhalese word aiy-al^ "all." Now in the Sinhalese
only a few inanimate nouns take this val as a sign of pluralisation ;
and in some instances it is found in the oblique cases, and never in
the nominative ; thus ata " hand," at " hands," atvala " in hands " ;
J Siyal is the S. f|c|<j|.-.R. C. C.
48 NOTES ON THE SINHALESE LANGUAGE. No. 1.
ga$a " tree," gM " trees," gawala " in trees." Hence it accards
well with Professor Max Muller*$ belief^ of this being a compound
expression like << animal-mass" for ''animals," or "stone-heap"
for ''stones." There is another strong reason which induces me to
believe that this rai in the sense of rana for a " mass " is a word by
itself. . . . (Joum. Ceylon Branch Roy. As. Soc. 1867-70, p. 51.)
It was this use by Mr. D'Alwis df the word tana whicliy
after much fruitless research, set me on the right track to dis-
cover the true nature of the termination of the neuter pluraL
It is strange that being so near the solution of the question
Mr. D'Alwis should hare failed to attain it, and it is unfortu-
nate that his limited acquaintance with Sanskrit and Pali, and
with comparative philology, has everywhere hampered him
in his endeavours to explain the true nature of Sinhalese
grammatical forms. Nevertheless Mr. D'Alwis's Sidath
Sangarawa, and other essays on the Sinhalese language, will
always be a rich mine to the student, and I have much
pleasure in bearing testimony to the eminent services he has
rendered to the study of Sinhalese lore and literature.
^ Any one reading this passage wonld suppose that Professor Max M tiller had
written upon the formation of the neuter plural in Sinhalese. This, howerer,
is not the case, and it will hardly be believed that what Mr. D'Alwis refers
to is a passage in Dr. Max Miiller*s well-known essay ** On the Relation of the
Bengali to the Aryan and Aboriginal Languages of India" (Rep. British
Association, 1847), showing that the syllable dipy which forms the plural of
masculine nouns in Bengali, is really a noun, the Sanskrit Uc«|. A reference,
however brief, to this essay, would have saved the reader a great deal of trouble ;
but Mr. D'Alwis, though he twice quotes it in his article, nowhere mentioi^ it by
name. The case of the postposition diff is curiously analogous to that of pm.
The example given by Dr. Max Miiller is pandit'digete^ **in or among the
pai?4its," lit. " in the paijdit world," f^^ having acquired the secondary mean-
ing of ♦< world " (see p. 338 of the Report).
49
Art. IV. — The Pali Text of the Mahdparinibbdna Sutta and
Commentary^ with a Translation. By B. C. Childers,
late of the Ceylon Civil Service.
Evam me sutam. Ekam samayam Bhagav& B&jagahe
viharati Gijjhak(ite pabbate. Tena kho pana samayena £.aj4
Magadho Ajatasattu Vedehiputto Vajji abhiy&tuksLmo hoti,
so evam &ha. Aham ime Vajji evammahiddhike evammah&-
nubh&ve ucchecch&mi Vajji vin&sess&mi Vajji anayavyasa-
nam &p&dessami Vajjt ti.
Atha kho raj& Magadho Ajatasattu Vedehiputto Vassakft-
ram br&hmanam Magadhamah&mattam amantesi. Ehi tvam
br&hmana yena Bhagavd. ten' upasankama, upasankamitvd
mama vacanena Bhagavato pMe sirasi vandahi, app&badham
app&tankam lahutthanam balaih ph^uviharam puccha, r&j4
bhante MsLgadho Ajatasattu Vedehiputto Bhagavato psLde
siras^ vandati, appabadham app&tankaih lahutthanam balaih
ph&suvih&ram pucchatiti: evan ca vadehi, raja bhante Ma-
gadho Ajaltasattu Vedehiputto Vajji abhiyatukamo, so evam
&ha, aham ime Vajji evammahiddhike evammah&nubh&ve
ucchecchslmi Vajji vinasessami Vajji anayavyasanaih &pd-
dess&mi Vajji ti : yatha ca te Bhagava vy&karoti tarn s&dhu-
kam uggahetvd, mamam 4roceyy4si, na hi Tath^gata vitatham
bhanantiti. Evam bho ti kho Vassakaro Brahmano Magadha-
mah&matto rafifio Magadhassa Aj&tasattussa Vedehiputtassa
patissutv^ bhaddani bhaddani yanani yojapetva bhaddam
y&nam abhirCihitva bhaddehi bhaddehi yanehi Eajagahamh^
niyy&si, yena GijjhakCito pabbato tena payasi, yavatika yan-
assa bhAmi yanena gantv4 yan& paccorohitv4 pattik(^'va yena
* T samayam ^ S Vajji *Z Vajji, Y -mah&n<i- '^SZ ucchejjami, Y anayyas-,
8 anayavy^s- » Y Mag- • D upasankami, Y tenup- ^^ Y lahutth-, phasii- " Y
lahiitth- 1* YZ evam ca, D evam vad- i* S Vajji ^^ Y -raahana." SZ ucchejjami,
Z Vajji {the first time), D vindsessami, DSYZ anavyasanam ^o d evam so hoti,
Y evam so bho ti, Y Mag. 21 Y ranifio *» S abhiruh-, SYZ Mjagaham »* YZ
niyyasi, D niyyasi " D bhiimiyyanena, Y pattiko ca.
VOL. vn. — [new sebibs.] 4
A A
50 MAHAPAEINIBBANASUTTAM, [BhIn. 1.
Bhagav^ ten** upasankami, upasankamitv^ Bhagavatft saddliini
sammodi, sammodaniyam katham s&raniyam yitisllretY& eka-
mantam nisidi, ekamantam nisinno kho Yassak&ro br&hma^o
Magadhamah&matto Bhagavantam etad avoca. R&j& bho Go-
tama Magadho Ajatasattu Yedehiputto bhoto Gotamassa p&de
siras^ vandati appslbadham app&tankam lahutth&nam balam
ph^uvihd.ram pucchati evan ca vadeti, r&j& bho Gotama M&-
gadho Ajatasattu Vedehiputto Vajjl abhiy&tukamo, so evam
&ha, ahaih ime Vajji eyammahiddhike eYammah&nubh4ye
ucchecchslmi Vajjl yin&sess&mi Vajji anayayyasanam ftpft-
dess4mi Vajji ti.
Tena kho pana samayena &ya8m& Anando Bhagayato pitthito
pitthito hot! Bhagayantaih yijamano. Atha kho Bhagay&
ftyasmantam Anandam &mantesi. Kinti te Ananda satam
Yajji abhinhanisaiinip£lt& sannip&tabahuld, ? ti. Sutam me taiii
bhante Yajjt abhinhamsannipd,td. 8annipatabahul& ti. Y&ya-
ktyaii ca Ananda Vajji abhinhamsannipattl sannip&tabahul&
bhavissanti vuddhi yeva Ananda Vajjinaih patikankh& no
parihani. Kinti te Ananda sutaih Vajjt samagg& sannipat-
anti samagggl vutthahanti samaggft Vajji karaniyfi,ni karontitiP
Satam me tarn bhante Vajji samaggd, sannipatanti samagg&
yutthahanti samaggft Vajji karaniy&ni karontiti. Y&vakivafi
ca Ananda Vajji samagga sannipatissanti samagg& yuttha-
hissanti samaggft Vajji karaniyani karissanti yuddhi yeya
Ananda Vajjinaih p&tikankhft no parih&ni. Kinti te Ananda
sutaih Vajji apatinattaih na pann&penti pamiattam na samuc-
chindanti yath&pannatte por&ne Vajjidhamme sam&d^ya ya-
ttantiti ? Sutaih me tarn bhante Vajji appanftattam na panii4-
penti pannattam na samucchindanti yath&paiinatte por&ne
Vajjidhamme sam&daya yattantiti. Y&vakiyan ca Ananda
Vajji appannattam na paiinslpessanti pannattam na samucchi-
» D saran- * Y MAg- ^ DY bho Gotamassa, D pfide ti ' D pucchattti, DY
eyam vadeti, Z evam ca • Z Vajji " SZ ucchejjami, Z Vajji (Jirst time), Y anary-
» D omits Bhagayato >* Y -bahuld, D sutam me tarn »« Z Vajji, 8 -tabahuia
Y -bahuia " Y-bahuia " D sannipat- «i D sutam me tam, DSYZ substitute . . pa
. . for samagga sannipatanti s. vutthahanti '* D -yani '* D Y appamfi-, pamiUp-,
pamii-, ^ DY yathapamn-, Vajjidh- " D tam, appamfi-, DY pamMp- » DY
pamii-, yathapamfi-, D samundicchindanti ^ D Vajjidh- ^i j)Y appamfi-, D
pamfiap-, DY pamfi.
I.
BhAn. 1.] aparihIniyA dhammA. 51
ndissanti yath&pamiatte por&ne Yajjidhamme sam&d^ya vatti-
ssanti yuddhi yeva Ananda Yajjinam. p&tikankli& no parih&ni.
Kinti te Ananda sutam Vajji ye te Yajjinani Yajjimahallak&
te sakkaronti garukaronti m4nenti pCijenti tesan ca sotabbam
mafi&inttti ? Sutam me taiii bhante Vajji ye te Vajjinaiii
yajjimaliallak& te sakkaronti garukaronti mduenti pdjenti
tesaSl ca sotabbam manoantiti. Yd.yakivaii ca Ananda Vajji
ye te Yajjinam Yajjimahallaka te sakkarissanti garukarissanti
m&nessanti p&jessanti tesan ca sotabbam mannissanti vuddhi
yeva Ananda Yajjinam p&tikankbd. no parihd.ni. Kinti te
Ananda sutam Yajji ya ta kulitthiyo kulakumariyo t& na
okkassa pasayba vSsentiti ? Sutam me taiii bhante Vajji yeL
t& kulitthiyo kulakumelriyo ta na okkassa pasayha v^entiti.
Y&vakivaii ca Ananda Yajji yk ik kulitthiyo kulakumd.riyo
t& na okkassa pasayha v^essanti vuddhi yeva Ananda Yajji-
nam p&tikankh& no parihsLni. Kinti te Ananda sutam Yajji
yftni t&ni Yajjinam Yajjicetiy&ni abbhantar^ni c'eva bS.hirani
ca t&ni sakkaronti garukaronti manenti pCljenti tesan ca
dinnapubbam katapubbam dhammikam baliiii no pariha-
pentlti. Sutam me tarn bhante Yajji yani tS.ni Yajjinam
Yajjicetiy&ni abbhantarani c'eva bahir^ni ca td.ni sakkaronti
garukaronti mdnenti piijenti tesan ca dinnapubbam kata-
pabbaih dhammikam baliih no parihS^pentiti. Y^vaktvan
ca Ananda Yajji yini t&,ni Yajjinam Yajjicetiyani abbhan-
tarani c'eva b&hirani ca tani sakkarissanti garukarissanti
m&nessanti pdjessanti tesan ca dinnapubbam katapubbam
dhammikam balim no parihapessanti vuddhi yeva Ananda
Yajjinam psLtikankhe^ no parih^ni. Kinti te Ananda sutam
Yajjinam arahantesu dhammika rakkhslvaranagutti susaihvi-
bitfty kinti an&gatel ca arahanto vijitam ^gaccheyyum ^gatS.
caarahanto vijite phasum viharoyyun? ti. Sutam me tarn
>^DY yatMpamfl-, S porano, D Vajjidh- s Z Vajji, D ye te ca, Vajjim- » DY
mtmfl., D ye te ca « DY Vajjimah- ^ Z yotabbara, D mamfi-, Y Vajji ^ D
y» ta ea, Vajjlm- » DY mamfi- " SY Vajji i* D Tasenti, tam, YS Vajji " SYZ
Ttiji >• Y Yajji " D Vajjic-, Y abbhantarani, bahirani ^^ D omiU t&ni » D
MtMn ma tam, SY Vajji ^i D Vajjic-, Y abbhantarani, bahirani, D omil8 tani
» Y mA^enti »* SY Vajji, D Vajjic-, Y abbhantarOni « Y bahir&ni, D reads ca
fmr a'ava, omiU ca »» S Vajjinain, -gutti ^i DY phasu, D vihareyyum, D oe tarn.
52 MAHAPABINIBBANASUTTAM. [BhA?. 1.
bhante Yajjinam arahantesu dhammikH rakkh&varanagatti
8iLsamvihit&, kinti an&gat& ca arahanto vijitaih &gacclieyyiim
&gat& ca arahanto vijite ph&sum vihareyyun ti. Y&vakivaft
ca Ananda Yajjinam arahantesu dhammik& rakkh&varana-
gutti BU8aihyihit& bhavissati, kinti an&gat& ca arahanto
vijitam d.gaccheyyuih &gat£L ca arahanto vijite phftsom
Tihareyyun ti Yuddhi yeva Ananda Yajjinaih pAtikankhA
no parih&niti.
Atha kho Bhagayd. Yassak&raih br&hmai^aih Magadha-
mahsLmattam d.mantesi. Ekam id&ham br&hmai^a samayam
Yes&Iiyam viharsLmi S&randade cetiye, tatr&ham Yajjinam
ime satta aparihd.niye dhamme desesim, y&yaktvaii ca br&h-
mana ime satta aparih&niy& dhammd. Yajjisu (hassanti imesu
ca sattasu aparih&niyesu dhammesu Yajji sandissanti yuddhi
yeva br&hmana Yajjinam p&tikankh& no parih&niti. Evam
vutte Yassakd.ro br&hmano Magadhamah&matto Bhagavan-
tam etad ayoca. Ekamekena pi bho Gotama aparihaniyena
dhammena samann&gat&nam Yajjinam yuddhi yeya p&ti-
kahkh& no parih&ni, ko pana y&do sattahi aparih&niyehi
dhammehi: akaraniyft Va bho Gotama Yajji rahnk M&ga-
dhena Aj&tasattun& Yedehiputtcna yadidam yuddhassa a£L£La-
tra upal4pand.ya annatra mithubhed& : handa ca dd.ni mayam
bho Gotama gacchdma, bahukiccd. mayam bahukaraniy& ti.
Yassa d&ni tvam brfthmana k&laih maflfiusiti. Atha kho
Yassakftro brahmano Magadhamah&matto Bhugayato bhftsi-
tam abhinanditysL anumodity& utthay' dsand. pakk&mi.
Atha kho Bhagavil acirapakkante Ya8sakd.re brfthmane
Magadhamahd.matte dyasmantam Anandam &mantesi. Gaccha
tvam Ananda ydyatik& bhikkhfl R&jagahuih upaniss&ya vi-
haranti te sabbe upatth&nasAI&yaih sannip&tchiti. Evani
bhante ti kho &yasmd. Anando Bhagavato patissutvd. yd.yatikft
bhikkh& RSjagaham upaniss&ya viharanti te sabbe upatthA-
nas&I&yam sannip&tetvsL yena BhagavsL ten' upasankami,
» 8 -gutti » D omits kinti » DY phasu, D viharcyyum » S kifici, D an&g- • T
ph&su ' D Tihareyyumn, Y viharcyyum • Y Mdg- •» D tthussanti " DSYZ
Vajji »o Y Mag- «> S akarantyft, DY ramfid, S rafifio, D Ma^- " DY suddhaiM,
amfiat'a {twice), *' Y upamapanilya » D bahukiccha ^ D mamfi- ^ DY bhikkhu
» D eytm » DSY bhikkho.
BhIn. 1.] aparihIniya dhammA, 53
upasankamityd. Bhagayantam abhiy&detyd. ekamantam atthftsi^
ekamantam thito kho &yasm& Anando Bhagayantam etad
ayoca. Sannipatito bhante bhikkhusangho^ yassa dftni
bhante Bhagay& k&lam mannasiti. Atha kho BhagaysL
utth&y' &saii£L ycna upatthd.nas&ld. ten' upasankami, upasanka-
mityd. pannatte d.sane nisidi, nisajja kho Bhagay& bhikkhii
ftmantesi. Satta yo bhikkhaye aparih&niye dhamme desess&mi
tarn 8un£Ltha sMhukam manasikarotha bh^iss&mtti. Eyaih
bhante ti kho te bhikkh{i Bhagayato paccassosum, Bhagay&
etad ayoca. Y&yaktyan ea kho bhikkhaye bhikkh^i abhinham-
8annipd.t& sannip&tabahiil& bhayissanti yuddhi yeya bhik-
khiinaih p&tikankh& no parihd.ni. Yd.yakiyafi ca bhikkhaye
bhikkhd samaggsL sannipatissanti 8amagg& yutthahissanti
8amagg& sanghakaraniyani karissanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye
bhikkh^inam patikankhd. no parih&ni. Y&yakiyafi ca bhi-
kkhaye bhikkhu appannattam na paniid.pe8santi paMattam
na samucchindissanti yath&paniiattesu sikkh&padesu 8am&-
d&ya yattissanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkh{inaih p&ti-
kankh& no parih&ni. Y&yaktyan ca bhikkhaye bhikkh^ ye
te bhikkhii therd. rattann^ cirapabbajit& sanghapitaro saA-
ghaparind.yak& te sakkarissanti garukarissanti m&nessanti
piijessanti tesaii ca sotabbam mannissanti yuddhi yeya bhi-
kkhaye bhikkhunam p&tikankh^ no parih&ni. Y&yakiyan
ca bhikkhaye bhikkhft uppannftya tanh&ya ponobhayik&ya
na yasam gacchanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkhiinaiii
p&tikankhd. no parihd.ni. Y&yakiyaii ca bhikkhaye bhikkhfi.
ftrannakesu send.sanesu s&pekhd. bhayissanti yuddhi yeya
bhikkhaye bhikkhfinam p&tikankhfi. no parih&ni. YftyaMyaii
ca bhikkhaye bhikkhii paccattam yeya satim upatthsLpessanti^
kinti an&gat& ca pesal& sabrahmac&ri dgaccheyyum &gat& ca
* D8Y thita s T sannipatito, Z bhikkilsangho ^BT mamf&astti « DY pamfiatte,
Y bbikkhu ' DY satfime {corrected from sattamo), SYZ desissami » SZ sunatha,
D eyam » DS bhikkhu, lo SZ omit kho, DS bhikkhu " Y -bahuia, ^^ DSY
bhikkhu ^^ Y -kara^tya ^^ D bhikkhunam ^< S bhikkhu, DY appamfi-, pai&fiap-,
pamfiatta^ >" DY yathapamiiattesu ^^ D bhikkhunam ^» DY bhikkhu ^ DS
bhikkhu, DY rattamfia, S rattafiilu ^i D -nayako, Z nefor te «» DY mamfi- »» D
bhikkhunam ^ DY bhikkhu, D po^- ^ DSY bhikkhu »' SZ arafifi-, DY aramil-
» D bhikkhunam ^ S bhikkhu ^ D aabbrahmacari, Z anagata/or agata.
A ■ . A
54 MAHAPARINIBBANASTJTTAM. [Bhan. 1.
pesal& sabrahmadlri ph&suih vihareyyun ti vuddhi yeva
bhikkhave bhikkhtinam patikankhd. no parih&ni. Y&yakiya£L
ca bhikkhave ime satte aparih&niyd. dhamm& bhikkhtisu
thassanti imesu ca sattasu aparih&niyesa dhammesu bhikkhii
sandissahti vuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkhtLnam pd.tikankh&
no parih&ni.
Apare pi kho bhikkhave satta aparihftniye dhamme de-
eessftmi tarn sun&tha sftdhukam manasikarotha bh&siss&mtti.
Evam bhante ti kho te bhikkh^i Bhagavato paccassosom,
Bhagav& etad avoca. Y&vaktvan ca bhikkhave bhikkhii na
kamm&r&md. bhavissanti' na kammarat& na kamm&rftmataih
anayutt& vuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkh^nam pd.tikankh& no
parih&ni. Y&vaklvail ca bhikkhave bhikkhd na bhass&r&mi
bhavissanti na bhassaratH na bhass&r&matam anuyuttel vuddhi
yeva bhikkhave bhikkhiinam p&tikankh& no parih&ni. Y&-
vaktvaft ca bhikkhave bhikkhd na niddirHmH bhavissanti na
nidd&rat& na nidd&r&matam anuyutt& vuddhi yeva bhikkhave
bhikkh^inam pfttikankh& no parih&ni. Y&v£Jdva& ca bhik-
khave bhiUdiA na sanganikar&m& bhavissanti na sangani-
kftrata na sanganik&r&matam amiyutt& vuddhi yeva bhik-
khave bhikkhflnam p&tikankhd. no parih&ni. Y&vakivaft ca
bhikkhave bhikkhii na pslpicch& bhavissanti na p&pik&nam
icch&nam vasam gatd vuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkh{inam
p&tikankh^ no parihd.ni. Y&vakivaii ca bhikkhave bhikkhii
na p&pamittft bhavissanti na p&pasahd.y& na p&pasampavank&
vuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkh^inam p&tOcankhd. no parih&ni.
Y&vakivafii ca bhikkhave bhikkhd na oramattakena visesd-
dhigamena antar& vos&nam apajjissanti vuddhi yeva bhik-
khave bhikkh^inam p&tikankh& no parih&ni. Yivaktvafi
ca bhikkhave ime satta aparihftniy& dhammd bhikkh^^su
thassanti imesu ca sattasu aparih&niyesu dhammesu bhikkhd
^ D «abbr-, phasu, Tihar- * B bbdkkhimam > DSY bhikkhusa « D t^bttssanti,
DS bbikkbu ^ 8 aparo, DSTZ desLssami » SZ sonatba ' DY eyam, DS bbikkhu
^0 D bbikkhu ^^ D kammarata ^^ D bbikkhonam ^^ DS bbikkbu, D bbaBsarama
>« S bbanarftta, DSYZ bbassaramatam ^^ D omits na niddaraUl, S -ramatam
i> DSY sanga^ikarama, D sanganikarata altered to -karamata ^ S sanganikarata,
Y ganasanganikarata, DSY sanganikaramatam ** D bbikkhu *« S bbikkbu ^ D
TMdbi, bbikkbuuam ^ D bbikkbu ^s Y yasanam, D yCLddbi »> D after bbikkhaye
inurts bbikkhu, and Y bhikkhil » Y bhikkhuBU, 'i D ^^buManti, S bbikkhu.
Bhan. 1.] APARIHANIYA DHAMMA. 56
sandissanti yuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkhunam pd.tikankh&
no parih&ni.
Apare pi kho bhikkhaye satta aparih&niye dhamme de-
sess&mi, tarn sunsLtha s&dhukaiii manasikarotha bh&sissamiti.
Eyadi bbante ti kho te bbikkhii Bhagayato paccassosum,
Bhagay& etad ayoca. Y&yakiyan ca bhikkhaye bhikkhd
Baddh& bhayissanti hiriiiian& bhayissanti ottslpt bhayissanti
bahussutA bhayissanti &raddhayiriya bhayissanti upatthita^ati
bhayissanti panngLyanto bhayissanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye
bhikkhunam p&tikankhd no parihini. Y4yakiyan ca bhik-
khaye ime satta aparihd.niy& dhamm& bhikkhtisu thassanti
imesu ca sattasu aparih&niyesu dhammesu bhikkhd sandissanti
yaddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkhunam psltikanl^d. no parih&ni.
Apare pi kho bhikkhaye satta aparih&niye dhamme de-
8es8&mi, tarn sun&tha s&dhukam manasikarotha bhsisiss&mtti.
Eyam bhante ti kho te bhikkhu Bhagayato paccassosum,
Bhagayft etad ayoca. Y^yakiyafi ca bhikkhaye bhikkhii
satisambojjhaDgam bh&yessanti dhammayicayasambojjhangam
bh&yessanti yiriyasambojjhangam bh&yessanti pitisambojjh-
angam bh&yessanti passaddhisambojjhangam bh&yessanti sa-
m&dhisambojjhangam bh&yessanti upekhasambojjhangam bh&-
yessanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkhunam p&tikankh& no
parih&nL Y&yakiyan ca bhikkhaye ime satta aparihaniyH
dhamm& bhikkhiisu thassanti imesu ca sattasu aparihaniyesu
dhammesu bhikkh^i sandissanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhik-
khflnam patikankh& no parih&ni.
Apare pi kho bhikkhaye satta aparih&niye dhamme de-
seBS&miy tarn sun&tha sadhukam manasikarotha bh&siss&miti.
Eyam bhante ti kho te bhikkhd Bhagayato paccassosum,
Bhagay& etad ayoca. Yayakiyan ca bhikkhaye bhikkhii
aniocasailnam bh&yessanti anattasannam bh&yessanti asubha-
1 Z omitt bhikkliaye, DSYZ desiss- * S manasi- ^ DSYZ evam, DS bhikkhu,
DSYZ -ssosum ^ DY hirimata, S hirimana, Z hirimantl, DS ottapi ^ DS -sati
• DY pamfl- »<> DY after parihani insert . . pe . . " DS -khusu, D tthassanti
» DY omit c&,J)S bhikkhu " D -khunam " DSYZ desiss- i» S ma^asi-, D -miti
>• YZ evam, DS bhikkhu, D -sum " D bhikkhu «i D upekkhd- >« D -khunam »* S
-khttra, D tthussanti ^^ DS bhikkhu, -khunam ^7 D-iya dhamma desissama, SYZ
dodflB- » DYZ eyam, S bhikkhu, DSY -sum ^o S bhikkhu ^i in thejirst twoplacf
Z hat -samOfiam, in the other five -safifiam : D -samfiaih throughout : SY -safifiani
in (hi tteondpkue.
56 MAHlPARINIBBlNASTJTTAlif. [BhAn. 1.
BaiiSam bh&yessanti ftdinavasaiifiam bh&yessaiiti pah&nasa-
nfiam bhd.yes8anti vir&gasaMam bhd.yessanti nirodhasaiinam
bh&yessanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkb^iiiaih p&tikankh&
no parihani. Yd.yaklyan ca bbikkbaye ime satta aparihd.niy&
dhammd bhikkbiisa tbassanti imesu ca sattasu aparih&uiyesu
dhaminesu bhikkhd sandissanti yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhi-
kkh^inam p^tikankhd. no parih&ni.
Cha bhikkhaye aparih&niye dhamme desess&mi^ tarn sun&-
tha s&dhukam manasikarotha bh&siss&miti. Eyam bhante ti
kho te bhikkh(i Bhagayato paccassosum Bhagay& etad ayoca.
Y&yakiyan ca bhikkhaye bhikkhti mettam k&yakammaih
paccupatth&pessanti sabrahmac&risu kvi c'eya raho ca yuddhi
yeya bhikkhaye bhikkhdnam p&tikankhd. no parihd.ni. Y&-
yaktyaft ca bhikkhaye bhikkhii mettam yacikammam paccu-
patth&pessanti sabrahmac&risu kyi c'eya raho ca yuddhi yeya
bhikkhaye bhikkhunam no parihd.ni. Y&yakiyan ca bhi-
kkhaye bhikkhii mettam manokammam paccupatthd.pes8anti
8abrahmacd.risu kwi c'eya raho ca yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye
bhikkh(inam p&tikahkhd. no parih&ni. Y&yakiyaii ca bhi-
kkhaye bhikkh(L ye te l&bh& dhammikd. dhammaladdh&
antamaso pattapariy&pannamattam pi tathd.r{ipehi l&bhehi
appatiyibhattabhoji bhayissanti silayantehi sabrahmac&rthi
s^h&ranabhogi yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye bhikkhdnam pati-
kankh& no parihd.ni. Y&yakiyaii ca bhikkhaye bhikkhd
y&ni t&ni sil&ni akhandd.ni acchidd&ni asabal&ni akamm&s&ni
bhujissani yinnuppasatth&ni apar&matth&ni sam&dhisamyatta-
nikd.ni tath&rfipesu silesu silas&ma£Liiagat& yiharissanti sa-
brahmacd.rthi kyi c'eya raho ca yuddhi yeya bhikkhaye
bhikkhdnam p&tikankh& no parih&ni. YayakiyafL ca bhi-
kkhaye bhikkh{L y& ^yam ditthi ariy& niyyd.nikd. niyy&ti
takkarassa samm&dukkhakkhay&ya tath&r<ip&ya ditthiyft
1 SYZ adinaya « DY bhikkhusa, D tthossanti • D bhikkhu ^ DSYZ desiss- • Y
maijasi-, DY eyam *« D bhikkhu, D -flum " D bhikkhu " Y -carisu, ftyi " D
bhikkhunam ^^ D -cttrisu, DSYZ omit from ayt to bhikkhii, substituting , . pe . .
" Y mano- " DY ^yi »» Y bhikkhu »' S apattapar-, Y attapar-, Z pantapar « D
-bhoji, Y -bhogt, Y -cart » D -na, bhoti eorreeted to hoti, Z -bhogi " Y bhikkhu
•• D bhufij-, yimii- ^ D omits silesu, DY -samamfi. " D ayi, S ayi »<> D ya'yan,
Y yasan, D ariyani niyyanikani, SYZ ntyyanika, D omUs niyyati, S niyyani, Y
ntyyani, Z niyyati '^ D sabbadukkh-, Y -kkhaya.
BhIn. 1.] BUDDHA AT AMBALATTHIkI. 57
ditt1ii8&maiinagat& viharissanti sabralimac^rihi kvi c'eva
raho ca vuddhi yeva bhikkhave bhikkh^inani pd.tikaiikha no
parih&ni. Yd.yakivan ca bhikkhave ime cha aparihd.Qiy&
dhamm& bhikkh&su thassanti imesu ca chasu aparihd.niye8u
dhammesu bhikkhd sandissanti vuddhi yeva bhikkhave
bhikkhihiam p&tikankhsL no parih&niti.
Tatra sudam Bhagav& R^jagahe viharanto Gijjhak&te
pabbate etad eva bahulaih bhikkhiinani dhammim katham
karoti, iti silam iti samMhi iti pann&, silaparibhavito samMhi
mahapphalo hoti mah&nisaihso, sam&dhiparibh&vit& paniid.
mahapphald. hoti mah^nisams&, pann&paribhd.vitam cittam
sammad eva &savehi vimuccati seyyathidam k&m^v& bha-
Tftsav& ditth&savd. avijj^savd. ti.
Atha kho Bhagavd. BSjagahe yathabhirantam viharitv&
iyasmantam Anandam &mantesi. Ay4m' Ananda yena Amba-
latthik^ ten' upasankamiss&mati. Evam bhante ti kho
ftyasm& Anando Bhagavato paccassosi. Atha kho Bhagav&
mahat& bhikkhusanghena saddhim yena Ambalatthikft tad
avasan.
Tatra sudam Bhagavd. Ambalatthik&yam viharati Ed.j&g&-
rake. Tatra pi sudam Bhagavft Ambalatthikayam viharanto
Rftj&g&rake etad eva bahulam bhikkhdnam dhammim katham
karotiy iti silam iti sam&dhi iti pafin^, 6ilaparibhd.vito sam&dhi
mahapphalo hoti mahanisaihso, sam&dhiparibh&vit& paM&
mahapphald. hoti mahsLnisamsa, paiin£lparibhd.vitam cittam
sammad eva &savehi vimuccati seyyathidam kam&savd. bhav&-
8av& ditth&sav& avijjasav& ti.
Atha kho Bhagavd. Ambalatthik&yam yath&bhirantam vi-
haritvi &yasmantam Anandam &mantesi. Ay&m' Ananda
yena N^Iand& ten' upasahkamiss&m&ti. Evam bhante ti kho
ftyasm& Anando Bhagavato paccassosi. Atha kho Bhagav&
> DY -sAmamfi-, DZ sabbr-, DY avi * Y bhikkhusu, DSYZ &mit ca • D
parih&ni ^ Z Gijjhapabbate ^ SY etad avoca {sie) for etad eya, Y bahulam,
dhammt » DY pamiia i© D -vito, DY painfi& »» Y painll- " Y omits ditthasaya
w D AmbaUka »« DSYZ eyam " s mahata »» S avasart »» D hi for pi, Y tatra
sopidam ^ Y bahulam, dhammikam katham ^ S samadhisam, DY pamfia ^ D
•▼ito, DY parnna » DSY pamfi- ^^ Y omits ditthasava ^ DY Naianda, DSYZ
eyam.
.A_ A
58 MAHAPAEINIBBANASUTTAM. [Bhan. 1.
mahatH bhikkhusanghena saddhim yena Nalandll tad avasari.
Tatra sudam Bhagavd. N&land&yam viharati F&v&rikamba-
vane- Atha kho ayasm^ Sariputto yena BhagavA ten' upa-
sankami, upasankamitY& Bhagavantam abhiv&dety& ekam-
antam nisidi, ekamantam nisinno kho &yasm& S&riputto
Bhagavantam etad ayooa. Evanipasanno aham bhante
Bhasravati na c&hu na ea bhayissati na c'etarahi yiiiati an&o
« J,. ,4 ^M«^ ,. Bh.g.,.« bMyyo 'blnJL y.d-
idam sambodhiyan ti. Ul&r& kho te ayam Sjlriputta fisabhi
y&c& bh&sit& ekamso gahito sihan&do nadito, eyaihpasanno
aham bhante Bhagavati na cslhu na ca bhayissati na c'etarahi
vijjati anno samano y& br&hmano y& Bhagayat4 bhiyyo
'bhinfiataro yadidam sambodhiyan tL Kin nu S&riputta ye
te ahesmh atitam addh&nam arahanto samm&sambuddh&
sabbe te bhagayanto cetas£l cetoparicca yidit& eyamsil& te
bhagavanto ahesum iti pi eyamdhamm& eyampafini eyamyi-
h&rt eyamyimutt& te bhagayanto ahesum iti ptti ? No h'etam
bhante. Kim pana S&riputta ye te bhayissanti an&gatam
addhdnam arahanto samm&sambuddhd. sabbe te bhagayanto
cetas& cetoparicca yidit& eyaihsil& te bhagayanto bhayissanti
iti pi, eyamdhamm& eyampaiin& eyamyihsLri eyamyimutt& te
bhagayanto bhayissanti iti piti P No h'etam bhante. Kim
pana S&riputta aham te etarahi araham samm&sambuddho
cetas& cetoparicca yidito eyamsilo Bhagay& iti pi eyam-
dhammo eyampanno eyaihyih&ri eyamyimutto Bhagay&
iti pitiP No h'etam bhante. Etth' eya hi te S&riputta
atit&n&gatapaccuppannesu arahantesu sammdsambuddhesu
cetopariyan&nam n'atthi, atha kin carahi te ayam S&riputta
uld.r& isabhi y&c£L bh&sit& ekamso gahito sihan&do nadito,
eyampasanno aham bhante Bhagayati na c&hu na ca bha-
yissati na c'etarahi yijjati anno samano yi br&hma^o y&
^ ST Naianda * DY N&landajam * D eyam /or aham, T aham ? D m^hu for
oAho, DT amfio ^ D samano, Y brah-, SYZ bhtyy-, DY -bhimfi. ^ DS ul&io
" D aham, Bhagavati " DY amfio, D samano, SYZ bhiyy- ^ DY -bhimfi- " D
▼ijita, S to/or te i< DY -pamfia, DS -yihari ^^ D h'etam ^o D eTamsila to s^ DY
-pamfia, DS -yihari »> D h'etam >> D angafii for aham » D -pamfio, -yihari
*• D h'etam, S ett'eya, Y ettha carahi » S aaabhi, Y aaahi, Z asabhi ^ D -nno
'haia '^ DY amho, Z samano, S omita brahmano ya«
A
BhAk. 1.] BUDDHA AND SARIPUTTA. 59
Bhagavatft bhiyyo 'bhiniiataro yadidam sambodhiyan ti. Na
kho me bhante atit&n&gatapaccuppannesu arahantesu 8amm&-
sambuddhesa cetopariya&sLnaih atthi, api ca dhammanvayo
Tidito^ seyyathlLpi bhante ranno paccantimam nagaram dalh-
udd&paih dalhap&k&ratoranaiii ekady&ram^ tatr' assa dov&riko
pai^dito yiyatto medh&vi aiin£lt&Qam niyd.retd. nat&nam pave*
setft, so tassa nagarassa samantsl anupariy&yapatham anukka-
mamftno na passeyya p&k&rasandhim y& p&k&rayiYaraiii v&
antamaso bil&ranissakkanamattam pi, tassa evam assa, ye
kho keci ol&rik& pftnd. imam nagaram pavisanti \k nikkha-
manti vk sabbe te imin& \a dvslrena pavisanti vd. nikkha-
manti y& ti, eyam eya kho me bhante dhammanyayo yidito
ye te ahesnm atitam addh&nam arahanto samm&sambuddhd
sabbe te bhagavanto panca niyarane pah&ya cetaso uppakki-
leee pan£[d.ya dubbalikarane catusu satipatth&nesu supatitthi-
tacitt& satta bojjhange yath&bhutam bh^yetyil anuttaram
samm&sambodhim abhisambujjhimsu : ye te pi bhante bhay-
issanti an&gatam addhUnam arahanto samm&sambuddh&
sabbe te bhagayanto panca niyarane pah&ya cetaso upakkilese
paM&ya dubbalikarane catusu satipatthUnesu supatitthitacitt&
satfca bojjhange yath&bhdtam bh&yetysl anuttaram sammd-
sambodhim abhisambujjhissanti : Bhagaya pi bhante etarahi
araham samm&sambuddho panca niyarane pah&ya cetaso
upakkilese pann^ya dubbalikarane catusu satipatthanesu
supatitthitacitto satta bojjhange yath&bhutam bh&yety& an-
uttaram samm&sambodhim abhisambuddho ti.
Tatra sudam Bhagay& N&land&yam yiharanto P&ydrik-
ambavane etad eya bahulam bhikkh^inam dhammim katham
karoti iti silam iti samildhi iti paMsl, silaparibhslyito sam&dhi
mahapphalo hoti mah&nisamso, sam&dhiparibh§.yit& pailn&
mahapphali hoti mahinisams^, paimslparibh&yitam cittam
» D bhtyo, SYZ bbtyyo, DYZ -bhimfi * DY rainfio, Y dalhuddanampa » D
dalhapak-, SZ ekamdyaram « D medbavi, nmH- '' D -seto » DSYZ bU-, DSZ
-ninakkata*, Y nissakkamana- »o DY omit kbo, DSYZ ol-, Y pana " D ca/or
't«, Y dvarena ^^Z inserts bbante before ahesnm, S omits samma- ^* D pamHaya,
wpattibita^, Y sdpatthita- ^ D pamfiaya, supatthita-, Y siipatittbita- *» Y etari
»« D pamfiaya, DY dubbaU-, Y casu, « D supatthita-, Y sikpanhita. " DY Nai-
M Y bahila^ ^ D pamfia ^ D pamfia s^ D pa^p-.
60 MAHIpARINIBbInASUTTaA. [BhIn. 1.
sammad eva eUiavehi yimuccati seyyathidam k&m&say& bha-
y&say& ditthSsay& ayijJ£Lsay& ti.
Atha kho Bhagavfi. Nfilandjlyam yatMbhirantam yiharityft
ftyasmantam Anandam ftinantesL Ay&m' Ananda yena P&ta-
lig&mo ten' upasankamissam&ti. Eyam bhante ti kho &yasm&
Anando Bhagayato paccassosi. Atha kho Bhagaysl mahat&
bhikkhusanghena saddhim yena Fd.talig&mo tad ayasaru
Assosnih kho P&taligdmiya up^ak& Bhagayd. kira FUtali-
g&mam anuppatto ti. Atha kho Pd.talig&miy& up&8ak& yena
BhagaysL ten' upasankamimsu, upasankamity& Bhagayantam
abhiy&dety& ekamantam nisidimsu, ekamantam nisinnd kho
Pd.(alig&miy& up&sak& Bhagayantam etad ayocuih. Adhi-
y&setu no bhante BhagayH ILya8athagd.ran ti. Adhiy&sesi
BhagaylL tunhibhILyena. Atha kho Pd,talig&miy& upasak&
Bhagayato adhiy^anam yiditysl utthd.y' d.san& Bhagayantam
abhiy&dety& padakkhinam katya yena &yasath£Lgaram ten'
upasankamimsu, upasankamityd sabbasantharim &yasath&g&-
ram santharity^ isan&ni pafinipetyd. udakamanim patitth&-
petyd. telappadipam &ropety& yena Bhagay& ten' upasanka-
mimsu, upasankamity& Bhagayantam abhiy^ety& ekamantam
atthamsu, ekamantam thit& kho P&taligd.miy& upd.sak& Bha-
gayantam etad ayocum. Sabbasantharim santhatam bhante
ftyasath&gsLram £Lsand.ni paimattani udakamaniko patitth&pito
telappadipo d.ropito, yassa d&ni bhante Bhagayd ksLlam
mannatiti. Atha kho Bhagayd. niy&setyd. pattaeiyaram &d&ya
saddhim bhikkhusanghena yena d.yasathd,g&ram ten' upa-
sankami, upasankamityft p&de pakkh&lety& &y6isath&g&ram
payisityd. majjhimam thambhaih ni8sd.ya puratthd.bhimukho
nisidi; bhikkhusangho pi kho pd.de pakkh&lety& &yasath&-
gd.ram payisityft pacchimaih bhittim niss&ya puratth&bhi-
mukho nisidi Bhagayantam yeya purakkhaty& ; PsLtaligi-
miy& pi kho up&saki psUle pakkh&lety& &yasath&g&ram
s T omits di^asayft ' Y yatbabhirattam » DY eyam i^ D maerts te after
kbo » DY omU no, Z avayath- " D abhtyadetva " D -Batiharim »» D
pamflUpetTa, DSY -manim >9 SYZ telappadipo » 8 santatam » D pamfiattani^
8Y -maniko '« D mamiiatiti <^ D pade ^o D puratt&bbimukbo '* D omitt pi
kbo, Y aT|8atbag&ram.
BhIn. 1.] BTJDDHA AT PATALIGAMA. 61
pavisitvd. puratthimani bhittim niss&ya pacchftbhimukhi
nisidimsu Bhagavantam yeva purakkhatv&.
Atha kho BhagavA P&talig&miye up&sake ftmantesi. Paiic*
ime gahapatayo ^dtnavd. dussilassa silavipattiyd, katame
pafLca? Idha gahapatayo dussilo silavipanno pamd.d&dlii-
karanam mahatim bhogaj&nmi nigacchati, ayam pathamo
ftdlnayo dussilassa silavipattiy^. Puna ca param gahapatayo
dttsstlassa silavipannassa p&pako kittisaddo abbhuggacchatiy
ayam dutiyo &dinayo dussilassa silavipattiyd. Puna ca param
gahapatayo dussilo silavipanno yaii iiad eva parisam upa-
sankamati yadi khattiyaparisam yadi br&hmanaparisam yadi
gahapatiparisam yadi samanaparisam avis&rado upasaiika-
mati mankubhuto, ayamtatiyo adinavo dussilassa silavipattiy&.
Puna ca param gahapatayo dussilo silavipanno sammdlho
k&lam karotiy ayam catuttho adinavo dussilassa silavipattiyd..
Puna ca paran gahapatayo dussilo silavipanno kdyassa bhed&
param maranjl ap3,yam duggatim vinipatam nirayam uppa-
jjati, ayam pancamo Minavo dussilassa silavipattiy4. Ime
kho gahapatayo panca 4dinavll dussilassa silavipattiyd..
Pailc' ime gahapatayo anisamsa silavato silasampadaya,
katame panca ? Idha gahapatayo silava silasampanno appa-
m&d&dhikaranam mahantam bhogakkhandham adhigacchati^
ayam pathamo anisamso silavato silasampadaya. Puna ca
param gahapatayo silavato silasampannassa kalyano kitti-
saddo abbhuggacchati, ayam dutiyo anisamso silavato sila-
sampadaya. Puna ca param gahapatayo silav^ silasampanno
yan nad eva parisam upasankamati yadi khattiyaparisam
yadi brahmanaparisam yadi gahapatiparisam yadi samana-
parisam visarado upasankamati amahkubhuto, ayam tatiyo
ftnisamso silavato silasampadaya. Puna ca param gahapatayo
silav& silasampanno asammulho k£Llam karoti, ayam catuttho
Anisamso silavato silasampadaya. Puna ca param gahapa-
i Y puratthima, DSZ -mukho « SYZ Bhagavantafi fieva » D umattesi * SZ
ftdinav^ D adinavo * D pamadadikarnnaiii ® S bhogajdtiih "^ SYZ adinavo ® D
papaka • SYZ adinavo ^o DS yam flad >3 DSYZ adinavo '* D sammulho kajam
»» SYZ adinavo is SYZ adinavo i» YZ adinava, D adinavo »3 D adinisaiso,
S aais. 2* D kaly- " D yam flad 2» D -bhuto ^^ D -mulho.
62 MAHAPAEINIBBANASUTTAM. [Bhan. 1.
tayo silav^ silasampanno k&yassa blied& param maranft
sugatim saggam lokam uppajjati, ay am paikamo ftnisamsa
silavato silasampad&ya. Ime kho gahapatayo pailica dni-
sams^ silavato silasampadsly&ti.
Atha kho Bhagav^ Fatalig&miye up&sake bahud eva
rattim dhammiya kath&ya sandassetvft sam&dapetv& samutte-
jetva sampahamsetvd. uyyojesi. Abhikkant& kbo gahapatayo
ratti, yassa d^i k41aih manfiath&ti. Evam bhante ti kho
'Pktaligkmijk up&sak& Bhagavato patissutv^ utth&y' disanft
Bhagavantani abhiYMety& padakkhinam katY& pakkamimsiL
Atha kho Bhagav& acirapakkantesu Fsltalig&iniyesu up&sa-
kesu sunn&garam p&visi.
Tena kho pana samayena SunidhaYas8akd.r& Magadhama-
h&matt& P^taligstme nagaram md.penti YajjiQam patibd.h&ya.
Tena kho pana samayena sambahul& devatsLyo sahassasseya
Fsltalig&me vatthiini pariganhanti, yasmim padese mabesa-
kkhS, devata vatth&ni pariganhanti mahesakkhsLnam tattha
ranfiam r&jamah&matt&nam cittelni namanti niyesan&ni m&-
petum, yasmim padese majjhim^ deyat& vatthfini pariganhanti
majjhimd.nam tattha ranfiam. rajamahd.matt£Uiaiii cittini na-
manti niyesan&ni mslpetum, yasmim padese nic& deyat&,
yatthdni pariganhanti nicd.nam tattha rafinam rajamah&-
mattd.nam cittd.ni namanti niyesan&ni md.petuih.
Addasd. kho Bhagay& dibbena eakkhun& yisuddhena ati-
kkantamd.nusakena tk deyatayo sahassasseya F&talig&me
yatthflni pariganhantiyo. Atha bho Bhagayd. rattiyft paccA-
sasamayam paccutth&ya dyasmantam Anandam dmantesi.
Ko nu kho Ananda P&talig&me nagaram mapetiti P Sunt-
dhayassak&rd. bhante Magadhamahamatt& F&taligd.me naga-
ram m&penti Yajjinam patib3,hd.y£lti. Seyyathel pi Ananda
deyehi T^yatimsehi saddhim mantetyd. eyam eya kho Ananda
Sunidhayassak8lr& Magadhamah&matt& F&talig&me nagaram
m&penti Yajjinam patib&h&ya : imsL 'ham Ananda addasam
A D baharattim ^ Y abhikkh- ^ D maihfi-, D bhante si ^^ D omita padakkhinam
katyft »* D sumfi- " D -karo '* SYZ mapeti »« Y -bahul&, S devatdso " S vatthuni,
Y -eakka, ^^ S Tatthuni, SY -sakkanam ^^ s vatthuni *^ S parigai^hantttiolnam
M s pariganh-, S pacousa- ^ Y kho nu, S Sunidha.
A A
BhIn. 1.] PROPHECY CONCEENING PATALIGAMA. 63
dibbena cakkhun& visuddhena atikkantam&nusakena sam-
bahul& devat&yo sahassasseva P&taligslme vatthiiiii pari-
ganhantiyo^ yasmim padese iualiesakkh& devat& vatthiiiii
pariganhanti mahesakkhanam tattha raiinam rdjamahd.-
matt&nam citt&ni namanti nivesan&ni mslpetum, yasmim
padese majjhim& devatd, vatthuni pariganhanti majjhim£Lnam
tattha rannam r&jamahd.mattanaih cittani namanti nivesa*
nftni md.petuih, yasmim padese nic& devat^ vatthdni pari-
ganhanti nic&nam tattha ranfiaih r£LJamahd.matt£knam citt&ni
namanti nivesan&ni m&petuih : y&yat& Ananda ariyam &ya-
tanam y&vatd vanippatho idam agganagaram bhavissati
P&taliputtam putabhedanam : Psltaliputtassa kho Ananda
tayo antarslyd. bhavissanti^ ^gg^tfo yk ud£ikato y& mithubhed&
v&ti.
Atha kho Sunidhavassakelrel Magadhamah&mattsi yena
Bhagava ten' upasankamimsu, upasankamitvsl Bhagayat&
saddhim sammodimsu, sammodaniyam kathaih s^rd.niyam
yitisd.rety£l ekamantam atthamsu, ekamantam thit4 kho
Sunidhayassakard. Magadhamahamattll Bhagayantaih etad
ayocum. Adhivfeetu no bhayam Gotamo ajjatanaya bhattam
saddhim bhikkhusanghenati. Adhiyasesi Bhagay& tunhi-
bhd.yena. Atha kho Sunidhayassakara Magadhamah&matt&
Bhagayato adhiydsanaih yidityS. yena sako Ayasatho ten'
upasankamimsu, upasankamityd. sake d.yasathe panitam kh&-
daniyam bhojaniyaih patiyfid^lpetyd Bhagayato k&larii &roc&-
pesum, kalo bho Gotama nitthitaih bhattan ti. Atha kho
Bhagay& pubbanhasamayam niyasetyd. pattaciyaram £Ldd.ya
saddhim bhikkhusanghena yena Sunidhayassakardnam Maga-
dhamah&matt&naih Hyasatho ten' upasankami, upasankamityft
paiiiiatte dsane nistdi. Atha kho SunidhayassaksLrS. Maga-
dhamah&mattd Buddhapamukhaih bhikkhusanghaih panitena
kh&daniyena bhojaniyena sahatthsL santappesum sampay&-
• Y -hula deyata, S yatthuni ' S yatthuni pariganh- • S pariganh- ^ S vatthuni
pariganhantt " DSYZ yan-, S agganaram, Z agganaram ^^ Dy -bhedo ** 8
Sunidha- ^^ D sarantyaih ^» SZ Sunidha- «^ S hhikkhu- «* DSY panitam, DSZ
kh&daniyam bhojaniyam 2* SY omit bho '^ S -rain mtldaya ^^ Y omits yena, 8
Sunidha-, Y -k&ranam ^o s Sunidha- >i DY panttena >* DZ khadaniyena, 8
kh&da^iyena, SZ bhojantyena.
A
64 MAHAPABINIBBANASIJTTAlf. [BhAm. 1.
resum. Atha kho Sunidhayassakd.r& Magadhamah&mattlk
Bhagavantam bhuttavim onitapattapanim annataram nicam
ftsanam gahetv^ ekamantam nisidimsu, ekamantam nisinne
kho Sunidhavassak&re Magadhainah&matte Bhagavft im&Iii
g&tMhi anumodi,
Yasmim padese kappeti ySsam panditaj&tiko
Silavant' ettha bhojetvsl sannate brahmac&rayo
Yk tattha devat& assu td^sam dakkhinam idise ;
Tk pujit4 piijayanti m&mtH mstnayanti nam,
Tato nam anukampanti m§.t& puttam va orasam :
Devatd.nukampito poso sad4 b1iadrd.ni passatiti.
Atha kho Bhagavi Suntdhavassak&re Magadhamah&matte
im&hi g^thahi anumoditv^ utth&y' asan& pakkdmi.
Tena kho pana samayena Sunidhavassakard. Magadhamah&*
mattfit Bhagavantam pitthito pitthito anubaddhft honti, yen'
ajja Samano Gotamo dv&rena nikkhamissati tarn Gotamadv&-
raih n4ma bhavissati, yena titthena Gangam nadim tarissati
tarn Gotamatittham n4ma bhavissatiti. Atha kho Bhagavft
yena dv4rena nikkhamitam Gotamady^Lram n&ma ahosi.
Atha kho Bhagay& yena Gahga nadi ten' upasankamL
Tena kho pana samayena Ganga nadi pQr& hoti samatitth*
ik& k&kapeyya, appekacce manussa nS^vam pariyesanti app*
ekacce ulumpam pariyesanti appekacce kullam bandhanti
aparaparam gantukama. Atha kho Bhagay& seyyathft pi
n&ma balav4 puriso samminjitam y& b^ham pas&reyya pasft-
ritam yk baham samminjeyya evameyam Gangaya nadiyi
orimatire antarahito pslrimatire paccutthasi saddhim bhikkhu-
sanghena. Addasa kho Bhagava te manusse appekacce n&-
vam pariyesante appekacce ulumpam pariyesante, appekacce
kullam bandhante aparaparam gantukame. Atha kho Bha-
gayd. etam attham yiditva tdyam yeUyam imam ud&naih
udanesi,
I S Sunidha- » D onitapattapani, Y onita- ^ DS nisinno * S Sunidha- ' DY
-c&riyo, Z cariyo corrected to carayo ^ D assu corrected to tsuih • Y tarn for nam
» S Sunidha- ^» S Sunidha- i» Y Samano, dv^rei^a ^^ y Gotaraam, SZ Gotamam
corrected to Gotama- ^® SY dvarcna ^ D upasaukami '^ SZ purtl, samatittildty
DY samatittiya ^ DY ulumpaia ^ SZ aparaparam, ^^ D parima-, paccapa^^hlfli
^ D ul-y Y uluppain ^ SZ ap&rapuram, D -k&mo.
Bhan. 1.] THE FOUB SUBLIME TEUTHS. 65
Ye taranti annavam saram setmh. katv&na visajja pallal&iii :
Eullam hi jano pabandhati tinn& medli&vino jan& ti.
FathamakabMnav&ram.
Atha kho Bhagava &yasmantaiii Anandaih dmantesi.
Ay&m' Ananda yena Kotig3,mo ten' upasahkamissdmati.
Evam bhante ti kho dyasma Anando Bhagavato paccassosi.
Atha kho Bhagava mahat^ bhikkhusanghena saddhim yena
Eotig&mo tad avasari. Tatra sudam Bhagavd. Kotigdme
viharati. Tatra kho Bhagava bhikkhd ^mantesi. Catunnam
bhikkhave ariyasaccanam ananubodhi appativedhS. evam
idam dtgham addhcLnam sandhdvitaih samsaritam mamail
c'eva tumh^kan ca, katamesam catunnam? Dukkhassa
bhikkhave ariyasaccassa ananubodh& appativedha evam idam
digham addhinam sandhavitam samsaritam mamaii c'eva
tumhsLkan ca, dukkhasamudayassa bhikkhave ariyasaccassa
ananubodhd appativedh^ evam idam digham addhanam
sandhavitam samsaritam maman c'eva tumhakaii ca, dukkha-
nirodhassa bhikkhave ariyasaccassa ananubodha appativedhS.
evam idam digham addhanam sandhavitam samsaritam
mamail c'eva tumhakan ca, dukkhanirodhagalminiyjl pati-
pad&ya bhikkhave ariyasaccassa ananubodha appativedh^
evam idam digham addhanam sandhavitam samsaritam
maman c'eva tumhakaii ca. Tayidaih bhikkhave dukkham
ariyasaccam anubuddham patividdham, dukkhasamudayam
ariyasaccam anubuddham patividdham, dukkhanirodham ari-
yasaccam anubuddham patividdham, dukkhanirodhag&mini
patipadS. ariyasaccam anubuddham patividdham, ucchinna
bhavatanhd khina bhavanetti n'atthi d^ni punabbhavo ti.
Idam avoca Bhagavi, idam vatva Sugato ath¶m etad
avoca Sattha,
Catunnam ariyasaccinarii yathabhutam adassanfi.
Saihsitam digham addhanam t&su tas' eva j&tisu :
^ DY annavam, setam * D tinna, S tinnam, Y tinna • DY evam ' D bhikkhu
" D dakkhadukkha- ^^ DSYZ substitute . . pe . .for the words from ananubodha
to CA ^ S -gamiyd, Y -garaini =» S -gamini, Y -gamini padd *^ DSY ucchinna
SB Y khin&, D bhavanati ^ S sasitam.
TOL. VII. — [new sbkies]. 6
66 MAHIpARINIBBANASTTTTAM. [BhIn. 2.
T&ni et&ni dittb&ni bhavanetti sam{iliat&,
TJcchinnamftlam dukkliassa n'atthi dslni punabbhavo ti.
Tatra pi sudam Bhagava Kotigame viharajito etad eva
babulam bhikkbdnaiu dhammim kathaiii katheti, iti silaiii iti
sam&dhi iti pafifiS,, silaparibhS.vito samMhi mahapphalo hoti
mah&msamso, sam3,dhiparibh&vit& paiiM mahapphald hoti
mahanisamsa, pannS-paribhavitam cittam sammad eva asavehi
vimuccati seyyathidam kamSjsavsL bbav&savft ditth&savd avijj&-
SSLYk ti.
Atha kho Bhagavfi, Kotigame yatlifi,bhiraiitam vibaritv&
ftyasmantam Anandam S^mantesi. Ayfi-m' Ananda yena
NS-dikS. ten* upasankamiss&m&ti. Evam bbante ti kho
dryasma Anando Bhagavato paccassosi. Atha kho Bhagav^
mahata bbikkbusangbeDa saddbim yena N&dik^ tad avasari.
Tatra sudam Bhagava NSdike viharati Ginjakavasathe.
Atha kho ^yasmsl Anando yena BhagayS. ten' upasankami,
upasankamitv^ Bhagavantam abhiv&detvd. ekamantam nisidi,
ekamantam nisinno kho ayasm^ Anando Bhagavantam etad
avoca. Sctlho n^ma bhante bhikkhu Nadike kS,lakato, tassa k&
gati ko abhisampar^yo ? Nanda naraa bhante bhikkhuni
N^dike kalakat^, tassd. ka gati ko abhisampar^yo P Sudatto
n&ma bhante upd.sako NMike kd,lakato, tassa k& gati ko
abhisampar^yo P Suj^ta n&ma bhante up^ikSl N&dike
k^lakatd., tassi hk gati ko abhisamparclyo P Kakudho nama
bhante upasako Nadike kalakato^ tassa k^ gati ko abhisam-
par^yo P K&lihgo n&ma bhante uptake . ,. pe . . Nikato
nd,ma bhante uptake . . Katissabho n&ma bhante. upasako . .
Tuttho naraa bhante upHsako . . Santuttho nama bhante
uptake . . Bhaddo nd,ma bhante upd.sako . . Subhaddo n&ma
bhante up^ako Nadike kalakato, tassa k& gati ko abhisam-
par^yo P ti. S&lho Ananda bhikkhu &savanam khay& an&-
savam cetovimuttim paiindvimuttim ditthe 'va dhamme sayam
abhinna sacchikatv^ upasampajja vih&si. Nanda Ananda
» D bbayanteti, S bhavanetati « DY omit ti * Y bahulam, S bbikkhunam, D
kathesi' D mahanisamsamsa ^ DY omit di^hasava »« DY -bbirattam '^ Z omitt
Anando " Y Gijjhavasathe 20 dS bhikkbuni «• Z tassa «« DY read Nikato
ndma bbante upSsako . . pe. >* S Saddo/or Bhaddo '' Y Nand^nanda.
A _ A
BhAn. 2.] THE DHAMMADASA. 67
bhikkhuni pailcannam orambli&giy&naih samyojan&naih.
parikkhay& opap&tika tatthaparinibb&yini an&vattidbamm&
tasma lok4.. Sudatto Ananda up&sako tinnam samyojandnam
parikkhay^ rd,gadosamob&iiam tanutti sakaddg^mi sakid eva
imam lokam dgantva dukkbass' an tarn karissati. Suj&t&
Ananda upasikd. tinnam samyojan&naiii parikkbaya sot&pann&
avinip&tadbammd. niyata 8ambodbipard,yaDa. Kakudbo
Ananda up&sako pancannam orambbd.giyslnam samyojananam
parikkbayd opapS.tiko tattbaparinibbalyi an&vattidbammo
tasm& lok& . . Ksllingo Ananda upd,sako . . pe . . Nikato
Ananda upasako . . Katissabbo Ananda up^sako . . Tuttbo
Ananda up&sako . . Santuttbo Ananda np^ako . . Bbaddo
Ananda upasako . . Subbaddo Ananda upasako pancannam
orambbd.giy&nam samyojananam parikkbaya opapatiko tattba-
parinibbayi and,vattidbammo tasma lokd. Paropann&sa
Ananda Nadike updsak^ kalakata pancannam orambbd,giya-
nam samyojananam parikkbaya opapsltikd. tattbaparinibbayino
an&vattidbamma tasma loka. S^bikcl navuti Ananda Nadike
updsaka kalakatd. tinnam samyojandnam parikkbayel rslga-
dosamob&nam tanuttiL sakad&gamino sakid eva imam' lokam
&gantv& dukkbass' antaih karissanti. Ssltirek^ni Ananda
pailcasat&ni Nadike up&saksl k&lakata tinnam samyojananam
parikkbaya sotS^pannS. aviniplitadbammd niyatS. sambodbi-
par&yan&.
Anaccbariyam kbo pan* etam Ananda yam manussabbftto
kdrlam kareyya tasmiih tasmim ce k^lakate TatbS.gatam
upasankamitvS.' etam attbam puccbissatba, vibesa c'esd
Ananda Tatb^gatassa : tasmS. ti b' Ananda dbamm&d&sam
n&ma dbammapariy&yam desessami yen a samannagato ari-
yas&vako ^kankhamano attand Va att&naiii vyalkareyya,
kbinanirayo 'mbi khinatiraccbanayoniyo kbinapettivisayo
kbin&p&yaduggativinipS.to sot&panno 'bam aSmi avinip&ta-
1 D bhikkhuni, S bhikkhdni ^ DSYZ un-ongli/ insert . . pe . . after loka, Y
tinnam * DZ -gdmi • S YZ tinnam ' D ayini-, Y inserts . . pe . . after -par^yana
• D opapatika, -bbfiyi ** D samfiojananam '* DY -hhkji *• D omits upasakft
" D saM-, opapatika »» Y tinnam, D sainii-, SY aafifi-, Z samfifi- «^ Y anagantvA,
D yatirckani « SY tinnam " S -bhuto 2« Y me for ce " Y y*eskfor c^esa «• Z
-parisayam, SYZ desissami ^ D y&for *?a '* D khi^a- three times, S khinapaya-
in $aeh ease.
A _ . A
68 MAHAPARINIBBANASUTTAM. [BhAn. 2.
dhammo niyato sambodhiparayano ti. Katamo ca so Ananda
dhamm&daso dhammapariyayo yena samannagato ariyas&vako
^kahkhamano attan^ 'va att&nam yy&kareyya khinanirayo
*mhi khinatiracch&nayoniyo khinapettivisayo khtn&p4ya-
duggativmip&to sot&panno 'ham asmi ayiiiip&tadhainmo
niyato sambodhiparS^yano tiP Idh' Ananda ariyas&vako
Buddhe aveccappas&dena samann&gato hoti, iti pi so Bhagav^
araham sammelsambuddho vijjdx^aranasampanno sugato loka-
TidCi anuttaro purisadammasarathi sattbi devamanuss&naih
Buddho Bhagavsl ti ; dhamme aveccappasMena samannigato
hoti, svakkh&to Bhagavata dhammo sanditthiko ak&liko
ehipassiko opanayiko paccattani veditabbo vifiiiuhiti ; sanghe
aveccappasMena samannagato hoti, supatipanno Bhagavato
s&vakasangho ujupatipanno Bhagavato s&vakasangho Mya-
patipanno Bhagavato s&vakasangho s4micipatipanno Bhaga-
vato sS,vakasangho yadidam cattari purisayugsLni atthapurisa-
puggal& esa Bhagavato s&vakasangho fthuneyyo pihuneyyo
dakkhineyyo anjalikaraniyo anuttaram punfiakkhettam
lokassati : ariyakantehi silehi samannagato hoti akhandehi
acchiddehi asabalehi akammsUehi bhujissehi vinnuppasatthehi
aparlimatthehi sam&dhisamvattanikehi, ayam kho so Ananda
dhammadaso dhammapariyayo yena samann&gato ariyas&vako
akahkham&no attan^ 'va att^nam vyslkareyya khinanirayo
'mhi khinatiracch&nayoniyo khinapettivisayo khin&p&ya-
duggativinipato sot&panno 'ham asmi avinip&tadhammo niyato
sambodhiparayano ti.
Tatra sudam Bhagava N&dike viharanto Ginjak&vasathe
etad eva bahulam bhikkhiinam dhammim katham karoti, iti
silaih iti samMhi iti pannsl^ silaparibhavito sam&dhi mahap-
phalo hoti mah^nisaihso, samMhiparibhavita panna mahap-
phala hoti mah&nisams&^ pafinaparibhavitam cittam sammad
eva &savehi vimuccati seyyathidam k&msisava bhav&8av&
ditthS^avS. avijj&sava ti.
Atha kho Bhagavfi. N&dike yathft-bhirantaih viharitv& &yas-
* D dhammfilpariyttyo ^ D vd /or Va, D kbtnS- * D khtna- three times j 8
khinapdya- • D -vidu " Z abui?-, DYZ p^hun- ** D dakkhin-, Y -kara^iyyo
*^ DS va/or *va, khtna- '* D kbind in each caae, S kbi^iapayasadugg- ** Y ni
for ti »' Y Gijjbak- « Y bahulam *» DSYZ substitute pe for Bilaparibh&vito —
Timuccati ^ DY omit ditthsbava ^ DY -bhirattam.
^.
BhA^. 2.] THE POUR SATIPATTHANA8. 69
mantam Anandam &mantesi. Ayd,m' Ananda yena Yes<
ten' upasaDkamiss&m&ti. Evam bhante ti kho &ya8m& Anando
Bhagavato paccassosi. Atha kho BhagavsL mahat& bhikkhu-
sanghena saddhim yena Yes&li tad avasari. Tatra sudam
Bhagay& Vesaliyaih viharati Ambap&livane. Tatra kho
Bhagav& bhikkhii &mantesi. Sato bhikkhave bhikkhu vi-
hareyya sampajano, ayaih vo amh&kam anus&sani. Kathan
ca bhikkhave bhikkhu sato hoti P Idha bhikkhave bhikkhu
k&ye ksLy&nupassi viharati &t&pt sampaj&no satim& vineyya
loke abhijjhddomanassam, vedansLsu vedanS^nupassi viharati
&t&pi sampaj&no satimft vineyya loke abhijjh^omanassam,
citte citt&nupassi viharati &t&pi sampaj&no satim^ vineyya
loke abhijjh&domanassam, dhammesu dhamm&nupassi viharati
&t&pt sampajslno satimd. vineyya loke abhijjhadomanassam,
evam kho bhikkhave bhikkhu sato hoti. Kathaii ca bhik-
khave bhikkhu sampajlLno hoti? Idha bhikkhave bhikkhu
abhikkante patikkante sampajanak&ri hoti, £Llokite vilokite
sampaj&nak&ri hoti, samminjite pas&rite sampaj&nak&ri hoti,
sangh&tipattacivaradh&rane 8ampaj§.nak&ri hoti, asite pite
kh&yite s&yite sampajanakarl hoti, uccELrapass&vakamme
sampaj&nak&ri hoti, gate fhite nisinne sutte j&garite bh&site
tu^hibh&ve sampajanak&rt hoti, evam kho bhikkhave bhikkhu
sampaj^o hoti. Sato bhikkhave bhikkhu vihareyya sampa-
j&no, ayam vo amh&kam anus&sani ti.
Assosi kho Ambapaliganik& Bhagav^ kira Yes&liyam
anuppatto VesaLliyam viharati mayham ambavane ti. Atha
kho Ambap&liganik& bhadddni bhadd&ni y&n&ni yojclpetv^
bhaddam y&nam abhiruhitv& bhaddehi bhaddehi y&nehi
ye8&liy& niyy&ei, yena sako &r^o tena p&y&si, y&vatik&
y&nassa bhAmi y&nena gantv& y&n& paccorohitv& pattik& 'va
yena Bhagava ten' upasankami, upasankamitv& Bhagavantam
» DSYZ VesaU « DSYZ evam ♦ DSYZ VestOi • D bhikkhu, yato kho bhikkhaye,
Y bhikkhCl ^ DY kho for vo, D anusaaani » SZ bhikkhu » D -pasai, DY atapi
'® DSYZ vedanasu citte . . pe . . dhammesu : I have supplied the text from
MahdsatipaUhAna Sutta i« DSYZ dt^pi » Z bhikkhO, Y katham i« Z bhikkhii,
Y Ida " D alokite ^^ s -kdri *2 D tunhi-, Z bhikkhft " Z bhikkhii «* DY kho/>r vo
» Y Ambapaii- ^ Y AmbapaU-, S -ganika 2* DZ abhiruhitra » DYZ niyyabi,
Y kho /or sako ** D yanani/or yana, Y pattiya.
A _ . A
70 . MAHAPARINIBBANASUTTAM. [Bhan. 2.
abhivd.detya ekamantam nisidi. Ekamantam nisinnam kho
Ambap^lim ganikam BhagavS. dhammiya kathaya sandassesi
sam^apesi samuttejesi sampahamsesi. Atha kho Ambapali-
ganika Bhagavata dhammiya kathaya sandassita sam&dapitA
samuttejita sampahamsita Bhagavantam etad avoca. Adhi-
T&setu me bhante Bhagava svatanaya bhattam saddhim bhik-
khusangbenati. Adhivasesi Bhagav^ tunbibhavena. Atha
kho Ambapslliganika Bhagavato adhivasanam viditva utth&y'
Ssana Bhagavantam abhivMetva padakkhinam katv& pak-
k^mi.
Assosum kho Yesalik& Licchavi BhagayeL kira YesMiyam
anuppatto Yesaliyam viharati Ambapalivane ti. Atha kho
te Licchayi bhaddani bhaddani yEtnani yojslpetya bhaddam
yanam abhirfthitya bhaddehi bhaddehi y&nehi Vesiliyi
nlyiihsu, Tatr' ekacce Licchayi nlla honti ntlayann& nila-
vattha niiaiankarsl, ekacce Licchayi pita honti pitayannd
pitayattha pit&lank&ra, ekacce Licchayi lohitaksl honti lohita-
Tanna lohitayattha lohitaiankd.r& ekacce Licchayi oditH honti
odatayannd od&tavattha odd.t&1ahk&ri. Atha kho Ambap&li-
ganika daharanam daharanam Licchayinam akkhena akkham
cakkena cakkaih yugena yugam pativattesi. Atha kho
Licchayi Ambapalim ganikam etad avocum. Kin je Amba-
pdli dahardnam daharanam Licchayinam akkhena akkham
cakkena cakkam yugena yugam patiyattesiti ? Tathd hi
pana me ayyaputtd Bhagavi nimantito svatan&ya bhattam
saddhim bhikkhusanghenati. Dehi je Ambapali etam bhattam
Batasahassen^ti. Sace hi pi me ayyaputt& Yes&lim s&h&ram
dassatha eyammahantam bhattam na dassdmiti. Atha kho
te Licchayi anguli pothesuih, jit' amh& vata bho ambak&ya,
yancit' amh& yata bho ambakdyilti. Atha kho te Licchayi
* D nisinntl * Y -liih ganikam ' Ambap&li- ♦ SY -ganikk * Y Ambap&li-, 8Y
-ganika " DSYZ Licchavi » Y Ambapaii- »« DSYZ Licchavi »* SD abhiruhitvE
» Y niyamsu, DSYZ Licchavi, Y honti, Z -vavnAni »• SYZ Licchavi " DY
Licchavi, D lohitakavaw^^ " DY lohitakavatthd, YZ Licchavi " Y Ambapali-
'^ S -ganika, S dahardi^aih twice ^ DZ Licchavi, Y Ambapalim, D ganikaih, Y
kim/or kifi, Y Ambapali *' S daharanam twicej Z Liochavinam ** 8 ayy&- •• Y
Ambapali, D etam " D sahassenati, Z same /or saec, S omits pi (it is written and
then erased), D omits me, reads sagaram ^ DS Licchavi, DSZ anguli, Y pho^um
» DYZ Licchavi.
BhA^. 2.] BUDDHA AND AMBAPAU. 71
yena Ambap&livanam tena p&yimsu. Addasd. kho Bhagav^
te Licchavt ddrato Va &gacchante> disva bhikkhu ^mantesi.
Yesam bhikkhave bhikkhdnam devd T&vatiih8& aditth^
oloketha bhikkhave Licchayiparisam avaloketha bhikkhave
Licohaviparisam upasamharatha bhikkhave Licchaviparisam
T&vatimsaparisan ti. Atha kho te Licchavi yavatikel y&nassa
bhdmi y&nena gantv& jkn& paccorohitvd pattik^ 'va yena
Bhagavft ten' upasankamimsu, upasankamitva Bhagavantam
abhivMetvd. ekamantam nisidimsu, ekamantam nisinne kho te
Licchavi Bhagava dhammiysL kath&ya sandassesi samddapesi
samuttejesi sampahamsesi. Atha kho te Licchavi Bhagavat&
dhammiy^ kath&ya sandassitft sam^dapit^ samuttejitsl sampa-
haihsit& Bhagavantam etad avocum. Adhivasetu no bhante
Bhagavft svatandya bhattam saddhim bhikkhusahghenati.
Adhivutthaih kho me Licchavi sv&tan&ya Ambap&liganik&ya
bhattan ti. Atha kho te Licchavi anguli pothesum jit'
amh& vata bho ambak&ya, vancit' amh& vata bho ambak&y&
tL Atha kho te Licchavi Bhagavato bh^sitam abhinanditvd
anumoditvd utth&y' asan& Bhagavantam abhivadetva padak-
khinam katv& pakkamimsu.
Atha kho Ambap&iiganikd tass^ rattiy^ accayena sake
&rame panitan^ khManiyam bhojaniyani patiyd.dapetv& Bha-
gavato kalam &rocd.pesi, k&lo bhante nitthitam bhattan ti.
Atha kho Bhagav^pubbanhasataayamnivalsetv&pattacivaram
&d&ya saddhim bhikkhusanghena yena Ambapliliganikaya
parivesan& ten' upasankami, apasankamitv& pannatte &sane
nisidi. Atha kho Ambap^liganikd, Buddhapamukham bhik-
khusanghaih panitena kh&daniyena bhojaniyena sahatth&
santappesi sampav&resL Atha kho Ambap&liganik& Bhaga-
vantam bhuttavim onitapattap&nim annataram nicam sLsanam
gahetva ekamantam nisidi, ekamantam nisinn^ kho Ambap&li-
* Y Ambapali-, Y payamsu » DYZ Licchayi, Y'durato, D bhikkhu » S bhik-
khunam • DYZ Licchavi « Y -mimsil » DY nisinna ^^ DY Licchavi, S Licchivi
" DSYZ Licchavi " D omUa Bhagavd »« S adhivuttam, DSYZ Licchavi, Y
Ambapaliganikaya '* Y bhattam ti, D S YZ Licchavi, DSZ aiiguli, Y an^lim potesum
1* DSYZ Licchavi >» S omits anumoditva ^^ Y -ganikS » DY panitam, DSZ khfi-
dantyam, SZ bhojantyam ** Y -pali- ^ Y omits upasankami *' Y -ganiksL ** SZ
khadaniyena bhojaniyena » Y -paii- ^ D bhuttsLvi, DY onita-, -panim 'i DYZ
nisinno, Y -paii.
72 MAH1pABINIBB1NA8¥TTAA. [BhIh. 2.
ganika Bhagayantam etad avoca. Im&ham bhante &r&mam
Buddhapamukhassa bhikkhusanghassa dammiti. Fatiggabesi
Bhagava &r&mam. Atba kbo Bhagav& Ambapldiganikam
dhammiya kath&ya sandassetvA samftdapetva samuttejetvi
8ampahaihsety& uttb&y' isank pakk&mi.
Tatra pi sudaih Bbagav& Yes&liyam vibaranto Ambap&-
livane etad eva babulam bbikkb^nam dbammim katbam
karoti, iti silam iti sam&dbi iti pann&, silaparibb&yito sam&dbi
mabappbalo boti mabsLnisamso, sam&dbiparibb&yita panfi&
mabappbaia boti inab4nisams&, paM&paribb&vitam cittam
sarnmad eva sLsavebi vimuccati seyyatbtdam k&mftsaY& bbaT&-
8ay& dittb&saY& aYijj^v& ti.
Atba kbo Bbagavi Ambap&livane yatb&bbirantam viba-
rityd ^yasmantam Anandam ^mantesi. Ay&m' Ananda yena
BeluvagS^mako ten' upasankamiss&m&ti. Evam bbante ti kbo
^yasma Anando Bbagavato paccassosi. Atba kbo Bbagavi
mabat& bbikkbusangbena saddbim yena Beluvagtlmako tad
avasari. Tatra sudam Bbagavft Beluvag&make yibarati.
Tatra kbo Bbagavd bbikkbd ^mantesi. Etba tumbe bbik-
kbave samantd Yes^lim yatb&mittam yatbdsandittbam
yatb^mbbattam vassam upetba> abam pana idb' eva
Beluyag^make vassam upagaccbamiti. Evam bbante ti kbo
te bbikkbA Bbagavato patissutvft samantft Ves&Kih yatbft-
mittaih yatbd^andittbam yatbftsambbattam vassam upa-
gaccbum^ Bbagav& pana tattb' eva Beluvagftmake vassam
upagaccbi. Atba kbo Bbagavato vassApagatassa kbaro
&b&dbo uppajji, b§.lb& vedana vattanti m&ranantik&. T&
sudam Bbagavd sato sampaj&no adbiv&seti avibaMam&no.
Atba kbo Bbagavato etad abosi. Na kbo me tarn patirdpam
yo' baiii an&mantetv& upattb&ke anapaloketv^ bbikkhusan-
gbam parinibb&yeyyam, yan niin&bam imam &b&dbam viri-
> Y -paji- « D pakkamimsu « Y -p&li- ' Y bahulam, 8 bhikkhnnaih • D
pamfia * DS pamfi& ^o D pamna- ^^ DY omii ditthasayk i' Y -pa}!-, DY yatiid-
bbirattam '« D Belugamako, Y Beldva-, Z Bel- " 8 Bel-, Y Bemra- ^^ 8 Bel-,
Y Beldva- " D bhikkhu, 8 bbikkhum ^ D khittam for mittam » SZ Be|., Y
Bemya- ^ D8 bhikkhu ^ D khittam for mittam, DYZ npagafichum, 8 apa-
gafynm ^ SZ Bel-, Y Belaya. ->« YZ upagafichi, 8 upagafiji, D upagafidiiin ^ D
pabaiha-, SYZ pabdlha '^ D ayihamii- ^ Y anamanctya.
BhIn. 2.] BUDDHA'S ILLNESS AND KECOVERY. . 73
jensL patippan&mety& jivitasankh&ram adhitth&ya vihareyyan
ti. Atha kho Bhagay^ tarn ^badham viriyena patippan^-
mety& jiyitasankharam adhitth&ya yih^i. Atha kho Bhaga-
vato 80 &b&dho patipassambhi. Atha kho Bhagay& gil&n&
Tutthito acirayutthito gelanfia yih&r& nikkhamma yih&ra-
pacch&y&yaih pafinatte sLsane nisidi. Atha kho dryasmH
Anando yena Bhagayd ten' upasankami^ upasankamity^
Bhagaydntam abhiyMetydr ekamantam nisidi^ ekamantam
nisinno kho &yasm& Anando Bhagayantam etad ayoca.
Dittham me bhante Bhagayato phclsu dittham me bhante
Bhagayato khamaniyam, api hi me bhante madhurakaj&to
viya k&yo disi pi me na pakkhsLyanti dhamm& pi nam na
patibhanti Bhagayato gelannena, api ca me bhante ahosi
kicid eya assslsamattd,, na t&ya Bhagay& parinibb&yissati na
y&ya Bhagay& bhikkhusangham arabbha kiiicid eya ud&«
haratiti. Kim pan' Ananda bhikkhusangho mayi paccd-
simsatiP desito Ananda may& dhammo anantaram ab&hiram
karity^, na tatth' Ananda Tathagatassa dhammesu &cariya-
mutthi. Yassa nAna Ananda eyam assa aham bhikkhusah-
gham parihariss^miti y& mam' uddesiko bhikkhusangho ti
y& 80 niinsL Ananda bhikkhusangham &rabbha kincid eya
ud&hareyya : Tathd^gatassa kho Ananda na eyam hoti aham
bhikkhusangham pariharissamtti vk mam' uddesiko bhikkhu-
sangho ti y^, kim Ananda Tathd.gato bhikkhusangham
ftrabbha kincid eya ud&harissati P Aham kho pan' Ananda
etarahi jinno yuddho mahallako addhagato yayo anuppatto
asitiko me yayo yattati, seyyath^ pi Ananda jarasakatam
yeghamissakena y&peti eyam eya kho Ananda yeghamissakena
maMe Tath&gatassa k&yo y&peti. Yasmim Ananda samaye
Tath&gato sabbanimitt&nam amanasiksLr& ekaccdnam yedan&-
nam nirodh& animittam cetosam^him upasampajja yiharati
ph&sukato Ananda tasmim samaye Tathagatassa k&yo hoti.
* Y patippan- ' Y pa^ippan- * D vih&rsl- • Y -pacchaTfUam, S -pacch&yftya
^ DY dittha and omit me, D di^ha ^^ D khama^tyam, DY omit me, DY
madhurakafijato, S madurakajato ^^ D patibhanati, SZ patihanti *^ D ca for
ta^a ^ Y inserts ca after bbikkhuBangbo ^^ Anananda, Y acariya- '^ SZ nuna
w DY tarn for na »* SZ sakim /or kim *« D ji etarahi, Y jinno, S jinne »« D yati
for yapeti ^ S maMa, samayena ^ S amasikara ^ D pbasukate.
74 MAHAPAEINIBBANASUTTAM. [BhAn. 2.
TasmS. ti h' Ananda attadip^ yiharatha attasaran& ananfiia-
sarana dhammadipd. dhammasarand aiiannasaran&. Kathail
ca Ananda bhikkhu attadipo viharati attasarano anaiiiiasarano
dhammadipo dhammasarano anannasarano P Idh^ Ananda
bhikkhu k&ye kdyS^nupassi viharati &t&pi sampaj&no satimft
vineyya loke abhijjh^omanassam, vedan&su vedan&nupassi
viharati d.td.pi sampajd.no satima vineyya loke abhijjh&doma-
nassam^ citte cittanupassi viharati &t&pi sampaj&no satim&
vineyya loke abhijjhadomanassam^ dhammesu dhamm&nu-
passt viharati &t&pi sampajd.no satim^ vineyya loke abhijjhft-
domanassam^ evam kho Ananda bhikkhu attadipo viharati
attasarano anannasarano dhammadipo dhammasarano anaiifla-
sarano. Ye hi keci Ananda etarahi v& mamam v& accayena
attadipIL viharissanti attasaran& anannasarand dhammadip&
dhammasarana anannasaran& tamatagge me te Ananda
bhikkhd bhavissanti ye keci sikkhak^md ti
Dutiyakabh&nav&ram nitthitam.
V • • •
Atha kho Bhagav& pubbanhasamayam niv&setv& pattaci-
varam &d&ya Ves&lim pindaya p&visi : Ves&liyam pi^d&ya
caritv^ pafinatte &sane nisidi : pacch&bhattam pi^dap&ta-
patikkanto ayasmantam Anandam ^mantesL Qa^hfthi
Ananda nisidanam, yena G&p&laih cetiyam ten' upasankamis-i
s&ma div&vih&ray&ti. Evam bhante ti kho Ayasm& Anando
Bhagavato patissutvi nisidanam &d&ya Bhagavantam pitthito
pitthito anubandhi.
Atha kho Bhagav& yena G&p&lam cetiyam ten' upasan-
kami, upasankamitvd paimatte sLsane nisidi. Ayasm& pi kho
Anando Bhagavantam abhivcLdetv^ ekamantam nisidi, eka-
mantam nisinnam kho &yasmantaih Anandam Bhagav& etad
avoca. Eamaniyft Ananda Yes&li ramantyam Udenam ceti-
^ D a^amfia- ' D anariifia- ' Z bhikkhd, S -sara^e *• D anamfi*, T -sara^e
s Z bhikkhd, DSTZ atapi « DSYZ have yedanlUu citte . . pe . . dhammesa and «o
Oft 10 8 -passi, DSTZ atSpi ^^ Z bhikkhu " D anamna- {twice) » D omits hi i« D
anainna- »* D anamfia- " DY bhikkhu i» Z Vesaiiyam. Y YesAlim » DY upa-
sankamiBs&mi ^' DY eyam ^ D sane for Ibane *o D rama^iyam, Y YeMUi,
raman- in each imtance except thejlret.
A
Bhan. 2.] ANANDA'S HEAET IS HARDENED. 75
yam ramaniyaih Gotamakaih cetiyam ramaniyam Sattam-
bakam cetiyam ramaniyam Bahuputtam cetiyam ramaniyam
S&randadam cetiyam ramaniyam G&p&lam cetiyam: yassa
kassaci Ananda cattslro iddhipadd. bhavit^ bahulikatd yanikatH
yatthukat& anutthit& pariciteL susam&raddh& so slkankham&no
kappam yk tittheyya kapp&vasesam \k: TatMgatassa kho
Ananda cattaro iddhipd.di bhd.yitsl bahulikatsL yanikatd
Tatthukat& anutthit& paricit^ susam&raddh&, so &kankliam&no
Ananda Tathagato kappam va tittheyya kapp&vasesam vd ti.
Evam pi kho ^yasmd. Anando Bhagavati olarike nimitte
kayiram&ne olclrike obhase kayiram^ne n&sakkhi pativijjhitmh
Ba Bhagavantam ycLci, titthatu bhante Bhagay^ kappam
titthatu Sugato kappam bahujanahitaya bahujanasukhaya
lok&nukamp&ya atthaya hit&ya sukhsiya deyamanuss&nan ti :
yath& tarn M&rena pariyutthitacitto. Dutiyam pi kho
Bhagay& . . pe . . Tatiyam pi kho Bhagayd &yasmantam
Anandam &mantesi. Ramaniy^ Ananda. Vesaii ramaniyam
TJdenam cetiyam ramaniyam Gotamakam cetiyam rama-
niyam Sattambakaih cetiyam ramaniyam Bahuputtam
cetiyam ramaniyam S^randadam cetiyam ramEiniyam Ckpk-
lam cetiyam: yassa kassaci Ananda cattaro iddhipd.d&
bh&yit& bahulikat^ yslnikata yatthukat^ anutthitsi. paricit&
8U8am£Lraddh& so &kankhamd.no kappam \k tittheyya kap-
p&yasesam y& : Tathagatassa kho Ananda cattaro iddhip&d&
bh&yit& bahulikat& yanikata yatthukata anutthitd paricit^
Bosam&raddha so §,kankham&no Ananda Tath&gato kappam
y& tittheyya kapp&yasesam y& ti. Eyam pi kho &yasm&
Anando Bhagayat^ olarike nimitte kayiram&ne ol&rike
obh&se kayiram&ne nsLsakkhi patiyijjhitmh na Bhaga-
yantam ydx)i; titthatu bhante Bhagayil kappam titthatu
Sugato kappam bahujanahit&ya bahujanasukh&ya lok&nu-
kampftya atthiya hit&ya sukhaya deyamanussAnan ti : yath&
* D Gotamam, Z has ramai^tyam G. cetiyam twieet S ramaniyam ^ Y bahuli-,
8 yant- « Y ankh- ' Y bahult- »o D ol- »» D ol- >» Y MSrena " DY omit pe '^ *SZ
rama^yam, Vesali, D ramantyam, Vesalim, Y ramantya, Vesaii, Z ramaniyam
U-, Y has -niy- in each ease i* SYZ Gotamam, Y Sattambac- ^ D ramaniyam B.
" Y bahuli- »* Z -avaseea »» Y bahuli- «« SZ omi^ bo » D omits olflrike » D
bhante bhimte '^ S omits bahajanahitflya ^ 6 omits atthaya.
.A_ . A
76 MAHAPARINIBBANASUTTAM. [BnJbr.a.
tarn M&rena pariyutthitacitto. Atha kho Bhagayft dyasman-
tam Anandam ^mantesi. Gaccha tvam Ananda, yassa d&ni
k^laiii mannasiti. Evam bhante ti kho &yasm& Anando Bha-
gavato patissutv^ utthd.y' &san& Bhagayantam abhiy&detY&
padakkhinam katy& ayidAre anfiatarasmim rukkhamMe nisidi.
Atha kho Maro p&piin& acirapakkante dyasmante Anande
yena Bhagay^ ten' upasankami, upasankamityft ekamantam
atth&si, ekamantam thito kho M&ro papima Bhagayantam
etad ayoca. Parinibb&tu dd.ni bhante Bhagay& parinibb&tu
Sugato, parinibbd.nakalo d&ni bhante Bhagayato, bh&sit& kho
pan' es& bhante Bhagayat& vkck. Na t&ystham p&pima pari-
nibb&yiss&mi yaya me bhikkhii na sayakd bhayissanti yiyatti
yintt& yis&radd, bahussutll dhammadhar^ dhamm&nudhamma-
patipann& sd.micipatipann& anudhammac&rino sakam ftcariya-
kam uggahety& ^cikkhissanti desessanti paiintLpessanti pattha*
pessanti yiyarissanti yibhajissanti utt&nikarissanti uppannam
parappayadam saha dhammena suniggahitam niggahety& sap-
p&tihd,riyam dhammam desessantiti. Etarahi kho pana bhante
bhikkhii Bhagayato s&yak& yiyatta yinit& yis&rad& bahussntft
dhammadhar^ dhamm&nudhammapatipann& samicipatipann&
anudhammac&rino sakam dcariyakam uggahety^ ^ikkhanti
desenti panii&penti patthapenti yiyaranti yibhajanti utt&ni-
karonti uppannam parappay^am saha dhammena suni-
ggahitam niggahetya sapp&tihariyam dhammam desenti,
parinibb&tu dani bhante Bhagay^ parinibb&tu Sugato,
parinibbanak&lo d&ni bhante Bhagayato, bh^sitft kho pan'
es& bhante Bhagayatsl vkcL Na t&yaham p&pima parinibb&-
yiss&mi y&ya me bhikkhuniyo na s&yik& bhayissanti yiyattA
yinitd . . pe . . y&ya me upasak& na s&yak& bhayissanti .
yiyatt& yinita yisdradft bahussuti dhammadharsL dhamma-
nudhammapatipann& sd.micipatipann& anudhammac&rino sa-
kam acariyakam uggahety^ &cikkhissanti desessanti paMft-
pessanti patthapessanti yiyarissanti yibhajissanti utt&nikaris-
santi uppannam parappay^am saha dhammena simiggahttam
1 Y Mare^a, D -tamcitto » D amnatarasmiih * S Mftre ^^ T papica- ^* D ce/>r
me, DS bhikkhu ^3 Y bahussilta i« D samici-/S omits acariyakam ^» D pamn- ^^ SZ
-gahitam i* D bhikkbu, Y yinita ^^ Y -cari^o, ariyakam, 8 acikkbannti » D
desessanti) pamfi-, S nttant ^ S pannasa/or pan' esa ^^ Z esa ha bbaqte, Y papima.
Billy. 2.] THE TEMPTATION OP MARA. 77
niggahety& sappfttih&riyam dhammam desessantiti. Etarahi
kho pana bhante up&sak^ Bhagavato s&vak& viyatt^ vmit&
YiB&rad& bahussutA dhammadhar& dhammanudbammapati-
panii& 8&micipatipann£l anudbammac&rino sakaiii ^cariyakaiii
uggahetv& Acikkbanti desenti pannapenti pattbapenti viva-
ranti vibbajanti uttlLnikaroiiti uppannam parappav^daih saba
dhammena suniggabitam niggabetva sappatib^riyam dbam-
mam desenti^ parinibb&tu d&ni bbante Bbagav^ parinibb&tu
Sugato, parinibb&nakalo d&ni bbante Bbagavato, bbetsita kbo
pan* es& bbante BbagavateL \kck. "Na, tsLvabam papima
parinibb&yissslmi y&va me up^ika na s&vika bbavissanti
yiyatt& Tinitd. vissLradS. babussutal dbammadbard dbammsl-
nudbanunapatipanna samicipatipannd. anudbammacsiriniyo
sakam ftcariyakam uggabetvsl acikkbissanti desessanti panfid-
pessanti pattbapessanti vivarissanti vibbajissanti uttanikaris-
santi uppannam parappavadaih saba dbammena suniggabitam
niggabetvA sappatibariyam dbammaih desessantiti. Etarabikbo
pana bbante updsikd Bbagavato savika viyatta vinita visaradi
bahu88ut& dbammadbar^ dbammanudbammapatipanna sami-
oipatipann& anudbammacariniyo sakam acariyakaiii uggabetveL
ftcikkbanti desenti pannapenti pattbapenti vivaranti vibba-
janti utt&nikaronti uppannam parappavadaih saba dhammena
suniggabitam niggabetva sappatibariyam dbammaih desenti,
parinibbsltu dani bbante Bbagava parinibbatu Sugato, pari-
nibb&nakalo d&ni bbante Bbagavato, bbasita kbo pan' esd
bhante Bbagavata vaca. Na tavabam papima parinibbayis-
8&mi y&va me imam brabmacariyam na iddbaii c'eva bbavis-
aati pbitan ca vittbarikaih babujannaih puthubbutaiii, yavad
eva manussebi suppakasitan ti. Etarabi kbo pana bhante
Bhagavato brabmacariyaiii iddbafi e'eva pbitan ca vittbari-
kam b&bujannam putbubbiitaih yavad eva manussebi suppa-
k&dtaihy parinibbatu dani bhante BhagavS. parinibbatu
Sugato, parinibb&nak&lo dani bhante Bbagavato ti. Evam
YUtte BbagavA Malraih pslpimantam etad avoca. Appossukko
* D sappa^i-, D desessanti * S vinita * Y -car i no ^ S vivaranati ** D desessanti
» Y B<ig«to " D savaka i* S ucikkhanti, D pamfi- ^^ S vinita ^o S -carii^iyo ^ DSZ
iddham '^ D pitam, bahujaiiiiiam ^^ SZ -kasitam ^^ DY Bhagavati, SZ -cariya,
DSYZ iddham, D pitaii ^^ 1) -jamnam, S -bhutam ^^ D omitt dani.
78 MAHAPABnOBBAXASTTTAi [Bkav. i.
tram papima bohi, naciram Tathagataasa parmibbftnaib
bhayissati, ito tinnam mas4nam accayena Tathigato parimb-
baTissatiti.
Atha kho BhagaT& C&pale cetiye sato sampaj&no ftyusan-
kharam ossaji, oseatthe ca BhagaTato ^yusankhare mah&bhik*
miealo ahosi bhimsanako lomahamsano deTadundubhiyo ca
phalimsu. Atha kho BhagaT& etam attham Tiditrft tAyam
velayam imam udanam udanesi,
Tulam atulan ca sambhaTam bhavasankharam arassaji muni,
Ajjhattarato samahito abhida kavacam W attasambhavan ti.
Atha kho iyasmato Anandassa etad ahod. Acchariyam
vata bho abbhutam Tata bho mahi Tatayam bhumic&Io
somaha vat4yam bhumicalo bhimsanako salomahamso deva*
dundubhiyo ca phalimsu, ko nu kho hetu ko paccayo mahato
bhumicalassa patubhavayati ? Atha kho &yasm& Anando
yena Bhagava ten' upasankami, upasankamitvi BhagaTantam
abhivadetva ekamantam nisidi, ekamantam nisinno kho
^yasm^ Anando Bhagavantaih etad avoca. Acchariyam
bhante abbhutam bhante maha vatayam bhante bhumic&lo
sumaha vatayam bhante bhumicalo bhimsanako salomahamso
devadundubhiyo ca phalimsu, ko nu kho bhante beta ko
paccayo mahato bhumicalassa patubhavs^yati ? Attha kho
ime Ananda hetQ attha paccaya mahato bh(imic41assa p&ta-
bhav^ya, katame attha ? Ayam Ananda mah&pathaTi udake
patitthita udakaih rate patitthitam rato akasattho hoti, so
kho Ananda samayo yam maharatsk T^yanti mah&y&t4
y4yant4 udakam kampenti udakam kampitam pathavim
kampeti, ayam pathamo hetu pathamo paccayo mahato
bhCkmi:alassa patubhavaya. Pnna ca param Ananda samayo
y^ hoti bdLhmano \k iddhima cetovasippatto deyat& y&
mahiddhik^ mahanubhava yassa paritt4 pathayisanM bh&yit&
< T tinnam ^ D ossattbo, S -bhnmi- < Ybhimsanaki * T -sankh&ram onajt mimi
{evrreeted from oasaji), D -sankhara oesaji, DSY ayaasaji muni >* ZS abhidadi,
D abbida kacammicatta-, T sambbaran ^^ T sumabatil Tail ratayam " the four
Sinhaieu MSS. read pdtnbbavdva deyadundubbinaii ca pbalitun ti : the addition
it an evident fflo9$, and it not in the Burmese MS. ** DS ko for kbo ** D8YZ
hetu ** D patbavi /or mahapatbaTi *« Y santi for Tajanti, Z mabaTatd *^ aftw
kampenti Y ineerti pathavirh and SZ patbarijam >* S samano ^ D omiU Ti
after brihmaoo *> 8YZ pa^han-, DSZ -samfia.
BHiy. 2.] THE EIGHT CAUSES OF EARTHQUAKES. 79
hoti appam&n&, &posaiiii& so imam patbavim kampeti sankam-
peti sampakampeti sampavedheti, ayam dutiyo hetu dutiyo
paccayo mahato bhiimic&lassa patubb&v&ya. Puna ca paraih
Ananda yadsL bodhisatto Tusitd k^ya cavitv^ sato sampaj&no
m&tukucchim okkamati tadd 'yam patbavi kampati sahkam-
pati sampakampati sampayedhati, ayam tatiyo hetu tatiyo
paccayo mabato bbiimicalassa p4tubbavd.ya. Puna ca param
Ananda yad& bodbisatto sato sampaj&no m&tukuccbism&
nikkbamati tad§. 'yam patbavi kampati sankampati sam-
pakampati sampavedbati, ayam catuttbo betu catuttbo pac-
cayo mabato bbtimicsLlassa p&tubb&v^ya. Puna ca param
Ananda yadd Tatbagato anuttaram samm&sambodbim abbi-
sambujjbati tadd. 'yaiii patbavi kampati sankampati sampak-
ampati s^mpavedbati, ayam pancamo betu paficamo paccayo
mabato bbumicalassa patubbslvElya. Puna ca param Ananda
yad& Tatb&gato anuttaram dbammacakkam pavatteti tad4
'yam patbavi kampati sankampati sampakampati sampave-
dbati, ayaiii cbattbo betu cbattbo paccayo mabato bbumica-
lassa p&tubbavslya. Puna ca param Ananda yada Tatbagato
sato sampajano &yusankb&ram ossajjati tad si 'y^^ patbavi
kampati sankampati sampakampati sampavedbati, . ayam
sattamo betu sattamo paccayo mabato bbiimicalassa p4tubb&-
v&ya. Puna ca param Ananda yadd TatbS,gato anup&disesaya
nibbslnadbsLtuyd parinibbsiyati tada 'yam patbavi kampati
sankampati sampakampati sampavedbati, ayam attbamo betu
attbamo paccayo mabato bbtimicalassa patubbd.vayslti. Ime
kbo Ananda attba betu attba paccaya mabato bbumic&lassa
patubb&v&yati.
Attba kbo im& Ananda parish, katamsl attba P kbattiya-
paris& brd,bmanaparisa gabapatiparisa samanaparis^ c&tum-
mab&rSjikaparis& tavatimsaparisS, m&raparissl brabmaparisA.
Abbijan&mi kbo pan&bam Ananda anekasataih kbattiyapari-
sam upasankamitv^ tatra pi may& sannisinnapubban c'eva
» D -samfia, S yo for so * D okkamtti ' SZ mabato, Y pdna » SYZ pathavi
" D pftna " SY pathavi " SZ -vedheti »« S bhumi- " S pathavi »8 S bhurai-
i» D p^na ^ D ossajati, Y pathavi '^ D omiU kampati, Z sampavedhati ^ D
<mxU yada, Y pathavi »« DSYZ hetu » Y at^h* ima, D me /or kbo 3o Ysamana-
** DY sannisinnapabbam eva.
(^ XAHlPARDaEBAXASUTTAX. [BkAn. 2.
Ballapitapubbail ca sakaccha ca 6aiii&pajjitapabb&, tattha y&di-
tmko teKaih vai^no hoti tadisako mayham vanno hoti y&disako
tefKiih Haro hoti tadisako mayham saro hod, dhammiyi ca
kath&ya sandassemi gamidapemi samattejemi sampahamsemi,
b)ja«am^nafi ca mam na j&nanti, ko nu kho aj^am bhftsati devo
v^ rrmnui>8o va ? ti ; dhammiy& ca katbava RandafwetvA samftda-
IHiivk Hamuttejetva 8ampaham6etT& antaradh&y&miy antarahi-
taji ca main na j4iianti ko nu kho ayam antarabito devo y&
ixmnuHHO va ? ti. Abhij4n4mi kho panaham Ananda anekasa-
tuiii br^hrnanaparisani . . pe . . gahapatiparisam samanaparisam
c&tummab&r&jikaparisam t&vatimsaparisam m&raparisam brah-
inaparisaih upusankamitv^ tatra pi may& sannisinnapubbafL
c'cva 8uliupitapubbail ca sakacch& ca sam&pajjitapubb&, tattha
ytkdiHuko leBuih vanno hoti t&disako mayham vanno hoti
yHdiHako tcHuni saro hoti t^isako mayham saro hoti, dham-
iuiy& ca kutli&ya saiidassemi samsLdapemi samuttejemi sampa-
huiimomi, bhiisum&nuii ca mam na j&nanti, ko nu kho ayam
bhiUati dovo \k manusso v& P ti ; dhammiy& ca kath&ya
Hau(luHHi)tv& 8uniildupctv& samuttejetvd sampahamsetv& anta^
radhiiyilnii, anturuliitafl ca mam na j&nanti, ko nu kho
tiyitiii autaruhito devo vd manusso v^P ti. Im& kho Ananda
u^thu pariHft.
Attha kho initini Ananda abhibh&yatan&ni,katam&niatthaP
Ajjhattaiii vupasanfii eko bahiddbcL rClp&ni passati paritt&ni
8uvan^uidiibbunnaui, t&ui abhibhuyya j&n&mi pass&mtti evam-
mii\i\i hoti, iduiii })athamum abhibhtLyatanam. Ajjhattam
ri\|uiMai\Ai oko bahiddha nlpaui passati appam&nslni suvanna-
dubl)inn,u\iu, taui abhibhuyya ji\ndmi pass&miti evamsailiii
hoti, iihuii dutiyarn abhibhayatanaiu. Ajjhattam ariipasafifii
oko l^ihiddh^ ri\|^\ui passtiti jxiritti^ni suvannadubbaQn&ni,
tAui ubhiMuiyya jauami jKissiimiti evaiiisaiiiii hoti, idam
tativaiU abhihluUatanaia. Ajjhattam ardpasanni eko bahid*
ilhtl n\)k\ui )msti)ati apj>tuua\i&ni suva^nadubbajyin&niy t&ni
^»u^^v*m cv* ** \^ v*maiviMiu»i\ jmbK* '* UY ^wi- oa *' D omits mam *' Y a|^'
81
Art. V. — The BrhaUSahhit&i or, Complete System of Natural
Astrology of Vardha-mihira, Translated from Sanskrit
into English by Dr. H. Keri^.
{Continued from Vol. VI. p. 338.)
Chapter LXV.
Siffns of Ooats,
1. I will tell the lucky and evil signs of goats. Such as
have eight, nine, or ten teeth, are lucky, and may be kept ;
such as have seven teeth, should be removed.
2. A black circle on the right side of a white goat is a
favourable mark. Likewise a white circle on the right side
of one having the colour of an elk, of sable hue, or red.^
3. The udderlike part hanging down from the neck of
goats is known by the name of "neck ornament."* A
goat with one dewlap brings happiness ; extremely lucky are
those having two or three dewlaps.
4. All goats without horns, and those that are entirely
white or entirely black, promise good. Lucky also are such
as are half black, half white ; or half russet, half black.
5. A goat that marches in front of the flock, and the
first that plunges into water, — that has the head white, or
blazes^ on the forehead, — is favourable.*
* Or " dark red."
' Anglice dewlap or wen. Manx is taken in the gense of Latin
monilej Norse men. Old Saxon meni ; it is well known that the same
acceptation is very common in Vedic writings.
' Utpala reads kfttikd instead of tikkikd, explaining it by tilakdh.
The word krttikd, evidently in the acceptation of '' blaze, star, white
dot," occurs also in the CrautasCktra of K&ty&yana 20, 1, 34, where
kfttikdnji is interpreted by the commentator in this way: Skprl^l
V^dQl^ '^^ ^fWT% M^lt^gllUf. The man understood the general
purport, but was evidently unacquainted with the technical meaning of
kfttikd.
* A goat of this description is termed kuttaka ; see below, st. 9.
VOL. vn. — [nbw sbbibs.] 6
82 THE b^hat-saSthitA.
6. One that has the neck or head speckled, the colour of
pounded sesamum, and the eyes red, is esteemed of good
augury. Likewise a white one with black legs^ or a black
one with white legs.^
. 7. A white goat with black testicles and a black patch in
the middle, or one whose step is resounding and slow^ is
auspicious.^
8. A goat with horns and feet like an elk's, or white in
the forepart and black behind, promises good.' About this
matter there is a stanza of Garga's, running as follows :
9. C' The various kinds of goats denominated) Kuttaka,
Kutila (or Kuttika), Jatila and Y&mana, are all four children
to Fortune, that do not dwell in places from whence she has
fled."
10. Inauspicious are such goats as have a voice like a
donkey, a wretched tail, misshapen claws, a bad colour,
stunted ears, an elephant's head, or a black palate and
tongue.
11. Such as have a colour and dewlap of favourable ap-
pearance, are hornless and red-eyed, will, when properly
attended to in the dwellings of men, yield pleasure, renown,
and fortune.
Chapter LXVI.
Signs of Horses.
1. A courser will be perfect in all its limbs, when the neck
is long, the prominences above the eyes* extensive, the rump
' Such goats go by the name of kutila. ^
' An animal of this description is called ja^a.
' The term for it is vdmana.
* In a quotation, not unlikely from Parftqara, we find a definition of
akihik^fa :
THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 83
and heart broad, the palate, lips and tongue red, the skin,
hair and tail fine, the hoofs well formed, the pace and face
good, the ears, lips and tail short, the legs, knees and thighs
round, the teeth equal and white, the shape and appearance
nice. Such a horse kept by the king will always tend to the
destruction of the foe.
2. (Turnings in the hair) under the eyes, on the jaws,
cheeks, heart, throat, nose, temple, hip, abdomen, knee,
scrotum, navel, shoulder, or breech, and on the left (or
" right '') loin or leg, are ill-omened.^
3. Turnings of hair on the muzzle, throat, ears, back,
eyes, lips, haunches, forelegs, loins, flanks, along with those
on the brow, are of very good augury.^
4. Amongst them there is one "constant turning" on
the muzzle, one in the hairs of the forehead, two on the
^41fifti '^T^:^ cwmr^ ^ ^rm^: i
' In a work on horsecraft, ascribed to K&tya Vararuci, and cited at
large by Utpala, we read the following :
The term ^c|iij| is defined in another quotation (probably from
Parft9ara) :
' Comm. : Tl^fT^ ^wf^*
84 THE BRHAT-SANHITA.
groins, two on the adjoining parts/ two on the head, and
two on the breast.'
5. A colt is marked by six white teeth, which become
tawny when the horse is two years old; at three years it
loses, and (at four years) recovers its middlemost incisors;
at five (and six) years the eyeteeth. The same teeth will
after every subsequent period of three years become darkish,
yellow, white, coloured like black salt, wax, conch-shell,
become hollow, slack, and at length fall out.»
Chapter LXVII.
Signs of Elephants,
1, Elephants with tusks of the colour of honey, with
well-proportioned body, being neither too fat nor too lean,
fit for use, with even members, a back curved like a bow,
and buttocks like those of a boar, are denominated Bhadra
{i.e. well-favoured).
2. The characteristics of the species called Manda {i.e.
dull) are : a slack breast, slack folds on the waist, a paunch-
belly, a thick skin and neck, a huge loin and root of the tail,
and the look of a lion.
I am unacquainted with the English terms.
' The corresponding passage from Par^ara has : ?^ VTT^nTt I
THE brhat-saShitI. 85
3. The elephants of the species Mrga (i.e. deer) have the
Up, tail and penis shorty the feet, neck, tusks, trunk and ears
small, the eyes large. The sort called Sankirna (i.e. mixed)
shows the characteristics of those before described inter-
mingled.
4. The height of the Mrga is five cubits, the length
seven, the circumference eight. These numbers increased
by one are those of the Manda ; by two, of the Bhadra.
The " mixed " elephant has no fixed measure.
5. The colour of the Bhadra's frontal juice is green ; of
the Manda's, turmeric hued ; of the Mrga's, sable ; of the
mixed elephant's, mixed.
6. 7. Auspicious are such elephants as have the lips,
palate and mouth red ; the eyes like a sparrow's ; the tusks
smooth and turned up at the extremity ; the face broad and
long; the backbone arched, long, not protruding, and lying
deep ; the frontal globes like a tortoise's back, and covered
with thin and scanty hairs ; the ears, jaws, nave^, front and
genitals big; the claws convex, to the number of eighteen
or twenty ; the trunk round and covered with three lines ;
the hairs of the tail nice ; the frontal juice, and the wind
from the trunk's point, of good odour.
'8. Elephants with a long finger ^ and a red point of the
trunk, with a voice like the din of rainclouds, and with a
big, long and round neck, bring luck to the king.
9. But elephants devoid of frontal juice; having too
many or too few claws and limbs ; crooked, undersized, with
tusks similar to ram's horns ; with prominent testicles ;
lacking the extremity of the trunk; having the palate
dusky, dark-blue, spotted or black ; with small tusks or no
tusks at all ; or without sex ; those, as well as a female
elephant that shows some characteristics of the male, and
one that is pregnant, should the king order to be re-
moved to another place, as they produce very dire conse-
quences.
^ Comm.: ^flfRt 'ITin^ ^^Ntj^f^^^^qi'^ : I W:W[^ M
86 THE BRHAT-SAfTHITA.
Chapter LXVni.
Signs of Men.
1. By duly observing the height, weight, gait, compact-
ness, temperament, colours, sleekness, voice, natural character,
physiognomy, division of limbs,^ and complexion, the skilled
soothsayer may reveal the past and the future.
2. Feet not sweaty, hued like the calix of a lotus, warm,
curved like a tortoise^s back, with soft soles, connected toes,
bright and red nails, well-shaped heels and no projecting
ancles, are those of a monarch.^
3« Feet shaped like a winnowing basket, rough, with
whitish nails, crooked, covered with veins, meagre, with
toes standing far from each other, bring poverty and pain.
Feet elevated in the middle are fit for travelling ; tawny ones
lead to the extirpation of the lineage ; feet with soles of the
hue of burnt clay cause Brahman murder ; yellow ones go to
forbiddea ground,'
83. Any limb being coarse, lean and covered with veins,
» Cf. ch. Ixx. 24-26.
The translation from st. 4-82 is here omitted, as it affords very little
THE BRHAT-SAfirHITi. 87
is pronounced ill-favoured; in the contrary case entirely
auspicious.
84. Three parts of a king's body should be broad ; three
others deep ; six lofty ; four short ; seven red ; five long and
fine.
85. Navel, voice and character — these three should men
have deep. Breast, forehead and face — these three being
broad ifl a happy sign in men.
86. The six members (which should be) lofty are breast,
girdle, nails, nose, face, and raised part of the neck. The
four limbs that bestow benefits by being short, are penis,
back, neck and legs.
87. The outer comer of the eye, feet, hands, palate, lips,
tongue and nails — these seven, to be sure, bring happiness
by being red. Five parts, viz. teeth, finger-joints, hair, skin
and nails, being fine,^ are proper to happy .people.
- 88. Jaws, eyes, arms, nose and the space between the paps
— these five will not be long in men, unless they be kings.*
interest, and as some stanzas are coached in a language too free to
be decent in an English garb. It may be noticed that the signs of
beauty, such as described in this chapter, generally agree with the
32 lakshanas and 80 anuvyanjanas of the ideal image of Buddha ;
e.g. sunigddhagulpha in st. 2 corresponds with gUdhagulpha in Lalita-
vistara 122, 17 ; ruciratdmranakha in the same stanza and st. 41 with
tdmranakha of C&kya ; and so forth. Cf. Bumouf, Lotus de la bonne
loi, 583, sqq. Any distinction between lakshana and anuvyanjana is
unknown to our author.
' In the text read ^^if^, of course*
^ Utpala quotes from Garga :
^n^ ^T^^ ftw^ ^injf ^^wft ^^^ift ^pft I
88 THE BRHAT-SANHITA.
On Complexion.
89. Let those who are able to predict the future from
the marks on the body, observe the complexion of men,
quadrupeds and birds, as it announces lucky jand unlucky
consequences. For it is like the shining of a lamp within a
crystal jar, revealing the qualities of the inward light to the
outside.
90. A complexion that originates in the element of earth
Ri<f^^ <^*ii^
^r^
^TfWTT:
ifw^i^tfi^;
WW 'Np^ ^rrft f^S'f^ ^mrft" iTOT
fl^fl^M iRN iNi^
^ni^^ firf^: wf%^: inranl i
tWrBRrnj
inranl
THE BRHAT-SAAHItA. 89
manifests itself in the sleekness of teeth, skin, nails, hairs
on the body and the head/ and is connected with a sweet
smell. It causes contentment, acquisition of wealth,, bliss
and daily progress in virtue.
91. A complexion due to the element of water is smooth,
white or clear yellow, and delightful to the eye. It gives
affection, meekness, pleasure and bliss. Like a mother it
causes that wants get fulfilled, and grants to mortals its bene-
ficial effects.
92. The " fiery " complexion is harsh and fierce, showing
like red lotus, gold or fire. Allied with energy, valour and
ardour, it leads men to victory, and effects that the object
aimed at is soon attained.
93. A complexion derived from the element of wind will
be smutty, coarse, black and of bad odour; it engenders
death, captivity, sickness, misery and loss of wealth. A
complexion arising from the aerial element shows like
crystal, is bright, very noble, allied with good fortune, and
a treasury, so to say, of felicity.
94. The complexions enumerated are the products, sever-
ally, of earth, water, fire, wind and sky. Some teach that
there are ten of them, to wit (besides the foregoing), those
derived from the Sun, Vishnu, Indra, Yama, and the Moon,
successively. In their characteristics and effects, however,
they are, to state it briefly, equal to the others.
On Voice.
95. Kings have voices resembling the sound of an elephant,
buU, host of chariots, battle-drum, tabor, lion or thunder.
A voice like a donkey's, or broken and harsh, is proper to
men deprived of wealth and enjoyments.
On Temperament,
96. There are seven constituents of temperament: fat,
marrow, skin, bone, sperm, blood, and flesh. The effects of
* Read «%qT7n7T-
90 THE brhat-sa:^hit1.
the different temperaments of men may be stated, in short,
as follows :
97. Those in whose temperament blood is the prerailing
element hare the palate, lips, gams, tongrie, onter eye-
comers, anns, hands and feet red, and are blessed with many
enjoyments, wires, goods and sons.
98. Persons with a smooth skin are rich men ; those who
haye the skin soft, will be beloTcd ; intelligent men haye it
thin. Those in whom marrow or fat prevails, are possessed
of a handsome form, and rich in sons and goods.
99. A man in whom the bones predominate, has thick
bones, is strong, an accomplished scholar and good-looking^.
Men with much and heavy sperm are happy husbands,
learned and handsome.
100. One in whose constitution flesh plays the foremost
part, is corpulent, learned, wealthy and comely. The being
well knit of the joints is called compactness. It is a cha-
racteristic of a man enjoying a good fortune.
101. Five parts ought to show a sleeky appearance, viz.
mouth, tongue, teeth, eyes and nails. They are sleek with
men rich in sons, wealth and popularity ; rough with the
poor.
On Colour,
102. A bright, sleek colour is proper to kings ; the same,
but in inferior degree, marks persons possessing sons and
wealth ; a coarse colour is proper to indigent people.
On Phymgnomy.
103. The peculiar character implied by one's physiogno-
mical appearance, must be studied from the countenance.
Those who have a face like a buU, tiger, lion or sun-eagle,
are endowed with irresistible valour, and monarchs conquer-
ing foes.
104. Men with countenances like a monkey, bu£Sdo, boar
or buck, are owners of sons, riches and happiness. Persons
marked by faces and forms resembling those of asses and
camels have neither wealth nor enjoyment.
THE BeHAT-SAlJHITA. 91
On Height.
105. The number of digits which make the measure of
men's height is, for the tallest, 108 ; for those of middle
height, 96 ; for the shortest, 84.
On Weight.
106. A man living in happy circumstances weighs half a
bh&ra {^^IQQO palas) ; an unhappy man less than that. One
bh&ra is the weight of very well to do people; one and
a half, that of monarchs.
107. A female has her full weight and height at twenty
years of age, but a male at twenty-five years, or else in the
fourth period of life.^
On Natural Character.
108. Man is bom with a character that is congenial to
earth, water, fire, wind, aether, gods, men, giants, imps or
beasts. The marks are the following :
109. A man of the nature proper to earth has the odour
of fragrant flowers, is liberal in sharing with his fellow-
creatures, of sweet breath, and constant. One of a watery
genius is in the habit of drinking much water, fond of
Women, and relishes liquids.
110. A man of the nature of fire is fickle, very keen,
cruel, hungry and gluttonous. One of the nature proper to
wind is restless, lean, and soon swayed by anger.
^ The words of the text are clear in themselves, but convey no dis-
tinct meaning. The Comm. says : ^sfVHnfHPl ^"^T^f'^^ ^ *f!i?t-
how can it be said that any person may grow in height after his fortieth
year? It may be supposed that the author had only in view the
weight. As to the interpretation of the commentator, it is wholly
wrong ; the four periods are t|lp[| (infancy), IH^I||4 (boyhood), ^Cn^T^
(prime of age), and the fourth '^pVFT^ TT^^- The ^l^^Pf coincides
with the juvenilis aetas of the Romans, and extends to the fortieth
year ; cf. Su^ruta, i. 129.
92 THE BRHAT-SATHTTA.
111. One of aetherial nature is ingenious, lias an open
face, is skilled in the knowledge of aoimdsy and porous of
his body. A man who has the genius of gods will be
generous, placable and affectionate.
112. A person of the genius of mortals delights in song
and finery, and is always ready to share with his fellow-
creatures.
113. One endowed with the character of giants is irascible,
knavish, and wicked. One who is congenerous with imps
will be fickle, dirty, talkatire and yery plump of body.
114. One that is timid, greedy and voracious, you may
take to be a man of bestial character. Such is the different
nature of men which by the soothsayers is called ''the
character."
On Gait.
115. In gait kings resemble tigers, swans, elephants in
rat, bulls and peacocks. Likevrise persons whose pace is
noiseless and quiet will be great lords; while the step of
poor fellows is swift and skipping.
116. A carriage when tired ; a meal when hungry ; drink
when vexed by thirst; a guard when in danger — the man
who can command these things in time is called fortunate,
indeed, by those skilled in telling a man's character and
future from the marks on his person.
117. Herewith have I, with (due) attention to the opinions
of the Sages,^ succinctly expounded the signs of men. He
who studies it will become esteemed by the king and a
favourite with everybody.
' That is, in other irords : " myself am not responsible for any
statement." Appealing to the Sages is usnal with onr author whenever
he wishes to disburden himself from responsibility. Utpala foils not to
make a similar observation : M^4)^H|^1|f ^^ lrfi!l|Tlt '^TCfT "Wt-
ftffj wwrt jui ^^ (Ch. ix. 7)" ^iri fiRrJ ^^t^tpv: jij^iii-
THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 93
Chapter LXIX.
Signs of the Five Oreat Men.
1. By the planets being powerful, standing in their own
asterisms, in their culmination, or in the centres {i,e, the first,
fourth, seventh and tenth houses), will be bom the five
exalted personages I am now going to speak of.
2. By Jupiter being in its power will be bom (the per-
sonage denominated) Hansa ; by Saturn, the man Qa9a ; by
Mars, the Bucaka ; by Mercury, the Bhadra ; and by Venus,
the M&lavya.
3. 4. The person's character, in its fulness, derives from
the Sun (in full power) ; the qualities of body and mind,
from the Moon's power. Moreover, the man will show the
same characteristics with (the lord of) any subdivision Sun
and Moon happen to stand in; so that he will agree in
temperament, elements, nature, complexion, colour, cha-
racter, shape, etc.^ When the Sun and Moon, while occupy-
ing such and such a subdivision, are weak, the persons to be
born will have characteristics of a mixed nature.
5. From Mars comes spirit ; from Mercury weight ; from
Jupiter the voice; from Venus grace; from Saturn the
colour.* The qualities will be good or bad, according to
the planets being well or ill circumstanced.
6. Persons with qualities of mixed nature will not be-
come sovereigns, but have a similar course of life and become
happy men. The differences arise from the benign planets
{i.e. full moon. Mercury, Jupiter and Venus) being stationed
in the house of their enemy, or in descension, or from their
being looked at by the evil planets.
7. The length and stretch of the Hansa ^ is of 96 digits.
^ For the dhdtu or sdra, cf. Bfh. J&taka, ii. 11 : for the five elements,
6 ; for the character and shape, 8-11 ; for the colour, 5.
' Cf. Brh. jataka, ii. 1.
' ue, what we call Phenix, metaphorically.
94 THE B?HAT-SA*HITi.
The personages going by the names of Qa9a, Kucakay
Bhadra and Msllavya, are each taller than the preceding by
three digits.
8. A person in whom the quality of goodness predomi-
nates will possess charity, steadiness, uprightness of cha-
racter and piety to Gods and Brahmans. One in whom the
quality of passion is uppermost will have the mind addicted
to poetry, art, sacrifices and women, besides being a great
hero.
9. He in whom the quality of gloom prevails will be a
cheat, stupid, lazy, irascible and sleepy. As the qualities of
goodness, passion and gloom may be differently combined,
there will be seven kinds of persons with mixed characters,
bating the minor varieties.
10. The M&lavya will be marked by arms resembling an
elephant's trunk, and by hands reaching to the knees. His
members and joints are fleshy ; he has a well-proportioned
and neat frame, and a slender waist. His face, of oblong
form, measures thirteen digits, the transverse measure be-
tween the ears being three digits less. He has fiery eyes,
comely cheeks, even and white teeth, and not too thick lips,
11. Having by his valour obtained wealth, he will, resid-
ing in the recesses of Mount Palriyjltra, reign as a wise king
over MMava, Bharoach, Surashtra, Lslta, Sindh, and so forth.
12. This Mallavya will at the age of seventy years piously
depart from life at a place of pilgrimage. — Having in due
form indicated the characteristics of this man, I now pro-
ceed to mention those of the others.
13. The man Bhadra is marked by having the arms thick,
equal, round and long ; his length is equal to the stretch of
his arms from one side to the other ; his cheeks are covered
with soft, small and dense hairs.
14. In his constitution skin and sperm are predominant ;
his breast is broad and thick ; his prevailing quality is good-
ness. He has a tiger-like face, is steadfast, forbearing,
virtuous, grateful; he has the pace of an elephant, and
knows many sciences.
15. He is sagacious, handsome, clever in the arts, con-
THE brhat-saJthitI. 95
stanty an adept at ascetic phflosophy ; has the forehead and
temples well-shaped ; the loins likewise ; the hands and feet
hued like the lotus calix ; the nose fine ; the eyebrows even
and well-knit.
16. His person smells like earth when moist from fresh
rain^ or cassia-leaf, saffron, frontal juice of elephants, agal-
lochum. The hair of his head is black, curled, and such
that each single hair has its own pore. Sicut equi yel
elephantis, pudenda ejus non conspicua.
17. His hands and feet are marked by the figure of a
plough, pestle, club, sword, conch-shell, quoit, elephant,
sea-monster, lotus, chariot. His imperiousness will be fully
experienced by his people, for, self-willed as he is, he does
not spare even his own kin.
18. Should his length come to 84 digits, and his weight
to one bhdra, then he will be lord over the Middle country ;
but if he have the full measure implied in the words " taller
by three digits" (st. 7), he will be emperor of the whole
country.
19. After dutifully ruling the country he acquired by his
bravery, the Bhadra, at eighty years of age, will depart
from life at a place of pilgrimage, and go to heaven.
20. The Qa9a will have somewhat projecting, otherwise
fine teeth, fine nails, blubber eyes ; a swift pace ; he takes
delight in science, mining and trade ; has full cheeks ; is
false ; a good general ; fond of love's sport and partial to
other men's wives ; restless, valorous, obedient to his mother,
and attached to woods, hills, rivers and wildernesses.
21. The same (^sl^sl is suspicious, and a keen observer of
another's weak points. He is 92 digits in length, and, not
being very heavy, has a soft step. The chief constituent of
his body is marrow.
22. His waist is slender ; the lines on his hands and feet
show the figures of a buckler, sword, lute, couch, garland,
drum, trident, and run in an upward direction.
23. This Qaga will be a border chieftain or provincial
governor. His body afflicted with colic or a fistula on the
buttocks, he will, seventy years old, reach Yama s home.
96 THE BRHAT-SANHITA.
24. The marks of the Hansa are : the mouth red ; the
face gold-coloured, and showing thick cheeks and an ele-
vated nose ; the head round ; the eyes honey like ; the nails
wholly red; the figures (formed by the lines on hands and
feet) similar to garlands, fillets, elephant's hooks, conch-
shells, intertwined fishbraces, sacrificing implements, water-
pots and lotuses ; the voice sweet as a swan's ; the feet
well-shaped ; the senses subdued.
25. He delights in water ; the predominant constituent
in him is sperm ; his weight comes to 1600 palas, whereas
his length, according to the statement of the Sages, will be
96 digits.
26. The Hansa will possess the country of Khasa,
Qdrasena, Gslndh&ra, and the land between the Ganges and
Jamna. After exercising the royal power for 90 years,^ he
will meet death within a wood.
27. (The worthy Rucaka by name) will have good eye-
brows and hairs ; a red-tinged dusky colour ; a neck marked
with three folds like a shell ; an oblong face. He is brave,
cruel, an egregious counsellor, a chief of robbers, and a
practised soldier.
28. The measure of Eucaka's face, in length, being taken
four times, gives the measure of his middle. His skin is
thin ; in his temperament blood and flesh are the chief parts.
He is a killer of foes, and attains his objects by dint of
reckless audacity.
29. His hands and feet are marked with figures like a
club, lute, bull, bow, thunderbolt, spear, moon and trident.
He shows piety towards his guruSy to Brahmans and deities.
His length is a hundred digits ; his weight a thousand palas.
30. He is an adept in charms and spells, and has thin
knees and legs. When this Rucaka has reigned as king
' This is evidently a mistake of the author's ; he certainly means,
"at ninety years of age the H. will die," but his words convey quite a
different meaning^. Better in the S^r&vall : ^^it^Vlt ?1|^^4l#|f
^^rn9[^rr% ^^^Hr ^l^l^- it must, however, be noticed that the
author of the S&r&vali is posterior to Var&ha-mihinu
THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 97
over the Vindhya, Sahyagiri and Ujein, he will, on reaching
seventy years, find his death by the sword or fire.
31. There are five other men, who will be the attendants
of the fore-mentioned monarchs, viz. Vamanaka, Jaghanya,
Kubja, Mandalaka and S&min.^ Now listen by what tokens
these men, generally called the " mixed ones," are character-
ized.
32. Y&manaka is corpulent, hunchbacked, and somewhat
broad in the middle and between the armpits. He will be a
famous servant of king Bhadra, prosperous, liberal in giving,
and devoted to V&sudeva.
33. He called Jaghanya will be a servant to M&lavya.
His ears are similar to a crescent ; the joints of his body are
good ; sperm is the principal part of his temperament ; he
is a denunciator, a poet, rough of skin, and has gross hands
and fingers.
34. The same Jaghanya will be cruel, rich, of comprehen-
sive* intellect, generally famous, red of complexion, and a
jocose fellow. On his breast, feet and hands, he shows the
figure pf a sword, spear, noose and axe.
35. 36. As to the man of the name of Kubja, he shows
no defects in the lower members, but is somewhat shrunk in
the forepart of the body and crooked. He will be an at-
tendant on Hansa, an atheist, rich, learned, brave, an
informer, grateful, ingenious in arts, quarrelsome, have
plenty of retainers, and be wife-ridden. This said Kubja,
always stirring, will on a sudden leave this world to which
he was so much attached.
37. He named Mandalaka will be a follower of Kucaka's,
an adept in spells, clever, and devoted to acts of witchcraft,
ghost-banning and the like, and to sciences.
38. He looks elderly, has rough and coarse hair, is able
in destroying enemies, devoted to the Brahmans, deities,
religious worship and ascetic philosophy ; swayed by his
wife, and intelligent.
' Also savin.
' It IS not a little curious that in one codex of the Comm. i|imif?f
is explniued by ^^dfj!* in the other by 7Yf[|^f^.
TOL. YII. — [nBW BSRIBS.] 7
98 THE BRHAT-SANHITA.
39. As to S&min, he will be a retainer to Qbl^bl, very mis-
shapen of body, liberal in giving, and a man that performs
deeds by powerful enterprise. For the rest, he will in his
qualities resemble Qa9a.
Chapter LXX.
Stffns of Women.
1. If one aspire to become lord of the country, let him
marry a girl whose feet . are sleek, elevated, thin at the
extremity, with red nails and ancles equal, not bony, nice
and not protruding ; with connected toes and rosy soles.
2. Of good augury are feet marked with fishes, hooks,
lotuses, barley-corns, thunderbolts, ploughs and swords ; not
sweaty and soft on the soles. So, too, legs not hairy, without
prominent veins, and quite round ; knees even and not fat at
the joints.^
4. Broad, plump and heavy hips to support the girdle,
and a navel deep, large and turned to the right, are held of
good omen in women.
5. A female middle with three folds and not hairy ;
breasts round, close to each other, equal and hard ; a bosom
devoid of hair and soft, and a neck marked with three lines,
bring wealth and joys.
6. A swelling lip hued like the blossom of Pentapetes or
the brilliant Bimba fruit, and equal teeth white as jessamine
buds, are such qualities in wives as will be conducive to the
husband's joy and immense advantage.
7. A tone of voice sweet as the kokila's and swan's,
' Gomm.: cl^STT? ^^^:
The translation of the third stanza is omitted.
THE BRHAT-SASHITI. 99
genteel, sincere, not grovelling, is attended with much happi-
ness. A straight, handsome nose, with even nostrils, and an
eye yieing with the lustre of the petals of the dark lotus,
are esteemed of good foreboding.
8. Auspicious are brows curved like a crescent, not knit
together, not too broad, not hanging. Likewise a forehead
neither low nor lofty, of the shape of a crescent, and not
hairy.
9. They deem it also of good augury that the two ears
are properly thick, soft, equal and close to the head. Hairs
aleek, dark, soft, curled and coming forth one by one from
ihe pores, bring joy ; so does a head of moderate size.^
10. Damsels who bear the following marks on foot or
handpalm attain to the state of queen, viz. waterpots, seats,
horses, elephants, Bilva-fruits, sacrificial posts, arrows, gar-
lands, ear ornaments, chowries, hooks, barleycorns, rocks,
standards, archways, fishes, crosses, altars, fans, conch-shells,
umbrellas, lotuses.
11. Hands with not prominent pulses, and similar in
colour to the inside of young lotuses; with slender fingers
the joints of which are placed far from each other; are
proper to king's wives. A palm neither too flat nor too
rising, and showing good lines, secures to her who owns it
the possession of children, pleasure and wealth, and causes
her to be not widowed for a long time.
12. A line running from the pulse up to the middle finger,
either in a woman's handpalm or a man^s, as well as a line
going upward along the footsole,^ will lead to the joy of
sovereignty,
13. The line that, issuing from below the little finger, runs
to between the fore and middle finger, insures the longest
term of life ; the shorter it is, the shorter will be one's life.
14. At the bottom of the thumb are the lines of progeny.
' The author seems to mean ** a line on the footsole moning from
the heel to the toe.'* . >
100 THE BRHAT-SAliirHITl.
Big lines denote boys ; thin ones girls. Long-lived persons
will have them long and uninterrupted ; short-lived ones,
short and broken off.
15. Herewith has been told what promises good in females ;
anything contrary to it is pronounced evil, I will now
briefly mention the consequences that are particularly
execrable.
16. A wife whose little toe or the one next to it does not
touch the ground, or whose second toe extends beyond the
great toe, is a most vile whore.
17. Legs either lean or ^ too plump, covered with veins,
hairy, with the calves drawn up; a pudendum wry to the
leftward, low and small, and a potlike belly, are proper to
imhappy females.
18. A short neck with a woman announces poverty ; a
long one, the ruin of the family ; a broad and prominent
one, maUgnancy.
19. She who has squint,* or tawny, or grey and fickle
eyes, will be of a bad character, and she who, when smiling,
shows dimples in her cheeks, is pronounced imquestionably
to be an unchaste wife.
20. If the forehead is hanging over, she will kill her
brother-in-law ; is it the belly that projects, she is to kill
her father-in-law; is it the buttocks, her husband. A
^ This is the meaning of ca ; TflTT^ ^•t*
A var. readiog, obviously a bad conjecture, exhibits f^T?rf% ^; futhka
and vimdmsa mean exactly the same.
^ The Gomm. explains kekara by kdcara, a word denoting the oolour
of a cat's eyes in Kathftsarit-sftgara, 65, 162, and 167. It occurs also
In a parallel passage, probably from Garga ; Tf^TT^
It is by no means likely that in this passage kdcara is used in the seose
of -kekara.
THE BRHAT-SjUSrHiri. 101
female being excessively tall, and haying the upper lip
covered with too thick hair, brings no good to her husband.
21. Hairy, smutty looking and lumpish breasts, and un-
equal ears, produce misery. Big, protruding and unequal
teeth bode misery, and black gums thievishness.
22. Hands lean, showing thick veins, unequal, and marked
with figures like beasts of prey, wolves, rooks, herons, worms
and owls, are proper to women deprived of joy and wealth.
23. A female having the upper lip very high, and the hair
coarse at the ends, likes quarrel. Generally speaking, vices
will be found with the ugly, whereas the virtues reside there
where beauty dwells.
On the Division of the Human Body in General.
24. The first division (of the limbs) consists of the feet
along with the ancles ; the second, of the legs with the knee-
pans ; the third, of the sexual member, thighs and scrotum ;
the fourth, of the navel and hip.
25. They call the belly the fifth division ; the sixth is the
heart along with the paps ; the seventh, the shoulder and
nape of the neck ; the eighth, the lips and neck.
26. The eyes along with the brows make the ninth di-
vision ; head and forehead the tenth. The feet and farther
divisions being ill-favoured, are indicative of an unhappy
lot ; their being auspicious, of a lucky lot.
Chapter LXXI.
Omens from Slits of Garments.
1. In the comers of a cloth dwell deities ; ^ in the middle
part of the upper and lower ends men ; whilst the remaining
' It mast be understood that the cloth is to be divided into nine
compartments : TV^TTQ' 'T^*
102 THE B^LHAT-SASHITI.
three portions fall to the share of the spirits of darkness.
The same applies to couches, seats and shoes.
2. When a cloth gets soiled by ink, cowdung, mud and
the like, — when it is slit, singed or rent, — you may reckon
that the effects, good or bad, shall be complete, if the cloth
be new ; but always decreasing the more it has been used.
The effects are more intensive, in case of an upper garment.
3. A slit, etCr, in the portions of the spirits of darkness
bodes illness, if not death ; in one of the portions of men,
it bodes the birth of a son and power ; in a part presided
over by deities, increase of enjoyments. A flaw in any tip
is declared unfavourable.
4. A slit in figure like a heron, pelican, owl, pigeon,
crow, beast of prey, jackal, ass, camel or snake, although it
appear in a portion presided over by deities, causes among
men a danger amounting to death.
5. A slit of the shape of an umbrella, standard, cross,
Vardhamslna, Qrivrksha, waterpot, lotus, archway, and the
like, should it even be found in the parts allotted to the
demons, brings men speedy fortune.
6. The asterism Agvini ^ gives plenty of garments, but
Bharani takes them away. A cloth (being worn for the first
time) at Krttikd will be burnt; at Rohini, it will bring
wealth and success.
7. (From a garment being first used) at Mrga9iras, there
will ensue danger to it from mice ; at Ardrsl, the very death ;
at Punarvasu, good luck ; at the asterism next to it (i.e.
Pushya), acquisition of riches.
8. (If a new cloth is put on) at A^leshA, it will be torn ;
at Magh&, it announces ' death ; at Pdrva-Phalguni, danger
from the sovereign. XJttara-Phalguni is conducive to ac-
quisition of wealth.
9. By Hasta enterprises will succeed; by OitrA good
luck is coming. The putting on a new garment at Sv&ti is
auspicious ; by doing so at Yi^sLkhft, one will become gene-
rally beloved.
^ t e. if Aqviot be the asterism of the day on which a garment is
worn the first time, the consequences mentioned are to ensue.
THE BRHAT-SANHITA. 103
10. Meeting with a friend is the result (of a new garment)
at Anurddhd. The cloth will be ruined, if used for the first
time at JyeshthsL, and it will get a ducking in water, if put
on at MClla. Diseases (attend one's using a new cloth) at
Piirva-Ash&dh&.
11, 12. He who wishes to use a new garment at Uttara-
Ash&dhd may, it is deemed, expect dainty food ; at Qravana,
ophthalmy ; at Dhanishth^, acquisition of corn ; at Qata-
bhishaj, great danger occasioned by poison; at PArva-Bhadra-
pad&, danger from water ; at Uttara-Bhadrapadd, getting of
sons, and at Revati, as they state, possession of jewels.
13. Using a new garment, even at an unlucky asterism,
will have satisfactory effects, if it be worn with permission
of Brahmans, or if it have been bestowed by the king, or
procured for the wedding ceremony.
14. (Using a new garment, even at an unlucky asterism,
ifl approved of on the wedding day, as a token of royal
favour, or with permission of Brahmans.)
Chapter LXXII.
Siffns of Chotvries.
1. They say the gods have created the Yacks in the dens
of the Snowy Mountains for the tail's sake. The hairs of
their tails are some yellowish, some black, some white.
2. Sleekness, softness, density of the hairs, brightness,
the being connected with a small bone, and whiteness, are
pronounced to be the good qualities in chowries. Such as
are defective, small or broken off, are bad.
3. The handle to the chowrie must measure one cubit, or
one and a half, or otherwise an ell. Made from favourable
wood, decked with gold and silver, and ornamented with
variegated gems, it will be to the benefit of kings.
4. Clubs, umbrellas, elephant's hooks, canes, bows, cano-
pies, halberds, standards and chowries with sticks of pale
colour, are fit for Brahmans ; of the hue of Cocculus cordi-
104 THE BRHAT-SA^ITA.
folios for Ksliatiiyas ; with honey-coloured ones for yai9]ras :
with black ones for Qddras.
5. Sticks with an even nnmber of knots, two, fonr, and
BO forth np to twelve, produce, successively : loss of a
mother, of land, wealth, family, engender sickness, and
death.
6. The same having an odd number of knots, three, five,
seven, and so on, will secure to the owners success in journey-
ing, destruction of enemies, much gain, acquisition of land,
increase of cattle, and fulfilment of wishes.
Chapter LXXIII.
Signs of Umbrellas,
1, 2, 3. A white umbrella constructed either ^ of feathers
of swans, cocks, peacocks and cranes, or covered entirely
with new silk-cloth ; studded with pearls ; dark with gar-
lands hanging down ; with a pommel of crystal and a stick
of pure gold ; six cubits long ; containing nine, seven knots
or a single ; having three cubits in extension ; all over well
covered; adorned* with jewels; — such an umbrella, kept
high aloft, will tend to a sovereign's benefit and bring
victory.
4. The umbrella sticks of a prince royal, queen, com-
mander-in-chief and general, must be made such as to
measure, in succession : 4|, 5, 4 and 2 digits.
5. Let other officers have their umbrellas decorated at the
top with gold fillets as tokens of royal favour; fumiBfaed
with hanging wreaths and jewels, and made from peacock's
feathers.
6. Private persons should have the umbrella stick of a
square form, but the umbrella of Brahmans is to be made
with an entirely round stick.
' In tbe text read '^ — IJ, and not, as it is printed, H — V.
' Read in tbe printed text ^jf^i not f^PTf^?!.
THE BRHAT-SAfTHirA. 105
■
Chapter LXXIV.
Praise of Women}
1. In the domain * of a country there is one city para-
mount ; in the city one mansion, and in that mansion one
place, and in this a couch, and on the couch a choice wife,
brilliant with jewels, who is the quintessence of royal
enjoyment.
2. Jewels are set off by women, but these latter do not
derive their splendour from the lustre of jewels: lovely
maidens captivate the heart, even without gems, whereas
gems do not, unless connected with a woman's form.
3. For princes who are anxious to conceal their inward
emotions ; who exert their strength to subdue the power of
the enemy ; who are pondering on policy entangled by the
ramifications of business consequent upon so many things
committed or omitted ; who have to follow ' the decisions of
their counsellors; have reasons for suspicion on every side,
or are plunged into a sea of troubles, — it is a drop of joy to
embrace a dear love.
4. There is not anywhere by the Creator produced a
gem, woman excepted, that on being heard, seen, touched,
yea remembered, awakens gladness in men. For her sake
do virtue and wealth exist ; from her are children and
worldly pleasures : esteem then women like the goddesses of
Fortune in the house by giving them honour and influence.
5. And those who from aversion proclaim the faults of
women and pass over their virtues, I inwardly suspect to be
malicious men, whose sayings do not proceed from honest
motives.
> This chapter forms, with the four following, the Antahpuracintft or
Reflections on Womankind.
' The word jay a is explained by Utpala with vyaya, quite right, if
the latter be taken in the sense of domain, dominion. That vyaya and
vijiiam occur in this acceptation is noticed in the translator's disserta-
tion '' Over de jaartelling der Zuidelijke Buddhisten," p. 90 and p. 106.
« Read fif^Hrf.
106 THE BRHAT-SANfllTA,
6. Speak out the truth, what offence is there in females
that is not committed by males ? They are outdone by men
in impudence, but excel them in virtues. And so says Manu
about this matter :
7. " Soma has given them purity, the Gandharvas a
trained voice, and Agni the faculty of eating all sorts of
food. Hence women are like unto pure gold.
8. " Brahmans are clean at the feet ; cows are so on the
back ; goats and horses in the face ; but women are clean all
over.
9. " They are objects of matchless purity ; in no way can
they be defiled, for every month do their courses carry off all
faults.
10. " Those houses that are cursed by their female inmates
being undutifuUy treated shall totally perish, as if struck by
witchcraft.
11. " Whether it be your wife or your mother, (do consider
that) men are sprung from women. What pleasure^ can
you expect, ungrateful men ! in reviling both P
12. '' It has been established in the moral code that there
where man and wife go astray, both have equal guilt. Men
do not regard it ; women then are better in this respect.
13. " On transgressing against his wife, a man may ex-
piate his sin by wearing for six months an ass's hide with
the hair turned outward.
14. " (A wife's) amorous inclination will not in a hundred
years pass away. Men leave off from it by impotence,
women by self-command.
15. "0 for the impudence of the wicked! who revile
blameless females, and like thieves, themselves engaged in
the act of stealing, cry out ' hold, thief ! hold, thief.' "
16. The coaxing words ^ a man utters to the sweetheart in
privacy, he is apt to forget afterwards, but a wife will from
gratitude embrace her lifeless husband, and so enter the fire
(of the pile).
' Utpala reads gubham, '' good, boon.*'
'In the text read ^ZWff^y ^^^^ the a short.
THE BRHAT-SANHITI. 107
17. He who possesses a jewel of a wife, let him be never
ao poor, is, to my judgment/ a king. Dainty dishes and
women are the quintessence of royalty, the rest being but
fiiel to kindle the fire of appetite.
18. A voluptuous delight equal to that you feel when
embracing a paramour in the prime of youth, with swelling
bosom, and murmuring sounds, soft, lovely, tender and sup-
pressed, is not to be found, I mean, in Brahma's heaven.
19. (If you demur to this, please) tell me what pleasure
is there, owing to gods, Sages, seraphs and heavenly choristers
attending on the Fathers and other worshipful beings, such
as not to be found in embracing a woman in privacy ?
20. This whole universe, from Brahma downwards to the
very worms, depends upon the union of male and female.
Why then should we feel ashamed of it, when the Lord
himself, &om desire of a maiden,^ assumed four faces P
Chapter LXXV.
Winning of Affection,
L All genuine enjoyment of love is his only, who is
beloved ; others do not get but the shadow, as the mind[is
far away.
2. Like a tree's cutling broken off and planted in the
soil, or a seed sown in it, retains the nature of the plant,
even so one's very nature is reborn within the wife, though
some difference may be produced by the varying circum-
stances of the soil.
8. The soul combines with the mind ; the mind with the
organs; the organs with their objects, and that in quick
' In the text change ^ into iff. The sentiment expressed in this
half stanza reminds one of Biirg^r's :
•* Wie selig wer sein Liebchen hat,
Wie selig lebt der Mann.
£r lebt wie in der Eaiserstadt
Kein Fiirst and Graf es kann."
' Tilottamft, of course.
108 THE BRHAT-SAffHITi.
succession. This being the natural process, what would be
unattainable for the mind P And whither the mind goes,
thither goes the very soul (the principle of life).
4. This soul lies concealed within one's own heart, but
may be observed by an attentive mind through continual
application. Now, since every one identifies himself with
the person he cherishes in his mind, therefore women are in
their thoughts with the beloved one, and with no other.
5. Genteelness, in the very first place, is the cause that
you will be beloved ; a contrary behaviour produces aversion.
Charms, philters and such-like quackeries are attended with
many evils, but no help.
6. Tou will get beloved by forsaking pride; arrogance
engenders dislike. The arrogant man will with great diffi-
culty accomplish his ends, where the affable man will with
ease.
7. It is not indicative of vigour, to be partial of violent
measures, and to speak odious, ill-devised words. Those are
strong, who perform their work calmly ; not those who are
boasting.
8. If you wish to be generally liked, tell everybody's
good parts in his absence. By dwelling on another's faults,
you will incur many charges, even unmerited.
9. If a man tries to benefit every one, the world at large
will try to benefit him in every way, and the reputation you
shall get by bestowing benefits upon enemies in distress,
shall prove of no little value.
10. Virtue may be obscured for a while ; it will, like fire
concealed by grass, grow the stronger, and he who desires to
efface his fellow's virtues will reap nothing but the character
of a bad man.
Chapter LXXVI.
Erotical Remedies.
1. When (at the time of coition) the blood exceeds the
sperm, a female will be conceived; in the contrary case, a
THE brhat-saShitA. 109
male; when blood and sperm are equal, a hermaphrodite.^
Hence one should avail oneself of potions fit to increase
sperm.*
2. The flat roof of a mansion, moonbeams, lotus, spring,
a sweet girl languid with the efiects of wine, a lute, privacy,
and garlands : these constitute the ensnaring net of love.
3. By swallowing a mixture of mineral honey, bee's
honey, quicksilver, iron dust, yellow myrobalan, bitumen,
vermifuge and ghee,' during twenty-one* days, one will,
however old, be he an octogenarian, pleasure a girl as if he
were a young man.
4. If one drink milk boiled with cowach roots, or pease
cooked in milk and ghee, every sixth portion being followed
by a potion of milk, he shall not be exhausted by women.
5. A man having numerous wives should take powder of
Batatas paniculata with its own sap, repeatedly commixed,
and then dried, and drink along with it milk boiled with
sugar.
6. On swallowing powder of emblic myrobalan with its
own sap, well commixed, and joined to honey, sugar and
ghee,' and on drinking milk after, a man may at heart's
content indulge love, when the remedy has been digested.
7. Siquis amasius lacte un& cum testibus hircinis concocto
saepe conspersa sesama, deinde bene sicca ta, ederit, posthac
lac biberit, quomodo ei passer antecellet P
8. Men who take boiled Shashtika rice with ghee and
pease porridge, and after it drink milk, shall over night not
abate in the sport of love.*
' Cf. Su^ruta, i. p. 321.
^ Cf. Suqruta, ii. p. 153, sqq., with the contents of this chapter
throughout.
• Comra. : HjcfXfM ^Wlf^^^m^ ^tftT ^T^WT^TftT WRhftT I
^fl*iir^*wf w^^^ ^r^m (i.e. pill) ^rpSt n
^ It is strange that all MSS. agree in exhibiting f^KffTf^lfrf^ > th®
author ought to have written — I dare not say, has written — fifljf?!-
* The Commentator has not understood the passage, because he
110 THE BRHAT-SAi^HITl.
9. A mixtare of Batatas paniculata and Shashtika-rioe,
pounded, with sesamum, Physalis and cowach.root, the whole
soaked in goat's milk and ghee, then boiled, will be a Tery
invigorating pudding.
10. Afler applying Asteracantha longifolia with milk, or
eating the bulbs of Batatas paniculata, one will not be
exhausted (in sexual intercourse), if the remedy be well
digested. Should the digestion be slow, you may apply the
following powder.
11. Yellow myrobalan with Ajowan and salt ; pepper with
ginger (take equal portions of them, and pound the whole) ;
have the powder soaked in vinous liquor, buttermilk, sour
gruel and boiling water. This is a mixture for promoting
digestion.
12. One who takes to the habit of eating excessively sour,
bitter, salt or pungent things, and meals chiefly consisting of
saline potherbs, will lose the power of sight, sperm and
manhood, and so, after getting a woman, he will, however
young, make several sham attempts, as if he were an old
man.
Chapter LXXVII.
Preparing of Perfumes,
m
1. Since wreaths, perfumes, pastils, garments, ornaments,
etc., are not beseeming in a man with white hairs, one should
have care of dyeing the hair, no less than of unguents and
ornaments.
2. Put into an iron vessel grains of Paspalum, boiled in
vinegar, with iron dust ; pound the whole fine ; apply it to
the head after wetting the hair with vinegar, and keep the
head covered with wet ^ leaves.
wrongly takes '^^^ If to be one word, in the instramental case.
Hence his explanation H^d^ ^T^ ^IT^ ^^ quite wrong ; ^|^^ means
here the same as ^ft^fiff , ^^fH^fifT*
' According to tlie reading of the Comm., viz. drdrapatrm^. Tile
term of the printed text is rendered : " with leaves of CalotropiA.''
THE BRHAT-SANHITA. HI
3. After six hours take them off; thereon apply to the
head an unguent of emblic myrobalan, and have it for six
hours wrapt in leaves. On being washed, the head shall
become black.
4. Thereupon remove the smell of iron and vinegar from
the head by means of scented hair-waters and scented oils,
sweet perfumes and sundry pastils, and so indcdge in the
royal pleasure in the female apartments.^
5. A scented hair-water fit for kings is prepared from
equal proportions of Cassia-bark, costus, Renuk&, Nali, Trigo-
nella, myrrh, Tabernaemontana and Andropogon schoenan-
thus, mingled with Mesua^ and Tam&la leaf (Xanthochymus).
6. Hair oil of the scent of Gampaka is made from
powder of madder, cuttlefish bone, Nakhi (shell perfume).
Cassia-bark, costus and myrrh, which, after being parched
in the sun's rays, should be mixed with oil.
7. From equal proportions of Tam&la-leaf, olibanum,
Andropogon schoenanthus, and Tabernaemontana is prepared
a perfume (going by the name of) "Incentive of love.'*
The same, combined with fragrant Dhy&ma grass ^ and fumi-
' Between stanzas 4 and 5 the Comm. inserts the following remarks :
' The identification of the drug« enumerated here and in the sequel
rests chiefly upon the authority of the Commentator.
' With two MSS., read ij|U||YI^, because something else is re-
quired but a term for kushtha, which occurs in the next line. Now
the word ci|||| is a synonym of ^^, though the dictionaries give cQTfM
and a much suspected ec||ii|. The proof that «QTf^ And ci|||| are
right is this : ku^htha denotes " costus," and *' a certain disease
(leprosy)." As ^Tf>| means "disease," the words are considered
synonymous, and, according to Indian fashion, interchnngeHhle. Ck)n-
sequently we have to look for another synonym in '^\J{. This word
112 THE B9HAT-SANHITA.
gated with Areca nut and Assafoetida/ yields a perfume
(called) " Bakula-scent." The same with costus is termed
" Lotus-scent," and with sandal, " Gampaka-scent." Allied
with nutmeg, Cassia-hark and coriander, it goes by the
denomination of " Gaertnera-scent,"
8. For one-fourth anise and pine-resin; for one-half
Nakhi^ and olibanum ; and for on%-fourth sandal and fragrant
Priyangu : ^ these make a perfume which is to be fumigated
by sugar and Ifakhi.
9. Bdellium, Andropogon schoenanthus, lac, cypems
grass, Nakhi and sugar (in equal proportions), constitute a
compounded perfume. Another is made from spikenard,
Andropogon schoenanthus, Nakhi and sandal.
10. Many nice compounded perfumes are prepared from
yellow myrobalan, Nakhi, Cassia-bark,* myrrh, Andropogon
is wanting in the dictionaries in the sense of *' disease," but there is
not the slightest doubt of its existence, because "^1^?= O^' » ^I^^Hlt
etc., is common enough. Consequently g^T^I^ «9Tf^» And I!9Tf%|^
S9, therefore c{n^=^ilS7* Herewith is established the existence of
vydma in the acceptation of "disease, eviV and it follows that the
reading ^\*\ in one MS. of the Comm. is corrupted. Another question
remains: "what did Utpala read?" He paraphrases «|)JDI| (so in
the MSS.) with f«i^«^q|. According to the dictionaries the latter
should be Solanum Jacquini ; it may be, but is as yet rather doabtfal.
In a list of botanical terms to be found in the Comm. we find this, un-
happily corrupted, line : -^CTOT (v. 1. K\^) WSfJWtt <|4i^ (v. 1. IRTVt)
iirrrrti (v. 1. c«iT*«4) <«i4jm<*h i
The term devadagdhaka is unknown to the dictionaries ; it is the same
with Utpala's f^?AI^ (either masc. or neut. and not fern., though the
dictionaries know only a fern. f«i24t(qi|, etc).
^ Comm. takes hingu to be bdellium or vermilion; l^pfl | fff 9^t I
^rnpr«ll jfH Trflnr*. I I see no reason for this, as Assafoetida is ex-
tensively used in India.
' Comm. : ^^ H^t^^ ^A I
' In the text read ^|J|\'.
^ Reading and rendering equally doubtful. In my MSS. ot the
Comm. it is here written ipf, elsewhere ^[^ , Utpala gives here do
THE BRHAT-SAlirHITA. 113
schoenanthus, sugar, costus, benzoin and cyperus-grass, by
increasing the proportion of each subsequent drug out of the
nine by I, ^, and so forth.
11. Four proportions of sugar, benzoin and cyperus-grass ;
two of turpentine and S<ree-resin ; one of Nakhi and
bdellium : let all this be made into a lump with honey, and
let the scent be excited by camphor.^ ^The result is a
compounded perfume termed Kopacchada (i.e. concealing
anger), worthy of kings.
12. A powder from Cassia-bark, Andropogon muricatus
and Tam&la-leaf, in three portions, allied with half a portion
of small cardamums, is an excellent perfume for clothes,
when the scent has been revived by musk and camphor.
13. 14. An immense number of perfumes can be made
from sixteen substances, if every four of them are per-
muted at will, and that in one, two, three or four proportions.^
paraphrase, but in st. 29 he explains it by paripelavam, Hiis term,
however, is synonymous with musta, and as the latter is enumerated
apart in st. 10 and 24, Utpala must be mistaken, unless, contrary to
the authority of the dictionaries, paripelavam be not ^ musta. Even
if we prefer ghana, we are not sure that Cassia-bark is intended ; cf.
however st. 12 and 24.
' The Comm. gives a definition of the terms vedha and bodha : "^^
^W^ lEft ^^t^ ^ ^: I ^fiS^ ^Tfwf ^^t^ ^ ^^: I He
quotes for the purpose a distich in Prakrit, from l9vara, an author on
the art of preparing perfumes : ^wft^TW ^^t f^RH^
The last words should be corrected, I think, into nvfUl^f^ ^P^lf^ (or
ipift^ or il^fMj) = Skr. fe|«C|^ Jf^ ; the rest is clear.
« Comm.: imt^^lft^^lUllt^f^ ^RTf^fH^gfil^Ufil: #-
fif^^ ^C=nTt«Vt«V^t^TT* {^^^^ » receptacle is called a ^^^) I
VOL. Yn. — [nBW BBBIS8.] 8
114 THE BRHAT-SA^HITA.
The drugs are: Cassia-bark, Andropogon schoenanthos,
benzoin, Curcuma Zerumbet/ Andropogon muricatus, Mesua,
cuttlefish-bone, Trigonella, agallochum, Artemisia, Nakhi,
Tabemaemontana, coriander, Goi*a and sandal.
15. Always take only one proportion of coriander, and
still less of camphor ; of neither add two or more propor-
tions, because otherwise their scent would be too powerful.
16. The enumerated drugs must be fumigated with pine-
resin, turpentine, sugar and Nakhi, seyerally, not combined.
As a means to revive the fragrancy, add musk and camphor.
17. The number of perfumes resulting from sixteen in-
gredients (being mixed in all possible combinations) is 4000
+70000+100000+720 (=174720).
18. Each drug taken in one proportion, being combined
with three others in two, three and four proportions, suc-
cessively, makes six sorts of scents. Likewise when taken
in two, three, and four proportions.*
19. As in this manner four substances combined in dif-
ferent proportions yield twenty-four perfumes, so too the
other tetrads. Hence the sum will be ninety-six.
20. If a quantity of sixteen substances is varied in four
different ways, the result will be a number of 1820.
21. Since this quantity combined in four ways admits of
4
^^i^^u] irWrr ttSirc ^WT^* ^^'rf''' ^ ^^j^na ^gW^ni-
fr^ (see Bt. 18 sq.) | TRRTT 'HTlNRfR: I TTW^W ^ Wft I
^^TTT* I ^rfl^n 'Wt H and so forth.
* Readll^.
' Cf. foregoing note.
THE BRHAT-SA^THITi. 115
mnety-siz yariations, the number of 1820 must be multiplied
by ninety-six. The product will be the total of possible
combinations of perfumes.^
23, 24, 25. Take two proportions of agallochum, three of
Tam&la-leaf, five of olibanum, eight of benzoin, five of
fragrant Priyangu, eight of cyperus-grass, two of myrrh,
three oi Andropogon, four of Trigonella, one of Cassia-bark,
seven of Tabemaemontana, six of spikenard, seven of sandal,
six of Nakhi, four of pine-resin and one of Deodar-resin.
Mix them four by four in a receptacle of sixteen divisions*
The mass of eighteen proportions (in each tetrad) consti-
tutes a compound for perfumes, etc.
26. Let the same be blended with Nakhi, Tabemaemon-
tana and olibanum ; revive the fragrance by nutmeg, camphor
and musk; fumigate with sugar and Nakhi. In this way
are made scents called Sarvatobhadra {i.e. *' good for all
use").
27. Many perfumes for the mouth ^ are prepared from a
collection of four substances among the fore-mentioned, per-
muted at will. After the fragrance has been excited by
nutmeg, musk and camphor, the compound should be
sprinkled with mango juice and honey.
28. If the compounded perfumes into whose composition
enters turpentine and pine-resin are modified, so that the
place of turpentine and pine-resin is taken by Andropogon
Bchoenanthus and Cassia-bark, they become scents for washing.
29. 30. Take Lodh, Andropogon muricatus, Tabemaemon-
tana, agallochum, cyperus-grass, fragrant Priyangu, Cassia-
bark ^ and yellow myrobalan ; permute and vary them three
^ The translation of st. 22 (recurring in Brh. Jfttaka, 13, 4) is
omitted, as, without the copious commentary and some diagrams, it
woold be hardly intelligible. The explanation also is found in the
printed edition of the Bfh. J&taka.
' Comm. : MTR^ITTT: mlX^Ucf^iSl^WI ^^«ll^l H'rf^ I
' Reading and rendering doubtful. The Comm. paraphrases the
word by paripelava. But, this being the same with mustd, is wholly
out of question, because we find mustd in the same line. As vana is
116 THE B^HAT-SANHITA.
by three in a receptacle of nine compartments ; join to each
compound one proportion of sandal, one of olibanum, one-
half of Nakhi and one- fourth of anise ; fumigate with
hellebore (P), vermilion and sugar. In this manner are pre-
pared eighty-four perfiimes for the hair.
31. (To perfume) tooth sticks used for brushes, put them
for a week into cowstale mixed with yellow myrobalan, and
again into scent- water.
32, 33. This scent-water is to be prepared from small carda-
mums. Cassia-bark, Tam&la-leaf, antimony, honey, pepper,
Mesua and costus. Keep the tooth sticks for a while ^ in it ;
then powder them with a mixture of four proportions of
nutmeg, two of Tam&la-leaf, one of small cardamim[is, and
three of camphor, and let them dry in the sun's rays.
34. Tooth sticks (so prepared) will procure to him who
uses them, freshness of colour, brightness of the face, purity
and fragrance to the mouth, and an agreeable voice.
35. Betel stimulates love, sets off the countenance, in-
gratiates, gives fragrance to the mouth, is tonic, quells
phlegmatic diseases, and is producive of yet other advantages.
36. Used with a moderate dose of lime, it gives colour ;
with too excessive a dose of areca-nut, it destroys^ colour ;
with too much lime, it gives a bad smell to the mouth, but
when the betel-leaf predominates, a pleasant smell.
37. At night a quid of betel is salutary, if it consists
chiefly of leaf, and at day-time, if it is mixed with lime ;
to apply betel in any other fashion than those here prescribed
is a mere abuse of it. When the fragrance of betel is en-
hanced by Kakkola, Areca, Averrhoa and Erythrine,* it
awakens the joys of amorous intoxication.
one of the terms for water, and any word for water denotes Andropogon
schoenanthus (hrtvera), it is possible that oui' author, if he really wrote
vanOf meant hrtvera,
' Half a day, says Utpala.
^ The Comm. takes MlfX^l^ to mean ^|<fiih^, and about HRf^-
Ti^ he says : W^F]f^^ cT^ Mi^lfl^^l^; of course wrong, for who
would say phala instead of pushpa? As to pdrijdta, the author may
have meant ''scents for the mouth" in general.
THE BRHAT-SAlifHITi. 117
Chapter LXXVIII.
Union of Man and Wife.
1. Tradition says that VidAratha was killed by his own
queen with a weapon concealed in her plaited hair, and the
king of K^i-land ^ by his disaffected queen through means
of an ankle-ring smeared with poison.^
* ll^il^H *s *° errstum for ^ITTftl*.
' Utpala quotes from K&mandaki a passage, which in the Calcutta
ed. of the Nttisftra is vii. 49, sqq. Some readings in my MSS. of the
Comm. (which need not he exactly those Utpala himself wrote down),
are bettd*, some worse than in the Calcutta ed. ; the passage mns thus :
*tM
^JT'lI ^ ^^^ (v« 1- ^'f^) «n^«J ^'Jul'i ^ M
It is obvious that the reading l['3t"^4\* in the Calc. ed. is prepos-
terous, because it is distinctly prescribed in the next following verse that
the king should not go ; gacchet is a would-be emendation, from some
half-learned reader, who was unaware of pa^ati (drg, darganam, etc.),
meaning '' to receive one^s visit." On the other hand, we have to read
with the Calc. ed. ^^J|fJ|^ and If^TPW^ ^iH . I am doubtful
about ^^'^^il^l and lIHHUII^t but judge them preferable, as they
harmonize with the tenor of the whole passage, which tends to incul-
cate the necessity of being suspicious. It may be noticed that Kft-
mandaki and our author are at variance anent the story of the
poisoned ankle-ring.
118 THE BflLHAT-SAifHITA.
2. So do disaflEected wives occasion deadly mischief: why
need we mention other examples ? Therefore, let men care-
fully try whether their wives are affected or disaffected.
3. Affectionateness springing from amorous passion is
indicated by expressions of feeling, by showing the navel,
arms, bosom, ornaments, by tightening the garments, by
imtying the plaited hair, by twitches and tremblings of the
eyebrows, by side-glances.
4. (Other tokens of affection are:) in her husband's
presence, she will spit, with noise, laugh loud, rise up from
couch or seat, have slight convulsions and yawn« ask little
for things easily to be had, fondle and kiss her child ; when
he has turned his face, she will look at her female companion,
follow him with the eye, mention his virtues, scratch her ear.
5. You may hold that she, also, is affectionately disposed
who talks kindly, shares her wealth, gladdens at seeing her
husband, and, forgetting her anger, wipes out any fault of
his by extolling his good parts.
6. She will honour his friends, hate his enemies; be
grateful, feel sad at his absence ; offer him her breast and
lips, clasp him in her arms, sweat, and be the first to apply a
kiss.
7. The gesture of a disaffected wife is frowniii^* the
brows, turning away the face, ingratitude, want of eagerness,
fretfulness, kindness towards her husband's enemies, and
harsh language.^
8. On touching or beholding him, she shudders ; plays
the proud part ; tries not to retain him when he is going ; on
receiving a IdaB, she wipes her mouth ; she rises the last, and
sleeps the first.
9. Buddhistic nuns, female ascetics, handmaids, nurses,
errand-girls, laundresses, flower-sellers, vile women, female
companions, barbers' wives, serve as go-betweens.
10. As go-betweens occasion the ruin of respectable
families, one should carefully keep any wife from them,
that the reputation and honour of the family may increase.
^ Gf. Rftja-taraDgi^t ill. 503, sqq.
THE BflLHAT-SANHITA. ]J9
11. Nocturnal walks, vigils, pretended sickness, visits to
another's house, consultations with soothsayers, and immoral
festivals, are occasions for rendezvous at which wives must
be taken heed of.^ ,
12. A loving wife will, at first,* show no desire, and will
not leave off the amorous chat, though somewhat abashed
and drooping. In the midst of the action she will be devoid
of shame, and, on the close, bashfully drop her face. Then,
again, she will show various expressions of sentiment, and,
perceiving the humour of her husband, attentively ac-
conmiodate herself to him in movements indicative of weari-
ness or otherwise.
13. Good qualities in a wife are youth, beauty, fashionable
dress, genteelness, discreetness, sprightliness, and so on. If
they are possessed of good qualities, they are called "jewels
of wives,'' whereas others, for an intelligent man, are
" nuisances."
14. A wife, when in privacy with her husband, should not
*
' Gomm. TRH^ ^Hi^:
^TOTt irf^^^ flH*l*!^lH^^insni II
The third stanza has been received into VetMa-pancavinqati and other
works (see Bdhtlingk, Ind. Spriiche, 2217)> with many corruptions and
nnsuccessful attempts to restore the true reading;. The neuter g^ender
of IfT^ is vouched by unimpeachable authorities, and as in the Diet,
of B. and R. it is distinctly noticed that the neuter v^am has not, as
yet, been discovered, it is worth while to remark that it occurs in the
passage above.
120 THE BRHAT-SANHITA.
be smutty, not talk in boorish terms, not speak of unseemly
parts of the body, nor mention other business, for it is in
the mind that Love takes his origin.
15. Sending forth her breath equally with her husband,
ready to offer him her arm for a pillow and her breasts, the
hair scented and the amorous desire soon aroused, she goes
to slumber after he has fallen asleep and awakes before him.
16. Avoid ill-tempered females, and such as are impatient
in times of pressure. Nor are those approved whose blood
is dark, blue, yellow or slightly copper-red.
17. 18. A woman that is sleepy, has too much blood and
bile, is vexed with the whites, of a rheumatic and phlegmatic
constitution, gluttonous, sweaty, with deformed limbs, short-
haired and with (prematurely) grey hairs ; further, one whose
flesh is not solid, who is paunch-bellied and4isping ; besides,
those who in the chapter on the signs of women have been
declared wicked : with any such should a man not play the
sport of love.
19. The menstrual blood is sound if it is tinged like hare's
blood or similar to lac, and fades after washing.^
20. Such blood not attended with noise and paiu, and
ceasing to flow after three days, will unquestionably, subse-
quently to coition, develope into an embryo.
21. Let a woman during those three days not indulge in
bathing, wearing wreaths, and anointing the body, and let
her bathe ^ on the fourth day according to the injunction pre-
scribed in a work of authority.
22. Let her use for her bath the herbs enumerated in the
chapter on the Inauguration ceremony (Ch. xlviii.), mixed
with water; on the same occasion the prayer there taught
will serve.
23. In the even nights, so they say, males are procreated ;
in the odd ones, females ; ' in the even nights, each fourth
night ^ omitted, long-lived, handsome and lucky males.
^ Cf. Su^mta, i. p. 315. ' Gf. Su<pruta, i. p. 316.
^ Cf. Suqruta, i. p. 321.
* Coram. : HHm ^^Hnf Ttf^ ^^itf^T^ I
THE BRHAT-SANHITi. 121
24. On the right side (of the womb) lies a male child ; on
the left, a female one; twins occupy both sides; a fetus
lying in the middle of the womb may be held to be a
hermaphrodite.
25. Let a man have sexual intercourse with his wife when
the central houses {i,e. the 1st, 4th, 7th and 10th) are occu-
pied by benign planets ; when the Moon is stationed in the
first house and in conjunction with good planets ; when the
maUgn planets occupy the third, eleventh, sixth houses, or
when the constellations are of a kind to portend the birth of
sons.
26. During the space of time fit for coition should a man
by no means hurt his wife with nails or teeth. The fit time
for coition is sixteen days, but in the first three nights he
had better have no intercourse with her.
Chapter LXXIX.
Signs of Couches and Seats.
1. I am going to tell the signs of couches and seats,
because this science will constantly be of use to everybody, and
especially to kings.
2. Good trees (for beds and seats) are Asan, Dalbergia,
sandal-tree, yellow sandal-tree, Deodar, ebony, S&l, Ghnelina,
Morunga, Padmaka, Tectona and Sissu.
3. 4. Unfit are trees overthrown by thunderstrokes, water,
wind ; those in which bees and birds have taken up their
abode ; those growing on a hallowed spot, cemetery, road, or
being sear at the top, and entwined with creepers ; or spinous
trees, those growing at the confluence of great rivers or near
temples, and such as have fallen down in a south-western
direction.
5. From the use of couches and seats constructed from
forbidden trees ensues the ruin of the families, and diseases,
peril, expenses, quarrels and all sorts of misfortimes arise.
6. Or should the timber have been hewn formerly, then
122 THE BRHAT-SANHITA.
it behoves to be examined at the tinie the work is taken in
hand. If a little lad climb upon the timber, it will procure
sons and cattle.
7. You may deem it a lucky token, if at the beginning
of the work you happen to see white blossoms, a rutting
elephant, curdled milk, barley-corns, fiUed water-jars, gems,
and other auspicious things.
8. A digit, as used in workmanship, is equal to eight
barley-corns deprived of the husks and laid in such a way
that they touch each other on the swelling part. A bed of
the greatest length, amounting to a hundred digits, is fit for
kings and promises victory.
9. Couches of ninety, eighty-four, seventy-eight, and
seventy-two digits are fit for princes, ministers, army com-
manders and court-priests, successively.
10. The width is, after the prescript of Vi9vakarman, one-
eighth less than half the length.^ The height of the legs,
with swelling part and top included, is equal to one-third of
the length of the couch.
11. A couch constructed wholly of Ghnelina, will bestow
riches ; one of Asan, removes sickness ; one of the hardest
ebony, gives wealth.
12. One exclusively fablicated from Sissu, promotes well
being in many ways ; one of sandal-wood, repels enemies and
promotes virtue, renown and long life.
13. A couch of Padmaka secures longevity, fortune,
learning and wealth ; one made of S&l timber, produces
happiness ; so does one of Tectona.
14. A monarch who reposes upon a couch constructed
exclusively of sandal-wood and decked with gold, studded
with variegated gems, will be honoured by the very gods.
15. Ebony and Sissu produce no good efiects, if joined
with other wood ; nor do Gmelina, Deodar, and Asan.
16. Tectona and S&l, however, bring luck, whether com-
bined or separate. Likewise yellow sandal and Naudea are
lucky, whether single or united.
' Taken roughly, e.g, the width of a royal couch will be equal to
60— «= nearly 43.
THE brhat-sanhitI. 123
17. A couch made wholly of Dalbergia is not favourable,
whilst one of tamarind-wood is destructive of life. Asan
being joined with other timber, will soon produce many
evils.
18« The legs may be made from tamarind-wood, Tectona
and sandal-wood, but the best from Tectona. Couches and
seats from the timber of any &uit-tree will have favourable
effects.
19. They approve of using ivory in connexion with any
timber before mentioned, provided the ornamental work be
made from irreproachable ivory.
20. Cut off from an elephant's tusk a part equal to thrice
the circumference at the bottom, a little more in case of tusks
of elephants frequenting marshy grounds, a little less in case
of hill elephants, and thereon carve the rest.
21. If in cutting figures appear resembling a Qrivatsa,
Yardham&na, umbrella, standard or chowries, good health,
triumph, increase of wealth and joy are to be expected.
22. A figure similar to some weapon bodes victory; one
like a spiral turning to the right, bodes the recovery of land
lost ; one resembling a clod, the complete possession of land
formerly acquired.
23. If some figure showing like a female turns up, riches
will be lost ; if it be a vase, a son will be bom. A water-pot
indicates the getting of a hidden treasure, and a rod im-
pediment to a journey.
24. Figures of lizards, monkeys, snakes, portend famine,
sickness, oppression by a foe; forms like vultures, owls, rooks
or hawks, bode pestilence.
25« If the figure resembles a noose or headless trunk, the
sovereign will die ; if blood is oozing, calamity befalls the
people. If the cut be black, grey, rough and bad-smelling,
disaster is near.
26. A white, even, good-smelling and sleek cut will bring
luck. The being auspicious or inauspicious of the cuts,
produces corresponding effects to the couches.
27. According to the precept of the masters, one ought,
in fitting the sidebeams, to lay the points of the beams in a
124 THE BRHAT-SANHITi.
direction from left to right.^ If they be laid contrariwise,
or all turned to one direction, there will be danger from
Spirits. ^
28. Where one leg* stands topsy-turvy, there will the
owner's foot get crippled; where two legs are in the same
predicament, food remains indigested ; where there are three
or four in such a condition, will be misery, death and
captivity.
29. If there is a hollow or discoloured spot in the upper
part of the leg, it portends sickness ; a knob on the swelling
part of the leg threatens disease of the belly.
30. Beneath the swelling part is the lower leg, a knob in
which causes unsafety. There below is the base ; a knob in
this place will occasion the ruin of goods.
31. A knob at the hoof (so called) will, it is declared,
cause distress to hoofed animak. Inauspicious also is a knob
occurring at a third of the wh(de length of the sidebealns
and crossbeams.
32. The di£Perent sorts of flaws in the wood may be summed
up in the following nomenclature : cavity, boar's eye, hog's
eye, calf's navel, freckle and Dhundhuka.^
33. The flaw called cavity looks like a waterpot, hollow
in the middle and narrow at the mouth ; the other termed
boar's eye is as large as a Catjang-pea and blackish.
34. The "hog's eye" is distinguished by being rough,
discoloured, and by extending over one knot and a half.
The " calf's navel " is a fissure running from right to left,
and extending over one knot.
35. The defect termed freckle is black, and the Dhundhuka
is a cleft. If a faulty spot shows the same colour with the
rest of the wood, it is pronounced to be not so very bad.
36. The defect going by the name of cavity causes loss of
property ; the boar's eye, ruin to the family ; the hog's eye,
danger from the sword; the calf s navel, danger fix)m sickness.
' i.e. in a direction fdlowing the course of the bud.
' i,e. support of the couch.
' The true form of thb word is uncertain ; cf. var. readings.
THE BRHAT-SAlSrHiri. 125
37. The flaws termed freckle and Dhundhuka, as well as
spots vitiated with insects, bring no good. In general, timber
with numerous knobs will in no case be favourable.
38. A couch made from one kind of good timber will be
lucky ; yet more lucky one of wood of two trees ; one con-
structed from three promotes the well-being of one's children ;
one from four insures wealth and eminent renown.
39- He who rests on a couch constructed from five kinds
of trees will lose his life on it. A couch made from the
timber of six, seven, or eight trees occasions the ruin of the
house.
Chapter LXXX.
Trying of Diamonds.
1. A good jewel insures to kings good luck; a bad one,
disaster. Hence let connoisseurs examine Destiny as con-
nected with jewels.
2. The word "jewel" is applied to elephants, horses,
women, etc., if they excel in the good qualities of their own
kind ; but here are we to treat of jewels in the sense of precious
stones, i.e. diamonds and the rest.
3. Some say that gems owe their birth to Bala, the demon ;
as others tell, to Dadhica. Others still teach that the variety
of precious stones is a result of earth's nature.^
4. 5. (The most common gems are :) diamond, sapphire,
emerald, agate, ruby, bloodstone, beryl, amethyst, Vimalaka,
quartz (?), crystal, moongem, sulphur-hued gem (P), opal,
conch, azure-stone, topaz, Brahma-stone, Jyotirasa, chry-
solite (P), pearl, and coral.
6. The diamond found on the bank of the VenS. is quite
pure; that from the Ko9ala-country is tinged like Sirisa-
blossom ; the Surashtrian diamond is somewhat copper-red ;
that from Supara, sable.
7. The diamond from the Himalaya is slightly copper-
^ Gf. also Atharva-Veda, iv. 10.
126 THB BRHAT-SANHITA.
coloured ; the sort derived from Matanga ^ shows the hae of
wheat-blossom; that from Ealinga is yellowish^ and from
Pundra, grey.
8. A hexagonal, white diamond, is consecrated to Indra ;
a dark one, of the shape of a snake's mouth, to Yama ; one
hued like a plantain stalk, of any shape, to Yishnu.
9. A diamond of the shape of a female pudendum and
hued like the flower of Pterospermum, will be Varuna's ; a
trigonal one, of the colour of a tiger's eye, is consecrated to
Agni.
10. A diamond having the form of a barley-corn and the
hue of A9oka-blossom, is declared to be Y&yu's. Diamonds
are found in three diflerent ways : in rivers, in mines, and
sporadic.
11. A red or yellow diamond is fit for Kshatriyas; a white
one, for Brahmans; one of the hue of Sirisa-flower, for
Yai9yas ; whereas a diamond of the dark tinge of a sword ia
deemed good for QMras.
12. 13. Eight seeds of white mustard make one grain.
The price of a diamond weighing twenty grains is two lakhs
(200,000) Earshas silver; a diamond weighing eighteen
grains is worth two lakhs lessened by J {ie, 150,000) Earshas
silver; weight sixteen grains, price twenty lakhs— | {Le.
133,333 J) ; weight fourteen grains, price 100,000 ; weight
twelve grains, price 66,666 J ; weight ten grains, price 40,000;
weight eight grains, price 12,500 ; weight six grains, price
8000; weight four grains, price 2000; weight two grains,
price 200 Earshas of silver.
14. A diamond is said to be beneficial (to the owner), if it
cannot be pierced by any other substance, is light, cleaveB
through water like a ray, shows glossy and similar to light-
ning» fire, or the rainbow.
15. Diamonds that show scratches like crowfeet, flies, or
hairs, are mixed with coloured mineral substances or gravel,
have double facets, are smeared, tarnished, dull' or perforated,
are bad.
» Acconlingr to I tpala : 4|af ^1(^ll|^aH I
THB BRHAT-SAlitelTA. 127
16. Likewise sucb. as are covered with bubbles, split at the
points, flattened, or oblong like the fruit of Gendarussa. The
price of all such is one-eighth less than that above specified.
17. Some authorities maintain that women who are anxious
to get children should not wear any diamond, but (our opinion
is that) diamonds shaped like a triangle, Triputa-grain,^
coriander-seed, or female pudendum, are salutary to ladies
desirous of offspring.
18. A diamond with wrong characteristics causes to
monarchs the ruin of house, fortune, and life; whereas a
good diamond dispels foes, danger from thunderstrokes or
poison, and promises many enjoyments.
Chapter LXXXI.
Trying of Pearls.
1. Pearls come from elephants, snakes, oysters, conch-
shells, clouds, bamboo, dolphins, and boars. Out of these
the pearl from oysters is by far the best.
2. The latter is produced in eight places, viz. Ceylon,
Paraloka,^ Surfehtra, T&mraparni, Persia, the North country,
P&ndya district, and Himalaya.
3. The pearls coming from Ceylon are many-shaped,
glossy, swan- white, large ; those from TUmraparni are white
with a slight red tinge, bright.
4. The pearls from Paraloka are blackish, white or yellow,
mingled with gravel, not smooth; those from Surashtra
neither big nor too small, and hued like fresh butter.
5; The Persian pearls are brilliant, clear, heavy, and
extremely valuable. The Himalayan pearl is light, hollow,
coloured like curdled milk, big, of various shapes.
6. That from the North country is rough, black or white,
^ TheComm. takes tripufa to mean a triangle: f^rf^* ^^m WH,* ^^
may be right.
' A coontry, according to Utpala; it is not unlilcely the P&rak:a
in Rftm&yana, iv. 40, 29.
1:28 THE B?HAT-SAJfrHITA.
light, of good size and brilliancy. Feai;^ from the F&ndya
district are like Ntm-leaf^ Triputa-grains^ or coriander-seed,
and fine as grit.
7, 8. A pearl, dark-tinged like flax-blossom, is consecrated
to Yishnu; one like the moon, to Indra; one having the
hue of orpiment, to Yaruna ; a sable one, to Yama ; one red
like a ripe pomegranate's kernels or Abrus-berry, must be
attributed to Yayu; one resembling smokeless fire or red
lotus, to Agni.
9. The price set down for a single pearl of good lustre
and quality, weighing four MSahakas, is 5300 Karahas
silver. i
10. The prices for pearls weighing 3^, 3, 2^, 2, 1^ M&shakas,
successively, are : 3200 ; 2000 ; 1300 ; 800 ; 353 K. silver.
11. A single pearl, having the weight of 1 Mdshaka, may
fetch 135 K. ; a single pearl weighing 4 Rettis ^ is worth
90 K. ; one of 3 J Rettis, is worth 70 K. silver.
12. The price of a single pearl of good quality, weighing
3 Rettis, comes to 50 silver pieces (Le. Karshas) ; that of one
weighing 2| Rettis, comes to 35 silver pieces.
13. The tenth part of a Fala is equal to 1 Dharana. If
thirteen nice pearls together fetch the weight of 1 Dhara^a,
their price is fixed at 325 K. silver.
14. 15, 16. Sixteen pearls to one Dharana are worth 200 ;
twenty p., 170 ; twenty-five p., 130 ; thirty p., 70 ; forty p.,
50; sixty or fifty-five p., 40; eighty p., 30; a hundred
pearls, 25; two hundred, three hundred, four himdred, five
hundred pearls, weighing together one Dharana, are worth,
successively : 12 ; 6 ; 5 ; 3 silver pieces.
17. The term to denote a collection of thirteen pearls that
together make up the weight of one Dharana, is Pikka ; a
collection of sixteen, Ficca ; and so in succession are collec-
tions of twenty, twenty-five, thirty, forty, fifty-five, or sixty
denominated Argha, Ardha, Ravaka, Sikthaka, and Nigara.
Eighty, and so forth, are called pearl-dust.
18. The price specified above for collections weighing one
* One Retti (gunjd, kfshi^ala) = \ Mftahaka.
THE BRHAT-SANHItA. 129
Dharana applies to the case of pearls of good quality, and is
to be lowered for such as are of inferior quality. The value
of quantities intermediate between the enumerated terms
must be calculated proportionally.
19. When pea^^ls look black, whitish, yellowish, copper-red,
somewhat rough, they are worth less by one-half; when
considerably rough, their value is diminished by one-sixth ;
and when quite yellow, by one-half.
20, 21. The tale goes that there are pearls engendered in
the frontal globes and the hollow of the tusks of elephants
from the family of Air&vata at (the Moon's conjunction with)
Pushya, ^ravana, on Sundays and Mondays, and of the
happy elephants bom during the Sun's northern course at
an eclipse of Sun or Moon. They are abundant (it is told),
of big size, of various shapes, and splendid.
22. Those are beyond any estimate, and should not be
perforated, being too splendid. When worn by kings, they
will prove highly purifying, and bestow children, triumph
and good health.
23. At the root of boars' tusks there is (it is told) a pearl
of great value, lustrous like moonshine. The pearl coming
from dolphins resembles a fish's eye, is highly purifying and
of great worth.
24. It is also affirmed that pearl is produced in the
manner of hailstones, and dropped from the seventh {i.e.
highest) region of wind, where celestial beings took it from
the sky. The pearl springing from the clouds is lightning-
like.
25. The snakes of the lineage of Takshaka and V^uki,
and the snakes roaming at will^ have bright, blue-tinged
pearls in their hoods.
26. If the Hain-god, on a sudden, drops something on a
^ These snakes are, of course, the clouds, and their pearls the rain
and dewdrops. Whether our author understood the mythological
phrases he borrowed, is not quite clear ; but this much is certain, that
he distinctly intimates the mythical character of the tales about snake
pearls, etc., for he says kila.
TOL. TU. — [new 8EBIS8.] 9
ia(0 THE BRHAT-SANHITA.
blessed spot of the earth, and into a silver vessel, one may
regard it to be a pearl coming from the snakes.
27. The inestimable snake pearl, when worn by kings,
dispels misfortune, destroys enemies, propagates renown and
bestows victory.
28. You may know a pearl to originate from bamboo by
its being flat, coarse, and coloured like camphor or crystal.
The pearl produced from the conch-shell shows a moonlike
hue, is roimd, glittering, and clear.
29. Pearls from conch-shells, dolphins, bamboo, elephants,
boars, snakes and clouds may not be perforated, and as they
are of immense value, no price has been fixed upon by the
authorities.
30. All these pearls are of great worth, procure to monarchs
sons, wealth, popularity, renown ; dispel sickness and sorrow,
and give them what they desire and like.
31. A pearl chain, composed of 1008 strings and four
cubits long, is an ornament of the gods, and termed Indra-
cchanda {ue. Indra's pleasure). Half the former in measure
is the Vijayacchanda (i.e, the pleasure of Indra's grand-
son),
32. A chain of 108 strings is styled a pearl collar; one of
81 is a Devacchanda {i,e, the pleasure of gods). A half-
collar has 64 strings, and a Ba9mikal&pa (i.e. radiant zone)
has 54.
33. A garland is composed of 32 strings ; a half-garland,
of 20 ; a MUnavaka of 16 ; a half-MUnavaka of 12.
34. The chain called Mandara consists of 8 strings; the
H&raphalaka (i.e, plat collar) of 5 strings. A necklace of
one cubit's length, and containing twenty-seven pearls, is
named a Star-cluster.
35. They call the latter a Gem-ladder, when it has precious
stones or small balls inserted, and a GUtukHra (i.e. coaxer),
when it has a brooch in the middle.
36. A so-called single string may contain any number of
pearls, is one cubit long, and has no gem ; but if it is joined
with a gem in the middle, it is termed a Stake by the
connoisseurs of omature.
THE BRHAT-SAlSrHITA. 131
Chapter LXXXII.
Trying of Rubies.
1. Eubies come from sulphur, cinnabar/ and crystal.
Those produced from sulphur show the lustre of bees, anti-
mony, lotus, rose-apple, or myrrh.
2. Those which proceed from cinnabar (or black salt) are
grey,, of a pale lustre,* and mixed with mineral substances;
those coming from crystal are lustrous, vari-coloured and pure.
3. Smooth, bnUiant on the surface, very pure, sparkling,
heavy,, of nice shape, brilliant within, high-coloured,^ — such
are the good qualities of these precious stones in general.
4.^ The defects of the stones are their being impure, of
faint lustre, covered with scratches, blended with coloured
minerals, fragmentary, ill-perforated, not lovely to the eye,
and mixed with grit.
5. They affirm that in the head of snakes there is a gem,
hued like a bee or peacock's tail, and shining like the flame
of a lampv Such a one may be considered of inestimable value.
6. The sovereign who shall wear it, shall never receive
injury from poison or illness ; in his domain abundant rain
is always poured by the Bain-god, and he annihilates his
enemies by the power of that gem.
7. The price of a single ruby weighing a pala (=4 karshaa)
is, we are taught, 26,060 silver pieces («>. Riipakas=K£Lrsh&-
panas) ; one stone of the weight of three karshas is worth
20,000 p. silver.
8. A single ruby, having the weight of half a pala, is
valued at 12,000 p. s. ; weighing one karsha, at 6000 p. s. ;
one of eight Bettis' weight, at 3000.
9. One having the weight of four Bettis may be bought
for 1000, and one of two Bettis costs 500 s. pieces. The
price of rubies of intermediate weight must be calculated
' Or black salt. * Read in the text •'^rV.
/
132 THE BRHAT-SANHITA.
proportionally, and with regard to their being of inferior or
superior quality,
10. A stone deficient in colour fetches half the (usual)
price ; one lacking brilliancy, an eighth part ; one with few
good and many bad qualities, fetches one-twentieth of the
standard price.
11. A stone somewhat dusky, with many flaws and few
good qualities, will fetch ^-^. Such is the price of rubies,
as stated by the ancient masters.
Chapter LXXXIII.
Trying of Emeralds.
1. An emerald^ of the hue of parrots, bamboo-leaves,
plantain or Sirisa-blossom, and of good quality, is extremely
beneficial to every man, when worn at ceremonies iiL honour
of the gods or Fathers.
Chapter LXXXIV.
Symptoms of Lamps,
1, A light turned leftwards, showing dull rays, sputtering
sparks, of little bulk, going out soon, although furnished with
pure oil and wick, crackling and quivering, forebodes evil
consequences. Not less so, when it has a diffused flame, and
gets extinguished without the agency of grasshoppers or wind.
2. A light of compact form, long-sized, quiet, glaring,
noiseless, clear, turned rightwards, of the lustre of beryl or
gold, reveals speedy luck ; likewise when it shines long' and
sprightly. The other symptoms resemble those of fire, and
apply mutatis mutandis.
* The first syllable of Tf^^RT ^^^ h^tn lost in printing'.
^ The translation follows the var. reading Mfff{^.
THE BRHAT-8ANHITA. 133
Chapter LXXXV.
Tokens of Tooth Sticks.
1. Sticks for cleansing the teeth maybe made from thou-
sands of sorts of creepers, spreading plants, shrubs and trees,^
and one might (if needed) expound the eJBTects of them seve-
rally; but in order not to delay too long by doing so, I
will only tell the favourable consequences.
2. Let no one use for tooth sticks twigs of an untried
sort of wood, nor twigs with leaves, or with an even number
of knots, or such as are split, sear at the top, or devoid of
bark.
3. From Flacourtia, Bilva, and Qmelina (being used) is
to be expected Brahminical illustriousness ; from the Kshema-
tree, a good wife ; from the Indian fig-tree, prosperity ; from
Galotropis, much splendour; from Bassia, sons; from Ter-
minalia Arjuna, popularity.
4. Fortune is (insured) by the use of Sinsa and Fongamia ;
much-desired success by the waved-leaved fig-tree. By the
use of jessamine-wood one becomes honoured with the
people; the use of Pipal, they say, is attended with emi-
nence.
5. Good health may be expected from Jujube and Solanum ;
increase of dominion from Acacia and Bilva ; desired goods
from Dalbergia ; ditto from Nauclea.
6. Azadiracht procures acquisition of wealth ; and Oleander,
getting of food; the Indian fig-tree, abundant food. He
who uses Sami and Terminalia Arjuna, dispels his enemies ;
Echites also tends to the destruction of foes.
7. Dignity, they say, will result from the use of S&l and
A9vakar^,^ as well as of Deodar and Gendarussa. By
(using the wood of) fragrant Friyangu> Achyranthes, rose-
' Cf. Su^rnta, !i. 135, sqq.
' Sftla and A^vakar^a are generally taken to be synonymous.
134 THE BRHAT-SANHITA.
apple and pomegranate, one will become a favourite with
everybody.
8. Let one after treasuring up any wish whatsoever in
his heart for a year, use an irreproachable tooth stick, seated
at his ease, with the face turned northward or eastward, and
let him after cleansing leave the stick in a pure place.
9. A tooth stick falling towards you, and in a tranquil ^
quarter of the horizon, is &vourabIe ; it is particularly good
if it occupies an elevated place. The reverse is declared
mischievous, whereas it announces dainty food, if it stands
one instant, and immediately after falls.
^ ue, not scorched by the sun.
fTo be continued.)
135
Art. VI. — Note on the Valley of Choomhi, By Dr. A.
Campbell, late Superintendent of Darjeeling.
As this valley has never been visited by an European
traveller, the little I have to say about it may make it
acceptable to the Society. On one occasion I tried to visit
it in company with Dr. Hooker, but unsuccessfully, as, after
reaching the top of the Chola Pass — 14,900 feet — which
leads into it from Sikim, we were met by an officer of the
Chinese Government at Lassa, with a military escort, who
refused us permission to enter the valley.^ The particulars
I have to state may, I believe, be relied on, as during many
years I ha^ constant opportunities of communicating with
traders and others residing in the valley, in addition to the
officials of the Sikim Baja, who annually sojourned in it
from May to November. The route from Darjeeling to
Choombi was described by me many years ago,' as also the
route from it to Lassa; but no one has described the valley
itself.
Choombi lies in the Eastern Himalaya, between Sikim and
Bootan, and on the route from Darjeeling to Lassa. It is in
the bed of the Machoo River, which, rising from the base of
Chumalari, a mountain 23,000 feet high, runs through
Choombi, and leaving it at Rinchingong, traverses Bootan
to Cooch Behar, in the plains of Bengal, where it is known
as the Torisha River. It is bounded on the West and South
by the Chola and Yakla ranges, 17,000 feet high, and on the
North and East by the Chakoong and Kamphee mountains.
To the North by Thibet. Its length from Galling, on the
North, to Rinchingong, the exit of the Machoo, is 20 or 24
miles. It is not above a mile broad anywhere. It is in the
^ See Dr. Hooker's Himalapn Journals, toI. ii., for details of this expedition.
^ See Journal Asiatic Socie^ of Calcutta.
136 THE VALLEY OF CHOOMBI.
territories of the Government of Lassa, and is said to have
been so always. In its physical characters it much more
resembles Bootan, which bounds it on the South and East,
than it does the contiguous province of ,Fhari to the Northy
which is characteristically Thibetan, ue. bare, and without
trees.
The soil is generally light loam and sand, and not rocky.
Cultivation is carried on in the flat part of the valley, and
some way up both sides of the bounding mountains there is
a good deal of vegetation and many trees. Pines prevail,
of rather stunted growth ; and there are three kinds of
Ehododendron on the neighbouring mountains. The Pinus
longtfolia is not found there, nor does rice grow in any
part of it. The crops are wheat, barley, pease, mustard,
sown in March, reaped in September.
The grazing is excellent, and large herds of yaks and cows
abound. The cow is a very small breed, like the gaina of
India, but is a good milker.
It is administered by the civil officer at Fhari, of which
Thibetan district it is a dependency, but the Government
operations are confined to collecting the revenue, which is
raised by a land tax, head money on cattle, and a house tax.
There are no magisterial or police arrangements, the Bootanese
commit thefts there with impunity, and also carry off the
people occasionally. When this has been carried very far,
the Lassa authorities have addressed the Paro Filo, whose
Bootanese jurisdiction extends to the confines of Choombi,
and it has been arrested.
The inhabitants are of the same race as the Bootanese, at
least they are more like them than they are to the Thibetans.
The climate is notedly salubrious. The rainfall is much
less than in Bootan or Sikim, there is but little damp ' in
the air, and the soil is never muddy anywhere in the rains.
It is well peopled. The town of Eusa is built in close
streets, the houses are of mud, with shingle roofs.
The valley is divided into sixteen Talooks, called Chochee-
roop, viz. Galling, Eusa, Gango, Rinchingong, Bukchaum,
Tema, Ghoombi, Xeoomsheth, Rebun, Phari, Kanghoo,
THE VALLEY OF CHOOMBI. 137
Eangten, Toyen» Shari, Gianuk, Eeomoosboo. The popu-
lation is estimated at 3000 souls.^
The people are fond of trade, their mart to the north is
PharL To the south they trade with Bootan, and a little
with Sikim.
The carriage from the south and to Fhari is all by
porters. At Phari yak carriage is to be had abundantly
and cheaply. In trading with Thibet from Bootan and
Sikim, the great drawback is the expense of porter carriage as
£Eir as Phari. Bice, tobacco, sugar, munjeet, endicloth, timber,
rattans, bamboos, are the principal articles exported from
the south to Phari. The Chinese authoritatively monopolize
all the rice that goes to Phari, whether through Choombi
from Sikim, or from Bootan. It is required for the Chinese
troops at Lassa, who hate feeding on wheat, barley, and even
dried mutton, the staple articles of consumption in that city.
Rice is always very dear at Lassa, five seers per rupee is
reckoned cheap. A maund of tobacco will sell at Lassa for
30 rupees ; it may be had at Darjeeling for 3, and at the
foot of the hills sometimes for 1. Sugar is proportionately
dear, and all this enhancement of price arises from the want
of roads for bullock and pony carriage.
The direct route from Western Bootan to Phari is not
through Choombi, but by a more northerly one from Paro
tnd Pemla. This is the route which Turner took in 1783,
it leaves Choombi to the left. The distance of Paro from
Choombi is a long day's journey east, and a little south — say
25 miles. A traveller on foot can go from Choombi to Phari
in a day. After the first few miles, you round the end of
the Chakoong range ; there you leave trees and vegetation,
and come on the bare stony plains, which continue to PharL
The Sikim Raja has no territorial rights in Choombi. He
has, however, become the possessor of a little land by pur-
chase. In Thibet proper he has two small Talooks, viz.
> Number of houses— Choombi, 20; Pema, 20; Ensa, 12; Qsneo, 45;
Rinchingong, 25; Shari, 20; Gianuk, 20; Bukchaum, 10; Tojen, 8; Galling,
60; Keoomshcth, 18; Rebsom, 60; Kanghoo, 30; Kangten, 12; Phari, 300:
total, 650. One-half of the houses at Phari are mere temporary booths erected
by casual traders.
138 THE VALLEY OF CHOOMBI.
Dobtah and Sareh, they are west of Kongra Lama/ and on
the road to Digarchi and Lassa.
The Sikim Baja and the Bootanese of the Paro File's
jurisdiction are constantly engaged in disputes and quarrels^
which arise about contested limits, and in the practice of
kidnapping one another's subjects. The Bootanese before the
last war were desperately addicted to this, and carried it on, ^
not only against the Sikimites, but against British subjects
along their whole frontier of Rungpoor, Oooch Behar, and
Assam. The persons kidnapped were of all ages, of both
sexes, and were usually sold into slavery.
Another cause of feud was their respective claim to the
supremacy of a Goomba or monastery in GhoombL This
was for a long time a large and thriving monastery, and
had nearly 100 lamas attached to it. Dissensions arose
among them, in the course of which the Abbot died. ' To
complicate matters completely, it was announced that he had
reappeared in this life in two places, and in two persons, at
the same time : one was at Gantoke, in Sikim, in the person
of the Kazi's brother ; the other in Bootan, and the person
was a relative of the Paro Pile ! Here were nuts to crack
for the wily monks. The partisans on both sides made
strenuous ejBTorts to induct their respective Awatars; but
neither got a footing in the Goompa, and the dispute was
referred to the Grand Lama at Lassa. His Holiness decided
in favour of the Sikim candidate. This was not to be disputed
by the Pile. But before the successful Lama was seated, the
Bootanese plundered the monastery of all its silver utensils,
other valuables, and library, and left nothing but the bare
walls for the new superior. The Goomba has now gone
entirely to decay, and is deserted. The temporal authorities
at Lassa did nothing to punish this outrage. They appeared
to leave Ghoombi to take care of itself, and much at the
mercy of the Bootanese.
On one occasion a party of Bootanese, under orders from
the Paro Pile, was assembled near Phari, and actually be-
^ The Pass by which Dr. Hooker and I entered Thibet. See toL ii. of
Himalayan Journals.
THE VALLEY OP CHOOMBI. I39
leaguered the Sikim Baja on his return from Thibet, and for
two months prevented his return to Choombi. This was
their method of forcing him into their terms regarding some
boundary dispute, and it was for the purpose of coercing me
as the PoUtical Agent for the affiiirs of Sikim, that the Raja's
Dewan ordered my siezure and imprisonment.
A reference to the Thibet authorities procured his release
eventually. The Eaja applied to me for assistance in arms
and ammunition, but it was refused. The Raja and his
Ranees, who are all Thibetans, leave Tumloong ^ annually for
Choombi in the month of May, and return to Sikim in
November. The great damp and constant rain in Sikim for
that period disagrees greatly with all natives of Thibet.
^ The Sikim Raja's usual residence.
140
Akt. VII. — The Name of the Twelfth Imdm on the Coinage
of Egypt. By H. Sauvaire and Stanley Lane Poole.
Seventeen years ago the lamented M. Soret published a
description of a most interesting silver coin struck at Misr
in the year of the Flight 525 (a.d. 1130-1), bearing a name
Abu'l-Kdsim Muhammad At-Muntazar-bi-amri'lldh, which
does not appear in the list of the F&timi Khalifahs of Egypt,
though the place and date of the coin would certainly lead
us to suppose that it was struck by a ruler belonging to this
dynasty. A remarkable circumstance is that the coin was
struck during the reign of Al-Hdfiz.
Hitherto this dirhem of M. Soret's has been the only
recognized coin of Al-Muntazar : but now another may be
added, a gold coin in the collection in the British Musemn,
struck at Cairo in the same year as the dirhem above
mentioned. The following is the description of this din&r,
and of M. Soret's dirhem.
1 Gold. Inedited, {British Museum.)
Al-KAhirah, 625.
Obverse — Area — ilc Jit
Inner Margin— .Oil J^ Jlc ^1 J^^ jJLs-* ^\ Sj i^\ X
Outer Margin — (J^\ ^^Jj u^V ^^J^ ^^ i}y^J •^^■^•^^^
Reverse — .^^ . ^
Inner Margin — (j-^J^^jl^^-^i <lI11 ^ J AaiiX^ ^J£\ ^\
Oater Margin— -^jJ\ Vsib l^j*^ (^i^j^^ v:r*'^J^^ ^^ (*^
U-*-*^^ Uij^J LT-*^ ^ ir^^^ ^y^^.
ON THE COINAGE OP EGYPT. 141
2 Silver. (Soret, Rev, Arehiol, XIII* annde.)
Ohverte — Area {
Inner Margin— As on the dCn^ just described.
Outer Margin — As on the dinar.
Bevene — Area j • *
Inner Margin — ^j^yi\j0^\ iSiSj^\i Jri\ ;4>H ^USl ji\
Outer Margin— (jm4c>^ L^j^oaj ^ J!\ 1 jJb c,^ 4^\ ^
(I have taken several liberties with M. Soret's description
of this coin. In the first place I agree with M. Sauvaire
that the engraving of the coin warrants the reading
(suggested by M. Sauvaire himself) Jkull instead of j^'\ \
which Soret read ; and besides this I have reversed M. Soret'a
designation of avers and revers for the sake of uniformity with
the din&r, and because I think that the obverse is always the
side on which the more important inscriptions and names
occur ; and there can be no question that a Muslim, (not being
a numismatist,) if asked which was the more important side,
would say, That with the profession of faith on it)
Now, having described the coins, there comes the question,
who was this Abu-l-K&sim Muhammad Al-Muntazar P The
answer which Professor Tomberg proposed was that he was
the father of the Khalifah Al-H&fiz, and in this opinion
Soret agreed. It is, of course, a curious coincidence that
Al-H&fiz/s father should have borne the name Abu-l-K&sim
• • •
Muhammad ; but it must be remembered that this name and
patronymic combined are common enough. There is no
historical evidence for Prof. Tomberg's theory.
The case is very different, however, with M. Sauvaire's
explanation: it is supported by incontrovertible evidence,
and must at once establish itself as the real solution of the
problem. M. Sauvaire will soon publish his explanation of
142 THE NAME OF THE TWELFTH IMAM
the difficulty in his work on the coins of the F&timi
Khalifahs, which will fonn one of the sections of the new
international edition of Marsden's Numiamata OrietUalia:
but in the meanwhile he wishes me to make his solution of
the problem generally known, and I therefore transcribe part
of his letter to me.
Extract from a Letter from M. H, Sauvaire,
Albxaitdris, le 23, 9toe, 1873.
Yous terminez yotre liste des Fath^mites
du British Museum en signalant I'embarras caus^ par la
presence, sur le pr^cieux dinar de 525 (el Qah^ra), du nom
d'un personnage qui ne se trouve pas dans la s^rie des
Khalifes d'Egypte. F. Soret et M. Tomberg ont ^galement
essay^ de r^soudre cet int^ressant probl^me pour un derhem
de la meme ann^e frapp6 dans latelier mon^taire de Masr.
J'ai ^t^ assez heureux pour trouver la solution du problSme ;
elle figura dans mon petit travail ; mais en attendant qu'il
soit termini vous pourrez, si yous le jugez k propos^ donner
communication de la pr^sente note au " Journal of the Boyal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland."
F. Soret avait tr^s-ing^nieusement suppos^ que le pdre de
H&fezh, ^tant encore en vie^ d, I'^poque de Tay^nement de
son fils, avait pu se consid^rer comme ayant le plus de droit
dla succession eventuelle d'El-Amer; ime coincidence Strange,
car le pere de H&fezh portait les noms d'Abou'l Q&sem Mo«
hammady semblait pouvoir corroborer d tel point Pezplication
du savant et regrett^ numismatiste de Geneve, que M. Tom-
berg ne pouvait s'empecher de lui donner la pr6f6rence sur
toute autre^ et ne mettait meme guere en doute que de nou-
velles recherches ne vinssent la confirmer.*
Cependant une note manuscrite de la main meme de F.
Soret sur I'exemplaire qu'il eut la bont^ de me faire parvenir
* Cependant Maqrizi dit qu'El Hclfezh 4tait le plus &g6 des plus proches
parents d'El Amer.
' [Here I must remark that M. Sauyaire has made a slieht OTersiffht : it was
Prof. Tomberg who proposed the explanation here referred to, and M. F. Soret
who ga?e it the preference over all others. — S. L. P.]
ON THE COINAGE OF EGYPT. 143
de sa ''Lettre k M. Tomberg sur quelques monnaies des
dynasties alides," contient ces mots : " Lorsque j'ai public
cette lettre j'ignorais encore d'existence d'un mgme m^moire
de De Sacy, qui explique un dinar analogue k TespSce d^crite,
et donne une interpretation plus satisfaisante qui la mienne
du probleme que j'ai cherch^ k r^soudre."
Yous serez plus i m6me que moi, Monsieur, de recbercher
le m^moire publi6 par S. de Sacy ; mais j'ai tout lieu de croire
que ce savant,' qui avait fait une ^tude approfondie de
Maqrizi, a trouv^ la veritable solution ; c'est Ik en cfiet
qu'elle se trouve complete, bien qu'Ebn Khallik&n soul^ve
en partie le voile dans la biographic du XI°^ Xhalife fath^-
mite. Quant k Ebn El Athlr, (ed. Tomberg, t. x. pp. 468 et
473,) ses renseignements, quoique tres-int&'cssants, ne sont
pas complets. Je signalerai meme, a propos de cet auteur,
un fait qui m'a surpris : c'est Tabsence de toute mention,
dans ses Annales, du nom d"Abd Er-Eahim qu'El Hakem
be'amr allah d^signa en Ta. 404 comme son heritier pre-
somptif. Quoiqu'il en soit, I'auteur du X&mel fi't tarikh
nous apprend bien qu'Abou 'Aly Ahmad, le vizir, fit faire la
Xhothbe en son propre nom avec les titres honorifiques de
"Es-Sayyed El Afdhal El AdjaU Abou 'Aly
Ahmad Ebn Es-Sayyed El Adjall El Afdall Chahinchah, Emir
El Djoyouch," et pent fitre trouvera-t-on un jour quelque
monument mon^taire venant confirmer cette assertion, car la
Khothbe etait accompagn^e du droit de battre monnaie ; mais
Ebn El Athir ne nous donne pas comme Maqrizi la solution
de notre probleme.
Ebn-Khallik&n (t. i. p. 429, du texte tlrabe ed. de Slane, et
vol. ii. de la trad*** p. 180) nous apprend qu'apr^s s'etre saisi
d'El H&fezh, le fils d'El Afdhal fit faire la priere publique au
nom d'El Q&im fi akher ez-zam&n que les sectateurs des
douze imams ou Im&mites d^signent sous le nom d' El Im&m
El Montazhar (I'im&m attendu)«
Mais j'en arrive k Maqrizi, oil on lit, t. i. p. 406 (ed. de
Boulaq), sous le chapitre consacre a I'hCtel des monnaies
c-^^-aJ\ i^J: " Le premier acte du vizirat d' Ahmad
Ebn El Afdhal fut de faire saisir le Khalife El Hftfezh qu'il
144 THE NAME OF THE TWELFTH IMAM
emprisonna dans la dite chambre : il le fit charger de fers, et
soidut le d^poser; mais il ne put accomplir ce projet. Ahmad
Ebn El Afdhal ^tait im&my, aussi supprima-t-il de la Khothb^
la mention d'El H&fezh et il fit faire I'inyocation au nom
d'El Q&'im El-Montazhar ; il fit graver sur la monnaie
J^\ d)J\ Dieu r^temel.
\^Vi L'lmam Mohammad.
Quand il eut 6t6 tu^ le mardi, 16 de Moharram, de Va. 526,
El H&fezh fut tir^ de sa prison," etc.
Nous avons presque la description de la pr^cieuse monnaie
du British Museum : le derhem decrit par F. Soret porte en
effet au centre d'un c6t6 J^^^ <dl\i
et de Tautre J^^*^*^ aUXV
II ne nous reste plus qu'd rechercher les noms et kenny€ de
I'Im&m Mohammad. Je ferai d'ailleur remarquer que sur
la gravure donn^e par Soret, sous le no. 10, dans la I"
planche accompagnant sa lettre k M. de Dom, Bruxelles,
1856, le I9 de^i^:^\ est tr^s-distinct, et que c'est ainsi qu'il
faut lire au lieu de^;«jc^t El Montaser.
La biographic de Mohammad sumomm^ El Heuddj^, se
trouve dans le 2^^ vol. de la traduction d'Ebn Khallik&n par
M. le B®°- de Slane, p. 81. Nous y lisons:*
' Abi&'l-X^im Muhammad, the son of al-Hasan al- Askari
(vol. i. p. 390), the son of Ali al-H&di (vol. ii. p. 214), the
son of Muhammad al- Jawad (see the preceding article), was
one of the twelve Im&ms, according to the opinion of the
Im&mites. He was sumamed al-Hujja (the proof of the
truth) y and it is he whom the Shiites pretend to be the
Muntazar (the expected), the Kdim {the chief of the age), and
the Mahdi (t/ie directed). According to them, he is the
S&hib as-Sird&b, (th^ dweller in the cistern, [I'habitant du
1 [Ingtead of this the British Museum dSn&r has i>\^ Jl^ , — 8. L. P.]
^ [M. Sauvaire, in his letter, gives a French translation of this biography, but
I thought it better to extract the nvhole intact from Ibn-KhaUik&n in th«
EngliBh.— S. L. P.]
ON THE COINAGE OF EGYPT. 145
souterrain, Sauyaire,] ) and the opinions they hold with
regard to him are yery numerous. They expect his return
(into the world) from a cistern at Sarra man r&a, when time
is near its end. He was bom on Friday, the 15th of
Shaab&n^ a.h. 255 (July, a.d. 869). When his father died,
he was five years of age. His mother's name was Al-Khamt,
but some call her Narjis (narcmua). The Shiites say that
he entered into the cistern at }iis father's house whilst his
mother was looking on, and that he never again came out.
This occurred in the year 265 (a.d. 878-9), and he was at
that time nine years of age. Ibn al-Azrak says, in his
History of Maiy&fSrikln : "The birth of the Hujja took
place on the 9th of the first Rabi, a.h. 258 ; others say, and
with greater truth, on the 8th of Shaab&n, 256 (July, a.d.
870). When he went into the cistern, his age was four
years ; some say five ; and others again state that he entered
it in A.H. 275 (a.d. 888-9), at the age of seventeen years."
God knows best which of these statements is true.'
J'ai traduit Serd&b par " souterrain." ^ On sait en effet qu'a
Baghdad pendants les fortes chaleurs les habitants ont I'habi-
tude de se retirer dans des Serd&b, qui sent, non des citernes,
mais des esp^ces de caves ou places pratiqu^es sous le sol.
Je vous demande pardon. Monsieur, d'avoir abus^ vos
instants, et vous prie d'agreer I'assurance de ma considera-
tion la plus distingu^e.
Hy. Sauvaire,
\er Brogman du Coruulat 04n4ral de France a Alexandrie d*Egypte.
At the beginning of this notice I said that hitherto only
one coin, a dirhem, of this Muhammad Abu-1-Kdsim had
been known, and that the din&r from the British Museum,
now for the first time published, was the only other. M.
Sauvaire's reference to De Sacy's memoir^ has shown me
that a third coin, similar to them, was described by that
eminent scholar forty-three years ago: but it was strictly
* [In this D'Ohsson agrees, translating grotte. Tab. G^n. t. i. p. 88 (apud
De Sacy). S. L. P.]
' Published in the Jfe'moires de VAcad. des Inscriptions ei BeHes-Lettres, toL iz.
1831, pp. 284-316.
VOL. Vn. — [nBW 8BBIB8.] 10
146 THE NAME OF THE TWELFTH IMAM
true that the only coin really known was F. Soret's dirhem,
for it is clear that neither that renowned numismatist nor
the accomplished savant Prof. Tomberg knew of De Sacy^s
treatise, until after Soret's was published.
De Sacy's coin is a din&r precisely similar to that in the
British Museum, except that the mint-place is Al-Iskandar-
lyah, and that (like Soret's dirhem) it has ^\ ^u J^^^t
whilst the British Museum din&r has ^\ A \ai:\\ distinctly.^
As M. Sauvaire foretold, De Sacy's explanation is precisely
the same as his own. I quote a sentence :
" Le prince dont on lit le nom sur notre m^daUle n'est
point un personnage historique, qui a regn^ ou aspir^ &
regner en Egypte k T^poque oil elle a it& frapp^ : c'est un
personnage fantastique, je dirois presque mythologique,
Vimam attendu dont la manifestation dpit avoir lieu 4 la fin
des temps ; en im mot, le Mahdi, dont les noms sent effec-
tiVement Mohammad Abou* I Kasem,** (M6m. de I'Acad. des
Inscr. 1831. t. ix. p. 288.)
De Sacy supports his theory by many historical ex-
tracts, including that from Ibn-Xhallik&n (life of El-Hafiz)
JlLJI ^^^ <U^\ c,.^-;^^, which is quoted by M. Sauvaire, but
without mentioning the important last few words, about
which Do Sacy observes that his name (not merely his lakab)
was on the coins, showing that Ibn-Khallik&n was aware of
the prominency of the name, Muhammad, of Al-Mimtazar,
on the coinage.
De Sacy, however, had not found that passage in Al-
Makrizi's Khitat (though he found others), which M.
Sauvaire quotes, from the chapter on the Mint, and which
is by far the most important piece of historical evidence
on the subject.
Though, therefore, this theory had before been propounded
by Silvestre de Sacy, yet equal credit is due to the in-
^ Both readings are intelligible : the former means ' the expected by the
mand of God ' ; the latter * the expected for [executing] the command of (}od.*
ON THE COINAGE OF EGYPT. 147
genuity and labour of M. Sauvaire for his independent re-
searches; and to him alone belongs the credit of having
brought forward the most valuable witness to the accuracy
of the solution of the problem.
On the Names of the Capitals of Egypt}
The occurrence of the name Al-MoHzziyah Al-Kdhirah qu
the first of the coins described above needs some explanation,
and in order to do this I must first say a few words on the
names of the successive capitals of Egypt under the rule of
the Muslims.
When the Arabs first conquered Egypt in the eighteenth
year of the Flight (a.d. 639), they rejected the existing
metropolis Alexandria, and founded AlrFustdt, This re-
mained the capital till shortly after the end of the Amawi
Khalifahs, when (in 133, a.d. 750-1) the governors or ndihs
of the 'Abb&sis changed the seat of government by founding
the small town of Al-'Askary close to Al-Fust&t, and there
taking up their residence. In 256 (a.d. 870) Ahmad
Ibn-Tulun was appointed governor, and very soon made
himself independent, and transmitted his power to his
descendants, founding the dynasty of the Beni-Tulun.
This dynasty occupied another capital, Al-Katae\ a town
which was built by Ahmad Ibn-Tulun near the two already
founded. Al-Kat4e* was partly burnt down in 292
(a.d. 904-5) when Muhammad Ibn-Suleym&n restored
Egypt to the rule of the 'Abb&siyah, who continued to
appoint lieutenants till 323 (a.d. 935). These later ndibs of
the 'Abb&sis, like the earlier governors who preceded the
Benf-Tuiun, established themselves in Al-'Askar^ which
thus became once more the capital of Egypt. But in 323
Muhammad Al-Ikhshld was for the second time appointed
ndib, and made himself independent, like Ahmad Ibn-Tulun,
* My authorities for this account of the Capitals of Egypt are chiefly the Ency-
clopflBCua Britannica, art. Egypt^ of which the part relating to modem Egypt was
written hy my father E. Stanley Poole; Mrs. Poole's Englishtvomnn in Egypt ;
and Mr. Lane's MS. account of Cairo (forming part of his Description of Egypt),
which I used to confirm the other two works. I may add that the account of the
history of Cairo in Mrs. Poole's work has heen republished abroad by a German
Orientalist without the slightest acknowledgment.
148 THE NAME OF THE TWELFTH IMAM
founding the djmasty of the Ikhskidit/ah, and retaining
Al-'Askar as capitaL In this state the government remained
till 358 (A.D. 968-9), when the Fatimi Khalifah of Africa
(Tunis) Al-Mo'izz-li-dini-ll&h sent Johar Al-K&i'd to invade
Egypt. Johar, having conquered the country, set about
making a fit metropolis for his master. He found the large
and populous city of Al-Fust&t, and near it the town of
Al-'Askar and the remains of Al-Katae' ; but none of these
seemed to please him, so he founded a new city, which he
called Al-MansMyah, but which shortly afterwards received
the name of Al-Kdhirahy on account of an omen which
happened whilst J6har was laying the foundations of the
wall, the planet Mars (Al-K&hir) being in the ascendant.
Al-Kahirah was the residence of the Fdtimis, and has
remained the capital of Egypt ever since. In the present
day the city, which we call Cairo, and the inhabitants
call Ma§r, includes not only *A1-K&hirah proper, but also
what has been built upon the sites of Al-'Askar and Al-
Kat&e'. Al-Fust&t has not quite vanished from the land,
for remains of it at a short distance from Cairo are still
known by the name of Masr Al-^Atikah or Old Masr.
We see, then, that Al-Fu8t4t, Al-'Askar, Al-Kat&e',
Al-'Askar again, and Al-K&hirah, have successively been the
capitals of Egypt. The question now arises, by what names
are these various towns represented on the coins P
From 113 (the date of the first known coin struck at
Misr) to 560 the name Mi§r alone is found on the coins,
with two exceptions : the first is the occurrence of Misr and
Al-Fust&t, on opposite sides of some copper coins struck
between 127 and 132 ; the other is the din&r of 525 described
above, to which I shall return further on. From the loose
habit of Arab historians to refer to the capital of Egjrpt by
the name Misr (which was also applied to the country itself),
it has been concluded that each successive capital (by which
term I mean seat of government) was called Misr. It is my
belief, however, that this name was correctly applicable to
Al-Fust&t alone, until Turkish times, when Al-K&hirah
succeeded to the designation. If this view be correct^ we
ON THE COINAGE OF EGYPT. 149
must obviously admit that the coins were always stmck at
Al-Fust&t, (which was the largest of the cluster of towns
imtil Al-K&hir^h became supreme,) without reference to the
changes in the {>lace of residence of the different govemors.
I haye not, as yet, met with any historical evidence to the
truth of this theory, but the coins themselves furnish a fact
which lends considerable support to it. We have already
seen that up to the year 560, the name Al-K&hirah does not
appear on the coinage, except in the dindr of 525, and this
being a sort of revolutionary coin cannot be regarded as of any
weight in deciding the question whether the regular coinage
issued from Al-Fust&t or from El-Kdhirah: moreover, a
dirhem was struck in the same year with the name Misr.
After this curious din&r of 525, the name Misr was restored to
the coinage, imtil 560, after which I know of no coin bearing
that name till the modem Turkish coinage was introduced.
But it is remarkable that on a din&r of the Fdtimi Al-'Adid,
of 564, the name Al-Mo'izziyah Al-K&hirah occurs, just as
on the coin of 525, and that from that date Al-K&hirah
alone appears on the coinage, not of the Fdtimis, for this
dindr is the last struck by them at their capital so far as I
know, but of the succeeding dynasties of the Ajrytibis and
the Bahri and Burji Memluks. In itself there would be
nothing extraordinary in the fact that the regular appearance
of the name of Al-Kdhirah on the coinage dates from 564,
but we only see the full significance of it when we remember
that it was in 564 that Al-Fustdt was burnt down by the
Wezir Shdwir, to save it from the hands of Amaury, and
the inhabitants took reAige in Al-Kdhirah. This, then, is
the chief support of my view of the applicability of the
name Misr to Al-Fustdt alone, and of the consequent in-
variableness of the mint-place, that we find the name Al-
Kdhirah permanently introduced on the coinage as soon as
Al-Fustdt ^^ burnt down, and not before, save on one
exceptional coin.
We must now look at the name AUMo^izziyah Al-Kdhirah^
by which the latest capital of Egypt is designated on the
earliest two coins struck in it. The reason for the use of
150 THE NAME OF THE TWELFTH IMAM
this name Al-Mo'izziyah is sufficiently obvious, from the city
having been founded by Johar, the general of the F&timi
Al-Mo'izz. But however reasonable may be the adoption of
the name, no historian seems to have been acquainted with
it, and even Al-Makrizi does not, to my knowledge, mention
it. This ignorance of the name by the historians made me
very careful in asserting the reading. If the coin of 525
had been the only example of the name, I confess I should
not be able to insist upon the reading ojx^f, for the coin
has had a blow in the middle of the mint-name which
renders it somewhat indistinct ; but the occurrence of this
name on the other din&r, of 564, convinces me that the read-
ing of the earlier coin is also correct. After having satisfied
myself of the accuracy of Al-Mo'izziyah, it occurred to me,
that though the name was ignored by the historians, I might
find some mention of it among the geographers. A reference
to the Mar&sid-el-ittil&' produced the subjoined extract,
which shows that the reading of the name is historically as
well as nimiismatically correct : —
**Al'Kdhirah, a city by the side of the city of Al-Fust&t ;
one wall comprehends them both ; and in the present day it
is the greater city [of the two] ; and in it is the regal palace
and the abode of the army ; and in the present day building
has extended so as to form a junction between it and Misr
[Al-Fustat]. And it is known as Al-K&hirah El-Mo'izziyah,
because it was built in the days of the 'Alawi .El-Mo'izz
Abu-Tamim, who was in Egypt : his slave J6har, whom he
had sent with the armies of Afrikiyah to take possession of
the country of Egypt, founded it in the year 358, after the
death of Kifur."!
• • . •
^ L5^J '^^^ jy^ W^'^^ LlixwuiS\ ^(^ v,,.^V,n^ ^"^ ijb^
^^l^ f^^y J^ ^^^ ^ ii
ON THE COINAGE OF EGYPT. 151
It is noteworthy that the author of the Ma^dsid-el-ittil&^
writing in the eighth century of the Hijrah, applies the
name Misr to the old city. I am strongly inclined to believe
that Misr was the name of Al-Fust&t alone of all the Muslim
• • •
capitals of Egjrpt, until it became desolate and ruined, when
it received the epithet of Al-'Atikah; and that when his-
torians speak of Misr at a time when Al-'Askar or Al-Kat&e'
were the capitals, they are using the name in a vague and
inaccurate sense for the whole cluster of towns. This is a
question which deserves to be worked out. The coinage
certainly favours my view.
^j™22^^im! Stanley Lane Poole.
Postscript.
A few weeks ago Dr. E. von Bergmann, Custos of Coins
and Antiquities at the Imperial Museum at Vienna, was
good enough to send me a Separat-Abdrttck of an article
by him, Beitrdge zur muhammedanischen Miinzkunde, in the
Sitzungsberichte of the Akademie der Wissenschaften at
Yienna. It is a singular coincidence that Dr. von Bergmann
publishes a coin of Al-Muntazar similar to Soret's, and has
arrived at precisely the same solution of the difficulty as De
Sacy and M. Sauvaire« As the learned Yiennese numis-
matist does not refer either to De Sacy's or to Soret's memoir,
I conclude his researches have been conducted independently.
Feb. 24. S. L. p.
152
Art. VIII. — Three Inscrtpiions o/Pardkrama Bdhu the Great
from Pulaatipura, Ceylon (date circa 1180 a.d.). By T.
W. Ehts Davids.
PuLASTiPURA, situated in lat. 7° 56' N., long. 81° 3' E., and
rather more than 50 miles S.E. of Anur&dhapura, was the
capital of Ceylon from the middle of the 8th century to the
beginning of the 14th (a.d. 769 — 1314), and when at the
height of its prosperity, during the long and glorious reign of
Par&krama B&hu the Great, it must have been a city of great
size and importance. It is pleasantly situated in the plain,
on the shores of one of those numerous artificial lakes which
the Simhalese kings loved to dot over the country ; and from
most of its ruins, as well as from the lake itself, are visible
to the S.W. the mountain ranges of M&talS, ending in the
Hunasgiriya Peak, and to the N.W. the haimted top of
Ritigala.^
Through it there passed in olden times the great road from
M&gama,^ the capital of the Southern Province of Buhuna,
1 Arittha-pabbata, Mab^yaiiiBa, page 64, line 2. Tbe history of this bill is
curious : it seems in tbe older portion of Ceylon history to bave been a place of
much importance. Here Pandukclbbaya entrenched himself for the seTen years
from B.C. 444 to b.c. 437 ; here Sura-tissa (b.c. 247-237) built a monastery, tbe
Lanka- yibclra, at the foot of the mountain; and here Lajji-tissa (b.c. 119-109)
built a vihdra (Tumour's Mahayafiisa, pp. 64, 127, 202). Since that early
time it is not again mentioned ; and in quite later times has been looked on as
the abode of devils. The natives are afraid to ascend it, and I believe that I was
the second Englishman who climbed it. My predecessor was a surveyor, who cut
his way up it in order to make some trigonometrical observations ; and one of
the men who had been with him was my guide. He, however, lost his way, and
very fortunately so, for in making a new path I came upon extensive ruins in a
fine forest halfway up the mountain ; ruins which it is not unlikely may have
suggested to some native the existence of devils : for they are far larger than
any native thereabout could build, and if come upon suddenly or at dusk, could
not fail to affect with awe any timid mind. From the ruins to the^ top I found
an easy path, and at the very summit a solid retaining wall, supporting a terrace,
on which a building of some kind, perhaps a watch tower, seems formerly to have
stood. The river Malwattu Oya, the kadamba of the Mahdvafiisa, on which
Anuradhapura stands, rises in this hill, and the old road from Pulastipura to
Anuradhapura must have passed close by its base.
^ Mdgama is curiously enough not the Mdgrammum of Ptolemy ; for as he
' calls it the metropolis, and plu^ it beside the great river/ Tennent (Ceylon, L
RANKOT DAGABA, PULASTIPURA, CEYLON.
•'/</^''/A'/A V/////yW/:--/>:'>\A-.'.
OF parIkeama bIhu the great. 155
which is given on p. 305 : according to IJpham's translation
of the BAjawaliya (p. 254) it was Kit Serinewan, probably a
mistake for Kit-Siri-Mewan, the Elu for Kirti-Sri-Megha-
y&hana (or perhaps yarna), whose daughter, according to the
Epitome, p. 305, he married : and his mother's name, ac-
cording to Sola Lihini Sandese, v. 103, was Ratnam^li, if,
as is probable, he be the Par&krama B&hu there referred to.
On the other hand, it seems clear from a contemporaneous
inscription at Pulastipura, a copy of which I have made, that
he was not of Simhalese birth at all, but son of King Jaya
Gopa, of Sinihapura in Kalinga, by his Queen Parvati.
But whether he were Si&halese or Tamil, Aryan or Dra-
yidian, and whatever doubt there may be about his parentage,
the principal events of his reign are well known. He first
defeated all native competitors for the throne: then con-
solidated and strengthened his power by wise internal laws
and reforms, made Pulastipura his capital, adorned it with
many palaces and temples, and so enlarged it that its walls
in his time are said to have extended seven gaws, equal to
about twenty-seven miles. In the eighth year of his reign the
district of Ruhuna revolted, but the revolution was put down
with a strong hand. In the sixteenth year of his reign,
A.D. 1169, he invaded K&mboja and Aramana, and afterwards
Ghola and P&ndya ; and towards the close of his reign he
constructed some of the most gigantic of those irrigation
works for which Ceylon is famous.
A short account, from one of the Si&halese history books,
of his invasion of South India, has been given by me in the
Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Soc, vol. xli. p. 197 et seq. :
and I hope to be able to publish the full account of his reign
from the Mah&vamsa itself, of which seventeen chapters, Nos.
62-79, of altogether about 5000 slokasi give in great detail
this period of Si&halese history. There are several coins of
Par&krama B&hu extant; figs. 3 and 4, plate xxxv., 'Thomas's
Prinsep,' are a farthing and half-farthing, the inspription
on the reverse of which is interpreted Srt E&ma Nath by
Wilson, but consists very clearly, as Prinsep points out, of
the words Sri Par&krama B&hu. I have a coin very similar
156 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CEYLON
to No. 3, but with a lion rampant yery beautiAilly executed
on the right side of the standing figure ; and No. 1 of
the plate referred to, a gold coin, the inscription of which
Prinsep deciphers as La&keswara, but assigns to the minister
Lokaiswara, a.d. 1060, belongs imdoubtedly also to Par&-
krama B4hu the Great, who in the second inscription now
published calls himself Lamkeswara.^
It should be added that the modem name of Pulasti-
pura is Top&wsewa, sometimes shortened into Top&wa, i.e»
Sthiipa-y4pi ; Tennent's name Pollanarua, usually pro-
nounced Pollana-rda, is simply a mistake for Polon-narua,
with the accent on the short nd, a fc^rm perhaps derived
from Pulasti-nagara, but only foimd in the artificial language
of modem poetry, and never used by the Simhalese people
of the district. Another inscription of the same place and
date, showing the constitution of Par^rama B&hu's Coimcil
of State, or rather of the Court by which he was surrounded
on State occasions, will be found deciphered in the Number
of the 'Indian Antiquary ' for September, 1873.
The three inscriptions now inclosed (copied by me at Pulas*
tipura), were inscribed during the latter part of the reign of
Par4krama the Great, who died, according to Tumour, in
1186 A.D.
The First of the Three Inscriptions is a kind of pro-
clamation addressed by Par&krama B&hu to the people,
urging them to choose a Kshatriya for their king, and not a
man belonging to any other caste. It must, I imagine, have
been put up towards the end of Parfikrama's reign, when he
had no longer any hope of a son of his own to succeed to
him ; and recollecting that in Ceylon there were no families
of any caste higher than the Well&las or cultivators, it will
appear that Par&krama is in fact exhorting the people to
choose for their king, and invite over, one of his own re*
lations from Kalinga, on the coast of India. The inscription
opens with a Sanskrit stanza in the Sardtda-vikridita metre,
^ Two of these coins are to be foand in the collections at the British Maaeam ;
where there are, besides, two copies of the farthing of Bdja LtlftTSti, Par&knma
B&hn*s queen.
OF PARAKRAMA BAHTJ THE GREAT. 167
setting forth that the choice of a Kshatriya as king would
be the only way to insure peace and prosperity to the
nation. In point of fact, Parslkrama B4hu's words were
almost prophetic. The succeeding two kings, apparently
of Simhalese birth, reigned respectively twelve months and
five days, and each met with a violent death. Sirti Nis-
sanka, from Kalinga, then reigned for nine years, but was
followed by kings mostly of Simhalese birth, who reigned
successively one day, nine months, nine months, three years,
two years, six years, twelve months, seventeen days, twelve
months, nine months, seven months, and three years. Of
these, at least three were murdered, and two had their eyes
put out. The ninth was a restoration of Par4krama B&hu's
widow, L114vati (a coin of whose reign is still extant),
and the fifth, who reigned two years, was a near relative
of Par4krama B4hu's, being the son of Sri Gopa Raja^ king
of Simhapura, in Kalinga, by his Queen Lank& Mah&
Dewi. Particularly interesting is the injunction, not to any
council of state, but to the people at large, that when the
office of King or overlord (M^h&r&ja, Elu maharaja) becomes
vacant, " either he who is heir apparent (yuva-rfija) ; or if
there be none such, one of the princes (r&ja-kum4ra) ; or
if there are none of them, one of the queens (bisowa),
must be chosen to the kingdom." The inscription was en-
graved on a fine slab of stone 12 feet long by 2 feet 9 inches
broad; it was put up at the principal gate of the king's
palace; and having been completely buried, the letters are
quite perfect. Underneath it I found a spear-head,* which
makes it probable that it fell into the position where I found
it at one of the sieges of Pulastipura, and very probably
at the taking of the city by the Malabar Mclga, who con-
quered the island a.d. 1216, in the reign of the last king
in, the list above given. A facsimile of the inscription is
prefixed to this article.
The Second Inscription, a copy of which is also prefixed
to this article, I found repeated four times on four pillars,
which surrounded apparently a kind of throne or dais opposite
^ Now in the possession of the Ceylon GoTemment.
168 THREE mSCEIPTIONS FROM CEYLON
the Rankot, or golden-tipped D&gaba, forming, if one may
say so, a kinS of royal p^w, from which, as the inscrip-
tion states, the king was wont to worship towards the
holy D4gaba. The space within the columns was probably
about 8 feet by 8 ; two were fallen and broken, which
was, as far as the inscription goes, very fortunate, as it
could scarcely have been deciphered at all had it not been
for the parts which had been covered and protected by the
dihria ; as it is, only one line at the beginning and one
or two words in two places further on are now irrecover-
able. I inclose facsimiles of the inscriptions on pillars Nds. 1
and 2, the nearest ones to the Ddgaba. It will be noticed
that the pillars, which are square at top and bottom, are
octagonal in the centre, and the writing there becomes
narrower.
The Third Inscription is on a seat almost cubical in shape,
about 3 feet high, 3 feet by 3 at the top, and a little larger
at the bottom, which was found in the jungle some 200 yards
to the east of the D&gaba, at a place where there could not
possibly be any danger to any one who, as the inscription
tells us of Par&krama, should watch from it the building
of the bell-shaped sacred pile. Messrs. Lawton and Co., of
Kandy, have taken a good photograph of this stone, a wood-
cut from which is annexed to this article, and several very
beautiful photographs of the D&gaba, both as a whole and
in detail. All the words in the inscription are clear, and
are written round the top of the stone, so as to form a
border round a smooth square in the centre : a plan which
has been followed in at least two other instances in Pulasti-
pura.
The language of all the inscriptions, save the two Sa&skrit
stanzas in the first, is an old form of the Si&halese dialect,
discussed in the valuable paper read by Mr. Childers before
the Society at its last meeting. Most Si&halese poetry is
written in a much shortened and very difficult form of this
dialect, called Elu; a form which was probably never in
existence as a living language; the word Elu is, however,
also used simply of old Simhalese, and in this sense of the
OF PABAEBAMA BAHD THE OfiEAT. 1S9 -
name a good many EIu words and forme are found in these
inscriptions, which would be nnintelligible to a modem
Siffihaleee. I must defer the consideration of the very
interesting paleeographical and philological results of these,
dtscoTeries until I am able to prepare for publication certain
other Ceylon inscriptions : especially one long one dating a
few years after these, whose dialect should be considered
together with the dialect of these ; and a large number of
short inscriptions in the old Eock P&li alphabet, from which
that of these inscriptions is derived.
160 THREE IXSCRIPTIOXS FROM CEYLON
Traxsliteration and Translation of the Inscription ok
THE Granite Slab at the Door of ParIkraica
Bahu the Great's Palace at Pulastipura.
Lakshmim Yarddhayitum yyathain samayiton tr&tmn sra
yansa-sthitim
E^aulan dharmmam up&situm yadi manas samrakshitoin
c'&srit&n,
Kshatrany eva kulani yd gamayata SY&mitYam, any&n punar
Yarnn&n neti ; nay&n im&n bhajatabho Nissankamallo 'ditAa.^
6.'^ Ok4was raja parapurehi S&rya wansaya
7. tilakdya sam^na wae, raja piliwelin r&jya la-
8. -din, wotunu paelandaD, maha raja tan pat wii Nissan-
9. -ka Malla Kalinga Pr&krama B&hu cakrawarttin waha-
10. -nse anat rajasirin Sakray& se wii*4 jam&na
translation.
[Samskrit.] If it is your wish to increase your prosperity,
and allay your fear, to preserYe the proper positions of your
families, to respect the customs of your tribes, and to protect
subjects, choose you families of knights to soYcreignty, and
not the other castes : embrace these maxims, (they are) spoken
by Nissanka Malla.
[Elu.] He who comes of the royal race of IkshY&ku, like
a star on the forehead of the family of the Sun, who receiYing
the kingdom by royal succession, and putting on the crown,
obtained the office of chief king, His Imperial Majesty
Nissahka Malla K&linga Parakrama B&hu (the fearless
Ynrestler, the strong-armed one of K&linga), illustrious as
Sakrayi the King of Gods, with endless royal splendour,
^ After this word is drawn a fish, as a sign equivalent to our full stop: a similar
fall stop is used on Parakrania's Lion seat at the Audience Ilall. oca facnmile
in the Indian Antiquary, Sept. 1873.
^ The numbers snow where each line of the inscription, as given in the Uc»
rimilCf begins. They are omitted, as unnecessary, in the transliteration of the
SafiLskrit stanzas.
OF parIkeama bAhu the great. 161
11. wse, ty&gra-satya-saaryy&di-guna-ganayen asMbft*
12. -rana wse, XJd&gal mundun pat hiru se satur anduru
13. dural&, mulu Lakdiwa semehi tab&, lo wseda pi-
14. -nin upan kalpa-vrkshayak se waedea sitae,
15. lo-W8Bda sasun wseda kotas, dasa raja dharmmayen r&-
16. -jya keremin Polasti-piira nsBmseti K&linga r&ja pu-
17. -rayehi wseda wasana seyen — taman wahanse ran
18. ridi kahawunu mutu msBnik wastr& 'bharan&di d&na wa-
19. -sh¥ dilindun gim niw<i, mahft janayange
20. samurddhi dseksB satutu wae/' apage K&linga wamsayatae
21 . '^ swabh&wa dbannmawii lokopak&ra kala maba-krta-yu-
22. ''-gayekse se apa me kotalu samurddhaya kal-
23. ''-pdntayft dakw& kese stbira kotse gani-
24. "-tdoboyi *' mab& k&ran& pr4jn¥ pa-
25. -riksbft kota wad&rana seyen — " lowata mawu
and distinguished by the number of his virtues, generosity,
truth, heroism, and others like them — (He) dissipated the
darkness of his enemies like the Sun when he rises o'er
the moimtain of the dawn, and made peace throughout
Ceylon, living in the K&linga-raja-pura called Pulastipura,
reigning with the ten kingly virtues, and increasing religion
and the prosperity of the world like a wishing tree produced
by the merit of the inhabitants of the earth.
His Majesty relieved the exhaustion of the poor^ by the
rainfall of his gifts, ornaments and dress, and jewels and
pearls, and coins and silver and gold; and being pleased
when he beheld the prosperity of the people, deeply con-
sidered in his great mercy and wisdom, thinking, "How
" after benefiting the world by the qualities inherent in our
"family of Kalinga, can this prosperity like that of the
" good old Golden Age be maintained to the end of this dis-
" pensation," and perceiving that the prosperity and the very
race of the wicked were rooted out, who, not knowing the
greatness and virtue of kings, the gods of men, and parents
of the world, offended against them, he thought, " ! that
^ gim niwu, literally '' who quenched the fire."
YOL. YU. — [nBW aUBIBS.] 11
162 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CEYLON
26. "piya was naradewatae wae siti raja-daruwange
27. ^'guna mahimll no-daensB, unta apar&dha kala du-
28. ''rjjanayange msB wargga hk sampatwa hk ni-
29. ''rmmiila wana bawa dsBksB, eseda kisi kenekunta
30. "win&sa nu wu man&wedayi" sitA, ajnAnayen
31. andha wd Ipkayahafa aesa dennft se satata-
32. yen boho awaw&da anus&san& kotSD ; '' r&-
33. ^'-ja-drohanam panc&nantaryyakarmma se nokata
34. "yutu deyekaeyi" dharmma-niti dakwana seyen,
35. prdndtipAtAdi duscarita kal&lmda, wisha kaewoda,
36. tamu matu nasiti ; r&ja drohanam kalawun da unge
37. wargga da, un ha ekwu wan nasajri : eheyin r&-
38. -ja-drohanam sitin at no sitiya
39. yutteysB, arfijakawae da no wisi.
40. yutteysD : eheyin maharaja ta-
41. -n pat W83 sitiyawun naeti tasneka
42. yuwaraja w8d sitiyawun ho, un adu
43. nsDta hot r&ja-kum&rawarun ho,
44. un udu nscta hot bisowarun ho,
45. rajyayata taakiya yutteysD. Budu sasu-
46. nata himi Lakdiwata abaudha Ghola Ke-
• • •
such destruction would happen to no one ! " and always giving
much advice and instruction, which were like two eyes to
the world blind in its ignorance, he published just laws as
follows : '' Treason is a thing which must be avoided like the
five great unpardonable sins: those who commit the five
sins, murder and the rest, and those who take poison, destroy
only themselves, but the very race of those who commit
treason, and all who are with them, is destroyed. Treason
therefore must not even be imagined in the heart ; neither is
it right to live without a king.
Therefore when there is no one who has the office of chief
king, either he who is heir apparent, or if there be none
such, then one of the princes, or if there are none of them,
one of the queens, must be chosen to the kingdom.
Over our Island of Ceylon, which belongs to the teaching
of Buddha, non-buddhistical princes from Chola or Kerali or
OF parAkeama bAhtt the GBEAT. 163
47. ral&di rajadaruwo da no taekiya yutt&lia.
48. XJn h& ek wsq pereli-kalaha r&jadrohi
49. nam weti. K&kay4 hansagatiyata da kota-
50. luw& saindhawayanta da, gaendahul^ n&ga-
51. -r&jayanta da, kanamaendiriya s(lryyfi,-prabli&-
52. wayata da, watuwa hastinta da, kaenahil4
53. sinhayanta da bh&wa karann& se, gowi kule
54. -hi aettan r&ja-lilllwata no paetuwa maenae-
55. waD ; kese balawat wuwa da gowikulehi
56. aetto r&jyayata bala no gata yutt&ha.
57. Tam& hk samagaettan waenda pud& r&ja sam-
58. bhftwan& kal&hu da, ungen nam tanaturu la-
59. dd&hu da, r&jadrobi nam mae weti. Me ki wan M
60. wargga sampat rajadaru kenek paQmunu
61. witae mae nirmdla karann&ha. Eheyin Lak
62. diwa manushya-wS-sa-kala Wijaya rfijayan
63. parampar¥ &, Lak diwata himi ra-
64. -ja daru kenekun soy 4 gensed&wl na-
65. -m, aesa r^kshd-karannd se lo waeda sasun
other countries must not be chosen : those who join them
and make disturbances shall be called traitors.
As the crow should not be compared to the ha&sa, nor the
donkey to the Arab, nor the worm to the cobra, nor the
firefly to the sunshine, nor the snipe to the elephant, nor the
jackal to the lion, so should no men of the Well&la caste be
appointed to the sovereignty. However powerful they may
. be/ the men of the WeMla caste ought not to force (their
way) to the kingdom.
Those who honour as a king servants like themselves with
salutations and presents, or receive offices aud titles from
them, shall be called traitors : whenever a prince of wealth
and family joins with such people, he destroys himself.
Therefore, if you look for and find a prince who has a
right to Ceylon, and is descended from the race of King
Wijaya, who first peopled Ceylon, take sides with such a
ruler, who will take care of religion and the prosperity of
164 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CEYLON
66. raksliayehi yedi, sw&mi-paksha W2q, taman
67. wargga sam-pat raksM karanu msBiisewi.
Dhvdipksho hamsagatin kharo hayavaram gandi^padam
pannagam
Khadyoto mihiram mrgendralalitain kroshth& dvipam yark-
takah
Wamno 'nyo 'nukaroti rSjacari tan naiw&drtam kevalam
H^yassy&d iti yakti niti-kusalo Nissamka-Mallo nrpah.
the world as if they were his two eyes ; and so protect your
own families and fortunes."
[Sa^krit.] As the crow may imitate the gait of the
hamsa, and the donkey the Arab steed, (as) the worm may
imitate the cobra, and the firefly the sunshine, (as) the
jackal piay emulate the Uon, and the snipe the elephant:
so some other caste the conduct of kings ; yet it certainly
will not (thus) meet with respect, but only with ridicule:
thus speaks the wise and good Nissanka Malla, the King.
Inscription on the Four Pillars on the Upper
Terrace of the Rankot DAgaba.
Sin Laka paedsBkunu kotae sis&r&, gam niyam gam patun
gam r&jadh&ni da, Dewu-nuwara Kaela^i Dambulu Anu-
r&dhapura nuwara SBtuluwu tun rajayehi no ek prasiddha
sth&na da, jala durgga giri durgga wana durgga panka durgga
at-ambulu-pakak se nissesha-kotae bal& wad&r&. Ban
. . . Tal&padi aetuluwu tun rajayehi no ek maha wsb teensB asesha
pr^inta abhaya di, no marana niy¥ sammata kotae, pi-
TRANSLATION.
He who went round and over all Ceylon, and having seen
the villages and fortified and market towns and cities, and
several celebrated places in the three kingdoms, including
AnurMhapura, Dambulla, Ksclani and Dondra, and the
strongholds in water, and on hills, and in forest and marsh,
and could distinguish them like a neli-fruit in his hand ; — ^he
who in several difficult places in the three kingdoms, vL^
Ban Talftpadiy and others, gave security to all
OF paeIeeama bIejj the GEEAT. 165
samburawa da ... . sehen-kotaB-gat-tenata da, hsema dawasa^a
msB kseti aya haera, piirwa r&jayan dawassB aneka wadha band-
hana t&danayen hk go mahish&di sarwa 8awbaru:gayeii it&
dushtba wae giy&wu lokaw&stuta dandanftdi no ek deya haera,
mutu msBnik pabtdu SBtuluwu noek ratna da go mabiska
dbana dh&nya d&si d&sayan da dt, wel gam pamunu SBtuIuwu
aneka prak&ra wastr&bharana da, ran-walan ridi-walan dt,
sakala lokaw&sin swastba kotae, Lank& talaya nisbkantaka
kotse semebi tab&, lanlu (?) yuddb&s&wen bastyaswa-ratba-pa-
d&di caturangini maba senanga piriwar&, Maba Damba-di-
wubi P4ndi rata wsedsB sam&na Pratimallayan nodaekae, Cola
F&ndy& aneka desayen panduru gensB wad&r&, dik wijaya kala,
Sri Wtra K&linga Lankeswara A-pr&timalla Nissanka-Malla
Par&krama B&bu cakrawartti sw&minwabanse d& wsenda
wad&rana kudamayi.
living tbings, and commanded tbat tbey sbonld not be killed;
— be wbo for ever remitted tbe royal dues on places reclaimed
by clearing, and on ; — ^be wbo saved from fines,
flogging, and otber tbings of tbat kind, tbe inbabitants of
tbe world become very poor in cattle, bufialoes, and all
otber means of support, tbrougb oppression, imprisonment,
and torture, in tbe time of former kings ;~be wbo gave
pearls, and precious stones, and beads, and otber jewelry, and
slaves, and slave- girls, and com, and wealtb, and buffaloes,
and cattle, and different kinds of clotbes, and ornaments,
besides fields and villages, and , and tbus made all
men self-dependent ; — be wbo secured and pacified tbe realm
of Lankft; — ^be wbo longing for battle, and attended by a
great army witb four divisions of elepbant-riders, cavalry,
cbarioteers, and infantry, went to P&ndi on tbe continent of
India, and finding no equal nor opponent, accepted presents
from Cbola and several countries near P&ndy&, and was vic-
torious on every side ; — (be wbo did all tbis), His Excellency
tbe illustrious overlord Wtra K&linga Lankeswara Aprati-
Malla Nissanka-Malla Par&krama-B&bu, was pleased to salute
tbe reHc from tbis bouse.
166 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CEYLON
On the Stone Seat near Rankot DIgaba.
Sri siri Sanga-bo Wirar&ja Nissanka Malla E&linga
warttln wahanse, Lakdiwa niskantakota, ek sesat kota, pera
rajun nobanda aya gena dustha kala Lankft waslnta pas
awuruddakata aya haera, awurudu pati pas tulA bhirayak dl,
nam gam wahal sarak pamunu parapura ran mwan waatrft*
bharanftdi boho wastuwa di, suwa pat karawft, kat aya hadina
kalata ma hsBra, wal maba waD tsensQ pr&ntuta abbaya dl,
swadesaparadesa-yebi bobo catra nafiiw&, maha da& pawatwA,
tun rajaya psedaekunu kota, siyalu durgaraha rata bim balA,
loka sasanaya samurddha kotSD, yuddh&s¥ siworanga se-
naga piriwar& Dambudiwu waeda en& yuddhftdtn ilw&y senft no
ladin Cola-P&nd&din raja-daruwan webelft-gena, ewu rana-
aengili hk nlja-kanyak&wan b4 pandum dsBka, jayastbambha
karaw4, Lak diwu wasda, dasa rftjadbarmmayen r&jjyaya
TRANSLATION.
His Excellency, tbe illustrious overlord Sangabo Wirar&ja
Nissanka Malla of Kalinga ; — wbo restored peace to Ceylon,
and brought it under one sceptre (umbrella) ; — wbo remitted
five years' taxes for the people of Lanka afflicted by the
unbounded taxation of former kings, and by yearly giving
five times his own weight^ in metals, and much property,
including titles, villages, slaves, cattle and gold,
and jewels, and clothes, and ornaments, made them happy ;
— who for ever remitted royal dues ; — who even in the woods
and difficult places rendered Uving things secure ; — who at
home and abroad built many resthouses and gave great
largesses ; — ^who travelled through the three kingdoms, and
inspected all inaccessible and despised districts and lands ; —
who increased religion ; — who from the lust of war went witk
his four-fold army to Dambudiwa, and demanded soldiers,
and when he did not receive the army harassed the princes
of Cola and P&^di and other places, and having looked at
the rings and virgins they sent as gifts, and put up pillan
of victory, returned to Lakdiwa, and reigned with the tea
^ Soe my note about this curious custom on a similar panaffe of the loo^
Dambulla Inscription in the forthcoming Journal B.A.S. Ceylon Branch.
OF PABAKRAMA BAHU THE GBEAT. 167
keremin, Buwan-wseli D&gaba karaw& wad&rana kala,
karmm&nta balsL-wad^rlL w»da-uii mulu galin kala isana-
kingly virtues; — {He) used to sit on this throne made of a
single stone, and was pleased to watch the work when he was
building the Buwan-wsBli D&gaba.^
Note.
The chief authority for the history of Parakr&ma's reign
must always remain the Mah&vamsa, but there are many
incidental notices to be found in the different yamsa-pot or
history books still extant in Ceylon in the Su^halese and
P&H languages; and Dr. Caldwell has informed me that
some references to his conquest of South India may be ex-
pected from inscriptions and other records in Tamil.^ The
fame of the Mah&vamsa has even in Ceylon so eclipsed that
of the other vamsa books that they are seldom mentioned to
Europeans ; and Tumour seems, from his list at page ii. of
the "Introduction" to his edition, of the Mah&vamsa, to
have known very few of them : it may be useful, therefore,
to give a further list.
The P&li text of the Attanagaluvamsa has just been
published by Mr. J. d'Alwis, who had previously published
the translation with notes; and who has also published a
^ The D^ba is now called Bankot, or golden-tipped, a name certainly very
ancient, as there has been no eolden tip for several centuries, and the word appears
in old SiSibalese books : it is, howerer, evident from this inscription, that the
builder of it named it Buwanwseli (golden sand), after the celebrated Dslgaba of the
same name at Anursidhapura, whose building 07 Dush^a Gamini, b.o. 158, is
described at such length in the Mahavafiisa, ch. 27-31, pp. 165-193. I take this
opportunity of correcting an error (as it seems to me) in Tumour's edition of the
Mahdvadisa. The older DUgaba (i.e, Dh&tugarbha ; see MahUv. pp. 179, 211, and
Childers' Diet.]) is called throughout the description referred to simply Mah&-
thfipa, but it is now called Buwanwseli, the name which it probably bore in
Sif&halese even from the first: to this Uie correspon^uig P&h form w^ould be
Hemav&li, which actually occurs at Mahir. p. 97, line 1 ; Hemamalika, p. 108,
line 7) and Hemam&li, p. 202, line 8, are therefore probably misprints, or rather
mistakes, for the m occurs also in the English translation.
> In Prof. Wilson's Historical Sketch of Pa^^y&f Journal of the Boyal Adatic
Society, vol. iii. p. 201, the name of Pardkrama &a[hu is the 65th in the list of
kings.
168 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM CEYLON
description of it in his Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit,
PUi, and Simhalese Literary Works, vol. i., according to
which,^ it was written about 1180 a.d., at the close of the
reign of Parakrama the Great, by an unknown pupil of the
priest Anomadassi. There is a Simhalese version of this
vamsa written by an unknown author in 1382 a.d.*
The KesadhAtuvai^Isa, mentioned in the 39th chapter of
the Mah&vamsa, is a history of a reKc consisting of Buddha's
hair ; no copy of this work has reached Europe, and I am
not aware whether it is in Simhalese or P&li. A translation
of the 39th chapter of the Mah&va&sa will appear in the
forthcoming volume of this Journal ; where the question of
its probable date will be considered.
The TntypAVAMSA, a history of the principal D&gabas in
India and Ceylon, is written in Simhalese. Mr. Alwis
assigns it to about a.d. 1324 ; but gives no reason for doing
so.^ It is a work of high authority among the Sidihalese
Buddhists, and is reckoned by them among the bana-pot or
sacred scriptures, although it does not, of course, belong to
the * Three Baskets.' Three copies I have are written on
202, 231, and 153 leaves, 20, 19, and 22 inches long re-
spectively.
The DaladAvamsa or Dh&tuva&sa, a history of the cele-
brated Tooth relic,^ is in Si&halese, and according to Mr.
Alwis,^ appeared in 1326 a.d. He calls it ^* a very elaborate
work, which ranks among the classics of the Sidihalese,'' and
mentions a translation of the original Simhalese work into
P&li. Mr. Alwis, however, gives no authority for this state-
ment or for the date 1326, and does not notice either Tumour's
remark^ that the Dh&t&dh&tu-va&sa mentioned by Mah&-
n&ma in the 37th chapter of the Mah&va&sa was still extant
^ Descriptiye Catalog:ae, p. 33.
* Ibid. p. 33 ; but in his Introd. to Sidat Sanganlwa, p. clxzxy., Mr. Alwis
.anigns it to Durandura, and at p. 34 of the Cat. dates it 1301 a.d.
> Sidat Sangar&wa (Colombo, 1862), p. cIxxt.
^ See Tnrnour's ** Account of the Tooth Relic of Ceylon/' Journal of the
Asiatic Soc. of Bengal, 1837, vol. yi. pp. 2, 856.
^ Introduction to Sidat Sangarltwa, pp. cIzxt., clxzxiii. A new edition of
this valuable * Introduction,' our only authority on Sinhalese literature, is much
reauired.
" Mahdyafiisa, p. 241, note.
OF paeIkeama bIhtj the great. 169
in 1837; or Forbes's identification of Dalad&vaffisa with
that work.^ It is possible that at least ihe earlier portion
of the book, which gives a minute account of the great
struggle between the Buddhists and Brahmans in India a.d.
290-31 Oy may be yery ancient, and even perhaps not much
subsequent to the events it describes.
The DiPAVAidSA is a history of the Island of Ceylon, sup-
posed to be one of those referred to, as already existing, by
Mah&n&ma (who lived in the 5th century a.d.) in the opening
verses of the Mah&vaf&sa. Mr. D'Alwis, in the ' Descriptive
Catalogue,' pp. 12&-168, has given an abstract of this work,
incorporating from the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal
Tumour's analysis of those parts of it which seemed to him
most interesting; The first eight cantos treat of the History
of Buddhism in India, and the 9th and 10th of the History
of Ceylon, to the time of Asoka the Great ; the llth-16th
treat of the reign of Dev&nam piya Tissa ; and the 17th-21st
of the Kings of Ceylon for the next 500 years (about B.C. 200-
A.D. 300), the reign only of Dushta G&mini being treated at
any length. Tumour thinks the Dlpavafiisa to be the same
as the Mah&va&sa written in the ITttaravih&ra, the oldest
possible date of which is 301 a.d., and its probable date
somewhat later.^ It is written on about 30 leaves.
The PtJAWALiYA was written in Sinhalese by Maimp&da,
the author also of Yogan&wa, in the reign of Pardkrama III.
1267-1301 A.D. It gives a description of the different offer-
ings that have been made to Buddha ; and an extract from
it will be found at p. clxxii. of Mr. Alwis's Introduction to
the Sidat Sangar&wa. It is one of the works relied on by
Tumour in writing his Epitome of the History of Ceylon.^
The BuDDHAVAfisA, or history of the Buddhas, in P&li
verse, is the fourteenth book of Khuddaka-nik&ya, the fifth
section of the Sutta Pitaka or third Basket. It gives the
^ Forbes, Ceylon, yol. ii. p. 210.
' Attanagaluvafiisa, Introa., pp. x. xxr. Descr. Cat pp. 118-168. Tornonr,
.Tournal Bengal Asiatic Society, vol. yiii. p. 922. Weber, '' Koneste Forachiingen,"
p. 61. Westergaard, " Ueber Buddha's Todesjahr./' p. 98 (of Prot Sten«ler*s
German edition). St. Hilaire, Journal des Sayans, Fey. 1866, p. 102.
' See MahftyafiiBa, Introduction, p. ii.
172
Art. IX. — Of the Khar&j or Muhammadan Land Tax ; its
Application to British India, and Effect on the Tenure of
Land. By N. B. E. Baillie.
[Bead on the 30th June, 1873.]
Khardj or KMrdj, for the word Is written both ways,
indifferently, signifies Kterally "going or issuing out of."
It occurs, with a slight difference in the spelling, in a
passage of the Koran, where two constructions have been
put upon it by commentators — one that it means qfr or
hire, and the other that it means na/a or profit generally.
In the former sense, khardf when applied to land would be
rent, and the person rendering it a tenant for the recipient,
who would be the proprietor ; in the latter sense, it might be
a profit of any kind issuing out of the land, and the person
rendering it might himself be the proprietor. To this double
meaning of the word may perhaps be traced a controyersy
respecting the proprietary right to land in India, which has
subsisted more or less down to the present time.
A tax of the same nature as the khardj existed in the
Sow&d of Irak in the time of its Persian rulers. It was
originally levied by a division of the produce between the
Sovereign and the cultivator. But that mode of levying the
tax being deemed oppressive by Cobad, he caused the land to
be measured by the zird, and imposed a rate on it of a kqflz
in grain and a dirhem in money for each ^arii or square
area of 60 by 60 zird. This arrangement continued in force
till the time of the Mussulman conquest, when it was adopted
with some modifications by Omar. But there is some land
to which that mode of assessment cannot be conveniently
applied, and it is reasonable to suppose, with regard to land
of that description, that recourse should be had to the
original mode of dividing the produce with the cultivator.
OF THE KHAEXJ OE MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 173
The khardj came thus in the course of time to be divided
into two kinds, to which the names of mukdmmah and
wazifa were given, probably because the former signifies
mutual division, and the latter is a synonym for zird, the
standard by which the land was measured.
Be that as it may, there is a marked distinction between
the two kinds of khardj. The mukdsumah is defined to be
something out of the produce, as a fifth or sixth, or the like ;
while the wazifa is described as something in obligation,
that is, a personal liability on account of a definite portion of
land. The former is dependent on the actual crop or issue
from the land, not on the kind of crop which it is capable of
yielding ; insomuch that it is not due when the land, though
capable, is allowed to lie idle. While the latter or wazifa
is dependent on the return that the land is capable of yield-
ing ; insomuch that it is due, whether the land b(B tilled or
not. It is thus a permanent burden on the land, for which
every proprietor is liable, whether he retains the land in his
own possession or lets it to others. Of the two kinds of
khardj^ the wazifa is therefore the more onerous, and, being
for that reason deemed to be more appropriate to the lands
of unbelievers in the Mussulmtui faith, it is the wazifa that
is usually meant when khardj is mentioned by Muhamma-
dan writers, unless the mukdsumah is particularly specified.
There are three ways in which land becomes liable to
khardj. The first is when the country in which it is situated
has been conquered by the faithful from imbelievers. The
examples of the Prophet and Omar have formed a precedent
with all the schools of Simni lawyers for the treatment of
conquered coimtries, though they are not all agreed as to the
proper construction to be put on these examples. On one
point there is no difierence of opinion, namely, that by con-
quest the whole property of a conquered people passes to the
conquerors, without any distinction between what is mov-
able and immovable, or between what belongs to the State
and what belongs to private individuals. They are also
agreed that the movable property is plimder, and should be
divided among the soldiers of the conquering army. But
172
Art. IX. — Of the Khardj or Muhammadan Land Tax ; Us
Application to British India, and Effect on the Tenure of
Land. By N. B. E. Baillie.
[Bead on the 30th June, 1873.]
Khar&j or Kkirdj, for the word is written both ways,
indifferently, signifies literally "going or issuing out of.'*
It occurs, with a slight difference in the spelling, in a
passage of the Koran, where two constructions have been
put upon it by commentators — one that it means qfr or
hire, and the other that it means nqfa or profit generally.
In the former sense, khardj when applied to land would be
rent, and the person rendering it a tenant for the recipient,
who would be the proprietor ; in the latter sense, it might be
a profit of any kind issuing out of the land, and the person
rendering it might himself be the proprietor. To this double
meaning of the word may perhaps be traced a controversy
respecting the proprietary right to land in India, which has
subsisted more or less down to the present time.
A tax of the same nature as the khardj existed in the
Sow&d of Irak in the time of its Persian rulers. It was
originally levied by a division of the produce between the
Sovereign and the cultivator. But that mode of levying the
tax being deemed oppressive by Cobad, he caused the land to
be measured by the zird, and imposed a rate on it of a ka/lz
in grain and a dirhem in money for eachjarib or square
area of 60 by 60 zird. This arrangement continued in force
till the time of the Mussulman conquest, when it was adopted
with some modifications by Omar. But there is some land
to which that mode of assessment cannot be conveniently
applied, and it is reasonable to suppose, with regard to land
of that description, that recourse should be had to the
origioal mode of dividing the produce with the cultivator.
OF THE KHAEXJ OE MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 173
The khardj came thus in the course of time to be divided
into two kinds, to which the names of mukdmmah and
wazifa were given, probably because the former signifies
mutual division, and the latter is a synonym for zird^ the
standard by which the land was measured.
Be that as it may, there is a marked distinction between
the two kinds of khardj. The mukdsumah is defined to be
something out of the produce, as a fifth or sixth, or the like ;
while the wazifa is described as something in obligation,
that is, a personal liability on account of a definite portion of
land. The former is dependent on the actual crop or issue
from the land, not on the kind of crop which it is capable of
yielding ; insomuch that it is not due when the land, though
capable, is allowed to lie idle. While the latter or wazifa
is dependent on the return that the land is capable of yield-
ing ; insomuch that it is due, whether the land bp tilled or
not. It is thus a permanent burden on the land, for which
every proprietor is liable, whether he retains the land in his
own possession or lets it to others. Of the two kinds of
khardj, the wazifa is therefore the more onerous, and, being
for that reason deemed to be more appropriate to the lands
of unbelievers in the Mussulmtui faith, it is the wazifa that
is usually meant when khardj is mentioned by Muhamma-
dan writers, unless the mukdsumah is particularly specified.
There are three ways in which land becomes liable to
khardj. The first is when the country in which it is situated
has been conquered by the faithful from unbelievers. The
examples of the Prophet and Omar have formed a precedent
with all the schools of Simni lawyers for the treatment of
conquered coimtries, though they are not all agreed as to the
proper construction to be put on these examples. On one
point there is no difierence of opinion, namely, that by con-
quest the whole property of a conquered people passes to the
conquerors, without any distinction between what is mov-
able and immovable, or between what belongs to the State
and what belongs to private individuals. They are also
agreed that the movable property is plimder, and should be
divided among the soldiers of the conquering army. But
174 OF THE KHARAJ OR MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX.
there is a difference of opinion among the sects as to the
disposal of the land. According to Shafei, the land also is
plunder^ and ought to be divided among the soldiers ; ac-
cording to Malik, it becomes wdlrfy or an appropriation for
the general benefit of Mussulmans ; according to Abu
Hunifa, the Imam or Head of the Mussulman community
has an option, and may either divide the land among the
soldiers, or bestow it upon the people of the country, even
though they should persist in rejecting the true religion.
If he adopts the former alternative, the land will generally
become liable to ushr or tithe ; if he adopts the latter, and
bestows the land upon the conquered people, the khardj must
necessarily be imposed upon it.
The next way in which land becomes subject to khard^ is
when waste land is brought into cultivation : waste land
being unappropriated does not pass by conquest to the con-
querors, but remains free to be appropriated by the first
occupant who brings it into cultivation with the permission
of the Imam. According to the prevailing opinion among
the Hanifites, this permission is indispensable. But still it
is not the permission that constitutes the right of property ;
for though a person should obtain permission, and commence
his operations by a partial clearance of the land, yet if he dis-
continue them before the reclamation is completed, there is no
establishment of property, and any other person is at liberty,
after the expiration of three years, to enter upon the land
and reclaim it, provided that he has the Imam's permission
to do so. Waste land, when brought into cultivation by a
zimmi, or infidel subject of a Muhammadtui Power, is liable
to kkardj under all circumstances.
The third and only other way in which land becomes liable
to khardj is when land on which the ushr was originally
imposed is transferred to unbelievers. It then loses its
original character, according to Abu Hunifa, and becomes
khardji. Land subject to khardj, according to the same
authority, retains the character once impressed upon it, and
remains khardji imder all mutations of property.
It thus appears that in all cases where land has become
OF THE KHARAJ OR MTTHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 175
subject to the khardj by original imposition or by conversion
from being ushriy a right of property, according to the
Hanifites, has first been established in it in favour of some
one, either by grant from conquerors, or by reclamation from
waste, before the khardj was imposed upon it. This is said of
khardj generally, but I have already remarked that whenever
that impost is spoken of by Muhammadan writers, they must
be understood to mean the wazifa, unless the mukdsumah
is particularly mentioned. So far as I have been able to
ascertain, there is no instance on record — except the doubtful
case of Kheiber, of which contradictory accounts are given
in the Hidayah — of the mukdsumah khardj having ever been
formally imposed upon any land. Moreover, the reason
which is assigned for the imposition of the tax on the land
of unbelievers, and for the conversion of tishri to khardji
land when transferred to them, is that, being due whether
the land be tilled or not, it is burdensome, and therefore in
the nature of a punishment for their unbelief. But this is
true only of the wazi/a ; and ^hen waste land is brought
into cultivation, it is expressly said that it becomes subject to
that form of the khardj. What then has been predicated of
the khardj generally, is thus restricted to the wazi/a^ and
afibrds no warrant for inferring that, when land is subject to
the mukdsumah, a right of property in it was first established
before the mukdsumah was imposed upon it ; if, indeed, the
khardj in that form ever was , formally imposed upon any
land. But as no land in countries conquered by Muhamma-
dans can be originally acquired otherwise than by grant from
the conquerors or reclamation from waste, it would seem,
with regard to the wazlfa, that all land which is subject to
it must necessarily be the property of those who are re-
sponsible for it. This conclusion is confirmed by the ve^y
nature of the wazlfa^ which, being due so long as the land
is capable of bearing, must be accompanied by powers
equally permanent over the land to meet the liability.
Wazifa is thus a test of ownership ; and wherever we find
that land is subject to it, we have only to seek for the person
who is liable for the khardj, and there we have the proprietor
244 INEDITED ARABIC COINS.
the coins may be found described which I have thought
inedited. Still, I have searched through all the more
important ones; and at all events if it should prove to be
the case that some of the coins now described have already
been noticed in some less-known continental journal, the re-
publishing of them may yet not be useless, as the Journal of
this Society passes into many hands, into which the supposed
continental journal may not fall.
1*^ Gold. King of EaemIn. ^ Imdd-ad-dawlah Kard-Anldn B^.
Struck at Tazdashir, a.h. 462 (=a.d. 1069-;o). {British Museum.)
Obv. Area. ill ^ ''' W H
Margin (inner) ,^1 i:,^ ^^J^ jlijjJl I jjb c-i^ ^\ mms^}
(outer) *"2^y^^' ^
Eev. Area. <UJ\ J^-*; Xkff^
Margin. ^l <(Ls^t ^\ (Jt^
* An asterisk (*) after the number of the coin indicates that it
is photographed in the accompanying Plate.
' Some readers may not remember that J I is an abbreviation for
ijs>^\ ^\ to the end of it, equivalent to etc.
^^ y
176 OF THE EHAKU OB XUHAIOCADAX LA5D TAX.
of the 8oiL This cannot be said of land that is sobject to
the mukdsumah; and with regard to such land we have
neither precedent nor reason for the same inference, amj
ought rather to conclude that the conquerors have neTer
parted with the right acquired by conquest, and that the
hmd is therefore still the property of the Sorereign as the
representatiTe of the general Mussulman community.
The khardj in both its forms may be Taried according to
the capability of the Lmd, provided that it is never to exceed
a half of the produce, or its value. Whether there shall be
a margin of produce between the tax and what is considered
necessary for the support of the cultivator and his £unily, is
thus dependent on the wQl of the ruler for the time; amj
if the full half is taken, there is no room for the pennanent
interposition of any one between him and the cultivator. If,
on the other hand, the khardj is only a third of the produce,
or some other proportion less than a half, and is allowed to
remain so for a considerable length of time, the cultivator
may gradually rise above his condition, so as to have others
of the same class to till the ground under him, or some third
party may be enabled gradually to insinuate himftplf between
the ruler and the cultivator. But in all these cases the con-
dition of the party, whoever he may be, that is thus inter-
posed, will be necessarily precarious, depending entirely on
the continued forbearance of the ruler ; and if the khardj
should at any time be raised up to its full legal standard, the
interloper may be crushed out altogether, and the ruler be
again brought into immediate contact with the actual culti-
vator. The cultivator may thus be said to be the only person
who can have a permanent interest in the land, besides the
Sovereign.
Whatever be the form of the khardj\ the Sovereign is
entitled to receive it, and the law has armed him with suf-
ficient powers for its recovery. But when received, it cannot
be legally applied to any other purposes than those to which
it has been specially appropriated by the law. The persons
on whom it may be expended, such as soldiers, kaziSf muf-
tis, learned men, etc., are called ahl^i-kharqf, or people of
OP THE KHARAJ OR MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 177
hhardj; and when the owner of khanS^i land belongs to any
of these classes, the ruler may apply to him the Ithardj of his
own land, that is, leave it with him uncalled for. So also he
may authorize another person, being duly qualified, to receive
and appropriate for his own benefit the hhardj of any par-
ticular land, though it may happen to be the property of
others. This is called an iktoui^ or cutting ofiT, as if it were a
separation of something from a general fund belonging to
the community. An ihtaa may be for any time not exceed-
ing the life of the grantee ; but an iktaa to a person and to
his successors and heirs after him is void. When an xUtaa is
for services to be rendered, it is called ma&hrut or skarti,
that is, conditional; but it may be gratuitous when the person
in whose favour it is made is one of the ahl or people of
khardj, and then it is called bila shart, or without condition.
In both cases the iktaa requires an order called a tankka on
the person by whom the khar&j is due, to pay it to the
grantee. When the iktad is of a specific sum out of the
revenue, a mere tankha may suffice ; but when it extends to
the whole revenue of a district, then the grantee is supposed
to be vested with the powers of the Sovereign for its re-
covery, and not only so, but also with his general jurisdic-
tions and other rights during the continuance of the grant.
Khardj is the proper subject of iktaa; but as waste land
cannot be brought into cultivation without the permission of
the Sovereign, the term has also been applied to such per-
mission. Waste land when reclaimed is liable to wazifa^ as
already mentioned ; but until the wazifa has been formally
imposed upon it, it may be supposed to be exempt from the
payment of khardj. This exemption, however, cannot be
legally extended beyond the life of the grantee, even when
he is one of the ahl or people of khardj. No land can
therefore be legally lakhardjy or permanently exempt from
the payment of revenue.
Having said all that appeared to me to be necessary of the
khardj generally, I proceed to inquire when and how it was
applied to any of the Provinces that now constitute the
British Empire in India.
YOL. TU. — [nBW 8EBIB8.] 12
178 OF THE KHABAJ OB MTHAMICADAX LAXD TAX.
There is no record of the manner in which the land was
disposed of at the time of the Mussulman conquest. Nor
does it appear that any attempt was made formally to impoae
the khardj on any part of the land until the time of Ala-
ud-din, whose reig:n commenced about the year a.d. 1296.
It is told of that SoYereig:n in the Tarikh of Feroze Shah,
and by Ferishtah, that he resolved that all cultivation,
whether on a small or large scale, should be carried on by
measurement at a certain rate for every biswah^ and ordered
a tax equal to half the gross amount of the produce to be
levied throughout the kingdom, and to be regularly trans-
mitted to the Royal Exchequer. Measurement is the basis
of a wazifdy and the operations of Ala-ud-din look very
like an attempt to impose the khardj in that form upon the
land. But his system was never completed, and it was not
till the time of Shere Shah and Selim Shah that any attempt
was made to revive it. These rulers are said in the Ayin
Akbery to be the first who abolished the custom of dividing
the crops, which must therefore have existed for some time
previous, and probably before the operations of Ala-ud-din.
The changes introduced by them were afterwards more fully
developed in the system of Akbar, of which I now proceed to
give some accoimt so far as relates to the imposition of the
khardj.
He first established a uniform standard of length, corre-
sponding to the Arabian zirdy which he called the IkM
gazy and, having adopted the jarib, to which he also gave
the name of bighah, as the measure of surface, he made it to
consist of 3600 square gaz. He then divided the land, ac-
cording to its difierent capabilities, into four kinds, namely,
Pulej, or land cultivated for every harvest ; Perowty, or
land kept out of cultivation for a short time to recover its
strength ; and Ghecher and Bunjer, or lands which had lain
fallow from three to five years or upwards, on account of ex-
cessive rain or inundation. It was only on the first kind
or Pulej land that a permanent tax like the wazifa could
be immediately imposed, and Pulej was accordingly taken
as the standard for fixing the revenue. Perowty when cul*
OF THE KHAKAJ OR MTJHAMMADAN LANI> TAX. 179
tlvated was to pay the same revenue as Pulej. The other
two kinds were to pay more moderate rates for some time,
but were also ultimately to become liable to the same revenue
as Pulej. The produce of a big hah of Pulej land of
average quality was then . ascertained for many different
kinds of crops^ and a third of that average was taken as
the revenue to be paid for each different kind. The revenue
being thus determined in kind, was made convertible into
money at an average of the prices for nineteen years ; and it
was left optional to the husbandman to pay in money or in
kind, as he might find more convenient.
In this way the revenue of a biff hah of land would vary
from time to time according to the kind of produce ; and a
plan seems to have been early adopted, if it was not coeval
with the first assessment, of fixing the revenue at a lump
sum for each biff hah. This was at first termed the tumar
jammah^ but came afterwards to be called the asul or original,
to distinguish it from several additions subsequently made
to it.
If we now compare the system of Akbar with what has
been said of the wazifa khardj\ we will find that of the
four different kinds into which the land was divided, it was
only the Perowty that could not be brought under the con-
^ ditions of that kind of impost. It is true that it was not
immediately applied to Checher and Bunjer, but that was on
account of the accidents of excessive rain and inundation to
which they had been exposed; and, full allowance having
been made on that account, they were thenceforth to be
treated in the same way as Pulej, and would thus become
permanently liable to khardjt which was the characteristic of
the wazifa. Perowty when cultivated was brought imder
the same liability ; and we may therefore safely infer that
the impost levied by Akbar on the land was in reality the
wazifa khardj of the Muhammadan,law. We have, there-
fore, only to inquire who were the persons that became liable
for its payment, in order to find out who became the pro-
prietors of the soil.
, It has been already observed that it was left to the option
180 OP THE KHARAJ OR MTJHAMMADAN LAND TAX.
of the husbandman to pay the revenue in money or in kind,
as he might find convenient. This points to him as the
person immediately liable for the khardj; and his liability is
confirmed by the special instructions given to the a$ml
gazzar or collector of the revenue. In these he was directed
to consider himself the immediate friend of the husbandman,
to assist him with loans of money, to transact his bufidnesB
with each husbandman separately, and in particular to agree
with him '^ to bring his rents himself at stated periods, that
there may be no plea for employing intermediate mercenariea."
From all this it seems sufficiently clear that the revenue,
whatever it was, was payable by the ryots or cultivators
direct to the State, and that they only were held to be liable
for it. Hence we are in a manner constrained by the prin-
ciples of the wazifa khardj to infer that it was to them that
the right of property in the land was transferred from the
conquerors, and that consequently they became its pro-
prietors.
It was probably the intention of Akbar to have extended
his system to the whole of the lands in his dominions, but
that was never done ; for in most of the Soubahs or provinces
into which they were divided, large tracts of land were left
unmeasured. On these the public revenue seems to have
been levied in a manner corresponding to the mukdsumah
khardj , that is, by a division of the produce ; but there is no
further evidence that the khardj in that form was ever im-
posed upon the land. Even though there were such evidence,
we should have no right to infer a preliminary grant in that
case, and may therefore conclude, with regard to the un-
measured lands, for want of evidence to the contrary, that
they would still remain the property of the conquerors, or
the Sovereign as their representative.
I have no means of tracing the tenure of land through
the reigns of Jehangir and Shahjehtui; but we have an
important document of the time of Aunmgzebe, from which
it appears that the tenure and position of the ryots or culti-
vators was pretty much the same at that time as it had been
left by Akbar. This document, which was a firman in-
OF THE KHAEAJ OB MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. X81
tended for the guidance of the officers employed in the col-
lection of the revenue, follows very closely the instructions
of j^bar to his amil ffozzars. It is therefore unneoessary
to go minutely through its contents. It may be sufficient to
say that in the firman we have the distinction strongly
marked between the two kinds of khardj, leaving no doubt
that the rate imposed by Akbar was a true wazifa; though
in the firman it is called mowazzaf; for that is only a dif-
ferent inflexion from the same root, and has the same meaning.
Moreover, what was only an inference from the imposition
of the wazifa in Akbar's settlement, has now become a
reality, for at every step the ryots or husbandmen are
treated as the proprietors of the land where the kharaj is
Tnowazzdkf.
The assessment of Akbar was limited to a third of the
produce of the land, and primd facie the ryot might retain
the whole of the remaining two-thirds for his own benefit.
There might, however, have been some other party entitled
by custom, or by virtue of some right recognized by the ryot,
to a portion of it ; and the difference between a third and a
half of the produce, which the law considered generally suf-
ficient for the maintenance of the cultivator and his family,
or one-sixth of the whole, might thus have been left for the
benefit of such other party, though in strictness he might
have no legal right to it after the ryot had become the pro-
prietor of the land.
In the Ayin Akbery mention is made of a class of
persons called zamindars, as forming an important part of
the military force of the empire. In Bengal they are par-*
ticularly described as furnishing large bodies of cavalry
and infantry, besides cannon, boats and elephants; and speak-
ing genendly of the army of the empire, the zamindary
troops are said to be upwards of four millions. The word
zamindar is a compound of two Persian words, zamin (land)
and dor (holder), and means literally a holder of land. The
name, therefore, could hardly have been given to lany class
of persons who had no recognized connexion with the land ;
which would imply some degree of power over it or its occu-
1^2 ^>F TH£ KRASJU OR IfTEUlDLLDAX LlXD TAX.
panUy in the persons who were obliged to provide for so large
a force.
In the Memoirs of Timor we meet with freqaent notices
of powerful chiefs sometimes submitting to that conqueror,
on his invasion of India, and as often in rebellion against
him. In the Persian translation of that work these peraons
are called zamindars, and if we may assume that they be-
longed to the same class to whom the name is applied in the
Ayin Akbery, it would seem that there were at that time
two classes of zamindars, one superior and the other inferior.
Indeed) one is particularly mentioned as having a country
and subjects with dependent zamindars under him. Thia
state of things may be differently accounted for. By some
it has been supposed that the two classes of zamindars were
the successors of superior and inferior officers that had ex*
isted under the Hindu kings. By others it may be thought
that the superior zamindars were the successors of ancient
Rajahs or rulers of parts of the country^ while the inferior
were originally subordinate chiefs^ or^ perhaps, pnqnrietors of
the land. Whatever the ancestors of these different daasea
may have been, it is evident that both the superior and
inferior must have been left, at the original conquest of the
country, in possession of some of the powers which they
originally had in their particular districts, so far as was con-
sistent with a general subjection to the conquerors.
For a considerable time after the first invasion of the
country, the conquerors seem to have cared for little beyond
the revenue. The easiest and simplest way for obtaining
that was to leave the civil government of the country with
the native chiefs, supreme or dependent, and to impose
upon them fixed payments in the nature of tribute. Such a
state of things may be supposed to have continued until the
government of the conquerors was sufficiently established to
enable them to impose their own system of revenue, that is,
the khari^jy upon the land. Whenever that took place, it
would have created a revolution in the condition of the
zamindajs. Indeed, to depress, if not entirely to extinguish
them, seems to have been one of the principal motives which
OF THE KHAEAJ OR MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 183
led Ala-ud-din to impose, as already mentioned, a tax
equal to half the annual produce of the lands throughout
the kingdom. At that time estimates of the produce were
required from the zamindars, and superintendents were ap-
pointed over the collectors " to take care that the zamindars
should demand no more from the cultivators than the esti-
mates the zamindars themselves had made.''
The various regulations of Ala-ud-din came to naught
at his death; and the extreme pressure on the cultivators
being thus removed, a margin of produce would again be
left for the zamindar, who might then rise to the condition
in which he was afterwards foimd at the invasion of Timur.
It is further probable that he remained in that state down
to the time of Selim Shah and Akbar, which will account
for his being able to contribute so largely as he then did to
the miKtary force of the empire.
In this view the condition of the ryot may be supposed
generally to remain pretty much the same under all circum-
stances, while that of the zamindar would sink with every
fresh demand on the produce of the land ; the ryot becoming
less and less able to pay anything above what he was obliged
to render to the State. Amid the anarchy that followed
soon after the death of Aurungzebe, a number of de facto
governments were established throughout the country, and
the pressure on the land may thus be supposed to have varied
with the exigencies and character of the rulers in particular
localities. At some places in the north-western provinces
the pressure became so great that scarcely any of the produce
seems to have been left with the cultivators beyond what
was necessary for the subsistence of themselves and their
families; and the zamindars were reduced to a condition
very little above that of the ordinary ryots. There is no
reason to suppose that the demand from the land was less in
Bengal than elsewhere. Indeed, we know that the tiimar
jammah had been already increased in a.d. 1658 under Shah
Sujah, at the commencement of Aurungzebe's reign; and
that it was again raised in 1722 imder Nawab Jaffier Khan,
in the fourth year of the reign of Mahmud Shah.
184 OF THE KHARAJ OR MTHAMMADAN LAND TAX.
About that time a tmiversal dispossessioiL of the zamindan
took place, and the province was divided into official zanun-*
daries, some of which were of great extent^ comprising under
them smaller zamindaries, that were called taluks or de-
pendencies. The new zamindaries were constituted by
sannads ; from the terms of which it is evident that some
change must have taken place in the relation of the zamin-
dars to the Government since the time of Akbar's Settlement.
Originally, or at least in the time of Ala-ud-din, they
seem to have held an intermediate position between the
Government and the cultivators. In Akbar's Settlement
they were entirely, ignored, and appear 'to have been quite
cut off from any connexion with the Gx)vemment revenue.
So long, however, as they were obliged to maintain a large
contingent of troops for the service of the Empire, they must
be supposed to have retained some interest in the produce of
the land ; for how else could they have found the means for
their support? How long their obligation in this respect
continued it is difficult to say ; but their contingents, it may
be supposed, would be gradually reduced with every addition
to the land revenue, which would leave less and less of the
produce of the land available for the zamindars ; and at the
time of Jaffier Khan's operations they seem to have been no
longer charged with military duties, but to have become
little more than amis or agents for the collection of the
public revenue. This is apparent from the terms of the
sannads already alluded to; for in the details of their
duties it is expressly stated that they are to '* deliver into
the Treasury, at proper times, the due rent of the Sircar,"
that is, the Government, and take a discharge, according to
custom, at the end of the year. Deductions were allowed
for certain known charges, including what was called a
nankoTy or bread allowance, for the maintenance of the
zamindar and his family, commonly estimated at about ten
per cent, of the collections. The sannad was usually granted
for a consideration called a pesheash^ and the zamindaiy
being an office, a fresh appointment was required on the
death of the party to whom the sannad was granted. The
OF THE KHABAJ OB HITHAMMABAN LAND TAX. 185
son or heir of the last zamindar was usually appointed
to succeed him ; so tiiat in the course of time the office
seems to have acquired a ^e^o^-hereditary character ; but it
was still necessary that a fresh appointment should be made
on the death of the last occupant, and that a new sannad
should be issued, which was not granted except on payment
of the peshcash. By the terms of the sannad the zamindar
was required to provide an increased cultivation of the land.
But this implied a power to mo^ure it and make grants of
waste ; and it may also be supposed that as ami or collector
of the revenue, he would be invested with authority to fix
from time to time the rates at which it was to be held by the
ryots or cultivators. Such an authority seems to have been
exercised by the zamindars in the form of writings caUed
pottahsy which were sometimes limited in respect of time, but
in other cases were left indefinite.
Subsequently to the last increase of the tiimar jammah
by Jaffier Khan, various additions were made to it in the
fo^ of what were called abwab, which, as the name implies,
were doors or occasions for further exactions. These, though
immediately levied on the zamindars, were easily transferred
by them to the ryot, who thus remained ultimately liable for
the whole revenue, as he had been under the Settlement by
Akbar.
At this time the word mukdsumah had dropped out of use,
or was lost in the Hindu term battae, which also meant a
division of produce ; and as that form of the khardj does not
seem to have prevailed to any considerable extent in Bengal,
the ryots came to be distinguished only according as the
lands which they cultivated did or did not belong to the
village in which they resided. The former were called khtul'
kasht, the latter pae-kasM — ^names which are still in common
use, though more properly applicable to the land than to the
cultivators. Khud-kasht is a compound of the Persian
words khtui (self) and kasht^ a contraction of kashta (sown),
and means literally self-sown, which is somewhat ambiguous.
But the true meaning of the expression is well brought out
in the following translation by Mr. Oladwin of an edict by
186 OP THE KHARAJ OE MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX.
Jehangir: "The officers of tlief Khalsa are positively pro-
hibited from the practice of forcibly taking the ryot's lands
and cultivating them for their own benefit;" these last words
being in the original khud-kasht sazand, or make them khud-
kaM. So that a khtid-kasht ryot must be some one who
cultivates for his own benefit. Pae-kaaht is of uncertain
etymology ; but, as it is opposed to khud-kasht, it would
seem to indicate, when applied to a ryot, one who does not
cultivate for his own benefit, but for that of another, as, for
example, on hire. Corresponding to this, we are told that
at the time of the perpetual settlement of the revenue in
Bengal, the khud-kasht ryots were "considered to be in
some sense hereditary tenants," while the pae-kasht were
" considered as tenants at will, and to have only a temporary
interest in the soil." We are also informed that at the same
time there was a class of ryots who were compelled to " stand
to all losses and to pay for the land, whether cultivated or
not." Only two classes are mentioned, and as that could
not be said of the pae-kasht, it must have been the khud^
. kasht ryots who were held to be liable under all circumstances.
But that was the very characteristic of the holder of land
subject to the wazi/a khardj. The khud-kasht ryot is thus
shown to be his representative, and ought therefore, on the
principles of Muhammadan law, to be considered the pro-
prietor of the land, unless it can be proved that his liability
was only a sub-liability to some other person, who was im-
mediately responsible to the State for the revenue, whether
the land was cultivated or not. Now the only person who
stood between the State and the cultivator was the zamindar,
and it has been supposed that the khud-kasM ryot was his
hereditary tenant, and responsible to him for rent, out of
which he was liable to the Government for the khar^\ But
in answer to this supposition it may be observed, in the first
place, that there could be no hereditary tenancy under the
Muhammadan law, as leases expired with the death of the
tenant, and second, that it is evident from the terms of the
zamindar's sannad, that his liability for revenue extended
only to what he actually received from the ryot, and that he
OF THE KHAEAJ OR MUHAMMADAN LAND TAX. 187
was in no way responsible for the revenue of the land if it
remained uncultivated. His tenure therefore wanted the
characteristic of the wazi/a as a test of ownership in the
land; and the other powers which he possessed over the
ryot have been traced back to his official capacity as amil or
agent of the Government.
It only remains to say a few words regarding the power
which the khiid-kaaht ryot may be supposed to have pos-
sessed over the land. If I have succeeded in identifying
him with the holder of wazi/a land, he had not only a right
to the productive powers of the soil, to enable him to meet
his permanent liability for the khardj, but, as owner of the
land, he must also have had the right to sdl it. Indeed, it
is expressly stated in the Hidayah, that "the lands of the
territory of Irak are the property of their inhabitants, who
may lawfully sell or otherwise dispose of them." Though
this was said only of Irak, the reason assigned by the author
for the remark is equally applicable to all other conquered
countries that were left in the hands of their inhabitants,
and on which the khardj was imposed. Accordingly, the
holders of khatqji land are uniformly treated by writers of
the school of Abu Hunifa as having power to sell or mort-
gage it. But M. Worms has insisted in his Recherches sur
la propriete territoriale dans les Pays Musulmans, p. 118,^
that Irak was an exception to all other coimtries on which
the khardj was imposed, and that with regard to these it is
necessary to conclude that they ceased to be the property
of their inhabitants. For this opinion the only Hanifite
authority which he has quoted as being express on the point
is the following extract from Mr. Hamilton's translation of
the Hidayah : " In this case " (namely, when the lands of a
conquered coimtry are left in the hands of the inhabitants)
"the inhabitants are merely the cultivators of the soil on
behalf of the Mussulmans, as performing all the labour in
the various modes of tillage on their accoimt without their
being subjected to any of the trouble or expense attending
it." But there is nothing in the original corresponding to
^ Fint pablished in the Journal Asiatiqne, but afterwards in a separate Tolame.
188 OP THE XTfAR/yj OR MTHAMMADAN LAND TAX.
the word '* merely/' the Arabic word ao translated being ku^
which signifiefl only " as " or " like."
It ifl well known that a perpetual settlement of the land
reyenne was made by the Bengal Government in the year
1793. This has been the occasion of a very considerable
change in the tenure of land, and the relative conditioa of
the zamindars and ryots. But it would require too much
room to pnrsne the subject further in this place. It is,
moreover, treated at some length in the Introductory Essay
to a Second Edition of my Selections firom the Futawa
Alumgiri, entitled The Land Tax of India according to
the Muhammadan Law, with full references to authorities
on all statements of any importanee in this paper.
189
To the Editor of the Jouewal of the Kotal Asiatic Socibtt.
Sir, — Major H. Raverty having felt aggrieved by the
passage in an article of mine in your Journal, quoted
below ^ (and by another passage in my Marco Polo, VoL
I. p. 166), by mutual agreement the question was referred
to the arbitration of Dr. A. Sprenger and Mr. Arthur Grbte:
''Are or are not these passages incorrect and uty'ust as as-
serted by Major Raverty f "
The arbiters have given their award,' which amounts to
this:
"The passages are neither incorrect nor unjust; but they
are calculated to leave an unfavourable impression on the
reader's mind. The frame work of both papers appears to
have been drawn from the same source ; but a comparison of
the Vocabularies shows that their respective authors worked
independently of each other. The arbiters are satisfied that
Major Raverty teas quite unaware of the previous publication,
and that his position is therefore completely justified.''
H. Yule.
^ ** It may be worth while to call attention to the fact that, according to the
notes of E&jah Kh&n of K&bol, translated by Major Leech in vol. xiv. of the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (pp. 815-817)» Upper K&shlpar is also
called Shiohnan I must leave the matter on this solitary authority.
The same is indeed said in Major Raverty's ^ Account of Upper Kdahkdr * in the
33rd vol. of the same Journal, p. 131. But I cannot regard this as a corrobora-
tion, for a comparison of the two papers shows that they have been derived from
the same original notes, though no indication of this is suggested in the latter
paper." — New Series, vol. vi. p. 113.
' Colonel Yule originally sent a letter containing nearly the whole award of
the arbitrators, a document which the Council found greatly too long for in-
sertion. — ^Ed.
JOURNAL
OP
THE EOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
Art. X. — Slgiriy the Lion Rock, near Pulastipura, Ceylon;
and the Thirty-ninth Chapter of the Mahdvamsa. By T.
W. Ehys Davids, late of the Ceylon Civil Service.
SiGiRi Rock.
In Lat. 7° 59' N., Long. 81° E., about fourteen miles N.E.
of Dambulla, and about seventeen miles nearly due W.
of ParAkrama B&hu's capital, Pulastipura, is the singular
natural stronghold referred to in the Thirty-ninth Chapter
of the Mah&variisa, and first re-discovered by Major Forbes,
of the Ceylon Civil Service, in the year 1831. Sir Emerson
Tennent (Ceylon, vol. i. p. 15) says of it : "Sigiri is the only
example in Ceylon of those solitary acclivities, which form so
remarkable a feature in the table-land of the Dekkan, start-
ing abruptly from the plain with scarped and perpendicular
sides; and converted by the Indians into strongholds, ac-
cessible only by precipitous pathways, or steps hewn in
the solid rock." And, again (vol. ii. p. 579): "This gigantic
cylindrical rock starts upward to a height prodigious in com-
parison with its section at any point, the area of its upper
surface being little more than an acre in extent. Its
scarped walls are nearly perpendicular, and in some places
they overhang their base. The formation of this singular
cliff can only be ascribed to its upheaval by a subterranean
force, so circumscribed in action that its effects were confined
within a very few yards, yet so irresistible as to have shot
TOL. TIL— [nBW 8B&IS8.] 13
192 sIgiei, the uon eock,
aloft this prodigious pencil of stone to the height of nearly
400 feet." The height of the rock above the sea is pro-
bably more than this — a point which soon will be (if it is not
already) settled by the Surveyors engaged in the Trigono-
metrical Survey of that part of Ceylon.^ I am also informed
that the occurrence of so circumscribed and yet so irresistible
a subterranean force is almost, if not quite impossible, and
that the present position of Sigiri, like that of the many
similar strongholds in the table-lands of South India, may
be more easily explained by a general subsidence of the
soil around it. It is to be regretted that the geological
history of Ceylon altogether has received so little attention ;
but it seems certain that Sigiri owes its origin to the sa^ie
force to which is due the great elevation which stretches
for more than 150 miles in a N.E. direction from below
Adam's Peak to Trinkomali, and forms the principal gneiss
and granite mountain ranges of Ceylon, which, since their
first appearance above the waters, have certainly undergone
no second immersion.* If this be so, then the crag of Sigiri,
which lies almost in the centre line of that upheaval, must
be among those parts of the now habitable globe which first
emerged from the deep, and have been longest accessible to
man.
Accessible, however, is scarcely the word to apply, at least
to the top of it. Even with the help of the remains of
K&syapa's pathway. Major Forbes's friends were only able to
reach the lower terrace, and the Major himself, who did not
get so far as they did, acknowledges " that he felt so giddy *'
as to be unable to keep up with them, "and was sincerely glad
^ Sir Henry Rawlinson, speaking at the meeting of the Royal Greograpbical
Society, on the 15th of June iHst, on the Kashgar Expedition of Mr. Forsyth,
said: "The fact of the greatest interest in connexion with the correspondence
was the announcement that the system of trigonometrical trian^ulation carried oa
from India had overlapped the Russian triangulation from the North, so that we
now have a series of triangulations from Archangel to Cape Comorin." The
triangulation has now h(-en completed, I believe, to Dondra Head.
* Tcnnent, Ceylon, i. 16. It may be interesting to notice, in connexion with
Sir Emerson Tenncnt's theory, that Ceylon was never united to India by land,
that Mr. I^gge, of the R.A., now stationed at Galln, whose able researches into
Ceylon Onntliology have met with so much success, informs me that there are on
the southern slopes of the great mountain range at least thirty species of bizda
peculiar to Ceylon.
NEAR PTJLASTIPXJRA, CEYLON. 193
to see them descend in safety" ^ — not from the top of the hill,
be it remembered, but from the very beginning of the path-
way. Tennent also writes in 1848 : " No adventurous
climber has tested the truth of the popular belief in a
cistern on the top of the height. Since then, however, one
or two Englishmen, by a diflferent route from that followed by
Forbes, and with the help of natives with jungle-rope ladders
and other appliances, have managed to reach the top.
Half-way up this almost inaccessible crag, in a hollow pro-
tected by overhanging rock, I have seen through a telescope
figures painted in fresco ; and the clearness of their outline
and the freshness of their colour make it almost incredible
that they should be the work of Simhalese artists one
thousand four himdred years ago. But, as will be seen from
the evidence adduced below, they are without doubt as old as
that ; for they were evidently drawn at the time when the
terrace was built by K^yapa the Parricide, after whose death
the scene of his crime was abandoned, and has ever since
been regarded with superstitious dread. The paintings are of
much the same character as the frescoes found on the ceilings
and walls of most of the Buddhist temples in Ceylon; but the
figures seemed to me more lifelike and artistic. They are
far above the terraces, the ruins of which wind round and
up the precipice ; and it is reasonable to conclude, from their
being found in so inaccessible a spot, that they are merely the
last remnants of a large number of similar paintings which
covered the bare and perpendicular rock immediately above
the terrace. It is unlikely that the only frescoes should
have been painted where they can be so hardly and so little
seen, but they are found in almost the only part of the preci-
pice protected equally from sun and rain ; so that the de-
struction of any others that may have existed was inevitable.'
From the foot of the precipice the ground slopes away
gradually on one side, and more rapidly on the others, to the
level of the plain, across which has been thrown a dam
* Eleven Years in Ceylon, by Major Forbes, 78th Highlanders, vol. ii. p. 10.
This valuable work, now very rare, was published in 1841.
^ For a short account of the present method of painting in Buddhist temples
in Ceylon, see Note A, in the Appendix.
194 sIgibi, the lion bock,
forming an artificial lake, still large, in spite of the neglected
state of the bund, and which must formerly have reached far
round the foot of the hill, and filled the moat which Major
Forbes discovered.^
From Haburene, six miles oflF, Sigiri, says Major Forbes,*
'' bears a striking resemblance to a crested helmet resting on.
a cushion/' the cushion being the rising ground from which
the overhanging precipice rises.
It was on the ridge of this ' cushion ' that Ke^yapa the
Parricide built his palace. Down to the lake the rapidly
falling ground is formed, by massive and lofty stone retain-
ing walls,' into platforms, on which stood the less important
buildings of the royal refuge ; while up the face of the preci-
pice ran that wonderful terrace, which is one of the most
interesting engineering remains of the ancient world.
It would be difficult, even with the help of drawings and
photographs, to convey to one who has not seen it an exact
idea of this terrace ; but the photographs before you will
give a general idea of the rock and the remains upon
it.^ The path itself was of stone, but supported on a
solid brick wall, four or five feet broad, carried along the
face of the cliff. The cliff being nearly perpendicular, this
wall has to descend far below the path before it finds a
resting-place on the edge of the rock. As the path was
gradually carried forward and upward, a line seems to have
been dropped from it to the rock beneath ; and where the line
first touched the cliff, however far below that might be, a
flat place was scooped out large enough to support a single
brick: this was done along the breadth of the path, which,
averaged about four feet and a half, and then the solid wall
1 he. cit. p. 11. * vol. ii. p. 31.
' No8. 91, 92, 93, and 94 of the Collection of Ceylon Photographs in the
Colonial Office, Downing Street.
^ In the collection of photographs referred to in the last note there are
thirteen photographs of Sigiri rock and the ruins upon it. Nos. 86 and 89 give
respectively S.E. and S.W. views of the rock, with the lake in the foreg^nnd.
Nos. 87, 88, and 90 are views of the rock showing the remains of the celebrated
climhing terrace. Nos. 96 and 96 are views of what was probably Kftyyapa's
audience hall. Nos. 97 and 98 are of a stone bath and a cave; and the rest are
mentioned in the last note. The collection was kindly lent to the Boyal ^"^tiiT
Society on the day on which this paper was read before it.
NEAR PULASTIPUBA, CETLON. 195
was built up to the requisite height. Some of the outer
rows of bricks were carried high enough to form a wall
breast-high on the outer side of the path, and occasionally
this breastwork may have been carried right over head, so
as to form a covered way. The top of this solid wall was
flagged with stone, and furnished, wherever necessary, with
stone steps.^ Above in the rock a Eat&rama or ledge was cut,
to cause the water to drop off instead of trickling down the
cliff side, and all along the path both the face of the preci-
pice and the breastwork were covered with fine hard white
chunam plaster. The flatness of the lofty supporting wall
was relieved by projections, at the places where the path
turned in or out, according to the irregular shape of the
face of the rock ; and it was certainly at the top, and pro-
bably throughout, covered with this beautiAil plaster (which
it is quite beyond the skill of the modem Simhalese to
imitate), and painted in ornamental patterns.
As this narrow, but solid, structure rose, clinging to the
face of the rock, it had to pass a comer where for many
weeks of the year the winds of the monsoon blow nearly half
a gale, and the rains are dashed with great force against the
rock ; from here to the summit the structure has completely
vanished, but the valley for many hundred feet below is strewn
with its remains, and the little oblong places cut in the rock
show where the base of the high wall was once sustained.
It was close to the entrance of this terrace that for eighteen
years K&syapa the Parricide lived, as the Mah&vaihsa quaintly
puts it, " in fear of Moggall&na and of death." Around his
home the huge granite boulders were hollowed and carved
into bathing tanks and audience halls, and far above, on the
top of the cliff, a water-tank was formed, from which the
water, even in dry seasons, is often seen trickling down the
overhanging rock ; so that the native traditions^ concerning
the existence of a cistern there are proved to be correct.
Along this gallery, which only the mad fear of an Oriental
despot would have dreamt of constructing, Kslsyapa hoped
* The breastwork and steps are clearly visible in Photograph No. 88.
^ Forbe8*s Eleven Tears, vol. ii. p. 10 ; Tennent's Ceylon, vol. ii. p. 6S0.
THE STOEY OF KASYAPA'S CRIME. 197
that those metres in which the number of sj^Uables and the
quantity of each are regulated by strict rule, must be more
modern than the freer and looser metres, which allow much
choice to the poet ; but though comparatively speaking
modem, these hard and fast metres, if they may be so called,
are known to be much older than the time of Mah&n&ma,
and are found in the earliest of the Sanskrit plays.^
Future investigation will succeed in deciding with cer-
tainty the date at which these two chapters were written ;
but whatever their date may be, there is no reason to doubt
the general correctness of the narrative, which tells us, as
readers of the Mah&vamsa will recollect, that in 434 a.d. the
Dravidians took the opportunity of a disputed succession to
make an inroad into Ceylon, and for twenty-four years held
the capital, then Anur&dhapura, in their hands. As usual,
the Simhalese could not long bear the yoke ; and when
they roused themselves, they were led to victory by a priest,
Dh&tusena, who claimed descent from a member of the royal
family who had escaped the sword of Subha, a usurper of the
throne nearly 400 years before.
No attempt was made to fill 'Up this gap. Subha had
driven out the descendants of Kaluna (P&li Khall&ta-'N&ga),
and had been himself dethroned and killed, a.d. 62, by
Wasabha, who claimed descent from Lajji-tissa B.C. 172
(Simhalese Laomini-tissa), the brother of Khall&ta-N&ga.
From A..D. 62 to the Tamil invasion in a.d. 434, the line of
Wasabha (with possibly one exception) had occupied the
throne. Dh&tusena ckimed descent from Khaliata-Mga,
who reigned B.C. 112, and whose descendants, since they were
driven out by Subha, a.d. 56, had never occupied the throne.*
* See Note F. in the Appendix.
^ Crawford, in bis History of the Indian Archipelago (vol. ii. p. 359), referring
to similar claims in Javanese history, says : '' Oppression on the part of the
Goyemment acting on the singular credulity and superstition of the people, gives
rise in Java to those rebels cafied in the language of the country Kiuman, a word
which literally means * a pretender to royalty,' * an impostor.' Whenever the
country is in a state of anarchy, one or more of these persons is sure to appear."
There are several similar instances in Ceylon history, of which the most celebrated
is that of Par^krama the Great, who, in default of any nearer royal ancestor,
claimed descent from Wijaya, the Conqueror, himself — a claim wMch seems to
have been as readily admitteid in his own time as it is in ours.
198 THE STORY OP KA^SYAPA'S CRIME.
No one, however, came forward to dispute the claim of
the successful leader of the patriot insurgents, and Dh&tn-
sena reigned in peace for eighteen years, encouraging
literature and Buddhism, promoting public works, especially
of irrigation, and repairing^ the K&la-v&pi (Siihhalese Kal&-
wsBwa), the largest and finest of those artificial lakes of
which the Ceylonese were so justly proud. The dams, one of
which was at right angles to the other, must have been to-
gether eight or ten miles long, and the lake itself thirty or
forty miles round. It is said to have reached to the foot of
the great Dambulla Rock, and its waters were conducted by
Par&krama the Great's Jayaganga canal to the city of Ann-
rildhapura, forty miles away. Even now the stone spillwater
near the huge breach in its ruined dam is one of the most
interesting remains in the district of Nuwara-kal&-wiya,' and
the huge breaeh itself forms the source of one of the largest
rivers in Ceylon.
The repairer or maker of this gigantic tank had two sons,
K&syapa and Moggallana, the children of different mothers,
and their natural jealousy was fomented by their cousin, who
had mcuried their sister, and had also been appointed Com-
mander-in-chief (Sen&pati).' The story shows that Buddhism
had not softened his manners or tamed his natural ferocity ;
for he caused the princess, his wife, to be so severely flogged,
that her garments trickled with blood; and this happened, as
the Mahslvamsa naively says, vinMosena, without any fault
on her side, when she did not deserve it. The old despot was
furiously enraged at this, and had the Prince's mother, his
own sister, burnt naked and alive !
On this a civil war ensued. The Commander-in-chief
stirred up K&syapa to raise the chatra against his father,
^ Accbrdingf to the Mahayamsav p. 261: but according to the Rdjaratnslkani,
p 81 of the MS. in the Library of the University of Cambridge, he tnade this as
well as many other tanks.
' The dcnvution of this word is curious. Nuwara-wsowa=nagara-Y&pi ii the
fine tank near to the '*city" of Anurddhapura ; Kal£l-wa2wa=Eala-y£lpi; wiya,
according^ to the tradition of the district, is for the third great tank in it, the
Pahadewila-wffiwa, now called Pddavil-kulam, that part of the district haTing
become Tamil TTcnnent's Ceylon, vol. ii. p. 506^. Either my informant, bow-
ever, or the traaition itself, seems mistaken on this last point.
' Tumour's Mahelvaiu8a» p. 269.
THE STOEY OP xlSYAPA'fi CRIME. 199
who was perhaps favouring Moggall&na, as the order in
which they are mentioned in the Mah&yamsa leads to the
belief that Moggalldna was the younger son. The rebels won
an easy victory ; and the ease with which they won it shows
how weak the old King's power had become. Such arbitrary
acts of despotic cruelty as the one mentioned above, and the
one referred to below in Note B, in the Appendix, had per-
haps become too much even for Oriental resignation to bear.^
Moggall&na escaped to Jambudvtpa, which in Ceylon books
merely means the Continent of India ; but the old King fell
into the hands of the victors, and was imprisoned at Anu-
radhapura. He would not, however, inform the victors
where the royal treasures, which they believed him to pos-
sess, were hid, until at last, frightened by their importunity,
he said, " If you will take me to the K&la-vapi lake, I shall
be able to point them out/' They sent him, therefore, to the
lake, on the shores of which his friend the sage, probably
Mah&n&ma, was living. There, says the Chronicle, from th^
way in which these two talked, sitting one by the other, and
quenching the fire of each other's afiSictions, they seemed to
be those who had won the kingdom. So after the sage had
fed and consoled him in various ways, showing him the real
character of the world, and strengthening him in resolution,
the King went for the last time to the lake, and bathing de-
lightfully in it, and drinking its water, said to his guards,
"These alone are the riches I possess."^
K&syapa was greatly enraged when he heard this, and, to
the delight of those whose treason gave them no hope of
pardon, gave orders for the death of his father; and then
actually went down in his royal robes, and walked up and
down in his condemned father's sight, to mock him in his
fall. Dhdtusena, says the Chronicle, thought, " This sinful
^ Professor Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. iv. p. 292, calls DMtnsena <* a monarch dis-
tin^ished for his piety and gentleness " — a description which seems rather at
variance with the facts of the narrative.
' Professor Lassen, in his Indische Alterthnmsknnde, vol. iv. p. 291, states
the King s answer to have been that he had no other treasures besides "bathing in
that tank." This rendering destroys the very point of the reply. The King un-
doubtedly meant that he had nothing left beyond the consciousness of the great
public benefit he bad conferred on the people by his gigantic irrigation works.
200 THE STORY OF KASTAPA'8 CBIBiE.
one wants to torment my mind as well as my body; he wants
to lead me to hell ; what is the use of being angry with
him?'* and simply said kindly, "Lord of lords, I have the
same affection for you as I have for Moggalialna/'
The guards then stripped the old King, chained him with
iron chains, and built him up alive into a wall, leaving only
for his face an opening towards the East, which they then
plastered over with clay.
The rest of the narrative follows in the words of the
chronicler, to which I have added a translation. The text
is formed by the collation of a MS. in my possession, which
was bought in Kandy, and is denoted by K, with one in the
library of Dadalla "Wih&ra, near Galle, Ceylon, which is
denoted by D. Prof. Childers has also kindly compared for
me some passages in an India Office MS. complete to the
end of Par&krama the Great's reign. Though the text is
still imperfect, and in one or two places so much so as to he
unintelligible, yet in the present state of P&li literature it
will probably be considered better than none; and those
most competent to give an opinion have advised the publi-
cation of the text as it stands. The words printed in italics
are conjectural. In the English version I have tried to
retain the naive epic style of the old chronicler by trans-
lating as literally as possible.
MAHAVAMSA, CHAPTEB THIRTY-NINE. 201
The Reigns of Kasyapa the Parricide and of Moogal-
LANA THE FiRST, FROM THE MahAvaMSA, ThIRTY-NINTH
Chapter.
1. Tato Kassapa-n&mo so p&pako nara-pslliko *
Assa-gopan ca siidan ca pesayitw&na bhsltukan
2. M&r&petum assakkonto bhito Siha-girim gato
DursLroham manussehi sodh&petyd samantato
3. P&k&rena parikkhippa sih&karena kslrayi
Tattha nisseni-geh&ni tena'tan-nkmBko ahu
4. Sambaritv& dbanam tattba nidabity£L sugopitam
Attano nibit&naih so rakkbam datv& tabim tabim
5. Katy£L rSja-gbaraih tattba dassaneyyaih manoramam
DutiyMakamandam va Kuvero va tabim yasi
6. Migdra-ndmo karesi senapati san&makam
Parivenaih tatba gebam abbisekajinassa ca
TRANSLATION.
1. Tben tbat wicked king called K&syapa, baving sent a
borse-keeper and a cook to kill bis brotber, and being unable
to do so, became afraid, and went to tbe Lion Rock (Sigiri) ;
and baving tborougbly cleared tbe place difficult for men to
climb, and surrounded it by a rampart, built tbere a climbing
gallery ornamented witb lions, wbence it acquired its name.
4. Having collected bis wealtb, be buried it there carefully,
and put guard over tbe treasures be bimself bad buried in
different places, and built a palace tbere beautiful to look at
and pleasant to tbe mind, like a second Alakamanda, wbere
be lived like Kuvera.
6. Tbe general called Mig&ra buUt tbere a monastery of
tbe same name, and a coronation ball, wbere be asked tbat
tbe coronation sbould take place witb more splendour tban
TABIOIJS READINGS AND NOTES.
1. D. palako. 2. D. durclroha, K. tva. S D. karena, E. tattb^, E. nisseti,
E. tarn namako, D. tflnamako. 4. £. D. haritra, E. tattha, tihi tanam, D.
tibitanam. 5. E. dassa^eyyamy-mandafl ca. 6. E. D. Mig^ron&ma.
202 TEXT AND TRANSLATION OF THE
7. Tass&bhisekaiii y&citvd. silll sambuddhato *dhik&Th
Aladdhll s&mino rajje j&nissami ti santbati
8. Hutv^ vippati-s&ri so attand. kata-kamman&
Muccissllmi kathannu ti purinam k&si anappakam
9. Mab&vattbdni k&resi dwaresu nagarassa so
Ambuyyanafi ca k&resi dipe yojana-yojane
10. Issara-saman&r&mam k&retv& Buddhavatthuno
Adbikam bhoga-g&me ca kinitva tassa dftpiya
11. Bodbi-uppalavannit ca tass' &su dubit& duve
Wibd-rass assa k&resi n&maih t&san ca attano
12. Dente tasmim na iccbimsu samand. tberav&dino
Pitugb&tassa kamman ti loka-g&rayba-bhiruno
13. Dsltuk&mo sa tesaih va Sambuddba-patim&ya *ik
Bhikkhavo adbiv^esuih bhogo no sattbuno iti
14. Tath& niyanti uyy&ne samipe pabbatassa so
K&rllpesi yib&ram so tesam n&mo tato abu
the Silasambuddba, but being refused, kept quiet, thinking,
** 1 shall know about it when the rightful heir comes to the
kingdom."
8. Having repented, he (the King) did no little charity, think-
ing, " How shall I get free from the deeds I have done P " He
spent much wealth on the gates of the city, and made a mango
garden every eight miles throughout the land ; and having
built the Issara-samana monastery as a place sacred to Buddha,
he bought still more fruitful land and gave to it. 11. He had
two daughters, "The wise one" and "The lotus-coloured/'
and he gave their names and his own to this Wih&ra. When
he gave it, the faithful priests would not have it, fearing the
blame of the world that it was the work of a parricide. But
he still intending to give it them, bestowed it on the image
of Buddha ; then the priests received it, saying, " It (has be-
come) the property of our Master." 14. In the same manner,
in a garden near the rock, he made a monastery, and it was
7. D. santhiti. 8. K. D. katham. 9. D. dyaresi, uyyanen. 10. D. IsMro,
dipijani. 11. K. D. asuih, K. D. ttUam. 12. K. ptLynyha, D. gfiruyha. 13. K.
atthiy^Besu. 14. D. ahum.
THIRTY-NINTH CHAPTER OF THE MAHAvaMSA. 203
15. Ad£l dbammarucinan tan sampannam catupaccayaih
"Wih&ram c'eva uyy&nam disft-bh&gamhi uttare
16. Bhattam sannira-pakkam so bhunjitwa dinnam itthiyd
Sappi-yuttam manuiifiebi sdpehi abbis&nkharam
17. Manunnam idam Ayydnam dass&m evan ti t&disam
Bbattam pSddsi bbikkbdnam sabbesaii ca saciyaram
18. Uposatnam adbitth&si appamanfiaii ca bb&vayi
Sam&dayi dbutange ca likb&peyi ca pottbake
19. PatimMslnas&Udmi k&rllpesi anappakam
Bbito so paralokambU MoggaMnft ca Tattayi
20. Tato attb&rase vasse Moggall&no mab&bayo
Adesena nigantb&nam dy&dasaggaa(7A<iyar(!l
21. Jambudip& idb'&gamma dese Ambattba-kolake
Kutbari-n&me bandbittba yibar^ balasaiicayam
22. B.aj& 8uty£L gabetylt taih bbunjess&miti nikkbami
Nemittehi na sakkati vadantehi mab&balo
called by tbeir name. He gave tbat wib&ra, abounding with
tbe four necessary gifts, and a garden in tbe nortbem pro-
vince, to tbe Dbammarucis.
16. He baying tasted a disb given to bim and prepared by
a woman witb king-cocoa-nut milk and gbee, and seasoned
witb excellent curry, tbougbt, "This would be good for
priests, I will give them some," and gave (accordingly) a
meal like that and a suit of robes to all the priests. 18. He
observed the eight rules, and meditated much and vowed
vows, and had books written, and made many images, and
dining halls for priests and such like things. Yet he lived
on in fear of the other world and of Moggallana.
20. Then, in the eighteenth year, Moggall&na, tbat g^eat
warrior, by the advice of tbe naked mendicants,* came here
from Jambudvipa witb twelve chiefs as friends, and collected
his army at KClthari Wihara (the Axe-temple), in tb^ district
Ambattbakolaka. The King hearing this, saying, "I will
catch and eat him," started forth with a large army, although
tbe fortune-tellers said, " You cannot do it."
16. K. ittiyd, D. sappiih. 17. K. manuM^m, K. D. uyyanam, dassani. 18. D.
likh^pesi. 19. E. D. vattati. 20. D. bhato /or haYo, a. sahava, D. 8abh&yay&.
21. D. bandittba. 22. E. sutYana, E. D. yadante pi.
* On the Nio&ANTHAS, see LaBsen, Ind. Alt. ii. pp. 692, 892.
204 TEXT AND TRANSLATION OP THE
I
23. MoggaMno pi sannaddhabalo surasahayavd.
Gacchanto 'sura-sangamam devo viya Sujampati '
24. Annam aiifiam upHgamma bhinnavelsl va 8&gar&
Arabhimsu mab&yuddhaih balak&ysl ubbo pi te
25. Kassapo purato disvd mabantam kaddam^ayam
Gantum annena maggena parivattesi dantinam
26. DisvH tan 8&mik6 no 'yan pal^yati bbane iti
Balak&yll pabbijjitv^ dittbam pittban ti ghosayum
27. MoggaMna-baU raja cbetveL nikaranena so
Sisam ukkbipiy' ^£Lsam cburikam kosiy&m khipi
28. Katvll llliiganakiccam so tassa kamme pasidiya
Sabbaih sadhanam eldslya dgaccbi nagaram varam
29. Bbikkbu sulvsl pavattiih tain sunivattbd supllrut&
Sammajjity£L vib&ran ca attbamsu patipattiy&
30. Mab&megbayanam patvd Dewarllj& va Nandanam
Mabslsenam nivattetv& battbi p&k&rato babi
23. And Moggall^na, too, marcbed out witb bis armed
force and bero friends, like tbe god Sakra going to tbe battle-
field of tbe Titans. Tbe two armies met one tbe otber,
like oceans wben tbeir waves are broken ; and began the
migbty battle. K&syapa, tben, seeing rigbt in front a marshy
bole, turned aside bis elephant, to go another way. Seeing
him, bis army gave way, saying, " Our master is fljring/*
But tbe soldiers of Moggall&na cried out, saying, "We see
his back," and that king, cutting off (Kelsyapa's) head with
bis sword, threw it into the air, and put back his sword into
its sheath.
28. Tben, performing the funeral rites, and confirming the
acts of tbe late king, and taking all the baggage, be entered the
wonderful city. The priests bearing this news, well clothed
and well robed, swept the wib&ra, and stood in order. 30. He
entered tbe Mabftmegbavana like tbe King of the Gods enter-
ing his garden Nandana, and stopping bis migbty army out-
23. D. silra. 24. E. and D. put v. 26 before yy. 24 and 25, and D. repeats U
before y. 27. 24. E. D. afifLimafifia, E. bhinnuvela, D. bhiima veld, cf. Da^hft-
vaihsa iii. 5. 26. K. D. bhanc, K. pittha. 27. K. jctyd, D. akdsa, sosiyaid.
28. D. lubhamiccaih, E. D. agafiji. 29. D. sammajityd, E. pafipa^^hiyatiyft.
3U. E. Tanaiu vanam patvd, D. yanam ya patyd, E. Nandayanam, na yattetv^.
^
THIRTY-NINTH CHAPTER OP THE MAHIvAMSA. 205
31. XJpasankamma vandityft sanglie tasmlih pastdiya
Chattena sangham pujesi sangho tass eva tarn add.
32. Tan th&naih Chattavaddhiti yoharimsu' tahim katam
PariveQ&m pi taiii n&mam ahosi. Puram &gato
33. Vih&re dve pi gantvana sangham tatth&bhivandiya
P£lpunitv£l mahd-rajjam lokaih dhammena p&layi
34. Kuddho niharl D&tham so gh&takam pituno mama
Anuvattimsu mundd ti tena Eakkhasa-n&ma-v&
35. Atireka-sahassam so amacc&nam vinasayi
Kanna-n&sMi chedesi pabb&jesi tathsl bahu*
36. Tato sutv^na saddhammaiii upasanto sum&naso
Mahd.d^am pav&ttesi megho yiya mahitale
37. Phussa punnamiyam danam anuvassam pavattayi
Tato patth&ya tarn d&naiii dipe ajjd.pi vattati
side the elephant wall, and approaching and saluting them,
he was well pleased with the priesthood there, and offered his
kingdom to the priests, and the priests gave it back to him.
They began to call that place " The gift of the kingdom,"
and the wihdra which had been made there acquired the same
name.
33. He went to the citadel, and having entered both the
wih&ras, and bowed low to the priesthood, he took to himself
the supreme sovereignty, in righteousness protecting the
world. Being angry with the priests, saying, "They as-,
sisted at the death of my father, these baldheads ! '* he took
away the Tooth, and thence acquired the name of 'Devil.'
35. He slew more than 1000 ministers, cut off the noses and
ears of others, and many he banished from the land. After
that he listened to the Law, became quiet and of a good
heart, and gave great treasure, as a rain -cloud to the broad
earth. He gave gifts every year on the full moon day of
January, and the custom continues in the island up to this
day.
31. K. D. nam. 32. K. thSna D. Toharamsu, K. parivenama. 33. K. ce, K.
D. loka. 34. E.manda, D. macc^. 35. E. D. amacca^a, D. kanna. 36. K.
upayanto, meso. 37. D. punnamiyam, K. tadanam, D. vattanti.
206 TEXT AND TRANSLATION OP THE
38. So pi s&ratthika-l&ja-d&yako pitursLjino
Anetv& pitum-sandesa MoggallsLnassa dassayi
39. Tan disvd. paridevitv£l pituno pemam attani
Yannetv^ tassa plld&si dr&va-n&yakatam vibhii
40. Sen&pati Mig&ro hi nivedetva yath«l vidhim
Abhisekajinassslkd. abhisekam yath& rucim
41. Sih&-cale Dalha-namam Dslthslkondannakam pi ca
Vih&re Dhamma-rucinaiii S4galinan ca d&payi
42. Pabbatan tu vih&raih so katvd, therdssa dd,payi
Mah&nltma-sanllmassa Digb&sana-vib&rake
43. EAjini-nslmakaih c'eva katvsl bbikkhdn-upassayam
Ada S&galikdnaiii so bhikkhuninaih mabaroati
44. Lambakannaka-gotto pi Dllthslppabuti-n&mako
Kassapassa uppattbane koci nibbinna-m&naso
45. So pi Kassapato bbito n^takena sahattan&
Moggall&nena gantv&na Jambudipa-talam ito
38. Tben the charioteer (see Mah. p. 260), who had given
the juicy fried rice to his father, brought his father's letter,
and gave it to MoggalUna. Having seen this, he wept,
remembering his father's love to himself, and gave the man
the dignity of Chief gate-keeper. The governor, Mig&ro,
having told him (all) as it had happened (before), performed
the coronation (anointing) even as he had wished.
41. The King built on Sigiri rock the wih&ras called
Dalha ^nd Dd,th&kondanna, and gave them to the Dham-
maruci and Sllgali orders : and having made a rock wih&ra,
he gave it to the thera, to Mah&nima of the Dtghftsana-
wih&ra (see foot-note, p. 196). Also he, the large-hearted,
made a residence, called K&jini, for nuns, and gave it to
the priestesses of the S&gali order.
43. But a certain man named " D&tb&ppabhuti,'' of the
family of the " Hanging-ear'd-ones," who had been dis-
satisfied in the service of K&syapa, and was afraid of him,
had gone with his relation Moggall&na to Jambudvipa, and
38. K. Dsdrathiko. 39. D. yannetv&. 40. E. D. Migdrehi. 41. K. Dalham,
D. Da|haih, K. KondaMaka, K. vihara, D. vih^ram, K. dliammaniciiiai&, D.
dhammanicina. 44. D. Lambakann&ka. Prof. Lassen ihinkB these mast be the
Wseddas. 45. £. imd D. put this ver»$ after t. 46.
THIRTY-NINTH CHAPTEB OF THE ICAHiVAMSA. 207
46. Qtintv4 Mereliya-vaggam v&san tatth' eva kappayi
Ahosi putto tass' eko Sil&k&lo ti Tissuto
47. Bodhimanda-vih&ramlii pabbajjam damup&gato
Karonto sangha-kicc&ni s&daro so supesalo
48. Ambam sangbassa psld&si sangho tasmiih pasidijra
Aha 'mba-sd,manero ti tena tan-nllmako aha
49. So Kesa-dh&tu-vaihsambi vuttena vidhinft tato
Kesa-dbatum labhitvd,na tassa rajje idb'&nayi
50. Tassa katv4na sakk&raiii gabetvd Kesadhsltuyo
Mabaggbe nidabity&na karande pbalikubbbave
51. Dipamkaranagarassa patim&ya ghare Tare
VaddhetvH parib&rena mabd-pdjaih payattajri
52. M&tulani bbariyaii ca 'ssa katv4 sovannayam tahim
fbapesi patim&yo ca assa bimbaii ca c&rukam
53. Kesa-db&tu-karandan ca cbattaih ratana-mandapam
S&vakagga-yugam vtjanin ca sa k&rayi
going to Mereliyavagga, bad settled there. He had a son
named Silak&la. who took the robes in the Bodhi-manda
wih&ra, and there led a priest's life, loved of all, and virtuous.
48. He gave a mango to the priesthood, and they, well pleased
therewith, cried out, "a Mango-pupil." So he was called by
that name in future. He having acquired the Hair-relic in
the manner related in the book " The History of the Hair-
relics," brought it hither in the reign of this king.
50. (The King) entertained him hospitably, and received
the Hair-relics, and placed them in a crystal shrine of great
price, and carried them in procession to the noble image-
house of Dipaihkaranagara, and gave a great donation ;
making golden images of his wife and father-in-law, he
placed them there, and a beautiful statue of himself.
53. And he made a casket for the Hair-relic, and a canopy
and a jewelled shrine and (figures of) the two chief apostles,
.46. K. gantydna meraliyam, D. maggam. I would prefer, after all, to follow
the MSS. in the order of these verses : kappayi would then he the finite verh to
Dathdp., and so pi would refer to Sil&k&ta. The son of this Sildkclla hecame
king of Ceylon 534-547 a.d. 48. E. amha, K. D. ahamba ndmato. 49. D.
dhatum, K. D. rajj&. Comp. J.B.A.S. 1872, p. 201. 50. K. D. MahagghaA,
palikumbhave. Comp. Mahav. p. 241, 1. 11. 51. K. pa|iraa^hare. For va^-
^hetya, comp. D&^h. iii. 58. 52. K. D. bhariyam, K. ya assa bimbam ya.
VOL. YII. — [MBW 8B&IB8.] 14
A
208 MAHAVAMSA, CHAPTER THIRTY-NINE.
54. Parib&raii ca tassMd. rkjk adbikam attano
Stl^dlo asigg&ham katvsL rakkh&ya yojayi
55. Asigg&ha-siUk^lo iti ten'&si vissuto
Bhaganiii c'assa p&d&si saddhim bhogena blitimipo
56. Yutto 'yam atisamkbepo Tittb&ro pana sabbaso
Kesa-db&tuka-vahsamb^ gabetabbo vibbUvinft
57. Bandhitv& s&gar&rakkbam dipafL c&k^i nibbbayam
Dbamma-kammena sodbesi sadbammam Jinasftsanaih
58. Sen&pati-san&m' aksl padb&na-gbaram uttare
Eiitv& 'ttbd,rasame vasse so pufLiiaiii kbayam gato
59. Evam ^asaapa-ndmako atihali punnakkbaye samkbate
Jetum no visabittba mB.QQupagamam so yeva dftso viya
60. Tasma maccu6a/am nibacca sukbit& bessanti medb&yino
Nibbdnam param accutam sivapadam pattabbam
attannun£l
Ito sujanappas&dasamvegattb&ya kate Mab&vamse
Saja-dvaya-dipano nama ekx^nacatt^lisamo pariccbedo.
and of tbe sacred fan :* and be gave it a greater retinue
tban tbat of tbe King bimself, and made Sil&k&la tbe sword-
bearer, and placed bim in cbarge (over it) : so be was called
tbe Sword-bearer Sil&kd,la: and tbe King gave bim bis sister
(to wife) and mucb wealtb. Tbis is said very sbortly, but
tbe wbole is well described in tbe History of tbe Hair-relic,
wbicb tbe wise sbould read.
57. He saved tbe island from tbe fear (of inundation and
encroacbment) by building a dyke against tbe sea. In
rigbteousness be purified tbe doctrine and etbics of Budd-
bism ; and baving built towards tbe nortb a palace for his
cbiefs, called Send,pati-gbara, and done (otber) good deeds, he
came to bis end in bis eigbteentb year.
59, 60. Tbus tbat powerful one, Kasyapa, wben bis merits
failed, was not able to resist tbe approach of death, but
54. E. raja, D. siluk^laman. 55. E. D. bhaganiih, saddhim. 66. E. D.
pasabbnso, K. viharina. 57. E. nibbaya, D. saddham, E. sabbammam. 58. K.
b. san&mamka uttaro, kayam. 59. E. D. Eassapo noti balim, maccum upagatain.
60. E. D. maccumpana sukliito, nibbanam. Last line — D. cat&lisatiino.
• Compare citra-vijani, p. 168 of Fausboll's Dhammapada: Tumour mm
(Mab. p. 164) that an ivory fan was the si^ of chief-priesthood (like our orosiei),
but I have often seen ordinary priests use it.
FRESCO PAINTING IN CEYLON. 209
became its slave. Therefore the wise will be happy only
when they have overcome the power of death ; and he who
has attained to knowledge of himself will reach NirvAna,
the excellent, eternal, place of bliss.
So is finished the 39th chapter — called the history of two
kings— of the MahS-vamsa, which is made for the delight and
agitation of righteous men.
APPENDIX.
Note A.
Fresco Painting in Ceylon,
With regard to the frescoes referred to at page 193,
it would be perhaps useful to add here a note made on
Unap&hura "Wihara, which I visited in December, 1868.
This Wihglra is one mile and three-quarters from Tatawatte
Rest House, and ten miles from Md.tale, in the Central Pro-
vince of Ceylon : it was built by Bhuvaneka B&hu the Sixth
(a.d. 1464-1471), repaired by Wira Parakrama (a.d. 1706-
1739, whose name I have also found on the Dambulla rock),
and restored by the villagers in 1837 and 1865. About a
quarter of a mile from it is the most venerable tree I have
seen in Ceylon, a N&-tree {Meaua ferrea, Clough) about thirty
feet round, three feet from the base ; under whose spreading
branches a gang-sahhdwa (gr«Lma-sabh&) or village council^
has been held, according to tradition, all through the endless
commotions and revolutions of the dynasties of Ceylon since
the time of Walagam Bahu (104 B.C.). The old ruppa or
semicircle of stone seats is still remaining, and certainly has
the appearance of age, for the stones are worn away by re-
peated sitting. I went to the Wih&ra to copy some old in-
scriptions on the granite boulders surrounding it, and finding
a man engaged in repainting the image and the walls, I
inquired from him how the frescoing was done.
^ "This ancient institution," says Sir E. Tennent, Ceylon, toI. ii. p. 695,
" identical in its objects with the punehayeta of Hindustan, the geroiuia of the
Greeks, and the Assembly of the £lders in the Gate among the Jews and Romans,
still exists in Ceylon." See Maine's * Village Communities,' pa$sim.
210 FEESCO PAINTING IN CEYLON.
He informed me that the painter first spreads makul, a'
kind of very hard white plaster, over the wall or image^ and
then^ with a brush made of aettuttiri or itana grass {Ariatida
aetacea, Clough), lays on the paint mixed with a gum (l&tu)
made from the diwul tree {Ferania elephantum^ Clough). No
previous drawing is made, at least, not on the image or wall ;
and if the painter makes a mistake, he covers it over with
the plaster (makul), and begins again. The colours used
were as follows : —
White is the plaster, made of a kind of very fine pipe-clay
(cf. Ummagga J&taka, p. 115, line 15). The painter
I saw had brought his makul from Maturata, fifty
miles away. Comp, MaK p. 259.
YeUow (Simhalese kaha) is the gum of the gokatu-tree,
gamboge (Stalagmitis camJjogioides, Clough). The
yellow is also called in the Southern Province, Sariyal
(cf. Ummagga J&taka, p. 115, line 30) and Harit&la.
Blue (Simhalese ml) was English Prussian blue bought in
the baz&r.
Bed (Simhalese 8&dilinga=vermilion) was also bought in
the baz&r. Drawing with Hinguli, vermilion, ia
mentioned, Mah. p. 162, cf. Alvis, Kacc. 76, and
Tennent, i. 455.
Light Blue (Simhalese siwi) is blue mixed with makul.
Black (Simhalese kalu) is made from resin (dummala), the
gum obtained from Hal or Dum trees {Shorea robasta,
Clough, cf. s&la; Clough explains dummala also by
sandarac). Black is also made by baking the gum
(kohollae) of the jack-tree {Artocarpus integri/olia),
till it dries into cakes.
It is curious to notice that the painter used no green ; and I
tried in vain to detect green on the Sigiri frescoes : and there
is no separate word for green in the Simhalese language. The
painter did not mix his colours, but kept them in separate
vessels, and the general efiect of the use of such simple
colours was not impleasing. His art is fast dying out.
It would be very interesting to obtain correct copies of
some of the best of these frescoes, especially from remote
ON samIdhi. 211
temples, where the priests or their helpers are still adherents
of the old ante-English style of painting; and where the
frescoes have neither been destroyed by time nor defaced by
restoration. By far the most authentic and most ancient
must be those few remains protected by the over-hanging
crags of Sigiri, the work of a time when painting particu-
larly flourished in Ceylon;* and correct drawings and de-
scriptions of them would be invaluable for the history of
art, especially if, as Sir Eqierson^Tennent maintains,^ the
tSimhalese were the first inventors of painting in oil.
Note B.
On Samddhi.
After relating the terrible fate of Dh&tusena, the pious
Chronicler asks, "What wise man, after knowing this,
will covet royalty, or wealth, or life?" and explains that
the King's tragical death was the result or fruit (vip&ka) of a
previous act of his in burying under the new dam of the
Kala-V£bpi lake an ascetic who could not be roused from his
state oi samddhi or trance. I had always looked upon this
part of the story as a piece of credulous superstition, until
I read an article on the Physiology of Belief in the Con-
temporary Reneio for last December, by Dr. Carpenter, the
distinguished Registrar of the London University. The
attainment of sam&dhi is looked upon by Dr. Carpenter as
not only possible, but as having actually taken place in cer-
tain instances given. No one, whether convinced or not by
the arguments adduced, can refuse to acknowledge the great
value of the light thus thrown by so high a physiological
authority on some of the most difficult points of Buddhist
asceticism and philosophy.
The reasoning of Dr. Carpenter shows that it is not only
^ Fa Hien mentions tbe beauty and correctness of the Ceylon paintings of this
period, Foe Eoue Ei, chap, xxxviii. ; and Dhatusena sent a picture of Buddha
to the then Emperor of Gnina. Teunent, vol. i. p. 475. Eing Jye^hta Ti^hya,
A.D. 340, was a painter, Mah. p. 242, according to the translation by Tumour ;
but the word eitrAni in the Pdli may there mean various^ and not paintings,
* Ceylon, vol. i. p. 490.
212 ON samIdhi.
not impossible, but is so much in accordance with known
facts as to be quite credible, that an ascetic should have
worked himself into a state of samlldhi or trance, in which the
cries of workmen would fall unheeded on his ear, and from
which no mere words or blows would suffice to waken him :
and we know too many instances of the gross injustice into
which the possession of great power has betrayed civilized
and even Christian rulers to refuse credence to the statement
of a generally reliable authority, that a successfiil and power-
ful despot, engaged in one of the most gigantic and useful
engineering works which the mind of man had conceived,
on being told that a hermit, seated in the line of opera-
tions, refused to move away, ordered him to be buried alive
under the earthwork of the dam.
We should not, however, be justified in concluding from
this story, or from the general picture of kingly violence
which the undoubted facts of KAsyapa's history reveal, that
Buddhism had little practical power in Ceylon. It is true that
it was a State religion, introduced from above, through the
Court, and not through the people ; that the real religion of
the masses, the source from which they seek help in times of
trouble or of sickness, is — and probably always was — not
Buddhism, but the old (? Dravidian) Devil-worship, aided by
witchcraft and astrology.^ Yet the influence of the crust of
Buddhist philosophy which overlay the old beliefs, and was
especially powerful over the more educated and refined minds,
is clearly perceptible throughout the history of Ceylon ; and
if it did not succeed in making its own mildness and charity
quite supreme in the hearts of the Simhalese kings and
people; of the priests, at least, it is true, that we have to
deplore throughout their weakness, not their strength ; and
we look in vain for the priestly bigotry and oppression which
produced elsewhere systems of caste or Albigensian wars.'
* Compare Forbes, Ceylon, toI. ii. p. 194.
' Sec the instance of the priests of the three sects interceding with Parft.
krama the Great to make peace wil^ the people of Eclm&nya, giyen in mj
translation of Narendracarituvalokanapradipikawa in the Journal of the Asiatic
Society of ]{engal, vol. xli. p. 199, ana the passages quoted in the note. Forbes,
Yol. ii. p. 206, gives three instances of religious persecution ; but in these
kings, not priests, are the persecutors.
DERIVATION OF THE NAME sIgIEI. 213
Note C.
Derivation of the name Sigiri.
Notwithstanding the kind intention of the author of this
chapter to explain the derivation of the name Sigiri, it is not
yet by any means clear why this curious hill should have
been called the Lion Bock. In the passage (v. 3) —
Pak&rena parikkhippa sth&karena kftrayi
Tattha nisseni-geh&ni, tena tan-n&mako ahu —
sihak&re^a seems at first sight as if it ought to be taken as
an adjective qualifying p&k&rena: but tena most probably
refers to the action denoted by the verb k&rayi, and if so the
tena would be a non sequitur, imless sih&k&rena were taken as
an adverb qualifying karayi. The tena might just possibly
refer to the 'surrounding' as well as to the 'making/ But in
the many instances in which such an expression occurs in
the Mahavamsa — compare vv. 14, 34, 48 in this chapter —
the tena or tato refers always to the action denoted by the
last verb. But whether it was the 'rampart' or the 'ladder-
houses' which were 'after the fashion of a lion,' the difficulty
of explaining the meaning of such a qualification remains
equally great. Major Forbes cuts the knot by saying,
'* Sikhari signifies a moimtain stronghold or hill fort ; but so
simple a derivation and so appropriate a designation is re-
jected, and the learned natives derive its name from siha or
simha (a lion), and giri (a rock), and assert that it was so
called from the number of lions sculptured on different
parts of the fortress. Their derivations, always fanciful and
often absurd, are not supported in this instance by any
remains which we discovered: it is one of the very few
places of consequence in which I have not found lions
sculptured in various altitudes."^ This explanation seems
more decided than' decisive ; and it is necessary to consider
somewhat more closely the meaning of the words in the text.
1 Forbes, Eleven Years in Ceylon, yoI. ii. p. 2, note. Prof. Lassen adopts the
native interpretation here rejected.
214 DERIVATION OP THE NAME SIGIRI.
Nisseni-gehS-ni may correspond to the German Treppen-
haus, 'stair-case/^ and means, as I think it does, the climbing
terrace itself; or it may be a dvandva compound, and mean
' stairs and houses '; or it may mean ' houses with steps' leading
up to them. Neither of these, one would think, could be in
the shape of a lion : but Abhidhdnappadtpiksl g^ves addhayoga
as the name of a house built in the form of a supanna, or
mythological bird ;' and the DS-th&vaihsa, canto ii. v. 79 of
the edition just published by Sir Coom&ra Switmy, gives siAa^
panjara as the name of a part of the king's palace, not the
cage in which he kept his lions, but an elevated window, so
called, probably, from the form of its architectural ornamen-
tation.^ The May£irapr£Ls&da, whose beautiful columns are
still standing near the principal street of the little station at
Anur&dhapura, was so called because the brilliancy of its
painting and metal work re-called the colours of the Peacock.*
Sir Emerson Tennent, following the version of this passage
in an unpublished manuscript of Mr. Tumour's, translates it
as follows : — " Having repaired to Sigiri, a place difficult of
access to men, and clearing it all round, he surrounded it
with a yampart. He built there (uprights), and these he
ornamented with Jiff ures of lions, Siha, whence it obtained the
name of Sihagiri, the Lion's Rock."*
This seems, on the whole, to give the only possible meaning
which can be attached to Slhdkdrena, and is confirmed by a
^ Wliatever the derivation of our word 'stair-cose' may be, the latter portion ii
certainly not the Italian easa^ and has therefore no analogy to the P&li expresdon
in the text.
» Abh. Edit. Subhiiti, v. 209.
' This meaning is confirmed by the use of the word in the Mah&vamsa, p. 168,
line 9, and is given in the Abhidhanappadipika, v. 216.
* This temple was originally built 25 cubits high by Buddha-dSsa a.d. 340*
the author of Surartha-sangrana, a Sanskrit work on medicine, which Tiunour
says (Mah. p. 245) is still extant. Lassen, Ind. Alt., iv. 208, wrongly calls this
work Sdratusangraha. At vol. ii. p. 519, he fixes the date of Su^ruta, the earliest
Sanskrit work on Medicine, at ** several centuries before Muhamed.** If really
extant, Buddhn-ddsa's work would be most important for the history of Medicine
in the East. Dhatusena, Kusvapa's father, reconstructed the temple with a height
of 21 cubits. Mah. pp. 247,'257.
^ Prof. I^asseu's Indischo Alterthumskunde, vol. iv. p. 292. Sir Emerson
Tennent's Ceylon, vol. ii. p. 689. Upham's Sacred and Historical Books, toI. i.
chap, xxxix. p. 341. In his note Prof. Lassen sa^rs that IJpham divides the
Manavamsa in a manner difi'crcnt from Tumour's division : but this is a mistidLe.
Upham is quite right in calling this chap. No. xxxix.
IN8CBIPTI0NS ON sIgIRI HILL. 215
passage quoted by Tennent from a writer in an extinct
periodical I have not been able to procure, vi?. Young Ceylon^
in the Number for April, 1851, p. 77. The writer of that
article says, that having succeeded in penetrating the great
gallery, he found it " covered with a thick coat of chunam,
as white and as bright as if it were only a month old, with
fresco paintings, chiefly of lions, whence its name Singhagiri
or Sigiri." As to the words in italics I must, however, add,
that I did not notice any painted lions in the frescoes which
I saw.
Note D.
Inscriptions on Sigiii HilL
I was only able to find three inscriptions on or near Slgiri
HilL They are over the entrance to an ancient rock cave, in
which is a gigantic reclining figure of Buddha Jin plaster, and
bne or two smaller images. There is said to be a similar
cave with an older image in stone further up the same hill,
which is not the actual rock on which the climbing terrace
was built, but an adjoining hill called Piduragala. The
transliteration of the upper one is clearly —
Kolgamasawa puta majima Yasajitaya Tisa deviya lene
sagasa.
The language is an ancient form of Elu, and the words mean
The sons of Kolgmas&wa, viz. Yasajita and Tisadeva {have
hewn out) this rock cave for the priesthood.
The forms of the letters and meanings of the last two
words will be found discussed in my article in the " Indian
Antiquary" for May, 1872, on a similar inscription over
the Dambulla cave.
The second inscription in the same alphabet is unin-
telligible. Both these are, judging from the forms of the
letters, much older than K&syapa's time; but the third
inscription, which is also unintelligible, is in a later alpha-
bet.
216 THE sIgIBI stone-book at PULA8TIPURA.
Note E.
The Sigiri Stone-book at Pulastipura.
The similarity between the names Sigiri = Slha-g^ri =
Simha-giri, and S(egirt^=^Getiya-gm = Caitya-giri, has g^ven
rise to a curious mis-statement in Sir Emerson Tennent's work
on Ceylon. He says (vol. ii. p. 589), speaking of the so-called
Stone-book near the Sat-mal-prasada at Pulastipura,* that it
bears an inscription stating it to have been brought a dis-
tance of more than eighty miles. As the stone is of granite,
and measures at least twenty-six feet by four by two, so tliat
it weighs at least 16 tons, and as there is much of the same
stone close at hand, this seems strange. The authority he
gives is, however, a passage from the inscription on the
stone itself, which he quotes, in inverted commas, from
Armour 8 Translation in the Appendix to Tumour's Epitome
(p. 94), as follows : —
" This engraved stone is the one which the strong men of
King Nissanga brought from the mountain of Mihintale at
Anurdjapura.*^
Now even Mihintale is certainly not 80 — it is less than 50 —
miles from Pulastipura ; and, further, on referring to the
Epitome as given by Forbes (vol. ii. p. 350), Armour's
translation will be found to be as follows : —
" This engraved stone is the one which the chief minister
Unawoomandawan caused the strong men of Nissankha to
bring from the mountain Scegiriya at Anoorddhapura, in the
time of the King Sri Kalinga Chakrawarti."
But on referring to the stone itself, I have found that the
words 'at Anoorddhapura' are not there at all, and that the
only authority for the words I have italicised is the simple
word * Sigiriyen,* from Sigiri, meaning, of course, the Sigiri
of this paper, which is less than 20 miles from Pulastipura.
When Armour, who never saw the stone, was translating
1 The a in Elu and Simhalcso is pronounced when short like the EDgliih « in
hot, and when long like the French « before r, as in. m^re.
' The engravin? of which is also to be found in Fergusson's History of Archi-
tecture, and in Uol. Yule's remarks on the Senbyu Poguda, Journal li.A.S., 1870,
p. 412.
METRES IN THE MAHlVAMSA AND DIpAVAMSA. 217
the transcript of the inscription which had been made for
Tumour, he probably asked his pandit for an explanation of
the word. To the Kandian priests Ssegiri, the sacred name of
the Ddgaba-peaked hill at Mihintale, was familiar enough ;
whilst Sigiri, of only historical interest, was almost or alto-
gether unknown. That they should have taken the one
for the other is not therefore strange ; but it is instruc-
tive to notice that Armour adds the words ' in Anoorfidha-
pura,' without informing his readers that they are wanting
in the original ; and that Sir Emerson Tennent, in quoting
his translation, further explains away the passage till all trace
of the original is lost.^
That a block of stone of this size and weight should, in the
middle of the 12th century, have been quarried and then
carried across country for 20 miles by the servants of a
Sinhalese king, is a very remarkable fact. A careful history
of Pardkrama's reign would probably show that at that
time the Sinhalese had reached as high a state of civilization
and culture as the English had then attained to. Stone
blocks of this size have never, I believe, been quarried in
England, but masses of iron of this weight are now not
unfrequentiy moved.
Note F.
Metres in the Mahd/oamsa and Dipavamsa.
Each Chapter in the Mah&vamsa ends in a distich, in
which the lessons of the events related in the chapter are
summed up from the Buddhistic point of view, after the
fashion of the Moral at the end of a Fable. These morals
^ It may be noticed that the stone gives the King's name as EUlinga Ni^sanka ;
Armour separates the two names, and spells the latter Nissankha ; Tennent then
drops the former, and spells the latter Nissanga. Now there was a king Kirti
Nissanga (a.d. 1187-1192), so that here we have a precisely similar mistake to
that which is found in the native books, that Kirti Nissanga made the great hall
in the DambuUa rock, whereas the inscription itself — my copy, text, and translation
of which are in the hands of the Ceylon Asiatic Society for publication— clearly
gives the name Ni^^anka, withont the epithet Kirti, but addmg the well-known
title Kalinga Parakrama B&hu. Sir £merson Tennent makes the same mistake
in his description ef the Dalad& MHig&wa, vol ii. p. 590.
A
218 THE DEATH OF KA8YAPA,
are printed in Tumour's Mah&vaihsa as prose, but they
really are in the following metres : —
Tri^h^bh at the end of Chapters 9, 35, 38
Vam^a-sthayila „ „ 8, 12, 22
Prahar^hini- „ „ 6, 16> 27, 32
Prabhavati „ „ 2
Yasanta-tilaka „ „ 3, 7, 10, 13, 26» 28, 29, 31
Maiini „ „ 4,21,34
Anapaests „ „ 24
Mandakranta „ „ 37
Sardilla-vikridita „ „ 20, 30, 32, 39
Sragdhara „ „ 1, 25
Aupaccbandasika „ „ 17, 33
Pu^hpitagra „ „ 18, 23, 36
Atijaffatt „ „ 5, 11
Jagati „ „ 14
Akriti „ „ 16
The passage at the end of Chapter 19 is too corrupt for
its metre to be stated with certainty. These more modem
metres, in which the length of every syllable is fixed, do
not occur in the Dhammapada and the Dipavanasa. In the
former, out of 423 verses, 304 are Slokas, 30 are Yaitftliya,
29 are Trishtubh, four only are Jagati (or Yamsa-sthavila,
with the length of the first syllable uncertain), and the
remainder are mixed. In my MS. of the Dipavamsa, w. 4,
5, 7, 62-79, 87-91, 420-434 are Jagati, v. 672 is Trishtubh,
vv. 52 and 53 are Jagati and Trishtubh mixed, and the rest
are Slokas, the whole number of verses being 1302.
Mr. Ghilders has given a short account of Saugharakkita's
book on Pali metres, the Vuttodaya, in a note to his edition
of the Khuddaka Pfttha, J.R.A.S. 1869.
Note G.
The Death of Kdsiyapa.
In Tumour's Epitome of the History of Ceylon, and in
Upham's version of the Ceylon Historical Books, it is stated
that K&syapa committed suicide on the field of battle, and
this statement has been repeated in most of the books on
Ceylon.^ Sir Emerson Tennent, however, relying on some
^ Upkam, Mahavamsa, vol. i. p. 341 ; Rdjaratnakara, ii. p. 76; Bajawaliya, ii
p. 241. Knighton, Uistory of Ceylon, p. 104. Forbes^ vol. ii. pp. 3, '291.
Professor Lassen, who does not seem to have anywhere made use of Tennent*!
work, repeats this erroneous statement in the Indische Alterthuraskande, yoL it.
DATHAM. 219
unpublished notes by Mr. Tumour, has pointed out that the
words of the text not only do not confirm this, but say that
he fell by his brother's hand.^ There can be no doubt that
this is the meaning of the passage, but the wrong impression
may nevertheless have been derived from the wording of
vv. 25-27, which is somewhat obscure.
Note H.
Ddtham (verse 34).
No instance is given in Mr. Childers's P&li Dictionary of
the use of the word Ddthd standing alone, as it does in
verse 34, for the tooth, par excellence, the supposed left canine
tooth of Buddha, brought in 310 a.d. from Orissa to Ceylon.
For the description of that event, see Mah&vamsa, chap. 37,
and for the early history of the tooth, see Sir Goom&ra
SwaLmy's valuable little work, " The D&th&vamsa." For the
story of its destruction by the Archbishop of Goa, see
Tennent's Ceylon, vol. ii. chap. 5, p. 199, and the translation
of Diego de Couto's account given in the Appendix to that
chapter. For my reasons from differing from Sir E. Tennent
in his belief that the tooth was really destroyed, see my
article in the Academy for September 26, 1874.
Dharmakirti, the author of D&th&vamsa, says that Kirti
Sri Meghavarnna (a.d. 301-329) had a rubric written for
the observances to be performed before the tooth c&ritta-
lekham abhilekayi,* Dath&vamsa, canto v. line 68. It would
be interesting to know whether such a work is still in use at
the Dalada M&lig&wa in Kandy.^
p. 292. One may point out small errors in that storehouse of Oriental learning,
without stopping each time to express one's appreciation of a work whose value
has long heen universally admitted.
' Ceylon, vol. i. p. 392.
' Sir Coom^ Sw&my translates this ** caused a record to he written of what
he had done,"
3 Prof. liassen twice states that the tooth was kept in a tope, Indische Alter-
thumskunde, vol. iv. pp. 657, 706 ; but this, from the nature of a tope or delgaba
(8thupa=dhdtu garbbna in Ceylon usage), is impossible. The B^s^bas were
never opened, except in one extraordinary instance; and the tooth which was
oonstantly shown was always kept in a Dalad& MaligEwa. That at Anuradha-
pura is close to the Thiipdrdma; that at Pulastipura— a most exquisite little
building— was close to the King's palace, as was that at Kandy.
220 DATHAM.
«
Dclth& was also used as a proper name. The D&th& men-
tioned in the Mahavamsa, p. 254, was very appropriately
both son and father of a Dh&tusena, his son being the king
of that name who reigned from 459-477 a.d. D4th4 was
therefore brother to Mah&n&ma, the author of the Mah&-
vamsa. A chief named D&th&ppabhuti is mentioned in the
chapter now published, v. 44.
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.
Page 196, line 12. And see especially Tornonr's note to Mahdv., p. xci.
Page 200, line 8. In Siam in the seventh century the usual mode of executing
traitors was to build them up into the walls of the capital. Lassen, Ind. Alt.
iv. 406. ^
Page 201, T. 5. The form Alakamanda is probably correct in PUli, aa it is giren
by Moggall&na in the AbbidhUnappadipikd y. 32, <* AlakElakamandd 'ssa purt." If
so, it must surely be a dialectic variety of Alakanandd, which in Sanskrit is the
name of the £. branch of the sources of the river Ganges, on which Alakd,
Kuvera's eitf/t was situate ; but see Ghilders s.v. Lassen, Ind. Alt. iv. 322, i. 47,
uses the form Alak&nandd, not given in B.R.'s Diet. Verto 2, read asakkonto.
Page 202, line 22, /or, he spent much wealth on, read, he built palaces at.
Verse 8, read vippatis&ri. V. 10, Eii[^tvd; both MSS. have n. V. 11, Vihdraasa.
Page 203, vv. Id, 16, read vihdram, bhufijitvd. One would expect sampannam,
abhisaukhatam. In the note, for Nigranthas, read Nirgra^thas ; and /or pp. 692,
892, read p. 467. Compare Alwis, Att. cviii. cxviii. and Bum. Intr. 568. Lassen
{loc. cit.) calls them Nirgran^s. Verse 18, read Uposatham. Verse 22, bhufijiBsd-
mtti : the Sinhalese at the present day constantly use expressions similar to this.
It is mere swearing, the idea being derived from the ritual of devil-worship.
Page 204, v. 23, a, read siira; v. 26, 'yam, bha^e; v. 27, kosiyam; v. 28, tor K.*8
reading langa^a, I would suggest alahana, and read therefore Katvajfthanakiceam :
comp. my article on Sinhalese Burial Rites in the Ceylon Friend for September,
1870; Dhp. 205, 206; Fausboll's note to Das. Jat. p. 21, 22; v. 29. bhikkhii,
patipa^iya. For v. 26, compare Mahdv. p. 261, 1. 6. Verse 30, vanaih, line 20, read,
* like oceans which have burst their banlcs,' the figure present to the writer's mind
having probably been that of the rush of waters on the bursting of one of the
artificial lakes, so numerous in Ceylon; but he uses the grander word s&garft, and
is consequently obliged to put * shore' for 'dam.' Perhaps one ought to read in the
text bhinna vele va sagara; compare our wor4 * breakers.' Note 23, a, read K.D.
sura.
Page 205, v. 31, niljesi ; v. 32, read voharimsu, parivenam ; one would expect
tannamaih; v. 37, Phussa-, dipe; v. 34, KakkhasanHmava ; line 26, read, they
followed my father's murderer.
Page 206, v. 38, read, sarathiko, pitu sandesam, Mo^galldnassa; v. 39,dv&ra. The
highest native officials in Ceylon are still the Mudaliyars of the Governor's Gate.
V. 41, Sihacale. For the Dhammarucis and Sdgalis see Mahdv. p. 21. For the
former see Lassen Ind. Alt. iv. 289, where it is stated that Dhatusena expelled this
sect from Mihintale; so also Tumour (Mahav. p. 259), but the Pflli seems to say
he gave them a wihtlra there, which would better agree with their being favoured
by Moggalldna. Comp. Bum. Intr. pp. 132, 161. In v. 42, r^o^, therassa ; t. 43,
^^ikkhui^- (twice^; v. 44, ppabhuti ; v. 45, Moggalldnena ; sahattano (both
S. have n&) ; dipa. Line 18, dele juicy. V. 40, nivedetv&. .
221
Art. XI. — The Northern Frontagers of China. Part I.
The Origines of the Mongols. By H. H. Howorth.
[Read on January 19, 1874.]
The researches of Schott^ have thrown considerable light
on what was previously a very obscure question, namely,
the Origines of the Mongols — a question I propose to re-
examine, with his assistance and that of other recent authors.
There are three methods of approaching such a question.
We may analyze the Mongolian tongue, and thus discover
the elements which went to make up the race; we may
collect the references to the race that we find in con-
temporary authors; or we may examine the traditions
current among the people themselves as to their origin.
The first of these methods I shall not at present deal with,
inasmuch as it is complicated by many extraneous elements,
the Mongols having borrowed from Chinese, Thibetans, and
Turks both materials for their civilization and also for their
language.
I will first examine the earliest Chinese accounts of the
Mongols. Dr. Schott agrees with Schmidt's* derivation of
the name Mongol from the word Mangy which in Mongolian
means brave, daring^ or bold. He discusses the identity of the
terms " Mongol " and " Moho," which a tempting similarity
has led most previous inquirers to make. He shows that
the words " Mongol " and " Moho " are quite different when
written in Chinese characters, that the sound ong is an
essential part of the word " Mongol." The Japanese, who
probably cannot pronounce the two letters ng^ have cor-
rupted the Chinese "Mongku" into "Muko" or "Moko."
Lastly, we have the name Mongu, used by Chinese writers
contemporaneously with and in addition to the name Moho.
^ Aelteste Nachrichten von Mongolen und Tartaren. Berlin, 1846.
' Ssanang Setzen's History of the East Mongols, translated by Schmidt, 1829,
222 THE KORTHERX FROXTAGERS OP CHDTA.
These facts satisfy me, and will, I thinky satisfy any at^
tentive reader of Dr. Schott's paper, that it is a mistake to
confuse the Moho with the Mongols. As Moho is the
collective name of the Tungusic tribes of Manchoria, and
as the Mongols have a very large Tungusic element in their
composition, it may well be that the Mongols are partially
descended from the Moho ; but they have other elements
besides, and it is a mistake to suppose that one term connotes
ihe other.
The earliest mention of the ^longols eo nomine oocors
in the official history of the Tang dynasty (618-907), which
was probably written after the latter date.^ In it we find
them under the title Shi-wei, Mongu being a specific tribal,
and Shi-wei the generic race-name.
The Shi-wei, we are told, lived to the north of the Kitan,
and to the north-west of the He-shui Moho, — that is, as we
shall show presently, in the present country of the Eastern
Khalkas and of the Daurians. They were divided into
many tribes, whose chiefs bore the title Mu-ho-td, and were
dependent on the Thu-kiu (i.^. the Turks), who bordered
them on the west. They chiefly lived by tending cattle and
by hunting. They were an insubordinate race, and much dis-
united ; their power was consequently but smalL They were
agriculturists, and used wooden ploughs. Their harvests
however were poor, both the climate and the soil being harsh
and unfavourable. They used a kind of waggons drawn by
oxen, to live in. Their land contained little metal, and their
iron they purchased from the Koreans. Their princes were
hereditary ; and when a ruling family died out, they chose
the wisest and bravest as their leader. They kept oxen and
horses, but no sheep. They had, however, a large breed
of swine, whose flesh they ate, and whose hides they nsed
for clothing. Their nearest tribe was 3000 /i, the farthest
6000 1% north-cast of Lieutching.*
The most western tribe of the Shi wei lived to the south-
* flchott, op. (it. p. 7.
' The ancioTit name of an old fortified town on the site of the pretent Toh&o
inn hicn in the diHtrict of Tshing T£ fu, >^^. in the country of the Mongol
nrn aa Eastern Tumets (Schott, op, eit, p. 19, note 2).
PART I. THE OEIGINES OP THE MONGOLS. 223
west of the Kiulun lake,^ and was called TJ sii ku. Its terri-,
tory bordered on that of the Hoei ho {i.e. the Uighurs).
To the east of this sea lived the li sai mu,' and more to
the east, on the banks of the Tchuo, also called Jen-tshi,^
the Sai-hu-tshi, a very powerful stock. Further east lived
the tribes Hokiai, XJlohu, and Noli. The two latter very
probably so named from living on the Yalo, and No or
Nonni rivers, and the Hokiai on the Tchola, a tributary of
the Nonni south of the Yalo.
Directly north of the tribe Ling si was the tribe No
petshi, and north of it, beside a great mountain, and on the
river Shikien, which flows from the Kiulun lake, lived the
Ta Shi wei {i.e, the Great Shi wei). South of this river
dwelt the tribe MongH, and north of it the Lotan. We
thus gather that at the time when the Tang Shu was
compiled, the various tribes which made up the Shi wei
race, of which the Mongu was one, lived along the course
of the Kerulon and its tributaries, on the Upper Nonni and
its western feeders, and on the Argun, — ^that is, occupied the
present country of the Eastern Khalkas, and a part of
Russian Dauria ; and I have thus no hesitation in making
this area the homeland of the Mongols when they first
appear in history, nor in identifying as Schott has identified
the Mongol race with the Shi wei. The only modem
traveller who has crossed this country, and whose narrative
is accessible to me, is Isbrand Ides, the first Russian envoy
to China. Speaking of the country between Nerchinskoy
and' Argunskoy, he says : " In several scattered places in the
valleys I observed hundreds of old and partly fallen castles,
built with rock-stones, which, as the Timgusians told me,
were built by several warriors long since, when the Mongo-
lians and Western Tatars made joint incursions into this
kingdom of Nieucheu, which monarchy comprehended the
whole land upwards, from Nerzinskoy or Nieucheu (at
present called Nieucheu by the Chinese), and from the river
* The » well-known Kiulun lake in the country of the Eastern Khalkas, into
which the river Kerulon flows.
* Wolfi" says, "In sai mu."
^ See the map of Eastern Asia in Bitter.
VOL. viL— [new be&ibs.] 15
224 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OP CHINA.
Amur down to the Albanian mountains and Leao ting, and
it is not long since that waggon wheels bound with iron,
and large millstones were found in this country, from whence
I conjecture that the Nieucheuers, which border on the
said province of Leao ting, formerly followed their trade
and manual employments in this Russian Dauria, since they
made use of these waggon wheels bound with iron, which
are nowhere else to be found among the Mongolians.^'*
This narrative shows that this part of the country is strewn
with the (Uhris of an old civilization, and when we consider
the idiosyncrasies of the Mongols in the time of Jingis
Khan, we must predicate for them a comparative degree of
culture of some standing. They were very different people
to the wretched Tungusian and Koriak nomades of Siberia,
and were apparently not much inferior in general culture
to the Buriats of lake Baikal as we find them now. It is
something to have stripped the greater part of the desert of
Gobi, which is now such a characteristic Mongol area, of its
Mongol inhabitants. There can be small doubt that at the
time we are speaking of it was occupied almost entirely by
Turks. It still remains for us to dissect and analyze the
details of the account already cited. Du Piano Carpino tells
us : " The country of the Tatars bears the name of Mongol,
and is inhabited by four different peoples : the Jeka Mongols,
that is to say, the Great Mongols ; the Sou Mongols^ or the
Fluviatile Mongols, who call themselves Tatars from th^
name of the river that flows through their territory; the
Merkit and the Mecrit. All these peoples have the same
personal characteristics and the same language, though
belonging to different provinces, and ruled by divers
princes.'** This is the earliest western account that we
possess of the Mongols, and it is wonderfully accurate.
The Jeka Mongols or Great Mongols, we are expressly
told by our traveller, were those over whom Jingis Ehan
especially ruled. They first, we are again told, subdued
the Tatars. The Chinese characters for Tatar may be
' Ishrand Ides Travels, p. 47.
' Carpino, quoted in De Hull's TraTcIs, p. 265.
PART I. THE 0RIGINE8 OF THE MONGOLS. 225
read either Ta ta or Ta tche. This is the opinion of
Yisdelou, De Guignes, and all other authors known to me
except Kemusat. The double reading answers to that in
the names Yuetchi and Yueti*^ This double form of the
name supports a conjecture of M. Schmidt (whose conjectures
one cannot always approve), which seems very well founded,
namely, that the forms Tatar and Taidshut, which are used
by Western writers, are s)monyms for the same race, and
this view has been accepted by Wolff. In the works of
Gaubil, Mailla, and Hyacinthe, the latter form is used in a
confused manner, sometimes as the name of a leader and
sometimes as that of a tribe. The strife between the
Mongols and Tatars in the time of Kabul Khan, as described
by D'Ohsson, is to be identified with great probability with
that described by Ssanang Setzen between the Beda {i.e. the
Mongols) and the Taidshigod.* I consider the position of
Schmidt and Wolff in this matter to be unassailable. Here
then we seem at last to be on the track of the correct
etymology of Tatar. Of the two forms that we meet with
in Chinese, Ta-tche I believe to be the more correct one.
This is the Chinese form of the Mongol Taidshigod, and
Taidshigod is word for word Ta-Shi-wei, i.e. Great Shi
wei. I believe this identification to be new. In the
following account I shall use Taidjut throughout in prefer-
ence to Tatar, to prevent the ambiguity in the terms which
has hitherto prevailed. We must now say a few words
about the other tribes ; and I would here remark that the
topography of the early Chinese accounts of Mongolia has
been misimderstood both by Schott and Wolff. They very
properly make the Argun the head stream of the Amur, but
they overlook the fact that there was a sister stream almost
as important, namely, the Onon or Schilka, the two being
separated by the KhingKhan range. The source of the latter
stream is confused by the Chinese with that of the Argun,
both being made to spring from the Kiulun lake, whereas
the Argun alone does so, the Onon rising in the Kentei
1 Vivian St. Martin on the Epthalites or White Hnns, p. 26.
' Ssanang Setzen, pp. 377 and 382.
226 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OP CHINA.
Khan mountains. We are told very properly that the TTsoka
was the most western tribe of the Shi-wei, and that it lived
to the south-west of the Kiulim lake, and bordered on the
country of the Hoeiho or IJighurs. That is, I belieYe it
lived on the Upper Kerulon, then followed the li san mui,
then we come to the lake Kiulim, and east of the lake^
on the Kalka, were the Sai hu tshi {i.e. the well-known
Mongol tribe of the Suldshigod or Suldus).^ To the east of
these lived the Hokiai (the Hadakins or Katakins P), TTloha
(? Arulad ^), and Noli {i.e, the dwellers on the No or Nonni).
We have here a continuous list of tribes extending from the
Upper Kerulon to the eastern KhingKhan mountains.
Schott, who has been followed by Wolff, has identified the
Shi Kian of the above accoimt with the Argun, and haa
thus caused some confusion. The Shi Kian is in fact the
river still called Shilka, whose upper part is known as the
Onon. It was on the Shilka, then, beside a great mountain,
i.e. the western KhingKhan, that the Ta-Shi-wei lived. It
was south of this river, i.e. of its upper portion, that the
Monggu lived. This entirely accords with the traditions of
the Mongols, which make the Upper Onon and the cluster
of mountains from which it springs their cradle land.
North of the river, i.e. of the Onon, lived the Lo-tan.
Ling-si in Chinese means west of the Pass or mountain
road, and the Ling-si tribe, I believe, was the tribe which
lived about the Pass that crosses the KhingKhan range on
the main route from Nerchinsk to Argunskoy.
At this period the Mongols were probably limited on the
west by the great chain of the Yablonoi Chrebet, which
formed the eastern boundary of the water-shed of Lake
Baikal on this side ; the country about Lake Baikal then
being occupied by the Kirghises and other allied Turkish
tribes, and by the Merkits.
Oil the east they were probably bounded by the eastern
KhingKhan chain, which separated them from the Tunguaic
tribes of Manchuria.
1 Wolff bos identified the Sai hn tshi with the Taidjuts, but vidi ante.
^ r in Chinese is Uoiisliterated by /.
PART I. THB ORIGINES OP THE MONGOtS. 227
The next work in date to the official history of the
Tang which mentions the Mongols is the Topographical
Survey called the Hoan ju-ki, which was written in the year
976-984.^ In the interval between the two works being
written, there was apparently some movement of the Mongol
race, for the Sai hu tshi (i.e. the Suldus) are placed to the
south instead of the north of the river Tchuo (the Argun) ;
the tribe Ulohu, which is also styled TTlo, and Ulo hoen, is
placed to the east of the Hokiai as before ; and we are further
told that it lived north of the mountains Mo kai tu,* which
Wolff identifies with the mountain Yalo, a peak of the Khing
Khan chain.' This account adds that "the Ulohu paid
tribute from the fourth year of Tai ping of the dynasty Juan
wei, i.e. 443 a.d., until the ninth year of Tien pao of the
T'ang dynasty, i.e. 720 a.d.* Two hundred li north-east of
the Ulo, on the river No, or Nonni, lived the remnants of
the ancient U-uan.^ They paid tribute under the first two
emperors of the T'ang dynasty* North of them, and on the
north side of a great mountain, dwelt the Ta tche^ Shi wei
on the banks pf a river which flows out of the Kiulun into
the north-east of the land of the Thu kiu. This river in its
eastern course watered the lands of the Si and the Ta Shi wei,
i.e. Western and Great Shi wei. It then separated the Mongu
Shi wei living to the south of it from the Lo tan Shi wei
Kving north of it. Further east it took in the rivers No
and Hu han^ and separating the northern from the southern
He schui, it fell into the sea." I shall not attempt to
reconcile the minute details of this topography with modem
maps. I shall only call attention to the fact that in this
account the Mongu are expressly made Shi wei, being called
Mongu Shi wei. The Ta Shi wei of the previous account is
now enlarged into Ta tche-shi-wei, another proof that we are
^ Schott, op, eit. p. 10.
^ Mo ^hai tu in Nl ongol means inhabited by snakes. Schott, op. eit. p. 20, note 2.
' See Ritter's map, ^ready cited.
* Not 750, as Schott says. See Wolff, op, eit. p. 19.
^ A tribe allied to the Sian pi, and whom I oelieye to represent the Hum
of history.
^ Ta che or Ta kin means great waggon, just aa Kao che, a Turkish tribal
name, means horse waggon. S^ Schott, op. cii^. p. 21, note 1.
228 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OP CHINA.
right in identifying the former with the Taidjuts or Tm
tche. The next mention of the Mongols is in a history of
the Liao dynasty, written by a southern Chinese, called
Je lung-li, who lived at Kia hing fu, in the province of
Che kiang, and which he presented to the Sung emperor in
the year 1180. Having spoken of the Moho, the author
goes on to speak of their neighbours, the Thie-Ii-hi-ahi-
kien. This name Schott splits in two. Thie U is a raoe
name that occurs frequently in the annals {vide Schott, op.
cit. p. 14, note). Hi-shi-kien he conjectures with great pro-
bability to be a corrupt Chinese rendering of the Mongol
tribal name Keshikten, a tribe which still survives, and
retains its old name, being almost alone in this, most of the
old tribal names having disappeared in the many vicissitudes
that Mongol fortunes have undergone since the time id
Jingis Khan. The conjecture of Schott is strengthened by
our being told in the history of the Liao just quoted, that
this tribe differed considerably from the Moho, who, as we
know, were Tunguses in language and customs* The same
work teUs us the Thie li hi shi kien lived 4000 U to the
N.N.E. (P N.N.W.) of Shang king (i.e. Liu hoang fu in the
district of Sarin). It may be they gave its name to the
province of Tsitsicar. Directly north of the Thie li hi shi
kien, at a distance of 4000 /e, lived the people called Mong-
kuli. They lived entirely by hunting and cattle-breeding.
Without any fixed pastures, they nomadized every year in
search of water and grass. Their food consisted of flesh and
sour milk {i.e. kumiss). They never did the Kitans any
harm, and bartered with them the hides of their catde,
sheep, camels, and horses. Here we find the Mongols
emerging from the obscurity of a subordinate tribe, and
becoming much more important. Their name in this aocount
no doubt connotes much more than it did before, and several
of the other tribes are included under it. We axe next
told that further west than the Mong kuli, and 5000 li from
Shang king, lived the people Ju kiu, no doubt the TJsnka
of the Tang official history, who resembled the Mong kuli in
everything. ** In the 32nd year of the Emperor Chin tsong.
PAET I. THE ORIGINES OP THE MONGOLS. 229
i.e. in 1014, the Ju kiii made a raid upon the Kitans, but
they were so beaten by the Imperial army, that they had
since only come to the frontier to trade. They dealt in the
same articles as the Mong kuli.'^ Further to the north-
west were the Pi ku li, and further to the north-west again
the Ta-t& ( P the Tatars of the Inchan moimtains) ; next
to them were the Turks, and lastly the kingdom of Tangut.
This direction shows that for north-west we ought to read
south-west in two places in the previous paragraph.
Our next authority is the history of the Kin dynasty,
styled Ta-kin-kwo-chi, also written by a Southern Chinese.
It bears no date, but was written considerably later than the
former work, inasmuch as it relates the downfall of the Kin
empire. According to this authority the Mong ku lived to
the north-east of the Niutchi (Dr. Schott remarks that this
is clearly a lapsm penicilli for north-westj. Under the Tang
dynasty it says, they ate no cooked meats ; they could see
in the darkest nights, and they made, out of the hide of a
certain fish, armour that would turn arrows.
We have now collected such material as the Chinese
writers afford us about the original homeland of the Mongols,
and we are in a good position for criticizing the native
traditions on the same subject. They are contained in two
classes of authorities. One tradition is found in Ssanang
Setzen's history of the Eastern Mongols, the only Mongol
historical work that has been made accessible to students.
Ssanang Setzen was a chieftain of the well-known Mongol
tribe of the Ortus, who lived in the seventeenth century, and
his history was edited and translated by Schmidt in 1829.
The Chinese authors translated by De Mailla had recourse,
it would seem, to the same authorities as those used by
Ssanang Setzen ; at all events, their narratives agree very
closely.
Another tradition is that contained in the pages of Kaschid-
ud-din, the court historiographer of Gazan Khan, the great
nkhan of Persia, whose responsible position gave him great
opportunities of consulting the best authorities ; and he tells
us that he did so consult some old Mongols, and also the
230 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
books contained in the Imperial Begistrj. His aooonnt was
followed by Abul Ghazi Khan, the chief of Khuarezm, who
wrote a history of the Tatars about the same time that
Ssanang Setzen was composing his work. This tradition
differs considerably fr6m the other.
I may remark that in both cases the genealogy^ which in
the earlier links, as in many such genealogies in Europe, is
made eponymous, refers to the Imperial house only, and not
to the race, about whose origines we are left in darkness.
The fullest tradition is that of Ssanang Setzen, to which
I shall chiefly refer.
Ssanang Setzen makes the Mongol royal house spring from
that of Thibet. He says that when Longnam, the minister
of Dalai Subin Aru Altan Shireghetu, usurped the throne
of Thibet, the three sons of the latter, named Boratshi,
Shiwaghotshi, and Burteshino, fled to other lands. The
youngest of them, i.e. Biirteshino, went to the land of
Gongbo, i.e. the Thibetan province situated north of the
Jangbo, or Upper Brahma Putra. He did not stay with
the people of Gongbo, but he took the maiden Qoa Maral
to be his wife, and having settled for a while on the borders
of the Tenggis, ue. the sea (doubtless the Kokonoor is meant),
he marched on to the borders of the Baikal sea, near the
mountain Burkhan Khalduna, where he met the people Bede.
When they had interrogated him on the motives for his
journey, and discovered that he was sprung from the gt^at
Indian chief, Olana Ergiikdeksen-Khaghan, and from the
Thibetan Tul Esen, they said to one another, '' This young
man is of high lineage, and we have no overchief, we will
obey him," upon which they ranged themselves as his
subjects.
In this account we have a confusion of two legends, neither
of which belongs properly to the Mongols. The story of
Longnam we know from Thibetan sources. Klaproth^ has
abstracted it from a Mongol translation of the original work,
entitled " Nom gharkoi todorkhoi Tolli." The name Burte-
shino is an excrescence upon it.
^ Tableaux historiqoM de TAsie, pp. 167-8.
I
PART I. THE ORIGINEB OP THE MONGOLS. 231
In the original Thibetan the three brothers were Dga-thi^
or the bird prince ; Nia-thi, or the fish prince ; and Cha sza
thi, or the flesh prince : the terminating syllable of these
names, written ^'ri, is pronounced thi. It means " throne,"
and is found in all the names of the ancient kings and
princes of Thibet. The work referred to mentions the flight
of Cha sza thi to Gombo, and leaves him there. The whole
story, as Klaproth says, is like one of the Arabian Nights
tales, rather than sober history. There is no mention of
the Beda people, nor of Cha sza's flight to them. Such a
flight is almost incredible and so are the incidents ac-
companying it, and we may safely conclude with Klaproth,
Wolfi", and others, that the story was manufactured by the
Lamas, who, when the Mongols adopted their religion in
the thirteenth century, wished to reconcile them to the
change, or to flatter them by deducing their reigning house
from that of Thibet, and through it from Buddha himself.
Burteshino is no part of the Thibetan legend. This name
has been borrowed from the old traditions of the Turks.
The name Burteshino means the "blue wolf," which explains
the Chinese story that the Mongols were sprung from a blue
wolf. Tsena or Assena {i,e. the wolf) was the founder of
the power of the Thukiu or Turks proper. A similar story
of a wolf occurs in the legendary history of the TJsiun (De
Guignes, i. 56, and Yisdelou, and also Yon Hammer's
Golden Horde, 54). The Muhammedan historians, Abul
Ghazi, etc., who also mention Burteshino, instead of deducing
him from the royal house of Thibet, link him to the chain of
the Semitic patriarchs in their usual way. Burteshino is
made by Setzen to marry Goa Maral, the lustrous white hind,
and by her to have two sons, Bedes Khan and Bedetse Khan,
the former of whom is made chief of the Tatars and the
latter of the Mongols. Bede, or Pete, being the primitive
name by which the Mongols seem to have been known to
the Thibetans, we can account for these names as we do for
the eponymous names Turk, Mongol, Helen, Danaos, Latinus,
Brut, et id genics omne. But to continue Ssanang Setzen's
list. Bedetse had a son, Tamatsak, whose son was Khoritsar
232 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
Mergen, whose son was Aghodshim Bughurul, whose son
was Sali Ehaldshigho, whose son was Nige Nidun, whose
son was Samsudshi, whose son was Ehali Khartshu> whose
son again was Bordshigetei-Mergen. From him apparently
was derived the imperial family name among the Mongols^
which was Bordshig.
Bordshigetei Mergen, by his wife Mergen Mongholdshin
Goa, had a son named Torghaldshin Bayan^ who by his wife^
Boroktshin Goa, had two sons, Doa Sochor and Dobo Mergen.
The former is made the ancestor of the four XJirat tribes,
the Kalmuks of later days. He got his name from having,
like Cyclops, only one eye, and this in the midst of his
forehead. One day, as he and his brother were playing on
the mountain Burkhan Khaldun, there came a caravan and
halted on the banks of the brook Tunggelik.^ Doa Sochor
said to his brother, '^ In a waggon yonder lies a girl super-
naturally born ; we will go and find her, and she shall be
your wife," upon which they sought her out, and, discovered
that she was bom of Baraghodshin Goa, the wife of Ehoritai
Mergen, of the Khoyar Tumed, and that she had a spirit
for her father. Her name was Alung-Goa, and Dobo Mergen
made her his wife.
[I may here remark that the mountain Burkhan Ehaldun
seems to be associated with the earliest traditions of the
Mongols, and, according to Abul Ghazi, and to one of the
accoimts in Easchid, it was the burial-place of Jingis
Khan.^ It is doubtless the knot of mountains from which
flow the rivers Onon, Kerulon, and Tula, otherwise known
as Kentei. Yissugei, the father of Jingis Ehan, whose
patrimony was the land of Burkhan Ehaldun, had his yurt
or encampment on the river Onon.]
By Alunggoa, Dobo Mergen had two sons, Belgetei
and Begontei, and then died. After her husband's death,
Alunggoa one night had a dream, in which a ray of light
penetrated through a hole in the ceiling into her tent, and
^ ThiB stream is still called the Tunglu. It flows into the KangoL
2 Schmidt's Ssanang Seteen, pp. 389 and 390.
PART I. THE ORIGINES OP THB MONGOLS. 233
took the form of a fair-haired youth who lay with her;
by him she had three sons Bughu Khataki^ Bughu Saldshigo,
and Budantsar Mong Ehan.
In reference to this legend, it may be remarked that it is
a repetition of the original story of the incarnation of the
Buddha Sakyamuni. The same story is told about the birth
of Apaokhi, the founder of the Leao dynasty, and also of
Aishin Giyoro, the reputed foimder of the Manchu dynasty.
The existence of Alunggoa is attested by so many inde-
pendent witnesses, that it may perhaps be believed. Easchid
tells us that, according to the history of the house of Jingis
Khan, deposited in the Imperial treasury (the same MS.
elsewhere referred to by him as the Altan Defter, or
Golden Register), and according to the evidence of very
old men, she probably lived four centuries before his time,
i.e, in the early years of the Abbassides and the Samanids
(D'Ohsson, Hist, des Mongols, i. p. 24, note). This would
answer to the date when the name Mongku first appears in
the Chinese histories.
The three sons who were miraculously born and their
posterity were named Niruns (children of light) to distinguish
them from their elder brothers, who were styled Darlegins.
According to Baschid the Niruns were to the Darlegins what
the pearl is to the oyster and the fruit to the tree. Each
of the three former is made the eponymos of a distinguished
family. The eldest one that of the Eatakins, the second
that of the Saldjuts or Suldus, and the third that of the
Bordshigs (i.e. the sacred family of the Mongols proper).
Wolff remarks that the legend, as reported by Ssanang
Setzen, clearly breaks off the genealogical tree, and makes
a fresh start with Alunggoa. She was supematurally born,
and so was her son, the ancestor of the Imperial house of
the Mongols.
We are told that on the death of Alunggoa, a quarrel
seemed imminent among the three brothers in regard to the
division of the heritage, " Why embarrass yourselves with
wealth P'' said Budantsar ; *' are not the plans of man scattered
by the will of the gods P" He thereupon mounted his horse
234 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OP CHINA*
and left them (De Mailla^ ix. 4). Ssanang Setzen says that
when the heritage was divided, nothing was assigned to
Budantsar, except a tawny horse named XJruk Sussok. This
he mounted, and hied him along the banks of the riyer
Onon (Ssanang Setzen, 61). He halted at a place called
Balitunala, where he determined to settle, but found himself
short of provisions. Meanwhile he saw a falcon devouring
a quarry of the species called Khara-Khuru. He caught it
with a lasso, and trained it to kill game for him : he passed
the night in a thatched hut, and he got drink from a colony
of people who lived there, separated from their race, and
without any ruler. It is curious that this account should be
found both in the Chinese authorities of De Mailla and in
the Mongol account of Ssanang Setzen, with sufficient varia-
tion to show there has been a separate tradition in each case.
After a while Budantsar was joined by several families,
who settled around him. His brother Belgetei went to find
him. They seem to have returned together, and together
to have subjected the people who were ruled over by his
father. But the accounts of Ssanang Setzen and De Mailla
are not either very clear or consistent. Budantsar left three
sons, namely, Bagharitai Khan Isaghortu, Khabitshi Bagha-
tur (called Kapitsi kulup paturu by De Mailla), and
Wadshirtai (the last of these was the ancestor of the family
of the Wadshirtai).
He was succeeded by his second son Khabitshi, and he
by his son Biker Baghatur. He again by his son Macha
Todan, called Mahatoudan by De Mailla and Dutum Menen
by Easchid. He died young, and left a widow, Monalun, and
seven sons ; Easchid says nine. She was of a turbulent,
irritable disposition, and one day, when out driving, met
a number of children of the Jelairs (a Turkish tribe), dig-
ging up the ginseng root {Rheum palmatum\ and eating
it. She inquired harshly how they dared to tear up the
ground where her children exercised their horses, and, with*
out waiting for an answer, ran over several of them with
her chariot. The Jelairs resented this; they made a raid
upon the horses of her tribe, and captured them. Six of
PART I. THE 0RIGINE8 OP THE MONGOLS. 235
her sons went in pursuit, without waiting to put on their
armour. Their mother, fearing for the result, sent off their
wives with carts loaded with armour, but they arrived too
late. The six chiefs had been killed. The victors re-
turned, and put Monalun and her family to death without
any loss.
D'Ohsson and Erdmann, apparently quoting Baschid, tell us
that it was after the Jelairs had sustained a severe defeat
from the Chinese, on the River Kerulon, that some fugitives
took refuge on the lands of Monalun, and through pressure
of hunger dug up the roots there.
Of the royal house Natchin, a relative of Macha Tudan,
and his youngest son Kaidu, alone survived. The former is
called a son of Macha Todan by De Mailla and others, but
see Erdmann, p. 542, note. He had married and settled in the
country of Bargu (the Palhou of De Mailla). The latter, who
was an infant, had been hid away in a kumiss bag. Natchin
now returned to the horde, and plotted his revenge. Having
disguised himself as a herdsman, he went towards the Jelair
country. On his way he met two men, a father and son,
who were hawking, and some distance apart. Seeing his
brother's hawk on the younger Jelair's fist, he first told him
he had seen some wild ducks and geese, and would conduct
him to them. Having taken him some distance, he assassi-
nated him, and returning also killed his father. He soon
after came across a herd of horses, which had also belonged
to his brothers. Having killed the young people in charge,
he returned with the herd, and with the hawk on his fist.
He then removed his father's uluss and the young Kaidu to
the country of Bargu. When Kaidu attained his majority,
Natchin caused him to be recognized by the people of
Palhou (Bargu) and Tsieku as their chief. He is styled
Chatshi Kuluk by Ssanang Setzen. The young chief at-
tacked the Jelairs, defeated and reduced them to slavery
(De Mailla, ix. 7, and Raschid, Mirchawend, etc., quoted by
Erdmann, p. 643). He settled on the borders of Mongolistan,
in the district named Burgutchin Tugrum, which from him
took the name Kaidu Chunlum (Erdmann, p. 543). Many
236 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
tribes submitted to him. He became rich in wives and
cattle. He built many towns and villages on the banks of
the Onon, across which he also built a bridge, and collected
a large force under his banners. Kaidu was succeeded by
his son Shingkor Dokshin (Ssanang Setzen; he is called
Baisengkur by the Persian authors followed by Erdmann
and D'Ohsson, and Paichongor by De Mailla), and he by his
son Tumbaghai Setsen (the Tumeneh Khan of Erdmann,
Tombihai of De Mailla), the fourth ancestor of Jingis Khan,
and styled Budatur. He had nine sons, who are thus named
by the Persians : Jaksu, the stemfather of the three tribes
Nujakin, Urut, and Mengut ; Barim Shir Buka Taidshu, the
stemfather of the Taidshuts ; Kadshuli, the stemfather of
the Berulas ; Semkadshiun, the stemfather of the Hedergin ;
Baitgulgi, the stemfather of the Budats ; Kabul Khan, who
succeeded to the imperial authority ; Durbajan, the ancestor
of the Durbans ; Buzendsher Dukelat, the ancestor of the
Dukelats ; Jintabai, the ancestor of the Baisuts. This is
the list as given by Erdmann. I cannot attach any credit
to it. It seems to me like the manufacture of Mussalman
genealogists, who ever had an eponymous hero ready for the
ancestor of each tribe. It contradicts other authorities at
many points, and it is unsupported by Ssanang Setzen, or
the Chinese authorities. It further confounds Mongol and
Turkish tribes with little discrimination. The following
circumstantial anecdote related by Mirchawend may have
some foundation in fact, and if not, it is a good illustration
of Mongol modes of thought. One day Kadshuli, the third
son of Tumeneh or Tumbagai, dreamt that a star issued from
the thigh of his brother Kabul, but the firmament remained
dark ; then a second one, and it became twilight ; then a
third, and it was dusk. Then there came out a very sparkling
star, so that the whole sky was lit up with its rays, which
imparted a greater lustre to the other stars. Kadshuli
awoke, and supposed that only a third of the night had
passed. He meditated on his dream, and went to sleep again.
Again a series of stars issued, but this time from his 0¥ni
thigh. This series consisted of eight stars, of which the
PART I. THE ORIGINES OP THE MONGOLS. 237
last was again by far the most brilliant. When daylight
came, Kadshuli betook himself to his father Tumbagai, and
related his dream. He was much pleased with it, called his
eldest son Kabul Ehan, and had it repeated to him. The
grandees maintained that three princes descended from Kabul
Khan would mount the throne ; another of his descendants
would enjoy the Imperial authority, and would conquer the
earth from one end to the other ; and after his death his
dominions would remain for a long time subject to his de-
scendants. That from Kadshuli would also spring seven
descendants, who should bear rule, and the eighth should far
eclipse them, and also rule the earth. Tumeneh Khan was
much struck by this dream, and with the concurrence of his
other sons he named Kabul Khan as his successor, and
appointed Kadshuli generalissimo of his forces, and left it in
his will that these posts should be hereditary. This will
was written in the Uighur character, was sealed with his
Tamgha (or monogram), and it was kept in the Imperial
treasury. Kabul Khan mounted the throne, and Kadshuli
Khan Behadur faithfully performed his office (Erdmann's
Temudjin, p. 547, note). We now seem to have reached more
stable ground, and to be able to walk with more confidence.
In regard to Kabul Khan, I am disposed to think that the
authorities followed by both Erdmann and D'Ohsson have
made two Khans out of one. D'Ohsson makes Kabul to be
succeeded by his nephew Kubilai. These two names are so
much alike that they are probably only variants of one
name. Erdmann escapes from the difficulty by calling the
nephew Kaidu. Ssanang Setzen only knows one of them,
and calls him Kabul, as do the Chinese authorities followed by
De Mailla ; and I shall imitate the latter, and treat the acts
assigned to the two rulers by D'Ohsson and Erdmann as
those of Kabul Khan. He was a favourite hero of Mongol
story. His voice is compared to the thunder in the moun-
tains, his hands were strong like bear's paws, and with them
he could break a man in two as easily as an arrow may be
broken. He would lie naked near an immense brazier in
the winter, heedless of the cinders and sparks that fell on
ror 'he bir«*a ii inaecr.^. He ire i Vaeen i fiav. ami
ixi :mmen.*4e rianrlnr ■->£ ]nTiii:». He ieenu tt> have sbIh
in. ifuH^riLia proper. He ttw ipparentiv the first Mangol
*iv<*r«ii:rn. Tr'no iaii inrerrcor^e "viti i;iie Chmege Imperiil
iTjii:-^. 1: id 4^ii 'ihaz 'aj.Tin;r b^en iazmaoned to the cxmrt
of 'he Kin £ai::er':r. he asT:«:]ii;:}a6ii riTin bv hm immenoe
to •
apperire. '>ne iiv. bein;? very innk. he so far forgot
*f:i: iH :i: ^riza 'he F.mrer:r§ bearrL When he
ViCer. he demanded :.j be punfsted. but the Empenw onl^
Iau;jhed : and. i.: 4h<:w that he had. overlookad the fimit, pre-
^enred him wi-h i irld-embrridered silken garmsat gnftuMft
Vj hU «2e. 1 ':r:wn. inii a zrLden airdle. After hu d^
partJir*. inari^ateti bv his «:rurtier5. the Emperor salt
mfifiiKfziLThT^ *o demazd hi* retnTn : and when these m/ear
i^i:-2^T% iri^ to '^e him away forcfDlv. he had them, put to
dear/n. Thii* stoiy, ci:.ii:ained in rhe Persian hLstonans of
the lIor:^r;L». tallies aiimirablr. b«jth in date and
stance, with that contained in the historr ot' the
dmaAtv. at vied the Ta kin kwo chL which I take from Dr.
Schott'^ paper alreadv q-xored- It was written after the &II
of the Kin empire. According to this work the Mong kQ
livfrd to the north-east of the Xiutchi : Dr. Schott remazb
that thi.^ is clearly a fap-vji p^vicH'l for north-west) ; tkej
ate no cooked meats, they could see in the darkest night,
and they made, out of the hide of a certain fish, armour
which would turn arrows. During the reign of the Kin
Kmj^rror, Tai t.suns?, whose Tun^usic name was Ukimai (i>.
in 1 l2'^'i7 , a great number of the Hongus became sabject
to him : but in the next reisn, ll-iS-40. thev were rebellioos.
Thi.^t account surely points to the subnussion and the mb-
ftCTju^-nt reb*:!lion of Kabul Khan.
The Utr^rr, a^* I huve said, was supreme in Mongolia, and
ha/1 probjihly subj^K-tf.-d all the tribe? on the borden of the
rleft^^rt : among th^>^ more or less subordinate to him was
that of the Taidjuts, formerly the predominant tribe amoo^
the 3Iongol.-i. I have already said that Burteshino» the
PART I. THE ORIGINEB OF THE MONGOLS. 239
head of the Mongol genealogies, is said by Ssanang Setzen
to have had two sons, Bedetse Ehan and Bedes Khan, the
former of whom is made to rule over the Mongols, the latter
over the Taidjuts. He tells us that while Kabul Khan ruled
over the Mongols, Ambai, a descendant of Bedes Khan,
ruled over the Taidjuts. This Ambai is the Hemukai Khan
of Erdmann, and the Ambagai of D'Ohsson, both of whom
make him a great-grandson of Kaidu Khan, on the authority
of the Persian historians. I prefer Ssanang Setzen's narra-
tive. On one occasion Hemukai went to visit the Tatars,
probably the Tatars of the Inchan range, query ^ the Keraits,
to get himself a wife. They seized him, and he was sent
as a captive to the Kin Emperor, who, to revenge the murder
of his Chinese officers by Kabul Khan, had him nailed
down to a wooden ass, a punishment reserved for rebels.
(The same fate awaited a brother or son of Kabul's, named
Ukin Berkan, who had also fallen into the hands of the
Kin Emperor.) It was to revenge this wrong that Kabul
(according to D'Ohsson and Erdmann, it was his nephew
Kubilai, or Kaidu), with his grandson Yissugei, and with
Kadan Taishi, the son of Hemukai, marched against China,
defeated the Imperial army, and retired with a rich booty.
This is perhaps what the Kin history refers to when it says
that in 1138-40 the Mongku became rebellious. ''Since then,
it goes on to say, the Mongku have obtained many Khitan
and Chinese boys and girls, either in war or by wAy of
ransom, who have coalesced with them : they have gradually
got accustomed to the use of cooked meats, and become a
mighty nation under the name of Ta MongA ku6 — the
kingdom of the great Mongus." On his return from the
Chinese expedition, Kabul Khan, who was engaged in hunt-
ing, got separated from his army with only one follower and
a slave. He was thus surprised by the Durbans (a Turkish
tribe), sped his horse at full speed, drove it into a marsh in
which it sank, but he sprang on to his saddle and then on
to firm ground. The Durbans, it is said, disdained to touch
him, saying, what can a Mongol do without his horse P He
soon after, once more, reached his uluss. It is at this point
YOL. YU.— [NBW BB&IB8.] 16
240 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
we must insert a struggle which the Persians describe as
being between the Mongols and the Tatars, and which, as
I have said, I believe to be identical with that described by
Ssanang Setzen as between the Taidjuts and Mongols. Ac-
cording to the former authorities, Sain Tekin, the youngest
brother of Kua Kulkua, the wife of Kabul Ehan, fell ill,
and a Tatar shaman^ or medicine-man, was summoned to
cure him : notwithstanding his efforts, the patient died. His
relatives upon this put the sorcerer to death, and to avenge
him the Tatars took up arms. A struggle ensued at a place
called Beran-Segdan, and in it Eedan Behadur, one of
Kabul's sons, distinguished himself in single combat with
the Tatar leader, Meter Bahadur. The struggle was re-
newed the following year, and led to many fights between
the Mongols and Tatars: such is the story as told by the
Persians (Erdmann, pp. 553-4).
Ssanang Setzen tells us that Kabul Khan had seven sons,
and that Ambai {Le. Hemukai), the chief of the Taidjuts, had
ten. A strife having ensued between them, the latter fell
on the former, and killed six of the seven brothers, plundered
their territory, and overthrew their dominion. The seventh,
Bardam Baghatur (the Berdam Behadur of Erdmann),
escaped with three wounds, escorted by four " companions,'*
while his eldest son Yissugei Baghatur, then thirteen years
old, speared a mailed warrior through and through, and
having seized his horse followed his father. Sain Maral
Khajak, the wife of Bardam Baghatur, had meanwhile
escaped on foot with her three younger sons, Negun, Men-
getu, and TJtsuken. We do not know how the Mongols
revenged this defeat. We are simply told by Ssanang^
Setzen that Kabul Khan was succeeded by his son Bardam
Baghatur. Mailla says the same, only he calls him Pardai.
Bardam Baghatur had by his wife Sain Maral Khajak
(called Sunigel Ferdshin by Erdmann) four sons, Mungdu
Kian, Tegun Taishi, Yissugei Bahadur, and Dariti TJtsuken,
and was succeeded by Yissugei Bahadur. The latter became
a powerful king. Ho seems to have restored the supremacy
of the Mongols^ which had been invaded, as we hjave seen,
I
\
PART I. THE ORIGINES OP THE MONGOLS. 241
by the Taidjuts. De Mailla tells us that until his reign the
Mongols had been more or less tributaries of the Leao and
Kin dynasties in China, and that he was the first to free
them from this yoke. This statement, however, is hardly
consistent with the intercourse his son Temudjin afterwards
held with China. Ssanang Setzen tells us that one day
Yissugei was htmting in company with his two younger
brothers, and followed the tracks of a white hare in the
snow ; they struck on the ruts of a caravan, and followed
them to a spot where a woman's tent was set up. Then said
Yissugei, " This woman will bear a valiant son," and having
tracked out the ruts, they discovered that the cart belonged
to Jeke Jilatu, a Taidjut, who had just married the yoimg
damsel Ogelen Eke (the mother of nations), of the tribe of
the Olchonods, and was taking her home. As they drew near
she said to her husband, "Don't you see the intention of the
eldest of the three men?" With these words, she took off
her undergarment, gave it to Jilatu, and said, " Haste thou
away as quickly as thou canst." While this was going on
the three drew near, and Jeke Jilatu took to flight. The
three plundered neither the huts nor their contents, but only
carried away Ogelen Eke. She ceased not to cry until the
youngest of the three brothers, Dariti XJtsuken, addressed
her, and said, " We have already crossed three rivers, we
have traversed three mountains. Pursuit is hopeless. Thy
cries will not be heard." Upon which, our author says, she
became quieter. Yissugei made her his wife. Schmidt, in
a ' note on this passage, suggests that this rape was the
cause of the struggle between the Mongols and Tatars which
followed. In 1154-6 Yissugei marched with a large army,
overran the Tatar country, laid it waste, and killed its two
chiefs, Temudjin Ergeh and Kur Buka, and returned to his
encampment on the Onon. The place where his camp was
fixed was called Dilun Buldak. (The place still exists under
the same name. ' Jurinsky, a merchant from Nerchinsk, in
the Proceedings of the Russian Geographical Society, places
it on the right bank of the Onon, seven versts higher than
the island Eke Aral, and three versts from the Kotshuewschen
242 THE KORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
guard house. Erdmamiy p. 572.) It was at tliis spot, and at
this time, that his wife Ogelen Eke gave birth to a son, and
Yissagei named him Temudjin, after the slaughtered Tatar
chief. By the same wife he had three other sons, namely,
Juji Ehassar, Khadshikin, and TJtsaken, and by two other
wives two other sons, Bekter and BelgeteL
The death of Yissugei is thus related by Ssanang Setsen.
One day he approached a Tatar encampment, where a feast
was going on. They called oat to him, ** There is plenty of
meat here, come and eat.'' He turned aside and joined
them. The Tatars did not forget the g^dge they owed him.
They mixed poison with his food. He fell ill on his way
home ; dismounted at the yort of one of his sabjects, and
sent for his son Temudjin. A messenger was despatched
from the latter, but before he could arrive Yissugei was dead.
As Jingis was thirteen years old at his father's death, we
may date that event about 1168-9. His death was followed
by some confusion, and the Tatars for a while recovered their
supremacy. But we have arrived at a crisis in Mongol history.
With Temudjin an entirely new chapter in their history
commences.
a
243
Art. XII. — Inedited Arabic Coins. By Stanley Lane Poole.
(Read Nov. 16, 1874.)
Few men have done more for the science of Oriental Numis-
matics than Frederic Soret. And yet among his writings
we may search in vain for any work of great extent. The
largest he ever published is his handbook, EUments de la
Numismatique Musulmane^ and even this appeared in parts in
the Belgian Itevue, and was reprinted as a separate work
after his death. Frederic Soret's work was done by small
pieces, which, when put together, form a very considerable
whole. The line he took was chiefly that of publishing such
coins as he found in his own or other collections, and which
were as yet unknown to the numismatic world, — if I may
apply so large a term to so small a thing. And those short
monographs of his are among the most precious additions to
the knowledge of Oriental coins which the century has seen.
Nor does Soret stand alone in this system of publishing in-
edited coins. He has been vigorously followed by a very
able and sufficiently numerous body of German and other
scholars, who have made known all the noteworthy coins
which have come across their path.
It is my wish to profit by the example of Soret and his
fellow-workers, and to endeavour to do for the English collec-
tions what has so long ago and so efficiently been done for
those on the Continent. I now bring before the Society ten
inedited coins, seven of which are from the British Museum
collection, ahd three from that of Col. Guthrie. When I
say inedited coins, I mean that I have been unable to find
any description of them in any work on Oriental Numis-
matics, or in any Catalogue of Oriental Coins, or in any
serial publication which admits papers on Oriental subjects.
It is obvious from this definition that the term 'inedited'
is not absolute; for in the vast number of German and
other reviews and journals it is not unlikely that some of
INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 245
This coin at first caused me no little perplexity. Its
general appearance closely resembling a badly-executed
Great-Seljuki coin, and the date falling under Alp-Arsl&n's
reign, I was half inclined to think that it was struck in the
name of that Sult&n by some governor who did not know
the orthography of the name. This explanation, however,
did not appear to me satisfactory, and I was very glad to be
able to reject it for a better one. In searching for something
in that mine of historical facts, Ibn-al-Athir's Kdmily I
stumbled upon the name of a certain Kar&-Arsl&n, lord of
the province of Karm&n, in the south-eastern part of the
Persian kingdom. The passage in which this prince's name
occurs runs thus : —
** Account of the Rebellion of the King of Karm&n against
Alp-Arsl&n, and of his return to fealty.
" In this year [459] the King of Karman, Kard-Arsl&n,
rebelled against the Sult&n Alp-Arsl&n. And the cause of
this was that he had a foolish wezir, whose soul commended
to him the obtaining [for himself] independent possession
of the province from the Sult&n. And his lord [Kara-
Arsldn], when he rebelled, found it necessary to seize him ;
but he made the opposition to the Sult&n seem good to his
lord, and Kard-Arslan consented to it, and cast away his
fealty, and discontinued the khutbeh for the Sult&n.
" When Alp-Arsldn heard of this, he marched to Kar-
m&n, and when he drew near to it his scouts attacked the
scouts of Kar&-Arsl4n, and after a contest the latter's scouts
were put to flight. And when Kard-Arslan and his army
heard of the rout of their scouts, they feared and were per- .
plexed and fled: no man paused for another. And Kar&-
Arsldn entered Jiraft, and fortified himself there, and sent to
Sult&n Alp-Arsl&n, professing obedience and asking forgive-
ness for his fault : so he forgave him ; and he presented
himself before the Sultdn, who treated him with honour.
And he^ wept, and caused those who were with him to weep.
^ We are left in painful uncertainty whether it was the Saltan
or the King of Karmdn who wept.
246 I5EDITED ARABIC COINS.
So he restored him to his kingdom^ and he changed not
aught of his condition."^
'We learn, then, from this that Kar4-Arsl&n was ruling
the province of Earman, in feof to the Seljuki Sultdn, in the
year 459 of the Flight. The coin proves him to have been
still ruling in 462, and the absence of the name of his liege
lord would lead us to infer that the King of Earm&n had
again asserted his independence. Shortly after this he most
1^1 ^'JaUl yj^ji-^j^ ]/^^ U^r^^--^ ^5*^ ^^^ **^ *i
iui; ^ c^lj-, Jjb\pr jij^ ^ ^l^ ^1 c£M ^..^^ 'J^j^
J\ U^\j J^JlA\ J^ ^l^\ ^^U ^ ^
^\ jImj ^Ljjf L-^f «^^«mJ '^JLs)t Cr'^j Xciyi {-^^ CX!J
^Ij^b ^jLuc^ \j^j^ \^ ^f^^ ^^ J^ ^ c>^^ 1^ £«J^
<U^li j^lLLJl X^j.d>j <Uc U*i &Jj ^ ^1 jlwuJ^ icUaH^^
W- ^^*i jJ^ *^i^=J.^ Jl *jUli s.^:^ ^ v.^^!^ O^^
(.rv, n.X) ^U^^
INEDITBD AEABIC COINS. 247
have died or been deposed, for we find K&wart-beg, a brother
of Alp-Arsl&n, ruling Karm&n in 465. It seems not im-
probable that when, as the coin suggests, the King of Karm&n
revolted a second time, Alp-Arsl&n deposed him and ap-
pointed in his stead his own brother.
Yazdashir is a town in Karm&n, described by Al-Idrisi
(transl. by Jaubert, i. 426, 427)) as " jolie ville, offrant beau-
coup de ressources, entouree de murs et de fosses, munie de
portes et poss^dant plusieurs bazars." It is not mentioned
by Y&kut in his Kitdb Mo^jam-al-Bulddn (Geographisches
Wbrterbuchj ed. Wustenfeld), nor by the author of the
Mardsid-al'Ittiid' .
The execution of the coin is imusually bad. The inscrip-
tion on the Obverse offers several inaccuracies, d! for ^1,
^\ for ^j^\, ^j^ for ^^^, U for iJU, of which some may
be duo to want of space. The Reverse Area is double-struck.
2*. SiLVEB. BuwATHf. ShamS'Od-dawlah'ibn'Fakhr-ad'dawlah.
Struck at Hamadhdn, a.h. 387-411. {British Museum.)
Obv. Area. im,^
Margin (inner) 1 j^ *&;jJVJ JJk <--^ <tU\ *w
(outer). ^'j^^* ^
248 INEDITED ARABIC COINS.
Eev. Area. ^lU
i\ ■mill I I* ^Jl
m
I
Margin. ^\ ^lLj^I ^1 iiyfj
When Fakhr-ad-dawlah, of the house of Buwayh, died, in
the year 387 of the Flight (a.d. 997), his sons Majd-ad-
dawlah and Shams-ad-dawlah succeeded him, the former in
Ar-Kayy and the principal part of his dominions^ the latter
in Hamadh&n and Karm&sin.^ But Majd-ad-dawlah was
unfortunate enough to offend his mother, who had managed
the affairs of the kingdom during his minority; and was
deposed and imprisoned by her in 397. Shams-ad-dawlah
was then summoned to take upon himself his brother's duties,
and accordingly governed in Ar-Hayy for about the space of
one year; after which the dowager, taking compassion on
her captive son, restored him to his dignities, whereupon
Shams-ad-dawlah returned to Hamadh&n. We hear of him
again in 405, when Badr-ibn-Hasanwayh, the lord of Al-
^ Or ^j^M^^^ according to Ibn-al-Athfr, from whose Kdmtl this
account of Shams-ad-dawlah is drawn.
INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 249
Jabal/ died, and Shams-ad-dawlah obtained part of his
dominions. In the same year he again entered Ar-Rayy, his
mother and brother retiring on his approach : but he very
speedily went his way back to Hamadh&n, and suffered Majd-
ad-dawlah to recover his twice-lost throne. Ibn-al-Athir
does not record the death of Shams-ad-dawlah ; but as he
mentions him as ruling in Hamadhdn in 411, and also relates
that in 414 Sam&-ad-dawlah Abu-1-Hasan, the son of Shams-
ad-dawlah, was deposed by 'A14-ad-dawlah Abu-Jaafar ibn-
Kakwayh, it is clear that Shams-ad-dawlah must have died
between 411 and 414.
3. Silver. BuwATHf. Sultdn-ad-dawlah,
Struck at Shirdz, a.h. 405 (==a.d. 1014-,). {Brituh Museum.)
Obv. Area. ^ '^ << 1» ^ W S
.UJI >^jj\ £_I1
* *
Margin (inner). ^jjJl \sib c-.y^ f*^^^^ {j^^^^J^ <LiJ\ >mj
(outer). Illegible, but apparently consisting of the
four words not uncommon on Buwayh{
coins.
^ The mountain*district in which is situated Hamadhdn ; the
district is also called ^[/-t/aJa/ (JUxXi SS^ t^^* /^' y^ Jr^'
JLJI <d JUb ^\ Yak6t, Geoffr. Wdrterh., in v., ii. rr). There
is also a place called AUJdbal, three days' journey from Jazfrat-ibn-
'Omar (Al-Idrfsf, ii. 172). But the district is here meant.
250 INEDITSD AEABIO COINS.
Eer. Area. J«xe
Margin. 'J\ A^j\ ^\ ijy^j
This is, I beUeve, the only silver coin of this prince as yet
published. He seems to have rejoiced in a considerable
number of titles : The Just King, Shah of Shahs, Pillar of the
Religion, and Might of the State, and Power of the Moral Law,
and Aider of the People, Father of Valour. The subject of
these epithets, however, scarcely played so important a part
in history as they would seem to imply : he ruled the pro-
vince of F&ris from the death of his father, Bah&-ad-dawlahy
in 403, to his own death in 415, and his reign is chiefly re-
markable for his contests with two of his brothers, which
would seem to have occupied his attention throughout the
twelve years of his rule.
Al-Gh£lib-bi-ll&h, whose name appears beneath Al-K&dir's
on the Obverse of the coin, was the son and successor desig-
nate of the Ehalifah. He died, however, in 409, during his
father's lifetime.
It is scarcely necessary to remark that the word Jj^,
"just," which appears on the Reverse, and which is so com-
mon on most kinds of Arabic coins, is intended to indicate
the accuracy of the weight.
INEDITED ABABIC COINS. 251
4. SiLYEB. "EaxdIsL Alu'l'Barakdt Lataf-AUah.
Struck at (?), a.h. 359 («a.d. 969-n^). {British Musmm.)
Obv. Area. ^. \ W SI dt W 1
Margin (inner) sL^ ^jmuA^j ^mj ii^j
(outer). ^\j^J\ <d]
BoT. Area. [^! J>1;] •)''*>^*
?
A_li__J J Ull
Margin. Jl *Lj;\ <dl\ J^ «X^«..«r^
Abu-l-Barak&t, thoagh known in history, has never before
come into the field of numismatics. His father, the cele-
brated Ndsir-ad-dawlah, died in 358, and was succeeded by
Abu-Taghlib Al-Ghadanfir, whose name appears on the
Reverse of this coin. Abu-l-Barak&t was killed in 359;
so the shortness of the time between his father's death and
his own makes it probable that this coin will continue one of
a very few, or even unique. The name of the mint-place is
unfortunately illegible, and I am unable to discover from
Prof. Freytag's Oeschichte der Dynastien der Samdaniden,^
the best authority on the subject, what city or cities were
under the rule of Abu-l-Barak&t, in feof to his brother Abu-
TaghUb.
^ Zeitschrift der deuUchm morgmldndischen GeseUsehafl, x. xi.
252 IKEDITED AEABIG COINS.
The lakab Lataf-AUdh is, I believe, nowlieKe efae to k
found on coins. It may be rendered '' Bounty of God," or
" Benefit of God " ; whilst Abu-l-Barakdi, which is wgadij
unique on coins, means *^ The Father of Bleaaings."
5 * Gold. 'ABBAsf. Al-MuiVM-ndh.
Struck at ^^ ;?), a.h. 348 (=a.d. 959-^). {BriiiAMmmum,)
Obv. Area. aI2J
Margin. sU^ ^jn^J^ ^^ ^ *-«j jlxjjJl t jjh c-^ aUI
Rev. Area.
Margin. Ix *^^ jJl ^J^ \j^b ^1 411 J^j
(The margin stops at L: for want of space. Ij^l is for u^J^I.)
The size of this dinar is exceptionally small ; the inscrip-
tions are arranged in a very peculiar manner, totally different
from the ordinary arrangement on 'Abb&sl coins; and, lastly,
the mint-name is quite new. The letters of the mint-name
are clearly cut, and what ambiguity there is arises not from
any indistinctness in the coin, but from the different Talues
which may be given to each letter in the name. The first
letter, after the prefixed preposition (^, is imquestionaUy
either an 9 or a 9 ; the next is a simple short stroke, which
may be c^, CJ, C;, ,^, or ^^; and the last is a short stn^e
of exactly the same height as the second letter, and th^e-
fore can scarcely be a J or an 1 (for in other words on this
INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 253
coin these two letters are distinguished by height above the
line), and is not long enough in the horizontal part to be
a <— ^, ci;, or C-> ; nor would it serve for a c^ ; but it closely
resembles the final ^^ of ^J^J^ , and I am therefore inclined
to regard it as a ^j.
But having determined the letters within certain limits,
what can the name be ? The most obvious interpretation is
^j^ ' Ayn^ and we find in the Mardsid-al-Ittild' that ^^ is
used in El-lrak to meoTi'Ayn-at'TamarjA::]] ^jS,^ and this
ja::\\ ^^ is described in the same work as i JUI uJ^ (J i*^
^1 ^ UfjMjj \j\il \^ ci>V^ ^^j ^1/J' Jr?> J^^
In Yakut's Mojam-al-Bulddn (iii, vo <i), 'Ayn-at-Tamar is thus
described: <J JUb ^y ^jyb 1^3^31 ^^^^j^^ljl!! ^^ JLj^ ifjL
/^ L5^^ r^.^ L5^ ^^-^i-^1 Ifsiiil i^.^ ^j ^jrll cJ> J^ ^j
-- o ^
>- ^ . cCi 44 O'' /
I think, therefore, that we may reasonably suppose the
mint-place to be 'Ayn, i.e. 'Ayn-at-Tamar.
^^•4 ^ -^ I • I* /''.O^
■ (nr, ii) ^-\;>11 ^^ Jj, ^\jA\ J jlk.j
254 INEDITED ARABIC COINS.
6.* SiLVEE. AmAWI.
struck at Sdhitr, a.h. x 2. {CoL Guthrie'' s CoUeetian.)
Obv. Area. 1^ ^ 11 J
ifj^j <UJ1
Margin ^^^ JL«ijyLj ^jJl \ijb c-.^ dUl ^mm^
Within double outer circle of dots (not merely serrated).
Key. Area. <UJ1 j^t ^jJJl
A_iJ
,»M^r
With a row of dots between the second and third lines ; the whole
area inclosed by two circles of dots; between the circles fire
annulets. No marginal inscription.
This is the only Amawi dirhem with which I am ac-
quiainted with a word beneath the regular Breverse-Area in-
scription.^ Owing to the bad preservation of the coin, I am as
yet unable to make out the new word. The first letter might
be a mim or' an 'ai/n (or ghayn), but its large size induces the
» Sic.
' Two coins, published by Dr. Dom and Dr. Mordtmann re-
spectively, have the Pahlawf word .t{)^ marwun (for so it may surely
be read in preference to merUn) beneath the Obv. Area. They also
both bear the mint-name 9^ in the usual Arabic marginal inscrip-
tion. The dates of these two coins are 81 and 101. (See Tiesen-
hausen, 294 and 494.)
INEDITED ARABIC COINS.
255
belief that it is an ^ayn (or ghayn). The second letter might
be biy Uy thiy nun, or y^. The third letter must be sin or
shin. The fourth letter is, I feel almost sure, tvdw; but there
is just the possibility of its being kd/. After this wdw comes
what may either be a separate word <dl (' to God '), or may
form the termination il of the word, or again (but I think
most improbably) may be the separate word J (*to him*),
composed of the preposition J and the pronoim if.
We may tabulate these possibilities (many of which, how-
ever, are euphonical impossibilities) thus : —
6
M
4
8
J
2
< - y
^ T ^
I must leave the task of interpreting these letters to some
one else : for I confess myself completely at a loss to under-
stand their meaning.
The coin is rendered even more extraordinary by the
absence of any marginal inscription on the Beverse.
7. SiLVEE. Amawi.
Struck at Arminiyah,^ a.h. 81 (=»a.d. 700-^).
(Col. Guthrie's CoUeotion.)
This coin is of the usual Amawi type, exhibiting nothing
remarkable, except the position of the conjimction j at the
^ This (or Irm(niyah) not Artniniyah (with the ye tnushaddad) is
the correct spelling.
VOL. Til.— [nBW 8BBIB8.]
17
256 ox&rm> .yuscc cido:?.
besrrnnm^r of the thiri Iir* r;t' nts EeTe-r?e-Aii?a. a
mi::ial 'jTi octna ot nhe jeara v>, SI. S2, bui osjt airberwariy it
bfttn-;? vib«ec[aftii.*.l7 cruiipceed -o tLe "^nd oif tte aeeozid line.
ThA wriolft style, how-rTeT, l§ earioaa. Xo com oi tbis^ mint
baA LitKeTto been kn:>^Tk ot a date earlier ibaxi 9^ of the
Plight ''see Dr. TieseiiLiaaeii's Tabk^ p. 323), so tiis specnnen
is azk intereiatLn^ adiilrioTi to xhe pablLshed series of the coin-
2ij?e of thLs iHnaatT. The coUectioa to which this belongs con*
tained before hut one example of the mintage of Aiminijeh.^
ObT. Heraclius and his two sons, all standing, and each one hold-
ing a crosft-bearing orb.
Rer. The Cross, modified into a pillar with a globular capital, but
not yet changed into a 6. On either side, B I-
Aroond. idll Jy^j Ju3r« jfj^^ i]l\ l\ 4\ !l
I am not acquainted with any gold coin of this Obvene
type : and the Reverse type is, I think, quite unique. The
form of the Cross upon the steps is unlike the ordinaiy, and
the letters B I are, so far as I can find out, unknown on
Mohammadan coins. B I is merely I B reyersed (in Arab
fashion) ; and I B (=12) is the value-index peculiar to the
coinage of the Alexandrian mint, denoting that the value of
the coin was that of twelve vovfifila?
I do not think, however, that it can be deduced from this
' See my Catalogue of the Collection of Oriental Coim Momging to
Colonel C. Seton Outhrie, Fasc. I. Coins of the Amawi Khalifehs
(Stephen Austin & Sons, Hertford, 1874), p. 7, and pi. i. fig. 38.
* I am indebted for this explanation to my uncle, Hr. Reginald
Stuart Poolo, who has investigated the question of Byzantine and
Ahfxandrian value-indexes in a paper in the Numismatic CkranMe,
1863.
INEDITED ARABIC COINS.
267
occurrence of the Alexandrian index that the coin was struck
at Alexandria ; though it is not, d priori^ unlikely that such
was the case. The date of the coin is also doubtful.
9*. Gold. FlTntf.
Struck at Madinat ^iis, a.h. 51 J (
Obv. Area.
(outer).
A.D. 112aV
{British Mmmrn,)
Margin (inner). i^\ J^ Jl£ ^OJl J^ dj^^s^ aUI SI d!\ "l
:J\ iLij\ i^\ J^
Rev. Area.
Margin (inner),
(outer).
jyd\4lA
^ifUu*M«^^ jIa ^'^ JLm) j^^ ^.^^
The city of Kus ^y is a new addition to the mint-list of
Arabic numismatics, for it has never before been found on
coins. The best account of the city is that by Quatremere,
in his Mimoires gSographiques et historiques 8ur VEgypte ; but
as it extends over more than twenty pages (t. i. pp. 192-216)
I must content myself with some extracts.
"K02, KOS. Cost ainsi que le lexique copte de Mont-
pellier ^crit le nom de la ville que les Arabes appellent Kous.
On lit £a>9 ou Koof; dans les vocabulaires sa'idiques de la
' The i of iJLs- is omitted ; so too the ^^ which should support
the •* of £jU, the latter probably for want of space.
268 INEDITED ARABIC COINS.
bibliotheque imp^riale. Ces diffi^rens ouvrages joignent an
nom de cette ville celui de ^epjSep ou ^ip/Sip, dont je ne TOis
pas trop Torigine. Seulement Tauteur de I'un des vocaba-
laires sa'idiques s6pare du mot Kcd^ celui de fiep^ep, et rend oe
dernier par Ahsore'in ; ce qui sembleroit devoir mferiter plus
d'attention. En effet, commes nous I'avons appris d'un
passage de Macrizj, la ville d'Aksor ou Aksore'in passoit
pour ^tre habitue par une colonie de Maris, peuple de la
Nubie. D'un autre c6t^, il est difficile de r^cuser le t^moig;n-
age presque unanime de tous les vocabulaires coptes, aus-
quels se joint encore I'autorit^ du manuscrit consults par
Yanslet. Quoiqu'il en soit, Golius a cru que la ville de Kous
r^pondait & rancienne Thebes ou Dioscopolis magna, et cette
opinion paroit avoir ^t^ adoptee par A. Schultens. Mais le
pdre Lequien, d'Anville, et Michaelis pensent avec raison que
Kous repr^sente la ville H ApollinopoUs parva, dont il est parl£
dans Strabon. Quant au nom Arabe de cette ville, il est
certain qu'il doit s'ecrire Kous par un sadj et non par un sin,
comme on lit dans Touvrage de Boha-ed-din. Suivant Aboal-
feda, 'Kous, situ^e dans le Said, k I'orient du Nil, ^toit, aprds
Fostat, la plus grande ville de PEgypte. C'^toit Id qu'arri-
voient les marchands d'Aden.' Sa distance, d regard de
Keft, est d'une parasange, suivant lakouty, ou de sept milles,
suivant TEdrisy. L'auteur du Mesalek-al-absar et Macrizy
ont consacrS d cette ville des articles assez Stendus, dont je
vais transcrire une partie, en ^leguant les fables que le
dernier de ces ^crivains y joint, suivant son usage. *' Koxib,
la plus grande ville du Said, est situ^e sur la rive orientale
du Nil, et est le chef-lieu d'une province trds-importante.
G'est le premier endroit oii s'arr^tent les caravanes qui
viennent des mers de Tlnde, de I'Abyssinie, du Y^men, et
du Hedjaz, en traversant le desert d'Aidab
Au rapport d'Al-Adfouy, dans son Histoire du Said, Kous
est plac^e au cdt^ de Kefk, et si Ton en croit quelques
^crivains, Kous a commence k devenir florisante, et Keft
k se d^peupler depuis I'an 400 de I'h^gire
Depuis I'an 800 de Th^gire, cette ville est entidrement
d&hue de son ancienne splendour. Pendant les d^sao-
I
INEDITED ARABIC COINS. 269
tres et les malheurs qui afflig^rent I'Egypte, dans le cours
de Fannie 806, il perit d Ko\i& dix-sept milles persounes.
Avant cette epoque, cette ville ^toit si peupWe, que, dans la
s^cheresse de Tan 776, il eut cent cinquante Moglak, qui
resterent abandonn^s. On entend dans cette province par le
mot Moglaky un jardin de 20 feddans et au-dessus, accom-
pagn^ d'une machine hydraulique k quatre faces. Et cela
sans compter ime foule de jardins moins considerables, qui
demeurerent ^galement sans Stre occup^s.' Macrizy nous
apprend ailleurs, que Kous renfermoit un hdtel des monnaies,
et que Ton voyait sur le territoire de cette viUe de nombreux
plants d'acacias. Le mSme fecrivain, parlant du lieu nomm^
Miniet-al-Baseky s'exprime ainsi : ' Cette ville, situ^e dans le
canton d'Atfih, a pris son nom de Basek, frere de Behram
I'Arm^nien, qui fut vizir du Khalife Hafed-li-din-Allah.
L'an 529, Basek ayant ^t^ nomm^ par son frere au gouveme-
ment de Kous qui 6toit alors le plus important de TEgypte,
exer9a centre les Musulmanes toutes sortes d'injustices et de
vexations. Cela dura jusqu'au mois de djoumady second, de
Tan 531. A cette epoque, les babitans de Kous, ayant appris
que Behram avoit ^t^ supplante et expulse par Kadwan ben
Dulkeschy, qui lui avoit succ^d^ dans la charge de vizir, se
souleverent centre Basek, et le massacrdrent. Ensuite, apr^
lui avoir attach^ un chien au pied, il trainerent son corps
dans les rue de la ville, et finirent par le jeter sur le iumier.
Basek professoit la religion chretienne/ . . . On trouve
les noms de deux de ses ^veques [sc, de Kous], Theodore et
Mercure, dans Thistoire des patriarches d'Alexandrie. 'Du
temps du pere Sicard, Jean, 6vSque de Nequad6, I'^toit en
memo temps de Coptos, de Kous et d'Ibrim. Abou-Selah
parle de plusieurs ^glises situ^es sur le territoire de Kous."
The following extract from Brugsch {Geographische In-
schriften altdgyptischer Denkmdler i. 197 f.) supplies the
defectiveness of Quatrem^re's account of the names of Ktis.
" Noch weiter nordlich auf der Strasse> welche von Karnak
nach der Stadt Qeft, dem alten Koptos, fiihrt, liegt eine
Stadt mit Namen ^y Qus, die zur Zeit Abulfeda's oder
im 14. Jahrhundert nach Fost&t die bedeutendste Stadt
260 INEDITED ARABIC COINS.
Aeg}'ptens war. Grosse Tnimmerhaufen bei denelbezi sind
heut za Tage die einzigen Ueberreste eines Jlteren anaehn-
lichen Ortes. . . . Die GriecheDy das wissen wir mit
vollster Sicherkeit, nanntea die Stadt ^AmXXiouo^ itoXk,
gewohlich mit dem Zusatze 17 /u/cpd, zum TTnterschiede you
der grossen ApoUonstadt, deren bedeutende Briiinen imnitten
des heutigen Dorfes Edfu liegen. Die Kopten bezeichneten sie,
wahrscheinlich nach alter Tradition, mit dem Yolgamamen
KOUC Aepftep (dialektisch Apftip, Apftep), welches
GhampoUioD, L'Egypte sous les Pharaoas, vol. ii. p. 221 ''das
brennende" oder "das heisse KUJC" iibersetzt. EinWort kes
oder qes est mir mit Ausnahme des oben besprochenen kes,
das aber hier nicht her gehoren kann, nirgend in den In-
schriften und Texten aufgestossen, wohl aber eine Local-
benennung brbr, entsprechend dem koptischenEipRcp. In
dem hieratischen Kalendar Sallier No. 4, p. 11, erscheint
niimlicheine Gruppe Ra-hrbr (898) "das Hausbrbr" mit dem
speciellen Determinativ der Pyramide oder des Obelisken,
das sehr wohl die in Kede stehende Stadt bezeichnen konnte.
"Wie gesagt ist aber die Sache nicht ausgemacht und wir
miissen es dem glucklichen Zufall iiberlassen, ob fiir diese
Zusammenstellung griindliche Beweise gefunden werden.
Jenes Ha-brbr konnte namlich nach dem Zusammenhange in
dem beregten Papyrus eben so gut einen bestimmten Theil in
einem Heiligthume bezeichnen."
The mention by El-Makrizi of an hdtel des nwnnaies at
Kus is highly interesting, and this coin is the first to confirm
the historian's statement.
10*. Gold. Muwahhid (Almohade). * Abd-Al'Mu-min.
Struck at Sabiah. (British Jfussum,)
Similar to the coin described by me in the Numismatic
Chronicle, n.s., vol. xiii. p. 154, art. MuwahhidSj No. 1. The
difierence consists in the occurrence of the mint-name Sabtah
<i-:uM9 between the lines of the encadrement, on each ride,
beneath the area-inscription. Coins with these finely-written
INEDITED ABABIC COINS. 261
mint-names between the lines are^ I believe, peculiar to the
dynasty of the Muwahhids, and very rare even among them.
I am not aware of this coin having been already published.
The diacritical points differ somewhat from those on the
specimen described in the Num. Chron., as a comparison of
the plates will show. A curious thing is the way in which
the tail of the /♦ of |^ on the Obv. is cut through by the
encadrement. I need scarcely remark that Sabtah is the
Arabic form of Ceuta ; or rather, Ceuta is the European form
of Sabtah.
262
Art. XIIL — Notice on the Din&ra of the Abbamde Dynasiy.
By Edward Thomas Rogers, late H. M. Consuly Cairo.
[Read on NoTember 16th, 1874.]
Evert collector of early Muhammadan coins rnnst haye
observed that the dinllrs of the fifth and two subsequent
Khalifahs are of two kinds : that is to say, some are plain,
like those of the earlier Khalifahs ; whilst others have various
Muhammadan names upon them, generally beneath the
ordinary inscription on the area of the reverse.
It is well known that dirhams and filses were struck in
many parts of the then vast Muhammadan Empire ; but it
does not appear that under the first four Khalifahs dln&rs
were struck in any other mint than that of the Capital.
The dinars of the first four Khalifahs do not state where
they were struck, and we may therefore presume that they
were all struck in one place, namely, the Capital, just as the
din&rs of the Khalifahs of Bani Ummeya were all struck at
Damascus, which was their seat of government. Those of
the fifth and two subsequent Khalifahs do not, as a rule,
give any place of mintage ; but by careful examination and
comparison of the proper names found on some of them, I
am convinced that the plain ones were struck in Medinet-es-
Sal&m (Baghdsld), and that those bearing proper names were
for the most part struck in Misr, which was probably next
in importance to Baghdad, and was the first place after the
Capital whence gold coins were emitted.
I have seen some of these names mentioned in the descrip-
tions of the coins on which they were found ; but no serial
account of them has yet been published, nor any identification
of the persons to whom they refer.
With a view to partially supply this deficiency, I am pro-
paring the following observations on dinars hitherto inedited,
which are for the most part in my own Cabinet and in that
of Colonel C. S. Guthrie, intercalated with those already pub-
lished of which we do not possess specimens in our cabinets.
V
fjs^^ .«!
*'^ ^^iifi
.Jf"*-.!, /■
DINABS OF THE ABBASSISE DTNASTT.
265
Datb.
IX WHOSE
Cabinet.
By whox
Edited.
DeSCBIPTIYS RiVARKfl.
157
C. S. G.
Inedited.
\58
««
T. 872.
A point after the J of (Jy^j, and
central point in the reverse.
159
E. T. K.
T. 880.
A dot after the J of J^^-m of reverse.
160
E. T. K.
Inedited.
A central point on the reverse.
161
««
Inedited.
A central point on the reverse.
161
E. T. R.
Inedited.
A central point on the reverse, and
three points thus •'• beneath the
area of the reverse (PI. I. No. 3).
162
««
T, 917.
A central point on the reverse and a
point after the J of J^-a; .
163
E. T. R.
T. 932.
A point under the L^ of i^j^ , and
a central point on the reverse.
163
C. S. G.
Inedited.
A point under the l^ of ^.^«i > and
three points thus *•* under the area
#
of the reverse (Pi. I. Ko. 4).
164
Willenheim
T. 950.
165
E. T. A.
T. 965.
165
**
Inedited.
A point above the inscription on the
area of the reverse.
166
**
T. 983.
166
E. T. R.
Inedited.
A point between the second and third
lines of the inscription on the area
of the reverse, and a point under
the (^ of f^j^ .
167
««
T. 1010.
A point under the c-^ of ^--^ and
under the l^ of ^^ .
167
£. T. R.
Inedited.
A point between the second and third
lines of the inscription on the area
of the reverse ; of Aghlabite type.
167
C. S. G.
Inedited.
A point under the l^ of %--^i a
central point on the reverse, and
above the inscription on the area of
266
DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDK DTNA8TT.
Datb.
In wnoflE
Cauinrt.
168
««
169 : E. T. R.
Bt -whox
Edited.
T. 1038.
T. 1057.
DncaiPTITB RXMAKKS.
the reverse a email creacent thus w.
(PI. I. No. 5).
A central point on the reverse, and a
point after the J of Jj-«m .
A central point on the reyerse, and
helow the inscription in the area
of the reverse a combination of
points thus •'•*, which may be in-
tended to represent the word^ .
We now arrive at the year in which a name for the first
time appears on the gold coinage. It is the first year of the
reign of the great Khalifah HariLn ar Rashid.
170
C. S. G.
170 E. T. K.
Inedited.
T. 1094.
The name of lfi\ appears beneath the
reverse area, but I have not yet
identified this name. On a dirham
of the same year described by
Fraehn, and referred to by T.
under No. 1108, the same name is
found, but the learned author does
not seem to have been able to settle
the point (PL I. No. 6).
The name of ^ appears beneath the
inscription on the area of the re-
verse, which is rightly ascribed
by the learned author to Aly ibn
Sulcim&n, who was appointed
Governor of Egypt by Al Hady in
1 69. He proceeded to Mifr in the
month of Shawol of that year, and
remained in power till Rabia, 171.
This, therefore, is the first din&r
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT.
267
Datb.
171
171
172
172
172
In vhoss
Cabinet.
««
E. T. K.
xl. T. !R.
£j. T. xv.
Bt whox
Editkd.
Ineditcd.
T. 1145.
T. 1146.
£. T» !R.
173
173
Mars, zxxvi.
Inedited.
T. 1166.
T. 1167.
DWSCRIPTITX RkMARKS.
that we can confidently attribute
to the mint of Mi^r.
Beneath the area on the reverse is
the letter A, which is generally
supposed to refer to the excellence
of the metal. I presume it was
struck at Baghdad (PI. I. No. 8).
Beneath the area on the reverse ap-
pears the name ^^^ • I find, on
reference to Abu*l Mahasin's His-
tory of Egypt, that Musa ibn 'Issa
(^*u-j-c ^\ ^<^^) was appointed
Governor of Egypt by Hariin ar
Eashtd in one of the months of
Eabia, 171 (PI. I. No. 7).
A central point on the reverse.
The name ,<^^ in the usual place.
Musa ibn 'Issa held the post of
Governor of Egypt until the 14th
of Eamadan, 1 72.
The name^.4x here occupies the space
beneath the inscription of the area
of the reverse (PI. I. No. 9).
Plain.
^^ *Omar, 'Omar ibn Ghilin was
appointed Minister of Finance in
Shaaban, 173, when Muhammad
ibn Zuheir was made Governor of
Egypt, and I think it very probable
that he held the same office under
Muhammad ibn Zuheir's prede-
cessor^ Muslimeh ibn Ye]|^ia, which
268
DINABS OF THE ABBASSIOE DTNASTT.
Date.
Ik wuoflB
Cabinkt.
174
Fraehn.
174
£. T. xv»
174
175
£• T. H.
£. T. 11.
176
Xi. T. H.
176
xl. T. H.
Bt whox
Edited.
T. 1181.
Inedited.
Inedited.
T. 1194.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Dbscbiptite BexaxxI.
would account for the same name
being found on a dindr of the
year 172.
jAs- *Omar. This din&r must haTe
been struck during the first fort-
night of tbe year 174, beeanae
Daiid ibn Yezld was appointed
Governor of Egypt on the 14th of
Moharram of that year, and he was
accompanied by Ibrahim ibn 8ali]|^
as Finance Minister.
On this din^r the name of J^b D6M
is given — without doubt D&M ibn
Yezld (PI. I. No. 11).
No name and no diacritical points.
(PI. I. No. 10).
_^^ MAsa, M^sa ibn 'Issa was ap-
pointed Governor of Egypt a second
time in the month of Sa&r, 175.
fHi^y} Ihrahim. In this year Ibrahim
ibn Sali^, formerly Minister of
Finance, was appointed (}ovemor
of Egypt (PI. I. No. 12).
Beneath the inscription in the area
of the reverse^^i*sf- Jaafwr. Aba'l
Maliasin reports, on the authority
of Az Zababy (^^^ JJO> that in the
year 176 Harun ar Eaahtd ap-
pointed Ja*afar ibn Te^ia ibn
Barmak to be the Governor of
Egypt, and that probably 'Omar
(ibn Mahran) went to Mifr as
Ja*afar's representatiyOy
DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT.
269
DATS.
In whose
Cabinet.
By whom
Edited.
Descriptits Rbmaeks.
himself did not go there. This
remark is doubtless in allusion to
the under-mentioned circumstance.^
From these historical facts I infer
that the dinars bearing the name
«
of Ja afar were struck under his au-
thority in Mi^r, and that the plain
ones, of which we have several
examples, as well as those bearing
the Khallfah's title <U-iiJ\ , were
struck in Baghdad (PI. II. No. 13).
177
E. T. R.
T. 1223.
No name.
177
£j. T. R,
T. 1224.
jSjtp^ Jaafar.
178
£. T. £*•
T. 2789.
ji*5>- Jaafar,
179
««
Inedited.
-ft*5»- Jaafar.
180
««
T. 1272.
jAx^- Jaafar, ^
181
««
T. 1293.
jAx^- Jaafa/r.
182
**
T. 1310.
jkxs^ Jaafar,
183
E. T. K.
T. 1338.
ji*5>- Jaafar,
^ Aba'l Mah^n quotes from the history called Mirdt ez Zamstn, by Aba*l
Muzaffar ibn Kazaghli, that the Ehalifah, baying receiyed news that Miisa ibn
'Issa intended to rise against his authority, exclaimed, " Wallahi, I will dismiss
him, and replace him by the lowest person in my court," and said to Ja*afar ibn
Yeljia, " Appoint to the Governorship of Mifr the lowest and meanest person in
my court." So he bethought himself of 'Omar ibn Mahran, Kheizeran's clerk,
who was of ugly appearance, wearing coarse clothing, and was in the habit of
riding a mule with his servant mounted behind him on the same animal. So
Ja'afar went out to him and said, " Will you be Governor of Misr ? " He con-
sented, and went thither, riding on his mule, with his servant mounted behind him.
He went to the house of Mdsa ibn 'Issa, and there sat down at the end of the
divan. When the Council departed, Miisa asked him if he wanted anything,
whereupon 'Omar gave him the letter. When he had read it, he exclaimed : " The
curse of God was upon Pharaoh because he said, * behold, am I not king of
Egypt ! ' " Miisa then transferred the Government of Egypt to 'Omar, who after-
wards returned to Baghdad just as he had left it. — Vide Abu'l Mal^Ssin, vol. i.
p. 476.
270
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Datb.
184
184
184
185
185
186
In whoss
Cabinet.
183 ! Stickel.
£. T. !R.
E. T. K.
Holmboe
Dcscriptio.
««
£. T. !R.
Marsden xl.
By whox
£ditkj>.
T. 1339.
Inedited.
Inedited.
T. 1355.
T. 1371.
T. 1372.
T. 1393.
DnSCRIPTIYE BSXARKS.
Inner legend on the reverse, ^j^\ l^
i?y order of the Prince Al Amin
Muhammad, son of the Commander
of the Faithful, Id this year Mu-
hammad al Amtn was appointed
Governor of 'Irak and of Syria.*
This dinar was evidently struck in
the capital of his new province,
and as the type is very different
from that of contemporary dinars,
we may conclude that it is the pro-
duction of a third mint whence gold
coins were emitted.
^^i«>- Jadfar,
Inner legend of the reverse, ^^f\ U^
J\ yjf^\ jf^\ , as on the dln&r
of the year 183 (PI. II. No. 14).
SsJj^\ Al Khalifah
Inner legend of the reverse, ^,y\ U^
I
yi*>- Ja^afar.
^\ ^\ j^V\ ijy.\ U^ . This is
the earliest gold coin that Marsden
had seen with a double legend.
My earliest dinar of this description
is of the date of the year 1 84, whilst
Stickel, see above, has described
a similar one of the year 183.
1 Vide Abn'l Matasin, vol. i. p. 610 : J^^\ ^\ J^ jj ju^^l J^^
DINABS OF THE ABBASSISE DTNASTT.
271
Date.
186
186
187
188
190
190
191
191
191
192
192
193
Ik whose
Cabinet.
E. T. K.
E. T. K.
E. T. K.
E. T. !R.
C. S. G.
E. T. !R»
E. T. It.
««
E. T. R»
Bt whom
Edited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
•
T. 1409.
T. 1425.
T. 1466.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
DsSCHtPnTK KlMABKa.
T. 1491.
Inedited.
T. 1504.
Inedited.
jSJt^ Jaafar.
Inner legend of the reyerse, ^^t U^
IS'o name.
No name. Diacritical point over the
j^ of the word ^^UJ .
Below the inscription in the area of
the reverse, <U-is)l AlKhalifah,
Below the inscription in the area of
the reverse, the letter A .
&J4j^\ Al Khalifah.
This dinar gives us a fourth type, and
I think, also, a fourth mint for
the emission of gold coin. The
inscription in the area of the re-
verse is in three lines, thus :
(Pl.II.No. 15.) ,,j^^\j^\ ^^/^
Below the inscription in the area of
the reverse, the letter . , prohahlj
the initial of the word ^j current.
Below the inscription in the area of
the reverse, the letter Jb .
Below the inscription in the area of
the reverse, the word ^LaJlc)! Al
Khalifdh,
Below the inscription in the area of
the reverse, the letter Jb.
In the year 193 the great Khalifah HarAn ar Rashid died
at T&s. He was succeeded by his second son Muhammad,
sumamed Al Amin, his elder son Abdallah, surnamed Al
Mamtin, having been appointed and agreed to as heir pre-
VOL. VII.— [NBW BBBIB8.]
18
272
DINAES OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTF.
sumptive. A rivalry and enmity soon sprang up between
these brothers, which ultimately led to open hostilities, thus
laying the foundation of the dismemberment of the vast
Empire over which their father had ruled supreme.
Datb.
194
195
196
In whose
CaBIN£T.
!E. T. H.
««
C. S. G.
By wifox
Edited.
T. 1562.
T. 1596.
Inedited.
* DsscKipnyB Rkmarkb.
Below the in86ription in the area of
the reverse, the word <UJlsJ1 Al
Khali/ah.
Above the inscription in the area of
the reverse, <iLi*Ls?l Al Khali/ah,
and below, fj^'i\ Al Amtn,
Above the inscription in the area of
the reverse, <)lL1s J 1 Al Khalifah,
and below, (♦Uil Al Imdm (PL 11.
No. 16).
It is well known that Al M&mdn was much attached to
the sectarians of 'Aly, otherwise called Shi'is. Imdm was
a title almost exclusively adopted by that sect for their
spiritual chief, so I have no hesitation in attributing this
din&r to Al M&mdn. Moreover, Al Amin had in 194 pro-
claimed a change in the succession, appointing his son Mdsa
his heir apparent, under the surname of An N&tik bil Hak,
which was naturally resented by Al M&miLn, and war was
declared between the brothers. Several sanguinary battles
were fought in diflfcrent parts of the Empire. Al M&mdn
was proclaimed Khalifah by his partisans in 196, and in that
same year he succeeded in conqueripg Egypt. In the same
year he appointed Al Fadl ibn Sahel Governor of the length
and breadth of the East, with a salary of a million of dirhams,
granting him the title of ^^^j^i-jb^l Ij Z& ar JRidsatein, which
he caused to be engraved upon his sword, referring to his
being the holder of two offices, being Commander in Chief
of the Army, and also Secretary and Counsellor in Chief.
He appointed Fadl's brother, Al Hassan ibn Sahel, to the
Ministry of Finance.
DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
273
Whilst all these great events were occurring, Al Amin
was in Baghd&d, living a life of luxury, and paying but
little attention to public affairs. His indolence caused many
of his partisans to leave him and to join his brother's ranks,
and he gradually lost all power, and was killed in BaghdSd
in the year 198.
Datb.
196
In whose
Cabinet.
£. T. Xv.
197
197
198
%*
£i. T. Xv.
£i. T. It.
By whox
Edited.
Inedited.
T. 1649.
Inedited.
Inedited.
DxfiCKiPTivE Remarks.
Beneath the inscription in the area of
the obverse, the word jUc Idbbdd.
In the area of the reverse, above
the usual inscription, the word
iAXsd\ Al Khalifah, and below it,
^^UIl Al Mdmiin. In the month
of Eejabof the year 196, Al Mimiia
appointed *Abbad ibn Muhammad
to be Governor of Egypt (PI. II.
No. 17).
Same as preceding, excepting that
under the f^^ of jLc there is a dia-
critical point. It appears, however,
from Tiesenhausen's description,
that the word jUc has been misread
•
as JumX, consequently the person
referred to was not identified.
Above the inscription in the area of
the reverse, <)dJl ^j Rahhi allah,
God is my Lord, and below it,
^J^'i\ Al Amin, Beneath the i^
of ^^J^'i\ are two points, and one
beneath the c-^ of ^^ (PI. II.
No. 18).
No name, no diacritical points. It is
almost impossible to say whether
this dinar was struck by Al Mamiin's
274
DINAHS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Datb.
Ik wHOflB
Cabinbt.
198
**
By whox
Editbd.
T. 2829.
198
£. T. Sf.
198
£. T* R»
Inedited.
Inedited.
DEScRipnYB Ebmajucs.
authority or by his brother, as two
Khalifahs were reigning at this time.
Beneath the inscription in the area
of the obverse, the word (.^JikJl
Al Muftaleh. Above that on the
reverse, a\^^\ Allmdm, and below
it, ^y^ \\}Al MdmUn. In the month
of Safar, 1 98, Al Mamiin appointed
Al Muttaleb ibn Abdallah to be
Governor of Egypt. A diacritical
point over the ^^ of ^jUj .
Beneath the inscription in the area
of the obverse, the name (jmUaII
Al Ahbds, On the area of the re-
verse, above the usual inscription,
/♦L«)ll Al Imdm, and below it,
f^yt[^\ Al MdmHn, In the month
of Shawal, 198, Al Mamun ap-
pointed Al Abbas ibn Miisa to the
Government of Egypt ; he died at
Bilbeis in Jamad al Akhera, 199.
Below the inscription in the area of
the obverse, /JLJ\ <^.«X^ Medinet
68 Saldm, Baghdad, a very unusual
place for the name of the place of
mintage, of which, however, there
are a few other examples on din&rs
struck at Al 'Irak, Bokhara, etc.
On the area of the reverse, above
the usual inscription, <d] To God, or
by the grace of God, ^2pi^^)^ ^*i
ZOl r Eidsatein, referring to Al Fa^l
ibn Sahel, above alluded to.
DINAHS OP THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
276
Datb.
199
In wHogs
Cabinkt.
£. T* !R.
19^
KT. R.
200
C. S. G.
Bt whom
Edited.
T. 1683.
Inedited.
Inedited.
DSSC&IPTXYI RXXABKS.
Below the inscription in the area of
the obverse, i^ A^fll AlMuttcM.
On the death of Al Abbas, Al
Mamun re-appointed Al Mutt^leb
to the Government of Egypt. In
the area of the reverse, above the
usual inscription, ^jrP^^J^^3*^ ^^ ^
Itidsatetn, and below it fj^\ Al
Fadh In the margin the place of
mintage is given, thus — <d!\ tfutj
Beneath the inscription in the area
of the obverse, Jf^/J^ Al ^Irdk.
Above the inscription in the area
of the reverse, id! To Oody and be-
neath it, ^j^p^\ij\ ^i^ Za r Ridsa-
tein. The invocation preceding the
date is thus given, in the margin of
the reverse — (^1^J^ U^^ ^^ (^
(PI. 11. No. 20.) iU^j
Obverse, beneath the inscription in the
area, ^2;MA.^f Al Hassan^ and below
it the letter c. . The former doubt-
less refers to Al Hassan ibn Sahel,
•
who was Al Mamiin's Minister of
Finance above alluded to, and the
c is probably the initial of the wcnrd
J Jic adel (just), Hassan certifying
the correctness of the weight and
the purity of the metal. Keverse,
276
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Datb.
In whosk
Cabinxt.
Bl WHOM
Editsd. '
200
£. T. R,
T. 1701.
200
Fraehn.
201
£. T. R.
T. 1702.
Inedited.
201
£). T. xt.
Inedited.
201
Fraehn.
T. 1714.
Dkscriptivx Bsmaucs.
above the inscription in the area, a1!
To God, and below it, ^^J^p>^\)J\ ^ J
Za r mdsatein (PI. 11. No. 21).
In the area of the reverse, above the
usual inscription, a1! To God, he-
neeLt\iit^^^^p^\jJ\^J ZiL rEidaatein,
j\jA\ AVIrdk, dJJ To God, ^^^^b^lj J
ZH r Etdsatein. ^JA^J\ ^\ f^
Below the usual inscription on the
area of the reverse the letter ^- ,
which may be the initial letter of
the word tX^ good."
Below the inscription on the area of
the obverse, ^^J»u^ A% Sary. In this
year As Sary ibn al Hakam was ap-
pointedbyMam(inGk>vemorofMi§r.
Above the inscription in the area of
the reverse,^lL <dJ To God, Tdher,
and below, ,,»i^'u^Jl ^i ZClI Temi-
nein, ambidexter. In the margin,
fjt^*^ ^ c/A»-l . This Taher was-
Taher ibn al Hussein, who was a
•
zealous partisan of Al Mam<in, and
who caused the death of Al Amin
in Baghdad. He was blind of one
eye, and being able to use both hands
with the same facility was called
Z^ I Tmtnein (PI. 11. No. 22).
fj^c,^^ ^ Jo- ] ij^joj^ , In Mif r the
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTKASTT.
277
Datz.
In whosb
Cabin ST.
202
202
C. S. G.
£. T. R.
Bt -whom
Edited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
202
Fraehn.
203
Description
de TEgpyte.
203
E. T. E.
T. 1727.
T. 1738.
T. 1739.
Debcbiptitb Remarks.
year 201. J^l jJJ To God, Al
Fadl. ^j^\iJ\^J ZiL r Ridaatein,
On area of the reverse, above the usual
inscription, l, and below it Jb.
Below the inscription on the area of
the obverse, L^Jfji!^\ Al Maghreb,
Above the inscription on the area
of the reverse, J-oaJI ^ To Qod,
Al Fadh Beneath it, ,jfp^^,)\ ^«i
ZO, r Ridaatein. The marginal le-
gend on the reverse presents a re-
markable peculiarity, namely, that
after the date the name of the then
Governor of Egypt is inserted, thus
tjf^l ^jiP-^^ In the name of God
this dinUr was struck in the year
202, As Sary (PL II. No. 23).
^jfZ>^^ ^^jfP^\ iCo^j^oAJ , In Mi§r the
year 202. ijjJi\ As Sary. ^IL <dJ
To God, Tdher. ^^tP-^^J^ ^«i ZH r
Rldsatein,
^j^p>^ ^ ci^ <UMi}yi^ f In Mi^r the
year 203. ^^U!\ Al MdmHn,
y»lL UJ To God, Tdher. ^JJJ\
As Sary.
Beneath the area of the obverse, j]/J^
Al 'Irdk, Above inscription in area
of reverse, ^ To God. Beneath it
^j^P^^J\ j3 Mr Ridsatein. Mar-
ginal legend, ^J\ ^J\ aHIjm^
278
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Datk.
204
204
In vhosk
Cabinkt.
£. T. H.
Fraehn.
204
205
Fi. T. H.
205
206
E. T. E.
£. T* R,
Bt whom
Edited.
Inedited.
T. 1748.
T. 1749.
Inedited.
T. 1769.
T. 1781.
Dbscriftiyb Rkkakks.
No name.
^^f^p^^ J %Jjl ii^j^oAJ In Mi^r the
year 204. L^JJXA^\ Al Maghreb,
y>lL «dl 2b God, Tdher. ^jJ^\ As
Sary,
{jiP^\J^ J J ^ r Etdsatein,
Beneath the inscription in the area
of the obverse, i^jk^W Al Maghreb,
Above that on the area of the re-
ver8e,^lt all To God, Tdher. Below
it, (^jMi\ ^ tXKs^ Muhammad xbn
as 8ary. In Jamad al Akhera, 205,
Muhammad ibn as Sary was ap-
pointed by Mamiin to be Governor of
Egypt after the death of his father,
who had held that post for the
second time for nearly four years
(PL II. No. 24).
idl To God.
Beneath the inscription on the area
of the obverse, ,^jJiS ^j) <dll Ju^
*Obeid aUah ibn as Sary. Above that
on the area of the reverse, jIlLJls J I
Al Khali/ah, Below it, ^j^USl Al
MdmUn. In my specimen the place
of mintage is not given ; in other
respects it answers to the descrip-
tion given by T. No. 1 78 1 . On the
death of Muhammad ibn as Sary in
206, his brother, 'Obeid allah ibn
as Sary, was appointed to succeed
him in the government of Mifir.
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
279
Datb.
207
207
In whosb
Cabinet.
Fraehn.
£. T« A*
Bt whom
Edited.
Dkscbiptivk Remarks.
T. 1788.
Inedited.
In all respects like the preceding
dinar excepting the date.
This dinar is the first specimen of a
new type of coin. Firstly, the date
appears on the obverse instead of
on the reverse as heretofore; and
secondly, a new quotation from the
Koran is introduced as a marginal
legend ; thus,
Obverse, area— First symbol, a linear
circle separates the area from the
inner legend.
(^
Inner legend, \ijb <--^ <Uj1
Marginal legend, ^ ^ J-i ^^ j^^ ' ^
A broader linear circle surrounds
this, and forms a sort of rim.
Reverse, area in three lines — *X-4^^
<)dJl J^j, which inscription is
separated by a double linear circle
from the marginal legend, the
second general symbol as far as
There is no name on this dinar, so I
presume it to have been struck in
Baghdad, as several contemporary
dirhams are extant struck at that
and other places in the Mashrek
bearing this legend — f^y^^ ^ •
See Tiesenhausen, Nos. 1789, 1790
(PL m. No. 25).
280
DINAES OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Date.
208
209
209
210
In whose
Cabin KT.
««
£. T. xt.
£. T. K.
£. T. H*
Bt whom
Edited.
Inedited.
T. 1798.
Inedited.
Descriptiyb RSMAaEIS.
215
£j. T. H.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Obverse — ^.f^l ^j <d!l Ju-j: *Oheid
allah ihn as 8ary, Eeverse, above
ilX^\ Al Khali/ah, below ^y^\l\
Al MdmUn.
Same as the preceding dinar of 208.
This dinar corresponds exactly with
Tiesenhausen*8 No. 1798, except-
ing that it does not bear the name
of the place of mintage, which of
course must be ' Mi§r.''
Date on the obverse and marginal
legend Jl ^
U^j^
,^\aU
as on my
dinar of 207. Reverse «ldl To God,
above the inscription in the area.
On the obverse there is no line of
separation between the area and
the legends. On the reverse there
is one circle. The second symbol is
complete as far as (ji^^/^^ tf ^y
Like the preceding dinar. The place
of mintage is thus given, <0J\ ^
^^^U J HjJ^ \j**'^^^ In the name
of God this dinar was struck in
Medlnet es Salam the year 215
(PI. III. No. 26).
After the date of this din&r there is no difficulty in regard
to the places of mintage, as they are almost invariably men-
tioned on the coins, together with the date. I will therefore
conclude this notice with a list of some still unpublished
din&rs in the two collections.
On the following dln&rs the date appears on the obverse,
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
281
and the marginal legend, ^\ J-i ^^ j^^' ^ , is also on the
obverse, like the dinars above described, 210 and 215.
Bats.
219
220
222
225
226
232
232
234
236
238
In "w^osb
Cabinet.
C. S. G.
C. S. G.
£. T. H.
C. S. G.
£. T. H.
£• T* lx»
C. S. G.
C. S. G.
C. S. G.
C. S. G.
Bt -whom
Edited.
Dbsc&iptits Rkha&ks.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
j^>^^ In Misr,
j^^ In Misr.
I^LuJl ^ J^ In Medlnet es Saldm (PI.
III. No. 27).
fJJL^Si In Dimashk. On the reverse,
above the inscription in the area, <d!
To God, and below it, <OJb ^^aix^l
u4^ M'utasem hillah (PI. III. N*o. 28).
^j^ In If^rti, like the preceding of 225.
jU2AJ In ifjsr. Ee verse <dJb jil^l | <i^
To God, Al Wathik hillah.
Ui*A> In San ad. Obverse, Jjt^- Jaafar.
Reverse, ^d! To God, jJJb JjljSl ^Z
Wathik hillah. This Ja afar mnst be
the son of Al Wathik billah, who
succeeded his father under the name
of Al Mutawakkel 'al aliah. A
neatly engraved die of the ordinary
type (PL III. No. 29).
• ^ In MerH. Reverse, al! To God,
^\ 4f J^>^^ ^^ Mutawakkel 'al
allah,
^j cT*^;*^ ^° ^*^ *^*^ ''^' -^^^^ ^®
a half dinar, judging from its size and
weight. Obverse, ^lJu£^\u^^tt'^3(/-
cMah, Reverse, aU 2b God, J(^l
idll <Jx u^; Mutawakkel 'al allah (PI.
III. No. 30).
Lcm^j In San ad. Like that of the same
mint dated 232, but without the name
282
DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Date.
In -whose
Cabimet.
240
C. S. G.
242
**
246
249
««
««
250
252
253
E. T. E.
C. S. G.
C. S. G.
256
C. S. G.
257
C. S. G.
Btithox
Editbu.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
DlSCKIPTTTS RXICAEKS.
Jaafar, and with the name of the
KhaMfah «dll ^ J^yull M Muta-
wakkel *al allah.
j^oAJ In Misr. Keverse, aU To Ood,
^\ ^ J(^\ Al MutawakM *al
allah.
j,aAJ In i/»sr. Obverse, dUbjjJwJl Al
Mutaz hillah. Reverse, aU\ ^ J^jiL^
Al Mutawakkel 'al allah.
•jAJ . Like the preceding of 242.
j»a^ In Misr. Obverse ^ (jwwl-jJl
^j^y^\j^\ AlAhhds, son of the
Commander of the Paithful. This is
Xbbas, son of Al Masta*in billah, who
afterwards succeeded to the throne
under the name of Al M'utamed 'al
allah. Reverse ^dlb ^j^jComa^] Al
Mastatn hillah (PI. HI. No. 31).
j^»A4J In Misr. Like the preceding of
249.
aUI <!LijJl4J In Medtnet es Saldm.
r •* •
Like the preceding.
^luJb In Ash Shdsh. Reverse, above,
^ To God; below,^^! | <dJb Jjjm]1
^^^y^\ Al Mutaz hillah, Com-
mander oi the Faithful.
\fC^,a) In /San ad. Reverse, above, ^ To
God; below, ^b ^^Jcl^I AlMuhtadi
hiHahf ^j^^yt^\ j^\ Commander of
the Faithful.
aLJ \ iuj tX4J In Medlnet es Saldm. Ob-
r
verse, ^a*>- Jdafar. Reverse, - aU
DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
283
Datk.
258
258
259
260
261
263
263
268
In WH08K
Cabinct.
««
C. S. G.
E. T. E.
£. T. R.
£. T. R,
£. T. R.
C. S. G.
E. T. E.
^70
£. T, E.
Bt whom
Editxd.
Tnedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
DxscRipnys Rxmakks.
idJl ^ Juc^l To God—AlMuiamed
'al allah. This Jaafar is the son of
Al Muwaffak, afterwards called Al
Mufawad il allah.
^LJl<i:jj^ In MedinetesSaldm. Like
the preceding dinar of 257.
-ui^J In Misr, Like the preceding, but
beneath the name on the reverse is a
word which I cannot decipher, z*/^
j>aAJ In Mtsr. Like the preceding, but
in place of the word I could not de-
cipher I find the letter j or ^^ .
j^'-oAJ In Misr. Like the preceding.
ij;\j ^J^J**^ In Sir man rda. With the
same word on the reverse as on the
preceding dinar of 258 Mi^r.
yA4J In Misr, Like the preceding.
I^Lull <L:^.J^ In Medtnet es Saldm.
Like the preceding.
Jci^^iwuuJ In Samarkand, Obverse, be-
neath the first symbol, ^Ub J^%lt Al
Muwaffak hiUah Eeverse, above, <0J
To God: below, ^1 Jx j^^cuc^ll Al
Mutamed 'al allah.
jlybXb In alAhwdz, Obverse, above the
first symbol, y probably bir (right),
and below it, aUIj ^^\ Al Muwaffak
hillaL Eeverse, above the inscrip*
tion in the area, <dl To God; below it,
<d!1 <-Lc <x«cjt^t Al Mutamed al allah,
U^J^J^^ J^ -2rti7 wazdratein, holder
of two Yiziriats, or head of two ad-
284
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Date.
In whose
Cabinet.
Bt whom
Edited.
273
£. T. R.
274
E. T. R.
Inedited.
Inedited.
275
£. T. R,
Inedited.
Dbscbiptits Rbmarks.
ministrations, referring to Saad, who
was Yizir under Al M utamed and also
under Al Muwaffak (PL III. No. 82).
A dinar of small size without place of
mintage. Obverse, <dJb J^i^i -dl
Muwaffak hillah. Reverse, above, ^
To God; below, <dll ^ Sa2jl^\ Al
Mutamad 'al allah (PL HI. No. 33).
isj\J\i In ar Bdfika. Obverse, below
the first symbol, aUl J. u^^^^ Al
Mufawad il allah, and below the name
a double scroll forming a cross.
Reverse, above the inscription in
the area, ^ To God; and below it,
^]i\ ^ j^A:iju^\AlJlf utamed* alaUah,
d]\\j (jiy^^ ^^ tiiAs>A Ahmed son of
al Muwaffak hillah, and the letter j
or ^. A remarkable dinar, as it
gives the names of the reigning Xha-
lifah Al M utamed, of his brother and
coadjutor Al Muwa£fak, and of his
nephew Ahmed, who afterwards suc-
ceeded under the name of Al Miita^id.
This dinar gives no place of mintage.
The area is smaller than in preceding
dihllrs, thus giving more space for the
double marginal legend. Obverse,
area, beneath the first symbol, -ft«>-
Jaafar, Reverse, above the inscrip-
tion in the area, <0J To God ; below it,
iidll Jx x^cji^t AlMutamed*al allah
Sh'ueih f (PL ni. No. 34.)
DINAHS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
285
)An.
275
In whosk
Cabinet.
!E. T. K.
Bt whom
Edited.
Inedited.
DEScaiPTiYK Remarks.
LumJsJj In Karkisiah, This is a very re-
markable dinar, and would perhaps
be more correctly classified in the
Okeilide dynasty. I leave it, how-
ever, in this list, because of its re-
markable interest bearing on the
history of the Abbassides.
Obverse, beneath the first symbol,
^^ di c/'j^' -^^ Mufawad %l allah,
beneath the name the word Moham-
med in an ornamental form.
Reverse area,
Jr
1
<j !J\ ^ jl
u'^
" To Qod. Muhammad, the Apostle
of God, Al M'utamed 'al allah Ahmed,
son of Al Mufawad il allah Muhammad,
son of Safwan" (PL III. No. 35).
Ibn al Athlr says, in vol. vii. p. 276,
that in the year 169 (six years be-
fore this dinar was struck) Ibn Safwan
al 'Akeili was in Karklsla, and that
Lulu, a freed slave and General in
the army of Ahmed ibn Tulun, having
revolted against his master, fled to Al
286
DINAES OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Date.
281
281
Ik -wnosB
Cabin KT.
By whom
Edit£d.
Descriptitk RxMABXt.
E, T. K. Ineditcd.
E. T. E.
Ineditcd,
Muwaffak. On his way he stopped
at Karklsia, took it from Ibn Safw&n,
and delivered it to Ahmed ibn Malik
ibn Tawk.^ This dln&r, now under
consideration, proves that Ibn Safwin
afterwards retook possession of this
city, though I have not yet found an
historical record of the fact.
The place of mintage is not given on
this dinar, which is in every respect
similar to the one dated 275 without
mintage. It is remarkable in that
the name Al M utamed al Allah is
still preserved, although, according
to Ibn al Athir and other authors,
this Khalifah died in the year 279.*
^\ <Xa^ In ITamaddn, Obverse, area, be-
neath the first sy mboljl?!*! \ JCi^ {jiji
'Omar, son of Llhd al Idxiz, Eeverse,
jt^^ L5* (J^y^^ "-r^^J W^ LT*^ <Jij^ J i;ij^^ U^ J^
\ jLJ ^J\j J^ ^ \^\ *X4^1 yi\ ^Uli CWjj/i t^lj 4UI
U^l^ 4UjU!» ^^Uull JyL^ ui^^i^ \^J Jj^ iPy^^
U JLmi£— Fi^ Ibn al Athtr, vol. lii. page 316.
DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTT.
m
Datx.
281
286
In ITHOSK
Cabinxt.
£• T. xL,
C. S. G.
Bt whom
Edited.
Inedited.
Incdited.
Drsckiptits Bxmarks.
above the inscription on the area, ^
To Qod, Beneath it, ^b JuoJjtJt
Al Mutadid hillah (PI. IV. No. 36).
It seems from the account given by Ibii
al Athir that it was in this year 281
that Al Mutadid established his su-
premacy in the eastern district, and
appointed 'Omar ibn 'Abd el 'Aziz,
whose name appears on this dinar of
Hamadan, as Governor of Nahdvend,
Ispahan and al Kurj.
^\J\j In Ar Rdfikah, Reverse,
dUb iX>a.';.t>»H Al ITutadid hillah.
This is a beautiful little coin, probably
a third of a dinar, without place of
mintage. Obverse, area,
* \ \
To God
hV.n'.n^n
Al Jlfutadid
•
hillah
Marginal legend.
The first symbol.
Eeverse, area,
^r-^'
Commander
y^\
of the
c;^^
Faithful.
Marginal legend, ii^ S-^ ^^ /*^
j\jJO ^ jU ^ ^^1 J ^^l^ ^ J^^\ ^JSj ^\ ^ji—Vide Ibn al
Alihir, vol. rii. page 324.
TOL. VU. — [new 8BRIE8.]
10
288
DINAHS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT.
DATS.
292
293
293
293
294
294
296
300
In WH08K
CABINJkT.
E. T. E.
£. T. R.
!E* T. A.
C. S. G.
£. T. R,
£. T. R.
C. S. G.
E. T. R.
Bt whom
Editsd.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
DSSCRIPTTTX RXMAWU.
Inedited.
tlfS^*^^ {2X^^^
In the name
of God, struck in the year 386 (PI.
IV. No. 37).
j'OAJ In Misr. Above the inscription
in the area of the reverse, <0J To God;
below it, ^b ^JoL^S Al Muktafi
hUlah. This is a highly interesting
coin, seeing that it is struck by the
Khallfah in Mii^r in the year of the
overthrow of Sheybdn ibn Ahmed ibn
Tallin, who was the last representa-
tive of that grand but short-lived
dynasty the Tulunides (PL lY. No.
38).
^\jb4wyj In Sdmaddn. Like the pre-
ceding of 292.
j^-oAJ In Ifi§r, Like the preceding of
292. In addition, however, it has a
large dot beneath the inscription of
both areas.
^jMj^tXi In Bimashk, Like the pre-
ceding of 292.
j'A^ In iftfr. Like the preceding of
292.
aA^ In Kum, Like the preceding of 292.
yiA^J In Misr, Reverse, above the in-
scription in the area, <d) To God ; below
it, <d!b J jd^Jl Al Muktadir hxUah.
iJij\J\i In Ar Rdfika, Obverse, area,
V[ <i ■ \\ i There is no deity
^ ^lU! but God alone.
^ CSj tJ^ H He has no associate.
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNA8TT.
289
Datb.
JV WBOSB
Cabimxt.
300
801
801
301
302
803
306
306
312
312
E. T. E.
E. T. B.
E. T. E.
E. T. E.
C. 8. G.
C. S. G.
E. T. E.
C. S. G.
E. T. E.
Bt whom
Edited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
DxBcaiPTXTX Rkxa&xs.
Eeverse, area.
J>
Ahh 1 'Abbas, son of
the Commander of the
[Faithful.
• To God •
Muhammad
the Apostle
J W of God
^CJU^jomJI A1 Muktadir biUah.
• * •
f^]/^, InHarrdn. Like the preceding,
except that there are no dots on the
reverse. The \ is here introduced in
the ^U hundred, and also in the
preceding dinar. Al Muktadir's son
Abu 1 Abbas afterwards succeeded as
Ar Eadi billah.
hjij In Farah, Like the preceding,
but without any dots.
^jMj^iXj In Dimashk, Like the pre-
ceding, and without any dots.
j,a^ In Misr, Like the preceding of
the same date.
j»a^^ In Misr. Like the preceding.
aLJ\ <iUjX«j In Medinet es Saldm.
r - •
Like the preceding.
j^oAJ In Misr, Like the preceding.
\.if,\,ai In Sanad. <d)b jJoaJI Al
Muktadir hillah (PI. IV. No. 39).
j^oAJ In Misr, Like the preceding dinars
of the same mintage.
<b«X4kj:r^b In Al Muhammadiyeh, Like
290
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Date.
Im whobk
Cabinet.
312
313
314
E. T. B.
Bt whom
Edttsd.
««
C. S. G.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Dbscriptite RniAUU.
316
E. T. B.
Inedited.
the preceding dinSr of Mi^r, but
smaller in size.
^^JL^Jj In Dimashk, like the pre-
ceding dinar of Mi§r.
WX4J In JIfisr, Like the preceding dln&r.
Lcm^j In San ad. Obverse area, first
symbol, the j of the word d^^ ,
ha7ing an ornamental tail. Legend,
ciJuj »JLc> ^j\ In the name of
God this dindr was stmck in Sana&
the year 314. The word <U^ hundred
is suppressed, probably for want of
space. Outside this legend is a fillet,
on which there is no legend. Ee-
verse, area, above, dU To God ; below,
<OJib jJcuJt Al Muktadir btllah.
Legend, J\ JJ ^j^^\ ^ . A fillet
without legend surrounds this, as on
the obverse (PI. IV. No. 40).
J-j J,b In Ardhil, Obverse, area,
There is no deity but God
alone. He has no associate.
Abu 1 'Abbas, son of
the Commander of the Faithful.
BINABS 0? THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT.
291
Datb.
Ik whosb
Cabikbt.
317
322
««
C. S. G.
325
325
E. T. E.
£. T. A*
Bt whom
Editsd.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Dbscriftitb Rbmabkb.
Beverse, area,
Jl
dU
i
.nj
• To God.
Mohammad
the Apostle of God
Al Path, son of Al Afshin,
Freedman of the Commander of the
Faithful (PI. IV. No. 41).
j^^2Aj In Misr, Like the preceding dln&r
of the same mint.
J 1^)11 jyuj In Sak al Ahwd%. After
the name of the place there is a con-
fosed sign like j\ , which may be
simply a repetition of the last two
letters of Suk al Ahw^ from the die
having shifted ; or it may be an im-
perfectly struck preposition ^ in,
which is hardly probable, however,
seeing that the use of the preposition
before the date of the year had been
in disuse ever since the early Omeyade
period. Eeverse, above, ^ To Ood ;
below, <d5b ^\)\ Ar Rddy hillah,
j\^V\ ^y^i In Silk al Ahwd%, Like
the preceding.
JU2A3 In Misr, Like the preceding;
but beneath the area in the obverse is
292
DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT.
Date. I
IV WHOSE
Cabihbt.
328
««
329
E. T. R.
329
E. T. R.
Bt whom
Edited.
Inedited.
loedited.
Inedited.
335 C. S. G.
Inedited.
Dbscrzpttts Sbicabks.
a letter -^ with the diacritical point
in it, prohably the initial of the word
.Xc>- good.
yax«j In Misr, Like the preceding, but
in place of the letter ^ is a plain dot -
and on the reverse at the bottom of
the area is an imperfect »- .
j*^^ In Misr. like the preceding as
to the inscription, and the dot below
the inscription in the area of the
obverse.
j^oAJ In Mtsr. Reverse, above the nsnal
inscription in the area, <0J To God; and
below, dUlj Jt^\ AlMuUakihiOah.
These two dinars, struck in the same
year, representing the last of one
Ehalif and the first of his successor's
reign.
Uimoj In Sanad. Obverse, area, first
symbol, the j and the word cl^^J*
having an ornamental tail. Inner
circular legend, tjJb c^.^ ^\ a«mJ
(jJjj ^2;*^^ (juuk'*^ <!^^^ UimO^^ jJf
In the name of Gt>d this din&r was
struck in Sanaa the year 335 ; the
iU^ omitted. On the marginal fillet,
Icm^ L^jta Struck in Sanlaa. Reverse,
To God.
Muhammad
the Apostle of God.
AlMuUalillah.
■r
All'
BINABS OF THE ABBAS8IDE DTNASTT.
293
Date.
336
338
343
355
In wrosb
Cabimkt.
C. 8. G.
C. 8. G.
C. 8. G.
By whom
EOITKD.
Inedited*
Inedited.
Inedited.
£. T. K.
606
C. 8. G.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Dbscriftitx Rxmauu.
Below this name a star. Inner circular
legend, ^\ jm ^^^ JJ ^^J^'i\ a1! .
On the marginal fillet, ^Ufl\ ^j^\ \a^
By order of the Imam ; or, perhaps it
may be read j^'i\ the Emir, This
and the following dinar are of a new
and hitherto unpublished type. The
lettering is very inferior to that of
all preceding dinars (PL IV. No. 42).
\%\^) In Sanad. With the name of
alllj ^jSc^\ Al Mwtakfi hillah (PI.
IV. No. 43).
Ic^a? In Sanad. With the name of
idlb _ft^cuu^1 Al Mustahfi hillah,
U'lj* In Sanad, With the name of
ai 5--Lil\ A I Mufla liUah (PI. IV.
No. 44).
^^m\a) In Filasfln, This din&r must
have been struck in Palestine (prob-
ably in Eamleh) during a temporary
success of the 'Abbasside Xhalifah
against the Ekhshidites, the last of
whom, Abu '1 Faw&ris, was soon after-
wards betrayed to the Fatemites.
Obverse, area
The Imam. There is no deity but
294
DINARS OP THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Datb.
In whose
Cabimbt.
By wfom
Edited.
608
614
622
£. T. R,
Inedited.
Inedited.
Inedited.
Dbscriftitb Remarks.
God alone. He has no associate. An
M^er ledin iUah, Commander of the
Faithful.
Marginal legend, ^ J-J ^^ j^'i] ^Ji^
:J\ Juu ^j^. Inner circalar legend,
l«U\ JL^XiJjLj jJU JJ5
pdUl
^L« ci
<JU««» In the name of
Gtod this dinar was struck in Medlnet
es Sal&m the year 606.
Reverse, area,
Praise be to God! Muhammad the
Apostle of God. May God be propi-
tious to him !
Marginal legend, second general sym-
bol.
Like the preceding.
Like the preceding.
Like the preceding, but with the name
of dUl^by^yi AzZdherhiamriUah,
who was the 35th Abbasside Xhalifah,
who reigned only for a few months.
(PI. IV. No. 46).
I have no doubt that this list will be of some service to
the Oriental Numismatist who will undertake .to contribute
to the new edition of Marsden the article on the coins of the
Ehalifahs of Bani 'Abb&s, and it is with this hope that I
hasten to submit it to you for publication.
DINARS OP THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
295
Turtliermore, I subjoin a list of the mints which are
proved to have existed under the Khalifahs of Bani XJmaya
or Bani *Abb&3, and a sketch-map, on which most of their
names will be found. This will give an idea of the vastness
of the Muhammadan Empire at that early period.
AraMo Namee.
jr^J
^ ^^ iii'i'i'**^ '
U^J^^
J-r7
Jri'Jj^
..o,!»
No.
1
2
8
Abrashahr
Akhsiketh
Azrabeijan
ArraD
Arrajan
Ardbll
Ardeshlr
Ehurra
Al Ardun
No. in
T.»8
List.
1
2
6
7
No. in
Soret'B
List.
1
16
49
23
25
24
Extracts from
Marasid el *IttiU'a.
Said to be the place also
called Nisapiir.
A city in Ma wara n Nahr,
the capital of Fargha-
nah, on the banks of the
river of Ash Shash.
A province boanded on
the east by Barda*ah,
and on the west by Ar-
zanj an, and on the north
by the country of the
Deilam and At X^nn.
Its chief towns are
Tabriz, formerly called
Al Maraghah, Khoey,
Salmas, Urmiyah, and
Ardbil.
An extensive province
separated from Azra-
beijan by the river Aj
Bass. Amongst its
chief towns are Kanzah
or Janzah, Barza'ab,
and Shamkiir.
Vulgarly called Arra-
ghan. A town in Fars,
one day's journey from
the sea.
One of the chief towns
of Azrabeij&n.
One of the finest towns
in Fars.
A district in Syria, in-
cluding the Ghor Taba-
ziyeh, Siir and ' Akkah.
296
DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTKASTT.
Arabic Names.
No.
1
No. in
T.'B
List.
No. in
Soret's
List.
31
Extracts fh>m
Marusid el 'IttUa'a.
— — ^
9
Armlniyah
8
A large province in the
north. The smaller is
— *
Teflis, the larger Khlat.
10
Urmlyah
9
30
A town in Azrabeijan.
1
11
Ispahan
10
46
The name of a province,
and also of its capitAl,
which was first called
Jey.
J^\
12
Istakhr
11
45
The largest town of Fars.
^J>\
13
Ifdklyeh
12
52
A vast kingdom south of
the island of Sicily;
the westernmost part
being south of the is-
land of Al Andalus.
^\
14
Amad
13
64
[Diar Bekr, Soret
J^\ Aii«*^
16
Medinet
Amol
65
[Tabaristan, SareL'
»^J^\
16
Anderabah
14
^69
A village 2 parasangs
from Marw.
(^jjji
17
Al Andalus
15
71
A large and important
island) on the south of
which is the strait be-
tween the ocean and
the sea of Bum, the
width of which is about
12 miles.
^ikii
18
Antakieh
•
16
73
The capital of Ath Tha-
ghur ash Shamtyeh.
jyji
19
Al Ahwaz
17
77
First called Al A^waz,
but softened by the
Persians to its present
pronunciation, as they
cannot pronounce the
letter-.. Said to be the
same as EhuzistHn.
20
;Rli&
18
87
A name of Jerusalem.
21
AlB&b
19
89
Distant from Manbaj
about 2 miles, and from
Ualab about 10 miles.
DINARS OF THE'ABBASSIDE DTNASTY.
297
Atmbie Names.
No.
22
b^
•
23
24
u*^*V
25
A£J^
26
t •
27
28
^ ^Jl^
29
u..n ^
30
•
31
.rf^^
32
Ji-m jU^j
33
cMr^"=-^
34
j^^^y^^^
35
36
37
uw^
38
Bukhara
Beda'ah
Badlis
Bazghis
Barzalah
Al Basrah
Ba*albak
Balkh (Me-
dlnet)
Balkh al
Beida
•
Balad
AlBanjehtr
Bihkubaz al
Asfal
Beit Jebrln
Tuster min
al Ahwaz
Teflis
At Teimrah
Jarj^Q
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
No. in
Sorefs
List.
31
32
33
34
35
102
104
105
{bis)
106
107
116
118
120
121
122
130
Extracts from
Marasid el 'Ittila'a.
151
154
158
166
The finest city of Ma
wara n Nahr. It is 7
days from Samarkand.
A town in Arminiyah,
Khlat.
[Circonscription d'Herat,
Soret.']
A town in Azrabeijan.
Said to be Airan.
In al 'Irak.
•
A city 3 days' journey
from Dimashk.
A celebrated city in
Khoras^D.
An ancient city above
Maw^il.
A town near Balkh ; it
has a silver mine.
One of 3 towns on the
Euphrates called re-
spectivelv Bihkubaz al
a'ala, Bihkiibaz al
Awsat, and Bihkubaz
al Asfal.
A town between Jeru-
salem and Ghazzah.
The capital of Jurzan.
One of two villages in
Ispahan, called respec-
tively . . . al Kubra
and ... as Sughra.
A celebrated city between
Tabaristan and Xhora-
san.
DINAE3 OF THE ABBA8SIDE DTKABTT.
Anblo Nmoet.
...
ir
SOITfl
VjJ'
39
A] Jezirah
36
168
40
41
Jundey 8 a-
pur
Jey
37
38
177
181
In Ebuzistan, also called
Jundcishalip&r.
The city of Ispahan.
^
42
Hajar
39
183
ThecityofAlYamfimeh.
[Capital of Yemen,
43
44
Harran
Al Hnsn or
olkhushn
40
184
An Bucientcity.one day's
journey from Eaha.
, u
45
Halab
41
190
A celebrated city in
Northera Syria.
t/>»^
46
Ham?
42
193
Acelebratedcity between
Dimashk and Halab.
^y^
J^j
47
48
Khflnt
Debil
43
44
211
219
A email town in Asra-
beijan.
In Arm inly eh.
jyfii,''
49
Darabjard
45
219
Capital of Nisapur, in
the desert.
iji-jj
50
Bestiiwa.
46
222
A town in Kara, eaid to
be Al Ahwaz.
JLi^J
SI
Dimashk
47
225 ' Tho cnpital of Syria.
^1^1,
52
Baa al 'Ain
48
235
The name of a town be-
tween Harran and
Nasibein. ' Formerly
called Rae ain al
Khapur, but cow ab-
breviated into R^ al
'A!n. The river flowa
into tho Euphrates at
KarklBia above Ar
Rahbah.
iiiljll
53
Ar K4fikah
49
237
AtownnearArEakkah.
^yrli
64
Ramhonnuz
50
238
In Ebuzistan.
Vjll
65
Ar Eabbah
51
240
There are aeveral places
of thia name.
1"
56
At Eukkah
52
243
DINARS OF THE ABBASSIDE DTNASTT.
299
AnUoMune*.
No.
j^/*-^^^
or-
^^J^J^
J^^^wmo
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
Ar Eamleh
Ar Eaha
Ar Rey
Zerenj
Sapiir
Sejistan
Sarakhs
Sarrak
Sir man raa
Sirmin
Sir wan
Salami y eh
Samarkand
No. in
T.»8
List.
70
71
72
As Sub
Suk al Ah-
waz
SukMurrah
53
No. in
Soret'a
List.
54
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
246
248
250
252
259
268
273
{his)
274
277
278
279
Extracts fh)m
Marasid el *Ittila'a.
65
66
67
68
288
297
298
299
mined, Ar Mfikah be-
came the capital in its
stead.
Formerly the capital of
Filastin, eighteen miles
from Jerusalem.
A city in Al Jezirah above
Harraa.
•
The chief town of Jebal,
'Ir&k Ajamy.
The capital of Sejist&n.
A town 25 parasangs
from Shiraz.
A province whose capital
is Zerenj.
An ancient city of Khor-
asan, between Nisapiir
and Marw.
One of the villages of
Al Ahwaz.
Founded by al Musta'a-
sem, between Baghdad
and Takrlt.
A celebrated village near
Halab.
A small town in Sejistan.
A village in the desert,
2 days* journey from
Hamah.
•
A celebrated city said to
have been built by
Alexander the Great.
The capital of Saghd.
South of the valley of
§aghd.
A town in Khuzistan.
[Khuzistan, Soret.']
[Khuzistan, Soref]
300
DINARS OP THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Arabic Names.
^.s^
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
Seiraf
Ash Shash
Shlraz
San*aa
•
Sur
Tabaristan
Tabarlyah
Tan j ah
JUl
81
82
J^J^^
83
JJlmSI
84
85
iL
86
J^
87
'>
88
(j^jM
89
AVaai
Al 'Abbasl-
yah
Al Irdk
Usfan
'Askar Mu-
kram
*Akkah
'Amm^n
Ghazzah
No. in No. in
T.'a Sorefs
List.
Fare
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
List.
300
305
319
324
325
329
330
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
337
340
342
Extracts fh>m
Marasid el 'Ittila'i
345
(6m)
344
347
350
355
[Farsistan, Saret.']
A city near Ar Rey,
The capital of Fars.
The capital of Yemen.
A celebrated ancient city
on the coast of Syria,
projecting into the sea.
Also called Mazanderan.
One of the cities of the
Jordan, built on the
border of a lake of the
same name, 3 days from
Dimashl;:.
On the shore of the sea
of Al Maghreb, one
day's journey from
Cebta (Ceuta).
Near al Kufah.
An extensive province
between al Maw^il and
'Abbadan.
Near Mekkah.
An important town in
Xhuzist&n.
A fortified town on the
coast of Syria.
A town on the confines
of Syria, towards Mi^r.
Two parasangs from
'Askalan.
An extensive province,
bounded by Al 'Iralj: at
AiTajan; Eerm^n at
S^irajan; the Indian
DINAES OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
301
Arabic Names.
Zj\jii\
Li
^ y
Jtji
U^9
J^J
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
90 AlFurat
Farah
Fasa
Al Fustat
Filastln
No. in I No. in
T.*8 Sorct'a
list. List.
Fil
102
AlKudsiyah
Kafr es Sa-
' lam
Kum
Kinnisrin
Karklsiah
Eumis
Eermdn
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
365
370
371
373
Extracts from
Marasid el 'Ittila'a.
376
392
395
397
400
419
Ocean at Seiraf; and
Sind at Mikran. Its
chief towns are I^^akhr,
Ardeshir Khurra, Dar-
S^bjard, and Sap^.
Name given to many
villages irrigated by
the river Euphrates.
A city of Sejistan.
A beautiful city in Fars,
4 days* journey from
Shkaz, and 8 parasangs
from Kazarun.
Near al Kahirah.
[Palestine.] The south-
ern district of Syria,
nearest to Mi^r. Its
capital is Jerusalem.
An ancient city in Kha-
warizm ; first called
Fil, afterwards Man^u-
rah, and now called
Karkanj.
Built by Harun ar Eashld
near ar Bakka.
A city one day's journey
from Halab.
A city at the mouth of
the river Khapiir. It
is partly on the Eu-
phrates, and partly on
the Khapur.
A district in Tabaristan.
Its capital is Damghan,
between Ar Hey and
Nisapur.
A district between Fars,
Makran, Sejistan and
r
302
DINABS OF THE ABBASSIDE DYNASTY.
Arabic Names.
J!
ifO^ '^
M
103
104
105
106
107
Kankawar
Al Kufah
Ludd
Maridin
No.in
No. in
T.'B
Soret'8
T.iRt.
List.
97
91
440
Extracts from
Marasid el 'IttUa'a.
99
100
Mahal Bas-
rah
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
Wk\ al Kvi-
fah
Mahy
Al Mubra-
kah (for
Al Mubari-
kah)
Al Muta-
wakkeli'
yeh
AlMubam-
madl^^eb
Medlnet es
Salam
Med) net es
Scteilim
(for Med.
etTeslim)
Al Mazar
101
102
103
104
105
448
454
458
459
460
Kboras^n, celebrated
for its tin mines.
The celebrated city in Al
'Irak.
A city in Filasfin, near
Jerusalem.
A fortified city in Al
Jezirahy looking to-
wards Dara and Na^t-
bein.
A name applied to Naha-
vend (as well as to
Hamazan and Xum),
because they were con-
quered by the people
of Al Basrah.
Ad Denawar, so called
because conquered by
the people of Al KMiah.
One of two villages near
MarWy together called
Al Mahiau.
461
463
106
465
108
474
107
472
109
471
(6m)
A town of Khaw&rizm.
]N'ear Samarra.
InArKey. [auparavant
Roy, 8<yret,'\
Old name of Baghdad.
In Meisan, between
Wasi^ and Basrah.
DINARS OF THE ABBA88IDB DYNASTY.
Nd Id
No. in
EilrocUIrom
AnblE Huaei.
No.
T.'.
LUL
Mnnuid El 'litJIi'a.
}J^
116
Marw
110
480
The capital of KhoraBaa.
J-*'
117
Mi?r
111
487
The namo of Egypt and
of its capital.
U-^.O^ 118
Bajlnea
112
493
Nenr Khlat in Armlnl-
yah.
yiLlll ^A«^ 119
Uaadanash 113
494
Shish !
atj-^b^
120
Sla'atatMi^-
lU
Five paraaacga from
Halab.
>L.
121
Mandzir
115 499
In Khuzistan.
.jy^\
122
Al Man^a-
116 .105
rah
J-j^'
123
Al Hawaii
117
fill
One of the largest cities
in the Uuhummadan
Empire. It is the gate
ofAl'Irakandthekey
1
of Khorasiin. 1 have
;
often heard it said that
there are three cele-
brated cities, namely
Nisapur, because it is
the gate of the East ;
Diraaahlf , because it is
the gate of the West ;
andAlUuw^il, because
aperaon going to either
of Ihem must pass
through it. It ib 74
parasanga from Bagh-
dad.
J^\
124
Al Mahdl-
vah
lie
501
[Eraque Arabique, Sorat]
uW<
12s'MeisSn
119
514
A populous district be-
tween 'Witsi^ and Al
Basrah.
lirr^r^
126
Na^lbem
120
520
Also called Nasibiin. In
Jezirah, on the caravan
mad between Al Maw-
?il and Dimash^.
^^.i
127
Nahawand
121
•-O^^rV
138
Nahr lira
122
527
Near Al Ahwaz.
304
DINABS OF THB ABBAS8IDE DTNASTT.
Arabic Names.
No.
129
No. in
T.»8
List
123
No. in
Soret's
List
528
Eztraets firooi
Marasid el 'IttiU>a.
jy\^
Neisapiir
Thirty parasangs from
Marw.
LmS)^
130
Wasit
124
537
Falf-way between Al
Basrah and Al K^ah.
<u«J;»ly!l
131
Al nashe-
miyah
125
529
A town near Al Kii&h.
i\yb
132
Herat
126
530
One of the oldest towns
of Khorasan.
jU^^^U
133
Harunabad
127
531
Cj^J^\
134
Al Haruni-
yah
128
532
A small town near Mar-
a'ash, in the Syrian pass
of Mount al Lokkam,
(♦ISUI J^, founded
by Hariin ar Bashld.
^\*yAJb
135
Hamadan
129
533
A city with 120 villages.
••
136
Al Yama-
meh
130
550
[Pour Hadjr Yemen,
SoreL']
CORRECTIONS.
Page 281, on coin dated 236, read ^\j ^j^j*^^ instead of ^^j . . .
„ 296, No. 20 (Soret 89), dele the statement 'Distant from,' etc.,
and read^ A town on the banks of the Caspian Sea, also
called Darband.'
„ 297, No. 33, read jLS^ instead o/jLa^.
305
Art. XIV. — The Northern Frontagers of China. Part II. —
The Origines of the Manchus. By H. H. Howorth.
For the name Manchu several etymologies have been pro-
posed. Klaproth says that the Chinese characters represent-
ing it mean a well-peopled island, and that it is probably of
Chinese origin ; the Tatar hordes in early times liking to
adopt Chinese soubriquets. The Thibetans transcribe the
name Mandjhau, and some have thought it to be of Thibetan
origin. Remusat has devoted several pages of his magnum
opus to a discussion of the subject, but without arriving at
any satisfactory conclusion.^ Palladius tells us that the
name Mantszuin, t,e. Chinese soldiers, was applied to a large
number of Chinese emigrants settled by Khubilai Ehan on the
borders of Corea to resist a threatened attack from Japan.
It may be that it was from these emigraYits that the name was
first derived.^ It may be, again, that the name is connected
with the Corean deity Manchusri, who lived, says Palladius,
according to the Corean Buddhists, in the Changpo Shan
mountains, i.e. in the cradle-land of the Manchus, vide infrd?
This last appears to me to be the most reasonable etymology.
In regard to the pedigree of the race, all the authorities
seem agreed in one thing, namely, in deriving them from the
Juchi, i.e, the Tungusic tribes which gave a dynasty to
China known as the Kin or Golden. The Mongol account
in Ssanang Setzen calls the founder of the Manchu empire
an ofishoot of the family of ancient Manchu Altan Khans
{i.e, the Kin Emperors).* Altan in Mongol, and Kin in
* See Recherches stir les Langues Tartares, 14 et sequitur.
^ See Paliadius's Expedition through Manchuria, Journal Geographical
Society, vol. xlii. p. 154.
3 Palladius, op. eiL p. 164.
* Seanang Setzen, p. 285.
306 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OP CHINA.
Chinese, both mean Golden.^ The Chinese annals trans-
lated by De Mailla make them descend from the Juchi of
Nankoan, one of the three divisions into which they separate
the Juchi ; while the tradition of the Manchus themselves
is that they were sprung from the Wild Juchi.* These
accounts are amply confirmed by the linguistic evidence col-
lected by my friend Mr. Wylie and others, and to which I
shall refer at greater length in a future paper.
We are now in a position to examine the Manchu tra-
dition about their origin. Like other similar traditions, this
commences in the realm of fable. The cradle-land of the
race is the great knot of mountains which forms the northern
buttress of Corea, and which consists of two closely-connected
ranges, the Changpo Shan or Great White Mountains, and
the Jwuliui range. The Archimandrite Palladius says of the
former : " The sacred importance of the White Mountains
has been recognized in the Far East for ages. They are first
heard of under the name of Bukhian Shan, a name not of
Chinese origin, but reminding one of the Mongol Burkhan,
as the Kentei Mountains in Mongolia were called in ancient
times." ^ Burkhan is in fact the Mongol for God's Moun-
tain or the Sacred Mountain, and may be further compared
with the Sacred Mountain of the Kalmuks, the Bogdo-ula.
Bukhian Shan is also the same name as the Bukuri of
Klaproth, a mountain whose name, he says, he failed to find
in this part of Manchuria, and referred, quite unnecessarily,
to the district of the Amur. The Emperor Kien-lung, in his
Eulogium on the city of Mukden (translated with notes by
Klaproth), says: "Our dynasty of Tai Thsing had its origin
in remote times in the Great White Mountains. There is
Lake Tamun (? Great Lake), whose circumference is eighty /i,
whence flow the Yalu (the great river flowing into the
Yellow Sea), the Khong tung (the Sungari), and the Aikhon
(i.e. the Hurka)." This is apparently a mistake of the
1 Schmidt's note, ibid. p. 421.
2 Plath's Mandschurey, p. 228.
3 Expedition through Manchuria, Journal Royal Geographical Society,
Yol. xlii. p. 163.
PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 307
Imperial geographer's, for we know no lake the source of
these rivers.
The Tung-hua-loa, a MS. history of the Manchu dynasty,
describes the cradle of the dynasty as the Mount Bukhuri
(i.e. the Sacred Mountain), east of the Great White Mountain,
at the foot of which is the lake Bukhuri (i.e. the Sacred
Lake). This lake we may identify with great probability
with the great Manchurian lake of Hinka, which does lie
just to the east of the main range of the Great White
Mountain. At all events, we may fix upon the mountains
inclosing and forming the watershed to the river Hurka as
the district whence the Manchu dynasty sprang. The story
of the origin, as told in the Tung-hua-loa, may be compared
with the Lamaist traditions about the origin of the Mongol
Imperial family, etc. It runs thus: "According to an old
tradition, there formerly lived near the Lake Bukhuri three
supernatural virgins, the eldest called Tzu-gurun, the second
Jing-gurun, and the third Foe-gurun. One day they were
bathing in the lake, when a sacred magpie let fall on the
robe of the youngest a red fruit which it had in its beak.
The virgin ate it, and became pregnant. She gave birth to a
son, who could speak from his birth, and whose stature and
appearance were remarkable. The eldest sister was asked
what name should be given to the child. * Heaven has
given him thee to re-establish peace among us; call him,
therefore, Aishin-Giyoro. We give thee the surname Buk-
huri Yongchon.' When his mother had entered the icy cave
of the dead, the son got into a little boat, and followed the
course of the river (i.e. of the Hurka). He at length Ijuided,
and sat among the reeds. The canton where he landed was
occupied by three families, whose chiefs lived in discord with
one another. There he was found by those who went to
fetch water. They could not help admiring him, and went
to tell their friends, who came and asked his name. * I was
bom,' he said, *of the celestial virgin Foe-gurun. Heaven
meant me to terminate your quarrels.** They thereupon
chose him as their chief, and he lived east of the Great
White Mountain, in the town of Odoli, situated on the
308 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
plain Omokho. His kingdom bore the honorary name of
Manchu."
The evidence of Aishin-Giyoro's existence was strong
enough to convince the sceptical Abel Bemusat ; and if he
was an historical personage, he probably lived in the second
quarter of the fourteenth century, when the authority of the
Mongol dynasty had reached a low ebb. In the Eulogiura of
Mukden, the Emperor Kien-lung, his descendant, tells us that
his family name was Giyoro, and that his honorary title was
Aishin, i.e. Golden, upon which title we have already en-
larged. In regard to the three families, there can be little
doubt that by them we are to understand the Han Hala {i.e.
three families), who are clearly pointed out as the kernel of
the Manchus. Han Hala, translated into Chinese, becomes
San Sing, which, as is well known, is an important town at
the outfall of the Hurka into the Sungari, where the Han
Hala still have their seats. The three families are no doubt
to be also identified with the three divisions of the Ussunu
Jurtshid of the Mongol narrative (Ssanang Setzen, p. 285).
Ussunu means those living on the water, and answers to the
Su in the Su Mongol of Dupiano Carpini (Schmidt, note to
Ssanang Setzen, p. 421).
The site of Odoli is fixed by the Chinese geographers on the
banks of the La fuchen pira, 43° 35' N. lat., and 128° E. long.,
that is, on one of the feeders of the Hurka. Its position is
marked in the map of Manchuria attached to Williamson's
Travels in North China, and the town itself is described in
Du Halde's narrative. These facts are conclusive that, in the
opinion of the Manchus themselves, the valley of the Hurka
is their mother-land. According to the Chinese accounts,
the Manchus are to be identified with the Juchi of Nankoan ;
and although it is somewhat dangerous to deal in etymologies
for those who are not skilled in a language, I would suggest
the identification of the Nankoan of the Chinese accounts
with Ninguta, the chief town on the Hurka. So that the
Juchi of Nankoan mean simply the Juchi of Ninguta.
Contrasted with the Juchi of Nankoan, we have in the
Chinese accounts the Juchi of Pekoan. These Juchi of
PART II. THE 0KIGINE8 OP THE MANCHUS. 309
Pekoan, again, we may, from several considerations, identify
with the four tribes, Khada or Hata, TTla or Wala, Yekhe
or Yehe, and Khuifa or Knifa, which are found in the
Manchu accounts in constant feud with the Manchus proper,
just as the Juchi of Pekoan are with those of Nankoan, in
the Chinese narrative, and which were comprised in one
kingdom known as that of Khulun.^ This is doubtless the
kingdom known to the Mongols as that of the Engke Tsaghan
Jurtshid.^ The situation of these tribes is not hard to dis-
cover.
The Ye-he tribe, according to Mr. Meadows, occupied the
angle of Manchuria proper, which has Liau East on its south,
and Eastern Mongolia on its west.' There is still a ruined
fortress here thus mentioned by Palladius: ''Passing the for-
tress of Eh-heh Khotan, the former residence of a prince
(beh leh) of a Manchu tribe called Eh heh {i.e. Ye-he with a
different orthography), the road approaches the station of
Eh-heh (I heh). The sides of the fortress measure fifty to
seventy fathoms in length, and are two fathoms high; its
shape is that of a parallelogram with rounded comers. This
fortress was evidently not the work of Chinese hands."* He
marks it on his map about 43° 5' N. lat., and 124° 40' E.
long., and it is doubtless the Ye-hoh-djan of Williamson's
map.
The Khada or Hata lived in the neighbourhood of the
fortress still marked in the maps, both of Williamson and
Palladius, as Hata. It is within the ancient row of pali-
sades. The latter author says, '* The upper course of this stream
{i,e. the Tsing ho, a tributary of the Liau ho) flows past the
fortress of Hata, once inhabited by a people of that name"
(op. cit. 159). This fortress was close to the Ming frontier
fort of Ki-Yuan-hien.
The Ula or Wala are mentioned by the same author (op.
cit. 158) in the following passage. " The station of Eh lu or
Ilu, situated between two branches of the range {i.e, a range
1 See Elaproth*8 note on the Eulogiam on Mukden.
' Ssanang Setzcn, p. 285.
3 Williamson, op. cit. toI. i. p. 86.
* Palladius, op. eit. p. 150.
310 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
north of Hama ling), is said to occupy the site of an ancient
town, Eh-lu-hien, called after some ancient inhabitants of
Manchuria the Eh lu (Yih-low)."
The Khuifa were no doubt the inhabitants of the town of
Khuifa, on the river Khuifa, an important feeder of the
Sungari. These four tribes, who are often mentioned in the
chronicles, and who, I believe, were certainly the Juchi of
Pekoan, occupied the south-western portion of Manchuria,
and lay between the Manchus proper of Ninguta and the
Chinese frontier. I believe them to descend very directly
from the Juchi tribes who founded the Kin Empire in
China. How far their authority extended northwards I
do not know, but probably a good deal north of Girin.
Besides the Juchi of Nankoan and of Pekoan, a third
kind of Juchi were known to the Chinese, namely, the Wild
Juchi.
The Wild Juchi were chiefly so called because they were
entirely independent of the Chinese, paying them no tribute,
neither did they molest their frontiers, but traded peaceably
with them at a mart situated near Kai-Yuen. The Chinese
called their land Kien tcheou.^ They were doubtless the
Juchi of the Middle and Lower Sungari, who were known
to Khabarof and his Cossacks as Ducheri.^
Having mapped out the diBtribution of the several sections
of the Juchi, we may now resume the consideration of the
origin of the Manchu nation. Of Aishin-Giyoro we are told
little more than that he was sumamed Gorokingamafa, in
Chinese Yuan tsu, that is, most remote ancestor. After
some generations, the Manchus rebelled against his family,
and exterminated it, with the exception of a young man
named Fan cha kin, who fled to a desert canton. They
pursued him, but a magpie settling on his head, they mistook
him for the decayed branch of a tree.' For this reason the
magpie is highly reverenced among the Manchus, and a
feast takes place every year at the spot where Fan cha kin
> Plath*8 Mandschurci, p. 228.
* See Ravenstein's Amur, p. 19.
3 The Tang-hua-loa, translated by Klaproth, vide ante.
PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 311
was saved. All this is, of course, pure legend, and its chief
value is in fixing the traditional homeland of the race. We
now get on firmer ground. After some generations, we are
told, lived Chau tsu, who is clearly an historical personage,
and has a distinct place in the Imperial genealogy.
Before criticizing this portion of the story, I would remark
on the difficulty, if not impossibility, of entirely reconciling
the account of the Origines of the Manchu dynasty, as col-
lected from native tradition, with that contained in De
Mailla's narrative. The latter seems to me to be at fault in
certain places, and makes one wish that the second volume of
Delamarre 8 translation of the Ming Annals, dealing with
this period, were published. The first mention of the Juchi
or Nutch^ of Nankoan in De Mailla is in volume x. p. 342,
where he says, that in the fourth year of Suenti the Nutch^
of Nankoan quarrelled with the Wild Nutch^, and robbed
them of a portion of their territory. Suenti reigned from
1426 to 1437. So that this happened in 1430 ; and it may
be that it is with this increase of territory that the Manchus
considered their nation to have been constituted, while its
author was placed at the head of their list of Wangtis or
Emperors. If so, the author of this increase was Chau tsu.
His name in full was Ghau tsu Yuen Wangti, ue. the
Emperor who was first of the race, and in Manchu Deribuhka
mafa da Wangti, i.e. the founding forefather, the primitive
exalted Emperor. According to the Manchu account, he sub-
jected the country for 1500 li, i.e. 150 leagues, west of Odoli,
and annexed Khulan Khada and Khetu Ala. Khulan Khada
is doubtless the Hata above mentioned ; while Khetu Ala,
the Hih-too-a-la of Mr. Meadows and others, is " the present
city of Hing king or Yenden, situated on a small eastern
feeder of the Liau at about ninety miles to the east of
Mukden."^ It is with Mukden held sacred, from containing
some of the Imperial sepulchres.
To him succeeded his son, the so-called fifth ancestor, who
was called Sing-tsu-tch^-wangti, or the Emperor who has in-
^ Meadows, in Williamson's Journeys in North China, vol. ii. p. 84.
312 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
creased the race, in Manchu Yendem bukha mafa tonto wangti,
the noble and august emperor. He had six sons, each of whom
had a separate heritage. Dechiku lived at Guirtcha, Liuchen
at Akha-kholo, Sotshangga at Kholo gashan, Su tsu at Khetu
Ala, Bulanga at Nimala, and Busai at Dchanggia. These
six brothers were called the six chiefs (Ningudai Beile).
They brought their realm to great prosperity, and surrounded
their territory with a palisade.^ This inclosure is said to
have given its name to the great town of Ninguta, on the
Hurka. Of these brothers, the suzerain who ruled at the
metropolis, Khetu Ala, was Su tsu ; beside that town, he had
five others, the nearest one being five, and the furthest twenty
li from Khetu Ala.^ He was the so-called fourth ancestor.
His name in the register was Hing tsu-y-Wangti, i.e. the
Emperor who has made the race to shine, in Manchu Mukdem
bukh^ mafa gosingga wangti, the distinguished ancestor,
gracious and august emperor. I believe it is to his reign
that we must assign the statement in De Mailla's narrative
that the conquest of so much territory [vide anU) so inflated
the Juchi of Nankoan, that in the reign of Ou tsong (1606-
1522) they refused to pay tribute.
Hing tsu had five sons, Lidun baturu, Ergonen, (Harkan,
Hian tsu, and Talkha Bianggu.^ Of these, the fourth became
Emperor under the name of Hian tsu siuan-wang-ti, or the
Emperor who has made the race known, in Manchu He tu
lekhe mafa khafum bukha wangti, i.e. the illustrious ancestor,
the august and extensive Emperor. He was, I believe, the
Wangti of De Mailla's account. This says that in the reign
of Chi tsong (1522 to 1567), Wangti, the chief of the Juchi
of Nankoan, determined to again send tribute to the Chinese
court. He who bore it returned home with a rich girdle of
gold and many other costly presents for his master. This
gained the Wangti great distinction among the Juchi, who
began to fear him. Some time after, his uncle, Wang Tchong
(Wang = a Chinese title), presuming on the power of his
^ Plath's Mandscliurey, pp. 231-32.
^ Elaproth's M^moires reiatifs & I'Asie, vol. i. p. 445.
^ Klaproth, op. eiU
PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 313
nephew, killed in a dispute Gh^aukonk^, one of the principal
officers of Nanghia and Ghinkia, the chiefs of Pekoan. To
revenge his death, this horde intercepted the tribute which
the Wangti was sending to the court, and also captured
thirteen of his strongholds, leaving him only five.^ This
was, doubtless,' a disastrous war, and its consequences are,
dolibtless, referred to in another passage in De Mailla, in
which he is describing a conference held between the rival
Juchi of Nankoan and Pekoan at the instance of the
Chinese commander, Li tching l^ang, and where he says
that formerly the land of the Juchi was divided into 999
districts, of which 700 belonged to those of Nankoan and
their leader Wangti, and 299 to those of Pekoan; but that
the latter, by right of conquest, had then obtained the greater
part of these districts.^
Hian tsu had two wives. One was a daughter of Agan
dondon, who bore the title of Siuan "Wang heou ; the other
was of the family of Khitara. By the former he had three
sons, of whom the eldest became the Emperor Thai-tsu.'
When the latter was only ten years old, he lost his mother ;
but the father's second wife took charge of him. On turning
to De Mailla's account, we find him stating that Wangti
had four sons, Hurhan, Sanmatu, Kankulu, and Monkupolo,
of whom the second died young, leaving therefore, three of
these brothers. I may say that Hurhan seems to me to be the
Chinese form of Gurkhan, ue. Great Khan, a title in con-
stant use among the Mongols, and very applicable to Thai-tsu,
the great hero of the Manchus, who is not mentioned eo
nomine by De Mailla ; and I have no hesitation in identify-
ing him as the same person. Kankulu is assuredly the same
person mentioned in Mr, Wylie's authority, and also by Mr.
Meadows, as Ne-kan-waelan. The names are in fact the
same, the former being only slightly disguised by a Chinese
orthography ; and Mr. Wylie expressly says he was of the
Imperial family. De Mailla goes on to say that the quarrel
between the Juchi of Pekoan and those of Nankoan, already
> Klaproth, op, eit, ' De Mailla, op, eit. p. 342. ' ibid, pp. 3i5-46.
314 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
mentione4^ arose out of differences between Hurhan and his
brother Kankulu, who lived so much at strife with one
another that the latter took refuge with Chinkia {ue. the
chief of Pekoan), and invited him to make war on his own
father. Mr. Wylie's narrative, in describing this, says, that
he was threatened by the machinations of one of his own
family named Ne-kan-waelan, who, with the connivance
of the Ming soldiers, attacked the Manchu city of Koo lih.
This city, he says, was governed by one Atae, who had
married a granddaughter of Kingtsoo, i.e. a cousin of Thai-
tsu. De Mailla calls him Hatai, and says that Hurhan, i.e.
Thai-tsu, who was of a turbulent disposition, had killed Wang
Siuen, the father of Hatai.^ Hurhan and his father seem to
have gone to the fortress to rescue their female relative, but
Atae or Hatai refused to let her go. De Mailla says that
Hatai, having collected a party, made Wangti and Hurhan
prisoners, and sent the former to the Juchi of Pekoan. Mr.
Wylie, on the other hand, says that the besiegers decoyed
the garrison into a surrender, when all the inhabitants were
massacred, including, he says. King tsu and H^e tsoo, the
grandfather and father of Thai-tsu. I believe this is a mis-
take ; it is hardly probable that, when Thai-tsu was already
twenty-three, three generations of the family would be
found attacking a town together. The account in De Mailla
is much more reasonable, and the other seems accommodated
to the fact that Tai tsang complains of the massacre of two
of his relatives in his lett-er to the Ming Emperor, but he
does not say his grandfather and great-grandfather. After
surrendering Wangti, Hatai is said to have fled to the
mountain Tieling of Ku chang. A town or fortress, Tieling,
is marked on Mr. Williamson's map, about forty miles north
of Mukden.
The Chinese not only disclaimed all part in the business,
but, according to De Mailla, their commander in Liau tung,
named Li tching l^ang, went to the assistance of Wangti,
attacked the Juchi of Pekoan, of whom he killed 1030
^ De Mailla, toI. x. p. 342.
PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 315
men, and captured their copper seal. Wangti having died of
grief in captivity, the Emperor sent some mandarins with
orders to perform the funeral rites over him with especial
solemnity.^ Hatai waa now in a difficulty. He would not join
the Juchi of Pekoan, the enemies of his race, nor, after
what had happened, did he like to return home ; 6uid he deter-
mined to form an independent power. With the assistance of
his friends and several thousand braves, he set out to attack the
Chinese town of Chin yang, i.e. Mukden. When news arrived
that he had set out from the Yunho river, Li tching l^ang,
the Chinese commander, went to meet him at several hundred
It from the frontier, and having met him at Ku la tchai, he
defeated and killed him (? killed). Another division of his
army was no less unfortunate, and was scattered. In the
two actions the Tatars lost 3222 men.*
The victory is said to have caused as much rejoicing at
the Imperial Court as the subsequent ruin of the Juchi of
Pekoan. Leagued with Pe-nu-tchi, chief of a horde of Wangti
which had quitted the service of Nankoan and deserted, they
marched at the head of 10,000 horsemen to attack Monku-
polo and Hurhan, Le. Thai-tsu, and his brother. Li tching
l^ang (the Chinese governor of Liau tung) went to aid the
brothers, fell on the Pekoan, who fought bravely, but, over-
whelmed by numbers, they were beaten. Nangkia and Chin-
kia, i.e. the chiefs of Pekoan, Harhan, son of the former,
Niesunpo, son of the latter, and Pe-nu-tchi, remained on the
battle-field. This crushing defeat, no doubt, made easy the
path for Thai-tsu, when he shortly after conquered Manchuria.
We must now turn to the particular history of the latter.
His proper name was Novurh-ho-chih. In the Imperial
register he is entitled Tai tsu kao Wangti, i.e. the great
ancestor, the very exalted Emperor, in Manchu Taidsu
dergi Wangtai, i.e. great ancestor, sublime, august Emperor.
He is described by Manchu flatterers as born in 1559, as
having the face of a dragon, the eye of a phoenix, with
large ears and hands, and a loud bell-like voice.
1 De Mailla, p. 343. ^ ibid. toI. x. p. 348.
316 THE NOETHEEN FEONTAGERS OF CHINA.
On the murder of his father, he was twenty-four years
old. The tribes to whose government he succeeded are
thus enumerated by Klaproth. The Aimans of the rivers
Suksukhu, Sargu, Giamukha, Jan ; those of the rivers
Wangghia, Elmin, Jakumu, Sakda, Suan ; those of the
rivers Donggo, Yarkhu, Andarki ; the tribes Wedzi, Warka,
and Khurkha, all three on the eastern sea ; lastly, the Fiu
and Sakhalcha. These names are those of the rivers of
Northern and Eastern Manchuria, and among them are in-
cluded, no doubt, the Manguns, Goldi, Oronchi, etc., i.e. the
Tungusic tribes of th^ Amur and its tributaries. The two
last are, doubtless, the Giliaks at the mouth of the Amur and
the Ainos of Saghalien.
These tribes were known as Fe Manchus, i.e. ancient
Manchus, to distinguish them from the tribes subsequently
conquered. I have already described how the Juchi of
Nankoan had suffered severely in loss of territory, etc., in a
war with the Juchi of Pekoan in the reign of Thai-tsu's
father. The first occurrence that we meet with in the Chinese
annals after the murder of Wangti refers to the restoration
of a portion of this territory.
In 1588 Li tching Ifeang, the Chinese governor, set out
from Liau tung, and went as far as the frontier of Pekoan
and Nankoan, where he invited the chiefs of the rival sec-
tions of the Juchi to meet him. After feasting them
sumptuously, he argued that their common interest was to
be on good terms with China, who, on account of their depre-
dations, had suppressed the fairs where they sold their peltries
and ginseng (or Turkey rhubarb). He pointed out how their
strife tended to their mutual destruction, and counselled them
to come to terms, and to re-arrange their boundaries. It
was agreed that 500 of the original 999 districts should be
assigned to the Juchi of Nankoan, and 499 to those of
Pekoan, and the two parties left the meeting highly grati-
fied.^ To cement their understanding, they agreed to make
mutual marriages. Pus^, son of Chinkia, gave his daughter
in marriage to Tai chang, son of Hurhan, and Tai chang his
1 De Mailla, Yol. x. p. 346.
PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 317
eldest sister to Nalinpolo, son of Nangkia. This account seems
reasonable. Its only mistake is in the mention of Tai chang,
or Tai-tsong, instead of Thai-tsu, who is ignored by the Chinese
account, and who was the ruler of the Manchus for thirty
years after this. Tai chang only succeeded his father, in
fact, in 1622. The next event we have recorded is in 1593,
in the account of the Mongol tribes, translated by Schniidt
from the Chinese, and contained in the second volume of the
sixth series of the Memoirs of the St. Petersburgh Academy.
It is said that in 1593 Ongghotai, the chief of the Khortsin
Mongols, with his cousins, Manggus and Mingan, allied
themselves with Bosai, the Taidshi, of the tribe Dsege or
Yege (i.e. the Pus^ above named), and with the tribes
Ehada, Ula, Khoipa (Kuifa), Ehualtsa (Gualtcha), Jari,
and others, and marched against Novurh-ho-chih, then
called by his title of Taidsu "Wangti. They had attacked,
without success, the town of Gedshige, and had pitched their
camp on the mountain Gure. The Khakan marched against
them, and as he drew near to them he thus addressed his
officers. " The enemy's army is very numerous, but we shall
assuredly defeat it if we succeed in overthrowing one or two
of their leaders (Taidshis)." In accordance with this dictum,
the brave warrior Eitu put himself at the head of a hundred
horsemen, whom he incited to the combat, and rushed at the
foe. As soon as the warriors of the Dsege noticed this, they
ceased attacking the town, and marched against him. In at-
tempting to seize the horse of Minggan, it stumbled and fell,
and he escaped on foot. Meanwhile the Manchu army drove
the enemy to a hill fort of the Khada tribe, completely
scattered them, and captured a large booty.^ This was a
very important victory, and no doubt raised the renown of
the young victor very considerably. The Chinese seem to
have assisted the confederated tribes, and Tai-tsong, in his
memorable letter to the Chinese Court, written in 1627,
makes this one of his grounds of complaint, dating it, how-
ever, two years earlier, in the 19th year of the Emperor
» op. cit, 423.
318 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
Wanli.^ The same event is thus told in the Ts'ing wan k^
lung, translated by Mr. Wylie. "Tae tsoo met with a formid-
able opposition to his progress in the Ye hih tribe, who were
aided by the Ming. In 1593 these, together with the Hat&
Wools and Hwuyfa tribes, the Kourh sin and Kwa urh ch'a
Mongolians, and some hordes under vassalage to the Manchus
and Kalmin-shanggugan tribes, joining three companies of
the Ming troops, made an attack on Tae tsoo, who withstood
them, at the Ko6 lih hill, and eventually put them to the
rout, killing Po6 chee-chih, prince of Y^ hlh, capturing
Poo chen t&e, prince of Woola, beheading 4000 men, and
taking 3000 horses and 1000 coats of mail." This account is
in complete agreement with that of Schmidt ; and the Gur^
hill of the one is the Ko6 lih of the other.
This important victory no doubt enabled the Manchus to
obtain the accession of territory admitted in the Chinese
accounts followed by De Mailla, which I abstract. " Under
the Emperor Chi-tsong {i.e. 1522-67), the Chinese built
several forts on the eastern frontier of Liautung, that is to
say, Koan ti^n, Ta-ti6n, Tchang ti^n, and Sin ti^n. These
were built as a protection against the Tatars. In the 19th year
of Wanli, i.e. in 1591 (but P 1593), these people, always un-
easy, obtained (? a euphemism for conquered) from China a
certain breadth of country, as far as a mountain on whose
summit were some stone boundaries, on which was engraved
the cession then made.*''^ To continue our story. In the
complaining letter of Tai-tsong, he says that, in the
25th year of Wanli, i.e. in 1597, the Hatai again made war
upon his people ; and that, although they were hardly
pressed, the Chinese abandoned them. Nevertheless the
Tien, i.e, the Gods, gave them the victory. That the
Chinese then took the part of the Hatai against the Manchus,
and forced the latter to surrender the provinces they had
taken, not to the Hatai, however, but to the Ye he ; and
that the latter had conducted them within the Chinese
frontier. He adds : " You, who give yourselves the name of
Tchong ku6, or Middle Kingdom, you ought to hold an even
1 De Mailla, toI. x. p. 436. ^ ^^^^^ ^ 406
PART II. THE ORIGINES OP THE MANCHUS. 319
balance. To surrender the Hatai prisoners to the Yehe is
merely to perpetuate war by an injustice."^ Here we see
the effects of the cynical plan adopted by the Chinese in
their intercourse with the neighbouring tribes, which con-
sisted in setting one against another, and by creating mutual
jealousies, preventing them from uniting. But Thai-tsu con-
tinued his victorious course notwithstanding; and we find
him gradually subduing the various tribes of Manchuria.
In one of Tai-tsong's letters, printed by De Mailla, we find
it stated that " in the 28th year of Wanli— «.g. in 1600—
his people were at war in the East, and that the Coreans,
taking advantage of them, crossed their frontiers and carried
off some soldiers, which their troops afterwards retook ; and
that afterwards Putchen tai, Peil6 or chief of the Ula, entered
at the head of his forces into Corea, and captured several
towns. The Coreans, understanding that the invaders were
related to his the writer's people, wrote to them to complain ;
upon which he complained to him, and they (the Ula) ceased
their attack."*
The Chinese seem to have now begun to fear the rising
power to the north of them, and to have adopted a more
aggressive policy. The immediate cause of rupture may
be gathered from the letters of remonstrance sent to the
Chinese court by Tai-tsong and his father Thai-tsu. One of
these thus mentions the event, "Notwithstanding the murder
of our ancestors, we consented to fix the boundaries between us.
Tour deputies and ours killed a white horse and a black cow,
swore before heaven and earth that the two nations would
live in peace, and decreed death against those who should
break the treaty." This is doubtless the treaty made when
the cession of territory, already mentioned, was granted.
Thai-tsu, in his letter of complaint, after mentioning the
treaty, goes on to say, that certain people having broken the
treaty, and been treated leniently, the Ming, misconstruing
this leniency, and ignoiing the terms of the treaty, crossed
the borders to assist his enemies, the Yehih tribe. ^ This
1 De MaiUa, vol. x. p. 436. « iHd, p. 439. » Wylie, op. eit.
VOL. ▼II.— [nBW 8E&IX8.] 21
326 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
was in 1610.^ The Ming people, being in the habit of cross-
ing the border every year, between the Tsing and Ya luh
rivers, for the purpose of plundering, in accordance with
the treaty, some of them were capitally punished ; but the
Ming, turning their back on the treaty, charged him with
putting them to death without authority, and seized upon
Kan Kuli and Fakima, with ten attendants, whom they
executed. They also caused the Yehih maiden, who was
betrothed to him, to be sent to the Mongols ; and afterwards
their troops broke into the three departments of Ghae ho,
Shancha, and Foogan, which had been for generations culti-
vated by his frontier people, and drove them away before
they could reap the fruit of their labours.* In his son's com-
plaint, cited by De Mailla, they are said to have advanced
more than 30 /}' into his territory, to ravage their ginseng or
rhubarb roots, and their lands sown and unsown.' They also
again helped the Yehih tribe against him.
It will be seen from these accounts, crooked as they are,
that the Manchus had an ample role of grievances against
their neighbours the Chinese, when fortune gave them an
opportunity of prosecuting their ambition. Nor is the
catalogue of grievances to be gathered merely from the
Manchu accounts; it is amply admitted in the Chinese
annals themselves. Thus some of the preceding events are
thus related by De Mailla. In the 30th year of Wanli, i.e.
in 1602, there were also Tatars at Wang-wo-tang, Tchang-
ki-tien, Linla, Popi^, and Liei-pao, who cultivated the
ground and Kved in peace. They were classed as subjects
of the empire. The Mandarins of Liautung having deter-
mined to visit their country for the first time, these republi-
cans expressed their discontent; and to punish them, the
Mandarins resolved to transfer them to the interior of the
province, and to disperse them in different places. To effect
this they sent orders for the troops to bum all their houses,
break their furniture, and to make them understand that
they must remove to their new quarters. It was then
1 De Mailla, yoI. x. p. 436. * Wylie, op, cit. » Op, cit, 436.
PART II. THE OEIGINES OP THE MANCHTTS. 321
winter, and the earth was covered with snow and ice ; it
was a terrible disaster to these people; the mountains re-
sounded with their cries. They preferred to die of hunger,
cold, and misery, rather than migrate to the interior of the
province; many fled, but perished from the weather and
want of food. It was only the old people, the infirm, and
ill, to the number of 60,000, they succeeded in transporting.
These were dispersed in the thirty-five departments of the
province, where they nearly all died shortly after..
Three years later (De Mailla says the third year of Wanli
instead of the thirty-third) an envoy, sent from the Imperial
Court, went to the moimt£iin where the boundary had been
placed. He destroyed a great number of houses, and dis-
persed their inhabitants. Surely this conduct was good
warrant for war, but it was supplemented by other as bad.
Thus in 1608 it is confessed, in De Mailla's annals, that one
Kao hoai, a eimuch, and a favourite of the Emper(Mp's, who had
be^i sent as tax-collector to Liautung, committed great injus-
tice there, seized arbitrarily on the Tatars' best horses and on
their merchandize, which he taxed according to his fancy.
This person was recalled, but the mischief was not easily
repaired. In the account translated by Schmidt, already
cited, it is stated that this year the Kortshin Mongols and
the tribe Ula were again defeated, and the hill fort of the
XJla captured; and that, after this, the Mongols agreed to
send presents and to enter into alliance with the Manchu
chief. Thai-tsu was now master of Manchuria, and the border
lands of Mongolia. He, apparently, also exercised some
authority in Corea. The tribes of Manchuria whom he had
successively annexed, and who form the division known as
Ich^ Manchus, are thus enumerated : — The Joogia, Mar-
dun, Ongolo, Antu Gualgia, Khunekhe, Jetshen, Tomokho,
Jangia, Bard^, Jaifian, Dungia, Olkhon, Dung, Jucheri, the
tribe Neyen in the long White Mountains, Fodokho, Sibe,
Antchulaku Jang, Akiran, Khesikhe, Omokho soro, Fenekhe,
Khuye, Namdulu, Suifun Ninguta, Nimatcha, Urgutchen ;
Muren, Jakuta, Ussui, Yaran, Sirin, Ekhe kuren, Gonnaka
kuren, the tribes of the rivers Saghalien and Usuri, Noro,
322 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
Sirakhin, Gualtcha, Khingan, Khuntchun, Kuala, the nation
Ehulun, comprising the four trihes Khada, Ula, Yekhe, and
Kuifa.
Thai-tsu proceeded to organize his dominions somewhat
after the fashion of Jingis Khan. He divided his people
into Niuruns or companies, each 300 men strong, and each
commanded by an Edshcn or chief. These were employed,
not only in war, but also in the great hunting parties. Each
Niurun was commanded by one Edshen, while one man in
every ten saw that the rest were properly armed and
equipped.^
As I have said, he had abundant grievances against the
Chinese, and he now began to be strong enough to cross
weapons with the Chinese Empire. He began by making
raids upon their frontiers in Liautung. Thus in 1609 we
find the Viceroy of Liautung demanding reinforcements and
money from the court, to resist the encroachments of the
Tatars on the east and west of that province, i.e. of the
Manchus and Mongols. Some time after he made a fresh
application, as he was informed by Wang Siang, the com-
mander on the frontier, that ten chiefs of the Tatars, on the
east of Liautung, had assembled 50,000 troops, and threatened
to attack Tieling, Nuang-ning, and other towns in the
neighbourhood ; and that he could not defend the province,
inasmuch as his soldiers were in arrear with their pay, and
would not march.* In 1611 news arrived at the Court, from
Liautung, tliat the Imperial troops had gained some advan-
tage over the Tatars ; but this is somewhat problematical.
The news was not credited at the Court, and a commissioner
was sent to make a report as to the real state of things.' In
1616 Thai-tsu renounced his dependence on China, took the
title of Emperor, and gave the years of his reign the honorary
title of Thian Ming, in Manchu Abkai fulinga, i,e» favoured
by the sky. In 1()18 he surrounded Khuifa with a wall,*
and at length, irritated by the murderous raid the Chinese
* Klaproth, Mcmoires Relatifs & TAsie.
» De Muilla, vol. x. pp. 39«, 397.
> ibid, p. 397. ^ Klaproth, cp, cit.
PART II. THE ORIOINES OF THE MANCHUS. 323
had made upon his frontier, as I have previously described,
he marched upon Fuchun, where the fairs between the two
nations were held. It was stormed, and Wang-min-in, who
defended it, having been killed in the first attack, it sur-
rendered. Li wei han, the Viceroy of Liautung, sent
Chang-ching-in against the Manchus, and they were pushed
back to their own country; but, supported by a body of
10,000 cavalry who came up, they completely defeated the
Chinese general, who was killed, as well as Liang yu ku^,
his lieutenant. After this battle, when the Chinese were
cut in pieces, the chief of the Tatars sent the viceroy a list
of his grievances against the Empire.^
This letter has been translated by Mr. Wylie in the work
already cited, and runs as follows :
" 1. Whilo my grandfather and father (? a mistake of the
translator for relatives, ride Plath's Mandschurey, 238) had
never injured a straw or an inch of ground on the Ming
territory, the Ming wantonly raised a disturbance and killed
my father and grandfather — which is the first object of re-
sentment.
"2. Although the Ming raised a quarrel with me, yet being
desirous of living on amicable terms, I entered into a treaty
with them, which was graven on a stone tablet, to the effect
that 'the Manchus and Chinese should be mutually pro-
hibited crossing the border, and those who crossed should be
put to death.' Now some have, under such circumstances,
been treated leniently : the Ming, misconstruing this leniency,
and ignoring the terms of the treaty, crossed the borders to
assist our enemies the Ychih tribe — which is the second
object of resentment.
" 3. The Ming people being in the habit of crossing the
borders many times every year, between the Tsing and Ya
iQh rivers, for the purpose of plundering ; in accordance
with the treaty, some of these have been capitally punished ;
but the Ming, turning their back on the treaty, charged us
with putting these to death on our own authority, seized
E&ng koole and Fang Eeih nuy, our envoys to Ewang
1 Dc Mailla, toI. x. pp. 408, 409.
324 THE NORTHEBN FRONTAGERS OF OHINA.
ming, with ten attendants, whom they put to death at the
borders — which is the third object of resentment.
** 4. When the Ming crossed the borders to assist the Yehih
with their troops, they caused the maiden who was betrothed
to mc to be sent to the Mongols — which is the fourth object
of resentment.
'* 5. The three departments of Ch&e ho, Shanch&, and
Foogan have been for generations cultivated by the people
guarding our border ; but the Ming troops have driven them
away, without allowing them to reap the fruit of their
labours — which is the fifth object of resentment.
" 6. The extra frontier tribe Yehih, having sinned against
heaven, the Ming put confidence in their statements, and sent
an envoy with a despatch, reviling and insulting us — ^which
is the sixth object of resentment.
" 7. Formerly, on two occasions, the H2it& assisted the Ye-
hih in invading our territory, when we returned the aggres-
sion. Heaven having delivered the Hilt& people into our
hands, the Ming, taking part with them, constrained us to
send them back to their own country ; after which the Hfttft
people were visited with several incursions by the Yehih.
Now, in the subjugation of kingdoms, those who con^ply
with the mind of heaven are victorious, and preserve their
standing ; while those who oppose the Celestial dictates are
defeated, and perish. How can those who have died in battle
be restored to life P Shall those who have been taken
prisoners be sent back again P Heaven establishes princes of
great kingdoms, that they may attain universal rule. Why
should our kingdom be marked out as an object of hate P
At first the several states of Hoc liin, ue. Elhulun, united
their troops to invade us; therefore the Hoc ItLn were
oppressed by heaven, which has looked with fSstvour on us.
Now the Ming, assisting the Y^h, who are cast off by
heaven, has opposed the Celestial dictates, reversed the order
of right and wrong, and acted false in their dedsions —
which is the seventh object of resentment.
'* On account of these seven grievances, I am now going to
subjugate the Ming."
PART II. THE ORIGINES OF THE MANCHUS. 325
The Imperial Court treated this letter with its usual
haughty disdain; upon which the Tatars entered I^autung,
by way of Ya-ko-koan, and laid siege to Tsing ho. Instead
of marching to meet them, its commander, Tsow-chu-hien,
adopted a defensive policy. The Tatars proceeded to storm
the town. From six in the morning until mid-day did the
fight continue ; the ditches were crowded with corpses, and
the Tatars would have had to retire, but for trtiitors within
the walls, at least so says the Chinese narrative followed by
De Mailla. The commandant was killed, and with him 6400
soldiers, and 10,000 inhabitants, upon whom the Tatars
vented their rage. They then proceeded to ravage the
country from Sun-tcha-ho, as far as Ku-chan.^ Le wei han,
the viceroy of Liautung, had been recalled by the Imperial
court and degraded ; and another officer, named Yang kao,
was put in his place. The latter proceeded to Ngai yang
and Koan tien, inhabited by Tatars who had rebelled ; there
he put to death Tchin-ta-tao and Kao-hiuen, who had gone
over to the enemy; and he was about to transport their
inhabitants, when he was joined by a body of 10,000
Coreans.
After the capture of Tsing ho, and the ravage of Euchan,
the Tatars had returned home; but at the 7th moon they
returned by way of Fu-chun; and occupied Ngan-pao, where
they captured many prisoners.
At the beginning of 1619 the viceroy, Yang kao, at the
head of over 100,000 men, divided into four bodies, attacked
the Tatars by different routes, determined to exterminate
them.
These four divisions were to rendezvous at TJ-tao-koan.
Tu fong, who commanded one of them, wishing to have
the sole glory of defeating the Tatars, hastened to cross
the river Yun ho; but the enemy, who lay in ambush,
attacked him before his whole force had crossed. This
portion was cut to pieces ; while the rest were spectators,
on the' other bank, of their friends' disaster ; and he himself
was killed. Another division, imder Ma lin, was also vigor-
^ De Mailla, vol. z. p. 410.
326 THE NOETHEEN FEONTAGERS OF CHINA,
ously attacked and defeated. lieou-yen, a third commander,
succeeded in capturing some ten or a dozen forts; but the
Tatars, flushed with victory, advanced against him, dis-
guised in the cuirasses of the vanquished Chinese soldiers of
Tu fong; and, waving their standards, charged him suddenly
and defeated him. Li-ju-p^, the commander of the fourth
division, heard of these disasters, and deemed it prudent not
to advance. In these combats the Chinese lost more than
310 general officers, 45,000 soldiers, a largo number of
horses, arms, ^nd cuirasses, and the baggage of the three
divisions; and the Imperial Court was naturally much
troubled. The Tatars were as much elated. Issuing from
Fu chun, they marched by way of Tie ling as far as Ngan
pao; and captured Kai yuen by assault. While the Mongols,
further west, laid siege to Tchin si pao, with 30,000 horse-
men ; the people of Fayang and Tie ling abandoned their
houses to escape destruction. The latter town, and Sin yu
tching, were speedily taken, as well as the forts of Kin taiche
and Pe-yang-ku, where they foimd Tipurhan and T^lik^,
chiefs of Pekoan, who had been made prisoners by the
Chinese. The new Viceroy had been replaced by another,
but he too foimd it hard to make way with his discouraged
troops, and he determined to concentrate his efforts upon the
defence of the capital of the province.
In the 11th month of 1619, the Tatars, having captured
Long tan keou, and being masters of the districts of Ktii
yuen, Ti^ ling, Yun hao. Lie ki^, Ki^ tching, Fuchun, and
the frontiers of Corea, determined to conquer that kingdom.
The Coreans asked assistance from the Chinese and the
Mongols.
The Manchus were apparently satisfied with their progress;
for we are told that they spent the remainder of 1620 in
visiting the places they had already conquered, as far as the
mountain Hoa ling. They were divided into various bodies
of cavalry of 10,000 each {i.e. the tumans of the Mongol
military system), of which one approached Liau yang. Al-
though Fan yang was abandoned, they did not occupy it.
After their retreat the Chinese general. Ho chi hien, placed
PAET II. THE 0RIGINE8 OP THE MANOHUS. 827
a garrison there. Another body made a raid into the pro-
yince of Tong chow pao, advanced as far as Tse ku^ tchu,
and then retired.^
The Chinese again changed their Viceroy in Liautung.
The new officer was named Yuen ingtai ; he was a cabinet
soldier, and had not had any practical experience of war.
He determined to fortify the various routes by which the
Tatars made their incursions ; but they were not thus to be
controlled. Armed only with swords and bows and arrows,
they bravely faced the Chinese musketeers, protecting them-
selves from the balls by making the front rank carry a
series of wooden shields fastened to one another.^ They now
attacked Fan-yang. Its commander made a sortie, but was
beaten; and we are told that the Chinese deserters in the
Tatar rauks pursued him sharply, and introduced them into
the town. Only those who did not resist were spared. They
now proceeded to attack Liau yang, the capital of Liautimg.
Its fortifications had been repaired, and it was amply pro-
visioned. An army was sent out to meet the Tatars, under five
generals, but it was defeated. The Tatars now began the siege,
and pressed it vigorously. In the Chinese annals the ready
excuse for defeat is a cry of treason. Here we find it again
assigned as the cause of the Tatar success, which was doubt-
less due entirely to their intrepidity. When the Manchus
captured the town, they especially punished the soldiery ; the
Viceroy and many of his officers committed suicide. The
civilians agreed to shave their heads. This was the token of
submission exacted by the conquering Manchus. They
shaved their heads, except a pigtail behind, and also plucked
their beards, except a moustache ; and when they had cap-
tured Liau yang, they issued a proclamation ofiFering their
lives to all who would shave their heads and dress in their
fashion. Many Chinese submitted to this rule,'* The con-
quest of Liautung seems to have compassed the limits of
Tatar ambition ; and for several years we do not hear of
their making any fresh attack.
» De MaiUa, vol. x. p. 413. » ibid. p. 417, note. » ibid. p. 419.
328 THE NORTHERN FRONTAGERS OF CHINA.
In 1620 Thai-tsu moved his residence or capital from Yenden
to Sarkhu; and in 1622 he built a new capital two miles
north of Liau yang^ called Dergi king, or the Eastern Hesi-
dence.^ It is still found on some maps under the name of
Tung King. " Its now much-dilapidated walls form merely
the ring-fence to a farm, which the space within them con-
stitutes ; and the farm buildings belonging to it are the only
houses there ; for after only three years Thai-tsu made Shin
yang, since called officially Shing king or Mukden, the chief
city of the state." *
In 1624 the Chakhar Mongols, whose chief, as representing
the elder line of the house of Jingis, claimed supremacy in
Mongolia, sent an army to reduce the Kortshins, a tribe
bordering on Liautung. The threatened tribe appealed to
Thai-tsu, who sent an army to their assistance,^ at whose
approach the Chakhars retired.^ In 1625 Thai-tsu died, and
succeeded by his son Thai tsong.
With the death of Thai-tsu I shall conclude my survey of
the very crooked subject of the Origines of the Manchus.
I hope that fresh material may yet be forthcoming for a
more detailed and clear account of the subject; but, at
present, the foregoing paper contains, I believe, a con-
spectus of all the available facts, and one which, I believe,
has not previously been made. If you should accept it, I
propose, in a future paper, to examine into the Origin of
the Nuchi or Juchi, the ancestors of the Manchus.
^ Elaproth, M^moires Relatifs k TAsie.
' Meadows, cp, eU. toI. ii. p. 87.
a id. 90.
329
Art, XV. — Notes on the old Mongolian Capital of Shangtu.
• By S. W. BusHELL, B.Sc, M.D., Physician to H.B.M.
Legation, Peking.
[Read on June 22, 1874.]
On February 9th, 1874, I read a paper before the Royal
Geographical Society entitled, "Notes of a Journey outside
the Great Wall of China," made by the Hon. T. G. Grosvenor
and myself in the autumn of 1872, including an account of
a visit to the ruins of the city of Shangtu, the ancient
northern capital of the Yuan Dynasty, described in such
glowing terms by Marco Polo, who was there in the reign of
its founder, the famous Kublai Khan. They are situate on
the northern bank of the Lan-ho — the Shangtu River — about
twenty-five miles to the north-west of Dolonnor, the populous
city founded by the Emperor Kang-hi, as a trading mart
between the Chinese and the Mongolian tribes. These ruins
were identified by the existence of a marble memorial tablet,
with an inscription of the reign of Kublai, in an ancient
form of the Chinese character. A more detailed account of
the history of the city so frequently referred to by mediaeval
travellers, derived from Chinese and other sources, has been
drawn up; and a plan of the ruins, with a facsimile and
translation of the inscription, added, in the hope that it may
prove of some interest to the Members of your Society.
The city was founded in the year 1256. It is recorded in
the " Geographical Statistics of the History of the Yuan
Dynasty," that in the fifth year of the reign of Hien Tsung
(a.d. 1255) the Emperor (Mangu Khan) ordered Shih tsu
(his younger brother Kubltii, who succeeded him five years
after) to occupy this territory, and to form a military encamp-
ment there. The following year Shih tsu commanded Liu
Ping-chung to select a favourable site for the city, to the east
of the city of Huan-chou,^ in the neighbourhood of the
^ Huan-chou is now known bj the Mongolian name Kourtu Balgasun.
330 THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OP SHANGTU.
Dragon Hill, north of the Lan River. The new city was
named K'ai-p'ing-fu in the first year of the Chung t'ong
epoch (the beginning of Kublai's reign, a.d. 1260). Four
years later an Imperial Residence was built there, and there
was added to the name the title of Shangtu — ^Upper Itesi-
denco (as distinguished from Taitu — Principal Residence —
the title of Cambalu, afterwards known as Peking). The
Emperor resided there for a time every year. In 1268
Shangtu, previously the chief city of a 'lu/ or circuit, was
made the scat of a governor-general. It is also recorded in
the same History, ch. iv. fol. 3, that an imperial decree was
issued in the third spring month of the cyclical year ping
chen (a.d. 1256) appointing Seng-tzu-tsung to examine
geomantically the land east of Huan-chou, north of the Lan
River, in order to find a propitious site for the new city of
K'ai-p'ing-fu and of the Imperial Palace to be erected there.
It was the custom of the Emperor to spend the three summer
months here, the journey from Cambalu occupying ten days.
A minute account of the journey, with an itinerary, by a
Chinese mandarin who travelled in the suite of one of the
successors of Kublai, is preserved in one of the appendices of
the recent " Official Statistics of Cheng-te-fu " (Jehol).
Having passed through the Chii-yung-kuan Pass, the modem
Kalgan post-road was followed as far as T'u-mu-yi, where the
party branched off northwards, trending westwards till they
arrived at the Palace of Chagannor, built near the Mongolian
city of Hsing-ho (Kara Hotun). From this to the city of
Shangtu was three days' journey. The return trip in the
autumn followed the same route as far as Chagannor, where
several days were spent making hawking excursions among
the numerous lakes in the vicinity, all of which abound in
water- fowl. From this in a southerly direction to Hsuan-hua-
fu — the Sindachu of Marco Polo — a department famous for
its vineyards and fruit orchards, and once more by the Chu-
yung-kuan Pass to Cambalu.^ The "order of the Great
Khan when he joumeyeth " is the heading of ch. 39 of the
"Description of Friar Odoric of Pordenone:" "Now this
1 See Yule*8 Cathay, and the Way Thither.
THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OF SHANGTU. 331
lord passeth the summer at a certain place which is called
Sandu, situated towards the North, and the coolest habitation
in the world. But in the winter season he abideth in Khan-
balech. And when he will ride from one place to another,
this is the order thereof. He hath four armies of horsemen,
etc. The king travelleth in a two-wheeled chariot, all of
lign aloes and gold, and covered over with great and fine
skins, and 3et with many precious stones. It is drawn by
four elephanta, well broken in and harnessed, and also by
four splendid horses richly caparisoned. Moreover, he
carrieth with him in his chariot twelve gerfalcons ; so that
even as he sits therein upon his chair of state or other seat,
if he sees any birds pass, ho lets fly his hawks at them. And
80 also his women travel according to their degree, and his
heir-apparent travels in similar state."
In the Statistics of Jehol, cited above, there is also preserved
a description of the new city of K*ai-p*ing-fu by a Chinese
traveller, Wang Yun, who went there in Eublai's suite soon
after its foundation. He says : " This walled city was founded
in the cyclical year 'ping chen ' (a.d. 1256), to the south of
i;he Dragon Hill, with the Lan River flowing by on the
opposite side. Encircled on four sides by mountains, it stands
on a well-chosen site in a luxuriant and beautiful country.
To the north-east of the city, not more than 10 li distant,
are large pine forests, the haunt of many kinds of birds,
notably the species called chapiku (a celebrated kind of
falcon). The mountains are covered with fine trees; fish
and salt, and the hundred kinds of valuable natural products
abound ; and the flocks and herds flourish and multiply, so
that the inhabitants have at hand an abundant provision of
iTood. The river, though shallow, is broad ; the water being
frozen down to the river-bed in the cold season. The climate
is cool in summer, extremely cold in winter, and altogether
it is the coolest station in the north-eastern part of the
empire. This, according to the geographical records, was
part of the Wu-huan territory during the Eastern Han
Dynasty. It is distant 45 li from the new city of Huan-
chou."
332 THE OLD MONGOLUN CAPITAL OP SHANGTU.
A more interesting account is contained in chapter IxL of
Marco Polo, who must have resided here constantly when
attached to the court of Kublai. ^'And when you have
ridden three days from the city last mentioned (Ohagannor),
between north-east and north, you come to a city called
Chandu, which was built by the Kaan now reigning. There
is at this place a yery fine marble palace, the rooms of which
are all gilt and painted with figures of men and beasts and
birds, and with a variety of trees and flowers, all executed
with such exquisite art that you regard them with delight
and astonishment. Hound this palace a wall is built, inclos-
ing a compass of 16 miles, and inside the park there are
fountains, and rivers, and brooks, and beautiful meadows,
with all kinds of wild animals (excluding such as are of
ferocious nature), which the emperor has procured and placed
there to supply food for his gerfalcons and hawks, which he
keeps there in mew. Of these there are more than 200 ger-
falcons alone, without reckoning the other hawks. The Kaan
himself goes every week to see his birds sitting in mew, and
sometimes he rides through the park with a leopard behind
him on his horse's croup ; and then if he sees any animal
that takes his fancy, he slips his leopard at it, and the game
when taken is made over to feed the hawks in mew. More-
over, at a spot in the park where there is a charming wood,
he has another palace built of cane, gilt all over, and most
elaborately finished inside. It is stayed on gilt and lackered
columns, on each of which is a dragon all gilt, the tail of
which is attached to the column, whilst the head supports the
architrave, and the claws likewise are stretched out right
and left to support the architrave. The roof, like the rest, is
formed of canes covered with varnish. The construction of
the palace is so devised that it can be taken down and put
up again with great celerity; and it can all be taken to
pieces and removed whithersoever the Emperor may com-
mand. When erected it is stayed against mishaps from the
wind by more than 200 cords of silk. The Lord abides at
this park of his, dwelling sometimes at the marble palace
and sometimes in the cane palace, for three months in the
THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OF SHANGTU. 333
year, to wit June, July, and August ; preferring this resi-
dence because it is by no means hot ; in fact it is a very cool
place. When the 28th day of the moon of August arrives,
he takes his departure, and the cane palace is taken to
pieces."
This accoimt of Messer Marco must have inspired Coleridge
when writing his dream of Kublai's Paradise : —
" tn Xanadu did Kubla Khan
A stately pleasure dome decree :
Where Alph, the sacred river, ran.
By caverns measureless to man,
Down to a sunless sea.
So twice five miles of fertile ground
With walls and towers were girdled round :
And there were gardens bright with sinuous rills.
Where blossomed many an incense-bearing tree;
And here were forests, ancient as the hills.
Enfolding sunny spots of greenery."
In the wail which Sanang Setzen, the poetical historian of
the Mongols, puts into the mouth of Toghon Temur, the last
of the Chinghizide djmasty in China, when driven from his
throne, the changes are rung on the lost glories of his capital
Daitu and his summer palace Shangtu, as given in Col. Yule's
translation from Schott's amended German rendering of the
Mongol : —
"My vast and noble Capital, My Daitu, My splendidly
adorned !
And Thou, my cool and delicious Summer-seat, my Shangtu-
Keibung !
Ye also, yellow plains of Shangtu, Delight of my godlike
Sires !
I sufiered myself to drop into dreams, — and lo ! my Empire
was gone !
Ah Thou my Daitu, built of the nine precious substances !
Ah my Shangtu-Keibung, Union of all perfections !
Ah my Fame ! Ah my Glory, as Khagan and Lord of the
Earth!
334 THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OP SHANGTF.
When I used to awake betimes and look forth, how the
breezes blew loaded with fragrance !
And turn which way I would all was glorious perfection of
beauty !
« ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦
Alas for my illustrious name as the Sovereign of the Worid !
Alas for my Daitu, seat of Sanctity, Glorious work of the
Immortal Kublai !
All, all IS rent from me ! "
I have seen a Chinese version of this poem, perhaps the
original, the productions of this unfortunate Emperor being
still quoted as specimens of elegant versification. A despatch
in verse imploring the mercy of his conqueror, the warlike
founder of the Ming dynasty, is among the curious pieces
included in the work cited above.
Yet another palace was erected by Kublai in this part
of Mongolia, as described by Rashiduddin. " On the eastern
side of Kaiminfu a karsi or palace was built called Langtin,
after a plan which Kublai had seen in a dream and retained
in his memory.^ The philosophers and architects being con-
sulted gave their advice as to the building of this other
palace. They all agreed that the best site for it was a certain
lake encompassed with meadows near the city of Kaiminfu."
This has been confused with Shangtu, but was really quite
distinct. The district through which the river flows east-
wards from Shangtu is known by the Mongolians of the
present day by the name of Langtirh, the terminal consonant
of the old name being softened. The ruins of the city are
marked in a Chinese map in my possession, Pai ch'eng tzu,
i.e.. White City, this title implying that it was formerly an
imperial residence : the ruins of Chagannor, for example, are
also called Pai ch'eng tzu by the modem Chinese. The
remains of the wall are seven or eight li in diameter, of
ston^, situate about forty li N.N.W. from Dolonnor. This
confirms the statement of Sanang Setzen, that " between
the year of the rat (1264), when Kublai was fifty years old,
^ D'Ohsson reads this passage : '* Kublai caused a palace to be built for him
east of Kaipingfu ; but he abandoned it in consequence of a dream/*
THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OF SHANGTU. 336
and the year of the sheep (1271), in the space of eight years
he built four great cities, viz. for summer residence Shangtu
Keibung Kurdu Balghassun; for winter residence Yeke Daitu
Khotan ; and on the shady side of the Altai Arulun Tsaghan
Balghassun, and Erchugin Langting Balghassun."
After the fall of the Yuan dynasty the city of Shangtu
rapidly diminished in importance. It was taken by Chang
Yu-ch'un in the second year of the new reign (a.d. 1369),
but remained constantly attacked and harassed by the
nomade Mongolian tribes, until it was finally abandoned by
the Chinese in the fifth year of the reign of the fifth Ming
Emperor (a.d. 1430), when the frontier was contracted to
the line of the Great Wall, and the garrison removed to
Tu-shih-k'ou. The site was visited by the Jesuit missionary
Gerbillon towards the end of the seventeenth century ; it is
marked down in the map in D'Anville's Atlas under the
modern name Chau nayman suma, but '' no more notice is
taken of this famous capital than of Kara Koram and the
other ancient Mongolian cities." (Astley, iv. 376.) The Abb^
Hue, during his celebrated journey from the Valley of Black
Waters to the capital of Thibet, made some stay at Dolonnor,
which he wrongly supposed to have been built on the site of
the ancient city of Shangtu.^
The position of Dolonnor has been quite lately determined
to be 42° 4' N. lat., 116° 4' E. long., by Dr. H. Fritsche,
Director of the Russian Observatory at Peking, who passed
through it during his journey last summer (1873) through
Eastern Mongolia from Peking to Nerchinsk, so that the
latitude (42° 22' N.) of Chang-tou (Shang-tu) given in the
Tables of the " Obs. Mathemat. etc." of P^re Souciet cannot
be far wrong.
Mr. Grosvenor and I visited the ruins of Shangtu on
September 16th, 1872. They are situated 80 li (about 27
miles) north-west of Dolonnor, being now known by the
Mongol name of Chao naiman sum^ Hotim — " the city of a
hundred and eight temples." The road passed first over
a series of low sand-hills, then crossed a steep range of
^ Souvenirs d'un Voyage dans la Tartarie, le Thibet et la Chine, chap. ii. p. 39.
TOL. Yii.— [nbw sb&xss.] 22
336 THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OF SHANGTU.
Yolcanic hills, descending into a wide rolling prairie, covered
with long grass and fragrant shrubs, the haunt of numerous
herds of antelope. This prairie gradually slopes down to the
marshy bed of the river, here a considerable stream twenty
feet wide : in former times flat-bottomed grain junks ascended
from the sea to this point, bringing up supplies of rice from
the southern provinces for the use of the city and court. Now
the only building in the neighbourhood is a small Lama
monastery, the abode of some six or seven wretohed priests,
while a few scattered tents belonging to the Ghahar tribe
stand on the river banks. The city has been deserted for
centuries, and the site is overgrown with rank weeds and
grass, the abode of foxes and owls, which prey on the nume-
rous prairie-rats and partridges. The ground is but slightly
raised above the bed of the river, which flows past the south-
east at a distance of four or five li firom the city wall, while
it is overshadowed on the opposite side by the Hingan range
of mountains, trending south-west, north-east, and rising into
lofty peaks farther north. The annexed plan will serve to
give an idea of the ruins. The walls of the city, built of
earth, faced with unhewn stone or brick, are still standing,
but are more or less dilapidated. They form a double
enceinte, the outer a square of about 16 li with six gates, a
central one north and south, and two in each of the side
walls ; while the inner wall is about 8 li in circuit, with only
three gates — in the southern, eastern, and western faces.
The south gate of the inner city is still intact, a perfect arch
20 feet high, 12 feet wide. There is no gate in the opposite
northern wall, its place being occupied by a large square
earthen fort, faced with brick ; this is crowned with an obo
or cairn, covered with the usual ragged streamers of silk and
cotton tied to sticks, an emblem of the superstitious regard
which the Mongols of the present day have for the place, as
evidenced also by its modem legendary name — " the city of
108 temples.'^ The ground in the interior of both inclosures
is strewn with blocks of marble and other remains of large
temples and palaces, the outlines of the foundations of some
of which can yet be traced ; while broken lions, dragons, and
THE OLD MONGOLIAN CAPITAL OF SHANGTU. 337
the remains of other carved monuments, lie about in every
direction, half-hidden by the thick and tangled overgrowth.
Scarcely one stone remains above another, and a more com-
plete state of ruin and desolation could hardly be imagined,
but at the same time everything testifies to the former exist-
ence of a populous and flourishing city. Outside the city
proper there is yet a third wall, marked in the plan by a
dotted line, smaller than either of the others, but continuous
with the south and east sides of the outer city wall. This is
now a mere grassy mound inclosing an area, estimated at
five square miles, to the north and west of the city. This
must be the park described by Marco Polo. Inside the north-
east angle of the outer city — the spot marked h in the plan
— there lies a broken memorial tablet, amid many other
relics, on a raised piece of ground, the site evidently of a
large temple. The upper portion projecting above the sur-
face of the ground contains an inscription of the Yuan
dynasty in an ancient form of the Chinese character, sur-
rounded by a border of dragons boldly carved in deep relief.
I made a careful copy of this inscription on the spot, and
Impend a fac-simile, reduced four diameters ; giving also the
tame in the modern Chinese character. The translation is as
feEows : — " The monument conferred by the Emperor of the
August Yuan (dynasty) in memory of His High Eminence
Tun-Hien (styled) Chang-lao (canonized with the title of)
fihou-Kung (Prince of Longevity)." This forms the "heading"
commonly prefixed to similar inscriptions, being, as is often
tiie ease, in the so-called seal character. The lower portion
of the massive marble slab lies doubtless buried beneath the
mir&ce of the grass, but we were unable to get at it for want
of proper tools. It would be found to contain an account of
tiie life, oflSces, and achievements of (he Buddhist priest
mentioned in the heading — that he was actually a Buddhist
priest is proved by the use of the title " Chang-lao."
The existence of this inscription is mentioned in the
" Imperial Geography of the reigning dynasty of China " —
" In the north-east corner of the outer city wall there is a
stone tablet with an inscription .of the chih-yuan epoch of the
M
t^ ^ ^ -^
w
-1^ "^ 4^ ^
M
-^ 4 V ^
11
ml
N-- 96e dix
339
Art. XVI. — Oriental Proverbs in their Itelations to Folklore,
History, Sociology; mth Suggestions for their Collection,
Interpretation, Publication. By the Rev. J. Long.
[Read on February 16th, 1876.]
Eleven years ago I had the honour to read a paper before
this Society, entitled "Five Hundred Questions on the Social
Condition of the People of India." That paper has been widely
circulated, and has excited some interest on the subject.
Since then, I have prosecuted one department of it — Oriental
Proverbs in Relation to the Life and History of the People in
India.
This subject I brought before the Oriental Congress, at
their last Session in London. There was no time to have it
discussed there; but perhaps the question of Oriental Pro-
verbs may be submitted again at the next Congress, to be
held at St. Petersburg. The Russians have done much with
their own proverbs, and from their political relations in Asia,
they may be able to give important aid towards securing
a complete Collection, Classification, and Publication of the
Proverbs of China, Mongolia, Siberia, and Central Asia on
one side ; while the English contribute to those of India and
Southern Asia on the other. These investigations may throw
light on the supposed affinity between the Dravidian and
Tartar tongues.
Some will say cui bono? What have Proverbs to do with
the lucubrations of learned societies P They relate only to the
common people, the villagers, the ignavum pecus ; they contain
much that is frivolous, and superstitious, and absurd — the
dreamy notions of the ignorant! Very true. Admitting this —
but they are irapoifiuu, words of the way-side ; like foundlings,
no one knows the date of their birth. They relate, however,
to the masses, to those whose views and opinions in these
340 ORIENTAL PROVERBS.
days of extended suflfrage are cropping up, and gradually con-
trolling the upper strata of society. As Lord Shaftesbury said,
in defence of mass education, we must educate our masters,
and we must therefore know their views and opinions. Well
do I remember, in the height of the Indian Mutiny, Lord
Canning sending for me at Calcutta to consult on the best
method of getting at native opinion — a very vital one for
the maintaining good rule in India. His Lordship remarked
to me, "We have certain Chiefs on our side, but how are
we to know regarding what the people feel?" I pointed out
the clues the Native Press gave on this difficult subject, and
the result was, the Government took action, and instituted the
important department of Reporters of the Native Vernacular
Press of India. This department, diving down into the imder-
currents of native opinion, has been very useful to a Gb-
vemment like that of India, a small body of Saxon foreigners
located among an Oriental race, whose stand-point is so very
diflferent from the European, Now the proverbs in popular
use are also of value in gauging the depths of popular
sentiment. A proverb is a spark thrown up from the depths
beneath ; as Lord Bacon states, " The genius, spirit, and wit
of a nation are discovered in its proverbs."
Brahminical influence on the Pandits has led the study of
proverbs in India to be treated with contempt as relating to
the baser sort, according to the Brahman view.
Even in England, notwithstanding the opposition of such
writers as Lord Chesterfield to proverbs as vulgar, a reaction
is taking place in their favour as a branch of folklore, as is
shown by the multiplication of works on them. Take, for
example, that remarkable book, Tupper's Proverbial Phi-
losophy, of which forty large editions have been sold in
England, and more than one million copies in the United
States.
Proverbs, which are probably coeval with the discovery of
writing, survive the overthrow of empires and the desolations
brought by conquerors; they leave their ripples on the
sands of time ; they are like the wild flowers, which outlive
ruin, and mark the flora of the district. When we consider
ORIENTAL PROVERBS. 341
that many of the Indian proverbs are probably 1000 years
old, and when we look at the difficulty of tracing the past in
India, an auxiliary like proverbs ought not to be despised ;
from the strong impression they have left on the memory in
their poetic form, they survive where history perishes.
Proverbs are guides to antiquity like tradition, being, as
D'Israeli says, "neglected fragments of wisdom still offering
many interesting objects for the studies of the philosopher
and the historian."
The Eastern people, especially the Hindus, are anti-his-
toric. We have therefore few historical documents, and
have to explore the dim recesses of the past by the dim
lights of ruins, coins, inscriptions, which perish by time.
What an auxiliary, then, are proverbs, which give the history,
not merely of kings and conquerors, but of the people, in
their inmost thoughts, in the domestic hearth. For instance,
I have found in the Bengali proverbs numerous references
to old customs, old temples, historical characters, which have
long since passed away unrecorded either in MSS. or books.
It is from the data supplied by institutions, languages,
and material remains, that we gain a glimpse into pre-historic
times, and proverbs may be the fossils to utilize in the re-
construction of the long-buried past ; they give us facts
instead of fancies.
Primitive law, as Sir H. Maine, in his Early History of
Institutions, has shown, and has illustrated by the Brehon
Code, consists chiefly in the reduction to order and method
of a mass of pre-existing customs. Now proverbs, as stereo-
typins: customs, are the keys to law, and of course to the
The Indian proverbs show how deeply the village and patri-
archal system has been ingrafted into the Indian mind in
contrast to the feudal one introduced by the Mahommedans
and English. The families grouped into a village consti-
tuted the Hindu unit of government. The village system,
that great fragment of antiquity that has floated down
the stream of time for 2000 years, through the Indian,
Slavonic, Keltic, and Teutonic races, is recorded in pro-
342 OBIENTAL PEOVERBS.
verbs: it is now dying out in India as far as respects
lands held in common^ as the Hindus find with the Telugu
proverb, that—
The sheep which was the joint property of two persons was
deserted and died.
— ^but it is in vigorous action in Russia, as is illustrated in
the following Russian proverbs :
"What the mir (commune) has arranged is God's decision.
The mir (commune) is the surging wave.
The mir (commune) sighs, and the rock is rent asunder.
A thread of the mir (commune) is a shirt for the naked.
Comparative anatomy, or comparative mythology, is of
great use. The system of comparison has been carried
even to fairy tales and nursery stories. In the important
domain of comparative philology proverbs exercise an
important influence. In them are imbedded the archaisma
of language. Words that have long disappeared from
the mouths of living men again come on the stage,
giving a clue to linguistic aflSnities, and opening out
a vista into the past life and opinions of the people : and
yet these words have a place in no dictionary. I found
this to be the case in the Bengali language. Molesworth's
Mahratta Dictionary illustrates by proverbs, the only one, I
believe, with the exception of Dahl's Great Russian Diction-
ary, which goes to proverbs, as Dr. Johnson went to books,
to exemplify meanings.
It is a subject of great satisfaction that the Bengal Govern-
ment has liberally subscribed to a Hindustani and English
Dictionary of Dr. Fallon's, which will embrace the spoken as
well as the written language, and the rekhti or vocabulary
of the women, never before given in any dictionary.
"The only national speech," says the author in his pro-
spectus, '' is that which bears the people's stamp, and in this
category the first place must be assigned to the language of
women. The seclusion of native females in India has been
the asylum of the true vernacular, as pure and simple as it
ORIENTAL PBOVERBS. 343
is unaffected by the pedantries of word-makers. It is also
the soil in which the mother-tongue has its most natural
development. Many of the most caustic and terse epigrams
of the language have their birth in these isolated women's
apartments, whose inmates are jealously barred from any
communication with strange men." Another important
feature of Dr. Fallon's proposed work will be a copious
supply of examples, "which, while they bring out and
indicate a particular meaning, will serve also to illustrate to
some extent the yet unwritten literature of the country:
its proverbs, songs, and traditions ; its wit and humour, and
satire and invective, in which are compressed with epigram-
matic terseness the brief epitome of the social life of the
people, the domestic relations of the men and women, their
modes of thought and ruling passions, their joys and sorrows,
and the jealousies and heartburnings of their inner life."
In the Sanskrit-derived languages of India we have a
number of words non-Aryan. By collecting these from
proverbs we have a basis for comparison with other lan-
guages, especially the Tartar groups of Central Asia. A
great problem we have to solve is the connexion between
the Prakrit and Sanskrit vernaculars of India, and every
archaism is a precious coin in this investigation.
It is a common thing in India now for some newly-fledged
Saxons to apply to the natives the contemptuous epithet
nigger, and to deny to the common people intelligence and
gratitude; had these neophytes only studied the proverbs,
they would have learned to appreciate the people in a very
different way; for comparative studies diminish national pre-
judices. Travellers would often judge better of the character
of a people by its proverbs, than by the hasty generalizations
formed from railway journeys — ^You make the people de-
scribe themselves, and put them into the witness-box.
On the great question of peasant education and instruc-
tion, the proverbs, the hereditary wisdom of the serfs, vindi-
cate their claim to intelligence. Townspeople and those bred
up in collegiate seclusion are apt to fancy the peasants are as
dull as the clods of earth they break; but their frequent and
344 OEIENTAL PROVERBS.
apt quotations of proverbs on common subjects show they
have a power of observation and a moral faculty they do
not commonly get credit for.
Proverbs photograph the varying lights of social usages ;
the experience of an age is crystallized in the pithy aphor-
ism. What a light is shed by them on customs which shift
and change like a camera obscura ! Sir H. Elliot's Glossary
is in this respect a valuable contribution to Indian folklore.
The proverbs, for instance, on women, are numerous, and,
as written by men, their masters, are of course sarcastic,
and dwell on the weak points of woman —
Money left in the hands of woman won't last ; a child left in
the hands of a man won't live.
A woman's word is a bundle of water.
Woman eats twice as much as a man, and is four times as
cunning.
It is only when a woman dies, and is reduced to ashes, we
know with certainty she is free from fault.
— yet they give suflScient indication that woman had great
power in the social and domestic circle. She stooped to
conquer. The Bengalis say —
Who venerates his mother gains salvation.
Happiness is found in the mother's bosom.
— Another Bengali proverb states :
A man beaten by his wife no more tells it than he does his
losses.
Proverbs will yet rend the veil on what is now so little
known — the feelings and opinions of women shut up in the
recesses of the zenana. When are we to have an Indian
Dickens, who will sound the depths of woman's "inner
man," with the plummet of proverbs, the material expression
and vent of her feelings? She will be shown by them to
have far higher intelligence, wit, observation, than she gets
credit for.
Proverbs are of great value to him who would impress the
popular mind in the East either by teaching or preaching, as
OMENTAL PEOVEKBS. 345
Captain Burton says, ''The apposite use of aphorisms is^ like
wit and eloquence, a manner of power." But proverbs are
with the people what the sutra or aphorism was with the
pandits and philosophers. It is this love for sense, salt, and
wit which makes the bulk of vernacular literature in India
to consist of poetry ; and Sakhya Muni, the great Buddhist
preacher, set an example by the use of metaphorical proverbial
language in his preaching, which those missionaries who
imitate the example of Christ in teaching by parables, would
do well to study. In Bengali literature, the most de-
veloped of all the Indian vernacTilars, the revival is marked
by the free use of proverbs and proverbial sayings in the
modem works ; these give point and raciness, instead of the
stiff pedantic pandit style, sesquipedalia verba.
Dr. Muir has lately published some interesting papers on
religious and moral maxims freely translated from Indian
writers.
This is a transition period in Hindu society. The spread
of education and the changes of society are rapidly sweeping
into the gulf of oblivion many of the old traditions and frag-
mentary folklore. The old Pauranic pandits are vanishing
from the scene. Now is therefore the time to collect what
remains of the living proverbs, which are connected so much
with local history, and the domestic life of the people. We
want some one now to do for proverbs what Mr. Thomas
has done so well for coins, Le. collect, classify, and publish
them.
Pocock, Erpenius, Burkhardt, Freytag, have laboured much
in illustrating the Semitic class. Bohtlingk in his Spriiche
gives a few of the Sanskrit.
Oriental Proverbs are little known in Europe out of
the circle of Orientalists; and even they have to a great
extent overlooked them, — coins, architecture, antiquities,
naturally having the preference.
Among the Indian Proverbs recently published are : Perct-
vaVs Tamul Proverbs; Carres Telugu Proverbs; 1000 Malai/a-
lim; Long^s Bengali Proverbs.
The Russians, as head of the Slavonic race, are coming
tBP!flqae» widt % «arrft5F< orioitil cfflnTJag, Ik
tbii Bi0C% erSdcBt t2:aa in tiieEr FoZUor. of vUcb
luf Sctt^ of iKe ItiMMTi People It is to be
we bare co tracj^xdacs cf tfcecr y t o%«l» : I pwHiJipJ im
Calmna €i)ritf T€*rs ago a tnoosIatfiOQ of aboot ofiO, wbick
interssted manr Earopeani; thk i& I bcBere, tbe oohr
Eoj^uL one ezistxn^, though the ndne is tett zidi, ridier
than tLe Sjwnuh ; I broaght whh me £roiii Moscov 25i«000
KusRan ProTerts, paUi<hed br the Rosan Aademj, and
coIIei!:t«d br Dr. DahL PiofesBor Soegiref pobKahfJ in
\^jA^ in yLfmww, a work in four Tcdumes on Baasian Pn>-
Terba, wfakh is a UK^el of what clasafication dioald be.
yizmfm published in St. Petersburg, in 1S6S, a sdectioo
of Ra«nan p ro verbs, arranged according to mbjects, with
parallel onea from GermanT, France, Spain, England, and
other Arran nations.
The Knsnan proTerbs have a strong Oriental ring; I will
gire a few in illustration as relating to women —
\^lien joa walk, pray once ; when 3roa go to sea, twice ; when
jon go to lie married, three times.
The preparations of a woman are as long as the legs of a goose.
A woman's hair is long : her tongne is longer.
The tears of a woman and of a drunkard are cheap.
A woman is a pot, everything put in will boQ.
The flattery of a woman has no teeth ; bat it will eat your
flesh with the bones.
What I have to propose practically to this Society is that
it should issue a circular to the leading Oriental and Ethno-
logical Societies in Europe, Asia, and America, asking their
co-operation towards the collection, interpretation, and pnbli-
c;atir;n of proverbs ; especially in reference to India, acting
there through the Asiatic Societies of Calcutta, Bombay,
ORIENTAL PEOVEBBS. 347
and Madras, as well as through the Directors of Public
Instruction in the local govemments, and the editors of
native journals and newspapers.
The Bengal Government has set a good example by pub*
lishing lately Lewin*s Hill Proverbs of the Chittagong Hill
Tracts; they show that those wild people, under a barbarian
outside, have a heart beating with sympathy, as shown in
these proverbs —
For sweetness, honey ; for love, a wife.
Do not love a woman because she is young, nor cast her off
because she is old.
Having myself been engaged in the collection and classifi-
cation of Bengali and other Indian proverbs for fifteen years
(I published in Calcutta 6000 Bengali Proverbs), I will give
the resTilt of my own experience as to the mode of collecting
Proverbs. I found the services of Pandits, teachers, and in-
spectors of village schools, of great value in collecting them.
The editors of native newspapers also lent me aid by adver-
tising their willingness to receive and forward to me any that
might be sent to them. As the best collections of proverbs are
among the women, who interlard their discourses plentiftdly
with them, I paid women to collect them in the zenanas.
I got a plentiful and rich crop, though many of them, from
their coarseness, could not be published : native women in
their Billingsgate slang draw copiously from the well-
fiimished arsenal of native proverbs ; they can scold in them
in a style not exceeded by that of the Les dames des Halles
of Paris.
It might be desirable to publish the proverbs classified ac-
cording to subjects. I here give Snegiref's classification of
Russian proverbs, which may serve, cwteris paribus, as a
basis for the classification of Oriental ones.
I. Foreign : Historical influences in relation to proverbs,
and illustrated by proverbs.
II. Proverbs in relation to Philology, the meaning of
words, archaisms, wit, songs, and metaphors.
348 OBIENTAL PROVERBS.
III. Proverbs in relation to Anthropology, the laws,
customs, belief, food, dwellings, dress, servants, recreations,
home life, education, creed, superstitions, sects, family life,
relations, marriage, woman's position, funeral customs, hospi-
talities, patriotism, trade, truth, justice.
IV. Proverbs, Political, Legal, laws expressed in pro-
verbs, the ruler's power, people's meetings, upper classes,
priests, monks, fairs, ordeals ; the effect of foreign rule or
law, punishments, tortures, the lot. Proverbs, the echos of
history, religion, and localities ; history at various periods
illustrated by political and juridical proverbs.
V. Proverbs relating to Physical subjects, meteorological,
astronomical, rural, referring to crops, seasons ; medical,
remedies, diseases.
VI. Historical, topographical, local, relating to various
dynasties, celebrated places.
VII. Ethnographic.
VIII. Satirical.
One of the most difficult problems in proverbs is the
interpretatmiy owing to their local allusion and special
references, as well as to their epigrammatic brevity, the
vagueness of which allows a great variety of meanings,
while the play upon words, and alliteration, cause many of
them to lose their point in translation ; the wit, like a fine
essence, vanishes in the transfusion. I have found in Bengal
the same proverbs susceptible of several interpretations, ac-
cording to the individual who gave it or the locality it was
in. What one wants is not the guesswork of mere indi-
vidual private judgment, but the traditional interpretation of
the people. The pandits will, when pushed, rather than avow
their ignorance, give you a fancy interpretation. The meaning
must therefore be gathered from the people themselves.
In Russia, for instance, I found Iponsiderable difference of
opinion as to the meaning of that pr&yerb—
Do not buy a priest's horse, or marry ft widow's daughter.
— the latter clause is easy on Sam Wellei^'s maxim, " Beware
of the widow ; " or, as an old English p^verb has it, " He
t
(
\
ORIENTAL PBOVEEBS. 349
who marries a widow with two daughters, marries three
thieves."
I select a few specimen proverbs as illustrating native
opinion and social life.
The Hindus have no sympathy with the abolitionists of
corporal punishment. The Telugus say —
A washerman will only wash for one who thrashes him.
like the Russian —
Strike a Russian, and he will make you even a watch.
The feelings towards a mother^in-Iaw :
When the daughter-in-law said she was hungry, her mother-
in-law told her to swallow the pestle,*
the Bengalis say, Sisters-in-law are nettles.
The want o{ punctuality in the East is expressed by the
Telugu proverb—
When he says to-morrow, he means six months.
The Bengalis denote their aversion to straightforwardness by,
You can only extract butter with a crooked finger.
Women in the East have far more power over men than is
commonly thought. The Telugus describe a hen-pecked
husband as —
One on whose head the wife grinds pepper.
The quarrels of women by —
When three women join together, the stars come out in broad
daylight.
Men that give you otAj fine words —
Let us have a talk in my house, and dinner in yours.
The view of the cunning of the Brahman :
A Brahman's hand and an elephant's trunk are never quiet.
^ This feeling againft motben-in-law is very strongly expressed in Bussian
proverbs.
^
350 ORIENTAL PBOVERBS.
The equalization of property an evil —
The joint hnsband was neglected and died.
"Where there are brothers, there are divisions.
The dread of Government employes —
Face a royal tiger, but not a Government official.
The Russian proverbs are equally strong against the tehi-
novnik, or subordinate official.
The pocket of a tchinovnik is like the crop of a duck, you can
never fill it.
The tchinovniks have a good portion in the next world, they
are at once made devils.
Defend yourself against a thief by a stick ;
Defend yourself against a tchinovnik by a rouble.
The tchinovnik only takes up his pen.
The peasant prays, and birds tremble.
The responsibility of girls in a family —
A house fall of young girls, and a fire of little twigs.
The feeling towards the Musalman is expressed —
Yain as a Hindu begging in a Musalman town.
When the Musalman is judge, the Hindu has no holidays.
Social Equality an impossibility-^
If all get into the palankin, who will be the bearers ?
Are the five fingers equal ?
The Expenses of Marriages referred to —
Try building a house, try making a marriage.
The connexion between the Bengali Zamindar and Ryot is
expressed by —
The relation of the carving knife to the pumpkin,
The love the Musalman has to his fowl.
The same the Zemindar has to the Eyot.
ORIENTAL PROVERBS. 351
Desiderata on Indian Proverbs.
1. The archaic words used in proverbs, throwing light on
the formation and affinities of the language.
2. Clues to the origin of the nation. The problem of
the origin of the Aborigines of India, like that of the Red
Indians of North America, might thus receive some aid
towards its solution. The Aborigines were in India what
the Kelts were in Europe — the first inhabitants ; they have
been compared to the ripple-marked slabs of sandstone re-
cording the tidal flow of the primeval ocean.
3. The earliest dialects existing as shown in proverbs.
The dialectical variations are far more numerous in India
than in England ; thus in Gujarat the dialect is said to alter
every thirty miles.
4. Sanskrit proverbs incorporated in vernacular ones.^
5. The proverbs of the Aborigines of India. These may
furnish a clue to how they came to India, and what were
their movements.
6. Jain proverbs. This steady, commercial people, an
oflfehoot from Buddhism, deserve more attention than they
have received.
7. Hindi proverbs. Chand, who was contemporary with
Dante, may furnish some and may throw light on the dreary,
dark period between the first and ninth centuries.
8. Mahratta proverbs.
9. Panjahi proverbs.
10. Prakrit proverbs. The women in the Hindu dramas
speak in Prakrit, the connecting link between Sanskrit and
the modern vernaculars, as the Romance languages were to
Europe.^
* Bohtlingk, in his excellent *' Indische Spruche, " has collected a large
numher of Aphorisms, hut these cannot he called proverbs.
' See Lewis on the Romance Languages.
VOL VII. — [new series.] 23
*^r
rxrz-vi" - -iTi >y z '*
fc? :i.r: '2Cr.i :f l>»ei::ber. 1^7-L Tie ters h»Te not ss ret
■
TLe M&r.STdilsa at ilia i>eri>i i* eiTr?=2i=lT short, dianias-
iii? ^iiirnrL. kins* ir. on^r clifTcr of S^j Tcrses, « w^ch only
oi^«: apifH-A *o .Sdl^L-a Milli.- &::i ci^v zdne :* Xissftnka Mails,
wLo '■'a* c-er-iiilj a p^-a-errsl ani 5:::*:T£s«fsI king. This is
fzxpjiiziefi }jT tiie n:>de il. -■■•:£:•: tie M^l^raosi was written,
viz. it ii^'ieTrals ai.i by dir-rr-ez.: rjs-'is : eaoc. new chronicler
L'jrried over :r.e ref^ns c: the kinTs preo&iing the one under
w:*om he wrot^, a::d :i;ea eiJirstd a; leasth on the ev<ait3 of
tLit monarch's rri^i:.*
yjs-ar.ka Ma'. la's reijn is thus hasdiv sketched in the
foliowiag verges of the ><>:h chapter of the Mahira&sa (I
quote from the India Office 31S.^ : —
1^. GLatetva taih ahu raja Kittinissankanamako
Bafino Vijayabahassa oparaja £alingato
Id. Patra rSjabhisekam so Pulatthinagare rare
Dat hadhatugharam rammaih. karipesi silamaTam
TR.\>*SLATI0X.
18. Having killed him '"viz. Mahendra\ the Viceroy of
Vijayabahu, named Earti ^i^fanka, from Kalinga, became
King. When he had been crowned, he had made in the fine
city of Pulastipura a beautiful house of stone for the Tooth-
1 S. T>je MS. has Kalingaro. 19. The mir^ of tbi« Daladi Miligava still exist,
tad bhow that, though snuul, it must h^w be«n a building of exquisite beantr.
* It is giren below in note 4.
^ Thi<i coiiKid<^ratir>n leao!? me to the §upp«^ition that Tumour (Mah. p. it)
may \/t wron^' in »5>>i^riinof the whole of the Maharamsa, from the period at which
Malanama's work terminated to the end of Dambadenija Paraknuna's reign in
A u. 13W, to one hand. There seems to bt- a break at 'the end of the erentfol
reign of Parakrama the Great : no less than eighteen chapters, some of them of great
lenjrth, being devoted to the life of that king, whilst the succeeding kings are
Lurried over till the time of Dambadcniya ParHkrama. whose reign occupies terea
chapters. Perhap!* there has been s^me confusion between two Dharmakirtia, one
the: author of Dathuviiihsa, who lived in Parukrama the Great's time, and the other,
tbf* author of one p^irtion of the Mahuvanisa. who lived in Dambadenija PBri-
kriima'ii time. When the whole text is published, the evidently late style of the latter
portion, from which the above extract is made, may throw light on this quettioii.
363
Art. XVII. — Ttco Old Shnhalese Inscriptions, The Sdhasa
Malia Inscription, date 1200 a.d., and the Rmcanwali
Ddgaba Inscription, date 1191 a.d. Text, Translation,
and Notes. By T. W, Rhts Davids, late of the Ceylon
Civil Service.
Introductign.
Of the following two inscriptions, the former is edited from
a MS. in Dambulla Wihare, of which I have a transcript in
the Roman character by a native copyist ; and the latter
from a copy made by Naranwita Unnanse, which I owe to
the courtesy of Mr. R. C. Childers. In the Dambulla MS.
the inscription is repeated twice, and the readings of the
two copies differ pretty frequently, as will be seen from the
various readings given below the text.
The latter, the Ruwanwali Inscription, was recorded in
the fourth year of Nissanka Malla, i.e. 1191 a.d., and was re-
discovered near the Ruwanwoeli Dagaba, at Anur&dhapura, in
1874, by Naranwita Unnanse; the former was recorded at the
commencement of the reign of Sahasa Malla in 1200 a.d.,
and is on an upright stone, resembling a very large grave-
stone, a little north of the Ilacta-da-ge (or 60 days' house),
close to the new path which I cut from the King's palace at
Pulastipura to the Rankot Dagaba. I much regret that I
had no time to copy the inscription myself; but, except in
one or two places, the text, at least of the Elu parts, seems to
be pretty correct.
Both inscriptions are of great importance, the latter
settling the question of the identity of Nis§anka Malla
Parakrama Bahu with the Kirti Nissanga of Mr. Tumour's
list; and the former giving us, not only historical details not
found in the Mah&vauisa, but also a date. Both have been
translated before : the former by Mr. Armour in the Ceylon
Almanac for 1834 ; ^ and the latter by the Interpreter Muda-
* I haT« never been able to procure tbU extremely rare book ; but the traniu
latioQ is reprinted (under a wrong title) at page 353 of the lecond Tolume of
Major Forbet's Ceylon. London: Ben tley, 1841.
354 INTRODUCTION TO
liyar of the Courts at Anuradhapura in the Ceylon Observer
for the 29th of December, 1874. The texts have not as yet
been published.
The Mahavumsa at this period is extremely short, dismiss-
ing sixteen kings in one chapter of 80 verses, of which only
one applies to Sahasa Malla,^ and only nine to Nissanka Malla,
who was certainly a powerful and successful king. This is
explained by the mode in which the Mahavamsa was written,
viz. at intervals and by different hands : each new chronicler
hurried over the reigns of the kings preceding the one under
whom he wrote, and then enlarged at length on the events of
that monarch's reign.*
Nissanka Malla's reign is thus hastily sketched in the
following verses of the 80th chapter of the Mahava&sa (I
quote from the India Office MS.) : —
18. Ghatetva taih ahu raja Kittinissankanamako
Ramio Vijayabahussa uparaja Kalingato
19. Patva rajabhisekam so Pulatthinagare vare
Dathadhatugharaih rammaiii karapesi silamayam
TRANSLATION.
18. Having killed him (viz. Mahendra), the Viceroy of
Yijayabahu, named Kirti Nissanka, from Kalinga, became
King. When he had been crowned, he had made in the fine
city of Pulastipura a beautiful house of stone for the Tooth-
1 8. The MS. has Knlingnro. 1 9. The ruins of this Dalada Hfiligfiwa still exist,
and show that, though small, it must have been a building of exquisite beauty.
* It is giycn below in note 4.
^ This consideration leads me to the supposition that Turnour (Mah. p. ii.)
mny be wrong in assigning the whole of the MahuTaihsa, from the period at which
Mahunama's work terminated to the end of Dambadeniya Pardkrama's reign in
A I). 1300, to one hand. There seems to be a break at the end of the eTentftil
reign of Parakrama the Great ; no less than eighteen chapters, some of them of great
length, being devoted to the life of that king, whilst the succeeding kings are
hurried over till the time of Dambadeniya Parukrama, whose reign occupies seven
chapters. Perhaps there has been some confusion between two Dharmakirtis, one
the author of Duthuvafhsa, who lived in Parukrama the Great's time, and the other,
the author of one portion of the Mahuvaiftsa, who lived in Dambadeniya Para-
kruma's time. Wlien the whole text is published, the evidently late style of the latter
portion, from which the above extract is made, may throw light on this qoestion.
TWO OLD simhalese inscriptions. 355
20. Bandhapetvii samuttungam Ratanavalicetiyaih
Alaihkarittha sovannatthnpikuyanam uttamam
21. Karayitva sanuinona pasadasatam addhikaiii
Viharaih bhikkhusaihghassa niyyadetva upatthahi
22. Sovannarajatubbhasabhittitthambhehi bhasuram
Ilingulamayabhubhagaiix sovannacchadanitthikaih
23. Vihiiraih Jambukolavhaih karayitva tahim sudhi
Patitthilpayi sovannasatthubimbo tisattatim
24. Sonaya caturanginya saddhim hatthipurassaram
Gantva Saraantakritaiii so abhivandiya bhupati
25. Pupphiirarae phalarame ancko ca sabhasuha
Tainvanniyadlpasmiiii sildhii sabbattha karayi
26. Evaih bahuvidham pufinam sancinanto dine dine
Navasamvaccharam sainma rajjaih kasi sa bhupati.
relic, and caused the lofty Rankot Dagaba to be built, orna-
menting the high road to the golden Sthupa.
21. And he made one hundred rest-houses (on the road-
side to it), called by his own name, and having delivered
the vihiira near it into the keeping of the priests, he himself
paid homage to it. 22. He made the vihara called Dam-
bulla, with golden roof-tiles and a vermilion floor, and
dazzling with walls and pillars shining with silver and
gold ; and he, the pure-minded one, put up there seventy-
three gilded images of Buddha.
24. The King also went with his fourfold army, and with
elephants, to Adam's Peak, and worshipped there ; and he
established flower gardens, and orchards, and .... and did
good throughout the island.
25. Thus heaping up merit of different kinds from day to
day, this King reigned for nine years.
21. The MS. hiu addhitaih. For Aanamcna compare line 15 of the inscrip-
tion below. 22. The MS. has ubbhuyu, busuram. 23. The form Jambu-
koU throws iutore-itinji^ lij:ht on the derivation of Dambulla; but it is more
probable that the Puli worn is a translation of the Sinhalese word, than that the
Sinhalese word has come through the Puli. Another JambukoU on the sea-coast
is mentioned in the Mahuvaihsa, pp. 110, 119, ridr below, note 18 to the Suhasa
Malla Inscription. 24. The MS. bus bhupatim. 2o. The reading of the MS.
in this line neither agrees with the metre nor gires any sense.
356 THE SIHASA XAIXA IXSCSXPnOX.
A. — ^The Sah.isa Malla Ixsc&ipnox ox the Ufkight Slab
3KOBTH OF THE K.ITA-DA-CE, FOnn> WHJJJBl CnTOG THE
KEW PATH TO THE BaXKOT.
Srlmat Sahasa-mallah Sinhalapatih EalinnwansifiTUiir
AgamTatra Kalingato 'rggliitavate LankadluraJTasriTam
AyashmatprtaiiadliipiTa mahatlm gramidhikan fiampadam
DattaTan* krtavan STayan kitavidam ekadliiri\je padam,
Sri eiri-sara Okawas-parapurehi ^ mula sakwala ek-aat-
kala ^ Kaiinga cakiawartti paramparaTata, Sri Groparajajan
waliiaase Baliidaloka mahadewin wahanse kasin Sinhi^iiidii
prasiitawiiy^ asama sahasayen^ Sahasa 31alla yayi wimda lada,
siri Sangabo Kaiinga Wijaya-baha raja pa waliaaae, palamu
Lanka jehi rajasiri^ pa&mina siti Nissanka Malla nam bsenan
wahanse swarggastha wu pasu; him astayata^ giya taena*
traxslatiox.
[Sanskrit.] The illustrious Sahasa Malla, King of Ceylon,
and chief of the Kalingan race, having come over here firom
Kaiinga, gave to the deserving and venerable aged chieftain
the great fortune of the Lordship of Ceylon, together with
much land, giving a share in his absolute power to those who
were grateful to him.
Come of the stock of the Kaiinga Emperors, who, descended
from the sacred and illustrious race of Ikshwdku, brought the
whole earth under one umbrella, bom at SinhapurOy in the
womb of Bahiddloka (the large-eyed one), the chief queen
of the illustrious Gopardja ; the illustrious king Sangabo
Kaiinga TVijaya Bahu was, on account of his unequalled
daring, celebrated under the name of Sahasa Malla, ''the
excellent by courage." After his elder brother, Nistanka
Malla, who before him had come to the regal dignity in
Ceylon, had gone to heaven ; when, like a number of stars
TARIOUS HEADINGS.
* A. siruiramakawaB^ B. sisin6aramakawa8^ ' A. eksakwalasatkotalm. ' A.
prarataim. * A. asamasahaycn, B. daaamasahasajen. ^ B. rajasL * A. B.
bastajata. "* B. tena.
* The second »jUable shoald be I(mg ; the MS. reads dattormn or dantyovaa.
THE SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 357
taru gananak se klpa rajakenakun^ gili giya kalhi,^ Lah-
kawa aswamika wae,^® sanda ^^ uda no lat raeyak se anduruwa
tubu sanda ; ^^ Lankadhikara LolupsBla ^^ kulu dun naewi
abonawan, ^^ taman srata slla kulac&radi mantri gunen yedi
nitiparama wana^^ heyin taman ta parama mita wu Lankadhi-
kara Lolupaelakulu ^® budalnawan ha ekwa, "rajahu^^ naeti
rajyaya^® nam niyamuwa naeti naewak se no pawatneya,
hiru naeti dawasa se no hoboneya, Buddha sasanaya da anasak
nsBtiwa niralabha ^^ wanneya, tawada Lakdiwa ^^ Wijaya raja-
yan Yakshappralaya kota kanu mul ba taenu wiyalak se
pawat kala heyin ema wahsayehi^^ rajun bohose rakshakala^
taenaya, e^ baa win mehi raja kala Nissanka Malla swaminge
malanuwan wahanse Kalingu rata yawa wada-awut losasun
after the sun has set, several kings had sunk and gone, and
Ceylon being without a ruler, weis dark as a night without
the rising of the moon, Lolupaelakulu, Adhikar of the realm,
and Lord High Admiral, spoke (as follows) with Lolupaela-
kulu, Adhikar of the realm and Lord High Treasurer, who^
— as he excelled in ethics, being endowed with all the qualities
of an adviser, by his faithful disposition and family virtues, —
had become his dearest friend.
"The kingdom without a king, like a ship without a
steersman, will not continue ; like a day without the sun,
will not flourish ; and the religion of Buddha, without regu-
larity, will become profitless : and further, after Wijaya raja
drove away the devils, and made Ceylon like a field formed
by the tearing out of stumps and roots, it is a place which
has been much protected by kings of that family : therefore
let us send to the country of Kalinga and fetch the younger
brother of the Lord Nissanka Malla who was reigning here,
and thus secure the government of the world," Having
determined to do so, they sent to Kalinga the chief Malli-
® A. B. kenakun. • A. tanhi. *° A. wa. i* B. sana. ^^ A. awuruduwata-
sata, B. andoruwatubusata. ^^ B. pselse. '^ A. duttai^i abonawan, B. donnsewi
abonuwan. ** A. parawawana, B. parawacana. ** A. kulQ. " A. raja. ^^ A.
rujyayanama, B. rajyanama. ^' B. niralambha. ^ B. Lakdiwanam. '^ B.
wansayehi. ^ B. parikshakala. ^ A. tawada e.
358 THE SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION.
rakumha yi" beona niscaya kota, swami^ paksha p&ta dhira
sara gunen }nikta e rata waesi Mallikarjjuna nam pradhani
Kalingu rata yawa, aradhana kota, maha pelaharin genwft.
Soli ratin^ Kahakonda-pattana^^ ma) wadii hinduwa, ratna-
bharana wastradin matu wana rajya sriyata*^ anurupa srin*
satkara karana kalhi, e bawa^^ asii anugraha^ parigraha
dekata pohosat losasun rakna rajawarayan no ksDmseti wa
tama tamage^^ ma adhipatwaya patii wigna karana durmman-
trln de hawuruddakin^'^ sadha, pun sanda naga pana se sabha
naekat^ mohot muhudu pita^* maha potin*^ nirupadra wa
kota wada awut, Tri-sinhalaya ekadhapatra ^ kota Buddha '^
warsba (1743) ek dahas hat siya te sails hawurudu tunmas
sat wisi dawasak giya tena Binara pura doloswak lada Bada
da subha naakat mohotin abhiseka karawu me ananya-sadha-
rana-daskamata taman wahanseta palamuwannehi senewi rat
karjjuna, who was a resident of that country, well affected
towards his master, and of a brave and firm disposition, and
having conciliated (the prince), and brought him with a great
retinue from the Soli country, and placed him at the port of
Kahakonda, they hospitably entertained him with all the
splendour of jewels, ornaments, and robes suitable to the
dignity of the kingship to be.
Whilst this was being done, some evil-designing men, each
considering and hoping for his own advancement, did not
desire kings who would secure the government of the worldi
(but) in two years, having overthrown them, raising and
showing as it were the moon in its fullness, they brought
him safely, at a lucky moment, over the sea in a great ship,
and having united the three divisions of Ceylon under one
sceptre, 1743 years 3 months and 27 days after the Nirva^
of Buddha, at the full moon of the month Binara, on
Thursday, at a lucky moment, him they crowned. For this
service, unequalled by others, in the first year of his reign he
" B. swamT. » B. ra^a. «« B. pattamaB. ^ B. rajjasrlhra^. ^^ B. 91T. » A.
mabawa, B. eba. ^o \ anun^j^raha. ^^ B. tamangc. ^i g. hawuruddoki. " A.
8;]hana>kat, B. sahanakat. ^^ A. B. muhunupita. ^ A. mahapeta, B. mahipetL
^^ A. ekddapatra, B. ekutapatra. ^' B. Budha.
THE SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 359
pata bandawa^ agra mantrlkota situwa, meweni daruwan^
lada mawimta woedi^® satkiira kalamana we daeyi mowun
m£uiyanta Lankatilakadewi yayi nam dl badaran pata
bandawa boho sammana di hira sanda pamunu kota Lak-
wijayasingu senewi abonawanta *^ di wadala gamwara ha
pariwara ha*^ siyalu sampattiyata, matu wana rajadaruwan
udu taman'*^ tamanta daskam kala un raksha-kirima raja
dharmma heyin, wilopayak no kota mema paridden taba dl
mawun wansha raksha karanu ma9nawaDyi silalekha karawa
wadala seka. Me balabala raja wallabha wa siti amaptyta-
dihu da balutkarayen me ki deya gattu*^ nam wewayi*^
rajasthaka kalahu nam wewayi*^ rajjyaya maekuwa nam weti,
kulen hinayan ha da kawudu ballan^*^ ha da samanam weti.
Eheyin swami*® pakshapata wa raksha karanna kaBmaettawun-
wisin^^ mowun ta dun haoma sampat raksha karanu msBnawL^
gave to the honourable one the office of Commander-in-chief,
and made him his Prime Minister : and thinking, " to the
parents of such children much honour should be done," he
gave their mother the name Lankatilakadewi (the princess,
the ornament of Ceylon), and girded her with a golden
girdle, and gave her much honour.
And using (the royal sign manual of) sun and moon, he
was pleased to make a record on stone that future princes
might in a similar manner protect their family, and leave un-
disturbed the complete enjoyment of the lands and dignities
he had been pleased to grant to the Commander-in-chief Lak-
wijaya Singu ; for it is the duty of kings to protect those
who have done them service. If ministers and others who
enjoy royal favour should, after seeing this (inscription), tak^
by force the things here mentioned, or claim them as property
of the crown, the kingdom will go to ruin, and they will
become like low-caste men, and like dogs and crows. There-
fore, let them protect the wealth granted to them by Him
who desired to protect those who had been loyal.
'8 A. B. banawa. ^9 a. dam. *^ A. B. wa>di. ** A. -sTngu-, B. -hingu-.
" A. omits hd. *^ A. tama. ** A. gattru, B. gathu. ** A. wewayi. *^ A.
wewayi. *' B. ball*!. *» A. swami. ** B. ksBmaBtta. *° A. msenawt.
360 THE RUWANW.ELI DAGABA INSCRIPTION.
Devas Sahasa-Malla esha jagatam manyasayam yacate
Trayan yad drdhapakshapatadhurinam kshatro 'bhidharm-
maparam
Ayushmatprtanapateh krtavatam KaUngayansodayam
Candrakhyavadhisampadaih sahasato rakshantu yansyan
Drpah.
B. — ^The Ruwanw^li Inscription found in 1874 by
Naranwita XJnnanse, at the S.E. Entrance to the
Terrace round the Ruwanw^li Dagaba at Anu-
radhapura.
(1). Srimat-wu, tyaga - satya - saury yadi - guna - ganayen
asadharana wu, Oka-was-raja-parapuren a, Ealinga-
(2). cakrawarrti-raja-wansayata tilakaya-samaiia wbb, Sinha-
purayehi sajata-wu, Nissamka
(3). Malla-Kalinga-Parakramabahu-rajapa-walianse ; swa-
wansayata pa ramparayata
4. Lamkadwipayehi ek se-sat kote; malu Farakrama-bahu
wahanse purwa-raja-
5. carita ikmas kala ati-dasa-awinayen pTdita-wu dilindu-
W8B gos sorakam kotse
6. jiwatwana boho janaya jiwitasahaeraB sorakam karanne
yan'
7. asawen wedaeyi, ran-ridi-masuran-mutu-maBnik-wastra-
bharanadi un-un-kaBmati-wastu ha
8. sarak-gam-bim-adi abbaya dl, sorakam harawa ; sesu
boho janaya da e c dukkhayen galawa, mese
TRANSLATION.
After Nissanka Malla Kalinga Farakrama Bahu, who was
born at Sinhapura, as it were the crowning ornament of the
imperial Ealingan race, the descendants of King Ikshyaku ;
and who was unequalled in the number of his yirtues, gene-
rosity, truth, heroism, and the like ; (4) had made one authority
(supreme) in the island of Ceylon, which belonged to his family
by ancestral right; (8) he put down robbery by relieying,
through gifts of cattle and fields, and of gold and silyer coins.
THE RUWANW-ELI DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 361
9. msewiwidhawicitra-wastu-danayeiisanatha-kotSB; madun-
deya sthlrakotse tawa da wsBdiyak samurddhawa sata-
mana
10. wedaeyi, awurudu gananakata aya hserse wadara, tun raja-
yehi msD haema kalata kasti aya haersB wadara; ma
dawasaokak
11. no simha suwase wisuwaB maBnaewaeyi, pera-rajadaru-
wan no kala wirulesekae tulabhara naegewi sita
12. wadara, urehi da Wira-bahu mahapanan wahanse ha
agamahesun Kalinga Subhadra bisowun wahanse
13. ha saha wotunu abaranin saedi, taman wahanse ha tun-
dena-wahanse tulabhara naegl sat ruwan
14. ha aetulu riditiram ha anantakoto, raja-wlthiyehi (ne)
swamin maha-dana-warsha pawatwa ; tun raja-
15. yehi bohokotse Nissamka-namin satra namwa, annadana-
da nirantara-
and pearls, and jewelry, and clothes, as each one desired, the
anxiety of the people ; who, impoverished and oppressed by
the very severe taxations of Parakrama Bahu the Old
(which exceeded those customary under former kings), lived
by robbery : for, thought he, they wish to steal only through
their desire for life. (9) He relieved a great number of other
people also, each one from the hardship that he felt, and
having thus, by gifts of various kinds of goods, made the
people feel that they had a protector, (10) he was pleased to
take off taxes for a number of years, and to relinquish for
ever in the three divisions (of Ceylon) the tax on chena cul-
tivation, thinking, " may that which I have given be main-
tained, and prosperity be still further increased." (11) And
further thinking "that no one may be imhappy in my time, I
wiU moimt the balance as no former princes have done," he
mounted the balance together with Prince Wira Bahu, the
fruit of his loins, and his chief queen. Queen Kalinga Sub-
hadra, three persons in all, wearing their crowns and orna-
ments, and so caused a rich rainfall of gifts in the royal
street . . . silver . . . containing the seven jewels. (15) He
362 THE RUWANWJELI DAGABA INSCRIPTION.
16. yen pawatwa ; siyalu dilindu-bhaya sora-bhaya kantaka-
bhaya durukote, Lak-diw-wasi-haemadena
17. suwapatko^a) ; sasanayehi da dussllayan da ukkanthitayan
da pahanowanne pratyaya lo-
18. bhayen ha katayuttehi bhayin bawa daena, sasanaya
kilutu no kotae siwuruhalawunta katayutu dae-
19. nae, ran-ridl-yakada-bat-bijuwata-sarak-adlwu d^laebeyi
sammata-karawa wadara ; susllawahanse-
20. warundsbta da paribhoga no wuwamanawedaDyi, obage
nsowadaeyanta nowatunsituyen
21. sangrahakota, siwpasayen dana-prawaha paturuwa ; mese
lokaya da sasanaya da semehi taba,
22. , Pulastipurayehi waeda-wasana-seyen, Ruwanwaeli dagab
wahanse da wandana pinisae siyura-
23. nga senaga piriwara mahanubhawayen taman wahanscta
satarawannehi nikmae ; dagab wa-
put up rest-houses in the name of Nissanka in many places in
the three provinces, and established food endowments to con-
tinue for ever ; and removing far away the fear of poverty,
and the fear of thieves, and the fear of distress, he made
every one in the island of Lanka happy.
(17) Having perceived that those who did not keep their
vows, and those who still had (worldly) desires, would not
leave the Church through greed of gain and fear of work,
and having perceived what ought to be done for those who
threw off the robes without disgracing the Church, he was
pleased to order that they should receive gold and silver, and
clothes, and rice, and seed padi, and cattle, and the like; and
thinking "it is not right for the reverend priests who keep
their vows to have wealth," he poured out a stream of gifts
of the things allowed to the priests, and took their relatives
under his protection (21) Whilst he, having thus
pacified the world and the church, wqb living at Pulastipura,
he set out, in the fourth year of his reign, with great pomp
and surrounded with a powerful army, to worship the relics
THE RUWANWiELI DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 363
24. hanse penena manayelii dlmsB wahanayen bsBSSD, srI
padayen RuwanwaBli-maluwata wajda, malu-
25. wehi waeli tawaranna se ananta mutu atutse, wseli nala-
pimanan kusum pudunna se
26. ran-mal ridi-mal sat ru wan sisara niraturu kotae puda ;
anangi pata kada patakayen
27. dagabata atapaniwaranaya kotae, sisara ; niraturu kota)
kapuragoda goda kotae, pahan
28. puda ; taliyantel-suwanda tel-adiwu telin satiyak pahan
pudii mese mae kalu wael
29. dumin suwanda-malin puda siwaedgandin sisara, piri-
badagenaB, satalis lakshayak masuranin
30. pQjakotaB ; nuwarata hatpasin sat gawwak pamana taenas
hacma satun no maerlya haokkaeyi
31. abhaya dl, bera lawa, dolos maha wae taenae masunta
abhaya di, Kambodinta ranridi-adl-
32. wu kaemati wastu dl, pakshin no marana niyayen sam-
mata kotao, pakshlnta abhaya di ; pritln
in the sacred Dagaba of Ruwan waeli. He alighted from his
carriage as soon as the sacred Dagaba appeared in sight, and
walked on his royal feet to the terrace, and went round the
Dagaba ; having scattered countless pearls as if he were
sprinkling sand on the terrace, and offered in perpetuity
gold and silver flowers inlaid with the seven gems as if he
were offering ordinary flowers on a bed of sand, and covered
it with flags of priceless silken cloth. (27) Having heaped
up heaps of camphor, he offered lamps in perpetuity, and for
a week he offered lamps with taliyan oil, and scented oil, and
the like, and likewise offered Kaluwel incense and sweet-
scented flowers, surrounding it with the four kinds of odours,
and had it swept, and offered forty laks of masurans. (30) He
gave security to animals, ordering by beat of tom-tom that
they should not be killed within a distance of seven gaiia
from the city ; he gave security to the fish in twelve great
tanks ; giving gold and silver, and whatever other goods
they wanted, to the Kambojians, he commanded them not to
kill birds, and so gave security to birds. When in his joy
364 THE RUWANW.EU DAGABA INSCRIPTION.
33. da wandana welelii ehi bauddha dewatawan saha min
ha bananna dutu minisange priti
34. ghoshana asa e welehi upan Baddhalambana priiin Lak-
diwwasinta nsewseto hawu-
35. mddakata aya haeras ehi siti Loke-arak menawan adhi-
kara koto undae pada Mirisa-
36. wid adiwu wihara karawawayi ananta waatu ha wl
siyaganan yala di situwa nuwara dew-
37. nuwarak se peraparidden sarjjitako^ wadala niyadameta
si tin puja kala
38. nata bauddha dewatawangen memse lesae ar^ksha seti
bawa da dasna matuwana rajadaruwanudu
39. wisin nuwarae wihara wihara wasln lokasasana sanatha-
kotse raksha katayutu
Sriyamna ratnacaityapacitim avikalair yo na lakshair dha-
nyanam
Catyarimsatpramanair nnirupamaracitam dvikshasandraih
pramodyaih
Pratyakshany eva naikastutim akrtattu priticitto 'yam ab-
dam
Lamka-Nissamkamallo daramayadakara SrI-Parakranta-
bahuh.
he was worshipping the reKcs, he heard the joyful shouts of
those who saw the Buddhist gods talking there with men,
and from the enthusiasm towards Buddha which then arose
in him, he again relinquished to the people of Ceylon a year's
taxation. (35) He made the philanthropic men there pre-
sent judges, and giving them countless wealth and hundreds
of yalas of padi, told them to restore the Mirisawiti and
other wiharas, and decorated the city like a city of the gods.
(37) May future princes, perceiving that protection in like
manner will be granted by the Buddhist gods to those who
in their hearts worship this Dagaba, protect and preserve the
wiharas in this city, and those who dwell in the wiharas !
NOTES ON THE SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 365
Notes on the Sahasa Malla Inscription.
1. Siri'Sara. — Sara here is derived from sara, and means
fall of, whose very essence is. This sense is not given in
Clough's Dictionary ; but this compound sirisara occurs in
SsBlalihini-sandese, vv. 83, 93; and also in the TJmmaga
Jataka, p. 60, line 13, and Kusa Jataka, w. 612, 633, 655,
678. In the sense of ' arrow * sara is common ; compare
Malsara, ' the flower-arrowed one,* as a name of Anangaya or
Cupid ; Kusa Jataka, v. 204.
2. Wirudulada. — ^Wirudu kiyanawaa is to recite panegyrics
in verse, usually at a feast, in praise of some chieftain (San-
skrit viruda, wirudu being the Simhalese pi.). Clough gives
wiridu kima with the sense of 'speaking verses extempore,
repeating apropos,' but I doubt whether the form in ri was
ever in use. In the Guttila, a poem composed by Wettsewe
in the fourteenth century, and still popular among the Simha-
lese, at V. 237 occurs the phrase—
Kiyata noyek wirudawali satose
— in a note on which passage Pandit Batuwantudawa ob-
serves that, in a vocabulary called Gadyapadya, wiruda is
explained by rajastuti. I do not understand the expression
wiradu raja on the Great Lion at the Audience Hall, Pulasti-
pura, where it is used as an epithet of Nissanka Malla. See
the Indian Antiquary for September, 1873, pp. 246, 247.
3. Rajapd. — Compare aepa in the contemporary Inscription
on the fourth pillar of the Audience Hall at Pulastipura, and
my note in the vocabulary, Indian Antiquary for September,
1873, p. 248. Compare also Sidatsangarawa, line 44.
4. Bcenan, — Sahasa Malla is not mentioned at all in TJp-
ham's Rajawaliya (p. 255), and only in a list of sovereigns
in TJpham's Rajaratnakara (p. 93) : in Tumour's Epitome
his relationship to Nissanka Malla is also not given, and in
the Mahavamsa itself his reign is dismissed in the following
brief stanza (I extract from the India Office MS., chap. Ixxx.
V. 32) :—
Tato Sahasamallo ti raja vikkamakesarl (MS. kesari)
Bajjam kasi duve vasse Okkakakulasambhavo.
366 NOTES ON THE
The word b^nd is now applied only to a daughter's husband,
or a sister's son ; but Xissanka Malla, who came to the throne
eighteen years before Sahasa Malla, was probably his senior
in age. Clough, who under b^na only g^ves 'a nephew, a
sister's son/ has another form hrehcBndy under which he gires
also 'an elder brother.' In the charms used in the Bala
ceremony to propitiate the planets, the expression tcelendu de
hcB occurs in the sense of * two brothers, merchants.' I have
translated 'elder brother'; but that meaning is doubtful, as
bha<nneva in Sanskrit, and bhac'ine\'A'a in Pali, both mean
exclusively nephew.
5. TJdd must mean the rising, but udaya or ude are the
usual forms ; the one used in the inscription being not even
noticed by Clough, and only now occurring, as far as I re-
collect, in the verb uddicenaicd, * to rise ' (of the heavenly
bodies). But compare Guttila, v. 118, and Kusa Jataka,
V. 369, where udd is used as a noun. The latter poem is an
Elu version of the weU-known Jataka, written about 1610 a.d.
by Alagiyawana Mohottala, and is very popular among the
Simhalese, some of whom consider it the finest poem in the
language. A printed edition by Don Andris Tudawa was
published in Colombo in 1868.
6. Tubiisanda. — I have ventured, against both MSS., to
adopt this reading, which corresponds well with the giya
kalhi above.
7. Ahondican is still used in the hiU country of Ceylon as
a term of respect s}Tionymous with elder.
8. Bxidalndican is used as equivalent to mudalndtcan, which
only occurs with the meaning of treasurer, and is derived
from the Tamil mudal, 'money;' mudaiif/d, with its derivative
fnudiyanse, is derived from the Tamil mudali, 'first,' and is
a native title of rank, not used in India, but much used in
Ceylon. Clough gives mudali, with the meaning ' a treasurer,
a cash keeper,' but mudaliya does not occur with that mean-
ing, and the form mudali, though good in Tamil, can only in
Simhalese be the base used in compounds and in the plural.
9. Niyamtucd is not given in the Sinhalese dictionaries :
if the reading is correct, it must, I think, be Sanskrit niyiL-
SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 367
maka^ and must mean steersman, although niyamako is given
in Abhidhanappadlpika, v. 667, as used of sailors generally.
Namaniya is, I am told, still used by the Simhalese sailors
engaged in the coasting trade in the sense of ' mast/
10. anaaak = ajnacakra, the wheel of command, the con-
stantly recurring succession of orders and ordinances.
11. bd tcenu. — Bahanawa, according to Clough, is 'to put
in,' and banawa, 'to lower, to let down, to unload;' the latter
word being very common in that sense : taBnu I take to be
the p.p'p. of tananawa, but I am not certain that I have
imderstood these words rightly.
12. wiyalak, — Namawaliya explains this (v. 138) by
walanga, snake; in which sense it must be derived from
Sanskrit vydla. Soraiciyala is the old form of the modern
porowwa, ' sluice.' Mceti-wiyala is the moist clay ready for
making the mud walls of native houses with. Wiyalanawd,
according to Clough, is ' to dry,' and tciyala, besides a tiger,
a snake, and wet clay, means also bedstead. Here it means
a muddy field, madabima, a padi-field, rice-field: compare wila,
which Clough explains by lotus, pond, cavern, etc., and which
also means marsh.
13. malanuwan is not given in Clough or Namawaliya, but
is still in use occasionally as an honorific form of malaya.
14. wadd-awut. — Wada enawa is used as the causal of the
respectful expression wadinawa = yahapat wenawa. Simha-
lese politeness does not (or did not) speak of priests or
headmen eating, sleeping, coming or going, like ordinary
mortals, but contrived euphemisms to be used of such dis-
tinguished persons alone.
15. fo sasun, — I have both here and below translated this
government of the world ; but it may also be a dvandva com-
pound, and mean the Church and State: compare the
expressions lo waeda sasun waeda, at line 15, and lo waoda
sasim rakshaya at line 65 of the Palace Inscription, J. R. A. S.
1874.
16. bcBnd is so in both MSS., perhaps baena, p. part. act. of
baninawa, should be read.
17. pradhdnL — So read both MSS., but I think the form
VOL. TII.~[nBW 8E&IB8.] 24
368 NOTES ON THE
should be pradhana. It is difficult to determine the exact
force of the titles of the high officials in ancient Ceylon, as
they doubtless varied at different times. Lankadhikara, used
at the commencement of this inscription, is evidently the origin
of the title Adigar, which the English, in their first inter-
course with the King of Kandy, found applied to the Prime
Minister. Moggallana, at v. 982 of the Abhidhanappadlpika,
explains padhana by mahamatta. Councillor of State. On the
pillars in Nissanka Malla's Audience Hall are the remarkable
inscriptions translated in the Indian Antiquary^ loc, cit.y show-
ing the position of those who were present when he sat in
state. They were in the following order: — 1. The ywirarq/a,
seated. 3. The ^/?a5=adhipas, seated. 3. On one side the
«ew^7rira</w=senapatis; and on the other side the mdrtdaWcaBf
governors of provinces, 4. On one side the pradhdnaa ; on the
other the caurdsls, governors of 'hundreds* (from caturasi, 84,
see Sir H. Elliot's Glossary of Indian Terms, sub voce),
5. On one side the kdyasthaSy or secretaries ; and on the other
the members of the kadagoshthi or ba^ar council (Chamber of
Commerce).
In the seventeenth century, Knox, whose faithful and
full description of the whole inner life and customs of
the Simhalese is a mine of valuable information, gives the
titles of the State officers as follows: — 1. ' Adigars * = adhi-
kara. 2. ^Dissanvas,' i.e. (/wdM?afa=disa, the rulers of pro-
vinces. 3. The * courlividani,' i.e. kbrali viddnes = vidhanas
over the korales, into which the provinces of Ceylon are
divided. 4. The ' congconna,' i.e. kangdni, a Tamil word for
a petty officer ; and courti-archila, which must be, I think,
kdrale drracila = arakshika, the t being a misprint. The
revenue officers under the disawas were: — 3. ^Liannahs,'
i.e. Uyannds, writers. 4. 'TJndias,* i.e. undii/ds, undiya mean-
ing originally a lump or ball, and then a particular coin, four
of which, according to Clough=l salt, 4 sali being =iyanain,
i.e. I^d. 5. The 'Monannahs, ' i.e. maninnds, measurers,
collectors of the king's tithe.
In the Mabavamsa Tumour translates purohita (p. 61) by
' purohitta minister ; ' at p. 69 we have an amaccapamukha,
SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 369
to whom the purohicca is subsequently given in India ;
an amaccay who is made dandandydka (cf. 146, 4; 153,
13, 14; 170, 5; 172, 9; 173, from which two passages it
appears that Dushta-gamini had at least eight amacce,
p. 205, 5; 227, 6; 229, 9; 231 3; 233, 5; 248 9; 253 11);
and a ganakay who is made a setthi; while the honour of
sendpati is given by Asoka to Devanam-Piyatissa's nephew.
This word senapati is several times translated by Tumour
' minister,' which is also his rendering for camupati (Mah.
44, 13; where camupati = senapati at line 10, Mah. 137,
4 ; 204, 8, 9, 10 ; where camupati = senapati at line 7 ;
at p. 64 both these words are translated commander, and
so at pp. 219, 225, 16; 259, 9). Nagaraguttika is said at
p. 65 to have been a permanent official in Anuradhapura.
Kiimdra used at pp. 23, 148, of the son of a king, is used at
p. 141 of a villaga chief ; apparently the same as sammata on
p. 142 (an epithet applied to an amacca at p. 172, 4). At
p. 248, 5, kumara are the king's pages. Raja kammika,
king's overseer, pp. 175, 176, is perhaps not the title of an
official, but balaitha, pp. 175, 209, 210, 218, 219, peon, mes-
senger, certainly is. Dovdrika^ p. 117, 11, and jetthadovdrika,
p. 209, 8, are also officials, but evidently much beneath the
dtdrandyaka, p. 260, line 10, again mentioned in the 39th
chap. V. 39, J.R.A.S. 1874, Pt. II. At p. 231, 3, we have
a bhanddgdriko amacco, lord high treasurer. At p. 195 we
have a lekhaka, secretary who keeps a diary of the king's
good deeds, and another is mentioned at p. 236, 5. Mahd"
mattd is the name of Wankanasika's queen, p. 223, and also,
on the authority of the translator only, of Ilanaga's queen,
p. 216. The title mahamatta does not occur in the Mah.,
but is applied by Buddhaghosa in the commentary on the
Dhammapada (Dh. p. 307, 336) to Santati, who is also called
(p. 336) an amacca of King Bindusara : compare also p. 390,
line 9. Odmanl at Mah. 151, 1, seems to mean a village
headman, but may also mean lord or owner of the village.
There is a curious list given in the Sumangala Yilasini, as
quoted by Alwis, Pali Grammar, p. 99, where it is stated that
on the arrest of a thief, he was tried first by the viniccaya"
370 NOTES ON THE
mahdmattas, then bj the tohdnkas^ then bj the 9utiadara9,
then by the atthakulikas, then by the 9endpaii, then by the
ypardja, then by the King : each haying the power of ao-
qoittaly bat not of conyiction and punishment.
Throughout the history of Ceylon the political constitution
seems to have remained the same. At the head the King,
bound by no law, but never altering the law ; his despotism
only restrained by his own sense of justice or fear: at his
court one or more ministers, among whom the departments of
state were sometimes divided, but to any one of whom usually
an appeal lay £rom every inferior officer, and who advised the
King, or administered in his name, on all affidrs : over each
province a chief, bound to pay into the treasury not the exact
revenue he received, but a lump sum, and intermediate appeal
iudge in all cases arising in his district : under him, again, in-
ferior officers, some of whom were clerks and accountants with
specified duties, others petty territorial headmen over villages
or small districts with judicial as well as administrative
power. No great landowners, but the land in the hands of
peasants bound only to pay some share from one-tenth
to one-half to the King, or to a temple or chief when the
King had made a grant to that effect. Sumptuary laws, or
rather customs, and the great difficulty of obtaining justice
against oppression, prevented any rise in the general scale of
comfort, and prevented therefore at the same time any great
extension of commerce. Three-fourths of the people be-
longed to one, the wellala, or agricultural caste ; but caste
customs bound mechanics, barbers, washers, weavers, etc., to
perpetual servitude; whilst slavery of a mild form was
universal.
18. pattanamcB. — I am not sure whether the mae here
should be taken separately as the adverb of emphasis, or
whether this is one word, the Sinhalese locative sb added to
the Tamil word pattanam. Fausboll, in his Five Jatakas,
p. 25, says, "Pattana is given by Wilson in the general sense
of town, but it must particularly mean a town near the sea,
a port.*' Compare patun gam in the Rankot Pillar Inscrip-
tion, Joum. Boyal As. Soc., VoL VII. Part I. n.s. p. 164. I
SAHASA MALLA INSCRIPTION. 371
think the word is of Dravidian origin. At Mahava&sa^
p. 110, Tumour translates Jambukola by Jombukolapattana:
compare Mah. 119, 13, where the reading should probably
be Jambukolavhapattane. Tumour reads Jambukolamhi-
patthane, and the India Office MS. has J^ padane.
19. pata from patanawa = prarthana karanawa.
20. Both MSS. read wigna not wijfia. This is very
curious. Compare the modem pronunciation of nirvana
which is usually in Ceylon = nirgwana.
21. 8ddhd, — Compare F. Dh. p. Ill, 21, 'tassa rukkhassa
pupphapalasadin sadeti, where a MS. I had reads sadheti.
22. subha, — I have ventured to read so in accordance with
an expression used below in this inscription.
23. Mahdpotin. — This word gave me much difficulty, owing
to the MSS. reading peta and peti respectively ; but I think
the reading adopted must be right. Pota is given for a ship
at Abhidh. 1118. Compare potadhana, Clough s.v., a shoal
of fish so large as to stop the course of a ship when sailing.
Perhaps to distinguish it from pot, a book, the word ought
in Sinhalese, following the Sanskrit and Pali, to be written
with long 0,
24. sddhdrana in modem Sinhalese means justice, equity,
sarwasadharanawa, equitable towards all, is opposed to pak-
shapatawa, partial, in the sixth column of the number for 3rd
September, 1869, of the Lakrittikirana or Ceylon Sunbeam, a
native newspaper, whose leading articles are as much dis-
tinguished for their idiomatic and correct Sinhalese as they
are for loyalty and good sense. Clough's derivation of the
word is quite wrong.
25. Ranpata bandawd. — Knox, p. 133, says: "Among the
noblemen may be mentioned an honour that the king confers
like unto knighthood; it ceaseth in the person's death, and is
not hereditary. The King confers it by putting about their
heads a piece of silk or ribbon, embroidered with gold and
silver, and bestowing a title upon them. They are styled
mundianna {Le, mudiyanse) ; there are not above two or
three of them in the realm living now."
26. Rqiawallabha, — At Mah. 236, 5, raMo vallabha is the
372 NOTES ox THE
king's mistress. At 23o, 4, Sonamacco rajaTallabho
the minister Sona, a fayonrite of the King.
27. kawudu hallan. — On several inscriptions reooiding
grants I was surprised to see roagh drawings of a crow and
dog. This passage explains their meaning, bat as seYcral
of these inscriptions were in alphabets much older than the
time of Sahasa 3IaUa, the comparison most have be^i in
common use £rom an early period.
28. The Sanskrit stanzas at the end of this and the next
inscription are so corrupt in the MSS. that it would be use-
less to attempt a translation.
XOTES ox THE RCT\'AXW^L1 DIgABA IxSCRIFTIGN.^
2. Samdna. — The MS. reads tilakdyamdna, which gives no
sense : samana is the reading in the parallel passage at line 7
of the Palace Proclamation of Nissanka Malla, J.R.A.S.,
Vol. VII. Part I. NisMnka is spelt with ss at line 8, and
throughout the three inscriptions published in Vol. VII.
Part I. of this Journal ; but as the name is given with 88
in the Inscription on the Great Lion by the Audience Hall
at Pulastipura (see the Indian Antiquary for September,
1873, p. 246), I have not ventured to alter the reading of
the MS.
3. The MS. has tcahanse, which I have corrected to tcahanse,
see vv. 12 (bis), 13 (bis), 19, 22, 23, 24.
4. Mdlu being used of Parakrama Bahu the Great, who
had only been dead less than ten years, must mean old in
years, and not old in the sense of former. The Mudaliar,
who does not translate the title, points out very rightly that
this reference in Nissanka Malla's inscription to Parakrama
settles the question that Nissanka Malla Parakrama Bahu
cannot be identical with the Parakrama Bahu of Tumour's
list. When, however, as an additional reason for the same
* The namben prefixed to these notes refer to the numbers of the lines in the text.
RUWANW^LI DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 373
conclusion, he points out that the Stone Book at Pulastipura
gives a description of Nissanka Malla agreeing in all im-
portant points with that given in the present inscription, he
forgets that this proves nothing to the point at issue. Be-
cause one inscription of Nissanka Malla's agrees with another^
it does not follow that he i& the Kirti Nissan ga mentioned by
Turnour. But that point also is settled by other facts men-
tioned in these inscriptions agreeing with the extract from
the Mahavamsa now published, from which it also appears
that Tumour's spelling Nissanga was incorrect.
The Mudaliar translates the whole of this passage : " Con-
sidering the great many people oppressed and impoverished
by injudicious inordinate taxation repugnant to the ancient
royal institutes of the exalted Malu Parakrama Bahu," etc.,
which seems to me grammatically impossible : the subject of
the verbs ikmcB hala must be Parakrama Bahu. Such a trans-
lation is also inconsistent with the known facts of history, as
only one king, the mild and religious Wijayabahu II.,
reigned between Malu Parakrama and Nissanka Malla.
9, 10. These lines, which must be written very closely on
the stone, as they contain more than the other lines of the
inscription, seem to have presented some difficulty to the
copyist, and are corrupt, sandtha-hotce is a strange form ;
perhaps the stone has swastha-kotw which occurs in the
parallel passage on the Eankot Dagaba Pillars published by
me in the present volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society, p. 164, but compare v. 39. The MS. has sthlra kotce;
I have ventured to read sthira; and wiwiya, where I read
wiwidha^ the former giving no sense, and the y being so much
like the dh of the twelfth-century alphabet. Satamand
also seems to be a mistake for satamana, which I read, and
ma dawasaekak should be md, I do not understand simha at
the commencement of the new line. For samurddhawa
compare the Palace Inscription, line 22.
14. {ne) swamin. sic in MS. The MS. here, and in vv. 7,
19, 26, has ridi, though ridi is the more common form. I
have corrected the MS. reading cetalu into cetulu, which alone
is correct.
374 NOTES ON THE
17. The MS. here has sdsanayehi, and at w. 18, 21, sdfa-
naya ; at v. 39 it reads sasana, which is right.
18. The MS. has dcencence. The Mudaliar takes holawunta
m m
as a nominative, and translates katayutu ds&nsB by *' had no
means of living."
19. For ridl-yakada-bat-bijuwata, the Mudaliar has " vest-
ments, iron, seed, paddy," which is probably through a con-
fusion with kada * cloth.'
20. The Mudaliar renders obage .... sangrahakotse by
''presented their kith and kin with various articles of
wealth."
22. The MS. has Pulastl.
27. dtapaniwdranaya kotce the Mudaliar translates by
" fanning it with fans."
33. This reference to gods talking with men is most
curious, and certainly refers to a miracle supposed to have
been wrought on this occasion. The Bauddha-dewatawan
cannot mean simply Buddhist priests, for it is said on the
Stone Book at Pulastipura {teste Armour apud Forbes,
Ceylon, vol. iL p. 347, last line) that Nissanka Malla
'' having made offerings worth a sum of seven lakshaa to the
great Ruanweli Saya at Anooradhapura, he caused statues
to be made of the Dewetas who rejoiced at the said puja,
and had the same gilded and placed in proper situations."
39. Vihdra meant, in the Post-Vedic times in India, firstly
pleasure, relaxation, and then a pleasure-ground or place of
relaxation ; and after the rise of Buddhism it was applied to
the Buddhist temples. It meant originally the meeting place
of the Buddhist priests ; but after images of Buddha began
to be set up, and dwelling-houses for the priests to be per-
manently erected round the image-house, the word vihara
was used — as it still is — to denote either, 1. dagaba (or
dome built over a relic). Bo-tree {Ficm reiigioaa), and more
exactly the temple itself; or, 2. and more generally, the
whole monastic establishment. This usually consists in all
Buddhist countries alike of one or more of the following
buildings : — 1. The temple or image-house containing one or
more figures of Buddha, either standing, sitting cross-legged,
EUWANWJELI DAGABA INSCRIPTION. 375
or lying on his side : before these images the pions Buddhist
goes through his simple worship, bowing, placing his palms
together, and raising his hands to his forehead, repeats the
creed or some moral sentences from the Buddhist books, and
offers flowers. 2. The ddgaba or solid bell-shaped dome,
sometimes of enormous dimensions, under which some relic
of Buddha is supposed to be buried. 3. The sacred Bo-tree
{Ficus religiosa). 4. A preaching hall. 5. A hall in which
the priests meet; and lastly, the cells in which the priests
sleep. See Davy's Ceylon, p. 220 ; Tennent's Ceylon, vol. i. pp.
347-349 : for Siam, Pallegoix, Annales de la Propagation de
la Foi, Janr., 1854, pp. 31 et seq. : for Burma, Bigandet,
Legend of the Burmese Buddha, p. 162: for Nepal, Hodgson's
Sketch of Buddhism, p. 241: for Tibet, Koppen, EeUgion
des Buddha, vol. ii. p. 258, and cf. vol. i. p. 376.
X
/
376
Art. XVIII. — Notes on a Badrian Pali Inscription and the
Samvat Era. By Prof. J. Dowson.
In TrUbners Record of June, 1871, I gave a notice of a
short Inscription, of which a rubbing was brought from
Takht-i-Bahi by Dr. Leitner. The rubbing showed the In-
scription to be in a very defective state, and, according to
General Cunningham, the original stone has been used for
grinding spices on. A photograph of it has since been
obtained, from which the accompanying plate has been
copied. Many of the letters are indistinct, but the photo-
graph would seem to indicate that the blank space in the
middle was blank from the first. The stone is now in the
Lahore Museum. I quote what I said in the Record,
"Altogether there are six lines of writing, but of theaOy
the first two, containing the name of the King and the date,
are alone intelligible. Fortunately this is the only part of
the inscription which is of any importance ; for the word
pui/ae, which is twice legible towards the end, shows that
this inscription is a mere record of a votive offering, such as
Buddhist worshippers loved to make and to set up in remem-
brance of their devotion. The opening words of the inscrip-
tion may be thus translated : * In tlie 26, twentt/^sixth, year of
the great King Guna . . . pharasa, on t/^e 7, seventh, day of the
7nonth VaisdkfuL* As usual, the numbers are expressed both by
numerals and by words. The ' great King Guna . . . pharasa'
is probably the ' Gondophares ' of the bilingual coins, whose
name is written in a variety of ways in the Bactrian versions
of the name. This identification, however, is open to doubt,
for in the inscription three letters are obliterated in the
NOTES ON A BACTRIAN PALI INSCRIPTION. 377
middle of the name. There is nothing even to suggest a
guess as to what these letters were, but they must have
made the name longer than it has yet been met with.
It may be that it is a mere difference of spelling, but,
on the other hand, it may be a different though similar
name."
In a subsequent number of the JRecord, General Cunning-
ham, under his initials A.C., communicated his own version
of the Inscription.^ Before seeing my version he had read ^
the name as Gudupharasa, and had identified it with Gondo-
phares. He had also read the name of the month Yesakha.
He then proceeds. " The date of the Inscription I read as
Samvat 103, the fourth day of the month Vesdkh (equivalent
to A.D. 46), in the 26th year of the King's reign. The
inscription ends with the words sa piiyde mdtu pitu puyae^
' for his own religious merit, and for the religious merit
of his father and mother.' It is therefore only a simple
record of the building of a Stupa or a Vihdr by some pious
Buddhist."
General Cunningham's decipherment of the word Samvat
induced me to take up the Inscription again ; and although
the letters are very indistinct, I have no doubt that the
word is there. The transliteration of the first two lines
runs as follows : —
Maha-rayasa Gunu . . . pharasa vasha iixj
Samvatsarasa satamae uixi vesakhasa masasa divase.
. •
The word vasfia in the first line is the Sanskrit varsha
" year," and this line may be unhesitatingly translated, " In
the 26th year of the great King Gunu . . . phara (Gondo-
phares)."
The first two words of the second line are Samvatsarasa
satamae^ " In (the year) one hundred of the Samvat."
The other words are Vesakhasa masasa divase, " on the day
^ Beprodaced in the Indian Antiquary of August, 1873, p. 242.
AND THE SAMVAT ERA. 379
tion is not self-conTincing, for the number of the year and
the date of the month are placed together in a very awkward
and deceptive way ; and according to the ordinary practice,
the figures representing the date of the month ought to
follow the name, not precede it. I cannot decipher the
word following the name of the month, but I am satisfied
that the first character is not a numeral. General Cun-
ningham found a 4 somewhere, but I venture to say there
is no such figure — so the three perpendicular marks re-
present " 3 Yaisdkha." The translation of the first two
lines is —
" In the 26th year of the great King Gondophares (and)
on the third day of the month Vais&kha, (year) one hundred
100 of the Samvatsara."
These few words are of great importance, as they prove
that an era called Samvatsara was in use in Bactrian Pali
days, and that it had become recognized as an era in its
hundredth year. Whatever doubt may exist as to the above
rendering of the numerals, I feel perfectly assured in the
reading of the words " Samvatsaraaa satamae^^ which can
mean nothing else than "in one hundred of the Samvat-
sara."
As the word Samvatsara, in its primitive sense, means
simply ** year," it has been difficult in early dates to deter-
mine whether to read it simply as "year," or as ^Hhe year," or
" era." In translating the Mathura Inscriptions I purposely
left the question open. Some of those inscriptions bore very
early dates, as 5 and 9 ; and it seemed very improbable that
the Samvatsara, whatever its epoch, should have come to be
recognized as an era at so early a time : for the establish-
ment of an era is almost always a retrospective, not a pro-
spective arrangement. Though it may well come to pass
that at the end of a long or remarkable reign, its years may
continue to be counted onwards, and so the commence-
ment of that reign may become the epoch of an era. Some-
thing like this would seem to have been the case with the
Samvatsara.
General Cunningham, in reproducing my translations of
380
NOTES ON A BACTRIAN PAU INSCRIPTION
the Mathura Inscriptions/ took a bolder course than I had
/Ventured upon. Instead of reading Samvatsara as ** year/'
he converted it into '' era ; " and no doubt he was quite
justified in doing so with such high dates as 135 and 281.
But there still remained a doubt as to whether the word
samvatsara might not be used in the inscriptions with its
simple primary meaning of " year/* as year of a reign or of
some unspecified era. The present Inscription, in speaking
of the year 100 of the Samvatsara, makes it perfectly clear
that the Samvatsara was then recognized as an era. Having
thus become fairly established as an era, whenever the word
Samvatsara occurs in dates, unqualified by the mention of
some other era, it must be taken as being the name
of the era ; for the use of the word in such a position,
with the simple meaning of year, would be not merely am-
biguous, but deceptive, and such a use would no doubt be
avoided by employing some synonym for "year," as the
word varsha is used in this Inscription; or by giving the
name of the era, as it is found expressed in other Inscrip-
tions, *' Saka-Kdla-samvatsare"^ "in the year of the Saka era."
A review of all the dates in the Bactrian Pali and
Mathura Inscriptions gives the following results : —
Kino. Samtat Yxah.
Insc&iption.
Eanishka
9
Mathura
(Arch. Rep. toI. iiL p. 31).
9}
11
Bhawalpur
(Joum. Vol. IV. N.8. p. 600).
it
18
Manikyala
(Joum. Vol. XX. p. 261).
Huyishka
39
Mathura
(Joum. Vol. V. N.8. p. 182, and Arch.
£ep. vol iii. p. 80),
9t
47
»i
»
48
»»
M
51
Wardak
(Joum. Vol. XX. p. 266).
Moga
78
Taxila
(lb. p. 223).
V&8u-deva
6
Mathura
(Arch. Eep. p. 30).
tf
44
(Joum. VoL V. -N.8. p. 182, and Arch.
Bep. vol. iii. p. 36).
ft
83
19
tt
87
tt
»>
98
Gondophares
100
Takht-i Bahi.
1 Archeeological Surrey, iii. 29.
2 Journ. B.A.S. vol. iii. p. 269. Mnltai Plates. Joum. B.A.S. toL tL p. 870.
AND THE 8AMVAT ERA. 381
The only name in the series which presents any difficulty
is that of V&su-deva. The name is first met with in an
inscription of the year 5 ; but that inscription is very
defective. The words V&su-deva are clear, but they are'
not preceded by any title of royalty, and the context in
which they occur is unintelligible ; it may, therefore, be
reasonably doubted if they represent the name of the King.
But the name occurs in the year 44, when Huvishka was
reigning, and again in the years 83, 87, and 98. Apart
from the fact of Huvishka being King in the year 44, it is
extremely improbable that the same V&su-deva was reigning
in that year and in the year 98. Thus the name Vdsu-deva
is used apparently in the year 5, and certainly in the years
44 and 98. Can any suggestion be offered to account for
this P The name V&su-deva, it must be observed, is the
only Hindu name in the series ; Kanishka, Huvishka, and
the rest are of foreign origin. May not V&su-deva then
have been the Hindu title by which the monarchs of this
Scythic dynasty were known among their Hindu subjects P ^
Three foreign Kings, " Hushka, Jushka, and Kanishka,"
are mentioned in the R&ja Tarangini, and it should be
observed that the order in which the names succeed each
other is a metrical arrangement. Kanishka and Hushka
are known by inscriptions ; the name of Jushka has not been
found, so he may have been known by another name.
The dates of the various Bactrian Pali Inscriptions are,
as above shown, entirely in agreement with the Indian Pali
Inscriptions of Mathura. In all of them the word Samvat-
sara is used. The present inscription proves that it was
the title of an era, and its frequent abbreviation to " Sam "
shows that it was a well-known familiar term. What, then,
was the era it designated P In the Bactrian Pali Inscrip-
tions the Macedonian months are frequently used, so that
the natural inference was that the era used was the Seleu-
cidan. But this era carried the inscriptions too far back.
An ingenious theory has lately been set up to get over this
^ This title or name is also found upon the Indo-Sassanian coins of a some-
what later date. — See Thomas's Prinsep, Yol.ii. p. 113 ; Ariana Antiqua, p. 400.
382 NOTES ON A BACTEIAN PALI INSCRIPTION
difficulty. It supposes that the number of the century was
suppressed, as we now suppress it in saying '75 for 1875. Bat
we never adopt this practice in dating documents^ and it is
obvious that it would entirely defeat the object of patting a
date upon a monument intended to endure for a long period.
It is true that in Bactrian Pali Inscriptions we have no date
higher than the year 100; but the Mathura Inscriptions,
which are intimately connected with them, have the dates
135 and 281 Samvatsara.^
The question still remains as to what was meant by the
word Samvatsara, and I have no hesitation in answering,
The Samvatsara of YikramsLditya. In the first place that era
accords with the period to which, for other reasons, these
Inscriptions are referred. There has been a disposition of
late years to question the great antiquity of this era. Some
have said that it does not go farther back than the year 400,
and one writer has even disputed its having been in use
before the year 1000 a.d.* Little has been adduced in
support of these attacks upon the antiquity of the era ; but,
according even to the most hostile of its assailants, the era
known as the Samvat has been current for a thousand years.
This era is intimately bound up with Hindu ritual, and it is
the one in which are enshrined those methods of computing
and recording time which are peculiar to the Hindus. Both
these considerations lead to a strong presumption in favour
of its antiquity. The Ballabhi Samvat, which was based
upon this Samvat, " is shown by the Annals of B4jasth&n to
correspond with 375 of Vikramftditya." ' There is no very
great gap between this date and the date of the present
Inscription, and the interval is filled up by the Mathura
Inscriptions of 135 and 281 Samvatsara. All the Bactrian
Pali Inscriptions and the Mathura Inscriptions designate
the era simply "Samvatsara," or, as abbreviated, "Sam.**
Later inscriptions, which are unquestionably dated in the
1 Jomn. R.A.S. Vol. V. n.s. p. 182 ; Arch. Rep. vol. iii. pp. 36, 87.
' Extrait des Notices et Communications de TAcadlmie royale d' Amster-
dam, 1873.
3 Prinsep's Useful Tables, in Thomas, toI. ii. p. 158.
AND THE SAMYAT ERA. 383
era of Yikram&ditya, in the same way, name it only as
" Samvatsara/' and I know of no instance of the word Vikra-
maditya being used in an Inscription to qualify the word.
In modern times the era is known simply as "Samvat/*
There has thus been an era called " Samvatsara " from the
year 100 to the present time ; and a natural conclusion
follows, that, as it is now, so it was in the beginning, and
that the title '' Samvatsara " has throughout designated one,
and only one era. It is incredible that a second era should
have been set up and called simply Samvatsara without any
distinctive appellation. There have been other Samvats, as
the Ballabhi Samvat, and the Siva Sinha Samvat,^ but these
have their distinctive titles, and it is not to be lightly assumed
that the bare word Samvatsara was used to designate either
of them. So, when the word Samvatsara occurs in dates
unqualified by a distinctive name, I hold to the opinion
strongly expressed by James Prinsep, that it designates the
Samvat of Vikram&ditya, and no other.*
Oeneral Cunningham, in his last Archaeological Beport,
has brought forward various arguments, showing that the
Samvat era was used by Xanishka and the other Scythic
monarchs in India.^ It seems now hardly possible to doubt
the fact. What has been above written tends also to sub-
stantiate his opinion that the Samvat era of Yikramftditya
dates from the establishment of the Scythic power in India.
* Prinsep's Usefiil Tables, in Thomas, vol. ii. p. 168.
* Thomas's Prinsep, vol. ii. p. 258, and a note in p. 269, where Mr. Wathen
records his opinion, that he made a mistake in supposing the *' Samvat" of a
certain Guzerat inscription to have been the Ballabhi Samvat, and that the
Samvat so used " is that of Vikramaditya."
^ Arch. Report, iii. p. 46. Coincidently he proposes to identify Eanishka with
Wema-Eadphises. In a later page (139) Chandra Gupta I. is placed in the year
79 A.D. ; that is, the very epoch of the era of SMivahana.
VOL VII.— [kiw bbribs.] 25
384
Art. XIX. — Note on a Jade Drinking Vessel of the Emperor
Jahdngir. By Edward Thomas, F.B.S.
Among other curiosities dispersed at the sale of the late CoL
C. S. Guthrie's Oriental Collection, Lot 118— described as
''A Dark-green Jade Jar, the neck engraved with an
inscription" — realized £60, and was wisely retained in the
family by Mr. Arbuthnot Guthrie.
The yase in question constitutes a most interesting memorial
of the Great Mughal Emperor JahangIr, being in fact one
of his drinking yessels, cut expressly for his use at Fathpiir,^
near his capital of Agra; and in its surroundings brings
yiyidly before us the tales of his drunken revels, of which we
hear so much from Captain Hawkins and Sir T. Roe, the
Ambassador of James I. at the Court of the Indian monarch.
W. Hawkins, an almost boon companion, in speaking of his
potations, goes on to say —
'' Foure or five sorts of very well dressed and roasted meats are
brought him, of which as bee pleaseth, he eateth a bit to stay his
stomacke, drinking once of his strong drinke. Then hee oommeth
forth into a private roome, where none can come, but such as himsellb
nominateth, (for two yeeres together I was one of his attendants
here). In this place he drinketh other five cupfdls, which is the
portion the Physicians alot him. . . . And after he hath dept two
houres, they awake him, and bring his supper to him, at which
time he is not able to feede himselfe." — Hawkins (aj>. 1609-1611,
▲.H. 1018-1020), in Purchas, vol. i. p. 224.
Sir Thomas Roe's more reserved experiences are also pre-
served in his own words —
<' The King sent me word, it was his birth day, and that all men
did make merry, and to aske if I would drinke with them. ... So
hee called for a Cuppe of gold of mingled wine, halfe of the grape,
halfe artificially and dranke, causing it to bee filled, and sent to me.
.... I dranke a little, but it was more strong than euer I tasted,
^ Jah&nglr was born at Fathpdr Slkri, in 977 a.h.— Eh&fi Kh&n, L 69.
NOTE ON A JADE DRINKING VESSEL. 385
80 that it made me sneeze, whereat he langhed." ' — Sir T. Eoe
(a.s. 2nd Sept. 1616, a.h. 1025), Parchas, yoL i. p. 551 ; Pinkerton,
vol. viii. p. 15 ; Churchill, vol. i. p. 636.
Jah&ngir's own confessions are embodied, with full naivete,
in his diary, which has been preserved in its more or less
authentic form in the various memoirs of his life
" Up to my fourteenth year I had never drunk wine, except two
or three times in childhood, when my mother or nurses had given
me some as a remedy for some childish ailment Once also my
father called for some spirit {^arak) to the amount of a iola^ and
mixing it with rose-water, made me drink it as a remedy for a
cough. In the days when my father was in the field against the
Yusufzdi Afghans, I was encamped near Atak, on the NiMb (Indus).
I one day went out hunting. I met with many mishaps, and was
very tired, when one of my attendants told me that if I would drink
a cup of wine, it would relieve my fatigue and weariness. I was
young, and prone to indulgence, so I sent a servant to the house of
Hakim 'Ali for a refreshing drink. He brought me about a cup
{piydla) and a half of yellow wine of sweet taste in a small bottle,
and I drank it. The result was pleasant. Erom that time I took
to wine-drinking, and from day to day took more and more, until
wine of the grape had no effect upon me, and I took to spirit-
drinking. In the course of nine years I got up to twenty cups of
double-distilled spirit, fourteen of which I drank in the day, and
the remaining six at night. The weight of this was six sirs of
'Hindustan, equal to one man of frdn No one dared to
expostulate with me, and matters reached such an extreme, that
when in liquor I could not hold my cup for shaking and trembling.
I drank, but others held the cup for me. At last I sent for the
hakim (doctor) Humdm, brother of Hakfm Abu-1 Fath, who was
one of my father's attendants, and placed my case before him. With
great kindness and interest, he spoke to me without concealment,
and told me that if I went on drinking spirits in this way for six
* " Beinf entered, you approach the King's Derbar or Seat, before which is
also a small court inclosed with railes, couered ouer head with rich Semianes to
keepe away the Sunne . . . sitting forth in a small more inward Court . . .
into which none but the Grandes ... are permitted to enter, where he drinkes
Terry, Purchaa, yol. ii. p. 1481. See also p. 387, his "Voyage to East India."
London, 1787.
386 NOTE ON A JADE DEINKING VESSEL
months longer, my state would be past remedy. His adyioe was
good, and life is dear. I was greatly affected by his words, and
from that day I began to diminish my potations, but I took to
eating faluhd. As I lessened my drink, I increased the opium, and
I directed that the spirits should be mixed with wine of the grape ;
two parts wine and one spirit. Lessening my allowance daily, I
reduced it in the course of seven years to six cups, each cup weigh-
ing eighteen miskdls and a quarter. For fifteen years I have
now kept to this quantity, taking neither more nor less." — ^Elliot's
Historians, Waki' dt-i Jahdngiri, vol. vi. p. 341. See also p. 285.
[Entry under the tenth year of the reign, a.f. 1024, a.d. 1615.]
'* The climate of this part of the country (Gujarat) was not bene-
ficial to my health, and the physicians had advised me to lessen the
quantity of wine I usually drank. I deemed this prudent, and
began to do so. In the course of one week I reduced the quantity
about one cup. Formerly I took six cups every night, each cup
containing seven tolas and a half of liquor, that is, forty-five ioUu
altogether ; but now each cup contained six and one-third of a toUty
the whole being thirty-seven tolas and a half." — Elliot, vol. vi.
p. 361. [Entry under the thirteenth year of the reign, a.h. 1027,
A.D. 1618.]
These definitions of quantities enable us to determine the
extent of the Emperor's potations. The two estimates^ in
miskdls and Indian tolas accord so closely that we need not
seek to reconcile the weight of the sir of Hindiist&n or the
man of fr&n. Under these tests, our potentate, in his evil
days, is found to have consumed 52 or 53 ounces of " double-
distilled spirits." The quantity was sufficiently startling, but
the strength and the quality of the liquor' must have been
the great trial for the constitution.
Our monarch does not appear to have had any euck scruples
or reserve in the avowal of his tippling tendencies as has been
sometimes attributed to him; for we find him causing the
1 The mifkdl of 40 ratis^ or 70 grains troy, ^yes as the maximum 70 y 18} y 20
= 53-220 ounces Apothecaries weight. The minimum being 18^x6 = 15*966 os.
The tola of 96 ratit, or 168-00 grains (7} tolat x 6 = 45), gives a nmTim nm of
52*500 oz., and a minimum of 37 ^o/a« = 15*750 oz.
' B&bu R&jendralfid Mitra has given us a full account of the strong drinks
of the ancient Hindis in the Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1873, p. 1.
lie there shows that arraek was in use among the rites of the Vedic Aryans.
OP THE EBfPEEOE JAHANGIB.. 387
representatioii of his own sacred person to be stamped on the
coinage of the empire, in the act of raising the wine-cup to
his lips, so early as the sixth year of his reign/ a device which
is retained, with slight modification, till his ninth year. In
these examples the cup is shaped like an ordinary China tea-
cup, so that we must suppose that this Jade vessel' constituted
the water mug of his repentant eflforts at the reduction of
stimulants, an inference alike demanded by the date and
tenor of the inscription itself, as well as by the form of the
jar, which follows that of the ordinary Indian Lotah, made
1 Manden, No. 1335. Gold. Weight, 168 grains. a.h. 1020.
Oby. Bust of Jah&ngir raising the wine-cnp preparatory to drinking. A light
nimbus surrounds the head.
Legend. i»^*«-*Li>Uli^l«:^ .Ui 'i:?: ^'iStthS'."'
Left — lA*'^^ I f" * ^'-tj i Year six of the reign.
Rby. The Sun in the constellation of Leo, occupying the full surface of the
piece — at the foot of the device the words
^T * lStS^ ^^:^ Year 1020 Hijri.
Marsden, 1338. Gold. Weight, 167 grains. Ajmlr, a.h. 1028.
Oby. Full figure of the King seated on his chair of State, holding a cup of
wine. A prominent nimbus encircles the head.
Legend, ^fi^^-^^-jly^ i^Jjj *L.y,\^\^ft t^J^t
H. M. Sh&h Jah&ngir
Siffht^'^X^ 2rLl ^,^ -fjj-^ ^A*r was placed on the gold
"^ * * coin.
Rby. Small sun in the centre.
AhoY»— .\ . V* \v,» % l-\ • . From eternity, the numeral
AbOYO-^^ A-, J Ac J J Jjyjlfj letters for Jahdnffir and
^ ^ AIM Akbar have been
Below — ^\ jJJ\ . ,.00 U>- u^«*>- in unison. [The totals
^^ -^^^ ^* -2/^ ineitherca8ebeing292.]
On the two sides — U TT ,*-«»^-l (— >-ii 1 ^U«j ,,r»*^ ^
Oh Defender I Year 9 (of the reign). Struck at Ajmir, 1023 (a.h.).
Variety. Similar coins, with the figure of the monarch and the lion and the
sun (of No. 1336) reduced in size to meet the more ample legends. See Marsden,
p. 609. The coins are dated Ajmir ^ the 8th year and the 9ui year = 1023 a.h.
' William Hawkins, in his enumeration of Jah&nglr's treasures, says, '*0f
vases for wine Yery faire and rich, set with jewels, there are one hundred. Of
drinking cuppes five hundred, that is to say made of one piece of Ballace ruby
and also emerods, of eehim (which stone cometh from CathaY), of Turkish stone
and other sorts of stones."— Purchas, yoI. i. p. 217. This eehim is the identical
term which is engraYed on the cup, j j^ \ yathmy the Chinese Yuh^ehih, " gem-
stone.'' »
388 NOTE ON A JADE DRINKING VESSEL
upright in the neck for facility of drinking, with an inner
groove to receive and retain a cover« The cup holds 25^
ounces weight of water.
Ikscription on the Cup.
j^\ if\J^ ^li^^.j ■( jL-f»- j\
j^fjs:\ij0
JLmI
^1*
TRiLNSLATIGN.
Diamond scrolls,
1 God is great.
2 Manufactured at Fathpiir,
3 in the 14th year of the reign,
4 the year 1028 Hijri.
Intermediate spaces.
1 This cup of jade, choice gem, is
2 (the cup) of JahaDgfr Shdh, the great king.
3 Let the water of life be in his cup,
4 BO that it may be the water of
Khizr,' life prolonging.
^ It is necessary to examine the Mnhammadan Idea of the prophet Eliizr, which
may be gathered from Yullers's note on the word, giving, as we must suppose,
the local Tiew of the Indo-Persian Lexicographers.
" ^r^ V, ^r^ nom. prophets cujusdam ( ,^,^tJuJ ) ?b. Quia fuit Ehisr, cui
fontem yitae, cujus custos est, invenisse eontigit, et vis vitalis Iribuitnr, totam
naturam ftnimang et yiriditate induens, qui a periculiB liberat et viam per deserta
yitse monstrat, ex iis, qusB Arabum et Persarum scriptores tradunt, baud intelli-
gitur, quum alii sapientem quendam et socium Mosis, alii Eliam prophetam rel
St. Georgium, alii denique Yezirum Alexandri ilium fuisse contendant."
See a^ Sale's Eur&n, Surat xviii. note. ** Some . . . suppose Al Khedr,
having found out the fountain of life and drank thereof, became immortal ; and
that he had therefore this name from his flourishing and continual youth."
OF THE EMFEROB JAHANOfR. 389
I have reproduced, with as much exactness as modem type
admits of, the original extant record on the jade cup, omitting
intentionally all dots and points of the Persian version, which
the workers in hard stone have seen fit to leave out.^ There
may be a suspicion that certain discriminating dots have
been designedly dropped, with a view to alternative, and to
us enigmatical, readings of the more obvious version ; for
instance, c:^. ^Jb 'Us" may be read as ^^s."^*^ ** drunk," the
succeeding i^J^ "cup" is left as <— i;^, and the^^ l/^^>
without the qualifying dots, may lend themselves to many
satumalian imageries. At first sight I supposed that the
contrast ofy^is*- ti^l jy b implied a higher motive, as rising
beyond the mundane ti>W^ <--^i "water of life;"* but the
general tenor of the couplet reduces the leading idea into
something very sublunary, and the fabulous mission of the
Prophet Xhizr may perchance bring the whole version within
the arena of the drunken orgies to which Jah&ngir and his
English visitors so freely confess, and which were probably
not altogether abandoned under the influence of the sanitarj^
measure of comparative temperance, so newly inaugurated, to
which his Majesty alludes.
* The Emperor Bkbar, in noticing the abundance of artificers in India in
1626 A.D., and the presenco of Htone-masonA from *' Azerbaijim, Fam, Hindnst&nf
and other countricM/* goes on to remark, *' In Agra alone, and of stone-cutters
belonging to that place only, I cscry day employed on my palaces 680 persons,
and on other works 1941 stone-cutters." — Leydcn's B&bar, p. 334.
Thevenot, in Sh&h Jah&n's time, refers to the perfection of one of the special
industries of Agra, the working on hard stone. London, 1687. p. 39. Sf» also
Asiatic Researches, toI. xv. p. 434.
' Akbar had already given this name to water cooled with saltpetre. — ^Aln-i-
Akbari, Gladwin, vol. i. p. 71.
INDEX.
Abbasside Coins, 262 ff.
Abul-E&sim, 144 ff.
Al-Askar, 147 ff.
Al-Atq^h, 161.
Al-FuBt&t, 147 ff.
Al-H&fi?, 140 ff.
Al-E&hirah, 147 ff.
Al-Kat&e, 147 ff.
Al-Man^ariy&h, 148.
Al-Munta?ar, 140 ff.
Anurddhapara, 353.
AttanagaluYamsa, 167.
Bactrian Pclli Inscription, 376 ff.
Baillie.N. B. E,, £»q., Of the Khar&j
or Muhammadan Land Tax, 172 ff.
Bhadra, 84, 93 ff.
Bhira, 91, 95.
Bharoach, 94.
Bl^hah, 178.
Bila shart, 177.
Bodhiva&sa, 170.
Brhat-Sanhita, 81 ff.
Buddhavadisa, 169.
Buddhist Manual of Ordering, 1 ff.
Bushell, Br. S. W,, Notes on the Old
Mongolian Capital of Shangtu,
329 ff.
Cairns, 17 ff.
Campbell^ Dr. A., Note on the Valley
of Choombi, 135 ff.
Childer»y Frof. R. C, Notes on the
Sinhalese Language, 35 ff.
MahSparinibbSna Sutta,
49 ff.
Cholians, 153 ff.
Choombi, Notes on, 135 ff.
Coimbatore, Megalithic Monuments in,
17 ff.
Coins, Inedited Arabic, 243 ff.
Abbasside, 262 ff.
Cunningham, General A., 376 ff.
Curumbars, 26.
Dalad&vafiksa, 168,
Davids, T. W. Rhysj Ssg., Inscription
of Par&krama Bahu, 162 ff.
Note on Sinhalese HiBtorical
Books, 167 ff.
Sigiri, the Lion Rock, etc.,
191 ff.
-^— Two Old Siffihalese Inscrip-
tions, 353 ff.
Dhatusena, 196 ff.
DhatuYafiisa, 168.
Diamonds, Trying of, 125 ff.
Dickson f J. F.^ The UpasampadS-
Eammavaca, 1 ff.
Dimbutagala Medankara, 171.
Dipayanisa, 169, 217.
Dolonnor, 334 ff.
Dowson, Frof. /., Notes on a Bactrian
Pali Inscription and the Samvat
Era, 376 ff.
Egypt, Capitals of, 147 ff.
Coinage of, 140 ff.
Elu, 36 ff.
Gadi-rdzu, 26.
Gandhara, 96.
Gondophares, 376 ff.
Gopa Kaja, 157.
Gunapharas, King, 376 ff.
Guthrie, Col., 262 ff., 384 ff.
Hansa, 93.
Hian tsu, 313.
Hingtou, 312.
Howorth, H. JT., The Northern Fron-
tagers of China. Part I. The
Origines of the Mongols, 221 ff.
Part II. Origines of me Manchus,
305 ff.
Iktaa, 177
Ilahi gaz, 178.
Jaghanya, 97.
Jah&ngir, Drinking Vessel of, 384 ff.
Jarlb, 178.
392
INDEX.
Jayagopa, 155.
Jttchi, 308 ff.
E&lapanchip&, 171.
Kalilah wa-Dimnah, Syriac Version
of, Append.
Ealuna, 197.
Eammavacsl, 1 ff.
Eatfyapa, the Parricide, 164, 192 ff.,
218.
Kern, Prof. JT., Brhat-Sanhita, 81 ff.
Eesadh&tnTa&sa, 168.
KhaUata N^ga, 197.
Ehar&j,172ff.
Ehasa, 96.
Eirtti Nissanka, 157, 353.
Eirtti-Sri-Meghayslhana, 155.
Eit Serinewan, 155.
Eubia, 197.
Enblai Ehan, 329.
Laijitissa, 197.
Lalatawaffisa, 171.
Lankesvara, 154.
Lata, 94.
Leitner, Dr., 376.
Long, Rev. 7., Oriental Proyerba in
their Relation to Folklore, History,
Sociology, etc., 339 ff.
Madhnratta Yilasini, 170.
Maga, 157.
Magadha, 35 ff.
Mahanama, 196.
Mahaparinibb^na Sntta, 49 ff.
Mahasdratthadipani, 171.
Mahavamsa, 167, 196 ff., 219, 354.
Mahendra IV., 154.
Mahinda, 38.
Malabarana, 154.
Maiava, 9*4.
Maiayya, 93 ff.
Mdnabarana, 154.
Manchus, Origines of, 305 ff.
M anda, 84.
Ma^dalaka, 97.
Marco Polo, 332.
Mashrtit, 177.
Ma^r, 148.
Megalithic Monuments in Coimbatore,
17 ff.
Mihindu, 153.
Mihintale-Wamanawa, 170.
Misr, 148 ff.
Mogallana, 171, 198.
Mongols, Origines of, 221 ff.
Mnpa, 85.
Mukasumat, 173.
Nif^anka Malla, 154, 353 ff.
Odoli, Site of, 308.
Oriental Proyerba, 339 ff.
Pali, 35 ff.
Palli, 26.
Parikrama BAhn, 162 ff., 353 ff.
Pariyatra, 94.
Pearls, Trying of, 127 ff.
Pollanama, 156.
Fooky 8. X., Etq.^ Inedited Arabic
Coins, 243 ff.
Proverbs, Oriental, 339 ff.
Pdjawaliya, 169.
Pulastipura, 152 ff., 191(=Topaw»wm,
Topitwa, 156).
Rajaratnakara, 170.
Rajawali, 170.
Rayerty, Major, and CoL Tvle, 189.
Rashiduddin, 334.
Roger », E. T., £$o., Notice on ike
Dinars of the Abbaadde DyiMty,
262 ff.
Rucaka, 93 ff.
Ruwanweli Dagaba In8cripti<tt, S60 ff.
Sahasa Malla, Inscription of, 368 ff.
Samin (Sayin), 97.
Samyat Era, 376 ff.
Sariputra, 171.
^asa 93 ff.
^asanawatara, 171.
Sauvairey M. JET., and 8. Z. JfMIr,
Rtq.j The Name of the Twelflk
Im&m on the Coinage of Egypt,
140 ff.
Seriyut, 171.
Shangtu, 329 ff.
Shartf, 177.
Shi-wei, 222."
Sigiri, 191 ff., 213, 215.
Simhapnra, 155.
Sindh, 94.
Sinbala, 36.
Sinhalese Lang^ge, Notes on, 36 ff.
Inscriptions, 152 ff., 191 if,
353 ff.
$ri Gopa Raja, 157.
Ssanang Setzen, 229 ff., 333.
Snbha, 197.
SCLrasena, 96.
Surash^, 94.
Takht-i Bahi, Insoriptioa of, 376.
Tankha, 177.
Thai tsn, 315 ff.
Thomas y £., Esq., Note on a Jade
Drinking Vessel of the ^nperor
JahGngir, 384 ff.
ThapawaAsa, 168.
Topawa,Topawewa» Piilaatipiira,168.
INDEX.
393
Upa8ampad&-EainniaT&c&, 1 ff.
Yal Sink, =yana Samk,, 41.
Ydmanaka, 97.
Yarslha-miliira, 81.
Vidiiratha, 117.
Vijaya, 38.
yinay&rtihasamnchchaya, 171.
Walhouaey M. J,y Esq., Megalithic
Monuments in Goimbatore, 17 ff.
Wasabha, 197.
Wazifa, 173.
"Wijaya-bShu, 164.
Wright f JProf, W,j Specimens of a
Syriac Version of the Ealilah wa-
Dimnah, Append.
Yuan Dynasty, 335.
Yule, Col. H., and Major Raverty,
189.
Zir&, 178.
COEEECTIONS.
Page 17, line 9, read * Madura,* instead of * Madras.'
„ 23, „ 12, dele * (see sketch).'
tTXPHSK AVSTUf AKD BOMS, PRIMTftBS, HX&TFORD.
A P P EN D IX.
JOUENAL
OP
THE ROYAL ASIAHO SOCIETY.
Aet. L — A Specimen of a Syriac Version of the Katilah wa*
Dimnah, witK an English Translation. By W. Weight.
[Read December 2, 1872.]
During the course of last summer I had^ thanks to the
kindness of the Principal Librarian, the Rev. Dr. Malet,
an opportunity of examining a manuscript in the Library
of Trinity College, Dublin, marked B. 5. 82, which contains,
Bmongst other things, a translation of the Katilah wa-Dimnahj
evidently made, not from the original Sanskrit or the early
Pahlawi version, but fi*om one of the first redactions of the
later Arabic. As this secondary translation is, I believe,
wholly unknown to Orientalists, a specimen of it may not
-be uninteresting, even when they are anxiously awaiting
the publication of the older and more important Kalllag
^a-Lamnag'y an edition of which is promised by Professors
Senfey and Bickell from the manuscript brought to Europe
by Dr. Socin.*
The 'Dublin MS. is about 5| inches in length by 3f
in breadth, and consists of 207 leaves, the first seventeen of
which are vellum. The greater part of the volume, which is
written by different hands, seems to be of the xiii*^ or xiv***
^ntury, exc^t some more recent supplements, in particular
foil. 186 — 199, which are quite modem. It contains : —
1. The Katilah wa-Dimnahj foil. 1 b — 185 a. The actual
> See "tihe Academy*' for August 1, 1871, p. 387.
VOL. VI I. — [JIEW SERIES.] 1
KALILAH WA-DIMNAH.
history of Kalilah and Dimnah ends on fol. 78 a with the
words : 1.TJC ^norafls ^lii 00120*1 jLL CUCULt^ 3&0
• tCDCL&r^Ls KL2JLM.1 cafiii\juao • f^'Vaoi >CDCUL:k.
rUDb^ ^.%»0D • (sic) Ti&jJ reb r<%ftix. ^ (sic) iioaartb
r^floioii K^ KbcQio • f^^x^Af^ f^(K&o.V3 jin^f^MO
iuA^ AuaJMo . Kl*AuB.S)0.i f<l\o (sic) f< \\^nn t^
See De Sacy's edition of the
Arabic version^ pp. iaa, \o^, The last tale in the MS. is that
entitled ft^*gni%u ir^ll&a:! rcdua^JL^i (De Sacj, p. rpv)>
which ends on fol. 166 a, and is followed by the history of
Sarzawaih (De Sacy^ p. 11). This portion of the volume is
much damaged by water^ and some words have been im-
skilfully supplied, or retouched, by a modem hand.' It com*
mences thus : coAu^NX-ii ^l^sa^ r^bAi^ [lAsa .aoii]
r^i\^da>Ai2»] KbcD 003.1 . rd»o.iia9 r^i^lsa >oiV3l]
f^i&jafA Kl*o.iio3 [K'i&flD] ^ Klaiifik KlsoA pa\iiia
^ Kboa JLaI rdsf^ .i^^Mrt" .1^ >ii.] KLa^i^ii^
r < y *r \ rtLx^i [^ Ju.i] KLjsni^o • rdJL^vA
r^bAr<3 oa^ni %\ [iia:kA&x.] ^o . r<i^|S?ivam
.ooolfk ^ fca[af^ iua] 1 o ■ ^ iuocp >»\ \ >
^iiicu.lo (sic) Aftlii [oooa] ^A^^o • ^^.oooLi f^alsi
r^y%yr\\ >L.i f<4is;. a[jh^^] la^o • >i>f^ ^^^omi^ ^2a
1^0 • f^iiLfl9 iuaX (fol. 166 2) 1^0114. • 7^'*-'*^^
^ \ *i ft • ^nr> flLaa,j.i [rt'iii.^] vyr< >bi ^\\ ^l±X1
1 So the MS.; >Q3o!\^d09 P
2 Theso I bavo enclosed, in the following extract^ within brackets.
EALILAH WA-DIHNAH. 9
AiduaA^Kb »i&]-»i oaSl&a oaL.1 di&A*0 [f^^CUfi9f^.t
«jl].m i\a2^ .l&c • rdsi (sic) f^okOf^Lsn [aUL»
aioiKb Kbi*vA iCL^Jtof^.! [icoiii. KV^ucp i^lK^
The work ends on foL 186 a with the colophon : [paJLx.]
• [(sic) ornsolio] on\i\\:i rds^ Kl*ca\f^ KLiria^A
^ A:l. [rtd^] K'va.i • fOii-a.i (sic) ft^\r« ?rwa
Then commences, on fol. 185 b, a section entitled it^ tiI
f^LAooKUL^ 9 ^' Questions and Answers^" or riddles and
their solutions. The first of these \b: clAc _.^^ ^^
r^a • ^.^^^^ cAo ^^.OQoAiAJ^c • ^.,oqp^\\pB
fiAo KLlxjm^a. k^^oAIm clavs^K^ ^.^ooiivl^ao
1 Some such words as ^CP^ l \*yi oAo have been omitted by
the scribe.
4 KAT,n>AH WA-DIMKAH.
Next are inserted, in a very modem hand, the '' Fables of
Josephus" (or rather, of ^^»#), j^aSkkSoeun t^Aiuab ^
foL 187 *, preceded by an index in Arabic, u-y»--»ji vlo vs-^-^i.^
They are eighty-three in number, of which I give the first
three as specimens.
rdlrf KlSc^ i^iif^ «^^oaA U9f^ . .x*!.! .M ^.^ocoiioX
• oA ^ij^r^ (sic) . . Kllf^ 1 uO ^ •--X^ •
• • •
#• «•
^ Soe Afwemani, BibL Or., t. iii., pan 1/p. 7, note 2,
EALILAH WA-DIMNAH. 5
A^f^ •^U* r€AaSo (sic) A nTO K^bcD r^.^^ AVn^X
fOa.i^%..jj si-^o • »flpci.^ ft! I *wcx D en ^ t» O0i-*i^o
fdricp.l OoA cn\ nfo fX'iiO.lai iJu^iif^ r^LscD.!-!
; fcpg 1 n iiaX Ali^ r<.iaB .i^o • r^.AAfiA f^.TJLa
kL^iclm •:• A^n en T mo Klduajop ogoA en n fti i
KLif^o r<i.axp «^oqA AiA rtLiua r^LzJf^.1 f^:iCD
oeoA iJBBLjt f^Ao A^oeoA ^i^ rdsi f<l i Cft
• ja«'
The '' Questions and Answers " are succeeded by a section
on the different kinds of interrogation, beginning, fol. 201 * :
• rd\or^xA .ai^^ r^A^f^.1 tt^ n n>U.l .XJf^d orA
oK" • f^JL&iusn r^A.M ^rds Ci^ • »:ka'^ K1licl&
KlSf^.l KL» vyf^ • f<l\oOft^ T 1 f<l\oor<ijE.
On fol. 202 b commence '' Sayings of Pythagoras" (compare
De Lagarde's Analecta Syriaca, p. 195) :
TtTTTJkW WA-:
TirfSft art £:3.:w=i
I fpMt ike ajTBg
^ao Af^^Lft^ o\L&
f^X
t^
on:^
It*
TBAXSLATIOX OF THE STBIAC TEXT.
In reliance upon God we write the histoiyandphiloeoplueal
stories of Kalilah and Dimnab, as translated br tlie
THE SIOBT OF THE LI09 ASD TEE OX.
Ther sar that Dabdhrm^' king of Indian nid to
jz-zw-Wy J^ A 'W!T::j,t:ca of ^OVC^^-S ^ ZAiiAftrw, in wLScb we miglitdueeni
'/;/Vrr i'.rui '/5 lMjJ,*AaJtmzzlMcaiarmaM : bu: Prcfeseor Cowell wriM* to
" I v^rv:.*T u.«Lk ^^i^t tie dkrm oi-nld bare come br accidesL
KALILAH WA-DIMNAH. 7
Nadrb^ the philosopher/ the sage and the chief of the sages :
'* Show me the similitade of two men^ companions or friends^
between whom a false^ or cunning, and crafty man has
produced dissension^ and who have been turned from love and
concord to hatred and enmity/'
Ndrab the philosopher says: ''When a feJse man comes
between two loving brothers, he disturbs their brotherhood
and estranges their concord. They say in the apologue,
that there was in a country called — • a merchant, who
possessed no small wealth. He had sons, who, when
they came to the state of manhood, began, all with one
accord, to squander their father's property, and cared not
to amass, but only to disperse. Then their father rebuked
them, saying : ' My sons, every one in the world studies to
procure three things, which cannot however be attained save
by four other things. The first of those three is an ample
and abundant livelihood ; the second, honour among men, and
a good name; the third, provision for the world to come.
The other (four) things are : firstly, the collecting of wealth
legally; secondly, the administering of it well; thirdly, the
providing for one's natural wants; and fourthly, liberality
towards one's neighbours, almsgiving to the poor, supplying
the wants of the needy. By these four things one pleases
his Creator; and he who does not gamer these four in his
bam, or neglects any one of them, derives no pleasure from
his wealth, and does not attain the limit of his hopes. If
he does not amass anything, and despises wealth, and cares
generally written after the king's name, but it might be prefixed, — deva
dharma. Gould it be deva Dharmardjay and the rdja have been taken as only
meaning ' king', and not as a part of the name ? "
• 1 In the Arabic, \iJ^, Baidahd, See Benfey, loo. cit., p. 35. Both l^J^ and
the Syriao •SllJIfCJ or «a^l!|l are probably corruptions of the same
Sanskrit word, for l> Juj is not very dissimilar to U4;jii .
s rUiJiM 9 if Buch be the correct reading, is rather '< rhetorician, sophist ";
further on he is called ft ^^ACttWi^ , ipiXoaotpo^.
* The Arabic has jJjU.*^, Dastaxoand. In the Syriac MS. the name was left
blank, and a later hand has added ^u^-lJLsk ^ ''so and so." See Bonfoy,
loc. cit., p. 96.
8 EALILAH WA-DIMNAH.
not at all for it^ he neither gives nor receives pleasure^ and-
will without doubt be found destitute of property and remain
without sustenance. And if he manages his property fittingly
and quietly and sensibly and prudently^ but still adds nothing
to it^ he resembles stibium or iokly of which the portion
taken is like a little dust or smokci that flies from a breath
of air^ but which^ notwithstanding the veiy small quantity
of it that is taken^ is surely used up. Sut if it be not
fittingly managed^ nor properly laid out^ nor justly spent,
he shall be recompensed with justly deserved affliction and
illtreatment by enemies^ in addition to his loss of wealth*
And if it is amassed^ and is not dispensed kindly and distri-
buted lovingly^ but is stored up and hidden covetously in the
bosom of the earthy and its owner seems like a needy and
destitute person who owns nothings most assuredly it shall be
lostj or pass into other hands, or remain in the heart of
the earth. It resembles a tank of water/ which has many
channels leading into it^ but not one leading out of it;
and when there is much water in the tank^ breaches are
sometimes made in it^ and the water runs out of it and
becomes useless; whilst at other times the tank is preserved
from accident or breach^ and the water remains in it^ but
the hot winds dry it up. Thus it fares with that wealth
which is not dispensed compassionately to the needy, when
death dries up the limbs of its owners.'
Then the sons of that merchant took their father's advice,
and bowed to him the shoulder of obedience, and showed him
the fruits of prosperous industry. And his eldest son set
out upon a trading expedition and travelled to a country
called Mthwa.' And he and his companions passed by a
place in which there was much clay, or stinking mire.
And he had with him a cart, which two oxen were drawings
one of which was called Shanzabah, and the other Banza-
iB explained in the native lexicons by^o^ and xT^.
2 Mthwd, \yi^ or ly*, corrupted from |/u or ^-., le. Mathura {\jf^) or
Muttrcu In the Arabic text, p. « s last line, it is still further corrupted into
j-i^. See Benfey, Pantschatantra, erstor Theil, p. 99 ; zwoiter Theil, p. a.
KALn.AH WA-BIMNAH.
hnW Then Shanzabah became wearj^ and stumbled in the
mire^ and fell. And the metchant and his companions hastened)
and drew, and pulled the ox out of the mire. And the
merchant left the ox in that place^ and let one of his young
men remain with him, till he should recover from his fall and
the young man should bring him along after him. But
next day the hireling became tired of the place, and went
after the merchant and said, * The ox has died in yonder
place.'
Then the ox recovered his strength and went about by
little and little, and came to a JAil,^ the waters of which were
abundant, and its herbage dense and luxurious. And after
he had remained a long time in that place, he became very
sleek and robust, and his reins became thick with fat. Then
he thrust his horn into the ground, and bellowed tremendously,
and raised his voice vehemently. And there was in that
country a lion, who was king of all the beasts in that region,
and was named Pingalaka ; ' and there were with him many
beasts of every kind. This lion was very haughty in his
spirit, and whatever he wished to do of his soul's desire,
he did it, and made use of no one's advice. But he was not
very perfect in his knowledge ; and when he heard the voice
of the ox, he was very much frightened, because he had never
heard a sound like it before, nor had he ever seen an ox.
But he did not like to show the agitation of his heart; and
so he stayed in the place where he was for a time, and did
not quit it.
And there were in his camp, or at the gate of his royal
residence, two jackals,* who were brothers. One of them was
> In the Arabic text, p. a*, U. 1, 2, Shanzabah, i^^, and Bandahah, 4fjif,
corruptions of Sanjlvaka and Nandaka. See Benfey, Pantsch,, erster Theil,
p. 99 ; zweiter Theil, p. 7.
> L e., a shaUow, marahy lake.
* De Sacy'B Arabic text gives no name. In the Sanscrit the lion-king is
called Pingalaka, of which the Syriao O Tli^ififf f^ is only a corruption. The
word was originally written in Arabic JZXSs^, which became saccessiyely
aUuL^, AXILj, AXJL, and JLCU1.
^ In the Arabic ^jl U^ 1 . The Syriac text gives no less than three synonymous
10 KALILAH WA-DIMNAH.
called Ealilah, and the other Dimnah.* They were veiy
crafty^ and well trained in learning or wisdom* The* sonl
of Dimnah was very greedy, and he was not contented with
his pay, nor satisfied with a humble situation, and did not
know himself.
Dimnah says to Kalilah : •' I see that the king has stayed
in one place, and has not moved from it to another; and
I would fain know for what reason he does so, and does not
take his amusement as usual/
Kalilah says to him : ' And why dost tiou ask about
a thing like this, which is none of thy business or thy concerns ?
We are well cared for, and dwell in comfort at the gate of
the king, receiving sustenance from God, the Nourisher of all;
and we are not of those who are worthy to inquire into the
actions of the king, and to try to become acquainted with his
secrets; nor are we of those who have any occasion to
speak with him. Be quiet, brother, and know that if one
is eager after and desirous of something that beseems him
not and comes not within the scope of his observation, there
will befal him what befel the ape.'
Dimnah says to him : ' What was his story ?'
Kalilah says : ' They say that an ape came to a carpenteri
and saw him mounted on a log and sawing another log to
cut it into two pieces ; and the carpenter was like one riding
in a carriage. And he saw the carpenter take out of the
middle of the log, which he was sawing, a little piece of wood/
terms; yiz. f^l^OSn ^lia , K'loi^ ^la y and <019\
Tho first of thcso is unknown to me; the second, familiar. The third is
probably derived from the Persian v^y, torcth^ <<a jackaL** A fourth Syriac
term for the same animal, f^O\ i n ■ I IOP j ig a oormption of (cants)
Jltp^cantis,
' Oormptions of Karataka and Damanaka, See Benfey, Pantaoh., erster
Theil, p. 86 ; zweiter Theil, p. 8.
3 Hero tho Syriac toxt adds the words P^l i.^ !■ dVaJkOP^ • ■ ^T^i
** agin or beautiful." If tho word ag'in bo Syriac, it must be corrupt. But can
it roprosont tho " anjana^y^oodi " of tho Sanskrit? See Bonfoy,PantBch., zwoiter
KALHiAH WA-DIBfNAn. 11
find put another like it in its place in the deft made by
the saw. Then the carpenter went elsewhere on some business
of his. Then the foolish ape sprang up^ and mounted on the
log like the carpenter, and turned his back towards the cleft
in the log, and his face towards the little piece of wood, and
his testicles ^ hung down and lay in the middle of the cleft in
the log. [Then he pulled out the little piece of wood,*] but
the fool forgot to put another in its place, and his testicles
were caught in the middle of the log that was being sawed.
Then the poor wretch fell down on his back, smitten (as it
were) with the pangs of death, and his senses forsook him
{h)m the violence of the pain which came upon him; and he
was soundly chastised by the carpenter, and suffered from him
a beating which was worse than the violence of the pain caused
by the log of wood/
Dimnah says : * I have heard your speech, and understand
what you say. But know, O brother, that not every one who
draws nigh unto kings, or attaches himself unto them, does so
merely for the sake of receiving pay, that he may fill his belly;
for the belly may be filled anywhere. But he who is desirous
of drawing nigh unto kings, does so that his place may be a
distinguished one; that his horn may be uplifted, and his
estimation raised; his noble character scrutinised, and his
knowledge examined ; that his Mend may rejoice in him and
exult, whilst his enemy is downcast and rent with anguish.
Those who are wanting in good qualities, destitute of virtue*'
void of wisdom, and bereft of knowledge, exult and rejoice
Theil, p. 9. In that case the original Arabic form most have been ^\
•
gradually corrupted into ^^t/d], ^^ .
' The Syriao explains the rarer word fCP Ol flftf *W (gee John of Ephesns*
Eccles. Hist., p. 161, 1. 4, p. 373, 1. 3) by tCPQJkla, i.e. ]^^5, lya.
n.
3 Some such words as these seem to be wanting in the Syriao text. The
Arabic has jlJ^I cpj (p. at, 1. antepenult.). Compare Benfoy, Pantsch.,
zweiter Theil, p. 9.
r^OuXo ^ \}j^ y virtus^ true manliness.
1 2 KALILAH WA-DIMNAn.
bver a single crumb, (liowever) small and insignificant; and-
when they find one, they lay hold of it like a hungry and
wretched hound, who, when he finds a bare' bone, that is
utterly void of savour or juiciness, (greedily) lays hold of it.
But he whose mind's eye is bright, and the sense in whose
brain is sound, and his knowledge clear, does not lay hold of
small things, nor put up with trifles, but studies to attain to
great honour, and to .raise himself to high rank, and to seat
himself on an honourable seat ; just as a lion, who finds a
hare and seizes it, that it may be his food, as soon as he sees
a sheep or a goat, lets go the hare which was in his mouth,
and takes that (sheep or) goat. Hast thou never seen, O
brother, the dog, who fawns upon ' a man and tries to please
him, and wags ' his tail, till he throws to him a morsel of dry
bread ? And the elephant, who is thoroughly trained, and
well aware of the extent of his strength, and knows his own
worth, because kings ride upon him, when they bring him his
food, will not touch it or eat of it, until he is groomed * by
his keepers, and his body is washed clean of dust, and he is
^ Literally, a white,
'Sol would render the word r^JtoCXJttJM ^ which is ezplalned by
Bar Bahlul thus : • {^j*^ jf^ OTJ99 ^lA ^^aPT f^W>A ftl ^W
%^Mf^ i ■ fp<\ tp ^ • amLmJI jsf*^^ All offCL^ai— aa
Je jUil JiJ CD X^Tkf^hK Aa. (read f^.li..^) 1^13
In a poem of 'Ebed-Yeshua', pointed out to me by Mr. Bendy, occnr the woids
Al.^ y\ tjff *yi XpO X^JOCLjSo , the first of which has the gloss
»AOI
^1 •
- s The word ^^^^SQ m this sense is wholly unknown to me. Perhaps
it may be cormpt.
* This is evidently the meaning of the passive participle
See the last note but one.
EALILAta WA-DIAnAH. 13
• * •• ^^ •»••
taressed with kind words. T^ierefore, lie who lives in this
world so as to please his Creator ; whose position is high^ and
his horn upraised, and his honour eonspicuous ; whose wants
are relieved, and who can also relieve his fellows; — ^this man^
though he lives hut a short life, is reckoned to have lived
many years. But he who ends his days in a lowly state, and
whose years pass away in distress of mind, and who departs
from life through scantiness of food and total want of luxuries,
and who has neither enjoyed wealth himself, nor gladdened
others (with it) ; — this man, though his years he many and
long, is called short-lived and surnamed much-sighing. And
they say of him who lacks good things, and whose pay is
small, and who cares for naught hut filling his belly and for
sexual gratification, that, though his days be many and the
years of his life be long, yet he is coimted among the irrational
and those who are destitute of all true virtue.'
Ealilah says: 'I understand what thou hast said. But
examine, my brother, thy thoughts by the light of subtle
understanding, and know that every man has his distinct
station; and when a man sees his station, so as to conduct
himself well in it among his fellows, and his life does not pass
away badly with his associates, it behoves him in truth to hold
fast by his station, and not to go forth in search of what is too
high for him, and not to be greedy after much, but to let his
pay suffice him. And I see that we do not &re badly in this
position of ours.'' (De Sacy, p. ai«, 1, 1.)
( A, )
^1.1 ^A»f^ A:l. «a&i f<l\o • coiifika^a
• cD^uLiaa^f^ col ^n ^ ftiio .^ KWlAi^^ A:l. ^^t^il
^.11 iurdaua aX.i : i^icD «^Jk&03^ KLlr^ KVmO
1 Road
illtoP
oruiA r^:ia«iiiiLdao cdAiaci f<%\ \ htsno
( « )
.mm likf^ f<l\ Au2kor< cos jjiauticn f<l\ .coiiSDioii
€a«oiaX.i r<^\ KLioo ft^^\ \ n r^Li4j.i acb
1.
K'lOJk.i f<l»$ ^f^ r^cD •* >QBiciJau» A:l. .aa^ cqp
f^f^ Kill fdXo . cDiuiskai^ (foL 6 i) ^laj^io
1 MS. orUl.va . 3 Read ^O^ik^re-SO ?
> Read idakl^r^ ?
( » )
•^ M0 ^3*c .f«iBMea «^
^
coJL^
. col 1 ft ,t g .x^f^d rtLflpajDuos tt^i\^\
1 Road r^lLsL^D ?
a Read KUiToX P or K'VJy P
( « )
• f<lfiftajii OCD r^iiaaj ;!&rt^ oo^j* ^fipo ocb r^iJ^l
iO . r^fiftA«.i f^iittJl ocb iuw^^na >ldio
• KbcD TikLiAtsio.i ocb r<lfia*oi cp^ Vy*n n »CDCi^Jla
cq\ ^iw^in .Vk iuK^iiufiui^ JL^ r<«o.i ocp ^.i^co
(foL4*) .
all . ^.^^OMft^ oK^ •:w.io . di^j^Qf^.! ^.t.sqX AJb^l^Kb
■ AV** * ^<3UiAa eU9Vi rtdMl.i coiuxttiaf^ Anni.i A^
1 The word f^lOa^.! is repeated in the MS.
3 For
vol. vii.— [new series.]
( « )
• en 1 1.1 ■% KbcD T^v«adi..2Q ^^^cori i ,*fai 9.,4» • coco
(fol. 3 b) . »^o 0003 ^iNiigO • oaiSRUi KUiiiftrtb
• 0003 a.t. T«i:|JSq rTOI^\|ju3 OlJLAOr^ f
X. Kilo • mT^i diooa f<\ \» t\fo
liuiiflL&rdl
•:^lf^.l iuooa Kla^o • •Inx.r^ Kll r^iiij»Kl\ oaxsno
f<\JuaAiJ^ Kilo .in V ftliAoa kAvLw f^:u»ns^iJ^^
^ cAi • f^^GLsa^ T^.io3 vyr<.i .Liki ^K^ Jlft^T rm
r^\\^l
lO
r<ivj^?U* -L^ ^.„<\ji n, \ io • rf\\ ^.i rdJi ^A..flp
I Tff ^ tri ^^ ifo f^ ^d\J»T^ .so^ KlXo • oaitJuxjL:!
Kll.i ^u&«\ .\jt\JiAv»o »£un£4Au2n jtiK' ^..^n
vyl.'Un .oiuT^ cq1*.1 r<«iOT^(&i ^ Kilo • oA KlMll
. ori I rxi >.i coA T.23Qr< • Tt^^<\a\ vvilK".! >b;i-M cq\
1 Road ^Uaiiv^Q
( « )
^AftKb f^i\f^(&i r<fvi\^ .acDijQpQ . JLsaa rdu^ ocaa
»i<<b • T^iia^cia oasa i^ioiA oaa f^i\j^^ qqa:^o
• osiuodM ^ jLaii&CQ :i^ • »cdni^i\\„ ^ sm QOkimju
coiAi nA Khcpo • cDiiua ocb w*^*** «A ^ fCDfluLaaJo
1^0 Ulq lAa K'.iio lMi^f^(foL 8 a) oaa K'lo^
• - Viy o »2^ .£flUAfl»o tCDcba ^n£^9i f^9*^i&\
>^^ ^sox. • rCl&i&o.l3 oia KV^^a fdisi .xSk n&p
coj^al >fia ^.i4CD • fdaiiua coAvAoik
en I o n •AJ^iKto •
oiuf^.l Sm f<lif^ T^(k«iSk »oaa Kboa iuKb • AurdAfa
f^lD^oao • r^Auii^ »cb.i rc^OjUi ^oai^^ rdflklsia rdacD
r<^K!j^^ t^^oIm cn^ \, rtbcD ^r^ • oA&lfiar^ Kbos
• >^0 en T ^in KbcD i^iut rdaiK^ ocbo • jbaji^a:!
cn.Y^l ^Oja^ ^ .1 1 \ 13 Kbaa t< > nn 7b.*u^»o
,\SnT :uko • KbcD ^ i^V^ »\fla cA aaiiiw^va
rdXn \\n • T^<&uai r^idM.i Jlm.i ocd K^io^i oAol
rdXo • KlLa f^qa vyK' .ao^ oA Kbaa
» • ••
• rebcD «a9 K^iia^O.1 >caA liuakO . aaaX.i rd^oi
cpAui t ^ *i oocdo • mi^ jbumii^ rtl\o • ft^l y\