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Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
of Great Britain and Ireland
^oyal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Irelan
"^^/IAR\^'
r
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THE JOUBNAL
THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
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THE JOUBNAL
OF
THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
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1904 1904
THE
JOURNAL
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND
10O4.
PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY,
22, ALBEMARLE STREET, LONDON, W.
MDCCCCIV.
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ffrXPHEN AViTDt, AND 80N8, LIMITED,
PUNTKBI, BS&TPOXO.
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CONTENTS FOR 1904.
fAOB
I. — The Bate of Buddha's Death, as detennmed by a Becord
o£ Aioka. By J. F. Fleet, I.C.S. (Betd.), Ph.D.,
CLE 1
II.— Note on the Contents of the Ta'rfkh-i-Jah&n-goshi.
By Edwabd 0. Browne, M.B.» M.B.A.S 27
m.-^Etrascan and Dravidian. By SiEir Kokow 46
IT. — A fifteenth Century Planispheric Astrolabe, made at
Granada. By H. S. Cowper, F.S.A 63
y. — On the Modem Indo- Aryan Alphabets of North- Western
India. By Gsorqb A. Gbierson, C.I.E., Ph.D.,
D.Litt., I.C.S. (Retd.) 67
yi.— The Pahlavi Texts of Yasna XI, XII, for the first
time crxtioally translated. By Professor Lawbjskck
Mills 76
YII. — ^Note on the Middle Country of Ancient India. By
T. W. Rhys Davids, F.B.A 83
Yin. — Critical Obserrations on the Mistakes of Philologers,
by Ali ibn Hamza al-Basri. PartV: Obseryations
on the Mistakes in the Book called Ikhtiyar Fafi^
al-Kalam, composed by Abu'l- 'Abbas Al^mad ibn
Ya^ya Tha*lab. Translated from a MS. in the
British Museum by Bichard Bell, B.D 96
Notices of Books.
Eev. Wm. Caicpbell, F.K.G.S. Formosa under the
Dutch. Beyiewed by S. W. B U9
B. C. TflOMPsoK. The Devils and EvU Spirits of
Babylonia. By S. A. C 122
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VI CONTENTS.
PAOB
Professor IgnIcz Goldziheb. A Buddhismus haUsa az
Iszlamra. By T. Duxa 126
J. B. Chabot. Synodicon Orientale ou Eecueil de
Synodes Nestoriens. By S. A. C 142
T. W. Khtb Datids. Buddhist India. By Wilhelm
Geigeb 143
E. Blochst. Le Messianisme dans Phet6rodozie musol-
mane. By H. Hikschfeld 149
Dott. Prof. Italo Pizzi. L'Islamismo, Manuali Hoepli. —
Litteratura Araba. By H. Hieschfeld 151
Akthtjk Leist. Das Georgische Volk. By "W. B.
MOBPILL 152
Miscellanea.
Harsa-Carita, Verse 1 8. By F. Kielhobn, F. W. Thomas,
and VisHTANATH P. Vaidta 155
Kalidasa and the Guptas. By Monmohan Chakbatabti 158
" Indian Records Series " and " Indian Texts Series " . . 162
A Race of Fair Women. By J. Kennedy , . 163
Dr. Hoemle's article on Some Problems of Ancient
Indian History. By J. F. Fleet 164
On the True Reading of the word * Irmas.' By H.
Betebidge , 167
Anglo-Turkish Expedition against the Gha'b Arabs of
the Shat el Arab. By W. McDotjall 169
The Lai Dialect. By H. H. Tilbe 169
Inscriptions from Sistan. By G. P. Tate 171
Fitzgerald's Omar Khayyam 174
Dhammapala 1 74
Notes of the Quabteb.
I. General Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society .... 175
II. Additions to the Library , 176
Appendix: Genebal Index to the yeabs 1889-1903 (A-K) 1-96
IX. — An Ahom Cosmogony, with a Translation and a
Vocabulary of the Ahom Language. By G. A.
Gbiebson, C.I.E., Ph.D., D.Litt 181
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CONTENTS. VU
PA9B
X. — Siamese Archaeology : a Synoptical Sketch. By Colonel
G. E. Gerini, M.R.A.S 233
XI.— Kau^mbi. By Major W. Vost, I.M.S 249
Xn. — Hastivanj. By H. Betebidge 269
Xm. — A Tale of the Arabian Nights told as history in the
"Muntazam" of Ibn al-Jauzi. ByH. F. Ambdroz 273
XIV.— The Pahlavi Text of Yasna XIX, 12-58, for the first
time critically translated. By Professor Law&encb
Mills 295
XV. — The Indians in Armenia, 130 b.c. — 300 a.d. By
J. Keitwedt 309
XVI.— A Projected Edition of the MufaddallyaL By Sir
Charles Ltall 315
Notices of Books.
Edt. LEHHAim. Zarathustra. Eeviewed by S. K. . . 321
Paxtl Devssen. Erinnerungen an Indien. By Ernst
Leitmaitk 322
Morris Jastrow, Jon. Die Beligion Babyloniens und
Assyriens. By T. G. Pikches 322
T. J. DE Boer. The History of Philosophy in Islam :
translated by E. R. Jonas, B.D. By H. Hirschfeld 327
SuRixAGODA SuHANGALA Bhiekhu. Samyutta Nikaya
Gatha Sannaya. By Rh. D 330
Stanley A. Cook. The Laws of Moses and the Code of
Hammurabi. By T. G. Pinches 331
Francois Thureau - Dangin. Recueil de Tablettes
Chaldeennes. By T. G. Pinches 337
W. Irvine. The Army of the Indian Moghuls. By
H. S. Jarrett 343
Valentine Chirol. The Middle Eastern Question, or
some Political Problems of Indian Defence. By
"Wm. Irvine 347
P. DE Lacy Johnstone. The Kaghuvanqa, the Story of
Raghu's Line, by Kalidasa. By E. J. R 348
John Campbell Oman. The Mystics, Ascetics, and
Saints of India. By E. J. R 350
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tm OOirTBNTS.
WAQm
XJlbxob ton 'WiL4H0wtTz-H6L£EinK>BtP« Timotheoft:
Die Feraer, aus euiem Papyrus Ton Abnsir. Sy
E.J. E 350
0. CoDsiNGToyy M.D., F.S.A. A Manual of Musalmaa
ITamismatios. £ j E. J. E « . . 35 1
HiSOILLAirSA.
The Sahastam, Eupnath, etc., Edict of AiSoka. By
J.F.Flsbt 35&
Ouessing the Number of Yibhitaka Seeds. By Obobge
A. Qbisbson • • • • • « • • 355
A Disclaimer. By A. F. Ettbolf Hoebklb 357
The Yeddas of Ceylon: Origin of their Name. By
Donald FxBeusoN 358
Seres or Gheras? By J. Kennedy 35^
The Old Indian Alphabet. By Satis Ghandba
YXDYABHUSANA 362
A peculiar use of the Causal in Sanskrit and PaH. By
P. ElELHOBN 364
Pronominal Prefixes in the Lai Dialect. By Sten Konow 365
The verse 18 of the Harsacarita. By J. Kibste 366
Chaldean Princes on the Throne of Babylon . . • 367
The Chaldeans of the Book of Daniel 368
Tahnudische und midraschische Parallelen zum Baby-*
lonischen Weltschopfungsepos. By T. Q. P 369
Santana. By C. A. F. Ehts Davids 37a
Bhumaka : a newly discovered member of the Ksaharata
Dynasty. By £. J. Rapson 371
Japanese Society for Oriental Eesearch • . . . • 374
Siamese Edition of the Pali Canonical Books 374
Notes of the Qvabtbb.
I. Genebal Meetings of the Eotal Asiatic Society . . 375
Unveiling a Memorial Tablet to the late Dr. Eost. • 375
II. Obituaby Notices.
Ernest Ayscoghe Floyery M.B.A.S., Mem. Inst.
£gypt. By Yauohan Cobnish, D.Sc 381
S. Arthur Strong 887
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COFTENTS. IX
PAOB
in. Anmioirs to thb Libbabt • . • • 393
List of Mexbxbs «.....•. 1-32'
XVII.— On the Bhatfikavya. By B. C. Maktmdab 395
XVin. — ^Bemarks on a Papyros from Ozyrhynchus. By
Professor E. Hultzsch, Ph.D 399
XIX. — ^A New Historical Fragment from Nineveh. By
Thxophilus G. Pii7chss, M.B. A.S. • • . • 407
XX. — Some little-known Chalukyan Temples. By FAmnr
Bullock Wobkmak, M.B.A.S 419
XXI. — ^The Kurku Dialect of the Mun4& Family of Speech.
By Stbn Konow, Ph.D 423
XXII. — In what degree was Sanskrit a Spoken Language ?
By E. J. Kapsok, M.A., M.K.A.S 435
NOIXS or TH£ QUABTEH.
General Meetings of the Eoyal Asiatic Society • 457
Discussion on the question '* In what degree was
Sanskrit a Spoken Language ? " 457
Anniversary Meeting 488^
OsiTUiJLT Notices.
Major-General Fobloko, M.B.A.S. By C. £. Condeb 517
Shatih 9asan TawfIq. By E. G. B 522
Edmond Dbouik 529
ADDmOlfS to THE LiBEAEY 533
MlSCELLAVSOUS CoiOiVKICATIONS.
Hastivanj. By Gboeoe A. GniEssoir 537
The Middle Country. By U. Wogihaka 538
The " Taprobane " of Pliny and Ptolemy. By Donald
Ferousoh 539
Centenary of the Bombay Branch 542
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X CONTENTS.
rAOE
A Fifteenth Century Astrolabe. By S. A. Ionidbs and
H. S. CowPBE 542
Bana's Earsaoariia, v. 18. By F. W. Thomas 544
The Position of Kaulambl. By Ydtcbnt A. Smith . • • , 544
Max Miiller Memorial Fond 545
The Siam Society 547
Paramita in Pali and Sanskrit Books. By F. W. Thomas 547
Note on the Invention of Rag-paper. By A. F. Bubolf
HOERNLE 548
Bock Dwellings at Raineh. By £. Cbawshat- Williams 551
Koncss OF Boo£s.
G. M. Plbytb. Bijdrage tot de Kennis van het Mahayana
op Java. Reviewed by Louis ns la YallIie Poxrssm 553
V. Fatisboll. Indian Mythology according to the
Mahabharata in outline 558
M. G. MoBissE. Contribution preliminaire d I'Stude de
r^criture et de la langue Si-Hia. By S. W. B. . . 560
L. A. Waddsll, M.B., LL.D. Report on the Excavations
at Pataliputra (Patna), the Palibothra of the Greeks.
By Vincent A. Smith 562
Notes on some recent Publications in Bombay and
Benares. By G. A. Jacob 565
Edward G. Bbowne. Part II of the Lubdbu'l-Albdb of
Muljammad *Awfi. By R. A. N 567
Recent Arabic Publications : — Cl. Hitabt. Le Livre de
la Creation. — Habtwig Debenbotjbo. 'Oum&rah
du Yemen : sa vie et son oeuvre : vol. ii. — ^Fb.
DiETEBici. Die Staatsleitung des Al-Farabi. —
H. F. Amedboz. Hilal al-Sabi, Kitab al-Wuzara. —
Geoboe Zaidak. History of Islamic Civilization.
Philosophy of Language and the Arabic Vocabulary.
History of the Arabic Language. Famous Orientals
of the Nineteenth Century. — Reviewed by D. S.
Mabooltouth 571
Stanley W. Cook. Kinship and Marriage in Early
Arabia : by the late Professor W. Robertson Smith.
By Sir C. J. Ltall 586
Appendix : Geneeal Index to the yeaes 1889-1908 (K-0) 97-144
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CONTENTS. XI
XXIII. — Boman Coins found in India. By Bobsbt Sxwsll 591
XXIV. — Some Problems of Ancient Indian History.
No. II : The Gurjara Empire. By A. F. Bitdolf
HoEKKLE, Ph.D., CLE 639
XXV. — Coins and Seals collected in Seistan, 1903-4. By
G. P. Tate 663
XXVI.— Note on Ancient Coins collected in Seistan by
Mr. G. P. Tate, of the Seistan Boundary Commission.
By E. J. Bapson, M.A., M.B.A.S 673
XXVII. — Note on Musalman Coins collected by Mr. G. P.
Tate in Seistan. By 0. Codrington, M:.D., F.S.A. 681
XXVIII.— The Pahlavi Text of Yasna I, for the first time
critically translated. By Professor Lawrence Mills 687
XXIX. — A Note on one of the Inscriptions on the Mathura
Lion - Capital. By J. F. Fleet, I.C.S. (Betd.),
Ph.D., CLE 703
XXX. — Index to the First Words of the Slokas of the
Dhammapada. By C Mary Bidding, M.B.A.S. . . 711
XXXI. — Some Unidentified Toponyms in the Travels of
Pedro-Teixeira and Tavemier. By Colonel G. E.
Gerini, M.B.A.S 719
XXXI I. — Linguistic Belationship of the Shahbazgafhi
Inscription. By G. A. Grierson, CLE., Ph.D.,
D.Litt 725
XXXin.— Notes from the Tanjur : 6. By F. W. Thomas 733
Additions to the Library 745
Miscellaneous Cohhxtnications.
Sanskrit as a Spoken Language. By F. W. Thomas , . 747
'0^^avov=Bavana ? By F. W. Thomas 749
The New Historical Fragment from Nineveh. By
A. H. Satce 750
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XU CONTENTS.
FAOB
IToTioBS ov Books.
B. G. TH0MP80K. The Devils and EtU Spirits of
Babylonia : vol. ii. BeTiewed by S. A. Cook .... 753
Dr. V. RoocA. I. Giudizl di Dio. By J. Jolly 757
Index 759
Alphabsiioal List of Authobs.
AfPEimix : Oekebal Ivdbz to the yeabs 1889-1903 (0-Z) 145-20a
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uri
JOUBHAL OF THE BOTAL A8UTI0 80CZET7.
1904.
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF AT3THOE8.
PAOB
Amidboz. a Tale of tiie Arabian Nights told as history in
the ** Mun^am " of Ibn al-Jauzi ••«•••••••••••*« 273
Bell. Critical Obserrations on the Mistakes of Philologers,
by All ibn Hamza al-Ba^ri. Part Y : Obsenrations
on the Mistakes in the Book called Ikhtiyfir 7as!^ al-
KaUm« oomposed by Aba'l- 'Abbas Aj^nud ibn Ya^ya
Tha'lab 95
Beteboqb. HastlTanj 269
Bbowvx. Note on the Contents of the Ta'r(kh-i-Jah&n*
gash& • 27
CoDBDieTOK. Note on Mosalman Coins collected by Mr. 0. P.
Tate in Seistan 681
CowFEB. A Fifteenth Centnry Planispheric Astrolabe, made
at Granada 53
Datids. Note on the Middle Country of Ancient India • • . • 83
Pleet. The Date of Buddha's Death, as determined by a
Eecord of A^ka 1
-^— A Note on one of the Inscriptions on the MathurS
Lion-Capital 703
GsBim. Siamese Archssology : a Synoptical Sketch 233
Some TJuidentified Toponyms in the Travels of
Pedro Teixeira and Tavemier 719
Qbiersok. On the Modem Indo- Aryan Alphabets of North-
western India 67
An Ahom Cosmogony, with a Translation and a
Vocabulary of the Ahom Language 181
^— — Linguistic Belationship of the ShahbazgafU
Inscription • , 725
HoBBVLE. Some Problems of Ancient Indian History. No. II:
The Gurjara Empire 639
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LIST OP AUTHOES.
PAQK
Hin;TZ8CH. Eemarks on a Papyrus from Ozyrhynchus .... 399^
KsinraDT. The Indians in Armenia, 180 b.c. — 300 a.d. . . 309-
KoKow. Etmscan and Dravidian 45
The Kurku Dialect of the Mundia Family of Speech 423
Lyall. a Projected Edition of the MufaddaViy&t 315
Mazxthdab. On the Bhattikavya 395
Mills. The Pahlavi Texts of Yasna XI, XII, for the first
time critically translated • • 75^
The Pahlavi Text of Yasna XIX, 12-58, for the
first time critically translated 295
The Pahlavi Text of Yasna I, for the first time
critically translated 687
PiKCHBS. A New Historical Fragment from Nineveh 407
Kapson. In what degree was Sanskrit a Spoken Language ? 435
— — Note on Ancient Coins collected in Seistan hy Mr. G. P.
Tate, of the Seistan Boundary Commission , 673
EiODDra. Index to the First Words of the Slokas of the
Dhammapada 711
Sbwell. Soman Coins found in India 591
Tatb. Coins and Seals collected in Seistan, 1903-4 663
Thomas. Notes from the Tanjur : 6 733
Yost. Kau^amhi 249
WoBKHAN. Some little-known Chalukyan Temples 419
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JOURIfAL
OF
THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
THE DATE OF BUDDHAS DEATH,
AS DETEEMIVED BT A RECORD OF ASOKA.
By J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (Rbtd.), Ph.D., CLE.
rpBTERE is a certain rock edict of A6oka, regarding the
interpretation and application of which no final result
has as yet been arrived at. That this has been the case,
is due chiefly to an unfortunate initial mistake, which intro-
duced a supposed word, taken to mean "two and a half,"
into the reading of a passage of primary importance which
mentions a certain period of years. It was subsequently
fully admitted that a misreading had been made. But
the effect of that misreading remained. And, like similar
mistakes in other matters, the initial mistake made here
left an influence which neither the scholar who made it,
nor subsequent inquirers, could shake off.
Within the limits of space available in this Journal, it
is not practicable to handle the edict as fully as could be
wished. I hope, however, to be able to shew, with sufficient
clearness, what the purport of the record really is, and the
extent to which we are indebted to previous inquiries for
assistance in arriving at its true meaning.
For some of the readers of this Journal, the chief interest
of the matter will probably lie in its bearing on the questioD,
J.R.A.8. 1904. 1
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2 THE DATE OF BUDDHA's DEATH
not yet settled, of the date of the death of Buddha. But it
involves also other points of leading interest, in connection
with A6oka.
The edict in question has been found, in somewhat varying
versions which illustrate two redactions of it, in Northern
India at Sahasram, Bupnath, and Bairat, and in Mysore
at Brahmagiri, l^iddapura, and Jatinga-Rame^vara. The
records at the last three places include also a second edict,
which has not yet been found in Northern India. With
that, however, we are not here concerned. Of the edict
with which we are concerned, the Bairat, Siddapura, and
Jatihga-Rame^vara versions are so fragmentary as to be
of but little use. Of the remaining versions, those at
Rupnath and Brahmagiri are the best preserved and the
most complete. As will be seen, the Brahmagiri record
is of extreme importance in more respects than one, in
addition to giving us the place, Suvarnagiri, which I shall
identify further on, where A^oka was in religious retirement
when he issued the edict; and it is very fortunate that
we have the facsimiles of it, and of the Siddapura and
Jatihga-Rame^vara records, published with Dr. Buhler's
article in the Epigraphia Indicay vol. iii, 1894-95, pp. 134
to 142, which were made from the excellent inked
estampages supplied by Dr. Hultzsch, the Government
Epigraphist ; if we had not those facsimiles, we might still
have been without an accurate knowledge of the contents
of those records, and perhaps without a recognition of the
point which settles one of the important questions decided
by the edict. But the Sahasram record, though considerably
damaged, is of extreme value in connection with at any
rate one important passage. The matter is decided by the
three texts at Sahasram, Riipnath, and Brahmagiri. And
it is necessary to consider only them on this occasion. In
respect of the Bairat, Siddapura, and Jatinga-Rame^vara
texts, it is here sufficient to say that they do not contain
anything militating, in any way, against the results
established by the other three texts.
It is to be premised that the edict is a lecture on the
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FROM A BECOBD OF ASOKA. O
good results of displaying energy in matters of religion.
The whole text of it is more or less of interest. But it is
suflScient for present purposes to give two extracts from it.
Before, however, going any further, it must be stated
that, in the earliest discussions of the contents of this edict,
doubts were expressed as to whether it should be imderstood
as a Buddhist or as a Jain manifesto, and as to whether
it was issued by Ai§oka or by some other king. But it is
not necessary to revert to those questions, except in so
far as the varying opinions, as to the sectarian nature of
the record, have borne upon some of the proposals made
regarding the interpretation of certain words in it. It is
quite certain that the edict was issued by Aioka. And,
whatever may be the religion which Ai§dka professed
originally, it is quite certain that he was converted to
Buddhism, and that this edict is a Buddhist proclamation.
This is made clear by the so-called Bhabra edict, which,
addressed to the Mdgadha Samgha or community of Buddhist
monks and nuns of Magadha, speaks, in the most explicit
terms, of the respect paid, and the goodwill displayed, by
" the king Piyadasi," that is A66ka as He of Gracious Mien,
to "the Buddha, the Faith (Dharma), and the Order
(Sathgha).''
Nor is it necessary to review certain disquisitions which
have been given with a view to bringing the supposed
purport of the edict, particularly in the matter of two stages
in the religious career of Ai§oka, into harmony with the
assertions, or supposed assertions, of the Southern tradition
as represented by the Bipavamsa and the Mahdmnisa.
Those disquisitions were wide of the mark; the tradition
and the record having, in reality, no chronological details
in common, except in respect of the number of years that
elapsed from the death of Buddha to the abhiahika or
anointment of A^ka to the sovereignty. And Dr. Biihler,
at a later time, in cancelling the misreading on which he
had acted, practically withdrew (see lA, xxii, p. 300) at
any rate "one half of the historical deductions," — though
he somewhat inconsiderately did not specify exactly which
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4 THE BATE OF BUDDHA's DEATH
half, — wliich he himself had given at great length (lA^
vi, pp. 151 to 154, and vii, pp. 148 to 160) in his original
examinations of the Sahasram and Biipnath records.
We are concerned with only the readings and inter-
pretations of certain words in two passages in the edict*
And, in giving the texts of those two passages, I of course
follow, as closely as possible, the latest published readings
of each version of the edict. But I supplement those
readings by anything which I myself can gather from those
reproductions of the originals which are real facsimiles, or
can suggest with confidence in any other way.
It will be convenient to deal first with a passage which
stands in the Sahasram record near the end, and in the
other two records at the end, of the edict.
Of this passage, we have the following texts. In all
essential details, I adhere exactly to the decipherments of
the individual syllables made by Dr. Biihler (lA, xxii,
1893, p. 303, and EI, iii, 1894-95, p. 138) and M. Senart
(lA, XX, pp. 155, 156, and JA, 1892, i, p. 487). But
I differ from those scholars in a detail of analysis in the
Bupnath record, regarding which reference may be made
to also page 13 below. We must not take aaia-vkdad as a
compound. It must be taken as two separate words. The
word sata, = Sata, the base, means ' hxmdreds, centuries ; ' just
like the nominative plural satd, = Satdni, of the Sahasram
record. And, in conformity with a common method of
expression in Hindu dates, in translating which we have
to supply the word *of * in order to obtain a grammatical
rendering, the two words satd and sata are in apposition,
not with only the word diive, *two,' and the numerical
symbol for 200, but with the words and the nimierical
symbols which mean 256 ; though, of course, the intended
purport is, not 256 centuries, but two centuries and fifty-six
years. The texts are : —
Sahasram, lines 6, 7 : — lyam [cha savane (read savane)]
vivuthena duve sa-pamnalati sata vivutha ti 200 50 6.
Riipnath, lines 5, 6 : — Vyuthena savane kate 200 50 6
sata vivasa ta {or ti).
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FROM A BECORD OF ASOKA. 5
Brahmagiriy line 8 : — Ijam cha 8ava[9e] 8av[a]p[i]te
vySthena 200 50 6.
In the words if/am cha adrani^ sdvane, ''and this same
precept," of the Sahasram and Brahmagiri versions, and in
the simple advani, " the precept " or " (this same) precept,"
of the Bupnath version, reference is made to an earlier
passage in the edict, of which the general tenor is : — " And
to tiiis same purpose this precept has been inculcated:
Let both the lowly, and those who are exalted, exert them-
selves ! ; " ^ because, as the preceding context explains, even
a lowly man, who exerts himself, may attain heaven, high
though it is.
The passage with which we are dealing says, in the
Bupnath version that that precept was made or composed,
and in the Brahmagiri version that it was caused to be
heard, annoimced, preached, or inculcated, by someone who
is mentioned in the Bupnath version by the word vt/utha^
and in the Brahmagiri version by the word tyUtha. In the
Sahasram version, there is a reference of evidently the same
kind to the precept, and to the person, who is mentioned
therein by the word vivutha ; but the word meaning * made,
composed,' or * inculcated,' was omitted, and has to be
understood. And with these statements there are connected,
in the Bupnath and Brahmagiri versions some nimierical
symbols, and in the Sahasram version both numerical symbols
and words, which mean * two hundred and fifty-six.' *
Of this passage there have been two main lines of
interpretation, each with its separate branches.
Dr. Biihler, who first brought the contents of the edict
to public notice, in 1877, maintained, from first to last, that
the words and numerical symbols are a date, and that the
passage means that the edict was promulgated when 256
complete years had elapsed, and in the course of the 257th
' It has not always been recognised that this precept is complete as given in
translation above. But, that that is distinctly marked by the word tiy = t^t,
which stands in four of the Torsions in which the passage is extant, has been
pointed out by Dr. Biihler in £1, ill, p. 142, 8.
' We need not trouble ourselyes on this occasion with the exact analysis and
disposal of the woxd ta-parhnalitit * fifty-six.*
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6 THE DATE OP BUDDHA^S DEATH
year, after the death of Buddha. Originally (lA, vi,.
pp. 150, 159 b), while deriving the vivdaa of the Eupnath
record from vivaSy * to change an abode, depart from ; to
abide, dwell, live ; to pass, spend (time),' he connected the
vivutha of the Sahasram record, and the pyutha of the
Rupnath record, with vivritf 'to turn round, revolve; to
turn away, depart; to go down, set (as the sim).' Subse-
quently (lA, vii, p. 145 b), he accepted the correct derivation,^
pointed out by Professor Pischel (see page 20 below), of also
vivutha and vyntha from vivas. But he was still able to
retain for vivuthena and vyuthend, and to adopt for the
vyuthena of the Brahmagiri record, his original rendering "by
the Departed,'' in the figurative sense of " the Deceased," as
an appellation of Buddha. In the Sahasram record, he took
vivutha as the Pali nominative plural neuter, equivalent
originally to vivrittdni but subsequently to vymhitdni,
* passed.' In the Bupnath record, he read aata-vivasd as
a compoimd, and took it as an ablative dependent upon the
number 256. Finding in sata a substitute for the Pali
aatthu, a corruption of the Sanskrit Sdstri, which does occur
freely as an appellation of Buddha as " the Teacher," ^ he
took sata-vivdad as equivalent to aatthu-vivdsd, Sdstri-vivdsdt ;
and he rendered it as meaning " since the departure," in
the figurative sense of the death, "of the Teacher," that
is of Buddha. And thus he arrived at the following
translations : —
Sahasram : — " And this sermon (is) by the Departed,
"Two hundred (years) exceeded by fifty -six, 256, have
"passed since " (lA, vi, 1877, p. 156 b).
Rupnath : — " This sermon has been preached by the
'* Departed. 256 (years have elapsed) since the departure of
" the Teacher " (lA, vi, 1877, p. 157 a).
Brahmagiri : — " And this sermon has been preached by
" the Departed, 256 (years ago) " (EI, iii, 1894-95, p. 141). '
* For infitance, in the Suttampdta^ Terse 31, **be thou our Teacher, O CTeat
Sage!," verse 545, "thou art Buddha, thou art the Teacher'* (ed. Fausboll^
Dp. 5, 98), and in the Dipavamsa, 1, 17, 35 ; 2, 20 (ed. Oldenherg, pp. 14, 16^
22), and in the Mahavamsa (Tumour, p. 3, line 12, p. 4, line 13, p. 7, line 6).
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FBOM A RECORD OF ASOKA. 7
In agreement with Dr. Buhler there was, in the first place,
General Sir Alexander Cunningham. He did not attempt
any independent examination of the difficult expressions in
the edict. But he had detected and deciphered, before
anyone else, the numerical symbols in the Sahasram record
(Imcrs. of Aidka, 1877, p. 2, No. 8).^ And he, also,
recognised in them a date, reckoned from the nirvana of
Buddha.
In his interpretation and application of the passage,
Dr. Buhler had the full support of Professor Max Miiller,
who in 1881 wrote : — " After carefully weighing the
"objections raised by Mr. Rhys Davids and Professor
"Pischel against Dr. Biihler's arguments, I cannot think
"that they have shaken Dr. Biihler's position. I fully
" admit the difficulties in the phraseology of these inscrip-
" tions : but I ask. Who could have written these inscriptions,
"if not AiSokaP And how, if written by Asoka, can the
"date which they contain mean anything but 256 years
"after Buddha's Nirvana?" (Sacred Books of the East,
^ I would like to sug^t to certain European scholars that, instead of citing
Sir A. Cunningham's volume on the records of Aftoka, and my own volume on the
records of the Early (or Imperial) Gupta Kings and their Successors, as *'CII,
vol. i," and " CII, vol. iii,^* meaning thereby vols, i, and iii, of the " Corpus
Inacriptionum Indicarum,'' — a method of referring to them which does not
indicate much, if anything, of value, — it would be more useful to cite them,
by distinctive titles, as Inscriptions of Aidka (or Aidka Jnaeriptions) and
Oupta Inseriptiont, or as Insert, of Aidka (or Asoka Insers,) and Gupta
Inscrs,, or, if an absolute abbreviation is desired, as "C.AI," and **F,GI.'*
These two works are the first and third volumes, nominally, of a series which
has never gone any further, and, it is feared, is not likely to do so. And it has
been a matter for regret that they were ever numbered as volumes of such a series.
Bven the intended second volume of that inchoate series has never appeared,
though, it is believed, the preparation of it had been undertaken by someone
before the time when the preparation of the volume on the Gupta Inscriptions
devolved upon me as Epigraphist to the Government of India, 1883 to 1886.
It was contemplated that that second volume should contain the '* Inscriptions
of the Indo- Scythians, and of the Satraps of Surashtra " (see Inscrs. of Asoka^
Preface, p. 1). It was understood by me that all the materials for it, then
known, had been collected; and, in fact, most of the intended Plates seem to
have been actually printed off (see JRAS, 1894, p. 175). And consequently,
having plenty of travelling and other work to do in connection with my own
volume when I was in Northern India, I did not lay myself out to obtain fresh
ink-impressions and estampages of the records of the other series, though I did
secure a few such materials, in the cases both of them and of the Aioka records,
as opportunity served. I have often, since then, regretted the omission ; especially
because a few of the materials then extant do not now exist, except at the
bottom of the sea, in the wreck of the P. and 0. steamship '< Indus," on the
north-east coast of Ceylon (see ibid.).
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8 THE DATE OP BUDDHA's DEATH
vol. X, 1881, Dhammapada, Introd, p. 41, and second edition,
1898, Introd. p. 49).
And more recently he received the full support of
Professor Kern, who in 1896 wrote : — "We believe also
"that the figures 256, notwithstanding all objections, are
"really intended as a date of the Lord's Parinirva^"
(Manual of Indian Suddhiam, p. 115).
And he received also partial support from Professor Rhys
Davids (Academt/, 14th July, 1877, p. 37, and Ancient Coins
and Measures of Ceylon^ 1877, p. 57 ff. ; see also page 14
below), and from Professor Pischel {Academy^ 11th August,
1877, p. 145; see also pages 18, 20, below), and from
M. Boyer (J A, 1898, ii, p. 486 ; see also page 15 below).
The other main line of interpretation starts from the
point that the passage does not present any word meaning
^ years ; ' and for the most {)art it takes both the words
vitmthd and vivdsd as nominatives plural, in apposition with
the number 256. The separate branches of this line of
interpretation have been as follows : —
Professor H. Oldenberg, on the possibility of vivutha, vyutha,
and vivdsa, being derived from the root vas, ' to shine, become
bright ' (class 6, uchchhati), with the prefix vi, thought that
the passage might perhaps mean : — " This is the teaching
" of him who is there illumined ; 256 beings have appeared
" in the world illumined." But he was more disposed to take
the second part of the passage as meaning "256 beings
" have departed (into the realm of liberation, into Nirvana),'*
and as indicating that that number of Buddhas had, up to
then, appeared in the course of world-periods. And so he
rendered the whole passage (somewhat freely in respect of
its second part) as probably meaning : — " This teaching was
"preached by the Departed; the number of the Departed,
"who have taught on earth, is 256" (ZDMG, xxxv, 1881,
p. 475).i
I Being not acquainted with Gennan, for my knowledge of the exact purport
of this article by Professor H. Oldenberg, referred to again further on in
connection with the other extract with which we have to deal, I am indebted
to Mr. Thomas, who has very kindly supplied me with a translation of it.
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FBOM A EECOKD OF ASOKA. 9
2f. Senart, by whom this line of interpretation has been
most prominently represented, and who arrived at his con-
elusions independently of Professor Oldenberg, took a some-
what different view. His process {Inscrs. de Piya.^ ii, 1886,
pp. 182-189, and lA, xx, 1891, pp. 160-162) may be
epitomised thus. He took the verb tivoB in its ordinary
meaning of 'to be absent, to depart from one's home or
ecmntry/ From that he deduced for vivutha, vt/utha, and
tftUha, the meaning of *a messenger.' With the idea
thus obtained, he compared the missionaries who in the
time of A^ka, according to the Mahavanisa (Tumour, p. 71,
Wijesinha, p. 46, and see Dipavamsa, Oldenberg, p. 159),
the Thera Moggaliputta sent out to various countries to
propagate the religion of Buddha. And he thus arrived
at tiie meaning of 'messenger, missionary,' as denoting
the persons who were charged by Adoka with the duty of
putting the edict in circulation and spreading it abroad.
Like Dr. Biihler, he read the sala-vivdsd of the Rupnath
VCTsion as a compound. But, like Professor Pischel and
Professor Oldenberg, he took the sata of this compound, and
the safd of the Sahasram version, as representing respectively
the base and the nominative plural of $atha, in the sense
of * a living being, a man.' He took the vivdsd of safa-rivdsd
of the Rupnath version, and the vivuthd of the Sahasram
version, not as ablatives singular, but as nominatives plural.
And he thus arrived at translations which may be rendered
as follows : —
Sahasram : — " It is by the missionary that this teaching
"(« spread abroad). Two hundred and fifty-six men have
"gone forth on missions" {Inscrs. de Piya.y ii, 1886, p. 196,
and lA, XX, 1891, p. 165).
Rupnath : — " It is through the missionary that my
"teaching is spread abroad. There have been 256 settings
" out of missionaries " (Inscrs. de Pit/a., ii, 1886, p. 196, and
lA, XX, 1891, p. 165).
Brahmagiri : — " This teaching is promulgated by the
"missionary. 256" (JA, 1892, i, p. 488).
Mr. Rice, in bringing to notice the Mysore records, sought
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10 THE DATE OF BUDDHA's DEATH
to open out a new branch of this line of interpretation^
by rendering the passage in the Brahmagiri record as^
meaning : — " And this exhortation has been delivered by
" the vyutha (or ? society) 256 times'* (Report dated February,
1892, p. 5). If that were really the meaning, we could only
have wound up the inquiry by commiserating the individual,,
or the society, for having had to reiterate so often the same so-
short address. But we need not refer to that proposal again.
As has already been pointed out by M. Senart (J A, 1892,.
i, p. 485), Mr. Rice's rendering was based upon nothing but
the pure mistake of taking, as representing the Sanskrit
suffix iaa^ ' such and such a number of times,' the b6 of the
words 8^ heoam, "even thus," which introduce the second
edict in the Mysore records. And the rendering has been
judiciously abandoned by Mr. Rice in handling the record
again on a recent occasion, when he has presented the
passage as meaning : — " And this exhortation was delivered
" by the Vyutha (or the Departed) 256 (? years ago) ; '* to
which he has attached footnotes to the effect that "the
Departed" means Buddha, and, in respect of the nimiber
256, that " no one has succeeded in discovering exactly what
"these figures refer to" {Ep, Cam., xi, 1903, translations
p. 93).
And, finally^ M. Sylvain L^vi took up the matter fromr
another point of view in the JA, 1896, i, pp. 460-474.
In the first place, he took certain words which stand at
the end of the second edict of the Brahmagiri record, not as
being Padeiia Ukhitam lipikarim, and as meaning, according
to Dr. Biihler's rendering, "written by Pada the scribe,"
but as being padena likhitam /ipikarem, and as meaning
"written by the scribe in the pac/a-fashion, separating all
"the words" {loc. cii.^ p. 466) ; and he explained that the
text sent out from the chancellor's office at Suvaihnagiri to
that at Isila bore that indication in order to put the local
writer on his guard against any fancy for pedantry. He
took the words vwuihena, vyufhend, and vyuthena as denoting
any of the couriers or messengers by whom the edict was
circulated from place to place (ibid,^ p. 469 f.). Following
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FBOM A BECOBD OF ASOKA. 11
the reading of aata-vivdad as a oompound, he took sata as
representmg the Sanskrit amrita, in the sense of ^ enunciated,
mentioned/ and interpreted the ablative vivdad, and the
corresponding mvuthd of the Sahasram version, as denoting
the despatch or missive^ the edict itself, with which the
messengers were entrusted, and rendered the phrases as
meaning "according to the aforesaid missive " {ibid., p. 472).
And, noting a habit which both the Buddhists and the Jains
had, of guaranteeing the integrity of their texts by recording
the number of syllables {aksharaa) which they contained
{ibid., p. 472 f.), and finding an approximation to the
number 256 in certain parts of each version of the edict, he
explained the number 256 as indicating, not a date, but
"simply the official notation of the number of aksharas
" contained in the edict, in the form which it had received
" in the royal chancellor's office of Pataliputra " {ibid.,
p. 474).
In respect of my own interpretation of this passage I have
to say, in the first place, that I unhesitatingly endorse the
view, originally propounded by Dr. Biihler, that the nimiber
256 is a date.
It is true that the passage does not include any word for
'years.' And it would probably be difficult to find many
such instances, in which an omitted word for ' years ' is not
replaced by some word meaning ^time,' in the epigraphic
records of India; though M. Boyer has apparently found
two such instances, referable according to the present imder-
standing to the first century B.C., in the epigraphic records
of Ceylon (JA, 1898, ii, pp. 466, 467). But the passage
does at any rate not present anything which excludes the
understanding that a date is meant. The vivuthd of the
Sahasram record, and the vivdsd of the Rupnath record, may
be taken as ablatives singular, masculine or neuter, dependent
upon the nimiber 256, quite as well as nominatives plural,
masculine or neuter, in apposition with that number ; while,
in the Brahmagiri record there is no word at all, to give
any indication as to how the number 256 is to be applied.
And this latter fact is particularly instructive. For,
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12 THE DATE OF BUDDHA's DEATH
though an omission of a word meaning * years* is easily
intelligible and can be matched, and though it is quite easy
to comprehend how a simple statement of figures could be
at once recognised as a date even without any word to
indicate the starting-point of the reckoning, it is at least
very difficult to understand, if * persons' of some kind op
another were intended, how the text could come to be left
in such a form as to give not the slightest clue as to the
nature of those persons, or to imderstand, if any suoh detail
was intended as the marking of the number of * syllables,'
why there is no similar entry at the end of also the second
edict in the Mysore records, especially as it is there that there
stand the words which, according to one view, record a special
feature in the verbal construction of the original text.
It is probably to Buddhist and Jain literature, rather than
to any epigraphic records, that we must turn for similar
instances of an omission of a word meaning 'years/ And,
while it is not worth while to spend time over a special
search for such cases, — inasmuch as the record has to be
dealt with on its own merits, and irrespective of the question
whether exact analogies can be found or not,— I will quote
one instance from Buddhist literature, quite to the point,
which came imder my observation accidentally, in casually
looking into the contents of a work which I had seen
described as being of importance for the ecclesiastical history
of Ceylon. The work in question is the Sdsanavarhsa or
Sdsanavarhsappadipikd, composed by a Burmese scholar
named Pafinasami who finished it not very long ago ; to
be exact, in 1861. Pafinasami has recorded the date of
the completion of his work, in the common Burmese era
commencing A.D. 638, in the following verse (ed. Mrs. Bode,
1897, text p. 170) : — Dvi-sate cha sahasse cha tevis-adhike
gate^ punnayam Migasirassa nittham gata va sabbas5.
And the translation is : — " {This Sasanavathsappiidipikd)
verily attained completion in aU respects on the full-moon
* The metre is faulty in this pada. Pali authors, however, seem to have
never troubled themselves about irregularities of metre.
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FBOIC ▲ RBOOBD OF A80KA. 13
day of {the month) Migasira, when there had gone by two
hundred and a thousand and twenty-three."
Here we have an unmistakable instance, quite to the point,
of omission of a word for 'years' or 'time' in a passage
reooiding a date.^ To that I have only to add the following
remarks. The natural appearance of the passage with which
we are oonoemed, is distinctly that of a date. Though
the other interpretations which have been proposed by
MM. Senart and Sylvain L^vi, have been supported by
substantial arguments, they do not present any meistning
that can be recognised as following naturally, without
straining. And they are distinctly wrong in taking the
Motd of the Sahasram record as equivalent to sattd, 8attdni\
the nominative plural, and the sata of the Rupnath version
as equivalent to satta, the base, of satta, = sattva, 'being,
existence ; a living or sentient being.' The word 8atta, =
satUuiy is one in respect of which the people who used the
language or orthography of the A^ka edicts, could not
afford to follow the practice of reducing double consonants
to single ones, or, at any rate, to use generally the
word so reduced; because, imless in any such phrase as
Mva^sata^hitdffi, sava-satdnam hitdyi, " for the welfare of aU
sentient beings," the result, sata, would have been so liable
to be confused with sata, =: iaia, 'hundred,' and aata, •=•
satta, = saptan, ' seven,' and sata, =. smrita, ' remembered,
mentioned ; thoughtful.' And, as has already been intimated
(page 4 above), both the 8atd of the Sahasram record and
the 9ata of the Rupnath record mean ' himdreds, centuries : '
in conformity with a common method of expression in
Hindu dates, in translating which we have to supply the
word 'of in order to obtain a grammatical rendering, they
stand in apposition, not with only the word duve, 'two,'
and the numerical symbol for 200, but with the words and
* I may now add, in revising the proofs of my article, another literary instance
which, also, has come to my notice casually. It is a passage in a Jain paffdvali,
which places the destruction of Valabhi and other occurrences such and such
Bombers (of yean) after the death of MahaTira-Yardhamana by the words : —
iri-Virat 845 Valabhi- bhanga^ 826 kvachit 886 brahmadTipikab 882 chaitya-
athitib ; see lA, xi, 1882, p. 252 b.
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14 THE DiLTE OP BUDDHA^^S DEiLTH
the numerical symbols which mean 256 ; but of course the
intended purport is, not 256 centuries, but two centuries
and fifty-six years.
It is, in fact, an inevitable conclusion that the number
256 is a date. And, following Dr. Blihler in the second
detail also, I fully agree with him that that date was
reckoned from the death of Buddha. But I arrive at this
result in a different way.
Now, in the first place, the passage mentions the making
or composing, and the inculcation, of a religious precept by,
plainly, a religious teacher, whom it specifies by the words
mvutha, vyutha, and vyutha ; and it places some event in the
career of that teacher, indicated by the ablatives vivuthd and
mvdscL, 256 years before the actual time at which the edict
was issued by Asoka.
The allusion can only be to one or other of the two great
ancient Hindu teachers, Buddha and MahavJra-Vardhamana.^
And, — even setting aside the facts, that, if tradition is true,
Mahavlra-Vardhamana died at least 258 years before the
ahhkheka or anointment of Asoka to the sovereignty, and
that this edict was certainly not issued until long after the
anointment of ASoka, — it is certain, for a reason already
mentioned on page 3 above, that, whatever may be the
religion which Asoka originally professed, it was to Buddhism
that he was converted.
The words vivutha, vyutha, and vyutha, therefore, must
denote Buddha. And the word vivdaa must mark some
event, used as the starting-point of a chronological reckoning,
in the career of Buddha.
Now, Professor Rhys Davids propoimded the view that,
if the edict is really a Buddhist and not a Jain proclamation.
* The vaKdity of my general argument would not be destroyed, even if hereafter
there should be eetaolished something which, I belieye, is held to have been
demolished long ago ; namely, that Buddha and Yardhamana were originally one
and the same person, and were differentiated by the divergence of rival sects, with
the inevitable oriental concomitant of the invention of separative details of
the most circumstantial kind, perhaps before, perhaps only afte^) ^^ ^^® ^^
ASoka. However, I do not make any assertion in that diro^oTi ; ^ ^^^ ^o^
studied the point. I only hint at a possibility, which m\i8t (X ^ s^^^og^^^
ignored even now. ^^
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FBOM H BECOEB OF ASOKJL. 15
it is to be understood that the starting-point of the reckoning
of the 256 years was, not the death of Buddha, but his
vivdsa in the sense of his nekkhamma, abhinikkhamana, or
abhinishkramatia, — " the Great Renunciation," — when he
left his home to become an ascetic {Academyy 14th July,
1877, p. 37, and ACMC, p. 58). And this same view has
been adopted by M. Boyer (JA, 1898, ii, p. 486).
But Professor Rhys Davids himself did not regard with
any favour (ACMC, p. 60), — and apparently quite rightly,
— the idea, entertained by someone else, that the Jains
had an era dating from the abhinishkramana of Mahavira-
Yardhamana, an event quite as important to the Jains as
the same event in the life of Buddha could be to the
Buddhists. And, even irrespective of the point that the
actual departure from home would be denoted by the word
vivasana more correctly than by vivdsa, whatever may be
the case in the Buddhist literature in general, — whatever
may be the statements which can be found there, to surround
the abhinishkramana of Buddha with so great a halo of
romance as to justify our speaking of it as "the Great
Renimciation," — there is nothing in the Dipavathsa, or in
the Mahdmmsa, to indicate that the Pdrdnatthakathd, the
Afthakathd'Mdhdvamsa or Slhalatthakathd-Mahdvamaa of the
Mahavihara monastery, the early work on which the Dlpa-
fHimm and partially the Mahdvamsa were based (Oldenberg,
Dipavamsa, Introd. p. 2 ff.), — a work of quite possibly
the time of A6oka himself or nearly so, — attached any
importance at all, as an epoch-making event, to the
abhinishkramana of Buddha. In connection with the Mahd-
vanisa, we must bear in mind a point, to which, it would
appear, no attention has as yet been paid, but which is
of importance because, in consequence of it, while we may
criticise the Mahdvamsa by the IHpavamsa, we must not
criticise the IHpavathsa by the Mahdvamsa. Mahanaman,
the author of the earlier portion, really known as the
Padyapaddnuvamsa or Padyapaddruvamsa, of the Mahdvamsa,
had opportunities, in consequence of the intervening visit
of Buddhaghosha to Ceylon from Magadha, and of his own
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16 THE DATE OF BUDDHA's DEATH
visit to Magadha which is proved by his inscription at Bodh-
Gaya/ of introducing into his narrative additional items of
^ I refer to one or other of two records edited hy me in Gupta Inscriptions^
1888, No. 71, p. 274, and No. 72, p. 278 (see also lA, xr, 1886, pp. 356, 369).
The inscription No. 71 is dated in the year 269, in the month Chaitra ; it
mentions, m a line of Buddhist disciples of Lanka (Ceylon), Bhava, Bahola,
Upasena (I.),^ Mahanaman (I.), Upasena (II.), and Mahanoman (Il.)f &
resident of Anirad?ipa, and bom in the island of Lanka ; and it records
that, in the specified year, the second Mahanaman founded a Buddhist temple
or monastery at the Bodhima^da, that is at Bodh-Gaya. The inscription
No. 72 is not dated ; it records the presentation of a Buddhist image by the
Sthavira Mahanaman, a resident of Amradripa.
When I edited these records, I took the Sthavira Mahanaman of the inscription
No. 72 to be identical with the second Mahanaman of No. 71. I interpreted the
date in No. 71, the year 269, the month Chaitra, as a date of the Gupta era,
falling in A.D. 688. And I said in respect of No. 71 : — " Its extreme interest
**li^ in the fact that, as the Mahanaman, whose record it is, can hardly be any
*' other than the well-known person of that name who wrote the more ancient
** part of the Pali Mahdvarhsa or History of Ceylon, its date shews either that
** the details of the Ceylonese chronology, as hitherto accepted, are not as reliable
** as they have been supposed to be, or else that a wrong starting-point has been
** selected in working out those details ; and it furnishes a denmte point from
'* which the chronology may now be adjusted backwards" (Qupta Insert, f 1888,
Introd. p. 16 ; see also trf., texts, p. 275 f., and lA, xv, 1886, p. 357).
What I have said on the present occasion, I have said with a full knowledge of
what Mr. Vincent Smith has written (lA, xxxi, 1902, p. 192 ft.) with a view to
upsetting both the identification proposed by me and the remarks made b^ me in
connection with it, and also a different identification proposed by M. Sylvain L4vi
with the result of interpreting the date of the record as a date of the Saka era^
falling in A.D. 347 (JA, 1900, i, pp. 401-41 1).
M. Levi's proposal, in connection with the 6aka era, is altogether unsustainable.
And, for my part, I have to withdraw an alternative suggestion made by me, that
the date of the record might be a date of the Ealachuri or Chedi era, falling in
A.D. 518 (Oupta Insers.y Index, pp. 320, 324). My original explanation of the
date, as a oatc of the Gupta era, falling in A.D. 588, i» the correct one.
I endorse Mr. Smith's conclusion (lA, xxxi, 1902, p. 193) that the undated
inscription No. 72, of the Sthavira Mahanaman, is some fifty years earlier than
the dated inscription No. 71. And it is, no doubt, a record of the first
Mahanaman of the inscription No. 71, whom Mr. Smith has styled '*the
spiritual grandfather" {loc. cit., p. 193) of the second Mahanaman of that record,
the one to whom the date in the year 269 belongs.
For the rest, Mr. Smithes conclusions are wron^. They rest primarily upon
a belief that the Ceylonese chronology is substantially accurate from B.C. 161
onwards (loc. cit,, p. 195, line 17 n.). That, however, is a quite erroneous
belief, which is traceable back to another initial mistake, or rather an initial
unsustainable assertion, made by Mr. George Tumour (see, e,g.f JASB, vi,
1837, p. 721), and which can be easily exploded.
The suggestions which I put forward in 1886 and 1888 in respect of the
Ceylonese chronology, are qmte correct. Tumour selected, for working it out,
a vnrong starting-point, B.C. 543, which is not asserted by, or supported by
anything contained in, either the Dipavamsa or the earlier part of the Mahdvamsa,
but was simply invented in (as far as I can see my way clear at present) the
twelfth or thirteenth century A.D. And we are gradually obtaining items of
information from various sources, which shew that the details in the Ceylonese
chronicles are not accurate in respect even of names, much less of dates.
But it is possible that the author Mahanaman should be identified with the
Sthavira Mahanaman (roughly about A.D. 538) of the Bodh-Gaya undated
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FROM A RECORD OF ASOKA. 17
tradition and romance which were not available to the author
of the earlier work, the Dlpavamsa ; and he unquestionably
availed himself of those opportunities, in completing the
alleged history of the period before A^ka, and in filling in
some of the asserted details of the life of Ai§oka himself.
And yet even the Mahdvamaa merely says : — " The Bodhi-
satta was five years older than Bimbisara; and, when he
was twenty-nine years of age, the Bodhisatta went forth"
{nikkhami) ; namely, by supplying what is understood, " on
his divine mission " {Mahdvamsa, Tumour, p. 10, Wijesinha,
p. 8), or, let us rather say, "to acquire bddhi or sambddhi,
true knowledge.*' While the Dipavamsa, 3, 47, does not
even specify the age of Buddha when he left his home, but
simply says : — " He, Siddhattha, the leader of the world,
son of Suddhodana, having begotten Bahulabhadda, went
forth for (the purpose of acquiring true) knowledge " {bddh&ya
abhinikkhami ; Oldenberg, text, p. 29).
There is nothing to suggest that the Buddhists ever
recognised a reckoning dating from the abhinishkramana of
Buddha, when he left his father's regal home, and went
forth to acquire that true knowledge which was to qualify
him to be a teacher and the founder of a faith. Nor
can I detect anything to indicate that an event in his life,
which would be much more likely to have served as an
epoch-making event, was ever applied as such ; namely, his
first public appearance as a teacher, when, at the age of
thirty-five according to tradition, he expounded his religion
to the king Bimbisara (Dipavan^a, 3, 57, 58; Mahdvathsa,
Tumour, p. 10, Wijesinha, p. 8).
On the other hand, there are indisputable evidences, in
many directions, — in India itself, and in Ceylon, Tibet,
China, Biirma, and Siam, — that there was a custom, from
inscription No. 72, rather than with the eecond Mahanaman (A.D. 588) of the
dated inscription No. 71. This, however, is a point which will have to be
thought out on some other occasion, when I shall have more to say about the
circmnstances in which Mahanaman wrote the FadynpadamtvaMsa or Padyapa-
ddrtHfamia, and about the mistake of taking him to be a maternal uncle of
king Dhatusena who is supposed to have reigned A.D. 469 to 477 or 46a
to 479.
J.B.A.8. 1904. 2
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18 THE DATE OP BUDDHA's DEATH
an early time, of determining clironology by placing events
such and such a number of years after the death of Buddha«r
And, even primA fade^ we need not hesitate for a moment
about accepting that event as the starting-point of the 256
years mentioned in the edict.
But, from what point of view, and with what meaning,
does the edict present the words vivutha, vyutha, and vyutha^
to denote the great foimder of the Buddhist religion, instead
of exhibiting his name Buddha itself, already well estab-
lished, as we know from the so-called Bhabra edict ? And
how did it come lo present the ablatives vivutha of the
Sahasram record and vivdsd of the Rupnath record, to denote
his death, instead of exhibiting something answering to the
familiar nirvana or pannirvdna, well established for at any
rate not much later times, or some participial form answering
to the nihhuta or parinihhuta of the Pali books P
To the understanding that the words vivutha^ vt/utha, and
vyutha denote Buddha, objections have been urged on the
basis that these words, and the word vivdsa, are not to be
found in Buddhist literature, but do occur in Jain literature.
Thus, Professor Pischel {Academy ^ 11th August, 1877, p. 145)
agreed with Dr. Biihler that the words vivutha and vyutha —
(the form vyUtha was not then known) — might be taken as
meaning " the Departed " in the sense of " the Deceased,'*
though Dr. Biihler had arrived at that imderstanding by
a false etymology ; and he apparently acquiesced in the view,
— at any rate, he did not oppose it, — that the number 256
is a date. But, on the other hand, he held that the record is
a Jain record, probably issued by Sampadi-Samprati, an
alleged grandson of Asoka according to the Jains. He
expressed the opinion that the word vivutha is a name of
Mahavira-Vardhamana. And, in favour of that view, he
hazarded the conjecture that some such word as vivdsa must
occur in a certain passage, in the Jain Kalpasutra, which
mentions the death of Mahavira-Vardhamana. Professor
Rhys Davids, however, was able 1x) shew at once (ACMC,
p. 60) that no such word occurs there. And, turning to the
text, as edited by Professor Jacobi, we find (ADMG, vii,
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F&OM A RECOBD OF ABOKA. , 19
1878, p. 67) that the word actually used is parin%hbu4Ci
'equivalent to the parinibhuta of the Buddhist Pali writers.
So, again, Professor J. P. Minayeff, taking the same view
that the edict is a Jain record, quoted {Reeherches aur, le
Bouddhkme, Annales du Mus^e Guimet, iv, 1894, p. 78,
note 1) a verse, from the PariiUhtaparvan of Hemachandra,
as placing the death of the Jain teacher Jambu a certain
number of years after the death of MahSvIra-Yardhamana
by the words iri'Vira'mOkaha'Vivasdt, which might be rendered
^' after the departure into liberation of the holy Vira." But,
turning to Professor Jacobi's edition of the Pariiishtaparvan
{Bibliotheca Indica, 1891, p. 161, verse 61), we find that the
actual word in the text is divasat, "after the day of the
liberation of the holy Vira."
Thus, two attempts at any rate, to shew that the words
with which we are concerned are to be found in Jain
literature, have failed. And even if other attempts in that
direction should be successful, what would they establish?
At any rate, not that the expressions are not Buddhist also.
We should think that, if any particular words are exclusively
Jain, they would be the names Jina, ' the victorious one,
the conqueror, the vanquisher,' and Mahavira, 'the great
hero/ Yet these appellations are constantly applied to
Buddha in the older books.^ And even the modem Buddhist
author Pannasami has freely used the expressions Jinasdaana
and Jinachakka to denote "the doctrine of Buddha" and
^'the dispensation of Buddha" {Sdaanamrnaa^ ed. Mrs. Bode,
e.g., pp. 7, 16, 27, 28, 39).
As a matter of fact, derivatives from that verb vims with
which we are concerned, do occur in Buddhist literature.
For the present, indeed, having no glossary for reference
except that published by Dr. FausboU of the Suttanipdia,
1 For instance, Jina, in the SuUanipdta, yeraes 379, 697, 996 (ed. FansbOll,
pp. 67, 131, 182), and in the IHpavanua, 1, 30, 80; 4, 10 (ed. Oldenbeig,
pp. 15, 20, 31), and in the Mahavamaa (Turnonr, p. 2, line 12. p. 3, line 6,
p. 9, line 13, "our Vanquisher was a son of the great king Suddnodana and of
Maya") ; and Mahayira, in the Suttanip&ta, yerses 543, 562 (pp. 98, 106), and
in ihe DlpavamM, 1, 49 ; 2, 52 ; 3, 58 (pp. 16, 24, 30), and in the Mahavamsa
(p. 2, line 3).
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20 THE DATE OF BUDDHA's DEATH
I can trace only the following two instances, in one of the
true etymological meanings of the verb ; namely, in the
Suttanipdta, verse 710, where we have tatd ratyd vimsane
(ed. FausboU, p. 132), translated by the editor himself
"then when night is passing away" (SBE, x, Suftanipdta,
p. 127, verse 32), and in the same work namassamdno mvasemi
raltim, " worshipping I spend the night " (text p. 208,
verse 1142, translation p. 201, verse 19). But we may
fairly quote also the following instances of the use, in the
same work, of the closely similar verb vipravas, ' to set out
on a journey, to go or dwell abroad, to dwell away ;' namely,
vippavasasi, * thou dost stay away,' vippavaadmi, ' I stay
away,' and atnppavdsa, * a not staying away ' (text p. 207 f .,
verses 1138, 1140, 1142, translation p. 200 f., verses
15, 17, 19). And, if a conjecture may be hazarded on my
own side, it is that we shall obtain plenty of instances
hereafter of the use of the verb vivas in Buddhist texts,
and some of them in accordance with the exact meaning in
which, as we shall see, the derivatives presented in the edict
were used.
Meanwhile, what are the exact etymological meanings of
the words vivutha, vyuthay vyutha, and virdsa ? And what
special characteristic of Buddha was there, to account for the
use of such terms in connection with him ?
The form vyuthoy with the long u and the dental th^ is
a variant of, no doubt, vyutha, with the short u and the
lingual or cerebral th. And, as such, it is to be accounted
for by the influences which have given us such forms as, in
the rock edict No. 4, vadhite (Kalsi, line 11) against vadhite
(Gimar, line 7), and in rock edict No. 1, pdna (Kalsi, line 3)
against prdna (Gimar, line 9), and in rock edict No. 2,
Tambaparhni (KalsT, line 4) against Tamhapamni (Gimar,
line 2-3), and, in rock edict No. 13, apparently diyadha
(Shahbazgarhl, line 1) against diyadha (Kalsi, line 35).
As regards the other forms, vivutha and ryufha, Professor
Pischel has convincingly explained {Academy, 11th August,
1877, p. 145) that they represent the Pali forms vivuttha and
vyuttha of respectively vymhita and vyushta, the Sanskrit past
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FBOM A BECOBD OF A80KA. 21
participles with ta of the root vas, * to dwell, etc.' (class 1,
vasati, nivasi), with the separative, distributive, or privative
prefix rt. He has also told us that the word &ata, in the
•compound sata-vivdsd as was then the understanding, cannot
represent, as Dr. Biihler thought it does, the Pali satthu and
the Sanskrit idsiri, 'a teacher.' In this latter point, we
quite accept his decision. But, for reasons already stated
(page 13 above), we cannot follow him in his endorsement of
Dr. Biihler's reading of sata-tivdsd as a compound, even
though coupled with his own substitution of "since his
departure from life," instead of Dr. Biihler's "since the
departure of the Teacher." Nor need we take, and in fact
we are restrained from taking, for the words with which we
are concerned, any figurative meaning in the direction of
^deceased' and 'death,' for which no authority has been
produced.
Of that verb vivas which has just been indicated, the actual
meanings, as given in Sir Monier Monier- Williams' Sanskrit
Dictionary, new edition, 1899, and as fully endorsed by the
St. Petersburg Dictionary and the quotations given therein,
are : — (1) to change an abode, depart from ; (2) with
hrahmacharyanif to enter upon an apprenticeship, become .
a pupil ; (3) to abide, dwell, live ; (4) to pass, spend (time).
It is sufficient to take for our purposes the first of these
meanings, from which we have for ryushita and vyuahta the
sense of 'one who has departed from home.' And we are
constrained, by a passage in the Rupnath record itself, to
take the words in their natural meaning, and in that
particular one.
In the Rupnath record, the passage which we are con-
sidering is immediately preceded by two sentences, of which
one explains the point. The first of these two sentences tells
us that the purport of the edict had been engraved upon
mountains " both in distant places and here," ^ and directs
* The facsimiles distinctly shew : — valata hadha cha. As will be seen
immediately, there are several writer^s mistakes in this part of the record. And
we must correct the text into : — palata hidha cha ; in which palaia is the local
form of the ViMparato^ = the Sanslqit j)arato«, * farther, far off.'
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2* THE DATE OF BUDDHA^S DEATH
that it should be engraved on stone pillars wherever there-
may be such piUars. And it is to be incidentally remarked
that the first of these clauses is instructive. The whole of
this sentence, except for the words palata hidha cha^ stands,,
with some slight differences^ in also the Sahasram record,,
after the date ; and the sentence which we have to notice in
the next paragraph, may have stood after it and have become
illegible, or may have been omitted. But the Brahmagiri
record, as also the other two Mysore records at Siddipura
and Jatinga-Rame^vara, does not present either of the two-
sentences. And it is a plain inference that those three places
were some of the "distant places," at which the edict had
been published and engraved before the time when it was
published and engraved at Sahasram and Rupnath.
The second sentence runs thus : — Etina cha vayajanena
yavataka tupaka ahale savara vivasetavi[ya] ti. There
are several palpable writer's mistakes here. We must
correct the text into : — Etina cha viyamjanena yavatake
tuphakam ahale saihvara vivasetaviye ti. And the meaning
is then plain enough : — " And by this same suggestion,,
intimation, {it is directed that) to whatsoever extent {there
may be) an employing, a deputation, of you, {to that extent
you) should with active exertion, energetically, depart
from home;" namely, to travel abroad in order either to
engrave the edict in other places also, or in a general
way to propagate the teaching of it.^
1 M. Senart went nearer than Dr. Biihler to the meaning of this passage.
But it is not possible to follow him in reading aavtUa, for the Pali aahbato^ the
Sanakyit »arvataSf < from all aides, in erery direction, everywhere.' The original
distinctly has samara; and Dr. Biihler recognised that it indicated samvara^
though he took it as, apparently, a nominatiTe, and translated it by '* {leaming^
to) subdae his senses." In tamvard, we haye the ablative, used adverbially.
Safhvara is given in Childers' Pali Dictionary as meaning ' closing, restraint.*'
It is there explained that * restraint * is of five kinds. The fifth restraint is
Hriya'iamvaraf * the restraint which enables a man to make an active exertion.'
And that is the sense which I take.
I have taken what seems to be here the plain purport of ahdla from the meaning
' employing, use,' which is given to ahdra in Monier- Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary
on the authority of the Katyayana'Srautatutra, There is a particular use of the
word dhara, — not yet explained, but perhaps to be explained in much the same
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FBOM A BECOED OF ASOKA. 23
With that use of the verb vivas before us, in the same
record, we are constrained to take something at least closely
approximating to that same natural sense in our explanation
of the derivatives vivutha, vyuiha^ vt/Utha, and vivdaa. And we
find at once the meaning that we require, by a consideration
of the main characteristic of the life of Buddha.
The leading feature of the life of Buddha was that, from
the time of his leaving his home, or at least from the time
when he had attained that true knowledge for the purpose
of acquiring which he left his home, he had no more any
settled abode ; he was thenceforth always a traveller,
a pilgrim, a wanderer upon the face of the earth.
To this point attention has already been drawn by
Dr. FausboU, on p. 14 f . of his introduction to his translation
of the Suttanipdta (SBE, x, 1881 and 1898), where he has
said : — " What then is Buddha P First he is a Visionary,
" in the good sense of the word ; his knowledge is intuitive,
" ' Seeing misery/ he says, ' in the philosophical views,
" without adopting any of them, searching for truth, I saw
** inward peace.' Secondly he is an Ascetic,
''a Muni, one that forsakes the world and wanders from
"the house to the houseless state; because from house-life
" arises defilement."
Sometimes, indeed, Buddha was a sojourner (viharati,
viharitvd), as in the Brahma^ village Ekana}a at Dakkhi^agiri
in the land of Magadha, in the park of Anathapii^dika in
the Jetavana woods at SavatthI, and on the bank of the river
Simdarika in the Kosala country {SuUanipdfa, ed. FausboU,
Pali Text Society, pp. 12, 17, 79), and for as long as it
pleased him {yathdbhirantam) at Ambalatthika, at Kotigama,
and in Ambapali's grove {Mahdparinibbdnasutta, ed. Childers,
JRAS, N.S., vii, pp. 57, 66, 72). And sometimes he dwelt
way, — in between the mention of drambha, * exertions,* and ii^ta^ * commotions,*
— in the Sutianipata, verses 747, 748, and the prose preceding them.
It does not seem appropriate, even if practicable, to follow Dr. Biihler (lA,
ri, 157, note §) and M. Senart (Insers, de Piya., ii, 194, and lA, xx, 164, 16),
in Ending in this passage of the edict a pun based on a secondary allusion to
boiled rice, a viaticum, and condiments.
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24 THE DATE OF BUDDHA's DEATH
(vasi) for even a whole year at a place, as at Bajagaha during
the rainy season and the winter and the summer (Vinaya-
pifaka, ed. Oldenberg, i, p. 79).
But the feature of his life was wandering from place to
place. In describing his own origin, from among the people
of Kosala just beside Himavanta, he said to king Bimbisara :
— " They are Adichchas by clan, Sakiyas by birth ; from
that family I have wandered out {pabbq;itd), not longing
for sensual pleasures" (Suttanipdtay p. 73, verse 423, and
see translation, SBE, x, p. 68, verse 19). And to the tempter
Mara he said : — " Having made my thought subject to me,
and my attention firm, I shall roam (vichariasam) from land
to land, training disciples extensively " (id., p. 77, verse 444,
and see translation, p. 70, verse 20). And so we find,
sometimes that, in the regular course of his wanderings
(anupubbena)y he was journeying on his journey {chdrikam
charamdno) to Uruvela, to Kajagaha, and to Baranasi ( Vinaya-
pifaka, ed. Oldenberg, i, pp. 24, 210, 289) ; and sometimes
that, having sojourned for as long as it pleased him, he set
out afresh on his journey {ehdnkam pakkdmi) from Uruvela
to Ghiyasisa, and from Qayaslsa to Kajagaha, and thence to
Kapilavatthu {id., pp. 34, 35, 82).
But better than anywhere else is the nature of his life
exhibited, with the motive for it, in the beautifid opening
verses of the Pabbqjjdmtta subdivision of the Mahdvagga
section of the Suttanipdia, of which I reproduce Dr. Fausboirs
translation (SBE, x, 1898, Suttanipdia, p. 66), taking only
the liberty of substituting for his " ascetic " the word
" wandering," more in accordance with the term pabbajjd, =
pravrajyd, ' a going about, migration, a roaming, wandering
about,' of the original text (ed. FausboU, p. 71), and in
agreement with his own translation of at any rate the verse,
quoted above, which describes the extraction of Buddha : —
" (1) I will praise a wandering life such as the clearly-seeing
" (Buddha) led, such as he thinking (over it), approved of as
" a wandering life. — (2) ' This house-life is pain, the seat of
"impurity,' and *a wandering life is an open-air life,* so
" considering he embraced a wandering life. — (3) Leading
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FEOM A RECORD OF ASOKA. 25
■*' a wandering life, he avoided with his body sinful deeds,
^* and having (also) abandoned sin in words, he cleansed his
^'life/' And so the poem goes on, narrating the meeting
of Buddha and Bimbisara, the pilgrim and the king: —
^* (4) Buddha went to Rajagaha ; he entered Giribbaja of the
Magadhtus for alms, with a profusion of excellent signs. —
{5) Bimbisara standing in his palace saw him ; " and so on.
Buddha was essentially a pabbq/ita, a paribbdjaka^ a
wandering ascetic teacher. And he was par excellencey in
the eyes of the Buddhists, " the Wanderer " of his own time
and of many centuries thereafter.^ The existence of a verse
in the edict which we are considering, has already been
suggested by Mr. Thomas (see this Journal, 1903, p. 833).
I find in the record another touch of poetry, in the selection
of the words vtrutha, vyutha, and vt/Utha, in preference to any
commonplace expression, to denote Buddha as " he who left
his home and became a Wanderer." And in harmony with
that idea there was used, to indicate his death, the ablative
mvdsd, "after (his) wandering," in the sense of "after the
•end of all the wanderings of his life." The ablative vimthd
of the Sahasram record might, of course, be interpreted as
the ablative of the neuter verbal noun vivuthay with the
same meaning as vivdsa. But it seems more proper to take
its base, vivutha, in exactly the same sense in which it was
used for the instrumental nvuthena in the same passage,
so that its meaning is "after the Wanderer," in the sense
of "after the death of the Wanderer." With this use of
the appellation we may compare, in epigraphic records, such
expressions as those which specify such and such a number
of years elapsed Vikramdt, " after Vikrama " {e.g.. Professor
* I should have liked to include in my remarks something of what Professor
Rhys Davids has said, in his recently published Buddhist India, about the teaching
** Wanderers" of ancient India, as contrasted with the *' Hermits " who lived in
fixed abodes in the forests occupying themselves in meditation and the T)erformance
of sacrificial rites or in the practice of austerities, and about the high esteem in
which the ** Wanderers" were held by the people at large, and the part that they
played in the development of Buddhism. But it was only after my article had
gone to the printers, that I became aware of his book. The recognition of
Buddha as "the Wanderer" presented itself to me independently, some time
■ago, as a natural result of my own inquiries.
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2& THE DATE OF BUDDHa's DEATH*
Baelhom's List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, EI, v,.
Appendix, p. 11, No. 73, p. 29, No. 202), and in literature
such expressions as Vikkamdu kdlammi, "in the time after
Vikkama" (lA, xix, p. 36, No. 60), and such and such
a number of years iri-Virdt, " after the holy Vira*' (lA, xx,
p. 345, Kne 8 £E. from the bottom). And, with these
explanations, I translate thus the texts which we have been
considering : —
Sahasram : — " And this same precept (was composed) by
the Wanderer; (of) centuries, two (hundred) and fifty-six
{^eara have elapsed) since the Wanderer ; (or in figures) ^ 200
{and) 50 {and) 6."
Eupnath: — ^^ {This same) precept was composed by the
Wanderer ; {of) centuries, 200 {and) 50 {and) 6 {years have
elapsed) since {his) wanderings."
Brahmagiri : — " And this same precept was inculcated by
the Wanderer; 200 {and) 50 {and) 6 {years have elapsed
since then) J*
1 For the ingei-tion of these words, compare the familiar ankatozpi of later
records.
{To be concluded,)
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27
II.
NOTE ON THE CONTENTS OF THE
TA'EIKH-I^AHAN^VSHA :
OR HISTORY OF THE WORLD - CONQUEROR, CHANGIZ KHAN^
BY 'ATA MALIK JUWATNI,
icith an appreciation and comparison of some of the fnanuscripts
of this work, especially those belonging to the Bibliothique
Nationale at Paris.
By EDWARD G. BROWXE, M.A., M.B., M.R.A.S.
"VrO event since the time of the Prophet Muhammad
has, probably, so profoundly affected the history of
Western Asia as the disastrous wave of Mongol Invasion
which, beginning with the first conquests of Changiz Khan
at the beginning of the thirteenth century of our era,,
culminated in the sack of Baghdad and the extinction of
the Caliphate by his grandson Huldgu Kh&n in a.d. 1268.
D'Ohsson, in his great Histoire des Mongols (1834)^
enumerates the following five Arabic and Persian works
as the most important Muhammadan sources for the history
of this period : —
1. The well-known TaWikhu' l-Kmnil of Ibnu'l-Athir, who
died in a.h. 630 (a.d. 1232-3), under a.h. 617 and the
following years of the chronicle.
2. The Siraty or Biography, of that valiant antagonist of
the Mongols, Jal&lu'd-Din Mankubirti, the last of the Khw&-
razmsh&hs, composed by his faithful secretary Shih&bu*d-D{n
Muhammad b. Ahmad of Nasd in Khur&sdn. This work,
inspired by Ibnu'l-Athir's narrative, comprises 108 chapters,
was written in a.h. 639 (a.d. 1241-2), and is characterized
by d'Ohsson as " une narration simple et naturelle.*'
3. The Ta'rikh'i-Jahdn-gushd of 'At& Malik Juwayni,
^diich forms the subject of the present notice. This history
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28 THE CONTENTS OF THE TA'MKH-I-JAHAN-OUSHA.
was composed in a.h. 658 (a.d. 1260), and is carried down to
the death of Ruknu'd-Din Khurshdh, last Grand-Master of
the Assassins of Alamut, in a.h. 665 (a.d. 1257), while a few
MSS. contain an additional Appendix on the sack of Baghdad,
which took place in the following year. The author, who
was secretary to Huldgu Kh&n himself, died in a.h. 681
(A.D. 1282-3).
4. The Kitdbu TajziyatVl-Amsdr tea TazjiyatVl-A'sdr of
^Abdu'U&h b. Fadlu'llah, who (since he was the panegyrist
of the Mongol Court) is generally called Wassd/uU-Hadrat,
whence his history is commonly known as the TaWikh-i-
Wassdf. It is professedly a continuation of the Jahdn-grnhd
last mentioned (with an abstract of which it concludes), and
covers the years a.h. 665-728 (a.d. 1257-1327). Undertaken
for Gh&z&n Khdn, it was only completed in the time of
his successor Uljdytu, to whom the author, introduced by
Rashidu'd-Din Fadlu'll&h (author of the history to be next
mentioned), presented it. The Preface was written in
A.H. 699 (a.d. 1299-1300). It is much admired in the East
for (what in our eyes is a blemish) its florid and laboured
style, over-charged with every species of rhetorical ornament.
5. The JdmVuH'Taicdrikhy or great universal history, of
Rashidu'd-Din Fadlu'lldh, the accomplished and imfortunate
Minister who was put to death on Sept. 13, a.d. 1318
(a.h. 718). It comprises three volumes, of which the first
treats of the general history and ethnology of the Mongols, and,
in greater detail, of their history from the time of Changiz
Kh&n till the time of Uljdytu. This volume was concluded
in A.H. 702 (a.d. 1302-3). The second volume deals with the
general history of the pre-Mongol period, while the third
treats of Geography. The history was brought down by the
author to the death of Gh&zdn Kh&n, while a supplement,
composed by Mas'ud b. *Abdu'114h in a.h. 837 (a.d. 1433-4),
carries it down to a.h. 736 (a.d. 1335-6).
Of these five sources, the first two, which are both in
Arabic, have been published in extenso, while of the last
three, which are all in Persian, portions only (and in the
case of the Jahdn-gushd only a small portion, in vol. ii of
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THE CONTENTS OF THE TA'RIKH-I-JAHAN-GUSHA. 2&
Schefer's Chrestomathie persane, pp. 105-169) have been
pubUshed.
The Jahdn-gushd is, then, the most neglected, though by no
means the least interesting, of these five important histories ;.
nor is it interesting only by reason of its well-informed
and original account of the Mongol Invasion. This, and
the Rise and Development of the Mongol power down ta
the destruction of the Khwarazmsh&hs and of the Assassina
of Alamut, form the subject of the first volume ; while the
second and third volumes deal respectively with the history
of the two Dynasties last mentioned. The history of the
Assassins in particTilar is discussed with singular fulness^
and authority, for the author accompanied Hul&gu Kh&n
(in his capacity of secretary) on the expedition against their
chief strongholds, and was able to examine and note the
contents of many rare books in their well-stocked libraries,,
which were immediately afterwards committed to the flames.
Thus it happens that this work contains many particulars
concerning the history and doctrines of this interesting sect
which are not to be found elsewhere, as well as much matter
throwing light on the social and literary history of the period.
The public libraries of Europe contain altogether at least
some fourteen manuscripts of this important work, of which
I have examined eight more or less fully, viz., the British
Museum MS. (Or. 156), the India Office MS. (No. 1914 =
No. 170 in Eth^'s Catalogue), and six of the Paris MSS.,.
some of which (in particular a very fine one, dated a.h. 689)
are remarkably good. These I shall refer to in the remainder
of this article as B.M., I.O., and P*-P*. For an edition
of the text, which I have long contemplated for my Persian
Historical Text Series, P' (Suppl. persan, 205), the ancient
MS. above mentioned, would form the proper basis, while
B.M. and I.O. are both so incorrect, incomplete, and defaced
by dislocations and lacunce, that they might well be ignored,,
and I only mention them in what follows because they are
most accessible to scholars in this country, and because I have
myself been compelled to work chiefly at them, using the
former in a transcript begim for me by a Turk named 'Arif
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50 THE CONTENTS OP THE TA^EIKH-I-JAHAN-GU8HA.
Bey and concluded by Mawlawl Muhammad Barakatu'llAh,
and the latter in the original^ which the authorities of the
India (Mce Library, with their usual liberality, placed at
my disposal.
I now proceed to an enumeration (which makes no
pretence to completeness) of the principal European MSS.,
adding to those of Paris a brief description, which I deem
imnecessary in the case of B.M. and I.O., since descriptions
of these will be found in the respective catalogues of the
institutions to which they belong.
Paris.
1. Ancien Fonds persan 69 (=Pi). — The MS. used by
d'Ohsson, and, before him, by Quatremere in compiling his
notice of the author in vol. i of Mines de I' Orient, pp. 220-234
(Vienna, 1809). He correctly describes it as "un petit
in-folio, contenant 189 feuillets (each of 25 lines), et qu'on
a achev^ de copier le deuxieme jour du mois de Moharrem,
A.H. 938 (= August 16, A.D. 1631). L'^criture en est mauvaise,
et pr^sente un assez grand nombre de fautes de copiste."
I may add that this MS. is complete, was transcribed by one
named Saltcd'iy and contains many marginal notes and
collations. It is written in nasta'liq which I should describe
as fairly good.
2. Supplement persan 205 (= P*).— A beautiful old MS.
dated a.h. 689 (a.d. 1290), comprising ff. 176 of 27 lines.
It is a large volume (measuring, if I recollect aright, about
10 X 8 inches), and is carefully written in a fine, large,
archaic naskhi hand, which is, however, not always easy
to read.
3. Supplement persan 206 (= P^). — This MS., dated
A.H. 841 (a.d. 1437-8), contains £E. 188, is written in a good
naskhi hand, with rubrications, and is embellished with six
miniatures. I did not compare its contents throughout with
the other MSS., but it is incomplete at the end, and seems to
lack the whole, or at least the greater part, of vol. i. There
is also a dislocation or lacuna between £L 41 and 42.
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THE CONTENTS OP TEE TA'KIKH-I-JAHAN-0U8HA. 31
The following MSS. belonged to the late M. Charles
Schefer, whose wonderful collection of Oriental manuscripts
passed entire to the Bibliothdque Nationale.
4. SuppUment persan 1376 (= P* = Pers. 68 of ttie
Schefer Collection). — A fine old complete copy (ascribed by
the cataloguer of the Schefer MSS. to the fifteenth century of
our era), written in a clear and excellent naakhi hand, and
comprising ff. 234. There is, however, between £f. 215
and 216, an extensive lacuna, corresponding with £E. 156flf,
1. 12-165fl,l. 24, ofP».
5. SuppUment person 1556 * (= P* = Pers. 240 of the
Schefer Collection). — A moderately good MS. (ascribed to
the fourteenth century of our era) containing ff. 264 (220
written). The writing is rather scratchy and illegible, and
the first leaf is supplied in a modern Turkish hand.
6. SuppUment pernan 1563 (= P« = Pers. 24 of the
Schefer Collection). — ^A quite modem MS., dated a.h. 1259
(a.d. 1843-4), comprising ff. 199 of 17 11., the text written
in a good, clear taHiqy the verses cited in large, clear naakhi
and in red or blue ink. This ends early in vol. iii with the
Proclamation announcing the destruction of the Assassins*
stronghold of Alamut, omitting the whole account of the
Isma'ili sect which should follow this. On f. 168a (the end
of vol. ii, here wrongly called the end of vol. i) is a colophon
stating that the MS. was copied from an original dated
A.H. 659 (A.D. 1261).
In point of excellence I should place these six MSS. in the
foDowing order :—P^ P*, P^ P«, P*, V\
London.
7. Or. 155 of the British Museum (= B.M.). — This is
defective in several places, especially at the beginning of
vol. i, where some nine or ten chapters are wanting, and
there are also several dislocations, while the text is far from
correct. It is quite modem (a.h. 1277 = a.d. 1860-1), but
professes to have been copied from an original dated a.h. 658
(=A.D. 1260).
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32 THE CONTENTS OF THE TA'RIKH-I-JAHAN-GU8HA.
8. No. 1914 (= 170 of EtWs Catalogue) of the India
Office. — In this also five or six chapters are wanting at the
beginning, three (including the conquest of Bukh&ra and
Samarqand and the revolt of T&rdbi) a little further on, and
the end of vol. ii and beginning of vol. iii. There are alsa
several dislocations, the proper order of the existing portions
being ff. 1-17 {lacuna), 93-180, 18-93, 180-236 (the end).
It ends with Nasiru'd-Din Tusi's Appendix (referred to on
p. 28 supra), was transcribed in a.h. 1076 (= a.d. 1665-6),.
and is written in a slovenly taUiq, with rubrications and some
marginal notes and references.
Oxford.
9. Fraser 154 (=No. 146 of Eth^'s Catalogue) of the
Bodleian, not dated, but described by Eth6 as " a very old
and good copy."
10. Ousekp Add. 44 (=No. 145 of Eth^'s Catalogue) of
the Bodleian, also not dated.
Manchester.
11. No. 814 of Lord Crawford's Collection, which, formerly
so generously placed at the disposal of scholars, has now
passed into the hands of Mrs. Rylands, where it has hitherto
proved inaccessible. It is said to date from about a.d. 1700.
GtoxHA.
12. No. 33 Persian (=No. 28 of Aumer's Catalogue),,
dated a.h. 799 (=a.d. 1396-7), and described as written
in a cursive hand.
Leyden.
13. Cod. 1185 Warner. — ^A modem copy made by a
European, and partly collated by Warner, a.d. 1662.
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THB CONTENTS OF THE TA'rIKH-I-JAHAN-GUSHA* 83
Vienna.
14. N.F. 217 (=956 of Flugel's Catalogue). — This,
containing only the first half of the work, is said to have
been copied from a MS. in the Library of Sultan Bfiyezid
at Ccmstantinople, in a.h. 1249 (= a.d. 1833-4).
Constantinople.
In the Constantinople Catalogues I have found mention
of four more oopies, viz., *Amuja Husayn P&sh&, No. 369 ;
As'ad Efendi, No. 2106 ; Hamidiyya Turb^i (L&1& Isma'fl
Efendi*s bequest), No. 336 ; and Sult4n Miihammad F&tih,
No. 4316.
I shall now give, in the form of a concordance, the
collation of the six Paris MSS., B.M., and 1,0, y indicating
alike the headings of the chapters into which the book is
divided, and the place in each MS. where each chapter begins.
Vol. I: HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
The work opens, as usual, with a Doxology, beginning : —
This Doxology is followed by a short introductory section,
headed Fanly and beginning : —
After this follow the chapters into which the book is
divided (here numbered for more convenient reference, but
not so numbered in any of the MSS.), in all eighty-six, or
thereabouts, whereof Nos. 1-40 constitute the first volume,
Nos. 41-71 the second, and Nos. 71-86 the third. The
titles of each section, with my ordinal numbers prefixed,
are given to the right of the page, and the collation of the
eight MSS. (so far as I had time to make it during my
visit to Paris, for it is not complete) on the left.
J.R.A.8. 1904. 3
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45
ni.
ETBUSCAN AND SBAVIDIAir.
By 8TEN KONOW, of the Univereity of Christiaiiia, Norway.
fTlHE remarks which follow are based on notes which
■^ I have made in reading Professor Torp's Etruskiache
Beiirdge, vols, i-ii (Leipzig, 1902-3). I have never myself
studied the Etruscan language, and my knowledge of
Dravidian is rather limited. I was, however, at once struck
by the apparent analogy of several features in both families,,
and I have thought it worth while to arrange my notes
and make a short abstract of them. I do not think that
I have solved the vexed question about the origin of the
old inhabitants of Etruria. But I hope to have shown that
there are many interesting points in which their language
follows the same principles as that of the Dravidas, and that
I have, in so doing, added something to the probability of
the theory that the old Etrurians did not belong to the Indo>
European stock.
There are, in the first place, a few words in the Etruscan
texts which look very much like words with the same
'meaning in Dravidian languages. It is possible that their
number might be increased by Dravidian scholars. I have
noted the following cases.
The verb ama or ma, is, might be compared with the
base md, to be, to become, in G^ndl. The conjunctive
participle of this verb is mdsi or mdsu. Can the word masu
on the Cippus Perusinus be translated in a similar way P
There seems to be no doubt that the Etruscan verb tut^
'means 'gave' or 'having given.' A base tara, to give, is
common in Dravidian languages. Compare Tamil tara, to
give. If 0e8 and duvea are derived from the same base,
and mean * gave,' we may compare Brahui its, he gave.
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46 ETRUSCAN AND DRAVIDIAN.
Professor Torp explains the base cer or cert in ceri'xu, etc.,
as meaning * to erect/ ' to construct/ A base kar, to make,
occurs in Brahul. In other Dravidian languages we find
forms such as kid (Gondi), cheya (Telugu), 6eya (Tamil),
and so on.
Cal is usually explained as *tomb.' I do not know
whether it is possible to compare Dravidian kal, a stone.
It might further be possible to compare tiv, month, with
Brahul tube, Tamil tihgaly moon ; zivai on the Lemnos
inscription, if this word really means 'dead,' with Tamil
idvuy Canarese sdyw, die.
The formation and inflexion of words is of greater
importance, and it is here possible to point out several
features where the Dravidian languages furnish striking
parallels to Etruscan.
Professor Torp thinks that the termination cva or x^^ ^
a formative suffix {Etruskische Beitrdge, i, 24). A suffix gu
is quite common in Dravidian languages. Compare Tamil
nangUy goodness, from na/, good ; pada-gu, a boat ; kira-ngu,
a root, etc. The word Telugu seems to be formed by adding
this suffix to tele, clear.
The suffix gu is often changed to Su or chchu in Tamil, and
this suffix is often used to form verbs. Compare kdpchchu,
to boil, from Ady, hot. In a similar way Professor Torp
thinks that an «-suffix is used in order to form denominatives
in Etruscan.
The word etna^ seems to mean something like * offering,'
and to be related to etnam. Compare Torp, I.e., i, pp. 42 and
82. According to the same authority, Etruscan noims are
frequently formed by adding a suffix am or urn. It should
not, therefore, be necessary to explain mexl{rannal), (l.c., p. 49),
as an abbreviation of the common mexlum or medium. Now
it is a well-known fact that a suffix am is very frequently
used in the formation of Dravidian nouns. Compare Tamil
nil-am, ground, from nil, stand; Old Canarese and Tamil
mar-am, a tree, etc.
There are, on the whole, a great nimiber of derivative
suffixes in the Dravidian languages, and some of them^ such
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ETRUSCAN AND DBAVIDIAN. 47
as al and ar, might be compared with similar Etruscan suffixes.
I shall, however^ only draw attention to one suffix more, viz.
the fi-suffix, which is frequently used in the formation of
Dravidian adjectives. A suffix na is quite common in Telugu,
where it is used in order to form relative participles from
gerunds or conjimctive participles. Thus, chisi, having done ;
cheai-naf who has done; chesina-vadu, one who has done.
Compare Tamil forms, such as pona, who has gone ; dna, who
has become, and so forth. A similar suffix seems to occur in
Etruscan. Compare ras^na, Etruscan ; nea-na, the dead one
(according to Torp, ii, 19, a feminine), etc. See Torp, ii, 69.
I shall now turn to the inflexion of nouns, and point out
some features in which Etruscan seems to agree with the
Dravidian languages.
We do not know much about the distinction of genders
in Etruscan. In the Dravidian languages all nouns can be
divided into two classes, such as denote rational and irrational
beings respectively. The natural gender is only distinguished
in the case of the former class. One of the feminine suffixes
used for that purpose is i. Thus, Tamil takivi, a lady;
taleivan, a lord ; Gondi perdgi, a girl ; perdgal, a boy. The
t-suffix is perhaps borrowed from Sanskrit. It might, how-
ever, also be compared with the Etruscan suffix i in feminine
names. Professor Torp (ii, 19 f.) thinks that the same suffix
is occasionally also used in the case of other nouns.
The plural in Dravidian languages is formed by means of
various suffixes. Rational nouns add ar or similar forms,
while the conmion suffix of irrational nouns is gal in Tamil,
iu in Telugu. Other dialects have various forms of this suffix,
^uch as k, ng, sk, I, and so on. A third plural suffix is vet, ra,
or similar forms. Compare Tamil manidar, men; vtdu-gal,
houses ; porula-vei, substances ; Telugu gun^amu-lu, horses.
It should be noted that the various suffixes are constantly
confounded, so that, for instance, Telugu no more uses the
rational plural ending in ar in ordinary nouns, while the
same suffix in other dialects is occasionally added to noims
denoting irrational beings. In many cases also the plural is
not distinguished from the singular, and the number must be
inferred from the context.
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48 ETRUSCAN AND DRA VIDIAN.
Professor Torp has in his Mruskiac/ie Beitrage tried to shovr
that exactly the same suffixes, and no others, are used in
Etruscan.
The r-suffix occurs in words such as clen-ar, sons ; cepaf\
which Torp explains as the plural of cepen (compare Tamil
manidatiy man; vmnidary men), and many other words.
AuaVy God, might be an honorific plural; compare Tamil
DevaVy God.
An /-suffix seems to occur in murS-l, urns. Compare
Bugge, Etruskische Forsohungen und Studien, iv, 89. Torp
thinks that muri-l is simply identical with murL
According to Torp, a plural suffix ua occurs in murz-ua
and other words (i, 89).
And lastly, the singular may also be used without any
addition as a plural. Compare Torp, i, p. 96.
With regard to case suffixes^ we may note the Etruscan
locative suffixes 0, 0i, t, ti, e, ni, and perhaps w. Similar
suffixes are often met with in Dra vidian languages. Compare
KolamI t, Tulu d, tu, f, Gondl te, ne, e ; Brahui tl, Kuruj^ nt/,
Malto no, nihi, Telugu na, Id, lonu, and so forth. It is of no
interest for the present question whether the initial consonant
in the Dravidian suffixes belongs to the suffix or to the
oblique base, a question which ' cannot, in most cases, be
decided.
The genitive suffix al can perhaps be compared with the
suffix which forms locatives and ablatives in many Dravidian
languages. Thus, Tamil //, dl, Canarese alii, Gondi d/,
and so forth. The genitive in Dravidian languages is,
however, usually an adjective, and the most common suffix
is a. An a is also often added to the genitive suffixes in
Etruscan.
Also with regard to numerals there is at least one point in
which Etruscan seems to agree with Dravidian languages.
Professor Torp has (i, pp. 70 ff.) made it highly probable
that an em can be inserted between two numerals in order
to show that the first should be subtracted from the second.
Now this is exactly what we find to be the case in Dravidian
languages, where, at least, the nimieral * nine ' is formed in
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ETRUSCAN AND DBAVIDIAN. 49
such a way. And the subtraction is here indicated by means
of the same m or em as in Etruscan. Compare Tamil ombadu,
Korvi om-bidiy Oanarese am-bhattu, Kota or-m-patu^ Telugu
tom-midiy nine. Now * ten ' is patiu, padu, padi, or similar
forms. The common form for 'one' is oru, neuter ondu.
Kota or-m-patu clearly shows that the nimieral 'nine* is
formed by inserting m between 'one' and 'nine.' It is
possible that the initial t in Telugu tommidi originally
belongs to the nimieral 'one.' If that should be the case,
the Dravidian nimieral 'one' would agree with Ou, which,
according to Professor Torp, means ' one ' in Etruscan.
In this connection we may also note that the suffix ar,
which is usually a plural suffix, is occasionally added to
numerals. Thus, zeUaVy from sa/, two, and ^-r, from ^, four.
Is it possible to compare Dravidian forms such as iru-var,
two ; ndl'var, four P
The em which is used in order to indicate a subtraction is,
of course, quite different from the suffix m which means
' and.' Tamil has a suffix um, and, which might be
compared with the latter.
With regard to pronouns, it should seem possible to
compare ena, we, with Tamil en, I ; im, we ; ta, that, with
Telugu ata-duy that ; eca, this, with the Dravidian t, this
(compare the suffix kd in Kuru;^ e-kdy what P, where the base
is ^ as in other Dravidian languages) ; an, that, with Tamil
avan, that, and so forth.
I shall now turn to the Etruscan verb, and try to show
that, in several features, it follows the same principles as
those prevailing in Dravidian languages.
The imperative is in both families identical with the
base. A suffix 0 is sometimes added in Etruscan. Similarly,
a suffix th is sometimes used in Brahul, while a corresponding
suffix tu in Kui and t in Gondi denotes the plural.
The finite tenses in Dravidian languages are participles,
or formed from participles by adding personal suffixes.
The personal suffixes were not originally necessary, and
they are not used in Malayalam. In other dialects they
are also frequently dropped.
j.u.A.B. 1904. 4
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50 ^STBUSCAN AND DRAVIDIAN.
The Etruscan verb does not appear to distingiiisli person
and number, just as is the ease in Malayalam. It is, of
course, possible that further research will show that Etruscan
uses personal terminations (compare sta-Sy 0e-8, ziyu-n), but,
so far as we can now see, Etruscan in this respect agrees
with Malayalam.
In Malayalam a form such as vannu may mean 'having
come * and * came/ Similarly, the Etruscan turu is sometimes
a participle and sometimes a past tense. Such forms are
occasionally also used as surnames, i.e. probably as nouns
of agency or relative participles. We may, perhaps, compare
Kuru;^ eau, breaking ; esus^ a breaker.
The past tense in Dravidian languages is formed by means
of two different suffixes, i and a suffix which occurs in
various forms such as f, nt, ch, «, and k, iT is used in Kuru;^,
Malto, and Brahiil, and is probably the original form of
the suffix.
Professor Torp has made it probable that the Etruscan
past tense is formed by adding e or ce, %«. Thus, ture and
turce, gave. Compare, e.g., Kuru;j^ eskan, I broke ; es*as, he
broke ; eskas be'edas, he has broken, from es-nd, to break.
In addition to turu, turce, we apparently also find
forms such as turune, gave. If it is allowed to draw any
conclusions from the Dravidian languages, such forms
are derived from adjectives formed from the conjunctive
participle turu, having given. Compare Telugu ckesi,
having done ; chesina, who did ; chisinddu or chesind, he did.
Forms such as turunce, gave, are perhaps double forms.
The Tamil suffix of the past tense, however, has also often
an n prefixed to it.
Causatives are apparently formed in Etruscan by adding
a suffix 6. Compare cesu, reposes ; ceseOce, placed. A causative
suffix t is weU known in Dravidian languages. Compare
Tamilpadutta, to lay down, from pada, to lie ; Kuru;^ estd *and,
to cause to break, from esnd, to break.
Finally, I shall draw attention to the use of racl, mctl
in the same way as the Sanskrit iti, and to the apparent
absence of negative particles.
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ETRUSCAN AND DBAVIDIAN. 61
Vacl may be a participle of the same kind as Tamil d^-iV,
if you say, and it is the rule in Dravidian languages to add
a participle meaning 'having said' when a direct quotation
of the words of another has been made. It seems to me that
it is more probable that Sanskrit has adopted this peculiarity
from the Dravidas than that the opposite should be the case.
The apparent absence of negative particles in the Etruscan
texts can easily be understood if we assume that the language,
like those of the Dravidian family, has a separate negative
conjugation which has not as yet been recognised.
I am convinced that further points of analogy might easily
be found by those who know the languages in question better
than I do. I do not think that they prove any immediate
connection between Etruscan and the Dravidian family. But
they seem to show that the structure of both agrees in
important points, and they remind us how easily we are
mistaken in looking out for languages related to a form
of speech which is so unsatisfactorily known as Etruscan.
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THE FRONT OF THE ASTROLABE.
To face p. 59
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63
IV.
A FUTEEITTH CENTTTBT PLAHISPHEBIC ASTBOLABE,
HADE AT OEAHADA.
By H. S. COWPEB, F.S.A.
TN 1903 I purchased from a dealer in the Khan al-Khalil,
in Cairo, a brass Astrolabe inscribed with the Knfy
character, which I had examined, haggled for, and reluctantly
left three years before. The fact is, that at the present day
this old bazaar of Cairo is the last place to find anything
of interest. The European visitors are tourists who are
personally conducted, and who purchase wildly and at any
cost the gaudy modem stufi which the dragoman recommends.
The dealers are Armenians and Jews solely catering for this
trade ; and it was, I presume, only from sheer dilatoriness
that the dealer had not sent it down to one of his brethren
near the Ezbekieh, where it would have been quickly disposed
of. At any rate, it was out of place among the forgeries
and rubbish which form the feature of the once romantic
Khan al-Khalil.
Very few Oriental astrolabes have been fully described,
and in the example before us there are features sufficiently
unusual to merit record. The fact that the Arab inscriptions
are in the Kufy character, shows indeed that the instrument is
of some antiquity, but there is neither a date nor the maker's
name upon it, so that it was not until I had deciphered all
the inscriptions (no easy matter considering the ornate Kufy
used) that I was in any position to ascertain either its place
or period of manufacture.
A planispheric astrolabe such as this is made up of from
seven to ten separate parts, according to the number of plates
it contains. All the parts have special names both in Arabic
and English.
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54 A FIFTEENTH CENTURY PLANISPHERIC ASTROLABE
The main part of the astrolabe is a disc of brass^ in thi»
case &| inches in diameter, one side of which is flat, while
the other contains a depression to take the plates which we
shall describe. Eound this depression is a rim, and at one
side there is a projection to which is attached two rings to
suspend the instrument when in use. The brass disc is
called the urn {a\ mother), the rim is the hujrah (SjS^), the
projection ktirsi {^^ i.e. throne), the first ring of the handle
{ijjs) arwah, and the outer one halqa (^UJl^). To this again
there was attached a cord (^ic alaqah).
Into the urn fit several thin circular discs called the plate&
or tables (^^ safahy plural sa/aih), in this case three in
number. Over these is placed a skeleton plate called the net
(rete), or spider (c:-^^-^ ankabut). All the plates have
a central hole corresponding with one in the centre of the
um {^^jsy* mahan)y and all these parts are secured together by
a pivot (♦^-r^ quth)^ passed through from the back, a small
flat ring (fals c/^), and a wedge which passes through the
pivot on the front side and is known as the horse (u^j^fftras),
because no doubt it supports and holds complete the instru-
ment. On the pivot also, on the back, works the index or
rule (idadeli, ijLic), a movable pointer, having at either end
a small erect plate with a hole to take sight through. These
jdates are called the two tiles (^^s^ Ubnatain) and the holes
or sights (<UAJ thuqhah)} The instrimient we have before us
is quite complete with the exception of the original pivot,,
wedge, and fals, which are replaced by modem ones.
The back of the astrolabe, called by the Arabs zahr al-
usturlab (^->^^k-o5\ ^), is engraved with a number of con^
centric circles, and also by two cross lines which divide the
disc into four quadrants. Of these the line which falls
directly from the kur&i is the south-north line (the south end
^ ** Thaune haslow a brod Rewle, jbat hath on eitiier ende a square plate
peroed with a certein holes, some more A some lesse, to resftejiien the stremes of
the Sonne by day, and ek by mediacioun of thyn eye, to knowe the altitude of
sterres by nyhte/' — Chaucer's Treatiae, pt. i, 13.
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.J
HABE AT OBANABA.
55
being at the kursi), and that at right angles the east and
west line. These lines are not, however, continuous, as they
would pass through the ntunes and days of the months on the
inner ooncentric circles.
The concentric circles are seven in number in the upper
half of the back, and six in the lower.
Beginning, then, at the outer circle, we find the edge
numbered from 5 to 90 by fives, zero being at the east
and west points, and going to 90 under the kurst. These
numbers represent the 90 degrees into which each quadrant
of the circle can be divided. The two north quadrants are not
filled up. The numeration here, as throughout the instrument,
is indicated by the Arab letters with their numerical values,
and not by Arabic numerals.
The remaining circles are complete. The first three
contain the Zodiacal signs, and the thirty degrees into
which each sign is divided, the inner of the three being
divided into twelve compartments containing the names of
the signs themselves ; the next into seventy- two, each group
of six being marked with letters * v/ ^ ^ ^ J having
the values 5, 10, 15, 20, 25, 30 ; and the outer being actually
divided into the thirty degrees for each sign, or 360 in
the circle. The names of the Zodiac signs are the usual
Arabic ones, as follows : —
J^^
, , al'hamal
... r
J.^^
, . . al'thur
... 0
w^
. . al'jauza
... n
u^rJ'
. . aUsaratan
... ®
jw,S\ .
.. aUasad
... a
^LvuJl
. • al-sunbalah
... m
u!>^^ •
.. al-mizan
... ^
c-yJ^
. . aUaqrah
... ni
(J^^\
. . al-qam
... t
^j4\
,.. al'jadi
... vy
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56 A FIFTEENTH CENTURY PLANISPHERIC ASTROLABE
j!jJ^ ... al'dalu ... rs.
^ZJ^\ ... al-haut ... K^
The first sign T is on the east line, its zero point coinciding
with the zero point of the outer quadrant.
The three innermost circles again must be taken together.
On the smallest circle are engraved the names of the
Christian months, while the outer of the three contains
points representing the actual number of days in each month,
and the middle circle the letters enumerating the days in
groups of five.
I reproduce this table as it gives the spelling of the
months : —
j^^ . . . Yanyr ... 31 days.
jlj^ . . . Fehryr ... 28 days.
(j^U ... Mara ... 31 days.
Jj^* \ ... Ahryl ... 30 days.
<V.^ . . . Maia ... 31 days.
<^*jy. . . . Yunya ... 30 days.
aJ^. ... Yulya ... 31 days.
t::.-%Ail ... Aghfujsht ... 31 days.
30 days.
... ^ i Shenteber
-^ \ (or Sheneher ?)
ji^^\ ... Oktuhr ... 31 days.
j^^ ... Nufeber ... 30 days.
jT^^ ... Thejenher ... 31 days.
The beginning of January is placed about under the
19th degree of al-jadi (Capricorn), and, as we shall see
later, the exact relative position of the month and Zodiac
' It will be observed that the three signs which with us are called by names
signifying human beings are replaced in Arabic by words denoting inanimate
objects. Thus, insteaa of Virgo we have mnbalah^ the ear of corn, al-qaut,
the bow, not the bowman, and al-dalu^ the bucket, not the bucket-carrier.
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THE BACK OF THE ASTROLABE.
To face p. 56
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MADE AT GRANADA. 67
-circles is very important, as by this only, can we arrive at
4in approximate date for this particular instrument. Within
these circles, and below the east and west line is a square
table marked with the scales of umbra recta and umbra
versa, divided and numbered 3, 6, 9, 12. The scales of
umbra recta at the bottom are marked t^***-^, mabsut,
* extended* or 'flat,' and those of umbra versa at the sides
(jyw^^«^, 'inverted.*^ This square of the shadows was for
taking and computing altitudes with. In the east-south
quadrant there are further four arcs radiating from the
centre of the disc and marked 1 to 6 respectively. I am
not aware of the use of these arcs, which are not foimd in
the instruments I have been able to refer to.
This completes the description of the back, and we wiU
turn to the front, which will not take long. The hujrah or
rim is about -^ of an inch wide, and is marked with two
circles representing the 360 degrees of the quadrants, the
-inner circle being the degrees themselves, and the outer
containing the enimieration in numerical letters.^
The inner side of the urn itself is imfinished. It is marked
with the Tropics of Cancer and Capricorn and the Equinoctial
line, and with the north-south and east-west lines and with
circles of altitude. But there is no lettering, and we must
turn to the plates themselves for an explanation.
The three plates or tables are each engraved on both
sides, and one description will apply. They represent the
usual projection of the sphere varied only for the particular
-latitudes for which each was made. We have on each, the
straight horizontal and perpendicular lines crossing each
* In a Pereian astrolabe in my poBsesHion the first is marked c^^^***^ muttawiy
which^ I think, was the usual term. By the extended shadow the heiprht of an
accessible object may be taken by a single observation ; of an inaccessible object
by two observations. By the inverted shadow scale also, the height of an
inaccessible object can be taken by two observations. See ClMucer^a Treatise,
ly 12; ii» 41) etc.
' In order to avoid the increasing size of the groups of letters necessary to
denote the numerals to 360, a method of abbreviation is adopted, so that the
actual numbers run as follows: — From the S. point from 5 by fives to llo, then
•20 to 80 = 180 at N. Then 85 by fives to 95, then 200, then 6 to 70 = 270 at E.
Then 76 by fives to 95, then 300, then 5 to 60 = 360 at S.
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58 A FIFTEENTH CENTURY PLANISPHERIC ASTROLABE
other at the centre hole, the last being the line of the midst
of heaven, U^Jl k^^ ]ff\^ {Khat wanit al-sama), and the
horizontal line the line of east and west, or the level line^
Khat al'tnoHhriq tea al-tnughrih or Khat iataiea.
The three concentric circles are the Tropics of Cancer and
Capricorn {Madar ras al-saratain and Madar ras al-jadi), and
between them the Equinoctial line {Madar ras al-hamal).
Each plate is further divided by a curved or oblique
horizon separating the heaven above the earth from that
beneath. Above this are thirty circles of altitude C-^l^laiW^
^\ijji\^ numbered alternately (by sixes) from the end of the
oblique horizon inwards, and from the end of the south-north
line down towards the zenith (or Samt al-raa) at 90.^
Each of these thirty circles therefore represents three
degrees, and the instrument was a * t/ialathi* (^^^) or
tripartite one, in distinction to the complete or a\j tarn
astrolabe, which had ninety circles, or the ,^<A«a3 nusfi or
bipartite, which had forty-five.^
The other arcs which radiate from the zenith and cross
these are the arcs of azimuth (ci^^^i^), thirty-six in number,
numbered from 10 to 90 in four batches.
Below the horizon we find twelve arcs radiating from
Cancer and numbered 1 to 12, these being the planetary
or temporal hours. And there are yet five other lines at
imequal intervals, marked respectively jS? fqjr^ dawn, jos-
a8r, afternoon, ^t^ dohr, noon, J^j>J zawa/, early declination of
Sim after noon, and (JaJ^ sha/ag, evening twilight (or after-
glow). Although some of these mark the time for Moslem
prayer, their use may have only been for ascertaining the
time by observation.
The segmental space between Cancer and the oblique
horizon is in each case occupied by an inscription denoting
' Only on one projection is the numeration completed down to 90. In the
others it stops about GO, since the space for eugroviug is verj- crowded.
' There were also sexpartite and quiuquepartite instnunents.
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ICABE AT GEANABA. 69
the latitude at whidi the j^te may be used, and in some
cases the name of a town is added. These are as follows : —
Plaib I.
** The latitude of Granada and of all towns whose latitude
is 37° 30."
(J) J u^yi
" Latitude 30° " (P for Cairo or Busrah).
Platb II.
(a) ^\^^,^
'' Latitude 2P 40'."
"Mekka."
"Latitude 33° 40'."
"Fas."
Platb III.
" Latitude 36° 30' " (? Gibraltar or Oran).
(J) ^J>yi
" Latitude 25° " (Medina ?)}
To complete the instrument we have the plate called the
net (rete) or spider (CL^yJj:<^), which is very decorative in
appearance. It is a skeleton plate showing a plane projection
of the heavens, and cut away so as to show an inner
ring, which is the ecliptic circle marked with the Zodiac,
> As usual these latitudes are rough. Fas (Fez) is 34" ; Granada sr 8' ;
Medina and Mecca are a little more correct.
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60 A FIFTEENTH CENTURY PLANISPHERIC ASTROLABE
^^^^ aiki^, signs and degrees, and an outer one, which
is the Tropic of Capricorn. Within both circles are twenty-
eight pointers, each set with silver knobs. These are called
the skaziehs (<0^^), each marked with the Arabic name
of a star, the position of which is actually indicated by
its point. At the top of the Zodiac, between al-jadi and
al-qam {Vf and i), is a pointer called al-mun, and just imder
it is a silver knob, al-mudir (^J^^), 'the governor,' with
which this plate can be turned.
The following is a list of the fixed stars named on the
shaziehs, the numbers being given on the diagram : —
Within the Zodiac (15) :—
(1) \^\ (jm\j, ras al'hawa. The snake-catcher's head,
a Serpentarii {ras alhague),
(2) '^-ss*' (>^^> ^^^^ al'haf/t/ah. The serpent's neck,
a Serpentis.
(3) jAJb , tayr or nasr al- tayr. The vulture, a AquilsB
{althayr),
(4) (jw^ H-^> ^^^ faras. Heel or breast of the horse —
Pegasi.
(5) uJ^., ridf. The follower, a Cygni {arrioph).
(6) tr^lj, {nasr) tcaki. The falling vulture, a LyraD (JFega).
(7) ^ , (munir) fakka. The bright one of Fakka, a Coronae
Borealis (alpheca).
(8) Unidentified. The name might read faridf but alphard
(a Hydrae) is outside the Zodiac ; see No. 19.
(9) 'f^^J^ , (simak) aUramih. The supporter of the spearman,
a Bootes {alramech, Arcturus).
(10) {j^ji «*-r^«, mankib faros. The horse's shoulder (sckeat
alpheratz),
(11) v-^^-ars-, (kaf aU)kha8ib. The open or bountiful hand,
/8 CassiopeiaB.
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OIAQRAM OF THE "NET."
To fact p. 60
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60 A FIl
M the Tro]
eight poiii'
the ^kazui
(A a star,
it« point.
aUqaus (/r
it is a sil
which thi
The f-
ahaziehft,
Wi
(1) ^-
(2) /.,
(4)
(A I
(•■
C
4
^
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i
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HADE AT GBAKADA. 61
(12) J^, {raa aU)ghul The ghurs head, fi Persei {algol).
(1>3) J^> f^yy^i' The beauteous one, Capella fi Aurigae.
(14) (Erased, probably zahr al-dubh, a Ursae Majoris.)
(15) J^-j, rijl (al-dubh). Leg of the bear, UrssB Majoris.
Outside the Zodiac (13) :—
(16) ^-^;A^ H^9 qualb aqrab. The scorpion's heart, a Scorpii
(antarea).
(17) J^)^ (aitnak) al-azal. The supporter of the unarmed,.
a (Spika) Yirginis {azimech).
(18) {j^\^\ ^, fas (ras?) aUkas. The crown (P) of the
cup — Crateris.
(19) *^a^, {fard al'')9hqjah. The solitary one of the serpent,
a HydrsB (alphard).
(20) j}T^\ {Shary) aUabur. a Canis Majoris, Sirius, the
Dog Star {alhabor).
(21) jy^\ J^j> rijl al-juz. The foot of Jauza, fi Ononis.
(22) L/«^ J^. , butn qitus. The whale's belly, ir (?) Ceti.
(23) (jMjkJ u^J, danab qitus. The tail of the whale,.
/SCeti.
(24) fc^J^ *^^> danab jadi. The goat's tail, S Capricomi.
(25) ^ji*^9 {al')debaran, or the bull's eye, a Tauri.
(26) ih.;-'^^, mankib. The shoulder ; query, if not properly
menkar, a Ceti.
(27) l*ay4^, (al")gofnei8a. a Canis Minoris, Procyon.
(28) Unidentified.*
The ' idadeh ' or rule is quite unomamented, the upright
tiles fixed (not hinged), and in each there is one hole, not
two as is often the case.
> Without some clue it is impossible to read numbers 8 and 28. Possibly
a reference to Ideler, ''Uber die Stemamen," which I have not been able to-
see, would help.
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«2 A FIFTEENTH €ENTUET PLAOTSPHBRIC ASTROLABE
Let 118 now see if tiie examination of this inetrument
enables us to arrive at anj definite conclusions as to the place
of origin and date of manufacture. The style of art and
workmanship in Oriental instruments such as this, seldom
affords much indication on these points ; for, to begin with,
the use of the archaic or Kufy character of Arabic, while
abandoned at an early date for ordinary purposes, was
sometimes retained in astrolabes and astronomical appliances
imtil probably the sixteenth century, just as at the present
day we retain * Gothic ' type or black-letter in certain
sumptuous publications. The questions we have to answer
about this astrolabe are : —
(1) Where it was made.
(2) When it was made.
(3) For whcmi it was made.
For the first question we can find an answer at once, if we
are satisfied that the plates are the original plates belonging
to the instrument. The art and style are identical, and they
were apparently made for the um, and probably by the
same maker.
The plates are made for Gh*anada (and places of the same
latitude), for Mekke, Fez, Medina, and two other latitudes,
so far south that they must be for use among Moslems.
The back of the astrolabe, however, has the Roman or
Christian, not the Moslem months. WhUe, therefore, the
plates seem to show that the instrument was made for
a Moslem (since Mekka and Medina are included), the beick
indicates either that it was made by a Christian, or made in
a city in which Christian influence was great, or else it was
made to be used by someone speaking Arabic and professing
Islam, yet who was sufficiently in contact with Christians to
use the Roman months. Of all the places for which the
plates were made, Granada alone fulfils these conditions, since
it remained Moslem after the Moors had been expelled from
the rest of Spain. The astrolabe, therefore, was made at
Granada, and if the plates are the original ones, it was for
a Moslem who used the Christian months — a conditioa
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HADE AT GRAJfABA. 63
•surprisiiig to anyone at all familiar with the history and
traditions of Islam. In the absence of any date on the
instrument we must turn to the tables of the months, and
the Zodiac, for an indication of its age. By an examination
of these we can ascertain approximately the day and pro-
portion of hours on which the sun entered the different signs
when this astrolabe was made. The difference between
these days and moments and the equivalent moments of
the present time will give us an approximate date for the
instrument itself.
Table showing the time on which the sun enters the signs,
(a) on the Astrolabe, (b) in 1900 a.d. : —
On the Astrolabe.
In 1900.
Sun enters Aries
March 14, c. 8 a.m.
2]Bt, 2 a.m.
, Taurus . .
April 13, c. noon . .
20th, 2 p.m.
, Gemini . .
May 14, c. 10 a.m.
21st, 1 p.m.
, Cancer . .
Jime 14, c. 4 p.m.
21 at, 10 a.m.
, Leo.. ..
July 15, c. 4 p.m.
23rd, 8 a.m.
, Virgo
August 15, c. noon
23rd, 3 a.m.
, Libra
September 15, c. 6 p.m. .
23rd, noon.
, Scorpio . .
October 14-15, midnight .
23rd, 9 a.m.
, Sagittarius
November 14, c. 8 a.m. . .
22nd, 6 a.m.
, Caprieomus
December 14, c. 8 a.m. . .
22nd, 7 a.m.
, Aquarius . .
January 12-13, midnight
20th, noon.
, Pisces
February 12, c. 8 a.m. . .
19th, 2 a.m.
Now, if we ascertain the difference in each month between
the astrolabe and the year 1900, and then take the average,
we find that this change works out at 7 days and 10 hours.
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64 A FIFTEENTH CENTURY PLANISPHEBIC ASTROLABE
In Chaucer's description of the astrolabe he made the sun
enter Aries early on March 12th, 1391, while in 1891 it
entered the same constellation on March 20th at 4 a.m.,.
which gives us a change of 8 days in 500 years.^ A not very
difficult calculation from these data will indicate a period of
458J years before 1900 as the date of our instrument. This^
gives us A.D. 1441-2, which probably is a fairly approximate,,
though not an exact date. I do not indeed suppose it is
really possible to fix a more exact date than about the middle^
of the fifteenth century.
We can then answer in a way all three questions. Our
astrolabe was made at Granada in Spain, in the fifteenth
century, somewhere about 1450, and probably for a Moslem.
For an explanation of the curious problem raised by the use
of the Roman months we can only look to the condition of
Spain and the Sultanate of Granada at that date.
The position of the Mohammedans in Spain was from
a much earlier date very different to that of other Moham-
medan States, and it would seem from their treatment of
the Jews that there was little religious intolerance. The
Spanish Christians, even in the ninth century, were apeing
the Mohammedans, studying Arabic literature, and despising
and neglecting that in the Latin tongues. In the eleventh
century, in the time of the *Cid Campeador,' the mixture
was so great that Christians were serving in the Moham-
medan armies, and Moors among the troops of the Christians.
Christians were fighting hand in hand with Moors against
Christians. Moors were ravaging Moorish territory with
Christians. The Cross had checked and was pressing back
the Crescent, and heavy tribute was being paid by Moorish
princes.
The Sultanate of Granada was the last stronghold of Islam
in Spain, and was surrendered by Abu Abdallah or Boabdil
(as he is called) to Ferdinand in 1491. Yet although at the
beginning of the fifteenth century it was, and had long been
1 The difference, howeyer, '* vibrates/' as Mr. Skeat has pointed out In 1871
it entered on March 2l8t, which was 9 days. Early English Text Society, Extra
Series, No. xvi, p. xlvii.
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MADE AT GRANADA. 65
in open or covert hostility to the Christian monarchs, it*
position was a strange one for Islam. To the Moors of
Granada at this time, the name of Christian must have
carried respect, if not fear. Christianity, if hated, was not
despised ; and Granada was, indeed, frequently paying
tribute — ^bribes, in actual fact — to stave off a little longer
the evil day.^
Granada itself was a place of great magnificence and
a great centre both for art and science, and we may be sure
that, however much the arrogance of Islam still inspired
the Moslems of her Sultanate, there must have taken place
between them and their Christian neighbours some exchange
of manners and ideas, of industries and arts, before the gates
of Al-hamra (the red) were flung open once for all.
How mixed these conditions were, there is much evidence
to show. My friend Mr. A. G. Ellis, of the British Museum
MSS. Department, tells me in a letter : " The condition of
the peoples of Spain towards the time of the expulsion
of the Moors is very complicated and puzzling. We find
Arabic in use for official and business purposes, and even
occasionally for literary composition, under the Christian
States. On the other hand, Moslems of Spanish, as opposed
to Arab or Moorish, origin very frequently wrote in
* Aljamia' (Spanish in the Arabic character), especially for
purposes of popular instruction. At the same time there
also exists a great quantity of official and legal documents
in * Aljamia' which are, I believe, all Christian."
Turning again to the astrolabe, we may notice that it
has none of the tables of * mansions ' and * triplicities ' which
are common on Arab instruments, and the use of which was
chiefly astrological. As far as the back goes, it is exactly
the same as the media)val Christian instruments, except
that it does not bear the circle of Saints' days and their
Sunday letters. This part and the rote (without the plates)
might have been made for an Arab - speaking Christian ;
but the plates were made for a Moslem at Granada. It i»
^ Mohammed X, in 1463, paid 12,000 gold ducat« as n condition of pence.
J.R.A.8. 1904. 6
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fl8 A FIFTEENTH CBlfTUKT PLANI8PHEKIC ASTROLABE.
therefore just possible that the maker constructed his
instruments in one pattern and supplied the plates specially
according to whether he sold them to Moslems or Christians.
The instrument seems to be earlier than 1491, or else we
might imagine that the Moslem months were abolished,
though Moslems still lived ufi the kingdom. Another idea
suggested by two friends is that it was made for a renegade,
a Christian 'turned Turk.' But such an individual, who,
as in all such cases, would have changed his religion from
motives of interest rather than conviction, would be the
last to wish to retain any evidence of his once having been
a hated Nazarene. Tour renegades are outwardly the most
bigoted of fanatics ; and I prefer to imagine that we have
in this instrument evidence that a little before the conquest
of Granada, the intercourse between the Moslems of that
State and the neighbouring Christians was sufficiently great
to have made the use of the Christian calendar not imusual,
because of the convenience afforded in commercial and other
relations.
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67
V.
OH THB MODERH IHDO.ASTAV ALPHABETS OF
HOETH-WESTEEH IHDIA.
By GEORGE A. GBIERSON, C.I.E., Ph.D., D.Litt., I.C.S. (Rbtd.).
rilHE well-known Sarada character of Ea^mir is described
by Biihler on p. 56 of his Indische Palaeographie. He
points out that it is descended from the western variety of
the Gupta type of alphabets, and notes that a modem
variety of it is the so-called Takkari of Jammu and the
neighbourhood. Biihler does not, so far as I am aware,
mention any other of the modem alphabets of north-western
India.
The alphabet which Biihler calls 'Takkari' is evidently
the 'Thakari' or *Takri' alphabet, which is, however,
current over a much wider area than that stated by him.
It is employed over the whole of the lower ranges of the
Himalajra north of the Panjab. How much farther east it
extends I cannot say. Probably at least as &r as Ghirhwal
and Kumaon. The variety of Takri employed in Jammu
is known as Dogri. It has been manipulated into another
official character which is employed by Jammu officials.
This official Dogrl has very little currency in other circles.
Ordinary Dogri and most of the other varieties of Takri
are very incomplete forms of script. Medial short vowels
are usually omitted, and medial long ones are generally
employed in their initial form, as if , in Deva-nagarl, we
were to write if^ for tu, A reformed variety of Takri,
with a complete series of vowels, is in use in the State of
Ghamba, and is there known as * Chamiall' The reformation
was carried out under English influence some twenty or
thirty years ago. Types have been cast, and portions of
the Scriptures have been printed in it.
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68 THE MODERN INDO-AEYAN ALPHABETS
Biihler considered TakrI to be a variety of the Sarada
alphabet. I think that this is a wrong way of looking at
it. There is another alphabet current all over the Panjab
plains and over Sindh known as LmdcLy or ^clipped.' It
is connected with the Mahajanl character, which has spread
from Marwar all over northern India. Like Mahajanl and
Takri, its vowel system is singularly incomplete. It is,
indeed, closely related to TakrI, and the two are only
varieties of the same script. It will thus be seen that
there was really one original alphabet current over the
whole of north-western India, including Kadmir, the Lower
Himalaya, the Panjab, and Sindh, and it is most probable
that TakrI is a brother of oarada, and not a son. Sarada
is a complete alphabet adapted for writing Sanskrit, while
Landa and TakrI are rude scripts adapted to the needs of
uneducated shopkeepers and the like, but they have all
a common origin.
It is said that in the time of Ahgad, the second Sikh Guru
(1538-1552 A.D.), Landa was the only alphabet employed
in the Panjab for writing the vernacular. Angad found
that Sikh hymns written in Landa were liable to be misread,
and he accordingly improved it by borrowing signs from
the Deva-nagarl alphabet (then only used for Sanskrit
manuscripts), and by polishing up the letters, so as to
make them fit for recording the Scriptures of the Sikh
religion. Having been invented by him, this character
became known as Qur-mukhlj or the alphabet proceeding
from the mouth of the Guru. Ever since, this alphabet has
been employed for writing the Sikh Scriptures, and its
use has spread widely. It is an error to call Gurmukhi the
alphabet of the PanjabI language. It is not peculiar to
that form of speech. It is, properly speaking, the language
of the Sikh Scriptures, most of which are not in Paujabl.
We may thus divide the alphabets of the north-west
of India into four varieties — two literary alphabets, viz.
Sarada and Gurmukhi, and two non-literary alphabets,
viz. Landa and TakrI. The close connexion between these
four will be at once manifest from the following plates.
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OP NORTH-WESTERN INDIA. 69
La^da and TakrI vary slightly from place to place.
I have chosen what seemed to me to be typical forms.
They have all been carefully traced from originals, either
in manuscript or lithographed. In the case of the letter
fha, I have given two Landa forms. Several examples of
Lands and TakrI will be found in Dr. Leitner's Collection
of Specimens of Commercial and other Alphabets and Sand-
ivritings as also of Multiplication Tables current in various
parts of the Par^'aby Sind, and the North - West Provinces.
Excellent specimens of the various forms of Landa in use
in Sindh will be found in Stack's Sindht Grammar.
In the following plates the letters are arranged in the
order of the Ghirmukhi alphabet, in which the vowels are
built on a system varying from that of Deva-nagari, and
are followed by sa and ha. In both particulars Sarada
follows Deva-nagarl and not Gurmukhl.
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70 THE MODERN UTDO-ARYAN ALPHABETS
GlJBMUKHi.
Lakda.
TIkeI.
Sarada.
>♦*
'^-^
vr
«T <•>
'diya.*
r
<r^
G
C (0
'IrK'
e
r
6
5(«)
'6r&:
^
(T
/JA
F
6.
FT
>)
tT
1?
aa.
9
5
/
z»
ha.
2f
^
>r
^
ka.
V
Jb
t(
n
kha.
71
<»i
jr
n
got.
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OF NOBXH-WESIEKK XRDIii.
71
OuBinrzHi.
La?9I.
TA¥Tlf.
SaxabI.
<M
H4
"^
M
^Aa.
^
^
)
C
i9a.
8
^
»
xr
^-.
•©
*«?
u.
oB
cAa.
i^
y<
^
?
ya.
s€
*
>v
JQ
jha.
?
/<
% • •
ff
na.
z
<
^
r
ta.
5
<i^
c»
0
tha.
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72 THE MODEBN INDO-ABYAN ALPHABETS
Ottbhtxhi.
d
IjAJfDl,
TlXRI.
•a
n
9AJUDA.
U
tH
H
da.
dha.
na.
ta.
tha.
da.
dha.
na.
pa.
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OF NOETH-WESTEEN INDIA.
73
GUSKUKHI.
Landa.
Tim.
Sabada.
z
(3
Q
pha.
n
^
H
3"
ba.
B
3
d
6
bha.
ai
yf
7
X
ma.
»
Vi
• ••
^
ya.
9
i
0
7
ra.
fS
^
y
<=T
la.
I
*L
A
T
ca.
^
\
>
• • •
ra.
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75
VI.
THE PAHLAVI TEXTS OF TASNA XI, XII.
FOR THE FIRST TIME CRITICALLY^ TRANSLATED.
By professor LAWRENCE MILLS.
YASNA XI.
The three true friends of man.
rpHREE manifest Holy Ones there are who proceed*
according to the word of the Afrln.
Their curses upon their sta}*vers.
Those three' are visible (literally 'the three are clear') to
him where they, (the three ; see below) would execute their
CTirses/
(2) The Ox (or Cow) and the Horse, and Hom.
* The texts upon which these tranalatioiis are made were published, together
with Tasna XIII, in Heft iii of the ZeiUchrift of the German Oriental Societ}-»
October, 1902, as edited with all the MSS. collated.
Translations into Sanskrit, Parsi- Persian, and Gujrati upon texts not coUated,
and otherwise not of a critical character, haye alone preceded this. The part»
within square brackets [ ] are the glosses, those within the parenthetical curves ( )
are my explanations.
• The error of satund = * to proceed,' mistaking zavaiti for a form of zu = iii
* to hasten,' is of imusual interest, for it affords an instance where Ner. totally
differs from what hns been supposed to be his sole original ; and which wa^^
indeed for the most part his text, as he himself states. This error of the Pahlavi
was also motived oy a rational criticism. * Hastening' was certainly more
natural to a * horse ' than * invoking.' Ner.'s akro^ayanb, kila, Qapam kurvanti
10, however, correct. They 'curse' indeed, accordmg to the meaning of the
original, as determined by the contexts.
• Or reading ae for III = * 3.' This is clear to him ; that they would perform
the Afrin [(i.e. the three sacred parties)].
* I would now prefer to read nafrin in the gloss ; as we have here what seems
to be an interesting alternative opinion (always a matter of critical importance).
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76 THE PAHLAVI TEXTS OF YASNA XI, XU.
(3) The Ox (or *Cow') comes to^ the Zaotar in whose
keeping it (* he, or she ') is,
The Ox's Curse.
(4) Thus (i.e. saying thus) : So thou art' without
offspring ; also so let there be ill-fame with ^ thee,
(5) Who dost not share* for my sake (or *who dost not
give') any value to the deserving ones (like me), this even.*
(6) Then thou dost nourish me, that is, thou dost keep
me back (reserve me) for (thy) women and sons, and for
thine own stomach.*
The Horse* s Curse,
(7) The Horse approaches ^ {sic) his rider ®
(8) thus : Be^ not yoker of the fleet ^^ (one) [the battle-
* So, better than reading an i as the sign of gen. with D. (Pt. 4) ; see Nir.'s
accTtf. Here Ner. adheres to his correct idea * akro^ayati.' His (Ner.'s)
grhitaram must be intelligent freedom. I cannot see how either zot, or zaotar,
could literally mean ' taker.' Xer.'s addition ' aste' points his rendering of the
gloss correctly ; and his *yo* (va^?) shows us that he preferred to render tora *ox'
rather than * cow * ; but in the Oathas * gau * is feminine, at least predominantly so.
Without Ner.'s yo . . . date we could not have known his idea of it just here.
* Or we might take this present in the sense of an imperative, T**ith Ner.*8 more
correct b'ava : * Be thou issueless.'
' Ner. intelligently uses the verbal rather than the prepositional form, du^kirtya
upaguhital^ ; his * b*ava ' led him to omit the conj. yehviinat.
* Notice NSr.'s varsasi * rainest ' in the rare sense of * give,' so also elsewhere.
* Perhaps meaning * (to) this one (i.e. to me) even.' B. (D., Pt. 4) seems
arzanig agio, avoiding the plural, but Ner. has anuriipeVyab , and C. (the Parsi-
Pers. MS.) has also the plural. These frequent * improvements ' of B. (Pt. 4)
make it often look verj' like a modem remion which anyone might make.
* Reading miirsv' a.s an attempted transliteration. Ner.'s dustodaraya seems
the best explanation of the Pahl. and original. I felt inclined to read it (the
Pahl.) after mae'deh = 'stomach' ; but see the original. I fear, however, that
I was inclined to rebel too freely against * tradition' in 1883-87, having been
inclined to see a trace of 'macerate,' 'growing thin' in the word; from this
perhaps was derived my adjective * niggard.'
' Ner. continues to correct this well-meant error \*ith his akroijayati =* curses.'
The Parsi-Pers. tries to break away from ravet, etc., with rejed.
® C. (the Parsi-Pers.) has suvar (or 'suwar') ; see also NSr.'s netaram, both
in accordance with basarem.
» Or * thou art not.' I almost think we may take yehviinih in an imperatiTe
sense again, with Ner., who had no hesitation with his b'ava ; or did he look at
the original ? ; without much doubt.
•<* It is highly probable that Ner. meant simply 'fleet' with 8ad*aka (so
elsewhere). He could hardly have been ignorant as to what karizar meant. Yet
prad*anakaryino, literally at least, corres])onds to sad*aka in its more common
sense. He meant, however, merely prad'aua- as * warhorses.'
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THE PAHLAVI TEXTS OF YA8NA XI, XII. 77
horse (is meant) ; that is, may it not be possible to thee to
hitch them on], nor to sit * (hold thy seat ?) upon the swift,,
nor yet to stable them (or * to stop them '), [that is to say^
may it not be possible to thee to keep (or * get ') them back],
(9) who dost not pray' for that which is my strength'
[(good) works (or, indeed, * agriculture ' *) and (sound)
opinions],
(10) When many have come together into the meeting,
many men who have done ^ (good) works,* (or * agriculture '
(as the chief of them) (sic)) [(to) the battle-horse in struggle ;
that is, may it not be possible to these to [carry on the]
struggle*].
The Curse ofHOm.
(11) Hom approaches'^ that drinker [who ought to drink,^
and who does not drink, saying thus] : (12) Offspringless
thou art®; let evil fame likewise be with thee, (13) who
keepest me from the libation, [that is to say, who dost
not command execution (or * celebration ') for me in the
sacrifice].
* Notice that 6ait*tan', while beinj^ the correwpondeut U) nitfaxta, is yet
apparently not applied to it directly as a traunlation, while this ni0axta neems to
be translated by the less closely correHponding nihadau', which should mean
' to place * rather than * to stop ' them, and da.stan' mijjht mean the same thing.
I think, howcTer, that the words have become twisted about in the course ot time
and of re-cop)ring, 0axtan must really translate ni0axta.
* Beyond a doubt the *d' of jai^yehe should be expressed ; the Pahl. word is
'zaidih' (or *zaidih'); but see Xer.'s departure m *upakramn.si,' whereas at
Y. IX, 74, he has the more natural yac.iyitararh, though there he mistakes the
grammatical relation.
' Not impossibly 'fleetness' was the dominant idea. Ner., however, has
pranena.
* Kar may mean * agriculture. '
These glosses, of course, mar the simple rich sense of the original ; see further on.
* This is rather an amusing error for karsyao, which should mean * a circular
(racecoorse) ' ; but certainly not as above, which is valuable as a mistake followed
by Ner., and well fitted to warn us against absolute submission to 'tradition '
without discrimination.
* A. (DJ. (J*)) alone has this interesting gloss. It is not in Ner., nor in the
Parsi-Pers.
' Ner. corrects this again.
* Ner. follows the original A vesta, but yehvunih may have been meant in this
sense (b'ava).
• X is used for • kh.*
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78 THE PAHLAVI TEXTS OP TASNA XI, XU.
(14) As a thief who wields the bludgeon (lit. *who is
head-smiter ' ^) [and not having the afrln's, thou also holdest
me as afrlnless] ; and fatal smiter (lit. ^ head-smiter ') am
I not, for Horn I am, Hom the holy, and the death-afar.
Oodf and Hbm^a Feast.
(16) (God) my father always' dispensed that which is
Hom's feast,* He, Auharmazd, the holy ; (He gave) the
jawbone* with the tongue, and also the left eye* (so !).
Curse to the Depriver.
(17) Who destroys away from me that feast, or diverts
(possibly 'mars') it, or plunders it, the feast which
Auharmazd the holy, gave me, the jawbone* with tongue
and left eye,
(18) let not' a priest, nor warrior, nor husbandman be
bom in that (man's) house ;
^ I think that the ' ii ' of purtak corresponds to Avesta ' ere ' = Indian * r ' &&
in *pOma* to *perenayu.' See pomakan' in Y. 8, 9, and 'ere* (=*r') is
closely related to -el-, as * pnrt- ' = is to * peret-, ' and * -ak ' is the familiar addition
as in vohn-k for * vohii.*
* The origin of the use of this word * hami?ak * here, I should say, was the
* us ' of the original ; or it might indeed have heen chosen from its likenees to
some fragment of the word haomai, looking like hamai, which, however, is, itself,
properly translated hy * av* Horn.*
* I think that Spiegel's * sur * is a good suggestion.
* For aervarak I compare * ilvar ' = * jawbone.' But Justi may offer the
better suggestion with * left ear,' though I do not see any analogon for it in the
other languages. The Parsi-Pers. MS. translates har-dii-gdd * both ears.'
Perhaps this approaches the * jawbone * at the upper extremity of which the ears
are situated.
* The *■ left eye ' was evidently prized for some m}'Btical reason. I have heard
that a commencement with the eye when the remains of the dead are exposed to
the vultures is reverentiy regarded as auspicious at the Towers of Silence ne«r
Bombay. Such feelings should be respected.
* D. has hiiUa = *up.' This might add emphasis to tiie sentence, but it
would leave us with no n^ative in the needed place, while ' al la ' only leaves us
with a redundancy ; but see Ner.*s ni na. So the MSS. emended oy Spiegel
to na na, which might, however, express an affirmative. Or should we prraer
ni na with ni in the sense (bom) * within ' ; yet see the original noit. The
Parsi-Pers. MS. translates only me la. B. (D., Pt 4) may mive meant ae la
= ae7 la. But what do A. (DJ.) and D. (E* (Sp.)) mean by ala (so) ; alia must
be meant.
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THE PAHLAVI TEXTS OP YASNA XI, XII. 79^
(19) but let one who is an exhauster^ of the creation*
[who will exhaust the creation of Auharmazd] be bom in
that house; let a murder-doer* (be bom there), [that is to
say, one who would make matters ruined], a doer of many '
kinds of erring * deeds, [that is to say, they would continue
forth to do much of the law ; but even a single thing* which
is at (i.e. ' which has regard to ') the end (the other world)
they will not do].
Dispatch desired.
(20) Quick ! when ye cut off that flesh, [that is, (when)
ye kill * the cattle] hasten the dron of doughty * H5m,
[that is to say, perform straight off the dron-ceremony ^ of
doughty Horn].
^ DahakaSa is utterly mistaken on all sides. K* (Sp.) and M. have daxSak,
and they probahly understood what NSr. did, namely, 5mnain = * seed.' Notice
in passing NSr.'s Parsi gloss mugham. Did he think of the * seed ' as * magha '-
(-maga-)-seed? B. fD., Pt. i) and C. (the Parsi-Pers. MS.) are equally astray
with dahiSn-, for while that, with -kahenitar, ^ves an admirable general sense,
of course no form of da = * d*htt,' * to establish ' is present in oahaka- ; the
syllable -ka- was also thought to represent a sense of * belittlement * : of. Ind. ka-
as in kapat*a = ' an evil path,' etc. (I think that ka = * kena' in these Indian
cases.) The Parsi-Pers. seems to translate his kuhlnidar as kastarP Is this
a clerical blunder ; or should we compare a kaStar = * disappointer,' or a kadtan
in the sense of * render hopeless,' * diminish ' (see Ner.'s ninditara^).
* "We are practically forced to follow the Parsi-Pers. with miirtak = * tabah,'
especially in view of the gloss. Previous Pahlavi translators may have doubtless
merely intended to transcribe the word ; but with these we have nothing to do.
» B. (D., Pt. 4) has pHrsarSdak'. B. (D., Pt. 4) alone inserts * var(e)tak','
which would seem to be an adjective to a var(e)ta in the sense of * transgression,'
* the erring way ' ; but we need an emendation after vartak. The use of the wonl
evidently arose from the syllable * var ' in varSnaSa.
* A. (DJ.), B. (D., Pt. 4), and C. (the Parsi-Pers.) give us the excellent
* mindavam ' for K^ (Sp.)'8 ma's (formerly written mamman a§).
* Notice that * cattle ' were killed at the time of the writing of the gloss.
* N^r. alone ffives us relief from the senseless second ' zag' of all the others.
Eis drt'atamab here shows that he read ta(n)gik as at Y. IX, 47, or * tangiktiim * ;
Hoe also his dr^*atamam at Y. 66, 6, 2. We must read ta(n)gik, or tangiktiim,
beyond a doubt ; yet only Ner. can be shown for it.
' B. (D., Pt. 4) has drSn. K* (Sp.) siir (or dTvar ?). N5r. has hfimoiwivft^j.
Notice that Ner. gives us help even where his text is most in confusion. Texts
of Pahlavi, Sansknt, or Persian are often of most value to us (when critically used)
where Uiey are most imj^ossible as consecutive sentences. A single form may
throw light upon obscurities.
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80 THE PAHLAVI TEXTS OF TASNA XI, XH.
Warned again.
(21) That is/ let not Horn (in anger) bind thee, as he
bound the murderous Turanian, Frangrasyan, in the middle
of the third ' division of the earth.
(22) Aroimd whom also was that which is an enclosure *
of iron and of silver. [So Mahvindat said. Dat-i- Aiiharmazd
said thus : he was enclosed* around about ^; that is to say,
about him ^ a fortress has been made].
Doxologies,
(23) So^ Zartu§t said to him: Praise to Hom, the
Auharmazd-made one ; Good is Hom, the Auharmazd-made
one ; Praise to Hom !
The Offering is multiplied in power.
(24) What (is coming) from us (that is to say, 'such
offering as we bring,' that) one single [Dastobar, one single
man, (or meaning perhaps * from me as a single man ') (that,
the Dastobar) makes®] that which is the double® of it ours,*^
(that is to say, the Dastobar rewards us twofold for our
gift), and even threefold, and fourfold, and fivefold, and
* We might even render ae^ as * ah ! ' here.
^ B. (D., Pt. 4) again approaches mere transliteration, as so often, and so looks
suspiciously modem. His srisTatak' (see the original (hisve) loses what of gloss
lurks in -bazak' ; which N6r. reproduces as -b*aga in trib*aga-. The Parsi-Pers.,
as often, agrees with B. (D., Pt. 4).
See also at Yendidad II, where the second third division of the earth is
mentioned. According to our text here F. was conquered at the fabulous date
of the second enlargement of the earth, after Tima had reigned 300 years.
3 We should restore the lost nasal, as in the Achsmenian Inscriptions.
* For xva(n)jit the Parsi-Pers. seems at a loss for a text ; but once more in the
midst of the worst chaos we have our only glimpse of light. The translation
^^ar * enclosure * alone helps us out. Ner. does not render the passage, and
we miss him greatly.
* A. (DJ.), B. (b., Pt. 4), M., and the Parsi-Pers. have *min' for K» (Sp.)'8
' man ' ; but not at the first words of 22, which are af man' piramun.
* A. (DJ.) saves us from the senseless a&y-am of the others, with his a57-aS.
' I render * af ' * so * here ; the Parsi-Pers., as so often, renders * azal.' Not
so Ner., who has naturally *tam ab*asata.'
8 So B. (D., Pt. 4) and the Parsi-Pers. ; see also Ner.'s kurute.
* For * le-giin ' see Ner.'s dvigui^am.
*° A. (DJ.) ins. i before the second lana.
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THE PAHIAVI TEXTS OF TA8NA XI, XH. 81:
sixfold, and sevenfold, and eightfold, and ninef(dd« and
tenfold, [(till at last, through the redoubling of its value,
ttis reward) ought to be * of itself, (that is to say, * indefinitely
becoming greater without further mention of the multipljdng
factor'; i.e.)] this benefit which has come ^ [to us] from you,
should so be self-adjusting ; or, possibly simply meaning,
* it should be (thus my) own.'
The Offerer's Gift,
(25) On to thee, O Hom, the holy-born,' I ojffer tiiis my
own body which is seen (to be) well-favoured (lit 'well-
grown'),
(26) Thus : till there shall be to us * good * mastership,*
[and acquisition ® of benefits (through it)], and ceremonial
merit and sanctity.
» B. (D., Pt. 4) has -net; so C. (the Parei-rew. MS.). A. (DJ.) has
yehvunt for yehvuntan'.
* The terms in the original allude to Y. 28, 9, but the translation * has come '
for * (yoi v6) vaedma* 1 hold to be erroneous; see Gathas, pp. 15 and 406; see
also the new edition of the Verbatims and Free Metricals.
* A. (DJ.) should read zayak Ci), hardly Eadak ; but the 0ig:n8 would be
redundant for either. K* (Sp.) and M. have zak. But, as elsewhere, this *holy
bom Ms, as I hold, not critically correct. A.savazo is only critically rendered by
' bearer of the ritual.' A^ava + za is improbable (but not impossible), as rttfvan
seldom, or never, enters into a compositum ; whereas, vah = * vaz * occurs ;
cf. dak'.^ina-T&h, 8U>t*uvkh, havya-v&h, hotra-vkh. AVhere the idea of sanctity
is expressed in a compositum, the form used is ft&-, not rtSvan; (the transfer to
an -a declension is not unusual). NSr., however, follows his ori^nal. See also
Y. XI, 26, where asavaf*tai s«ems to divide a>ava + sta. (Otherwise we must
accept the a^vasta ; sec the sunerl. ot a^avant, asavastema. If related to this
superlative, it is a curious iaiomatic formation, perhaps never really used
in speech.)
* Possibly the word man rendered *us' should be understood as man = * (to this)
abode,' somethin«^ like x>i = ' to dwell ' having been seen in the -xsai of (hraxsai.
Ner. has no trace of either. Notice that I^r.'s text is here much better than
that of the Pahl. translator.
* Hu-axii'ih could only render havaiihai, whicli, I think, suggeste the correct
division of the word into hu f ahu; cf. hvnnhvim, Y. 53, 1 ; see Githas at
the place, 372.
* I have niwl vindl^rih (r). B. (D., Pt. 4) hiw vandakarih (r). But we must
consider a poKsiblf vniilx(-arili) n-tcrrinj^ to the * n«mtrils ' as expressing *pas8ion/
and pointin;; to niuJai. The Pai-Mi-Perw. omits tlie ioiin. Nor.'s vidyaydi must,
aj* usual, refer to niaJai in the s« ii-c ol a madi-n.
Of course the trunnlation errn an to the immediate grammatical forms. In
S.B.E. I treely passed over the <|ueHtion of havaiihai. I should have expressed it
as ' to the one V'ivinjf-the-^MKKi-w<M'ld-lite ' (w>, reading hvauhiii) ; ' to haoma, U\
the energetic, to the iuspirer, t<» the one sUinding-in-thc-holy-rituol.'
J.u.A.s. 1904. 6
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82 THB PAHLAVI TEXTS OP YASNA XI, XH.
(27) Give up to me even, 0 thou Horn, the holy, and the
death-afar, the Best World of the saints, the shining,^ all-
glorious (or ' all-happy (P) ' ). I pray for it, so * do thou even
give it me.
YASNA XII.
Preparation for the Recital of the Creed.
Acceptance,
I ardently praise the good thought, the good word, and
the good deed. I grant full acceptance to all good thought,
good speech, and good deed, [that is, I accept (or *I perform')
good works].
Repudiations.
(3) I make a repudiation of all evil thought, evil speech,
and evil deeds, [that is to say, I would not practise sin].
To the Ameshaa, praise.
(4) Forth to You, who are AmeSaspends, do I offer
(5) sacrifice and praise; [Ye are placable and immoveable].
Complete Devotion.
(6) And I give forth (my offering) with thought, forth
with word, and (*I give it') forth with deed, and with
mentaP mastership. Also (I give it) forth with my body
and|with my life itself, [that is to say, I put my body in
Your possession, (and by putting my life in Your possession
I mean) this, that if it is necessary to me to give up the body
for the sake of the soul, I give it up, and I do not stint
praise, (or * I do not praise again ' ; that is to say, I will not
keep on praising again without acts of formal sacrifice)].
* Ner. has rociSman, where we should expect * •montam.'
* I think that * af * has often the force of * so ' as well as that of • also.'
' See Ner.'s * prajna- ' ; so my MSS., making a slight correction only.
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83
vn.
irOTE OH THE MIDDLE COTTNTBY OF ANCIENT INDIA.
By T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, F.B.A.
^^^^IIMEROIIS examples might be quoted of philosophical,
or political, or religious parties who have claimed for
themselves a central, or a moderate, position, far removed
from the ignorances and foolishnesses of the extremists on
either side. There are even cases in which the critical
historian may observe that, on a fair survey of the points
in dispute at the time and place in question, the claim is
fcdrly justified. So the Buddha claimed for his view of life
that it was the Middle Way between worldliness, or
indifference, on the one side, and asceticism on the other.
So Aristotle described the ideal virtue as the Golden Mean.
A somewhat similar case is that of people, dwelling in
places or countries remote one from the other, who have
nevertheless claimed for their own town or coimtry a central
position. Most Westerns used to suppose our earth to be
the very centre of all the stars; and how pleasantly such
a notion may appeal to self-complacency is shown by recent
attempts to reconcile it with improved astronomy. We all
know that a certain town on the east coast of North America
is the hub of the imiverse. So is Lhassa in Tibet. And
the Chinese are often reported habitually to speak of China
as ' the Middle Country.' It is difficult to say whether this
last is a designation merely geographical, or whether it also
connotes that the people outside are outsiders, barbarians.
And I do not know if any Chinese scholar has adequately
discussed the history and full bearing of the term. But it
is interesting to notice that certain writers in India made
use of a similar expression ; and it may be of use to collect
the evidence as to the degree in which they did so, and
as to the intent with which they used it.
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84 THE MIDDLE COUNTRy OF ANCIENT INDIA.
The oldest passage in which it occurs is in the fifth
Khandaka, the Cammakkhandaka, of the Vinaya (1. 197),
translated in "Vinaya Texts" (ii, 38). It is in a very
ancient explanation of a rule of the Buddhist Order which
allows the reception of a new member into the (^der to take
place, in border countries, before a chapter of only four
members under the presidency of a fifth (who must be one
who knows the Rules by heart). In the middle country the
chapter had to consist of ten members.^ The explanation
of the rule laying down this exceptional procedure is as
follows : —
Tatr° ime paccantima janapada :
Puratthimaya disaya Kajangalag nama nigamag, tassa
parena Mahasala, tato para paccantima janapada, orato
majjhe.
Puratthimadakkhiniiya disaya SalalavatI nama nadi, tato-
para paccantima janapada, orato majjhe.
Dakkhinaya disaya Setakannikam nama nigamo, tato para
paccantima janapada, orato majjhe.
Pacchimaya disaya Thunag nama brahmanagamo, tata
para paccantima janapada, orato majjhe.
Uttaraya disaya XJsiraddhajo nama pabbato, tato para
paccantima janapada, orato majjhe.
That is to say :
" In this (Rule) the following are the border countries : —
" To the east is the town called Kajangala, beyond that is^
Mahasala. Beyond that are border countjries ; on this side
of it is in the middle (country).
"To the south-east is the river SalalavatI (v.l. SallavatI).
Beyond that are border countries; on this side of it is in
the middle (country).
" To the south is the town Setakannika. Beyond that are
border countries; on this side of it is in the middle (country).
" To the west is the brahmin village called Thuna.
Beyond that are border countries; on this side of it is in
the middle (coimtry).
* See Vin., 1. 319 = Mahfivagga, ix, 4. 1.
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THE MIDDLE COUNTRY OP ANCIENT INDIA. 85
"To the north is the mountain called Usfraddhaja.
Beyond that are border countries ; on this side of it is in
the middle (country)/'
It may be noted in passing that it is most unlikely tiiat
the Middle Country thus deliminated waa supposed to- be
square. We should, in that case, have heard only of the
usual north, south, east, and west. What we have to
imagine is a district of irregular shape, with five comers not
necessarily equidistant.
The document in which this statement occurs was con-
sidered by Professor Oldenberg, in the introduction to his
edition of the text (dated May, 1879), as being about
400 B.C., and probably a little earlier. The only alternative
theory is that the whole of the Pali literature, including this
work, are simply forgeries concocted in Ceylon. But no
attempt has been made to show how this latter theory can
be made to square with the facts ; it is put forward by way
of inuendo rather than as a serious and considered opinion ;
and would not now, I think, meet anywhere with approval.
From that time (about 400 b.c.) onward, this explanation
has formed part of the tradition handed down in the
Buddhist schools. And when the commentaries came in the
course of the fifth century a.d. to be recorded, some in
Ceylon and some in India, in Pali, it was incorporated in
them. Thus we find it given, in identical words, and as
a description of the Majjhima Dcsa, in the Paramattha
Jotika, the conynentary on the Khuddaka Patha, a work
not yet edited, but ascribed in the Gandha Vamsa (p. 59) to
Buddhaghosa.^ We find it in the Sumangala Vilasini, the
commentary on the Digha, undoubtedly by Buddhaghosa ' ;
and in the Jataka commentary, also ascribed, but in my
opinion erroneously,* to Buddhaghosa. The passage is also
given, but this time in paraphrase, in the heavy Sanskritised
* The quotation is f!}\eu by Childers in his notes to tho edition of the
Khuddaka Ta^ha (J.R.A.S., October, 1869, p. 20 oi the author's reprint).
' Vol. i, p. 173, of Rliys Davids' and CarjKJnter's edition for the Pali Text
Society.
' See the referencefl given in " Buddhist India," p. 201 ; and Jataka, 1. 49.
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86 .THE MIDDLE COUNTRY OF ANCIENT INDIA.
Pali peculiar to that author, by Upatissa in his Mahabodhi-
vamsa,^ which the editor dates about the same period as
Buddhaghosa.
In both the Jataka commentary and the Sumangala the
following sentence, not found in the Vinaya, is added : —
"That (middle country) is in length 300 yojanas, in
breadth 250 yojanas, and in circimiference 900 yojanas."
We are elsewhere told in the Jataka (1. 80) of two
merchants travelling on the road from Ukkala to the
Majjhima Desa ; of hermits fearing to descend from the
Himalayas to go into Majjhima Desa because the people
there are too learned (3. 115, 116) ; of a mountain Aranjara-
giri in the Majjhima Desa (3. 463 ; 5. 134), and of Videha
being situate within it (3. 364).
A similar passage further occurs, in the same connection
as in the Vinaya, in a collection of legends preserved in
Buddhist Sanskrit, called the Divyavadana, put together
at some imknown date after the Christian era. It runs as
follows : —
Purvenopali Pundavardhanag nama nagarag, tasya purvena
Pundakakso nama parvatah, tatah parena pratyantah.
Daksinena Sara vati ' nama nagarl, tasyah parena Saravati
nama nadi, so 'ntah, tatah parena pratyantah.
Pa^cimena Sthunopasthunakau brahmanagramakau, so
'ntah, tatah parena paryantah.
XJttarena Usiragirih, so 'ntah, tatah parena pratyantah.
That is to say :
"To the east, XJpali, is the town called Pundavardhana^
and to the east of that the mountain called Pundakaksha,
beyond that is beyond the border.
"To the south is the town called Saravati, and to the
east of that the river called Saravati. That is the boundary.
Beyond that is beyond the boimdary.
» Strong's edition (P.T.S.), p. 12.
• Sarvavati, and Savaravati, in other MSS.
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THE MIDDLE COUNTRY OF ANCIENT INDIA. 87
"To the west are the brahmin villages Sthuna and
XJpasthunaka. That is the boundary. Beyond that is
beyond the boundary.
"To the north is Mount XJsira. That is the boundary.
Beyond that is beyond the boundary."
This is evidently an echo of the old Vinaya passage. But
the writer cannot have had the Pali before him. For the
east and south-east have been confused, the south point
(as given in the Pali) is omitted, and both the names and
the phraseology differ slightly throughout.
I will first add here what is known of the places mentioned
in these passages, and then suggest the conclusions which,
I venture to think, may fairly be drawn.
1. Kajangala, This town is not mentioned elsewhere in
the Pali texts so far as edited. But a town Kajangala,
which, in spite of the difference of gender, may be the same,
is mentioned several times. Two of these references are in
our oldest documents (Maj jhima, 3. 298, and Anguttara, 5. 54).
Had we before us the commentaries on these two passages,
and on the Vinaya passage, we could probably decide the
point. But they are unfortunately still buried in MS. At
Jataka IV, 310, we are told that Kajangala was, even in the
Buddha's time, an ancient place, and that it was famous for
its dabba-grass. And the Majjhima passage shows that it
was the seat of the Parasariya school of brahmins.^ Now
Yuan Chwang happens to mention twice, in his fifth and
tenth chapters, a place whose name he transliterates with
five Chinese syllables, the first two of which certainly
represent Kaja and the last two gala. The intermediate
syllable is doubtful, as the readings differ. Vivien de
St. Martin (who, of course, knew nothing of the passages just
quoted) restored the name as Kajangala, and he is probably
right. Anyliow, Thomas Watters, the best authority we
have on such a point, agrees with him. Yuan Chwang
locates this place at about 400 li, that is, about 65-70 miles,
east of Champa, whoso capital is known to have been close
' On this interesting school see ** Buddhist India,*' p. 144.
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88 THE MIDDLE COUNTRY OF ANCIENT INDIA.
to where tile modem Bhagalpur now stands. This wonld
fix that Kajangala at about 98^ E. by 26° N.
Now it is true that only excavations on the spot, and the
evidence of an inscription, can determine the exact locality,
or settle the question of identity. But the probability is
greatiy in favour of this Kajangala, whose position in
the seventh century a.d. is thus approximately fixed,
being the same place as is mentioned in the far older
document. For here the Divyavadana, belonging to a period
between the two, comes to our assistance. It gives, as
the extreme eastern point, a town called Pundavardhana.
Now a district with a name transliterated into Chinese
as Pun-na-fa-tan-na (probably for PaK Punnavaddhana or
Sanskrit Pundravardhana) was the very next point, in Yuan
Chwang's itinerary, beyond Kajangala, and to the east of it.
And it will be recollected that in the old Vinaya passage it
was not Kajangala itself, but the district or town to the
east of it, which was given as the extreme easterly point of
the Middle Country. The three texts, therefore, by these
quite undesigned coincidences, confirm one another. And
we are justified in accepting, as a working hjrpothesis, that
the places mentioned are real places, and that we cannot be
far wrong as to the locality in which they should be placed.
2. Mahasala, stated, in the Vinaya passage, to be beyond
Kajangala to the east, has not been found mentioned else-
where, so far as I know, in either Pali or Sanskrit texts, that
is, in any geographical sense. In the sense of millionaire it
is frequent. To discuss whether there be any connection
between the two meanings would take us too far from our
present point. There is a Chinese name used in Yuan
Chwang which has been restored to Mahasala. But it
cannot be the place referred to in the Vinaya passage ; for
though no two interpreters of Yuan Chwang agree as to
what he meant its position to be, they all agree that it is not
in the position required by the Vinaya text. It should be
noticed that the Jataka text, with a change of gender, reads
Mahasalo, and that the Maha-bodhi-vamsa omits the name
altogether.
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THE MIDDLE COUNTRY OF ANCIENT IKDIA. 89
'3. The river Salalavatl, at the south-east comer, is also not
mentioned in other texts. But it is evidently the same as is
given as Saravati, with other various readings, in the Divya-
vadana as the most southeriy point. The most southeriy
poiirt in the older passage is, on the other hand, a town called
Setakannika, on which also there is nothing else to say.
4. The most westerly point is given in the Vinaya as
a brahmin viUage named Thuna. We learn from the story
in the Udana (7. 9) that there was a brahmin village of that
name in the country of the Mallas. And from the Maha
Janaka Jataka (vi, 62, 65), that there was also a town, not
a village and not inhabited by brahmins, called Thiina
(with n, not w). This was close to the Himalayas. From
the context it would seem to follow that it was close to
the Himalayas at a point 60 yojanas north of Mithila (see
pp. 55, 56). It is very certain, therefore, that this cannot
be the place meant in the Vinaya, which was in the west of
India. But the accounts of Alexander's invasion of India
mention a tribe of Mallas (Malloi) in the Panjab. They
were settled at that time (326 B.C.) on the banks of the Ravi
(say about 73° E. by 31° N.).^ It is in this direction that the
Thuna of the Vinaya must be sought for. It is not at all
surprising that there should have been two different towns
of the same name in different and distant settlements of the
same tribe. The younger town is simply named after the
older one. Other instances of the same kind, in the East,
are Champa, Eamboja, Patitthana, and Madhura or Mathura.
And in the colonies of European nations similar instances
are well known. The Divyavadana gives two villages,
Sthuna and TJpasthu^aka, both brahmin villages, as the
western point.
5. The most northerly point is, in the Vinaya, the mount
TTsiraddhaja, called in the Divyavadana Usiragiri. One of
the peaks in the lower range of the Himalaya is here
probably intended.
It would be in accordance with these details if the boundary
» See Mr. Vincent Smith, J.R.A.8., 1903, p. 691.
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90 THE MIDDLE COUNTRY OP ANCIENT INDIA.
of the Middle Country, starting from the extreme east in
long. 73^ E., sloping north-east to the lower Himalayas, and
following them to a point, not yet determined, in the extreme
north, should then have still followed them till it sloped
south-east to the extreme easterly point in long. 98° E. by
lat. 25°N.
Turning back, the boundary must have left Orissa to the
south. For we were told in the passage already quoted
(above, p. 86) of a merchant travelling fr^m XJkkala to the
Middle Country. And TJkkala is Orissa. So Orissa, and
a fortiori Kalinga, must have been outside.
Thence towards Avanti the route followed cannot be
determined till we can locate Setakannika, or the Salalavati
river. Roughly speaking, it must have followed the course
of the Vindhya range. One reason why we know little or
nothing of the points on the way, is because it was then
jungle, very sparsely populated.
In Avanti we have again a fixed point. For the original
passage in the Vinaya establishes only for the southern part
of Avanti the exception laid down to the rule. That
implies that the northern part was considered to be in the
Middle Country. As Aryan settlements extended as far
south as Patitthana (73° 2' E. by 21^ 42' N.), the boundary
may have run somewhere near there. But it is not probable
that it ran exactly through that place, or the place would
have been mentioned in our Yinaya text. It is already
mentioned in older books.^
Round the south-west comer also the boundary cannot as
yet be traced. We can conjecture that it went from Avanti
to the coast, either at Bharukaccha or Sovira, and probably
followed the line of the Indus back to its original starting-
point at the brahmin village of Thuna. But for exact
details we must await the publications of other texts still
buried in manuscript.
If we have at all succeeded in discovering the real meaning
of the term Middle Country as used in the old Vinaya text,
» ** Buddhist India," pp. 30, 103, 111.
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THE MIDDLE COUNTRY OF ANCIENT INDIA. 91
then the measures of extent and circumference as handed
down in the traditions of the Buddhist schools ought roughly
to agree with our conclusions. The actual length of the
route we have followed will be, measured in straight lines
along the boundary, about 3,500 miles. As the boundary^
both on the north and the south, follows the very irregular
contour of the mountains, a traveller along the route would
probably have to go twice that distance. The extreme
points in the east in long. 98°, and in the west in long. 73°,
are 25 degrees apart; say about 1,750 miles in a straight
line. This is exactly the breadth of the Middle Coimtry as
given in the commentaries in the expression 250 yojanas =
1,750 miles.
From south of Patitthana to the most northerly point our
route would reach (somewhere near the Swat Valley), would
be somewhat over 1,000 miles. As we do not know from
which points the cross measurement given in the com-
mentaries are supposed to be taken, we cannot here compare
the results.
The circumference is given at 900 yojanas ; that is,
leagues or stages. Taking the yojana, according to my
calculations, published in 1876, at about 7 to 7 J miles,^ this
would give 6300-6500 miles, which is in practical accord
with the route just suggested as having been meant in the
Vinaya passage.
By the Middle Coimtry the Buddhists therefore meant
the whole of Aryan North India. Of Aryan settlements in
India the only ones they do not include are those on the coast
of Orissa, and those on the coast of Kalinga, at Dantapura.
These were both older than the date of the Vinaya passage,
but were separated from the Aryans in North India by dense
forests. It is also probable, but not certain, that the first
Aryan colony had then been settled in Ceylon.* If so, that
was, of course, also considered to lie outside the Middle
Country.
* ** Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon," pp. 27-29,
* See ** Buddhist India,** pp. 33, 104.
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92 THE MIDDLE COUNTRY OF ANCIENT INDIA.
The oldest use of the phrase in the bTahmin books is in
Manu (2. 21), which says : —
"That (country) which (lies) between the Himalaya and
Vindhya mountains, to the east of the Destruction and to
the west of Prayaga, is called the Middle Coimtry
(Madhyadesa).*'
The Destruction (Vinasana in Jolly's edition) is an
ambiguous term. It is really derived from a blunder in the
older texts descriptive of another idea, that of the Aryavarta.
As Biihler already suggested,^ the reading of the oldest
brahmin law manual, that of Yadista, presupposes a reading
dddria, which was corrupted into adariana, * the dis-
appearance,' and that into vinaiana or vindianay ' the
destruction,' an expression explained by the medisBval
commentators to mean the place where the river SarasvatI
disappeared, or was destroyed, in the sands. But the
original reading meant simply the Adarsa Mountains.
However this may be, what we find is that when the laws
of Manu were put into their present form — ^that is, imder
the Guptas, when the brahmins were attaining the
supremacy they have ever since retained — ^the idea of the
Middle Coimtry was restricted to that portion of the larger
territory formerly included imder the term in which the
brahmins felt they had the greater influence.
It is interesting to notice the gradual growth of this
new conception. The oldest form of the narrower view is
preserved, in Biihler's opinion, in the Mahabhashya oa
Panini 2. 4. 10, where the Adar^ mountains are given as the
western limit. It is there given as the description, not of
the Middle Country, but of the Aryavarta, the district
frequented by the Aryans, the Aryan Home. As such it
eould not be considered accurate except from the brahmin
point of view. In the law books, or manuals of custom,
older than Manu, the description, still given as applicable to
the Aryan Home, is by way of introduction to the proposition
i S.B.E., vol xiT, p. 2.
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THE MIDDLE COUNTRY OF ANCIENT INDIA. 9;^
that ciistoms there prevalent must be acknowledged else-
where as authoritative. It is in Manu that, for the first
time, the mental attitude comes out in strong relief. The
priestly authors of that famous manual have thrown off all
disguise. They make a much smaller division to be the
land of authority, the land namely between the two rivers
DrsadvatI and SarasvatT. That, according to them, is the
land created by the gods — as if other lands were not.
There, and there only, are the customs declared to be good.
Lower, ethically, than that is, secondly, the land of the
Kurus, Matsyas, Paucalas, and Surasenas. Men should learn
their customs from a brahmin, not from a rajput or house-
holder, bom there. The IMiddle Country, reduced to less
than half its original size, is put only in the third place.
This really means, of course, merely that the brahmins
thought themselves, and very likely were, at that time, more
powerful in the districts to which they attach so much
importance. It does not follow that they had previously
been so, though there is less prejudiced evidence to show
that it was in those lands that the brahmin sacrifices and
ritual had been more especially favoured. So far as the
Aryan civilisation was concerned with other matters, political,
social, and economic, it was probably at its best in those
parts of North India that had been settled by the more
adventurous clans. And the older, more generous, view of
the Middle Countr}^ was therefore, on the whole, more
consonant, probably, with the actual historical facts.
It would be possible to follow the investigation further on
in later authors. But the object of this note is only to
suggest a probable interpretation of the oldest passages in
which the expression occurs. TVTien Profes-sor Oldenberg and
myself published, in 1882, a translation of the old<-Ht passagi; '
we were only able to refer to parallel pas,sages, and could
suggest no identification of any of the names. The meaning
of the phrase Middle Ck)untry was therefore unknown to iih
then ; and no one, so far as I know, has discu«sfd it since.
* "Viiujya Ttit*/* ii, '>*i.
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95
VIII.
€BITICAL OBSEEVATIOirS ON THE MISTAKES OF
PHILOLOOERS, BT ALI IBN HAHZA AlrBASEI.
PART V : OBSERVATIONS ON THE MISTAKES IN THE BOOK
CALLED IKHTIYAR FASIH AL-KALAM, COMPOSED BY
ABU'l-'ABBAS AHMAD IBN YAHYA THA'LAB.
Tbanslatbd from a MS. in thb British Museum
By RICHARD BELL, M.A., B.D.,
Assistant to tlie Professor of Semitic Languages, Edinburgh University.
T AST year Professor Sachau, of Berlin, pointed out to
me among the MSS. in the British Museum an
important work of Arabic philology. The work bears the
title " Critical Observations on the Mistakes of Philologers
by Abu'l-Qasim 'Ali ibn Hamza al-Basri " (cf. Rieu,
Supplement to Catalogue of Arabic MSS., No. 841). The
British Museum MS. is a modem copy of an ancient codex
in the Ehedivial Library in Cairo, and is on the whole
legible and accurate, though at points it is not quite reliable.
Another similar copy exists at Strassburg (cf. Noldeke,
Z.D.M.G., 1886), and the Library of Count Landberg
contains a third. The work includes 'observations' on the
following eight ancient philological works:— (1) The Nawadir
of Abu Ziyftd al-Kilabi al-'A'rabi ; (2) the Nawadir of Abu
'Amr ash-Shaibani ; (3) the Kitab an-Nabat of Ahmad ibn
Da'ad ad-Dlnawari; (4) the Kamil of al-Mubarrad; (5) the
Fasih of Tha'lab; (6) the Gharib al-Musannaf of Abu
Obaid Qasim ibn Sallam ; (7) the Islah al-Mantiq of Ibn as-
Sikklt; (8) the Maksar wa'1-Mamdad of Ibn Wallad.
The ' observations,' though sometimes pedantic, are usually
valuable from a lexicographical point of view. Abu'l-Qasim
gives many corrections of the statements of the authors on
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96 OBSERVATIONS ON THA^LAB's FASIH.
whose books he comments, and supports his contentions
by quotations from the poets, which are in many instances
not to be found in the lexicons or in similar works. Even
hewre his statements are not to be preferred to those which
he criticises, he at least records opinions of early enquirers
which deserve notice. His works seem to have been used
only to a very small extent by the compilers of the lexicons,
and perhaps not directly. In one or two instances I have
found his opinion quoted in the Lis&n al-'Arab, but not
systematically. For a fuller account of the work see
" Actes du douzleme Congres Intern, des Orientalistes '^
(Rome, 1899), tome iii, pt. 2, pp. 5-32, where the work ia
discussed by Dr. P. Bronnle, who promises an edition of
the text.
Of the author, Ali ibn Hamza, very little is known. He
is mentioned by Haji Khalfa as the author of * refutations '^
of several works which are all included in this MS. (v. H. Kh.,
i, 828 ; iv, 333, 446 ; v, 155 ; vi, 588). There his hLnya
is given as Abu Nu'aim instead of Abu'l-Qssim ; as it ia
also in Suyati's Bughyat al-Wu'at (Brit. Mus. Or. 3,042,
fol. 1 72a). He is described as one of the foremost philologists,
and is said to have been a friend of Mutanabbi the poet,
and to have received him in his house when he came to
Baghdad (c. 350 a.h.). The list of his works given by
Suytlti (I.e.) agrees with what is contained in this MS.^
except that the * refutation ' of Mubarrad's Kamil (which ia
not mentioned by Haji Khalfa) is omitted ; and a refutation
of the Book of Animals (^^^^ S->^) of Jahiz (cf. H. Kh.,.
iii, p. 121) is added, of which I have found no mention
elsewhere. The date of his death is given as 375 a.h.
The following article is a translation of the ' Observations *
on Tha'lab's Fasih, which occupy ff. 70i-73a of the British
Museum MS. I have not been able to consult any of the
other copies of the work, but I hope that the one text has
been suflBcient to ffive me the correct sense of the Observations.
o*
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OBSERVATIONS ON THA^LiLB's FA8IH. 97
In tmnslating tbe renes I have Bometimes had diffieolties,
and in one or two cases have had to confess failure ; perhaps
because of an imperfect text, perhaps because of my own
too slight acquaintance with poetical phraseology. The
arrangement will, I hope, be intelligible. The author is
named in the MS. almost always by his knnya^ Abu'l-Qasim,
and refers to Tha'lab by his, Abu'l-*AbbSs ; and I have used
these names in referring to them. Abu'l-Q&sim introduces
the quotation from the Faslh which he takes exception to
by the formula \^ l^\j d ^jJ^\ f,^ J^ . This citation
by chapters I have kept, but have also given references by
page and line to Barth's edition of the Faslh (Leipzig, 1876).
TliaUab's statement to which exception is taken is enclosed
in quotation marks. Ali ibn Hamza's criticism follows.
Remarks, derived mostly from other lexicographical works,
which I have thought it necessary or interesting to add, are
enclosed in square brackets. The footnotes give textual notes
and references to citations of the verses. The following
contractions have been used: — Lane = Arabic-English Lexicon
by E. W. Lane ; L.A. = Lisftn al-'Arab ; T.A. = Taj al-ArQs;
S. = Sihah of Jauhari.
Ali ibn Hamza^s Preface.
Seeing that the Eitab Ikhtiyar Faslh al-Kalam was of great
service, and that, though it had only a small number of
pages, it was more useful than books of similar compass, and
that it had included among its words what many of the
larger books had not included, I determined to give some
attention to it, and make observations upon those words
in regard to which Abu'l-'Abbfis had erred, so that the book
might be without flaw in its usefulness. Allah, in his
providence, do I pray to aid me to attain accuracy, and to
avoid what is corrupt. A good patron is he in whom I put
my trust.
J.R.A.8. 1904. 7
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98 OBSEBYATIONS ON THA'LAB's FASIH.
First chapter of the book. <j^j and ^^ [p. 2, 1. 9].
" One says JUl^ ^J^ (the cattle throve), impf. ^^^^ ; also
Oyi\ t^jJ ithe branch withered), impf. ^j^^.*'
Now when there are two forms of a word, it is incumbent
upon him to mention both. In the case of 4j-^j there are
two chaste forms ; and what is more, the form he disregards
is more chaste than the one he includes. According to Abu
Zaid [al-Ansftri] the Qais say jyJl 4^f<^> impf. u^^JJ, while
the Tamim say o;^<i. Likewise another authority says that
t^U is proper to the upper part of Najd (^yLc), while j^o
belongs to the Taralm dialect. [Lane, from T.A., mentions
this form ^\^ as being used by the people of Beesha (d^ ;
L.A. J^^j. Both are given on the authority of al-Laith,
and the latter is probably an error).] Ya'qub [Ibn as-Sikkit]
says that v^jJ, impf. sjy^^, inf.ljp; or 4.5 i^i impf. t^lj^,
inf. fjtj, is used of a branch when it is withered, but some of
the sap remains in it. Al-Asma'i disallows iJjJ [the form
which Tha'lab wishes to guard against], but Abu Obaida
cites the authority of Tanus for its being classical.
Abu l-'Abbas [Tha'lab] is wrong, too, in stating that it is
equivalent to ^^J^^ because (j^^JJl means what has been
made to wither but has not yet become dried up k^^^J^^ Ul).
In that condition it is called c^^Q^ or ^^y^\?' or ci5*>S^.
The following verse of Dhu'r-Rumma makes the meaning
clear:—
^ The words (^Jis^ C^\ to whicli AbuU-Qasim here takea exoeption are not
found in the text of the Fafi^ as edited by Barth.
« MS. ^JjJU
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OBSERVATIONS OK THA^LAB's FASIH. 99
<Tawll.) And I beheld that the pooh of the swamp had gwen
place to mud, and that the vegetation was withered and dry.
Now if ^j J had been equivalent to (^J^r* Dbu'r-Rumma
would not have said J-jIjJ<?'*^' C^-^- ^^^^ the difference
between ^J^ and (^ji>- thus : Of a thing in which the
moisture is organic, when it has become dried up, you use
^JImJ; of that in which the moisture is accidental you
use «*j^.J
In illustration of ^y*^ in the sense of 'that of which the
wells are drying up/ we have the verse of ar-Rft'i :—
(Tawll.) The hot south-west wind strove with the north wind,
and the watercourses began to dry up, some of them
being still moist, others parched.
So also in the case of the first word, i.e. ^^, ^^^4^, there
are two forms. Abu Yasuf [Ibn as-Bikkit], a few words from
the beginning of his section on words of four letters pronounced
with^ or with ^j [Islfth al-Mantiq, MS. Brit. Mus., fol. 31a,
1, 7], cites U3, impf. ^^^fij or y^. Abu'l-' Abbas, however,
gives only* ^jfl^i, and says nothing regarding y^, which is
thereby [wrongly] deprived of its right to be regarded as
> L.A., arts. ^ J and ^jj , reads ^a&\ ; so also $., art wJ.
» MS. 4^ Jt« .
» §., L.A., T.A., 8.V. ^yff. L.A., T.A., also s.v. fjj] .
* MS. lyiJUJ t\ ^jmLa]\ ^\ fJlJi\i i but it is suggested on the margin that
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100 OQISVBYATIONS (Mf THA'LAB's FA8IH.
pijpe.^ Abu Yttouf [l.c*> line 17] quotes from Abu Ohaida—
and someone else gives it on other authoiity — " UJ, impf.
,^^ or yii^; from which is the phrase vXo^j^^ 5^^ c;^
/ ^rac^ Me dtor^ back to him ; in the impf. sy^ t u 1 or $^ \ ;
likewise the phrase ^ ^^^uj) ' ^j ^^^^ or y^ , i^ c{>»ies up to
the required amount.'' So, too, says Abu Zaid. [This con-
tention of Ali ibn Hamza's does not seem to be very strongly
supported. Ibn as-Sikkit, who is generally quoted as the
authority for the purity of ^1.^, rests entirely on Abu Obaida.
According to the lexicons, al-Eisfi'i reports having heard the
form only from some of the Bani Sallm ; on making enquiries
amongst that tribe afterwards he found that they did not
know it.]
Chapter on verbs of the JjJ form. uJ^ [p. 4, 1. 12}.
" One says ^ja^\ d^ 0^, the disease wore him out ; but
4f^ ^VXLiJf il^\ , the Sultan punished him severely.''
But cJCf is used in phrases such as the following: —
^jfl^T d.^^ the disease wore him out; ^3^ ,^UaLJ! d^,
the governor punished him severely {wore him out by punish-
ment) ; lliJ CJy^ ^jJL^ , / wore out the garment ;
l5l2\ JUIT l::--^^, / diminished the wealth by expenditure y
\j^ ij\jjT c::-^, / wore out the beast of burden by
journeying. In all equally Stem I is used. [S., L.A., etc.,
support the use of Stem I in such senses, but the usual
> MS. Uwu^ \fJ>-Ui J ^^^^ ; read ^^UH ?
S MS. 6..auA\ .
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OBSERVATIONS OK THA^LAB's FASIH. 101
fofm of the yerb is given as cJ^f .] E.g., 'Otba ibn Bnjeit
al-Hftrithi has the verse
(Tawll.) To a stock of camels whose valtte we have worn
down, hut in which our profits are lasting and sure.
Another poet says : ^Uj ij lJ^ \ K .4.t JLiJ , (Rajaz)
he is neither exhausted nor sick. J^J^ is here used in the
sense of (^^. Kuthaiyir, too, has the verse
(Kftmil.) The noonday heats and pimply-rash wore out their
vigour, and their eyes were like channels of trickling
water.
CL^\1^ is here equivalent to c;.>\3j*, vigour.
lJ^ with ace. means *he wore out vigorously' (v.J^T 3L£i
c— ^|rir^ [but I have not seen the infinitive form uJ^ else-
where]). From this the brave man is called lS^ju because
<^ y^S^^? i.e. he is excessive in his fatigue (or perspiration).
Ya'qab [Ibn as-Sikklt]^ places this word in the section on
1 ?, MS. aJ^^^. I have not found this verse elsewhere, and am doubtful
both as to text and rendering.
' The copyist states on the nuugin that this is found in the original, but quotes
from the $ibab» where the derivation of the meaning is given as *m,>|-« dU \
2u2k£ , because he vigorously overcomes his foe ; so too in L.A., etc.
3 Ifl&b al-Mantiq, fol. 45&, 1. 21. The passage may here be quoted: —
Jaj^\ Z.^ Jj^ C^j X^ 2^\ 4j^ liL^ JJj . . . . MjM
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102 OBSERVATIONS ON THA^LAB's FASIH.
words which have the J«i form (with kesra) only ; and adds
that one says ^UST^li ^ u^l, i.e., exert yourself in the
eating of it (eat it greedily). But I think that in regard to
this word Abul-'Abbas has made a mistake, and that one says
*^ A^}, he wore it out to some extent^ just as one says
icjr*- <c^ Ls.^j5j-, 1 cut a part from it. [?Does this imply
that ^yLc in the above-cited phrase is a kind of cognate
accusative ?] Al-'Ajjaj has the verse
(Rajaz.) They met with strentcousness and rage from him.
Chapter on verbs of the JJiil (fourth) form. cJ'U^ [p. 15,
1. 2], " He struck him, but the sword made no impression on
him {lJ\^\ , Stem IV, or (JjV ,^ Stem I, being used)."
But c-fUL (I) is used only of walking and weaving. In
illustration of this sense we have the following Rajaz verses : —
{A woman) swaying in her gait amidst the mingled herd
(i.e. a herd composed of sheep and goats).
{A maiden) swaying as she walks (decked) with a couple
of necklaces,
> MS. U-cU
' c5W^ , which AbuU-Qasim here quotes as from Tha*lab, and which is the
object of his criticism, does not occur in the text of the Fasih as edited by Barth.
» ?., L.A., 8.V. j^j£.
* ^., L.A., 8.V. laJLC • L.A. name^ Hubainat ibn Tarif as the author.
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OBSERVATIONS ON THA^LAB's PASIH. 103
(Hazaj ?) When she walhs, she sways in her gait.
[There are two verbs, lITU. <— ^pC> Cleaning 'to weave/
and vlrU> <_C^, meaning ' to walk with a certain straddling^
rocking gait' (cf. Ibn as-Sikklt Tahdhib al-Alftz, p, 280).
The sense of weaving attached to the latter on the authority
of al-Laith, is declared by al-Azhari to be a mistake. The
sense of ' to make an impression on * is attached to Stem I
by Jauhari and usually in the lexicons.]
^Jo [p. 15, 1. 8]. " IS; J^jjf % JjS^^} , / did the man
a service (Stem IV used)."
But i-2-^.^ (Stem I) is used also.^ In regard to this many
have been in error before Abu'l-'Abbfts. We have pointed
this out in dealing with the Islah al-Mantiq, and have cited
the verse
(Wftfir.) In the lower part of DkiCUTiddLt I reached to Ibn
Haslkds ibn Wahb ageneroits hand.
[This verse occurs in Hamftsa, ed. Freytag, p. 90. Tibrlzi,
in his commentary, says that both Stem I and Stem IV are
used in this sense, but that IV is the more common. S., L.A.,
etc., support the use of Stem I in this sense.]
* ii«jS\ -ob '^^-^[JJ Juj UjU To translate Uj\ by *oiily* would be
too strong.
* So in MS., with note on the margin that it stands so in the original, but in
$. stands t^lsf**^* (art. ^^Jj ). So also in Hamasa, p. 90.
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104 OBSBRYATIOIfS ON THA^LAB's FA8IH.
Chapter on Infinitives. Ji. [p. 20, 1. 3]. "AbuVAbbfts
gives the verb in the sense of ' to be hot/ used of the day,
etc., as^, impf, Jac?, inf. \^ * ; whereas used of slaves in
the sense of 'to become free,' it is J>., impf. ^asr, inf. . . .
andZr^/*^
But the usage is uJ^LmIIJ^, the slave became free, impf.
J^9 with kesra. [This is not corroborated by any of the
authorities cited by Lane, nor have I been able to find it
elsewhere.]
Jl^ [p. 23, 1. 2]. " Abu'l-'Abbfts gives the sing, as Jijb
or Jyvy the pi or. as Jlj^, no other form being permissible."
But this assertion that no other form besides J^jL is
permissible is a mistake, because JljL and JUL are both
used with the same meaning.
[So in SihaH; but the form JU^ is generally not approved
of. According to Ibn Jinni (v. Lane, L.A., etc.) it occurs
as an alternative in one verse only, viz. :
It became clear to me that stoutness was a defect, and that
the strongest men were those who were tall.
Cf» E&mil, ed. Wright, p. 54, where this verse occurs. The
form JUL is there given as an alternative to J^}L, but
though permissible is not approved of.]
U2T^>[p.24,1.9].
^ Fafih, ed. fiarth, adds a second infinitive, ^N>> f which is here oioitM.
^ Space left in MS. as if another form of the infinitiTe were to be supplied
before ^ «»-• Fa9i^ ed. Bartfa gnw simply \)\y^<
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OBSBKVATioire ON tha^lab's fasih. 105
This phrase is wrong, because UJ is a [particular] yein
[viz. the saphenous vein in the thigh], and therefore the
genitive relation with ^^ is not admissible (^ JUji Hj
jl^^). [A criticism which is also made by az-Zajjfij (v. Earth's
note), but rather pedantic, especially as Tha'lab is simply
pointing out the proper vocalisation of UJ , with fatha, not
with kesra.] Illustrating the meaning of LlJ, we have the
verse of Imru'ul-Qais—
(Mutaqftrib.) {The dog) fixed Ms claws in the thigh-vein
{of the quarry), and I said {to my horse), ''Bereavement
take thee ! wilt thou not surpass (him) ? "
Another poet says :
(Rajaz.) |0^tfjU*5Jfj^l5:^^ ^j^^^Lj^^^;
Aghlab has the verse
(Rajaz.) {He had come) from the Lujaimites{'!), lords of
the hare land where there is neither rib nor thigh
(place of the LJ).
Chapter on words whose first vowel is kesra. is^\ [p. 27,
1. 18].
* Imru'ul-Qais, 19, v. 22 ; Arnold, *' Diwans of Six Ancient Arabic Poete,"
p. 127 ; Diwon ed. De Slane, p. 43, 1. 15.
' I have not been able to find an appropriate rendering for this form. Is the
text correct?
« MS. ^^Jt^^^J\.
* Cf . Agh. xviii, p. 166:
LJ 3j iiJbl^ i^Jo ^^2 ^^j^\ (mj\s^\ ^yy»y,5^1 ^j^
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106 OBSERVATIONS ON THA^LAB's FASIH.
Abul-'Abbas gives the forms U/^^ with the ^ doubled^
U/^l without the doubling, and U^.^ But L^ is not
used. [In Sihah is^\ is given as the proper form ; but both
2Sr*^| and <t^^ are cited as permissible, and in all the
lexicons the latter is given as a form.]
k-tl^ [p. 29, 1. 1]. " After quoting the verse
Abul-* Abbas says that the v-^J^ is what is between the i3\jj
and the liver."
But the L-^^ is to the liver what the uJUi* (pericardium)
is to the heart ; that is to say, it is the caul or covering
membrane. Some say that the c-^-I^ is the same as the ^jIj;.
In illustration we have the verse of Zubarqan ibn Badr—
(Wafir.) And I placed every wronged one who came to me
desiring help between the viscera and the c.^^^ (i.e., a&
we would say, * took him to my heart ').
Now consider carefully this saying of Zubarqan's, and the
error of Abu'l- 'Abbas will appear. For if the u-*J^ were
what is between the i'jbj and the liver it could not stand
beside ^J^-^ . I should prefer to make the c--J!^ equivalent
* The quotation from Tha*lab differs somewhat from Earth's text, and runs
thus : — ^^
Notice that this last form ^Ls^^*^, which is the object of the criticism, is not
foimd in Earth's text.
2 Translation of the verse in Earth.
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OBSERVATIONS ON THA^LAB's FASIH. 107
to the if jUj. The first opinioD, however [viz., that it is the
membrane which covers the liver], was that of Aba M&lik al-
'A'rftbi, who is reliable, learned, and accurate.
[With the above verse of Zabarqftn cf. the verse
cited in L.A., quoting from Ibn al-'A'rfibi, who gives the
meaning of ^^^^ as ' the membrane which separates the
heart from the liver/ From the different explanations given
of the word in the lexicons (cf. Lane, s.v.) it seems to me
that what is referred to is the upper part of the peritoneum
which invests the visceral organs, more especially that part
of it which invests the liver. The peritoneum, after leaving
the front wall of the abdomen, passes backward along the
under side of the diaphragm, and is then folded back along
the upper side of the liver. It forms the covering of the
liver on its upper, forward and under side, from which latter
it is reflected as a layer of the lesser omentum to the stomach,
and to other organs. This covering of the liver seems to
be specially the part referred to. Fat is deposited on this
membrane, especially between the liver and the stomach, and
this fat would also be included in the v-Jl^;- (cf. Heb. 37?!).
Possibly the word may be extended to the covering of the
other visceral organs and to the omentum (v. Robertson
Smith, " Religion of the Semites," p. 379, note).
According to Lane, the ifjlj: is the falciform ligament.
If this be so, Tha'lab's description of the c-Jl>. might also
refer (rather vaguely, it is true) to the membrane covering
the liver. But the meaning of ic\j\ is doubtful. It is
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108 OBSBBVATIONS ON THA^LAB's FA8IH.
probably synonymous with the Heb. "'MH Tfy\* (Ex. xtix,
22 ; cf. Lev. iii, 4 ; iz, 10), which is usually taken to
mean some fatty portion near the liver (v. Dillmann on
Lev. iii, 4), but this is questioned by Moore (art. " Sacrifiee '*
in Encyc. Bib., col. 4206).]
JIaj [p. 30, 1. 8].^ " JIaJ is the skin or cloth placed
under the (hand) mill upon which the meal falls."
Properly ' upon which the grain falls.' Were it the meal
which fell upon it, Zuhair would not have said
(Tawil.) And it {war) frets you as frets the mill with its sheet
or skin [i.e. when it is grinding ; for the thiftl was placed
under the mill only when in operation (v. Lane s.v., where the
verse is quoted). Abul-Qftsim would seem to be here under
a misapprehension. In the verse of Zuhair the people are no
doubt compared to the ffrain which is to be ground, but that
does not support his contention that the J\sj catches the grain
as it falls; cf. 'Amr, Mu'allaqa, v. 31, and Noldeke's note
thereon, ** Fiinf Mu*allaq&t iibersetzt und erklart"].
Chapter on words with damma as first vowel. ^^^-^
[p. 32, 1. 6]. " The thing that is eaten [i.e. cheese] is cdled
The more correct form for that which is eaten is ^^Jijf
* This is put down as being in the same chapter, but in Earth's edition it ia in
a new ohapter, that on the forms jUi and JUi, with a difference of
meaning. fj\su = a slow camel.
* Zahair*s Ma*aUaqa, v. 31.
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OBSERVATIONS ON TUA^LAB's FASIH. 109*
with the n doubled. The form without the doubling occurs^
however, in poetry, as in the Rajaz verse
LH$ a ff olden vessel of Mecca ; or a lump of Baalbec cheese.
[I%i8 differs from the consensus of authorities in Lane,^
according to which the form without the doubling is the most
approved, while the other is rare, and is said by some to be
used only in case of necessity in poetry.]
Chapter on words which vary in meaning according as
they have kesra or damma as first vowel, iy^^ [p. 34, 1. 4].
" *jiL*i. ^ has the sense of ' gift,* while ^f^i^ ^ is the noun
from the verb ^Ci^\ (to rest oneself by clasping the arms
round the knees while sitting on the ground).^'
In the sense of resting by^ is also used.
[This is supported by Lane and the lexica ultimately on
the authority of Ibn as-Sikklt. Mubarrad, in the Efimil,
says that the noun is pronounced either with kesra or damma,
while pronounced with fatha the word is the infinitive of
the verb.]
Chapter on common figures of speech. lJ\j [p. 41, 1. 7].
" cl^ljl ' is used of a man when he gives cause for
anooyance.''
' Cf. Yiqut, i, p. 674, where .llaj is read instead ot .li,
'MS. grives ^ v^ in the first place and i^^^ in the second ; but this is
eridentlj a slip.
* MS. inserts jM^ jt^» which is not in BarthVs text of Fa^i^, and
contradictH the form ^->^ J which is given. Probably Abu'l-Qi«im read
Stem I instead of IV,
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110 OBIffiEVATIONS ON THA^LAB's FASIH.
Rather, one says ^h ^^^j (I)| <3t person annoyed me, when
there is a definitely known ground of annoyance ; whereas
^^j) (IV) is used when one only surmises it. Cf. the verse
(Tawil.) Thy brother is he rcho, if thou annoy him, says,
" Thou hast only made me suspect trouble from thee "
(i.e., thou hast not given me any real cause for
annoyance ; I only thought so), and if thou treat
him gently, becomes gentle. LOr, if we read k^j\ :
Thy brother is he who, if thou annoy him, says, ''It is
I in whom is the cause of annoyance/' etc.
Cf. Lane, art. l---Jj , where the verse is quoted and the two
explanations given. The better reading seems to be vj:-^J» ,
and the verse supports Tha'lab's statement rather than
Abu'l-Qasim's. This intransitive sense of Stem IV (= to
be LjJ\^3 , the person in whom is the cause of annoyance)
seems to be the most in favour. Sih&h says that the Hudhail
use it transitively, equivalent to Stem I.]
Chapter on words with two forms: Ci^jJu [p. 41, 1. 14],
"The forms jIjJu and ^^ J^ are used [as the name of the
city Baghdad], and it may be masculine or feminine."
The form o\jju also occurs in poetry that is genuine, as e.g.
in the verses
' c ?
1 MS. U:^' • fiat if this be read the verse would support Tha*lab*8
statement rather than Abu'l-Qasim's. L.A., s.y. s__-^ . , reads CU^jt (qnotmg
from Ibn BarriP), bat remarks that the proper reading is kisJi^\ • Cf. ako
T.A., 8.V., and Qamasa, p. 363.
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OBSERVATIONS ON THA^LAB'S FASIH. Ill
<Kaflf.) Allah does not water -^if rain from the clouds
water a country^ it waters not Baghdad;
A land which rains dust upon the people as the heavens
rain drizzle.
The root of the word is foreign [i.e. Persian, according to
Yftqtlt, from ^, the name of a god, and jb = to give; or
from ^b = a garden, and jl j, a man's name (?)].
i}fj> o^j [P- 42, 1. 18].
" You say ' I have a slave who bakes coarse bread (^*ll) or
fine ((^J)'; bnt if you use a noun like j->^ cake^ then
corresponding to it you use ^llj, that being likewise a noun."
This is not correct, for JUi is an^ adjectival form as well
as J-^. One uses Jj^ or JljW, long ; t— b,^j,^ or uJIatS-,
sprightly ; ^^ or J^, swift ; cf. the verse
(Rajaz.) A swift Uthe {camel) hurried along with him.
So also one uses j;JJ or jUJ . [This is made good against
the distinction implied in Tha'lab's statement that jllj is
a noun, while j;JJ is an adjective.]
1 MS. iiifierts J , which disturbs the argument. It is probably a repetition of
the two last letters of ^Ia4.
« MS. JUsr^. L.A., art. c ^; reads^Sub for ^^J^, and attributes
the Terse to Amr ibn Ma'dikarib.
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112 OBSERVATIONS ON THA^LAB's FASIH.
Moreover, the Arabs apply to bread the form JJp« also ;
Abu Kabla (?) has the verse
(Rajaz.) A waste in which you get no thin cakes to eat, and of
vegetables do not even taste the pistachio-nut.
Janr said :
(Wftfir.) Thou dost impose upon me (to maintain thee in)
the style of living of the people of Zaid; hut who wilt
supply me with caJte and sauce ?
To which Farazdaq replied :
(Wafir.) If (to furnish) the bannocks of the people of Zaid
grind thee, and cake and sauce be beyond thy reach,
Formerly must thy father^ s life haxie been bitter living
on the fare of dogs.
jj^ [p. 43, 1. 13]. *'You say '^j^^ i\6i.\ (.y^\, the
people is hostile, but if you add the feminine termination you
say f^^."
> Margin quotes reading ol ^i^ah, ijjJLai^J , here and alsu in the verse of
Farazdaq which follows. So also L.A., art. y -'--r . These versee are quoted
and explained by an anecdote in Agh. vii, p. 60, and in Kamil, p. 89.
* Agh. cJ^iftJ ; Kamil, (^^JJu , variant L^^ji .
» Agh. uJ)^ .
« Agh. laat half-verse thus: t— >ll^l <U ^jJuou i! W/.
* MS. M J^ .
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OBSERVATIONS ON THA^LAB's FASIH. U3
Abul-' Abbas is not accarate in this passage. In the sense
of hostile you use as plural of the adjective the forms i^J^,
i^^9 :f\6Jf and '\^\ synonymously, but the form ^jJ^t
with kesra only, when they are foreigners. The poet says :
(Tawll.) When thou art amongst a Joreign people^ to
rchom thou art not related^ eat what is set before thee,
foul or goody
[The special meaning of ^^j^ (stranger) is supported by
al-Mnbarrad, Kftmil, p. 178; Hamftsa, p. 377; Sihfth and
lexica generally. According to Ibn as-Sikkit (Islft^
al'Mantiq, fol. 28), it is the only example of the form Jaj
in adjectives. So says also Sibawaih, ^511 (v. Jahn's
translation and note), who, however, says that it is not
really a plural, but a collective (but cf. Lane). E&mil (l.c.)
does not support the form ^oi in the sense of hostile; and it
is disallowed by al-Asma'i (quoted L.A. xix, p. 262, middle).
But it is given by Sihfth, etc., probably originally on the
authority of Ibn al-'A*rabi, with citation of the verse of Akhtal —
* MS. diatinctly pointe ^^ Ju5 , but I have not been able to find this form
elsewhere, and L.A. gives the gist of this remark thiw : i\A>:^> ^ ^ JLc Jli«
O'lc JU^ «ljtcVl J Uli^i S Ijji^Xi ^\j^ ^\ j^l^ iy>
2 MS. Mjtf.
» Cf. §iba^, L.A., s.v. 1 Jj: . Kamil, p. 178, 1. 3. Ibn as-Sikkit, Islah al-
Mantiq, fol. 23, 1. 9.
j.K.A.s. 1904. 8
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114 OBSEEVATIONS ON THA^LAB^S FA8IH.
in which ^^jj^ may be pronoauced either with kesra or
damma.]
L^\yi\ lJ^ Of Lr>^yi\ ^J^ [p. 44, 1. 2]. " The phrase
is ^])«l i^ii. ^ \j\^ Si.1 jjt,^ It is more intense in its
dark hue than the blackness of the ra;venf or <-->]/yT l^J^,
though the form with Iftin is the more common."
The latter is to be rejected ; Abu Hatim, Ibn Duraid, and
others did not recognise it. The proper expression is ^_^^'^
c-j^yiST . The opinion of those who say that c-?)^ \ lS'»^
is the raven's beak [jUi^ ; so Ibn as-8ikklt ; Tahdhib
al-Alf&z, p. 234; Ibn al-Anb^ri, Addad, p. 104; and lexica
generally] is to be rejected and not recognised. [Of. Earth's
note and Lane s.v., where the contradictory testimony
is given.]
Chapter on single words : jiu^ [p. 44, 1. 11].
In saying (merely) " ^^^ ^\^j^^f ^^^ thing is stinking,'*
he has of necessity made a slip, for the Arabs use both ^^^
and ,f;^. Sibawaih says the pronunciation ^f^^ is due to
the influence of the kesra^ .... Abu Hanlfa gives the
phrase %iJ« fTj or hrXf, an unpleasant smell, and adds that
''the kesra with the mim is accidental, the ground form being
1 Freytag: Arab. Prov., iii, p. 249.
» MS. eJ^< \j\ '^15 U^ ij^J^i \cLj\ jii^ yiS UjI «o^--^ Jl5
^_^y*^y The latter part I hare not been able to decipher satisfactorily, nor
have I found the reference in Sibawaih. It eyidently refers to the fact that in
the imperfect of rerbs in kesra the preformatiTe letter is often pronounced with
keen also. Cf . Wright, i, 60.
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OBSERVATIONS ON THA^LAB'S FA8IH. 115
with damma. The people of the Hijftz pronounce it ^^^ ;
bat the Tamlm say ^t^, assimilating the first vowel to
the kesra."
cjj [p. 45, 1. 1]. '*Vj^ in the sense of coat of mail
( jlj Ail! ' kjS) is feminine."
But c^j in this sense is not inherently feminine, for it is
sometimes made masculine, as in the verse of Ru'ba, ISali^
^.iiiJT ^J f j^'^* (Rajaz) girt with the coat of mail folded
{to the body).
ci^y or cijy [p. 45, 1. 11]. " The word is (jL^yi with tft."
But Abu Hanlfa [ad-Dlnawari] said, " the word is Cj^f ^
with thft." Some of the Arabs say c:Jy , but it is not heard
in poetry except with tha ; and that is also rare, because it
is scarcely used among the Arabs except when the mulberry
(jUji) is mentioned. The following lines are, however,
attributed to an Arab :— ^
(Baslt). A green spot midst the rtigged ground, or a tract of
the waste, rugged and untitled, is sweeter and more
desirable to my eye, if I pass by it, than the Karkh of
Baghdad with its pomegranates and mulberries.
» MS. Cjy.
' L.A., 8.V. Cl^y, gives the aatbor*s name as hLutlT ^\ ^ ^_>j;f^^
^' L.A. ^Jp.
* L.A. 5i^.
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116 OBSBRVATIOirs OX 1!HA^LAB's FA8IH.
One authority says that the people of Basra call the tree
A^j&\, the fnulberry-treey while its fniit they call (^^\ with
tha. It is related of al-Asma'i that he said Cjy in Persian,
but djy in Arabic. The first opinion, however [that of
Abu Hanlfa], is the correct one.
[The consensus of authority would appear to be against this
and in favour of ci^y as the proper form : cf. Sihah ; L.A. ;
T. A., s.v. ; Hariri, Durrat al-Qhaww&s, ed. Thorbecke, p. 66.}
yU [p. 47, 1. 1]. "That which the generality call
^^\ is properly J5.li:Ji, and the plural of it is (^'^-^ or
The woi*d isJJli^l, as he says, but it has no plural, because
it is the name of a place, the burial-place of al-Husain, the
son of Ali ^ (the favour of Allah be upon them both).^ ^jn^
is the plural of ^U., which signifies a pool in which the
water swirls CJiacf*) and goes to and fVo. ^^^t^ and ^J^jf^
are plurals of ^\^, a camel-foaL Cf. the verse of Jarlr :
(Baslt.) Deliver messagesfrom us^ of which the bearers shall
hasten along on ostrich-Hie camels, which bear not foals.
Chapter on Distinctions (between synonyms) ; the last
word, by which he closes the book.
* This passage is quoted by Yaqut, Geog. Diet., ii, p. 189.
^ From a passage in the author's criticisms on the I^la^^ al-Mantiq it appears
that he was a Shi*ite.
• Yaqut, I.e., l^.
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OBSEEVATIONS ON THA^LAB's FA8IH. X17
Ssr» [p. 50, 1. 4]. *' For that (the excrement) of animak
that have hoo& one nseB the word 3ub«>."
Abn'l-'Abbas is in error in this statement which he Hiakee
concemiDg jJet*, {or j^ means the yellow-ooloored fluid
which accompanies the foal when it is delivered. The Arabs
say that it is the urine of the foal in its mother's womb.
Some of them call it J^. This which we have set down is
the opinion of Ibn Duraid in the Jamhara, and is the correct
one. Abu Bekr [ibn Duraid] adds, "' It is said of one
yls^ IviV' i«e. he appeared sallow in the morning. From
Kharija ibn Zaid ibn Thabit is reported the statement that
** no night-time in the life of Zaid was like the night of the
17th of the month of Ramad&n, and he used to say 'It was
a night on the morning of which Allah abased Polytheism,
and it appeared with jJer* upon its face'" (i.e. appeared sallow
and sickly).
Abu Obaid al-Qasim ibn Sallam, in the Gharib al-Musannaf,
speaking otjA^'i), records that it includes ^1^1£1V» the 'water-
bag*) ^i^^' ^^ ^^condary membrane) ii\^\ (similar to
iU-JP) the water which accompanies it\ and jJs-^l, From
this a man is said to be i^s^**^ when he is languid from disease
or other cause. But J^ is properly the thick fluid that
accompanies the foRtus. Very nearly the same is recorded
1 So MS., and Abu'l-Qasim has evidently read this; but Barth reads in the
lext d^c**'.
' flfl j^^ (3^> ^'^* ^^ ^^ ^^™® ioTOL. According to L.A., however, this was
pointed oat as an error and admitted by Abu Obaid. The proper form is given as
j'liJl, L.A., s.v. Lrf.
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118 OBSEEYATIONS ON THA^LAB's FASIH.
on the authority of Ibn Duraid^ and this statement is the
correct one. No other scholar, so far as I know, gives as
his opinion what Abul-' Abbas here says ; and if you do see it
(stated) on anyone else's authority, pay no attention to it.
Finished, with praise to Allah, and by his help.
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119
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Formosa under the Dutch. Described from Contemporary
Records. "With Explanatory Notes and a Bibliography
of the Island. By Rev. Wm. Campbell, F.R.G.S.,
English Presbyterian Mission, Tainan. (London :
Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, & Co., Ltd., 1903.)
The island of Formosa has come much more prominently
into notice since it was ceded by China to Japan in 1895.
For many learned articles and books on the subject, published
in China as well as in England, we are indebted to the
industrious compiler of this handsome volume of 630 pages,
a missionary in South Formosa from 1871. These are
enumerated among the rest in an almost exhaustive and
most useful '' Bibliography of Formosa," which is appended,
extending over 55 pages, and giving many references to
periodicals in addition to the titles of more important
works. There is an analysis of the Peking Gazette, for
example, with a summary of all the notices relating to
Formosa, Liu-kiu, and the Pescadores from 1872 to 1896.
The bibliography is well up to date, including, as it does,
the large book on the history, natural productions, and
resources of the island by J. W. Davidson, U.S. Consul for
Formosa, published this year. It is to be regretted that
Mr. Campbell ''could not venture to make use of his
considerable collection of Chinese and Japanese books on
Formosa " on this occasion ; and it is to be hoped that
another opportunity may occur after his return to his post
in the Far East.
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120 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
The book is mainly a translation of old Dutch writers,
extending over the period from 1624 to 1661, when Formosa
was under the rule of Holland as one of their East Indian
colonies. It is divided into three parts, as explained in the
Preface —
Part I. Qeneral Description.
Part II. Notices of Church Work.
Part III. Chinese Conquest.
The First Part consists of notes on Topography, Trade,
and Religion, selected from the Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien
of Frangois Valentyn, with the addition of the best account
of the inhabitants which has come down to us from the
Rev. George Candidius, the pioneer missionary of the Dutch
Reformed Church in 1624. The opening sentence is
interesting for the statement that " this large island was
called by the Chinese Tai Liu-khiu (that is. Great Lu-Chu,
there being also a little Lu-Chu)." It is really described
under that name in the Annals of the Sui (a d. 581-618)
and of the T'ang (H18-906) dynasties, although the fact
has been overlooked by many recent authorities, who date
the Chinese knowledge of Formosa from the Ming dynasty
early in the fifteenth century. In the Ming Annals it is
recorded under the name of Kelung, its principal harbour
on the north-east coast, where the modern Japanese capital
of Taipei has been recently established.
The Second Part, which is rather voluminous, presents
a vivid picture of the controversies of the early Dutch
divines, and of their somewhat arbitrary dealings with the
native converts, who showed but little devotion to the cause
when the dreaded pirate Koxinga appeared upon the scene.
It ends with the translation of a Sermon, a Formulary of
Christianity, and Shorter and Larger Catechisms, all compiled
by the Rev. R. Junius, during the years 1629-41, for the use
of the native churches. The travels of John Struys, who
visited Formosa in lt)50, which were done out of Dutch by
John Morrison, London, 1684, are quoted in this section, and
his familiar stories of men who had tails among the natives
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FORMOSA rNDER THE DUTCH. 121
•of the sonth country. One of these sayages was humed at
the Btake for the murder of a missionary, " and we saw his
tail, which was about a foot long, and all grown over with
hair." M. Terrien de Lacouperie suggested in his Formosa
Notes in our Journal (July, 1887, p. 456) that these tails
were, perhaps, artificial appendages worn for ornament; but
Mr. Campbell relates here (p. 547) the case of a healthy-
looking child some three years old, which was brought to
him with a tail growing from the lower end of its spine.
^'It was about two inches long, and had a curious wriggling
motion, but whether automatic or in obedience to the will of
the child, there was no means of knowing."
In the T/iird Part we have a vivid sketch of the adventurous
career of Eoxinga, and of the events which led up to his
'nine months' siege of Castle Zeelandia, and culminated
in its surrender on February Ist, 1662, translated from
't VerteaeriooHde Formosa o( lb7 5. This sketch is strengthened
hy a string of "authentic proofs" garnered from official
minutes and other sources. The father of Koxinga was
a Fukien trader, Ch^ng Chi-lung, who had dealings with
the Dutch in Formosa and with the Portuguese at Macao,
and was baptized by the latter with the name of Nicholas.
He next went to Nagasaki, where he married a Japanese
woman, and had a son born named Ch6ng Ch'6ng-kung.
After this son had succeeded his father in the command of the
immense flotilla of war junks raised by him to oppose the
invading Manchu Tartars, the Ming emperor bestowed upon
him as a special honour his own royal surname of Chu, after
which he always signed himself Eoxin, the Portuguese form
of Kuo-hsing, i.e. ** Imperial Surname," and was known to
-others as Koxinga, which is the same with the honorific
ga {yeh) affixed. Formosa was finally annexed to China in
the time of his grandson Chfing Ching-mai, who was com-
pelled to surrender the island, and forced to come to the
Manchu Court at Peking, where he was given the title of
Count in the twenty-second year of the Emperor Kang Hsi,
and 1683 of the Christian era.
The above details are gathered from the Appendix, which
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122 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
supplements the Dutch accounts by translations of the letters-
of early Spanish and French Roman Catholic missionaries,
quotations from the old China trade reports in the East
India Cotnpany's Becard^, and from other sources under the
following headings : —
A. The Spaniards expelled from Formosa in 1642.
B. Early English Trade at Formosa.
C. Visit of Pere de Mailla in 1715.
D. Count Benyowsky's Narrative of 1771.
E. Explanatory Notes by the Author.
The last section, in which the author's notes are arranged
in alphabetic order, is not the least useful and interesting,
but tliere is no space for further notice. The book is
compiled in such a way as to be unavoidably discursive, so
that the excellent Index with which it winds up is all the
more welcome to the reader.
S. W. B.
The Deviw and Evil Spirits of Babylonia. Vol. I.
By R. C. Thompson, M.A. (Luzac, 1903.)
Under this alluring title Mr. Thompson has transliterated
and translated a number of Assyrian texts in the British
Museum relating to Babylonian and Assyrian demonology.
Like some of the other records from the library of the great
bibliophile Asurbauipal, they are based upon much older
texts, and there is good reason to assume that they represent
the exorcisms and spells employed in Babylonia at least as
early as the third millennium b.o. That the texts will be
welcomed by others than Assyriologists is certain, since it is
well known that many of the magical practices and super-
stitions still in existence were familiar to the Babylonians of
six thousand years ago, and without pretending to suggest
that these owe their origin to Babylonia, it is admitted that
the thought of this land exercised considerable influence
upon the surrounding peoples.
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THE DEVILS AND EVIL 8PIEIT8 OF BABYLONIA. 123
It is interesting to notice that many of these magical
texts are said to be written in Sumerian, and the evidence
tends to show that the Babylonians were deeply indebted to
the non-Semitic inhabitants of Mesopotamia for many of their
supernatural beliefs. Mr. Thompson correctly observes that
the Semitic Babylonian took over the Sumerian doctrines
"in the belief that his teachers must necessarily understand
the supernatural powers peculiar to their own country." It
is the older inhabitants who have a better knowledge of the
local spirits, and the newcomers, whether they be conquerors
or traders, do not know the manner in which to approach or
propitiate the local divinities. Similar examples of this
phenomenon will occur to everyone,^ and one is led to infer
from experience that these demons of Babylonia are no
other than the gods and divinities of the earliest dwellers.
It is only exceptionally that the terms in use, even, admit
of a satisfactory derivation (cf. p. xxiii).
Of the exceptions, one of the most interesting is the
JBkimmu, apparently the departed spirit (lit. ' snatched
away'). This was the soul of the dead person who was
unable to enjoy rest because the customary offerings and
libations had not been made. From the evidence it would
appear that not only did the ekimmft-Bpirit haunt mankind ; it
also passed a most comfortless and unhappy time, and relief
could only be obtained by exorcisim. It will be remembered
that in the recently published Code of Hammurabi, the man
who was caught breaking into a house could be killed in the
breach and buried (in it P), and the man who caused a brander
to brand an indelible mark upon a slave was liable to be
killed and buried in his own house. It seems probable,
therefore, that the punishment consisted, not so much in the
infliction of the death-penalr.y — which is common enough in
the Code — but in the character of the burial. In other
words, the punishment seems to have extended beyond the
grave and was calculated to affect the dead man's spirit-life.^
^ E.g., a few are cited by G. L. Gomme, Ethnology in Folkhrt (London,
1892), pp. 42 sqq.
' Cf. the present writer's The Law* of Most* and the Cod$ of Hammurabi
(A. k C. Black), p. 213.
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124 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Another interesting class of demons receives the names Lilu,
Lilttu, and Ardat Lili, in which, as Mr. Thompson reminds
us, we may recognise the familiar Lilith of the Old Testament.
This demon is mentioned in Isaiah xxxiv, 14, which, curiouslj
enough, he has quoted from the A.V. in preference to the
R.V. However, neither screech-owl (A.V.) nor night-
monster (A.V. marg., R.V.) are plausible renderings, and
Mr. Thompson inclines to the suggestion that the name in
its original meaning is connected with /m/m, ' lasciviousness.'
This, it is true, is in accordance with the very general belief
that the demons have intercourse with mankind, but it would
perhaps be more plausible to suppose that the term is a non-
Semitic divine name.
As might be expected, there are many details and allusions
in these texts to which analogies and parallels may be
found, and Mr. Thompson has culled a few, chiefly from
Syriac magic lore. We may add that the Mandaitic charms
might be worthy of perusal, since, apart from Iranian
elements, there are such distinct reminiscences of Babylonia
as the Ekurra and Istars whose names are invoked in
exorcisms. It is interesting to find, too, that the raven and
the hawk were credited by the Assyrians and Babylonians
with the power of dispelling demons. The former, it is well
known, is as unlucky in Palestine as in Arabia, and the fact
that in these texts it is called ** the bird that helpeth the
gods*' curiously reminds us, not only of the part the raven
plays in the story of the Delude, but also of the ravens of
Odin and Flokki.^
In conclusion, we may note that Mr. Thompson has an
important discussion of a text which had been regarded by
Prof. Sayce and Dr. Pinches as a reference to the Garden of
Eden as it was known among the Babylonians. Other Baby-
lonian illustrations have been adduced,^ but none so apparently
illuminaiing as tablet K (pp. 200-207). Here is mentioned
the dark kiskanu that grew in Eridu, in an undetiled spot,
whose brilliance was as shining lapis-lazuli; the place was like
^ Encyclopedia Biblical col. 4018, n. 2.
» See Encyc. Bib., art. " Paradise," § 12.
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THE INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM UPON ISLAM. 125
a forest grove, none might enter therein, and it was at the
confluence of two streams. It was the home of the couch of
the goddess Id, and within it dwelt Shamash and Tammuz.
The kiikanu was gathered by certain gods and was used for
magical purposes, and Mr. Thompson, in the course of
a criticism of the incantation, points out that there are no
good reasons for supposing that Eridu was as the Garden of
Eden, since the presence of the rivers has only a ceremonial
meaning, and he cites texts where the water at the confluence
of two streams has greater magical potency. As regards
tihe other arguments by which the theory has been supported,
he has some exceedingly plausible explanations at band, and
the impression left is that tablet K is very insecure evidence
for the yiew adopted by Sayce and Pinches. The text doe»
not, however, lose in interest on this account, and the story
of the kiikanu — with its half-lurking resemblance to the
Golden Bough — still stands in need of a better interpretation
than that which Mr. Thompson himself prefers (p. Ixiii).^
S. A. C.
Thk Influence of Buddhism upon Islam.
A Buddhismus hat&sa az Iszlamra. Beszed, tartotta a M. Tud.
Akademia, 1903 Marczius 30^^^ Korosi Gsoma iinnep^n.
GoLDZiHER IgnAcz, R. Tag. Budapest. Eiadja a
Magyar Tudom&nyos Akademia, 1903.
Professor Goldziher, of the University of Budapest,.
Honorary Member of the Royal Asiatic Society, read an
important essay before the Academy of Sciences of Hungary,
at a special geaeral meeting held on the 30th of March
last in memory of their late distinguished member, Alexander
Csoma de Koros.
Professor Goldziher referred to the special merits of the
great Tibetan scholar and to the circumstance under which
* Mr. Thompson su^csts that some Hix)cies of Astragalus is meant. This is
sttpported by the Syriac kii^nay on which see IjOW, No. J 70. Ooe is irresistibly
reminded ot the superstitions relating to magical plants, and, as Jensen pointn out
(Kosmologie de^- Bahyhnier, p. 249, n. 1), it was probably used as an oracle.
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126 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
fiimilar celebrations {this being the second) would in future be
held in his raemory by the Academy.
The subject, ** On the Influence of Buddhism upon Islam,"
was well chosen for the occasion. Famous Orientalists have
often referred to it. But it has not hitherto been taken up
in the thorough manner in which it was treated on this
occasion. And we venture to express a hope that the
paper may be used by the author as a preliminary step
towards a larger and fully elaborated work to appear at no
distant date.
Professor Goldziher begins by adducing the widely held
opinion that the spiritual life of the furthest West has been
mysteriously influenced by the intellectual elements prevalent
in the East. These have, in an imperceptible manner,
occupied an important place in the popular lore of European
nations, even in the Apocrypha and in the hagiology of the
West. How remarkable is the place in the history of
literature occupied by the legend of Barlaam and losaphat,
reproducing Buddha's life for Christian readers I And certain
strange references conspicuous in the life of St. Thomas can
be satisfactorily explained only through the tenets of
Buddhism. So also the history of Islam affords constant
evidence of the influence of those foreign ideas with which
it was brought into contact during its progress. In the
sphere of dogma Islam largely followed Greek philosophy ;
the tendency of its ritual stood under the influence of the
religion of Persia; and its canonical law shows the spirit
of Rome. The very starting-point of Islam's existence as
a State, namely, the Abbasid development of the idea of
the Khalifat, shows the idea of kingship reigning in the
circle of the Sassanidse, and every important influence from
outside was a new element in Islam's further development.
This receptivity to extraneous influences began to be felt
before Islam's worldwide conquests. It seems to have been
latent in its very cradle.
Everyone knows of the Jewish and Christian ideas and
institutions out of which Islam arose. These were its
starting - point, and were acknowledged by the founder
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THE INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM UPON ISLAM. 127
himself as the fundamental principles from which Islam
developed. The question is whether, at a later period of
its progress, ideas obtained from Indian religion did not
also become manifest.
Previous to the rise of Islam there flourished important
commerce between Arabia and India. Indian vessels paid
frequent visits to the seas that washed the shores of Arabia.
But it was not till the actual conquests of Islam that the
Arabs came into immediate contact with Indian genius.
With the conquests of the followers of Muhammed their
religion spread towards Central Asia, where Buddha's
religion flourished. At the beginning of the third century a.h.
Saraanism was called al-Sumaniyeh in Arabic, meaning the
faith of Saraana or Sramana, an Indian ascetic. And when
the Buddhist ritual, particularly the images of Buddha,
became known, the new word hudd^ plural hidadatiin^
meaning an idol, was received into the lexicography of the
Arab language. It was not the ethics or the metaphysical
speculation of Suraaniyeh which impressed the Moslims
%o much as the idol - worship, abhorrent to the puritan
monotheism of Islam. It is a remarkable fact that
Alexander Polyhistor, 89-60 years before Christ, calls the
Baktrian priests Safiavaioi.
Although the image- worship of the Buddhists was the
chief characteristic apparent to the commoner Moslims,
their philosophers became acquainted with at least certain
principles of Buddha's faith. Speaking of their philo-
sophical system, the belief in metempsychosis is mentioned
as the chief doctrine of Sumaniyeh, and occasionally there
appeared isolated Moslim philosophers who believed in it.
This dogma may have suggested to them the answer to
the painful question : How can divine justice punish with
heavy chastisements pious men ? The answer was : Because
the soul of the righteous had inhabited, in a previous
existence, the body of a sinful man. This is the Buddhist
Karma.
The progress of intellectual culture during the reign of
the AbbasidsD secured some treasures of Indian literature
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128 NOnOES OF BOOKS.
to the Arabs, through whom they were oarried to the far
West. It is well known that some of the Indian tales were
amalgamated with the ideas of Moslim society, took root in
the popular faith, and were incorporated into the *' Arabian
Nights."
Fatalism may be taken as a characteristic tenet of Islam,,
reflecting unmistakably the dogma of ' Kismet.' This faith
was persistently held by the Hindus from ancient times, and
the doctrine of metempsychosis is one of the corollaries of
the idea of Fate. When Muhammedan peoples found that
in the stories borrowed from Indian sources there lurked
a belief agreeing with this tendency of their own, to
fatalistic ideas, it was easy to adopt it and to gain thereby
a welcome colouring to Moslim's dreary dogmas. The
"Arabian Nights" are a rich treasury of fatalistic stories,
and the expression that a man's destiny is " written on his
forehead" is evidently of Hindu origin. The correct Moslim
speaks of a "book," a "well-guarded" book, in which bis
fate is recorded.
The gradual adoption of foreign ideas progressed hand in
hand with the extension of the Khalifat towards the east.
Particularly the reign of the Abbasid^e created a settled
centre of communication in Baghdad, a town now so insigni*
ficant, once so famous. Baghdad |ay on the main road
which led from China and India to Byzantium, and thence
into the western and northern countries of Europe.
Complete conquest of India was effected in the eleventh
century a.d. by Mahmud of Ghazni. This afforded ample
opportunity to the Muhammedan students of becoming fully
acquainted with Indian philosophy. Buddhist pilgrims were
doubtless frequent visitors on the borders of India and
China: their distant wanderings are well known to hiatory.
Balkh, the metropolis of ancient Baktria, became renowned
through flourishing dervish monasteries, whose inmates were
able easily to study the practices of Buddhism.
At Baghdad, around the Khalifa, there ruled a fanatical
orthodoxy. This spirit naturally provoked reaction. Among
the movements which caused, in the eighth and ninth
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THE INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM UPON ISLAM. 129
centuries, much anxiety to the ' true believera/ and against
which they resorted to persecutions, was the newly risen sect
of the Zindiks, a word applied generally to heretics, especially
to the class interested in Buddhist philosophy and literature.
Among the translations of the second century are found the
"Bilauhar va Budasif " and " Kitab al-Bud," by Ibn al-
Mukaffa and Ab&n al-L&hiki. The znhd, renunciation of
the world, is the characteristic Moslim name attributed to
the Zindiks. Quietism is not the spirit of the aggressive
religion of Muhamraed; on the contrary, the promise of
sensual pleasure is carried beyond this world into Paradise.
At that time there arose several paraenetic poets. The
most ancient among them was the martyred Salih ben
'Abd al-Kuddus, executed in 783 a.d., who spoke thus : —
" How many pilgrims to Mekka have perished P
" May God destroy Mekka and her buildings.
'' May He give no bread to her inhabitants and let her dead
be burned."
But the boldest expressions of asceticism are found in the
works of Abu-1- Atahiya, a cotemporary of Harun al-Rashid,
who suffered imprisonment before his death in 828 a.d.
His faith was based upon Indian legends. He taught that :
" If you desire to see the most noble of mankind, look at
the King in beggar's clothing; it is he whose sanctity is
great among men." His son perished similarly. The
" Sincere Brothers," notwithstanding their Neo-Platonism,
always appeal to Indian moral lessons. Two centuries later
appeared Abu-1-*A1& al-Ma*arri (died 1057) ; he belongs to
the most independent thinkers of his age. He boldly
attacked the dogmas of Islam, mercilessly criticized the
religious authorities, and condemned the policy of the
Government as unjust and tyrannical. He points out the
intellect and conscience as the true sources of religious life.
Professor MargoHouth' and Mr. Reynold A. Nicholson
published certain parts of his works, but the most important
communication on the subject is the essay by Alfred Kremer
» Journal E.A.S., 1900 and 1902.
J.R.A.8. 1904. 9
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130 NOTICES OP BOOKS.
which appeared in the Transactions of the Vienna Academy,
vol. cxvii. Ma'arri lived as a vegetarian, abstained from all
animal food, even from milk and honey, and practised
celibacy. His ideas of salvation, centre according to
Kremer, in the Nirvana. It is certain that these principles
widely influenced Islam society at that time. No organised
Buddhistic sect was formed, but such ideas worked power-
fully in the direction of a later movement, Sufism.
The Sufi system saved the religion and science of Islam
from rigid dogmatism. The religion of heart and mind
stood in opposition to dry theological treatises. The Sufis
endeavoured to approach the Heavenly by way of the
emotions, and hoped to establish religious life, not by empty
formalities, but by getting near to the Eternal.
Such was the reaction against the prevailing conditions
of Islam, which found relief against materialistic tendencies
in asceticism. Hair-splitting dogmatism was replaced by
contemplative mysticism. A pantheistic system became
developed from excessive fanaticism. Starting from a mystic
love of God, it arrived at the conviction that the knowledge
of " real existence is in God,** " neither is there any life but
in God."
In the course of the second century, the Sufi sect
established associations on principles difficult to harmonize
with the faith as taught in the Moslim schools. Sufi
principles passed beyond the walls of their schools into
the public ear, and effected considerable influence upon the
orthodox faith. Sufism produced extensive literature in
various languages ; its greatest poets were inspired to write
mystic and allegorical works, and the social life of Islam
was startled by the appearance of a strange personage — the
Dervish.
Sufrsm cannot be looked upon as a regularly organised
sect within Islam. Its dogmas cannot be compiled into
a regular system. It manifests itself in different shapes, in
different countries. We find divergent tendencies, according
to the spirit of the teaching of distinguished theosophists,
who were founders of different schools, the followers of
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THE INPLTJENCB OF BUDDHISM UPON ISLAM. 131
which may be compared to Christian monastic orders. The
inflaence of different environments naturally afiected the
development of Sufism. Here we find mysticism, there
asceticism, the prevailing thought. In Syria we find the
Christian, in Central Asia Indian influences prevailing.
From the time when Sufism first attracted attention in
the West, its affinity to Buddhism was evident ; some people
called it Buddhism modified by Islam. Schopenhauer
declared it to be entirely Indian in spirit and origin. But
when we study its various historical conditions, its phases
of development, its manifestations in widely separated
regions from Syria to China, and especially since the
knowledge of the most ancieut literature has rendered it
possible for us to understand the prominent points of Sufi
character, we are convinced that previous to the Buddhist
influences other forces had likewise their share in the
antagonistic movement which arose in the midst of orthodox
Islam.
In Syria, where Sufism had the earliest organisation,
Christianity exercised great influence; — not indeed the
ecclesiastical Christianity, but a certain movement in the
Church, looked upon as irregular. Thus we may compare
the Euchits-Messaliani — the praying monks — with those
wandering dervishes who were addicted to the fatiguing lip
service called the zikr. Their dogma was that prayer
stands above every other religious function. They discarded
all the goods of this world, going about begging and
praying. This sect was started in Mesopotamia in the fourth
century a.h. ; it still existed in Syria five centuries later.
The mode of life of these dervishes faithfully represents the
manners of the Messaliani beggars, whose example had
a decisive influence upon the Sufis of Syria.
Christian influence is manifest in several passages from
the New Testament which are found among the fundamental
tenets of Sufism. To mention only two, viz. : Matthew vi,
25-34, and Luke xii, 22-30. It was in Christian environ-
ments that the Neo- Platonic systems exercised so important
an influence on the development of the ideas of Sufism.
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132^ KOTICES OF BOOKS.
Adalbert Merx showed thiat there was a Gnostic teacher ixb
the Syrian Church, whose principles were of decisive effect
upon Sufism. It was on such grounds, and they are very
sound ones, that Mr. Reynold A. Nicholson, in his selected
Poems of Shamsi Tebriz, and Professor Edward G. Browne,,
in his History of Persian Literature, entirely reject any
influence of Buddhism upon the development of Sufism, and
attribute all its phenomena to Neo- Platonic principles*
and to the teaching of Gnostics. But those who advance
such an opinion do not take into consideration that Neo-
Platonism and the allied systems could scarcely reach
those regions in the East which proved most receptive to
the development of Sufism. And while Islam carried
Sufism with it, it may have, and in fact did, supplement it
in the course of its invasion of further eastern countries
with new elements borrowed from the new surroundings.
For instance, in the account of an ancient type of Sufic
asceticism, we find traces of tradition connected with
Buddha himself. Ibrahim ibn Edhem, who died about
776-8, an exalted patriarch of Sufism, was a renowned
pattern of asceticism. The legend speaks of him as
a prince of Balkh. On a certain occasion he went out
hunting and started a fox, when a mysterious voice warned
him that Gt)d had not created him to persecute living
beings. He at once dismounted and changed garments with
his father's shepherd. He bestowed upon the servant hi»
steed and everything he had by him, then withdrew into the
desert to drag out his existence as a labourer, performing
miracles and giving other proofs of his saintliness.
There is another legend referring to Ibn Edhem *s con-
version. One of his disciples asked him: ''Who persuaded
you, being a king's son, to abandon this fleeting world and to-
take up that which endures for ever ? " He answered : '' I sat
in the hall of my palace with courtiers around me. Looking
out of the window I observed a beggar at the entrance of
the palace, with a piece of dry bread in his hand, which he
soaked in water and seasoned it with coarse salt ; he ate it,
and drank water. Having thus, apparently, satisfied his
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THE INFLUEKCE OF BUDDHISM UPON ISLAM. 133
hanp^er, after saying his prayers, he went to sleep. God so
willed that I should direct my thoughts toward that man.
I ordered a servant to watch him without in the least inter-
fering, and then let the man be brought to me. And so it
happened. When the beggar awoke he prayed again, and
made ready to continue his journey. My servant induced
him to come to me.
" ' The master of this palace desires to speak to you/
* In God's name,' answered the beggar, ' there is no power
and strength but of God. Well ! I go.' When he reached
my presence and rested awhile, I put the following question
to him : * Were you hungry when you ate the piece of
bread P and were you satisfied P ' 'I was,' answered the old
man. 'And afterwards, were you able to sleep without care
•or sorrow P' * Yes ! ' was his reply, 'I have rested thoroughly.'
On hearing this I pondered and said : ' How is it that I am
not satisfied with what I see and hear 7 What ought I to
do in this world that I may obtain contentment as this
beggar does?' When evening came, I put ofE ray splendid
garments and put on hair clothing. I left the royal palace
and took to a wandering life like this beggar did." Then
Ibrahim continued the wonderful story of his experiences.
In reading this legend, we receive the impression that
this story of a prince becoming an ascetic refers to the life-
history of Buddha. Compare the legend of al-Sabti, the son
of Harun al-Rashid, the powerful Khalifa of Baghdftd, who
for similar reasons abandoned his splendid palace and sur*
roundings, renounced the world, earned his bread with hard
manual labour, and ended his life in a poor hut. This legend
was inserted in the '' Thousand and one Nights." Noeldeke
very rightly declared it to be Buddhistic in origin.
Some of Ibrahim's sayings are in this respect suggestive.
During his wanderings in the desert he met with a soldier,
who asked Ibrahim to show him the way to a populous town.
Ibrahim led him into a cemetery. " This is," he said, " the
habitation of men." The irritated soldier struck the Sufi
on the head, so that the wound bled. Ibrahim asked God's
blessing upon the man. The soldier, becoming aware of his
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134 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Violence, begged Ibrahim's forgiveness. " The head which
bleeds owing to your rage, I left behind in the royal palace
of Balkhy when I saddled the steed of the world, following
the love of pomp — that head I carry no more. A man is
free when he gives up this world, even before he himself
has left it." "If your brother says, * Give me part of your
substance,' and you ask him, 'How much ?' then is your gift
of no avail ; and if he asks you to do him some service, and
you inquire, * Where do you wish me to go P ' you have
rendered him no assistance. Shun the world as you shun
a beast of prey." Such are the sa^nngs attributed to the
prince-beggar Ibrahim. He believes the principle of the
abandonment of the world, absolutely.
This remarkable legend has an episode which states that
the ascetic prince once encountered a young man whom he
recognised to be his son. He was much ajBTected, and his
eyes were filled with tears ; the father's feelings threatened
to get the better of him, but he suppressed them. The
legend puts into his mouth the following lines : —
*' 0 God ! for the love of Thee, I ran away from mankind ;
I made my children orphans, that I might see Thee ;
And if Thou makest it a condition of Thy love to cut me
in pieces,
Yet I would turn to no one for help beside Thee."
He left his son, and departing had no other wish than this :
that God would cleanse his son from all sin, and help him
to fulfil His commandments.
The essential character of these sentiments consists in the
absolute renunciation of the world, the entire suppression of
the ordinary human sentiments, the abandonment of power
and enjoyment in order the better to attain to the only
reality.
Along with the ideal Buddhist asceticism, Sufis appro-
priated some of its outward religious practices also. They
noticed rosaries in the hands of Buddhist ascetics. The use
of these instruments of devotion, based on the custom of
Brahmin fanatics, was especially prevalent among the
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THE INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM UPON ISLAM. 135
Buddhists in the North, with whom Islam came in contact.
The Sufi ascetics very soon adopted the practice, and applied
it to the formulas of their own creed. Ninety-nine is the
canonical number of the names of God ; the Muhammedan
rosary therefore consists of 99 beads. As early as the third
century of Islam we find positive proofs of the use of the
rosary, particularly in the East, where Sufi assemblies were
numerous. The TJlemas looked for a long time upon the use
of the rosary as an innovation, contrary to the traditions of
Muhammedanism. The leaders of the religious communities
in the East were dissatisfied when the practice was taken up
by the people through the example of the Sufis, notwith-
standing that it was helpful in repeating the devotional
formulas during contemplation. It is characteristic, however,
that when Abu-1-Easim el-Juneid, one of the founders of
Sufism, was seen with a rosary in his hand, being questioned
how it came that a man of better class should use such an
object, " I shall not," he answered, " give up an instrument
which helps me to come nearer to Allah." Having learnt
this mode of devotion from the Buddhist monks, it spread
through the dervishes far and wide in Islam. But as late
even as the ninth century it encountered opponents. Sujuti
(died in 1505) was obliged to write an apology in defence of
the use of the rosary against those who condemned it as
a practice entirely foreign to Islam.
Besides these legendary and practical indications we find
an affinity between Sufism and the fundamental thoughts
and the lessons of Buddhism. The tone of mind and the
spiritual tendency of Sufism seem as if the Buddhistic way
of thinking had been transferred into the frame of Islam
and adapted to it.
We do not wish to imply that Sufism had simply taken
over and translated into the language of Islam the ancient
Yedanta philosophy, which the Buddhistic system has so
successfully developed. For Sufism to become actually a
sister of Buddhism it lacked as yet the central pivot. It
was not able to concentrate its philosophy around the legend
of a holy personality endowed with symbolic importance
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136 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
like tbe Bodhisatva. The Sufi prophets did not learn
Buddhist thoughts from written books. They did not
translate the Tripitaka into Arabic or Persian. It was
from life and by contact with the professors of it that they
became acquainted with the philosophy based on Buddha's
teaching. They saw the Buddhist monks before them, and
found them to be men who were inclined to turn away from
the vanities of this world, and who found in the ascetic life
a higher level of existence. The Sufis also retired into
monasteries of their own and developed the ideal of begging
monks. Now, that Buddhist example had direct influence
on the formation of Sufic philosophy and practice, is
oonfirmed by the following fact.
In Central Asia, in the town of Balkh, sprang up the first
Sufic society. There, before Islam's conquest. Buddhism
flourished, and could show pious Moslems many examples
in the pursuit of saintly life. We saw that Ibrahim ibn
Edhem, whose legend was brought in apposition with the
life-history of Buddha, was said to have been a prince of
Balkh. This is a notable circumstance.
Other facts of a similar kind have been collected by
Alfred Kremer in his " Culturgeschichtliche Streifziige auf
dem Qebiete des Islams" (Vienna, 1873), a work that will
always remain a pioneer study in the research of foreign
elements in Islam. He points out that Buddhist philosophy
considers as the summum bonum the extinction of indi-
vidual rebirth and the release from pleasure and pain
attainable in this life. In Sufism the final aim is /and,
annihilation, ma/iv, the extinction of individual life.
It is well known that the explanations of the meaning of
Nirvana differ. Various answers are given as to the
question of the meaning, in this connection, of the phrase
'annihilation.' There is an extensive literature upon the
subject. Some declare that * Nirvana ' and * complete
annihilation ' are identical, and cannot therefore be attained
while life lasts. On the other hand. Max Miiller and others
hold that it means perfect quietude of the mind, having no
part in the joys and sufferings of this transitory world,
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THE INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM UPON ISLAM. 137
-when the knowledge of Ego ceases, when every wish and
desire, and craving, when even sensation of pleasure and
pain are extinguished. Now let us examine how the word
fanA is explained by the Sufis. '*When the consciousness
of Ego and of all his belongings is absent/' "when an
individual is liberated from dependence on means which are
capable of bringing him advantage or causing injury/'
" when he has no aim, no will, but is entirely absorbed in
the will of God."
From the last definition we notice that the idea of the
Nirvana of the Sufis differs from the Buddhistic meaning
in so far that it is combined with the conception of God,
evidently in its pantheistic form. The Sufi does not sink
.into * nothingness,' but into * omnipresence,' into universal
divinity. When that has happened the personal Ego is
annihilated by absorption into the universal divinity. " The
fanft," so says a Sufi teacher, '* is arrived at when you see
nothing and know nothing but Allah, when you are con-
vinced that nothing exists but HE, when you understand
that you also are nothing but He, and sayest: 'I am one
with God; there exists nothing but God.'" Within the
circle of Islam the conception of fanft can, in connection
with Pantheism, be understood as absorption into the
universal deity. The individuality of man, the Ego, ceases
to exist; all individual existence becomes an illusion,
a nonentity. According to the Sufis, the individual is not
annihilated, but becomes one with God, a drop in the
bottomless sea of Pantheism, having no independent
existence. This is Nirvana as understood by the Sufis.
So Jel&l al-dln Rfimi says in the Methnevi, "Without
any care and thought of advantage or detriment," and with
a characteristic word, this condition is called 'istihl&k,' the
• endeavour to attain nothingness, a complete absorption,
when man's existence is combined with the universe, when
neither space nor time nor any shape reveals its existence,
according to the same Mystic poet : —
** I am neither a Christian nor a Jew, nor fire-worshipper nor
Muslim ;
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138 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
I belong neither to the East nor West, nor to the Sea nor
to the Earth ;
Neither am I from the order of nature, nor from the
revolving spheres,
Neither from dust, nor from water, air, or fire ;
I belong neither to the heavenly throne, nor to the atom
of light, neither to an existence, nor to any life ;
Neither to this world nor to any other world, neither to
Paradise nor to Hell.
I am not a descendant of Adam or Eve, I have nothing
to do with Eden or Rizv&n ;
My place is in placelessness, my sign is the signlessness ;
I have neither body nor soul, because I am from the body
of my beloved.
The dual existence I have thrown away, because both
worlds I consider as one.
I search after one, I know one, I see one, I call one ;
Besides this I know that * 0 it is He,' * I am He,' I know
nothing else."
He in whom there is the perfect absence of separate
personality, the submersion into absolute existence, who
rises to the permanent reality of the soul, such a one has
arrived at the stage of the fan&, namely, to the stage of
annihilation; he becomes 'alins&n al-K&mil,' the perfect
man. Below this high degree there are many intermediate
steps, according to the position one has attained by discarding
knowledge of individual existence. Buddhism possesses
a rich terminology of the degrees of perfection. Tathagata
is a perfect man, representing the highest degree, to which,
according to the ideal of the system, Buddha himself had
reached. His followers, who reach the lower steps, are the
' Arhats.' What is said of these has been mostly taken up
by the Muhammedan ' veliks,' saints, who through ascetic
practices have acquired power over naturels elements.
Professor Goldziher has discussed elsewhere the twenty
kinds of miraculous power which Muhammedans attribute
to their saints.
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THE INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM UPON ISLAM. 139
These conclusions resemble the imaginative power with
which Indians invest those wlio attain the superior degrees
of spiritual concentration. They likewise are supposed to
possess the power of self -multiplication, of flying across the
air, walking on the surface of the water, moving mountains,
and to overruling several of the ordinary laws of nature.
If Muhammedans attribute similar powers to tbe ' veliks '
and illustrate them by legends cited from the biographies of
their own saints, they but imitate Indian exemplars, the
original source, from which they have drawn them.
The Sufi as well as the Buddhist Sramana does not
attain the summum bonum expressed by the 'Fan&' or
* Nirvana ' by the mere determination to reach that end.
According to the Buddhist theory, there are eight parts of
the road which lead to the final aim. The stations of this
long journey are compared to that of the travelling pilgrim,
the aim of the journey being one's salvation by attaining
Nirvana. It looks as if the Buddhist inspiration were word
for word followed by the Sufis. According to their doctrine
the perfection of fan& is preceded by the tarika which is
reached by single stations on the road of the 'ma'rifat,'
the knowledge. The Sufi calls studying *suluk,' travel.
Abl-al-tarika, abl-al-suluk, or al-salik&na, the pilgrims, are
Sufi terms. In vulgar tongue every Sufi system is called
* tarika,* in North Africa * trlka.'
This can scarcely be a fortuitous coincidence. According
to what has gone before, we cannot see how it can be con-
tended that the 'stations on the road' have not the same
meaning in the two systems.
One of the most important of the Sufi stations is that
which is called ' Mur^kaba,' that is, meditation ; from the
results of this depends the possibility of attaining the
fan&. The acquirement of this capacity and its permanency
in one's soul, is considered the most important preparation
for the annihilation of Ego and for the absolute union
with ^Him.' In the Buddhist faith, the station called
' dhy&na ' or ' samadhi ' means the same. Its meaning
according to a faithful translation is : ' absence of all idea of
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140 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
individuality when Ego meditates'; meditation and the object
of meditation are considered as being one. Oldenberg gives
it an untranslatable name, * Nichtirgendetwasheit.'
The Mur&kaba of the Sufis thus entirely agrees with the
Buddhist Samddhi, and the connected ideas also agree.
According to the Sufis the best help towards the attainment
of the fan£l is the ' khalvat/ that is, loneliness, complete
separation from fellow-men. Those who do not adopt
loneliness of life are required to submit to a periodical
rule of meditation. Different orders of dervishes have
different regulations. The order of the Khalvatis requires
from its members a yearly seclusion (chilleh) of 40 days,
accompanied by fasting. There are other orders like the
' Demirdashi ' in Egypt, the rule of which is the * khalvat *
for three days only, during which time the dervishes are
obliged to remain speechless. That time is entirely devoted
to meditation. Here the Sufis' idea corresponds to the
Buddhist Viveka.
As the victorious Islam in Egypt, in Syria, and in other
places took up foreign traditions and in due course, under
the process of transformation, made of ancient gods
Muhammedan saints ; in like manner it adopted traditions
of Buddhism in countries from which that faith was dis-
placed. V&mb^ry cites an interesting case from the
historical work of Narshakhi. In the time of that historian
(about 944-948) in Bukhara, a renowned seat of Buddhism
(Bukh&r, in Mongol, means Buddhist temple or monastery,
and is probably the Indian word vihdra), a great fair of
toys and carved work was held twice a year. On such
occasions the turnover in toys amounted to 6,000 denars.
Narshakhi was of opinion that this custom is but a remnant
of former large fairs held there for the sale of Buddhist
statuettes and carvings, for the manufacture of which
Bukhara was celebrated.
More characteristic, however, are those phenomena when
sacred things belonging to the suppressed religion keep up
an importance in the life of the victorious faith. When the
power of Islam stepped into Buddhist inheritance, it was
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THE INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM UPON ISLAM. 141
impossible to eradicate from the mind of the new believer
a homage paid to certain places and objects ; the newcomer
explained it in his own way. This transference was not the
work of some hierarchical design ; but it was the involuntary-
outcome of the popular mind, and thus the Buddhist saints
became the saints of the Islam. This fact appears in the
minutest details in the following manner. In Kandahar
the followers of Buddha, rich in relics, regarded a waterpot
of Buddha with religious devotion ; in due course this very
waterpot was attributed to Muhammed.
In the island of Ceylon a footprint of Buddha was an
object of worship. The faithful of Islam attribute this very
footprint to Ali, and nobody is disturbed by the fact that
tiie reverend hero of Islam never put his foot on the soil of
that island. Grenard, the companion of Dutreuil de Rhins-
in his exploring journey through Turkestan, published
a most interesting work on the results of his mission, in
which he repeatedl}'^ mentions the fact that in East Turkestan,
where the religion of Buddha was flourishing till the tenth
century a.d., and was not finally expelled till three centuries
later, a good many graves are now identified with the
legendary heroes of the new religion. But these heroes are
altogether imaginary personages; some of them are historical
indeed, but they did not exist in that part of Asia. The
renowned places are but the ancient stupas transferred to
Ifuhammedan proprietors. Thus the local heritage becoming
vacant after the expulsion of Buddhism, a Muhammedan
saint presented himself and took possession of it. The
Muhammedan saint and the religious locality took upon
themselves the functions of the extinct Buddhist saint.
The sacrificial gift presented by the faithful of to-day at the
old shrine, bestows the same advantage and relief to the
Moslim as had been formerly bestowed upon Buddha, to
the worshippers of the then stupa. The saint of Islam, who-
is now being worshipped, is aptly called by Qrenard " un
avatar Musulman de Buddha."
The tradition is imperishable, only its manifestation
obanges.
T. DUKA.
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142 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Synodicon Orientale ou Recueil pe Synodes Nestokiens.
By J. B. Chabot. (Paris, 1902.)
The industrious scholar to whom students of Syriac
literature and Aramaic epigraphy are so much indebted has
now placed the former under another obligation by the
edition and translation of some Syriac MSS. relating to the
history of Nestorianism. For the study of the origin and
development of Christianity in the East the chief sources
are in Syriac. The Nestorian Church, condemned by the
Greeks, grew up in isolation and pursued its own paths;
strong enough to stand by itself, it was able to resist
persecution, and even sent out its missionaries upon prosely-
tising journeys as far east as China. The acts and decrees
which were passed by the various Nestorian synods are
often cited by Syrian writers, but manuscripts of complete
collections are extremely rare, and it is very fortunate
that those which have come to light should have been
entrusted to so careful a scholar as M. Chabot.
The text which M. Chabot has edited is based upon two
MSS., one formerly in the Borgian Museum, but now in the
Vatican, the other in the Bibliotheque Nationale. The work
has been most conscientiously accomplished. The complete
Syriac text has been printed in order that the translation
may be controlled, but it is hardly necessary to say that it
is only on the rarest occasions that it appears to be open to
question. By the addition of numerous notes the value of
the work has been greatly increased, and the careful indexes
which are appended make the accumulation of material
readily accessible. The whole forms one of the most note-
worthy contributions to the history of the Eastern Church.
In it we may trace the development and successive
modifications of Nestorianism from the time when it was
under the Greek Church ; for the chronology of the patriarchs
of the East the acts furnish data of the most welcome kind ;
and finally, the numerous lists of episcopal signatories will
be of great assistance in the study of the internal history
of this important branch. It is worth adding that these
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BUDDHIST INDIA. 143
•documents not only throw light upon the teachings of the
•Church, but they illustrate contemporary views upon less
spiritual matters, such as intestacy, the status of slaves,
higamy, divorce, etc.
S. A. C.
Buddhist India. By T. W. Rhys Davids. (London, 1903.)
It was once pointed out by an eminent Orientalist that
the Jatakas constituted a rich treasure- trove for the lore
of ancient India. And truly there is not one of his
<50-workers but will, on reading them, have felt with me
the desideratum that this hoard should be duly exploited.
There could be no more grateful or attractive work in the
field of Indian antiquarianism than a "Life in Ancient
India" based on the Jatakas, and amplified by citations
from the rest of Buddhist literature, here and there too
from Brahminic literature. Such a work would be a fitting
complement to Zimmer's *' Altindisches Leben " on the
Vedie age. But it would have a twofold advantage over
that book. In view of the sources at its command, it could
penetrate far deeper into the real life of the people. And
with regard to dates its task would be far more clearly
delimitated. The India to be depicted would be that which
existed between the eighth and fifth pre-Christian centuries.
So much too might be borrowed from the succeeding age
to vivify and complete the picture. For Indian life is in
a way strongly conservative, and anyone who has had
opportunity of observing the being and doing of its
inhabitants, even in the present, must be constantly reminded
of scenes and descriptions occurring in its ancient literature.
Finally, there is this advantage, that the pourtrayal of
Buddhist India can adduce surviving monuments to make
visible and tangible the scenes drawn from its literature.
I myself began to make collectanea, in studying Buddhist
literature, for such an "Altindisches Leben." Pressure of
other work has always thrust me aside from carrying on
the task that so strongly drew me, but which called for years
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144 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
of preparatory studies. Hence I may say that I welcomed
Rhys Davids's book with peculiar pleasure, and am specially^
grateful to the author for his fine work. It depicts the
India of " the period of Buddhist ascendancy " in broad
well-marked touches, with the fresh and sane judgment of
a man who draws from his own rich experience of the
people and the land that he pourtrays. I could only wish
that, in the section devoted to social economy, to life in>
town and country, he could have gone more fully and
intimately into details, and brought the folk in their daily
being and doing more vividly before us, showing them in
their habits and customs, their pleasures, games and feasts,
their intercourse in street and market, in field and forest,
in house and home. What exquisite genre-pictures are
contained in the Jatakas well worth bringing to the reader's
ken ! And what fine designs do they not offer for
monographs on special episodes of ancient Indian lifet
A sketch on the chase, for example, would be certain to-
interest every lover of sport. Of such, too, is Hardy's^
charming sketch on the sanwjja in the " Album Kern."
He there started from materials published by Rhys Davids-
himself on the denotation and connotation of the term
aamajja,
I need hardly point out that nothing of reproach or blame
is imputed by the foregoing remarks. Rhys Davids's-
'* Buddhist India " forms one volume in the series '* The
Story of the Nations," whereby a limited setting was
imposed upon him from the outset. To treat the subject
in the way above indicated would of course have necessitated
thrice as large a compass. But I would insist that it would
be hard to find anyone better fitted for that more detailed
pourtrayal of early Indian life than is Rhys Davids, who
has both a comprehensive mastery of Buddhist literature
and a first-hand knowledge of the country and the people.
In the opening chapters the author gives a brief conspectus
of the political situation in India when Buddhism arose.
Four kingdoms are chiefly conspicuous, of which Kosala
was politically the most influential, till superseded herein
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BUDDHIST INDIA. 145
by Magadha. Adjacent to these were patrician republics
like that of the Malla clans and the Yajjian Federation.
The time was not yet when the whole of Northern India
was in the grasp of a sole monarch. Specially noteworthy
is the fact, rightly insisted on by the author (pp. 31 foil.),
that no knowledge of Southern India and Ceylon appears
in the Buddhist canonical literature. This throws light on
the relation in time of that canon to Sanskrit literature,
e.g. to the Ramayana, in which the South plays an important
part. But we may also infer that Aryans did not settle
in Ceylon in the year of the Buddha's death, as the native
sources allege, but at a later date. There are, besides,
important chronological objections to that view.
Chapters iii-vi, "The Village," "Social Grades," "In the
Town," and "Economic Conditions," introduce us to the
material civilization of Buddhist India. With a touch of
surpassing skill a picture is hit off in bold features, giving
the social and economic essentials. But it is just here at
least that I should have welcomed a more detailed accoimt,
had it been possible to the author. About twice the space
has, in chapters vii-xiii, been devoted to spiritual culture.
Domestic life has, no doubt intentionally, not been touched
on at all.
Indian society is based on the village commimity. The
Yedic times knew of none but village settlements. The
Germanic settlement of the stead (Hofsiedelung) was unknown
in India. The plan of an Indian village and the relation of
the individual paterfamilias to the community is attractively
set forth (pp. 45 foil.). There was a markedly communistic
vein in the constitution of the Indian village; and every
community possessed no inconsiderable degree of autonomy.
Its organization excluded great divergence in the economic
circumstances of individual families, but secured to all
independence and a certain degree of well-being. In such
simple comfort of peasant status lived the great majority of
the people of India.
Later on our author has somewhat to say about social
strata. Besides the four vannas he distinguishes the hina^
^.ii.A.8. 1904. 10
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146 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
j4tif/o, aa well as the yet lower aboriginal races of Ca^dalas
and Pukkusas. And over against the aggregate of the free
population stood the slaves. That there were no hard and
fast lines dividing each vanna is rightly emphasized ; bnt so
too is the fact that the four divisions certainly existed. The
Buddhist age certainly knew nothing of the caste system as
it later developed itself.
The two following chapters treat of civic life and of trade
and handicrafts. Descriptions are drawn from the texts,
in so far as this is possible, of the plan of the town, of
domestic buildings, public edifices, palaces, baths, monuments.
Illustrations in every case are given from surviving works of
antiquity. In the section on Economic Conditions, the author
avails himself of Mrs. Rhys Davids's important ''Notes on
Early Economic Conditions in Northern India '* (J.R.A.S.,
1901), with which readers of the Journal are acquainted.
Enumeration and description of the various trades, which
were in part organized in gilds, is followed by an account
of commerce, intercommunication, and coinage. There were
stamped coins of copper, but none of silver, and the existence
of gold coins is uncertain. Finally, the chief trade-routes
are sketched, and such voyages, some of them beyond sight
of land, as the Indians then ventured upon.
I have spoken at length on these first chapters of
Professor Bhys Davids's book, because they possessed, for
me at least, a quite special interest. Far less attention
has as yet been given to the economic side of ancient
Indian society than to literature and religion. But in the
remaining sections as well a whole series of problems are
discussed with scholarly disquisition and criticism, notably
that on the introduction of writing in chapter vii, and that
on the development of a North Indian ' high ' diction and
lingua franca. This last*named factor is no doubt justly
connected with that political supremacy which had been
won, in the Buddha's time, by Kosala. The Kosala
vernacular may be supposed to have furnished the basis for
this dialect of culture and commerce. At the same time it
may have taken on various idioms in different countries.
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BUDDHIST INDIA. 147
tnuoh as modem High German takes on a different local
<)olouriDg in different states of the empire. It is with this
commercial dialect, and especially to the form it is assumed
to have acquired in Ujjeni and Avanti, that Rhys Davids
identifies Pali. Pali, according to him, is a Middle High
Indian, in contrast to the Old High Indian of the Yedic
language (p. 153).
In the chapter on the literature the author provides the
reader, not with a mere enumeration of titles and contents,
but with a well thought out characterization. I may
especially point to the passage (pp. 182 foil.) where he
discusses the epic forms of poetry occurring in the Buddhist
canon. Here Rhys Davids touches on questions of far-
reaching significance. We may take it from Windisch and
Oldenberg that the oldest Indian Akhyana was in mixed prose
and verse. The direct utterances of the characters concerned
were first rendered metrically. The prose narrative was
handed on by tradition, but with occasional discrepancies, as
was natural, as it was told by this and that narrator. We
can only speak of an epic poem when the narrative portions
have also been given metrical form. In the oldest epos,
therefore, direct sayings occupy a large space, but tend to
shrink in process of development as compared with the
description of events. Now, Rhys Davids shows in an
interesting way how all these preparatory stages in epic
poetry are present in the Buddhist canonical literature. In
the Thera- and Therl-gatha we have sayings in verse. The
prose narrative, without which they are often unintelligible,
is now preserved in the commentary. In other works we
have both versified sayings and prose text contained in the
canonical writings. And finally there are ballads where
both sayings and narrative are put into verse, that is to say,
there are the essential elements of epic poems. From these
considerations Rhys Davids draws the significant conclusion
that the ballad literature in the canonical books must be
elder than the Mahabharata and the Ramayai^ia.
A special section (chapter xi) is devoted to the Jataka
Book, in which the gradual evolution of the work is fully
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148 NOTICES OP BOOKS.
and convincingly analyzed. The results are sammed up on
pp. 206-8. The verses of which the canonical Jataka alone
consists are, I think, only memory- verses, hy the help of
which the narrator could mark the contents of the story.
Chapters xii and ziii, again, on Religion ('' Animism " and
" The Brahmin Position "), contain much of general interest.
For a knowledge of the popular beliefs of ancient India the
Jatakas are of far greater value than the Brahmin literature.
Here reign supreme, not the gods created by theological
speculation and priestly fiction, but the spirits haunting
plain and forest, air and water — Nagas, Garulas, and
uncanny hosts of witches and wizards, of ghosts and demons.
The three concluding chapters deal with the three great
princes of the Buddhist age — Candagutta, Asoka, and
Kanishka. The last pages are occupied with the problem of
the decline of the Buddhist doctrine in India. Very justly
does Rhys Davids reject the view that Buddhism was
exterminated by violence, or its adherents persecuted. The
overwhelming majority of scholars are herein unquestionably
on his side. The causes of the downfall may be traced partly
to certain alterations in the doctrine itself, partly to changes
in the ' intellectual standard' of the Indian population. But
these again, according to Rhys Davids's judgment, must be
taken in connection with the irruptions of alien races into
India. The hordes of Scythian barbarians who overran the
north-western districts assumed the Buddhist faith, but con-
tributed at the same time to its gradual transformation, to
its gradual decay.
One word more as to the illustrations given in the book.
It is good to note that they are by no means merely super-
ficial adornments. The choice of them is so adapted as to
give visible aid to the discussions in the text. Hence they
afford a fitting embellishment to a book as artistic in feeling
as it is able in thought.
WiLHELM GeIGER.
JSrlangen,
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LE MESSIANISME DANS l'hETERODOXIE MUSULMANE. 149
E. Blochet. Le Messianismb dans l*h£t£rodoxie musul-
MANE. 8vo; pp.xandl92. (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1903.)
This somewhat obscure title heads a treatise on Mahdism^
the history of which the author endeavours to unfold.
Tracing its origin, he comes to the conclusion that it is
nearly in its entirety borrowed from notions rife in Persia
prior to Islam. He is even more precise, and asserts that
the Shiite Mahdism has its roots in Mazdakism and its
prototype in the person of Bahram Amavand. The move-
ment, he says, is due to a reaction of the gdnie tnessianique
iranien against the Semitic spirit, which was hostile to
Messianic belief.
Nearly forty years ago A. v. Kremer, in a work ^ which
seems to have remained unknown to the author, spoke of
the old Asiatic notion of the incorporation of the deity,
a notion which, as he points out, originated in India,
whence it spread over Western Asia. In questions like
this a cautious student always does well to avoid definite
statements, unless they are supported by strong arguments.
To individualize folklore ideas is hazardous. On the other
band, a catchword like gMe messianique iranien is hardly a
historical factor to operate with. Whence has the author
his theory of the Semitic hostility to Messianic belief?
He should have given more than the bare assertion.
We often find that certain notions run parallel in the
minds of certain peoples, and there is no need to father
one on the other immediately, even if on one side the
borrowing of details can be proved. Various forms of
Mahdism have undoubtedly fed on Mazdakism, but it does
not follow that it was so from the very beginning. Mahdism
was not even a necessary result of Shiism. The origin of
the latter was in the first instance of a political nature, and
the religious schism was but a consequence. The author's
suggestion '' that the Moslims of the West (Damascus)
considered the Alide party as strangers to Islam and almost
* ** Geschicbte der herrschenden Ideen des Islam," p. 9.
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150 ironcES of books.
heterodox" migHt be expressed differently, viz., that they
were aware that the partisans of Ali rejected the Sunna,.
because they considered Ali as the first lawful Khalifah in
the place of Abu Bakr. The source of Mahdism is to be
sought in the weakness of the Alide party. Messianism ib,
here as well as in Judaism, hope personified, but the hope
of a suppressed minority. When Shiism arose the Jews in
Moslim countries had long brought their Messianic hopes
into a complete system which found expression in their
prayers and various sayings.^ Is it absolutely certain
that the partisans of Ali were quite ignorant of these P
H. Blochet denies any influence exercised by Judaism on
Islam. This question has been threshed out so frequently
that there is no need to bring it up again here. He adduced
no new arguments, and it would be interesting to hear what
he has to say on the subject.
^Notwithstanding this, Arab authors inform us that the
first person who is said to have attributed divine honours to-
Ali was Abd Allah b. Saba, a Jew from Yaman. This man
probably knew nothing of Mazdak, but it is almost certain
that he was reared in Messianic belief. I am under the
impression that, if he really used the words ''Thou art
God," he was much less serious than it sounds, and wa&
probably only guilty of a play upon words. If we consider
that, in the Qoran, Allah is styled Aliy (iv, 38 ; xlii, 51), it
is probable that Abdallah employed such passages to show
that the Khalifah shared one of the hundred Exalted Names.
This was rather a harmless ban mot for a man versed in
the method of the Jewish Agada. Ali was naturally
shocked, and banished him from his presence, but when
his sympathisers, after his murder, recollected the word,
they either saw a deeper meaning in it or at least made
capital out of it. The truth is probably that Mahdism, as
every great historical movement, was not brought about by
one factor, but by many. Among these we must not forget
human passion. The honesty of the leaders was frequently
^ See Ibn Hisham, pp. 286 and 374.
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HISTORY OF ISLAM AND ARABIC LITERATURE. 151
questionable, whilst the majority of followers laboared not
so much for the regeneration of the faith as for plunder.
The historian's task cannot be successfully carried out if his
▼iew is too narrow, but he should equally guard against too
{freat extension.
H. HiRSCHFSLD.
Italo Pizzi, Dott. Prof. L'Islamismo, Manuali Hobpli.
16mo; pp. Tiii and 406. (Milan.)
The same. Litteratura Araba. pp. xi and 388.
These two little books supplement each other in their
endeavour to give the general reader instructive and
attractive handbooks on the history of Islam and Arabic
literature. We can say without hesitation that in both
cases the author has done full justice to the subjects in
hand. He is not only familiar with the sources, but he
shows himself an independent scholar, in spite of the many
excellent works we now possess on the questions concerned.
The introductory chapters of both books, dealing with the
historical, spiritual, and literary conditions of Arabia prior
to Islam, are as interesting as replete with sound learning,
and give the reader an excellent survey of that period.
Not quite so satisfactory is the period of early Islam, since
the author still adheres to some old but untenable views.
According to him Mohammed received this name when a
child. The legend of the cleansing of the heart he considers
to be based on Qor. xciv, 1-3, although these verses have
quite a different meaning. He looks upon the hermit
Sahara as a historical person, and adopts, without
criticism, Moslim tradition on the first awakening of Islam.
Tet these traditions must be received with the utmost
caution, as they are very badly authenticated. He also
translates ' Hijra ' with the time - honoured ' flight,'
although the actual flight from Mecca to Medina was but
the terminating step in the real Hijra. Apart from such
details the author's representation of Islam is thoughtful
and original. Its further development under the Califs and
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152 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
the great schism are vividly depicted, and illustrated by
abstracts from the best authors of the various periods. The
reader thus receives a very fair idea of the influence Islam
exercised on the Moslim intellect, and is invited to peruse
the collateral book, which deals more broadly with the
literature proper. Arab poets as well as writers in prose
can vie in attractiveness with those of any other nation.
To bring its treasures within reach of the educated of every
country is no mean merit, if it were only for the sake of
showing how much our own culture and study owe to those
who wrote in the Arabian language.
H. HiRSCHFELD.
Das Georgische Volk, geschildert von Arthur Leist.
[The Georgian People, described by Arthur Leist.]
(Dresden: E. Pierson's Verlag.)
Up to the present time no work of a popular character,
written in a language accessible to Western readers, has
appeared on Georgia and the Georgians. The philology
and ethnology of this country, which contains such a strange
mixture of races, has been learnedly treated by Brosset,
Erckert, Uslar, Radde, and others, but the general reader
is not likely to betake himself to such sources. Some
popular book has long been wanted to tell of the land, the
people, and their literature. For such a task Herr Arthur
Leist, who has long resided at Tiflis, has every qualification.
He 18 well acquainted with the language of the Georgians,
and has published a translation of their epic, "The Man
in the Tiger's Skin," about which we shall have more to
say anon.
The scenery of this delightful country is of extraordinary
beauty ; we have the vast Caucasian range, the mountains
Elbrouz and Kazbek, and the valleys with the richest
vegetation. We cannot wonder that the Russian poets
have drawn from it some of their noblest inspirations.
Many of the most brilliant pages of Lermontov and Pushkin
have been inspired by it. Herr Leist does ample justice
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DAS GEORGISCHE VOLK. 153
to the attractions of this earthly paradise. The Georgians
are said to amount to about one million five hundred
thousand people. Their language is cognate with three
others, Mingrelian, Lazi, and Suani, and with them alone.
In many respects it resembles Basque, especially in the
incorporating power of the verbs and the absence of cases
in the nouns and adjectives, which are supplied by post-
positions. It cannot, however, be classified with Basque,
because no word in the two vocabularies is identical. We
might rather say that both these languages exhibit an early
stage in grammatical structure. The subject is too minute
to be discussed in a short sketch like the present, and the
reader unacquainted with the Russian language must be
referred to the works (in German) of Erckert, who gives
us also a fine ethnological map. Perhaps we might say
that Herr Leist is hardly abreast of modern philology in
his remarks on p. 25. Brosset, the learned Frenchman who
devoted his whole Uf e to the study of this intricate language,
had only rudimentary ideas of comparative philology, or
he would hardly have talked about Georgian being an Aryan
language. We are able to gain some valuable information
from the writings of such men as Professor N. Marr, of the
University of St. Petersburg, and Professor Hugo Schuchardt,
of the University of Gratz.
The Georgian language, properly so called, has a very
rich literature, which dates from the sixth century a.d.
There is a version of the Gospels which is assigned to
this century. In a very valuable chapter on the national
literature Herr Leist describes its golden period in the
twelfth century, when Rustaveli wrote his "Man in the
Tiger's Skin," which is to this day the great delight and
pride of the Georgian. The poem, which is in somewhat
tedious quatrains, might have been written by a troubadour
-of the West. It is full of knightly deeds and the cultus of
women. Some have thought that it was borrowed from
Persian, a literature which has greatly influenced that of
Georgia. The other influences have been that of Greece and
Byzantium. At all events Bustaveli was the ornament of
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154 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
the court of Tamara, the great queen of Georgia, when the
country was in its prime. In fact, it was only completely
independent in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. After
this time its glories declined and it fell under the yoke of
Persia. When the traveller Chardin saw it in the seven-
teenth century it had lost all its grandeur and was a vassal
state. The literature declined also. The most complete
account of Georgian writers is to be found in the works
of Professors Tsagareli and Khakhanov, who are both
Georgians ; but their labours can only be approached through
the medium of the Russian language. When Georgia was
annexed to Russia in 1801 a revival of the literature took
place. This literature no longer turned to the East, but to
the West, and since that time many authors of considerable
merit have appeared. In a previous work Herr Leist gave
us translations into German of some of the lyric poetry, and
he has again shown his skill in that direction in the present
volume. His translations are musical and forcible ; he has
the vigour of a Bodenstedt. Perhaps the two most con-
siderable writers of the present time are Princes Ilya
Tchavchavadze and Akaki Tsereteli.
W. R. MORFILL.
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155
MISCELLANEA.
Note on Harsa-Carita, Verse 18.
I have read with great interest the papers of Mr. Thomas
in the October number of this Journal. Perhaps I may
venture to publish this short note on the verse from the
Harsa-Carita treated of by him on p. 830.
The verse is —
Adhyarajakrtotsahair=hrdaya8thaih 8mrtair=api |
jihvantah krsyamaneva na kavitve pravartate || ;
and my literal translation would be —
'* Being drawn inward as it were by Adhyaraja's achieve-
ments, which, remembered though they are, stay in
my heart, my tongue does not move forward to
poetry."
Adhyaraja's achievements are remembered^ i.e., they are
things of the past; they no longer exist, and could not
therefore have any effect on the poet's tongue ; they never-
theless draw the tongue inward, because they stay in Bana's
heart. — It may be noticed that the employment of the
adjective hrdayasthaih furnishes an instance of the poetical
figure Kdvyalihga,
For the way in which Btina here uses the word smrla,
we may compare the following verse on p. 226 of the
Jdtakamdlu : —
Krpana bata lokasya calatvavirasa sthitih |
yad=iyara kaumudllaksraih smartavyaiva bhavisyati||
" Pitiable, alas ! is this worldly existence, void of charm
on account of its perishableness ; for this moonlight
festivity will become a thing only to be remembered,''
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156 MISCELLANEA.
Here it is at once clear that the words in italics are
equivalent to * will certainly pass away.' And similarly, in
Bana's verse, the words smrtair-api, in my opinion, mean in
•effect 'past though they are.' Past though they are, the
achievements stay in the heart, and are therefore able to
draw the tongue inward.
F. KlELHORN.
Oottingen,
November lOM, 1903.
I am much obliged to Professor Eaelhom for his
explanation, which, though verbally almost identical with
that suggested by me, differs in laying stress on amrtair
as an idiomatic equivalent of ' past,' and also in laying an
extra stress on the second half of the compound hrdayasthaih.
It cannot be questioned that the idiom is adequate to the
explanation of the passage, though amrta is rather more
curt than smartavt/a. But may I suggest that it is itself
in origin scholtistic and psychological P When we read
the phrases agdt smrtipatham {Indische Spriiche, 7025),
smaranapadarim gamita (id., 5939),^ so analogous to such
expressions as kirtiSesa and the like, we may reasonably
suspect that, as in the latter case we have an allusion to a
definite doctrine, namely, the survival of fame to the end of
a kalpa, so in the former the reference is of an erudite
nature. Now we know for certain that memories are held
to survive in the mind in the form of samskdras. May we
not therefore ask, where are they? If we could suppose
that the Hindus defined as ' outside the heart ' those
unconscious processes which modern psychologists place
'below the threshold,' and that in the act of recollection
these present themselves * within the heart,' we should
have the doctrine required. I must confess that in the
Upanishads, perhaps the most likely place, I have not met
with such a view. But I do not despair of finding it,
perhaps, in one of the tracts on Smrtisamskdra. May
Ap. B. and R., b.t. imfti.
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HAESA-CARITA, VEBSE 18. 157
I point out that the passage quoted from the Prahodha'
candrodaya seems to retain its force P
Having alluded to the artificial character of Indian
poetical allusions, we may be allowed to note that in the
present case, as in many others, the artificiality does not go
beyond the form of the expression. The common description
of that which is in the heart drawing the tongue inwards
and thus preventing utterance is a true and vivid analogy to
our expression of the heart being ' too full to speak/
F. W. Thomas.
In the October number of the Journal of the Boyal
Asiatic Society, Mr. F. W. Thomas submits two notes, in
one of which he discusses the interpretation of the word api
in the verse he quotes from B&na's Harsa Charita. If the
verse is translated in the way it is done in the note the
meaning of the little word api does give some difficulty.
I think the correct translation is to render api by 'also'
or ' even,' as the commentator does it with the authority of
Panini. Such an interpretation of the word api is not
unusual. One more alteration I would suggest is not to
translate the word Y^iT%: as a verb, which it is not, but to
take it as an adjective of ^3?crrt:« ^l^i<3 word ^?l^^
is qualified by two adjectives ^^l|%: and ip^: which show
two different mental states of the author, and in consequence
two different kinds of achievements of his hero. The first of
these achievements are in his heart, meaning those of which
he had personal experience, and the other are those which he
remembered. In plain words, it may mean the present and
the past achievements. The translation would run thus :
'' By the achievements of iidhyar&ja which are abiding in
the heart and also which are remembered." The small
word ' and ' need not create any further difficulty. Api in
this sense is often interpreted by ^ or ^rfq^ .
Mr. Thomas is again right in thinking that there is a
reference to psychological doctrine, as is borne out by this
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158 MISCELLANEA.
as well as by the verse he quotes from Prabodhaehandrodaya.
The definition of Brf?f which he quotes from fl^^J'tHI ^^ of one
kind of knowledge only. The Naiyayakas divide knowledge
into ^V^n^ and ^rfTf. The first is acquired by direct
observation and the other is the result of impressions left on
the mind. B&na, in this verse, and the author of Prabodha-
ehandrodaya in the other, take into consideration and illus-
trate both these functions of the mind.
References to the doctrines of different Darshanas and
especially of the Vyaya become common in the poetical,
dramatic, and fiction works of the latter half of the first
decade of centuries of the Christian era. B4na often does
it in his Kadambari. The most typical instance of such
reference is in Mudrarakshasa of Vishakhadatta.
ViSHVANATH P. VaIDYA.
National Liberal Club, London, S, W.
November 17t/i, 1903.
With reference to the phrases svargam drddhat/-, para-
lokam drddhat/', etc., quoted in our last number, p. 831,
from the Edicts of A^oka, Mr. C. H. Tawney has called my
attention to the fact thsit para logassa drdhagd occurs several
times in the Jaina Atipapdtikamtra ; see Professor Leumann's
edition, p. 67, and index.
F. W. Thomas.
E^ALIDASA AND THE GuPTAS.
About the age of Kalidasa kindly permit me to add a few
more notes to my last letter in the January number of
your Journal, 1903.
Dr. Grierson, whose interest in Kalidasa dates from the
seventies (see J.A.S.B., 1876), has rightly drawn attention
to the bearing of the passage " Jugopam = atmanam =
atrasto" on the suggested connection of Kalidasa with the
Imperial Guptas.
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KALIDASA AND THE GUPTAS. 169
I now find, and I hasten to acknowledge it, that in the
important reference to the Hunas in Baghuvaih^, canto iy^
I had already been anticipated by Professor E. B. Pathak,
of the Deccan College (see the Introduction to his edition
of the Meghaduta, p. 2, and his article ''On the Date of
Kalidasa," J. Bo. II.A.S,, vol. xix, pp. 36-43).
In these articles Professor Fathak was inclined to place
the poet in the first half of the sixth century or about
A.D. 632-3 (Meghad. Intr., p. 8 ; J. Bo. R.A.S., p. 41).
But after reading my letter, and after discussing the subject
with me both personally and in writing, he writes thus in
his last letter dated the 16th inst. : —
" I think your opinion that Ealidasa was a contemporary
of the Guptas is correct, and the reasons which you give in
support of your view are excellent."
Some points in my last letter require modification.
The words " draksa-valaya-bhumisu " (vineyards) point to
the Persians being in possession of Kandahar and probably
lower Kabul. The grapes of Kandahar and Kabul were,
and are, well known in India (cf. Ain-i-Akbari, trans., i, 66).
The words *' lagna-kunkuma-kesaran " (clung with saffron
pollens) are decisive. Saffron ( Crocus sativa) is grown nowhere
in India except in Kasmir, and in Kadmir only in Pampar
and Paraspur (Ain-i-Akbari, trans., ii, 357, 364 ; Stein's
Anc. Geo. Katolr, J.A.S.B., 1899, p. 122).
There are two readings, in Baghu., iv, 67 :
(1) Stndhu^ Sindhos^^.
(2) Vaihksii°, Vaihksna^ Vamku®, Mamksu°.
In the first reading, by the 'Sindhu' is meant not the
main river, but the chief tributary of the Yitasta in KaSmir.
-This 'Sindhu' is considered nearly as sacred as the Ganges
(cf. Rajatarangi^I, i, 57, v, 97-8, Nilamata; Stein, J.A.S.B.,
p. 108). Opposite its confluence with the Yitasta lie»
Paraspur, and about thirty miles off Pampar, the two places
of saffron cultivation.
The 'Yamksu' of the second reading has not yet been
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160 MISCELLANEA.
identified. Its name is found in the Mahabharata, Sabha-
parya, Adh. 50 (2), and in Burdwan ed., Anusasanaparva^
Adh. 165 ; and also in the Nagpur Stone Inscription of the
Malava Rulers, v.s. 1161 (Ep. Ind., ii, p. 188, verse 64).
From the description this would appear to be in KaSmir,
the inscription distinctly referring to the ' kunkuma * plants
on its banks. Whether it is a lake, as the commentator
Caritravarddhana explains it, or a river, as Professor Kielhom
translates it, there are not su£S.cient materials to distinguish.
Anyhow, it is not a branch of the river Ganges, as defined
in the dictionary of Sir M. Monier-Williams.
The Hunas became masters of Kadmir during the rule of
Toramana, if not earlier. The time of ToramaQa is put by
Mr. V. A. Smith between a.d. 480 and 515 (J.A.S.B., 1894^
pp. 186-7), and by Dr. Hoernle between a.d. 490 and 515
(Proc. A.S.B., 1889, p. 229, and J.R.A.S., 1903, p. 570).
As the Hunas were in Oandhara in a.d. 465-470 (Rapson's
Coins, Art. 103, p. 28), and were at that time rapidly
overrunning Persia and North-West India, the earlier date
of Mr. Smith seems more probable. On Firiiz's defeat and
death in a.d. 484 (Noldeke, "Persia," Encyc. Brit., p. 611)
or a.d. 488 (Gibbon, ch. xl), the Hu^as overran Persia,
and gradually annexed its eastern part; the knowledge
of this would not have been likely to reach India before
A.D. 490. The time of Eaghuvam^, canto iv, can thus
apparently be put in the last but one decade of the fifth
century a.d., or between a.d. 480 and 490.
Some of the objections to this conclusion may as well
be considered here. They are taken from the introduction
to Nandargikar's edition of Baghuvamda, ed. 1897.
The Hunas are, no doubt, mentioned in the great epics
(Mahabharata, Adi-P., Adh. 176 ; Sabha-P., Adh. 32, 50,
51 ; Bhisma-P., Adh. 9 ; Santi-P., Adh. 325), and this has
been used to make Ealidasa's time earlier than the date
of our present text of these passages (p. 120). But
interpolatory verses abound in the Mahabharata, and there
is no reason why the above verses should not be considered
as such. Furthermore, as Professor Pathak has observed,
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KAUDASA AND THE GUPTAS. 161
a general allusion to the Hunas along with the Olnas, the
Balhikas, and other frontier tribes is different from the
exact location of the Hunas in Ka^mlr.
Yatsabhuttiy who composed the Mandasor Inscription
dated a.d. 472^ is said to have borrowed three verses
from Ealidasa, whom Nandargikar therefore places earlier
(pp. 127-129). Of the three, the second can hardly be
deemed similar, and therefore borrowed. The first and
third look similar, but need not have been borrowed, as they
refer to certain common similes which may have probably
passed current in that age. Even if the alleged borrowing
be admitted, it does not run counter to our conclusions.
One was borrowed from Meghaduta and the other from
Rtusaihhara, both being very early works of Ealidasa, and
therefore preceding Raghuvamto by twenty or thirty years,,
and thus earlier than a.d. 472. Ealidasa was primarily
of Avanti, and Mandasor is in that tract not far from the
capital, Uj jayini ; and hence it would not take a long time
for Ealidasa's poems to influence Yatsabhutti.
From a discussion of the laws about theft and inheritance
mentioned in Ealidasa's works, certain deductions are
attempted to be made (pp. 129-137), but they seem forced
and vague.
In fact, a great poet is, as a rule, the product of a great
age, an age in which knowledge has been accumulating,
and a brisk activity in literary culture has been going on,
or the people's heart has been deeply stirred by momentous
events. It therefore stands to reason that Raghuvamda, "that
perfect poem '' as Professor Eielhorn remarks, was composed
more probably in the great Gupta period — the fifth century
A.D. — than in the middle of the sixth century, when the
Gupta empire had been shattered and North and West
India ravaged by the savage hordes of the White Huns.
MONMOHAN OhAKRAVARTI.
Chimura {Hughly).
Sept 20th, 1903.
J.R.A.8. 1904. U
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1$S HISCBIiLAl^A.
''Indian Bkoorxmi Sxbibs'' and ''Indian Texts Sbribs.'*
In June, 1900, the Council of the Royal Asiatic Society
addressed the Qovemment of India, pointing out the
desirability of publishing a series of historical volumes for
India, corresponding in some measure to the Rolls Series^
the Historical MSS. Commission's reports, and other works
of the same nature issued officially in this country.
The suggestion was accepted by the Government, and
arrangements have now been made for the publication «
under the auspices of the Society, of two series, to be called
respectively the "Indian Texts" and the "Indian Records"
series, the latter consisting of selections, notes, or com-
pilations from the records of the Indian Government or
of the India Office ; and the former containing annotated
editions or translations of works by Indian writers of
importance for the history of India, besides indexes, mono-
graphs, dictionaries of proper names, and other materials
for historical research. The general intention is to issue two
volumes annually in each series during the five years to which
the arrangement has been restricted in the first instance.
Professor Rhys Davids will act as Editor of the Texts
series, while the Records series will be under the general
supervision of Mr. A. N. Wollaston, of the India Office.
The following works have already been arranged for,
and will appear in due course : —
Texts Series.
(1) A collection of historical maps of India.
(2) An historical index to names and subjects mentioned
in Yedic texts. By Professor Macdonell.
(3) An Arabic history of Gujarat. Edited and translated
by Dr. E. Denison Ross*
Records Series.
(1) Papers relating to the capture of Calcutta by Siraj-ud-
daula, and other events in Bengal, 17-56-57.
Edited by Mr. S. C. Hill.
(2) A history of old Fort William in Bengal. Edited
by Dr. C. R. Wilson.
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A RACE OP FAIR WOMEN. 163
A Eacb of Pair Women.
Persian and Arab travellers of the ninth century a.d.
reported at Bussora that there dwelt in the kingdom of
Thafek, on the west coast of India, a race of women very
fair and beautiful, pleasant companions for a man. ''Le
Toyaume de Thafec — oA les femmes ^taient blanches et plus
belles que dans le reste de I'lnde. Massoudi rapporte que
les femmes de Thafec n'^taient pas seulement les plus
belles de I'lnde ; il dit qu'elles ^taient cities dans les livres
^rotiques com me poss^ant des moyens particuliers de
procurer du plaisir aux hommes, et que les marchands qui
parcourent les mers orientales les achetaient d des prix
exorbitants." So says Reinaud ("Relation des Voyages/'
p. xcvii-viii), and he discusses at some length who these
women may have been. Ibn Batuta, an uxorious traveller,
who took a wife in every port, made an unsuccessful inquiry
for them. Thafek was a small kingdom bordering on the
sea on the west coast of India. After you had sailed past
the kingdom of the Balharas, you came to Jorz, and then to
Thafek. Thafek must therefore have been somewhere in the
neighbourhood of Qoa. Now when I was at Goa in 1878
I heard precisely the same story. There existed not far off
to the south-east a race of women noted for their fairness
and their beauty, the descendants of a Portuguese convent
of dissolute nuns, who had established a community of Free
Love, and were ruled by an abbess. Two of the ship's
company went a journey into the interior in search of them,
but returned as unsuccessful as Ibn Batuta. Here, then, we
have the old legend, surviving in the old locality, but with
a slightly altered dress. Local legends do not die ; they
live for ever. But what was the origin of this legend P
Had it anything to do with Nair polyandry P And whence
the tradition of a white race P A race of mountaineers in
Kaschibya (Mysore?) was called white, and the Japanese
were considered fair.
J. Kknnbdt.
Nov. llth, 1903.
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164 MISCELLANEA.
Dr. Hoernle's article on Some Problems of Ancient
Indian History.
In this Journal, 1903, pp. 545 to 570, Dr. Hoernle ha&
given us his views on some problems of ancient Indian
history. And he has solved one of those problems, to hia
own satisfaction, by attributing certain coins to the legendary
king Yikramaditya of Uj jain, whom he has assumed to be
identical with a certain real king Yishi^uvardhana-Ya^-
dharman who, as we know from epigraphic sources, was-
reigning over the Malava country in A.D. 532-33.
In respect of the appellations of this last-mentioned king
Yishnuvardhaoa-Yadodharman, Dr. Hoernle has said in a
footnote on page 550 : — '' Both names are given to him
** in the Mandasor inscription. Pace Dr. Fleet {Corpus Inscr^
" Ind., iii, 155, note 5), the identity is explicitly affirmed by
''the Sanskrit phrase sa eva narddhipati, 'this very same
" sovereign.' " But, why " pace Dr. Fleet " P
I published the Mandasor inscription in question in the
Indian Antiquary, vol. xv, 1886, p. 222, and in my Oupta
Inscriptions, vol. iii. of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum,
1888, No. 35, p. 150. At the same time I published two
other records from Mandasor, or rather one entire inscription
with part of it preserved in duplicate (lA, xv, pp. 253, 257,
and GI, No. 33, p. 142, and No. 34, p. 149). This latter record
gives only the name Ya^odharman. And, partly for that
reason, partly for another reason stated by me (lA, xv, p. 226,.
note 33, and GI, p. 155, note 5), I then found a mention of
two separate and distinct riders in the names Ya^harman
and Yishi^uvardhana which in the record No. 35 stand in two
separate verses. But I did not assert the point in any vehement
fashion; I had, in fact, not even any possible reason for
doing so, inasmuch as I was bringing to notice newly
discovered records which had not formed the subject of any
previous discussion at all.
In some remarks published in JASB, Ixvii, 1888, Part i,
Proceediogs for August, p. 181 f.. Dr. Hoernle made the
mistake of treating the name presented in the Mandasor
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SOME PROBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY. 165
records as optionally either Ya^harman or Ya^varman,
and preferentially as Ya^varman, in spite of a distinct
warning given by me in editing the records (lA, xv, p. 265,
note 6, and GI, p. 145, note 2). And, in doing so, he made
a mistake the influence of which distinctly underlies his
proposal, advanced in his article on some problems of ancient
Indian history, to attribute to Yishnuvardhana-Yasodharman
certain coins which present the different name Yai^varman.
On that same occasion, Dr. Hoernle accounted for the
double appellation by saying that "Ya^ovarman" changed
his name to Vish^uvardhana on " conquering the countries
" around him and thus founding an empire and a family, —
*' possibly of no long duration." Subsequently, Dr. Hoernle
asserted more definitely the identity of YaSodharman with
Yishnuvardhana, but did not repeat the use of the erroneous
name Yasovarman (JASB, Iviii, 1889, Part i, p. 95 f., and
note t on p. 96). And consequently, in making some
comments on what he then said, it did not occur to me to
notice the erroneous name Ya^varman ; but, on the point of
the identification of Ya^harman with Yishnuvardhana, while
remarking that I had no special reasons to urge against it,
I did say that ** the question demands further consideration,
** before Dr. Hoernle's proposal can be accepted" (I A, xix,
1890, p. 227). Here, again, I did not combat Dr. Hoernle's
view in any vehement fashion. And my hesitation to accept
it outright was simply natural ; anyone who, having a
knowledge of the various subsidiary matters involved, but not
glanced at by Dr. Hoernle, will read thoughtfully what he
has written in bis article on some problems of ancient Indian
history, and will note the assumptions, unsupported by facts,
which run through it, will recognise at once that a con-
siderable amount of hesitation about accepting his views of
early Indian history is unavoidable.
I do not recall any occasion on which I have exhibited
any controversial hostility against views propounded by
Dr. Hoernle, either on the above-mentioned point or on
any other. And, as regards the particular point, at least
seven years. ago I actually adopted the identification which
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166 MISCELLANEA.
he is still asserting in opposition to me ; in. giving a short
notice of the Malava country in my Dynasties of the Kanarese
Districts^ I said: — "And in A.D. 532-33 it was a part of
" the dominions of a king of Northern India named Vishnu-
'' vardhana-Ya^dharman, who overthrew Mihirakula, and
"of whom we have records at Mandasor" {Gazetteer of
the Bombay Presidency, Vol. i, Part ii, 1896, p. 312). Why,
then, has Dr. Hoernle in his article now under reference
made use of the peculiar expression **pace Dr. Fleet " P
It is out of the question to attempt a general review of
Dr. Hoernle's article indicated above. We should have to take
it piecemeal, and explain one by one in detail the fallacies
which underlie all the more important parts of it. But
a remark may be made. The best proposal that has been
advanced for the identification of the legendary Yikramaditya,^
is that propounded in 1.900 by Dr. Bhandarkar ; namely, that
the original of him is to be found in the Early Gupta king
Vikramaditya-Chandragupta II., for whom we have dates
ranging from A.D. 401 to 413 or 414 (JBBRAS, xx, p. 398):
and it was foreshadowed in 1888 by me, but with a hesitation
between Chandragupta II. and his grandfather (GI, Introd.
p. 37, note 2 ; and see, later, Dyn, Kan, Distrs,, p. 579 f.).
And a question may be asked. Whence has Dr. Hoernle
obtained the territorial name ''Kangude9a " which he has used
on pp. 546, 547 ; and what country exactly does he intend
by it P He would seem to have in view a country the real
name of which was Kohgu. But the Kongu country lay on
the south of Mysore. And the elephant-emblem belonged
to the great Western Gahga princes of Mysore. And,
though it is no doubt a fact that the plundering of the
Baahtrakiita capital Manyakheta-Malkhed was effected, in
A.D. 972-73, not by the Paramara king Muuja of Malava as
was at first thought, but by his father Siyaka-Harsha, still
it is quite certain that neither Harsba nor Muilja nor any
member of that dynasty extended his conquests to the
Kohgu country, far to the south from Malkhed, and beyond
the territories of the Western Gahga princes, who, on the
overthrow of the Bashtrakutas, became independent, and,.
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TKUE READING OF THE WORD ^IRMAS,' 167
iintil their territories were gradually absorbed by tlie
Ghalukyas of Kalyani, remained powerful enough to with-
stand any other invasion from the north. It was certainly
not by means of an acquisition of the Eongu country, that
the elephant came to appear on any coins attributable to
Slyaka-Harsha of Malava.
J. F. Fleet.
On the True Reading of the word *Irmas/
There is a word which was coined by Akbar to signify
gifts to his officers, and which, so far as I know, only
occurs in the works of Abul Fazl and Badayilni. Abul
Fazl uses it four times, twice in the Am and twice in the
Akbarnama. The two passages in the Akbarnama are both
in vol. iii, Bib. Ind. ed., and on p. 458, four lines from
foot, and p. 459, eight lines from top. In both these places
the word is printed (j*^^J^, dznds. In the Ain it occurs in
Bib. Ind. ed., vol. i, p. 187, six lines from foot, and at
p. 193, top line. In both these places it is printed ^^j\
arnds, but in the errata it has been altered, doubtless under
Mr. Blochmann's direction, to u^^;^ irmds or armds. In
Badayuni it occurs once only, viz., at vol. ii, p. 202, eight
lines from foot. Bib. Ind. ed., as ^^j\ irmds or arm48.
In his translation of the Ain, pp. 250 and 258, Mr. Blochmann
has transliterated the word as irmds or armds, and in a note
to p. 250 he regards it as an Arabic word, and as the
inf. iv or as the plural of rams, a ' grave.' This explanation
has been adopted by Mr. Lowe, p. 205 of his translation of
Badayuni.
I submit, with all respect for Mr. Blochmann's great
learning and his unrivalled knowledge of Akbar and his
times, that the word is not Arabic, but Sanskrit or Hind!,
and that the original reading in the Ain is correct, the
word being arnds or arinds, i.e. * enemy-destroying.' This
is, I think, apparent from the explanation given by
Badayuni, who says, in the passage above referred to, that
the word means ^J^^'^^ J^^> zaivdl-i'dushman, destruction
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168 MISCELLAJ^A.
of enemies/ This is exactly expressed by the word arnda,
and not at all by irmda or arnids, i.e. * graves.' Akbar did
not know Arabic and disliked everything connected with
Arabia, and so he was not likely to use an Arabic word.
(See Blochmann's Ain, 195, 198, and 206.) On the other
hand, he was fond of using and coining Hindi words,
and Abul Fazl gives several instances of his changing
Persian into Hindi terms. See Blochmann, id., p. 90, and
his note 4, where he remarks that the passage shows
Akbar's predilection for Hindi terms. Moreover, it is clear
from the Bib. Ind. ed. and from India Office MSS., etc.,
that the word has an n in it and not an m. The Bib. Ind.
ed. of BadayunI, unfortunately, is not of much authority,
and therefore weight cannot be given to its reading, irmds.
For these reasons I suggest that the word should in
future be read fj^^jV Apparently, arnds or arndsa does
not occur in Sanskrit or Hindi dictionaries, but it is a quite
permissible compound. Akbar seems to have used it to
mean gifts in money or in kind, and Gladwin translates
it by the word 'donation.' In the Ain, Blochmann, 250,
we are told that Akbar used to give horses to his Ahadls
as presents or as part of their pay, that is, he gave them
horses at half-price, the half which was not demanded back
being called arnds. So also Fath-ullah ShIrazI suggests,
in the Akbamama, iii, 458, that the collectors of revenue
should get half of their arnds (salary?) by assignment
(tankhu'dh). Probably the use of the term originated in
the fact that the horses, or other articles presented by
Akbar, were military spoil, e.g., the fruits of the conquest
of Gujrat. Or he may have meant that the horses, etc.,
helped his servants to destroy the enemy.
It only remains to notice that the translation by Mr. Lowe,
p. 205, is defective. It was the surplus and not " which
was a very good thing" that was made over to the Amirs
as arndSf and it was Akbar and not the Amirs who invented
or used the term.
H. Bbvekidgb.
October 24th, 1903.
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THE LAI DIALECT. 169
Anglo-Turkish Expedition against the Cha'b Arabs
OF THE ShAT el ArAB.
I should be much obliged for any information as to an
Anglo-Turkish expedition against the Cha*b Arabs about the
year 1767, or as to where such information could be obtained.
In the Cha'b tribal MS. it says: "1180 occurred the
siege by Mohamed Eakhiah and Mr. Zabeida the Frangi,
^th Rabia'-el-Awal."
In Dean Vincent's "Nearchus" it says: "He (Sheikh
ISalman) was afterwards involved in a quarrel with the
English on account of two considerable vessels which he
had taken."
A note to this in the second edition by Sir H. Jones says :
**The Dawrack stream was injured by the Chdb Sheikh
when he was besieged in the year 1767 (I believe) by the
combined forces of the Turks and English."
According to the Arabs, the expedition was a failure, and
the European Abu Tawq died, and his grave exists at
Felahiah in Daurakistan, Persian Arabia, as also the remains
of his earthworks. He was called Abu Tawq because he
fought with a gold ring round his neck.
W. McDouALL.
Bidboroughy Tunhridge Wells.
Nov. 2l8t, 1903.
The Lai Dialect.
In the Lai dialect of the Chin tribes living in the hills
-on the Burma-Manipur frontier, there is a curious use of
the personal pronouns that seems worthy of record in our
Journal.
The Lai is absolutely monosyllabic, all relations being
•expressed by position, by composition, or, most generally,
by prefixes and suffixes.
Each personal pronoun has a full and an abbreviated
form ; they are —
khna {ka or k') = I.
nangma (na or w') = thou or you.
amma {an or a) = he, she, or it.
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170 MISCELLANEA.
Now every finite verb must invariably have prefixed to it
an abbreviated form of that personal pronoun which is of the^
same person as its subject^ no matter whether the subject
itself is or is not otherwise expressed. If the subject is
a noun, then the noun comes early in the sentence; but
prefixed to the verb near the end must be the abbreviated
form of the third personal pronoun. If the subject is
a pronoun, then the longer form of that pronoun may come
early in the sentence or may be omitted altogether; but
in either case the abbreviated form of the pronoun must be
prefixed to the verb near the end.
Thus it is right to say : —
Nangma zS da n^ du?
You what you want ? i
> = What do you want ?
Zi da n' duf *
What you want ?
KSma sM k' du
I medicine I want
, = I want medicine.
SM k' du
Medicine I want
Shi Boi'pa sht a pek lai j = The doctor will give
Medicine master medicine he give will ) (you) medicine.
Amma sht a pik lai
He medicine he give will i
> = Ho will give ( — ) medicine.
Sht a pSk lai ^ b v ;
Medicine he give will
But each of the following forms would be incorrect : —
Nangma zS da du f
Z^ da nangma du f
Kema sht du.
Sht kema du.
Shi Boi-pa sht pik lai.
Amma sht pSk lai.
Shi amma pek lai.
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INSCRIPTIONS FROM 8ISTAN. 171
The abbreviated form of the personal pronoun is thus
Been to be as essentially a part of the Lai finite verb as the
* personal endings ' are of Sanskrit or Latin verbs.
H. H. TlLBE.
Inscriptions from Sistan.
I send by this mail two photographs which may interest
the Society ; one is of some tablets that are deposited in the
Ziarat, or shrine of the 44 Pirs of Zahid&n (Chihil-o-chabar
Pir-i-Zahidan). The inscriptions on the tablets are very
clear, and refer to Fakirs who lived in past ages. I at
one time thought that perhaps the inscriptions might have
reference to the Maliks of Sistan, but I was disappointed.
There are several of these tablets at the Ziarat, only two
of which have been photographed.
The shrine is situated within the limits of the ancient
town of Zabidan, destroyed by Taimur in the month of
Shawal, 785 H. It is surrounded by ruins of houses and
heaps of debris, in which lie the skeletons of an innumerable
multitude of human beings, victims of the general slaughter
decreed by the conqueror.
The other photograph is of the ruined minaret known,
from the modern hamlet of Kasamabad which is close to
it, as the Mil-i-kasamabad. The minaret is beautifully
constructed of baked bricks, set in the cement which the
Persians call saruj or sarunj. It is 75 feet in height now,
and stands on a square plinth, each side of which is 18 feet
square. The diameter of the minaret is therefore 18 feet.
The ruins of a staircase exist within the shaft. The
inscriptions and ornamentation of the minaret can be clearly
seen in the picture. The plinth is 1 foot above the ground
around.
No other ruin of the same nature exists in the country.
And there can have only been one minaret, for if another
had stood close by it, and had fallen down, the tumulus
raised by its debris would have been a conspicuous landmark
for miles around. Small ruins of walls and buildings exist
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172 MISCELLANEA.
In the immediate vicinity of the minaret, and these are
probably the remains of some religious foundation that
sprang up around the minaret. Judging from its position
and the fact of its being a solitary building, I am disposed
to think it might have been erected to commemorate a
victory, either over the ancient inhabitants by the first
conquerors, or a subsequent victory over the Khawarij, of
whom Sistan was full in the early days of the Caliphate.
If the former, it does not follow that the minaret was raised
then. The site of the battlefield was known, and the
commemorative shaft raised subsequently. Perhaps some of
the members of the Society could give an opinion, from
the architectural details, as to the probable period when it
was built. The ancient capital of Sistan in Sassanian times
lies about ten miles to the north-east of this minaret, and
this spot where the latter is built may have been the actual
battlefield where the Marzuban was defeated by the first
Muhammadan conquerors of Sistan in the first century a.h.
The plain around this minaret is strewn with debris of bricks
and potsherds, and about two miles in a southerly direction
from this building is situated the ruined city of Zahidan.
This year, while acting as the Chief Survey Officer of the
Seistan Boundary Commission, I have been able to visit
and make notes of many ancient sites.
I have mapped the ancient capital of the country ; and
thus I believe I have located the site of the town of Zaranj.
Here also there are the remains of a minaret, of which only
about 30 feet exist above the mounds of debris that surroimd
it. This portion is, in plan, an octagon, each side being
about 10 feet at the lowest part. About 30 feet from the
present ground-level there are traces of a balcony having
run round the building, and above this there rose the
circular shaft of the minaret, of which only 2 or 3 feet are
at present existing. I hope by the time I leave India
that I shall have had an opportunity of visiting every site
where cities and towns have existed in this country in past
centuries.
I discovered the remains of a bridge with brick-arched
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MINARET OF KASAMABAD.
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INSCRIPTIONS FROM SISTAN. 173-
waterways. This ako was beautifully built of baked brick
and saruj. This bridge is mentioned as having existed at
a very early period in the history of this country. It
appears in one or two itineraries, and this affords a most
excellent starting-point, by means of which other old sitea^
can be clearly identified and accurately placed.
From an archseological standpoint a great deal of good
work has thus been done — irrespective of the main object
of the mission, of course.
In conclusion, I must ask you to pardon what is rather
an untidy letter, but I am writing in camp, with the
celebrated '* wind of 120 days " giving us a specimen of
what it can do when it is really bent on work ! and it makes
letter-writing a rather difficult matter at the best.
This Winter the Hamun of the Helmand was quite dry,,
and we watched it fill : a very interesting experience it was.
G. P. Tate.
Karachi^ India,
Mr. A. G. Ellis, of the British Museum, has been kind
enough to send the following note on these inscriptions : —
SUALLEB InSGBIPTION ON FOUNDATION SXCNE.
iXfs^\ [sic] »jJb ij\As, ^
^Jx, uJX« ^oJl^ \^^^3 (S^^ ^^/«-4J*
^'This glorious mosque was built by His Majesty al-Malik
al-*Adil Shams al-Haqq wa'1-Dunya wa'l-Din Malik
'All (God perpetuate his reign) in the months of the
year [a.h.] 847 [a.d. 1443-4].'*
For a notice of Malik Shams al-Din 'All, see the History
of Sistan, entitled Ihya al-Muluk, by Shah Husain b..
Ghiyas al-Din (British Museum MS., Or. 2779, fol. 66).
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174' MISCELLANEA.
Labgbk Inscriptioit on a Tombstonb.
Epitaph of Ghiyas al-Dla Shaikh Muhammad, dated
A.H. 850 [a.d. 1446-7].
The lower band of inscription round the minaret of
Kasimabad would seem to record the name of the ruler who
built it, for the titles Jia^\ jyo:^^ Jo^\ uiCUJl (al-Malik
al-Mu*ayyad al-Mansiir al-MuzaflFar) are distinctly legible on
the photograph.
Fitzgerald's Omar Khayyam. — According to the Academy
and Literature of the 11th November, no fewer than twenty
new editions of this popular poem had been issued within
the preceding three months. Among these may be included
a highly meritorious translation into French verse of the
well-known English quatrains which has just been added
to our library. Very diflFerent from the able rendering
by M. Nicolas, this is not a mere exposition of a Persian
text for the benefit of those who cannot appreciate the
linguistic beauties of the original : it is also an attempt
to reproduce Omar in his native dress, following as closely
as possible the rhyme and style of his accomplished English
exponent. It is difficult to determine whether most to admire
the elegance and appropriateness of the whole version of
M. Femand Henri, or the skill with which his edition of
the poems has been treated, both as regards appreciation of
Fitzgerald and his own evident mastery of the English
tongue and ideas.
Dhammapala. — The British Museum has acquired a good
MS. in Burmese character, dated 1764, of this author's
commentary on the Gariya Pitaka.
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175
NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
(October, Norember, December, 1903.)
I. General Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society.
November lOM, 1903. — Sir Charles Lyall, Vice-President,
in the Chair.
It was announced that —
The Rev. Qrahame Bailey,
Mr. C. N. Seddon,
The Rev. W. Fyfe,
Syed M. SheriflF,
Mr. M. T. Deen,
Mr. H. B. Rae,
Mr. Lin Chin Tsong,
Mr. S. P. Aiyar,
The Rev. John Bo wen,
Sheykh Hasan Tawfiq, and
Mr. E. A. Seaton
had been elected members of the Society.
Professor Browne read a paper on the study of Arabic in
Egypt and England, illustrated by a phonograph and by
the recitation of an Arabic poem by Sheykh Hasan Tawfiq.
A discussion followed, in which Professor Margoliouth,
Dr. ChEwter, and Professor Hagopian took part.
December 8thy 1903. — Lord Reay, President, in the Chair.
It was announced that —
Mr. N. E. F. Corbett and
Thakur Joonjar Singh
had been elected members of the Society.
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176 NOTES OF THE QUAETER.
Professor Rhys Davids read a paper entitled " A Point in
Historical Geography." A discussion followed, in which
Dr. Fleet and Mr. Sewell took part.
II. Additions to the Library.
Presented by the Musie Ouitnet.
Moret (A.). Le Rituel du Culte divin journalier en
Egypte. (Bib. d'Etudes.) 8vo. PariSy 1902.
Kern (H.). Histoire du Bouddhisme. Vol. ii. 8vo.
Paris, 1903.
Moret (A.). Du Caractere Religieux de la Royaut^
Pharaonique. 8vo. Paris, 1902.
Melanges Annales du Mus^e Guimet. 4to. Paris, 1905.
Presented hy the Delegates of the Oxford Press.
Cooke (Rev. G.). Text-book of North Semitic Inscriptions,
Moabite, Hebrew, Phoenician, Aramaic, Nabataean,
Palmyrene, Jewish. Svo. Oxford, 1903.
Presented by the Sociiti Finno-OugfHenne.
Wichmann (Y.). Die Tschuwassischen Lehnworter in den
Permischen Sprachen. Svo. Hekingfors, 1903.
Presented by the Eakluyt Society,
Beazley (C. Raymond). Texts and Versions of John de
Piano Carpini and William de Rubruquis. (Hakluyt
Society.) Svo. London, 1903.
Presented by the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences.
Wiener (S.). Bibliographic der Osten-Haggadah. 4to.
St. Petersburg, 1902.
Bendall(C.). Qikshasamuccaya. Ptiv. (Bib. Buddhica, i.)
8vo. St. Petersburg, 1902.
Finot (L.). Rastrapalapariprccha. (Bib. Buddhica, ii.)
8vo. St. Petersburg, 1901.
Speyer (J. S.). Avadana9ataka. Pt. i. (Bib. Buddhica,
iii.) 8vo. St. Petersburg, 1902.
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ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY. 177
Presented by the Publishers,
Brooks (E. W.). The Sixth Book of the Select Letters
of Severus, Patriarch of Antioch, in the Syriac Version
of Athanasius of Nisibis. Vol. ii (Translation), pt. 1.
8vo. London, 1903.
Vandenhoff (B.). Exegesis Psalmorum imprimis Messiani-
coram apud Syros Nestorianos. 8vo. Itheine, 1899.
Blochet (E.). Le Messianisme dans THet^rodoxie Mosul-
mane. 8vo. PariSy 1903.
Oman (J. C). The Mystics, Ascetics, and Saints of India.
8vo. London, 1903.
Teloni (B.). Litteratura Assira. 8vo. Milano, 1903.
Schiaparelli (G.). L'Astronomia nelV Antico Testamento.
8vo. Milano, 1903.
Pizzi (I.). Litteratura Araba. 8vo. Milano.
Islaraismo. 8vo. Milano,
Ward (G. E.). The Bride's Mirror. A tale of domestic
life in Dehli forty years ago by Shamsululuma Maulavi
Nazir Ahmad. 8vo. London, 1903.
Campbell (Rev. W.). Formosa under the Dutch. 8vo.
London, 1903.
Davids (T.W.Rhys). Buddhist India. 8vo. ionc^w, 1903.
Keith (A. B.). Catalogue of the Sanskrit and Prakrit
MSS. in the Indian Institute, Oxford. 8vo.
Oxford, 1903.
Boer (T. J. de). History of Philosophy in Islam, translated
by E. R. Jones. 8vo. London, 1903.
Presented by Major J, S, King,
D'Alwis (»T.). Attanagalli-Vansa, or the History of the
Temple of Attanagalla, translated from the Pali with
notes and annotations. 8vo. Colombo, 1866.
Presented by the President and Fel/ows of Harvard College.
Harvard Oriental Series. Raja - yekhara's Karpura-
Mafijarl, critically edited in the oiiginal Prakrit, with
a glossarial index and an essay on the life and
J.R.A.8. 1904. 12
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178 NOTES OP THE QUABTER.
writings of the poet, by Sten Konow, and translated
into English, with notes, by C. R. Lanman. 8vo.
Cambridge^ Mass,, 1901.
Presented by the Zemindar of Sangamvalsa,
Vadivelu (A.). The Aristocracy of Southern India.
Svo. Madras, 1903.
Presented by Mq/or- General Sir F. Ooldsmid,
Henri (F.). Les Rubaiyat d'Omar Khayyam, le poete-
astronome de la Perse. Svo. Paris, 1903.
Bombay Asiatic Society.
Modi (J. J.). Parsees at the Court of Akbar and Dastur
Meherjee Rana. Two papers. Svo. Bombay, 1903.
Presented by the Authors,
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IIow to speak Cantonese. Fifty Conversations in
Cantonese Colloquial. Second edition. Svo.
Hong Kong, 1902.
Nadkarni Rao Bahadur (G. N.). Journal of a Visit to
Europe in 1896. 8vo. Bombay, 1903.
Bhagavad (R. R.). A course of eight Lectures on the
Sanskrit Language. Svo. Bombay, 1903.
Liebich (B.). Das Datum Candragomin's und Kalidasa's.
Pamphlet. Svo. Bresluu, 1903.
Euting (J.). Notice sur un papyrus Egypto-Aram^en
de la Bib. Imp. de Strasbourg. Pamphlet. 4to.
Paris, 1903.
Landberg (M. le Comte de). Etudes sur les dialectes de
TArabie M^ridionale. Vol. i : Hadramoftt. Svo.
Leide, 1901.
Hirschfeld (Dr. H.). Jewish Conception of the Universe
in the Middle Ages. Pamphlet. Svo. London, 1903.
The Arabic Portion of the Cairo Genizah at
Cambridge. Pamphlet. Svo. London, 1903.
Ainslie (D.). John of Damascus. Svo. Lotidon, 1903.
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ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY. 179
Davids (T. W. Rhys). Buddhism. New edition. 8to.
London, 1903.
Tikk (B. G.). The Arctic Home in the Vedas. 8vo.
Bombay, 1903.
Simon (R.). Die Notationen dee Somanatha. Pamphlet.
8vo. Munchen, 1903.
Presented by the India Office.
Strachey (Sir John). India, its Administration and
Progress. Bvo. Lotidon, 1903.
Benares Sanskrit College. List of Sanskrit, Jaina, and
Hindi MSS. purchased during 1897-1901. 8vo.
Allahabad, 1902.
Oertel (F. 0.). Report on the Restoration of Ancient
Monuments at Anuradhapura, Ceylon. FoL
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Swynnerton (Rev. C). Romantic Tales from the Panjab.
8vo. Westminster, 1903.
Sandberg (G.) and Heyde (A. W.). Tibetan -English
Dictionary. 4to. Calcutta, 1902.
Tawney (C. H.) and Thomas (F. W.). Catalogue of two
Collections of Sanskrit MSS. preserved in the India
Office Library. 8vo. London, 1903.
Duthie (J. F.). Flora of the Upper Gangetic Plain.
Post 8vo. Calcutta, 1903.
Rice (L.). Epigraphiu Ciirnatica. Vol. xi. 4to.
Bangalore, 1903.
JPresenled by the Ecole des langues orientates vivantes.
El-Bokhalri. Les Traductions Islamiques, traduites de
TArabe avec Notes et Index par 0. Houdas et
W. Mar9ais. Tome i. 8vo. Paris, 1903.
Rambaud (J. B.). La langue Wolof. 8vo. Paris, 1903.
Vinson (J.). Manuel de la langue Tamoule. 8vo.
Paris, 1903.
Derenbourg (H.). Les Manuscrits Arabes de TEscurial.
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180 NOTES OF THE QUABTER.
Purchased,
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London, 1876.
Blumhardt (J. F.). Vocabulary of Words in the Text of
the Charitabali of Isvarachandra Vidyasagara. 8vo.
London, 1883.
Wheeler (S.). The Ameer Abdur Rahman. 8vo.
London, 1895.
Hopkins (E.W.). The Great Epic of India : its Character
and Origin. 8vo. New York, 1901.
Platts (J. T.). Grammar of the Persian Language.
Pt. i : Accidence. 8vo. London, 1894.
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JOURNAL
OF
THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
IX.
AH AHOM COSMOGOHT, WITH A TBAHSLATIOIT AVD
A VOCABXTLART OF THE AHOM LAHOVAOE.
Bt G. a. GRIEHSON, C.I.E., Ph.D., D.Litt.
fTlHE Ahoms are a tribe of the Tai branch of the Indo-
Chinese. They conquered Assam early in the thirteenth
century a.d., and held it, as the ruling nation, for many
centuries. Their language, which is now extinct, was an
old form of the Tai language from which Siamese and Shan
have sprung. It is now known by tradition to a few priests
of the old Ahom religion. It had a considerable literature
(including several valuable historical works), manuscripts
of which are still extant. Some years ago the ABsamese
Gbvemment deputed a native official, Babu Golap Chandra
Barua, to learn the language and translate such documents
•as were of value and had survived. He is, I believe,
the only person who knows both Ahom and English.
Through his assistance I was enabled to publish a short
grammar of Ahom (with selections and a vocabulary) in
vol. Ivi of the ZetUchrift der Deutschen Morgenldndiachen
Oeaelkchaft Since then I have received from him a short
Ahom kosttf or dictionary, and also the text and translation
of the cosmogony printed below.
The Ahom religion was a pagan one, but it no doubt
J.R.A.8. 1904. 13
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182 AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
borrowed some of its terms (with its alphabet) from old
Burmese. The other members of the Tai family, such as
the Siamese, the Shans, and the Khamtis of Assam, have
been Buddhists for centuries. This fact gives us a clue to
the age of the cosmogony. The name of God used therein
is Pha-tuw-chiing. After their migration to Assam the
Ahoms abandoned the employment of that name, and used
instead Phii-ra-ta-ra, which is that used by their Buddhist
relations. The occurrence of the word * Pha-tiiw-chiing,'
therefore, points to a date at latest not much after the first
half of the thirteenth century a.d. In the account of the
cosmogony there is (except in the employment of a few
words) nothing to show any connection with Buddhism.
Indeed, so far from there being anything Indian about it,
the opening verses curiously recall the cosmogony described
in the Babylonian tablets. This makes the text of more
than ordinary interest.
Like the earlier chapters of Genesis, the text seems to
include two distinct accounts of creation, the second account
commencing at verse 53.
The author of the book is unknown. It is styled by the
Ahoms the Fhe-lung or "Great Creation." The Assamese
call it the Anddi-patariy the creation without beginning, that
is to say, " The Creation ex nihilo/*
Babu Qt)lap Chandra Barua informs me that the MS.
from which the present text is reproduced was found in the
possession of a Deodhai (or member of an Ahom priestly
family) named Chakradhar Barua, of Mauza Gadhulibazar,
in the district of Sibsagar. A somewhat similar, but much
shorter, specimen of Ahom will be found in Brown's paper
on the Alphabets of the Tai Language, in vol. vi (1837) of
the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society (pp. 177 ff.).
There is a translation of this by Major F. Jenkins on p. 980
of the same volume. The text and translation were reprinted
by me in the article in the Zeitschri/t der Deutachen Morgen-
Idiidkchen Genelhchaft already referred to. It differs widely
from what is now given, and, moreover, appears to have been
based on an incorrectly written copy.
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AN AHOM COSMOGONY. 188
As very few specimens of Ahom writing have reached
Europe, I give a facsimile of Babu Oolap Chandra Barua's
text as forwarded to me, the letters being given half the size
of the original. The transliteration is my own, but the
translations have been mainly based on versions provided
by him.
I have transliterated letter for letter, but as all Ahom
writing is very careless, and as the pronunciation does not
always follow the spelling even when that is correct, I have,
when the word to be read differs from that which is written,
also inserted the correct sound in parenthesis. The system
of transliteration is the same as that followed in my grammar
mentioned above, except that I have represented the inherent
vowel by a and not by d. In Assamese transliteration this
letter is represented by d, because it has the sound of the
a in the German ' mann,' and not the sound of a in Assamese,
which is that of o in ' hot.' It should be remembered that
this letter has not the sound of w in ' nut.' Moreover, as all
Ahom initial vowels are carried in writing on the sign for
this vowel, which, in this respect, is used exactly like the
Arabic 'alif, I indicate its presence in an initial vowel by an
apostrophe. Thus, 'a, 't, 'ti, and so on. A reference to the
table of the alphabet in my grammar will make this clear.
The only other change is that I have followed the Assamese
Government textbooks by representing the sound of a in
* all ' by a, and not by d, which is the sign adopted in my
grammar.
The vocabulary appended is, in the first place, based on the
kosa sent me by Babu Golap Chandra Barua. This gave
each Ahom word in its own character, followed by a trans-
literation into Assamese and a list of Assamese s3aionym8.
In order to secure a double check, Babu Golap Chandra
Barua very kindly gave me what he considered to be the
English equivalents of the Assamese words. Taking this as
a basis, I have rearranged the contents of the kdsa, putting
the Ahom words in the order of the English alphabet. To
this I have added a large number of words and phrases
collected by myself in the course of my reading. Every
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184 AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
word in the Phe-lung has also been inserted^ with a reference
to the number of each verse^ in which it is to be found.
It will be noted that each Ahom word has many quite
difEerent meanings. These various meanings were originally
difEerentiated by tones, but all tradition regarding these
tones has been lost. We possess an excellent dictionary of
the younger, but cognate, Shan language, by Dr. Gushing.
In this the tones are always carefully registered, and, in
order to assist students of philology, I insert in the Ahom
vocabulary, whenever I have been able, after each meaning^
the corresponding Shan word, with its tone in that language.
When the Shan word is the same as the Ahom one, I do-
not rewrite it, but give the tone only.
The following account of the Shan tones is taken from
Dr. Cushing's work. The five basal tones are known by
numbers. Thus : —
No. 1. The natural tone : in the natural pitch of the voice
with a slight rising inflexion at the end.
No. 2. The grave tone : a deep bass tone.
No. 3. The straightforward tone : an even tone, in pitch
between Nos. 1 and 2.
No. 4. The high tone : more elevated in pitch than No. 1.
No. 5. The emphatic tone : an abrupt or explosive tone.
There are three series of these tones, according as the
word is pronounced with the lips partially closed {closed
series, indicated by * c '), with lips well opened {open series,^
indicated by * o '), or with the lips moderately open {mediate
series, indicated by *m'). We thus see that it is possible
for a word to be pronounced in fifteen different ways, i.e. in
each of the five tones, in each of the three series. The
tone of a Shan word is indicated by writing after it the
number of the tone and the letter of the series. Thus
kipy 3c, means that the word kip must be pronounced in
the straightforward tone with the lips partially closed. It
' In tudn? the word * rerse ' I do not mean that the Fhe'lung is in poetry.
It 18 not. I employ the word * verse ' in the sense of a short sentence.
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AN AHOM COSUO0ONT. 1S5
then means 'a screen.' On the other hand, kip, im, is
to be pronounced in the high tone with the lips moderately
open, and then means ' to choose ' ; while kip, 5o, is to be
pronounced in the emphatic tone with the lips well opened,
and then means * a moment/
Since my grammar was written, I have come across two
very similar signs in Ahom writing which require explanation.
A small hook suffixed to the bottom of a letter is said
to give it a prolonged sound. A similar sign is employed
in written (but not in printed) Shan to indicate the closed
series of tones. Very probably this was the original power
in Ahom. An example of its use is the word ^i^ bang
or ^p bdng, the edge of an axe. It will be seen that
here the word is written both with and without the loop.
Bdng should rhyme with *gong,' while the vowel in bdng
is longer, like the aw in * yawn.'
The non-initial form of d is usually i. Thus «t kd.
There is a loop somewhat larger than the one just described,
which is said to be a shortened form of this non-initial d.
I have only met it as a medial vowel followed by a consonant,
and it is very rare. On the other hand, I have only found
the usual form of non-initial a in an open syllable. I am
not at all sure that this loop is not also a tone indicator.
In every case in which I have met it, it is appended to the
vowel rf, and the pronunciation of the whole compound is
said to be d. Thus, we have inTr, written and pronounced
kdng, poison, but »ig'^ pronounced kdng, measure, in verses
41 and 51 of the Phe-lung.
I may also note that an alternative way of writing the
letter g da, is f .
I first give the Ahom text of the Phe-hmg, with a trans-
literation and word-for-word translation. This is followed
by a free translation. The article is concluded by the Ahom
vocabulary.
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186 AN AHOH COSKOaONT.
AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
{Seah half the size oforigmah)
V^>tii<
^^ fiV li9 'Ac (£/P '^nti {^vc^ -0 ^ Sl
^^ 00 y9o (£t li^ dt^ ^ I
Oil r^\ W7n f^t; d )9 V 0M4/*
i,^ £q owi vfi o^i >£p uuif '9 (^ t
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AN AHOM COSMOGONY. 187
TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSLATION.
Phe lung.
Oiving-hirth great.
Pin (pin) nang jim (]im) - miiw ran-ko tail
Be thus beginning - time layer-establish below
pha pai mi dl.
heaven exist not good.
pai mi liip - din (din) miing shiiw tail.
exist not island - earth country level below.
phau (phraii) baw shiw (sheu) r&ng miing tiiw
anyone not hold uphold country animal
]U.
remain.
kUng (kl&ng)-to nam-la-la r&p ju-koi.
only ocean surround exist-did.
5. ba-'an khung (khrung) niiw pai mi pha.
and highest-part above exist not heaven.
phau (phraii) baw kap-kup pha ngam
anyone not bite-take-by -force heaven beautiful
mung cham koi.
country and did.
tang - ka khak-khan bai shi pau (plan)
all-finished {all) quiet-peace place full void
te-jau (jau).
verily-was.
miiw ran tang ban tang khiin jang (iiang) mi
time confused all day all night be not
rii.
hnowledge,
phau (phraii) baw rung tang ling (liing) sh&ng pha.
anyone not shine all one illuminate Pha.
10. lak jii lak koi Bh&ng.
uncommon remain uncommon did light.
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188 AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
7*1 V 0\^ ^^ 0%^ >a Itffc' -2^ § '
ik viff § -JO ocTt )ay 7^^ 7t^ xfg^ 94V t^»
w;? -y^a ncaVW vv >r (» *
15 W A 7W? ^ WT^ TT^ ^ ri? W I
20 d?i5 w, i?H i€7i V^ ^ >^^ ^ y^^fc" -Wii/.
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AN AHOH COSMOGONY. 189
miing ran tang ban tang khiin jang (nang)
country confused all day all night he
ml ru.
not know,
lum pau (plan) tang phun tang lum jang (iiang)
all void all rain all air he
ml dai.
not get,
lum phun dai cham pha khaii (khau) khaii (khan)
all rain get and heaven they-all enter
ju chau 'ing te-jaii (jau).
dwell Chau hody verHy-did.
khan to pha-ko ju shaii (shan) rail (rau).
alone solitary Phd{nom.) abide remain air,
15. ju tarn kang (klang) rail (rau) lak-koi
remain there middle air shine-did
kho-koi-jaii (jau).
glitter 'did'Complete,
man-ko nang ml pak khan shing (sheng).
he {nom,) he not mouth word speak,
baw ru king (kling) chu miiw jang (nang)
he-not head assume name hand he
ran-koi-jaii (jau).
confused'WaS'did,
tiin-liin pha-ko jail (jau) poi tiin.
then-after Phd (nom.) did then take-shape,
miin (mlun)-ta nang mi hem ngam miing.
open-eyes he not see heautiful country,
20. tang-ka tail pha nang ml shak mi
all-finished {all) land heaven he not place not
shing (sheng) te-jaii (jau).
speak verily-did,
khung (khrung) pha liip-miing bai shi-dai.
highest-part heaven island- country place hreak-get,
baw mi phi (phrl) baw ml phi (phri)-ml
not he-not demigod not he-not demigod-female
shang shak kiln (kun) koi-jaii (jau).
spirit crowd man was-did.
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190 AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
Tt^tf 171 -mo y»a ruYn Tit yrn Vc- o ^
xjy vo W Vi^ ^(n Vm Vi n^ y^i
25 Vr i2 Tno ^Tin >v rn >iv tS r^o *
^r 0 0 W nt' cffP Ti^ufi
o^o^ i>2m r? o4ni y\!?v Tx? >i?h? Yez? § iaTj
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AN AHOH COSMOGONY. 191
shang ba kaw-ko lak ju kho baw dl.
Shang My /{nom.) shine remain neck not good,
phaii (phraii) baw kau ju pha sbak phu
anyone not I remain heaven near male
cham koi.
and did.
25. shang poi kaw-ko lak ju choi chaw.
if then I{nom.) thief remain power iupematural.
phaii (phraii) baw laii (lau) hiing (hung) rang
anyone not speak fame body
te-jaii (jau).
verily-did,
khan to pha-tiiw-chiing-ko shup kiim (kum)
alone solitary Pha-tUw-chiing {nom,) mouth down-drooping
khaii (khaa)-chaa (chaii)-dii.
in-heart-saw.
p&ng (plSng) shin (shen) kham ju t^g
consider very-important subject remain belly
koi-jaii (jau).
did-completely,
pha-ko tak ba ko liip-miing shin (shen)
Fhd (nom,) word say create island-eountrg very-good
khung (khrung) dai-jaii (jau).
highest-part get-did.
30. chang-tak pha-ko naii-chau (chaii) khun-thiw (theo)-kham
then Fhd (jnom.) breast Khun-thiw-kham
'aw-'&k.
take-out.
po nang mai ro b&k (bl&k)-kip (kip)-lam.
say like wood shoot-out mushroom.
ngaii miing '&k kai-kai.
l^ht quickly come-out ail-about.
nga-nga tang shin (shen) miing ngaii pha
many-moles belly very-good quickly light pierce
'8k khiw-khiw.
come-out very-bright.
khaii (khau) jang ngam tha kh8m pha-tiiw-chiing-ne
all glitter beauty wait word Phd-tUw-ehiing-from
piing.
instrtiction.
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192 AN AHOM COSMOOONY.
dSc yWu 00 ^ of! yni^ TO cL^ ^
40 Vfi 70^9 'ut tf ^ ^ >S nu, v^ rr tc^i
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AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
195
35.
khup-bai
kneel-down
40.
tham
ask
kham
new8
mung
world
ku-kho.
fear-with.
raw-ko baw ru ban-'&k cham
we {nom,) not know day-come-out {emt) and
chang-nai
now
raw
we
remain
cham
and
pin
become
nang
8it
muw-nau.
now.
riiw
know
cham koi.
also may.
chang-tak pha-tuw-chiing-ko
Then Phd-tUw-chiing {nom,)
haii-khaii (khau)-paii
allow-enter-uphold
khan
word
daii
Dtva
to
only
rang
sustain
remain
muw-nan.
for-ever.
pung (pliiDg)
half
miing shiiw
world level
liing
one
tali.
bottom.
jin (jun)-pin
pattern-become
pu
crab
man
he
jang (nang) ju
be remain
shaii (shau)
column
cham
and
nuw
above
jaii.
long.
nam
water
koi
did
remain
khing (khring) khiiw (khriiw) kwang (kang)
body length breadth
king (kiing) shin (shen)
measure a-hundred-thousand
baw
not
ru
know
pung (plung)
half
rap
surround
lung
one
exist
jin (jun)-pin
pattern'become
tam-niiw
place-above
te-jaii (jau).
verily-did.
shaii (shau)
remain
poi piing (piling)
again half
thuk-chang
male-elephant
man cham
lie and
lung
one
rang-ngtt
tusked
jau (jau).
did.
chu
yttga
la-ka
Zd-k^
koi-jaii (jau).
did-eomplete.
jin (jun).pin
pattern'become
(?) tam shaii (8hau)-jii
upon remain-exist
man
he
cham
and
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194 AN AHOM C08M000NT.
(A. Ko v/f TO iSa Se nrti nfi rnfi -vn. -v^-m
45 -Q 4^i::txJ^'$i( Q dSt tii <iv tn,
5*0/ n?nr" VI? t^ vw; '^i i§ i^Wi
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AN AHOM COSMOGONY,
196
45.
60.
tam-niiw man cham jin (juii)-piii khak khan
place-above he and paitem-hecome solitary quiohly
k&n-pha (plira)-phuk ru-miing
tna»8-roek'White (Meru) head-country {north)
te-jaii (jau).
verily-did.
poi
again
piing (pliing)
half
miing
country
liing jin (jun)-pin
one pattem-hecome
rap pha.
link heaven.
shai
thread
nng
thousand
nak
weight
dap
emit-light
mi
like
poi
again
ran
roll
nang
he
ban
nang
he
kan
poi
again
baw
not
man
it
sbin (sben)
very-good
koi-jaii (jau).
did-complete,
pung (plung)
portion
sbai-cbiing-miing
thread-god-country ( Vdyu)
cbiing-pba nai-cbam
Chiing-Phd now
cham jail (jau).
and did.
sbang.
not,
ml
dark
sbak
bright
ming (mling)
firefly
lung
one
sbi
four
pak-bai
call-place
jin (jun)-pin
pattern-become
cbing (cbung).
god.
k&n-pba-naii
Kdn-pha-nail
piing (piling) liing jin (jiin)-pin
half one pattern-become
sbai-cbiing-miing tiiw kb8n.
thread-god-country ( VcLyu) animal life,
ru kwang (kang) sbin (sben)
know measure one-hundred-thousand
cbii
ynga
pbiw
be-in-exeess
mung
the-world
jang
glitter
tamng (tam-tang)
place-all
te-koi.
verily-was.
kung (kung) pung (plung)
bow bring-down
pun
island
mung.
world.
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196 AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
55 -y/f vi 7? r^.?^ w *W wl«" ^^ ^P -»ci
60 ^F/ <n^A-€Y^ T^JT >?i^ rk^ -ixVcr^ J*
<nfc'Ti< ni t^ u>^ fi^ "A w/i
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AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
197
tarn ran pha-tiiw-chiing
will foundation Phd-lUw-chiing
poi piing (piling) liing
then half one
kau
spid^'
tu
55. man
he
man
he
poi
thsn
kham
khi
excrement
din 'hi
solitary earth before
khiin-ma
rise-up -come
ma
shed
jun
shaii (shau) kho te-jaii (jau)
remain tcith verily-did.
jin (jun)-pin cham phu
pattern-become and
naii.
animal gigantic,
khin (khun)-bai cham
help-place and
n pha te-jaii (jau).
heaven verily-compUte,
male
ko
create
nang
difficulty
jauw
great
pha
heaven
thin
throne
ko
create
bai.
smooth.
le-pai le-ma
backwards forwards
run-pin
bring-out'become
rung
bright
pin
become
pin
make
pin
make
chik
highest- part-of heaven
man te-jaii (jau).
he verily-did.
to jauw kau-kham-ko
chang
umbrella
nang
sit
thin
throne
khan to jauw kau-kham-ko lak-pin pha.
quickly alone gigantic spider-gold (no^n,) transform-become heaven,
na ring ba chu (chu) miing ti piin te-jau.
thick thousand fathom ydjana
60. pin tang miing lai
become all country all
shin (shcn) llip-miing
one- hundred-thousand island-country
tang-ka khung (khrung) pha
heaven
nang
sit
kam
be
all-finished (all)
chaw.
king,
khak khai (khrai) thiin jin
lonely solitude fill quiet
k&ng(klang)-to 'ai muii (mui) doi
only vapour hoar-frost with
tun-liin ju muw poi ju
after-that remain time again remain
J.B.A.S. 1904.
country place world verily -was.
kh^ng (khr^g)
thing
te-jaii (jau).
verily-did.
phaii (phraii)
anyone
kiin (kun).
man,
na tl
forest place
ban.
pun.
world.
14
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198 AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
FREE TRANSLATION.
The Grbat Creation.
(1) Thus wag it in the beginning-time — the foundation
below (i.e. the earth) and heaven {phd ^) did not exist.
(2) No island or level country existed below (the heaven).
(3) There remained no animal to support the coimtry.
(4) Verily only ocean surroimded (the universe).
(5) And the highest part of heaven {phd) did not
exist above.
(6) There was no one to quarrel and take possession of
the lovely heaven {phd) and the country.
(7) All was still and verily was full of void.
(8) Time was confused. There was no knowledge of day
and night.
(9) There was nothing to give light except one illuminating
Pha.2
(10) He remained, giving unusual and extraordinary light.
(11) The coimtry (i.e. the earth) was all confused, and
there was no knowledge of day and night.
(12) All was void. Neither rain nor air could be foimd.
(13) Air, rain, and heaven {phd) — they all dwelt in the
body of Chau.'
(14) Only the solitary Pha remained abiding in the air.
(15) He remained in the middle of the air, where he
shone and glittered.
(16) He spoke not word by mouth (i.e. He had no mouth
to speak with).
(17) He had no head, he assumed no name, he had no
hand, and was in a confused condition.
* See note to verse 9.
- Phd in this cosmogony is employed in two senses. In one it means
' heaven,* and corresponds to the Shan phdy 5c (compare verse I and
elsewhere). In the other, it corresponds to the Shan phrah^ 4o, and is the
general word for * God.' It is the Pali-Burmese QQ 6p8 hhu'rah^
a Buddha, nowadays pronounced pha-yah,
' ChaUy * master, owner, king, a diva^'* is here translated ' God.' I do not
know if it is a proper name or not. Compare verse 61, where it means * king.'
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AN AHOM COSMOGONYi 199
(18) After that Pha assumed shape.
(19) He opened his eyes, and did not see the beautiful
country (i.e. the world).
(20) (He saw that) all lands and heaten (phd) were verily
not in their places.
(21) The highest part of heaven (phd), the islands, and
all places were destroyed.
(22) The Phri (demigods), ^ and the female PhrT, the
Shang (spirits), 2 and the crowd of men were not.
(23) The Shang (i.e. Pha) said (to himself), "It is not
proper (that) I should remain alone and give light from
my neck.'
(24) " There is not anyone, or any male, to remain with
me in heaven (pha),
(25) " If I, the supernatural power, remain like a thief,
(26) "Then no one will sing the fame of my body (i.e.
offer prayers to me)."
(27) Solitary, Pha-tiiw-ohiing * thought within himself,
drooping his mouth downwards.
(28) He considered this most important subject within
his belly (i.e. within himself).
(29) Pha said, "I will create the islands, the coimtry,
and the highest part (i.e. heaven)."
(30) Then Pha took out Khim-thiw-kham* from his breast.
* Phrl = Shan phi, Ic, a being superior to man and inferior to the Brahmus,
and having its dwelling-place in one of the six inferior celestial regions. The
word phriy in Ahom, also means * a ghost.'
' Shanff s Shan hsang, lo, a Brahma, a being superior to men and Nats,
and inhabiting the highest celestial region. In the next verse the word is used
as the equivalent of Pha himself. Note that Bhang^bd means * if.' In verse 23
the traditional interpretation of ghang bd is * Shang said,' not * if.'
3 This is apparently the traditional interpretation. Kho certainly does mean
* neck,* but it also means * to shine, glitter.' I am therefore inclined to translate
lak'jii-kho by * shine-remain-glitter,' i.e. remain brilliant, instead of * shine-
remain neck.'
^ Phi'tuW'Chiing is a name of Pha. Chung means * a god,' and Chung -phA
is used in verse 49 as another name of Pha. In verses 48 and 50 Shai'chung'
fnung, * thread-god-country,' means * thread of air,' and is the name of the
air-^ods identifi^ with the Vdyut of Hinduism. I do not know the meaning of
iiiw in Phd'tuW'chung, The only meanings I know of this syllable are ' a dwarf,
ignorant, an animal.'
^ Khun-thiuf'kham is the name of a eod. The component parts seem to
be khun, * king ' ; thiw, * a strong, good-looking person ' ; and kham, ' gold.* In
^he 38th verse he is called a Dau, or DSva.
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200 AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
(31) He shot out as a fungus does from a piece of wood.
(32) Light came out very quickly aU round his body.
(33) On his beautiful belly he had many moles, through
which, piercing, a bright light quickly issued.
(34) In all his beautiful sheen he waited for the word of
instruction from Pha-tiiw-chiing.
(35) He knelt down, and with fear asked for news of
the world.
(36) (He said to Pha-tiiw-chiing), "And now we do not
know where the east is.
(37) " At present we may remain there if we know.'*
(38) Then Pha-tiiw-chiing allowed the Daii ^ to exist
for ever.
(39) By (Pha's) word alone, from half ^ of him (Khun-
thiw-kham) there was created a crab to remain straight at
the bottom and support the coimtry.
(40) He (the crab) remained above the water as a great
supporting colimin.
(41) The length and breadth of the body (of the crab)
woidd not be known if one were to measure for a hundred
thousand ages.
(42) From another half there was created (the serpent)
La-ka,^ who remained (in the region) above (the crab) and
surrounded him.
(43) From another half of him,* there was created a male
tusked elephant, who remained upon the crab.
(44) Above (the crab) in the north region there was-
quickly created the solitary K&n-phra-phiik.*
(45) Again, from another half of him,* there were created
thousands of threads to link the earth with the heaven {phd).
* I.e. Khun-thiw-kham. The word Lou is identified at the pregent day with
the Sanskrit Deva^ God.
* The word plmg means *half,* but it is here and in the following verses
apparently used to mean * portion.'
' La-ka, the cosmic serpent. Like the Se^a of Sanskrit mythology. It does
not appear whetiier the serpent issued from half Khun-thiw-kham or from half
the crao.
^ Not certain whether the half was of Khun-thiw-kham or of La-ka.
^ The name means 'mass of white rock,' and is nowadays identified with the
Mount M^ru of Sanskrit mythology.
* It does not appear who it was that was halved. Possibly K&n-phra-phiik.
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AN AHOM COSMOGONY. iiOl
(46) The weight of the rolls of thread cannot be seen.
(47) They (the threads) emitted an excellent light, bright
as that of a firefly in the dark.
(48) Again, from another half, there were created the
four (air-)god8 (chiing), Shai-chiing-miing.*
(49) Good Chiing-pha ^ now gave them the name of K&n-
pha-uaii.
(50) Again, from the half of the Shai-chiing-miing,' was
(the thread of) animal life created.
(51) We should not know (the extent of the thread of
animal life) if we were to measure it for a himdred thousand
ages. It is far greater than the world really is.
(52) It gleamed like the rainbow sent down to all islands *
and places of the world.
(53) Pha-tiiw-chiing by his will verily laid the foimdation
of the work that was with him.
(54) Then from one half there was created a gigantic
male spider of gold.
(55) He shed excrement (which) helped to the creation
of the solitary earth, verily before the heaven was finished.
(56) Then the spider rose with difficulty and began to
weave and create the heaven, going backwards and forwards.
It became a bright smooth throne.
(57) He verily made the highest heaven, and the royal
imibrella, and the throne (for Pha-tiiw-chiing) to sit upon.
(58) Quickly, alone, did the gigantic spider of gold
fashion the heaven.
(59) Verily in the world there was a coimtry a thousand
fathoms and leasrues thick.
* Regarding the raeaning of chiingy see note to Terse 27. Shai- chiing -miiny
means *threaa of God-country,' i.e. ' thread of air.* These four are nowadays
identified with the Sanskrit Vaym. It is not certain from half of whom they
were created. Possibly the threads.
* Regarding Chiing-pha, see note to verse 27. The word translated *good'
is kSn, which is repeated in the first syllable of Kdn-phd-naii. It also occurs in
ICdn-phrd-phiik in verse 44. Nau means * great, gigantic'; compare verse 64.
3 Here it is certain that it is the Shai-chung-miing that were halved.
* This frequent employment of the word j^un, * island/ recalls the dvipat of the
Sanskrit cosmogony.
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202 AN AHOM COSMOGONY.
(60) All countries and hundreds of thousands of islands
were created.
(61) All was finished, but no one became king (chau) ^
to sit in the highest heaven (phd).
(62) Lonely solitude filled (the place) of quiet man.
(63) The worid was only filled with vapour, hoar-frost,
and forest.
(64) After that (Pha-tiiw-chiing) remained for a time
and again for days (i.e. he passed a long period in this
manner).
* See note to verse 13.
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
203
VOCABULARY.
*a, in *d'nany that (see *an) ; me-^dy
a father's sister.
*a, to untie ; a mother's father ; wide ;
*q-ldnff, wide - power, God ; V-'»*,
faultless; *g-pity (pron. -/>rt), offence,
crime, fault ; V-»»*» extreme misery ;
'(i-Art-Vn, the humble-bee; 'q-rdnffy
virtue, a virtuous act; '«-Ara, a person
of the Mishmi tribe; '^'ka-ml-li,
a person of the Dafla tribe ; tham-
'(i-mu, a plough.
'ai, the eldest son of a family ; shame
(Sh. lo) ; vapour (Sh. lo) (63) ; to
eructate (Sh. Ic, to cough) (cf. uH) ;
an interjection, 0 ! (always written
hg) ; luk'pi'^ai, an eldest son.
*ak, happiness of mind.
'»k, the brain (Sh. 4c or 2c) ; to come
out (32, 33), appear, rise (of a
heavenly body) (on. 2c) ; outside ;
one's own ; 'aw?- VA?, took out (30) ;
ban-'dky day -appearing, the east
(36) ; pin-'dky ripe.
'am, to charm (Sh. Ic^ ; the third
child of a family; full; ^am-po, to
bargain ; ^am-ahii-la, a crocodiile.
'am, to tie or fasten up : to fill up a
hole ; to bask a little in the sun
(Sh. 2c, to warm oneself bv the fire) ;
to take on one's own shoulder.
'an, a saddle ; to count (Sh. 2o) ;
and ; before, in front ; 'a« - «(»,
before, in front ; A5-'a/i, and (6) ;
/wt-'«w, and ; ^an-nan or ^d-nan,
that (pronoun) (Sh. ^an-nan, Ic, 5c).
'an, soft (cf. '«n) ; young; a diminutive
termination ; before (55), to come
in front (Sh. Ic) ; first ; 'q-ki-'dn,
the humble-bee.
'ang, a wash-bowl; wished or expected
(Sh. 3o, to intend) ; ancestral
property ; any property ; ^an^'k^,
ability, power.
'ang, to move anything, to shake ;
^dng-mang, water in which rice has
been boiled, congee.
'ap, to wash the body (Sh. 2o).
'at, to get a sudden strain on the waist.
'an, 'aw, or 'all, to take (Sh. ^aw, Ic) ;
an uncle (father's brother) (Sh. 'au?,
lo) ; to liQuify metals (Sh. *a«p,
2c) ; to catch fish while they advance
in a shoal ; 'au-daiy to fetch ; 'at<-
m(r, to bring ; 'au-mt, to marry ;
'at< - ehauy an imcle, the younger
brother of a father ; *aw'*ak, took
out (30).
'aw, see 'aw and 'ay.
'e, to sing ; to feign.
'I, the youngest of several (Sh. 2c,
a young girl ; «, 2c, to be the
youngest) ; one (cf. lung) (cf. Sh. 't^,
4m) ; *f-'M, this (pronoun).
'ik (pronounced tAr), a yoke (Sh. 2o);
hope, reliance ; 'a-'tAr, faultless.
'in, a sinew (Sh. Im) ; a crocodile.
'ing or 'Ing (pronounced ing), a large
water - pot ; a small earthen pot
(Sh. Unffy 2o, a glazed pot) ; to lean
(Sh. Ungy Ic) ; an earthquake ; the
body (13) ; Ung-kan, to fall down
when ripe (of fruit) ; rang-Hng, the
waist.
'ip, the side of a hill ; a small covered
bamboo basket (Sh. 2o, a cylindrical
box ; Wp'kutCy 4o, lo, a small
closed basket) ; to be famished (Sh.
*upy 4c), properly *up, q.v.
'it, to strike with the finger ; to pro-
duce a sound by striking against
a hard thing, to rap.
'iw, the seed of a kind of plant (the
entada creeper) used by children as
marbles in play (Sh. 2c, a small
hole dug in the ground for placing
these seeds erect for the game) ; to
fiU the beUy.
'o, a pipe, tube ; ambrosia or nectar ;
a particle of interrogation (cf. Sh.
huWf Ic) ; a particle added to j'au
(the particle of past time) to make the
suffix, Jau'^Oy of the pluperfect ;
'O'chdy nectar, ambrosia.
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204
AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
'oi, sugar-cane (Sh. 3c) ; to cause to
eat, to feed (Sh. 2c); sweet; a
particle signif^ng continuance.
'fl( to remain (ct. ju) ; uBed as a par-
ticle indicating the present definite
tense ; to boil paddy ; straight ; to
apply heat ; ^u-jau^ particle forming
imperfect; ^u-koi, particle forming
continuous past ;*»-'«, this (pronoun) .
'Ilk (pronounced uk), the breast, the
chest (Sh. uk, 4o) (cf . 'ung) ; to catch
tish while coming in a shoal ; a frog
(cf . Sh. 'ung, 2c) ; all ; 'uk-cha, all.
'tk, to lame, to cause to limp.
'dm (pronounced mot), to offer a
present; to take a mouthful (Sh.
MOT, 5o, to hurry in eating).
'Tin, gladness (cf. "^uh); warm (Sh. 2c) ;
to soften, soft (Sh. 3o) (cf. '<?«) ;
to mould ; to be affected with
monorrhagia (cf. hiing).
'ttn, other (Sh. 2c); in another place ;
to cut into slices.
'ui (pronounced mi), fatigue ; to
eructate (cf. 'at) ; to sigh ; happi-
ness of mind (cf. 'mw) ; 'uh («»)-
chaiiy happiness of mind.
'img, the breast ; the heart : cf. *uk.
'iing, a kind of plant (Assamese
deotard, cf. Sh. 3o, an orchid) ;
to proceed crawling.
'up, a betel-nut box (Sh. 4c, a box
with a conical cover) (cf. 'm/>).
^tlp, difficulty (cf. Up) ; a small pot for
keepin;j lime ; a very small box,
a betel-nut box (Sh. Up-pUy 2o,
5c) ; an embankment across a rice-
field ; previous, before ; to remain
at hand.
'ut, to get the body shampooed.
'uw, to praise.
ba, why?; a fathom, four cubits (Sh.
«?a, 4c) (59) ; to say (Sh. wd, Sc)
(cf . ba) (23, 29) ; bd-'an, and (5) ;
shang-bdy if ; tiiw-bd^ but.
ba, a bundle of hair ; mad, crazy, to
become mad ; to say, speak (Sh. «?«,
3c) (cf. bd) ; a very poor man, one
who lives by drudgery.
bai, a cane, rattan (Sh. trai, lo) ;
to be aslant ; to lay by, put, place
(Sh. wai, 5c) ; a place (7, 21) ;
smooth, polished (56) ; khup-bai,
to kneel down (35) ; pak-bai, to
name (49) ; khiih - bai^ to help
(55) ; bldk'bai'hau, a certain flower
(Assamese, bhat-phul); hup -bai,
to store, lay by ; bai - lang, after ;
chl- rap - chap - khdp 'bai^ a finger-
ring.
bak, to weave.
bak, to mean ; to speak, tell, explain.
bam, dusky.
ban, the sun, a day (Sh. tran, 4c)
(8, 11, 64) ; a viUage (Sh. wan, 3o) ;
a kind of paddy; sweet, agreeable
(Sh. MJfln, lo) ; to sow (Sh. itaw,
2o) ; to beg (Sh. wan, 4o) ; to
open ; ban-'dk, the east (36) ; ban-
tuky sunset ; ban - khau, to sow
paddy ; bttn - khau - khrai, to sow
paddy broadcast (generally under
water); Mifr-^n, abud; ban -eh am,
of or belonging to a village. (In 64,
ban, day, is used to signify an
indefinite long period of time.)
ban, the kachu (arum) plant and iU
root (Sh. mdn or «:a«, Ic) ; t«i
smell ; flabby, pulpy : ban- hoi, to
be fully ripe ana full' of juice.
ban, see boin.
bang, a prostitute, harlot; a kind of
tare that grows among autumn rice ;
thin (Sh. ivang, lo) ; the inside ot
a pipe ; to break (cf. Sh. wang, 2c',
to tear) ; to copulate (Sh. wang, lo) :
to glitter; nq-bang-fihe, a kind oi
sharp-edged grass (Assamese, mdduri
ban) ; baug-shau, a harlot.
bang or bang, the edge of an axe ;
a favourite friend : a dam across a
river (cf. Sh. mfmg, lo) ; a net for
catching deer ; a sprout ; asthma ;
soot, sootv ; to spread an umbrella ;
to be a king ; intelligent ; to attend
upon anyone ; to pierce through
(cf. Sh. mdng, 2c, a hole or opening) ;
a rope tied to the neck of an
elephant ; hang 'to, laborious.
bap, a kind of fish trap ; to rob ; paddy
ready to be husked ; uneven.
bat, a kind of louse found on the
body of a dog (Sh. mat, 4c, a flea) ;
one time, once ; to become sore ;
to get relief from illness, be con-
valescent ; to praise.
bat, imperfect, not well developed;
blind (Sh. mat or wdt, 2c).
ban (cf. baw), a youth, a young un-
married man ( Sh. waw or mate,
2o) ; company, companionship ; to
stand still.
bail, a leaf (Sh. ot«im, Ic).
baw (cf. ban), a miser; a handmill for
grinding com ; to hold ; no, not to
be, not (Sh. maw, 2c) (cf. bu) (3, 6,
9, 17, 22 bis, 23, 24, 26, 36, 41, 51).
All these words are often spelt bau.
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AN AHOM VOCABULAEY.
205
be, to bleat ; to rebuke, to reproach :
to bark.
M, a fan (Sh. wl, 4c) ; to comb the
hair, a kind of comb (Sh. wi, Ic) ;
a cowry (Sh. wfy 3c) ; to fear.
bin (pronounced bin)^ to fl^ (Sh. wittf
Ic); aalant; to place aside, on one
Mide (cf. Sh. witty 5m, to leave ;
wiif 4c, to be drawn aside).
bift (pronounced bm)^ a bracelet, a
bangle (Sh. irtn, lo) ; the end of
a nut to which the foot-stalk is
attached ; to cast into water and drag
out again (as a net) ; to throw out.
blng (pronounced binff)^ a town, a city
(Sh. wittff, 4m) ; a small potsherd ;
to jump; to divide (Sh. winff, 2o,
to be divided) ; bing-hdng, a whit-
low ; bing 'tang -tut y the mason wasp
{Sphinx asiatiea) ; bing - »hi - Id^
besoar, a calculous concretion found
in the intestines of certain ruminant
animals.
bip {pronounced bip), to press (Sh. «?«>,
2c, to knead or press with the
hands).
bit (pronounced bit)^ mind ; a fish-hook
(Sn. wit^ 4m) ; adorned with figures
of fiowers (as a cloth) ; an ear of
com before it shoots'out of the culm ;
a phial ; to soak ; to move one of
the pieces in a game ; to smooth a
narrow piece of bamboo (Sh. wity 5c,
to smooth with a knife) ; khau-bit'
king {heng)y barley.
blak, a flower (Sh. mSk, 2c) ; bldk-
kham-ifhdn, a mariirold ; bldk-phang^
a certain fiower (Assamese, gariyd-
phul); blak'bai-hau, a certain flower
(Ass. bhdt'phul); bldk'klp {kip)-
lam, a mushroom (31) ; nam-bldk-
rung, the water of the Ganges.
b3, an occurrence ; a salt-mine (Sh. mo,
a pit, a mine) ; a dooly or palanquin
(Sh. iro, 4c) ; a sheet of water.
boi, to pray; to bow down (cf. Sh.
mdntf 4c) ; to serve.
boift or baii (pronounced bofj^ to join
the hands ; to pray ; to pay regard
to a person.
bt, a lotus, a water-lily (Sh. wuw or
muWf Ic) ; a bud ; the seventh
female child ; blunt ; dumb ; fat ;
to paint the forehead with sandal ;
not (cf. baw) ; bu'khriw, not-yes,
no (interjection).
btUB, to remain dumb.
bun, noon ; one's own man ; a rattan-
sprout (cf. Sh. miin, 4c, to sprout) ;
poison ; mad ; to be perplexed ; to
be excited; to extena and arrange
the warp provious to weaving (Sn.
tcwn, 5o) ; bun - Aat, a certain
creeping plant (Assamese, guwa-
malt lata\.
bfln, to fall; to be bent, distorted;
a crooked word («t>).
bftA (pronounced 6«t), country liquor ;
the end of a waist-cloth being dragged
along the ground.
bung, a narrow - necked basket for
keeping fish ; a basket ; a silkworm
fSh. tvung, 3o, a worm); a hog's
den (cf. Sh. mung, 6c, a place
{>repared by dogs or cats for their
itter) ; outside ; now ; to remove
nightsoil ; ahang-bung^ a blackboard
(used as a slate for writing).
biing, a f r)ing-pan ; a kind of worm ;
a Targe basket ; to go swiftly.
blip (pronounced bup)^ to beat (Sh.
ioupy 4c) ; to be agitated (as water) ;
to be overcrowded.
bftt (pronounced but), blind of one
eye ; to raise (Sh. wut, 3o) ; to
last ; a disorder of the bowels ; to
trample upon.
btlt, the lines on the palm of the hand
a conical basket used by hill people.
bttw, a wheel ; disgust ; to poison fish
muddy land.
cba or obft, rough (Sh. cha, 4c)
thick ; bad (Sh. eha, 5c) ; not come,
unarrived; fitA'-^Aa, alas ! ; ahit'cha
to promise; ^o-cha, nectar, ambrosia;
'uk-chd, all.
ohai, a man, a male, a masculine
suffix (Sh. 4o) ; a male child ; to
come into use (Sh. 2o, to use) ; to
break, to cause to be broken.
ohak, to cause to be recognised (Sh.
4c, to know well)*; to clean, polish ;
to make string from bamboo ; to cut
or trim the edge of a field embank-
ment.
ehak, a comer (Sh. 5c, Assamese ehuk) ;
raw provisions supplied to a guest ;
to scoop, to take a handful out of a
large quantity (cf. Sh. chuk, 4o).
eham, a kind of net (Sh. Ic) ; the
fringe of a cloth (Sh. 4o) ; a bog,
quagmire; to beg; and (sometimes
written ehang) (6, 24, 36, 37, 43 bis,
44, 49, 54, 55) ; also (37, 40) : swift ;
khan-mq-eham, ns soon as ; ki-ehamy
how man^P (cf. chan) ; ban-eham, of
or belonging to a village ; dai-eham,
etcetera (13) ; nai-eham, now, next,
thereon (49) (cf. cAaNy-nat).
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206
AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
oham, to assemble, to accompany, to
take company ; vicinity (cf. Sh.
cham^ Ic, to be near) ; * to load (as
a giin) (Sh. 2c, to put into) ; to
sweep ; contagioas ; chdm-4oih or
doifi'chdm^ tofijether >vith.
ohan, the verandah of a house with
raised floor (Sh. 4o, a floor extended
beyond the roof of a house) ; a layer,
esp. a division of the universe
(Sh. 5c) ; havinji: several st-ories
one above the other (of a house, etc.);
teasing ; horizontal : good, excellent,
nice; /ai-rAa«, manifold. Ci.cham.
ohan, one side of anything ; nice,
beautiful (cf. chan); to dance; to
smooth with an adze.
ohaii (pronounced chdi), a borer, an
awl ; a child's penis ; to come to
anyone's assistance.
Chang, an elephant (Sh. 5o) (43) ; an
offering made to an officiating priest
at the end of a ccremonv ; jugglery ;
a scale (Sh. 3c, to weigb) ; a person
blind of the right eye ; to be afflicted
with sorrow ; to cause to be sub-
jected to an ordeal by magic ; and,
cf. eham ; a verbal particle denoting
5 resent time (Sh. 2c) ; a particle
enoting the apcKlnsis of a con-
ditional sentence; chang-naiy now, at
present (37) (cf. nai-cham) ; chang-
tak, then (30, 38) ; chu-chang-nav^
because, therefore.
ohang, an umbrella (Sh. 3c) (57);
light, brilliancy; a hair-tie (Sh.
5c, false hair) ;' a whij) ; a wheel ;
a high platform used for watching
crops; kind, manner; chdng-mey
improper, not suitable ; chdng-cke,
rehgious rites.
chap, to bend ; to perch on a branch
(Sh. 4c) ; to go and live at the home
of another person ; an owl.
chap, brimful ; sincere, honest, pure ;
to search ; chl-rdp'Chdp'khdp-bai,
a finger-ring.
chat, to boil anything (as milk) ; to
free from alkali ; to cut to pieces ; to
spread (Sh. Ic, to pervade).
chan or chaw, a master, owner (Sh.
ehaw^ 3c) (cf. ehu) ; a king (61) ;
Kdeva, God (13) (cf. chu); to boil
rice ; great ; supernatural (25) ; to
promise ; to happen suddenly ; *««-
chau, an uncle, the younger brother
of a father.
ohatl, the heart, mind (Sh. Ic) ; an
ambassador, a messenger (Sh. 6e,
to commission, send) ; to reflect,
consider ; to say * * yes * ' ; khau-ehau -
duy to think 'in one's heart (27) :
nau'chaiiy the breast (30) ; hit'chan
or hit-mthig-chaiiy to present a gift ;
taii-chau, to fast ; '/m (pr. ui)-chan,
happiness of mind.
chatOn, in che-chaiim, q.v.
chaw, see chau.
che, a tovvn (cf. Sh. 3o, a province) :
all (Sh. 4c, to be complete) ; to wet ;
cold ; che'chaiim^ all ; che-chint/,
ornaments ; cMng - ehe^ religioiiM.
rites.
cheng, handsome.
ohi, paper (Sh. che, 3c) ; to bum :
a piece of high land ; to show
(Sh. chi, 5c) ; a jewel, a precious
stone ; chl- rap -chip- khip -bat, a
finger -ring.
chik or chik (pronounced chik)^ a pig-
tail (of the hair) (cf. Sh. chik, 4c,
a top, head) ; the metal ornament
attached to the top of a japi or
wicker hat-umbrella ; the highest
part of heaven (57).
ehin (pronounced ehin)^ an incarnation
(Sh. ehifty 5c, a Buddha) ; a cloth
(Sh. Im, felt) ; a long slice ; an
insect like a dragon-fly.
chia (pronounced chen), a flat piece of
gold ; a kind of fly ; the other side.
ching or ching (pronounced ching),
a vagabond ; a curse affecting a
whole kingdom ; to conquer ; to take
by force ; chc- ching ^ ornaments ;
tn-ching, a ram.
chip (pronounced chep), to pain (Sh.
chipy 4m) ; to seek ; to get fever.
chit (pronounced chit), the seven dvtpas
or worlds ; rage, anger (Sh. 3m, to
be angry) ; to feel affronted ; to
diminish ; to select (Sh. 3o or 4o,
to examine) ; the number 7 (Sh. 4m).
chiw, swiftness, to go quickly (Sh.
4m) ; a saddle ; to be disoitlered ;
to behave piously.
cho, an earthen cooking -pot.
ohoi, the male organ ; a iriend, assist-
ance (Sh. 3c, to help) ; a tax, pid
to the king or to a spiritual guide ;
power (25).
chft or ohtlw, a yuga (cf. Sh. ehuw^
3c, time) (41, 51); a god (cf.
chau ) ; an owner ( cf . chitu ) ;
a yoj'ana or league (59) ; moral
instruction (nitt) ; dark (of light) ;
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
207
favour, politeness; to believe (Sh.
ehUf 3c) ; to seek company (c£. Sh.
ehiiy 4o, a company) : to apply heat
to paddy to an' it ; to ben^ ; to
liquify jjold ; a man's name, a name
(Sli. cht'i, 3c) (17) ; ehu'chang-naiy
because, therefore ; ke-ehu^ a quality
{guna) ; nu-ehu, an ant.
ohflk or chuk (pronounced ehuk), the
top of a kind of grass {Saccharum
spotitaneinn) ; to set on a dog ;
thrice, three times.
ohtik, a turban, a pagap ; a rope for
tying cattle (Sh. 3o, a rope) ; to
come near, approach.
ohnm, pleasure, love ; to kiss (cf . chup) ;
to corrode with lime ; chum'katiy
to love.
olrnn, to whitewash.
ehlln, creation ; the number 32 ;
establishing ; having branches ; a
cause ; to ask ; in any direction ;
very beautiful (Sh. 3c, to be clear,
pure, bright).
ohflii (pronounced ehui), to understand,
to feel a tingling sensation ; to lean.
chnng, a large box (cf. Sh. 4c, a kind
of outer coffin) ; a kind of iguana
(cf. Sh. chung-chg, 2o, 4c, the
common house lizard) ; to remain
holding, to hold and keep ; pointed.
ehtlng, a female attendant (Sh. 6o) ;
a god (cf. Sh. 2c, to be unmoved,
as a god in deep meditation) (48, 50) ;
not to be late, not to delay ; chung-
ph&y God (49) ; phd-tiiw-chtingy God
Almighty (27, 34, 38, 63) ; nhai-
ehiing- miingj thread - god - country,
a thread of air, a Vdyti (48, 50).
eliftp (pronounced chup), to kiss (cf.
e}iuin) ; to wet (Sh. 5c) ; to suck
(Sh. 2c).
ohflt (pronounced chut)^ a clod of
earth ; to lessen ; a little ; to clear
with a hoe.
ohHw, see chn.
dft, to strike.
da, to bite as a serpent ; a bundle of
clothes ; to take on the lap.
dai, thread (? Sh. lai, 3o, silk) ; to
^et, possess (Sh. /at, 3c) (frequent
in compound verbs) (12, 13, 29) ; to
hear ; dai-ehamy get-and, etcetera
(13) ; shl-dai, to be destroyed (21) ;
aii'daif to fetch ; han-dai^ to curse.
dam, black (Sh. lam, Ic) ; the spirit
of a dead person (Sh. lam. 3c, the
guardian spirit of a family) ; to dive
into (Sh. lam, Ic).
dan, a club, a heavj- stick; to go-
straight.
dan, high land, land not liable to
inundation (Sh. Ww, Ic, a mound)
^(cf. dit)
daft (pronounced doi), to shave (with
a razor) ; to frighten with a sudden
angry voice.
dang, a latch (Assamese, dang) ; a long
shield ; the nose (Sh. khu-lang, 3c,
Ic) ; to be affected with white spotn
on the skin (Sh. lang, 2o) ; spotted ;
to sound ; kd-dang, to play at shield
(a kind of game).
dang, the father of one's son-in-law or
daughter-in-law (Sh. Idng, Ic).
dap, to put out a fire (Sh. lap, 4c) ; a
bamboo or wooden door- bar ; to
emit light (but Sh. lapy 4c, to be
dark) (47).
dat, to make straight (Sh. lat, 4c).
dan or daw, a star (Sh. laWy lo).
datl, & del ay a god (38).
daw, see dau.
de, to move the waist backward and
forward ; a kind of animal (Assamese,
nephiyd) ; to cleanse.
di, good (Sh. liy Ic) (1, 23) ; bile (Sh.
lly Ic) ; luk-ngin-dly to nde in a
sedan chair ; aUoy to speak.
din or din (pronounc^ din), land,
the earth (Sh. /tw, ic, the earth,
ground) (2, 55) ; a month (Sh.
liiny lo) (cf. rfw/i); a torch ; nq-diHy
a field; ng-din-kiy a certain creeper
(Assamese, phaja lata) ; pang-ditty
a man of the Miri tribe.
diik (pronounced d&n)^ a boundary (Sh.
/in, lo) ; to do work.
ding, see diing.
dip (pronounced dip), to be alive (Sh,
Upy 4c) ; phl'dipy a large boil.
dit, land not under water (cf. din) ;
(pronounced det) hot ; (id.) pres8urt\
diw, having no companion (Sh. /»/r,
4o, single) (cf. liw).
do, an offshoot.
doi, a mountain or hill (Sh. loi, Ic) ;
work ; with (for doih) (63).
doift (pronounced doi), company (cf.
Sh. luiiy 3o, with) (spelt doi in 63; ;
the spur of a cock (Sh. /wn, lo) ;
doin-chdm or chdm-doiiiy together
with. Cf. Idn.
da, to see, behold (Sh. /«, Ic) ; han-
duy to look carefully ; khau-chaii'
duy to think within oneself (27).
dftk (pronounced duk), a bone (Sh.
luk, 2c).
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208
AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
•dtlk, to give a slap ; to teach to read.
dtLm (pronounced dum), a scabbard;
to smell.
dtlii (pronounced dun)^ a crowd ;
foundation work.
dtln, the moon (cf. ditty Sh. lurif lo).
daft (pronounced dui), vapour.
dfing (pronounced dunff)^ jungle (Sh.
lunpj lo) ; a low field; leprosy.
4tL]ig or dijig, red (cf . Sh. Itinffy lo, to
be yellow ; but /m^, lo, to be red) ;
bowed, bent (cf. Sh. linff^ 2c, having
one side higher than the other).
dtlt (pronounced dut)y to suck (Sh.
lut, 2c).
dtlt, hot (cf . lut) ; the sun's light or ray.
ha, h&, the number 5 (Sh. A«, 3c);
vapour ; (written A(i, but pronounced
rtf), an interjection, oh ! ; kan-hd,
towards; has/up^ fifty.
hai, a jar, a water-pot with a spout ;
cultivation (Sh. 3c, an upland field) ;
li^ht, shining; to mix together; to
fall with the face upwards ; to cry,
weep (Sh. 3c) ; to shout ; rang-haiy
to shout loudly ; bun -hat, a certain
creeping plant (Assamese, guwa-
itidll lata).
hak, ripe ; grey hair.
ham, conclusion ; to beat ; to be in
excess ; to become dusty or dirt}'.
ham, to smell (Sh. Ic, to be fragrant).
han, a goose (Sh. 2o) ; a Kshattriva ;
to see (Sh. Ic) (19, 46); han-dai,
to curse.
han, to make, to prepare (cf. Sh. hiHy
4o) ; the comb of a cock (Sh. Ic).
hang, a raised bamboo platform ; not
dense, having interstices (Sh. hanff,
2o, to be wide apart) ; to feel hatred.
hang, a rtwm ; biug-hdng, a whitlow.
hap, to shut up (Sh. 4c) ; immature
com.
hat, a large stone pot ; to drv up (of
water) (Sh. hit, 5o).
hail, swelling of the mouth; sunned
rice ; to come to work ; to give,
iiffer (Northern Shan, 3c) ; to
cause, allow ; to bark as a dog ;
bitter ; (adjectival demonstrative)
that ; haii-daij to give out and out ;
liati-kin-klin (X7*«), to cause to eat
nnd drink; to pasture cattle; hati-
ihaU'pan-Ju, to allow enter uphold
remain, to alh>w to remain (38) ;
hfdk'bai-/tatl, a certain fiower
(Assamese, bhat-phtll).
he. not tame, said of an animal (Sh.
lo).
hi, the female organ (Sh. Ic) ; to be
a little aslant; hi-ildk, to throw
down by force, to break by throwing
down violently.
hik, in na-hik-koi, a certain
medicinal herb (Assamese, laijabari).
hin, a certain animal of the squirrel
kind.
hill (pronounced Am), a water-fowl;
to look upwards (Sh. lo).
hing (pronounced Atny or heng), a kind
of water-fowl ; dry, to dry (Sh. king,
3o) ; a small tinkling bell attached
to something (Sh. hing^ 2c) ; a wild
cat (Sh. At;i, Im) ; khau-bit^hingy
barley ; ihaU-hing, to use, make
use of.
hip (pronounced hip)^ hoarseness of
voice (Sh. hip^ 2o).
hit (pronounced hit), front; to look
witn pity ; to be ; (pronounced het)^
to do (Sh. hit, often written hieh,
4m) (in Ahom often written kam, q.
cf.) ; hit'Chau or hit-mung-ehau, to
present a gift; hit -than, a re-
proach : hit - mun - hit - khutiy to
rejoice ; nq-kaw-kq-hit, a kind of
creeping plant used for medicinal
purposes (Assamese, bheddi lata),
ho, a large building, a palace (Sh. Ic) ;
a dwelBng ; to chase (Sh. 3c).
hoi, a shell (Sh. Ic) ; b^n-hoi, to be
fully ripe and full of juice.
hoiil (pronounced hoi), to suspend
(Sh. hoi, 3c).
hft, an animal of the bovine species
{hu'tne, a cow) (Sh. tvuw, 4c, or
ngutv, 4c) ; to bristle, to have the
hair erect ; to throw the body
forward with the arms extended, as
in swinuning.
hiik, the gum, the gums (Sh. 2o).
hflm (pronounced hum), a slap; phq-
hum, a certain plant (Assamese,
barun-gachh).
hnn, an idol ; wrinkled (Sh. 3c).
hflii (pronounced hui), to ask again to
take, to press a thing upon one;
a seed ; high ; to sigh ; to see
uncovered.
hnng, hung (pronounced hung), fame
(Sh. hung, lo, to be celebrated)
^26) ; relationship ; to pass through
anything; a noise, sound (cf. Sh.
hsing, Im).
hilDg, to be affected with menorrhagia
(cf. 'm«) ; to be thin, not fat.
hflp (pronounced Awp), a piece; to hold
by grasping ; to gather together, to
collect (Sh. 3c) ; hup-bai, to store.
\
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
20»
htlp, to hold within the amiB ; to fall
down with the face upwards.
hftt (pronounced hut), to go away ; to
compare vrith ; to be pure ; to
select out.
httt, to utter short anj>:ry words quickly
and loudly, to intimidate (Sh. 4c) ;
to extort ; to beat severely.
ji, to quit, be free fSh. ya, 2c, to
have done with) ; to prevent, pro-
hibit ; ning-jfi, a wicked woman.
ja, a grandmother (Sh. ya, 3c) ; to
decompose, become rotten.
ja, to peep.
jai, seej'afi.
jak, difficult}', trouble, misery, sorrcjw
(Sh. yffk, 3o) : to pre])are for cookinp:,
to wash vegetables for cooking.
jak, a good man, a gentleman ; to
frighten ; to be defeated in a tight :
to be fit, worthy.
jam, a husband's elder brother; bcll-
metal, a bell ; a moment (Sh. yaw,
4o, time) ; respect (Sh. yam^ Ic) ;
one bom after two, a third child ;
wet (Sh. yam, 4r) ; to reflect (Sh.
yam, 4c, to shine) ; to be mouldy ;
round -fac«l.
jam, gain, profit ; to establish ; to
hate ; to yoke.
jan, an enemy ; shallow ; the straight
portion of a river; standing in a
connected row (cf. Sh. yany, .'Jc,
a row of things); U) glitter; to
stretch out the legs ;' U) suspend
(cf. Sh. yan, 2c, to be placed in
a perpendicular position, the initial
point of action being from above) ;
to stride {ci.jang. Cf . Sh. yang, 3o} .
jan, to ask, beg (Sh. ydn, 4c) ; to
endure ; to make the body dance (ct.
Sh. ySn, 3c, to tremble) ; jdn-Hhi't,
to ask ; nSn-j(in, nursing a child, or
a sick person.
jaft or jai (pronounced ;Wi), one bom
after three others, a fourth-bom
chUd.
jang, a bunch of plantains or tlie like ;
anything white ; to stride, walk
on tiptoe (Sh. yang, 3<>, to step :
cf. jan, jlng) ; to pile ; pressure
put on the ground with the toes in
order to i)revent slipping ; to sparkle,
glitter (34, h'l) ; heat applied to
paddy to dry it for husking (Sh.
yang, 3o, to dry on a frame) ; to bo
fSh. yang, 4c) (cf. naug) ; to kneol
aown.
jang, fame, glory (Sh. yting, 3c, to-
praise) ; clotted, coagulated into
many clots.
jap, to strike against anj-thing with
the foot in walking [ci.jnt),
jap, to cause to be raLse<l.
jat, to glitter, to dazzle ; to plaster ;
to be divided into many lumps ; to-
strike with the foot against something
^{(^Ljap).
jat, the coarse fibrous part of a silk
cocoon ; to yield slightly to tlie
pressure of the foot.
ja4 or jan, the handrail of a narrow
bridge ; to strike with something
blunt; long (Sh. yaw, 4o) ; com-
pleted, particle denoting the past
tense of a verb (Sh. yaw, .^c) (7, 13,
15, 17, 18, 20, 22, 26, 28, 29, 41,
42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 53, 55, 57, 59,
60) ; to be lost in thought ; simple,
foolish ; a fibre, filament ; the same
as naii, great, gigantic (40) ; very
^Sh. yaw, 3c, an asf<ertive particle) ;
aistaut, far ; jaii-kau, ii spider's
thread.
janw, see naii.
jl, a granarj' (Sh. ye, 4c) ; the eldest
daughter of a family ; aslant, oblique ;
jhrniiw (for jim'tiiiiw), in the be-
ginning (seejFwi).
jlk (pronounced ./iX:), a rag; damp.
jIm (pronounced y/w/), oldun times;
Jim-mutv {or Jl-), in olden times, in
the beginning, b^renhith (1) (cf.^ij.
jIn (pronounced jin) (cf. jiin), cold ;
trouble; a thom ; to Ihj quiet, still
(62).
jing (pronounced yiX^), a dragon-fly;
to walk on tiptoe (Sh. ymg, 2o ;
ci.jany).
jip (pronounced yi;?), to walk in step.
jit (pronounced yi^), to clear the edg(?
of a field ; one bora after five others,
a sixth child.
jiw, to think, a thought (Sh. yiw, Im):
doubt.
jo, to praise (Sh. yo, 4c) ; shaiim-jo,
net to think, to be witliout anxiety.
joift (pronounced yof), the flow of water.
jil, to remain, to stay, to live (Sh. t/M,
2c) (cf. 'm) (3, 4, 10, 13, 14, 'l6,
23, 24, 25, 28, 37, 38, 40 Am, 42,
43, 64 bis) ; tau-jtl, to converse,
speak mutually ; to blcsn.
jflk (pronounced y«A), a ])lantain-tree
sprout dressed for food ; an ugly
person ; to put a thing outside the
house to get it bedewe<l.
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210
AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
jtlii (pronounced jun)^ to run, to
proceed runnin«j {ci.jiin).
jun, for ever (otten written jin) (Sh.
yun, 4c, to be long) ; t^ stretch out
the hand (Sh. yuw, 3c, 4c) ; to
become cold (cf. jin) ; solitar)' (55) ;
to run (cf . jun) ; a pattern (cf .
jiing) ; jitn-pin^ to become a pattern,
to be created (39, 42, 43, 44, 45,
48, 50, 64).
juDg (pronounced yww^), a peacock ; to
eject from the mouth ; roar of water.
jiing, a model, sample, ideal (cf . jiln) ;
to start, feel a sudden uneasy sensa-
tion ; a bro^\Ti-i'yed woman.
jtit (pronounced jiit) , to be dinted ; to
stand still.
jiit, to spin thread ; to be severed from
a row ; to cause to fall off.
ka (cf . kg) , things given to the parents
of a girl when wooing ; (or kg)
sufficient, as much as (Sh. ka, 3c) ;
(or kg) all (Sh. ka, 3e) ; seedlings
(Sh. koy 3c) ; to measure ; trade
(Sh. kn, 6c ; ka, 3c, price) ; to go
(Sh. kicd, 2c) ; pai-kdy to go ;
tatty-kd, all ; kd-danff, to play at
shield (a kind of game) ; kd (or
kg)-taUy below; Vz-Aa, a person of
the Mishmi tribe ; ^g-kd-ml-U, a
person of the Datla tribe.
ka (often ^^Titten kd), a crow (Sh. kd,
Ic) ; a forehead ornament ; nam ;
a tether block, or piece of wood tied
to the neck of an animal ; to dance
(Sh. ka, 3c) ; finished ; a suffix of
the past tense ; prep, at ; kg-nai, at
this, now ; kd-lang, behind, after ;
tavg-kq, all (7, 20, 61) ; Id-kg,
name of a serpent (42) ; kling-kg,
a peacock ; inai-Ulng-kg, a kind of
tree (Assamese, bhdtaghild) ; «a-
kaw - kg - hit, a certain creeping
plant used as a medicine (Assamese,
bheddi - lata) ; kg - shang, what 'f ;
kg-tail, below ; 'ang-kg, ability,
^ower.
kai, a fowl (Sh. 2c) ; to lay a bndge ;
plaster ; to feel an itehing sensation
(Sh. 4o) ; to surround ; to come
across, stand in the way of ; pi- kai ,
an elder brother ; kai- kai, all round
a ])er8on or thing (32) .
Jkak, a stick used in stirring anything
while cooking (Sh. 2o) ; a stirrup ;
a kind of size made from paddy
boiled in water and applied to the
. warp in weaving ; watery ; to spin
a muga cocoon ; khau-kak, rice not
properly husked.
kak, a horn ; a water-pot ; a crab ;
lac ; to set tire to.
kam, a small bundle ; harm ; a basket
holding five seers of grain ; the reed
used for making peas (Sh. Ic) ; to
prevent, to hinder ; to prop, to lean
on (Sh. 5c) ; to be, be made (Sh.
^Ic) (61) (cf. hit),
kam, to bend ; to control ; hump-
backed ; to bow (Sh. 4c).
kan, sulphur (Sh. 5o) ; fasting ; an
expert woman ; a stom (Sh. 3o) ;
a pole for carrying a burden ; a
great man ; to be bent, folded ; to
fall ; to be joined ; to slip ; even,
level; a place; mutuality; tobe"fin;
kan-hd or kan-pd, towards; jwr-A^aw,
to copulate; rang-kan, to consult;
chum-kan, to love; m-kan'miiw, as
usual ; ine-kan, to feel affection ;
luiit'kan, to coincide ; pdm-kan,
means of livelihood; ping-kan, love,
affection ; rak-kan, to love, favour ;
'ing-kan, to fall do>vn when ripe (of
fruit).
kan, a rafter ; a germ ; cream ; a pipe,
tube (Sh. kdng, 3c) ; a load taken
on one shoulder (Sh. 4c) ; nice ;
good (49) ; the front ; to get warm ;
to receive homage ; to do ; a hard
mass, a block (44) ; Av?«-/?A<7-naM,the
name of the Vdym, or air-gods (49) ;
kdn-chiing-phd, the g(X)d God (49) ;
kdn-phra-phiik, a mass of white
rock. Mount Mem (44).
kaft (pronounced kdy), to go idly, to
go slowly.
kang, a cross-bow (Sh. 2o) to hide ;
to feel hatred.
kang, poison (Sh. 5c) ; over-sunned
rice ; to prune ; to bring into
subjection.
kap, a scale, a round flat body (cf. Sh.
2o, the husk of maize) ; to join
(Sh. 4c) ; to bite (Sh. 3o) ; kap-
kiip (bite take-by-force), to quarrel,
contend (6).
kap, a fortnight ; simple,
kat, a market (Sh. 2o) ; hard, difficult
(^Sh. 3o) ; to cut to pieces ; to get
dust into boiled rice ; kat-kimy a
shopkeeper.
kat, to abandon ; to embrace (Sh. 2c) ;
to go away by force.
kan, a spider (Sh. kung-kaw, 2o, lo)
(54, 58) ; nine (the numeral) (Sh.
kaw, 3c) ; to remember ; the weight
of the body; to swell; I (the
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
211
pronoun) (Sh. kaw^ Ic) (also spelt
kaWf nom. kaw-ko) (23, 24, 25) ;
former, previous ; kaU'kham'ko^ a
golden spider (nom, case) (58).
Icailm, to become too salt ; the cheek
(Sh. kirn, 3o).
iLanw, the calf of the leg (Sh. kaw,
3o) ; injurj' ; dew ; near.
iaw, an owl (Sh. 5c) ; old (Sh. 2c) ;
other ; not thoroughly ripe ; to mix
together (Sh. Ic) ; the same as kaUj
q.v. (23, 25) ; khau-kawy crushed or
split chaff ; na-kaiv-kq-hitj a certain
creeping plant used for medicinal
purposes (Assamese, bheddi lata).
kaw, to establish, to lay a foundation ;
to think ; to plan.
ke, the Assamese title of * Barua * ;
old (cf. kau) ; to open, untie (Sh.
3o) ; crooked ; ke-cht't, a qualit)*
(^wn/y).
kh& or kha, a domestic, a slave (Sh.
XrAfl, 3c) ; thatching grass (Sh. A'Aa,
4c) ; the thigh (Sh. kha, Ic) ; the
hand; to cut; to ask (for something) ;
to search ; a stool ; to curse or
censure ; to frighten ; kha-lik, a
male servant ; khd'tiim^, a female
servant ; lik-khdy a boy ; khd-phan,
to cut ; iak-khd-ndj a chaste w^oman.
kha, see khd ; khq-lang^ a man of the
Barahl caste.
kkai, in khak-khaiy in every division,
everywhere.
khak, lonely, solitar>' (44, 62) ; still-
ness; the lines on the palm of the
hand ; the son of a black man ; to
click with tlie t<3ngue ; to clear the
throat (Sh. 2o) ; khak - khai, in
ever)' division, everywhere ; khak'
khan, quiet and at peace, still (7).
khak, an enclosure for animals (Sh.
3c) ; a chrysalis, cocoon (Sh. 2c) ;
a cowhoase.
kham, gold (Sh. 4c) (54, 58) ; cloth ;
a word, news (Northern Sh. 4o) (cf.
khan, khfim) (35) ; evening, to become
evening (Sh. 3c) ; a granarv* ; tolessen ;
to burst; to sting; lat'kham, to say ;
lat-kham-lan, to say, speak ; phan-
khanij an order ; sho-kham, a com-
plaint ; kham - mq - lau, a word ;
kham-ku-ldy a servant, a pious man
(also applied to a guest) ; kham' man ,
see kham ; kham-phuk, to learn t4)
speak ; kham-tai, a kite (the bird) ;
a slave ; khun-thiW'khum, name of
& god ; liW'kham^ a kind of plant
(Assamese, bangd jugiyari) ; mau-
kham, a kind of bracelet worn by
men ; phhv-khamy a gold bracelet ;
tham-kham-roy to enquire ; bhSk'
kham-shdny a marigold.
kham, cropped ; to become upside
down (Sh. 3c) ; to ask ; a word,
a subject of talk or thought (cf.
kham) (28, 34) ; khdm -jnan (or
kham-) J the turning out correctly
of something said, the fulfilment of
a prophecy,
khan, an axe ; acute pain ; a sickle ;
a weaver's shuttle ; two boats lashed
together ; rust ; a fish spear ; to
sprinkle holy water ; to trade (Sh.
Ic, price) ; to neglect ; to speak
(Sh. lo) (cf. khnm); a word (16,
39) ; to go quickly (Sh. Ic) (44, 58) ;
khan-mq-chamy as soon as ; khak-
khoHy quiet, still (7) ; khan-to,
alone, solitary (14, 27) : pai-khan,
to run.
khan, life (50) ; mind ; a hammer ;
a club (Sh. 5c) ; a bridle ; muddy,
turbid (of liquid) ; slightly putrid.
khang, happiness ; a dam ; a loom ; a
basket ; a top (the toy) ; a stick
thrown from the hand ; the trunk of
the body ; even, level ; to say
pleasantly ; to throw something ;
to excite; horizontal ; khang-nq,
before, in presence of.
khap, anything round and fiat (Sh.
khip, 4o) ; a shelf ; a wheel.
khap, a mortar ; a small box ; to shut
up ; a weaver's peg ; a circle, ring ;
chi-rSp'Chdp-khdp'baiy a finger-
ring.
khat, to tear, to break asunder, to
divide (Sh. 4c, 2o) ; to be defeated ;
to go.
khat, to tie, to bind (Sh. 2c, to tic
a knot) ; to frighten ; to select ; to
fall down from above ; a teacher.
khan (often written khaii), paddy (Sh.
khawy 3c) ; boiled rice (Sh. khaWy 3c) ;
a horn; the heddle of a loom (Sh.
Ic) ; akindofoneuchithes-basket; an
earring ; a boil ; they, they all (Sh.
Ic) (13, 34) ; yawning; white (Sh.
khaWy lo) ; nice ; to put into, to
enter (Sh. khaWy 3c, to enter) (13,
38) (cf. nhaii) ; in, within (27) ; to
shake (Sh. k)MWy 2c) ; to nurse ;
khau'chaii'duy to think in one's heart
(27) ; khaU'WUHy rice -frumenty ;
khau- mingy boiled bard rice (it
becomes soft when put in water) ;
khau-bit'hing (pr. heng)y barley ;
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212
AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
kkau-ko, to grant a boon ; khau-tun
(pr. tun), fine hutfked unbroken rice
khau-kak, rice not properlv husked
khau'pin (pr. pin), oroKen rice
khoH'kaWy crushea or split chaff
ban-khau, to sow paddy ; ban^khau-
khrai, to sow paddy broadcast.
khatl, wit»h, desire (Sn. 3c) ; good ; to
get over- sunned.
khaw, to prepare a raft ; to jump
a^vay ; to consult.
khe, a casting-net (Sb. lo) ; asthma ;
a river ; to remove the effect of the
evil eye (Sh. lo, to deliver from
a present evil) ; to enclose with
a hedge.
khi, dung, ordure (Sh. 3c) {55) :
a peacock; distress, difficulty (Sh.
Ic) ; to get up, rise.
khik or khlk (pronounced khek or
khik), a guest ; worship ; the river
Jhanjhi ; to worship a god (deva) ;
a spirit.
khin or kkin (pronounced khin),
distress ; any injurious accident (Sh.
khin, Im, to be unlucky) ; a fence
raised across a stream to catch fish ;
to strip off the rind of anything ; to
smooth a post ; to clear tne feathers
(of a bird) ; to be ended ; to suffer
from looseness of bowels; ripe but
hard ; not even, uneven.
khiil (pronounced khen^, the spots in
the moon ; to be a fnend ; to save ;
to hang ; to remain ; cf. khtm.
khing, ginger (8h. Ic) ; a chopping-
block on which bhang is mmced
(Sh. Im) ; large, fat.
khip (pronounced khip), a shoe; high
land; tongs.
kbit (pronounced khit), a toad, frog
!Sh. khitf 2m) ; to pull upwards
Sh. khit, 4c, to raise one end up-
wards) ; to be watery ; to throw
with a stick.
khiw, in khiw-khiw, very bright (33).
Possibly the word should be khriw,
kko, the neck (Sh. Mo, 4c) (23) ;
a hoe ; a pole with a hook to pull
something (Sh. kho, Ic) ; a tie,
a knot ; a chapter, division of
a book; to shine, glitter (15); with,
in company with ; ku-kho, with
fear (35) ; ihau'kho, to remain with
a person (53) ; miing-kho, to tease ;
down-stream, the country lower down
a river.
kkrmi, a buffalo ; an e^ (Sh. khai,
2c) ; dirt (Sh. khai, 4c) ; a cocoon ;
living alone, solitude (62) ; sick, ill
^Sh. khai, 3c, to ache) ; to count
(cf. Sh. khai, 3c, to narrate) ; to
iiTite; to join; not to leave; to
roar ; khring-khrai, see khrdng ;
ban • khau ' khrai, to sow paddy
broadcast.
kkrang, articles, property, especially
large articles (Sh. khSng, Ic) (60) ;
anything thrown away ; cropped ;.
to be in disorder; the breadtn of
a cloth; a kind of water -grass
called dal\ khrSng-Hng, goods and
chattels; khr&ng-khrai, a crocodile
(cf. khroih).
kkring, a canopy ; the body (Sh.
khing, 4c) (AX).
khriw, a stack of wood ; a tooth (Sh.
khiwy 3m) ; sneezing (cf. Sh. XrAi-
eham, 3c, lo) ; a kind of snare for
birds fcf . khruw) ; a plank ; full of
dirt (cf. Sh. kho, 2c) ; dark in colour,
deep black (Sh. khiw, Im) ; having
the smell of raw fish or flesh (Sh.
khiw, 4o) ; yes ; bii-khriw, no ;
nun 'khriw, to sing songs in exchange^
to sing against one another ; thaw-
khriw, a certain tree (Assamese^
Idtarnn gachh) .
kkro, to Uiugh (Sh. khuw, Ic).
kkroi, the male or^an; dead (Sh. ArAoi.
3e, to die) ; zigzag ; the narrow
eaves of a house ; a mistake made in
weaving; nang^khroi-pl^ng, to sit
with one leg over the other in the
Ahom tashion.
kkroiil (pronounced khroing), a shark;
a crocodile (cf. khrdng-khrai).
khrfl or khfl, a bridge; a wooden stand
on which manuscripts are placed ; to
fry ; to smile.
kkrtlm (pronounced khrwn)^ a pond;
bitter (Sh. khum, lo) ; to fall up-
side down ; to itch (Sh. khnm, 4o) ;
to rub ; a ladder (Sh. khuw, Ic).
khmng, to divide or distribute equally ;
frost ; the highest part of anything
(5, 21, 29, 61) ; phd-khrung-kUmg,
a half; tun-khrung, a castor-oil
plant.
khrttng, a room.
khriiw or khmw, a beam (Sh. khuw^
2c) ; a bunch, a cluster (Sh. khuw,
3c); a creeper (Sh. AtAmmt, 4o); the
sharp edge of a dao (Sh. khmn, 4o) ;
leafless branches; a kind of snare
for birds (cf. khriw) ; great (Sh.
khuw, 5c) ; size, length (41) ; wet ;
to happen ; to roll along.
khn-ktlw, to remain continually in
doubt.
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
218
khft, see khrii.
khftk (pronounced khuk), dirt ^cf.
kh-iWf and Sh. khn, 2c) : a tadpole ;
a room witli plauked walls.
kktUL, a kind ol bamboo ncoop used in
catching tiah.
khnm, bitter (Sh. 1<») (cf. khrum).
khftn (pronounced kJtuh), a king (Bh.
khun^ Ic) ; covttousness ; a priest ;
a kind of water worm ; hair on the
body, down (Hh. khutty lo) ; a high
platform used for watching elephants ;
to reconcile ; to snore (Sh. khun,
lo) ; khun'thiw-khamy the name of
a god (30) ; fmrn-khuH, the river
Diiihy in the di»trict of Sibsagar.
kklln, night (Sh. 4c) (8, 11) ; to get
up fSh. 3c, to ascend) ; to return,
fo oack (Sh. Ic) : hit-miin-htt'
huHy rejoicing.
kkftA (pronounced ArA»/i), a son-in-law
(Sh. luk-khun, 3c, 3o) ; to sigh ;
to thrust or impel by the neck ;
po-khuh, the husband of a father's
swter.
khtUl or khifi (pronounced khun), to
be better ; very, much (Sh. khin^
4o) ; ArAwN-^t, to help (55).
khong (pronounced khwig)^ a leafless
branch ; the castor-oil tree.
kkftp or khnp (pronounced khup), a
fortnight (cf. Sh. khnp^ 2o, any
cycle of time) ; to kneel down (Sh.
khupf 6c) ; to have a painful biting
sensation in the joints (Sh. khup,
4o, to bite, to have an ache) ; to
be finished ; to tante salt ; khup-baiy
to kneel down (35).
khtlp, a span (Sh. 3() ; to kindle fire
by applying cotton or the like ; a
shoe (Sh. khip- titty 4o, Ic, sandals).
khftt (pronounced khut)y to divide
boiled rice (Sh. khuty 5o) ; to scatter
boiled rice ; division ; to tear (Sh.
khuty 2c, to tear the skin).
khilt, to chase ; to overtake (Sh. 4c) ;
to be scratched (cf. khut ; Sh. khuty
2c, to scratch).
khUw, in mg-lanff-khuir, a kind of
prickly shrub (Assamese, j^ei/t Art/ Aa/).
ki (often written ki), how much? how
many ? ; ki-chamy how manv P ; kl-
shai^ how far?; '<i-A'i-'^n, the
humble-bee.
kl, a bud; the calyx of a flower (Sh.
3c, to blossom); discontent; a loom
(Sh. 2c) ; to swell ; to make a
bundle ; but ; Art - lang, nearness,
near; nq-din-ki a certain creeping-
plant (Assamese, phnjn lata) . Cf . ki .
4.R.A.H. 1904.
kUc (pronounced ArtA;), a young hog; to
chase with a stick.
kim, to rule, to enjoy the fruits of
(a kingdom) (Sh. 4o, to take hold
of, hold) ; kat'kinty a shopkeeper.
kin, to eat (Sh. Ic) ; to enjoy; kutf-
nd'kiny a cultivator; mq-laU'kiUy
ever, at any time ; kin-»huy a keeper,
one who keeps.
kifl (pronounced ken), of good breed;
good-looking ; earrings ; an arrow ;
now many P ; a kind of water-graas ;
to cut on all sides ; the sticking of
boiled rice in the throat (Sh. 5o, to
choke in the throat) ; an intensive
particle, very (Sh. 2o).
king, a protuberance caused by out-
growth of a branch, an *eye* of a
tree ; to feign (Sh. 3o) ; a cup ; to
swell, as rice when boiled; to ne:>tle.
See kung.
kip ^pronounced Arip), husk, chaff (Sh.
2o) ; a parcel of fish ; a long, narrow-
piece of split bamboo ; to perforate ;
to pick-up (Sh. 4m) ; a plot of
a field ; nd-kip, a field ; blak-kip-
lanty a mushroom, a fung^ (31).
Ut, to husk paddy with the teeth (Sli.
kity 4o, to bite) ; to scream out
loudly ; to be caught by a twig.
kiw, a bamboo lath ; a small conical
flower basket; a hint; a misfortuni* ;
sin ; a long stick with a hook ;
a needle ; to taste ; an uneasy
sensation felt in the windpipe ;
wearing out the sharp edge of a
knife; to wind thread (Sh. Ic, the
strand of a rope) ; to j)i-event from
advancing ; swift ; to go quickly.
klai, near, not far, nearly, almost
(Laos, kauy 3c, to be near).
klang, middle (Sh. kang, lo) (15) ;
a piece of wood tied to the n'lk
of an animal ; phd-khrung-kluujy
a half.
klang, a gun (Sh. kdng, 3c) ; a drum
(Sh. kdngy Ic) ; carousing ; to husk
paddy; klittg-tOy onlv, nothing but
(4, 63).
klem, to possess (Sh. kim, 4(», to tnki*
hold of).
klin (pronounced kliiti), to drink (Sh.
kiUy Ic). Ti-operly kliitty q v.
kllng (pronounced kiing). tin* snrw-
pine flower; a two -pronged con-
trivance usf^l for rnisinjif orHUpjMirtinjj
anything fSh. ku/f/, 4in) : t«» l»e
flung off; kliuy-chu, to a>sumc or
bear a name (17) ; kfuto-kfi, a pea-
15
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214
AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
cock; shi'kling (pronounced -kleng),
half.
kloi, to ^o slowly (Sh. koi^ 3c).
kin, salt (Sh. kuw, lo) ; to cast an
oblique look.
klfbn, brightness.
kllln, tax payable to a king ; to drink
(cf . klxn) ; to swallow ; to bend ; to
rub ; pin-kluny a leper.
klw&ng (pronounced klang), in mak"
klwdnffy the papaya fruit.
ko, suffix of the nominative case (14,
16, 18, 23, 25, 27, 29, 30, 36, 38,
58) ; and, also, even ; a friend (Sh.
6c) ; to create (29, 55, 56) ; ran-koy
layer -establish, a foundation (1) ;
khau'ko, to grant a boon; tai-koy
a man fit to be dead and gone in his
youth (a term of abuse).
kol, to stay, to wait (Sh. 3c) ; only
(Sh. 4c) ; to be finished, suffix of
the past or pertect tense (Sh. Arot,
Ic, to be finished) (4, 6, 10, 15, 24,
40, 51) ; used to form a sort of
precative in rau JA , . . kot,
we may remain, let us remain (37) ;
koi'jauy sign of past tense (16, 17,
22, 28, 42, 47) ; nq-hik-koiy a
certain medicinal herb (Assamese,
laijdbari),
ku, a worm ; a long- necked earthen
pot.
k&, a torch ; a bedstead (Sh. 2c) ; a
forehead ornament ; crooked ; each,
every ; to fear (Sh. kuWy Ic) (cf . kuw) ;
ku-muWy each time ; pan-ku (rel.
pron.), who, which ; kii-kho^ with
fear (35) ; kham-ku-ldy a servant,
a pious man (also applied to a
guest).
Hk (
kUk (pronounced Av(A:), a mane (Sh.
kuk^ 3c) ; an Abor ; a piece of stone
on which anything is ground ; to
feed chickens ; attempts of fowl to
fight ; to mould ; the act of showing
excessive fondness.
kttk, to sob ; to finish quickly ; to
take a sip of water.
kflm (pronounced kumS^ to discuss in
a meeting, to assemole and consult
(Sh. Ic) ; to gather, coUect; to
lower, droop downwards (Sh. 3o,
to stoop) (27).
kun, fighting ; light, sheen ; to make
over oneself to another.
ktln (pronounced kun)^ a man (Sh.
kun, 4o) (22, 62) ; to swell ; to be
uprooted (Sh. 2o) ; to return, come
back ; k&n-ml^ a woman ; kUn-na'
kin^ a cultivator; kUn^rik'tai, a
friend; kun-plStiff, one who binds
himself to serve another in payment
of a debt ; kun-md, a fool, ignorant.
kftft (pronounced Arui), a plantain (Sh.
3o) ; to turn up dirt, to reveal
secret misconduct.
knng, a hole in a tree (Sh. lo) ; a
snake ; canker of a tree ; to praise.
kibig ^pronounced kmtff)^ a spinning
wheel (Sh. Atmw^, 4o) ; a bow (Sh.
kunpy lo) (52) ; a shrimp (Sh.
kunff, 3c).
kting, to suffice, sufficiency (Sh. 2c) ;
to measure, be of a certain length
(written king) (41).
klip (pronounced kup)^ a wicker hat
serving as an umbrella (Sh. 4c) ;
pierced through ; to fold ; a layer.
ktlp, to take by force ; kap-kup (bite
take-by-force), to quarrel, contend
(6).
kilt (pronounced kut)^ hypocritical
(Sh. kut^ 6o) ; crooked; to slip
from the hand ; to seize and keep.
ktlt, to pounce down upon ; to remain
sticking to something when dragged
away.
kttw, fat ; to stare ; to fear ; cf . ku
and khu'kuw.
kw&ng (pronounced kang)^ a kind of
basket; bending; measure, breadth,
size (41, 61).
kw§w (pronounced Aa), a term of
friendsnip (used to a Naga) ; to
prune.
1& or la, the rising of a heavenly body ;
open, unenclosed ; to happen, occur ;
to fasten with lac ; nakea ; Id 'ling ^
a monkey (Sh. ling^ 4c) (see ling) \
la'ihung^ true ; Id-kq, name of a
serpent (42) ; nam-ld-ldy the ocean
(4) ; kham-kii-ldy a servant, a pious
man (also applied to a gueet) ;
^atn-ahii'ldy a crocodile ; nam-$hu'
Id, a shark; bing'sht-ldy a bezoar,
a calculous concretion found in the
intestines of certain ruminant
animals.
lai, a letter, paper ; a book (Sh. 4o)
all (60) ; saliva ; fat, stout ; again
to come ; to mingle fSh. 2o, 4c)
to chase ; variegatett (Sh. 4o)
tang'laiy all ; lai-chan^ manifold.
lak, a thief, to steal (Sh. 5c) (26)
an ill omen ; a peg ; uncommon,
rare (Sh. 2o) (10 bis) ; a dwarf
to drag along the ground (Sh. 3o)
to shine (16, 23) ; tO'lak, neverthe
less ; lak-khd-ndy a chaste woman
lak'thaky prior, before.
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
215
lak, an udder; the heart; to skm,
strip off the peel or rind (Sh. 3c) ;
to trighten (Sh. 2c) ; to transform ;
Idk'pin, transform-become, to make
(58).
lam, to strain off (a liquid) ; to charm,
fascinate ; the branch of a tree ; to
boil in a bamboo vessel ; to creep ;
bWk'klp'lain, a mushroom, a fungus
(31).
hm, morality (nlti) ; a grandson (cf.
lang) (Sh. /an, lo, a grandchild) ;
having no foliage or branches,
pruned (Sh. lan^ 4o, to lop) ; of
former times ; to fly ; to return ; to
digest.
Ian, ugly ; at a word, on the word ; to
mix paddy ; to unfasten, loosen.
la!l or loiiL (pronounced /ot), to swim
(Sh. luii, 4c) ; to join company
with (cf. ddh),
lang, the back (Sh. Ic) ; the space
under a raised platform (Sh. 3o, the
space beneath a hou.se) ; a grandson
(cf . Ian) ; to lag behind ; to clean
utensils (Sh. 5o, to rinse) ; the jack-
fruit tree ; ka-lang^ behind, after
(see A:a) ; ^at-A?»^, after; khtf'langy
a man of the Barahi caste ; lang-maii^
after you ; poi'liin-ianffy and, there-
upon ; kt'lanffy nearness, near ;
mq-lang-khuwy a kind of prickly
shrub f Assamese, pulikaha() ; taii'
ianfff glass.
lang, the pedal of a rice-pestle, etc. ;
glory, greatness ; wide open (cf. Sh.
3o, a hole) ; to go down, float down
(Sh. 3c) ; the embroidered end of a
pillow; lSng»tly to wager, bet;
V-A?«y, wide-power, God.
lap, to be out of sight; to hide, conceal
(Sh. 5c, to conceal) ; to sharpen
(Sh. 6c) ; to startle (cf. Sh. 2o, to
fear) ; to get profit.
lap, talking without regard to truth or
propriety (Sh. ISp-lip^ 6c, 6o, to act
orspeaklikeabuJBfoon. Cf. Assamese
lat, to speak, say, tell (Sh. do) ; to
geld a bull; to show the way (of.
Sh. 4o, to make straight, a short
cut) ; lat'khamj to say, a statement;
lat'kham'iauy to say.
lat, a piece of reed round which thread
is wound for carrying in a shuttle,
the quill of a shuttle (Sh. 2c) ; a knot
of hair tied on the top of the head ;
short, low (Sh. 4c); to wipe;
insincere.
Ian, spirituous liquor (Assamese, IdU'
pdnt)y wine (Sh. lawy 3c) ; a place
for keeping fowls (Sh. law, 6c) ;
a stake ; to speak (26) ; to infatuate
(Sh. law, 2c, to coax^ ; to frighten;
to fish with a baited hook, to angle ;
to rot ; a statement, to addr^ a
superior ; lat - kham - laity to say,
speak ; kharn'mq^laUy a word ; mq'
lau-kirtf ever, at any time ; ahuw-laUy
a kind of cake (Assamese, sur-pifha).
le, the cork of an oil-pot ; to lick (Sh.
4c) ; to wipe dry ; le-pai-le'tna,
backwards (and) forwards (66).
II, the tongue (Sh. liny 5c) (cf. lin) ;
a path ; gradually thinner ; a dam
ana tunnel-shaped trap for catching
fish (Sh. /i, 3c) ; ^g-kd-mi-liy a person
of the Dafla tribe.
ilk (pronounced lik)y iron (Sh. liky
4ni) ; paper (Sh. liky 3c, a book) ; to
remain at a distance; to take in
exchange (Sh. liky 3o, to exchange) ;
to be broken by pounding ; to remain
grave, steady ; to confess ; a pill (m
medicine) ; small (Sh. liky 6m) ; to
tend, take care of; khU-liky a male
paid servant (Sh. khu-lay 3c, 6c) ;
pa-liky a shepherd; lik^khoy a child;
lik'phaiy a flint; tai'liky a certain
term of abuse.
Um (pronounced /«m), an arrow (Sh.
3o, anything long and slender).
Un (pronounced lin)y the tongue (Sh.
lin, 5c) (cf . It) ; a great-grandfather ;
to be united, joined ; to amuse one-
self (Sh. liny 3m) ; to run (see lin) ;
thau-liny a kind of play (Assamese,
gufilatd kfufdd).
lift (pronounced l^n)y to run (Sh. 3o),
see lin.
ling (pronounced ling), a monkey (Sh.
ling, 4c) ; a fisherman, a man of the
fishing caste, a Pom ; light, not
dark; the male organ; to adopt,
adopted (Sh. ling, 6m, to cherish) ;
to tame, tame; cattle; to tend cattle
(Sh. lingy 2o, to fasten up an ox or
other animal) ; Id-ling y a monkey ;
khrSng'ling, goods and chattels,
property ; man - ling (pr. 'leng),
a certain plant (Assamese, ban
naharu).
Up (pronounced lip), to dash away
breaking the line in one comer, to
dash across a frontier or boundary,
to break bounds; unripe (Sh. lip, 4c).
lit (pronounced lit), a paper, a letter;
a holy book (idttra) ; the will,
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
thought ; to patch ; to deceiye ;
a song m honour of a god.
liw, a wicker grain-basket; a notch
cut at the top of a pole ; a paternal
aunt ; cunning ; one-sided, inclining
to one side (cf . Sh. Hn^y 2c) ; alone
(Sh. Im or 4o, a single thjjog) (cf.
diw) ; pointed ; to look behind (Sh.
Im, to turn round the head) ; /itc-
kham, a kind of plant (Assamese,
bangdjvgiyari) ; liw^ngin (pr. 'ngen),
a kind of plant (A^amese, dhala
jugiyari).
lo, an iron spike or pin ; a spindle-full
of cotton (Sh. 2c] ; a peiK)n of the
Abor tribe ; the joint of two forked
branches; a wine strainer; rough;
to cast an image (Sh. 2c, to cast
metal) ; to reproach.
loift, see Idn.
In, to be ruined (Sh. 5c) ; tak-lu^ to
become diminished ; tak-lu' tak •
pang^ to be spent, exhausted, used up ;
khafn-mg-lau lUy to disobey an order.
Itl, an elder brother's wife ; to give, as
a religious act (Sh. 2c) ; to tear in two
pieces, to break ; an iron instrument
for digging ; /ti-nai, a father's sister ;
niW'lii , a miser ; nam - /m, immorality
{aniti).
lUc (pronounced /wA:), a child (Sh. Utk^
3c| ; a room (Sh. luk, 4c) ; a bud ;
a boy whose father is unknown ; to
happen; a suffix denoting the ablative
case ; luk-man^ a son ; luk-nungy
a daughter; luk'pi-*ai, an eldest
son ; luk-ngif the youngest child of
a family ; luk'ngin-di, to ride in a
sedan chair ; also^ to say.
Itlk, to select (Sh. 3o) ; bangles (on
the arm) or anklets.
Inm, to faU rSh. 5o) ; to fill in ; to
sink one's leg into mud (Sh. 2o) ;
to smooth, smooth ; to forget ; all,
entire, complete (Sh. 3o) (12) ;
loose, not tight (Sh. lo) ; air, wind
(Sh. 4o) (pronounced lam) ^2, 13) ;
lum-shif a sharp pain in we heart
(cf. Sh. lum-maiy 4o, 3c, to have
theheartbumj.
Itin (pronouncea /tm), last, after (cf.
iun) ; late bom, bom last (Southern
Sh. Iwty 4c, Northern Sh. Iun, 4c) ;
to be brimful (Sh. /wm, Ic, to rise
and overspread, as water) ; lun-lang,
afterwaros ; poi - Itm - Jang, and,
thereupon.
Ittn, not fresh ; to make, construct ;
. after (Sh. 4c) (cf. lun)\ tun-lun,
after that, then (18, 64).
IflJi (pronounced lui), to lean.
Iflng (pronounced ^ufig)^ great, large
(Sh. lung, lo) ; to eat something on
a road ; to come down, descend (Sh.
lung, 4o) ; to pack grain in a
wicker grain-basket; to beat (Sh.
lung, 3c) ; to become silted up (as a
tank).
Ittng, yellow (Sh. lo) ; sprightly;
the number 1 (Sh. nung, 3c) (9,
39, 42, 43, 45, 48, 54) ; the in-
definite article, a, an ; mai-liing-kq^
a kind of tree (Assamese, bhataghiW) .
Iftp (pronounced lup), to rub (Sh. lup,
3c) ; to gild, plaster, overlay, daub-
(Sh. lup, 3c).
Itlp, an island ; litp-din, an island (2; :
lup-mung, an island (21, 29, 60).
Iflt (pronounced lut), to endure ; mixed
or made soft by trampling done by
a child.
Ittt, blood (Sh. 3o) ; hot (cf. dut).
Itlw, the ifraddha ceremony ; a weaver's
shuttle; an arm (the limb) ; to
become reconciled; to be at the
head, take precedence (Sh. lo, to
exceed) ; the spur of a cock (Sh.
lun-kait lo, 2c) ; to suck ; an
enclosure.
mft, an ass; a negative particle (Sh.
maw, 2c) ; kun-ma, a fool, ignorant.
ma, a dog (with an abrupt tone) (Sh.
ma, Ic) ; a horse (with a long tone)
(Sh. ma, 5c) ; a fox (Sh. mct-lin,
Ic) ; to come (Sh. 4c) ; to void
excrement (bb) ; mq-lau'kin, ever,
at any time ; mq-pu, a kind of
gooseberry (Assamese, jetulipakn) ;
mq-latig-khiiw, a kind of prickly
shrab (Assamese, pulik^haf) ; le-
pai'le-mg, backwards (and) forwards
(56) ; kham-mq-lau, a word ; khan-
mq-eham, as soon as ; mq-me, a
mare; f/ia-Mwny, to arrive; ^au^ma,
to bring.
mai, a bamboo (Sh. 5c) ; mischief,
damage ; a pole (cf . Sh. 5c above) ;
to bum (Sh. 3c) ; to write (Sh. lo,
to make a sign or mark) ; a suffix
which denotes any case except the
nominative ; wooa, a tree (Sh. 5c)
(31) ; mai'lung-kq, a kind of itee
(Assamese, hhdtaghild) ; thai'mm,
a man of the Muluk tribe.
mak, a fruit (Sh. 2o) ; a plant ; old ;
to chew the cud ; a master, owner ;
mature ; to weave ; mak-mo^mSuff^
a mango ; mak^lang, a jack-fnut ;
mak'phrung,^cer\»ijiiTim(Averrhoa
earamhola) ; fnak'phit'thuH,a. certain
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
217
jAuxi (Afleamese, difhalati guehh) ;
mak'khpAnp {pr, -kldng)^ the jpopaya
fnut.
mik, a cloud (Sh. 2c ; of. bl^k) ; to
dazzle the eyes (ef. Sh. 2o, to be
dim-sighted from age).
'^"tt, boiled rice ; a miser.
a, to speak (cf. Sh. mdk, 2c).
A, a root, a sweet potato (Sh. 4c) ;
oil, grease (Sh. 4c) ; fat, stout (cf.
mang) ; gain (Sh. lo, to be success-
ful in what was sought) ; he, she, it
(Sh. 4c) (16, 40, 42, 43, 44, 52, 66,
/)6, 67) ; a pleonastic particle, said
to give the iaea of respect, added to
male nouns of relationship, as in
po-marty a father; matt'tiOy a kind
of wild root (Assamese, fakariya
dlu) ; man-ling (pronounced -leng),
a certain plant (Assamese, ban na-
haru) ; khdm-man or A'Aam-man,
the turning out correctly of some-
thing said, the fulfilment of a
prophecy ; pik-man^ disaffection,
want of love ; to endure ; phi-man ^
a kind of headache, which comes at
Hunnse ; thau-fnan^ an arbitrator
amongst the Kacharis.
man, trust, confidence ; a pillow (Sh.
Ic) ; Brahma.
mail, see moin,
mang, other (cf . Sh. lo, some) ; stout,
fat (but Sh. lo, to be thin) (cf.
man) ; to poke at, to break by
poking at (cf. Sh. Ic, to pound) ;
to be unfolded (of cloth) ; pin-mang-
ahai, an abscess ; *dng-mang, water
in which rice has been boiled,
congee.
mang, intelligent ; a stake, peg ; mak-
mo-mdng^ a mango.
map, a bamboo fish -trap ; to rob.
map, to tie the body (Sh. 4c, to gather
one's clothes round oneself).
mat, evening twilight, evening ; a
kind of ant (Sh. 4c, a flea) (cf. mut) ;
an eel-spear (Sh. 2o, a pointed
Htick).
mat, quality ; to walk in a solemn
manner.
man, a kind of ant ; unable to utter
articulate sounds, tongue-tied (Sh.
maw^ 3c, to have soreness of the
tonfl^e) ; to extort ; to become pale
or bloodless ; light, not heavy ^Sh.
tnaWf Ic) ; fleshy, stout ; to praise ;
mau-kham^ a kind of bracelet worn
by men.
mail, thou (Sh. 4c) ; «iMMf-;>6, a wife's
elder sister.
me, a motiier (Sh. 3o, but me, 4c,
a wife, cf. ml) ; to strike ; to get
cleared or cleaned (Sh. 4o, to put in
order) ; a feminine suffix employed
with irrational animals; hu-me^ a
cow ; m$-mey a mare ; m^-'a, a
father's sister ; me-kan^ to feel
affection ; cMng-me^ improper, not
suitable.
ml. good (Sh. /i, Ic) ; a wife, a
temale (Sh. me, 4c, but me, a
mother, 3o) ; a string of beads ; the
datura or thorn-apple; not to be
(contrast Sh. mt, 4c, to be) (20 his) ;
not to mix ; a feminine suflix used
with human beings and the like (22) ;
dark (Sh. 3c) (47) ; like (47) ; *m«-
mi, a woman; baw-mt, not to be
(22 bie) ; pai-mi, not to be (1, 2, 6) ;
Hang-mtf not to be (8, 11, 12, 16,
19, 20) ; *au'mi. to marry ; *^-ka-
mt-n, a person of the Dana tribe.
mik (pronounced mtAr), igncnrant (Sh.
muky 3o).
mifi (pronounced men), a Naga (? Sh.
2o) ; a porcnpme (Sh. min, 8m) ; to
peel; to break with tongs; a cat
(cf. miw),
ming (pronounced ming), life (Sh. 3c,
fate, destiny).
mlp (pronounced mip), to shampoo,
squeeze with the fingers (Sh. 2c).
•mit, a knife (Sh. 3c ; Assamese, mit-
ka(ort) ; a rainbow in the east.
miw, a cat (Sh. 4o).
mlan, the mulberry (Sh. ntdn, 4c).
mling (pronouncea mleng), a white ant
(cf . Sh. ming, 4o, an insect) ; a fire-
fly (47).
mlip (pronounced mi^), lightning (Sh.
pha-mip, 5c, 3o).
mliln, to open the eyes (Sh. mun, 4c) ;
mlun-ta, to open the eyes (19).
mo, a learned man (Sh. Ic, to know
how to do a thing, be skilled in) ;
a Deodhai or Ahom priest ; intelli-
gence, wisdom ; an earthen cooking-
pot (Sh. 3c) ; an archer ; a whisper
(cf. Sh. 4c, to creak); mak-mo-
mSna, a mango; mo-ran , a Matak
or Moran, a weU-known caste in
Upper Assam.
mot, the short hair about parts of the
body, as under the armpits, etc. (Sh.
Ic) ; to be tired (N. Sh. 3c) (cf.
mo%H)\ to become exhausted.
moifiormaft (pronounced moy), fatigue
(cf . mot) ; pride, haughtiness.
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218
AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
mrat, a camel.
m% see tniiw.
milk (pronounced muk), a kind of arum
(Sh. 4c) ; a cap, nat ; to attire,
clothe ; to ask ; to be ceremonially
imclean.
milk, a mosquito.
man, yirtue; the wild silkworm; lot,
fate ; to sprout (Sh. 4c) ; to empty;
khau-muHf rice-frumenty.
mlln, a cart ; ten thousand (Sh. 2c) ;
to slip (Sh. 3c, to be slippery) ; to
open the eyes (Sh. 4c) (see mliin) ;
past time; rejoicing, to be happy
(Sh. «ntm, 3o) ; hit-mim, to rejoice ;
pi'mutO'tntinj for (so many) years.
mtSL or mnft (pronounced tnuj/jj to be
destroyed; to devastate; frost (Sh.
lo) (63).
mtLil (pronounced mwy or iwiii), dew;
to jump.
mllng, a country, a kingdom, the
world (Sh. 4o) (2, 3, 6, 11, 19, 21,
29, 35, 39, 45, 51, 62, 59, 60 bis) ;
to thatch a house ; very quickly (32,
33) ; to hum, buzz ; to aouse ;
muiig-khOf to tease; down-stream,
the countiy lower down a river ;
ru - munfft the north (44) ; shai'
chiing'tnung, thread - god - country,
thread of air, the air-gods, Vdytts
(48, 50) ; hit-mung-chau, to present
a gift; liip'mmgy an island (21, 29,
60) ; pun-miing^ a foreign countr)'.
mflp (pronounced mup), to be wavy,,
to be undulatory.
mat, an ant (Sh. 5o) (cf . mat) ; an eel ;
to clear, clean (Sh. 4o) ; to slip ;
mut-katij to coincide.
milt, to tame a wild animal ; to
reconcile.
milw or mtl, a betel-nut (Sh. wim, 5c) ;
a kind of wild nut ; the hand (Sh.
milw, 4c) (17) ; a hog (Sh. wm, Ic);
time, a day (Sh. miiWy 3o, time) (1,
8, 64) ; the weather, the season for
cultivating any crop ; a gift ; to
have at one's hand ; ancient time ;
ku-miiw, every time, always; ««-
kan-miiUf as usual ; mutc-naij then ;
mnw-naii, now (36) ; jim-muw, be-
ginning time, in the beginning (1) ;
mu'tuh (pr. -tut), to reconcile ;
mmo'ftanf for ever (38) ; ram-mu,
powdered chaff ; ahup-mti^ to be
silent ; tham'^q'mu, a plough.
nft, very, exceedingly (Sh. 2c) ; thick,
not thin (Sh. Ic) (59) ; a suffix of
the future (rare except with pai-kd,
to go) ; nam-na, very many; nd'kip,
a field ; lak - kha - na, a chaste
woman ; ahd-na, to make an offering ;
cf. tt(I.
na (often written no), a rice-field (Sh.
'nd, 4c) ; disease ; the mouth, face
(Sh. ndf 3c) ; the front ; to return ;
nq-kip, nq-diny a field ; kun-nd^kin,
a cultivator; an-nq, before; w«-
kan-muiVf as usual; khang-nq,
before, in the presence of.
flft or !la, medicine (Sh. gdy Ic, 3c) ;
grass (Sh. gd, 3c) ; to come in a
shoal as fishes ; to catch fish while
coming in a shoal ; opium (Sh. yd-
lam, 3c, Ic) ; (tiq) a forest (63) ;
nq-hik'koiy a certain medicinal herb
(Assamese, Idi jdbari) ; nq-din-ki,
a certain creeper (Assamese, phajd
latd) ; nq'pling'phai, a certain tree,
Machilus odoratiasiinay identified in
Assam as the soma plant ; nq^kaw-
kq-hitf a kind of creeping plant used
for medicinal purposes (Assamese,
bhedai latd) ; nq-rattg, a kind of
grass (Assamese, hdrka(d ban) ; nq-
hang-she, a kind of sharp-edged
grass (Assamese, mdduri ban).
nai, a day (cf. Sh. naii, Ic, morning) ;
now (cf. Sh. nai J Ic, thus ; 3c,
here) ; to reply ; to speak ; to sew
(cf. naiim) ; this (Sh. 5c) ; a particle
signifying unexpectedness ; piitc-
nang-nai, on account of this, in
order that; miiic-nai, now, then,
to-day (cf. miitv-naii) ; tam-nai^
from this, then, thereon ; kq-nai, at
this, now ; tJ-naif place this, now,
here ; phraii - nat, when V ; cAm-
chang - naiy because, therefore ;
chang-naiy now (37) ; nai-cham,
now, next, thereupon (49) ; lu-naiy.
a father's sister.
ilai, a dragon-fly ; to be scattered
(Sh. yfli, 3o).
nak, an otter ; heav}* (Sh. 4c) ; to be
in difficulty.
nak, the horn of a rhinoceros ; to
measure; the weight of anything
f 46) ; a bono : to respect ; putrid ;
delight, joy ; sound sleep ; pin-ndky
to be offended.
ftak, to do something unimportant;
not important ; to cut things while
walking.
ftak, to put pressure on; hl-hSk, to
throw down by force, to break by
throwing down violently.
am, water (Sh. 5c) (40) ; many (Sh.
Ic) ; vapour ; nam - tangy a water-
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AN AHOM VOCABULAEY.
219
pot ; nam-na, very many ; nam-
bUtk-rung, the water ot the Ganges ;
nam-ahii'ia, a shark ; nam-khun,
the river Dilih, in the district of
Sibsagar; nam-ia-ld (4), the ocean;
Ut-nam, to draw water.
, bell-metal ; false (of an accusa-
tion) (cf. hdm) ; a beam, the support
of a roof ; a kind of hairy caterpillar
the touch of which causes iiritation ;
to chew ; to laugh ; to eat with the
lips (from a bamboo joint) as children
and persons who have lost their teeth
(Sh. yaniy 5c) ; a couple ; nam-lfiy
immorality (aniti).
iUim, false, falsehood (cf . fia^n) ; to
colour or be coloured (cf. Sh. ya/«,
5c, to dye).
nan, lateness (Sh. 4o, to be long in
doing) ; to quarrel ; demonstrative
pronoun, that (Sh. 5c) ; an-nau,
a-nan, that ; piiw-nan^ on account
of that, therefore; muw-naiij for
ever (38).
nan, to muse (a child or sick person) ;
to watch over ; to sleep (Sh. 4c) ;
udn-jdn, nursing a child or sick
person.
ftan, all-knowing (Sh. ;7a«, intellect
= Skr.y/itfwaw).
na& (pronounced noy)^ drizzling rain
(Sh. yoiy 4c).
nang, a jjirl (Sh. 4o, a sister) ; to sit
(Sh. :3c; (37, 57, 61) ; to be in dis-
tress, dilliculty (56) ; of what sort? ;
according to, adv., like, as (31),
thas (1) (Sh. 2c) ; piiw-naHg-nai,
in order that ; naug-khroi-pUtny , to
sit with one leg over the other in the
Ahom fashion.
nang, a lake, a ]>ond (Sh. Ic) ; a younger
brother or sister (Sh. 5c) ; ndHy-
niinyj uiiuy-nihiy, a younger sister ;
pi'UiJny, a younger brother ; ndny'
nhaiij an adult younger sister.
nang, to be (Sh. yamj, 4c) (cf. janrj)
(46, 47) (written>My, but pronounced
hang in 8, 11, 12, 17, 40); hang-
ml, not to bf (16, 19, 20) ; hang-mi^
to be dark (47j.
nap, U) count (Sh. 5c) ; to thrust in,
to stick up in the ground.
flap, distress (Sh. yapf 2o, to be
difficult).
ilat, a young leaf not yet opened (Sh.
ydt, 3c).
nan or naw, a mistress, a paramour ;
a wife; inside (see #!««) ; putrid (Sh.
naw, Sc) ; slightly putrid, not fresh ;
to raise and bring ; to march ; to be
cold (Sh. naWy lo).
natl, inside, in, into, the inside (ct.
nau ; Sh. 4c) : nau^ehauy the breast
(30); muw-naii (cf. muw-nai), now
(36)
ikatl (also spelt yaM and ^ai/tr), a great
or large man (Sh. yau, 2c, great,
big) ; great, gigantic [40 (/««), 54
(nrtw), 56 (Janw), 58 {jauw)'\\ kin-
phu-nail^ the name of the air-gods
(49).
nailm, to sew (cf. nai).
ilaw, to draw a line.
ne, to give oneself to ; to leak through
(as the roof of a house) ; a certain
squirrel -like animal ; to push against ;
pha'tuw-ehiing'ne'piing, instruction
from God (34) {ne apparently means
»from').
ng&, a mole (on the body), nga-ng'i,
many moles (33) '^ a tusk (Sh. 4c)
(cf. ngq) ; pe-nga, a goat (Sh. pe-
ngany 5o, lo) ; rdng-nga, tusked,
of an elejihant (43) .
nga, ivory (cf . nga) ; the sesamum and
its seed (Sh. «ya, 4c) ; hair-lipped ;
to aim at (Sh. nga, Ic) ; the spikes
attached to a fish-trap.
ngai, lust, sexual desire ; to wish ; to
come quickly into being ; easy (Sh.
3o) ; a pair; ngai-ahl, to separate
a pair.
ngak, dropsy ; to rend asunder ; to go
aside.
ngak, to thrust in ; to look with the
head raised (Sh. 3c, to raise the
head) ; crooked (Sh. 5c).
ngam, a hole ; a leaning or reclining,
pressure (cf . ngap) ; to hatch, incubato
(Sh. ngdm, 4c) ; to cover the body
from head to foot with a cloth (Sh.
4c, to shade by covering) ; nice,
beautiful, handsome (Sh. 4o, to be
good) (6, 19, 34); to waqi (as
a board).
ngam, to swell, to be puffed up.
ngan, a cobra ; a kind of disease (a
form of diarrhoea) ; pin- ngan, to
seek company, join oneself to.
ngan, a knoll, a hillock ; handsome.
ngap, to take away ; a kind of basket ;
to lean (cf. ngam),
ngap, to be afraid of ; to sleep.
ngan, ngail, or ngaw, a wild cat ;
light, a ray of light (Sh. ngaw, 4c,
emitted brightness) (32, 33) ; to tear
off ; moss ; to manure.
ngattm, a stick thrown from the hand.
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220
AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
ngaw, to roar ; to peep through ; to
grope for ; to suck.
age, a boundary; a well-doer, one
who does kinaly actions ; a stopper
made of soft materials, a cork (cf.
niw) ; ashes ; even, straight ; bowed,
bent (of the body) ; a prop.
ngl, the barking deer; the youngest
son of a famuy; tu-ngiy tuw-ngly
a deer ; Uik-npij the youngest child.
ng^-rfl-f hi, to strike the h^ against
something.
ngin (pronounced n^tn), to hear (Sh.
tiffin y 4m) ; ngin-kH^ to get fright-
ened; liW'Hgin (pr. 'ngen), a kind
of plant (Assamese, dhala jugiyari) ;
luk'ngin-dty to ride in a sedan
chair ; also, to say.
nglp ^pronounced ng%p)y a kind of
stana.
ngiw, a eunuch.
ngli, the fifth son of a family ; a snake
(Sh. 4c).
ngtik, an imaginary water animal, a
water naga.
ngtln or ngfln (pronounced ngun)y
mutual pleasure.
ngtln, silver (Sh. 4c) ; a skein of
thread. See also ngiin.
ngiip (pronounced ngup)^ to remain
with the head raised.
nglip, to break a piece of split bamboo.
ngUt, to aim at.
ngllw or ngaw, a chasm; to lay down
a pole ; to break by trampling ; to
go with the body bent.
nl, to go away (Sh. Ic, to go) ; over-
ripe ; to get into debt (Sh. 3c,
a debt) ; remote, far ; «Aat.nt,
distant.
fli, to plan, consult; to coincide (Sh.
2c).
nik (pronoimced nik), to flow down
the neck (of water in bathing) ;
nik - eh&y alas ! ; *a - wiA:, extreme
misery.
&Ik (pronounced it i A?), to make a ticking
sound.
nim, to be dinted (Sh. 4o, to be con-
cave, a concave spot of ground) ; to
push with the elbow.
nlfi (pronounced nen), to become com-
pact (Sh. 3o, to be hard, not pliant;
6o, to compress, crowd) ; to bury in
the earth ; small in stature ; to walk
with the breast elevated (cf. Sh.
ningy 3o, to walk with the shoulders
thrown back) ; a kind of plant
(Assamese, kapai'phu(d) .
ning (pronounced ning), a kind of
stand; a kind of tray mounted on
a leg.
fUng (pronounced ning), a female (Sh.
gingy 4c) (cf . niing); to creep; the eaves
of a house; to sit close, each touching
the other's body ; ning-jay a wicked
woman.
niw, matted hair ; any kind of bean or
pulse ; a finger or toe (cf . Hitp) (Sh.
the same, 5c) ; niW'liiy a miser.
fliw, a cork, a stopper made of soft
materials (cf . nge) ; a finger (cf . niw)
(Sh. nitCy 5c) ; a block of wood ; to
make water (Sh. giWy 3m) ; sweet
juice.
no, a sprout, shoot (Sh. 2c) ; a wen, a
painless tumour ; fnan-no, a kind of
wild root (Assamese, (akariga dH) ;
no-rd, niiw-ro, on the head, against ;
cf. nUw.
iio, to charm ; to bend.
noi, small (Sh. 5c, to be small) ; low.
iioi, threshed paddy; a kind of fly
(Assamese, nagdjhili).
nd, see nikc.
iitl, a broom (Sh. yuy 4c) ; HU'chuy an
ant.
ndk (pronounced nuk)y a bird (Sh. nuky
5o) ; deaf (Sh. nuky 2o) ; nuk'tUy
a Qove.
ntik, in shuw-niiky a stitch in sewing.
ftuk, to raise (Sh. guky 5c or 5o) ; to
push with pressure.
fitlk, to patch with thread ; to feel a
sullen resentment at an a&ont.
nllm (pronounced wimi), a handsome-
looking man ; the breast, udder (Sh.
num, 4o).
fttLm (pronounced fiuin)y a bush (Sh.
guniy 4c, a clump of bushes) ; to be
barren; to smile (Sh. guttty 5c).
nftn (pronounced nioi), cotton (Sh. 3c,
the product of the red cotton-tree) ;
weariness (Sh. 4c, to be exhausted
from fatigue, illness, or the effect of
medicine) ; verdigris.
na& (pronounced nui)y in pat-nnhy a
certain plant, Job's tears,
ntlft (pronounced ««ij, to throw away ;
nun - khriWy to sing songs in ex-
change, to sing against one another,
flnfl (pronounced *?Mi), to feel the hands
ana feet asleep.
nILng (pronounced nnng) , to stir, shake,
move; to go astray; to happen;
a method of cooking rice (it is put
in a covered pot without water, wluch
is placed over boiling water) ; to put
on (clothes) : nung-langy to put on
(clothes) ; khau-nuttgy boilea bard
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AN AHOH VOCABULARY.
221
riee (it becomes soft when put in
water).
ikftiig (pronounced ^tmg), a moeqaito
(Sh. ffunpf 4c) ; displeasure.
ftongy to prevent from advancing by
standing in the way (cf. Sh. ym^,
:3c, to remain gathered together in
a crowd) ; a plant (Plumbago rosea) ;
a female, a woman (cf. Hinp) (Sh.
yinfy 4c) ; a suffix or prefix Noting
the female of human beings ; kha-
niing, a female servant ; ndng-nung^
nung-ndngj a sister; luk-Hungy a
daughter.
Blip (pronounced nup), a species of
flying insect (A-ssamese, ke(d mdkhl).
ILtip, the measure of the hand with the
fingers extended ; to proceed tramp-
ling down.
nflt ^pronounced nut), a beard (Sh. nut,
2o) (cf. Hut)\ to split up by bending
the end of a thing (cf. Sh. nut, 'do,
to reduce to small particles).
:ftiit, a beard (Sh. nut, 2o) (cf. niit).
nflw or nfl, a rat or mouse (Sh. nil,
Ic) ; flesh (Sh. nuw, oo) ; race,
lineage (Sh. not, 2c) ; up, above,
on (Sh. nuw^ lo) (also no) (5, 40) ;
white; tam-nuio, place above, on
(42, 44).
p&, a conical basket used by Nagas
for carrying a burden on the back
(cf. Sh. 4c, to suspend from the
shoulder) ; to copulate (cf. pa) ;
half of anything, a side (cf. Sh. 3c,
a side) ; to graze ; kan-pa, towards ;
pn-lik, a shepherd ; pa-kan, to
copulate.
pa, to accompany (Sh. 4c) ; pa-kan,
to have sexual intercourse with
(cf.;7«).
pal, a kind of tree (Tamarix indiea) ;
to go, march (Sh. Ic) ; oblique (Sh.
2c, to turn aside) ; front ; to oow
low (ct Sh. 00, to hang over) ;
(luickly (cf. Sh. 3o, to run) ; nega-
tive, not (Sh. Ic, prohibitive par-
ticle) ; /^-/Kif-^-mtf, backwards (and)
forwards (56) ; pai-ka, to go ; pat"
khan, to run ; pai-mi, not to be (1,
2, 5).
pak, the mouth (Sh. 2o) (16), the
inside of the mouth ; the numeral
100 (Sh. 2o) ; regular ; to become ;
to raise a post (Sh. 4c) ; a pumpkin
(Bh. 5c) ; pak'bai, to call, to name
(49).
pak, to return ; to wrap a cloth round
the body ; to skin, peel (Sh. 2c) (cf.
puk) ; ta-ru-pik, a blunder, mistake.
pam, to kick (Sh. Ic, to push away
violently) ; to braid.
pam, the palate ; the heel ; a pillow,
a bolster ; a short post to which a
buffalo -calf is tiea; to unite, to
reconcile (Sh. pam, 4o) ; to be
removed, separate, off; pSm-koft,
means of livelihood.
pan, a kind of hemp plant, rhea (Sh.
2o) ; to twist, rotate fSh. 2c) ; to
hold, grasp ; to uphold (38) ; to
become cold ; to divide ; pan-ku,
relative pronoun, who, which.
pan, to clean cotton (Sh. 3c) ; to
cause to pass through ; to put into
the mouth (as food) (Sh. 3c).
pang, a plain (Sh. 2o, to be level) ; a
hare (Sh. pang - lai, lo, 4o) ; a
fallow-deer; a mithan or Indian
bison ; rich ; the spleen (Sh. 3o) ;
an altar (Assamese, p&ng) ; hi^
land; to break (Sh. 4c, to break
down) ; to open, untie ; to be
ruined; iak-pang, to become ruined;
tak-lu'tak-pang, to be spent, ex-
pended ; pang 'din, a man of the
Miri tribe.
pap, living as a dependent in another's
house.
pat, a gem ; to cut with a sliding
motion (Sli. 2o) ; to be in a leaning
position ; to warm ; pat-nut* (pr.
-nui), a cert^iin plant, Job's tears.
pat, to rub (Sh. 3c) ; to plaster ;
cropped (cf. Sh. 4c, to be short) ;
the af terbiith of a lower animaL
pati (pronounced po), a daughter-in-
law (Sh. luk - pau, 3c, 6c) ; a
sentinel, see paii below ; to put on,
clothe (Sh. >^aM, 4c).
paii or paw (])ronounced jpam), to pole,
push with (1 pole ; uneven ; blowing
of wind, to blow with the mouth
(Sh. haw, 2c) ; to keep watch (Sh.
pail, 5c) ; to wait for, attend on (Sh.
paii'kaiig, 5c, lo, to stand sentr)') ;
to select ; to curse.
patlm, to startle.
paw, see paii.
pe, a goat (Sh. 5o) ; a raft, two boats
tied together, with a platform
between (Sh. 4<)) ; to conquer (Sh.
5o) ; to go behind ; pt-uga (Sh. pe-
ngan, 5o, lo, a he-goat), a goat.
phft or pha, a king ; cloth, a garment
(Sh. 3c)'; heaven, the sky (Sh. 6c)
(1, 5, 6, 13, 20, 21, 24, 46, 56,
56, 58, 61) ; a wall, partition
(Sh. Ic) ; to split (Sh. 2c) ; to
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222
AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
divide (Sh. 2c, to split) ; to pierce
(33); God (Sh. phrah, 4c) (9)
(nom. phd'ko, 14, 18, 29, 30) ; phd-
tuw-chung^ the Supreme Deity, God
Almight)' (27, 34, 38, 53) ; phq-
hum, a certain plant (Assamese,
barun 'gachh) ; kan -phd - tiauy the
name of the J'ayus or air-gods (49) ;
chibig-phdy God (49) ; kkn-chilug'
phd, the good God (49) ; phd-khi-ung-
klang, a hali'; tau-pha, earth and
heaven.
phai, fire (Sh. 4c) ; a side (Sh. 2o) ;
a high land ; a layer ; a strong
person ; an embankment (Sh. lo, a
small dam) ; io jump ; to beckon ;
to walk, go (Sh. 3o, see phrai) ;
lik'phaiy a Hint ; na'pltfng-phai, a
certain tree, Machilm odoratissinia,
identified in Assam as the Soma
plant.
phak, a vegetable ; a bribe (Sh. 2o,
to send a ])resent) ; the embroidered
end of a round ])illow ; a side ; an
army ; a scabbard ; smooth, plain ;
to ram down, press closely down ;
the bank of a river (Sh. phang, 2c).
phak, an unskilled woman (Sh. 2c, to
be incapable of learning) ; ugly ;
sappy, lull of sap ; a feast ; to
sprinkle water on the body (Sh. 4c,
to sprinkle) .
pham, the part of a limb between two
joints (cf. pl^ng) ; a kind of aouatic
grass ; to remain in a compact body.
pham, morality (niti) ; all ; an example ;
to ramble, wander; low and bushy
(as shrubs).
phan, an order, command ; a dream
(Sh. Ic) ; difficulty, distress (Sh.
lo), poverty ; sorrow ; calumny
against an absent person ; to create
(Sh. 2o) ; to do ; to call ; to sow
broadcast; seed kept for sowing (Sh.
4c, a seed) ; to cut (Sh. lo, to slice,
pare) ; phan-kham, an order ; phu-
phan, to float on poverty, to be
destitute ; kM-phan, to cut.
phan, a house; a sip, the quantity
drunk at one gulp ; to remain grave,
serious.
phaii, see phoiH.
phang, a foreigner, a Bengali, a Musal-
man; a false statement; a plant
(Plumbago rosea) ; stubble of paddy ;
netted, reticular; night-blind; to
cheat by imi)erfectly performing
a work, to scamp ; to* fiU up a hole
(Sh. Ic, to bury) ; to draw a line ;
near, close to (cf. phring) ; bldk^
phang, a certain flower (Assametie,
garhjd'phul).
phap, to strike with a hoe; to beat
with a club.
phap, to run on all fours.
phat, a bridge ; to beat, to strike with
a cane (Sh. 5c, to strike with a sharp
stroke) ; to pour syrup (into a pot ; :
to cut a leaf (cf. Sh. 2o, to sever :
a joint; to fall; the striking of
grass bv an elephant ; to read (Sh.
4c) ; to be bitter (Sh. 2o) ; yt-t,
nevertheless.
phat, to sew a border, sew on a border ;
t<) make an elephant kneel down ; to
search minutely.
phau, to scatter about (cf. phatc) ; a
wish (Sh. phaii, 2c) ; dust (Sh.
phang^lo). Often incorrectly written
for/? A raw.
phaw, a housekeeper, a wife ; to be
scattered (ct. phau).
phe, a plate (Sh. lo) ; a piece of plain
cotton cloth ; a wash-bowl ; a piece
of wood on which bhang is minced ;
to spread (Sh. 2o), to per^'ade ; to
give birth to, bring fortn ; to spread
straw (cf. Sh. 2c, to unfold ; lo, t(»
be scattered) ; to sun paddy; to blow
with the mouth ; to smooth with an
adze.
phi, in phUtnatiy a kind of headache
which comes at sunrise ; phi-dip,
a large boil ; to- phi, a whirlpool.
phik or pMk (pronounced pAt A:), a kind
of high coarse grass ; to recognise ;
to feed by ejecting from the mouth,
to feed from mouth to mouth.
phln (pronounced /)Aiw), a cotton gin;
a shelf ; a cartwheel.
phift (pronounced ^/t«M), a layer; a flat
piece of silver or gold (Sh. 2o, what
IS flat and hard).
phip (pronounced ^Aip), to wink with
the eye.
phit (pronounced phit), cold, warmth-
less; pungency, salty (Sh. 4m, be
pungent) ; to be offended ; to offend
the goddess of smallpox ; to make
a mistake in playing chess (Sh. 4c,
to miss the mark, be in error) ; to
sin ; ftwk'phit'thun, a certain plant
(Assamese, dig luilati gachh).
phiw, a bracelet ; a tick ; the fibrous
outer bark of plants (Sh. Ic) ;
slightly dry ; to clear up, dear
away, put in order (Sh. 3m) ; to be
in excess (51) ; to vacate a place ;
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AN AHOM VOCABULABT.
22$
to speak Tehemently ; phiic-kkam^
a gold bracelet.
pho, an eel-hole, an eel-pit ; to roll in
a green leaf and then to roast (cf.
Sh. phaWf Ic, to roant) ; to move
the le<^ backwards and forwards
in agony ; to remain for good,
permanently.
phoi, a mole (the black spot) ; a tumult.
phoiJi or phafi (pronounced phoi), to
drizzle (of rain) (Sh. phoi^ 4c, to
sprinkle) ; one who tills up a hole.
phra or phr&, a rock ; kSn-phra-
phuky a mass of white rock, Mount
M6ru (44).
phrai, to go, walk (Sh. phai, 3o ; see
phai),
phrang, a cart ; a guard ; a means of
deliyerance, delivery, the act of
saying or delivering ; counsel,
advice ; to rest ; to support,
nourish, take care of a person;
dust (Sh. Ic).
phratl (often m-ritten phaii), who?
(Sh. phaiij Ic) ; any, a certain,
anybody; phrau-bau^' no one (3, 6,
9, 24, 26, 61) (in 61 the baw
appears to be omitted) ; phrau-nai,
when ?.
phrl, a god, a spirit (Sh. phi, Ic,
a being superior to man and inferior
to the Brahmas, and having its
dwelling-place in one of the six
inferior celestial regions) (22) ; a
ghost, a devil; a discharge from
the eye (cf. Sh. phf, Ic, a ooil, an
ulcer); to form into layers ; phri-ml,
a goddess (22).
phring, a wooden stand on which
religious manuscripts are placed;
near (cf. phang) ; a custom, former
habit (Sh. phim, 3o) ; to throw off ;
to be many, suffix of plurality (Sh.
phingy 3c ; cf. phrung, a swarm).
plimm, hair (Sh. phum, lo) ; a
crowd, a herd.
phmng, a swarm (Sh. phttng, Ic, a
collection) (cf. phring and phrum) ;
to divide into two parts (cf. Sh.
phak, 2o, to divide mto two) ; to
be flung off, to fall off (Sh. phung,
5o, to fly off scatteringly) ; to be
renewed ; a honeycomb (cf . phrung).
phrilng, honey (Sh. phiing, 3c, the
honey-bee) (cf . phrttng) ; to spread,
as water on blotting-paper ; to dis-
tribute ; to sweat, perspire ; mak-
phrung, a certain Iruit {Avetrhoa
earambola).
phfl, a man, a male (Sh. 3c) (24, 54) ;
a husband (Sh. phuw, Ic) ; in
former times ; to float (Sh. 4c) ; to
change shoulder, to ease a burden on
the shoulder ; kftn-phu, a man, a
male; phu-rq-ia-rg, God (cf. pha) ;
phu'phaUy to float on poverty, to be
destitute.
phnk, a mat ; to tie, knit (Sh. 2c, to
bind).
phtlk, a kind of root, Parum ; a
bamboo fence set up in a stream to
intercept fish (Sh. 2o) ; to be white
(Sh. 2o) ; to learn (Sh. 4c, to begin
to learn to do anything) ; kdn-phd-
phiikj a mass of white rock (Mount
Meru) (44) ; kham-phuk, to learn to
phdn or phnn (pronounced j9^w»), rain
(Sh. lo) (12, 13) ; one who revolts,
an insurgent ; to revolt ; to upturn ;
firewood, fuel (Sh. phuftj 4c); a
four-legged platter or tray (especially
for betel- nut) {Sh. phiing lo); along,
narrow strip of split bamboo; to
give the first binding to the edge (in
basket-work).
phiin, a metal plate used by Ahoms of
rank; to disperse a meeting (Sh.
Ic, to scatter).
phflil (pronounced phui), the eaves of
a house ; shadow (Sh. 4o, the under
foliage of a tree) ; to fly.
phflp (pronounced phup), to spUi
phdt (pronounced phut), to boil ;
nausea ; to be agitated (of a human
being) (cf. Sh. 2c, to rise up sud-
denly).
philt, to be bent (of a dao).
phUw, a plank bored with many holes ;
a rdkshaaa, greedy (cf. Sh. phl-Iii,
Ic, 4c, a monster which devours
human flesh, a word borrowed from
Burmese) ; as much of anything as
can be clasped in the arms ; to
slip ; to go arm in arm (Sh. 4o) ; to
burst (of paddy).
pi, a year (Sh. I'c) ; an elder brother or
sister (Sh. 3c) ; fat (Sh. 4c, be cor-
pulent) (cf . pliiw) ; ill for a long time,
suffering from a chronic disease ; a
horn, a pipe (the wind instrument)
(Sh. 2c) ; a pencil ; a plantain-bud
(Sh. Ic) ; to whisper; luk-pi-^ai, an
eldest son ; ro-pi-lung, a year ago ;
pi-kai, an elder brother; pi-uung,
an elder sister ; pi'tnuw-mun, for (so
many) years.
pXk (pronounced pik), a feather (Sh.
pik, 2c, a wing) ; a net ; the ear ;
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
to save money ; pik-mariy disaffec-
tion, want of lo>-e ; to endure.
pin, pin (pronounced pin), to be,
become (Sh. pitij Im) (l, 37, 66 his,
GO) ; to get ; to make (57 bis) ;
to be turned back or over (Sh.
pin, 3c) ; used to form potential
verbs, as in kau-pin'po, I may
strike; pin-kliin, a leper (cf. Sh.
pin, Im, to be sick) ; pin-shan, a
widower ; pin-ngan, to seek company,
join oneself to; pin-rung, spongy,
yielding to pressure; pin-ndk, to be
offended ; pin'mang-nhai, an abscess ;
Ahau'pin, broken rice ; pin - ^dk,
ripe ; jun-pin, to become a pattern,
to create (39, 42, 43, 44, 45, 48, 60,
54) ; ISk-pin, to become transformed,
to create (58) ; run-pin, bring-out-
become, to weave (ot a spider) (56).
pifi (pronounced jw»), a plank, a board
(Sh. 3o) ; to prune ; to beg alms.
ping, ping (pronounced ping), love,
affection (Sh. ping, 4o, to love) ; a
cake; a leech (Sh. ping, Ic) ; white ;
sufficient (Sh. ping, 4m, be even,
equal) ; to roast on a spit (Sh. ping,
3c) ; to worship the dead; ping-kan,
love, affection.
pit (pronounced pet), the number 8
(Sh. 2o) ; toothless ; ^q-pit, offence,
crime, fault ; thip-pit, eighteen.
pit (pronounced ^^), a duck (Sh. pit,
4m) ; a sticky substance, gum ; to
pluck truit (Sii. 4c) ; to admit, con-
less ; to take.
piw, the edge of the eyelid ; the sharp
edge of a dao; a crab's hole (Sh.
Im, a hole); thin-bodied; an estate,
landed property ; torn, rent ; to go
late, be late in going; to subside
(Sh. 3o, to decrease a little) ; to be
flung awny.
pla, a tish (Sh. pa, Ic) ; the chief
priest of a Hindu temple.
plai, thus.
plang, that part of anything included
between two joints or knots, as in
the arm, or in a bamboo (Sh. pdng,
3c) (cf. pham) ; to consult, consider
(Sh. p^ng, Ic, to consider) (28) ; one
suffering trora elephantiasis (cf . piiug)
(cf. Sh. pSng, 4c, to swell up) ; se-
lection ; a kind of l)ead ; a rhetorical
or omanientjil word ; to burst (Sh.
pang, 2c, to be i)ierced) ; outspoken ;
^^inlple, artless ; clear, transparent ;
ktin-pldng, one who binds himself to
serve another in pa}Tnent of a debt ;
nang-khroi-pldng, to sit with one
leg over the other in the Aliom
fashion ; iiq-pldng-phdi, a certain
tree, Machilns odwatissima, identi-
fied in Assam as the Soma plant.
plan, an arrow (cf. Sh. pun, Ic) ;
empty, vacant (Sh. paw, 2c) (7, 12).
piling, plflng (pronounced p/«n^), half,
a portion (39, 42, 43, 45, 48, 50,
54) ; to bring or put down {^Yi.ptmg,
lo) (52) ; to throw away (Sh. pwtg,
3c, to throw in or at) .
pliiw, betel (Sh. pti, 5c) ; a cause (Sh.
piiw, 3o, because of) ; fleshy, corpulent
(cf . pi) ; to go roimd and round over
anytiiing.
po, a father (Sh. po, 3c) ; people at
large, the whole body of people in a
state; a benediction, blessmg; fame,
renown ; praise ; to say, speak (31) ;
to beat (Sh. 5c) ; po-man, a father ;
po-tai, to kill ; po-khuh (pr. -khui)^
the husband of a father's sister ;
^am-po, to barg^.
poi, a thread, twine, string (Sh. mat,
Ic) ; to exceed, be more, moreover,
again, then (Sh. pai, lo, or pd, 4c,
to exceed ; poi-liing, 4c, Ic, more-
over) (18, 25, 43, 45, 48, 50, 54,
56, 64) ; to open ; poi-^an, and ;
poi-lun-lang, and, moreover.
pil, a fallow deer ; a grandfather (Sh.
2c) ; a crab (Sh. Ic) (39) ; to f aU ;
^M-'flt, a father's sister ; mau-pu,
a life's elder sister ; mq-pii, a land
of gooseberry {ks&?im%se,jetulipakd),
pUk (pronounced puk), a tortoise; to
tie up the hair (cf. Sh. pttk, 5o, to
bind up a package) ; foam, scum
(Sh. puk, 2o) ; to scatter seed ; to
climb (as a creeper).
ptlk, bark, peel, rind (Sh. 2o) (cf. pdk) ;
to worship ; to ooze out.
pum (pronounced pnm), a Brahman
(Sh. pung-nd, 2c, 4c) ; the entrails ;
a kind of covered bamboo basket;
a stack, a rick ; pot-bellied.
pfln (pronounced pun) , a secret counsel ;
a spell, charm ; a person other than
oneself (cf. piln) ; beyond ; pun-
miing, a foreign CJ)untry.
pun, an island (cf . Sh. kun, Ic) (52) ;
the world (59, 63) ; other than one-
self (cf. pun) (Sh. 3o) ; tlie thigh of
an animal ; to wear (clothes) ; to
turn the eyes back ; one who has no
relation ; ti-ptin, the world ; pun-
skan, to be in doubt.
ptlft (pronounced pui), rotten (cf. Sh.
puHj 2o, to make soft by cooking.
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
225
etc.) ; a small bamboo fi«h-trap ;
nalLad (8h. pwl, lo).
pmg, a water-hole or spring (Sh. 2c).
pflBg, morality {nitiycf. Sh. lo, pattern,
example, rule) ; instruction (34) ; one
fluffenng from elephantiasis (cf.
pling) ; to trample, tread down.
pftp (pronounced pup) to gallop (of a
hoz8e).
piip, a nole in which iishes live.
pftt (pronounced put)^ a document; to
get open, to unloose (Sh. put^ 4o) ;
resin: a substitute (cl. Sh. 3c, to
change).
pftw, on account of ; pute-nan, there-
fore ; pHw'nang-nai, in order that.
ift, illness, sickness, ill, sick (Sh. ha,
'de, an epidemic) ; a long bamboo
for hanging up clothes; difficulty;
a person of the Chutia tribe ; to rain
heaTily (Sh. ha, 2c, a shower) ;
much; ^Av-ra-^^-ra, God; tan (pr.
tai)'rq, of the same family.
rmi, a net for catching pigeons (Sh.
haij 2o) ; a kind of lou.se, a kind of
mite (Sh. hai, 4c, the minute lice of
or fowls ; cf. ran) ; poor
(cf. rau) ; liable to tax ; to leave,
abandon, lose (cf. rau) ; bent; a con-
firmed invalid ; to shine; bad (Sh.
hai, bo) ; rai'dai, to lose.
rak, affection (Sh. hak, dc) ; a root
(Sh. hak, 3o) ; to break (Sh. hak,
4c); to wet; rak-kau, to love, to
&Tour.
rak, a spear (Sh. h^k, 2c) ; a squirrel.
ram, a sedan {dold) ; rice (cf. Sh. ham,
4c, rice dust) ; a load carried by tw(»
persons (Sh. ham, lo) ; the world ;
many ; lonely ; to rehipse, to return
(of a disease) ; to put together jute
fibres for making a rope (cf. Sh.
ham, 4c, to roll up) ; ratn'miiy
powdered chaff ; thd-ram, a sugar-
cane mill; tai-ram, to draggle at
the heels (like the end of a waiRt-
cloth).
ram, pregnant (Sh. hStn^ 4c) : to
assemble at a place (cf. Sh. hum,
Ic, to collect in numbers in order to
seize upon anything) ; to do ; to pay
rent ; to collect, to collect fuel (Sh.
hdm, Ic, to collect together, rh
money) ; to j'oin the palms (Sh.
h^m, 4c, to unite). See rdn.
not, vermilion, cinnabar (Sh. han, lo) :
a layer, a stratum (Sh. han, 5o, to
place one above the other) ; a founda-
tion (53) : a buffnio-horn used an a
wind instrument ; a conch-shull ; a
croea-beam under a platform (cf. Sh.
Amu, 4o, the main timber under a
floor) ; confused, chaos (cf. nf«i) (8,
11, 17) ; a roll of thread (46) ; rau-
ko, layer-establish, a foundation (1) ;
nwran, a Matak or Moran, a well-
known caste in Upper Assam.
ran, heat (Sh. h^n, 5c, to be hot] (cf.
rau) ; to ring, to cause to souna ; to
join ; to inform ; (or ntm) deserted,
confused, chaos (cf. ran).
rang, the body of a man (26) ; a dead
boidy of a man ; a skeleton ; a bird's
nest (Sh. hang, 4c) ; the castor-oil
tree ; a tail (Sh. hang, lo) ; an
image, form (Sh. haug, 3o, appear-
ance, form) ; to cause to be laid, to
establish (Sh. hang, 3o, to construct) ;
to raise the floor of a house ; ratijf-
kan, to consult; rang'*%ng, the
waist ; Ha-rang, a kind of grasn
(Assamese, hafkaja han).
rang, a palace with a raised platform
(Assamese, kareng ; cf. rufig) ; a
creek, a canal (Sh. h^ng, 3c) ; to
raise, uphold (Sh. hang, 3c, to hold
up) (3, 39) ; to call out (Sh. king,
6c) ; rdng-hai, to shout loudly; r&ng-
nga, tusked (of an elephaut) (43) ;
^a-rSng, a virtuous act.
rap, to carry on the shoulder (Sh. hap,
26) ; to show eagerness (cf . Sh. hap,
.5c, to go to meet).
rap, to encircle, surround (Sh. hdp,
3c) (3, 42) ; to bind, join together,
link (45) ; aii^rdp'dai'uang, to take
and keep, to make a servant; eh\-
rdp-chdp'khdp-bai, a finger-ring.
rat, to pull down ^ith a noose; to
become sticky.
rat, to be severed ; to milk ; to remove
or press out the entrails (of fish,
etc.).
ran or raw, we (Sh. haw, 4c) (36,
37) ; poor (cf. rai) ; the air, atmo-
sphere ( 1 4, 15) ; the sky ; in the air,
unsupported ; a louse (Sh. haw, Ic ;
cf . rai) ; heat (cf . r&n) ; a rib ; a hand-
rail (Sh. haw, 4o, a balustrade) ; a
sleep, a nap (cf. Sh. haw, lo, a
yawn) ; to lose (cf. rai) ; the dr}-
season (Sh. haw, 3o, to become dry) ;
to abandon (cf. rai).
railm, to take for certain, to consider as
settled.
raw, see rau.
re, the umbilical cord (Sh. hr, 2o) ; to
rape ; to speak ill of another ; (ac-
cording to Hodgson) what :'.
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226
AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
Ti, a temple ; long, not short (Sh. hi,
4c) ; to make ; to be agitated ;
lonely.
rik or rik (pronoimced rik)^ a march ;
relation, a relative ; a cause (Sh.
hiky 3c, a prime motive of an action) ;
to call (Sh. hikf 3m) ; kun-rik-tai^
relations and playmates, friends ;
rik-tanfff to cause a religious cere-
mony to be performed.
rim (pronounced riwi), a border (Sh.
hinij 4c).
xin (pronounced riw), a stone (Sh. Atw,
Ic) ; a flea (Sh. Aiw, 6e, a sandfly) ;
oblique ; to endure ; nn - ahtmtf
sulphate of copper, blue vitriol.
ring or Ting (pronounced ring)^ a
thoasand (Sh. htngj Im) (45, 59) ;
a list ; to strike ^-ith a stick.
xip (pronounced rip)^ a hailstone (cf.
rlt) ; to press (cf. rlt) (cf. Sh. hip^
2c, to pinch) ; rip-rup, a tick (the
insect).
rit (pronounced rit)^ a boil; a hail-
stone (cf. rip) ; to press, to extort
by pressure (cf. rip).
riw, a burial-ground ; to be splashed ;
to take by force ; to carry an)i;hing
suspended by a string (Sh. hiw, 3c) ;
to uproot.
ro, a certain measure of paddy (a purd
or 15 seers) ; a small package, a
bundle (Sh. ho, 2c); a stalk of
paddy ; the shoot of a tree from the
parent trunk, an offshoot, to shoot
forth (cf. rim) (31) ; weak and
stunted in growth ; to grind ; to
boa.st.
r6, see ru.
roi, to ask for something ; to get
marks or scars on the body (Sh. Act,
4c, a mark) . See roin.
roiil (pronounced rot), to yoke ; a peg ;
a sharp point; a mark (Sh. Aoi, 4c) ;
marks on the body. See roi.
rfl or ro (pronounc^ ru), the head (Sh.
huu\ Ic) (17) ; before; a hole (Sh. hu,
4c) ; a raft ; a deva ; a load carried
by two persons ; a bunch (of fruit,
etc.) ; the stump of a tree ; a hedge
(Sh. huw, 5c) ; knowledge, to know
(Sh. hu, 5c) (cf. rikv) (8, 11, 36,
41, 51) ; to leak (Sh. huiv, 3c) ;
perspiration ; no-ro, on the head,
against ; tham-kham'ro, to enquire ;
ru-miing, the north (44) ; tu-ru-p^k,
a blunder, mistake ; ngik-ru-ahi, to
strike the head against something.
mk, a kind of bamboo (Sh. huk, 4o) ;
to pass the time by doing some
unimportant work ; transplanted
paddy seedlings; a disease of the
teeth, toothache ; the nimiber 6 (Sh.
huk, 4o).
rtlk, uneven, imdulating ; a border ;
to tickle a person under the armpits.
rum, a scheme, a crafty scheme ; a Knot
in wood ; to trample upon ; to cover,
a cover (Sh. hum, 2o} ; to till the
ground.
rtn (pronoimced run), to cry, weep
(Sh. hun, 5c, to call out) ; to grow,
shoot out, an offshoot (Sh. hun, 3c)
(cf . ro) ; to scrape ; to be squeezed,
to shrink (Sh. hun, 3c, to be wrinkled
up, as a garment) ; run-pm, bring-
out-become, to weave (of a spider)
(56).
rlln, a house (Sh. hun, 4o).
mfi (pronounced rut), a hill-stream
(cf. Sh. huH, 3o, a ra>Tne) ; a long,
broad hollow in which water collects
during the rains.
rung (pronounced rung) , a wave, billow ;
a bunch of paddy (Sh. hung, 4o, an
ear of grain) ; to boil (Sh. hung, Ic,
to cook) ; to put as cargo into a boat;
to be; to shine (Sh. hung, 3c) (9,
56) ; ripe (Hodgson) ; nam-blSk-
rung, the water of the Ganges;
pin-rung, spongy, yielding to pressure.
rung, a palace with a raised platform
(cf. rSng ; Assamese, kareng) ; late
(Sh. hiing, lo, to hold off, as the
rains when due) ; a long time, many
days (Sh. hiing, Ic, to be long in
time).
rup, a handful, a fist (cf. Sh. hup, 3c,
to gather together) ; rip-rup, a tick.
rflt (pronounc«i rut), a sty on the eye;
a bamboo tray; to piill or tighten
a rope (Sh. hut, 5c) ; to be agitated
(of water) (Sh. hut, 4o, to throw
water).
rilt, malice, enmity ; to be at a
distance.
rilw, a boat (Sh. hiiw, 4o) ; to know
(cf. »•«) (37).
sha or aha, a slipper ; a single bamboo
ased as a ladder in climbing trees
(Sh. hsd, 4c) ; well-being (Sh. hsa,
2c, to be comfortable) ; to fry ; to
remain ; to spread ; to make noise ;
good-looking ; other ; sorrow ; aha-
thn, good and evil (Skr. iubhaiubha) ;
shd-ram, a su^ar-cane mill ; *hd-ni,
to make an offering.
shai, the entrails of a fish ; to press ;
a thread, a rope (Sh. hsai, lo) (45) ;
sand (Sh. hsai, 4o) ; to rinse a pot
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
227
(Sh. hsaiy 2o) ; to push ; to liquidate
-debt (Sh. haaif 3o) ; the appearance
of a rainbow in the east; over-
ripe; far; <Aai-m, distant; A'i-«Aai,
how far ? ; Bhai'ehiing'mungy thread-
jj:od - country, thread of air, the
Vdyu9 (48, 50) ; pin-mang-ikai, an
abscess.
ahak, the pestle of a rice husking
pedal (Sh. haak, 2o, a pestle) ; a
washerman (Sh. hsak^ dc, to wash
by beating) ; a mat ; impure ; to
husk paddy ; to thrust a pointed
instrument; to come near, be near
(24) ; a place, the proper place for
anything (20) ; a crowd, multitude
(22) ; bright, brilliant (47).
fhak, the elbow (Sh. hadk, 2o, a
cubit) ; a calumniator ; to rebuke ;
to sharpen ; a comer.
sham, the number 3 (Sh. h»am^ lo) :
three ; a woman who is not preferred
by her husband; to ask for again
(cf. Sh. haatn, 5c, to repeat) ; to
give weight, press ; to be defeated
(Sh. hsum, 4c) ; good.
sham, things sufficient for one meal ;
rice-iruraenty (Sh. ha&m^ 4c) ; not
pure, vile (Sh. haSm, 4c) ; to collect;
to supply regularly; to transplant
paddy seedlings (Sh. h»dm, 3c) ;
green (cf. Sh. Aa^/w, 2c, to be blue).
shan, a girdle ; to shake (Sh. A«ara,
2c) ; to be scattered ; to throw off ;
shan- the, a goddess (Skr. milr, the
divine mothers) ; pin - ahaut a
widower ; piin-ahatty to be in doubt.
ahan, cotton ; a kind of fish-trap ; a
dress ; pregnant ; to teach, to cause
to learn {hsdn, Ic, to learn) (cf.
ahang) ; to use a jakai (a bamboo
scoop used in catching fish) in water
to catch fish (Sh. hadn-pd, 3c, Ic) ;
to apply the weight of the body ; to
take a handful out of a heap; to
bring to tenns and cntch hold of ;
bldk'kktm-ahdn, a marigold.
•hang, a god, a spirit (Sh. hnang^ lo,
a Brahma) (2 ', 23); misery; to give
information, instruct (Sh. hanng,
2c) (cf ahdn)\ to know ; to stretch out
the hands; if (Sh. haang, Ic) (with
ehang in apodosis) (25) ; a negative
]>article (46) ; fthtng-bSf if ; ka-
akaug, what ? how manv ? ; ahang-
bung^ a blackboard (used an a slate
for writing on) .
ahang, a piece of pointed bamboo for
digging earth (cf. ahuttg) ; a cage (Sh.
hadng^ 4c, a kind of basket) ; to glitter
(Sh. hadng^ 2c) ; to illuminate, give
out light (9, 10) ; the number 2 (Sh.
hsdng, Ic) ; a white ant.
f hap, the edge of water ; to learn to
fhap, brimful ; to play false, tricks
and falsehoods.
fhat, a rod (Sh. haat, 3o, to strike) ;
to collect (Sh. haat, 5c, to be
crowded).
fhat. to bum; to spread, be noised
abroad.
fhaa or fhaw (often written ahaii), a
young unmarried woman (Sh. haaw^
lo) ; a post, pillar, prop (Sh. haaw^
Ic) (40) ; the number 20 (Sh.
haawj 4o) ; to punt a boat ; to re-
main in one place, stop, tarry, dwell
(Sh. haaw, 4o) (14, 42, 43, 53) ; to
shampoo the body to relieve pain;
to moisten ; to he mouldy ; bang-
ahauy a harlot ; fuhig-ahau, an adult
elder sister.
f hafl, to take away ; transparent, clear
(Sh. haau, Ic) ; to enter (Sh. hsau,
2c, to insert) (cf. kh^u) ; ahau-hing
(pronounced 'heng)^ to use, make use
of ; ahau'liny a kind of play ( A ssamese,
gufilatd khedd) : hit-'ahau^ a re-
proach. See ahau.
fhanm, to pin ; a patch ; ahautn-Jo^
not to think, to be without
anxiety.
■he, to pin, to i)eg (Sh. hae, 2o, to thrust
in) ; a kina of hog ; to unfasten a
bar attached to something (cf. Sh.
hae^ 3o, a bolt, a crossbar) ; to
emctate; to excite; nq-bang-ahe, a
kind of sharp-edged grass (Assamese,
mdduri ban).
fhl, the number 4, four in number
(Sh. hat, 2c) (48) ; the tooth of a
rake (Sh. hai, 3c) ; to fill up, be full
(7) ; to break : to mb mud on the
body (by a child) (cf. Sh. hsi, Ic, to
mb) ; a sufhx giving a participial
force Ui a word used as a verb ;
a particle optionally added to the
imjjerative; nhi-kUng (pr. -kleng),
half; ahi-daif break -get, to be
destroyed (21) ; bing-ahi-id, bezoar,
a calculous concretion found in the
intestines of certain ruminant animals ;
lum-ahu a sharj) pain in the heart ;
ngai-ahl, to separate a pair; ngik'
rd-ahif to strilce the head against
something.
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228
AX AHOM YOCABCLAliY.
shik, ihik (proDoonred *hiJt)^ a dirty
place, a place where rubbish b
tiirown ; a slice (Sh. hMik, 2c, to
tear) : to Iom one's good looks.
thin (pronounced shin), a female^s
undercloth, a petticoat (Sh. A#t«, 3e' :
one shot (of a gun) ; tribute; censure ;
virtue (Sh. htin, Ic, a religious duty* :
to uproot.
•llifi (pronounced sh^i), a lakh, one
hundred thousand (Sh. h»tn, lo) (41,
51, 60) : ver\- good, verr important
(28, 29, 33,* 47) : to 'shout (Sh.
hsin, 2o) ; over-sunned (of rice) (Sh.
An/t, lo).
•lung or shing (pronounced shitty],
the goddess of learning, Sarasvati :
voice, sound, a word, to speak (Sh.
hiinp, Im) (16, 20) ; to clear; to
rub gently with the hand, to stroke ;
(pr. *heng) a ray of light.
•hip (pronounced ship), the number 10
(Sh. hsip, 4c) ; to transfix, impale
(Sh. h^p, 2m) ; hd-»hip, fifty; snip-
pit (pr. -pet), eighteen.
•hit (pronounced tthit), a promi^ : tlie
jute-plant; to deliver, tree ; nkii-cha,
to promise,
llliw (pronounced shfv) , army : a chisel
(Sh. hgitCj 2c) ; to catch hold of,
hold (3) ; to proceed King on the
back, as a boat.
•hlw pronounced */hm), pointed; to
dry paddy by applying heat.
•ho, to bake ^irthen vessels to harden
them ; a complainant ; to complain ;
a complaint; sho-kham, a complaint.
ihoi, a long pole ^ith a hook at the
end used for seizing and pulling
anything (cf . shoin) ; betel-pepper ;
immature jack-fruit ; a kind of orna-
ment; to cut into small pieces (Sh.
hsoi, 4c, to slice).
ihoiJi (pronoimced shoi), the hair on
the neck, a mane ; a stirrup ; to poke
with the finger; to pull something
with a hooked stick (cf . shoi) ; a side ;
to shake with a stick.
ihtl, a tiger (Sh. hsuWy lo) ; a piece of
cloth spread under a seat (Sh. hsutCy
2o, to spread a mat) ; a coat ; gift ;
arrival (Sh. hsuy 2c) ; gain ; straight
(Sh. hsi'iWf 3cj ^cf. shuw) ; to be
successful ; to feel sorrow ; to come
to terms, consent, acknowledge
allegiance ; a wish, to wish ; jan-
shu, to ask that, to ask a person to
do a thing; kin-shu, a keeper, one
who keeps ; ^am-tthu-la, a crocodile;
nam-shu-ldy a shark.
shtk (pronounced shuk), to ripen (Sb.
htuk, 4c) : lo wash (Sh. ksuk, 3c, ;
to sit ; to bofl ; to learn to wslk.
shtk, fighting, a battle (Sh. htuk, 4c) ;
to sleep after moving to the head
end of a bed.
shfim (pronounced shum), sour (Sh.
hmtm^ 3o) ; to throw a kind of basket
{pala) to catch fish (Sh. hmtm, 2f) :
a fishing instrument (Assamese,
julnki) ; to go awav by force : tt»
solder; rin-# A t/m, sulphate of copper,
blue vitriol,
ihlbi (pronounced shun), a hedge (Sh.
htun, lo,an enclosure for cultivation, ;
the ground round a house ; a bit'h
place : to trip and fall prostrate (Sh.
h*un, 4o) ; to patch a cloth witb
thread ; to return,
shliii, a garden (Sh. hsun, lo) (pn^
nounced ahun) ; money saved up
from a long time (cf. Sh. Ajimn, \\\
time passed) (pronounced shun).
than (pronounced shut), triboti ;
oblique, slanting; to envy ; cloudy,
ahftng (pronounced shinig), high (Sh.
hsiftiff, Ic) ; to supply regularly (Sh.
hfiitng, 4c, to employ) ; to be born :
a thri>-ing man; a piece of bamNM»
lor digging a hole (cf. sh^ng) : ti«
takeaway (Sh, hsung^ 2o, to convey ;
la-shung^ true,
shtillg. an outside sitting-room (Sh.
hsi'iug, 2c, a shed) : a gem (Sh.
hsing, lo) ; to hide (Sh. hstlng, 2o) ;
miud.
shtlp (pronounced sh up) ^ the mouth (Sh.
hi>up, 4o) (27) : to raise; to separate
the coarse from the fine, as of grain,
etc., by shaking in a basket; shtip-
mu, to be silent.
shiip, to rest.
shtit (pronounced ahut), a curtain (Sh.
hsHf, 4c) ; to be ended (Sh. hstit,
4c) ; sufficiency.
shtiw, you (Sh. hml, Ic) ; to proceed
forward slowly in darkness, feelinj.'^
the ground with the feet ; even, lerel,
straight (Sh. hsihc, 3c) (2, 39) (ct.
shft) : shiltc-nuk, a stitch in sewing;
shuu-iauy a kind of C4ike (.VssamcH-,
sur-pitha).
t&, to feel ; ku-kan-ta, to begin to feel
fear.
t», the eye (Sh. fa, Ic) ; a tooth ;
* a bathing-place on a river bank (Sh.
tdy 3c, a landing-place) ; a box ; to
sow ; to rub oil, anoint (Sh. td, 4c.
to smear) ; to think ; to amuse or
play with a child ; good, fine,
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AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
221>
excellent; phu-r^-t^-r^tQud; mlun'
t€if to open the eyes (19).
tai, an Ahom (Sh. 4c, a Shan) ; to
move on all fonrs, to creep ^cf. Sh.
2Cf to move alone:) ; to die TSn. lo) ;
near (Sh. 3o, border, siae, space
near) ; an associate, companion ; po-
tai, to kill ; tai-ramj to draggle at
the heels (like the end of a waist-
cloth) ; tai-ko, a man fit to be dead
and gone in youth (a term of abuse) ;
tai-tik (another term of abuse) ; tai-
lik (another) ; kfrn-rik'tai, a friend ;
kham-tai, a kite (the bird) ; a slave.
tak, a snail ; a word (29) ; to occur,
become ; to dry ; to click with the
tongue against the palate; misery;
to consider ; tak-lu-tak-pang, to oe
spent, expended; ^a^-pa»^, to become
ruined; tak-'ip-tak, to fall into
destitution ; ehang-tak^ then (30,
38).
tak, a rattan (Sh. 2c, a strip of bam-
boo); a balance; to help; to measure
(cf . *iA;) ; to be woven; a numeral
auxiliary used with money.
tarn, intention, will (53) ; low, not high
(Sh. 2c, to bend down) ; to thump,
pound (Sh. Ic) ; to drag along the
^und ; to bum (Sh. lo, to push fuel
mto the fire) ; a place (Sh. tan, 4c) ;
Uik'tam, from ; tam-nai^ from this,
thereon ; tam-nuw^ place - above, on
(42, 44). In 43 the word which I
have transliterated tarn means * upon. '
Possibly it is for tam-nuw, but the
word is not clear in the original. In
52 tamng is for tam-tang, place - aU,
everywhere.
tarn, to assemble, crowd together (Sh.
Ic) ; to be thirsty; to seek company.
tamng, for tam-tangy place-all, every-
where (52).
tan, pleasure ; a pole eight cubits in
length ; a line, a long mark (Sh.
4o) ; another place, elsewhere (Sh.
4c, a place) ; speechless ; pulling ;
to call (Sh. 3o, to speak) ; to fill up
^ a hole (Sh. Ic, to be solid).
tan, a town; affection; excellent (cf.
Sh. 4c, to exceed) ; a bundle of sticks ;
a piece (cf. Sh. 3c, to be short) ; pro-
duced, bom.
tai, to put on a turban ; to walk with
a torch ; anything that gives pain to
the body, a thom in the flesh ; taH-
f pronounced tet)-r?, of the same
family.
J.R.A.8. 1904.
tail, to touch or strike with the hand ;
to be wroth ; a true or honest man.
tang, a road (Sh. 4o) ; an enclosure ;
dew; a stool (Sh. 2c); an anvil (8h.
3c) ; all, the whole (Sh. 4c) (8 hit,
9, 11 bit, 12 bit, 60); the tolah
plant (Sh. 3o, a kind of cork-tree) ;
birdlime (Sh. Ic, viscous) ; to con-
sult; seoarato (Sh. 2o, other) ; from,
with fSh. 4c, with) ; in company
with, oy means of; to put, place;
iang-lai, tang-kd, tang-kq, all (7,
20, 61); tamng, for tam-tang, place-
all, everywhere (62) ; ntmg-tang, Ut
place, put on (clothes) ; rik-tang, to
cause a religious ceremony to be
performed; ^tri^-^an^-^tif^, the mason
wasp (Sphinx atiatiea),
tang, a plank; brass (Sh. 4c, copper) ;
a water -pot (Sh. 3c, to pour water
upon) ; the belly (Sh. 5c) (28, 33) ;
to consider (Sh. 4c, to recollect) ; to
attend to (Assamese, tang kard) ; U>
give a blow, strike (Sh. 3c, to beat) ;
to lock up; to push, shove; nam-
tdng, a water-pot.
tap, to beat with a hammer (Sh. 2o, to
rap) ; to lessen ; the liver (Sh. 4c).
tap, to be dented, depressed ; to dam,
topateh.
tat, to cut thatehing grass ; to put in
the sun ; to transplant ; to fall
upside down ; to split into thin
strips (as a bamboo).
tat, to peck (Sh. 2c, to strike, as a
serpent in biting) ; to cast into water
ana drag out {as a net) (Sh. 3c, to
throw down into) ; to throw off ; to
fatten.
tan, a goui^^ (Assamese, too) (Sh.
3cl ; a stick (9h. 5c, to support one-
self with a stick) ; a tortoise (Sh.
2c) ; ashes (Sh. 3c) ; a line, a mark ;
to arrive at a place (Sh. 3c, to come) ;
a bone.
tatl, the heart ; a wish ; devotion,
austerities; moss (Sh. tdw, 4c); to
wash for gold (Sh. tdto, 4o) ; to melt
iron ; a smith's bellows ; down, not
up, at the bottom of, below (Sh. 3c)
(1, 2, 39) ; land, earth, as distin-
guished from heaven (20) ; kd-taii,
below; tau-phd, earth and heaven,
^e universe ; tau-lang, ghiss ; tou-
ehau, to fast; taH-Ju, to converse,
speak mutually ; to bless.
talLm, to write (cf. tim) ; to aim,
direct, point.
taiiw (pronounced tau), a fault.
16
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230
AN AHOM VOCABULAEY.
taw, a oonioal ball of thread ; a wart
on a tree.
te, truth; a dam (Sh. 4o, a long
eleyation) ; to throw a dod or atone
at anything or anyone; to set up,
eatabbflh, be established, be ; te-jauj
was rerily (7, 13, 20, 26, 41, 44,
43, 65, 67, 69, 60) ; te-hoi, was
Terilv r51); te-tl, to throw the
ahut&e from side to side in weaving.
tha or th&, a sofa with boxes under-
neath ; to shave (Sh. ikd^ Ic) ; to
wait (Sh. tha, dc) (84) ;^ shq-thq,
good and evil (Skr. iubh&aubha),
thai, a ploughshare (Sh. Ic, to
plough) ; to change one's clothes
(Sh. 2c, to exchange old for new) ;
to put on a cloth wrapper ; to pull
out with force ; caused to be abused
by a female slave ; thai-mai^ a
Muluk (a man of the tribe of ^t
name).
thak, to be cut by a razor ; to cut with
a dioy to hew (Sh. 2o) ; lak-thak^
prior, before.
thak, to empty ; to be aslant.
tham, a chasm (Sh. 3c, a cave) ; full
(cf. Urn) ; to ask, enquire (Sh. lo)
(86) ; tham-kham-rmp (or -ro}, to
enquire ; tham-^q-mUf a plough.
tham, to hear (Sh. 2c).
thaa, a cowshed enclosed with planks
(Sh. 3o, a stable) ; a cloth girdle ;
a live coal ^Sh. 2o, coal) ; a than (or
roll) of clotn.
than, to give a sudden pull or jerk
rSh. Ic, to pull out) ; to strip
leathers, pluck ; to suffice.
thaft (pronounced thai), to open ; to
chai^ leaves (as a tree).
thaft or thoift ^pronounced Mot), back-
biting ; to ask a question.
thang, a hole in the ground (Sh. lo) ;
an iron instrument for digginjB^ ; a
spring ; a slice, a bit ; to attain an
object.
thang, to poke at ; to tuck in one end
of a waist-cloth behind ; to bend by
pressing ; to congeal ; to come near,
approacn; to destroy by trampling
{ct, Sh. 4c, to pound).
thap, a shelf, layer, stratum ; to flow
in drops; to make a patchwork
quilt of rags ; to throw mud ; to be
besmeared with mud; to pounce
down upon.
that, to startle; to unloose forcibly;
to be rent asunder.
than or thaw, old, aged (Sh. 3c, to be
old, aged); a creeper (the plant);
in a row or line (cf. thiw) ; thau-
man, an arbitrator amongst tne people
of the Eachari tribe. See thate,
thatim, tofill; to fling.
thaw, in thaw-khriw, a certain tree
{AaaameBe,ldtarungachh), Bee thou,
the, to cut (as meat or fish) (of. Sh.
thUf lo, to slice) ; Mhan-the, a god-
dess, see Bh4M,
thi, a flower- or leaf-bud (cf . thiw) ; a
bamboo fish-trap ; thick.
thik (pronounced thik), to tear with a
lancet.
thin (pronounced thin), a throne (56,
57) ; to punish,
thing (pronounced thing), a field;
a kind of ornament worn on the
neck ; a thin plank ; to alter one's
speech,
thip (pronounced thip), to kick (Sh. 2c)
(cf. thiw).
thiw, a strong, good-looking person;
to smooth from one end to the other ;
to kick (Sh. 2c) (cf. thip) ; to whisUe ;
in a line or row (Sh. lo) (cf. thou) ;
thiw-ban, a bud (cf. thl) ; khtm"
thiw-kham, the name of a god.
the, see thwo.
thoi, secret ; to pull off ; to ask ; to
torture ; to liquidate (a debt).
thoift, see thdM,
thft, pulse, beans ; a roasting-ipt ; to
touch (cf. Sh. lo, to rub against).
thak, to come in contact ; having no
companion; exact,
thiik, a male (used as a suffix denoting
the masculine gender) (43) ; to touch
the bank of a river; to come in
contact with, to arrive at; thmk'
ehanff, a male elephant (43).
thilm (pronounced thum), a bag, a
small bag (cf . thUng) ; hot ; to sink
(Sh. 3o, to submerge) ; a piece of
fish.
thdn or thftn, a plough, to plough
(Sh. thiin, 2o, a harrow) ; lime (Sh.
thtm, Ic) ; full of, complete, to fill
(62).
thtln, see thun ; a forest (Sh. 2o) ;
the bottom of a sleeping platform ;
mak'phit'thiin, a certain plant
(Assamese, dighalati gachh),
thftft (jntmounoed (Aim), to uproot;
very,
thftng (pronounced thung), a wallet, a
bag (Sh. lo ; cf . tkum) ; to doee
the fist.
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AS AHOK YOCABULAJtY*
2ai
Pilaff, to anite ai (Sh. Ic) ; qidok-
ness (Sh. Mmi^, 4o, is <to be
slow') ; m^'thimpy to atme.
^tp, to orertake a penwn, to join bis
eompany.
tbilt, near.
tbtlw, a turner's lathe; to imagine;
to pat in proper order.
thwo or the, to posh with a sfiok (Sh.
tkOf Ic, to propel by pnsbing) ; a
punting pole ; a song song by two
persons (Sh. thoy 3c, to sing alter-
nately as a man and woman, or as
people and prieet at a monastery on
worship day).
tl, a place (Sh. 3c) (69, 68) ; to peep
through ; particiB indicating the
datire case, and the future tense
(Northern Sh. 4c) ; to stand up ;
ti-nai, phice this, now, here ; tir
pun, the world ; lana-ti, to wager,
bet ; te-ti, to throw the shuttle from
side to side in weaving.
tik or flk (pronounced tik), to haye a
hole, be perforated (Sh. tik, 2o, to
be split) ; to measure land (cf . tdk)
(Sh. tik, 3o, to measure) ; to push ;
to get torn (cf. Sh. h*, 2o); to
assemble; to hide; tet-^tJt, a certain
term of abuse.
tim (pronounced tim), to write (cf.
taum) (Sh. tim, 3o) ; to fill (Sh.
tim, Im, be full) (cf. thorn); to
happen, come to pass; to suck.
tin or tin (pronounced Hh), a foot
(Sh. tin, Ic) ; to jump (Sh. tin,
3m, to move actively) ; to act rashly.
till (pronounced tm), a moth (cf. Sn.
lo, a small kind of hornet) ; a road
(Sh. 3o, a ridge of earth ; tiH'tana,
3o, 4o, a raised road); a slight
notice, a clue.
ting or ting (pronounced tinff), a lute,
a harp (Sh. 2c) ; morality (nlti) ; a
cucumber (Sh. lo) ; to strike with
the fist (Sh. 6m, to strike) ; to put a
cold application on the head when
ill (cf. Sh. 2m, to carry on the
beach ; to thrust (Sh. 4o) ; to
weed.
tip (pronounced tip), to press, eom-
Cy, to retreat; to give up drinking,
me a teetotaler,
tit (pronounced ^t^^, to conceal (Sb.
tit, 2m) ; to assemole, come together ;
(pronounced tet) there; tit- (pr. tet-)
nam, to draw water,
tiw, to be bent ; to suckle.
to, to fight (Sh. to, 2c) ; a boundary ;
a hornet (Sh. to, 2c) ; the heald or
haddle of a loom (d. 8h. to, 4o, to
weave) ; a copy; the stunp of a tree
(Sh. to, le) ; alone, onhf (39, 68) ; to
GO ; a bnin ; now, present time (Sh.
to, 3c); to-M, nevertheless; U-pki,
a whiripool; Mew-to, solitary and
alone (14, 27), but khan to, only by
his word (39), quickly alone (68) ;
kU^^to, only (4, 68); bJ^ng-to,
laborions.
toi, ambrosia; to sqnesM with ilie
tra, a rupee.
tft,' a door (Sh. Ic) ; an animal, a body
(cf. tuw) (Sh. tuw, Ic) (54); a hole;
a temple official (Laos, tu, 6c,
a priest) ; to catch, seize ; to fall
(cf. tttk); to see (Sh. twi, 4o) ;
a numeral particle lued in counting
animals; tu-ehinff, a ram; tU'rU"
pdk, a blunder, mistake ; nuk^tH, a
dove ; tA-ngi, a deer.
tlik (pronounced tuk), to fall (cf. tH
(Sh. tuk, 4o) ; to become
(of a dead ammal^ (cf. tuk) (i^u. »i»,
2c) ; fatigue ; to olow a horn, soond
a trumpet (cf. tHi) ; ban-tuk, sunset.
tlik, a mole (the amxnal) ; satisfaction,
pleasure ; to putrify (cf . tuk) ; a cloth
girdle; a bufialo plough.
tllm (pronounced turn), mud; a flower-
budr (Sh. turn, 2c] ; the anus ; a flish-
trap (Sh. turn, 3c) ; to fascinate ;
to boil food without seasoning (cf .
Sh. turn, 3o, to boil).
tfln (pronounced tun), a tree (Sh. tun,
3o) ; origin (Sh. tun, 3o, a beginning) ;
family, race, lineage (cf. Sh. tun,
4c) ; to return, tarn back ; tun^
khrtmg, a castor- oil tree ; khau-tiin,
fine husked unbroken rice.
tfin, liveliness, sensation, intelligence ;
to be torn (of a cloth) ; to sit down;
to be agiteted, to start (Sh. 2c, to be
frightened) ; after that, afterwards ;
to try, make efforts ; to assume
shape (18); tun-lun, afterwards (18,
64).
tflft (pronounced tu9(\, a tuskless male
elephant; a kind of basket cover
(Sh. lo, a cover made of the leaves
of the screwpine) ; impotent, a
hermaphrodite (Sh. 4c, a hermaphro-
dite) ; mu-tuSt hr, 'tw), to reconcile.
tUng (pronounced tun^f), a plain (Sh.
3o, a rice-phun) ; a kingdom ; a
kind of baniboo fish-trap ; to gather
one end of a cloth into a oag to
receive something ; to be reraesa
(Sh. 6o, to be unsteble) ; to coax.
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232 AN AHOM VOCABULARY.
allure (Assamese, tung - tungd) ; tUp, to stamp with the foot (Sh. 3c).
praised by one's mother. tflt (pronounced tut), to blow a hom»
tflng, a pol of water (Sh. 4c, a deep sound a trumpet (cf. tiik).
place in a body of water) ; an ass ttlt, to break wmd (Sh. tut, 4o) ; W«^-
(cf. Sh. Ic, a wild ox) ; public diffi- tang-tuty the mason wasp (Sphinx
culty, a general calamity affecting a €i9%atiea).
whole country ; to be awake (Sh. ttiw, a dwarf ; ignorant ; an animal
tun, 2c). (3, 50) (cf. tii) ; tuw-ba, but ; tutP-
t4p (pronounced tup), the gable end of 'rf«, a boy ; tuw-^i (cf. tu), a deer ;.
a house (Assamese (up, Sh. tup, pha-tuw-chung, the Supreme|Deity,
3c) ; to flap the wings (Sh. tup-pik, God Almighty (27, 34, 38, 53).
4o, 2c) ; to wash cloth ; to bend (cf .
Sh. tup, 5o, to fold double).
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233
SIAMESE AKCHJEOLOGT:
A SYNOPTICAL SKETCH.
By colonel G. E. GERINI, M.R.A.S.
The Indian Influence.
"C^ROM several centuries before the Christian era a double
stream of traders and adventurers began to flow into
Indo-China from, respectively, Northern and Southern India,
reaching the upper parts of the peninsula by land through
Burma and its southern coasts by sea, and founding there
settlements and commercial stations. Brahmanism and, later
on. Buddhism (third century B.C.), with most other achieve-
ments of Indian culture, followed in the wake of these
pioneers; and thus it is to ancient India that Indo-China
owes her early civilization. By the dawn of the Christian
era, as I have elsewhere demonstrated. Buddhism had
already gained a firm foothold on the east coast of the
Malay Peninsula near the head of the Gxdf of Siam, whence
it advanced and soon spread all over the country of the
Me-Nam Delta. On the other hand, Brahmanism had
established itself in Central and Northern Siam, where
Swankhalok and Sukh6thai formed its principal foci. It
is not till about four centuries later that we begin to hear
of Nagara Sri Dharmaraja (Dharmanagara), or Ligor, as the
chief centre of both Buddhism and Brahmanism on the east
'Coast of the Malay Peninsula ; and to find both faiths — ^but
more especially Buddhism — ^firmly established in the territory
of P*hrah Prathom in the present Nakhon C*hai Sri province,
in the Me-Nam Delta.
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234 SIAMESE ARCHEOLOGY.
Sidtn^a most ancient Cities.
By the sixth century a.d. no lees than three cities had
risen in Central Siam, to wit : 1, Swankhaldk {Svargaloka or
StyjanaJaya^ 95 b.c.) ; 2, Snkhdthai {Sukhada, Sukhodaya^
circd 70 B.C.) ; and 3, Eamp'heng-p'het ( Vq/ra-^rdkarOy,
A.D. 457) ; and in the north, not far from the headwaters
of the Me-Nam, another one, Lamp'hun {Haribhu^faya),
which had just been founded (a.d. 527). The two first-
named were alternately for the next eight centuries the
capitals of the &mous Swankhaldk-Sukhdthai State, which
for so long held hegemony over Central Siam. The last
one became the capital of the first Thai kingdom in the
Me-Nam valley, holding its own until a.d. 1281, when it
was supplanted by the newly rising Lau power that soon
afterwards established its seat at C'hieng-Mai (a.d. 1296).
In Southern Siam we find at tiie same remote period the
cities of 6rl Yijaya, on and about the site of the present
P'hrah Prathom village ; and the then but recently founded
Lop'hburi {Lavapura^ Lavakota, or Lohkot, a.d. 493), which was
soon to become the chief centre of power for Southern Siam.
All these, conjointly with ligor already referred to, are
Siam's most ancient cities. Accordingly, it is on their sites
and adjoining territory that the oldest monuments and about
all that remains of Siamese antiquities of that early period,
axe to be found.
Extant Monuments.
In Northern and Central Siam.
The oldest of religious structures are to be found at
Swankhaldk, in the shape of gloomy shrines and hermit
cells, erected mostly on the tops and flanks of the hillq,
^and carefuUy oriented according to the cardinal points.
They are characterized by massive cyclopean walls, sur-
mounted by gable roofs, all built of laterite blocks excavated
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8IAKESE ABCHJSOLOeT. 235
near by, and laid throughont in horizontal courses without
any cement; their uniqne entrance, which faces the east,
converging towards the top into a pointed, often lanoet-
flhaped, arch. The style quite resembles that of the ancient
Oentral and even Northern Indian temples, thus eyidraieEng
that their planning, and perhaps construction, was due, at
least in part, to immigrants and settlers from those quarters.
The shrine, apparently j^ivaite, erected on the summit of the
Laong Samll hill near the centre of Old Swankhaldk city is,
no doubt, one of the most ancient of these structures, for it is
made by tradition almost coeval with the foundation of the
city itself {circd 96 B.C.).
Later on follow more elaborate creations, characterised by
the same massive style of building, but embellished with
portals {gopuras)^ railings, and symbolical decorations devoted
to Brahmanic worship; and further, Buddhist spires and
pagoda-shaped reliquaries, royal palaces and city walls,
and smaller monuments, some of which are of an ex-
^56®dingly graceful architecture, which may be seen in
considerable numbers all over the sites of Old Swankhaldk,
Sukhdthai, Kamp^eng-p^et, and other ancient cities of
Central and Northern Siam (such as, for instance,
Bisnulok, etc.).
The masterpiece of aU, and withal the best preserved
specimen, is, however, the spire of Wat Plin^ Prang
(Prdrngana), at the south-eastern comer of Old Swankhaldk
city, dating from the latter part of the eleventh century.
Notable also is the Brahmanic temple of or! Swai in Old
Sukhdthai, with its three finely ornamented tapering domes,
built somewhat after the style of the Angkor Wat and the
M!-bun shrine in Eamboja.
The material exclusively employed in the oldest monu-
ments of Oentral and Northern Siam is laterite hewn into
fair-sized blocks. Later on, but not before the eleventh
century, this becomes associated with gray or greenish-gray
sandstone, used for statues, doorways, railings, and decorative
sculptures. A striking example of its employment in huge
monoliths occurs in the gateways of the walled enclosure
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236 SIAMESE ARCHAEOLOGY.
fiurroimding Wat P'hrah Prang at Old Swankhalok, From
the twelfth century a.d. brickwork comes into evidence and
soon prevails, forming in after ages the characteristic of
Thai architecture, which elaborated and developed in brick,
plaster, and mortar the old architectural motives just
described.
In Southern Sictm.
This being a deltaic country, where neither laterite nor
other natural building materials are to be foimd except at
the foot of the hills flanking both sides of the Me-Nam
valley, lithic structures do not occur except on the eastern
borders on the one side and in the province of Rajburi on
the west, and then but very sparsely and in considerably
diminutive sizes. The prevailing material is brick, and it is
accordingly of this that we find the oldest monuments built ;
though not unfrequently coarse-textured sandstone — either
yellowish or reddish, more rarely gray, in colour— occurs
associated with it in terminals, wall-crests, stelaD (Wat Maha
That [^Mahd'dhdiu'] at Rajburi) ; in statues (gray, P'hrah
Prathom) ; and even in square blocks (Wat Maha That at
Lop*hburI).
The oldest monimient of Southern Siam appears to be
the original P'hrah Prathom (Vara Prathama) spire, now
encased in a recently erected, and far more imposing one,
of over 300 feet in height. Nearly coeval with it is the
neighbouring P*hrah Thon {Vara Bona or Drona) pagoda,
also in brickwork (built a.d. 656). Then follow the remains
of ancient temples at Lop*hburI, on the sites of which
Buddhist Wats, dating from the second half of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries and later, afterwards arose ; and
the ruins of primitive hermitages, with debris of statues
and stelae, on the flanks of the Sabab Hill near Chanthabiin
(Candana-pura)y a city dating itself from the eighth or
ninth century a.d., if not earlier. At Ligor, Wat Na
P*hrah That in the centre of the city, and Wat Maheyong
(Mahit/ahgana) on its outskirts, are undoubtedly very
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SIAMESE ARCHiEOLOGY. 237
ancient foundations; and ruins of considerable antiquity —
never yet before this brought to the notice of the public —
with statues of deities, etc., occur on the western side
of the Malay Peninsula at the P'hrah Narai {Ndrdt/ana,
i.e. Visnu) Hill, on the upper course of the Takua-pa
(Takdpa) Siver. A thorough examination of the adjoining
districts, as yet archseologically unexplored, is sure to reveal
the existence of many more ancient remains.
All early structures in this region are in brick, the material
generally resorted to all over the east coast of the Bay of
Bengal as far north as Pegu, Arakan, and the delta of the
Ganges.*
The chief characteristic of the old monuments of Southern
Siam is, besides the almost exclusive employment in them
of brickwork, their more general Buddhist destination than
in the north, where Brahmanism was the prevailing form of
worship in the early days. Moreover, their style of archi-
tecture is, as may easily be inferred, more Southern Indian
— i.e. Dra vidian — in type, thus most closely approaching
that of later Kambojan monuments. Nowhere do we find,
however, in Siam, whether north or south, any sublime
creations equalling in grandeur and artistic perfection those
of Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom, which are, indeed, unique
in that respect, not only in Indo-China or even Asia, but
perhaps in the whole world.
Caves.
Limestone caves, many of which are stalactitic, aboimd in
Southern Siam, especially in the Rajburl and P*hejburl
( Fq/rapuri) provinces ; but nowhere more than on the
Malay Peninsula. These, like those in Kamboja and Pegu,
have been mostly utilised as Buddhist sanctuaries and
places of pilgrimage ; but beyond some decorations and
* But rare exceptions occur in the ancient buildings and city walls of early
cities of Peffu, especially on the eastern coast of the Gulf of Martaban, where
laterite has been to some extent employed. As regards hewn stone, only two
buildings at Pagan are constructed with it, the quality being sandstone.
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238 SIAMESE ABClLSOLOeY.
«tatu6e in either brick or plaster, they offer nothing^
ipemarkable in the way of architectural achievement, com-
pared with, for instance, the rock-cut temples of Western
India and even Ceylon or Burma. Buddhist clay tablets,
bearing Sanskrit legends of the tenth and eleventh o^ituries,
have been dug up in the caves to the north-east of Trang,
on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula. They greatly
resemble those from Pagan and Tagaung in Burma.
Epigraphy.
Although no such fruitful harvest of ancient inscriptions
has been gathered in Siam as in Kamboja and Champa —
owing, no doubt, to the lack of thorough and systematic
archaeological exploration — the petroglyphic monuments so
far brought to light are of sufficient historical and palaeo-
graphic importance to deserve more than a passing mention.
Their chronological range extends, for the districts on the
Malay Peninsula, as far back as the fifth century of the
Christian era; while in Southern Siam it borders upon
the sixth or seventh. No inscription has, strange to say,
so far been discovered in either Central or Northern Siam
earlier than the fourteenth century, i.e., than the period
wh^i Thai supremacy had already firmly established itself
over the whole of the Me-Nam valley.^
On the Malay Peninsula,
Leaving aside the already well-known inscriptions of
£edah and Province Wellesley {circd, a.d. 400), and pro-
ceeding up the Peninsula, we feel bound to notice the Pali
and Sanskrit inscribed stelae of the eighth century a.d. from
Wat Maheyong in the province of Ligor ; a Pali inscription
on a brass plate from the Takua-thiing district {circd ninth
^ Ancient mannacripts tre extremely scarce, and the oldest ones known are on
palm-leaf and do not, as a role, go oaok more than three centuries. No coins
with inscriptions or monograms dating earlier than the fourteenth century have a»~
yet come to light.
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SIAMESE A£CI1£0L0QT. 23»
century a.d.) ; and, what will be welcome news to scholars^
a petroglypliio monument of nearly the same age as those
of Kedah and Province Wellesley, just discovered at Old
Takua-pa (Takdpa) within the precincts of Wat Na-miiang,.
in the middle of a former bed of the river.^ This last find is
of the highest importance, as evidencing that Indian influence
had established itself, not merely at one or two isolated points
on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula, but practically over
the whole length of that littoral, whence it crossed overland
to the Chilf of Siam. It is, moreover, the oldest relic that
has so far come out of the tract where, as I have elsewhere
shown,^ stood from the remotest age the mart and seaport
of Takola {TcucaXa ifiirop^v) or Takkola, mentioned both in
Ptolemy and in the " Milinda Panha."
In Southern Sidm,
In the country of the Me-Nam Delta the earliest epigraphic
records hitherto discovered are those in Pali on terra-cotta
tablets, dug out at P'hrah Prathom some fifty years ago
(a.d. 1857). They contain the well-known Buddhist formula
** Yi dhammd" etc. ; and the shape of the characters (of
a Southern Indian type closely identical to the Yengi and
Western Chalukya) argues their age to be the sixth or
seventh century a.d.
Then follows a gap stretching down until the Ehmer
inscription from Lop'hburi, which bears two dates corre-
sponding to A.D. 1022 and 1025. At Chanthabun, however,,
both Sanskrit and Khmer inscriptions dating from the ninth
and tenth centuries occur, as well as at Battambong and in
the province of Elidrat, on the outskirts of the Kambojan
epigraphical zone. These are all the records so &r discovered
of the age of Kambojan domination over Southern and
Central Siam, which extended, with but few interruptions^
from the middle of the seventh to that of the thirteenth
century.
^ See supplementary note with plate of this inBcription in the appendix to the
present paper.
* Bee this Jonmal for Jnlj, 1897, pp. 672, 573, and Table lY, No. 79.
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"240 SIAMESE ARCHEOLOGY.
The dawn of Thai Ejugraphy.
The following period — that of independent Thai rule —
is first marked by the Snkhothai inscription of about
A.D. 1300, this being the eariiest epigraphic monument
extant worded in the Thai language, and engraved in the
Thai characters that had then just been invented. After
this, Thai inscriptions become numerous in both Central
and Northern Siam, as well as in Western Laos (C'hieng-
Mai) ; and we enter upon the phase of national Thai history
centreing at first in Sukhothai (a.d. 1257-1350) and then in
Ayuthia (a.d. 1350-1767) as successive capitals.
PalcEographic peculiarities.
Most of the inscriptions alluded to above are carved on
finely grained sandstone slabs of either a gray or greenish-
gray colour. At Old Swankhalok and Sukhothai dark-
blue slate and phyllades have also been at times employed.
Inscribed bricks and tiles are common on the Delta, as well
as all over the Malay Peninsula, where also occur the
stamped clay tablets bearing Buddhist images and inscrip-
tions already referred to.
Until A.D. 1500 such epigraphic records as bear dates are
invariably dated in the Saka era (called Mahd Saka-rdj),
beginning a.d. 78, which has been the one in general use —
imtil comparatively modern times, and with but rare and
sporadic exceptions * — all over Indo - China and the
Archipelago. This fact, as I have elsewhere more fully
pointed out,^ proves the pretended foundation of the Chula
* Gupta era in Bunna (fifth century a.d.) ; also Buddhist era (from a.d.
1084 downwards), and Sakaraj {Cuila 'Saka) era at about the same period (from
A.D. 1017 downwards). In Siam the Buddhist era occurs at times on purely
reliffious inscriptions, but not before a.d. 1357, when it is but cursorily mentioned
in tlie Thai inscription from Wat Si-Chum at Old Sukhothai. Its first direct
emplojrment is in the Pali inscription on the model of Buddha's footprint from
Sukhothai (now in the former * Second Kiuj^'s* temple, Bangkok), dated in the
year 1970 from Buddha's Nirvana = a.d. 1426. In Kamboja the practice of
dating documents, whether epigraphic or otherwise, in the Buddhist or Culla
Saka eras is even more recent, while the Maha Saka is still employed in historical
literature.
* Asiatic Quarterly Review for October, 1900, pp. 375-376 and 379-381.
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SIAMESE ABCH^OLOGY. 241
era (Culia Sakar^') in a.d. 638 at Swankhalok to be a pure
myth absolutely unworthy of credence.
Other Noticeable Features in connection with
Ancient Monuments.
In the Swankhalok and Sukhothai monuments from the
eleventh century downwards, glazed tiles, statuettes, friezes,
terminals, and other decorations in glazed pottery occur.
A ceramic industry, turning out products in imitation of
the crackled ware of the Chinese Simg dynasty, was started
at Swankhalok towards the close of the eleventh century.*
Iron I found employed in the walls of Wat ST-C*hum (Old
Sukhothai), a temple dating from the end of the thirteenth
century, and bxiilt of square blocks of gray sandstone care-
fully fitted and clamped inside. Bronze castings of
considerable dimensions also begin to appear at about
the same period, as well as Buddhist statuettes carved out
of jade (very probably from the mines in Northern Burma),
quartz (from the E[h6rdt plateau), alabaster (from either
West Kamboja or Upper Burma), ivory, and other prized
materials. More ancient, however, appears to be the
establishment of the art of making niello ware at Ligor,
where it soon attained a high degree of perfection.*
With the advent of brickwork structures, wood finds wide
employment in buildings, where it is inserted into the
masonry and utilised separately in the shape of pillars
and supports for the roof, with great detriment to the
solidity and durability of the constructions. On the other
hand, however, its extended use gives an impetus to the art
of wood-carving, which soon attains no mean excellence in
ornamental pieces, but above all in door frames and panels,
of which several highly finished specimens are still extant
^ On these Swankhaldk wares see my articles in the Atiatie Quarterly £eview
for April, 1902 (j^p. 361-368), and October of the same year (pp. 391-395).
' 1^ on this industry, as well as on the bronze castings of the period, my
remarks in the Atiatie Qiiarterlt/ Review for October, 1902, pp. 396-397 and
404-405.
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^42 SIAMESE ABCH-aBOLOGT,
(doors of the P%»h Then sanctuary at Thung-yang, and of
Wat Suthat (Sudassana) at Bangkok, brought thither from
Sukhothai, both dating from the fourteenth or fifteenth
century). Later on this industry is superseded, especially
in door and window panels, by the more modem one of
lacquered, gilt, and mother-of-pearl inlaid work, of which
perhaps the most perfect early specimen extant may be
witnessed in the massive door panels of the Plirah Chinaraj
(Jinardja) sanctuary at Bisnul6k (made in a.d. 1755 by
order of the king then reigning at Ayuthia),
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE ON THE
RECENTLY DISCOVERED TAKUA-Pl INSCRIPTION.
When, early in 1902, my friend Mr. H. W. Bourke, of the
Royal Siamese Department of Mines, proceeded to take up
his post of Superintendent of Mines for the Siamese provinces
on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula, establishing his
headquarters at P'hiiket (Junkceylon Island), I did my best
to impress upon him, as if in duty boimd — seeing his keen
interest and favourable natural disposition for archaeological
research — the importance of a thorough investigation of
any ancient remains, and above all of any epigraphic relics,
he might hear of or come across in the course of his official
toum4es through the districts on that coast. I especially
conunended to his attention the littoral facing Junkceylon,
viz., the districts of Takua-thAng and Takua-pa (Tak6pa),
near the latter of which I had been led, through my own
researches, to locate the famous harbour and mart of Takdla,
as I felt certain that important archaeological finds would
most likely reward the efforts of the explorer, owing to
ancient Indian settlements which must have left behind
some visible traces of their past existence having been
there. So far, only one ancient inscription on a copper-
plate had been discovered in that region, and precisely in
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SIAMESE ABGHJSOLOGY. 243
Takua-thiing ; but that was as long as forty years ago, and
as the plate was fixed on the back of a little bronze statue
of Buddha, it could not be positively held to have been
engraved in situ.^ Moreover, such districts had so far
practically remained unexplored from an archaeological point
of view, while from Takua-p& itself, whence one should
expect the richest harvest in relics of the past, nothing had
as yet been found to attest the presence of ancient remains.
The same recommendations I repeated later on to anotiier
friend of mine, Mr. C. Allegri, the Chief Engineer of the
Boyal Siamese Public Works Department, when he left
towards the end of 1902 on an extended official tour through
the same provinces of the Malay Peninsula.
Both these gentlemen have rendered valuable services to
research by turning, so &r as the pressure of their official
duties would permit, their attention to these matters, and
bravely devoting to the pursuit of exploration whatever
leisure they could afford to spare.
Mr. Bourke, having got the start, was soon able to inform
me of traces of ancient extensive mining operations, and of
finds of neolithic implements and other prehistoric, as well
as protohistoric, relics in various places situated lower down
the west coast of the Malay Peninsula. Of these, and of
whatever else of interest he had occasion to notice then and
in the course of his subsequent tours, it is to be hoped he
wiU soon give an exhaustive account himself, which should
prove extremely interesting, especially if accompanied by
the numerous photographs which he, being an exceptionally
accomplished amateur photographer, did not neglect to take.
Coming next to the Tak6pa district, Mr. Bourke was
fortunate enough to discover some important remains near
the upper reaches of the river, and to ascertain the site of
the old Takdpa town, which stood considerably farther up-
stream than the present modem settlement. Most important
' The plate (now preserved with the statue in the roj^ palace, Bangkok) is
circular, in the form of a eakra ; and the inscription in Pali is a mere repetition
of the famous Ti dhammd stanza, the characters being probably of the third
century a.d.
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244 SIAMESE AECH^OLOGY,
of all, however, is perhaps the discovery of the inscribed
stela that forms the subject of the present note. This was
also examined by Mr. Allegri, from whom I obtained
a sketch of its shape and dimensions, of which the one
subjoined is a reproduction. It is a slab of finely textured
sandstone, and was f oimd in the middle of a former bed of the
Tak6pa river, close by a Buddhist monastery now known as Wat
Hd Mmng, * Monastery facing the town,' so called evidently
from its occupying a site opposite the old town of Takdpa.
Mr. Bourke took a carefully executed squeezing of the
inscription, which he forwarded to me. I had that face
of the squeezing that had come into contact with the stone
photographed, and had another photograph taken from the
plate thus obtained. From the last the positive reproduced
below was printed. The characters are, as will readily be
seen, slightly modified forms of the fourth century VengI,
as represented in Bumell's " Elements of South Indian
Palaeography," second edition, plate i; and also resemble
in shape those of the Kedah inscription of about 400 a.d.
deciphered and translated by Professor Kern. ^ The
consonants ^ (A-), T <^r J (r), 3^ or jf^ (t), ^ (kr), etc., are
practically identical. But there are differences in some
others, while the details of not a few letters and groups of
letters show up far from clearly, especially the vowels e, a,
and some of the consonants combined therewith, so that
the reading is in many instances rendered difficult and
very imcertain. These blemishes should be ascribed to the
worn-out state of the stone rather than to imskilfulness on
the part of the lapicide, who seems, on the contrary, to have
performed his task with no mean ability, and turned out
a work which compares favourably with the epigraphic
productions of the same age in other parts of Indo-China.
Owing to the drawbacks just alluded to, several attempts
I have made at decipherment have met with but very partial
success. I have accordingly thought it expedient to forward
the squeezing to my esteemed friend Professor Kern, of
^ See *' Essays relating to Indo-Cbina,'' first series, yol. i, p. 234 and pi. ir.
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SIAMESE ARCHiEOLO(iY. 245
the Leiden University, the eminent specialist for such
inscriptions, who will, I hope, be able to give a complete
reading and translation, and in any case elucidate all
that can fairly be made out in this inscription. I trust
he will soon favour this Journal with the result of his
investigations. Meanwhile, it appears to me pretty certain
that the language of the inscription is Sanskrit, and not
Pali ; and judging from the shape of the characters I should
think that the document belongs chronologically to the fifth
century a.d., and cannot, at all events, be later than the sixth
or seventh.
Whatever its contents and purport (which latter appears
to be Buddhist), I need not emphasize its archsBological
importance. As it was evidently engraved in sitUy and
not imported from abroad, it proves the existence in that
neighbourhood of an ancient Indian settlement, which
doubtless dated from the early centuries of the Christian
era, if not, as is quite possible, from a still remoter period.
It forms, moreover, a hitherto missing link in the chain of
I)etroglypliic evidence connecting the lower provinces on the
west coast of the Malay Peninsula with those adjoining the
Krah Isthmus, and proving that the coast in question was
dotted practically all the way with Indian settlements and
colonies.
The remains of ancient shrines and three old statues of
deities extant at the foot of the Khdu P^hrah Ndrdi (the
* Hill of Narayana ' or Visnu), three hours by boat further
up the river from the site of the inscription above referred
to, argue the former presence in that vicinitj^ of some
important settlement.^ Still farther up-stream the anchors
and debris of a sea-going vessel of respectable size, half
buried in the sandy bottom of the old river-bed, were found
^ As regards the considerable antiquity of the statues, I may mention that two
gigantic trees, locally known as Ton Be (probably Lager9troemi€u), haye grown
round the ima^, and so completely enfolded them as to make their disentanglement
and removal impossible unless the trees themselyes are cut down to the root.
It appears that the three statues were brought down to their present site from an
old shrine which, according to local tradition, stood on the sununit of the hill.
No traces of such a structure haye, however, so far, been discovered, owing
doubtless to the thick jungle that covers the hill and hide;- the remains from new.
J.B.A.H. 1904. 17
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246 SIAMESE ARCHEOLOGY.
some fifty years ago at the place called Tha Nd, * [Paddy] -
Fields Landing.' The spot where the ship in question lay
embedded stands now well up above water-level. There can
be no doubt from such indications, and from the site of Old
Takopa town so far up-stream, that its river was in the old
days far deeper and more accessible to sea-going craft than
at present ; and that its actual shallowness and increased
impracticability to navigation are well-nigh entirely due to
the gradual rise of the land which has been going on all over
the Malay Peninsula for many centuries past, and which
appears to have amounted to no less than a hundred feet
within historical times.
In so far as the Takopa district is concerned, there is even
nowadays a splendid harbour at the mouth of its river, of
which my old friend Mr. Warington Smyth, who visited it
some nine years ago, and who is no superficial connoisseur
in marine matters, says in his valuable book : " The harbour
of Kopa [Takua - pa] is a very fine one, consisting of
a magnificent estuary protected from the sea by a series of
islands, behind which vessels can lie in depths varying from
four to seven fathoms. The chief entrance is to the north,
round Kopa Head. The deep-water channel runs thence in
a southerly direction for some twenty miles to the north of
the Kopa River proper, where the local trading craft, which
are, of course, never of very deep draft, lie in two fathoms,
some fourteen miles below the town Kopa could
at trifling cost be made the first harbour in Siam, a^d the
port of the whole of this part of the peninsula. Neither
Ghantabun nor Sungkla [Singora] has the possibilities of
Kopa, neither has such depth of water or such commodious
anchorage, neither is so well situated with regard to foreign
markets, and neither has such fine provinces at the back of
it Takuapa as a harbour is, however, far superior
[to Trang], and will take larger vessels than any other place,
and its claims to be made the port of Lakawn [Ligor] should
be seriously considered.'' ^
» ** Five Years in Siam," London, 1898, vol. ii, pp. 24-26 and 128,
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SIAMESE ABCILSOLOOT. 247
There can thus be no doubt that Takopa (Takua-pa) was
in the early centuries of the Christian era a well-known
harbour and trading centre often resorted to by ships coasting
along the Golden Elhersonese. My previous conclusions^
are once more corroborated that either the Pak-chan inlet,
penetrating deep into the western flank of the Krah Isthmus,
or Takopa — ^perhaps more likely the latter— were Ptolemy's
Takola and withal the Takkola of the "Milinda Panha."
This last, as follows from the context of that well-known
Buddhist work (vi, 21), lay outside the limits of Sumnna-
bhumi (since this coimtry is mentioned separately from it),
i.e. the Gulf of Martaban, and cannot therefore be identified
with the Taik'kuld on the Sittang river as suggested by
preceding writers.
But the last has not as yet been heard about the Tak6pa
district and its harbour. Mr. Bourke is still pursuing his
investigation as far as the very limited time at his disposal
allows him ; and there is good reason to hope that he may
before long come across other remains, and discover more
inscriptions, capable of throwing further light on the past
history of so interesting a part of the Malay Peninsida, as
yet but scarcely known to the Western world.
» See this Journal for July, 1897, pp. 672-673, and Table IV, No. 79. The
iiuestion has been more fully dealt with in my forthcoming mono^ph on the
Ptolemaic geography of Indo-China, now in the press. The alternative suggest
sugg^estion
4 if the Pak" chan 'inlet is justified from the fact of this estuary lying within the
limits of the region of Tak^ (Takola\ which includes the throe districts now
distinguished under the denominations of Takua-thimg (the southernmost, facing
Junkceylon), Takua-pS (the central one), and Takua-thai (the northernmost,
l>ordering upon the Puk-chan inlet). Moreover, the rectified Ptolemaic data
as regards the position of the mart of Takola argue a site near the southern
]»omt of entrance to the Pak - chun inlet, close oy the present Ranong, and
iherefore on Takua-thai territory. (See the above- cited Taole lY.)
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249
XI.
KAUSAHBI.
By major W. YOST, I.M.S.
A LTHOUGH the city of Eausambi is frequently
"^ mentioned in the Pali and Hindu classics, few data
are given therein from which its position can be accurately
determined. We shall see as we proceed that the details
given in these books, when read in conjunction with what
we learn from Yuan Chwang, enable us to fix with tolerable
accuracy, but not with absolute certainty as yet, the probable
position of this famous city.
In the Life ^ of Yuan Chwang the kingdom of Prayaga is
defined as situated " to the south of the Ganges, on the north
of the River Jumn&." As the town of Allahabad is still
known to the Hindus as Prayaga, we may conclude that
the kingdom Prayaga corresponded to the easternmost part
of the Ganges-Jamuna duab. The capital of Prayaga,
when Yuan Chwang was in India, lay "between two
branches of the river," ^ and we are told that to the east of
the city " the two rivers join." ' We may assume, without
perhaps being very far wrong, that the confluence of the
Ganges and Jamuna, which seem to be the two rivers
indicated by the pilgrim, lay in close proximity to the
modem town named Allahabad.
In giving measurements to the city of Eau§ambl, or to
the border of the country of this name, Yuan Chwang does
not clearly state whether his distances start from the capital
of Prayaga, or from the junction of the Ganges and Jamuna,
or from some point on the southern border of the kingdom
•of Prayaga, that is, from the bank of the Jamuna, but the
* Bcal, p. 90.
2 Beal, i, p. 230.
' Bcal : Life, p. 90.
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250 KAUSAMBI.
impression conveyed to my mind is that his calculations of
distance are taken from the junction of the Ganges and
Jamuna rivers.
The information as to the position of the city of Kau6ambl,
founded on this pilgrim's sojourn in India, is contained in
the following passages : —
Records^ I. "Going from this country [Jamuna river,
the southern border of Prayaga] south-west, we enter
a great forest .... Going 500 li or so, we come to
the country [border of the country of] Kiau-shang-mi
(Kau6&mb!)."»
II. "To the south-west of the city [KausambI] 8 or 9 li
is a stone dwelling of a venomous N&ga ... To the
north-east of the N&ga dwelling . . . after going about
700 li . . . we cross the Ganges, and going northward
we arrive at the town of Kia-shi-po-lo (Kasapura)." ^
Note the bearing and distance, and that it is not stated
that the Jamuna was crossed to reach Kasapura. This
negative point is, perhaps, not of great weight.
Life, I. " From this, in a south-west direction, ....
After going 500 li or so, we arrive at Kiau-shang-mi
(Kau^mbi)."^
The point of departure is not stated, nor is it recorded if
the 500 li are to the border of the kingdom of Kau&Tmbi or
to the city. If we decide that this passage is probably
abridged from the corresponding paragraph given above in
brief as the first extract from the Records, then we are in
a position to assume that the 500 li are calculated from the
"country " of Prayaga to the " country " of KausambI ; but
we are not told the name of the tract of territory lying
between the border of the district of Prayaga, that is, the
Jamuna river, and the border of KausambI.
II. "From the country of Pray&ga [Jamuna river] he
went south-west, for seven days, when he
arrived at the kingdom of Kau^mbi."*
" Kingdom," here, seems to be an error for " city."
1 Beal, i, p. 234. » Beal, i, p. 237. » Beal, p. 90. * Beal, p. 190.
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KATJSAMBI. 251
III. After describing the monuments to the ** south" of
the city of Kau^mbl, it is recorded that, ** Going about
500 li [Julien's version adds to the eaat] from this, we come
to the kingdom of Pi-so-kia (VisakM).*' ^ Certainly the
bearing eaat should be read north-east, as in the Records,
The distance, no doubt, is the same as the 500 li from the
kingdom of Prayaga to the Kau^mbl border, as in the
first quotation from the Records. It is, also, to be noted
that the road-distance from Eaiiapura to the border of the
kingdom of Pi-so-kia is omitted in the Life.
From the comparison of these accounts, bearing in mind
that the data in the Life are mostly abridged from the
Records, we learn (1) that the distance was 500 li south-west
from the "country," or border, of Prayaga, that is, from
the right bank of the Jamuna river, to the " country," or
border, of the Eau^mbl kingdom ; (2) that we must
suppose that 200 li, not recorded, represented the distance
from the border of the Eau^mbl kingdom to Eau^mbl
city, and that the distance of 500 li, to which the 200 li,
inferred, require to be added, correspond to the (3) 700 li
north-east, from a point 8 or 9 li south-west of Eau^mbi
city, to the right bank of the Ganges river, probably to a ferry
close to the east side of the junction of the Ganges and
Jamuna rivers, as we are not told that the Jamuna river was
also crossed to get to Ka^pura; (4) that Yuan Chwang
probably retraced his steps 700 li "north-east" from
EausambI city to the Ganges bank along the same road by
which he had travelled 700 li to the " south-west " ; and (5)
that Eau6ambi city should be found 700 li, or 92*54 English
miles, by road from Yuan Chwang's starting-point, that is,
at this distance to the south-west of Allahabad, which stands
at the confluence of the Ganges and Jamuna rivers, or
Eau^mbl, is to be sought, possibly, at the distance of 92*54
miles, either from the right bank of the Jamuna river due
south of Allahabad, or possibly from some ferry on the
Jamuna some way west of the confluence of these two rivers.
» Beal, p. 91.
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252 KAUSAMBI.
Fa-hian gives us no assistance in fixing the position of
the site of Eau^mbl city, and his description of the
kingdom is very meagre. He writes : — " Proceeding north-
west thirteen ydjanas from the park of the deer, [Sarnath,
to the north of Benares city] there is a country called
Kaus&mbi. There is a vihdra there called Gh6shira-vana
{the garden of Ghdshira), in which Buddha formerly dwelt ; it
is now in ruins." ^ Thirteen t/q/anas, or 91*65 English miles,
narth'We&t would have taken the pilgrim into the Sultanpur
District, and if " country " be supposed a mistake for " city,"
the ruins at Dhutapapa^ on the GomatT river might be
identified with the city of Eausambl. But as Fa-hian and
Yuan Chwang both speak of the garden of Ghosira,^ it is
extremely likely that the bearing north-west to the
Eausambl border is a mistake for south- west, and that the
two pilgrims each allude to the same country Eau^mbi.
Fa-hian 's distance of 13 yojanas is only of importance in
telling us the position, I think, of the Eausambl border
when proceeding, it seems, from Sarnath. This information
is not obtainable from any other source ; the difficulty in
interpreting the record is to know by which road he
travelled and calculated the distance, and consequently we
are at a loss to define exactly the eastern limit of the
Eausambl kingdom as it was known to Fa-hian. His
reckoning does not appear to be calculated to the vicinity of
Mauganj, 62 miles from Mirzapur, on the Great Deccan
Road going towards Central India. The distances to
Mauganj, calculated from Benares city, are 27 miles to
Mirzapur ; from this on to the foot of the Eatra Pass
another 36 miles; and thence to Mauganj 26 miles; or
altogether 89 miles from Benares to Mauganj. At Mangawa,
22 miles by road to the south-west of Mauganj, the Great
^ Beai, i, p. Ixviii.
» Areh. Surv. Report (A.S.R.), i, p. 316.
' The Ghofitarama or Gho^aTatarama (Eera, Manual, p. 34), or garden of
Ghosika **near" EauAambi (Hardy, Manual^ p. 369), named after Gho^ika,
Gho^ita, Gboflita, or Ghosila, one of the three ministers of Udayana, kinr of the
Vatsa country. This is, probablv, the same monastery which was situated in the
diihtepa groTe {Dalbergia Sim) (Oldenberg, Bttddha, p. 205).
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KAUSAMBI. 253
Deccan Eoad is joined by the road coming south-west from
Allahabad over the SohagI Pass. The distance from
Mangawa to Allahabad is 62^ miles. If Fa-hian had given
the distance to the Kau^mbl kingdom by Mirzapur, it is
probable that his reckoning would have been only as far
as the £atra Pass, and not to a point 26 miles by road
within the mountainous border. The whole of the hilly
country in this region probably was included in the
Kau^mbi kingdom. There are no traces of a large
ancient city between Mauganj and Mangawa, and it is
very improbable that the city of Eau^mbi could have
been anywhere near this position, for then Yuan Chwang's
bearing south-west from the kingdom of Prayaga would
require to be changed to south, if we are to understand
that the pilgrim's bearing also led in the direction of
the city. I infer that Fa-hian's 13 yojanas must refer
to some other route, as I do not believe that "country"
in his narrative is an error for ** city " of Eau^mbl.
The road along which the distance and bearing, which
I would read to the south -we^t and to the border of the
^kingdom, are given, is most likely by Silpi ghat, " the
one gh&t rid which the great pilgrim road from Benares
through Ghunar goes to Eatak and Ramessar ; it comes tid
Chunar through Suktisgarh, Rajgarh, across the Sonat
Eurari, meeting the other road near Eusmawa, thence on to
Baghaia, where it divides into two, the minor one going
direct past the tirath at Poari^ and the caves of Eotar,
Jarandha, and Banauli to Mdr&, the main one vid Saipur
also through Eotar to M&r&, and thence on through Sonhat
Mahtin, Pali, Baluda, Bachandgarh, Janjgir, to Seonarayan,
everyone of the places named containing remains of
antiquity ...."* If this be the route intended by
Fa-hian it would appear, from what we know from other
sources, that the Eausambi country comprised territory
lying both to the north and south of the upper course of
• Ponsibly Pavariya, Buddhht India ^ p. 36.
* A.S.R., xiii, p. 16, and pi. xx (map).
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254 KAUSAMBI.
the Sone river, where it flows near the southern border of
the Mirzapur District, and contained a great part of the
Rlwa State in Central India. This location of the kingdom)
of Kau^ambi is, I consider, in part confirmed by the legend
of Bakula,* from which we hear that it was customary for
him to travel between the cities of Eau^mbi and Benarea
"in a boat by the river MahL" Inasmuch as the rivers
from Riwa territory flowing northwards to the Ganges are
not navigable, whereas the MahT river was, but possibly only
for boats of light burden, I infer that by the Mahi river,
which was one of the five great rivers^ of Jambudvlpa, is
meant the Sone, and that the city of Kau^mbl, if not
actually by the side of the Sone, was at least at no great
distance from it, or from one of its upper tributaries. In
this legend the Jamuna river is also mentioned, but we know
from Yuan Chwang that the city of Kauiiambi was 700 li
from the course of this river, so that the city could not have
been located on its left bank at Eosam, the site identified
with Kau§ambi until Mr. Vincent Smith first proved the
erroneousness of the general belief. Other evidence^ after-
wards given, renders it improbable that Eau§ambl city could
have been situated by the side of the Jamuna river.^
It is difficult to arrive at any satisfactory conclusion as to
how far south the kingdom of EausambI stretched. It
would appear possible that it extended to the sources of
the Narbada and Mahanadi rivers, and perhaps these rivers
formed the southern boundary of the kingdom in the earliest
Buddhist period. In the quotation I gave* respecting the
supposed road by which Fa-hian reckons his distance south-
west from Samath or Benares to the EausambI border, there
* Hardy, Manual, p. 620 ; Rhys Davids, Sacred Books of the Eatt, xxxri,
p. 11, note. The correct name of Bakula, or Bak-knla, * the two family one,' was
Wakula, * mongoose * (J.R.A.8., 1898, p. 337), according to Yuan Chwang.
» Hardy: Manual, pp. 17, 455, 510.
* The identification of Eosam with KauiSambI was no longer tenable when the
distance 50 li, on which the identification rested, was corrected to 500 li (Beal,
Life, p. 91, note 1). From its geographical position it is almost a certainty that
Kosam lay in the kingdom of Prayaga.
* A.S.R., xiii, p. 16.
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EAUSAMBI. 255
are mentioned together two places named Pali and Baluda, at
which ancient remains exist. When Gautama in the ninth
year of his ministry became disgusted owing to the dis-
sensions in the Order at Eau^ambi, he left his followers and
resided in turn in three monasteries built for him by three
rich merchants in the " country " ^ of Kau^mbl. At first
"he repaired to the village of Balakalonakara . . .
After a meeting with the venerable Bhagu, he proceeded
to the eastern Bambu park (Paclnavamsadaya), where
Anuruddha, Nandiya, and Kimbila were living . . .
They cordially welcomed their Master, who gladdened them
with a sermon, and then went farther to Parileyyaka.
There, dwelling in the Rakkhita grove, at the foot of a
Bhadrasala tree, he felt all the happiness of a solitary
life."^ The three unnamed monasteries of the Burmese
account perhaps were situated at Balakalonakara, Badarika,'
and Parileyyaka. Balakalonakara is, perhaps, Baluda^
in the Bilaspur District of the Central Provinces, 5 miles
to the east of Bachaud/ Buddhist remains exist in
towns close by. Parileyyaka* is possibly Pali, at which
there is a temple "probably built on cell foundations,"^
but the identification I suggest is possibly doubtful, as
there does not appear to be a cave® near. The Badarika
monastery, at which Jataka No. 16 was narrated, was
probably situated somewhere on the road between Baluda
and Pall, if this Pall corresponds to Parali, but I cannot
point to the spot. At Malhar, about 22 miles in a straight
1 Bigandet, i, p. 235.
' Kern : Manual^ pp. 34, 35. According to Hardy, p. 369, Gautama spent
the tenth rainy season at Parali ; and at the foot of tne sala tree there was
a cave. Rhys Davids (Buddhinn, 1880, p. 72) has '* in a hut built by the
villagers."
s Jataka No. 16.
« A.S.B., vii, p. 21], and ziii, pp. 15, 16, 152.
^ Marked on A.S.R., xiii, pi. xx.
* It is called both a forest and village. Khys Davids {Buddhism, 1880, p. 72)
baa * forest t>f Parileyyaka' ; Bigandet (Legend of Oaudama, 1866, pp. 223, 224)
has 'village of Palelyaka' and forest of Palelaka'; Hardy (Jfantia/, p. 369) has
•forest of P&rali.'
T A.S.R., vii, p. 219. Pali is shown on A.S.R., xvii, pi. 1 (map).
' But see note 6.
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^2i}^ KAUSAMBI.
line to the south-west of Baluda, an inscription of 919 Gedi
SaiiiTat was obtained which mentions Eosambi,^ a village
tn the Tummana country.
The old road northwards from these places to Allahabad
passes through Amarakantaka, Sohagpur, Majholl, Candradih,
and GOrgl to the east of Rlwa.' From Sohagpnr a branch
road goes through another place called Pall, which is
situated to the north-west of Sohagpur and to the south of
Bandogadh. At Pali there are early undescribed remains,'
but I do not know if they are of Buddhist origin, or if this
place can be identified with Parileyyaka. I have suppoeed
that we should look for Parileyyaka or Parali at one or other
of the places named Pali.
Towards the south-west the kingdom of EausambI
apparently marched with the kingdom of Ayanti or
Ujjain.*
When Yuan Chwang proceeded from the country of
Prayaga south-west, he could have crossed the northern
border of the EausambI kingdom either by the Sohagi
Pass, or at the place where the Tons river reaches the level
country to the north of the Eiwa plateau.^ The most
ancient road into the kingdom of Eausambi from the north
was doubtless that going southwards through the pass by
the side of the Tons river.^ Along this route from the
Jamuna ancient remains^ and inscriptions abound. At
Bitha, 10 miles to the south of south-west of Allahabad
on the high road to Riwa, many Buddhist remains have
been discovered. On a block of 5tone, about 1 J miles from
• A.S.R-. ir:, p. 2\A : Ejlj- IdJ-. i. p. ^j.
' A.S.R-, r.::, p:». 15, 14. 1-3, iad pL xx tsx-j- : A.S.R.. ni, p. U9.
* A.S.R-. x-ii, p. 12.
» A.S.R-. xxi, pJ. I Eij. .
• F.T ti: A - ::-i -: \\Ar r..-: a* :1 »s ^odj 1- • Sirs. -. c« lit f L?e of the Ubleljifid,
j»^ A-S,K-. w:, p. 1:4.
* At F :- i, A-< R . i:. p. K, X- ?•. ^. *'' ^^ ? ^- ^'-'^ H:r„ A S.R., ni,
T- 1>: h.nr^. A>-k. xix, p;.* €-, T : ^ M--j^»-i*. A.SR,. xix, p._<^;
T^i»^> A-S.'K-, XX2, T'. K2^ i*i. *^- J:_'r:-i A.S.R.. xix, p. 6^: Aliti
orii, A S,2i^ xxi, p. 1*4; KtTtt K'pdL A ^.R-, xxi. pp. ll'», 141, 142.
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KAU8AMBI. 257
Alha Ghat, Kao^mbl is mentioned in an inscription ^ dated
1216 Samvat (1159 a.d.), while at Eevati £und there are
two Buddhist atupas caryed in outline on a rock at the
mouth of a cave, and on the roof of the cave can be seen aa
inscription of about 200 B.C. On the road from Allahabad
to Rlwa by the SohagI Pass I have not observed that ai
single ancient site is described.
From Allahabad to Sirmol vid NainI, Bhita, etc., the road-
distance is 64 miles; from Sirmol along the Tons river to
Satna, 45 miles ; from Sirmol to OurgI, 27 miles ; and from
Biwa to Gurgl, 10 miles.^ The distance by road from
Allahabad to the right bank of the Jamuna river is 3 miles,
and from the river by the new road through the Sohagi Pass^
to the town of Biwa is 77^ miles.
It is probable, I think, that Yuan Chwang's 500 li, or
66*1 English miles, south-west from the Prayaga border,
Jamuna river, to the Eau^mbl border, are reckoned either
to Alha Ghat, or to Sirmol higher up the Tons valley on the
edge of the Rlwa tableland. Yuan Ghwang's distance of
500 li does not agree with the route by the SohagI Pass, as^
the distance from Allahabad, the approximate position of
the confluence of the Ganges and Jamima when Yuan
Chwang visited this locality, to the Biwa border 6 miles
beyond the village of Sohagi is only 41^ miles, whereas the*
pilgrim's reckoning is 66*1 English miles, or 500 li, to the
border of the Kaudambi country. There are no important
remains near Mauganj, as previously stated. To me it
appears certain that Yuan Chwang followed the ancient
road by Bhita, etc., to Sirmol, and that he has represented
the northern edge of the Rlwa State, near Sirmol, as the
northern limit of the KausambI kingdom. The absence of
ancient remains along the Sohagi route from Allahabad
makes it very probable that this road was not much
frequented in the early centuries of the Christian era.
1 Published in Ind. Antiq.j xviii, p. 214.
> Theee distances have been fnmifihed to me through the courtesy of Major S. F.
Bayley, Agent to the Baghelkhand Agency at Satna.
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268 KAUSAMBI.
The present road by the SohagI Pass is of recent
eonstruction.
If we allow that Yuan Chwang trayelled by the Sohagi
Pass to Riwa, and thence to the city of Kau^mbi, we should
look for the ruins of the ancient city at the distance of 11*54
English miles beyond the town of Rlwa, if we reckon from
Allahabad (3 + 78 + 11-64 = 92*64 miles = 700 li), or at the
-distance of 14*64 miles from Rlwa, if we calculate the
distance from the banks of the Jamuna at Naini, south of
Allahabad. The distance from Allahabad to Sirmol we have
seen is 64 miles, and from Sirmol by road to GiirgI 27 miles,
that is, the distance from the confluence of the Ganges and
Jamuna to GurgI, which, I believe, corresponds to the site of
Kau^mbl city, is 91 miles, against Yuan Chwang's 700 li or
92*64 miles. Whether we travel by the Sohagi Pass and
Riwa to GurgI, or by Alha Ghat and thence by road to
Gurgi, the distance by either way is the same to GiirgI
from Allahabad, namely, 91 miles.
I think I have made it clear in the first few pages of this
article that the distance south-west from the confluence of
the Ganges and Jamuna, or perhaps from some point close to
it on the Jamuna, which formed the southern border of the
country of Prayaga, to the northern limit of the kingdom of
Eau^mbi, was 600 li of Yuan Chwang ; and that from the
northern border of the Eau^mbl kingdom to the city of
Eausambi the distance was another 200 li, as Yuan
Chwang's reckoning is 700 li from the city of Eau§ambi to
the banks of the Ganges, to a point probably somewhere
near the confluence.
Mr. Vincent Smith, I am convinced, has erroneously
taken 600 li,^ instead of 700 li, as the distance to the city
of Eau^mbl. The 700 li are considered by this antiquary
either as the distance from Eau§ambi city to Dalamao
Ghat, on the Ganges about 76^ miles ^ to the north-west of
1 J.R.A.S., 1898, pp. 503-519.
' This is the distance from Allahabad to Fatehpur by the Grand Tnmk Road,
and is very nearly exact, I should think, for the distance to Dahmau, whieh is
18 miles by road north-east of Fatehpur.
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KAUSAMBI. 259
Allahabad, or as that to Baksar Ghut, still higher up the
Oanges. At one or other of these two ferries Mr. YinceDt
Smith supposes that Yuan Ohwang crossed the Ganges on
his way to the city of Sravastl. Mr. Vincent Smith makes
the pilgrim travel south-west from Prayaga to EausambI by
•one road, and, I presume, go north-east by another from
EausambI to Dalamau, or Baksar, and cross both the Ganges
und Jamuna on the way. He believes that the city of
EausambI should be found in the valley of the Tons river ;
that ''the Satna (Sutna) railway station marks the approximate
position of EausambI " ; that the celebrated Buddhist ruins
at Bharhut (Bharaut), " situated about nine miles a little
«ast of south from Satua railway station, about 90 to 92
miles south-west of Allahabad,'' ''satisfy the conditions of
geographical position with almost absolute certainty *' ; and
that EausambI will, " when properly looked for, be found
not very far from Satna, Eho, or Bharhut," but he does
** not affirm that the known remains at or close to Bharhut
are those of EausambI."
I have observed that the distance of 500 li was to the
*' country " or border of the kingdom of Eau^mbl, and not
to the city. It is not generally admissible to change
*' country " to " city " or " capital." * There is no particular
reason, even if Satna be the approximate position of the
city of Eau^mbiy why Yuan Chwang should have travelled
in the direction of Dalamau or Baksar Ghats, as the pilgrim
does not say that he went from EausambI to Sravastl city,
as Mr. Vincent Smith makes him do from the capital of
Pi-80-kia. The measurement given by the pilgrim from the
capital of the Pi-so-kia kingdom is to the country, or border,
of the kingdom of j^ravastl, and not to the city of Sravastl.
To reach Dalamau, or Baksar, Ghat, Yuan Chwang must
have crossed the Jamuna, if he went by a short route, but he
only mentions having crossed the Ganges to reach Easapura.
Not one of the places named by Mr. Vincent Smith, in my
opinion^ appears to suit the approximate position of the city
» J.R.A.S., 1903, pp. 83-86, 97, 98, 102.
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260 KAIuSAMIU.
of Kausambr, on measuring from Allahabad. Take Satna,
the nearest to the Jamuna. The railway line between
Allahabad and Satna railway stations takes a considerable
detour to the south-west, and the distance between the-
two stations is 110 miles by rail, and by road from
Allahabad to Satna along the Tons river it is 109 miles,
whereas the city of Kausambi should be distant 700 li,
or about 92^ miles, by road, from the Ganges- Jamunii
confluence, or bank of the Jamuna hereabouts. Nor doe»
the site of Bharhut agree with the approximate position
of Kausambi city, as the distance by road from Satna is
about nine miles further south. ^ Satna is 31^ miles by the
tonga road almost due west from Riwa, which is 80f miles by
road from Allahabad. The road-distance, therefore, to Satnir
vid Rlwa is 112| miles. Satna, by whichever way we travel,,
cannot, I consider, mark the approximate position of the city
of Kau^mbf, as it is, at the lowest estimate, 109 miles from
Allahabad, 16*46 miles out of the reckoning by road. There
are no remains on the Riwa-Saugor road which correspond
to the distance of 700 li or 92*54 miles, or approximately at
this distance, from the Jamuna, that is, at a point on the
Riwa-Saugor road indicated by the distance of 12 miles
to the south-west of Riwa, if we reckon the 700 li from
Allahabad, or at the distance of 15 miles on this road
from Riwa, if we calculate the 700 li from the Jamuna river
south of Allahabad. The only place on this road to Saugor
at which considerable remains are described is at Mahiyar
(Maihar), but JVlahiyar is distant 21 miles south of Satna,.
and from Riwa by road 41^ miles- I know of no ruins
situated 16*46 miles (=109 miles from Allahabad to Satna
by the Tons river, less 92*54 miles or 700 li) north of the
Satna railway station, or at 13*46 miles north of Satna if we
* Mr. Vincent Smith, reproving Cunningham in giving 120 miles for the
distance from Allahabsid to the Bharhut atupa (J.R.A.S., 1898, p. 511, note 1),
makes the distance 92 to 98 miles, which is certainly very far from accurate.
Cunningham's distance is nearly correct. He seems to have taken 110 miles,
the distance from Allahabad to Satna by rail, and added 10 miles for the
distance to Bharhut by road from Satna. Now, Allahabad to Riwa by road ifi
80 1 miles, from Kiwa to Satna 31^ miles, and about 9 miles more on to Bharhut,
gay about 121 miles altogether, by tliis way.
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KAUSAMBI. 261
measure from the Jamuna south of Allahabad, which
correspond in distance with the reckoning to the city of
Kaajambl. The famous fort of Kalinjar, which I estimate
is about 9i^ miles south-west of Allahabad by the nearest
roads, agrees accurately enough, if we measure from the
Jamuna, with the distance to the city of KauiSmbi, but the
remains at Kalinjar, so far as published descriptions tell
us, do not appear to me to agree with Yuan Chwang's
description of Eau^mbL
If we assume that Yuan Chwang crossed the Jamuna close
to Eosam the position of Bharhut would agree with Yuan
Chwang's 700 li and probable bearing to the city of
Kausambi. It is unlikely that the city lay to the east
side of Bharhut towards Panna, as there is in that direction
no great river, such as the Mahi is described to be, which
flows towards Benares city. The same objection holds good
for any ancient site lying to the north of Bharhut and to
the south of the Jamuna, including the country at or near
Ealinjar.
My estimate ^ of the value of Yuan Chwang's li does not
seem to me to allow that Mr. Vincent Smith's equation 700 li
of Yuan Chwang are equal to 115 to 120 miles, but if others
are disposed to agree with his estimate, the 700 li from
Kaudambi city do not correspond to the distance by road
from Satna to Dalamau Ghat, the nearer of the two ferries
he mentions. The shortest good road from Satna to
Dalamau, that by Naugadh, ESHnjar, Banda, and Fatehpur,
is 154 miles. It is not probable that by footpaths through
the hills, and elsewhere, this distance could be reduced more
than from 10 to 15 miles, a very liberal reduction. Thus
from Mr. Vincent Smith's equation it follows that Satna is
apparently not the approximate position of Kaui§ambi, or
that Yuan Chwang could not have crossed at Dalamau, if
Satna is near the city of Kau&mbl. It is obvious that
Baksar, still farther from Satna, is out of the question.
And we have seen that Yuan Chwang does not say that he
» J.R.A.S., 1903, p. 80.
J.B.A.8. 1904. 18
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262 KAUSAHBI.
went to the city of Sravasti from the kingdom of Eau^ambi,
taking the capital of Pi-so-kia on the way, and therefore that
he did not necessarily have to cross the Jamuna, so far as we
know from his itinerary, to arrive at Katopura.
** Gurgi is by universal report said to contain innumerable
numbers of sculptured stones, and in this respect to stand
alone in the Raj of Rewa." * " It is, further, more than
probable these remains mark the site of the ancient capital
of this part of Central India," * and I would add that not
unlikely Gurgi ' is built on the site of the renowned city of
Eau^ambl. No other remains in the Riwa State, so far as
I know, cover so extensive an area. The position of GurgI
practically agrees with the distance of 700 li or 92*45 miles
to Eausambl from the confluence of the Ganges and Jamuna,
the actual distance from Allahabad by Sirmol to Gurgi
coming to 91 miles by road.
Yuan Chwang gives the circuit of Kausambi city as *' about
30 li," about 6,980 English yards or 20,940 feet. Garrick
found that the circumference of the stone walls of the
remains near Gurgi measured 12,266 feet.^ He adds that
he "arrived at the conclusion that the original city was
a quadrangle of quite 4,000 feet, if not more, either way."
Cunningham's survey gave 452 feet less, or 11,814 feet.^
There is thus seen to be a very wide divergence between
16,000 feet, the total of the quadrangular estimate, and
Yuan Chwang's 20,940 feet. Possibly Yuan Chwang
included some religious establishments outside the walls of
Gurgi in his 30 li, and it may have happened that the
city was much altered, or perhaps was rebuilt during the
* A.S.R., xiii, p. 13. The sculptures are noticed at A.S.R., xix, pp. 80,
87-89, and pi. xix ; xxi, pp. 143, 144, 161-153, and pis. xxxvi, xxxTii. Those
with inscriptions are mostly of about the tenth ana eleventh centuries ; see
A.S.R., xxi, p. 153. For the inscriptions consult A.S.R., xiii, p. 13, note;
xxi, pp. 144, 150, 152. None earlier than about 880 a.d., the time of the
Kalacuri king Kokkalla, have been found ; see A.S.R., xxi, p. 150.
» A.S.R., xix, p. 89.
* Giirgt village, which gives its name to the ruins, lies one mile to the south-
west of them. The ruins are described A.S.R., xix, p. 85, with pi. xx, and
xxi, p. 149, with pi. xxxv.
* A.S.R., xix, p. 86.
» A.S.R., xxi, p. 150.
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KA.USAMBI. 263
dominion of the Candellas and £alacuris in these parta,
and that most of the old landmarks noted in Buddhist
accounts were obliterated.
I find it impossible to say which mound inside the
fortifications represents the 'old palace/ which contained
a well, bathing-house, signs of the four former Buddhas,
and a vihdra, the last enclosing a sandal-wood figure of
Gautama under a stone canopy, and which was the house of
Ghosira in the south-east angle of the city. To the south-
east of the city, "not far,"^ there existed close together
the Ghosira aamghdrdma, a nail and hair stupa, an Adoka
etiipay where Tathagata for several years preached the law,
'signs' of the four former Buddhas, tower of Yasubandhu,
and foundation wall of Asanga's chamber, not eyen of one of
which does there appear to be a trace, so far as published
descriptions of Giirgi testify. To the south-west of the city
8 or 9 li, 1 to 1'18 mile. Yuan Chwang places a group of
sacred monuments comprising the Naga stone dwelling, an
Adoka stUpa, ' marks ' where Tathagata walked, and a hair
and nail sfupa. Exactly at the distance of one mile to the
south-west, as noted by Yuan Chwang, there is a great
mound of ruins called ' Gurgaj ' or Raja Karan Daharia-ka-
kila. This mound is a mere confused mass of rough stones,
the remains of a palace and temples. Here the beautifully
carved Riwa gateway^ was discovered. The mound, I think,
must at a much earlier date have been the site of the
buildings that were situated to the south-west of Eaui^ambi,
as mentioned by Yuan Chwang.
To the south-west of this mound of ruins, more than
a mile distant, there is a solitary hill called Goragad, on
the summit of which there were traces of a level flooring
believed to have been used as a promenade by the former
rulers of the neighbourhood.' The Gurgi remains are
situated on an open plain, and there appears to be only
one hill anywhere near. Goragad, therefore, possibly is
* The Sadharmmaratnakdre (Hardy, Manual, p. 369) says **near KosamboB."
' A.S.R., xix, pi. xix.
» A.S.R., xix, p. 89 ; and xxi, p. 149, with pi. xxxr.
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264 KAUSAMBI.
the ''hill Makula, at Eosambi/' ^ to which Gautama retiredt
in the fifth year of his ministry. If some allowance should
be made for a possible Tariation in spelling in the account^
Uiikula may be Mekala, the famous Amarakantaka tirath^
at which the river Narbada is supposed to have its origin.
Although Professor Rhys Davids' authority places the
Makula hill '' at " Kau^mbl, it is curious that Yuan
Ghwang makes no reference to Gautama resting at the
mount. It is possible, therefore, that the hill was really
Dot exactly at Eau^ambi, or that it was the name of the
site one mile to the south-west of Kau§ambl where stood
the 'marks' associated with Gautama which the pilgrim
places in this position. I am, however, more disposed to
believe that the Makula hill is either Amarakantaka or
Goragad, though very possibly others can point out a site
with better claims than either of these places.
At Gurgi " only a few Buddhist figures [have been
found], but Jain and Brahmanical figures are numerous."*
One of the Buddhist figures is a half life-size seated image
of Padmapaijii,^ now at Biwa.
We learn from the Vimupurdna that changes in the
course of the Ganges brought about the destruction of
Hastinapura, and that in consequence the Eurus removed
their capital to Eau^mbi,^ I understand to the Kau^mbl
country. Eakareri or Eakaredi, at the head of the Mamani
Pass, was possibly the new capital of the Eurus, as in an
inscription dated 1297 Samvat (1240 a.d.), belonging to
the Blwa darbar, Eakaredi is spoken of as the city of the
Eaurava race.^
Yalmiki's Rdmdyana states that Eusa, the son of Kama,
had four sons, of whom
"Eusamba, prince of high renown.
Was builder of Eaudamba's town."
1 Rhys Davidi: Buddhim, 1880, p. 70.
' A.S.R., xxi, p. 152. For references to sculptures see note 1, p. 262.
» A.S.R., xxi, p. 144.
* Haraprasad daStri, M.A. : A School Eittory of India ^ p. 9.
* A.S.R., xxi, p. 147, pi. I ; X, p. 15.
\
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KAUSAHBI. 265
Kutomba, in the Bengal recension, is called EnS^va, and
his city Eau^STi.^ In a passage, the source of which is not
known, it is related that EuSa ''ruled over Eodala at his
•capital Eui§asthali or Eaffivati, built upon the Vindhyan
preeipiees"* The italics are mine. The Rdmdyana^ too;
locates Eu^yati or EuiSasyanagarT on the edge of the
Yindhyan hills.^ Eau^svi, Eudasthall, Euffivati, and
Euiasyanagari were, possibly, names of the city of
Eaufimbi, called also Eosambiu* and Eansambhi,' which
we see was situated on a spur or elevated piece of flat
ground, probably on the northern edge of the Vindhyan
range. It will be observed that if all these names refer to
one place this topographical description of the site of the
city nullifies the possibility of identifying Eosam on the
Jamuna with Eauffimbi, as Eosam cannot be said to be either
near or on the Yindhyan precipices.
The position of Oiirgi, near the source of the Mahona or
MabanadI, on a tableland or open plain close to the north
side of the Eaimur range, agrees with the Hindu account
of the site of Eutomba's town.
XJttara Eodala (Ayodhya) and Southern Eosala seem to
have constituted one kingdom in the time of Euto, or when
the Ramayana received its present literary form, as "it
would appear from the Y&yu, that Euto, the son of K&ma,
transferred his kingdom [P capital] to a more central
position." *
In an inscription of 1345 Samvat (1288 a.d.), obtained
either from Ajayagadh (Jayadurga), or from Ealinjar, and
in which mention is made of Raja Bhoja Yarmma, Candella,
^ Griffith's translatioii, canto zxxiv, and note 2 (book i).
« Wilson (Hall), Vishhu Furd4a, u, p. 172, has Vindhya-parvaiaMOnufu.
Sanu in the dictionary is given as ' level ground on top, or edge of a moontain ;
tableland/ Eudasthali {sthaR » * upland') or KuUvati must not be confused
-with Dvaraka or Ku^thal! ( Viskhu Furana, iii, p. 253), or with Kutilvala,
■a name of Ku^inara, the scene of Gautama's death.
> Uttarakanda, saiga 108, iloka 4, has Vindhya-jmrvata rodhoH. Bodhai a
^ bank, high bank, shore, flank.' :Rodha8 and tdnu^u are eridently synonyms.
* J.A.S.B., Tii, 1838, p. 166.
* Atiatic Re9eareh$9y xx, p. 72.
* Viik^u PvrdAa, ii, p. 172.
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266 KAUSAMBI.
there is a village named Kausamvapura/ but whether or not
this is Kau^mbl is uncertain. At the distance of 32 miles
south-west of Allahabad and seven miles to the north-west of
the Badgad railway station, there is a village called Paposa^
at which there is a temple, on a hill, of the Digambara
Jainas. Paposa is known to them as Kausambinagarl, and is
mentioned in their guidebooks as sacred, and in consequence is
visited by pilgrims. Possibly Paposa may be Kausamvapura
of the inscription.
Payahasa^ in the Eau^mbl kingdom has not been
identified.
The distance between the cities Ujjain and Kausambi was
60 yojanas.' The road-distance from Ujjain to QurgI is
about 415^ miles by the usual short way, viz. : —
Ujjain to Sehor, by rail
Sehor to Saugor, vid Bhopal and
Bhilsa, by road
Saugor to Riwa, vid Damoh
Rlwa to Gurgl
Total* ...
415 miles 4 furlongs divided by 50 give a yojana of 831
English miles. I conclude that each yojana was probably 8*1S
English miles, and that the Babylonian cubit of 21 '6 English
inches^ (=2 spans) was not unlikely at one time in use in
some parts of India, because 21*6 inches x 4 cubits x 500
bows X 12 krosa = 216 x 4 x 6,000 bow-lengths = S'lS
» J.A.8.B., vi, 1837, p. 886.
« A.S.R., xvii, p. 96; J.R.A.S., 1898, p. 519.
' Hardy, p. 252, possibly on the authority of one of the books noticed at
p. 529 of Manual, The distance needs confirmation.
* Riwa to Gtirgi is also said to be twelve miles (A.S.R., xxi, p. 149). In thifl
article I have used the road-distances as given by the Quarter- Master Oeneral in
India in Boutes in the Bengal and Pw\jah Commands (1900 ed.), unless when
otherwise specified. Nothing has been added to the 90 miles by rail to make
up for the probable greater distance by road, afl the pilgrim road from Saugor
to Giirgi would perhaps branch off somewhere to the southward of Riwa, and ga
north-east to Giirgf.
« Shaw-Caldecott: J.R.A.S., 1903, pp. 276, 282.
Miles.
Furlongs.
90
0
126
0
189
4
10
0
415
"'4
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KAUSAMBI. 267
^English miles. Here we have a yojana of 6,000 bow-lengths,
each 96 finger-breadths. In the Hindu books ^ yojanas of
2,000, 4,000, and 8,000 bow-lengths are found, but I have
not before now noticed one of 6,000 bow-lengths. It was,
bowever, to be expected that one of this value existed, and,
contiuuing the progressive series, yojanas of 10,000 bow-
lengtbs,^ and possibly others of still higher value, were
occasionally adopted.
1 Jervis, Standardt, 1836 (J.R.A.8., 1903, p. 77, note 1), p. 268 ; Hardy,
p. 11, note.
» J.R.A.S., 1903, pp. 73, 74, where 10,000 bow-lengthi = 100 li.
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269
XII.
HASTI7AHJ.
By H. BEVERIDGE.
TTIHERE is a mountain-ridge on the old route to Kashmir
rid Bhimbar and Bah ram gala which bears the name of
Hast! van j. It is near the *Aliabad Serai, but is on the other,
or right, bank of the Pir Pantsiil stream, and is marked on
Dr. Stein's map of Kashmir. See also his Rajatarangini,
book i, pp. 44 - 5, and vol. ii, pp. '394 - 5. Dr. Stein
visited the spot and identified it as the place where King
Mihrakiil, who lived in the first part of the sixth centurj% is
said to have had a himdred elephants thrown over the cliffs.
The circumstance is mentioned in the Aln Akbari, Jarrett,
ii, 382, but both there and at p. 347 id. the place is called in
the Persian text Hasti Watar or Vatar. The name Hastlvanj
occurs apparently for the first time in Haidar Malik's history
of Kashmir, which was written during Jahanglr's reign and
about 1621. After that it occurs in a note to the oldest
MS. of the Rajatarangini, written apparently about 1680, and
in Narayan Kill's history, which was written about 1710.
Haidar Malik mentions the place in his account of Mihrakul
near the beginning of his book. He there describes the
incident, and says that the place has since been called
Hasti van j ^^ ^J^\ because /uififi means elephant (fll) in
the Hindi (qu. Sanskrit) tongue, and vanj in the same
language means * going ' {raftan ) . Narayan K ul's explanation
is similar, and is probably copied from Haidar. He says that
according to the idiom of the men of India (Ahl-i-Hind) hasH
means a number (?) of elephants and mnj means * going '
{rafUin). Dr. Stein, like Colonel Jarrett, at first thought
that the Watar of Abul Fazl was merely a copyist's error for
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270 HASnVANJ.
vat\j\ caused by the obscurity of Persian characters. But it
seems to be watar in all the MSS., and there is not much
resemblance between y^ and ^j, Gladwin found yj in hi»
MSS., for his translation is, "From this circimistance the
height obtained its present name ; Husty signifying an
elephant, and Wutter meaning injury." Similarly, it was
,Jj in the MSS. employed by the Bib. Ind. editors.^
Moreover, Abul Fazl explains the word watar as meaning
injury, a meaning which vanj does not bear. Finally, the
Pass is mentioned four times in the Akbamama (as dis-
tinguished from the Aln), viz., at pp. 540^ 618, 622, and
624 of vol. iii. Bib. Ind. edition, and each time it is called
Hastlwatar. When I pointed this out to Dr. Stein he kindly
acknowledged that Abul Fazl probably wrote watar. The
question, then, is, was Abul Fazl mistaken P Apparently he
was, for Haidar Malik, the anonymous glossator A*, and
Narayan Kul might be expected to know the name of a place
on the borders of their own country. On the other hand,.
Abul Fazl personally went over the pass, and he is a careful
writer and inquirer. Moreover, the word, whether it be vanj
or tcatar, is not Kashmiri, and also watar, if there be such
a word, and if it means loss or damage, seems more appropriate
than vanj\ which merely means * going,' unless indeed vanj\
like r of tan, may also mean 'dying.' We have also to
remember that Abul Fazl is our oldest authority, for his
book was written about 1597.
If watar or vatar be correct, may it not be derived from
the Sanskrit finn? , vi-tad, * to dash to pieces.' The cerebral
d is often pronounced like r, and so Hastlvitad might become
Hastlvitar. But if var\i be the proper reading, is it necessary
to go to an obscure dialect like Western Panjabi for its
derivation P Ch and j are very much alike in Persian, the
only difference being in the nimiber of dots. They also
* The Newal Kishore (Lucknow) ed. has girewa-mni at the place corresponding
to p. 540 Bib. Ind., and which the Bib. Ind. gives there as a Tariant. At the
other three places the Lucknow ed. has watir, etc. Nowhere has it vani. The
authority of this edition is very small.
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HA8TIVANJ. 271
are often interchanged. The word then may be the Sanskrit
vahehy supposed to be derived from the root wink, and which
means ' to tremble ' and also ' to go/ Possibly, indeed, this
word and the Western Panjabi vary are of one and the
same origin.
I take this opportunity of remarking that there is a great
deal about Kashmir in the third volume of the Akbamama,.
and that the second volume contains two interesting accoimts^
of unsuccessful raids into that coimtry, one by Humayun's
favourite, Abu - 1 - M*aall, and the other by Qara Bahadur,
Haidar Mirza's second cousin. In particular the third volimie
gives a minute itinerary of Akbar's march to Srinagar by
the Pir Pantsal route, and of his return by the Pakli, i.e.
the Barahmula route. The length of each stage is given,
even to the number of poles. There is also a curious account
of a prophecy of Akbar's conquest, said to have been made
900 years before, and which was recorded in a Sanskrit poem»
It is a pity that Abul Fazl's accoimts have not been more
studied by writers on Ka^mir. If Sir Walter Lawrence,
in his otherwise excellent account of the Yalley, had known
Abul Fazl's statements, he would not have described Rajah
Todar Mai as the officer who made the settlement of
Kashmir, and who missed out a pargana. The first settlement
of Kashmir in Akbar's time was made by officers who are
named at vol. iii, p. 548, and of whom the poet FaizI was
one. Subsequent settlements were made by Asaf Khan and
QazI 'All Bagdadl. As a fact, Todar Mai never visited
Kashmir. Akbar left him in charge of Lahore when he
made his first expedition to Kashmir, and he died there at
the end of 1589 before Akbar's return.
P.S. — It appears from the Akbamama, iii, 503 and 622,
and from Nizamu-d-din (see Elliot, v, 454 and 463 note),
that the Hasti Watar route is that by the Kapartal, or
Katartal, or Kanarbal, or Kartal Pass (for all these variants
are foimd). This pass is not mentioned by Dr. Stein, but
it appears to be another name for the Darhal Pass, which
leads by the Nandan Sar lake and the Laddi or Rooprl
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272 HASnVANJ.
streams to Hastivanj, nearly opposite to the 'Allabad Serai.
It also appears from the Akbamama, id. 504, that Abul
Fazl's Hasti Watar is further in than Dr. Stein's Hasti-
vanj, for the former speaks of it as the third pass from
India and the first from the side of Kashmir. It was east of
Akrambal, and if this place be the Kramavarta of Stein's
map, then Abul Fad's HastI Watar cannot be Hastivanj,
but must be some place near Hurapur. See Akbamama,
id. 622, where apparently Akrambal is described as being
five ko8 short of Hasti Watar.
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273
xni.
A TALE OF THE ABABIAN VIGHTS
TOLD AS HISTORY IN THE " MUNTAZAM *' OF IBN AL-JAUZI.
Bt H. F. AMEDROZ.
rpHE Baghdad of the "Arabian Nights'' has ever been
associated with the "goodly time and golden prime
of good Haroun Alraschid/' and his name, like that of his
contemporary Charlemagne, has attracted and annexed many
a tale belonging to other periods. That this is true of one of
the Baghdad tales is shown by its appearing as an actual
occurrence in the "Muntazam " of Ibn al-Jauzi^ at a date
some 120 years later than the death of al-Rashld. The time
was no longer * goodly,' and the Caliphate was past its prime.
Muqtadir, during whose reign it had declined apace, had
died a violent death in 321 a.h., and his mother, Shaghab,
' In the Berlin MS., Ahlwardt No. 9,436, at fol. 46a. The liberality of the
Director of the Hof Bibliothek has recently enabled me to peruse tnis fine
MS. at the Library of the India Ofhee. It is doscribed in the catalogue a.H
** perhaps'' Ibn al-Jauzi's Histor\', but it has abundant internal evidence of
being tne work of this author ani a part of his " Muntazam.'* For in the
notice of Ibn al-Jassas (fol. 34a) the author says that he had given many
anecdotes about him in bin **Kitab al-Mug^ffalin," and again, in the notice of
Muhammad b. Khalaf b. Ji)7aa, under 371 a.h. (fol. llDa), he speaks of having
discusBed his views in his '^Talbis Iblis,'' and both these works are by Ibn
al-Jauzi (see Brock.. Gesch. Arab. Lit., i, 503, Noe. 9 and 38). Further,
statements said by other historians to be derived from the **Munta^m'* are
to bo found in the MS. The curious story told by Ibn al-Athir (ix, 255) of the
vizier al-Maghribi's scheme for his buritu at the tomb of 'Ali is given in the
notice of the mier (fol. 1 76a), and it is given also by the historian's grandson,
the SiHibn al-Jaun, in the Mir'at al-Zaman (B.M. Or. 4,619, 216^), as '*told
by my grandfather in the Mun^zam '' ; the date 367 a.h. for the death of Abu
Firas, the Hamdanid (fol. \06b)\ Dhahabi quotes in the Ta'rikb al-Islam (B.M.
Or. 48, 816), describing it as evidently erroneous; and his account of Baha al-
Daula's vizier al-Muwaffaq, who diea in 394 a.h. (ib., fol. 239ff), is likewise
({noted from the '* Mun^^am," and occurs in the MS. (fol. 150a). On the dispute
as to the lawfulness of conferring the title Shahani^ah on Jalal al-Daula in
429 A.H. (B.M. Or. 49, fol. 20a), when the objections of al-Mawardi were over-
ruled by the other legists, Dhahabi says that Ibn al-Jauzi adhered to the opinion
ol al-Mawardi. And the author of the Berlin MS. states therein that sack was
his opinion on the controversy.
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274 A TAI^ OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS.
•did not long survive him. His filial affection, which
throughout his reign had allowed her an extent of influence
prejudicial to his rule,* continued unabated to its close, and
his chief concern on starting for his fatal march against
Munis was for what might be in store for her in the event
of his perishing. According to the story of a female
astrologer, his fears were prophetic in their accuracy.*
Shaghab, though suffering from a mortal complaint and
prostrated by her son's death, was called upon by his brother
and successor, Qahir, to disclose her hidden wealth. She
disclaimed possessing more than a moderate sum, saying
that any money of hers woidd have been used to save her
son. Her vast wealth had, in fact, been expended in charity
or in pious foundations, and she was found to possess no
more than what she admitted — a sum of 30,000 dinars.
Ibn al-Jauzi proceeds to relate, on the authority of the
Qadi Abu *Ali al-Tanukhi,^ how the Caliph struck her with
his own hand and had her tortured, whereupon she exclaimed
that but for their poverty he would not be where he was, nor
thus able to ill-treat one who was his mother according to the
Book, and to whom he owed it that his own life had not
been forfeited by her son.^ A graphic account follows, on
the authority of Abu-1- Hasan b. 'Ayyash, how his imcle
Abu Muhammad, who was nephew to the chief Qadi Abu-1-
Husain b. Abi 'Omar,'^ attended in company with another
person in answer to the Caliph's simmions for persons to
witness Shaghab's authority for the sale of such property as
she still possessed.^ A document to this effect under her
1 Ibn al-Athlr, viii, 147-8 and 180-1 ; and 'Arib, 181, 1. 3.
* *Arib, 183-4, on the authority of al-Farghani, a continaator of Xabari, died
362 A.H. (Dhahabi, Or. 48, 79*).
3 Died 384 a.h. (Ibn Khallikan, SI. Eng., ii, 564 ; and Brock., Gesch. Arab.
Lit., i, 15')).
* Referring to Muqtadir's g:enerous treatment of Qahir after his two days'
Caliphate in 317 a.h. (Ibn al-Athir, viii, 152).
* " 'Omar b. Mubammad b. Yiisuf b. Ya'qQb " ; his father and grandfather
had both held the same othce.
* The account given by Ibn al-Athir, viii, 182, makes it appear that on
Sbaghab refusing to revoke her charitable endowmento the Caliph did this of his
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A TALE OP THE ARABIAN NIGHTS. 276
signature was produced, and they were told she was behind
the curtain. With the Caliph's leave they read the
document aloud and she acknowledged it, but they delayed
their attestation, telling the Caliph that to make it valid
they must see and recognize Shaghab. He assented ; from
behind the curtain came a sound of tears, the witnesses
weeping likewise ; it was raised ; they asked her, ** Are you
Shaghab, the freedwoman of Mu*tadid ? " She replied
**Ye8," and the curtain fell. They still delayed attesting
until the Caliph had himself declared her to be Shaghab, and
mother to his brother Muqtadir, whereupon they appended
their signatures. The narrator adds that the form they had
seen was that of a delicate and aged woman, of a dark
complexion, but pale and bearing marks of much suffering,
and that the rest of their day was darkened with reflections
on the vicissitudes of time and of fortune.* Then follows
the heading "The Slave Girl of Shagkab, the mother of
Muqtadir '' (see the text infra).
In the story of the Humpback, which is described by
Lane as purely Arab and as one of the best in the " Nights,*'
the second of the tales told by his supposed murderers is
that entitled by Lane "The Story told by the Sultan's
Steward" (Calcutta text, ed. Macnaughten, i, 217; Cairo,
1297, i, 88; and Lane's translation, 1859, i, 310), relating
how a man was with diflBculty induced to eat of a certain
dish, and did so only after repeated ablutions, explaining
his reluctance by the story how his neglect to wash his
hands on one occasion of his eating the dish had cost him
his thumbs and great toes. This story will be found to be
own act and before legal witnesHes. The transnetion is "io understood by
A. V. Kreuier, " Ceber das Einuuhmebudi^^et des Abba>iden Keiths vom Jahre
306" (Denksolir. d. phil. hist. CI. d. Wiener Akad., Bd. xxxvi, pp. 283-3G2, on
p. 2U9), but this account limiting; the sale to her own property is the more probable
one, as the proceediu;; purports to be btrictly le^^al.
^ By the interposition of the vizier Ibn Muqla and the Chamberlain Ibn
Yalbaq, Shaghab, and other members ot the Caliph's house, were later with-
drawn from his eust<Kly, and Shaghab wa> h«iuourably lodjjed in the Chamberlain's
hoase, where in ten days time she died. (Ibu al-Jauzi, op. cit., fol. 45a; 'Arib,
p. 186; and Ibn al-AtJiir, viii, 186.)
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276 A TALE OF THE ARABIAN XIGHTS.
substantially identical with that of the slave-girl as told hj
Ibn al-Jauzi (Berlin, Ahlwardt No. 9,436, fols. 46-49).*
It was transmitted to him likewise from the above-^
mentioned Qadi al-Tanukhi, through his son *Ali, who had
the story from his father, and to question their authority
would be in reality to call in doubt a large portion of the
history of the period, for the amount of information derived by
Ibn al- Jauzi and other historians from this source is enormous.
It is interesting to contrast the two narratives, and to note
how the story in the "Nights" dijBfers from the original as
told by Ibn al-Jauzi. The inevitable loss to truth caused by
the exercise of the imagination should find its compensation
in the heightened interest of a picturesque narrative, but
in this instance the original seems to be in every way the
better story. Indeed, in the reversion from fiction to fact,,
the tale will be foimd to have lost all its evil, whilst
retaining all its grossness — the latter, however, being quite
inconsiderable. It depicts the course of true love, not
a wholly smooth one, but marred by no such traits of
excessive temper and wanton cruelty as disfigure the
Steward's Story. Nor do any of the minor deviations from
the original amount to improvements. Comparing the story
in the "Nights" with that told by Ibn al-Jauzi, we find
that the hero was not a guest at the banquet, but the host,
and was driven to eat of the unwelcome dish* by the
* The story occurs also in the Schefer MS. of the **Mim^am" (Paris,
Arabe, No. 6,909, fols. 175-179). In the "Gids" (Amsterdam, 1886, iii,
385-413) Professor de Goeje has pointed out the similarity of the two stories,
and has given a Dutch translation of this text. He also considers another story
in the ** Nights" to be derived from this source, viz. **The Baghdad Money-
changer" (Calcutta text, ed. Macnaughten, iv, 557; Cairo, 1297, iv, 252; and
Kosegarten, Chrest. Arab., 1-21), where a man in love with an inmate of the
harim of Mutawakkil (232-247 a.m.) procures admission to the palace through
a Court tailor, and in the disguise of the Caliph reaches the Iad)r. On leaving: ui
a woman's disguise the Caliph detects him, out ends by forgiving and marrying
the couple.
« In the ** Nights" the dish is called * Zirbaia.' In the Schefer MS. of
the **Munta?am" the word appears to be spelt * Dikarikiya,' and it is so read
by Professor de Goeje, loc. oit., who says that it is to be found neither in
the ^etionariee nor m books on cooking. And he adds tiiat in the original
Calcutta edition the term used is ^< Maqadim," an equally unknown one. By
Professor D. S. Margoliouth ike word is considered to be the Persian ifJJ\SjJ^
meaning * a concoction in a pot.'
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A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS. 277
company persisting in following his example in declining it.
The hand-washings, estimated by the time occupied as forty
in nimiber, are in the " Nights " swollen threefold, and are
made to precede his partaking of the dish, and the telling of
the story is prompted, not by the washings, but by the 1ob»
of the man's thimibs being noticed by those present. In
Ibn al-Jauzi's yersion the man describes his father as a small
trader, but not as a spendthrift : on the contrary, before
djring he gives his son advice on how to prosper in his
business, which is omitted in the "Nights." The advice
was acted on, and with success, but the statement in the
"Nights'* that he became the greatest trader of Harun's
time is an exaggeration which rather teUs against the
probability of the added statement, also at variance with
the original, that his fellow - traders on his iirst default
pressed him for payment. He, in fact, kept the matter
secret with a view to saving his reputation, and it was only
on his second default in pa3m[ient, when his indebtedness was
twice as heavy, that his creditors' importunities made him
prepare to realize his propertj'. The man had indeed the
true commercial instinct, and though he sighed as a lover
he profited as a trader, for on the lady's second visit to his
shop, when she made her first payment on account,^ he
admits having made a handsome profit, and on her third
visit, when they mutually disclosed their feelings and she
departed leaving her purchases behind, he estimated hiH
entire profit at some thousands of dirhams. These lifelike
touches are absent in the " Nights." Nor did the sufficiently
real perils of his journey to the Palace require to be
heightened. The meeting with the Caliph and his curiosity
as to the contents of the chests was alarming enough, but
that he looked into all but the right one is a commonplace
exaggeration. Ibn al- Jauzi says that he readily desisted on
* The amount was paid in " old dinaw," weighed out with .lilJL c:**n^V^
see Lane, 1,9046. In the Calcutta text, i, 220-221, the term used is (Sj^\
but in the Breslau text, il, 172, on the second payment, ^\ l^I .
J.R.A.8. 1904. 19
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278 A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS.
the slave-girl telling him the chests were going straight to
her mistress to be opened, when he could see them. And he
did in fact come and look, but was not interested and went
away — conduct quite in keeping with Muqtadir's known
disposition. Again, Shaghab is discovered attended by but
two handmaidens besides the heroine, and her only remark,
addressed to the latter, is that her choice was a good one ;
in the " Nights " thirty attendants accompany Zubaida, who
questions the hero on his origin and commends her favourite
to him. Greater discrepancies follow. By Zubaida's order
he remains ten days in the palace without seeing his mistress,
after which, by the Caliph's permission, their betrothal is
celebrated there, followed ten days later by the consum-
mation of their marriage. In our narrative he quits the palace
as he had come, " after fresh risk and alarm," the nature of
which is not specified, and celebrates his home-coming in
safety by a bestowal of alms. Later comes a letter from his
mistress with money, a gift, she said, from Shaghab, to
enable him to properly equip himself against the coming
* Maukab ' day, when he was to attend at the Bab al-'Amma
and await a summons from the Caliph, who had consented to
have the betrothal celebrated in his presence. He attended
accordingly ; found Muqtadir surrounded by the military
chiefs, the Qadis, and the descendants of Hashim ; was duly
. betrothed by a Qadi, and was then conducted to a spacious
and richly furnished apartment and left alone.
We now come to the central incident of the story — the
eating of the fatal dish. This, as told in the '' Nights," has
all the baldness of commonplace fact : the dish is brought to
him on the day the marriage is consummated ; he eats, but
only wipes his hands, omitting to wash them ; and the
mischief follows. It is our narrative that has the picturesque
detail. The bridegroom remained all day in his apartment,
seeing no one he knew and going out only for prayer.
Servants came and went, carrying dishes, and saying, " To-
night so and so is to be conducted to her husband the cloth
merchant," at which he could scarcely believe his ears for
joy. But towards nightfall he heard the whisperings of
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A TALE OP THE ARABIAN NIGHTS. 279
another sense ; he felt yery hungry, and seeing no signs of
his bride he wandered forth and hit on the kitchen, where
he found the staff at leisure. In answer to his request for
food, they, believing him to be a wakil, gave him two rolls
and the dish in question, calculated, no doubt, to give
a relish to the bread. After eating it he did indeed wash
his hands with potash as he believed effectually, and
returned. At nightfall his bride arrived with much music,
and thenceforth, he says, he was as one in a dream. He was
awakened by feeling himself repulsed and hearing himself
described as a *' low, common fellow," and his bride made as
though to be gone. He begged to be, at least, informed of
his offence, and being told of it, he explained the circiun-
stances, and proceeded to swear by all that he could think of
with a round turn to it that should he*ever again eat of the
dish he would wash his hands forty times. The remainder
of the story as told in the " Nights " differs in spirit as in
letter from our version. In place of the bride's exaggerated
resentment and wanton cruelty to her husband, followed by
his tame submission to conjugal happiness with her, we find
her behaviour to be as probable as it is pleasing. That the
bridegroom correctly appraised the enormity of his offence in
her eyes and did not believe her to be really^angry is shown
by his proffered oath, which she answered] with a bashful
smile, and simmioned her handmaidens][to procure, not
a sharp weapon, but refreshments, which were brought
" fit for the Caliph's table." They were succeeded by
presumably adequate hand-washing^and by music from the
handmaidens, and here we may leave them.
The bride's prudent decision not to protract overmuch
their stay in the palace is recorded in both narratives, but
her instructions as to the purchase of (their abode appear
more fully in our version, viz., that it was to have spacious
courts, a large and well-wooded garden, and to be well
situate. To acquire it she provided her husband with
10,000 dinars, one-fifth of the total in money and valuables
that she had received from her mistress. The couple's
married life was happy, worthy, the husband says, of
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280 A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS.
a Caliph, and prosperous, for he continued to trade with
success. Later the wife died ; the two sons of the marriage
were still living ; and to that day, said her widower, he had
never become reconciled to the dish which his guests had
seen him avoid.
A marginal note on the Schefer MS., on fol. 179^, says
that some historians in telling the story gave the slave -girl's
pame as * Qamar.'
Another tale in the "Nights," one of those illustrating
the generosity of the Barmecides (Calcutta text, ed.
Macnaughten, ii, 207; Cairo, 1297, ii, 133; and Lane's
translation, 1859, ii, 383), describes how a man forged
a letter of introduction from Yahya b. Khalid and presented
it to *Abd Allah b. Malik al-Khuza*i, the Governor of
Armenia, who, doubting its genuineness, sent it to Baghdad
for verification. Yahya saw it to be a forgery, and sub-
mitted the case to his friends present. They all advised
severe pimishment on the forger, but Yahya, rebuking their
mean and paltry view, said that he and al-Khuza*i had been,
as they knew, enemies for twenty years past, whereas hence-
forth, through this man's act, their estrangement would
eease ; and he accordingly acknowledged the letter, and
requested al-Khuza*i to continue his favours to the man who
had presented it. And on his coming later to thank him for
his generous forbearance, he conferred further favours on
him. In the Breslau edition (vii, 524) it is Ja'far's name
that is forged, and the letter is presented to the Governor of
Egypt.
I am informed also by Mr. A. G. EUis that a Persian
yersion of the story is to be found in the Akhbar-i-
Barmakiyan by Ziya'i Barani (Bombay Lith., pp. 65-59).
The work is a collection of anecdotes of the Barmecides, and
was composed in the middle of the eighth century of the
Hijra at the Court of Delhi in the reign of Firuz Shah b,
Taghlaq (see B.M. Pers. Cat., p. 333). The story is given
^ix the authority of Abu ^AU Qasim b. Muhammad,
" a trustworthy authority and the author of several books,"
^ho dsewhere in the work is described as occupying a high.
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A TALE OF THE AUABIAN NIGHTS. 281
position at the Court of al-Rashid. Mr. Ellis has kindly
furnished me with a translation of the Persian text of the
«tory. It is to the same effect as that in the "Nights,"
'with some additional detail. Al-Khuzu4 is at first called
Khalid b. *Abd Allah, the Khalid being afterwards omitted,
«nd he and Yahya are described as notoriously at enmity
and unable to meet without recrimination. But al-Khuza*i
being strong enough to hold his own, Yahya seized thd
occasion of disorder in Armenia and Adharbljan to remove
his rival to a distance by advising the Caliph to appoint him
governor as the only person capable of restoring order. And
he, though aware of Yahya's object, yet perceiving that to
the Caliph the matter was urgent, took up the post and
spent some years in reorganizing the province.
It was at this time that a scholar and poet, Mu*adh b.
Yahya, whose fortimes were at a low ebb, being ignorant of
the hostility existing between the vizier and the Qt)vemor,
concocted a letter of recommendation from Yahya, and
proceeding to Armenia and Adharbljan, presented it to
al-Khuzii^i. Surprised at receiving a letter from Yahya, he
fiuspected its genuineness, and courteously told Mu'adh that
he and Yahya were at enmity and that the letter must be
a forgery. Mu*adh asked him to write and enquire, saying
that if it proved to be forged he might treat him as he
pleased. Al-Khuza4 agreed, promising 300,000 dirhams if
the forgery were disproved, as the letter would indicate the
cessation of their enmity, but that in the contrary event he
should get two hundred stripes as a warning to forgers. At
this language Slu^adh was indignant, saying that he was in
his power and that investigation should not be prefaced by
unworthy threats. Al-Khuza4 apologized, and having made
arrangements for Mu^adh's lodging and maintenance, wrote
to Yahya's chancery enquiring as to the genuineness of the
letter. The staff, having no knowledge of it, applied to
Yahya. He consulted those about him as to what course
fshould be taken with Mu*adh. They advised making an
example of him, but Yahya, reproving their want of
magnanimity, said Mu'adh had acted in reliance on his
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282 A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS.
generosity, and he woiJd never allow his being put to shame
before " *Abd Allah Hashimi." And he himself indited
a complimentary letter to al - Khuza*i confirming that
presented by " Mu'adh b. Harb," whom he eiJogized, saying
that any favours bestowed on him would confer an obligation
on himseU. The letter was written out by Fadl in his own
hand, and handed to al-Khuza*i*s envoy with a recommenda-
tion to deliver it with speed. Al-Khuza*i, on recognizing
the handwriting, was greatly pleased, and overwhelmed
Mu*adh with excuses and gifts, saying that he woiJd be
evermore his debtor, " for through you, between myself and
the Barmecides, the princes of the age, dissension has been
turned into friendship." Soon afterwards Mu*adh departed
for Baghdad, resisting an invitation to remain, as he wished
to go to the vizier and discharge his debt of kindness to him.
On his arrival he immediately waited on Yahya and
explained who he was and what had taken place. Yahya
invoked blessings on him as having been the means of
turning the enmity between him and al-Khuza*i into
friendship, and gave him leave to use his name in
applications to any other important personages. Mu'adh
proceeded to offer him the bulk of his wealth, which Yahya
refused with indignation, at which Mu*adh remained
abashed. Thereupon Yahya, recovering his composure,
bestowed on Mu'adh all the presents in money, beasts,
slaves, and apparel which had been sent to him by al-
Khuza^i, together with an equal amount from himself, and
admitted him to his daily circle of intimate friends.
Mu*adh retired delighted, and passed the remainder of his^
life in composing poetry in praise of the house of Barmak.
And the story closes with the reflection that '* Discerning
persons have said that perhaps the house of Barmak was of
the Angels, for otherwise in human kind such goodness and
generosity could not exist. But Allah knows best what is^
right."
This story is very similar to one told of *Ali b. al-Furat,.
thrice vizier to the Caliph Muqtadir between 296 and 31 1 a.h*
It is related by the above-mentioned Qadi al-Taniikhi in
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A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS. 283
his Kitab Nashwan al-Muhadara, Paris Arabe No. 3,482,
fol. 2la ; again by Hilal al-Sabi, on the authority of al-
Tanukhi's informant, the Qadi Ibn *Ayyash, in his life of
the vizier in the Kitab al-Wuzara, Gotha No. 1,766, fol. 82 ;
and again by Ibn Khallikan, on the authority of the last-
mentioned work, in his life of the vizier in the Wafayat
al-A*yan, SI. Eng., ii, 362. The forged letter of introduction
from the vizier is presented to Abu Zunbur al-Madara'i
whilst Governor of Egypt. No hostility is alleged to exist
between him and the vizier, though they were in fact
enemies, and Ibn al-Furat's resolve not to unmask the
forger proceeds, like that of Yahya in the Persian work,
from a feeling of pride at the reliance placed on the use^ of
his name — a feeling which, if not consonant with an
enlightened morality, is less illogical than gratitude for the
reconciliation — ^a result not within the forger's contemplation,
nor the natural resiJt of his act. That al-Khuza*i should
have emphasized his sense of Mu*adh's service to him in
bringing about improved relations between himself and
Yahya is probable enough, for the vizier was still in high
favour and his friendship valuable.
The life of Abu Muslim Mu*adh b. Muslim al-Harra, the
grammarian, is given by Ibn Khallikan (SI. Eng., iii, 370),
and there is also a notice of him in the Fihrist, p. 66, where
the date given for his death, 187 a.h., is confirmed by Ibn
al- Jauzi in the " Muntazam " (see extract therefrom in
B.M. Add. 5,928, fol. 115a). Ibn Khallikan says that he
was the author of some poetry, such as proceeds from the
pen of a grammarian. Suyuti, in the Bughyat al-Wu*ah
(B.M. Or. Ill, fol. 342), says that he was tutor to the
children of the Caliph 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan, and quotes
some of his verse from the history of Ibn al-Naj jar (written
in continuation of that of al-KhatIb al-Baghdadi, Brock., i,
360 ; Wiist. Gesch., No. 327).
*Abd Allah b. Malik al-Khuza*i was politically prominent
throughout the reign of Rashld. Tabari states (iii, 732) that
in 192 A.H., that is, after the fall of the Barmecides, he was
sent to Adharbljan to repress the revolting Khurramiyya.
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284 A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS.
By him, too, hangs another tale (ib., p. 583, and Urn
al-A^Ir, vi, 70-71). In his capacity of head of the police
he was ordered by Mahdi to inflict punishment on the
associates of Hadi, the successor designate, which he did
regardless of Hadi's intercession on their behalf. On
Hadi's accession he was summoned to the palace and
reproached for what he had done. He replied by asking
the Cab'ph to suppose himself as giving an order, and
a son of his as resisting its execution, and to say which of
them ought to prevail. Hadi was convinced, and confirmed
al-Khuza'i in his office. But the incident did not end here.
When at home again and engaged in warming a cake for
one of his children, al-Khuza*i reflected that the Caliph was
young, and that when carousing, and with the very people
whom he had o£Eended, he would only too probably be turned
against him, and on hearing the noise of an approaching
cavalcade he feared the worst. And it was the Caliph's
retinue, which preceded his coming in person. For the
same idea had- occurred to him also, and he now told al-
Khuza'i that he felt certain of what must be passing in his
mind, and that he had come to reassure him. And with
this object he asked to be given some of the cake and eat it,
thus confirming his promise by the obligations of hospitality.
He then presented al-Khuza*i with 400 loads of dirhams
and with other marks of his favour.
The earlier part of this anecdote is the precise counterpart
of the episode of Lord Chief Justice Ghiscoigne and Henry
the Fifth. Shakespeare's story is admittedly unhistorical,^
but he must have at least considered it to be plausible when
the succession was from " Harry to Harry." That a similar
story should be vouched for by Tabari as accompanying the
succession of, as it were, " Amurath to Amurath," goes to
diow that much of human nature remains common to all in
spite of diversity in race, maimers, and government.
> The question is fully diBcnssed in a paper by F. SoIIy-Flood, 1885, in the
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, new series, iii, 47.
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A TALE OP THE ARABIAN NIGHTS. 286
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. ^^1 ^JUb J-?b ^jil ^U ^^ : JUi \:.jcz^\i l^ J^l jJJ
l^^uui Jo «0l <lJlc ^CL^AiiJ JU?1 afJj J-wui J^ Uli J^li . ^^iil
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j^^ b : ili^l <Cya^ US J JUi ^J^\ J CiUli. ^l^^ lUl^O J
lJ^Ijj IjlS^j Ijjj is?" ^^ z/^^ ^'^^ '*^ O^ J^^ ^)^
w5>J 1 : Jli . Ji : e:llii . j^^ lii^T ^^ ^Ul J c-<! ^\
^ djjJj^ ; Schefer MS. ^Jj,^ .
' Schefer MS. cl; J3u»i .
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▲ TALE OP THE ARABIAN NIGHTS. 287
vi CL>p2-=sS-3 ^JJ 4-----0 v-CJ J ^^ JUl:Lsr» \^\ ^ jj^ ^^
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ci^smaJ^ \^\j ^^rf^ i^jof cuJjJ jJi l^ U^^ P.^^^ ^"^ c^ Ij-
ly-ic l^ J v-5***^ (*V^ Lv^-ii5^ <^-v4Ai c-^UsJl (474) jLsrLH
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A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS. 289^
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290 A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS.
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^^^w« (^1^ Uli • ci^^-i^l^ (484) ^^;,xi,rfj ^;,r^,itlpli Ll ^\pr
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A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS. 291
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oJjui 4.jL]if^ fX^\ L^i^ u:.>vJlcj ^jJls:^^ Ln^oLxyi ^;»ytJ<l^|^
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290 A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS,
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A TALE OP THE ARABIAN NIGHTS. 291
AJ^Jlr;^ J U^ ^jL^j^ JjJCmJ^ «i ^^^-w JuJl ^ (^1^ Uli . aU\
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292 A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS:
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A TALE OF THE ARABIAN NIGHTS.
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296
XIV.
THE PAHLA7I TEXT OF TASSA XIX, 12-58,
FOR THE FIRST TIME CRITICALLY TRANSLATED.^
By PROFESSOR LAWRENCE MILLS.
ZaraOmtra addresses Ahura Mazda.
"^ARTUST^ asked of Auhannazd thus: O AGharmazd,
Spirit (good) and bountiful, Creator of Uie bodily
worlds, holy, .... [this (is: hana=ae for ae7, that is to
say, the meaning is this), that it is Auhannazd (who is) the
holy Creator, not merely 'the bodily worlds' which are
holy; the rest is for (ordinary) praise. Some (text)* says
(i.e. reads) * datar, aharuv' ' * (so putting the aharuv' of the
text in unmistakeable position as applying to AGharmazd)].^
^ The texts from winch this translation is made appeared as edited with all the
MS8. collated in the ** Festgniss** of Professor Kern, of Leiden, so far as from
I, to 11, indusiye, with the exception of some unsightly hut now necessary
glosses, and from 12 to 58 in the ZeiUehrift of the German Oriental Society,
-October, 1903. Translations into Parsi-Persian, Sanskrit, and Gujrati from
texts not collated, and otherwise not of a critical character, hare alone
preceded this.
' In order to include a gloss omitted in the section 1-11, abore referred to,
I cite 1-5 from the <* Melanges Kern," 1908, p. 145.
3 Referring to other MSS. So it is far better to understand the frequent
expression * uiere is who says.'
^ This gloss, from our old MSS. in Oxford, DJ. or P, was omitted both in text
and translation from the work already cited.
^ This section in the original Tasna is of special importance, as it contains an
attempted explanation of the Ayesta in the Ayesta itself ; and also because the
Ahunayair^a prayer (though onl^ a post-Gathic piece in the metre of the
Ahunayaiti Gate) has, owing to its terms (see the translations), been supposed
to haye some analogy with the Logos of St. John. This supposition was,
howeyer, critically groundless. The words * Ahuna-Vairya * had become abbre-
viated into Hono-yer ; and this has later been seriously mentioned, eyen by great
authorities up to the present date, as bearing upon the question of the Intro-
duction to the Fourth Gospel, and other Semitic features. The square brackets
are the glosses, and the parenthetical citnres contain my explanations.
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296 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA XIX, 12-58.
His question : The Word spoken before the Creation ?
What was that word, Auharmazd, which Thou didst
speak to me (3) before the Heaven, and before the Water,
and before the Earth, and before the bountiful Herd, and
before the Plants, before the Fire, Auharmazd's Son, before
the holy Man Gayomart, (2) before the Demons who are of
'scattered wit,'^ and before later Men, and before all the
Bodily World [(and before) the creation of their (i.e. of
men's) sovereignty over it], before all the wealth provided
by Auharmazd which is derived from the manifestation of
ASa, the Angel of the Holy Law ? ^
Ahura answers.
Auharmazd also said to him thus: that Section is from
the Ahunaver, 0 Spltama ZartuSt, which is spiritual, by
which they would make the Law advance, when that Den
was constructed from the Ahunaver by which it was declared
to thee.^
12. Auharmazd further answers.* .... Who also
in this my bodily World, 0 Spitaman Zartust, undertones
a section from this (my) Ahunaver, that is to say (as when),
they would make it familiar (by committing it to memory),
and would curtail it (in so doing) ; that is to say, as when,
one speaks it (that is, any portion of it) apart (and separated)
(13) either so much as a half, or so much as a third, or so
much as a fourth, or so much as a fifth ; that is, if one (i.e.
if a reciter) holds up (hardly * maintains') it in the course
of recitation to the degree of a fifth of it (as in the last item
cited), and so (also in the first case) it will become half-
full if celebrated (here returning to the first item as above ;
that is to say, when one omits one half, beginning with the
* Of course an error corrected by me in 1892-94 ; see Gatfos at Y. 28, 5,
pp. 8 and 398.
' This stands for uniyersal regularity of conduct.
' For the translations of 5-11, which are important, %vt the " M61ang«i
Kern," Leide, 1903, pp. 146-147.
« See the <' Melanges Kern/* pp. 145-146.
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA XIX, 12-58. 297
second half, all this is sin) ; but when it is entirely omitted
(spoken separated ; see above), this is (the unpardonable sin
-of) Tanapuhar (that is to say, the sinner Cannot cross the
J^udgment Bridge of Chinvat on account of it).
The Punishment.
(14) (In these cases) I, who am Auharmazd, will (then,
on this account) draw off his soul from the Best World, that
is to say, I would make it (his soul) apart from Heaven,
(15) and by that drawing off (which is) as much in length
and breadth as this Earth (is long and broad) ; and this
Earth is also that much long as (is) its breadth.
The Commentary hegint,
(16) This is the Word (which has been) pronounced, the
Den of the possession of (that is to say, which vitally
concerns the status of) the * Ahu ' * (that is to say, it is the
religious formula which has the signal word * Ahu * in it), the
Ahu of (the Den), and of the possession of its * Ratu '
(i.e. which has its signal word * ratud ' ^) [from which
(occurrence in this piece so sacrosanct) this is clear, that
the (temporal) King and the (spiritual) Dastur are to be
supported (and maintained)].
This Section of the Ahunaver was annaunced be/ore the Heavens.
(17) And this was also so pronounced before that Heaven
(* before yon Heaven ') was created, and before the Water,
before the Land (hardly * the Earth ' here), and before the
Plants,
(18) before the creation of the quadruped* Bull, the
one (first) created Bull,
* See the words * ya^a aha . . .* Here begins the Commentary proper upon
the Ahuna Yairya.
' See the word ratuS in * ya6a ahti ratos . . .*
> Notice min = * ot' ' used to express the gen. which is generally expressed by
either * position ' or by * i.*
* The type of quadrupeds representing all of them.
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298 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OP YASNA XIX, 12-58.
(19) beforo the creation of the Sacred Man, the (type of)
biped [(mewiing) before the creation of Gayomart (the
* Lifeman * ; i.e. the first recipient of human life) ],
(20) before that Sun of sublime body (or *of body created' (?))
[the body of the Sun] for the especial acquisition^ of the
Bountiful Immortals.
(21) Forth to me * with bountifulness (or * holiness ') and
in the interests of the spiritual life,' to me it was said [that
is, for the sake of furthering bountifulness (or ' holiness ')
and the spiritual interests it was possible to tell me]
(22) concerning all that belongs to the world of the Saints,,
[to ZartuSt (it was) told] (concerning the world of the
Saints) who are, and who have been, and who are coming
into being,
(23) with regard to ' the course of action,' [that is to say,
with regard to it they should do * (i.e. do thou do *) what is
manifest from it (as duty) ' also let good works be theirs ']
with regard to this action * in the world ^ towards
Auharmazd,' [that is to say, they should do* (or *do thou
do ') * what is due to Auharmazd,* so also they should do
(or * do thou do ') unto Him as it is clear duty from (i.e. in
accordance with) this Fargard].
* Recall the An^el of the Apocalypse whose position was in the Sun.
* Aside from the original we should of course read * Forth I said * ; see Ner.
But the gloss in 22 should control what precedes, we not forgetting that the
terms of such translations should not hinder a rational exegesis so long as it is at
all possible. Otherwise we should merely report ; * Forth with my bountifulness
and in the interests of the spiritual life, I said.' We might inaeed regard the
gloss in 22 * aV Z. giift ' as offering an alternative and so translate. Undoubtedly
* I said ' is more natural for ^ am giift * (so Ner.) than * to me he said * ; but then
* to me * or * my * looks better for * li * than Ner.'s aham ; i.e. in view of the
original *me.* So *am tuvan giiftan' more naturally equals 'it is possible
to me to teir than * it is possible to tell to me.* Ner.'s blunder in rendering
* me ' induces an inconsistency only to be relieved by force.
' Lit. * spirituality ' ; * the interests of Heaven.*
* See 9yao0n6taitya 9yao^nanam.
^ These forms in -aiid and -yen are evidently indefinite, and afford us a good
example of the reason of their use as imperative 2nd singulars ; * they should do *
is * one should do,* and then < do thou.*
< See Anheus Mazdai.
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THE PAHLAVI TBXT OF TiJBNA XIX, 12-58. 299
Immortality is given through the devout pronunciation of the
Ahunaver,
24. This portion of the Ahunayer thus far elucidated,
is also the most of a word in effect (to secure an answer to
our prayers) of (all) those words which he (or * one ') ever ^
pronounced, while now he speaks it forth (i.e. * recites it')
up to this point ; (and it is also the most efficient which) is
pionounoedy i.e. which is now being pronounced, and (also
which will be pronounced) from this (or from this time) on.
(25) For this is so much a word in efficiency as that if all
the bodily world (26) learn it (so that it is really) learned,
[i.e. (if) they would make it thoroughly easy (through
memorising it verbally)], and keep it thus, [that is to
say (if) they would tf^e their stand upon it,] this would
become to them the possession of an existence apart from
passing away («ie), [that is to say, they (would) become
immortal (through pronouncing it as thus fully learned) ].
(27) And this our word is pronounced by us [as the Den.
Mahvindat (a Commentator) said (that the word in question)
was just this Fargard (in its entirety)]. He who learns it,
[that is to say, (if) they should commit it to memory (lit.
' thus make it easy ')] ; and he who recites it (as thus
memorised), [that is to say, he (who) pronounces this (word)
' straight on ' within the Tasna], so (doing), each one of
existing (persons) whose is A§a Yahista (or ' who are
inspired by him,'' A.y.) becomes immortal thereby (see
below).' [That is to say, should they completely celebrate
a single Yasna, to that person (i.e. ' to those persons ') let
it belong (i.e. let the reward mentioned above, i.e. im-
mortality, be his).]
1 One naturally snppofles from this word * ejer ' that reference is made to the
whole AhonaTer and to all poeaible inspired utterances. Otherwise the thoughta
of the composer seem to rest on the word 9yao9nanim (see <pavan kartum')
tt Ibe most efficient expression in the prayer. Possibly one idea occurred to one
author and the other to a later rsTiser.
* So if reading ' min ' ; see ashatSit.
* It is not at all necessary to suppose that a dull superstition is here expossed.
The Ahunaver, if tkoroug^hiy learned and acted upon, would of course kad the
soul toward Hearen.
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300 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA XIX, 12-58.
[(The meaning) is (that) when one pronounces this
particular^ (27) (word) in the Yasna a person's soul
becomes immortal thereby.]
(28) As this (section) is pronounced here ; (viz.) that (the
Ahu and the Ratu), that is, that the (temporal (P)) Lord the
Ahu and the (spiritual) Lord (the Ratu), the Datobar, are
to be maintained (in the dignities and emoluments of their
office) [as this thing is so said as this lore (i.e. this expression
of legal opinion)] so (teaches) (29), and when also he (the
personal offerer) gives to this Ahu and (to this) Ratu (the
temporal Lord, and to the spiritual Datobar (the ruling
Priest)), [i.e. when he (the disciple) devotes his person (his
personal attention) thoroughly to the spiritual studies (to
the complete acquisition of technical religious knowledge)],
then also it is taught by him (the leading spiritual Instructor)
to that one (the other), the offering and studious disciple,
that 'Auharmazd meneSn* the thought of (?) Auharmazd'
is the cogitation' (of one thinlpng) about the First Creatures,
[that is to say, the GaWc lore has been made current (and
progressive) by him (for it concerns especially the beginnings
of the creation of the creatures, and because he (the person
who thinks, here supposed to be the speaker) has devoted
his attention to priestly studies which concern most of all
the doctrine of the creation)].*
(30) He who assigns his person [to him who is the King
of Kings], the greatest of all [men, so that it (his body) is
possessed by the King of Kings* (i.e. so that his personal
force and devotion is possessed by Him), just so that lore*
(or ' body ') is assigned by him (the religiously educated and
1 aS dena = lit. ' this that.' See where * actioni ' are insisted upon.
^ See *mazdam manas.' The reader should bear in mind throughout that
the Pahlayi translations here as elsewhere are seldom strictly correct as regards
the ultimate points of the syntax. Their great yalue consists in evidence as to
presence of textual terms and of their precise meaning. See the critical translation
m SBE. xxxi at the places, pp. 259-266.
^ This looks as if * the thought of Atiharmazd ' was regarded as being shared
by his faithful worshipper. Or meaning * thought with regard to A.'
* See Ga6as at Y. 28, 11, etc.
* Here feeling the influence of x^a^em &i.
* The 6a(Hc lore here referred to is the Ahuna-vairya, which is regarded as
its epitome, of course erroneously.
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YA8NA XIX, 12-68. 301
intelligent disciple) to the creatures of this One (the King
of Kings) ; that is to say, the Ga^c lore^ has been made
current by him (the deyoted offerer) among the creatures
(after he has learnt it and intoned it himself ; see above)].
(31) He who (describes) the* amenities of life (was
X^Bj0rem. so understood?) to Auharmazd, [that is to say,
(he who) places them (or, 'considers' their beginning or
foimdation) to be within His possession (to give)] (does so)
in accordance with the word * vahheus ' (see again the
vanheus of the text) [which (is) in (this) section]. Here
(is) that which (is) the third sacred injunction, [it is its
beginning (see the second line of the Ahuna)]. He who
-delivers an intonement with vahoman (see again the words
vahheuS (dazda) mananho, the ' vahoman ' of the Ahuna-
vairya Pahlavi Text), [that is to say, he who utters an
atonement which is straightforward (that is to say, coming
on to vanheuS without interruption)], and (when the cele-
bration) is also (in so far) performed by him, (when) also that
is proclaimed onward (or ' taught *) by him here which is
in accordance with vahoman (see again the vahheus dazda
mananho of the Zend text) ; [that is to say, (when) they
give (see dazda) that recompense and reward which is in
accordance with vahoman (then they give rewards which is
his also to this person who so pronounces the vahheu§ dazda
mananho and duly celebrates the Yasna passage in which it
occurs (see above))].
(32) And he who makes a sign (perhaps here some
regulated gesture * or posture ; but see the original ; a sign)
which is (arranged) with reference to the word ' vahoman,'
[that is to say, they would provide the thing that is correct
with a gesture (or 'demonstration,' or sign)^; (and when)
' The Ga^c lore here referred to Ib the Ahuna-yairya, which is regarded a.s
ita epitome, of course erroneously.
' There is no hujItiS = * amenities' in the Ahunaver. The force of Tanhea^
= ' of the good ' may have heen felt ; so influencing the idea of ' government '
j» ' good-government/ thus hearing on the idea of amenity.
• So I think hetter as more realistic (see the word * actions ') helow ; hut Ner.
understood perhaps something like 'explanation,' *who performs a thing which
ib more upright with a demonstration.* So ; and not perhaps meaning a physical
gesture ; see also the original. (Or did Ner. mean *■ provide with a sign ' r)
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302 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA XIX, 12-58.
also it is dc«ie by him (that is, ' when the sign is made by
him *)] so with this was the summing up. [That is to say,
this its end (that of this particular thought) was on] with
(the words) * of actions ' (see syaoftianam, which may mean
of 'actions (in the course of this celebration of the
Ahunaver')].
33. Here (in the words) * within the world * (so again
referring to the word anheus of the Avesta text as meaning
'belonging to the world/ — here) was their summing up*
(the simmiing up of the terms as in so far tentatively
exjdained) ; [that is to say, it was its end (the end of the
ideas involved in the second line of the Ahuna ; see the
texts)]. 34. Here was the summing up of them in it (or
*by the persons (explaining')), [that is to say, it was the
end of it], (34) whereby (the reciter) assigns the Creatures
(so as feeling the influence of dazda again) to Him who is
Auharmazd^ (see mazdai).
34. (So), when (the reciter) assigns them, the creatures
to Him (Auharmazd) as that which is His own creation
(that of Auharmazd Himself), [that is (to say, the meaning
of that assigning is) this : by and in this he annoimces that
men also are a thing {sic) which, (as) one says, (is) what
thus comes back purely (and entirely) into the possession of
Auharmazd (from whom it first issued fortii when they
recite 'ahheui dazda mazdai'), as (the word) ' Aiiharmazd'
(see mazdai) is purely (i.e. 'simply and significantly') pre*
sented (by the reciter in the course of the solemn recital) ] .
36. (And) the Sovereignty is assigned by him (the reciter
or the inspirer) to Auharmazd (see ;^ia5rem Ahurai = ' the
Kingdom to Ahura ' (so proceeding to the third line) ) [that
is to say, Auharmazd is made King over his own body by
him (the reciter), by which (or * when ') they would effect
(that) which is evident from (i.e. as meant by that passage
* This word 'summing: up* if< a misUkc, owin^ to the outward shapes of
* karayoiti ' which suggested * angartagih ' ; but it is still acceptable enough as
a free translation.
* Recognisas His act of creation.
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OP YASSJL XIX^ 12-58. S05
of) the Ayesta]. Also (the farther meaning) of it is this :
* by him (the reciter, or, ' by it the passage ') happy relief is
kere indicated for the poor,' ^ [that is to say, a (real) benefit
has been done by him (the reciter, or the inspirer) thereby
to the poor],^ (36) which ('benefit') is a friendship of
Spitaman (as the representative of Auharmazd toward the
poor ^ ; a most striking and deeply significant element in
the Religion). And (thus) the Den (the Religion) of
Spitaman was a fiye-fold code of distinctions (datobarlh),
[that is, for him there was a five-fold distinction within it].
37. All the utterance (of the Ahunaver) was a forth-
utterance (meaning a continuous unbroken recitative an-
nouncement). The entire announcement was Auharmazd's
(or concerning Auharmazd's attributes as expressed in the
five points above alluded to).
38. For the sake of an increase (of prosperity, vahiSto
being so understood through an error, which occurs more
tiian the once), [for the sake of (advancing) the progress of
the Creatures] Auharmazd pronoimced the Ahunaver. So
also its summing up was with (a word meaning) [' increase,'
that is to say, the end of it was on (with this word. See
the vahidto of the Zend Text, here again erroneously or
freely referred to vax§ = ' to increase.') ]
Angra Mainyu intetrenet.
39. Quick was the smiting,^ [that is to say, the assaulting
enemy plunges into the midst (lit. 'among,' and) that
(which follows) is just spoken as an interdict ' of the wicked
[(as) a separating (anathema)].
The Interdict.
40. That (meaning 'this' was) the Interdict, (which is
recorded in the Gadas ; see Yasna, 45, 2) : ^
^ Beferring to the original noble passages of the Avesta ; see Ga^as, xxxiv, 5,
pp. 136, 601, and liii, 9, pp. 390, 619,, etc.
' Zanein' is not strictly correct for i
* The interdict was of course also sdjken * among * the wicked.
* See Qatas, p. 220 and p. 540.
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304 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA XIX, 12-58.
41. Neither our thinking, nor our teaching (are in
harmony). [I have not taught what thou hast taught;]
nor (are) our un(ler8tanding(s) (in harmony), [for I have
my imderstanding with propriety, and thou hast (thine) with
impropriety] ;
(42) Nor are (our) desire(8) ; [for my desire is a wished-
for thing which is proper and thine (is) improper] ; nor is
(our) speech (harmonious) ; [for I speak that which is proper ;
and thou speakest that which is improper] ; nor are our
deed(s) (in harmony), [for my action is proper and thine is
improper],
(43) Nor is (our) Religion [for my Den is the GaWc and
thine that of sorcery]. Nor are [their] souls in harmony, nor
their self (selves sic, or * their especial interest '), [for they
who take ^ their stand upon my interest,* and they who
take their stand upon thine : their souls are not in this
(same) place.
He who said ' this ' (i.e. the text which reads as above,
namely, he who reads the word hana = * this,' meaning)
that even their souls (the souls of these) are thus ; he must
also say (i.e. that text must also be so read), thus: ' Our Souls
tire not in harmony ']. (All this evidently meaning to explain
that a text which reads * not ' in this place must be under-
stood as meaning * not (in harmony).' This is to explain
the absence of a word * one * or * the same ' ; that is, it should
have read * not in the same place.' Had the word * same '
or * one ' been added, the passage would have needed no
^explanation.)
The Connections of the Ahuna-vairya,
(44) Also this word which Auharmazd spake has three
rules, (and) concerns four officers, [the Priest, the Warrior,
the Husbandman, and the Artisan], and five Chieftainships,
[the Householder, the Head of the Hamlet (or Vis), the Head
^ literally; * for he who takes . . . .'
' Ner. takes it for granted that *upoa this thing* means upon th« *DSn'
(naturally enough).
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YA8NA XIX, 12-58. 305
of the Zand (the village or township (sic)), the Governor of
the Province, and the Zara^strotema] ; and its completion
(the completion of this word of the Ahunaver) is made full
with an offering ; and so of one's-self ; [(that is to say, in the
case of the particular oflEerer at any given time, personally
and spontaneously) it is necessary (so) to do when they make
an offering of the person to the Herbads] ; (that is to say,
when they present themselves for priestly discipline and
instruction).
Catechetical Zand upon the Ahuna-vairya,
Questions asked to bring out the definite meaning.
(45) What is that Rule ? (see above where the Three
Rules are mentioned). — Ans. The Good Thought, the Good
Word, and the Good Deed.
And this meaning is what ? — Ans, Propriety within the
Rule of the Den.
(46) Which (are) the Calling(s) ?—Aus. The Priest, the
Warrior, the Husbandman, and the Artisan.
47. (These are the Four), since through every day and
night (these Glasses are at hand and present) with the Saint
(that is to say, with the orthodox Citizen) of truthful
thought, of truthful word, and of truthful deed, (48) who
has kept in memory * the Spiritual Chief ; [that is to say, .
who supports the Dastur (Destoor)] who is taught of the
Den. [That is to say, (when) the Ya§t has been celebrated
by him] (49) from whose actions results the progress of the
settlements of ASa ; [i.e. that is to say, this result (as above
described) is from his deeds (in celebrating this Yast and in
acting in accordance with it) ].
50. Which is the Spiritual Chief ?—^w«. The House-
Chief, the Hamlet- (or Vis-) Chief, the Zand- (or village-
(township-) ) Chief, the Province- Chief , and the Zartudt (or
* the Zara^Strotema '), the Fifth.
* Poflsibly * who recited the Office * ; this, notwithstanding the glom, which
mmj be always later. Ner. has, however, guni^a(*ite, 'nuMe to read bj the
Ovu.' In the gloss gunisamyukte, 'united,' that is <in accredited relation' with
the Oum.*
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306 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF TA8NA XIX, 12-68.
(51) (Tkat is to say, it is thus with) those ProTinces
which are other than the RaTa which (is) Zara^odtrian (or
possibly 'the BaTa of Zartudt'). A fom^chief (proyinee)
(is) the EaTa of Zartu§t.^
(62) Which (are) the Spiritual Chief (s) of that (Province,
i.e. of BaTa) P (The question is repeated in order to make
way for the important explanation about the Foiuvchiel-
Province.) — Ans, The House-Chief, the Vis-Chief, the Zand-
Chief, and the (?) ZartuSt as the Fourth ; [that is to say,
since he was in his own Province (that is, he was there as
the hereditary bearer of the title). (And) an arrangement
was even made with reference to him; which (is, that he,
i.e. his successor the reigning ZartO§t) will become (that is,
' will continue ') ' on to be ' the Fourth (and not the Fifth
Chief, there being no need of a separate office which would
be that of a ' Fifth Chief * as in the other Provinces. The
Zaraduitra resident at RaTa makes a separate officer of that
name imnecessary in that City and in its Province) ].
63. How does the matter stand when the question is as
to the Good Thought (as involved in this four-fold polity
of the Zara^§trian State, thus by this question bringing
the idea of the ' Ahuna-ver ^ once more to bear upon these
all- important offices) ; [that is to say, how was this arranged
when he (the Saint or the Law-giver) stood upon the track *
of the Good Thought' of the Den] ? — Ans. It was when
(it, ' the question,' or when he, the Regulator,) was (i.e. had
reference) to the Saint who was the first thinker* (of that
good thought) ; that is to say, when he was with Gayomard ;
[that is to say, when the questioning had reference to hin^
^ This clearly shows that Raya had exceptional clams to be associated with
Zara9ustra, if only traditionaUk, as his birthplace. Each Province evidently had
a Fifth supreme Spiritual Officer called the ' ZaraOuStra.' But in RaTa some
traditional religious (or family) descendant of the great Pn^het evidently resided.
So that a fifth on whom the title had been bestowed by appointment was not
needed in SaTa as in the other Provinces,
2 This expression * track* looks as if the translator's thoughts were here
turning toward the Other World. Compare the expressions ' star- track/ * moon-
track,' etc., in the Arda-i-Viraf.
< ' See ' mananho ' again.
* The first point after the Introduction being vauheul dazda mananha ; sae
the expression maifias paoiryo (sic), referring again to the prior position o€ tha
word mananho in the formula.
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA XIX, 12-68. 307
the fifst man, lie (the Law-giver) also thought of him
(GUyomard ; that is to say, he especially directed his
attention to him)].
(54) How (in reference to) the Good Word (when the
Good Word ^ was considered, that is to say : How does the
loatter lie with reference to the Four-fold Polity with regajrd
to the veracity or verbal amenities of the citizens) ? — Ans.
(This was considered when the Manthraspenta (the Sacrosanct
Lore) was originated and maintained) [imtil now*].
(56) How did the matter stand when (they considered)
tke Good Deed P — Ans. (This was done) when (there was a)
praising of the creatures (which held) A§a indeed to be the
first.* [That is to say, when they would celebrate the other
Tasn;!* also which is a good work* in (the course of th©)
Gafe-service (or *in accordance with the Ga^ doctrine').]
(56) Aiiharmazd made a proclamation ; for the sake of
what interest did he proclaim it to him (ZartuStP)P — '
Ans. For the sake of the sacred interest of Heaven (i.e. of
the purely religious interests ; lit. * of the spirit ') and of
the World (that is, of legitimate worldly interests), [even
for the sake of the benefit of the spirit, (i.e. of Heaven) and
of the World].
(57) For the sake of what desired * object of His did He
pronounce it (the Word), [i.e. for the sake of what necessary*
object did He pronounce it to him (ZartuSt)] ? — Ans, In
order that there may be a King who is an increaser of (the
people's) prosperity ; [and he (that is ' one ') who is able to
carry out his purposes as a lord of desire].^
' Generally speaking, the concrete, i.e. *the man of true speech,* is to be
preferred, but here the ' good speech ' is best.
' Hardly * as our share * reading x®^^^°» ^^^ ^^ kevan' ; Ner. does not render.
' ' Asa indeed as the first * may allude to the * Asera Vohu * formula in the
mind of the Commentator ; but see Ashat^it as the first AmeSa mentioned in the
Ahuna.
* The word huvarst (see ftyao^anam again) may also have recalled the * alem
▼ohu vahi^tem * (hn - vohii).
* This carious error arose from the resemblance of -cvas to vas = vanSc* =
* to desire.* Ner. follows it.
* This gloss seems intended to remove any ambiguity from the word kamakih,
which might possibly be thought to refer to ' caprice ' (?) .
^ Having in mind aetia-x^a^em of Y. 29, 9, as to which see Ga^as at the place.
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308 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA XIX, 12-58.
(58) How many * (ahunavers) [is it fully necessary to say]
for the benefit of the Saints (the orthodox Rulers) ? — Am.-
(So many) as until the Ruler who is without desire ^ (that is,.
without force to carry out his desire*) becomes (by this
means) a (vigorous) augmenter ' (of prosperity; or vice versd,.
* until the increaser becomes a ruler without desire ' * ; that is.
to say, 'one who has nothing left to desire of others,' or
* nothing left to be desired ').
(58 continued) [(The meaning of it all is) this. He who
makes this prayer manifest (through its celebration or
* fulfilment* (?), i.e. he who completes it); that is to say,
(he who manifests) the glory of the Kayans so (by realising
the object of the prayer), how (does he do it) in the case
of good Kings ? so also, what with evil rulers ? — An$. So *
(when he is dealing) with good Kings (he acts) with this
result ; viz., that they may do more good (by means of this
devout celebration in their favour, and when he has to do)
with evil Kings (he will act) with this effect ; that is to say,,
until they may do less evil (so the Kayan glory of the KingK^
is furthered)].
^ Or * bow much of it ' ; see Ner/s *■ kiyat.'
' It would be still better to read the original avaso, and not avaao = * with
power in accordance with his desire.* * Without undue or wanton desire ' would
oe a poor rendering even for the a-pnv. form.
' A form of vas ^ to increase ' being again seen in vahi5to.
* Literally * this * (the meaning is ' this ').
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309
XV.
THE INDIANS IN ABMENIA, 130 B.C. — 300 A.D.'
By J. KENNEDY.
rpH£ existence of an ancient Indian colony in Armenia i»
well known to Armenian scholars, but Indianists have
paid little attention to it. We owe our knowledge of it to
Zenob, a Syrian, and a native of Glak (Klag), which Mr. Ellis
suggests may be the Armenian equivalent of Eerak. Zenob
became an ecclesiastic in an unknown town of Cappadocia
called Nystra, and was the companion of St Gregory the
Illuminator on an idol- smashing tour through Armenia,
about the year 304 a.d. By St. Gregory's command he
wrote an account of this expedition to his Cappadocian
brethren, and in it he gives a lively account of the
Illuminator's little war with the Indian idolaters of Taron
(Dar6n). Zenob's history, composed originally in Syriac,
has come down to us in an Armenian version, which has
suffered from revision. It has been twice translated into
French, and part of it into English. Zenob's work has the
charm and freshness of a contemporary narrative, and
throws a good deal of light on the early history of
monachism and the worship of relics. He was well
^ Very various methods are ia use for the transliteration of Armenian UixU.
Mr. A. U. Ellis has very kindly gone over this paper, and supplied me with the
transliteration of the proper names in accordance with the system in use at the
British Museum ; the transliterations of Prudhomme and Avaall are occasionally
added in parentheses. I have to thank Messrs. Grierson and Khys Davids for
suggestions regarding Prakrit and Pali forms; and Mr. W. Williams for thu
foUowing hibUography : J. Avdall, J.A.S.B., vol. v, 1836, p. 331 ff. ;
£. PrucQiomme, '*Histoire de Dar6n ])ar Zenob de Elag*' (Joum. Asiatique,
1863, p. 401 ff.) ; V. Langlois, ^' Collection dee Historiens anciens et modeme» do
PAjmlnie,** Paris, 1867, tome i, p. 336 ff. ; M.J. Seth, *' History of the Armenians
in India,*' 1897 ; £min, '* Becherches sur le Paganisme Ann^en," Paris, 1864,
pp. 30-31 ; a passing reference by Lassen, Z. f. d. Eonde des Morgenlandes,
Bd. i, p. 233. There are also references in Bitter's ** Erdkunde*' and some
other works on Armenia.
J.K.A.8. 1904. 21
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310 THE INDIANS IN ARMENIA.
acquainted with tlie Indians he mentions, as he was for
twenty years Abbot of the Convent of the Nine Springs,
founded by St. Gregory on the site of the Indian temple.
The convent became one of the most famous in Armenia,
and was popularly known from the time of Zenob as the
convent of Olak.
ZenoVs story is briefly this. Two Indian chiefs, Gisanfi
(Eisan^) and Demetr (T^m^tr), rebelling unsuccessfully
against the king Dinaskh^ (Dinaskey), fled westwards with
their clan and found shelter with Ya}arshak, or Yalarsaces,
the first Arsacide monarch of Armenia (149-127 B.a).
Valarsaces gave them the canton of Tardn* for a residence,
and there they founded the town of Vishap or the Dragon.
In the neighbouring town of Ashtishat, the pantheon of all
the gods of Armenia, they set up replicas of the idols they
had worshipped in India.^ Fifteen years later the king of
Armenia put Gisan^ and Demetr to death, but their sons
Kouar (Guevar*), Meltes (Meghtes), and Horian continued to
hold the canton of Tardn, and divided the land among them.
They founded three villages which were named after them,
Kouarl^, Meltes, and Horiankh. They also erected two
^ Tardn was a district of hills and plains on the upper Euphrates, lying
westward of Lake Van. It was half Syrian in character, and adjoined the
country afterwards occupied by the Mamikonians, a famous Chinese ramily who
fled to Armenia in the early pu*t of the third century a.d. The district is now
known, Mr. Ellis tells me, as the district of Moush, and was the scene of some
of the recent Armenian massacres. Moush is mentioned by Zenob, but it was
not then the chief town of the district.
3 I agree with Avdall and Lassen that these idols were named Gisand and
Demetr. But Emin says : * * Nous trouvons ces efforts d' assimilation compl6tement
inutiles par la simple raison qu'il est nullement question dans le r6cit de Zenob
de deux divinit^s indiennes s'appelant Kisan^ et Temedr. Ces deux noms
n'^taient que ceux des deux p^res, premiers Emigrants de PInde. Apr^ ou'ils
furent tu^s sur I'ordre du roi d'Armenie les fils transport^ent les idoles de leurs
h^r^ditaires d'Achichat sur le mont Eark6, et depuis lors ces idoles furent connues
dee habitants du pays de Dardn sous une denomination g^n^rale des dieuz p^res
KisanS etTemeor'^ (*' Recherches sur le Pa^misme Armenien," pp. 30-31).
But Zenob, after describing the idols of GisanI and Demetr and the fate of the
idolaters, goes on to say: '^Yoici du reste Porigine des idoles existant en ces
lieux [i.e. of Gisand ana Demetr]. Etant yenus k Aschdischad, ils y 6rigdrent
ces idoles sous le nom de cellee qu*ils adoraient dans Tlnde.*' In the next
paragraph he says that ** Gu^var* M^ghd^ et Hor*ian se rendirent sur la mont
k*arK^. lis y erigdrent deux idoles. Tune sous le nom de Ki9and, Tautre sous
celui de T^metr,*' etc. (J.A., 1863, pp. 454-466). There is nowhere mention
of any others than these two, or of anV idols left at Ashtishat. I haye not seen
Emin's book, and haye to thank Mr. Williams for the extract.
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THE INDIANS IN ARMENIA. 311
temples to their gods Gisan^ and Demetr on Kharkhfe,
a grassy hill with woods and springs, which overlooked tlie
Euphrates; and these temples became the sacred seat and
the rallying point of the clan. The descendants of Eouar,
Meltes, and Horian were the priests of the idols, and twelve
villages were assigned for the maintenance of the temple
service. "We hear nothing more of these Indians until
St. Gregory appeared with 300 men to overturn their faith.
The people flew to arms, and the first outbreak of the
popular fury obliged St. Gregory to take refuge in a friendly
castle. Both sides received reinforcements, desperate battles
were fought, and over a thousand men fell. Artzan,* the
<;hief priest, and his son Demetr were slain in combat, having
exhibited a courage worthy of heroes. The Indians were
overpowered, but they still implored that their idols might
be spared. Six priests fell at the temple door, another died
under torture without revealing the treasury of Demetr.
The Christians then proceeded to break up the copper statues
of the gods, which were 12 and 15 cubits high. The temples
were razed to the ground, and on the site of Demetr's temple
St. Gregory erected a church, while a wooden cross marked
the place where Gisanfi's idol had stood. More than 5,000
idolaters submitted to baptism, and 438 persons, the sons of
priests, or temple servants, who remained obdurate, had their
heads shaved and were transported to Phaitakaran, near the
shores of the Caspian.*
Zenob gives us various details about these Indians. They
were black, ugly, and long - haired (" noirs, chevelus, et
difTorraes"). The long hair was a sacred badge. Gisan^
was represented with long hair, his worshippers all wore it
long, and Zenob tells us that even after their conversion the
Indians secretly kept to their former cult and made their
^ Artzan = idol or statue. ArmenianB, and eyen Armenian ChristianB, used it
sometimes as a personal name. Mr. Ellis has pointed out to me an instance in
Moses of Khorene.
' Phaitakaran is the territory inclosed by the junction of the Eiir and the
<€era8, and is the Bailagan of the Arab geographers. No European traveller
appears to have visited its ruins.— ifr. £llis't noU.
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312 THE INDIANS IN ARMENIA.
children wear long hair. The priests were of the lineage of
the chiefs, and perhaps claimed to be descended from the
gods. They can, therefore, have had no Brahroans. They
must have abandoned, in great part at least, their native
speech, since they used proper names like Artzan ; but their
features were markedly different from their neighbours. They
remained a separate people, although their chiefs had become
connected in some way, probably by marriage, with the
neighbouring chief of Hashtiankh.
From these certain conclusions may be drawn. (1) These
Indians were an aboriginal tribe, i.e. they were non-Aryans.
Their black skins and ugly features, as well as the absence of
Brahmans, prove that. (2) They wandered to Armenia in
the reign of Valarsaces, 149-127 b.c. This is the period
when the Sakas were invading and Greek princelings
harrying Kabul, the North- Western Punjab, and the Indus
Valley. It is reasonable to suppose that they fled in con-
sequence of these troubles; and their flight to Armenia ia
paralleled by the subsequent flight of the Mamikonians
from China. (3) They called their first town Vishap — the
Armenian equivalent for Nagpur. They must, therefore,.
have been worshippers of the snake. The Punjab, Kashmir,
and the Indus Valley are still strongholds of this worship.
And as these Indians had no Brahmans, and the Brahmans
were strong in the North-Western Punjab, it is probable,
I think, that this tribe came from the Indus Valley.^
Can philology help us any farther P Dinaskh^ and Horian
cannot be identified — Mr. Ellis says that the termination
khe '* is very largely used in forming names of territories or
tribes " — and it is therefore possible that Dinaskh6 represents,
not the proper name of a king, but the ruler of a tribe of
somewhat similar name.^ Kouar is probably the Prakrit
^ Sethis conjecture that they came from Eanauj is not only unsupported by
eridence, but is contrary to all probability. Kanauj was not at this time a place
of importance, and the emigrations from it do not begin until eight or nine
centuries later.
' Mr. Grierson sug^ts some connection with the 6akas. I would rather
sug^t a connection with the last part of the word Mait^ovcr — the Macedonians
— the name by which the Bactrian Greeks were known.
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THE INDIANS IN ARMENIA. <313
Kuar, the Sanskrit and Pali Kumara, a young prince.
Mejtea — Avdall's Meguti — may be a derivative from the
Sanskrit mahat, * great/ Kuar and Mahto are still honorific
titles in daily nse.
Demetr and GisanS (Kisan^) are names common to gods
and men. Demetr must be some compound of Mitra, perhaps
Devamitra, but about Demetr we have no details. It is
different with Gisan^. He had long hair, he struck his
enemies with blindness and death, and his votaries worshipped
him with their faces to the west. Lassen suggested long ago
that Gisan^ might be Ejrishna, and although the usual Prakrit
(and Pali) form is Kanha, Eisina is admittedly a probable
corruption, and occurs in names like EeSin and Kiden.
The similarity of sound is confirmed by the similarity of
attributes. Krishna was the Mark' god, the god of the
underworld and of the setting sun, the peculiar god of
Dvaraka, where the sun sets in the sea. He was identified
with Dionysos by the Greeks, and he possesses the same
attributes of love and dance and song and death — lord
of the dark region where the germs of all things are
quickened. A god who faces towards the west, and who
inflicts blindness and death, is near akin to such a god.
In after times the priests of the Sun- god of Multan protected
their town by threatening to exhibit his idol ; he, too, darted
darkness and death. Both Demetr and Gisan^ were probably
forms of solar deities.
But we are not left entirely to speculation, for a passage
in Arrian's "Indica" (c. 7) places the identity of GisanS
and Krishna beyond question. Arrian, quoting Megasthenes,
says that Dionysos " instructed the Indians to let their hair
grow long in honour of the god"; therefore Dionysos is
Gisan6, and Gisan£ must be Krishna.
Krishna's hair was braided. Both Gisanfi and these
Indians had long, and as Avdall puts it, braided hair : it
was their sacred and especial mark. The Rajputs are the
only clans of Northern India who have always made long
hair their boast, and cultivated it as sacred. The Tamils
wear long hair ; so did certain ascetics ; and the Sikhs do the
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314 THE INDIANS IN ARMENIA.
Bame. But the Sikhs are mostly of Jat origin, akin to and
imitators of the Rajputs. And the residue of the Tamik
who dwelt in the Indus Valley has been long ago absorbed
and Hinduised. Colonel Tod has some wonderful speculations
on the westward migrations of the Yadavas in pre-Christian
times. He would probably recognise in these Armenian
Indians some connection of the Yadavas, for the Yadavas-
dwelt on the lower Indus, and were the fellow-countrymen
and worshippers of Krishna. But whether they were
Yadavas or not, I think we may conclude with considerable
probability that the Armenian Indians came of the same
aboriginal stock from which many of the western Rajput
clans were subsequently developed.
Apart, however, from these speculative conclusions, we
gather three interesting facts. First, Gisan§, Krishna, and
Dionysos are three interchangeable names of the same deity.
Second, the statues of Demetr and Gisane are among the
earliest Indian idols of which we have any detailed account.
And they are not Brahmanical. Thirdly, although the
westward migration of these Indians cannot have been the
first of its kind, it is the earliest we know of. Such
migrations have been comparatively rare, but the gypsies,,
and the 200,000 Indians carried captive by Timur to
Samarkand are other instances in point. On the whole we^
have to thank Zenob for having preserved an interesting
little bit of history.
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315
XVI.
A PBOJECTED EDITION OF THE MUFADDALIYAT.
By sir CHARLES LYALL.
TN 1885 Professor Heinrich Thorbecke, then of Heidelberg,
published the first part of his edition of the collection
of selected ancient Arabic poems (v:^Uli^l, or csJl^L-.fv "jS ,
or ijlxi^l jjUaSll), made, at the instance of the Caliph
al-Mansur, for the instruction of his son, afterwards the
Caliph al-Mahdi, by Abu-l-*Abbas al-Mufaddal, of the tribe
of Pabbah (died 168). This collection, more generally
known as the Mufaddallydty consisted, according to the
Kitdb al-Fihrist (p. 68), of 128 poems, of which the published
portion contains 42. In January 1890, Professor Thorbecke
died, and the edition has not been carried further.
The MSS. which he had at his disposal were the Berlin
codex,^ containing the odes with the commentary of al-
Marzukl (died 421), which formed the basis of the edition,
and the Vienna and London (Brit. Mus.) MSS., both recent
copies of originals in the East, the former of one at
Constantinople and the latter of one at Baghdad. These
two contain only short glosses in explanation of the poems,
and follow a different order (see below) from that adopted
by al-Marzukl. The Berlin codex is unfortimately very
incorrect, besides being defective at the end, and it would
have been impossible to print the commentary from it as
it stood.
Before Prof. Thorbecke's most lamented death, however,
he had acquired a copy, made for him in 1887 and 1888,
of the Cairo MS. of the commentary on the Mufadd^liydt
* Described in Ahlwardt, Six Poets, preface, p. xx.
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316 A PROJECTED EDITION OF THE MUFADDALITAT.
by al-Anbarl ; and since then another copy of the same
oommentary, procured in Egypt by Count Landberg, has
passed into the possession of Yale University, II.S.A.
A second MS. with short glosses, dated 1067, and in its
general character resembling the Vienna codex, also formed
part of the Landberg collection, and is now at Yale. Five
other MSS., moreover, exist at Constantinople, and have
been described by Dr. HafEner in the Vienna Zeitschrift
/. d. Kunde d. Morgenlandes, xiii, p. 344, one at least of
which gives the commentary of al-Anbari in its complete
form. In 1308 there appeared at Constantinople the first
volume of an edition containing the poems in the text and
order of al-Anbari, with an abridged commentary derived
from that scholar's work.
From an examination of these new materials it appears
that, apart from al-Marzuki's commentary, all the other
current editions of the collection, mostly exhibiting short
glosses, are based on the text and commentary of al-Anbarl.
The glosses in the Vienna, London, and Yale (2) MSS. are
all drawn from this source, and the abridgment of the
printed Constantinople edition is taken from it with little
or no variation. Further, in the numerous citations of
poems belonging to the collection contained in 'Abd-al-
Kadir's Khizdnat al-Adab the commentary of al-Anbari is
invariably quoted, almost always in a complete form. This
commentary, therefore, may be regarded as the standard
text and exposition of the Mufaddallydt. And had Professor
Thorbecke had in his possession the materials which are
now available, it can scarcely be doubted that he would
have decided to print al-Anbarl's text, and probably also
his commentary, rather than to abide by the text of
al-Marzuki, of considerably later date, and contained only
in one faulty codex.
In 1895 I proposed to the Deutsche Morgenldndische
Oesellschq/t to continue Thorbecke's edition, and my offer
was accepted. Circumstances, however, prevented me from
carrying out this project. Later on, when I finally retired
from the Indian Civil Service, I resumed it, and had then
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A PROJECTED EDITION OF THE MUFALDALITAT. 317
to consider what course should be adopted — whether to
complete the work on the plan followed by Thorbecke, of
giving only tiie text, with extracts from the commentaries
in the separate notes, or to begin again with a fresh text,
each verse followed by its commentary, based upon the
standard recension of al-Anbari. In favour of the first
course was the natural piety due to the memory of a great
scholar and beloved colleague, whose work, the outcome of
so much labour and in itself so admirable, would otherwise
remain incomplete. In favour of the second was, in the
first place, the fact that al-MarzGki's text, which follows
a different arrangement from that of all other available
MSS., is incomplete in the latter half, and thus unfit to
form the basis of an edition ; and next, the conviction that,
for the right understanding of ancient Arabian i)oetry, we
cannot afford to neglect such sources of information as the
early commentaries furnish. In al-Anbari's work we have,
moreover, not only a compilation of the greatest importance
to the interpretation of the poems, but also a text guaranteed
by an unbroken succession from al-Mufaddal himself. Al-
Mu&ddal, who died in 168, had for his continiiator his
stepson Tbn al-A'rabl (died 231) ; from the latter the
tradition was carried on by Abu 'Ikrimah *Amir b. 'Imran
ad-Pabbi ; and from Abu 'Ikrimah, al-Anbarl (died 304)
received it. The Pihrist is explicit in pointing to Ibn al-
A'rabl as the source of the only correct text (p. 68) : —
cTjli-kiJl i\X^\ ij\:x^\ j\^i\ [ J1aJ\] J^ ^J^ ^
As has already been mentioned, al-Anbari's commentary
is the source from which nearly all the glosses in later copies
of the collection are derived. Although in places prolix,
and (like most native commentaries) full of repetitions and
superfluous matter, it contains much valuable lexical material;
aud it has the great merit of almost always citing the
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318 A PROJECTED EDITION OP THE MUFADLALITAT.
authority for the various interpretations given, and thus
enabling us to estimate the weight to be attached to each.
After much deliberation, and consultation of those best
qualified to give advice, I have decided upon the second
course — to publish al-Anbarl's text and commentary in fuU^
The work is well advanced. I have been favoured by Yale
University, to which my hearty thanks are due, with the
loan of the two Landberg MSS., of which I have made
a transcript and collation. I have also had at hand, through
the kindness of Dr. J. Hess, of the University of Fribourg,.
a copy of the Constantinople edition of 1308 ; and the
Council of the German Oriental Society have been good
enough to place at my disposal the collections upon which
Professor Thorbecke worked, containing his transcripts of
the Berlin and Vienna MSS. and a copy by the late Professor
W. Wright of the London MS., besides the copy of the
Cairo MS. already mentioned. I have also to thank the
Royal Library at Leipzig for the loan of the very ancient
fragment (dated 472) of al-Anbari, containing (in whole
or part) five of the poems with their commentary. With
these aids, and with the assistance of other works such as
the Aghdnl and the KhizcLnahy and the numerous citations
in the great lexicons and other treatises on the lang^ge
of the ancient poems, I hope to constitute a trustworthy
text. If it should hereafter prove possible to obtain a
collation of the original MSS. at Constantinople, this will
be an additional guarantee of the greatest value.
In the Fihriat (p. 76) the commentary on the Mufad4aUydt
is ascribed, not to Abu Muhammad al-Kasim al-Anbari, but
to his son Abu Bakr Muhammad, commonly called Ibn al-
Anbarl (271-318). In the Khlzdnah it is cited under the
latter's name; and in the Lisdn al-'Arab (s.v. J^, vol. iv,
p. 314) and Tq; ai-'Arus he is also quoted as Hie author.
In the Landberg MS., however, the book is ascribed, in the
title of each volume and the colophon of the whole work, to
the father; and the same is the case with the Leipzig
fragment, which contains the beginning and end of the
fourth volume of a codex originally consisting of four
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A PROJECTED EDITION OF THE MXTFALLALITAT. 315
volumes.^ The preface appears to leave no doubt as to the-
real state of the case, and I therefore quote it entire : —
JU *-ix i^\jJi ^\y^\ ^jA\ ju^.s^ ^-j jw4^\^il> yl ^y-^'
U-Jb ^\ ^ ^JJiJ JlS sjj\ji\ mJ^\ ^ji '^^^^^ J-i ^' ^J^
jUj ^ ,Ujb:^ aUI Juis ^1 ^^ Uju:^\ A3^/j^ Up-T ^1 l^^V
Jc4«^yl JlS * ,^^1-iSt J-oftJl ^ WssA ij\^i [yb^] ^^^^^
ai\ Jufi U^ u^Ju^Sl/j U ^'^^l^^j^ ^y^ \A JjL\ c^^
,x^^^\jSj^ ^\ ^\ vi^ l^ Ixcy Uli ♦ <dll ^U» J\ ijuoy^ ti
1|-j5^^ U;*^ U^T ^\ l^jl ^^ Ux \^\j»i ^\j \j> *Wfi ^^^
J-c^ J-:>- dU^ ViT?*^^ 3 *^' ^^-^ Vi^' <U-tf^ J 4j"^^^^Uy*5^
AiSj jya:^\ jUs^ \)\ ^\ \^SJ^^ ^\ JlS ijj\fji\ c?^^ ^' J^
* The colophon of this MS. is the oldest extant testimony on the snbject ;
it reads thus: —
* MS. j^Ul ^. * MS. ^y>-/ll^J^.
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320 A PROJECTED EDITION OF THE MUFADLALIYAT,
|Ji )p LJlJ Jl5 ^\ JiiJl JIS ^]^:i1
Here it is plain that the whole form of the work is due to
the father, Abu Muhammad, who claims to have received the
text and the exposition of it from Abu *Ikrimah ad-Pabbi,
and then to have consulted various other authorities whom
he names, who added material both to the text and the
commentary (al-bait wat-tafslr) as rendered by Abu 'Ikrimah.
He then submitted the work to Abu Ja*far Ahmad b. *XJbaid,
and went with him through the whole, text and commentfury
alike. Abu Ja*far corrected Abu 'Ikrimah in various points,
which are set forth in their proper places. The basis of the
book {^amud ai-kitdb) is the text and commentary of Abu
^Ikrimah, and the rest is supplementary to it.
Nothing can be clearer than this. But the son adds at
the beginning that he read through the book, text and
commentary, with his father ; and there are throughout the
work occasional (but very few) remarks evidently added by
the son, generally beginning gala abi, or gala Abu Bakr;
one of these, it will be seen, occurs at the end of the preface.
It may, therefore, be concluded that, while the book is the
work of the father, it has been revised and edited by the son,
and carries the authority of the latter as well as the former ;
whence it happens that the references to it generally name
the son, who was the better scholar and more celebrated man
of the two.
I have thought that it would be of interest to Arabic
scholars to learn that this important work is being prepared
for publication ; and if any of those who read these lines are
able to indicate MSS. or published works not known to me
which should be consulted, I shall thankfully profit by their
assistance.
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321
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
£dv. Leumann. Zarathustra. En Bog om Persernes
gamle Tro. Vols. i-ii. (Kobenhavn, 1899-1902.)
Some of the oldest and best manuscripts of the A vesta
are in the possession of the Copenhagen University Library,
and the first complete edition of the text is due to the
Danish scholar Westergaard. Since his time Danish scholars
have always taken a keen interest in the study of
Zarathustra's religion. The latest and best result of this
interest is the work which Dr. Lehmann has laid before
the public.
Dr. Lehmann has devoted many years to the study of
the Avesta. His philological Guru is Professor Geldner,
of Berlin, and it is not difficult to trace the influence of
the master in the exactness of his methods. Dr. Lehmann
does not, however, approach the Avesta principally as
a philologist. His point of view is, above all, that of the
history of religious ideas. With regard to the various
questions about Zarathustra's date or the locality in which
he lived, he does not profess to furnish new materials. The
development of religious ideas, on the other hand, and their
relation to the national character of the Persians, has been
traced with great ingenuity and learning, in a lively and
pointed style. It is a pity that the book is not accessible
to those who do not know Danish, and it would certainly
be worth while to prepare an English translation of it.
S. K.
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322 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Paul Deussen. Erinnerungen an Indien. (Kiel und
Leipzig : Lipsius & Tischer, 1904.)
English literature abouods with books that exhibit
^ similar title. But there will be none similar in contents.
For Professor Deussen, well known through his masterly
publications on general and Indian philosophy, has been
travelling as a Veddnta fnisstonart/y who knows how to find
a spiritual bridge between Christian and Hindu thought.
And he most vividly describes the intimacy which all over
India he obtained with his Vedantic brethren and with
native scholars and other types of people. The book closes
with an Appendix, written in English, " on the philosophy
of the Yedanta and its relations to Occidental metaphysics.'^
It does not matter much that the author, when touching
politics, naturally speaks a little too much in favour of
Hindu views against the English. He also proves himself
110 particular friend of the Ceylonese Buddhists, as he
estimates them chiefly according to their moderate ability
in speaking Sanskrit. As to this, the writer of these lines,
when thanking the author for a copy received, remarked:
" If those Buddhists were to judge t/ou from your proficiency
in speaking Pdlif they might perhaps be obliged to speak
^ven less favourably of you than you do of them." Anyhow,
the book under notice certainly deserves some attention also
on the part of the English public. It may even be expected
that by and by it will be turned into English and into some
•of the Indian vernaculars. Though it is a beautifully bound
Tolume, numbering 256 pages, and containing sixteen extra
leaves with photographic views, its price is only about
six shillings. Ernst Lbumann.
Strassburg University.
Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens, von Morris
Jastrow, Jun., Professor der semitischen Sprachen an
der Universitat Pennsylvania. 2 und 3 LieferungeiL
(Giessen : Eicker, 1902-3.)
The continuation of the German translation of Professor
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DIB KEUGION BABYLONIENS HOT) A8STRIBNS. 323
Jaatrow's " Religion of Babylonia and Assyria " makes upon
the reader, the more he studies it, the impression that it ia
a work of the highest importance, and indispensable to all
whose speciality is the history of religion. The book shows
«n enormous amount of systematic research, and furnishes
the material wherewith to form an opinion concerning the
religion of the Babylonians and Assyrians at various periods
•of their long history. The amount of information it contains
is large, and the discussion of comparatively imimportant
details, though somewhat confusing to the comprehension of
the whole, gives it an additional value, for none can know
to what important fact a detail, rightly understood, may
ultimately lead.
Speakiug of the goddess IStar, the author points out that
Innana, Nanft, Nina, and Anunit are all designations of that
goddess, and that it is best to regard them as being local
names. There seems to have been a tendency to look upon
her as the one great female divinity, hence the use of the
word istarit as synonymous with iltu, ^goddess.' In the
author's opinion she has her own sphere, and carries on
her existence without any connection with a masculine
deity. With regard to this it may be noted that the
name of Tammuz, her spouse, occurs as early as the time
of Lugal-anda and IJru-ka-gina,^ and notwithstanding that
we have no records proving the existence of the well-known
legends concerning IStar and Tammuz at that early period,
there is every probability that they had already taken form.
It is true that Tammuz seems not to have attained a greater
importance in Babylonia than did Adonis, his counterpart,
in Greece, but the goddess of reproduction and the god of
the recurring seasons represent ideas so closely related that
they could not reasonably be separated — they are, in fact,
^complements of each other.
The monograph on the god Anu at the earliest period of
Babylonian history is especially noteworthy. The goddess
Ban was his daughter, and Nin-gi§-zida his son, whilst
^ Begarded as haying reigned 4,000 or 4,500 years B.C.
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824 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Nannar, the moon, in the insoriptions of Ur-Engur, is called
" the mighty steer of Anu," proving that the last-named was^
already, at that early date, the god of the firmament.
Professor Jastrow's researches lead him to the conclusion
that in the earliest times the worship of the heaven-god wa»
not in special favour. This would be due to the fact that
a god of the heavens is an abstract idea, and could not become
a popular belief. In the time of Hammurabi, Babylonia'^
great lawgiver, things had changed somewhat, and political
concentration in the Euphrates-valley brought to a focus
the intellectual life of the land. The author is of opinion
that the manner in which the name Anu is written in the
Babylonian inscriptions of that period indicates that the
people had not yet reached the abstract principle which lies
in the idea of a god of the heavens, notwithstanding that
a certain amount of personification was unavoidable. The
spelling referred to is the use of the characters -»^ ^^, anna^
the word for ' heaven ' as a material idea — the vault which
we see over our heads. It is doubtful, however, whether
much can be based on this evidence, as it may be merely
a device of the scribes to avoid writing the determinative
prefix of divinity, i.e. >-4" ^^ instead of -«^ >-«^ ^^,
D.P. An-na, or »->]f- ]^ ^, D.P. A-na, just as we meet with
->f- */- J^ ^^> An-nu-ni'tu^, instead of *->{- J^ *^
j^ C<E, D.P. A-nu-ni'tu^, the goddess Anunit. The author
mentions that the goddess Bau is called " child of Anu," but
this he regards as an indication of the personification of the
heavens without deification.
Among the minor deities whose names are discussed may
be mentioned Nin-sah, the latter component of whose name
means, he points out, ' wild swine,' regarded, he says, as
holy by the Babylonians, as also by other nations. The
eating of its flesh was forbidden on certain days of the year,,
reference being made to the calendar in the fifth volume of
the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, pi. 48, where^
for the 30th day of Ab, there are the words '' the flesh of
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DIB RELIGION BABYLONIENS UND ASSYRIENS. 325
a swine he sball not eat, maikadu (? gout) will seize him/^
For the 27th of Tisri, however, in addition to pork, beef
is mentioned : " the flesh of a swine, the flesh of an ox, he
shall not eat — the face is dark," i.e. trouble will result. It
seems probable, however, that these are rather of the nature
of general recommendations than prohibitions, and may,
perhaps, be addressed to a class of persons — ^the tablet
whence they are taken seems to have belonged to one of
a class of agriculturalists attached to the temple of Nebo —
and not to the whole community.
The worship of Nebo, which was most popular in Babylonia,
and also much favoured in Assyria, owed its popularity.
Professor Jastrow thinks, to the fact that, as god of Borsippa,
he stood in close connection with Merodach. This is in all
probability true, but it must not be forgotten that all the
gods of Babylonia were identified with Merodach after he
became the national god of the Babylonians, and that
Merodach, with the attributes of Nebo, the god of writing,
literature, knowledge, wisdom, trade, and commerce, would,
from the mere possession of these attributes, acquire con-
siderable favour. Naturally Nebo's pre-eminence came
comparatively late, when the necessity of furthering the
worship of Merodach no longer existed. In this connection
the author points out that Hammurabi seems intentionally
to have ignored the worship of Nebo, and it is noteworthy
that though that king mentions, in the introduction to his
laws, Nebo's city Borsippa and its temple, the name of the
god does not appear.
The history of the worship of Nebo and its political
signification are well described, its importance being
evidenced by the fact that it was on a distant mountain
named after him that Moses, the great Hebrew law-
giver, died.
The extent of the subject is shown by the wealth of detail
which the book contains, and the number of references which
the author has found it necessary to insert, though these
might have been extended. Separate chapters are devoted
to the pantheon of the time of Hammurabi and the gods of
J.R.A.8. 1904. 22
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326 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
the second rank of his time, between which comes a chapter
upon the gods of the temple-lists (preceding Hammurabi),
of the juridical and mercantile records, and the official
letters (of i^ammarabi's time). In the chapter upon the
remains of animism the various demons are spoken of, as
well as the Anunnaki and the Igigi. The latter are
described in the texts as the gods of the heavens, whilst
the former were apparently regarded as the gods or spirits
of the earth, and it may be noted that as Anunna is found
instead of Anunnaki, the ending aki is in all probability
simply a termination, of which the syllable ki is generally
dropped. The meaning would then be simply ' the gods of
the great waters,' as has been already suggested, and, if it
be correct, possibly designates the gods of the earth as those
who brooded over the deep at the creation, when as yet no
land had appeared. Their mention at the coming of the
Flood would seem to confirm this. The Igigi were 'the
great princes ' of the gods, but there is much uncertainty as
to the meaning of the name. Taken separately, its elements
mean ' five one one,' pointing, according to Hommel, to the
use of the numeral * five ' as a separate group, from which
Jensen contends that there was at first a five-day week,
replaced later on by one of seven days. Other inscriptions
give the Igigi as eight in number, whilst the Anunnaki are
said to have numbered nine. Professor Jastrow's twelfth
chapter, which is not finished in the third Lieferung, deals
with the Assyrian pantheon, which differed from that of
Babylonia in many essential particidars.
The book is a mine of information upon the religious
beliefs of the Babylonians and Assyrians, and will long
remain the standard work upon the subject. As far as
published it contains 224 pages, and there are seven parts
still to come, so that its extent may easily be judged.
There is no doubt that this German edition will be a great
advance on the English original, and, in addition to many
extra chapters, pictures of the divinities of Babylonia and
Assyria are promised, provided sufficient subscribers to this
can be obtained.
T. G. PlNCHBS.
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THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY IN ISLAM. 327
T. J. DE BoER. The Histoby of Philosophy in Islam.
Translated by E. K. Jonas, B.D. pp. 216. (London :
Luzac & Co., 1903.)
A handbook of the philosophy of Islam has long been
a desideratum, and this subject is dow dealt with for the
first time in a special volume. Munk's sketch, to which
the author alludes in his opening words, is only part of
a larger work, and has moreover become rather rare. Yet
Dr. de Boer is hardly justified in describing his book
as the first attempt (since Munk) to present in connected
form a history of philosophy in Islam. In the second
volume of Stockl's Oeschichte der Philoaophie dea Mitteleltera
the principal Arab philosophers are discussed at some
length. This work has, however, two disadvantages. In
the first place, its material is not drawn from originals,
but from Latin versions, and in the second place it
ignores the whole of the early period of the development.
Dr. de Boer's book not only excels in fulness of matter,
but also in inner unity, and shows clearly the growth of
Moslim philosophy from the first timid expressions to
a world of thought teeming with life and movement.
Dr. de Boer has called more attention than any of his
predecessors to those conditions which prepared the Moslim
to develop a philosophy. The majority of earlier students
laid too much stress on the theological aspect of the
question, although there is no doubt that theology gave
a powerful impulse to metaphysical speculation. A kind
of Weltanschauung existed in Arabia even in pre -Islamic
times, and found expression in the ancient poetry as well
as in the Qoran. A people without book literature is, of
course, unable to condense its leading ideas into anything
like a system. Certain notions about the structure of the
universe, the beginning and end of things, and the destiny
of man were rife among the people. These are distinctly
reflected in the Qoran. The idea of the Logos appears in
it under three different names, of which Kaldm is one. The
-employment of this term for what Dr. de Boer calls
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328 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
* Theological Dialectics ' has, therefore, its root in the-
Qoran itself. SomethiDg similar may be said of the problem
of human free-will. Dr. de Boer would find difficulty in
proving that its discussion only came iuto prominence under
the influence of Christian dogmatics. The earlier portions
of the Qoran contain passages to the effect that *^ every
man is hostage for what he deserves" (Sura lii, 21, and
often). This doctrine also permeates the older Rabbinic
literature. It would not, perhaps, have assumed such
importance in the Mutazilite Kaldm had not Mohammed
subsequently (probably from political reasons) changed his
attitude and reduced man's free-will to a mere shadow.
These instances show that the stimulus to philosophic
discussion was not, in the first instance, imported from
abroad.
Dr. de Boer appears to be the first to give a systematic
exposition of theories of prominent Mutazilites, and the
pages devoted to them are both instructive and interesting.
He then shows how Neo-Pythagorean and Neo-Platonic ideas
lifted Moslim thought beyond the pale of mere theological
quibbles and landed it on the more solid ground of the
study of nature. This led to the formation of the society
of the ' Brethren of Purity ' (as they should be called, rather
than ' Faithful Brethren ').
During this period there arose the first ' real Peripatetic *
in Islam, viz. al-Eindi (ninth century), who, in his person^
furnishes the proof of the rapidity with which the Arabs
had become imbued with the spirit of Greek science. He
was a man of such comprehensive learning that Arab^
literateurs styled him 'the Philosopher.' He was the first
eminent Arab mathematician. His works are, unfortunately,
lost, but the influence he exercised on the further develop-
ment of studies among his countrymen was enormous.
In the chapter on al-Farabi we miss an allusion to
Steinschneider's great book on his works. There is also
a contemporary of al-Farabi who has hitherto been neglected
in all expositions of Arab philosophy, although he deserves to*
be mentioned. His name was Abu Ja'kub Ishaq b. Soleiman
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THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY IN ISLAM. 329
^l-IsraUi, and the fact that he was a Jew does not affect
the matter, as his philosophy has no religious colouring
whatsoever. He was body physician to Obeid Allah, the
founder of the Fatimide dynasty at Kairowan. He was
also the author of a great work on ''Fevers/' and wrote
a ''Book of Definitions" in Arabic. Of the latter work
only a fragment of the original has been preserved, but
a complete Hebrew translation of it exists in print.
Beginning with a discussion of the terms philosophy and
philosopher, be, in short paragraphs, takes the reader over
all branches of philosophy, thus giving a small philosophic
-encyclopsDdia, always adding his own views. Ibn Sina
«eems to have been influenced by his conception of nature
and psychology.
One of the great merits of Dr. de Boer's book is that
the names of Moslim scholars who have hitherto been little
known outside the circle of students of Arab literature have
been introduced into it. Ibn al-Haitham's work on " Optics "
secures him a place among path-finding scientists, and he
«njoyed an undisputed authority in Christian Europe for
many centuries. Not less pleasing is the circumstance that
the reader of Dr. de Boer's work is made acquainted with
the name of the learned and ingenious Ibn Khaldiin, himself
a prominent historian. At his epoch Islam had run through
an eventful history of more than six centuries. Being
a keen observer and independent critic, Ibn Ehaldun
remained unaffected by the theological reaction created by
al-Ghazali. The marvellous literary activity of the Arabs
in all branches of learning, which so largely benefited
European culture, had been fertilized by Greek thought.
The Arab influence did not stop even after the collapse of
Aristotelian philosophy in Europe, and many traces of it
^xist to this day. Thus they returned with interest what
they had borrowed from Europe. Dr. de Boer has embodied
an enormous amount of material in a comparatively small
Tolume. What he says is so clear and concise that the
attentive reader cannot fail to derive instruction in one of
the finest chapters of human thought.
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330 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Special gratitude is due to the translator for the excellent
English version, which makes this important work accessible
to all who are not able to read the original.
H. HiRSCHFELD.
Samyutta Nikaya Gatha Sannaya. By Suriyagoda
SuMANGALA Bhikkhu. 8vo ; pp. 160. (Printed at
the Jinalankara Press, Colombo, 1903.)
This is an edition, with word for word translation into
Simhalese, of the verses in vol. i of the Pali Text Society's
edition of the Samyutta, pp. 1-142. I have collated about
one-fourth of it with L^on Feer's edition, and find it is
very well done. It often gives better readings, though the
differences are not noted. About half a dozen times an
alternative reading to the one adopted is given in a note,
but there is no mention of the manuscript authorities used or
referred to. Nevertheless, the work will be of considerable
use, as it gives the traditional readings and meanings, as
handed down in Ceylon, of these verses, often as difficult
as they are interesting. A notice in Simhalese on the cover
states that it is only the first fasciculus of a work intended
to include all the verses in that Nikaya, and that part ii
is in the press. The author, who is resident at the Sri
Vardhana Arama Vihara at Kolupitiya, Colombo, is well
known as one of the most promising younger scholars in
the island, and we congratulate him on this fresh proof
of his activity. The work is, of course, primarily intended
for use in Ceylon, but it would be wise to put on the cover
of part ii, in English, the price, in English money, at which
European scholars could purchase copies. It would also be
a great improvement if the author would, at the end of each
Sutta, give us, in brackets, the volume and page of M. Feer's
edition. Thus, on p. 57, after Jara - suttam, the figures
(1. 38). At present it is not easy to find out where, in this
new edition, any particular verse in the old edition can
be found. We trust that this important and interesting
undertaking will soon be continued and finished.
Rh. D.
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LAWS OF MOSES AND CODE OF HAMMUEABI. 331
The Laws of Moses and the Code of Hammurabi. By
Stanley A. Cook, M.A. (London : Adam & Charles
Black, 1903.)
All those who know Mr. Stanley Cook's work would
naturally expect something of importance upon the subject
with which this book deals, and they will not be disappointed.
The work is full of information, stated in such a way as
to be comprehensible to all, and the comparisons are made
with that critical acumen which is distinctive of the author.
Concerning the question of the origin of the dynasty to
which Hammurabi belonged, there is probably much more
to be said than the author has stated in the first two
chapters of his work, but it is doubtful whether a definite
answer could be given, even were all our knowledge
brought to bear upon it. Nevertheless, it is one which has
considerable importance for the origin of Babylonian law,
as Mr. Cook justly points out. With the exception of the
names of Apil-Sin and Sin-muballit, Hammurabi's father
and grandfather, all the names contained in his dynasty,
his own included, have a foreign look, but whether they
are Amorite or Arabic is difficult to decide, notwithstanding
that the reference to an Arabian dynasty (the names of
whose kings, by the way, as far as they are given, are
of a distinctly late form) by George the Syncellus has often
been cited in connection therewith. Samsu for Sam§u, in
the names Samsu-iluna and Samsu-titana,^ is noteworthy,
as well as the element Ammi in Ammi-titana and Ammi-
zaduga (= Ammi-saduqa), which is regarded by Hommel
as the Babylonian form of the Arabian deity 'Amm ; and
if this explanation be correct, a more strongly-pronounced
form of the name occurs in the first element (Hammu) of
Hammurabi itself, which is once spelled Ammurabi, and
also, to all appearance, Ammurapi, in a letter which probably
belongs to the time of A§§ur-bani-&pli. The author notes
the explanation given by the Assyro - Babylonian lists,
* A variant (titana) seems to show that this is the correct transcription, not
Samsti'satanaj Ammi'Satana.
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332 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Hammu-rabi being explained as Kimta-rapaStu™, ' the wide-
spread family/ and Ammi-saduga ^ as Kimtu"-kittu™, *the
just family.* Such names as these are naturally very
strange, and Hommel justly regards the renderings here
quoted with suspicion.*
Though it cannot be decided whether the kings belonging
to this dynasty came of Arabian or Amorite stock, their
foreign origin would seem to be certain, and this notwith-
standing that they were called the * dynasty of Babylon.*
Their origin, however, hardly affects at present the question
of the derivation of the Code of Hammurabi, which was
probably a native production — in any case, we are not in
a position to prove that it was of foreign origin. The
civilization of Babylonia, indeed, goes back so far, and the
influence of the country was so wide, that they were in
a position not only to become their own law-makers, but
also to give laws to other nations. For the same reason,
moreover, they would themselves, in consequence of the
commercial activity of those early ages, come under the
influence of other nationalities, not only on the west, but on
the east also,' and this could easily have led to modifications,
and even changes, in the laws of Babylonia.
We are accustomed to regard the Israelites as being
a nation among whom a world -renowned code of laws had
spnmg up, revealed to them through their great lawgiver,
Moses, and it is therefore very noteworthy that, as the
author states (p. 55), no professional class of judges existed
among them, and that, as the story of Naboth (1 Kings
xxi) shows, judicial functions, in the eighth century B.C.,
still lay in the hands of the aristocracy and elders. " The
passionate outcry of the prophets against the unjust dealings
of the royal families of the land (Is. i, 23 ; Jer. xxi, 11 sq. ;
Mi. iii, 9) stands in unpleasant contrast with Babylonia,
^ ThuB, with 8f according to the common transcription.
3 Upon the subject of the Arabian origin of Hammurabi's dynasty, consult,
among others, Professor Sayce's remarks in 6. Smith's HUtory of Babylonia
{S.P.C.K., 1895), Preface, p. v.
' Tablets of an earlier date show a considerable carrying trade between
Babylonia and £lam, and probably other countries in the neighbourhood as weU.
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LAWS OF MOSES AND CODE OF HAMMURABI. 333
where Hammurabi, as his letters show us^ inyestigated the
suits of his poorest subjects, and did not hesitate to reverse
the decisions of his governors.''
How much there is that is uncertain in the laws of
Hammurabi may be judged from § 5, which seems to
indicate that a judge could not himself change the judgment
which he had pronounced, though, as the above extract
states, the king could do so. The author justly points out
that it would be hardly natural for the judge to annul or
alter his judgment — however much of a partizan, he would
scarcely go back from his written verdict. The severity of
the punishment makes it hardly likely, also, that the law
refers to judicial error. It is easily conceivable, on the
other hand, that cases might occur — and possibly did occur
— ^in which a judge altered his decision after giving a written
document. It might happen, for example, if a litigant
had a very clear right to the verdict, but the judge was
on the other side. Publicly, the judge would declare justly,
in order to be able to say that he had given a correct
decision, but privately, he would be tempted, by giving
orders to the officers of the court, or in some other way,
to reverse the decision which he had pronounced. Or, being
led by circumstances to change his decision without any
dishonest intent, he might be regarded as trespassing on
the prerogative of the king. As to the severity of the
penalty (a fine of twelve times the amount in dispute, which
the judge who changed his decision had to pay), there
seems to be no reason to doubt the common rendering. In
contracts of late date, one who made a claim at law was
responsible to twelve times the amount in dispute {adi
sinieru tan itanappal) — the same as in the case of the judge
who changed his judgment in the Code of Hammurabi.
The laws relating to the family are dealt with in chapter iv,
and the author comes to the conclusion, against Delitzsch,
that the wife, in Babylonia, was in a position scarcely more
independent than in early Arabian life. This is probably
true, but it must nevertheless be conceded that a wife,
especially if she was a woman of good standing and the
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334 KOTICES OF BOOKS.
first legal wife of a man, had as many privileges as could
consistently be granted. In later times, indeed, a wife-
could own property apart from that of her husband, as in
the case of the wife of Marduk-nasir-abli, otherwise Sirku,
who, in exchange for a slave, the slave's wife, their six
children, and a cornfield beside the canal Tupasu, gave him
two sums of silver and one of gold, a ring, and two slaves,
who had been part of her dowry. This would seem to be
in accordance with the laws of Hammurabi, in which the
right of a woman to all the property which she brought
from her father's house as dowry, etc., is fully recognized.
As far as can be judged, any theory that woman's position,
in Babylonia, was at any time perfectly independent, is very
unlikely, and certainly cannot be proved.
The fundamental idea in the Code of Hammurabi, Mr. Cook
says, is the familiar Semitic one, that marriage is instituted
for the legal perpetuation of the husband's name and estate,
and that the woman is a property which can be acquired by
purchase, in return for which the buyer receives full marital
rights. This, however, is a matter upon which there will
probably be more than one opinion, for the mere fact that
the father of the bride receives a sum of money does not
prove that she became, by that act, one of the bridegroom's
chattels. Originally, there is no doubt, wives were bought,
not only among the Semites, but with other peoples also,
and our own forefathers did the same thing, as the expression
bedgum gebi/cgan, *to buy with rings (of gold)' — that is,.
* seek in marriage ' — clearly shows.^
' One of the earliest examples of this phrase occurs in the so-called * gnomic
verses,' and is to the effect that *' The maiden shall by secret craft seek her friend
(i.e. her lover), if she will not prosper among (her own) folk, that one may buy
her with rings." The manners and customs of the early English in that matter
were apparently not very different from what they are now, and as these verses
go back to some prehistoric period (altered, it is thought, in later times) , they are
of considerable interest. The noteworthy point, however, is that the maiden
herself had no objection to being bought — she even went to seek and to encourage
her buyer. It is unlikely that women in ancient Babylonia had this liberty,
and there is doubt whether they were even consulted as to their future life-
partners. Such marriages are probably even now arranged in France, where
a woman's real liberty only be^ius when she becomes a wife. No one, however,
would in all probability contend that in such a case the wife was bought.
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LAWS OF MOSES AND CODE OF HAMMURABI. 335
The laws against adultery and incest are well treated^
and " the early codification of such laws stands in marked
contrast with what is found elsewhere among the Semites. "^
The punishment for incest with near relatives is exceedingly
severe ; moreover, for the far lesser offence of violating his*
son's wife a man could be bound and cast into the water,
and the violating of another man's bride living in her
father's house was punishable with death. It was only later
that similar laws were enacted in Canaan, and references
are made to Gen. xix, Judges xix, etc. ; " the restrictions in
Lev. xxi, 7, 14, apply only to the priests." The Babylonians,
of Hammurabi's time were, therefore, much more advanced
than their contemporaries in this matter.
Notwithstanding that we find many examples of men
possessing more than one wife, with all the attendant evils
of the system, there is no doubt that the laws regulating
this contributed largely to a prevention of abuses. A good
example of this is the case of Taram-sagila and her adoptive
sister Iltani, from which will be seen how well the interests
of the two women were safeguarded. Nowhere in the
Semitic world, says the author, do we find polygamy so
restricted as in Babylonia.
Just as the laws of the family are discussed, so the author
goes through the whole Code of Hammurabi. There is
hardly a page upon which something of interest may not
be found, and in very many cases noteworthy parallels,
either from the Mosaic Code, the Law of the Covenant,
Syrian Law, or Mohammedan law. All is treated with
great fulness and acumen, and every authority of importance
is quoted repeatedly. The concluding chapter contains
a very short and useful summary of the comparisons which
are made in the body of the work. In the Babylonian
Code the enslaved wife and children are free in the fourth
year, but in the Book of the Covenant not until the seventh
year does the niale Hebrew slave regain his freedom. In the
Covenant a slave-concubine could not be sold to strangers,
but in the Babylonian Code this was only so if she had
borne children. The Babylonians punished the smiting of
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336 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
parents by mutilation (the cutting ofE of the hands), but in
the Covenant the punishment was death. In both codes
the night-thief might be killed on the spot, but the
Babylonian Code enacts further the death penalty for
brigandage, theft from temple or palace, and at a fire, and
the district is responsible for depredations caused by high-
waymen. The amount of restitution ranges from thirty fold
to twofold, bat in the Covenant fivefold for an ox, fourfold
for a sheep, and double if the stolen thing were found in
the thief's possession. In Babylonia the sacrilegious thief
who could not make restitution was put to death, and the
cattle-lifter in Ex. xxii, 3 is sold. If a thief steals a thing
deposited, the owner of the depository must make restitution
and recover from the thief, but in the Covenant he clears
himself by an oath.
The Deuteronomic law in favour of the fugitive slave is
in marked contrast with the severe enactments of the Code
of Hammurabi. The statutes for the protection of the
unfortunate debtor remind us of Israelitish injunctions and
prohibitions, but whilst the latter appeal to the debtor's
(qy. creditor's ?) generosity, and are not always practicable,
the humane laws of the Code of Hammurabi receive the
stamp of authority and are intended to be carried out by the
-courts. Injustice towards the widow and the fatherless was
forbidden and cursed, but one may search in vain for specific
laws analogous to sections 172 and 177 of the Code of
Hammurabi, which protect the widow if her sons afflict her,
and the children in case she decide to marry again.
It is impossible to go over all the ground covered by this
work, but enough has been said to show its value and
thoroughness, and the industry with which the facts it
contains have been collected. More, however, has yet to
be done, and probably much will be added to our knowledge
of the laws of the Babylonians in the near future. The
work so well inaugurated by Meissner in his Beitrdge zutn
nltbabylonischen Privatrecht, published in 1893, needs carrying
forward, notwithstanding the numerous publications upon
the subject which have appeared since. There is also mueli
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338 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
generally found. In the single example of an envelope
which has come to my notice, an addition to the inscription,
and also some very fine cylinder - seal impressions, were
preserved. If the envelopes of all the others were similarly
decorated, there is no doubt that a very important portion
of the archaeological material which originally accompanied
these documents has not been recovered.
A portion of the first two series was excavated by M. de
Sarzec in the year 1893 in a mound designated by the
letter E, about 250 metres south-east of the palace-mound
at Tel-Ioh. They are of the period before Ur-Nina, as is
shown by the fact that the layer in which they were found
is below that containing remains belonging to his time.
As M. Thureau-Dangin does not mention any royal name
in connection with this small series, and as I, too, have
found nothing which could be regarded as indicating who
was the reigning chief, they may be looked upon as barren
of any historical information. The style of the writing is
exceedingly archaic, and similar to that of the inscriptions
which immediately follow.
The second group of the series is of unknown origin, but
in connection with them M. Thureau-Dangin makes a very
important suggestion. He notes that a god whose name
is written with the characters Su - kur - ru is frequently
mentioned, and that these characters, in the tablet 82—8-16, 1
(published by me, with additions, in S. A. Smith's Miscel-
laneous Assyrian Texts in 1887), when used as the name
of a city, with the proper determinative suffix, stand for
|j|!| Surupag, explained as Suruppak in the Semitic column,
the Suripak of the tablet giving the account of the Flood,
where it is mentioned as the birthplace of IJt-napiStim,
the Babylonian Noah, and also the spot on earth where the
gods decided to destroy mankind by the catastrophe which
the Babylonian patriarch relates. The site of this interesting
-city is still unknown, but there is every probability that
it will be discovered sooner or later, especially if these
•documents were excavated there.
It is on account of the style of the writing (no other
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EECXJEIL DE TABLETTES CHALDEENNES. 339
means of determining their relative position being available)
that M. Thureau-Dangin places this group of tablets before
the time of Ur-Nina. They bear, however, some very
interesting names of rulers, whose titles, unfortunately, are
not given. In two cases their names are compounded with
that of the god of the place, and are read Ma§-Surupak
and Enim-Surupak- . . -zi.
The second series is one of which a great many specimens
have been in the market, and have been purchased for
various museums. There is no doubt, however, that the
French explorers obtained all the more noteworthy specimens
found, as is shown by the fact that, besides Lugal-an-da,
patesi of Laga§, and TJru-ka-gina, king of Lagas (it is
noteworthy, by the way, that the former is called 'king'
at least once), the name of a judge, Ur-E-Innana, occurs,
as well as that of the patesi En-li-tar-zi and his predecessor
En-te-me-na. The dealers seem to have reported that these
tablets came from Madain, but as the texts excavated by
the French explorers were found in a mound close by the
palace-mound at Tel-lob, there is hardly any doubt that,
as the inscriptions themselves indicate, the portions of the
find offered for sale were obtained by the native excavators
on the same site after the official diggings were over. It
is noteworthy that some of these inscriptions are the palace-
accounts of the consorts of En-li-tar-zi and Lugal-anda,
and furnish interesting details as to the provisions, etc.,
needed, as well as the offerings to the deities worshipped
by the inmates of the buildings from which they came.
They are all very carefully written, and are made of well-
baked clay.
The third series consists of a number of tablets which
were found by M. de Sarzec in a mound which he designated
the ' tell des tablettes.' They were heaped up without
order upon the remains of a pavement of baked brick, at
a depth of 3*70 metres. These tablets belong to the
period of Sargani (Sargon of Agad^), his successors, and
contemporaneous patesis, and give several historical details.
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340 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
One of these inscriptions mentions Sargani's campaign
against Elam and Zahara (apparently corresponding with
that first in order in the inscriptions giving omens for his
reign ^), whilst others refer to his expedition to Amurrii
(cf. the second entry of the tablet of omens), which i*
regarded as being identical with Syria. The foundation
of temples at Babylon and Niffer, and the capture of
Sarlak, king of Kutu — possibly Cuthah, near Babylon, now
represented by the mound bearing the name Tell Ibrahim
— are among the historical data contained in this series.
The third entry in the omen-tablet here quoted refers to
Babylon, but its mutilation makes its exact sense somewhat
uncertain. Inscriptions of the patesis or viceroys during
the reigns of Sargani and his son Naram-Sin, namely,
Lugal - usumgala and Ur-6 (or Sur-S*) are also given.
Unfortunately, real chronological data are wanting, and
the history of the early period to which these inscriptions
refer is by no means clear.
The fourth series belongs to the layer uncovered in 1898
and 1900 in the tract north of the * tell des tablettes/
They are of unbaked clay, and though they go down to
the period of Ibi-Sin (Ine-Sin, Ine-Enzu), only those of the
period preceding that of Un-Jlngur are given. They contain
a nimiber of data, which can, in some cases, be arranged
in proper sequence, but more material is required before
anything of real chronological value is possible. One group
of tablets seems to be of a date anterior to that of the
well-known king Gudea, whose statues are now in the
Louvre, and others dated in his reign, as well as that of
Ur-Nin-girsu, his son, are given. Numerous references ta
royal, princely, and high -placed personages of the time
occur, and, with the details concerning their needs and way
of living, will furnish valuable material for reconstructing
the life of the Babylonians at that early period. The
* Cuneiform Inscriptions of TFestei'n Asia, vol. iv, pi. 34.
* The tablet- fragment containing a new version of the Legend of Gilgam^^
discovered and translated bv Meissner, implies that the character ur had, in
non-Semitic (Sumero-Akkaoian) names, the pronunciation of sttr.
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EECUEIL PE TABLBTTBS CHALDEENNES. 341
indioations of the events chosen to date by, such as the
construction of temples, the digging of canals, etc., seem to-
imply that they were a peaceful folk, which would explain
their advancement in civilization — such as it then was.
M. Thureau • Dangin's fifth series is similar to the
preceding. The tablets are of unbaked clay, and belong
to the time of TJr-Engur and part of that of Dungi, his
son. Of the same period are also the tablets of the sixth
series published in this work. Part of them is of unbaked
clay, and the remainder (which was found in the southern
part of the ' tell des tablettes,' arranged orderly in super-
imposed layers upon ledges of earth along the two sides
of narrow subterranean galleries) of similar material well
baked. It is during this period that we get something
like effective chronological data in the lists of events drawn
up to date by, like those published by Professor Hilprecht
in his Old Babylonian InscriptiotiSy Nos. 125 and 127. Here
warlike expeditions are frequently referred to, as well as
the restoration of temples, the enthronement of high-priests,
and the dedication of objects to the gods. A large number
of tablets belonging to this period exists, and others are,
from time to time, brought to Europe. The dates of these
inscriptions begin with what M. Thureau-Dangin regards
as the twenty - fifth entry of the chronological tablet
published by Hilprecht, i.e. the investiture of the lord
thought to be the high-priest of Eridu, and goes on to refer
to the third campaign against Simurru ; the third against
Oanhar; the campaign against Andan; the construction of
Dur-mftti, * the fortress of the land ' ; the building of the
temple of Dungira (Dungi), which M. Thureau - Dangin
identifies with that called Pi-§a-ii-Dagana ; the campaign
against §a§ru; the ninth campaign against Simurru and
Lulubu ; the campaign against KimaS ; and that against
Hardi and Humurti. If all the entries in the chronological
list published by Hilprecht belong to Dungi, he must have
ruled, according to the author, at least forty -five, and
possibly fifty years.
J.R.A.8. 1904. 2:{
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342 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
There is no doubt that his was a long and most successful
reign, and, indeed, this would also appear from the number
of royal inscriptions of Dungi extant. For the reign of
his successor, Btir-Sin, seven dates are quoted, the last being
that of his ninth year, when the high -priest of Nannara
(the Moon-god) at Kar-zida was invested. Seven dates are
also quoted for Gimil-Sin, the king who followed BAr-Sin,
during whose reign the western wall, called muriq Tidnim,
was constructed. Ibi-Sin, with one date only — perhaps the
second or third of his reign — finishes the series, and as no
inscriptions of successors are known with certainty, it may
be conjectured that some catastrophe overtook the dynasty,
bringing it to a sudden end.
The chronological conclusion to which M. Thureau-Dangin
comes is, that if Nabonidus's statements with regard to the
date of Naram-Sin, son of Sargon of Agad6, showing that
it corresponded with the thirty - eighth century B.C., be
correct, then the accession of Ibi-Sin could hardly have
taken place less than 3500 or 3400 B.C. Entemena would
then have reigned about 4000 B.C., the earliest series of
texts published would fall * in full fifth millennium,' and it
is difficult to believe that these dates are not too high.
This opinion concerning the earliest chronology of the
Babylonians is shared by most Assyriologists, and more
material for testing Nabonidus's statement is much needed.
A thousand years later as the date of these later dynasties
is certainly more reasonable — indeed, 2500 years B.C. as
the period of Dungi, B£ir-Sin, Gimil-Sin, and Ibi-Sin, is
just that which we should expect. Doubtless Nabonidus's
antiquarian enthusiasm led him to overestimate the date of
his great predecessor of Agad^, and in the absence of the
pride of youth, the pride of length of days is a failing with
nations and individuals alike. Nabonidus's chronological
indications naturally depended largely on the accuracy of
the scribe or scribes who supplied him with the information.
All Assyriologists will be grateful to M. Thureau-Dangin
for his really valuable work, so conscientiously and pains-
takingly, and withal so modestly performed. It is a book
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THE ARMY OP THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 343
^hich no student of that early period in the history of
Babylonia can possibly neglect.
T. G. Pinches.
The Army of the Indian Moohuls. By W. Ikvinb.
(London, 1903.)
" The Army of the Indian Moghnls, its Organisation and
Administration" is the title of a book lately published by
Mr. W. Irvine, which appears to be part of a larger work
dealing with the later Indian Moghul system of administration
in all its branches. He has been prompted to anticipate in
this preliminary investigation the earlier sections of his
subject, by the appearance of Dr. Horn's essay on a similar
theme, and the first seven chapters have already appeared
in the Journal of the R.A.S. for July, 1896. These earlier
sections, from which he has been diverted by the perusal of
Horn's "Das Heer- und Eriegswesen der Gross- Moghuls,"
treating of the Sovereign, the Court ceremonial, and the
system of Entitlature, were at the time little more than
sketched out, and will now be continued, no doubt, without
interruption. All this, however, is to serve merely as an
Introduction to a complete history of that period already
planned and commenced. So far the time occupied in these
preliminary studies has been ten years, and Mr. Irvine
appears to have no misgiving that health and opportunity
will be granted for the completion of his formidable task.
The work under notice has run to 300 pages, and the whole
system of government " in all its branches " has yet to come,
presumably with the same elaborate detail and conscientious
pursuit of accuracy, not only in minute particularities of
reference to multitudinous authors, but in the philology of
all Oriental terms employed. The same authorities for the
period he deals with, viz. the reigns of Aurungzeb's successors,
1707-1803, will probably serve him in many of his other
investigations and lighten his task, but the list quoted at
the close of his book includes a range of reading so extensive
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344 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
that, if we are to judge of Hercules from his foot, the-
remaining volumes of the Introduction alone will entail
a research as exhaustive, and employ a period as considerable,
as that which has already engaged his diligence. If
Mr. Irvine will permit a suggestion tending to shorten his
labours, it is that he should master the art of selection and
compression. There is abundant evidence in his account of
the Moghul army of his uncommon familiarity with the
authors he refers to, many of whom he must consult in the
original manuscripts in his own possession or in the British
Museum, and of the stores of curious and wide reading from
which he draws auxiliary support or illustration of his
statements. But in its present form the work is less an
account of the Moghul army than a rich storehouse of raw
material to be used by future labourers in the same field, and
not for present enjoyable consumption, more likely to be
perused by those who read to write than by such as read
for pleasurable instruction. It is rather the work of a
scholiast than a historian, a kind of ylossarium de bellicis
rebus wherein the technical terms relating to the personnel
of the army, its equipment, arms, munitions, methods of
attack, defence, and the like, are discussed under separate
headings, with much learning, if with somewhat needless
extracts from various authors on the same subject where
there is little or no real divergence, inducing prolixity and
confusing what is clear. Much of the ground is already
sufficiently covered by Blochmann in the Ain-i-Akbari,
vol. i, and the iteration of doubtful names for different
pieces of armour with conjectural emendations of terms of
equipment not to be found in any dictionary, and of which
the uses even are unknown, are not worth the space of
their record. Antiquarian research is one of the object*
of the Society, but there is a danger to be avoided by
" learned philologists who chase
A panting syllable through time and space.
Start it at home, and hunt it in the dark.
From Greece to Rome and into Noah's Ark."
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THE AHMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 34.>
In a work of this nature, intended, apparently, for in-
corporation in a historical treatise, it is essential that there
should be as little as possible to disturb the attention of
the reader from the main facts of the narrative, lest the
bewildering mass of overloaded details and parenthetical
references to their innumerable sources weary the most long-
enduring patience. Among these avoidable interruptions are
the repeated translations of common Persian nouns, which
«vcry newly-joined subaltern in India learns in a week,
derivations already explained, references of words not only
to common dictionaries but to their pages, a series of
meanings given therefrom when one would suffice, lists
of fortresses and authorities that describe them, names of
killed and wounded in obscure battles, whose mention only
emphasizes the profundity of their oblivion, and endless
citations of manuscripts which perplex without instructing
the scholar. These are defects which would interfere with
the profitable enjoyment of any work, however valuable in
other respects, and they are not mentioned in any spirit of
carping criticism, but to remove a very needless self-imposed
labour on the author with proportionate relief to his readers.
As Mr. Irvine justly observes in his concluding general
observations, the brief but most interesting portion of his
volume, the empire's final collapse was due to its military
decrepitude. There was little loyalty, absolutely no patriotism ;
the army, a body of mercenaries ready to desert or sell itself
to the highest bidder; the infantry, a rabble of half-armed
scarecrows of no account on either side, fit only for
plundering the defenceless, and who had as lief hear the
devil as a drum ; the cavalry, fearful of sacrificing their
horses, for which, if lost, they were never repaid, and
dispersing at once on the death or flight of their leader ; the
artillery, generally immovable, the heavy guns firing one
shot in three hours if they did not burst at the first discharge
— these were the elements of a battle, combined with much
shouting and abusive language and blowing of horns ; its
conclusion the immediate flight, after plundering their own
camp, of the vanquished, or that of the enemy if victorious ;
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346 NOTICES OF BOOKS,
recorded by historians in language of hyperbole that would
be excessive if applied to the campaigns of Alexander^
There were, of course, brave men and gallant deeds at all
times ; these are not confined to any nation nor to any age,
but they did not alter and only brought into greater
prominence the miserable incompetence, the corruption, the
intrigues, the shameless effeminacy, and craven spirit that
marked the degenerate holders of that sceptre once swayed
by the intrepid hands of Baber. After the death of
Aurungzeb in 1707 the tottering structure of this once great
dominion rapidly crumbled to its fall. While supported
and nourished by infusion of vigorous northern blood from
beyond the Himalayas, it continued to flourish with some
show of hereditary power, but when that source failed and
it depended for its endurance on the languid generations of
the Indian plains, shattered by the wide devastation of the
Persian and the Afghan and the assault of the Marhatta, the
insubstantial pageant faded from history.
It may be of service to correct some errors here and there
that deserve emendation. At p. 9 'TJzzam is given as the
plural of A'zam. Like the latter, it is itself an intensive
form of i-kc, and not a plural at all, nor used in the plural.
Possibly a adlim plural might be allowable, though an
instance would be difficult to discover, but a broken plural
it cannot be. No doubt ^ V t^f is intended, which is a plural
of /»:r^.
At p. 19 Ayyam i hildli is rendered ' days of the moon's
rise.' If the transliteration h for ^ is correct, the word has
no connection with the moon, which requires ^ for its
orthography. Jlfc signifies both the new and waning moon ;
during the rest of the month it is called ^;^. If Hil&li be
the right reading, the deduction of pay might refer to days
of rest (J2^-, r. n. 3 of J.;>-), a deduction, as it were^
during halts against travelling or service allowance, but this>
is mere conjecture.
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THE MIDDLE EASTERN QUESTION. 347
P. 29, kamrband for kamarband, ka'bah for qabd. P. 45,
mutdkharin for muta'akhkhirin. P. 48, fardgh for fardkhy
barwat (twice) for burnt, P. 109, mu'dnd for mu*dnid, and
some others.
At p. 66 occurs the following verse : —
" Ohah ydre kunad mighfar o joshan am
Chun fi&ri na kard akhtar roshan am."
Tare should be ydri in the first line, and the second requires
the izd/at after akhtar for its proper scansion. The verse is
mutaqdrib, catalectic in the final syllable. This change
would alter the meaning given, and render the reading Bdri
very doubtful. Tdri seems the more probable word, and
certainly gives the sense, which the other does not.
There are other points on which not a little remains to be
said, but sufficient has been noted to indicate the line taken
by the author in this early portion of his history, and the
advantage of compression in its continuance if he would do
justice to the industry and ability which he brings to his task.
H. S. Jarrbtt.
Thb Middlb Eastern Question, or some Political
Problems of Indian Defence. By Yalbntinb
Ghirol. (London : Murray, 1903.)
Mr. Chirol's book is very well written and eminently
readable, being a pleasant blend of travel, personal obser-
vation, and political speculation. It embraces the whole
frontier of India from Siam to Sistan ; but is mainly
concerned with those burning questions of Anglo -Indian
politics, Persia and the Persian Gulf. Anyone approaching
these subjects for the first time could not choose a better
guide than Mr. Ghirol; while eyen experts will benefit by
studying his lucid risumi of the problem in its very latest
phases. Mr. Chirol brings out with striking clearness the
fact that Russia's present objective seems to be Sistan, to
be followed by an advance straight to some point on the
coast between Earacbi and the mouth of the Gulf. All
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348 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
preliminaries are being carefully settled, the Persian customs
have been captured, under the screen of a subservient
Belgian administration, and before many years are over
we may see another of those Russian encroachments which
it is the fashion here in England to call * inevitable.'
Russia's advance to the shores of the Indian Ocean should
be in no sense more * inevitable ' than a similar movement
by us from Quetta to Sistan, Shiraz, and the Gulf ports.
With us it is the will rather than the power to make
such an advance that is wanting. The accelerated pace
at which Russia is now pushing southwards is the newest
and most striking fact brought out in this book. Lord
Lansdowne's recent declaration that the Persian Gulf is
a British sphere of influence may have done a little to
postpone the course of events. But when the time comes
shall we not, as hitherto, be like the lady who, *' vowing
she would ne'er consent, consented " ? When that comes
to pass, we shall find the protection of our sea-route to India,
the Far East, and Australia a burden almost more than
can be borne. I have no criticisms to offer, for Mr. Chirol's
views are substantially those held by me and, as I believe,
by nearly every other Anglo - Indian. I have noticed,
however, one small oversight. The right of Cambridge
to claim our distinguished member, Mr. E. G. Browne,
must be vindicated ; he is Professor Browne, not of Oxford
(p. 120), but of Cambridge,
Wm. Irvine.
*.
The Raghuvanca, the Story of Raghu's Line, by
Kalidasa. Translated by P. de Lacy Johnstone.
(London : Dent & Co.)
This translation of the most celebrated Sanskrit epic poem
of the classical period is intended, presumably, chiefly for
the benefit of English readers who are not Sanskrit scholars.
It aims, therefore, at preserving the spirit rather than the
mode of expression, the substance rather than the form, of
Kalidasa's poem.
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THE RAGHUVANCA. 349
Mr. de Lacy Johnstone has wisely chosen blank verse as
the most suitable medium for his version ; and he certainly
possesses the somewhat rare faculty of using this medium
effectively and without monotony.
The following passage (Canto ix, lines 79-88 of the
translation) affords a very fair sample of his style : —
** Came in his season Spring, that gracious Lord,
In might all-worshipful, the peer alike
Of Gods of Earth, and Sky, and Wealth, and Sea,
To deck the world with new-bom flowers. The Sun
Turned towards Kuvera's realms his steeds, and cleared
The morning-hours of Frost, and left the slopes
Of well-Ioved Malaya. First burst the buds,
Then sprouted fresh green twigs, with hum of bees
And cuckoos' wooing note : — through tree-clad glade
In order due thus Spring revealed himself."
This is certainly very readable English verse, and the
passage has been chosen as, in point of style, fairly repre-
senting the whole translation. At the beginning of the
passage quoted there is an inversion of the sense and
construction of the original, which may be intentional
or unintentional on the part of the translator; but, if
intentional, it is scarcely justifiable.^ Apart from this, it
is to be noted that the translator has, in these ten lines
of blank verse (= 100 syllables), succeeded in giving an
adequate presentation of every idea in the original passage,
which consists of three drutatilambita verses ( = 144
fivllables).
Everywhere throughout this version Mr. de Lacy Johnstone's
taste and judgment are apparent, and he has certainly com-
pleted his difficult and delicate task with a rare degree of
success.
E. J. R.
^ The ori^nal idea is, of course, that Spring comes with his new flowers as if
to honour King Da^aratJba, the equal of the Gods.
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350 NOUCBS OF BOOKS.
The Mystics, Ascetics, and Saints of India. By Johk
Campbell Oman. (London : Fisher Unwin, 1903.)
In this volume Professor Oman gives us a history of
Indian asceticism with especial reference to its manifestations
at the present day and in times comparatively recent. It is
a common-place— one of those self-evident truths which are
generally disregarded in practice — that the India of to-day
is best understood through a knowledge of the India of the
past ; and there can be no doubt that the converse of this
proposition is equally true, viz., that a knowledge of the
India of to-day is the best possible commentary on the
India of the past. There has, in fact, been a continuity
in the social and religious history of India, which makes it
impossible to imderstand properly any particular phase
without some reference to its position in the whole chain
of development. By placing on record his careful personal
observations of Indian asceticism and its devotees. Professor
Oman has made an important contribution, not only to the
history of Indian religion, but also to the history of religion
generally ; for asceticism in one form or another is a constant
feature in different phases of religious history, though it has
in India attained to a development scarcely to be paralleled
111]' elsewhere.
Professor Oman's book is well illustrated, and it is written
in an interesting style which should make it popular.
E. J. R.
1
I
TiMOTHEos : Die Perser, aus einem Papyrus von Abusir,
herausgegeben von Ulrich von Wilamowitz-
MoLLENDORFF. (Leipzig : Hinrichs, 1903.)
i I I The papyrus, here edited by one of the greatest of living
I classical scholars, was found in 1902 buried with a mummy
in a tomb near Memphis. It has the distinction of being the
oldest known Greek MS. The evidence alike of paleeography
and of the objects found together with it points to a date
probably as early as 350 b.c. The poem itself is a vofio^
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A MANUAL OF KUSALHAN NUMISMATICS. 351
of tlie masician-poet Timotheos of Miletus, who flourished
c. 400 B.C. It is in fact a Ubretto of which we have lost
tiie music. It is to be judged, therefore, from the literary
point of view, as we should judge Wagner's poems if their
music was lost, that is to say, as a work of art necessarily
incomplete.
The language of the poem is extravagant to a degree,
and the superabundance of its metaphors makes us imagine
almost that we are reading — so far as most of us can read
this poem at all without the aid of the paraphrase in
simplified Greek which is thoughtfully supplied — ^a Sanskrit
kdvya. Like a Sanskrit kavya, too, though dealing with
one of the most inspiring and one of the most momentoua
events in hiatory — no less an event, in all probability, than
the battle of Salamis — we may search it through and
through without finding one solitary historical reference of
any importance. The description of the sea-fight might
refer to any sea-fight ; or rather, to be strictly accurate, it
is of the nature of a stock description, such as we are, alas I
only too familiar with in Indian literature, which could
not be properly applied to any human event whatever.^
Disappointing as the work is from the literary point of
view, the discovery of this papyrus, of which an excellent
facsimile is also published, is of the utmost importance for
the study of Greek palaoography.
E. J. K
A Manual op Musalman Numismatics. By 0. Codrington,
M.D., F.S.A. (Asiatic Society Monographs, Vol. VII ;
1904.)
No branch of numiBmatics is, from the historical point of
view, so valuable as that which deals with the coinages of
the Muhammadan powers who, in all the three continents
of the Old World, have taken so prominent a part in the
^ Was there eyer such delicious irony as is contained in the Jain vaHnOf '* the
description as before/' regularly added after the mention of each new name
orpIaeeP
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352 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
history of mankind. This special value is explained by the
fact that, with comparatively few exceptions, Muhanmiadan
coins regularly record the date, the mint, and, from the end
of the second century of the Hejira, generally also the
name of the reigning prince. We have thus preserved an
amount of evidence of the most trustworthy character, which
enables us often either to supply the outlines of the history
of a country during a period for which all other records
liave perished, or to control such other records as may have
survived. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance that all
this evidence should be collected in as complete a manner as
possible ; and any effort to make the study of Muhammadan
numismatics more general, by simplifying those difficulties
which are apt to discourage students at the outset, is to be
commended.
In the present little manual of 240 pages Dr. Codrington
has put together, in an admirably clear and simple form,
all the information and all the practical hints which are
likely to help the student in the actual work of reading and
identifying the coins. He, in fact, puts on record for the
benefit of others the experience which he has himself gained
during many years as a collector of Muhammadan coins.
The only work of the kind available up to the present
time has been Soret's Elements de la Nunmmatique Mmulmane,
a work long since out of print, and somewhat unsatis-
factory as a manual for constant reference because of its
unsystematic arrangement and the want of any sort of index.
Dr. Codrington's book marks a great advance, not only in
clearness, but also in completeness, since he has laid under
contribution the large literature which has appeared since
the date of Soret's book (1864). Especially worthy of note
is Dr. Codrington's " List of Mint Towns," which takes up
no fewer than seventy-one pages, and comprises, on a rough
calculation, between a thousand and eleven hundred names
of places at which Muhammadan coins were struck. This
list will be of the greatest use. It is much fuller than any
other similar list in existence, and its value is enhanced by
the addition, wherever possible, of the precise geographical
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A MANUAL OF MUSALMAN NUMISMATICS. 353^
position of the places and any descriptive or honorific epithets
habitually associated with their names on the coins.
Dr. Codrington's book is sure of a welcome wherever there
are students of Muhammadan numismatics, and nowhere
more than in India, where there are at the present time
gratifying signs of an increasing interest in this important
branch of historical study.
E. J. R.
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355
MISCELLANEA.
Thb Sahasram, Rupnath, etc., Edict of Asoka.
I find that I cannot deal explicitly with the second
important passage in this record, without presenting some*
what lengthy comments on some of the details of the texts
of it; even though the cases are but few in which I differ
from decipherments made by Dr. Biihler and M. Senart.
For more than one reason, those comments cannot be given
in this Journal. And I shall therefore defer the completion
of my second article for this Journal, until I have fixed
the texts of the passage, with my remarks on them, in
a separate note in the Indian Antiquary,
Meanwhile, I would say that the announcement made by
me in this Journal, 1903, p. 829, is to be modified as follows.
A closer study of the Brahmagiri text has shewn me that,
while Aioka did join the Sathgha early in the thirty-third
year after his abhisheka, it was not until five years later,
early in the thirty-eighth year, that he abdicated and passed
into religious retirement. And thus the edict further
endorses the statement of the Dlpavamsa and the Mahdvaniaa,
that Aioka reigned for thirty-seven years.
I take this opportunity of saying that Suvarnagiri, where
Aioka was in religious retirement when he issued the edict,
was one of the hills surrounding the ancient city Girivraja,
in Magadha.
J. F. Flbbt.
16th January, 1904.
Guessing the Number of VibhTtaka Seeds.
Nala, chapter xx, describes how Nala drove King
Rtoparna. They come across a vibhltaka or bahird tree.
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35G MISCELLANEA.
The king shows his skill in sahkhydna by at once stating
the number of the leaves and of the fruits that had fallen
from it, and of the number of leaves and of the fruits that
were on two of the branches. This passage has puzzled
several European scholars, and various explanations have
been offered. The one that I was taught in my young
days was that the king challenged Nala to a game of
"odd or even."
I would suggest that the simplest and literal explanation
is the best one. In Northern India crops of all kinds,
including fruity are often estimated. The process is called
kan-kut, and is a necessary incident of certain tenures, the
tenant paying the value of a fixed proportion of the
estimated produce to his landlord as rent. In my old
district of Gaya this tenure is very common, and a body
of men known as kaniya, or appraisers, has been called into
existence. The skill of these men is something wonderful.
It is almost uncanny to see one of them walk into a field,
pluck a few ears of rice here and there, and then say that
the produce is so many maunds per bighd, i.e. bushels per
acre. Assuming that the appraiser is believed to be acting
fairly, his appraisement is accepted by both parties. On
a few occasions on which I have seen it tested it has alway»^
come out right. To come nearer to King Rtuparna's exploit^
fruit-trees are often subjected to the same procedure.
I may quote my own experience. It is a common thing^
for Anglo-Indian officials to sell the fruit of their gardens.
If they do not do so their servants steal it. The purchaser,,
who is usually a neighbouring fruiterer, watches the crop^
and the agreement of sale is for so much money down and
for a certain proportion of the fruit to be delivered to the
owner of the trees. On one occasion a fruiterer at Gaya
offered me a ridiculously small sum for a fine crop of
mangoes. We are always swindled in these matters, but
this was a trifle too strong. So I got a native friend to
send me a good kaniya. The man came, sauntered about
my orchard for half an hour, and then told me that I had
8o many mangoes. The fruiterer accepted his statement
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A DISCLAIMER. 357
without demur, and when I talked to him about it after-
wards said that of course it was correct. It never occurred
to him to question the accuracy of the estimate of a kaniya
so well known as the man I had called in.
It seems to me, therefore, that we must take the episode in
Nala literally. King Rtuparna was simply an extraordinarily
good kaniya, and seized the opportunity of displaying his
skill to the astonished Nala.
Regarding the use of the tibhltaka nut as a 'teetotum*
in gambling, see Professor von Roth's essay in the
GhirupiyctkaumudL I daresay Rtuparna was " skilled in
dice" (i.e. in teetotum -spinning), which accounts for his
selecting the baherd-tree for his arithmetical display.
Camberley, George A. Grierson.
January 29th, 1904.
A Disclaimer.
May I crave the indulgence of a small space to make
my peace with Dr. Fleet? He appears to have taken
offence (see ante, p. 164) at an innocent expression of mine,
indicating a difference of view. I was not aware that the
expression carried any offensive meaning. In any case,
I desire to assure Dr. Fleet that no offence whatever was
intended. The manner of referring to him on p. 563
of my paper will, I hope, convince him of my unprovocative
disposition. I now see that I was in error; and I note
with satisfaction that, on the point in question. Dr. Fleet
is in agreement with me. Under the circumstances, of
course, I withdraw the offending remark unreservedly.
As to the spelling ' Eangude^ ' for ' Eongudei§a,' need
I say that it is a misprint which escaped me in proof-
reading ? I willingly, however, accept Dr. Fleet's correction,
that ''the elephant-emblem belonged to the great Western
Ghinga princes of Mysore " — the more so, as it strengthens
my argument.
For the rest, despite the somewhat sarcastic (undeservedly
80, I think) remark, '' he has solved one of those problems
J.K.A.8. 1904. 24
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358 MISCELLANEA.
to his own satisfaction," I venture to entertain the hope that,
in course of time, my working hypothesis on a confessedly
obscure period of Indian history will meet with the
acceptance of the thoughtful reader.
Oxford. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle.
January 31«^, 1904.
The Veddas of Ceylon: Origin of their Name.
It is a remarkable fact that, of the various authors who
wrote on Ceylon during its occupation by the Portuguese
(1506-1658), only one, as far as I know, refers to the
Veddas, viz. Pedro Teixeira, in 1610, and he calls them,
erroneously. Pachas} Captain Joao Ribeiro, who was in
Ceylon from 1640 to 1658, devotes part of a chapter of his
Fatalidade Historica to the Veddas, whom he terms ' BMas * ;
but his book was not written until 1681, more than twenty
years after the Dutch had ousted the Portuguese from
Ceylon. In 1675 Rijklof van Goens the elder, on being
promoted from the governorship of Ceylon to the high
office of Governor-General at Batavia, wrote an interesting
account of the island,* in which he gives a pretty full
description of the Veddas, their customs, etc. He begins
by saying : " The Weddas (who call themselves Beddas)
are aboriginal ^ inhabitants from of old till now, whose
origin no one is able to demonstrate." The statement that
the Veddas " call themselves Beddas " is noteworthy, in
view of the fact that in Sinhalese bedda means 'forest,
jungle ' ; but I can find no authority for the assertion.
As I have mentioned above, Ribeiro calls these forest-
dwellers 'B^das'; and in the Batavia Dagh- Register for
1644-1645 (p. 307) we are told that in the early part of
1645 Raja Sinha, the king of Kandy, put to death two
» See Journal R.A.S., 1899, p. 133.
» Printed almost in extmso in Valentyn's Oud en Nieuu) Oott-lndietty Deel ▼,
pp. 204-246.
3 The passag^e as (quoted in Sobton^Jobaon, s.v. * Veddas,' has, by a misprint,
apparently, "ail original."
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SEBES OR CHERAS? 359
^ bedes * who had supplied the Dutch at Batticaloa with wax.
(This is the earliest occurrence of the word that I have
yet found.)
The origin of the name 'Yedda' has been the subject
of much controversy. Yule, in Sobson-Jobson, says, *' The
word is said to mean ' hunters '''; and to this the editor
of the new edition appends in brackets, ''Tamil vedu,
' hunting.' " But the Tamil for * hunting ' is not vedu, but
f)idu (a hunter is vidan) ; and any connection between this
and veddd is extremely improbable. (Mr. Crooke seems to
have been misled by the assertion of Mr. Whitworth in his
Anglo - Indian Dictionary ^ s.v. * Vedar.') The commonly
accepted derivation of vedd& is from Skt.-Pali vpddha; but,
as Professor W. Geiger points out {Lift und Sprach^ der
Singh., p. 47), veddd would indicate a base-form vyaddha,
and not vyddha. The stem-form of veddd is v^i ; and this.
Dr. Geiger says, points rather to the participle mj[/ita,
'isolated, excluded,' which would be quite as appropriate
an appellation for these wild men as ' hunters.'
Donald Ferguson.
20, Beech House Boad, Croydon.
Feb. 20th, 1904.
Seres or CherasP
There is a puzzling passage in Pliny's description of
Ceylon, H.N. vi, 22 [24]. Pliny is relating what he had
heard from the members of a Singhalese embassy to the
Emperor Claudius (41-54 a.d.), at the head of which was one
Rachias— doubtless the Latin for a Rajah. After describing
the position of the sun and stars as seen in Ceylon, Pliny
goes on — " lidem narravere latus insulae quod praetenderetur
Indiae x.m. stad. esse ab oriente hibemo. ultra montes
Hemodos Seras quoque ab ipsis adspici notes etiam com-
mercio, patrem Bachiae commeasse eo, advenis ibi Seras
occursare. ipsos vero excedere hominum magnitudinem,
rutilis comis, caeruleis oculis, oris sono truci, nullo com-
mercio linguae, cetera eadem quae nostri negotiatores.
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360 MI8GELLAKEA.
flominis ulteriore ripa meroM poflitas jaxta venalia toUi ab
his, si placeat permutatio/' etc. — '' Moreover, they told me
that the coast from the north-east extremity ran parallel
with the Indian mainland for 10,000 stadia ; and also that
beyond the Emodi Montea were the Seres, whom they knew
by sight ; they traded with them ; the father of Bachias
had frequently travelled thither, and it was the custom of the
Seres to meet strangers there; that these Seres were of
unusual height, and had red hair, blue eyes, and harsh voices ;
they knew no language employed in commerce. The rest
of the story agreed with the reports of our merchants. La,
they placed their own goods for barter on the farther bank
of the stream beside the articles the natives brought for sale ;
and if the natives liked the exchange, they carried off what
was offered/' — ^By the Seres the older classical authors meant
the people of Sarikol, Kashgar, and N.W. China. Pliny
makes Serioa extend to the eastern sea, and the Montes
Emodi are of course the Himalayas. Pomponius Mela (iii, 7),
another writer of the first century a.d., says that the Seres
inhabited the country from the Taurus range to the Talis
mountains overlooking the sea; they were a right honest
folk, for in trading they left their goods in the desert for
exchange, and then kept out of sight. On the strength of
these passages Lassen (Ind. Alt., iii, pp. 85-6) and other
writers have asserted the existence of a trade between Ceylon
and Central Asia.
And this is doubtless what Pliny understood. But what
did the Singhalese ambassadors really mean? Pliny must
have conversed with them through one or more dragomen,
probably Greeks ; and the rest of his narrative shows that
he frequently misunderstood the information he got. Now
the explanation given by Lassen labours under three
difficulties. First, Pliny's words seem to imply that the
Seres in question were at no great distance from Ceylon.
The coasts of Ceylon and India lie parallel to each other ;
across the straits are the hills behind which the Seres live ;
so he seems to say. To fly off to Central Asia is as if a nun
describing Great Britain were suddenly to insert a description
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362
MISCELLANEA.
the Emodi Montes. The system of barter he describes is, of
course, one common to many savage tribes ; it is in no way
distinctive.
J. Kennedy.
The Old Indian Alphabet.
Professor Biihler, at p. 27 of his article on the Brahma
alphabet (Indian Studies, No. iii), quotes a passage from the
lost Jain Anga, the Dittbivada (about 300 B.C.), which says
that the alphabet had then 46 aksaras or letters. The com-
mentator, Abhayadeva (about the eleventh century), explains
this number by saying that it is the same as the number of
letters in his time with the vowels r, f, /, and /, and the
lingual consonant /, left out, but with ks included. Now
Professor Biihler says this is a mistake ; the alphabet
referred to must have left out the four vowels and the
akshara ks, and have included the Yedic or Pali /. That
would make the alphabet at the time of the Jain Angas^
as follows : —
Vowels a, d, i, i, w, u, e, at, o, au, am, ah
Consonants k, kh, g, gh, h
0, ch,j,jh, n
t, th, d, dh, n
t, th, d, dh, n
p, ph, b, hh, m
Vy r, I, V, I
i, 8, 8, h
12
5
5
5
5
5
5
4
46
But in the ancient Sanskrit literature and also in the
indigenous schools, which adhere to the oldest practices, the
four vowels r, f, /, /, and ks are included in the alphabet,
and / is omitted. This makes it consist of altogether fifty
letters. So, in the Gautamlya Tantra we read : —
Panca§al-lipibhir mala vihita sarva-karmani |
A-karadi-ksa-karanta varna-mala praklrttita | [
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364 inSCBLLANEA.
A PECULIAR USB OF THE CaUSAL IN SaNSKRIT
AND Pali.
Though my knowledge of Pali is very limited, it has
struck me more than once that texts in that language offer
examples for one or the other of the rules of the Sanskrit
grammarians for which no examples have yet been found
in Sanskrit texts. An instance of this kind is furnished
by the sentence namassamdno vivaaenii rattiihy quoted by
Dr. Fleet above, p. 20, from the Suttanipdta.
In Yarttika 9 on Panini iii, 1, 26, Katyayana lays down
a rule concerning a peculiar use of the causal, the meaning
of which will be best understood from the example for it
given by Patanjali. According to the latter, instead of
saying drdtrimvdsam doaste, we may say rdtrim vivdsat/ati;
i.e., we may employ the causal of the root from which the
noun vivdaa is derived, drop the preposition d, and make
rdiri dependent on the causal vwdsayati. By the wording
of Satyayana's rule drdtrivivdsam dcaste must mean ' he
tells (stories) the whole night, until the night grows light '
(i.e. till daybreak), and the same, therefore, should be the
meaning of Patanjali's example rdtrim vivdsayatu I have
some doubts as to Pataftjali's explanation of the Yarttika,
and in particular as to whether he should not have said
more fully dcakadno rdtrim mvdaayati ; however this may be,
a correct example for Satyayana's rule is clearly furnished
by the above sentence, namaasamdno vivasemi rattim} The
literal translation of this sentence would be 'worshipping
I cause the night to grow light,' which, according to the
Yarttika, in Sanskrit would be equivalent to drdtrivivdsam
namaaydmi, *I worship the whole night, until the night
grows light' (i.e. till daybreak).
I am surprised to see that in the St. Petersburg dictionary,
where the word vivdsa of drdtrivivdsam is correctly derived
from vas * to shine,' the causal vivdaayati of rdtrim vivdsayati
is placed under vas * to dwell.' This surely is due to an
1 For the (short) a of the causal viiatemi compare e.g. Jdt., vol. ii, p. 178,
1. 20, upatapeti (for MpatAp§t%),
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PRONOMINAL PREFIXES IN THE LAI DIALECT. 366
oversiglity because vivdsa and vivdsayati must neoeBsarily be
derived from one and the same root.
In Yarttika 10 on Panini iii, 1^ 26, Eatyayana gives
another rule for the emplojrment of the causal, by which,
e.g. in the sentence UjHayinydfi prasihito Mdhismatydm
Buryodgamanam sambhdvayate^ ' having started from Ujjayini
he meets sunrise at Mahismati * (i.e. he reaches M. at
sunrise), for the two last Sanskrit words we may use sUryam
udgamayati, 'having started from XT. he causes the sun to
rise at M.' With this we may compare suriyarh uUhdpesi
and arunam utthdpesi, which occur several times in the
JdtdkaB : compare e.g. Jat^ vol. i, p. 318, 1. 19, aggim
ujjdleium asakkonti suriyam utt/idpesi, * unable to get the
fire to bum she caused the sun to rise' (i.e. the sun rose
while she was still unable to get the fire to burn) ; p. 103,
1. 22 ; p. 399, L 14 ; vol. vi, p. 330, 1. 15, etc. The
difference between Sanskrit and Pali here is, that in Sanskrit
the causal, according to Eatyayana, is to be used in this
manner only when some astonishing feat (such as the
accomplishment of the journey from U. to M. in one night)
is described, while in Pali there apparently is no such
restriction.
F. KlELHORN.
Oottingen.
March ith, 1904.
Pronominal Prefixes in the Lai Dialect.
In the January number of the Journal Mr. Tilbe draws
attention to the use of pronominal prefixes with verbs in
the Lai dialect in order to denote the person of the subject.
The same use of pronominal prefixes is characteristic of
a long series of Tibeto-Burman dialects, which will be dealt
with in the Linguistic Survey of India as the Suki-Ghin
group. I have given a short account of those dialects in
a paper which was originally printed for use under the last
Census, and which later on was published in the Journal
of the German Oriental Society, vol. Ivi, pp. 486 ff. I there
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366 MISCELLANEA.
tried to show that the use of the pronominal prefixes in.
those forms of speech is due to the common tendency
observable in all Tibeto-Burman languages to avoid abstract
terms. The verb, which is virtually a noun, is always put
into relation to some other noim as its subject.
I still think that this explanation is the correct one.
It is, however, possible that another factor has been at work
as well. The Kuki-Chin prefixes are used in the same
way as the Munda suffixes, which are added to the word
immediately preceding the verb. Compare e.g. San tali
kora-e mr-en-a, * boy-he fell, the boy fell,' where the suffix
e, *he,' shows that the subject of the verb nur-en-a is of
the third person.
We do not know anything about the old history of the
Kuki-Chin tribes. It is, however, possible that they were
at some time influenced by Munda tribes, and the distinction
of the person of the subject by means of pronominal prefixes^
may accordingly be due to a double reason.
Munda tribes must once have lived in many districts
where they have now disappeared. The dialects spoken by
several Tibeto-Burman tribes in the Himalayas show distinct
traces of Mu^da influence, and there is nothing improbable
in the supposition that [some Munda tribe once lived in the
neighbourhood of the Kuki-Chins.
Sten Konow.
Christianiay Nortcay,
The verse 18 of the Harsacarita.
In spite of being perhaps taxed with tediousness I venture
to present another translation of this verse alrecdy examined
by various scholars in this Journal (see above, pp. 155 sqq.).
It seems to me that one of the ways of coming to a right
understanding of a difficult passage is to take into con-
sideration the context. Now fiana, after having extolled
the works of other poets, which brought them fame and
splendour, hesitates to follow their example before the
difficult task of finding terms adequate to the greatness of
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CHALDEAN PRINCES ON THRONE OF BABYLON. 367
his patroa's deeds. A fine compliment indeed, and duly
coached in the following terms : —
''My tongue held back, as it were, by Adhyaraja'fr
achievements, engraved in my heart, refuses to chanty
although I remember them well."
J. KiRSTE.
Chaldean Princes on the Throne of Babylon.
An interesting paper has been contributed to the Churchman
of October and November last by the Rev. C. Boutflower, Vicar
of Terling (Essex), entitled ''Chaldean Princes on the Throne
of Babylon." Beginning with a statement of the views of
various scholars upon the subject, and their opinions as to the
origin of the Chaldeans and their name, he shows that the
word first occurs in the inscriptions of ASiur-nasir-ftpli,
father of Shalmaneser II, the king who, to all appearance,
was the first to come into contact with the Jews. This text
informs us that, in or about the year 879 B.C., the Chaldeans
occupied the southern part of Babylonia, and were under
the rule of Nabd-ftbla-iddina, " who was probably a Chaldean
himself." All the occasions when the Chaldeans came into
contact with the Assyrians, in the reigns of Shalmaneser II,
SamSi-Bammanu (Samii-Addu), Bammanu-nirari (Adad-
nirari), and Tiglath-pileser III, are then recounted, with
many interesting details. His arguments tend to show
that many of the Babylonian dynasties in the canon of
kings published in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical
Arch(Bologt/, May 6th, 1884, were really Chaldean, so that
'"Ur of the Chaldees' may well have been in the hands of
that people at the time when Moses wrote the Pentateuch."
Whether the composition of the names of early Babylonian
kings constitute real evidence or not, is a question which
requires the test of time, but there is very great probability
that the presence of Merodach, B61, and Nebo, as component
parts of them, may be an indication of the Chaldean
nationality of those who bore them. The dynasty to which
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368 MISCELLAl^EA.
Nebuchadnezzar the Great belongs has long been thought
to be Chaldean, and as Mr. Boutflower remarks: ''The
name of one of the gods Nebo or Merodach is found to
form an element in the name of every prince of the family
of Nabopolassar, and we have thus a further proof of the
Chaldean origin of that family."
Thb Chaldeans of the Book of Daniel.
In a further article (January, 1904) the Rev. C. Boutflower
continues his studies of the subject. He points out that it is
a mistake to regard the word Chaldean as having ever been
equivalent to * astrologer,' or any similar term, in Babylonia
itself — this usage was only current among the nations with
which the Babylonians came into contact. The Babylonian
kings, moreover (even those regarded as being of Chaldean
race), never speak of themselves as being Chaldeans. It
therefore seemed well-nigh impossible to identify personages
of Chaldean nationality in the inscriptions of Babylonia.
Mr. Boutflower suggests, with a considerable amount of
probability, that Chaldea was known by the term used
elsewhere to designate its chief state, namely, * the Country
of the Sea.' A very striking tablet, of which he gives
a translation, afibrds, by the personal names which it
contains, a noteworthy contribution to the confirmation of
this view. These are Nabft-6tir-nap§ati, the governor of the
Country of the Sea ; Nabft-suzziz-anni, the deputy- governor
of the same place ; Marduk-iriba, the mayor of Erech ;
Imbi-Sin, priest of TJr; B^l-uballit, the governor of 'the
other side ' ; and a few more whose owners apparently do
not belong to that district. Here, in addition to names
implying Chaldean nationality, we have mention of a district
admittedly forming a part of Chaldea in its restricted sense.
If ' the Land of the Sea ' be the usual Babylonian
designation of Chaldea, this thr<
upon the poetical inscription whi
of Chedorlaomer, We have the
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BABYLONIAN CREATION-STOET. 369*
whose name is doubtful caused a personage named Ibe-Tutu ^
(a name probably meaning, 'Speak, Merodach') to enter
within Tiamtu, the country of the sea, and that he founded
there la-iubcU^u, * not his seat,' apparently meaning a pseudo
or temporary capital. If this inscription really refers ta
Chedorlaomer, or goes back in any way to early times, as
its archaic poetical form implies, it gives to the Chaldeans
in Babylonia a very respectable antiquity, and in that case
the phrase 'Ur of the Ghaldees' would not have been an
anachronism even in the time of Abraham. Judging from
the Assyrian inscriptions, the Babylonians did not like the
Chaldeans, though they had to acknowledge their rule, and
if the latter attained their power and influence at the early
date for which Mr. Boutflower contends, the reason why
the Babylonians were called Chaldeans by the nations around
is clear.
Talmudisohe und midraschische Parallelen zum
Babylonischbn Weltschopfungsbpos.
An interesting article thus entitled has been con-
tributed by Dr. S. Daiches to the Zeitachrift fur Asspriologie,
vol. xvii, 1903. As is now well known, the legend of
the fight between Bel and the Dragon, as recounted
in the Babylonian story of the Creation, had acquired
currency among the Hebrews, as also, in all probability,
among the nations of Western Asia in general, at a com-
paratively early date, and references to details of the story
are found in Isaiah, the Psalms, and the Book of Job. It
was therefore to be expected that something would be said
about it in the Jewish commentaries on the Old Testament,
and what is stated in the Midrash rabba, Parsha Korach,
sect. 18, is given in full by the author of the paper. From
^ Ibe u ihe traoBcription of the first element is that generally preferred, but
Ine-Tuta is also possible, as UVfea in the Journal of t& Boyal Asiatic Society
for October, 1903, p. 843. The text published by Weissbach, which is there
referred to, shows that * the land of the sea * was at one time ruled by a Eassite
dynasty.
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370 MISCELLANEA.
this it would seem that Rahab was regarded as the name
of the * prince of the sea/ to whom God, when the former
said that it was enough that he should contain his own water,
without swallowing all the water of the beginning, gave
a blow and slew him, because it is said (Job xxvi, 12), "He
«tirreth up the sea with his power, and by his under-
standing he smiteth through Rahab " (R.V.). Reference is
then made to the sea being shut in with doors and bolts
(cf. Job xxxviii, 8) ; to the sand having been placed to fix
its boundary (Jer. v, 22), etc. In the expressions 13 t3J^3,
* he stood upon it,' i.e. the sea, we have a parallel with the
phrase in the Babylonian Creation-story ili'-sa izaza, *he
(Merodach) stood upon her,' and the idea is repeated in
the line ikbus-ma bilu^ ia Tiamatu^ iiid-sa, * then trampled
taie lord upon the trunk (?) of Tiamthu ' (Tablet IV, line 129).
In lines 139 and 140 of the same tablet is a reference to
the bolts which Merodach set in order that the waters of
Tiamthu, after he had divided her, and set one half as
a covering for the heavens, should not come forth ; though
whether this refers to the waters above the firmament, or
those below, or both, is not quite clear. Further passages
are quoted, all of considerable interest.
The same author has also a note concerning the much-
discussed Habiri question, " against whose identiBcation with
the Hebrews, as is well known, there is much to be said."
He refers to the existence of the root N^^H (also *T3n,
pi. ^^^n, On^n), which is frequently referred to in the
Talmud, and asks whether a connection between this and
the Habiri of the Tell el-Amama letters may not be possible.
T. G. P.
Santana.
In a note on the soul-tbeory in Buddhism, published in
the Journal of last July (p. 691), I said that I had not yet
traced the santdna-hypotlieQiB in the traditions of the
southern scholasticism. I am now able to modify that
statement to this extent, that I have met with the term
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BHUMAKA. 371
santdna in three of Buddhaghosa's commentaries, used
apparently, at least in two of three passages, to denote the
flow or continuum of subjective experience. In the
Commentary on the Majjhima-Nikaya (Papanca- Sudani,
apud Anangana-Sutta), I find cittasantdne kilesd atthtti na
jdndtu In the Commentary on the Dhammasanga^i (Attha-
salini, p. 63), I find — on dttam considered as object of
oittam (or self-consciousness) — attano aantdnam cinottti cittam.
In the third passage, which I met with last night only, in
the Commentary on the Vibhanga (Sammohavinodani, foL
ki)^ the allusion is to a time-continuum, viewed, of course,
as subjective experience, but not explicitly given in terms
of cittam or vinmnam : , . . santdnavasena pavattamdnam
tarn tarn samayam paccuppannam ndtna. The passage, however,
leads me to hope that, further on, under vinndnakkhandho,
1 may meet interesting instances of the term. I may then
be able to furnish new materials to set beside those which
Professor de la Valine Poussin has contributed to this
important point in early Indian psychology by his Recherchea^
and now again by his Nouvelles Recherchea on attd and
Jcammaphaiam in the Journal Aaiatique. It may prove of
no small historical value to discover that the psychological
culture of Buddhaghosa's time and circle were closely allied
with that revealed in this and that Buddhist Sanskrit texts.
C. A. F. Rhys Davids.
Ndhnda, Forest Hill
BhUMAKA : A NEWLY DISCOVERED MEMBER OP THE
KSAHARATA DyNASTY.
In Pandit Bhagvanlal's article on " The Western Ksha-
trapas," edited by me in the Journal for 1890, mention
is made (p. 643) of certain " copper coins, which are found
in the coasting regions of Gujarat and Kathiawad, and also
sometimes in Malwa/' The inscriptions could not then be
read, but the coins were conjecturally attributed, on the
ground of similarity in tjrpes, to Nahapana. After having
an amount of oxide removed from one of the Pandit's
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372 MISCELLANEA.
specimens some time ago, I found that a comparison of the
letters thus newly brought to light with the traces preserved
by other specimens made a complete restoration of the
inscriptions possible. The coin -legend in question, like
those of Nahapana and Castana, is given in both BrahmT and
Eharosth! characters. Different specimens show indications
of slightly varying readings, but the general description of
this class of coins is as follows : —
Obv. Arrow, discus,^ and thunderbolt ; (Kharosthl)
Chaharatasa chatrapasa Bhumakasa.
Rev. The capital of a column, consisting of a dharmacakra
(r.) and lion, facing r. (1.) standing on a base ;
(Brahmi) Ksahardtasa ksatrapaaa Bhumakasa.
There are six specimens in the British Museum — four
from the Pandit's collection, one from the Cunningham
collection (figured in Coins of Mediceval India, pi. i, 4), and
one, which I found among a number of ' uncertain ' coins,,
marked "E. ConoUy, Oct. 1837." As these vary in size
from '8 to '55 of an inch, and in weight from 69*8 to
31 '3 grains, they must evidently represent more than one
denomination.
I shall hope to have some future opportunity of describing
these coins more folly. My object at present is merely to
call attention to the existence of another member of a family
of satraps, of which only one member (Nahapana) has
hitherto been known.
The coins of Bhumaka seem to supply an important link
between the bronze coins of Nahapana and those struck
conjointly by the Pahlava^ Spalirises and the ^aka Azes.
Bhumaka and Nahapana have in common the reverse type
^ The dot, or small circle, which is to be seen on well-presenred specimens
between the arrow and the thunderbolt must, I think, be intended to represent
a discus. It is seen very clearly on the silver coins of Nahapana, on some of the
lead and billon coins of the Andhras (t;. V. A. Smith, Z.D.M.O., 1903, p. 12).
and on some of the coins of the Scythic princes of Northern India [v. inf.,
p. 373, noU I).
> For this dynasty, which seems to be the result of some sort of alliance
between the Parthian (Pahlava) dynasty of Yonones and the Saka dynasty of
Manes, v. my Indian Coins, {§ 30, 31.
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BHUKIKA. 373
"Arrow, discua, and thunderbolt" — perhaps the embloma
of the Esaharata family. The bronze coins struck conjointly
by Spalirises and Azes have for their reverse type a very
similar collection of emblems, " Discus, bow and arrow." ^
The larger bronze coins of Bhumaka hold, as regards their
size, an intermediate position : they are smaller than those
of Spalirises and Azes, and larger than those of Nahapana.
As regards fabric and quality of metal, they resemble the
coins of Spalirises and Azes rather than those of Nahapana.
On Bhiimaka's coins the KharosthI inscription holds
a position of equal importance with the Brahmi inscription.
From Nahapana's bronze coins it seems to have disappeared
altogether, while it takes a subordinate position on his silver
coins. As I have already pointed out,^ this gradual disuse
of Kharosthi on Western coins is explained by the fact that
it was essentially a Northern alphabet which ceased to
flourish when it was transplanted to Western India.
AU the available evidence, therefore, derived from con-
siderations of the type, fabric, metal, and epigraphy of the
coins seems to show that Bhumaka came before Nahapana.
It also strengthens the view that the ksatrapas of the
Esaharata family, as well as the ksatrapas of the family of
Ca^tana, eu^knowledged the suzerainty of some Pablava or
Pahlava-Saka dynasty of Northern India.'
The discovery of the Esaharata Bhumaka makes it
improbable that Nahapana himself was the founder of the
Saka era — a view held by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji,^ and
since ably maintained by M. TAbb^ Boyer^; but it does
not affect the probability of the theory that the era was
established by the overlord of the Esaharata djmasty,
whoever he may have been, who was reigning when his
1 Gardner, B.M. Cat., Oreik and Seythie King»^ etc., p. 102, No. 5, pi. xxii, 4.
The drcnlar symbol is no doubt intended to represent a (Uscub.
» J,R.A.8., 1899, p. 372.
' IM,, p. 377. Is it possible that the form ddman, which is so characteristic
of their names, can be simply a Hindnised repreeentatiTe of the Pahlaya or 6aka
dama seen in ' Spalaga-dama ' ?
* J.R.A.S., 1890, p. 642.
' Joum. Aa., 1897 (ser. ix, tome x), p. 120.
j.k.A.8. 1904. 25
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374 MISCELLANEA.
dominions were extended to Western India by the conquest
of the Andhras." ^
E. J. Kafson.
Japanese Society for Oriental Research. — ^In con-
nection with the work of this Society, Professor Takakusu
has now arrived in London to work at the contemplated
Sanskrit-Chinese Dictionary, which it is intended to make
very elaborate and complete, including also the corresponding
Pali and Tibetan forms, where such exist.
Siamese Edition of the Pali Canonical Books. — A
committee has been appointed by the King of Siam to
superintend a new edition of these books, the first edition
being now nearly exhausted. The same committee will
also publish a complete edition of the old Pali commentaries.
The first volume of this latter series, vol. i of the
Mangalattha-dlpanI, has already appeared. Both texts
and commentaries are also being published privately in
Burma.
1 Pandit Bhagvanlal, in Bombay OazetUer, vol. xvi (Nasik), p. 618, wrote:.
*< ThiB much seems almost certain, that the overlord or founder of the Kshatrapas
was one Yonones, who was either a Parthian king or a Parthian adventurer."
This is quite possible ; but I do not think it possible that (to continue the
Pandit's statement) 'Hhe date on Eshatrapa coins and inscriptions is of this
Parthian overlord." It seems to me certain that the daka era is used both by
Nahapana and the succeeding family of Ca^^ana ; and the date of Vonones cannot
be so late as 78 a.d.
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376
NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
(Janiuuy, February, March, 1904.)
I. General Meetings op the Royal Asiatic Socibtt.
January 12th, 1904. — Sir Charles Lyall, Vice-Preeident,
in the Chair.
It was announced that —
Miss A. A. Smith,
Mr. M. B. Jayakar,
Mr. M. B. Eolasker,
Mr. S. Chandra Mukherji, and
Mr. M. A. Husain Ehan
had been elected members of the Society.
Colonel Sir Bichard Camao Temple, Bart., unveiled and
presented to the Society a memorial tablet executed in
memory of Dr. Best, formerly Secretary of the Society.
He referred in his speech to the extraordinary linguistic
powers of Dr. Bost. As a child he knew Greek, and
before he was 20 he had mastered most of the European
languages. Then he turned his serious attention to Eastern
tongues, studying Arabic, Pali, Sanskrit, Tamil, Marathi,
Tibetan, Chinese, Swahili, Malay, Persian, and Burmese.
He took his Doctor's degree at the age of 24, choosing
Singalese grammar for his thesis. Coming to England at
the age of 31, he was appointed Oriental Teacher at
St. Augustine's College, Canterbury ; the list of languages
^-eastern and western — which he knew and taught is so
long and varied that ** there was hardly anything he could
not read." In early manhood he suffered the disappointment
of his cherished hope of going to India to study on the spot
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376 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
the leamiDg which had so fascinated him from a child*
Though the abandonment of his desire was a keen sorrow
to him, he threw himself into the duties that fell to his
lot with splendid enthusiasm. In 1863 he was appointed
Secretary to the Boyal Asiatic Society, and in 1869 became
Librarian at the India Office. His hospitality to scholars
and to those interested in Oriental thought was proverbial p
he was most self-sacrificing and lavish in the time he
devoted to those to whom he could render any service.
His encouraging help to correspoudents evoked countless
expreBsions of gratitude. Sir Richard Temple instanced
his own experience of the Doctor's kindly sympathy and
encouragement. He told how, at the time when he began
to edit Oriental books and journals. Dr. Host wrote to
congratulate him on undertaking a work which brought no
selfish advantage. He would never write books with the
idea of attaining fame or leaving behind him a great name ;
his one aim throughout his life was to help forward Oriental
studies. As a man he was most lovable and kindly. His
was a busy and noble life, quiet and peaceful. " I count it
one of the honours of my life," said Sir Richard Temple,
'' to be associated on this occasion with so worthy a man and
so great a scholar."
The Rev. E. R.Orger, formerly Subwarden of St. Augustine's^
College, said he had gladly accepted an invitation to say
a few words, chiefly in reference to the part of Dr. Rost's
life which was spent in Canterbury. Soon after he had
taken his Degree in 1847 he formed the plan of comings
to England with the hope of getting some employment in
India. His desire was to study on the spot the languages
and other matters connected with that land in which he took
so deep an interest. He brought some good introductions,
such as one from Alexander von Humboldt to Bunsen ;
but he found that India was closed to all who did not come
from Haileybury, and he bad no interest to enable him to
go to Ceylon. After a time of struggle, during which he
maintained himself by occasional employments like that of
cataloguing the Pali MSS. in the British Museum, and by
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GENERAL MEETINGS. 377
-private tuition, he accepted the post of Oerman Master at
i^he King's School in Canterbury, in 1850. But the stipend
was not enough to free him from the necessity of giving
lessons in German in Canterbury and the neighbourhood.
Three years later he was appointed Reader in Oriental
Languages at St. Augustine's, an office newly instituted
with the help of the Society for the Propagation of the
Oospel. Henceforth, till his marriage, he lived in college,
and shared in its daily life. In the Summer of 1863 he
brought a charming young wife from Germany, and before
the end of the year he was appointed to the Secretaryship of
the Royal Asiatic Society. But, as you have already heard,
neither this nor his subsequent duties as Librarian of the
India Office terminated his connection with St. Augustine's.
It is not necessary to say that he was respected and loved by
his pupils — with some of whom he kept up a correspondence
in later years — and by his colleagues. He gained the warm
regard of all with whom he had to do. I can say with
truth that I never knew so modest a scholar, or I may go
further, a more modest man.
Mr. Adolphus Rest said : Sir Charles Lyall, Sir Richard
Temple, ladies and gentlemen, — As the only representative
of my father's family here in this country, I have the
honour to thank Sir Richard and my old friend Mr. Orger
for the most kind words which they have just spoken about
my father, and need I say how deeply I feel those kind
words and how difficult it is for me to express my gratitude
sufficiently. Few men have had such a kind father, who
was always ready to do good and to help others before he
thought of himself, and I only hope that I may always do
honour to his name. It is perhaps a curious coincidence
that I should have been bom at the rooms of this Society,
and, as you may easily conceive, it was far from my
expectations that when I saw daylight I should have the
privilege of executing a memorial to my own father and to
have it erected in this Society. I should like to say a few
words about the memorial. Three in all have been
executed ; one, a replica of this one here, has been erected
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378 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
at St. AnguBtine's College, Canterbury, and unveiled by
Canon Baly. A second tablet has been erected at Eisenberg,.
where my father was born ; and the third tablet, which is
before you, will be put up by the staircase. I may say that
it was the original intention to erect the London memorial
at the India Office Library, and permission had been
obtained to do so, but unfortunately it was found that
the memorial could not be erected there, as no memorial
of the same nature had been erected there before. I should
like to pay a tribute to the late Mr. C. Luzac, who
so kindly undertook to act as Hon. Secretary to the
Memorial Committee, and who was called away from among
us before he could see the result of his labours. I will
not trespass further upon the time of this distinguished
company, so I will once more thank Sir Richard Temple
for his great kindness in coming here to unveil this
memorial, and tender my sincerest thanks to him and to
Mr. Orger for the very kind words which they have spoken
about my father, and I feel highly honoured at being present
at this ceremony.
Professor Rhys Davids said that Dr. Rost had that rare
intellectual gift which was ever reaching out for something
new and unknown. If a scholar specialized on a special
subject, he might win modest fame and financial advantage ;
but as soon as Dr. Rost had mastered the elements of one
language, he started on another. He had studied Singalese
for his degree ; interesting and instructive as its study was,
he turned his attention to Pali ; one of the earliest articles
he published soon after he came to England was on
a Burmese MS. of Pali law which he found in the British
Museum. Later in his life he devoted himself to the study
of Malay. All through, new work was undertaken for its
own keen intellectual pleasure — a very rare quality.
Sir Charles Lyall, on behalf of the Council and Members of
the Royal Asiatic Society, accepted with sincere appreciation
the Memorial to Dr. Rost. Sir Charles remarked that the
memorial in the possession of the Society was in a most
fitting place, and he mentioned that at the India Office there
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GENERAL MEETINGS. 379
is an excellent bust of Dr. Rost, placed near the Library, in
addition to which a medallion has also been placed in the
librarian's room. Speaking from personal knowledge of
Dr. Host, Sir Charles remarked that he was always more
ready to give than others were to appropriate what he had
to give. He was self-efiacing and helpful, with an immense
breadth of knowledge, and nothing gave him greater pleasure
than to help one who really wished to learn. He regretted
the unavoidable absence of Sir Frank Swettenham, to whom
the study of Malay had also appealed. The attraction of
Malay for Dr. Rost seemed to be the operation of the Aryan
system of civilization on another race of people. Sir Charles
stated that he had himself been interested in a similar
manner on a similar ethnical frontier. When in Assam
he had noted the influence of the Aryan civilization on
a Mongolian people. ''Nothing further remains for me
to do," said Sir Charles in conclusion, ''but to bear my
testimony to Dr. Rost as a most excellent man and a most
excellent scholar."
February 9th, 1904. — ^Lord Reay, President, in the Chair.
It was announced that —
The Rev. 0. Hanson,
Professor Jogendra Ghose,
Mr. Alfred Dobree,
Mr. Givendranath Dutt,
Mr. J. Chandra Das Gupta, and
Hon. Munshi Madho Lai
had been elected members of the Society.
The President said: Since our last meeting we have to
deplore the loss of our distinguished member Professor
S. Arthur Strong. It is impossible to overestimate our
loss. Strong's intellectual endowments were exceptionally
versatile ; in him intellect was transcendent. His critical
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380 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
powers were of the highest and rarest order, whether
exercised in the domain of philology, literature, or art.
On every subject handled by him he threw a flood of light.
The strength and vigour of his mind were in strange
contrast with the delicate physical appearance of the man.
Perhaps the most striking feature of his character was its
sturdy independence. His individuality was so marked
that he was uninfluenced by environment, and without any
need of self-assertion or evidence of his native scorn for
Philistinism, his personality could not fail to receive its
due recognition. He was perfectly simple and without
affisctation, his only object in life being the vindication of
truth ; and when once he had convinced himself that
a conclusion was right, nothing would hinder him from
stating it, heedless of all consequences. His moral courage
was as great as his intellectual strength. Compromise was
alien to his nature. His sincerity was absolute. The light
of his mind brought to bear on any subject of research was
so illumining as to dispel cherished prejudices. One never
met Strong without being impressed by his originality, and
without deriving profit therefrom. At the best of times,
but especially now, we can ill aflbrd to lose such a man.
He would have risen to a very high place in that
international areopagus of learning which now controls the
destinies of science in its widest sense. Strong would have
impressed the French by his literary acumen, the Germans
by his thoroughness, the Italians by his sense of art. The
men capable of holding such a position are few. Leighton
and Acton we have lost, and now the premature death of
Strong inflicts an irreparable loss on English culture.
Irreparable it is to Mrs. Strong, who was able to share as
well as to appreciate the work of her gifted husband.
A paper was read by Professor Rapson entitled ** In what
degree was Sanskrit a Spoken Language P "
A discussion followed, in which Professor Rhys Davids,
Professor Bendall, and Mr. Thomas took part.
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ERNEST AYSCOGHE FLOYER. 381
March Sih, 1904. — Lord Reay, President, in the Chair.
It was announced that —
Dr. Samif,
Mr. W. Gomold, and
Mr. Ehaja Ehan Sahib
had been elected members of the Society.
Mr. F. W. Thomas opened the adjoamed discussion " In
*what degree was Sanskrit a Spoken Language P "
Dr. Grierson, Dr. Fleet, Mr. Vaidya, and Mr. Krishna
Yarma took part. The discussion will appear in full in the
July Journal.
II. Obituary Notices.
Ernest AyBcoghe Floyer, M.R.A.S., Mem. Inst. Jtgt/pt.
Mr. E. a. Floyer, Inspector General of Egyptian Telegraphs,
who died at Cairo on December 1st, 1903, at the age of 51,
was the eldest surviving son of the Rev. Ayscoghe Floyer
and of Louisa Sara, daughter of the Hon. Frederick John
Shore, of the Bengal Civil Service. He was educated by
the Rev. C. Boys at Wing Rectory, Rutland, and afterwards
at the Charterhouse, until 1869, when he received an
appointment in the Indian Telegraph Service, being then
in his 17th year. During the next seven years he was
stationed on the coast of the Persian Gulf. In January,
1876, when he received his long leave, although at the time
seriously ill, he started, on his own responsibility, for the
unexplored interior of Baluchistan. His observations and
surveys on the difficult and dangerous series of journeys
which occupied him until May, 1877 (when he returned to
England), earned him the reputation of a bold and intelligent
explorer at the age of three and twenty. Shortly after his
return to England he was appointed Inspector General of
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382 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
Egyptian Telegraphs, and went out to take up the appoint-
ment in January, 1878. This post he held for twenty-five
years until his death in 1903. The department, which had
hitherto been conducted at a heavy loss, he so reorganized
as to yield a substantial annual surplus, and, as an expert
upon questions of telegraphic tariff, he represented Egypt
efficiently at the International Telegraphic Congresses. For
his services to the military authorities during the campaigns
of the eighties he was granted the medal ''Egypt, 1882,'^
with clasp "The Nile, 1884-5," in connection with the
Tel-el- Kebir campaign, and the Gordon Relief Expedition
respectively ; and received also the Khedive's ** Bronze
Star." In 1884 he contributed to the Proceedings of the
Royal Qeographical Society a note " On the Nile Route from
Haifa to Debba," and in 1887 he surveyed ** Two Routes in
the Eastern Desert of Egypt" between the Nile and the
Red Sea (about N. lat. 26°). In 1891 he was appointed by
the Ehedive to the command of an important expedition in
the more southern part of the same desert, about N. lat. 24°.
In this expedition he located and examined the extensive
emerald - mines of Sikait and Zabbara, which have been
worked at various epochs from very early times, and have
now been reopened owing to Mr. Floyer's report of their
potentialities. The results of the expedition, antiquarian,
scientific, and economic, were fully described in his official
publication Made 8ur la Nord-Etbai (Cairo, 1893). It is
a matter of great regret that this remarkable book was not
translated into English and published in this country, where
the author's ** Unexplored Baluchistan" (Griffith & Farran)
had appeared in 1882.
During the last ten years of his life, while continuing
his linguistic, antiquarian, and scientific work, he gave
much attention to the economic development of desert land
in Egypt. He originated the Nitrate Mission to Upper
Egypt, personally directing the work of extracting the
salts ; and also became ** Director of Plantations, State
Railways, and Telegraphs of Egypt." The management
of this sub - department ''for growing trees and economic
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ERNEST AYSCOGHE FLOYER. 385
plants which may be profitably cultivated upon waste land **
was his particular delight. He grew the cactus (for fibre),
the castsartna (telegraph poles), the Ftcus elastica (yielding
rubber), besides the Hyoscyamus muticua (yielding a valuable
alkaloid), and many other plants.
He was much beloved by the native employes of his
widely spread administration (as the present writer can
testify from personal knowledge). Doubtless his perfect
mastery of the Arabic was a great help towards the attain-
ment of their confidence, but more was due to the deep-seated
kindliness of his nature.
He married, in 1887, Mary Louisa, eldest daughter of
the Rev. William Richards Watson, of Saltfleetby St. Peters,
CO. Lincoln, who survives him ; and leaves three sons, Ernest
Ayscoghe, William Anthony, and John Wadham.
The following list of Mr. Floyer's publications is as full
as I can make it, but owing to his books and papers being
still at Cairo, where his lamented and sudden death occurred,
it is not improbable that the list is incomplete. I am,
however, sufficiently acquainted with my cousin's work to
know that this schedule fairly represents his intellectual
activities outside the sphere of his administration of the
Egyptian Telegraphs. I may add that those who, being
unacquainted with his writings, may wish to consult them,
will find a store of curious and out-of-the-way facts, and
the reflections of an original mind, endowed with a com-
bination of faculties peculiarly suited to grapple with the
varied problems encountered among primitive peoples and
during exploration in countries as yet imperfectly studied.
Vaijghan Cornish, D.Sc., F.R.G.S.
DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF MR. E. A. FLOYER'S
PUBLICATIONS.
1877. Report of the British Association: "On Bashakard in
Western Baluchistan." (Abstract of paper read before the
Geographical Section.)
1877. Journal of the Royal Geographical Society^ vol. xlvii,
pp. 188-201 : " Journal of a Route from Jask to Bampur."
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384 NOTES OF THE QUAKTER.
1882. "Unexplored Baluchistan.'* (Griffith & Farran. Roy.STo;
pp. 507, with twelve illustrations and a map.) This work
contains the narratiycs of (1) a journey of exploratioti
from Jask to Bampur; (2) a tour in the Persian Gulf, in
which the Island of Hen j an and other places were visited;
(3) a journey of exploration from Jask to Kirman vid Anguhran;
(4) a journey from Kirman vid Yezd and Ispahan to Baghdad
and Basra, and by sea to England. The period occupied
by these journeys was from January, 1876, to May, 1877.
Appendix A contains observations on some dialects of Western
Baluchistan and others akin to them. Appendix B, list of
plants collected. Appendix C, ** Geography," contains a list
of 47 localities whose positions were determined by sextant
and chronometer. Appendix D, meteorological observations
from November 1st, 1876, to March 1st, 1877, en route from
Jask to Baghdad.
1«84. Froe. Roy. Geogr, Soc, : ** On the Nile Route from Haifa
to Debba." A short note on the stages of the journey.
1884. The Times, September 5th, p. 4 : ** Turks and Persians."
A letter of considerable interest relating to the politics,
trade, and agriculture of Koweit, Muhammerah, and the
lower Earun.
1887. Proo, Roy. Geogr, Soc, ix, p. 659 ct seq. : ** Two Boutos in
the Eastern Desei-t of Egypt," between the Nile and the Red
Sea, with map by the author of route from Kosseir to Jimsah.
1887. Report of the British Association, p. 801 : ** Between the
Nile and the Red Sea." (Abstract of paper read before the
Geographical Section.)
1891. Athenaum, May 23rd, June 27th, and August 8th.
"Explorations in Eastern Egjpt." (A narrative written
en route.) This and the next seven entries refer to the
Northern Etbai Expedition of 1891.
1892. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, October, pp. 811-833 :
'* The Mines of the Northern Etbai or of Northern -Ethiopia,"
with a Map, Water-colour Drawings, and Lithographs, by the
Scientific Expedition to the Northern Etbai. (This paper
deals with the archaeological results of the expedition.)
1892. Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc, vol. xlviii, p. 576 et seq. : " Notes
on the Geology of the Northern Etbai." The author considers
the supposition of a ** pluvial epoch '* not to be necessary in
order to account for the aqueous erosion observed in this
district.
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ERNEST AYSCOGHE FLOYER. 385
1892. Bull, So€. KhidmaU de Geographies Serie iii, Numero 9:
** Note 8ur lea Sidonicns ot les Erembes d'Hom^re."
1892. ITew Bulletin, December : ** Disappearance of Desert Plants
in Egypt." (Attributed to the arrival of the Arab and his
camel.)
1893. Geographical Journal^ May, pp. 408-431, illustrated:
'♦Further Routes in the Eastern Desert of Egypt." (The
best general summary of the results of the expedition of 1891,
with a good account of the re-discovery of the Emerald Mines.)
1893. ** :fitude sur la Nord-Etbai entre le Nil et la Mer Rouge,"
avec quatre cartes ct quinze illustrations, pp. 192, 4to, Caire,
1893. (Mr. Floyer's official account of the expedition.)
1894. Imlitut Egyptien : ** Note sur Temploi d'une Argile commc
Fertilisant dans la Haute-Egypte." (Reference is here made
to the author's discovery of Nitrate of Soda in the expedition
of 1891.)
1894. Institut Egypt ten: ** Identification de la modemc Kench
avec Panciennc KawtjvoXt^ et arguments qu'on peut tirer de
sa situation g^ographique actuclle."
1894. Institut Egyptien^ Februar}- 2nd: ** L'Ancien mur de
Dondera, Tentyris, Coptos ou Ombos."
1894. Institut Egyptien (read December 7th) : '* Note sur quelques
plantes utiles" [les plus proprcs a relier les sols sabloneuse, etc.].
1895. Institut Egyptien (read January 11th): "Quelques torn-
beaux inexplore6s aux environs de Mualla."
1895. Institut Egyptien (read March 2nd, 1894, published
February 4th, 1895): **LesCadrans Solaires Primitifs dans
la Haute-Egypte."
1895. Athenaumy October 5th: "Primitive Sundials in Upper
Egypt."
1895. Institut Egyptien (read May 3rd): *' UAbaissement de lu
Culture et les nitrates de sonde en Egypte." In this is
included a copy of report by the author as " chef de la mission
des nitrates dans la Haute- Egypte " to the Under-Secretary of
State for Public Works.
1896. Institut Egyptien (read Nov. 8th, 1895) : '' L'Age du Gres
Nubien, et note sur Perosion par le vent et Peau " (illustrated
by photographs, plans, and sections). Contains an account of
a cloud-burst at Helwan, near Cairo, and of its effect in
erosion and transport of material. An important contribution
(in which the author was assisted by Dr. Georg Schweinfurth)
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II
586
NOTES OF THE QUAETER.
to our knowledge of erosion by water in desert regions. The
author continues the discussion on the age of the Nubian
Sandstone and on a '* pluvial epoch " commenced in the Quart.
Joum. Geol. Soc, 1892, vol. xlviii.
1896. Jnstitta J^yptten: '< La Culture du Sisal en Egypte."
Rapport Annuel, 2°^« Annee, 1896.
1897. JTeto Bulletin, December: Correspondence with Mr. Floyer
relating to ''the promising result of an attempt to produce
rubber from Fieus elasttca in Egypt."
1898. Oeographieal Journal^ May, pp. 559-563 : '* Notes on
Mr. Yaughan Cornish's Paper on the Formation of Sand
Dunes, in Geogr. Joum., March, 1897." Illustrated by
sketches of sand dunes between Kuntara and El Arish.
These sandhills were subsequently visited by Dr. Vaughan
Cornish (at Mr. Floyer*s suggestion and with his assistance in
the matter of transport). A paper by Dr. Cornish *' On Sand
Dunes bordering tiie Nile Delta" (Geogr. Joum., Januaiy,
1900) contains some account of Mr. Floyer*8 plantation
experiments, with illustrations.
During the revision of proofs I have received, through
the kindness of H.E. Yacoub Artin Pasha, President Inst.
JEgppt.f copies of the papers read by Mr. Floyer before the
Institute which, in addition to those cited above, include
the following : —
1896. Febraary 7th: "Notes relatives aux recentes dficouvertes
sur les phenom^nes de nitrification dans les sols arables."
1896. February 7th : " Evaporation quotidienne d'une eau
provenant de la lissive des argiles k nitrate (tl Moualla)."
1896. November 6th: ^'Lettre sur le r6sultat de ses recherches
sur les puits fores en Egypte, et relev6 des coupes par
M. Joannidis."
V. c.
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SANBFORD AKTHUB STRONG. 387
8. Arthur Strong.
Ws much regret to learn tliat Mr. Sandford Arthur Strong,
Librarian to the House of Lords, died on January 18th.
He had been out of health since last Spring, but lately he
was thought to be convalescent, and the end came with
unexpected quickness. He was only 40 years of age,
having been bom in 1863, one of the three sons of
Mr. Thomas Banks Strong, who till lately was chief clerk
in the Adjutant-General's department at the War Office.
'One of his two brothers is the present Dean of Christ
Church. Arthur Strong went as a boy to St. Paul's School.
Doubtless it will come as a surprise to many to learn that
from school he passed at the early age of 15 into Lloyd's,
where he remained from 1878 to 1880. In spite of marked
business capacity, however, the attraction of scholarship
proved too strong and drew him to a University career.
He entered first King's College, London, and went sub-
sequently to St. John's College, Cambridge. The fact that
he was handicapped by a break in study at a critical period
^f intellectual development, the delicacy of his health, and
above all the rebellion of an original mind against prescribed
lines of study sufficiently explain why Strong did not
4ichieve much distinction of the accepted Academic kind. Yet
in the light of his subsequent achievement it is instructive
to note that this great scholar was twice judged unworthy of
a Fellowship at his old College. At Cambridge, however,
he came under the influence of Professor Cowell, with whom
he studied Sanskrit and other Oriental languages, and he
•qniekly developed extraordinary powers in this direction,
which were soon to win him recognition in wider circles than
those in which he had so far moved.
If Cambridge, then, scarcely proved a true alma mater
towards one of the most gifted of her sons, Oxford now
showed herself a kind foster - mother. Thither Strong
migrated in 1885, having been appointed Librarian and
Sub - Keeper, under Sir Monier Williams, to the newly
founded Indian Institute. There also, in Oxford's genial
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388 NOl-ES OF THE QUARTER.
and humane atmosphere he was soon ' discoyered ' by men
of the calibre of Max Miiller, whose Oriental library he
catalogued, of Professor Sayce, who became his lifelong
friend, of Professor Legge, under whom he studied Chineae^
and of the learned Sub-Librarian of the Bodleian, Dr. Adolf
Neubauer. It was by Neubauer's advice that Strong later
went to Paris, where his cordial reception by Ernest
Renan, James Darmesteter, and other famous scholars i»
almost, a matter of history in learned circles. He studied
under Benan, became a devoted and favourite pupil, and
soon received the high honour — rarely accorded to the
French followers of the illustrious savant — of successive
invitations to Renan's Breton home. In such surroundings
he soon forgot early discouragement, and he returned to
England about 1890, an accomplished scholar of rising
reputation. For a time he devoted himself to Pali, one of
his first undertakings being the publication of an editia-
princeps of the Maha Bodhi Vamsa. This account of the
famous Tree of Wisdom, written in the fifth century ia
a curious and difficult form of Pali, is full of interest, both
historical and philological. It was published by the Pali
Text Society in 1891 and was dedicated to Renan. Then
he took to the study of Assyrian, and quickly became a high
authority on the language and the archaeological remains of
ancient Mesopotamia. He next specialised in Arabic — in
which language he published extensively — and in Persian,
studied Egyptian hieroglyphics, kept up Chinese with
his friend Terrien de Lacouperie, and became proficient in
Hebrew. The facility with which he mastered one difficult
Oriental language after another was a wonder to those best
able to judge of the thoroughness and ability of his work.
His mental powers were rather those of a critical scholar
than of a linguist ; and it is a sane and sober judgment
which is the chief characteristic of his Oriental work.
Meantime he had applied, on the death of Robertson Smith
in 1894, for the Professorship of Arabic in Cambridge, but
was again imfortunate. The question of ways and means
now pressed heavily upon him; for in England, unless a
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SANDFOBD ARTHUR STRONG. 389
man holds one of the few available posts in the Universities^
the Musearo, or the India Office, he cannot 'live of the
doctrine ' as an Orientalist. For some years Arthur Strong
had to face grave difficulties ; then the tide of his fortunes
suddenly turned. Friends introduced him to Lord Justice
Bowen and Lord Acton, and both these eminent men were
greatly struck with his profound and varied learning, his
keen intelligence, and his power of work. Mr. Gladstone,
too, was much impressed by his conversation. Presently the
Duke of Devonshire wanted a librarian for Chatsworth to
succeed Sir James Lacaita, and Arthur Strong was appointed
on the recommendation mainly of his friend Mr. Sidney
Colvin. The same year he obtained the long coveted
Academic recognition, and he was elected Professor of
Arabic in University College, London. But it was at
Chatsworth and Devonshire House that he was to obtain
scope for that almost encyclopedic knowledge which so far
had been little more than guessed at by those outside his
immediate intimacy. He set to work to study, and to make
known in a more scientific way than had been done hitherto^
the celebrated ducal treasures. Among the art collections
he was able to return to a cherished pursuit. A pupil of
Albert Varley, he had early turned to the critical study of
art, bringing to it the equipment of technical knowledge.
He had commenced his contributions to the subject at the
age of 15 by a paper on the little known Venetian artist
Jacopelto del More, and continued them in a long series of
articles, contributed to various * weeklies,' which it is hoped
may be collected one day into a volume. In 1901 he pub-
lished a book on the Duke of Devonshire's pictures, while
from the celebrated Chatsworth collection of drawings by the
old masters he only last year issued a beautiful volume of
selections with a critical introduction. Nor did he limit
himself to Italian and modem art ; the superb bronze head
of Apollo in the Library at Chatsworth, which had been
ignored as of the * debased ' or ' Roman ' epoch, he recognized
to be a masterpiece of the transitional period of Greek art»
a conjecture afterwards confirmed and expanded by Professor
J.R.A.8. 1904. 26
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390 . NOTES OF THE QUAETER.
Furtwangler, who published the head as a true Greek work
of priceless merit, from the first half of the fifth century B.C.
It will be remembered as having been one of the chief
centres of attraction at the exhibition of Greek art held
last Summer at the Burlington Fine Arts Club, chiefly
organized by Mrs. Strong. In 1897 Strong had married
Miss Eugenie Sellers, herself a Greek archsBologist of
distinction.
Meantime he had been invited by the Duke of Portland
to reorganize the great library at Welbeck. Other owners
of fine collections, especially of drawings, asked for his
help ; and of the Wilton drawings he published a selection,
with critical notes. He had a keen eye, great accuracy of
observation, a marvellous memory, and a knowledge of all
that the best critics had written ; so that his own critical
writings on art have great merit, the more remarkable since
they came as an epilogue to other work. For he never
forgot his old studies ; he retained his post at University
College, and the more modest one of Reader in Assyrian
at Cambridge ; if unable to produce as much in the Oriental
field as he could have wished, he had the satisfaction of
aiding by his newly acquired influence the work of others ;
thus for the publication of the three great volumes of
" Assyrian Deeds and Documents " by his friend and pupil
C. W. Johns he obtained an important subvention from
the Duke of Devonshire and the Duke of Portland, an
instance of enlightened patronage which was gracefully
acknowledged by the author in the dedications of his
several volumes. Arthur Strong's varied intellectual pursuits
had now to be carried on together with his practical
duties as Librarian to the House of Lords, to which post
he was appointed in 1897, chiefly through the Duke of
Devonshire's influence. His work in his new capacity was
fruitful, and his great stores of knowledge were of much
use to those peers who use the library, and to Royal and
other Commissions engaged upon work for which research
is needed. Himself an ardent politician and historian, he
became a frequent writer on historical questions. Early
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8ANDF0BD AETHUR STfiONO. 391
in 1903, when he was already ailing, he wrote as an
Introduction to the selection he had been at work upon for
years from the archives of the Duke of Portland what will
probably be considered his most brilliant literary effort.
He has left a similar aimotated selection from the archives
of Devonshire House about half completed, while an article
on Warren Hastings which he wrote last Summer for the
North American JReview during his seeming convalescence
still has to appear. There were few subjects on which he
did not know a great deal ; and what he did not know he
knew how to learn. Indeed, the vastness of his erudition
and the variety of subjects to which he was able to apply
his judgment are evidence of what it would be not at all
-excessive to designate as genius.
We have dwelt upon his gifts as manifested in his
published work, but those who were admitted to his
intimacy knew also that he was a considerable mathematician
and classical scholar^ a keen entomologist, and a musical
critic of the first order ; above all, they knew him for
a staunch and devoted friend, untiring in the double service
of science and of friendship, inflexible in his standards
of right and wrong, intolerant only of cant and
pretension. Nor would any account of Strong be
adequate that left unnoticed the singular originality of
his mind, the charm and wit of his conversation. Last
Spring he fell ill ; overwork at last told upon his spare
and anaemic frame; he had to leave London, and, though
he seemed at one time to be recovering, be has died
at an age when most men are beginning their careers.
He will be greatly missed; for such gifts as his are
extremely rare, even taken singly, while it is not likely
that in our time they will ever be found again in com-
bination. At the time of his death he was engaged in
editing, for the Royal Asiatic Society Monographs, Ibn
Arabshah's poem in Arabic on the life of Jakmak, Sultan
of Egypt. About one-third of the work was in print, and
the Society hopes to be able to complete and publish it-
It is pathetic to note that the last time he went out was on
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3.42 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
December 23rd in order to bring the corrected proofs of
this text to the Secretary of the Society. He was then
apparently well on the way to complete recovery, but the
next day the relapse occurred which was to end fatally
in less than a month. Could he have made the choice
consciously he would have liked thus to give his final effort
to those Eastern studies which had remained the master
I passion of his maturity, as they had been the inspiration
j of his youth.
He has also left in preparation the translation with notes of
a long Assyrian text as well as of some Egyptian inscriptions
which he discovered at Ghatsworth.
[Adapted from The Times of January 19th, 1904.]
The following is a fairly, if not quite, complete bibliography
of Arthur Strong's original contributions to Orientalism : —
1890.
(1) "Votive Inscription of Assumatsirpal." \ Records of the
(2) '* Inscription of Rimmon-nivari III.'* > Past, n.s.,
(3) "Three Votive Inscriptions of Assumatsirpal." ) vol. iv, 1890.
1891.
(4) " The Nimrod Inscription of Tiglath Pileser III " : Records of
the Past, N.S., vol. v, 1891.
(5) " The Maha-Bodhi-Vamsa *' : Pali Text Society.
(6) "Two Edicts of Assurbanipal " : Journal of R.A.8., 1891.
1892.
(7) "Inscription of Assur-Bel-Eala " : Records of the Past, k.s.,
vol. vi, 1892.
(8) "Prayer of Assurbanipal " : Records of the Past, n.s., vol. vi,
1892.
(9) " Three Cuneiform Texts " : Babylonian and Oriental Record,
July, 1892.
(10) "Four Cuneiform Texts": J.R.A.S., 1892.
1893.
(11) "On some Oracles to Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal":
Beitrage ziir Assyriologie, ii, 1893.
(12) " Un texte in6dit d' Assurbanipal " : Journal Asiatique, 1893..
(13) "A Letter to Assurbanipal " : Hebraica, vol. iv, 1893.
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ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRART. 39!^
1894.
(14) ''The Futah al-Habashah, or Tho Conquest of Abyasinu " :
Monograph, Williams & Norgate, 1894.
(15) "Note on a Fragment of the Adapa Legend" : Proceedings
of the Society of Biblical ArchsBology, vol. xvi, 1894.
1895.
(16) <' Additional Note on the Adapa Legend *' : Proceedings of ^ the
Society of Biblical Archseology, vol. xvii, 1895.
(17) " Some Assyrian Alliterative Texts" : ibid.
(18) *« A History of Kilwa " : J.R.A.S., 1895.
1898.
(19) *' A Hjrmn of Nebuchadnezzar " : Proceedings of the Society
of Biblical Archeology, 1898.
1903.
(20) '' Arabic Text of Ibn Arabshah's History of Jakmak, Sultan
of Egypt " : to be published shortly by the R.A.S.
(21, 22) A long Assyrian Text and an Egyptian Inscription have
been left in an advanced state of preparation.
III. Additions to the Library.
Presented by the Northbrook Club.
De Sacy (A. J. Silvestre). Chrestomathie Arabe. Two
volfl. Paris, 1806.
Campbell (G.). India as it may be. London, 1853.
Hafiz Shirazi. Sharh-i-Diwan. Urdu commentary by
Moulvi Earim al-Din. Lahore, 1874.
Buckley (R. B.). The Irrigation Works of India and
their Financial Results. London, 1880.
Lethbridge(R.). Higher Education in India. London,1882.
Presented by the Author.
Drake (J.). Grammar of the Eurku Language. 8vo.
Calcutta, 1903.
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(r
394 NOTES OP THE QUARTER.
PurchoBed.
Takakusu (J.). A Pali Ohrestomathy. 8vo. Tokyo.imQ.
Presented by the India Office.
Love (Lieut.-Colonel H. D.). Descriptive List of Pictiires
in Government House and the Banqueting EEall,
Madras. 4to. Madrae, 1903.
From the Publishers.
Chirol (Y.). The Middle Eastern Question, or some
Political Problems of Indian Defence. 8vo.
London, 1903.
Smith (W. Robertson). Kinship and Marriage in Early
Arabia. New edition with notes by the author and
Professor J. Goldziher, edited by S. A. Cook. 8vo.
London, 1903.
Cook (S. A.). The Laws of Moses and the Code of
Hammurabi. Svo. London, 1903.
Irvine (W.). The Army of the Indian Moghuls. Svo.
London, 1903.
Eamal ad-Din of Isfahan. The Hundred Love Songs,
now first translated from the Persian by L. H. Oray,
and done into English verse by Ethel W. Mumford.
Browne (E. G.). The Lub&bu'l-'Alb&b (second part) of
Muhammad Awfi. Svo. (Persian Historical Texts,
vol. ii.) London, 1903.
Nielsen (D.). Die altarabische Mondreligion und die
mosaische Ueberlieferung. Svo. Strassburg, 1904.
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JOURNAL
OF
THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
xvn.
ON THE BHATTIKAVTA.
By B. C. MAZUMDAR.
OOME modem commentators have ascribed the Bhatti-
^ kavya to Bhartrihari, the author of the celebrated
Satakas, without assigning reasons for their assumption.
It has never been shown why this kavya, dealing with the
story of Bama, is entitled Bhattikavya. The imaginary
derivation of the title from either of the names Bhartrihari
or Bhattanarayana is so far-fetched that it must be rejected,
if strong evidence be not adduced to prove that either of
them was really the author of the epic.
The poet does not give us his own name : all that he says
is that the kavya was composed at Yalabhi, during the reign
of Dharasena. It must be noticed hero that the commentator
Jayamaugala reads " Sri-Dhara-sunu-narendra-palitayam "
for "l&rl-Dharasena-narendra," etc. This is merely a mistake.
On reference to the very careful and exhaustive list of the
princes and kings of Valabhl given by Mr. Fleet in his
Gupta Inscriptions, vol. iii of the "Corpus Inscriptionum
Indicarum," it will be found that there was no Valabhi king
whose name was Sridhara or Narendra. Having read
wrongly aunu for sena, the commentator was forced to
explain the passage by " Sridhara-sununa Narendra-namna
nripe^a."
J.B.A.8. 1904. 27
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396 ON THE BHATTIKAVYA.
Whilst narrating the story of Sama, in twenty-two long
cantos, the poet gives examples of all the important
grammatical forms, of the rules of poetical composition, and
of various Alankaras, both in Sanskrit and Prakrit. The
literary Prakrit in which some twenty -eight stanzas are
composed, in the 13th canto, differs greatly from the
Prakrits used in the Sakuntala and the Hatnavali. Being
more allied to Sanskrit, it is doubtless earlier. A poet of
the seventh century would not have illustrated the ideal
Prakrit by so largely mixing it up with Sanskrit words.
For composition in the purer Prakrit dialects was extant in
all the dramas of that time.
The elaborate manner in which the poet has given
illustrations of oabdulankara and Arthalaiikara in the 10th
canto shows that the poet meant to be exhaustive in what
he took up to illustrate. How is it, then, that some forms
of the Alankaras, well known in the seventh century, are
wanting in the Bhattikavya? The cantos were lengthy
enough to afford space for them.
Bharavi, who is regarded almost as a contemporary of
Ealidasa, resorted to verbal jugglery in the composition
of many stanzas in his Kiratarjunlya. In the Kavyadar^
of Dandin we get all sorts of examples of this jugglery.
It follows that plays on words and tricks with letters were
an established art long before Dandin wrote his book towards
the end of the sixth century. The Bhattikavya gives, in
the 10th canto, many examples of this sort of thing. But
it is to be noted that some important forms of it, such as
the fully developed Sarvatobhadra, Gomutrika, Arddha-
bhrama, and Varna-kari^la (tricks with letters, such as
" Nunam nunnani nanena," etc.), are not referred to. The
poet of the Bhattikavya, who composed his work with the
distinct object of illustrating such tricks of composition,
would never have omitted these instances of them if he had
flourished after Bharavi and Dandin. This omission would,
in the seventh century, have been construed as a failure
on the part of the poet, since he had imdertaken to teach
his readers all the various forms of rhetorical composition.
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ON THE BHATTIKAVYA. 397
The Valmiki Romayana, as we now have it, consists of
«even cantos. That the seventh is a later development is
known from the introduction of the epic itself. It can be
-easily imagined that it took time for the new story of the
Uttarakanda to become popular. Now Kalidasa and all his
successors in the field of poetry never omit to narrate this
later part of the story. The author of Bhattikavj^a gives
the story to the end of Lahkakanda only. This is worthy
of note. The Bhattikavya is extremely lengthy, and
contains twenty-two very long cantos ; and yet, for no
apparent reasons, the story ends with Bama's return to
Ayodhya. Yet it would seem, from the general remarks
in his introduction, that the poet proposed to tell the whole
story.
Kalidasa says in the introduction to his Raghuvaih^a, that
his subject had been dealt with before him by more than
one poet. Valmiki is certainly the poet whom Kalidasa
followed. Is the author of Bhattikavya one of those
referred to?
The text of the Mandasor stone inscription of 472 a.d.
was composed by a poet named Vatmbhatti. For the full
text the readers may refer to Mr. Fleet's work on the
Gupta Inscriptions. There is a striking resemblance between
stanzas 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 in the inscription and the description of
^rat in the 2nd canto of Bhatti. That the name of the poet
is Yatm-bkatfi, that the date 472 is the date when Dharasena I
was reigning as a Valabhl-Raja, that the Mandasor text was
composed in praise of Kumara Gupta, whose Senapati and
feudatory this Dharasena was, are acknowledged facts. If
we accept Vatsabhatti to be the author of Bhattikavya, many
things which we cannot otherwise explain can be explained.
It explains the name of the kavya; it explains why some
forms of rhetoric, popular during the days of Bharavi and
Da^din, are not found in this kavya ; and it explains also
why the story of Bama, as it is given in the poem, does
not include the later portion.
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399
XVIII.
XEMABKS ON A PAPTBITS FBOM OXTBHTNCHVS:
AN ENGLISH VERSION, WITH SOME CORRECTIONS,
•OF A GERMAN ARTICLE WHICH APPEARED IN THE BERLIN
" HERMES," VOL. XXXIX, p. 307 ff.
By PROFESSOR E. HULTZSCH, Ph.D. ; HALLE.
/^NE of the papyri of the second century a.d. which
^^^ Drs. Grenf ell and Hunt lately discovered at Oxyrhynchus,
in Egypt,^ contains several passages in a barbarian language,
which is presumably an Indian dialect. This may be con-
cluded from the facts that that text — a farce — is concerned
<with a Greek lady named Charition, who has been stranded
on the coast of a country bordering the Indian Ocean, and
that the king of that country addresses his retinue by
the words ^IvB&v irpofioi, ' chiefs of the Indians.* In other
places the same king and his countrymen use their own
language. Twice one of the Greeks accompanjring the
heroine gives the Greek translation of a few Indian words: —
(1) According to line 59, the word fipadi^ (or fipc^dei^si)
has the meaning eU rh /leplBia \a;^6>/A62/, 'let us draw lots
for the shares.'
(2) In line 66 the words /corT<o<; and Jtwr^T are rendered
by ineiv S09 Ta^^wv, ' give to drink quickly.'
Both these sentences the king utters when Charition has
wine served to him and his attendants in order to make
them drunk. The Indian word (oTrir corresponds to the
Greek Ta;^€a)9. As its third letter, tt, is marked by the
» The Ojryrhynchm P<ipyri, part iii (London, 1903), No. 413, pp. 41 to 55.
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400 A PAPYRUS FROM OXYRHYNCHUS.
editors as indistinct, I would change it to ^otit and explain
it by the Sanskrit jhatiti, 'quickly/ which is frequently
used in also the Dravidian languages of Southern India.
The word kottco^ ^ corresponds to the Greek frteiv S69. The
only Indian language from which I am able to explain it
satisfactorily is Kanarese, in which kudisu means ' give to-
drink/
The word ^pa0i^, too, is apparently of Kanarese origin.
For aOi^, which corresponds to the Greek Xax^ofj^v, is the
Kanarese dr/isu, * let (us) play/ the imperative of the causal
of ddu, *to play/ The two first letters of I3pa0t<:, which
still remain to be accounted for, are probably identical with
the Kanarese ber, * separation, separate/ Thus €^9 ret fieplSia
Xa;^a)/i6i/ is a tolerably accurate paraphrase of the Kanarese
ber ddiau, ' let us play separately/
In line 64 the word ^paSt^, which precedes kotto)^, stands
for the gerund ber ddisi, * having let us play separately/ In
the Indian king's speech, which ends with ^pa8i<; /coTTtt>9>
there occur twice similar words in diflferent order : —
(1) ^€pr) Kov^u BafJLVV TrerpeKuo iraKTct.
(2) ^epf] .... irerp^Kuo Zajivr xiv^rj ira^ei.
Of these, ^eprj is the Kanarese berCy * separately,' an
emphatic form of ber which is still in daily use. /coyfei or
Kiv^f) is the equally common kohcha, ' a little,' and irerpeKuo
is patrakkCy the dative otpdtra, 'a cup.' SafJLw or Bafivr can
be explained as a transposed form of madhu, *wine,' and
woKTet or TTafet is perhaps an incorrect rendering of hdki,
* having poured/ Thus bere koncha madhu pdtrakke hdJii
means * having poured a little wine into the cup separately.'
So far, I believe I stand on firm ground ; and I shall now
proceed to attempt an explanation of lines 83 to 85. The
first two of these three lines contain one and the same
sentence, of which the first word diflfers slightly in line 85.
1 In my German article I explained this word wrongly by the Dravidian
kodUy *give,' which lacks the final j of Korrctff, and which would leave the
infinitive iriuv untranslated.
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A PAPYRUS FROM OXYRHYNCHUS. 401
No Oreek translation is here given, and the words are
left undivided in the original. Dr. Grierson has already-
conjectured that the first word of lines 83 and 84 is connected
with the Indian pdnam, * drinking, drink, a cup.' j^prj'''''
and fififfTovovevi remind us of the above-mentioned words
fipadi^ and jSept), I consider fmvovafi a clerical mistake for
fuiSouafi, and explain iravovfi /Sprjrt, /care fioBova/i /Sprjrovovevi
by the Kanarese sentence pdnam ber etti katti madhuvam bir
ettuvenuy ' having taken up the cup separately and having
covered (it), I shall take wine separately.' In line 85 the
first word of this sentence, iravovfi, is replaced by irapaKovfjL,
which may be meant for pardku, * attention ! ' ^
The papyrus contains several other words and sentences in
barbarian language. These I cannot make out. I recommend
them to the attention of Eanarese scholars in England and
India. A high authority, to whom I would have gladly
appealed, is no more among us.^
From the fact that the Indian language employed in the
papyrus is Eanarese, it follows that the site of Gharition's
adventures is one of the numerous small ports on the
western coast of India between Karwar and Mangalore.
This territory belongs now to the districts of * North Canara '
and ' South Canara,' the inhabitants of which speak Eonkani
and Tulu besides Eanarese, but which, as may be concluded
from the inscriptions discovered there, were formerly ruled
over by Eanarese princes.
It is only in one of two ways that the unknown author
of the Greek farce can have acquired his knowledge of
Eanarese words and sentences. He owed them either to
a native of the coast of Canara who resided in Egypt, or
to a Greek who had learnt the vernacular during his stay
* According t*) Reeve and SanderHon's Cauarese Dictionan', *.r., the ori^oal
meaning of thin word in 'inattention.' Hence it has to be derived, like the
TfaDiXpardkku^ from the Hannkjit pardk^ * turned away.' In my German article
1 suggested as a possible ecjuivalent parakktuhj *also for another.' But this
form would not only give a poor sense, but would imply a violation of the ruh-s
of Kanarese grammar, and perarkgam would have to be expected instead of it.
* Dr. F. Kittel, the author of the great Kannada Dictionar)', died at Tubingen
at the close of last year. Mult is ille bonis /rbiim oceidU.
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402 A PAPYRUS PROM OXYRHYNCHUS.
in India. Each of these two possibilities presupposes the
existence of a commerce by sea between Africa and India.
This assumption is neither new nor unexpected. That
a brisk trade was carried on by way of the Indian Ocean
in the first and second centuries of our era we know from
the anonymous Periplus of the Erythrcean Sea {Uephrkow
rfji ^EpvOpas SaKdaarist) and from Ptolemy's Oeography. In
these two works a large number of ports of the west coast
of India are mentioned by name.^ The Periplus (and Pliny)
expressly state that, after the example of a certain Hippalos,
the Greek mariners availed themselves of the south-west
monsoon, in order to get carried to the Indian coast from
Cape Guardafui or from Arabia.^ To Prof. Wilcken I am
indebted for the fact that, in the lists of inhabitants dating
from the time of Vespasian^ an Egyptian is registered as
absent in India {h r§ *IvSifcr}).^ In an inscription (hitherto
misread) of the temple at Redeslye, on the route from the
port of Berenike, on the Bed Sea, to Apollinopolis Magna
(now Edfii), on the Nile, the same scholar discovered the
name of an Indian traveller who halted there to worship
at the shrine of the Greek god Pan. Prof. Wilcken reads
this record/ which belongs to the period of the Ptolemies,
as follows : —
iloi'l EvoS^
KoX ^EmiKOfp
Soifxav 'I1/S09
inrip avTOv.
Xo^fov does occur elsewhere as a Greek name. In the
present case, where it is borne by a Hindu, it may be
a Hellenized form of the Sanskrit Subhdnu.
Dumb witnesses of these commercial relations with the
Occident are the Roman imperial coins which, under the
British rule, have been found in various parts of Southern
> See e.g. Ind. Ant,, vol. xiii, p. 330.
5 See id., vol. viii, p. 147 f.
' Kenyon, Greek Fapyri in the BritUh Maseum, vol. ii, p. 48, 1. 42, and
p. 49, 1. 72.
* LepeiuB, Denhmater, vol. vi, No. 166, p. 81.
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A PAPYRUS FBOM OXYRHYNOHUS, 403
India. Thus, in the year 1851, ''no less than five cooly
loads " of Roman gold coins were dug up near Cannanore in
Malabar.^ The frequent occurrence of coins of Augustus,
Tiberius, etc., in the C!oimbatore district led Mr. Walhouse
to suppose that it was from a mine situated in this district
that the Romans obtained the aqua marina or beryl, the
Indian origin of which is reported by Pliny.^ On the
Coromandel coast,^ especially at Madura, there are found
•certain small copper coins, apparently of South -Indian
make, but resembling in type the Roman imperial coins.'^
They suggest the existence of a Roman settlement and mint
at Madura, — the MoSovpa of Pliny and Ptolemy. A silver
•coin which I purchased in the Bangalore bazar deserves
to be mentioned on account of its being obtained in South
India. Like other coins of the Ptolemies, it bears on the
•obverse the head of Ptolemy I., facing the proper left, and
on the reverse an eagle, sitting on the thunder -bolt
and facing the proper right; round the eagle, the legend
RTOAEMAIOY BAZIAEOZ ; in front of the eagle, LIH
(/.e. the year 18), and at its back, HA (i.e. ndif>o<;).
Further, it may be mentioned in this connection that
Indian astronomy has been greatly influenced by the Greeks.
One of the canonical works bore the name ROmaka'Siddhdnta^
i.e. * the Roman's Text-book,' and contained rules for the
meridian of Yavanapura, * the city of the Greeks/ i.e. Alexandria
in £gypt, while the remaiuing Indian authorities make the
first meridian pass through Ujjayini (Ujjain in Malwa).*^
Hence we might feel inclined to conclude that the results of
■Greek science, which were known to the Romaka-Siddhanta,
were imported from Africa by sea to the port of Broach
on the Narmada (Bapvya^a on the NafidStfi: or NafivdSio^
in Ptolemy's work and in the PeriplUs), and thence up
» Thurston's Catahgne of Roman Coins (Madras, 1894), p. 11 f.
* Ind. Ant,, vol. v, p. 237 ff.
3 Sir W. Elliot's Coins of Southern India, p. 35.
* iSewell's Zista of Antiquitiei, vol. i, pp. 285 and 291. Tut'neirs Hint9 to
Coin-collecton in Southern IndiOy p. 29.
^ Thibaut's Astronanie, pp. 43 and 49.
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404 A PAPYRUS FROM OXYRHYXCHUS.
country to Ujjain (O^i^vr)). But the Oarga-Samhitdy which'
Prof. Kern places in the first century B.C., mentions not
only the Greek astronomers, but the Greek kings of the
Pan jab. ^ It is therefore not impossible that Greek astronomy
had been already communicated to India by land in the time
of the Indo - Bactrian successors of Alexiander the Great.
Prof. Wilcken drew my attention to a calendar fragment
discovered at Milet and belonging to the second century
B.C., in which several weather forecasts are given on the
authority of the Indian Kallaneus {Kara *IpS&v KaXKapea).^
Unfortunately, no person resembling Kallaneus in name
is found among the ancient astronomers mentioned by
Varahamihira,^ and Prof. Diels is probably right in suspecting
that this Kallaneus is nothing but a reminiscence of the
Gymnosophist Kalanos, who is reported to have followed
Alexander the Great from Taxila to Susa, and to have there
committed suicide by entering the flames.
The same Kalanos turns up once more as member of an
embassy to Augustus. He is now called Zapfjuapo^vy^^f
comes from Bapyoaa (Broach), and burns himself at Athens,
where a tomb is raised to him. The Graoco-Roman records
of Indian embassies are full of similar odd and incredible
statements. From the learned researches of Mr. Priaulx,* it
appears that before 200 a.d. four Roman emperors were
visited by natives of India, viz., Augustus, Claudius, Trajan,
and Antoninus Pius. Only of the first of these four alleged
embassies can it be safely asserted that, in spite of sensational
embellishments, it rests on a historical foundation. For,
Augustus himself declares in his Memoirs : — *' To me
embassies of kings were frequently dispatched from India,
which had never before been seen with a leader of the
Romans." ^ The * frequency ' of such missions proves that.
^ Kera's Preface to the Brihat-Samhita^ p. 35 ff.
2 SitzungHhr. d. Berl. Akad,, 1904, p. 108.
3 Kern*s Preface to the JBfihat'Sainhifay p. 29.
* The Indian Trareh of ApoUonius of TijatWy and the Indian Embassies to
lioniCf London, 1873.
^ MonumentKin Ancyramim, edited by Monimsen, chapter 31.
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A PAPYRUS FROM OXYRHYNCHUS. 405^
already about the time of the Birth of Christ, a lively
intercourse existed between India and the Occident. For
this reason and those adduced before, there is nothing
strange in the fact that the author of the farce discovered at
Oxyrhynchus, or his informant, must have been acquainted
with the Kanarese language.
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407
XIX.
A HEW mSTOBICAL FBAOHENT FBOM NINEVEH.
By THEOPHILUS G. PINCHES, M.R.A.S.
npHE fragment here referred to belongs to Mr. John Quinn^
jnn., of Liverpool, and was purchased by him from the
collection of the late Mr. Boutcher, artist to Mr. W. K.
Loftus in Assyria. The height and the width are nearly
the same, being about two inches and seven-eighths. Like
all Uie tablets from Nineveh, it is of baked clay, but the
colour is much darker than the generality of docimients from
that site which have not been stained witli bitumen, or some
other material, in consequence of their 2,500 years* burial
in the earth. According to a statement made by the agent
who sold it, the fragment, at the time it came into his
hands, was covered with grease, which would account for the
exceedingly dark brown of the surface. Unfortunately,
none of the lines, which number eighteen in all, are complete,
about a third only of the middle portion of the longest of
them being preserved.
It was at first stated to be a text of AsSur-bani-ftpli oi*
Assurbanipal, relating to his war with his brother ^mas-
sum-ukm or Saosduchinos. A short examination of the*
text, however, showed that neither of these names occurred,
but instead the names of Bel-kudur-usur, Ninip-tukulti-
ASsur,* and Harbi-sihu, the Ilubirite, were clearly dis-
tinguishable, together with the place-names Assyria, Akkad,
NifFur,^ Sipar, and Babylon. The peculiarity of the writing
' The usual transcription of the fii-st eloinent, Xinip, is here retained, but
Dr. Hrozny gives good reason lor supposinjr that it ought to be Kiu-rah^ or,
^>etter, NiA^ (Niriffi).
' The Nilfer of I^ynrtrn Nhtfrrh and Babijion, Hj)elled Xiffar by I/oftus,
Chuldaa and Sutiana^ and Nufar in American works. Tlie native tmuscription
into European letters is Noufar, showing French influence.
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408 NEW HISTORICAL FRAGMENT FROM NINEVEH,
as a whole, and the presence of small holes in the blank
spaces in lines 10 and 11, recalled, with the names, the text
published in the fourth volimie of the Cuneiform Inscriptions
of Western Asia, pi. 34, No. 2, and on a comparison of the
two being made, the probability that Mr. Quinn's fragment
belonged to that tablet or to anojther of the same series was
greatly strengthened. Unfortunately, an examination of
these two pieces at the British Museum disclosed no point
of contact, and the characters on that belonging to Mr. Quinn
also seemed to be larger. The British Museum tablet,
however, must have been of considerable size when complete,
so that there was plenty of room for the size of the writing
to vary, and the probability that Mr. Quinn' s fragment once
formed part of it is not by any means excluded. The little
holes in the Museiun fragment being circular, whilst those
of Mr. Quinn's fragment are triangular, also imply a different
dociunent, unless the scribe changed his stilus in the course
of writing out the inscription. The reddish-yellow of the
Museum fragment would probably assume the colour of the
new piece if it were soaked in oil.
I took advantage of the necessity of comparing the two
fragments to collate all the imcertain characters of the
published text, but without much result, there being little
or nothing to alter in the text published imder Sir Henry
Rawlinson's editorship. As this is well known to students,
I do not reproduce it here, but merely give a transcription
to support the translation, which follows herewith. Where
the text begins, it is probably the upper part of the reverse,
•that is to say, about the middle of the record : —
Transcription of the British Museum Fragment.
(1) Anaku ul akrubakkamma sa kurrubiauktarribakkamma
ana snhetum (?) sa sarrani sa limiti-ka iltaknu-ka-ma (2)
u ameni dibbu-kimu ana §a Sarrabe maslu * su-ma sa
* The reason of the spaces in this text is doubtful — they may mean that the
r^cribe's original was defective. Those in lines 10, 17, 18, and 24, however,
liave the usual holes made by the scribe, implying that nothing is wanting.
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I(EW HISTORICAL FRAGMENT FROM NINEVEH, 409
atta ta§pura xanta (?) i§ten (ime ina ^1 Zaqqalu tuki-anni
(3) immati saparu sa muntalkutu A li'uti su-ma
u qunnu assu &rad Assur-§um-lisir (4) sa itti bSli-su
itrudunissumma ana msLti anniti illikamma ftb&a ftsata
ipusassiiin#/ia ' (?) (5) ana m&ti-§u utirru-Su ultu atta
Harbi-sihu Habiraa t^ma tasakkanu sii ina pani-ka usuz
u ippalam aganna (6) [ijqabbi umma a5aA(?)tanmia i§ten
&ma ina ^1 Zaqqalu ukiannasi ina libbi-kunu mannu ki
sarru-ma tema isakk[anu] (7) * ... . BSl matati
limqutamma dibbu sa m^t A§§ur ana sa Sarrabe 1&
maslu ft ina pi ahawes dibbu li- . . . . (8) . . . .
-dibani ft ina m&ti-su 1ft a§ib nltu ana m^t Akkadi (ki)
illika ina buni sft ihbi- . . . . (9) . . . . -lik-ma
Ninip-tukulti-A§§ur bSl-su ina m&ti anniti ikkali
Ninip-tuknlti-Assur §a ana b61uti-su .... (10) ....
u ame Ninip-tukulti-Assur ina Ik bSluti-su sa ASsur-Sum-
lisir bel matati immati uk [a- .... (11) ... .
-u ultu abfta ana mati-su utirru-§u ibni-ma dibbi sa
urrihti idibbubi sa taspura umma Anaku ki . . . . (12)
.... -qu u6a^(?)qft tabtanmia sa mkt Akkadi (ki)
u mat As^ur ilu irri§ atta ki libbi-ka epus (?) sa (?) battu
tasappara-wfl^ (?) .... (13) .... -anni-ma
ahawes 1ft nimur ft §anutikka ta^appara umma t&btamma §a
[m4t Akkadi (ki)] u m&t ASSur iiT[i§] .... (14)
. . . . -bu sa sarrani met Sft sa ana Harbi-§ihu taqbft
umma Akl anaku ak-bu (?).... -ma Ninip- ....
(15) .... ft ame-ma lubir-ma ahawe§ i nimur §unu
^inip-tiikulti-A§§ur itti .... mAt ki (?) ....
^ The traces, however, do not suggest £Y, tna, but J^, ku^ or JfcJ, "**,
hk, tat.
^ The name or word here waa a short one, the remains sujifgesting nu and bat\
perhaps the name of a god (? Nuhar). There seems to be hardly enough room for
y »">f- ^$ilf; ^y »7^ >f-, Sulmamt-aiartd (ShaHm&neser), unless it could be
written (as is possible) without the determinative prefix *->^ and the phonetic
^•omplement f^; but if this king be intended, he would be the first of the
name, who reigned about 1300 b.c.
' Traces of ^^ or ^^. If the latter, it may be completed ^y, ma.
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410 NEW HISTORICAL FRAGMENT FROM NINEVEH.
(16) .... [Ninip-tujkulti-ASSur ul hibi ir Satti
ina fiqli ulli ame ft ... . a§Sar, .... (17)
. . . . kataku sutaktus ultu tak- ....
(18) . . . . amraeni la tebiram-ma minu sa
.... (19) ... . [Ninip]-tukiilti-As§ur ittia ana
m&t Iriqa atta su . . . . (20) .... [Ninip]-^
tukul-Assur kJ pi dibbi-ma .... (21) ....
[Ninip]-tukiilti-A§sur sa taqbft iimina Kulu'u la zikaru su
. . . . (22) .... -zatunu fl banatunu Ninip-
tukulti-Assur .... (23) .... -u ina buni ki
kasunu anuneni la gam[ir] .... (24) ....
sa taspura umraa .... (25) ....
m&t Ai§ur (ki) sinnisati-ma mat Akkadi ki la ih- . . . .
[The next line has the final wedge of a character, followed
by an unwritten space nearly as large as that in 1. 24, at
which point the surface is again broken away. Below this
is the broken edge of the tablet, with traces of the three
characters <]Bf V^ ^>^.]
Translation.
(1) Have I not been gracious to thee ? Of my favour
I have favoured thee, and to the rule (?) of the kings of
thy district did they then set thee, and (2) then (?) were
your words like unto (those) of the glowing (?) ones. He
then whom thou hadst sent (said) thus: **One (whole) day
didst thou await me in the city Zaqqalu, (3) in the time (?)
to send (those) who were wise and considerate." He then,,
and the qunnu, that is, the servant of Assur-sum-lisir,
(4) whom, with his lord, they had driven away, came
to this country, and my father gave him assistance, and
(5) returned him to his country. After thou hadst set
a command for Harbi-sihu, the Habirite, he remained in
thy presence, and reports (?) here. (6) [He] says thus :
*' I am angrj'^ (?), for one (whole) day in the city Zaqqalii
he awaited us." Who then among you has made a command
like a king ? (7) May .... Lord of the lands, fall
(upon him), and may the words of Assyria be like to (those)
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K£W HI8TDRI0AL FBAGFICENT F&OK NINEVEH. 411
of the glowing (?) ones, and in each other's months may
the words .... (8) . . . . me, and may he
dwell in his land. Since he went to the land of Akkad,
(as for) him, in appearance he has .... (9) . . . .
went, and Ninip-tuknlti-Afiinr, his lord, ravages in this
country. Ninip-tukulti-AiSnr, who to his dominion ....
(10) . . . . and then (?) Ninip*tukulti-ASiar, in the
non-dominion of A$$ur-sam-lidir, lord of the lands, when
he aw(aited ?).... (11) .... since my
father to his country returned him, he has made, and words
of defiance he speaks, as thou sentest thus : ** I, when
.... (12) .... I will look to (?)— it is the
good of the land of Akkad and Assyria Gh)d desires. Thou,
as thy heart has done . . . , thou shalt send, and (?)
(13) .... me, and let us see each
other, and thou shalt send thy representative thus : " It is
the good of [the land of Akkad] and Assyria he de[8ires]
.... (14) .... [wo]rd (?) of tiie kings, and him
(of) whom to Harbi-iihu thou spakest thus: ''As I have
sa[id?] . . . \ and Ninip-[tukulti-AS8ur] .... (15)
. . . . and then indeed (?) let me cross over, and let uft
see each other. They, Ninip-tukulti-AiSur with . . .
country? .... (16) [Ninip] - tukulti
Ai$ur not (fcanting^) year in that field, and . . .
quit (?).... (17) . . . . I was . . .
they have kept it silent. Since thou hast . . .
(18) ... . [w]hy hast thou not entered, and what
(is that) which .... (19) .... [Ninip]-
tukuIti-Aisur I took (?) with me to the land of Iriqa
.... (20) .... [Ninip]-tukulti-Aiiur according
to the tenour of my words then .... (21) ....
[Ninip]- tukulti -AiSur, of whom thou saidst thus: ''A
weakling (?), not a man is he ... . (22) ....
ye have .... and ye have made. Ninip-tukulti-
MsuT .... (23) .... [H]e in appearance
> The aeribe's copy seems to bave been defeetiTe— milesi we ue to take w>
notiee of tlie wide snee ftfter km, and rood tiie whole, with the next fisolaled)
character ae At'fc'r, whieh seems'iiiilikely.
j.a.A.B. 1904. 28
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412 NEW HISTORICAL FRAGMENT FROM NINEVEH.
was like you. Why does he not com[plete ?]
(24) .... which thou sentest, thus : . . . .
(25) .... [the men of] the land of Assyria are
women, the land of Akkad has not ....
(Line 26 is practically lost, and in line 27 traces of
characters only remain. They suggest the words [mdt
Akkadt] (ki) mdt Asiur, "the land of Akkad, the land
of Assyria.")
It will be seen from the above translation that the
document is of the nature of a letter, or, perhaps, an address,
and seems to have been issued at the time of some political
crisis in the affairs of Babylonia (Akkad) and Assyria.
Unfortunately, there is no indication as to the position of
the personage to whom it was sent, but he would seem, from
the first line, to have been a man of distinction, who had
been elected head of the petty kings of his district. Such
a post would naturally give to its holder considerable power
to intrigue, and the drift of the whole suggests that it was
written in consequence of something of the kind having
taken place, or having been suspected of taking place.
My predecessor at the British Museum, the late George
Smith, in his history of Assyria,^ mentions A§§ur-§um-li§ir
and Ninip-tukulti-A§§ur under the names of Assur-zaJdr-esir
and Ninip-tugul-assuri, and regards the latter as the successor
of the former, setting down their date as being probably in
the sixteenth century B.C. This estimate agrees with that
of Hommel, who, in consequence of the reference to Harbi-
sihu, who plainly bears a Kassite name, seems to place the
period of this inscription at about 1500 b.c, somewhat later
than Smith, but stiU sufficiently in accordance with him.
The two kings of Assyria mentioned with Harbi-§ihu must,
therefore, be of a later date than the period preceding the
Eassite dominion in Babylonia.
' Ancient History frotn the Monuments of Assyria, by George Smith,
S.P.C.K. (1875 or earUer).
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NEW HISTORICAL FRAGMENT PROM NINEVEH, 413
Hommel regards this inscription, with great probability,
as having been sent by a Babylonian prince to the Assyrian
court, asking for help, and grounding his request on the
services which his father had rendered to the preceding
Assjrrian king. This he bases on lines 3 and 4, which he
renders "thither to the servant of ASSur-Suma-uStSSir
(As§ur-Sum-llsir), whom, with his lord, they drove out, and
who came to this country, to whom my father brought about
his right, and had caused him to return again into his native
land," and also on lines 10 and 11 " when Nindar-tukulti-
AsSur (Ninip-tukulti-ASSur) has not yet ruled, then ASSur-
suma-ust^sir, the lord of the lands . . . , since my
father brought him again into his coimtry," etc. He notes
that in consequence of the defective nature of the inscription,
and the difficulty of the text, it is impossible to get a
satisfactorily connected translation, and as what was true of
the inscription in 1885 is equally true to-day, I do not
attempt to do more than give a translation of the text as it
stands, and, as far as this is possible, in order to show that
the new fragment really has a bearing upon it, and possibly
belongs to the same tablet or the same series of documents.
The Babylonian king, then, to all appearance it is, who
reminds the person to whom he is writing that he had been
gracious to him, and had favoured him. Apparently, in
consequence of this favour, the kings of his district had
made him their chief, though he would seem to have mis-
oinderstood the extent of the honour conferred upon him,
and sunmioned the rulers whose head he seems to have been
to meet him in Zaqqalu, whereas he ought to have sent
trustworthy and wise counsellors to confer with them.
Reference is then made to a servant of Aidur-simi-lisir
(called, in I. 10, 'lord of the lands'), to whom, with his
master, the writer's father gave assistance after he had been
driven out of his coimtry, and it may be surmised that he
expected both these people to wait on him in the city named.
Apparently, among the rest, Harbi-Sihu, the Habirite, had
received the command referred to, but it is doubtful
whether it was he who remained with the person giving
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414 NEW HISTORICAL FitAOMENT FROM NIKEVEH.
that command; in all probability it was AsSur-simi-lisirV
servant, who seems to have reported the matter. The phrase
"Who among you has given a command like a king?"
looks as if it were directed as a reproach against the person
addressed, though the question seems to be somewhat out
of place, as the writer professes to know in the preceding
phrases of his communication.
What follows is more difficult still to understand, in
consequence of the many gaps. Line 9, however, speaks
of Ninip-tukulti-Assur havmg ravaged "this country,'^
apparently the native land of the writer. The mutilation
of the record deprives us of the name of the person spoken
of in 1. 11 as having been returned to his coimtry by the
writer's father, but if it was AsSur-sum-liSir, who is referred
to in lines 3-5, he seems to have had but a short memory
for benefits received. It was not strife, but the good of
Babylonia and Assyria which God desired (1. 12) — ^let them
therefore meet, the receiver of the letter sending his repre-
sentative with words expressing the same desire (lines 13
and 15) — ^indeed, the writer was apparently willing to cross
the boundary to meet him. Reference to an expedition to
Iriqu seems to be made in 1. 19, and the opinion of the
person addressed concerning Ninip-tukulti-A§sur, and also,
apparently, the Assyrians in general, is given in lines 21
and 25. From the remainder of the text nothing of real,
interest can be gained.
Whether Mr. Quinn's fragment preceded or followed the
above is uncertain, but, judging from the fact that the
writing is larger, one may suppose that the scribe thought
that he had plenty of room, and therefore wrote boldly.
Finding, as the transcript which he was making progressed,
that he would have to economize space, he may for that
reason have reduced the size of the characters, so as to get
more in, and give room for the colophon at the end. If this
be the correct explanation of the variation in the size of
the characters, then this new piece preceded that of which
a translation has already been given. The following is the
cuneiform text of Mr. Quinn's fragment : —
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XEW HISTOEICAL FRAGMENT PROM NINEVEH.
415
-HF-'V -5=1 tm*Tiaf^l.lT^ff-<T<c^ SHUT HfCiisa
Transcription and Translation of the above.
and
. . m&re-su rabftti-Su . .
. . his sons, his great nwi .
-u [i-]ba-as-Si ft ni-nu ni-
he is, and {as for) us, we
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416 NEW HISTORICAL FRAGMENT FROM NINEVEH.
ina eli rabfiti sa mkt A§liir ru-ut
over the great men of the land of Assur
. . . i-dib-bu-bu um-ma Rabfiti §a mftt Akkadi (ki)
. . . thef/ report thus : The great men of the land of Akkad
iii-ip-pu-§u ul-tu rabfiti §a mat Assur Bel-kudurri-usur ....
we make since the great men of the land of Assur Bil-kudurri-u^tir
. a-na id-di-nu(?) rabfiti sa m&t Akkadi (ki) bel-su-nu-u a-a-am . .
. they gave (P), the great men of the land of Akkad their lord let (them) no'
. bel da-ba-bi-ia sa zi-nu-u mu-dak-ku-u su-u ba-lit u
. mp slanderer who is wrathful, an iconoclast (is) he, living . . . ,
[Ninip-tukuJlti-D.P. A§§ur ba-ru-tam ip-pu-su su-na-a-ti i-ta-nam-ma-
\_Ntnip'tukuyti'Assur divination makes, dreams he seels"] .
D.P. Ninip-tuknlti-D.P. Assur la u-dak-ku-ma ^
Ninip-ttikUlti'Assur does not overthrow^ and
-ma a-mi Har-bi-§i-hu ba-bir-a-a ^ . . .
and to Harhi'Sihu the Hahirite . . .
im(?)-bu la-bi-ru-tum iarrani-ma abe . .
the old men (are?) the kings, the fathers . .
it-ti am-man-na-a i nu-bas-si-sa dib-bi sa . . . .
. . . / hare hpen reckoned {?) — well, we have remembered. The words of
a-na Nippur (ki) al Si-par u Balb-ili . . .
to Niffur, the city Sipar, and Babylon .
A la ma-am-ma na-ka-ru mari-su u rabfiti . . .
and nO'One, the enemy, his sons and [his] great tm h
kam (?)-ma-al §arru-ti-su ul-ta-at- ....
the hostility {^) of his dominion he cauHfd . .
D.P. Nin-ip-tukulti-A§sur
Ninip'tukulti' Assur
-ma
^ In the blank spaces in these lines are five small holes, apparently made with
the pointed end of a tnangular stilus.
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NEW HISTORICAL FBAGMENT FROM NINEVEH. 417
Fragmentary as this additional portion is, a few further
details can be gained from it. The subject is still the
relations between Assyria and Akkad (Babylonia), whose
great men are referred to in lines 4-7. At this point there
is a reference to Bel-kudurri-usur, and if this be the king
of Assyria of that name, the date of the document has to be
reduced by about three centuries, namely, to about 1210 B.C.
Further reference to the great men of Akkad follows, and
to the writer's slanderer, who was wrathful, possibly giving
the reason of the inditing of this long commimication.
This is followed by a further reference to Ninip-tukulti-
AdSur's idiosyncrasies — ^the making of divination and the
seeing of dreams, and afterwards something which he does
not overthrow is spoken of. The occurrence of the name
of the Habirite Harbi-Sihu unfortimately does not give us
any further information concerning him, nor do we know in
what connection the names of NifEur, Sipar, and Babylon
come in, nor the identity of " the enemy, his sons, and his
great men."
If the name B^l-kudurri-usur be that of the Assyrian king
who reigned about 1210 B.C., the chronological importance
of this little fragment is great, for it would seem to imply
that A$§ur-§um-lt§ir and Ninip-tukulti-ASSur were his
predecessors ; his successors were Ninip-apil-6§arra, 1205 B.C.,
and AiSur-dan I, 1200 B.C., both these dates being approxi-
mate. The text would, therefore, seem to belong to a period
when Assyria and Babylonia were again about to enter upon
a period of strife. It is supposed that Bfil-kudurri-usur fell
in battle with one of the Babylonian kings whose names
begin with Addu (Hadad) — Addu-Simi-iddina or Addu-Simi-
usur. All is imcertainty, however, and further records of
the period are needed.
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S0ME8WARA, DETAIL.
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419
XX.
SOME LITTLE. KIOWH CHALVKTAN TEHPLE8.
By fanny bullock WORKMAN, M.R.A.S.
TN January, 1904, in revisiting the more important
Chalnkyan temples of Mysore, we heaid, for the first
time, of the existence of two or three old temples in the
Hassan 4ifitrict. Five miles from Arsikere, between that
place and Hassan, one of these stands alone in a field oS
the turnpike. It belongs to the village of Haranhalli,
which lies at a short distance off. Built in the form of a
Maltese cross, it has a one-star formed sikra, similar to those
of Somnathpur, but rather lower. Peculiarities of this tower
are three smaller replica stars projecting from its base on
three sides, each running up in sculptured tiers. Being
small, they do not disturb the harmonious outline of
the sikra.
Adjoining the sikra is a square closed porch with three
•entrances. The interior of the porch, which an old Guru
opened for our inspection, is filled with Jain pillars, all
plain, with the exception of two, which, like certain ones
at the Belur and Hulebid temples, are highly decorated.
The porch has pierced stone windows, less beautiful and
varied than those of Belur. On the top of the south
entrance is a carved bull, badly damaged. There are rows
of gods, as in all of the Chalukyan temples ; but they are
not so profusely decorated nor so well executed as at
•Somnathpur. The building stands on a plinth of the exact
style of the one at Somnathpur, and the string course at
base of sikra and porch would have probably had the same
-sequence as on that temple had it been carried out, but
here above the elephants, horsemen, and scroll the bauds
run uncarved, except here and there an unfinished line of
•chakwas.
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420 SOME LITTLE-KNOWN CHALUKYAN TEMPLES.
The temple is 50 feet long, 40 wide, and the tower less
than 30 feet high, and is a graceful, harmonious structure
resembling that of Somnathpur in style much more than that
of Hulebid. It is called Somesvara, and is built of pot-
stone. In the village of Haranhalli, across the road, i»
another temple, almost a counterpart of this, equally well
preserved and not injured by whitewash. This village was
a walled one, and formerly of importance. A large part
of the wall still remains. Although the town and its
antiquities are referred to in the "Epigraphia Camatica,"
vol. V, by Mr. Lewis Rice, there is no account of the two
temples, and, so far as we could ascertain, these are the first
photographs taken of them.
Further on, at the twentieth milestone between Arsikere
and Hassan, by leaving the road and crossing the fields for
one and a half miles, one comes upon the small village of
Koravangala. Here are two temples. Of the older one little
of importance remains, except a fine open choultri of good
proportion surroimded by a simple, beautiful rail.
In the village, marred by the propinquity of dirty huts,
is a very well-preserved and ornately carved temple called
Buchesvara. It is a rather complex building, consisting
of the usual carved sikra, connected by an astylar porch in
which is a god. Joined to this is a beautiful small choultri
with two entrances, and beyond the choultri the porch is
continued and also contains a god. The whole building is
70 feet long and 25 feet wide, the sikra being about 28 feet
high. At the main entrance to the choultri are two finely
carved elephants. Above the richly ornamented projection^
which forms a connecting link between the sikra and the
jagomohan of most Chalukyan and Indo- Aryan temples, is
a graphic sculpture of Sala slajdng the tiger, representing
the Hoysala crest. The temple is decorated with well-
executed canopied gods ^nd a variety of serpent motifs
which we have not seen elsewhere on Chalukyan temples.
One particularly effective sculpture is Vishnu lying asleep
on a coiled serpent. Above the god the cobra rises grace-
fully, supporting on its hood another smaller god. Naga
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BMUJESWARA AT KORAVANOULA
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SOME LITTLE-KNOWN CHALUKYAN TEMPLES. 421
kings with serpent bodies are also seen. The temple is built
of granite and potstone, and is one of the most complete
and interesting specimens of Chalnkyan. architecture in the
Hassan district. The date given is a.d. 1160, and it is
mentioned by Mr. Rice as an important building, but is not
described. Mr. S. Edwardes, of the Wesleyan Mission,
photographed the temple when stationed at Hassan, but ours
are, I believe, the first published illustrations of it. We
found inscribed steles at both of the Koravangala temples,.
but saw no inscriptions near those of Haranhalli, although
some have been found on rocks in the vicinity.
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423
XXI.
THE KVSKV DIALECT OF THE KVNDA FAHILT
OF SPEECH.
By STEN KONOW, Ph.D.
rpHE Eurkus are a Miinda tribe living in the north of
Berar and the adjoining parts of the Central Provinces.
At the last Census, of 1901, their dialect was returned as
spoken by 87,675 individuals.
The literal meaning of the word kurhu is * men.' It is
the plural of kot% man, which word corresponds to Mundarl
hdrd^ Santall hdr} Like other tribes, the Kurkiis, Mundas,
and Santals call themselves men par excellence.
The Kurku dialect belongs to the so-called Munda family.
I prefer this denomination of the family to the altogether
fantastical name Kolarian, though the latter one is perhaps
better known, because it is due to the scholar who first clearly
distinguished the family from the Dravidian forms of speech.
The best known Munda dialects have hitherto been Santall
and Mu^dari. The difference between the two is not great,
nor do they differ much from some other dialects, viz.,
Bhumij, BirhSr, Koda, Ho, Tiirl, Asurl, and Korwa. All
these forms of speech are spoken in the same neighbourhood,
in and about the Chota Nagpur Plateau, and they can be
considered as slightly different forms of the principal Munda
dialect, which I propose to call Kherwarl, after Kherwar,
a name which occurs in the old Santali traditions and
denotes an old tribe from which the Santals assert that they
themselves and also the Mundas, Hos, BirhSrs, and so forth
are descended.
The best representatives of Kherwarl are Santall and some
^ The sign i denotes the sound of a in 'all' and the corresponding short sound.
In a similar way I shall use a in order to mark the open sound oi a in Germau
* Bar.' Compare the sound of ai in English * hair.'
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424 THE KURKU DIALECT.
forms of Mundari. The remaining dialects have come
more or less under the influence of the surrounding Aryan
languages.
In addition to the various Eherwarl dialects there are
further Kharia ; three Munda dialects spoken in the hills
of Orissa and the north-eastern districts of the Madras
Presidency, viz., Juang, Sahara, and Gadaba; and, lastly,
the dialect of the EurkOs.
The Kurkus are now separated from the bulk of the
Mundas by tracts where Aryan languages are spoken.
Their neighbours speak Aryan dialects or Qondl, and their
own dialect has been subject to influence from both. We
have not till now been in a position to decide to what extent
this double influence has changed the character of their
language. There exist, it is true, some Kurku vocabularies,
and the Rev. E. F. Ward has published notes on Eurku
grammar. That latter work is, however, difficult to get,
and I have never seen it. Now we have the "Grammar
of the Eurku Language," by Mr. John Drake, published
at the Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, in 1903.
Mr. Drake's book adds very considerably to our knowledge
of Eurku and of the Munda dialects generally. The author
has lived among the Eurkus as a missionary, and he has
paid much attention to their language. The marking of the
sounds of the dialect is much better than we are wont to see
in similar books. Thus the peculiar semi-consonants are
correctly described, though I feel certain that they occur in
many words where Mr. Drake has not recognised them.
The description of the grammatical features is very careful.
I think that it would have been possible to make it clearer,
and that a more thoroughgoing comparison of Santali would
have explained many difficult points. On the whole, how-
ever, it seems to me that Mr. Drake's Eurku grammar ranks
high among similar works published in India.
It is now possible to judge about the position of Eurku
within the Munda family, and also to draw some conclusions
regarding the original form of the old dialect from which
Eurku as well as Eherwarl have been derived.
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THE KURKU DIALECT. 425
It has already been mentioned that the KOrku word kord,
man, corresponds to Mundarl /tdrd. It will be seen that
Jc here corresponds to Mundarl, i.e. Kherwarl, A. The same
is the case in several other words such as kdn, Mundarl hdn,
son ; kdrdf Mundarl hdrd^ way, and so forth. The k of such
words is not only found in other Munda dialects such as
Eharia and Juang, but also in connected languages in and
outside India. Compare Mon kdn, Khmer kiin, Semang kon,
Khassi khun, son. It is evident that Kurku in such cases
has preserved a more ancient stage of phonetical development
than Kherwarl. This point is of some importance for the
question of the etymology of the various names under which
the Munda family and its various members have been known.
In most other respects the phonetical system of KOrku is
the same as in Kherwarl.
The vowels e and o have two sounds each, one broad and
open, somewhat like the sounds of a in *care,' 'man,' and
of flf in 'all' and o in 'not,' respectively, and another
corresponding to the sounds of e in * men ' and ai/ in * say,'
and of 0 in *no,' respectively. The same is the case in
Kherwarl. I have written a for the open e-sound and d for
the open o-sound. It seems as if the two sounds are
sometimes interchanged. Compare Kurku mi kdr^ one
man ; kord, a man ; kur-ku, men ; San tall /idr, man. It is
not, as yet, possible to define all the rules regulating the
matter. In some cases there is a distinct tendency to
approach the sound of vowels in consecutive syllables to
each other. Thus a agrees with a and not with o.
Similarly, t agrees with u, and so forth. Compare Santall
dn-td, there ; from ona, that. The base of the pronoun is
here an or on. Before i, u is used instead ; thus, un-i, this.
This tendency is known under the name of harmonic
sequence, and it plays a prominent role in Santall, and
partly also in Mundarl. So long as we only knew of the
existence of this law in Kherwarl, it might reasonably be
doubted whether it formed a feature of the original Munda
language. The state of affairs in Kurku seems to show that
this has really been the case. The open and closed forms
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426 THE KTJRKU DIALECT.
of e and o do not, it is true, any more intercbange mutualljr
and with i, u, respectivelr, according to well-defined lawB.
There are, however, sufficient indications to show that the
state of affairs has once been of a similar description as in
Santall. Compare dp kdr, three men ; kdrd, a man ; kur-kHr
men ; ffd and gujQ, Santall ffdc' and gujuk\ die ; jdm and
ju'jum, to eat. We are therefore justified in tracing the
law of harmonic sequence in the Munda languages back U>
the parent dialect from which Eiirku and Kherwarl are
derived.
One of the most characteristic features of Mundu phonology
is the existence of a set of semi-consonants, which I shall
write k\ c\ t\ and p' respectively. They are formed like the
corresponding consonants A-, c, ^, and j9, but the enunciation
is checked at the point of contact, and there is no off*glide.
The semi-consonants have a tendency to develop into the
corresponding voiced consonants, especially before vowels.
Compare Santall gic^ and guj-uk\ die. Mr. Drake's book
shows that Eurku in all essentials here agrees with Eherwari,
and we can therefore trace the use of the semi-consonants
and the tendency to change them to voiced consonants back
to a comparatively ancient period. It seems probable that
they existed in the original Munda language, and there are
perhaps indications of their use in the language of the
aboriginal inhabitants of Nearer and Further India. I also
think that it can be made probable that the old Munda semi-
consonants have something to do with the development of
the so-called abrupt tone of many Tibeto-Burman languages.
I have already mentioned that the semi-consonants are
probably used in Kurkfi in several instances where Mr. Drake
does not recognise them. In this connection I may mention
that the pronunciation of the semi-consonants in other dialects
such as Mundari is often so indistinct as to become scarcely
discernible. The same is probably the case in Eiirku.
I think that we can safely assume that a semi-consonant
is spoken in most cases where Mr. Drake states that a
euphonic consonant is inserted before vowels. Compare
da^ genitive dd-g^a, water ; lira, genitive Urd-g-dy house ;
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THE KUKKU DIALECT. 427
tol'^Uy being bound, genitive tdl-yu-g-d ; go, die, passive base
gU'j'U, and so forth. That such words have originally ended
in a semi-consonant is clearly shown by Santall ddk\ water ;
orak\ house; tol'Ok\ being bound; gic\ die. I am even
inclined to think that the semi-consonant can still be heard
in Eurku. Mr. Drake in such cases operates with euphonic
consonants. It is sincerely to be hoped that this term should
be restricted to its proper sphere. It is possible to explain
the introduction of all kinds of ' euphonic ' consonants into
a literary language, such as for instance Pall. In the case
of spoken vernaculars, on the other hand, the talk of euphonic
consonants is usually only a semi-learned way of expressing
a non liquet.
It has already been mentioned that the phonetical system
of Eurku in most essential points agrees with Eherwarl.
In some features it closely agrees with Mundarl as against
Santall. Compare bte, Mundari oUy Santall bt, field; kdrby
Mundari hardy Santall hdr, man ; kbrd, Mundari hbrdy
Santall hbr, way, and so on. In other points Eurku agrees
with Santall as against Mundari. Compare kd, Santali kan^
Mundari tan, is ; bangy Santali hang^ Mundari also ka, not,
and so forth. On the whole, Eurku occupies a somewhat
independent position, without marked afi^ity to any
Eherwari dialect.
The inflexional system is mainly the same as in Eherwari,.
though the influence of the neighbouring languages is here
clearly felt.
The animate and inanimate genders are distinguished as
in Eherwari. Like the various forms of that language,.
Eurku possesses three numbers, the singular, the dual, and
the plural. The suffixes of the dual and the plural are also
the same as in those forms of speech, viz. king and ku,
respectively. It is interesting to see that the dual is used
to denote a married wife, as in Eherwari. Compare Tumid-
^ing, Tumla's wife.
If we turn to the formation of cases, on the other hand,
we will find important traces of the influence exercised by
Aryan vernaculars. In Santali and Mundari, and originally
J.R.A.8. 1904. 29
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428 THE ^URKU DIALECT.
in all Eherwan dialects^ tlie cases of the direct and indirect
object are expressed by means of pronominal infixes in the
verb, and there is no aocnsatiye and no dative of the noun.
The Aryan dative suffix ke is, however, used in such
dialects of Mundarl as has been most influenced by Aryan
languages. The same is the case in Eurku, where ken is
used to form a dative and an accusative ; thus, kdn-ken, to
a son. Ken is clearly the Aryan suffix ke, and there are
sufficient traces left to show that the Kurku dative-accusative
is a comparatively modem development, and that the cases
of the direct and indirect object were formerly expressed in
the same way as in Eherwarl, by means of pronominal
affixes added to the verb, and not by means of suffixes added
to the noun. The fact is interesting as showing that the
state of afiairs in Eherwari can claim some antiquity.
The suffix of the genitive is a, and it is not changed so as
to agree with the qualified noun in gender. In Santall and
Mundarl there are different suffixes according to whether the
qualified noun denotes an animate being or an inanimate
object, respectively. Compare Mundarl hatu-Ten. hdrd-king,
the two men of the village ; but orfl^''-reak' duar, the door
of the house. Here the suffix reri can only be used with
a qualified noun which denotes an animate being. The
corresponding inanimate suffix is reak* or ak\ There are,
however, some instances of interchange between the two
suffixes, at least in Mundarl. Thus Father Hoffmann gives
both PaAw-ren hon and Paku-ak! hon, Paku's son. The
state of affairs in Eiiiiiu makes it probable that there was
originally only one suffix of the genitive. Compare also the
genitive suffix d in Eharia, Juang, and Sahara. The genitive
was an adjective, and, like other adjectives, it could be
distinguished by adding pronominal suffixes in order to
denote the gender of the qualified noun.
In this connection I may also note that Mr. Drake does
not appear to have analysed the various genitive forms
correctly. The g in dd-g-d, of the water, is certainly derived
from k*; compare Santall, Mundari ddk\ water. If it is
correct that the a of the genitive suffix is lengthened in such
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THE KURKU DIALECT.
429
cases, tlie lengthening must be explained from the influence
^f the accent, or else ddg-d corresponds to a Mundari ddg-dk^
of the water. The suffix kd in kakd-kd jdm, fish-of meal, on
the other hand, must be the Aryan suffix kd. The word
kdka corresponds to Santali hdkd, fish, and does not end in
a A*. Mr. Drake has also failed to see that the difference
between the ablative suffixes aim and ten must be explained
by the fact that the ablative suffix is often added to the
genitive, and not to the base.
The numerals agree with Kherwari as against Eharia,
Sahara, and Qadaba. The difference between the two groups
does not run through all numerals, but is, mainly, restricted
to the numerals seven, eight, and nine. Compar
seven
eight
nine
KuRKU.
Santali.
Kharia.
e-ya
ilur-iya
arS-ga
e-ae
iral
dri
gul
thdm
tom-Bing
Sahara and Qadaba mainly agree with Kharia. When
we compare Khmer grul, Khmu kuly seven; Mon d'cdm,
Suk tarn, eight ; Bahnar toksin, Lemet tim, nine, and similar
forms in other connected dialects, it becomes probable that
the forms used in Kurku and KherwSri are later than those
current among the other tribes.
The higher numbers are counted in twenties as in othet
Mui^da dialects. Mr. Drake thinks that Ud, twenty, is not
an Aryan loan-word. I am unable to agree with him in this
supposition.
The personal pronouns are the same as in Kherwari.
Thus, ing, Mundari ing, I ; d-lang, Mui^darl d-hng, I and
thou; d'ting, Mundari d-ling, I and he; d'bung, Mui^darl
4'bu, I and you; d^li, Mundari d-H, I and they^ and so
forth. There are also shorter forms of the personal pronouns.
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430 THE KUBKU DIALECT.
which are suffixed to transitive verbs in order to indicate
the direct and indirect objects. Thus, d-ling-ken toUUng-bdy
us-two-to bind-us-two- willy he will bind us two ; dUku d-ling-
ken cdc* mdndt'ling-bd, they us-two-to what say-us-two, what
do they say to us two ? It will be seen that the same form
is used to denote the direct and the indirect object, and that
the full pronoun is also added in the dative-accusative. We
can safely assume that the latter circumstance is due to
Aryan influence. The use of pronominal affixes is no more
necessary, and it is much more restricted than e.g. in
Santali. What remains is, however^ quite sufficient to show
that the state of affitirs in Kurku has once been the same as
in Kherwarl. On the other hand, there seems to be little
doubt that the Kurkus will ere long discard the pronominal
suffixes altogether.
The suffixed form of the third person singular of the
animate gender is ec* ; thus, die* die' -ken tol-ec'-bd, he
him-to bind-him-will, he will bind him. In Kherwari the
corresponding form is ^ or t; thus^ Mundari rak'-i-a-e^
caUs-him-he, he caUs him. In some dialects of Mundari^
however, ic* is apparently used instead. Thus Father
Hofimann gives om-ad'V'a'e, he gave to him. If this
form is not simply due to a misprint instead of om-^c^'-f-a-^,
i.e. mn-at'-i-a-e, it must stand for om'ad'ic''a-ey and contain
a suffix tc\ Similar forms certainly occur in connected
dialects. Forms such as Mundari lel-kf-a-ko, they saw
him, in Father Hoffinann's grammar, on the other hand,
must be explained in another way. Lel'ki\ saw him^
should properly be written kl'kic\ It is derived from
the past base lel-keV, saw, with the pronoun f, him, added.
M'-i in the Mankipatti District regularly becomes ic\
Lel-ki'ti-a-ko, i.e. lel-kic'-ti-a-ko, they saw me, is in
a similar way derived from lel-ket'-in-a-ko. This latter
form shows that iel-kic* must contain a suffix i and not ic\
there being no room for a suffix c' in lel-kic'-n, saw me.
The sketch of Kurku conjugation is perhaps the least
satisfactory portion of Mr. Drake's book. I think that
it could have been made much more perspicuous. It is
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THE KURKU DIALECT. 431
not| however, difficult to see that the Kurku verb still in
numerous details is inflected in the same way as in
Kherwari, though Ar3ran, and perhaps also Drayidian,
influence has been at play.
It is a well-known fact that the Munda verb is not
a Terb in the strictest sense of the word. Every form
can be used as a noun, an adjective, and a verb. The
principal dialects of Eherwari possess a separate particle,
the so-called categorical a, which shows that such a form
is used in the function of a verb. Thus, Santali dah-keV^e^
struck him, denotes the idea of a striking of him in the
past. The form can be used as a noim, as an adjective, and
so on. If we add the categorical a, this form is changed
into a real verb; thus, dal-ket^-e-a^ (he) struck him.
Kurku does not possess any such thing as a categorical
a. The same form is, without any difference, used in the
different functions. Thus, ing-ken tdl'ing means ^me-to
binding-me,' * binding me.' If we use this form as a noun
we may, for instance, add the suffix of the locative; thus,
ing'ken tdl-ing'en, me-to binding-me-in, in binding me.
The same form can be used as an adjective and as a verb ;
thus, hig-ken tolling kord, me-to binding-me man, a man who
binds me ; die* ing-ken bang tdl'ing, he me-to not binding-me,
he does not bind me.
In this wide use of the various Werbal' forms Eurku
thoroughly agrees with Eherwari. The same is also the
case in general principles and in numerous details.
The root of a verb can be modified in various ways, and
such modified forms are used as the bases of different con-
jugations. I therefore propose to call them conjugational
bases. Mr. Drake calls them species. I do not intend to
go into detail. Suffice it to note that the base can be
reduplicated as in Eherwari ; thus, jdm and ju-jum^ to eat.
There is further an intransitive and passive base, formed
by adding u or yu, corresponding to Eherwari ol^. The
actual form probably ends in A;'; compare tdl-pU, to be
bound ; tdl'pug-d, of the binding. Another base is formed
by adding kh It often has the meaning of a causative, and
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482 THE K^JEKU DIALECT.
perhaps corresponds to Santali oeo. Compare bit', to rise;
bit' 'hi, to raise.
From such bases are formed various tense-hases which
can, in their turn, be used as nouns, as adjectives, and a»
verbs. These bases are mainly formed by means of the
swie suffixes as in Kherwarl. Thus the suffixes a and kd
correspond to Kherwarl et\ ket\ respectively. It is possible
that a trace of the finals of such suffixes is still preserved
in forms such as die* die' -hen tol-hd-d-ic', he him- to bound
hjun, he bound him. This d can, however, also be the
initial d of the pronoun die', he. The passive and in-
transitive forms corresponding to those ending in a, kd,
end in en, hen, respectively. There is apparently some
confusion between the active and passive forms, for an n is
often inserted before pronominal suffixes beginning with i ;
thus, die* ing-hen tdl-kd-n-ing, he me -to bound -me, he
bound me.
It may also be noted that the number of different tense-
bases in Kurku is much more limited than in Kherwarl.
Some forms, such as the iodefinite present ending in bd,
have perhaps been developed under the influence of Aryan
vernaculars. On the whole, however, the conjugation of
verbs still follows the same principles as in Kherwari.
The negative particle is bang as in Santali. There is,
besides, a negative copula dun, not to be. I have not fouud
anything corresponding in other Munda dialects. Is it
possible to compare the negative toten in the Dravidian
Kolami ?
The formation of words in many details agrees with
Kherwarl. Thus we find a causative prefix d in d-n-nu, to
cause to drink, Santali q-m. An infix p is occasional!}'
used to form reciprocal verbs. Thus d-pa-rang, to quarrel,
from d-ram, abuse. An /-infix probably occurs in form^
such as 0^ and d-le-t', to go out ; sd and sd-le, to bring, and
so on. On the whole, however, the use of infixes is much
more limited than in Kherwarl.
I hope that the preceding remarks will be sufficient to-
show that high importance attaches to Kurku grammar.
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THE KUEKU DIALECT. 433
It 8how8 that it is quite right to consider Kherwari as the
most typical form of Munda speecL Eurku agrees with it
in important features. In some few points it has preserved
a more ancient stage of development. On the other hand,
it has come under the influence of neighbouring forms of
speech of the Aryan and perhaps also of the Dravidian
families, and it can probably only be a question of time
when Kurku shall have become so mixed up with foreign
elements that it cannot any more be considered as a typical
Mm^da dialect. It was high time that a trustworthy sketch
should be published, and Mu^da philology is much indebted
to Mr. Drake for the careful work he has given us.
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435
xxn.
IN WHAT DEGBEE WAS SANSKRIT A SPOKEN
LANOVAOE?
AN ESSAY ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SANSKRIT LANGUAGE,
By E. J. RAPSON, M.A., M.R.A.S.
TTIHERE must have been in ancient India three thousand
years ago, as there are in the India of to-day,
many languages and many dialects of these languages.
Unfortunately, there was no Linguistic Survey and no
Dr. Grierson in those days ; and of all of these save
one — the language of the earliest Aryan settlers in the
north-western corner of India — we have to say, "their
memorial is perished with them." ^
At the root of the question which we are to discuss,
lies the question whether some break of continuity occurred
in the history of the one language of which we possess this
early record, or whether its development proceeded in the
regular manner which we can observe elsewhere in the
linguistic history of other countries.
Accordingly as we hold one or the other of these views,
so shall we be inclined to regard the later predominant
literary language of India, which is, without dispute, closely
related etymologically with this early language, as a purely
* For a later period — the period beginning about 300 B.C. — we are more
fortunate in possessing records of several other members of the Indian group of
the same Aryan or Indo-European family. Between these languages there is
a strong family resemblance, and their mtimate connection with the earliest
recorded language cannot be doubted. At the same time, it would not be strictly
accurate to say of most of them that they were derived from this earliest recordeil
language. They were derived rather from earlier spoken languages which have
passed away without record.
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436 IN WHAT DEGREE WAS SANSKRIT
scholastic artificial revival — something like the revival of
Latin as a general means of communication among the
learned in mediaDval Europe — or as the legitimate descendant
of the earlier language. In the former case we shall be
inclined to deny to the later language the character of
a spoken language in the ordinary sense of the term ;
in the latter case we shall see no reason to suppose that,
like other languages which have attained to a fixed literary
form— our own, for instance — it did not remain in use alsa
as a spoken language.
The latter view — the view that there was no such break
of continuity in the development of Sanskrit, that it was
the legitimate descendant of the earliest recorded Aryan
language of India, and that, after having been reduced
to a definite literary form by the labours of grammarians,
it continued to be used as a spoken language by the
cultivated classes over a very considerable portion of
Northern India — is the one to which a consideration of
the whole subject has led me.
The old theory, originally propounded by that great
scholar Max Miiller, but, I believe, abandoned by him
before his death, that, during the few centuries before and
after Christ, India passed through a period which may be
compared to the Dark Ages of Europe, during which the
use of Sanskrit was in abeyance, and which was followed,
as in Europe, by a renaissance at which a knowledge of
the classics was revived — this theory has been completely
disproved by evidence of various kinds, but above all by
the absolutely certain evidence of inscriptions which can
be dated.
Another reason for assuming some such interruption in
the use of Sanskrit has been suggested by Prof. Bhandarkar,
who is quoted with approval by Professor Rhys Davids in
his book '' Buddhist India." ^ The use of Sanskrit in its
earlier stages is, without question, most closely connected
with Brahmanism ; and Professor Bhandarkar, relying on
» p. 150.
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A SPOKEN LANGUAGE? 437
the evidence of inscriptions, gives reasons for supposing that
Brahmanism itself was under a cloud during, approximately,
the same period which was formerly supposed to intervene
between the latest of the Vedic writings and * Classical *'
Sanskrit. The evidence of inscriptions on this particular
point is^ however, rather apt to be misleading, since so many
come from ascetics' caves and stupas, institutions which
seem not to have been so popular amongst the Brahmans
as amongst the Jains and Buddhists ; but, apart from this
fact, we actually do find that mention of Brahmans and
Brahmanical communities is quite common in inscriptions
throughout this period. Adoka (c. 250 B.C.) mentions
Brahmans in association with the adherents of the other
religious sects of his time.^ His grandson, Da^ratha, has
left us inscriptions awarding or confirming certain privileges
to the Ajivikas, who, according to Kern and Biihler, were
a sect of Brahman ascetics.^ The great Andhra inscription
at Nanaghat (c. 170 B.C.) consists of a formal record of the
performance of Brahmanical sacrifices, such as we know
them from the Sutras, and, by its statements of the enormous
fees paid to the officiating priests, impresses us with the
extent of the priestly power at this period.^ Among the
inscriptions of the Ksatrapas, who succeeded to the dominion
of the Andhras in Western India, are those of Usavadata,
son-in-law of Nahapana {c. 120 a.d.), in which numerous
grants are made to Brahmans and Brahmanical communities.^
Leaving out of the question the evidence of such literary
works as may reasonably be assigned to this period, and
turning to the coins which can be dated with more exactness^
we find Brahmanical figures among the earliest * types * of
Indian coins (as distinguished from the 'symbols* of the
earliest Indian 'punch-marked' currency, and as distinguished
from the Greek 'types* introduced by the GraDCo-Indian
1 Edict VII ; v. V. A. Smith, Aaoka, p. 155.
' Biihler, Ind. Ant., 1891, p. 361. Professor Bhandarkar, however, denies
that the Ajivikas were Brahmans, v, JBBRAS., 1901, p. 399.
5 Biihler in ASWI. v, p. 60.
* Nasik and Karle Inscrr. in ASWI. iv.
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438 IN WHAT DEGREE WAS SANSKRIT
princes). These probably date from c. 100 b.c.^ For tlie
following centuries, such exceedingly common types as the
figure of §iva, with or without his bull, or the goddoas
LaksmI, can only denote that Brahmanism was widely spread
throughout Northern India.
Everything, I think, points to the fact that there was no
«uch break of continuity as has been imagined, either in the
history of the Brahmanical religion or in the use of the
Sanskrit language; and, if there was no dividing chasm
between 'Vedic' and 'Classical' Sanskrit, it is difficult —
in my opinion it is impossible — to understand why or at
what period the language once spoken should have ceased
to be used as a spoken language, or why the ordinary course
of development, which we may observe in the case of other
great literary languages, should have been interrupted, until
there came that tremendous political and religious cataclysm
which resulted in a transfer of the predominant power from
the Hindu to the Muhammadan.
In seeking to obtain from the literature itself an answer
to the question " In what degree was Sanskrit (i.e. Classical
Sanskrit, Sanskrit properly so called) a spoken language P "
we must observe the ordinary principles of historical criticism.
We must view the history of the Sanskrit language as
a whole, so far as possible, so that we may see what the
course of its development has been, and we must compare
it with the history of other languages.
For a study of development no other literature of the
Indo-European family of languages presents more abundant
materials or greater continuity in its materials. The earliest
hymn of the Rig- Veda cannot, in all probability, have been
composed later than about 1500 B.C., and from that remote
date down to the present day there has probably been no
period in which Sanskrit (in the wider sense of the term,
including the language of both the Vedic and the Classical
periods) has not been used, to some extent, both for the
^ E.ff, coins of the Audumbara king Dharagho?a, v. Indian Coins, { 43,
pi. iii, 8.
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A SPOKEN LANGUAGE? 43^
purposes of literature and, at the same time, as a spoken
language. Although for many centuries past it has been
in India little more than the language of learned commentary
and learned communication, like Latin in mediaDval Europe^
yet its creative period cannot be held to have been closed
until after 1000 a.d. The language which we propose to
survey to-day had, therefore, a literary activity which
extended over the long space of at least twenty-five
centuries.
But no account of the literary language of any country
can be satisfactory if it does not include some estimate of
its relation to the dialects which sprang from the same
source, which continue to exist side by side with it during
a considerable period of its history, and which, with the
natural conservatism of dialects, often preserve forms and
inflexions which it has lost. We shall, therefore, take a
glance at the history of some of the more important dialects
of ancient and mediaeval India; and, in attempting to
determine the relation which these Prakrits, as they are
commonly called, bore to Sanskrit, we shall again find that
the most instructive analogies are supplied by the dialects of
other Indo-European languages with which we are familiar.
Investigation has shown that certain well-defined linguistic
strata are to be recognised in the Rig- Veda, the earliest
Sanskrit which we possess, and that the composition of the
hymns which are now contained in it must have extended
over a long period. The subject-matter of the hymns
themselves shows that the greater number of them, including
all the oldest, were composed in the north-western portion
of India — the country of the Indus and its tributaries.
They are anterior to the extension of Aryan civilization to
the country of the Qanges and the Jamna. The fact that
the early Yedic Sanskrit thus prevailed during a long period
in the north-west is of primary importance for the subsequent
history of Sanskrit. It was precisely in this region that
Panini subsequently composed his great work, which,
summing up the results of generations of grammatical
study, fixed for all succeeding ages the form of the language
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440 IN WHAT DEGREE WAS SANSKBIT
which we know as ' Classical ' Sanskrit. It is in accordance
with this fact, too, that the dialect of the still later Kharosthi
inscriptions of the same region still retains characteristics
which it shares with Classical Sanskrit, and in regard to
which it differs from the dialects of Central and Eastern
India.^
This earliest Vedic Sanskrit is entirely in poetry, and it
must haye differed, no doubt, from the spoken language of
the period in the same manner as poetic diction in every age
and country has differed from the language of ordinary life ;
but there is no reason whatever for supposing that it was
farther removed from the speech of the Aryan settlers in
North-Western India than the poetry of Chaucer was remoyed
from the spoken English of his time.
As regards its structure, we may, perhaps, most fittingly
compare it with the earliest Greek which has come down to
us — the Greek of the Homeric poems. Both languages are
characterised especially by their wealth of inflexional forms;
and this great variety in the means of expression is no doubt
due to the same causes in both instances. It may be partly
explained as the result of a mixture of dialects and of the
retention in a poetic language of forms which have passed
out of ordinary currency; but there can be no. doubt that
it is also characteristic generally of early stages of language.
At a later stage, literature, by creating a standard^ tends
io produce greater uniformity ; and at a later stage still,
when language and literature have themselves become objects
of study, * grammar ' comes in to prune away all useless
luxuriance, and, by authorising certain forms and condemning
others, to set up a distinction, which did not previously
exist, between what is * correct ' and what is ' incorrect.'
The literature of the later Vedic period is enormous in
extent. Opinions may differ as to its value from the literary
point of view ; but from the linguistic point of view, which
chiefly concerns us here, it is inestimable. The diversity
•of its language and style shows that it must be the product
> Franke, FdH und Samkrity p. 64.
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A SPOKEN LANGUAGE? 441
of many centuries — possibly of a period extending from
c. 1000 B.C. to c, 200 B.C. — ^and probably also of very widely
separated localities. This vast literature has not yet been
completely explored ; but all tbe investigations which have
been made point to one certain conclusion, viz., that, in this
literature, the transition from the language of the Rig-Yeda
to Classical Sanskrit can be most clearly and unmistakeably
traced. Indeed, it is practically impossible to say where
the one ceases and the other begins. The relative dates of
works included in this period may be settled by linguistic
evidence ; and there can be no doubt that investigation will
eventually show that different dialects are represented.^
Now, a language which changes in this definite and
orderly manner is certainly not dead. Changes such as we
have noted can only come about through the influence of
the living speech, and this influence can only be exerted
when there is not too great a difference between the literary
and the spoken forms. There would seem, then, to be no
eufficient reason for doubting the continuity of a spoken
Sanskrit throughout the later, as well as the earlier, Vedic
period.* There is very good evidence, I think, to show that
this continuity was not broken, and that, during the Classical
period, a spoken Sanskrit continued to exist side by side
with the literary language, differing from it only as our
every-day language differs from the language of our books.
The most important link in the argument here is supplied
by the works of the grammarians. They themselves belong
to the later Vedic period, and the result of their labours was,
1 linguiBtically the Sanskrit of the Brahma^a period ia to be compared to
tbe Greek of tbe Classical period, when great wnters show the most marked
indiTidnality in language ana style.
> Why Professor Rhys Darids {Btiddhitm, 1903, p. 254), while allowing
that tbe language of the Vedic hymns represents in literary form the contemporary
spoken language, denies that this is true of the productions of tiie later Veidic or
Bralunai^a period, I cannot understand. He admits that the language of this later
Vedic period shows " traces of development." But this is precisely tne criterion of
a living language, and of a hying language unfixed yet by the strict rules of the
grammarians. The mediieyal Latin in Europe, and tne Pali of the commentaries,
to which he compares it, do not change in the same way. Their form is definitely
fixed. Their inflexions remain the same throughout. Slight variations in their
vocabularies, slight differences in the meanings and uses of words, are almost the
only marks by which the productions of different periods can be distinguished.
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442 IN WHAT DEGREE WAS SANSKRIT
as we know from their own works, the elaboration from the
living spoken language of their time of that precise form of
it which we know as Classical Sanskrit. To understand the
full force of their evidence it will be necessary to glance at
the history of grammatical studies in India.
Grammar, like astronomy, mathematics, and every other
science in ancient India, had its origin in the study of the
Veda; and its very name, vyakaranay 'analysis,' indicates
the method pursued. Its first beginning is seen in the
Pada-pdtha or 'word-text' of the Rig- Veda, ascribed to
Sakalya, c. 700 b.c. This first effort is confined to an
analysis of the connected sentence into its constituent parts.
The words of the hymns are taken separately and presented
in the form which they would bear when not influenced by
their surroundings, i.e. as they would appear both in regard
to form and accent if unmodified by the laws of euphony.
A subordinate division was also made of compound-words
into their constituent parts, and of certain noun-forms into
base and termination; and, at the same time, such forms
were indicated as resisted the ordinary rules of euphony or
were otherwise remarkable. This pada-patha, simple as it
may seem to us now, formed a very real beginning of
grammatical study. It constituted the basis of all sub-
sequent* research. This analytical method applied first to
the earliest language of the Veda, was subsequently extended
to the language of the age, and was pursued with such
wonderful thoroughness and exactness that it resulted in
what is beyond question the most minutely perfect system
of grammar that the world has ever seen.^ Among the
grammarians the greatest names are those of Yaska, c. 500 b.c,
whose Niruhta or ' Explanation ' of the Vedic language may
be considered as, perhaps, the earliest known example
of the use of strict Classical Sanskrit prose, and Paiiini,
c. 350 B.C., whose grammar of the spoken literary language
of his day dominates all succeeding Sanskrit literature.
^ It is always interesting to compare the parallel developments in the
civilizations of ancient Greece and India. For the history of Chreelc grammar,
r. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, vol. i, p. 88.
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A SPOKEN LANGUAGE? 443
Panini expressly calls the language with which he deals
iaukika, ''that which is used in ordinary life/' and dis-
tinguishes it from the ckdndasa or 'poetical' language of
the Yedas ; and the grammarians generally from Yaska to
Patanjali (latter half of the second century b.c.) apply
to Classical Sanskrit the term bhdsd or 'speech/ from the
root bhds ' to speak ' — a term which could not possibly have
been used to denote a dead language. The evidence that
the language with which they deal was a real living spoken
language is overwhelming. Rules as to the accent of words,
as to the precise intonation of questions or commands, as to
forms used when shouting to people at a distance, as to
colloquialisms used in playing dice, etc., could have no sense
if applied to a dead language.
Most important for the history of the living Sanskrit
should be the evidence of the great early Epic poems — the
Mahabharata and the Ramaya^a. Unfortunately we cannot
estimate the real value of the evidence of the Mahabharata,
until we are supplied with that great desideratum of Sanskrit
scholarship, a critical edition of the text which will enable
lis to distinguish between the more ancient and the more
modem portions of the poem. But that certain portions of
both of them are very early indeed is, I think, clearly shown
by their language. There can be little doubt, I think, that
the greater part of the Bamaya^a, in the form in which we
possess it now, must date from about 500 b.o. ; and the
oldest parts of the Mahabharata must be of at least equal
age. Poems of the kind are often referred to in the literature
of the later Yedio or Brahmana period, and we have actual
quotations from such works in the Mahabhasya (second
century b.c). The evidence of the Epics is the more
important as their language does not entirely conform to
the scholastic rules of the grammarians. They are,
therefore, independent corroborative witnesses to the use
of Sanskrit. It is quite inconceivable that they should
not have been popular in character, and, as a matter oi
£Bict, the Mahabharata and the Puranas are often spoken
of as constituting a sort of fifth Yeda which should bo
J.U.A.8. 1904. 30
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444 IN WHAT DEGREE WAS SANSKRIT
studied by ordinary worldly people, warriors, husbandmen,
and ladies, just as the four Yedas and the Brahmanical
literature founded on them were studied by the priests.
The evidence of the Puranas also cannot unfortunately be
properly used at present. In their origin they probably
belong to a very early period, but in their present form
they are undoubtedly late. There seems, however, to be
no reason for supposing that these Puranas are not the
representatives of a continuous traditional use of Sanskrit
as a popular language, although the earlier stages in this
tradition have been lost.
We are, therefore, fully justified in regarding Classical
Sanskrit as the legitimate descendant of the language spoken
by the early Aryan settlers in the north-western regions
of India. Panini himself belonged to this district, and, as
we have seen, the dialect of the later Kharosthl inscriptions,
which are confined to this district in India, still continues
to show in its structure a notable affinity to Sanskrit.
Spreading from this region with the spread of Brahmanism,
Sanskrit became the literary language, first of the whole
of Northern India, and subsequently of the whole of the
civilized Aryan world in India.
In the history of languages there are many instances of
a similar growth and expansion. In our own country, the
wealth and political predominance of the south-eastern
portion of Great Britain led to the predominance of the
Mercian dialect of Englisb, which, reduced to its final
literary form chiefly by the great writers of the Elizabethan
age and by the authorised version of the Bible, became the
standard English language, which has spread over the whole
English-speaking world. The chief dialect of ancient Grreece,
the Attic, became, through the political unity which resulted
from the Macedonian conquest, the Kocvij SuiXe/cro^ of the whole
Greek world, and remained so, with little change, until Greek
learning was extinguished by the capture of Constantinople
by the Turks in a.d. 1453. Similarly, Latin, the dialect
spoken at Rome, was chosen from among all the dialects of
Italy to become the universal language of culture throughout
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A SPOKEN LANGUAGE? 446
the empire. Its form as settled by the writers of the
Olassical period remained substantially unchanged through
many centuries ; and after its literary productiveness had
•ceased, it, like Sanskrit in India, continued to exist as the
<3ommon means of communication among the learned in
Europe.
Let us now turn to the Prakrits, the other Aryan dialects
of ancient India, and examine the position which they held
in regard to Sanskrit, the predominant literary language.
These Prakrits cannot, unfortunately, be traced back to any
date within many centuries of the period of the earliest
Vedic Sanskrit, or to the period of the Brahmanas, or even
to the date of the earliest Classical Sanskrit (Yaska,
c, 500 B.C.) or the earliest Sanskrit of the Epics; but, as
the general study of dialects would lead us to expect, they
often retain forms which are much older, much nearer to
Yedic Sanskrit, than the corresponding forms of the literary
language. In precisely the same manner — to take an
example from our own country — our own dialects, the
dialect of Somerset for instance, still abound in words which
are nearer to Anglo-Saxon than those used in cultivated and
literary English.
The transformation of a dialect into a widespread,
cultivated, literary language, which then tends to absorb
the dialects which were once its fellows, follows from the
importance with which it has been invested by the force of
circumstances, usually political or religious. The develop-
ment and growth of Sanskrit were due to the spread of
Brahmanism and to the alliance which, with some notable
exceptions, was generally maintained between the priestly
and the kingly power. In a similar manner, though in
a smaller degree, such a combination of religious and
political causes led to the development of other great literary
languages from Aryan dialects in ancient India, such as Pali,
the language of what is incorrectly but very conveniently
called 'Southern' Buddhism, and Jaina-Maharastrl and
Jaina-i^aurasenl, the languages of Jainism.
Buddhism was, no doubt, first preached in the popular
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446 IN WHAT DEGEEE WAS SANSKRIT
dialect of Buddha's country — ^Magadha, the present Behar —
a dialect which is known to us, some two and a half centuries-
later than Buddha's date, from the inscriptions of Adoka,
the great Maurya king of Magadha. The literary Pali of
the Buddhist books, whatever its origin may have been, is
almost certainly not derived from this particular dialect;
and, however good the authority of the Pali books may be
for matters of fact and matters of doctrine in the earliest
Buddhist age — the latter part of the sixth and the earlier
part of the fifth centuries b.c. — they are no evidence for the
language either of Buddha's age or of Buddha's country.
That this language was nearly allied to Pali is of course
practically certain ; but the two were allied merely a»
collateral descendants from the same stock, and not other-
wise. Pali in its present form represents the Indian
dialect, whatever it may have been, which was introduced
with Buddhism into Ceylon, possibly as early as the third
century b.c, and which had been reduced to literary form
by the labours of grammarians in precisely the same manner
as Classical Sanskrit. . Its form, like that of Classical
Sanskrit, had already been finally fixed, and it underwent
no material modification during the centuries through which
its history can be traced. It is exceedingly probable that
it assumed this definite literary form only after it had found
a permanent home as the language of the state religion of
Ceylon. All the Buddhist literature which must once have
existed in the Indian dialect which formed the basis of the
literary Pali has disappeared. Practically all that we
know of the literary media through which Buddhism was
promulgated in India proper is : (1) That Buddhism seems
everywhere to have used the prevailing language ; (2) that,
in accordance with this principle, Asoka, the king of
Magadha c. 250 b.c, in quoting known Buddhist texts,
gives their titles in Magadhi and not in Pali, while Buddhist
countries farther north, such as Nepal, accepted Sanskrit
as the language of their scriptures at least as early as the
first or second century of our era ; (3) that, in the time of
the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Thsang, c. 640 a.d., Sanskrit
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A SPOKEN LANGUAGE? 447
li&d 80 completely become the language of Indian Buddhism
i:hat it was used even in theological discussions ^
The history of the Jain scriptures is precisely similar.
They have not come down to us in the language in which
they were, no doubt, originally preached — the dialect of
Yai^i, the modem Besarh, north-east of Patna. The
languages in which they are preserved are those of the
countries in which Jainism became politically important.
These languages, like Pali and Classical Sanskrit, found
their own grammarians and produced enormous literatures.
They continued to hold their own until some time between
1000 and 1100 a.d., when they were forced to yield to
Sanskrit, which thenceforth takes its place as the language
of the Jain church.
For the history of Indian dialects the evidence of
dnscriptions and coin-legends is more satisfactory than that
of literature. The earliest inscriptions which can be dated
with certainty are the edicts of Asoka, c. 250 B.C. ; but
there are some inscriptions, and possibly also a few coin-
legends, which may belong to a somewhat earlier period.
In any case, from the time of Adoka onwards, the inscriptions
and coin-legends furnish us with a continuous record, which,
from the linguistic point of view, is of the utmost importance.
Now, it is essential to the very nature of an inscription
or a coin-legend that it should be written in the ordinary
language of the common people for whose information it
is intended. It is, therefore, anything but surprising to
find that all the earliest Indian inscriptions and coin-legends
are in popular dialects, and that this use of the dialects
extends to a period subsequent to that at which, as we have
every reason to believe, Sanskrit had been generally accepted
as the cultivated language of religion, politics, and culture.
The history of the Greek dialects affords an exact parallel.
For some considerable period after the leoivrf SidXeKTo^ had
been accepted as the literary and the spoken cultivated
language of the whole Greek world, we find the dialects
* r. VS^ackeniag«l, Ahindiaehe OrammatiJc^ p. xli.
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448 IN WHAT DEGEEE WAS SANSKRIT
still persisting in local inscriptions. A most instructive
example is supplied by an inscription of Larissa,^ the date
of which is about 214 B.C., nearly a century and a quarter
after the Macedonian conquest had led to the general
adoption of the /coivtf Sui\€/n-09. This inscription contains
two letters addressed by Philip V, king of Macedon, to the
people of Larissa, and their replies. The king's letters are
in the icoti/97, while the replies of the good people of Larissa
are in their own Thessalian dialect. The koivtj SiAke/cro^
existed side by side with the local dialects, Arcadian,
Boeotian, and the rest, in precisely the same manner as
Classical Sanskrit existed side by side with Magadhi,
Maharastrl, and the other Prakrits.
We have seen that inscriptions are essentially popular,
that their very purpose is to appeal to everyone, learned
and unlearned alike, and that they are, therefore, very
retentive of popular dialects. But it is characteristic of
an established literary language to encroach on the domain
of the dialects. The weak give way before the strong, and
the use of dialects gradually declines until it disappears.
In our own country, literary English, the language used
by educated people, has almost driven the dialects out of the
field. They still continue to exist in the mouths of old-
fashioned country people, but the spread of education and
the facilitation of the means of communication are rapidly
destroying them altogether. For literary purposes they
have practically ceased, but there was a time when some of
them had very real literatures of their own. The would-be
dialects which some of our poets and romancers of the
present day aflFect are, of course, in most cases, simply
English re-translated, and, as often as not, wrongly re-
translated ! They find their parallel in the purely artificial
^olic or Doric of Theocritus, and the purely artificial
Prakrit of many Indian poems and dramas.
In India, just as in Greece and in England, we may
clearly trace this encroachment of the accepted literary
* Collitz, Sammlung d, griechischen DiaJekt'Insehi-iften^ i, p. 133 f.
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A SPOKEN LANGUAGE? 449
language on the dialects. The gradual growth of Sanskrit
and the gradual decline of the Prakrits are most con-
vincingly proved- by the testimony of the inscriptions, which
possess this great advantage over most literary works in
India, that they can be dated, as a rule, with a fair degree
of precision.
Professor Franke has most carefully collected the linguistic
facts of the inscriptions in his book Pali and Sanskrit,^
The results which he obtains from a minute examination
of all the extant inscriptions and coin -legends may be
summarised as follows : — (1) The language of all the earliest
inscriptions (third century B.C.) is Prakrit. Such traces of
' Sanskritisms ' as they show are very slight, except in the
case of the EharosthI inscriptions of the north-western
regions.^ (2) In the second century B.C. these ' Sanskritisms '
are more frequent, but the language of the inscriptions
remains substantially Prakrit ; (3) in the first century b.c'
appears the first inscription in a language which may be
called Sanskrit, but which is by no means free from traces
of Prakrit; in this century, too, the number of 'Sanskritisms'
has increased ; (4) even in the first century a.d. Prakrit
still continues to be the predominant language of the
inscriptions ; (5) to the second century a.d. belongs the
great Sanskrit inscription of Rudradaman and other Sanskrit
inscriptions, which not only exhibit the language in its
fully elaborated form, but also show a considerable develop-
ment of the rhetorical style which we are accustomed to
associate with the later kdvya literature ; (6) in the third
century a.d. Sanskrit and Prakrit divide the honours ;
(7) Prakrit is rare in the fourth century, and after the
fifth century it disappears altogether from the inscriptions
of Northern India.
These facts surely point as plainly as possible to one
and only one conclusion. Indian inscriptions, like Greek
inscriptions, were originally in the dialect of their locality ;
» pp. 55 ff.
« Ibid,, p. 64.
3 Ibid., pp. 13, 58.
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450 IN WHAT DEGREE WAS SANSKRIT
but from the very first they show traces of the influence of
the predominant literary language, and especially in that
part of India in which, as we have seen, there is reason to
belieye that this literary language had its origin. The
results of this influence become more and more apparent
with each century, until nearly every trace of the popular
dialects is lost.
The influence thus clearly seen is surely most naturally
explained, as in the other cases to which reference has been
made, by the constant and increasingly intimate contact of
the language of the cultured classes with the popular
dialects. We have seen that the literary Sanskrit was
certainly a spoken language in the latter half of the second
century before the Christian era ; and everything seems to
indicate that it remained a spoken language for many
centuries, gradually extending its domain as time went on.
The Epics and the Puranas, in their older form, must have
been widely known throughout this period; and there is
no reason for supposing that the Buddhists of the Mahayana
departed from the usual Buddhist custom of promulgating
their doctrines in the popular language. If they did follow
their usual custom, such works as the Buddha - carita are
good evidence that Sanskrit was a living language in the
first or second century a.d. ; and it must be borne in mind
that the Bnddha-canta is no isolated phenomenon in the
history of the Sanskrit epic. It originates no style of its
own, but takes its place, as regards both language and style,
quite naturally between the early epics, the Mahabharata
and the Eamayana, and the epics of the Classical period.
If, therefore, it can be quoted, as Professor Khys Davids
admits,' as evidence of the use of a popular Sanskrit at the
date of its composition, this use must certainly be held to
have obtained for some centuries previously. The Buddha-
cartta, in fact, supplies an important link in the literary
evidence.
The literary language, once firmly established, tended in
1 Buddhiit India, p. 316.
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A SPOKEN LANGUAGE? 451
India, as in Greece and in our own country and, indeed,
whereTer we are able to trace the growth of a literary
language, to force itself on the dialects until, eventually, it
completely overpowered them. "We have seen how faithfully
this gradually increasing influence is shown in the inscriptions
«nd coin-legends. It is most curious that the evidence of
inscriptions and coin-legends should have been quoted over
4ind over again by scholars to prove that there was no
spoken Sanskrit at the period during which inscriptions and
coin-legends are in some form of Prakrit. A more striking
instance can scarcely be found of the fact that, in any
investigation whatever, a partial examination of the evidence
•is apt to lead to an absolutely wrong conclusion. When we
survey the linguistic history of ancient India as a whole, we
shall see that the dialects, as represented in inscriptions or in
literature, instead of pursuing their own line of development
and gaining greater strength and greater individuality as time
went on, came, at a very early period, under the thraldom of
Sanskrit — the cultivated speech of the Brahmans first, and
then gradually of all the educated classes — until in course of
time they lost their own individuality and became merged
into Sanskrit. When we turn also from India, and survey
as a whole the linguistic history of other countries — of
ancient Greece, or of our own country, for instance — we
shall find a precisely similar relation existing between the
dialects and the chief literary language which arises from
among them.
The choice of the particular dialect which is thus to be
^raised to a commanding position as a great national language
is determined by the circumstances which lead to the
predominance, politically or religiously, of some particular
district. The dialect from which Sanskrit was elaborated
is to be sought for in the north-west of India, the home of
Brahmanism, and it is difficult indeed to see why we are
not to recognise in the language of the Vedas, in the
language of works belonging to the Brahmana and Siitra
periods, and in Classical Sanskrit, different stages, and
perfectly natural stages, in the growth and development
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462 IN WHAT DEGREE WAS SANSKRIT
of this dialect. The language in all these different stages
is organically the same ; and, from the point of view of
its inflexions and its formative elements, Classical Sanskrit
differs from Yedic Sanskrit almost only in so far as the
wide choice of alternative forms has been restricted.^
The extension of the use of Sanskrit was due to the growth
of Brahmanism. No one supposes that this increasing power
was unopposed ; but there can be no doubt that, at a xery
early period, Brahmanism had made its power felt over
practically the whole of the region between the Himalaja
and the Yindhya Mountains. There seems, therefore, no
need to suppose, with Professor Franke, to whose admirably
clear statement of the linguistic facts we owe so much, that
Sanskrit was practically a foreign language, which, formed
in Kashmir, gradually intruded itself into India, until at
last it predominated over the native languages. Some very
strong political or religious impulse would be needed to
explain such a phenomenon, and no such impulse can be
discovered.
Professor Rhys Davids, in his most interesting and
original account of Buddhist India, goes much farther
than Professor Franke. He looks upon Sanskrit as an
artificial language, the product of the priestly schools, both
in the Brahmana or later Vedic period, and in the period
of Classical Sanskrit. He supposes the use of the dialects,
for literary as well as for inscriptional purposes, to be older
than the use of Sanskrit ; ^ and he even goes so far as to
lay down the general law that, ** in the period we are
considering, the more closely a book or an inscription
approximates to pure Sanskrit, unalloyed by colloquialisms,
by Pali phrases and grammatical forms, the later it is —
notwithstanding the fact that Sanskrit is, etymologically
speaking, older than Pali." ^
This is true only in the sense that, as we have seen above
(p. 449), the Prakrits of the inscriptions and coin-legends
* Wackernagel, AHind. Gram.y p. xxiii.
2 p. 137.
3 p. 128.
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A SPOKEN LANGUAGE? 453
show throughout this period the increading influence of the
established literary language. Such a rule would land us
in strange contradictions if it were applied to determine the
relative dates of early Sanskrit^ and Pali books generally.
Nor can it be applied to determine the relative dates of
inscriptions. A mere glance will show^ for instance, that
the language of Ai§oka's Shahbazgarhi Inscription, in the
Yusufzai country, is very much nearer to Sanskrit than
that of his Jaugada Inscription in Orissa. We know that
these documents are contemporary. According to the canon
laid down by Professor Rhys Davids, they ought to be
separated by a considerable interval. With regard to the
two examples chosen by Professor Bhys Davids himself,
the Kharosthi MS. of the Dhammapada and the Bower MS.,
it is certainly not ''precisely because" the former is in
Prakrit that it is earlier than the latter, which is in Sanskrit.
The Eharosthi documents discovered by Dr. Stein at Niya
are, if one may judge from the alphabet, of about the same
age as the Kharosthi MS. of the Dhammapada, and these
show a great variety of language, varying from correct
Sanskrit to a Prakrit very far removed.
The fact is that such a chronological test as Professor
Bhys Davids proposes is altogether fallacious. The question
why any document during this period is in Sanskrit or
Prakrit probably depends on the subject of which it treats,
on the status of the writer, and on the locality from which
it comes — only to a smaller extent on its date. There is no
reason to suppose that Sanskrit and a multitude of Prakrits
were not in use concurrently through many centuries.
The evidence of the inscriptions, therefore, when rightly
interpreted, strongly supports the view that Sanskrit was
spoken throughout this period. The cultivated literary
language could scarcely have influenced the popular dialects
in so striking a manner unless it had been constantly brought
into actual contact with them in the speech of the time.
^ Professor Rhys DaTids, indeed, seems to ignore the fact that there are many
Sanskrit works wnich certainly belong to this period.
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454 IN WHAT DEGREE WAS SANSKRIT
I cannot see how^ it is possible to come to the opposite
conclusion, except by drawing a wrong inference from this
particular portion of the evidence, and by leaving out of
account the very considerable body of positive evidence for
tlie existence of a spoken Sanskrit, contained in the literature
itself. This positive evidence, which has been referred to
«bove (p. 443), has been dealt with in detail by such scholars
as Eielhorn and Kern, and is admirably summarised both
in the Preface to Wackernagers Altindische Orammatik
and in Macdonell's History of Sanskrit Literature. This
•evidence is generally accepted by scholars ; and I cannot
imagine why Professor Rhys Davids did not either refute
it or give some reason why he has not thought fit to take
it into consideration.
His explanation of the fact, which of course cannot be
denied and which he does not attempt to deny, that Sanskrit
did eventually become ** the literary lingua franca for all
India," ^ seems to me to be most unsatisfactory ; and
I venture to say that such a process as he supposes to have
been followed is absolutely without a parallel in the whole
literary history of the world. He assumes that Sanskrit was
a dead language at a very early period, and that this dead
language gradually killed all the living languages, until,
from the end of the fourth century, it was left alone.
**Then," he says, "linguistically speaking, death reigned
supreme" (p. 138). We may remark, in passing, that it is
a strange kind of death which possesses such activity. It
is a strange kind of death, too, which could produce the
works of a Kalidsisa or a Bhavabhuti, a Dandin or a Bana.
But the fact is that Sanskrit was not dead. Languages,
like everything else in nature, obey the laws of nature.
A dead language — that is to say, a language which is no
longer rooted in the life of a people — can no more produce
proper fruit than a dead tree replanted in the ground. It
may become the language of learned communication, or
a purely artificial literary language. The fruit which it
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A SPOKKN LANGUAGE? 455
produced when it was alive may be cleverly imitated, but
it no longer possesses the power of initiative or growth.
Now^ can this seriously be said of Sanskrit ? It is difficult
to see the point of the analogy which Professor Rhys Davids
attempts to draw between the use of Latin in England in
the Middle Ages and the use of Sanskrit in India. There
was never a period in English history in which the influence
of Latin affected the form — apart from the vocabulary —
either of the literary language or of the spoken language
of England. The use of Latin was confined to courts,
colleges, and monasteries ; and Latin was even there treated
as a dead language. There was never at any time even
a remote possibility of its adoption as either the literary or
the spoken language of England. If the use of I^atin in
Ais country proves one thing more certainly than another,
it is precisely this very point on which I am insisting —
that a dead language, even under the most favourable
circumstances, even under the fostering care of learning
and religion, can never take root again and produce a real
literature.
The evidence of the Indian drama, which is, however,
brushed aside by Professor Rhys Davids,^ shows that the
provincial uneducated people contrived to use their own
Prakrits, after all cultured people had adopted the literary
language. An educated Hindu, whether prince or charioteer,
was obliged, for purposes of communication, to understand
these provincial dialects. He spoke to a fisherman in
Sanskrit. The fisherman perfectly understood him, but
replied in his own dialect, and was perfectly understood in
turn. The case of an educated Yorkshire squire in the
early part of last century was somewhat similar. There
can be little doubt that the Sanskrit which the dramatist
put into the mouth of the prince was more correct than the
Sanskrit which he would have spoken naturally, or that
the Prakrits which he put into the mouths of the subordinate
characters were rather the sort of made-up dialects, which
» p. \\K
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456 SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE.
we often hear on our own stage^ than the very language
of the people. But that this confusion of tongues does
more or less accurately represent an actual state of things,
it seems unreasonable to doubt. There is not the slightest
reason to suppose that the Sanskrit dramas were either
acted by actors who did not understand what they were
saying, or before audiences who did not understand what
was said.^
To the question '* In what degree was Sanskrit a spoken
language P '' I think we may, then, reply as follows.
Sanskrit was a spoken language in precisely the same sense
as the literary English which we all speak. It represents
the North-Western dialect, the development of which may
be traced throughout the literature, and the phonetic
characteristics of which are to a great extent preserved in
the popular inscriptions of that region. It was, originally, the
language of Brahmanism, which came from the same region.
Its extension was due to the extension of Brahmanism, and
its progress was held in check for a period by the growth
of the other great Indian religions, Jainism and Buddhism.
With the decline of these in India, its progress was
unimpeded, and it spread over the whole of the continent.
At first the dialect of a district, then the language of a caste
and a religion, it ultimately became the language of religion,
politics, and culture throughout India. It became a great
national language, and ceased to be so only when EUndu
nationality was destroyed by the Muhammadan conquests.
^ The Sanskrit drama, howeyer, belongs to a period, beginning probably about
400 A.D., for which the existence of Sanskrit as a cultivated spoken language ia
scarcely disputed. Professor Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 164, admits that
Sanskrit " from the fourth and filth centuries onwards became the literary lingua
franca for all India."
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457
NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
(April, May, Jane, 1904.)
General Meetings of the Royal Asiatic Society.
March 8th, 1904. — ^A short account of this meeting was
given in the April Journal, p. 381, where it was stated that
the full account of the discussion would appear in July.
Professor Rapson's paper, on which the discussion followed,
appears also in the present number at p. 435.
Professor Rhys Davids said :
I am very glad to find my views controverted in so
able a paper as has just been read. I know that my Pali
studies have led me, in at least half a dozen dififerent
points of great interest in the history of India, to views
that must seem new and startling, and I am afraid very
wrong, to those Sanskritists who draw their views on
Indian history from the brahmin books. And, as I stated
in the preface to my "Buddhist India," I am only too
pleased when any one of those points is discussed and
elucidated, even if the view I ventured to put forth should
be proved to be wrong. But after hearing Professor Rapson's
paper it does not seem to me that I have anything to retract.
I find myself in agreement with almost all that he has so
well said. The main di£Eerence between us seems to be, not
as to the facts of the history of language in India, but as to
the meaning of certain English words, as to the way in
which we ought to express, in English, the conclusions to
be drawn from the admitted facts. Sanskrit was a spoken
language throughout the long history of speech in India,
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458 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
and the Sanskrit of Ealidasa had been regularly developed
or elaborated, through the centuries, out of the Yedic dialect.
But at the time of Kalidasa it was not anywhere in India
the vernacular in daily use among any people. On all tbia
we agree. It seems that the expression ' dead language ' is,
therefore, good English as a description of the Sanskrit
spoken and written in the time of Kalidasa. Many more
people understood Sanskrit in the time of Kalidasa tban in
the time of Asoka. We should probably differ somewhat
in our estimate of the numbers at each period. I venture
to think that, at the time of Asoka, the number, outside the
schools of the brahmins, was not large. And even accepting
any estimate of that number which my friend might make,
I think the description ' scholastic language ' would be
good English in which to summarise the facts. That is
really the question : " How many people, at any particular
date, understood spoken Sanskrit ? and to what extent, that
is, how often during a year, for what purposes, on what
occasions, did they speak Sanskrit ? " It is admitted, I think,
that classical Sanskrit was the literary form of a vernacular
that was once spoken in a certain district included in, if not
comprising the whole of, the country between Kashmir and
the Doab. Down to what date was the vernacular of that
district so close to Sanskrit, as we now know Sanskrit, that
one would be justified in calling it Sanskrit P The vernacular
of that district is not called Sanskrit now. It has different
names in different parts. There must have been a time
at which this change first became perceptible. What,
ai^roximately, is that time ? It was probably some centuries'
before Asoka. But whatever shall eventually come to be
regarded as the right answer to this question, we already
know for certain that the language so spoken was not then
called Sanskrit. For the word Sanskrit, as the technical
name of a language, cannot be traced back earlier than the
middle of the second century a.d. That is also the date of
the earliest inscription we have in Sanskrit. That is also
the date of the earliest book in Sanskrit appealing to a clasa
outside the schools of the brahmins. That is also the time
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SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 459
when the political ascendancy of India passed to the West.
Previous to that time, back to the time of the Buddha, back
probably as far as the eighth century b.c, the political
supremacy was in Eosala, or, afterwards, in Magadha. It
is the vernacular of Kosala of which we have the literary
form, as finally settled, in Pali. Now all the inscriptions
previous to the second century B.C. are in that vernacular ;
varying of course in different times and places, according
to date and locality, but still always in the Hindustani of
that ancient date, never in Sanskrit. I have suggested that
we should call that old language Eosala, and keep the term
Pali for the language of the books. That would seem to be
a gain in precision. But public opinion is apparently
against me. Everyone still prefers to call it Pali. Very
well, then. Is it conceivable that if during that period
Sanskrit had already gained the predominance which it
had certainly acquired a few centuries after Christ, the
inscriptions would not have been then also recorded, as they
were recorded at the later date, in Sanskrit ? The facts
are admitted. The conclusions I venture to suggest ought
to be drawn from them are at variance with the views of the
brahmins, who take for granted that the condition of things
that prevailed in the Gupta period obtained also in the
Buddhist period from the Buddha's time down to the time
of Kanishka. My views are based on those of Professor
Bhandarkar himself, a brahmin and a scholar of the first
rank. I think I have been able to carry the newer
interpretation a little further than he did, to suggest
political and other reasons why the condition of things was
different at the two epochs. And since I wrote the chapter
to which exception has been taken a young German
professor, Dr. Otto Franke, has in his book "Sanskrit und
Pali" gone into the question at much greater detail, and
with much more exact philological knowledge. His con-
clusions are all on the same lines, but in many points he has
again carried the question further. I don't think we ought
to close without mentioning that ; and also without again
thanking Professor Bapson for the admirable way in which
j.R.A.t. 1904. 31
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460 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
he has raised a debate which is evidently exciting so deep
an interest among so many of our members. I am quite
sure that we of the newer party have not settled the matter.
But we have at least stirred the dovecotes ; and truth cannot
fail to gain by the discussion that has followed.
Mr. F. W. Thomas, in reopening the discussion, said :
My Lord, I may perhaps presume that the continuation of
the discussion on the position of Sanskrit was suggested by
two reasons, the somewhat uncertain character of the agree-
ment between the views of Professor Rhys Davids and
Professor Rapson, and the fact that some gentlemen from
whom we might expect illumination on the matter — I may
refer to Dr. Grierson and Dr. Fleet — had not yet spoken. It
will be remembered that after Prof. Rapson's comprehensive
and interesting paper, adducing such arguments as the
references by Pataiijali to a bhdsd or laukika speech, which
must be Sanskrit, and the great fact of the Mababharata,
and a number of analogies, such as the very felicitous one
of the Greek KOLvrjy Professor Rhys Davids expressed his
entire agreement with all that had been said. His own
view is contained in his well-known work on "Buddhist
India," but we may cite for brevity a passage from an ailicle
published in Buddhism for December last, pp. 254-5 : —
*' And it is estimated that it '* (so. the Sanskrit of the Brahmanas)
** was in use from about 800 to about 500 b.c. During the whole
of this period it was just as much a dead language as Latin was in
the Middle Ages in Europe, or as Pali was in Ceylon when the
commentaries were written. But it was also just as much a living
language as these others were, and it was probably spoken in
conversation by the pupils in the schools, though these very same
pupils used a sort of Pali in their dfdly intercourse outside the
schools, and a few of the most educated people outside the schools
would also have understood it. And in later times, after 500 b.c,
it still continued to be used in the same way, developing, though
of course not with the same rapidity as an ordinary living language,
through the centuries.'*
I admit that in this question great respect is due to
the opinion of the Pali scholars, who are concerned with
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SANSEBIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 461
a literature belonging in a considerable part to the centuries
which we have in yiew, namely, 500-0 B.C. But we are all
more or less in the position of the Blind Men with the
Elephant in the Indian parable, and in so extensive a matter
it is difficult to take a view so comprehensive as to preclude
difference of opinion or fallacious agreement. In order to
make my own contribution to the debate as definite as
possible, I find it necessary to forgo certain themes upon
which much might be said — such as the numbers and
influence of the Brahman caste, the application to them of
the term 'priest,' the age of writing in India and the
language to which it was originally adapted — and I shall
content myself with the enunciation and defence of a few
propositions of a positive character.
I. My first proposition is — That during the centuries
preceding the Christian era the Sanskrit and the vernaculars
bore still so close a resemblance to each other as to preclude
a comparison unth the position of Latin during the Middle
Ages, even in countries where Roinance languages were spoken.
I will illustrate this by comparing two passages from the
edicts of Adoka, selected for their import, with Sanskrit
equivalents. I cite the passages litter atim^ from Biihler's
texts given in Epigraphia Indica, ii, pp. 447 sqq., writing
however (in italics) double consonants where, though un-
written, they were certainly pronounced.
A. Bock Edict (Gibnab), ix, 1-2. Sanskrit Equitalent.
deyanaixi piyo priyadasH rsja deyunain priya^ priyadari! raja
evam aha : aeti jano uccayacaqi evam (rajalyam) aha : asti jana uccavacaiii
mamgalam karote abadhesu ya maingalam karoti abadhe^a ya
ayahayfyahesu ya put^ralabhesa ayahayiyahe^u ya puttralabhe^a
ya prayaaammhi ya. Etamhi ca ya prayaae ya. Etasmin^ ca
aniTamhi ca jano nceayacai;! annyasmi^ ca jana uccayacam
mamgalam karote maqigalaiii karoti
'^ Thus says the king, dear to the gods, the Priyadarsi : it is
the case that people perform various rites in times of trouble, at
marriages of sons and daughters, the birth of a son, starting on
a journey. On these and other occasions people perform various
rites."
1 I use, howeyer, e, #, and m instead of ehf sh, and m.
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462 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
B. Rock Edict (Kalsi), xiii, 37. Sansk&it EauivALSKT.
[Sa]vTat/a Ta^ati bambhana va Barwattra vasanti brahma^a vi
9aina[na] va an«e va pa^mda gramana va annye va pSSamda
gihi/tha va ye§u vihita eja agy[a]- gphastha va ye?u vihita esa aggra-
bb[fita]9U$fU9a matapiti$U9fU$a bhtitafiuSru?a matapitrSuiSru^a
galu[9u]9fu^ mittesaiilithuta^abaya- guruSuSrQ^a mittrasamstutafiabaya-
imatike^u da&ibbatalu^fi ^mya- jnatike^u da^bhrtake saramyak-
P^tipatd didhabbaUita pratipattir drdhabbakktita
"Everywhere dwell Brahmans or ascetics or other societies, or
householders, upon whom is enjoined this obedience to superiors (or
' Brahmans ' ?, cf. agraja\ obedience to parents, obedience to gurus,
right behaviour and firm attachment to friends, acquaintances,
companions, and relatives, to slave and servant."
Is it not plain that the people who understood the
language used in the Edicts would have perfectly com-
prehended, if they had heard or read, the more correct
equivalents which we have supplied? Not only have we
the same words used in the same senses, and the same
idioms, but down to some details of the second order the
whole grammatical system is identical. It is not too much
to say that in modem English, both spoken and written,
we find greater deviations from the norm than these Edicts
display.
Assuming, therefore, that the Sanskrit and the language
of the Edicts, if spoken, were necessarily both intelligible
to the speakers of either of them, we may now proceed to
classify the divergences of the latter. These are (1) in-
correctnesses, as karote for karoti, prap{u)ndti for prdpnoti,
the use of nominatives in -o before e.g. p or el vowel, m for
m before a vowel, and so on ; (2) differences of pronunciation,
as in the use of various nasals and sibilants, and in such
changes as grhastha to gihittha, mittra to mitta, bhakkti to
bhatti, detdndm to demnam; (3) morphological survivals, as
in satvaftd=^sarvvattra, or innovations, as pravdsamhi (from
^asmi) for pravdse. Not one of those here quoted is of such
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SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 463
ca character as to preclude the supposition that the Sanskrit
and the language of the Edicts were slightly different
modifications of the same dialect, spoken by different classes
in the same area.
It is, of course, true that we find in the Edicts three
•different dialects, a north-western, a south-western, and an
•eastern (Magadhi) dialect, a fact in itself sufficient to prove
that they represent a current speech. The Delhi Edicts,
it is true, are in the Magadhi, which cannot have been the
local tongue, since in later times we find the Sauraseni and
others between. But in general the variations are no doubt
dialectical. Now all these dialects (the Magadhi least) show
irregularities and intrusions from another source, and this
is the Sanskrit. Is it not a clear inference that the common
speech was everywhere affected by the literary speech P
The theory of M. Senart that this influence was merely
orthographical seems to me to rest on incorrect suppositions,
both historical and philological. We know that during
these centuries the Sanskrit of the Upanishads and the
Grhyasiitras existed. Is it conceivable that it should have
failed to react upon so similar a speech as that of the
Edicts P At all times in India (as in every literary country)
the spoken languages have been mixed, at all times the
literatures have been reacting upon the vernacular, and this
would especially be the case (as Sir C. J. Lyall — to whom
I am also indebted for some other observations — has pointed
out to me^) at a time when the literature was not enshrined
in writing, but engraven on the memory. The Hindus have
supplied us with a number of moderately pure dialects:
such are the Sanskrit, the Pali, and the Prakrits, all due
alike to the literary purism, which is one of the main
characteristics of the Indian mind, and all in the same sense
artificial. But we are submitting to their domination, when
we most seek to escape it, if we expect any such regularity
in the language of every day.
* See his review of Professor Rhys Davids* work in the Church Quarterly
Review for July.
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464 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
Nor can I admit that the linguistic necesaities point U>
a different conclusion. If we find at Girnar pra 45 times,
pa 25 times, tra 20 times, ta 30 times,^ if we find side by
side pripa and pi^a, putra and puta^ sarva and sam^ jano
and janCy we have indeed evidence that some ji^r's bad
become jETp'sy some ^r's had become ^^'s, and so on. But it
belongs to past conceptions of Linguistics to suppose that
this had happened to all. We might have priya after
a vowel, piya after a consonant.^ Such ' sentence doublets '
are found in all languages, and they always lead to the kind
of confusion which we find in the Edicts. Ultimately the
languages make their choice. In some early Sanskrit both
jano and janaz were pronounced, according to the following
consonant. Janaz is lost to Sanskrit, but in Magadhl it
(i.e. jane) has ousted all the other forms ; jano has survived
"With janah andjanas in Sanskrit, but in Pali without a rival.
If we find jano and jane in the same edict, it may be due a»
often to survival as to importation. Accent, again, may
have preserved st in one place, though it has become tth
in another. Not to dwell further on this point, we may
contend that the sound changes must be known with far
greater precision than at present before we judge what even
in unmixed dialects the regular forms would be. Nor must
the evidence of the Greek be minimized, as is sometimes the
case. If Hydaspea does not prove that Vitastd (not Vitatthd)
was still the river's name, we must despair of all inferences
from borrowed words.
My contention, therefore, under this head is that the
Edicts of A^oka represent a real speech of the time, a
common parlance of people who nevertheless understood
Sanskrit. In a number of respects it is more ancient than
the Pali, and comes between the latter and the Sanskrit, but
in morphology and syntax all three stand on approximately
^ Numbers given by M. Senart (p. 407), which, however, might be modified
by the adoption of Biihler's texts as a basis.
' Or more probably vice versa (ppiya from ppriya after a vowel), in view of
the doctrines of the Prati^akhyas (cf. Whitney, ** Taittiriya-PratiSakhya," c. xiv^
and reff . »itb xiv, i) .
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SANSKBIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 465
the same level. I will add, in lexicology also, encouraged
by the remark of £em in the Introduction to his translation
of the Saddhannqpundarika, p. xvi : " Whatever may have
been the phonetic aspect of the oldest standard dialect of the
Buddhists, its vocabulary is unmistakably related to that
of the Satapatha Brahmana." When we remember that
the Mahabharata shows a similar relation to the same
Brahmana, it appears difficult not to recognize here the
outcome of a common middle-class speech, upon which both
the Buddhists and the Epic drew. For a further discussion
of the lexicology of the Sanskrit and the Prakrit let me
refer to Mr. BoxweU's paper in the Journal of Philology for
1885-7, pp. 656 sqq.
II. I now come to my second proposition, which is —
That, in the centuries under consideration, Sanskrit was the
language of public religious rites, of domestic ceremonies, of
education, and of science.
Concerning public rites nothing need be said. The
domestic ceremonies were ancient Brahmanic institutions,
and the rules and formulas for them are preserved for us
in the Grhyasutras. These deal with the subjects mentioned
by Adoka in the passage already quoted, birth, marriage,
journeying, misfortune, as well as morning and evening
ceremonies, funerals, and the like; and it is interesting to
find that, while A§oka describes these as various, the
ASvalayana Grhyasutra, which like the other Grhyasutras
constantly allows alternatives, states definitely in one
passage that out of varying customs it gives the prevailing
one (atha khaluccdvacd janapadadharmd grdmadharmdi ca tdn
vivdhe pratiydt yat tu samdnam tad vaksydmah, i, 7, 1-2) :
Asoka, who also uses the word uccdvaca, may have had this
very passage in mind. That for such old ceremonies any
language but Sanskrit can have been used no one will
contend. A^oka, while condemning them as useless (i.e.
Brahmanical), nevertheless advises their retention.
As regards education, we may cite the concurring testimony
of the Brahmanical and the Pali books. The work of
Dr. Fick {Sociale Oliederung, etc.), based on the Jatakas,
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466 NOTES OF THE QUABTER.
shows US that teaching of ihe people (lokapakii^) was an
ordinary function of the Brahmans (p. 134) ; and he relates
(p. 137) how the people made feasts and invited Brahmans
with Aeir pupils. No doubt the term hkapakti refers
primarily to such instructions as those of which we get
a yiyid picture in the Satapatha Brdhniana (see below).
But that education in the special sense was in the hands
of the Brahmans we see from the constant references in
the Jatakas (see Dr. Fick's work, index) to the fSeanous
Brahman teachers of the north and the schools of Taxila,
where regularly the young men of all classes, and not merely
the Brahmans (ksatriyaSy p. 60; vaist/ai, p. 171), received
their higher education.
" The three Yedas were not the only matters wherein the
Brahmans were instructed during their period of study :
often we hear of the sciences in general. The purohita
in the Sabbaddtha Jdtaka is familiar with the three Yedas
and the eighteen sciences." So Dr. Fick (p. 131), who gives
a very full account of the various preoccupations of purohits
and other Brahmans in astrology, physiognomy, demonology,
and tells how their services were required at marriage, child-
birth, child-naming, etc. The sciences no doubt included
the different Yedangas.. such as grammar, prosody, phonetics,
etc., but also the Mahabharata makes mention of medicine,
the science of the bow, the science of music, the science of
architecture, the science of politics. Most, though perhaps
not all, of these were in the hands of Brahmans ; and
altogether the indications from the Pali side in conjunction
with those in the Mahabharata tend to encourage a by no
means minimizing estimate of the activity of Brahman
teachers, while ASoka himself has told us that "every-
where there were Brahmanas or Sramanas" and so on.
If we turn to the earlier literature we find the Satapatha
Brahmana^ giving a vivid picture of the Brahman priest
teaching the people (men, householders unlearned in the
* Cf. Satapatha B., xi, 5. 7. 1. The later sense of this vfordi janapakti^
* popular flattery * (Har^acarita, Bomb, ed., p. 44, 1. 6 ; Jatakamala, x, v. 35),
merely illustrate the dangerous possibilities of popular teaching.
' See Professor Eggeling's translation, pt. v, pp. 360-71.
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SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 467
scriptures, old men, handsome youths, maidens, evildoers,
usurers, fishermen, etc.) the Pariplava legend, the Rg-veda,
the Yajur-veda, the Atharva-veda, the Angiras, the Sarpa-
vidya, the Devajanavidya, Magic, Itihasa, Purana, the
^ma-veda. This is the Lokapakti properly so called,
carried on at Sraddhas (for the Mbh. at Sraddhas see
I, lix, 36) and other assemblies of the people ; and as this
-was at the time of the oatapatha Brahmana, so it continued
/in later centuries, in the times which the Pali books record.
If anyone believes that such teaching was conveyed in
any language but Sanskrit, I am unable to agree with him ;
At any rate, we may refer to the well-known passage of
Pataiijali, where under the range of speech, i.e. (from the
context) of Sanskrit speech, we find included the four Vedas
with their Angas and Rahasyas, the Vakopavakya, Itihasa,
Purana, Medicine. The Satapatha B rah m ana speaks of the
Anu^asanas, Vidyas, Vakopavakya, Itihasa, Purana, Qathas,
and Nara^amsls (pt. v, p. 98). Most of these are also cited
by the Asvalayana Qrhyasutra (III, iii, 1), which further
(III, iv, 4) includes among literature deserving of respect
the Sutras, Bhasya, Bbarata, Mahiibharata, and the works
of the Dharmacaryas.
III. This brings me to my third proposition, namely —
That Sanskrit was the only language of profane literature.
The number of books which we possess in the Pali and the
Jaina Prakrit tends to disguise from us the bareness of these
in pure literature. I would ask the Pali scholars whether
it is not true that, if we make exception of fables, the whole
of the early literature in that language is of a religious
character, religious not in the general sense in which most
Indian literature may be described as such, but religious in
the sense of being devoted to the exposition, propagation,
and defence of a particular sect. We are told that the
speculations in the Upanishads proceeded from thinkers aloof
from the Brahman influence (see e.g. " Buddhist India,"
pp. 256-7). But where are the Pali Upanishads, the Pali
Mahabharatas and Ramayanas, the Pali Puranas, Itihasas,
Kavyas, works on the Drama, Law, and Medicine P Where
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468 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
anything of this nature exists, it is both, I believe, of
comparatively late date and based on Sanskrit models.
After a careful examination of Professor Rhys Davids*^
chapter on Literature, I can find only one species which is
claimed for Pali. This is akkhdna. But this is an ancient
type of Sanaknt literature, often associated with the Vedas
{veddn dkhydnapancamdn). In the Mahabharata it is the
Brahmans who recite the divine dkJiydnas {dirydkhydndni
ca ye pafhanti), and Brahmans arrayed in all their internal
and external paraphernalia —
^^ samskrtah sarvai§astrajuah
asamsaktaksarapadam svarabhavasamanvitam
trisastivarnasamyuktam astasthanasamiritam
vacayed vacakah svasthah svaslnah susamahitah."
(Both passages quoted by Hopkins, " Epic of India," p. 364.)
Considering that the occasions chiefly referred to are the
'intervals of the sacrifice' (karmdntarem yajfiasya, Mbh. I,
Ivi, 3. 5), it would require much proof to convince us that
any such dkhydnas were ever recited in Pali.
The great question of the Mahabharata I will touch upon
only so far as to cite a passage and a quotation from
Mr. Hopkins' work : " A Pandu epic of some sort," he
writes, "existed as early as the third century B.C., as is
shown by the testimony of Panini and the Jatakas " (p. 385),.
while the poem itself speaks of '^priests (who) recite the
Mahabharata at the assemblies of warriors" (p. 369).
What has been said of the Buddhist Pali may, I imagine,
be said also, muiatis mutandis^ of the Jaina Ardhamagadhl.
In general it seems probable that of profane literature two
forms alone flourished in Indian vernaculars of ancient date,
the fable and the erotic stanza, unless we should add also an
amount of proverbial morality in verse.
IV. My fourth and last proposition is — That there is
nothing in the name 'Sansknt' tchich implies an artificial
language.
It is necessary to refer to this point, inasmuch as the
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SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 469
Implication of the word (which has sometimeB been mis-
understood) may be elucidated by a passage from the
Eumarasambhava, vii, 97 —
" dvidha prayuktena ca vahmayena
sarasvatl tan mithunan nunava |
samskaraputena varam yare^yam
vadhum sakhagrahyanibandhanena 1 1 **
"With speech doubly employed did Sarasvatl salute
that pair, the venerable husband with that purified
by SamskaraSy the lady with that of easily com-
prehended structure."
To Kalidasa, theref ore, the ' Samakrita ' language, like the
' Samskrita ' person, was ' made pure by Samakdraa.' If we
ask what are these SamskdraSf we are carried back to the old
grammatical phraseology of Yaska, with whom the Samskdraa
are the regular forms of declension and conjugation, the
exact pronunciation of conjunct consonants, and the like.
Kemembering that the Ramayana speaks of vacah samskdrd'
kthkrtam} and further that the comparison of the good man
{sddhu) with the good word is a commonplace with Indian
writers, I am inclined to say that if the term Samskria was
not applied to a language at a date much earlier than our
evidence at present attests, this must have been due either
to some special hindrance or to a miracle.
If I may now conclude with some brief observations of
a synthetic nature, these would be to the following effect : —
1. At the time with which we are concerned there was
in India no unmixed vernacular dialect, though no doubt
the speech of the least cultivated classes would show fewest
intrusions.
2. The general language of the middle classes displayed
a mixture of Sanskritizing and Prakritizing tendencies : from
this language comes the Buddhist Sanskrit, and in some
aspects the Sanskrit of the Mahabharata.
3. Correct Sanskrit was intelligible to the majority, and
its use by the cultivated as a social shibboleth is avowed by
^ Cf. Mbh. I, Ivii, 40, iahdasamskara ( = yatJMfthanaharanaprayatnam^
ucedrai^am, Comm.).
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470 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
Patafljali (whose general attitude, boweyer, like that of
Panini, is scientific) in several places, especially in the
Terse —
*' saktum iva titaiina punanto yatra dbira manasa yaoam
akrata |
atra sakhyayah sakhyani janate bhadraisam laksmlr nihi-
tadhi vaci ij "
(Ed. Kielhorn, yol. i, p. 4, 11. 10-11.)
"*' Whereas wise men with intelligence created speech, as
if clearing meal with a sieve, here friends recognize
their friendships: winning is their greatness, reposing
upon speech."
4. Hence we may well suppose that the dramas, in
assigning Sanskrit to high society, represent an old-
established use. As regards the speech of women, we
know that in many states of society it differs from that
of the men ; and the wonderful Indian civilization, erected
on a primitive social system not far below, may well have
preserved such a trait. How could the dramatists hit upon
such an invention P
5. I pass by, as too insignificant for mention and in the
main stylistic, the distinction which has been drawn between
the Sanskrit of the Upanishads and Grhyasutras and the
Classical Sanskrit.^ But I may quote two passages in which
the main truth of this whole question has long ago been
admirably summed : —
^^ The Bhusu is not a dead language, still less an artificial one, but
likely enough a language which in its correct form has been preserved
by artificial means, employed by the higher classes, contrasting with
the dialects, and spoken among the higher classes themselves under
two forms, correct and incorrect. These are the distinctive traits of
a national tongue." (Sorensen, Om Sanskrits Stilling, etc., p. 283.)
^'But 1 shall be asked. Do you actually maintain that all
ugopOlam understood Sanskrit in the second or even the fifth
' Cf. Wackemaeel, Mtindinehe Orammaiiky t). xxxii: "In der folgenden
Tiitteratorschicht, den Aranyakas nnd Upanisbaos einerseits, nnd den Sutras
andierseits, ist im Ganxen der Punkt der Sprachentwicklung erreioht, der dorch
die klaadsche Grammatik dargestellt wird.'*
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SANSKKIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 471
century b.c. ? In the first place, I reply that in the case of
a nation so sharply divided into castes, families, and clans as^
the Indian, we cannot without essential modification apply our
conception of the people as a more or less homogeneous whole.
Secondly, I do not assert that the Riimayana was understood by
the whole so-called people of India. Whether that was the case
or not, is of no moment for my theory. For the Raraayana is not
intended for the mass without distinction. It is for them too
high. Poems for the uncultured must have a coarser kernel : this
is shown by the * Legends of the Punjab.' Such poems ' will not
stand the test of time.' In a land like India, where the classes
stand so rigidly apart, the epic singer is sure of his audience
among the educated: he needed not, therefore, to lower himself
to an actor in order to make a livelihood by his singing. If the
modem bard is sunk so low, the reason for this is that the broad
strata of the people have at their disposal a great literature, which
satisfies their sesthetic and social needs. Eut in ancient times
it was not so : the epic singers had to provide for the spiritual
sustenance of all, even for the highest classes, like the actors in-
our own middle ages." (Jacobi, Z.D.M.G. xlviii, pp. 410-11.)
Dr. Gribrson said :
I am afraid that the members of the Society present will
be surprised at my audacity in joining issue with two learned
Professors and with the Librarian of the India Office, each
of whom has more Sanskrit in the tip of his little finger than
I have in my whole head. I trust, however, that, before
I have concluded, some at least of my audience will say that
there is a method in my madness.
I forget the exact words which I have used on former
occasions, but I have no doubt that they have been correctly
quoted by those who have already spoken. I may say that,
though I have learned much in the interval, the position
which I occupy to-day is substantially the same as that
which I took twenty years ago, after I had first seriously
thought on the matter. I cannot describe that better than
in the words of M. Senart, ** Classical Sanskrit is an archaic
language, preserved at first by oral tradition and subsequently
retouched by the labours of literary men,"
There was Vedic Sanskrit, which we are all agreed was
a vernacular. It developed in two gradually diverging lines.
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472 NOTES OP THE QUAETER.
In one direction it developed like all yemacalar languages,
and in the course of centuries ultimately became one or more
of the Indo- Aryan vernaculars of the present day, passing
on its way through the stage commonly known as Prakrit,
including Pali. In the other direction it was preserved
as a spoken literary language amongst the Brahma^s, its
development being retarded by the influence of literature
and being finally arrested, or nearly arrested, by the labours
of Panini and his school. In Yedic times the Sanskrit of
this latter line was a vernacular, but it gradually ceased to be
one as its development was retarded, and as centuries passed
it differed more and more widely from the more quickly
developing real vernacular of the country. In Panini's time
it was a spoken language, as it is a spoken form of speech
at the present day. In Patanjali's time it had dialects, as it
has at the present day ; but it is now a dead language, and
it was a dead language when it was spoken by Panini, just
as, pace Mr. Thomas, Latin was a dead language a century
ago, but was, all the same, freely spoken in some parts of
Europe.
Before proceeding to the constructive part of my discussion,
I would ask leave to reply to some arguments put forward
by those who have already spoken.
Professor Rapson has laid stress on the fact that a great
portion of a Sanskrit play is written in Sanskrit, and that
therefore that language must have been widely understood
when the Sanskrit drama was flourishing. I venture to
suggest that this is not a sound argument for an Englishman,
of all persons, to put forward. What about our Italian
operas P How many of the people who crowd Covent
Garden to hear Yerdi or Mascagni understand a word of
what is said P The parallel is closer than you may think
it at first sight, for an Indian drama much more nearly
resembles an opera than an ordinary stage play. I suppose
that at the present moment there is a greater amount of
Sanskrit learning congregated in this room than in any
other room in Europe, and yet I do not believe that there
is a single person here — ^I speak with all admiration for the
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SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 473
scholars whom I see before me — who would be able to
understand at first hearing the Sanskrit poetry and Sanskrit
songs of a play, say by Bhavabhuti, which he had not
read beforehand. He could not do it if Sanskrit was his
vernacular — ^no, not if it had been the vernacular of his
ancestors for the past ten generations. Crowds of all classes,
from ignorant cultivators to princes, attend the performance
of Sanskrit plays to-day, but they do not go with the primary
object of hearing what the characters say. They go, as our
opera audiences go, to see a story with which they are
familiar reproduced on the stage, and to hear the music
and the singing. The actual spoken words are of minor
importance. Even in modern plays in which the songs are
written in the vernacular, as is sometimes the case, the
-audience cannot follow the words of the singer unless they
know them beforehand. I can vouch for this from personal
experience.
It was, therefore, not necessary for writers of Sanskrit
dramas to consider their audiences in selecting the language
they employed. It must be remembered that the plays
were written by Brahmans, who naturally used their own
literary language as much as possible, and I quite admit
that at the late period at which these works were written
education had so spread that persons of the upper classes
could follow the Sanskrit prose portions without difficulty ;
but there was one part of a play which had to be intelligible
to everyone — the jokes. The story would have been
intelligible if it had been in dumb-show, but jokes had to
be spoken and, if not understood by everyone, would have
fallen flat. What do we therefore see P All the comic
portions of a drama, even the speeches of the Vidusaka^ who
teas necessarily a Brdhman by caste, had to be written in
Prakrit If they had been in Sanskrit they would not
have raised a laugh. What stronger comment can we
make on the proposition that classical Sanskrit, as used
in the dramas, was a vernacular P
~Mr^ Thomas has appealed to me to explain the presence
of the cerebral ^ in the modern vernacular of India. I am
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474 NOTES OF THE QUARTER*
not quite sure that I understand his argument, but I believe^
it to be this. At a very early stage in the history of
Prakrit the distinction between the three Sanskrit sibilants
was lost, and yet h, under the form of kh, still exists in
Hindi. He asks me to explain the existence of this kh if
Sanskrit was not a spoken language when the letter was
first introduced into the vernacular. To me this gives-
rise to no difficulty. This kh does not exist in Hindi
words. It is only found in borrowed words, taken from
Benares School Sanskrit, in modem times, to supply fancied
deficiencies in the vocabulary. The kh is an attempt to
reproduce the pronunciation of s affected by Benares Yedic
Pandits.
Mr. Thomas maintains that there is a great similarity
between the Sanskrit of Panini and the Pali of Asoka.
He argues, as I understand him, that anyone who spoke
one must have been able to speak the other. I am not
prepared to admit that this similarity does exist. The two
languages are on different levels of phonetic development,
and one bears the same relationship to the other that
Latin bore to old Italian.
He also expressed the opinion that classical Sanskrit
was the language of public religious rites, of domestic
ceremonies, of education, and of learning. In this I am
in entire agreement with him. But the case is exactly
the same at the present day, when Sanskrit is admittedly
dead. It is still used in public religious, rites and in
domestic ceremonies. Up to fifty years ago it was still
the only language of education and learning. No Pandit
would in those days admit the existence of anything worth
reading in the vernacular literatures. Even such a master-
piece as the Satsaiya of Bihari was not admitted to citizenship
in the book-world of Benares until it had been translated,,
and very well translated, into Sanskrit
Mr. Thomas further quotes from the ^tapatha Brahmana
in order to show that Sanskrit was well known when
that work was composed. But this was a iAstra of the
pre-classical period, so that I do not see how it affects my
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SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 475
argument. Moreover, we can hardly take the passage
literally, for, if I heard Mr. Thomas aright, the author
makes, not only women, but snakes understand Sanskrit.
Mr. Thomas next quoted the passage in the last canto
of the Kumdra'Sambhava, in which Saraswati addresses Siva
and his bride in " two*fold speech," i.e. in Sanskrit and
Fnkrit. The address to l^iva was ' samskara-puta,' while
that made to Uma was in language which she could
understand.
Here I may remark that this shows that in Ealidasa's
time women, even princesses, did not understand Sanskrit..
How could it, then, have been a * mother '-tongue P In this
connection I may refer to two other passages. In the
Sundarakanda of the Ramayana, Hanuman is in doubt as
to whether he should address Slta in Sanskrit, "like a
Brahmana," or " in the language of common men.'' In the
MrcchakatiM the Jester says that there are two things that
make him laugh, a woman repeating Sanskrit and a man
singing a song. He adds that when the woman is in such
a predicament she reminds him of a heifer snuffling when the
leading*rope is first passed through a hole bored in her nose.
Mr. Thomas lays stress on the use of the word ^sams*
kara-ptita' by Kalidasa, and argues that while I translate
' Prakrta ' correctly by ' natural/ I am wrong in translating
^samskrta' by 'elaborated.' He prefers 'purified.' I am
not concerned to defend my interpretation. Perhaps, as
opposed to ' natural,' ' artificial ' would be better than
'elaborated.' A BrahmaiL would of course look upon his
own 'artificial' language as 'purified.' Anyhow, what is
opposed to ' natural ' cannot have been ' natural ' itself, and
that is quite sufficient for my purpose. Pali and Prakrit
were ' natural ' languages, while Sanskrit was not.
Mr. Thomas reminds us of the dkhydnaa, which he says
were in Sanskrit, and must have been widely understood.
That does not follow. In every large village in India the
Bamayaxia or the Mahabharata is habitually read, and
attracts the whole population. No one pretends to under-
stand it. Each verse is read in the original. The deva-vdni
J.H.A.8. 1904. 32
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476 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
is in itself good for the souls of the hearers. Then the
verse is interpreted for those who want the story, exactly
as the Prophetical books used to be read, and interpreted,
in a Jewish synagogue in our Lord's time.
I now turn to the other side of the question. What proof
is there that Classical Sanskrit was never a living language ?
A language to be living must be capable of connoting
all the ideas which its speakers may conceivably want to
express. Classical Sanskrit could not do this. Its vocabulary
supplied the ordinary needs of learned men, but when it
came to the every-day things of common life, it had to
borrow from the Prakrits, and re-coin old Sanskrit words
of the pre - classical period which no longer existed. It
betrays this by its mistakes. It borrowed, for instance, the
Prakrit aggaada for ' sugar-cane sprouts,' and by assuming
a false derivation concocted the word angdra, when it should
have concocted agraka or something of that sort. Classical
Sanskrit had no word for it. Such a form of speech cannot
be called a living language. I do not, however, wish to
press this point unduly, for I have much stronger arguments.
We date Classical Sanskrit from Panini. The real question
is, " Was Classical Sanskrit a mother- tongue, a vernacular,
in his time ? " I answer this with a decided negative.
We all, I suppose, agree that Sanskrit is the daughter of
one of a number of Indo- Aryan dialects spread over North-
Western India. The home of that particular dialect must
have been near the Saraswati, the source of all Indo- Aryan
civilisation. We may call it roughly the dialect of the
Eastern Panjab. It was here that the Rg-veda was compiled ;
it was from here that Aryan civilisation (and Sanskrit)
spread over India ; and it was here that all the great decisive
battles for the ownership of India have been fought out.
In finding out an answer to our question, we have four
fixed points to go upon —
First, there were the pre-classical periods. We may take
the Yedic period as the most important for our purposes.
Second, there is, say, eight hundred years after, in 350
to 300 B.C., Panini.
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SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 477
Third, after another fifty or hundred years, we have the
Asoka inscriptions, in 250 B.C.
Fourth, after another century, we have Patanjali, B.C. 150.
Now we are bound to assume that the rate of development
of the Indian languages was a fairly constant one. The
vernacular of the Eastern Panjab of Vedic times took six
hundred years to develop into Classical Sanskrit. That
development is very slight. There is no essential difference
between Vedic and Classical Sanskrit.
The Asoka inscriptions are not in Sanskrit. They are
in Pali. They were meant to be generally understood, and
are in some cases directly addressed to the educated classes.
The difference between them and Classical Sanskrit is great.
That difference could never have developed in a hundred
years. Therefore I hold that Sanskrit could not possibly
have been a vernacular language in Panini's time.
I know of only one serious answer which can be made
io this objection ; and that is, that Sanskrit in Panini's
time was the vernacular of a certain set of people who were
not the ancestors of those who spoke and understood the
language of the Asoka inscriptions. Two arguments are
adduced to prove this. One is the well-worn one that
Panini called Classical Sanskrit ' the Bhasa,' and that
' Bhasa ' means a spoken language. So it does, but a spoken
languajge is not necessarily a vernacular. Sanskrit, as
I have said, was, in Panini's time a spoken language, and
^ Bhasa ' can only mean * Sanskrit as spoken at the time
of the composer of the grammar ' (mind, it was not a written
language at that time, and could only have been spoken),
as distinct from the older form of the language found in the
Vedas. I used to speak Sanskrit myself, but that does
not make it my vernacular.
The second argument is that some of the Asoka inscriptions
possess certain conjunct consonants which represent a stage
of development older than that of Pali ; that, therefore, they
are not in Pali, but are in bad Sanskrit ; and that hence
Sanskrit was a vernacular at least in the tract where these
inscriptions are found. These inscriptions are the KharosthI
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478 NOTES OF THE QUABTER.
ones at Shahbazgarhl and elsewhere in the extreme North-
West. I confess that this seems to me but an argument
of despair. What else can we call it when we remember
that Sanskrit is based on the Indo- Aryan vernacular of the
Eastern Pan jab, and that the Asoka inscriptions of fhis^
locality, at Khalsi, Mirath, and Delhi, are in pure Pali
without these conjuncts ? ^ If conjuncts were due to the
influence of Sanskrit, it is here that we should have to look
for them, and not four hundred miles to the west. Their
presence in the North- West is easily explained. M. Senart
maintains that the words in which they occur are ortho-
graphical tatsamas — strivings after learned spellings. There
may be some truth in this, but we need not depend upon
it. There are two other very good reasons which I will
defy anybody to explain away. One is, that most of these
conjuncts have r as their second member, as in priya, dhramma^
srava, savra, and so forth. Surely the pro - Sanskritist«
forget that such words are pure Prakrit, and were Prakrit
a thousand years later. Hema-candra (iv, 398) specially
allows the optional employment of such conjuncts in the
most degraded of all the Prakrits, Apabhram^, and gives
as an example one of the very words used by AsSkeL—pnya}
But there is another reason, which, so far as I am aware,
has not hitherto been brought forward,^ but which seems
to me to be conclusive against the Sanskritic origin of these
conjuncts. I refer to the influence of those tribes who in later
times were known as Pisacas, and whom the Greeks called
Dards. These people inhabited the country surrounding
and to the north of Shahbazgarhl. They had colonies down
the Indus as far as the modem Sindh. Now we know the
* It was objected at the meeting that these edicts are in Asoka's Magadhi
dialect. True. But they were meant to be understood, and if the local
vernacular did possess these conjuncts, it is inconceivable that they should ha>iB
been omitted.
' The wording of Hema-candra's siltra is indeed that the retention of the r i*
the rule, and that it is its omission which is optional. There are numbers of
ApabhramSa words in Hema-candra with these conjunct r's. Some r's, in fact,
are imerted without excuse of origin (iv, 399). Reference can be made tt>
Professor Pischel's index. Compare also the Greek words mentioned later on.
* I must withdraw this claim to originality. I see that I have been
anticipated by Professor Pischel on p. 28 of his Prakrit Grammar.
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SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 479
peculiarities of Pai^ci Prakrit partly from Hema-eandra
«,nd partly from the modem * Dard ' ^ languages. It was
Indo- Aryan, but was not Sanskritic in the sense in which
we talk of the modern Indian languages as being Sanskritic.
It hardened soft consonants and preserved them when
unprotected. So, in the Shahbazgarhl inscription we have
€ature^ * four ' ; maka for maga ; both hita and hida ; and
padham for bddham. In Paii^acI a conjunct of which the
first member is a sibilant is sometimes preserved.^ So it
is with the Dard languages of the present day, in which
* a horse * is aipo (for aiva) and ' eight * is oit. Similarly at
Shahbazgarhl, sv becomes sp in spasunam, and st optionally
remains unchanged in asfau or ath. The modem Dard
languages show that the r of a conjunct was often retained
— * three ' is tre, ' a son * is piuir. So in Shahbazgarhl we
have putra, * son,' and numbers of others, including the very
instructive dhramma^ and arcwa or savra.^ The argument from
these inscriptions that Sanskrit was a vernacular language at
the time of Asoka will therefore not hold water.
We now come to the oft-quoted passages in Patanjali.*
He gives us the first definite information on the subject.
He says that Sanskrit was spoken in his time by the
sintaSy and that people in ordinary life {Ibke) who were
not iistas spoke another language, which the examples
{finapayati for djndpayatif kasi for krsi, and so forth) show
was Pali.* That, I think, we all admit.
The question therefore is, " Who were the slstas ? " Here,
with all respect, I think that my learned friends on the
other side have been misled by the great authority of
Professor Bhandarkar. They translate Sista by * educated,*
and say that Sanskrit was the language of the educated
<;las8es. I admit that iista can mean ' educated ' ; but does
* I employ the word here in Dr. Leitner's sense, as the lan^age of the conntry
between I^ghman and Gilffit. It will he noticed that I treat PaiSaci and
CulilcapaiSacika as but varieties of one and the same language.
2 Hema-candra, iv, 314. Sndta becomes aindtay and kafia becomes kasafa.
^ Compare Dard krom for karmma,
-* Especially the commentaries on Panini, 1, 3, 1, and 6, 3, 109.
•'* See vol. i, p. 259, U. 5-14, and vol. iii, pp. 173-174, of Kielhom's edition.
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480 NOTES OF THE QUABTEB.
jt mean that here P I am convinced that it cannot. The*
word means literally ' taught/ and here evidently applies to
those who are 'taught' Sanskrit. Every 'educated' man
in England does not speak German, only those who are
'taught' it do so. The meaning of *ii§ta' is carefully
explained by Pataujali himself. " Who are the iisfas ? *' his
opponent asks. He replies, "The vaiydkaranas — those who
have studied grammar." His opponent is not satisfied and
presses for a further explanation, and he dots the ' »'s ' and
crosses the ' ^'s ' by saying that a ii§ta is a Brahman who is
not greedy . . . and who is an expert in some branch
of knowledge. He must be a kumbhidhdnya, that is to say,
his whole possessions must be limited to a jarful of rice, and
he must inhabit a limited tract called Aryavarta, which is
defined. That is to say, the poor learned Brahmans of
a certain part of India spoke Sanskrit. Everyone else said
dnapayati instead of ^ndpayati, and kaai instead of krsi,
i.e. spoke Pali. Pataujali, it will be observed, makes no
distinction between good Sanskrit and bad. According to
him a man spoke either good Sanskrit or Pali. To him bad
Sanskrit was Pali. Moreover, according to him, this Sanskrit
had to be taught, even to these poor and pious iistas. If
anyone spoke Sanskrit who had not studied Panini it was
a case of the special grace of Good Fortune, or he did so
from instinct.
How Professor Bhandarkar can conclude from this that
Sanskrit was the vernacular of holy and respectable Brahmans
of Aryavarta, I cannot see. Pataujali states as clearly as
possible that it was a language acquired by the study of
grammar, and was spoken only by poor 'Grammarians.'
This puts the suggestion that it was in his time a court
language altogether out of the argument. Poor Brahmans
are not such as are found in kings' chambers. In later
times of the renaissance, as education spread, it was no
doubt spoken and understood by many persons of the upper
classes — ^but as a second language, not as a vernacular, just
as it was not any more the real vernacular of the iistas.
Here I would venture to protest against the use of the
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SAN8EBIT A8 A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 481
comparison which was put forward a month ago, that
Sanskrit bore to Pali much the same relationship that
standard Italian bears to the Italian dialects. I would
submit that such a comparison is misleading. The facts
are altogether different. Italian and the other dialects are
sister dialects all in the same generation from Latin. On
the contrary, Sanskrit and Pali are on quite different
planes. They belong to two distinct generations. The
comparison will not be correct until Latin is the polite
language of Italy.
There is one other piece of evidence which I should be
glad to lay before you, and that is the reports of the
Greeks. The Indian names which they quote seem to me
to be Pali or Prakrit, not Sanskrit. To mention a few
names recorded about the time of the As5ka inscriptions —
Soanes (Suva^na), Erannoboas (Hiran^avaha), Sandracottus
(Candragutta — note how the r is retained in Apabhramda),^
Palibotbra (Padalivutra), and Peukelaotis (Pukkhalayati).
The last was in Swat, the Pisaca country, and hence the
t was preserved.
For these reasons I do not believe that Classical Sanskrit
was anyone's vernacular at the time of Pacini or afterwards.
The language was unsuited to be a vernacular ; and all the
evidence which we possess shows that the only vernacular in
existence, at the time, was in that stage of development
which is commonly and conveniently called Pali. At the
same time, from Panini to the present day, it has always
been a second language, a polite language like Latin in the
middle ages, learnt and spoken as an accomplishment by
people the number of whom varied from century to century
according to the extent of public education in India.
Mr. Fleet said :
I have followed with interest what has been said to-day
by Mr. Thomas and Dr. Grierson. And I was particularly
struck by the apposite instance adduced by Dr. Grierson,
1 Alexander met Sandrokottus in the Western Fanjab, the Pisaca country.
Note how the ^ has been changed to k.
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482 NOTES OF THE aUARTER.
to illustrate how thoroughly the people of India appreciate
the Sanskrit language in other uses than simply its religious
scope, without being able to understand it. I can myself
Touch for the absorbed attention with which uneducated
villagers will listen to recitals of the Sanskrit Epics and
Puranas, and to representations of Sanskrit plays, — pleased
by the sonorousness of the language, and satisfied with
only the vague idea of what it all means which is supplied
by their general acquaintance with the outlines of the
topics. And I know, in fact, of nothing that interests
them more, except a public recital of any of the historical
ballads, composed in the vernaculars of the present day,
and particularly numerous, racy, and well-known in the
Kanarese country, which appeal to them so closely from
other points of view.
But it seems to me that, valuable as are all the details
that have been laid before us, they have gone rather beyond
the record, and have taken the matter into a sphere of
philological discussion which bears more upon the connection
between Sanskrit and the vernaculars, and upon a question
which deserves full consideration at some other time, —
namely, the development of what is known as Classical
Sanskrit, and the time at which, and the influences under
which, it was brought about, — than upon the question that
was actually propounded for discussion.
The question actually before us, introduced by Mr. Rapson
at the last preceding meeting, is : — In what degree was
Sanskrit a spoken language ?
I think that we must look for the answer, not to
deductions drawn from literary statements which are
often easily capable of more than one application, and to
philological details as to which not everyone may be in
agreement, but to what we can put together in the shape
of plain actual facts. And for the facts in this matter, as
also ultimately in every other line of Indian research, we
must turn to a certain source of information which has been
my particular line of study for very many years, namely,
the epigraphic records, — the ancient inscriptions which
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SANSKBIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 483
fortunately exist in such great numbers throughout the
length and breadth of India.
For the present, indeed, owing to the want of a systematic
exploration, including the opening out of buried ancient
sites, the inscriptions do not carry us back beyond the time
^f Asoka, or say roughly B.C. 250. But from that point of
time, to the establishment of the Imperial Gupta djmasty,
roughly about A.D. 350, we have a sufficient supply of them.
And they seem to me to settle the question with which we
•are concerned.
Of the inscriptions of India, some, in fact the large
majority, originated from the reigning kings or from their
governors, ministers, and functionaries. Of the remainder,
some originated from guilds and corporations, and others
from private individuals who had no share whatever in
public affairs. But, whether of official or of non-official
origin, the inscriptions were all records put together, and
perpetuated on stone or copper as the case might be, for the
information of the public. Notably was that the case with
the edicts of A^ka, which were religious proclamations,
published in conspicuous places on rocks and pillars of stone,
at towns or close to highways frequented by travellers and
traders, for the guidance of his subjects. The inscriptions
were, therefore, necessarily cast in a language which would
be understood by the people at large. It would not follow
that everyone inspecting them would be able to read them,
or that they were published with that expectation. But
«uch a language must have been purposely selected that
there would always be someone in the town or village, or
in the band of travellers or traders, who would be able
to decipher any particular record and explain it to inquirers.
And the fact that before A.D. 150 there is not a single
inscription in Sanskrit, is sufficient, to my mind, to shew
that Sanskrit was not then a language readily capable of
being handled in that way, for an explanation of public
notifications drawn up in it ; that is to say, that it was not
then understood by the people at large, and, much more,
that it was not spoken by the people at large.
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484 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
From A.D. 350 we come to a very different state of things.
We find, indeed, that in Southern India the vernaculars
were still largely used for the public records which have
survived to us in the shape of the inscriptions. We find
the large majority of the inscriptions of the Eanarese
country in the Kanarese language, and the large majority
of the inscriptions of the Tamil country in the Tamil
language ; with the result, due quite as much to that fact
as to literary activity, that there was developed in at any
rate the Kanarese country, — probably in also the Tamil
country, but on that point I am not competent to speak, —
a highly cultivated vernacular which, in beauty, polish,,
and power of expression, stands unsurpassed among the
vernaculars of India. Even there, however, we have
Sanskrit inscriptions from roughly A.D. 600 onwards ; and
the number of them increased largely as time rolled by.
And all over Central India, and throughout Northern India,
Sanskrit became practically the only language used for these
public records from as early a date as A.D. 350.
This fact may suggest, on first thought, that in those
parts of India Sanskrit was then understood and was spoken
by the people at large. But it does not seem to me that
we may interpret the fact in that way. It only indicates,^
to me, the existence, in a larger number of outlying towns
and villages, of a larger number of educated people,
acquainted with Sanskrit, and competent to draft public
records and notifications in that language, or to explain the
purport of such records and notifications drawn up in it by
others. The actual spoken languages were still the local
vernaculars. But, owing to the predominance then as now, —
or at any rate until quite recently, — of the Brahma^ element
in official posts, Sanskrit, when once fully established in
its classical form, became naturally the official language.
Because, in every direction, there were so many more people
competent to compose in Sanskrit and to explain it, any
actual necessity for drafting official proclamations and
records in the vernaculars ceased. And the increasing issue
of such proclamations and records in Sanskrit set a fashioa
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SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE. 485
which was copied far and wide by private individuals, who
quickly came to think it more comme il faut to get their
private proclamations translated into Sanskrit, and published
in Sanskrit, by the numerous local agencies that were then
available, rather than to issue them in vernaculars which
were not favoured, even if recognised at all, for any strictly
official purposes.
That is the explanation of the general use of Sanskrit
for inscriptional purposes in Northern and Central India
from about A.D. 350, and of the partial use of it for the
same purposes in Southern India from about two centuries
later. And we are not to infer from that use that Sanskrit
had then become, or that it ever became, a spoken language
of the people at large, even in Northern and Central India.
On the other side, there are no reasons for regarding
Sanskrit as a dead language, in the sense of one which,
after the Vedic or any particular subsequent period, was
never spoken at all. It is still a spoken tongue. When
I first went to India, nearly forty years ago, there were
few, if any, Sanskrit Pandits, really qualified to teach
Sanskrit, and at the same time able to explain it in English.
The explanations of the Pandits were given in Sanskrit
itself; their instruction was all imparted in that language ;.
and their conversation was all in it. In that respect there
has been a change ; and Sanskrit is now largely taught by
Native teachers who are as well acquainted with English
as with their classical language or with their vernaculars.
But there are still many Sansk^rit Pandits, — the Sustrls
properly called, — who know no English. When they meet
an European who has any knowledge of Sanskrit, their
desire is to converse, not in a vernacular, but in Sanskrit.
I myself have had to talk Sanskrit in such circumstances.
And, I may add, I have had to talk Latin with a Portuguese
priest living out in the jungles, because, as he did not
know English or any vernacular, and as I did not know
Portuguese, there happened to be no other medium of
communication.
To that extent Sanskrit must always have been a spoken
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486 NOTES OF THE QUABTERr
language, among the Brahmans, chiefly for instructional
purposes, but sometimes for purposes of display. It must
also have been the language used in the religious and
philosophical wrangles in which, as again we know from
the inscriptions, wandering Brahmans, Jains, and Buddhists
used to indulge, visiting distant centres of learning with
that object, and announcing by beat of drum their arrival
and their desire to meet disputants. And, no doubt, it
must have been the customary means of even ordinary
communication between learned people from difierent parts
of India, whose vernaculars were mutually unintelligible.
Further, as a result of its having been established as the
official language, the members of the royal caste would
naturally acquire a rough and ready conversational know-
ledge of it; and in this view we find the explanation of
the theory of the Hindu dramatists, that kings and nobles,
as well as any Brahmans who may figure as principal
personages, must speak in Sanskrit. And, if we may base
any conclusion on the extent to which Sanskrit words,
usually somewhat corrupted, but sometimes in their original
forms, have become embedded in the Kanarese vernacular,
and, as may be easily seen from a perusal of the ballads,
are freely used by the uneducated classes at the present
time, the people at large would understand isolated Sanskrit
words, and on occasion would even comprehend brief
intimations conveyed by means of them. In support of this
last suggestion, I may cite an ancient Kanarese inscription
which I happen to have just now in hand for editing. It
narrates how a ruling prince, the governor of the Banawasi
province, coming on tour to a certain village in the
Dharwar district, requisitioned a supply of fodder, and how
a champion grass-cutter met the requirements of the prince
so well as to obtain the withdrawal of the prohibition of the
performance of certain rites which bore much upon the
happiness of the inhabitants of the village. The composer
of the record, casting the whole of it in thoroughly good
Kanarese, has, where the villagers are concerned, naturally^
denoted ' elephant ' by due and ' grass * by pullu. On the
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GENERAL MEETINGS. 487
other hand, most appropriately, and quite in accordance with
the theory which is so conspicuous in the Hindu drama,
he has made the prince demand from the village - elders
tnna'Samgraha, * a store of grass/ for haya-JuiBti'Samuha,
his ^ troop of horses and elephants.' But he has, of course,
worked these Sanskrit words into a Kanarese sentence, which
runs: — emma haya-hasti-samuhakke trina - samgraham
belkum ; " a store of grass is required for Our troop of
horses and elephants/'
Isolated Sanskrit words of a practical nature, and short
intimations on familiar matters conveyed by means of them,
were doubtless freely understood by ordinary people in
ancient times. But I cannot detect any reason for thinking
that the Sanskrit language itself was ever spoken by the
people at large, or that in ancient times, any more than in
the present day, it was understood by the people at large,
so that it could serve any of the purposes of a general
medium of communication outside the Brahman circle
itself, except to the limited extent indicated just above.
The evidence of the inscriptions distinctly negatives the
supposition.
April 12th, 1904. — Lord Reay, President, in the Chair.
Mr. Vaughan Bateson,
/ Mr. Ellinghausen,
Mr. Reginald Fleming Johnstone, and
Mr. E. A. Khan
^ere elected members of the Society.
Professor Rhys Davids read a paper on "Oriental Teaching
^t Home and Abroad." A discussion followed, in which
Sir Uaymond West, Professor Bendall, and Professor Rapson
^ook part.
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488 NOTES OF THE QUAETEK.
ANNIVERSARY MEETING.
The Anniversary Meeting was held on May 10th, Lord
Reay, President, in the Chair.
Mrs. S. A. Strong,
Mr. T. Hart Davies,
Dr. M. B. Parar, and
Mr. Hera Chandra Das Gupta
were elected members of the Society.
The Annual Report of the Council for 1903 was read l^
the Secretary : —
Report of the Council for the Year 1903.
The Council regrets to report the loss by death or retire-
ment of the following forty-four members : —
There have died —
Mrs. Beer,
Sir James Campbell,
Professor M. N. Chatterjea,
Mr. E. A. Floyer,
The Maharaja Gajapatti Rao,
Mr. H. C. Kay,
Mr. C. G. Luzac,
Mr. A. T. Pringle,
Major-General Reid,
Mr. G. W. Rusden,
The Right Hon. Lord Stanley of Alderley,
Professor S. A. Strong.
There have retired —
Mr. Amenomori,
Dr. Guru Das Banerji,
Mr. W. G. Campbell,
Mr. A. C. Chatterji,
Mr. H. Chatterji,
Mr. W. D. Deane,
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ANNIVERSARY MEETING. 489
Mr. F. A. EUiot,
Mr. C. M. Fernando,
Captain de Guiraudon,
Mr. M. S. Husain,
Mr. G. S. Iyer,
Dr. Kapadia,
Mr. J. Kennedy,
Mr. H. Leitner,
Major Livermore,
Mr. L. R. Maxwell,
Rev. C. F. Mermagen,
Mr. R. Mitra,
Mr. C. T. Naidu,
Mr. T. M. Nair,
Mr. P. Newberry,
Mr. S. C. Niyoji,
Mr. J. M. Parsonson,
Mr. M. H. Phelps,
Mr. P. Ramanatha^
Mrs. E. Reed,
Mr. H. Sastri,
Mrs. Shrewsbury,
Raja V. Singh,
Miss J. Smith,
Mr. Tahl Ram,
Professor Tolman.
On the other hand, the following twenty - four new
members have been elected : —
Mr. S. Krishna Swami Aiyangar,
Mr. S. Parameswara Aiyar,
Rev. T. Grahame Bailey,
Mr. H. Borgstrom,
Rev. John Bowen,
Mr. N. E. F..Corbett,
Mr. M. J. Deen,
Mr. W. Fyfe,
Colonel H. S. Jarrett, CJ.E.,
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490
NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
Mr. Mir Imdad Ali,
Mr. S. M. Mitra,
Mr. C. M. Nair,
Mr. W. H. Noyce,
Mr. T. P. PiUai,
Mr. H. Price,
Mr. H. B. Kae,
Major W. H. Salmon,
Mr. E. H. Seaton,
Mr. C. N. Seddon,
Mr. Syed M. Sheriff,
Thakur Joonjar Singh,
Shaykh Hasan Tawfiq,
Professor H. H. Tilbe,
Mr. Lim Chin Tsong.
Of the subscribing libraries, one has been added to the
list and one has withdrawn, leaving the numbers the same.
These figures show a diminution in our numbers of twenty.
This represents, however, no corresponding loss of income,
as most of those members who are described in the above
list as having retired have signified their intention to do
80 by not paying their subscriptions for several years. In
point of fact, our receipts from subscriptions are larger thi*
year than they have ever been. In this connection the
following table may be of interest : —
1894
Annual
Subscriptions.
£
... 574 ...
Sale of
Journal.
£
185 ..
Total
Eeceipts.
£
. 1280 ..
Total
Expenditure.
£
. 1260
1895
... 670 ...
230 ..
. 1284 ..
. 1172
1896
... 570 ...
143 ..
. 1318 ..
. 1188
1897
... 578 ...
188 ..
. 1286 ..
. 1159
1898
... 612 ...
224 ..
. 1341 ..
. 1285
1899
... 628 ...
202 ..
. 1275 ..
. 1330
1900
... 622 ...
205 ..
. 1290 ..
. 1230
1901
... 652 ...
205 ..
. 1391 ..
. 1328^
1902
... 635 ...
185 ..
. 1460 ..
. 1470
1903
... 663 ...
249 ..
. 1451 ..
. 1394
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ANNIVEB8AKY MEETING. 491
On the other hand, we have lost by death no less than
twelve members, as against seven in 1902 and ten in 1901.
On the receipt side of our accounts the rents we have
received show a slight increase of £3, the sale of our Journal
an increase of £64, and the receipts from interest an increase
of £6. These items, especially the last two, are satisfactory.
As is shown in the above table, the sale of the Journal forms
a substantial, and on the whole a steady, source of income
to the Society — ^all the more satisfactory as the proceeds of
sale used to be taken by the publisher, and have only been
rescued under the new arrangements, by which the Society
publishes for itself. A decrease last year of some £20 on
the returns of previous years was disquieting; and the
increase of £64 this year, showing the highest total as yet
received imder this head, is reassuring. The increase imder
the head of interest is due entirely to the increased amount
received from the Post Office Savings Bank. Our account
there, owing to the deposit of the compositions received
last year, amoimts now to £338, as against £229 last year.
The total receipts amounted last year, for the first time, to
over £1,400, the exact amount being £1,460 13«. 6d. This
year, in spite of a decrease of £37 under the head of
donations, we have again received over £1,400, though the
total is £9 less than last year.
On the expenditure side the main item, as usual, is for
rent; and the Coimcil has still to deplore the fact that,
while other societies of no better standing than our own
are provided by Government with handsome and commodious
quarters, the Royal Asiatic Society, in spite of our great
national interests in the East, is left out in the cold, and
is obliged to spend yearly on rent sums which would other-
wise go far towards enabling it to set on foot important
and much needed work in Oriental research.
Of the other items the only one that calls for special
remark is the payment of nearly £100 for monographs.
This represents the cost of printing Professor Wintemitz's
Catalogue of our Sanskrit MSS. in the Whish Collection.
This is a work of great importance which ought to have
J.R.A.8. 1904. 3Jl
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492 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
been done long ago; and the Council congratulates the
Society on its having been at last completed, and so weil
completed. But the Council would remind the Society that
no such proper catalogue as yet exists of the Sanskrit MSS.
in our Tod Collection, and that funds are now required to
supply this want also.
This want does not stand alone. Last year the Council
pointed out that catalogues of our Burmese and Malay
MSS. are also required; and further, that the time was
rapidly approaching when a new catalogue of our printed
books would becOTie, for the reasons then stated, a presdng
necessity. These necessities still exist, and the Council has
only been prevented from meeting them by the lack of
the necessary funds.
As regards Monographs and Translations, the Council has
been able, during the year under review, to take some
steps towards working off the arrears. A monograph by
Dr. Codrington, our Honorary Librarian, on Muhammadan
Numismatics, "pute together all the information and aU
the practical hints which are likely to assist the student
in the actual work of reading and identifying these coins.
He, in fact, puts on record for the benefit of others the
experience he has himself gained during many years as
a collector of Muhammadan coins. . . . Especially worthy
of note is the valuable 'List of Mint Towns.' . . .
This list will be of the greatest use, and its value is
enhanced by the addition, wherever possible, of the precise
geographical position of the places, and of any descriptive
or honorific ejnthets habitually associated, on the coins, with
their names." ^ The cost of this monograph has been entirely
defrayed by the author ; and the Council congratidates both
him and the Society on this valuable addition to our list
of monographs.
The Coimcil has also brought out as a monograph
Mr. Ghiy Le Strange's important paper on the geography
of Persia under the Mongols in the fourteenth century,
1 £. J. R. in J.R.A.S., 1904, pp. 352, 353.
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ANNIVERSARY MEETING, 493
with corrections and additions and a new map. The paper
was originally published in four different issues of our
Journal. It was considered desirable that the paper shoidd
be procurable as one book, especially as this would afford
opportunity for the map, which was on too small a scale,
to be redrawn and otherwise improved. Mr. Le Strange
was kind enough to give the necessary assistance; and the
work is now on sale as No. 5 of the Monograph Series.
The Coimcil has also determined to bring out in the
Monograph Series a volume by Mr. Longworth Dames on
the Baloch Race, a historical and ethnological sketch. It
will be a volimie of about 100 pages, giving an account of
the present divisions, and as much as can be ascertained
of the past history, of this interesting frontier tribe. The
work is now just finished, and the Council has reason to
believe that it will fill up one more of the many gaps in our
knowledge of the history of India.
The first volimie of the late Mr. Watters's commentary
on the travels in India, during the sixth century, of Yuan
Chwang, is now ready for issue in the Oriental Translation
Fund Series; and it is expected that the second volume,
with maps and indices, completing the work, will be ready
during the course of the year.
The Council has, therefore, at last, and after many
struggles, succeeded in organising three serial publications
— the Journal, for shorter papers, in which some one point
of more or less historical importance can be discussed and
elucidated ; the Monographs, for longer papers, in which
more important questions can be more fully treated; and
the Translations which, with the necessary introductions,
notes, and indices, are intended to make more accessible
and to facilitate reference to the historical materials out of
which papers and monographs can be composed. The
Council woiJd be glad to add to these three series a fourth,
to consist of hitherto unpublished Texts.
The only really eflficient method of carrying out such
series is for the Council to be able to offer to the most
distinguished scholars in each department of Oriental research
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494 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
a sufficient payment for the work it is proposed they should
undertake. This method cannot, however, be adopted until
each of the four series shall have been provided with an
endowment or income of about £200 a year. For the
printing costs about £100 a year, and it would hardly be
possible to offer to the authors less remuneration than is
paid to the compositors. To this end the Council has
appealed, and again appeals, for donations or legacies. And
it has much pleasure in announcing that a member of this
Society, and of the Pali Text Society, has, in response to
these appeals, left to the Society, subject to certain life
interests and certain conditions, a sum of £5,000 for the
objects in question. This splendid gift, which the Society
owes to the generosity of General Forlong, himself a
sympathetic and able scholar, more especially in Buddhism
and in the comparative study of the history of religious
belief, woiJd go far towards providing an endowment for one
of the four series of publications, though under the conditions
of the gift it cannot be applied exclusively to any of the
four. It will remain as a permanent encouragement to
Oriental research; and will be the means of adding, year
by year, to our knowledge of those Eastern peoples in whose
welfare the enlightened donor, with whose name the
publications of the fund will be always associated, took
so deep and so real an interest. The influence and value
of the gift will go on, therefore, continuously increasing ;.
and the Council does not hesitate to give expression to its
fervent hope that General Forlong's example will be so far
followed by other members of the Society that all the four
series of publications will be placed beyond the difficiJties
and dangers against which they have now so constantly
to contend.
The Council has been very glad to receive, from the
subscribers to it, a copy of the bronze plaque, designed by
his son, to the memory of the distinguished Orientalist^
Dr. Rost, who was for the six years 1864-1870 Secretary to
the Society. The plaque has been placed on the first landing-
In 1888, there being then no index to the publications of
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ANNIVERSABY MEETING. 495
the Society, a complete index to all of them, from 1827 to 1888,
was brought out. In the year under review a further index
of names and subjects mentioned in our Journals from 1888
to 1903 has been added. Both are now on sale, and the
Council hopes that they will materially facilitate the use of
our publications by members and other scholars.
In the last Report it was announced that the Government
of India had adopted a scheme, laid before it by the Council,
for the annual publication of an Indian EUstorical Records
Series. Details regarding the carrying out of this scheme
were given in the January issue of our Journal for this year ;
and it will suffice to state here that the following volimies
have been arranged for, and will be sent to press as soon as
the authors can complete their work.
In the Text Series.
1. A collection of Historical Maps of India. Edited by Professor
Khys Davids.
2. An Historical Index to names and subjects mentioned in
Vedic Texts. By Professor Macdonell.
3. History of Gujarat. Edited in the original Arabic and
translated by Principal Denison Ross.
4. Storia do Mogor by Nicolab Manucci. Translated by
W. Ir\dne.
In the Record Series.
1. Papers relating to the capture of Calcutta by Siraj-ud-daula,
and other events in Bengal in 1756-57. Edited by Mr. S. C. Hill.
2. History of Fort William in Bengal. Edited by Dr. C. R.
Wilson.
Under the scheme for encouraging the study of Indian
History among the boys at our public schools, from whom
are drown so many of our public servants in India, the
first medal is to be presented this year. The Secretary of
State for India has kindly consented to present the medal
on this occasion, and the presentation will take place to-day
after an interval at the close of these proceedings.
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ABSTRACT OF
RECEIPTS.
Sabscriptioiis —
96 Hesident Members at £3 3«
2 „ ,, in arrears
189 Non-Eeaident „ at£110#
y» ,, in arrears
„ ,, in advance
U „ „ at£llf
7 Library Members at £1 10#
Eents
Donations *
Journal — Subscriptions
Sale
Sale of Pamphlets
Sale of Index
Advertisements
Catalogue Sale
Library Subscriptions
Miscellaneous
Subscriptions paid in error
Biridends and Interest —
N.S.W. 4 per cent
Midland 2J „
Interest on Deposit in Bank
»» 9f in Savings Bank
Future Purchases
Monographs — By Sales
Total
Balance at Bank, January 1, 1903
„ on Deposit
„ P.O. account
„ Petty Cash .'
Funds.
£802 13*. lOrf. New South Wales 4 per cent.
;e212 8#. Midland 2J per cent, debenture.
£300 3 per cent. Local Loans.
RECEIPTS Am>
£ «.
d.
X #. a.
300 15
0
6 6
0
283 11
7
31 16
7
16 15
0
14 14
0
10 10
0
663 8 2
24.1 13 0
211 1 0
165 0
0
70 4
6
7 8
0
9
0
6 8
8
249 10 2
5 0
10 6
9 14 6
7 13 ()
30 7
4
5 0
0
35 7 4
13 2
7
8 17
4
21 19 11
3 0 10
7 4 6
1451 7 11
58 4
3
254 7
6
38 3 ]
10
3 0
3
353 15 10
£1805 3 9
ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND.
Balance, January 1, 1903
By sales
INDIA EXPLORATION FUND.
Balance, January 1, 1903
Subscriptions
£ ». d.
149 11 6
32 9 0
£182 0
6
£ s,
. 46 1
. 19 19
d.
0
0
£66 0
0
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EXPENDITDEE FOE THE TEAR 1903.
EZPENBITUBE.
House— Bent
Fire Insurance
Water
Gas
Coals
Income Tax
Bepairs
Salaries— Secretary
Assistant Secretary
Wages
Journal — Printing
Illustrations
Library — New Books
Binding
Fixtures
Stationery and Printing
Miscellaneous
Stamps
Petty Cash
Monographs
Betumea Subscriptions
Bank Charges
Inyested in Local Loans
Total
Balance at Bank, December 31, 1903
„ on Deposit
„ P.O. account
,t Petty Cash
£ ». d.
343 16 0
10 0 0
12 8 0
26 9 10
6 8 0
18 10 0
6 11 7
260 0
60 0
0
0
312 4
39 2
3
6
6 3
16 13
1 10
11
6
0
67 17 10
217 6 2
28 18 8
4 16 6
£ 9. d.
428 3 5
300 0 0
80 0 0
361 6 9
24 7 6
20 16 9
4 4 10
0 0
3 6
9 7
0 a
10 10
69
33
94
3
1394 3 I
102 2 6
1496 6 7
18 2
£1806 3 9
Outstanding debts on December 31, 1903, amount to £246.
ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND.
Office expenses, Salary ...
Binding
Petty Cash, 1902-3
Balance December 31, 1903
INDIA EXPLORATION FUND.
Printing
Petty Cash
Balance December 31, 1903
10 0
3 6
2 19
166 14
0
8
9
1
£182 0 6
6
6
0
b'UND.
1 17
2 1
62 1
£66 0 0
Baunined with the book. «>d To«,he«, ( TwV^4t *^*f»S^"'
«.d found correct, March 24th. 1904. ( |; J/i^^^; } gSa^.
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s
aa
Q
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3
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ANNIVERSARY MEETING, 499
By the lamented death of Geheimrath von Bohtlingk, the
distinguished Sanskritist and part author of the famous
Sanskrit dictionary, the standard work on which all other
Sanskrit dictionaries rely, there is a vacancy in our list of
Honorary Members. Tlie Council proposes the election in
his place of Professor Julius Jolly, of Wiirzburg, our leading
authority in the history of the two departments of Indian
Law and Indian Medicine.
Under the rules of the Society Lord Stanmore retires this
year from the office of Vice-President, and is re-eligible;
and there retire from the Council Sir Richard Temple,
Sir Robert Douglas, Professor Macdonell, Mr. Ellis, and
Dr. Ghrierson, of whom two only are re-eligible. The
Council recommends the election as Vice-President of
• Lord Stanmore ;
as members of Council, of
Professor Browne,
Mr. Stanley Cook,
Mr. Ellis,
Mr. Frazer,
Dr. Grierson.
The Council also recommends the re-election of
Mr. James Kennedy as Hon. Treasurer,
Dr. Cust as Hon. Secreiat^,
Dr. Codrington as Hon, Librarian.
The usual statement of accounts is laid on the table.
Sir Raymond West : My lords, ladies, and gentlemen, —
I rise to move the adoption of the Report, which I think
you will find gives an account of reasonable prosperity, to
be greater still in the future, and which will, I hope, prove
satisfactory to the members of the Society. The first point
to notice is the accounts. Everything depends upon finance,
and I should like to felicitate the Society on the clear
statement which is put before them — clearer than the
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600 NOTES OF THE QUABTER.
statement of accounts usually issued by the ordinary joint
stock company. The thanks and gratitude of the Society
are due to the present Treasurer and to his colleagues for
the improved and lucid manner in which he has presented
his statement. The financial i>ositiony if not especially
flourishing, is yet one of perfect solvencyi indicating the
careful way in which the funds have been expended, and
the diligence of the officials responsible for their expenditure.
The resources of the Society have been greatly improved
during the year by the generous bequest of the late General
Forlong. £5,000 will, eventually, fall into the Society for
use in promoting the objects in which General Foriong
was most deeply interested. We shall best carry oat his
wishes, as I gather them from portions of the will read at
the Council meeting to-day, if the money is expended in
promoting the study of the languages of the East. The
work of the Society is continually increasing, and bequests
to it, we feel sure, will work as much good, in proportion to
the amount received, as in any other way of furthering
the public interests. Money is needed for the "Journal"
and for the valuable Monographs we publish. Most scholars
require financial assistance in preparing Texts for publication.
It is desirable that the Society should have money. It is
not necessary that it should be given in large sums ; people
in moderate circumstances may render very efficient help.
We feel that we are less left out in the cold now that the
Government of India is assisting in the Historical Series;,
the volumes which are produced year by year will become
a valuable library. We are most thankful to the Government
of India for its help, and we hope that as the Empire
extends, the consciousness of the duty owing by the country,
by Departments, and by individuals, to those under our
sway, will move other Departments to come forward with
similar help. The Foreign Office and the Colonial Office
might, if they consider the Boyal Asiatic Society a good
almoner, place some money at our disposal for promoting
knowledge of the countries and provinces under their control.
As I have said, the expansion of the Empire necessarily
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ANNIVEB8ARY MEETING. 501
increaaeB the work of the Society, and ita objects cannot
be carried out without additions to its funds. That the
funds are well disposed of is shown by the appreciation on
the Continent and in other parts of the world of the papers
read at the Society's meetings. This is indicated by the
increased sale of the ''Journal" all oyer the world. The
index just published of the subjects dealt with in the
''Journal" shows a wide field of scholarship and investigation
under the auspices of the Society. The papers read and
those contributed to the " Journal " are not only scholarly ;
many are of a highly practical character, and might be
read with advantage by statesmen and administrators. As
an instance of what I mean, I may mention the paper which
onr honoured Secretary, Professor JElhys Davids, recently
read to us on the Teaching of Oriental Languages in England
and on the Continent. In no country in the world is it
more clearly the duty of the nation to promote the welfare
of its subjects in the East than in England, yet in no
country is the study of Orientalism so neglected. A generous
fulfilment of this duty would redound to our honour, and
our want of appreciation of its value is not creditable to
our supposed practical character. The world rests on ideas.
When we intend men to be governors of millions and
millions of people, it is only just that they should be enabled
to possess some knowledge of these people, of their literature,.
and of the languages in daily use. Nothing could be more
important than the suggestions of Professor Rhys Davids^
paper ; they should be taken to heart, not only by the
Oovemment, but by all persons of influence. The establish-
ment of an Oriental College for the diffusion of Oriental
knowledge is a pressiog need. That such an institution doea
not exist in England is a continued disgrace, at which
I blush when I talk to foreigners ; that a reproach in this
respect may be justly thrown at us cannot be repelled.
With our great Empire, we neglect the means of empire —
the study of Oriental languages when that study should
be aeen to be of prime importance, and of increasing, almost
illimitable, interest.
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The amount necessary for the establishment of an Oriental
College would be comparatively trivial. Suppose that the
construction of one mile of light railway per annum in India
were postponed, and that its cost formed the contribution
of the Government of India to the proposed institution^
the amount would be ample, and India, in the long run,
would gain more by the study of men and of languages
and institutions, such as the Institution would afford. I do
not object to light railways — far from it — ^but in the con-
tending claims of the two ways of spending the money,
the balance is decidedly on the side of the intellectual gain.
An Institution of the kind would facilitate the further
instruction of those who return from India and who desire
to extend and enlarge their knowledge of that country.
In an Oriental College, and among men like-minded with
themselves, further study and progress would be possible.
Such a college would do more good than many of us can
conceive. The contributions of the India Office, of the
Colonial Office, and of the Foreign Office, need not be large ;
they would be insignificant in comparison with sums of
money that are thrown away on useless objects. £10,000
a year would be ample. Of course, the revenues of poor
India would be called upon for most of the money ; but
its gain would be great ; a distinct step forward would be
made in the establishment of an Oriental College. The
immense fund of latent ability now practically wasted, and
the scattered knowledge of the East, might be brought
into focus, and it would be possible to have in England
the best Institution of foreign languages in the world.
Meanwhile to diffuse and arouse interest in Oriental
subjects, the establishment of a Public Schools' Prize is
a very useful scheme. The writing of essays on Indian
subjects will produce, we hope, a marked effect in creating
an interest in the history of Britain's great Dependency.
We are indebted to the Indian Chiefs, who have done so
much towards the endowment of the fund, and to Mr. A. N.
Wollaston for his energy in arranging it. We hope that
the fund will be extended and enlarged, so that it can be
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ANNIVEBSAEY MEETING. 503
used for the publication of Monographs, which are so
earnestly desiderated.
We hope that you will think that the Council, in
performing its duties to the best of its power, has furthered
the interests of the Society. We have to-day to give an
account of oar stewardship. We try to meet all exigencie8>
feeling at times like Keats' "Watcher of the skies when
some new planet swims into his ken " ; we do what we can
to appreciate the new-comer, and give it welcome into the
world of learning. Our talents may be small, but we have
done our best, and hope for your approval. We have tried
to strengthen and adapt our Committee to the needs of the
situation. Each year brings new interests in learning, and
we have endeavoured to keep abreast of those interests.
The Council has recommended the election of Professor
Browne, of Cambridge, as Member of Council. Professor
Browne is now as well known in Egypt and in Turkey as
he has long been in England, Germany, and France.
Mr. Stanley Cook, whose knowledge of Synac and Armenian
is so highly appreciated, and the other eminent scholars
whose names are before you, will all by their presence add
weight to the deliberations of the Council. The Society
deeply regrets the death of Geheimrath von Bohtlingk;
his place as a Foreign Honorary Member it is proposed
to fiU by the election of Professor Julius Jolly, of Wiirzburg.
I may congratulate the Society on the acquisition of
Professor Jolly ; his is an honoured name, and for my own
part I may say he has been working with me for some time
in a way which enlarges and exalts my admiration for his
great ability and learning.
The Council hopes for your approval of its labours in the
past, and undertakes to conduct to the best of its abilities
the work of the Society and to foster the learning it
patronises in the years to come. I beg to move the adoption
of the Report.
Sir Robert Douglas : I have great pleasure in seconding
Sir Raymond West's proposal for the adoption of the Report,
and congratulate the Society on the work of the past year;
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504 NOTES OF THE QUABTEB.
especially I would mention the contents of the Journal,
which are of exceptional interest. The foundation of the
serial publication is a step in advance which is likely to
prove most useful, and no better series of Monographs
could have been undertaken than the three mentioned in
the Report : Dr. Codrington's work on Muhammedan
Numismatics ; Mr. Longworth Dames' volume on the
history and ethnography of the Baloch race ; and Mr. Quy
Le Strange's work on the historical geography of Persia*
The first volume of the late Mr. Watters's commentary on
the travels in India of Yuan Chwang in the sixth century
is a most important addition to our Translation Fund Series.
Mr. Watters was a most keen and erudite Chinese scholari
and had a considerable knowledge of Sanskrit ; he was thus
well equipped for his task, and I shall be greatly surprised
if we do not find that his book throws considerable light
on the geography and interpretation of that most difficidt
and disputed text.
One i>oint in the Report is not so satisfactory. It appears
to me passing strange that in our country, with its huge
interests in the East, only ninety-six persons have been
found who are able and willing to become Resident Members
of the Royal Asiatic Society. The fact has to be faced, as
Sir Raymond West mentioned, that Orientalism is not
popular as a study in England. In illustration of this
I may give you a fact which has come under my notice.
For the last two or three years the post of Persian Librarian
at the British Museum has remained vacant, because the
Trustees cannot get a man with sufficient knowledge of
Persian and who at the same time is able to satisfy the
other requirements of the Civil Service Commissioners.
The abstention on the part of the Imperial Oovemment
from granting a sum which the Society might reasonably
hope to receive is not creditable to us as a nation.
Continental Governments give valuable help to such Societies
in their respective countries. During the last few days,
however, a step in the right direction has been taken.
Recent events in the Far East have taught the War Office
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ANNIYERSAEY MEETING. 505
that the encouragement of the study of Chinese and Japanese
is most advisable. These two languages are now optional
subjects for the Staff College. This example ought to be
followed by other Departments. The Foreign Office, for
example, might make Oriental languages optional at the
preliminary examinations for Consular appointments in
Asia. A great impulse would thus be given to the study
of Oriental languages and literature ; to foster and stimulate
which knowledge is the aim of our Society. I beg to second
the adoption of the Report.
Lord Reay : Before putting the adoption of the Report
I will make only a few observations after the interesting
speeches of Sir Raymond West and Sir Robert Douglas.
It is my duty to allude to a few of the members whom the
Society has lost during the past year. To Mrs. Beer, whose
death we have to record, we owe the portrait of R^nan
which hangs in our rooms. The memory of another member
of the Society, whom I had the pleasure of knowing in
Bombay and whose work I admired — I mean Sir James
Gampbell, editor of the Oazetteer of Bombay^ — ^will be always
held in honour. I must also refer to the late Lord Stanley
of Alderley. Lord Stanley belonged to an energetic and
intellectual race. His interest in India was real, and his
knowledge of the Indian administration was accurate.
I hardly ever met him without his putting some question to
me about Indian affairs, and in the House of Lords he
often raised a debate on some question connected with
India. His sole purpose was the welfare of India, and
he showed great independence of character. To Professor
Strong I have referred on a former occasion. The death
of Major -General Forlong we all deeply regret. He has
given an example, in remembering in his will the Royal
Asiatic Society, which might be widely followed, and the
sphere of the Society's activity thereby greatly extended.
It is true, as Sir Raymond West remarked, that the Society
does not appeal to any popular instinct ; at the same time
its influence must become ever greater, as the interest of
an intelligent public in Oriental affairs goes on increasing.
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606 NOTES OF THE QUAETER.
It 18 my farther duty, in your name, to give the Society's
best thanks to our most energetic and able Secretary. There
is no doubt that the success of the Journal and of other
publications which this Society undertakes is mainly due to
the Secretary, who consecrates all his time and his splendid
talents to the work. To Miss Hughes also our best thanks
are due for the admirable manner in which she seconds the
efforts of Professor Rhys Davids. Many members of the
Society are indebted to her for efficient assistance in their
research work. I must also congratulate Dr. Codrington
for his valuable addition to Oriental literature.
We have, in association with the India Office, been able
to initiate the publication of a series of valuable records.
I attach special importance to the fact that in this way
the India Office recognises that the Society is the proper
channel for the publication of such works.
Within the last year arrangements have been made by
the University of London for courses of study in Oriental
subjects for internal students. The University has set
a worthy example in providing for the systematic study of
Oriental subjects. In future its B.A. and M.A. degrees will
be within reach of those students who wish to confine their
attention to the study of Oriental languages and literature.
This will be a great advantage, and will take away the
validity of the excuse that students were unable to specialise
in Oriental subjects. I also trust that when this curriculum
becomes known in India a greater number of students will
be attracted to the lectures. The Professors appointed to
deliyer the lectures are men in the front rank of Orientalists.
There has never been any difficulty with regard to teaching;
the trouble has been the scarcity of students.
I agree with Sir Raymond West and Sir Robert Douglas
that the Government can undoubtedly give a greater stimulus,
to the study of Oriental languages, as is now done in the
recognition by the Staff College of the value of Chinese
and Japanese. The Foreign Office might well make the
appointment to the Consular Service in the East dependent
upon attendance at these lectures. Their importance will be
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ANNIVERSARY MEETING. 507
more fully recognised when it is realised that students from
India go to the University of Tokio for the training they
require. I do not grudge Japan the University of Tokio»
but we should all sincerely regret if the stream of students
went East instead of West.
Oriental studies ought to receive a great impulse from
the events in the Far East which are at present attracting
so much attention. The development of Japan and the part
she will claim in the future development of the East are facts
of singular importance at the present time, all the results
of which we cannot yet foresee. I take it for granted
that it imposes on the rulers of our great Empire the special
responsibility of taking care that they are represented in
the East by those who have been able to avail themselves
here of a complete equipment for their duties. Every day
the duties of our representatives in the East become more
arduous, more delicate, and more varied. I believe that
this Society, with the slender means at its disposal, may
look back with satisfaction on the work it has accomplished
during past years. It depends for support entirely on those
who realise the importance of its work in furthering the
study of Orientalism. We trust that our members, each in
his own sphere, will do all in their power to increase the
efficiency and usefulness of the Society. I put the adoption
of the Report.
The Report was adopted unanimously, and after an interval
for tea the company again assembled for the presentation
to Mr. W. N. Ewer, of Merchant Taylors' School, of the
Society's Public School Gold Medal. The presentation was
made by Mr. W. St. John Brodrick, Secretary of State for
India, and the proceedings commenced with some introductory
remarks by the President.
Lord Rbay : It is my pleasant duty to welcome the
Secretary of State to the Royal Asiatic Society. The Society
is in close touch with the India Office, as the Secretary of
State knows.
We are assembled for a ceremony of a very pleasant
nature : the presentation of the medal instituted by some
J.H.A.8. 1904. 34
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508 NOTES OP THE QUARTER.
Indian Chiefs of the Presidency of Madras. To them our
thanks are due and are cordially given. To Mr. A. N.
WoUaston also, one of the oldest civil servants and one of
the oldest members of our Society, we tender our thanks
for arranging the competition for the medal.
With regard to the study of Indian history, I need not go
into details to show how vastly important it is to boys of
Public Schools and undergraduates at the Universities. The
study of English history exclusive of Indian history is
hardly possible. They are intimately connected. England's
influence on India and India's reflex influence on England
are so great that to start a man on any career in the public
service in England, without a knowledge of Indian history,
is to expose ourselves to ridicule among civilised nations.
Until recently no country in the world neglected the study
of history more than England has done. I am happy to say
that recently there has been a wide awakening throughout
the country to the fact of the responsibility laid upon us to
redeem our reputation as educationalists, and to make the
study of history compulsory in elementary schools. I am
glad that before I left my oflBce on the School Board that
reproach had been removed from the London elementary
schools. This fact increases the responsibility of those
schools which lead in education and where the governing
classes are educated. The study of history should not be
optional, but compulsory. The Royal Asiatic Society wishes
to emphasise its interest in the study of Indian history by
giving the Public Schools Medal. The Headmasters of
the schools have thoroughly entered into the spirit of the
competition. I thank them for the facilities they have
given to the boys to prepare for this competition. The jury
who have had to judge of the merits of the essays sent in
consider them most creditable. The competition has been
severe, and our heartiest congratulations are due to the
school and to the boy who has won the medal. I am very
pleased that the medal goes to a London school — a school
founded by one of the great City Companies, which has ever
taken a great interest in education and shown a progressive
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ANNIVERSARY MEETING. 509
-spirit. Id asking Mr. Brodrick to hand the medal to the
winner, I wish to couple our congratulations to the boy with
congratulations to the school and the Headmaster.
The Secretary of State for India : Lord Reay, ladies,
and gentlemen, — Before handing to the successful com-
petitor the medal which I have been asked to present,
I should like to say a few words. It has given me great
pleasure to accept the invitation which Lord Reay was kind
enough to convey to me. All who labour in connection
with India are aware of Lord Reay's five years of devoted
service in Bombay ; his memory will not be forgotten, anij
his name will ever be held in high honour among the
distinguished men who have preceded and followed him
in India.
A good deal has been said with regard to the object of
the competition for this medal. It came home to my heart
and experience when I noticed in the printed statement sent
to me that the desire was to interest future citizens, at an
impressionable age, in the past, present, and future history
of England's greatest Dependency. This is most laudable
and most necessary. I must express my astonishment that
those who go through an English Public School career learn
so little of India and the Colonies. There are two subjects
on which Public School boys are usually entirely ignorant
after five or six years spent at school. The first is the
study of the politics of the era immediately preceding their
own. They may study the Napoleonic era — that is ancient
history — but they must beware of knowing anything of
the era of their fathers or grandfathers, lest they should
be exposed to the influence of a political creed at variance
with the traditions in which they have been brought up.
So it comes about that there is a total ignorance of the
political history of the preceding age. A similar fear lest
they should be drawn into exaggerated imperialistic senti-
ments, I think, keeps them ignorant of Indian and Colonial
subjects. After seven years at a public school which shall
be nameless, if I had been asked, either as a holiday task
or as a pleasant recreation, to write an essay on the Emperor
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610 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
Akbar, I should have regarded it as a brilliant oasis in the
barren desert of Public School education. Whatever be
the trend of the position of the India Office, without going
to the extreme limit of one not least distinguished ruler»
who declares that the pivot of the British Empire is in Asia^
we must all agree that the pivot of British action is very
often controlled to a great extent by questions relating to-
Asia. Having this in view, is it possible that those wha
will carry on England's work of ruling several millions of
our Indian subjects by a small body of Europeans can have
their interest too much aroused in the past, present, and
future of India ?
I must congratulate the Society on the subject of the
essay for competition. What figure in the ancient or modern
drama which it is the privilege of historians to portray to
us is more interesting than that of the founder of the Mogul
dynasty P In Akbar we have a man who was not only great
as a conqueror, but was still greater as an administrator of
the lands he conquered. These are traits common to very
few great rulers. Of the Emperor Napoleon it may be
said that he was a great conqueror, and the Code Napoleon
showed that he had administrative power, and the Code
will last as long as the memory of any of his victories ; but
it cannot be said that Napoleon showed any great powers-
in the pacification of the countries he conquered.
I have had the advantage of reading the prize essay, and
I heartily congratulate the author on his skill in bringing
out the leading principles and features which made a manv
who was so strong and of so great a personality in carrying
out his conquests, so conciliatory and tactful in bringing
under his rule men entirely differing from him in religious
creed, in nationality, and in those habits the appreciation of
which forms so large a part of the work of an Indian
administrator. The Emperor Akbar seems to have discovered
three centuries ago the secrets of rule which we are so
laboriously putting into practice to-day. Most great rulers
have striven to centralise power. I must confess that I an>
struck with the ruler of three centuries ago who strove to-
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ANNIVERSARY MEETING. 511
decentralise power, giving power to those whom he trusted,
although they were not of his own religion or nationality.
He exercised, too, a degree of religious toleration which
would be remarkable now, and was still more so at a time
when Europeans were burning each other at the stake for
small differences of religions belief. Akbar showed in many
ways the power of adopting the highest arts of statesmanship.
He utilised matrimonial alliances for bringing under his
sway those furthest removed in a way which is denied to his
successors under the present rule. Regarded from the point
of view of peace, is it not remarkable that, three hundred
years ago, he was anxious to prohibit child-murder ; he
permitted the remarriage of widows; he stopped extortion
in the collection of taxes — a method which obtained in
Europe then, and, in some parts, obtains even to-day ; and
he arrived at a practical idea for old age pensions in an era
when there were no general elections. Equally remarkable
was he in war. He put an end to the practice of selling
women and children into slavery for the offences of their
fathers, husbands, and brothers; he paid his troops, and
therefore prohibited plunder — in this he was an example
for modem rulers. In peace and war he exemplified his
own proverb : " There is good in every creed ; adopt the
good ; discard the remainder." It is the spirit of broad
toleration of the Mogul ruler by which, in the main and
with certain variations, the present contentment of India
alone is secured. There have been great advances, and we
have enjoyed special advantages. We must all have been
impressed by the success of the despotic ruler, who was
obliged to consult no parliament, no official, whose every
command was promptly carried out, who had the whole
population in his power both for taxation and for war.
We could not do better than take Akbar as an example.
Yet his sovereignty was brief. His successors did not know
how to profit by the example he had afforded them ; they
caught no inspiration from him. History ought not to be
looked at through a magnifying-glass which emphasises
all that is near into enormous bulk ; it should rather be
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612 NOTES OF THE QUARTER.
regarded through the small end of the telescope if we
wish to judge of the effect of actions. It is the studied
moderation, the persistence in well-doing of which we are^
proud, that has enabled England to avoid the mistakes which
have given other nations continued trouble in Asia. It
is a fine ambition for the younger generation to strive to
follow in the footsteps of those who have administered India
with so much credit.
Once more, I must refer to the excellence of the prize
essay. The writer has fully grasped the principles which
guided a man, whose education must have been defective
and whose mind ought to have been narrow, into a noble
policy of broad statesmanship. I am sure that the Society,.
in establishing the medal, have taken a most wise step in
thus stimulating and encouraging research which will be
profitable to those students who undertake it, and to us wha
congratulate the recipient of the medal on the distinguished
honour he has won.
The Headmaster of Merchant Taylors* School (the
Rev. J. Arbuthnot Nairn) : I am very glad to have an
opportunity of expressing my thanks for the kind way in
which the school has been referred to, and also of stating
that although the Master of the Merchant Taylors' Company
is unable to be present, we have here this afternoon a Warden
and the Clerk of the Company.
I may, perhaps, be excused a certain natural exultation
as Headmaster of the school which has produced the first
winner of the medal. But let us endeavour to take a wider
view of the situation. We are here to inaugurate a scheme
which owes so much to Mr. Wollaston, and which, to quote
The Times of November 3rd, 1902, was started with the
object of interesting Public School boys in our Indian
dominions. Not many years ago such a scheme as this was
scarcely so necessary as it is to-day. Boys could pass direct
into the Indian Civil Service, so their interest in India and
her affairs was automatically maintained. Changes have,
however, taken place; the age limit has been raised, and
a large majority of candidates are now University men.
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AXNIYEBSABT MEETING. 513
Hence it is necessary, as it is certainly most desirable, to
imbue boys at an impressionable age with the importance
of the dominions which give to our King the proud title of
Emperor of India.
The scheme of the Society appears to me to be excellent,
and the subject of the first competition no less excellent.
After what Mr. Brodrick has so eloquently said, it is not
necessary for me to enlarge upon and explain the lessons
of Akbar's life. Yet one point has particularly impressed
me on looking over the annals of his period, and that is
that he was the one of all the native rulers of India who
most approximated in his methods to our countrymen.
A contemporary of Queen Elizabeth, he made a compact
kingdom out of discordant elements, partly by his strong
arm, but chiefly by conciliatory methods, by wise measures
for the benefit of the people who owned his sway, and by
his interest in the language, literature, and religion of the
Hindus, though he was himself a Muhammedan. I will not
dwell upon a comparison of Akbar's methods with our
own, but it would be a fruitful subject for discussion.
I congratulate the Council for having chosen Akbar as the
subject wherewith to launch the scheme.
I may perhaps be pardoned for referring to the fact that
Bobert Lord Clive was at Merchant Taylors' School from
1737 to 1739. There is no reference to this in Macaulay's
well-known essay, but Macauky was no lover of Public
Schools. It was at Merchant Taylors' that Lord Glive
learned enough Latin to translate Horace "into very
proper English extempore.** His victory at Flassey laid
the foundation of our Indian Empire, which was after-
wards, during Olive's second governorship (1765-1767),
strengthened and confirmed by the principles of equity and
incorruptibility which are the chief glory of English rule
in India. Since that time great vicissitudes have had to be
faced, and England has made great sacrifices ; in particular
she has given up year by year many able administrators to
carry on the government of her great Dependency. And
in that work Merchant Taylors' has not failed to play
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514 NOTES OP THE QUARTER.
a suitable part in different fields of activity. I would refer
to two eminent men connected with India at the present
time who have been at Merchant Taylors' — I mean Sir Philip
Hutchins, E.G.S.I., and the Bishop of Calcutta.
The history of British rule in India is eminently a fit
subject for English boys to study. England need have no
fear of their judgment, stern and severe as it always is,
towards injustice and hypocrisy, for she believes that she
has used her power in India well and wisely. It is
therefore with all the greater confidence that I congratulate
Mr. Wollaston, his coadjutors, and the Royal Asiatic Society,
on the successful inauguration of a scheme at once prudent,
far-seeing, and likely to prove more and more fruitfiil of
good with every succeeding year.
Lord Reay : I have now sincere pleasure in proposing
a vote of thanks to Mr. Brodrick. I have welcomed him
as Secretary of State and as an old friend. No one, I am
sure, would have been more pleased to see him here than
my dear friend, his uncle, the late Warden of Merton, who
during his lifetime was a constant student of history.
I quite agree with the Secretary of State that it is a great
pity that statesmen are not taught the history of their
immediate predecessors. It would be of real advantage to
them. I congratulate Mr. Brodrick that he has in his
Council at the present moment a distinguished member of
the Bombay Civil Service, whose recent contribution to our
knowledge of Indian history has vindicated the memory of
a distinguished Scotsman, Lord Dalhousie. This work shows
the treasures still to be found in the ancient records of India ;
as long as members of the Civil Service turn their thoughts
in that direction, they may be sure of a rich harvest.
Mr. Brodrick, in replying to the vote of thanks, said :
I wish to express my appreciation and thanks for the very
kind remarks which Lord Reay has addressed to me
personally. Fortunately the meeting of the Royal Asiatic
Society was fixed to coincide with the discussion of the
Licensing Bill at Westminster. An agreeable opportunity
was afforded to those whose presence was not an absolute
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GENERAL MEETING. 515
necessity and duty at the House of Commons to enjoy the
pleasure of attending other functions. I have only, as yet,
seen a review of Sir William Lee- Warner's work, but I have
seen enough to know that it is unprejudiced. The Madras
Presidency, in providing means for the Public Schools'
competition, will perhaps further other similar works to
the history of Lord Dalhousie. I am quite amazed when
T notice how Scotsmen usurp so many important posts in
"the Empire ! I must again highly congratulate the Head-
master and the able pupil of Merchant Taylors* School on
the success that has been won. Lord Reay expressed his
pleasure that the prize had fallen to a London school;
I cannot help regretting that Eton did not come out on the
top. At the Jubilee dinner of Old Etonians, held in 1887,
we received many telegrams from Old Etonians then serving
in India ; they included the Governor- General, the Governors
of Madras, Bombay, and the Panjab, also the Commander-
in-Chief, Lord Roberts. I hope the laurels of this excellent
competition will next year go to Eton.
June 14M, 1904. — Lord Reay, President, in the Chair.
Mrs. Steele,
Sir James Walker, CLE., and
Mr. Mirza Jalal-uddin
were elected members of the Society.
Mr. R. Sewell read a paper on "Roman Coins found in
India." A discussion followed, in which Colonel Plunkett,
Sir Raymond West, Mr. Kennedy, and Syed Ali Bilgrami
took part. The paper will appear in the October number.
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517
OBITUARY NOTICES.
MAJOB-GENERAL FOBLONG, M.R.A.S.
The death of Major - General ForloDg, at his home itk
Edinburgh, on March 29th, 1904, was the peaceful close
of a strenuous, happy, and successful life, both as a man
of action and as a scholar. He ^as the third son of the
late William Forlong, of Erines. His mother was the eldest
daughter of Lieut. - General Gordon Gumming Skene, of
Parkhilly Pitlurg, and Dyce, in Aberdeenshire. He was
born at Springhall on November 6th, 1824. A short auto-
biographical note, prepared in April, 1889, gives the main
facts of his career as follows : —
" James George Roche Forlong, H.B.M. Army, born Lanarkshire,
Scotland, November, 1824. Educated as an Engineer in England
and Scotland; joined the Indian Army 1843 ; fought in the South
Mahrata campaign, Bombay Presidency, 1845-6. Appointed to
the Engineering Staff of the Army, Madras Presidency, 1847 ;
and in 1852 to the Engineer Staff of the ** Army of Ava," serving
throughout the second Burmese war. On the annexation of the
country, became the head of the Survey Road and Canal Branches,
P.W.D. In 1858-9 travelled extensively throughout Egypt,
Palestine, Syria, Turkey, Greece, Italy, Spain, etc. End of 1859
appointed a Special Commissioner, and Inspector-General of Prisons,
to enquire into the employment of convicts on public works, and
to establish large prisons on Andaman Islands and adjacent coasts
of Burmah. In 1861-2 appointed Superintending Engineer,
Presidency Circle, Calcutta. In 1863 Superintending Engineer,
Upper Bengal, Darjeeling, etc. In 1864-7 the same in North-
West Provinces and Native States. In 1868-71 the same, and
jSecretary to the Oovernment of Eajputana, embracing all the
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518 OBITUARY NOTICES.
great Native States of Western India. In 1872-6 appointed
Secretary and Chief Engineer to the Government of Oudh. In
1877 retired, after active service of 33 years, daring which he
fi-equently received the thanks of the Indian and Home Govern-
ments. Has long been a writer in many periodicals of the East
and West — always on matters concerning religions, archaeology,
and philology. A great student of Eastern rites, symbols, customs,
and languages, of which he has studied seven — Aryan, Turanian, and
Semitic, being able to converse freely in four. Was an active
Evangelical in his youth, preaching to the natives in their own
tongue. Shortly after retiring from active service he brought
out a large work, in two beautifully illustrated quarto volumes,
called * Rivers of Life,' the matter of which he had been collecting
and considering for many years in the East. It is to show the
evolution of all religions from their radical objective bases up to
the present spiritualised developments; and this is much helped
by a large and elaborate chart of the quasi * rivers,' showing, by
streams of colours, the modes of thought, with accompanying
symbols and rites, chronologically and historically, from 10,000 b.c.
to the present time."
In this very modest account of his life there is no mention
of the arduous character of some of his duties, whioh,
however, are not forgotten by Indian historians. He received
the Burmese medal and clasp in 1852 ; and immediately
afterwards distinguished himself by a work which showed,
not only his energy and ability, but also the influence he
could exert over Orientals, as the following extracts will
serve to show : —
"No sooner had Pegu become a British province than Lord
Dalhousie saw the necessity of connecting it with Bengal by
a military road, thus to obviate the objections of the Sepoys to the
sea. A road was constructed from Dacca to Arracan, but not
without a great sacrifice of life and money. To pass from Arracan
to Pegu it was necessary to cross the Yoma range, through the
TouDgoo pass, which presented such formidable obstacles to the
engineer that the construction of the road appeared, at first, an
impracticable undertaking. The mountains were lofky ; the forest
was dense ; water was scarce, and labour still more so ; and the
climate was so pestiferous as to reduce the working season to five
months in the year. It was entrusted to Lieut. Forlong, who
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MAJOR-GENERAL FORLONG. 51^
succeeded in collecting, embodying, and training a brigade of
Burmese labourers ; and by his untiring zeal and energy he com-
pleted the enterprize in two years." — Marshman's ** History of
India/' toI. iii, p. 436.
The appointment was due to the Governor-General himself^
as appears from his biography.
** Again Phayre proposes the name of an engineer for the work
of constructing the important road over the mountains from
Arakan to the Irrawady. But the Governor- General prefers to
entrust this work to another officer, and the Commissioner at once
agrees that Forlong is the best selection, explaining that he had
not been aware that his services were available." — Warner's "Life
of the Marquis of Dalhousie," vol. ii, p. 12.
The following is from p. 15 of the same work : —
" The invincible objection of some native regiments to a passage
by sea induced the Governor-General to connect Pegu, by land,
with Bengal. For this purpose he at once ordered the construction
of a road from Dacca to Akyab, passing through a most pestilent
tract and a number of river estuaries. For the transit of the rivers^
iron ferry-boats were provided, and from Akyab to Ramree an
inland creek was made use of. Thence, by the energy of Lieutenant
Forlong, a road was earned 157 miles over the Arakan mountains^
by the Toungoo pass to Prome, and continued to Meadag, along
the eastern bank of the IiTawady. The highest elevation crossed
was 3,000 feet, and the gradient nowhere exceeded 3 feet in an
hundred. The density of the forest, through which 150 elephants
had with immense difficulty forced a way in the expedition of
1852, and the extreme unhealthiness of the climate, which limited
the working season to five months in the year, were only one part
of the obstacles encountered. Water was scarce, and there were
no labourers to be obtained except the Burmese, impatient of steady
toil, and afraid to commit themselves to our service. Shelter and
water had to be supplied along the route ; but, although the road
was not actually commenced until December, 1853, the Arakan
battalion was able to march along it, from Prome to the sea, with
all its baggage and followers, in the Spring of 1856.''
The estimation in which General Forlong was held, on
account of his high personal character, is best illustrated
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520 OBITUARY NOTICES.
perhaps by the words of the Rev. Dr. Glasse, of Greyfriara'
Ohurch, Edinburgh, on the occasion of the funeral, by
cremation, at the Western Necropolis, Glasgow, on 1st April,
1904:—
**He had not only a successful but a brilliant career in his
profession, and surrendered it at a comparatively early age to
devote himself to the service of truth. The last years of his long
life were spent in earnest labour in connection with religious
studies, and the result was given to the world in his * Rivers of
Life.* It is a monument of industry. He spared no effort or
expense on it. The literature of the world was laid under
contribution for arguments and illustrations. It was difficult to
work such a huge mass of diversified knowledge into graceful
form ; but it is a wonderful example of persevering research and
faithful exposition. There was no doubt as to the reality of the
main contention. * Short Studies in the Science of Comparative
Religions * is more mature ; and indicates, not only multifarious
reading, but comprehensive thinking. It is a valuable quarry to
the student, and might furnish suggestions, as well as information,
for many a popular treatise on similar subjects. There may be
controversy over his writings ; but there will be only one opinion
among his friends and acquaintances as to the excellence of his
personal qualities. He was one of the best of men. I shall ever
remember him as courteous and honourable, kindly and unaffected,
intensely earnest and yet eminently reasonable. He was singularly
pleasant in discussion. So far from being aggressive, he was
always willing, with reference even to his strongest positions, to
consider criticism ; and by his deferential bearing did much to
commend his ideas. One felt that he was willing to sacrifice
himself. Difference of opinion thus only revealed his virtues and
deepened our respect. He appeared to advantage in every depart-
ment of life, whether as a citizen, a soldier, or a thinker."
In 1863 General Forlong married the eldest daughter of
Major Montague Perreau, of his old regiment (1st Madras
N.I.), and enjoyed forty years of perfect domestic happiness,
through the care of a devoted wife of intellectually congenial
character.
From the preceding statements it will be seen that
General Forlong, when he undertook to present to students
JA work on Asiatic religions and superstitions, possessed
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MAJOR-GENERAL FORLONG. 521
unusual qualifications for such a task. He was not merely
a bookworm, writing the " History of Human Error." He
spoke of countries and customs as to which he had already
gained intimate personal knowledge before he began to
write. Not only in Burmah or in India did he study
such questions on the spot, by aid of constant intercourse
with the Asiatic custodians of traditions, but he knew also
the homes of other faiths, in Palestine, Greece, and Italy.
He held long talks with Gurus in Burmese forests, and he
visited the remote west of Ireland to study on the ground
its prehistoric monuments. In his library were to be found,
not only ancient works, like those of Bryant and Monfaucon
on mythology, but also the latest dictionaries and books
of reference, the Transactions of all the leading learned
societies, and such works as the long series of '* Sacred
Books of the East." He also followed with the keenest
interest the progress of exploration and research, in Asia
especially. His shelves contained all the leading works
of travellers in the East. He was familiar with questions
of Assyriology and Egyptology ; and one of his latest
studies was devoted to the great discovery of the Laws of
Hammurabi, found at Susa. But his strength lay especially
in his knowledge of Indian religions, not only those of
Vedas, Puranas, and Sutras, but especially the folklore of
the peasant, and the early superstitions often only orally
preserved, which cannot be studied save by those who are
able to gain the confidence of Asiatics. He read Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin, besides speaking the languages most
useful in India ; and he understood the philosophy of Greece,
as well as that of Buddhists, Confucians, and Taoists.
But it was by the mild and compassionate figure of the
Buddha that he was chiefly attracted, in a country where
so many warring faiths are to be studied — " Right thought ;
Right words ; Right deeds " : the narrow path of the
Bikshu. From these he learned that there are fair
humanities and deep truths to be recognised beyond the
pale of Christianity. It was not his object to attack the
Bible ; and no man ever fulfilled the duties which Christians
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522 OBITUARY NOTICES.
confess more fully or more constantly than did General
Forlong. When he first wrote, the things he said were
often strange to British thought at home, though familiar
to those who had been in the East. He was a pioneer in
1880, and he said many things very unacceptable to the
general public. To-day, when we consider the writings of
Dr. Cheyne, or of Mr. Frazer in his "Golden Bough," we
see that, not only German antiquaries, but scholars in our
own Universities have come round, in many respects, to
the views which had been expressed in General Forlong's
book some twenty years before.
These views were published in two large works; and the
author has left ready for publication a third work, repre-
senting twenty-five years of research, which is to be shortly
published, and which contains even more valuable materials
than those to be found in his " Rivers of Life " * and " Short
Studies." 2
A few points in which General Forlong's studies were
most original and valuable may finally be noted. India
is the home of the curious phallic symbolism, as to which
so much has been written that is based only on theory.
General Forlong had studied it as it exists still, and the
symbolism was fully explained to him by Brahmins. This
enabled him to treat with real knowledge questions of
comparison with the symbolism of earlier ages, in Babylonia,
Greece, Italy, and among rude tribes in Africa, Polynesia,
America, and Europe. He did not, as others have done,
attribute to a phallic origin every custom and myth. He
recognised other elements in early superstition, such as
the worship of trees, of sun and planets, of ghosts, of water
and fire. The rites and beliefs of the past he was able to
understand by the living beliefs of the present, as they
are found especially in Asia.
' *^ Rivers of Lii'e : or the Faiths of Mankind in all Lands ; showing the
Evolution of Faiths, from the rudest symholisms to the latest spiritual develop-
ments." By Major-General J. G. E. Forlong, F.R.G.S., F.R.S.E., M.A.I.,
A.I.C.E.,F.R.H.S.,F.R.A.S.,etc. Qnaritch, 1883. 2 vols. 4to. lUustrated.
' ** Short Studies in the Science of Comparative Religions : embracing all the
Religions of Asia.'* By the same. Quaritch, 1897. 1vol. Large 8vo.
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SHAYKH HASAN TAWFIQ. 523
Another point of importance was his development of the
idea of early Turanian or Mongolic influence on the ancient
world. He shows how the civilisation of Aryan and Semitic
races was based on that of the Turanians, such as the
Akkadians of Ghaldea. He maintained both that the Indian
Aryans entered the Punjab at a late period of history
(about 800 B.C.X and also that they found a large Turanian
population and a highly developed Turanian civilisation of
primitive character, by which in time they were much
influenced. These views, now very commonly accepted,
were very new when first he put them forward in print.
To the present writer he was a dear and most kind friend,
and an instructor in many Asiatic researches. To scholars
he was a benefactor who will be sorely missed. He had
the time, the money, the intellect, and the inclination to
undertake work otherwise impossible of execution. He will
live through his works in the memory of many future
leaders of thought ; but we shall hardly see his like again.
G. B. OONDER.
8HAYKH HASAN TAWFIQ.
DiBD Fbioat, June 3, 1904, aobd about 40.
The death of Shaykh Hasan Tawfiq at Cambridge on the
night of Friday, June 3, after a brief illness lasting only
three hours, has caused, to all who knew him well enough
to appreciate his gentle, amiable, and modest character, and
his devotion to learning and a high ideal of the scholar's
life and duty, the deepest sorrow; while his loss to his
country and ours, and especially to the University of
Cambridge, is one which cannot be made good.
Originally a student at the great University of al-Azhar,
founded at Cairo nearly a thousand years ago by Jawhar
a.B.A.s. 1904. 35
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524 OBITUAEY NOTICES.
(an officer in the service of the F&timid Caliphs), and still
numbering some nine or ten thousand students from all
parts of the Muhammadan world, he afterwards entered
the excellent training-college for Shaykha destined for the
profession of teaching, which was formerly known as the
I)dru*l-'Ulum ("Abode of Sciences"), but is now more
often called the Madrasaiu'l- Mu^aliimin an-Ndniriyya^ or
" N&siriyya Training-College." Here he pursued his studies
for four or five years, and soon after leaving it he was lent
by the Egyptian Government to the Orientalisches Seminar
at Berlin, where for four or five years more he taught the
Arabic language to a number of young German Orientalists,
many of whom have since distinguished themselves in
diplomatic, consular, and commercial careers. For his
services, which were highly appreciated, he was decorated
by the German, as he had already been decorated by the
Egyptian, Government. On leaving Berlin, he spent some
months travelling in other parts of Europe, especially
England, and visited all the chief centres of education
(including Oxford, Cambridge, Eton, and Harrow) in this
country. Apart from the literature of his native tongue,
a tongue of which he was justly proud and in the intricacies
of which he was deeply versed, education was the subject in
which he was most interested, and he returned to Egypt to
bestow on his countrymen the best that East and West had
given him, the devotion and enthusiasm of the former
combined with the scientific method of the latter. For
a time after his return he acted as Inspector under the
Ministry of Public Instruction, but presently he was
established once again as Professor of Pedagogy and Arabic
Literature and Composition in the training-college where he
had formerly been a student.
Here it was that the writer made his acquaintance in tiie
early part of last year. A new scheme was imder consideration
for the training at the English Universities of a limited
nimiber of young Englishmen selected by the Government
of Egypt for service in that country and in the Sud&n. This
scheme necessarily involved the appointment at Cambridge
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SHAYKH HASAN TAWFIQ. 525
i( where the experiment was first tried) of a Shaykh who,
ty virtue alike of his learning and his character, should
<;ommand the respect of his colleagues and pupils. Careful
^enquiries proved beyond all doubt that the late Shaykh
Hasan Tawf iq was the man of all others for the end in view ;
but his services could not easily be dispensed with by the
Egyptian Ministry of Public Instruction, and only after
many urgent appeals was he at length lent, primarily for
a period of two years, to the University, where he arrived
on October 10 of last year. The eight candidates selected
in the previous July, conditionally on their passing a test
in Arabic at the end of their year's probation, had already
in most cases begun their Arabic studies : soon all of them
were amongst the late Shaykh's pupils, and, under his careful
and tactful instruction, they began to make extraordinarily
rapid progress. By the end of last year the total number of
his pupils had risen to eighteen or nineteen, the teaching was
perfectly organized, and the late Shaykh had been officially
appointed University Lectuier in Arabic. Thanks to his
enthusiasm, devotion, learning, and method, a school of
Arabic studies had been created at Cambridge the like of
which had never before existed in this coimtry ; and, in
response to a further appeal to the Egyptian Government, the
period for which he was lent to the University was extended
to five years.
The examination of the selected candidates, which was
to prove the reality and extent of the knowledge of the
Arabic language which they had obtained during their year
of probation, was fixed to begin on Tuesday, May 31, and
to conclude with the oral examination on Friday, Jime 3, at
midday. On the evening of Monday, May 30, the late
Shaykh met his pupils, and in a short address in Arabic,
simple and clear enough to be followed by all present,
revealed the high and patriotic motives which had induced
him to leave his country to take up this work in England.
He desired, he said, a better understanding and a greater
sympathy between his coimtrymen and the English adminis-
trators of his coimtry, an understanding and sympathy
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526 OBITUARY NOTICES.
which only a thorough knowledge of, and feeling for, the
Arabic language, could bring about. He saw in the new
departure which he had helped to inaugurate a great
promise for the future ; young Englishmen, carefully chosen
for their high intellectual and moral qualities, going out
with a sympathetic understanding and knowledge of the
language and literature of the people entrusted to their
care, and with a comprehension of the great part played by
the Arabs and Arabic-speaking peoples in the history and
civilisation of the world. Then at the close of his speech
he recited the following qasida which he had composed for
the occasion : —
illj^\ iJll ilt ^ j^y ^^^*.y^ libU5i
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SlLiYKH HASAN TAWFIQ. 527
A Qasida
RECITED BY HaSAN TaWFIq TO THE STUDENTS OF THE
Arabic Language at a Reception held by them
ON May 30, 1904, at Cambridge.
*' [T/ie time fori concealment hath departed ; ask not, then, of
what is past, but arise and congratulate both Egypt and
England ;
For to-day the truth hath become apparent, after that it was
but yesterday like visions of sleep.
The land of the auspicious Nile is joined to the Thames ;
harmony hath prevailed, and hath cried, * Ood is most
great ! *
O youths, there hath preceded you a people who reckoned
geniality an offence ;
So the ttco p€o>j)le8 field aloof, and harshness prevailed, since
there teas no tongue to declare what was in their minds.
How, indeed, can concord exist between a people which is dumb,
unable to express itself, and another which cannot see ?
But now ye have understood and known this sweet tongue, and
contention is dispelled ;
For ye hace known the character of Egypt, and surely ye shall
meet with kindness, [gentW] as the breeze when it bloweth.
Though ye be but a small number, verily our hopes are fixed
on you, for * all game is included in the Wild Ass J *
/ ti^ust in you to dispel the clouds of harshness from the horizon
of Egypt, and to make firm these ties [of friendship'l ! "
The examination ended on Friday, June 3, at midday,
and during the greater part of the afternoon the Shaykh
was busy, helping to work out the final results, which
surpassed our most sanguine expectations, and to draw up
the list of successful candidates. At 4.30 p.m. the work
' The Wild Am, af-Fara^ is regarded by the Arabs, as by the Persians, as the
nuble?<t of quarries, on account of its strcngth, speed, and endurance. The
proverb here cited is applied to whatever is the best of its kind.
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was finished, and the list signed, the last act of a pen whicb
had rendered such signal services to the Arabic language.
Shaykh Hasan Tawfiq was then, apparently, in perfect
health, and was looking forward eagerly to meeting his
pupils again later in the evening for the last time. But
the last meeting had already taken place : within two
hours he was stricken by a rare and fatal malady (acute
hsDmorrhagic pancreatitis), which, as it appears, defies alike
diagnosis and treatment ; and about three hours later the
end came with terrible suddenness, ere it was realized that
his life was in danger. The best medical aid was obtained,.,
but to no purpose ; and he died about 9.30 p.m. surrounded
by a few of the many friends he had made during his short
year at Cambridge, but far, alas ! from any relative or
fellow-countryman. At the wish of his parents, between
whom and himself the most tender affection subsisted, his^
body will be interred in Egypt, whither it has been already
sent. It was conveyed from Cambridge on the first stage
of the last, sad journey on Tuesday, Jime 7, after a brief
funeral service, performed by Mehemmed Rij&*i Efendi,
the Im&m of the Turkish Embassy, and attended by the
co-religionists, pupils, and friends of the deceased, being
followed to the station by the Vice-Chancellor and many
officers and members of the University.
In meditating on such a loss, on so valuable a life cut off
in its prime, and, as it were, in the very hour of achievement,,
we are irresistibly reminded of Zuhayr's melancholy verse —
" / see Death like the blundering of a night-blind camel : whom it
smites it slays, and whom it misses lives long and gropes old,'*
Yet we who knew him, and understood the quality of hi*
work and the nature of his ideals, firmly believe that his-
influence, living and working in those whom he taught and
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BDMOND DROUIN. 629
whose affection and esteem lie won, will yet accomplish for
his people those things which he hoped and dreamed, and
for which he left his home and died —
" Far from his country in a rugged land,**
E. G. B.
June 14, 1904.
EDMOM) DKOUIN.
The history and Oriental numismatics of the vast period
which extends from the foundation of the Bactrian kingdom
to the Arab invasions was the subject in which, above all
scholars of the present time, Edmond Drouin pre-eminently
excelled. Geographically his favourite studies embraced not
only Persia and India, but Turkestan, Mongolia, and even
Africa and Ethiopia. But few people study the numismatic
monuments of the immense Asiatic region which lies between
Mesopotamia and China — a region peopled by such diverse
races, and whose history is still so little known. For that
many reasons can be given. Collections in Europe do not
contain many coins from these countries; artistically they
do not tempt amateurs ; the legends they bear are in
different languages, difficult to decipher ; the names of the
personages found on them are little known, or even unknown,
to historians; finally, the geographical classification is far
from being as easy as if it had to do with a Greek town or
mint place of the middle age, be it in the Moslim or the
Musulman model. These points, though in themselves
unattractive, nevertheless particularly took the fancy of
Edmond Drouin, because his painstaking and penetrating
mind loved to study and solve difficulties ; to hear him talk
of his finds was enough to prove that the delight of
a scientific discovery is the greater the more laborious has
been the effort to attain it. Edmond Drouin had the
qualities of mind and the linguistic preparation whioh
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630 OBITUARY NOTICES.
equipped him for the class of work which he made his
speciality, and in which he became a master. He was
polyglot, knowing well all the modem scientific languages ;
he was an Orientalist, reading Arabic and deciphering
Pehlvi with great skill, with a capable knowledge of the
languages of India, Turkestan, and even Chinese. He
required all this knowledge in order to decipher and classify
coins from all parts of the East, about which he was
consulted by the learned world from all parts of Europe.
He rendered eminent service to the Soci^te Asiatique of
Paris, of which he was a most active member. He practised
for a long time as an avocat, and, working only for his
own pleasure and without ambition of any kind, it was only
comparatively recently that he published the results of
his studies. His first writings go back to 1875. He died
after a long illness, regretted by all who knew him, on the
29th January, 1904, at the age of 66.
In 1900 he obtained "Le prix de numismatique AUier
de Hauteroche " at the Academic des Inscriptions et Belles
Lettres. In remembrance of this award, which, owing to
his modesty, was a great surprise to him, Edmond Drouin
himself founded, by his will, a new numismatic prize. This
will be known as '' Le prix Edmond Drouin,'' of the value
of 1,200 francs. It will be given every four years by the
Academic des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres to a work
written in French, either printed or in manuscript, on
Oriental Numismatics.
Edmond Drouin was a member of the Royal Asiatic
Society from 1888 to two years ago, when he retired owing
to ill-health, and an Honorary Member of the Numismatic
Society.
BiBLIOGRAPHIE DES PrINCIPALES PUBLICATIONS DE
M. Edmond Drouin.
Notice sur un sabre oriental {BuUetin de la Soe. dWeh. de
Seine-ei'Mame, Meaux, 1875).
Notice sur une monnaie georgienne {Bulletin de la Soe. dWeh.
de Seine-et'Mamef Meauz, 1875).
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EDMOND DROUIN. 631
Notice sur une st^le grecque du mu866 de Melun {BuUetin d$ la
Soe. d^areh. de Seine-et-Mame, Meaux, 1877).
Les listes royales ethiopiennes, suivies d'Observations sur la
numismatique 6thiopienne (^Hevus archeologique^ 1882).
Observations sur les monnaies 4 legendes en pehlvi et pehlvi-
arabe {Retue areMologique, I, 1886).
Notice g6ographique et historique sur la Bactriane {La Grande
Encyelopidiet 1887).
Chronologie et numismatique des rois indo- scythes {Revue
numiemati'que, 1888).
La numismatique arameeune sous les Arsacides et en Mesopotamie
(Journal astatique, 1889).
Essai de d6chiffrement des monnaies d 16gendes aram6enne8 de
la Charac^e {Revue numismatique, 1889).
La numismatique arameenne sous les Arsacides {Journal aeialique,
1889).
L'^re de Yezdegerd et le calendrier perse {Revue arehiologique^
1889).
Notice historique et g6ographique sur la Charac^ne (Le Mueeon
de Lou vain, 1890).
Notice sur quelques monnaies bilingues sassanides {Revue
numismatique, 1890).
Les monnaies touraniennes {Revue numismatique, 1891).
A symbol on Turko- Chinese Coins {Babylonian and Oriental
Record, Londres, 1892).
MMaille d'un roi de la Sogdiane {Revue simitique de Hal6vy,
1893).
Monnaie dc la reine sassanide Boran ou Fourandokht {Revue
numismatique, 1893).
Une m^daille d*or de Kobad {Bulletin de numismatique de
R. Serrure, 1893).
Notice sur les Huns {La Grande Eneyclopidie, 1894).
Monnaies sassanides in6dites {Revue numistnatique, 1895).
Notice sur I'ouvrage de Ghalib: ''Monnaies anciennes de I'Islam"
{Journal asiatique, 1895, I).
Onomastique arsacide {Revue numismatique, 1895).
Monnaies de bronze de r6poque sassanide {Journal asiatique,
1895).
Les inscriptions de Bhattiprolu {Revue semitique de Hal6vy, 1895).
Monnaies sassanides inMites {Revue numismatique, 1895).
Memoire sur les Huns Ephthalites dans leurs rapports avec les
Perses Sassanides, d'apr^s les documents historiques et les medailles
(Le Musion^ 1895).
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532 OBITUARY NOTICES.
Notice ear les monnaies mongols {Journal astattqus, 1896, I).
Les monnaieB des grands Kotxchans et autres monnaies de la
Sogdiane et du Tokharestan {JRwue numitmatiqus^ 1896).
Sur quelques monuments sassanides {Journal asiattque, 1896 et
1897).
Les legendes des monnaies sassanides {lUvue arehiohgique, I,
1898).
Histoire de I'epigrapbie sassanide. Aper^u sommaire (Le Musion
de Louvain, 1898).
line drachme arsacide {Gazette numtsmatique de Bruxelles, chez.
Dnpriez, 1899).
Monnaies tangoutaines ou Si-Hia {^evue numiematique, 1899).
Sur I'origine du titre BAZIAEYZ BAZIAEON {Gatette
numumatique de Bruxelles, 1899).
Le type monetaire sassanide et le monnayage indien (M6moires
du Congres international de numismatique de Paris, 1900).
Notice sur les monnaies Sino-Eharosbthi {Gazette numismatique
de Bruxelles, 1900).
Notice sur trois monnaies de la Perside {Bulletin de numismatique
de R. Serrure, 1900).
Les symboles astrologiques sur les monnaies de la Perse ( Gazette
numismatique de Bruxelles, 1901).
Le nimbe et les signes de l'apoth6ose sur les monnaies des rois
indo-scythes {Revue numismatique, 1901).
Monnaie d'argent du Mahdi {lUvue numismatique^ 1901).
Almohades et Haf sides {Revue numismatique, 1902).
Les monnaies zodiacaes de Djehangir ct de Nour Djehan, avec
une monnaie incite d'Akbar {Revue numismatique, 1902).
Edmond Drouin a donne en outre de uombrcuses notices de
numismatique orientale inser6es dans la cbroniquc de la Revue,
ainsi que les comptes rendus bibliograpbiques de la plupart des
ouvrages importants de numismatique orientale publics K I'etranger
dans les vingt demi^res annees.
[From the Revue Numismatique, 1904, Trim. P.]
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533
ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY.
Presented by the India Office.
Hill (S. 0.). Three Frenchmen in Bengal. 8vo.
London, 1903,
Distant (W. L.). Faana of British India : Bhynchota^
vol. ii. 8vo. London, 1903.
Kittel (Rev. Dr. F.) . Grammar of the Kannada Language,
in English. 8vo. Mangalore, 1903.
Qrierson (G.). Linguistic Survey of India. Vol. v,
pt. 1 : Indo- Aryan Family. 4to. Calcutta, 1903.
Purchased,
Jacobi (H.). Mahabharata. Inhaltsangabe, Index und
Concordanz der Calcuttaer imd Bombayer Ausgaben.
Svo. Bonn, 1903.
Rockhill (W. W.). Land of the Lamas. 8vo.
Lo)idon, 1891.
Presented by the Bengal Secretariat.
Waddell (L. A.). Report on the Excavations at Patali-
putra (Patna). 8vo. Calcutta, 1903.
H^n (Rev. F.). Kurukh (Orad) - English Dictionary.
Part i. 8vo. Calcutta, 1903.
Presented by the Chief Commissioner of Assam,
Gurdon (Major P. R. T.). Some Assamese Proverbs.
2nd ed. 8vo. Shillong, 1903.
Presented by the Eeale Osservatorio di Brera in Milano.
Nallino (C. A.). Al-Battan!. Opus Astronomioum.
Pars i : Yersio Capitnm cum Animadversionibus.
4to. Mediolani Insubrum, 1903.
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^34 ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY.
Presented hy the Delegates of the Clarendon Press.
Pope (Rev. Dr. G. XJ.). Handbook of the Tamil Language.
7th edition. 8vo. Oxford, 1904.
Presented by Lady Meux.
PaUadius. The Book of Paradise. Syriac Text and
English Translation. 2 vols. 4to. London, 1904.
Presented by the Authors.
De Beylie (M. le G^n^ral). Le Palais d* Angkor Vat-
Roy. 8vo. Hanoi, 1903.
Gust (R. N.). Linguistic and Oriental Essays. Seventh
Series. 8vo. London, 1904.
Hanson (Rev. 0.). Grammar of the Eachin Language.
Svo. Rangoon, 1896.
Lewis (Mrs. A. S.). Acta Mythologica Apostolorum. Text.
— Mythological Acts of the Apostles. Translation.
{HorcB SemiticcB, iii-iv.) 4to. London, 1904.
Khan (Khaja). Philosophy of Islam. 8vo. Madras, 1903.
Bronnle (P.). Die Staatsleitung von Alfarabl. 8vo.
Leiden, 1904.
Ohavannes (E.). Voyage de Song Yun dans rXJdyana et
le Gandhara. Roy. Svo. Hanoi, 1903.
Les Saintes Instructions de TEmpereur Hong
Wou. Roy. 8vo. Hanoi, 1903.
Les deux plus anciens Specimens de la Carto-
graphic Chinoises. Roy. Svo. Hanoi, 1903.
• Documents sur les Tou-Kuie (Turcs) Occidentaux.
4to. St. PStersbourg, 1903.
Spiers (Phene). Sassanian Architecture. 4to.
London, 1891.
Whalley (P.). Notes on Etymologies of Hindi Rural
Words. Svo. London, 1904.
Amedroz (H. F.). The Historical Ren
Sabi. First Part of his Kitab al- Wuzf
of his History. Edited with Notes an<
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ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY. 535
Pischel (B.). Bruchstucke des Sanskritkanons der
Buddhisten auB Idykut§ari, Chinesisch - Turkestan.
Pamphlet. 4to. Berlin, 1904.
Andrews (J. B.). Les Fontaines des G^nies. Crojances
Soudanaises ^ Alger. Pamphlet. Alger, 1903.
PresenUd by tlie Publishers.
Ghazarian (Dr. M.). Armenien unter der arabischen
Herrscfaaft bis zur Entstehung des Bugratidenreiches.
8vo. Marburg, 1903.
Morisse (G.). Contribution preliminaire k TEtude de
TEcriture et de la langue Si Hia. 4to. Paris, 1904.
BUhler (Dr. J. D.) and Dr. J. Burgess. The Indian Sect
of the Jainas, translated from the German. 8vo.
London, 1903.
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537
MISCELLANEOUS COMMUNICATIONS.
Hastivanj.
In Mr. Beveridge's article on Hastivanj in the April
number of the Journal, he says : —
''But if vat\j be the proper reading, is it necessary
to go to an obscure dialect like Western Panjabi for
its derivation P Ch and j are very much alike in
Persian, the only difference being in the number of
dots. They also are often interchanged."
May I point out that all the dots in the world will not
alter the pronunciation of a word used by people that hardly
ever read or write, in a locality in which the character
used by the few who can read or write is not Persian
but Dogrl. The word ' Hastivanj ' is in use at the present
day, and is the name applied by the local mountaineers to
the pass.
The dialect called by Mr. Beveridge " Western Panjabi "
is the language of the immediate locality in which Hastivanj
is situated. It can hardly be called obscure, as it is spoken
by more than three and a quarter millions of people. In
that dialect and in Sindhi the root var\f is in every-day use
over the whole country between the Pir Pantsal and Earaci,
and means 'to go.' In the censuses of 1891 and 1901
•* Western Panjabi " is classed as a distinct language. We
have several grammars of it and a dictionary, so that it
can hardly be called "obscure," even if we use that word
to mean ' little known.' In the census of 1901 it is called
" Lahnda."
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538 THE MIDDLE COUNTRY.
I should be inolined to derive Abu'l-Fazl's icatar from
the EaSmirl teat, 'a road/ In that langaage the termination
^r is used to form diminutives (see pp. 33 and 37 of my
grammar), so that waif^r could well mean a small road,
a pathway. I have not, I must admit, come across thi»
particular form in the course of my reading.
George A. Grierson.
Eathfarn/iam, Camberley, Surrey.
The Middle Country.
With reference to the interesting points raised by Professor
Bhys Davids in his article on this subject, the following
passages are found in Chinese sources : —
( 1 ) M ulasarv&sti vadanikay &dhika^takarma , translated
by I-Tsing : '' To the east is the country called Punda-
vardhana, and to the east not far from the town is the
sala-tree called Pundakaksa ; this is the eastern limit,
beyond that is called the border-country.
'' To the south is the town called Savaravati " (rest
is the same as in the Divyavadaua).
I-Tsiug's note : " The distance between the eastern
and western limits is approximately 300 yi (lp|E), and
the distance between the southern and northern limits
is 400 yi (P^) ; from the eastern limit 40 yi (!^) to
the south lies Tamralipti country."
Elsewhere in a note to the same book he states, that
according to his experience one yojana is nearly equal
to one yi (||l), that is, a little more than 30 li.
(2) As to the identity of Ea-chu-u-gi-lo and Eajangala
there can be no doubt. In his note to Ea-chu-u-gi-lo
Yuan Chwang states that '' it is sometimes called
popularly Eajangala."
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THE TAPROBANE OF FLINT AND FTOLEMT. 539
(3) In the Chinese translations of Dharmaguptavinaya
and Sarv&stiyadavinaya a different passage in the same
connection is found. The latter mentions the five limits^
i.e., south, west, north, east, and north-east.
U. WOGIHAKA.
2, Schochstrasse, Sirassburg.
The "Taprobanb" of Pliny and Ptolemy.
I have read with much interest Mr. Kennedy's note on
''Seres or CherasP'' in the April number of the Journal
(pp. 359-362) ; but I confess that I should have been better
pleased if our learned Hon. Treasurer had given his reasons
for (apparently) accepting Pliny's story of that extraordinary
Taprobanian embassy. If the embassy really came from
Ceylon, ''it is singular that all the positive geographical
statements which Pliny has transmitted to us, on what
would appear to be such good authority, are either erroneous
or unintelligible" (E. H. Bunbury, HUtory of Ancient
Geography^ ii, p. 422). According to Pliny, in the reign
of Claudius (41-54 a.d.) " a freedman of Annius Plocamus,.
who had farmed from the treasury the Bed Sea revenues,
while sailing around Arabia was carried away by gales of
wind from the north beyond Carmania. In the course
of fifteen days he had been wafted to Hippuri, a port of
Taproban^, where he was humanely received and hospitably
entertained by the king," etc. (M'Grindle's Ancient India^
^. 103-4). The mention of Carmania need not, of course,
lead us to infer that the freedman implied that the northern
gales carried him from the coast of Arabia to that of
Eerman, which would be impossible ; he simply meant that
he was blown across the Indian Ocean in a south-easterly
direction. In fifteen days (from where P) he was wafted ta
"Hippuri, a port of Taproban^." Now, where was this
" port " P M'Crindle, blindly copying from Bunbury, says :
" Hippuri or Hippuros has been identified with a port called
J.R.A.8. 1904. 36
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340 TSB TAPBOBANE OF PLINY AND PTOLEMY,
Eudremale^ the name of whicli has the same meaning (horse-
tails) in Sanskrit." Of course, '* Eudremale " has no such
meaning in Sanskrit, nor, indeed, in any other language, so
far as I know. As a matter of fact, Kuthireimalei, which
is the name of a point on the north-west coast of Ceylon,
means, in Tamil, 'horse-mountain,' and this was identified
by a writer in the Madras Gazette of 16th September, 1830,
with Pliny's Hippuros {scil. Hipporos). Tennent, Yule, and
others have accepted this identification, but it fails to carry
conviction to my mind. In the first place, Kuthireimalei
is not a port, but a headland ; and, secondly, I know of no
mention of it in any of the histories of Ceylon or by any of
the old travellers. (Moreover, travellers in strange countries
do not, as a rule, inquire into the meanings of place-
names, but attempt to reproduce the sound of the names, as
heard by them.) But it would seem from Pliny's account
that the king of Taproban^ had his court in this " port "
(the wording is, I admit, doubtful) ; and that this king
dressed " like Father Bacchus ; the people like the Arabs."
This " king," moreover, was so impressed with the character
of the Romans, as exhibited by the fact that the denarii
foimd in the possession of the freedman were all of equal
weight, that he despatched the embassy in question, cousistiug
of "four ambassadors, of whom the chief was Rachia."
After this last word M'Crindle adds in parentheses ''t.^.,
Rajah." Mr. Kennedy (u.s.) says, ''a Singhalese embassy
. . . , at the head of which was one Rachias — doubtless
the Latin for a Rajah." But why should the j in rdja have
been pronounced by the Romans as a guttural ; and is there
any instance of a raja's being sent as an ambassador from
the East to Europe P Tennent {Ceylon, i, p. 556 n.) quotes
a suggestion of Casie Chitty's that the person in question
was an aracci (a Sinhalese petty officer) ; but this is almost
as objectionable as the other. Tennent's own suggestion,
that '' Rachia " may represent the proper name Rakkba (see
Mahavamsa, chap. 74, v. 50), is more plausible, and might
be worthy of consideration were the whole story of this
alleged Taprobanian embassy not so utterly incredible. We
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TSE TAPEOBANE OF PLIKY AND PTOLBMY. HI
know from the Mahayams^ (chap^ 35) that at the period
mentioQed (41-54 a.d.) Ceylon was in a very unsettled
oondition politically ; and the kings had too much to do in
keeping their thrones to think of sending embassies to
Some. As to the lake Megisba, the river Gydara, the city
PalsBsimundus, and the rest of the details furnished by the
embassy — well, I should like Mr. Kennedy to explain them !
While Pliny gives us very few names of places in Tapro-
bane, Ptolemy, on the contrary, supplies ''a mass of
information concerning the island, which surprises us by its
copiousness, including not merely a complete periplm of its
coasts, with the names of the headlands, rivers, and seaport
towns, but also the names of many cities and tribes in the
interior" (Bunbury, op. cit, ii, p. 603). But, unhappily,
the later writer is almost as mystifying as the earlier. To
the above -quoted words Bunbury appends the following
footnote : — " Colonel Yule justly observes in the notice
accompanying his map of India [in Smith's Atlas of Ancient
Geography, p. 23] : * The number of names which Ptolemy
gives us on this island, including rivers and promontori^,
promises a facility of identification which is not realized*
It seems difficult with such landmarks to go very far astray,
yet thoroughly satisfactory identifications are very few.'"
One of the absurdest identifications (which Tule adopts in
his map of Ceylon) is that of " Orneon," or " Avium
Promontorium," with Point de Galle, the only apparent
reason being that galh in Portuguese means a cock ! (Of
course there is absolutely no connection between Galla, the
Sinhalese name of the port, and gallo ; and the Portuguese
never called the promontory 'Cock's Point,' but invariably
'The Point of Gale.')
Until convinced to the contrary, I shall continue to believe
(1) that Pliny's Taprobanian embassy did not come from
^Ceylon, and (2) that Ptolemy's Taprobane was probably
Sumatra.
DOMALD FbSGUSON.
Croydon.
Mag im, 1904.
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642 A FIFTEENTH CENTUEY ASTROLABE.
Centenary of the Bombay Branch.
. The Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay Branch, originally
instituted under the Presidency of Sir James Mackintosh
as the Bombay Literary Society, is preparing to celebrate
the centenary of its foundation. The celebration will
commence on the 17th January, 1905. Papers will be read
by distinguished scholars, the possessions of the Society
will be exhibited, and public entertainments will be held.
Mr. B. Scott is the Honorary Secretary.
A Fifteenth Century Astrolabe.
Mr. H. S. Cowper, in his paper on " A Fifteenth Century
Planispheric Astrolabe, made at Granada/' has, on p. 63-
of this year's Journal, attempted to fix the date of his
astrolabe by a method depending on the precession of the
equinoxes. But in his calculations he has omitted to take
into account the days dropped in the sixteenth century.
The difference between the modem English calendar and
the Russian one, which is still based on the old system, is
thirteen days. By allowing for this it will be seen that
the so-called precession is really a retrograde movement.
I have been unable to find out to what extent the method
he has adopted is reliable, as the date used may have been
purely conventional. But if any reliance may be placed on
it, his astrolabe, on which the sun enters Aries on March 14th ^
must have been constructed previous to Chaucer's in 1391,
in which the sun entered Aries on March 12th.
I have attempted to calculate back the dates of several
astrolabes, of which the date was shown on an inscription,
by noting the date on which the sun entered Aries, but
was unable to obtain concordant results, and accordingly feel
some hesitation in attempting to give a date to the instrument
on these grounds, though it would appear to have been
constructed in the thirteenth century. It would be interesting
to know if an approximate date can be placed thereabouts
on artistic or archaeological data, or from the history of
Oranada at that period.
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A FIFTEENTH CENTURY ASTROLABE. 648
Of the stars he has been unable to identify. No. 8 would
appear fimi its position to be i; Ursae Majoris, and No. 28
€ or f Hydne. In an astrolabe made by Hartman of
Nuremburg, 1537 (see my article in the Geographical Journal
for 1904), the star plaoes on the astrolabe differed from
those obtained by calculation in many cases by two or three
degrees, which lends an uncertainty to this method unless
aided by the names.
S. A. lONIDBS.
I must thank Mr. lonides for showing that the calculations
which I made to ascertain the age of my astrolabe are based
on an error. I forgot, as he notes, to take into account
the days lost by the reformation of the calendar; and
I suppose, according to the present Russian calendar, the
Sim now enters Aries on the 8th March instead of the 21st.
Consequently the instrument must be considerably earlier,
instead of later, than that of Chaucer's of 1391. The
curious thing is that after I had made my calculation, based
thus on an error, not feeling sure of my ground, I sent
a communication on the subject, together with my figures,
to a well-known astronomer ; and he, though on his holiday,
courteously answered at once that my date of 1442 was not
far wrong, and that he would verify it on his return. This
unfortunately he omitted to do.
I do not think this correction will affect much I have
said, beyond the actual date I assigned to the instrument.
Granada was hemmed in by Christianity even in the
thirteenth century. Valencia, Cordova, Seville, and Murcia
had all fallen into the hands of Ferdinando III of Castile
and Jayme I of Aragon by about 1260, and the Beni-Nasr
of Granada were themselves paying tribute to the Christians.
H. S. CowPEiu
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544 THE POSITION OF KAUSAMBI.
Sana's ffaraacarita, v. 18.
Professor Eirste's note in the last number of this Journal
(pp. 366-7) encourages me to devote a few more words to
this verse. Professor Kielhom and I have taken
hrdayasthaih smrtair api
as forming one clause, with api qualifying amrtairy and the
latter in antithesis to hrdayaathair {^though abiding in the
hearty yet remembered '). This interpretation was suggested
also in the translation of the Harsaoarita, where the note
(n. 7) gives as a possible rendering 'which though mentioned
abide in my heart.' In the text, however, we adopted ' even
when they are only remembered as abiding in my heart/
that is to say, we regarded api as qualifying the two words
hrdayasthaifi and smrtair taken together.
Professor £irste now proposes to separate hrdayasthaih
from smrtair api, and take the latter phrase as antithetical,
not to hrdayasthaifiy but to na pravartate. I cannot say that
I am convinced by this, and I feel that a proper weight
must be allowed to the passage which I quoted above from
the Prabodhacandrodaya. On the other hand, I am glad ta
see that Professor Eirste does not propose to take api with
hfdayasthaih, as might be suggested. In any case, by all
the rules of the Sanskrit Eavya, the fact that the achieve-
ments survive in Baj(^a's heart must be, not the reason in
spite of which, but the reason in virtue of which, his tongue,,
being attracted inwards, does not go forward in poetry.
June, 1904. F. W. Thomas.
The Position of KausambT.
Major Yost's article in the April number of the Journal
(pp. 249-267) is naturally welcome to me as the first public
acknowledgment that I was right when I contended six.
years ago (Journal, 1898, p. 503) that Eosam on the Junma
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MAX MULLER KEKORIAL FUND. 545
cannot possibly be the site of the Buddhist city of Eau^tabi
visited by Hiuen-Tsang (Yuan Chwang). Major Vodt
farther agrees with me in holding that the kingdom of
Kau^mbi roughly was equivalent to the modern native
state of Riwa (Rewah), with some adjoining territory. But
when he goes on to urge that GurgI, twelve miles east of
the town of Rlwa, should be accepted as the site of
Eau^mbi, I am unable to agree. The remains at Gurgi,
so far as known, do not go beyond the tenth century a.i>^,
and the position is too far east. The exact position of
Eau^mbi cannot at present be determined, but it should
be looked for on an arc distant about ninety miles from
Allahabad by road or track in a direction between south
and west, and probably in the valley of the Tons river.
I cannot undertake to indicate the site more precisely, and
hope that somebody with local knowledge may be guided by
these hints to discover its exact position.
Vincent A. Smith.
Max Muller Memorial Fund.
On November 14th, 1903, the Executive Committee met
at All Souls College to make arrangements for the final
disposal of the Fund. The Hon. Treasurer reported that
Professor Hubert Herkomer, R.A., Honorary Fellow of
All Souls College, and formerly Slade Professor of Art at
Oxford, had, as a further contribution to the objects of the
Fund, presented a fine portrait, painted by himself, of
Professor Max Miiller, which had been hung in the Hall
of All Souls College. As a personal memorial had been
provided by this generous gift, the Committee resolved to
oflfer the whole of the Fund to the University, to be
administered by a Board in accordance with the general
conditions set forth in the circular quoted above.
This offer was accepted by the University in a Convocation
holden on Tuesday, December 8th, 1903, in the form of the
following Decree : —
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M6 MAX MULLER MEMORIAL FUND.
** Whereas a sum ef about £2,400 has been raised by subscription,
and it is the wish of the subscribers that it shall be applied to
the creation of a fund to be held by the University in trust for the
promotion of learning and research in all matters relating to the
history and archsBology, the languages, literatures, and religions
of ancient India, the University decrees : —
That the said sum of £2,400 be accepted, and the thanks of the
University be given to the subscribers.
That the said sum be applied to the creation of a Fund to be
administered under the following Eegulations : —
1. The Fund shall be called the ^ Max Muller Memorial Fund.'
2. The income of the Fund shall be applied to the promotion
of learning and research in all matters relating to the history and
archsBology, the languages, literatures, and religions of ancient
India.
3. The administration of the income of the Fund shall be
entrusted to seven persons, who shall be —
The Vice-Chancellor.
The Boden Professor of Sanskrit.
The Laudian Professor of Arabic.
The Warden of All Souls College.
One person to be nominated by the Board of the Faculty of
Arts (Oriental Languages).
Two persons to be chosen by co-optation to serve for five years.
4. All the powers of the administrators of the Fund may be
exercised by a majority of those present and voting at a meeting
duly summoned, provided that four of the administrators at least
be present.
5. The accounts of the Fund shall be audited and published in
each year with the other University Accounts.
6. The regulations shall be subject to alteration from time to
time by Convocation, provided that the object of the Fund as
defined in regulation 2 is adhered to."
Subsequently to the Decree a further donation was received
from a friend which, together with a small balance in hand,
enabled the Committee to bring up the amount of Consols
held under the Trust to £2,500, and this amount has
accordingly been transferred to the University.
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THE SIAM SOCIETY. 547
The SiAM Society.
Bangkok, May 16th, 1904.
An Oriental Society, called the Siam Society, has been
recently founded in Bangkok, with objects similar to
analogous societies in the Far East, in so far as Siam and
neighbouring countries are concerned. Although founded
as lately as the 26th February of this year by a general
meeting of foreign residents, including also a few Siamese,
the Society has already held two ordinary general meetings
at which papers have been read and discussed. The Society
already counts upwards of 120 members, including most
of the chief foreign residents, besides several prominent
Siamese. H.B.H. the Crown Prince of Siam has accepted
the honorary office of Patron of the Society, and Prince
Damrong, the Minister for the Interior, that of Vice-Patron.
A Journal will be issued twice yearly. The Council elected
for this year includes Mr. Beckett, British Consul, as
President; Colonel Gerini, one of the Vice-Presidents;
Dr. Frankfurter as Hon. Secretary.
Paramita in Pali and Sanskrit Books.
May I call attention to what seems to me the correct
grammatical explanation of the word pdramitd, which plays
so great a part in the Buddhist writings P This explanation
has really been given long ago by Childers in his Pali
Dictionary. In spite of that you will not require me to
prove by citation that a quite di£ferent interpretation is
almost exclusively current. This latter interpretation (which
prevailed when Buddhist writings were translated into
Tibet) regards the word as a compound of pdram and
ita in the sense of 'gone to the further shore' (Tib.
pha . rol . tu . phyin), and regards it either as originally
an adjective agreeing with prq/nd^ etc., or as derived by
haplology from *pdramitatd (see Bohtlingk and Roth's
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548 PARAMITA IN PALI AND SANSKRIT BOOKS.
Lexicon sub voc. and refE.). But it is well known that the
Buddhist Sanskrit has the Word pdramt in the same sense
(see the indexes to Cowell and Neil's Divyavadana and
M; Senart's Mahavastu), and the same word is frequent in
the Pali books. Instances from the former are —
Mahav., i, 215, 1. 4 : rupaparamigatasya.
ii, 29. 8 : laksanaparamiprapta.
Divyav., p. 637, 1. 5 : mantranam paramim gata.
Childers* statement {suh voc) is as follows: — "Of these
nouns the first is a feminine derivative of parama, and the
second is pdraml + td ; they both have the same meaning,
but the form pdramitd is generally used at the end of
a compound."
This seems to me to put the matter in exactly the right
light. Pdraml is an old noun (which may have had a bye-
form paranu) denoting * the highest point.' From this we
get such compounds as ddnapdrami, * the highest point of
liberality.' The possession of this as a quality (perhaps
vid a Bahuvrihi) is ddnapdramitd. Referring to this in com-
parison with Silapdramitd, etc., we get the * six pdramitds/
and the uncompounded word is started on an independent
career.
I may suggest also that what Childers says under the
head of tathdgata seems well worthy of attention. • Do both
this word and sugata originally mean merely the 'blest,'
i.e. ' departed ' ?
F. W. Thomas.
June, 1904.
Note on the Invention of Rag-paper.
With reference to my paper on this subject published in
the Journal for 1903, p. 663, it may be of interest to mention
that Professor Wiesner's Report on Dr. Stein's paper-
fragments, referred to in my note 2 on p. 672, has now
been published in the Sitzungsberichte der Kais. Akademie der
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THE INVENTION OF HAG-PAPER. 549
Wissenschaften in Wien, PhiL-Hist. Klasse, vol. oxlviii,
No. 6, under the title Hin neuer Beitrag zur Oenchichte des
Papieres. It fully confirms the results of Professor Wiesner's
previous investigations, which I have explained in ray paper.
Only on one point — the history of the method of rendering
paper inscribable (ante, pp. 677, 678) — has additional light
been thrown. Originally all paper appears to have been
* running,' and incapable of taking writing, except with
viscid ink. The first attempt to remedy this drawback
consisted in giving the paper a coating of gypsum. Then
followed the attempt to 'size' or to glue the paper with
gelatine made from lichen (ante, p. 674, note 1). Next
c&nie the impregnation of paper with raw dry starch-flour,,
apparently first resorted to in Tibet ; later on the dry
starch-flour was mixed with thin starch-paste, until it was
discovered that for the purpose of sizing the sole use of
starch-paste was the most suitable. The great majority
of the ancient Chinese papers have been made fit for writing
in tkis way, and it seems that every other method was soon
abandoned in its favour (see p. 25 of the Report).
There is, however, one point which calls for a remark.
The oldest paper in my collection is a Chinese document
dated 768 a.d. Among the papers of Dr. Stein's collection
there are two Chinese documents, dated 782 and 787 a.d.
respectively, found in Dandan Uiliq. Prof. Wiesner appears
to believe that the latter collection includes two manuscripts
found in Endere, which are older than any of the other
three. They are supposed to be referable to the " first half
of the eighth century at the latest," and to have been written
"probably before 719 a.d.," the date of a Chinese graffito
also found in Endere (see pp. 8 and 24 of the Report). In
proof Professor Wiesner refers us to Dr. Stein's statements
on pp. 418 and 419 of his Sand-buried Ruim of Khotan,
The statements, however, hardly bear out his conclusion.
In the first place, the date of the graffito is not absolutely
certain ; it may be 719 or 791, though the earlier date
seems to be the more probable. In the second place,
according to Dr. Stein, it is " quite certain " that the date
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550 THE INVENTION OF RAG-PAPER.
of the graffito precedes the deposition of the manuscripts,
that is, that deposition occurred later than 719 a.d., if that
be really the correct date. There is nothing to show when
the manuscripts were written ; there is only some vague
evidence of the date when they were deposited. Dr. Stein
considers that the interval between the incision of the
graffito and the deposition of the manuscripts cannot have
been " many years." But according to his own showing
it may have been sixty or seventy years ; for at some time
between 781 and 791 a.d. the Tibetans would seem to have
possessed themselves of the country about Endere. It does
not necessarily follow that the abandonment of the Endere
shrine coincided with the Tibetan conquest, though it is
perhaps very probable. Anyhow the deposition of the two
manuscripts— only one of which, by the way, is written in
Tibetan characters— must have occurred before the abandon-
ment of the shrine. But for the date of the latter we have
for the present no conclusive evidence ; it may have occurred
as late as 791 a.d. It follows that we really know nothing
about the exact date when the manuscripts were deposited,
still less about the date when they were written. It may
be anything up to 791 a.d., possibly — at least so far as the
Tibetan manuscript is concerned — even later. For the
present there is nothing that militates against Dr. Stein's
view (p. 419 of his book) that "the second half of the
eighth century " is the latest possible time for the production
of the Tibetan as well as the other manuscripts found in
Endere. I say "for the present," because it is possible
that we may be furnished with more exact and conclusive
evidence regarding the date of the graffito, as well as of
the manuscripts of Endere, in Dr. Stein's forthcoming detailed
official report.
A. F. Rudolf Hoernle.
Oxford, 2m June, 1904.
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BOCK DWELLINGS AT RAINEH. 551
Bock Dwellings at Raineh.
Lord Curzon, in ''Persia and the Persian Questioo/'
merely mentions Raineh as a place passed on the way from
Amol over the main range of the Elbnrz to Teheran, and
the other books I have read are no more enlightening.
Having recently followed this route — it is a mere mule-
track — over the Elburz Mountains, and being interested
in what I saw at Raineh, I venture to enquire whether any
more definite information is available.
To facilitate the acquisition of such, and perhaps to elicit
suggestions or explanations, I briefly give the salient details
of the rock dwellings. Raineh is close under Demavend,
that is, it is the first halting-place after finally rounding
that great cone-shaped mountain on the short mule route
from Teheran to Amol, Barferush, Meshed-i-ser, and the
Caspian coast thereabouts.
The rock dwellings are at a distance of a mile or so fron>
the village on the Barferush road, opposite the place where
the track to Dehat ascends the opposite side of the ravine.
What from afar looks like a pigeon-cote in the cliff facing
up the valley, proves on closer acquaintance to be a collection-
of entrances to numerous chambers or ceUs hollowed in the
solid rock. To a height of perhaps sixty feet and for
a space of about fifty yards the cliff is literally honeycombed
with various shaped openings, the majority square; the
entrance to all save the lowest and in some places the centre
ones being impossible without a rope or ladder.
The examination I was able to make was necessarily brief;
I had a long march to make, and anyone who has had any
dealings with the muleteer of Persia will understand that
my charvadar had some say in the matter ; while the account
I give here must be of the shortest.
Briefly, the lowest chambers, easy of access, presented no
very remarkable features. A square entrance led to a plain
oblong room, usually about seven feet high, fifteen long, and
eight wide.
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552 EOCK DWELLINGS AT BAINEH.
Sometimes there were suites of rooms, and in one instance
a rough hole in the floor, apparently broken, led to a lower
cell, which I was unable to enter.
There were apparently no inscriptions, though in the
cells the marks of the chisel were plainly visible in the
soft stone of which the cliff was composed. The * doorways '
and ' windows ' altogether numbered over fifty, the majority,
as I say, inaccessible, while the lower and more accessible
rooms had obviously been often visited by natives.
However, with a great deal of difficulty I at last managed
to reach a * door ' about thirty feet up the rock by scrambling
across the face of the cliff, and here I found in a suite of
rooms a collection of debris, apparently long untouched,
of the contents of which I made some notes, as also I did
of the shape and size of the apartments.
As I have already exceeded my limits, I must now end
this short accoimt, merely adding that when I enquired of
the intelligent native how old the dwellings were, he
informed me that they were khaile kadim and mkht-i-
^Jamshyd.
But, then, to the Persian everything " old " was *' made
by Shah Abbas," and everything " very old " is " time of
Jamshyd."
So I appeal for rather more minute information.
E. Crav^shay- Williams.
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653
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
<3. M. Pleyte. Bijdrage tot de Kennis van het
Mahayana op Java. I, Opmerkingen naar anleiding
van Griinwedel'a ** Mythologie du Buddhisme au Tibet
et en MongoHe " ; II, Vajrapa^i als Dharmapala (Bijdr.
tot de Taal-, Land-, en Volkeukunde van Nederlandsch-
Indie). S^r. VI, viii, pp. 362-380, and x, pp. 195-202,
1901-2 ; with 10 plates.
These articles, so far as I know, have not been noticed
in the Journal; they deserve much attention, not only
because they afEord new materials for the iconography of
the Buddhism of the Great Yehicle, but also on account
of the knowledge and ability displayed by the writer. His
larger work, " The Legend of Buddha in the Sculptures of
the Temple of Boro-Budur,'' ^ has been fully appreciated
by M. Barth in the '' Bulletins " and by M. Speyer in the
"Onze Eeuw."«
The title of the first article is somewhat misleading.
Mr. C. M. Pleyte proposes in a short, decisive manner new
identifications^ for a large number of stone and bronze
Javanese statuettes now in the Royal Museum at Leiden.
The so-called LaksmI is really a Prajilaparamita, the
Mahakali must be named BhfkutI, and so on ; on the other
hand, where the old catalogue (not so very old, having been
published in 1885) furnishes a vague mention as a Statuette
of Buddha, we have to admire in one place a ^kyamuni,
^ Amsterdam, de Bussy, 1901.
« ii, pp. 77-96 (1902).
s GiTing all details and argument for these.
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554 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
in another a Vairocana, in another an Aksobhya. The-
^' female Buddhas" are Pandaras or Locanas. No doubt
the standard work of Griinwedel has given the clue to
unravel the mysterious characteristics of the Indonesian
icones; but one must remember that the publications of
Waddell, Foucher, and Griinwedel himself, not to mention
older works on the Tibetan Pantheon, were already of great
use for such a task.
Mr. Pleyte gives a very interesting account of the visit
paid by the Buriat friends of Prince Oukhtomsky to the
Javanese Section at the Exposition of Paris : ** It was evident
that the two Asiatics were in no ways strangers to the
iconography of their religion; . . . the [Indonesian]
sculptures are intelligible to the actual followers of the
Mahayana ; . . . they may as well have been made in
Northern Tibet as in Java." In the description of the
sculptures the author gives observations on the *pose/
according to the technical terms of Waddell's Lamaism ; as
concerns the 'mudras/ he does not alter the designations
proposed by Groeneveldt, " as there is an infinite variety of
attitudes of which the specific name is as good as unknown to
us " ('' van hare namen is nog zo gocd als niets bekend ").
This last remark is somewhat strange, but I completely agree
with Mr. Pleyte that such works as the Sddhanamdidtantra,
''which contains minute and exact descriptions," must be
studied with greater care than has been the case hitherto.
Mr. F. W. Thomas has published in the MusSon exhaustive
catalogues of some Tibetan and Sanskrit Sddhana-garlands^
and it should not be very difficult to find in these rich
nomenclatures of the Buddhist deities exact and trustworthy
references to the " explicative " Tantras.^
The task of the iconographist has been in some cases
facilitated by the presence of Javanese inscriptions ; for
instance, the statue of Yajradhatvlgvarl, the so-called iakti
of Vairocana, is inscribed with the word Verocand, the female
Yairocana. I wish to make some objection, not to the very
» I now hear that M. A. Foucher has found in this werk the starting-point of
new iconographical inquiries.
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MAHATANA IN JAVA. 55$
clear and interesting exegesis oi the beautiful PrajflS-
paramita-icon (p. 372), but to the definition of this deity
as the Sakti of Adibuddha, I am not sure that there is not
some anachronism. At an early date Lassen thbught that
the name of Adibuddha occurred on Indo-Scythian coins ;
but, so far as we know, there is no mention of Adibuddha
in old documents; the data quoted by Hodgson on the
Aidvarikas (or theist Buddhists) and the Svayambhii-pura^a
cannot be said to be old.^ The idea of an Adibuddha is very
clearly expressed in the Lotus of the Good Law : " From the
very beginning {ddita eva) I have roused, brought to maturity,
the Bodhisattvas to be fit for their Bodhisattva positions," ^
words which provide the analogy-hunters with a splendid
opportunity for comparison with the eternal procession of
the Logos; but, although Major Waddell writes that the
Anuttariayoga (i.e. the 'feminising' theory and practice
of the Toga schools) has awarded female energy to the
primordial Adibuddha himself, I feel inclined to believe that
the Prajfiaparamita, being, as is well known, the 'spiritual
body* {dharmakdya) and 'the mother' of all the Tatha-
gatas, being the incarnate Pratltyasamutpada (evolution's or
origination's law), is a iakti by itself without the assistance
of a celestial or metaphysical tutor, »the same can be said
of ParvatI ;^-or rather, if one wants a special Tathagata as
a counterpart to the PrajM, he must be found in Vairocana,
who is by some schools elevated to the dignity of Adibuddha.
Vajradhatvfjvari, the official wife of Vairocana, the central
deity of the mnndalas, can be etymologically the wife of
the mystical Vajradhatu-master, the so-called Vajrasattva.
There is something 'male,' or, as Tibetans say, 'fatherlike'
(yab), in the Yajradhatu ; something ' female ' or ' mother-
like ' (f/um) in the Garbhadhatu.
The second essay, "Yajrapai^i as Dharmapala," bears on
four compositions — three Javanese, at Leiden, in London
(Raffles Collection in the British Museum), at Batavia, and
> But, on the contrary, the Nimasaipgiti is rather old.
' Quoted by Waddell froAi Kern, *' Lotus/' pp. xxii-xxv (LamaiBm, 126).
J.R.A.8. 1904. 37
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556 NOTICES OP BOOKS.
one Indian of Buddhagaya — which, notwithstanding small
discrepancies, agree on the whole. The principal figure,
an eight-armed divinity, with four concentric heads and
a fifth as a diadem with a third eye (which is sometimes an
Urnd), and with the terrific attributes, must be, from Tibetan
typos, a Dharmapdla, or rather a divinity in the rd/e of
a protector of the law.^ There is round the neck a chaplet
of Amitabha figurines.^ This figure stands in a well-known
leg-posture, on the corpses of two personages — divinities,
one male, the other female, the attitude of which, in one
piece at least, is very 'Tantric' It is in itself very
interesting to observe that the Javanese icones are in such
a way analogous to the so-called Bhairava of Buddhagaya
(according to Bajendralal, p. 139, pi. zxvi, fig. 2) ; some
chronological data are afibrded by this circumstance. But
we must admire the perspicacity with which Mr. C. Pleyte
attempts the identification of the Dharmapala and the deities
thus trampled on.
There is in the " Tibetische Lebensbeschreibung Qakya-
muni's " a curious episode. The future Buddha, having paid
visits, before his illumination, to the highest heavens, has
intercourse with the Dhyani-buddhas.' By way of pleasure
or edification the Tathagatas display, by magical power,
a collection of sixty female deities. Then Mahedvara and
his cohort being deluded by their charms, Vajrapani does
not hesitate to give orders to the Great God. Mahei§vara
answers, " Shall I obey your orders ? You are nothing
but a Yaksa." Such insolence is, of course, punished.
Vajrapani, under his choleric form, presses down on the
soil Uma with one foot and the Great God with the other,
etc. I believe, with Mr. C. Pleyte, that our sculpture must
probably be explained as an illustration of this episode or
of episodes of the same sort. There are, indeed, some other
legends of battles between Buddhist and Hindu divinities
^ TihetATiyyi 'dam. Quite an i§lad4vaia, as everybody chooses his tatelary
deity. See WaasniefP, p. 195 (213).
* So Mr. C. Pleyte. The photograph is not clear enough for verification.
3 For a similar account from Chinese sources, see Wassilieff, p. 187 (204).
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MAHAYANA IN JAVA. 657
in Nepal, namely, between the i^aivas and the Tantrikas.
They are too near relatives not to be hostile one to another.^
But, be the icones illustrations or not of this very performance,
it is a good fortune to find so exact a correspondence between
written and iconographic documents. Add that the narrative
of Schiefner is derived from a book written in 1734 a.d.
As concerns the Yaksa-nature of Yajrapani, Mr. Pleyte
refers to the Lalita, c. vi (to be exact, p. 76, 12 '), where
a relation is established between him and the Guhyakas or
Yaksas ; to a mantra (quoted by Csoma-Feer, p. 300), ''Om
Yajrapani Mahayaksa Nllambara hu& phat''; and to a
curious passage of the Subdhupariprcchd, quoted by Wassilieff
(Buddhism, p. 198) : ''There are Bhiksus and other people
who do not accept the doctrine of the Dharanis, who ascribe
to it a demoniac origin : they believe that Yajrapani himself
is of the family of the Yaksas." It is very useful to bring
together such documents as show clearly the hostility between
the Tantra-yanists and the followers of the old Yinayas.
Certain as is the antiquity of the Tantric rituals and theories
— they are, we may say, older than Sakyamuni — the question
remains open at what epoch these superstitions found for
the first time literary (P) expression. They were never
orthodox, so much is certain.'
* Siva is, of course, the fiendish counteipart of Vajrapa^ ; but, for the Yogin,
there is no difference to be made between them. See Pancakrama, vi, 33 : yathd
it(dras tathd vajri . . . (readings confirmed by the Tib. version).
» Bibl. Indica.
' There is a noteworthy document in the translation of AH^'s Bodhipatha'
pi'odipa, by Candra Das.* Being, as it is, lost in the luxuriant footnotes, I fear
that it might have escaped the attention of the reader. The Acarva, we are
told, at the time of his death, said to his pupil, the celebrated Hbrom-ston,
** 0 Kalyanamitra, purify your mind by means of the Siitras. The four classes
of Tantras being mixed up together would be dissolved, i.e. discarded as mis-
leading and useless/' The exegesis of Candra Das is mixed up with the text;
but it appears that the Acarya had objections to the fourth class of Tantras ;
the three first, being necessary to the ptija and to the ordinary yoga by regulation
<ot the breath, are assured of a relative orthodoxy.
* See Journal of the Buddhist Text Society, i, p. 44.
Louis DE LA VaLL^ E PoUSSIN.
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558 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Indian Mythology accx)rdino to the Mahabharata in
OUTLINE. By V. Fausboll. (Luzac's OrieDtal Religious
Series, vol. i.) pp. xxxii, 206. (London : Luzac & Co.,.
1903.)
Sanskrit scholars do not require to be told that the most
important literary problem still awaiting their solution is
the problem of the Mahabharata. The great epic, the most
genial and vigorous, if not the most characteristic, product
6f the Indian mind, occupying a position midway between
the ancient and the classical Sanskrit, and connected on the
one hand by certain indications with the Satapatha Brahmana
(Hopkins* " Epic of India," p. 368), on the other with the
Biiddhist Sanskrit literature, which in its turn bears lexico-
graphical affinities to the same Brahmana, forms the centre
of an important linguistic development. It constitutes also
the great storehouse of ancient mythology and tradition,
whereby it becomes the key to much that is obscure in the
Yedic books, while its use by the classical writers more than
justifies its own confident pretension —
anaSrityedam akhyanam katha bhuvi na vidyate |
aharam anapadritya Sarlrasyeva dharanam 1 1
idam kavivaraih sarvvair akhyanam upajlvyate |
udayaprepsubhir bhrtyair abhijata ivedvarah 1 1
(I, ii, 380-1.)
To the study of this really national creation, which during the
last decade has elicited so many important works, Professor
Fausboll devoted in 1897 a volume in Danish entitled " Four
Studies towards an exposition of the Indian Mythology
according to the Mahabharata," and he has now given to us
in the present work a systematic treatise based in part upon
the same materials. We may perhaps conclude that in the
opinion of the great Pali scholar the time is ripe for bringing
the results of the investigations of early Buddhism to bear
upon the immense problem of the epic.
Professor Fausb^ll's wotk is wholly expository. After
enumerating all the noticeable discussions of early Indian
X
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INDIAN MYTHOLOGY. 559
mythology, he observes t^iat '* in order not to be influence^
by the opinions and views of others, but to be quite
independent/' he has, ** while writing this book, not mad.Q
use of any of the treatises mentioned above." Qe gives us,
therefore, an objective picture of the chief mythologies
conceptions as they appear in the poem itself. It m^t l^
admitted that there ^as room for a manual of this nature,
and it will be of great use to students both of the Maha-
bharata itself and of all the later poetry. The index i^
quite satisfactory, though we note a very few omission^
(e.g. Skanda).
The arrangement is that of a classification. First we
have the heading Asuras, with subdivisions for Daityas,
Danavas, Dasyus, Nagas, Raxasas, and Pi^cas ; then Suras,
divided into Adityas, Apsarases, Ai§vins, Lokapalas, Maruts,
Pitrs, Prajapatis, Rbhus, Ksis, Rudras, Sadhyas, Siddhas,
Valakhilyas, Yasus, and Yidyadharas ; thirdly Yaxas.
Exception may no doubt be taken to this order, but it
supplies, especially as drawn out in the very full table of
contents, a clear conspectus of the Pandaimonion an4
Pantheon. Under each heading we find a full account of
the beings named, with their legends, attributes, and names,
supported by citations, sometimes of considerable length, and
in all cases accompanied by renderings, whereby we see the
actual working of the myths. It is curious to note what
a different impression the ^loka produces in four lines instead
of two.
There are some particulars in which we are compelled to
<lis8ent from the author's views. He infers " that by Asuras
the Aborigines of India have been understood" (pp. 41-2) ;
*' it is more probable," he holds, " that the word Indra
originally has been Indura from indu, a drop " (p. 82) ; in
the sentence trhatvdd Vimur ucyate it seems scarcely correct
to see an etymology of Vimu from VrrA (p. 107), where
probably ^/vin is intended. We must also call attention to
the somewhat excessive number of misprints in the Sanskrit
words, giving the careful reader unexpected shocks.
In spite of these small scruples and defects, we must
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560 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
cordially thank Professor Fausb^ for giving us in an
interesting and comprehensive form the first systematic
account of the middle Indian religion. In later times the
beings whom the Mahabharata presents in lifelike characters^
were swamped by conceptions of a metaphysical order,
which reduced most of the minor powers to lay figures for
literary use. The Trimurti, as we learn on the authority of
Professor Sorensen (p. xi), does not yet occur at all. More
unexpectedly we find that so thoroughly familiar a figure a&
that of Ganeda is but twice mentioned in the poem (ibid.).
Contribution pr^liminaire sL I'^tude de l'£criture et de
LA LANOUE Si-HiA, par M. G. MoRissE, Interpr^te de
la Legation de France & P^kin. Extrait des M ^moires
de I'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres. (Paris :
Imprimerie Rationale, 1904.)
The peculiar script to which this scholarly article is
devoted was first introduced to the learned world of Europe,
as M. Morisse observes, by Mr. Wylie, in a paper published
in our own Journal in 1871. It is one of the scripts
preserved in the well-known hexaglot Buddhist inscriptions
within a sculptured archway of the Great Wall at Chii-
Yung-Euan, near Peking, where it occurs in connection
with Devanagari, Tibetan, Bashpa Mongolian, Uigur, and
Chinese. The inscriptions from one side of this archway
were illustrated in Mr. Wylie's paper, and a reduced
facsimile of his impressions of four of the scripts is also to
be found in Yule's Travels of Marco Polo (vol. i, p. 28).
They have since been published in extenso in a magnificent
album of Documents de Vipoque mongoles des xiii^ et xir^
siicles by Prince Roland Bonaparte, under the competent
editorship of MM. Deveria et Chavannes.
The unknown script was at first supposed, on doubtful
Chinese authority, to belong to the Juchen (Niuchih)
Tartars, who ruled Northern China in a.d. 1125-1234.
But later researches into the works of Chinese epigraphic
and numismatic authors have conclusively proved it to be
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l'eceiture et la langue si-hia. 561
really the national script of the Tangut kingdom, which
flourished in north-western China, under the Chinese name
of Si-Hia, with its capital at what is now Ning-hia Fu on
the western bank of the Yellow River, during the eleventh
and twelfth centuries, and was finally overthrown by
Genghis Khan in the year 1227. Their copper coinage
up to the year 1086, of which three varieties are known
to us, one being represented by two specimens in the British
Museum, was of Chinese type, with inscriptions in the
national script; the later issues, down to the fall of the
dynasty, were cast with legends in the ordinary Chinese
character.
The important walled city of Liang Chou on the main
road to Central Asia was added to the new realm in 1002,
the year when the second ruler of the Si-Hia dynasty
succeeded Li T6-ming, who is said to have invented the
Tangut script. A bilingual stele erected in 1091 beside
a pagoda in a Buddhist temple within this city is still
standing, and the inscriptions have been reproduced in
China as well as in France.
These have hitherto been the only materials for the study
of the script. M. Morisse has now secured an important
addition to the limited number in the shape of a manuscript
version of the Saddharma pundarika suira, which was
translated by Burnouf from the Sanskrit text into French
under the title of Lotus de la Bonne Lot in the middle of the
last century. Three volumes of the Tangut text are in his
possession bound in flowered silk, folded inside in the fan-
like fashion of old Buddhist books, and pencilled in gold
with a flowing brush. Three other volumes are in the
possession of M. Berteaux, interpreter of the French
Legation in Corea. The remaining one or two voliunes of
the complete work were unfortunately lost after the troubles
at Peking in 1900, and have not yet been traced. The
sdtra is preceded by two prefaces, of which the second is
a translation of the preface of the monk Tao-hsiian, which
is always attached to the Chinese version. The first, which
is presumably the work of the Si-Hia translator, if not from
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662 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
the pen of his royal patron, has not yet been sufficiently
deciphered to reveal either the author or the date.
M. Morisse gives a facsimile of the first three pages of the
MS., accompanied by a plate of the corresponding Chinese
text taken from a printed book, and his analysis shows that
the Si-Hia text has been translated, almost word for word,
from the Chinese, and that the only difference is a change
in the order of the words due to the exigencies of a different
syntax. His rendering is very careful and painstaking
throughout, and the only criticism I would venture to
suggest is that the word which corresponds to lien, * lotus,'
in the Chinese title, should be so rendered, and not changed,
even interrogatively, to ching, * spotless,' although it may
have this latter meaning elsewhere. In the title of the
s&tra of the Chii- Yung-Euan inscription the same Tangut
character corresponds to the Chinese ming, ' bright,' while
in another part, with the character for ' white ' attached, it
apparently renders the Chinese pai lien, ' white lotus.'
Some 3,500 Si*Hia characters have been classified in
this "preliminary study," and arranged under the various
headings of Prononciations, Significations, and Observations
Ghammaticales, The meaning of most of the graphic
symbols can be determined with more or less certainty,
but their sound can be rarely guessed, except in direct
transliterations from the Sanskrit and Chinese. The clue
to the principles of the original formation of the complicated
script, in fact, remains to be discovered. The author, who
has well gained his spurs, promises further excursions in the
field after his return to the celestial capital, and we wish
him every success in his fascinating but difficult quest.
S. W. B.
Report on the Excavations at Pataliputra (Patna),
THE Palibothra OF THE Qreeks. By L. A. Waddell,
M.B., LL.D., Lieut.-Col. I.M.S. (Calcutta, 1903.)
This little work, consisting of 83 pages of print, with five
plates, four plans, and a map, is a second edition of the
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THE £XCAy4TI0NS AT FATALIFDTRA. 563
pttniplilet published by the author in 1892, in which he
^innounced his " discovery of the exact site of Asokn's classic
-capital of Pataliputra." The Beport under notice bears date
*' China Expeditionary Force, Hongkong, 26th July, 1900,"
and the writer begs that its shortcomings may be excused
on the ground that it was written in the brief intervals
snatched from engrossing official duties. The plea is valid
80 far as the original draft is concerned, but loses its force
when confronted with a title-page dated Calcutta, 1903.
The long interval might have been well employed on much
needed revision.
Lieut.-Col. Waddell is entitled to the credit of proving
that Cunningham was mistaken in believing that a largQ
portion of Pataliputra had been carried away by the Ganges ;
the fact being that nearly the whole of the site of the city
is intact, although much of it lies below the modern city
of Patoa, the civil station of Bankipore, and the East Indiai^
Railway. Even where buildings do not stand over the site,
the ancient remains are buried to a great extent under silt
from ten to twenty feet deep. These circumstances preclude
the possibility of any attempt at complete exhumation of
the old capital, and only certain localities can be explored.
The exploration, so far as it has been effected, has beeQ
carried out and reported in an amateur fashion, and the
results are disappointing.
Lieut. -Col. Waddell, although he quotes the remark of
Pataujali that Pataliputra was on the Son, twice alleges
that it stood on the south bank of the Ganges (pp. 12, 19).
In reality, the old city was several miles distant from the
Ganges, which in ancient times took a more northerly
course, being then deflected by the Son, while that river
joined the Ganges at Phatuha below Patna. When the
confluence moved up to its present position above Patna, the
Ganges shifted to the south. The Report fails to bring out
clearly the effects of river movements upon the topography.
I am not aware of any authority for the statement (p. 8)
that ** before the dawn of our era the great city Pataliputra
had decayed with the downfall of Asoka's dynasty, and the
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564
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
transfer of the capital elsewhere." On the contrary, there
is good reason for believing that the Sunga kings, who
succeeded the Maurya dynasty, continued to reside at^
Pataliputra, which retained its rank as a capital until the
reign of Candragupta II, Vikramaditya, that is to say,
until about a.d. 400. The Guptas certainly did not change
their capital from Pataliputra to Kanauj, as stated in the
note to p. 9. The author does not seem to have read any
publication on Gupta history of later date than Prinsep'a
Essays.
Errors of the press are numerous, the references to the
illustrations being especially erroneous. On p. 41 a reference
is given to plate vi, which does not exist. I possess a rough
draft Report by the late Babu Pumachandra Mukharji,
which shows that that enthusiastic explorer had prepared
fifty-eight plates and four photographs in illustration of his
researches. The author has not utilized this mass of
material.
The author's photograph (plate ii) of the very fine Perso^
Ionic capital excavated at the Bulandi (misspelled Bulandhi)
Bagh, just north of the railway, is of great interest, but the
description of it (pp. 17, 40) is extremely meagre. This
capital, which I had the pleasure of seeing soon after its^
discovery, evidently belonged to an important and splendid
building, and deserves study by a competent architectural,
expert. The site where it was found could be easily
excavated, and labour concentrated upon this spot would
repay the time and cost spent better than desultory
scratchings all over the place.
The other large sandstone capital (miscalled a base, p. 42)
was dug up by Babu Purnachandra Mukharji in a potato-
field of the Lohanlpur village near the Bankipore railway
station. I saw this fine object, which bears an indistinct
inscription on one side. The Babu's account of the discovery
is as follows : — " About 250 feet west of the last pit, I sank
another about 12 feet deep, and was glad to alight on the
top of the capital of the Asoka pillar, whose diameter is
3' 7^". On clearing it further the capital appeared to be
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RECENT PUBLICATIONS IN BOMBAY AND BENAEES. 565
of a flattened vase form, in the centre of which was a hole
for the reception of the mortise of the lion or some other
animal, which must have originally crowned the pillar.
Innumerable fragments of it, besides the capital, were found
in the pit, some of which showed ornamental bands of lotus
petals and guilloche [i.e. ornament of twisted bands]. On
the north side of the pit, I traced a wall about five feet
below the present soil, which traversed northward to a
length I could not determine. The base of the capital is
square, being 3' 6" on each of the faces, of which one has
an ornament of lotus-flowers or inscription in shell or cup-
mark characters, which no scholar has yet deciphered."
This site should be acquired, and then excavated and
surveyed by some competent person, if such can be found.
Space forbids further discussion of the remains of Patali-
putra, concerning which much might be said ; and I conclude
by expressing the hope, rather than the expectation, that
future researches at this most interesting site may be
executed more scientifically and reported more adequately
than those carried out hitherto.
Mat/ 27th, 1904,
Vincent A. Smiih.
Notes on some recent Publications in Bombay ani>
Benares.
In accordance with the nyaya ** Ahhyarhitam purvam,"
the first place must be given to a work which has just issued
from the Nirnayasagar Press. It contains the Vedanta sutras
with Sankara's hhanya, and three commentaries thereon,
namely, Govindananda's Ratnaprahhd, Vacaspati Mi^ra's
Bhdfnati, and Anandagiri's Nydyanimaya, together with the
poetical part of Bharatltlrtha's Adhikarananydyamdld. The
editors, two Bombay pandits, have thus brought together,
in one well-arranged volume, matter which has hitherto
necessitated a reference to six ! For the Ratnaprabha (with
Bhasya) we had to go to the two volumes published in the
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566 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Bibliotheca Indica series in 1863, and for the Bhamatl to
another of the same series, issued in 1880. Both of these
are now out of pript. The only edition of Anandagiri's tlk^
was contained in two goodly toroes of the Anandadrama
series, and a third gave us the Vaiyasikanyayamala. The
work under notice is printed in the clear type for which
Javaji Dadaji's press has become famous, and is sold at the
low price of eight rupees.
Some scholars in Europe and America may still be unaware
of the issue of another important work from the san^
source, in 1899, namely, the Siddhdntakaumiidl, witl^ t^Q
two commentaries Taitvabodhini and Subodhinl, For the twp
latter we were previously dependent, so far as I kpow, on
a two-volume edition published in Benares in Samvat 1944
and 1945, apart from the text of the Eaumudi, and, as
usual, without any numbers to the sutras. The price of the
new volume is four rupees.
Another noteworthy point in connection with Sanskrit
literature is the resurrection of the dead-and-buried Benares
Sanskrit Series, for its restoration to life has given us the
much-needed completion of Eumarila's important treatise,
the Tantravdrtika, This volume, consisting of 1,183 octavo
pages, commences with the second pada of the first adhyaya»
and carries us on to the end of the third chapter. The
vartika on the following nine chapters, and styled Tupttkd,
has also just been completed; but it fills only 328 pages,
and is in every way vastly inferior to the preceding volume.
Indeed, its ascription to Eumarila might well be challenged.
For the various names given to these two portions of the
vartika, see Hall's Index, p. 170. The Tatkadlpana, a lengthy
comment on the Pancapddikdvivarana, which is itself a
commentary on Fadmapada's well-known work; the Vim-
ranopanydsa, which seems to deal with the Vivaranaprameya-
sangraha (edited in the Yizianagram series) ; Sankaracarya's
Vdkyasudhd (edited, in 1833, by Windischmann, under the
mistaken title of Balabodhani) with the tika of Brahmananda
Bharati; and Maniprahhd, a work on the Toga sutras, by
Ramananda Yati, are its other most recent publications.
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THE LUBABU'L-ALBAB. 667
When that Series ceased, with no prospect of reappearance,
a new one arose, in the same city, under the title of
Chaukhamhd Sanskrit Series; and it still holds on, but is-
greatly in need of support. Its best piece of work is an
edition of the first part of Kumarila's Tartika, the Sloka-
rdrtika (originally edited in The Pandit, and now being
translated in Bib. Ind. Series), together with Parthasarathi's
commentary; besides which, it has given us the Nydyaratna-
mdld of the latter, and Appaya Dlksit's Vidhirasdyana, both
of which treat of Mimamsa, also Bhatta ^ankara's Mlmdmsd-
bdlaprakdia. Amongst others, commenced but not yet
Completed, are the following : — Nydyastidhd, a bulky com-
mentary on Tantravartika ; Prakaranapancikd, or Sdlikd
(published in The Pandit for 1866-7), of Salikanatha; and
Nydyamakaranda, a Vedantic work by Anandabodha Bhatta-
rakacarya, with Citsukha Muni's comment.
Much as we admire the learning of Benares pandits, yet,,
ks editors of texts, they come far behind their brethren of
Western India. The elementary fact that proof-sheets need
to be read and corrected seems to be unknown in the sacred
6ity ; and the consequence is page after page of Errata (there
are no less than nineteen appended to the Tantravartika),.
and even then numberless mistakes remain unnoticed !
Q. A. Jacob.
Part II of the LubAbu'l-AlbAb of Muhammad 'AwfL
Edited in the original Persian, with Preface, Indices^
and Variants. By Edward 6. Browne.
Three years ago Professor Browne began his series of
Persian Historical Texts with " Dawlatsh&h's Memoirs of the
Poets," and " 'Awfi's Lubdbu'l-Albib,'* the work chosen to-
fill the second place, is to all intents and purposes a poetical
anthology. Although the editor was naturally guided in
his choice by other considerations, it is at least a happy
accident that the precedence due to poetry, as the finest
and most original product of Persian literature, should have
b^n observed on the present occasion.
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568 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
The volume under notice contains the Second Part of the
Luhdh : the First Part has not yet appeared. Thereby
hangs an interesting tale, the moral of which may be
commended to all private owners of rare manuscripts. The
Elliot Codex, one of the only two copies of the Luhdb that
are known to exist, was lent by J. B. Elliot, probably at
some time in the forties, to Nathaniel Bland, who published
a "classical account" of it in the ninth volume of this
Journal (pp. 112-116). On Bland's death it seems to have
been sold with the rest of his library, and it lay perdu until
1898, when Lord Crawford caused to be prepared and
printed a Hand-List of the Arabic, Persian, and Turkish
MSS. in the Bibliotheca Lindesiana, Here Professor Browne
discovered the missing Codex, which (to quote his own
words) " with a liberality altogether beyond praise was, on
March 4, 1898, not only sent to me at Cambridge, but
entrusted for an indefinite period to my private keeping."
So far so good, but before he had completed his transcription
the whole of the Oriental portion of Lord Crawford's
collection passed into less generous hands ; the Elliot Codex
was recalled, and the new owner could not be prevailed upon
to vouchsafe a glimpse of it either in the John Rylands
Library at Manchester or anywhere else. These MSS., we
are glad to learn, have recently been made accessible ; but
until the wise and liberal policy of Lord Crawford is adopted,
their transfer to the place mentioned must be regarded by
Oriental students as a great calamity.
On other grounds, however, the inverted order of publi-
cation is not to be regretted, for whereas the First Part
deals mainly with the poetry of kings, nobles, and savants,
which is more curious than valuable, the Second Part offers
copious examples of the work of the professional minor
poets who flourished under the T&hirids, the Saff&rids, the
S&m&nids, the Ghaznavids, and the house of Saljuq, and
brings the reader into close touch with the literary develop-
ment of Persia from the ninth to the end of the twelfth
century of our era. As regards the bulk of the poetry in
question, one must acknowledge that little aesthetic pleasure
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THE lubabu'l-albab. 569
•can be derived from its perusal : it is full of subtle conceits
and laboured affectations which offend European taste hardly
less than they delighted, and still delight, the educated
Persian ; but from the literary and linguistic point of view
'Awfi's work is of high interest and importance, not only
as being the oldest extant specimen of its class, but also
because it has preserved a large amount of ancient poetry
otherwise unknown.
Besides the Elliot Codex, on which the text of this edition
is based, Professor Browne had at his disposal the Sprenger
MS. of the Lubdb (now in the Royal Library of Berlin), and,
as an occasional help, the Mqj'ma*u* l-Fusahd of Ridd-quli
Kh&n, who used the Lubdb as one of his sources and cites
a considerable number of verses from it. The editor had no
easy task : " Many passages in the text depend on the Elliot
Codex only. Some of these, in spite of all I could do,
remain quite obscure, and not seldom I have been obliged to
pass for press sentences and verses evidently erroneous or
incomplete. Where possible and necessary, I have emended
the text according to the best of my knowledge ; and, when
this failed, I have consulted other scholars." Professor
Browne is to be warmly congratulated on the success of his
exertions. Although the text, as he and his coadjutors
have left it, is not free from difficulties, these for the most
part are unlikely to be removed, except by the discovery,
which is by no means impossible, of a third manuscript,
Ridd-quli Khan's or another. Some corrections will, no
doubt, occur to scholars who make a careful study of the
text in conjunction with the full list of various readings
given by Professor Browne. At present I can offer only
a few suggestions.
P. 15, line 7. The editor reads
with the remark ** I cannot understand the end of the first
hemistich, and suspect that the manuscript reading needs
emendation." The changes required are J^ for ^ and
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570 NOTICES OP feOOK«.
f^^ forjl. Translate: "When Orion displayed hia belt,
saying. 'Behold!/ he sprang up and fastened that sling-^
like girdle."
For ^js>>h in this connection cf. Liddell & Scott, 8.v^
In the last line of the same page the alteration of A^^^JSif
to «\>>j(m4> appears to be unnecessary, as the lengthening
of a short syllable before alif is common enough, even
when the accent does not fall upon it (e.g. p. 382, 1. 5).
Accordingly, the words eon. metr. should be deleted here
and at p. 90, 1. 3 ; also, for different reasons, at p. 78, 1. 20,
and p. 340, 1. 12.
P. 209, 1. 16. The MSS. have ^j^j and ^jy^ J, for
which the editor conjectures Is j . But ^"^i.M.i in the
preceding line suggests that we should read u^^ J (c:^
pi. of i!£fi) = *of things upon which one lays hold.'
P. 347, 1. 3. Read ^fc:i5»- for aia.4 .
P. 391, 1. 16—
This verse rests on the sole authority of the Elliot
Codex, which has J-^^ ^J^ *3^.. It seems possible that the
meaningless ^J^ Jo is a corruption of ^^J^j j^ (with fakk-i
In conclusion, I cannot refrain from expressing my
admiration for the fine scholarship shown on every page
of this volume, by which Professor Browne has once more
deserved the gratitude of all who look with a zealous eye
to the honour of Persian Literature.
R. A. N.
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LE LIVRE DE LA CREATION. 571
RECENT ARABIC PUBLICATIONS.
Cl. Huart. Le LiVRE DE LA CREATION. (Paris, 1903.)
The third volume of the Litre de la Criatlon et de l*hi8Mre,
edited and translated by M. Cl. Huart (Paris, 1903), finishes
a work which has justly aroused considerable interest, and
which the luxurious character of print and paper would in
any case render it a pleasure to read. The real name of the
author has been discovered during the course of publication ;
the first volume bears on the title-page the name of Abu
Zaid of Baikh, a polygraph of the fourth century of Islam,
of whom Yakut has given a copious biography ; but by the
aid of various quotations, discovered partly by himself and
partly by M. Zotenberg, M. Huart has been able to assign
the book to a certain Mutahhar Ibn Tuhir, of Jerusalem,
who is otherwise imknown, but who must have lived in
the middle of the fourth century from the Hijrah. The
subject of the earlier volumes is Comparative Religion —
a science which the Arabs have the merit of inventing.
The subject of the present volume is Tales of the Prophets^
legends connected with the personages mentioned in the
Eoran, with notices of the controversies which raged round
them in the author's time, followed by a sketch of pre-Islamic
history. It need scarcely be observed that the scholarship,
taste, and learning of the editor are of the first class.
The Biblical stories are told with occasional references to
some translation of the Hebrew Bible, but more often in
accordance with the fancy of various amplifiers : some of the
fictions are identical with those to be found in the Midrash,
while others are plainly Moslem in origin. The comments
on the more astonishing miracles are curiously modem in
tone : the Euhemeristic methods ridiculed in Strauss's Leben
Jesu were applied in all their fulness by Moslem critics of
the fourth century. Thus Abraham's escape from the
furnace was explained by the supposition that he had applied
J.U.A.8. 1904. 38
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572 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
to his person certain drugs which would resist the action
of flame. Other schools favoured the allegorical treatment of
myths : Salih's camel, according to them, meant a sound
argument, and the slaughter of it refusal to be convinced.
The author himself is a mild sort of Euhemerist, who does
not reject miracles, but thinks they should not be multiplied
beyond necessity. Hence with him Salih's camel is a real
enough beast, not differing from any other; the command
to let it alone was similar in character to the ordinance of
the Pilgrimage — merely intended to try the docility of the
people to whom it was issued.
It is of some interest to compare these Biblical stories
with the same as they appear in another book of importance
that has recently been published, the Milal wa^Nihal of Ibn
Hazm. Ibn Hazm knows his Bible exceedingly well, and
refutes it paragraph by paragraph. Mutahhar takes matters
far less seriously.
The Biblical stories give Mutahhar occasion to cite a number
of poems by XJmayyah, son of Abu Salt, in which they are
versified. Several of these have not, I fancy, been published
before. There seems to me no possibility that they can
be genuine. This Umayyah was a contemporary of the
Prophet, some of whose verses won the Prophet's approbation.
When, therefore, his poems and Koranic Surahs contain
the same matter (in verse and rhymed prose respectively),
the two cannot be independent. Now Umayyah does not
appear to have favoured Mohammed's enterprise, whence
we can Bcarcely believed that he versified the Koran. But
if, on the other hand, Mohammed produced as revelation
matter already known to the Meccans from XJmayyah's
verses, his claim to supernatural knowledge of it would have
been too impudent. Hence these verses must be regarded
as imitations of the Koran, fathered on XJmayyah. And,
indeed, that this is so, is quite obvious in the case of the
verses dealing with the birth of Jesus (p. 123). Most of
them were probably known to Ibn Kutaibah, who, in his
work on the Poets (recently edited by De Goeje), says that
Umayyah used in his verses to narrate the Stories of the
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LE LIVRE DE LA CKEATION. 573
Prophets. The reason for such forgeries is obvious enough.
The Prophet^ in spite of his well-known philippic against
poeftsy was known to have admired the verses of TJmayyah ;
hence many of the pious were anxious to know what these
verses were. They, having perished with the course of time,
had in consequence to be supplied conjecturally ; and the
restorations least calculated to give offence would be such
as adhered very closely to the text of the Koran.
The fabrication of old verses in this fashion not only
provided nothing of value, but it has for us the extreme
inconvenience of rendering all early Arabic poetry suspect ;
just as the fictitious genealogies have the unfortunate result
of burying the very few historical names which were actually
known to the makers of pedigrees. In the mass of fictitious
names they are no longer distinguishable.
The bulk of the matter contained in this volume has
originated in a similar manner. The persons named in the
Koran excited interest ; hence many persons were found
ready to supply the requisite information. Some of these
were 'people of the Book/ who either stated what was
found in the Bible or narrated traditions current among
themselves. But no less often they were persons who
deliberately invented answers to the questions which cropped
up. Hence among the stories collected by Mutahhar there
are some which represent genuine history ; but they are
mixed up with such a mass of fiction that without external
aid it would be impossible to extract the matter that goes
back to a respectable source.
Since M. Huart invites corrections of his text, perhaps
a few may be suggested here.
P. 35, last line :
j[Jl\ ^H^ V''*-^. r^'j L5^^ cr^ ^"^
Derriire lui sont des ^merillona auxquela lea grands font
entendre leurs soupirs.
This is an example of the great diflSculty of reading and
rendering an Arabic verse without commentary. A great
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674 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
scholar whom Huart consulted says : '' Tous mes efforts
pour le comprendre ont ^t^ infractueux." Now this line ifr
quoted by Baidawi in his commentary on the Fatihah thus :
j[J]\ jjb'i iytA***j Jjj ^\ ^ SAsf
"Like an oath of Abu Babah, heard by his great God," for
it is quoted to show that »i ia sometimes used in this sense..
The very learned EhafajT, in his gloss (i, 57), producer
a commentary :
Smmi\^\ ^J^ ^jJu 51 U! h^ S-yJ' ^j^ itild- Juu Jiii J u-iLs**
^j^'i\ J^j ^^ ^ ^j ^1 JU U^
" Abu Rabah was a man of the Banu Pubay'ah, named
Hisn Ibn *Amr : he had slain one of the Banu Sa^d Ibn
Tha'labah, and was asked to swear or to pay blood-money.
So he swore, and then afterwards was killed. The Arabs
made this into a proverb for useless oaths. So says Ibn
Duraid in his commentary on al-A'sha."
There are a number of various readings quoted by Ehaiaji,.
but they do not affect the sense. The verse is also quoted
in Lisan al-'Arab, xvii, 362 and 436.
P. 50,1. 5:
Ux^^ ^*-=^ (•U-tfJl <*ii-^^ tJ^jj^ *V^ o^
Son pkre Azar sculptait dea idoles, leur rendait un culte, et
les adorait.
There is no difference between the last two processes.
For \.v«f=^. read \»tii » " he sculptured idols, sold Uiem, and
worshipped them." That Abraham's father sold idols i»
stated in the Midrash, which represents the source of this,
story. Babbah, ed. fol. Vilna, i, 156, sect. 38 :
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L£ LIVRE DE LA CBEATION. 675
P. 60, 1. 9 :
Abraham se servit de ruse dans son aerment pour pouvoir %^m
acquitter.
The sense seems to require t-g-VartJ^ , '^Abraham by a rase
stayed behind in order to perform his oath," viz., " By God
I shall devise a plot against their idols " (Surah xxii, 58).
P. 66, 1. 2, a.f. :
Tom lea feux quHl y avait %ur la surface de la terre ae
refroidirent de aorte qu*on ne pouvait plua boire d*eau
de eiterne.
Why should the extinction of the fires render it impossible
to drink the water of a cistern? The right reading is
probably to be got from the Nihayah, iv, 150, \1\J ,z^^ J ,
*'all the fires on earth were extinguished till they could
not cook a sheep's trotter." It will be seen from the
Nihayah that it is a proverbial phrase for a small or easy
operation.
P. 59, 1. 1 :
Ila lui demandirent d abuser de aon hdte; puis Us lui dtrent,
^^ Noua Vaviona interdit quHl aijourn&t dana aea villea.**
This verse (ascribed to Umayyah Ibn Salt) is a poetical
paraphrase of Surah xv, 70, ^.r«JW^ ^j* l-^Y^ J^^ \jJV5,
^ have we not forbidden thee [to entertain] any of the
world?" Perhaps U|^ ifJJ, "we have forbidden thee to
maintain the hospitality thereof."
L. 2:
\jb\sji CySrV 'W^ <-^W *— ^'*^ •^^^ ^Cj^\ ^jS,
The alteration of Ulc^ into UVc^ seems necessary.
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676 NOHOES OF BOOKS.
L. 3:
ULU ^Ja£^ :^\ l^\ IjllS^ t^\6 ,x^ ^^\
C^est une demande en fnariage que nous ne voulom pas.
Lot's offering his daughters could scarcely be called a ^^asS-^
or " demand of a woman's hand." The right word appears
to be Al ' a condition.' The phrase ^f^r>^ <uU ^jC-, "he
offered him a condition," is classical : Nihayah, i, 303. So-
\-.u>l \^^^ "there are two conditions," Hamasah, 34.
P. 92,1. 3:
Un livre par quel ih sauraient ce quails deviendraient et qu'ih
devaient savoir.
Read ^jj^y "a book by which they might know what ta
do and what to leave undone."
P. 94, 1.3:
Uy«^.^lft3 A^ ^»gi:>r iJ^srl jlic^t
Bead \iby^^.
P. 95, 1. 6. Pharaoh, when in the midst of the sea, lifted
his forefinger and said, " I believe," etc. Then Gabriel took
jss^\ jW. ^ and introduced it into his mouth. The word
fc>l^ is unknown : Huart renders it * sand.' The sam&
tradition occurs in the Musnad of Ibn Hanbal, i, 245 :
It seems clear that the form JW. is right, and is indeed
the Hebrew and Syriac T^n* Ihn al-Athir, in his Nihayah
(i, 273), wrongly explains it as *mud' or *clay.'
P. 103,1. 6:
CL^Ui <Lii cLS ^^^>' (^^t« ^1 laxi Jji J
Lokman ne ceasa de sermonner son fils Mathan jusqu'au>
piricarde qui entourait son cteur, et il mourut.
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LE LIYEE DE LA CBKATION. 677
This does not seem to be a possibk process. Apparently
the word cJ^I has fallen out before ^. Oompare
Ibn Hisham, ed. Wiistenfeld, 449 :
quoted in Nihayah, iii, 280 : '' Till the envelope of his heart
was nncoyered, and he died/'
P. 112, 1. 4, a.f. :
*ji fU\ ^ cj> V' J^ *'^^
Quand il fut jeti aur le rimge, cela Msigne la poftion de
science qui luijut accordie.
This requires t-i^ ^ ; the word ^^ on the margin is
not then a substitute for «— ^, but a word wrongly omitted
by the scribe.
P. 122, L 1 :
•U ij\^ jju ^ jj ^^u^ Ji ^j: jy^\
Les Juifa prStendent que JSsus n^est pas encore risusciti^ mats
quUl est venu.
Read ^ ij\^ jou ^ssr J , '' the Jews assert that Jesus is not
yet come, but that He is to come in the future/' Instead of
'Isa (Jesus) the author should have written Al-Masih (Christ).
Ibid.:
Et que eelui qui est mentionnS est k fits d'une picheresse par
Sim difaut de bonne direction.
Bead i-^j . . ^ JJ , " and that he of whom we are talking
was the son of a harlot, and illegitimate."
P. 123, last line:
Et k Mis^rieordieux ne Vinterrompit en rien.
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578 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
The metre requires /^L^ , '' and that which Ood decrees
is decreed/'
P. 124,1. 2:
// mSrite (Titre chas%iy et toi lapidie.
^^ seems wrong : perhaps "^J^^ " you deserve to be
disgraced and stoned on account thereof."
P. 125, 1. 11 :
Bead isJlj, "they declared him to be illegitimate."
P. 134, 1. 4, a.f. :
Loraque votM m^aurez enterrS, cachez mai pe^idant trots jaura.
Perhaps ^j2^^, " then wait three days."
'OumArah du Yemen : sa vie et son (euvre, par Hartwiq
Dbrenbourg. Vol. II. (Paris, 1902.)
We look forward to the third volume of M. Derenbourg's
^Oumdrah du Yimen for an account of the contents of the
two volumes that have appeared which will be both scholarly
and charming; the author's long record fully justifies such
a prophecy. The two volumes of Arabic text contain
Oumarah's memoirs, selections from his Divan of poems,
and his letters in rhymed prose. M. Derenbourg has
neglected no source whence help could be derived for the
correction of these difficult though highly interesting and
attractive compositions. The name of Oumarah of Yemen
is already familiar to readers of this Journal from the
edition of his History of Yemen by the late H. C. Eay,
which it appears suggested to M. Derenbourg his present
work. Oumarah gives a vivid account of his experiences
at the Egyptian court before the time of the great Saladdin,
introducing therein many of his poems, with some record
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DIE 8TAAT8LEITUNG DES AL-FARABI. 679
-of their occasion and of the gratuities which he received for
them. His verses are favourable specimens of the encomiastic
«tyle, and often felicitous or even touching. His epistles
compare in difficulty and abstruseness with the most
•celebrated compositions of the same sort For the internal
history of Egypt during the time of the Crusades this work
is of great interest and value, and it is admirably edited.
Die StaaUleiiung des Al-Farabi is the title of a posthumous
work by Fr. Dieterici, containing a translation (with
introduction) of an unpublished work by Al-Farabi, several
of whose treatises were edited and translated by the same
scholar. The editor, Dr. Bronnle, has prefixed a short
account of Professor Dieterici, who scarcely counted among
the foremost Orientalists, but who was well known by his
edition of the poems of Mutanabbi, his Ghrestomathie
Ottomane, and his treatises on Arabic philosophy. His
biographer complains that his merits were not adequately
appreciated ; and, indeed, of his chief work, the edition of
Mutanabbi, Ahlwardt said (Ohalef Al- Ahmar, p. 444) : " If
Dieterici is now editing the Divan of Mutanabbi, that is
a wholly perverse undertaking, both in itself and in the
manner in which he is executing it." This harsh judgment
is echoed by very few ; but the treatises on Arabic philosophy
were not regarded as very meritorious, because the Arabic
philosophers found some difficulty in convincing even their
^wn countrymen that they knew anything about their
subject, and Europeans can often convince themselves with
ease that the critics were right. Hence in many cases the
way to interpret Arabic philosophy is to conjecture how the
Greek or Syriac originals of their works could have been
corrupted or misunderstood : in some cases this is easy ; in
scarcely any case is the operation worth the trouble. The
present treatise on politics is no better than could be
•expected from a man who had no experience of any form of
state save an Oriental despotism, and to whom, therefore, the
profound speculations of Aristotle were almost meaningless.
Al-Farabi's views on various states are not merely valueless
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580 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
in the sense in which we might apply that word to bad
generalizations or erroneous observations ; they are a sort of
travesty of the opinions of some one else. It is sufficient
to quote one definition : '' Edelstaat und Edelgemeinde
besteht bei denen welche sioh einander dazu beistehn, dass
sie in Wort und That geehrt werden, sei es dass die Leute
anderer Staaten ihnen Ehre erweisen oder dass sie einer dem
anderen Ehre anthun, und kann diese gegenseitige Ehrung
gleichmassig oder bei dem einen starker sein als bei dem
Anderen." Whether this is meant for a definition of an
aristocracy or a timocracy, it is evident that its author is
uttering propositions to which he himself does not really
assign a meaning, but which seem to him to be what Plato-
or Aristotle says. The same is the case with the treatises
which are supposed to represent Aristotle's Poetics and
Rhetoric. The Arabs who write on such political, poetical,
and rhetorical questions as come within their experience are
not contemptible, though often commonplace and shallow;
those who profess to expound Greek philosophy may deserve
sympathy, but can claim no admiration.
HiLAL al-Sabi, Kitab al-Wuzara. Edited by
H. F. Amkdroz.
Mr. Amedroz has earned the gratitude of scholars and
historical students by his edition of the remains of Hildl
al'Sdbi, grandson of the celebrated Secretary of State, Abu
Ishak Ibrahim the SabaBan, a selection of whose letters wa&
printed at a press in the Lebanon in 1898. Pages 1-364:
are filled by a portion of the Kitdb al- Wuzard or " Lives oi
the Viziers," which is frequently cited, and which contains
a rather full account of some of the principal Viziers of the
fourth century of Islam. Since Ibn al-Athir*s chronicle is
decidedly meagre for this period, the additions to our
historical knowledge which this work supplies are very
welcome. Its chief importance, however, is for the light
which it throws on the internal administration at Baghdad,,
on the number and variety of backstairs agencies at work.
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HILAL AL-SABI, KITAli AL-WUZARA. 581
and the curious details which it furnishes concerning the
functions and stipends attached to a variety of offices.
Several remarkable pages are occupied with an account of the
titles in use at the time of the Yezirate of Ali Ibn al-Furat,
and form a locu8 classicus for the history of Arabic officialism.
The life of this Ali Ibn al-Furat is told at great length, and
he indeed appears to have been a remarkable personage ;
with Hariri two centuries later the Banu Furat are still
proverbial for their generosity, and Hamadhani a generation
or two after the time of Ali thinks of the auction at which
Ali's goods were sold as a time when great bargains were
made. Certainly this Yizier dealt in tremendous sums t
800,000 dinars went in the construction of his house ;
60,000 more over repairs for a special occasion (p. 179).
Pages 366 to the end contain a fragment of HilaFs
Chronicle, covering the years 389-393. Mr. Amedroz has
provided these texts with ample indices, and also with an
analysis of the contents in English, which will serve as a fair
substitute for a translation ; he has also added a valuable
glossary of obscure and rare expressions. The extreme care
with which Mr. Amedroz works being well known to the
readers of this Journal, praise of the manner in which he has
edited these interesting and important texts is superfluous.
The printing has been done at the Catholic Press of Bey rut ^
the beauty and accuracy of whose work are famous.
Two corrections of the text may be suggested — one of an
error for which the present writer is responsible. P. 91, 1. 12 :
JtU ^ ^j^ jj L^U ^^^ 1 iiiJU
An improbable reading of the unpointed word is suggested
in the Appendix on the present writer's authority ; it is,
however, more likely that the passage should be read without
alteration : _I^« , '* & trusty friend will not labour to compass
what is right (right being here a euphemism for wrong)."
P. 1, 1. 5 :
It seems clear that ij^ ^^^} (^ is required.
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582 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Works of Gfx)rge Zaidan.
Mr. George Zaidan, editor of the fortnightly joarnal Hildl^
is one of the most fertile, but also one of the most learned
^and thoughtful, of the Arabic writers of our day. He
enjoys considerable fame as a novelist, though his novels
•constitute part of his historical work ; they form a series of
historical scenes, of which the purpose is to illustrate Arabic
history, from the Times of the Ignorance and later. Since
"the anecdote literature of the Arabs is very rich, he has at
times been able to introduce whole scenes from the £itab
al-Aghani or other storehouses of antiquities into his
romances ; but he has in each case looked after the interests
•of those readers who are not on the look out for antiquarian
information. The works which we shall notice here are
entirely serious in character ; and they differ from most of
the works of Oriental scholars in that they take due account
^f Western, and indeed German, research — Mr. Zaidan
being one of the very few native writers of Arabic who
have taken the trouble to learn German ; and that they are
properly supplied with references justifying the statements
of the text — the ordinary Oriental writer thinking it
sufficient to quote the name of the book whence he takes his
facts. The most important of these works is the History
of Islamic Civilization^ published as a ** Supplementband " to
the Hildl, of which the first volume appeared in 1902, the
second last year, and a third is promised for this. The
amount of valuable and interesting matter contained in the
volumes which have appeared is so great that one is inclined
to regret that the language in which Mr. Zaidan writes
renders his works inaccessible to the majority of the readers
of the J.R.A.S., since there are many who are interested in
the history of the Caliphate who are not Arabic scholars.
The second volume of the History of Islamic Civilization
is an elaborate treatise on the Finance of the Caliphate.
The author very properly bases his researches on the
bnhnhrechendes work of von Kremer in his Culturgeschichte
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HISTORY OF ISLAMIC CIVILIZATION. 583-
and his Eionahmebudget. The four important tables of
Ibn EhalduD, Kudamahy Ibn Ehordadbeh, and Ahmad Iba
Mohammad al-Ta'I are given in extetiso and a valuable
commentary attached to them ; von Eremer's opinion of the-
misdating of the first of these is disputed apparently on
good grounds ; and, indeed, von Eremer's conjectures were
not always felicitous. Among points which are prominently
brought forward we may notice the oppression of the
cultivators under XJmayyad rule, which was probably of
importance in determining the downfall of the dynasty ; and
the fact that the revenue, as the authors of the tables
understand it, was the tiet revenue, after all administrative
expenses had been paid ; and wonder is justly expressed at
a system which enabled the monarch to put by every year
something like a million sterling. With these tables before
us we scarcely receive with scepticism the statements of the
Eitab al-Aghani concerning the sums lavished by the Caliphs*
on their poets, their singers, and their mistresses.
Though Zaidan has based his work on von Eremer's, the
amount which is clearly the fruit of his own study is very
large; for many, if not most, of the authors from whom<
he derives his material were unpublished and practically
inaccessible in von Eremer's time. And, indeed, the worker
in this field does not often find material ready to hand : he
has to collect stray notices, casual observations to be found
in histories and miscellanies.
For the enormous surplus of the Abbasid budget in the
days of prosperity Zaidan discovers three causes. One of.
these was the small number of government officials employed.
In Egypt he calculates that the number of employes was at
the most 400 ; in our time it is nearly 23,000 ! Secondly,,
that convenient institution, a national debt, was not yet
invented : luckily for the governments, for, as yon Eremer
observes somewhere, money would have had to be borrowed
at 30 per cent, or more. And, thirdly, it can be shown that
some of the early Caliphs of the Abbasid dynasty were
careful of the public money.
The second half of this volume deals with the gradual
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584 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
decline in the wealth of the CaKphate, owing to a variety
of causes which are acutely analysed. I fancy that the
matter contained in Mr. Amedix)z's volume will be of great
oise to Zaidan when he comes to republish this work. He
has, however, made a most careful series of observations
concerning the offices under the Caliphate, and the steady
increase in their number and in the salaries paid the officials.
To the best of my belief he is the first student who has
worked this field, for which, of course, the chronicles of
Tabar! and Ibn al-Athir have had to be ransacked, a work
requiring great patience, as anyone who has tried it knows.
It seems to me that no more important work than this on the
antiquities of the Caliphate has appeared for many years.
The Philosophy of Language and the Arabic Vocabulary
is the earliest of Zaidan 's works, first published in 1886, and
reprinted this year. The first edition was a success, as the
work was translated into Turkish, and it earned the author
his membership of the Italian Oriental Society. The stand-
point from iwrhich this book was written was more popular
twenty years ago than it is now. The notion that the Aryan
and Semitic families were originally connected, and the
explanation of case-endings and verbal prefixes as relics of
separate words to be identified in existing languages, were
not then as unpopular as they have now become. Wright's
Comparative Semitic Grammar, which is the basis of recent
research on this subject, was not published till 1890 ; and
Zaidan would have had to rewrite most of his treatise in
order to make it harmonize with the doctrines that now hold
the field. This, however, does not apply to the interesting
chapters which deal with the origin of language, in which
there is much that agrees with the newest results of
philology, and which contain many ingenious and striking
observations. Moreover (unless I am mistaken), Zaidan has
the distinction of being the first Arabic writer who has
treated Arabic as a Semitic language, and shown the
importance of bringing the light of comparative linguistics
to bear upon it.
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HISTORY OF THE ABABIO LANGUAGE. 586
The History of the Arabic Language ( 1904) is a republication
of a series of articles which originally appeared in the Hildl,
in which the author collects words which have been borrowed
by the Arabs from other languages, and distinguishes the
epochs at which they have been borrowed and the classes
to which they belong. Sixty-four pages constitute rather
too brief a space for such an undertaking ; and, indeed, the
author describes his work as a preliminary sketch. Should
he ever complete it, he would do well to base his researches
on those of European scholars : Frankel's well-known work
on Syriac words in Arabic and Lagarde*s OesammeUe
Ahhandlungen supply a good deal of material, and there
is, of course, a whole series of treatises by Aj-abic writers
on the same subject, notably those by Jawaliki and Suyuti.
Still, though Zaidan does not attempt to treat this subject
exhaustively, there is much in his sketch which is not as
familiar to European scholars as perhaps it should be : thus,
Grimme in his Life of Mohammed (i, 74, 1892) tells us
that munqfik, * a hypocrite,' is properly used of the mouse
that runs back into its hole ; Sprenger in his Life of
Hohammed (ii, 222, 1869) that the word Hawdrl for Apostle
in the Koran literally means * fuller ' ; Zaidan rightly refers
both back to the Ethiopic, for even that rare accomplish-
ment he has taken the trouble to acquire. The true
etymologies of these words have, of course, been known in
Europe for some time ; but his suggestion on p. 17 that the
word 8urah (a portion of the Koran) is the Hebrew word
^hlrdh, ' a song,* borrowed, is new to the present writer, and
seems more plausible than the ordinary etymology. The
rules of Arabic rhyme show that the u must have often
been pronounced like the German U, whence the difference
in the vowel is of little consequence. The treatise contains
several useful lists of words either borrowed or invented at
particular periods, and thus is a valuable addition to our
libraries. Very few improbable conjectures will be found
in these lists, and it will not be surprising if the book does
something to render the study of scientiBc etymology popular
in Egypt.
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586 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Famous Orientals of the Nineteenth Century, in two volumes
(1902-3), is a collection of biographies excerpted from the
Hildl, and of great use to students of modern Oriental
, history. The first volume deals with members of the
I Khedivial family, some Sultans, princes, and statesmen,
t including 'Abd al-Kadir, 'Arab! Pasha, the Mahdi of the
, ; Sudan, and *Abd al-Rahman, Ameer of Afghanistan. The-
tr^ second deals with men of letters and poets, including some
M Westerns who spent their lives in the East, such as Cornelius
*j Van Dyck and Mariette Pasha. The biographies in both
•" volumes are nearly all illustrated with photographs. In
::; collecting these biographies and arranging them in an easy
order, Zaidan has done a great service to those in Europe
;j who are anxious to keep in touch with the " advancement of
'" learning " in the East.
i X D. S. Margououth.
r 'r
**' Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia. By the late
^4 Professor W. Robertson Smith. New edition, edited
". Ij by Stanley W. Cook. 8vo ; pp. xxii and 324.
(London : Black, 1903.)
In March 1894 Professor Robertson Smith died, nine
years after the appearance of the first edition of this epoch-
making work, of which Noldeke wrote ^: "Wie mich dies
I Buch in ganz ungewohnlichem Maasse angeregt und zu
[ weiteren XJntersuchungen veranlasst hat, so ist es geeignet,
I alien denen, die es mit selbstandigem XJrtheil lesen, die
j erspriesslichste wissenschaftliche Forderung zu verschaflTen."
! He had contemplated a second edition, as the writer heard
from him in the Spring of 1892, and had collected notes
* and material for it, with special reference to the criticisms
which his book had evoked ; but, so far as can be judged
, from the present issue, the work had not made much progress.
Probably the revision of his Religion of the Semites, completed
I just before his most lamented death, absorbed his energies.
It has been left for Mr. S. A. Cook, with the assistance of
i - I!
» Z.D.M.G., xl (1886), p. 187.
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KINSHIP AND HARRIAGE IN EARLY AHABU. 587
Professor Ooldziher, to prepare the present edition. A
careful comparative table (p. xxi) gives the pagination of
both issaes ; and it appears from an examination of the two
that the text of the work is virtually imaltered, such additions
as have been made occurring almost entirely in the illustrative
notes, the majority of which have been transferred from the
Appendix, where they stood in the original edition, to the
pages of the text to which they refer. Here and there, but
very rarely, a sentence has been dropped, a word modified ;
but neither in the form nor in the substance of the argument
is there any material change.
This being the case, it may perhaps be permissible, so
far as the present writer is concerned, to refer to the review
of the original edition contributed by him to the Academy of
March 6th, 1886, in which, on reperusal, he does not find
anything essential requiring alteration; but a few words
may be added as to the present position of the problems
which the author set himself to investigate.
How, then, stands the case as regards the two main
themes with which the book deals — the proposition that
mother-kinship preceded kinship through the father in the
Arabian tribal system (and that not many generations
before the Prophet's time), and the claim that that system
in Arabia was founded upon a basis of totemism P
The first was examined with elaborate care in the paper
on Marriage among the Arabs contributed by Professor
Wellhausen, in 1893, to the Nachrickten v. d, KSnigl.
Geselhchaft d. Wmewichajten of Gottingen, with results
which leave the solution by no means so definite or decided
as is claimed by Professor Robertson Smith. The complete
establishment of male kinship as the sole principle of
political descent before the time of Muhammad is held by
Wellhausen to be proved. The exceptional cases of marriage
— or legitimate commerce of the sexes — not conforming to
the general standard, recorded in historical times, though
it is within the bounds of possibility that they may be
connected with a former prevalence of mother-kinship, are
all, as they appear in the records, consistent with kinship on
J.S.A.8. 1904. 39
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588 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
the male side, and the child is counted to the father's, not
the mother's kin. The only strong argument in favour of
this preyalence is the use of the words rahim and batn
(both meaning ivomb) for blood-relationship and sub-tribe
respectively ; while against it is the series of terms of family
relationship, consistent only with a rule of male kinship,
belonging to the common Semitic stock, and therefore going
back to times before the separation of Arab, Arama3an, and
Canaanite (Hebrew). These are : ham {hamu), father-in-
law; kannah (Heb. kalidh), daughter-in-law; darrah, co-wife;
mahr (Heb. mohdr), payment for a wife; *amm, at once
paternal uncle and people or kin at large ; and armalah and
yaiim^ widow and orphan. Against batn for sub-tribe may
be set the corresponding male word /akhidh, Rahim remains
(only in Arabic) as the one witness not to be set aside to
an original system of mother-kinship.
The most that can be said of Arabia within historical
times appears to be that in some sections of the population
a system prevailed down to the institution of Islam of
polyandry in a family of brothers, and sometimes in a larger
kindred group (raht), analogous to the polyandry of Tibet,
and founded, probably, on the same basis — the sterility
of the soil and the pressure of famine, which made the
limitation of offipring a necessity to the poor. But although
vouched for by traditions traceable to contemporaries of
Muhammad, no examples of this custom are cited by name^
and it probably prevailed only among the poorest and least
conspicuous members of their tribe ; the children bom
were counted to the father's stock. No clear case can be
produced of a series of successions by female kinship alone.
The existence of metronymous tribes and sub -tribes —
a phenomenon explained by Arabian genealogists as due to
polygamy, and the division of the offspring of one father
according to the houses of the mothers^ — ^is of itself insufficient
* A considerable number of these sub -tribes bearing mother-names occur in
the bouse of Malik b. Han^halah b. Zaid-Manat b. Tamim ; there seem to be
no good grounds for refusing to accept tiie reasonable explanation given.
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KINSHIP AND MABRIAOE IN KARLY AEABIA. 589
to proTe any such rule of descent, inasmuch aa the successors
of the eponymous mother are counted in the male line only.
Our oldest authority for Semitic society is the lately
discovered Code of Hammurabi, going back, probably, to
the third millennium B.a ; and the provisions as to marriage
and descent contained in it appear to be based exclusively
on ia'aZ-imions and male kinship.
As regards totemism, Noldeke in 1886 entirely declined
to admit that the list of animal names borne by Arab tribes
proved the existence of any such system in ancient Arabia.^
Such names are, relatively, not so numerous as they appear
from the series given by Robertson Smith, and are, moreover,
almost without exception names borne by individuals in
historical times. To these opinions Noldeke still adheres,
if we may judge from the article on ''Names" contributed
by him to die Encyclopcedia Biblica (1902).^
But the most complete examination of the subject in its
present-day aspect is contained in an article entitled hrael
and Totemism contributed by Mr. S. A. Cook to the Jewish
Quarterly Review, 1902 (pp. 413-448), the conclusion of
which appears to be that the whole theory of totemism as
applied to the Semitic races rests on a very insecure
foundation ; and in this conclusion the present writer cannot
but express his concurrence.
C. J. Ltall.
1 Z.D.M.O., xl, pp. 156 sqq.
> Col. 3298, note 3.
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JOURNAL
OF
THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
XZIII.
BOMAH COnrS FOITHD IN IHDIA.
By ROBERT SEWELL.
T HAVE attempted, in the lists which accompany this
paper, to collect and classify all discoveries of Roman
coins made in India during the last century and a half^
which have been regiJarly recorded in English scientific
publications ; adding to them some remarks on finds which,
though not so published, it is impossible for me to ignore,
since they came imder my own observation. It is perhaps
hardly necessary for me to enter on an elaborate explanation
of the reasons why such tabulated information may be held
to be of value, seeing that obviously, if the lists are accurate
and exhaustive, a classification such as this assumes the
nature of an index to a volume, or, as in the present case,
to a very large number of volumes.
To draw up the lists I have searched through the following
publications : —
The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
The Nomismatic Chronicle.
The Joomal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
The Proceedings of the same Society.
The Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Roynl Asiatic Society.
i.u.A.H. 1904. 40
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592 EOMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
The Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the same.
The Madras Journal of Literature and Science.
The Indian Antiquary.
The Asiatic Researches.
The Annual Reports of the Madras Archeoological Survey.
The Annual Reports of the Epigraphical Department of the same Survey.
The Annual Reports of the Archaeological Surveys of the Panjab, North-
western Provinces and Oudh, Bengal, and Western India (some of
which, however, have not reached me).
Sir A. Cunningham's ArchaK)logical Reports.
The Epigraphia Indica.
Catalogues of Coins prepared by the Superintendents of the Madras Governsient
Central Museum.
And many other volumes.
I have done my best to ensure that no information
published in any of these works should escape me, but it
stands to reason that omissions may have imfortimately
occurred, owing to such causes as the absence of an index
in many cases, especially troublesome in the issues of
** Proceedings " of Societies. If, therefore, anyone can
supplement the lists with information coming from authentic
sources, I shall be the first to welcome such additions.
Let me admit at the outset that deductions drawn from
such lists as these must of necessity be merely tentative and
provisional. In the first place, it is, in the nature of things,
impossible for us ever to know anything of the coins
discovered in the centuries prior to the English occupation
of the various parts of British India. Secondly, there must
have been innumerable discoveries of coins which have
passed into private collections, and are, at least temporarily,
lost to the scientific world. There must also be reports of
finds published in scattered volumes, in newspaper issues,
in magazines, and in reviews, many of which must elude
the observation of any one man, however industrious. The
information available to us, therefore, consists of only
a fraction of the whole, and we could be perfectly certain
of our ground only if we possessed that whole. Even so we
can only theorize from discoveries made up to date, and are
always liable to have our ideas upset by discoveries in the
future.
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ROMAN COINS FOUNB IN INDIA^ 593
An examination of the Tables compels us to observe five
different periods in the connection of Rome with India^ and
leads us to the following conclusions : —
1. There was hardly any commerce between Rome and
India during the Consulate.
2. With Augustus began an intercourse which, enabling
the Romans to obtain Oriental luxuries during the early
days of the empire, culminated about the time of Nero, who
xlied A.D. 68.
3. From this time forward the trade declined till the date
•of Caracalla (a.d. 217).
4. From the date of Caracalla it almost entirely ceased.
5. It revived again, though slightly, under the Byzantine
•emperors.
And as regards the objects of the trade —
{a) Under the early emperors there was a great demand
for pepper, spices, fine muslins, perfumes, unguents, pearls,
and precious stones, especially the beryl.
(i) In the declining period between Nero and Caracalla
there was little or no demand for mere luxuries, and the
activity of merchants was directed towards cotton and
industrial products.
(c) Under the Byzantine emperors the trade was mostly
with Travancore and the south-west coast, commerce with
the interior and the Dekhan country having declined.
These assertions will be now dealt with separately.
T/ie First Period.
There seems to have been little trade between India
and Rome in the years preceding the reign of Augustus.
If there were any it would seem that Indian imports did
not include Roman specie. The only Consular coins hitherto
found ^ have been seven silver denarii discovered by
* It must be rpmemberod always that I proceed solely on the results of my
-rxaminatiou of the reports and information contained* in the works above
mentioned. Of private and unrecorded discoveries I can say nothing.
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5»4 ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
Gapt. A.^Coart in 1830 in one of the Manikyala stupas, and
eight out of twenty-three coins recovered from the native*
who, in 1898, found a hoard in the Hazara District of the
Pan jab. The rest of the hoard apparently passed into the
hands of the dealers at Kawal Pindi. Trade there may
have been, and probably was, along the old routes that had
existed for hundreds of years; but Rome did not spread
eastwards till the later years of the Consulate ; Palmyra had
not then opened its doors to adventurous Koman merchants ;.
there could have been little traffic along the desert tiiacks
that led to Petra and the Gulf of Akabah, and still less
to Yemen or the Persian Gulf ; and though Alexandria was
taken by Julius CsDsar in b.c. 47, the sea-borne trade must
have been small in those days and very imcertain, being
ccmveyed as it was in Arab boats along a coast infested
with pirates. Whatever exports foimd their way to Europe
from India at that period went probably to Ghreece rather
than to Rome.
The Second Period.
The Imperial age of Rome, however, from Augustus
down to Nero, saw a great change in this respect. With
Augustus began a period of Asiatic conquest. Roman
influence at Palmyra began to be felt in the later years of
that emperor, and the occupation of Palestine opened up for
Roman merchants the trade-route to Petra and the head of
the Sinaitic Gulf. Alexandria, the principal emporium of
ti«de between East and West, was now in Roman hands.
Rcone was a world power ; its emperors were supreme, and
the internal dissensions that eventually led to the overthrow
of the State had not begim. Hence arose on the part of the
wealthy an unrestiuined indulgence in Eastern luxuries that
greatly shocked the more sober-minded citizens of Rome.
Pliny, for iustiuice, writing about a.d. 70 or thereabouts
(after tlio death of the Empress Poppoea in a.d. 66), lifts
iq) his \\>ice ajr-iiiist it, lamenting the wasteful extravagance
of the richer cla<sos and their reckless expenditure on
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ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA. 595
perfumes^ unguents, and personal ornaments, eaying that
a hundred million sesterces^ were withdrawn from the empire
annually to purchase useless Oriental products, "so dearly
'do we pay for our luxury and our women."
About the year a.d. 47 the regularity of the monsoons in
the Indian Ocean was discovered, and ships began for the
first time to sail direct to Muziris (Muyirikodu) in Malabar ;
a course which gave great impetus to Indian commerce,
since it added immensely to the security of the cargoes,
which no longer had to fear the attacks of Arabs on caravans
crossing the deserts or of pirates on vessels hugging the coast.
The demand on India in Rome was mostly for spices,
pepper, perfumes, ivory, fine muslins, precious stones, and
<x)ttons, and these were supplied mostly from the west coast
ports. The most highly prized of the stones was the beryl,
•only found in India in one place, namely, Padiyur in the
Ooimbatore District, or at most in two, Yaniyambadi in the
Salem District being also said to possess a mine ; and these
t)eryls were believed to be the best and purest in the world.
It is in the neighbourhood of these mines that the largest
number of Roman coins of the period we are considering
(Augustus to Nero) have been found. It will be observed
that almost all the articles mentioned here were products
of the south of India, though no doubt some of the perfumes
•came from the rose-gai-dens of the north, while the cottons
were prepared in the Dekhan, and the muslins mostly at
Masidipatam and the country about there.
It is for this reason probably that so many Roman coins
have been foimd in and near the Coimbatore District and
at Madura, the capital city of the Pandyan kingdom, while
the finds in the north of India have been by no means so
numerous.
Another reason for the dearth of coins in the north has,
liowever, been given, and it deserves every consideration. It
•concerns the Scythian conquest of North- West India and the
^ £1,100,000, of which £600,000 went to Arabia and £500,000 to India
(cf. Mommsen*8 Provinces of the Boinan Empire^ il, 299-300).
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596 ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
ultimate supremacy of the Eusanas. General Cunningham,
Mr. Vincent Smith, and Mr. Bapson concur in the belief ^
that the great Kusana kings, whose annexation of North-
West India took place, according to Mr. Smith, in a.d. 95,
recoined the Roman aurei, issuing from their mints their
own coins of precisely the same weight. I understand these
authorities to mean either that the Roman gold coins were
melted down in a mass and new coins issued from the metal,
having exactly the weight of the aurei for the reason that
the Kusanas admired that coin ; or else that each aureus wa»
melted separately and restruck. In any case this would,
of course, account for the paucity of finds of Roman coins
in North India at the present day as compared with finds
in the south ; since in the latter country these coins appear
to have circulated just as they came. That the Scythian
conquest did not injuriously afPect Roman trade with North
India would seem to be evidenced, as pointed out by
Mr. Smith, by the fact that the sculpture, painting, and
other arts of that tract were as largely influenced by Rome
as they had formerly been by Greece ; and if such was the
case we can only account for the absence of coins in North
India in two ways — either the coins imported were collected,
melted, and restruck, or the trade itself, though encouraged,
was small. Certain it is that the exports to Rome of which
we have mention in classical writers were mostly products
of South India and the Dekhan.
We turn now to the Tables themselves and analyze the
reported discoveries in India of coins of this period, i.e. the
eighty years from Augustus to Nero.
In North India I find a satisfactory record of only one
discovery, namely, some denarii of Augustus and Tiberius
in the Hazara District, Panjab ; twelve of Augustus and
two of Tiberius were recovered, the rest passing into the
hands of dealers.
In Southern India we have in actual numbers 612 gold
* Coins of Ancient India^ p. 50 ; Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for
1889, p. 157; Indian Coins, pp. 4, 16.
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ROMAlf COINS FOUND IN INDIA. 697
coins and 1187 silver, besides hoards discovered which are
severally described as follows : — of gold coins " a quantity
amounting to five cooly-loads " ; and of silver coins (1) "a
great many in a pot," (2) "about 500 in an earthen pot,"
(3) " a find of 163," (4) " some," (5) " some thousands,"
enough to fill "five or six Madras measures," i.e. perhaps
a dozen quart measures ; also, (6) of metal not stated,
"a pot-full." These coins are the product of fifty-five
separate discoveries mostly in the Coimbatore and Maduta
Districts.
In the Bombay Presidency I have not found a trace of
any discovery of coins of this period; and in Ceylon only
one, viz. certain coins alluded to by De Ciouto as having
been found in a.d. 1574. These were attributed, but
apparently on very slender grounds, to Claudius. It is
curious that we have no recorded finds of Boman coins in
the neighbourhood of the great commercial centres of the
Bombay Presidency.
It will be well to note here the list of exports and imports
from and to India mentioned by the author of the Peripius
(a.d. 80), seeing that these refer mostly to the period we
are considering. Leaving aside its mention of the commerce
at ports west of the Indus, the Peripius gives us the
following list ^ : —
ExposTS raox Baruoaza (Bhasoch).
Onyx stones.
Porcelain (probably from China).
Fine muslins and others. (The finest muslins came from the<
neighbourhood o! Masulipatam.)
Cottons in large quantity (from the Dekhan and eastern
districts).
Spikenard (probably from the north).
Perfumes (/co9to9).
Bdellium (a gum).
Ivory, myrrh, silk, and pepper also seem to be included,
though the expression in the text is dubious.
1 Vincent's Feriplutf edit, of 1806, vol. ii, p. 369 ff.
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698 ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
Exports fbom BabakI (Nelkxjkda ; probably Eabaltu^^bi,
KEAB BeTPOBB).
Pepper in great qtiantity. Betel.
Pearls. Precious stones.
Ivory. Diamcmds.
Fine silks (possibly from China). Amethysts.
Spikenard. Tortoise-shell.
It must also be specially noticed as bearing on the question
of coins found respectively in North and South India that
whereas the Periplua mentions "specie" in one word as
imported to Bharoch, he gives as his first entry in the list
of imports to the southern port *' great quantities of specie ''
{'Xprniara 'irXelara),
It is curious that the author of the Pefnplus does not
mention the beryl as an article of export from South India,
seeing that Pliny ^ specially alludes to it, saying that the
best kind came from India. It seems to be a fact that this
stone, the highly prized aqtm marina of the Romans, was
only found in one place (or possibly two^) in India, namely,
at PadiyGr, in the District of Coimbatore. The only other
places where this stone is foimd are in North and South
America and Siberia, which coimtries were unknown to the
Romans ; and, in inferior quality, in parts of Plurope, one
being at Limoges. Ptolemy,* writing half a century after
the PeriplUs, speaks of irovuvdra hf fi firipvKKo^, " Pimnata,
whence comes the beryl." As to the name *Punnata,'
Mr. Lewis Rice has pointed out that this was the name
of an ancient division in the extreme south of the old Kongu
kingdom, at a later date called ' Padinad.' The last syllable
^nad' means a tract or district, and when for this is
substituted the conunon name for a town in Dravidian
tongues, *ur,' we have the word PadiyGr, which is the
known locale of the beryl-mines. And though Padiyur
lies sixty miles from the Mysore frontier, it is quite possible
' Nat. Hist., bk. xxxvii, cap. t.
2 Colonel Tule (Smith's Ancient AtUu) says that there vas a beryl-mine at
Va^iyamba^it which is 150 miles or so east of Pa^ijiir, in tlie modem District
«f Salem. In this he foUows Newbold, M.J.L.S. xii (Jnly, 1840), p. 175.
' Geog. vii, cap. i, 86.
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ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA. 599
that in Roman days it formed part of the Kongu or Ghera
Ungdom. Since large numbers of Roman gold coins have
been found near this place^ we can have no doubt of the
identity of the locality.
The Third Period.
The third period begins with the death of Nero (a.d. 68)
and ends with Caracalla (a.d. 217).
Though there was a rapid increase of geographical
knowledge of India in Rome during this period, it seems
almost certain that the commerce itself suffered a decline.
Of the emperors who flourished between Nero and Caracalla
only thirty-two gold coins can be counted as having been
found in the Bombay and Madras Presidencies, the other finds
being described as " a number " in one case and '' a few ''
in another. And when we examine the locale of these
discoveries we cannot fail to observe that whereas the coins
belonging to the previous period have turned up in the
tracts that provided spices and precious stones, the coins
of this, third, period have mostly been found in a totally
different locality. The former were unearthed principally
in the country about Coimbatore, Madura, and the west
coast; the latter come mostly from places further north.
TThere have been only three finds in Madura of coins of this
period, and none in Coimbatore or the west coast. The rest
were discovered at Yinukoi^da in the Kistna District, in the
Nellore and Cuddapah Districts, near Sholapur, and in Surat.
These are cotton-growing countries. If, therefore, we had
to judge solely from these coins, we should be compelled to
assume that the trade with Rome in such luxuries as spices,
perfumes, and precious stones almost entirely ceased after
the death of Nero, and only a limited trade in necessaries,
such as cotton &brics, continued.
And I think we can see a reason for this in the condition
of Rome itself and its upper classes. An Indian reason
is not apparent, for we know very little of the political
upheavals in South India at this period. It is of course
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600 ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
possible that wars between Pandyans and Cholas, or between
Pandyans and Pallavas, resulted in an exodus from Madura
of the Roman merchants who resided there, but such an
argument can receive no prominence, as it can only be
founded on the purest conjecture. Moreover, such political
conditions in India as we do know of, viz. the supremacy in
the North- West of the Saka Kusanas, and the subsequent
lowering of Saka power by the great Andhra kings, would
not account for the seemingly sudden decline of commerce
with South India after the death of Nero. It seems evident,
therefore, that we must seek for the reason for this decline
in the condition of Home itself.
Certain it is that when at Nero's death the race of the
Claudii became extinct Rome was convulsed by disputes
about the succession, and that these disputes were followed
by civil war. Gralba reigned for six months only, and was
murdered. Otho and Vit^llius fought for the imperial
throne, and the former put an end to himself after a nominal
rule of three months. Vitellius ruled for eight months and
was murdered, the capitol having been sacked by his
followers.^ When Yespasian secured the empire he proved
of a totally different disposition to the Claudians. Simple
and unostentatious, active and indiistrious, he discouraged
all lavish display of luxury on the part of the nobles and
devoted himself to reforms. It is probable, too, that tiic
leaders of Roman society were themselves tired of the
wanton extravagance and profligacy of the age that had
passed ; and that, as usual in such c^ses, their revolt against
the excesses that had become scandalous took the form of
a parsimony and self-denial that ran in the opposite extreme
— a state of things that we ourselves have witnessed in
England in the Puritan age. Vespasian issued several
enactments to suppress the excesses of the nobles, and
actually produced a great change in their mode of living.
> Vitellius is said to have spent seven millions sterling in ** thImf and brutal
sensuality " during his few months' reign. The quotation is from Men vale, who
writes:— "The degradation of Rome was complete ; never vet perhaps had she
sunk so low in luxury and lieentiousDe:»s as in the few months* which followed the
death of Otho.''
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ROMAN- CaiNS FOUND IN INDIA; 601
Merivale says : " The Romans themselves remarked the
rise of a new era in social manners at this period. The
simpler habits of the plebeians and the provincials prevailed
over the reckless luxury and dissipation in which the
highest classes .... had so long indulged." So
that the demand in Rome for the products of the East, the
spices and ivory, the silks and precious stones, the diaphanous
muslins and costly adornments, ceased, and to these succeeded
a commerce which was concerned principally with simple
cotton fabrics.
Titus reigned for only two years. Domitian's cruelty and
tyranny were such that during his reign there was no
encouragement given to wealthy families to revert to the
luxuries of the Claudian age. His successor, Nerva, had
only a two-years' reign, remarkable for gentleness, economy,
and retrenchment. Trajan, who followed, was a soldier and
of simple habits. Hadrian's social example was all for good,
at least for a time. Antoninus Pius led a blameless life.
Marcus Aurelius was strict and self-denjdng in all his
private relations. In fact, it seems clear that during this
period the habits of Roman society had changed. And it
is to this change that I venture to attribute the decline
of Oriental commerce after the time of Nero, a decline still
further hastened by the disorganization of the Empire
which made rapid strides during and after the reign of
Conmiodus.
In all probability Roman merchants continued to reside
in Southern India either permanently or temporarily. The
Peutingerian tables, which appear to have been copied from
fresco paintings in Rome executed in the second century a.d.,
place near Muziris, or Muyirikodu (modem Cranganore,
Kudangalur in the vernacular), a temple of Augustus ; but
no traces of this are known to exist, and it is impossible
to say to which emperor it was dedicated. Dr. Caldwell
considered ^ that these geographical tables or maps were
prepared at a date somewhat earlier than Ptolemy.
> Grammar of the Dravidian Languayes^ Iiitrod., p. 14.
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•602 ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
The coins found in India during this period, and reported
on, may be thus classified.
In Northern India a coin of Domitian (a.d. 81-96) was
found amongst twelve enclosed in a box, the rest belonging
to my fourth period. Three aurei of Domitian, Trajan, and
Sabina were discovered in the Ahin Posh Tope at Jelalabad.
One denarius of Hadrian was found in the Hazara District
of the Panjab.
In the Bombay Presidency only three finds, at Darphal,
near Sholapur, Nagdhara, in the Surat District, andWaghode,
in Khandeish, have been reported ; in the first of which
were a few coins of Antoninus Pius (a.d. 138-161), a few
of Lucius Verus (161-169), a few of Commodus (180-192),
several of Septimius Severus (193-211), and one of Gteta
(211-12) ; the second consisting of a single coin of Lucius
Verus ; and the third of a single coin of Septimius Severus.
In the Madras Presidency, in the Districts where such
large numbers of the coins of the former period were
discovered, we have for this period only four finds : one at
Pudukota, a native state not far from Madura, of three aurei
of Vespasian ; one at Kalliyamputtur, in the Madura District,
of five aurei of Domitian, and two of Cocceius Nerva
(a.d. 96-98) ; one in the Madura District (place not specified)
of a single aureus of Domitian ; and one of Antoninus Pius
recovered from the great hoard of " five cooly-loads " of
gold coins found at Kottayam, near Cannanore.^
The remainder were found in the cotton-growing districts,
where, as before stated, few of the former period have been
unearthed. These are (1) an aureus of Vespasian, one of
Domitian, five of Hadrian, three of Antoninus Pius, two
of Faustina the elder, wife of Antoninus Pius, two of Marcus
Aurelius, one of Commodus, and one of Caracalla, foimd
at Vinukonda, south of the Krishna river ; a nimiber of gold
coins of Trajan, one of Hadrian, and one of Faustina the elder,
near Nellore ; and one of Trajan in the Cuddapah District.
^ An aurmt of Marcus Aurelius was found at Karuvur in the Madura District
(see ** Supplementary Note " at end).
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ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA. 60$
The Fourth Period.
After the death of Caracalla (a.d. 217) it would appear
that trade ceased ahnost entirely.
The E.oman Empire during all this period was a prey
to confusion, internal and external. There was a rapid
succession of weak rulers, perpetual discord, numberless
assassinations and revolts, and general disturbance; while
the Goths broke into Italy and ravaged the country. Thia
in itself is quite sufficient to account for the cessation of
trade with the East.
But certain other matters should also be considered.
Firstly, when seeking to discover the cause for this serious
decline of commercial activity we seem unable to attribute
it altogether to the condition of the countries on the route ta
India. I shall go further into this question presently.
Secondly, Alexandria, though always turbulent and in
large measure anti-Eioman, was still flourishing up to the-
date of Caracalla, whose brutal treatment of the youth of
that city could hardly have had the effect of putting an end
to all Oriental commerce. Alexandria's decay did not begin
for many years later, and it is probable that diminution
of trade with the East was a cause rather than an effect of
the decline of the great emporium in Egypt.
Thirdly, we know of nothing in India that would have
put an end to commerce with Rome. North-West and West
India were at this period imder the Kshatrapas and Guptas,
but these nders appear to have been favourably disposed
towards the Roman Empire, from which they had nothing
to fear and everything to gain. Mr. Vincent Smith, in his
article on Greoco-Roman influence in India published in
1889,* has fixed (p. 161) the year a.d. 150 as the earliest
approximate date for Roman forms of architectural decoration
reaching India, and he traces affinities in the Art of North-
West India which would show that Roman influence lasted
> J.A.S. Bengal, rol. Irixr.
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J6(H ROMAN COINS FOUNP IN INDlJ^,
down to so late a date as a.d. 450 (p. 172). If he is right,
therefore, we may be sure that the cessation of trade with
Eome after Caracalla is not to be attributed to the political
conditions existing in North or West India at that period.
Nor, fourthly, would it appear that there were any such
conditions in Western and Southern India as would put a stop
to external trade with those countries after the year 217. a.d.
The Western Kshatrapas held their own in parts of what
is now the Bombay Presidency till at least the time of
Samudra Gupta, a.d. 350, being finally conquered by
Chandragupta Vikramaditya about a.d. 401. Their arte
and coinage prove them to have looked on Rome with
favour. The Pallavas would appear to have been the ruling
power at this period in the country south and east of the
Kshatrapas, in succession to the Andhras, and there is
nothing to show that they were antagonistic to Roman trade.
That the Andhras favoured the Romans seems to be shown
from the presence of Roman influence at Amaravati.
(Mr. Vincent Smith, in the article quoted, refers to this,
p. 169.) We know little as to the history of the southen;i
nations at this period, but as it is certain that the Pandyaxi
kings, who at that time were the paramount rulers of the
south-western portion of the peninsula, had encouraged trade
with the great European empire in earlier years, there is
no reason to suppose that the stoppage of trade arose from
any action of theirs. I shall show presently that there is
good groimd for the belief that their capital city, IVIadura,
had much to do with the Romans.
We are therefore driven to find a reason elsewhere. And,
differing from some writers who attribute the decay of trade
solely to such causes as the strength of the Sassanid kings,^
I am inclined to the belief that it is to the condition of
Rome itself that we must look for the real cause of it.
It seems clear to me that just as the demand for Oriental
luxuries in Rome decreased when Roman manners under-
went a change from lavish extravagance to simplicity under
* Whose rise dates from a.d. 226.
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ROMAN <30IN8 FOUND IN INDIA. 605
Vespasian, so the demand ceased altogether after Caracalla,
when Rome was in too distracted a condition for its
inhabitants to think of spending large sums of money on
spices, perfmnes, and ornaments. A certain amount of
trade there no doubt was, but not a great deal. There may,
of course, have been contributory influences at work, such
as the disturbed condition of Alexandria and the Sassanid
hatred of Rome. But my contention is that the latter were
secondary, not primary. I cannot agree with Priaulx, who
holds ^ that Roman intercourse with India was at its height
** during the reigns of Severus, Caracalla, and the Pseudo-
Antonines." It is true that Palmy rene trade flourished
abundantly till its fall in a.d. 273, but that was probably
due rather to the mihtary requirements of Rome than to
domestic demand for Oriental luxuries. Such trade as there
was after the fall of Palmyra appears to have been carried
on by the Arabs, who fixed on Adule as their chief port.^
Mr. Priaulx notices^ the faciUties given by the Sassanid
kings of Persia to the overland route, their beneficent ad-
ministration, and the protection they extended to merchants,
but the principal trade thus aided appears to have been in
Chinese silks.
The finds of coins belonging to this period are as follows : —
Only one has been foimd in Southern or Western India.
This is a coin of Constantius II (a.d. 337-361) discovered
in the Madura District, and it very possibly found its way
to India after the revival of trade under the Eastern
emperors.
In the north the discoveries relating to this period have
been larger. Ten copper coins were f oimd in a box (with
one of Domitian and one of Theodosius) in ** Upper India,"
the locaHty not being stated, the earUest being one of
(jordian (a.d. 238), the latest one of Constantine (a.d. 306-
337). At Bamanghati in Bengal there was " a great find "
of gold coins, amongst which were some of Gordian. The
* Apollmim of Tyofia, p. 132.
' Op. cit., p. 232.
3 Jd., p. 252.
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606 KOMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
other discoveries, if any, are indefinitely reported, and I can
base no argument upon them.
Before quitting this fourth period it is advisable to refer
to the condition of the countries lying between Syria and
India during this and the third period, or between the
reign of Nero and the fall of the Roman Western Empire,,
in order to judge of the probable effect of such condition
on Koman Oriental trade. Previous writers have seen in
the Parthian and Neo-Sassanid domination in Persia the*
true cause for the decline of that trade, and since to some
extent I differ from them, and contend that this cause was-
only contributory, it is necessary shortly to summarize the
situation. At about the time of Nero's death all Asia Minor
had become Roman. Thirty years later Trajan was at war
with the Parthians, his desire being to obtain command!
of the lines of international traffic beyond the Tigris. But
his successors, Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, abandoned thi»
policy, and there was peace between the two nations. From
A.D. 161 to 227, however, when the Parthian Empire fell
under the dominion of the Persian Sassanids, war was ahnost
incessant, and there can be little doubt that caravan traffic-
from Northern India to the West must at this period have-
severely suffered. But this caravan traffic was at no time
of paramoimt importance to Rome; for Roman influence
was supreme in Syria, and the trade-routes from Palmyra
to the southern ports lay open to merchants. It was by
the sea, and after Claudius by the open sea, that the bulk
of the merchandize from Indian south-coast ports was carried
to the Arabian marts and Alexandria ; and the Parthian war&
must have increased rather than diminished the popularity
of these routes. This also was the most flourishing period in
the history of Palmyra, which was friendly to Rome and
did not come into conflict with it till a.d. 267. So that,
had the internal condition of Rome itself at this period led
to a continued demand for Oriental luxuries, trade with
India would have been abundant The fall of Palmyra in
273 A.D. would have still further facilitated this commerce
had the Romans of that date seen any necessity for extending
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ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA. 607
it ; and the very fact that they destroyed the city and
abandoned it serves as an additional proof that the trade
itself had by that time seriously declined.
Senor Lopes ^ considers that the decay of Roman trade
with India was largely due to Sassanid encouragement of
Persian maritime commerce, which practically swept the
Roman vessels ofi the Indian seas ; but it must be remembered
that this influence could not have been felt till, at earliest^
about A.D. 250, Sassanid supremacy only dating from
A.D. 227, whereas, judging from the discoveries of Indian
numismatology, the decay of Roman trade with India set
in as early as a.d. 69. Persian domination may have given
this trade its deathblow, but its decline is manifestly due
to other causes.
The Bfth Period.
Trade with Rome revived somewhat under the Byzantine
emperors.
The final division of the Roman empire into east and
west took place in a.d. 364, and the next hundred years of
Rome were terrible ones for her. A succession of powerless
emperors held a show of authority. She was attacked by
the Goths and seized by Alaric in a.d. 410. Attila the
Hun ravaged the fair lands of Italy in 451. Three years
later Gtenseric, the Vandal, seized and pillaged Rome. It
was sacked again in 472, and in 476 it ceased to exist as
an empire. This was evidently not a period when we could
expect the citizens of Rome to encourage Oriental trade.
The eastern empire at Constantinople, first occupied as
a seat of government by Constantine the Gbeat in a.d. 330
and established as the capital of an empire in 376, lasted
much longer and enjoyed far greater success. Almost in
contact with Asia, and its upper classes having leisure as well
as wealth, it was natural for the Asiatic trade to improve.
That products of South India found their way even to
Rome at this period is clear from the fact that when Alaric
^ 0$ Portugf»n$9 no Malabar ^ Intr. xxi.
J.R.A.R. 1904. 41
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608 KOMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
spared Rome in a.d. 408^ he demanded and obtained as part
of the ransom three thoufland pounds of pepper; and the
discovery, which will presently be more fuUy <5onsidered,
of quantities of Roman copper coins, many of them of this
period, in Madura, as well as on the eastern coast, seems to
show that Roman agents were at that time resident in those
parts. But it must be observed that we no longer hear of
the precious stones of South India as being exported to
Rome, and there have been no reported discoveries of coins
of this period near the Padiyur beryl-mines.
The coins found in India belonging to this period are
as follows : — In the north a coin of Theodosius, included
amongst the twelve foimd together " in a box " ; and five
gold coins of Theodosius, Marcian, and Leo f oimd in a stupa
at Hidda, near Jelalabad. The coins of this period lying
in the Calcutta Museum in 1832, and reported on by James
Prinsep, cannot be depended on, as it is possible that they
were not unearthed in India.
Some coins of Theodosius, Arcadius, and "later Roman
emperors " (names not specified) have been found in Ceylon,
but the information at my disposal regarding them is not
very exact ; the only exception being that two of them, of
Arcadius, were " brass."
In Southern India we observe that no coins of this period
have been found (or at least reported) in the cotton countries,
where the most recent coin is one of the reign of Caracalla.
At Madura we have a large quantity of copper coins found
in the river bed and in waste places about the town, some
of them being of Arcadius, emperor of the East (a.d. 395-
408), and Honorius, emperor of the West (a.d. 395-423) ;
one gold coin of Theodosius II, the successor of Arcadius ;
one of Zeno ; and one of Anastatius. There have been finds,
on the other hand, in Travancore, whence only one previous
discovery is reported. A coin of Theodosius II was foimd
at Kottayam, and at another place at least one each^ of
^ It would appear that no full examination has yet taken place of this hoard,
which came to light last year.
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ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA. 609
Theodosius II, Marcian, Leo, Zeno, Anastatius (491-518),
:and Justinns I (518). A coin of Theodosius I (371-395)
-was found at the Seven Pagodas, or Mamallapuram.
Mr. Tracey has also coins of the same emperor foimd in
the Madura District. And finally. Sir Walter Elliot noted
finds of oboli " along the Coromandel coast," including some
of Valentinian, Theodosius, and Eudoxia.
It would thus appear that, generally speaking, precious
stones, cottons, and muslins were not much exported to Home
at this time, but that the trade was more or less confined to
pepper and spices shipped from the southern ports both on
the east and west.
Roman Coins at Madura.
I have mentioned more than once the fact of the discovery
at Madura of a number of Roman copper coins. These
I saw myself in 1881 in the possession of the late Mr. Scott,
a Pleader of that place, who had collected them during
a residence of many years there. Unfortimately Mr. Scott
could not bring himself to take the trouble to catalogue or
arrange them, and I am not aware what has become of
them, so that no classification of them is possible at present.
All I can say is that I saw a large number, probably some
hundreds, lying loose in a drawer in Mr. Scott's house,
some that I noted being of Arcadius and Honorius.^ He
gave me the following account of their discovery. He had
for many years collected all sorts of South Indian coins,
and had been in the habit of regularly paying people in
Madura the full value of the metal brought to him ; in
» I have been attempting to trace these coins, but up to the present have not
succeeded. Mr. Thurston, Superintendent of the Gt)vemment Central Museum,
Madras, tells me that aft«r Mr. Scott's death his collection wa.s, by his will,
offered to that institution for examination and selection ; and Dr. Hultzsch
informs me that it was he who looked through it and made the selection. He
found no Roman coins amongst them. I infer, therefore, that the Roman coins
from Madura, or at least some of them, had been sent to the Museum at an
earlier date, since Mr. Thurston writes (April 22nd last) : " There is no complete
list of Roman coppers found at Madura issued. There are some in the Museum
collection.*' Mv statement in the text may therefore be accepted as substantially
correct, though 1 am not in a position to ^ve any details.
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610 KOMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
consequence of wliich many of the poorer classes used to
search the waste places about the town and the sandy bed
of the river in the dry months. The result was the-
coUection of a very large number of copper coins, almost
all of which had been found at Madura itself. While
ignoring, as I haye been compelled to do in these classified
lists, finds of coins which have not been reported or noticed
in authentic publications, it is impossible for me to pass over
this Madura collection, since I myself was shown the coins.
The discovery here and there of isolated coins of more
valuable metal teaches us very little, as they may have
been acquired purely for ornament or as curiosities. The
discovery of a number of coins together in a vessel might
be considered merely as evidence that some person had
collected them because he was interested in them, or because
he desired to trade in them either as ornaments or for
the value of the metal. Gold and silver coins might be
melted for jewellery, copper for making pots and other
useful articles. Coins thus found together might also have
been the possession of some Hindu who traded with Rome
and hoarded them as treasure. But there seems to be
a difference when we have to deal with discoveries such
as those of Mr. Scott at Madura. The presence in many
different places in the same town of Roman copper coins,,
found lying in the ground and in the sandy bed of the
river, seems to imply that these coins were in daily
circulation and were dropped carelessly or otherwise lost
by the inhabitants of the place. The question is whether
or not Romans, or at least persons using Roman coins in
daily life, were actually resident at Madura for a time.
That there is no inherent improbability of this being the
case seems manifest. The trading ports of South India
were well known to the Roman geographers. Madura was
the capital city of the Pandyans. We have a tradition of
the immigration into Malabar, about the year a.d. 68, of
a body of refugee Jews from Jerusalem. The beryl-mines
of Padiyiir, which were evidently exploited by Roman
merchants, lie only eighty miles or so from Madura, the
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ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA. 611
'Country between these places being admirably adapted for
itravelling. The tradition of St. Thomas having visited
Malabar proves that such a visit was looked upon as quite
feasible; and the Acta ThonuB probably date from a time
not later than the fourth century, perhaps as early as the
•«econd century a.d. It is certain that the Syrian churches
on this coast belong to a very early date, and the Byzantine
monk, Kosmas, writing about a.d. 522, mentions the
•existence of Christian churches " at Male where the pepper
grows ; and in the town of Kalliena," the latter place being
probably Kalliyan, near Bombay. The author of the
Periplua (about a.d. 80) speaks of Muziris, the nearest port
to Madura on the west coast, as "a city at the height of
prosperity"; while the Pandyan and Chera kings were
spoken of by Pliny, the latter by name, Madura being
mentioned as the Pandyan capital. Ptolemy, who states
that he obtained part of his knowledge from persons who
had "resided" in India "a long time,"^ gives the names
of a number of places in the neighbourhood of Madura
and the interior of Southern India. The Peutingerian
tables, as already mentioned, mark a temple of Augustus
^s existing at Muziris. And these argimients might be
multiplied. It would, indeed, be surprising to the last
degree if Roman agents were not resident at the capital
■city of the territory from which so much merchandize
was exported to Rome. These agents may, of course, not
have been actually Roman citizens. They may have been
Alexandrians, or Syrians using Roman coinage, or even
Arabs, and they may perhaps not have resided in the
country for a long period — ^possibly only for a year or two
between their voyages. But there is no reason apparent
why they should not have been Roman citizens, and why
they should not have actually lived at Madura for many
years. It was a flourishing city. Life was doubtless
* Proleg. i, xvii : iropi twv ^vtcWcv f/oirXf ^ayrwv «al 'Xfi6vov if\9tirrop
M\Bovr<a¥ rohs r&irovi ical itapk rHv iKU$9p i^ucdfiwwy irp6s ^fiar, ** From
those that sailed thither and frequented thoae places for a long time, and from
those who came from thence to us." The latter phrase seems intended to include
natives of India visiting Rome.
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612 EOMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
pleasant. Trade evidently received encouragement from
the Hindu rulers. And there were strong reasons why
after the first years of the empire many people should
have preferred to live anywhere rather than in Rome.
Christians, for instance, would surely have welcomed exile
to South India during the terrible days of the persecutions.
On the analogy of life, too, as we see it, it is difficult to
imderstand what argument could be raised against the
suggestion that Roman commercial agents lived in the
principal capitals and marts of South India for trade purposes,,
just as English commercial agents live to-day for trade
purposes in the principal cities and marts of China.
But it may be argued that the presence of copper coins
could hardly prove the presence of people using them, since
the coins may have been imported only for the metal of
which they were composed, with the intention that they
should be melted and converted into pots and domestic
utensils. But, first, there was no need to import copper into
India, as it was easily procurable in the country. Balfour's
Cyclopedia mentions thirty places where copper is foimd in
India, many of these being in the Madras Presidency.*
Secondly, if coins were collected solely for the metal they
would generally be foimd in one place — the working-place
of the copper merchant or artizan — ^not scattered about the
soil of a large town, as at Madura. Thirdly, copper coins
would never have been exported in bulk all the way from
Rome or Alexandria to India merely for the metal, even if
the metal itself had been scarce, accommodation on the
vessels being limited. So that it would seem as if the
Roman copper coins foimd at Madura must have been
brought to India for daily use in small purchases by
residents, whether Europeans or Syrians or Egyptians,
using Roman coinage.
I KoBmas, writing in the sixth century a.d., ntates that copper was produced at
Kalliane, or Ealyana (hook xi), hut tnis does not appear to he confirmed hy
Balfour. The South Indian places mentioned in the Cydopadia are Nellore,
Ongole, Kalastri, Yenkatagiri, and Kumool. Mr. Bruce Foote adds two places
in the Bellary District, and I have heen told of copper workings at Gun^paliyam,.
near Yinukon^ai n the Kistna District.
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EOMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA. 613
And I must here draw attention to another point connected
with this subject. Captain (now Colonel) Tufnell, in his
Sinta to Coin Coilectora in Southern India} mentions another
class of coins as found at Madura, none of which I have
myself seen, and which, so far as I know, have not been as
yet reported on by any other writer. It will be best for me
to quote his own words : —
"These little copper pieces are found in and around Madura,
and some years' hunting has proved to me beyond a doubt that
they were at one period in pretty general use in that part. . . .
For the following reasons I incline to the opinion that they were
struck on the spot and were not importations from Rome.
''In the first place, during a recent visit to Madura and the
surrounding villages in quest of specimens, I came across no less
than seven of these coins, Roman beyond any doubt, but of a type
which appears to me to be totally distinct from that found in
Europe. These specimens were scattered over several parcels that
I examined, and were not all together in one or two, as is usually
the case when a number of issues have been dug up together. Nor
was this by any means a solitary instance, for I have rarely paid
a coia-hunting visit to these parts without meeting with more or
less specimens, and other collectors tell me that their experience
has been the same. Moreover, they are not the kind of money
that one would expect the rich Roman merchant to bring in
payment for the luxuries of the East, but small, insignificant
copper coins, scarce the size of a quarter of a farthing and closely
resembling the early issues of the native mints .... The
stamp of coin I now refer to occurs, as far as I can learn, in and
around Madura alone,^ and this surely points to the probability of
the existence at one time of a Roman settlement at or near that
place."
Later on Captain Tufnell speaks of these little coins as
perhaps "struck specially for the purposes of trade with
a pauper population." By daily trade I presume he means
daily household purchases, the larger Koman coins being
of too high value to be suitable. He continues : " All the
coins of this series are well worn, as though they had been
* Madron Journal of Literature and Science for 1887-8, p. 161.
* I have nerer heard of them elsewhere. — R. S.
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614 EOMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
in regular oirculation. They are of so small a value as to be
what one would expect to find in use when dealing with
a people so poor as the early Hindus. They are comtantly
being founds and not occurring as a glut at intermittent
periods."
We then have a description of them : —
''On the obverse of all that I have met with appears an
emperor's head, but so worn that with one or two exceptions the
features are well-nigh obliterated. In one or two specimens a &int
trace of an inscription appears running round the obverse, but
hitherto I have not come across a single specimen in which more
than one or two letters are distinguishable. The reverses vary
considerably, but the commonest type seems to bear the figures of
three Eoman soldiers standing and holding spears in their hands.^
Another bears a rectangular figure somewhat resembling a complete
form of the design on the reverse of the Buddhist square coins
found in the same locality .... On one specimen the few
decipherable letters appear to form part of the name Theodosius,
and the style of coin points to the probability of its having been
issued during the decline of the Roman Empire, possibly after the
capital had been transferred to Constantinople. Another specimen
in gold that I have seen, now in the collection of the Eev. James £.
Tracey, of Tirumangalam, closely resembles on the reverse an issue
in the British Museum of Leo III, who ruled the Eastern Empire
at the commencement of the eighth century."
In a footnote he adds — " Finds of similar coins have also
been made at Anuradhapura and Colombo recently."
Thus we have two classes of Boman coins of little value
found at Madura, scattered and not collected together, viz.,
the copper issues of the regular Boman coinage, and small
copper coins apparently locally minted for daily domestic
use ; and though as a general rule it may be held that the
presence of Boman coins does not necessarily imply the
presence of Boman traders, it seems with regard to Madura
almost impossible to account for this state of things except
1 I think that Captain TofneU was too well-informed to have confused these
with the little coins found in South India, probahly Chera or of Chera origin,
which haTe derices of Indian fignres standing and holding long spears, or bows,
in their hands.— R. S.
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ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA. 615
on the supposition that Boman subjects had taken up their
residence here and made the city their home, temporary if
not permanent.
On the other hand, I must not omit to notice and give
due weight to the suggestion of Mommsen {Provinces of the
Roman Empire, ii, 300) that the Roman money " had already
under Vespasian so naturalized itself [in India] that the
people there preferred to use it." But he is referring here
to gold and silver money, and it seems hardly likely that at
the Pa^dyan capital copper money would have been minted
in imitation of Roman coins when the Pandyan kings had
their own copper money in full circulation — the said
imitations bearing, moreover, a design representing the
features of a far-away western monarch.
Concluding Remarks.
This is not the occasion for attempting a discussion as to
the exact nature and extent of Roman influence in India,
but a few points may be noticed.
Mr. Vincent Smith ^ points out that the coins of
Kadphises II, the date of whose annexation of North
India he places at about a.d. 95, agree exactly in weight
with the aurei of the early Roman emperors, i.e. 124 grains,
as against the 132 grains of the Attic stater.
Mr. Smith has also treated at length the question of
the influence of Rome on the Arts of India. This was
of course mostly felt in the north, but it is traceable at
Amaravati.^ Mr. Rapson* confirms Mr. Vincent Smith, and
writes : " The head on the Kusana copper coins bearing the
name of Kozola Kadaphes is directly imitated from the head
of Augustus."
The fact that the Gupta coins are also of the same weight
as the Roman aurei may be due either to the direct influence
1 J.R.A.S., January, 1903, p. 34.
« J.A.S.B., 1889, p. 169.
3 Indian Coint, \\ 15, 70.
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616 EOMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA.
of Rome, or more probably to their merely following the
Kusana standard already in use.
The use of the Roman word denarius, in its form dinar,
in early inscriptions is well known. It is found in
several Sanskrit inscriptions, e.g. at SaAchi (a.d. 450-1)^
and in the Kashmirian Rdj'a Tarahgini in connection with
the Huna king Toramana {c. a.d. 495) ; also in several
Gupta inscriptions of Chandragupta II, Kumarag^pta, and
perhaps Skandagupta (a.d. 401 -(J. 480).^ So that we may
assume that, introduced into India as early as the first
century a.d., it remained as a word in common use for
several hundred years.
In the Kottayam plate of Vira-Raghava in the possession
of the Syrian Christians there, the date of which api>ear8
very doubtful (Dr. Burnell attributing it to the year a.d.
774, while the present editor assigns it to the fourteenth
century a.d.), occurs the following passage, as translated by
Mr. V. Venkajya and published in the Epigraphta Indica
imder Dr. Hultzsch's authority ^r — "We gave ....
the brokerage on {articles) that may be measured with the
para^ weighed by the balance, or measured with the tape, etc.
. . . ." In commenting on this passage Mr. W. Logan
writes 3 : " This is almost an exact reproduction of the
phrase so familiar to Roman jurists : Q^ce pondere, numero
tnensurdve constant,** and he thinks that perhaps the currency
of the phrase at Kudangalur* (the Muziris of the Roman
geographers) is traceable back to the time of Roman trade
with that city. If so, it would go far to show that Roman
law was in use in that tract, and the later the date of the
grant the more remarkable would be the survival of the
phrase.
To simi up my \dews on the subject of Roman trade with
* J.A.S.B. vi, 466. Fleet's Intcriptions of the Early Gupta Kings: Corpus,
Ins. Ind., iii, pp. 33, 38, 39, 40, 41, 262, 265.
» Hpig. Ind., iv, 290 ff.
3 Malabar^ i, 269.
* The grant in question, though named after Kottayam, the place where it is
kept, refers to Kudiangalur, or Cranganore.
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BOMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA. 617
India. I have entered on the question because I found myself
taking up a standpoint different in some degree from that of
previous writers. The difference between us is shortly this :
that whereas they have sought in the political condition
of India and the adjacent coimtries, or in the conditions
governing the facilities for transport of goods by sea and
land between the two coimtries, for the causes of commercial
prosperity and decay during the several periods, I incline to
the belief that it is rather to the social condition of Rome
itself that we shoidd primarily look for an explanation, the
other causes being merely contributory. When the upper
classes in Bome gave themselves up to inordinate self-
indidgence the demand for Oriental luxuries was great, and
the merchants and ship-owners were consequently spurred
to the maximum of activity. When life in Rome became
simpler and more manly the Oriental trade naturally declined.
When life in Rome became almost unbearable owing to
internal dissensions and the attacks of the Goths and Vandals
its Oriental trade ceased. When the emperors of the east
had finnly established themselves at Constantinople, and the
social life of that city had passed into a condition of com-
parative tranquillity, the Oriental trade revived. These
reasons, I think, are sufficient in themselves to accoimt for
the prevalence of Roman coins in certain parts of India,
and their scarcity or absence in others, as well as for the
frequency of finds in India of coins of one period as compared
with those of another.
Supplementary Note to penultimate paragraph of p. 602.
Mr. J. R. Henderson, Acting Superintendent of the Madras
Musemn, informs me that, apart from the Musemn Collection
of Roman Coins, he himself possesses an aureus of Marcus
Aurelius Antoninus (a.d. 161-180) foimd at Karuvur.
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618 ROMAN COINS FOUND IN INDIA,
ABBREVIATIONS.
T.C. =■ Thurston's "Catalogue of Coins" in the GoTemment Central Museum,
Madras, No. 1, 1874 ; No. 2, 1888. 2nd ed., 1894.
B.My. s Buchanan's <* Mysore, Canara, and Malabar." 2nd ed. of 1870.
Madras.
M.J.L.S. a Madras Journal of Literature and Science.
As. Bes. s Asiatic Besearches.
J.A.S.B. s Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
B.C. = Dr. Bidie's " Catalogue of Coins in the Madras Museum."
M.C.C.M. = Madras Christian College Magazine.
Ind. Ant. := The Indian Antiquary.
S.L.M. = Sewell's <* Lists of Antiquities, Madras."
Proc. A.S.B. 8 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
0.0. = Government Order.
O.A.S.B. s Cunningham's Archsological Survey Beports.
W.A.A. = Wilson's ** Ariana Antiqua."
T.R.D. = Thurston's " On a Becent Discovery of Soman Coins in Southern
India."
Bice, Ind. Mag. = Bice on "Boman Coins near Bangalore," in the Indian
Magazine.
J.B.B.B.A.S. = Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Boyal Asiatic Sodety.
Num. Chron. s Numismatic Chronicle.
Prin. Ess. b Prinsep's Essays on Indian Antiquities.
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LISTS OF ROMAN COINS
FOUND IN INDIA.
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639
XZIV.
SOME PBOBLEHS OP ANCIEHT INDIAN HISTOBT.
No. II: The Gurjara Empire.^
By a. p. RUDOLF HOERNLE, Ph.D.. CLE.
fTlBDE object of this essay is not so much to propound
a new theory of my own, as to draw more prominent
attention to one put forth by Mr. Devadatta Ramkrishna
Bhandarkar in two papers contributed by him to the Journal
of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for
1903. They are entitled Ourjaraa and Epigraphic Notes
and Questions^ No, III. Stated quite briefly, the theory is
that the well-known ' Kings of Mahodaya ' were Gurjaras.
Mr. Bhandarkar does not claim the whole credit of it
for himself. Much of his material, as he himself admits,,
has been drawn by him from the Bombay Gazetteer. But
he has added to it new material and fresh points of view^
and worked up the whole into a consistent theory. To me
it appears that, in the main, the theory is sound, and throws
unexpected light on a period of Indian history until now
very dark. I will first briefly explain the main positions
of the theory, as I gather them from the two papers above
referred to : the evidence, in detail, must be read in
the papers themselves. Next, I shall set out, in detail,
such further particidars as a closer examination of the
contemporary records of that period appears to me to
yield, partly in corroboration, partly in modification of
Mr. Bhandarkar's theory.
Up to the middle of the tenth century the coimtry
now known as Gujarat was called by the name of Lata.
' For No. I see ante, vol. for 1903, p. 546.
J.U.A.8. 1904. 4H
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640 SOME PROBLEMS OP ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY.
About that time the northern portion of the Lata country
came imder the domination of a people called Gurjara.^
From them it derived its new name Gurjaratra, whence
comes the modem form of the name Gujarat. At a much
later date the name Gurjaratra was extended to that portion
of Lata which lay south of the Mahi river ; and thus arose
the modem acceptation of the name Gujarat as applicable
to all the coimtry lying to the north and the south of
the Mahi.
The earliest date at which we hear anything about the
Gurjara people is about 585 a.d., when Prabhakara Vardhana,
the father of Harsha Vardhana, is said to have defeated
them. About fifty years later, 640 a.d., their coimtry is
described by Hiuen Tsiang under the name of Kiu-che-lo,
and corresponds to Central and Northern Rajputana. About
this time, 634 a.d., they submitted voluntarily (S,L vi, 2)
to the rising Chalukya power imder Pulikesin 11.^
These circimistances point to a new arrival. The Qurjaras
were new immigrants, probably a Turki tribe, who in the
middle of the sixth century took possession of what is now
called Rajputana, and were attempting to expand eastward
and southward. In the south they were, for a long time,
restrained by the powerful empire of the Rashtrakutas.
But at last, towards the end of the tenth century, they
succeeded, under the name of Chaulukyas, to force them-
selves into Northern Lata, to which they gave the name
of Gujarat.
In the east they were checked by the equally powerful
empire of Prabhakara and his son Harsha Vardhana. That
empire collapsed in 646 a.d. For nearly a century and
a half we hear nothing more about the eastward advance
of the Gurjaras. At the end of that quiescent period, about
783 A.D., a fresh effort was made by them imder their chief
Vatsaraja. He penetrated victoriously as far as Gauda and
Vanga (Bihar and Bengal). But in the course of his
» In the records this name is spelt varyingly with u or with u,
* The Aihole inscription here ref'er» to the three adjoining countries, Lafa,
Rajputana, and Malwa, as submitting to PulikeSin II.
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SOME PROBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY. 641
conquests he came into collision with the southern emperor^ the
Sashtrakiita Dhruva, who defeated him and drove him back
into his ancestral kingdom in Bajputana (Marwar). After
this &ilure we hear again nothing more about the movements
of the Qurjaras ; but they must have renewed the eastward
advance^ and must have been successful in it; for from
843 A.D. onwards we find their chiefs ruling a great northern
empire from their capital at Mahodaya (Kanauj), and carrying
on an intermittent warfare with the Bashtrakuta rulers of
the southern empire. The existence of these two great
empires is testified to in Muhammadan records (about
916 A.D. by Abu Zaid^ and 943 a.d. by Al Masud!) as those
of the Juzr (Gurjara) and Balhdra (Vallabharaja, i.e.
Sashtrakiita). Of the Guijara emperors of Mahodaya,
reigning during that period, Bhoja I, Mahendrapala, and
Vinayakapala (or Mahipala) are known from their dated
land-grants and stone inscriptions.
These are the main outlines of Mr. Bhandarkar's theory.
The crucial point of it is the correct reading of the dates
occurring in the land-grants. Hitherto these dates have
been read as 100, 156, and 188, referable to the Harsha
era, and therefore equivalent to 706, 761, and 794 a.d.^
Mr. Bhandarkar proposes to read them 900, 955, and 988,
referable to the Vikrama era, and hence equivalent to 843,
899, and 931 a.d. I am convinced that Mr. Bhandarkar's
readings are correct. Inspecting the facsimiles given in
Biihler's Table IX, in his Indian Palmography, it will be
seen that the multiples of 100 are formed by placing the
unit figure on the right side of the hundred figure, either
on the same level or a little below it. Now in the facsimile
of the date of the Daulatpura grant {E.L v, 209), it wiU
be noticed that the figure which has been read as 100 stands
very considerably below the level of the rest of the writing.
This proves that the figure cannot be read as a numeral
standing by itself, but that it is intended to be a multi-
plicative figure qualifying some other numeral, which should
* For the sake of siinplicity I give here, and throughout, only tingle equivalent
years of the Christian era, which for the purpose in hand is quite sufficient.
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642 SOME PBOBLEMS OF AKCIENT INDIAN HISTORY.
stand on its left. MoFeover, the figure itself has not
muoh resemblance to any hitherto known figure for 100,.
while it exactly resembles some of the forms of the figure
for 9, as shown in Biihler's table (see his Nos. 6, 11, 13 in
in his row for 9). It is evident, therefore, that the figure
in question is that for 9, used as a multiplicator of another
numeral figure; and this other figure, in fact, is clearly
seen in the formula standing on the left of the figure for 9.
It has be^i read as srd or aro. It is, however, really the
figure for 100.^ The two figures together, therefore, express
the numeral 900 (i.e. 100 x 9).
In the &csimiles of the other two grants (Ind. Ant., xv,.
112 and 140) we can now clearly recognize the same figure
900, made up of the figure for 9 standing on the right side
of, and on a level with, the figure for 100. The latter has^
been read as tsrd (Dr. Fleet) or tsro (Professor Eaelhom) ;.
but the element t of the conjunct does not belong to the
numeral. The dates must be read
Samvat 900 (or 955, or 988).
The scribe who, in his fancLhil way, treated the numeral
figure for 900 as a 'numeral letter,' and thus had in his
mind the group of aksharas samvat srd o, naturally wrote
the whole in ligatures sammtsrdo. There is, therefore, no-
need of eicplaining the supposed word sammtsrd as an
abbreviation of the genitive pliu'al samvatsard^m {Ind. Ant.,,
XV, p. 13, note 57, and p. 141, note 27) — an eicplanation
^ It has become usual to call such figures ' numeral letters/ because of their
curious resemblance to letter-forms. I believe the practice of calling them so
originated with the late Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraii ^nd. Ant, yi, 42 ff.). But
the resemblance does not really become noticeable before the eighth and following-
centuries (especially in Jain, Nepalese, and Buddhist manuscripts), and the farther
back one traces the symbols the more the resemblance disappears. Whatever the
origin of the numend figures may be, I do not believe that they have any
connection with the letters (simple or compound) of the Brahm! alphabet, in the
sense in which this connection has been ordinarily understood. I hold, therefore^
that it IS misleading to distinguish between numeral figures and numeral letters.
There really exists only one set of symbols — ^numeral figures ; and their growini^
resemblance to letters is due merely to the growing whimsicality of scribes who
exaggerated a fancied resemblance.
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SOME PROBLEMS OP ANCItlNT INDIAN HISTORY. 643
-which assumes both an anomalous spelling and an anomalous
-iionstniction.^
There is one point in Mr. Bhandarkar's Gurjara theory
which appears to me of questionable correctness. It does
not form, however, any necessary link in his argument, and,
if proved incorrect, does not invalidate his general theory.
At the end of his first paragraph (p. 2 of his article on
the Gurjaras) Mr. Bhandarkar says, " before the middle of
the tenth century .... Ghijarat was known as Lata,
and hence was not ruled over by Gurjara princes." As
a fact, however, there was a dynasty of Bharoch, which,
as we know from their (genuine) Kaira grants, dated 629
and 634 a.d. (Ind. Ant., xiii, 81, 88 ; see also the Sankheda
charter of 695 a.d. in E.L ii, 19), had established itself
in the Lata country, certainly in the middle of the seventh,
and probably as early as the end of the sixth century, and
which, as they state themselves, belonged to the Gurjara
ruling race {ChArjara-nripa-vamia). But the members of
this dynasty did not hold the position of sovereigns, but
only of ruling Prime-ministers. They call themselves only
Sdmanta, and claim to combine in their person the panca-
mahdiabda or five great offices of state. Their nominal
sovereigns appear to have belonged to the Naga tribe {ndga-
kula), whom they claim to have subjected. It seems clear
from all this that the Gurjaras can have come into the
Lata country only in small numbers, and, though de facto
governors of the country, were not important enough to
impose on it a new name (Gurjaratra) derived from their
own. This change of name, as Mr. Bhandarkar shows,
happened only in the latter part of the tenth century, when
the country must have been occupied by the Gurjaras in
^ The same anomalous form tatkratsro is supposed to occur in a Khajuraho
inscription (Ind. Ant,^ xxvi, 30, 31). But the word really reads correctly
Mihvatiare, The akshara re is somewhat indistinct, but the down-stroke shows,
in the middle, a slight indentation (cf. H at the end of line 3 in Sir^ A.
Cunningham's Survey Iteporttf vol. xxi, pi. xvix; the mark is very obvious
in vol. X, pi. ix, i), and it is therefore not the down-stroke of the vowel o, but
the indented body-stroke of the consonant r. In any case, even if it were o, the
akshara would have to be read tto, not tare ; there is no underwritten r in it.
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644 SOME PB0BLEM8 OP ANCIENT INDIAN HISTOEY.
muoh larger numbers, and when their chiefs (Mularaja, etc.)
acquired the actual as well as the nominal sovereignty of ik
11.
I now proceed to the examination of the contemporary
records that bear on the history of the Gurjaras.
In the Introduction to Jinasena's Harivam^ Pura^a
(Peterson's 4th Beporty pp. xli and 176 ; also Ind. Ant.y xv,
142), which was written in 783 a.d., it is stated that in that
year there lived the following rulers : — (1) Yatsaraja, the
lord of Avanti, in the east; (2) Sri-Yallabha, the son of
Krishna, in the south; (3) a king called Indrayudha, in
the north. A fourth ruler is also mentioned, but he does
not concern us in the present enquiry. Dr. Fleet has shown
(KL vi, 197) that Sri-Vallabha refers to Dhruva, who
reigned from about 783 to 793 a.d., over the great southern
empire of the Bashtrakutas. Yatsaraja, too, must have ruled
a very wide empire. Malwa can have been only its chief
province, with AvantT, or Ujjain, as its capital. That it
also included all the country lying directly east of Malwa
may be concluded from a statement in the Baroda grant
of 812 A.D., which implies {Tnd. Ant, xii, 160, 164, line 39)
that his conquests eastwards extended over Gauda and
Yanga, that is, Bihar and Bengal. Further north lay the
kingdom of Indrayudha. This can only have been the
country which, in the main, corresponds to the present
United Provinces, and must have had Kanauj for its capital.
Begarding Yatsaraja, we read in the Badhanpur grant
of 808 A.D. {E.L vi, 248, verse 8) that he suffered a great
defeat at the hands of Dhruva, who deprived him not only
of the two state-umbrellas (i.e. of the sovereignty) of
Gauda [and of Yanga, as shown by the Baroda grant just
referred to], but drove him away into the desert {maru=z
Marwar) of Bajputana. Nor did Yatsaraja recover from
this crushing defeat ; for in the Baroda grant of 812 a.d.
we are told that he, who had once conquered Gauda and
Yanga, was now kept out even of his chief province of
Malwa by Karka, at the command of the latter's suzerain.
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SOME PBOBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY. 645
Oovinda III, the son and Buccessor of Dhruva. The same
events, it is clear, are alluded to in the Nllgund inscription
of 866 A.D., which relates {KL vi, pp. 105, 106, verse 5)
of Qovinda III that he " fettered," or held in subjection,
the people of Malwa and Gktuda as well as the Gurjaras of
the hill-fort of Ghitor.
The course of events which these detached statements
suggest is that Yatsaraja, advancing from Bajputana east-
ward, first conquered Malwa, making Ujjain (Avanti) his
capital Then, continuing his advance eastward, he subjected
Gauda and Yanga (Bihar and Bengal). The empire thus
acquired he ruled indisputably in 783 a.d. Later on he
came into collision with his southern neighbour, the
Bishtrakuta emperor Dhruva, in consequence of which —
let us say in 790 a.d. — ^he lost his empire, and was forced
back into his home-province in the wilds of Bajputana.
There he was for some time — ^let us say up to 810 a.d. —
compelled to stop by Karka under Govinda III, who held
against him the frontier hill-fort of Chitor (Nilgund, JE.L vi,
106 ; Sirur, KL vii, 207 ; Ind. Ant, xii, 25), once a Gurjara
stronghold.
According to the genealogies (Daulatpura grant of 862 a.d.
in JE.r. V, 208; Dighwa - Dabauli grant of 898 a.d. in
Ind. Ant., xv, 110 ; As. Soc. Beng. grant of 931 a.d. in
Ind. Ant, xv, 140), Yatsaraja's successor was his son
Nagabhata. Mr. Bhandarkar informs us that there exists an
(unpublished) grant of Amoghavarsha I, according to which
Nagabhata was vanquished by Gt)vinda III. This must
have happened after 810 a.d. and before 814 a.d., when
Gh)vinda III ceased to reign. The notice of Nagabhata's
defeat suggests that, after die death of his father Yatsaraja,
he made an attempt to recover the paternal empire, but
failed to do so, and that, therefore, he continued to be
limited to his ancestral principality in Bajputana. This
circumstance is quite sufficient to account for the fact that
there is next to nothing known about him.
The next in the genealogical list is Nagabhata's son
Bamabhadra. Of him, so far, no records have come to
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646 SOME PBOBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY*
light ; but there is one significant fact known about him :
he is the first, in the records of his successors, who bears the
imperial titles (parama-bhattdrakaj etc., E.L i, 186, line 1).
Further, in the Gwaliyor inscription of 876 a.d. {E,L i,
154 ff.) mention is made of two persons, Yaillabhatta and
his son Alia, contemporaries of Ramabhadra and his son
Bhoja I (here called Ramadeva and Adivaraha) respectively.
The former had been appointed to the office of 'chief of
the boundaries,' or margrave, by Ramabhadra ; and his son
Alia was confirmed in that office, and, in addition, made
commandant of the fort of Gwaliyor, by Ramabhadra's
successor Bhoja I, when the latter determined to set out
to "conquer the three worlds" {ibid,, p. 158, verse 22).
Moreover, the inscription also states that Yaillabhatta's father,
Nagarabhatta, had emigrated from Anandapura in the Lata
country, i.e. from Yadnagar in what is now called Ghijarat.
The course of events suggested by these statements may
be described as follows. Ramabhadra set out — say, about
815 or 820 a.d. — ^from Rajputana to recover the empire of
his grandfather Vatsaraja. In his train migrated Nagara-
bhatta, together with his son Vaillabhatta. The latter was,
by his tribal chief, Ramabhadra, put in charge of the eastern
frontier of his empire, which at this time must have been
pushed forward as far as Gwaliyor. As the Gwaliyor
inscription only says that Vaillabhatta was in the service
of Ramabhadra (Ramadeva, ihid,, p. 167, verse 7), but does
not mention Bhoja I as his master, it would follow that
he must have died before Bhoja I's accession. On his
death his son Alia succeeded to the vacant office ; and later
on, when Ramabhadra's successor, Bhoja I, resolved to resume
his father's ambition, and (as the inscription expresses it in
verse 22) to "conquer the three worlds," Alia was put in
command of the fortress of Gwaliyor. Seeing that the
earliest (known) grant of Bhoja I is already dated frcnn
Kanauj in 843 a.d., it is clear that he cannot have succeeded
to the throne very much earlier. We can hardly put his
accession earlier than 840 a.d. At that date, it is evident,
the Gorjara empire extended no further east than Ghraliyor»
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SOME PROBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY. 647
and while it included Bajputana and Malwa, it did not yet
include the northern kingdom of Kanauj. The conquest of
that kingdom happened only under Bhoja I. It was the
first achievement in his "conquest of the three worlds."
That, of course, is a poetical and proverbial expression;
nevertheless, it fairly represents the facts of the case. For
the Gurjaras came from the west, and their line of advance
was in three directions, north, east, and south. Bhoja I,
in the first instance, turned his arms northwards, and
conquered the whole of the neighbouring kingdom of the
north, which in the time of his great-grandfather Yatsaraja,
783 A.D., had been ruled by Indrayudha. As early as
843 A.D. he had possessed himself of the northern capital
Mahodaya, or Kanauj ; for his Daulatpura grant is dated
in that year (Samvat 900, EJ, v, 208) and from that town.
How many years it took him to complete the conquest of
the whole northern kingdom is not known; but it was
certainly completed by the year 882 a.d. For an inscription,
extant in Pehewa, in the Kamal District of the Panjab,
names him as the ruler of the country {E.I. i, 184). That
Bhoja I's empire still included the kingdom of Malwa is
shown by his Gwaliyor inscriptions of 875 and 876 a.d.
{E.I. i, 156), and by the inscription of Deoga^h in Central
India of the year 862 a.d. {E.L iv, 310). That it also
included the Gurjara ancestral province of Rajputana is
proved by the Daulatpura charter (above referred to), which
records Bhoja I's grant of the village of Siva (Sewa) in the
Dindwan District {E.L v, 210). This inscription, moreover,
has an interest of its own, as it professes to be the renewal
of a grant which was originally made by Yatsaraja and
afterwards confirmed by Nagabhata, both of whom, as we
have seen, had once been reigning in Bajputana. The
Deogarh inscription suggests that in 862 a.d. Bhoja I was
still in peaceful possession of Central India, and had not yet
come into collision with the southern empire of the Bashtra-
kutas. This conclusion is confirmed by the records of the
latter empire. Amoghavarsha I reigned from 814 to
877 A.D. ; but none of the Rash^rakuta records ascribes
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648 SOME PROBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY.
to him any conflict with the Gurjaras. As late as 866 a.d.<
Amoghavarsha's own Nilgund and Sirur inscriptions {E,L vi,.
98, and Itid. Ant., xii, 215) know of no such conflict. It
would seem that, at least, up to that date Bhoja I was fully-
occupied with the complete reduction of the northern
kingdom, and was not able to turn his attention to the-
conquest of the south.
As to the east, the imif orm tradition of Bandelkhand tells
us that before the domination of the Chandels, that country,,
with the capital Mahoba and the stronghold Kalanjar, was
in the possession of the Parihars {Journal A.S.B., l, 3, 6;.
Ixxi, 102). The Parihars (Pratlharas), as Mr. Bhandarkar
rightly points out, were one of the divisions of the Gurjara^
tribe. The Chandels took possession of Bandelkhand, about
950 A.D., under their king Ya^varman, who, in a Khajuraho
inscription of the year 954 a.d., is said to have been
''a scorching fire to the Gurjaras," and to have "easily
conquered the KalaDJara mountain" (E.L i, 132, 133,
verses 23 and 31, see below, p. 653). The traditional date
of the Chandel occupation is 677 {Journal A.S.B., l, 3),.
which, taken in terms of the Chedi era, is equivalent to
946 A.D. As the Parihars are said to have occupied
Bandelkhand for many generations before the Chandels,
there is no difficulty in assuming its conquest by the
Gurjara-Parihars to have taken place during the reign of
Bhoja I.^ The latter's farther advance eastward appears to
have been barred by the powerful Pala kingdom of Bihar
and Bengal (Gauda) under Dharmapala (about 840-875 a.d.).
Bhoja I's reign must have been very long. It includes
the two dates 843 and 882 a.d. It may have lasted, let us
say, from 840 to 885 a.d., when Bhoja I was succeeded by
his son Mahendrapala {alias Mahisaptda, Ind. AnL, xvi, 174).
Under him the Gurjara empire attained its widest extent.
He was the first who rightly claimed to exercise imperial
rule {adhirajya), and who, in his grants, assumed the full
* The beginning of the Parihar-Giiriara occupation might be traced back even
to the earliest conquest by Vatsaraja.
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SOME PK0BLEM8 OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY. 649
imperial titles^ though by oourtesy he allowed them already
to his father, Eamabhadra. But under the latter the
Gurjara rule extended only as far as Ghraliyor ; and under
Bhoja I's successors, as we shall see, the imperial power of
the G^jaras already began to decline, and the empire was
in full process of disintegration under Bhoja I's great-
grandson Vijayapala. To the fact that Bhoja I was the
first real claimant of imperial rule there is a curiou» | |
testimony in the B^jatarahginl in a passage (Book y, 151)
which in the original runs as follows : —
Hrtam Bhojddhirdjena sa sdmrdjyam addpayat \
pratihdratayd bhrtyUbhute Thakkiyak-dnvaye ||
That is — "The sovereign power which the emperor Bhoja
had seized, he caused to be given in the Thakkiya family
which had taken service as Pratlhara." This is said with
reference to the Eashmirian king Ankara Yarman, who
reigned from 883 to 902 a.d. The passage, no doubt, as
already observed by previous translators, is obscure, but
two facts come out clearly enough : first, that Bhoja I
had seized the imperial power, which seizure had occurred
in the time preceding Sankara Yarman ; secondly, that the
latter was instrumental in the transfer of that power into
the Thakkiya family of Parihars, for the term pratthdratd
seems obviously to refer to the clan name of the Parihars.
What exactly the circumstances of the transfer were it
is impossible to say with our present knowledge, but the
transaction must have occurred during the time of Bhoja I's
successor Mahendrapala (885-910 a.d.).
Of this sovereign we know that he ruled the Gurjara
empire as it was left to him by his father Bhoja I. The
capital of the empire was now Mahodaya, or Kanauj. From
here was issued Mahendrapala's charter of 899 a.d. (the so-
called Dighwa-Dubauli plate, of Samvat 955, Ind. Ant, xv,
106). It granted a village which lay so far north as the
district of Sravasti in the present Nepalese Terai. The
inscription of Siyadoni, in the Lalitpur District of the
Central Provinces, mentions Mahendrapala as the reigning
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€50 SOME PROBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY.
emperor in 903 and 907 a.d. {E.L i, 170) ; and the inscriptioii
at Pehoa (Pehewa) of his time shows his empire as still in*
eluding the Earnal District in the Pan jab {E.L i, 242). It
would seem that he took up his &ther's ambitious schemes
of conquest^ and attempted to extend his empire in the east
and south. In both directions, however, he met with an
effective check. At this time there were three monarchs
reigning, all three claiming the well-known imperial titles.
These were the Gauda emperor Devapala in the east, the
Bashtrakuta emperor Krishna II in the south, and the
Kalachuri emperor Kokkalla I, whose Chedi dominions
bordered on those of the Gurjara emperor, in the south-east.
All three were allied by marriage. Devapala was a son of
BannadevT, the daughter of the Rashtrakuta emperor,
(probably) Amoghavarsha I (Mungir grant, Tnd. Ant,
xxi, 264, here called Sri-Paravala), and sister of Krishna II,
whose nephew, therefore, he was. This relationship to
Krishna II is referred to in the Deoli (940 a.d.) and
Karhad (959 a.d.) grants of Krishna III, in which it is
said that Krishna II was " the preceptor entrusted with the
duty of the education of the Gaudas" (Oauddndm vinaya^
vrai'drppana-guruh, E.L iv, 283, verse 15, and v, 193, v. 13),
i.e., apparently the children of his brother-in-law, the Gkiu4a
emperor Dharmapala.^ Krishna II, therefore, appears to
have been not only the uncle but also the tutor of his
nephew DevapiOa. Moreover, he was himseU the son-in-law
of KokkaUa I {EJ. i, 253 ; ii, 300, 304 ; iv, 280 ; vii, 29).
The three sovereigns, Kokkalla I, Krishna II, and
Devapala, would seem to have combined to oppose Mahendra-
pala's schemes of conquest; or Krishna II and Devaj»la
may have done so, each in his own turn. In any case,
regarding the latter it is recorded in the Badal pillar
inscription, of about 925 a.d., that "he brought low the
1 Professor R. G. Bhandarkar translates (^JB.L iv, 287) "the preceptor
chargine the Gau^as with the vow of humility," which conveys no very
intelUgible meaning. The notice seems to indicate either that Krishna, hefora
his accession, lived at Dharmapala's court and superintended the education of
Devapala, or that the latter, before his own accession, lived at Krishna II*s
«ourt, where he received his education.
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80MB FB0BLBH8 OP ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY. 651
arrogance of the lord of the Giirjaras " {kurvikrfa^Ourjara-'
ndtha-dafpam, E.L ii, 160, y. 18) in attempting the
conquest of the Pala empire. Ab to Krishna II, the
Bagumra (NauaSrl) grant of his grandson and successor,
Indra III, dated 914 a.d., compares ''his battles with the
Gurjara ruler to a storm of the rainy season" (Mr. D. B.
Bhimdarkar's paper, p. 4, J.B.B.R.A.S. xviii, p. 258),.
and the Beoli grant of Krishna III, dated 940 a.d., says of
him that " he terrified the Giirjaras " (E.L v, 193, verse 13 ;
also the Karhad grant of 959 a.d., B.L iv, 283, verse 13).
As to the exact share which Kokkalla I had in the war, we
have no clear information. But in the Bilhari inscription,
the earlier portion of which falls in the reign of Kokkalla I's
grandson KeyGravarsha, about 925 a.d. (£./. i, 252), we are
told that ''having conquered the whole earth, Kokkalla I
set up two unprecedented pillars of fame, namely, Krishna II
in the south and Bhoja II in the north "^ {KI. i, 264,
verse 17). Similarly, the Benares grant of Karnadeva, dated
1042 A.D., informs us that Kokkalla I held ''a protecting
hand" {abhaya-dah pdrifh) over Krishna II, as well as over
Harsha the Chandel and Bhoja II. These statements
certainly suggest that Kokkalla 1 took an important as well
as an active part in the repression of Mahendrapala.
At this time the Chandels had only recently come to-
settle in Bandelkhand. Their chief, Harsha, had married
a Chohan (Chahamana) princess, Kancuka — so we are
informed in a Khajuraho inscription set up in 954 a.d.,
apparently the closing year of the reign of Harsha's son
Yatovarman (E.L i, 126, verse 21 ; see also ihid., 143, v. 29).
By that marriage Harsha had contracted an alliance with
the dcMninant race of the Giirjaras, of whom the Chohans
were a prominent clan. But he was not contented there-
with, but aspired to independence of the GQrjara power.
IVom the Benares grant of Karnadeva, of 1042 a.d., we learn
that Kokkalla I had married a Chandel royal princess,
^ The reference cannot be to Bhoja I (as so^gested in E.L i, 253), for under
tiiat monarch the Gurjara power was at its zenith, and it is out of the question
that he could have been aproteff^ of Kokkalla I.
f'
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652 SOME PROBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY.
NattadevI {E.L ii, 301, 306, verse 8). That lady can only
have been a daughter of Harsha ; and it suggests itself that,
in furtherance of his scheme of independence, the latter
not only married his daughter to Kokkalla I, but gave
him active assistance in the prosecution of his war with
Mahendrapala. In return for this assistance, after Mahendra-
pala's defeat (or, as the grandiloquent Bilharl inscription
has it, "after having conquered the whole earth," E.L i,
264, verse 17), Harsha was made an independent ruler under
the protection, or suzerainty, of Kokkalla I. Further,
Mahlpala, in his grant (the so-called Bengal Asiatic
Society's plate, Ind. AnL, xv, 138) of the year 931 a.d.,
tells us that his father Mahendrapala had two wives, of
whom one, called Dehanaga, was the mother of his half-
brother Bhoja II, while the other, Mahldevi, was his own
mother. We also learn from the same grant that the two
half-brothers succeeded their father, one after the other.
Bhoja II came first, and it was he who held his throne
under the protection of Kokkalla I. As we shall see
presently, he reigned but a short time, being turned out
apparently by his half-brother Mahlpala, who had the
support of the powerful Chandel chief, Ya^ovarman. All
this suggests that the cause, or at least one of the causes, of
the war between Kokkalla I and Mahendrapala may have
been a family quarrel. Dehanaga, I would suggest, was
a daughter of Kokkalla I, or at least a Kalachuri princess,
while Mahldevi was probably a Chandel princess. Their
sons, the half-brothers, were rival claimants to the succession.
Kokkalla I naturally took the side of Bhoja II, and after
his victory over Mahendrapala seated his prot^g^ on the
throne, under his own protection or suzerainty. It appears,
indeed, probable that the war ended not only with
Mahendrapala's overthrow, but his death. As, according to
the Siyadoni inscription {E.L i, 170), he was still alive in
907 A.D., we may perhaps place his death shortly afterwards,
say in 910 a.d., in which year accordingly Bhoja II would
have succeeded.
Bhoja II reigned as the proteg^ of his suzerain, the
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SOME PB0BLBM8 OF ANCIENT INDIAN mSTOET. 653
Clhedi emperor Eokkalla I. Besides the statements already
quoted referring to this relation of his to Eokkalla I, there
is very little known about him. In the charter, dated
931 A.D., of his half-brother and successor, Yinayakapala
(alias MahTpala, Ind. Ant., xv, 138), he is duly recorded
in his proper place in the dynastic succession. On the
other hand, in the earlier Asni inscription, dated in the
year 917 a.i>. {Ind. Ant, xvi, 173), of the same half-brother
Mahipala, all mention of him is omitted. The conclusion
suggested by the difference is that early in his reign, when
Mahipala had just turned out Bhoja II, he disdained to
mention his half-brother as ever having reigned at all,
while, at a much later date, when the memory of Bhoja II's
reign had lost its sting, it was no longer ignored. In any
case, all the surrounding circumstances point to the conclusion
that Bhoja II's reign can have been but a very short one,
so that it might easily be ignored in a dynastic list. As
a fact, his successor is found reigning already in 914 a.d. f
Ifahipala, who succeeded his brother Bhoja II, is also
known under a variety of other names, Yinayakapala,
Eshitipala, and Herambapala (see JS.L i, 124; iii, 265).
His fortunes are closely connected with those of the Chandel
prince Yatovarman. With regard to the latter a Ehajuraho
inscription, which was engraved in 954 a.d. under his son
Dhanga, informs us that he was '' a scorching fire '' to the
Gurjaras {E.L i, 132, verse 23), and especially that he
captured their stronghold Ealanjar (ibid., verse 31). The
result of these operations was that Ya^varman conquered
for himself a large dominion which extended from Kalanjar
in the east to GhvaUyor in the west, and from the borders
of Chedi in the south to the Jamna in the north (ibid.,
verse 45). This was, in fact, the whole of the eastern
province of the Ourjara empire, which thus was reduced
to its old limits under Ramabhadra, when it reached no
farther east than the frontier fort of Gwaliyor. Of this
territory Ya^varman made himself the independent sovereign
with imperial titles. He was, in fact, the real founder of
the Chandel power, though a beginning had already been
''I
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654 SOME PROBLEMS OP ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY.
made under his father, Harsha. Tatovarman's opportunity
for aggrandisement was the war which at this time was
being waged by Mahendrapala with the Chedi ruler
Eokkalla I and his Bashtrakuta ally. It is not clear
whether he was involved in it while it was in actual progress*
He was certainly not in league with Kokkalla I, for the
E^hajuTdho inscription above referred to says that ^'he
brought distress on the shameful Chedis" {E,L i, 132,.
verse 23). But when the war ended with the defeat of
MahendrapiEla and the enthronement of Bhoja II under the
protection of Kokkalla I, YaSovarman espoused the cause
of Bhoja II's half-brother Mahipala. For in another
contemporary Ehajuraho inscription we are told that
**Kshitipala (i.e. Mahipala) was placed on the throne" by
him {E.L i, 122, line 10).' We may conclude, therefore,
that Yadovarman disputed the settlement made by Eokkalla I,
and, after a successful war with Bhoja II and his suzerain
Eokkalla I, enthroned Mahipala. The reward which he
secured for himself was, of course, the acknowledgment of
his independent sovereignty over Bandelkhand with the
frontiers above stated. Eokkalla I's defeat by YaSovarman
seems to me clearly enough stated in the Ehajuraho
inscription of 954 a.d. In verse 28 {E.L i, 127) it record*
the defeat of a Ohedi king who, it is true, is not named ;
but his identity is disclosed by the statement that "he
made himself notorious by putting down his lotus-foot on
(i.e. preventing) the coronation of Eshitipala." The original
passage runs as follows : —
vikhydta-Ksitipah-mauli'raeam^vinyaBta'pddambujam.
This has been translated {ibid,, p. 132) " who had put down
his lotus-foot on rows of diadems of famous princes." But
I submit that hsitipdla should not be taken as a common
noim (* prince '), but refers to the well - known king^
^ The attribution of this inscription to Harsha is clearly wrong. Unfortunately
it is badly mutilated, but its general purport is unmistakeable. The reference to
Harsha is finished in line 7, and the sovereign referred to in line 10 must be his
successor, Ta^varman.
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SOME PROBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY. 655
Eshitipala^ otherwise known as Mahipala or VinayakapRIa ;
that vikhydta does not qualify kaitipdlay but pdddmbt^'a, and
that racand has its ordinary meaning of arranging or putting
on (of the mauli or crown). The passage, it appears to me,
is not intended to make a vague general statement, but to
record a definite fact.
The year of Mahlpala's accession is approximately fixed
by the date, 914 a.d., of the Haijdala grant (Ind. Anty xii,
195; xviiiy 91), which mentions him as the then reigning
emperor. His grant, issued from Mahodaya (Kanauj) in
931 A.D. (Ind. Ant.y xv, 138), shows him still reigning in
that year. According to the Siyadoni inscription (£./. i,.
170), his son Devapak was reigning in 948 a.d. At some
time, therefore, between these two dates, 931 and 948 a.d.,.
Mahipala must have ceased to reign. As there are grounds
(to be mentioned further on) for believing that Devapala |J
had but a very short reign, we may take it that Mahipala ,, f
probably reigned until about 945 a.d. At the beginning
of his reign his empire, with one exception, appears to
have included all its old provinces. The Haddala grant of
914 A.D. above mentioned, having been issued in Eathiawad,.
indicates its south-western extent. The Asni inscription
of 917 A.D. (Ind. Ant.y xvi, 174) shows Mahipala reigning
in the large northern province of Eanauj. The Siyadoni
inscription of 948 a.d., near Lalitpur in Central India,
includes that province in Mahlpala's empire. The Bajor
inscription of 960 a.d. (E.L iii, 265), not far from Alwar
in Bajputana, indicates its north-western extent. The
two last-mentioned records refer to a somewhat later time,
but there is no probability (rather the reverse) that
Mahlpala's empire included in later times more territory
than it did at the beginning. The only exception, above
referred to, is the province of Bandelkhand, of which, as
we have seen, Yatovarman made himself the independent
sovereign, probably as the price of assistance in securing to
Mahipala the succession to the Gurjara crown. But it
was only for a few years that Mahipala was permitted
to rule his extensive empire in peace. He soon became
J.R.A.8. 1904. 44
<l
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656 SOME PBOBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTOKT.
inYolved in a disastrouB war with the Bashtrakuta emperor
Indra III. The caiue is not exactly known, but it was
probably connected with the &ct that Mahipala owed his
enthronement to the reyolution, effected with the help of
Ya($OYarmany against the political settlement made by the
Ealachnri Eokkalla I and his Bashtrakuta ally, Krishna II.
Indra III was Krishna II's successor, and had married
Yijambay a great-granddaughter of Kokkalla I (E.L iv,
280 ; Tii, 43, 44). As shown by his Bagumra (or Nausari)
grant {J.B.B.R.A.8. xviii, 257), he came to the throne in
915 A.D., and he can have reigned for only about three
years, for the Da^^apur inscription of his successor,
Govinda IV {Ind. Ani., xii, 223), is already dated in
918 A.D. (see Dr. Fleet in KL vi, 176, 177). Within
this short period falls his punitive expedition against
Mahipala. The Oambay grant of his successor, Govinda lY,
dated 930 a.d. {E.I. vii, 26), permits us to trace the course
dt Indra's campaign. He first marched to Uj jain in Malwa,
then crossed the Jamna, and, marching across the Doab to
the banks of the (Sttnges, captured and '^ completely
devastated " Mahipala's capital, Mahodaya, or Kanauj {ibtd.^
verse 19). Having done so, he appears to have retired to his
own country. Whether Mahipala fought any battles and
was defeated, or whether he simply retired as his enemy
advanced, is not quite clear from the statements of the
Cambay charter, but they rather seem to support the second
alternative. In any case, no sooner had Indra III with-
drawn than Mahipala resumed the government of his
dominions. This is shown by his issuing a charter from
Mahodaya in 931 a.t>., granting a village near Allahabad
(or Benares, Ind, Ant., xv, 138). The Asni inscription,
which mentions him as reigning in 917 a.d., must have
been set up either immediately before or, more probably,
immediately after Indra Ill's great northern raid. At the
same time, Mahipala did not, after that raid, return to the
rule of an imdiminished empire. The great province of
Malwa no longer formed any part of it. The chief of the
Parmar (Paramara) clan of Gurjaras, who held it as a fief,
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I:i
SOME PROBLEMS OP ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY. 657
appears to have profited by the disturbance attendant on
Indra Ill's raid to assnme independence. The earliest
(known) Parmar charters are the grants of Vakpati of 974
and 979 a.d. (Ind. Ant, vi, 52, and xix, 161). They name
three immediate predecessors of his, Slyaka, Vairisimha, and
Xrisnaraja, and describe them by the usual imperial titles I;
which signify independent sovereignty.^ Allowing the usual
average term of twenty years for a reign, or a period of sixty
years for the three reigns, we obtain the year 915 a.d. as the
approximate date when the Parmars of Malwa secured their
independence from the G^rjara empire. The conclusion,
therefore, seems justified that it was the Parmar Krishnaraja 11
who at the time of Indra Ill's raid, between 915 and ||i
918 A.D., made himself independent of MahipSla. It also jj
becomes probable that the actual date of Indra's raid was the ||
year 915 a.d. |j
In the Deoli grant of Krishna III, dated 940 a.d., there j
is a remark which throws another curious light on the
insecurity felt by Mahlpala with respect to his imperial rule.
The grant says (E.L v, 194, v. 25) that, "hearing of the
conquest of all the strongholds in the southern region simply '
by means of his (Krishna Ill's) angry glance, the hope (for !
security, set by them) on (the strongholds of) Kalanjara
and Chitrakuta (Chitor) vanished from the heart of the
Gurjaras."* The reference is to Krishna Ill's victorious
* The tJdepur praiasti of about 1080 a.d. (^.7. i, 223) gives a much longer
but, on the face of it, mythical ancestry.
^ The original text runs as follows : galitd Ourjara'kfday&t Kalamjara*
Citraku^-aid. Mr. Bhandarkar translates this, **the hope of conqitering
Kalanjara and Citrakuta dropped away from the heart of the Griii^'ara prince "
(see p. 5 of his paper on the Ourjaras). This apparently reflects an earlier
transLntion, eren more strongly expressed, in Professor R. G. Bhandarkar's
£arly Hittory of the Dekkan (2nd ed., p. 75) : ^* The Gibrjara prince who
wojf preparing to take the fortresset of KdUsHjara and Chitrakufa in the north
had to give up the enterprinJ*^ The compound is translated much more
soberljT and correctly by the same Professor in E.L iv, 289 : *< the hope about
Kalanjara and Chitrakiita.'* (The italics throughout are mine.) The idea of
** conquering" or '* preparing to take" is not suggested by anything in the
compound, and it is wronely imported into it. For Kalanjar and Chitor did
not require conquering ; they had already belonged to the Gurjara empire for
a very long time. At this tune, it is true, one of them, Kalanjar, had passed
into tae power of the Chandel Taiovarman, but that prince had placed Mahipala
•on the tnrone and was od his side. Naturally Mahipala trusted for security to
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658 SOME PBOBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY.
campaigns in Soathem India whicli he prosecuted while he
held the position of Kumdra or crown prince. Now it
appears that the year 940 a.d. of the Deoll grant was the
first of Krishna Ill's reign, and that his father, Amogha*^
Tarsha III (Baddiga), reigned from about 934 to 940 a.d.
Accordingly, the 'southern campaigns must have taken place
in that peridd, 934-940 a.d., and the Gorjara apprehension
of insecurity must refer to Mahipak's reign in that period.
Mahipala feared that Elrishna III, after his successful
campaigns in the south, would now turn his attention to
his (Mahipala*s) dominions in the north.
There is still another remark which is worth noticing.
It occurs in the Cambay grant of Govinda lY, dated 930 a.d.,.
and represents the rivers Ghinges and Jamna as doing
service at Govinda IV's palace {E.L vii, 44, verse 28).
Mr. Bhandarkar rightly explains this remark to indicate
'* either that, after an expedition of conquest against northern
India, he (Govinda IV) added the signs of these rivers to hi»
irmgnia, or that he inherited these signs from some one of
his predecessors, perhaps his own father, Indra III, who had
overrun northern India" {ibid,, p. 35). Considering that
Govinda IV, as we know from contemporary charters {ibid.y
p. 33), led a life entirely given up to sensuality, it is not
probable that he would have undertaken an arduous
campaign ; nor, indeed, is there the smallest evidence of
his ever having done so. Therefore, there remains only the
second of Mr. Bhandarkar's alternatives, that Govinda IV
had inherited the signs of the Gkuiges and Jamna from
his father, Indra III, who, as a fact, had crossed the Jamna
and marched to the Ganges in his victorious expedition
against Kanauj.
Mahipala may be taken to have reigned from about 91e3-
to 945 A.D. About the latter year he was succeeded by hia
son Devapala. As the Siyadoni inscription shows, Dcvapala
was certainly on the throne in 948 a.d. {E,L i, 170, 177).
the stronghold of the Chandel. In any case, considering the relation in which
these tw o monarchs stood to each other, one cannot suppose that Mahipala could
have contemplated *' conquering ** from him the stronghold of Ealanjar.
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SOME PROBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY. 659
But his reign must have been a very short one ; for in the
Hajor inscription of the year 960 a.d. {EJ, iii, 263, 266)
Yijayapala is described as the immediate successor of Kshiti^
p51a (i.e. MahTpak). The case is very simikr to that of the
two half-brothers Mahipala and Bhoja II, who are both
described as immediate successors of Mahendrapala, and of
whom the earlier, Bhoja II, reigned only for a very short
term. It suggests, not only that Vijayapala was a half-
brother of Devapala, whom he supplanted, for some reason
at present unknown, but also that Devapala can have reigned
only for a very few years, say down to 950 a.d.
Devapala was succeeded by Vijayapala, who probably
was his half-brother, and who, according to the Rajor
inscription {EJ, iii, 263), was reigning in 960 a.d. At
this time the Gurjara empire had already become greatly
reduced through the secession of Bandelkhand and Malwa.
But over a great portion of even this reduced dominion,
the Gurjara emperor's rule was only nominal. For
Mathanadeva, the issuer of the Rajor edict, who belonged
to the Parihar clan of Gurjaras, though acknowledging the
suzerainty of Vijayapala, adopts almost imperial titles,^
indicating that he was practically the independent ruler of
his Bajputana fief.
Vijayapala may have reigned down to about 975 a.d.
After him there is a gap in the history, on which we have
4is yet no information whatever. In 1027 a.d., as we know
from his grant of that date {Ind. Ant,, xviii, 33), Trilochana-
pala was reigning. His father and predecessor, EajyapSla,
had been slain by his feudatory, the Kachhwaha chief
Arjuna {E.L ii, 234), who acted in alliance with the
•Chandel emperor Vidyadhara {E.I. i, 219 ; ii, 235). This
Rajyapala must be the king of Kanauj, whom Mahmud
of Ghazni, on his arrival at that town in 1022 a.d., is said
to have found already attacked and killed by an alliance of
Hindu princes (Sir A. Cunningham, A.S, Reports, i, 147).
1 Vijayapala receiyefl the full imperial titles Paramabhaffaraka, Mahdrdjddhi'
raja, Faranuivara. For himself Mathanadera only claims Mahardjddhiraja and
J*ar antes vara, yrhile to his father Savata he gives only the title Mahdrdjadhirdja.
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660 SOME PROBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY.
As we have the two dates 1088 and 1048 a.d. lor the two
Kachhwaha chiefs^ Yikramasimha and his father Yijayapala
{EJ. ii, 234, 236 ; J.A.8.B. xxxi, 393), the latter's grand-
father Arjuna, who killed Eajyapala, must have reigned
about 1020 A.D. According to Trilochanapala^s grant, above
referred to, Kajyapala's predecessor was his father, Yijaya-
pala. The chronological calculation above given would fix
his reign as falling about 1000-1020 a.d. It seems to me,,
therefore, impossible to identify him with the Yijayapala of
the Rajor grant of 960 a.d. (Professor Kielhom's proposal^
j&./. iii, 265). He might, however, very well have been the
grandson of that Yijayapala. There remains, then, only a
gap of about twenty-five years, 975-1000 a.d., to be filled up
by the reign of one king between the two Yijayapalas. He
would be the son of Yijayapala I, and father of Yijayapala II.
This latter sovereign I would suggest to be identical with
the Jayapala of the traditional list of the (Tomara) kings
of Kanauj (Sir A. Cunningham's A.8. Reports, i, 149), who
is said to have been defeated by Mahmud of Ghazni in
1018 A.D.
The history of the Gurjara empire after Trilochanapala is
still very obscure. For myself, I am disposed to adopt
Sir A. Cunningham's theory that the Eanauj imperial
family retired to Delhi (A.8. Reports, i, 132 £E.). Kanauj, as
we know from the Gahaywar charters (Ind, Ant,, xviii, 13),
was captured about 1050 a.d. by Chandradeva, the founder
of the Gaharwar dynasty. As a result of the Qtiharwar
conquest, the reigning emperor appears to have retired to
his north-western frontier province, to which henceforth the
rule of his &mily, now known as the Tomara, was limited.
This emperor was Anangapala, apparently a son of Trilo-
chanapala. He may have reigned from 1040 to 1060 a.d.
He seems to have retired to his stronghold on the Jamna,.
called Lalkot or the Bed Fort. This happened, as recorded
on the Iron Pillar {ibid., pp. 151, 174; Journ. R.A.S.,.
1897, p. 13) in 1052 a.d. Around Lalkot there sprang up
the new royal residence of Delhi, about 1060 a.d. In their
greatly reduced dominions the royal family continued to
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SOME PROBLEMS OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY, 661
reign for about a century longer, till at last in 1170 a.d. the
succession passed to the Chohan chief Prithiraj, the son-in-
law of the last Tomara king, Anangapala II, who had no male
issue. Prithiraj, of course, considered himself as succeeding
to the old imperial claims of his wife's family, claims which
apparently had never been formally renoimced. This fact
explains Prithiraj 's violent feuds with the Chandels of
Bandelkhand (Paramardideva or Parmal) and the Gkiharwars
of Kanauj. It also explains how it came to pass that when
in 1191-2 A.D. Muhammad Ghorl attacked India he met
with no imited resistance on the part of the Indian princes.
The subjoined synchronistic table may illustrate the
history of the Gurjara power, as traced out in the preceding
remarks : —
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660 SOME PROBLEMS 01
As we have the two date
Kachhwaha chiefs, Vikrai
(£/. ii, 234, 235 ; J.A.^^
father Arjiina, who kill
about 1020 A.D. Accord
referred to, Rajyapala's
pala. The chronologic^
his reign as falling ab<
therefore, impossible to
the Rajor grant of 9G
H.I. iii, 265). He mi^
grandson of that Vij^
gap of about twenty-ii
by the reign of one 1
would be the son of A
This latter sovereigi
the Jayapala of th(
of Kanauj (Sir A. <
is said to have be
1018 A.D.
The history of tl
still very obscuit
Sir A. Cunningl
family retired to '
we know from tl
was captured ab
of the Gkiharwa
conquest, the i^
his north- westc
rule of his f am
This emperor
chanapala. II
He seems to
called Lalkot
on the Iron
1897, p. 13)
the new roy^
greatly redi
663
XXV.
^OINS AND SEALS COLLECTED IN SEISTAN, 1903-4.
By G. p. TATE.
^rpHE sources whence have come all the coins and seals
■^ obtained in Seistan are the extensive ruins situated to
the east of the Helmand, in Afghan Seistan, which it has
not been possible to explore thoroughly.
The trade is in the hands of a small section of the people
numbering about 150 families, who live on the edge of the
deserted tract, on the eastern verge of the flood area of
the Helmand. There they cultivate small holdings, raising
wheat and barley and patches of water-melons; and their
flocks of goats, sheep, and the few cattle they possess graze
upon the fodder that springs up so luxuriantly wherever
water touches the soil. When the Winter has set in, and
after rain has fallen, and water stands in the hollows
in the clay soil, these people set out for the deserted sites
of towns or forts and ply their trade as treasure-seekers.
They are known as 'Dagal Gbrdis.' The word Dagar or
Dagal is Baluchi for ' land, soil, groimd,' etc., and Gardi (as
will be obvious) is in the same dialect ' the act of wandering
about.' These persons are Baluchis, who for generations have
eked out a livelihood by the pursuit of this calling,* until
at last they have developed a preternatural keenness of vision.
One of these persons, as he goes on at a rapid trot, will
suddenly swoop down and pick up a tiny bead, or a minute
turquoise, discoloured and covered with earth-stains to such
an extent as to be unrecognisable by an ordinary individual.
Their ancestors wandered into Seistan when the prosperity
of the country had already very considerably declined. Large
* They form regularly organised communities, dwelling under their kad'
khudas, and pay revenue on their lands, flocks, and the value of their finds.
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664 COINS AND SEALS COLLECTED IN SEISTAN.
tracts had been abandoned by water and become desert, to
all of which the newcomers entered into possession. The
latter foimd extensive ruins, the names of which no one
knew ; and these localities were at once renamed (for
convenience of reference) by names based on some lo<^al
peculiarity of shape, design, or even the colour of tlie
decaying materials. These names are handed about from
one to another, and often in a corrupt form are preserved
in travellers* narratives. Those few ancient places whose
names are preserved in the writings of past generations of
chroniclers are located by writers of the present day hy
means of these modem names, and often by some fancied
resemblance between the two.
The district most thickly covered with these remains of
a byegone condition of prosperity is called by the Baluch
treasure - seekers * Ghulgbula/ because the ruins are as
nmnerous as the stars in the sky, to which the same word
also is applied.
The ruins are partially concealed by drifts of loose sand ;
and it is due to this that the traces of an ancient civilization
are so well preserved from the action of the elements and
the ravages of human beings. Every year under the impulse
of the wind of 120 days these drifts continue their march
towards the east; their ultimate destination being the
Wadh that score the sun-baked imder - features of the
Dasht-i-Margo and break its terminal edge into deep re-
entrants and bastions of gravel-capped clay. As these
Barkhans move they hide portions of the ruins which have
been exposed, and lay bare other parts which may have
been hidden for years. In this way the area available for
exploration continually changes.
It is not the larger ruins that yield the finds. The larger
tumuli and masses of cnunbling bricks could only be dealt
with by means of systematic excavation. This the * Dagal
Gardis' cannot imdertake. They search the patches of
lighter debris of crimibling bricks and potsherds that mark
the sites of individual homesteads. These are called kacholi,
as this is the general term used for broken pottery and
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COINS AND SEALS COLLECTED IN SEISTAN. 665
fragments of brick. The alternate effect of the Summer
and Winter temperatures breaks up these debris heaps into
coarse dust, and when this has been washed away by heavy
rain or melting snow all sorts of quaint and artistic things
are picked up. Ck)ins and seals, fragments of copper vessels,
and strange shapes of birds and beasts, which were evidently
fixed as handles to caskets or utensils; turquoises, very
much discoloured by being buried in the earth ; garnets,
pale sapphires, and amethysts; agate and cornelian beads;
occasionally tourmaline and rock crystals, shaped and cut
or in the rough. These are not by any means plentiful.
Many a time do these people return with nothing of tho
least value. Sometimes small hoards of coin and some
really good seals are found. These are infrequent, and
such occurrences are preserved and handed down in the
traditions and tales with which these people occupy their
leisure. In this way the reputed discovery of 700 gold
pieces in the ruins of Kurdo, in the days of Ibrahim E^an^
Sinjarani of Chakansur, is talked about, though probably
sixty years and more have elapsed since then. Such finds
rarely benefit the discoverers. News of it gets to others
stronger than they, through some disappointed member of
the party, and the weaker are compelled to disgorge more
than they have actually found, as the value of the find
increases at each repetition of the tale.
In addition to the articles already mentioned, fragments
of fine porcelain and beads made out of composition are
the most numerous. The former is a fine vitreous and
white biscuit covered with a very pale olive -green glaze,
the latter being sometimes -^^ of an inch thick — a white
porcelain, with the pattern in a blue colour not imlike what
is made in China at the present day — Canton, say — after the
pattern of the blue and white porcelain of the time of the
Emperor Kang-hi. The porcelain found in Seistan has,
however, only a floral pattern, the decoration being confined
to sprays of foliage or to a mere scrolled decorative pattern ;
there is, however, a 'fuzziness' of outline that takes away
from the eflfect of the design and good colour that is seen
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€66 COINS AND SEALS COLLECTED IN 8EISTAN.
in some of the fragments. Glazed earthenware strews the
«lope of every moimd, and is not worthy of mention, as,
though the pieces were well baked, the glaze is very thin.
None of the beads show any attempt to pourtray animal
forms. A solitary exception was foimd in the case of an
agate-bead, which was shaped like a squatting frog ; a finely
bored hole running through it lengthways showed exactly
for what it was originally used. The representation was
perfect, not a touch too much, and no over-elaboration of
detail. Another fine piece of work is the head of a ram, in
baked clay. It is hollow, and evidently formed the spout
of an ewer or jug, the head being some 2J inches long.
The facial markings and the detail of the horns were most
perfectly done with a few bold touches of some blunt tool
when the paste was damp. The effect is lifelike, and shows
that a very high standard of artistic skill must have been
reached, to be employed in decorating what was probably
an utensil in every-day use. The agate frog was discovered
at an ancient site called Khana - i - Qaur, to the east of
Chakansur, at the point where the Khash Rud enters the
plain of Seistan. The ram's head was found in one of the
ruined sites of Ghulghula. Another representation of a frog
was foimd in this district : it is cut out of a piece of tiiat
thick shell of which mention has been made ; through the
nose (it is a back view of a frog sitting up) a fine hole
has been bored, and this bead or pendant was one of
a number forming a necklace. Down the back, on either
side of the spine, there are three cup-like markings of small
circles enclosing dots which had been picked out with black
colouring matter.
The seals are cut on cornelians, garnets, some on very
pale amethysts, and milky translucent agates. Some are
cut on dark green and grey stones, but the latter do not
show the same skill or finish, and probably the stones are
softer and do not lend themselves to very great elaboration of
detail. The forms represented are for the most part those
of animals ; some few have representations of the human
form, or of human heads, but these are rare. Cabalistic
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C0IK8 AND SEALS COLLECTED IN SEISTTAK. 667
diagramB or signs are very commoii. So are inscriptions
of varying length and style, many of the more elaborate
being marked by a star. I gave two seals to the British
Commissioner which were brought in, one from Kadah and
the other from Chihilburj, localities not very far from
Chakansur. One was a beautiful intaglio of a human head
facing to the left. A chaplet of leaves bound the hair,
which fell down the neck in three heavy curls. There was
a collar or necklace, below which the representation did
not go. The intaglio was about yV ^^ ^^ ^^^ along the
greater axis of a regular ellipse ; the head having been carved
in this direction, the small vacant spaces containing twa
sentences in some ancient script. The intaglio was on the
flat surface of the stone, the other being convex. The detail
of the face, hair, and chaplet is very beautiful, and the
inscription is also very distinct. The beauty of the work-
manship can only be judged by examination through
a magnifjring-glass.
The other was of similar size and shape as to the stone.
But the design, in this case a cabab'stic sign, was cut on the
curved side. It was enclosed on either side by an inscription
in the same character as that on the seal previously described.
This also I gave to the British Commissioner, who in the
midst of a busy career finds recreation in a variety of
pursuits. These seals have been sent by him to the
Director of the Archaeological Survey of India. There
is also a third specimen in my possession. It is a head
facing left, wearing a heavily crested helmet. It is also
very beautifully cut and finished, but bears no inscription.
It came from the Chihilburj ruins. The face is distinctly
of an European type, whereas the former shows the features
of an Eastern type of coimtenance. A class by itself
is the more simple form of engraving, generaUy cut on
a milky and translucent agate, the bird, fish, or other
object being delineated by a few touches of the graver's
tool. Some of the objects which it was intended to represent
are not at all easy to make out, but I have a seal of this
class with a very spirited representation of a man, with
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668 COINS AND SEALS COLLECTED IN SEI8TAN.
a pigtail evidently, and other details of dress and figure very
Chinese in their general effect. Some of the small intaglio
«eals are very beautiful, the detail of the horns and body
of the animals being most carefully carried out. The animals
are probably intended to represent the signs of the Zodiac.
The coins that are discovered bear the face and head of
ancient monarchs, and the features and details of dress vary.
These coins are now with the Society, and their exact
significance can be clearly distinguished. Suffice it to say
that the coins with effigies come from the ruins which
extend from Sar-o-Tar, in the south, past Ohakansur and
up to the ruins known as Post-i-Qtiu ^ and Ohapu, embracing
the ancient sites at Kadah and E^ana-i-Gttur, and Erindas,
these localities being situated to the east of Chakansur.
With these ancient mintages are found the coins of the
Caliphs and the earlier Muhammadan coins. I have seen
a very much defaced copper coin (apparently of Mahmud of
Ghazni) which was found in the ruins of Sar-o-Tar itself.
Copper coins, as a rule, are ruined by bad usage at the hands
of the 'Dagal Gkirdis' themselves. They place the coins
they collect into a fire, and the oxydised crust is burnt off,
leaving only a thin wad or ingot of metal behind. The
latter comes out quite plain; the inscriptions, effigy, or
whatever the coin had originally stamped on it are either
altogether removed, in the case of a much corroded piece,
or too far obliterated to be of any interest or value. Some-
times silver coins are also subjected to this treatment ; but
generally the greater value of the metal secures it better
treatment.
As a rule, the more modem coins are foimd nearer the
Helmand and across it inside Persian Seistan. But I have
seen a coin of Kutb-ud-din, the Zaiani Malik of Seistan,*
a contemporary of the celebrated Tamerlane, which was
1 Both these are perhaps modem and Baluchi names. But tMs is not beyond
doubt, as associated with them and close by is a ruin which stilly bears a name
preserved in the writings of Istakhri, and the place so mentioned is probably tiie
existing ruined site now visible.
» Taken prisoner by Timur in the month of Shawal, 785 a.h., and liberated
after his death in 803 a.h.
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COINS AND 6EAL6 COLLECTED IN SEI8TAN. 669
brought in from Post-i-Qtiu. Coins of the Maliks of Seistan
are not very numerous. Copper coins bearing the title of
several princes of this family have been found, with the words
** struck in Nimroz " or " the country of Nimroz." These
are useful for verifying the names of those princes which
appear in the Shijrat-ul-Muluk, a manuscript genealogy of
the family, which, however, preserves little but a list of names
of the ruling chiefs who have held authority in Seistan.
One very handsome gold piece bore on the obverse the
legend ''Al Malik alA'zam ^Iz-ud-dunya tea ud-din Kai{dni)/*
It formed part of an ornament belonging evidently to a lady
of some position, whose husband was able to afford to buy
gold coins for such a purpose. Another of these (on the
same article) was a gold coin struck by the same, or another,
Malik. This was a much more elaborate piece. The
inscription was very full and cramped, and it could not be
deciphered in the very short time the coin was in my hands.
The word Al Malik stood at the head by itself, and in many
of the copper coins the same arrangement is found to exist.
So that, although the mint town is not named, there can be
but little doubt that they were struck in Seistan, at the
capital. Both coins were of the same weight. Each weighed
equal to a rupee of Indian currency,* including the brass
loop welded on so as to allow of their being stnmg on
a necklace or other article of personal adornment.
The author of the Rauzat-ul- Jannat fi Ausaf-i-Madinati-l-
Herat, MuUa Muin Zamji Isfirari, mentions a Malik, Muiz-
ud-din Husen, who made himself very unpopular for many
reasons, one of which was an alteration in the currency.
Flying to the "island of the Zirreh" (Koh Khwaja) for
refuge from the troops of Babar Mirza, Prince of Herat,
he was put to death by the leading men of Seistan. This
was in 859 a.h. Silver coins with the name "Iz-ul-Haq" and
wa ul-din are fairly numerous, and on a copper com are the
words "Iz-ul-Haq" and "struck in Nimroz." So perhaps
these coins may belong to the period of that Malik. In
^ The rupee = 180 grs. troy.
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670 COINS AND SEALS COLLECTED IN SEISTAN.
the Shijrat ul Muluk he is called Malik Husen, is said ta
have had a glorious reign, and at last to have suffered from
the caprices of fortune.
Some of the copper coins have very clear but abbreviated
inscriptions. It was necessary to curtail these as the coins-
are yery small, being mere wads of copper stamped on
either face.
Copper was the metal universally used. Cattle brands are
brought in, and seals of this metal are very common ; a lamp
was brought to me from Sar-o-Tar. Several fragments of
censers or incense-burners, pitchers and ewers, ladles, mortars,,
and fragments that look like portions of body armour, or
which may have been parts of copper caskets, are also very
common. I have an arrow-head made of copper; and iron
seems to have been either not used or kept solely for
implements of agriculture and warlike weapons. It was
probably diffictdt to get. The trade of a coppersmith must
have been a lucrative one owing to the demand for his wares.
And thus grew up the tale preserved in the Shijrat ul Muluk
that Lais the coppersmith by his daily toil supplied his
vagrant sons Yakub and Amru with the means of enter-
taining their fellows, who spent the father's daily earnings
every night. And the sons of the coppersmith of Zaryetein
in Seistan spread the name and craft of their father through-
out the world of Islam. The coins with effigies of an
European type come from the tract of coimtry about the
embouchure of the Khash Bud and the ruins aroimd the
fort of Chihilburj.
To the west of the Helmand but few coins are found.
During the year 1903-4 only some half-dozen coins were
foimd in the ruins of Zahidan. One of these had a loop
attached to it, and was evidently used for decorative purposes
long ago. It is an ancient coin, possibly struck during
the Caliphate.
The name also of the town and country has altered, on
coins of the Maliks, from the reigns of Malik Kutb-ud-din
and his successors. Struck in Nimroz (or the town or
coimtry j^j^ ^\ ^) of Nimroz takes the place of Zaranj.
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COINS AND SEALS COLLECTED IN SEISTAN, 671
In order to induce the Dagal Gkirdis to bring in their finds
to the Mission Camp, it was necessary to offer them some
inducement in the shape of higher prices than those they
command in the vicinity of their abodes, especially as the
journey included a swim across the Helmand in flood. There
is a steady demand for ancient coins and seals, which find
a ready market. For one thing, they are regarded with
a certain amount of awe, as being endowed with certain
properties that render them operative against ailments. The
pendants cut out of the thick sea- shells are called * Gwati.*^
* Gwat ' in Baluchi means wind ; and the ornaments are
believed to be a specific for pains and aches due to rheumatism
or neuralgia, and they are worn in order to ward off these
attacks. The old coins of the Caliphate or early Muhammadan
mintage are distinctly held in reverence. In those days,
before Islam was rent by the two great schisms, men say
their ancestors' religious zeal burnt clear and steadily, and
the profession of faith stamped on the ancient coins was
more sincerely believed in than is the case in these degenerate
days, and a greater potency is ascribed to it, which render
these old coins objects of a sentimental regard. Then, again,.
coins and intaglios have a value as ornaments. They are
bought largely by the richer classes of the people. Sardars
and Kalantars and wealthy traders generally have some.
The late Kalantar, or Mir as he was called, of Iskil had
a collection of seals and coins large enough to fill two or
three small trunks. This collection is said to be very
remarkable. I believe no European has ever been able, or
allowed, to see the whole of it,* so it is not possible to form
any idea of its extent or value. His sons have inherited
the collection and property generally. The late Mir Abbas
was in many ways a very remarkable man. His family and
two others had the title of Mir handed down from their
ancestors. The Mirs of Chakansur, sometimes also called
Mir-i-Arab, and the Mirs of Daulatabad have, however,
fallen into evil days, and sunk in the social scale. The
' It is hoped the British Commissioner will be able to examine this collection
before the work of the Mission closes.
j.R.A.s. 1904. 45
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672 COINS AND SEALS COLLECTED IN SEISTAN.
late Kalantar of Iskfl displayed great enthusiasm in forming
this collection ; and, as he was always willing to give a fair
return for what he took, and as his residence was on the
high road to the city as soon as the river had been crossed,
he commanded the supply of these articles. He took great
pride in his collection, and used to occasionally present a few
coins or seals to officers who visited him.
In the company of ancient coins, tokens of brass are
often brought for sale as gold coins. Among these I have
observed a brass imitation of the Venetian sequin, on
which there was still legible a portion of the inscription,
" Sit tibi, Christe, datus, quem Tu regis iste ducatus," and
the well-known brass card-coimters — (1) imitation of the
spade-guinea of George III, with inscr. "In memory of
the good old days '* ; (2) obv, head of Queen Victoria ;
rev. the Duke of Cumberland on horseback galloping, with
inscr. " To Hanover."
Lastly, I have had brought to me the following gold coins
(ducats) of the Netherlands : two of the province of
Holland (eighteenth century), and one of King William I,
1837.
No detailed account of the ancient coins has been at-
tempted, because they are in the hands of those more
qualified to speak with authority on such a subject. And
this note has been put together in the intervals of official
work, from observations recorded at various times, in the
hope that the matter may perhaps be not uninteresting.
Camp Ktjhak.
April 9, 1904.
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673
XXVI.
HOTE OH ANCIEHT COINS
<;OLLECTED IN SEISTAN BY MR. G. P. TATE, OF THE SEISTAN
BOUNDARY COMMISSION.
By E. J. RAPSON, M.A., M.R.A.S.
fPHE following is a description of the coins referred to in
Mr. Tate's article which appears in the present number
of the Journal, pp. 663-672.
Mr. Tate has given an admirably clear accoimt of the
provenance of these coins, and it is much to be wished that
all collectors of Oriental coins would keep a similar accurate
record of the precise localities from which their specimens
are obtained. It is only by the accumulation of such
important evidence that we can hope to make any real
progress in the study of Indian numismatics.
I. COINS DERIVED FROM GREEK SOURCES.
1. Obv, Helmeted head of Athene to r.
Rev. Eagle.
PL 1. M -55 ; Wt. 50 grs.
[v. Head, B.M. Cat: Attica, p. 26, PI. vii, 9, 10 ; Rapson,
Indian Coins, § 9, PL i, 7.]
Coins of this class are imitated from the Athenian coinage,
which was carried by commerce to the most distant parts
of the world. Some of the imitations which are found in
Northern India are simply slavish copies of the head of
Athene on the obverse and the owl on the reverse ; but
the class to which this specimen belongs has acquired
a certain degree of independence of the original from which
it is derived : the head of Athene is retained, but an eagle
has taken the place of the owl of Athene on the reverse.
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674 ANCIENT COINS COLLECTED IN SEISTAN.
For the possible connection between these coins and those
of Sophytes, wha at the time of Alexander's invasion of
India (326 b.c.) was ruling over a district on the banks of
the Acesines, r. Rapson, Indian Coins, §§9, 11.
2. Obv, Head of Herakles in lion's skin to r.
Rev, Globular surface without type.
PL 2. iR -5 ; Wt. 645 grs.
This is an ancient native imitation of the coinage
of Alexander the Great. In the original, the reverse-type
is 'Zeus enthroned.' In this particular imitation, the
obverse ' Head of Herakles ' only has been copied, and the
reverse has been left without a type — a peculiarity which
is also to be observed in some of the ancient Ghiulish and
British imitations of Greek and Roman coins. Cf.y for
instance, Evans, Coins of the Ancient Britons^ PI. b, 8.
II. SELEUCID KINGS OF SYRIA.
Seleucus I, B.C. 306-281.
3. Ol>v. Head of Herakles in lion's skin to r.
Rev. Zeus seated to 1. on throne ; BASIAEQS f
SEAEYKOY in two vertical lines in r. field; in
1. field, mon. ^ (?) ; beneath throne, mon. 7|^ (?).
Tetradrachm. PI. 3. iR 1 ; Wt. 225 grs.
This is a specimen of the earliest coinage of Seleucus^
on which he retains the types of Alexander the Great. It
is interesting as showing an arrangement of the legend
BAZIAEOZ SEAEYKOY which has not been hitherto
noticed. For the other methods of arrangement, fourteen in
number, r. Babelon, Rois de Syrie, p. x. In 306 b.c, when
Seleucus took the title of king, he was in possession of all
that portion of the empire of Alexander the Great which
lies between the Oxus and the Indus. His coins may^
therefore, be expected to be found in Seistan.
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ANCIENT COINS COLLECTED IN SEISTAN. 675
The reverse of this specimen is in such a poor state of
>reservation that it is impossible to decipher the monograms
v-ith certainty. The drawings given above cannot claim to
oe strictly accurate.
III. GREEK KINGS OF BACTRIA.
DiODOTUS, B.C. 250.
4. Obi\ Head of king to r.
Mev, Zeus striding to 1., hurling thunderbolt. (In-
scription illegible.)
Hemidrachm. PL 4. ^ '5 ; Wt. 25-5 grs.
This piece is probably an original ; but it has been so
defaced by cleaning that it is not possible to be certain that
it may not be an early imitation. As the inscription is lost,
it is impossible, also, to say whether both portrait and
inscription were those of Diodotus, or whether the coin
belongs to that transitional class in which the portrait of
Diodotus occurs in conjunction with the name of Antiochus.*
Diodotus, originally satrap of the province of Bactria,
revolted against his Seleucid over -lord, Antiochus II, and
founded the Greek kingdom of Bactria, c, b.c. 250.
EUTHYDEMUS, C. B.C. 206.
5. Obv, Head of king to r.
Rev. Herakles seated to 1. on rock; r. BAZIAEQZ;
1. [-]Y0[YA]HMOY.
Hemidrachm. PL 5. ^ -5 ; Wt. 24-5 grs.
The art and the poorly executed letters of the Greek
inscription convict this specimen of being a native imitation ;
but it is an early imitation, and not far removed from the
prototype. Coins of the class to which it belongs are usually
* Gardner, £.M, Cat. : Seleucid Kings of Syria^ pp. xv, 15, pi. v, 7. This
appears to be the correct view. Babelon, Rois de Sijrie, p. Ix, demes that the
portrait is that of Diodotus, but without any sufficient reason.
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676 ANCIENT COINS COLLECTED IN 8EI8TAN.
known as *Saka imitations of Bactrian coins/ for which
V. the references given in Indian Coins, § 28. This class
belongs to a period beginning c, 120 b.c, when the Greek
kingdom of Bactria had been overwhelmed by the Scythian
invaders, who imitated for their own use the coins which
they found circulating in the country.
6. Demetrius, c. b.c. 190.
OboL [i\ Gardner, B.M. Cat. : Greek and Scythic Kitign
of Bactria and India, p. 6, PI. ii, 11, 12.]
To Euthydemus and his son Demetrius are attributed the
earliest conquests made in India by the Greek princes of
Bactria : r. refp. in Indian Coins, § 18.
IV. INDO- PARTHIAN DYNASTY.
The history of this dynasty is at present very obscure.
A summary of what is known will be found in Indian Coins,
§ 61. It seems to have held Kandahar and Seistan in the
first century a.d., and probably for some time before and
after. At the time of its best-known monarch, Gondophares,
its power extended to the W. Punjab and Sind. Its precise
connection with the contemporary Parthian dynasty is un-
certain ; but, from this point of view, certain Parthian coins
{v. inf., p. 677) found in Seistan and bearing as a counter-
mark the sjnnbol which is characteristic of the coins of
Gondophares are most interesting.
In October, 1903, I received from Mr. R. Hughes-Buller,
the Superintendent of the Imperial Gazetteer of Baluchistan,
a great nimiber of coins of this Indo-Parthian dynasty
(Qt)ndophares and Pacorus). As these came also from
Seistan, we have abundant numismatic evidence of the rule
of the Indo-Parthian djuasty in this region.
All the coins of this dynasty which I have noted in
Mr. Tate's collection are of bronze, and are iiniformly in
such a poor state of preservation, or have been so badly
* cleaned ' according to the very vigorous method described
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ANCIENT COINS COLLECTED IN 8EI8TAN. 677
by Mr. Tate, that only small fragments of the inscriptions
can be read.
7-10. Pacorus. ? 1st or 2nd cent. a.d.
[v, G^ardner, B,M. Cat. : Gk. and Scythic Kings, p. 110,
PI. xxiii, 8.]
11, 12. OrthactNbs. P Ist or 2nd cent. a.d.
[Ibid., p. 109, PI. xxiii, 9.]
PL 8 {Obverse). M -9; Wt. 109 grs.
V. PARTHIAN DYNASTY.
Small silver coins (drachms) of the following kings of
Parthia have been noticed in Mr. Tate's collection. A full
description of all the varieties, except the countermarked
coins of Orodes, will be found in Gardner's Parthian Coinage
(International Nnmismata Orientalia, Pt. v) and "Wroth's
B,M. Cat. : Parthia.
13. MiTHRADATES II, B.C. 123-88.
14, 15. Phraates III, B.C. 70-57.
16, 17. Orodes I, b.c. 57-37.
18, 19. Orodes I, countermarked with the symbol
^ of the Indo-Parthian dynasty {v. inf.).
20. Phraates IV, b.c. 37-2.
21. Gotarzes, a.d. 40-51.
22. ? VOLAGASES II, A.D. 77-146.
23-28. MiTHRADATES IV, A.D. P 130-147.
29. VoLAGASES IV, A.D. 191-207.
The countermarked specimens of Orodes I are most
interesting and important ^ (Pis. 6 and 7). They show that
Parthian coins struck between b.c. 57 and 37 were stamped
» Cunninffham, Num. Chron.f 1890, p. 119, noted the fact that coins of
* Artabanus^ were found coimtennarked with the * symbol of Gondophares,'
but no specimen seems to have been published, and it is impossible to verify the
statement. He probably meant Artabanus III (a.d. 10-40) ; but it is, of
course, possible that he may have used the name ^ Artabanus by mistake for
* Orodes.*
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678 ANCIENT COINS COLLECTED IN 8EISTAN.
for reissue by some member of the Indo-Parthian dynasty.
This dynasty seems to have ruled first in Kandahar and
Seistan. It is possible that the Indo-Parthian power may
have arisen during, or shortly after, the reign of Orodes,
and that the money then current in this region was counter-
marked by the new rulers with their distinctive symbol.
VI. VASSAL OF THE EAKLY SASSANIAN DYNASTY.
ArDAMITRA, VASSAL OF HoRMUZD I, A.D. 271-273.
30. Obv. Head of king to 1. ; inscription in Sassanian
Pahlavi.
[^Rev. Sassanian Fire-altar ; on either side, an inscr.
in Sassanian Pahlavi.^]
PI. 9. ^-9; Wt 101-5 grs.
This obscure class of coins has been described by the
late M. Edmond Drouin in the Revue Numismatique, 1896,
p. 62, PL ii, 1-8. According to Drouin, the long inscription
in Sassanian Pahlavi on the obv. is the regular coin-legend
of Hormuzd I. One of the inscriptions on the rev. is read
by him as *Ardamitra,' and he supposes this to be the
name of some vassal of Hormuzd I.
The specimens published by Drouin came from Turkestan ;
but, as there is no reason to believe that the Sassanian power
extended beyond the Oxus, it is most probable that they
were carried thither in the course of trade, and that their real
home was somewhere farther south. From the occurrence
of a solitary specimen in this collection of coins made in
Seistan, it would, of course, be rash to infer that this home
was Seistan. Some such conclusion is, however, indicated by
a piece of numismatic evidence which has not been hitherto
noticed. There can be no doubt that there is a very striking
resemblance between these coins attributed to a vassal of
the Sassanian dynasty and the Indo-Parthian coins of Pacorus
* The reverse of this particular specimen is quite defaced. The description is
borrowed from the coins published by Drouin.
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ANCIENT COINS COLLECTED IN SEISTAN. 679
and Orthagnes referred to above (p. 677). Not only are
the coins of the two classes themselves similar in size and
fabric, but the peculiar arrangement of the hair in the
king's portrait, which forms the obverse type of each, is
almost identical. The changes which distinguish the coins
attributed to a Sassanian feudatory are such as would naturally
have been expected if a transference of power had taken
place. Inscriptions in Sassanian Pahlavi have taken the
place of the Greek and Kharosthi inscriptions of the Indo-
Parthian coins ; and the Sassanian reverse-type, a Fire-altar,
has supplanted the Greek figure of Victory. The numismatic
evidence might well indicate some connection between the
Indo-Parthian dynasty in Seistan and this feudatory dynasty
of the early Sassanian empire.
VII. SASSANIAN DYNASTY.
The Sassanian coins, ^ with two exceptions, call for no
special notice. The kings represented are : —
31-33. Shahpur I, A.D. 240-271 (one silver, two bronze).
34-38. Shahpur II, a.d. 310-380 (four silver, one bronze).
39. Ardashir II, A.D. 380-384.
40. Varahran IV, A.D. 389-399.
41. FTruz, a.d. 458-488.
42. KoBAD, A.D. 491-498.
43. Jamasp, a.d. 498-531.
44. Hormuzd IV, A.D. 578-589.
45, 46. Khusru II, a.d. 591-628.
47. Ardashir III, a.d. 628-629.
The coins of Jamasp and Ardashir III merit special
description on account of their rarity.
43. Obv, Head of king to r. ; indistinct traces of inscr.
in Sassanian Pahlavi.
Rev. Fire-altar and attendants ; t. Dd; 1. = (year)
thirty-four.
PL 10. MV05; Pierced.
* It is to be understood that these are of sUver, unless otherwise described.
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680 ANCIENT COINS COLLECTED IN SEISTAN.
[v. Longp^rier, Midailks des Rots Perses, p. 70, PI. x, 3 ;
Mordtmann, Munzen mit Pehlvi-Legenden (reprint from
Z.D.M.G., 1854), p. 77, PI. viii, 23.]
Mordtmann {op, city p. 13) accepts the view of Thomas
that Dd may represent the mint JDdrabgird. The Pahlavi
date is the former of the two given as equivalent to * thirty-
four* on his PL iii, cf. p. 192. There seems to be great
uncertainty as to the chronology of the reign of Jamasp.
If Longp^rier is right in giving to this reign the period
from A.D. 498 to 531, as woidd appear from the chronological
table {op, ctt,, p. 87), this coin must have been struck in
the last-mentioned year, 531 a.d.
47. Obv. Head of king to r. ; inscr. r., Autahahat; 1., AJzut
Rev, Fire-altar and attendants; T,Mar\ 1. = (year) two.
(The margin as far as the circle of dots has been clipped ofE.)
[f. Thomas, Num. Chron., 1873, p. 251, PI. ix, 2-4.]
Vin. MUHAMMADAN GOVERNOR OF PERSIA.
48. ? Abdallah bin Zobeir, c. a.d. 683-692.
[v. Mordtmann, op. cit, p. 160.]
The identification of this piece is not quite certain.
IX. THE CALIPHS.
49. Struck at Wasit: Hejira year [9]6 = a,d. 714.
50. „ „ „ 109 = A.D. 727.
51. „ Balkh: „ 192 = a.d. 807.
52. „ „ „ 1[9]3 = A.D. 808.
63. „ Samarkand „ 194 = a.d. 809.
54. An Abbasid coin of about the Hejira year 200 =
A.D. 815 ; date and mint illegible.
X. GHAZNAVID.
55, 56. Mahmud. a.d. 998-1030.
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681
XXTII.
KOTE ON HUSALHAN COINS COLLECTEI> BT
HB. 0. P. TATE IN SEISTAN.
By 0. CODRINGTON, M.D., F.S.A.
fTlHE following coins were sent by Mr. Tate, together with
"*" those described by Professor Rapson in the preceding
article : —
UMAYYAD KHALIFS. Dimashk. a.h. 80. M.
al-Taimarah. ,, 94. ,,
Wasit. „ 94. „
*ABB1SID KHALIF. Madinat Balkh. „ 194. „
Elhalif coins of Taimarah mint are rare, but one of the
year 94 is given in Tiesenhausen, No. 402.
GHAZNAWID. Sabaktigin, as B.M. Cat., vol. ii, No. 453. M,
Hahmud. Four coins of ordinary types. „
SUI8TAN MALIK (?). Qutb al Din. No mint. Year 74-. '
Obv. In square a)J\ J^j \\ Sa^ aU\ || i» al\ "i
Circle surrounding the square with floral ornament in the
four spaces.
Margin : In four divisions made by loops from the comers
of the square i['^ ^r^^ — {ji^j^ —... — .,.
£ev. In plain circle ^jijJ^^ W^jJ^ || ^^ J-^W\ || j^lSaLJ\
Two outer circles ; one of dots and one plain.
PL 11. M; Size M; Wt. 80.
This is no doubt the coin referred to in Mr. Tate's article
as one of " Kutb-ud-din, the Kaiani Malik of Seistan."
There is some doub.t whether he was reigning as early
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682 3CXJSALMAX COIXS FROM SEISTAN.
as 74-, bat there seems to be no other Qutb al Din, oi
the date, to whom to attribute the com. The top word on
Sec. is certainly ^^^si— •, not l->1^.
CHAGATAL BuTiii ttoli (ah. 74^760). Herat, year 75-.
06v, In square ^\ Jy^j | J.-*.^ I aIII 3^ ^H
Around : names of four Khalifs.
JUv. In circle dll\ jAd- J<S^ ^ ^\jyi | JjUll ^UJLJI
Characteristic symbol between the two words of last line.
Margin, within a plain and a dotted circle
PL 14. J^; Size 11 ; Wt. 125.
KARTS OF HERAT, fiuaain (a.h. 732-771). Herat, year 752.
1. As B.M. Cat., vol. vi, :No. 592. ^.
2. Two others of similar type, except that ^er i^ ,J is
omitted from the Rev. legend. ^R.
HEBAT. (Doubtful.)
1. Obv. In square of double lines, <dl^ J^^ x»-<^ <d3\ Hi a5\ S
in square Cufic characters arranged as in B.M. Cat.,
vol. vi, 2^0. 592a.
Margin in four compartments within circle, names of four
Khalifs.
Rev. In square of double lines, with loops in the middle of
each side, arranged in the same manner as the Oir.,
Margin in eight divisions, in poor lettering, nothing legible
but <— ^.
PI. 12. yR; Size 125; Wt. 124.
The word above l\jb is somewhat doubtful, owing to the
bad lettering, but is, I think, <--^ .
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1
MU8ALMAN COINS FROM SEISTAN. 683-
2. Three others of the same pattern, but of more corrupt
lettering ; traces of date can be seen in the marginal legend
of one of them. M,
3. One of the same pattern, except that the rev» area is in eight-
foil. M,
4. Herat, year 775.
Ohv. As preceding coins.
Bm;. In sixfoil, in three lines ^uL: || 4OJI ^^ || SA,si^
ornament above and below.
Margin : ^\aju^^ ^^w ^^m^^ic>- i:,^ j^^ i^ . . Syb <-»^
PL 13. M; Size 1-2; Wt. 148.
In "Catalogue of Coins collected by C. J. Kodgers and
purchased by the Government of the Panjab," pt. iv,
p. 27, two coins are described which are, it would seem,
similar to these, but as they are not figured one cannot
be certain. The Bev. central legend on them is read as
ending in J^^ instead of i^ <— ^, and the marginal
legend is given on
No. 1 LU II j--^^ II ^U5 II ^1 II ^ «i II i\j3b II JjJj II <-^
and on No. 2 . . . U i\jib ifjJj d ^er JL«> d
The identity of the latter to the marginal legend on coins
of Husain, B.M. Cat., vol. vi, No. 692a, mentioned above,
leaves no doubt of the coin being also one of that ruler,
and from the general likeness in pattern of No. 1, dated
ten years after Husain's time, to that of No. 2, it may
fairly be attributed to Ghiyath al Dm Pir 'Ali, successor
of Husain, who was in power at Herat from a.h. 772
until the capture of that place by Tlmur in 783. In all
probability these now described were also coins of the
same ruler.
TIMURID. 1. Abu Sa*id (a.h. 855-872).
Sari. No date.
Ohv. In plain circle, with outer circle of dots in three lines
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€84 MU8ALMAN COINS FEOM SEISTAK.
Counter-struck in cartouches ' and ^
^^
Eev. ^j\^ (-yp II iOlkL- II aUI jJl^;. II . . II . .
PI. 16. M ; Size -85 ; Vt. 66.
2. Samarkand. No date; as B.M. Cat., vol. vii, No. 112.
Counter-struck on Rev. 4^ ^'
^^
3. Baisan^ar (a.h. 900-902).
[Samarqand.] Year 90 1 .
Oh. In looped square alH J^^ [| »Xf^^ i^\ || 5H <d\ ^
Margin in four looped cartouches
Counter-struck • • • (?)•
-R«?. In circle ^jUaL* ||yCw»Mjlj || u5;li || ^ • I
Margin, within plain circle and another dotted one,
iR; Size -95; Wt. 70.
This coin is similar to one described and figured by
Tiesenhausen, in " Nouveaut^s Numismatiques," published
in the Proceedings of the Imperial Russian Archseological
Society, tome vi, pp. 229-264, on which is the whole of
the Rev. marginal legend ending
Husain Baikara (a.h. 873-913).
1. Astarabad, as B.M. Cat., volt vii, No. 126. Four coins
without date. ^*
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MUSALMAN CX)IN8 FROM 8EI8TAN. 685
2. Herat, year 895, as B.M. Cat., vol. vii, No. 123, and six
M of the same pattern without date, one of which is I
connter-struck^^xXwujlj . -31.
3. Balkh. No date. Similar to the above Herat coins, but in
the centre jf/^ instead of i\jJb .
M; Size 9 ; Vt. 70.
This is a rarity, no Timurid coin struck at Balkh having
been, as far as I know, published hitherto.
8HIKWANID. <Izz al-Ha^q Kirman b. Mahmnd. Mint and
date not legible.
Similar to B.M. Cat., vol. x, No. 248/, p. 180. Four coins. M,
These coins are those refe'rred to in Mr. Tate's article as
silver ones, with the inscription "Iz-ul-Haq wa-ul-din."
The specimens in the British Museum are also all without
legible dates and mint places, but Marv has been read
doubtfully on one and Barda* on another. C. J. Rodgers
read the mint Nimroz on some he described in J.A.S.B.,
189'6, vol. Ixv, p. 226.
SHAHS OF PERSIA. Isma*a I (a.d. 907-930).
1. Herat, year 916. As Brit. Mus. Cat., Shah of Persia, No. 1.
2. Herat, year 916.
Ohv. Area in circle y^j \\ ^^i\ J^ M J \\ x*^ || aUI J\ al\ J
Margin in six-looped cartouches within plain circle —
Jlc Iff Aaic<* _Le _i_e .VA<g^
^^^ i^_^T^ JT^* (y!r^^ ^*^ ^i^*~■
Rm>, Full legend, as in B.M. Cat., No. 1, but without dividing
lines, and ending S|yb <-.^ ^ t "i
iR; SizeM; Wt. 141.
Tahmasp I (a.h. 930-984).
Herat. No date. As B.M. Cat., No. 2G. ^.
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Vo. 88.
^.•Sue-95- irt.78.
^^ ^^- Cat.. No. 213a. a.
^- K.>r Ct., No. 282. ^a.
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COINS FROM SEISTan.
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086 MUSALMAN COIl^S FROM SEISTAN>
Sultan Husain (a.h. 1105-1135).
1. Isfahan. Year 1131. As B.M. Cat., No. 117. a.h. iH.
2. Meshhed. Year 1132.
Ohv, As B.M. Cat., No. 88.
JRev. I irr s^ ^ ^\:i^\ ^^? ^i;--**^
M; Size 95 ; Wt. 7a.
'Abbas III (a.h. 1144-1148).
Without mint or date. As B.M, Cat., No. 213^. M,
*Adil Shah (a.h. 1160-1161).
Meshhed. Year 1160. As B.M. Cat., No. 282. M.
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.©
COINS FROM SEISTAN
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687
XXVIII.
THE PAHIAVI TEXT OF YASHA I,
FOR THE FIRST TIME CRITICALLY TRANSLATED.*
By PROFESSOE LAWRENCE MILLS.
The Prelude to the Sacrifice.
The Divinities addressed^ with the Inviting Announcements.
The Creator,
TlyTHILE I celebrate* (my sacrifice) I invite (in this
^^ announcement) the Creator, Auharmazd: [I invite
Him to this Yasna sacrifice; and I will invite Him con-
tinuously on. That is to say, I would now make the
beginning of it, and I (will) complete it, that is, I will
perform its conclusion].
1 The texts from which these translations were made appeared in the Zeitsehrift
of the German Oriental Society in January, 1904, as edited with all the MSS.
collated. Translations into Parsi-Persian, Sanskrit, and Oujrati, without collated
texts, and otherwise of an uncritical character, have alone preceded this. In
addition to the above, the Pahlavi texts of Y. X-XVI, XIX, XX, XXI, and XXII
have appeared in the ZeiUehi^ft D.M.O., edited as above indicated, and the
text of I. IX, 1-48, appeared in this Journal with all the variants given, and
Y. IX, 49-104, appeared in J.A.O.S., also with all the variants given.
Translations of these last - mentioned, with their sequence, Y. X, XI, XII,
XIX, have appeared in this Journal and in the J.A.O.S., etc. The Yasna
Haptanghaiti, Y. XXXY-XLII, is expected to appear in the ZeiUehiift
D.M.G., iii Heft, 1904. The remaining texts are in an advanced state of
preparation with their translations.
' Spiegel critically notices that a later meaning of angardan, cf. hankartenlan,
\b *opmari,' angsrah 'narratio,' so that we should here have synonyms. May
not such a later meaning, * invite,' have been derived from documents like the
present P As to this ^ace^ I a^ree with Ner. and the Parsi-Pers. MS., which do
not render ' invite.* The idea is * I make known ' (give notice), as the invitation,
i.e. 'I invite,* at the beginning, while I complete, i.e. 'celebrate,' meaning
* I am going on regularly,*^ as much as to say * I now make the formal sacrifice.'
j.R.A.s. 1904. 46
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688 THE PAHLIVI TEXT OF YA8NA I.
I invite the Creator Aiiharmazd, the radiant, the glorious,^
the greatest [in body^], the most excellent [in worth] and
the best [in appearance], (2) the most firm, [that is to say,
the most severe (literally *hard') as regards duty and the
Holy Lore], the One most (of all) the very wise [the most
intelligent (practically meaning 'the Omniscient*)], the
best in body ; [that is to say. His limbs ' the best fit in the
one to the other], the most exalted because of ArSa (so
better than 'A§a') [from His being well-fashioned (note
that Ar§a (not a§a) may mean 'exactly'). Some say this,
that from among the Yazats, whose body* is Arsa (A§aP),
He (Auharmazd*) is the Great One],
(3) the most imderstanding One, [i.e., He, Aiiharmazd,
is correctly informed], the gladdener of desire,^ [that is to
say. He comes to people for their need and for rejoicing (for
the gratification of their hopes and desires)],
(4) Who created us and fashioned^ us as to bodily
imiformity^ (or *as to physical habitudes'?)];
We are also nourished by Him, who is the most August ^
of Spirits, Auharmazd.
* These expressions may have been induced by the fact that a very brilliant
«tar, Jupiter (?), was also termed * Afiharmazd.*
2 Notice that this is a gloss, yet see hiipertiim below.
' The allusion to bodily attributes must not be misunderstood. * Whose body
is Arsa (Asa) * is intended to modify the foregoing terms. ' Whose body is the
Manthra ' is applied to Mithra, and to Sraosa as well as to YiStaspa. Compare
analogous biblical expressions, * One body with Christ,' etc.
* There can be little doubt that it is Ahura who is meant as * the Great One,'
or as * the great One of the Tazats * ; this was to explain avartum. Notice the
inclusion of Auharmazd within the class of the Yazats, which should, however,
be regarded as quite natural. But we must also notice that Ar§a (AJa) is in
this important place spoken of in connection with Ahura to the momentary
exclusion of Vohumanah, otherwise in later estimates generally considered to be
the 'first.'
* If vouru means * desire,* then epenthesis is present, and we have va(u)ru =
vouru from * var.' Ner. saw tiie root * var.' He adds the idea of spontaneity
8ve^6*anandi.
* In the passive, but transposed by Ner.
' Ner. -bimbam = (globular?) figure. Was *tan' suggested by the syllable
' ta ' of tataSa, the nasal as so often to be supplied ?
* So perhaps better than ' Bountiful.'
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA I. 689
The August Invfwrtals are inriied,
(5) As I celebrate, I invite Vah'man (i.e. Vohu Manah;
Ner. adds *the Lord of herds of cattle'), and Ar§a (ASa P)
Vahista (Ner. 'the Chief of Fires'), and Xsaft:^ver (Ner.
*the Lord over the seven Metals'), and Spendarmat (Ner.
' the Chief over the Earth '), and Xordat (Ner. ' the Chief
over Water'), and Amer'dat (Ner. *the Chief over Trees').^
The Herds and the Fire,
(6) And as I completely* celebrate (my office), I invite
the Herd's Soul and its Body,' and the Fire of AOharmazd,
the One the closest approaching us of the other Immortals.*
[And the sign^ of this is this; for (that is, 'namely') both
the two (are this sign), the fuel (lit. * coal ') and the kindling
sparks of the spirits and of the world.]
The Asnya are invoked,^
(7) Celebrating, I invite the Asnya, chiefs of Arsa (A§a P),
Havan (i.e. Havani^ (8) . . . and Savang^ [a spirit
^ These notes of Xer. indicate an advanced deterioration from the Gadic sense.
Yet the real meaning of the Six was not altogether lost upon him (N.) ; see
below at 22, where Sraosa (not, however, one oi the Amesas (properly Amorsas))
is defined. Ner.'s treatment of Sraosa shows that he had not lost the appreciation
of the interior significance of the other terms.
2 The Herd and the Fire are here introduced as being the most important
objects within the possession of man.
^ Tan' is a curious error, as I hold, for )0)(^^^ > it is followed by Ner.
and the Parsi-Pers. MS. ^^
* The Fire seems here for the moment to be carelessly included within the
class of the Amesai? (properly * Amersas'), possibly on account of the foregoing
item expressed by Ner. which identifies the Fire with Ar^a (Asah), an idea
familiar to all his contemporaries. Ngr. may have here meant * most approaching
from the immortal chiefs,' so, most naturally ; but see his original, the rahlavi.
* Ner. carries the dual forms throughout. ' The two signs fare there), for in
this (place) they have come, the coal and the li.^'ht of the world beyond and of
that here ' ; referring to the fuel burning in ashes upon the altar.
* The Holy * Times ' of the appointed daily sacrifice naturally come in here.
■^ From sunrise till 10 o'clock. Ner. nratal? sand'yayam. Ho adds * therefore
'(do I invite him), because only by his help (by means of this time appointment),
this time of their time, is it possible to approach.'
® Ner. * who increases the herds of cattle.*
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690 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA I.
co-operative with Havan]), and also Vis (Visya), holy chiefe
of Arsa (ASa), [(and I invite) the Person ^ occupied within
the (official) function of the Magopat (the Mobed)].
(9) And completing the celebration, I invite Miftra* of
Ae wide meadows,* of the thousand ears, of the myriad
eyes.* [His having a thousand ears is this, that five hundred
spirits sit upon his head and do a thousand of the work of
his ear, that is, they would do this hearing and that hearing
(hearing on every side).
And his having a myriad eyes is this, that five thousand
spirits sit upon his head, and in accordance with this they
would effect the work of his eyesight ; that is to say, they
would effect this seeing and that seeing (that is, a seeing in
every direction), while Mi^ is (still in reality but) two-
eyed and two-eared], or the Yazat of the spoken name (that
is, his name has been emphatically) mentioned in this Den
(see the Mihir Ya§t*). And, celebrating, I invite Ramesn*
;^varum (Raman ;^va8tra) [the spirit in whose way one must
do it, if they imderstand the taste of food (that is to say^
it is through his influence that the organs do their work^)].
(10) Celebrating, I invite Rapi^vin,® the holy Chief of
Aria ( ASa P, as the ritual Law)
(11) and Fradatfsu, the promoter of flocks, a spirit co-
operating with Rapi^vin, who increases the herds of cattle,,
the holy ritual Chief, and I invite Zantu . . . [and
* Ner. iinderHtood ya manuSyeSu moibade^u (so) mad*ye satkaryini (so),
uttamapatiSu, as it it were Vis (Visya) alone who was thus effectively active
amidst the good rulers the moibads. The ^loss ought to have referred to the
Eriest in regard to the Asnya, as sanctifying the times of sacrifices. Ner.,
owever, has his * ya' at the other places ; see 11, 14, etc.
• Why MiOra was here introduced, apparentiy interrupting the course of the
Tasna, was possibly on account of the Havan, beginning at Sunrise, Mi0ra in
other religions often representing the Sun and the I^ht.
• Ner. nivasitaratiyam (so), *the one of the settled pastures,* apparentiy only
at variance with the Pahla^-i.
* Recall Ezekiel's beast * full of eyes before and behind,* etc.
* Ner.*s gloss is greatiy reduced from this.
• Ner. understood * joy ' as * repose from fear,' anandam nirb*ayatvam.
^ Ramesn x^^riim may have been mentioned just here on account of the-
morning meal which represented the others.
9 Ner. rapit'vinanaranim mad*yahnab 8ahd*yam, the RapiOvina. It was fron*
midday to twilight.
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA I. 691
the person now present, within the active duty of the
(officiating) Ratu^].
(12) And, celebrating, I invite ArsavahiSta and also the
Fire,* Auharmazd's son.
(13) And celebrating, I invite Auzayeirin ^
(14) and Fradat - vlra (the Spirit co - operative with
Auzayeirin (Uzayerina), who will increase the mass of men
(the population)).
And celebrating, I invite (the Guardian Spirit of) the
Province also (i.e. Dahyiima) as well; [and I invite the
person now in activity as the master * of testamentary (?)
Law of, i.e. in regard to, the spirits (i.e. representing religious
interests as regards property*)].
(15) And, celebrating, I invite .... Burz (Burj ?),*
the kingly One^ [of women] and the brilliant one, the
Nap (the navel) ^ of Waters; and I invite (all) the waters
made of Auharmazd.
(16) And, celebrating, I invite aivlsrusrim,
the aibigaya.®' ^
* The Ratu is here most appropriately mentioned, as the ritual depended
.strictly upon the sacred fixed times of the day. Ner.'s ya would a^n seem to
refer to his last-mentioned chieftainship (so), ^she who was active in the midst
of men who were religious chiefs or teachers, the gurus.*
^ The Fire is introduced in consequence of the especial mention of the Ratu ;
and Ar§a vahista was guardian. ]N§r. * punyam (ritualistic merit) utkrS^taram
agnim5a hormijdasya.'
3 Ner. aparahnah sand'yum. It was from the heginning of twilight till the
stars appear.
* Or simply of the * herbad ' ; so the Parsi-Pers. MS. ; or it might be safer to
render * the interior ma.ster * ; the person in charge of public instruction. Ner.*8
b*alapana (sic) I regard as purely Parsi, and in no sense Sanskrit. It refers to
the reading girpat so (K* Spiegel), and means 'the heights — protecting' (chiefs).
* So by error for berezato = lofty ; Ngr. follows.
^ Ner. jalamayah apparently = rovej^n (so) i apan. He continues : * kila,
mQlast'anaih nirmalangam ctasmat nab*ih svayam apam evam.' But riiSan' is
closer.
' Ner. refers to * fine horses,' the idea being associated with nafeJro ap^
(Apam n&pat) as the lightning — possibly ' of the swift horses,* so, not in the Rk.
•* That is, the ai\'isrudreraa aibigaya. Ner. piirvardd'aratrasaud'yam ....
the first half of the night. It was from the appearance of the stars till midnight.
' Aibigaya may be explained a.s * conducive to lile.*
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692 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA I.
The Amenities of Civilisation are called to mind.
(17) Celebrating, I invite Frehdatar-harviSp-huzayeSnih
(Fradat-vispam-hujyaiti, the Furtherer of all Amenity), root
and fruit, and the Zara^itrotema, the holy Chief of Ar§a
(as the Ritual), and I invite [the man occupied within the
active duties of the Mobed of the Mobeds ^].
The Fravasis are bidden to the Sacrifice.
(18) And, celebrating, I invite the FravaSis of the Saints^
of the women who have groups of sons (lit. ' men ' ; see the
original and Ner., whose forms might be so rendered), [even
the wise, ' thus ' (xraf ae) fravasis of men].^
The Chod Luck of the Year is sumfnoned.
And, celebrating, I invite the Snatan Humanesnih (the
Household Prosperity of the Years, the Yairya Hu§iti).
[When (or *if ') it is desirable to live in prosperity and
correct progress (straightforward progress) throughout the
year it is by way of him, this genius (whom we invite).]
(19) And, celebrating, I invite Amavand (i.e. Ama,
Forceful Power), the handsome and the tall (lit. * the well-
formed ' or * well-grown '), and Victory, also made by
Aiiharmazd, and even the conquering One with (its con-
sequent) Predominance. [This is the Yazat Verehram
(VeTeOrwyna) ; some also say (that is, * some texts add ') the
Yazat AStat, i.e. Arstat = Justice (in addition) ^).]
* See Xer., who, however, as usual, connects his satkarvini with the last-named
godlet hy means of a ya, manusyesu moihadesu, etc. This Mobed of the Mobeds
was eviaently the ZaraduStrotema, the person holding office as the H^ of the
Community, whichever community might be meant. The reason why he is
mentioned is obvious. Let it be noticed that these culminating influences,
F^adat^'i^a and Fradat-vispam-hujyaiti, appear toward the close of the day ; see
also below.
' Or, perhaps better, *the Fravasis of the men who grow the com (ard ae
fravart).* So reading this gloss and so understanding it, we should refer it to
an alternative rendering above, as, for instance, * the IravaMs of women and that
t)f the man with floclw [the com furthering fravaSi of men].* * Singular for
plural ' should never trouble us in these difficult texts, whicn were continually
worked over by successive generations of well-meaning teachern. Moreover,
Persian usage is peculiar in this respect.
' N5r. properly omits this last.
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA I, 693
(20) And, celebrating, I invite AuSahin (that is, XJ§ahina),*
the holy Chief of ArSa (A§a P).
(21) And, celebrating, I invite Burjih (that is, Berejya),
the Spirit Co-operative with AuSahin, who increases the
masses of grain ^ ; and Nmanig also (i.e. Nmanya), the holy
Chiefs of Anla (A§a P) ; [and I invite the person within the
active function of the Dastur (here doubtless regarded as an
administering justice in matters agricultural) ^].
Sraosa and Ramu.*
(22) And, celebrating, I invite Sro§ the holy, the stately,
and the handsome, whose is the consideration* (that is to
say, * the reward '), SroS the Victorious, the promoter of the
settlements (or ' of the world ').®
(23) And, celebrating still on, I invite RaSn (i.e. BaSnu)
the most just [his being named ' Ba§n ' is because from him
there is justice and truth] ; and I invite AStat (i.e. ArStat,
Rectitude), promoter of the settlements, even the protector^
of the Coimtries (not necessarily * of the worlds * ; see Ner.).
^ Ner. apararatra8aiid*yain, from midnight to dawn, or till the stars disappear.
2 Ner. inserts a gloss, * active among men, who are administrators of the laws
of towns.*
' Ner. Naniananamnim5a, who is active in the midst of men concerned with
indoor occupations. Notice that in the glosses, at 8, 11, 14, and 17, in mentioning
tiiese functions Ner. always uses ya, referring to the last-named Chief, so missing
the point of his original.
* That is to say, * Obedience and Justice,* well cited at the close of
a righteous day.
> Ner.*s b'akti^ilam shows that he did not regard Ali and tarsagasih as merely
equalling * property * here in this place.
• So again NSr. recalls the original meaning of Sraosa as ade^apatim, the
(Spirit) Chief of Obedience, too often lost in the later meaningless personification.
' I was inclined to venture upon a vaharesn = baharesn = * sharing * for the
otherwise difficult vare^n = * protection ' to * var * ; but I think on the whole
that the long a in a vareln must be a mere irregularity, and that we have indeed
a vareJn = ' protection * to * var.' Should we take Ner.*8 pus^- in the sense of
* care,* • pflege,' and so * protection * P ; this would seem to be straining a point,
yet recall that NSr. was a Parsi and familiar with the Persian * puSti ...
Does his b'lisamVuti = * landed estate,' lit. * the thriving of the place ' P Notice
that N^r. by no means renders ^ehan' as * worlds.* Obedience and Justice fitly
end the good characteristics of tne Day- Chiefs ; but was SraoSa here mentioned
because he also guards at night P
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694 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YA8NA I.
The Month-chiefs of the Ritual.
(24) And, celebrating, I invite the Mahya (Moon Chiefs)
of ArSa (ASa ?), the Moon within (the crescent moon, not yet
spread out), the holy Chief of ArSa (ASa P), the first fifth.
(25) And, celebrating, I invite the Full moon, which is
also the viSapatas^ (i.e. the scatterer of night) ,^ also the
holy Chief of Ar§a (A§a), the second and the third fifths.
The Ydiryas recalled in the Odsdnbdrs.
(26) Celebrating, I invite the &nat (festivals, i.e.) the
(yearly) Gasanbars * and first Medok-zarem,* the holy Chief
of Ar§a (ASa P),
(27) And, celebrating, I invite MedyokSem,* the holy
Chief . . .
(28) and PaitiShah,^ the holy Chief . . .
(29) And, celebrating, I invite Ayasrim,' the holy Chief
of ArSa (Asa), who comes in upon the past summer-time of
the shedding of the seed of males.
(30) And, celebrating, I invite Medyar ® (that was
MaiSyairya).
(31) And, celebrating, I invite HamaspadamaidSem,^ the
holy Chief of ArSa.i<>
^ The apparently unfolding moon-disc was divided into sections of fifths. Ner.
adds * the good ' possibly because all things that * increase ' were considered * good.'
' I hold *the night scattering ' to be an attribute of the full moon, and not
a separate phase. What has become of the last two fifths ? ; were they disliked
here because of their * decreasing ' ?
' The six festivals commemorating the stages of the Creation.
* That is, the mai9yozaremaya. Ner. * the creation-time of the sky.' It
continued from the Uth to the 15th. of Ardibahist (April).
* That is, MaiJyoSema. NSr. * the creation-time of waters.* It fell upon the
llth-15thof Tir (June).
* That is, PaitBhahya-, * the creation-time of the earth.* It fell upon the
26th-30th of Shaharevar (August).
^ That is to say, Aya^rema. It commemorates the creation of plants, and is
observed from the 26th-30th of Mihr (September). N5r. * the creation-time of
trees, the season which reverts upon the past simimer-time, and the seed-deposit
time of animals. That is, the deposit of the seed of horses and herds takes place
in the middle of it.'
' That is, MaiJyairya; it was celebrated on the 16th -20th of Bahram
(January). Ner. * me creation-time of cattle.'
' That is, Hamaspatmae9aya celebrated on the five intercalary dap at the end
of Spendarmad, February,* the last of the Parsi months.
*o NSr. has * the creation-time of men of the ten tribes (sie) and of all creatures *
(above the cattle). These commemorative seasons, according to their number at
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA I. 695
The Tear Chiefs {in their entire number).
(32) And, celebrating, I invite the Year Chiefs,^ the Holy
Lords of Ar§a (ASa P).
All the Ritual Chiefs as a company.
(33) And, celebrating, I invite all those chiefs who are
(i.e. who constitute) the Chieftainship of ArSa (ASaP, as the
sacramental Fire), the thirty-three* which are nearest around
about Havani, which appertain to ArSa (ASa?) VahlSta,
concerning which Auharmazd taught ZartuSt, and as to
which ZartuSt declared how one must (so) perform (their
offices).
The Heavenly Bodies are invited.
(34) And, celebrating, I invite the Lord' Mihr, Miftra,'
the lofty, the everlasting, and the stars also which are the
creations of Spenta Mainyu.*
(35) And, celebrating, I invite the Star TiStar,* the
radiant, the glorious, and the Moon which has the seed of
least, bear an analogy with the account in Genesis i, and a Semitic influence has
been here traced. We should like indeed to concede it, as the debt to Iran is, on
the other hand, so vast. It must, however, be noticed that the resemblance is
not close, and there is nothing said about * six days ' nor even about * seven.*
* Ner. samvatsaran pui^yagurun.
* Who, or what, were these xxxiii ? Some hold that they were utensils used
m the sacrifice ; so the Parsi-Pers. MS. ; see the mention of ArSa vahiSta as
* the Fire.' But it would be a pity not to recognise here a round number for the
mass of sub -divinities (the Gods of the entire Year) : compare the same number
xxxiii to which the Indian Gods were brought up ; see the passage cited by Haug,
Aitareya Brahmapa, iii, 22, p. 67 of his edition ; Atharvaveda, x, 7, 13, 22, 27.
^ Though we might welcome another instance where the word 'Ahura' is
rendered * Lord * wiUiout reference to the Supreme good Deity, yet here we have
a mistake. Ahura^ibya mi^raeibya are * to Ahura and MiOra ; cf. Mitrav^ru^a.'
Two stars may, however, possibly have been here understood, though Mi(tati was
hardly a star in the Avesta proper. He was elsewhere, however, much associated
with the Sun, and doubtless re-enters here from some such reason.
^ NSr. adds ^created by Mazda,* seeming to note that Spenta Main)ii was
a personified attribute of Anura. It seems, m the opinion of the traditionalists,
to have been, like the Demiurge of Socrates, a creative emanation from Ahura.
^ Tistrya, commonly held to be Sirius. Ner. adds the vrS^inaUatram. The
rain-star. Tir was the name of June.
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696 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF TA8NA I.
cattle (in its beams)/ and the Sun of the rapid steeds, the
Eye 2 of Auharmazd and Mihr, (again) also as the Governor
of Provinces apart from the AmeSaspends, the Great One
as king over the Yazats ^' * of the world.
The particular Day of the Sacrifice is recalled to memory.
(36) Celebrating, I invite (the day) Auharmazd/*® the
radiant, the glorious.
(37) And I invite the Fravasis of the saints (this for the
month of the sacrifice).'
The Fire actually present is invited or consecrated,
(38) And, celebrating, I invite Thee the Fire, Auharmazd's
Son, Thee who art here present in this especial sacrifice ;
together with all the Fires.®
The particular Holy Water used at the moment is solemnly
invoked^ and the beneficial Plants are invited and so consecrated,
(39) Celebrating, I invite the good waters, name by name,*
with the Zohar ^ and all the waters made by Auharmazd, and
* The Moon, influencing the seed of cattle, seems to have some displaced
reference to cattle menses.
2 Recall R.V. 1, 115, 1, 5^ksur Mitr&sya, Vkninasya, Agnes.
' Ner. has grumanam, as above ; would he emend Yazatan' to mataan ? He
probably simply omits yazatan.
* The frequent recurreuce of MiOra may be somewhat due to the powerful
Mi^ta-cult wnich prevailed so widely in the East, as in the "West, at the time of
the early redactions of these Pahlavi texts. As thQ Divinity representing
contracts, he was naturally associated with political rule.
* See note upon (1).
^ Or the actual day of sacrifice. As Ner. shows, this Auharmazd, the name
of the first day of the month which he omits, merely stands for the particular day
on which the sacrifice is offered, in cases where it did not take place on the day.
' The word Frava^inam, for * Fravardin,' the name of the first month, is here
to be replaced by the name of the month in which the particular Yasna is
celebrated, unless that month happens to be Fravardin. Ner. omits the word again.
* This stands for a curtailment ; the Parsi-Pers. renders * nam-bih-nam.'
* Ner. does not mention the Zoa^a water, but speaks of that antar vanaspateh
within the tree (i.e. the sap of plants). Was he thinking of the Barsom as
holding holy water >
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YA8NA I. 697
[with this (separate) single mention in the sacrifice] ; and also
all the plants by Mazda made ^ [with a single ritual word*].
The Holy Books are spiritually recalled,
(40) Celebrating, I invite the Mansarspend (i.e. the
Ma^ Spenta, the Holy Lore '), the desire * as regards the
Lord/ [that is to say, that its desire is in intention right in
accordance with the Lord.
Some say that (the meaning) is, that they would make
persons thus right in regard to the Lord^]. And, celebrating,
I invite the Law against the Demons (the Vendldad), and
the Law of Zartust (the Gathas ?), both as One,^ and (its)
long-enduring predominant currency (its canonicity (?) in
tradition), (the Law) of the August Spirit, (the word * spend '
referring back to * spenta,' in the words Ma^ra Spenta) ; and
I invite the good Den of the Mazda-worshippers [in (this)
especial single mentioning].
Mount Usidarena is mentally invoked.
(41) And, celebrating, I invite Moimt Hu§ihdatar^ by
Auharmazd made, which is possessed of the glory ® of Arsa
(A§a?), and all the moim tains which have the glory ^ of
Ar§a (Asa ?), having much glory, and Mazda made.
* As opposed to those made by Angra Mainyu.
' That is, with an especial mention.
»Cf. *thoBiblo.»
* A curious error, var = * to choose,' having been seen in verez- and auhu
in -anha- ; Ner. follows it ; for the correct rendering see S.B.E. xxxi, p. 199.
* The translation is uselessly expanded owing to the error noted.
* Ner. omits the words * both the two (as) one.'
' Ui^idarena was the mountainous region from which the Iranian kings were
Bupposed to have derived their origin.
^ I see little wairant for N§r.*s opinion that hiis- here means * Understanding.*
The Parsi-Pers. MS. adds no such idea. Ner. amplifies *the glory which by
study with the acarya (i.e. Mobeds), by zealous effort and study, it is possible to
make one's o>mi.* I should say, however, that the ideas in the gloss show that
his impression was the general one among the traditionalists of his time.
■ We might be tempted to render * delectable mountains,* but the following
expressions point rather to glory as illustrated by a mountain bathed in the sun.
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•698 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YA8NA I.
The Glory of the Iranian Kings.
(42) And, celebrating, I invite the Kayan glory which
Aiiharmazd made, and that also which is the unseized ^ glory
which Auharmazd made [(the official) functions of the
priests. Its 'imseizedness' is this, that it is necessary to make
it one's own by learning ; (it is not given through instinct
or inspiration like the * asn-^rat ')].
The Prosperity of the Peopk is invoked.
(43) Celebrating, I invite Aharlsvang (Asi vanguhi) the
blessing of Property^ and the Good Tact, that is, Cisti
and Res (i.e. Ere^e) Honesty, also the good, and the
way* of standing* which Aiiharmazd made; and I invite
both the Glory and Useful Advantage which Aiiharmazd
created.
The Pious Offerings and the Typical Saint.
(44) And, celebrating, I invite the Afrin of the pious
and the good (as punctually offered) ; and I invite the
pious man himself, and also the holy and the heroic, the
* * Unseized ' for * unconsumed * may possibly look back upon the ulttmate
sense of hvar, as something * seized,' * twisted,' and so * masticated.' The Parsi-
Pers. MSS. read the sign as * herbad ' by a curious mistake. The activity of the
Priests is here associate with the Royal Glory to emphasise still more the claims
of the sacerdotal caste.
' Ner. understood laksmim, evidently in the sense of * wealth.* Enlarging
upon it and its • goodness,' he has uttamata-. ** The * good ' of it is this, that it
enects the protection and friendly succour of the property of all the good who
hold their property through the possession of Hormijda and with pront for the
good. From these He (fi.) holds the adversaries afar," so intendmg to remove
all trace of sordidness from the idea of * Property ' as a religious personification.
' Erroneously for rasastat, which has little to do with either *way' or
* standing.' lies seems here to have recalled a ras = ras.
* X^^^i^^Q is not probable. Perhaps having in mind Y. 49, 4, * whereby
the prayerful may stand upon the path.'
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA I. 69^'
doughty* pious one^** who is eminently intelligent,* the
Yazat.
The HameSy the Fields, the Water Beds, etc.
A summing up.
(45) And, celebrating, I invite (the commemoration of)
those (various) places (where the Offerer lives), the rustic
districts (groups of hamlets), and the meadows (farm fields),,
and the dwellings, and the drinking pools, and the (running)
waters, and the plants, and this Earth and yon Heaven, and
the holy Wind and the Stars, the Moon and the Sim, and
even that also which is of endless light, the self -disposed *
One [that is, its self-disposedness is this, that every single
person (so self -controlled) must himself^ act for himself];
and I invite all the creatures who are of the creation of the
August Spirit, the holy creatures as Chiefs of Arsa (A§aP
in the Sacrifice, the Ritual, and the Law).
The Holy Liturgy itself as Sacrosanct.
(46) And, celebrating, I invite the Ritual Law (itself),
the Lofty, even the holy Chieftainship of ArSa (ASaP), and
the Chieftainship which is the ritual genius presiding on
this especial (day, i.e. of this) Asnya. And I recall (these)
Mahya (Month Chiefs in particular) and the Gasanbar (of
* The * Curse* is not seen by the Pahl. Trl. Ner.'s ^apam ity art*a\^ is
properly gloss. This 'Curse* probably refers to u-yrahya, which he may not
really render. Ner. has, "The Blessing *Afrin' of the good is twofold, one
with the thought and one with speech, and the blessing with speech is very
powerful, and tne curse with thought is also very powerful. The Blessing of the
good soars over all the terrestrial world, three times in all the nights, for a guard ;
and the property which they gain by honesty, of that the Blessmg of the good is
the guaroian.**
' I retain the i's in the text to express the genitives of the ori^nal ; but we
must not forget that some accusatives understood are to be supphed there ; see
even afritoiS.
' The ' dahm * which I felt constrained to print was not impossibly meant for
a da(a)m = damdis.
* I would now read * menesn.'
^ * Fixed stars,' or the Sun as self-determined.
* Ner. would seem even to have understood 'to make himself* atmanam^
atmana 9akyate kartum. But this might mean less.
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700 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF TA8NA I.
this season) and of the (now present) Year, which are (all
that) Chieftainship of ArSa (A§a P) which is the chieftainshq)
at (this time of this) Havani.
The FravaSis again recalled, and here more fully,
(47) As I celebrate, I invite the FravaSis of the Saints,
the heroic, the victorious, those of the saints of the Early
Lore, and the FravaSi of the next of kin,^ (of those) of
the (officiating Zaotar), and that of (my) own (or of my
client's) soul.
Conclusion, here.
(48) And, celebrating, I invite all which is (that is,
which constitutes) the Chieftainship of Ar§a ( A§a ? as our
ritual rule).
(49) And, celebrating, I invite all the Yazats, the good-
giving ones of the Heavenly "World, and of earth, who are
meet to receive our sacrifice and our praise in accordance
with ArSa (A§a ?) VahiSta (that is, according to the faultless
ritual plan). [Also an uStafrlt'^ is to be performed to them.]
The Day Chiefs of the Ritual are addressed with Deprecations.
(50) 0 Havan (i.e. Havani), Chief of Ar§a (A§a),
and (51) Savang (its companion, Savanghi), (52) and
Rapi^vin (Rapi^vina), (53) and Auzayeirin (TJzayeirina),
(54) and Aivisriisrim (i.e. Aivisruftrema) and Aibigaya (its
companion), (55) and AuSahin' (i.e. XJsahina), holy Chiefs
of Ar§a (A§a?), (56) where by me thou art (that is to say,
where by me any one of you is) offended ; [the meaning is
(that each several person then attendant upon the sacrifice,'
80 far as he has offended is supposed to utter these words) ;
^ Ner. explains eyen to the first nine degrees of kinsmanship.
' Hardly an usefrit. "Was an * usta ahmai yahmai,* i.e. ustafrit {iie) intended?
or, finally, was it intended to cite a phrase beginning ' and ye are stalwart * ?
' We might suspect that * each several divinity ' was intended, or rather, * any
one of the mvinities * ; but the word * officially,' * dastobariha,* * in the capacity
of Dastur,* points rather to the worshipper. I^er. omits the gloss.
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THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YA8NA I. 701
that is to say, this thing is said by him, the Dastobar,
officially as a priest (for a penitent, not that he, the Dastobar,
here acknowledges offences committed by himself)].*
(57) When by thought, or when by word, or when by deed,
(58) when with will (and with intention), and when against
my will [and through carelessness (lit. * remissness ') I have
offended thee] (59) I praise thee on (the more) ardently, and
I invite thee on (the more for this), [that is to say, I would
make it double (lit. do it twice) again. (I would doubly
make it up)] when by me thou art offended^ (as to) what
(is thy) sacrifice and praise.'
Reiteration of the Deprecations inclusively addressed to all
the Chiefs.
(60) 0 chieftainships of every great (One), the holy
Chiefs of ArSa (ASa) ; (61) when Ye are offended, (62)
whether by thought, or word, or deed ; (63) if with my will,
or against my will, (64) I praise you forth on ; (i.e. I praise
you on the more continuously), and invite you on the more
for this, if ye are offended as to (a stint of) sacrifice and
praise.'
Conclusion.
(65) I pronounce the Mazdayasnian Creed of ZartuSt
[that is, I interdict* the Evil Ones, abjuring them]. I
declare it to be the (D (a) eva) -demons-severed Law; [that
is to say, associated with it the Demons are not].
* Notice that Ner., as usual, transposes the passive forms yadi tvam bahad*e, etc.
' Substantially correct, hut literally a blunder ; the outward form of (u)riirao8a;
see S.B.E. xxxi, p. 202, sugj^ested ranak- as a denominative form rana, or it
suggested ranj ; N§r. pratyask'alayam, * I stumble against.' These words are,
of course, less awkward where ava (u)rurao9a is correctly understood as * I have
Ftinted this sacrifice and praise.'
^ This deprecation is intended as an exhortation to the worshippers to be just
in their support of the sacrifice in accordance with their means.
* Ner. * I declare it among the evil sinners ' ; reading * andarg i,' one might
80 render the Pahl.
* Literally, * the Vendidad,' vi-d(a)eva-data.
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/
L
702 THE PAHLAVI TEXT OF YASNA I.
(I declare it to be) Auharmazd's religious System, [that
is to say, his (Zartust's) Religion is Auharmazd's]. (66)
(I proclaim it) for the sacrifice, praise, propitiation, and"
continuous afrln-ofPering of Havan (i.e. Havani), the Holy
Chief of Arsa (A§a ?), (67) for the sacrifice, praise,^
propitiation, and continuous afrm- offering of Savang (i.e.-
of Savanghi) and of Vis (i.e. of Visya), the holy Chiefs of
ArSa (A§a?), (68) for the Chief of the Day (this Day), even
of the time (i.e. of this Asnya), and for the Month Chiefe
(of this Month), of this Gasanbar, and for the Year (Chiefs-
for this Year), for (their) sacrifice, praise, propitiation, and
continuous afrln-ofPering.
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703
XZDL
A VOTE OH OHE OF THE IHSCIHIPTIQHS OH THE
■ATHURA LIOH-OAPITAI.
By J. F. FLEET. I.C.S. (Rbtd.), Ph.D., CLE.
pANDIT BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI'S readings and
translations, edited and in some details improved by
Dr. Biihler, of the inscriptions, in Kharoshthl characters, on
the Mathnra lion-capital, have been published in this Journal^
1894, pp. 525-540. One of these records, designated P., wa»
thus treated (page 540) : —
Text.
Sarvasa Sakastanasa puyae.
Translation.
** In honour of the whole Sakastana."
The explanation was given that the word Sakaatuna stands
for Sakaathdna, with the use of the dental a for the palatal
j, and with omission of the aspiration in the th (page 528).
The word was thus taken to mean ' the country of the Sakas/
with, however, the observation that "the insertion of the
" whole country of the ^akas in this list is remarkable, as
" a similar case is not known " (page 530). And the
deduction was made that the princes mentioned in these
records, including the Mahachhatrava Bajula and his son
the Chhatram Sudasa, were "^ka Satraps of Mathura''
(page 531).
The Pandit's interpretation of the record seems to have
been communicated to General Sir Alexander Cunningham
bdore publication. At any rate, on the strength of that
J.R.A.8. 1904. 47
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704 NOTE ON AN INSCBIPTION
supposed meaning of the record, there has been introduced
into the early history of Northern India the idea, — (see,
for instance, Cunningham, Coins of the Sakas, 1890, p. 21 f . ;
Biihler, Indian Paleography, % 10, 3, § 19, A, B, German
text, 1896, pp. 25, 40, 41, English version in Indian
Antiquary y 1904, pp. 25, 40 ; Rapson, Indian Coins y 1898,
§§ 32, 33 ; and Vincent Smith, JRAS, 1903, p. 43 f.),—
that, at a shorter or longer time before the Kushana king
Elanishka, there was in the Pan jab and at Mathura a dynasty
of Saka rulers, some of the members of which were, in one
line, at Taxila, the Chhatrapa Liaka-Eusuluka and his son
Patika of the so-called Taxila copper -plate of the year
78 (EI, iv, p. 56), the latter of whom is mentioned as the
Mahachhatram Kusulaa-Patika in the Mathura lion-capital
inscription GF., and in another line, at Mathura, the Chhatrava
Sudasa of the Mathura inscriptions B. and M., and his
father the Mahachhatram Bajula of the Mathura inscriptions
A. i, and B.
In connection with these last two persons, it is to be noted
that there are other records which mention them. At
Mora or Morameyi, about five miles on the west of Mathura,
there was obtained an inscription, in Brahml characters,
which mentions the father as the Mahakshatrapa Bajaviila
(ASI, XX, p. 48 f., and plate 5, No. 4). And at Mathura
itself there were obtained two inscriptions, both in Brahmi
characters, one without date (JRAS, 1871, p. 188, and
plate 3, No. 29, and ASI, iii, p. 30, and plate 13, No. 1,
and see I A, 1904, p. 149, No. 24), and the other dated in
the year 72 (EI, ii, p. 199, and plate. No. 2, and see vol. iv,
p. 55, note 2), which mention the son as the Smmin and
Mahakshatrapa oodasa.
There is no question about the correctness of the published
reading of the Mathura inscription P. An inspection of the
original stone, and of an excellent photograph taken by
General Sir Alexander Cunningham and lent to me by
Professor Rapson, shews that the important word is certainly
saka-stanasa. In the second syllable, indeed, at the foot of
the ka, there is a very clearly defined stroke, projecting to
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ox THE MATHUEA. LION-CAPITAL, 705
the right, which might justify our reading kra. But the
word sakra would not give any suitable meaning. A stroke
of precisely the same kind is clearly visible in the ka of
bhakavata, inscription A. ii, line 7, and again in the first
kn of nakarakasa, inscription N., line 1, and also in the aht
of agramaheshiay inscription A. i, line 2 (figured in Indian
Paleographyy plate i, 35, viii), and in the ia of chatudiiaaa^
inscription A. ii, line 9-10 ; and it may perhaps be found
in also a few other syllables. In these four words, the
stroke cannot possibly denote a subscript r, but can only be
another form of the horizontal base-line, projecting on both
sides, presented in some of the Elaroshthi characters on the
Indo-Grecian coins (see Indian Pakographf/y § 12, 1, and
for an instance from a Kushana inscription see plate i, 6,
X, ke)y or of the curve to the right which appears sometimes
in the d of the KharoshthI versions of the edicts of A66ka
(see id.y § 11, A, 8, and plate i, 22, ii, di). And the reading
saka is, therefore, to be accepted. The possible kra is only
an optional form of ka.
To finding in the first component of the word saka-stana
a reference to the Sakas, there would not be any objection
in respect of the occurrence of the dental instead of the
palatal sibilant. It may, indeed, be the case that one of
the Nasik inscriptions describes TJshavadata, son-in-law of
Nahapana, as a Saka (ASWI, iv, p. 101, No. 7, line 2, and
plate) ; using, in that case, the palatal sibilant in a very
-exceptional and pointed manner as compared with the
orthography of the remainder of the record. And it may
be the case that, in the same series of early records, one or
two other instances are found of the use of the palatal
sibilant in the same word {ibid,, p. 103, No. 12, and p. 114,
No. 1). But the Nasik inscription dated in the nineteenth
year of king Pulumayi distinctly presents the word as Saka,
with the dental 8 {ibid,, p. 108, No. 18, line 5, and plate).
And it is highly probable that the original Indian adaptation
of the foreign name was made with the dental sibilant, and
that it only became customary in later times to write it
always with the palatal sibilant.
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706 NOTE ON AN INSCRIPTION
But, to interpretiiig the whole word aaka-Btana as equivalent
to Saka-sthdna and as meaning ^ the country of the Sakas»^
there is, in the first place, the objection that no authority can
be found for the use, at any rate in any early period, of the
Sanskrit word stfiana, ^position, place, locality, abode, site,
station, office,' etc., in the sense of * country/
On the other hand, it might be argued that the second
component of the whole word represents, not the Sanskrit
sthifia^ but the Iranian stdn, which, ultimately the same in
origin, does possess the meaning of ' country ' in such terms
as Hindustan, Afghanistan, Baluchistan. And it might
further be claimed that the term Sakastan itself, ' the country
of the Sakas,' from which we have the modem Seistan,
Sejistan, Sistan, or Sijistan, seems to be carried back to
about the beginning of the Ohristian era, that is to the
very time of these Mathura inscriptions, by the mention
by Isidorus of Charax of Saxturravtf Sofc&v SfeuS&v,
^'Sakastane, or Sakastane, of the Sakas, Scythians."^
Apart, however, from the meaning which has been placed
upon the Mathura inscription P., no grounds have been
obtained for believing that the l^akas ever figured historically
in Northern India. There has, indeed, been f oimd a reference
to them in one of the Mathura Brafami inscriptions, referred
to perhaps the first century B.C., which records that a tablet
of homage was set up by l^imitra, of the Eodika getra, wife
of Gotiputra, and has been understood to describe Gotiputra
as "a black serpent for the Pothayas and Sakas'* (EI, i,
p. 396, No. 33,- and plate), with the meaning that ^'he
" fought with the Pothayas and Sakas and proved to them
** as destructive as the black cobra is to mankind in general **
{ibid., p. 394). But, even if the words of the record, and
the meaning attached to them, were certain, there is nothing
in the statement to justify any such deduction as that
G^putra was a warrior*prince who fought against a tribe
of Sakas settled near Mathura.
^ I qaote the words, which appear to be in iCroO/iol nopOncof, § 18, from
M. Beyer in JA, 1897, ii, p. 140, note. The exact date of laidonw of Oharax
seems to be not known: but he is quoted by Pliny, A.D. 77; see M^Crindle'.H
Ancient India^ p. 109.
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ON THE MATHUHA JilON -CAPITAL. 707
There is no mention of the ^Jcas in any other of t^e
Tecords on the Mathura lion-oapital^ or in the Taxila plate^
or in the Mora and Mathura inscriptions of EajuvOla and
So^asa, or in any other known early northern record* And
there is no reason for thinking that the Sakas, or thoee
foreigners to whom the Hindu astronomers of later tuoes
gave the name of ^kas in fixing an appellation for the
era, established by them, when it was taken into astronomical
use, ever figured as invaders and rulers of India, except in
so far as that, in or just before A.D. 78, coming from the
neighbourhood of Seistan in Persia down towards the coast,
they passed across the lower course of the Indus into
Kathiawar, where they acquired a kingdcmi that included
those parts of Gujarat which, lie on the north of the Narbada,
and the western and southern parts, as far as TJjjain imd
Mandasor, of the territory now known as Malwa, and also,
at first, a considerable extent of territory on the south of the
Narbada in the directions of Tha]gia and Nasik, and established
a dynasty which endured for more than three hundred years.
We find the real meaning of the record by following the
guidance of what we actually know about the Sakas, and by
looking to literature for the explanation of the doubtful word.
There is no question about &tana being equivalent to the
Simskrit sthdna, of which, we have to note, another form,
in Pali, is thdna, which in composition becomes after a short
vowel tthdna.
The word saka is well known in Pali as the equivalent
of the Sanskrit avaka, ' one's own.' It is too well established
to need proof. The following instances, however, may be
cited. In the Suttanipdta, ed. FausboU, p. 101, line 8, we
have aako assamd, "his own hermitage." In the Khudda-
kapdtha, ed. Childers, JRAS, 1870, p. 319, verse 1, we have
sakath gharam, " (each) to his own house." In the Lipammaa,
ed. Fausboll, 6, 73, we have saka-nivesane, "in his own
residence." In the Mahdvama, ed. Tumour, p. 35, line 8,
we have sak-drdmam, " to his own monastery."
These analogies would be suflBcient for our purpose.
But we find in the Jdtakaa the very word itself that we
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708 NOTE ON AN INSCRIPTION
require. Thus, in the Mahdmora - Jdtaka, the fowler,
converted by Buddha as the golden -coloured peacock and
having so attained the condition of a Pachcheka-Buddha,
wishes to arrange that all the birds kept in captivity in his
'house, from which he himself is far distant, shall be set free.
The peacock advises him to make the solemn declaration of
his conversion (sachchakiriyd), with the intention that the
effect of it shall be that all captive creatures in the whole
of Jambudipa shall be liberated. The fowler accordingly
proclaims the gdthd : — " And all the many himdreds of
" birds which are confined in my residence, — to them also
" I to-day give life and liberty ; they have arrived each at
"its own abode (aakam niketam)V And thereupon (Tm
Jdtakas, ed. Fausboll, p. 120, line 19 f., and The Jdtaka,
vol. iv, p. 342, lines 1, 2) : — Ath^assa sachchakiriyaya
sabbe bandhana muchchitva tuttha-ravaih
ravanta saka-tthanam eva gamimsu; "then by his solemn
" declaration all (those btrdn) were freed from captivity, and,
"singing songs of satisfaction, went (each) straight to its
"own place (saka'tthdnarh)." So also in the Mahqjanaka-
Jdtaka we have (The Jdtaka^ ed. FausboU, vol. vi, p. 61,
lines 19, 20 : — Tarn sutva Migajino appamatto hoh=Iti ranno
ovadam datva saka-tthanam eva gato; "having heard that,
"Migajina admonished the king to be not wanting in
" zeal, and went straight to his home (aaka-tthdnam)"^ And
this expression aaka-tthdnam eva gato, " went straight home,'*
is no isolated one ; a glance through only a portion of the
same volume shews it again on page 21, line 7, 82, line 19,
37, line 19 (gatd, fem.), 58, line 28, and 73, line 4-5.
The word saka-stana of the Mathura inscription P. is the
exact equivalent, in the dialect of the records, of the saka-
tthdna of the Pali Jdtakas, There is no reference to Sakas,
either here, or in any other of the records on the lion-capital,
or in any of the connected records. And the inscription
P. is simply a record which some person or persons, to be
^ I am indebted, for tliis last reference, to Professor Rh}^ Davids, who gave
it me about a year ago.
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ON THE MATHURA LION-CAPITAL. 709
probably found named in one of the adjacent records, caused
to be engraved "for the worship of the whole of (Aw, her^
or their) own home ; " that is, in honour of his, her, or their
whole household.
The period to which we must really refer these inscriptions
on the Mathura lion-capital, with the Taxila plate and the
other connected records, lies, not about B.C. 105 to 90, but
closely about A.D. 14 to 20, between, on the one side,
Kanishka, Yasashka, and Huvishka, and, on the other side,
Yasudeva and the Kadphises group of kings. This point
will be examined on another occasion.
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711
INDEX TO THE FIBBT WORDS OF THE SLOKAS OF
THE DHAMMAPADA,
MADE BY THE LATE PROFESSOR E. B. CX)WBLL, AND EDITED
FROM HIS MS. OR. 368 IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
AT CAMBRIDGE
By C. MARY RIDDING, M.R.A.S.
[The readings in italic are in all cases those of the second edition.]
j^ athav 'assa (athavdasa), 140.
anavatthita cittaasa^ 38.
anavassuta cittassa, 39.
anikkasavo, 9.
anupavado, 185.
anupubbena, 239.
anekajatisamsaram, 153.
andhabhuto, 174.
api dibbesu, 187.
apuDQalabho, 310.
appam pi ce, 20.
appaka te, 85.
appamatto ayam, 56.
appamatto pamattesu, 29.
appamadarata hotba, 327.
appamadarato^ 31, 32.
appamadena, 30.
appamado, 21.
appalabho pi, 366.
appasutayam (appasut'dyam),
152.
abhaye, 317.
Akakkasam, 408.
akatam, 314.
akkocchi maip, 3, 4.
akkodhanam, 400.
^kkodhena, 223.
akkosam, 399.
acaritva, 155, 156.
aciram vat*, 41.
atthinam, 150.
afina hi, 75.
attadattbam, 166.
attana coday', 379.
attana va katam, 161, 165.
atta have, 104.
atta hi attano, 160, 380.
^ttaoam eva, 158.
^ttanan ce piyam, 157.
attanan ce tatha, 159.
atthamhi, 331.
atha papani, 136.
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712
INDEX TO THE DHAMMAPADA.
abhittbaretha, 116.
abbivadanasilissa, 109.
abhutavadi, 306.
ayasa va, 240.
ayoge yuujam, 209.
alamkato ce, 142.
alajjita ye {alajjitaye)^ 316.
avajje vajjamatiao, 318.
ayiraddhaniy 406.
aaamsatthaniy 404.
asajjbayamalay 241.
asatain bhavanam {asatam
bhdvan'), 73.
asare saramatinoy 11.
asabasenay 257.
asubbanupassl- {ambMnu-
passim), 8.
assaddho^ 97.
asso yatha, 1436.
aham nago va^ 320.
ahiinsaka ye^ 225.
A.
Akase padam (dkdse ca
padam), 254, 255.
arogyaparama, 204.
asa yassa, 410.
Idam pure, 326.
idha tappati, 17.
idba nandati, 18.
idba modati, 16.
idba vassam, 286.
idba sooati, 15.
U.
Uccbinda sinebam, 285.
uttittbe na-ppamajjeyya, 168.
utthanakalambi, 280.
uttbanavato, 24.
utthanen', 25.
udakam bi, 80, 145.
upanitayayo va, 237.
uyyunjanti, 91.
usabbam pavaram, 422.
E.
Ekam dbammam, 176.
ekaasa oaritam, 330.
ekasanam, 305.
etam kbo sara^am, 192.
etam da|bam, 346.
etam yisesato, 22.
etam bi tumbe, 275.
etam attbavasam, 289.
etba passatb', 171.
evam bbo puriaa (evam bho
posa), 248.
evam samkarabbutesu, 59.
es* eva maggo, 274.
0.
Ovadeyy*, 77.
K.
Ea^bam dbammam, 87.
kayirao ce, 313.
kamato jayati, 215.
kayappakopam, 231.
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INDEX TO THE DHAMMAPADA.
71»
^ena samvaro, 361.
kayena samvata, 234.
kasavakantha, 307.
kin te jatahi, 394.
kiccho, 182.
kumbbupamaip» 40.
ku80 yatha, 311.
ko imam patbavim, 44.
kodham jabe, 221.
ko nu baso, 146.
Kb.
Ebanl^ paramam, 184.
obinda sotam, 383.
cbetva nandbim, 398.
Jayam veram, 201.
jigaccba, 203.
jlranti ve, 151.
Jh.
Jbaya bhikkbu, 371.
jbayim virajam, 386»
G.
(JambblFapafiiiam, 403.
gataddbino, 90.
gabbbam eke {gabbham ek'),
126.
gabakara-, 154.
game va, 98.
C.
Cakkbana, 360.
cattari, 309.
candanam^ 55.
candam va, 413.
caran ce, 61.
caranti bala» 66.
cirappavasim, 219.
catim yo, 419.
Cb.
Cbandajato, 218.
Tarn oa kammam, 68.
tarn puttapasu-y 287.
tarn TO vadami, 337.
ta^baya jayati, 216.
tatrabbiratim, 88.
tatrayam adi, 375.
tato mala, 243.
tasinaya purakkbata, 342,343.
tasma piyam, 211.
tatb 'eva katapufinam, 220.
tinadosani, 356, 357, 358,359.
tumbebi kiccam, 276.
te jbayino, 23.
te tadise, 196.
tesam sampannasilanam, 57.
Dadanti ve, 249.
dantam nayanti, 321.
diva tapati, 387.
diso disam, 42.
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714
IXDEX TO THE DHAMMAPADA.
digha jagaratOy 60.
dukkham, 191.
^lunniggahassa, 35.
duppabbajjam, 302.
dullabho, 193.
durangamam, 37.
dure sanio, 304.
Dh.
DhanapalakOy 324.
4hainmain care, 169.
dhammapitl, 79.
dhammaramo, 364.
dhiram ca, 208.
N.
N'atthi jhanam, 372.
ii'atthi ragaeamo, 202, 251.
n'eva devo, 105.
n'etam kho, 189.
I) a attahetu, 84.
na antalikhe, 127, 128.
na kahapana-, 186.
nagaram yatha, 315.
na cahu, 228.
na jatahi, 393.
na tarn kammam, 67.
na tarn dalhara, 345.
na tam mata, 43.
na tavata, 259.
na tena ariyo, 270.
na tena thero, 260.
na tena pandito, 258.
na tena bhikkbu, 266.
na tena boti, 256.
na naggacariya, 141.
na paresam, 50.
na puppbagandbo, 54.
na brabmaj^ass^ 390.
na brabmaiyaesa, 389.
na bbaje, 78.
na mundakena, 264.
na monena, 268.
na vakkara^a-, 262.
na vabam {-cdham)^ 396.
na ve kadariya (n(i[t^]
kadaryd)^ 177.
na santi putta, 288.
na silabbata-, 271.
na hi etehi, 323.
na bi papam, 71.
na hi verena, 5.
nittbam gato, 351.
nidbaya dai^dam, 405.
nidblnam va, 76.
nekkbam, 230.
no ce labhetba, 329.
PamsukOladbaram, 395.
panca cbinde, 370.
patisamtbaravutt', 376.
patbavlsamo, 95.
patbavya, 178.
pandupalaso, 235.
paraadatn, 26, 28.
paradukkbu-, 291.
paravajjanupasaisaa {para-
vejj'), 253.
parijinnam idam, 148.
pare ca na, 6.
pavivekarasamy 205.
passa cittakataip, 147.
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INDEX TO THE BHAMMAPADA.
717
«ada jagaramanananiy 226.
saddhaya Bileua, 144.
saddlio sllenay 303.
fiantakayo, 378.
«antain tassa, 96.
eabbattha ve, 83.
sabbadanaiDy 354.
sabbapapassay 183.
^abbasamyojanamy 397.
sabbaaoy 367.
sabbabhibhu, 353.
sabbe tasanti, 129, 130.
aabbe dhamma, 279.
sabbe samkbara, 277, 278.
saritani sinehitani, 341.
salabhaip, 365.
savanti sabbadhi {'Sabbadd),
340.
sahassam api, 100, 101.
«adhu dassanam, 206.
saram ca, 12.
sioca bhikkhu, 369.
slladaasana-, 217.
sukarani asadhiini, 163.
fiukham yavajara, 333.
fiukhakamani, 131, 132.
sakba matteyata, 332.
sukho Buddbanaxp, 194.
Bujiyam abirikena (-oAtri-
kena), 244.
sannagaram pavitthassa, 373.
sudassam vajjam, 252.
Bududdassain, 36.
suppabaddham, 296-301.
subbanapassi- ( -paaaim), 7.
suramerayapanam, 247.
suaukhain vata, 197-200.
sekbo pathayim, 45.
selo yatha, 81.
seyyo ayogulo, 308.
so karohi, 236, 238.
Hamsa adicoapathe (Aam-
sddicca), 175.
batthasannato, 362.
hananti bhoga, 355.
hitva manusakam, 417.
bitva ratim, 418.
birinisedbo, 143a.
hirimata ca, 245.
binam dbammam, 167.
[Completed by ProfesBor Oowell, November 22nd, 1894.]
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719
ZZZI.
SOME UNIDENTIFIED TOPOHYMS IN THE TBA.VEL8
OF PEDBO TEIZEIBA AND TAVEBNIEB.
By colonel G. E. GERINI, M.R.A.S.
TX7HILE going over Messrs. Sinclair and Ferguson's able
* ^ translation of the " Travels of Pedro Teixeira," recently
(1902) published by the Hakluyt Society, I have noticed
that several names of places on the Indo-Chinese Peninsula
have been left unidentified. As they all are important for
historical geography, I venture to hope that the following
short notes on them may prove acceptable to those who take
an interest in the subject.
1. Olanion, a kingdom producing benjoin (p. 227). It
is perfectly clear to me that this toponym, at first sight so
queer and puzzling, is merely the transcript into Spanish
(the language in which Teixeira's work appeared) of the
Portuguese Lat\fao with the prefixed article attached, thus :
0 Lar^'ao = Olar^'on, Olanion. This is Bocarro's Lat^ao}
corresponding to the kingdom of the Langioni of the Italian
Missionaries,^ and to the Lan John of early English travellers.*
The realm meant is that of Ldn-c'hdng, which then had its
capital at Wieng Chan on the Middle Me-Khong, and in
the northern districts of which the benjoin known hitherto
as " Siam benjoin ** is produced.
2. PoW, a river near the [Old] Strait of Singapore (p. 2).
This is the Pulai River (Sungei Pulai), flowing from the
* *' Deoada 13 da Historia da India *' in ** ColleccSo de Monumentos Ineditoe/
etc., p. 117.
3 £.g.» Marini, '* Delle Missioni/* etc., Rome, 1663, p. 448.
' See Yule & Bumell's **HobM)n-Job8on," 2nd ed., London, 1903, p. 503.
J.U.A.8. 1904. 48
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720 UNIDENTIFIED T0P0NTM8 IN THE TRAVELS
homonymous mountain range (Ounong Pulai) into the Sea of
the Straits, into which it debouches between Tanjung Bulus
Cape and the western entrance to the Old Singapore Strait.
I am glad to find this toponym recorded by Teixeira — ^who
is, to the best of my belief, the first Western writer to
mention it — as I had been led by my researches into the
ancient geography of Indo-China to connect the Eiver Pulai
and its basin with one or other of the States (so far un-
identified, at any rate satisfactorily) P'o-li, ^ ^, and ^ 3^,
Po'li, of the Chinese records of the Sui and T'ang dynasties
(a.d. 681-617 and 618-906). The occurrence of the term
Pol^ { = Puki, Pulai) in Teixeira's valuable work on or
about A.D. 1600 argues for it a far higher antiquity than
one might have otherwise supposed, and thus makes its
identity with either P^o-li or Po-li (preferably the former)
much more probable.
3. Pate, a seaport (and district, or small state) on the
east coast of the Malay Peninsula between Siam and
Patani (p. 3).^ I take this to be the same as Tavemier's
Bata,^ one of the places where rich mines of tin had been
discovered some years before this traveller's visit to the
Archipelago.' This Bata, contrary to the opinion expressed
by Tavernier's recent English translator, imdoubtedly stood
on the Malay Peninsula, and very probably on the eastern
coast of the same, since it is referred to with other places
on that coast in the enimieration : " Delegore [= Ligor],
Sangere [= Senggora, Singora], Bordelon [= P*hattal\mg],
* Not to be confounded with the other kingdom (or seaport) of Pate alluded to
in the same book, Introduction, pp. y, xiv, about the location of which nothing
is said. This is the same as the Fatta of Hamilton and other writers, which was
a place on the east coast of Africa, near Mombassa. Another Pate or Paii^
frequently mentioned in Portuguese works, was a town and seaport on the coast of
Kambiy, at twelve leagues from Biu (see Oorrea's "Lendas da India,*' t. ii,
Lisbon^ 1860, p. 461). Neither toponym has, strange to say, been notioed
in '* Hobson- Jobson," and, as regards the first, no explanation is offered in
Danvers* ** Portuguese in India " (see vol. ii, pp. 14, 62, 69 ; and Index, p. 634),
thus leaving the reader greatly perplexed.
' See V. Ball's "Travels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavemier," London,
1889, vol. ii, p. 162.
> This took place in 1648, so that the discovery of the tin-mines in question
may be put down to about 1640.
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OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA AND TAVERNIER. 721
and Bata.'*^ Now, Ligor, Singora, and P'hattalung all
lie above Patani, between the 7th and 9th parallels of
Northern latitude, and between the last-named State and
Siam, the very position assigned by Teixeira to his Pate.
Hence, there seems to be no doubt as to the identity of
this with Tavemier's Bata, although it is not easy to suggest
with absolute certainty the actual place both authors had
in view. It can be inferred, nevertheless, and with good
reason, that the same cannot be far o£E from the other
three townships, or districts, mentioned along with it in the
passage just cited from Tavemier's work. Proceeding by
elimination of toponyms similar to either Pate or Bata that
occur in that vicinity on the early maps, and which appear
unsuitable either because applied to insignificant localities
or to places too far inland,^ we are left to grapple with
three names of districts and seaports on the coast, viz.,
Patanor ( = Ban - Don),' Bardia (= C*hum - p'hon),* and
^ For these the translator suggests the queer and absolutely impossible
equivalents: **Delli(?), Salangor, Billiton, ana Banka (?).** Suffice it to point
out that — (1) tin is so far uucnown in Deli, althoueh worked lower do¥m the
east coast of Sumatra, in the Kampar district; (2) the Bangka mines were
discovered, as Marsden informs us, as late as 1710, i.e., a good many years after
the first edition of Tavemier's travels, wherein the names in question appear
(a.d. 1676) ; (3) that BordeUm is the form occurring in most early writers for
P'hattalung ; and (4) that Sangore is evidently Singora, and not Selangor.
' A place called Bataon is marked on the map appended to Valentijn's work
(1726) immediately south of Patani, and within the homonymous landspit
terminating at Cape Patani ; but from its position to the south of ratani it cannot
evidently be Teixeira*s Pate,
3 Fatanor occurs in Du-VaVs ** Carte du Royaume de Siam," Paris, 1686, above
Ligor, in 10° N. lat. ; also in Van der Aa*s map of ** Les Indes Orientales" attached
to Mandelslo's work (Amsterdam, 1727), pp. 8-9, in the same position. On the
above-cited map in Valentijn it is marked Putanor^ a little distance above Comma
(Camom Point) and facing Fulo Sangori (SancoH or F^hangi Island, now known
as £ob P'hang-ngan), in 9° 30' N. lat. There can thus be no doubt that Fatanor
refers either to Ban-Don or to its river-mouth, known as F&k'thdng-KhuhL
Less likely it may mean FUk'tJ^d-rua^ a little further up the coast (9° 35' N. lat.).
As final k is not pronounced by the Siamese of the Malay Peninsula just like
the Malays, and the aspirates are never taken notice of by foreign travellers,
Fak 'thing -Khuhi may easily assume with these latter the forms Fa-tang-kua
or Fatang^ whence Fatano, Fatanor, So may Fak-thd-rua become Fa-ta-ruOy or
Himply Fata. As regards the form Bata^ I might refer to Fatdni^ spelled Battani
by John Coen, 1623 (Anderson's **Engl. Intero. with Siam," p. 86) ; and Fatan
by Floris, Schouten, and others.
* Bardia is the seemingly Malay cormption of Mattrd, the name of an islet
{Koh Mattrd) lying £.S.£. of C'hum-p*h6n Bay; but formerly misapplied bjr
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722 UNIDENTIFIED TOPONYMS IN THE TRAVELS
Patyu, Pateo, or Pateeo (= Pathiu),i lying in 9^ 5', 10^ 27',
and 10° 53' N. lat. respectively. As I am unable to trace
the name Pathiu in any Western book or map earlier than
1820, and the term Bardia earlier than 1746, 1 must conclude
for the present in favour of Patanor, i.e. Bdn-Ddn, as being
most likely the place that both Teixeira and Tavemier had
in view. That tin was already worked in their time in the
districts in question and adjoining territories is conclusively
proved by the license granted by Siam to the Hon. East
India Company, on the 6th November, 1675, to trade in
tin in Champone (Chump'hon), Chaia (C*haiya), Pompin
(Pliun-pin, in the Ban-Don district), and Tattung (Tha-
Thong, in the same district).*
Although it may seem strange, it is not improbable
that the State of P'o-ta, ^ ^, referred to in the annals
of the Chinese First Sung dynasty as having sent envoys
to China in a.d. 435, 439, and 451,^* was the same as the
latter-day Bata or Pate of Tavemier and Teixeira. At all
events, I am satisfied from circumstantial evidence, which
would be too long to adduce here, that the P'o-ta State in
question stood, like Bata or Pate, on the Malay Peninsula,
and that if not actually identical with the last-named, cannot
have been situated very far from it.
foreign nayigators also to Samet {Koh Samet) islet, just opDosite to the mouth
of the 0*hmnp*hdn Biver, as well as to the river itself and to the district (of
C'humphon) tnrongh which it flows. See, e.^., the map attached to Pr6vo6t*8
^'Histoire g6n6rale des Voyages,'* t. ix, Pans, 1751, p. 62, where there are
marked an island Bardia^ a Bardia city on the coast opposite, and a river Bardia
flowing past it. The name /. Bardia appears a little earlier on Bellin's map in
t. ii of the same work, Paris, 1746, p. 102. The islet is still spoken of as Bardia
{Tulo Bardia) as late as 1842 in Ifeale's << Narrative of a Residence in Siam,*'
London, 1852, pp. 119-120.
* Patyu apjpears, for the first time I believe, in John Walker's map of Siam
and Oochin-Cnina appended to Crawford's ** Embassy to Siam and Cochin -
China," London, 1830, vol. i.
' See Anderson's "English Litercourse with Siam," pp. 124-125. Tin at
Legoor (Ligor) is mentioned on p. 428 of the same work in (George White's)
«* Report on the Trade of Siam written in 1678." There can thus be no doubt
as to the location of the tin-mining districts mentioned by Tavemier and identified
by myself above.
' See Ma Tuan-lin, in Hervey de Saint-Denys' translation, t. ii, "Meridionaux,**
pp. 506, 508.
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OF PEDRO TEIXEIRA AND TAVERNIER. 723
4. Sabam Strait (p. 2). Though not situated on the Indo-
Chinese Peninsula, but in the Straits below it, I have
nevertheless thought it useful to offer a few remarks on this
toponym, now apt to be misunderstood, as it but seldom
appears in contemporary books and maps. It is the Strait
of Sabao of the Portuguese,^ and stretches, almost parallel
to the better known Durian Strait, between the Karimun-
Kxmdur group of islands and those bordering the east coast
of Sumatra. It was not named, as Mr. Ferguson seems to
imply (note 3 to p. 2), from a town Sabam on the coast
of Sumatra, but from Sabon or Sabong (more correctly
Sdbung) Island, the name formerly applied collectively to
the cluster of islands lying to the south of the Great
Karimun, viz., Pulo Kxmdur, Papan, Belat, etc. This may
readily be seen by comparing recent with former maps.*
1 See, for instance, "Tombo do Estado da India" (a.d. 1632), in ** Collec<j3o
(le Monumentos Ineditos," etc., t. v, Lisbon, 1868, p. 105: **estreito8 ....
<le ^inquaapttra [Singapore] e sabao.**
' Fulo Sekupong is the name still applied in some maps and marine charts to
the group formed by Papan and Belat islands, but this does not seem to have any
connection with Sdbung. This last may have been a former name for Kundur
Island, adopted from some hamlet on its west coast.
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725
XXXII.
imainsTic belationship of the shahbazgakhi
nrscBiPTiOK.
By G. a. GRIEESON, C.I.E., Ph.D., D.Litt.
TN the discussion lately held as to how far Sanskrit was
a spoken lang^ge, I drew attention to the points of
resemblance which existed between the so-called 'Dard'
languages and the lang^ge employed by Adoka in the
Shahbazgarhl inscription. During the past few months
I have been examining all these languages with considerable
minuteness, and hope to publish the results of my studies
after a reasonable period. In the meantime I have been
pressed to give further details regarding the connection
between 'Dard' and Shahbazgarhl. I therefore submit
the following list of phonetic parallels. I have taken the
Shb. examples entirely from M. Senart's analysis of the
Kapur di Giri inscription in the Indian Antiquary^ vol. xxi
(1892), pp. 8 ff. As for the *Dard' examples, I intend them
to be taken as preliminary to my more extended account which
I hope to publish at a future date. I must therefore ask
leave to make a few explanatory statements in anticipation*
Miklosich and Pischel ^ have shown reasons for assuming
that these 'Dard' languages are modem representatives of
the old Pai^ci Prakrit described by Hema-candra. My
researches have amply corroborated this suggestion, and
I now call these languages, not 'Dard' (which is an un-
suitable name), but * Modem PaiScI.' It will be noticed
that I sometimes refer derivations to the Avesta, and some-
times to Sanskrit. I must defer the proof of the correctness
* See Miklosich, Ueher die Mundarten und die Wanderungen der Zigeuner
Europa^t, ix, 4, 28 : Beitrdge zur Kenntniss der Zigeunermundarten^ i, ii, 16 ff.,
iv, 61 ; Pischel, Qrammatik der Urdkrit-ISprachen, 28.
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726 LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIP OF THE
of this procedure to a future occasion. Here it must suffice
to say that I consider these Modem Pai^aci languages, and
hence Pai^aci Prakrit, as Aryan, but as neither distinctly
Indian nor distinctly Eranian. I would class them as Aryan
languages which branched off from the common stock after
the Sanskritic languages had branched off, but before the
remainder had developed all those peculiarities which entitled
it to be called Eranian. The speakers settled in the wild
inaccessible country imn^ediately to the south of the Hindu
Kush, and have maintained original distinctive peculiarities
of their tongue to a really remarkable degree. This is
principally due to the typical PaiiScI retention of xm-
protected single medial surd consonants, which has resulted
in the preservation of words that had already disappeared
even in Classical Sanskrit, and which could hardly have
existed in Indian Prakrit.^
In the following list I have, with a few exceptions,
included aU the phonetic resemblances that I have noted
between Modem Pai^ci and ShahbazgarhT, even those which
occur in Indian languages, and which are not pectdiar to
Paii§aci. The only omissions are a few extremely common
phonetic changes that are found in both Eranian and
Indian, and from which no lesson could be derived. I have
not noted cases in which I have found the phonetic rules of
ShahbazgarhT and Modem PaiiSacI to be different, because
there are very few instances of these, and because each case
is doubtful owing to paucity of available examples in Modem
Pai^cl. For instance, in Shb. sr remains imchanged, as in
sahasrani. In Mod. Pai6. I have come across only one
example of this compoimd (Av. y/ srav; B., K. y/ san, hear),
from which it is not safe to draw a general conclusion.
The Modem Pai^ci languages fall into three groups,
a Western, or Kafir, group, an Eastern, or Dard, group,
and a central language, Khowar, spoken in the Chitral
country, and occupying a somewhat independent position.
In the Dard group, three languages, Ka^mirl, Garwi, and
* E.g. Vedic Skr. krkavaku, K. kakatcak, a fowl.
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SHAHBAZGAEHI INSCRIPTION. 727
Maiya (the last two spoken in the Indus Eohistan), are not
true Modem Paiffici. They have a Dard basis, but, owing
to their situation on the frontier of India proper, they have
been influenced by Sanskritic languages, and are now mixed
forms of speech. Regarding all these languages see my
paper in J.Il.A.8., 1900, pp. 601 £E.
The following is a list of the contractions employed : —
Avesta . .
Av.
Pasai P.
Sanskrit
Skr.
Gawar-bati .. .. G.
Paisaci . . . .
Pai6.
Kalasa K.
Culika Fai^cika . .
Cu. Pai4.
Modem Pai^I ..
Mod. PaiiS.
Sowar .. .. Kl
Persian
Pre.
Shahbazgarhi . .
Shb.
Dart) Gkoup.
8ina S.
Kapib Gboup. Ka^miri . . . . KL
Basgali B. Garwi Gar.
Wai-ala .. .. W. Maiyft M.
Veron V.
Shb. a>u {ueavuca, osudhani, muta, etc.). This is common in
East Eranian (see Orundriss der IranUchen Philohgie (GIP), P, 295).
In some dialects of Pasto every a > o. As for Modem Pai^ci,
cf . B. kur, ass ; K. gurdO-^ ; 3. kun, ear ; B. duit, hand ; B. uip,
horee, and many othere.
Shb. prothesis of ♦ {istrP), This, of course, occura in tatsamas,
before compound consonants, in all North Indian dialects, and in
Prakrit, but it is quite common in Eranian and in Mod. Pai^., even
before a single consonant. There can be no question of tatsamas
in most of these Modem Pai^ci dialects. Cf. K. iatri, woman;
V. Mt (for 9u{ri/a)), sun ; B. ed, V. isa, kid.
Shb. u> a {garunam, pana), Cf. Skr. kukkufa, S. kankdrd-cd,
a fowl ; Av. biUa, W. tvasei^ a she-goat. In Pasto u> a before
nasals and r (GIP. P, 208).
Shb. k'k {lahuka). In Mod. Pail medial k is always preserved.
Thus Skr. krkavakuy B. kakak, V. kakoka, K. kakawak, a fowl.
Shb. kr-kr (parakramati), Cf. K. kre, purchase (K. often
changes r to r). Cf. Skr. krOda^ K. gro, breast, in which the
r is also preserved, though the k is softened to g.
Shb. kh>k {ku for khu), Skr. khara, B. kur, ass ; B. mguk,
face; §. ^ka^ eat.
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728 LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIP OP THE
Shb. g^g {mrugo, etc.)* Cf. (for final, original medial, g) M. ^^
back ; V. huiog (Skr. *vantaka), share,
Shb. g> k {maka). Cf. Prs. lagam, KL Idkam, a bridle. Thi»
is the rule in Cu. Pai^.
Shb. grzgr {agra^). Cf. K. grdmy village.
Shb. medial unprotected t is preserved (examples passim). Sa
in Pai^. and in non-Prs. Eranian (GIP. P, 416). So also in
Mod. Pai^., as in Skr. tdta, tata, B. tOt, W. tata^ father ; Av. kata-,
Kh. Jdrnta-ny house.
Shb. t>l occasionally (j^ati > pati or = prati). In Mod. Pai^.
t and ( are convertible. The fact seems to be that there is really
only one ^, a semi-cerebral as in English, which is written t or /
according to the personal equation of the scribe. Thus the S. word
for * house ' is written gdt by one scribe and gdf by another.
Shb. tm >t (not p) {ata""). So W. tanu, P. tdni-k, Kh. tan, and
other similar forms for * self.'
Shb. ty>ti{ekatie). Cf. Skr. nrtyati, B., P. y/ nat, dance.
Shb. tg > c. Cf. Ks. y/ nats, dance.
Shb. trztr. Cf. Skr. putra, K. putr, son ; B., K. treh, W., S. tre,
three.
Shb. tv>t. Cf. Av. cathwdrd, B. Uo, four. (The change of
oi is Eranian.)
Shb. dg >j. Cf . Skr. vddga, Kh. baie-ik, music. Kh. changes
Shb. dv> d (not b) [diyadha), Cf. P. dwds (for divasa-), M. </w,
Gar. (fe«, S. des, day ; Skr. (^p^r-, Av. dvar-, K., Kh. </«r, house.
In Eranian dv > d in Prs., but not elsewhere.
Shb. medial^ > v {avatrapegu). So Av. ap-, B. dv, water.
Shb. pt>t {nataro), Cf. B. sut, V. sete, W. «o<, Kh. s6t,
P., G., K., Gar., S. sat (no compensatory lengthening), seven.
Shb. przpr. Cf. A v. fra {pro) -^ y/ da, B., W. ^ pre, give.
Skr. presita-, W. presga^ sent.
Shb. ^>j» {padham), Cf. Arabic 5c/^tf^, K6. ia;?fl<, concerning.
This is the regular nile in Cu. Pai^.
Shb. br^br {bramana). Cf. B. brdh, Kh. brdr^ G. Wwifl, brother.
Shb. rn > inn, Cf . Skr. svarna, B. «fi», gold.
Shb. rt>t {anuvatUarnti), In Mod. Pais. t> d>r. Cf. Skr.
wf^a, Av. mercta, dead; B., W. y^wfa, die. So B. /jarfi, done.
Shb. rg > rig (anamiarigina). So in Mod. Pais, rg > rJ. Thus,
Skr. surga, K., S. «Mr», G. suri, Ki. siri. Cf. PaiiS. bhdrigd,
a wife.
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SHAHBAZGABHI INSCRIPTION. 729*
Shb. rf>9 (vaaa). Of. Skr. Hrfa, K., M., 8. iU, iii.
Shb. ivam > yd. So Si|^^ (Eranian) zSv, Ki. %eo, tongue.
Shb. prothesis of tr, v {vaeaii, etc.). So Av. d + y/ay, S. v^ wa,
come; Prs. anfftdi-ar, Y. wdgikh^ a finger-ring; At. Btawra-^
V. wUiar, great; Skr. -/•>, Kh. ^/wei, send.
Shb. i>< (onfMOi^onam). This is the rule in Pai^. Pr., as also
in most modem Indian languages. So Skr. kUa^ G. khi9y hair.
Shb. hf>iiy {prativtHyena), Of. Eranian change of iy > i and
Skr. naiyatiy K. ^nai, die; Skr. paSyaH, S. y/pdi, 'Kh. ^poi,
M. ^pai, see.
Shb. ^ > i (manuia). So W. manoi, G. mantii, etc., man ; Skr.
r^abha, Kh. reiuy bull ; Skr. presita, W. preit/a^ sent ; Skr. y^ »> ,
^^a^t) G. \/ia, Kh. Vt'^^^* send.
Shb. 9> 8 (arabhiifiiu, yesu, abhisita). Cf. Y. ^ m, send
(see above).
Shb. f/x^. Cf. Pai^. kasafa for ibf/a. In Mod. PaiS. §t
generally > H, it, the compound being treated as if it were Eranian
H. Thus B.* W. oit, Kh. oi^, K., S. ai/, P., G. M, but (cf. Shb.)
Y. aste, eight. In Shb., however, in this particular word we
have afha.
Shb. 8> i (anuiaianam). This is typical of non-Persic Eranian
dialects (GIP. P, 416). Av. sarah-, B., W. iei, G. iau-ta, a head.
This word is here of Eranian origin, as will be shown when the
subject is discussed at greater length.
Shb. s>h {hace). So Kl. hlr^ head (see above).
Shb. st'St (samtuta). This is Eranian. Cf. Av. ast-, Kh. astf,
bone; Av. zasta, 0. Prs. dasta, Y. luat^ hand; Skr. hasta, K., P.
hdsty G. A/7«^, hand; Av. stawra, Kh. is^, horse; Skr. nasta,
P. nd«^, K^. na$t, nose ; Av. «^(7r-, Kh. istdri, star.
Shb. sir z sir {itriyaka^ istri). So K. w^ri, woman. There can
be no idea of this being a tatsama,
Shb. »m > », So Skr. asm&kam, of ue ; Y. as, we. The inter-
mediate stage exists in Kh. ispa. Cf. Av. OBtnan^y Prs. dialect
ashdUf heaven.
Shb. sy > eiy {sty a for sydt). So Skr. dsya, G. hast, Ki. as*, face.
Sbb. 8v>s {sayam). So G. sase, P. sdi^ S. <aA, sister.
Shb. sv > sp (spasunath), Cf . Skr. aha, Av. (Mpa, horse ; Skr.
han, Av. span, dog. So Kh. ispusdr, Tirhai (a dialect related to
P.) ^az, Gar. iipo, sister.
Shb. prothesis of h {hia, hida, hedisa). So. Skr. ahgdra,
S. hagdr, fire ; Av. antare, K. handun, house ; Skr. d«ya, G. ^«t,
mouth.
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730 LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIP OF THE
Shb. metathesis of r in compounds {dhramay draiana, pruvoy
kramay srtwa, etc.). So Skr. karna, K. kro, ear; Skr. parna,
K. pran, leaf ; Skr. karman-f S. krom, work ; Skr. dlrghay K. driga^
long. A more extreme case is Av. 9tar-f B. rMa^ star. This will
show that the Shb. spellings are not necessarily * orthographic
tatsamas ' badly spelt. They represented a real pronunciation.
One or two other points may be noted. The long vowels
are not marked in Shb. Thus lydprta is written vapata, not
rdpata. It is necessary to warn against the possibility of
supplying a long mark on the analogy of Indian Prakrits.
For instance, in Prakrit, when a compoimd consonant is
simplified, the preceding vowel is lengthened in compensation.
It is not to be assumed that, therefore, in Shb. the vowel
before a simplified consonant is necessarily long. This
compensatory lengthening does not take place in Lahndd or
Sindht, the two modern Indian languages spoken nowadays in
North- Western India. Moreover, compensatory lengthening
is rare in the Modem Paisaci languages. Indeed, it is
only met with commonly in Garwi, Maiya, and Ka^miri,
which are those languages of the group that are on the
Indian border, and that show signs of direct Sanskritic
influence.
In the other languages of the group compensatory
lengthening is very rare indeed. Take, for instance, the
various words corresponding to the Av. ustra (Skr. ustra),
a camel. These are B. stgur^ V. istiur (here, of course, there
is no compensatory lengthening required), W. uk, G. ukh,
K., Kh. uty Gar. ut/t, KL tcuthy but only M. Ukh, &. (probably
borrowed from Hindostani) uty camel. So Skr. paksin-^
a bird, K. pach%y-eky G. pici-n. Gar. paU-n, and only KL
pakhu Finally, let us take the word for * eight,' which also
occurs in Shb. These are B., W. osty V. astCy P., G. dst^
K. asty Kh. osty Gar. othy S. athy and only M. dth. We
should hence refrain from assimiing that Shb. atha should
properly be written d/Aa, as we should expect from the
analogy of Prakrit.
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SHAHBAZQARHI INSCRIPTION. 731
Another small point may be noted. Hema-candra (iv, 324 ;
i, 219) notes that in Pai^cl Prakrit the d does not beeome
r in numerals. It is preserved, and then by the general
Pai$. rule becomes t. Thus * eleven ' is ekdiasa, not edraha.
Similarly, in Shb. the d is not changed to r. We have
badaya, twelve ; (idaSa, thirteen.
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feed by ^ I
733
xxxm.
NOTES FBOM THE TAKJXTB.
By F. W. THOMAS, M.R.A.S.
6. The Jdtakamdld of Haribhatta.
A HITHERTO, I believe, unknown collection of Jatakas,
"^*" bearing the above title, is to be found in the Tanjur
(MdOy xcii, foil. 1-229). It is, as may be seen, a work of
considerable extent, though the number of the stories is
no more than thirty-five, in three decades plus five. The
detailed examination of this probably not uninteresting
work may be left to those who devote special attention to
this class of writings. But I may here collect the facts
recorded concerning the author, and append the com-
mencement of the book, the titles of the stories, and the
colophons, together with as adequate a translation of these
as I can provisionally present. The folio nimibers given
in the margin refer to the India Office edition and (when
in brackets) the * red ' edition of St. Petersburg.
Of Haribhatta nothing seems to be known from other
sources. It is true that the Subhasitavali includes some
verses by a poet of this name. But none of these verses
have been traced elsewhere, and there is at present no
evidence connecting the writer either with Bhartrhari or
with our author. The latter is described in the colophon
as an acarya and a king's son, as learned in grammar and
in the Word of Buddha (points of contact with Bhartrhari),
and as the moon of later poets; and we are told that he
left Kashmir owing to troubles, and threw away his life
in the Himalaya mountains. He himself, using a tone of
modesty, though confessing apparently to the name of poet,
tells us at the commencement of the work that, without
pretension to compete with the Jatakamala of Sura, he might
find a yet unoccupied sphere for himself in the glory of
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734 NOTES FROM THE TANJUR.
knowing tradition. He also speaks of his work as a fit
companion to his commentary on the SQtra-pitaka {Mdo . sefe)»
which, however, appears to be unknown.
The comparison of the stories with those found elsewhere *
will be no doubt a work of some labour, as the titles are in
these cases not always an adequate guide.
What is told us concerning the translators may be seen
in their colophon.
I Rgya . gar . skad . du | Ha . ri . batta . na . ma .
dza . ta . ka . ma . la I bod . skad . du | sen . ge .
zabs . Abrin . pa^i . skyes . pa . rabs . kyi . phren .
ba . zes . bya . ba |
I /^jam . dpal . gzon . nur . gyur . pa^ . la . phyag .
Atshal . lo I
1. I gan . zig . ma . lus . pha . rol . phyin . paAi . stobs .
kyis . thob . gyur . baAi |
(2a) I zi . ba/a . go . ^phan . gis . ni . me . tog . tog . can .
sdug . bsnal . mdzad |
I mam . par . dag . pa^i . yon . tan . ^od . zer . dkyil .
^khor . can . rmons . la |
I mun . pa . sel . bar . mdzad . pa/2i . thub . pa . de . la .
phyag . ^tshal . ^og |
2a, 2. 1 slob . dpon . dpaA . bos . mdzad . paAi . skyes . paAi .
rabs . kyi . rgyud . rnams . dan |
I gzan . dag . mfiam . pa . fiid . du . rjes . su . Agro .
phyir . byed . nus . min |
I bsil . ba/ii . Aod . kyis . ku . mu . da . ni . so . sor .
byed . nus . kyi |
I skar . maAi . tshogs . gzan . gcig . tu . bsdus . kyan .
ma . nus . pa . nid . de |
3. I snan . dnags . mkhas . chen . rnams . kyi . snan .
dnags . nid . ni . Mi . ^s . pas |
I ^in . tu . lun . la . mkhas . par . grags . pa . nid . du .
dag^ . Agro . ste |
* For a bibliography see Akademiker d' Oldenburg's well-known article^
J.R.A.S., 1893, pp. 301-356 (English version).
» Sic, I.e. and Pet.
3 Pet. nag.
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NOTES FROM THE TANJUR. 735
byad . chub . sems . dpaA . spyod . par . grags . pa .
la . ni . de . Itar . yan |
(Sb) I ran . don . hdod . la . mkhas . pa . bdag . gis . ^di .
dag . nes . par . sbyar |
Sb, 4. 1 gal . te . Ajig . rten . bya . ba . la . rgod . bdag . la .
hdiT . skyon . gan |
hon . kyan . no . tsha . med . pas . smra . na . bden .
par . brjod . med . kyi |
ran . don . bagrub ^ . par . hdod . pa . yon . tan . dag .
la . srid . pa . gan |
thams . cad . bzod . paAi . skyes . bus . Abyun . ba^i .
phyir . na . rig . pa . ste |
zas . gtsah . sras . kyi . rig . pa . dan . po . bdag . ni .
smra . ba . na |
nes . par . yon . tan . grags . pa . la . mkhas . bdag .
gyur . cig |
goms . pa . bsags . paAi . mkhas . pa . nid . kyis .
mam . par . dag . paAi . bios |
ri . mo . mkhan . gyi . gzugs . Itar . Ajam . po . ci .
zig . mi . hdri . /mm |
6. I lus . dan . nag . dan . yid . dag . gis . kyan . dge .
ba . yi . ni . las |
skyes . bu . le . lo . can . gyi . yid . kyis . thob . par .
nus . ma . yin |
me . tog . du . ma . don . gfier . hhad . med . gal . te .
Agyur . ba . na I
me . tog . las . byuh . sbran . rtsi . bun . has . hthnh .
bar . mi . /^gyur . ram |
kye . ma ^ . rgyal . baAi . yon . tan . brjod . pa . chuh .
yah . dge . ba/a . phyir . mi . nus |
de . slad . suan . dhags . mkhan .ni.su. zig . gus .
pa . Ihod . par . byed |
rned . pa . chen . po . mam . par . mthoh . nas . gtoh .
ba . chuh . bas . ni |
bio . ni . rgyu . chen . Idan . pas . tshoh . phyir .
thogs . par . mi . rigs . so |
^ Pet. bsgrubs.
' These two words are apparently extra-metrical.
j.R.A.s. 1904. 4l>
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736 NOTES FROM THE TANJUR.
8. I de . phyir . mam . pa . gan . gis . mi . lus . thob . pa .
rtogs . byas . nas |
I bstan . pa . hdi . yan . dran . sron . gi . ni . rab . rib .
gsal ^ . mdzad . de |
I yun . rin . pos . kyan . mi . hdrahi . bstod . pa . rdul * .
gyi . khyab . pa . yi |
I tshig . ni . sans . rgyas . rtogs . pa . brjod . paAi . chu .
rnams . kyis . ni . bkru . bar . bya |
I gan . gi . phyir . chos . kyi . gtam . la . mkhas . pa .
Adi . ni . mdo . sdeAi . rjes . su . brjod . pas . phyis .
byan . chub . sems . dpaAi . skyes . rabs . rjes . su .
brjod . de . ri . mo . bris . paAi . khan . ba . la .
mar . meAi . Aod . dan . Mra . bas . bde . blag . tu .
gsal . bar . nan . pa . poAi . skye . hohi . yid . la .
{3a) dgsJi . ba . Ihag . par . skyed . par . byed . la | khams .
gsum . du . skyes . paAi . sems . can . mams . kyi .
sdug . bsnal . gyi . rgud . pa . bsal . bar . bya . baAi •
2b, phyir . smon . lam . chen . po . yan . dag . par .
bskyed . paAi . bcom . Idan . Adas . kyi . spyod . pa .
rjes . su . brjod . par . gyur . b'aAi . gnid . rmugs . paAi .
skyon . bsal . nas . yid . mnam . par . bzag . paAi .
nan . pa . po . mams . kyi . bdud . rtsi . bzin . du .
Athun . bar . Adod . rnams . kyis . Akbor . baAi .
sdug . bsnal . du . ma . Adzad . paAi . phyir . du .
yan . dag . par . myan . byaAo |
9. I rnam . pa . sna . tshogs . non . mens . sprul* . Ita .
buAi I
I srid . tshogs . sa . Aog . nas . ni . Agro . don . phyir |
I sans . rgyas . nid . phyir . smon . lam . rgya . chen . po |
I bdag . nid . che . min . rnams . la . Abyuu . ba . min |
I Adi . Itar . rjes . su . thos . te | etc.
1 Pet. bsal
2 Pet. bstod . brdul.
» p, I.e. and Pet.
* Text (I.O. and Pet.) Bbrul, 'snake.'
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NOTES FROM THE TANJUR. 737
The ends and titles of the several jatakas occur as follows :
A.— I. 9b (9ft). Rab . sfian (Pradyota).
ii. 14a (14fl). Rgya . 6ug . gi . glin • du . Agro
(Badarldvipagamana P).
iii. 20a (196). Chos . Adod (Dharmarthi P).
iv. 25a (25a). Ei . bon (&a6a).
V. 30a (29ft). Zla . hoi (Candraprabha P).
vi. 35a (34ft). Gzugs . Idan . ma (RupinI P).
vii. 41a (406). Tshon . dpon (Banij).
viii. 46ft (46a). Fadma . can (Padmavat P).
ix. 61ft (50ft). Tshans . pas . byin (Brahmadatta).
X. 55ft (55a). Phan . Mod (HitarthiP).
B.— 1. 61a (61a). Ri . dwags (Mrga P).
ii. 72a (72ft). Rma . bya (Sikhandi).
iii. 76ft (77ft). Drafi . sron (Muni or Rsi).
iv. 82ft (84ft). Sho . bsafis (Syama).
V. 86a (88a). Drafi . sroh . Iha (Muni- or Rsipancaka).
vi. 90ft (93ft). Ka . 6i . mdzes (Ka^ibhadra P).
vii. 94a (97a). DkaA . thub (Tapasa or Yati).
viii. 103ft (107a). Dga/* . hahi . sdom . chans . can.
ix. 108a (112a). Glah . ba . che (Mahadanti P).
X. 114ft (118ft). Zla . ba (Candra).
C— i. 117ft (121ft). Dar . da . ra (Dardara).
ii. 123ft (128a). Ri . dwags (Mrga).
iii. 135a (139ft). Gser . gyi . go . cha (Kanakavarma).
iv. 137ft (142a). Brtse . ba . can (Maitribala P).
V. 166a (170ft). Mi . Aam . ci . mo . dan . nor . bzans
(sic) (Kinnarl and Vasubhadra P).
vi. 169a (173a). Drafi . sron . Abar . ba . oan (Rsi
Ujjvala P).
vii. 179a (183a). Sred . med (Viraga P PeL Srid . med
= Abhava).
viii. 184ft (188ft). Rkaii . rjes . ^es . pa (Padanujnata P).
ix. 189a (193ft). Dpe . med . ma (AnupamaP).
X. 194ft (198ft). Me . Ion . gi . gdon . can (Darpaigia-
mukha P).
D.— i. 197ft (201ft). Ded . dpon . rab . Agro (the Sarthavaha
Yayu P).
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738 NOTES FROM THE TANJUR.
ii. 2066 (210a). Sen . ge (Lion).
iii. 2136 (217a). Brgya . byin (Satakratu).
iv. 220a (224a). Elira . can (P, minister of the king of
Benares).
V. 228a (2336). Don . kun . grub . Idan (Sarvartha-
siddhimat = Siddhartha).
Fol. 2286.
1. I yan . dag . rdzogs . paAi . byan . chub . Adod |
{$SSb)\ byan . chub . sems . dpaAi . spyod . pa . ni |
I sen . ge . zabs . Abrin . pas . byas . Adi |
I chos . Adod . mams . kyi . phren . ba . byas . pa .
Adii I
2. I skyes . paAi . rabs . kyi . phren . ba . byas . pa . yi ^ |
I dge . ba . cun . zad . gan . zig . bdag . gi . bsams | ^
I de . yis . Agro . ba . Adi . ni . bde . g§egs . kyi |
I Adod . pa . la . dmigs . thar . paAi . phyir . gyur . cig |
3. I rab . Agro . gnaA . ral . can . brgya . byin |
I khra . can . don . kun . grub . Idan . pa |
I Ina . yis . Ihag . paAi . sum . cu . Adir |
I thub . pa . chen . poAi . skyes ' . rabs . rnams |
4. I rig . pa . sgraAi . bstan . bcos . cha . ni . rnam . pa .
man . po . §es . nas . sans . rgyas . kyi . yan . gsun * |
I phyi . maAi . snan . dnags . mkhan . gyi . zla . bas . sa .
ni . snan . nag . Aod . mams . kyi . ni . rab . gsal .
byas I
I kha . cher . fie . bar . Atshe . baAi . skyon . gyis .
mam . par . gduns . pa . ^s . nas . phyi . rol . Agro .
Adod . pas |
I ri . dbafi . kha . ba . can . la . sen . ge . zabs . Abrin ^ .
las . ni . srog . rnams . dor . nas . mtho . ris . bson |
1
In these two lines the text (I.O. and Pet.) is corrapt. In the second placo
Pet. has again hdi,
« Sie (I.O. and Pet.) for bsofft.
' Pet. here inserts pahi,
* A syllable wanting. I.O. has matm for mam . pa.
• h^ii*, Pet.
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NOTES FEOM THE TANJUK. 739
I rgyal . poAi . eras . slob . dpon . sen . ge . zabs . Abrin .
pas . mdzad . paAi . skyes . paAl . rabs . kyi . phren .
ba . rdzogs . so ||
5. I dge . slon . dpal . Idan . bio . gros . ^byun . gnas .
zes . bya . mkhas . pa . ni |
sems . can . mams . la . chos . dan . zan . zin . kun .
nas . Agod . mdzad . cin |
(23J^)\ tshad . ma . dan . ni . lun . dan . rgyud . mams • du •
ma . la . Adris . pas |
Agro . baAi . mhaA . bdag . gi . ni . spyod . pa . Adi .
la . gnis . po . dag |
6.
gzal . du . med . cin . dri . ma . med . pa . kim . nas
bsags . te . de . las . Adi ^ |
non . rmons . zes • byaAi . sgrib . paAi . dri . ma . cho
ga . bzin . du . myur . spans . snon . du . Agro
ba . ni I
de . dan . deAi . skyes . rabs . yons . bzun . Agro . ba
sdug . bsnal . rgya . mtsho . las . ni . ga • don
byas . te ^ I
mthar . yah . thub . dbah . mams . bzin . mthaA
dag . bya . byas . sans . rgyas . khams . gsum . du ,
ni . khyed . Abyuh . §og |
lean . lo . can . gyi . bum . pa . zes . bya . mkhas .
dan . Ihan . cig . Adi . Hid . du |
gah . zig . tshul . khrims . Abyuh . gnas . skad . ghis .
pas . ni . Adi . Itar . cho . ga . bzin |
bdud . las . rnam . par . rgyal . baAi . spyod . pa . An ,
tu . mam . dag . yahs . pa . ni |
skye . bo . ma . lus . pa . la . phan . paAi . don . du .
de . yis . yah . dag . bsgyur |
rgya . gar . gyi . mkhan . po . paQ4^ • ^ • ^^^ ^ . ka .
de . baAi . zabs . dah | bod . kyi . lo . tsa • ba .
* Four syllables wanting.
^ One syllable wanting. Pet. has gdon for ffa . don.
3 tern, Pet.
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740 NOTES FROM THE TANJUR.
iakya^i . dge • slon . tshul . khrima . Abyun . gnas .
sbas . pas . dpal . gyi . sgyeAu . riAi . rtsa . chos .
skor . dben . saAi . gtsug . khan . du . bsgyur II
Translation.
In the Indian tongue : Haribhattandmq/cUakamdld.
In the Tibetan tongue : Sen . ge . sabs . hbrih . pdhi . skyes .
rabs . ki/i . phren . ba.
Hail to ManjuSri as Kumara !
1, To him, who makes suffering flower-crowned with the
eminence of acquiescence won by the strength of all
the paramitas,
Who, having a halo of light in virtues utterly pure,
dispels the darkness in the deluded — to that sage hail !
2. With the string of Jatakas composed by the iicarya
Sura others are without power to follow on an
equality.
Though the cool-rayed [moon] may rival (expand?)
the lotus, not surely may the other constellations,
even united.
8. Since — for we know this the poetry of great poets —
only the fame of learning in tradition remains open,^
It is, clearly, as being skilled in the fame of the lives
of the Bodhisattva, and, moreover, in desiring my
own advantage, that I shall compose these things.
4. If the world laughs at the attempt, what fault is there
here in me ? Or though through shamelessness
I speak not truly in my narrative,
What place there is among virtues for a desire to
accomplish one's own advantage, an all -patient
person knows by reason of his origin (' from birth * ?
. ' from the beginning ' ?).
* I translate dag . h^ro {nuddhagat%), not nag . hgro (vaggati). Perhapn
* since our author (/mH) knows the poetry of great poets * is bett^^r than what we
hare giyen.
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NOTES FEOM THE TANJUR. 741
5. In celebrating the supreme knowledge of the son of
^uddhodana may I^ at any rate^ become skilled in
extolling virtue !
Does not a mind purified by skill acquired through
practice^ like the painter's drawing, trace out some-
thing winning P
6. With body, voice, and mind alike no meritorious work
can persons of indolent character achieve.
By the bee, if he exerts not himself in the seeking of
various flowers, the honey coming from the flowers
is not quaffed, is it P
7. Though unable, alas! through poverty in merit to
celebrate ^ the virtues of the Jina, what poet for that
reason refrains his homage P
Since, on descrying a great gain, a small one is
abandoned,^ the mind engaged with a great matter
knows not how to suffer hindrance for gain.
8. Therefore, after consideration of every advantage in
whatever way, as this teaching verily illuminates ^ the
darkness of sages.
Speech, long saturated with the dust of the praise of
unequal persons, shall be washed with the water of
the avadanas of Buddha.
Since this author, learned in stories of dharma, in
expounding the Jataka of the Bodhisattva after ex-
pounding the Siitrapitaka, makes illumination most
happily as with the light of a lamp in a room adorned
with pictures, causing in the minds of his hearers the
acme of delight, it is to be tasted, with a view to the
waning of the divers sorrows of existence, by those
who desire to drink the ambrosia, as it were, of those
who listen with minds set at rest by the abolition of
the sin of oblivion of the celebration of the acts of
the holy one who made the great vow to abolish the
^ Or, * 80 far as merit is concerned, to celebrate even a little * ?
' Or, < since, in comparison with the great gain, what is abandoned is little.'
' Or * has dispelled ' {bsal).
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742 KOTES FBOH THE TANJTJH.
affliction of the sorrow of the beings bom in the
three worlds!
9. That all creatures may pass away from the earth below
(? heU),
Like phantoms (snakes ?) tormented in divers fashions.
This great prayer for Baddhahood
Arises not in such as have not great souls.
Thus is it recorded, etc., etc.
{Fol. 228b.)
1. In desire for complete Bodhi, composed by Haribhatta,
may this story of the Bodhisattva .... ^ of
those who love righteousness.^
2. What little merit has been gathered by me, by com-
posing a wreath of Jatakas, thereby may this world,
in love for Sugata, be at the end of its illusions.
3. * Good - goer,' * Neck - tearer,' * Hundred - sacrificer,*
' Citrin ' (?), ' All objects eflTected '—thirty, with these
five added, are here the Jatakas of the great sage.^
4. After studying treatises on grammar in many points,
and also the word of Buddha, the moon of later poets,
having illuminated the earth with the rays of poetry,
experiencing in Kashmir distraction through the
fault of mischief-makers,* Haribhatta, through desire
for the outer world, casting away his life on the
king of mountains, Himalaya, went to heaven.
End of the Wreath of Jatakas composed by the Acarya
Prince Haribhatta.
* Text corrupt, see above.
' Dharma.
' Probably the Sanskrit was —
Arv& I ^^^^"^''^^^ fiakras citri (?) sarvarthasiddliiinan .♦ |
pancaitanyatra trimtoc ca jatakani mahamuneb 1 1
The word kanihirava is certain, since the colophon of the Jataka in question
gives Be^ . ge^ * lion.*
• sSiddhartiia.
^ n0 . bar . \iUhe ? = uparodhi: perhaps we should read he . bar . tshe
Ki upafivif 'dependants.'
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NOTES FROM THE TANJUR. 743
5. Whereas the learned Bhiksu Srimat Matisambhava
(Buddhyakara P Prajfiakara P), composing from
Dharma and every matter .... for the
creatures, being acquainted with logic and tradition
and tantra, for this life of the Lord of the world —
has these two,
6. The unequalled and the pure, gathered from every
source,^ herefrom may you, receiving him who goes
before, abandoning in the right way the dirt of the
darkness called affliction, and also his Jataka, achieve
your object so far as the ocean of suffering of
existence is concerned, and finally with all your work
accomplished, like the lords of sages, be born in the
world of Buddha !
7. Whereas, together with a learned man named Bum . pa ^
of Lean . lo . can,^ this same, who is Silasambhava,
knowing the two languages, has corrected in extemo
this so constituted story of the Conqueror of Mara,
thereby may it serve for the purpose of the good
of all creatures.
By the feet of the Indian teacher Lamkadeva and
Tibetan translator the Sakya Bhiksu Sllasambhava-
gupta, translated in the Chos . skor . dben . sa
monastery at the foot of Mount Sgye^u.
' The text is here imperfect. "We mi^ht render * has here gathered the lite
of the Lord of the world, which is both unequalled and pure.' Dr. F. H.
Stcherbat^koi, who has kindly read this paper in proof, suggests that a sentence
ended with the imperfect line a of t. 6, the sense then continuing *■ may you,
released (pdon . byas) from the ocean of the miseries of existence by receiving nim
and his jatakas, preceded by (snon . du . Agro) abandonment .... and
finally with all your kanna exhausted, etc., etc'
* Bum . pa = * vessel.'
3 A place in Tibet, see Lexx.
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745
ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY.
Presented by the India Office.
De Quiros. Pedro Fernandez. Voyages. Translated
and edited by Sir Clements Markham. 2 vols. 8yo.
London, 1904.
Presented by the Oovemment of India.
Indian Educational Policy. 8vo. Calcutta, 1904.
Presented by the Royal Engineers^ Institute Committee.
Collinson (General) & General Webber. General Sir
Henry Harkness. 8vo. London, 1903.
Presented by the Bataviaasch Oenootschap van Kunsten en
Wetenschappen.
Stuart (H. N.). Catalogue der Munten en Amuletten van
China, Japan, Corea, en Annam. Svo. Batavia, 1904.
Presented by Dr. J. 8. Speyer {the editor).
Avadanasataka. Parts 1-3. {Bibliotheca Buddhica, iii.)
Svo. St. Petersburg, 1902-4.
Presented by the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences.
Poussin (L. de la Valine). Mulamadhyamakakarikas de
Nagarjuna. 1. {Bibliotheca Buddhica, iv.) Svo.
St. Petersburg, 1903.
Lemm (0. v.). Das Triadon, ein Sahidisches Gedicht
mit Arabischer Ubersetzuag. I. Text. Svo.
St. Petersburg, 1903.
Der Alexanderroman bei den Kopten Text,
XJbersetzung, Anmerkungen. Large Svo.
St. Petersburg, 1903.
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746 ADDITIONS TO THE LIBRAKY.
Radloff (W.). Versuch eines Worterbuchee der Tiirk-
Dialecte. Lief. vii. 4to. St. Petersburg, 1903.
Chavannes (E.). Documents sur les Tou-kuie Occidentaux.
4to. 8t. Petersburg, 1903.
Presented by Mr. J. Kennedy.
Abu Yusuf Abi Hanafi. Kitab al-Akhraj.
Presented by the Authors.
Scott-Moncrieff (P.). The Book of Consolations^ or the
Pastoral Epistles of Mar Isho-Yahbh of Kuphlana in
Adiabene. Part i : Syriac Text. 8vo. London, 1904.
Pischel (R.). Neue Bruchstucke des Sanskritkanons
der Buddhisten aus Idykut§ari, Cbinesisch-Turkestan.
Pamphlet. 4to. Berlin, 1904.
Presented by the Publishers.
Butler (H. C). Architecture and other Arts. Part ii
of the Publications of an American ArchaDological
Expedition to Syria in 1899-1900. Fol.
Neio York and London, 1904.
Sorensen (S.). Index to the Names in the Mahabharata.
Part i. 4to. London, 1904.
Fumi (F. G.). Avviamento alio Studio del Sanscrito.
8vo. Milano 1904.
Wientz (H. J.). Japanese Grammar Self-taught.
(Koman characters.) 8vo. London, 1904.
Noldeke (T.). Compendious Syriac Grammar^ with
a table of characters by J. Euting, translated by
J. A. Crichton. 8vo. London, 1904.
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747
MISCELLANEOUS COMMUNICATIONS.
Sanskrit as a Spoken Language.
In connection with Professor Rapson's paper on the
employment of Sanskrit as a spoken language, published in
the last number of this Journal (pp. 435-56), and the debate
to which the paper gave rise (pp. 457-87), the following
passage from the Mahabharata may be quoted as confirming
the view that the use of the language in conversation was
characteristic of high society. It occurs in the Adi-Parvan
Ixxviii, 12-14, in the course of a conversation between Deva-
yanl and the mythical king Yayati.
Devayany uvaca :
sarva eva nrpasrestha vidhanam anuvarttate |
vidhanavihitam matva ma vicitrah kathah krthah 1 1
rajavadrupavesau te brahmim vacam bibharsi ca |
ko nama tvam kuta^ casi kasya putras ca ^amsa me 1 1
Yayatir uvaca :
brahmacaryyena vedo me krtsnah ^rutipatham gatah |
rajaham rajaputras ca Yayatir iti visrutah 1 1
DevayanI said :
"Everyone, my lord, complies with fate. Deeming the
thing ordained by fate, make no elaborate speech.^ Royal is
your form and raiment, and the Brahma speech you wear ;
by name who are you, whence are you, and whose son —
this tell me."
' = * inqiiire no furthor.'
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748 SANSKRIT AS A SPOKEN LANGUAGE.
Yayati said :
" As a student all the Veda has come to my hearing, and
a king I am, and son of a king, Yayati — by that name
known."
The commentator calls attention to the inversion whereby
Yayati gives first the reason for his use of Sanskrit, namely,
his education ; and, secondly, the reason for his royal
appearance, namely, the fact that he was really a king.
The two evidently go together, and Yayati speaks Sanskrit
for the same reason that most people speak correct English,
namely, because he had received a good education. From
this use of the word Brahma, as applied to speech, may
we make any inference concerning its application to a form
of writing P
May T add a remark concerning the words prakrta and
sarnskrta? The former, as an adjective from prakrti, the
crude unelaborated state (Swa/tit?) of anything, is a good
equivalent for our word * natural ' in the sense of * un-
sophisticated * or 'uncultivated'; whence it comes to have
also the sense of * vulgar ' or * low.' It is thus applicable
to the language either of a peasant or of a plebeian.
Sarnskrta is, as has been explained, that which is made
pure by correctness. But the word bears a curious analogy
to a term well-known to modern Anglo-Indians, namely
pakka, literally * cooked ' (or * ripened ') ; for Pai^ini speaks
of cooked food as sarnskrta.
It is noticeable that the same sense reappears in the
root sddh (sidh), whence come sddhu and siddha, both also
applied to language and to persons. So persistent has
been the connection between the ideas of perfection and
of cooking (ripening) I
As regards the application of the term Pali to the
dialects of the A[§okan edicts, to which Professor Rhys
Davids regretfully yields (above, p. 459), I cannot believe that
it will ever be sanctioned, especially after Professor Pischel's
recent paper on the Canon of the Northern Buddhists
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'Opfiavo^ = HAVANA. 749
(BerKn Sitzungsberichte, 1904, No. xxv, pp. 807-27), showing
that there once existed a MagadhI text, presumably the most
ancient version.
The occurrence of the word vihethaka, ^ malicious,' in the
fragments published {ibid., p. 817) is a new illustration of
the lexicographical connection between the Mahabharata
and early Buddhism. The word occurs Mbh. I, y. 3076,
and, with mhethd vihethana, in Buddhist Sanskrit texts
{see B. & R.).
F. W. Thomas.
'Opfiav6<; = Ravana P
In the Handbuch der Oeschichte der Medizin (Jena, 1901),
the author of the article on Indian Medicine, Dr. Iwan
Bloch, has pointed out (p. 126) that an Indian physician
is named by Galen as the originator of a recipe for easing
childbirth. The passage runs as follows : —
avriZoTO^ i} 'Opfiavov Xeyofihnj rod 'IvBov, irpo^ to tA
CVT09 fip^ifyrj CKlSaXXetv % a-fivpvrj^ < iL KpoKov < tor'. vdpSov
^IvSt/cfj^ < tar, Kapvafjuofiov, /ecuraia^ irdva/co^, dvc^ < 17'.
ap/ifMOV < 97. aKopBiov < kL iv SXKxp < e. a-jfoivov avOov^ < 17.
fjLi^v ddafiapTiKov < 7'. pohtov ')(y\ov < iff. 6l3o\ov^ 7'. ^v
< e. o/3o\ov9 7'. inrepitcov < i. ^i/ffifiipcG)^ < ar.
The identity of this 'Opfiavo^ has not been established.
Arjuna, the shorter name of Nagarjuna, had occurred to
me as a possibility. But have we not rather an equivalent
for the Sanskrit Ravana P An old Indian tradition qualifies
as a physician the ten-headed enemy of Rama, the demon
king of Lanka. This is not an Indian version of the world-
wide witticism against the profession of medicine, although
that is fully attested in Sanskrit, the Subhasitavali giving
among other lines this couplet (No. 2319) : —
vaidyanatha namas tubhyam ksapita^esamanava |
tvayi samnyastabharo 'yam krtantah sukham edhate |
For a medical work entitled ArkaprakdSa, consisting of
a dialogue between Ravana and his wife Mandodarl (!), is
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750 HISTORICAL FRAGMENT FROM NINEVEH.
known in manuficript and in print (Luoknow, 1887); and
Dr. P. Oordier» in a recent work {RScentea Dicouvertes de
M88. mMicaux Sanserifs dans rinde), reprinted from MusSan^
cites (p. 30) a Buddhist treatise on medicine, bearing the
name Bdvanakaumdratantra. Considering the date of Galen,
it would be interesting to learn whether any trace of his
recipe is to be found in the literature of what we may call
the Bdvana (or Ravana) school. We may note that some
of the ingredients, e.g. ginger, Sk. irngavera{ka), from the
town Srngatera, are of Indian origin.
F. W. Thomas.
The New Historical Fragment from Nineveh.
Dr. Pinches is to be congratulated on the acuteness he has
displayed in the discovery of the nature of Mr. Quinn's
cuneiform fragment, and the skill he has shown in making
clear its historical bearings. There is one line (5), however,
in the British Museum tablet where I think he has mis-
apprehended the grammatical construction, and thereby
obscured the meaning of the Assyrian text. My own
translation from line 2 onward would be : " Now why are
your words like those of a great king ? For your messenger
said : * One day (only) didst thou wait for me in the city of
Zaqqalfi at the time of sending the weak and the strong.'
He (your messenger) and the . . . servant of Assur-
sum-lisir, whom they had driven away along with his lord,
came to this country, and my father gave him help and
restored him to his own country. Ever since you, 0 Kharbi-
sipak the Khabirite, give the order he remains in your
presence and keeps away from here. [Yet you] say : ' I am
angry (?) ; for one day (only) did he wait for us in the city
of Zaqqald.' (But) who among you dares to give orders
like the king P May [Bel] the lord of the world fall (on
him) and may the words of Assyria be like those of the great
king." In line 9 we should probably supply : " In-aristi-
tukulti-Assur whom to his sovereignty [they had raised],"
and understand that when Assur-sum-lisir had been 'driven'
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HISTORICAL FRAGMENT FROM NINEVEH. 751
from the throne the crown was seized by In-aristi-tukulti-
Assur. The latter would appear from Mr. Quinn's fragment
to have been originally a priest and seer like the Belesys of
Greek legend. From an inscription published by Scheil we
learn that the Khabirites were a EosssDan tribe of Elam, and
Kharbi-sipak seems to have given assistance to the Assyrian
rebels.
Dr. Pinches is doubtless right in seeing in Bel-kudur-utsur
the Assyrian king who preceded In-aristi-pal-esar, and was the
last of the old dynasty. In-aristi-tukulti-Assur and Assur-
sum-lisir will accordingly be his immediate predecessors, and
the fall of the dynasty will not have been due only to the
defeat of Bel-kudur-utsur by the Babylonians, but also to
internal troubles, which had already led to the interference of
Babylonia in Assyrian politics.
The change of dynasty is known to the classical writers.
According to Agathias (II, 25, p. 119), Belfitaras, who
had been the former king's gardener, was the successor of
Beleous, the son of Derketades, and a descendant of Semiramis.
This account Agathias derived from ** Bion and Alexander
Polyhistor." In the Synkellus (p. 359 c) the names are
written Belitaras and Delketades. Derketades is simply
* the descendant ' of Derketo or Istar, the goddess of
Nineveh, and therefore Semiramis under another form.
In Ktesias Beletaras appears as Balatores, corrupted into
Bellepares by Eusebius, and his predecessor is Belokhos II,
written Bellothos by Eusebius. Rawlinson long ago saw
that Beletaras or Balatores is the Assyrian * pileser,' though
he erroneously identified the King with Tiglath-pileser III,
instead of In-aristi-pileser. Belokhos, still further contracted
into Beleous, and called Belimus by Kephalion, must be
a popular abbreviation of Bel-kudur-utsur. Such contractions
of proper names were common in Assyrian, as we learn from
the cuneiform inscriptions, and just as Beletaras for (In-aristi-)
pal-esarra is paralleled by Belesys or Bala§u for (Marduk-)
bala^u-(iqbi) or something similar, so Belokhos for Bel-
kudur-utsur is paralleled by Tabnfia for Nabu-tabni-utsur or
Ardia for Arad-Istar.
j.u.A.s. 1904. 50
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762 HISTOEICAL FRAGMENT FEOM NINEVEH.
The two immediate predecessors of Belokhos II are said
to be Amyntes and Askatades. Amyntes is merely the
Greek translation of utsur or rather natair, and Askatades,
further changed into Astakadis in the text of Eusebius, is
shown by the quotation from '' Bion and Polyhistor " to be
a corruption of Derketades. Belokhos is made the second of
his name in accordance with what I have long ago pointed
out is a characteristic of Ktesias in his lists of the kings
of Assyria and Media — the duplication of the royal names.
Belokhos I already occurs in an earlier part of the Assyrian
list, where he is followed by Balaios and Altadas. Balaios
bears the same relation to Balatores that Beleous does to
Belokhos, and Altadas, corrupted into Sethos by the
Synkellus, must go back to either Askatades or Delketades.
Such forms illustrate the extent to which the names of the
Assyrian kings given by Ktesias have been corrupted by
the copyists who have handed them down to us.
A. H. Sayce.
Queen^H College, Oxford.
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763
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Thb Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia. Vol. II.
By R. 0. Thompson, M.A. (Luzac, 1904.)
The first volume of this work lias already been noticed in
these pages (January, pp. 122-125), and attention was called
to its importance for students of comparative custom and
folklore. The present volume is no less interesting, and the
curious information which Mr. Thompson has collected and
edited will repay careful consideration. The cuneiform
tablets which are here published are transliterated and
translated, with notes and a vocabulary of the rarer words.
In the course of an extensive introduction the writer touches
upon the various interesting features of the magical tablets,
illustrating them now and again by means of parallels and
analogies from Egypt and Syria. Thus we find that the
wizard regards himself as the mouthpiece of the god, and,
armed with exorcisms and "words of power," proceeds to
obtain that knowledge of the supernatural enemy which will
enable him to come off victorious. For this the exerciser
must show that he is acquainted with the name of the
particular demon whom he would overthrow or cast out.
The ceremonies which are used to accomplish this end are
of the usual kind, well known in all parts of the world :
animals (especially the hair), magical loaves and wax-
figures, knots, and the rest of the magical paraphernalia.
The animal- victim, which plays an important part in the
magic ritual, is regarded now and again as a substitute for
the human being. In certain cases of sickness "a white
kid of the god Tammuz " is employed in the belief that the
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754 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
evil power which holds the man will pass into the carcase
of the animal. Thus we read : —
'* The kid is the substitute for man,
The kid for his life he giveth,
The head of the kid for the head of the man he giveth,
The neck of the kid for the neck of the man he giveth."
In another case a sucking-pig is employed, and the ritual
proceeds:
'* Give the pig in his stead,
and give the flesh as his flesh,
the blood as his blood."
The evil influence thus takes up its abode in the pig, and
Mr. Thompson not unnaturally finds a parallel in the story
of the Gadarene swine in the New Testament, and makes
the correct inference that the pig was not held to be an
unclean animal by the Assyrians and Sumerians. Passing
on, we find also that the tapu or taboo, so familiar among
primitive communities, was not wanting in Assyria. A man
could become tabu in the most unlocked for manner, not
merely by contact with * unclean ' objects, e.g. a bewitched
woman, but even by touching a holy libation, or by inter-
course with another who was tabu. The technical term for
this in Assyrian was murtu,^ and it is interesting to notice
that the root appears to be used in Hebrew with precisely
the same signification. The curious Hebrew proverbial
phrase ^dsur we-'dzub (Htjn ^IXJ^), according to Kobertson
Smith,^ means ** he who is under a tabu and he who is free,'"
and the same scholar also pointed out that the natural
interpretation of Jer. xxxvi, 5, is '' I am restrained by
a tabu (or ceremonial impurity, ^dsur) from entering the
sanctuary." It does not follow, however, that the Hebrew
term is derived from the Assyrian, since the root is applied
in Arabic in a special sense.^ In like manner, in spite of
* Scarcely * barrier,' as rendered on p. 119 ; see rather p. xli, note 1.
« Religion of the Setnite$y 2nd ed., p. 466.
3 mo' sir y loc. cit.
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DEVILS AND EVIL SPIRITS OF BABYLONIA. 765
the relation between the Hebrew kipper, 'to atone,' and the
Assyrian kuppuru, Mr. Thompson's suggestion that the
Hebrews took over the Babylonian idea during the Captivity
is one that does not commend itself entirely. That the
natives of Chaldea left behind them a reputation for all
forms of magic and sorcery no one denies — kalddyHthA
{Chaldee-ism !) is the well-known Syrian term for magic
generally ; but for the present, at all events, it is not quite
obvious that because the Sumerian incantations are un-
doubtedly older than the Priestly Code, the Jews were
indebted to Assyria and Babylonia for their idea of ' atone-
ment/ With some scholars bidding us look to the ancient
civilisation of Arabia, and others inviting our attention to
Mesopotamia for the origin of Jewish cult, the ordinary
reader may prefer to refrain from making up his mind too
hurriedly.
What Mr. Thompson has to tell us of the magic and
demonology of Babylonia supplements in some important
respects the extremely valuable account of Babylonian ritual
which Dr. Joh. Jeremias has given in the Encyclopcedia
Biblica} More recently Dr. Fries has directed attention to
an incantantion edited by Zimmern, where we read :
" Has he slept in a tabooed bed P
Has he sat on a tabooed chair P
Has he eaten out of a tabooed spoon P
Has he drunk out of a tabooed vessel P "
These, as Fries suggests, are the four symbols of hospitality,
and he ingeniously associates the series with a certain well-
known fairy-tale, where the four-fold idea has been increased
to seven.*
It is extremely striking to observe from Mr. Thompson's
philological notes how frequently obscure terms appear
to find their only explanation from Syriac or some other
Aramaic dialect. For obvious reasons this is only to
• Art. ** Ritual,** vol. iv.
* It will suffice to quote from it one question only: ** Who has slept m ray
bed?*' See Fries, Meinitck, Mus.y 1904, p. 222 sq.
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756 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
be expected, but it certainly suggests tbat a careful survey
of Aramaic literature ought to reveal numerous traces of
actual Babylonian magic and demonology. The Syrian
lives of saints not seldom refer to contemporary superstitions
(tree-worship, miracle-working dust, etc.) in such a way as
to show the hold they had upon all classes. One recalls,
for example, the story of the holy man who unconsciously
repeated snatches of a refrain which he had heard sung,
with the result that he was suddenly embarrassed by the
appearance of certain devils which came to him to ask for
his instructions.^
We have left ourselves no space to refer to the many
other interesting points with which Mr. Thompson's texts
deal. We cannot refrain, however, from a reference to
a unique version of the Legend of the Worm, with its
ancient recipe for curing toothache. " After Anu had created
the Heavens" (so the text evidently ran) "the Heavens
created the Earth, the Earth the Rivers, the Rivers the
Canals, the Canals the Marshes, and finally the Marshes
created the Worm.'* Then came the Worm before Shamash
and Ea to ask for food. " Let me drink among the teeth,
and set me upon the gums(P), that I may devour the
blood of the teeth, and of their gums destroy the strength ;
then shall I hold the bolt of the door." To this quaint account
is appended the prescription : " So must thou say this :
* 0 Worm ! may Ea smite thee with the might of his fist.' "
The " Incantation of the Sick Mouth " then follows, couched
in these terms: "Thou shouldest do the following: Mix
beer, the plant sa-kil-bir, and oil together, repeat thereon
the incantation thrice; put it on his tooth." Whether
the gnawing worm is descriptive of toothache or not, the
striking expression "hold the bolt of the door" cannot
fail to remind the reader of a verse in that remarkable
passage in Ecclesiastes xii, where the decay of nature and
the crepitude of old age are so vividly expressed. Here,
1 Thomas of Marga, p. 84 (ed. Budge). The story tells how the holy man
employed them (unprofitably enough) to pile up stones in a heap, which stones,
says tne old writer, *' are known to this day.'*
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I. GIUDIZI DI DIO. 757
in verse 4, Eoheleth speaks of the approach of senility
when "those that look out through the lattice • windows
(the eyes) shall be darkened, and the doors (lips) shall be
closed in the street." The Babylonian parallel to this
metaphorical use of " door " is noteworthy.
Magical texts of this kind naturally teem with obscure
and unintelligible expressions, which fulness of knowledge
in the future may be expected to elucidate. Their chief
value lies, as we have said, in the material they provide for
the study of comparative religion and folklore, and even
the comparatively small number of texts which have already
been studied by Mr. Thompson and others have revealed
many valuable sidelights upon the heathenism of the
ancient Semitic world. As the contents of fresh texts are
made known from time to time, it will be interesting to
reconsider in the new light of Assyriology the copious
material relating to the heathenism of Harr&n which lies
entombed in Ohwolsohn's great work.*
S, A. Cook.
I. GiUDizi DI Dio. By Dr. V. Eooca. (Livomo, 1904.)
The extensive prevalence of ordeals as a regular element
in judicial proceedings no doubt constitutes one of the most
striking features of the ancient laws of India. The little
work under notice, the first Sanskritic publication of a rising
Italian scholar, a pupil of Professor Formichi, is a useful
contribution towards the history of divine tests in India.
It consists of an unpublished Sanskrit text, in Roman
characters, that is to say, the section on the administration
of ordeals from the Yyavaharacintamani of YacaspatimiSra,
1 On p. XV, line 9, read (presumably) * Magan ' ; on p. 157, note a, read
MiiUau. On p. 13 ki-i-ri is doubtfully rendered * pitch ' ; since it occurs with
U'itt-nu (rendered * coal - pan *), one is tempted to awociate it with the Hebrew
kAr, which, like att&n, is used of a furnace of some kind. That ruStu is to be
connected with the Jewish- Aram. rtA4/ (p. 43 n.) is doubtful ; see Jastrow, who
e3[plainfi it in his Dictionary (p. 1474) as *a jelly-like pastry.' Suit* Umntttu,
p. 51, is doubtfully rendered 'evil cough'; comparing the Mand. KH^^K' (Kn^^lSJ'),
one is inclined to suggest 'they are the evil brood.*
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758 NOTICBS OF BOOKS.
together with a careful Italian translation and copious notes.
It may be compared to Biibler's valuable translation of the
chapter on ordeals from the Yyavaharamayiikbay in the
thirty-fifth volume of the Asiatic Society of Bengal's Journal
(1866), with this difference, that Dr. Rocca, who had to work
entirely on unpublished materials, has given us the Sanskrit
original along with his Italian version. He has performed
his task of establishing a correct text from three indifferent
MSS. in a very creditable manner, deriving some additional
help, as far as the numerous quotations of Smrti passages are
concerned, from the printed editions of the Smrtis of Narada,
Yis^u, and others. The Introduction contains an elaborate
discussion of the date of YacaspatimiiSra, an eminent writer
of the Mithila school of law, who appears to have lived at
the court of a prince of Mithila (Tirhut) in the fifteenth
century a.d. Dr. Bocca's learned note on a peculiar sort of
fire and water ordeal mentioned in this work (p. 13 seqq.)
is specially interesting.
J. Jolly.
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759
INDEX FOR 1904.
*Abd al-Kadir's Khizanat al-Adab,316.
*Abdu'llih b. Fadlu'Uah, 28.
Abu *Ikrimah, 317.
Abu Tawq, 169.
Abu'l- 'Abbas al-Mufaddal, 315.
Abu-1-M'aali raids Kashmir, 271.
Abu'l Qasim, 95.
Ahom Cosmogony, 181.
tribe, 181.
vocabulary, 203.
Ahiinaver, 299.
Ahura, 296.
Akbar's dislike of Arabia, 168.
predilection for Hindi terms, 168.
Akhbar-i-Barmakiyan, 280.
Akkad, Landof, 411.
AUa, 646.
Alphabet, Old Indian, 362.
Alphabets, Modem Indo - Aryan, of
N.W. India, 67.
Amedroz, H. F., Tale of the Arabian
Nights, 273.
Amoghavarsha I, 647.
Amyntes, 752.
Anadi-patan, Assamese name of Ahom
Cosmogony, 182.
Anangapala 11, last Tomara king, 661.
jil - Anbari's Commentary on the
Mufaddaliyat, 316.
Angad, the second Sikh Guru, 68.
Anniversary meeting, 488.
Arabian Nights, story told by the
Sultan*8 steward, 275.
Arabic philology, 95.
Aranjaragiri, 86.
Archaeology, Siamese, 233.
Ariuna. Kachhwaha chief, 659.
Arkapraka6a, Indian medical work, 749.
Armenia, Indian colony in, 309 et seq.
Indian temples in, destroyed, 311.
St. Gregory's visit to, 309.
Arsikere, Ch^ukyan temples near, 419.
Artzan, Indian priest in Armenia, 311.
Arvavarta, 480.
Ashtishat, Armenian town, 310.
Askatades, 752.
Aioka, date of his abdication, 355 ;
length of his reign, 355.
Edict (Sahasram, Rupnath, etc.)
giving date of Buddha's death, 1,
355 ; various readings of, by many
scholars, 4 et seq.
in religious retirement at Suvar^a-
giri, 2.
Assassins of Alamut, destruction of
power, 29.
History of, in Jahan-gusha, 29.
AiSur-na^ir-apli, 367.
Assur-sum-liiir, 410.
Astrolabe, A fifteenth century, made
at Granada, 53, 543.
in Kufy character, 53, 62.
*Ata Malik Juwayni, author of
Ta'rikh-i-Jahan-gusha, 27.
Aiiharmazd, 295.
Avanti, 90.
B.
Babylonian inscription, 407 et seq.
Bagumra grant, 656.
Bakula. 254.
Balakalonakara, identified as Baluda,
255.
Barmecides, 280.
al-Ba^ri, Ali ibn Hamza, 95.
Bel-kudur-uteur, 407, 751.
Beleous, 751.
Beletaras, 751.
Bell, R., Critical Observations on the
Mistakes of Philologers by Ali ibn
^amza al-Bafri, 95.
BBVEiUDOB, H., The True Reading of
the word Irmas, 167.
Digitized by
Google
760
INDEX.
Be^'e&idoe, H., HastiTanj, 269.
Bhabra Edict of A^ka, 3.
Bhagu, 255.
Bharavi, 396.
Bhartrihari, 395.
Bhattikavya, 395.
Bhoja I, Gurjara emperor, 641 .
Bhi!imaka, of the Esabarata dMiasty,
371.
Coins of, 372.
Bombay Branch R.A.S. Centenary,
542.
Brahmagiri yersion of Aioka Edict,
2 et se^.
Brahmanism, No break in continuity
of, 438.
Browne, E. G., Note on the Contents
of the Ta'rikh-i-Jahan-g^ha, 27.
Buddha's death. Date of, 1.
Buddhaghosa, 85.
Coins of Indo-Parthian dynasty from
Seistan, 676.
of Parthian d3masty from Seistan^.
677.
of Sassanian dynasty, 679.
of Shahs of Persia, 685.
of Shirwanid, 685.
Roman, at Madura, 609 ; in
India, 591.
Commerce between Africa and India,
402.
Cowell*8 Index to the Slokas of the
Dhammapada, 711.
CowPBB, H. S., A Fifteenth Century
Planispheric Astrolabe made at
Granada, 53, 543.
Crawsbat - Williams, E., Eock
Dwellings at Eaineh, 551.
Critical Obserrations on the Mistakes
of Philologers, by Ali ibn l^amza
al-Ba^ri, 95.
Curabay grant of Gonnda IV, 656.
Causal,' peculiar use in Sanskrit and
Pali, 364.
Ceylon, Pliny's account, 359.
Cha'b Arabs, An«,'lo- Turkish expedi-
tion against, 169.
Chakravakti, M., Kalidasa and the
Guptas, 158.
Chaldean Princes on the Throne of
Babylon, 367.
Chaldeans of the Book of Daniel, 368.
Chalukyan temples, Some little known,
419.
Chamiali alphabet, 67.
Chandels, 648.
Changiz Khan, History of, 27.
Charition, Storj' of, 399 et seq.
Cheras or Seres, 359.
Chohans, a Gurjara clan, 651.
CoDRiNOTON, 0., Note on Musalman
Coins collected by Mr. G. P. Tate
in Seistan, 681.
Coin of Ardamitra, vassal of Hormuzd I,
678.
of Demetrius from Seistan, 676.
of Diodotus from Seistan, 675.
of Muharamadan governor of
Persia from Seistan, 680.
of Seleucus from Seistan, 674.
Coins and seals collected in Seistan,
663, 673.
from Sar-o-Tar, 668.
Musalman, from Seistan, 681.
of Baisanghar from Seistan, 684.
of Husam Baikara, 684.
D.
Dard languages, 725.
Aryan, 726.
modem representatives of Pai^ci
Prakrit, 725.
Date of Buddha's death from an Aioka
record, 1 et seq.
Daulatpura grant, 641.
Davids, C. A. F., Santana, 370.
Davids, T. W. Rhys, Note on the
Middle Countn* of Ancient India, 83.
In what degree was Sanskrit a
Spoken Language ? 457.
Dehanaga, 652.
Demetr, Indian chief, 310.
Deoli grant of Krishna III, 657.
Derketades, 751.
Devapala, Gau^a emperor, 650.
Dhammapada, index to the first words
of the slokas, 711.
Dharasena, 395.
Dinaskhe, Indian king, 310.
Diony30s,interchangeable with Krishna,
314.
Dipavamsa, 17.
Ditthivada, 362.
DraWdian parallels to Etruscan, 46.
suffixes, 47 et seq.
Elephant emblems belonged to the
Ganga princes of Mysore, 357.
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
761
Etruscan and Dravidian, 45.
Fa-hian, 252.
Fa?ih of Tha4ab. 97.
Fbrou SON, D. , The Veddas of Ceylon :
Origin of their name, 358.
The « Taprobane * of Pliny and
Ptolemy, 539.
Fifteenth century planispheric astro-
labe made at Granada, 53.
Fitzgerald's Omar Khayyam in French,
174.
Flbbt, J. F., Date of Buddha's
Death as determined by a Record of
A^ka, 1.
Dr. Hoemle's article on Some
Problems of Ancient Indian History,
164.
The Sahasram, Rupnath, etc.,
Edict of Adoka, 355.
In what degree was Sanskrit a
Spoken Language!' 481.
Note on one of the Inscriptions
of the Mathura Lion-Capital, 703.
Gnrgaj, Buddhist mound, 263.
Gur^, 264.
Gurjara empire, 639.
Gur-mukhf, 68.
H.
Ha<]l4ala gnmt, 655.
Hadi, CaBph, 284.
Haranhalli temple, 419.
Harbi-sibu, the l^abirite, 407, 410.
Haribhat^*s Jutakamala, 733.
Har^a Carita, verse 18, 155-158, 366,
544.
Harsha, Chandel chief, 651.
Hassan District, temples, 419.
Hasti Watar mentioned by Abul Fa?l,.
270 et seq.
Hastivanj, 269, 537.
HoEBNLB, A. F. R., A Disclaimer, 357.
Note on the Invention of Rag-
paper, 548.
Some l*roblems of Ancient Indian
History, 639.
remarks by J. F. Fleet, 164.
Hiilaga Khan, 27.
HuLTzscH, E., Remarks on a Pap)TUs
from Oxyrhynchus, 399.
Hunas in RaghuvamSa, 159.
Gandha Vaipsa, 85.
Garga-Samhita, 404.
Garwi language, 726.
General meetings, 175, 375, 457.
Gbbini, Col. G. E., Siamese Archie -
ology, 233.
bome Unidentified Toponjms in
the Travels of Pedro Teixeira and
Tavemier, 719.
Ghazon Khan, 28.
Gisane (Kisane), Indian chief, 310.
identified with Krishna, 313.
Goen8, R. van, mentions the Veddas,
358.
Granada in fifteenth century, 64.
Gribrson, G. a.. Modem indo-Ar}'au
Alphabets of N.W. India, 67.
An Ahom Cosmogony, with a
Translation and a Vocabulary of the
Ahom Languas^e, 181.
Guessing the Number of VibhT-
taka Seeds, 355.
In what degree was Sanskrit a
Spoken Lanugo M71.
Hastivanj, 537.
Linguintic Relationship of the
Shahbazgafhi Inscription, 725.
Guptas and Kalidiisa, 158.
Ibn al-A*rabi, 317.
Ibn al-Jauzi's Mun^am, 273.
Ibnu'l-Athir, 27.
Ibya al-Muluk or History of Sistan,
173.
Ikhtiyar Fa^ib al-Kalam composed by
Abu*l-* Abbas Abmad ibn Yabya
Tha'lab, 95.
In what degree was Sanskrit a spoken
lang:uagei' 435, 457, 460, 471, 481.
In-ansti-tukulti-Assur, 751.
Indian (Old) alphabet, 362.
astronomy influenced by Greek,
403.
Historical Series, 102.
history (ancient) problems, 639.
Indians in Armenia, 130 B.C.-300 a.d.,
309 et seq.
snake worshippers, 312.
Indo - Aryan alphabets (modem) ot
N.W. India, 67.
Indrayudha, 644.
Inscriptions from Sistan, 171.
on the Mathura Lion-Pillar, 703.
Shahbazgarhf, 725.
Digitized by
Google
762
INDEX.
Inscriptions show influence of the
literary language, 450.
loNiDEs, S. A., Fifteenth Century
Astrolabe, 543.
Irmus, 167.
J.
Jahan-gusha, contents, 29.
MSS. of, 30 et seq.
Jain Angas, 362.
Jalalu'd-Din Mankubirti, 27.
Jami*u't-Tawarikh of Rashidu'd-Din
Fadlu'llah, 28.
Jatakamala of Haribhal^a, 733.
Jayamangala, 395.
Junkceylon, 242.
K.
Kaiangala, 84, 87.
Kalanos, the Gymnosophist, 404.
Ealidasa, 396.
and the Guptas, 158.
Eallaneiis, 404.
Kamp'heng-p'het, 234.
Kancuka, Chohan princess, 651.
£angude<;a, 166.
Kan-kiit, or estimation of crops, 356.
Kasamabad, ruined minaret, 171.
Kashmir in Akbamama, 271.
settlement by A?af Khan, 271.
settlement by Qkzi *Ali Bagdadi,
271.
settlement in Akbar's time, 271.
Ka^irl lanjifuage, 726.
Kau^mbl, 249, 544.
KauSamvapura, 266.
Kennedy, J., Race of Fair "Women,
163.
Indians in Armenia, 130 b.c-
300 A.D., 309.
Seres or Cheras, 359.
Khabirites, a Kossaean tribe of Elam,
751.
Kharbi-sipak, 751.
ipiarkhe, Temple at, 311.
Khardsh^hi inscriptions, 440.
inscriptions at Mathura, 703.
Kherwari dialect of Mu9<^a, 423.
Khizinat al-Adab of *Abd-al-]^adir,
316.
Khowar, group of Paii^aci languages,
726.
Khuddaka Pa^ha, 85.
al-Khuza'i, *Abd Allah b. Malik, 280.
Khwarazmshahs, Destruction of, 29.
History of, in Jahan-gusha, 29.
KiELHORN, F., Note on Har^a-Carita,
Verse 18, 155.
Peculiar Use of the Causal in
Sanskrit and Pali, 364.
KiRSTE, J., Verse 18 of theHan^acarita,
366.
Kitub-al-Fihrist, 316.
Kitabu Tajziyati'l- • Amfar wa
Tajziyati*l-A'?ar, 28.
Kiu-che-lo, Chinese name for Giiijara
coxmtry, 640.
Kokkalla I, Kalachuri emperor, 650.
Kongu country, 166.
KoNow, Stbn, Etruscan and Dravidian,
45.
Pronominal Prefixes in the Lai
Dialect, 365.
KurkQ Dialect of the Mu^^a
Family of Speech, 423.
Koravangala temples, 420.
Konar, Indian chief in Armenia, 310.
Krishna as GisanS, Indian chief in
Armenia, 313.
Krishna II, Rashtrakii^ emperor, 650.
Kumara Gupta, 397.
Kurkii dialect of the Mu^^^ family of
speech, 423.
KuSamba, 265.
Kutb-ud-din Malik, 670.
Lai dialect, 169.
pronominal prefixes, 365.
Lamp*hQn, 234.
La^ja alphabet, 68.
La{a, early name for Gujarat, 639.
Lautsha alphabet, 363.
Liaka Kusuluka, 704.
Ligor, 233.
Linguistic relationship of the Shahbaz-
gayhi iuHcription, 725.
Lop'hburi, 234.
ancient temples, 236.
Ltall, Sir C, a Projected Edition of
the Mufaddalivat, 315.
M.
McDouALL, "W., Anglo-Turkish Ex-
pedition against the Cha*b Arabs of
the Shat d Arab, 169.
Magadhi language of early Buddhism,
446.
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
rea
Mahabodhivamsa, 86.
Mahajani character, 68.
MahanamaD, 15.
Mahusala, 84, 88.
Mahavamsa, 15.
al-Mahdi, Caliph, 315.
Mahendrapala, Gurjara emperor, 641,
652.
Mahidevi, 652.
Maiya langnaj^e, 727.
Majihiraa Desa, 85.
Malflc Shams al-Din *AlT, 173.
Mandasor inscription, 397.
al-Man^ur, Caliph, 315.
Manyakheta- Malkhed . plundered, 166.
al - Marziiki's Commentary on tht?
Mufaddalivat, 315.
Ma8*ud b. 'Abdu'Uah, 28.
Mathura Lion-Capital, i nscriptions, 703 .
Mazumdar, B. C, On the Bhattikavva,
395.
Mejtes (Mejrhte**), Indian chief in
Armenia, 310.
Middle Country of Ancient India, 83,
538.
Mihrakul, kinp:, 269.
Mil-i-kasamabad, minaret, 171.
Mills, L. II., Pahlavi Texts oi Yusna
XI, XII, 75.
Pahlavi Text ot Yasna XIX, 295.
PahlaW Text ot Yasna I, 687.
Mongol invasion m Jahan-<,^usha, 29.
power, Rise and development in,
29.
MonfTolf, History ot, 28.
Mu'adh b. Yahya, 281.
al-Mufaddal, 3i5 et seq.
Mufaddalivat, projected edition, 31.').
Muiz-ud-ain Husen, 669.
Miiller (Max) Memorial Fund, 545.
Munda tribe Kurku dialect, 423.
Mundari, Munda dialect, 423.
Muiija, 166. ' "
Muntazam of Ibn al-Jauzi, 273.
Muqtadii" Caliph, 273.
Musalman coins collected bv Mr. Tate
in Seistan, 681.
N.
Nabu-abla-iddina, 367.
Xacrabhata defeated, 645.
Nahapana, 373.
Nala and Kin^ Rtuparna, 355.
Nasik inscription, 705.
New historical fragment from Nineveh,
407, 750.
Nineveh, Newhistorical fragment from,
407, 750.
Ninip-tukulti-As>ur, 407, 411.
Notes from the Tanjur : 6, 733.
Notices op Books —
Amedroz, H. F., Ililal al-Sabi,
Kitab al-Wuzara, 580.
Arabic Publications, 571-586.
Bengal Publications, 565.
Blochet, E., Le Messianisme dans
Pheterodoxie musulmane, 149.
Boer, T. J. de. The History of
Philosophy in Islam, 327.
Bombay Publications, 565.
Browne, E. G., Part II of the
Lubaim'l-Albab of Muhammad
•Awfi, 567.
Campbell, Rev. "W., Formosa under
the Dutch, 119.
Chabot, J. B , Sjnodicon Orientate,
142.
Chirol, v.. The Middle Eastern
Question, 347.
Codrington, 0., Manual of Musal-
man Numismatics, 351.
Cook, S. A., Laws of Moses and the
Code of Hammurabi, 331.
Davids, Tr W. Rhvs, Buddhist
India, 143.
Derenbourg, II., Oumarah du
Y'emen, 578.
Deusseu, P., Erinnerungen an
Indien, 322.
Dieteriei, Fr., Die Staatsleitung des
Al-Farnbi, 579.
Fausboll, v., Indian Mythology
according to the Maliabharata,
558.
Goldziher, I., A Buddhismus hatiisa
az Iszlaiina, 125.
Huart, CI., Le Li\Te dela Creation,
571.
Irvine, W., The Army of the Indian
Moghuls, 343.
Jastrow, M., Die Religion Baby-
loniens und Assyriens, 322.
Jolinstone, P. de'L., The Raglui-
vanija, 345.
Lehmann, E., Zarathustra, 321.
Leist, A., Das Georgische Yolk, 152.
Morisse, G., Contribution a Petud*!
de Tccriture et de la langue Si-
Hia, 560.
Oman, J. C, My.sties, Ascetics, and
Saints of India, 350.
Pizzi, I., L'lslamismo, 151.
Pleyte, C. M., Bijdrage tot de
Kennis van bet Malmyuna op
Java, 553.
Rocca, v., I. Guidizi di Dio, 757.
Smith, W. Robertstm, Kinship and
Marriage in Early Arabia, 586.
Digitized by
Google
764
INDEX.
Suriyagoda) Sai^yutta Nikaya Gfitha
Sannaya, 330.
Thompson, R. C, Devils and Evil
Spirits of Babylonia, 122, 753.
Thureau-Danfpn, F., Recueil des
Tablettes Chald^ennes, 337.
Waddell, L. A., Excavations at
Pataliputra, 562.
Wilamowitz - MoUendorff, U. v.,
Timotheos, 350.
Zaidan, 6., History of Islamic
Civilization, etc., 682.
Obituary Notices —
Drouin, E., 529.
Floyer, E. A., 381.
Forlong, Major- Gteneral, 617.
Strong, S. A., 387.
Tawfiq, Shavkh Hasan, 523.
Olanion identified as Lan-c*hang, 719.
Old Indian alphabet, 362.
Omar Khayyam, Fitzgerald's version
in French by F. Henri, 174.
*Opfiav6s = Ravaija, 749.
Oxyrhynchus, Papyrus from, 399.
PTira^ Th69, temple, 236.
P'hiiket (Junkceylon Island), 242.
Pinches, T. G., Chaldsean Princes on
the Throne of Babylon, 367.
Chaldeans of the Book of Daniel,
368.
Talmudische und midraschiscbe
ParaUelen zum Babylonischen
Weltschopfungsepos, 369.
A New Histoncal Fragment from
Nineveh, 407.
Pir Pantsal stream, 269.
Pi^cas, 478.
Pliny's account of Ceylon, 369.
Pol6 river, 719.
P*o-ta, 722.
PrabhikaraVardhana defeatedGiirjaras,
640.
Prakrits, Pai^aci, 726.
their position as regards Sanskrit,
445.
Prayaga, 249.
Prithiraj, Chohan chief, 661.
Problems of ancient Indian history,
164, 639.
Pronominal prefixes in the Lai dialect,
366.
Public School Medal, presentation, 607.
PuQ^&kaksha, 86.
Pup^avardhana, 86.
Pahlavi text of Yasna I, 687; of
Yasna XIX, 295.
texts of Yasna XI, XII, 76.
Paiiac! Prakrit, 725.
Pali causal, peculiar use, 364.
the literary form of Kosala, 469.
Pacini, 439.
Pafifiasami, author of Sasanavamsa, 12.
Paposa, 266.
Papyrus from Oxyrhynchus, 399.
Paramattha Jotika, 85.
Paramita in Pali and Sanskrit books,
647.
Parasarya school of Brahmins, 87.
Parihars, division of Gurjara tribe, 648.
Barileyyaka, identification with Pali,
266.
Pate identified as Bata, 720.
Patika, 704.
Patit^hana, 91.
Pedro Teixeira mentions Veddas, 368.
Pha-tiiw-chiing, Ahom name of God,
182.
Phe-lnng, the * Great Creation ' of the
Ahoms, 182.
P^hral^ Prathom, temple, 236.
Qahir, Caliph, 274.
Qara Bahaaur raids Ea^mir, 271.
R.
Race of fair women, 163.
Radhanpur grant, 644.
Rag-paper, Invention of, 648.
Rameh rock dwellings, 551.
Rajor inscription, 669.
Rajyapala, 659.
Ramaohadra, 645.
Ramayapa, 397.
Rapson, E. J., Bhiimaka, a newly-
discovered member of the Kf aharfita
dynasty, 371.
In what degree was Sanskrit a
Spoken Language P 436.
Note on Ancient Coins collected
in Seistan by Mr. Tate, 673.
Rash!duM-Din Fa<^u'llah, 28.
Rashfrakiita Dhruva, 641.
Rava^a = *0pfiw6s, 749.
Digitized by
Google
INDEX.
765
Ribeiro mentions the Yeddas, 358.
Ridding, C. M., Index to the first
words of the Slokas of the Dhamma-
pada, 711.
Rig-Veda hymns, date, 438.
Rock dwelling at Raineh, 551.
Romaka-Siddhanta, 403.
Roman coins found at Madura, 609 ;
in India, 403, 591.
Rost Memorial unveiled, 375.
Rtuparna and Nala, 355.
Ruknu*d-Din Kurshah, Grand Master
of the Assassins of Alamut, 28.
Riipnath Edict of Aidka, 2 et seq., 355.
S.
Sabam Strait, 723.
Sahasram, Riipnath, etc., Edict of
ASoka, 1 et seq., 355.
St. Gregory in Armenia, 309 et seq.
SSikas, 707.
at Mathura (supposed), 703.
HBakastana, Memory of, on Mathura
Lion-Pillar, 703 et seq.
Salalavatl, 84, 89.
Sanskrit, an tu-tificial language, 452.
as a spoken language, 747.
causal, peculiar use, 364.
in what degree a spoken language,
435, 457, 460,471,481.
Santali, Mu^^a dialect, 423.
Santana, 370.
^arada, character of Ka^mir, 67.
Saravati or Salalavati, 86, 89.
Sar-o-Tar, Coin from, 668.
Sasanavamsa, 12.
Saycb, A. H., The New Historical
Fragment from Nineveh, 75C.
Seals from Seistan, 663.
Seistan, Coins and seals from, 663, 673.
Seres or Cheras, 359.
Setaka^i^a, 84.
Sewbll, R., Roman Coins found in
India, 591.
Shaehab, mother of Caliph Muqtadir,
274.
Shah Pusain b. Ghiyas al-Din, 173.
Shahbazgafhi inscriptioni 453, 725.
Shalmaneser II, 367.
Shihabu'd-Din Mubammad b. A^mad
of Nasa, 27.
Siam Societv, The, 547.
Siamese arcnajology, 233.
Buddhist cave sanctuaries, 237.
ceramics, 241.
epigraphy, 238.
pa&ography, 240.
fcmitra, 706.
Singhalese embassy to Claudius, 369.
Sirat of Jalalu*d-I)!n Mankubirti, 27.
Sistan inscriptions, 171.
Siyadoni inscription, 658.
Siyaka-Harsha, 166.
Smith, V. A., Position of Kau5ambi,
544.
Somesvara temple, 420.
6ri Swai temple, 235.
6n Vijaya, 234.
Sthuna, 87.
Strong, S. A., remarks by Lord Reay,
379.
Sukhothai, 234.
Suvar^agiri, 2.
near Girivraja in Magadha, 355.
Swankhalok, 234.
Takkarl alphabet of Jammu, 67.
Takola identified by Colonel Gerini, 242.
Takopa site identified, 243.
TSkri or Thakari alphabet, 67.
^om. variety, 67.
Taktia-pa inscription, 242.
Tale of the Arabian Nights, 273.
Talmudische und midraschische Paral-
lelen zum Babylonischen Weltschop-
fungsepos, 369.
Tanjur notes, 733.
Taprobane of Pliny and Ptolemy, 639.
TaTikh-i-Jahan-gusha of *Ata Mdik
Juwayni, 27.
MSS. of, 30 et seq.
Ta'rikh-i-Wa9?af, 28.
Ta'rikhu'l-Kamil of Ibnu'l-AthTr, 27.
Tatb, G. p., Coins and Seals collected
in Seistan, 1903-4, 663.
Inscriptions from Sistan, 171.
Teixeira, Pedro, 719.
Thaf ek, noted for a race of fair women,
163.
Thai epigraphy, 240.
Thakar! or Takri alphabet, 67.
Pogri variety, 67.
Tha*lab'8 Fa?!!?, 96.
Thomas, F. W. , Har?a Carita, Verse 18,
155-158, 544.
In what degree was Sanskrit a
Spoken Language P 460.
Paramita in Pali and Sanskrit
Books, 547.
— - Notes from the Tanjur, 733.
Sanskrit as a Spoken Language,
747.
*0pfiav6s = Ravai^, 749.
Digitized by
Google
766
INDEX.
Thtm, 84, 89.
TiLBE, H. H., Lai Dialect, 169.
.Toponyms (unidentified) in the Travels
of Pedro Teixeira and Ta vernier, 719.
Trade between Eome and India, 693.
Trilochanapala, 659.
Vikramaditya of Ujjain, reputed coins,.
164.
Vinayakapala (Mahipala), Gurjara
emperor, 641.
Yishap, Armenian town, 310.
Yishpuvardhana Ya^Odharman, 164.
Yost, Major W., Kautembi, 249.
U.
trijaytu, 28.
Upah, 86.
Upasthu^aka, 87.
UpatLssa, 86.
Usira Mount, 87.
Usiraddhaja, 85, 89.
Uttarakaiida, 397.
W.
Wa?9afu'l-5adrat, or *Abdu*llah b.
Fadlu'llah, 28.
Wat P*hrab Pranj? temple, 235.
WooiHABA, U., The Middle Country,
538.
"Workman, Mrs. Bullock, Some little-
known Chalukyan Temples, 419.
YAn)tA,Y. P.,Har?a-Carita, Yerse 18,
157.
Yaillabhatta, 646.
YaiSali, langua<re of early Jainism, 447.
Yalarsaces, Armenian kin*?, 310.
Yalmiki, 397.
Yatsabhat^, 397.
Yatsabhutti, 161.
Yatearaja, Gurjara chief, 640.
lord of Avanti, 644.
Yeddas of Ceylon : origin of their
name, 358.
Yibhitaka seeds. Guessing the number
of, 356.
Yidhyadhara, Chandel emperor, 669.
YiDTABHUSANA, SaTIS ChANDRA,
The Old Indian Alphabet, 362.
Yijayapala, 659.
Y.
Yabya b. Khalid, 280.
Yasna I, Pahlavi text, 687.
XI, XII, Pahlavi texts, 75.
XIX, Pahlavi text, 295.
Ya45dharman, 164.
Yatovarman, Chandel chief, 652.
Yuan Chwang, 260.
Z.
Zahidun, Inscriptions at, 171.
Zaqqald, 410.
Zara0u§tra, 295.
Zenob, Cappadocian ecclesiastic, 309.
?iya'i Barani, 280.
STKPHKN AUSTIN AMD SONS, LIMITBD, PRINTBRS, HBRTFORU.
Digitized by
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INDEX
TO THE
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY'S
JOURNAL
FOR THE YEARS 1889-1903.
KOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,
22, ALBEMAELE STREET, LONDON, W.
1904.
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[Reprinted from the
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1904.]
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INDEX
TO THE
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY'S
JOURNAL
FOR THE YEARS 1889—1903 (inclusive).
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INDEX,
1889—1903 (inclusive).
'Aalam Aral, 1902, 894.
Abadah (Northern), 1902, 621.
(of Bakhtigan), 1902, 520, 521, 764.
Aban, 1902, 764.
Ab-Anbkr-i-Kioar, 1902, 762.
Abarkafan, 1902, 527, 762.
Abarkuh, 1902, 517, 764.
Abar-Shahr, 1902, 255.
Abaskhur, 1902, 259.
Abaskun Island, 1902, 740, 741.
•Abbadan, 1895, 3; 1902, 69, 750.
Abbadi, 1892, 812 et seq.
'Abbas, 1902, 865.
•Abbas EfeudI, Treatise by, 1892, 438.
Abbasid Caliph (last), story of his death from Ibn-al-Fur£t,
1900, 293.
Abbasid Caliphate, 1899, 847.
Abbasids, 1895, 1.
'Abd-al-*AzTrn Shrine, 1902, 240.
Abdan-Ganj, 1902, 758.
'Abd-ar-Rahman village, 1902, 520.
'Abdu'l-Kuddus, 1902, 337.
*Abdu'l-Malik, 1902, 606.
*Abdu4 Qadir, 1903, 158.
*Abdu'l Wjisi, Persian poet, 1901, 5.
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2 ABD — ^ABU.
'Abdu'Ilah Ibnu'l Muqaffa, 1900, 196.
'Abdullah Marwarld, 1902, 170.
*Abdu'r-rahim EJiankhana, 1903, 452.
Abgiaah Rabat, 1902, 754.
Abhar, 1902, 241, 243, 752.
Abhidhammo, 1894, 560.
Abhinavagupta date, 1897, 296.
Abhlra tribe, 1899, 384.
Abhiras, ancient Indian tribe, 1897, 30.
Ab-i-Garm, 1902, 754.
Abi'1-Fath, author or copyist of old Persian commentary
on Kur'an, 1894, 423 et seq. ; doctrines, 504; date and
habitat, 505.
Ab-i-Shur, 1902, 754.
Abivard, 1902, 739.
Abkhas, 1902, 257.
Abor-Miris, 1902, 127 ; their dialect, 128.
Abraj, 1902, 619.
Abrik, identification with Arabkir negatived, 1896, 733.
identified with Tephrike, the modern Divrigi, 1896,
733 et seq.
medisQval castle and sanctuary, 1895, 739.
Tephrike, the capital of the Paulicians, 1896, 733.
Abrukamanan Island, 1902, 527.
Abrun Island, 1902, 527, 750.
Abtut, 1902, 262.
Abu 'Abdu'llah Muhammad al Dila'T, 1903, 155.
Abu 'Ali al-Hasan founds Marwanid dynasty, 1903, 124 ;
miirdered, 126.
Abu 'AH b. Thumal, 1901, 752 et seq.
Abu 'All b. Ustadh Hurmuz, 1901, 765.
Abu 'Amir al-Jarwa'ani, poet, 1901, 417.
AbA 'Amr al-Sheibini, 1897, 330.
Abu 'Azzah, 1903, 471.
Abu-bakr, translator of Kitab-i-saidanah, 1902, 333.
Abubakr Shah, coin, 1900, 489.
Abu Dhu'aib, 1903, 772.
Abuhola, 1894, 531, 546.
Abu 'Isa b. al-Bashid, 1902, 343.
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ABU. 3
Abu Tsa Ibnu'I-Raahid, 1902, 830.
Abu-IshSk, Muzaffarid prinoe, 1901, 285.
Abu Is-haq, poet, 1895, 787.
Abu Jaiar Mansur, Calipb, 1901, 654.
Abu Jauf, 1902, 357.
Abu Kais Saifi ibn al-Aslat, 1903, 773.
Abu Kais Sirmah b. Abi Anas, 1903, 773.
Abu'l 'Abbas, his flight from Ar-Bayy, 1901, 757.
Abu-l-'Abbas-Rubat, 1902, 755.
Abu'l-'AIa al-Ma'arri, Risalatu'l-Ghufran, 19CX), 637; 1902,
75, 337, 813.
Abu'l- 'Ala al-Ma'arri's Correspondence on Vegetarianism,
igo2, 289.
Abu*l-'Ala of Ganja, Persian poet, 1900, 741.
Abu'l- Aswad al-Du'alf, 1902, 98.
Abu Layla, 190 1, 664.
Abu'l Fadl, Buwaihid Caliph, 1901, 531.
Abu'l-Faraj of Runa, Persian poet, 1900, 735.
Abu'1-Fath Kay-Khusraw, 1902, 582, 860.
Abul Fazl', 1894, 755.
Abul-Fida, 1895, 6.
Abu'l Ghana'im, 1903, 153.
Abu'l- Hasan b. Ishaq murdered, 1901, 765.
Abul Khair Khan, 1902, 891.
Abulkhan, 1902, 742.
Abu'l-Majid Rayagani, Persian poet, 1900, 738.
Abu'l-Qasim, governor of Arzan, 1903, 130; vizier to Amir
Nasr al-Daula, 132.
Abulustan, 1902, 259.
Abu Muhammad, governor of Bardaslr, 1 90 1, 526.
Abu Muslim, governor of Khorasan, 1903, 668.
Abu Muslim Muhammad b. Bahr of Isfahan, 1901, 419.
Abu Nu'aym Rubat, 1902, 764.
Abu Nuwas, 1902, 100.
Abu Sa'd becomes vizier, 1901, 759.
Abu Shuja Arslan Khan, 1898, 486.
Abu Tahir al-Khatuni's biography of Persian poets, 18991
45 et seq.
Abu Yahya, Shaykh, 1902, 574.
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4 ABZ— A^A.
Abzar, 1902, 518.
Acara, 1895, 381.
Aoohariyabbliuta-Suttam, 1895, 751.
Account of a rare manuscript History of Seljuqs in Scbefer
Collection in Paris, 1902, 567, 849.
Achin coins, 1903, 342.
Adbarbayjan, 1902, 248.
Adib Sabir, Persian poet, 1900, 731.
Acyuta, 1897, 28, 643, 861, 876.
Coins of, 1897, 420.
Adam's Peak, 1903, 655.
Address to H.M. the King, 1901, 362.
Aden, Mabuan's account of, 1896, 348.
Adhar-sbapuran village, 1901, 418.
Aditya Yarman, 1903, 557.
'Adud-ad-Dawlab, 1899, 867.
'Adud-ad-Dawlab, Buyid prince, 1901, 288.
Adud al-Daula, 1903, 123.
'Adudu'l-Daula, 1902, 346.
Adventures of a Japanese sailor in tbe Malay Archipelago,
1890, 167.
Afrasiyab, 1898, 467.
Afzal Kirmani, 1902, 947.
Agamas, Authority of the Buddhist, 1902, 363.
Chinese, and Pali Nikayas, 1901, 895.
Agastya, 1894, 248; 1899, 326.
Jataka, 1893, 312.
the star Canopus, 1890, 425.
Aggalava, Identification of, 1891, 338.
Aghovendzor, 1902, 261.
Agni, 1893, 422, 430 ; as celestial steed, 467, 471 ; as priest,
467, 472, 479; A. and Soma, 467, 476; A. and the waters,
467, 473, 479 ; hidden, 477; Vrtra-slayer, 484.
Agni and his three brothers, legend in Brhaddevata, 1894, 12.
Agni Pura^a, 1899, 523.
Agni Svishtakrit or Rudra, as Winter, 1890, 347.
Agra Mission, 1903, 357.
Agridur, 1902, 261.
Ahar, 1902, 250, 760.
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Ahicchattra coins, 1903, 292;
Ahiohatra, 1899, 313 ; the modern Ramnagar, 1 897, 28.
Ahikar and Nadan, 19CX), 301-319.
Ahikar and Tobit, Connection between, 1900, 315.
Ahmad, Marwanid ruler, 1903, 124, 131 ; death, 1903, 140.
Ahmad, Sheykh, Doctrines of, 1889, 888.
Ahmad b. 'Abdu'l 'Aziz, governor of Isfahan, 1901, 664.
Ahmad-i-Jam, 1897, 48.
Ahmad ibn Tulun, life and works, 1 891, 527 ; death, 549 ;
restoration of Mosque by Lagin, 551; Mosque turned
into a poor-house, 554; inscription on, 554; repair
of, 557.
Ahmadabad, 1902, 754.
Ahmed Khan, 1898, 490, 495.
Ahnaf-ibn-Kays, Kasr, 1902, 757.
Ahom kings, 1895, 157.
Ahura, 1893, 484.
Ahura Mazda, 1893, 485, 487 ; 1899, 274, 605 ; 1902, 904.
Ahuvan, 1902, 745, 753.
Ahwaz, 1902, 513.
Ai, Egjrptian king, 1901, 43, 44.
Aikham, northern subdivision of Khamti, 1895, 161.
Aitanias, 1895, 158, 160.
Aiton, southern subdivision of Ehamti, 1895, 161.
Aiyanar-ithan, 1899, ^^^'
Aiyubite history, 1902, 105.
al-Ajama city, 1895, 33.
position, 189s, 37.
Ajanta Frescoes, 1903, 424.
Ajita-Maitreya, 1898, 331.
Ajnan, 1902, 254.
Ajodhya, capital of Oupta kings, 1893, 86.
probably a Gupta copper mint, 1889, 55.
Ak Aftan pass, 1902, 761.
Ak Khwajah, 1902, 532, 752, 761.
Ak Saray, 1902, 259.
Ak Shahr, 1902, 259, 761.
Aka-Beada language, 1899, 573.
'Akabah-i-Halam, 1902, 740.
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6 AKA — ALA.
Akar-Bale language, 1899, 574.
'Akarkuf, 1902, 70, 751.
Akarsuk, 1902, 761.
Akas, 1902, 127.
Akbamama, a new MS., 1903, 115.
Akbar's nurse Maham Anaga, 1899, 99.
Akbar's Subahs, 1896, 83, 743.
Authorities on, 1896, 84 et seq.
Akbban, 1902, 254.
Akhlat, 1902, 262, 793; 1903, 145.
Akkadian and Chinese, 1900, 88 et seq.
and Sumerian, 19CX5, 343, 551.
fish-god la, 1893, 291.
months and signs of Zodiac, 1 890, 599.
origin of Babylonian civilization, 1900, 91 et seq.
Akkadians, 1893, 283.
*Akr-al-Humaydiyah, 1902, 265.
Akranchah, 1902, 741.
Akriti, 1899, 319.
Akshobhya at Sanchi, 1902, 32.
Aksik, 1902, 259.
Aktavan river, 1902, 759.
Aladagh, 1902, 262, 263.
Alaka or Allata, part author of Eavyapraka^, 1897, 282.
Alam, 1902, 246, 247.
Alamar, 1902, 247.
Alamut, 1902, 609.
Alan, 1902, 257.
Alan Island, 1902, 527, 750.
Alani, 1902, 510.
Alanjlk, 1902, 253.
Alahkara literature, 1897, 281 et seq., 829 ; 1898, 289 ;
a correction, 922.
Alankarasarasangraha of XJdhbata, 1897, 286.
Text of, 1897, 830 et seq.
Alankarasarvasva, 1897, 283.
Alankaradastra, 1897, 281.
Alankaravimarsini, 1897, 282.
al-A*laq al-KhatIra, 1902, 801.
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ALA — ^ALI.
Alasanda, birthplace of Milinda, 1897, 233.
Alatak, 1902, 262, 263.
'Ala'u'd Dawla, 1901, 667.
'Ala'u'd-Din Maliku'l-Mashriq, 1902, 853.
Ala-ud-din Khwarizm, coin, I9CX^, 484.
Ala-ud-din Muhammad, Coin of, 1900, 485, 772.
al-'Alawi, 1901, 412.
'Alawi, Rabat, 1902, 754.
*Alawi MadanI, 1902, 607.
Alberuni and Nakshatra month, 1890, 653.
Albiruni, An unknown work of, 1902, 333.
Al-Bu8tan, 1902, 259.
A-le, 1898, 521.
Alexander (Gen. G. G.), TAo, 1897, 427.
Alexander advanced against the Malloi, 1903, 689.
advanced to Sangala, 1903, 687.
camped at Jihlam, not Jalalpur, 1903, 686.
crossed Indus at Ohind, not Attock, 1903, 686.
date, 1901, 831.
legend in Nihayatu'1-irab, 19CX), 212.
reached Pimprama, 1903, 687.
Alexander, Hebrew romance, 1 897, 485.
Alexander's entry into India, 1894, 677 et seq.
Indian campaign, 1903, 685.
Alexandria in the first century a.d., 1902, 385.
'All, Shrine of, 1902, 67, 750.
Ali Arslan Khan, 1898, 472.
I 'All-Beg, village, 1902, 759.
'All Chatrl, 1902, 852.
*Ali Ilyas, Amir, 1902, 530.
'All (Mirza) of Soh, poet, 1895, 788.
'All Padishah, Sultan, 1896, 260.
'All Rida (MuUa) of Behbehan, poet, 1895, 788.
•Ali Shkh, Bridge, 1902, 249.
'All Shah, Rubat, 1902, 760.
'Ali the Buwaihid, 1901, 750.
Ali Tikin, 1898, 484.
Alichalu, 1893, ^•
'Alid of Basra, 1902, 345.
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SB ALI — Altl.
Aluhtar, 1902, 510.
Allahabad pillar, 1897, 860.
Allen (H. J.), Chinese Antiquity, 1890, 611 ; Ssfima Chlen's
Historical Records, 1894, 269; 1895, 93.
Al-Mozaffariy^, containing a recent contribution to the
study of 'Omar Khayyam, 1898, 349.
Alomphra, 1895, 157.
Alp Arslan, 1898, 489.
at Isfahan, 1901, 668.
Reign of, 1902, 594.
Alphabet of Gupta coin legends, 1889, 34 ; development of,
1890, 608; Hellenic, 609; Nagarl, 609; Latin or Roman,
610; Dravidian, 610; Sir W. Jones' scheme of, 620;
Arabic, 633; universal in India, 1891, 138.
Alphabet for languages not yet reduced to writing, 1898, 23.
Alphabets, Origin of the Phenician and Indian, 1897, 49.
Al-Ran, 1902, 255.
Altar, Symbol for, 1890, 708.
al-Alth city, 1895, 33.
Authorities concerning, 1895, 37, 38.
Aluchalu inscription, 1894, 713.
Alusa city, 1895, 47, 52.
Alvand mountain, 1902, 246, 748.
'Alwah-i-Salatin, 1889, 053.
Alwar Library, Description of, 190 1, 72.
Amaravati, Identification of, 1890, 198 et seq.
Amaslyah, 1902, 259.
Amazon myths, 1893, 400.
Amb temple, 1903, 337.
Ambattha Sutta, 1897, 585.
Amedroz (H. F.), Three Years of Buwaihid Rule in Baghdad,
A.H. 389-393, 1901, 501, 749 ; Three Arabic MSB. on
the History of the City of Mayyafariqin, 1902, 785;
Marwanid Djmasty at Mayyafariqin in the Tenth and
Eleventh Centuries, 1903, 123.
Amenophis I, 1901, 42 ; II, 43 ; III, 43 ; IV, 43, 44.
Amesha Spenta and Philo's Bvpdfiei^, 1901, 553.
Ameshaspentas, 1899, 280.
Amid, 189s, 2; 1902, 264.
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AMI — ^ANC. 9
Aikiid, city, 1895, 33.
modern Kara Amid, 1895, 34.
Roman Amida, 1895, 34.
Amid al-DauIa, 1903, 150.
Amida the Niorai, Statue of, 1903, 433.
Amidah, 1902, 250.
Amin, 1899, 854.
Amir Ka' of QazwTn, Persian poet, 1900, 739.
Amir Mu'ayyid-i-Buzurg, 1902, 853.
Amir Muhammad, Wazir, 1901, 412.
Amitodana, Sakya prince, 1903, 368.
Amosis, 1 90 1, 38.
date of accession, 1901, 41.
'Amr, Saffarid prince, 1901, 288. '
Amr Mosque at Old Cairo, History of, 1890, 759.
Amritananda, the redactor of the Buddhacarita, 1893, 620.
Amritsar temple, 1901, 309.
Amul, 1902, 743, 744.
'Amurlyah, 1902, 260.
AmOyah (Oxus), 1902, 739.
^Anacity, 1895, 47, 52.
'Anah, 1902, 71.
Ananda Mahathera, 1901, 87.
Anandavardhana, date, 1897, ^3^*
Ananga Pala I, 1897, 13.
11,1897, I'l
Ananta, the Buddhist Milinda, 1897, 227.
Ananta Devi, queen of Kuraara Gupta, 1893, 85.
Anantavarman Codagangadeva, 1 901, 89.
Anarta, 1899, 521.
Anashak Island, 1902, 528.
Anawratazaw, 1893, 158.
Anbar, 1902, 69, 751.
al-Anbar, 1895, 5.
city, 1895, 47.
mint city, 1895, 52.
Anburan, 1902, 522.
Ancient India, Map of, 1889, 526-527 ; Atlas, 1902, 956.
Ancient Northern India, economic conditions and civilization,
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10 AND — ANN.
1 90 1, 859 ; rural economy, 860 ; labour, industry,.
commerce, 862 ; methods and medium of exchange, 873 ;.
wealth and consumption, 882.
Andaka, 1894, 680.
Andaman Fire Legend, 1899, 573.
Andamish, Bridge, 1902, 514.
Andar, 1902, 243.
Andarab, 1902, 249.
Andarabiyan, 1902, 758.
Anda-raj, 1894, 680.
Anderson (J. D.), Aiokastami Festival, 1900, 791.
Andhra coins, 1903, 301.
Andhrabhritya kings. Inscription of, 1889, 1115.
divisions of seasons, 1889, 1117.
Andhrabhrityas, Chronology of, 1893, 613.
Andhras, 1899, 369.
Andljan, 1 902, 243.
Anesaki (Dr.), Relation of the Chinese Agamas to the Pali
Nikayas, 1901, 895 ; The Wheel of Life, 310; Ceylon.
and Chinese, 1903, 368.
Anga tribe, 1899, 311.
Angana, 1898, 191, 461.
in Western India, 1898, 623.
Angida, a Lohan, 1898, 342.
Angiras, 1890, 527; priests of the Linga worshippers, 531.
Anglo-Burmese words, 1893, 878.
Angora, 1902, 259.
Angra Mainyu, 1899, 274 ; 1902, 904.
Anguran, 1902, 242, 252.
Am, 1902, 257.
Animal sacrifices, Pre- Aryan, 1890, 327.
Aniqugis, probably deity, mentioned in Vannic inscription,
1901, 651.
Anja river, 1896, 737.
Anjarud, 1902, 242.
Ankurlyah, 1902, 259, 260.
An-mi, chief of Uighurs of Ts'in-chau, 1898, 824.
Anniversary meeting, 1889, 693; 1890, 666; 1891, 485;
1892, 409; 1893, 622; 1894, 677; 1895, 667; 1896,
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ANO — ARA. 11
684; 1897,673; 1898,664; 1899, 699 ; 1900, 583;
1901, 619; 1902,697; 1903,621.
Anoma river, 1903, 368.
Antakiyah, 1902, 259.
Antarveda, 1899, 312.
Antiquarian discoveries in S. India by A. Rea, 1901, 925.
Antiquities, Egyptian, 1892, 167.
Ann, 1899, 308, 311.
Anugita, 1894, 131.
Anaradhapura, 1891, 349.
Ruins of, 1895, 464.
Anus, 1889, 239.
Anwar!, Persian poet, 1900, 726.
Aomos situated on Mahaban, 1896, 673.
Apaokhi, founder of Khitan dynasty, 1898, 815.
Apapi, the black snake of darkness, 1893, 281.
Aparajita, Silahara prince, 1901, 537.
Apollo, on Seleucid coins, 1889, 24.
ApoUodotus Philopator, 1899, 362.
Apri hymns, 1890, 346.
'Apru = Erythryaeans, 1901, 34.
Aptyas, 1893, 475.
'Apuirui not name for Hebrews, 1 901, 34.
Aputra Jataka, 1893, 317.
Aqa *Abdu'l-Ahad-i-ZanjanT, BabI insurrection of 1850,
1897, 761.
'ArabI, Shaikh Muhyl al Din, 1901, 809.
Arabic inscriptions in Egypt, 1895, 827 ; 1896, 137.
manuscript bought in Egypt 1898-1900, 1901, 91.
manuscript in the Hunterian Collection, 1901, 809.
MSS., 1899,906.
Omanee dialect, 1889, 649, 811.
Arabic, Syriac, and Hebrew MSS. in Hunterian Library,
1899, 739.
Arabissus, 1902, 259.
Arabs not a sea-trading people, 1898, 248.
Aradun, 1902, 745.
Arahatship, 1898, 620.
Arak, 1902, 25^.
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12 ARA — AKJ.
Arakanese dialect, 1897, 453, 928.
Aral Sea, 1902, 740, 741, 742.
Aramaiti, 1902, 904.
Arand, 1902, 759.
Aras river, 1902, 255, 759.
Araskan, 1902, 754.
Aratta, 1899, 311.
Arbuthnot (F. F.), Life and Labours of Mr. E. Rehatsek,
1892, 581 ; Nigaristan, 1895, 439 ; notice of death,
1901, 641.
Arch, First general use of, 1891, 540.
Archaeological discoveries near the Niya river, 1901, 569.
excavations in India, Methods of, 1890, 183.
explorations in India, 1895, ^49.
problem, 1898, 629.
work about Khotan, 1901, 295.
Archaeology, Burmese, 1891, 352.
"'Archer's Story," 1893, 806 et seq.
Architecture, Indian, Water-pot in, 1889, 690.
Ardabil, 1902, 248, 249, 759.
Ardahlsh, Fire- temple, 1902, 510.
Ardashir Babakan in Nihayatu'l-irab, 1900, 218.
II, 1900, 222.
Mihraban of Yezd, Gabri dialect of Persian, 1897, 1^3.
Ardeahir, 1902, 942.
Ardinis, 1894, 700.
city, Vannic name of Muzazir, 1901, 654.
Ardistan, 1902, 243.
Ardochro, Goddess, on Indo-Scythian and Gupta gold coins,
1889, 126.
Arghun (Juzjan), 1902, 754; and see Arrajan.
Khan, tomb, 1902, 242.
Argistis, Inscription of, 1893, 6.
Argo, Voyage of, 1890, 451.
Argus and its connections, 1 890, 445.
Ari, 1899, 139, 669.
Arigaion, 1894, 680.
Aritthaka stone, 1895, 893; 1896, 199.
Arjak, 1902, 250.
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ARJ — ARZ. 13^
ArjTsh, 1902, 262, 761.
Arju^ayana tribe, 1897, 886.
Arjimayanas of North India, Coin of, 1900, 107.
Arkirie the philosopher, 1900, 302 et seq.
Armavir, Inscription at, 1894, 711.
Armenia, 1893, 1; ^902, 262.
Armenian books, Schrumpf Collection, 1893, 699.
■ dialect of seventeenth century, 1898, 842.
originally in Syriac characters, 1898, 839.
poetry, 1893, 497.
poets, 1893, 498.
Arminan or Arminiyan Pass, 1902, 250, 760.
Armuk, 1902, 262.
Army of Indian Moghuls, full account, 1896, 509.
Ans^as, 1889, 189.
Arrajan, 1902, 524, 765.
Arran, 1902, 255.
Arsanas, 1895, ^*
river, 1895, 54, 56.
= Arsanias Flumen, 1895, 4, 56.
Arshad Rubat, 1902, 759.
Arslan b. Tughril b. Muhammad, 1902, 873.
Arslan Khkn Ilek, 1898,482.
Artizan staff in Dakhan village, 1897, 256.
*Aruh or *Aruj, 1902, 245.
Arunak, 1902, 248.
Arur Bhattathiri, 1900, 764.
Arya-Vasumitra-bodhisattva-saftgitliSstra, 1898, 331.
Aryan influence on religious changes, 1890, 389.
speech spread in India, 1899, 300.
tribes, origin of Lunar and Solar, 1899, 295, 519.
Aryans, 1894, 660.
in India, 1899, 298.
Aryasatyas and medical science, 1903, 579.
Aryavar^a, 1899, 308,
Arzan, 1902, 264.
Arzan-ar-Rum, 1902, 259, 761.
Arzanjak, 1902, 761.
Arzanjan, 1902, 259, 761.
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14 ASA — ^ASS.
ABady canal, 1902, 760.
Asadabad (Hamadan), 1902, 247, 748.
(Marv), 1902, 767.
Asadi, 1899, 64.
-^ — Persian poet, 1900, 738.
Asan, 1902, 761.
Asanga, 1903, 182.
Asanga's Mahayanasamparigraha, 1903, 686.
Aafuzar, 1902, 835, 736, 757.
Aslia, 1902, 904.
al-A'sha, 1903, 777.
Aahes stupa, 1902, 160 ; 1903, 368.
A-shih-to, a Lohan, 1898, 342.
Ashkahran, 1902, 239.
Ashkun, Kafir language, 1900, 603.
Ashkur, 1902, 241.
Ashkuran, 1 902, 751.
Asita the seer, 1898, 549.
Asita or Ajita, a Lohan, 1898, 342.
'AsjadI, Persian poet, 19CX), 762.
Asjah, 1902, 761.
Askabad, Description of, 1891, 582.
^Askar Mukram, 1902, 514.
^Askarali, 1902, 71.
Asmodeus and Sakhr, 1892, 43.
Asoka alphabet, 190 1, 304.
and the Buddha- relics, 1901, 397.
Bhabra edict, 1898, 639; 1901, 311.
identity with A6oka Maurya, 1901, 827.
inscriptions, 1 90 1, 481 et seq.
inscriptions in Maisur, 1 893, 173, 400.
new edict, 1895, 691.
thirteenth edict, new fragment, 1900, 335.
AtokastamI festival, 1900, 646, 791 ; 1901, 127.
Asokavadana, 1898, 546.
Asrab, 1902, 754.
Assa, the Egyptian Pharaoh, 1898, 244.
Assakenians, 1894, ^^^*
Assam Valley and Tibet languages, 1902, 127.
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ASS — ATL. 15
Assassins (Mulahids), castles, 1902, 241, 254, 525.
Assor as Asura, 1893, 292.
Assuan, 1895, 827.
ASSurbanipal, 1891, 457.
ASSurbelkala, 1892, 337.
A§§ur-uballit, 1894, 808.
Assyrian sacred days, 1890, 557.
Assyriology, 1894, 807.
Assyro- Akkadian calendar, 1889, 556.
Astanah, 1902, 754.
Astarabad (Marv), 1902, 757.
(Mazandaran), 1902, 743, 744.
Aston (W. G.), Adventures of a Japanese Sailor in the Malay
Archipelago, 1890, 157; Writing, Printing, and the
Alphabet in Corea, 1895, 505.
Astronomy, constellation-figures, 1897, 205.
Hindu, 1893,717.
Asura-Kushika religion superseded in India, 1893, 283.
Asvabhava, 1903, 586.
Asvagosha, twelfth Buddhist patriarch, 1891, 334.
Asvamedha, 1890, 415.
Asvarupa, 1903, 586.
Asvins, 1893, 286, 420, 430, 431.
A^wakranta, near Ganhati, 1900, 25.
Garurasan or stone throne at, 1900, 26.
temple of Vishnu, 1900, 26.
Aswaqu'1-Amir fair at Shiraz, 1901, 418.
Atamchan inscription, 1 90 1, 648.
. Atar, 1893, 484, 487.
Atharu'l Bilad of al-Qazwini, 1899, 51.
Atharva Veda, 1893, 477.
Atharvans, 1890, 527.
Athene, Owl of, 1889, 23.
Athiru'd-Dfn AwmanT, Persian poet, 1900, 731.
of Akhsikat, Persian poet, 1900, 731.
Ath-Tharthar river, 1895, 262.
Athwya, 1893, 485, 486.
Atishgah, 1902, 534.
Atlas of ancient India, 1902, 956.
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16 ATR — AVE.
Atrak river, 1902, 744.
'Atshabad river, 1902, 735.
Atsiz Ehwarazmsliah, 1902, 851.
'Attar, Persian poet, 1901, 5.
Auarie, border fortress of Egypt, 1 901, 38.
Aucityavicaracarca of Ksemendra, 1901, 253.
Audambara coins, 1900, 113, 410.
Aufrecht (Th.), Benares Pandit, 1894, 835.
Aukau-Juwoi language, 1899, 576.
Aureus, Weight of, 1889, 40.
Aurnavabha, 1895, 170.
Authorities for literary history of Persia, 1899, 49.
Autumn as Barhis, 1 890, 346.
Avah (Northern), 1902, 247.
(of Savah), 1902, 241, 761.
Avalokita, 1 894, 53 et seq.
Development of, in Tautrik doctrine, 1894, 54.
Forms of, 1894, 57 et seq., 76-83.
Images of, 1894, 67 et seq.
in Lalita Vistara and Saddharraa Puiidarlka, 1894, 55.
Literature concerning, 1894, 55, 56.
poly cephalic images in India, 1894, 386.
probable date of worship, 1894, 55.
regarded as personified pity, 1 894, 54.
Avamukta, 1897, 872.
Avanik or Awnik, 1902, 259.
Avard, 1902, 526.
Avars, 1889, 721.
Avatars of Visnu, 1895, 165.
boar, 189s, 178.
dvrarf, 189s, 168.
dwarf, origin of, 189S, 168 et seq.
fish, 189s, 167.
origin in Vedas, 1895, 166.
tortoise, 1895, 167.
Avaz, 1902, 605.
Avesta, 1893, 423, 429, 476, 481, 484-7, 488.
Initiative of, 1899, 271.
Initiative of, and soul theory, 1899, 429.
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Google
ATE — BAB, 17
Aveata, translations, 1903, 313.
Avestic Qotama, 1898, 391, 637.
ligature for Aw, 1903, 370.
Avishahyasreshthi Jataka, 1893, 31^-
AYvaiyar, Indian poetess, 18999 236.
Awana city, 1895, 33, 39.
*Awd, 1902, 754.
al-'Awfl's Lubabu'l-Albab, 1899, 46, 63, 56.
Awhadi, Persian poet, 1900, 736.
A wig, 1902, 528, 763.
Awjan, 1902, 249, 761.
'Ayasha the recitress, Persian poetess, 1 901, 31.
•Ayn, 1902, 263.
Ayodhya, 1899, 523 et seq^
coins, 1903, 287.
Ayogfha Jataka, 1893, 326.
Ayvan» Rubat, 1902, 760.
Ayyub b. Ziyad, governor of Isfahan, 1901, 419.
Azad, 1902, 254.
Azadvar, 1902, 753.
Azi Dahaka, the snake, 1899, 342.
Azmadin or Azyardin, 1902, 246.
Azraqi, Persian poet, 1900, 730.
Az-Zab rivers, 1895, 262.
Bab (The), date of death, 1889, 511 et seq. ; school of
thought, 884 ; belief of, 930 ; contemporaries and
successors, 939.
Eushk, 1902, 752.
Suvari, 1902, 758.
al-Abwab, 1902, 256.
Baba Tahir *Uryan of Hamadan, poet, 1895, 788.
Babar, etymology of name, igoo, 546.
Babariyah, igoo, 439.
Babamama, igoo, 439; St. Petersburg University MS.,
466; St. Petersburg Foreign Office MS., 467; St. Peters-
burg Asiatic Museum MS., 474; Bukhara MS., 475;
Nazar Bay Turkestan! MS., 475.
h
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18 BAB — ^BAD.
Babar's Memoirs, MSS. of the Turk! text, 1900, 439 ;
1902, 653.
Bab! insurrection of Zanjan in 1850, 1897, 7^^'
martyrs, 1889, 489, 998; customs, 498-9; belief in
transmigration, 933; texts, 1892, 259, 637; 27 MSS.,
433, 637; epistles to Zoroastrians, 671.
Babiism amongst Zoroastrians, 1889, 501.
Antecedents of, 1889. 884-885.
Literature of, 1889, 885-1000.
Periods of, 1889, 888 et seq.
Babil, 1902, 69, 750.
the ancient Babylon, 1895, 259.
Babirt, 1902, 259.
Babis of Persia, 1889, 485, 881; seals and writing, 498;
in Turkey, 499 ; history of, 505 et seq. ; chronological
table of history, 521 et seq.
Bab's commentary on the Suratu '1-Bakara, 1892, 493 et seq.
Suratu '1 'Asr, 1892, 637 et seq.
Suratu '1-Kawthar, 1892, 643 et seq.
Babu Tahir, poet, 1902, 589.
Babylon, Kings of, 1 890, 585.
Babylonian Chronicle, 1894, 807.
civilization, its origin, igoo, 91.
contract tablet, 1898, 876.
contract-tablets or legal documents, 1899, 103.
contracts, 1897, 589.
linear measures, 1903, 257.
private coinage, 1 898, 277.
ritual text, 1892, 841.
Bacher (W.), Judaeo-Persian Document from Khotan, 1903,
736.
Bad the Kurd, 1902, 778 ; 1903, 123.
Baden-Powell (B. H.), Dakhan Villages, their Origin and
Development, 1897, 239; Origin of Village Land-Tenures
in India, 1898, 605 ; Notes on the Origin of the Lunar and
Solar Aryan Tribes and on the Bajput Clans, 1899, 295,
519 ; Villages of Goa in the Early Sixteenth Century,
1900, 261.
Badghis, 1902, 737, 757.
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BAD BAJ. 19
Badi'i, Rubat, 1902, 766.
Badiyah FarrSshah, 1902, 760,
Badshah Dheri stupa, 1896, 658.
Baghchi Shur, 1902, 757.
Baghdad, 1895, 2; 1902, 69, 750, 751, 788.
attacked by al-Hajjaj, 1901, 757.
Canals of eastern, 1895, 277.
Canals of western, 1895, 285.
description of the palace of the Caliphs, 1897, 38.
during the Abbasid Caliphate, 1899, 847.
taken by Mongols 1258 a.d., 1900, 293.
three years of Buwaihid rule, 1901, 501.
Baha ad-Daula the Buwaihid, 1901, 510 et seq.
Bahamsha, 1902, 761.
Bahar, 1902, 510.
Baha'u'd-Din Sawajl, Persian poet, 1900, 743.
Yazdi, 1902, 579.
Bahika tribe, 1899, 311.
Bahman, Marghzar, 1902, 70.
l^ahman son of Isfandiyad, 1900, 211.
Bahrabad, 1902, 735, 753.
Bahram II and III in Nihayatu*l-irab, 1900, 221.
IV, 1900, 222.
V, Gur, 1900, 222.
Castle, 1902, 529.
fire, 1893, 485.
Bahramabad erroneously thought to be Sirjan, 1901, 289.
Bahtalan, 1902, 760.
Baibars, Mosque of, 1891, 638.
Sultan, 1902, 800, 802.
Baijnath, 1894, 750.
Baines (J. A.), Certain features of Social Differentiation in
India, 1894, 657.
Bais tribe, 1899, 562.
Bajadda village, 1895, 59.
Bajamsha, 1902, 751.
Bajarvan, 1902, 254, 759, 760.
Biijarwan village, 1895, 59.
Bajistan, 1902, 534.
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20 ^^r—BAKi.
Bajsbir, 1902, 748.
Bakharz, 1902, 737.
Bakhtiari dialect, 1896, 577.
Bakhtigan lake, 1902, 621, 529, 764.
Bakrabad, 1902, 759.
Bakri, 1895, 5.
Baku, Hindu fire-temple, 1897, 311.
Ba^kuba. 1902, 70, 750.
Bakundi, 1898, 797.
BakOyah, 1902, 266.
Bala Murghab, 1902, 738, 739.
Baladcity, 1895,33.
sit^ of Persian Shahrabadh, 1895, 34.
Baladitya, king. Identity of, 1889, 114.
Balahbad, 1899, 68 et seq.
Balarama, 1899, 319.
Balash in Nihayatu'1-irab, 1900, 225.
Balavarman, 1897, 875.
al-Balbani, Muhammad, 1901, 809.
Baldak, 1902, 760.
Balikh river, 1902, 266.
Balis city, 1895, 47, 50.
Balish, 1902, 769.
Balkh, 1902, 738, 754.
Ball (Rev. C. J.), Babylonian Ritual Text, 1892, 841.
Balonga, the oldest capital of Champa, 1899, 665.
BaltT, Tibeto-Burman language, 1900, 501.
Baluchistan, Persian, Description of, 1902, 940.
al-BalyanI, Auhad al Din 'Abdallah, 1901, 809.
Bam, 1902, 530.
town of Kirman, 1901, 281.
Bambyce, Latin name of Mabaq^ 1903, 666.
Bamiyan, 1902, 738.
Baca's Harsa-Carita, two lists of words, 1899, 485.
Bandanijin, 1902, 69.
Bandar, 1898, 797.
Band-i-Amir or 'Adudi, 1 902, 522, 761, 764.
Band-i-Kir, 1902, 514.
Band-i-Mahl, 1902, 263, 761.
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BAN — BAR. 21
Band-i-Mujarrad, 1902, 520.
Bani Eawan, 1902, 627.
Tam*an, 1902, 751.
Zuhayr, coast, 1902, 517.
Banjogis, 1893, 155.
Bankipore, Ehuda Baksh's library, 1901, 80.
Bankura, 1898, 797.
Banu Hanlfah, 1903, 490.
Banu'l-Harith, 1902, 100.
Banft-1-Kein b. al-Jasr, 1897, 329.
Bar Bahlul, Syro-Arabic glossary, 1898, 840.
Bar Island, 1902, 762.
Barab (Otrar), 1902, 739.
Barabar Cave dedications, 1901, 484 et seq.
Baradan, 1902, 751.
al-Baradan city, 1895, 33, 39.
Baraghush, 1902, 251.
Baran, 1902, 239.
Bararah river, 1902, 517, 518.
Baraz-ar-Ruz, 1902, 69.
Barazmahin, 1902, 247.
Barbad, minstrel of the Houses of Sasan and Saman, 1899,
54 et seq.
Barband-rud or Barhanariid, 1902, 246.
Barbisama district, 1895, 265.
Barchin mountain, 1902, 241.
Barda'ah, 1902, 256, 759.
Bardarud, 1902, 534.
Bardasir, 1902, 530.
or Gawashir, capital of Eirman, 1901, 281 ; identified
as the modern Eirman city, 282.
Barhis, or sacrificial grass and autunm, 1890, 346.
Barimma, 1902, 751.
Bariz mountains, 1902, 531.
Barkiyaruq, Reign of, 1902, 601.
Barkley (D. G.), Chiniot of Babar's First Campaign in India,
1899, 132.
Barmecides, 1899, 853.
Bamett (L. D.), Numeral System of Pali M8S., 1 901, 121 ;
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22 BAR— 5ASi
Upasakajanalankara, 87; Buddhist Notes, 1902, 429;
Notice of the Tibetan MSS. in the Stein Collection, 1903,
109 ; Tibetan MSS. in the Stein Collection, 821 ; Sanskrit
Imperatives, 826.
Baroda, Shri Sayaji Library, 1893, 168.
Barsang Deo, Raja, 1898, 807.
Bartalla, 1902, 264.
Barugaza mentioned in the Periplus, 1901, 538.
Barujis mountains, 1895, 48.
Barusma district, 1895, 255.
Barzamabad, 1902, 753.
Barzand, 1902, 254, 759, 760.
Basafhuyah Lake, 1902, 521.
Basak Nag, serpent-god, 1901, 461.
Basana, Coin with name of, 1893, 146.
Basanfa river, 1895, 262.
Basar, Buddhist remains at, 1902, 143.
Basawa, 1902, 253.
Basaydah, 1902, 264.
Basedila, 1903, 514.
Bashgal river, 1900, 503.
Bashgali language, 1900, 503.
Bashshar, 1902, 98.
ibn Burd and Sibawaihi, 1902, 821.
Basht, 1902, 510.
Futa, 1902, 522.
Basilides, 1902, 384; his teaching, 388; his psychology,
394 ; his metaphysics, 397 ; his theology, 404.
Basin, 1902, 761.
Basiyan, 1902, 513.
Basmadjian (K. J.), Greek Inscription in Constantinople,
1897, 422.
al-Basra, 1895, 3.
description of canals, 1895, 303.
Basrah, 1902, 69, 750.
Bast or Bastak, 1902, 757.
Bastam (BisfituD), 1902, 512.
Bastar, 1902, 757.
Basuk Nag, god of Summer, 1899, 341.
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BAT — BEA. 23
Bat'ang, People of, 1 891, 124; products of, 272.
BatarnOh, 1902, 264.
al-BatIha (the Swamp), description, 1895, 297.
Batu, 1902, 805.
Batuwantudava, cremation, 1892, 423.
Bauka, 1894, 2.
Bauris, 1893, 240.
Bavvan (Tawwan), 1902, 520.
Bawapara-dlh, 1903, 367.
Bawardashir, 1895, 3^*
ancient name of Mosul, 1895, 35.
capital under the Omayyads, 1895, 35.
Bawazfj, 1902, 264.
Bay, 1902, 739.
Bayan, 1902, 263.
Bayan, chief of Avars, 1889, 732 et seq.
Bayat, 1902, 69.
Baybars, Sultan, 1896, 140.
Bayda, 1902, 520, 526.
Bayhak, 1902, 735.
Baylakan city, 1902, 255.
village. 1902, 760.
Bayn-an-Nahrayn, 1902, 70.
Baynes (H.), Collection of Eammavacas, 1892, 53; Tao, 1897,
118 ; Theory of Soul and the Initiative of the Avesta,
1899, 429.
Bazabda, 1902, 264.
Bazarchuk, 1902, 759.
Bazar-i-JQrin market, 1901, 418.
Bazdira, or Bazira, 1894, 684.
Baznoi, 1902, 264.
Bazrank, 1902, 523, 525.
Bazugha city, 1895, 33, 39.
Beames (J.), Pir Badar, 1894, 838 ; Note on Mahuan's
Account of Bengal, 1895, 898; Rajuka or Lajuka, 661 ;
Notes on Akbar's Subahs, with reference to the 'Aln-i
AkbarT, 1896, 83, 743 ; On Angara, 1898, 461 ;
Geography of the Eandah&r Inscription, 795 ; obituary,
1902, 722.
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24 B£H — BEV.
Beha, Writings of, 1889, 942; letters of, 953 et seq.;
chronologiccJ poems of, by Nabil, 983.
Beha'is, 1889, 505.
Behari women's ceremony for producing rain, 1 897, 471.
Beha'u 'llah's death, 1892, 706.
selected precepts, 1892, 676.
Sura-i-Heykal, 1892, 283.
Suratu'l Muluk, 1892, 268.
Beja, 1892, 813.
Bel as Moon-god, 1889, 643.
Belasaghun, 1898, 467.
Muhammadan dynasty, 1898, 810.
Bellary cinder-mounds, their origin and use, 1 899, 1-16.
Benares Pandit, 1894, 835.
Bendall (Professor C), Remnant of Buddhism in India, 1892,
140 ; Amritananda, the Redactor of the Buddhacarita,
1893, 620; Pali Suttas printed in Ceylon, 1894, 556;
Surya^ataka, 1896, 215; Note on al-Beruni's Indica, 216;
An Inscription of Madanapaladeva of Eanauj, 787; On
a system of Letter- Numerals used in South India, 789 ;
St. Petersburg Series of Buddhist Texts, 1898, 226;
Notes on Indian Literature, 228 ; Common Tradition of
Buddhism, 870; Pali MSS. in Nepal, 1899, 422; Report
on a Tour in N. India, 1898-99, 1900, 162 ; Nepal MSS.,
345 ; Ancient Indian Sects and Orders mentioned by
Buddhist Writers, 1901, 122; Obituary of Professor
Cowell, 1903, 419.
Bendva, 1899, 285.
Bengala, Mahuan's account, 1895, 523.
Benjamin of Tudela, 1899, 874.
Berber dialect, 1893, 669.
philology. Notes on, 1893, 411.
Bergny (V.), Notes on some Brahml-Kharosthi Inscriptions
on Indian Coins, 1900, 409.
Berosus' history of the Chaldaeans, 1898, 261.
Bertin (G.), Herodotus on the Magians, 1890, 821.
Besh Parmak, 1902, 252.
Besnagar, capital of Malavas, 1897, 30.
Beveridge (H.), Khalasat-at-Tawarikh, 1894, 733; Pir
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BEV — BHA. 25
Badar, 840; Author of Khalasat-at-Tawankh, 1895, 211;
Note on the Panjmana Inscription sent by Mr. Ney Elias,
1896, 781; Maham Anaga, 1899, 99; More Light on
'Omar Khayam, 135 ; Humayun's Inscription at Jam,
•665 ; Meaning of word nihilatn, 19CX), 137 ; Etymology of
the name Babar, 546 ; Tarikh al Hukama of Shahristani,
660; Notes on Persian MSS. in Indian Libraries, 1901,
69 ; Bland, Nathaniel, 121 ; Morley, W. Hook, 121 ;
Author of the Life of Shah Isma'Il, 1902, 170; An Un-
known Work by Albirunl, 333 ; Author of the Life of
Shah Isma*il Safavl, 889 ; A new MS. of the Akbamama,
1903, 115; Ptolemy's Geography, 577; The Zodiacal
Light, 584 ; Obituary of Dr. Steingass, 664.
Beveridge (Mrs.), VVaqi'at-i- babar 1, 1900, 143; Notes on
the MSS. of the Turk! Text of Babar's Memoirs, 439 ;
Further Notes on the MSS. of the Turk! Text of Babar's
Memoirs, 1902, 653.
Beyan, Peculiarities of, 1889, 919.
Zoroastrian ideas in, 1889, 929 ; Mirror of, 1892, 660 ;
Theoretical philosophy of, 685.
Bhabra Edict of Asoka, 1898, 639; 1901, 311, 483, 574,
577, 853.
Bhadara site of Moriyas and Ashes Stupa, 1903, 368.
Bhadda Kaccana, 1893, ^^^ ^^ s®^-
Kapilani, 1893, ^85 et seq.
Kundalakesa, 1893, 771 et seq.
Bhadra, a Lohan, 1898, 3cJ7.
Bhadrak, Akbar's sarkar, 1896, 756.
Bhadrakalpavadana, 1893, 331.
Bhagalpur pillar, 19CX), 436.
Bfaagavadgita, 1894, 125 et seq.
Bhagavata Pura/m, 1893, 480.
Bhaggasi-Vasi Maha Tissa, scholar of Ceylon, 1901, 892.
Bhagvanlal IndrajT's interpretation of Muthura Lion Pillar
inscriptions, 1894, 525.
Northern Kshatrapas, 1894, 541.
Bhaiachara villages, 1899, 331.
Bhamaha, an Alahkara writer, 1897, 285, 829.
BhamatI, 1902, 365.
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26 BHA — BID.
Bhanam, 1900, 764.
Bhandi, 1903, 559.
or Po-ni, 1903, 560.
Bhankarl-dih identified with Sramanera monastery, 1903, 367.
Bharata, 1899, 521.
Bharatas, 1889, 279; 1899, 309.
Bharhut Stupa, 1893, 304.
Bhars, 1893, 252.
Bhartrdaman, 1899, 367 et seq.
Bhartrhari, 1900, 763.
Bhartrihari, a Buddhist, 1893, 876.
poet and grammarian, 189 1, 323.
Bhatarkka, 1895, 381.
Bhatta Haraka, glossator of RajataranginI, 1900, 191.
Nayaka date, 1897, 296.
Bhattarka, 1899, 530.
Bhattiprolu stupa, 1898, 582.
Stupa and relics at, 1895, 625.
Bhavaviveka, 1903, 581.
Bhima Devi figure not discovered, 1896, 672.
Bhima Sena, Silver coins of, 1889, 135.
Bhismaka, 1899, 319.
Bhitari seal of Kumara Gupta II, 1893, 79, 81.
Bhoja tribe, 1899, 311, 319.
Bhojaraja, a writer on Alankara, 1897, 299, 300.
Bhojas, 1889, 269.
Bhrgu tribe, 1899, 297.
Bhrigu and root bhri, 1890, 527 ; Bhrigus, 527.
Bhuila-dlh, identical with Ramagiama, 1903, 367.
Bhuiyas, 1893, 289.
Bhiimidatta or Bhimadatta coin, dynasty uncertain, 19CX),.
113.
Bhunear temple, 1898, 629.
Bhuridatta Jataka, 1892, 77.
Bhuyas, 1899, 330.
Bibi Juliana, 1903, 355.
Bible translation, progress, 1 890, 832.
Bid, Marghzar, 1902, 526.
Bidastan, 1902, 751.
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BID— BIS. 27
Biddulph (Colonel J.), Dynastic and Genealogical Tables of
the Western Ksatrapas, 1899, 357.
(C. E.), Russian Central Asia, 1891, 663.
Bidpai, Fables, 19CX), 623.
Bidustan, 1902, 248.
Bihar, Akbar's Subah, 1896, 764.
Bihbahan, 1902, 624.
Bihistan, 1902, 252.
Bih-Sabur, 1902, 522, 623.
Bljtayn, 1902, 748.
Bikam Chand, Raja, 1898, 807.
Deo, Raja, 1898, 807.
Bikarmajit, Raja, 1898, 807.
Bilad Ruz, 1902, 69.
Shapur, 1902, 522.
Bilar, Rumanian version of the story, 1900, 623.
Bildad, 1897, 499.
Bi-li-ko Tulil of TJighurs, 1898, 815.
Billon coinage, 1899, ^02.
Bimbohana, 1892, 602.
Binds, 1893, 240.
Bindusara, 1901, 834.
Bintu*n-Najjariyya, Persian poetess, 1901, 32.
Binya U, king of Pegu, 1895, 200.
Nwe, 189s, 200.
Biographies of Persian poets in the Tarikh-i-GuzIda, 1900,
721; 1901, 1.
Bird = Agni, 1893, 441, 469, 471.
Birdpur ruins, 1898, 457.
Birjand, 1902, 535.
Bisa Jataka, 1893, 318.
Bisanpur ruins, 1900, 436.
Bishak, 1902, 737.
Bishavar, 1902, 522, 523.
Bishlshah, 1902, 747.
Bistam b. Kais, chief of Shaibiin, 1903, 774.
Bistan, 1902, 755.
Bisutiin, and sculptures at, 1902, 511, 512, 749.
sculptures, 1899, 58.
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Google
28 BIY — ^BOW.
BlySbanak, 1902, 532.
Biyar-Jumand, 1902, 735.
Black Hills (Balkh), 1902, 754.
(Herat), 1902, 757.
(Kargas), 1902, 533.
(Sablan), 1902, 250.
Black magic, 1901, 120.
Blagden (C. Otto), Malay Terminology of Chess, 1898, 376;
List of Malay Books bequeathed to the Society by the late
Sir W. E. Maxwell, 1899, 121 ; Balonga, the Oldest Capital
of Champa, 665 ; Comparative Vocabulary of Malayan
Dialects, 1902, 557 ; Further Notes on a Malayan
Comparative Vocabulary, 1903, 167; Far East, 576.
Bland, Nathaniel, 1901, 121.
Blind Tigris, 1902, 750.
Bloch (Dr. Th.), An Unpublished Valabhi Copper -plate
Inscription of King Dhruvasena I, 1895, 379; Pepp^
Inscription, 1899, 425,
Block-print from Khotan, 19CX), 321.
Bod, The great, 1891, 5.
Bodawphaya, 1893, 157.
Bode (Mrs. Mabel), Women Leaders of the Buddhist Reforma-
tion, 1893, S17, 763; The Author of the Sasanavamsa,
1899, 674.
Bodhi-caryavatara, 1903, 182.
Bodleian Library, Gupta coins in, 1 889, 60.
Bokhara, Description of, 1891, 564; Inhabitants of, 570;
Russian rule in, 572.
Bombay Asiatic Society's Library, Description of, 1901, 71.
Book of the Apple, 1892, 187.
of the King's Son and the Ascetic, 1890, 119.
of Wisdom, was it written in Hebrew, 1 890, 263.
Boomerang, Indian, 1898, 379.
Borderer's Edict of Piyadasi, 1901, 486.
Borsippa, attack on by Babylonians, 1892, 350.
Boscawen (W. St. Chad), Purification by Running Water,
1900, 347.
Bowden (E.), Uposatha and Upasampada Ceremonies, 1893,
169; Contemplation Stone, 1894,564.
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Google
BBA — BBO. 29t
Brahma alphabet, 1897, 75.
' ' alphabet, origin, 1898, 241.
Jataka, 1893,324.
Brahmajalasiitra, 1903, 359.
Bcahmajalasutta, 1903, 503.
Brahmana Jataka, 1893, ^^^'
Brahmanas, 1895, 165.
Brahmanism, 1899, 325.
Brahmans, their main diyisions, 1893, 2^*
Brahml character inscriptions, 1901, 292.
KharosthI inscriptions on Indian coins, 1900, 409-42),
423-429."
Bramha Sanamkumara, 1897, 585.
Brhaddevata, a correction, 1894, 558.
Indo-Eranian parallel, 1895, 202.
Legends from, 1894, 11.
Brhaduktha, 1893, 462.
Brhaspati, 1893, ^60.
Brigands about the Hwai, Record of, 1893, ^^•
Brown (R.), Origin of Ancient Northern Constellation-figures,
1897, 205.
Browne (E. G.), Babis of Persia, 1889, 485, 881 ;
Babi Texts, 1892, 259, 637; Catalogue and Description
of 27 Babl MSS., 433, 637; Description of an old
Persian Commentary on the Kur*an, 1894, ^17; Notes
on the Poetry of the Persian Dialects, 1895, 773 ;
Specimen of the Gabrl Dialect of Persia, 1897, 103;
Reminiscences of the Babi Insurrection of Zanjan in 1850,
by Aqa *Abdu'l-Ahad-i-Zanjani, 761 ; Dawlatshah's Lives
of the Persian Poets, 943 ; Notes on the Literature and
Doctrines of the Hurufi Sect, 1898, 61 ; Sources of Dawlat-
shah, 1 899, 37 ; Yet More Light on *Umar-i-Khayyam, 409 ;
The Chahar Maqula of Nidharai-i-*Aru(JI-i-Samarqandi,
translated into English, 613, 757; specially indexed, 841;
Some account of the Arabic work entitled Nihayatu'1-irab
fi akhbaril-Furs wa'l-'Arab, particularly of that part
which treats of the Persian Eing8> 1900, 195 ;
Biographies of Persian Poets in Ch. V of Tarikh-i-GuzTda,
721 ; Biographies of Persian Poeta in Ch. V, § 6, of the
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30 BRXJ — BUD.
Tarlkh - i - Guzida, or Select History of Hamd-u'Uah
Mustawfi of Qazwin, 1901, 1 ; AccouDt of a rare
Manuscript History of Isfahan, presented to the R.A.S.
by Sir J. Malcolm, 411, 661; Account of a rare, if not
unique. Manuscript History of the Seljuqs in the Schefer
Collection in Paris, 1902, 567, 849.
Brugsch Pacha, obituary, 1895, ^^7.
Bu Shahrah, 1902, 255.
Bud, Bad-a-r, and Madra, 1895, 203.
Budanjan, 1902, 521.
Budasaf (Buddha) legend in Nihayatu'1-irab, 1900, 216.
Buddha, 1894, 769.
among Khamtis, 1895, l^^-
as Christian Saint, 1890, 119; residences of, 189 1, 339.
as Mara, 1902, 951.
Japanese statue of, 1903, 433 et seq.
Nativity of, 1895, 751.
Relics of, 189s, 617.
Statue at Kasia, 1902, 139.
Buddhabhadra, 1903, 368.
Buddbacharita, 1891, 334.
Buddhadasa, founder of a vibara, 1895, 3^0*
Buddhagaya mission, 1892, 165.
temple, 1893, 170.
Buddbagbosa's Samantapasadika, 1897, 113, 945.
BuddbapacJ bronzes, 1895, ^17.
Buddha- relics and Asoka, 1901, 397.
Buddha's birth, Jataka version, 1 894, 387.
birthplace, 1897, 429, 615, 644.
birthplace: who found it? 1898, 199-203.
body divided into eight portions, 1901, 397.
quotation of Qatha by Sanatkumara, 1897, 585.
Secret, from a sixth-century pictorial commentary and
Tibetan tradition, 1894, 367.
Buddhavamsa, 1893, 303.
Buddhism, 1894, 769.
among the Lamas, 1894, 52 et seq.
and Christianity, 1902, 377.
and Nagas, 1891, 387.
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Google
BUD. 31
Suddhism, common tradition, 1898, 870.
defended in China, 1893, 801.
in China, 1898, f329 et seq.
in Corea, 1895, 505.
in Mongolia, 1893, 172.
in Tibet, 1903, 112.
introduced into China, 1 893, 800.
its changes as it moved, 1903, 53.
Madhura Sutta, 1894. 341.
opposed in China, 1893, 800.
remnant in India, 1892, 140.
The will in, 1898, 47.
Vidhura Jataka, 1896, 441.
Buddhist Abhidhamma, 1894, 560.
Agamas, 1 902, 363.
bronzes and relics of Buddha, 1895, 617.
Councils, 1 90 1, 842.
ethics, 1894, ii70.
ethics, psychological basis, 1894, 321.
Gnosticism, 1902, 377.
inscription in Swat, 190 1, 675.
Jatakas, 1893, 301.
Jatakas, D'Oldenburg on, 1893, 301.
literature, 1898, 741.
metaphysics, 1894, 382.
monastery at Sohnag, 1900, 431.
Order in Ceylon, 1893, 167.
Order in Siam, 1893, 400.
persecution, 1 898, 208.
philosophy, 1894, 373.
praying wheel, 1898, 873.
reformation, 1893, 517, 763.
relics found in Rangoon, 1895, 199.
relics in Piprahwa stupa, 1898, 573.
remains in Khotan, 1 90 1, 299.
remains in Swat Valley, 1898, 460.
Sanskrit fragment of MSS. from Nepal, 1900, 345.
sculptures from Takht-i-Bahai, 1899, 422.
^— sculptures in Ehotan, 1903, 51.
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32 BUD — BUL.
Buddhist sects from Sohnag, 19CX), 432.
sources of the (Old Slav) legend of the twelve dreaou^-
of Shahaish, 1893, 509.
Tantras, four classes, 1901, 900.
theory of Soul, 1903, 687.
theory of the Nidanas, 1896, 800.
Wheel of Life, 1894, 367 et seq. ; 1897, 463.
Buddhistic references in Uddyotakara, Udayana, Yacaspati-
mi^ra, 1901, 307.
Buddhists, Sects of, 1891, 409 ; Nepal sects, 421 ; sects and
Sayana-Madhava, 422 ; schools of belief , 1892, 1.
Budha Gupta, 1893, 86.
;• inscription dated 165 g.e. at Eran, 1889, 8, 53; silver
coins of, 134.
Budigunta cinder-mound, 1 899, 3.
Biidinah river, 1902, 758.
Bu^ra Khan, ruler of Bukhara, 1901, 532.
Buhanjan, 1902, 765.
Buhler (Dr. G.), Mingai Sanskrit MSS., 1 891, 689; Letter
on Buddhist Sects in Inscriptions, 1892, 597 ; New
Variety of Southern Maurya Alphabet, 602 ; Bhagvaolal
Indraji's Interpretation of Mathura Lion Pillar Inscrip-
tions, 1 894, 525 ; Inscription on Pedestal from Bezwaday
1895, 635; Notes on Past and Future ArchsBological
Explorations in India, 649 ; Epigraphic Discoveries in
Mysore, 900; Epigraphical Discoveries in Mathura, 1896^
578; Discovery of Buddha's Birthplace, 1897, 429;
Buddha's Quotation of a Gatha by Sanatkumara, 585;
Note on a new Sakya Inscription, 1898, 387; obituary^
695.
Buhrud, 1902, 241.
al-Buhturl, 1901, 420.
Bujkiin, 1902, 737, 756.
Bukshah, 1902, 740.
Bui, 1902, 251.
Bulaugan, 1902, 764.
Bulgar tribes, 1889, 599.
Bulgarians and Avars, 1 889^ 793.
Bull, on Gupta, Yalabhi, and Naga coins, 1889, 29.
Digitized by
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BUL — BUT. 38
Suluk Inju, 1902, 521.
liuner, Dr. Stein in, 1898, 458.
Burazah river, 1902, 517, 518.
Burden and the Burden-bearer sutra, 1901, 308.
Burden-bearer sutra, 1901, 573.
Burgess (James), Temple of Kailasanatha, 1891, 337 ;
Professor Kielhorn on the Vikrama Era, 483 ; Notes on
Hindu Astronomy and the history of our knowledge of
it, 1893, ''l^; Hodgson Drawings at Paris, 1898, 921;
Antiquarian Discoveries by A. Rea in S. India, 1901,
925 ; The Great Stupa at Sanchi-Kanakbeda, 1902, 29 ;
Ter, 230.
Burial rites, Water-pot in connection with, 1889, 689.
Burisht, 1902, 245.
Burk, 1902, 529, 763.
Burkhuwar, 1902, 237, 239.
Burraan language, Arakanese dialect, 1897, 453, 940.
Burman -Tibetan linguistic palaeontology, 1896, 23.
witchcraft, 1896, 39.
Burmese affinities, 1893, 395.
archaeology, 1891, 352.
dialects, 1895, 111-115.
Hitopadesa, 1895, 431.
language, 1893, 149.
Burn (R.), Omar Khayyam, a note, 1898, 865 ; Note on
Indian Coins and Inscriptions, 1900, 552; Rare Pali Words,
1903, 187.
Burujird, 1902, 245, 246, 751.
Buruiaz pass, 1902, 758, 759.
Burushaskl, language of Scythian stock, 1900, 501.
Bushanj, 1902, 736, 758.
Bushell (S. W.), Obituary of T. Watters, 1901, 373.
l^ushkanat, 1902, 517.
Busra city, 1895, 33, 39.
Bust, 1902, 534.
Bustam, 1902, 745, 753, 755.
Bu8lan-Al (Abulustiin), 1902, 259.
Bustanak, 1902, 525, 765.
Butan, People of, 1891, 128.
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34 BUW — CAB.
Buwaihid rule in Baghdad^ Three years of, 1901, 389,
501, 749.
Buwayhid princes, 1895, 2.
BOzinagan Rubat, 1902, 754.
BOzjan, 1902, 737, 766.
Buzurgtarm, 1902, 737.
Byga, tribal priest, 1899, 332.
Caesar Frederic visits Vijayanagar, 1899, 10.
CsBsareia Mazaka, 1902, 260.
Cairo, history in ninth century, 1902, 104.
Caitanya, 1897, 130.
Calcutta, contemporary account of great storm of 1737,
1898, 29.
Caldecott (W. Shaw), Linear Measures of Babylonia about
2500 B.C., 1903, 257.
Calicut, Mahuan's account of, 1896, 345.
Callinicus, 1902, 265.
Calukya clan, 1899, 547.
Camadi identified as Qamadin, a suburb of Jlruft, 1898, 44.
of Marco Polo, 1901, 282.
Camel's Neck Gorge, 1902, 740.
Canda Devi, 1893, 360.
Candamaha-rosana-tantra, 1897, 463.
Candra Oupta I, 1897, 860 ; extent of his dominions, 860.
II, 1897, 1 et seq.
Candragupta, 1901, 827 et seq.
Candra-klrti, 1903, 181.
Candravarman, 1897, 875.
Ganklgarh, Buddhist remains at, 1902, 157.
Canpaka, 1900, 541.
Qantanu, 1894, 25.
Canton as mediaeval trade centre, 1896, 66.
Capital of Gupta Empire, probably Pataliputra, 1889, ^5*
Capuchin Missions in India, 1903, 356.
Caranitis = Akradkhis, 1895, 48.
Carian texts of Abu Simbel, 1891, 616.
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CAR — GET. 35
Oariyapitaka, 1893, 303, 308.
Carmathians of Yemen, 1893, ^^^*
Carrier-pigeons introduced to China through Persia, 1896, 68.
Carter (J. M.), "Prodigal Son" in its Buddhist shape,
1893, 393.
Casartelli (L. C), The Garuda, 1891, 345; Indo-Eranian
Parallel, 1895, 202.
Caspian Sea, 1902, 740-2.
Castana, 1899, 358 et seq.
Caste formation, matriarchal customs, 1893, ^^^'
in Buddhism, 1894, 841 et seq.
in India, 1894, 657 et seq.
system of admission, 1893, 256.
Castes, The four, 1899, 299.
Castles of Fars, 1902, 526.
Cataka, 1891, 699.
Catalogue of Arabic MSS. in R.A.S. Library, 1892, 502.
Chinese books in R.A.S. Library, 1890, 1.
Gupta coins in Bodleian Library, 1889, 60; of gold
Gupta coins, 62; of silver Gupta coins, 119; of copper
Gupta coins, 138.
Hindustani MSS. in R.A.S. Library, 1892, 546.
Persian MSS. in R.A.S. Library, 1892, 508.
the late Professor Max Miiller's Sanskrit MSS.,
1902, 611.
Turkish MSS. in R.A.S. Library, 1892, 547.
Catrang-namak, 1898, 389.
Oatrou's M^moires de Manucci, 1903, 723.
Cauhan clan, 1899, 546.
Cave drawings in the Eaimur Range, 1899, 89.
Cedrenus, Byzantine chronicler, 1897, 36.
Census of 1737 in Tibet, 1891, 13.
Cerebral letters, Dravidian origin of, 1890, 455.
Cemuschi Museum Statue of Amida, 1903, 433.
Ceylon and Chinese, 1903, 368.
Archaeological Survey, 1898, 11.
Buddhism, rosaries, 1896, 575.
coins, 1 89 1, 696.
embassy to Egypt, 1891, 479.
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86 CEY — CHA.
Ceylon, Oriental studies in, 1895, 464.
GeyloDese originally Hlnayaniats, 189 1, 417.
Chachaktu, 1902, 538.
Chaghra Tikin, 1898, 481.
Chah Chil, 1902, 763.
Dih, 1902, 764.
Harun, 1902, 758.
Khak, 1902, 758.
Khuslik, 1902, 764.
SachT, 1902, 758.
Siyah, 1902, 756.
'Ukbah, 1902, 764.
Chahar Danik, 1902, 613.
Maqala, 1899, 53, 56.
Maqala of Nidhami-i-'Arudl-i-Samarqandi, translated
by E. G. Browne, 1899, 613, 757 ; specially indexed, 841.
ChahSrjuy, 1902, 739.
Chahik, Great and Little, 1902, 621, 764.
Chahll Tan, 1902, 941.
Chains, Pass of, 1902, 762.
Chakdara, Stupa near, 1896, 657.
Chakravarti (M. M.), Date of Kalidasa, 1903, 186.
Chaldaeans active traders with India, 1898, 247.
Chalmers (E.), Parables of Barlaam and Joasaph, 1891, 423;
Ceylon Coins, 696 ; Lineage of "The Proud King,*' 1892,
39; Madhura Sutta concerning Caste, 1894, 341; Jataka
. Version of Buddha's Birth, 387; The Jains, 1895, 668;
Nativity of the Buddha, 761 ; King of Siam's Edition of
the Pali Tipitaka, 1898, 1; Tathagata, 103, 391.
Chalukya kings, inscriptions, 1889, 1113.
Chamankan, Rubat, 1902, 762.
Chamars, 1893, 240.
Ch'amdo, People of, 1891, 125.
Champa, 1899, 665.
Ch'Sn Shau, 1893, 803.
Chanal, ruins near Peshawar, 1896, 657.
Chandogya Upanishad, 1903, 657.
Chandra, Coin with doubtful name of, 1893, 145.
Chandra G upta I, founded greatness of his house, 1 889, 7 ;
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CHA. 37
struck coins only in gold of a single type, 9 ; King and
Queen type of, 63 ; coins of, 1893, 84, 94.
Chandra Gupta II, Inscriptions dated 82, 88, and 93 g.e.
of, 1889, 7 ; conquered Guzerat and Eathiawar, 9; struck
coins in gold, silver, and copper, 10 ; gold Couch type of,
76 ; gold Javelin type of, 77 ; gold Archer type of, 80 ;
gold Horseman to Right type of, 84 ; gold Horseman to
Left type of, 85 ; gold Lion Trampler type of, 87 ; gold
Combatant Lion type of, 89 ; gold Retreating Lion type
of, 89; gold Umbrella type of, 91; silver Vikramanka
type of, 119; silver Vikramaditya type of, 121; copper
Umbrella type of, 138 ; copper Standing King type of,
139; copper Vikramaditya Bust type of, 140; copper
Chandra Head type of, 141; 1893, 85, 92-3, 103-114,
133.
Ch'Sng, The brothers, 1893, 802.
Chang-chou in Amoy, proposed identification with Zaitun,
1896, 72.
Chang-k'ien's mission to the Yueh-chi, 1903, 18-23.
Chao Ju-kua, 1896, 57.
ethnography, 1896, 477.
family details, 1896, 76.
scanty notice of life, 1896, 64.
Chao-yuen-huo, king of Hia, 1898, 826.
Charam, 1902, 523.
Charcoal stupa, 1902, 160.
Charikar, 1894, 677.
Charsadda, the ancient Pushkalavati and Penkelaotis, 1896,
667.
Charta bambycina, 1903, 666.
Charter and Rules of the Society, 1901, 379.
Chashraah Sabz Lake, 1902, 734.
Chashtana, Coins of, 1893, 141.
Kshatrapa, Coins of, 1889, 643.
Chast, 1902, 737.
Chatterjea (M. N.), An Archaeological Problem, 1898, 629;
Golden Temples of N. India, 1901, 309.
Chauli, Atabeg, 1902, 520, 524, 528.
Chawhah, 1902, 765.
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38 CHE — CHI.
Chelas, in Indian Moghul Army, 1896, 517.
Cheremiss bibliography, 1889, 644.
tribes, 1889, 590.
Chero, Ruins at, 1900, 436.
Cheruss^ri Namburi, 1900, 765.
Chess, 1898, 389.
— in the history of Seljuqs, 1902, 883.
Malay terminology, 1 898, e376.
-^ origin and early history, 1898, 117.
Chetiyagirl, probably the modem Besnagar, 1 902, 41.
Chezarla, Buddhist chaitya at, 1895, 629.
Ghhibball, Indo-Aryan language, 1900, 501.
Chiangs, 1894, 275.
Chichast Lake, 1902, 766.
Chih-shih-tzti country identified as Shi-tztt-kuo, 1898, 332.
Chiliss, dialect of Indus-KohistanI, 1900, 502.
Chin Island, 1902, 750.
Chin (Southern) vocabulary, 1895, 727.
China, First historical ruler of, 1890, 518.
History of, 1890, 513.
late appearance of romances and novels in literature,
with the history of the great archer Yang Yu - chl,
1893, 799.
northern frontagers ; the Kirais and Prester Jolin,
1889,361; 1898, 467, 809.
Chinar, 1902, 763.
Chinese account of Bengal, 1895, ^^^'
and Akkadian, 1900, 88 et seq.
antiquity, 1890, 511.
arrival in Malay Peninsula, 1895, 525.
astronomy. Antiquity of, 1890, 512.
biographical dictionary, 1895, 437.
Buddhism, 1898, 329 et seq.
Buddhist books, 1903, 181.
coinage introduced, 1898, 265.
early coinage, 1895, 317 et seq.
inscriptions, 1891, 451.
mediaeval trade, 1 896, 64 et seq.
Milinda Panho, Date of, 1896, 12.
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CHI — CHW. 31^
Ohiiiese novel, its rise, 1893, 804.
origin of a Jataka, 1901, 459,
paper-makers, 1903, 668.
trade penalties, 1896, 70.
— — translation of Milinda Panho, 1896, 1.
ChingCh'a, 1895,78.
Chinghiz Khan and TJighurs, 1898, 828.
Chiniot identified as on the Chenab, 1899, 132.
Chins, 1893, 154.
Chio-ma fruit, 1891, 284.
Chitraratha, 1889, 189.
ChitrarT, language of Chitral, 1900, 503.
Chittaraja (^ilaharas of Northern Konkan), coins, 1900, 118.
Chota-Panthaka, a Lohan, 1898, 343.
Chou dynasty, 1894, 275.
Chronograms, Eastern, 1898, 715.
Chronology of Kusan Dynasty of N. India, 1902, 175.
Chu-Hsl, 1893, 802.
Ch'u P'ing or Yiian, a Taoist, 1895, 90.
commemoration of death, 1895, 79.
History of, 1895, 79.
Ch*u Ts'ze, 189s, 78.
Ch'ii Yii'an, 1893, 800; 1895, 78.
Ch'iian-chou, trading centre, 1896, 72.
Ch'uanhsii, 1894, 280.
Chu-ch*a(fa)-Pan-t*o-ka, a Lohan, 1898, 343.
Chu-fan-chih, 1896, 58, 477.
date, 1896, 62.
source of knowledge on Oriental sea-trade, 1896, 60
et seq.
Chuha Shah Daula, 1896, 574.
Chu-lien = Orissa, Chinese account of, 1896, 489.
Chulikata tribe, 1902, 127.
Chung, Khamti deity, 1895, 159.
Chupan, Amir, 1902, 734.
Chutia Nagpore, 1899, 331 et seq.
ChwangChi, 1895, 78.
Chwang of Ch'u, King, 1893, 806.
Chwang-tsze, 1893, 799.
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Google
40 CIL — COM.
Cilicia, 1902, 262.
Cinas, 1900, 539.
Cinder-mounds, 1900, 402.
ofBellary, 1899, I.
at Budigunta, 1899, 3.
at Nimbapuram, 1899, 3.
Circesium, 1902, 265.
Cleopatra, 1897, 499.
Cobham (C. D.), The Story of TJmm Har&m, 1897, 81.
Cobinan, 1902, 533.
Cochin, Mahuan's account of, 1896, 341.
Cockburn (J.), Cave Drawings in the Kaimur Range,
N.W.P., 1899, 89,
Codrington (Dr. 0.), Catalogue of Arabic, Persian, Hindu-
stani, and Turkish MSS. in R.A.S. Library, 1892, 501
et seq.
Coin-legend of Graeco-Indian king Hermaeus, 1897, 319.
Coinage, Early Chinese, 189S, 317.
of Mahaksatrapas and Ksatrapas of Surastra and
Malava, 1899, 357.
Private, in Babylon and India, 1898, 277-281.
Coins and seals (Indian), 1901, 97.
counter-marks on early Persian and Indian coins,
189s, 865.
Gomitra, 1894, 554.
Northern Kshatrapas, 1894, 547.
of Acyuta, 1897, 420.
of Ceylon, 1891, 696.
of the Guptas, 1889, 1.
of the Pathan Sultans of Dehli, 1900, 481.
— of the Western Kshatrapas of India, 1890, 639.
plated,. 1893, 140.
Ramadatta, 1894, 553.
Vishnumitra, 1894, 554.
Colaganga, a Cola king, 1901, 88.
Colonia, 1902, 261.
Comana, 1902, 260.
Commerce, commencement, 1898, 242.
Early, between India and Babylon, 1899, 432.
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COM — CUN. 41
•Commerce of Babylon with India, 1898, 241.
Communal village, Pre- Aryan, in India, 1899, 329.
Comparative Vocabulary of Malayan Dialects, 1902, 657.
Conch, 1892, 163.
Conder (Major C. R.), Lycian Languages, 1891, 607;
Dnsratta's Hittite Letter, 1892, 711 ; Notes on the Hittite
Writing, 1893, 823; Notes on Akkadian, 855.
Congress of Religions, 1899, 734.
of the History of Religions, Paris, 1900, 402.
Constantine VII, Emperor, 1897, 35.
Constellation-figures, Ancient northern, 1897, 205 et seq.
Contemplation stone, 1894, 664.
Copper-plate Sinhalese grants in the British Museum, 1895,
639.
Coptic Church, Nile festivals, 1896, 692.
version of the New Testament, 1898, 922.
Corbet (E. K.), History of Mosque of Amr in Old Cairo,
1890, 759; Life and Works of Ahmad ibn Tuliin, 1891,
527.
Oorea, introduction of Buddhism, 1895, 505.
writing, printing, and alphabet, 1895, 505.
Cornucopiae on gold Gupta coins, 1889, 25.
Coronation Banquet, supplement to July Journal, 1902.
Counter-marks on early Persian and Indian coins, 1895, 865.
Cowell (E.), Cataka, 1891, 599.
Cowley (A. E.), Judaeo-Persian Document from Khotan,
1903, 735.
Creation story, new version, 1891, 393.
(Jreshthi Jataka, 1 893, 318.
Croats, 1889, 789.
Ctesiphon, 1895, 3.
Cuddabodhi Jataka, 1893, 319.
CuUa-Paduma- Jataka, 1898, 375.
Modern parallel to, 1897, 855.
Cuneiform, 1893, 833 et seq.
inscriptions, 1 89 1, 145.
inscriptions of Van, 1893, 1 ; 1894, 691 ; 1900, 798.
texts, 1892, 337.
Cunningham (Sir A,), obituary, 1894, 166.
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42 CUP — DAM.
Cup-marks, 1903, 823, 827.
as an archaic form of inscription, 1903, 517.
Evidence of, in Neolithic monuments, 1890, 727.
Oust (M. E. v.), Oriental Congress, Tenth Report, 1895, 191.
(R. N.), Indian Scholars, 1892, 426 ; Notes on African
Philology, 1894, 651; Chuha Shah Daula, 1896, 574;
Philology Notes for 1896, 802 ; Origin of the Phenician
and Indian Alphabets, 1897, 49; Survey of Languages and
Dialects of certain portions of British India, 1 898, 35 ;
Language of Som&li-land, 95; Panjab Notes for 1898^
1899, 208; Pictographs, 209.
Cypresses, at Faraghah, 1902, 519 ; at Kishmar, 534.
Cypriote syllabary, 1893, 831.
in use with Carians, 1893, 831.
in use with Greeks, 1893, 831.
Cyprus, 1894, 860.
Cyrus, Tomb of, 1902, 527, 764.
Dadhikra, 1893, 439, 471.
Dadhikravan, 1893, 437, 439, 471.
Dadhin, 1902, 517.
Daflas, 1902, 127 ; their dialect, 128.
Dah, 1902, 762.
Dahaka, 1893, 484, 486.
Dahan-i-ShIr, 1902, 758.
Dahand, 1902, 753.
Dahr river, 1902, 735.
al-Dailami, Abu Mansur, 1902, 78.
Daitya race, 1890, 424.
Daivaputra, king, 1897, 90
Dakhan villages, origin and development, 1897, 239 et seq.
Dakhinabadcs or the Dekkan, 1901, 538.
Dakfik, 1902, 73.
Dalljan, 1902, 243.
ad-Daliya city, 1895, 47, 52.
Dam, Value of, 1896, 513.
Dam Daran, 1902, 524.
Damaghsada, 1 899, 374 et seq.
Digitized by
Google
DAM — DAK. 43
DamajadaSri, 1899, 358 et seq.
Daixiamuka sutra, 1901, 447.
Damana, king of Era^dapalla, 1897, 871 ; 1898, 369.
Damascus, great mosque, 1897, 335 et seq.
Seljukite inscriptions, 1897, 335.
Damasena, 1899, 358 et seq.
Damavand, 1902, 240, 745.
Dame the tortoise, 1 899, 330.
Daaighan, 1902, 745, 753.
Damlghu'l-Shaitan, 1902, 355.
Danava race, 1 890, 424.
Dandan-TJiliq, Discoveries at, 1 903, 744.
Bemains at, 1901, 297.
the ancient Taklamakan, 1 901, 296.
Dandin, Alankara writer, 1897, 284.
■ Mrcchakatika ascribed to, 1897, 284.
Danes at Tranquebar and Serarapore, 1898, 625.
Daniel, Tomb of, 1902, 514.
Danti, Ignazio, 1903, 677.
Danto-loka, mountain, 1896, 673.
Dappula V of Ceylon, Inscription of, 1902, 425.
Daqiqi, Persian poet, 1900, 750.
Darabjird, 1902, 529, 763.
Darah, post stage, 1902, 757.
Darah Oastle, 1902, 535.
Danik, 1902, 516.
Daravard, 1902, 251.
Darband Taj Khatun, 1902, 511.
Zangi, 1902, 511.
Darband-i-Khallfah, 1902, 70.
Dardasht, 1902, 239.
Dardura mountain, 1894, 262.
Darghan, 1902, 743, 758.
Darguzin, 1902, 247.
Dariyan, 1902, 764.
Darjan or Darkhan, 1902, 534.
Darkan, 1902, 528, 763.
Darkhid or Darkhuwayd river and lake, 1 902, 626.
Darmaraz, 1902, 250.
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44 BAR — DAV.
Darmesteter (J.), obituary, 1895, ^l^*
Darrah-Farujay, 1902, 760.
Darrah-Gaz, 1902, 744.
Daruk, 1902, 762.
Dasagvas, 1893, 443.
Da^akamaracarita of Dandin, 1897, 284.
Da^ratha, 1899, 521.
Dashlu, 1902, 763.
Dasht Abad, 1902, 513.
Arzln, 1902, 526, 763.
Barin, 1902, 523.
Run or Ravan, 1902, 521, 626, 761.
Dasht-i-Biyad, 1902, 534.
Daskarah or Dastglr, 1902, 514.
Dastagird, 1902, 754.
Dasyus, 1891, 374; 1893, 237; 1894, 664.
Datta Devi, Queen of Samudra Gupta, 1889, 6.
Da'ud, 1902, 862.
Daud Khan. 1903, 731.
Daughter's Pass, 1902, 763.
Dav, 1902, 735.
Davaka, Kingdom of, 1897, 29, 879.
Davan, 1902, 517.
Dayand, 1902, 251.
Davids (T. W. Rhys), Fa Hien's Fire Limit, 1891, 337;
Buddha's Residences, 339 ; Sects of Buddhists, 409 ;
Guhasena, Nagasena, 476; Oeylon Embassy to Egypt,
479; Schools of Buddhist Belief, 1892, 1; Aritthaka
Stone, 1895, 893 ; Angana, 1898, 191 ; Indian Sects in the
time of Buddha, 197 ; ' Water' in Sinhalese, 198 ; Shape
of Indian Letters, 228 ; Sambodhi, 619 ; Asoka's Bhabra
Edict, 639 ; Theory of * Soul ' in the TJpanishads, 1899, 71 ;
Gosinga Eharosthi MS., 426; Early Commerce between
India and Babylon, 432 ; discovers new fragment of
Piyadasi's thirteenth edict, 1900, 335 ; Asoka and the
Buddha-relics, 1901, 397-410 ; The Last to go Forth, 889;
Metrical Prose in Indian Literature, 1903, 825.
Davids (Mrs. T. W. Rhys), Will in Buddhism, 1898, 47; Notes
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PAW — DEV. 46
on Early Economic Conditions in Northern India, 1901^
859 ; Soul-Theory in Buddhism, 1903, 587.
Dawanik Rubat, 1902, 761.
Dawlatabad, 1902, 244.
Dawlatshah, Sources of, 1899, 37.
Dawlatshah's Lives of the Persian Poets, 1897, 943.
Dayah, 1902, 756.
Daybul, 1902, 762.
Daylam, 1902, 241.
Dayr Kharran, 1902, 761.
Dayr Kunna city, 1895, 33, 41.
Dayr Kiishid, 1902, 523.
Dayr-al-'Akul, 1895, 33, 41 ; 1902, 70, 750.
Dayr-al-'Ummal, 1895, 33, 46; 1902, 750.
Dazakb-rud, 1902, 252.
Deane (Major), Notes on TJdyana and Gandhara, 1896, 655 ;
Discoveries in Swat Valley, 1898, 460.
Deane's (Major) inscriptions from TJdyana, 1899, 895.
Debi or Durga, Khamti deity, 1895, 159.
Debiprasad (Munshi), Jodhpur Inscription of the Pratihara
Bauka, 1894, 1; Ghatayala Inscription of the Pratihara
Kakkuka of Sara vat 918, 1895, 513.
Dede Mohammad, darvish, 1896, 328.
Delhi, iron pillar, account of its setting up at Mathura and
removal to Delhi, 1897, 1-18.
Demeter, Adaptation of effigy of, on gold Gupta coins, 1889,
24, note 1.
Demetrius, king of the Abkhuz, 1902, 791.
Demon worship in India, 1899, 241.
Deodhais, old Ahora priests, 1895, 1^9.
Desert, The Great, 1902, 532.
Deussen (Professor), his "Translation of the TJpanishads,"
1896, 801.
Deva, Malwa king, 1903, 562.
Devadaha, 1898, 547.
Devagupta, 1903, 561.
Devanagarl, earliest occurrence in printed books, 1900, 350.
" Devanampiya," title of Kings Piyadasi, Dasaratha, and
Tissa, 1 90 1, 485.
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Google
46 DEV — ^DIG.
"Devanampiya," Translation of, 1901, 577, 930.
Devapi and Qantanu, Legend of, 1894, 22.
in the Mahabharata, 1894, 27.
in Puranas, 1894, 27.
Devarastra, perhaps Deogiri, 1897, 874.
Deveh Boyun, 1902, 740.
Devi identified with the Naginis, 1891, 362.
Dewali festival, 1899, 346.
Dewan of al Mutnabbee, 1889, 650.
Dhahabi, 1902, 800.
Dhahiru'd-dia-Faryab, Persian poet, 1900, 760.
Dhahiru'd-Din Nishapiiri, 1902, 582.
Dhamma Sangani, 1903, 589.
Dhammacheti, 1893, 158.
Dhammadinna, 1893, 560 et seq.
Dhamma-gutta, Dhera, 1901, 893.
Dhammakitti, 1896, 200.
Dhammapada, 1893, 168.
Dhammapada-Atthakatha, 1898, 745 et seq.
Dhanariijaya of Kusthalapura, 1897, 874.
Dhar iron pillar, 1898, 143.
Dharma Sastras, 1896, 371.
Dharmakirti, 1902, 366.
Dharmakrama, Chinese Buddhist, 1903, 369.
Dharmai§oka, 1901, 856.
Council. 1901, 851.
Dhritarashtra, a phallic god, 1890, 577.
Dhruva Devi, Queen of Chandra Gupta II, 1889, 6.
Dhruvasena I, Valabhi copper-plate inscription, 1895, 379.
Dhulu, 1902, 259.
Dhuspas, City of, 1893, 10 et seq.
Diable Boiteux and story of Solomon, 1892, 41.
Dlbali festival, 1899, 346.
Di'bil and Abu Nuwas, 1902, 817.
Dice in India, 1898, 120.
Dickins (F. V.), Statue of Amida the Niorai in the Musie
Cemuschi, 1903, 433 ; Far East, 577.
Digaru tribe, 1902, 127.
Dignaga, 1 902, 366.
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DIH — ^DIT. 47
Dih 'All, 1902, 523.
Bad, 1902, 754, 766.
Chah, 1902, 764.
Qanj, 1902, 756.
Girdu, 1902, 521, 761.
Qurg, 1902, 762.
IstahanI, 1902, 759.
Jawz, 1902, 76.
Khatun, 1902, 763.
Khusru, 1902, 756.
Khwarkan, 1902, 253.
Murd, 1902, 521, 756.
Namak, 1902, 753.
Pahand, 1902, 753.
Sakri, 1902, 758.
Shir, 1902, 764.
Sultan, 1902, 763.
Zarduk, 1902, 758.
Dihistan (Badghis), 1902, 737.
(Jurjan), 1902, 743, 744, 765.
Dijla, Arab name for Tigris, 1895, ^4.
al-'Awra, description, 1895, 299.
Dikshit (S. B.), obituary, 1898, 708.
Dlku'1-Jinn, 1902, 831.
Dillmann (A.), Obituary of, 1895, 448.
Dimapur, 1897, 423, 439, 623, 641.
Dinar, a gold Gupta coin, 1889, 24, 43.
mountain, 1902, 526.
Dinavar, 1902, 511.
Dlnawari, 1900, 195.
Dinnara, Worth of the EaSmirian, 1900, 193.
Dipahkara Buddhappiya, 1901, 90.
Dirbll, 1902, 511.
Divani Shams i Tabriz, Poem from, 1900, 140.
Divodasa, 1 899, 308.
Dlv-rud, 1902, 530.
Dlw&ns of the Arabic tribes, 1897, 325.
Diya-al-Mulk, Bridge, 1902, 253.
Diyar Bakr, province and town, 1895, 34.
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48 DIY — ^Dua.
Diyar Bakr and Diyar Rabi'ah, 1902, 263, 801.
Modar, 1902, 801.
Rabi'a, 1902, 801.
Diz Abraj (or Iraj), 1902, 519.
Bahman, 1902, 250.
Gumbadhan, 1902, 745.
Hind, 1902, 764.
Kal'at, 1902, 525.
river and DizfiU, 1902, 246, 512, 514.
Ruyin, 1902, 250.
Zar, 1902, 735.
Diz-i-Siyah, 1902, 246.
Dizbad, 1902, 734.
Dizbil, 1902, 511.
Dizkuh Castle, 1902, 606.
Dizmar, 1902, 253.
Djurtchen of Mandshuria, their name, language, and litera-
ture, 1889, 433.
Doanias, Assamese tribe, 1895, 1^1.
Dog, Sacrifice of, 1890, 440.
D'Oldenburg (Dr. S.), Nepalese MS., 1891, 687; On the
Buddhist Jatakas, 1893, 301; Buddhist Sources of ike
(Old Slav.) Legend of Twelve Dreams of Shahaish, 509.
Dosadhs, 1893, 245.
Dragon Lake, 1896, 661.
Dra vidian speech, its limit in India, 1899, ^^O*
Dra vidians of India came from the West, 1898, 249.
religion, 1889, 188 ; characteristics, 533 ; tribal
government, 569 et seq. ; and Ural Altaic, 584 ; and
Finns, 584; totemism amongst, 1890, 336.
Drona, the Brahman who divided Buddha's remains, 1901^
398.
Drsadvati, 1899, 312.
Druhyu, 1899, 308, 311.
Druhyus, 1889, 269.
Druj, 1902, 904.
Dsan-lun, Tibetan work, 1901, 447.
Du Danik, 1902, 513.
Du Gumbadhan, 1902, 523, 765.
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DUA — ^BLM. 49
Duarte Barbosa visits Yijayanagar, 1899, 10.
Dubois, Abb^, 1896, 798.
Dudda, sister of Dhruvasena I, 1895, 380.
Duff (C. Mabel), Chronology of the later Andhrabhntyas,
1893, 613.
Dujayl, canal, 1895, 5, 68; 1902, 70.
river, 1895, 3, 311.
■ or Earun river, 1902, 512.
Duka (Th.), Ugor BraQch of Ural-Altaic Langaages, 1889,
583.
Dunsun, 1902, 751.
Durga identified with Naginis, 1891, 362.
Durga or Debi, £hamti deity, 1895, 159.
Dusratta's Hittite letter, 1892, 711.
Dutangada of Subhata, 1898, 229.
Dutt (J. 0.), Atlas of Ancient India, 1902, 956.
Dvita, 1893, 421, 426, 463, 464, 466, 473, 475, 478, 479,
480, 488.
Dya Dviveda, author of Niti-maujari, 19CX), 127-130.
Dyebayli vocabulary, 1893, 669.
Dyu, 1893, 420, 428, 465, 488.
Early documents in the Persian language, 1903, 761.
records anterior to alphabets, 1890, 697.
Ecbatana, Northern, 1902, 242.
see Hamadan, 1902.
Economic conditions in Northern India, 1901, 859.
Ed Dakha'ir wa 't Tuhaf, 1902, 124.
Eden, Garden of, 1889, 561.
Edessa, 1902, 265.
Egypt, Arabic inscriptions in, 1895, 827.
history under the Fatimites, 1902, 105.
Egyptian Moon-god, 1889, ^41; antiquities, 1892, 167.
El-Harth tribe, 1895, 399.
El Kindi, 1902, 123.
El Maqrlzi, list of writers, books, etc., mentioned in the
Khitat. 1902, 103.
authorities for his work, 1902, 108.
d
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50
ELM — ^ETH.
El Mas'udi, 1902, 123.
El Musabbihi, 1902, 124.
El Qadi'l FSdil, 1902, 125.
El Qairarani, 1902, 124.
El Qarafat el Kubra, 1903, 811.
El Quda'i, 1902, 124.
Elaya Raja, 1900, 764.
Elias (Ney), An Apocryphal Inscription in Khorasan, 1896,
767; Notice of an Inscription at Turbat - i - Jam in
Khorasan, 1897, 47; Reply to Mr. Beveridge's Note on
the Panjraana Inscription, 111.
Elizabetpol, 1902, 256.
Elohe HaSamaim is Dev&, 1903, 833.
Elphinstone MS. of Babar's Memoirs, 1900, 451.
Elvend mountain, 1902, 246, 748.
Elwand Shah, 1902, 890.
Embassy from Ceylon to Egypt, 1891, 479.
Emotional religion in Islam as affected by music and singing,
1901, 195, 705; 1902, 1-28.
End of the worid, I9(X), 794.
Endogamy, 1893, 243.
Enoch, Book of, 190 1, 116.
Epigraphic discoveries in Mysore, 1895, 900.
Epigraphical discoveries in Mathura, 1896, 578.
Epigraphy, Indian, 1895, 653.
Eran, ancient cast coin, 1900, 108.
in Sagar district of Central Provinces, Inscription of
Budha Gupta at, 1889, 8, 53.
Erandapalla, 1897, 871.
identified as Erandol, 1898, 369.
Erenjag, 1902, 253.
Erpenius, 1894, 417.
MSS. of, 1894, 418 et seq.
Erzeroum, 1895, 48.
Erzerura, 1902, 259, 761.
Esth, Est, or Eesti tribe, 1889, 588.
bibliography, 1889, 641.
Etbai, Derivation of, 1892, 812.
Ethics, Psychological basis of Buddhist, 1894, 321.
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ETH — PAL. 51
Ethiopio collection of proyerbs, igoo» 312.
Etymological vocabulary of the Maldivian language, 1902,
909.
Eukratides, date, 1903, 48.
Euphrates, 1895, 4; 1902, 66.
affluents, 1895, 53.
canals, 1895, 255.
canals from and to, 1895, 68 et seq.
course, 1895, 2.
— — source, 1895, ^6.
streams flowing into affluents, 1895, 62 et seq.
Exodus, 1901, 33-67.
Date of, 1901, 42.
Pharaoh of, 1901, 34, 38, 64.
Exogamy, 1893, 243.
Ezells, 1889, 505.
Faghan, 1902, 253.
Fa Hian, 1901, 403.
Fa-hian's lineal measures, 1903, 65 et seq.
Fa-Hien, 1903, 368.
Fa Hien's fire limit, 1891, 337; mentions Naga temple, 387.
Fa-hien's itinerary, 1902, 145.
Fakhia of EOshan, Persian poet, 190 1, 9.
Fakhr-ad-Din, king of Hurmuz, 1902, 531.
Fakhr al-Mulk, 1902, 290.
vizier, 1901, 763.
Fakhri of Isfahan, Persian poet, 1901, 9.
Fakhristan and Fakhr-ad-Dawlah, 1902, 520.
Fakhru'd Dawla the Buwayhid, 1901, 666.
Fakhru*d Din, Persian poet, 1901, 10.
Fakhru'd-Din BalkhT, 1902, 579.
Fakhru'd-Din Fathu'llah, Persian poet, 1901, 1.
Fakhru'd-Din of Gurgan, Persian poet, 1901, 8.
Fakhru'ddin EazI, 1899, 424, 669.
Fakhru-ddln RazI, Persian MS. attributed to, 1899, 17.
Falak-al-Ma'anI, 1902, 289.
FalakI of Shirwau, Persian poet, 190 1, 8.
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62 FAL — ^FAZ.
Falconry, Antiquity of Eastern, 1896, 793 ; 1897, 117.
Fall, 1902, 520, 626.
Fam-as-Silh, 1902, 750.
city, 1895,33, 44.
Fa-na-p'o-88d, a Lohan, 1898, 342.
Far East, 1903, 425, 576-7, 657-8.
Farab (Otrar), 1902, 739.
Faraghah, 1902, 519.
Farah, and bridge of, 1902, 534, 757.
Farahan, 1902, 244.
Faramurz, 1902, 751.
Farashah, 1902, 750.
Faravah, 1902, 742, 755.
Farhadan, 1902, 743.
Farld-i-Eatib, poet, 1902, 851.
Farfdun, 1902, 530.
the ancient Sir j an, 190 1, 289.
Farlfin, 1902, 239.
Fans, 1902, 534.
Farisjin, 1902, 241, 762.
Farlvar, 1902, 246.
Fariyumad, 1902, 735.
Farkhak river, 1902, 736.
Farrukhi, Persian poet, 1901, 8.
Fars, 1901, 285; 1902, 516.
FarSjay, Darrah, 1902, 760.
Faruk, 1902, 764.
Faruth, 1902, 750.
al-Fariith city, 1895, 33, 45.
Faryab District (Fars), 1902, 762.
(Juzjan), 1902, 738, 739, 754.
Farzin, 1902, 244.
Fasa, 1902, 522, 529, 763.
Fa-sb^-Io-fuh-to-lo, a Lohan, 1898, 338.
Father and mother worship in Western Asia and Europe,
1890, 395 et seq.
Fatimy Caliph Al-Hakim, 1891, 538.
FausboII (V.), Setebhissara, 1895, 432.
Faz, 1902, 757.
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FEE — FLE* 53
F^r (L.), Aritthaka Stone, 1896, 199 ; obituary, 1902, 726.
FSng, 1894, 273.
Ferguson (D.), Rosaries in Ceylonese Buddhism, 1897, 419;
Pedro Teixeira, 933; * Water' in Sinhalese, 1898, 367;
Palk's Bay and Strait, 377 ; Settlement of Danes at
Tranquebar and Serampore, 625 ; Pedro Teixeira on the
Veddas of Ceylon, 1899, 133; 'Water' in Sinhalese,
1901, 119.
Festival, Pongol, 1889, 581.
Fa, 1902, 742.
Finance regulations in Tibet, 1891, 7.
Finn (A.), Teimouris, 1893, 871.
Finn bibliography, 1889, 639 ; languages, 585 ; and
Dravidian, 584; Ugor languages, 586; Ugor philosophy,
631.
Firab or Firabr, 1902, 739.
Firdaus the minstrel, Persian poetess, 1901, 31.
Firdausi, Persian poet, 1901, 7.
Fire-god, 1889, 545.
Fire- temple (Hindu) at Baku, 1897, 311.
Jawala Mukhi, 1897, 311, 316.
Fire temples, 1902, 510, 523, 534, 736.
Firoz Shah III, coins, 1900, 488.
Firrim, 1902, 745.
FiruzShah, 1896,251.
Firuzabad (Jur), 1902, 517, 762.
(Khalkhal), 1902, 250.
(Shirvan), 1902, 256.
(Tarum), 1902, 243.
(Turshiz), 1902, 534.
Flruzan, 1902, 239.
Firuzkubad, 1902, 256.
FiriizkGh (Gur), 1902, 535, 738.
(Kumis), 1902, 745.
Firyab or Faryab (Juzjan), 1902, 739.
Fleet (J. F.), Determined Initial Date of Gupta Era, 1889,
5 ; Letter from, respecting Professor Peterson's article,
"Panini, Poet and Grammarian," 1893, 396; Conquests
of Samudragupta, 1898, 369; Tagara, Ter, 1901, 637;
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64 FLE — GAN.
A hitherto unrecognised Kushan King, 1903, 325; The
Sahasram, Rupnath, etc., Edict of Asoka, 829; obituary of
Sir J. M. Campbell, 651.
Fleur de lis derived from Trisula, 1890, 310.
Flood, Story of, in India, 1890, 751.
Floyer (E. A.), Mines of the Northern Etbai or of Northern
-Ethiopia, 1892, 811.
Foley (C. A.), Vedalla Sutta, 1894, 321; Wheel of Life, 388.
Forg or Furj, 1902, 529, 763.
Forgeries of coins at Kanauj, 1889, 104.
Forlong (Gen. J. G. R.), Bud, Bad-a-r, and Madra, 1895,
203.
"Fortunate Union," 1893, 805.
Foulkes (Rev. T.), Early Pallavas of Kanchipura, 1889, 1111.
Fountain of Life, 1902, 256.
Franks and Avars, 1889, 731.
Eraser (James), Note on, 1899, 214.
Frashaoshtra, 1899, 285.
Frat, branch of Euphrates, 1895, 47.
Fuhrer (A.), Who found Buddha's Birthplace? 1898, 199.
Fuhsi, 1894, 271.
Fill, 1902, 526.
Fulad, 1902, 247.
Fumin, 1902, 746.
Furzuk, 1902, 525, 765.
FGshanj, 1902, 736, 756.
Fustat, History of, 1902, 104.
or Misr, 1903, 794.
Gabelentz (Professor G. von der), obituary, 1894, 166.
Gabri dialect of Persia, 1897, 103.
Qadhi, 1899, 314.
Gadiv-rud, 1902, 252.
Gahs, 1890, 559.
Gaja or iron scourge used by Naga worshippers, 1901, 463.
Garni *al *Askar mosque, 1891, 527.
Ganapati Naga, 1897, 28, 875.
Ganbah, Gannabah, or Gandab, 1902, 525.
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GAN — GAW. 66
Gandhara, 1896, 655; 1899,900.
Gandhari, 1889, 293.
Gandharian art, 1 903, 52-55.
Gandharva, 1893, 437, 438.
Gandhi (Virchand R), The Jains, 1895, 679.
Ganesa in the Mahabharata, 1898, 381, 631.
Gangakrtyaviveka, 1898, 232.
Ganj, Dih, 1902, 755.
Ganjabad, 1902, 754.
Ganjah, 1902, 256, 759.
Garikepad stupa, 1895, 629.
Garm-rud (Miyanij), 1902, 251.
(Ray), 1902, 240.
Garuda, 1901, 464, 465.
enemy of the Nagas, 189 1, 369.
ensign of Krishna, 1891, 370.
in Mahabharata, 1891, 370.
on gold and copper Gupta coins, 1889, 16, 23; 1891, 344.
Garwi, 1894, 683.
Garwl, dialect, 1900, 502.
Gaster (Dr. M.), Hebrew Visions of Hell and Paradise, 1893,
571 ; Patacara and its Parallels, 869 ; Nigrodha-miga-
Jataka and the Life of St. Eustathius Placidus, 1894, 335 ;
"The Sword of Moses," 1896, 149; Hebrew Romance of
Alexander, 1897, 485; Contributions to the History of
Ahikar and Nadan, 1900, 301 ; " The Twelve Dreams of
Sehachi," 623 ; Logos Ebraikos in the Magical Papyrus
of Paris and the Book of Enoch, 1901, 109.
Gathas, 1899, 272 et seq.
Gaurjara Apabhraih^, 1902, 537.
Gautama, derivation of name, 1893, 238.
Gavbarl, 1902, 254.
Gavdul, 1902, 252.
GavkhanI swamp, 1902, 239.
Gav-Ehwanl swamp of Isfahan, 1901, 427.
Gavmasa or Gavmaha river, 1902, 241, 247.
Gawar-bati, the Gawar language, 1900, 506.
Gawars, igoo, 506.
Gawashir, capital of Eirman, 1901, 281.
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56 QAW — GHA.
Oawashir identified as the modem city of Kirman, 1 90 1, 282.
Oaya, Forged inscription of Samudra Gupta from, 1889, 7,
note 1.
temple, 1894, 860.
Qayal,a boyine animal referred to in Chinese Milinda, 1 897,235.
Oayomart, the primeval man, 1899, ^^^'
Gazbini river, 1902, 755.
Geiger (W.), Archaeological Survey of Ceylon and its Work,
1898, 11 ; Etymological Vocabulary of the Maldivian
Language, 1902, 909.
Gelug-pa sect of Lamas, 1 894, 265.
General meetings, 1889. 180, 461, 693; 1890, 205, 494,
666; 1891, 161, 347, 485; 1892, 143, 381; 1893, 397,
621; 1894, 391, 577; 1895, 439, 667; 1896, 207, 365,
583; 1897, 121, 435, 673; 1898, 211, 453, 663; 1899,
197, 471, 699 ; 1900, 167, 581 ; 1901, 187, 861, 619 ;
1902, 697 ; 1903, 237, 417, 621.
Genesis, Genealogies in, 1890, 581.
Geography of Indo-China, 1897, 569.
of the Kandahdr inscription, 1898, 795.
of Rama's exile, 1894, 231.
Geok Teppe, Description of, 189 1, 680.
Georgia, 1902, 257, 788.
Georgian version of the story of the loves of Vis and Bamin,
1902, 493.
Georgievsky (Professor S. M.), obituary, 1894, 165.
Gerini (Lieut.-Colonel), Early Geography of Indo-China,
1897, 553; A Malay Coin, 1903, 339.
Gerrha, centre of trade between Chaldaeans and India, 1898,
247.
Gesta Romanorum and story of proud king, 1892, 40.
Ghajdiwan battle, 1902, 895.
Ghantasala stupa, 1895, 629; 1898, 583.
Gharj and Gharjistan, 1902, 738.
Ghark, 1902, 759.
Ghasamotika, 1899, 370.
Ghatayala inscription of the Pratihara Eakkuka, 1895, ^13.
Ghatotkacha, Maharaja, Name of, 1889, 6, note 2 ; probably
did not issue coin, 9, 75.
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GHA — GOL. 57
<Jhaznah or Ghaznayn, 1902, 636.
al-OhazzalT, Emotional Religion in Islam, translation of Ihya
*Ulum ad- Din, 1901, 195; 1902, 1-28.
Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlak, Coins of, 1900, 486, 774.
Ghordghat, 1898, 797.
Ghoriclan, 1896, 663.
Ghosaka, Story of the merchant, 1898, 741.
Ghufran, 1902, 75, 337, 813.
contents, 1902, 80.
Ghur, 1902, 534, 536.
Ghurah or Ghuraj, 1902, 736.
Qhurdijan, 1902, 523.
Ghuriyan, 1902, 736, 756.
Ohuzz tribe, 1902, 852.
•Gibb Memorial Fund, 1903, 250.
GU wa Gllan, 1902, 72, 749.
Gilan, 1902, 746.
Gilgit valley, Language of, 1900, 502.
Giluyah mountain, 1902, 523.
Girdkuh, 1902, 745.
Girdlakh, 1902, 246.
Girnar, new fragment of Piyadasi's thirteenth edict, 1900, 335.
edicts, writing, 1 90 1, 303.
Gitavali, 1903, 450, 452.
Glasgow Hunterian Library Catalogue of Oriental MSS.,
1899, 739.
Gnosticism, 1902, 377.
Jewish, 1902, 382.
Goa (villages) in the early sixteenth century, 1900, 261.
Goga Chohan, 1893, 52.
Goghonia, 1902, 261.
Gold medal, 1897, 707, 949; 1898, 457; 1899,735, 921;
19CX), 173, 403, 615, 809, 817.
meeting (Cowell), 1898. 684.
subscriptions, 1898, 709, 925.
Gold Mountain, 1902, 745.
Golden mosque at Lahore, 1901, 309.
temples of N. India, 1901, 309.
Goldziher (I.), Notes on the Diw&ns of the Arabic Tribes,
1897, 325.
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^® GOM— GRI.
"\
Gomati river, 1894, 235.
Gombroon, 1902, 763.
Gomitra, Coins of, 1894, 554.
Gondophares, 1903, 40.
Coin of, 1903, 285.
Gonds, 1899, 330.
organization of country, 1893, 290.
Tree-god of, 1893, 285.
— — Village organization amongst, 189^, 288
"Good Mate, The,'' ,893, 805.
Gopalpura, 1903, 368.
Goptcha Lake inscriptions, 1893, L
Goshen, site identiEed by Naville, 1 901, 34.
Gosiuga Kharosthi MS.,"^ 1899, 426.
Gospel of Peter,' 1 893, 169.
Gotaraa in the Avesta, 1898, 391, 637.
Gouraians, 1894, 683.
Gowro, dialect of Indus-Kohistanl, 1900, 502.
Goyun, 1902; 765.
Qraeco- Buddhist art, 1899, 900.
sculptures, 1896, 622.
Graeco-Indian coinage, 1899, 358 et seq.
Grahavarman, Maukhari prince, 1903, 557.
Grammar, Theory of universal, 1899, 565.
Greek embassy to Baghdad in 917 a.d., 1897, 35.
influence on Indian art, 1899, 423.
inscription in Constantinople, 1897, 422.
legends, Corrupt, on silver Gupta coins, 1889, 28.
Greeks in India, 1894, 662.
Grehma, 1899, 285.
Grierson (G. A.), Sir M. Monier- Williams on TransHteration,
1890, 814; Stress-accent in Modern Indo- Aryan Ver-
naculars, 189s, 139; On the Languages spoken beyond the
JSorth- Western Frontier of India, 1900, 501; An old
Kuraauni Satire, 1901, 475 ; Note on the principal Eajas-
thani Dialects, 787; Vracada and Sindhi, 1902, 47;
Mugdhavabodhamauktika and its evidence as to Old
Gujarat!, 537; Sleeman's Py-khan— Kalidasa and the
Guptas, 1903, 363; Table of Languages in India, 426;
Tulasi Diisa, Poet and Religious Reformer, 447.
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GEO — GUN. 59
Growse (F. S.), obituary, 1893, 650.
Grumbates, 1897, 32.
Qubi, 1898, 244.
Gudea, king of Lagash, 1898, 243.
■■ the Accadian prince, 1893, 826.
The scale of, 1903, 274 et seq.
Gudivada stupa, 1895, 628.
Quest (A. R.), End of the World, 1900, 794 ; Description of
an Arabic MS. bought in Egypt 1898-1900, 1901, 91 ;
List of Writers, Books, and other Authorities mentioned
by El Maqrizi in his Khitat, 1902, 103.
Guest (A. R.) and E. T. Richmond, Misr in the Fifteenth
Century, 1903, 791.
Guha, 189s, 153.
connection with Naigameya, 1895, 154.
name of Skanda, 1895, 154.
Guhasena, 1891, 476.
Guiraudon (Captain Th. de), Notes on Berber Philology,
1893, 411; Dyebayli Vocabulary, from an unpublished
MS. A.D. 1831,669.
Gujarat!, Old, 1902, 537.
poems, 1892, 164.
Gujars, Notes concerning, 1896, 662.
GOkchah Tanglz, 1902, 262.
Gul Hisar, 1902, 258, 260.
Gulabad, 1902, 756.
Gulbadan Begam, 1900, 441.
GOlchah Nil, 1902, 250, 760.
Gulistan mountain, 1902, 254.
Gulpaygan, 1902, 243.
Gulshan mountain and lake, 1902, 735.
Gumru or Gumruk, 1902, 763, 764.
Gumti river, 1894, 235.
Gunabad (Badghls), 1902, 737.
(Kuhistan), 1902, 534.
Gunabhadra, 1903, 369.
Gunakara-perampalli Vihara, 1 90 1, 88.
Gunavarman, 1903, 369.
Gunbadh Mallaghan, 1902, 523, 765.
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60 GUP — HAD.
Gupta coinage, 1889, 1; authorities on, 57; bibliography
of, 57 ; Chandra, vase copper type of, 143 ; copper, list of
types of, 13 ; reverse device of, 16 ; catalogue of, 138 ;
rarity of, 51 ; Gupta dynasty, early or imperial, seven
princes of, 6 ; extent of empire of, 56 ; Gupta dynasty,
later, of Magadha, duration of, 8 ; Gupta era, a.d. 320—
321 was year 1 of, 6; gold, list of types of, 11; reverse
devices of, 13 ; catalogue of, 63 ; Gupta, Maharaja, pro-
genitor of Gupta dynasty, 5 ; probably did not issue coin,
9, 75 ; mints of, 50-55 ; noose or fillet on gold, 28 ;
obverse devices of, 16; reverse devices of, 16 ; silver, list
of types of, 13, 52 ; reverse devices of, 15 ; catalogue of,
119 ; mints of, 51 ; types of, 11 ; weight, of gold, 41 ; of
silver, 43; of copper, 44 ; of Persian coins, 119.
coinage, 1893, 77.
dynasty, synoptic table, 1893, 82-3.
era, commencement, 1893, 80.
Guptas, 1899, 318.
Gur-bum, 1901, 641.
Gurdon (Captain P. R.), The Khamtis, 1895, 157; Adwa-
kranta, near Ganhati, 19CX), 25 ; Atokastami Festival, 545.
Gurg, Dih, 1902, 762.
al-Gurgani, 1902, 496.
Gurgi, 1903, 583.
Gurjara tribes, 1899, 299.
Gurjistan, 1902, 257.
Gushtasfl, 1902, 255, 256.
Guwashir, 1902, 530.
Guzaran, 1902, 945.
Guzerat, Chinese account of, 1896, 487.
Guzida, Biographies of Persian poets from, 19CX), 721.
Hablba Banu, daughter of Aziz Koka, 1899, 100.
Hablb-us-Siyar, 1896, 249, 769, 785.
Habs, 1902, 525.
Hadath, Site of, 1896, 740.
Haddadah, 1902, 753.
al-Hadltha city, 1895, 33.
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HAD — HAM. 61
al-Hadltba city restored by Marv^an II, 1895, 85.
the Persian Nawkird, 1895, 35.
Hadltbah, on Euphrates, 1902, 70.
on Tigris, 1902, 264, 761.
al-Hadr city, 1895, 61.
Haechataspas, 1899, ^85.
Hafiz, 189s, 789.
Hafrak, 1902, 520, 764.
Hagamasba, 1894, 549.
Haihayahs, 1889, 265.
Haibayas, 1899, 311> 320, 333.
Hainan, description of island, 1896, 477.
Haio-bans in India, 1893, ^^l-
Haj city, 1902, 762.
Hajam mountain, 1902, 744.
Haji Mirza JanI, Lost work of, 1892, 441.
Hajib, Bubat, 1902, 761.
al-Hajjaj, Abu Ja'far, 1901, 750 et seq.
attacks Baghdad, 1901, 759.
Hajjaj ibD Yusuf, 1902, 530.
Hajji Kawwam, Wall of, 1902, 763.
Hakarmlsb, 1902, 749.
Hakra channel, 1893, 54.
Haks or fees, method of realizing in Dakhan village, 1897,.
260.
Halab, 1902, 800.
fd-Halabl, All b. Mansur b. Talib, 1900, 641.
Halam, 'Akabab, 1902, 740.
Halam, New, 1902, 755, 756.
al-Hallaj, 1902, 351, 833.
Hamadan, 1902, 246, 748, 749.
Hamadhan, 1902, 576.
Haman, 1902, 762.
Hamburg Congress of Orientalists, 1902, 964.
Hamd- Allah Mustawfi and Kirman, 1901, 281.
Haradabad, 1895, 259.
Hamdu'Uah Mustawfl of Qaswiu, 1899, 53; 1900, 72 L
Hamjan Eabrin, 1902, 518.
Hammamat, Inscriptions at, 1892, 831.
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62 HAM — HAR.
Hamsa Jataka, 1893, 319.
Hamahahrah, 1902, 254.
Han dynasty in China, 1893, 803.
Fei, 1893,799.
Ying, 1893, 799.
Hana, 1894, 531, 546.
Hangamabad (Armenia), 1902, 263.
(Badghis), 1902, 757.
Hani, 1902, 265.
Hanlf and Muslim, 1903, 771.
origin and import of name, 1903, 468.
Haoma, 1893, 481, 485 ; 1903, 496.
(Indian Soma), the first preparers, 1900, 611.
Two kinds of, 1893, 485.
Vision of, to Zara^gtra, 1903, 313.
Har, 1902, 759.
Har Paraurl, 1897, 471 ; 1898, 194.
Haram (Fars), 1902, 762.
mountain in Tabaristan, 1902, 744.
Harat (Fars), 1902, 521.
(Herat), 1902, 736, 756, 757.
Harba, 1902, 70.
Harbiyya, Canals of, 1895, 293.
-al-Harbukhti, Abu 'Abd Allah al-Husain b. Dustak, 1903
123.
Marwan b. Lakak, 1903, 123.
Hardy (E.), Story of the Merchant Ghosaka, 1898, 741;
Passage in the Bhabra Edict, 1901, 311; Sutra of the
Burden-bearer, 573; Bhabra Edict, 577; A Cambodjan
Mahavamsa, 1902, 171 ; Mara in the guise of Buddha, 951.
Haremheb, Egyptian king, 1901, 43, 44.
Haridas Sastri, 1893, 653.
Harm mountain, 1902, 246.
Harinegamesi, Jain deity, 1895, 155.
Harir, 1902, 520, 521.
Hari-rud, 1902, 736.
Harlez (C. de), Tathagata, 1899, 131.
Harmud, 1902, 518.
Hamai, 1894, 680.
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HAR — HEA. 63
Harran, 1902, 265.
Harsa Carita, 1903, 555.
two lists of words, 1 899, 485.
Harsadeva's Suprabhatastotra, 1 903, 703.
Harsha, Gupta princess, 1903, 557.
Harsha Deva of Malwa, Coins of, 1903, 547.
Vardhana, king of Kanauj, reigned from a.d. 606-7 to
A.D. 648, 1889, 8.
Vardhana of Kanauj, Coins of, 1903, 548.
Harsin, 1902, 512.
Harun Bughra Khan, 1898, 468.
Haruniyah, 1902, 750.
Harvard Oriental series, 1892, 164.
Hasan Bughra Khan, 1898, 471, 494.
Hasan Sabah, 1899, 137.
Hasanabad, 1902, 751.
Hasan-i-Sabbah, 1899, 409 et seq.
Hasht Bihisht, 1892, 685 et seq.
Hasht-rud, 1902, 251, 252.
Hasti Jataka, 1893, 324.
Hastinapura, 1899, 312.
Hastivarman of VengI, 1897, 872.
Hatshepson, sister of Thutmosis II, 1901, 43.
Hat-sheps-ut, Egyptian queen, 1898, 244.
her great expedition, 1898, 245.
Haudhah, chief of the Banu Hanlfah, 1903, 775.
Hawanit, 1902, 750.
al-HawanIt city, 1895, 33, 46.
Hawlzah, 1902, 513, 514.
Haydariyah, 1902, 241.
Haykal, 1902, 534.
Hay ton, the Armenian, 1900, 293; his Oriental history, 294.
Hayuara, 1894, 531, 546.
Hayvudin, 1902, 525.
Hazarasp, 1902, 740, 743, 758.
al-HazIra city, 1895, 33, 38.
manufactures, 1895, 38.
Heaven, Visions of, 1893, 571.
Heawood (E.), Ignazio Danti and his Maps, 1903, 834.
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64 HEB — ^HIN.
Hebrew magic, 1899, 200.
romance of Alexander, 1897, 485.
— — visions of Hell and Paradise, 1893, 571.
Heine and Persian poetry, 1903, 365.
Heliokles, 1903, 28.
Hell, Visions of, 1893, 671.
Helmund, 1902, 534.
Heraclitus and Zarathushtra, 1902, 897.
Logos of, 1902, 899.
Herat, 1902, 736, 756, 767.
Hermaeus, king, coin-legends, 1897, 319.
Hermes, myth, 1890, 444.
Herodotus on the Magians, 1890, 821.
Hewitt (J. F.), Notes on Early History of Northern India,.
1889, 187; Land of Four Rivers, 527; Essay on the
Pre-Vedic History of India and the Identity of Early
Mythologies of Europe and Asia, founded on a study of
the £rahmanas and of sacrificial observers, 1890, 319;
Succession of the Hindu Priesthood, Bhrigus, Angiras,
and Atharvans, and the historical evidence thence derived,
527; Historical Value, Origin, and Growth of Early
Methods of Record anterior to Alphabets, 697 ; Tribes
and Castes of Bengal by H. H. Risley, 1893, 237;
Communal Origin of Indian Land Tenure, 1897, 628;
Pre- Aryan Communal Village in India and Europe, 1899^
329.
Hibat Allah Ibn Musa, 1902, 289.
Hien-yii-Ching, 1901, 447.
Hierapolis, or Bambyce, 1 903, 666.
Hik-Shasu, 1901, »38.
Hilal as-Sabi, adopted Islamism, 1 901, 508.
career, 1901, 504.
Fragment of the History of, 1901, 501.
list of works, 1901, 505.
quoted by many authors, 1901, 506.
HiUah, 1902, 70, 750.
Hinayana, 1899, 422.
and Mahay ana, 1900, 29-42.
sects, TibetAn notices of, 1892, 5.
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HIN — HIS. 65
Hinayanists and Mahavamsa, 1 891, 417.
Hindarabi Island, 1902, 527.
HindTjan, 1902, 525.
Hmdiyya canal, 1895, 4.
Hind-rud, 1902, 247.
Hindu astronomy, 1893, 717.
based on that of Alexandrian Greeks, 1893, 718.
division of day, 1893, 725.
eclipses, 1893, 729.
Knowledge of, came through Siam, 1893, 722.
moon's sidereal revolution, 1893, 752.
nakshatras, 1893, 753.
planetary names of days, 1 893, 725.
Tropical year in, 1893, 724.
use of exeligmos, 1893, 721.
Hindu fire- temple at Baku, 1897, 311.
fire- temple at Jawala Mukhi, 1897, 311, 316.
months, 1890, 603.
priesthood, succession, 1890, 527.
temple in the Panjab, 1903, 335.
Hindu van, 1902, 251.
Hinzlt city, 1895, 47, 49.
Hiouen Thsang and Naga temples, 1891, 387.
on universal alphabet in India, 1 891, 138.
visit to Kuluta, 1900, 530.
Hirah, 1902, 70.
Hlrak, 1902, 256, 517.
HiranyavatI river, 1902, 142.
Hirmand, 1902, 534.
Hirmas, 1902, 265, 266.
Hirschfeld (H.), Contribution to Study of Jewish-Arabic
Dialect of the Maghreb, 1891, 192; Remarks on the
Etymology of Sabbath, 1896, 353; Muhammedan Encyclo-
paedia, 1898, 207.
Hirth (F.), Chao Ju-kua, a new source of Mediaeval
Geography, 1896, 57; Chao Ju-kua's Ethnography, 477.
Hisabi, poet, 1895, 789.
Hisakavan, 1902, 749.
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66 HIS — HOL.
Hisar KarnT, 1902, 253.
Hisn Kay fa, 1902, 265.
Hisn-al-Minshar city, 1895, 47.
Historical notes on South-East Persia, 1902, 939.
History of early N. India ; see Hewitt.
Isfahan, 1901, 411.
Kannada literature, 1890, 245.
Hit, 1902, 72.
city, 189s, 47, 52.
Hitopadesa, Burmese, 1895, 431.
Hittite, a MongoHc race, 1893, 830.
an agglutinative language, 1893, 829.
Babylonian bowl, 1893, 843.
geographical extension, 1893, 827.
inscriptions, 1893, 827 et seq.
Kolitolu Yaila, 1893, 844.
power overthrown, 1893, 825.
race and language, 1893, 823 et seq.
syllabary, 1893, 847.
syntax, 1893, 836.
texts from Jerablus, 1893, 838; from Hamath, 840;
from Merash, 840 ; from Ibreez, 841 ; from Bulgar
Maden, 842 ; from Garun, 842 ; from Tyana, 842.
texts, Izgin, 1893, 843.
texts, Palanga, 1893, 843.
writing, notes, 1 893, 823.
Hiuen Tsiang, 1902, 147.
Hiung-nu and Yueh-chi, Conflict between, 1903, 22-27.
Ho Kols, 1899, 330.
Hodgson drawings at Paris, 1898, 921.
Hodgson (B. H.), obituary, 1894, 843.
Hoernle (A. F. R.), An Ancient Block-print from Khotan,
19CX), 321 ; Vajracchedika, 1903 364; Some Problems of
Ancient Indian History, 545 ; Who was the Inventor of
Rag-paper ? 663 ; Where was Malwa P 824.
Hoey (W.), The word Kozola as used of Kadphises on Kushan
Coins, 1902, 428.
Holt (H. F.), Catalogue of Chinese Books in R.A.S. Library,
1890, 1.
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HOP — ^HUM. 67
Hopkins (L. C), On the Origin and Earlier History of the
Chinese Coinage, 1895, 317.
Horn (P.), Persian MS. attributed to Fakhru'ddin E5zi,
1899, 424.
Horniman Museum, Jain statue, 1898, 101.
Horse, Sacrificial, 1893, 437.
Horse-intoxicating grass found in Tibet, 1891, 48.
Hoti-Mardan, sculptures, 1899, 423.
Houghton (B.), Professor Sayce and the Burmese Language,
1893, 149; Short Vocabulary of Red Karen, 1894, 29;
Kami Vocabularies, 1895, HI ; Southern Chin Vocabulary,
727; Outlines of Tibeto-Burman Linguistic Palaeontology,
1896, 23; Arakanese Dialect of the Burman Language,
1897, 453.
Houtum-Schindler (A.), Shah Isma'il, 1897, 114.
Howorth (Sir H.), Northern Frontagers of China; The
Kirais and Prester John, 1889, 361 ; Sabiri and Saroguri,
1892, 613 ; Northern Frontagers of China, 1898, 467, 809.
Hsia dynasty, 1895, 93.
Huangti, the Yellow God, 1894, 278.
Hu-ch*a-la = Quzerat, Chinese account of, 1896, 487.
Hudeilite diwdns, 1897, 329, 332.
Hiidvin, 1902, 525.
Hul, 1902, 251.
Hulagu, captures Baghdad, 1899, 849 ; 1900, 293.
Hulan Miilan, 1902, 251.
HululTs, 1902, 348, 354.
Hulwan, 1902, 70, 749.
Hilmah or District, 1902, 516, 764.
Humamu*d-l)in of Tabriz, Persian poet, 1901, 28.
Human sacrifice among Bhuiyas, 1893, 287.
among Bhumijs, 1893, 287.
among Khonds, 1893, 287.
among early Semites, 1893, 288.
to goddess Rauhini, 1893, 287, 288.
Human sacrifices, 1890, 537.
Humaniya city, 1895, 33, 42.
Humayiin's inscription at Jam, 1899, 665.
transcript of Babar's Memoirs, 1900, 443.
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68 HUM — IBN.
ntiinu, 1902, 518.
Huna tribes, 1899, 299.
Hunas, Attacks on Skanda Gupta by, 1889, 8.
Hungarian nation and language, 1889, 594.
Hung-wu period of Tibet (1368), 1891, 198.
Huns and Avars, 1889, 731.
Destruction of, 1889, 802.
Hunter (Sir W. W.), obituary, 1900, 393.
Hurmuz, Rubat, 1902, 753.
city, old and new, 1902, 527, 531.
Island, 1902, 537, 763.
Hurmuz, town of Eirman, 1 901, 282.
Hurmiiz-ul-Malik, 1902, 948.
Hurmuzd I, in Nihayatu'1-irab, 1 900, 220.
II, 1900, 221.
Ill, Piruz, 1900, 224.
IV, 1900, 233.
Hurufi sect, its literature and doctrines, 1898, 61.
Husayn b. Hasan, 1902, 853.
Husayn b. Muhammad b. Abu'r-Rida al-Husaynl, 1901, 412.
Hushang Pass, 1902, 763.
Hushyar, 1902, 261.
Husn Ziyad, 1903, 153.
Huvishka, 1894, 531.
Coins of, 1899, 423.
Records of, 1903, 330 et seq.
Huviska date, 1903, 32, 34.
Huwayn mountain, 1902, 246.
Huzu, 1902, 518, 527, 762.
Hvareno, 1893, 484.
Hvogvas, 1899, 285.
Hwai-nan Tsze, 1893, 799.
HwenThsang, 1899, 318.
la, the Akkadian fish -god, 1893, 291.
Ibex, 1902, 533.
Ibn 'Abd el Hakam, 1902, 123.
Ibn 'Abd ez Zahir, 1902, 125.
Ibn Abl *Aun, 1902, 351.
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IBN — IBK. 69
Ibn Abl 'Imnin's letters to Abu'l-'Ala, 1902, 315 et seq.
Ibn Abri-Azhar in the Ghufran, 1902, 91.
Ibn Bakhtiyar rises against Baha ad-Daula, 1 90 1, 511.
Ibn Damna, ruler of Amid, 1903, 126.
Ibn Falyus, favourite of the Amir Sa'Td, 1903, 128.
Ibn Hanbal, 1894, 501; 1902, 519.
Ibn Hani, 1902, 350.
Ibn-Hawkal, 1899, 864.
Ibn Iljas, governor of Kirman, 190 1, 283.
Ibn Ishak, 1903, 772.
Ibn Jahir, 1903, 124, 136 et seq.
becomes vizier to Caliph al-Qa'im, 1903, 143.
Ibn Jubayr, 1899, 875.
Ibn Khallikan, 1899, 880.
Ibn Ehatib of Qanja, Persian poet, 19CX), 735.
Ibn Pishkln, 1902, 260.
Ibn Qutayba, igoo, 258.
Ibn Serapion, Mesopotamia and Baghdad, 1895, 1» 255.
Ibn Sudmandh, 1901, 769.
Ibn Tahir, Rubat, 1902, 755.
Ibn Taifur's history of reign of Mamun, 1901, 501.
Ibn Yunus, 1902, 123.
Ibn Zulaq, 1902, 124.
Ibn abi Tahir Taifiir, 1902, 795.
Ibn al-Anbari, 1903, 148.
Ibn al-AthIr*s history of Amir Nasr al-DauIa, 1903, 140.
Ibn al-Azraq, 1902, 794.
Ibn al-Azraq-al-Fariqi, 1902, 785.
Ibn al-Azraq al-Fariqi's History of Mayyafariqin, 1903, 123
et seq.
Ibn-al-Funit, story of the death of the last Abbasid Caliph,
1900,293; his date, 296.
Ibn al-Habbariyyah, 1902, 289.
Ibn el Ma'miin, 1902, 124.
Ibn el Mutauwaj, 1902, 125.
Ibnul Kadi, 1902, 350.
Ibrahim Agha, Mosque of, 189 1, 538.
Ibrahim Khan, 1898, 487.
Ibrdbim Lodi defeated, 1 898, 796.
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70 ICO — IND.
Iconium, 1902, 260.
Ida, 1893, 254.
the universal mother, 1 890, 343.
Idah as rainy season, 1 890, 343.
Idhkj, 1902, 244.
Ig, 1902, 528, 763.
Ignazio Danti and his maps, 1 903, 834.
Ijarud, 1902, 243.
Ikhshin river, 1902, 523.
Iklld, 1902, 520.
Ikshwaku, 1899, 520.
Ikshwakus, 1899,297, 308.
II Qhazi, 1902, 791.
riamu'l-Muluk, 1902, 668.
Ildigiz, House of, 1902, 574.
Ilek Khan, 1898, 475.
niisa-jataka and Talmud, 1892, 44.
Chronology of, 1892, 44.
Gesta Romanorum, 1892, 46.
Qur'an, 1892, 45.
Story of, 1892, 46.
*Imad-ad-Dm Ahmad, Muzaffkrid prince, 1901, 285.
Imad-ad-Dln of Isfahan, 1899, 873.
'Imadlyah, 1902, 265.
*Imadu'd-DTn Abu'l-Barakat ad Duryajinl, 1902, 862.
*Imadu'd-Dln Mardanshah, 1902, 677.
*Imadu'l-Dln Fadlawayh, Persian poet, 1901, 5.
Imam! of Herat, Persian poet, 1900, 733.
Imran, Ruins at, 1896, 673.
Imru'u'1-Kais, 1902, 100.
Inam lands, 1897, 273.
Index for the years 1889-92 inclusive, 1892, 1-22.
India, origin of village land-tenures, 1898, 605.
past and future archaeological explorations, 1895, 649.
Pre-Vedic, 1890, 319.
India's foreign influences, 1903, 55, 57.
Indian alphabet, Semitic origin, 1895, 895; 1901, 301;
date 600 B.C., 1898, 242 ; possibly brought from Babylon,
274.
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IND. 71
Indian architecture as derived from Babylon, negative
evidence, 1898, 283-5; but directly influenced in case of
Viharas of Western India, 285.
boomerang, 1898, 379.
Buddhist cult of Avalokita and his consort Tara
the " Saviouress,*' illustrated from remains in Magadha,
1901, 51.
chronology, 1896, 621.
coins, Brahmi-Kharosthi inscriptions, 1900, 419, 423 ;
Pathan Sultans of Dehli,"481.
coins, counter-marks, 1895, 865.
coins and inscriptions, 1900, 552.
coins and seals, 1900, 97, 423, 529; 1901, 97 ; 1903,
285 et seq.
communal village, 1899, 329.
documents on parchment, 1902, 232.
history (ancient). Problems of, 1903, 545.
land tenure, communal origin, 1897, 628.
land- trade, 1 898, 257 et seq.
letters. Shape of, 1898, 228.
literature notes, 1898, 228.
medical science, 1903, 578.
Moghul Army, 1896, 509; ranks, 510; pay, 518; pay,
deductions from, 524 ; fines, 527 ; awarda and distinctions,
532 ; procedure on entering, 538 ; branding of horses,
547 ; classes of horses, 552 ; branches of the service, 556 ;
equipment, 560.
MSS. in Tibet, 1901, 385.
names for English tongues, 1889, 159.
numismatics, 1900, 409, 423, 481, 769; two notes on,
1897,319.
purana coinage, 1898, 241, 275-7.
scholars, 1892, 426.
sea-trade, 1898, 249 et seq.
seals and clay impressions, 1901, 97.
sects and orders mentioned by Buddhist writers, 1 90 1,
123.
sects in the time of Buddha, 1898, 197.
trade with Phoenicians and Chaldaeans, 1 898, 246-7.
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72 IND — INS.
Indian villages, Dakhan, 1897, 239 et seq. ; Goa, 1900, 261 ;
headman, origin and privileges, 263 ; headman, precedence,
265 ; status of the villages, 266 ; headman's duties, 267 ;
JFatan grants, 268 ; disposition of vacant lands, 268 ;
rules of inheritance, 270 ; rules of alienation of lands,
272 ; rules of procedure, 272 ; Portuguese word * gaucar '
for headman, 277 ; later history of the villages, 283.
Indo- Aryan vernaculars, stress-accent, 1895, 139.
Indo-Ghina, early geography, 1897, 585.
Indo-Parthian coins, 1903, 285.
Indo-Scythian dynasties. Duration of, 1889, 5.
period of Indian History, 1903, 1.
Indo-Scythians, 1899, 318.
Indra, 1893, 420, 422, 424, 433, 435, 441, 465, 484, 487;
189s, 174 et seq.
and Agni, 1893, ^^^'
Standard of, on Gupta coins, 1889, 19.
worship, 1890, 411.
Indraji (P. B.), Western Kshatrapas, 1890, 639.
Indraprastha, 1899, 312.
Indu, 1893, 281.
Induraja or Pratlharenduraja, 1897, 295.
date, 1897, 295.
Indus river, 1902, 762.
Inheritance, laws in Narada Smriti, 1893, 41.
Initiative of the Avesta, 1899, 271.
Inscription at Sravana Belgola, 1902, 663.
at Turbat-i-Jara, 1897, 47.
(Greek) in Constantinople, 1897, 422.
in Khorasan, 1896, 767.
in TJdyana, 1896, 663.
of Humayun at Jam, 1899, 665.
of Madauapaladeva of Kanauj, 1896, 787.
on pedestal from Bezwada, 1895, 635.
(Seljukite) at Damascus, 1897, <^3^-
Inscriptions, Arabic, in Egypt, 1895, 827.
Chinese, 189 1, 451.
Cuneiform, 1891, 145; 1893, 1 et seq.
from the Malakhand Pass, 1898, 619.
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INS— ISP. 73
Inscriptions, from TJdyana, 1899, 895.
Ghatayala inscription of the Pratihara Eakkuka, 1895,
513.
Jodhpur, of the Pratihara Bauka, 1894, 1.
Kandahdr, 1898, 795.
Mathura Lion Pillar, 1894, 525.
Panjmana, 1897, 111.
Pepp^, 1899, 425.
Recently discovered Sakya, 1898, 387.
ValabhT copper^plate of Dhruvasena I, 1895, 379.
Van, 1894, 691.
Irahistan, 1902, 518.
Traj, 1902, 519.
*Irak 'Ajam, 1902, 238.
'Arab, 1902, 65.
'Irakayn, 1902, 238.
'Iraqi, Persian poet, 19CX), 760.
Iron pillar of Delhi, 1897, 1 et seq. ; inscription, 6.
moved to Delhi from Mathura ; set up by Candra
Gupta, 1897, 18, 19.
of Dhar, 1897, 11; 1898, 143.
Irvine (W.), The Army of Indian Moghuls, 1896, 509; Two
Corrections in Dr. Bieu's Brit. Mus. Persian Catalogue,
1898, 373; James Eraser, 1899, 214 ; Note on Bibi Juliana
and the Christians at Agrah, 1903, 355 et seq.; Jahangir's
Autograph, 370 ; Note on Nicola5 Manucci and his
"Storia do Mogor," 723; Note on Mr. J. H. Rivett-Camac's
_ Article on " Cup-Marks," 827.
'isa canal, 1895, 5.
I6ana, 1903, 557.
Varma, Coins of, 1893, 133.
Varma (Varraan), Silver coins of, 1889, 11, 136.
Varman, 1903, 554.
Isbahanat, 1902, 529.
Isfadan, 1902, 535.
Isfahan, 1902, 239, 751, 761.
Bazaars of, 1 901, 435.
Celebrities of, 1901, 439, 681 et seq.
Gardens of, 1901, 417-422.
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74 ISF — isv.
IsfahaD, History of, 1901, 411 et seq.
Mosques of, 1 90 1, 437.
Opulence of, 1901, 443.
Poems in praise of, 190 1, 678 et seq.
Remarkable men of, 190 1, 677.
Wealth of, 1 90 1, 433.
Wonders of, 190 1, 429-432.
Isfahanak, 1902, 761.
Isfahan!, Dih, 1902, 159.
Isfahbad, 1902, 746.
Isfand, 1902, 532.
Isfandan, 1902, 519.
Isfandiyad, 1900, 206 et seq.
Isfandiyar Castle, 1902, 524.
Isfarayin, 1902, 735.
Isfid Diz, 1902, 524.
Isfldan, 1902, 519.
Isfidhan, 1902, 247.
Ishakiyya canal, 1895, 5.
Ishkashami, East Iranian language, 1900, 501.
Isidore, 1902, 385.
Islam, Heresy in, 1902, 817.
Islam Shah Sur, coin, 1 900, 498, 782.
Islands of the Persian Gulf, 1902, 527.
I8raa*ll b. 'Abbad, 1901, 666.
Ispahbid, 1902, 746.
Ispahbud, title of prince of Tabaristan, 1903, 747»
Ispuinis, Inscriptions of, 1893, 5, 8.
and Meiiuas, Inscriptions of, 1893, 5.
Isra'Il b. Seljuq, 1902, 582.
Istakhr, 1902, 519, 762.
Istakhrl, 1899, 864.
Istanbanan, 1902, 529.
Istar, Description of statue of, 1 892, 338.
Worship of, 1889. 539.
Istind, 1902, 535.
Istiwa-naraa, 1898, 63.
I6varadatta, 1899, 384.
I^varakartrtvnnirakarana, 1903, 703.
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I8V — JAI. 75
I^varakartrtvanirakrtir Yisijiorekakartrtvanirakaranain, 1903,
345.
'Izz ad-Dln Ibn Shaddad, 1902, 800.
*Izzu'd-Din HamadanI, Persian poet, 1901, 4.
Kara j I, Persian poet, 1901, 3.
Jabal Akradkhis, 1895, 47 ; source of Euphrates, 48.
al-Kusus, 189s, 47, 62.
Barimma, 1895, 61.
Misflna, 1895, 46, 48 ; same as Ak Dagh and Kashish
Dagh, 48.
Yaqiit, the great red ruby, 1903, 135.
Jabbul, 1902, 750.
city, 1895,33, 43.
Jabilta city, 1895, 33 ; a mint city, 35.
Jabulta, 1902, 751.
Jabuq, 1903, 153.
Jackson (A. M. T.), Signature Marks and Nagarjuna's
Kakshaputa, 1 90 1, 120.
Jacob (Col. G. A.), Sanskrit Literature in India, 1894, 646;
Alankara Literature, 1897, 281, 829; Notes on Alahkara
Literature, 1898, 289 ; Alankara Literature, a Correction,
922 ; Yizianagram Sanskrit Series, 923 ; A Sanskrit
Maxim, 1902, 174.
Jad, 1902, 737.
Jade, 1890, 467.
axes. Evidence of, in Neolithic monuments, 1 890, 727.
Jadon tribes, 1899, ^^3.
Jadu Rajputs, 1899, 318.
Ja'farl Rubat, 1 902, 754.
Jaghan-rud, 1902, 735.
Jaghar-Nazud Lake, 1902, 244.
Jaghtu River, 1902, 252, 253.
Jahan Shah Begum, 1902, 894.
Jahanglr, Autograph of, 1900, 69 ; 1903, 370.
Jahram, 1902, 521.
Jahuk, 1902, 247.
Jaij-riid, 1902, 240.
Jain statue in the Horniman Museum, 1898, 101.
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76
JAI — JAP.
Jaina Kushan inscriptions, 1903, 5-14.
Jams, 1893, 295; 1895, 665, 679.
Jaipur Library, Description of, 1901, 71.
Jaipurl dialect of RajasthanI, 1 901, 787.
Jajarm, 1902, 735, 753.
Jakarband, 1902, 758.
Jakarraish of Mosul, 1902, 800.
Jakavan, 1902, 749.
Jalal-ad-Din RiimT, 19CX), 140 ; 1902, 260.
Jalal-i-Tablb, poet, 1895, 789.
Jalamasa, 1894, 531, 546.
Jalandhara, igoo, 540.
Jalesar (Jellasore), Akbar's sarkar, 1896, 746.
Jalladjan, 1902, 525.
Jalilla, 1902, 749, 750.
Jam, 1902, 737.
Humayun's inscription at, 1899, 665.
Jamalu'd-Din 'Abdu'r-Razzaq, Persian poet, 1 900, 744.
Jamalu'd-Din Abharl, Persian poet, 19CX), 743.
Jamalu'd-Dln *AtiqI, 1900, 744.
Jamalu'd-Din Rustuqu'l-Qutni, Persian poet, igoo, 744.
Jamaspa, 1 899, 285.
Jambudwipa, 1893, 255.
Jami'u't-Tawarikh, 1899, 409; 1901,412.
Jamjamal, 1902, 511, 749.
Jamku, 1902, 250.
Jammu temple, 1901, 309.
Jaraiikhiyan Bridge, 1902, 754.
Janad, 1902, 763.
Janak, Raja, 1902, 490.
Janaki-harana, 1901, 128.
Janakiharana of Kumaradasa, 1901, 253.
Jana-sthana, 1894, 233, 242, 247.
Jandol Valley, 1896, 663.
JanT Beg, TJzbeg chief, 1902, 892.
Janraejaya, 1899, 313.
Jannabah, 1902, 525.
al-Jannabi, 1902, 344.
Japan, Oriental research in, 1903, 427.
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JAP — JAT. 77
Japanese history, 1893, 400.
sailor in the Malay Archipelago, 1890, 157.
Japji translated, igoo, 43-67.
Jar or Jasar, 1902, 264.
Jarasandha, 1893, 238; 1899, 314.
Jaqaray city, 1895, 33, 42.
Jarjariya, 1895, 4.
Jarm Juy, 1902, 753.
Jarmak, 1902, 532.
Jarmarast, 1902, 263.
Jarrahi river, 1902, 513, 524.
Jarshik river, 1 902, 523.
Jarud town, district, 1902, 242, 243.
Jasik Island, 1902, 528.
Jastan, 1902, 757.
Jataka, 4. 490 and 6. 30 of FausboU, 1901, 889.
Bhuridatta, 1892, 77.
entitled Hien-yii-Ching, 1901, 447.
Valaha, 1889, 179.
Jatakamala, author, 1893, 306.
Chinese translation, 1893, 306.
date, 1893, 306, 308.
detailed account, 1893, 309-327.
History of, 1893, 306.
Note on, 1893, 652.
Tibetan translation, 1893, 307.
tradition related by Taranatha, 1893, 307.
Jatakas, 1894, 771.
Agastya, 1893, 312.
and Sanskrit grammarians, 1898, 17.
Aputra, 1893, 317.
as oldest Buddhist literature, 1893, 304.
Avishahyasreshthi, 1 893, 311.
Ayogrha, 1893, 326.
bibliographical list of works regarding Jatakas, 1893,
351.
Bisa, 1893, 318.
Brahma, 1893, 324.
Brahmana, 1893, 315.
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78 JAT — JAY.
Jatakas, Buddhist, 1893, 301.
Creshthi, 1893, 318.
Cuddabodhi, 1893, 319.
Hamsa, 1893, 319.
Hasti, 1893, 324.
in the Mahavastu, 1 893, 335.
Kshanti, 1893, 323.
Kulmashapindl, 1893, 310.
Kumbha, 1893, 317.
Mahabodhi, 1893, 320.
Mahakapi, 1893, 321, 322.
Mahisha, 1893, 327.
Maitrlbala, 1893, 312.
Matsya, 1893, 316.
Mugapakkha, 1893, 357.
Nigrodha-miga, 1894, 335.
Padakusalamanava, 1893, 341.
Ruru, 1893, 322.
Sakra, 1893, 315.
Sarabha, 1893, 322.
Sasa, 1893, 311.
Satapattra, 1893, 327.
Sibi, 1893, 309.
Sreshthi, 1893, 310.
Suparaga, 1893, 316.
Sutasoma, 1893, 325.
Suvanna Sama, 1894, 211.
Temiya Jataka Vatthu, 1893, 357.
TJnmadayanti, 1893, 315.
Vartakapotaka, 1893, 317.
Visvantara, 1893, 313.
Vyaghri, 1893, 309.
Yajfia, 1893, 314.
Jatakatthavannana, Authorship of, 1894, 387.
Javan Kal'ah, 1902, 259.
Javidan-i-Kablr, 1898, 61 et seq.
Jawali Saqawah, 1902, 799.
Jawz, Dih, 1902, 764.
Jay, 1902, 237, 239.
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JAY — JIY. 79
Jayadaman, 1899, 360 et seq.
Coins of, 1893, 141.
date, 1893, 141.
Kshatrapa, Coins of, 1890, 645.
Jayaditya, 1 90 1, 680.
Jayadratha, 1899, 520.
Jayakar (A. S. G.), Omanee dialect of Arabic, 1889, 649, 811.
Jayaratha, date, 1897, 282, 308.
Jayhun (Oxus), 1902, 739.
Jayy, 1901, 417.
Jazira-Ibn-*Oraar city, 1895, 33.
origin, 1895, 34.
Jazirah Ibn *Omar, 1902, 265.
Jazlrah Province, 1902, 263.
Jazirat ibn *Omar, 1902, 802.
Jelal-ud-din Khizr or Jaghar Khan, 1898, 499.
Jenab-i-Kuddu8, Writings of, 1892, 483.
Jewish ethics, 1899, 200.
Jews in Abarkuh, 1902, 519.
Jibal Province, 1902, 238.
Jigi Anaga, a nurse of Akbar, 1899, 99.
Jikaku Daishi, 1903, 435.
Jllanat Province, 1902, 746.
Jiluyah Mountain, 1902, 522.
Jimuta-vahana, minister of Naga raja Vasuki, 1 90 1, 464.
Resemblances between, and the hero of Naga Nanda,
1901, 464,465.
worshipped equally with his master, 190 1, 464.
Jins, 1896, 661.
Jirrah, 1902, 523.
Jiruft, 1902, 530, 948.
town of Eirman, 1901, 281.
Jlrun Island, 1902, 527, 531.
Jish, 1902, 765.
Jisr Manbij city, 1895, 47, 50.
Jivadaman (Swarai), 1899, ^^2 et seq.
Jivita Gupta II, king of eastern Magadha, began to reign
circa a.d. 720, 1889, 8.
Jiyar, 1 902, 250.
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80 JNA — JUZ.
Jnanabhadra, Buddhist pilgrim, 1903, 370.
Jnanesvara, 1892, 423.
Jodhpur inscription of the Pratihara Bauka, 1894, 1.
John of St. Saba. 1890, 119.
Joint family in the Mahabharata, 1897, 733.
Jok'ang, i.e. Lh'asa, 1891, 70.
Jonah, Shrine of, 1902, 266.
Jones (Sir William), MS. of, found in Calcutta, 1902, 427^
Scheme of Alphabet, 1890, 620.
Jowari (millet), 1899, 330.
Juangs, 1893, 289.
matriarchal customs, 1893, 289.
their sacrifices to the earth, 1893, 289.
Jubarah, 1902, 239.
Jubbah, 1902, 72.
Jiibkan, 1902, 522.
Judaeo- Persian document from Khotan, 1903, 735.
Judi mountain, 1902, 265.
Jdlaha of Abhar, Persian poet, 1900, 745.
Julbarah, 1902, 239.
Jumah or district, 1902, 516, 764.
Junabad (Kuhistan), 1902, 534.
(Luristan), 1902, 752.
Junagadh, interesting ceremony, 1900, 811.
Junday Shapiir, 1902, 514.
Jur or Firuzabad, 1902, 517, 762.
Jurbadakan, 1 902, 244.
Jurjan, province, city, and river, 1902, 743, 744, 755.
Jurjaniyah, 1902, 742, 755.
Justinian and Avars, 1889, 724.
Ju-ta-sh6ng-lun, the Mabayanavataraka-^stra, 1898, 331.
Juwaym of Abu Ahmad, 1902, 521, 526.
or Juwayn (Shlraz), 1902, 522, 765.
Juwayn district, 1902, 735.
(Zaranj), 1902, 757.
Juy Kushk, 1902, 751.
Juy Murgh Kuhtar, 1902, 751.
Juy-i-Naw, 1902, 759.
Juzblk, 1902, 759.
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JUZ — KAH. 81
Juzjan district, 1902, 738, 754, 755.
Ka*, 1902, 754.
Kab, 1902, 260.
Ka*b, Rubat, 1902, 754.
Kabalah, 1902, 256.
Kabatrung, 1902, 748.
Kabrit Castle, 1 902, 246.
Kabud, 1902, 263.
Kabud Jamah, 1 902, 744.
Kabudhan lake, 1902, 249.
Ka'bu'l-Ahbar, 1894,495.
Kabutar Khanah, 1902, 754.
Ea99hapaghata or Ea9hwaha, 1899, ^^l*
Kacha, 1893, 81.
Coins of, 1893, 84, 95.
king, probably identical with Samudra Qupta, 1889,
21, 37, 76 ; standard type of, 74.
al-KadisIya city, 1895, 33, 37; famous for glass works, 37.
Kadisiyah, 1902, 71, 751.
Eadisman-Murus, 1894, 808.
Kadphises, 1902, 428.
I, date. 1903, 29-34.
II, date, 1903, 31-34.
Kadpu, 1902, 252.
Kadr Khan Jebril, 1898, 494.
Kadru, 1899, 313.
Kaduk or Eadul, 1902, 261.
Ka fi al-Daula, 1903, 152.
Kafl-i-KarajI, Persian poet, 1901, 14.
Kafir Kot, Temples at, 1903, 338.
Jafs mountain, 1 902, 531.
Kaghadh, name for paper, 1903, 669.
Kaghadh Kunan, 1902, 243, 758.
Kahab, 1902, 237, 239.
Kahaoih, Jain site, 1900, 436.
Kaharjan, 1 902, 518.
Kabarkan, 1902, 525.
f
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Digitized by
82 KAH — KAL.
Kahran, 1902, 251.
Kailang Nag, A sacrifice to, 1901, 470.
Kailasanatha, temple, 1891, 337.
al-Kaim, the promised Mahdi, 1895, 37.
Kaimur Range, cave drawings, 1899, 89.
Kait-Bay, Sultan, 1896, 148.
Kaka tribe, 1897, 893.
Xakanada, old name of Sacichi, 1902, 41.
Kakkasseri Bhattathiri, 1900, 764.
Kakkuka, chief of Pratihara line, 1 895, 514.
genealogy, 1895, 514.
Kakshaputa of Nagarjuna, 1901, 120.
Kakuttha river, 1902, 142.
Kala Pahar, 1896, 743.
Kalachakra MS., 1895, 202.
Kal*ah Bayza or Kal'ah Sang, 1902, 766.
Kuhnah, 1902, 535.
Kal'ah-i-Kuh of Bardasir, 1901, 286.
Kalam junction of TJtrot and Laspur, 1896, 656.
Kalanidhi of Kallinatha, 1902, 661.
Kalantar, 1902, 250.
Kalar or SassI da Kallara temple, 1903, 335.
Kalasa, or water- pot, 1889, 689.
Kalasha Kafirs, 1900, 506.
Kala^oka, 1901, 828, 839, 853, 856.
Kalhana, 1903, 567.
Kali and Kalan, 1902, 520, 526.
Kalidasa, 1901, 253.
and the Guptas, 1903, 363.
Date of, 1 89 1, 330.
in Ceylon, 1894, 397.
Kalidasa's date, 1 901, 579 ; 1903, 183.
Kalif, 1902, 739.
Kalika or Kala, a Lohan, 1898, 338.
Kallkala, 1891;, 48; 1902, 255, 260.
Kalilah and Dimnah, Isolated tales from, 1900, 623.
Kaling Dandpat, Akbar's sarkar, 1896, 763.
Kalinga Edicts, 1901, 483 et seq.
Kalinjarl Raja, 1898, 807.
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KAL — KAN. 83
Kallar, 1902, 520, 521.
Kallinatha, 1902, 661.
Kalpataru, commentary on the Bhamati, 1898, 230.
Kalui, 1894, 531, 546.
Kalun, 1902, 737.
Kalwadha city, 1895, 33, 40.
Kalyanl inscriptionsof King Dhammaceti of Pegu, 1899, 139.
Kamakh, 1902, 260.
Kamalu'd-Din Isma*Il of Isfahan, Persian poet, 1901, 13.
Kamalu'd Din ZanjanI, Persian poet, 1901, 16.
Kamarupa, ancient name of Assam, 1897, 30.
Kingdom of, 1897, 879.
Kamfiruz, 1902, 521, 527.
Kami vocabularies, 1895, 111.
al-Kamil Muhammad, 1902, 805.
Kamin, 1902,' 521, 527, 764.
Kamis, 1895, 114.
belong to Chin Lushai group, 1895, 114.
Kamkh city, 1895, ^7, 48.
the Greek Eamacha, 1895, 48.
Kammavacas, 1892, 53.
Kampilya, 1899, 313.
Kamran, Prince, 1898, 795.
Kanaka, the Bhiiradvaja, 1898, 336.
the Vatsa, a Lohan, 1898, 335.
Kanakamuni at Sanchi, 1902, 32.
Kanat Saray, 1902, 757. .
Kanauj, 1899, 315.
captured by Siladitya, 1903, 558.
coins, 1903, 291.
inscriptions of Madanapaladeva, 1896, 787.
named Kusumapura, 1889, 56.
not the Gupta capital, 1889, 50.
Kanchl, kingdom defeated by Samudra Gupta, 1897, 29.
Kanchipura, early Pallavas, 1889, 1111.
KaficT identical with Conjeveram, 1897, 871.
Kand, 1902, 764.
Island, 1902, 528.
Kandah&r inscription, Geography of, 1898, 795.
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84
KAN KAR.
Kandia Qila, 1894, 683.
Kang-desh and Kandesh, 1890, 541.
Kanguvar, 1902, 511, 748, 749, 751.
Kanishka, 1894, 531.
Date of, 1903, 325.
£aniska, accession, 1903, 31.
theories as to date, 1903, 2-5, 50.
Kanjar, 1902, 757.
Kankasena, 1899, 529.
Kannada literature, 1890, 245.
Kannassa Paniker, 1900, 765.
Ka-no-ka-Fa-tso, a Lohan, 1898, 335.
Ka-no-ka-Po-li-tou-she, a Lohan, 1898, 336.
Kanruga-gyi, Prince, 1897, 453.
Kantara Kubakib, 1895, 55.
Kaoyang, 1894, 280.
Kapilaswa, 1899, 521.
Kapilavastu, 1897, 430, 615, 644; 1899, 525.
city, 1903, 514.
described by Asoka and Chinese pilgrims, 1898, 540.
destroyed, 1 898, 554.
in the Buddhist books, 1898, 533.
position, 1 898, 580.
site, 1898, 535.
Kapitthika; Kapittha, 1897, 421.
Kara Aghach, 1902, 518.
Hisar, 1902, 260.
Kara-Murdas, 1894, 808.
Kara-Sii, 1902, 255.
branch of Euphrates, 1 895, 47.
Kara-Uighur-Tukay, 1902, 742.
Karabagh, 1902, 759.
Karaghan, 1902, 247.
Kar'ah river, 1902, 512.
Karaj of Abu Dulaf, 1902, 244, 751.
of Hamadan, 1902, 247.
of Talikan District, 1902, 243.
Earajabad, 1902, 754.
Karajah, 1902, 750.
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KAR. 85
Karakhitay dynasty in Xirman, 1901, 284.
Karakhodjo (Kau-chang), 1901, 447, 458.
Karakichit, 1902, 742.
Karakirk, 1902, 752.
Karakls, 1895, 4-
river, 1896, 740.
Karaman, 1902, 261.
Kararij, 1902, 237, 239.
Karattalaiyar, Indian poet, 1899, 255.
Karbala, 1902, 68.
Kardan-rud, 1902, 240.
Karen dialects, 1894, 31.
immigration into Burma, 1894, 81.
Red, 1894, 29.
Sgaw, 1894, 29 et seq.
Karens, 1893, 154.
Kargas, Persian poet, 1901, 16.
mountain, 1902, 533.
Karin (Fars), 1902, 521.
(Theodosiopolis), 1902, 260.
mountain, 1902, 531.
Karlnayn, 1902, 757.
KarindaS, 1894, 808.
Karingampilli Namburi, 1900, 764.
Kariut-uUJauz, 1902, 948.
Kariwar, 1902, 246.
Kariyan, 1902, 518.
Kariyat-al-As, 1902, 521.
Karizah, 1902, 737.
Karjuyan, 1902, 747.
Karkahar, 1902, 748.
Karkan, 1902, 522, 765.
Karkar, 1902, 253.
Karkh, 1902, 751.
Karkhah river, 1902, 246, 513.
Karklsiya city, 1895, 47; ancient Circesium, 51.
Karkisiyah, 1902, 265, 266.
Karkotaka, 1899, 313.
Karkiiyah, 1902, 757.
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86 KA5 — KAT.
Karma, 1894, 374.
Earmalls, 1902, 266.
Kama Suvarna means honied caste, 1893, 3^*
Kamayn, 1902, 536.
Karpans, 1899, 285.
Karran, 1902, 239.
Kars, 1902, 257.
Elarsbana identified with Alaja Khan, 1896, 735.
Kartrpura, 1898, 198.
Kingdom of, 1897, 29, 881.
Karujay, 1902, 760.
Karun river, 1895, 3 ; 1902, 244, 245, 246, 512.
Karusha, 1899, 521,
Karvan Qah, 1902, 755.
Karzan-rud, 1902, 247.
Karzin, 1902, 518, 524, 762.
Katepura, 1903, 583.
probably Mohanlalganj, 1898, 525.
Kashan, 1902, 243, 761.
Kashhan, 1902, 754.
Kashmir coins, 1903, 545.
Smats, cave, 1896, 668.
Kashmiri language, 1900, 501.
Ka6i, 1899, 312.
Kadmir antiquities, 1899, 201.
Kasr Hut, 1902, 754.
Kasr Ibn Hubayra city, 1895, 255.
Kasr Shirin, 1902, 70, 749.
Kasr-al-Lusus, 1902, 511.
Kasr-ar-Rlh, 1902, 756.
Kasr-at-Taj, 1895, 2.
al-Kassar, 1902, 338.
Kastaki, 1902, 261.
Kastamunlyah, 1902, 260.
Kasyapa, 1899, 313.
Ka^yapa Buddha, 1903, 513.
Kat, 1902, 260.
Katada, 1894, 495.
Katak (Cuttack), Akbar's sarkar. 1896, 758.
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KAT — KAZ. 87
Kath, 1902, 742.
Katha Yatthu, Questions discussed in^ 1892, 8 et seq.
Kathah, 1902, 764.
Kathaioi, 1903, 685.
Kathenotheism, 1893, 456, 465, 468.
Kathi tribes, 1899, 307.
al-Katrcity, 1895, 33.
Ijjatrabbul city, 1895, 33, 39.
Kattigara, the great mediaeval port of China, 1896, 66.
Katul-Nahrawan canal, 1895, 3-
£ausambhi, 1899, 814.
Kaui§ambl and tSravasti, 1898, 503.
Ka^pura, Vai^ali, 1903, 583.
site identified, 1898, 503.
Kavadiyan, 1902, 739.
Kavak, 1902, 261.
Kavar, 1902, 518, 762.
Kavi kings, 1890, 539.
Kavir Desert, 1902, 532.
Kavis, 1899, ^85.
Kavittavall, 1903, 450, 453.
Kavyadar^ of Dandin, 1897, 284.
Kavyaprakada, authorship, 1897, 281.
date, 1897, 282.
rules and examples, 1898, 289.
Kavyapraka^anidar^ana, 1897, 281.
Kaw*ah river, 1902, 512.
Kawtam, 1902, 252, 747.
Kay (H. C), *Omarah's History of Yemen — Observations,
1893, 218; Arabic Inscriptions in Egypt, 1895, 827;
1896, 137; Obituary of H. Sauvaire, 617; Seljukite
Inscription at Damascus, 1897, 336.
Kayfa, Hisn, 1902, 265.
Kayin, 1902, 535.
Kays Island, 1902, 518, 527, 750, 762.
Kaysariyah, 1 902, 260.
Kayyumu'l-Asma, 1892, 262.
-^ — Identity of, with Sura-i-Tusuf, 1892, 266.
Kazirun, 1902, 522, 763.
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88 KAZ — KHA.
Kazki river, 1902, 245, 246, 512.
Kazri, 1902, 735.
Kazvin, 1902, 241, 752.
Kegl (A. de), Poem from the Divan of Shams i Tabriz, 1900,
140, 613.
Keith (A. B.), Nitl-maiijarl of Dya Dviveda, 1900, 127;
Itltiman jar! Quotation identified, 796 ; Date of Kumaradasa,
1901, 578; Nitimanjarl Quotation, 1902, 956.
Keli-shin Sidek, 1894, 691.
Ushnei, Pillar of, 1894, 691.
Ke-mang-li, Khan of TJighurs of Ansi, 1898, 813.
Kennedy (J.), Serpent-worship, 1891, 480 ; The Early
Commerce of Babylon with India, 1898, 241 ; Purification
by Running Water, 1900, 347 ; Buddhist Gnosticism, the
System of Basilides, 1902, 377.
Kerala, kingdom defeated by Samudra Gupta, 1897, 29, 867.
Kerata Varma, 19CX), 764.
Kessari (millet), 1899, 330.
Kewuts, 1893, 240.
Khabadan, 1902, 765.
Khabaran, 1902, 739.
Khabls, 1902, 530.
Khabr, 1902, 517.
Khabur river, 1902, 265.
Khabushan, 1902, 735, 744.
Khadija Begam, 1902, 891.
Khajank river, 1902, 735.
Khakani the Persian poet, 1899, 874.
Khakas subjugated by TJighurs, 1891, 453.
Khakharata, Ksatrap family, 1899, 369.
Khakistar, 1902, 754.
Khalasat-at-TawarIkh, 1894, 733.
Author of, 189s, 211.
Khaldis, 1894, 705.
Khalid al-Fayyad, 1899, 59-
Khalid b. Sinan b. Ghaith, of 'Abs, 1903, 773.
Khalll-rud, 1902, 530.
river in Kirman, 1901, 282.
Khalis, 1902, 70.
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KHA. 89
Khalkhal (Adharbayjan), 1902, 250, 758.
(Caspian), 1902, 740.
Khallar, 1902, 765.
Khamidah Bil, 1902, 250.
Khamtis, 1895, 157.
manners and customs, 1895, 158 et seq.
Khanikin, 1902, 70, 749.
Khanjast Lake, 1902, 249, 766.
Khanka of Bay bars, 1896, 137.
Khankah Shutur, 1902, 759.
Khanlanjan, 1902, 237, 239.
Khantivannanaj, 1893,302.
Khanum-rud, 1902, 248.
Khanus, 1902, 761.
KhaqanI, 1902, 854.
Persian poet, 1900, 749.
Kharadin, 1902, 263.
Kharaosta, 1894, 531, 546, 549.
Kharaparika tribe, 1 897, 893.
Kbarav, 1902, 242.
Kharbirt, 1902, 260.
Kbarldah, 1893, 185.
Kharik, 1902, 527, 750.
Kharkird, 1902, 737.
Kharoshthi script found near Niya river, 1901, 569.
Kharosthi alphabet, 1897, 74.
(Gosinga) MS., 1899, 426.
inscription on coin of Kujula-Kadphises, 1903, 286.
inscriptions, 1 899, 359.
inscriptions on Indian coins, 1900, 409, 423.
Kharput, 1902, 260.
Kharrakan District and River, 1902, 240, 241, 247.
Kharramah, 1902, 520, 764.
Kharrarah, 1902, 765.
Khar-rud, 1902, 241.
Kharu river, 1902, 734.
Khash, 1902, 536.
Khasik, 1902, 528.
Khasjan, 1902, 241.
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90 KHA — KHO.
Khast-Minarahsl, 1902, 742.
Khastan, 1902, 757.
Khasu, igo2, 529.
Khati, 1893, 824.
Khatib, 1899, 867 et seq.
al-Khatlb, 1895,6; 1897,37.
al-Khatlr, vizier, 1901, 759.
Khatlzin, 1902, 517.
Khavadan, 1902, 522.
Kha varan, 1902, 739.
Khavardin, 1902, 539.
Khavashah, 1902, 750.
Khawkan, 1902, 241.
Khawrak, 1902, 765.
Khawrat, 1902, 757.
Khawst, 1902, 535.
Khayn Island, 1902, 527, 750.
Khayr, 1902, 7e)3.
Khayrabad, 1902, 739.
Khayrah, 1902, 521, 529, 764.
Khayrud, 1902, 734.
Khayyam, Persian poet, 1900, 748.
Khazar, Bahr, 1902, 740.
Khema, account of life, 1893, 527 et seq.
Kheta, 1893, 824.
Khisht, 1902, 523.
Khisht-Pukhtah, 1902, 765.
Khitans, their conquests, 1898, 815.
Khitat, El Maqrlzi's, 1902, 103.
Khivah or Khivak, 1902, 742, 743.
KhizrKhan, 1898, 490.
Kho mound, 1898, 511.
Khoes river, 1894, 679.
Khoi, 1902, 251, 761.
Khorasan, Apocryphal inscription in, 1896, 767.
Khotan, archaeological work, 1 90 1, 295.
block-print, 1900, 321.
JudsDo-Persian document, 1 903, 737.
Persian art at, 1 903, 746.
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KHO — ^KHU. 91
Khotan, Stein's discoveries in, 1903, 61.
Khowar, language of Chitral, 1900, 503.
fihshathra, 1902, 904.
Khubdhan river, 1902, 525.
Ehubigan, 1902, 522.
Ehubiraka, king, 1895, 631.
E&uda-Afarin Bridge, 1902, 253.
Ehudaahah, 1902, 735, 753.
Ehuday-namak or Sasanian Book of Eings, 1900, 200.
Ehuftiyan, 1902, 510.
Ehukhumi, Remains at, igoo, 436.
Ehulanjan, 1902, 764.
EhuUar, 1902, 523.
Ehulm, New, 1902, 755.
Ehuman Kubuh, 1902, 761.
Ehumartakln Rpbat, 1902, 763.
Ehumayijiin, 1902, 523.
Ehuuaj, 1902, 759.
Ehunan, 1902, 257.
Ehunayfgban, 1902, 517.
Ehurab, 1902, 757.
Ehurak-i-dawabb, Meaning of , 1896, 514.
Ehuraean, 1902, 733.
Road (district), 1902, 70.
Ehurashab Castle, 1902, 521.
EhurSiib! or Ehiirsbl, 1902, 517.
Kburkan, 1902, 746.
Eburramabad and river, 1902, 245, 246, 513.
Ehusf, 1902, 635.
Ebusbab (Armenia), 1902, 263.
(Urganj), 1902, 755.
Ehushan, 1902, 749.
Ebfisbbal Chand, 1898, 374.
Kbusbkarlsh, 1902, 749.
Ehusraw I Nusblrwan, in Nihayatu'1-irab, 19CX), 227 ;
Par viz, 241.
Ebusru, Dib, 1902, 756.
Ebusru Aqa, 1 902, 894.
Ebiisru and Sbirln sculptures, 1902, 512, 749.
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^ KHT — EIL.
Khutlan, 1902, 738.
Khavar Castle (Firs), 1903, 516.
Khuvar of Ray, 1902, 745, 753.
Khuvi (Khoi), 1902, 251, 761.
Khuzistao, 1902, 512.
Khwaf, 1902, 737.
Khwaja 'AbduUah Marwarid, author of Life of Shah Tsma'Il,
1902, 170.
Xhwaja Kilan's MS. of Babar's Memoirs, igoo, 442.
Khwaja Malik, 1902, 574.
Khwajah abd Ullah Marvarld, author of Life of Shah Ismail,
1901, 930.
Ehwajah Ahmad Rubat, 1902, 761.
Khwajah Ahmad Tillage, 1902, 761.
Khwajah b. Siyahajik, governor of Kirman, 1901, 526.
Khwaju of Eirman, Persian poet, 1900, 749.
Xhwandan river, 1902, 525, 765.
Khwang-tzi, 1899, 331-
Khwarizm city, new, 1902, 755, 756.
lake (Aral), 1902, 741.
province, 1902, 742, 743, 758.
Ehwarkan, Dih, 1902, 253.
Ehwashir Castle, 1902, 534.
Eiban mountain, 1902, 254.
Eichakas, 1893, 252.
Eld, 1902, 764.
Eidara Eusana, Probable coin of, 1903, 295.
Eielhorn (F.), Sanskrit MSS. in China, 1894, 835;
Eapitthika; Eapittba, 1897, 421; Jatakas and Sanskrit
Grammarians, 1898, 17; Jain Statue in the Horniman
Museum, 101 ; Eings of Pragjyotisa, 384 ; Sanskrit Deed
of Sale, 1900, 554.
Elian Fadlfin, 1902, 251.
Eilat, fo/Kal'ah, 1902, 736.
Eilat-i-Nadirl, 1902, 736.
Eilli-Valuvan, 1899,267.
Eilwa, foundation by Persians, 1895, 387.
History of, 1895, 385.
sovereigns, 1895, 388.
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KIN — KIS. 93
Kinanah, 1903, 471.
Kinarah, 1902, 764.
King (Major J. S.), Taj or Red Cap of Shrahs, 1896, 571 ;
Language of Somallland, 1898, 370 ; Red Sea, 617 ; Cup-
Marks as an Archaic Form of Inscription, 1903, 823.
King-hien (King-lou), 1903, 24.
King's son and the ascetic, 1890, 119.
Ki-pin embassy to Ching-ti, 1903, 29.
Kir, 1902, 518.
and Baklj, 1902, 250.
Kirais, 1889, 361; their home, 337; nationality, 379;
history, 383.
Kiras, igoo, 540.
Kirbal, Upper and Lower, 1902, 520, 621.
Kirdjay, 1902, 760.
Kirghises attack Eastern Uighurs, 1898, 812.
Kirind, 1902, 511, 749.
Kirisht, 1902, 245.
Kirjan, 1902, 747.
Kirman, 1902, 530, 764.
capitals, 1902, 945.
conquered by Tahir b. Khalaf (Shirbarik), 1901, 623.
description, 1902, 939.
history, 1902, 942.
in the time of Hamd- Allah Mustawfi and Marco Polo,.
1901, 281.
MS., 1892, 284.
Kirmanshah or Kirmlsin, 1902, 511, 749.
Kirshahr, 1902, 261.
KisagotamI, 1893, '^^l ®* seq.
Kish or Kishish, 1902, 765.
Kishkindhya, 1894, 233, 256.
Kishlak, 1902, 246.
Kishm Island, 1902, 627, 628.
Kish mar or Kishra, 1902, 634.
Kisibi, 189s, 401.
Kisitaa-ni, 1895, 401.
Kisiwani, 1895, 401.
Ki^rawi, igoo, 201.
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•94 KI8 — KOR.
Kietna alphabet, 1 891, 137.
Kitab al-Mausil, 1902, 794.
Baghdad, 1902, 794.
ramlni, 1902, 798.
Kitab-I-saidanah, 1902, 333.
Kitabu'l Ajwibah or Kitabu'l Alif, 1901, 809.
Kitabul-Waraka, 1902, 98.
Kitu or Klsu, 1902, 244.
Kiyan mountain, 1902, 254.
Kizil Arvat or Rubiit, 1902, 742, 755.
'^— Rubat (JalQla), 1902, 750.
TJzen, 1902, 252.
Kizilbask, 1896, 255.
Koch (E.), Chinese Inscriptions, 1891, 451.
Kochunni Tampuran, 1900, 764.
Kodoraa, Khamti deity, 1895, l'^9.
identical with Gautama, 1895, 159.
Koenn-mouo, Wu-sun chief, 1903, 22.
Kol language, 1899, 575.
Kola, 1898, 547.
Kolany-Kirlany inscription, 1894, 713.
Kolarian speech, its limit in India, 1899, 300.
Kolarians, 1899, 329.
Kols, 1893,240.
Komurasaki, 1903, 434.
Kona, city of Konakarauni, 1898, 552.
Konakamana, 1 901, 8'30.
Konakarauni, Buddha, 1898, 551.
Konow (Sten), Languages spoken between the Assam Valley
and Tibet, 1902, 127 ; Past Tense in Marathi, 417.
KonwaruTal, 1893, 91.
Ko-perura-9oran, king in Urraiyur, 1899, 269.
Kophen river, 1894, 677.
Koraish, 1903, 471.
Korean Buddhism, 1901, 448.
Korna, 1895, 3.
Korowa-dlh, 1903, 367.
Korwas, 1893, 240 ; 1899. 331.
Priests amongst, 1893, 289.
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K08 — ^KUA. 96
Eosala, 1897, 864 ; 1899, 312.
kingdom on the upper valley of the Mahanadi river,
defeated by Samudra Gupta, 1897, ^^*
Kosalas, 1894, 236.
Kosam not Kau^mbl, 1898, 503.
Kosambi coins, 1903, 307.
Koaho Zaidam inscriptions, 1898, 811.
Kottavai, Indian demoness, 1899, 237, 242.
Eottura, kingdom defeated by Samudra Gupta, 1897, 29, 870.
Kozola title of Kadphises, 1902, 428.
Krakuchanda, 1897, 430.
Krakusandha, Buddha, 1898, 551.
Kramaditya, a title of Kumara Gupta (later), and of Skanda
Gupta, 1889, 38, 113.
Krishna Gatha of Cherusseri Naraburi, 1900, 765.
Krishna Gupta, 1893, 86.
succeeded Skanda Gupta in Eastern Magadba, circa
A.D. 480, 1889. 8.
Krishna Raja, Rashtrakuta, Silver coins ascribed to, 1889,
11, 138.
K'ri-sron-lde-btsan, Tibetan king, 1903, 112.
Eritanta or Yama, Samudra Gupta compared with, 1889,
20, 78.
Kropf (L. L.), The Mohammadan Calendar, 1899, 142.
Krostri, 1899, 319.
Ersna Parai, Eumaon poet, 1901, 475.
Esaharata, Esatrap family, 1899, 368 et seq.
Esatrapas (Western) coinage, 1899, 357.
Eshanti Jataka, 1893, 323.
Eshatrapa, Coins of, 1890, 640 et seq.
dynasties, 1890, 640.
use of term, 1890, 640.
Eshatrapas, 1894, 541.
Western, 1890, 639.
Eshatriyas, 1894, 342, 663; 1899, 296.
position in the Upanishads, 1 894, 345.
pre-eminence in Buddhism, 1894, 345.
Eu or Eaohsin, 1894, 281.
Euan Hsiu, Chinese artist, 1898, 330.
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96 KUB — KUL.
Kubad Khurrah, 1902, 524.
Kubanjan, 1902, 517.
Kubbat-i-Salz, in Bardasir, 1901, 287.
Kuberaka, king, 1895, 631.
KubinaD, 1902, 533.
Kuchabad, 1902, 754.
Kuchan, 1902, 735, 750.
Kudama, 1895, 6.
Kudat-ku Bilik, 1898, 494.
Kuddako-Nedum-Qeralathan, Indian prince, 1899, 254.
Kudur-nakhunta, 1898, 263.
al-Kufa city, 1895, 4, 47, 53.
Kufah, 1902, 67.
Kuh-i-Siyah, 1902, 757.
Kuh-i-Taftan, 1902, 941.
Kuhbanah, 1902, 243.
Kuhdam, 1902, 747.
Kuhistan province, 1902, 533.
village, 1902, 519.
Kuhjan, 1902, 517.
Kuhnah TJrganj, 1902, 756.
Kuhrud of Saiij Bulak, 1902, 240.
Kuhrud Hills and village, 1902, 243, 761.
Kubud, 1902, 243, 752.
Kui-tze, later capital of Uighurs, 1898, 823.
Eujasfahan, 1902, 746.
Kujula Eadpbises, 1894, 550.
Coin of, 1903, 286.
Coins of, 1894, 550.
Kukaltash Khan, 1898, 373.
Kuk-cbo-pong-kam, a Corean history, 1895, 508.
Kul, 1902, 250.
Kul Uzan, 1902, 252.
Kulanjan Castle, 1902, 521.
Kulkami or accountant of Dakhan village, 1897, 251.
Kulku river, 1902, 513.
Kulmashapindi Jataka, 1893, 310.
Kulunlyah, 1902, 265.
Kulur, 1902, 250.
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KUL — ^KUN. 97
Euluta, 1900, 529 ; Hiouen Thsang in, 530 ; mentioned in
Mahabharatay 531 ; mentioned in Bamayana, 532 ; men-
tioned in Brhat-Bamhita, 533 ; mentioned in Mudraraksasa,
535 ; mentioned in Eadambari, 536 ; mentioned in in-
scription of Somavarma-deva and Asatadeva, 537 ; coin of
King Yiraya^y 537 ; and its neighbours, 538.
Kum, 1902, 243, 761.
Kiimanat, 1902, 260.
Kumaon and its settlement, 1901, 475.
cup-marks, 1903, 522.
Eumara Devi, queen of Chandra Gupta I, 1889, 6, 16, 55.
Kumara Gupta, of early or imperial dynasty, duration of reign
of, 1889, 7, 10 ; gold swordsman type of, 93 ; gold archer
type of, 95 ; gold horseman to right type of, 100 ; gold
horseman to left type of, 103 ; gold peacock type of, 105 ;
gold lion-trampler type of, 106 ; gold combatant lion type
of, 107 ; gold two queens type of, 109 ; gold A^wamedha
type of, 110; silver- winged peacock type of, 123; silver
trident type of, 126 ; silver fantail peacock, 126 ; copper
umbrella type of, 142; copper standing king type of, 143;
copper coins following silver types of, 144.
later, of Magadha, Coins ascribed to, 1889, 99, 100.
Kumara Gupta I, Coins of, 1893, 84, 89, 93, 115, 133, 137;
date, 55, 84, 93.
Kumara Gupta II, 1893, 79; 1903, 551.
Coins of, 1893, 129.
Kumaradasa's date, 1901, 578.
Janakiharana, 1901, 253.
Kumaradatta, 1901, 128.
Kumarij, 1902, 523.
Kumarila, 1902, 370, etc.
Kumauni satire, 1901, 475.
Kumbha Jataka, 1893, 567.
Kumi, 1893, 154.
Kiimis, 1902, 733, 745.
Kumishah, 1902, 521, 761.
Kumistan, 1902, 519.
Kumudasena, Coin of, 1903, 287.
Kunar river, 1894, 679.
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98 KUN — KUS.
Kundur, 1902, 534.
Kung kung, 1894, 273.
EuDhi Othenan, 1 900, 765.
Kunindas, biliteral coins, 1 900, 409.
Kuniyah, 1902, 260.
Kunjan Nambyar, 1900, 768,
Kun-t^-pan-t*an, the Pali Kimdovahan, 1898, 330.
Kupati, 1895, 200.
Kur river (Armenia), 1902, 255.
(Fars), 1902, 520.
Kurad, 1902, 521.
Kuran (Fare), 1902, 518.
(Irak 'Arab), 1902, 71.
Kur'an, Persian commentary, 1894, 417.
Kuraijida, 1896, 364, 573.
Kurasht, 1902, 246.
Kurdistan, 1902, 238, 509.
Kuri-galzu, 1894, 808.
Kurladl or Kurlavah, 1902, 740.
Kurlavud, 1902, 743.
Kurm, 1902, 529.
Kurral, 1899, 226.
Kurratul *Ayn, 1889, 934.
Kurrum festival, 1893, 273.
Kursi, Rubat, 1902, 755.
Kuru, 1899, 312.
Kuru-Pancalas, 1899, 297.
Kurus, 1889, 235.
Ku^a, 1899, 521.
Kusan Dynasty of Northern India, Chronology of, 1902, 175.
tribes, 1899, 299.
Kusana coins, 1903, 286.
Siva on, 1897, '^^2.
Kusasthala (Kanauj), 1899, 315.
Kush, The men of, 1892, 833.
Kiish Hisar, 1902, 261.
Kushan, 1902, 511.
Kushan coins and Kadphises, 1902, 428.
inscriptions, 1903, 5-14.
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KUS — LAB. 99
Kushan or Indo-Scythian period of Indian history, 1903, 1.
period, 1903, 371.
Kushan king hitherto unrecognised, 1903, 325.
Kushan, town between Khorasan and China, 1898, 811.
Kushid mountain, 1902, 523.
Kushite-Semite races and Ural Altaic race, 1890, 720.
Kushk, 1902, 239.
Mansur, 1902, 756.
Nu'man, 1902, 764.
Kushk-i-Zard, 1902, 526, 761.
Kusika, invasion of N. India, 1 890, 332.
religious ideas, 1890, 332.
Ku^ikas, 1899, 309.
Kusikas, Early home of, 1 890, 539.
Kusinagara or Kusinara, 1902, 139.
Kusinara, 1902, 430 ; 1903, 368.
and Ramagama, 1903, 367.
or Kusinagara, 1902, 139.
KusrI, 1902, 736.
Kuss b. Sa'idah, of lyad, 1903, 773.
Kustan, 1902, 757.
Kusthalapura, perhaps Dvarika, 1897, 874.
Kusumaiijali, 1903, 345.
Kusiiy, 1902, 736.
Kut-al-Araarah, 1895, 3.
Kutb-ad-Din, king of Hurmuz, 1902, 531.
Kutb-ud-din Mubarak, I9(X), 773.
Kutha canal, 1895, 5, 70, 255.
Kutha Rabba, 1902, 750.
Kutluk Khan takes Bardasir, 1901, 284.
al-KutrabbulI in the Ghufran, 1902, 91.
Kutrigurs, 1892, 635.
Kutruh, 1902, 521.
Kutwal, Persian poet, 1901, 17.
Kuvar, 1902, 765.
Kuvera of Devarastra, 1897, 874.
Kwai-Yuen catalogue of Chinese Tripitaka, 1903, 368.
Lab, 1902, 737.
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100 LAB — LAR.
Labandan, 1902, 759.
Lacouperie (T. de), Djiirtchen of Mandshuria, their Name,
Language, and Literature, 1889, 433 ; On Hiuen-Tsang
instead of Yiian Chwang, and the necessity of avoiding the
Pekinese sounds in the quotations of ancient proper names
in Chinese, 1892, 835; obituary, 1895, 214.
Laft, 1902, 627.
Lilghir, 1902, 518, 762.
Lahijiin, 1 902, 747.
Lahur Island, 1902, 528.
Lajuka, 1895, 661.
Lakshmana, 1899, 52 L
Lakshmi, Ooddess, on gold Oupta coins, 1 889, 24, 26, 83.
Lala Qaratagin, 1902, 609.
Lalchandra, Marwari weather proverbs, 1 892, 253.
Lamaist, Buddhist tradition, 1894, 376.
graces, 1894, 265.
Lamas and Indian lore, 1894, 91.
Lami-rud, 1902, 247.
Lan Island, 1902, 527, 528.
Land of four rivers, 1889, 527.
tenure, Communal origin of Indian, 1897, 628.
Land-tenures (village) in India, origin, 1898, 605.
Landis (Dr. E. B.), obituary notice, 1898, 919.
Langa or linga, 1 889, 538.
Languages and dialects of British India, 1898, 35.
in India, 1903, 425.
Lycian, 1891, 607.
spoken beyond the North-Western Frontier of India,.
19CX), 501-510.
Ural Altaic, Ugor branch, 1889, 583.
Lan-wu-li, Account of, 1896, 480.
Lao-Tzi, 1899, 331.
Lapp bibliography, 1889, 642.
tribe, 1889, 589.
Lar, 1902, 529, 763.
Larandah, 1902, 265.
Lardak pass, 1902,^762.
Larsun, 1902, 760.
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Google
LAS — LES. 101
Lashkar, 1902, 514.
Lashtar, 1902, 510.
Lasjird, 1902, 753.
Las-rud, 1902, 757.
Late appearance of romances and novels in China, with the
history of the Great Archer, Yang Yu-chi, 1893, 799.
Latif (M.), Chuha Shah Daula, 1896, 574.
Laukika era, 1903, 15-18, 38, 334.
Lauriya Nandangarh, 1902, 490.
Lava, 1899, 521.
Law in Tibet, 1 891, 11.
Lawhar, 1902, 763.
Lawh-i-Akdas of the Babis, 1889, 495.
^'Beha,*i889, 972.
Lawh-i-Nasir, 1889, 949.
Lawh-i-Ra'is, Passages from, 1892, 310.
Layard (Sir C. P.), obituary, 1893, ^05.
Lay Ian, 1902, 253.
Legends from the Brhaddevata in an old MS. of Sadguru9isya,
1894, 11.
on Gupta coins, Alphabet of, 1889, 34; Phraseology
of, 36.
Legge (Rev. Professor), Late Appearance of Romances and
Novels in the Literature of China, with a history of the
Great Archer, Yang Yu-chT, 1893, 799; Li Sfto Poem and
its Author, 1895, 77, 571, 839.
Leitner (G. W.), obituary, 1899, 725.
Leo VI, Emperor, his marriage, 1897, 35.
Le Strange (Guy), Description of Mesopotamia and Baghdad,
written about 900 a.d. by Ibn Serapion, 1895, 1, 255;
The Mediaeval Castle and Sanctuary of Abrik, the Modern
Arabkir, with some further Notes on Mesopotamia as
described by Ibn Serapion, 739 ; Al-Abrlk, Tephrike, the
Capital of the Paulicians, 1 896, 733 ; A Greek Embassy
to Baghdad in 917 a.d., 1897, 35; Baghdad during the
Abbasid Caliphate, 1 899, 847 ; Death of the Last Abbasid
Caliph, from the Vatican MS. of Ibn-al-Furat, 1900, 293;
The Cities of Kirman in the time of Hamd-AUah Mustawfi
and Marco Polo, 1901, 281 ; Description of Persia and
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102 LET — ^LOH,
Mesopotamia in the year 1340 a.d. from the Nuzhat-al-
Kulub of Hamd- Allah Mustawfi, 1902, 49, 237, 509, 733 ;
General Schindler and Sirjan, 423.
Letter-numerals, a system used in South India, 1896, 789.
Lh'ari, People of, 1 891, 125 ; products of, 273.
Lh^asa, residence of Tale Lama, 1891, 71; description of^
71 et seq. ; meaning of word, 75 ; boundaries of, 200 ;
products of, 273.
Lho-yul, Savage tribes of, 1891, 128.
Li, modem equivalent, 1903, 65 et seq.
Lt Sfto poem and its author, 1895, 77, 571, 839.
Liaka, Satrap of Taxila, 1903, 48.
Liao-pan-san-ssu-cin, 1903, 181.
Library members, 1898, 680, 710.
Licchavis, 1893, 293.
Lichchhavi clan, Gupta alliance with, 1889, 38, 55, 64.
alliance of Chandra Gupta I, 1893, 81.
Lieh-tsze, 1893, 799.
Lightning in Rig-veda, 1893, 444 et seq. ; like a serpent^
429.
Lignite, 1902, 531.
Lihf, 1902, 69.
Lineal measures of Fa-hian and Yuan Chwang, 1903, 65.
Linear measures of Babylonia, 1903, 257.
Linga, first use of word, 1889, 538.
Lingal, The Song of, 1899, 330.
Lion Pillar inscription at Mathura, 1894, 525, 542.
Lion's Mouth Gorge, 1902, 740, 758.
Lit'ang, People of, 1891, 124; products of, 271.
Liturgy of the Nile, 1896, 677.
Liu An, 1895, 78.
Liu Hsiang, 1893, 799.
Liu Pang, founder of H&n dynasty, 1895, 78,
Lo Kwan-Chung, 1893, 804.
Logos Ebraikos in the Magical Papyrus of Paris, and the
Book of Enoch, 1901, 109.
Loha-maha-pasada at Anuradhapura, 1901, 309.
Lohan (eightecD) of Chinese Buddhist temples, 1898, 329*
Lo-hu-lo, a Lohan, 1898, 340.
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LOM — LYC. 103
Lombards, 1889, 735 et seq.
Lonar temples and image, 19CX), 24.
Long Island, 1902, 527.
Loriyan Tangai inscription, 1903, 42.
Lubabu'l-Albab, 1899, 46, 53.
Lucknow, description of library, 1901, 79.
Liiders (H.), Buddhist Inscription in Swat, 1901, 575 ; On
Ajanta Frescoes, 1903, 424.
Lugala, name of god Merodach, 1899, 105.
Lughat-i-Furs of AsadI, 1899, 54.
Luhita river, 1898, 547.
Lukiya river, 1896, 737.
Lukiyamat, 1902, 263.
Lulu', 1902, 804.
Luluah, 1902, 260.
Lulus country, part of Mannian territory, 1901, 652.
Lumbini Garden, 1897, 429, 615, 647; 1898, 526, 535;
1901, 830 ; 1902, 139.
Lunar Aryan tribes, 1899, 295, 519.
cycle, 1889, 557.
months in Mahabharata, 1889, 551.
origin of Hindu months, 1889, 575.
Roman, 1889, 555.
year in India, 1889, 532 ; 1893, 294.
Lun-kong-g6, Tibetan king, 1898, 813.
Lupton (W.), Ratthapala Sutta, 1894, 769; Har Paraurl,
1898, 194.
Lur, Great and Little ; Luristan, 1902, 244.
Luxdakan or Lurgan, 1902, 245.
Luri, patois of Persian, 1895, 773.
Lushai, 1893, 154.
Lyall (Sir 0. J.), The Words Hanlf and Muslim, 1903, 771.
Lycian alphabet, 1891, 610.
and Tannic, 1891, 640.
and Zend, 1891, 608.
gods, 1 89 1, 644.
inscriptions, 1 891, 617.
languages, 1891, 607.
sculpture, 1891, 612.
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104 LYC — MAG.
Lycus river, 1895, 4.
Lyon (H. T.), Proposed Method of Transliterating Languages
in Arabic Character, 1890, 63 L
Macauliflfe (M.), Translation of the Japji, 1900, 43.
Macdonald (D. B.), Emotional Religion in Islam as affected
by Music and Singing, Translation of the Ihya *TJlum
ad-Din of al-Ghazzall, 1901, 195, 705; 1902, 1.
Macdonell (A. A.), Two Legends from the Brhaddevata in
an old MS. of Sadguru9isya, 1894, 11 ; Brhaddevata, 558 ;
Mythological Studies in the Rig -Veda : (II) Dwarf In-
carnation, 1895, 165; Origin and Early History of Chess,
1898, 117 ; Buddhist Sculptures from Takht-I-Bahal, 1899,
422 ; Earliest Occurrence of Devanagari in Printed Books,
1900, 350 ; Obituary of Max Miiller, 1901, 364.
Macedonian influence on Gupta coinage, 1889, 17.
Maclagan (General R.), obituary, 1894, 603.
Madain, 1902, 71, 750.
al-Madain, 1895, 3, 33, 40.
Madanapaladeva of Kanauj, Inscription of, 1896, 787.
Madar wa Dukhtar pass, 1902, 761.
Madhava, 1893, 439, 440.
Madhavagupta, 1903, 561.
Madhura Sutta, 1897, 585.
concerning caste, 1894, 341.
Madhyade^a, 1899, 313.
Madhyamaka9a8tra, 1903, 581.
Madmlniyah, 1902, 743.
Madra tribe, 1899, 311.
Madrakas, tribe dwelling between Chenab and Ravi, 1897, 30.
Madrasah Sultan Muhammad, 1902, 239.
Madura or Mandura language, 1902, 558.
al-Mafarriikhl, 1901, 666 et seq.
Mafazah (Desert), 1902, 532.
Maft, 1902, 251.
Mag, root in Greek and Latin, 1890, 475.
Magadha, 1899, 312.
Eastern, Later Gupta dynasty of, 1889, 8.
Digitized by
G
MAG MAH. 105
Magadha, Western, Maukharl (Mukhara) kings of, 1889, 8.
Magadhi dialect, 1899, 301.
Magan, 1898, 243-4.
Magas, 1 90 1, 835.
Maghaz, 1902, 753.
Maghreb dialect, 1891, 293.
al-Maghribi, 1903, 133.
Magians, Herodotus on, 1890, 821.
Magic among the Hebrews, 1899, 200.
Ancient, 1896, 149.
Magyar bibliography, 1889, 646.
nation and language, 1889, 594.
Maha Devi, wife of Nara Sinha Gupta, 1893, 83.
Maba Maliya Deva, scholar of Ceylon, 1901, 892.
Maha Naga, Thera, 1901, 893.
Maha Siva, scholar of Ceylon, 1901, 892.
Jtfahaban inscriptions, 1901, 642.
Mahabharata, 1893, 49 et seq., 238, 480; 1896, 372; 1899,
305 ; 1901, 925.
a Smrti in fifth century B.C., 1897, 714.
all stories illustrations of legal customs, 1897, 715.
and the drama, 1903, 571.
composed by one poet, Vyasa, 1897, 714.
Gane^a in, 1898, 380.
History of, 1893, 174.
joint family and polyandry, 1897, 730,
law and poetry inseparably connected, 1897, 714.
MS. (Kafimlrian) Sanskrit deed of sale, 1900, 187, 554.
MSS. in R.A.8. Whish Collection, 1898, 147.
Niyoga, 1897, 717.
Notes on, with special reference to Dahlmann's
"Mahabharata," 1897, 713.
Story of, 1889, 193 et seq. ; 1890, 436.
text, 1898,379.
Mahabhashya and the Jatakas, 1898, 17 et seq.
Mahabodhi Jataka, 1893, 320.
temple, 1893, 157.
Mahachetl Pagoda, 1893, 1^^*
Mahadeva (Udumbara or Mathura) coin, 19CX), 112.
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106 MAH.
Maha-jaya river, 1894, 245.
Mahakantara, 1897, 866.
Mahakapi Jataka, 1893, 321.
Mahakasyapa, 1898, 330.
Mahallah Bagh, 1902, 745, 753.
Mahaluyah Lake, 1902, 516.
Maham Anaga, 1899, 99.
Begam, I9(X), 441.
Mahamad Anconij, 1895, 403.
Mahan, 1902, 762.
MahaDama, 1898, 554.
MahaprajapatI GotamT, 1893, 517.
account of life, 1893, 522.
Maha-rakkhita, scholar of Ceylon, 1 90 1, 891.
Maharastri dialect, 1899, 301.
Mahasenagupta, 1903, 561.
Mahasvayambhupurana, 1894, 297.
Mahavamsa and Hinayanists, 1891, 417.
Mahavamsa, Cambodjan, 1902, 171.
Mahavana Sangharama, 1896, 656.
Mahavaetu, 1892, 2.
Mahavyutpatti, 1894, 91.
Mahayana, 1899, 422, 428.
and Hinayana, 1 900, 29-42.
Mahayana ritual, 1894, 265.
Mahayanasaraparigraha, 1903, 586.
Mahayanavataraka-^astra or Ju-ta-shSng-lun, 1898, 331.
Mahbu-bu'sh-Shuhada, BabI martyr, 1889, 489.
Mahdl, 1899, 853.
Mahdiabad, 1902, 757.
Mahendra, 1894, 261.
of Kosala, 1897, 864.
special personal title of Kuraara Gupta, 1889, 39.
Mahendragiri of Pistapura, 1897, 868.
Mahl Rubat, 1902, 754.
Mabldasht, 1902, 512.
Mahldbara, 1893, 439, 440.
Mahinda enters the Order, 1 90 1, 404.
son of Asoka, 1902, 41.
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MAH — MAX. 107
Mahisha Jataka, 1893, 327.
Mahish-Mati, Indian goddess, 1899, 339.
Mahler (E.), The Exodus, 1901, 33.
Mahmud b. Amir Ahmad Nizam Qari, poet, 1895, 789.
Mahmud b. Muhammad b. Malikshah, 1902, 857.
Mahmud bin Muhammad Shah, Coin of, 1900, 777.
Mahmud Ehan I, 1898, 491.
II, 1898, 491.
Mahmud Nasr Bughra Khan, 1898, 487.
Mahmud of Ghaznah fights Khalaf, 1901, 525.
— ^ of Ghazni, 1899, 307.
Mahmudabad, 1902, 254, 759.
Mahomed Arcone, 1895, 403.
Enconim, 1895, 403.
Mahruban, 1902, 625.
MahsatI, Persian poet, 1901, 30.
Mahto or accountant amongst Oraons, 1893, 288.
Mahuan's account of Bengala, 1895, ^23.
Bengal, Note on, 1895, 898; 1896, 203.
Cochin, Calicut, and Aden, 1896, 341.
Maidyomah, 1899,285.
Maitrlbala Jataka, 1893, 312.
Maja'lQ, 1902, 247.
Majd ad-Daula, 1901, 760.
Majd-al-Din, 1902, 804.
Majdu'd Din Uamgar, Persian poet, 190 1, 18.
Majjhima Nikaya, 1894, 341.
Majma'-al-Ansiib, 1902, 531.
MajnOii (Lower Zab), 1902, 264.
Maj-rud, 1902, 241.
Majus-KaPah, 1902, 764.
Mukandi, 1899, 3l3.
Makarjan, 1902, 518.
Makhtasirat-at-Tawarikh, 1894, 735.
Ma'kil Canal, 1902, 750.
Makiii Castle, 1902, 246.
Mukian, description, 1902, 941.
Mftkuah or MSkuat language, 1902, 558.
Malabar, Chinese account of, 1896, 482.
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108 MAL.
Malabar identified with Nan-p*i, 1896, 75.
Survival of syllabic notation in, 1896, 789.
Malair, 1902, 247.
Malakhand carvings, 1898, 920.
inscription, 1898, 619.
Malamangalam NambOri, 19CX), 764.
Mai- Amir, 1902, 244.
Malan, 1902, 737.
pass, and Rubat, 1902, 763.
Malan (Dr. S. C), obituary, 189S, 463.
Malankubiyah (Malacopeia), 1902, 261.
Malasjird, 1902, 263, 761.
Malatlyah, 1902, 260.
Malatya city, 1895, 47.
Greek Melitene, 1895, 48.
Muslim fortress, 1895, ^8.
Malava tribe, 1897, 882.
war, 1903, 559.
Malavas, tribe of ancient Malwa, 1897, 30.
Malay Archipelago, Japanese sailor in, 1890, 157.
books, collection bequeathed by Sir W. E. Maxwell,
1899, 1*^1.
coin, 1903, 339.
parallel to CuUa-Paduma-Jataka, 1898, 375.
terminology of chess, 1898, 376.
Malayalam literature. Notes on, igoo, 763.
Malayan comparative vocabulary, 1903, 167.
dialects, comparative vocabulary, 1902, 557.
Maldivian etymological vocabulary, 1902, 909.
Malek Shah, 1902, 799.
al-Malik al-*Aziz, 1903, 135.
al-Nasir Yiisuf, 1902, 800.
Malik caual, 1895, 5.
Malik 'Imadu'd-Din Isma'Il al-Bukhari, Persian poet^ 1901,7.
'Izzu'd Din, king of Fars, 1 90 1, 424.
Mahmiid of Tabriz, Persian poet, 1901, 23.
Radi'u'd-Din Buba of Qazwin, Persian poet, 19CX), 754.
Shah, 1903, 146.
Shamsu'd-Din, king of Fars, 1901, 424.
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MAL — MAN. 10^
Malikshah, Reign of, 1902, 597.
Malikshah b. Mahmud b. Muhammad, 1902, 869.
Malinda, 1895, 397.
Mallnl river, 1894, 241.
Malish (Adharbayjan), 1902, 759.
(Pars), 1902, 765.
Malkite Church services, 1896, 679.
Mallika, 1898, 554.
Mallinatha, 1893, 427.
Malloi, 1903, 685.
Place of, 1903, 700.
Ma-lo-hua=Malwa, Chinese account of, 1896, 488.
Malwa, 1903, 824.
Chinese account of, 1 896, 488.
Malwi dialect of RajasthanI, 1901, 787.
Mamarah, 1902, 753.
Mamay, Amir, 1896, 148.
Mamluke history, 1902, 105.
Mamma, chamberlain to Amir Abu *Ali of Mayyafariqin,.
1903, 124.
Mamma, Seal of, igoo, 105.
Mammata, author of Eavyaprakasa, 1897, 281.
date, 1897,282.
MamQn, Death of, 1899, 849.
history of his reign, 1901, 501.
Man Singh, of Amber, 1903, 452.
Manaqibu'sh-Shu'ara, 1899, 47.
Mauaveda Campu, igoo, 764.
Manavedan Raja, 1900, 764.
Manavikrama, 19CX), 764.
Mand river, 1902, 518.
Mandakini river, 1894, 241, 250.
Mandasor inscription, 1891, 325.
Mandistan, 1902, 518.
Mandshuria, Djurtcben of, 1889, 433.
Mandura or Madura language, 1902, 558.
Mang-te-le, Uighur general, 1898, 812.
Manicudavadana, 1 894, 297.
Manikyiila stupa, 1903, 551.
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Google
110 MAN — MAR.
Maniya, 1903, 367.
Mankha, 1897, 283.
Manki, head of a Kol Parha, 1899, 332.
Mankishlagh, 1902, 741.
Manoratha-Puranl, 1898, 743 et seq.
Manorathapuranl, 1902, 952.
Mansur, founder of Baghdad, 1899, 849.
al-Mansur, 1895, 289; 1902, 794.
MansCrabad, 1902, 742.
Mansurah, 1902, 745.
Mantaraja of Kerala, 1897, 867.
Mantiq-ut-Tair, 1894, 561.
Manu and the Fish of Dravidian origin, 1898, 261.
Caste rules in, 1896, 371.
Vivasvat, 1893, 435, 465.
Manuvaivaswata, 1899, 520.
Map of ancient India, 1889, 526-527.
of Finn Ugor languages, 1889, 582-583.
of Lh'asa, 1891, 70-71.
Mar Abhai monastery, 1898, 840.
Mara in Takht-I-Bahal sculptures, 1899, 423.
in the guise of Buddha, 1902, 951.
Maraghah, 1902, 248, 252.
or Faraghah, 1902, 529.
Marand, 1902, 253, 761.
Marasimha, Silahara prince, 1901, 537.
Maratha races, their Aryan basis traced to Yadavas, 1 897, 249.
MarathI, Note on the past tense in, 1902, 417.
Maraz, 1902, 739.
Marbin, 1902, 237, 239.
Marco Polo and the cities of Kirman, 1901, 281.
Marco Polo's Camadi, 1898, 43.
Mardln, 1902, 266.
Marghzar Darrah, 1902, 757.
Lake, 1902, 526.
Marghzars (pasture-lands), 1902, 526.
Margoliouth (D. S.), Was the Book of Wisdom written in
Hebrew? 1890, 263; Book of the Apple, 1892, 187;
Syro- Armenian Dialect, 1898,839; Abu'l-'Ala al-Ma'arrl's
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MAR — MAS. Ill
Correspondence on Vegetarianism, 1902, 28P ; On the
Origin and Import of the names Muslim and Han If, 1903,
467; An early Judeeo- Persian Document from Khotan,
in the Stein Collection, 735; Early Documents in the
Persian Language, 761.
Margoliouth (Rev. G.), Liturgy of the Nile, 1896, 677.
Mari-amma, South Indian goddess, 1899, 338.
Maridin, 1902, 787.
Marinan, 1902, 736.
Maristan built by Ahmad, 1891, 531.
Maritime trade. Early, 1889, 563.
Marjamnan, 1902, 243.
Maroti, Gond god, 1899, 341.
tree-god of Gonds, 1893, 285.
Marriage ceremonies, Sindurdan, 1863, 268.
customs in India, 1893, 259 et seq.; amongst Eurmis^
263 ; amongst Rajwars, 264 ; amongst Gheroos, 265 ;
amongst Doms, 265 ; amongst Kewuts, 269.
rules in Narada Smrita, 1893, 41.
Martaj, envoy of Ibn Damna, 1903, 128.
Maruchak, 1902, 757.
Marust or Marvdasht, 1902, 520, 764.
Maruts, 1893, 465, 467.
Marv Shahijan (Great Marv), 1902, 739, 757, 758.
Marv-ar-Rud or Marv Kuchik (Little Marv), 1902, 738,
739, 754, 757.
Marvab, 1902, 739.
Marwanid dynasty, 1902, 798; at Mayyafuriqin, 1903, 123;
founded, 124.
Marwari, dialect of Rajasthani, 1901, 787.
weather proverbs, 1 892, 253.
Marya or Tree Gonds, 1899, 330.
Maryam, Rubat, 1902, 755.
Marzak, 1902, 765.
Masan, 1902, 752.
Masaram, 1902, 723.
Mashhad (Imam Rida), 1902, 735.
. 'Abd-al-'AzIm, 1902, 240, 753.
-'All, 1 902, 67, 750.
Digitized by
Google
112 MAS — ^MAW.
Mashhad Husayn, 1902, 67.
Madar-i-Sulayman, 1902, 527, 764.
MisriyaD, 1902, 744.
Mashiz, 1902, 531.
or Narmashir, town of KirmaD, 1901, 281.
Mashk, Rubat, 1902, 764.
Mashkan, 1902, 526.
Masin river, 1902, 513.
Mas] id RazaD, 1902, 754.
Masrukan, 1902, 514.
Massaga, 1894, 683.
Mast-Kuh, 1902, 253.
Mas'ud b. Muhammad b. Malikshah, 1902, 861.
Materia Medica, Persian, 1902, 333.
Mathura coins, 1903, 288.
coins of Hindu Princes, 1900, 109-113.
dynasty distinct from Taxila, 1903, 48.
epigraphic discoveries, 1896, 578.
genealogy of &aka Satraps, 1894, 531.
inscriptions, 1903, 38.
Mathura Lion Pillar, description, 1894, 525, 544; alphabet
used, 527 ; language, 528 ; contents, 529 ; discovery, 542 ;
sculptures, 543.
Matila, 1897, 875.
Matriarchal customs in India, 1893, 288.
village life in India, 1899, 329.
Matriarchate in ancient Burma, 1896, 47.
Matrigupta, 1903, 568.
Matsya Jataka, 1893, 316.
race, 1893, 290.
race, held country of Jumna, 1893, 291.
Matsyas, 1899, 309, 312.
Maues, Parthian Satrap, 1903, 48.
Maukhari (Mukhara) kings of Western Magadha, rivals of
later Gupta dynasty, 1889, 39.
Maurya, new variety of southern alphabet, 1892, 602.
al-Mawsil (Mosul) city, 1895, 33; the ancient Nawardashlr
or Bawardashir, 35 ; capital under the Omayyads, 35.
Mawz Lake, 1902, 622.
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MAX — MET. 113
Maxwell (Sir W. £.), Collection of Malay Books bequeathed
to the Society, 1899^ l^^*
May Castle, 1902, 739.
Mayafarikayn, 1902, 266.
Maybud, 1902, 247.
Maydan-i-Sultan, 1902, 735.
Mayidasht, 1902, 512.
Mayin, 1902, 519, 520, 762.
Maymanah (Shlraz), 1902, 762.
(Yahudlyah), 1902, 536.
Mayura, 1894, 3, 555.
Mayya£iriqin, History of, 1903, 123.
Three Arabic MSS. on the History of, 1902, 785.
MazandardD, 1902, 743.
al-Mazrafa city, 1895. 3^» 39.
McDouall (W.), Bakhtiari Dialect, 1896, 577.
McMahon (Captain), Impressions of Inscriptions, edited by
E. J. Rapson, 1901, 291.
Medal Fund, Madras contribution, 1903, 249.
Medhahkara, 1901, 90.
Meghaduta, 1893, 427.
Melitene, 1902, 260.
Membership, new rule, 1898, 680, 710.
Menander among the Tibetans, 1897, 227.
Menon (T. K. Krishna), Notes on Malayalam Literature,
1900, 763.
Menuas, Inscriptions of, 1893, 5, 8 et seq.
and Ispuinis, Inscriptions of, 1 893, 5.
— Probable inscriptions of, 1893, 6.
Mepputhur Narayana Bhattathiri, 1900, 764.
Merial sacrifices, 1890, 430.
Memeptah, victor}' over Libyans, 1901, 33; hymn of
victory, 35.
Meru mountain, 1894, 682.
Merv, Description of, 1891, 582.
Mesopotamia and Baghdad, 1895, 1, 255.
as described by Ibn Serapion, 1895, 739.
Metempsychosis, 18^4, 372; 1902, 393, 835, 840.
Metres, Sanskrit and Zend, 1890, 457.
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Google
114 MET — MIN.
Metrical prose in Indian literature, 1903, 825.
Mevaku, 1894, 548.
Mevs, 1894, 548.
Mewati, dialect of RajasthanI, 1901, 787.
Mihiragula, 1903, 551, 568.
Gwaliyor inscription of, 1903, 568.
Mihirakula, 1893, 132.
a Huna chief, 1889, 39.
Mihmandust, 1902, 753.
Mihrajankadhak, 1902, 246.
Mihran (Indus), 1902, 762.
Mihran-rud, 1902, 248.
Mihrauli, 1897, 8.
inscription, 1897, 12.
Mihyar, 1902, 761.
Miju Mishmi tribe, 1902, 127.
Mikal, 1902, 534.
Mil *Omari, 1902, 754.
Milabad, 1902, 755.
Milaraspa, 1901, 641.
Milinda, 1896, 4.
among the Tibetans, 1897, 227 et seq.
Panho, Chinese translation, 1896, 1.
the Chinese Nanda, 1897, 227.
the Tibetan Ananta, 1 897, 227.
Milk mixed with Soma (Rig-veda), 1893, 456.
Mills (Rig-veda), 1893, 485.
Mills (Rev. Dr. L.), Initiative of the Avesta, 1899, 271 ; The
First Preparers of the Haoma, 1900, 511 ; Philo's
SwdfjL€i^ and the Amesha Spenta, 1901, 553 ; Zarathushtra
and Heraclitus, 1902, 897; Vision of Haoma to Zara-
^u§tra, 1903, 313; Pahlavi Texts of Yasna X, 495;
Elohe Halamalm is Deva, 833.
Mimand, 1902, 518.
Minao, 1902, 531.
Minar, 1902, 751.
Minarah Qah, 1902, 755.
Minbu Chin vocabulary, 1895, 727.
Mines of the Northern Etbai, 1892, 811.
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MIN — HON. 115
Mingai Sanskrit MSS., 1891, 689, 694.
Minglaur, the ancient Mungali, 1896, 656.
Mingun, 1893, 167.
Mining in Mysore, 1890, 839.
Minor Rock Edicts, 1901, 494 et seq.
Minuchihri, Persian poet, 1902, 581.
Mir Ma'sum, 1898, 795.
Mirasi holdings, 1897, 266.
Mir'at al Zaman, 1902, 799.
Mirza *A1I Muhammad, Date of, 1889, 507 ; training of, 881 ;
doctrines of, 892 ; works of, 1000.
Mirza Fath *AU, Akhwand Zadeh, 1895, 537.
Mirza Ja'afar, 1895, 637.
Mirza Yahya, Writings of, 1889, 939.
Mishanan, 1902, 522.
Mishkanat, 1902, 529.
Mishkin, 1902, 250.
Misr in the fifteenth century, 1903, 791.
Mitani language, 1893, 830.
MithI, 1899, 521.
Mithila, 1899, 312.
Mitra (Sunga) Dynasty, Coins of, associated with copper
Gupta coins, 1889, 61.
Mitra (Sarat C), Har Parauri or Behari Women's Ceremony
for producing Rain, 1897, 471.
Miyan Riidan, 1902, 751.
Miyani Road, 1902, 761.
Miyanij, 1902, 251, 761.
Mngari-k'asum, People of, 1891, 126.
Moga, 1899, 369.
Moghuls, Army of Indian, full account, 1896, 509.
Mogk, 1893, 488.
Mohammed as Prophet's name, 1903, 468.
Mon tribes of Burma, 1 899, 329.
Mongol dynasty in China, 1893, 800, 803.
Mongolic languages, Accadian, Medic, Mitani, 1 893, 830 et seq.
Monier - Williams (Sir M.), Duty of English-speaking
Orientalists with regard to adhering to Sir W. Jones'
Principles of Transliteration, 1890, 607; obituary, 1899,730.
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116 MON — MUB.
Monograms, or monogrammatic emblems, on Gupta coins.
Lists of, 1889, 30; Gupta compared with Indo-Scythian,
31 ; religious or mythological significance of, 33.
Moon sacrifices, 1890, 337.
symbol on Gupta coins, 1889, 84; worshippers in
India, 530; god Egyptian, 549; Bel, 543.
Mordvin tribe, 1889, 589; bibliography, 643.
Morgan (E.), Chinese Inscriptions, 1891, 451.
Morley (W. Hook), 1901, 121.
Morris (H.), Alphabet for Languages not yet reduced to
Writing, 1898, 23.
Morris (Dr. R.), The Garuda, 1891, 344, 694; Bimbohana,
1892, 602.
Morris (Rev. R.), obituary, 1894, 607.
Morris MSS., catalogue, 1896, 212.
Moses, Rock of, 1902, 256.
Mosque, Gami' al *Askar or Camp, 1891, 527; Fatimy
Caliph al Hakim, 538 ; of Baibars, 638 ; of Ibrahim
Agha, 538; of Khalat-i-Sult&n Tekye near Lamaca,
1897, 81.
Mosul, 1901, 750; 1902, 264, 751 ; 1903, 123, 133.
Mother and Daughter Pass, 1902, 761.
Mother and father worship in Western Asia and Europe^
1890, 395 et seq. ; worshippers, 718.
Mother- worship and measurement of time, 1890, 390 et seq.
Motupalle, 1895, 629.
Moving Sands, 1902, 758.
Mramma, 1899, 667.
Mrcchakatika ascribed to Dandin, 1 897, 284.
Mrohaung, 1893, 157.
MSS., Arabic, Persian, Hindustani, and Turkish in R.A.S.
Librar}-, 1892, 301.
Babi, 1892,433.
Chinese in R.A S. Library, 1890, 1.
Erpenius, 1894, 418 et seq.
Tibetan, 1892, 570.
Ma Tsung, emperor of China, 1903, 573.
Mufairak Shih of Ghiir, Persian poet, 1901, 18.
el Mubarak ed-DmaT«ri, 1894, 428, 755.
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MUB — MUJ. 117
al-Mubarik city, 1895, 47, 51.
Mudaranar of Aiyur, poet, 1899, 267.
Mugapakkha Jataka identical with Temiya Vatthu, 1 893, 367,
Mugdhavabodhamauktika and its evidence as to Old
Gujarat!, 1902, 537.
Mugh tribes in India, 1890, 427; identity of Indian and
Accadian, 429.
Mughal or Turk, 1902, 252.
Mughan or Miikan, 1902, 264.
Mughullyah, 1902, 243.
Muhammad Adil Sur, coin, 1900, 498, 789.
Akkaf, Shaykh, killed, 1902, 864.
*Ali, son of Nurd, author of Life of Shah Isma'il, 1902,
889, 892.
b. Hasanawayh of Ray occupies Isfahan, 1901, 666.
b. Mahmud b. Muhammad, 1902, 870.
b. Malikshah, Reign of, 1902, 604.
b. Rukn ad Din, 1895, 403.
b. Yahya killed, 1902, 854.
bin Tughlak, coins, 1900,487,775; currency of, 1893,144.
College of Sultan, 1902, 239.
ibn Ildagiz, 1902, 748, 749.
RazI Beg, 1902, 893.
Shaibani, 1896, 781 ; victory of, 767.
Sufi, poet, 1895, 790.
Zaman Mirza, death, 1902,
Muhammadabad, 1902, 755.
Muhammadan Calendar, 1899, 142.
religion, Mr. Arnold's book on, 1896, 800; Nile
observances, 693.
Muhammed Arslan Khan, 1898, 492.
Muhammedan Encyclopaedia, 1898, 207.
Muhammedans in India, 1894, 662.
Muhawwal, 1902, 71.
Mu*izz-ad-Dawla, 1895, 2.
Mu'izz-ad-Dawlah, the Buyid Prince, 1899, 849.
Muizz-ud-din Kaikubad, coin, 1900, 484.
Mu'izzi, Persian poet, 1901, 17.
Mujahidabad, 1902, 534.
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118 MUJ — MTJR.
Mu'jam al-6uldan, 1902, 796.
Mujashi' ibn Mas'ud storms Slrjan, 1901, 283.
Mujiru'd-Din Baylaqanli Persian poet, 1901, 18.
Mukaddasi, 1895, 35; 1899,864.
Mukamas of al Hareeree, 1889, 650.
al-Mukhtass restored the great mosque at Damascus, 1897,
339 ; murdered, 343.
Muktadir, caliph, 1897, 35.
al-Muktafi, 1895, 2.
Muktafi, 1899,873.
Mukund Dev, 1896, 743.
Mulahid (Assassins) castles, 1902, 241, 254, 525.
Mulamadhyamaka, 1903, 581.
Mulla Firuz Library, Description of, 1901, 67.
Miiller (Professor F. Max), Sanskrit MSS. in China, 1895,
202; Biihler obituary, 1898, 695 ; obituary notice, 1901,
364; Sanskrit MSS., 1902, 611.
(Fr-)> obituary, 1899, 473.
Mulukhkha, 1898, 243, 244.
Mumahhid al-Daula, Amir of Mayyafariqln, 1903, 126;
murdered, 129.
Muminabad, 1902, 535.
Mundas, 1893, 240 ; 1899, 329, 332.
Mungali, or Mung Kie-Ii, old capital of Swat, 1896, 655.
Munis, 1897, 36.
al-Muqallad, 1901, 750.
al-Muqtadi, 1903, 135.
Muqtafi Caliph, 1902, 788.
Murad, Sultan, 1902, 890.
Murad Bakhsh, 1903, 730.
Murad-Su, 1895, 4.
Murchah Khurd, 1902, 761.
Murdan Na*Im, 1902, 251, 253.
Murghab, Irrigation by, 1891, 566.
river, 1902, 739.
Murjan or Murkhan mountain, 1902, 523.
Murugan, Dravidian god, 1899, 228, 242.
Muru^dadevI, princess, 1897, 894.
Murundas, 1897, 33, 894.
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MUR — NAB. 119
Murustak, 1902, 743, 744.
Muru-ussu country, People of, 1891, 127.
Musa-abad, 1902, 755.
Musahars, 1893, 240.
Musaylimah, 1903, 488, 771.
al-Musayyib (Abu adh-Dhawwad Muhammad), 1901, 750.
Mush, 1902, 266.
Mushk Mabna, 1902, 755.
Muslim and Hanlf, 1903, 771.
origin of names, 1903, 467.
al-Mustansir, 1899, 418.
Musta'sim, 1899, 849.
al-Musta'sim-billah put to death, 1900, 293.
Mustaykidh, 1892, 262. *
Mu'tadid, 1899, 860.
al-Mu'tadid, 1895, 36.
Caliph, 1 90 1, 664.
Mutarriz Mosque, Nishapur, burned, 1902, 854.
al-Mu'tasim, 1895, 36.
Mutnedmet, wife of Haremheb, 1901, 43.
al-Muwaffaq, the vizier of Baha ad-daula, 1901, 510 et seq.
al-Muzafiar Qara Arslan, 1902, 805.
Muzaffarids, dynasty in Eirman, 190 1, 285.
Muzazir, 1894, 700.
Muzdakan river, 1902, 242, 243.
Myriantheus, 1893, ^^O*
Mysore, epigraphic discoveries, 1895, 900.
mining, 1 890, 839.
Mythological studies in Eig-Yeda: dwarf incarnation,
189s, 165.
Mythologies of Europe and Asia, founded on Brahma^as
and sacrificial observances, 1890, 319.
Mythology, Taoist, 1893, 799.
Myths, Rules for interpretation of, 1890, 741 ; specimens of
Indian nature, 741 ; of Bama and Sita, 742 ; Nala and
Damayanti, 745 ; religio-historical, 750.
Naband, 1902, 518.
Nabll, chronological poem on Beha, 1889, 983.
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120 NAB— NAH.
Nabu-sumu-idkun, 1892, 350.
Nad *Ali, 1902, 533.
Nadasi Easa, 1894, 531, 545-^.
Nadhri Shah Rida'I, poet, 1895, 790.
Nadlm Ehwaja Eoka, husband of Maham Anaga, 1899, ^^*
Nadir-uz-Zamanl, 1898, 375.
Naga, 1 89 1, 361 ; and phallic worship, 363; legends, 364;
descent of Buddha, 386 ; and Asoka, 387.
kings of Narwar, Coins of, 1889, 132.
rajas, trilingual list, 1894, 91 ; worshipped, 1901, 462.
temple mentioned by Fa-Hian, 1891, 387; by Hiouen
Thsang, 387.
temples, 1901, 465.
temples and Trisula, 1891, 390.
Nagadatta, 1897, 875.
Naga-nanda, 1891, 365.
Nagarjuna, 1897, 228; 1903, 345.
Nagarjuna's Eakshaputa, 1901, 120.
Nagas, 1893, 254 ; 1899, 313 ; 1901, 187, 461 et seq.
connected with Takhas, 1891, 366; an Asura tribe,
371 ; colonized in Ceylon, 383 ; in Burma, 384 ; in
India, 384 ; a sun- worshipping people, 391.
Nagasena, 1891, 476; 1896, 1; 1897, 875.
a historical personage, 1897, 228.
a Lohan, 1898, 340.
Date of, 1897, 228.
hermitage at Mt. Panduva, 1897, 229.
Nagbunsi Rajas of Chutia Nagpore, 1899, 332.
Naghaz, 1902, 253.
Nagini Devis worshipped, 190 1, 463.
Naginis identified with Devi or Durga, 1891, 362.
Nahapana, 1899, ^^^ ®^ ^4*
Coins of, 1893, 140.
the Eshaharata, 1890, 642.
Nahr Abrik, 1895, 54, 58.
Nahr Ath-Tharthar, 1895, 56.
Nahr *Ayn-at-Tamr, 1895, 56.
Nahr-al Balikh, 1895, 55.
Nahr Ban city, 1895, 33, 45.
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NAH — NAN. 121
Nahr-adh-Dhib, 1895, 261.
Nahr al-Hirmas, 1895, ^^^
Nahr 'Isa, 1902, 71.
Nahr Jarjarlya, 1895, 64, 58.
Nahr al-Khabur, 1895, 55.
Nahr Kubakib, 1895, 55, 58.
Nahr Lukiya, 1895, 4, 54, 58.
Nahr Malik, 1902, 71.
Nahr al-Malik, 1895, 70.
Nahr Sabus city, 1895, 33, 43.
NahrSa'id, 1895,47, 51.
Nahmban, 1902, 750.
Nahrawan, 1902, 71.
Nahusa, 1899,297.
Nahusha, 1889,268.
Naigamesba, goat or ram-headed god, 1895, 153.
in medical Samhitas, 1895, 153.
in Susruta, 1895, 153.
Naimans, chief identified with Prester John, 1889, 370.
Nairs, 1899, 339 ; their customs, 339 et seq.
Najaf, 1902, 750.
Najibu*d-Din JarbadaqanI, Persian poet, 1901, 25.
Najlram, 1902, 517.
Najmabad, 1902, 242.
Najm-ad-Din KubrI, 1902, 743.
Najmu*d-Dln Abu Bakr Muhammad ar Rawandl, 1902, 568.
Najmu'd-Din Zarkub (the Gold-Beater), Persian poet, 1901,23.
Na-ka-si-na, a Lohan, 1898, 340.
Nakhchivan, 1902, 253.
Nakshatra month, 1890, 552.
Nakshatras, 1893, 755.
Nakula, a Lohan, 1898, 336.
Namak, Dih, 1902, 753.
— Lawn mountain, 1902, 243.
Namisadhu, a Svetambara Jain, 1897, ^^^*
author of commentary on Rudrata's Eavyalankara,
1897, 298.
Nanak and the Japji, 1900, 43.
Nandii, 1893, 763 et seq.
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122 NAN — NAS.
Nanda = Milinda, 1897, 227.
Nanda kings of Karwar, Coins of, 1903, 296.
Nanda9riyaka, 1894, 545, 546.
Nandangarh mound, 1902, 153.
Nandimitra, 1898, 331, 332.
Nandin, 1897, 875.
Nandivardha or Nandivrddha, Seal of, 1900, 103»
Nandrus, king of India, 1901, 832.
Nangnihar, 1894, 678.
Nan-p*i =: Malabar, 1896, 75.
Chinese account of, 1896, 482.
Napat, the centre of the waters, 1893, 281.
Nara Baladitya, Coins of, 1893, 128.
Gold coins of, 1889, 117.
identical with Nara Sinha Gupta, 1893, 86.
Nara Sifiha Gupta, 1893, 86, 128.
Narada Smriti MS., 1893, 41 ; date, 41-2.
Naras, 1895, 158, 160.
Narasawsa, 1893, 430.
Narayanlyam, 1900, 764.
Naraynpur, colony of Ehamtis, 1895, 159.
Nard, or backgammon, 1898, 122.
Nardiban Payah, 1902, 755.
Narendra, name on coin, 1893, 146.
Narkis (Narcissus) Plain, 1902, 527.
Narmashlr, 1902, 531.
Narrows of the Oxus, 1902, 740, 758.
Narses, 1895, 260.
NarsI on Nihayatu'1-irab, 1900, 221.
Nashawa, 1902, 253.
Nasibin, 1902, 266.
Na-Sien, the Bhiksu, 1896, 6.
Nasik inscriptions, 1899, 369.
an-Nasir, Sultan, 1896, 141.
Nasir-ad-Din of Tus, 1902, 252.
Nasir al-Daula the Hamdanid, 1903, 123.
Nasir al-Daula Abu'l Muzaffar Mansdr, 1903, 146.
Nasir-i-Khusraw, 1899, ^18.
Persian poet, 1901, 25.
Digitized by CjOOQIC
NAS — NEW. 128
Nasir of ... , Persian poet, 1901, 28.
Nasirabad or Nasratabad, 1902, 533.
Nasr al-Daula, 1902, 799.
Nasr Abu Nasr Ahmad, 1903, 124, 131 ; death, 140.
Nasrat Shah, coin, 1900, 490.
Natanz, 1902, 244.
Nathr el Juman by El Fayumi, 1901, 95.
Natljatu'l Tahqiq, 1903, 155.
Nativity of the Buddha, 1895, 751.
Nauluda, 1894, 531, 546.
Naw Diz, 1902, 251.
Naw Shagird, 1902, 758.
Nawardashir, ancient name of Mosul, 1895, 35.
Nawbanjan or Nawbandagan, 1902, 524, 765.
Nawkird = al-Haditba city, 1895, 35.
an-Nawusa city, 1895, 47, 52.
Nayin, 1902, 247.
Nay Ian, 1902, 253.
Nayriz, 1902, 521, 529.
Nazi-bugas, 1894, 808.
Nedista, 1899, 521.
Nejamesha in Grhyasutras, 1895, 1^2.
Naigamesha, Nemeso, 1895, 149.
Rig- Veda, 1895, 150.
Nemesa, Jain deity, 1895, 149.
Neolithic monuments, Evidence of, in N. India, 1 890, 725 et seq,
lake-dwellings and language, 1890, 730.
Nepal, Lichchavi, or Suryavanal, and Thakurl dynasties of,
1889, 6, note 3.
Nepal MSS., 1900, 345.
People of, 1 89 1, 129.
sects of Buddhists, 1891, 421.
Nepala, 1897, 29.
roughly the modern Nepal, 1897, 880.
Nepalese MSS., 1891, 687.
Nest-builders, 1899, 331.
New Bridge, 1902, 762.
Newman (F. W.), Transliteration, 1891, 341.
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124 NIC — NIM.
Nicholson (R. A.), Persian MS. attribated to Fakhru'ddm
RazT, 1899, 17, 669 ; Some Arabic MSS., 906; Risalatu'l-
Ghufran by Abu*l-*Ala al-Ma*arri, 1900, 637; 1902, 75,
337, 813.
Nicola6 Manucci, 1903, 723.
Nicolo Conti visits Vijayanagar, 1899, 10.
Nidana in concrete form, 1894, 369.
Nidanas, Buddhist theory, 1896, 800.
NidhamI of Ganja, Persian poet, 1901, 24.
Nidhami-i-'Arudl, 1899, 53.
Persian poet, 1901, 24.
Nidhamw-*ArGdI-i-Samarqandi : Chahar Maqala, translated
by E. G. Browne, 1899, 613, 757 ; specially indexed, 841.
Nidhamu'd-Din Qiwamu'l-Islam, 1901, 424.
Nidhamu'l Mulk, 1899, 409 et seq.
Nido, Corean system of writing, 1895, 508.
Nigaristan, 1895, 439.
Nigha;/tu, 1893, 475, 480.
Nigliva, 1897, 616, 647.
inscription, 1 897, 432.
pillar, 1898, 580; 1901, 830.
Nigrodha-raiga-Jatuka and the life of St. Eustathius Placidus,
1894, 335.
Nih, 1902, 533.
Nihavand, 1902, 247, 751.
Nihayatu'1-irab ft akhbari'l-Fuis wa'l-'Arab, 1900, 195-259.
Nihilam, Meaning of, 1900, 137.
Nikaia, 1894, 678.
Nikayas, Pali, and Chinese Agamas, 1901, 895.
Nikayat, 1899, 51.
Nikbay, Rubat, 1902, 760.
Nikdah, 1902,260.
Niksar, 1902, 264.
Nikumbba, 1899, 521.
Nil (Irak 'Arab), 1902, 71, 750.
Nila, Indian king, 1899, 339.
Nilaraja of Avamukta, 1897, 872.
Nile, Course of, 1895, 7.
Nlm Murdan, 1902, 744.
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NIM — NOT. 125^
Nim-Rah, 1902, 511,
Kimbapuram cinder-mound, 1899, 3.
Niml, 1899, 621.
Nimr, 1902, 767.
Nimruz, 1902, 633.
Nin-a-kha-kud-du, Chaldsean goddess of purification by
running water, 1900, 347.
Nineveh, 1902, 266.
Ninth International Congress of Orientaliste, 1892, 855.
Nisa, 1902, 744.
Nisar, 1902, 747.
Nishani, sign-signature, 1901, 120.
Nishapur, 1902, 734, 753, 754, 756.
destroyed by the Ghuzz, 1902, 854.
Nishnak or Nlshkunan, 1902, 524.
Nisht or Na'Isht mountain, 1902, 519,
Nismur, 1902, 244.
Nitimailljarl quotation, 1902, 956.
quotation identified, 1900, 796.
Niti-manjarl of Dya Dviveda, 1900, 127-136.
Nituk, the modem Bahrein, 1898, 244.
Niya river, archaeological discoveries, 1901, 569.
inscriptions, 1903, 680.
Niyajun, 1902, 252.
Niyoga in Mahabharata, 1897, 717.
Nizam al-Din Abu'l-Qasim Nasr, 1903, 142.
Nizam al Mulk, 1899, 136; visits Mayyafariqin, 1903, 144.
No-kii-lo, a Lohan, 1898, 336.
Nonkhar ruins, 1900, 436.
Northern Frontagers of China, 1898, 467, 809; Kirais and
Prester John, 1889, 361.
India, early history, 1 889, 187, 527 ; early trade and
commerce, 199 et seq.
Kshatrapas, 1894, 541 ; coins, 547 et seq.
^^ote on ancient remains of temples on the Bannu Frontier,
1892, 877.
Notes from the Tanjur, 1903, 345.
on the Hittite writing, 1893, 823.
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126 NOTICES OP BOOKS.
Notices of Books —
Abu-I-fazl Akbarnama, trans. H. Beveridge, 1898, 904.
Adyar Library Catalogue, 1892, 400.
African languages, 1893, 900.
African philology, 1892, 180; 1895, 719.
Alabaster (E.), Notes on Chinese Criminal Law, 1900, 148.
Amalnerkar (T. R.), Priority of the Vedanta Sutra over
the Bhagavadgita, 1896, 224.
Amr b. Bahr al- Jahiz, Livre des Beaut^s et des antitheses,
1899, 177.
Arabic Literature, 1 892, 180.
Arbuthnot (F. F.), Mysteries of Chronology, 1900, 386.
Arendzen (L), Theodori Abu Kurra de cultu imaginum
libellum, 1898, 653.
Arib Tabari, ed. De Geoje, 1898, 156.
Arnold (T. W.), Preaching of Islam, 1899, 682.
Arya Sura, Jataka Mala, 1899, 680.
Asadi, Lughat-i-Furs, 1898, 153.
Aufrecht (Th.), Catologus Catalogorum, 1 892, 179 ;
Leipzig Univ., Katalog der HSS., 1902, 207.
Baden-Powell (B. H.), Land Systems of British India, 1 893,
177 ; Short Account of Land Revenue in British India,
1894, 204; Indian Village Community, 1897, 347.
Baillie (A.), Kurrachee, 1890, 845.
Barlaam and Josaphat, 1896, 383.
Barnstein (H.), The Targum of Onkelos, 1896, 649.
Barth (J.), Diwan des 'TJmeir ibn Schujeim al QutamT,
1903, 208.
Basset (Ren^), Etude sur la Zenatia du Mzab, de Ouargla
et de rOued-Rir, 1893, 661; Apocryphes Ethiopiens,
1894, 621 ; Etudes sur les dialectes berberes, 1895, 482.
Baynes (H.), Ideals of the East, 1898, 892.
Beames (J.), Bengali Grammar, 1894, 407.
Becker (C. H.), Ibn (^auzi's Manaqib 'Omar ibn Abd el
'Aziz, 1900, 578.
Benares Sanskrit Series, 1898, 412.
Bendall (C), Qikshasamuccaya, 1903, 608.
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NOTICES OF BOOKS. 127
H^OTicES OF Books (continued) —
Berg (F.), Influence of the Septuagint on the Peshitta
Psalter, 1896, 825.
Berlin, Mittheilungen des Seminars fur Orientalische
Sprachen, 1900, 368.
Beveridge (A. S.), History of Humayun, 1902, 681.
Bbandarkar (R. G.), Early History of the Deccan, 1895,
693.
Bhattacharya (J. N.), Hindu Castes and Sects, 1 897, 192.
BibliothecaLindesiana, Oriental MSS. Catalogue, 1898, 659.
Blochet (E.), Catalogue de la Collection (Schefer) de
Manuscrits Orientaux, 1901, 331.
Blonay (G. de), Materiaux pour servir a Thistoire de la
d^sse bouddhique Tara, 1896, 241.
Bodawpaya's Inscriptions in Mandalay, 1898, 648.
Bohnenberger (K.), Der Altindische Gott Varuna, 1894,
627.
Boissier (A.), Documens assyriens relatifs aux presages,
1897, 413; En Cappodoce, 1898, 439.
Booklet of Crumbs, 1899, 453.
Booth (A. J.), Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions, 1903, 224.
Brockelmann (C), Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur,
1898, 426; Gesch. d. Arab. Litt., 1902, 469.
Brooks (E. W.), Sixth Book of Letters of Sever us,
1903, 213.
Brown (R.), Primitive Constellations, 1900, 371, 571.
Brown (Major R.H.), Fayura and LakeMojris, 1893, 179.
Browne (E. G.), Year among the Persians, 1894, 194;
Tarikh-i-JadId, 640; Catalogue of Persian MSS. in
Cambridge University Library, 1896, 404; Hand-list
of the Muharamadan MSS. at Cambridge, 1 901, 323;
Tadhkiratu 'Sh-Shu'ara, 913.
Briill (N.), Die Gottesdienstlichen Vortraege der Juden
historisch entwickelt, 1892, 402.
Brunhoffer (H.), Iran and Turan, 1890, 687.
Briinnow (Dr. R.), Chrestomathy of Arabic Prose Pieces,
189s, 484.
Buber (S.), Midrash Samuel, 1893, 902 ; Midrash Mischl^,
902; Jalkut Machiri, 1900, 555.
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128 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Notices of Books {continued) —
Budge (E. A. W.), Life and Exploits of Alexander the
Great, 1896, 647; Rabban Hormizd and Rabban Bar-
*Idta, 1903, 694.
Budh Gaya Temple case, 1896, 225.
Biihler (G.), Note on MS. Ganaratnaraahodadhi, 1895, 247 ;
Indische Palaeographie, 1 897, 149.
Bullock (T.L.), Progressive Exercises in Chinese, 1903,388.
Burgess (J.), Gandhara Sculptures, 1899, 468; 1900, 388;
Muhammadan Architecture of Ahmadabad, 1902, 208.
Burnaby (Rev. S. B.), Jewish and Muhammadan Calendars,
1902, 183.
Cabaton (A.), Nouvelles Recherches sur les Chams, 1902,672.
Cadiere (L.), Phon^tique Annamite, 1902, 665.
Caland (W.), Alt-indischen Todten- und Bestattungs-
gebrauche, 1897, 417; Pitrmedha Sutras, 417.
Campbell (Rev. W.), Articles of Christian Instruction, in
Favorlang-Formosan, Dutch, and English, 1897, 140.
Carra de Vaux (M. le Baron), Avicenne, 1901, 141.
Carter (C), English-Sinhalese Dictionary, 1892, 401.
Castries (Le Corate H. de), L'Islam, impressions et Etudes,
1897, 175.
Cave (H. W.), Ruined Cities of Ceylon, 1897, 394.
Chalmers (R), History of Currency in the British Colonies,
1893, 666; Jataka, vol. i, 1895, ^99; MajjhimaNikaya,.
1902, 472.
Chamberlain (B. H.), Things Japanese, 1892, 403.
Charles (Rev. R. H.), Ascension of Isaiah, 1901, 165 ;
Book of Jubilees, 1903, 205.
Chavannes (E.), Memoire historique de Semat'sien, 1896,
221; Les inscriptions chinoises de Bodh-Gaya, 1897,
659 ; La premiere inscription chinoise de Bodh-Gaya,
659; Les religieux eminents, 654; M^moires historiques
de Se-ma Ts'ien, 388.
China, Map of, 1900, 147.
Compton (H.), European Adventurers of Hindustan, 1893,.
406.
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NOTICES OF BOOKS. 129
Notices of Books {continued) —
Conrady (Dr. A.), Indo-chinesische causativ-denominativ-
bildung, 1897, 144-
Cook (S. A.), Glossary of Aramaic Inscriptions, 1899, 19^-
Cooke (Rev. G. A.), Text-book of North Semitic Inscriptions,
1903, 847.
Cool (W.), With the Dutch in the East, 1897, 406.
Copleston (Bp.), Buddhism in Magadha and Ceylon, 1893,
174.
Cordier (H.), iltudes chinoises (1891-94), 1895, 706;
Notice sur le Japon, 708 ; Description d'un Atlas Sino-
Cor^en, 1 896, 639 ; Fragments d'une histoire des Etudes
chinoises au xviii<^ siecle, 236; Centenaire de Marco
Polo, 1897, 387; Les origines de deux ^tablissements
fran9ais dans TextrSme- Orient, 388.
Cowell (E. B.) and Thomas (F. W.), Harsa Carita, 1898,
448.
Cowley (A. E.), Original Hebrew of Ecclesiasticus, 1897,
370.
Crawford and Balcarres (the Rt. Hon. the Earl), Biblio-
theca Lindesiana, 1895, 943.
Crooke (W.), Popular Religion of Northern India, 1894,
874; Tribes and Castes of the N.W.P. and Oudh,
1897,661.
Crow (F. E.), Arabic Manual, 1902, 461.
Cuneiform Texts in British Museum, 1898, 436.
Cunha (G. da). Origin of Bombay, 1901, 351.
Oust (R. N.), Three Lists of Bible Translations, 1891, 171.
Dahlmann (J.), Nirvana, 1897, 407; Buddha, 1898, 646;
Genesis des Mahabbarata, 1 899, 685.
Dalman (G. H.), Aramai'sche Lesestiicke, 1897, 158 ;
Grammatik des Jiidisch - Palastinischen Aramaisch,
158; Aramaeisch-Neuhebraeisches Worterbuch, 1898,
446; 1902, 189; Die Worte Jesu, 1899, 433-
D'Alviella (G.), Ce que I'lnde doit a la Grece, 1898, 188.
Darmesteter (J.), Chants Populaires des Afghans, 1 890, 690 ;
Zend Avesta, 1893, ^54.
Davids (C. A. F.), Dhamma-Sangani, 1901, 129.
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130 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Notices of Books {continued) —
Davids (T. W. Rhys), Buddhism, its History and Literature,
1896, 641 ; Dialogues of the Buddha, 1900, 802.
Da vies (N. de G.), Mastaba of Ptah-hetep and Ankh-hetep
at Sakkareh, 1901, 146.
Davis (Rev. E. J.), Osmanli Proverbs, 1898, 434.
Delitzsch (Fr.), Assyrisches Handworterbuch, 1896, 820;
Entstehung des aeltesten Schriftsystems, 1897, 385;
In Lande des einstigen Paradieses, 1903, 846.
Deussen (P.), Philosophie der IJpanishads, 1899, 691.
Dharmaratna (M.), Satvotpatti Viniscaya and Nirvana
Vibhaga, 1903, 606.
Dhatu-attha-dipani, ed. Hingulwala Jina-ratana, 1897, 143.
Dieterici (F.), Der Musterstaat des Alfarabi, 1901, 341.
D'OIdenbourg (S.), Notes on Buddhist Bas-reliefs, 1 896, 623.
Douglas (J.), Glimpses of Old Bombay, 1900, 370.
Douglas (R. K.), Society in China, 1894, ^^^ » Catalogue
of Japanese Books and MSS. in the British Museum,
1899, 159.
Dubois (M. TAbb^), Hindu Manners and Customs, 1898,
642.
Duff (C. M.), Chronology of India, 1899, 451.
Dutt (R. C), Ancient India, 1893, 665; Mahabharata,
1899, 694.
Dvivedi (M.), Imitation of Ankara, 1896, 636.
Eth^ (C. H.), Neupersische Litteratur, 1899, 181.
Fanshawe (H. C), Delhi, Past and Present, 1903, 384.
Fausboll (V.), Dhammapada, igoo, 557.
al-Fayyoumi, (Euvres completes publiees by J. Derenbourg,
1894, 404.
Fert^ (H.), Vie de Sultan Husain Baiqara, 1898, 889.
Fick (R.), Sociale Gliederung in N. 0. Indien, 1897, 192.
Fielding (H.), The Soul of a People, 1898, 901.
Finot (L.), Lapidaires Indiens, 1896, 637; Rastrapala
Pariprccha, 1902, 196.
Fonctionnaires Coloniaux, tome i, 1899, 175.
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NOTICES OF BOOKS. 131
IfoTiCEs OP Books {continmd) —
Foseey (C), La Magie Assyrienne, 1903, 412.
Franke (0.), Pali und Sanskrit, 1903, 398.
Frazer (R. W.), British India, 1897, 399; Literary
History of India, 1898, 395.
Gaster (M.), Chronicles of Jerahmeel, 1900, 152.
Geiger(W.), Etymologic des Singhalesischen, 1899, 146;
Ceylon Tagebuchblatter, 146.
Gelbhaus (S.), Das Targum II zum Buche Esther, 1894,
622.
♦Geldner (K.), Avcsta, 1897, 364.
Gerini (G. E.), Chula Kanta Mangala, 1895, 692.
Ghose (N. N.), Memoirs of Maharaja Nubkissen Bahadur,
1902, 692.
'Giamil (S.)> Monte Singar, 1901, 360; Belationes inter
Sedem Apostolicam et Assyriorum Orientalium seu
Chaldaeonim Eeclesiam, 1903, 204.
Gibb (E. J. W.), History of Ottoman Poetry, 1901, 154.
Gibson (M. D.), How the Codex was found, 1893, 664;
Apocrypha Sinaitica, 1897, 161 ; Didascalia Apostolorum,
1903, 406.
Giese (Fr.), Untersuchungen iiber die Addad, 1895, 223.
<3riles (H.), History of Chinese Literature, 1901, 587.
Glaser (E.), Abessinier in Arabia und Afrika, 1896, 226.
Goldziher (I.), Abhandlungen zur Arabischen Philologie,
1896,823.
Gray (J.), Jinalankara, 1896, 385.
Gray (L. H.), Indo-Iranian Phonology, 1903, 603.
Green (Lieut.-Col. A. 0.), Practical Hindustani Grammar,
1896, 224.
Gribble (J. D. B.), History of the Deccan, 1897, 171.
Grierson (G. A.), Su£Bxes in Modem Indo- Aryan
Vernaculars, 1903, 611.
Griffith (F. LI.), Egypt Exploration Fund Archaeological
Reports, 1899, 1^^ > ^gyp^ Exploration Fund Archaeo«
logical Survey, 186.
Grout (Rev. L.), Zulu Grammar, 1894, 201.
Grube (W.), Sprache und Sohrift der Jucen, 1896, 630.
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132 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Notices of Books (continued) —
Griinbaum (M.), Neue Beitrage zur Semitiscben Sagen-
kunde, 1894, 405.
Griinwedel (A.), Buddbistiscbe Studien, 1898, 440 ;
Buddbist Art in India, revised by J. Burgess, 1902, 220.
Guidi (I.), Arabic Description of Antioch, 1898, 157.
Guiraudon (T. G. de), Manual de la langue Foule, 1894,
867.
Gunasekara (A. M.), Sinhalese Grammar, 1892, 432.
Gundry (R. S.), China, Present and Past, 1895, 702.
Garden (Capt. P. R.), Some Assamese Proverbs, 1896, 807.
Guru-puja-kaumudi, 1896, 628.
Gwilliam (G. H.), Palestinian version of Scriptures, 1893,
903.
Haig (Major-Gen. M.), Indus Delta Country, 1895, 497.
Halcombe (C. J. H.), Mystic Flowery Land, 1897, 183.
Haliburton, Dwarfs of Mount Atlas, 1892, 172.
Hamilton (F. J.), Zachariah of Mitylene, 1900, 666.
Happel (J.), Religiosen und philosophischen Grundanschau-
ungen^der Inder, 1903, 235.
Hardy (E.), Indiens Kultur in der Bliithezeit des
Buddhismus, 1902, 217.
Hariri, the Assemblies, translation, 1898, 155.
Hart (Mrs. E.), Picturesque Burma, 1897, 656.
Hearn (L.), Gleanings in Buddha-Fields, 1898, 660.
Hecker (M. F.), Schopenhauer und die indische Philo*
sophie, 1897, 410.
Hedin (Sven), Through Asia, 1899, 165.
Hema Chandra Barua, Hema Kosha, 1 901, 911.
Heron- Allen (E.), Ruba'iyatof Omar Khayyam, 1898, 415;
HamadanI, 1902, 467.
Hewitt (J. F.), Ruling Races of Prehistoric Times,
1896, 228.
Hillebrandt (A.), Alt Indien, 1900, 150; Vedische
Mytbologie, 379.
Hilprecht (Professor), Babylonian Expedition, 1896, 818.
Hirschfeld (H.), New Researches into the Composition
and Exegesis of the Qoran, 1903, 227.
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NOTICES OF BOOKS, 133
Notices of Books {continued) —
Holden (E. S.), Mogul Emperors of Hindustan, 1896, 230.
Holdich (Colonel Sir T. H.), Indian Borderland, 1901, 612,
Ho]tzmann (A.), Zur Geschichte und Eritik des Maha-
bharata, 1 892, 429.
Hommel (F.), Siid-Arabische Chrestomathie, 1894, 188.
Hopkins (E. W.), Religions of India, 1896, 400.
Horn (P.), Gesch. d. Pers. Litt., 1902, 469.
Horovitz (J.), De Waqidii libro qui Kitab al Magazi
inscribitur Commentatio critica, 1899, 462.
Huart (CI.), Grammaire ^l^mentaire persane, 1900, 145 ;
Le Livre de la Creation et de THistoire d'Abou Z6'\d
Ahmed ben Sahl el-Balkhl, 1901, 159, 595.
Hiibschmann (H.), Persische studien, 1895, 490.
Hultzsch (Dr. E.), South Indian Inscriptions, vol. i,
1891, 168.
Hunter (Sir W. W.), Atlas of India, 1894, 185; Bengal
MS. Records, 868 ; Life of Brian Houghton Hodgson,
1897, 186; History of British India, 1899, 437.
Huth (G.), Buddhismus in der Mongolei, 1897, 136;
Neun Mahaban Inschriften, 1902, 209.
Ibn Doukmar, Description de I'Egypte, 1895, 485.
Indian languages, 1893, 898.
Iranian languages, 1893, 898.
Irving (Rev. F. F.), Persian Grammar in Modern Syriao,
1899, 185.
Istrin (V.), Pervaya kniga kroniki loanna Malaly, 1898,
169.
Jackson (A. V. W.), Zoroaster, 1899, 686.
Jacob (Colonel G. A.), Das Leben der vorislamischen
Beduinen, 1897, 925; Altarabische Parallelen zum
alten Testament, 925; Laukika-nyaya-'fijalih, 1 901, 598.
Jastrow (M.), Dictionary of the Targumim, 1897, 382;
Religions of Babylonia and Assyria, 1899, 458 ; Religion
Babyloniens und Assyriens, 1903, 222.
Jataka by V. Fausboll, 1897, 191.
Jensen (P.), Hittitur und Armenier, 1899, 182.
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134 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Notices of Books (contintied) —
Jewish Literature, 1892, 180.
Johns (Rev. C. H. W.), Assyrian Deeds and Documents,.
1898,893; 1901,600; 1902,682.
Johnson (Capt. F. E.), The Mo 'Allakat, 1895, 225.
Johnstone (P. de Lacy), Muhammad and his Power, 1902,
680.
JuynboU (Th. W.), Le livre de Timpdt foncier de Yahya
ibn Adam, 1896, 646.
Ealidasa, Megha Duta, 1894, 632.
Kautzsch (E.), Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraphen des
alten Testamentes, 1901, 138.
Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, 1896, 821 ; 1902, 203.
Kern (H.), Indian Buddhism, 1897, 198; Album Kern,
1903, 618.
KhakhanoT (A.), Georgian Literature, 1902, 442; Balhvar
i lodasaph, 1903, 693.
Kielhorn (F.), Bruchstiicke Indischer Schauspiele, 1902,
434.
King (Major J. S.), History of the Bahmani Dynasty,
1901, 917.
King (L. W.), Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets^
in the British Museum, 1897, 164; First Steps in.
Assyrian, 1899, 455.
Kittel (Rev. F.), Kannada-English Dictionary, 1895, 232.
Koldewey (R.), Die Hittitische Inschrift, 1900, 567.
Koning (P. de), Traite sur le Calcul, 1897, 155.
Kuhn (E.), Barlaam und Joasaph, 1894, 402; Transcription
fremder Alphabete, 1897, 653.
Kubnert (Fr.), Die Chinesische Sprache zu Nanking,.
1896, 237; Die Philosophic des Kong-Dsy auf Grund
des Urtextes, 238.
Lacouperie (T. de). Catalogue of Chinese Coins, 1893, 409.
Lacroix (D.), Numismatique Annamite, 1901, 142.
Lajonquiere (E. Lunet de). Atlas Arch^ologique de
rindo- Chine, 1902, 667; Inventaire des Monuments^
du Cambodge, 1903, 393.
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NOTICES OF BOOKS, 135
Notices op Books (continued) —
Landberg (Comte de), Dialectes de Hadramoftt, 190I9 903.
Lane-Poole (S.), Ooins of Moghul Emperors of Hindustan,
1893, 407; Catalogue of Arabic Coins in Ehedivial
Library, Cairo, 1898, 178.
Lansdell (H.), Chinese Central Asia, 1894, 190.
Laufer (B.), Ein Suhngedicht der Bonpo, 1902, 462.
Lavoix (H.), Cat. des Monnaies Musulmanes de la Bib.
Nationale, 1893, 176.
Leist (A.), Oeorgische Dichter, 1900, 562.
Le Strange (O.), Baghdad during the 'Abbasid Caliphate,
1901, 346.
Lewis (A. S.) and Gibson (M. D.), Palestinian Syriac
Lectionary of the Gospels, 1901, 317.
Liebich (B.), Grammatik des Candragomin, 1903, 396.
Littmann (E.), Zur Entzifferung der Safa-Inschriften,
1902, 177.
Lopes (D.), Historia dos Portugueses no Malabar, 1899, 677.
Lorimer (J. G.), Grammar of Wazlri Pashto, 1903, 195.
Lyall (Sir A. C), Asiatic Studies, 1900, 358.
Macdonald (Rev. J. M.), Massilia Carthage Sacrifice Tables,
1897, 671.
Macdonell (A. A.), Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 1893,
178; Vedic Mythology, 1897, 921; Sanskrit Literature,
1900, 577; Sanskrit Grammar, 1902, 440.
Maclean (Rev. A. J.), Dialect of Vernacular Syrian, 1897,
168; Dictionary of the Dialects of Vernacular Syriac,
1901, 609.
Mahawanso, 1890, 689.
Malayan languages, 1893, S^^-
Malter (H.), Abhandlung des Abu Hamid Al-Gazzali,
1897, 397.
Mandelkern (S.),VeterisTestamenti Concordantiae Hebraicae
atque Chaldaicae, 1897, 390.
Mandukya Upanishad, 1896, 636.
Margoliouth (D. S.), Chrestomathia Baidawiana, 1895, 222.
Marquart (T.), Fundamente israelitischer und jiidischer
Geschiohte, 1897, 672.
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136 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Notices of Books (continued) —
Maspero (G.), Dawn of CSvilization, 1895, 465; Struggle
of the Nations, 1900, 365.
M'Crindle (J. W.), Invasion of India by Alexander, 1893,
406.
Mead (G. R. S.), TJpanishads, 1896, 636; Pistis Sophia,
1897, 380; ApoUonius of Tyana, 1903, 376.
Meissner (B.), Supplement zu den Assyrischen Worter-
biichern, 1898, 443.
Menant (D.), Lea Parsis, 1899, 167.
Merx (A.), Documens de pal^ographie hebraique et Arabe,
1896, 640.
Michie (A.), Englishman in China, 1901, 592.
Mills (L. H.), The Five Zoroastrian Gathas, 1895, 248.
Minayeff (Professor), Sanskrit Poem ascribed to Chandra-
gomin, 1889, 1133.
Mittheilungen des Seminars f iir Orientalische Sprachen zu
Berlin, 1899, 678.
Modi (J. J.), Alyadgar-i Zariran, etc., 1900, 375.
Monosyllabic Languages, 1893, 899.
Morris (H.), Telugu Grammar, 1892, 431.
Morrison (Dr. G.), An Australian in China, 1895, ^62.
Moser (H.), L'Irrigation en Asie Centrale, 1894, 638.
Mouli^ras (A.), L^gendes et Contes de la Grande Kabylie,
1894, 619.
Mukherji (P. C), Indian Chronology, 1900, 568 ;
Antiquities in the Tarai, Nepal, etc., 1902, 215.
Mulvany (C. M.), Translation from Urdu for Advanced
Students, 1902, 670.
Murray's Handbook to India, Burma, and Ceylon, 1898, 903.
Muss-Arnolt (W.), Assyrian Dictionary, 1897, 166.
Nagy (A.), Die Philosophischen Abhandlungen des Alkindi,
1898, 651.
Needham (J. F.), Singhpo Grammar, 1890, 691.
Neubauer (A.), Mediaeval Jewish Chronicles, 1896, 398.
Neumann (K. E.), Die Reden Gotamo Buddho's, 1897, 133;
1902, 472 ; 1903, 373; Lieder der Monche und Nonnen,
1899, 697.
NOTICES OF BOOKS, 137
Notices of Books (continued) —
Newberry (P.), Life of Rekh-ma-Ra, 1901, 148.
Nicholson (R. A.), Poems from the Divan-i-Shams-i-
Tabriz, 1899, 152.
Nizam oul-MuIk, Supplement au Siasset-nameh, 1898, 152.
Oceanic Philology, 1895, 721
Ojha (G. G.), Pracin Lipimala, 1895, 246.
Oldenberg (H.), Religion des Veda, 1895, 946; Buddha
• (French trans.), 1903, 392.
Oppert (G.), Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsa, 1894,
865.
Ostrorog (ComteL.),El-Ahkam es-Soulthaniya, i9Oi,906.
Ouralo- Altaic languages, 1893, 899.
Pali Literature, 1891, 520.
Parisot (D.), Mission Scientifique en Turquie d'Asie, 1902,
186.
Patell (B. B.), Parsee Prakash, 1899, 440.
Pautz (Dr. 0.), Muhammeds Lehre, 1899, 161.
Pavolini (P. E.), Buddhismo, 1898, 151.
Payne-Smith (R.), Thesaurus Syriacus, 1896, 386.
Peiser (F. E.), Die Hetitischen Inschriften, 1893, 403.
Perruchon (J.), Notes pour Thistoire d'Ethiopie, 1894, 620.
Peters (J. P.), Nippur, 1898, 186.
Peters (N.), Hebraeische Text des Buches Ecclesiasticus,
1903, 229.
Petrie (F.), Syria and Egypt from the Tell el Amama,
Letters, 1898, 655.
Philip's Map and Gazetteer of India, 1901, 355.
Pillai (G. P.), Representative Indians, 1898, 439.
Pischel (R.), Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, 190 1, 325.
Platts (J. T.), Persian Grammar, 1895, 235.
Pognon (H.), Inscriptions Mandaites des coupes de
Khoubair, 1898, 907.
Pokotiloff (D.), Wu-t*ai, its Former and Present State,
1894, 181.
Pope (Rev. G. U.), Naladiyar, 1893, 886; First Catechism
of Tamil Grammar, 1896, 375; Tiruva9agam, 1901, 349,
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138 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Notices of Books (contint^ed) —
Popowski (J.), The Rival Powers in Central Asia, 1894^
399.
Portman (M. V.), Notes on the Languages of the South
Andaman Group of Tribes, 1899, 463.
Poussin (L. de la V.), Pancakrama, 1896, 384 ;
Bouddhisme, 1898, 909.
Prabhuram (V.) and Vaidya (V. P.), Su^ruta Ayurveda,
1903, 216.
Praetorius (F.), TJeber die Herkunft der hebraeischen
Accente, 1901, 583.
Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions of Kathywar, 1896, 391.
PuUe (F. L.), Cartografia antica dell' India, 1903, 197.
Pusey (P. E.), Tetraeuangelium Sanctum juxta simplicem
Syrorum Versionem, 1902, 676.
Badau (Rev. Hugo), Early Babylonian History, 1901, 174;
Creation-Story of Genesis, 1903, 410.
Rapson (E. J.), Indian Coins, 1898, 189.
Rassam (H.), Asshur and the Land of Nimrod, 1898, 183.
Rees (J. D.), Muhamraedans in India, 1894, 630.
B^gime foncier aux Colonies, 1899, 1^5.
Reinisch (L.), Kafa-Sprache in Nordost Africa, 1889, 480 ;
Saho-Sprache, 481; Die Bedawye Sprache, 1893, 6^4,
900; 1894, 621; Worterbuch der Bedauye Sprache,
1895,433.
Revillout (E.), Precis du Droit Egyptien, 1903, 220.
Ridding (C. M.), Kadambarl of Bana, 1897, 395.
Robinson (Forbes), Coptic Apocryphal Qospels, 1897, 351.
Rochemontiex (Max de), Quelques Contes Nubiens,
1889, 482.
Rockhill (W. W.), Journey through Mongolia and Tibet,
189s, 487.
Rodgers (C. J.), Coins of Mogul Emperors of India, 1894,
635 ; Catalogue of the Coins of the Indian Museum,
1897, 928; Catalogue of the Coins collected by C. J.
Rodgers and purchased by the Pan jab Government, 930.
Rosen (F.), Persian Grammar, 1898, 425.
Rouse (W. H. D.), Jataka, vol. ii, 1897, 375.
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K0TICE8 OF BOOKS. 13^
Notices of Books (continued) —
Eundall (F. M.), Manual of Siyin Dialect spoken in
Northern Chin Hills, 1892, 404.
Russian Archaeological Society, vol. x, 1898, 409.
Sachau, Muhammedanisches Recht, 1898, 429.
S'adi, Biistan, 1 891, 517.
Sandberg (G.), Handbook of Colloquial Tibetan, 1895, 916.
Sangermano (Father), Description of Burmese Empire,^
1893, 901-
Sanjana (D. D. P.), Nirangistan, 1895, 708 ; Dina-i
Mainu-i Ehrat, 1896, 234; Zand-i Javit-sheda-dad,
826; Kamame-i Artakhshir-i Papakan, 1898, 175.
Sanjana (P. D. B.), Dinkard, vol. vi, 1892, 170 ; vols, viii
and ix, 1901, 151.
Sardar (M. S.), Notes on Gulistan, chap, iii, 1891, 701.*
Sarkar (Jadunath), India of Aurangzeb, 1902, 687.
Sastri (Haridasa), JanakI Harana, 1894, ^23.
Sastrl (M. H.), Search for Sanskrit MSS. 1895-1900,
1903, 189.
Schechter (S.) and Singer (S.), Talmudical Fragments in
Bodleian Library, 1896, 644.
Scheil (V.), Textes Elamites S^mitiques, 1903, 216.
Scheil (V.) and Fossey (C), Grammaire^Assyrienne, 1901,
919.
Schlegel (G.), La stele funeraire du Teghin Giogh, 1893,
401 ; Cbinesische Inschrift auf dem TJigurischen
Denkmal in Kara-Balgassun, 1897, 142.
Schleicher (A. W.), Somali Sprache, 1893, 662.
Schreiber (J.), Manuel de la langue Tigra'i, 1894, 620.
Schultze (Th.), Vedanta und Buddhismus, 1894, 637.
Schwally (F.), Kitab al-raahasin wal-masawi, 1903, 199.
Seal (B.), Memoir on the Coefficients of Numbers, 1892,
397.
Sell (Rev. E.), Faith of Islam, 1897, 175.
Semitic Languages, 1893, 899.
Sen Guru Prasad, Study of Hinduism, 1895, 492.
Senart (E.), Castes dans Tlnde, 1897, 192; Mahavastu,
1898, 420.
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140 NOTICES OF BOOKS.
Notices of Books {continued) —
Sewell (R.), Indian Calendar, 1896, 809; Eclipses of the
Moon in India, 1899, ^^^ I ^ Forgotten Empire,
1901, 180.
Shad-yimsa-BralimaQa heransgegeben yon Kurt Klemm,
parti, 1894, 414.
Sieg (E.), Sagenstoffe des Egveda, 1903, 402.
Simcox (E.), Primitive Civilizations, 1895, 926.
Simpson (W.), Buddhist Praying- wheel, 1897, 183.
Sinclair (W. F.) and Ferguson (D.), Travels of Pedro
Teixeira, 1903, 408.
Skeat ( W.), Fables and Folk Tales from an Eastern Forest,
1902, 184.
Slavonian Languages, 1893, S^^*
Smirnow, Manuscrits Turcs de Tlnstitut des Langues
Orientales de St. P^tersbourg, 1898, 886.
Smith (Y. A.), Bemains near Kasia, 1897, 919 ; Asoka,
1902, 191.
Smith (W. R.), Lectures on the Religion of the Semites,
1891, 603.
Smither (J. Q.), Ceylon Architectural Remains, 1899, 148.
Socin (A.) and Stumme (H.), Arabische Dialekt der
Houwara, 1895, 231.
Specht (E.), Bie D^chriffrement des Monnaies sindo-
ephthalites, 1902, 224.
Stein (M. A.), Sanskrit MSS. in Library of the Maharaja
of Kashmir, 1895, ^^^ I Kalhana's RajataranginI, 1901,
356 ; Exploration in Chinese Turkestan, 1902, 212.
Steinschneider (M.), Die Hebraeischen TJebersetzungen
des Mittelalters und die Juden als Dolmetscher, 1904,
186.
Stevenson (R. C), Judson's Burmese Dictionary, 1894, 624.
St Hilaire (J. B.), Eugene Burnouf, ses travaux et sa
correspondence, 1892, 398.
St. John (R. F.), Burmese Reader, 1894, 409.
Straalen (S. v.), Catalogue of the Hebrew Books in British
Museum, 1896, 382.
Streck (M.), Die alte Landschaft Babylonien naoh den
Arabischen Geographen, 1901, 339 ; 1902, 187.
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NOTICES OF BOOKS. 141
Notices of Books (continued) —
Stumme (Dr. H.), Tumsische Marchen und Gedichte,.
1894, 182; TripoHtanisch-Tunisische Beduinenlieder,
1895, 227 ; Elf Stucke im Silha Dialekt, 227.
Suter (H.), Die Araber als Vermittler der Wissenschaften
in deren Uebergang vom Orient in den Occident, 1897^
928.
Sykes (Major P. M.), Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, 1902,
959.
Takakusu (J.), Buddhist Religion in India and Malay-
Archipelago by I-Tsing, 1897, 359.
Tiirlkh-i Rashldl, ed. N. Elias, 1895, 941.
Taylor (Rev. G. P.), Gujarati Grammar, 1895, 477.
Temple (G.), Glossary of Indian Terms, 1897, 668.
Theology of the TJpanishads, 1896, 636.
Thomsen (V.), Inscriptions de TOrkhon dechriffrees,^
1896, 632.
Thornton (F. D.), Elementary Arabic, 1889, 716.
Thornton (J. H.), Memories of Seven Campaigns, 1 898, 414.
Thornton (T. H.), Colonel Sir R. Sandeman, his Life and
Work on our Indian Frontier, 1895, 937.
Tilbe (H. H.), Student's Pali Series, 1903, 232.
Tisdall (Rev. W. St. C), Gujerati Grammar, 1892, 431.
Tomkins (H. G.), Abraham and his Age, 1898, 443.
Tremo'ille (M. le Due de). Notice sur la Vie et les Travaux
de Joachim Menant, 1902, 200.
Tupper (C. L.), Our Indian Protectorate, 1893, 904.
TJhlenbeck (C. C), Sanskrit Phonetics, 1898, 641.
XTpanishads, vol. i, 1899, 145; vols, ii, iii, iv, 1900, 562.
Vaidya (V. P.), Vedtint Darsana, 1903, 215.
Van der Gheyn, L'Origine Europ^enne des Aryas, 1 890, 844.
Vassilief (V.), Geographiya Tib^ta, 1897, 166.
Vaux (Carra de), L'Abr^g^ des Merveilles, 1898, 441.
Vloten (C. van). Liber Mafatih al-Oliim, 1895, 712.
Vloten (G. van), Le livre des Avares, 1901, 170.
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142 NOT — ^NIIE,
IToncEs OF Books (continued) —
Vogii^ (M. le Marquis de), Notes d'ijpigraphie aram^nne^
1898, 657.
Vymazal (Fr.), Bulgarisclie Sprache, 1893, 896.
Waddell (L. A.), Buddhism of Tibet, 1895, 716.
Ward (G. E.), The Bride's Mirror, igoo, 361.
Warren (H. C), Buddhism in Translations, 1897, 145.
Weissbach (F. H.), Die Sumerische Frage, 1902, 181;
Babylonische Miscellen, 1903, 840.
Willmore (J. S.), Spoken Arabic of Egypt, 1902, 444.
Wilson (0. R.), Early Annals of the English in Bengal,
1897, 178; 19CX), 800.
Winckler (H.), Die Thontafeln von Tell-el-Amama, 1897,
162.
Windisch (E.), Mara und Buddha, 1896, 377.
Winternitz (M.), New editions of Rig-Veda-Sanhita with
Sayana's Commentary, 1891, 173; Mantrapatha, 1898,
881.
Wright (Dr. W.), Semitic Comparative Grammar, 1892,
174 ; Cambridge Syriac MSS., 1902, 433.
Zhukovski (V.) and Toromanski (A. G.), Russian Con-
tributions to Persian Scholarship, 19CX), 351.
Zotenberg (H.), Histoire des rois des Perses, 1901, 161.
Novo-Bajazet inscription, 1901, 648.
Nudah, 1902, 753.
Nug, or great snake, 1889, 537.
Nuh b. Mansur, 1901, 532.
Niikua, 1894, 273.
Nu'maniyah, 1902, 71.
an-Nu'maniyya city, 1895, 33, 43.
Numerals, ancient Indian, Notation of, 1889, 128.
Numismatics, Indian, 1897, 319.
Nur Khan, Rubat, 1902, 756.
Nuran, Rubat, 1902, 754.
Nur-bhumi, 1 899, 330.
NAr-tli-Su, 1899, 104.
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NUZ — OBI. 143
Nuzhat-al-Kulub of Hamd- Allah Mustawfi, 1901, 281.
Nuzvar, 1902, 758.
Nyayavarttika, 1902, 365.
Nysa, 1894, 682.
^Obeyd-i Zakani, poet, 1895, 790.
Obituary Notices —
Abbott (Sir J.), 1897, 126.
Ahlquist (Prof. A. E.), 1890, 218.
Ahmed Vefik Pasha, 189 1, 700.
Austin (S.), 1892, 420.
Baber (E. C), 1890, 827.
Beal (Prof.), 1889, 1128.
Beames (J.), 1902, 722.
Bellew (Surgeon-General H.), 1892, 880.
Bertin (G.), 1891, 493.
Brugsch Pacha, 1895, 457.
Biihler (G.), 1898, 695.
Burton (Sir R.), 1891, 162.
Caldwell (Bishop), 1892, 145.
Campbell (Sir G.), 1892, 386.
Campbell (Sir J. M.), 1903, 651.
Chalmers (Rev. J.), 19CX), 159.
Chatteijea (B. C), 1897, 700.
Colebrooke (Sir E.), 1890, 498.
Cowell (Prof. E. B.), 1903, 419.
Cunningham (Major- General Sir A.), 1894, 166.
Darmesteter (J.), 1895, 216.
Da vies (Rev. J.), 1890, 830.
Dikshit, 1898, 708.
Dillmann (A.), 1895, 448.
Feer (L.), 1902, 726.
Fryer (Col. G. E.), 1891, 698.
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144 OBI.
Gabelentz (Prof. Georg von der), 1894, 166.
Georgievsky (Prof. S. M.), 1894, 165.
Gibb (E. J. W.), 1902, 486.
Gorresio (G.), 1891, 495.
Growse (F. S.), 1893, 650.
Hodgson (B. H.), 1894, 843.
Hovelacque (A.), 1896, 309.
Hunfalvy (Paul), 1892, 149.
Hunter (Sir W. W.), 1900, 393.
Kay (Henry Cassels), 1903, 861.
Kremer (Prof.), 1890, 220.
Lacouperie (T. de), 1895, 214.
Lagarde (P. A. de). 1892, 384.
Landis (Dr. E. B.), 1898, 919.
Layard (Sir C. P.), 1893, 905.
Lees (Major-General W. N.), 1889, 463.
Legge (Rev. J.), 1898, 223.
Leitner (G. W.), 1899, 725.
Maclagan (General R.), 1894, 603.
Malan (Dr. S. C), 1895, 453.
Minayeff (Prof.), 1891, 166.
Mitra (Trailokya Nath), 1896, 209.
Monier-Williams (Sir M.), 1899, 730.
Morris (Rev. R.), 1894, 607.
MiiUer (Fr.), 1899, 473.
Miiller (F. Max), 1901, 364.
Nevill (Hugh), 1897, 700.
Ouseley (Col. J.), 1890, 217.
Pelly (General Sir L.), 1892, 418.
Peterson (P.), 1899, 917.
Phillips (G.), 1897, 442.
Powis (Earl of), 1 891, 494.
Priaulx (0. de B.), 1891, 348.
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OBI — ODI. 145
Rajendralula Mitra, 1892, 146.
RawHnson (Canon G.), 1903, 246.
Rawlinson (Sir Henry), 1895, 681.
Redhouse (Sir J.), 1892, 160.
Rehatsek (E.), 1892. 157.
Renan (Mons. E.), 1893, 163.
Rodgers (C. J.), 1899,479.
Rost (R.), 1896,367.
Roth (Prof, von), 1895, 906.
Sauvaire (H.), 1896, 617.
Schrumpf (G. A.), 1893, 398.
Schultze (Th.), 1898, 918.
Schutz (Dr. C), 1893, 166.
Sinclair (\V. F.), 190x3, 610.
Smith (Prof. W. Robertson), 1894, 594.
Sprenger (Dr, Alois), 1894, 394.
Steingass (Dr. F. J.), 1903, 654.
St. John (Col. S. O.), 1891, 495.
Tseng (Marquis), 1890, 685.
Tuuk (H. N. van der), 1896, 209.
Waddington (W. H.), 1894, 395.
Wade (Sir T. F.), 1895, 911.
Warren (H. C), 1899, 475.
Wassiljew (W.), 1900, 614.
Watter8(T.), 1 901, 373.
Weber (A.), 1902, 228.
Wenzel (Dr. H.), 1893, 662.
Whitney (W. D.), 1894, 610.
Wright (Dr. W.), 1889, 708.
Yule (Col. Sir H.), 1890, 220.
Objects of the Society, 1898, 455.
Observatory of Maraghah, 1902, 252.
Odigram, Inscriptions near, 1896, 640.
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146 ODI — OEM.
Odin, 1893, 488.
Old Woman's Pass, 1902, 763.
Oldbam (Brigade-Surgeon 0. F.), Serpent- Worship in India,
1 89 1, 361; SaraswatI and the Lost River of the Indian
Desert, 1893, 49; Kingdom of Kartrpura, 1898, 198;
Who were the Nagas? 1 901, 187; The Nagas — a Con-
tribution to the History of Serpent- Worship, 461.
O'manee dialect of Arabic, 1889, 649, 811.
Omar Khayam, More light on, 1899, 135.
*Omar Khayyam, 1898, 349 ; a note, 865.
Omar Shaykh, son of Timur, governor of Kirraan, 1901, 285.
*Omarah, History of Yemen, remarks on Mr. Kay's edition,
1893, 181; life, 184; works of, 184; and Shawah, 185;
birth, 186 ; life threatened, 188 ; court poet, 189.
On Hiuen-Tsang instead of Yiian Chwang, and the necessity
of avoiding the Pekinese sounds in the quotations of
ancient proper names in Chinese, 1892, 835.
Onmun, Corean character, 1895, ^^8.
Ooraons, 1899, 332.
Ophir, identification, 1898, 618.
its identification with Abhira near the Indus mouth,
1898, 253.
Oqailid Qirwash, 1902, 794.
Oqailids, 1903, 123.
Oraons, 1893, 286.
connection with Ashvins, 1 893, 286.
Village organization amongst, 1893, 288.
Oriental Congress Committee, 1899, 200.
•^— Congresses: Tenth (Geneva), 1895, 191; Eleventh
(Paris), 1897,911; Twelfth (Rome),i900, 181; Thirteenth
(Hamburg), 1902, 964.
proverbs, 19CX), 311.
Origin and import of the names Muslim and Hanif, 1903,
467.
Origin of the Lunar and Solar Aryan tribes and on the
Rajput clans, 1899, 295, 519.
Orissa, Chinese account of, 1896, 489.
in time of Akbar, 1896, 743 ; boundaries, 743.
Ormuz, 1902, 531.
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OSM — PAM. 147
Osman Sultan, 1898, 500.
Ospreys, 1899, 905, 906; 1900, 139.
Ostjak tribe, 1889, 593; documents of Reguly, 628;
bibliography, 646.
Ottoman Turks, 1902, 258.
Oxus river, 1902, 739-742.
Irrigation by, 1891, 566.
Oxydrakai, 1903, 685.
identified with Ksudrakas, 1 903, 686.
Padaria, 1898, 526.
Paderia, Asoka edict, 1897, 429.
Padmapani at Sanchi, 1902, 32.
PadmavatI, the modern Narwar, 1897, 28.
Naga dynasty. Coins of, 1900, 116.
Pahlava dynasty, 1894, 549.
Pahlavl dialect of Persian, 1895, 773.
texts of Yasna IX, 1903, 313 ; of Yasna X, 495.
translation of Yasna, 1900, 511.
words, derivation, significance, igoo, 546.
Paithana mentioned in the Periplus, 1901, 538.
Pakshto language, 1900, 501.
Palaeography of legends on Gupta coins, 1889, 34.
Palaeontology, Tibeto-Burman linguistic, 1896, 23.
Palakka identical with Palghat in Malabar, 1897, 873.
Pali and Panini, 1898, 17-21.
and Sanskrit in Japan, 1896, 620.
examinations in Burma, 1893, ^^1.
MSS. in Nepal, 1899, 422.
MSS., numeral system, 1901, 121.
Suttas printed in Ceylon, 1894, 556.
Tipitaka, King of Siam's edition, 1898, 1.
words. Rare, 1903, 186.
Palk's Bay and Strait, 1898, 377.
Pallava coins, 1903, 311.
Pallavas of Kanchipura, 1889, 1111.
Paltlpur, 1903, 516.
Pamirs, languages spoken on the frontier, 1900, 501,
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148 P^IM — PAR.
Pampa, 1894, 252.
Pana, Weight of, 1889, 44 (note 1).
PaucavatT, 1894, 247.
Pancavudha Jataka and Tar Baby, 1901, 190.
Pancha Dra vidian Brahmans, 1893, 243.
Pancha Gaurya Brahmans, 1893, 243.
Panchalas, 1889, 299.
Panchasiddhantika, 1893, 767.
Pan-ch'en Buddha, revered in Ulterior Tibet, 1891, 81 ;
incarnation of the Vadjra, 81.
Panch-kalsi, 1894, 669.
Panda vas, 1899, 297.
Pandu Mandir temple, 1898, 630.
Pandu temple, 1 901, 309.
Pandua or Panrua, 1898, 798.
Pandya coins, 1903, 309.
Panini, 1899, 305.
Panini, 1 891, 311.
and Pali, 1898, 17-21.
Panipat, battle, 1898, 796.
Panj Angusht, 1902, 252.
Panjab autonomous tribes conquered by Alexander the
Great, 1903, 685.
Panjab notes for 1898, 1899, 207.
Panjhir, 1902, 738.
Panjkora valley, 1896, 663.
Panj-Mana, 1896, 767.
inscription, Note on, 1896, 781.
Panjmana inscriptions, 1897, 111.
Panjtar inscription, 1903, 41.
Panthaka or Pantha, a Lohan, 1 898, 339.
Pan-t'o-ka, a Lohan, 1898, 339.
Parables, Barlaam and Joasaph, 189 1, 423.
Paradise, Visions of, 1893, 571.
in the Ghufran, 1902, 76.
Parah, 1902, 754.
Parajika, 1894, 770.
Paramati, Eulanata, 1903, 369.
Paranar, Indian poet, 1899, 255.
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PAR — PED. 149
Parasu Rama, 1893, 250.
Pardahlis Pass, 1902, 759.
Pargiter (F. E.), Geography of Rama's Exile, 1894, 23L
Parihara clan, 1899, 545.
Parikshita, 1899, 313.
Parsee Punchayet, Letter from, 1 896, 572.
Parsis, 1893, 485.
Parthians approach India, 1903, 28.
and Pallavas, 1889, 1119.
Parvab river, 1902, 619, 520.
Parwatu, 1894, 6^4.
Pasava, 1902, 253.
Pashai language, 1900, 506.
Paahiyan, 1902, 745.
Patacara, 1893, 869.
account of life, 1893, 552.
Pataliputra, 1893, 86; 1897, 860.
— — Council, 1901, 852, 854-856.
probably the Gupta capital, 1889, 55 ; named
Pushpapura, 56.
Patau Shaikh Farid, now Pak Patau, 1899, 133.
Patau] ali, poet and grammariau, 1891, 322.
Patel or headman of Dakhan village, 1897, 251.
Pathau coins, addenda, 1900, 769, 790.
Patiala Library, Description of, 190 1, 78.
Patika, Taxila satrap, 1903, 48.
Pattan Ki Muudra temple, 1893, 61.
Pattidari villages, 1899, 331.
Patwari in Hindu villages, 1893, 288.
Paul of Samosata, 1 896, 734.
Paulicians, 1896, 733.
Paulisa Siddhanta, 1893, 759.
Pavolini (P. E.), Malay Parallel to the Culla-Paduma-Jataka,
1898, 375.
Peacock, special emblem of Kumara Gupta, 1889, 21, 106;
on Roman coins, 22.
Peacock Hill cinder-mound, 1899, 4.
Pedralvares, 1895, 403.
Pedro Teixeira, 1897, 624, 933; 1903, 817.
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150 PED — PHI.
Pedro Teizeira on the Yeddas of Ceylon, 1899, 133.
Pegu, History of, 1898, 204.
Pepp^ (W. C), Pipmhwa Stupa, 1898, 573.
Peppe inscription, 1899, ^2^-
relics, 1899, 200.
Persepolis, 1 902, 519.
Persia, Babis, 1889, 485, 881.
and Mesopotamia in 1340, 1902, 49, 237, 609, 733.
South-East, historical notes, 1902, 939.
under the Mongols, 1902, 49, 237, 509, 733.
Persian coins, counter-marks, 1895, 865.
commentary on the Kur'an, 1894, 417.
dialect, Gabri, 1897, 103.
dialects, notes on the poetry, 1895, ^^73.
early documents, 1903, 761.
Materia Medica, 1902, 333.
MS. attributed to Fakhru'ddin RazI, 1899, 424.
MSS. in Indian libraries, 1901, 69-85.
poet, 19CX), 757.
poets, biographies in Tarikh-i-Quzida, 1900, 721.
standard of weight, probably followed in coins of Vlra.
(Sena?) Kramaditya, 1889, 119.
Peruvirral KiUi, Indian prince, 1899, 255.
Peshawar Council, 1901, 857.
Peterson (P.), Panini, 1891, 311..
Peukelaotis, 1894, 677.
Phaidagaran, 1902, 255.
Phakials, 1895, 158.
Phallic gods, 1890, 577; as gods of time, 411.
Phallus worship, Origin of, 1890, 412.
Pharaoh of the Exodus, 1 901, 38, 64.
Pharaoh Necho attempts the Cape route to the East, 1898,
271.
Phillips (G.), Mahuan's Account of Bengala, 1895, 523;
Mahuan's Account of Cochin, Calicut, and Aden, 1896, 341 ;
Note on Mahuan's Account of Bengal, 203.
Philology, African, 1893, 416.
Berber, 1893, 411.
Indian, 1893, 417.
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PHI — PIS. 151
Philology notes for 1896, 1896, 802; notes fopl899, iqcxd, 164.
Philo's Stn/a/i€i9 and the Amesha Spenta, 190 1, 553.
Phoenician alphabet, 1893, ^33.
reaches India through Babylon, 1898, 274.
Phoenicians as early navigators, 1898, 246; succeeded in
ninth century by Ghaldaeans, 247.
Phussa Deva, scholar of Ceylon, 1901, 890.
Pi9acis, 1895, 154.
Pictographs, 1899, 208.
Pig, Sanctity of, 1890, 439.
Pillar edicts, 1901, 484.
Pllsuvar or Pllvar, 1902, 254, 759.
Pinches (T. G.), New Version of Creation Story, 1891, 393;
Babylonian Chronicle, 1894, 807 ; Antiquity of Eastern
Falconry, 1897, 117 5 Early Babylonian Contracts or Legal
Documents, 589; Peek Contract Tablet, 1898, 877; Some
Early Babylonian Contract Tablets or Legal Documents,
1899, 103; Sumerian or Cryptography, 19CX), 75; Ak-
kadian and Sumerian, 551.
Piucott (F.), Note on Ancient Remains of Temples on the
Bannu Frontier, 1 892, 877 ; The Route by which Alexander
entered India, 1894, 677.
Pindar (PBundar) of Ray, Persian poet, 1900, 743.
Pindar-i-RazT, poet, 1895, 791.
Pii^dola, 1898, 330.
— explanation of his name, 1898, 335.
the Bharadvaja, a Lohan, 1898, 333.
Ping Shan Lang Yen, 1893, 805.
Pin-tu-lo-Po-lo-to-shg, a Lohan, 1898, 333.
Pinya Kyaula, king of Pegu, 1895, 200.
Piprahwa inscription, 1899, 425.
Stupa, 1898, 573, 868.
Pir Badar, 1894, 566, 838, 840.
Piruz the Susanian, 1901, 419.
Pishavaran, 1 902, 533.
Pishgah, 1902, 742.
Pishkanat, 1 902, 522.
Pishkin District, 1902, 250, 254.
Pishpasri, 1894, 531.
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152 EIS — PRA.
Pishtaporay modem Pittaparam, kingdom defeated by
Samudra Gupta, 1897, 29.
Pistapura, 1897, 420, 643, 868.
Pitakas on caste, 1894, 346.
Pithom built by Amosis, 1901, 39.
Piyadasi, a Buddhist, 1901, 493.
identity with A§oka Maurya, 1 901, 827.
inscriptions, Alphabet of, 1901, 490; authorship of, 481.
who was he? 1901, 481.
Piyadasi*8 thirteenth edict, new fragment, 1900, 335.
Placidus, St. Eustathius, and the Pali Jatakas, 1894, 335.
Poetry of Persian dialects, 1895, 773.
Polipos, king of Egypt, 1897, 499.
Po-lu-sha-po-lo the modem Peshawar, 1896, 666.
Polyandry in the Mahabharata, 1 897, 733.
Polygamy in Bengal, 1893, 289.
Pong, Kingdom of, 1895, 157.
Pongal, Tamil festival, 1889, 581.
Pope (Rev. G. TJ.), Extracts from the Tamil "Purra-porul
Venba-Malai" and the ** Purra-nannurru," 1899, 225.
Poseidon and Pushan, 1890, 443.
Po-t'e-lo, a Lohan, 1898, 337.
Poussin (L. de la Valine), Manicudavadana, 1894, 297
Saflsara Mandalam, 842; Vidyadharapitaka, 1895, 433
Buddhist " Wheel of Life," from a new source, 1897, 463
Tantras, 1899, 141 ; Buddhist Sutras quoted by Brahman
Authors, 1 90 1, 307; The Four Classes of Buddhist Tantras,
900 ; On the Authority of the Buddhist Agamas, 1902,
363; Pali and Sanskrit, 1903, 359; Vyadhisutra on the
Four Aryasatyas, 578 ; Bhavaviveka, 581 ; Brahmajala
Suttanta in Chinese, 583.
Prabhakara, 1903, 556.
(Naga dynasty of PadmavatI), coins, 1900, 116.
Prachlna Kavya Mala, 1892, 164.
Pragjyotisa, Kings of, 1898, 884.
Prajapati, 1895, 167.
not Aryan god, 1890, 322 ; the moon-god, 322.
Praka6aditya, 1893, 125.
King, Identity of, 1889, 114; gold coins of, 115.
Digitized by
Google
PRA — PUK. 153
Prakrits, 1899, 301.
Vracada and Sindhl, 1902, 47.
Prakriya Survasva, 1900, 764.
Pramanya of Buddhist Agamas, 1901, 640.
Pramara clan, 1899, 546.
Prarjuna tribe, 1897, 892.
Prasenajit, 1898, 555.
Prasravana mountain, 1894, 257.
Pratap Singh Museum, 1901, 375.
Pratapa, 1903, 667.
Pratapa Immadi Deva Raya, 1902, 663.
Pratapa^Ila, 1903, 568.
Pratihara clan, origin, 1894, 2.
line, 1895,513.
Pratiharenduraja or Induraja, 1897, 295.
Pratisthana, 1899, 312.
the modern Paithan, 1901, 538.
Pratityasamutpada, 1897, ^63.
Pravarasena, 1903, 554.
Pravarasena II, 1903, 558.
Prayag, 1899, 312.
Prayaga, 1894, 238.
Praying wheels, 1898, 873.
Pr9ni, 1893, 428, 441 ; sons of, 441.
Pre- Aryan communal village in India and Europe, 1899, 329.
Prehistoric burial sites in Southern India, 1902, 165.
Prester John, 1889, 361 ; 1895, 403.
Pre-Vedic India, 1890, 319.
Priam, phallic god, 1890, 577.
^' Prodigal Son" in its Buddhist shape, 1893, 393.
Proud king, 1892, 39.
Proverbs, Marwari weather, 1892, 253.
Provincials* edict of Piyadasi, 1 901, 486.
Prthivlsena, 1899, 383.
Ptolemy's geography, 1903, 577.
Puchikwar language, 1899, 574.
Puchkan, 1902, 737.
Pud gala vadins, 1901, 308.
Puku-tsun, XJighur chief, 1898, 814.
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154 PUL — QUT.
Pill Bulu, 1902, 523.
Pul-i-Naw, 1902, 762.
Pulvar, 1902, 619, 520.
Punyna-upacaya, Buddhist pilgrim, 1903, 369.
Puppa-tsoa-rahan, 1899, 1*0.
Pur Baha-yi-Jami, Persian poet, 1900, 743.
Pura^a coinage, Ancient Indian, 1898, 241, 275 ; similar to
currency of Darius ^ystaspes, 243 ; similar to present
Gorakhpuri pice, 276 ; was a private coinage, 277 ; derived
from Babylonian shekels, 279.
Piir-i-Ferldun, poet, 1895, 791.
Purification by running water, 1900, 347-349.
Purra-nannurru, 1899, 226.
Purra-porul Venba-Malai, 1899, 226.
Puru, 1899', 308,311,312.
Purus, 1889, 192, 213.
Pushan, 1890, 443.
Pushkalavati the modern Charsadda, 1896, 667.
Pushkil Darrah, 1902, 243.
Pusht-i-Farush, 1902, 735.
Qadi Baha'u'd-Din ZanjanI, Persian poet, 19CX), 743.
QadI Nidharau'd-Din, Persian poet, 1 901, 25.
QaPat Ja*bar, Siege of, 1902, 787.
Qambar 'All, embassy to 8hTraz, 1 902, 890.
QannadI, Persian poet, 1901, 10.
Qasim Khan, 1902, 892.
Qatran, Persian poet, 1 90 1, 13.
al-Qazwinl's Atharu*l Bilad, 1899, 51.
Qilij Arslan b. Sulaiman, 1902, 7^9.
Qipcaq Steppe, 1902, 892.
Qirwash, 1901, 750.
the Oqailid, 1903, 133.
Qissa Safavi, 1902, 889.
Qubad the Sasanian, 1901, 419.
Qubadh I, in Nihayatu'1-irab, 19CX), 226.
Qumaj, governor of Balkh, 1902, 853.
Qutaiba conquers Samarkand, 1903, 668.
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QUT — RAK. 155
Qutb al-Dln al-'Abudi, 1902, 790.
Qutbu'd-Din 'Atlqi of Tabriz, Persian poet, 1901, 9.
Rabban Habib, monk of Edessa, 1898, 840.
Eadhan (Fare), 1902, 621.
CIrak), 1902, 70.
Badkin, town, 1896, 775.
Bafidls, 1902, 571.
ar-Rafika city, 1895, 50.
Rafl'u'd-Din Bikrani, Persian poet, 1900, 751.
Bafi'u'd-Dln of Lunban, Persian poet, 1900, 754.
Baghayananda, 1903, 449.
Raghu, 1899, 521.
Rag-paper, Who invented ? 1903, 663.
Rahatu's-SudOr wa Ayatu's-Suriir, 1902, 568.
ar-Rahba city, 1895, 47, 51.
Rahbah, 1902, 751.
Rahula, 1898, 330.
a Lohan, 1898, 340.
Rain, Ceremony for producing, 1897, 471.
Rain-cloud (in Rig-veda), 1893, 441, 460, 465, 467, 468.
Rajabul, 1899, 318.
Rajagrha Council, 1901, 856.
Rajaraja Varma, 19CX), 764.
Rajai§ekhara, 1901, 253, 581.
Rajasthani dialects, 1901, 787.
Rajmahindra, Akbar's sarkar, 1896, 763.
Rajput clans, 1899, 2»5, 519.
Rajuka, 1895, 661.
Rajula, 1894, 531, 546.
Rajya, 1903, 558.
Rajya^ri, 1903, 557.
Rakan, or Arhat, 1898, 329.
Rakhid or Rahand mountain, 1902, 241.
Rakbushmlthan, 1902, 758.
ar-Rakka city, 1895, 47.
ancient Callinicus, 1895, 50.
Rakkah, 1902, 265.
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156 RAL — RAP.
Ralpachan, king of Tibet, 1903, 673.
Ram-Rap, modem parallel to the CuUa-Paduma Jataka,
1897, 855.
Ram Varan, 1902, 524.
Rama, 1899, 521.
Rama, geography of exile, 1894, 231.
Rama Candra, 1903, 451.
Ramabhyudaya, 1898, 231.
Ramacaritam, 1900, 765.
Ramadatta, Coins of, 1894, 553.
Ramagama to Kusinara, 1903, 367.
stupa, 1 90 1, 403.
Ramagrama, 1898, 566.
Ramananda, 1903, 449.
Ramanuja, 1903, 44S.
Ramapalacarita, 1900, 614.
Ramapura Deoriya, 1903, 367.
Ramayana, Buddhist origin, 1894, 123.
of Kannassa Paniker, 19CX), 765.
of Tulasi Dasa, 1903, 450.
treated topographically, 1894, 231.
Rameses built by Amosis, 1901, 39.
Raraeses I, 1 901, 43, 44.
Rameses II (Pharaoh of Exodus), 1901, 44, 62.
Ramhurmuz, 1902, 514.
Ramin and Vis, 1902, 493.
Ramjird, 1902, 520.
Rampur in Rohilkand, description of library, 1901, 74.
Ramzavan, 1902, 517.
Rangili-RasadhI Nala, 1903, 368.
Ranking (G.), Two Old Manuscripts, 1902, 426.
Rapson (E. J.), Northern Kshatrapas, 1894, 541; Counter-
marks on early Persian and Indian Coins, 1895, 865;
Two Notes on Indian Numismatics, 1897, 319; Coins
of Acyuta, 420 ; Inscription from the Malakhand Pass,
1898, 619; Coinage of the Mahaksatrapas and Ksatrapas
of Surastra and Malava, 1899, 357; Notes on Indian
Coins and Seals, 1900, 97, 423, 629; 1901, 97; 1903,
285 ; Impressions of Inscriptions received from Captain
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RA8 — RIB. 157
McMahon, Political Agent for Swat, Dir, and Chitral,,
1 90 1, 291; Note on Inscriptions from North -West
Frontier, 1903, 242.
Ras-al-'Ayn, 1902, 265.
Ras-al-Kalb, 1902, 753.
Rasband or Rasmand, 1902, 244.
Rashldu'd-Dln, 1899, 409.
Rashldu'd-Din Fadlu'llah, 1901, 412.
Rasht, 1902, 746.
Kastak mountain, 1902, 529.
Rathor tribe, 1899, 549.
Rati, Weight of, 1889,42.
Ratin river, 1902, 523.
Ratnolka-dharanI, 1901, 123.
Ratthapala Sutta, 1894, 769.
Rautias, 1893, 289.
Rawdatu-s Safa, 1899, 409.
Rawlinson (Sir Henry), obituary, 1895, 681.
Kay, 1902, 240, 753.
Ray (Khirod Chandra), A^okas^aral Festival, 1901, 127.
Ray (Sydney H.), Torres Straits Languages, 1899, 421.
Razik river, 1902, 739.
Rea (A.), Methods of ArchsDological Excavation in India,.
1890, 183.
Reade (H.), Vasco da Gama, 1898, 589.
Red Sea: why so called, 1898, 617.
trade-route, 1898, 243-8 ; not used by Arabs, 248.
Redhouse (Sir J.), Modern Name of Ur of the Chaldees,.
1890, 822.
Reguly, Anton, 1889, 615-627.
Rehatsek (£.), Book of the King's Son and the Ascetic^
1890, 119 ; Life and Labours of, 1892, 581.
Kenan (Mons. E.), obituary, 1893, 1^3.
llevata, 1899, 319, 521.
Revelation of Moses, 1893, ^72.
■■ of R. Joshua Ben Levi, 1893, 591.
of St. Peter, sources, 1893, 571.
Rhadinos (John), 1897, 36.
Ribhuk«an, 1893, 454.
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Google
158 Ric — Ros.
Rice (B. L.), Early History of Kannada Literature, 1890,
245.
Ridding (C. M.), A MS. of the Narada Smriti, 1893, 41.
Rieu (Dr. C), Corrections in his Catalogue of Persian MSS.,
1898,373.
Righan, town of Rirman, 1901, 281.
or Rikan, 1902, 530.
Rig-veda, 1893, 238.
mythological studies, 1895, 165.
Ring or camp of Avars, 1889, 796.
Risalatu Mahasini Isfahan, 1901, 412.
Risalatu'l Balbanlyah, MS., 1901, 809.
Risalatu'l Ghufran, by Abii'l-'Ala al-Ma'arrI, 1899, 669;
1900, 637 ; 1902, 75, 337, 813.
Rishahr, 1902, 513, 525.
Rishyamiika, 1894, 253.
Rivaz, 1902, 253.
Rivett-Carnac (J. H.), Cup-marks as an Archaic Form of
Inscription, 1903, 517.
Robert of Sicily and story of proud king, 1892, 40.
Rock edicts, 1901, 482.
Alphabet of, 1901, 490.
Rockhill (W. W.), Tibet, 1891, 1, 185; Salar Vocabulary,
1892, 598; Tibetan MSS. in the Stein Collection, 1903,
572.
Rodgers (C. J.), Tarikhs or Eastern Chronograms, 1898, 715 ;
obituary, 1899, 479.
Rohita or Rohini river, 1898, 547.
Roman coins, Peacock on, 1889, 22 ; weight of aureus, 40.
Romans and Avars, 1889, 727.
Rome, Oriental Congress, 1899, 1900, 181.
Rosaries in Ceylon Buddhism, 1896, 575; 1897, 419; note
on Dr. Waddell's letter, 1896, 800.
Ross (Colonel Sir E. C), Story of Yusuf Shah Sarraj, 1895,
537.
Ross (E. D.), Early Years of Shah Isma'il, founder of the
Safavl Dynasty, 1896, 249; On *Omar Khayyam, 1898,
349.
Rest (A. E. L.), Adam's Peak, 1903, 655.
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ROT — RUK. 159
Roth (Professor von), obituary notice, 1895, 906.
Roumanian version of story of Bilar, 1900, 627.
Rouse (W. H. D.), Kuranda, 1896, 573 ; Shah Daula's Rats,
793; Modern Parallel to the Culla-Paduma Jataka, told
by Ram-Rap, 1897, 855.
Route by which Alexander entered India, 1894, 677.
Ru'ad, 1902, 743, 744.
Rubak, 1902, 739.
Rubanz, 1902, 529.
Ruchaka, supposed identity with Ruyyaka, 1897, 284.
Rfidagl, minstrel of the Houses of Sasan and Saman, 1899, 54.
Persian poet, 1 900, 763.
Rudarud or Rudravar or Rudilavar, 1902, 247.
Rudasht, 1902, 237, 239.
Rudbar, 1902, 241, 744.
Rudkab, 1902, 248.
Rudkan, 1902, 761.
Rudra, 1893, 462, 481.
as Winter, 1890, 347.
Rudrabhatta, supposed identity with Rudrata, 1897, 292.
Rudradaman, 1893, 91, 141, 614; 1899, 358 et seq.
Mahakshatrapa, Coins of, 1890, 646.
Rudradeva, 1897, 875.
Rudrasena, 1897, 33 ; 1899, 361 et seq.
Rudrasimha, 1 899, 361 et seq.
Rudrata, date, 1897, 292.
• supposed identity with Rudrabhatta, 1897, 292.
Rughad, 1902,743,744.
Ruha, 1902, 266.
RukminI, 1899, 319.
Ruknu'd Dawla the Buwayhid, 1901, 665.
Ruknu 'd Din *Ala'u 'd-Dawla, 1894, 427.
Ruknu'd-Din BikranI, Persian poet, 1900, 761.
Ruknu'd- Din Tugbril, 1902, 575.
Ruknu'd -Din Tughril Beg Abu Talib Muhammad at
Isfahan, 1 901, 667.
Rukn-ud-din Firoz, Coin of, 1900, 772.
Rukii-ud-din Kilij Tamghaj, 1898, 499.
Rukn-ud-din Mahmud Khan, 1898, 497.
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160 BUM — SAC.
Eum, Saljuq line, 1902, 800.
Province, 1902, 257.
Rumiyah, 1902, 70.
Rumraindel Pillar, 1 901, 831.
Running water. Purification by, 1900, 347.
Rupasiddhi, 1 901, 90.
Rupert, Bishop of Worms, and Avars, 1889, 792.
Ruru Jataka, 1893,822.
ar-Rusafa city, 1895, 33> ^^•
Rusas, 1894, 706.
Inscription of, 1893, 7.
son of Argistis, Vannic inscription of, 1 90 1, 645.
Rusas II, Inscription of, 1894, 716.
Russell's account of Calcutta storm of 1737, 1898, 31.
Russian Central Asia, 1891, 563.
rule in Bokhara, 1891, 572.
Rustak, 1902, 763.
Rustam and Isfandiyad, 1900, 206.
Rustumdiir, 1902, 743, 744.
Ruyyaka, date, 1897, 283.
Ruz-bahan, poet, 1895, 791.
Sabbath, Derivation of, note by Professor Ed. Konig, 1 896,799.
Remarks on the etymology of, 1896, 353.
Sabdapramanya, 1902, 367.
Sabhaparvan, 1903, 571.
Sabiri, and Saroguri, 1892, 613; neighbours of Avars in
Asia, 614 ; a Hunnic race, 617 ; subdued by Avars, 621 ;
Turks of the Uighur branch, 635.
Sablan mountain, 1902, 249, 254.
Sabaeans, 1892, 190.
Sabuk Bridge, 1902, 523.
Sabur, king (Sapor), 1895, 36.
Saburkhwast, 1902, 245, 510, 751.
Sabzivar (Fars), 1902, 520.
(Herat), 1902, 535, 736, 757.
(NisbJipur), 1902, 735, 753.
Sacred fires of the Zend-Avesta, 1890, 533.
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SAO — SAH. 161
Sacrifices, Human, 1890, 537.
Sacrificial animals, 1890, 433.
forms. Antiquity of, 1890, 328.
Sadakah Ibn Yusuf al-Fallahi, 1902, 290.
Sadaqa, 1902, 605.
Saddhammopayana of Ananda, 1901, 89.
8adguru9i8ya, 1894, 11.
Sa'di, 189s, 792.
Sa'dl of Shiraz, 1900, 755.
Sado, Ruins near, 1896, 659.
Sadr Shihabu'd-Din Ahmad, 1902, 578.
Sadrayn, 1902, 70.
Sadr-ud-Din, Shaik, 1896, 251.
Sa*du'd-Din Sa'Id of Herat, 1901, 412.
Sa'du'l-Mulk, 1902, 608.
SadOr, 1902, 758.
Safah, 1902, 765.
Safar-nama, 1899, 419.
es-SafiEah, 1894, 498.
Safid, 1902, 532.
Safid-rud, 1902, 241, 251, 746, 758, 759.
Safl-rud, 1902, 252.
Safi'u'd-Din IsfahanI, 1902, 579.
Saf i-ud-Din Ishak, 1896, 251.
as-Saflya city, 1895, '"^'^i 41.
Sagara, 1899, 521.
S&gri, 1898, 630.
Sagsabad, 1902, 241, 752, 761.
Sahadeva, 1899, 339.
Sahampati, 1902, 423.
Sahaud mountain, 1902, 249.
Sahanusahi, king, 1897, 907.
Sahasra-arjuna, 1899, 297.
Sahasram, Rupnath, edict of A^ka, 1903, 829.
Sahet-Mahet, identified by Bloch with Sravasti, 1900, 2 ;
identification disproTed by Y. A. Smith, 3 ; colossal
statue at, 8.
Sahi, king, 1897, 905.
Sahik, Great and Little, 1902, 521, 764.
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162 SAH — SAK,
Sahmlsh, 1902, 747.
Sahr river, 1902, 734.
Saiat-Nova, sa vie et ses chansons, 1893, 497; birth, 503;
life, 604 ; poetry, 605.
Sa'id canal, 1895, 68.
Sa*id, Marwanid ruler, 1903, 124, 126.
marries Hamdanid princess, 1903, 126.
murdered, 1903, 129.
Sa'idabad, Account of, 1902, 945.
Sa'idabad (Herat), 1902, 756.
(Kirman), 1902, 766.
(Tabriz), 1902, 761.
Saidgai lake, 1896, 661 ; haunted by Jius, 661.
Saiful Daula Ibn Hamdan, 1902, 78.
Sa*Ighah, 1902, 765.
Saigon Oriental School, 1899, 734.
Sail Ball, 1902, 755.
Sain Kal'ah, 1902, 243, 752.
Sa'ird, 1902, 265.
Saiyidah Zainab mosque, 1903, 794.
Saj city, 1902, 762.
Sajah, prophetess, 1903, 778.
wife of Musaylimah, 1903, 491.
Sajl, 1902, 748, 749.
Sak, 1893, 154.
Saka, 1890, 422.
dynasty, 1894, 550.
era, 1890, 642; 1899, 364.
era, origin, 1903, 36.
sacrifice, 1893, 284.
tribes, 1899, 299.
Saka-Medha festival, 1893, 275.
Sakadwipa Brahmans, 1893, 244.
Sakapuni, 1895, 170.
Sakas, 1897, 896.
attacked by Yueh-chi, 1903, 26, 64.
Sakasena, Coin of, 1903, 301.
S'akere', successor of Amenophis IV, 190 1, 43, 44.
Saketa, 1893, 91-
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8AK — SAM, 163
Sakhir, 1902, 251.
Sakhis, 1902, 535.
Sakhr and Asmodeus^ 1892, 43.
Sakhr al-Ghaiy, 1903, 772.
Sakkan, river, 1902, 518.
Sakkayaditthi, 1894, 327.
6akra, 1898, 330.
Sakra Jataka, 1893, 315.
Sakri, Dih, 1902, 758.
Sakti worship, 1893, 267.
Sakula, 1893, 770.
Sakya inscription recently discovered, 1898, 387.
Sakya mound over Buddha's remains, 1901, 398.
mountains, 1898, 549.
towns, 1898, 548.
Salah-ad-Din, Rubat, 1902, 526, 761.
Salam (Armenia), 1902, 263.
(Bakharz), 1902, 737.
Salar vocabulary, 1892, 598.
Salhat, 1902, 523.
^listambasutra, 1901, 307; 1902, 365.
Sali-stamba-sutra, 1903, 181.
Salistamba-Sutra, Tibetan MSS., 1903, 109.
Saljuks (Persian), 1901, 284.
Saljuks of Rum, 1902, 258.
Salkit, 189s, 4.
Sallar Khurasani, 1903, 143.
Salmas, 1902, 251.
Salmon^ (A.), Importance to Great Britain of an Oriental
School in London, 1898, 212.
Salt in seven colours, 1902, 529.
Salwahana era in South India, 1889, 1118.
Sam Mirza, 1902, 170.
Sama Veda, 1893, 477.
Saman, 1902, 243, 247.
Samantabhadra, Account of, 1890, 248.
Saman tapasadika in Chinese, 1897, 113, 945.
Samarcand, Description of, 1891, 565 ; inhabitants of, 571 ;
line of rail to, 573.
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164 3AM — SAN.
Samarkand conquered by Qutaiba, 1903, 6.68.
Samarra, 1899, 857.
city, 189s, 3, 33 ; capital of caliphate, 36.
Samarrah, 1902, 70, 761.
Samatata, ancient name of Lower Bengal, 1897, 29.
Kingdom of, 1897, 878.
Samawat Desert, 1902, 751.
Sambodhi in Asoka's eighth edict, 1898, 619.
Samghadlsesa, 1894, 770.
Samglta Ratnakara, 1902, 661.
Samidhs as Spring, 1890, 338.
Saminjan, 1902, 738.
Samiran (Tarum), 1902, 243.
Castle, 1902, 522.
Samnan, 1902, 745, 753.
Samsa or Samha, 1902, 246.
Samsam ad-Daula, I90i» 525.
Samsam al-Daula the Buwaihid, 1903, 123.
Samsun, 1902, 260.
Samudra Gupta, 1898, 386; extensive dominions of, 1889,.
7 ; forged Gaya inscription of, 7 (note) ; struck coins in
gold only, 9 ; accomplishments of, 18 ; probably identical
with Kacha, 21, 37, 76; gold tiger type of, 64; gold
A^wamedha type of, 65 ; gold lyrist type of, 67 ; gold
javelin type of, 68 ; gold archer type of, 71 ; gold battle-
axe type of, 72.
Coins of, 1893, 84, 96.
conquests, 1897, 19, 25, 859; 1898, 369.
exterminated nine kings, 1897, 27.
limits of his empire, 1897, 31.
panegyrical poem on him by Harisena, 1897, 27.
renewer of the Horse Sacrifice, 1897, 22.
Samudratilaka of Durlabharaja, 1898, 230.
Samyukta-agama, 1903, 369.
Samyukta-ratna-pitaka sutra, 1896, 17.
San Kwo Chih Yen I, 1893, 803.
Sanabad, 1902, 735.
Sana'i, Persian poet, 1900, 757.
Sanakanika tribe, 1897, 893.
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SAN. 165
Sanat-Kumara, 1894, 345.
Sanatkumara, Gatha of, quoted by Buddha, 1897, 585.
Sanchankot, 1893, 91.
8anchi excavations, 1902, 36.
inscription of Yasushka, 1903, 325 ; now identified as
a new Kushan king, 329.
iascriptions, 1902, 34.
old name Eakanada, 1902, 41.
stfipa, 1902, 29.
Sailchi-Eanakheda stupa, 1902, 29.
Sandbar, 1902, 758.
Sangabad, 1902, 758.
Sangala, capital of the Madrakas, 1897, ^0-
Sangan, 1902, 751.
Sang-bar-Sang, 1902, 254.
Sangbast, 1902, 754.
Sanghadaman, 1899, 382.
Sanghamitta, Asoka's daughter, 1902, 41.
Sahgha-rakkhita, scholar of Oeylon, 1901, 891.
Sanghavarmi, 1903, 368.
Sang-i-Safid pass, 1902, 762.
iSagsara-Mandalam, 1894, 842.
Sanij, 1902, 532.
8anjad-rud, 1902, 250.
Sanjan, 1902, 737.
Sanjana (D. D. P.), Gotama in the Avesta, 1898, 391, 637 ;
Pahlavi Words, Derivation and Significance, 1900, 546.
Sanjidah or Sanjad, 1902, 252, 758, 759.
Sankaracarya, 1900, 763.
Sankaracharya's date, 1894, 133.
(Sanskrit deed of sale concerning a Ka^mlrian Mahabbarata
MS., 1900, 187, 554.
imperatives, 1903, 825.
in Ceylon, 1894, 655.
maxims, 1 902, 174.
MSS., from Mingai, 1891, 689, 694; in China, 1894,
835 ; Professor Max Miiller's, 1902, 611 ; Todd and Whish
Collections of R.A.S., 1890, 801.
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166 SAN: — SAB.
Santak in India, 1900, 548.
j^ntideva, 1898, 870.
Sao-chi, Uighur minister, 1898, 812.
Sarib, Sarav, or Sarat, and river, 1902, 249, 251.
Sarabha Jataka, 1893, 3^2.
Saraband mountaiD, 1902, 250.
Sarajun, 1902, 252.
Sarakbs and river, 1902, 736, 739, 754.
Saram, 1902, 523.
Saram bills, 1902, 513.
Sarasvatlstotra attributed to Ealidasa, 1903, 785.
Saraswati, 1899, 312.
Saraswati and tbe Lost Biver of the Indian Desert, 1893, ^^-
Saravarman, coin, 1900, 125.
Sarbat river, 1895,262.
Sarcham, 1902, 761.
Sard-rud (Dihistan), 1902, 755.
(Hamadan), 1902, 756.
(Tabriz), 1902, 248.
Sarduris II, Inscription of, 1893, 7.
Sargis T'hmogveli, 1902, 493.
Sarhang Bubat, 1902, 755.
Sarhul festival* 1893, 274.
Sari, 1902, 744.
Sarikamihs, Inscription at, 1894, 711.
Sar-i-pul, 1902, 70.
Sariputra's questions, 1898, 330.
Saritchitchek Su, river, 1896, 737.
Sarjahan, 1902, 242.
Sarkan, 1902, 247.
Sarkars, 1896: Audambar, 92; Bakla, 130; Barbakabad,
115 ; Bazuha, 127 ; Bhadrak, 756 ; Chatgaon, 134 ;
Fathabad, 128 ; Gfaoraghat, 124 ; Jalesar (Jellasore),
746*; Kaling Dan^pat, 763 ; Katak (Cuttack), 758 ;
Eballfatabad, 121 ; Lakhnauti, lio ; Madaran, 105 ;
Mahmudabad, 118 ; Panjra, 122 ; Pumiah, 90 ; Bajmu-
hindra, 763 ; Satgaon, 102 ; 8harl£n>ad, 96 ; Silhat, 131 ;
Sonargaon, 132 ; Sulaimanabad, 99 ; Tajpur, 107.
Darngadeva, 1902, 661.
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SAB — SAV, 167
^rngadharapaddhati, 1901, 253.
Saroguri, derivation of namei 1892, 620 ; and Akatziri, 621 ;
history of, 622.
Sarpika river, 1894, 236.
Sarsar, 1902, 750.
Sarsar canal, 1895, 5, 69.
Sarushak, 1902, 764.
oarva Varman, 1903, 654.
Sarvistan, 1902, 517, 763.
Saryati, 1899, 521.
Sasa Jataka, 1893, ^l^-
^^da, 1899, 521.
SasaDavatpsa, the author, 1899, 674.
Saaanian Book of Kings, 1900, 200.
'^ Dynasty in Nihayatu'1-irab, 1900, 218-259.
Sasauka, 1893, 147.
^^nka, 1903, 559.
SassI da Eallara temple, 1903, 335.
SatakaQi, Coin of, 1903, 303.
Satakarni, Andhra king on Saochi gateway, 1 902, 40.
Satapattra Jataka, 1893, 327.
Satiabia in Eo^la, 1903, 514.
Sati§ Chandra, Mahayana and Hinayana, 1900, 20.
Satrughna, 1899, ^^l*
Satuk Bugbra £han, 1898, 469.
Saturik, 1902, 242.
Satvata branch of Yadavas, 1899, 319.
Satyadaman, 1899, 379.
Satyasimha, 1899, 399.
Satyayanins, 1893, 479.
Saudasa, 1899, 318.
Sauj Bulak, 1902, 240, 242.
Saurashtran silver coins, Origin of, 1889, 29.
Saurastra, 1899, 319.
Savah,*i902, 242, 761.
SavaDat, 1902, 529.
Savanj, 1902, 753.
8avll-rud, 1902, 248.
Savitri, 1893. 454, 464, 475.
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168 SAW— SEN.
Sawad, 1895, ^*
as-Sawami, 1895, 33.
Sayana, 1893, 422 et seq.
Sayana-Madhava list of Buddhist schools, 1891, 422.
Sayce (Professor) and the Burmese language, 1893, 149.
Sayce (Rev. Professor A. H.), XJr of Chaldees, 1891, 479;
Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van, 1893, 1; 1894, 691;
1900, 798; Fresh Contributions to the Decipherment of
the Tannic Inscriptions, 1901, 645.
Saymarah, 1902, 245, 246, 513.
Sayyid Hasan of Ghazna, Persian poet, 1900, 748.
Sayyid Jamalu'd-Din EashI, Persian poet, 1900, 746.
Sayyidi Ghar, 1902, 757.
Schefer Collection, History of Seljuqs, 1902, 567, 849.
Schindler (General A. H.), Marco Polo's Camadi, 1898, 43.
Schrumpf collection of Armenian books, 1893, 669.
Schrumpf (G. A.), obituary, 1893, 398.
SchukoYski's article on 'Omar Ehayyam, 1898, 350.
Schultze (Th.), obituary, 1898, 918.
Schiitz (Dr. C), obituary, 1893, 166.
Scythians and Asvamedha, 1890, 416.
Sea-route between China and India, 1903, 368.
Seasons, Divisions of, in India, 1889, 1117.
Sehachi, The Twelve Dreams of, 1900, 623.
Sek-nag, 1893, 288.
Sek Nag, snake-god of the Gonds, 1899, 341.
Seleucid coins, Apollo on, 1889, S4.
Seleucus Nikator, 1901, 837.
Seljukite inscription at Damascus, 1897, 336.
Seljuqs, Manuscript History in Schefer Coll. in Paris, 1902,
567, 849.
Semang Bukit Dialect, 1902, 557.
Semang Paya Dialect, 1902, 557.
Semangs, 1902, 557.
Semitic origin of Indian alphabet^ 1901, 301.
Senart (£.), Tathagata, 1898, 865; New Fragment of the
Thirteenth Edict of Piyadasi at Gimar, 1900, 335.
Senkereh Tablet, 1903, 257.
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SEH — 8HA. 169
Serampore, Danes at, 1898, 625.
Sere'-Teti, Egyptian king, 1901, 43, 44.
Serpent carried at funeral of Eshatriya, 1891, 384.
Serpent-worship, 1891, 361, 480; in Burma, 384; in India,
1899,299, 519; 1901,461.
I§e6a, 1899, 313.
Sesadatta (Hindu Prince of Mathura) coins, 1900, 110.
Sesha, serpent-god, 1901, 461.
Setavya not Sahet Mahet, 1903, 513.
or To-wai, 1903, 513.
Setebhissara, 1895, 200, 432.
Seti I, 1901, 44.
Sewell (R.), Eistna Alphabet, 1891, 135; Some Buddhist
Bronzes and Belies of Buddha, 1895, 617; Pistapura,
1897, 420; Persecution of Buddhists, 1898, 208; The
Indian Boomerang, 379 ; Text of the Mahabb&rata, 379 ;
Dikshit, obituary, 708 ; The Language of Sora&liland, 863 ;
Cinder- Mounds of Bellary, 1899, 1 5 Prehistoric Burial
Sites in Southern India, 1902, 165.
Sgaw Karen, 1894,29.
Sha'b Bavvan, 1902, 519, 522, 524, 765.
Shabankan, 1902, 763.
Shabankarah, 1902, 516, 528.
Shabdabahar, 1902, 247.
Shaburkan, 1 902, 738, 754.
Sha-che, 1898, 521.
Sha-chi, 1893, 91-
Shad Hurmuz, 1902, 70.
Shad Kubad, 1902, 69.
Shadhkan, 1902, 525.
Shadyakh, 1902, 734.
Shaft, 1902, 746.
Shah Arman, 1902, 794.
8hah Daula's Rats, 1896, 793.
Shah Isma'fl, 1897, 114 ; founder of the Safavi dynasty,
1896, 249; journeys into Gilan, 283; stay in liShijan,
288 ; author of the life of, 1902, 170.
•Shah Ismail, authorship of life, 1901, 930.
•Shah Isma'U Safavi, Author of the life of, 1902, 889.
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170 SHA.
Shahabad, 1902, 514.
Shahaiah, 1893, ^09.
Shahanoshahi identified by Y. A. Smith as Kushan princes-
of Balkh, 1897, 32.
Shaharah Castle, 1902, 517.
Shahin, 1902, 241.
Shahrabad, 1902, 744.
Shahraban, 1902, 71, 750.
Shahrah, 1902, 259.
Shahrak, 1902, 762.
Shahrazur, 1902, 511.
Shahr-i-Atabeg, 1902, 764.
Shahr-i-Babak, 1902, 531, 764.
town of Kirman, 1901, 281.
Shahr-i-Bilkis, 1902, 735.
Shahr-i-Dakyanu8, 1902, 530.
Shahr-i-Dakyanu8, site of Jiruft city, 1901, 282.
Shabr-i-Naw (Adharbayjan), 1902, 761.
(Bakharz), 1902, 737.
Sbahristaars Tarikh-al-Hukama, 1900, 550.
Shabriyar Bridge, 1902, 526, 762.
Sbabru, 1902, 763.
Shahrud river (Great), 1902, 241, 252, 744.
(Little), 1902, 250, 252.
Shaibani, 1896, 767, 781; 1902, 892.
Sbakak Mountain, 1902, 735.
ShakkRudbar, 1902, 522.
Shakmabad, 1902, 761.
Shal and Shal river, 1902, 250, 252.
Shamakhi, 1902, 256.
Shamiram (Herat), 1902, 736.
Shamlran (Tarum), 1902, 243.
Castle (Juwaym Abu Ahmad), 1902, 522.
Shamkur and Lake, 1902, 255, 257, 759.
ash-Shammasiyya city, 1895, 33, 39.
Shams al-Daula, 1902, 793.
Shamshat city, 1895, 54.
Shams-i Sajasi, Persian poet, 1900, 758.
Digitized by
Google
8HA — SHI. 171
Sfaamsu'd-Dm of Eashan, Persian poet, 19CO, 760.
Shams-ud-din Altamsh, coinSi 1900, 482.
Coin of, 1900, 771.
Shamsu'd-Din-i-Tabasi, Persian poet, 1900, 759.
Shankalabad, 1902, 761.
Shankavan Castle, 1902, 519.
Shan-ni-Io-shi valley identified with Adinzai valley, 1896, 657»
Shapur, city, river, and statue, 1902, 522, 523, 765.
Shapur I, in Nihayatu'1-irab, 1900, 220.
II, 1900, 221.
Ill, 1900, 222.
Sharafu*d-Din Anushirwan b. Khalid, 1902, 861.
Sharahun or Sharamin, 1902, 246.
Sharakbs, 1902, 535.
Sharwa, adviser to Amir Sa'id, 1903, 128 ; murders h\»
master, 129 ; is murdered himself, 131.
Shatt-al-'Arab, 1895, 3.
Shatt-al-Hay, 1895, 3.
Shatt-al-Ma, 1902, 750.
Shawe (F. B.), Tathagata, 1898, 385.
Shaykh Shu'ayb Island, 1902, 527.
Shems-ul-Mulk Nasr, 1898, 488.
Shendu, 1893, 154.
Shfing-cbiin, Chinese king, identified with Prasenajit or
Jayasena, 1898, 332.
Shfinnung, 1894, 274.
Sher Shah, Coins of, 1900, 778.
Sher Shah Sur, coins, 1900, 490.
Shesh Nag, god of Winter, 1899, 341.
Sheyda of Qum, poet, 1895, 792.
Shi Hwangti orders destruction of books, 1890, 511.
Shidan, 1902, 526.
Shieh Nai-au, 1893, 805.
Shighni, East Iranian language, 1900, 501.
Shih-hsing-pu, biographical dictionary, 1895, 437.
Shih-po, Office of, 1896, 68.
Shrites, 1902, 571.
Shikan Pasture, 1902, 526.
Shikashtah Castle, 1902, 519, 762.
Digitized by
Google
172 8HI SIF.
Shimshat, 1902, 260.
al-Shimshati, 1902, 794.
SJiIna, language of Gilgit and Indus valleys, 1900, 502.
Shir, Dih, 1902, 764.
Shlraz, 1902, 516, 762-765.
capital of Muzafiarids, 1901, 285.
Shirbarik conquers Kirman, 1901, 523.
Shir-gir, 1902, 609.
Shirln, Kasr, 1902, 70, 749.
Shirin and Khusru sculptures, 1902, 511, 512, 749.
Shirln river, 1902, 510, 513, 525.
Shlrii'c in Nihayatul-irab, 1900, 253.
Shirvan Province, 1902, 256.
Shirwan river, 1902, 256.
Shor identified as Shorkot, 1899, 133-
Shrine, Symbol for, 1890, 708.
Shui Hu Chwan, 1893, 805.
Nhukra, 1893, 282.
Shukru-n-nissa, daughter of Akbar, 1899, 100.
Shun, 1894, 284 ; his reign, 287 ; plots against, 289 ; death,
293.
Shu-po-ka, a Lohan, 1898, 338.
Shfir river, 1902, 526.
8hurah-rud, 1902, 734.
Shiiristan, 1902, 521.
Shurmari, 1902, 253.
Shushna, 1893, 281, 283.
Shustar, 1902, 513.
ShwezTgdn Pagoda, 1893, 158.
Siam, deputation to the King, 1897, 94-5.
the King's edition of the Pali Tipitaka, 1898, 1.
as-Slb city, 1895, 33, 40.
battle, 189s, 40.
Sibawaihi, 1902, 98.
Sibi Jataka, 1893, 309.
Sibt Ibn al-Jauzi, 1902, 799.
Sidrah, 1902, 754.
Sif Bani Zuhayr, 1902, 517.
Sif 'Umarah, 1902, 517.
Digitized by
Google
8IF — SIN. 17$
Sifiln, 1902, 265.
Sigalakamata, 1893, 796.
Sign-signatures in India, 19QO, 548.
Signature-marks and Nagarjuna's Eakshaputa, 1901, 120.
Sih Dih, Rubat, 1902, 756.
Sih Gunbadhan, 1902, 519.
Sihnah village, 1902, 749.
Sijistan, 1902, 533.
Sikh prayer, the Japji, 1900, 43.
^iksa-samuccaya, 1903, 181.
Siladitya, Malava emperor, 1903, 557.
^ilaharas of the Northern Konkan, coins of Chittaraj»r
1900, 118.
Silakhur, 1902, 245, 246, 513.
Silla, 189s, 506.
Simhadevaga^i, 1897, 309.
Simbanandi, Account of, 1890, 251.
Simhasena, 1899, 395.
Slmkan, 1902, 517, 763.
Simon (R.), The Successor of Deva Raya II of Vijaya-
nagara, 1902, 661.
Simpson (W.), Correspondence on Ealasa, 1889, 689 ; Trisula
Symbol, 1890, 299 ; Pillars of the Thuparama and Lanka-
rama Dagabas, 1896, 361 ; Buddhist Praying Wheel,.
1898, 873.
Sin, 1902, 761.
Sinabar-rud, 1902, 755.
Sinclair (W. F.), Indian Names for English Tongues, 1889,
159; Correspondence on Kalasa, 690; Note on Dr. Oldham'a
"SaraswatI," 1893, 612; Archaeological Research, 1895,
662 ; Kuranda, 1896, 573 ; Antiquity of Eastern Falconry,
793; Dimapur, 1897, 623; Pedro Teixeira, 624; Anga^
in Western India, 1898, 623 ; S&gri, 630 ; Ospreys, 1899^
905 ; 1900, 139 ; obituary notice of, 610.
Sind, Lost river of, J 903, 694.
Sindhl, 1902, 47.
Sindurban ceremony, 1893, 298.
Sinhalese copper-plate grants in the British Museum, 1895,
639.
Digitized by
Google
174 sm — SIT.
Slnlz, 1902, 525.
Sin jar, 1902, 265, 856.
Sinjar b. Malikshah, 1902, 849.
Sinn, 1902, 264, 265.
as-Sinn city, 1895, 33; position described by Mukaddasi, 35.
Slpan mountain, 1902, 262.
Siraf, 1902, 517.
Sirajl, Persian poet, 1 900, 756.
Siraju*d-Din Qumri, Persian poet, 1900, 756.
Sirak, 1902, 256.
Siriquqinis, 1894, 710.
Sirishk, 1902, 757.
Sirjan, 1902, 423, 530, 764, 766, 947.
identified by Schindler as Sa'idabad, 1 90 1, 282.
site, 1 90 1, 288-290.
stormed by Mujashi' ibn Mas'iid, 1901, 283.
town of Kirman, 190 1, 281.
SirjanI Garden, 1902, 530.
Sirjar Mutaqarin, 1894, 738.
Slrozahs originally stellar or lunar, 1890, 555 ; sacred days,
557.
Sis, 1902, 262.
Sishat, 1902, 523.
Sistan province and city, 1902, 533, 757.
Si^ucandrata (? Mathura) coin, 1900, 114.
Sitadkan river, 1902, 525.
Sitakan, 1902, 752.
Sitt al-Nas, 1903, 146.
Sitwan or Slwan, 1902, 265.
Siv tribe, 1889, 588; bibliography, 642.
Siva, 1893, 462, 481.
Siva on Kusana coins, 1897, 322.
Sivas, 1902,259, 761.
Sivaskanda-varman, king of Pallavas, 1889, 1111.
Sivrl Hisar, 1902, 261.
Siyah Kuh (Balkh), 1902, 754.
(Kargas), 1 902, 533.
(Sablan), 1902, 250.
Siyah Rastan, 1902, 743, 744.
Digitized by CjOOQIC
SIY — 80A. 175
Siyah-rud, 1902, 633.
Siyaru'l Muluk, 1900, 196.
Skanda, 1895, 154.
•Skanda Gupta, Extent of dominions of, 1889, 8 ; duration of
reign of, 10; gold king and queen t3rpe of, 110; gold
aroher type of, 111 ; silver-winged peacock type of, 128 ;
silver bull type of, 131 ; silver (?) Chaitya type of, 132;
silver fantail peacock type of, 133 ; copper coins resembling
silver types of, 144.
Coins of, 1893, 91, 125, 137.
Skrine (F. H.), Obituary of Sir W. W. Hunter, 1900, 393.
Slav tribes, 1889, 599.
Sleeman's Py-khan, 1903, 363.
Smith (V. A.), Coinage of the Early or Imperial Gupta
Dynasty in Northern India, 1889, 1 ; Observations on the
Gupta Coinage, 1893, 77; The Iron Pillar of Delhi and
the Emperor Candra, 1897, 1 ; Samudra Gupta, 19 ;
Birthplace of Gautama Buddha, 615 ; Pistapura, Mahen-
dragiri, and King Aohyuta, 643 ; Conquest of Samudra
Gupta, 859; Iron Pillar of Dhar, 1898, 143; Samudra
Gupta, 386 ; Kau^mbi and SravastT, 503 ; Piprahwa
Stupa, 573, 868 ; SravastT, 1900, 1 ; Removal of large
Images from Shrine to Shrine, 143 ; Buddhist Monastery
at Sohnag in the Gorakhpur District, 431 ; Authorship of
the Piyadasi Inscriptions, 1 901, 481 ; On a Passage in the
Bhabra Edict, 574 ; Translation of * devanampiya,' 577,
930 ; Identity of Piyadasi with AiSoka Maurya, 827 ;
Kusinara or Ku^inagara and other Buddhist Holy Places,
1902, 139 ; Chronology of the Kusan Dynasty of Northern
India, 175 ; Indian Documents on Parchment, 233 ;
Kusinara, 430 ; Lauriya - Nandangarh, 490 ; Kushan
or Indo - Scythian Period of Indian History, 1903, 1;
Kushan Period, 371 ; Position of the Autonomous Tribes
of the Panjab conquered by Alexander the Great, 685.
Smith (W. Robertson), Remarks on Mr. Kay*8 Edition of
'Omarah's History of Yemen, 1893, 181 ; obituary, 1894,
594.
Snow maggot, 189 1, 284; tea, 283.
Soa Rahan, 1899, 140.
Digitized by
Google
176 SOC — SEE.
Social differentiation in India, 1894, 657.
I&odasa, 1894, 526, 531, 546; 1903, 43.
Coin of, 1903, 288.
Sodasa's inscription in Laukika era, 1903, 45.
Sohnag, Buddhist monastery, 1900, 431.
Sohrawarthy (A. al-M.), Heine and Persian Poetry, 1903, 365^.
Solar Aryan tribes, 1899, 295, 519.
Solomon, Tomb of mother of, 1902, 527, 764.
Soma, or Haoma, 1900, 511.
festival, 1893,282.
sacrifice, Uranian origin of, 1890, 417.
Somali language, 1898, 95, 370, 863.
Sombansi tribes, 1899, 553.
Sombunsi, extension of trade, 1893, 292.
settlement at Patala, 1893, 292.
settlement in Earna Suvama, 1893, 292.
the earliest Rajputs, 1893, 292.
Sona, 1893, 766.
Song of Lingal, 1893, 254.
Sonuttara, father of Nagasena, 1 897, 229.
Sothis period in reign of Rameses II, 1 901, 44.
Sotra, 1893, 54.
Soul, Zarathustra's doctrine, 1899, 605.
'Soul' in the XJpanishads, 1899, 71.
Soul theory and initiative of the Avesta, 1899, 429.
Soul- theory in Buddhism, 1903, 587.
Spells for rain, 1897, 471.
Spitamas, 1899, 285.
Sprenger (Dr. A.), obituary, 1894, 394.
Spring as the Samidhs, 1890, 338.
Sramanera monastery, 1903, 367.
Sravasta, 1899, 521.
^ravastl, 1900, 1.
city, 1903, 513.
Colossal statue removed from Sahet-Mahet to, 19CX), 11.
identification by Bloch with Sahet-Mahet, 1900, 2.
its site identified, 1898, 520.
position defined by Fa Hian and Hiouen Tsiang, 1900, 3.
Sreshthi Jataka, 1893, 310.
Digitized by
Google
SRI — STH. 177
Dd-Sankiika, Alankara writer, 1897, 287.
Srikanthacarita, 1897, 283.
Sringavera-pura town, 1894, 235.
Sripura, 1897, 865.
Sron-btsan-sgam-po, Tibetan king, 1903, 112.
Ssiima Cheng, 1894, 269.
Ssiima Ch'ien's historical records, 1894, 269 ; 1895, 93.
SsQ-ma-Ch'ien on the Yueh-chi, 1903, 19.
St. John (R. F. St. A.), Bhfiridatta Jataka Vatthu, 1892, 77 ;
Temiya Jataka Vatthu, 1893, 357; Burmese Affinities,
395 ; Kumbha Jataka, 567 ; Etymology of * Syriam,'
1894, 150 ; Story of Thuwannashan or Suvanna Sama
Jataka, 211 ; On new Burmese Dictionary, 556; Burmese
Saint, 565 ; Relic found in Rangoon, 1895, 1^^ ! Burmese
Hitopadesa, 431 ; Kuranda, 1896,864; Vidhura Jataka,
441; Dimapur, 1897, 423, 641; Arakanese Dialect, 941;
History of Pegu, 1898, 204; Ari, 1899, 139; Mramma,
667.
St. Petersburg series of Buddhist texts, 1898, 226.
Star, Symbol for, 1890, 717.
Statue of Amida the Niorai in the Musee Cernuschi, 1903^
433.
Stein (Dr. M. A.), in Buner, 1898, 458 ; Kasmir Antiquities,
1899, 201 ; Notes on Inscriptions from XJdyana presented
by Major Deane, 895 ; Sanskrit Deed of Sale concerning
a Ka^mirian Mahabharata MS., 1900, 187; Notes on
Journey from Hunza, 1901, 189 ; Archaeological Work
about Khotan, 295 ; Archaeological Discoveries in the
Neighbourhood of the Niya River, 569; Discoveries in
Chinese Turkestan, 642; On Colonel Deane's Inscribed
Stones from Swat, 1903, 238; Early Judaeo - Persian
Document from Khotan, 735.
Stein Collection of Tibetan MSS., 1903, 109, 572, 821.
Stellar chronometry, 1893, 280.
Stewart (Colonel C. E.), Hindu Fire-temple at Baku, 1897,
311.
Stewart (Major Charles), MS. of his Catalogue of Tippoo
Sultan's Library, 1902, 427.
Sthaviras or Arhats, 1898, 329.
Digitized by
Google
178 STH — 8UL.
Sthira Gupta, 1893, 86.
Sthiramati, 1898, 331.
Strato II, 1903, 28.
Stress-accent in modem Indo- Aryan vernaculars, 1895, 139.
Strong (S. A.), Cuneiform Inscriptions of Sennacherib and
Assurnasirpal, 189 1, 145; Two Edicts of Assurbanipal,
357 ; Four Cuneiform Texts, 1892, 337 ; History of Kilwa,
1895, 385.
SGbah Bangala (Bengal), 1896, 87; settlement under Todar
Mai, 87 ; Sultan Shuja, 87 ; Nawab Ja'far Khan, 87.
Subahu, 1899, 521.
Subala, 1899, 520.
Subhadra-parinayana, a drama, 1898, 231.
Subhan Rai, 1894, 733.
Subhasitavali, 190 1, 128, 253.
Subh-i-Ezel, Writings of, 1892, 483.
Subhinda, a Lohan, 1898, 336.
Successor of Deva Eaya II of Vijayanagara, 1902, 661.
Sudakanlyah, 1902, 751.
as-Sudakaniyya city, 1895, 33, 35.
Sudas, 1899, 308.
^udasa, 1894, 526, 531, 546.
Sudinna, 1894, 770.
Sudras, 1894, 668.
Sufi creed, 1894, 561.
Suhravard, 1902, 242.
Sujiin Singh, 1895, 211.
Sujiinkot, 1893, 91.
Sujiis, 1902, 242.
Silk Thamanin, 1902, 265.
Suka Sandesam, 1900, 764.
al-Sukkari, author of a collection of Dabba and Nahshal
poets, 1897, 329.
Sulaiman b. Qutalmish, 1902, 799.
Sulaiman Kararani, viceroy of Bengal, 1896, 74-3.
Sulayman II, his coins, 1902, 746.
Sulayman Shah b. Muhammad, 1902, 872.
Sulayman Shah Saljuk, 1902, 510.
Sulbaran, 1902, 754.
Digitized by
Gobgk
8UL — SUE. 179
al-Suli, 1902, 344.
Sollat, name of goddess Zir-panitum, 1899, 105.
Sultan, Rubat, 1902, 754.
Sultanabad (Turshiz), 1902, 534.
— ^ (of Fath 'All Shah), 1902, 244.
Jamjamal, 1902, 511.
Sultani'sh-Shuhada, Babi martyr, 1889, 489.
Sultaniyah, 1902, 241, 748, 752, 758, 760.
or Dih-i-Sultan, 1902, 753.
Suma stupa, 1896, 657.
Sumayram, 1902, 513.
Sumaysat city, 1895, 47.
Greek Samosata, 1895, 49.
Snmerian and Akkadian, 1 900, 343.
connection with Chinese, 1900, 88.
or Cryptography, 1900, 75, 343.
origin of Babylonian civilization, 1900, 91.
tvpe of head, 1900, 88.
Sumghan, 1902, 241, 632, 752, 753, 761.
Summer in Satapatha Brahmana as Tanunapat, 1890, 339.
Sun, on Saurashtran and Gupta coins, 1889, 18, 20, 84, 121.
Sun-worship in India, 1899, 299, 519.
Sunahsepa, Sacrifice of, 1890, 536.
Sunargaon, 1898, 797.
Sung dynasty in China, 1893, 802.
Sung Yu, 189s, 78.
Sung Yun, translation of bis book on Tibet, 1891, 15.
Snngal or iron scourge used by Naya worshippers, 1901, 463.
identical with that of Osiris, 1901, 470.
Sunibar, 1902, 755.
Sunkurabad. 1902, 242, 753.
Supaka, a Lohan, 1898, 338.
Suparaga Jataka, 1893, ^l^*
Su-p'in-t'e, a Lohan, 1898, 336.
Su-po-fa-sutu river, 1896, 656.
Suprabhatastotra of Sri Harsadeva, 1903, 703.
Sur river, 1902, 266.
Sura, author of Jatakamala, 1893, ^0^*
SOra Ambattha, 1902, 952.
Digitized by
Google
180 SUE — SUZ.
Sura canal, 1895, 4, 255.
district, 1895, 255.
Sura-i-Heykal, 1892, 283.
Sura-i-Yu8uf, Comraentaiy on, 1889, 904 ; 1892, 261, 699^
identity with Kayyumu'l-Asma, 1892, 266.
Suran, Rubat, 1902, 758.
^urasenas, 1899, 297, 311, 322.
^urasen! dialect, 1899, 301.
Suratul-Bakara, Bab's commentary on, 1 892, 493 et seq^.
Suratu'l-Muluk, 1892, 268.
Suri Sultans, Coins of, 1900, 769.
Surkh, Dih, 1902, 753.
Surra-man-raa (Samarra), 1895, 33, 36.
Suru, 1902, 763.
Surya Prajnapti, 1893, 753.
Suryamitra (Uddehika king). Coins of, 1900, 98-102.
Suryasataka, 1896, 215.
Surya-stotra-sataka, 1894, 555.
Sus family, 1893, 802.
or Susan (Luristan), 1902, 245.
or Susin (Khuzistan), 1902, 514.
river, 1902, 513.
Suselo, a Hian rebel, 1898, 825.
Sutasoma Jataka, 1893, 325.
Excerpts from, 1893, 331.
Sutra of the Burden and the Burden-bearer, 1901, 308.
of the Burden-bearer, 1901, 573.
Suttas, Ratthapala, 1894, 769.
Vibhanga, 1894, 770.
Suvanna Sama Jataka, 1894, 211.
Suvarna or Sauvira, 1889, 257.
Weight of, 1889, 43.
Suvi^akha, Pahlava minister, 1899, 377.
Suwar, rank in Indian Moghul Army, 1896, 515.
Suwikan, 1902, 752.
SuzanI, Persian poet, 1900, 754.
Su-ziga§, 1894, 808.
Suzubu the ChaldsBan, 1891, 146.
Digitized by
Google
8VA — TAB. 181
Svamidatta of Kottura, 1897, 870.
Svayambhu, 1894, 299.
Svayambhu-chaitya in Nepal, 1894, 298.
Svayambhupurana, 1894, 297.
Buddhist counterpart of the Mahatmyas, 1894, 298.
Cinain, 1894,299.
compendium of Buddhist Pantheon, 1894, 299.
Monotheistic tendency of, 1894, 299.
Vidya, Pilgrimage in, 1894, 299.
Swamp of Euphrates and Tigris, 1902, 750.
The great, 1895, 3, 296.
Swat, Buddhist inscription, 1901, 575.
Swat Kohistan, Inscribed stones from, 1903, 238.
Swat Valley sculptures, 1899, 901.
Swat, Inscriptions in, 1896, 212.
Sword of Moses, 1896, 149.
Sydraci identified with Oxydrakai, 1903, 695.
Syena, name of the eagle, 1 89 1, 345.
Sykes (Major P. M.), Historical Notes on South-East Persia,
1902, 939.
Symbol for altar or shrine, 1890, 708 ; for star, 717; woman,
714.
Symbolism, Trisula, 1890, 299.
Syolchhong, Corean scholar, 1895, 508.
Syrian coinage related to Gupta^ 1889, 24.
script, 1893, 834.
Syrjaen bibliography, 1889, 644.
tribes and dialects, 1889, 590.
Syro -Armenian dialect, 1898, 839.
Sze-ma Kwang, 1 893, 802.
Ta-A-lo-han-Nan-t*i-mi-to-lo-8o-shuo-fa-chu-chi, 1898, 331.
Tab river, 1902, 513, 524 ; modern, 525.
Tabah, 1902, 518.
Tabarik (Ray), 1902, 240; village, 243.
Tabaristan, 1902, 743.
Tabas Kilaki or Tamr, 1902, 533, 635.
MasTnan or *XJnnab, 1902, 533, 535.
Digitized by
Google
182 TAB — TAK.
Tabasayn, 1902, 535.
Tablnan, rank in Indian Moghul Army, 1896, 515.
Tabriz, 1902, 248, 760, 761.
Tabrizi Mosque, 1902, 530.
Ta-chien-lu, Short account of, 1 891, 35; people of, 121 ;
products of, 271.
Tafrish, 1902, 243.
Tagara; Ter, 1901, 537 et seq.
proposed identification with Daulatabad, 190 1, 539;
Rozak, 539 ; Bir or Bid, 539 ; Darur, 539 ; Dharur,.
539 ; Junnar, 540 ; Kolhapur, 540 ; Thair, 541.
Tagazgaz, tribe of Turkestan, 1898, 811.
Taghmaj Rubat, 1902, 755.
Taghtu, 1902, 253.
Tahafat SamI, 1902, 170.
Ta-hias attacked by Yueh-chi, 1903, 27.
Tahir, 1899, 854 et seq.
SaflFarid prince, 1 901, 288.
Tahir b. Khilaf conquers Kirman, 1901, 523.
Tahiri or Tahirlyah Rubat, 1902, 758.
Tahmasp Mirza, Sultan, 1896, 250.
Tai emigration, 1895, 157.
Tairongs, 1895, 158, 160.
Taj or red cap of Shrahs, 1896, 571.
Taj-i-Haidarl, 1896, 255.
Taju'd-Dln, king of Nlmruz, 1902, 851.
Taj-ud-din Yalduz, Coins of, 1900, 770.
Takakusu, J., Chinese Translations of the Milinda Panho,,
1896, 1 ; Buddhaghosa's Samantapasadika in Chinese,
1897, 113 ; Tales of the Wise Man and the Fool, iiv
Tibetan and Chinese, 1901, 447; Notes on Chinese Buddhist
Books, 1903, 181.
Takallafah, 1902, 250.
Takan Bridge, 1902, 525.
Takan Kuh, 1902, 754.
Takha, serpent- worshipping tribe, 1901, 462.
Takhas, a remnant of the Nagas, 1891, 366 ; had Kshatriyaa
for priests, 380 ; wickedness of, 380.
Takhasila, a Solar capital, 1891, 377.
Digitized by
Google
TAX — TAN. 183
Takht Nag, god of Spring, 1899, 341.
Takht-i-Bahal, Baddhiat aculptores, 1899, 422.
Takht-i-Bahi Inscription, 1903, 40.
Takht-i-Khatun, 1902, 739.
Takht-i-Sulayman, 1902, 242.
Tak-i-Bustan, 1902, 512.
Tak-i-£iza pass, 1902, 71, 749.
Taklamakan, Buddhist remains, 1901, 296.
Takrit, 1902, 70.
city, 1895, 5, 33 ; founded by King Sabur, 36 ; origin
of name, 36.
Takshaka, 1899, 313.
Takshaka or Takht Nag, serpent-god, 1901, 461.
Talajanghas, 1899, 297, 311.
Talbot, W. S., Ancient Hindu Temple in the Pan jab, 1903,
335.
Tale Lama, Residence of, 1891, 71 ; doctrine of, 72.
Lamas, of Lh'asa, 1891, 286.
Talikan of Juzjan, 1902, 738, 739, 754.
Tflikan (or Tayikan) of Tukharistan, 1902, 739.
district (Kazvin), 1902, 243, 739.
Talish or Tawalish district, 1902, 241, 250, 252, 759.
Tamar Aghach, 1902, 261.
Tamasa river, 1894, 235.
Tamghaj Bughra Khan, 1898, 487.
Tamijan, 1902, 746.
Tamil months, 1889, 580 ; pongal festival, 581.
" Purra-porul Venba-Malai *' and " Purra-nannurru,'*
1899, 225.
Tamsar, 1902, 247.
Tamti, 1894, 808.
Tanah, 1902, 64.
T'ang dynasty in China, 1893, 800.
T*ang Mu Tsung and King of Tibet, Treaty between, 1891, 5.
Tang-i-Dahan-i-Shir, 1902, 740.
Tangutu, name given Tibetans by Mongols, 1891, 6.
Tanjah, 1902, 534.
Tanjur Notes, 1903, 345, 584, 703, 785.
Tantras, 1899, 141.
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184 TAN — TAS.
Tantric Buddhism, 1897, 465.
TaDunapat as Summer in Satapatha Brahma^a, 1 890, 339;
the Moon-god, 341.
Tao, 1897, 118, 121-4, 427.
Tao-hsiian, 1898, 335.
Tao-kan-cin, 1903, 181.
Tao-t'ai, 1898, 331.
Taoism, 1899, 331.
Taoist mythology, 1893, 799.
Tar Baby in the Jataka Book, 1901, 190, 929.
Tara as Sakti of Ayalokita, 1894, ^8; genesis of name, 63;
in Buddhism, 63; birth -story, 64; titles and forms of
image, 65 ; forms of worship, 66 et seq., 83, 89.
Tarai memorial inscriptions, 1 901, 484 et seq.
Taranatha, 1902, 363, 365.
tradition relating to Jatakamala, 1893, 307.
Tarazak or Tararak, 1902, 514.
Tarblyat Khan, 1903, 730.
Tarik mountain, 1902, 744.
Tarik Khurasan District, 1902, 70.
Tarikh-al-Hukama, 1900, 550.
Ta'rikh al Islam, 1902, 800.
Tarikh Alfi on 'Omar Khayam, 1899, 136.
-Ta'rikh Mayyafariqin, 1902, 785.
Tarikh Shahi, 1902, 170.
Tarikh-i-Alfl, 1899, 409.
Tarikh-i-Jadid, Basis of, 1892, 441.
Tarikhi-Guzida of Hamdu'Uah Mustawfi, 1899, 53, 57.
Tarikhs or Eastern chronograms, 1898, 715.
Tark, 1902, 256.
Tarmishah, 1902, 536.
Tartar river, 1902, 256.
Taruj, 1902, 249.
Tarum Districte, 1902, 243, 529, 763.
river, 1902, 252.
Tarun coxmtry, 1895, ^6.
Ta-san-6a-li-sa-tan-ma-cin, 1903, 181.
Ta'sar, 1902, 747.
Tash Bunin inscription, 1894, 708.
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TAS THE. 185
Tashku, 1902, 763.
Tasuj, 1902, 249.
Tate (C), Pedro Teixeira, 1903, 817.
Tathagata, 1898, 103, 385, 391, 865; 1899, 131.
'Tau8-al-Haramayn, 1902, 519.
Tavatimsa, 1893, 282.
Tavvaj or Tawwaz, 1902, 517, 523.
Taw Sein Ko, Ari, 1899, 669.
Taxation in Tibet, 1891, 9.
Tayfur Castle, 1902, 525.
Taxila, 1903, 701.
copper plate, 1894, 550 et seq. ; 1899, 371.
dynasty distinct from Mathura, 1903, 48.
Taxiles, a Takha raja, 1901, 462.
Tayikan, 1902, 738.
Taylor (A. C), Buddhist Abhidhamraa, 1894, 560.
Taymarrah, 1902, 71.
Tazkira Bughra Khau, 1898, 469.
Tcheraz (Minas), Saiat-Nova, sa vie et ses chansons, 1893, 497.
Tegh Bahadur, 1894, 738.
Teimouris, 1893, 871.
Tejendab, 1902, 736.
Telang (K. T.), biography, 1894, 103.
Telloh inscriptions, 1890, 701 et seq.
Temiya Jataka Vatthu, 1893, 357.
Temple (Major R. C), Models of the Mahabodhi Temple,
1893, 157 ; Contributions towards the History of Anglo-
Burmese Words, 878 ; 1894, 152 ; Theory of Universal
Grammar as applied to a Group of Savage Languages,
1899, 565.
Ten Men of Genius, 1893, 805.
Tonga pani river, 1895, 157.
Tephrike, the modern Divrigi, identified with al-Abilk,
1896, 733.
Ter, 1902, 230.
Thakan river, 1902, 518.
Thamanin, Suk, 1902, 265.
Tharthar river, 1902, 265.
Theodosiopolis, 1902, 260.
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186 THE ^TIF.
Theory of soul and the initiative of the Ayesta, 1899, 429.
of universal grammar, 1899, 665.
Thomas (F. W.), Two Lists of Words from Bana's "Harsa-
Carita," 1899, 485; Ospreys, 906; Janaki-harana, 1901^
128 ; Janaklbarana of Eumaradasa, 253 ; Notes from the
Tanjur, 1903, 345, 586, 703, 785 ; Harsa Carita, reading
of verse 18, 831 ; Verse Quotations in A^oka Edicts, 831.
Three Arabic MSS. on the history of the city of Mayyafariqin,
1902, 785.
Three Kingdoms, History of, 1893, ^^3 ; dynastic history of,
803.
Thulabhara Satakam, 1900, 764.
Thunjathu Eamanujan Eluthachan, 1900, 766.
Thupa Vamsa, 1898, 226.
Thuparama and Lankarama dagabas, Pillars of, 1896, 361.
Thiipa vamsa, 1898, 633.
Thutmosis I, II, III, 1901, 42, 44.
Thuwannashan, Story of, 1894, 211.
Tib, 1902, 69.
Tibet, 1891, 1, 185.
History of, 1 891, 188.
Tibetan, finance regulations, 1891, 7 ; taxation, 9, 218, 243 ;
law, 11, 216 ; population, 13 ; census of 1737, 13 ; ethno-
graphy, 121 ; chronology, 206 ; annual feasts, 209 ; army,
215, 219 ; criminal laws, 216 ; administration, 219 ; dress,
222; food, 226; formsof politeness, 227; marriages, 228 ;
funerals, 231 ; dwellings, 233 ; divination, 235 ; markets,
237; officers, functions of, 242; monetary system, 243;
tribute sent to China, 244; mountains and rivers, 247
et seq. ; monasteries, 259 et seq. ; military depots, 277;.
inscriptions, 281.
Buddhism, 190 1, 447.
MSS. and printed books of R.A.S., 1892, 570.
MSS. in Stein Collection, 1903, 109, 572, 821.
Tibeto-Burman languages, 1902, 128.
linguistic palaeontology, 1 896, 23.
Tiele (C. P.), Akkadian and Sumerian, 1900, 343.
T*ien-chu = part of India, Chinese account of, 1896, 496.
Tiflis, 1902, 257, 759.
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TIP — TOR. 187
Tiflis in 548, 1902, 791.
Tigris, Course of, 1895, 2; 1902, 66; account of, 1895,
33 et seq. ; Arab name = Dijla, 34 ; Hebrew name =
Hiddekel, 34 ; canals from and to, 68, 265 ; affluents,.
261 et seq.
Blind, 1902, 750.
Tihran, 1902, 241.
Tila Lake, 1902, 249.
Tilli, the sacred oil-seed, 1899, 330.
Tilok-Qandi clans, 1899, 552.
Timaristan, 1902, 763.
Time, measurement and mother- worship, 1890, 390 et seq.
Timur conquers Eirman, 1901, 285.
Tlr Castle, 1902, 516.
Tir Murdan, 1902, 522, 765.
Tiran, 1902, 751, 752.
Tlr-i-Khuda Castle, 1902, 517.
Tirmid, 1902, 739, 754.
Tlrrikh fish, 1902, 262.
Tissa the Short, scholar of Ceylon, 1901, 890.
Tissara, Buddhist nun, 1903, 369.
Tistrya, god of fire, 1890, 411.
Tiu, 1893, 488.
Tivaradeva, 1897, 866.
Tiz Castle, 1902, 516.
Todar Mai, 1896, 744.
revenue administration, 1 896, 88 et seq.
Todar Mall, 1894, 755.
Todar Mall, 1903, 452.
Todd Collection of Sanskrit MSS., 1890, 801.
Toghfej Hussein Tikin Abu'l Maali, 1898, 496.
Tokuz Guz, tribe of Turkestan, 1898, 811.
Toleho language, 1902, 558.
Tol-Kappyam, 1899, 227
Tong-kuk-thong-kam, or Tongkam, a Corean history, 1895,.
505.
Tons river, 1894, 235.
Toramana, 1903, 568.
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188 TOR— -TRI.
Toramana, a Huna chief, 1889, 8 ; silver coins of, 11, 136.
Coins of, 1893, 132.
Torres Straits languages, 1899, 421.
Totemism amongst Dra vidians, 1890, 336.
Toumansky's (Lieut.) researches, 1892, 318, 442.
Tovaras, Michael, 1897, 36.
To-wai or Setavya, 1903, 513.
Towali dialect, igoo, 502.
Trade between India and Europe, 1902, 378; early routes,
378 et seq.
Chinese medieeval, with Western nations, 1896, 64
et seq. ; Chinese, with Arabia, Malay Peninsula, Java,
Cochin, Borneo, Philippines, Sumatra, 69 ; Chinese trade
penalties, 79.
Trade-routes to India, 1898, 241 et seq.
Tranquebar, Danes at, 1898, 625.
Transliteration, 1898, 23.
Duty of English-speaking Orientalists with regard to,
1890, 607.
of languages written in Arabic character, 1890, 631,
814,820; 1891,340.
Report of Committee on, 1894, 656; 1895, 879; 1896,
835.
Transmigration of the soul, 1902, 380.
of souls, belief of Babis, 1889, ^81.
Triad, Accadian, Egyptian, Hindu, Greek, and Latin, 1889,
535.
Triambakah, 1893, 286.
Tribes and castes of Bengal by H. H. Risley, 1893, 237.
Tribhuvanapala, king, 1898, 229.
Trilingual list of Naga Rajas from the Tibetan, 1894, 91.
Trisula, an universal symbol, 1890, 300; identified with
Delphic El, 300 et seq. ; on sceptre of Tibetan Lamas,
304 ; in Greece, 306 ; early form of fleur de lis, 310 et seq. ;
combination of solar and lunar symbols, 313 ; a warlike
weapon, 1 891, 389 ; in Naga temples, 390; in Buddhist
sculptures, 390.
Trita, Etymology of, 1893, ^81 ; centre of wisdom, 454; as
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TRT — ^TUR. 18^
healer, 477 ; as a R«i, 422 ; as preparer of Soma, 450, 477 ;
as Vrtra-slayer, 424, 440 ; his father, 428 ; his car, 433,.
443 ; his maidens, 435 ; bestows long life, 478.
Trtsu, 1899, 308.
Trtsus, 1889, 190.
Ts'ai Lun, inventor of rag-paper, 1903, 679.
Tsin dynasty in China, 1893, 803.
Tso Ch'iu-ming, 1893,799.
Tsonkhapa, 1892, 141.
Tuala Lake, 1902, 244.
Tuar or Tomara tribe, 1899, 551.
Tub, 1902, 513.
Tadah, 1902, 753.
Tughan Khan, 1898, 479, 491.
Tugblak Shah II, coin, 1900, 489.
Tugtligln, 1903, 153.
Tughril Beg, 1899, 849 ; reign, 1902, 589 ; 1903, 137.
Tughril b. Arslan, 1902, 876.
Tughril b. Muhammad b. Malikshah, 1902, 858.
Tughrul Tikin,' 1898, 494.
al-Tuhawi, 1897, 329.
Tuhfat-ul-Hind, 1898, 373-4.
Tuk KaPahsi, 1902, 742.
Tukharistan, 1902, 738.
Tukulti-Ninip, 1894, 807.
Tula-purusha, 1891, 349.
Tulasi Dasa, 1903, 447 et seq. ; his works, 450 ; his teaching,
456 ; his Christian doctrine, 458 ; and his influence in
Hindostan, 461.
Tulim, 1902, 746.
Tun (Badghls), 1902, 757.
Tun (Kuhistan), 1902, 534.
Tung Chau Lieh Kwo Chih, 1893, 806.
Tunjina, 1903, 567.
Tur 'Abdin, Battle at, 1903, 123.
district, 1895, 60.
Tur Aghach, 1902, 261.
Turan Rubat, 1902, 754.
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190 TUB — TWO.
Turin Shah, 1902, 530.
Turb, 1902, 513.
Turbat-i-Haydarl, 1902, 737.
Turbat-i-Jam, Inscription at, 1897, ^7*
Turbat-i-Shaykh Jam, 1902, 756.
Tureshkrawa, 1894, 664.
Turk or Mughal, 1902, 252.
Turkan Ehatun, 1902, 602.
Turkestan (Western) Muhammedan rulers, 1898, 810.
Turkhan Ehatun, Karakhitay princess, 1901, 287.
Turkhan-rud, 1902, 241.
Turki text of Babar's Memoirs, 1902, 653 ; MSS. of, 1900,
439.
Turkish, TTmm Har4m, 1897, 81.
Turkman Kandi, 1902, 761.
Turkomans, Character of, 1891, 585.
Turmeric, as sacred tribal plant, 1893, 287; as offering in
Khond sacrifice, 287.
Turseh, 1902, 249.
Turshiz, 1902, 534, 536, 756.
Turvafia, 1899, 308, 311.
Tus, 1902, 735.
Tfisankan river, 1902, 735.
Tusar, 1902, 763.
Tustar, 1902, 513.
Tut-Suvarl, 1902, 758.
Tuta'nchamon, Egyptian king, 1 901, 43, 44.
Tutush, 1903, 152.
Tuvi, 1902, 247.
Tuzuk-i-babar!, igoo, 439; Elphinstone MS., 451; India
Office MS., 455 ; Bengal As. Soc. MS., 461 ; Mysore MS.,
462 ; Bibliotheca Lindesiana, 465 ; Hyderabad MS., 466.
Tva«tra, 1893, 422, 430, 479.
Tveggi, 1893, 488.
Twelve Dreams of Sehachi, 1900, 623.
Two Cousins, 1893, 805.
Two Young Accomplished Ladies, 1893, 805.
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VBJL — UNA. 191
'^TTbaid-allah b. Jahsh of Asad b. Khuzaimah, 1903. 772.
TJcchai-shra-vas, the long-eared horse of India, 1899, 342.
Udayana's references to Buddhist sayings, 1901, 307.
Uddehikas, Coins of the, 1900, 98-102.
Uddyotakara, 1902, 366.
TTddyotakara's references to Buddhist sayings, 1901, 307.
Udhbata, Alankara writer, 1897, 286, 829.
date, 1897,286.
TJdumbaras, igoo, 540.
TJdyana, notes on inscriptions presented by Major Deane,
1899, 895.
and Gandhara, 1896, 655.
Ugor branch of Ural-Altaic languages, 1889, 583; affinities,
583 ; Asiatic origin of languages, 585.
Ugrasena of Palakka, 1897, 873.
Ugrians and Dravidians, 1889, 584.
Uighurchah, 1902, 742.
TJighurs, Detailed account of, 1898, 819.
habits, etc., 1898, 817.
of Kao-chang and Bishbaligh, 1898, 809; attacked by
Eirghises, 812 ; take Peting, 812 ; dispersed by Eirghises,
813.
— — subdued Ehakas, 1 89 1, 453.
TJjan (Adharbayjan), 1902, 249, 761.
(Fars), 1902, 519.
Ujjeniya, son of Asoka, 1902, 41.
TJkairun, 1902, 737.
'XJkbara, 1895, 33, 38, 39.
'XJkbarah, 1902, 751.
Uma on Eusana coins, 1897, 324.
*llmar. Caliph, 1902, 583.
*Umar-i-'Ajami, 1902, 853.
*lImar-i-Ehayyam, More light on, 1899, 409 et seq.
'XJmarah coast, 1 902, 517.
TJmm Har&m, the story, 1897, 81 et seq.
Uramayyah b. Abi-s-Salt of Thakif, 1903, 773.
TJmu Bulka, 1902, 603.
TJ-mu-chu, chief of Uighurs of Earakorum, 1898, 816.
ITnar, 1902, 250.
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192 UNI — UTO.
Universal grammar, theory as applied to a group of savage
languages, 1899, 565.
XJnmadayanti Jataka, 1893, 315.
Unnayi Warrior, igoo, 768.
'Unsurl, Persian poet, 1900, 760.
Upagoda, coin or seal, 1900, 102.
XJpakauliya-Rajadhani remains, 1903, 368.
Upanishad theory of * soul,' 1899, 71.
TJpaplavya, 1899, 313.
Upasakajanalankara, 1 901, 87.
Upasampada ceremony, 1893, 159.
Uposatha ceremony, 1893, 159.
Uppalavanna, account of life, 1893, 532 et seq.
XJr of Chaldees, modern name, 1890, 822 ; 1891, 479.
Ural-Altaic languages, Ugor branch, 1889, 583; and
Dravidian affinities, 584 ; classification of, 585 ; biblio-
graphy, 638-9.
race and Kushite Semite races, 1890, 720.
Uras of Adan and India, 1889, 547.
Urbab b. al-Bara of Abd-al-Kais, 1903, 773.
Urd, 1902, 526.
Urdhes, 1894,710.
Urdubad, 1902, 254.
Urganj, Old and New, 1902, 740, 741, 742, 755, 756, 758,
Urmivah City and Lake, 1902, 249, 251, 766.
Urmus or Urmuz Island, 1902, 527, 762.
Urzana, 1894, 700.
Usavadata, 1899, 369.
Usiks, 1899, 285.
Usrud, 1902, 757.
Ustadh Hurmuz, governor of Kirman, 1901, 525-527.
Ustuwa, 1902, 735.
al-*Utbi, 1902, 798.
•Uthman b. al-Huwairith of Kuraish, 1903, 772.
'Uthman Maki of Qazwin, Persian poet, 1901, 6.
Utigurs, 1892, 635.
U-to-kia-han-cah, probable identification with Khunda,
1896, 673.
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UTT — ^VAN. 198
XJttamadatta (Hindu Prince of Mathura), coin, 1900, 109.
Uttaranaishadbaro, IQCX)^ 764.
Uvanj of Zanjan, Persian poet, 1900, 739.
'Uyunu'l-akhbar of Ibn Qutayba, igoo, 258.
XJzan Hasan, 1902, 890.
XJzarmand, 1902, 758.
XJzjan, 1902, 519.
Yacaapatimisra, 1902, 366.
— — references to Buddhist sayings, 1901, 307.
Yadjra, Pan-ch'en Buddha an incarnation of, 1891, 81.
Vagbhata, date, 1897, 308.
Yaisall, Buddhist Council, 1901, 844; Council at, 833-856 ;
1903, 583.
Vaishyas, 1894, 663.
Vajrabodhi, Buddhist pilgrim, 1903, 370.
Vajracchedika, 1903, 364.
Vajraputra, a Lohan, 1898, 338.
Yakataka Inscription, 1903, 563.
Vakpati, 1903, 550.
Val D*Eremao (Dr. J. P.), on Capuchin Missions, 1903, 356.
Valabhi, Coinage of, 1889, 137, 145 ; 1893, 133 ; copper-plate
inscription of King Dhruvasena I, 1895, 379.
Valaha Jataka, 1889, 179.
Valashjird (Armenia), 1902, 263 ; (Hamadan), 748.
Valens, 1902, 954.
Vamacharis of Bengal, 1899, 139.
Vamana, Alahkara writer, 1897, 288; date, 288; 1901, 581.
Van, city and lake, 1902, 262, 263.
Van, Cuneiform inscriptions, 1894, 691.
lexicographical npte on Cuneiform inscriptions, 1900, 798.
Vana Ganga, 1903, 368.
Vanah, 1902, 767.
Vanavasa, a Lohan, 1898, 342.
* Vanga countries/ interpreted as Lower Bengal, 1897, 8.
Vannic and Lycian, 1891, 640.
inscriptions. Fresh contributions to the decipherment
of, 1901, 645.
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194 VAR — VED.
Varamin, 1902, 240, 753.
Varanasi, 1899, 312.
Varanavata, 1899, 315.
Varank, 1902, 759.
Vararuci, 19CX), 763.
Varavl, 1902, 250.
Varena, 1893, 487.
Varlak, 1902, 759.
Vartekapotaka Jataka, 1893, 317.
Varu^a, 1893, 422, 468, 476, 486; a rain god, 284; offered
barley at Saka sacrifice, 284 ; ruler of the year, 284 ;
supreme god of star- worshippers, 284 ; god of Raj Gonds,
285 ; the Sek-nag of Gonds, Shesh-nag of Mahabharata,
285.
Samudra Gupta compared with, 1889, 20.
Vasashka, a hitherto unrecognised Kushan king, 1903, 328.
Vasco da Gama, 1898, 589.
Vasettha Sutta on caste, 1 894, 346.
Vasilev (Professor V.), obituary notice, 1900, 614.
Vasistha, 1899, 308.
Vasithiputa Pulumayi, 1899, 369.
Vastam (Bisutun), 1902, 512.
Vastan (Armenia), 1902, 263.
Vasu, 1899, 342.
Vasu Bhattathiri, 1900, 763.
Vasubandhu, 1903, 586.
Vasudeva, 1894, 531 ; 1903, 32.
Vasuki, 1899, 313.
Vasuki Basdeo, serpent-god, 1901, 461 et seq.
Vasukula, 1903, 568.
Vasushka, Kushan king, 1903, 325.
not identical with Vasudeva, 1903, 328.
Vata, 1893, 422, 488.
Vatsa Devi, queen of Sthira Gupta, 1893, 85.
Vatsabhatti, 1 89 1, 327.
Yatsadaman, coin (uncertain dynasty), 1900, 123.
Vayu, 1893, 420, 421, 422, 429, 438, 446, 448, 450, 453, 465.
Vazirjan, 1902, 761.
Vedalla Sutta, 1894, 321.
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VED — ^VIS. 196
Vedanta, 1902, 367.
doctrine, 1903, 448.
Yedas as sources of information, 1899, 304.
Veda-sruti river, 1894, 234.
Veddas of Ceylon, 1899, 133.
Vedic literature, 1894, 660.
Vegetarianism, Correspondence on, by Abu'l-'Ala al-Ma*arrI,
1902, 289.
Velanai, Ruins at, 1896, 660.
Vendldad, 1893, 485.
Vengl, modem Vegi, kingdom defeated by Samudra Gupta,
1897, 29.
the modem Godavarl, 1897, 872.
Venka Deva, Coin of, 1903, 337.
Veps tribe, 1889, 588; bibliograpby, 641.
Verethraghna, 1893, 484, 485, 487.
Videha, 1899, 312.
Vidhura Jataka, 1896, 441.
Vijayanagar, 1899, 1.
Vijayanagara, 1902, 661.
Yijayasena, 1899, 358 et seq.
Vikrama era, 1891, 483.
Yikramaditya, a title of Chandra Gupta II and Skanda
Gupta, 1889, 29, 38.
Gold coins of, 1889, 118 ; 1903, 549.
Vikramanka, 1893,88.
Village land-tenures in India, origin, 1898, 605 ; 1899, 829.
Vilvamangalath Swamiar, 1900, 764.
Vinasana, 1893, 52.
Vinaya Pattrika, 1903, 450, 454.
Vindhya mountains, 1894, 261.
Vipra Sandesam, 1900, 764.
Vira Sona Kramaditya, 1893, 130.
Viradaman, 1899, 387 et seq.
Virasena (P Mathura), coin, 1900, 115.
Virayato, king of Kuluta, coin, 19CX), 537.
Virudhika, 1898, 555.
Vis and Ramm, 1902, 493.
Vifikba probably Kursi, 1898, 525.
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196 VIS — VRi.
Visakha Vijayam, iqcx), 764.
Vi^ala, founder of Vaisali, 1899, 521.
Yiahnu, the snake sun-god, 1890, 322.
Vishnu temple at A^wakranta, IQCX), 26.
Vishnu Chandraditya, Gold coins of, 1889, 116.
Vishnu Gupta, 1903, 552.
Vishnu- Purana, 1899, 524.
Vishnumitra, Coins of, 1894, 554.
Vision of Haoma to Zaradu§tra, 1903, 313.
Visions of Hell and Paradise, 1893, 571.
Visnu, 1893, 465; 1895, 165; in Rig- Veda, 165; Pura^as,.
167 ; Brahmanas, 167 ; Ramayana, 188.
Visnugopa of KaDci, 1897, 871.
Visramiani, 1902, 493.
Visvantara Jataka, 1893, 313.
Visvarupa, 1893, 433, 479.
Visvasena, 1899, 396.
Vi^vasimha, 1899, 367 et seq.
Vis ves vara temple in Benares, 1901, 309.
Viswamitra, 1899,314.
Vivanghvat, 1893,485.
Vivasvat, 1893, 435, 485.
Vizianagram Sanskrit series, 1898, 932.
Vocabulary of Red Karen, 1894, 29.
Vogul tribe, 1889, 592 ; documents of Ruguly, 627 ;
bibliography, 645.
Vohu Manah, 1899, 283.
Vonones, Parthian Satrap, 1903, 48.
Vest (W.), Lineal Measures of Fa-hian and Tuan'^Chuang,
1903, 65 ; Ramagama to Kusinara, 367 ; Setavya or
To-wai, 513 ; Kausambi, Kasapura, Vaisali, 583.
Vot tribe, 1889, 587; bibliography, 640.
Votjak bibliography, 1889, 645.
Vmcada and SindhI, 1902, 47.
Vyddhikas, 1895, 154.
Vrhat, 1894, 297.
Vrihadbala of Kosala, 1899, 323.
Vrihadhala, 1899, 521.
Vrihadratha, 1899, 315.
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VBI — WAR. 197
Yrikasthala, 1899, ^^*^'
Trtra, 1893, 422, 484.
Vulture Hills, 1902, 533. ^
Yyadhisiitra on the Four Aryasatyas, 1903, 678.
Yyadi, poet and g^mmarian, 1891, 323.
Vyagtra-pur, 1898, 547.
Yyaghraraja of Mahakantara, 1897, 866.
Vyaghri Jataka, 1893, 309-
Vyasakara Sataka, 1892, 162.
Waddell (Dr. L. A.), Indian Buddhist Cult of Avalokita
and his consort Tara 'the Saviouress,' illustrated from
remains in Magadha, 1894, 51 ; Trilingual List of Naga
Rajas, 91 ; Lamaist Graces before Meat, 265 ; Buddha's
Secret from a Sixth Century Pictorial Commentary and
Tibetan Tradition, 367 ; Indian Buddhist MSS. in Tibet,
385 ; Polycephalic Images of Avalokita in India, 385 ;
Rosaries in Ceylon Buddhism, 1896, 577; Tara, 1897,
117 ; Historical Basis for the Questions of King ' Menander '
from the Tibetan, 227 ; Birthplace of Buddha, 644 ; Who
found Buddha's Birthplace? 1898, 201.
Waddington (W. H.), obituary notice, 1894, 395.
Wade (Sir T. F.), obituary notice, 1895, 911.
Wafi bil-Wafayat of Safadi, 1901, 536.
Waigal river, 19CX), 503.
Wakhl, East Iranian language, 19CX), 501.
Wakhshab, 1902, 740.
Walaj, 1902, 748.
Wall, Kal'ah, 1902, 739.
Walid b. Yazid, 1902, 342.
Walid ibn Yazid, Verses by, 1902, 829.
Waqayi'-nama-i-padshahi, 1900, 440.
Waqi'at-i-babari, 19CX), 143, 439.
Warakah b. Naufal of Euraish, 1903, 772.
Wardrop (0.), Georgian Version of the Story of the Loves
of Vis and Ramin, 1902, 493.
Warren (H. C), obituary notice, 1899, 475.
Warrior, K. Rama, 1900, 764.
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198 WAR — ^WHE.
Warzand, 1902, 251.
Washak, 1902, 244.
Wasit, 189s, 3, 4, 33, 44 ; 1902, 72, 750.
Wasitah, 1902, 761.
Wasi-veri, Indo- Aryan language, 1900, 504.
Wassaf's account of death of al-Musta'sim-billah, igoo,
295.
'Water' (vatura) in Sinhalese, 1898, 198, 367; 1901, 119;
1902, 425.
al-Wathiqi, pretender to the Caliphate, 1901, 532 et seq.
Watters (T.), Eighteen Lohan of Chinese Buddhist Temples,
1898, 329; Eapilavastu in the Buddhist Books, 533;
obituary notice, 1901, 373.
Watwat, Persian poet, 1 901, 29.
Weather proverbs, Marwari, 1892, 253.
Weber (A.), 1902, 228.
Webster (J. E.), Santak or Sign-Signatures in India, 1900,
548.
Wei Chi, 1892, 421.
Wei Ts'ang t'u chih, Translation of, 1 891, 21 et seq.
Weir (T. H.), Arabic, Syriac, and Hebrew MSS. in the
Hunterian Library of Glasgow, 1899, 739 ; Translation of
an Arabic MS. in the Hunterian Collection, Glasgow
University, 1901, 809 ; First Part of the Natijatu'l Tahqiq,
1903, 155.
Wends, 1889, 787.
Wenzel (Dr. H.),Valaha Jataka, 1889, 179 (note); Tsonkhapa,
1892, 141; List of Tibetan MSS. and Printed Books of
R A.S., 570 ; D'Oldenburg '' On the Buddhist Jatakas,"
1893, 301 ; D'Oldenburg's Buddhist Sources of the (Old
Slav.) Legend of the Twelve Dreams of Shahaish, 509 ;
obituary notice, 652.
West (Dr. E. W.), Catrang-namak, 1898, 389; Notes on
Zarathustra's Doctrine regarding the Soul, 1899, 605;
recipient of Second Gold Medal, 1900, 618, 809.
West (Sir Raymond), Mr. Justice Telang, 1894, 103.
Western Kshatrapas, 1890, 639.
Satraps, inscriptions, 1899, 324.
Wheel of Life, 1894, 367, 388; 1897, 463.
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WHE — WUH. lOQ"
Wheel of Life picture, 1901, 310.
Whinfield (E. H.), Sufi Creed, 1894, 561.
Whish, Sanskrit MSS., 1890, 801.
White Castle (Fars), 1902, 524.
— ^ (Kirman), 1902, 766.
Whitney (W. D.), obituary notice, 1894, 610.
Who was the inventor of rag-paper P 1903, 663.
Wickremasinghe (D. M. de Zilva), Sinhalese Copper-plate
Grants in the British Museum, 1895, 639 ; Semitic Origin
of the Old Indian Alphabet, 895 ; 1901, 301 ; The several
Authors known as Dhammakitti, 1896, 200; The Thiipa-
vamsa, 1898, 633 ; Water in Sinhalese, 1902, 425 ; Avestic
Ligature for Aw, 1903, 370.
Wiesner (J.), Judaeo-Persian Document from Kbotan, 1903,
735.
Will in Buddhism, 1898, 47.
Wilson (C. R.), Contemporary Account of the Great Storm at
Calcutta in 1737, 1898, 29.
Winter as Agni Svishtakrit or Budra, 1890, 347.
Wintemitz (Dr. M.), Nejamesha, Naigamesha, I^ameso, 1895,
149 ; Notes on the Mahabharata, with special reference
to Dahlmann's *' Mahabharata/' 1897, 713; The Maha-
bharata MSS. in the R.A.S. Whish Collection, 1898, 147;
GaneiSa in the Mahabharata, 379 ; Biihler on the Ga^e9a
Legend in the Mahabharata, 631 ; Mahabharata and the
Drama, 1903, 571.
Wise Man and the Fool, in Tibetan and Chinese, 1901, 447.
Wogihara (U.), The term Sahampati, 1902, 423.
Wollaston (A. N.), Autograph of the Mogul Emperor
Jahangir, 1900, 69.
Woman, Language signs for, 1890, 704.
Women leaders of the Buddhist reformatioD, 1893, 517,
763 ; disciples of Buddha, 517 et seq.
Worms, Bishop of, and Avars, 1889, 792; Diet of, and
Avars, 795.
Wright (H. Nelson), Addenda to the Series of Coins of the
Pathan Sultans of Dehli, 1900, 481, 769.
Writing, printing, and the alphabet in Corea, 18951 505.
Wuhuai, 1894, 276.
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^00 WUT — YAB.
Wu-ti sends mission to the Yueh-chi, 1903, 18.
Wu-wei, city of Krakuchanda, 1898, 552.
Xanthus monument, 1891, 614.
Yadava tribe, 1899, 296, 306.
Yadgar-i-Khani = Samarkand, 1896, 774, 783.
Yadu, 1899, 296, 308, 311.
Yadu Turvasu, 1889, 241.
Yadubahsi tribe, 1899, 553 et seq.
Yaduvansi, 1899, ^18.
Yahudivah, 1902, 536.
Yahva-abad, 1902, 757.
Yahya b. Mo'adh er-Razi, 1894, 501.
Yajna Jataka, 1893, 314.
Ya'kubi, 1895, 2.
on Baghdad, 1899, 848.
Yakut, 189s, 5, 34 et seq.
Yakut's abridgment of Abu'l-*Ala al-Ma*arri, 1902, 289.
Yalduk, 1902, 760.
Yalkan Bazar, 1902, 261.
Yam, 1902, 759.
Yamuna river, 1894, 239.
Yang Yu-chi, 1893, 799, 806 et seq.
Yao, 1894, 281 ; and the flood, 283.
Ya'qub b. Layth the SaSarid, 1901, 664.
Yarinqush, 1902, 853.
Yashmut, 1902, 805.
Yasi Kamudha, 1894, 531, 546.
Yasin Tappah, 1902, 511.
Yaska, 1893, 419, 421, 422, 448, 454, 475, 480.
Yasna, Pahlavi translation of part, 1900, 611.
sacred days, 1890, 557.
Yasna IX, translation, 1903, 313.
Yasna X, Pahlavi texts of, 1903, 495.
Ya^aman, 1899, 368 et seq.
Yai§ovarman of Kanauj, 1903, 550 ; inscription of, 550.
Ya^ovati, 1903, 556.
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TAT — ZAH. 201
Yatimat ad-Dahr, 1901, 532.
Tatlmatu'd-Dahr of Abu Mansur ath-Tha'alibi, 1899, 48, 50.
Yaudheyas, ancient tribe of Johiyabar, 1899, 30, 886.
Yavanas, 1899, 311.
Yayati, 1899, 297.
Yazd, 1902, 238, 247, 516, 764.
Yazdigird I, in Nihayatu'1-irab, igoo, 222.
Yazdigird II, igoo, 224.
Yazdikhwast, 1902, 521, 761.
Yazid, 1903, 748.
Year, History of the, 1 890, 544 ; reckoning of original, 567 ;
Roman, 569.
Yedi Ealissa, inscription, 1893, 12.
Yellow Mountains, 1902, 239, 512.
Yelur Taishi, a Khitan prince, 1898, 826.
Yemen, 'Omarah's history, remarks on Mr. Kay's edition,
1893,181.
Ying-yai-sheng-lan, Chinese work, 1895, ^23.
Yin-kie-t% a Lohan, 1898, 342.
Yojana, modern equivalent, 1903, 65 et seq.
Yotkan, Archaeological discoveries at, 1901, 295.
Yu Chiao Li, 1893, 805.
Yuan-chuang, 1898, 331.
Yuan Chwang's lineal measures, 1903, 65.
Yuan dynasty in China, 1893, 800, 803.
Yudhishtira Vijaya, 1900, 763.
Yueh-chi, Account of, 1903, 19 et seq. ; migration, 25 et seq.
Yonabidh, 1902, 534.
Yung-lo, Chinese emperor, itS95, 523,
Yunus (Jonah), Tomb of, 1902, 266.
Yurt-Shadak-Ban, 1902, 759.
Yufluf Kadr Khan, 1898, 474 et seq., 483.
Yusuf Shah Sarraj, 1895, 537.
Yusuf Tughrul Khan, 1898, 494.
Zab, the two rivers, 1895, ^'^-
Upper and Lower, 1902, 264.
Zahar, 1902, 250.
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202 ZAI — ZEN.
Zaid b. *Amr b. NufaU of Kuraish, 1903, 772.
Zaim al-Daula, 1903, 147.
Zaitun, identification, 1896, 72.
Zakan river, 1902, 518.
Zakhalu, Inscription at, 1894, 709.
Zam, 1902, 756.
Zamandu, 1902, 261.
Zamra river, 1896, 737.
Zandah-rud, 1902, 239.
Zandaka in Abul-'Ala, 1902, 77, 96.
Zangiabad, 1902, 70.
Zangivan, 1902, 253.
Zanj rebellion, 1899, 869.
Zanjan, 1902, 241, 252, 758, 760.
Babi insurrection in 1850, 1897, 761.
Zanjilabad, 1902, 250.
Zanjiran pass, 1902,. 762.
Zar mountain, 1902, 745.
Zarafshan, Irrigation by, 1891, 566.
Zarah, 1902, 761.
Zaranj, 1902, 533, 757.
Zarathushtra, 1899, 273 et seq.
and Heraclitus, 1902, 897.
Zarathustra, 1893, .485.
Zarathu^tra's doctrine regarding the soul, 1899, 605.
Zara^itra's vision of Haoma, 1903, 313.
Zarbak river, 1902, 739.
Zardai Kuh, 1902, 239, 512.
Zarduk, Dih, 1902, 758.
Zargan, 1902, 764.
Zarik river, 1902, 739.
Zarkan, 1902, 528, 763.
Za.vah, 1902, 737.
Zavll, 1902, 532, 535.
Zawarah, 1902, 244.
Zayindah-rGd or Zarin-rud, 1902, 239.
Zebak, Languages of, 1900, 501.
Zend and Lycian, 1891, 608.
Zend Avesta, Gods of, 1890, 551 ; sacred fires of, 533.
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ZEN — zuz. 203
Zend Yazista and Hindu Yashistha, Identity of, 1890, 535.
Zibad mountain, 1902, 534.
Zibatra, Site of, 1896, 740.
Zindiks and Materialists, 1902, 820.
Zirkuh, 1902, 535.
Zirrah Lake, 1902, 534.
Zivarat Bazar, 1902, 261.
Ziyarat-Name, Analysis of, 1889, 900.
Zodiacal light, 1903, 584.
Zoroastrian ideas in the Beyan, 1889, 929.
Zoroastrianism, 1899, 271 et seq.
Zubaydah, Tomb of, 1899, 888.
Zufarlu or Zubarki, 1902, 259.
Zulu river, 1902, 253.
Zuvnu'd-Din ar-Rawandl, 1902, 575.
Zuzan, 1902, 737.
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LIST OF THE MEMBERS
iOYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
GKEAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND;
FOUNDED, March, 1823.
CORRECTED TO Isx JANUART, 1904.
22, ALBEMAllLE STREET,
LONDON.
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ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
PATRON:
HIS MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY THE KING.
VICE-PATRONS:
H.R.H. THE PRINCE OF WALES.
THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA.
PRESIDENT :
1902 THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD REAY. G.C.S.L. LL.D.
VICE-PRESIDENTS:
1902 THE RIGHT HON. SIR M. E. GRANT DUFF. G.C.S.L, F.R.S.
1902 MAJOR-GEN. SIR FREDERIC J. GOLDSMID. C.B., K.C.S.I.
1902 SIR CHARLES J. LYALL. K.C.S.L
1900 THE RIGHT HON. LORD STANMORE, G.C.M.G., K.C.B.
1903 T. H. THORNTON, Esq.. C.S.I., D.C.L.
1903 SIR RAYMOND WEST, K.C.I. E., LL.D.
COUNCIL:
1901 BENDALL. PROFESSOR C, M.A.
1903 BILGRAMI, SYED ALI, Esq.
1901 BUSHELL, S. W., M.D., CM.G.
1903 CODRINGTON, O.. M.D., F.S.A., Hon. Librarian,
1903 CUST, ROBERT N., Esq.. LL.D., Hon, Secretary,
i9ca DAMES, M. LONGWORTH. Esq.
1902 DOUGLAS. PROFESSOR SIR R. K.
1899 ELLIS. A. G., Esq.
1902 FLEET, J. F., Ph.D.. CLE.
1903 GASTER. M., Ph.D.
1900 GRIERSON, G., Ph.D., CLE.
1903 IRVINE, W., Esq.
1898 KENNEDY. J., Esq.. Hon. Treasurer.
I9ca MACDONELL, PROFESSOR A. A.. M.A.
1901 RAPSON, PROFESSOR E. J., M.A.
1903 TEMPLE, COL. SIR R. C, Bart., CLE.
1903 THOMAS. F. W.. Esq.
1900 WOLLASTON. A. N.. Esq., CLE.
PROF. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, Ph.D., LL.D., Secretary and Ubrarian,
TRUSTEES :
189s PROFESSOR SIR R. K. DOUGL.\S.
1895 H. L. THOMSON LYON, Esq., F.S.A.
ASSISTANT SECRETARY AND LIBRARIAN:
1892 MISS HUGHES.
HONORARY SOLICITOR:
ALEXANDER HAYMAN WILSON. Esq.,
Westminster Chambers. 5. Victoria St., S.W,
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FIHAKCB COMMITTEE.
SIR C. J. LYALL.
DR. M. GASTER.
W. IRVINE, Esq.
LIBSABT COMMITTEE.
PROF. C. BENDALL.
DR. M. GASTER.
T. H. THORNTON, Esq.
PROF. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS.
OBIBHTAL TBAH8LATI0N 7TTVD COMMITTEE.
PROF. MACDONELL.
DR. M. GASTER.
PROF. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS.
MEDAL COMMITTEE.
A. N. WOLLASTON, Esq. (Chairman).
DR. M. GASTER.
T. H. THORNTON, Esq.
PROF. E. J. RAPSON.
HOHOBABT ATTDIT0B8, 1903.
J. KENNEDY, Esq. (for the Council).
J. D. ANDERSON, Esq. } ^^^
M. LONGWORTH DAMES, Esq. ) ^ ^ocieiy;.
*^^♦ TAe President of the Society and the Honorary Officers (seepage\2)
o^the Society are ex-officio members of all Committees,
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IR^inbCF^s.
RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT.
N.B.— The marks prefixed to the names signify—
• Non-resident Members.
•!• Members who have compounded for tlielr Subscriptions.
U Library Members.
I Members who have senred on the Council.
1863 His Most Excellent Majesty the Kino, K.G.
1902 His Royal Highness the Prince op Wales, K.G.
1882 FiELD-MAjasHAL His Royal Highness the Duke of
CONNAUGHT, K.G.
1895 *Abdullah ibn Yusuf Ali, I.C.S., BarriBter'at-LaWy
c/o Messrs, Watson Sf Co., Bombay, India.
1902 *Adeb8, Walter Mansfield, Zeitoun, Cairo, Egypt.
1 890 Abler, Elkan Nathan, M. A. ,48, Copthall Avenue, E, C.
1900 *Ahmad, Kazi Aziz - uddin, Magistrate, Aligahr^
N.W.P., India.
1902 AiNSLiE, Douglas, 26, Mount Street, Grosvenor
Square, W.
1 903 *AiYANOAR, S. Krishna S wami Chamarajapet, Bangalore,
India.
10 1903 *ArYAR, S. Parameswara, Assistant to Superintendent of
Ethnographic Survey, Travancore, S. India.
1874 ''^\kKiMkTz\5 Renjo, Rev., Nishi Hongtoanji, Kioto ^
Japan.
1880 Allen, H. J., 10, The Norton, Tenhy.
1901 Amedroz, H. F., 48, York Terrace, N. TT.
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LIST OF MEMBERS.
1880 Amherst op Hackney, The Right Hon. Lord, 8,
Grosvenor Square^ W. ; Bidlington Park, Brandon^
1899 *Ai9DEBS0N, J. D., Bengal C.S.y 17, Blakedey Avenue,
Ealing.
1 898 ^Andrews, James Brayn, Cerele Litt^aire et Artietique,
Rue Volney, Paris: Beform Club, Pall Mall, 8.W.
1888 *Arnold, T. "W., Professor of Philosophy, Government
College, Lahore, India.
1 899 ^Arya, Luxman, Logutiya Gate, Jodhpur, Marwar, India,
1900 *A8H, Miss Cecilia.
20 1883 gAsHBURNER, L. R.,C.S.I., 9a, Gloucester Place, Portman
Square, W.
Ext. 1900. Atabak-i-A*zam, His Highness, Prime Minister
of Persia, Teheran, Persia.
Hon. Aufrecht, Emeritus Professor T., 33, Baumschuler
Alice, Bonn, Germany.
1900 *AvASTHY, P. Kamadhar, Ghoalior, India.
1902 *Ayles, Rev. H. H. B., M.A., The Rectory, Barrow,
Bury St. Edmunds,
1867 fBABBAGE, Maj.-Gen. H. P., Mayfleld, Zansdowne Place,
Cheltenham.
1903 *Bailey, Rev. T. Grahame, M.A., B.D., Wazlrahad,
Panjab, India.
1873 t^AiNEs, A. E., 19, Castle Street, Holhom, TT.C.
1895 *Bak8h, The Hon. Moulvi Khuda, Khan Bahadur,
Chief Justice Haidaralad, Beccan, India.
1 895 *Baksh, Salah-ud-din Khuda.
30 1883 *tBALL, James Dyer, H.M.C.S., Fernside, Ml. Kellett,
The Peak, Hong Kong.
1878 jBarkley, David Graham, Annadale Avenue, Belfast,
Ireland.
1890 *t^^^*^J^^» S^s Highness Maharaja Sayaji Rao Bahadur,
G.C.S.I., Gaekwar of.
Hon. Barth, Auguste, 10, Bue Garaneihre, Paris, France.
1899 *Ba8U, H. K., B.A., LL.B., cjo Lieut.- Colonel B. Basu,
Suri, Birdhuni, India.
1881 *tBATE, The Rev. J. Drew, 15, St. John's Church Rood,
Folkestone.
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> LIST OF MEMBERS.
1902 Batlet, Sir Steuart, K.C.S.I., 2, Barhton GardenSr
S. Kensington, S, W.
1885 *BkYis^s,'KeTbeTt, The Miatcthorns, CoUtngwood Avenue,
Fast Finehley.
1901 *Beatson, Surgeon-General W. B. {late Bengal Medical
Service), Vicarsgrange, Eastbourne*
1898 *Beauchamp, Henry, Editor *' Madras Mail,^^ Madras,
India,
40 1901 Bell. Miss Gertrude, 95, Shane Street, S.W.: Red
Bams, Bedcar.
1883 t§BENDiXL, Professor Cecil, 102, Castle Street, Camhridge,
1901 JJBendall, Mrs. Cecil, 102, Castle Street, Cambridge.
1897 *BENSUSAir, S. L., Olen Lyn, Wickham Avenue, Bexhill :
Royal Societies Club, St. Jameses Street, S. IF.
1880 ♦Best, J. W., Mangalore, Madras.
1892 *Bevan, a. a., M.A., Lord Almoner^ s Reader in Arabic,
Trinity College, Cambridge.
1893 §Beveridge, H., Pitfold, Shottermill, Surrey.
1899 JJBeveridge, Mrs. H., Pitfold, Shottermill, Surrey.
1882 *tBHABBA, Shapurje D., M.D., 8, Drakefield Road,
St. Catherine's Park, S.E.
Hon. Bhandarkar, Professor llamkrishna Gopal, C.I.E.,
Ph.D., Sangamasrama, Poona, Bombay, India.
50 1888 BiLGRAMi, Syed Ali, 25, Victoria Road, Upper Norwood;
14, Portugal Place, Cambridge.
1895 Blagden, C. Otto, Millbrow, Hoi mdene Avenue, Heme
Hill, S.E.
1895 *Bloch:et, E., Bibliotheque Rationale, Paris, France.
1 897 *Blumhardt, James Fuller, 24, Beechcroft Road, Oxford.
1861 *Blunt, John E., C.B.,H.B.M. Consul- General, Salonica.
1902 *fBoBBiLi, Maharaja Sri Kao Sir Venketasvetasveta-
chalapati Ranga Rao Bahadur, K C.I.E., Raja of.
1895 Bode, Mrs. M. Haynes, Ph.D., 29, Cambridge Mansions,
Battersea Park, S. W.
Hon. Bohtlingk, His Excellency Gehcimrath Otto von,
Emeritus Professor of Sanskrit, 7, Seeburg Strasse,
Leipzig, Germany.
1903 *BoRGSTROM, Henrik, Villa Surprise, Traverse de la
Baudille, Corniche, Marseille, France.
1902 *Bourdillon, Sir James Austen, K.C.S.I., The
Residency, Bangalore, India.
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LIST OP MEMBERS. 7
60 1862 BoTTVEKiE-PusEY, S. E. B., 35a, South AudUy Street, W.
1901 *BowDEN, Ernest M., 35, Bedford Plaee^ W.C.
1903 *BowBN, Rev. John, St» Lawrence Rectory ^ Wolffs Castle,
Pembrokeshire.
1870 gBowEiNG, Lewin B., C.8.I., Woodlands, Torquay,
1899 *Bbandhendleb, Boris.
1857 t§BaANDEETH, E. L., 32, Elvaston Place, Queen^s Gate,
S.W.
1898 *Bkigos, Rev. W. A., M.D., Chieny Rai, Laos, vid
Motdmein and Raheny, Burma.
1900 *Bbonnle, Dr. P., 2, Lancaster Gardens, West Ealiny.
1 895 *Bkooke, The Rdnl of Sarawak, Villa Raffo, Boyliasco,
near Genoa, Italy,
1889*t§BROWNE, Edward Granville, M.A., Pembroke Colleye,
Adams Professor of Arabic, Cambridye,
70 1884 *t^ucHANAN, J. Beaumont, C.E., Hyderabad, Dekkan,
India,
1901 *BxrLL, Mrs. Ole, Cambridye, Mass., U.S.A.
1866 ♦fBuBGEss, James, C.I.E., LL.D., 22, Seton Place,
Edinburyh.
1897 *BuEN, Richard, Under Secretary to Government,
Allahabad, N. W.P., India.
1880 gBusHELL, S. W., M.D., C.M.G., Shirley, Harold
Road, Upper Norwood, S.E,
1881 *tC^i^» The Rev. John, Dumayudam, S. India.
1902 *Caldecott, Rev. W. Shaw, Silver Row, West Cliff
Gardens, Bournemouth.
1886 *tCAMA, Jehangir K. R., 1 2, Malabar Hill, Bombay, India.
1867 *fCAMA, K. R., Mount Mouse, Victoria Road, Mazayone,
Bombay, India.
1887 *tCAMPBELL, The Rev. W., Melensburyh, N,B,
80 1890 *Cakpenter, Rev. J. Estlin, 109, Banbury Road, Oxford.
1900 *Caku8, Dr. Paul, La Salle, Chicayo, U.S.A.
1888 *Ca8artelli, The Right Rev. L. C, St, Bede's Colleye,
Manchester,
1897 *Cave, H. W., Colombo, Ceylon.
1902 *Chaehovsky, Prince Boris, Imperial Russian Vice-
Consul, Bayazid, vid Trebizonde, Turkey in Asia.
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8 LIST OF MEMBERS.
1899 ♦Chakeavarti, Mon Mohun, 14, Falm&r^s Bazar Hoad,
North Entally Post Office, Calcutta, India.
1891 §Chalm£rs, Kobert, G.B., 91, Gunterstone Bead, West
Kensington, W,
1877 *CHAMBERLAiir, Bosil Hall, Professor of Japanese, The
University, Tokio, Japan.
1895 *tCHAND, Diwan Tek, Deputy Commissioner, Gurgaon,
Panjab, India.
1885 *j[CmrEL(miLL, Sidney, H.B.M. Consulate, Palermo, Sicily.
DO 1882 Clarke, Sir C. Pardon, C.S.I., Keeper of the Indian
Section, South Kensington Museum; 92, Cromwell
Boad, S.JF.
1881 ♦fCi'ARKE, Lieut. -Col. Wilberforce, R.E., Fort Souse,
Sidmouth, Devon.
1899 *Clough, Mrs. E. Rauschenbusch, Ongole, Nellore Dist.,
Madras, India.
1885 *CoBHAM, Claude Delaval, C.M.G., Commissioner,
Zarnaca, Cyprus.
1900 ♦fCocHiN, H.H. the Raja of, K.C.S.I., Cochin, South
India.
1877 §CoDRiNGTON, Oliver, M.D., F.S.A., Hon. Librarian,
12, Victoria Boad, Clapham, S.W.
1891 *CoNDER, Colonel C. R., R.E., LL.D.
1892 *f Constant, S. Victor, ejo Messrs. Coghill 8f Constant,
120, Broadway, New York, U.S.A.
1901 *CooK, Stanley A., 6, Berkeley Boad, Crouch End, N.
1891 *CoRBET, Eustace K., Cairo, Egypt.
100 1903 CoRBETT, N. E. F., Mombasa Civil Service, 4, Ken-
sington Gate, W.
Hon. 1893 Cordier, Prof. Henri, 54, Bue Nicola, Paris,
France.
1902 ♦Coudbnhove-Kaleroi, Count Henry, LL.D., Ph.D.,
Secretary of Legation, Bomperg, Bohemia, Austria.
1888 *Cof8ens, Henry, Archaological Surveyor for Western
India, Poona, Bombay, India.
1900 *CoyENTRT, Prank Chetwynd, C.P. Police, Nagpur,
India.
1879 *Craig, "W., Brisbane, Queensland, Australia.
1882 §Crawford and Balcarres, The Right Hon. the Earl
of, K.T., F.R.S., Haigh, Wigan.
1883 *CuMiNE, Alexander, I.C.8., Belgaum^ Bombay, India.
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LIST OF MEMBERS. 0
1893 *CuNNiNGHAir, Sir A. F. D., K.C.I.E., South Broom,
Devizes, Wilts,
1891 *tCusHiNG, The Rev. J. K, M.A., Ph.D., D.D., Rangoon
Baptist College, Rangoon, Burma.
110 1852 §CusT, Eobert N., LL.D., Hon. Secretahy, 63, Elm
Park Gardens, 8. W,
1888 *Dadabhai, RustamjT, Civil Surgeon, ChadergMt,
Haidarabad, India.
1891 *tD'ALviELLA, Goblet, M. le Comte, Rue Faider 10,
Bruxelles, Belgium.
1884 Dames, M. Longworth, I.C.S. (retired), AUgria,
Enfield.
1899 *Dampier, Gerald Robert, I.C.S., Deputy Commissioner,
Fyzahad, N. W.F., India.
1902 *Das, Babu Kali Kumar, Sub-Inspector of Schools,
Araria, Purnea, Behar, India.
1899 *Das, Babu Ram Saran, M.A., Manager Oudh
Commercial Bank, Fyzahad, N. W.P., India,
1902 *Dass, Lala Benarasi, Jffeadmaster Victoria College,
Lashkar, Gwalior, India.
1898 Davids, Henry Vavasour, The Knoll, Crystal Palace
Parade, S.E.
1894 *tDAViEs, The Rev. T. Witton, B.A., Ph.D., Professor
of Semitic Languages, University College, Bangor,
N. Wales.
.120 1901 *Df:, HariNath, 30, Westmoreland Road, Bayswater, W.
1 896 *Deane, Major H. A., C.S.I., Political Officer, Malakand,
Sic at, vid Mar dan, Panjal, India,
1903 *Deen, M. J., cjo Say id Muslihuddin Residency Bazaar,
Haidarahad, India,
1898 *Derasari, Dahyabhai Pitambaradasa, Barrister-at-
Law, Ahmedahad, India.
1896 *Deussen, Professor p., 39, Beseler-allee, Kiel, Germany.
1892 *Devet, G. p., H.B.M.'s Consul, Jeddah, Arabia.
1894 *Deviprasad, Munshi, Jodhpur, India.
1882 Devonshire, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., LL.D.,
Devonshire House, Piccadilly, W.
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10 .LIST OF MEMBERS.
1882 t§DiCKiNS, F. v., C.B., Seend Lodge, Seend, MelMam^
Wilts.
1901 DiGBY, William, C.I.E., 7, Leinster Mansions, Langland
Gardens, Hampstead.
130 1894 *D' Oldenburg, Serge, Ph.D., Professor of Sanskrit, The
University, St. Petersburg, Russia.
Hon. Donner, Professor 0., Helsingfors, Finland.
1901 *DoRPH, W. P. F., Hon. Secretary for Sydney Palestine
Exploration Fund, Australian Joint Stock Bank,
Armidale, N.S.W.
1874 §DouGLAS, Sir R. K., Professor of Chinese, King^s-
College ; British Museum, W. C; 3, College
Gardens, Bulwich, S.E.
1888 *DoTLE, The Rev. James, Diocese of Mylapore, San
Thome, Madras, India.
1879 *tDoYLE, Patrick, C.E., F.G.S., F.R.S.E., M.R.I.A.,
^^ Indian Engineering,^^ Calcutta, India.
1896 *DuFF, Miss C. M. (Mrs. W. R. Rickmers), The
Mettnau, Radolfzell am Bodensee, Germany.
1861 t§Di^FF, The Right Hon. Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone
Grant, G.C.S.I., F.R.S., Vice-President, 11,
Chelsea Embankment, S. W.
1884 §DuKA, Theodore, M.D., F.R.C.S., 55, Nevem Square,
EarVs Court, S. W.
1883 *DuKE, Lieut. -Colonel Joshua, M.D., Malwa Bheel
Corps, Sirdarpur {Messrs. Grindlay Sf Co.).
140 1896 *Din:T, Babu Kedar Nath, Bhakti Vinoda ; Satasan
Bhajankuti, Puri P.O., Orissa ; Swarupganj P.O.,
Nadia; 181, Maniktala Street, Calcutta, India.
1894 *Ddtt, M. N., Rector, Keshub Academy, 65/2, Beadon
Street, Calcutta, India.
1893 *DuTT, Romesh Chandra, C.I.E., cjo Messrs. Grindlay ^
Co., 54, Parliament Street, Westminster, S. W.
Hon. Edkins, The Rev. J., D.D., Shanghai, China.
1900 *Ed WARDS, Professor Arthur M., M.D., F.L.S., 333,.
Belleville Avenue, Newark, N.J., U.S.A.
1897 *§Elli8, Alexander George, British Museum; 32, Wilhur
Road, Hampstead.
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LISl* OF MEMBERS. 11
1902 Fanshawe, Herbert Charles, C.S.I., ejo Messrs. R. S,
King Sf Co., 9, Pall Mall, S.W.
1881 ♦tFAKGXTEs, J., 36, Grande Rue, Enghien Us Bains, Seine^
et Oise, France.
1879 ♦f^AULKNEB, Major Alexander S., I.M.S. (retired)^
{Messrs. Orindlay Sf Co.).
Hon. Fausboll, Professor Dr. V., 37, Nordre Fasanvej,
Frederikshorg, Copenhagen, Denmark.
160 1902 *FEin:oN, Ferrar, 8, Kings Road, Mitcham, S.E.
1877 *t^EBGUSON, A. M., jun., Frognal House, Hampstead,
N.W.
1877 *t^EBGusoN, Donald W., Samanala, 20, Beech Souse
Road, Croydon.
1883 ♦fFEBGUssoN, The Right Hon. Sir James, Bart.,K.C.lii.G.,
G.C.S.I., 80, Cornwall Gardens, 8. W.
1901 *Feeou8son, J. C, I.C.S., Assistant Settlement Officer,
Bareilly, N.JF.P., India.
1881 *FiNN, Alexander, H.B.M. Consul, Malaga, Spain.
1887 Finn, Mrs., The Elms, Brook Green, W.
1893 ♦FiNOT, Louis, Birecteur de la Mission ArcMologigue,
Sdigon, Cochin- China,
1877 §Fleet, J. F., C.I.E., Ph.D., I.C.S. (ret.), 79, Eaton
Rise, Ealing.
1902 *FoBBE8, Edmund, 22, Banbury Road, Oxford.
160 1879 *FoRLONG, Major-Gen. J. G. Koche, 11, Boughs
Crescent, Edinburgh, N.B.
1894 *Fba8eb, E. D. H., China Consular Service, M.B.M.
Consulate, Shanghai, China.
1886 §Fbazeb, R. W., LL.B., I.C.S. (retired), London
Institution, Finsbury Circus, E.C.
1898 *Feeke, Aubrey H. Temple, cjo J. Abercromby, Esq.y
35, Prince's Gardens, South Kensington.
1897 *Fbeeb, Miss M., 7, Camden Place, Regent Street,
Cambridge.
1880 *fFiTBDOONJi, Jamshedji, Aurungabad, Bekkan, India.
1903 JFyfe, William, \ba, Lamb Street, Spital Square,
Spital Fields, E.C.
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12 LIST OF MEMBERS.
1899 ♦Gait, Edmund Albert, cjo Messrs. JET. 8. King ^ Co,,
% Pall Mall, 8.W.
1894 *Ganguli, Sanjiban, Head Master^ The MahdrdjVs
College, Jeypore, India,
1881 *Gaw)ner, Christopher T., H,B,M. Consul, Amoy,
China,
170 1890 §Gaster, M., Ph.D., 37, Maida Vale, W.
1865 fC^AYNER, C, M.D., F.R.S.E.
1895 *GERiia, Lieut.-Col. G. E., Bangkok, Siam.
1902 *Ghine, Moung Ohn, C.I.E., 26, Lewis Street, Rangoon,
Burma,
1893 *Ghose, Hon. Dr. Rashbehary, C.I.E., 56, Mirtapur
Street, Calcutta, India,
1893 ♦f^^soN, Mrs. J. Young, LL.D., Castlehrae, Chesterton
Road, Cambridge,
Hon. Goeje, Professor De, Leiden, Holland,
1897 ♦Gokhale, Professor Gopal Krishna, C.I.E., 101, Civil
Lines, Poona, India,
1864 t§GoLDSMiD, Major-Gen. Sir F. J., C.B., K.C.S.I.,
Vice-President, 29, Phcenix Lodge Mansions,
Brook Green, Hammersmith, W,
Hon. 1893 Goldziher, Professor Ignaz, vii Sblld-utza 4,
Buda Pest, Hungary,
180 1900 *GoNDAL, The Thakur Sahib, Gondal, Kathiawar,
India.
1884 *t^*^^PARSHAD, Thakur, Talookdar of Baiswan, Aligarh,
India,
1885 GossET, Major-General M. "W. Edward, C.B., Westgate
House, Dedham, Essex.
1900 Gratton, F. M.
1894 *Gray, J., Professor of Pali, Rangoon College, Burma,
1902 JJGbat, Miss Winifred, Oakholme, Parklands, SurhiUm
Hill,
1893 *Greenup, Rev. Albert W., The Principal's Lodge,
St, John's Hall, Highbury, N,
1884 Grierson, George A., C.I.E., Ph.D., Rathfamham,
Camberley, Surrey,
1852 *t<^RiFFiTH, R. T. H., C.I.E., Kotagiri, Nilgiri,
S, India,
1890 *Grosset, Joanny, Courzieux par Brussieu, RMn$j
France,
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LIST OF MEMBERS. IS
190 Hon. 1890 Gubeenatis, Conte Comm. Angelo De, 11, Vt'a
San MartinOf Rome^ Italy,
1897 *GuE8T, A. Rhuvon, 13, Cliveden Place, Eaton Square^
Hon. 1898 Guidi, Professor Ignace, 24, Botteghe O^Seure,
Rome, Italy,
1901 *GuPTA, Rajani Kanta, Assistant Surgeoyi of Arrahr
Shahahady India.
1894 *GuRDON, Capt. Philip R. T., Indian Staff Corpse
Assistant Commissioner, Oanhati, Assam, India,
1897 *Haddad, H., Nahha^s House, opp, American Churchy
Cairo, Egypt.
1883 *Haggakd, Sir W. H. D., K.C.B., H.B.M, Minister
Resident and Consul- General to the Republic of the
Equator,
1902 *HAGoriAN, Professor G., 25, Chesilton Road, lUlham^
S,W,
1898 *Haig, Captain T. Wolseley, I.S.C, 17, Elysium Row,
Calcutta, India,
1902 *Halid, Halil, Teacher of Turkish, Cambridge University,
12, Trumpington Street, Cambridge,
200 1902 {JHakdoastle, Miss A. L. B., 77, Portsdown Road,
1895 *Haedy, Edmund, D.D., Ph.D., Argelandestrasse 118,^
Bonn, Germany,
1897 *Haeida8, Hardevram Nanabhai, Barrister-at-Law,
161, Malabar Hill, Bombay, India.
1900 *Ha8AN, Mahdi, Barrister-at-Law, CivilJudge, Chanda,
N.W.P,, India.
1883 t^^'^^*^"'^* Captain C. T., late Bragoon Guards, Harts
Down, Margate.
1834 *tHEMiNG, Lieut.-Col. Dempster, Deputy Commissioners
Police Force, Madras,
1885 t^ENDEEsoN, George, 7, Mincing Lane, E,C,
1884 *Hendley, Colonel T. Holbein, C.I.E., Jaipur.
1900 Heetz, Miss, 20, Avenue Road, N. W.
1880 *Heevet, The Hon. D. F. A., Westfelds, Aldeburghy
Suffolk.
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14 LIST OF MBMBBRS.
510 1888 ♦§Hewitt, J. Francis K., Eolton Cottage, WheatUy,
Oxford.
1897 *HiLL, Gray, Mere Hall, Birkenhead.
1901 *HiLL, Rev. J. R., Coeeipore, South Villae, Canterbury.
1885 *fHipprsLEr, Alfred E., Commmioner of Chinese Cuetotm,
and Chinese Secretary to the Inspector- General of
Customs, Peking: 26, Old Queen Street^ West-
minster, S.W.
1891 *HiB8CHFELD, H., Ph.D., Lecturer on Semities at the
Jewish College, Tavistock Square; 14, Randolph
Gardens, N. W.
1902 Hntin, Moung Tha, 13, Ladhroke Road, N.W.
1897 *HoDGSON, Mrs. BriaD, Pasture Wood Souse, Ahinger,
Dorking; Villa Himalaya, Mentone ; 53, Stanhope
Gardens, S. W.
1900 ♦HoERNLE, Dr. A. F. Rudolf, 8, Northmoor Road,
Oxford.
1881 HoET, William, Ashleigh House, Linden Road,
Bedford.
1900 HoGAN, H., 89, Lancaster Gate, W.
i220 1897 *HoGG, Hope Waddell, Professor of Semitic Languages
and Literature, Manchester, 30, Brook Road,
Fallowfield, Manchester.
1865 *t^OLROTD, Colonel W. R. M., Under Secretary to
Government, Lahore ; 23, Bathwick Hill, Bath.
1889 *HoPKiN8, Lionel Charles, China Consular Service,
Consul' General, Tientsin, China.
1898 fHoBNiMAN, F. J., M.P., Falmouth House, 20, Hyde
Park Terrace, W.
1901 JtHosFOBD, John Stroud, 20, St. Jameses Place, S.W.
1892 *Hox7GHTON, Bernard, Deputy Commissioner, Hatha,
Upper Burma.
Hon. 1902 HouTSMA, Professor, The University, Utrecht,
Holland.
1893 *Inne8, John R., Straits Service, Singapore.
1879 §Ibvine, W., Holliscroft, Castlenau, Barnes, S.W.
1898 *IrER, A. V. Ramachandra, F.S.I., P.W.D., Fellore,
Madras, India.
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LIST OF MEMBERS. 15
:i30 1901 ♦Iteb, Sri Kanti, Manager, Pemion Department,
Oovernment Office, Madras, India.
1888 *Jack80N, Arthur Mason Tippetts, c/o Meters. Qrindlay,
Groome, Sf Co., Bombay.
1901 *Jacob, Colonel G. A., Oakridge, Redhill.
1893 t'^^AQO-TBELAWNT, Major-Gencral, Coldrenick, Liekeard,
Cornwall.
1885 *fJAiKi8HAN Dass Bahadoor, Rajah, C.S.I., Muradahad,
Rohilkhand,
1891 *Jame80n, F., Saxonhury Lodge, Frant, Sussex.
1878 *Jabdine, Sir John, K.C.I.E., 34, Lancaster Gate, W.
1901 *Jabdine, W. E., Indare, Central India : ZO, Leinster
Gardens, Hyde Park, W.
1903 Jabbett, Colonel H. S., C.I.E., South Lodge, Imher-
home, East Grinstead.
1881 ♦fjAYAKAB, Lieut.-Colonel Atmaram S. G., Khar Road,
Bandra, near Bamhay.
240 1883 *fjAYAMOHuy, Thakur Singh, Magistrate and Tahsildar
of Seori Narayan, Bilaspur, Central Provinces,
India.
1900 *Ji»ABAJADASA, C, Villa GiardinOf Carnigliano, Ligure,
Italy.
1882 ♦f'^iNATABATANSA, The Rev. P. C, Buddhist Monk
{formerly His Excellency Prince Prisdang),
1888 *JoHN8TONE, PeiTce De Lacy H., M.A., 10, Grange
Road, Edinburgh, N.B.
1901 *Kanta, C. Sri, Beaumond^, Rosmead Place, Colombo,
Ceylon.
Hon. 1899 Kababacek, Professor J., Vienna, Austria.
1900 *Kabkabia, R. p.. The Collegiate Institution, Grant
Road, Bombay, India.
1900 *KAViBHi78Ay, Haridas Manna, Calcutta, India.
1900 Keith, Arthur Berriedale, 49, Albert Bridge Road,
S, TV. ; Colonial Office, Downing Street.
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16 LIST OF MEMHERS.
1864 ♦t^BMBALL, Lieut.-Gen. Sir Arnold, K.C.B., K.C.S.I.^
62, Lowndes Square, S. TT.
250 1 895 *Kennedy, Miss Louise, Fa{ra<n-e, Concord, Mass,, U. 8. A .
1891 §Kennedy, James, Hon. Treasurer, 14, Frognal Lam,
Finchley Road, N, W,
1890 *Kerala Varma, His Highness, C.S.I., Valeyukoil
Tamhuram Trivandrum, Travancare State, Madras^
India,
Hon. Kern, Heinrich, Professor of Sanskrit, Utrecht, Holland,
1895 *KnAN, Gazanfar Ali, I.C.S., Assistant Commissioner^
Chanda, C,P,, India.
Hon. 1 872 Kielhorn, Dr. Geheimer Regierungsrath F.,C.I.E.,
Professor of Sanskrit, Gbttingen, 21, Hainhohtceg ,
Germany.
1884 *Kjng, Lucas White, C.S.I., LL.D., F.S.A., The Old
House, Totteridge, Herts,
1892 King, Major J. S., Indian Staff Carps (retired),
St. Albans, 15, Clarendon Road, Southsea,
1 902 *KiNG, W. Joseph Harding, Wollescote Hall, Stourbridge.
1884 *fKiTTS, Eustace John, 51, Morton Road, Hove, Sussex.
260 1894 Kluht, Rev. A., Tharshill, Hind Head, Haslemere.
1880 *KrNNERSLEY, C. W. Sneyd, C.M.G., Resident Councilhr,
Penang, Singapore, Straits Settlements,
1901 *Lal, Dr. Munna, Civil Surgeon, Banda City, N. W.P.,
India.
1902 *Landbekg, Count C, Chamherlain to H.M, the King
of Sweden and Norway, Akademiestrasse 11, Munich,
Germany,
Hon. 1880 Lanman, Charles R., Professor of Sanskrit,
Harvard College, 9, Farrar Street, Cambridge,
Mass,, U,S,A,
1884 ♦fl'^SDELL, The Rev. H. H., D.D., Morden College,
Blackheath, S.E,
1874 Lawrence, F. W., Hillcote, Lansdawn, Bath.
1901 *Leadbeater, W., c?/o A. Fullerton, Esq., 7, West
Eighth Street, New York, U.S.A.
1900 Lee-Warner, Sir W., K.C.S.I., Oldfield, Bickley,
Kent.
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LLST OF MEMRRRS. 17
1899 Leoob, F., 6, Gray' 8 Inn Square, W,C,
270 1896 ♦Leigh, Colonel H. P. V., C.I.E., cjo Mtare.
Orindlay ^ Co., 54, Parliament Street, Weetmineter.
1883 *Le Mbsuribr, Cecil John Reginald, 20, Bencyn
Road, Heme Sill, S.JS.
1878 ♦tI''»PM» C. H.
1880 fLE Strange, Guy, 8, Via S, Franeeseo Poverino,
Florence, Italy,
1890 ^Leteson, Henry G. A., Deputy Commieeioner, Rangoon,
Burma.
1885 tl'Kwis, Mrs. A. S., LL.D., Caetlehrae, Cambridge.
1897 ♦LiwDSAT, The Rev. James, M.A., D.D., B.Sc, F.G.S.,
F.R.S.E., Springhill Terrace, Kilmamoek, N.B.
1879 *LocEHABT, J. H. Stewart, C.M.G., Commissioner,
Wei-hai'Wei, China.
1898 *LoPE8, David, 61, Rua da JEseola Polyteehniea, Lisbon.
1882 t^^^^<»i ^1^0 Right Hon. the Earl, 9, St. George's
Place, S.JT.
280 1895 ♦fl^wELL, P., 53, State Street, Boston, U.S.A.
1895 *LuPTON, Walter, Settlement Officer, Mainpuri, U.P.,
India.
1899 §Ltall, Sir Charles James, E.C.S.I., Yice-Fbesident,
82, Cornwall Gardens, S. W.
1889 t§LTOH,H. Thomson, F.8.A., 34, St. James's Street, S. W.
1898 ♦Macaulipfb, M., B.A., I.C.8. (ret.), Meerut Canton-
ments. United Provinces, India.
1880 ♦MAoCuLLuif, Colonel Sir H. E., K.C.M.G., R.E.,
Governor of Natal.
1898 Macdonald, A. R., 10, Chester Street, S.JT.
1 900 *Maci>onau>, Duncan B. , Hartford Theological Seminary,
Hartford, Conn., U.S.A.
1882 *§Macdonbll, Arthur A., M.A., Ph.D., Boden Professor
of Sanskrit, Fellow of Balliol ; 1 07, Banbury Road,
Oxford.
1 887 *McDouALL, William, Vice- Consul, Ifahammerah, through
Bushire, Persia.
290 1901 *Mackeezib, A. St. Clair, Professor of English and Logic,
State College of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky,
U.S.A.
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18 LIST OF M KM HERS.
1 894 *Maclagan, E. D. , Under Secretary Agricultural Depart-
menty Multan^ Panjah, India.
1877 *Madden, F. W., EoU Lodge, 86, London Road,
Brighton,
Ext. 1 893 Maha Yotha, His Excellency the Marquis.
1900 *Mallick. Babu Ramani Mohun, Zemindar of Meherpore,
Nuddia, Bengal, India.
1879 t^^NNixG, MisR, 5, Pemhridge Crescent, Bagswater, W,
1901 *Mappillai, K. I. Varugis, Editor of the Malayalam
Manordma, KOffagam^ Travaneore, India.
1889 *Margoliouth, Rev, D., Professor of Arabic, 88,
Woodstock Road, Oxford.
1902 ♦Marks, Rev. John E., D.D., ''Burma,'' 18, Mercers
Road, Tufnell Park. N.
1901 *Marshall, J. H., Director- General of Archaologg,
Ravensdale^ Simla, India.
300 1896 *Marzetti, Charles J., Kandahar Estate, Balangoda,
Ceylon.
1888 Master, John Henry, Montrose Mouse, Petersham.
1898 *Maxwell, George, Straits Civil Service, Taiping, Perak,
1894 *Mat, a. J., Thornlea, Acacia Grove, Dulwich, S.E.
1894 Mead, G. R. S., 59, Cheyne Court, Chelsea, S.W.
1901 *Menon, K. p. Padmanabha, Mtgh Court Vakil,
Ernakulam, Cochin, S. India.
1902 JJMenon, Kizhakepat Sankara, 17, St. Stephen's Road,
Bayswater.
1900 *Menon, Kunhi Krishna, B.A., Todtakadt Mouse,
Ernakulam, Cochin State. Madras Pres., India.
1899 *Meston, James Scorgie, ^rd Secretary to Government
N.W.P. and Oudh, Allahabad and Naini Tal, India.
Hon. Meynard, Professor Barbier de, Membre de VInstitut,
18, Boulevard de Magenta, Paris. France.
310 1898 Miesegaes, Herman, 37, Porchester Terrace, W.
1863 *MiLB8, Colonel Samuel B., Bombay Staff Corps,
1897 *MiLLs, Laurence Hey worth, M.A., D.D., Professor
of Zend Philology, 218, Iffley Road, Oxford.
1903 *MiR Ihdad Ali, M.B., Kapurthala, Panjab, India.
1899 *MiSRA, Ramshankar, M.A., Officiating Magistrate and
Collector, Fatehpur, U.P., India.
1903 *Mitra, S. M., Editor, Deccan Post, Maidarabad, India.
1878 t^ocATTA, F. D., 9, Connaught Place, Myde Park, W.
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LIST OF MEMBERS. 19
1874 ♦MocKLER, Lieut.-Col. E., Bombay Staff Corps, Political
Agent, Muscat.
1882 *fMoHANLiL VisnulXl Pandia, Pundit, Oorepdrd
Mohalla, Jfuttra, N, JT.F,, India.
1884 *M:olonet, Sir Alfred, K.C.M.G., Governor of the
Windward Islands y St. George, Chrenada, West Indies.
320 1900 MoND, Mrs., The Poplars, Avenue Road, N. W.
1901 MoNTEFioRE, Claudc, 12, Portman Square, W.
1850 t^ooR, Rev. Canoa A. P., St. Clement, near Truro,
Cornwall.
1 877 §MoRRis, Henry, Uastcote House, St. JohnU Park, Black-
heath, S.E.
1881 Morrison, Walter, M.P., 77, Cromwell Road, S.W.;
Malham Tarn, Bell Busk, Leeds.
1882 ♦f^o^^j S. Ballon, Chinese Imperial Customs, Shanghai;
26, Old Queen Street, Westminster, S. W.
1892 *Morton, Rev. Bertram Mitford, Kingsthorpe, North-
ampton.
1890 *Mo8S, R. Waddy, Didshury College, Manchester.
1877 §MiTiR, Sir W., K.C.S.I., D.C.L., LL.D., Bean Park
Houne, Edinburgh, N.B.
1895 ♦MuKERJEE, Babu Najendra Nath, M.A., F.R.S.L.,
Professor of English Literature, Maharajah* s College,
Jaipur, Raj'putana, India.
330 1882 *MuKBRJi, Phanibhusan, Inspector of Schools, Presidency
Bivision, Bengal; 57, Jhowtolah Road, Bally gunje,
Calcutta, India.
1 90 1 *MuEBRJi, Benoy Vehari, Professor of History and Logic,
St. Andrew's College, Gorakhpur, N. W.P., India.
1900 ""^MuLiTiL Krishkam, B.A., Malayalam Translator to
Government and Professor at the Presidency College,
Madras, India.
1895 *Mi7LLER-HESS, Dr. E., Professor of Sanskrit at the
University, Berne, 47, Effingerstrasse, Switzerland.
1898 *Mt80re, H.H. the Maharaja, The Palace, Bangalore,
S. India.
1903 I^Nair, Chitar Madhanan, 38, Westmoreland Road,
Bayswater, W.
1898 ""^Nartzoff, Alexis de, Tambov, Russia,
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20 LIST OF MEMBERS.
1891 *Nathajj, p. Rama, The Hon., Colombo^ Ceylon.
Hon. Naville, Edouard, D.C.L., Malaguy^ near Geneva ,
Switzerland,
1901 ♦Nayer, K. Kanan, Chang anaeherry, Travaneorey India.
340 1901 'NEiLL,J,W.,Frofes8or of Indian Law, University College;
12, Holland Park Avenue, IF.
1860 *f Nelson, James Henry, M.A., Cuddalore, Madras, India.
1900 *Nevill, Henry Rivers, Assistant Commissioner,
Almora, J^. W.P., India.
1895 *NiCH0L80N, R. A., Trinity Street, Cambridge.
1861 *NiEMANN, Professor G. K., Delft, Holland.
Hon. Noldeke, Professor Theodor, Strassburg, Germany,
1876 NoRMAN,Field.Mar8halSirHenryW.,G.C.B.,G.C.M.G.,
C.I.E., K.C.S.I., Royal Hospital, Chelsea, S.W.
1876 NoBTHBROOK, The Right Hon. the Earl of, G.C.S.I.,
F.R.S., 42, Portman Square, W.
1903 *Notce, W. H., K.I.H., Burma Provincial Civil Service,
46, Dalhousie Street, Rangoon.
1 900 *Oertel, C. H. , Barrister-at-Law, Lahore, Panjab, India.
350 1900 ♦Oertel, F. 0., Benares, N. W.P., India.
1901 *Ohtani, H., 58, Bloomshury Street, W.C.
1888 Oldham, Brigade-Surgeon Charles Frederick, The
Lodge, Great Bealings, Woodbridge, Suffolk.
1900 *Oman, Professor J. Campbell, 26, Tollington Place,
Finsbury Park, N.
Hon. Oppert, Professor Jules, Rue de Sfax, 2, Paris, France,
1900 *OsTROROG, Count Leon, Rue de Suede, Constantinople,
Turkey.
1898 ♦Pandit, V. R., B.A., Sitabaldi, Nagpore, C.P., India.
1902 *Para8IU8, Dattatraya B., Satara, Bombay Presidency,
India.
1893 ♦Pargiter, F. E., B.C.S., 32, fFest Mall, Clifton,
Bristol.
1900 *t^^^^^^ KiMEDi, The Raja of, Parla Kimedi, Ganjam,
Madras Presidency, India.
360 1896 *Pat7lx7sz, R., Ceylon Medical Service, Madulsinia,
Colombo, Ceylon.
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LIST OF MEMBERS. 21
1902 Pbbownb, Edward S. M., 13, Warwick Creaomt, W.
1890 ♦Pptoost, Arthur, Ph.D., 2, Qdrinmoeg^ Frankfurt,
Germany.
1901 ♦Philip, M. J., AlUppey, Dravaneore, India,
1874 *t^^^^ Rajaitattatanuhab, His Excellency, PrivaU
Secretary to the King of Siam.
1897 ♦PiLLAi, G. Paramesveram, JSditor ** The Madras
Standard,^* PophanCe Broadway, Madras; 32,
8oho Square, W.
1903 *PiLLAT, J. Ponnambalam, QuxUm, TVavaneore, Madras,
India.
1881 PnrcHBS, Theophilus G., 38, Bhomfield Road, Maida
mil, w.
Hon. 1901 Pischxl, Prof. Dr. Richard, Passauerstrasse 23 ii,
Berlin W., Germany.
1895 Pitt, St. George Lane-Foz, Travellers' Cluh, Pall MM,
8,W.
370 1894 PumiBB, Mrs., 16, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, 8.W.
1893 ♦§Plukiubtt, Lieut. -Colonel G. T., R.E., C.B., 37,
FiHwilliam Square, Dublin, Ireland.
1874 PoPB, The Rev. G. U., D.D., Teacher of Tamil,
Indian Institute, Oxford.
1893 ♦Poussm, Louis de la Valine, Professor at the University,
Ghent; 13, Boulevard du Pare, Ghent, Belgium.
1899 ♦Pbasad, Jwala, Deputy Collector, Jalaon, N,W.P,,
India.
1896 *PBBifDBB0AST, W. J., Ni%am's College, Haidarahad,
Deccan, India.
' 1902 Pbicb, F. G. Hilton, F.8.A., 17, Collingham Gardens,
South Kensington, S. W.
1903 ♦Pbicb, Harry, e/o B. Weakin^ Esq., Cherrington, near
Newport, Salop.
1902 ♦Pboud, Lionel Herbert.
HoK. 1901 Radloff, Professor Dr. V., The University,
St. Petersburg, Russia.
380 1903 *Rab, H. B., Presidency College, Calcutta, India.
1895 ^Raoozin, Mdme. Zenaide A., 15, Kim Street, Orange,
New Jersey, U.S.A.
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22 LIST OF MEMRKRS.
1896 *IUi, Bihar! Lai, F.S.S., F.H.S., San^or, Central
Frovineeg, India,
1899 ♦Ram, Dr. Sangat, Ajmere, India.
1899 ♦Ram, Lai Sita, Deputy Collector, Moradabad, U.P.,
India,
1902 ♦Ram, Pandit Bolaki, Shaetri Vidyaeagara, Mayo
College^ Ajmere, India,
1874 ♦fRAMASVAMi, Iyengar B., Bangalore, JUadras.-
1885 ♦Rankin, D. J., 15, Radeliffe Road, Winehmore
mil, N,
1891 ♦Ranking, Lieut.-Colonel G. P. A., Indian Medical
Service, 17, Elysium Row, Calcutta,
1869 t^^^B<>^> Edwin, 24, Ashhumham Road, Bedford,
390 1888 §Rap8on, E. J., Professor of Sanskrit, University College,
London ; British Museum, W, C,
1893 ♦Rattigan, Hon. Sir W. H., K.C., 3, Cornwall
Mansions, Cornwall Gardens, S, W,
1897 ♦Rawlins, J. P., District Superintendent of Police,
Hoshiarpur, Panjah.
1896 ♦Rat, Khirod C, Headmaster Ravenshaw College,
Cuttack, India,
1895 ♦Ratnbird, Hugh, Garrison Gateway Cottage, Old
Basing, Basingstoke,
1887 ♦Rea, a., F. 8. a. Scot., Arohaological Survey Depart-
ment, Bangalore, Madras,
1892 §Reat, The Rt. Hon. the Lord, G.C.S.I., G.C.LE.,
LL.D., President, Carolside, JSarlston, Berwick-
shire; 6, Great Stanhope Street, Mayfair, W,
1886 ♦Rees, John David, C.I.E., 17, Pall Mall, S,W, ;
Hillmedes, Harrow,
1889 Reuter, Baron George de, 86, St. Jameses Street,
S,JF.
1897 ♦Reuter, J. N., 6, Boulei^ardsgatan, Helsingfors,
400 1879 ♦Rice, Lewis, Director of Public Imtruciion, Bangalore,
1892 t^iDDiNG, Miss C. Mary, St, James's House, St. James's
Square, Holland Park, W.
1893 *f Ridding, Rev. W., St. Swithin^s House, Chapelgate,
Retford.
1860 RiPON, The Most Hon. the Marquess of, K.G., F.R.S.,
Chelsea Embankment, S, W.
1902 ♦Rivers, W. H. R., St, John's College, Cambridge,
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LIST OF MEMBERS. 23
1872 *tRiVETT-CARNAC, Colonel J. H., C.I.E., F.S.A., late
I.C.S., SchloBS Rothberg^ Rougemontf Switzerland;
40, Green Street^ Park Lane, W,
1880 RoBmsoN, Vincent J., C.I.E., F.S.A., Famham,
Beaminster, Dorset,
1882 *IlocKHiLL, W. W., BtMreau of American Republics,
Washing ton ^ U,S.A,
1892 Rogers, Alex., 38, Clanricarde Gardens^ W.
Hon. 1896 Rosen, Professor Baron von, The University ^
St. Petersburg,
410 1894 ♦Ross, E. D., Ph.D., Principal^ Calcutta Madrasah,
Calcutta^ India,
1891 *t^0U8E, W. H. D., F.R.G.S., Headmaster of Perse School,
Cambridge,
1898 *Row, B. Suryanarain, Editor of ''The Astrological
Magazine, ^^ Bellary, S, India,
1899 *RowTHOBN, Charles Frank, F.R.M.S., Oughtibridge
Vicarage, Sheffield,
1891 j[Bx)Y, Robert, 2, Garden Court, Temple, EC,
1900 *RuFPER, M. A., M.D., President of the Sanitary,
Maritime, and Quarantine Board of Egypt,
Minival, Ramleh, Egypt.
1872 *fRusTOMJi, C, Jaunpur, c/o G, Ardaseer, Esq,, Olney
Mouse, Richmond, Surrey,
Hon. Sachau, Kgl. Geheimer Regierungsrath, Professor
Eduard, Director of the Seminar fiir Orientalische
Sprachen, Berlin, Germany,
1903 *Salmon, Major W. H., Clay don Rouse, Winslow, Bucks.
1883 *SALMONfe, Habib Anthony, Professor of Arabic at
Xing'* s College and Lecturer at University College ;
39, Colville Gardens, W,
420 1899 *Sandhurst, Lord, G.C.I.E., 60, Eaton Square, S,JF.
1893 *Sanjana, Dastur Darab Peshotan, Migh Priest of the
Parsees, 114, Chandanawadi, Bombay, India,
1892 *Sankaranarayana, P., Tutor to the Princes of Nuzvid,
Nuzvid, Kistna District, India.
1891 *tSARDA, Har Bilas, B.A., Guardian to H.M, the
Maharawal of Jaisalmer, Ajmere, India,
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24
LIST OF MEMBERS.
1902 ♦fSASsooN, David, Malabar HiUy Bombay, India.
1865 Sassoon, Reuben D., 14, Pall Mall, 8.W.: 7, Queen' b
Gardens, Brighton.
1880 ♦Satow, Sir Ernest M., G.C.M.G., Ph.D.. H.BM.
Minister, Pekin, China.
1874 t§SATCK, The Rev. A. H., Professor of Assyriology,
Queen's College, Oxford; 8, Chalmers Crescent^
Edinburgh, N.B.
1870 *ScHiNDLBK, General A. Houtum, Teheran, Persia.
Hon. Schrader, Professor Dr. Eberhard, 20, Kronpringen-
TJfer, N, W. Berlin, Germany.
430 1893 ♦Scott, E. J. Long, Litt.D., Keeper of the MSS. and
Egerton Librarian, British Museum, W. C,
1885 *ScoTT, Sir James George, K.C.I.E., Deputy Com-
missioner, Burma; Bangoon, Burma.
1886 *ScoTT, Sir John, K.C.M.G., Deputy-Judge-Advocate-
General.
1903 ♦Sbaton, E. H., Principal, Nizam's College, Haidarahad,
. India.
1 903 ♦Seddon, Charles Norman, ejo Messrs. King, King, Sf Co.,
Bombay, India,
1867 *tSKLiM, Paris Effendi, Constantinople.
1887 *Sell, The Rev. Canon E., Church Mission Mouse,
Egmore, Madras, India.
Hon. Sen art, £mile, 18, Rue Frangois l®*", Paris, France.
1 898 *Se8hacharri, V. C, High Court Vakil, Mylapore, India.
1877 §Sewell, R., I.C.S. (retired), 6, Palace Mansions,
Buckingham Gate, S.W.
440 1895 *Shawe, F. B., The College, Bishop's Stortford, Eerts.
1898 JtSHEPPARD, George Frederick, 10, Chester Place,
Regents Park, N. W.
1903 JtSHERiPF, Syed M., 53, Torrington Square, W.C.
1884 ♦f^HYAMAJi Krishna VARMA, M.A., Barrister-at-Law,
9, Queen's Wood Avenue, Mighgate.
1 902 *SiNGH, Kishan, Professor of Mathematics and Philosophy,
Church Mission College, Amritsar, India.
1902 *t Singh, Raja Pertab Singh of Partabgahr, CLE.,
Oudh, India.
1903 *SiNGH, Thakur Joonjar, Jodhpur, Rajputana, India.
1903 *SiNH, Bharat Bhooshan Lai Romesh, Heir Apparent
to the Ealakankar Raj, Oudh, India.
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LIST OF MEMBERS. 25
1895 ♦fSiNHA, Kunwar Keshal Pal, Raio Kotla, P.O. Narki,
Agra District,
1900 ♦Skeat, W. W., 2, Romeland Cottage, St. Allans, HerU,
450 1883 ♦Smith, Vincent A., M.A., I.C.8., Owynfa, Cheltenham.
1901 ♦SoHRAWAETHT, Z. K. Zahid, M.A., 6, WellesUy 2*
Lane, Calcutta.
1902 ^|SoHBAWARTHYy AMullah al-Mamoom, 9, Wartciek
Crescent, W.
1889 *Sri Eaja Meutinjata Nissenea Bahadttb Gasu,
Zemindar of Sangamvalsa, near Parvatipur, Vita-
gapatam Division.
1861 ♦Stanmore, The Right Honourable Lord, G.C.M.G.,
E.C.B., D.C.L., Vice - President, Red House,
Ascot.
1887 *Stein, M. a., Ph.D., Inspector- General of Education
and Archaeological Surveyor N.W, Frontier and
Baluchistan, Peshawar, India.
1898 ♦Steyens, H. W., M.Inst.C.E., Consulting Engineer,
8, Hastings Street, Calcutta.
1894 ♦jStevenson, Robert C, 7, St. Margarets Road, Oxford.
1901 *Steyen80N, Malcolm, Ceylon Civil Service.
1848 Strachet, William, Oriental Club, Hanover Square, W.
460 1891 Sturdy, E. T., 6, St. John's Wood Park, N.W.
1900 ♦Sturge, p. H.. M.A., Professor of History, Nizam's
College, Haidarahad.
Hon. 1892 Sumanoala, H., Ifahd Nay oka, Tripitaka
Wdgiswar Acharya, Principal of Vidyodaya
College, Colombo, Ceylon.
1893 ♦fS^^sTi SoBHAKA, H.R.H. Prince, Bangkok, Siam.
1895 *8yke8, Major Percy Molesworth, H.B.M. Consul,
East and South-East Persia, Meshed, Persia.
1875 ^Tagors Sourekdro Mohvk, Rajah Bahadur Sir,
Mu8.D., Calcutta.
1896 ♦Takakusu, Jyan, Ph.D., 14, Nakarolen - ban - cho,
Kojimaehiku, Tokyo, Japan.
1897 Talbot, Walter Stanley, Glenhurst, Esher, Surrey.
1897 *Tate, George P., Indian Survey Department^ c/o W.
Watson ^ Co,, Karachi, India.
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26 LIST OF MEMBERS.
1893 *Taw Sein Ko, 2, Latter Street, Rangoon,
470 1903 *Tawfiq, Shaykh Hasan, Cambridge.
1883 Tawnet, C. H., C.I.E., Southlands, Weyhridge.
1894 ♦Taylok, Arnold C, Uppingham, Rutland.
1880 ♦fTAYLOR, The Rev. Charles, D.D., Master of St, John's
College, Cambridge,
1879 ♦§Templb, Colonel Sir R. C, Bart., C.I.E., The Nash,
Worcester,
1898 *Thatcher, G. W., M A., Mansfield College, Oxford.
1881 fTHEOBALD. W., North Brow, Croft's Lea Park,
Tlfracombe.
1898 Thomas, F. W., Librarian, India Office, S.W,
1880 *tTH0RBURN, S. S., Bracknell House, Bracknell, Berks,
1881 §Thornton, T. H., C.S.I., D.C.L., Vice-President,
10, Marlborough Buildings, Bath,
480 1901 Thitrn, Everard im, C.B., C.M.G., Colonial Secretary,
Colombo^ Ceylon.
1859 ♦fTiEN, The Rev. Anton, Ph.D., 25, Maresfield
Gardens, Hampstead, N, W,
1903 *TiLBE, H. H., Ph.D., Upper Alton, Illinois, U,S,A,
1898 ToMLiNSON, Sir W. E. M., Bart, M.P., 3, Richmond
Terrace, Whitehall, S, W.
1896 *tTRAVANCORE,H.H. The Maharaja Rama Varma,G. C.S.I.
1879 *Trotter, Coutts, Athenaum Club; 10, Randolph
Crescent, Edinburgh.
1884 *Trotter, Lieut.-Col. Henry, C.B., II,M. Consul-
General, Galata, Roumania,
1902 ♦TsAiN, Moung, 89-91, Lower Pazundaung Road,
Rangoon, Burma,
1903 *TsoNo, Lim Chin, Ron. Magistrate, China Street,
Rangoon, Burma.
1900 *Tuckwell, Rev. John, 32, Sarre Road, West Rampstead.
490 1882 *UDirp(5R, His Highness Fateh Singhji Bahadur,
Maharana of, G.C.S.I., Rajputana, India.
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LIST OF MEMBERS. 27
1902 *Va.id, Narmadashankar Popatbhai, cjo Messrs. H. 8,
King Sf Co,, 65, CornhUl, E.C.
1 902 ♦Vaidya, Visvanath P., National Liberal CM, Whitehall
Place, S. fF.
Hon. 1898 Vajiranana, H.R.H. Prince, Pavaranivesa
Vihara, Bangkok,
1897 *Vakil, Nadiesh Bomanji, 32, Southampton Street,
Strand, fF,C.
1884 ♦Valentine, The Rev, Colin S., LL.D., Medical
Missionary, Training College, Agra,
1901 *Varma, a. R. Rajaraja, Superintendent of Vernacular
Studies, Maharajas College, Trivandrum, S, Indta,
1884 *tVASUDEV, Madhav Samarth, R. R., B.A.
1898 *Venket8wami, M. N., The Hermitage, Secunderahad,
Deccan,
1883 Vernet, F. W., 12, Connaught Place, Hyde Park, W,
500 1899 *ViDYABHU8ANA, Satis Chandra Acharya, Professor of
Sanskrit, Presidency College, Calcutta,
1899 *Vo8T, Major W., Indian Medical Service, Muttra, U,P.
1897 ♦Wacha, Dinsha Edalji, 87, Hornby Road, Fort
Bombay,
1892 *tWADDELL, Lieut-Colonel L. A., LL.D., I.M.S., Medical
College, Calcutta ; 2, Durham House, Dartmouth
Park Hill, N, W,
1873 §Walhou8E, M. J., 28, Hamilton Terrace, N. W,
1898 *Ware, Capt. F. Webb, I.S.C, Political Assistant to
Agent of Governor General, Quetta, Baluchistan.
1900 *Weir, T. H., B.D., 64, Partick Htll Road, Glasgow,
1892 §West, Sir Raymond, K.C.I.E., LL.D., Vice-Prk8ident,
Chesterfield, College Road, Norwood, S,E.
1873 *We8Tmacott, E. Vesey, B.A., JEket India United
Service Club, St, JamesU Square,
1882 Whinpield, E. H., St. Margaret's, Beulah Hill, S.E.
510 1893 *WHrTEH0U8E, F. Cope, 8, Cleveland Row, St. lames',
S.W.
1899 ''^WiCKBEMA8iNGH£, Don M. da Zilva, Indian Institute,
Oxford.
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28 LIST OF MEMBERS.
How. 1896 WiNDiscH, Geh. Hofrath, Professor E., 15,
Uhiversit&tsstrasse, Leip%ig.
1876 t§WoLLA8TON, A. N., C.I.E., Registrar and Superintendent
of Records^ India Office ; Glen Hill, Walmer.
1896 *WooD, J. Elmsley, 110, Blackford Avenue^ Edinburgh.
1900 ♦WoEKMAN, Mrs. Bullock, cjo Messrs. Rrown, Shipley, Sf
Co,, 123, FaU Mall.
1902 *Ween8Hall, Mrs. John C, 1037, Calvert Street, North
Baltimore, Maryland, U.S.A.
1894 *Weight, H. Nelson, I.C.S., Allahabad, U.R., India.
1894 Wylde, C. H., S. Kensington Museum, 8. JF.
1899 Yeebuegh, Robert Armstrong, M.P., 25, Kensington
Gore, JT.
520 1899 *YuLE, Miss Amy Frances, Tarradale House, Tarradale,
Ross-shire, N.B.
521 1897 *Zajdan, George, Cairo, Egypt.
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LIST OF MEMBERS. 29
1866 Professor T. Aufrecbt, Heidelberg.
1894 Mons. A. Barth, Paris.
Professor Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, CLE., Puna^
Bombay,
1873 Professor Otto von Bohtlingk, Leipzig,
5 1893 Professor Henri Cordier, Paris.
1895 Professor 0. Donner, Helsingfors.
The Rev. J. Edkins, D.D., Shanghai.
1890 Professor V. Fausboll, Copenhagen.
1885 Professor De Goeje, Leiden.
10 1893 Professor Ignaz Qoldziher, Btida Pest.
1890 Conte Comm. Angelo De Gubernatis, Italy.
1898 Professor Ignace Guidi, Rome.
1902 Professor Houtsma, Utrecht.
1899 Professor J. Earabacek, Vienna.
15 Professor H. Kern, Leiden.
1898 Professor F. Kielhom, Odttingen.
1902 Professor Lanman, Harvard, Mass.
1873 Professor Harbier de Meynard, Paris.
1895 Professor Ed. Naville, Geneva.
20 1890 Professor T. Noldeke, Strassburg.
1866 Professor Jules Oppert, Paris.
1901 Professor Dr. R. Pischel.
1901 Professor Dr. V. Radloff.
1896 Professor Baron von Rosen, St. Petersburg.
25 Professor Ednard Sachau, Berlin.
1892 Professor Schrader, Berlin.
1892 M. limile Senart, Paris.
1892 Sumangala Maba Nayaka Unnanse, Colombo^ Ceylon.
1898 H.R.H. Prince Yajiranana, Bangkok.
30 1896 Professor Windiscb, Leipzig.
Note. — The number of Honorary Members if limited by Rule 9 to thirty.
(Sxti[aot;dinaril Jpn:(tmbei[s.
H.E. The Marquis Maba Yotba.
H.H. Atabak-i-A'zam, Prime Minister of Persia.
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30
LIST OF LIBRARIES AND SOCIETIES
SUBSCRIBING TO THB
JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
Aberdeen ITnivkrsitt Library.
Abertstwith. University College of Wales.
Andoyee Theological Seminary, Mass.
AsTOR Library, New York.
Athenjbum Club, Pall Mall.
Benares, Queen's College, India.
Berlin Royal Library.
Birmingham Central Free Library.
Boston Public Library.
10 Breslau University Library.
Brighton Public Library.
British & Foreign Bible Society, 46, Queen Victoria St., E.C.
Cairo Ehedivial Library.
Calcutta Imperial Library.
Chicago University Library, Illinois.
Christiania University Library.
Cincinnati Public Library, Ohio.
Columbia College Library, New York.
Constitutional Club, Northumberland Avenue.
20 Cornell University, Ithaca, New York.
Crerar Library, New York.
Detroit Public Library, Michigan.
East India United Service Club, 16, St. James's Square, S.W.
Edinburgh Public Library.
Edinburgh University Library.
Erlangen University Library.
Florence. Biblioteca Nazionalb.
Geneva. Bibliotheque Publique.
Glasgow University Library.
30 Gottingen University Library.
Halle University Library.
Harvard College.
Jena University Library.
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LIST OF LIBRARIES AND SOCIRTIES. 31
John Rylands Libeart, Deansgate, Manchester.
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore.
JuNAOADH College, Kathiawad.
KiEK University Library.
London Library, 14, St. James's Square, 8.W.
LucKNOw Museum.
40 Madrid. Biblioteca del Ateneo, Callb del Prado.
Manchester Free Erferencb Library, King St., Manchester.
Marburg University Library.
Melbourne Public Library.
Munich University Library.
Naples University Library.
Newcastle-on-Tynk Literary and Philosophical Society.
Newcastle-on-Tyne Public Library.
Oxford. The Indian Institute.
Oxford. Queen's College.
60 Peabody Institute, Baltimore.
Pennsylvania University Library.
Philadelphia. Library Company.
Prag. Deutsche Universitat.
Pratap Singh Museum, Sirinagar, Kashmir.
Princeton, New Jersey, U.S.A., Theological Seminary.
KiCHMOND WeSLEYAN CoLLEGE.
San Francisco Free Public Library, California.
Stockholm Royal Library.
Stockholm University Library.
60 Strasburg University Library.
Sydney Free Library.
Tokyo. Imperial University College of Literature.
Tubingen University Library.
Upsala UNivERsrrY Library.
Washington Catholic University Library.
66 Zurich Stadt Bibliothek.
NoU. —There are many other libraries which flubscribe through the booksellers.
The Secretary would be much obliged by the Librarians of such libraries sending
him their names to be added to the above list.
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32
8UMMAKY or MRMHEKS.
i4
s
*0 i-H CO h- 1^
Wt) lO 'ZO 1^ o
O »0 »0 *0 CO
s^
b: "* "*
S + 1
1^
00
fi
:
"^ »0 O 00 CO
O *0 CO CO CO
:'H
CO
§ i i
CO
CO
Honorary and
Extraordinary
Members.
i-H -H O) c^) (>)
CO ?o CO 00 CO
• ■
CO
u i :
^
II
t^ Oi »0 CO Oi
i 1
Oi 00
-H , :
1— (
Non -resident
Compoonders.
1^ Tf< CO CO 05
CO CO CO CO CO
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§ :
§ ! :
^
11
»-H 1-H 05 ^ C^
l^ r* r>» 05 o
CSJ CSJ C^ CS> 00
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1^ CO O CO CO
CO CO CO <N <N
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CO :
0^ : :
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^ O ^ <N CO
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CO Oi Oi 0> Oi
.1
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For facility of reference this Appendix will he published with
each forthcoming number of the Journal.
TRANSLITERATION
OF THB
SANSKRIT, ARABIC,
AND ALLIED ALPHABETS.
The system of Transliteration shown in the Tables given
overleaf is almost identical with that approved of by the
International Oriental Congress of 1894 ; and, in a
Resolution, dated October, 1896, the Council of the Royal
Asiatic Society earnestly recommended its adoption (so
far as possible) by all in this country engaged in Oriental
studies, ** that the very great benefit of a uniform system ''
may be gradually obtained.
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I.
SANSKRIT AND ALLIED ALPHABETS.
0
7
tu
•s
k
«
U
V
9
W
gh
1!
A
W
c
^
ch
V
J
^
jh
H
n
^
. . . t
.. . th
. . . d
.. .dh
. . . n
. . . t
...th
. . . d
. . .dh
. . . n
. . . p
. . .ph
^ . . . .
M . . .
J{ . . . .
H . . . .
X
m . . . .
^ . . . .
n
^ . . . .
^ . . . .
f
35 • . •
(Anmvdra) . . . m
'^^ {AnundMka) . . ^
: (Visdrga) .... A
X {JihvamiiUya) . A
X (Ujpadhmdnlya) , h
{ (Avagraha) .... '
EWd^a -1
8varita ^l
Anuddtta JL
bh
m
y
r
I
V
i
f
i
h
I
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n.
ARABIC AND ALLIED ALPHABETS.
\ at beginning of word omit ;
uJ A
\' d
elsewhere
. . . ji. or ^
J .... /
^, — 1
-^ .... 6
c*« . . . . «
A . . . , m
/....«
2J . . . . t
jji . 5 or fA
^ . . . . «
tJ . tOTth
jj« . . « or s
^ . . fr or t;
Diphthongs.
^ • JOT(^'
u^ rf, ^, or 8
A .... A
^' . . . . ai
C-..- *
t t
c/ . . . . y
y .... aw
t • AorAA
k . . . . .
fra«/a . . . _L
43 . . . . d
t ••••-^
Vowels.
Aaw»a ^ or £.
J . d or dh
^ . g or gh
^ . . . . fl
d»7^/2i t . . h
) . . . . r
uJ /
- . • . . 1
letternot pro-
;....«
J .... J
jL . . . . tt
nounced. .-^
Additional Letters.
Pbbsian, Hindi,
AND Pakshtu.
Turkish only.
c-^ .... JO ; ci/when pro-
nounced as
^ . . . . A
^ . c or cA
? . « or 2jA
'' < —
s^ . . . . g
Hindi and
Pakshtu.
J or .^
jorj.
Pakbhtu only.
«■ . • . w
^ •• • ?
vy •
n
^ . • • ^A
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COMMITTEE OF MANAGEMENT.
M. ]£MILE SENART, de I'lnstUut.
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Managing Chairman—I, W. RHTS DAVIDS, 22, Albemarle Street, LoDdon,W.
(With power to add workers to their number.)
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This Society has been started in order to render accessible to
students the rich stores of the earliest Buddhist literature now
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scattered throughout the University and other Public Libraries
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The historical importance of these Texts can scarcely be
exaggerated, either in respect of their value for the history of
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limited period, probably extending to less than a century and a
half (about B.C. 400-250). For that period they have preserved
for us a record, quite uncontaminated by filtration through any
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nearly related to ourselves, just as they were passing through the
first stages of civilization. They are our best authorities for the
early history of that interesting system of religion so nearly
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which has influenced so powerfully, and for so long a time, so
great a portion of the human race — the system of religion which
we now call Buddhism. The sacred books of the early Budd-
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movement in the world's history which bears any close resem-
blance to early Christianity. In the history of speech they contain
unimpeachable evidence of a stage in language midway between
the Vedic Sanskrit and the various modem forms of speech in
India. In the history of Indian literature there is nothing older
than these works, excepting only the Yedic writings ; and all the
later classical Sanskrit literature has been profoundly influenced
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evidence. It is not, therefore, too much to say that the publi-
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study of history — whether anthropological, philological, literary, or
religious — than the publication of the Vedas has already been.
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It is hoped that persons who are desirous to aid the publication
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I, 2. Part I (Vols. I and II) of the Persian historian Mir
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LEIPZIG, KoNiGSSTR. No. 3,
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HANTZSCH (Viktor) und SCHMIDT (Ludwig). Kartographische Denk-
maler zur Entdeckungsgeschichte von Amerika, Asien, Australien, und
Afrika. Aus dem Besitz der Konigl. Ocffentlichen Bibliothek zu
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Of this grand work, which gives full reports as to the scientific results of Count Zichy's
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Vol. L Ethnographischer Teil. 2 volumes under the title " Herkunft der
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In these two volumes the late Dr. Janko, who was a member of Count Zichy's
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Price 25 marks.
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After 18 years* researches, in his present work on ancient metal-trums from South-
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ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETTS JOURNAL.
October, 1904.
CONTENTS.
ORIGINAL COMMUNICATIONS.
PAOK
XXIII. — Roman Coins found in India. By Robebt Sewell 591
XXIV. — Some Problems of Ajicient Indian BEistory. No. II :
The Gurjara Empire. Bj A. F. Rudolf Hoebkle,
Ph.D.,C.I.E 639
XXY. — Coins and Seals collected in Seistan, 1903-4. By
G.P.Tate 063
XXVI. — Note on Ajicient Coins collected in Seistan by
Mr. G. P. Tate, of the Seistan Boundary Com-
mission. By E. J. Rapsoit, M. A., M.R. A.S 673
XXVII. — Note on Musalman Coins collected by Mr. G. P.
Tate in Seistan. By 0. Codbinoton, M.D., F.S.A. 681
XXVIII.— The Pahlavi Text of Yasna I, for the first time
critically translated. By Professor Lawbence Mills 687
XXIX. — A Note on one of the Inscriptions on the Mathura
Lion-Capital. By J. F. Fleet, I.C.S. (Retd.),
Ph.D., CLE 703
XXX. — Index to the First Words of the Slokas of the
Dhammapada. By C. Mabt Ridding, M.R.A.S. . . 711
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CONTENTS. .
PAom
XXXI. — Some Unidentified Toponyms in the Travels of
Pedro-Teixeira and Tavemier. By Colonel G. E.
Geriki, M:.R.A.S 719
XXXII. —Linguistic Belationship of the Shahbazgafhi
Inscription. By G. A. Gsiebson, C.I.E., Fh.D.,
D.Litt 725
XXXUI.— Notes from the Tanjor : 6. By F. W. Thoicas 733
AnDiTioirs to the Lib&a.bt 745
MlSCSLLANEOUS COMUUNICATIONS.
Sanskrit as a Spoken Language. By F. W. Thouas . . 747
•O/j/Soi'o*^ Havana ? By F. W. Thomas 749
The New Historical Fragment from Nineveh. By
A. H. Satce 750
Notices of Books.
R. C. Thompson. The Devils and Evil Spirits of
Babylonia : vol. ii. Reviewed by S. A. Cook .... 753
Dr. V. RoccA. I. Giudizl di Dio. By J. Jolly 757
Index 759
Alphabetical List of Authobs.
AppEifDix: Genebal Index to the yeabs 1889-1903 (0-Z) 145-203
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