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Journal of the Royal 
Australian Historical Society 

Royal Australian Historical Society 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 







Digitized by VjOOQIC 

»rANIiOR|^ UMIVIllifTy 

. ^ Royal Australian Historical Socieuh '^ 


TABLE OF C0NtENTS^V01ifVflin4X^ 1^1^ 



By E. C. Rowland. 

(Part I.) „ 2a 

By K. R. Cramp. 

By G. A. King. 
52nd ANNUAL MEETING' ...... 44 

By C. Price Con^grave. 

By James Jervis. 

PABT n. 

(Concluded.) 4» 

By E. C. Rowland. 

(Part n.) (Concluded.) ,^ 76- 

By K. R. Cramp. - 

By the Editor. 

By G. A. King. 

By James Jervis. 

PABT in. 


(Part L) 97 

By James Jervis. 

By G. A. King. 

By Jam^ Jervis. 




By T. H. Kewley. 

(Concluded.) 191 

By James Jervis. 
• ENGLAND 20a 

By K. R. Cramp. 

By G. A. King. 

By James Jervis. 

By C. Price Conigrave. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

• fahle of Contents, 3 




By R. W. Glassford. 


WALES 253 

By George Nadel. 


By W. E. May. 


By G. A. King. 

WHO WAS "X.Y.Z." OF "A RIDE TO BATHURST, 1827" ? 275 

By W. L. Havard. 


By James Jervis. 




By Vivian Voss. 


By James Jervis. 

PABT vn. 














GRACEMERE HOMESTEAD (Oldest Section) 284 






Digitized by VjOOQIC 

tioyal Australian Historical Society. 


Compiled l)y HUGH 
HBERCROMBIE,* Mr» Bruce, and 
**the Christmas party (Part VII.) .... xi 
Aberdeen on Hunter River, plan of 

township approved, 1838 123 

development of district 123 

Aberdeen White Star Clippers 242 

Aborigines massacred at Myall Creek 64 
Ailsa marked out by surveyor Rusden, 

1840 .^ 124 

"Aladdin," Tas*manian whaler 223 

"Albion," whaler, 1803 221 

"Alexander," took whales in the Der' 

went, 1804 221 

Anne, Mount, named 99 

"Anson," H.M.S 220 

Archer, Alister, portrait of 291 

Archer, Chas, portrait 283 

Archer, Wm, Manager of "Grace 

mere" 296 

Archer family, of Central Queensland 


Archer Papers, list of 33t'8 

Arrowroot -grown at South Park, 

1862 Ill 

"Arthur's Vale," H. Dumaresq's 

farm 106 

Australian Agricultural Company, 

Port Stephens district examined, 

1826, as site for settlement 10 

company formed, and H. Dangar's 

activities 53-57 

Atherton family arrived in Gracemcre 

district, 1858 293 

BACKHOUSE, James, the Quaker, 
visited Hunter Valley. 1836 106 

Bacon; Matthew, had salt pans at 

Middle Harbour. 1818 348 

Badiar, Christian, a German immigrant 

living at Merton, Hunter River .... 264 
"Banana," run held by H. Barton, 

1861 .... 295 

"Baroona," property of A. A. Dangar 75 
Barton, Sir E., proposed by Reid as 
leader of the 1897 Federal Conven- 
tion 33 

beaten by Reid at 1898 election 90-1 
Barton. H., in 1861 held "Banana" 

run 295 

Bath, Governor A. Phillip at 203 

Australians associated with 203 

mural tablet to Phillip 205 

Bath added to Sydney Hotel, 1825 .... 215 
Bax, A. E., able efforts of Hon. 

Treasurer 44 (Part VII.). xviii 

Elected Hon. Treasurer for 1953 46 
presents a facsimile copy of the 
"Sydney Gazette," 1803-4 

(Part VII.) xvii 

Bega, naming of 47 

Belford, township being surveyed, 

1854 124 

Bennett, Andrew, early settler at Ray- 
mond Terrace 194 

Berryman. Lt-Gen, F. H 43 

"Beulah." ship, arrived at Sydney 

with German immigrants 253-56 

Birkbeck, S. B.. has "Glenmore" 

station. 1861-67 301, 307, 312-3 

portrait of 302 

WRIGHT (Fellow). 

Birkbeck. Mrs S. B., portrait . of .... 315 

note on the lady 315, 316 

Birkbeck Papers, list of 338 

Blacket, Edmund, designed Anglican 

church at Singleton 200 

Blacket, Miss G. M., elected member 

of Clouncil 46 

Blandford, a private village 125 

Blaxcell. Garnham, in 1811 sold salt 

at 2d. per lb 347 

Blaxland, G. D., elected Vice-President 45 
Blaxland, John, sells salt in 1811 at 

2d. per lb 347 

.Blind persons and invalid pensions 167 

Boaden, Captain of clipper "Samuel 

Plimsoll" 243 

Boiling-down plants in the Hunter 

^ Valley in the 1840's 120 

"Bolwarra," grant to John Brown, 

bought, 1834. by Richard Jones .... 112 
Boodle. Canon, gave inaugural lecture 

at Morpeth School of Arts, 1860 139 
Bossley, J. B., had a boiling-down 

business, 1844, at Singleton 199 

Bowman, Pearce, laid the foundation 

stone of a Free Presbyterian church. 

Singleton 200 

Box. R. G. H 45 

Braddon Blot to hold good for 10 

years 82. 91 

Brand. Maj.-Gen. G. H 42 

Branxton, early history of 124 

Lr .iJ. complaints of quality, 1797, 

1799 48 

ordinances re quality, baking, 

price, fe'c. 1801-6 43 

Breton, Lieut, visited Hunter Valley, 

1830-33 106 

Bridgeford. Lt-Gen. W 43 

Brodie, A., owned a mill at Murru- 

rundi. 1870 l'< 

Broke, projected village in 1831 124 

Broughton. Bishop, consecrated churv:h 

at Scone 192 

Brown, Col. W 42 

Brown, Robt, botanist, visited the 

Hunter Valley. 1804 100 

Brownlow, R., buys land at Morpeth, 

1834 .... Ufi 

Bruche, Maj.-Gen. J. H 42 

' Burer, John, has steam flour mill at 

Scone. 1860 „ 192 

Bfshfires recorded by D. Collins, 

1792 and 1797 151 

"fjALLINUGAL." in 1861. 

^^ H. Robinson 

Camberwell, name changed to 


"Camboon," run held by J. 


Campbell, John, of estate 


"Cllanoona," taken up by the 
-CargiU. Capt. Wm, of 

"Windsor Castle" 

C^ssilis. early history 

"Castle Forbes," Patrick's 

Cattle industry in Central 

held by 




Reid in 
. .,.. .... 295 



Ell'otts 292 




103-4, 113 

Digitized by 



Ce<iar Arm. later named Paterson 

River 99 

Cesinock. brief early history 125^6 

Chinese labour employed by the 

Archer brothers 318 

Chivers. George, had a steam flour 

mill at Muswellbrook 144 

manufactures cloth. 1844 144 

Christie, Lt-Col W. B 42 

"Chusan." tea clippre, career of .... 249 
"City of Hankow, ' ship, career of 250-1 

Clarke, R. H 45 

elected member of Council 46 

Close. E. C. sells land at "Illulang.'* 

1834 136 

builds a church on his estate, 

1836 136-7 

Coal in Hunter Valley 115-19 

CoUits* Inn, location 277 

Conigrave. C. Price : Report of the 
Society's 52nd Annual Meeting 44-46 
thanked for services (Part VII.) xviii 
Capt. Jas Cook Memorial at 

Norfolk IsUnd 215 

Conner, Dan, of "Rio" station 290 

Conrad, Joseph. commanded the 

clipper barque "Otago" 251-2 

Convict clearing gangs 213 

Cook. Capt. Jas, memorial unveiled at 

Norfolk Island, 1953 

215 (Part VII.). xiv 
Coombes. Miss M. B., elected a 

member of Council 46 

Hon. Treasurer of the Women's 
Auxiliary (Part VII.) .... .... xi 

Cook, Thos, owned "Turanville" at 

Dart Brook 59 

Corner, Capt. F. W., of "Macquaric" 230 
"Costa Rica" and "Windsor Castle" 

collide 241 

Cotterell, T. S., discovered grave of 

Governor A. Phillip '. 204 

Cotton grown in Hunter Valley Ill 

Cox, W. C, elected a member of 

Council 46 

Cramp. K. R., paper : "Sir George 
Reid's Place in the Federal Move' 

ment" 23-41. 76-94 

elected President for 1953 45 

paper : "Recognition of Governor 

Arthur Phillip in England" 303-11 
High Schools' Junior Debating 

Competition (Part VII.) xii 

Creed family, owner of "Langmorn" 

since 1869 294 

Cunningham, Peter, described the 
Hunter Valley in mid 1820'8 102 

^ALKEITH. a private village 126 

*^ Dangar. Albert Augustus, bio- 
graphical sketch 75 

Dangar, Frederick Holkham, bio- 
graphical note 75 

Dangar. Henry : "(Life and Times of," 

by E. C. Rowland 1-23. 49-76 

born 1796 1 

"bred a surveyor" 2 

arrived in Sydney. 1821 3 

assistant surveyor to Oxley 3 

surveyed district of Bargo. also in 
Hunter River Valley, 1822- 

26 4-8. 107 

furveyed township of Newcastle. 
1822 , 5 

field books in Mitchell Library 6-10 

named Dart Brook 9 

explored with J. Richards. 1824. 
route to Liverpool Plains .... 8-10 

portrait of 9 

examines Port Stephens. 1826 .... 10 
sued for libel by R. Lowe .... 11-14 

dismissed from office 14-21 

Peter Mclntyre complains of 
Dangar' s method of land 

allocation H 

Land Board condemns Dangar's 

land dealings 16-17 

service terminated with Survey 

Dept. 1827 ..:. 18 

his appeal to Lord Bathurst 18 

Oxley praises Dangar 20 

sailed for England.- 1827 11 

brief account of "Index and 
Directory to the Hunter 

River" 21-23 

letter from Rogers to Lord Elliott 50 

in England 49-52 

married Grace Sibly. 1828 52 

sails to N.S.W.. 1829 52 

appointed surveyor to A. A. Co. 52 

with the A. A. Co 53-57 

Sir E. Parry praises Dangar .... 56 
examines Liverpool Plains. 1831 54 

as a grazier 57-61 

as a squatter 61-65 

various land grants 57 

dissolves partnership with his 

brother. William. 1835 58 

supported petition to introduce 

Indian labour 64 

over 300,000 acres registered in 

his name. 1849 64 

his political life 66-72 

death of. 1861 74 

his family 74 

Dangar. Mrs Henry, portrait of .... 11 

death of. 1869 74 

Dangar. Henry Cary. biographical 

note 74 

Dangar. Richard Cary, arrived in 

Sydney. 1836 65 

his business activities 65-66 

died in England, 1867 66 

Dangar, William, arrived in Sydney, 

1825 3 

dissolves partnership with his 

brother. Henry. 1835 59-59 

lives at "Turanville." 1835-1857 59 

death in England. 1868 59 

Dangar. William John, biographical 

note 74 

Dangar Coat of Arms (illus.) 73 

granted. 1854 74 

Dangar, Gedye, and Malloch 65, 66, 75 
Dangar Island named by H. C. 

Dangar 75 

Daniels, George, thanked for services 

(Para VII xviii 

Darlington in Hunter Valley, early 

history 126 

Dart Brook named by H. Dangar .... 9 
Dawson. Robert, and the A. A. Co 53-54 
Deadlocks between Federal Houses 82-88 
Deakin. Alfred; his thumb-nail sketch • 
of Reid at Adelaide Federal Conven- 
tion 33 

Dellow, W. J., returning officer 45 

thanked for services (Part VII.) xvii 

Digitized by 


Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Dcllow. Mr« W. J.. Vicc'Pre«ident of 
the Women's Auxiliary (Part VII.) xi 
Dc Mestre, Prosper, naturalized in 

Sydney. 1825 96 

Denman. early history of 134 

"Derwent Hunter,' a Tasmanian 

whaler 223 

Dickinson, G.. elected member of 

Council 46 

Diehl, F.. a German immigrant, on 

living in N.S.W 260 

Dingoes : The Agricultural Society 

offered a reward of half a dollar for 

every brush. 1823 152 

Dixon, surveyor in Hunter Valley, 

1831-2 108 

Dpgtrap Road. Granville district; 

origin of name 152 

Doughboy Hollow 128 

"Dulwich Grove." Hunter Valley .... 103 
Dumaresq. Henry, farm named 

"Arthur's Vale" 106 

Dumaresq. Capt. Wm John, was not 

X.Y.Z. of "A Ride to Bathurst. 

1827" 275-6 

Dundas Methodist Church, and first 

royal visit to Sydney 212 

"Dunmore," grant to George Lang 

then fell to brother, Andrew Lang 128 

EDINBURGH, Duke of. shot at 
Clontarf 212 

"Edinglassie." Hunter Valley 103 

Elizabeth, Mount, now Tangcrin .... 99 
"Elizabeth Graham," ship, career of 250 

Ellalong in 1860 and 1866 129 

Elliott, Wm, attacked by Queensland 

blacks. 1856 290-1 

took up Canoona and Tilpal runs 292 
Ellis, Henry and James, shepherds for 

Wm Dangar 63 

Ellis, M. H., elected member of 

Council 46 

Elmslie, Capt. J. A., of the "Sobraon" 237 
"Emily Downing." barque 224-5 

FEDERAL Movement, Sir George 
Reid's place in 23-41, 76-94 

weaknesses in 1891 draft bill .... 26 

Conventions held in 1897 32 

Reid said Federation would cost 
the individual no more than 

the dog tax 34 

Reid on the fiscal policy 81-82 

on deadlocks between the Federal 

Houses 82-88 

Referenda of 1898 and 1899 .... 89, 92 
Federal Capital to be in N.S.W. 91 
Ferguson, A., held "Walloon" run 

in 1861 295 

Eraser, J., held "Kooingal" run in 

1861 295 

Fewtrell. Ma j. -Gen. A. C 43 

Finch. John and William, shepherds 

for H. Dangar 63 

Finch, surveyor, in Hunter Valley .... 108 

Finn, Col H 42 

First naturalization in Australia 96 

First woman naturalized in Australia 96 
Flag. Australian Naval Board's .... 94-5 
Flinders, Matthew. The "Reliance" 
Log-books : a paper by Commander 

W. E. May 267-74 

Ford, W. M., purchased H.M.A.S, 

"Tingira" 240 

Foreigners not allowed to settle in 
Australian, 1803-4, without per- 
mission 214 

Forrest, Sir John, on ownership and 

control of rivers 40 

"Fortuna," coaling hulk, her career 227 

Foster, Mrs A. G., felicitations 44 

President of the Women's 

Auxiliary (Part VII.) xi 

Frauenfelder, J. P., a German 

immigrant from Saxony 265-6 

French, Mrj.-Gcn. G. A 42 

GEDYE, C^as. manager of meat 
preserving works at Newcastle, 

1848 61 

German Immigrants in N.S.W., 
Letters from, 1849; paper by G. 

Nadel 253-66 

German immigrants employed by 

Archer Bros in Queensland .... 284, 318 
Glassford. R. W.; "A Fleet of Hulks" 217 
Gledhill, P. W., elected member of 

Council 46 

"Glenmore," sUtion, location 299 

illustration of log blockhouse .... 299 

price of the station 307 

various owners 293 

Goddard, (^pt. Wm, of "Melbourne" 229 

"Golden South." coal hulk 233 

Goold. W. J., Fellowship of the 

Society conferred (Part VII.) Hi 

Goonoo Goonoo station ...; 56 

Gordan, J. A., and federal control of 

rivers 37 

Gordon. Brig.-Gen. J. M 42 

Goulburn River in Hunter Valley, 

named 100 

Cover, A. T., moved the adoption of 

^^ the Society's balance sheet, 6^c 45 

"Gracemere, ' home of the Archers 

284-5, 287 

illustration of 284 

aerial view of 285 

extent of, 1855 285-6 

Wm Archer, manager 296 

working expenses 305 

wages bill 319 

Grant, Mount, named 100 

Gray, A. J., thanked for work on 

library (Part VII.) xvii 

Greenhill named, and later known as 

Morpeth 99, 134-36 

Greta, early history of 127 

Grimes, Chas. surveyor, in the Hunter 

Valley, 1801 100 

Grose. J. H., buys land at Morpeth, 
1834 136 

tJAHN, Engelbert, a German 
** immigrant, on work and life in 

N.S.W 260-1 

Halloran, Aubrey, moved adoption of 

Society's Annual Report 45 

elected member of Council » 46 

thanked for services as Hon. 

Solicitor (Part VII.) xviii 

Hardie. Mai.-Gen. J. L 42 

"Harmony," ship, arrived at Sydney 

with German immigrants 254 

Havard. W. L.; paper : "Who "-as 
X.Y.Z. of A Ride to Bathurst ?" 275-7 
thanked for continuing card index 
to the Journal (Part VII.) .... xviii 

Digitized by 



Havard, Mrs W. L., elected member 

of Council 46 

Hon. Secretary of Women's Auxi' 

liary (Part VII.) xi 

Judge of essays (Part VII.) .... xii 
Haydon. Thos, gives site for St. 

Joseph's Chapel. Murrurundi 140 

gives site for a Presbyterian 

church. Murrurundi 141 

Hefferman. Mr and Mrs Pat. servants 

of H. Dangar 64 

Heriuge. Brig. F. B 42 

"Helen," barque, last of the Hobart 

whalers ^ 225 

Hillier, John, opened lUalong Hotel. 

1832 136 

Hinton. early history of 130 

"Holkham" for sale, 1838 59 

Horner, A., elected member of Council 46 
Horadam, Joseph, a Gergan immigrant, 

on work and life in N.S.W 259 

Houison, J. K. S., retiring President's 

address, 1953 44 

elected a Vice-President 46 

donates a facsimile copy of the 
"Sydney Gazette," 1803'4 

(Part VII.) jivii 

How, Mrs A. S., Vice-President of 

the Women's Auxiliary (Part VII) xi 
Howe, J. H., proposed that Federal 
authority should have power to pro' 

vide pensions 153 

Howe, John, had sheep and cattle at 

Patrick's Plains, 1823 102 

Hughes, W. M., proposed that the 
colonies should be represented at 
the 1897 Federal Convention on a 

^^ population basis 32 

"Hulks, A Fleet of," a paper hv 

R. W. Glassford 217 

Hume'Barbour Debating Trophy (Part 

VII.) xi 

Humphrey. Dr E. M., presents ship's 
figurehead to Garden Island Naval 

Dockyard 242 

Hunter River formerly called the 

Paterson 99 

"Hunter Valley, a Century of its 

History"; paper by J. Jervis 

95-152, 191-202 

map of area 98 

development of settlement .... 102-7 
"Tina Lunga." the native name 105 

surveys 107-8 

tobacco growing 108-10 

vineyards 110-11 

coal 115-19 

roads 120-23 

Hutton, Maj.-Gcn. E. T. A 42 

JLLALONG in 1874 130 

* Illulong, native name of Morpeth 135 
Indian labour, H. Dangar supported a 

petition to the (government to 

introduce 64, 67 

Invalid Pensions Scheme, Federal, 

1908-37 163-91 

Irrawang Pottery Ill 

Isaacs, Sir I., declared in favour of 

irrigation before navigation 39 

JAMES, Thos Horton. the "X.Y.Z." 
of "A Ride to Bathurst. 1827" 275-77 
Jerry's Plains, early history of, 105, 130-32 

Jervis, Jas; paper : "The Hunter 
Valley, a Century ot its History" 

97-152. 191-202 
thanked for delivering addresses 
at the excursions (Part VII.) xviii 

Hon. Research Secretary ^j,.. 

46 (Part Vfl.). xii 
Notes and Queries .... 47-8, 96,151-2, 
213-5. 278-80, 347-8 
thanked for helping public school 

scholars (Part VII.) xii 

Johnston, D. Hope, and the memory 

of Governor Phillip 207-10 

Johnstone. Wm, schoolmaster at Ray- 
mond Terrace, 1840 196 

TTANAKAS, first shipment reach 

**• Rockhampton, 1867 319-20 

employment supported by Wm 

Archer, 1877 320 

Kanaka question 321-2 

Kewley, T. H.; paper : "Ck)mmon- 
wealth Old-age and Invalid Pensions 

Schemes" 153-91 

"Kianga" run in 1861 held by Mrs 

McNab 295 

"Kineland," Blaxland's station 106 

King. G. A.; paper : "N.S.W. Mili- 
tary Commandants, 1865-1953" .... 41-43 

elected member of Council 46 

paper : "Australian Naval Board's 

Flag" 94-5 

paper : "Sydney Link With 

Florence Nightingale" 150 

paper : "First Royal Visit to 

Australia" 212-3 

note on the Macquarie portrait 

at Windsor 274-5 

King, James, developed a pottery 

industry in 1830's Ill, 195 

pottery at Raymond Terrace, 1844 196 
King. P. G.. visited Admiral A. 

Phillip at Bath 203 

King, Mount, named 100 

King's Range in Hunter Valley 99 

Kirchner, German Consul at Sydney. 

obtains immigrants 253 

"Kooingal" run. in 1861. held by 
J. Fraser 295 

T ABOUR Party in N.S.W. opposed 

** the Federal Draft Bill, 1391 30 

Lampen Farm, St Neot. Cornwall 

(illus.) 70 

Land Legislation of Queensland .... 323-33 
Landsborough, James, at Raglan 

station, 1860 294 

took up Langmorn, 1862 294 

Lang. Andrew, became owner of 
"Dunmore" and settled many Scot- 
tish migrants on his proyexty .... 128-9 
Lang, George, held grant named 

Dunmore 128 

Lang, Rev. Dr J. D., visited Scone, 

1850 192 

Largs, Rev. Dr Lang responsible for 

the name 132 

"Larkins," ship 241 

Lawson, Wm. explored in the Hunter 

Valley. 1822 100 

Lee. Brig. -Gen. G. L 42 

leichhardt. L., friend of the Archers 282 

Lewis. N. B,, elected as Hon. Auditor 46 

thanked for services (Part VII.) xviii 

Digitized by 



Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Liverpool Plains. N.S.W., examined 

by H. Dangar. 1831 54-55 

native name, Uraboon 101 

"Loch Katrine," »hip, its career .... 245-9 
"Losch Ness," ship, its career .... 245-7 

"Loch Tay," ship, its career 245-7 

Lochinvar, early history of 132-3 

Log blockhouse, illustration of 299 

"Lorn," a grant to Thos McDougall 133 
Lowe, Miss F.. Vice-President of the 

Women's Auxiliary (Part VII.) .... xi 
Lowe, Robert, of Bringelly, sues H. 
Dangar for libel re purchase of a 

horse 11-14 

Luke. Mrs, opened a superior estab- 
lishment for young ladies at Green 

Hills ,. 136 

"Lumberman's Lassie," formerly 

"Windsor Castle" 241 

Lynch, Rev. Father, visits Murrurundi 140 
Lyne, Sir Wm. seldom sided with Sir 
George Reid 39 

Mc ARTHUR, Capt. J. S., of the 
"Aladdin" 224 

Macartney, J. A., owner of "Waver- 

ley" station. Central Queensland .... 293 
McCormish, Capt. J. D., and Capt. 

Cook Memorial at Norfolk Island .... 215 
MacDonald. Peter F., 1857, took up 

"Yemeappo" 292 

MacDonald Papers, list of 338 

McFarlane. Lt-Col P. M 42 

Mclntyre, Peter, complains about H. 

Dangar's method of allocating land 15 
Mackay, Colin Campbell, pioneer of 

Central Queensland ^ 292 

McNab, Mrs, in 1861, held "Kianga" 

run 295 

Macquarie, Lachlan, Governor; Mac- 

quarie portrait at Windsor. 

N.S.W 274-5 

MacKisack, H. W., elected an Hon. 

Auditor 46 

thanked for services (Part VII.) xviii 
"Macquarie," ship, formerly "Mel- 
bourne" 230 

Macqueen, T. Potter, sold his estate, 

"Segenhoe." 1837 112 

"Maida," the ship's career 235 

"Marie Laure," barque, 1840-1943 222-3 

Mactier Prize (Part VII.) xii 

"Marion," ship built by D. Dunbar 235 
May, Commander W. E.; paper : The 

"Reliance" Log-books of Matthew 

Flinders 267-74 

Meat preserving, H. Dangar estab- 
lished works at Newcastle. 1848 .... 61 
"Melbourne," passenger ship .... 227-30 

Merriwa, early history of 193 

Merton. early history of 103,134 

Miles. Lt-Gen. C. G. N 43 

Military Forces. N.S.W. : "Military 

Commandants. 1865-1953," by G. 

A. King 41-43 

"Minnie Downs" bought by the 

Archers in 1873-4 333 

Molly Morgan's. Maitland 105 

Morisset. Major. visited Patrick's 

Plains. 1823 102 

Morpeth, early history of 134-140 

Morse. Rev. John, appointed to Scone, 

1839 150 

opens new church, 1842 191 

Mudie, J., buys land at Morpeth, 

1834 136 

Murray River, control of, considered 

at 1897 (invention 37-40 

Murrurundi, early history of 140-43 

Murulla, named Blandford when rail- 
way opened 125 

Muswellbrook , early history of .... 143-48 
Myall Creek, aborigines massacred .... 64 

NADEL. G.; paper : "Letters from 
German Immigrants in N.S.W." 253-66 
Nainby, F., his soap works at Mor* 

peth. 1844 137 

Naturalization, first, in Australia 96 

NavaL Board's Flag 94 

"Nelson," H.M.S.. the first, launched 

1814 (illus.) ^ 218-20 

a "boys' " training ship in 

Victoria. 1867 219 

"Neotsfield." land grant, 1825 57 

occupied by Henry Dangar and 

family, 1835 59 

auctioneer's description, 1838 .... 59 
Newcastle. N.S.W. : H. Dangar sur- 
veyed the township, 1322 5 

"Nightingale Florence, Sydney Link 

With," by G. A. King 110 

Nimmo, Rev. Jas, preached at the 
first evening service. Church of 

Scotland, Morpeth 138 

Norfolk Island, Capt. Cook Memorial 

at 215 

Norgardt, P., a German immigrant, 

on work and living in N.S.W 261 

Norrie, Dr H., seconded the adoption 

of Annual Report 45 

elected member of (Ik)uncil 46 

Northcott, H.E. Lt-Gen. Sir John, 
spoke at the Society's September 

meeting (Part VII.) vi 

Nowland, T., buys land at Morpeth. 
1834 136 

OLD-AGE Pension Scheme, Federal 
"Otago," a clipper barque,, com- 
manded by Joseph Conrad 251-2 

illustration : "Otago" in Der- 

went River 251 

Oxley, John, praises Dangar highly .... 20 

PALMER, Arthur, arrived in Sydney, 
1838 60 

managed Dangar's properties 23 

years 60 

entered Queensland Parliament, 

1866 '^O 

Knighted, 1881 .... 60 

death of, 1898 60 

Paper manufactured near Maitland, 

1868 :... 112 

Parkes, Sir Henry, and the Federal 

Movement 24 et seq 

dubbed Reid "the arch plotter 

against Federation" 28 

declared that Parliament was unfit 
to deal with the Federal problem 30 
"Parlartd," ship, arrived at Sydney 

with German immigrants .... 254-6 

Paskin, Mrs N., thanked for services 
(Part VII.) xviii 

Digitized by 



Pastoral industry : jrices of stations 

in Central Queensland 306'8 

"Pastoral Settlement in Central 

Queensland.'' paper by V. Voss 281'347 
Paterson, Lt-Col, explored lower 

Hunter River. 1801 97 

Paterson Plains occupied, 1812 102 

Paterson River named 99 

Paterson River of to-day formerly 

called the Hunter 99 

Patrick's Plains, N.S.W., some settlers 

there in 1822 102 

mill erected there. 1829 108 

Pemell, Rev. J., laid foundation stone 

of Methodist church at Singleton .... 200 
Pensions : ''Commonwealth Old-age 
and Invalid Pensions Schemes," by 

T. H. Kewley 153-91 

"Penguin," H.M.A.S., 1876-1953 .... 220 
Phillip, Arthur. Governor, Recognition 
orf, in England : paper by K. R. 

Cramp , 203-11 

at Bath 203 

death of 204 

grave at Bathampton 204 

mural tablet at Bath 205 

tablet in Bath Abbey 206 

his parents .... ..., 208 

Bread Street Memorial 209-11 

date of birth 208 

death of wife, Isabella 204 

memorials to be erected at West 
Circular Qual and at La 

Perouse (Part VII.) « xvi 

Piddington, A. B.. said Reid brought 

rudeness to a fine art 77 

Reid and Barton in a "duel of 

chiefs for chieftainship" 90 

Why Reid scored over Barton .... 91 

on capital city 92 

Pioneers, Archer Bros, of Central 

Queensland 281-347 

Pitman. T. G.. the first man naturalized 

in Australia 96 

Plant, Maj.'Gen. E. C. P 43 

Plumb. Mr. opened the Muswellbrook 

Grammar Schol. 1860 148 

Poldin^. Archbishop, opened R.C. 

church at Scone 192 

Pope. Dr R. J., bequest of XlOO 

(Part VII.) xwii 

Port Stephens examined as site for 

A. A. Co., 1826 10 

Portus. John, has flour mill at 

Morpeth, 1848 137 

Pottery: James King, of Irrawang, 

made brown earthenware .... Ill, 194-6 
Prentice. J. T.. elected member of 

Council 46 

thanked for work on library 

(Part VII xvii 

Price fixing, N.S.W.. 1799-1815 .... 278-9 
"Princhestcr" run held by Van 

Wessem. 1861-70 295 

Purves. Rev. W, preached at the 
first morning service, CHiurch of 
Scotland, Morpeth U8 

attend the 

1897 Federal Conv^nfons 32 

"Early Pastoral Settlement in 
Coastal District of Central 
Queensland." paper by V. 
Ross 281-347 

pABBITS. only pair in Sydney 
** Market. January. 1837, at X3 .... 280 

"Raglan." station, owners 294 

Railways. N.S.W., in Hunter Valley 

district 114 

Railways, Reid opposed Federal 

control 77-81 

Ramaciotti, Brig. -Gen. G 42 

Ranclaud. Col C. M 42 

Rapsey, P. H., has stores at Green 

Hills, 1836 136 

Raymond Terrace, early history of 193-7 
Reuss. Mme de, first woman natura' 

lized in Australia 96 

"Ravensworth." Hunter Valley 106 

formerly called "C^amberwell" .... 125 
Read, Richard, senr. painted the Mac 

quarie portrait at Windsor 275 

Reid, Sir George. His Place in the 
Federal Movement, paper by K. R. 

Cramp 23-41, 76-94 

his political qualities 24 

weaknesses in 1891 draft bill .... 26 
Parkes dubbed him "the arch 
plotter against Federation" .... 28 

portrait of 29 

modified attitude towards the 

Federal question, 1892 30 

Premier of N.S.W., 1894 31 

prOToscd Barton as leader of 1897 

(Convention 33 

Deakih's high praise of Reid at 
the Adelaide Federal Omven- 

tion, 1897 33 

Submitted proposals at the 

Premiers' Conference, 1895 .... 31 
said Federation would cost the 
individual no more than the 

dog tax 34 

limit number of members in House 

or Representatives 35 

relative powers of the two 

Houses 35-37 

Federal control of rivers 37-40 

Sir Wm Lyne seldom sided with 

Reid 39 

his repartee 76-7 

opposed Federal control of rail- 
ways 77-81 

secured a provision that a uniform 
tariff must be imposed within 
two years of inauguration of 

Federal Government 81 

on deadlocks between Federal 

Houses 82-88 

"Yes*No Reid." origin of 89 

his promptness of action led to 

1899 Referendum 89-92 

tributes to Reid by his contem- 
poraries 92 

Reid. J., held "Camboon" run in 

1861-74 295 

"Reliance" Log-books of Matthew 

Flinders 267-74 

method of repairing the ship 269-72 
Richards. J., surveyor, explored with 

H. Dangar. 1842 8-10 

Richardson. Maj.'Gen. J. S 41-42 

'Rio." station, Queensland 290 

Rivers, Federal control of 37-40 

Roberts, Col C. F 42 

Roberts, Prof.. S. H.. his book. "The 
Squatting Age in Australia. 1835- 
49"; facts used by E. C. Rowland 61 

Digitized by 



koyai Australian tiistoncal Socieiy. 

Robison, Hugh, held "Callinugal" in 

1861 295 

Rofc Priic.(Part VII.) xi 

Rogers. Anthony, friend of Henry 

Dangar 5. 14. 15. 49 

"Rosemount" at Whittingham property 

of A. A. Dangar 75 

Rotton. Walter, helped the Singleton 

Mechanics' Institute, 1856 200 

Rowland, E. C; paper on **The Life 
and Times of Henry Dangar" 1*23, 49-76 

elected Hon. Secretary .... 46 

thanks for services over a number 
of years, and presentation made 

to him (Part VII.) xviii 

Royal Australian Historical Society 
52nd Annual Meeting, Report .... 44'46 
The Govcrnor'Gencral, Field' 
Marshal Sir Wm Slim, grants 
his Patronage to the Society vi 
53rd Annual Report (Part VII.) 
Her Majesty's (Coronation .... ii 
(Loyal Address to H.M. the 

Queen |» 

membership ii 

deaths i" 

affiliated societies — Hi 

fellowship »^ 

members' meetings iv 

Council meetings, attendances .... vi 

the Society's Patrons vi 

Historical Societies in the country vii 
Honorary Research Secretary .... vii 

excursions vii 

Federal Grant x 

speakers from the Society .... x 

prizes xi 

Women's Auxiliary xi 

social group xiU 

C^pt. Arthur Phillip Memorials xvi 

the Library xvii 

donations xvii 

acknowledgments xvii 

income and expenditure account xix 

balance sheet xx 

History House income and 

expenditure xxi 

list of members xxii'xxxiii 

Rydge. W. 45 

Rusden, surveyor, made plan of town* 

ship of Aberdeen, 1838 123 

marked out village of Ailsa 124 

**OT. Lawrence," passenger ship, 6^c. 234 
^ Salt to be made by Andrew 

Thompson, 1804 347 

G. Blaxcell and John Blaxland 

sell at 2d. per lb. in 1811 .... 347 
M. Bacon had salt pans in Middle 

Harbour 348 

Satge, Oscar de, of "Park Downs" 

324, 329 
"Samuel Plimsoll," clipper, career 

of 242-45 

Schank's Plains named 99 

Schubach, Miria £., a German 

immigrant, on living in N.S.W 264 

Schubach, S., a German immigrant, 

on living in N.S.W 262-3 

on clergy visiting on sbipboard 265 
Scone, early history of .... 149'50. 191-3 
Scotland Island, salt pans for sale, 
1810 347 

Seal. (Hias, a great Australian whale- 
man 224 

Secombc. Lt-Gen. V. C 43 

"Segenhoe," grant to T. Potter 

Macqueen, sold in 1837 112 

Sellin, Miss G., thanked for services 

(Part VII.) xviii 

Seppelt, Miss E., Vice-President of the 
Women's Auxiliary (Part VII.) .... xi 
Shaw. Mrs J. A.. Vice-President of 
the Women's Auxiliary (Part VII.) xi 
Shcan. John, labourer for H. Dangar 63 
Shipbuilding on the Hunter River .... 120 
Sibly, Grace, married by Henry 

Dangar. 1828 52 

Singleton. Benjamin, occupied land 

near Cockfighters' Creek, 1822 .... 102 

district constable 102 

erected a mill at Patrick's Plains, 

1829 ; 198 

Singleton, Joseph, kept "Plough Inn" 

at Singleton in 1827 198 

Singleton, early history of 198-202 

Slim, Field-Marshal Sir William. 

grants his patronage to the Society 

94 (Part VII.). vi. 
Smith, C^pt. "Black Billy," had acute 

sense of position and direction .... 222 
Smith, Geo., labourer for Wm Dangar 63 

Socialists in Sydney. 1840 280 

"Sobraon," dipper, her career, with 

illustration 233, 237-40 

fast sailor 237 

two acres of canvas 237 

Capt. J. A. Elmslie 237 

as Nautical School Ship 239 

as boys' training ship 239 

renamed H.M.A.S. "Tingira" .... 239 

Spalding, Col W. W 42 

"Squatters are the aristocracy of the 

colony" (Queensland), wrote A. 

Trollope 322 

Squatting : "The Squatting Age in 

Australia. 1835-49." by Prof. S. H. 

Roberts: facts used by E. C. Row- 
land 61 

development of 61 

Henry Dangar's activities ..*. 62 

Stanley, Mr, builder at Muswellbrook, 

1842 144 

"Star of Peace," clipper, career of 245 
Stein, Johannes, with his brothers. 
Stein, Joseph, a German immigrant, 

vintners in Macarthur's employ .... 254 

a vintner at Camden 262-4 

Stephen, A. E., elected Vice-President 46 

Sturdee, Lt-Gcn. V. A. H 43 

"Success," convict ship, career of 235-7 
Sutherland, John, station overseer for 

S. B. Birkbeck at 30/- a week .... 301 
Suttor, Miss R., Vice-President of the 

Women's Auxiliary (Part VII.) .... xi 
Swinbourne, Major C. A., elected 

member of Council 46 

Sydney Hospital : "Sydney Link with 

Florence Nightingale," by G. A. 

King 150 

•FANGERIN, formerly Mt Elisabeth 99 
* Tawell, J., buys land at Morpeth, 

1834 136 

Taylor. Lt-Col H. T. C 42 

Tea, price variecf very much in 

Sydney, 1792-1825 152 

Tcbbutt, J. L., had a mill at Murru- 

Digitized by 




rundi 14 J 

Thompson. Andrew, made salt. 1804 347 
Thompson. H. R.. seconded the adop' 
tion of Society^s balance sheet, 6rc. 

elected member of Council 

"Tilpal." taken up by the Elliotts .... 
"Tina Lunga." native name of Hunter 

Valley ..« 

"Tingira.'* H.M.A.S., formerly named 


Tobacco growing in Hunter Valley 108' 10 
Tobacco : Thomas Horton James, the 
^ Father of Australian tobacco .. 
*Torilla,*' run. in 1361. held by 

Campbell and Newbold 

TroUope. A., wrote that "the squatters 
are the aristocracy of the colony'' 


"Turanville," home of Wm Dangar. 


passed to Thos Cook 

"Twickenham Meadows.'* Hunter 


■*Tyburnia." passenger ship, her career 

230 32 








.... 103 


RABOON. native 
pool Plains 

name of Liver- 


^7AN-Wessen. Mr, owner of "Prin- 

^ Chester" run. 1861 295 

"Vaughan, Archbishop, laid foundation 

stone of church at Singleton 200 

"* 'Velocity." brig, once owned by Ben 

Boyd .... 225 

***Vcrnor," passenger ship, her career 


"Vineyards in Hunter Valley 110-11 

A/^iticulture— German immigrants in 

N.S.W 253-66 

"Voss, Vivian; paper : "Early Pastoral 

Settlement in the Coastal District 

of Central Queensland" 281-347 


ADDELL. Col A. W 42 

Wages for work on Queensland 
sutions 318-9 

Wakefield. Viscount, unveiled tabletf 

in Bath Abbey to memory of Gov. 

Phillip 206 

made a gift of the Bread Street 

Memorial 209-11 

Valker. Miss Julia, sister of James 

Walker, and wife of Wm Archer .... 282 

Wallack. Col E. T 42 

Wallis Plains occupied between 1818- 

21 102 

"Walloon," run held by A. Ferguson, 

1861 295 

Want, J. H.. called Federation ."a 

fashionable fad" 28 

Warland, Mr, gave land to help 

Anglican Churcn at Murrurundi .... 142 

Warrah station 56 

"Waverley." station of J. A. 

Macartney. Central Queensland .... 293 

Wemyss River named 101 

Whaling vessels : Tasmanian ex-whalers 221 
White. G. B., surveyor in Hunter 

Valley 108 

White, Rev. J. S., opened Presbyterian 

church at Scone, 1861 192 

"Windsor Castle," clipper, career 

of .; ,241-2 

renamed "Lumberman's Lassie'* 241 
Wine, first made west of Blue Moun- 
tains. 1831 314 

Women in politics, favoured by Sir G. 

Reid 33 

price per lb. of Gracemere clip .... 304 
Wool : average weight of fleece and 
Wright, Hugh, elected Vice-President 46 
thanked for work on the library 

(Part Vn.) xvii 

Wynter, Lt-Gen. H. D 43 

r.Y.Z.," who was 7 

.... 275-77 

"VALLAROI" run acquired by H. 

* Dangar. 1859 65 

"Yemeappo" taken up, 1857 292 

York, Mount, in Hunter Valley. 

named 99 

Young. Wm, of Mt Larcombe station, 

1855 292 

D. S. Ford, Printers, 44-50 Reservoir Street, Sydney. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Roval Attstralfan Rfstorfcal Society 


Vol. XXXIX. 1953! Part I. 

The Society does not hold itself responsible for statements made 
or opinions expressed by authors of the papers published in th%M 

The Life and Times of Henry Dangar. 

By E. C. ROWLAND, F.R.Hist.S., F.R.G.S. (Fellow). 

{Read before the Society, March 25, W52,) 



The Dangar family was originally French, and, being 
Huguenot in faith, migrated to the Channel Islands, 
settling in Jersey at the time of the Revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes in 1685. This Edict, promulgated in 
1598 by Henri IV. of France, granted religious liberty to 
the Huguenots or French Protestants. It was confirmed 
by Louis XIII., his successor, in 1614, but was revoked 
by Louis XIV. in 1685. The Dangar family moved from 
Jersey at the beginning of the 18th century and settled 
in Cornwall.^ 

William, the father of Henry Dangar, was born at 
Lampen Farm in the Parish of St Neot, Cornwall, in 1772^ 
but at the age of fifteen he went to live in Looe under 
the eye of his uncle William. He returned to St Neot 
not long after his marriage on March 31, 1794, to Judith, 
daughter of John Hooper of Helligan, Bodmin. What- 
ever vocation he followed in Looe, he seems to have been 
successful, for in an old notebook of Uncle William's, now 
in the possession of Mr Neville Dangar, it is recorded that 
his nephew, wife and servant had returned to St Neot. 
Here, on the southern edge of Bodmin Moor, Henry, the 
Australian pioneer, was born on November 18, 1796. He 
was baptised in the Parish Church on January 25, 1797, 
by the Rev. William Batt.^ 

From this very early stage until Henry arrived in 

1. Australian Men of Marie, p. 318 et seq, 

2. From the Baptism Register of the Parish Church of St Neot. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

2 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Australia, there is an amazing absence of information 
about him. Unless he was educated at home by a tutor, 
there are two schools to which he could have gone : 

(1) Liskeard Grammar School, near the Castle of 

(2) Truro Grammar School, Truro. 

Of the first, apart from the fact that it was a place where 
many famous scholars and men of learning were educated, 
little else is known, as it closed in 1843. 

One small fact which may be a connexion here is an 
entry in the records of the Liskeard Corporation, showing 
that the salary of the master-in-charge was donated by the 
Eliot family. It was a member of this local family, the 
Earl of St Germans, who nominated Henry Dangar as a 
free settler in New South Wales. It is possible the Earl 
knew Dangar through his interest in the school. Unfor- 
tunately all the records of the school have been lost. 

The second school, now called the Cathedral School, 
Truro, seems the equally likely, although all its early 
records have also disappeared, either, it is said, through a 
fire or through removal by a jealous headmaster who did 
not receive promotion to which he felt he was entitled.* 
I personally feel that this school is more likely, as, when 
Henry Dangar revisited England and lived in London in 
the early 'fifties, he sent his son Albert Augustus to this 
school for two or three years. Why should he do this, 
passing innumerable good schools in London and between 
there and Cornwall, unless it was a desire to send his son 
to his own school ? If this assumption is correct, then 
Henry would have been at the school during the head- 
mastership of Thomas Hogg, who numbered amongst his 
pupils Humphry Davy, the famous scientist, Henry Martyn, 
Clement Carlyon, and Henry Turner, M.P. 

The only other clue we have about his early life is 
a clause in a long letter which Henry Dangar sent to 
Lord Glenelg through Governor Bourke in 1836. In this 
he states ''having been bred a surveyor.'' In the posses- 
sion of Mr Neville Dangar is a small notebook containing 
exercises in stereometry set out and explained by Henry's 
uncle, Anthony Cary, and, as this book has been passed 
down through Henry's family, it is reasonable to assume 

3. Information supplied by the Headmaster of the Cathedral School, 
Truro, and the Liskeard County Grammar School. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dtmga/r. 3 

that Anthony Gary played a part in the training of Henry 
Dangar as a surveyor. 

What turned the young lad's thoughts to New South 
Wales ? Here again we have no definite clue, but there 
are all sorts of possibilities. Captain William Bligh lived 
in a neighbouring parish in Cornwall, and he had returned 
to his home in the later years of Henry's school career. 
Could the ex-Governor have led Henry's thoughts in this 
direction ? Perhaps Anthony Rogers of Liskeard, a 
friend of the Dangar family, who seemed to have contacts 
with many leading people at the time, might have been 
the intermediary. Bligh would know the need for good 
surveyors in New South Wales. 

All we can say for certain, however, is that Mr 
Anthony Rogers brought Henry to the notice of his patron, 
the first Earl of St Germans, who recommended to the 
British Government that Henry be allowed to emigrate to 
New South Wales.* This was necessary, for New South 
Wales was still looked upon as a convict colony. The 
day of the assisted migrant had not yet arrived, and even 
those intending settlers who could afford to pay their 
passages had to receive authority to do so. Permission 
was granted, and Henry Dangar arrived in Sydney on 
April 2, 1821, by the ship Jessie^ commanded by Captain 
Wolbrow.^ William and his brother Thomas arrived by 
the Cumberland on November 11, 1825.® 

The energy and activity of Henry commended them- 
selves to Surveyor-General John Oxley, at whose home he 
was a frequent guest. From the Sydney Gazette of that 
time we learn that a fowling piece of Henry's, marked 
"Hervey Exeter London," had been stolen from the Oxley 
home at Kirkham, and a reward of £5 for its return was 
offered. Oxley approached Governor Macquarie with a 
request for two assistant surveyors to assist him in the 
increasing work of his department, and recommended 
William Harper and Henry Dangar for the positions. As 
the years had passed, many under sentence were freed, 
and also an increasing number of free settlers arrived, all 
needing land. Thus Oxley 's request was a genuine one. 
Macquarie acceded to it, and Henry was appoi^ited an 

4. Historical Records of Australia, Series I., Vol. XII., pp. 496-7. 

5. Sydney Gazette, April 4, 1821. 

6. Historical Records of Australia, Series I., Vol. X., p. 541. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

4 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Assistant Survieyor as from July 1, 1821, at a salary of 
six shillings per diemJ 


Dangar was not long in receiving his first task. On 
March 31, 1821, Governor Macquarie had asked John Oxley 
to have a survey made of the district of Bargo, in the 
County of Argyle, the country previously visited by 
Throsby. The appointment of two assistants enabled the 
Surveyor-General to put the work in hand at once, and 
Dangar was despatched before July was over. The task 
took some time, for when Hamilton Hume left Appin to 
select land in the Argyle County in the following January 
he reported passing Dangar busy at his task and staying 
at Mr Charles Wright's farm at the time. No field book 
of Dangar 's of this survey has survived, but the Sydney 
Gazette of October 26, 1821, speaks of it being in the 
Argyle and Camden Counties. 

Four years later, Dangar was again in these southern 
regions surveying in the County of Camden. He followed 
a route from D'arrietta's Farm® to the ford at Stone 
Quarry Creek, through the Parishes of Camden and Picton, 
surveying Hannibal Macarthur's farm of 1060 acres and 
the Parish of Weronba. 

Otherwise Henry Dangar 's work as Assistant Surveyor 
was centred in the Hunter River Valley, although an area 
of 700 acres in the Cowpastures district was measured by 
Surveyor Harper in January, 1822, for a grant to Henry 
Dangar, the property to be known as Neotsfield.® This 
grant, however, was not taken up, and the name was trans- 
ferred to a property later selected in the Hunter Valley. 

There are two surveyor's field books in the Mitchell 
Library, Nos. 193 and 194, both of which are attributed 
to Dangar. The books each cover a journey starting on 
March 14, 1822, at a point about two miles south of New- 
castle, working northwards, in which Oak Swamp (prob- 
ably present-day Hexham Swamps), Mr Piatt's house 
C'lronbark''), Ash Island, Spit Island, Mount Kenworthy, 
the mouth of Wallis Creek, and Mr Brown's cottage were 
passed before the survey was completed on April 29. Both 

7. Field Book 182 in the MitcheU Library, Sydney. 

8. Morton Park, near Picton. 

9. Field Book 182 in the MitcheU Library, Sydney. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar. 5 

books have the same entries, those of No. 194 being a little 
more detailed and more complete. The writing in the 
first is not like that of Henry Dangar, and changes in style 
after the entry for March 24. It is probably a copy. 
The writing in the second is much more like Dangar 's, and 
was most likely his work. It is difficult to assess a value 
to these books, and it is suggested in the Mitchell Library 
catalogue that No. 193 at least might be the work of 
Surveyor McBrien. 

After consulting with historical authorities in New- 
castle, it seems to me that this trip was carried out by boat, 
or by a party walking along the banks of the Hunter 
River by way of the present site of Raymond Terrace and 
Morpeth. Mount Kenworthy would probably be Mount 
Kanwary, shown on Lands Department maps on very 
nearly the same bearing as that given by Dangar. 
Lieutenant Kenworthy was attached to the garrison at 
Newcastle until 1814.^® The journey would finish some- 
where near the present site of Maitland. 

We are on definite ground when we come to Field 
Book 195, covering the period from August 2, 1822, until 
March 13, 1823. It begins with a survey of the township 
of Newcastle, or King's Town in the Parish of Newcastle, 
as Governor Brisbane called it when, in 1823, he threw 
the former convict settlement open to emigrants, mechanics 
and settlers. Dangar described Newcastle at this period 
in these words : — 

Its public and government buildings consist of a church, once 
a neat edifice, but latterly divine service has not been performed 
in it, in consequence of the steeple being considered unsafe, which 
is now taken down; the other public buildings are the residence of 
the resident Police Magistrate, Parsonage house. Surgeon's quarters, 
Court House, Officers' quarters. Store, Military Barracks and Guard 
Room, Hospital, Gaol, etc. with the Fort on the extremity of the 
neck commanding the entrance to the Harbour. Its public houses 
do not yet amount to more than from 25 to 30 and 200 inhabitants.! i 

Dangar began to survey and lay out the township of 
Newcastle, but it appears that his first plan was not accept- 
able, and he drew up another one in 1823, which was 
approved. He records that he began the town survey 
near the Government Wharf, and on the right of the coal 
yard. A copy of his final plan was included in the Hunter 

10. From information supplied by the Eesearch Officer of the Lands 

Department (Mr B. T. Dowd), Sydney. 
31. Hunter Biver Directory (Dangar), pp. 47-8. 

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6 Ro%fal Australian Historical Society. 

River Index and Directory which he published in England 
in 1828. The names of the persons to whom the various 
allotments in the town had been granted are shown, and 
it is noted that Dangar himself had been given allotment 

From the township at the mouth of the Hunter River, 
Dangar turned his attention to the Hunter Valley. We 
find him at Wallis Plains on November 18, 1822, and at 
Patrick's Plains on December 6. He returned to New- 
castle on January 11, 1823, no doubt to draft the second 
plan of the township as mentioned above, but by February 
1 he was back at Wallis Plains. He notes the fact that he 
checks and surveys the boundaries of the grants of some 
of those pioneer settlers of the Valley — George Mitchell, 
Patrick Riley, John Smith, — . Eckford, John Allen, 
Thomas Bradman and Pat. Malony. By February 8 he 
was at Patterson 's Plains. His work consisted principally 
of definitely surveying and marking on the map the boun- 
daries or section lines of grants formerly made. 

Of this period, Surgeon P. Cunningham, in his book, 
Two Years in New South W'aleSy published in 1827,^^ 
wrote : — 

It is but a few years back when Mr. Dangar was sent down to 
Hunter's River to complete the survey of the land in that settlement, 
none worthy of measurement being supposed to exist above 25 miles 
up the stream — ^which he was assured by the Commandant (stationed 
at Newcastle) had its origin in some barren mountains thereabouts, 
he having traced it — as he declared — in a boat to near its source. 
Mr. Dangar went on exploring, however, measuring and opening out 
every "week some new tract of land until he had worked his way in 
a boat to the district of Patrick's Plains,i3 forty-five miles from 
Newcastle. Here to his great surprise, he perceived several stock- 
men at work, who, on seeing his boat advance toward them, instantly 
threw down their tools and dived into the bush, alarmed at his sudden 
and unlocked for invasion. They turned out to be the servants of 
some Hawkesbury settlers who had explored the present route over 
the Bulga and had brought their cattle to graze upon the rich plains 
they had discovered. From the distant and circuitous route traversed 
they did not positively know what river they had built their huts 
upon, but at all events never dreamt of being so near Newcastle. 

Twenty-three field books of Surveyor Henry Dangar 
are preserved in the Mitchell Library, and of these twenty- 

12. Two Years in New South Wales (P. Cunningham), Vol. I., 
pp. 168-9. 

13. Discovered and named on St Patrick's Day, 1820, by John Howe 
and party. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar, 7 

one cover journeys in the Hunter Valley extending through 
the Counties of Northumberland, Durham and Brisbane. 
This ** indefatigable surveyor of the Hunter Valley," as 
he has been called, claimed to have surveyed 579,000 acres 
of land in these journeys.^* 

At the back of Field Book No. 195 there is a letter 
dated April 4, 1823, from Henry Dangar to the Police 
Magistrate at Newcastle, Majxor Morisset, requesting shoes 
for his men, two previous letters on the subject having 
been ignored. He informs Major Morisset that he plans 
to remain at Township JNo. 17 until a boat is sent to Wallis 
Plains. It certainly would be difficult for a surveying 
party to do their work effectively without shoes ! 

Perhaps the best way to convey the extent of survey 
work done by Henry Dangar during the years 1822 to 1828 
would be to give a very brief summary of the journeys 
in those books. By reference to the map, the value of his 
contribution to the colony will be evident : 

Field Books Nos. 193, 194 and 195 have already been 

Field Book 196 — ^Remarking of section lines at town- 
ships Nos. 17 and 20 ; survey of Parishes of Middle- 
hope, Wolfingham, Gosforth and Heddon (1822- 

Field Book 208— An extension of No. 196 with the 
addition of the Parish of Darlington (1823). 

Field Book 209 — Survey of section of Hunter River 
and Wallis Creek, with farms and leases in the 
Parishes of Middlehope, Branxton and Gosforth 

Field Book 210 — Survey in Parishes of Belford and 
Whittingham (1823)\ 

Field Book 211— Survey in Parish of Sedgefield (1823). 

Field Book 212 — Survev in Parish of Darlington 

Field Book 213 — ^Farms adjacent to another section 
of the Hunter River; traverse of Glendon Brook, 
West Brook, Pond's Creek and adjacent farms 

14. Dangar's memorial to the Secretary of State enclosed in Governor 
Bourke's Despatch No. 118, dated 1836. 

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8 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Field Book 215 — In Parishes of Gosforth, Seaham 
and Middlehope; bearings taken in vicinity of 
Sugar Loaf Hill ; tracing course of Black Creek 
and portion of Hunter River (1823). 
Field Book 218— Traverse of left bank of Hunter 
River from the township of Auckland to Fal Brook 
and from Lemington to Auckland upwards ; survey 
in Parishes of Auckland, Ravensworth and the 
course of Fal Brook (1824). 
Field Book 219 — ^An extension of areas surveyed in 

No. 218 (1824). 
Field Book 220— Survey of Lidell, WoUombi Creek, 
Lemington and Whybrow in the Parishes of Wark- 
worth and Wollombi (1824). 
Field Book 221— The Hunter River from Wollombi 

Creek to the Isis River (1824). 
Field Book 222 — Iron Bark Creek and the township 

of Warkworth (1824-6). 
Field Book 223 — Branxton, Alnwick, Warkworth and 

Whittingham (1824-5). 
Field Book 236 — Divisions of the Counties of Nor- 
thumberland and Durham (1825). 
Field Book 237— In the County of Camden (1825). 
Field Book 249 — Farms in the vicinity of the Parishes 
of Russell, Macqueen, Strathearn, and on Pages 
River, Muscle Brook, Dart Brook and KJingdon 
Ponds (1826). 
Field Book 250 — Parishes of Scone and Strathearn in 

the County of Brisbane (1826). 
Field Book 251— Extension of No. 250 (1826). 
Field Book 252 — Survey of Goulburn River and other 

parts of the Brisbane County (1826). 
In addition to this extensive work, Dangar was able 
to do two other jobs of a more exploratory nature which 
had a far-reaching effect on the development of the colony. 
In October, 1824, he was engaged in the survey 
noted in Field Book No. 221. On this occasion the party 
consisted of Dangar and J. Richards, both Government 
surveyors, two other men and a black boy. They had left 
P. Thorley's farm at Patrick's Plains on October 7 with 
the intention of journeying, if possible, to the Liverpool 
Plains, access to which was then only possible by the 
Bathurst Plains and Pandora's Pass. After crossing the 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar. 9 

WoUombi Creek, the party followed the river for several 
days, although Dangar expressed disappointment at the 
direction it was taking, it being a more south-westerly than 
north-westerly one. On October 9 the party came to a creek, 
called by Dangar Dart Brook, where a tree was suitably 
marked H.D. over J.R. He described the land there as 
rich meadow land, an eligible tract for colonization. This 


(From the original in possession of R. N. Dangar, Esq., Sydney.) 
(Block by courtesy Dangar. Gedye, Malloch Ltd.) 

is of interest, as it was an area later settled by William 
Dangar. Blacks visited the party while they were in the 
neighbourhood, showing great confidence in the white men. 
No attacks were experienced, but, in spite of a careful 
watch, two tin pots disappeared. Lemmoran Creek^^ was 
discovered and named on October 12. On the following 

15. Probably the Sparks Creek of to-day. 

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10 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

day an early start was made, as it was felt that the dis- 
covery of the Liverpool Plains was imminent. Lemmoran 
Vale appeared to be of a rich nature. A tree was marked 
at this stage. A passable route was then discovered over the 
mountains/® and the Liverpool Plains were entered for a 
distance of four miles. This new route was a distance of 
135 miles from Newcastle. A stock route follows the track 
now. Further advances were halted by an attack made 
by a party of about 150 natives. The trouble lasted for 
three hours, and a pack horse loaded with provisions was 
killed. One man was also speared. The booty of the 
pack horse and its provisions seemed to absorb the attention 
of the natives and enabled Dangar's party to withdraw 
safely. They returned to Dr Bowman's farm, Archerfield, 
in the higher part of the Hunter Valley.^^ Subsequent 
overlanders followed this route discovered by Dangar and 
his party. 

•The second task was undertaken at the request of 
Surveyor-General Oxley in 1826. On January 1 Henry 
Dangar, with the resident Commissioner of the newly 
formed Australian Agricultural Company, Mr Robert 
Dawson, set off to examine the country around Port 
Stephens, which had been suggested as a site for the opera- 
tions of that Company. On landing at Port Stephens, the 
party moved up the Karuah River and established camp 
about fourteen miles from the mouth. From this camp, 
journeys were undertaken in several directions and reports 
made. Commissioner Dawson seemed satisfied, and selected 
a site near the mouth of the Karuah River as a suitable 
one for the Company's headquarters. A schooner was 
then sent to Port Stephens with men, materials and stores, 
and a settlement was begun. ^® 

Henry Dangar later played a more important part in 
the affairs of the Australian Agricultural Company, but 
that will be mentioned at a later stage. 

Enough has been said to show the extensive and ex- 
haustive work undertaken by Henry Dangar as a Govern- 
ment surveyor until his dismissal in 1827. It is true to 

16. Probably Cedar Brush of to-day. 

17. Field Book No. 221 in the MitcheU Library; Sydney Gazette, 
November 11, 1824; Australian, December 23, 1824. 

18. The Australian Agricultural Company, 18S4'1875 (Qregson), 
p. 24 et seq. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar, 11 

say that no one had such an intimate knowledge of the 
Hunter Valley as he did. From end to end he traversed 
the land, measuring, mapping and noting, and on his 
reports the gradual settlement of the upper parts of the 
Valley became possible as free settlers to the colony 


Although he was kept busily occupied with surveying 
tasks, Henry Dangar found time to be involved in a law 


(From the original in possession of R. N. Dangar, Esq., Sydney.) 
(Block by courtesy Dangar,. Gedye, Malloch Ltd.) 

suit for alleged libel in the Sydney Supreme Court, and 
thereby hangs a tale. 

Part of Dangar 's duties was to instruct the son of 
Robert Lowe, a landowner and magistrate living at Birling 
Farm, Bringelly, in the art of surveying. How successful 

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12 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

the tuition was has not been recorded, but it appears 
certain that most cordial relations existed between teacher 
and pupil. In fact, Henry Dangar received several 
invitations both from the lad and from his father to visit 
the Lowes' home. At last he agreed to do so, and found 
himself a welcome guest. 

In the course of conversation with his host, Dangar 
stated he was looking for a more suitable horse to carry 
him on his travels. Lowe at once offered to help, and 
produced for Dangar an apparently fine horse of alleged 
good stock. He offered the animal to Dangar in exchange 
for the latter 's mare, plus an additional £25. The offer 
was accepted, and, after spending some further time with 
his host, he set off on his way back to Sydney. But, alas ! 
the well-bred horse was completely exhausted by the time 
home was reached. 

Dangar wrote a rather indignant letter to Lowe re- 
questing the return of his former horse, hut this was 
refused. In the correspondence that followed, Dangar 
said he thought he had been dealing with a gentleman, but 
he was now of the opinion he had had transactions with 
a horse-dealer. But all the correspondence could not alter 
Lowe's decision. Dangar thereupon took a line of action 
frequently adopted by those who are frustrated in their 
efforts — he wrote to the press ! 

In the Sydney Gazette of January 2, 1828 there 
appeared a letter, parts of which are worthy of repetition : 


As wonders and monstrosities are often occurring in this "land 
of peaches and pound notes," I fear what I am about to address 
you on will not meet the attention the case merits, but as my 
feelings are somewhat hurt, I am brought to the task of relating 
to you some facts connected with my being most completely horse- 
jockied of late. 

I have spent some years in the country, which you teU us is 
rapidly advancing to prosperity, but you must know my avocations 
have obliged me to be in the bush the greater part of my time, 
consequently I know little of the people I live amongst; but costly 
experience now, Mr. Editor, informs me that there is something 
quite incompatible in the principles of some folks here. 

You must know that I took it into my head, a few weeks since, 
to take a pleasurable ride into the country, and having some little 
precious acquaintance with one of your J.P.'s, Whose castle and 
domain is about 30 miles from your metropolis, and from whom 
and other members of the family I had received repeated invitations 
to visit them, I consequently bent my course thitherward. This 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar, 13 

geaiieman, for such I must call him, as one of the late Governors 
did make an Esquire of him, whose name is not Lough or Love, 
but something like it, and for brevity sake I shall call him Mr. L. 
Dangar then proceeds to tell the story of the purchase 
of the horse, a Herculean animal, and its dismal perform- 
ance. He also tells of the refusal of Mr L. to return to 
the status quo, and mentions that Mr L. had refused to 
seek arbitration as suggested by Dangar, but would take 
the matter to law, with W. C. Wentworth defending. Of 
his attitude to this action, he writes : — 

I'll not go to law with him. I have found him wanting in 
every feeling of friendship and honour; therefore let him quietly 
exult in the victory he has obtained and enjoy the fruits thereof. 
.... As I quietly sit down with the loss I have already sustained, 
I shall debit myself for the amount in my cash memorandum : "To 
cost of experience in purchasing a horse of a Botany Bay gentle- 
man." I shall also note that in dealing with Squire L., "I paid 
dear for my whistle." 

After mentioning the financial aspect of the case after 
he had sold this wonderful horse, Dangar concludes : — 
So much, Mr. Editor, for the principles of my honourable friend. 
I can no longer recognise him as such; I can no better designate 
him than the wolf in the habit of a lamb. I hope I shall never 
meet with "his like again." 

I am. Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

John Bull. 

In the Sydney Gazette a fortnight later there appeared 
a letter from the pen of Robert Lowe designating Henry 
Dangar as* the author of the *' scurrilous and unfounded 
attack,'' full of '* gross misrepresentation.'' Lowe informs 
readers that, as soon as possible, he is giving Dangar a 
chance to defend himself at law, and appeals to the public 
to suspend opinion until then. 

On January 19 Dangar received a letter from the oflSce 
of W. C. Wentworth, signed by the lawyer's clerk, C. H. 
Chambers, notifying Dangar that Wentworth had received 
instructions from Mr Robert Lowe to take proceedings 
against him on account of the above publication in the 
Sydney Gazette. The letter requested Dangar ta name 
his attorney, so that the process of the Court may be 

Dangar engaged Wentworth 's partner, Dr Wardell, 
and the case came before the Court in August of the same 

19. Wentworth's Letter Book A1440 in the Mitchell Library, Sydney. 

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14 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

year. The Sydney Gazette of August 9 reports the case 
briefly, stating that Lowe claimed damages of £400. The 
result was a verdict for Lowe of £25 damages and costs — 
somewhat of an anti-climax. 


One might be forgiven for thinking that all would be 
well with a surveyor who worked so consistently for the 
Government. iWith so few competent surveyors at work 
and so much surveying to do, it would have appeared to 
be good policy for the Government to keep their oflScers 
contented. But with Henry Dangar there seems to have 
been rumblings of trouble at a very early stage. 

At the beginning, it will be recalled, William Harper 
and Henry Dangar were appointed assistants to the 
Surveyor-General at a salary of six shillings per day, or 
£109/10/- per annum. Prom the beginning of January, 
1823, this was increased to £200 per annum without any 
allowances, Dangar being designated Second Assistant 
(Harper being the first). Then trouble started. Three 
men arrived from England in 1825 with official recommen- 
dations from the British Government, and were appointed 
surveyors over Dangar with salaries of £250 per annum, 
with additional allowances for lodging and forage. This 
reduced Dangar to the position of Fifth Assistant, a retro- 
grade step instead of an advancement after four years' 
service. This Dangar rightly felt was *' vexatious and 
discouraging.'' The Surveyor- General, who knew the 
value of Dangar 's work, approached Governor Brisbane 
with the request that he equalize the salaries. But in this 
the easy-going ruler declined to interfere. 

Dangar thereupon took the only other course open to 
him — an appeal to the Secretary of State, Lord Bathurst. 
He sent a memorial to him, dated December 12, 1825, and 
at the same time appealed to his friend, Anthony Rogers 
of Liskeard, to do what he could in the matter. Rogers 
apparently was successful in obtaining assurances from 
Lord Bathurst that Dangar 's position would be rectifi.ed. 
The Secretary of State seems to have forgotten these 
promises, howeyeij', for on August 13, 1826, the Under- 
Secretary, H^y, wrote to Governor Darling that the 
Secretary of State declined to act in the matter unless 
other circumstances • warranted it; so in the quarterly 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar, 15 

returns in the following September, Dangar still appears 
as Fifth Assistant with a salary of £200 per annum.^^ 

Something may have stirred Bathurst's memory a 
short while after, for he wrote to Darling on December 12, 
1826, to inform him that Dangar was to have an increase 
of £50 per annum in salary upon the retirement of William 
Harper, the First Assistant, into whose position he was to 
step. Bathurst states that he feels, somewhat belatedly 
as it turned out, that the salaries of such officers should 
be such as would place temptation beyond their reach.^^ 
Perhaps Anthony Rogers had again written to Lord 
Bathurst, but trace of that letter has been lost. 

However, before the matter could be fully implemented, 
Dangar was involved in a serious dispute which eventually 
led to his dismissal from office. 

On March 11, 1827, Governor Darling reported to 
Lord Bathurst that a free settler in the colony, Mr Peter 
Mclntyre, agent in the colony for the British member of 
Parliament, Mr Potter Macqueen, had made a serious 
complaint dated October 23, 1826, about Dangar 's method 
of allocating land. The complaint was that Dangar 
unduly and unwarrantably appropriated to himself and his brother 
land on the Hunter Eiver lying between Dart Brook and Kingdom 
Ponds so as to prevent him, Mr. Mclntyre, from having that priority 
of selection to which he considered he was entitled as agent for 
Mr. Potter Macqueen, as well as for his brother and himself. 

Apart from any other aspect of the case, it was most 
unfortunate that the matter arose at this stage, for Darling, 
trained in the efficient methods of the staff of the Horse 
Guards, was somewhat appalled at the lax methods of 
several of his Government departments. He had begun 
to rectify matters, and Captain John Piper, the Naval 
Officer, had found it necessary both to resign and to sell 
several of his properties to cover the deficiencies in the 
accounts of his department. So that any alleged irregu- 
larities of another Government officer would not receive 
much sympathy from the Governor. In fact. Darling did 
behave in a very high-handed way with Dangar. 

Darling was busily engaged in other matters at the 
time, and he asked his secretary, Macleay, to make a full 
inquiry into the matter. For this purpose the Land 

20. Historical Becords of Australia, Series I., Vol. XII., pp. 494 
et seq. 

21. Ibid, p. 714. 

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16 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Board, consisting of William Stewart, the Colonial 
Treasurer, and William Lithgow, the Auditor-General 
and the Colonial Secretary, as the secretary, was called 
together.22 The original letter of Mclntyre's was con- 
sidered, and further information was called for from the 
Surveyor-General, John Oxley, Henry Dangar and Peter 
Mclntyre. Maps covering the land in question were 
inspected, and a defence of Dangar 's action by Oxley, 
though it caused the Board some surprise, was also read. 
The Board claimed that each party was shown the letters 
and replies of the other side and given an opportunity to 
answer any accusations. Dangar later stated in his 
appeal to Lord Bathurst that he had not been allowed 
to speak in his own defence at the inquiry, and that 
when he did so he was requested to go outside. But 
as he was later reprimanded for using offensive language 
in a letter to the Governor, for which he offered a sincere 
apology and the reprimand was withdrawn, it is quite 
possible that he was not allowed to speak in his defence 
because of a lack of self-control. 

The report of the Land Board was completed on 
February 28, 1827, and forwarded to the Governor. This 
set out the findings of the board, the principal points of 
which were : — 

(i) That Henry Dangar had priority of selection to 
1300 acres and no more, this area having been promised 
by Governor Brisbane. After that, Peter Mclntyre had 
priority of claim to other lands. 

(ii) Serious blame was attached by the Board to 

a public officer employed in the Surveyor-General's Department, 
for not only reserving and appropriating to himself and his brother, 
in an improper manner, large tracts of the richest and best watered 
lands in the District in which he acted as Public Surveyor, but also 
for making highly irregular purchases of Government Orders for 
land from Messrs. Dunn and Rapsey before sufth land had been 
located to or even selected by those individuals — it appears by 
reference to Map No. 1, that posterior to his: purchase of the 
Orders in question from those persons, he measured off the land 
he had so purchased, immediately adjoining to what he had appro- 
priated to himself and his brother, inserting on the map the names 

22. The dispute is recorded in Historical Records of Atistralia, 
Series I., Vol. XIII., pp. 149, 156, 287; Vol. XIV., p. 685; and 
in the enclosures to Governor Darling's despatches in the Mitchell 

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The Life and Times of Henry Bangar. 17 

of Dunn and Rapsey as if they themselves had been actually and 
bona fide put into possession of it, and thus by an irregular and 
clandestine transaction, he attempted to monopolise for himself a 
still greater extent of the richest alluvial land to the total exclusion 
of the Complainant and others, who had a just and preferable right 
to select their lands in that situation. The purchase also of the 
Orders for the land in question, before the Individuals holding those 
Orders had either selected or obtained possession of this land was 
in direct violation of all the salutary Regulations under which land 
has hitherto been granted by Government. 

(iii) The Board had no doubt that there had been 
some splitting of the sectional lines dividing the grants, 
as shown on the maps, which was in direct opposition to 
the ruling of Governor Darling and the Home Government 
that the land was to be divided into 640-acre blocks exactly. 
The whole of this piece of surveying had been carried out 
in Darling's time, and was therefore subject to his ruling. 

(iv) The Board summed up by stating : 
On taking a deliberate view therefore of the whole of the case, 
it appears to be clear beyond all doubt that the conduct of Mr. 
Henry Dangar, throughout the whole of the proceedings, has been 
reprehensible in the extreme, and it would be holding out a very 
proper example to the other surveyors who now are or may hereafter 
be employed in that Department, if the Government came to the 
resolution depriving him of the whole of the lands he had so im- 
properly appropriated to himself at Hunter's River, with the ex- 
ception of his reserve of 1300 acres, which, it has already been 
determined upon he should receive there, permitting him to make 
his selection of the rest of the land ordered, in some other district 
with the survey and distribution of the lands in which he is totally 

(v) The Board also suggested that William Dangar 
should not suffer for his brother's misconduct, and that 
he should therefore be allowed to select the 2800 acres 
ordered .by grant or purchase by Governor Brisbane after 
Mr Macqueen's agent had selected his. It was also sug- 
gested that Henry Danger should be prohibited from trans- 
ferring the 1300 acres mentioned above to his brother. 

Governor Darling added a Minute to the Report of 
the Land Board prior to sending it to the Home Govern- 
ment as an enclosure to his Despatch No. 39 dated March 
14, 1827. In this Minute he stated that he held that 
Henry Dangar 's conduct had been — 

80 highly derogatory to his duty as a public officer as to render 
it imperative on the Local Government to make its disapprobation 
of his proceedings known by suspending him from his situation as 
Assistant Surveyor until the pleasure of the Secretary of State shall 
be known. 

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18 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Darling also stated that Dangar would not be permitted 
to occupy or select any lands until the decision of Earl 
Bathurst was received, but that Peter Mclntyre was to go 
ahead with his selection, and William Dangar after that, 
Henry Dangar 's reserve of 1300 acres being untouched. 
In the covering despatch, the Governor stated his view 
that ''Mr. Dangar has made his public situation subservient 
to his private views.'' Darling, however, felt that an 
object lesson was needed and Dangar was to be the victim. 
Thus Henry Dangar terminated his service with the 
Surveyor-Generars Department on March 31, 1827, 
although the Governor stated that Dangar had sent in his 
resignation on January 13, at the commencement of the 
inquiry, hoping thereby. Darling alleged, that as a civilian 
he would be allowed to keep the land in question. 

Dangar decided at this stage to proceed to England 
to present an appeal to Lord Bathurst in person, and 
Governor Darling notified Bathurst of the fact in his 
depatch of May 10, 1827, and forwarded copies of all the 
papers relevant to the matter. 

The appeal took the form of a 32-page letter, a copy 
of which Darling enclosed in his Despatch No. 85, dated 
August 10, 1827. After stating the accusations made 
against himself of misappropriating lands and illegally 
acquiring lands through the wrongful purchase of the Land 
Orders of Messrs Dunn and Rapsey, Dangar set out his 

In regard to the misappropriation of lands, he denied 
the allegation completely. He stated that Peter Mclntyre, 
John Oxley and he met at Newcastle in July, 1826, to 
discuss the matter of land selection, and the meeting had 
been an amicable one. The selection of each of the parties 
had been sketched on a map to the complete satisfaction 
of all. The allegation that Dangar had claimed for him- 
self a larger extent some two months earlier than this was 
denied, and Dangar drew attention also to the fact that 
no protest about any such allocation had been made by 
Mclntyre at the meeting. Dangar claimed that he had 
properly selected his 2000 acres and paid the requisite £50 
deposit on the land, although no specific area was mentioned 
on the receipt, as the parishes in that district had not then 
been named. 

In connexion with the purchase of the Land Orders, 

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The Life and Times of Henry Bangar, 19, 

he stated that the one of 800 acres given to William Dunn 
by Governor Brisbane was in return for taking Divine 
Service in the district where no clergyman was available. 
Dangar took the view that as Dunn had already been in 
the district, the usual regulation concerning the alienation 
of the land did not apply. The acquiring of the Land 
Order was also the repayment of a loan from Dangar to 
Dunn. Dangar also stated that he had brought the matter 
before the Surveyor-General at the time, and he took that 
as a sign of his good faith and his certainty that no regu- 
lations were being broken. 

Dangar then answered an allegation that he had 
tried to bribe Peter Mclntyre. It appears that Dangar 
addressed a letter to Mclntyre on July 4, 1826, in which 
he drew the latter 's attention to the fact that, although 
Dangar had originally selected and consequently had a 
proper claim to the point of land lying north of the 
junction of Dart Brook with the Hunter River, yet there 
was some unallocated land available on the northernmost 
boundary of this area, and he was willing to waive his 
claim to the former area in favour of Mclntyre if the latter 
agreed not to select or become possessed of the unallocated 
land alluded to. Although Mclntyre claimed that this 
was a bribe, Dangar denied this, and claimed it was a con- 
cession much more to the benefit of Peter Mclntyre than 

He then alleged certain irregularities over the Land 
Board Inquiry, which were detrimental to his interests. 
He stated, as mentioned before, that he had not been 
allowed to speak in his own defence at the inquiry, and 
that when he had attempted to do so he had been put 
outside. He also expressed surprise at the absence of 
the Surveyor-General, the responsible land officer, at the 
inquiry. He stated that his requests for a public inquiry 
had been ignored, and that when he had been informed 
of certain findings of the Board he had asked to be allowed 
access to the full report, but this was denied him. 

Why, he asked Lord Bathurst, should he have a double 
punishment for his alleged offence ? Why should he be 
both dismissed from office and deprived of his lands as 
well ? The proceedings of the case, he claimed, '*have 
been marked with such singularity and unprecedented 

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20 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

harshness. The Governor had been influenced by ''the 
most base, malicious and cowardly misrepresentation. ' ' 

In support of his appeal, Dangar enclosed a letter 
from him to John Oxley, and a copy of one from Oxley 
to the Colonial Secretary, Macleay. In the first, written 
on April 10, 1827, just after the Land Board Inquiry had 
finished, Dangar complains that Mclntyre was indefinite 
and uncertain about what he wanted.. Owing **to the 
indecisions of his own mind, his choice so frequently 
changed that had his wishes been complied with it would 
have been impossible for any other party to have taken 
land within several miles of the country he had inspected. ' ' 

This is further borne out by Oxley ^s letter to Macleay, 
in which he speaks of Mclntyre 's complaints as containing 
''so much irrelevant matter and so extremely voluminous 
that it is with much difficulty I can bring the principal 
points under His Excellency's notice so as to give a clear 
view of Mr. Mclntyre 's case.'' Oxley then proceeds to 
defend Dangar 's actions in the matter. He supports the 
claim that no protests were made at the Newcastle meeting. 
He also draws attention to the fact that the map referred 
to then was a sketch map and could not be considered as 
being absolutely accurate, particularly as the source of 
the Hunter River was not known then. Hence, there 
would naturally be slight differences in the sectional lines 
when the later accurate map came to be drawn. With 
regard to the alleged bribe to Mclntyre, Oxley admits that 
''Mr. Dangar, as a surveyor, acted irregularly and im- 
properly, but not corruptly." 

Later, Oxley wrote a testimonial for Dangar, which 
the Governor forwarded to the Home Government in 1829. 
In it Oxley wrote : — 

He has performed his duties with zeal and in the most eflBcient 
and correct manner, and afforded no occasion, within my knowledge, 
in the execution of arduous and perplexing duties for censure and 
complaint against his public conduct. His private conduct has 
been quite unexceptional, and he has served during the above period 
with ability and credit. 

Before leaving this matter, it is worthwhile stressing 
two aspects of the matter. The first is that Dangar was 
following the actions of others in the same situation. He 
was in no way creating a precedent. The control over 
the Civil Service had been lax for some time, and many 
minor (and some major) irregularities had been allowed 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar, 21 

to creep in. The easy-going methods of Governor Brisbane 
had been no check on this. But with the arrival of 
Darling things had changed, and Dangar was therefore, 
to some extent, a victim of circumstances. This does not 
detract from the fact that Dangar disobeyed regulations. 
But others had done so before, quite openly and without 
reprimand, and no doubt Dangar, being away in the 
country surveying for such long periods, did not realize 
the new state of affairs in the colony, and was therefore 
righteously indignant, even to the point of losing self- 
control, when he was brought to heel. 

The second aspect worth stressing is Dangar 's repeated 
insistence that he acted with the full knowledge of his 
superior oflScer, Surveyor-General Oxley. Oxley was with 
him when the meeting with Mclntyre was held. The 
matter of the purchase of Dunn's Land Order was speci- 
fically referred to him, and all maps and field books 
prepared by Dangar were returned to the Surveyor- 
General's office for Oxley 's observation. It would appear 
then that Oxley knew of Dangar 's actions and condoned 
them. The readiness with which he defended Dangar is 
illustrative of this. Who then was really responsible, the 
servant or the master ? 

The Governor held the servant responsible and no 
reprimand to Oxley has been recorded, so towards the end 
of 1827, probably in August, Henry Dangar sailed for 
England to present and press his appeal in person, leaving 
his concerns in New South Wales in the hands of his 
brother William. 


Although the main purpose of Dangar 's visit to 
England was to appeal against Darling's judgment on him, 
yet this energetic worker could not waste even the time 
he was at sea, but spent it in compiling a book. Index and 
Directory to the Hunter River and Emigrants* Guide, to 
give it its shortened title. In the preface, headed **At 
Sea, September 1827,'' he tells his readers that the book 
was written to beguile the tedious hours of a long sea 
voyage. The completed effort was published by Joseph 
Cross of Holborn, London, in 1828. 

The author explains that he feels that previous works 
published on New South Wales are lacking in information 

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22 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

on the subjects of emigration and of the receiving of land 
from the Crown by grant or by purchase. This deficiency 
he hopes to supply in his volume, which is put forward 
under the patronage of the Surveyor-General, John Oxley, 
although that gentleman did not live long enough to see 
the work finished. 

No one in the colony was better qualified than Henry 
Dangar to undertake the compilation of a Hunter River 
Directory, for he knew the district from end to end. 
Nevertheless,- he mentions that the results of the work of 
the Crown Surveyors, Messrs Finch and Ralfe, as well as 
that of the Australian Agricultural Society ^s agent and 
surveyor, all helped to make the book possible. 

A frontispiece giving a view of King^s Town, or New- 
castle, and two maps — one of the township and another of 
the Hunter Valley — are included for the benefit of intended 
emigrants. The Hunter Valley map is dedicated to 
Lieutenant- General Sir Thomas Brisbane, former Governor 
of the colony. 

The book begins with lists of the grants and appro- 
priations of land in the Counties of Northumberland, 
Durham and Roxburgh, and the allocation of allotments 
in Newcastle township. The acreage, quit rent, redemp- 
tion value and dates of grants are set out with full ex- 
planatory notes. 

Dangar then explains the conditions governing land 
grants and land purchase under both the Macquarie and 
Brisbane regimes, and those now in force under Governor 
Darling. He shows the changes which may lead the un- 
wary into pitfalls, and explains the average cost of feeding 
and clothing the convict servants assigned to free settlers, 
a cost which he estimates at £20 per annum. 

The amount of clearing and cultivation expected to 
be done with grants of various sizes are then mentioned, 
and the thorny question of the sale before a prescribed 
time of land granted to settlers (i.e., alienation) is ex- 
plained and Governor Brisbane's order on the matter 
stated clearly. 

The next section of the book gives a description of the 
counties, parishes, rivers, harbours and roads of the colony, 
without any attempt being made to glamorize or to delude 
intending settlers. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 23 

After discussing the new land regulations of Governor 
Darling and pointing out what he considers the weaknesses 
of them, Dangar concludes his volume with a description 
of the unappropriated lands available to new settlers, and 
gives an account of the state of agriculture in the colony 
with the help, or otherwise, farmers may expect from the 
Government. Included in this is an account of the 
activities of the Australian Agricultural Company and an 
interesting record of a Farmers' Club rUn by Hunter 
Valley settlers. 

Criticism of Darling 's regime leads Dangar to suggest, 
in his conclusions, that from want of protective duties 
agriculture is being allowed to sink into ruin. 

Copies of this book are now relatively scarce, but, for 
a student of Australian history, a study of one of the 
complete copies in the Mitchell Library or in some private 
collection would prove a worthwhile effort. 
(To be continued.) 

Sir George Reid's Place in the Federal 

By K. R. CRAMP, O.B.E., M.A. (Fellow). 

{Read before the Society, August 26, 1952.) 


In an attempt to estimate correctly the place Sir 
George Reid held in the Federal movement (1891-1901), 
one skates over thin ice and subjects himself to the criticism 
of many whose views of the man, his character, motives, 
influence and the value of his public utterances may vary 
substantially from the writer ^s own. I preface my survey, 
therefore, by admitting at the outset that there may be 
ample scope for differences of opinion as to Reid's political 
merits. I am but scratching the surface of my subject, 
especially as I shall keep within the limitations suggested 
by the title of this article. I refrain from presenting a 
life sketch of Reid or a broad view of the Federal movement 
from its earliest suggestions of the 'forties and 'fifties to 
the close of the nineteenth century. 

My story commences with 1890-91, when Reid first 
expressed his criticism of the views put forward by Sir 
Henry Parkes. At the conclusion of this discussion, some 

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24 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

of my readers may be prepared to admit that Reid merits 
a higher appraisement of his services than it is customary 
to accord him, and that he was indeed the protecting genius 
of the interests of New South Wales at a time when others 
of his contemporaries, in their zeal for federal realization, 
were prone to subordinate unduly those interests. 

Few, if any, will challenge the claims of Sir Henry 
Parkes to be regarded as the inspiring influence of the 
Federal movement. He was the practical idealist, pre- 
pared to sink his cherished beliefs in a free-trade policy 
for New South Wales if, by so doing, the Australian people 
could be united in one federal bond and the ** crimson 
thread of kinship'^ express itself in one nation with one 
destiny. None will question the consistent adherence of 
Sir Edmund Barton to the cause which he led to a suc- 
cessful issue. Prominence must be given also to Alfred 
Deakin, Victoria's untiring silver-tongued orator. But 
there is a danger that Reid's claim to recognition may be 
clouded by the merits of those outstanding notables, as 
well as by the ridicule and adverse comment to which he 
was subjected. He was accused of ''shilly-shallying'' over 
Federation, and of being interested in it only in so far as 
he could use it.^ If there be any element of truth in this 
charge, at least Reid was far from being unique in using 
politics for personal interests ; indeed, that disease is tend- 
ing to become epidemic. But the statement needs qualifi- 
cation, for at times he jeopardized his own interests by an 
unswerving adherence to certain principles and views he 
expressed in conferences. He has been criticized for his 
political astuteness and *'an intense determination to carve 
out and keep for himself the first place in New South Wales 
and, if possible, in Australia." Even that critic admits 
his intellectual power, a gleaming eye indicative of a 
natural gift of humour, an alertness that even his sleepiness 
could not defeat, a marvellous political instinct, a ready 
adaptability, quickness of repartee, and a rolling surge of 
ad captandum — arguments which were simply irresistible. 

I am somewhat hampered when I set out to enhance 
the value of Reid's activities to encounter the Bulletin's 
comment : ''The same old George Reid— always different." 

1 Vide ''Australian Quarterly," June, 1951 : A paper on "Federal 
Personalities," by Norman Cowper, based on Deakin's The Federal 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement. 25 

Yet it is true he did appear to change front on occasions. 
It is my opinion, however, that, in some instances, Reid 
displayed a more adjustable mentality, exercised in the 
interests of his cause, even if on his own behalf also, than 
many of his fellow-politicians, who were often rigid and 
inflexible in their outlook, and found it difficult to yield 
in small matters in order to ensure success in a great 
movement. Where fifty minds clash in a convention, 
there must be some minor concessions if the great objective 
is to be realized. Reid often yielded in minor matters, 
but he could be unbending when he felt the issue demanded 
it. Throughout he remained the outstanding champion 
of New South Wales : his opportunism was often in that 
State's interest. What his opponents dubbed astuteness 
may be euphemized as keen political instinct exercised on 
behalf of his State. He was prepared to investigate other 
avenues of thought, and accept or suggest modifications 
of his own, if the Federal cause was brought nearer 
realization, provided his State would not materially suffer. 
In any case, it may be partly true (his advocates might 
say wholly true) what he himself claimed, that ''he had 
more to do with bringing the movement into a practical 
shape than any other man in Australia. The movement 
had hopelessly broken down when he took the matter in 
hand. "2 

Nor was he the ''clown'' or "buffoon" to a degree 
proclaimed by his opponents. His buffoonery was a 
camouflage to capture the attention of his audience 
preparatory to convincing them of the argument he was 
employing. As an adolescent, I listened to him while, 
with high pitched voice, but impressive eloquence, he 
enthralled the crowd and silenced hostile interjection. 
Though a delegate in the Federal Convention accused him 
of wearing the "cap and bells," strong purpose, clear 
insight, and loyalty to New South Wales were well in 
evidence beneath the outfit. 

Reid first appeared federally in 1891 as a critic of 
Parkes, who at this stage was prepared to subordinate his 
free-trade views to the cause of Federation. A few 
years later Reid followed the same course, but in 1891 he 
opposed certain actions then publicly advocated. This 

2 Sydney Mornmg Herald, May, 1898. 

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26 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

was apparent from his contribution to the Nineteenth 
Century journal (July, 1891). The Federal movement, 
he pointed out, had been neither initiated nor embraced 
by the people. **It is not the result of any popular 
agitation or interest,'' he wrote. ''During the sittings of 
the Convention, the lack of public interest in this matter, 
even in the metropolis honoured by the presence of the 
delegates, was simply astonishing.'' 

Moreover, as a free-trader, he realized that the interests 
of New South Wales would conflict seriously with those of 
the protectionist colonies, particularly Victoria. ''It has 
become apparent," he declared, "that federal union will 
sound the death knell of her free-trade policy." 

Thirdly, Reid read a danger signal in granting equal 
powers, especially in finance (taxation and appropriation), 
in the Senate to the colonies, as those with small popula- 
tions could combine to over-ride the will of the two more 
populous colonies. This, to him, was the negation of 
democratic control. His criticism was thus expressed : — 
The delegates [i.e., of the 1891 Convention] railed at Eesponsible 

Government to an astonishing degree The bulk of the people 

of New South Wales and Victoria look upon Responsible Government 
as the corner-stone of public liberties. I believe that the people of 
New South Wales will never accept a constitution less democratic in 
its character than the unwritten rule of their own practice which 
gives our Legislative Assembly the power of the House of Commons 
over money bills. That must, be in black and white in the new 
Constitution, probably before they will accept it. 

The bill to establish a Federal Constitution, he pro- 
tested, was in important respects not founded on principles 
just to the several colonies. The smaller colonies would 
score over the larger. New South Wales was being 
sacrficed ; its interests in its railways, rivers, irrigation and 
water conservation plans were unrecognized. 

Fourthly, the Governor-General was to be given too 
much power independently of his Ministers. Executive 
power should lie, Reid said, not with the Governor-General 
merely, but with '' Governor- General with the advice of 
the Executive Council," just as it was in the colonies at 
that time. This defect in the 1891 bill, he wrote, would 
probably wreck it in the two larger colonies. 

Other weaknesses in the 1891 Draft, Reid pointed out, 
were : — 

The Governor-General's power to return bills to Parliament 
for amendment; the absence of provision for terminating disputes 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 27 

between the two legislative houses so as to provide against deadlocks; 
the absence of stipulation that ministers should sit in Parliament 
and be responsible to the House of Representatives; the ij-efusal to 
grant electors the right to choose the Senators, and the conferring 
of that right on the State Parliaments, some of which had nominated 
Councils; and the uncertainty as to the location of the seat of 
government, which was to be chosen by Parliament. 

Reid argued that **the centre of power should be in 
some great centre within the reach of public scrutiny and 
controls as a safeguard against lobbyists and syndicates. ' '^ 
Above all, he feared that Federation would prove the death- 
knell of free-trade. 

In 1891, therefore, Reid declared the federal question 
was not urgent. The colonies would continue to exist 
separately with less inconvenience than any other group 
of communities in existence, because each one had its own 
seaboard of several hundreds of miles to facilitate world 
intercourse and trade. *' Whatever may be said of the 
advantages of union in the future,^' he declared, *' there 
can be no doubt of the progress of the colonies without it. ' ' 

As an outcome of the 1891 Convention, notions about 
Australian federation had considerably crystallized. As 
Quick and Garran wrote : **0n 2nd March, Australian 
Federation was a misty abstraction; on 31st March it had 
definite outlines and a practical policy."^ Parkes had 
conceded equal State representation in the Senate provided 
the House of Representatives controlled finance and the 
Executive. He had also consented to the fiscal problem 
being left unconditionally to the Australian people to decide, 
as that problem was of less importance than the question of 
federation. This was the view Reid was to adopt a few 
years later, but not in 1891, when, sensing that his free- 
trade philosophy would have short shrift in a united 
Australia, he compared New South Wales to a teetotaller 
who contemplated keeping house with five drunkards. **I 
will not put my principle of free-trade," he asserted, '*in 
the power of the Victorian protectionists." 

Even as early as May, 1890, Reid said : — 
I do not want any half-and-half free-trade. I cannot tamper 

with protection I am not prepared to erect barriers across 

Jort Jackson against the world — ^to turn my back on the Mother 

3 Norman Cowper ("Federal Personalities") in the Nineteenth 
Century, July, 1891; and Eeid's My Beminiscences, in the chapter on 
"The Australasian National Convention." 

4 Quick and Garran, p. 136. 

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28 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Country — to give up the whole loaf of freedom for the half -loaf of 
inter-colonial freedom. I am not prepared to do this for federation.5 

He favoured a federation of limited powers, but not a 
complete federation as in Canada or U.S.A. 

On these lines Reid criticized the bill when it was 
discussed by the Legislative Assembly in Sydney. It is 
worthy of note that he did not oppose the bill as strenu- 
ously as J. H. Want, who declared federation to be **a 
fashionable fad.'' What Reid urged was that federal 
union must be **on principles just to the several colonies 
(that meant New South Wales in particular) ; that the 
Senate's power must be restricted in the interests of 
Responsible Government; that New South Wales railways 
and river systems must be independent of federal control 
unless the obligations in respect of them were also assured. 
We are not prepared to give our railways," he said, **as 
the rivalry of trade would be just as keen after federation, 
and New South Wales has most to lose." 

Despite the jibe, *'The same old George Reid — always 
different !" it must be admitted that on these points at 
least he was as consistently emphatic in 1897-9 as he was 
in 1891. 

To what extent Reid would admit in 1891 that Aus- 
tralian united military and naval defence was essential is 
not clear. Probably he thought that the six separate 
colonial forces, backed up by British might, would 
adequately meet the demands of the time. Such discus- 
sions at that time were more academic than realistic. The 
Soudan Contingent had been the outcome of sentiment 
rather than of alarm; the *' inaudible squeak" of Queens- 
land when it sought to annex New Guinea for the Empire 
before its seizure by a foreign power produced no very 
resounding echo ; General Edwards, in his report on our 
military position, recommended the consolidation of the 
Australian armies, but Reid in 1891 argued that Australia 
was not called upon to legislate in a panic as Canada had 
been over the ''Alabama scare." Reid rang no alarm 
bell, and, even if he were not actually hostile to the federal 
concept in abstract, he was certainly hostile to the 1891 
draft, so much so that Parkes dubbed him ' * the arch plotter 
against Federation" and stated that he (Reid) made no 

5 Legislature, May, 1890. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 29 

secret of his cynical doubts, and then of his open hostility.® 
In sarcastic vein, Parkes wrote : **Mr. Reid was as fluent 
as a waterspout after a heavy rain; but his speech was 
barren of thought, and, where not vituperative, simply 
dull." I cannot imagine Reid being dull. 

Allowance must be made for these statements by 
Parkes, as at that time personal relationships between the 
two were strained. At the same time, too, we must accept 
Reid 's statement that he had worked loyally to keep Parkes 
in office as long as he kept the Free-trade flag flying, though 


he never accepted office under the veteran. It is worthy 
of note that, on Parkes' retirement from the leadership of 
the Liberal Party in October, 1891, Reid was elected as 
his successor on the nomination of B. R. Wise and the 
veteran's own son, Varney Parkes,"^ and it is even stated 
that Parkes himself made complimentary reference to 
Reid's leadership. It is pleasing to learn that a recori- 

6 Parkes : Fifty Years in the Making of Australian History, 
Vol. n., p. 373. 

7Beid : My BerrUniscences. 

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30 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

ciliation was later effected between these two exponents 
of Free-trade and Federation, and that Parkes confessed 
he had misunderstood the man. 

The Parkes regime ended in 1891 with his defeat on 
a motion of censure, carried largely because the Labour 
Party, which had made its appearance that year, was 
opposed to the federal draft, owing to the enormous powers 
allowed to the Governor-General, the imperialism and 
military despotism in the draft, and because Parkes was 
neglecting local legislation for his **fad'' of Federation. 
Naturally Parkes was disappointed and declared Parlia- 
ment unfit to deal with the federal problem, because it was 
elected for other purposes. He therefore favoured refer- 
ence to the people, who should elect a Convention. Barton 
at this stage had not lost his trust in a body elected by 
the Parliaments. 

Reid's modified attitude towards the federal question 
was apparent in 1892. His critics attributed the change 
to his astute opportunism; others stated it was due to his 
conviction that federal consummation was possible without 
a heavy sacrifice of his fiscal views, and to the fact that 
he was travelling along the same avenue of thought that 
his great predecessor had traversed before him, so that 
eventually he, too, admitted that Federation meant more 
than free-trade to the Australian people. 

Probably both groups of critics were right. In the 
Legislature in 1892 he recommended the calling of another 
Convention. He wrote : — 

Two and a half years ago, I must confess I did feel that rushing 
forward the federal project meant inevitably the adoption of a 
protective policy throughout the length and breadth of Australia. 
I am happy to say that since that time events have enabled me to 
take a much more sanguine view of the possibilities of the case.8 

Sir Joseph Abbott, a few months later, referred to 
Reid, having repented of his sins, as ^ ^ staunch, earnest and 
loyal to the cause of Federation at the present time.'' 
Indeed, after consideration of the trend of Reid's expressed 
views throughout the three sessions of the National Con- 
vention, substantial credence must be given to his defence 
of himself when he said : — 

The only point on which I became obstinate is the point when 
I believe that the Convention is getting on a track which will lead 
to disaster. I am prepared to trust Federation in the largest 

8/6id, p. 96. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 31 

possible way, but I cannot get beyond what I believe are the limits 
of moderation. Still less can I get beyond the limits which will 
be supported [i.e., tolerated] by the people of this country.® 

I do not think, therefore, that the couplet, unqualified, 
quite fairly, applies to Reid : — 

"A merciful Providence fashioned us holler; 
O* purpose, that we might our principles swaller I"io 

Popular interest in the question was steadily growing, 
largely because of the influence of the Australian Natives' 
Association and the Federation Leagues in Sydney and 
elsewhere. These bodies were non-party, non-class organi- 
zations keen to provoke Parliament to action. Incidentally, 
it may be remarked that the honorary secretary of the 
Sydney League and of the New South Wales branch of 
the A.N.A., Edward Bowling, also played an active part 
as a Foundation Councillor in the establishment of the 
(Royal) Australian Historical Society. 

The Conference at Corowa in 1893 quickened interest. 

In 1894, Reid defeated Parkes in the King (East 
Sydney) electorate, despite the latter 's appeal to the 
electors that his opponent had once declared that he would 
rather see Protection established than the colonies united. 
''What is the use of a man pretending to be in favour of 
union now,'' said Parkes, **who uttered that sentiment 
four years ago ?" Reid, when elected, whimsically said, 
''This eye-glass has done so much for me that I am now 
the member for East Sydney I"^^ The election led him 
to the Premiership (August 13, 1894), when he promptly 
declared he would lose no time in restoring the subject of 
Federation to its rightful position of commanding impor- 
tance and urgency. To a deputation from the Federation 
League, advocating Dr Quick's plan, he announced his 
intention to confer with the other Premiers. This he did 
on January 29, 1895, when he advocated a popularly elected 
Convention. At the Premiers' Conference he submitted 
and carried the following proposals : — 

1. This Conference regards Federation as the great and pressing 
question of Australian politics. 

2. A Convention of ten representatives from each colony, chosen 
by the electors themselves, to meet to frame a Constitution. [This 
had previously been suggested at Coiowa by Dr Quick.] 

9 Adelaide Session Beport, p. 37. 

10 Sydney Morning Herald, May 6, 1898. 

11 Quick and Garran, pp. 157-8. 

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32 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

3. The Constitution, when framed, should be submitted to the 
popular vote. 

4. If accepted by three or more colonies, the Queen should be 
prayed for the necessary legislation. [Corowa had suggested two 
or more colonies.] 

5. Each colonial Parliament should be asked to pass a bill to 
give effect to these resolutions. 

Turner (Victoria) and Kingston (South Australia) 
were requested to draft a bill for consideration by the 
Conference, and Reid undertook to introduce the draft into 
the New South Wales Legislature : the representatives of 
the other colonies were to take similar action once New 
South Wales had agreed to proceed with the proposal. ^^ 

The Legislature in Sydney accepted the proposals, but 
with the proviso that at least 50,000 votes (later raised to 
80,000) would be requisite for the acceptance of the federal 
bill. An earlier but rejected proposal for an absolute 
majority of voters on the rolls would have required 139,000 
votes in favour. W. M. Hughes' proposal that the colonies 
should be represented in the Convention according to their 
populations was, despite the Labour Party's support, re- 
jected by 45 votes to 26. 


In the Convention sessions at Adelaide (March 22 to 
April 23, 1897), and at Sydney and Melbourne later, five 
colonies were represented. Queensland dropped out, despite 
Reid's visit to Brisbane to exercise his persuasive powers 
to settle differences between the two legislative chambers. 
Edmund Barton, as the unadulterated embodiment of the 
federal spirit, secured top place in the New South Wales 
poll; Reid, with his New South Wales prepossessions, was 
placed second. Reid subsequently wrote in generous vein, 
or, as Deakin might have suggested, with feigned 
generosity : ^^No one could grudge Mr Barton his peculiar 
position on the poll — his personal and intellectual qualities 
were so great and his devotion to the cause of federation 
had been so conspicuous. ' '^^ The Labour Party, straining 
with its ten candidates to ''capture the Convention," were 
denied a single representative, though its leader, McGowan, 
polled well. 

At a Premiers' meeting before the opening session, 

12 Ibid, p. 159. 

13 Eeid : My Eeminiscenoes, p. 232. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 33 

Reid, according to his own statement, proposed Barton for 
the leadership of the Convention, with C. C. Kingston 
(South Australia) and Sir R. C. Baker (South Australia) 
as President and Chairman of Committees respectively. 
Quick and Garran, however, record that Turner and Symon 
proposed Barton. 

The story of the deliberations of the Convention is too 
long to be epitomized in this article. Only those outstand- 
ing matters on which Reid focussed his attention will be 
touched upon. It is of interest to read Deakin's thumb- 
nail sketch of Reid, at Adelaide, whom he describes as 
*'the most conspicuous figure of the Convention, its official 
author and, in matters of moment, its leader.''^* He 
wrote : — 

Beid was the author of the Convention, Premier of the greatest 
colony, the best platform speaker, rejoicing in platitudes of liberality 
and large-heartedness, revelling in quip and jest in private, where 
he was always a jolly good fellow, as well as in public, and thus 
monarch of all he surveyed, inhalhig perpetual incense of flattery 
and winding the majority around his Angers as he pleased. Although 
he was neither President nor leader of the Convention in Adelaide, 
he was at once its master and its most popular member, admired and 
trusted by all the delegates except a few of his colleagues from 
New South Wales, who even then admitted his ability and powers.! 5 
At later sessions Reid lost much of his pre-eminent 
influence because of his ambition — so Deakin declared — 
to wrest the leadership from Barton, his federal wavering 
and his lack of constitutional constructiveness. But de- 
spite his lack of prestige in the later sessions, Deakin still 
placed him in the first rank of influence at the close of the 

It will be of interest to at least one half of the com- 
munity to learn that Reid was concerned with the right of 
women to a voice in political matters. The Womanhood 
Suffrage League, presenting their plea for the suffrage, 
quoted his pamphlet. Outlook of Federation, in which he 
stated : **In this matter the taxpayers have much more 
at stake than the politicians, and women are taxpayers." 
Contrast that sentiment with a Tasmanian petition object- 
ing to female suffrage on the ground that ^'Ood gave man 
the sole right to rule.'* 

Reid's first address in the Convention pleaded for a 

14 Deakin : The Federal Story, p. 60. 
i5/&id, p. 76. 
19 Ibid, p. 88. 

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34 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

national rather than a parochial outlook. He pictured 
the six colonies in one island and a vast continent with 
marked diversity in revenue, population and development, 
a coastline of 8,000 miles with from 500 to 1,000 miles 
separating the capital cities, varying fiscal policies, danger 
of war at any time, and a country too undeveloped to 
predict where its ultimate greatness would rest. He urged 
the colonies to forget their boundaries (though he did not 
always adjust himself to his own counsel) and refrain 
from attempting to snatch good bargains at one another's 
expense. Their task was to evolve a system of govern- 
ment suitable to all the colonies.^"^ With the large affairs 
of Australia centralized in a federation, local concerns 
could be placed upon an infinitely more sound economic 
basis. Federation, he once declared, meant economy, not 
extravagance. I myself heard him predict that Federation 
would cost the individual citizen no more than the price 
of a dog tax — 2/6. In 1897 Reid estimated that federal 
expenditure would amount to just over £3,000,000, of which 
£1| millions would come from transferred services. Yet 
in 1952 just over 8,000,000 citizens are expected to raise 
£1,000 million for governmental purposes. 

Reid must have impressed the Convention, as Clarke 
(Tasmania) said : ^^When Mr Reid or Mr Deakin speak, 
they cannot help being eloquent.'' 

The name to be given to the second House was dis- 
cussed. Barton favoured the term, ''States' Assembly"; 
but Reid supported the suggestion that it be called 
''Senate," since it was to represent, not just State rights 
or provincial interests, but also the whole nation. 

In respect to the two Houses, the House of Repre- 
sentatives would consist of members elected in proportion 
to the population in each State; the Senate would repre- 
sent the States on a footing of equality, so that Tasmania 
with its population of 182,000 would have the same number 
of Senators as New South Wales with its 1,348,000. If one 
argued the inequality of this, the answer was, firstly, that 
the House of Representatives sufficed to safeguard the 
democratic principle of equal value for each elector's vote; 
and, secondly, if the larger States had not conceded the 
principle of State equality in the Senate, the smaller States 
would not have entered the Federation. Reid supported 

17 Adelaide Session Beport, p. 268. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 35 

this principle, and also the principle of equality of the 
two Houses in other matters than taxation and appropria- 
tion, in order to induce the smaller colonies to accept the 
Federal Constitution. **We cannot do business,^' he said, 
** without equal representation in the Senate; therefore I 
vote for it It is a necessity in the Federation ; there- 
fore I say no more about it/' 

The number of members for each House had to be 
determined. There was general agreement as to the rate 
of two to one in the numerical strength of the two Houses, 
but Reid contended against a large House of Representa- 
tives. He said at Adelaide : — 

I have all alon^ wished to limit the number of members of the 
House of Representatives. I have no wish to see it growing to 

an inordinate size As long as the House of Representatives 

is twice as numerous as the Senate, I think that is sufficient difference. 
I believe the smaller number work better than the larger one. 

At the Sydney session he said : — 

We had better at once get rid of the fallacy that the influence 

of a house depends upon its numbers So long .... as you 

have great powers, the fewer the number of persons who exercise 
them the greater power those persons will have'. The force in 
politics is not according to numbers. I often think that the more 
powerful body is that body which, having power, has the smaller 
number of men to fritter them away.18 

Incidentally, it may be observed that Reid voted with 
the minority against the proposal of each State consti- 
tuting a single electorate for the election of Senators. 

On the question of the relative powers of the two 
Houses, there was marked differences of opinion which 
revealed the cleavage between the smaller and larger 
colonies. A clause originally provided that *^the Senate 
shall have equal powers with the House of Representatives 
in respect of all proposed laws except laws appropriating 
the necessary supplies for the ordinary annual services 
which the Senate may affirm or reject, but may not amend. ' ' 
The smaller colonies hoped to exploit their equality of 
representation in the Senate -so as to hold the larger States 
in check, particularly in the control of taxation, and so 
they argued for equality of legislative powers for the 
two Houses. Sir John Forrest (Western Australia) 
on more than one occasion, and, unwisely it seems to me, 
boasted for the smaller States, '^We have a majority.'^ 

i^ Sydney Session Beport, p. 4436. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

36 Royal Av^tralian Historical Society, 

Western' Australia, South Australia and Tasmania with 
eighteen Senators could outvote New South Wales and 
Victoria with twelve (Queensland still held aloof from the 
Convention). Reid asserted that to give equal rights in 
taxation to the Senate was undemocratic, as the revenue 
would come mainly from the two larger States, and the 
Senate would have undue control over taxation. The 
Senate should not have the power, as demanded by Western 
Australia, to amend tax measures. As all the people of 
Australia are subject to taxation, it is the peculiar right 
of their representatives to prescribe the form in which 
they shall be taxed and also to dispose of moneys from 
taxation. To Western Australians, Reid declared : ''This 
is a point on which we, representing the larger population, 
cannot give way.'* He had conceded State equality in 
the Senate so as not to wreck the federal project, so he 
urged, ''You must in return consider the points which 
would wreck us.** In money bills there can be but one 
responsible House, namely, the House of Representatives, 
representing all the people on equal terms. Any attempt 
to create two would lead to disaster. For that reason the 
Senate should not be empowered to amend or even to 
suggest amendments to money bills. To protect the 
interests of the smaller States the Senate might be allowed 
to reject money bills, but nothing more. Reid therefore 
proposed that the clause be amended, so as to forbid the 
Senate from amending laws imposing taxation, as well as 
appropriating the necessary supplies. 

Kingston supported Reid, as equality between the two 
Houses spelt the forfeiture of Responsible Government. 

Nevertheless, at one stage the Convention decided to 
allow the Senate to amend tax bills. Reid, however, at 
a re-opening of the question, moved to disallow this, though 
he would allow the Senate to accept in toto or reject such 
measures. Both he and Sir George Turner (Victoria) 
made it clear that if this amending power were granted 
to the Senate, the larger colonies would not accept the 
Constitution. Accordingly Reid*s amendment was even- 
tually carried by 25 to 23 votes after "the most momentous 
vote in the Convention's history."^® 

A later effort by Western Australia to reverse this 

19 Quick and Garran. 

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Reid*s Place in the Federal Movement, 37 

decision was defeated by 28 to 19 votes. The Senate was 
denied the power to amend annual appropriation bills, but 
granted limited powers to amend other appropriations, but 
so as not to increase charges or burdens on the people. 


One of the most contentious subjects before the Con- 
vention had reference to the control of rivers. The main 
river system of the continent lies almost entirely within 
New South Wales. The Darling, Lachlan and Murrum- 
bidgee and their tributaries, except for the intermittent 
connexion of the Queensland watercourses, Paroo, Culgoa 
and Warrego, are completely in New South Wales. The 
Murray, which receives the combined waters, is also in the 
mother colony, though its southern tributaries are Victorian. 
Nevertheless, the fact that the Murray-Darling system 
terminates its flow in South Australian territory, produced 
a problem, and the southern colony urged federal juris- 
diction over these rivers on the ground that they belonged 
to Australia and not to a State. Its delegates, through 
J. A. Gordon, M.L.C., expressed a fear that water conser- 
vation projects in the parent colony might so reduce the 
Murray stream as to render it relatively useless for navi- 
gation in their province. Gordon pressed for federal 
control, not only of the Murray flowing between the two 
colonies, New South Wales and Victoria, but also of the 
Darling, Lachlan and Murrumbidgee. In short, South 
Australia aimed at federal maintenance and improvement 
of these rivers for navigation purposes. 

Reid was consistently strenuous in his opposition 
throughout all three sessions, as his State required her own 
rivers for conservation and irrigation. He ironically 
described the New South Wales inland river system as ''the 
catchment area of South Australia.'' He remarked with 
some feeling : — 

The desire of Mr Gordon to assume control of New South Wales 
is no new desiring, as ever since he appeared at a Convention he 
has been endeavouring to secure as much of New South Wales as 
he can. We have very little water in New South Wales, and what 
we have we wish to keep. I have no objection, as far as water 
flowing between two States is concerned, to the Federal Parliament 
having control, as it would put an end to difficulties which arise 
between two colonies at present in connection with the waters and 
the fisheries, but I must repudiate any idea of the Commonwealth 
assuming control of a river which is wholly in one colony. 

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38 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

To satisfy all parties, the Convention decided that the 
Federal Government should control navigation on the 
Murray from Albury to the sea. Even this decision was 
altered at the later session, and the States and residents 
retained rights to a reasonable use of the waters for con- 
servation. When South Australia persisted at the 
Melbourne session in asking the Commonwealth to take 
over *'the control and regulation of the navigation of the 
Murray and its tributaries and the use of the waters 
thereof,'' Reid fought shy of the last phrase. He was 
content that the Commonwealth should control trade and 
commerce on the Murray, even though that involved some 
control over the river itself. . * * For every inch of water 
navigable in New South Wales and capable of being used 
for inter-colonial trade we give up any pretence to ex- 
clusive control." On that river he would even allow the 
Commonwealth to interfere with the draining off of water 
for irrigation improvements. But the Darling, Lachlan 
and Murrumbidgee 

are of vital consequence to the population of New South Wales, as 
three-quaiters of New South Wales depend on these rivers for its 
water supply and irrigation. If, then, these rivers are to be handed 
over to federal authority, New South Wales would be handing over 
a power over our internal domestic affairs at a vital point which I 
fear our people will not be in a mood to accept. New South Wales' 
vital interests would be federalized in a way that affects us as no 
other colony is being affected. 

The proposal was not federal in spirit, as it suggested 
federal control over a bit of the Commonwealth that 
affected South Australia instead of making such control 
over the continent. 

Reid went on to point out that South Australia had 
nought to fear, as the attitude of New South Wales in the 
past had been neither hostile nor anti-neighbourly. It 
had cleared the Darling of snags, and South Australian 
commerce had benefited. He said : — 

We have already given control and regulation of the Murray, 
a not ungenerous act on the part of New South Wales, as the bed 
of the Murray is in New South Wales. But you are asking that 
a country should be deprived of the whole of its water system, and 
that, despite the fact that New South Wales has kept the river free 
for the barges of South Australia, and has not charged one penny 
toll or licence.20 

20 Melbourne Session Report, p. 91. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 39 

In the western district the land had become fertile 
owing to the expenditure of a large amount of capital and 
industry by means of works of conservation and irrigation. 
If settlers were not protected as to the use of the water, 
it would debar practical men from embarking their capital 
on this land. 

All the New South Wales delegation, including Sir 
William Lyne, who seldom sided with Reid, was behind 
its Premier on this question. Barton ^s argument in 
support was that to take from the settlers the use of the 
waters in New South Wales, and to hand to another 
authority the power to diminish the application of water 
to the land, was practically taking over the land also. 
Isaacs took a similar view when he said : — 

I am in favour of putting irrigation before navigation 

If we place the navigation of the Murray and of the Darling before 
irrigation, we may be doing a great wrong against the future 
development of the continent. 

To accept his view would be to enhance the chance of a 
successful poll for Federation. 

Reid returned to the charge by quoting international 
authorities. Wheaton, in his International Law, declared 
that a Staters territory includes lakes, seas and rivers 
entirely enclosed within its limits. Imperial Statute 18 
and 19 Victoria, Cap. 54, Section 5, declared the whole 
watercourse of the Murray from its source to the South 
Australian border to be within New South Wales. Angell, 
another authority, declared the soil carried by the water 
and the water itself to be included in such grant. Then 
Reid continued : — 

The rivers are the most precious possessions we have over 
three-fourths of New South Wales. Without these possessions the 
country must continue to be a mere sheep-walk, not because of 
barrenness of soil, but because a supply of water is the one condition 
upon which the development depends. 

He stressed the injustice which would be inflicted on land 
owners who had bought millions of acres with water 
frontages. At the Melbourne session he stated : ''People 
will not engage in large schemes of water conservation if 
they know that any day in the year somebody superior to 
them and beyond their control can destroy the fruits of 
their industry.'' He emphatically declared : ''We will 
not hand over the actual physical control of the 
River Darling or River Murrumbidgee, because they both 

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40 Royal AiLstralian Historical Society. 

absolutely belong to us/'*^ He would, however, concede 
** unfettered and absolute equality of navigation as between 
ourselves and all the other colonies. We are prepared 
to concede perfect equality in the use of our rivers to the 
whole Commonwealth when they are navigable/ '^^ 

Strong support came from Sir John Forrest, who 
stated that if he were a representative of New South Wales 
he would take up the same attitude as the New South Wales 
delegates, as the great river system was the life blood of 
their country. Forrest pointed out : — 

Nearly the whole of New South Wales is dependent, and will 
be dependent in the future, if this great country is to carry the 
population which we all expect it will carry, upon the great river 
system which fortunately it possesses. . ^ . . It will be far better 
for this continent that the river system should be used in order to 
fertilize the lands through which it passes than that it should be 
used for any other purpose.23 

The outcome of the discussion was the defeat of 
Glynn's (South Australia) proposed amendment to hand 
over the control of the navigability of the rivers to the 
Commonwealth (18 votes to 24). The federal control 
over the rivers agreed to at Adelaide was withdrawn, and 
Reid's amendment preserving State rights and residents' 
rights to a reasonable use of the river waters for conser- 
vation and irrigation was adopted. The word ** reason- 
able'' was inserted on the suggestion of Sir John Downer 
(South Australia). In short, the Convention realized 
that irrigation and conservation, being essential for pro- 
duction, were infinitely more important than river navi- 
gation, which provided only for carriage. 

A South Australian delegate accused Reid of being 
a traitor to the federal cause, but Reid's reply was effective. 
He said : — 

There is no one in the Convention who can have a larger interest 
in the success of this enterprise than the one who originated it — 
who I happen to be. This Convention — and I am forced to make 
the remark on account of the ungenerous statement — owes its exis- 
tence quite as much to me as to any other man in it. It is not 
at all probable, therefore, that I should like to see the labours of 
^this enterprise come to nothing, because no man could have a more 
justifiable pride in their success than I have.24 

21 Melbourne Session Beport, p. 196. 
22lhid, p. 446. 

23 Ibid, p. 518. 

24 This is a reference to the Premiers' Conference of 1895. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement. 41 

This claim is justifiable to a degree, because though 
Barton, Deakin and others prepared the soil for the sowing, 
it was Eeid who did the sowing in initiating the Premiers' 
Conference leading to the Convention, and helped substan- 
tially to reap the harvest in the form of a Constitution 
that would meet with the approval of the electors of New 
South Wales. His persistence, when others would have 
succumbed, ensured such a harvest. 
(To be continued.) 

N.S.W. Military Commandants, 1865-1953. 

By G. A. KING (Member of Council). 

At Victoria Barracks at Paddington (Sydney), in the 
offices of the 6.O.C. Eastern Command, Lieutenant-General 
F. H. Berryman, are three boards on which are recorded 
the names of the Commandants in New South Wales from 
1865 to the present date. 

Through the courtesy of General Berryman, I was 
supplied with a copy of the names inscribed on the boards, 
and the publication of the record forms a historical com- 
panion to the article on the Soudan Contingent Memorial 
printed in Vol. XXXVIII., Part VI., pp. 284 et seq, of the 
Society's Journal. 

There is a distinct link between the Soudan Contingent 
Memorial and the list of Commandants, inasmuch as the 
first name on Board No. 1 is that of Major-General J. S. 
Richardson, who commanded the Soudan Contingent. 

At the time of going to the Soudan in 1885, Major- 
General Eichardson held the rank of Colonel, and was 
promoted to the rank of Major-General on August 15, 1885 
— two months after his return from the Soudan. 

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44 Royai Australian Historical Society, 

52nd Annual Meeting. 

By C. PRICE CONIGRAVE, Editor (Fellow). 

The Fifty-second Annual Meeting of the Society- 
was held at History House, 8 Young Street, Sydney, on 
Tuesday, February 24, 1953, at 8 p.m., when the retiring 
President (Mr J. K. S. Houison) presided over a large 

Apologies were received from Miss Kathleen ^Connor, 
Major C. A. Swinboume and Mr P. W. Gledhill. 

The minutes of the previous meeting were read and 

Mrs A. 6. Foster (Fellow, Benefactor and President 
of the Women's Auxiliary) was warmly welcomed by the 
President, who said that Mrs Foster held the fine record 
of not having missed an Annual Meeting since the foun- 
dation of the Society in 1901. They all hoped, added the 
President, that Mrs Foster would long be spared to take 
an active interest in the Society. 

A brief response on behalf of Mrs Foster was made 
by Mr Alfred E. Stephen (Vice-President). 

In a short address, the operations of the Society during 
1952 were reviewed by the President. Despite many 
difficulties due to finance and generally unsettled conditions, 
the Council, he thought, was to be congratulated on its 
conduct of the Society's affairs. This had been largely 
due, said Mr Houison, to the untiring and very able efforts 
of the Honorary Treasurer (Mr Allan E. Bax). Mr 
Houison thanked members for their support during his 
three years' occupancy of the chair, and he felt sure that 
the incoming President (Mr K. R. Cramp) would receive 
similar support. Mr Houison stressed the splendid work 
being done by affiliated societies in the country. He had 
visited many such societies, he added, and everywhere he 
had heard appreciation expressed of the assistance given 
by the parent body. Mr Houison especially thankeld Mr 
Albert Booth for his kindness in having provided transport 
so ^as he could carry out many of his country visits. 

Mr Houison praised the work of Mrs Foster and her 
co-workers of the Women's Auxiliary. Their splendid 
help, financial and otherwise, over the past years had been 
greatly valued. In conclusion, he referred to the various 
excursions arranged by the Society, and these, he was sure, 
had been greatly enjoyed by members. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

52nd Annual Meeting, 45 

Mr Aubrey Halloran (Fellow), in moving the adoption 
of the Annual Report for the year ended December 31, 
1952, stressed the important standing of the Society in the 
community. It was to be commended for cultivating a 
historic sense in people. The value of the Journal in that 
regard was emphasized by Mr Halloran. Its high stan- 
dard, he hoped, would always be maintained. He deplored 
that the Society's endeavours, with other organizations, 
had been unavailing in preventing the establishment of a 
great oil refinery in the Kurnell area, which latter, he 
pointed out, was the most historic spot in Australia by 
reason of Captain Cook's landing there in April, 1770. 

In seconding the adoption of the Annual Report, Dr 
Harold Norrie agreed with the opinion expressed by the 
retiring President that the Council had done commendable 
work during the past year. He paid tribute to the chair- 
manship of Mr Houison, and to the good work carried on 
by the Women's Auxiliary. 

The Annual Report was adopted unanimously. 

The adoption of the Balance Sheet and Financial 
Statement for the year ended December 31, 1952, was 
moved by the Honorary Treasurer (Mr Allan Bax), who 
said that he was very optimistic as to the Society's ability 
to show a surplus at the end of 1953 on the year's opera- 
tions. Mr Bax very clearly explained the Balance Sheet 
and Financial Statement to members, who enthusiastically 
applauded his remarks. 

Mr A. T. Gover seconded the adoption, and said that 
he fully agreed, as a past Honorary Treasurer, with Mr 
Bax's remarks. He felt that Mr Bax had done a splendid 
job, and was to be heartily congratulated accordingly. 
Messrs H. R. Thompson (Councillor), R. G. H. Box (re- 
tiring Councillor), R. H. Clarke (Councillor), and Mr W. 
0. Rydge supported the adoption. 

The Balance Sheet and Financial Statement were 
adopted unanimously. 

The Returning Officer (Mr W. J. Dellow) t\en 
handed to the Chairman the sealed certificate covering the 
annual election for office-bearers and the result of the 
ballot count. The latter, as follows, was announced by 
the Chairman : — 

President (unopposed) : Mr K. R. Cramp. 

Vice-Presidents (unopposed) : Messrs G. D. Blaxland, 

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46 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

J. K. S. Houison, Alfred E. Stephen, Hugh Wright. 
Honorary Secretary (unopposed) : Mr E. C. Rowland. 
Honorary Treasurer (unopposed) : Mr Allan E. Bax. 
Honorary Research Secretary (unopposed) : Mr James 


Council : Miss Gladys M. Blacket, Mr R. H. Clarke, 

Miss M. B. Coombes, Messrs William C. Cox, 

George Dickinson, M. H. Ellis, P. W. GledhiU, 

Aubrey Halloran, Mrs -W. L. Havard, Messrs 

Arthur Homer, G. A. King, Dr H. Norrie, Mr J. 

T. Prentice, Major C. A. Swinboune, Mr. H. R. 


At this stage Mr J. H. S. Houison vacated the chair. 

Mr K. R. Cramp assumed the chair. In doing so, 

he said he was proud of the confidence placed in him by 

members in having elected him unopposd to that position. 

As thy knew, said Mr Cramp, for the past twenty-five years 

he had taken great interest in the Society *s work, and he 

was exceedingly pleased once again, after the lapse of some 

years, to be President once more. He assured members 

that he would always use his best endeavours to further 

the work and influence of the Society. On behalf of 

members generally, Mr Cramp expressed appreciation to 

Mr Houison for his valuable work as President over the 

previous three years. 

Mr Cramp's remarks were supported by Mr Alfred 
E. Stephen. 

A vote of thanks to the Returning Officer (Mr W. J. 
Dellow), Assistant Returning OflScers and Scrutineers for 
their conduct of the recent ballot was moved by Mr C. 
Price Conigrave, seconded by Mr R. H. Clarke and carried. 
Messrs Norman B. Lewis and H. W. Mackisack were 
elected Honorary Auditors for the ensuing year. The 
meeting resolved that the best thanks of members be 
accorded to these gentlemen for their auditing of the 
Society's accounts for 1952 in an honorary capacity. 

At 9.30 p.m., 6n the motion of Mr C. Price Conigrave, 
seconded by Mr Aubrey Halloran, the meeting resolved 
that the Annual Meeting stand adjourned until 7.45 p.m. 
on March 31, 1953, specific business of such adjourned 
meeting to be the reading of the Minutes of the Annual 

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Notes and Queries. 47 

Notes and Queries. 

By JAMES JERVIS, A.S.T.C. (Fellow). 
Honorary Research Secretary. 

Question : Would you supply details concerning the 
naming of Bega ? 

Answer : The earliest reference traced to this name 
is in 1839, when Peter Imlay obtained a pasturage license 
for a station which he called **Biggah." W. Willmington 
complained to Sir George Gipps in a letter dated September 
16, 1844, that George Imlay had a pit)perty called '*Bigga,'' 
which contained 960,000 acres {Historical Records of Aus- 
trdUa, Vol. XXIII., p. 791). In the same year George 
Augustus Robinson, Protector of Aborigines, journeyed 
through the district and records that on August 29 he 
"crossed a succession of wooded Ranges of Granite and 
Sandstone and entered Biggah, singularly situated in an 
Amphitheatre of the Dividing Range about thirty miles 

from the coast '' A footnote in Robinson ^s diary 

indicates that Biggah is **an aboriginal word signifying 
'plain' (Royal Australian Historical Society's Journaly 
Vol. XXVII., p. 334). Robinson also speaks of the 
''Biggah'' tribe and the "Biggah River." In 1848, the 
Imlay 's station is referred to in the Government Gazette 
as "Bega." Wells' Gazetteer (1848) mentions Bega 
Plains and Bega Station. In February, 1851, Assistant 
Surveyor Parkinson laid out a town which was gazetted 
on December 30, 1851, as Bega. From what has been 
written above, it is obvious that the name is derived from 
the native language. 


There are loud complaints to-day about the quality of 
bread and its price, but history is merely repeating itself. 
A General Order dated April 11, 1797, stated that many 
complaints had been received in Sydney about the exhor- 
bitant demands made by public bakers, and of ''impositions 
practised in the quality as well as quantity of the bread 
returned in lieu of flour or grain delivered to them," and 
the Governor directed the Judge-Advocate and two other 
magistrates to hold a meeting to investigate "this business." 
In 1799 there were fresh complaints about bread, and the 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

48 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

inhabitants of Sydney forwarded a petition to the Governor 
* ' Expressive of the Grievances and distresses they Laboured 
under relative to that Necessary Article Bread/' They 
were '* desired'* to attend a meeting of officers appointed 
to ' ' Search into* the Cause of their Complaint, ' ' and the 
bakers were also *' desired'' to attend the meeting. 

On August 2, 1801, an Ordinance was issued ordering 
that only one quality of wheaten bread was to be made in 
the colony. Bread was to be composed of meal from which 
only 24 pounds of bran were to be taken from each 100 
pounds. A fine of £5 was to be imposed on those who 
disobeyed the Ordinance, and bakers were liable to have 
their ovens taken down in addition to being fined. The 
magistrates were also instructed to visit the different bake- 
houses at least once a week. On May 14, 1801, it was 
ordered that no other loaves were to be baked 'Hhan those 
weighing when new two pounds one ounce and two pounds 
when a day old." Shortly afterwards a baker's oven was 
taken down because the baker had sold a loaf six ounces 

In January, 1802, another baker's oven was taken 
down in Sydney, and all the bread baked by the owner of 
the oven was forfeited to the Crown. 

In November, 1802, bakers were forbidden to charge 
more than threepence per pound for bread made of wheat, 
and no person was to sell wheat at more than eight shillings 
per bushel. 

The price of bread was fixed in August, 1804, at four- 
pence per two-pound loaf. It was ordered at the same 
time that every baker was to give his name and address 
to the Magistrate's Clerk. 

Floods in the Hawkesbury River in 1806 destroyed 
much grain, and the Ordinance of May 8, 1801, was put 
into force again. Bakers were also required to take out 
licenses, and they were instructed not to deliver to those 
off the store ration more bread than that allowed to those 
on the store ration. None but regular customers were to 
be supplied without an order. No cake, biscuits or pastry 
was to be made by bakers, and the price of bread was fixed 
at 8id. per two-pound loaf. 

D. S. Ford, Printers. 44'50 Reservoir Street, Sydney. 

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Koval Jlustralian l)i$toricdl Society 

Vol. XXXIX. 1953^ Part II. 

The Society does not hold itself responsible for statements made 
or opinions expressed by authors of the papers published in thi* 

The Life and Times of Henry Dangar. 

By E. C. ROWLAND, P.R.Hist.S., F.R.G.S. (Fellow). 

{Read before the Society, March 25, 1952,) 




On arrival in England, Dangar set about presenting 

his memorial to the Secretary of State at once. Lord 

Bathurst was no longer in office, his place having been 

taken by Mr W. Huskinsson. Dangar at once appealed 

to his friend, Anthony Rogers, to get him the necessary 

introduction. The letter to Lord Elliott this gentleman 

wrote has survived, and is now in the possession of Mr 

Neville Dangar. Most of it is worth quoting because of 

the light it sheds on previous help Anthony Rogers had 


My Lord, January 8th, 1828. 

The bearer of this, Mr. Henry Dangar, has been an assistant 
surveyor of Crown Lands in the Colony of New South Wales since 
the eafly part of 1821, he having left this neighbourhood for that 
Colony in the preceding year. Having been intimately acquainted 
with Mr. Dangar's family during a long period and feeling a desire 
for his welfare, I did in the latter part of the year 1822 introduce 
Mr. Dangar's situation to the notice of our late respected patron, 
the Earl of S. Germans. 

The writer then records how Henry Dangar had 
solicited his help with the Imperial Government in aiding 
him to become First Assistant to the Surveyor- General, 
and the writer had done so through Lord Bathurst. He 
continues that he now learns with surprise and regret that 
not only was Dangar passed over, but now is in trouble 
over land purchases. The letter continues : — 

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50 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Since the proijaises made to the late Earl with regard to Mr. 
Dangar were not acted up to, I trust it will be my sufficient excuse 
for introducing Mr. Dangar's case to your notice. 

Mr. Dangar wishes no further place or appointment, but only 
that his present grievances may meet with some redress from the 
British Government. His services from his testimonials appear to 
have been conducted with such ability and zeal that if the Govern- 
ment can be induced to investigate the merits of Mr. Dangar's 
appeal upon the matter, there can be no doubt that it will appear 
to them that Mr. Dangar has not only been treated with unheard of 
harshness but with much injustice. I do therefore do myself the 
honour of referring Mr. Dangar's case to your Lordship's con-, 

Mr. Dangar has proceeded from New South Wales to this 
country purposely upon this case, and will wait upon and explain 
to your Lordship every particular. 
I am, my Lord, 

Your Lordship's most humble and 
To the Kt. Hon. obedient servant, 

Lord Elliott etc. etc. Anthony Rogers. 

This contact must have given Henry Dangar reason- 
ably quick access to official circles, for on February 2 
Under-Secretary Hay wrote to Governor Darling that 
Dangar had arrived in England and had presented his 
memorial. But the Secretary of State saw no reason to 
alter the verdict he had given to the Governor in his 
despatch of October 15 last in which he approved of 
Darling's actions.^s The only point where Mr Huskisson 
was prepared to make an amendment was in the matter of 
the land appropriated by Dangar. If these acres had 
been paid for and improved on, Dangar might keep these.-^ 

Henry Dangar 's plan of campaign, having now gained 
the official ear, seemed to be to bombard the various 
Government officials with correspondence. In a communi- 
cation to Governor Darling, enclosing one or two of 
Dangar's letters, Under-Secretary Twiss ruefully adds, 
''These papers form a very small part of the correspon- 
dence which has taken place with Mr. Dangar since his 
return to this country.'' 

From St Neot in Cornwall, Dangar wrote a letter to 
Under-Secretary Twiss dated November 15, 1823,2^ in which 
he refuted the charges made against him. He threw the 
responsibility in the matter on Oxley's shoulders, as it was 
under his direction he acted, and quotes Oxley's letter to 

23. Historical Records of Australia, Series I., Vol. XIII., p. 552. 

24. Ibid, p. 779. 

25. Ibid, Vol. XIV., pp. 528-530. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar, 51 

Macleay to show that the Surveyor-General felt that no 
misappropriation had taken place. With regard to ac- 
quiring the Land Orders, he admits he broke the regu- 
lations, but so had so many others without reprimand. 
He had seen ''the highest officers in the colony under the 
Crown'' doing so, and such sales sanctioned ''in persons 
of rank by the Government. ' ' He makes a personal attack 
on Peter Mclntyre, whom he describes as "an artful and 
influential adversary" using "dishonourable and secret 
means to prejudice ' ' him. He concluded with a re ;uest 
that the land on which he paid the deposit and the Brisbane 
grant be restored to him, particularly as the latter had 
nothing to do with the case. 

Sir George Murray, who had followed Mr Huskisson 
as Secretary of State, then instructed Darling to put Uenry 
Dangar in repossession of the 1700 acres in question if 
payment is made on time in the regular manner.^® 

Dangar followed this up with a letter dated February 
27, 1829, to Under-Secretary Hay, requesting the return 
of the 1300 acres reserved for him by Governor Brisbane 
in return for meritorious services. He asked that it be 
formally granted to him under the Great Seal on his return, 
as Dangar has spent time and money improving the land. 
Before doing this, Under-Secretary Hay found it necessary 
to write to Darling for fuller information, and this was 
supplied to the Under-Secretary in the Governor 's despatch 
of December 19, 1829.27 

Darling's reply^® stated that Dangar had not been 
dispossessed of 1300 acres, but of 2000. A 10% deposit 
had been paid on this 2000 acres, but no specific land had 
been mentioned. It was by his irregular purchases of 
Land Orders that these 2000 acres had been acquired. 
The Governor had never intended to rob him of his deposit 
or the right to some land, but only of that specific land 
wrongly obtained. He could choose his 2000 acres quite 
easily elsewhere. Dangar still held the 1300 acres subject 
to the Secretary of State approving, but Darling suggested 
that he should be made to purchase this 1300 acres and 
an additional 700 elsewhere. He felt that Dangar de- 
served no liberal treatment by the Government. The 

26. Ibid, Vol. XIV., p. 527. 

27. Ibidy p. 683 et seq. 

28. Ibid, pp. 295-7. 

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52 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Governor also drew Sir George ^lurray's attention to the 
fact that the reser\'e of 1300 acres was due to Dangar upon 
retirement, but he had forfeited his right to it by his 

Sir George Murray agreed w4h the Governor in the 
matter, and in his despatch of July 24, 1830, gives his 
approval to all that Darling has done, while enclosing a 
copy of a letter from Under-Secretary Hay to Henry 
Dangar conveying Sir Grcorge's decision.^ 

Dangar made a further attempt in 1836, after he had 
returned to New South Wales, to open up the matter with 
Lord Glenelg, and Governor Bourke forwarded the appeal 
in his Despatch No. 118, dated November 11, but he had 
no better success, and Lord Gl nel'? refused to alter Sir 
George ^lurray's decision. So the matter ended. 

However, the trip to England was not without certain 
results apart from the publication of the Index and Direc- 
tory to the Hunter Valley and Emigrants' Guide. On 
May 13, 1828, in the parish church of his native village, 
Henry took to himself a wife, Grace Sibly, the daughter 
of John Sibly, of St Neot, Cornwall,^^ and to this happy 
couple a son, William John, was bom on March 16 of the 
following year. So it was as a married man with a family 
that Henry Dangar set sail at the end of 1829 in the vessel 
Elizabeth to return to New South Wales. 

A further benefit accrued to Dangar before he sailed. 
The new Commissioner of the Australian Agricultural 
Company, Sir Edward Parry, was looking for a suitable 
person to join his staff as a surveyor, and, hearing that 
Dangar was available, appointed him to the position. In 
his diary, under date April 10, 1930,^^ Parry records that 
the Elizabeth had arrived in Van Diemen's Land; and 
again on May 23 he records that ^Ir and ]Mrs Dangar 
had arrived at Port Stephens, where a cottage was ready 
for them. Mr Dangar had gone up to Tahlu, but was 
excused inspection work until after a certain event had 
taken place. This was a reference to the expected birth 
of Henry's second son, Henry Cary, the event taking place 
on June 4, 1830, at Port Stephens. 

29. Ihid, Vol XV., pp. 601-2. 

30. From the Marriage Register, Parish of St Neot, Cornwell. 

31. From Commissioner Parry's Journal in the Mitchell Library. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar, 53 


As Dangar was on the staff of the Australian Agri- 
cultural Company for the next three years, it might be 
worthwhile giving a few remarks about that firm.^^ 

On the return of Commissioner Thomas Bigge, who 
had been sent from London to inquire into the affairs of 
the colony, a report was tabled in the House of Commons. 
Part III. of that report dealt with the state of agriculture, 
and, amongst other recommendations, suggested that the 
investment of capital in New South Wales should be 
encouraged so that new areas as yet unsettled could be 
opened to the farmer and grazier. 

A group of men interested in this idea met in London 
in April, 1824, and discussed the formation of a company 
to take up land and develop it as suggested. The one 
Australian present, John Macarthur, junr., was able to 
help with his local knowledge. It was decided to approach 
the Secretary of State, Lord Bathurst, with a request for 
a charter for such a company, which it was planned should 
have a capital of £1,000,000. It was hoped that 1,000,000 
acres in New South Wales would be granted to the com- 
pany for the production of fine wool, vines, oils and flax. 
Emigration of special types was to be encouraged, and 
convict labour would be required. 

The deputation to Lord Bathurst was successful in 
gaining their requests with very slight modifications. 
Thus the Australian Agricultural Company was floated, 
and a local committee in New South Wales selected to 
carry out preliminary moves in the colony. Certain lead- 
ing citizens in New South Wales were given the opportunity 
to subscribe to the company. 

The local committee approached the Surveyor- General, 
John Oxley, to ask his advice on possible sites for the 
company's activities. He recommended three areas : 
(1) The Liverpool Plains; (2) the head of the Hastings 
River; and (3) Port Stephens district. The property 
called '^The Retreat" beyond Parramatta was acquired 
as a resting place for stock. The local committee then 
decided to wait for the company's agent, Mr Robert 
Dawson, of whose impending departure from London with 
stock and servants they had been notified. As mentioned 

32. Vide The Australian Agricultural Company, 18S4-1875 (treason}. 

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54 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

earlier, on his arrival here, Dawson, accompanied by Henry 
Dangar, inspected the Port Stephens area, and, without 
attempting to look at the other two selected sites, chose 
Port Stephens as the headquarters for the company's 
activities, a decision which was to cause trouble later. 

On his return to Sydney, Dawson arranged for the 
despatch of a schooner carrying men, materials and stock, 
and the venture was under way. 

As time passed, the affairs of the company did not 
progress as favourably as was expected, and it soon became 
obvious that Port Stephens was not a suitable area. The 
directors in London decided to recall Dawson and replace 
him with a more energetic man, and their choice fell on 
Sir Edward Parry. He it was who appointed Henry 
Dangar to the staff as surveyor. 

The first thing Parry wanted was a true and detailed 
report on the other two sites recommended by John Oxley, 
as he was convinced the Port Stephens area was not what 
was needed. Thus in April, 1830, he despatched Dangar 
to the Upper Hastings River to examine the land there.^^ 
Dangar made a thorough survey, drawing maps and taking 
detailed notes. He returned to Port Stephens to replenish 
supplies, and set off again in September. In November 
he set off a third time, on this occasion examining the area 
set aside in the district for the Church and Schools' 
Corporation, which the company would lease if suitable. 
Having thus explored all available land in the Hastings 
River area between the coast and the Dividing Range, 
Dangar presented his report, which was unfavourable to 
the company taking this area up for its activities. 

That left the Liverpool Plains, which John Oxley had 
seen on his 1819 journey from the Macquarie River to Port 
Macquarie. In June, 1831, Dangar, accompanied by Dr 
Nisbet, one of the leading executives at Port Stephens, set 
off to the north-west corner of the company's grant with 
the intention of penetrating from there to the Liverpool 
Plains. With ^'extreme labour and a degree of enter- 
prise," Dangar pushed up the headwaters of the Manning 
River, through country as rugged as anywhere, coming out 
on the top of the Dividing Range just beyond the source 
of the Peel River. Supplies were almost exhausted, and 

33. Historical Records of Australia, Series I., Vol. XVI., pp. 731-2, 
and The Australian Agricultural Company^ 1824-1875, pp. 55-7. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar. 55 

the party were compelled to return, their task incomplete, 
over the Liverpool Range and down the Hunter Valley to 

Supplies replenished, the party returned again in 
November, 1831. After another strenuous climb, the 
party again reached the Liverpool Plains, where Dangar 
was able to inspect some very fine country. He selected 
two areas in particular which he felt would be suitable to 
the activities of the Australian Agricultural Company, and 
on his return in January, 1832, he reported the matter to 
the Commissioner, stating that, while difficult of access, 
these areas would be much more suitable than Port 

Parry evoked great interest in Dangar 's maps and 
report, and decided to make a tour of inspection himself. 
Setting off with Dangar and the superintendent of the 
company's flocks on March 5, he reached the Liverpool 
Plains and began a thorough examination of the area. 
The courses of the Mowherindi and Peel Rivers were fol- 
lowed for some distance, and the land examined for many 
miles around. On the return journey to Port Stephens, 
a new line across the mountains at a gradient suitable for 
a stock route was discovered, and the party reached the 
company's headquarters after an absence of six weeks. 
Parry was now quite satisfied in his mind that it was his 
duty to acquire this land and transfer activities there. 

However, on approaching the Government in Sydney 
on June 4, 1832, he found an absence of eagerness to 
accede to his requests. Neither Governor Bourke nor 
Surveyor-General Major Thomas Mitchell seemed keen to 
hand over to the company two very extensive areas of good 
grazing land. To facilitate the task, Parry agreed to 
despatching his surveyor, Dangar, with a selected Govern- 
ment surveyor. White, to examine and survey again the 
land east of the Great Dividing Range, but the second 
survey only confirmed Dangar 's previous view that the 
land was not suitable to the purposes of the Australian 
Agricultural Company.^^ 

Nothing then could hold up the granting of this area, 
and in 1833 the Australian Agricultural Company was 
given possession of the areas selected by Dangar on the 

34. Royal Australian Historical Society's Journal and ProceedingSf 
Vol. IX., pp. 120 et seq. 

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56 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Liverpool Plains. One, which has become known as 
Warrah station, was 240,000 acres in extent, and the other, 
Goonoo Goonoo, was 360,000 acres. 

About this time Henry Dangar submitted to the 
directors of the company a paper dealing with the manage- 
ment of the company's sheep stations, discussing particu- 
larly the staffing and costs involved.^^ We are not con- 
cerned here with the details of this paper, but it is of 
interest to set out some of the facts gleaned from it, and 
we learn thereby that the company's grazing affairs were 
not too successful at this stage. 

Flocks consisted of from 300 to 500 sheep each, and 
two flocks were stationed together. There were huts for 
the shepherds and yards for the sheep at each centre. 
Each flock had two shepherds by day and a night watch- 
man to protect the sheep from native dogs when yarded 
at night. That meant six men were at each station, 
usually all being assigned prisoners, which meant it was 
not a costly business in wages. The clip per sheep was, 
on the average, 2 lbs. 6 ozs. The price of the shorn wool 
was 1/4 to 1/lli a lb., and so the value of a sheep would 
be about 4/-. A study of these figures shows how far the 
wool industry has progressed since these early days. 

On December 22, 1832, Sir Edward Parry reported 
to the Colonial Secretary, Macleay, that Dangar had com- 
pleted the survey work required of him, but was still in 
the employ of the company, waiting to assist in the settle- 
ment of the grants on the Liverpool Plains.^^ 

But as nothing seemed to have happened three months 
later, the Commissioner reported to Macleay that he 
intended to discharge Henry Dangar fromythe service of 
the company.^^ There is an interesting entry in Parry's 
JournaP^ under the date May 15, 1833, which is worth 
repeating : — 

I had a long conversation with Mr. Dangar principaUy oh the 
subject of his intended departure. I made with him every arrange- 
ment requisite for conveying Mrs. Dangar and his family across to 
Graham's and his baggage from here to Newcastle in the Lamhton 
and then in the Ehbsworth to the ''Green Hills." It is a comfort 
to feel that an, officer, about to leave the Company's service, is 
deserving of every consideration and assistance in my power. 

35. The Australian Agricultural Company^ 18M-1875y p. 73. 

36. Historical Btcords of Australia, Series I., Vol. XVII., p. 106. 

37. Ibid, p. 111. 

38. Commissioner Parry's Journal in the Mitchell Library^ Sydney. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar, 57 

Dangar's family had been further increased during 
the time at Port Stephens by the birth of a third son, 
Frederick Holkham, on October 23, 1831, so it was a family 
of five who left Port Stephens on June 7, 1833, to take 
up residence at Dangar 's property, Neotsfield, in the 
Hunter Valley near Singleton. Dangar 's life as a sur- 
veyor was completed, and he was now to become a grazier. 


As was the case with officers of the Government, 
Dangar received his first grant of land very soon after 
his appointment. On September 6, 1821, Macquarie 
granted him 700 acres in the Hunter Valley, Grant No. 4, 
between Morpeth and Raymond Terrace, opposite John 
Eales' block of 2100 acres. This was later known as 
^*Duckenfield."39 On May 16, 1825, Governor Brisbane 
gave him a further 300 acres. Grant No. 21, in the Hunter 
Valley, a property named by Dangar ''Neotsfield," after 
his native village.^^ It is located close to Singleton. On 
May 16, 1825, he purchased a further 700 acres adjoining 
this grant. Brisbane also ordered a further 1300 acres to 
be set aside for Dangar on March 13, 1825, in return for 
his meritorious services, and he was given a possession 
order in 1826 after he had paid a £50 deposit. It was 
this reserve of land which was temporarily taken from 
Dangar by Darling. 

Thus, very early in his Australian career, Henry 
Dangar was a pastoralist, but his occupation with the 
heavy programme of surveying mentioned early in this 
biography would not allow him to spend much time on his 
property. However, Henry had the capable hands of his 
brother William to help him. From a document to be 
mentioned later, it would appear that the brothers were 
in partnership. 

Evidence is available that the brothers were quite 
successful in their pastoral efforts. The Sydney Gazette 
of February 2, 1826, reported that Mr Dangar had sown 
2500 bushels of wheat and had prospects of a very good 
harvest. However, the drought which upset the economic 
situation in the early years of Governor Darling's regime 
was not without its effect on the Dangars. The Rev. J. 

39. From the records of the Lands Department, Sydney. 

40. Royal Australian Historical Society's Journal and Proceedings, 
Vol. XII., p. 81. 

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58 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

D. Lang, visiting the Hunter Valley in 1828, records*^ 
that, in company with the others settlers, those at Patrick *3 
Plains had suffered in the drought, no settler likely to 
have sufficient wheat for his own needs. Dangar had 
sown 130 acres, but most of it was only fit to burn. The 
only part to provide grain was an uncultivated part of 
his property which had been self-sown by the wind shaking 
and carrying ears from the previous harvest. Lang . 
speaks of Dangar as a ' * respectable and intelligent settler. ' ' 
However, two years later the drought was over, and 
Mr Houston Mitchell of Maitland, in a letter dated 
December 8, 1830, to his brother, the Surveyor-General, 
Major Thomas Mitchell, speaks of the good crop of wheat 
which Mr Dangar has in spite of the blight, smut and rust 
due to the previous heavy rains.^^ 

Very soon after leaving the Australian Agricultural 
Company to settle down to pastoral pursuits, Dangar 
discussed the question of dissolving partnership. There 
is in the possession of Mr Neville Dangar the document 
that the brothers drew up and signed at the dissolution. 
It is worth quoting, as it shows the progress the brothers 
had made at that stage, and I shall give it in full without 
comment, as it is self-explanatory. It was signed on 
IMay 22, 1835, and witnessed by Robert Clagg. 

Memorandum of an agreement made and entered into this day 
between Henry and William Dangar, both residing in the Colony 
of New South Wales, in respect of their dissolution of partnership 
and division of property which is agreed to be arranged in the 
following manner ; — 
The estimated value of all livestock of Wm. and Hy. 

Dangar at the 1st May ult. £10,000 

The improvements at Neotsfield, cash paid on a/c of 

ripe grain at Neotsfield, implements of husbandry 

and all stores of every description 2,494 

Land and improvements taken at Dart Brook by Wm. 

Dangar 1,100 

Less Henry Dangar's original capital £2,000/5/- 

currency 1,740 5 

Balance £11,853 15 

One half share £5,928 17 6 

41. History of New South Wales (J. D. Lang), Vol. I., pp. 221-4. 

42. Mitchell Correspondence in the Mitchell Library : Ref. A292, 
p. 93. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar, 59 

William Dangar share : — 

2000 acres of land at Dart Brook, 1800 acres situ- 
ated between Kingdom Ponds and Dart Brook 
and 200 acres adjoining Wm. Dangar's grant 
of 800 acres and all improvements in the pur- 
chase of land and grant £1,100 

Cash one month from this date 1,000 

William Dangar Dr. for interest upon half of 

Henry Dangar's original capital 626 10 

Bills, with interest at 10% per annum at one, two 

and three years in equal instalments 3,200 7 6 

Total £5,926 17 6 

There is a note to the memorandum that William 
agrees to surrender his interest in all other properties than 
those allocated to him in the memorandum, their improve- 
ments, equipment and assigned servants to Henry, while 
Henry agrees to provide William with six servants. 

Thus the brothers separated, Henry and his family 
to Neotsfield, and William to Turanville at Dartbrook, 
where he lived until he returned to England in 1857, 
passing away in 1868 at Cotswold Grange, Pittville, 
Cheltenham, at the age of sixty-eight. Turanville passed 
to Thomas Cook. 

Henry Dangar was soon busily engaged in pastoral 
pursuits on his own. He appears to have been very suc- 
cessful until the economic depression began to affect trade 
and agriculture in the late 'thirties and early 'forties of 
the last century. One can only gather that it must have 
hit Henry Dangar earlier and harder than others, or that 
Henry had been investing a little too much. Whatever 
the cause, an advertisement appeared in the Sydney press 
in March, 1838, to the effect that ''Neotsfield'' was to be 
sold by auction. It was described as : — 

1000 acres of the choicest meadow land, substantially enclosed, 
300 acres under cultivation, the residue being divided into feed and 
dairy paddocks. The houses and office are built in brick and 
complete, the homestead containing an entrance hall, dining and 
drawing rooms, six bedrooms, pantry, store, servants quarters and 
a spacious verandah. Half of the estate is bounded by the Hunter 
River from which delicious fish were obtained. 

There were five acres of orchard and kitchen garden 
securely enclosed. There was also a roomy barn and a 
threshing mill. 

**Holkham" was offered at the same time, this property 
being at Invermain, 65 miles from Maitland, and consisted 
of 2500 acres of rich meadow land and fine uplands. 

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60 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Altogether there were 22,000 sheep, 3000 head of 
cattle, and 50 horses on the property, and with the sale 
went the right to pasture on the Gostwyek and Salisbury 
Plains stations in New England. 

The cultivated part of Neotsfield produced 30 bushels 
to the acre, while the wool clip was 135 bales annually. 

This catastrophe to the Dangar fortunes seems to have 
been avoided, however, for the editor of the Maitland 
Mercury recorded on February 18, 1843, that the citizens 
of that town had been impressed on the previous Thursday 
morning by the cavalcade of vehicles and animals which 
stretched from his office nearly to Long Bridge — 3 waggons 
and 5 drays drawn by 72 oxen carrying 122 bales of wool 
from **the estate of one of our most enterprising settlers, 
Mr. Henry Dangar of Neotsfield." This wool clip was 
shipped to London from Newcastle in the Duke of Man- 
chester, This newspaper frequently reported the agri- 
cultural successes of Henry Dangar. 

Perhaps the arrival of the man who was to manage 
the Dangar estates for twenty-three years enabled the 
economic storm to be weathered. I refer to Arthur 
Palmer, who had arrived in Sydney from Ireland in 1838, 
and was engaged soon after to manage Dangar 's properties. 
After his long service with the Dangars, he entered the 
Queensland Parliament in 1866, became Colonial Secretary 
and Minister of Public Works in the following year. From 
1870 until 1874 he was Premier of Queensland, and again 
from 1879 until 1881 held Cabinet rank in the Northern 
State, being Colonial Secretary and Minister of Education. 
He was knighted for his public service in 1881, ard died 
in 1898. One of the properties near Armidale still held 
by the Dangar family is named ' ' Palmerston ' ' in his 

There is extant a letter from Henry Dangar to Arthur 
Palmer written in 1846 from Neotsfield to Gostwyek, 
which is of interest for the sidelight it gives on Dangar 's 
character.'*^ Part of it reads : — 

To avoid, then, as you say, a multitude of words, I will give 
you what you ask for two years, viz. £200 a year, and I do not 
suppose that you will see me at a loss for a manager for six or 
even twelve months — I hope you would have no objection to make 

43. In the archives of Dangar, Gedye, Malloch Ltd., Young Street, 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar, 61 

it three years in the event of my wishing after another year to visit 
the Old Country, and we will have nothing further to do with petty 
contracts, this being inclined to make me sick. 

One venture Henry Dangar embarked upon was the 
establishment in 1848 of a meat preserving works at New- 
castle, on the Maitland Road near the Cottage Bridge, part 
of the present suburb of Wickham, but then on the edge 
of the town boundary. Mr Charles Gedye was the manager 
of this enterprise. Dangar managed to secure an agree- 
ment by which practically the whole output was consigned 
to London to the contractor for the Royal Navy.**^ He 
also experimented at this stage with the tinning of meat, 
but cost of labour and lack of demand caused it to be 
given up. Mr Gedye, however, won two gold medals at 
the Paris Exhibition of 1851 for first tins of preserved 
meat from Australia.**^ 

This unfortunate period in Australian economic 
history, the 'forties, had led to a heavy fall in the price 
of wool, the value of a fleece falling as low as T^d. Many 
flock owners turned to the rendering works where sheep 
and cattle were boiled down in tallow, a commodity easily 
marketable at reasonable prices. Sheep brought only 6/- 
a head, but that was better than losing everything. The 
effect on the flocks of the colony, however, is not hard to 
imagine. Dangar 's meat works at Newcastle were a similar 
effort to bring some money to the pastoralists. It was 
quite successful while it lasted, but with the passing of 
the depression the depleted flocks were needed for wool, 
not meat production, and the works eventually closed down. 


Henry Dangar 's activities as a squatter should be 
mentioned at this stage before any further progress in his 
life story is made. And as squatting was an important 
development at this stage of Australian history, I hope I 
shall be forgiven for undertaking a brief summary of this 
development before recording Dangar 's part in it. I am 
indebted to Professor S. H. Roberts' book. The Squatting 
Age in Australia, 1835-1849, for the facts set out. 

The year 1835 saw free settlement sweep into New 
South Wales in earnest. The roads in all directions had 

44. Maitland Mercury, February 9, 1848; August 26, 1848; February 
19, 1851. 

45. These are preserved in the City Hall, Newcastle. 

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62 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

been opened — to the west over the Blue Mountains in 1816, 
to the Northern Tablelands in 1824, to Lake Bathurst and 
the Goulburn country in 1818, and to Port Phillip in 1824. 
There was a general movement towards the out-back, which 
the Government, like King Knut of old, vainly tried to 
stem. Darling had the nineteen counties defined, and 
beyond these settlement must not go. Governor Bourke, 
although instructed by the Home Government to continue 
Darling's policy, found himself faced with a fait accompli 
— ^the Henty brothers were at Portland, Fawkner and 
Batman were at Port Phillip, and settlers including 
William Dangar were in the New England district."*® 
Everyone from the Chief Justice downward was thinking 
in terms of sheep, cattle, fine wool and land speculation. 
'*The soldier unbuckled his belt to become a keeper of 
sheep, and the priest forsook his altar to become a herds- 
man of cattle. '* With the growth of free settlers, the 
whole nature of the colony had changed. By 1835 there 
were 45,000 free or freed to 28,000 in bonds. 

The years previous to 1835 had seen a gradual growth 
in the overseas demand for Australian wool. British 
supplies and the quality of those supplies had declined 
rapidly since the Napoleonic War, and only Germany 
remained as a serious rival, and by 1835 its ascendancy 
was being steadily overhauled. With this came the cry 
for more and more sheep. People were urged to invest 
in the wool trade somehow. **Put everything on four 
legs !*' was the cry, and emigration from Britain was 

Governor Bourke attempted to meet the position by a 
Licensing Act passed in 1836, by which those wishing to 
squat on lands outside the nineteen counties were required 
to pay £10 per annum for a license enabling them to do so. 
Commissioners in the various districts were appointed to 
issue the license and supervise squatting in their areas, 
and penalties were to be imposed for those squatting with- 
out a license. The supervisory part of the Act was quite 
ineffective, and Bourke 's successor. Sir George Gipps, 
endeavoured to overcome this, as there had been several 
cases of trouble between settlers and blacks. Henry 
Dangar had at least one such incident on his station, at 

46. Royal Australian Historical Society's Journal and Proceedings, 
Vol. VIII., p. 230. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar. 63 

Myall Creek, where several blacks were ruthlessly murdered 
by white men. But more of that anon. Gipps' sugges- 
tions were to give the Commissioners more power and to 
back up their authority with small troops of mounted 
police. Despite a storm of criticism, these suggestions 
were incorporated in an Act of 1839. 

As the years passed it became obvious that the 
squatting system was not a success. Squatters had no 
permanency of tenure. They could be moved more or 
less without notice, so no undue time or money was spent 
over buildings or land improvement. To remedy this, 
the Squatting Regulations of 1849 were passed, by which 
leases of eight to fourteen years' duration were issued at 
£10 per annum for each station or run, 4000 sheep or its 
equivalent in cattle being carried on the run. For each 
additional 1000 sheep £2/10/- per annum was added to 
the licence. 

Henry Dangar 's first acquisition in the squatting line 
was the Gostwyck and Moonbi runs near Armidale. Here 
Edward Gostwyck Cory had squatted in 1833, but he had 
sold those rights to part of the run to Henry's brother 
William in 1834.^'^ Henry later acquired these rights, and 
in 1838 had licenses at £10 each for the Gostwyck and 
Salisbury Plains runs. William assisted his brother here, 
and it is recorded that when George J. McDonald became 
the first Land Commissioner in the Armidale District in 
July, 1839, the Dangar brothers were at Gostwyck, Binns 
and Wiseman managing for them there.'*® 

Both Henry and his brother William took advantage 
of the assisted migrants who were flocking to the colony. 
The shipping registers of the time show entries against 
their names.*® For instance, the ship Britain arrived in 
Sydney in 1844, and from it Henry secured the services 
of John and William Finch, and William took Henry and 
James Ellis, all single men, as shepherds, while John Shean 
went to Henry as a labourer, and George Smith, labourer, 
to William Dangar. They guaranteed to pay these men 
£12 per annum and rations, and the contract was for twelve 
months. Henry Dangar also secured the services of Mr 

47. Ibid, Vol. XXXIV., p. 147, and Vol. VIII., p. 235. 

48. Ibid, Vol. VIII., p. 401. 

49. Enclosures to the Governor's Despatches (1234, pp. 1157, 1159, 
1167) in Mitchell Library. 

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64 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

and Mrs Pat. Hefferman for work at Neotsfield, paying 
them £10 each per annum. Henry Dangar was also one 
of those landowners who supported a petition to the 
Government to introduce Indian labour into the colony, 
so scarce was the supply of labour as settlement spread. 

The massacre of the blacks at Myall Creek, mentioned 
earlier, occurred in 1838, at a time when Henry Dangar 
was away from his run.^^ By this time Henry had secured 
permission from the Colonial Treasurer to depasture stock 
in the Port Macquarie district, which was then far beyond 
the boundaries of normal location. He had also pushed 
on to Myall Creek and selected land for a run there. On 
this property the blacks lived in tranquillity with Dangar 's 
shepherds, and there had been no trouble. Then from 
outside the peace was shattered. A party of white men, 
probably irritated by the retaliation of some other 
aborigines, rounded up the blacks on Dangar 's run. This 
was an easy task, for the blacks there had nothing to fear 
from white men. Some thirty were collected together, 
taken away from the shepherds' hut and killed in cold 
blood. The murderers then set off for further victims. 
When the report was made to the police there was quick 
action, and eleven of the twelve white men, all ex-convicts, 
were arrested. Justice took its course, and seven were 
condemned to death. There was quite an outcry, for there 
were still many who looked upon the aborigines as animals, 
and the thought that white men should die for killing 
blacks appalled them. But there was no reprieve, and 
the guilty suffered. Dangar received some adverse criti- 
cism for the affair, but he was far from the run at the 
time and the trouble was not started by his men. The 
incident, because of the publicity it received, showed the 
wisdom of the suggestions of Sir George Gipps that the 
hands of the Lands Commissioners should be strengthened. 

When the new squatting regulations of 1849 were 
gazetted, Henry Dangar applied for licences for several 
runs, and a total of just over 300,000 acres were registered 
in his name. These were Gostwyck, 48,000 acres; Para- 
dise Creek, 32,000 acres; Bald Hills, 19,200 acres; Moonbi, 
25,000 acres; Bulleori, 64,000 acres; Karee, 64,000 acres; 

50. Historical Records of Australiay Series I., Vol. XIX., p. 701 
et seq. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar. 65 

and Myall Creek, 48,000 acres.^^ He also acquired the 
Yallaroi run from J. B. Rundle in 1859.^2 

There can be no doubt from this formidable list that 
Henry Dangar had become one of the leading pastoralists 
in the colony. As he had earlier made a very definite 
contribution to the development of the colony as a Govern- 
ment and Australian Agricultural Company surveyor, now 
he was adding very considerably to the further dev^elop- 
ment of New South Wales as a pastoralist. Quite apart 
from land, Henry at one stage was a hotel proprietor, 
owning inns at Pages River and St Aubins. These were 
advertised to let in the Australian of June 22, 1838. The 
same newspaper reported on February 15, 1842, that 
Dangar was erecting a very large hotel at Murrurundi, 
which would have beneficial effects for travellers by pro- 
viding healthy competition. 

His family, too, had grown, five sons and two daughters 
gracing the family board. Also all his surviving brothers 
— 'William, Thomas, Charles, John and Richard — and his 
sister Elizabeth were living in Australia, and all were 
prosperous in their new environment. It must have been 
a period of great happiness to Henry after the years of 
stress and hard work that had gone before. 


On November 26,, 1836, Richard Cary Dangar, the 
youngest brother of Henry, arrived in Sydney just a short 
while before his twentieth birthday. He had, no doubt, 
been inspired to brave the long journey out by the stories 
Henry had told of the new land when he was home some 
years before. 

Henry at once took Richard under his wing. As he 
travelled around the colony in connexion with his business 
he took Richard with him, giving him a chance to see places 
and meet people, as well as to ask questions. 

However, with the eagerness of young people, Richard 
was keen to do something himself. So Henry set him up 
as a storekeeper at Muswellbrook, and it is claimed that 
from this small beginning has sprung the firm of Dangar, 
Gedye & Malloch. As business prospered, Richard joined 

51. Royal Australian Historical Society's Jov/rnal and Proceedings, 
Vol. XXXIV., p. 147. 

52. From the archives of Dangar, Gedye, Malloch Ltd. 

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66 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

forces with Jeremiah Rundle, a successful storekeeper in 
Armidale, and together they began to look for an opening 
for their activities in Sydney.^^ 

Later, the firm was enlarged by another partner, 
Charles Gedye linking up. The Gedyes were related to 
the Dangars, for in July, 1791, Ann Gary Dangar, Henry's 
aunt, had married John Gedye, junr. 

With business well established in Sydney, Richard 
Dangar returned to England to set up an office for the 
firm there, and, except for a brief return to Australia, he 
remained in England for this purpose, his home being at 
Haverstock Hill, Hampstead. He returned to Australia 
in 1852, and stayed for nearly eight years. He took up 
residence at Effingham House, Copthorne, Surrey, when 
he reached England again, and there he died on June 16, 
1867, at the age of forty-nine. He had married Ann 
Treweek, daughter of William Golding of Callington, in 
1844, and his only daughter, Louisa, married Mr Mitchell, 
who became Second Secretary to the British Embassy at 
St Petersburg, where Mrs Mitchell died in 1879 at the 
early age of thirty-four. 

Henry followed the trading interests of his brother 
and the other partners closely, and was always behind 
them in their efforts. In 1855 he placed the necessary 
sum of money with the firm to enable his second son, 
Frederick Holkham Dangar, to be taken into partnership. 
The centennial history of the firm of Dangar, Gedye & 
Malloch says of Henry Dangar : — 

Although he is not shown anywhere as ever having been an 
active partner in the business himself, it is clear, from all the con- 
temporary evidence, that he backed the enterprise and was a sleeping 
partner until he transferred his share in it to his 8on.54 


Dangar first entered the political arena in 1843, when 
elections for the Legislative Council of New South Wales 
were taking place. There was considerable interest in the 
efforts of the candidates, for it was the colony's first 
elective Council for which they were striving. Previously 
the Governor had nominated some of the members, and 
others were there ex officio. The efforts of W. C. Went- 
worth and others, however, had led the British Government 

53. This Century of Ov/rs (Fraser), p. 50. 

54. nid, p. 70. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar. 67 

to make a move towards Representative Government, and 
this was the result. 

The Maitland Mercury of January 14, 1843, carried an 
announcement that a committee, of which Henry Dangar 
was the chairman, had been chosen to carry out an electoral 
campaign in favour of Major D'Arcy Wentworth for the 
Northumberland Borough seat on the Council. A month 
later the same newspaper recorded surprise that Henry 
Dangar had not been nominated, as had been expected, at 
a public meeting of electors at Scone. This was for the 
Brisbane, Bligh and Hunter Counties seat, where, the 
editor added, *'Mr. Henry Dangar 's friends are numerous, 
forming the majority at Scone and Murrurundi. ^ ' As 
Henry Dangar 's name was not put forward, we find his 
brothers, Thomas and William, supporting the nomination 
of Captain Dumaresq at the same meeting. 

A few days later, however, at another electoral meet- 
ing, Dangar 's nomination was put forward, proposed by 
Dr Gill and seconded by Mr Rundle. A proper requisition 
was then duly signed by his supporters, in which Dangar 
was asked to stand. It seems to have taken Henry a month 
to make up his mind, for it was not until April 1 that the 
newspaper was able to announce : — 

Mr. Henry Dangar has at length announced himself a candidate 
for the Upper Hunter District. His address is to be found in 
another column. He avows himself the champion of agricultural 
and grazing interests, and is the first candidate in this quarter who 
has openly advocated application of the Land Fund for the impor- 
tation of coolies. We doubt much whether this avowal will add 
to his chance of success. He professes decidedly liberal opinions 
on political subjects. His address would, we think, be improved 
by being rendered more simple. 

The wording of this policy speech, which, in accor- 
dance with the custom in those pre-railway and pre-radio 
days, was set out in the form of a long letter published 
in the press, is certainly not the simplest. Two extracts 
will show this : — 

My pretensions for soliciting your support are founded upon a 
residence here as a colonist for upward of twenty- two years, (being 
one of the first to plant the standard of colonisation in the important 

locality, the Hunter) I am a fixed denizen amongst you; the 

colony has been the birthplace of my numerous family; my and 
their interests are identical with your own. Wedded to these 
pursuits, I address myself to you as a fellow labourer in the field 
of rural industry 

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68 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

I shall be brief in the exposition of my political opinions; they 
are decidedly liberal. In religion, a member of the Church of 
England, but tolerant to all sects; an enemy of placemen and 
pluralists; my role shall ever be on the side of economy and efficiency, 
without respect of persons. In fine, should you, by the guarded 
and unbiassed use of your suffrage, confer the honour upon me to 
which I aspire, my best energies will be directed to the protection 
and advancement of your general interest — religious, moral, political 
and educational. In the former case, against the trespass on your 
rights as free men; and in the latter, supporting all measures that 
may be calculated to organise and give stability to our common 

One cannot imagine a speech like that at a modern 
political gathering, but Dangar was addressing only a 
portion of the people in his electorate, for the franchise 
was then limited to males who held a property freehold 
of a minimum value of £200 or to householders paying an 
annual rental of at least £20. He addressed groups of 
electors at Jerry ^s plains on April 4 and at Murrurundi 
on April 11. At these meetings he set forth his point of 
view clearly, and showed the wide knowledge he had both 
of the Hunter Valley and the colony generally. However, 
he invariably had some critical remarks to make about his 
opponents, not only on the score of their policy, but often 
of a personal nature. In return, he received frequent 
jibes about his support of the plan for introducing Indian 

The Maitland Mercury of May 27 forecast a close 
contest between Captain Dumaresq and Henry Dangar, 
without making mention of the third candidate, Mr 
Mclntyre, although they later declared that he was the 
one who impressed them most. 

On nomination day, amidst great excitement, Dangar 
was led to the hustings by some of his supporters, mounted 
on horseback, displaying his colours — true blue and 
currency blue — very prominently. The Returning Officer 
duly asked for nominations, and Captain Dumaresq, Mr 
Mclntyre and Mr Dangar were in turn proposed and 
seconded. Each candidate followed his nomination with 
a short speech to the assembled electors. The Returning 
Officer then called for a show of hands, and declared Mr 
Dangar the winner. The other candidates, however, exer- 
cised their prerogative and asked for a ballot. The 
Returning Officer thereupon declared June 24 as polling 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar. 69 

The interest until that day was intense, and the local 
newspaper records one or two cases of persons charged 
with assault at electioneering meetings. But, alas ! for 
the forecast of the editor of the Maitland Mercury^ Captain 
Dumaresq won the seat with an absolute majority over 
the other two candidates. The final figures were : 
Dumaresq, 58; Dangar, 34; Mclntyre, 19. Nevertheless, 
Dangar 's visits to Jerry 's Plains and Murrurundi had been 
profitable ones, for in those centres he captured every vote 
available — eleven in each case. 

In the years that followed, Henry Dangar became very 
much of a public figure. At almost every important 
public gathering in Singleton and neighbourhood the local 
press records his presence, frequently as a speaker, often 
as the chairman. A few examples in the year 1844 will 
illustrate this.^^ 

In that year the Rev. J. D. Lang was likely to be 
disqualified from taking his seat on the Legislative Council 
because he could not comply with the necessary property 
qualifications, his estates having been spent in the cause 
of education. Public meetings were held in various towns 
to help overcome this difficulty and retain his services for 
the colony. Henry Dangar and John Robertson were the 
principal speakers at the Singleton gathering held in 
January, and Dangar was chosen as one of a committee 
to collect funds for this cause. 

A month later he was chairman at a public meeting 
called for the dual purpose of initiating moves to have the 
local M.P. removed from the Council, and of offering con- 
gratulations to the Member for Durham, Mr Windeyer, 
on the excellent stand he had made in Parliament. 

Three weeks later he was again in the chair at a public 
meeting at Singleton, when Mr Windeyer met his con- 
stituents and reported the doings of the Legislative Council. 
Twelve days later, this member was tendered a congratu- 
latory dinner at the Rose Inn, Maitland. Henry Dangar 
was again in the chair, and had a very happy time pro- 
posing numerous toasts — the Queen, Prince Albert and 
the Royal Family, the Governor, the Judiciary, the 
Attorney-General and the Bar, their Guest of Honour, 
Lady Gipps, the Ladies of the Colony, and Agricultural 

55. These are all recorded in the Maitland Mercury of corresponding 

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70 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

and Grazing Interests. In return, Mr Windeyer proposed 
the health of the chairman after complimenting him on his 

Towards the end of April a public meeting of electors 
at Singleton was called to give intending candidates for 
the newly formed District Councils (the equivalent of 
our Shire Councils) a chance to speak. On the motion of 
Mr T. Cullen, seconded by Dr Stolworthy, it was agreed 
that Henry Dangar, because of his talent and interest in 
the locality, was a fit and proper person to be chosen. 
Nominations took place on November 7, and Dangar was 

During May, Dangar was the principal speaker at 
meetings at Scone and Singleton called to protest against 
the new squatting regulations proposed by the Governor. 
In the latter place he was selected as one of a committee 
to collect signatures for a petition. 


The first Annual Show of the Hunter River Agricul- 
tural Society was held on May 14, 1844, in the sheds and 
yards at the back of the Albion Inn at ]\Iaitland. Dangar 
was one of the exhibitors, and won prizes for the best bull 
and the best breeding cow, while his horned cattle received 

55a See Royal Australian Historical Society's Journal^ Vol. 
XXXIX., p. 1. 

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The Life and Times of Henry Dangar. 71 

favourable comment. At the ofHeial lunch given at 4.30 
p.m. on the opening day, Henry Dangar was in the vice- 
president 's chair and replied to the toast of the successful 
competitors. He also proposed a toast to ^^The Agricul- 
tural and Grazing Interests in the Colony/' 

During the same month he was chosen as a member 
of a committee endeavouring to have Newcastle declared a 
free warehousing port. He was then selected by that 
committee to be one of the small deputation to wait upon 
the Governor with their petition. His Excellency received 
the deputation graciously, and agreed to forward the 
petition to the Home Government with his blessing. 

Thus Henry Dangar was identifying himself with the 
political and agricultural developments of the Hunter 
Valley, his actions and remarks being backed by an inti- 
mate knowledge of the district gained since the beginning 
of its history, with which he had had much to do. 

Therefore, when it was suggested that he stand for the 
Northumberland County seat on the Legislative Council 
in the election of October, 1845, he was successful and took 
his seat in the House for the first time on May 13, 1846. 
He was returned for the same seat by a majority of 54 in 
the elections of 1848, and remained a member until the 
dissolution of the Council in June, 1851. He did not seek 
re-election after that date.^^ 

Of his policy while on the Council, it would be fair 
to say that he spoke and voted in the interests of the land- 
liolders and squatters. He served on the Roads and 
Bridges Select Committee in 1846, and helped to prepare 
a report on the measures necessary for improvement in 
that direction. When the English Secretary of State, 
Mr Gladstone, advocated a return to a modified form of 
transportation of convicts to the colony, Dangar joined 
with Wentworth, Macarthur and others in supporting it. 
The labour shortage on the land was still acute, and none 
knew the need better that Dangar with his vast holdings. 
He also opposed Sir George Gipps' land policy, and was 
therefore one of the solid opposition which faced the 
Governor on the Council when Sir George brought forward 
his proposals to regulate squatting.^^ But while the 

56. New South Wales Legislative Council Papers, A235, pp. 110-111, 
Mitchell Library. 

57. Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Council, June, 1846. 

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72 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

opposition of many of the Councillors was unreasonable 
and based rather on personal dislike of Sir George and 
not on the merits or demerits of the case, Henry Dangar's 
opposition was against the proposals. He was therefore 
only too willing to serve on the Select Committee of the 
Council appointed to examine in detail a bill before the 
House of Commons dealing with the sale of waste lands 
belonging to the Crown in Australia. 

There is no doubt that Dangar was exasperated at the 
constant strife between the Council and the Governor. 
In a letter to Captain M. 'Council in 1846 he referred to 
the matter. He described the government of Sir George 
as ''one of espionage and secret influence.'' He lamented 
the fact that the Governor has never nominated him to the 
magistracy. He said ''he has notoriously included the 
names of some in the commission of the peace he should 
not — and he has omitted others who from property, stand- 
ing and fitness were entitled to be included. I flatter 
myself I am one of the latter class." He expressed to 
Captain 'Council the hope that there will be greater co- 
operation between the Legislative and Executive Councils 
under the new Governor, Sir Charles P^itzroy.^® 

Very soon after this, Dangar received a commission 
dated November 11, 184S, appointing him Magistrate of 
the Territory. 


Thus life went along steadily for Dangar until he 
received word that his father had died on December 17, 
1851, at St Neot. When nine months later another letter 
announced his mother's death on September 8, 1852, Henry 
felt it imperative, as the eldest surviving son,^^ to return 
to England to attend to his father's affairs. He sailed 
from Sydney in 1852, and was absent about three years, 
during which time he made his home in the house of his 
brother Richard at Haverstock Hill, Hampstead. Richard 
was in Australia at the time. 

While in England, Henry Dangar visited Europe with 
his wife and son, Henry Cary, who was then studying at 
Cambridge. He arranged for certain Saxons to come to 
Australia to assist in working his stations. Among these 
men were Messrs Eichorn, Post and Bauer (later altered 

58, O'ConreU Correspondence, A839, Mitchell Library, Sydney. 
^9. An eldor brother, Charles, died at the age of ton months. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 73 

to Bower), descendants of whom still live in the Singleton 
and Armidale districts. He also purchased some Saxony 
sheep to improve the stock on its holdings, and the men 
selected were to look after the animals on the voyage to 
New South Wales.^o 

After visiting St Neot, Henry decided to sell his 
father's lands and other property. Lampen Farm had 
passed out of the Dangars' hands, and William Dangar 
owned ''Bush'' and ' ' Crossfields " with the right to pasture 


on **Gonzion" and ''Berry Down." Posters far and wide 
announced the fact that Mr Eobert Avent would sell by 
auction in the Carlyon Arms, St Neot, on Wednesday, 
September 6, 1854, at 3 p.m., the land, houses, orchards 
and premises, property of Henry Dangar, in the Parish 
of St Neot, Cornwall. Thus, except for one farm-house 
and a small area of about 100 acres, the lands of the 
Dangars in St Neot passed from their hands. The re- 
maining portion is now the property of Mr Peter Dangar. 

60. From a Journal of H. C. Dangar now in the possession of Mr 
B. N. Dangar. 

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74 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

One very interesting event occurred at this time — the 
granting of a coat of arms to the Dangar family on October 
3, 1854.^^ The motto selected, "Traditus non victus,'' is 
very fitting for a family that refused to bow to the de- 
mands of a Papal King, Louis XIV., that they should 
surrender their religious liberty, and preferred to sacrifice* 
their home and possessions and leave their native land for 
the sake of their faith. 

Henry returned to Australia broken in health, and 
his death, due to a stroke, took place at ** Grantham," 
Potts Point, on March 2, 1861, at the age of sixty-four. 
His wife survived him by eight years, her death taking 
place at Neotsfield on August 16, 1869, at the age of sixty- 
eight. Both were buried in the family vault which stands 
in the grounds of All Saints' Church, Singleton. 

It only remains to trace the fortunes of the five sons 
and two daughters who survived Henry Dangar.®^ 

The eldest son, William John, was born at St Neot 
in 1829. On his father's death in 1861, Neotsfield passed 
to him, and it would appear that he was a successful 
pastoralist. He was elected President of the Northern 
Agricultural Society in the 'seventies. His death occurred 
in 1890, and there was no issue to his marriage with 
Marion, daughter of John Phelps of Sydney. 

The second son, Henry Gary, born at Port Stephens 
in 1830, and educated at Sydney College, became a 
barrister-at-law. He took an Arts degree at Cambridge, 
being a student of Trinity College, and was admitted to 
the Middle Temple. He later became a member of both 
the Legislative Assembly and Council, the former in 1874 
and the latter in 1883, and had residences at * ' The Grove, ' ' 
Camden, and at ''Grantham," Potts Point, Sydney. To 
his marriage in 1865 with Lucy, the daughter of Com- 

61. From information supplied by the Rouge Croix, College of 
Heralds, London. 

62. Information concerning the family of Henry Dangar came from 
several sources : 

(a) The memorial tablets in St Neot Parish Church, Cornwall. 

(b) Fox's Armorial Families, p. 493. 

(c) Burke's Colonial Gentry, 1891 ed., Vol. I., pp. 21-2 and 64. 

(d) The Australian Encyclopedia, Vol. I. 

(e) Pioneer Families (Mowle). 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 75 

mander Lamb, R.N., there was an issue of four sons — R. 
H. Dangar, of Neotsfield; Reginald Neville Dangar, a 
solicitor ; Major-General H. W. Dangar, R.A. ; and Leonard 
A. Dangar, of Yallaroi, N.S.W. — and several daughters. 
He died in 1917. Dangar Island in the Hawkesbury 
River was named by him when he bought it in 1864 and 
erected a house on it.^^ 

The third son, Frederick Holkham Dangar, also born 
at Port Stephens in 1831, became, as mentioned earlier, 
a partner in the firm of Dangar, Gedye Ltd. He moved 
to London to look after the English end of the firm s 
business. He acquired the first sailing ship belonging to 
the firna, the Hawkesburyy to facilitate overseas trade. He 
also built the Neotsfield, which was later sunk by the 
Germans. He was a director of the Commercial Banking 
Company of Sydney, and a foundation member of the 
Union Club in Sydney. He was also a keen cricketer, 
and was particularly interested in the first games between 
England and Australia. He was also a close personal 
friend of the English statesman, William Ewart Gladstone. 
After several voyages back and forward to England, he 
finally retired to England in 1879, where his death took 
place in 1921. To his marriage in 1858 with Elizabeth, 
the daughter of John Phelpsi, there was an issue of two 
sons, Dudley Richard and Henry Phelps, and a daughter, 

The fourth son, Albert Augustus, was born in 1840. 
He spent two or three years as a pupil of Truro Grammar 
School while his father was in England, and also served 
at sea for three years. He acquired the property 
''Baroona," formerly "Rosemount," at Whittingham, 
N.S-W., and became a very successful pastoralist, specializ- 
ing in stock breeding. He was a generous man, and the 
Singleton district has several pieces of evidence of his 
thought for other people. On June 22, 1907, he donated 
an up-to-date Cottage Hospital to the people of Singleton. 
A year or so later, when it was decided that the Church 
of All Saints' was to be rebuilt, he let it be known that 
he would be a supporter of the move, and it was largely 
due to his generosity that the church was rebuilt. He 
laid the foundation stone in 1911, and, in addition to a 

63. Boyal Australian Historical Society's Journal and Proceedings^ 
Vol, XXVIII., p. 132. 

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76 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

monetary gift, he donated the clock and organ and a chapel 
in the north-west transept. The tower of the new church 
was, at Mr Dangar's suggestion, modelled on that of the 
Parish Church at St Neot in Cornwall. A. A. Dangar 
married Phoebe, daughter of E. Rouse of Rouse Hill, in 
1866, and there was an issue of three sons — Rodney, 
Norman Napier and Clive — and four daughters. He died 
in 1913. 

The fifth son, Francis Richard, left New South Wales 
to live in England, and died in 1873 in London. 

The elder daughter, Margaret Elizabeth, married 
Walter Lamb of Prospect in 1858, and the younger, 
Florence Blanche, married George Frederick Want in 1870. 

Tablets on the walls of the Parish Church of St Neot 
in Cornwall record the success in life of the members of 
the Dangar family, a success which was in part due to the 
start in life given them by the hard work and pioneering 
efforts of their ancestor, Henry. So it is perhaps fitting 
to close this brief biography with a short passage from the 
wording of the tablet erected to his memory in that church 
by his children : — 

*' Possessed of a sound commonsense combined with 
untiring energy, he, by his own efforts, achieved success. 
Loved and esteemed in life, he is revered in death.'' 

Sir George Reid's Place in the Federal 

By K. R. CRAMP, O.B.E., M.A. (Fellow). 

{Read before the Society, August 26, 1952.) 


( Continued, ) 

The atmosphere of the Convention became heated at 
times. Accusations were thrown both ways across the 
chamber. Generally Reid took the thrusts with good 
humour. When, for instance, Gordon (South Australia) 
said Reid's attitude ''evidences complete inconsistency; I 
am almost inclined to say the political unscrupulousness 
of the right honourable gentleman himself,'' the unruffled 
Reid merely replied, ''You are entitled to say it on account 
of the hot weather !" On another occasion, when sub- 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 77 

jected to interjections, he hit back with the remark, *'My 
honourable friend's interruptions resemble a bludgeon in 
more respects than one — they have no point. ' ' Sir William 
Teal (Victoria) complained that Reid had made a personal 
reference to him which was extremely offensive; in short, 
Reid had referred to him as *' Reverend. ' ' Reid's retort 
came without hesitation : * * That 's days ago ; I have changed 
my opinion since. '- 

This is scarcely on the main subject, but it does add 
to our visualization of Reid's personality, and depicts the 
delegates, after all, not as supermen, but common mortals 
with ordinary human characteristics. In after years, 
Reid himself made confession and wrote : ** Looking over 
the reports of the debates, I see many reasons for picking 
myself out as the chief offender in the heated exchanges 
which occurred during the sittings of the Convention. "^^ 
Perhaps he would have even admitted the accuracy of 
Piddington's comment that he brought rudeness to a fine 


Having established a sound position for New South 
Wales as regards the river problem, Reid found he had 
to protect its railway trade against the interests of Victoria 
and, to a less extent, South Australia. To assist the man 
on the Riverina lands, the Government had expended large 
sums on railway extension so as to facilitate the carriage 
of produce to the seaboard. Victoria, which had not 
relinquished the notion that the Riverina should have been 
included within its boundaries, when it had been erected 
into a separate colony in 1851, had endeavoured to attract 
this trade to her own ports, and consequently the cost of 
carriage of Riverina produce to Melbourne was actually 
lower than for produce within Victoria itself over shorter 

At one stage Reid might have been willing to hand 
over the railways if the Federal Government would at the 
same time take over the State debts. At the Melbourne 
sessions he mentioned possible complications which would 
need to be ironed out. What, for instance, would be the 
position if the Federal Government took over a part of a 
railway ? Could a railway built for defence be used for 

25 Reid : My Beminiscences, p. 134. 
26 Piddington : Worshipful Masters. 

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78 Boyal Australian Historical Society, 

mercantile purposes ? But these questions scarcely called 
for a reply, for they were not seriously considered. What 
was of importance was the attitude of the Convention 
concerning the Riverina railways.^^ 

A clause had been adopted at Adelaide to the efifect 
that the Commonwealth should not allow preference by 
any law or regulation of commerce or revenue to any 
State, or part thereof, over another State or part thereof. 
Reid attempted to add to that clause the following : *'But 
nothing in this Constitution shall be taken to interfere 
with the power of any State or authority constituted by 
a State to arrange rates upon lines of railway so as to 
secure payment of working expenses and interest on the 
cost of construction.'' At the outset he was unsuccessful, 
though he argued that, without the power, New South 
Wales would be left with an unprofitable railway; and 
so it was necessary to prevent interference with rates fixed 
by a State. The proposed amendment was defeated (20 
votes to 23). In his disappointment, he complained 
bitterly that 

the moment a question comes up in any shape or form, whether in 
regard that one colony wants to have over the rivers of New South 
Wales, or with regard to the hold the two colonies [obviously Victoria 
and South Australia] want to have over the trade of New South 
Wales, we find immediately that the pure federal atmosphere becomes 
obscured, and there is a contest almost by delegations upon these 
points of self-interest.28 

Much, of the discussion hovered around the question 
of preferential rates and differential rates. The term 
''preferential rates'' referred to the Victorian rates so cut 
(even to the extent of 66 per cent.) as to induce the 
Riverina farmer to send his produce to Melbourne, his 
nearest port, rather than to Sydney. Differential rates 
were the New South Wales haulage rates so tapered as to 
minimise costs over long distances. ''Tapering rates for 
long distances," Quick and Garran argued, "are required 
by the soundest principles of railway management. ' '^^ 
Yet it was not always easy to distinguish between the two 
rates. At that time a cut-throat competition was being 
conducted. Victoria, supported by South Australia, 
claimed that trade should flow through its natural channels. 

^T Sydney Session Report, p. 870. 

^^ Melbourne Session Beport, pp. 1356 et seq. 

29 Quick and Garran, p. 179. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 79 

Reid, however, objected to federal control of trade that 
was purely intra-State, not inter-State. New South Wales 
should control its internal trade, as, for example, that from 
Riverina to Sydney, as being essential to the satisfactory 
settlement and development of her lands. The real question 
from the federal aspect was whether a limit should be put 
to the right of New South Wales to taper her long distance 
rates towards Sydney while imposing prohibitive rates on 
produce travelling southward into Victoria. Reid was on 
solid ground in arguing that low rates were used for 
developing territory, as well as for attracting trade, and 
it would be impossible to frame a clause to allow the former 
and forbid the latter. In the producers' interests, no 
rates should be declared invalid because they were unduly 
low. The consequence of low rates would be the State's 
concern. He contended that, if a State were not free to 
establish rates as it pleased, the value of the railway would 
be seriously impaired. **I submit," he said, ''that where 
the sovereignty of a State is preserved it should be left 
with its sovereignty, or else it should be plainly told it 
has no sovereignty." 

When Higgins's (Victoria) amendment against rates 
to attract trade was carried (18 to 15 votes), and then 
displaced by the resolution moved by Sir George Turner 
(Victoria) granting the Federal Parliament power to make 
laws forbidding such references or discriminations as it 
may deem to be undue, unreasonable or unjust to any State 
(25 to 16 votes), Reid was alarmed, as the consequential 
cessation of differential rates between the Riverina and 
Sydney would convert the Riverina railways into scrap 
iron. The resolution would spell federal control over 
internal as well as interstate trade, and give Parliament 
a judicial as well as a legislative function. He complained 
that New South Wales rates would be fixed in the interests 
of the other colonies. He declared : — 

What a strange thing to propose that gentlemen, who have been 
members of Parliament that have indulged in these cut-throat rates, 
should act in the Federal Parliament as Judges over such a matter. 
Such a tribunal is tainted with self-interest, and, under the guise 
of doing justice, it will bring into play all the political passions 
that can possibly be invoked.30 

With emphasis he declared : — 

BO Melbourne Session Beport, p. 1386. 

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80 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

I cannot consent to words being put into this bill which would 
make these railways worthless, which would make it impossible to 

keep them open I will not allow our liberty of action in 

running them to be interfered with. 

Even more brusquely he complained : — 

This spectacle of cutting up everything that belongs to New 
South Wales to the satisfaction of our neighbours is going on in a 

somewhat monotonous fashion As the Minister responsible to 

the people of New South Wales for the millions invested in her 
railways, I cannot ask those people to throw those millions into the 
gutter to satisfy the appetites of our friends for our trade.3l 

Reid held it was a fatal mistake to give Victoria all 
she wanted in such a form as to cripple New South Wales. 
''They have safeguarded the grasp Victoria has over the 
trade of New South Wales; the latter colony is not safe- 
guarded in an endeavour to make her railways in the 
Riverina pay for the expenses of maintaining them. ' ' He 
reminded the delegates that the very basis of the attempted 
federal union was that, as far as possible consistently with 
federal union, the rights of the several States and the 
sovereignty of the several States shall be preserved. ' * The 
Convention," he concluded, ''has refused to take over the 
railways, and it cannot escape from the consequences of 
that decision. ' '^^ In other words, they should not exercise 
control of that for which they do not accept responsibility. 

Eventually the various amendments proposed were 
withdrawn, and it was resolved that Parliament might 
forbid undue, unreasonable or unjust discrimination on the 
railways. On Reid's motion, it was further agreed that 
' ' due consideration shall be given to the financial responsi- 
bility incurred in connexion with the constitution and 
working expenses of State railways.'' The Interstate 
Commission, not Parliament, was to be the judge of the 
fairness of a rate, and no rate was to be deemed undue, 
unreasonable or unjust until such Commission had declared 
it to be so. 

This solution, it was hoped, would give a full measure 
of equality of trade conditions between the States, and 
due recognition of the responsibility and liability of the 
State in which the railway was situated. Reid, represent- 
ing his colony's interests, did not have all his own way, 
but he had secured some concession. He had scored, not 

SI Ibid, p. 1390. 
B2lhid, p. 1412. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 81 

a bull's-eye, but at least a centre. Or was it only an 
outer ? 


The important and highly complicated topic — the fiscal 
policy — is treated here with but a few comments, perhaps 
because, like the ''bewildered electors'' of 1898 who, having 
listened to the arguments of the ''Billites" and ''Anti- 
Billites," I ask the question, as Quick and Garran put it, 
'What is truth ?" Reid, like Parkes, had reconciled him- 
self to the subordination of his free-trade principles to that 
of federation. Consequently he recognized the inevita- 
bility of a protectionist tariff, but he still hoped that inter- 
state freedom of trade might to some degree counter- 
balance the imposition of customs on trade from outside 
Australia. Moreover, hope still fluttered within his bregist 
that, when the question of Customs duties was under dis- 
cussion, he might be in a position to exercise a moderating 
influence, provided no clause in the Constitution presented 
a protectionist bias at the outset. In any case, to impose 
a Customs system on all States would be particularly heavy 
on the hitherto free-trade State of New South "Wales, until 
sufficient time had elapsed for trade to adjust itself to the 
new conditions. Moreover, New South Wales would lose 
a good deal on the per capita system of distributing the 
surplus Customs to be returned to the States. 

Reid succeeded in securing a provision that a uniform 
tariff must be imposed within two years of the inauguration 
of federal government, so that, as just indicated, his free- 
trade State might the sooner enjoy interstate free-trade, 
which he regarded as a compensatory feature. Indeed, 
he stated that the establishment of internal free-trade all 
over the continent was the main inducement for his State 
to embrace the federal movement. He said : — 

Unless there is the necessity of legal compulsion to frame a 
tariff within reasonable time, the people of New South Wales may 
find themselves, year after year, through this or that difficulty, left 
without the vital benefit for which they united. Unless we brand 
on the very face of this compact the necessity of finishing this work 
within a given time, I tell you honestly there is no guarantee that 
we shall have inter-colonial free-trade within ten years. Moreover, 
there must be no bias in the Constitution, which, as to what form of 
raising revenue the Commonwealth may adopt, must be "a sheet of 
white paper."33 

BB Melbourne Convention Report, p. 1000. 

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82 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Higgins (Victoria) suggested the imposition of the 
tariff by gradual stages, so as to avoid violent changes in 
any of the States. Reid, despite his representation of a 
free-trade State, did not seek such a lubricating measure, 
which would be trifling with a big question; the people 
should be ready absolutely and promptly to surrender the 
advantage of keeping up barriers to their countrymen. 
He announced : — 

I am prepared to risk every fiscal principle in which I believe, 
and for which I have fought for so many years : I am prepared to 
risk my fiscal principles in view of the commanding national destiny 
which we are called upon to realize, feeling at the same time sufficient 
confidence in my principles as to believe that, just as we have boon 
able to. win here, we shall be able to win in the Federal Parliament, 
if not at once, at no distant date. 

** Leave the fiscal policy to the Federal Parliament,'' he 
urged. **That body, elected under federal conditions, 
will be infinitely better qualified to bring about an equitable 
solution than we shall.'' Thus .we see he was prepared 
to entrust clashing local interests to the wisdom of the 
Parliament representing the whole Australian people, but 
he still hoped there would be no necessity for a high tariff. 
Reid's attitude at this stage led Symon (South Australia) 
to declare that he had deeply impressed the delegates 
''with his broad and encouraging speech." 

When, however, after many suggestions had been 
temporarily accepted and then abandoned, the famous — 
should I say notorious ? — ^Braddon blot device was adopted, 
according to which the Federal Parliament was to collect 
four times as much revenue from Customs and Excise as 
it required, and then hand three-quarters of it back to the 
States. Reid was not at all comfortable about it, and the 
people of New South Wales viewed it with alarm. Never- 
theless, when the electors of this State did accept the bill 
at the first referendum (January 3, 1898) and Reid brought 
the Premiers together for another conference, his effort to 
displace the Braddon clause failed, because every suggested 
change seemed open to even greater objection. This clause 
therefore remained, but ultimately with the added proviso 
that it should hold good for ten years, and thereafter only 
until Parliament otherwise decided. 


The problem of overcoming deadlocks between the two 
Houses occasioned much discussion. Reid stressed the 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement. 83 

need for providing some machinery for their prevention. 

We must put into this Constitution some guarantee that if the 
Houses fall out and cannot perform those functions for which they 
are constituted, there must be some reserve power in the Constitution 
to enable the Commonwealth to be saved from the horrors and losses 
of deadlocks and confusion. 

It was his intention to move for such a safeguard, for **if 
the Constitution is left as it is now, the Senate will be the 
predominant power in it." That was Sir William Lyne's 
strong objection to the draft, and even to Federation itself. 
How could the danger of a deadlock be obviated ? A 
possible solution would be (1) to conduct a referendum, 
or (2) to dissolve the Houses and have a general election, 
or (3) to dissolve one House, say, the House of Represen- 
tatives, and, if after an election the difference persisted, 
to dissolve the Senate. The problem made evident again 
the clash between the smaller and larger colonies. The 
smaller colonies preferred the dissolution of the House of 
Representatives, with the Senate remaining intact. Reid 
protested against such senatorial privilege. The voice of 
the nation must be the supreme authority, and, when 
matters were in dispute, the position involved the dissolu- 
tion of both Houses. Simultaneous dissolution of the two 
chambers would tend to keep the Senate more pliable to 
public opinion. Otherwise, as Reid argued : — 

The veto of the Senate would be the living force in the Com- 
monwealth. You may talk about the power of a House which frames 
and sends up the measures, but the power of a House which can 
say "No" and is under no responsibility for administering the affairs 
of a country leaves the possibility of carrying on the government 
to the responsible power, while it can prevent the responsible power 
from carrying ou^ its policy to provide the means for doing so.34 
Thus he opposed the proposal to dissolve only the 
House of Representatives in the first instance, and the 
Senate at a later stage, only if necessary. He presented 
this further argument : — 

If the two Houses differ and the House of Representatives is 
dissolved, and the electors endorsed its views, the Senate merely 
subsides, and the whole confusion and expense fall unjustly on the 
Representatives; if the (electors') vote favours the Senate views, 
the Senate stiffens its back, so that it wins in any case. The sword 
of dissolution hanging over them places the Senate in a position 
to know beforehand where it stands, and is a comfortable arrange- 
ment represented by a homely phrase : "Heads I win; tails you 
lose I" The arrangement is one-sided. To be fair, both Houses 
must be dissolved at one time. 

9^ Sydney Session Report, p. 659. 

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84 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Despite the weight of outstanding personalities siding 
with Reid [i.e., Barton, Deakin, Haekett, Carruthers, Isaacs, 
Kingston, Lyne, O'Connor, Quick, Wise, Turner and 
Holder], the weight of numbers was with the smaller 
colonies. Consequently the amendment favouring the 
prior dissolution of the House of Representatives was 
accepted. An analysis of the voting revealed the influence 
of the smaller States, as the votes **Yes" and '*No" were 
respectively as follows : Western Australia, 9 Yes to 1 No; 
Tasmania, 9 to 1; South Australia, 5 to 4; New South 
Wales, 2 to 8 ; Victoria, 2 to 8 ; total, 27 to 22. This in 
itself constituted an emphatic warning that the larger 
States could be at the mercy of the smaller States in the 
emergency of a conflict between the Houses. Reid, there- 
fore, declared that in a last entrenchment he must stand 
for the rights of the people of the Commonwealth as against 
the rights of the smaller States. He expressed, however, 
a desire to find a solution without leaving either the smaller 
States at the mercy of the larger or the larger at the mercy 
of the smaller. He declared : — 

The discrepancy is so serious between the different colonies that 
unless we do hit upon some golden means without absolutely giving 
up the smaller to the power of the larger, we can never come to a 
satisfactory conclusion by giving up the interests of the larger to 
those of the smaller populations. We are really in that dilemma, 
and we must face it plainly. 

Even after a double dissolution the re-elected Houses might 
still differ, and the deadlock would be intensified, not 
solved. Therefore, he concluded. 

It would be infinitely better for us to give up any idea of 
solving deadlocks unless we are going to solve them. The solution 
must be one which will lead to finality. To dissolve the House of 
Representatives and leave the Senate in existence was not a solution, 
for an immovable Senate would be victorious at last. 

That argument may not appear to some as necessarily 
conclusive, but at least his next suggestion clinched the 
argument. He pleaded : — 

If we can find nothing better in mercy to the people of 
Australia, let us adopt this simple expedient of allowing the two 
Houses to appeal to their constituents, and if, after that, they fail 
to agree, let us compel them to come together and decide the matter 
as one body. 

At a later stage Reid remarked : ''The course of sit- 
ting together will bring deadlocks to an earlier, a less 

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Reid^s Place in the Federal Movement, 85 

expensive and a more friendly determination than any- 
thing else/ '35 

Reid's attitude elicited from Downer (South Australia) 
a compliment on Reid's ''remarkably fair address." 

As we know, the outcome was the adoption of a joint 
sitting of the two Houses in lieu of an appeal by referen- 
dum to the people. Such joint sitting had been suggested 
by R. E. O'Connor as early as 1893. For the moment, 
too, it was agreed that a three-fifths majority at a joint 
sitting would be requisite, and Reid was one of those who 
agreed to this. Subsequently he revived the question and 
urged the substitution of a simple majprity in place of a 
three-fifths majority, but the Convention adhered to its 
earlier decision by a vote of 27 to 10. 

Ultimately, as we shall see, Reid was instrumental in 
having that changed to an absolute majority of the two 


Reid's attitude with respect to some of the other 
federal problems must be presented in a more or less 
summarized form : — 

(1) The question- of appeals from a State court to a 
higher court was to him a problem of choice between a 
Federal Court of Appeal without any reference to the 
Privy Council, or to the Privy Council without reference 
to a Commonwealth Court of Appeal.^^ Two courts were 
a superfluity. A Federal Supreme Court would render 
as much justice as any other court of a similar nature, 
and it would have the additional advantage of placing the 
deciding authority as near as possible to the litigants' 
homes. To the mass of the citizens the Privy Council 
was beyond reach. 

(2) Should the State debts be handed over to the 
federal authority ? Reid's answer was ''No," firstly 
because the natural corollary of such transfer would be 
that the State's assets in which the State's debts had been 
sunk would also have to be handed over, and the sovereignty 
of the State would be correspondingly reduced; and, 
secondly, the federal authorities would have to provide 
additional revenue to meet the interest payments on those 

35 Sydney Session Beport, p. 843. 

36 Adelaide Session Report, p. 976. 

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86 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

debts, and this revenue would necessarily come from 
Customs, the Commonwealth's main source of revenue. 
To New South Wales, with its free-trade sentiments, this 
increasing of Customs charges would be obnoxious. Said 

Reid :— 

I utterly oppose the proposal that the debts of the colony shall 
be taken over by the Commonwealth without that colony's consent. 
We must not lose sight of the fact that the sovereignty of the State 

is being left to them under this Constitution It is to the 

advantage of every State to decide for itself as to its own debts. 
He continued : — 

I have very great doubt as to whether the solvency of the State 
can, in any healthy sense, be said to be promoted if there is any 
transfer of liabilities without some corresponding transfer of assets.37 
(3) Higgins (Victoria) moved for inclusion in the 
Commonwealth powers ''Conciliation and arbitration for 
the prevention and settlement of industrial disputes ex- 
tending beyond the limits of any one State.'* Reid ex- 
pressed his opposition to this, but did not succeed in gaining 
the support of the majority. Nevertheless his arguments 
are of interest. He said : — 

There is a tendency in these days, especially among those who 
are very anxious to bring about an amelioration of all ills which 
flesh is heir to, to entrust knotty problems to some new authority 
in the pious hope that matters which human wit has hitherto never 
been able to settle satisfactorily will be settled by some such 

He visualized several sets of laws, one in a particular State 
not interfered with by a federal law, different laws in the 
other States, and a federal law radically different. He 
commented : — 

Just imagine the temptation under these circumstances to shift 
the venue of a particular trade dispute from a particular State ! 
If the employers in the trade dispute of a particular State think 
that the federal law and its administration are more likely to suit 
them, look at the incentive there is to extend the mischief and evil 
into another State, or more than one other State, in order to shift 

the venue of the tribunal which will try the dispute So it 

will be with the other side — the working men — if they think that 

the federal tribunal will best suit their interests If the dispute 

be existent between two colonies or more, the federal tribunal would 
have to deal with it, and the local power would be disfranchised 
from dealing with it. 

(4)- When it was proposed to appoint four Judges in 
addition to the Chief Justice to the High Court, Reid 
argued for a smaller number at the outset. He thought 

ST Melbourne Session Report, p. 1562. 
38 /bid, p. 208. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement. 87 

two others should suffice. Allusions were being made to 
the excess of lawyers in the Convention, and '*it might be 
an object of sinister criticism that we should be careful 
to provide that there should not be less than four Judges. ' '^® 
If a minimum must be fixed, Reid held that a maximum 
should also be determined so as to ensure the independence 
of the court and obviate the possibility of its being 
swamped by the Executive. Numbers do not constitute 
strength. A decision of eight Judges to seven is not a 
strong decision. A Chief Justice with two Judges may 
constitute a stronger bench than a Chief Justice and four 
others. The Convention, therefore, decided that there 
should be *'not less- than two'' other Judges. 

(5) Conflicting views as to the site of the Federal 
Capital revealed a clash of State interests.^ Four colonies 
submitted reasons — substantial or flimsy — for the establish- 
ment of the seat of government within their respective 
boundaries. Actually the only serious claimants were 
New South Wales and Victoria. It was proposed at 
Melbourne that the seat of government should be deter- 
mined by Parliament, and, until such determination, 
Parliament should sit* where a majority of the State 
Governors decided, and, in the event of equal division 
among them, as the Governor-General shall direct. The 
Legislative Council at Sydney had recommended Sydney; 
Braddon declared Hobart to be *' Nature's choice," or, 
failing that, some suitable place in Tasmania; Turner de- 
clared St Kilda as naturally adapted for the purpose; 
Symon said Mount Gambier was ideally situated ; Dr 
Cockbum argued that Adelaide was Australia's centre of 
gravity. It has been stated that Turner and Symons' 
suggestions were *'just to keep up the joke" !^^ Sir 
William Lyne moved for the insertion of the words, *'In 
the colony of New South Wales," in the clause. Reid, 
sensing opposition which might jeopardize the ultimate 
claims of New South Wales, and being supported by Barton, 
Forrest and Carruthers, induced Lyne to withdraw the 
proposal. But only for the moment, as he re-introduced 
the motion, which was defeated by 33 votes to 5, with the 
rejection by 36 to 3 of a similar motion by Peacock for 

30 /bid, p. 306. 
^oibid, p. 700. 
41 Quick' and Garran, p. 204. 

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88 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

its establishment within Victoria as his only consolation. 
Eventually the Convention accepted a clause as worded by 
Turner that **the seat of the Government of the Common- 
wealth shall be determined by Parliament and shall be 
within territory vested in the Commonwealth/' This 
clause was included in the Constitution submitted to the 
electors at the referendum in 1898. Reid's more astute, 
opportune and effective participation in the problem came 
after the referendum. 

After much travail extending from March 22, 1897, 
to March 17, 1898, the Federal Convention produced a 
draft Constitution which in general was comprehensive, 
adequate and ideally fitted to the Australian people. The 
bill had now to be submitted to the voters in five cplonies 
(Queensland still abstaining). Seven of the ten New 
South Wales delegates recommended the bill. The other 
colonies were all concerned as to the New South Wales 
decision, which, in turn, depended very largely on the 
attitude recommended by Reid. Success or failure seemed 
to turn on that pivot. 

The great question was on what side would Reid throw his great 
influence and his unrivalled powers as a platform speaker. As 
Premier of the leading colony and the man at whose invitation the 
process of framing a Constitution had been entirely entered upon, 
he had a heavy responsibility, and it was no secret that he was not 
wholly satisfied with the bill. 42 

Sydney's two leading newspapers were divided on the 
question. The Daily Telegraph opposed the bill because 
of its disapproval of the principle of equal State represen- 
tation in the Senate, the excessive powers granted to that 
House, the device of joint sittings of the two Houses instead 
of national referenda to overcome deadlocks, and its fear 
that Melbourne was aspiring to be the seat of government 
and seduce Riverina trade into Victoria. The Sydney 
Morning Herald (June 2, 1898) regarded the arguments 
against the bill as animated by provincialists who ^^can 
only discern the partial advantages and disadvantages of 
their own States and cannot rise to that generous and wise 
attitude from which they might survey the prosperity, 
dignity and strength of all these magnificent States inter- 
acting and blending together in true nationhood.'' 

42 7&id, p. 208. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 89 

Australia was waiting to see how the eat jumped, the 
cat being Reid, who could both purr and scratch. The 
suspense ended after a Sydney Town Hall meeting on 
March 28, 1898. It was attended by both Barton and 
Reid, as well as by others. Reid records that Barton was 
received with loud cheers, but for Reid himself the recep- 
tion was vociferous and prolonged. His criticisms of the 
bill were drastic and his adverse comments on its financial 
aspects damaging. His audience realized that a high 
tariff would be inevitable. Then, having pulled sections 
of the bill to tatters, he dramatically declared that, despite 
all its defects, he could not be *'a deserter of the cause,'' 
especially as he had initiated the movement for the Con- 
vention and participated in its debates. He felt duly 
bound to vote for the bill, but he would not recommend 
the voters either way. His attitude was dramatic and 
influential. The ''Billites" pointed triumphantly to the 
vote Reid proposed to cast, the ^'Anti-Billites" to the 
criticisms he had made. And so he came to be known as 
** Yes-No Reid." Because of his feeling of responsibility 
for the fact that there was a bill at all, and for which he 
must vote, he was '*Yes-Reid"; because he felt that the 
general character of the bill was against the interests of 
his State, he was *'No-Reid." The term was intended as 
one of ridicule. Time often transforms a term of con- 
tempt into one of honour. So was it with the ' * Contempt- 
ibles'' and the ^^Rats of Tobruk." 

'^Fortunately for Reid," Piddington commented, ''his 
condemnation of the bill, and not his promise to vote for 
it, carried the day.''^^ 

The poll of June 3, 1898 (June 4 in South Australia) 
gave an affirmative majority, in all five colonies, but the 
statutory requirement of 80,000 affirmative votes in New 
South Wales was not reached. The count showed 71,595 
for and 66,228 against. Reid's influence had been suf- 
flcient to prevent the mother colony from making a greater 
sacrifice on behalf of the federal cause than what had 
seemed necessary and inevitable. It was actually a victory 
for Reid. So also, in a sense, was the final result in the 
second referendum twelve months later, on June 20, 1899. 
For had Reid not acted promptly after the first referendum, 
it was just probable that the campaign would have ceased 

43 Piddington : Worshipful Masters, p. 62. 

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90 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

with the cooling of popular ardour. Reid, however, lost 
not a day. Within twenty-four hours of the referendum 
he wrote to the other Australian Premiers suggesting a 
meeting to amend the bill to comply with the wishes of 
New South Wales. Their first reaction of unwillingness 
and suspicion vanished when Reid included in the platform 
he presented to his own Legislature the revision of the 
Federal Constitution, and his expression of a determination 
to arrive at an understanding with his fellow-Premiers by 
stating definitely his objectives : — 

1. Removal of the three-fifths majority requirement at the joint 
sittings of the two Federal Houses; alternatively, a national referen- 
dum in lieu of a joint sitting. 

2. * A recast of financial clauses and elimination of the Braddon 

3. Restriction of the Senate's power to amend money bills. 

4. More thorough safeguarding of State territorial rights, in- 
cluding water conservation and irrigation of the inland rivers. 

5. The placing of the Federal Capital. 

For the moment Reid was hampered by the State 
general elections (July 27, 1898), especially as Barton 
was his personal opponent in the King electorate in what 
Piddington dubbed as a * ' duel of chiefs for chieftainship. ' ' 
Reid declared he would ''make it the fight of his life.'' 
His followers constituted the Liberal Federal Party, and 
hailed their candidate as the champion of New South Wales 
interests ; and denounced the Leader of the National Federal 
Party, Barton, as the champion of the other colonies. 
Barton, following Parkes' example, spoke of ''Reid's thinly 
disguised hostility to Federation," and criticized Reid's 
dictatorial throwng down of his amendments as an ulti- 
matum to the other colonies. 

Piddington records that ''Reid spoke indefatigably, 
and displayed better than at' any other time the range and' 
variety of his resources."'*^ 

The Clarion Call of July 26, 1898, regarded Reid as 
an opportunist, which in all probability he was — so were 
they all — ^but at least he did apply his opportunism to the 
interests of the colony he represented. The Daily Tele- 
graph preferred Reid to Barton for that very reason — he 
aimed at a federal solution acceptable to the people of 
New South WpIcs. He could be "relied upon to secure 
us a better bill — one which has any prospect of acceptance 

i^lbid, p. 63. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement, 91 

in this colony. "^^ Punch pictorially represented Toby 
Barton, ready poised with harpoon, to spear a whale with 
Reid's face, and saying : *' Don't be afraid of him — the 
more furiously he spouts the less need there is to fear 
him/' But this was not so, for the election query, ''Toby 
or not Toby," was answered by the defeat of Toby 
(Barton), largely, so Piddington states, because Reid's 
versatility of presentation scored over Barton's more solid 
knowledge." ''Reid had the more nimble and mobile 
mind, and in the end the veteran apostle was beaten by 
the recent convert. "^^ 

Naturally Reid was delighted with his victories over 
Parkes and Barton in two successive elections. ''It was 
an achievement of which any man might be proud." 
Nevertheless, posterity still awards pride of place on the 
federal roll of honour to those two he defeated, though 
Reid at the critical hour was, in effect, the deciding factor 
and achieved much w4th less sacrifice on the part of New 
South Wales. 

The rest of the story can be related in few words. 
The Premiers' Conference was held in Melbourne on 
January 29, 1899, with Queensland on this occasion repre- 
sented by Dickson, its Premier. Reid induced his Premier 
colleagues to give New South Wales much, but not all, of 
what it wanted. Instead of a three-fifths majority at a 
joint sitting, an absolute majority of the total number of 
members of the two Houses was required; the operation 
of the Braddon clause was limited to ten years, and there- 
after until Parliament determined otherwise ; the Federal 
Capital was to be within New South Wales, and the area 
(at least 100 square miles — actually New South Wales 
transferred 900) to be vested in the Commonwealth. 
Victoria, manifesting a lack of magnanimity, caused this 
concession to be watered down by insisting that the Capital 
should be at least 100 miles distant from Sydney. 
Melbourne was to be the temporary Capital. State boun- 
daries were not to be altered without the concurrence of 
the State concerned. The Constitution was not to be 
altered unless (a) a majority of the total votes polled in 
the Commonwealth, and (b) a majority of votes in a 
majority of States were in favour. Finally, one House 

45 Daily Telegraph, July 25, 1898. 

46 Piddington : Worshipful Masters, p. 64. 

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92 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

should not have the power to prevent an appeal to the 
electors by means of a referendum. 

Piddington commented that Reid's omission to fix a 
maximum limit to the distance of the Capital from Sydney 
and a time limit for the selection of the site illustrates the 
weak point in Reid's mental outfit — a kind of incapacity 
to bring his mind to work within lines of precision.'*'^ 

With these points agreed upon, the way was cleared 
for a second referendum. When Reid announced that 
*'he would support the amended draft with all his powers/' 
success was assured, despite the Daily Telegraph's strong 
opposition. The Sydney Bulletin, which Quick and Garran 
declared to be ''a great power throughout Australia, con- 
centrated its unrivalled wealth of ridicule against the 
opponents of the bill."^® The Legislative Council voted 
for amendments requiring a majority of one-third of the 
total number of voters and the inclusion of Queensland as 
conditions for New South Wales acceptance, but the 
appointment of twelve new Councillors broke down these 
obstructing tactics. 

On June 20, 1899, a total of 107,420 affirmative votes 
against 82,741 were polled in this State, and the other 
States were overwhelmingly in favour, except that Western 
Australia delayed its decision to a later date (1900). By 
the irony of fate, Reid's Government was shortly after- 
wards defeated in the States' Assembly, and his prospect 
of being Australia's first Prime Minister vanished over- 
night. His successor, Sir William Lyne, could not com- 
mand a following, and so the honour devolved on Barton, 
Australia's outstanding Federal Leader, with Reid at the 
head of the Federal Opposition. 


The claims for greater recognition of Reid's federal 
services than is usually accorded is strengthened by the 
tributes paid to him by his distinguished contemporaries. 
At Adelaide, Deakin paid him the following compliment : 
"We owe so much to Mr. Reid in the origin of this Con- 
vention, and for the fair and conciliatory spirit in which 
he has invariably addressed himself to the business of this 
Convention. ' ' Kingston referred to the high esteem and 
appreciation they had of his enthusiastic and eloquent 

^7 Ibid, p. 64. 

48 Quick and Garran, p. 221. 

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Reid's Place in the Federal Movement. 93 

advocacy of Federation, his sound reasoning, his unflagging 
industry, and his unfailing courtesy. Barton likewise 
spoke of Reid's services in the Federal cause, and especially 
in the carrying of the Federal Enabling Act, ''not only 
in the interests of his own colony, but for the whole of 
Australia." Braddon's eulogy was equally flattering : 
*'We owe a great deal to Mr. Reid. He has initiated this 
movement, and he has forwarded it in the most admirable 
manner by his tact as much as by his eloquence. * ' Finally, 
Turner said : ''I must express the warm hope that we shall 
meet him in another part of Australia .... to finish the 
good work which he has taken such pains in carrying out. ' ' 

In acknowledging these tributes, Reid expressed his 
confidence ''that we are really at last on the brink of that 
glorious transformation which shall enable us and all the 
people of Australia to rise to the destiny which lies before 

Are these eulogies due to a sincere or momentary 
generosity or a kind of mass psychology ? (Pardon the 
application of such a term to these distinguished Aus- 
tralians.) They may at least be compared with what was 
said of him more than a decade later (1909) by one who 
scattered bouquets sparingly, and only when and where 
he thought merit called for them. The Right Hon. W. M. 
Hughes once said, in addressing Reid : — 

We have often said things of one another which might, perhaps, 
with advantage, have been left unsaid; but this I will say, that the 
right honourable member never gave his word that he did not faith- 
fully carry it out. Whenever he made a pledge to us it was carried 
out to the letter and in the spirit whether it extended to a small 
thing or encompassed a large one.50 

As a conclusion, let me quote the subject of this 
analysis once again. Looking back on the horrors of the 
First World War, we will, I am certain, endorse Reid's 
own comment when he wrote : "One shudders now at what 
might have been if the war had found the people of the 
Dominions — now so magnificently solid and efficient at all 
points — a nebulous series of provincial formations.''**^ 
That this transformation to nationhood has been achieved 
is due, not entirely, but largely, to his statesmanlike fore- 
sight and opportunism, as well as to his finesse and 

^9 Adelaide Session Beport, 

50 Reid : My ReminiscenceSf p. 264. 

51 Ibid, p. 182. 

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94 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

accurate estimate of the social forces and components on 
which he played with a master's hand. He, above all 
others, reconciled the ideals of an Australian federalized 
nationhood with the provincial claims and desires of the 
State of New South Wales. 

The Society's Patron, 

The Society has been greatly honoured by His 
Excellency the Governor-General, Field Marshal Sir 
William Slim, G.C.B., G.B.E., D.S.O., M.C., having granted 
his patronage to the Society. — (Editor.) 

Australian Naval Board's Flag. 

By G. A. KING (Member of Council). 

The fascinating study of flags and their uses, par- 
ticularly in the Navy, has recently been increased by the 
adoption of an Australian Naval Board flag. 

The manner in which flags are used in the British 
Services, including the armed forces of the Dominions, is 
jealously guarded and observed, and, apart from the many 
rules provided by international law and usage, British 
customs over the centuries have added to the interest in 
flags generally. 

The recently adopted flag of the Commonwealth Naval 
Board is based on that of the British Lords of the Admiralty 
— ^'Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High 
Admiral. ^ ' 

The ComLmonwealth Department of the Navy has 
courteously supplied the writer with particulars of the 
Naval Board flag, on which is the Admiralty anchor in 
gold placed horizontally in the centre of a flag of red and 
blue bisected horizontally, the red portion being above the 
blue portion. 

An outstanding, and in some respects peculiar, feature, 
from the landsman's point of view, of the particulars of 
the new flag is that, following usage, it is to be ''worn," 
not flown, by ships and elsewhere specifically provided for. 

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Australian Naval Board's Flag, 95 

The instructions lay down that the flag is to be worn 
continuously at a mast (here, again, it will be noted, that 
it is not a flagstaff) on ''N'' block, Victoria Barracks, 
Melbourne — the headquarters of the Department of the 
Navy. The flag is half-masted by the direction of the 
Naval Board on the day of the death of the Sovereign or 
a member of the Naval Board — being re-hoisted at sunset 
— and during the funeral of the Sovereign or member of 
the Board. 

The possibility of dire disaster is also provided for, 
and the instructions state that the flag *'is only struck by 
order of the Naval Board.'' 

The new flag is worn by H.M. Australian ships in 
which the Naval Board is embarked, in flagships at the 
main, and in other ships at the fore ; the masthead pendant 
is hauled down whilst the Naval Board flag is flying. In 
flagships with only one mast, it is worn on convenient 
halyards side by side with the Admiral's flag. 

There is a difference between ships and boats, for the 
official directions lay down that when the Naval Board is 
proceeding in a boat on official duty the Naval Board flag 
is flown in the bow of the boat. 

It is also provided, among other things, that the flag 
is worn on Service cars conveying the Minister for the Navy, 
or the Naval Board, on official business. 

When the Naval Board is embarked in a naval com- 
munication aircraft (not an operational type aircraft or 
helicopter) the Naval Board flag is displayed by the air- 
craft when on the ground, stationary, or taxi-ing. 

The rigidity of the use of flags by the Navy is apparent 
from these detailed instructions. 

The use of the White Ensign on the water or on land, 
except by ships of the Navy or naval establishments, is 
expressly forbidden, although there is in Sydney one ex- 
ception to this otherwise rigid rule. That is the Royal 
Naval House in Grosvenor Street, which is permitted by 
special authority to display the White Ensign on the build- 
ing. The Royal Naval House has enjoyed that privilege 
for many years, back to the time when imperial warships 
were stationed in these waters and when the Australian 
station was commanded by an Admiral of the Royal Navy. 

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96 Hoijal Australian Historical Society. 

Notes and Queries. 

Honorary Research Secretary. 


We hear much to-day concerning naturalization of "New 
Australians." The first naturalization ceremony took place in 1825, 
and the man concerned was T. G. Pitman, an American, who was 
a Sydney businessman in that year. In May, 1825, W. C. Went- 
worth wrote to Governor Brisbane informing him that Pitman was 
desirous of establishing himself as a merchant, and asking His 
Excellency to submit a BUI, which had been prepared, to the Legis- 
lative Council, to allow his cHent to be naturalized. The draft Bill 
was submitted to Major Ovens in June. The Bill {6 Geo. IV. y No. 
13) was signed on July 5, 1825, and provided that as soon as Pitman 
had taken the oaths of loyalty and had subscribed to the declarations 
appointed by the Act 1 Geo. 1st the Chief Justice was required and 
empowered to administer and receive the oaths. 

The Sydney Gazette of August 11, 1825, stated that on the 
previous Friday (5th) Mr T. G. Pitman, an American, had appeared 
in the Court and taken the oaths of allegiance and abjuration before 
His Honour and Chief Justice, and was admitted to exercise the 
privileges of a British subject. 

Shortly afterwards, another Act (6 Geo. IV. No. 17) was 
passed by the Council and signed on August 30, 1825, to naturalize 
Prosper de Mestre, also an American, who came to New South Wales 
as supercargo of the ship Magnet in August, 1818. Like Pitman, 
he engaged in business in Sydney. He married Miss Black, of 
Macquarie Place, on March 1, 1821. His stores were in George 
Street. In 1826 de Mestre was elected a Director of the Bank of 
New South Wales. Many of his descendants are still resident in 
this State. 

In 1828 a further Act dealing with naturalization was passed. 
This statute {9 Geo. IV. No. 6) was an ^ct to enable the Governor, 
or Acting Governor, to grant "Letters of Denization" to such 
foreigners as might arrive in the colony with a recommendation to 
that effect from the Principal Secretary of State for Colonies. It 
was signed on July 3, 1828. 

The first woman to become naturalized appears to have been 
Josephine de Eeuss, a native of French Flanders, who came to 
Sydney from Batavia in 1826. In November, 1830, she made appli- 
cation for the issue of Letters of Denization, but delays occurred 
in dealing with her application. 

Madame de Keuss went to England Jate in 1833 to press her 
claim for the issue of the necessary papers to make her a British 
citizen. Earlier the Governor had been instructed to take the 
necessary steps to naturalize Madame de Keuss, and in 1834 informed 
the British Government that the Attorney-General had been re- 
quested to prepare the papers but some delay had occurred. 

D. S. Ford, Printers, 44-50 Reservoir St., Sydney. 

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Roval Jiustralfan l)i$torfcal Socfetv 

Vol. XXXIX. 1953. Part III. 

The Society does not hold itself responsible for statements made 
or opinions expressed hy authors of the papers published in thiM 

The Hunter Valley. 
A Cestury of Its History. 

By JAMES JERVIS, A.S.T.C. (Fellow). 
{Read in part before the Society , September 25, 1951.) 


This paper is intended to deal with the history of 
settlement in the fertile Hunter Valley from 1788 to 1888, 
and to trace, briefly, the development of its towns and 
villages. No reference is made to Maitland, as the writer 
has already dealt with its early history. There is, also, 
only brief reference to the mining field of South Maitland, 
since it did not develop until after 1888. 

When the Valley was thrown open for settlement after 
the arrival of Sir Thomas Brisbane, it was rapidly occupied, 
mainly by a good class of new settlers who came here with 
some capital. 

Irrigation works now in progress will doubtless open 
a new era in the history of the Valley and lead to a more 
intensive use of its soil. 

It would be difficult to say who was the first white 
man to set foot in the Hunter Valley. After the discovery 
of the Hunter River by Lieutenant Shortland, small vessels 
visited the locality with men to dig coal and also to cut 
cedar. Probably the cedar-getters were the real pioneers . 
here, as they were elsewhere in New South Wales. 

In 1801, Governor King despatched an expedition to 
explore the country about Newcastle and the lower Hunter. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Paterson, who was in command, was 
accompanied by Lieutenant Grant, Mr Lewin, Surgeon 
Harris and Ensign Barrallier.^ 

Paterson, Harris and Lewin left the Lady Nelson on 
June 30 in a boat, and, after travelling upstream for about 

1 Historical Records of New South Wales^ Vol. IV. 

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Royal Australian Historical Society, 

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The Hunter Valley. 99 

sixteen miles, rested the night on a piece of rising ground 
which was named Greenhill ; in later years this spot became 
known as Morpeth. Half a mile above Greenhill, Paterson 
noted that a river flowed into the main stream, which 
Governor King named Paterson River. 'Earlier this river 
was called Cedar Arm ; it is evident that the country here 
was known before Paterson 's party examined it. 

The country was described as being generally low, 
covered with wood, and very little of it was fit for 
cultivation — not because the soil was poor, but from the 
^'lowness of the situation.'' 

On July 2, a small '*tent hut'' thatched with grass 
was built to serve as headquarters. The soil here was 
found to be good. This spot was named * * Schank 's Plains ' ' 
in honour of Captain Schanks, the ''projector" of the Lady 
Nelson, It was noted there was little cedar in this locality. 
From this point excursions were made upstream. On 
July 4, ''a beautiful green mount" was discovered, which 
was climbed and named Mount Anne in honour of Mrs 
King. This hill was the first in a range that extended 
for about nine miles. A remarkable mountain in shape 
not unlike the Peak of Tenereiflfe was called '' Mount York. " 

On July 6, what was thought to be a large lagoon 
proved to be a chain of ponds. Some natives were heard, 
and it was observed that some trees had been chopped 
down, and they appeared to have been cut with a much 
sharper tool than a ''stone maga," from which Paterson 
concluded that there were European deserters amongst the 

The exploring party went upstream on July 10 and 
11, and came to a very high hill which received the name 
of Mount Elizabeth (now Tangerin), after Paterson 's wife. 
It was the termination of the range in which Mount Anne 
stood; the chain was called King's Range. 

Paterson^ then decided to return and examine what he 
called "Hunter's River." It is clear that at this period 
the main stream which is the Hunter of to-day was called 
the Paterson, and the present Paterson was known as the 
Hunter. The Williams River (also called after Colonel 
Paterson) was not examined at this stage, nor was it named. 
On July 15, Paterson and Harris went up the present 

2 Paterson's account of the expedition is to be found in Historical: 
Records of New South Wales, Vol. IV., pp. 448-453. 

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100 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Paterson River and named a high hill Mount King. On 
the following day the river was again examined, and a hill 
upstream was called '* Mount Grant." 

Later in the year Charles Grimes, the surveyor, re- 
ported on the country in the lower Hunter Valley. He 
described the countiy from the ** Basin" (Newcastle 
Harbour) to the Paterson as ^'covered with good grass but 
not fit for cultivation." 

Robert Brown, the botanist, visited the Hunter Valley 
in 1804, and refers to it in a letter to Sir Joseph Banks, 
in which he wrote^ : — 

Since my return from Van Diemen's Land I have visited Hunter's 
Kiver and examin'd all the branches as far as a very small boat 
could proceed. The unfriendly disposition of the natives, who even 
attacked my boat, render'd it unsafe for me to go far from the banks, 
or to trace any of the branches above where they are navigable. 

William Lawson, the Blue Mountains explorer, also 
played his part in discovering the country at the head of 
the Hunter River. On November 24, 1822, Lawson, 
accompanied by Mr Scott, Jame:^ Blackman and a native 
named Ering, left Bathurst with the intention of reaching 
the Liverpool Plains. Six days later, on November 30, 
Lawson noted in his Journal^ : — 

Came to a river running S.E. through a fine country, we named 
this the Goulburn; there is no doubt in my mind this water runs to 
the Eastward and one of the Branches of the Hastings; Ering told 
me there are no large cod fish in it such as was caught in the 
Macquarie and in all the Rivers running into the Interior. I asked 
the old Native where the water ran to, he said ''where the white 
men sit down," pointing at tlie same time to the Eastward which 
confirmed my opinion and a flat country to the S.E. for a great 
many miles. 

The Goulburn is a tributary of the Hunter and not of 
the Hastings, and the old native was correct when he said 
that the water ran to a point settled by the white man. 
It is strange that Lawson did not realize that the aboriginal 
was referring to the settlement at Wallis Plains and New- 
castle. Lawson 's party was the first to examine the valley 
of the upper Hunter. 

On December 1, Lawson followed up a ''fine run of 
water" and ascended a very high ridge. The party con- 

3 Historical Becords of New South Wales, Vol. V., p. 510. 

4 Lawson's Journal, Mitchell Library, Sydney. 

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The Hunter Valley. 101 

tinued to trace the stream on the next day and climbed 
anoth^er high ridge. Lawson wrote :*'... In my opinion 
this is the Dividing Range. ' ^ He notes on the jiext day : 
* ' ... a very fine sheep country, as any in the world. ' ' On 
December 4 **a very fine country watered with numerous 
streams/' was discovered- It was noted on December 5 
that the '* waters here run to the East Co^st.'^ A fine 
stream of water running south was found on December 6, 
which was named the '*Wemyss.'' On December 8, Lawson 
set off on the return journey to Bathurst. Two aboriginals 
came to the party on December 9 and said that the Liver- 
pool Plains lay a short distance to the north-west, and that 
the native name was ^^Urabdon.^' 

The country between Patrick's Plains and the Liver- 
pool Range was explored by a party led' by Henry Dangar, 
surveyor, in 1824.^ 


Governor Ki^g, writing to Sir Joseph Banks in 1804, 
stated that Lieutenant Menzies had corroborated Paterson's 
account of the goodness of the soil in the Hunter Valley 
and its eligibility for settlers at a distance of about forty 
miles from Newcastle. King's letter continues® : — 

I have offered some of the returning Settlers from Norfolk 
Island to fix there which will be extending the Settlements further 
Northward and facilitate the growing of cotton which would be an 
object of great future benefit to these colonies. 

However, the country was not occupied at this stage. 

Governor Macquarie suggested to Earl Bathurst the 
desirability of occupying the country in the Hunter Valley. 
In a despatch dated March 8, 1819, he wrote . — 

Extensive Plains of rich and fertile Land being found at no 
great Distance along the three principal Sources of the River Hunter, 
whose Embouchere is at Newacastle . . . and the access to them by- 
means of the River being rendered still more easy in Consequence 
of the largest Quantity of of Timber fallen there for the Consump- 
tion of this Place, these Plains now become an Object of Valuable 
Consideration in the Necessary Increase of the Population, and held 
out important advantages for the Establishment of Free Settlers 
upon them. 

Macquarie proposed to remove the convicts from New- 
castle to a place further north, and added : — 

5 An account of this journey may be found in my paper in 
Vol. XXVII., Part VI., pp. 440-442 of the Society's Journal. 

6 Banks' Papers, Brabourne Collection : Mitchell Library, Sydney. 

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102 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

... it would be no less Judicious to establish Settlers on the 
Plains along the River Hunter, where they would have the combined 
Advantages of a festile Soil of comparatively easy Cultivation, and 
the Benefit of Water Conveyance for their Produce to Newcastle, 
and thence by Sea to the principal Mart of Sydney. 

Macquarie permitted settlers to occupy land at Pater- 
son's Plains in 1812, and by 1813 they had land in 
occupation. 'These people were allowed to hold the land 
temporarily, but were given no title to it. Settlement 
took place at iWallis Plains (Maitland) between 1818 and 
1821, and there again the occupation was at the Governor s 
pleasure, although later a number of the settlers obtained 

Benjamin Singleton was in occupation of land near 
Cockfighters Greek and the Hunter River in 1821. Major 
Morisset reported in October, 1822, that a number of 
persons had settled at Patrick's Plains and had land 
cropped with wheat.® 

John Howe, who explored the route from Windsor to 
the Hunter River, had 1200 cattle and 1000 sheep grazing 
at Patrick's Plains early in 1823, and was paid 10/- per 
head for agistment. 

Morisset visited Patrick's Plains in 1823, and reported 
to the Governor that everything he saw had the appearance 
of, at least, '*as much regularity as could be expected in 
such a distant Settlement." Morisset decided to appoint 
Benjamin Singleton as district constable. 

Occupation of the fertile valley was rapid, and by 
1825 over 360,000, acres were promised to settlers and much 
of the land was occupied. The size of the grants promised 
varied from 60 to 12,000 acres; over 140 of them were 
above 1000 acres. 

The Australian of May 9, 1827, said : — 
Every acre of ground on the Banks of the Hunter is now 
located, from Newcastle to the fountain head. The Goulburn branch 
alone remains undisposed of. 


Peter Cunningham has described the valley and its 
occupation as he saw it in the 'mid 1820 's.® There was 

7 An account of this occupation is to be found in my papei*^ 
"The Genesis of Settlement at Wallis Plains and the Maitlands" : 
Vol. XXVI., Part II, of the Society's Journal. 

8 Colonial Secretary's Papers, Mitchell Library, Sydney. 

9 Two Years in New South Wales, 

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The Hunter Valletj. 103 

only a bridle track between Newcastle and Wallis Plains, 
but a cart road was being constructed. Prom Wallis Plains 
loaded drays could pass up country for seventy miles at 
least, crossing the river at Singleton's Ford. 

Mudie's [Castle Forbes. — J. J.] was the first of several 
excellent farms at Patrick's Plains. This farm of about 
2000 acres consisted of most fertile soil, the greater partion 
of which was naturally clear of timber. Patrick's Plains 
contained several thousand acres clear of timber and 
covered with rich alluvial soil which produced heavy crops 
of wheat, maize and etc., and natural graasesuof the most 
luxuriant kind. These plains were the resort of flocks of 
wild turkeys. An inn was established at Patrick's Plains, 
and a ferry boat on the river was capable of carrying carts 
and heavy articles across when the stream was in flood. 

For sixteen miles above this point settlers were located 
on the left bank of the Hunter. On crossing to the right 
bank one could strike further into the interior from the 
river, and would find no habitation for twelve miles, 
although the land had been granted. Stock runs existed 
through- that distance. The country was all open forest 
until ** Twickenham Meadows "^^ was reached at a point 
thirty-six miles from Singleton, which was described as a 
''rich and beautiful tract recently discovered by Henry 

Glennie's (Dulwich Grove), twelve miles from the 
ford, is mentioned. A considerable portion of the farm 
was fenced and under cultivation. Four miles on was 
Bowman's grant, where extensive buildings for packing 
and sorting wool had been erected. Bowman 's sheep were 
said to rank among the first crossbreds in the colony. 

Forbes' "Edinglassle" property consisted of many 
thousands of acres stocked with fine-woolled sheep. Other 
grants in that locality were Captain Dickson's, Carter's, 
Mills' and Ogilvie's. On the opposite bank there were 
only two resident proprietors. Captain Pike and Mr Greig; 
the rest of the country was occupied by distant proprietors 
as stock grounds. Ogilvie and his family held a property 
called "Merton," of 6000 acres. The Goulbum entered 
the Hunter near Ogilvie's grant. 

10 The country near the junction of the Goulbum and the Hunter 
(Denman district) was called ** Twickenham Meadows." 

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104 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

! Behind the ridge bounding George Bowman 's property, 
where he kept a large herd of cattle and several flocks of 
fine-wooUed sheep, Captain Pike ran a good assortment of 
Saxon and merino sheep. 

Twenty-five miles above this spot, at Holdsworthy 
Downs, Lieutenant Gibbs, Mr Carlisle and Messrs Little 
were settled, as was also Mr Mclntyre, the agent for Potter 
Macqueen, M.P. Further on several young Scotchmen 
had taken up grants on some fine, clear downs along a 
branch of the Goulbum. All these settlers possessed 
sheep, **and indeed,^' wrote Cunningham, *Hhere is no 
settler of any note upon this extensive river who is not 
turning his attention to the production of fine wool. .... 
We may hope soon to see fine wool become an article of 
considerable export from here, rendering it desirable for 
a vessel to call purposely at Newcastle to ship it off.*' 

Cunningham stated that the country between the head 
of the Hunter River and the .Bathurst settlements was 
located in both directions to within twenty miles of each 

A correspondent of the Australian}^ in. 1827 visited 
the Hunter and put on record his observations. He was 
surprised to find the road from Molly Morgan's (Maitland) 
to Patrick's Plains so good. Except for the difficulty of 
crossing a few blind creeks, a coach and horses might run 
the whole distance. The country was described as ''good, 
open forest,'' but the line of road ran at the baqk of the 
farms on the right bank of the river, and it was therefore 
the ''most uninteresting imaginable." "Not more than 
five shillings' worth of improvement either in houses, culti- 
vation or fences was to be found the whole distance of thirty 
miles. ' ' 

Castle Forbes properties, on which a commodious 
cottage stood, and the adjoining property were two of the 
finest grants in the colony, and inferior to none in any part 
of the world. The correspondent continued : — 

Thirty-six bushels to the acre is the usual produce of their wheat 
crops, and I saw what few people have seen in this country, if any, 
two stack yards within a mile of each other containing together 
10,000 bushels of wheat I And yet when the proprietor of Castle 
Forbes chose his land in this district out of the way part of the 

11 Australian^ February 10, 1827. 

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The Hunter Valley, 105 

country, he was laughed at and considered mad. ... Up to the 
present year the demands of new settlers have been suflScient to 
carry off the superabundant produce of this district, but now that 
there are no new settlers, it is to be hoped some liberal and judicious 
system of distillation laws may be adopted to keep the plough going. 

The writer of the article stated^^ that Patrick's Plain, 
by reason of the extent and fertility of the land, was 
capable of supporting a very thick population, and some 
day or other must be a place of grfeat consequence. At 
that period there was neither magistrate, school nor medical 
man, the nearest doctor being stationed forty miles away. 
The usual crossing place for travellers was near Singleton 's 
Inn at Patrick's Plains. 

The newspaper man then travelled on . to Jerry 's 
Plains, which was described^^ as a **rich and fertile country, 
but without inhabitants, save a solitary shepherd or two, 
tending their flocks." 

Jerry's Plains was a beautiful strip of narrow land 
formed of the * ' alluvium of the river, and the debris of the 
mountains." The tract extended westward about ten 
miles along the river, and was said to be *' comparatively 
unknown by the settlers either new or old." 

Where the river turned to the north, the traveller 
arrived at the splendid estates of Chief Justice Forbes, 
Colonel Dumaresq and Potter Macqueen. The correspon- 
dent continued : — 

I suppose, with the exception . of the Milanese, which it very 
much resembles, the whole of the Europe might be searched in vain 
to produce territory by nature equally valuable or grand, and so 
well adapted to all the purposes of civilized life. 

At that stage the source of the River Hunter had not 
been discovered, but most of the land on its banks had 
been located. The tributary streams of the Goulburn, the 
Wemyss, the Page, Kingdon's Ponds, Dartbrook and Muscle 
Creek flowed through a country ** nothing inferior to the 
main river," and all of them, though only discovered two 
years, could boast of some of the most respectable and 
wealthy settlers in New South Wales. 

The native name of the Hunter Valley was said to be 
**Tina Lunga." Turkeys were very numerous, and one 

^2 Australian, February 10, 1827. 
13 Australian, February 14, 1827. 

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106 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

settler on the Goulburn found it worth his while to hunt 
them for the sake of the oil obtained.^* 

Lieutenant Breton, who visited New South Wales in 
1830-1833, spent some time in the Hunter Valley, and has 
recorded his impressions of the district. He travelled 
from ^'Kineland'' (Blaxland's station) to Jerry's Plains 
with Mr Blaxland, and said the country was chiefly used 
as a sheep walk. Various parts of Gammon Plains bore 
native names; one portion was called *'Gullingal," a second 
' * Booroobulbarrowindi, ' ' and a third * * Murgarindi/ '^'^ 

James Backhouse, the Quaker, walked through the 
valley in 1836. He describes the river as *' flowing through 
a rich alluvial Vale, in some places spreading into extensive 
flats, and in others narrowed by ranges of hills, which, in 
the distance rose to mountains of three or four thousand 
feet high.'' **The whole country," wrote Backhouse, **is 
still one vast wood, except here and there a patch of a few 
hundred acres where the forest has yielded to the axe."^^ 
He mentions ''Dalwood," ''the house of a respectable and 
pious settjer." At ''Kirkton" the traveller noted a 
''considerable vineyard." On June 24, 1836, Backhouse 
crossed Patrick's Plains, "an extensive flat, partially 
cleared, with small, scattered houses upon it." At the 
other end of the plain the Hunter was fordable close to 
"a little rising town called Darlington," where the party 
was kindly received by a family of the name of Glennie. 
"Ravensworth," which was. passed next day, was described 
as "beautiful, park like property." 

Between this place and "Muscle Brook" the travellers 
passed over sandy, gravelly, poor clay hills, thinly clothed 
with grass and ironbark trees. Near Muscle Brook the 
party came again upon the rich alluvial soil of the Hi^nter. 
A few miles on they reached "Arthur's Vale," a large 
farming establishment belonging to Henry Dumaresq. 
Backhouse writes : — 

Sheep form the great object of the attention of the settler of 
the upper Hunter. . . . The flocks consist of about 400 each; several 
of these flocks are folded at one place, each flock being slightly 
separated by a few rails and committed to the charge of a night- 
watchman to be protected against thieves and wild dogs. 

14 Australiarif February 17, 1827. 

15 Excursions in New South Wales. 

16 A Visit to the Australian Colonies. 

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The Hunter Valley, 107 

Helenus Scott, giving evidence in a law case in 1848, 
stated that many persons took small farms in the Hunter 
district in 1838, 1839 and 1840 — many more in those years 
than later.^^ Up to 1840 extensive clearing was going on ; 
brush land cost £5 per jacre to clear, and for forest land 
the price was from £2 to £5 per acre. 

After the passing of the ' Robertson Land Act free 
selectors began to invade the district. Early in 1862 it 
was reported from WoUombi that the first selection of land 
under the new regulations had been made, when twelve 
40-acre blocks were taken up on Watagan Creek.^^ 

A newspaper man who visited the Hunter in 1866 
referred to the operations of the new Land Act. In 1862, 
135 selectors had taken up land in Patrick 's Plains district ; 
in 1863, 55; in 1864, 39; and in 1865, 25. Since the Act 
had been passed 19,626 acres had been taken up under the 
new law. Round about St Clair, and thence to the base 
of Mount Royal, a great many settlers had established 
themselves. They had good soil to work on, plentiful feed 
in the ranges, and a good water supply. 


Before grants could be issued it was necessary to survey 
the country, and much of this work was done by Henry 
Darigar, who was informed on March 1, 1822, that the 
Governor had been pleased ''to direct that the country in 
the vicinity of Newcastle and Hunter River be surveyed 
and marked for the reception of settlers." The streams 
and ranges in* the valleys were to be traced. The country 
was to be laid out into squares of thirty-six miles each, 
and these greater divisions were to, be accurately subdivided 
into sections of a square mile. The larger squares were 
first referred to as townships, and they were merely 
numbered; but later the term township was changed to 
parish and each was named. The two centre sections in 
each township were to be reserved for the use of Govern- 
ment, and were not to be granted to any individual. 

Dangar speedily got to- work, and by October, 1823, 
he had surveyed an area of 142,000 acres in the townships, 
of which 28,500 acres were measured for settlers. Dangar 
had also surveyed most of the Hunter River ^nd a number 

17 Sydney Morning Herald, March 28, 1848. 
isihidj January 10, 1862. 

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108 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

of its lower tributaries. In January, 1824, he reported 
that the ''Black Rivulet'' and ''Glendon Brook" had been 

Surveyor Finch began work near Wollombi early in 
1826, and soon afterwards he surveyed the Parishes of 
Ovingham and Rothbury, as well as tracing the hills on 
the southern side of the valley. In 1827, Finch traced 
the Paterson River and some of its tributaries. 

Surveyor G. B. White spent a number of years at work 
in the Hunter Valley. In October, 1828, White surveyed 
Falbrook and described it as a fine running stream; the 
country on both sides was very mountainous. Settlers had 
already occupied their lands and occupied huts, although 
their grants had not been surveyed. White refers to a 
stream called by the natives ''Carrow.'' White also sur- 
. veyed the Williams River in 1830. 

Surveyor Dixon mapped the Liverpool Range in 1831, 
and transmitted a plan in July. He commenced his work 
at a ''cone'' which he said was called "Murrulaw" 
fMurulla. — J. J.]. Dixon traced the Page River and 
Dartbrook, and marked grants for Miss E. L. McLeay 
(1280 acres), P. Mclntyre (900 acres), H. Dumaresq (640 
acres), W. Cox, senr. (2560 acres) and J. Glennis (560 
acres). In 1832 Dixon worked on the Wollombi, and in 
1832 reported that he had traced the "new line of road to 
Muswell Creek" and all the ranges in the neighbourhood. 
He had also traced the old road from Patrick's Plains and 
surveyed the ranges north of the Hunter in the neighbour- 
hood of Mount Royal. 


For a period of sixty or seventy years tobacco was 
extensively grown in the Hunter district. A newspaper 
writer in 1827 said^® :— 

.... it was Sir Thomas Brisbane's constant recommendation to 
new settlers, who were honoured with an interview, "Go to Hunter's 
River and make your fortune by growing tobacco." This I heard 
from several settlers to whom it had actually been addressed. It 
was well the advice was not attended to. 

Tobacco was grown as early as 1822. Major Morisset, 
writing to the Colonial Secretary on March 27, 1822, 
said^o :— 

19 Australian, February 17, 1827. 

20 Colonial Secretary's Papers : Mitchell Library, Sydney. 

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The Hunter Valley, 109 

I have sent a cask of Tobacco as a sample of the growth of 
this part of the country, the remainder will be put to the credit of 
the Government for the use of the settlement; as soon as the present 
crop is got in a return will be forwarded. 

I am fearful it will not keep long, not having any Molasses or 
coarse Sugar. 

This tobacco was probably grown about Maitland. 

A news item in 1832 stated^^ that a large extent of 
land had been planted with tobacco, but from the dry 
conditions many plants had died. Little of the old crop 
remained in the growers' hands. 

In 1830 and 1831 tobacco was cultivated on a very 
limited scale, and the profit to the grower was ^ ^ enormous. ' ' 
In 1833 and 1834 almost every farmer turned his attention 
to the culture of the **weed,'' and the market was, in 
consequence, glutted to such an extent that sales coula 
scarcely be effected at any price.^^ In 1834 it was stated 
that growers were endeavouring to improve the method 
of manufacturing.23 

The quantity of leaf grown in 1844 was 330,000 pounds. 
Of this quantity Boydell had purchased about 160,000 
pounds, and Messrs Walthall & Company 70,000 pounds. 
The remainder was manufactured mainly by settlers them- 
selves ; the smaller manufacturers who had commenced 
about this time had purchased about one-third of the crop. 
The price paid for leaf was from 2id. to 5d. per pound. 
The total value of the tobacco grown was about £5,500. 

Boydell, who was the oldest and largest manufacturer, 
had purchased about half the crop, which was expected to 
yield about 112,000 pounds of manufactured tobacco. His 
product sold at about an average price of one shilling per 
pound. Walthall's product was worth about one shilling 
and fivepence per pound. Of the remaining 100,000 
pounds perhaps 30,000 pounds would be made up by manu- 
facturers who had recently commenced, and the price they 
would charge had not been fixed. For the 70,000 pounds 
made up by the settlers, a slow and uncertain market 
existed at prices from sixpence to tenpence per pound. 
The value of the whole of the manufactured tobacco would 

21 Sydney Gazette, December 15, 1832. 
22lhid, June 4, 1834. 
2BIbid, April 3, 1834. 

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110 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

be abount £10,947.^'' A large proportion of the manufac- 
tured tobacco was sent to Sydney and a small amount to 
Port Phillip. 

Three manufacturers were engaged in the industry in 
1845 — Boydell, who made 71,000 pounds of tobacco; 
Walthall, who manufactured 46,000 pounds; and A. H. 
Phillip, who prepared 22,000 pounds.^^ 

A news item in 1863 stated that a large quantity of 
tobacco had passed through Paterson in April, and it was 
understood that a factory was to be established there. It 
was estimated that the quantity of the leaf grown in the 
district would exceed 400 tons, valued at £45,000. It is 
not clear whether this was the yield for the Paterson and 
Hunter Valleys, or whether it was the crop from the former 
district only. 

Tobacco was still being grown in the 1880 's. A 
Singleton news item in 1882 runs thus^® : — 

It is confidently affirmed that tobacco growers wiU soon be in 
a position to triumph over the wool growers, for they can soon have 

the weed manufactured in the town The tobacco factory will 

soon be a local fact. 

Shortly afterwards ''strings of teams'' were reported 
to be reaching Singleton daily laden with tobacco ; the price 
of the leaf varied from fivepence to sevenpence per pound.^^ 


Wine making was an important industry in the Hunter 
Valley for many years. One of the earliest vineyards 
planted was ''Dalwood/' which was established in 1828 
or 1829 by George Wyndham. In 1872 the vineyard 
covered sixty-four acres.^® In 1831 W. D. Kelman had 
an acre under vines, and James Busby ( Kelman 's brother- 
in-law) planted 365 varieties of vines in 1832 on the 
property. This vineyard was acquired by Lindeman Ltd. 
in 1914. 

The Hunter River Vineyard Association was formed 
in 1846 as a result of proposals put forward by James King, 
of Irrawang. In 1851 the Association had ten members — 
Hickey, of ' ' Osterley, ' ' Hunter River; A. Lang, of ''Dun- 

24Maitland Mercury, November 30, 1844. 

25 Ibid, April 1, 1846. 

26 Town and Country Journal, November 4, 1882. 

27 Ibid, November 11, 1882. 

28 Town and Cov/ntry Journal, January 20, 1872. 

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The Hunter Valley. Ill 

more"; T. L. Patch, of VOrdunna," Upper Paterson; T. 
H. Holmes, of Oakendale, Williams River ; W. D. Kelman, 
of Kirkton; H. Carmiehael, of Porphyry, Williams River; 
E. G. Covy, of Gostwyek, Paterson River; Dr Lindeman, 
of Cawarra, Upper Paterson; C. Boydell, of Camryallyn, 
Paterson River; and James King, of Irrawang, Hunter 
River. In 1872 over 600 acres of vines had been planted 
in the Hunter River district. 


Some experimental work in the cultivation of cotton 
was carried out in 1851 and in 1862. S. A. Donaldson 
imported cotton seed, and A. McDougall and Scobie, both 
of whom had farms near Maitland, grew some plants from 
this seed.2® The world shortage of raw cotton in the early 
1860 's, due to the American Civil War, induced experi- 
menters here to attempt to grow cotton commercially. In 
August, 1862, a meeting was held to consider growing 
cotton in the Hunter River district. The Hunter River 
Cotton Growing Association was formed, and it leased 
about forty-five acres from a farmer named Hickey at 
Osterley. Twenty acres were sown with cotton by October. 
Nowland, a farmer near Maitland, also tried out the crop 
on his farm.^^ 

However, it does not appear that these experiments 
were successful. 


In 1862, a farmer named Vindin at Louth Park 
experimented in the growing of arrowroot. He was 
reported to have six or seven hundredweight in course of 


James King, of Irrawang, near Raymond Terrace, 
developed a pottery industry in the 1830 's. The Sydney 
Herald of May 1, 1834, stated that a specimen of brown 
earthenware from the pottery of a gentleman on the Hunter 
had been sent to the office. In 1836 King was reported 
to be making carafes for cooling water, and in the same 
year he was awarded a medal for the discovery of sand 

29 Sydney Morning Herald, January 30, 1851. 

80 J&id, October 29, 1862. 

81 Ibid, August 2, 1862. 

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112 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

suitable for glass. A news itejn^^ in 1836 said that Mr 
King, after considerable trouble and expense, had suc- 
ceeded in bringing to perfection the manufacture of earthen- 
ware, and specimens were on view at Mr Burdekin's stores. 
The specimens consisted of bread pans, jugs, butter pans, 
filters, milk dishes, pie dishes and other articles.^ The 
Irrawang pottery was reported to be so good in 1845 that 
the demand exceeded production.^* 


A news report in 1868 stated that Mr Bryant, the 
projector of the Hunter River paper mill, was busy making 
arrangements for the manufacture of paper. His work 
was being carried on at Dunmore mill, near Maitland.^^ 


Some statistics concerning manufacturing in the district 
around Maitland in 1856 are of interest. There were eight 
steam flour mills, one brewery, two soap and candle factories, 
four tobacco factories, one iron foundry, four tanneries 
and four coal mines at work. In 1855, 183 tons of soap 
and 168 tons of candles were made, and 38 tons of tobacco. 
Coal mined amounted to 20,344 tons in 1855, and in 1856 
38,292 tons were cut.^® 


Segenhoe, a grant to T. Potter Macqueen, M.P., was 
sold in 1837^^; it consisted of 25,000 acres, and the sale 
price was £1/5/- per acre. The stock — 6488 sheep, 590 
bullocks, 230 cows and a number of working buUocks^was 
sold early in 1838 for the sum of £15,536.^8 

Bolwarra, which was a grant of 2030 acres to John 
Brown, was up for sale -in 1833.^® About 300 acres were 
cleared, and a two-acre hop garden had been planted. A 
new dwelling house stood on the property. A news item 
in 1834 stated that Richard Jones, of Sydney, had pur- 
chased the estate. In 1885 the remaining portions of the 

^^ Sydney Gazette, October 20, 1836. 

33 Sydney Herald, August 18, 1836. 

34 Maitland Mercury, September 13, 1845. 
33 Sydney Morning Herald, June 18, 1868. 
36 Maitland Mercury, February 12, 1857. 
^T Sydney Gazette, October 14, 1837. 

38 /6t^, January 20, 1838. 
39 76i(f, March 7, 1833. 

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The Hunter Valley. 113 

property were sold and realized £39,000. Some of the 
land brought £120 per acre.*® 

The estate of Castle Forbes, originally granted to 
James Mudie, was advertised for sale in 1840.*^ It con- 
sisted of 4320 acres, and was subdivided into 227 lots. 
James Barker then owned the property. 


In the 1830 's the district was terrorised by bush- 
rangers. A report in 1830 stated that the bushrangers 
had been very daring; two had been shot and arrested, 
but afterwards they were rescued by a band which had 
six or eight horses and two pack bullocks. The need of 
a lock-up in the upper part of the district was badly felt. 
It was suggested that no place was better situated for a 
lock-up than the estate of Segenhoe.*- 

In September, 1830, the road between Paterson's Plains 
and Wallis Plains was infested by a small number of bush- 

The Government announced the capture of bushrangers 
in the Hunter River district in October, 1830. They were 
pursued by a party of Mounted Police under Corporal 
Quigley, of the 57th Regiment. The police recovered much 
booty, consisting of cattle, horses, arms, ammunition, and 
implements of various descriptions. The chase had occu- 
pied eight weeks. The Government noted with pleasure 
the conduct of Hugh McDonald, the overseer on Richard 
Jones's property, who accompanied the party, and who 
appeared to have been largely responsible for the successful 
termination of the operation owing to his influence with 
the natives, who had proved extremely useful.^* 

Quigley was promoted, and McDonald received a grant 
of 640 acres; three of the aboriginals were each given a 

On December 10, 1834, three bushrangers were taken 
on the estate of Lochinvar by Leslie Duguid, assisted by 
two Mounted Police.*^ Reports from the Hunter River 

•^o Town and Country Journal, September 26, 1885. 

41 Australian, August 13, 1840. 

^2 Sydney Gazette, August 31, 1830. 

43 Ibid, September 18, 1830. 

44 Ibid, October 28, 1830. 

^5 Sydney Herald, January 6, 1834. 

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114 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

stated that the conduct of convict servants was very bad, 
and that a number of runaways were prowling in every 
direction in search of plunder. 


As early as 1839 the construction of a railway was 
mooted. A. W. Scott asked the Colonial Secretary to 
allow G. B. White to make a survey for a projected line 
from Newcastle to Maitland. White was allowed one 
month in which to carry out the survey. 

The prospectus of a company to construct a line from 
Newcastle to Maitland, and eventually to the Liverpool 
Range, was published early in 1846. The Great New 
South Wales Railway Company was provisionally registered 
in 1853^« with a capital of £600,000. Later, the railway 
construction was taken over by the Government. The first 
sod of the second portion of the Hunter River railway 
was turned at Maitland in July, 1855. At that stage the 
earthworks of the first section from Newcastle to Hexham 
Road had been completed.^'^ The line from Honeysuckle 
to East Maitland was opened on April 5, 1859. The 
section East Maitland to West Maitland was opened on 
July 27, 1853 ; West Maitland to Lochinvar, July 2, 1860 ; 
Lochinvar to Branxton, March 24, 1862; Branxton to 
Singleton, May 19, 1869; Muswellbrook to Aberdeen, 
October 20, 1870; Aberdeen to Scone, April 17, 1871; Scone 
to Wingen, August 1, 1871 ; Wingen to Murrurundi, April 
5, 1872; and Murrurundi to Quirindi, August 13, 1877. 


In 1828 land granted in the Hunter River and Port 
Stephens districts amounted to 1,405,953 acres, of which 
21,666 acres were cleared and 10,844 acres cultivated. 
There were 104,123 sheep, 41,319 cattle and 1311 horses 
in the district. Land granted increased to 1,537,488 acres 
in 1829, cleared land had increased to 24,527 acres, while 
11,348 acres were cultivated. Cattle numbered 46,805, 
sheep 119,391, and horses 1316. 

The Statistical Returns for 831 give some information 
concerning crops grown. In Maitland district 1661 acres 
of wheat were cropped, 837 acres of maize, 362 acres of 

^Q Maitland Mercury, July 27, 1853. 
47 Ibid, July 4, 1855. 

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The Hunter Valley, 115 

barley, 13 of rye, 54 of potatoes, and 22 of tobacco. The 
wheat yielded 28,636 bushels ; maize, 13,369 bushels ; barley, 
5693 bushels; potatoes, 672 tons; and tobacco, 14,900 
pounds . 

Patrick's Plains district cultivated 1054 acres of wheat, 
625 acres of maize, 54 of barley, 10 of oats, 15 of rye, 15 
of potatoes, and 17 of tobacco. In Merton district 389 
acres of wheat were grown, 102 acres of maize, and barley 
8 acres. Invermein [Scone.^J. J.] figures were : Wheat, 
607 acres; barley, 57 acres; maize, 219 acres; potatoes, 8 
acres; tobacco, 27 acres; and hops, 2 acres. The yields 
from these crops were : Wheat, 13,840 bushels; maize, 9745 
bushels; barley, 1500 bushels; and tobacco, 37,600 pounds. 

In 1836 the number of acres under wheat in the 
Counties of Brisbane, Northumberland, Hunter and Durham 
was 27,424. Maize was planted on 7899 acres, while 45 
tons of tobacco were harvested. Wheat was planted on 
15,114 acres in 1839, maize on 10,112 acres, while tobacco 
grown amounted to 1505 hundredweight. In 1844, 21,534 
acres of wheat were sown, 14,226 acres of maize, and tobacco 
grown weighed 4890 hundredweights. 

Returns for 1860 show that there were 206 holders of 
agricultural land in the Police District of Patrick's Plains, 
which included the Counties of Durham, Hunter and 
Northumberland, and they held 161,310 acres. Of this 
area 155,508 acres were not cultivated. The crop yields 
were : Wheat, 22,000 bushels ; maize, 25,926 bushels ; barley, 
400 bushels; rye, 45 bushels; millet, l5 tons; potatoes, 49 
tons; sopghum, 243 hundredweights; and hay, 235 tons. 


Coal was discovered in the Hunter Valley as early as 
1830. The following paragraph appeared in the Sydney 
Gazette of June 15, 1830 :— 

A valuable stratum of coal has been discovered on the fann of 
Mr. Yeomans, at Hunter River, a small portion of which has been 
brought to Sydney for the gratification of the curious. The quality 
of the coal is said to be superior to that in common use and will 
ignite the same as pitch. 

The first attempt to mine coal in the Hunter Valley 
seems to have been made in 1841. Reference to it was 
made in the Sydney Herald of December 21, 1841 : — 

We have reason to believe that the country around Maitland, to 
a great extent, if not the entire valley of the Hunter is intersected 
by rich coal veins. Messrs. Turner, extensive tanners near Maitland, 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

116 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

work a steam engine which is supplied with coal dug at the spot. 
Their engine consumes one quarter of a ton of coal per day. In 
East Maitland, on the rising ground immediately behind the Koman 
Catholic Chapel, a mine has also been opened, the produce of which 
we have seen and examined. 

It was reported in 1842 that a mine worked by Mr 
Keddie, of East Maitland, was in full operation and selling 
coal at thirteen shillings per ton.^® 

In 1846 a mine was opened near Morpeth, and the 
shaft was sunk to a depth of 45 feet in June.^® Apparently 
this was the mine worked by J. and A. Brown. In 
December of that year the Hunter River Steamship Com- 
pany accepted Brown's tender of 5/11 per ton for bunker 

John Eales, of Duckenfield, was reported^^ to be open- 
ing a mine near Morpeth in 1847, and coal from it was 
raised in June. 

Edward Turner purchased an *' extensive coalfield" 
near Hexham in 1850.^^ The first cargo of coal from a 
mine opened by Turner, situated two and a half miles from 
Hexham wharf, was shipped on the Currency Boy in August, 
1850. The shipment of 52 tons was sent to the Sydney 
Gas Company. The mine owners were reported to be 
applying for an act to permit them to lay down a tram 
road, and Surveyor Goodall was surveying the proposed 
line. Apparently the mine was in the direction of Minmi.^^ 

Coal from the Singleton district was referred to about 
the same time. Elxcellent samples of coal from Glendon 
had been brought to Singleton and sold at 10/- per ton. 
The news item continues^^ : — 

Several innkeepers and others have the luxury of a coal fire to 
invite their friends to — great comfort these frosty nights. 

In November, 1853, miners for Tulip's pits, near 
Morpeth, were advertised for. About the same time Brown 
advertised for ten teams to haul coal from his mines to 

48 Hunter River Gazette, April 30, 1842. 
^^ Maitland Mercury , June 19, 1846. 
^oihid, December 16, 1846. 

51 Ihid, May 12, 1847. 

52 Ihid, July 6, 1850. 
53/6id, August 24, 1850. 
54 lUdy July 17, 1850. 
55/6td, December 28, 1853. 

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The Hunter Valley, 117 

Coal was discovered on what is now known as **the 
South Maitland field'' in 1856. A newspaper reference 
to this discovery is quoted below^ : — 

Mr. Keene, a few days ago discovered close to Mr Knox Child's 
house at Mount Vincent, in three creeks, five seams of coal, which 
he considered, from their bituminous quality, horizontal position and 
geological character to be the same seams that the Agricultural 
Company are now so profitably working at Newcastle, the upper 
seam being twelve feet thick. 

Bourn Russell worked a seam of ^'cannel coaP' near 
Maitland in 1856, the sale of which was confined to the 
locality. The Four Mile Creek mine owners were said to 
be looking forward to the opening of the railway line and 
to the improvement of the Hunter River to enable them 
tq^get their coal to Newcastle by rail or ship. 

Coal raised near Maitland and Morpeth in 1856 
amounted to 41,462 tons, of which 16,521 tons were exported. 
A railway line from Hexham to Minmi was in course of 
construction in 1856.^'^ Another mine had been sunk near 
Hexham by Randall in that year. 

In 1860 the owner of Glendon estate opened a tunnel 
into a coal seam which outcropped on Glennie's Creek 
about six miles from Singleton. About the same time a 
pit was opened at Rix Creek in the Singleton district. 
Coal was sold at 10/- per ton at the pit, or 17/6 delivered 
at Singleton. A large quantity of the mineral was brought 
to the town from day to day.^^ 

The proposal to build a railway from Maitland to 
Morpeth in the early 'sixties influenced the development 
of collieries. In 1862 William Farthing sank a pit about 
midway between Lochinvar and Black Creek, where a seam 
nearly seven feet thick was struck within sixty feet of the 
surface.''^^ About the same time the prospectus of the 
Alnwick Coal Mining Company was published. Alnwick 
was near Hexham. The owner of the lease, James Donald- 
son, wanted £8,000 for it.«<> 

Dr O'Brien, of Sydney, opened a mine at Woodford, 

^^ Empire, January 24, 1856. 

5T Maitland Mercury, October 23, 1856. 

58 Ibid, August 2, 1860. 

59 Sydney Morning Herald, March 25, 1862. 
^Ibid, August 5, 1862. 

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118 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

about six miles from Morpeth, in 1864,^^ and by June, 1865, 
it was in produetion.®^ 

Six Creek mine was still at work in 1866,^ but the 
pit was so far from the railway terminus that it could not 
compete with mines closer to Newcastle. The coal was 
sold in Singleton, and two men were employed at the mine 
in winter and one in summer. 

About 26 men were employed at Anvil Creek mine, 
near Branxton, opened by William Farthing and mentioned 
above.®* The estate consisted of 1054 acres, and the mine 
was worked by Farthing until 1873, when a company was 
formed to take it over. An additional area of 495 acres 
was worked on royalty. The coal was conveyed by a 
branch railway to the Great Northern Line, thence to 

Tuck's Rathluba mine, south-west of Maitland, pro- 
duced about ten tons of coal a day in winter, but only six 
tons in summer. 

A seam of **cannel coal" was brought into production 
in 1867®® by John Mitchell on a property called Bloomfield, 
about half a mile from Rathluba and about two and a half 
miles from Maitland. Mitchell struck twelve seams when 
sinking tfie shafts, one of which was about eight feet thick. 

In 1869 Six Creek colliery was said to be **one of the 
most promising industries in the neighbourhood of Single- 
ton.'' James Singleton, the then proprietor, had spent 
about £1000 on the works, which sent into Singleton *Hhe 
finest sample of coal that the colony can produce."®''' 

A Mr Harper, of Blandford, was reported to have 
discovered a seam of coal about three miles from Murru- 
rundi in 1870. Shortly afterwards, a number of gentlemen 
assembled at Brodie's mill at Haydonton (Murrurundi) to 
see coal found near the town burned in the furnace. The 
land on which the seam had been found was rented from 
the Government by the Rev. J. J. Nash.®^ It was stated 

61 /bid, June 27, 1864. 

62 lUd, June 13, 1865. 

63 7&tc2, August 1, 1866. 

64 lUd. 

65 Town and Country Journal, August 14, 1880. 

66 Sydney Morning Herald, April 3, 1867. 

67 Ibid, September 7, 1869. 

68 Town and Country Journal, May 28, 1870. 

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The Hunter Valley, 119 

that the lessee would be in a position in a few days to 
supply any demand. Two years later the Wingen coal 
mine, the property of the Rev. J. J. Nash, about half a 
mile from Wingen, was at work. It was a tunnel mine, 
the entrance to which was almost on a level with the bed 
of a creek skirting the foot of the Burning Mountain. A 
temporary tramway had been laid down for some distance 
from the mine, and the coal was then dumped into drays 
for conveyance to the Northern Line. 

On April 30, 1868, Keane, examiner of coal fields, 
reported the discovery of a seam twenty-twovfeet thick near 
Greta. Messrs Vindin and Mitchell th^n commenced 
operations on the seam. After considerable expenditure 
in opening the mine and working it for some time, the 
concern fell into the hands of E. Vickery, who worked it 
for a number of years. The machinery was of the most 
complete kind. The estate covered 2136 acres, which 
belonged principally to the Clift family.®® It was stated 
in July, 1874, that the ' ' Greta coal mines have now estab- 
lished themselves. ' ^"^^ In that year 110 men and boys were 
employed at the colliery, which was in charge of James 
Fletcher. The Greta B Pit was completed, as far as sink- 
ing was concerned, in May, 1875. 


Oil shale was discovered at Anvil Creek near the Greta 
village reserve in 1868.*^^ Soon afterwards Bourn Russell 
formed the Stony Creek Mining Company to make oil.'''^ 
The company leased Russeirs mine and purchased a build- 
ing at Lavender Bay originally erected by the Hon. R. M. 
Robey as a sugar refinery, with the intention of re-erecting 
it at the mine. 

About 1862, Andrew Loder, of Colly Creek, near 
Murrurundi, discovered kerosene shale on his property. 
In 1870, Henry Harper, who had been under-manager for 
Dr Mitchell, of Newcastle, went to Murrurundi to search 
for coal.'''^ He examined the shale seam and decided to 
open a mine, which was named *' Harper's Kerosene Shale 

69 Ihid, August 14, 1880. 

10 Sydney Momi/ng Herald, July 3, 1874. 

71 Ibid, May 11, 1868. 

12 Ibid, July 14, 1868. 

78 Ibid, January 24, 1871. 

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120 Royal Australian Historical Society. 


Some shipbuilding was done on the Hunter River in 
its early history. The following news item appeared in 
the Sydney Gazette of September 29, 1828 : — 

Mr. Winder, of Hunter's River has lately presented an accession 
to the marine of Australia in the production of a noble little vessel 
of 90 tons called the Currency Lass. She was built at Hunter's 
River by Colonial youths and of Colonial materials. 

In October, 1831, George Yeomans launched a 90-ton 
vessel at Wallis Plains. It was said to be the second he 
had built.^^ 

Boiling down was extensively carried on in the Hunter 
Valley in the 1840 's. In 1844 eleven boiling down plants 
were in operation, viz., W. C. Wentworth's, Windemere; 
F. J. King's, Morpeth; A. Blaxland 's, Fordwich ; H. Scott's, 
Glendon; R. Pringle's, Anambah; H. Dangar's, Neotsfield; 

D. C. F. Scott's, Bengalla; J. Pike's, ; and J. B. 

Bossley's, Singleton. The various works produced 835 
tons of tallow in 1844; two years later, 37,283 sheep and 
7852 cattle were boiled down for a return of 884 tons of 


A news item in June, 1826, stated^^ that the new road 
between Newcastle and Wallis Plains was open for travellers 
on horseback. The difficulty of a land communication was 
therefore at an end. The distance was about eighteen 
miles, and the ''abominable swamp" through which the 
traveller was obliged to wade in winter up to his chin in 
water was avoided. It was said to be *'a very inferior 
road," and in wet weather would be hardly passable for 

A report to the Colonial Secretary in 1828^^ informed 
that official that a road party was opening the highway 
between Newcastle and Wallis Plains. A section of the 
road, about four miles long, was swampy, and a special 
gang of prisoners from Newcastle was employed in raising 
a bank about twenty-five feet wide through this patch. 

Above Wallis Plains the country was of such a descrip- 
tion that little or no labour was required to form roads. 
It was suggested, however, that it would be desirable to 

74 Sydney Gazette, August 13, 1841. 

75 Australian, June 14, 1826. 

7« Colonial Secretary's Papers, 1828 : Mitchell Library, Sydney. 

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The Hunter Valley, 121 

send a few men to cut down the steep banks on both sides 
of the streams which the road would cross. It was de- 
sirable that the direction of the road beyond Wallis Plains 
to the upper Hunter should be determined, as many settlers 
were anxious to fence their properties, but could not do so 
until the highway had been surveyed. Dumaresq, who 
wrote the report, said that it appeared the best direction 
for the roads required in the upper districts was to proceed 
from Wallis to Patrick's Plains, not by the road then in 
existence, but by one passing near Coulson's farm. 

The Colonial Secretary informed the Surveyor-General 
(Mitchell) on February 16, 1831, that the Governor thought 
he should mark the line northward as soon as circumstances 
permitted, it being a matter of importance to settlers 
previous to fixing their establishments to know the exact 
line the highway would follow. Mitchell went to the 
district early in 1833 and marked the main line of road. 
G. B. White was instructed on February 18, 1833, to survey 
the lines which Mitchell had marked. The lines to be 
surveyed were : — 

(1) From St. Michael's Store Ship (at Morpeth) to Maitland. 

(2) The line from Maitland to where Mitchell's "marked line" 
took off. 

(3) A line from Maitland to Patrick's Plains. 

(4) A new line from the point of separation of the roads at 
Patrick's Plains to the reserve at Broke, and a line from 
the North Road from Broke up the Wollombi. 

Surveyor Dixon was to be instructed to measure the 
portion beyond the Hunter which had been marked from 
Leamington to Muswellbrook. 

These surveys were duly carried out. In May, 1833, 
the Colonial Secretary informed the Surveyor-General that 
the Governor requested that the work on the road from 
Maitland to the upper Hunter should be commenced before 
men were set to work on any other line except the line to- 
Green Hills [Morpeth. — J. J.], which should be carried on 
simultaneously with an ironed gang. Work on the Green 
Hills-Maitland road was begun by a gang of fifty-seven 
men, and the clearing of the other road commenced in 1834. 
Tenders for clearing the Maitland-Muswellbrook road were 
called early in 1834, so it seems this work was not done 
by a convict gang, although the road forming was. 

Concerning the main road through the Hunted Valley* 
Mitchell wrote : — 

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122 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

The line of road through the valley of the Hunter had originated 
in one of those Bush tracks which, first adopted fortuitously, are 
either not worth improving, or being formed are soon faulty in the 
general direction of the thoroughfare required. With the assistance 
of G. B. White the direction of the road was marked out from near 
Maitland to Jerry's Plains. The first mentioned road, although 
circuitous having been recently made by convict labour had rendered 
determination of the most eligible line more desirable. 

The necessity for determining, on such general principles the 
direction of the line of communication, was suggested by the question 
of sites for villages.77 On this occasion the villages of Greta, 
Belford, Warkworth and WoUombi originated. 

Surveyor Dixon was instructed to mark out the road 
which led from Muswellbrook along the valley of Kingdon 
Ponds to Liverpool Plains in December, 1834. Dixon 
reported in March, 1836, that he had completed this task, 
and a plan was forwarded to the Surveyor-General in July. 
Dixon said that the whole line of road, 44^ miles long, 
could be made without any difficulty. 

Surveyor G. B. White marked a new line of road from 
Patrick's Plains to Muswellbrook in 1837, which was said 
to be far superior to the old highway.'''® 

When asked by the Surveyor-General whether the line 
was sufficiently marked by trees or otherwise to enable 
settlers to follow it. White replied that the trees were fairly 
marked and that moderately laden drays had been taken 
along it. 

jWhite was instructed to survey a line of road from 
Newcastle and Maitland to Dora Creek, to which point a 
road would be marked from Gosf ord by Surveyor Dalgety. 

A new road from Paterson to Morpeth and Maitland 
by Hinton Punt was said to be ''nearly completed'' in 
August, 1841. It had proved an ''immense convenience 
and advantage to those who had much business between 
the districts of Hunter and Paterson." A large and com- 
modious ferry boat capable of transporting twenty tp thirty 
head of cattle plied across the Hunter and Paterson at each 
end of the line of road.*^® 

A traffic census taken at Anvil Creek from June 2 to 
July 2, 1856, is of interest. Sixty-two mail coaches 
carrying 273 passengers, 88 carriages and gigs with 203 
passengers^ , 372. b^llQck drays with 107 passengers, 257 

77 Report on Ebfeds : Mitchell Library, Sydney. 
i^Sy^neiy Herald, August 17, 1837. 
79 lUdy August 19, 1841. 

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The Hunter Valley. 123 

horse drays with 125 passengers, 759 horsemen^ 667 foot- 
passengers, 11,021 sheep, 1140 cattle and 225 horses passed 
this point during that time. 

A similar census was taken at Walden Range, further 
up the Valley, between May 1 and 31, with the following 
results : Bullock drays, 184; horse drays, 110; 'carriages, 
56; bullocks, 1867; horses, 139; passengers, 164; foot- 
passengers, 603; horsemen, 444; cattle, 2691; sheep, 39,953; 
and horses, 468.*® 


. On April 27, 1838, Surveyor Rusden was informed that 
Mr Potter Macqueen had made repeated applications for 
the laying out of a town to be called ** Aberdeen'' at the 
ford on the Hunter between St Helliers and St Aubins, 
and the surveyor was asked to make a detailed survey of 
the ground and to transmit a plan. The Colonial Secretary 
informed the Surveyor-General on October 9, 1838, that the 
Governor had approved of the plan of the *' township of 
Aberdeen." In November, 1838, Rusden was instructed 
to lay out the sections and reserves in the new town. 

By 1840 an inn had been erected and a steam mill was 
nearly completed. Several tradesmen were about to 
establish themselves, and it was intended to erect a church. 
Aberdeen had a population of 27 in 1851, and there were 
five houses in the town. In 1859, at a land sale, 22 lots 
were sold at prices from £4 to £19/14/- each.^^ 

Aberdeen was described as a ** rising town'' in 1861, 
*'with houses springing up in all directions. "^^ In 1866 
a steam mill was at work, and there were a post office, 
lock-up, a store and an inn, with a population of about 100. 

A visitor in 1870 says of Aberdeen®* : — 
It has a lock-up with one or two policemen to protect its 120 
inhabitants, a very primitive building for the Church of England 
folk, several stores, a large hotel, possessing, perhaps the largest 
landlady in the colony, a small inn, and a very few cottages comprise 
the township. 

The crossing place on the river was one of the most 
dangerous places in time of flood, and many lives had been 
lost there. 

80 Maitland Mercury, July 15, 1856. 

Bilbid, August 4, 1859. 

82 J&id, July 4, 1861. 

88 Town and Country Journal, August 6, 1870. 

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124 Royal Australian Historical Society. 


Surveyor Rusden marked out a village on Krui Creek 
in 1840 ; the Governor approved of the design, and named 
the place '*Ailsa/' In 1866, Ailsa contained three houses 
and thirteen inhabitants. 


It was stated in April, 1854, that **Mr. Rogers is 
surveying a new township at Belford,*' near Black Creek.^* 
Later a news item informed the public that a sale, of lots 
at Belford was to be held on August 24, 1854.8'* The place 
was formerly known as '*Jump Up Creek/' 

Belford was described as a ''postal village'' in 1866, 
and the district was said to be ''an agricultural and pastoral 
one; the cultivation of the grape receiving considerable 
attention in the neighbourhood." 

Branxton had its inn, the ' ' Crown, ' ' in 1848, the erec- 
tion of which cost £700. A subdivision of 194 blocks for 
building purposes was made in 1848 and submitted to 
auction on January 26, 1848. ^^ 

The foundation stone of a Methodist chapel was laid 
on January 2, 1865.®''' St Bridget's Roman Catholic church 
was opened by the Bishop of Maitland in December, 1866.®® 

In 1866 Branxton had a steam mill in operation. 
There were four hotels in the town, a post office, and a 
Mechanics' Institute. The population was about 500. 

The town was said to be about the size of Lochinvar 
in 1870. A number of buildings earlier used as inns were 
otherwise occupied in 1870. There were several stores, 
two churches, and a public school in Branxton in that 


Under date November 27, 1831, Major Mitchell referred 
to the "projected village of Broke (named by me after that 
distinguished officer. Sir Charles Broke Vere, Bart.)." 

9^ Maitland Mercury, April 22, 1854. 

B5Ibid, August 9, 1854. 

seihid, January 26, 1848. 

S7 Sydney Mommg Herald, January 20, 1865. 

88 lUd, December 22, 1866. 

89 Town and Country Journal, May 7, 1870. 

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The Hunter Valley, 125 

A news item in 1860 stated®^ that, although the village 
had been surveyed, it was still a waste, and people were 
waiting for the sale. A mill had been erected by Mr 
Blaxland, of Fordwieh. In September, 1860, the whole 
of the lots submitted were sold. 

In 1866 the village was known as Broke or Fordwieh, 
in which year an Anglican church school and a private 
school were both in operation. The village had its post 
office, and an agricultural implement factory was at work.®^ 


Bishop Tyrrell visited Camberwell in 1848,®^ and a 
church was then being built. Camberwell was said to be 
'*a small Government village'' in 1866 with a population 
of about 100. It then had two hotels. The post office, 
known as Camberwell Railway Station, was changed on 
February 1, 1876, to Ravensworth.®^ Ravensworth was the 
name of Dr Bowman's property; he died there in 1846.^'^ 
The estate was sold to D. F. Mackay in 1882 for £90,000. 


A sale of land *^in the village of Murulla" was adver- 
tised in December, 1856.®^ In 1866 some of the allotments 
had been built on. A private village called Blandford 
developed in the early 1860 's, and when the railway was 
opened a station of that name was opened and the desig- 
nation ''Murulla" ceased to be used. 


Cessnock is named after the property of a young 
Scotsman named John Campbell, who arrived here in 1825, 
and in October, 1826, he was promised 2560 acres. This 
land he took up in the lower Hunter Valley in the centre 
of what is now the South Maitland coalfield. Campbell's 
death is recorded in the Australian of February 20, 1828. 
The report states he died in Castlereagh Street, Sydney, at 
the age of twenty-three. He and his younger brother 
(David) had made considerable improvements on the estate 
at Cessnock. 

90 Maitland Mercv/ry, July 14, 1860. 

91 Bailliere's Gazetteer. 

92 Maitland Mercury y May 17, 1848. 

93 Town and Country Jotumal, February 5, 1876. 

94 Maitland Mercury, May 26, 1846. 

95 7&td, December 2, 1856. 

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126 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

The land was granted to David Campbell (who was 
then residing in Great Britain) on October 29, 1834. David 
Campbell held the property until 1853, when it was sub- 
divided into farming and village lots. Twenty-six village 
allotments of one acre each were put up to auction on 
February 15, 1853, and the spot was said to be used as a 
camping spot for teams. 

Development was slow. Bailliere's Gazetteer of 1866 
states that Cessnock proper consisted of two houses, with 
a population of eleven. 

In 1871, the population numbered 89; in 1881, 130; 
and in 1891, 203. In the last mentioned year there were 
40 habitations. 


In 1835 a watch-house and court-house were built at 
Cassilis at a cost of £85. A license for an inn was granted 
in June, 1846. A report in 1859 stated®^ that a few new 
buildings had been erected. A school house had been 
completed, and a new court house was in course of erection. 

A private village of Dalkeith was established®^ by 
Messrs Scott, of Glendon, and named after the principal 
residence of the Duke of Buccleugh. In 1848 the popu- 
lation of Cassilis numbered 49, and there were 11 houses 
in the village. 

Population in 1861 was between 70 and 80. Cassilis, 
or Dalkeith, had a post oflBce, a police station, and three 
hotels in 1866.»8 


A post ofSce known as Darlington was established in 
1841.** P. J. Cohen began a mail coach service from 
Hexham to Darlington in 1836, and it ran twice a week.^^ 
The proposed sale of a new township called ** Darlington" 
was announced in February, 1841.^®^ In the following 
year instructions were received from James and Alexander 
McDougall for the sale of a large area of land at ''Prince 
of Wales Town," Darlington. The **town" was opposite 

96 Ibid, May 21, 1859. 

97 Ibid, February 19, 1861. 
9SBailliere*s Gazetteer, 

99 Australian, February 25, 1841. 

100 Colonist, January 21, 1836. 

101 Austrdlian, February 25, 1841. 

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The Hunter Valley. 127 

Singleton's mill. Two hundred and forty-seven lots and 
twenty-three farms were to be offered.^^^ 

The village had a tannery in 1866, and two brickyards 
were at work. A large number of quarrymen also found 
employment in the neighbourhood. Darlington had a 
school in operation, and there was one hotel in the village. 
Population was about 200.^^^ 


Surveyor G. B. White was instructed to lay out a 
village at Anvil Creek, and he informed the Surveyor- 
General on December 19, 1842, that the survey had been 
carried out. The design was approved by the Governor- 
in-Council in October, 1843, and the village named ** Greta.*' 
There was practically no development there until a mine 
was opened and coal production began in the early 1870 's. 
A report on Greta in 1874 is quoted below^^^ : — 

A little o^jer eighteen months ago the place was a verdant 
wilderness, boasting of two residences, a wine saloon and a private 

The lots of Government land were sold in the first 
place for a ''mere song." In the course of six months, 
land rose from £10 to £60 per half-acre. A couple of 
hotels had been erected, and the town had three large stores 
besides butchers, a baker and other tradesmen, and a number 
of private houses. A public school and a Methodist church 
were being built, and steps were being taken to erect an 
Anglican church. The mining company had built a 
number of cottages for its men. 

In 1878 Greta had four hotels and four churches, in 
addition to a public school and school of arts. 

A visitor to Greta early in 1874 said he was surprised 
at the character of the buildings erected near the pit. 
Forty-eight miners were employed at the mine in addition 
to labourers. To the left of the railway line a row of slab 
cottages had been built by the company for the miners. 
On the opposite side of the line small houses were scattered 
about everywhere, while occasionally a tent was to be seen. 
New buildings were being erected. 

A private township of Greta was surveyed in 1873, 

102 Sydney Herald, March 30, 1842. 

103 Baillier€*s Gazetteer. ' 

104 Town and Country Journal, November 14, 1874. 

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128 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

and the lots were put up for sale on August 9, 1873 ; all 
were sold at prices varying from £8 to £38.^®^ 


Doughby Hollow was the name of a station held by 
Dr Gill in 1848. William Nowland claimed that he gave 
the name to a small creek on the west side of the range in 
3^827.106 Doughboy Hollow was described in 1866 as a 
grassy flat lying between two hills on the Northern road. 
It was well known as a camping place for teams, and there 
was a village reserve at this spot.^®*^ 

In January, 1871, it was stated that land was reserved 
at Doughboy Hollow for a village or township, but et that 
period the only buildings on the site were two inns.^^® 


Dunmore was originally a grant of 1050 acres promised 
on April 30, 1822, to George Lang, an elder brother of 
Dr John D. Lang. Lang named his grant ''Dunmore'' as 
''a mark of filial difection towards a revered relation,*' 
wrote Lang. The grant consisted partly of a belt of 
heavily timbered land and partly of alluvial land extending 
about a mile and a half along the bank of the lower Paterson 
River. Here George Lang erected a slab house. He 
died there in 1824, and the land fell to Andrew Lang, a 
brother. The estate then consisted of 2500 acres, as George 
Lang had purchased an additional 1500 acres. Portion 
of Lang 's purchase had been promised originally to Standish 

Andrew Lang erected a steam mill on the property 
in 1841. 

In 1837, Dr Lang went to Great Britain to induce 
people to migrate to New South Wales. The Sydney 
Gazette of September 9, 1837, reported that Dr Lang had 
succeeded in having two vessels sent to the Western Isles 
to convey to the colony such of the suffering islanders as 
wished to come here. This was a period of acute suffering 
in the islands off the coast of Scotland, and some of the 
islanders were actually starving. The report further 

105 Sydney Morning Herald, October 12, 1873. 
loeihid, Januaiy 23, 1861. 

107 Bailliere's Gazetteer. 

108 Town and Country Journal, January 7, 1871. 

109 Lang's Historical Accoimt. 

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The Hunter Valley, 129 

stated that the Revs. Tait and Hamilton were to sail from 
Leith on May 10. Two more clergymen, Revs. McFee 
(or MsPhee) and Gregor were to accompany Dr Lang, who 
was expected to sail from Greenock later with the emigrants 
he had collected. A number of qualified schoolmasters 
were also to sail for the colony. 

Meanwhile arrangements had been made to settle these 
migrants. It was proposed to place them on Bale's 
property near Morpeth. However, the Highlanders them- 
selves sent two of their number to examine the proposed 
locations. They found the land liable to flooding, and 
decided against settling on it. Andrew Lang then offered 
to place them on his property, and the offer was accepted. 
They were placed on a section of the estate which was 
originally granted to Harris. Twenty-two families settled, 
comprising 120 individuals. 

Later Dr Lang gave some information concerning the 
conditions on which the newcomers were settled. They 
had their choice as to whether the land should be cleared 
or whether they should take it up as clearing leases. If 
they accepted the land under the latter conditions they 
would be rent free for four years, and would be supplied 
with rations at the market price until they were able to 
obtain a subsistence from the farms. In 1838 Andrew 
Lang built a school-house, a substantial brick building 
costing £75, and it was used also as a place of worship. 
In order to relieve the Highlanders as much as possible 
of the cost of education, Lang gave the schoolmaster, John 
Whitelaw, board and lodging free. The number of pupils 
attending the school in December, 1838, was upwards of 

Some of the Highlanders who came on the Brilliant 
from the Islands of Mull and Islay were later settled on 
Close's property.^^^ 


Ellalong village, near Wollombi, contained a few 
buildings in 1860. A steam mill had just been completed, 
and the township housed a few tradesmen. A building 
intended for an inn had been erected by James Hasker, 
and it was proposed to open a store.^^^ 

110 Sydney Herald, August 26, 1841. 
niMaitland Mercury, October 9, 1860. 

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130 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

The village had a Presbyterian and a Roman Catholic 
church, a school, a hotel and a mill in 1866. The popu- 
lation numbered about fifty. 


In December, 1840, the *Hownship of Hinton," on the 
estate of R. C. Dillon, was advertised for sale.^^^ Qne 
hundred building lots were offered. Aid for the erection 
of a Presbyterian church and minister's dwelling was 
promised by the Government. Plans and specifications 
were submitted in 1843. A second sale of lots, eighty-three 
in number, was advertised in 1843.^^^ Bowthorne and 
Hinton estates were under the management of the Loan 
Company, and they reduced the rent of the good land on 
the estate from £1 to 15/- per acre and the inferior land 
from 10/- to 5/-. A wharf was constructed at Hinton in 
1844. The nucleus of a Mechanics' Institute was formed 
in 1845.^^^ A meeting to discuss the erection of a church 
was held in September, 1845.^^*^ Three lots for the site 
of the church were given by A. Livingstone. 

Hinton 's population was about 200 in 1866. In 1870 
the place was described as a small village, with three 
churches — Anglican, Presbyterian and Baptist.^^® A School 
of Arts had recently been erected, and there were three 
stores and three inns in the village. 


A news item in 1874 runs thus : — 
A new mining township hereafter to be known by the euphonious 
native name of Illalong may be said to have entered upon existence. 

Illalong was a colliery township laid out by the pro- 
prietors of the Anvil Creek Mining Company about five 
miles from Branxton and close to Greta. At a land sale 
held in June, 1874, 126 lots were sold at an average price 
of £13/10/- each. 


Jerry's Plains is referred to as early as 1827. A 
visitor in that year said^^^ : — 

^12 Australian, December 19, 1840. 

113 Thid, April 16, 1842. 

ii4 3faitZond Mercwry^ July 19, 1845. 

115 7&IC2, September 27, 1845. 

116 Town and Country Journal, February 12, 1870. 
in Australian, February 14, 1827. 

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The Hunter Valley. 131 

Jerry's Plains is a particularly rich and beautiful strip of narrow 
land, formed by the alluvium of the river, and the debris of the 

mountains This little tract extends westward about ten miles 

along the river, and astonishing to say, is comparatively unknown 
by the settlers, either new or old. 

Jerry's Plains is said to have been named after a 
convict Irishman.^^^ 

In June, 1831, tenders were called for the erection of 
a barracks for the Mounted Police at Jerry's Plains. 
Surveyor Dixon was instructed to measure two acres at 
Jerry's Plains as a site on which a temporary place of 
worship might be erected. 

In October, 1838, the Colonial Secretary asked the 
Surveyor-General to lay out a village at Jerry's Plains, 
and G. B. White was instructed on October 22, 1838, to 
carry out this task. 

Although the township was laid out, the site was not 
built upon, as a private township was established. A news 
item in 1840 st^ted"» :— 

A new township we hear, is about to be formed at Jerry's 

Plains It is contemplated to build, forthwith, a post of&ce, 

a pound, a comfortable inn and a mounted police station. 

Some settlement had apparently taken place in 1841, 
as a press item mentions that a wheelwright, carpenters, 
masons, etc., would meet with encouragement, and a teacher 
also was wanted. A medical man, Dr Jenkins, *Uate 
Surgeon Superintendent of the ship James Moran/^ had 
commenced practice. 

9 sale of 23 half -acre lots at Jerry 's Plains was adver- 
tised in February, 1842.i2o 

At a meeting held in August, 1842, it was decided to 
work for the erection of a church and parsonage. The 
sum of £349 had already been subscribed.^^^ 

Early in 1846 the erection of a wooden Roman Catholic 
church was commenced in the village.^^^ 

It was stated in April, 1848, that the village had two 
churches and two inns; a third inn was about to be 

lis Excursions in New South Wales : Breton. 

119 Australian, March 17, 1840. 

120 Hunter River Gazette, February 19, 1842. 

121 Australian, August 12, 1842. 

122 Maitland Mercury, January 21, 1846. 

123 Ibid, April 22, 1848. 

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132 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

A report in 1849 mentions that a school would soon 
be established. 

In 1866 a flour mill was at work in the neighbourhood. 
The village then had one store and three hotels.^^^ 

A report in 1880 stated that when a new church was 
decided on it was erected on the site originally surveyed 
for it on the the Government township. When the Govern- 
ment proposed to build a new post office, police station 
and school, they too were placed on the original town site, 
which was about a mile from the centre of population. ^^^ 


Largs received its name in honour of the well-known 
locality in Ayrshire, Scotland, famous for the battle of 
Largs fought in 1260, and which effectually secured the 
freedom and independence of Scotland against the invasion 
of the Danes.^^® Dr Lang was responsible for the name. 
Largs had a school in 1856, a Presbyterian church, two or 
three stores, two hotels and a post office.* A news item 
in 1857 stated that the township had been increasing, and 
would soon be a place of some importance. More houses 
were being erected.^^^ 

Bailliere's Gazetter (1866) speaks of '* Largs (or 
Dunmore),'' which was was then a '* small postal village 
adjoining the Bolwarra estate." 


Lochinvar estate was owned by Leslie Duguid, and in 
1839 an advertisement in the press announced that the 
estate was being subdivided into small farms, and the item 
continues^^® : — 

A very satisfactory survey of the Property has led the Proprietor 
at once to avail himself of its natural advantages by laying out a 

An advertisement in March, 1840, stated that the 
''Village of Lochinvar" had been laid out by Knapp into 
80 lots, with reserves for a church, market place and 
watering place.^^a rpj^^ greater portion of the estate 

124 Bailliere's Gazetteer. 

125 Tovm and Country Journal, October 16, 1880. 

126 Empire, May 7, 1856. 

127 Maitland Mercury, November 28, 1857. 

128 Sydney Herald, November 11, 1839. 

129 Australian, March 17, 1840. 

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The Hunter Valley. 13: 

(which included many small farms) was sold for nearly 

On October 24, 1858, a Roman Catholic church was 
blessed by the Very Rev. Dean Lynch, and service was 
held in it. The village had four inns in 1860, one of 
which rejoiced in the name of **Help Me Through the 

The Maitland Mercury of August 11, 1860, referring 
to the village, said : — 

Lochinvar seems to be improving. If by reason of the scarcity 
of labour, the railway line illustrates the principle of the asymptate, 
it is likely that a hamlet, at east will gather round the station. 

The old village of Lochinvar was about two miles from 
the railway station opened when the line went through. 

The foundation stone of a Methodist church was laid 
in September, 1863. The new Roman Catholic church 
(St Patrick's) was opened in December, 1866, by the 
Bishop of Maitland. 

The district was noted in 1866 for its vineyards. The 
town had a post office and two hotels in that year. The 
population of the district (which included the villages of 
Oswald, Luskintyre, Windemere and Knockfin) numbered 

The township of Lochinvar was described in 18701^2 
as consisting of one main street, and it had three hotels, 
several stores, an Anglican and a Roman Catholic church, 
as well as a public school. 

A bridge over the Hunter at Lochinvar was finished 
and opened for tfaffic on May 24, 1874.1^^ 

The estates of Windermere and Luskintyre, near 
Lochinvar, were purchased by W. C. Wentworth in 1836 
for £25,000.13^ Portions of Luskintyre and Windemere 
were subdivided and put up for sale in 1851. 


A grant to Thomas McDougall was named ''Lorn,'* 
and it was from this property that the suburb of Maitland 
takes its name. In June, 1850,1^^ the ''intended sale of 

130 /6td, April 4, 1840. 

131 Bailliere^s Gazetteer. 

132 /6td, May 30, 1874. 

133 Ibid, May 30, 1874. 

i^^ Sydney Gazette, May 7, 1836. 

^^5 Maitland Mercury, June 19, 1850. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

134 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

100 building and cultivation lots at North Maitland/' 
portion of the estate of A. McDougall, was advertised. 
Another sale of lots was advertised on July 27, ISSO.^"*® 


Merton derives its name from Lieutenant Ogilvie's 
grant promised him on April 7, 1825. A court house and 
watch house costing £85* were erected at Merton in 1837. 
At a meeting held in the court house in June, 1845, it was 
decided to build a church. A brick and stone structure 
known as St Matthias' was consecrated by Bishop Tyrrell 
on March 20, 1851.1^7 

The foundation stone of a new Anglican church at 
Denman was laid on December 2, 1872, by the Bishop of 

A visitor to the district in 1873 said that the private 
village of Merton stood close to the site of Denman, but, 
as people did not like a private speculation in the form 
of a village, the Government township was established. 
In 1873 Denman had a mill, a post office, two hotels, two 
stores, a school, and Roman Catholic chapel, and a ''sprink- 
ling of private dwellings. "^^^ 

The ''Goulburn River School of Arts'' was opened in 
December, 1885, at Denman. A bridge across the Goulburn 
named the ''Stuart Bridge" was opened for traffic in 
October, 1885. 

In 1866 the district was described as "rich pastoral 
and agricultural country. ' ' It was on the main thorough- 
fare, by which all fat cattle and sheep for the Maitland 
and Sydney markets travelled from the north and west. 
The route from Denman to Sydney was via Jerry's Plains 
and the Bulga Road, or via Jerry's Plains and Cockfighter's 
Creek to Maitland. Many Sydney butchers had agenci<^J» 
in Denman for the purchase of cattle.^^® 


Lieutenant-Colonel Paterson named the country about 
the present town of Morpeth Green Hill in 1801. On 

136 /6uJ, July 27, 1850. 

137 Ibid, April 2, 1851. 

1^% Sydney Morning Herald, January 29, 1873. 

139 /6td, May 14, 1873. 

140 Baillier's Gazetteer. 

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The Hunter Valley. 135 

August 21, 1827, the Surveyor-General refers to the ''Parish 
of Morpeth/' The name ''Morpeth'' was not used for 
the present town until 1834. 

It was early recognized that the land near the town 
of Morpeth was the most suitable site for a settlement. 
A visitor to Wallis Plains in 1827 wrote^^^ 

Mr. Close's land is out of reach of floods and is more convenient 
in every respect, but particularly in saving about 20 miles of water 
carriage; although it joins the government reserve, the sinuosities of 
the river being so remarkable in this particular spot. 

It is apparent that in the late 1820 's Green Hill had 
developed as a river port, and that trade had begun to 
flow through it. This is evidenced by the fact that two 
inn licenses were issued in June, 1832--one to John Hillier 
for the Ilulang Hotel, and the other to James Cracknell 
for "The Wheatsheaf," described as Illulang.1^2 

Further evidence is supplied by an account of "A 
Trip to the Green Hills" published in the Sydney Gazette 
of October 15, 1831, which runs thus : — 

You reach the Green Hills, where the steamer discharges her 
cargo into the store sliip St. Michael, which affords a most com- 
modious warehouse, being roofed in and divided into compartments 
for the reception of goods for the steamer, for, and from Sydney 
and the place where the passengers land. 

When steamers began trading between Sydney and 
Hunter River, the Green Hills became the terminal port, 
and much of the produce from the Hunter Valley and the 
north and west of New South Wales was shipped there. 
The store ship was a familiar feature of the landscape until 
1841,^^^ when it was reported that she had been allowed 
to capsize. She was then offered for sale. 

Up to 1833 there appears to have been no wharf, and 
the loading and unloading of goods must have been carried 
on with great difficulty. In June, 1833, Surveyor White 
was instructed to survey the banks of the Hunter at Green 
Hills, "so that the most eligible place for a wharf may be 
determined. ' ' In that year a convict gang of fifty men 
was employed in the construction of a road from Maitland 
to Green Hills. 

In 1834 a Mrs Luke, a recent arrival from England, 

^^i Australian, January 3, 1827. 

142 E. C. Close stated in 1861 that the native name of Morpeth 
was lUulong (Town and Cowntry Journal, January 12, 1878). 
^^^ Australian, December 11, 1841. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

136 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

opened a ''superior establishment for the education of 
young ladies'' at Green Hills.^^* 

The first step towards the formation of a town was 
taken in 1834. S. Lyans, a Sydney auctioneer, announced 
that he had received instructions from E. C. Close to sell 
nine allotments at ' ' Illulang. ' ' The land was said to be 
adapted for ''wharfs {sic.) and private dwellings. ' '^*^ A 
later advertisement referred to the sale at "Morpeth, 
formerly called Illulaung. ' '^^® It was stated that in 
consequence of repeated applications of various persons 
desirous of establishing themselves at the "New Town of 
Morpeth,'' the proprietor had determined upon selling the 
allotments. The land realized good prices. Lot 3 was 
sold to T. Nowland for £100, lot 5 to J. H. Grose for £100, 
lot 8 to J. Mudie for £100, lot 10 to John Tawell for £100, 
lot 14 to R. Brownlow for £33, lot 16 to the same buyer 
for £32, lot 29 to T. Nowland for £48, lot 31 to the same 
purchaser for £50, while lot 19 was bought by John Tawell 
for £26.i4«» 

The Illulang Hotel opened by John Hillier in 1832 
was sold to Butler and Analby in 1836 and renamed the 
Morpeth Hotel. 

The Colonial Architect was instructed to prepare 
plans and specifications for a watch house at Green Hills 
in 1836. 

P. H. Rapsey informed the inhabitants of Hunter River 
District in December, 1836, that he had nearly completed 
his extensive stores at the Green Hills, and was prepared 
to receive colonial produce for storage at a moderate 

A schoolhouse was erected in 1836. On January 2, 
1837, the foundation stone of St James' church was laid, 
and the building was consecrated on December 31, 1840. 
In the Diocesan Report for 1838, Bishop Broughton wrote 
concerning this church : — 

At MorpetR by almost a rare instance of private resources devoted 
to the promotion of a public benefit, E. C. Close, Esq., Member of 
the Legislative Council, had prceeded quietly but steadily in the 
erection of a Church upon his estate. It is a handsome, capacious 

144 Sydney Herald^ April 3, 1834. 
^^^ Sydney Gazette, May 31, 1834. 
146 Sydney Herald, July 17, 1834. 
146a 7&id, July 24, 1834. 
i47 76iU December 19, 1836. 

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The Hunter Valley. 137 

brick building, ttlised with stone, and is designed to have a tower 
of corresponding dimensions, which, from the site on which it stands, 
will form a fine object over a large extent of country. The 
Committee are aware that, this Township being at the head of the 
navigation of the Hunter, a considerable population is very rapidly 
collecting, to whose best interests the donation which Mr. Close is 
making of a Church, with a schoool house already erected will con- 
tribute, it may be hoped in a most essential degree. 

A post office was opened in 1838. A stockade for an 
iron gang consisting of six wooden huts was commenced in 

More land was sold in 1840. Twenty lots were put 
up for sale. The advertisement mentioned that a steam 
mill was in full operation.^^® Later in the same year 100 
lots at ' ' Closebourne " were to be submitted for sale. 

Early in 1841 35 lots were offered for sale, some near 
Portus's steam mill. Fredeick Nainby established a soap 
works at Morpeth in 1844.^^® 

A Methodist church costing £90 was opened for service 
on August 23, 1846.i5« 

Wells' Gazetteer, published in 1848, contains infor- 
mation about Morpeth : — 

.... it at present contains about 635 inhabitants, an Episco- 
palian church and parsonage, a Wesleyan chapel, a ladies' school, 
and two day schools; live inns, one steam mill, a soap and candle 
factory, live large stores, some excellent shops, 37 stone and brick 
buildings, and about 117 dwellings; steamers con^antly ply between 
this place and Sydney; coal promises to be abundant at a very short 
distance from this river. The land is the property of E. C, Close, 
Esq., who has from time to time disposed of portions of it on 
building leases. The extensive wharf of the Hunter River Steam 
Navigation Company is here, and throughout the greater part of the 
year there is a daily communication to and from the metropolis by 
the steam vessels of the Company; a considerable number of sailing 
vessels also trade between this place and Sydney. There is a pretty 
church dedicated to St. James; the land was given by Mr. Close, 
who bore one-half of the expense of the building, the Government 
bearing the other half; the clergyman from East Maitland officiates 
every Sunday afternoon. A coal mine is in actual operation under 
the direction of Mr. Close, jun., also the extensive steam flour mill 
of Mr. John Portus. About two acres on the bank of the river 
are used as a Government .wharf; an officer of the Custom house 
from Newcastle is stationed here. 

i^s Australian, July 21, 1840. 

149 MaitZand Mercury, August 3, 1844. 

150 Ibid, August 29, 1846. 

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138 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

At a land sale in 1853, 19 lots were sold for £2457 at 
prices varying from 31/- to 66/- per foot.^^^ 

It was stated in 1854 that the church which had been 
in the course of construction for many years for the 
members of the Church of Scotland was so far completed 
as to be in a condition to be used, and that the first service 
had been held in it on November 26, when the Rev. W. 
Purves preached in the morning and the Rev. James Nimmo 
in the evening. ^^^ 

In the 'fifties and 'sixties Morpeth was a very busy 
place, and the produce of the country to the north and 
west was shipped there. Coal, wool, maize, tallow, hides, 
hay and barley were amongst the products placed aboard 
the coastal steamers. Teams from as far west as Dubbo 
carried wool and other primary products to Morpeth for 

Under the caption, ** Improvements at Morpeth,'' the 
Maitland Mercury of August 28, 1856, described the town : 

The High Street, not long ago scarcely a street at all, now 
shows a fair display of cottages — slab, weatherboard and brick — 
with buildings of a public character also. Of these a Primitive 
Methodist Chapel may be mentioned, erected within the last eighteen 

months and recently opened Within the period named cottages 

of a very superior description have been built by Mr. Murnane in 
this street 

In Swan Street several new buildings have gone up recently. 
In the neighbourhood of the A.S.N. Company's wharf, Mr. Murphy's 

inn is a very respectable brick erection of two storeys Two 

buildings are still in the course of erection, one of brick, by Mr. 
O'Keefe and intended I believe for a store; and the other' by Mr. 
Ingall, nearly opposite the new company's wharf and intended for 
a public house. The two shops occupied by Messrs. Sampson and 
Beaney have been built also, if we mistake not within the last eighteen 

The new residence of E. C. Close, Esq., is the work of the greatest 

In 1860 there were seven hotels in the town, viz.. 
Settlers' Arms, Swan Street; Rose, Shamrock and Thistle, 
Swan Street ; Morpeth Hotel, Swan Street ; Rose of Cashel, 
Swan Street; Commercial Hotel, Queen's Wharf; Globe 
Inn, Swan Street ; and the Hunter River Steam Packet Inn, 
Swan Street. 

Morpeth telegraph office was opened for use in May, 

1^1 Maitland Mercury, June 4, 1853. 
162 Ibid, December 16, 1854. 

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The Hunter Valley. 139 

1860.^*^ A School of Arts was established in the same 
year, and a reading room opened in the court house. The 
inaugural lecture was delivered by Canon Boodle.^^*^ 

A building intended for use as a court house, post 
office and telegraph station was almost completed in 
September, 1862. 

A company to construct a railway from the northern 
line at East Maitland to Morpeth was formed in 1861, but 
it was dissolved in 1862. In April, 1862, the Government 
called tenders for the line, and the first sod was turned in 
June of that year. The railway was opened on May 2, 
1864 ; at that stage it terminated about a mile and a half 
from the wharves of the steamship companies, and it was 
not until 1870 that the line was extended to the river front. 

It was reported in 1864 that shoots were to be erected 
for the shipment of coal. These shoots were not very 
popular with coal shippers. 

A news item in 1867^^^ stated that the church at 
Morpeth was to be enlarged by the addition of a chancel 
and vestry, and that the Hon. John Campbell had offered 
to defray the cost. 

A visitor in 1870 described Morpeth: — 

The little township should have thriven but the proprietor wanted 
business tact and drove the trade to West Maitland. There is very 
little doubt that if the late E. C. Close had properly laid out his 
estate, and sold every other allotment, and let the others upon 
a building lease, a fine revenue would now be enjoyed by his 

Morpeth may be said to consist of two streets running parallel 
with the river, the line of railway going along its banks, with several 
short cross streets. Its church, opposite the Bishop's residence, is 
one of the prettiest and most romantic and English looking in. the 

There is an infant school and a school for older children .... 
near the church, also a Romau Catholic and Public School. The 
school house is also the Roman Catholic place of worship. The 
Wesleyans have a chapel and the Primitive Methodists have one also. 

.... It has a bonded store, D. Sim's Ironworks, and a Court 
house with a clock. Its member of Parliament has a general store, 
and there are several others. There are five inns, the town formerly 
supported eleven. There is a mill on the bank of the river — ^now 

153 Ibid, May 26, 1860. 
164 Ibid, June 2, 1860. 
166 Sydney Morning Herald, April 19, 1867. 

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140 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

quiet. Before the railway came, Mr. Portus, the owner was making 
money fast.ise 

In 1872 the population was 1700, 130 less than in 

A news item in 1878 said^^*^ : — 

The town of Morpeth, for a long time almost stationary, seems 
to have reached a more promising point in its history, if we may 
judge from the fact that, whereas there was a number of tenements 
empty and going to decay, dwelling houses are now in demand, and 
as a result, the untenanted buildings are now being renovated for 

It was reported in 1886i«^8 that :— 

Some new buildings have lately gone up ... . and some old 
structures have been renovated, which is indicative that Morpeth 
has some go in it yet. 


A post office was established at Murrurundi in 1837, 
and this formed the nucleus of a settlement. In July, 
1839, the Colonial Secretary informed the Surveyor-General 
that the Governor requested that ''measures for the laying 
out of a village at Murrurundi'' should be taken. 

Referring to the locality in the issue of May 25, 1841, 
the Australasian Chronicle wrote : — 

This is now becoming a very popular district, as there are several 
very line buildings in a state of forwardness. The Township of 
Murrurundi is considered by every person acquainted with its situation 

likely to be a very flourishing place It does a great credit to 

the judgment of the Assistant Surveyor General, Captain Perry, as 
a more eligible site could not be selected. 

In May, 1841, the Rev. Father Lynch, Roman Catholic 
chaplain of Maitland, visited Murrurundi and laid the 
foundation stone of St Joseph's chapel on a site given by 
Mr Thomas Haydon.^^^ 

Early in 1842 Henry Dangar began the erection of an 
inn, and several stores and dwellings were also beins: 

Bishop Broughton visited Murrurundi in 1842 and 
preached in the court house. This was the first occasion 
when an Anglican service had been held in th e town. The 

156 Town and Country Journal, March 5, 1870. 

15T Ihid, August 3, 1878. 

io8 Ibid, June 26, 1886. 

^^^9 Australasian Chronicle, May 25, 1841. 

^QO Hunter Biver Gazette, February 12, 1842. 

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The Hunter Valley, 141 

site for a church to be erected as soon as funds would 
permit was also decided upon.^®^ 

It was reported early in 1843 that the Court of Petty 
Sessions previously held at Scone was to be removed to 
Murrurundi. The news continued^^^ : — 

Murrunindi has, owing to its remote position, become the vresort 
of a gang of cattle stealers and other loose characters. 

J. P. Townsend, who visited New South Wales in 1847, 
described Murrurundi^^^ : — 

As Murrurundi affords a fair specimen of an inland town I 

v/ill endeavour to sketch it We have two inns, both well built. 

There is a slab built Roman Catholic Chapel, with broken windows 
and otherwise much out of repair, and behind it an open graveyard. 
.... There are two or three brick cottages, and a tolerable sprinkling 
of bark huts, and at a little distance in the bush is the court house. 
Here divine service is performed once a month by a clergyman of 
the Church of England, who travels twenty five miles for the purpose, 
and the magistrate's clerk gives the responses. A Roman Catholic 
priest comes from Maitland four times a year to shrive his flock 
at the slab built chapel. He also catches every stray drunkard of 
whatever denomination he can lay his hands on and insists on his 
becoming a tee-totaller. There is a large store, where everything 
that can possibly be required in the bush is to be bought. In one 
of the bush huts you would find a good-natured, intelligent and 
comfortable looking medical man, who came out in charge of emigrants, 
and who has not exactly made up his mind when he shall return. 
.... The river Page runs_, or rather lingers in the rear of the town. 
The people seem harppy and contented, and as all of them have cattle 
running on the waste land, they are at no loss for meat. 

Murrurundi had a population of 52 in 1846, and there 
were eleven houses in the town. Haydonton, a private 
town adjoining Murrurundi, had twenty-two houses. 

In November, 1849, a meeting was held in connexion 
with a proposal to erect a Presbyterian church on land 
given by T. Haydon.^**^ 

A press item in June, 1850, stated that a brewery was 
to be erected. A National schoolhouse was built in 1851.^*^^ 

It was stated in April, 1851, that the Presbyterians 
were occupying a ''neat little house as a temporary place 
of worship," and that a committee had been formed to 

^^1 Journal of Visitation, 1843. 

1^2 Sydney Morning HercUd, February 27, 1843. 

lasBambles and Observations in New South Wales, 1849. 

^^^ Maitland Mercury, December 1, 1849. 

I65 76id, September 1, 1849. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

142 lioyal Australian Historical Society. 

obtain land on which to erect a church.^^® A Presbyterian 
church was opened in 1856.^®^ 

An Anglican church was opened on January 27, 
1856^^®; it was a wooden building. The Rev. Child, of 
Scone, performed service every lour weeks after a ride of 
twenty-five miles. The building was not quite complete* 
Mr Warland gave a piece of land to help the church. 

The population of Murrurundi in 1856 was 88, and 
the town had thirteen houses. 

In 1858 houses were scarce and tradesmen wishing to 
settle could not procure one, so it was decided to build 
more cottages. A contract was let for a stone church for 
the Roman Catholics, and a residence for the Anglican 
clergyman was also to be built in 1858. The Roman 
Catholic church was dedicated on February 19, 1860, by 
Archbishop Folding. ^^^ 

A new hospital was begun in 1860, and the first pile 
of a bridge over the Page River was driven in October. 
It was reported in 1861 that the Benevolent Society had 
erected the hospital structure, which was not furnished at 
that period.^^^ The bridge referred to above was opened 
in September, 1861, and named the ''Arnold Bridge. ''^^^ 
Meetings were held in 1861 to consider the establishment 
of a Mechanics' Institute. A branch of the Australian 
Joint Stock Bank was opened in temporary premises in 
1864. In the following year a bank building was erected. 

By 1866 the population had increased to 322 persons. 

A news item in 1867 said : ' ' It may be truly said that 
this town has gone ahead in the last four years.'' 

Murrurundi then had four churches, a Mechanics' 
Institute, a gaol, court house, hospital, four hotels and 
eight stores.^'^2 

A private settlement, the village of Haydonton, had 
been established across the Page River, in which stood the 
Roman Catholic church referred to above as well as other 

i^QIUd, April 5, 1851. 

167 7&td, October 23, 1856. 

168 7&td, February 2, 1856. 

169 7&id, February 28, 1860. 
no Ibid, February 14, 1861. 
nilhid, September 17, 1861. 

172 Sydney Morning Herald, December 3, 1867. 

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The Hunter Valley. 143 

Like most country towns of the time, Murrurundi had 
its mill, owned in 1870 by A. Brodie, and another store- 
keeper. J. L. Tebbutt also had a mill. Private houses 
in that year were said to be few, and chiefly built of wood. 
The Anglican church was described as *'a rickety old 
wooden erection likely to give way to a brick or stone 
church ere long.'^ The Methodist church was a wooden 
building also.^^^ 

The foundation stone of a new stone Anglican church 
called St Paul's was laid on April 24, 1873.i^^ The build- 
ing was opened in July, 1874, and a School of Arts was 
completed in the same year.^^^ 


The earliest reference to the name so far traced occurs 
in 1827, when a newspaper writer refers to ''Muscle 
Creek. "i^« 

Henry Dangar, when on a general survey of the Hunter 
Valley, commenced in 1822 and carried on for some years 
later, had instructions to reserve lands in each township^^^ 
for the use of the Government, and there is no doubt that 
Muswellbrook stands on one of the reserves made at that 

By 1833 settlement had progressed to such an extent 
as to make it desirable that a township should be planned 
on the reserve. Consequently the Surveyor-General was 
requested to have a plan of a township at Muscle Brook 
prepared. Surveyor Dixon was instructed on August 5, 
1833, to prepare a plan of the reserve at Muscle Brook. 
Dixon complied with his instructions, and the plan was 
forwarded to the Surveyor-General in the following month. 
Dixon reported on the reserve in the following terms : — 
The ground coloured light green shows the flooded land, which 
is rich alluvial soil, and although not fit for building is well suitea 
for Gardens, and etc., and those who have allotments on the high 
ground will be anxious to have some of this ground, which I think 
is oily overflowed in very high floods. 

173 Town and Country Journal, August 6, 1870. 
^1^ Sydney Morning Herald^ April 28, 1873. 
n^Ibidy July 31, 1874. 
nQ Australian, February 14, 1827. 

177 The "township" of the 1820's was equivalent to the modern 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

144 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Tlie banks of the River are of alluvial soil and generally very 
steep with a depth of from 40 to 50 feet to the bed of the Hiver 
with only fording places for cattle. 

Muscle Brook is dry at this period with the exception of three 
holes of Water, a sand bed with Steep alluvial banks from 30 to 40 
feet defepj where the new North Road crosses it is about two chains 

from bank ,to bank The West side of the North Road should 

be laid out in allotments for sale, and on the East such portions 
reserved for Government purposes as may appear necessary, the top 
and sides of the ranges are all good sound building ground and fit 
for building purposes if the town should ever be of any extent. 

The ''Plan of the Town of Musclebrook ' ' was gazetted 
on October 23, 1833. A copy of the approved plan was 
sent to Surveyor G. B. White in November, 1833, and he 
was requested to mark out the streets and sections. 

The growth of the town was slow. The population 
in 1840 was 215, and there were 41 houses built. Little 
information is available about Muswellbrook in its early 
years. The press rarely mentioned it, probably because 
of its remoteness. 

A post office was established in 1837, and mail was 
despatched to it twice a week. A Mounted Police barracks 
was erected in 1839. A sum of £750 for the erection of 
a court house was placed on the Estimates in 1840. 

Probably the earliest industry established in Muswell- 
brook was a steam flour mill built for George Chivers. It 
was reported that it would be ready to receive grain for 
grinding in December, 1841.^"^® 

An item in 1842 reads thus^*^® : — 

Our town has received a great addition to its appearance by 
an extensive range of buildings which Mr. Stanley has just com- 
pleted, comprising a mansion house, shops for a butcher, a chandler 
and a barber. 

A Temperance hall was opened in February, 1845. 
In June, 1844, it was reported that a Mr Kerr was erecting 
buildings for a soap factory and boiling down works.^^^ 
George Chivers, referred to above,^ began to manufacture 
cloth in 1844. A news item in 1844 states^®^ : — 

A good opportunity presents itself here for the establishment 
of a few respectable tradesmen, for instance a wheelwright and 
harness maker and saddler, and a tailor would doubtless iind a steady 
demand for their services. 

178 Hunter Biver Gazette, December 11, 1841. 
179 /bid, January 8, 1842. 

ISO Maitland Mercury, June 29, 1844. 

I8i7&td, November 30, 1844. 

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The Hunter Valley, 145 

Great quantities of wool pass here daily^ much greater than we 
have ever witnessed at this early period, but the scarcity of the 
needful forces it into the market. 

The abandonment of the Port Macquarie line from New England 
has, this season, increased the thoroughfare to Morpeth via Muswell 
Brook. ^ 

The Governor visited the Hunter in 1844, and the 
Muswellbrook correspondent of the Maitlamd Mercury re- 
gretted that his Excellency could not visit the town. The 
correspondent said^^ : — 

Around us are rising splendid dwelling houses, manufactures 
and other establishments required by the increasing population of 
our township and district. 

A curious item appeared in the press early in 1845^®^ : 

The extraordinary number of births we have had in this neigh- 
bourhood for the last few months, combined with the badness of 
the season would, to a Malthus, be appalling. Do you think the 
recent appearance of the comet has anything to do with it f 

Improvements in the town were noted in 1845^®^ : — 

Our township is fast improving, a number of buildings are now 
going on, and a good many more contemplated, when tradesmen can 
be had in the shape of masons, bricklayers and stonecutters. 

Extensions to the town on the southern side were 
surveyed in 1845. There were 47 houses in Muswellbrook 
in 1846. 

Dr John Dunmore Lang refers to the town in 1850 
in the following word§ : — 

It is a mere straggling village occupying four times the space 
it ought to have done for the convenience of all concerned. There 
seems but little land in the neighbourhood lit for cultivation. 

Dr Lang preached in the Presbyterian church, which 
was a **neat brick building.'' 

The construction of a new court house was begun in 
1850, and the building completed in July, 1851.^®* 

A pessimistic note was struck by a press correspondent 
in 1851i8« :— 

Drought has driven away several inhabitants. No fewer than 
six families have removed or are contemplating removal. Some 
seem to think Muswellbrook will become a deserted village. 

The flour mill established by George Chivers in 1841 
was purchased by Mr Portus, of Morpeth, in 1853 or 1854. 

182 7feid, November 23, 1844. 

183 Ifei(i, January 4, 1845. 
i84 76tVi, March 29, 1845. 
I85 76td, July 9, 1851. 
isej&id, March 8, 1851. 

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146 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

It had apparently ceased to work. A report in 1854 said 
the mill was in charge of Joseph and Alfred Denison.^®^ 

John Henderson, who visited New South Wales in 
1850, said Muswellbrook was a small village where there 
was a wretched inn. 

At a meeting held early in 1857 it was decided to form 
a Mechanics' Institute. However, the institution does not 
appear to have had a long life, as a public meeting was 
held on September 24, 1862, when it was again decided to 
establish a Mechanics' Institute.^®® A reading room was 
opened in the court house shortly afterwards, and the books 
of the old institution were handed over.^®® 

It was reported in December, 1859, that the Muswell- 
brook gaol was nearly completed. In 1860 a news item 
stated that a few good buildings were being erected, and 
that the new gaol was ''quite an ornament to the town." 

The erection of a hospital to cost £950 was commenced 
in August, 1862.^®^ A branch of the Australian Joint 
Stock Bank was opened in 1865. 

A pressman who visited the district in 1866 wrote as 
follows : — 

Here, as at Patrick's Plains, there are numerous large estates, 
granted or purchased in the early days of the colony and comprising 
thousands of the choicest acres in the district. They are used in 
connection with up-country stations, the richness of the feed telling 
very quickly upon the stock brought down from the New England 
country and rapidly converting store cattle into beef fit for the most 
fastidious butcher. The greater part of the country, not only the 
purchased land but that leased .... has been fenced in, and fencing 
is still being carried out most extensively so that before long the 

whole district will be one vast series of vast paddocks Free 

selectors are not very numerous^ — ^the greater part of the country has 
been picked over by large proprietors.iw ' 

The reporter stated that the free selectors had mainly 
taken up land on the Goulburn, Wybong, Muscle and Doyle 
Creeks and Rouchell Brook. Since the introduction of 
the Robertson Land Act, 189 selectors had taken up 12,566 
acres of land. Muswellbrook was said to be a '^thriving 
little township'' and the population had increased con- 

iSTMaitland Mercury, May 31, 1854. 

iss Singleton Times, September 27, 1862. 

199 Ibid, October 18, 1862. 

i^Ihid, August 13, 1862. 

101 Sydney Morning Herald, May 3, 1866. 

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The Hunter Valley. 147 

The railway to Muswellbrook was opened by the Earl 
of Belmore on May 19, 1869. 

A description of the town in 1870 mentioned an ex- 
tensive woolwashing plant at work, a flour mill, and a 
brewery which worked only in summer. A tannery was 
about to be established. There were few agriculturists 
in the district, and most of the land was in the hands of 
wealthy freeholders. ^^^ 

Churches and Schools. 

A meeting of the subscribers to a fund for the erection 
of a church and parsonage at Muswellbrook was held at 
the Police Office on June 10, 1839, when a committee of 
management was appointed.^®^ 

Bishop Broughton visited Muswellbrook in July, where 
he met the Rev. N. Gore and made arrangei^ents for his . 
establishment as incumbent. The church" was completed 
to the height of the wall. The design was based on that 
of the Codrington chapel in Barbadoes. The parsonage 
was roofed, but both buildings were incomplete for want 
of funds. 

In his Journal of a Visitation for 1845, Bishop 
Broughton^ being at Muswellbrook in October, wrote : — 
On 28th October I went to the parsonage at Muswellbrook, the 
residence of the Rev. W. F. Gore .... found the church cracked, 
but satisfied that the fractures arose only from the weight of the 
roof. I suggested the means of arresting the apprehended ill 

The church, named St Alban's, was consecrated by 
the Bishop on October 29, 1845, and the cemetery was also 
consecrated on the following day. In 1850, a chancel 
with a Gothic window and two new windows in the church 
itself were added.^®^ 

In 1864 it was decided to build a new church, designs 
for which were prepared by Gilbert Scott of London. 
Tenders were invited in September, and the foundation 
stone was laid on December 11.^®^ The building was 
opened on June 17, 1869, and cost about £72,000. An 
organ was presented by Mr Wilson. The glass windows 
were the work of Horton of Frome, Somersetshire, and the 

i»2 Town and Country Journal, July 23, 1870. 

195 Australian, June 18, 1839. 
i9*Maitland Mercury, June 8, 1850. 

196 Sydney Morning Herald, December 21, 1864. 

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148 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

cast window was done by Clayton Bell of London. The 
stone used in the structure came from St Heliers. 

Presbyterian Church. 
In December, 1837, it was reported that the Presby- 
tery, then sitting in Sydney, had decided that the Rev. 
Anderson should proceed to '*Musclebrook'' and Inver- 
mein, there to take up duty.^^® The work of erecting a 
Presbyterian church was commenced in 1843, and in June 
of that year the Government agreed to give aid towards 
the project. 

Bom AN Catholic Church. 

A report from JVfuswellbrook in 1844 stated that a 
committee was waiting for tenders for the erection of a 
church.i®^ It was stated in 1860 that ''the Roman Catholic 
Chapel, which is fast progressing, bids fair to be a very 
handsome building. ' '^^® The church was completed in 

Wesleyan Church. 

Although a move was made to erect a Wesleyan church 
in 1849,200 it was not until March 17, 1862, that the foun- 
dation stone was laid.^^i The building was opened on 
September 28, 1862.2^2 

Schools and Educational Establishments. 

No school appears to have been in existence until 1838, 
when a private institution was established, which 23 pupils 
attended. A Presbyterian school was opened in 1842, and 
the teacher was John Ferguson. A teacher's residence 
and school were in course of erection in 1851.2^^ 

The Muswellbrook Grammar School was opened by 
Mr Plumb in 1860.2^^ A Roman Catholic school was estab- 
lished in 1862,205 and a new building was being erected in 
1871. Another school was built near the church in 1885.2«« 

19Q Sydney Gazette, December 14, 1837. 
^97 Maitland Mercury, ZJecember 12, 1844. 
198 Ihidy July 3, 1860. 
I99lhid, May 2, 1861. 
200lhid, May 5, 1849. 

201 Singleton Times, March 23, 1862. 

202 lUd, October 4, 1862. 

20S Maitland Mercury, March 8, 1851. 
20^ Ihid, November 27, 1860. 

205 Sinstleton Times, August 23, 1862. 

206 Town and Country Journal, January 3, 1885. 

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The Hunter Valley, 149 


Major Mitchell relates an interesting story about his 
visit to the district on his way north in 1831. His account 
is as follows^^^ : — 

The party moved off and passed the farm of an old man whom 
I had assisted some years before in the selection of his land. I 
rode to see him; he was busy with his harvest but left the top of 
his wheat stack on seeing me, and came running up, cordially- 
welcoming us to his dwelling. A real scotch bonnet covered the 
brow of a face which reminded me, by its characteristic carving of 
the "land of the mountain and the flood." .... The old man was 
very deaf, but in spite of age and deafness, his sharp blue eye 
seemed to express the vigor of his^ mind. He had buried a wife in 
Scotland and had left there a numerous family, that he might become 
its pioneer at the Antipodes. He had thus far worked very success- 
fully, and was beginning to reap the fruits of his adventurous 

When* I was about to mount my horse, he enquired if I could 
spare five minutes more, when he put into my hand the copy of a 
long memorial addressed to the Government which he took from 
among the leaves of a very old folio volume of Pilscottie's History 
of Scotland. This memorial prayed, that whereas Scone was in 
the valley of Strathhearne, and that the pillow of Jacob which had 
been kept there as a coronation stone of the Kings of Scotland, was 
fated still to be where their dominion extended, and as this valley 
of Kingdon Ponds had not, as yet, received a general name that it 
might be called Strathhearne, etc. 

In 1836 application was made by certain settlers of 
the Hunter River district for the laying out of the ' ' Town- 
ship of Scone,'' and the Surveyor-General was instructed 
on October 5, 1836, to have the land marked out into allot- 
ments. Surveyor Dixon made a survey of the site, which 
was regarded as imperfect, and Surveyor Ralfe was re- 
quested to furnish a fresh plan. A design for the *' village 
of Invermein'' was sent to the Governor in 1837, and the 
village was gazetted on September 5, 1837, not as ^^Inver- 
mein,'' but as Scone. The Sudveyor-General persisted in 
the use of the name * ' Invermein, ' ' and was reminded by 
the Colonial Secretary on June 30, 1838, that the village 
was named ** Scone," and not Invermein. However, the 
name *' Invermein ' ' persisted for some time afterwards. 
In September, 1838, a store was opened by -Wilkie and 
Smith and described as ''St. Aubin's Store, Invermein. "^os 
An inn called the ''Bird in Hand'' had. already been 

^07 Eastern Australia, Vol. 1, pp. 21-22. 
208 Australian, September 11, 1838. 

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150 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

•The Rev. John Morse was appointed to Scone on 
September 13, 1839, at a salary of £150. Work on the 
erection of an Anglican church was begun in 1838. Bishop 
Broughton paid a visit to Scone in 1840, and wrote a report 

on it : — 

At Scone I had the pleasure of finding an excellent parsonage 
house, nearly in a habitable state, and the church adjoining it rising 
quickly above the foundation. The progress thus made I attribute 
very much to the good will of Mr. William Dumaresq. I do not 
refer as much to the donations which he has devoted to the work 
(they do not amount to less than £500) as to the superintendence 
which he has exercised over the work, and the judicious management 
of the workmen. 

(To he continued.) 

Sydney Link with Florence Nightingale. 

By G. A. KING (Member of Council). 

The commemoration recently of the birthday of 
Florence Nightingale in 1820 was a reminder of a woman 
whose initiative and persistence was responsible for the 
first organization of nursing on a modern footing. She 
began her work in the Crimea War, and devoted the re- 
mainder of her life to a self-imposed task which earned 
for her the affectionate title of ^*The Lady with the Lamp." 

The Florence Nightingale Memorial Committee of 
Australia keeps alive the heroine's memory by providing 
scholarships and bursaries for nurses to take post-graduate 
courses in England. 

The Nightingale Wing of the Sydney Hospital is a 
distinct link between Florence Nightingale and Sydney. 
The wing, which bears her name, was begun in 1867 for 
the accommodation of the nursing staff at Sydney Hospital. 
The plans of the building had been submitted to and 
approved by Miss Nightingale, and the wing was named 
after her. The building was completed in 1868, and is 
zealously regarded by the hospital authorities. 

Some time ago the writer asked a responsible official 
of the hospital if the name of Florence Ninghtingale is still 
perpetuated in the building, and the official replied with 
some warmth, *'If any attempt is ever made to change the 
name, the hospital will fall down.'' 

It has often been suggested that Florence Nightingale 
visited Australia in the 'seventies of last century, but that 
is not so. The fact is that Sir Henry Parkes and Miss 
Nightingale engaged in an extensive correspondence, and 

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The Hunter Valley. 151 

Miss Nightingale actually nominated Miss Lucy Osburn, 
who was in charge of the nursing side of Sydney Hospital 
from 1868 to 1884, her official title being Lady Superin- 
tendent. Several nursing sisters also came to Sydney on 
Miss Nightingale ^s nomination. 

'^The Lady with the Lamp/' in addition to reforming 
the nursing services, took a keen interest in the protection 
of native races, including th aborigines of Australia. 

Sir Henry Parkes had in his private library a volume 
autographed and presented to him by Miss Nightingale, 
and dated ** London, April, 1875. '^ 

Florence Nightingale was born in Florence, Italy, on 
May 12, 1820, and died in London on August 13, 1910, in 
her 90th year. In 1907 she received the Order of Merit 
from King Edward VII., being the first woman to receive 
that honour. 

Notes and Queries. 

By JAMES JERVIS, A.S.T.C. (Fellow), 
Honorary Research Secretary. 

Bush and grass fires have caused havoc. from the foundation of 
settlement in New South Wales up to the present time. David 
Collins records that in December, 1792, the weather was extremely 
hot, and that on the fifth of that month the country was everywhere 
on fire. The grass on the hill on the west side of Sydney Cove 
caught alight, burnt a house, destroyed gardens and fences, and 
threatened every thatched hut. It was with difficulty got under 
control. The country about Parramatta and Toongabbie was alight 
and much damage was done. 

In June, 1797, Hunter reported to the British Government that 
owing to the excessive heat and drought of the previous summer 
much public and private property had been destroyed by fires. 
Collins mentions these fires, which occurred in January of that year. 
A wheat field near Parramatta, known as the "Ninety Aires," was 
threatened. To save it, the gaol-gang was called out and told that 
if the fire could be beaten out the leg- irons would be knocked off 
each prisoner. The men were provided with bushes to beat out the 
flames and the wheat was saved j the promise made to the men was 
kept, it might be added. 

Hunter reported the losses occasioned by these fires, and, in his 
reply, the Duke of Portland wrote : — 

"In order to remedy so alarming an evil in future, it occurs to 
me that it will be proper to oblige all persons holding farms adjoin- 
ing to the waste and uncultivated lands to keep plowed up so much 
thereof, between the cultivated parts and the wastes as shall be 
judged to be sufficient to stop the progress of the fire from the 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

152 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

latter. It will also be highly proper to take the same precaution 
with regard to all lands belonging to the Crown, and in addition 
thereto, to make a wide trench or ditch where the situation wil allow 
of it . . . ." 

In this suggestion we find the origin of the practice of making 
firebreaks to check* bush fires. 

The dingo, which still worries the flocks of the pastoralists in 
Australia, has been a nuisance for nearly a century and a half. In 
1823 the Agricultural Society offered a reward of "half a dollar" 
for every brush of a native dog brought to a member of that 
organization. A prize of eight dollars was offered as a reward to 
the man who would have kijled the greatest number of dingoes by 
the first Thursday in October, 1823. As a result, it is recorded 
that 387 dogs' tails were paid for. 

Dingoes were to be found in the bush around Sydney, and in 
what is now the Granville district traps were set for them, and as 
a consequence of this practice a road — the Dogtrap Eoad — was 
named, a name it retained until 1879, when it became the Woodville 

The Sydney Gazette of November 19, 1831, reported that native 
dogs were so numerous on the Liverpool Road that it was dangerous 
for women and children to pass in many places. Residents were 
losing ducks and poultry. The report continues : "These animals 
are so daring as to approach some of the public houses by open day 
and kill ducks or whatever they meet." About the same time the 
Gazette reported that native dogs were causing much damage on the 
North Shore. 

Tea is frequently in the news to-day, and references to it occur 
in the press and in other records ever since the colony of New South 
Wales w£is founded. Attempts have been made to cultivate it in 
Australia, without success. Its price has undergone considerable 
variation. David Collins records that in 1792 tea cost from 16/- 
to £1/13/- per pound. 

The settlers at the Field of Mars complained to Hunter in 
March, 1798, that tea which cost from 5/- to 10/- per pound whole- 
sale was retailed at from 15/- to 20/- per pound, and at that period 
could not be purchased for less than 40/- per pound. 

In a letter from Sydney dated September 5, 1798, it was com- 
plained that "tea had eagerly been bought at four guineas a pound." 

An attempt was made to grow tea in the Botanic Gardens, 
Sydney, in 1823, and the Sydney Gazette of May 5 said : — 

"We are informed by Mr. Fraser that the tea-plant has now 
been growing in the Botanic Gardens for three years; he has not 
the least doubt, could we only procure some two or three of. the 
Chinese, that the plant might be cultivated with some success, in 
the course of time, as in China. Pray will this plant grow in 
Tasmania, the far famed land of- milk and honey f" 

The Sydney Gazette of October 17, 1825, reported that tea was 
being sold at £4 to £5 per chest. "This time last year," the paper 
continued, "tea was selling at £15 per chest," 

D. S. Ford, Printers, 44'50 Reservoir St., Sydney. 

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Koyal JItistralian historical Society 


Vol. XXXIX. 1953. Part. IV. 

The Society does not hold itself responsible for statements made 
or opinions expressed by authors of the papers published in thta 

Commonwealth Old-Age and Invalid Pensions 

By T. H. KEWLEY, M.A. 

{Read, in abbreviated form, before the Society, 
July 29, 1952.) 


The phrase, "Departmental sources," several times used in the 
footnotes, refers to information obtained from official files and other 
documents to which the author was kindly granted access by the 
Director-General of Social Services, Mr F. H. Eowe, C.B.E. The 
author would like to express his thanks to Mr Eowe for this courtesy, 
and also to Mr K. H. Fyfe, Assistant Director-General of Social 
Services, for the help he has given in the preparation of this paper. 

In allocating to the Federal authority power to legislate 
for invalid and old-age pensions, the Australian Federal 
Constitution differed from the Constitutions of the United 
States, Switzerland and Canada, where power to provide 
all benefits of this kind remained with the regional (or 
State) authorities. The proposal that the Federal authority 
be allocated this power was made by Mr J. H. Howe, of 
South Australia, at the Australasian Federal Convention 
of 1897-98. In debating this proposal, no member of the 
Convention questioned the desirability, or the practicability, 
of granting pensions to the aged and infirm. In fact, 
those who argued against it were at great pains to display 
their complete sympathy with the principle of old-age 
pensions. What they doubted was the wisdom of granting 
this power to the Federal authority rather than leaving 
it with the States. 

Howe 's motion was at first rejected by the Convention. 
Some members who voted against it soon realized, however, 

1 The following abbreviations have been used in the footnotes : 
C'wealth Deb. : Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates. 
Cwealth P.P. : Commonwealth Parliamentary Papers. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

154r Royal Australian Historical Society, 

that its adoption would have greatly added to the chances 
of the Constitution, as drafted by the Convention, being 
accepted by the public. Howe was accordingly invited to 
re-submit his motion. When he did so it was carried by 
twenty-six votes to four. The Constitution thus granted 
to the Commonwealth Parliament power to legislate for 
invalid and old-age pensions, making it a concurrent power 
which could be exercised by the States until such time as 
it was acted upon by the Commonwealth.^* 

Prom the time of the establishment of the Common- 
wealth in January, 1901, 6ld-age pensions found a prominent 
place in the election platforms of all political parties. 
That there was a long delay before the Commonwealth 
Parliament enacted legislation upon this subject was not 
because of any reluctance on the part of its members. 
The delay was due rather to financial limitations placed 
upon it by both the Constitution and political considerations.^ 
. The Bill dealing with old-age pensions was introduced 
on June 2, 1908. The following day it passed through 
the remaining stages in the House of Representatives, and 
the next day through all stages in the Senate.^ The 
rapidity with which the Bill became law was by no means 
due merely to the good feelings that members of both 
Houses had long entertained toward old-age pensions. 
Rather, the parliamentary session was shortly to come to 
an end, and the Government desired that before this 
happened legislation for old-age pensions should be enacted, 
even though the scheme was not to come into force for 
more than a year. 

When the Commonwealth old-age pensions scheme 
came into force on July 1, 1909, it superseded the similar 
schemes that were previously operating in New South 
Wales, Victoria and Queensland. Legislation for a 

la See T. H. Kewley, *'The Power of the Commonwealth Parlia- 
ment over Invalid and Old- Age Pensions," in Public Administration 
(Sydney), Vol. VI. (1947), No. 6, pp. 290-91, for a fuller account 
of the Convention debates. 

2 For a discussion of these financial limitations, and also of the 
varied suggestions that were made for overcoming them, see Ibid, 
pp. 292-96. 

3 Almost immediately afterwards a further Act was passed 
authorizing the appropriation from consolidated revenue of the sum 
of £750,000 to be paid into an Invalid and Old- Age Pensions Trust 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 


Commonwealth-wide invalid pensions scheme was enacted 
at the same time as legislation for old-age pensions. When 
the Commonwealth invalid pensions scheme came into force 
on December 5, 1910, it superseded the invalid pensions 
scheme that had been operating in New South Wales (the 
only State to enact legislation upon this subject) since 
January 1, 1908. 

In what follows, an account is first given of the original 
old-age and invalid pensions schemes and of the changes 
that were made in them prior to 1912, the end of the first 
era in the development of the social services in Australia.** 
Then follows a discussion of the changes that were made 
during the years 1912 to 1939. A concluding section 
indicates the main developments that have taken place in 
these schemes since 1939. 



The Commonwealth old-age pensions scheme was said 
to be based upon the recommendations of the Royal Com- 
mission on Old-Age Pensions of 1905-06. It did not, 
however, incorporate the Commission's recommendations 
that near relations be compelled to contribute to the support 
of applicants for pensions, or that a pensioner's property 
at his death should vest in the Crown, which was to have 
first claim upon it to the extent of the total amount paid 
in pension. One reason for not adopting these recom- 
mendations would be that the Government was aware of 
the considerable hostility on the part of many people to 
the similar provisions in the Victorian old-age pensions 
legislation. Moreover, the Government was aware of the 
objections earlier raised in New South Wales against the 
proposal to include like provisions in the old-age pensions 
legislation of that State. 

In its general character, the Commonwealth old-age 
pensions scheme followed that of New South Wales.^ It 

4 For an account of the three eras in the development of social 
services in Australia, see T. H. Kewley, "The Social Services!," in 
G-. W. Paton (ed.), The Commonwealth of Australia : The Develop- 
ment of its Laws and Constitution (London, 1952), pp. 316-19. 

5 A detailed account of the New South Wales old-age pensions 
scheme is to be found in T. H. Kewley, "Social Services in Australia 
(1900-10)," in Royal Australian Historical Society's Journal and 
Proceedings, Vol. XXXIII. (1947), Part IV., pp. 214 ff. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

156 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

differed from the New South Wales scheme, however, in 
a number of details. The Commonwealth legislation 
{Act No. 17 of 1908) provided for the payment of a pension 
at the maximum rate of £26 a year to both men and women 
at the age of 65 years. At a time to be proclaimed (which 
would be when finances permitted) women were to be 
granted pensions at the age of 60 years.* Old-age pensions 
were also to be granted to persons between the ages of 60 
and 65 years who were permanently incapacitated for work. 

No pension was to be granted to an applicant whose 
income exceeded £52 a year, or whose accumulated property 
amounted in value to more than £310. The annual rate 
of pension was to be reduced by the amount of any other 
income above £26 a year, and also by £1 for every £10 of 
property above £50 in value. Where the property included 
a home in which the pensioner permanently resided, and 
which brought in no income, the deduction on account of 
property was to commence at £100 instead of £50. 

In allowing a higher exemption where the property 
included a home, the Commonwealth Act followed the New 
Zealand Old-Age Pensions Act, and not the New South 
Wales. "^ It also differed from the latter in that it did 
not distinguish between the rates of pension granted to 
single persons and married couples, but allowed them the 
same amounts. The property provisions did, however, 
place married couples at some disadvantage as compared 
with single persons. Except where they were living apart, 
married couples, both of whom were pensioners, were each 
allowed a property exemption of only half the amount 
allowed single persons. 

An applicant for a pension was required to have re- 
sided continuously in Australia for a period of at least 
25 years. Continuous residence was not deemed to have 
been interrupted by occasional absences not exceeding in 
the aggregate one-tenth of the total period of residence. 
An applicant was also required to be of good character. 
Some demand was made during the debates on the Bill 
for a definition of the term ''good character." No such 
definition was attempted, but the Government did agree 

6 This provision was later proclaimed to^ operate as from 
December, 1910. 

7 See Royal Commission on Old- Age Pensions Eeport, p. xiii. : 
a wealth P.P. (1906). 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 157 

to delete a clause, similar to one in the New South Wales 
Act, which required the applicant to have led a temperate 
and reputable life during the five years immediately pre- 
ceding the date of his application/ Another provision 
excluded from the grant of a pension a husband or wife 
who had deserted his or her spouse, or their children. In 
New South Wales an applicant was excluded on the ground 
of such desertion at any time, but the Commonwealth Ac^ 
had regard only to the five years immediately preceding 
the date on which application was made for a pension. 

The provisions requiring applicants to satisfy certain 
conditions regarding their character, means, and period of 
residence were the main features of the Act. It also con- 
tained a number of miscellaneous provisions, amongst which 
only the following need be noticed. Aliens, Asiatics 
(except those born in Australia), and certain groups of 
aboriginal natives were ineligible for a pension; so also 
were persons who directly or indirectly deprived themselves 
of property with the object of obtaining a pension. Neither 
was a pension to be granted to an inmate of a benevolent 
asylum or charitable institution, except where the applicant 
had been sent there on the recommendation of a magistrate 
on the ground that he was unfit to be entrusted with a 
pension. The magistrate, before recommending that a 
pension be granted, had to be satisfied that the applicant 
was *' deserving of a pension. '^ Furthermore, a pensioner 
convicted of drunkenness or of any offence punishable by 
imprisonment for one month or more might be required to 
forfeit his pension for a time. His pension was to be 
cancelled should he be convicted twice in twelve months 
of any offence punishable by imprisonment for not less 
than one month, or of an offence punishable by imprison- 
ment for at least twelve months. 

The general administration of the Act was entrusted 
to a Commissioner of Pensions.^ He was to be assisted 
in each State by a Deputy Commissioner, who had 
responsibility for determining claims and issuing pensions 
certificates. The States were to be subdivided into 

8 Cwealth Deb., XLVI., June 3, 1908, pp. 11975-76. 

9 The Treasury became responsible for the administration of the 
Act, the Secretary and Accountant in the Treasury being appointed 
Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner respectively. Ibid 1, 
July 20, 1909, p. 1333. 

Digitized by 


158 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

districts, and a Registrar of Pensions appointed for each 
district. The Registrar was to receive, examine, and 
report upon claims for pensions. These were then to be 
submitted to a magistrate, before whom the applicant might 
be required to appear to support his claim at greater 
length. The hearing was to be held in private, unless 
•for some reason the magistrate deemed it advisable to hold 
it in open court.^^ A system of District Boards, such as 
in New South Wales, was rejected on the ground of its 
cost, and the magistrate was required to hear claims alone, 
and not with the assistance of two laymeu.^^ Neither was 
he the determining authority, as were the District Boards 
in New South Wales. Having heard the claim, he was 
required to make his recommendation to the Deputy Com- 
missioner, who would determine whether or not the claim 
was to be granted, and also the amount of the pension. 
Pensions were to be paid fortnightly, rather than monthly 
as in New South Wales. Payments were made through 
the post offices, although the Act did not so specify.^^ 


The old-age pension scheme had been in force little 
more than two weeks when amending legislation was intro- 
duced. Most of the proposed amendments were of a 
machinery nature, and resulted from the haste with which 
the original measure was enacted. They would have been 
made earlier but for the disturbed political situation. 

Most of the ground common to the Labour and Protec- 
tionist parties had been covered by 1908, and the Labour 
Party was becoming increasingly irritable at maintaining 
in office a party which actually formed only a minority of 
the House. The situation came to a head during November 
of that year, when a direct challenge was issued to the 
Government, and a new Labour administration took office 
under the leadership of Mr Andrew Fisher. During the 
following month Parliament went into recess, and whilst 
in recess negotiations took place which led to a fusion of 

10 The BiU, f oUowing the recommendations of the Koyal Com- 
mission, at first envisaged the hearing in open court, but, when 
introducing the Bill, L. E. (later Sir Littleton) Groom said that 
he would move for the deletion of this clause at the Committee stage. 
See IMdy XLVI., June 3, 1908, pp. 11963, 11980, 

11 Ihid, June 3, 1908, p. 11924. 
i2lhid, June 4, 1908, pp. 11997-98. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 159 

the non-Labour parties. The consequence was that Mr 
Alfred Deakin, as their leader, again assumed office on 
June 2. 1909.13 

The most important feature of the amending Act 
(No. 3 of 1909), introduced soon after the Deakin Govern- 
ment came into office, was the provision for a reduction 
of the residential period from 25 to 20 years. The amend- 
ment was needed to bring the Commonwealth scheme into 
harmony with those of Victoria and Queensland, which, 
unlike the New South Wales scheme, had prescribed a 
residential period of only 20 years. Without it, effect 
could not be given to the provision (Section 35) that 
pensioners under the State schemes should be transferred 
to the Commonwealth scheme almost automatically. No 
one was to suffer through the delay in making this amend- 
ment. An applicant who had resided in Australia for 
20 years on July 1, 1909, was to be entitled to a pension 
from that date if his claim were made within 60 days of 
the passing of the amending Act}^ 

Before the end of 1909 another amendment was made. 
The original Act provided that, in determining the amount 
of an applicant's income, no account was to be taken of 
moneys received by way of benefit from a friendly society, 
or during illness, infirmity, or old age, from any trade 
union^ provident society, or other society or association. 
After the scheme came into force a ruling had been given 
that, as the New South Wales Miners* Accident Relief Fund 
was subsidized by the New South Wales Government, 
benefits received from it should be counted as income for 
the purposes of the Act}^ The sole aim of the second 
amending Act (No. 21 of 1909) was to provide that such 
allowances should not be so counted. 

During September, 1909, an attempt was made by 
J. C. Neild, who introduced a private member's bill, to 
have certain of the property provisions of the Act brought 
into harmony with those of the New South Wales Old-Age 
Pensions Act}^ This attempt was unsuccessful, however. 

13 See L. F. Fitzhardinge, in National Building in Australia : 
The Life and Work of Sir Littleton Ernest Groom (Sydney, 1941), 
pp. 78-84. 

14 C^wealth Deb., 1, August 4, 1909, p. 1955. 

15 7&id, LIV., November 25, 1909, p. 6373. 

i« Ibid, LII., September 30, 1909, pp. 3940-43. 

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160 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

and no further amendment of the Act was made until 1912. 
In the meantime a change of Government had taken place. 
The manoeuvrings that had preceded the formation of the 
fusion Government in 1909 had failed to inspire confidence 
in the electors, who, at a general election held the following 
year, had returned the Labour Party with a clear majority 
in both Houses.^^ The amending Bill was introduced on 
December 11, 1912, by Fisher, who was both Prime Minister 
and Treasurer. Its main provisions were those which 
dealt with income, naturalized subjects, and a pensioner's 

The practice of treating as income gifts or allowances 
received from children, or grand-children, and on this 
account reducing the amount of pension, or even refusing 
to grant one, came to be regarded as out of harmony with 
the general attitude to pensioners. Moreover, it was said 
to discourage the giving of expression to desirable emotions, 
and also to offer a strong inducement to deception. The 
amending Act (No. 27 of 1912) stipulated that such gifts 
or allowances were to be disregarded in determining the 
amount of pension to which an applicant was entitled. 
It also provided that aliens who became naturalized, and 
who were otherwise qualified, should be granted a pension 
from the date of their naturalization. The original Act 
had required a naturalized subject to wait three years after 
his naturalization before being eligible for a pension.^® 

The most important provision of the amending Act 
allowed a pensioner's home to be disregarded in determin- 
ing the amount of his pension. It was noticed earlier 
that the original Act allowed a higher exemption for a 
pensioner's home than for any other form of property. 
Nevertheless, there was dissatisfaction with this provision, 
some being opposed to the whole notion of making a deduc- 
tion on account of a home. During the debates on the 
original Bill of 1908, it was asserted that such a provision 
was a severe penalty on thrift, and would discourage home 
ownership. It was also argued that it would create 
anomalies, in that cottages of equal quality differed in 
value as between the States. But, although these members 
did not agree with Groom, who had said that it was only 

17 See Fitzhardinge, op. cit., p. 89. 

isC'weaUh Deh., LXIX., December 12, 1912, pp. 6968, 6972. 

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Commonwealth Pensions ScJiemes. 161 

fair that a pensioner should be forced to use his property 
for his own support rather than leave it to his descendants, 
they felt that, until the financial condition of the Commbn- 
wealth changed, this provision would have to remain,^^ 
In the years that immediately followed, members of all 
parties at times expressed strong objection to its continu- 
ance. So also did delegates to the Fifth Commonwealth 
Labour Conference, held in January, 1912. This Con- 
ference resolved that a home to the value of £400 should 
be disregarded in calculating the amount of pension.^^ 

The amending Bill exempted a home, no matter what 
its value. This proposal was well received, the view being 
expressed that it would remove a disability which was felt 
most strongly by the worthiest and the most thrifty in the 
eommunity.^^ Some argued that, in order to be consistent, 
the Act should also exempt a specified amount of money 
held in a savings bank. Others contended that pensioners 
who paid rent were placed at a considerable disadvantage 
as compared with those who- owned their own homes. But 
those who so argued were not unsympathetic to the pro- 
posed amendment. They intended, rather, to suggest that 
there were anomalies in the Act which could be removed 
only by the adoption of a scheme under which old-age 
pensions were granted without a means test.^^ 


Amendments to the Cominonwealth Act had proved 
easier to make than had been the case in New South Wales. 
When that scheme had been introduced there was a peculiar 
sensitiveness for political and public reaction to costs and 
consequences. ,By the time the Commonwealth scheme 
had come into operation, the use of public funds for grant- 
ing pensions was no longer a novelty. It is not surprising, 
therefore, that most of the amendments of the Common- 
wealth Act aimed at liberalizing its provisions, nor that this 
liberalization should coincide with the development of new 
attitudes to public finance. 

19 See Ibid, XLVI., June 3, 1908, pp. 11923, 11976, 12033. 

20 The view was there expressed that the old-age pension had 
become a ^'landlord's pension," in that elderly couples were being 
forced to sell their homes, and to pay rent, in order to qualify for 
a pension. Official Beport, pp. 32, 50. 

21 C'wealth Deh., LXIX., December 12, 1912, p. 6979. 

22 Ibidy December 18, 1912, p. 7315. 

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162 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Whereas the expenditure on old-age pensions in New 
South Wales decreased for a time, after the initial increase 
during the second year in which that scheme was in force. 
Commonwealth expenditure on old-age pensions increased 
each year from the outset. It had been estimated that* the 
Commonwealth old-age pensions scheme would cost about 
£1,500,000 annually. But, at June 30, 1910, the end of 
the first year in which the scheme was in force, the esti- 
mated annual liability was £1,624,454, and at June 30, 1913, 
£2,098,798.23 During that period the number of old-age 
pensioners increased from 65,492 to 82,943, or by 26^ per 
cent., whilst the population increased by less than 10 per 
cent. It was estimated that at June 30, 1913, old-age 
pensioners represented If per cent, of the total population, 
and 33 per cent, of the population having the requisite age 
qualification (women at 60 and men at 65).^* 

This latter percentage is slightly in excess of the truth, as the 
comparison was made with males 65 years of age and upwards, 
whereas some pensions were granted to persons between the ages 
of 60 and 65 years. 

The increases in numbers and (expenditure led the 
Cook Government, which succeeded the Fisher Government 
in June, 1913, to request the Commonwealth Statistician, 
G. H. (later Sir George) Knibbs, to make an inquiry into 
the reasons for such increases. He found that the prin- 
cipal reasons were the growing knowledge of the benefit.^ 
of the scheme, the diminution of the feeling that the grant 
of an old-age pension involved pauperization, the increasing 
proportion of aged persons in the population, and the 
liberalization of the qualifications for benefit.^^ 

23 See Commissioner of Pensions Annital Statement, 1910, p. 7 ; 
and idem, 1913, p. 8. 

The actual expenditures upon invalids, and old-age pensions are 
not given separately, but, in his Annual Statements f«r the years 
1910 to 1939 inclusive, the Commissioner gives separately the esti- 
mated liaMlity of each of these benefits. 

24 G. H. Eaiibbs, Report on OldrAge and Invalid Pensions, pp. 
3-5 : C wealth P.P. (1913). 

2o Ibid. A liberalization of special importance was the reduc- 
tion of the qualifying age of women from 65 to 60 as from December 
15, 1910. This accounted largely for the fact that, between June 
30, 1910, and June 30, 1913, whilst the number of male pensioners 
increased by about 13 per cent, the number of female pensioners 
increased by about 39 per cent., and at that latter date represented 
32 f per cent, of females aged 60 and upwards. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 163 

The accompanying table^ shows the number of old-age 
pensioners for the years 1910 to 1913 inclusive, and the 
estimated annual liability for old-age pensions at June 30 
of each of those years. It also shows the numbers during 
that period in each of the three States in which old-age 
pensions schemes were in force prior to the establishment 
of the Commonwealth scheme. The first line of the table 
shows the numbers of old-age pensioners taken over by the 
Commonwealth from those States. The increase of pen- 
sioners in those States during the first year in which the 
Commonwealth scheme was in force is partly due to the 
fact that many persons who had long resided in Australia 
had not resided continuously in one or other of those States 
for the prescribed period.^' The increase in New South 
Wales is also partly accounted for by the requirement in 
the Commonwealth Act of a residential period of 20 years, 
as against 25 years in the New South Wales Act. In 
Victoria, theiarge increase can be attributed to the fact 
that most of the provisions of the Commonwealth Act were 
more liberal than those which had previously obtained in 
that State. 


Number of 

Gld'Age Pensioners 










































' This amount does not include the payments for maintenance 
made on behalf of inmates of benevolent asylums, which, during the 
year ended June, 1913, amounted to £13,287, or about twice that of 
the previous year. See Director-General of Social Services, Fourth 
Report, p. 6; (No. 66 of 1945-46). 



It was natural that, when drafting the Commonwealth 
Constitution in the years 1897-98, the Australian Federal 
Convention should associate with the power to legislate for 
old-age pensions the power also to legislate for invalid 
pensions. The widespread demand at that time for old- 

26 See Ibid, also the Annual Statements of the Commissioner of 
Pensions for the years 1910 to 1913 inclusive. 

27 See Royal Commission on Old-Age Pensions Report, p. ix. 

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164 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

age pensions represented a reaction against the institutional, 
or asylum, system of earing for the aged. And asylums 
were places of refugee for invalids as well as for the aged. 
Moreover, J. H. Howe, whom it was noticed earlier pro- 
posed the motion that the Commonwealth be granted this 
power, envisaged a contributory scheme, and would have 
had in mind that in Germany insurance against invalidity 
and old-age was combined in a single scheme.^® 

Unlike old-age pensions, which were often discussed, 
invalid pensions were scarcely even referred to in the 
Commonwealth Parliament prior to June, 1908, when, as 
noticed earlier, legislation for invalid pensions was enacted 
at the same time as legislation for old-age pensions. More- 
over, during the debates on the Bill attention was concen- 
trated upon the proposed old-age pensions scheme : the 
provisions for invalid pensions were passed over almost 
without notice. Once the legislation was enacted, however, 
more interest was shown in it, the Government several 
times being requested to proclaim the date of its com- 

The Commonwealth invalid and old-age pensions 
schemes, as well as being combined in a single Act^ were 
closely interwoven. They were conjointly administered, 
and both were financed from general revenue. The rate 
for invalid pensions was the same as that for old-age pen- 
sions, and most of the provisions of the Act applied to 
both schemes. There were, of course, some provisions 
which defined the special character of the invalid pensions 
scheme. These were mostly copied from the New South 
Wales Invalidity and Accident Pensions Act, 1907?^ 

28 For a discussion of the reasons why no serious attention was 
given to the contributory principle prior to 1908, and of the later, 
and unsuccessful, attempts that were made to adopt that principle, 
see T. H. Kewley, *'A General Survey of Social Services in Australia," 
in Economic Papers No. 7 (N.S.W. Branch of the Economics Society, 
Sydney, 1947), pp. 10-12, 23-27. 

29 See e.g. Cwealth Deb., LVI., December 6, 1909, p. 7087. The 
Act did not specify the date by which the invalid pensions scheme 
was to come into force, as it did for the old-age pensions scheme. 
Instead, the commencement date was to be proclaimed when finances 
permitted. Ibid, XL VI., June 3, 1908, p. 11923. 

30 For an account of the New South Wales invalid pensions 
scheme, see T. H. Kewley, "Social Services in Australia (1900-10)," 
in Boyal Australian Historical Society's Journal and Proceedings, 
Vol. XXXIII. (1947), Part IV., pp. 340-48. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 165 

The Commonwealth Invalid and Old-Age Pensions Act, 
1908, provided for the granting of an invalid pension to an 
applicant above the age of 16 years who, because of an 
accident, or from natural causes, was ''permanently 
incapacitated for work,'' and who had become so whilst 
in Australia: A pension was not to be granted where the 
incapacity was self-inflicted, or in any way brought about 
with the purpose of obtaining a pension. Furthermore, 
a pension was not to be granted where the applicant was 
legally entitled,* because of his accident or invalidism, to 
obtain compensation adequate for his maintenance.. 

An applicant was required to have resided continu- 
ously in Australia for a period of at least five years. He 
was not required to satisfy a character test, as were 
applicants for old-age pensions. It was apparently 
assumed, as in New South Wales, that a person perman- 
ently incapacitated for work would have little opportunity 
of misbehaving himself !^^ An applicant was required to 
satisfy certain conditions regarding his means. These were 
the same as those applicable to old-age pensions, with an 
important addition. An invalid pension was not to be 
granted if the applicant's near relatives (namely, father, 
mother, husband, wife or children), either severally or 
collectively, adequately maintained him.^^ This provision 
was almost identical with the one in the New South Wales 
Invalidity and Accident Pensions Act, 1907. It did not 
compel relatives to contribute, but, where they did so, the 
amount contributed was taken into account in determining 
whether or not a pension should be granted. 

31 See N.S.W. Parliamentary Debates, XXVIII., December 11, 
1907, p. 1859. 

32 The standard of adequate maintenance was not specified in 
the Act. Neither was it specified in the N.S.W. Invalidity and 
Accident Pensions Act, 1907. It is not clear what standard was 
adopted in New South Wales. In the Conimonwealth the deter- 
mination of the standard was at first left to the discretion of the 
Commissioner of Pensions. From 1921 onwards Cabinet from time 
to time gave a direction about the standard to be observed. In 
December, 1940, it directed that '^adequate maintenance" be regarded 
as *"SL family income sufficient to provide £2/10/- per week for each 
adult dependent member of the family, and half that amount for 
each child under sixteen years of age." See C'wealth Deb., October 
29, 1941, p. 60. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

166 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

It is of interest to notice here that the Commonwealth 
old-age pensions scheme, like the similar one in New South 
Wales, made special provision for persons between the ages 
of 60 and 65 years. Such applicants who were otherwise 
eligible might be granted an old-age pension if they were 
permanently incapacitated for work. This provision came 
into force with the remainder of the old-age pensions 
scheme on July 1, 1909. The reason for including it in 
the Act was that the commencement date of the invalid 
pensions scheme was undefined. The Government, influenced 
by the. recommendation of the Royal Commission on Old- 
Age Pensions of 1905-06,^^ was sympathetically disposed 
toward this group, and did not wish it to be penalised 
because of delay in bringing the invalid pensions sclieme 
into force. Moreover, it felt obliged to make immediate 
provision for those in this group who were already receiv- 
ing pensions under the New South Wales old-age pensions 
scheme. Although the invalid pensions scheme commenced 
on December 15, 1910, this provision remained in force. 
The reason for its indefinite continuance may have been 
that it was not thought worth while to have it deleted from 
the Act, Or again, it might have been that it did enable 
an applicant who had long resided in Australia, but who 
was ineligible for an invalid pension, having not become 
incapacitated in Australia, to receive an old-age pension 
five years earlier than he would otherwise have been entitled 
to do. The provision remained in force until 1943, when 
those benefiting under it were transferred to the invalid 
pensions scheme.^* Its origin had then been forgotten, 
save perhaps by a few officials.*® 


Before the invalid pensions scheme came into force 
the Act was twice amended. Most of the amending pro- 
visions were of a machinery nature, and need not be further 
noticed. They applied equally to the old-age pensions 

33 Report^ p. xii. 

^^C wealth Deh.y 174, March 10, 1943, p. 1474. 

35 The Minister for Social Services, E. J. Holloway, could suggest 
no other reason for this provision being in the Act than that the 
Statistician did not wish to have too many people catalogued as 
invalids. Sir Frederick Stewart, a former Minister for Social 
Services, admitted that he was unaware of its existence. Ihid. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 167 

scheme. An amendment of the provisions singular to the 
granting of invalid pensions was made in December, 1912, 
when the second Fisher Government was in office. It 
extended the scheme to cover persons who were blind. , 
During the debates on the original Bill in 1908, Groom 
had said that the proposed scheme was intended to include 
the blind, other than those who were capable of maintaining 
themselves.^^ In practice, however, it was found that 
medical practitioners were often reluctant to certify that 
persons who were blind were permanently incapacitated 
for work. This led the Government to disregard the law, 
and to grant pensions in such cases from the Treasurer's 
Advance Account. The amending Act of 1912, therefore, 
merely legalized a practice that had been indulged in, with 
the knowledge of Parliament, from the commencement of 
the scheme.^^ 

The amending Act, nevertheless, placed the blind in 
a different category from other recipients of invalid 
pensions. Ordinarily, where an applicant was capable of 
earning an income, he was ineligible for a pension on the 
ground that he was not permanently incapacitated for work. 
Blind persons, on the other hand, were to be given every 
inducement to earn something toward their support. The 
Act provided that an applicant who was blind ''shall be 
deemed to be earning wages equal to the amount which 
he or she could earn by reasonable effort.'' The dual 
purpose of this provision was to discourage those already 
at work from leaving it with a view to obtaining a pension, 
and to encourage others to undertake training for some 

The Commonwealth invalid pensions scheme turned 
out to cost rather more than had been expected. Groom 
had estimated its cost at about £200,000 per annum. At 
June 30, 1912, the first full year in which the scheme was 
in force, its annual liability was estimated at £271,206. 
The following table shows the estimated annual liability 

36 Cwealth Deh., XLVI., June 3, 1908, p. 11978. 
STIhid, LXIX., December 12, 1912, p. 6968. 
38 See ibid, LXIX., December 12, 1912, pp. 6969-70; also ibid, 
1., December 19, 1909, p. 7524. 

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168 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

as at June 30 for the years 1911 to 1913 inclusive, and also 
the number of pensioners during each of those years.^^ * 
The Cook Government, which succeeded the Fisher 
Government in June, 1913, was disturbed at the increase 
in the number of invalid pensioners. It consequently 
requested the Coi^monwealth Statistician to inquire into 
the reasons for such an increase at the same time as he 
was seeking an explanation of the growing number of old- 
age pensioners. He found that the principal reasons 
were the growing knowledge of the benefits of the scheme, 
and a diminution of the feeling that the grant of an invalid 
pension involved pauperization.f^ 


Between the years 1912 and 1939 the Commonwealth 
invalid and old-age pensions legislation was amended on 
seventeen occasions. Save in few instances, the amend- 
ments affected provisions common to both invalid and old- 
age pensions. Those made prior to the economic depres- 
sion of the 'thirties were of a liberalizing nature; those 
made during the depression inevitably reflected the general 
policy to reduce public expenditure. Of the latter amend- 
ments, the two most significant were those which required 
relatives to contribute to the maintenance of pensioners, 
and those which provided that the amount of pension 
granted should be a charge upon the pensioner's estate at 
his death. These, and most other economy measures were, 
however, repealed before 1937, in which year the pension 
was also restored to its pre-depression rate. 

In what follows, an account is given in chronological 
order of the amendments that were made prior to and 
during the depression. An account is also given of the 
provision made for invalid and old-age pensioners in 
ir;stitutions — a State field which the Commonwealth, con- 

39 See the Annual Statements of the Commissioner of Pensions 
for the year 1910 to 1913 inclusive. 

Year ended Number of Annual 

on June 30 Pensioners Liability 

1911 7.451 £188,916 

1912 10,763 271,206 

1913 13,739 350,636 

^0 Eeport on Old-Age and Invalid Pensions, p. 5. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemss. 169 

trary to its general administrative policy, was reluctant 
to enter. 


The chief characteristic of the amendments made prior 
to the 'thirties was to increase the rate of pension. In the 
earlier years of World War I there were vigorous demands 
that the rate of pension should be increased to bring it 
more into line with increases in the cost of living resulting 
from the then abnormal conditions. It was not until 
September, 1916, however, that a Labour Government, 
under the leadership of Mr W. M. Hughes, introduced 
legislation for this purpose. That legislation increased 
the annual rate of pension from the original amount of 
10/- to 12/6 per week.^^ 

Rising prices were also a feature of the years immedi- 
ately following upon the war, and three further increases 
to offset the cost of living were made in the rate of pension. 
The first was made in 1919 under the Nationalist Govern- 
ment led by Hughes, who had earlier been expelled from 
the Labour Party over the conscription issue, and the 
remaining two in 1923 and 1925 under the Bruce-Page 
Government. On each occasion the increase was of an 
amount of 2/6 per week, so that in October, 1925, the 
weekly rate of pension became £1, or twice the original 
rate.^2 ^hen introducing the amending Bill of 1925, the 
Treasurer, Dr E. C. G. (later Sir Earle) Page, said that 
one of the reasons for increasing the pension to £1 per week 
was to make its rate the same as the rate for superannuation 
and invalidity benefits recommended by the Royal Com- 
mission on National Insurance in its First Progress Report, 
presented earlier that year. He added that he expected 
soon to introduce legislation on national insurance.^^ That 
legislation was not introduced, however, until 1928. More- 
over, the Government did not proceed with it. 

Although the annual rate of pension was increased on 
four occasions, the 1923 amendment was the only case in 
which an alteration was made in the conditions of enjoy- 

41 See Act No. 32 of 1916; also Cwealth Dei., LXXX., Sep- 
tember 29, 1916, p. 9138. 

42 See Act No. 22 of 1919; Act No. 15 of 1923; and Act No. 27 
of 1925. 

43 See Cwealth Deb., Ill, September 1925, p. 2351. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

170 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

ment. That amendment increased the amount of permis- 
sible income from £26 to £32/10/- a year, and of permissible 
propert}^ (apart from the home in which the pensioner 
resided) from £310 to £400.^* These amounts remained 
unchanged until 1946. 

Amending legislation in 1926 extended the scope of 
the invalid and old-age pensions schemes to cover Indians 
born in British India. The original Act had excluded 
Asiatics, except where they were born in Australia. As 
a result of discussions at the Imperial War Conferences 
of 1917 and 1918, the Commonwealth Government under- 
took to amend the Act so that pensions might be granted 
to Indians who were otherwise eligible for them. It was 
not until 1926, however, that the Government belatedly 
gave effect to this undertaking. Meanwhile Indians had 
been admitted to the franehise.^^ 

The above amendments applied both to invalid and 
old-age pensions. Two other alterations made prior to the 
'thirties affected provisions of the Act singular to the 
granting of invalid pensions. The first dealt with blind 
pensioners, and the second with the prescribed period o£ 

It was noticed earlier that an amending Act of 1912 
had placed blind pensioners in a different category from 
other invalid pensioners in that they were encouraged to 
earn something toward their support. With a view to 
enabling a blind pensioner to marry, and to rear a family, 
amending legislation was enacted in 1920 which allowed 
him to earn an amount which, together with his pension, 
would give him an income of £221 a year, or such other 
amount a^ was declared to be the basic wage for the part 
of the Commonwealth in which he resided.^^ 

The original Act had required an applicant for 
an invalid pension to have resided in Australia for 
a continuous period of five years, and to have become 

44 Sea ibid., 105, August 24, 1923, pp. 3558-59; also Act No. 15 
of 1923. 

45 See Act No. 44 of 1926; also C wealth Deb., 114, August 5, 
1926, p: 4956. 

46 See Cwealth Deb., XCIV., November 22, 1920, p. 6773; rzo 
Act No. 53 of 1920. 

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Coynmonwealth Pensions Schemes. 171 

permanently incapacitated or blind whilst in Australia. 
Where the applicant was afflicted with a conegnital 
defect, he was regarded as having become incapaci- 
tated or blind in Australia if brought there before 
attaining the age of three years. In practice, these pro- 
visions excluded a number of invalids who had resided in 
Australia for a long time, but who had not arrived there 
before attaining the age of thriee years. This situation 
led to an amendment being made in 1923 which allowed 
a pension to be granted to an applicant ^afflicted with a 
congenital defect, where he was otherwise eligible and had 
resided in Australia for a period of twenty years;^*^ 


The treatment of invalid and old-age pensioners in 
institutions affords an interesting study in the evolution 
of ideas with regard to the maintenance of pensioners in 
institutions and the allotment of pensions to them. The 
original Act excluded from the grant of a pension an inmate 
of a benevolent asylum, no matter whether it was conducted 
by a voluntary charitable organization or a State Govern- 
ment. Where a pensioner was admitted to a benevolent 
asylum upon the recommendation of a magistrate, a pay- 
ment was made to the asylum by the Commonwealth toward 
the cost of his maintenance. The Act made no provision 
for this payment, which was made as of grace following 
upon representations by State Governments and voluntary 
charitable organizations. In the early stages the amount 
paid differed as between the States, but later a uniform 
rate (at first 7/6 per week) was adopted.**® 

In 1916, some seven years after the Act had come into 
force, amending legislation was introduced which provided 
for the payment of a small pension to those inmates of 
benevolent asylums whose admittance the Commonwealth 
had arranged. This institutional pension of 2/- per week 
was -intended as pocket money with which the pensioner 
might buy tobacco and provide other such comforts for 
himself. It represented the difference between the 
maximum weekly rate of pension and the sum of 10/6 per 

47 See Act No. 27 of 1912; Act No. 15 of 1923; also Cwealth 
Deb., 105, August 24, 1923, pp. 3562, 3598. 

48 See ibid., 119, September 15, 1928, pp. 6392, 6446. 

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172 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

week then being paid to the. asylum for the pensioner's 

At first the Commonwealth declined to grant a similar 
pension to inmates other than those whose admittance to 
the asylum it had arranged. It took the view that persons 
already in benevolent asylums were the responsibility of 
the States. This discrimination between inmates inevit- 
ably generated irritation, which produced discontent among 
them, and added to the difficulty of managing the asylums. 
Moreover, it came to be regarded as absurd. An inmate 
who was not eligible for the institutional pension had 
merely to leave the asylum for a short period and, if other- 
wise eligible, could be granted an ordinary pension. Upon 
his return to the asylum he was thereby entitled to receive 
an institutional pension. . The Act was accordingly 
amended in September, 1923, to provide for the granting 
of an iBstitutional pension to all inmates. of benevolent 
asylums who were otherwise qualified for invalid or old-age 
pensions. The Commonwealth would not agree, however, 
to make a payment to benevolent asylums toward the main- 
tenance of inmates other than those whose admittance it 
arranged. It persistently contended that the maintenance 
of such inmates was the financial responsibility of the 
States.^^ Not until 1943 did it undertake to make a pay- 
ment towards the maintenance of all inmates who were 
otherwise eligible for a pension. In the meantime most, 
if not all, of those who were inmates of asylums at the 
time the Commonwealth invalid and old-age pensions 
schemes came into force were dead.^^ 

The pension to inmates of institutions was increased 
by 1/- a week in 1923, and by a like amount again in 1925, 

49 See ibid., LXXX., September 29, 1916, p. 9140; also Act No. 
32 of 1916. During the year ended June, 1917, institutional pensions 
were granted to 1,965 inmates of benevolent asylums. 

50 See ihid,j u. 9141; ibid., August 24, 1923, pp. 3561, 3591; ibid., 
119, September 15, 1928, pp. 6392, 6446; also Departmental sources. 

51 The discussion of this question, and especially the later dis- 
cussions, suggest that there was some confusion as to whether the 
original understanding was that the States should be responsible only 
for those who were already inmates of asylums when the Common- 
wealth legislation came into force, or whether they should also be 
responsible for those who became inmates after that date and who 
later became eligible for a pension in all respects, save that they 
were inmates of asylums. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 173 

but the sum paid to the institution toward the pensioner's 
maintenance remained* unaltered until 1928. In October 
of that year, following upon protracted representations by 
the State Premiers, the Commonwealth agreed to increase 
the payment for maintenance from 10/6, at which sum it 
had been fixed in 1916, to 14/6 per week. At the same 
time the Act was amended to increase the maximum rate 
of institutional pension to 5/6 per week. This meant that, 
where a pensioner was entitled to the maximum rate of 
pension (£1 per week) prior to becoming an inmate of a 
benevolent asylum, the full amount of pension was to be 
paid for and on his behalf, and the Commonwealth relin- 
quished its policy of trying to save a few shillings weekly 
on such cases.^^ 

The position of a pensioner who became an inmate of 
a benevolent asylum differed from that of a pensioner who 
became an inmate of a hospital, or of an asylum for the 
insane. The original Act provided that where a pensioner 
entered a hospital, or an asylum for the insane, his pension 
was to be suspended, and no further payment made until 
he was discharged. Upon discharge, he was to be paid 
up to four weeks' "pension for the period during which he 
was an inmate. When, in 1916, the Act was amended to 
allow the payment of an institutional pension to 'specified 
inmates of benevolent asylums, the Government resisted 
attempts to have a similar pension granted to pensioners 
who became inmates of hospitals or asylums for the insane. 
Neither wpuld it agree to make a contribution toward the 
cost of maintaining pensioners in these institutions. It 
was consistent in adhering to its view that the care of 
inmates of these institutions was the responsibility of the 
States.^ In 1918, however, following upon strong repre- 
sentations from the State Premiers, it agreed to make a 
payment of the same amount as that made to benevolent 
asylums toward the maintenance of a pensioner who became 
an inmate of a hospital.^^ Moreover, when the Act was 
amended in 1923 to allow an institutional pension to be 
granted to all inmates of benevolent asylums who were 
otherwise * eligible for an invalid or old-age pension, an 

52 See C wealth Del., 119, September 15, 1928, pp. 6392-3; also 
Jet No. 15 of 1923; Act No. 27 of 1925; and Act No. 31 of 1928. 

53 See Cwealth Dei., LXXX., September 29, 1916, pp. 9140-3. 

54 Departmental sources. 

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174 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

amendment was also made which allowed a similar pension 
to be granted to a pensioner who remained in hospital for 
a longer period than 28 days. But the Commonwealth 
would not admit any liability, nor has it yet done so, in 
respect of inmates of asylums for the insane, whom it firmly 
regards as being the charge of the States.^^ 

GROWTH IN pensioners' AND EXPENDITURE, 1912-1930. 

During the years 1912 to 1930 the expenditure upon 
invalid and old-age pensions increased from £2,142,212 to 
£10,633,979, or almost five-fold, whilst the number of pen- 
sioners increased from 89,834 to 223,736, rather less than 
three-fold. The annual increase in expenditure was com- 
paratively small during the years 1912 to 1916. But higher 
rates of pension and other liberalizations of the provisions 
of the Acti as well as* the growing number of pensioners, 
led to a more rapid rate of increase in expenditure during 
the years 1917 to 1930. The proportion of the total 
expenditure from consolidated revenue represented by 
expenditure upon invalid and old-age pensions varied at 
different stages between 1912 and 1930, but it was approxi- 
mately one-seventh in both those years.^^^ 

The number of old-age pensioners increased from 
79,091 to 155,196, or from 17.3 to 24 per 1,000 of the 
population, during the years 1912 to 1930.^"^ The propor- 
tion of old-age pensioners to persons eligible by age for a 
pension (women at 60 and men at 65) remained almost 
stationary at 33 per cent, between the years 1912 and 1924, 
the growing number of pensioners being due less to an 
increase in the population than to its ageing character.^® 
But from 1924 onwards there was a substantial annual 
increase in the number of pensioners, and at June 30, 1930, 
old-age pensioners represented 40 per cent, of the popu- 
lation in the eligible age groups.^® 

55 See Cwealth Deh., 105, August 24, 1923, pp. 3561, 3596; also 
Act No. 15 of 1923. 

56 Director-General of Social Services, Fourth Report^ p. 6; 
Commonmealth Tear Book, 1916, p. 649; idem, 1940, p. 845; and 
Clark and Crawford, National Income of Australia, p. .64. 

57 Director-General of Social Services, Fourth Report, p. 6. 

58 Royal Commission on National Insurance, First Progress 
Report, p. 22. 

5» Auditor-General, Annual Report, 1929-30, p. 41; Cwealth 
P.P. (1929-30). 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 175 « 

The published figures, taken at their face value, suggest 
that the rate of increase in the number of invalid pensioners 
was much greater than that for old-age pensioners. In 
1912 there were 10,763 pensioners officially classified as 
invalid pensioners ; in 1930 there were 63,304. But these 
figures do not take account of the fact that, except for the 
transfer in 1934 of 4,056 invalid pensioners to the list of 
old-age pensioners, an applicant who was granted an invalid 
pension continued to be classified as an invalid pensioner 
even though he later became eligible through age for an 
old-age pension. The exact number of invalid pensioners 
(and consequently of old-age pensioners) correctly so 
designated is not known for the years prior to 1940. 
When, in 1939, a review was made, 32,351, or 35.6 per 
cent, of those who were in receipt of invalid pensions, 
were transferred to their correct designation of old-age 

At June 30, 1930, the annual liability for invalid and 
old-age pensions was estimated at £11,650,000, or more than 
twice the expenditure of £5,424,016 in 1923. The Auditor- 
General, Mr C. J. Cerutty, in reviewing the increase in 
expenditure during these years, suggested that it was due 
mainly to increases in the rates of pension, and to the fact 
that the higher rates had induced greater numbers to apply 
for a pension. He went on to question whether the con- 
ditions governing the granting of old-age pensions were not 
such as to sap independence, to induce thriftlessness, and 
to discourage that outlook which impels people to make 
provision for their declining years.®^ He also pointed out 
that these conditions led many applicants improperly to 
divest themselves of money and property, and to resort to 

60 Director-General of Social Services, Fourth Beport, p. 6, and 
Departmental sources. 

61 Auditor-Oeneral, Annual Beport, 19£9'S0, p. 41. He added : 
"While it cannot be doubted that many persons have been compelled 
through ill-health, or other misfortune, to seek an old-age pension, 
it is equally certain that many others have qualified through drink, 
gambling, laziness, extravagance, and waste. The liberal provisions 
of the law make no distinction between these two classes, and pensions 
are granted even when it is known that some of the applicants have 
led dissolute and lawless lives. The result is that the saving and 
thrifty, instead of being able to get full benefit of their past efforts, 
are called upon to contribute by taxation to the pensions of many 
porsons whose previous mode of living has been such as to render 
them quite unworthy of assistance." 

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176 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

various other forms of misrepresentation in order to obtain 
a pension. Whilst the Auditor-General readily agreed 
that the aged should not be allowed to want, he considered 
that it was also clear that the rapidly increasing burden 
upon the taxpayer could not be continued, and that the 
Act needed revising. In particular, he believed that 
before a pension was granted the applicant should be re- 
quired to assign his property to the Government, instead 
of leaving it to his children after being maintained by the 
Government for years.®^ He also considered that children 
should be called upon to assume some responsibility for the 
maintenance of their aged parents.^ 

The attention given by the Auditor-General, to the 
rapidly increasing expenditure upon old-age pensions, and 
the suggestion which he made for its reduction, were far 
from welcomed by those members of Parliament who found 
it politically expedient to champion the cause of old-age 
pensioners. Some of his suggestions were pondered upon 
by the Government, however, and were adopted for a short 
while during the depression of the 'thirties. 

The depression in all its severity was inherited by a 
Labour Government, under the leadership of Mr J. H. 
Scullin. This Government had succeeded the Bruce-Page 
Government after the elections held in October, 1929. As 
a party to the Premiers' Plan, to it fell the lot in July, 
1931, of introducing legislation — the Financial Emergency 
Act, 1931 — which, amongst other things, aimed to reduce 
the expenditure upon invalid and old-age pensions. This 
legislation did not, however, have the support of all Labour 
members, for the Labour Party had earlier split into several 
distinct groups. It was enacted with the assistance of 
those non-Labour members who considered that the economic 
condition of Australia rendered such a measure inevitable. 

The main provisions of the Financial Emergency Acty 
1931, in so far as it dealt with invalid and old-age pensions, 
were those which reduced the rate of pension by 2/6 per 

62 The property provisions in. the original Act were said to aim 
at encouraging pensioners to use their property for their own support, 
rather than to leave it to their children. But these provisions, as 
already noticed, were amended in 1912 to exclude a pensioner's home 
from consideration in determining the amount of his property. 

63 Auditor-General, Annual Beport, 19iS9-50, pp. 41-2. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 177 

week. The Act provided, no doubt as a result of the 
Auditor-General's strictures, that overpayments of pension 
made as a result of misrepresentation should be recovered 
by court action. When the measure was first introduced 
it provided that, where a pensioner's home exceeded £500 
in value, the amount above that figure should be regarded 
as property for the purpose of determining the rate of 
pension. But opposition to this proposal was so wide- 
spread that the relevant clause was deleted from the Bill.^^ 

The only other alteration of the invalid and old-age 
pensions legislation made by the Scullin Government was 
more of a relief than an economy measure. The rush made 
by depositors to withdraw their savings from the New 
South Wales Government Savings Bank had led to the 
closing of its doors. This prompted the introduction of 
amending legislation in October, 1931, which provided that, 
where a pensioner assigned his bank deposit to the Minister, 
the amount so assigned should not be counted as property 
in determining the rate of pension to which he was entitled. 
Where, upon repayment, the deposit assigned to the Minister 
exceeded the amount of pension paid by reason of the 
assignment, the excess amount was to be refunded to the 

Mr Scullin was succeeded as Prime Minister in January, 
1932, by Mr J. A. Lyons, leader of the newly formed United 
Australia Party. In September of that year the Lyons 
Government introduced emergency legislation of a more 
restrictive character than that introduced by the Scullin 
Government in July, 1931. It is clear that the part of 
this legislation which dealt with invalid and old-age pen- 
sions was prompted as much by a feeling that the lavish 
policy of the 'twenties should be abandoned as by the need 
for economy if the budget were to be balanced. 

When announcing that this legislation would be int^- 
duced, Lyons expressed the opinion, previously voiced by 
the Auditor- General, that the community could not afford 
the constantly increasing costs of invalid and old-age 
pensions. He pointed out that during the year 1929-30 

64 See C wealth Deh., 130, July 3, 1931, pp. 3403, 3725; also 
Act No. 10 of 1931. 

65 See Cwealth Deb., 132, October 22, 1931, pp. 1086-7; also Act 
No. 46 of 1931. These provisions were not repealed until 1942. 

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178 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

the annual increase in pensioners (excluding those in 
benevolent asylums) had reached the record number of 
13,959, and that this number had been considerably ex- 
ceeded in each of the following two years. He expressed 
the hope that a contributory scheme might later be intro- 
duced. Meanwhile, it was necessary to reduce the expen- 
diture on pensions, , and also to limit the granting of them 
to those for whom they were really intended.®^ This was 
one of the aims of the Financial Emergency Act, 1932. 
It provided for a reduction in the rate of pension, intro- 
duced more restrictive provisions dealing with a pensioner 's 
property, and required that near relatives be compelled to 
contribute toward the support of applicants for pensions. 

I'he general nature of this emergency legislation had 
been outlined by Lyons in his budget speech on September 
1, 1932. He had then announced that it was proposed 
to reduce the rate of pension by a further 2/6 per week. 
Opposition to that proposal was so widespread, however, 
that when the legislation was introduced some two weeks 
later it provided that the reduction should apply only to 
a pensioner whose other income was less than 2/6 per 
week.®^ The upshot was that 63 per cent, of the pensioners 
continued to receive a pension at the previously existing 
rate of 17/6 per week.®® 

Although the proposal to reduce the rate of pension 
was thus modified in the time that intervened between the 
announcement of legislation for this purpose and the intro- 
duction of that legislation, no modification was made of 
either the proposal to make the amount of pension granted 
a charge upon the pensioner's estate or of the proposal to 
compel relatives to contribute to the support of pensioners. 
These latter measures are the most significant of the 
amendments that were made during the 'thirties, and are 
therefore discussed in some detail. 

It was noticed that an applicant for an invalid pension 
who was adequately maintained by his near relatives was 

66 See a wealth Deb., 135, September 1, 1932, p. 104; ibid,, 
September 16, 1932, pp. 597-9; also F. A. Gisborne, "Australia's 
Pension Burden," in Australian Quarterly, December, 1931, pp. 92-103. 

67 See C'wealth Deb., 135, September 16, 1932, pp. 599, 616. 
esibid., 165, December 13, 1940, p. 1081. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 179 

not to be granted a pension.^^ The Financial Erhergency 
Act, 1932, made the granting of old-age pensions subject 
to a similar condition. That provision applied to con- 
tributions that were made voluntarily. A more important 
provision introduced by the Financial Emergency Act, 
1932, was one which required that near relatives who were 
able, and therefore morally bound to contribute toward 
the support of a claimant, or pensioner, should be com- 
pelled to do so. Where the relative did not offer to make 
a voluntary contribution, or where the amount offered was 
not acceptable to the Commissioner, he was required to 
appear before a magistrate, who was to determine whether 
or not the relative should be compelled to contribute, and, 
if so, the amount of contribution.^^ 

The inclusion of these provisions in the Act was 
prompted by the belief that there were large numbers of 
persons in the community in good circumstances who were 
content to let the whole burden of supporting their near 
relatives fall upon the Government. The Government did 
not intend that the provisions should place an obligation 
upon those who were unable to bear it. By ministerial 
direction, a married relative without children was not to 
be asked to contribute if his income were less than £312 
per annum. Neither was a single or widowed relative 
whose income was less than £208 per annum. Moreover, 
in determining income, such things as medical expenses 
and the repayment of interest on a mortgage were to be 
excluded."^^ The requirement that near relatives be com- 
pelled to contribute toward the support of pensioners 
harked back to earlier ideas, although no doubt the com- 
ments of the Auditor-General had some effect, and, casting 
round for support for the idea, a precedent was found in 
the South African old-age pensions legislation which 

69 The original Act prescribed that the term "relatives" be taken 
to mean "husband, wife, father, mother, or children." Amending 
legislation of 1917 (No. 22 of 1917) had deleted the words '*or 
children." Those words were reinstated by the Financial Emergency 
Act, 19Se. 

70 See Cwealth Deb., 135, September 16, 1932, pp. 601-2. The 
hearing before the magistrate was to be held in private. Moneys 
received from relatives were to be paid into the consolidated revenue 
fund and not directly to the pensioner. He was to receive Mb 
pension in the normal manner. 

71 See ibid.; also ibid.j 146, March 14, 1943, pp. 73-4. 

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180 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

included a similar requirement. The fact that there was 
this precedent elsewhere, however, did nothing to lessen 
the widespread unpopularity of these provisions. Scullin, 
the leader of the Labour Party, in opposing them, said that 
they recalled for him what he described as the cruel pro- 
visions of the earlier Victorian Old-Age Pensions Act, In 
language reminiscent of that used by McGowan on a some- 
what similar occasion in the New South Wales Parliament,'^^ 
but with a display of great clarity of mind, he asserted : 
The fundamental objection to the proposal is that it disregards 
the principle, which we have always recognised if not in practice 
at least in spirit, that the old-age pension is a right earned by the 
old people who have worked for and served their country. It may 
be asked if the pension is a right, why should it not be paid to all 
pensioners of eligible age irrespective of their income I The answer 
is that the Commonwealth finances could not provide such an expen- 
diture; but the right is there and we should not lose sight of it.73 

The provisions requiring contributions from near 
relatives were repealed in March, 1935. Actually they 
operated for only part of the time that they were on the 
statute book. When they were first introduced, the pres- 
sure of departmental work resulting from other amend- 
ments that were made at the same time was so great 
that it was decided to apply the provisions only to new 
applicants for pensions. This pressure lifted when further 
amendments of the Act were made in the latter part of 
1933, and the Department was in a position to proceed to 
apply the provisions to those who were pensioners prior 
to October 13, 1932. But, because of delay in receiving 
instructions from Cabinet about the method to be adopted 
in approaching relatives, no action was taken until April 
26, 1934. On that date instructions were issued that a 
review of pensions granted prior to October 13, 1932, was 
to be completed within six months. The review was not, 
however, completed. On June 18, 1934, the Government 
announced its intention to repeal the provisions requiring 
contributions from relatives, and all action in this matter 
thereupon ceased.*^^ 

72 See T. H. Kewley, "Social Services in Australia (1900-10)," 
in Royal Australian Historical Society's Journal and Proceedings, 
Vol. XXXIII. (1947), Part IV., pp. 232-33. 

^BC'wealth Deb., 135, September 16, 1932, p. 602; see also ibid., 
September 21, 1932, p. 617. 

74 See ibid.y 146, March 14, 1935, pp. 73-4; also Departmental 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 181 

The revenue collected on behalf of pensioners during 
the period in which the provisions were in force totalled 
£2,488. Of this amount £22 was collected on behalf of 
those who were pensioners on October 12, 1932, 3,nd the 
remainder on behalf of those who applied for a pension 
after that date.*^^ The small number of relatives of pen- 
sioners who were found to be in a position to contribute 
toward their support, and the difficulty and cost of adminis- 
tration, were the reasons given by the Government for 
suspending the provisions.*^® Certainly, because of the 
difficulty in keeping track of changing individual circum- 
stances, the provisions were costly to administer.'^'^ There 
is no adequate .evidence, however, to refute the belief, 
which had prompted their introduction, that there were 
many near relatives of pensioners who were in a position 
to help support them. The depression and its widespread 
effects had, no doubt, greatly reduced the ability of rela- 
tives to contribute. But, when the operation of the pro- 
visions was suspended by administrative action on June 
18, 1934,^® preliminary investigations were far from com- 
plete, and little, if anything, had been done to enforce 
compulsory contributions.'^® Moreover, the very existence 
of the provisions could well have discouraged many persons 
whose children were in good circumstances from applying 
for a pension. Probably the main reason for suspending 
the provisions was their widespread unpopularity, but the 
knowledge that later in that year an election was to be 
held was hardly without some influence.®^ 

75 ihid. "^ 

76 See Cwealth Deb., 146, March 14, 1935, p. 74; also Sydney 
Morning Herald, June 18^ 1934. 

77 See ibid,, June 19, 1934. 

78 A Bill to repeal the provisions was introduced in July, 1943. 
The first speaker for the Labour Party (N. J. Makin) having, how- 
ever, moved an amendment which provided for an increase in the 
rate of pension and for the removal of the provisions dealing with 
the estates of deceased pensioners, the Government announced that 
the debate on this matter would take up the time of what it regarded 
as more urgent le^slation, and that it consequently did not intend 
to proceed with the Bill. The repeal of the provisions, which was 
the first legislative work of the new Parliament of the following 
year, was made retrospective to June 21, 1934. See Cwealth Deb., 
144, July 12, 1934, pp. 499, 524. 

79 See Auditor-General, Annual Report, 1933-S4, p. 34: Cwealth 
P.P. (1934-7). 

80 See e.g. Cwealth Deb., June 28, 1934, p. 2695. 

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182 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

The restrictive provisions dealing with a pensioner's 
property introduced by the Financial Emergency Act, 1932, 
were ahnost as unpopular as those which required con- 
tributions from relatives of pensioners. It was noticed 
earlier that the original Act excluded from the grant of 
a pension an applicant who had directly or indirectly 
deprived himself of property, or income, in order to qualify 
for a pension. The Financial Emergency Act^ W32, 
supplemented this provision by rendering ineligible for a 
pension a person who, within a period of five years pre- 
ceding his claim, had transferred, other than for value, 
property of any kind exceeding in the aggregate £100. It 
also provided that the amount of pension paid after October 
12, 1932, should be regarded as a debt due to the Common- 
wealth and a charge upon the pensioner's estate at his 
death in priority to all other debts, subject to specified 
exemptions and to encumbrances already existing on his 
real property. Like the requirement about contributions 
from relatives, these provisions also harked back to earlier 
ideas, although the comments of the Auditor-General no 
doubt had some effect. In searching for support for this 
proposal, precedents were found in the then existing 
Canadian old-age pensions legislation, and also, as already 
noticed, in the old-age pensions legislation that was in 
force in Victoria during the earlier part of the century.®^ 

The Government was of opinion that, in order to apply 
these provisions satisfactorily, it should be empowered to 
control the sale and transfer of the property of pensioners. 
To this end no pension was to be granted, or payment of 
pension continued, miless the claimant, or pensioner, sup- 
plied the Commissioner with full particulars of the real 
property owned by him, or in which he had an interest. 
A pensioner was also required to sign an undertaking, 
known as the ** white card,'' not to transfer or mortgage 
any real property without the prior consent of the Com- 
missioner. In addition, so as to permit of a more speedy 
adjustment in the rate of peiKsion than the annual review, 
a pensioner was required to advise the Commissioner of 
any property he acquired, or income he received, of an 
amount sufficient to affect the rate of his pension. Where 
the newly acquired property (excluding the home in which 

81 See ibid., 135, September 16> 1932, p. 601. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 183 

he resided) was of such value as to disentitle him to a 
pension, he was required to repay the amount of pension 
paid to him after October 12, 1932, to the extent to which 
the value of the property exceeded £400. Any balance 
of the pension paid that remained after the application of 
this provision was to be a charge upon the pensioner's 
estate at his death.^^ 

Unlike the provisions requiring contributions from 
relatives of pensioners, which remained unaltered during 
the period in which they were in force, the property pro- 
visions of the Financial Emergency Acty 1932, were several 
times amended. The amendments were intended^ either to 
remove anomalies or to liberalize the nature of the pro- 
visions. It was found, for example, that a pensioner's 
home had sometimes been paid for by his children on the 
understanding that, at his death, it would revert to them. 
To meet such cases, amending legislation was enacted which 
empowered the Commissioner, where hardship would other- 
wise be caused, to exempt any property or estate from, or 
to postpone, their operation.^^ That legislation also em- 
powered the Commonwealth to accept a transfer from a 
pensioner of any unencumbered property. The purpose 
of the latter provision was to help a pensioner who owned 
property which had depreciated in value since his pension 
was granted, and which he found difficulty in selling. 
Upon transfer to the Commonwealth, the value of the 
property was to be disregarded in determining the amount 
of pension to which he was entitled.^** 

The Financial Relief Act, 1933, which was enacted in 
October, 1933, further liberalized the property provisions, 
but did not change them fundamentally. The Government 
was of opinion that these provisions were based upon sound 
principles, and also made adequate arrangement for the 
granting of relief in cases of hardship. The Labour Party, 
on the other hand, was strongly opposed to the principles 
of the provisions. Moreover, some non-Labour members 
considered that the amendments proposed in the financial 
relief legislation did not go far enough. The latter agreed 
to the parsing of that legislation, certain parts of which 

82 See ibid., p. 601-602. 

83 See Act No. 64 of 1932; also Cwealth Deb., 137, November 
23, 1932, p. 2695. 

^^Ihid., p. 2696. 

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184 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

the Government declared to be urgent, only on the under- 
standing that further amending legislation would be intro- 
duced before the end of the year.^^ The promised legis- 
lation, enacted in December, 1933, provided that the amount 
paid in pension should no longer be a first charge upon the 
pensioner's estate at his death. The amount of pension 
paid after December 31, 1932, was to remain a debt due 
to the Commonwealth, but was to be payable only after 
all other debts, and subject to an extended list of exemp- 
tions. A special feature of this amending Act was the 
removal of the ''white card*' provision. Pensioners were 
to be free to deal with their property without restriction 
by the Commissioner, but they were to advise him of any 
transfer or mortgage of their real property. Thus was 
removed, the Government claimed, the real deterrent to 
those who, though technically eligible for a pension, were 
not in need of it. In support of this contention it was 
pointed out that, during the period in which the ''white 
card ' ' provision was in force, 12,000 pensioners voluntarily 
surrendered their pensions, and new claims were reduced 
by 13,000 as compared with' the same period of the previous 
year, making a reduction in the total number of pensioners 
for the first time since the invalid and old-age pensions" 
schemes were introduced. When the "white card'' pro- 
visions was removed, the number of pensioners considerably 

With removal of the "white card" provision, the main 
benefit to revenue became the amount received from the 
estates of deceased pensioners. A departmental survey 
carried out during 1934 revealed that the amount that 
could be collected from this source was severely limited. 
Of the 177,000 pensioners examined (out of a total of 
260,000 pensioners), it was found that about 70 per cent, 
had no estate from which the Commonwealth's debt could 
be recovered. Of the remaining 30 per cent., 11 per cent, 
owned their own homes (the average net unencumbered 
value of each home being £285), but possessed no other 
property. A further 5 per cent, owned other property 

85 See C'wealth Deb., 141, October 6, 1933, p. 3400; also ibid., 
143, December 6, 1933, p. 5626. 

86 See Act No. 56 of 1933; also C wealth Deb., 146, March 14, 
1935, pp. 74-5. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 185 

(of an average value of £62) as well as their own homes.®^ 
The remaining 14 per cent, did not own their own homes, 
but possessed other property, the average value of which 
was £49.^® The amount which the Commonwealth could 
collect from the estates of deceased pensioners was further 
limited by other debts having prior claim,, as well as by 
the many exemptions allowed.®® This factor, and the 
increasing difficulty in administering the property pro- 
visions, together with their unpopularity, led to their 
repeal, with three exceptions, in March, 1935.®** One of 
the provisions retained required a pensioner to notify the 
Commissioner should he acquire property, or receive 
income, of an amount sufficient to affect the rate of his 
pension. Another provided that, where- a pensioner's 
home was destroyed by fire, any insurance moneys received 
should not affect the rate of pension if, within a specified 
time, they were used for acquiring another home. The 
third enabled the Commonwealth to accept a transfer from 
a pensioner of any unencumbered property.®^ 

It was noticed earlier that the emergency legislation 
introduced by the Lyons Government in September, 1932, 
reduced the rate of pension to 15/- per week, except where 
the pensioner was without other income of more than 2/6 
per week. No further alteration in the rate of pension 
was made until October of the following year, when the 
Financial Relief Act, 1933, provided that the standard rate 
of pension should be 17/6 per week in all cases. That 
Act also provided that the rate of pension should vary 
automatically with the rise or fall in the retail price index 

87 It is not clear whether the homes of this latter group were 
of the same average value as the former. / 

88 Ihid. 

89 The total collections from the estates of deceased pensioners 
from October 13, 1932, to April 4, 1935, the period for which the 
provisions were in force, amounted to £45,429. The total amount 
claimed was £146,578. Of this amount, £51,131 was subsequently 
waived and a further £50,018 remained uncoUected.sOA. 

89a Departmental sources. 

90 See Cwealth Deh., 146, March 14, 1935, p. 76. 

91 Up to June 30, 1935, 24 pensioners had transferred property 
to the Commonwealth. Only four transfers have been made since 
that date, the last being in 1938. See Auditor-General, Annual 
Beport, 1934-5, p. 38; Cwealth P.P. (1934-7); also Departmental 

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186 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

number for food and groceries, but not so as to exceed £1 
per w^ek, or be less than 17/6 per week.®^ 

To accord with a rise in the cost of living, the rate 
of pension was increased automatically to 18/- per week 
in July, 1935. When this increase was made, the Auditor- 
General claimed that, on the basis of the average index 
number of food and groceries, pensioners were then much 
better off than at any other time during the previous 24 
years.®^ The rate of pension remained stationary until 
September, 1936, when by the Financial Relief Act (No. 2) 
it was increased to 19/- per week. . This Act continued 
the provisions relating to cost of living adjustments, but 
substituted a new scale of index numbers which permitted 
of a more rapid variation. It also provided that the 
annual rate of pension should be not less than 18/- per 
week, or more than £1 per week.®'* The cost of living 
provisions were deleted in September, 1937, an amending 
Act at the same time restoring the pension to its pre- 
depression rate of £1 per week. That legislation also 
increased institutional pensions to 6/- per week, or 6d. per 
week more than the highest pre-depression rate.®^ No 
further amendments of the Act were made until December, 
1940. In the meantime, an unsuccessful attempt was 
made, with the national insurance legislation of 1938, to 
introduce a contributory pensions scheme. 


During the year ended June, 1931, there was a record 
increase of 22,246 in the number of pensioners. The annual 
increase in the numbei;' of pensioners during each of the 
following years of the 'thirties, except for 1933, when there 
was a decrease, was much higher than the average annual 
increase during the 'twenties. One result was that the 
total number of pensioners rose from 223,736 in 1930 to 
326,868 in 1939. During that period the number of old- 
age pensioners, officially so classified, increased from 24 

92 See C'wealth Deb., 141, October 6, 1933, p. 3399; also Act 
No. 17 of 1933. 

93 Auditor-General, Annual Beporty 1984-35, pp. 37-8. 

94 See Act No. 29 of 1936; also C wealth Deh., 151, September 
10, 1936, pp. 38, 167. 

95 See ibid., 154, August 31, 1937, pp. 292-3; also Act No. 11 
of 1937. 


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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 187 

per 1,000 of the population to 33.5 per 1,000. That pro- 
portion in 1939 would have shown as much higher had the 
practice earlier beeh adopted of regularly transferring to 
the list of old-age pensioners those invalid pensioners who 
became eligible through age for an old-age pension. When 
in 1940, as already noticed, large numbers of invalid pen- 
sioners were placed under their correct designation of old- 
age pensioners, the proportion of old-age pensioners per 
1,000 of the population was shown at 38»8®® In that year 
old-age pensioners represented 42.6 per cent, of the popu- 
lation in the eligible age groups.®*^ 

In his report before retiring in 1935, the Auditor- 
General, C. J. Cerutty, expressed particular concern about 
the increase in the number of invalid pensioners. He drew 
attention especially to the number of claims illegally 
granted to applicants who were not permanently incapaci- 
tated for work.®^ His successor, albeit somewhat reluc- 
tantly because of the hostile reception given to Cerutty 's 
comments by some politicians,®® further explored this 
question and found that the increase was mainly due to 
the disproportionate growth in the number of invalid 
pensioners in New South Wales. He found, for example, 
that, of the invalid pensioners in .New South Wales who 
applied to the Repatriation Department for a service 
pension, thirty-seven had their claims rejected after being 
examined by the medical officers of that Department, and 
were referied back to the Invalid and Old- Age Pensions 
Office. Upon reviewing these grants, the officers of the 
latter office immediately cancelled sixteen of them, the 
pensioners not being permanently incapacitated for work. 
The Auditor-General considered that this review gave some 

06 Director-General of Social Services, Fourth Eeportf p. 6. 

»TA. P. Elkin, '*Our 'New Order' and Liberty," in Public Ad- 
ministration (Sydney), Vol. IV (1946), No. 6, p. 277. 

98 Annual Beport, 19S4-35, pp. 39-40. Because of the close 
attention which he paid to the growing expenditure upon invalid and 
old-age pensions, Mr Cerutty became extremely unpopular with the 
Lyons Government. 

»OHe expressed the fear that his comments might be misinter- 
preted, and then added : "The obligations of my office, however, 
require that . I shall report matters of this nature and, unpleasant 
though such may be, I must, of necessity, carry out the duty imposed 
upon me bv the legislature." Annual Eeport, 1936-37, p. 34; 
C wealth P.P. (1937-40). 

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188 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

indication of the percentage of invalid pensions that were 
irregularly granted in New South iWales. He attributed 
this situation to the ** inadequate and unsatisfactory medical 
organisation'' of the Invalid and Old- Age Pensions Office 
in that State, and suggested that permanent medical officers 
should be appointed to take over the work of examining 
applicants that was being done by private medical prac- 
titioners. These comments of the Auditor-General ulti- 
mately led to steps being taken to see that more care was 
exercised in the granting of invalid pensions. ^^ 

During the first part of the period extending from 
June 30, 1931, to June 30, 1939, reductions in the rate of 
pension and other economy measures^kept the expenditure 
upon invalid and old-age pensions fairly constant. The 
expenditure of £11,762,030 in 1935 was approximately the 
same as that for 1931, and during each of the intervening 
years the expenditure was slightly less than that amount. 
During the years 1936 to 1939 expenditure gradually 
increased, reaching £15,991,782 for the year ended June, 
1939. In that year the expenditure on invalid and old- 
age pensions represented approximately 17 per cent, of 
the expenditure from consolidated revenue, as against 
approximately 15 per cent, in 1931.^^^ 


At the end of the 'thirties, although the Act had been 
frequently amended since its introduction in 1909, the 
general nature of the invalid and old-age pensions schemes 
remained unchanged. The two most important amend- 
ments were those which dealt with compulsory contributions 
from relatives of pensioners, and with the estates of de- 
ceased pensioners. These were like the proposals earlier 
recommended for inclusion in the Act by the Royal Com- 
mission on Old- Age Pensions of 1905-6, but which had been 
unacceptable to the Parliament that onacted the original 
legislation. Introduced during the depression, they inevit- 
ably reflected the belief that pensioners should not be 
excluded from the general sacrifice that all were called 
upon to bear, and particularly from the reduction in 

100 See ihid., pp. 32-4; also ibid., .19S8-S9, pp. 31-321: CwecUth 
P.P. (1937-40). 

101 See Director-General of Social Services, Fourth Beport^ p. 6 ; 
also Commonwealth Year Book, 1940, p. 845. 

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Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 189 

salaries and allowances suffered by all other persons in 
receipt of Government salaries, allowances, and interest on 
Government stock. There was, of course, a temporary 
concern for the attitudes of mind created by the extrava- 
gances of the 'twenties — ^the sort of philosophy voiced by 
the Auditor-General — and it was easy to carry over these 
ideas to an assertion that the growing liability for pen- 
sioners was beyond the capacity of an ageing community, 
and a comparatively stationary population, to afford. But 
the widespread unpopularity of these provisions, and 
especially the opposition of the Labour Party to them, led 
to their repeal within three years of having been enacted. 
Concern about the growing liability for pensioners never- 
theless remained, some believing that this liability would 
make it impossible to embark upon any additional social 
services without seriously threatening the whole financial 
fabric of the Commonwealth. This concern was largely 
responsible for the attempt made in 1938 to place pensions 
on a contributory basis. 

The remaining amendments made between the years 
1909 and 1939 were mostly designed either to remove 
anomalies or to increase the rate of pension and otherwise 
liberalize the provisions of the Act. The rate of pension 
was increased gradually from the original weekly rate of 
10/- to 20/- in 1925, at which rate it remained until 1931, 
when it was^ reduced to 17/6 per week. Several variations 
were made in the rates of pension between the years 1931 
and 1937, the weekly rate being restored to 20/- during 
the latter year. The requirement of the original Act that 
an applicant for an old-age pension be of good character 
remained unamended, but the means test, which applied 
to both invalid and old-age pensioners, was liberalized. 
An amendment in 1912 provided that a pensioner's home 
was to be disregarded in determining the amount of 
property he possessed. And, in 1923, the amount of other 
property that he might possess without the rate of his 
pension being affected was increased from £310 to £400. 
At the same time, the amount of permissible income for 
pensioners other than blind pensioners, who were more 
favourably treated, was increased from the weekly rate of 
10/- to 12/6. The scope of the schemes remained un- 
altered, except for the inclusion in 1926 of Indians born 
in British India. So also did the age and residential 

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190 Royal Australian Historical Society. 


requirements remain unchanged, except for an amendment 
in 1923 which permitted an invalid pension to be granted 
to specified applicants who had resided in Australia for 
a period of 20 years. An important development was the 
payment of institutional pensions to, and maintenance pay- 
ments on behalf of, inmates of benevolent asylums who were 
otherwise eligible for an invalid or old-age pension, and 
also pensioners who became inmates of hospitals. 

The liberalization of the provisions of the Act, together 
with the growth in the number of pensioners, led to an 
increase in expenditure from £2,149,659 for the year ended 
June 30, 1912, the first full year in which the invalid and 
old-age pensions schemes were both in force, to £15,991,782 
for the year ended June 30, 1939. The increase of 
£13,842,123 in the annual rate of expenditure during this 
period of twenty-seven years was considered by some to be 
extravagant. But the annual expenditure upon invalid 
and old-age pensions was to increase by a much greater 
amount before many more years had passed. 


Under the influence of the world-wide demand for 
social security which gained force during World War II., 
the Commonwealth Government has introduced a wide 
range of social, services. These include child endowment, 
widows' pensions, sickness and unemployment benefits, 
funeral benefits for invalid and old-age pensioners, allow- 
ances for the wives of invalid pensioners, and several health 
services. The expenditure of the Commpnwealth on health 
and social services during the year endii;ig June, 1953, is 
estimated at £164,179,000. Of this amount, invalid and 
old-age pensions are estimated to cost £72,485,000. 

The increase that has taken place in the annual ex- 
penditure upon invalid and old-age pensions is largely 
accounted for by the gradual raising of the rates of pension 
from £1 in 1939 to £3/7/6 at the present time. Another 
important factor has been the several amendments of the 
Act which have enabled increasing numbers to qualify for 
benefit. Of the amendments, the most significant have 
been those which have liberalized the ^^ means test,'' i.e., 
the income and property provisions. 

It was noticed earlier that there has for long been a 
demand for the granting of old-age (since 1947 known as 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Commonwealth Pensions Schemes. 191 

''age'') pensions without a means test. This demand 
derived from the notion that old-age pensions were a right, 
being a reward for past services rendered to the com- 
munity, and that the only way in which the stigma of 
charity could be removed from them was to grant them 
to all aged persons irrespective of their means. That this 
demand was not strongly pressed was due to a recognition 
that the financial condition of the Commonwealth did not 
permit of the adoption of such a proposal. Not until 
the latter part of World War II was this demand voiced 
seriously. Then it derived from a realization, following 
upon the establishment of the national welfare fund and 
the imposition of a social service tax on incomes, that social 
services were not wholly ^'something for which the other 
fellow paid." With this awakening had come a question- 
ing of whether or not any value was being received, or was 
likely to be received, by the majority of persons in return 
for the heavy income tax which they were required to pay. 
It is this questioning which has led Governments during 
recent years to explore closely the practicability of estab- 
lishing a system of universal old-age pensions. When such 
a system will be established is uncertain. But that old- 
age pensions will ultimately be granted without a means 
test may safely be predicted. 

The Hunter Valley. 

A Century of Its History. 

By JAMES JERVIS, A.S.T.C. (Fellow). 
{Read in part before the Society, September 25, 1951,) 

In November, 1841, it was reported that the church 
was complete except for the internal fittings. Aid had 
been granted by the Government in 1839 towards the work, 
which cost £1800. The new church was opened for worship 
by Rev. John Morse in January, 1842.2o^ 

Bishop Broughton again visited Scone in 1843, and 
wrote thus concerning it : — 

209 Hunter River Gazette, January 8, 1842. 

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192 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

July 14 ... . Walked with Mr. Morse to the village, containing 
a few scattered huts. Went successively into all, and endeavoured 
by exhortation to awaken the people to a more becoming sense of 
their religious duties. Great insensibility prevailing and little 
apparent impresson produced on any. 

July 15 ... . Consecrated the church yard, the church not 
being yet so complete as to internal preparation as to admit of that 
solemnity at present. It is a large commodious building, of brick, 

rather awkwardly designed There is also a neat vestry 

The consecration was attended by the principal families in the 
neighbourhood, forming but a small congregation. From the village 
not a single inhabitant came, though many of them had relatives 
interred in the ground.2io 

The church was consecrated on October 11, 1845, by 

Bishop Broughton, who was attended by the Revs John 

Cameron and Gore. The report of the ceremony said^^^ : 

The Church has been completely furnished by a few benevolent 

individuals and altogether presents a highly gratifying appearance. 

In 1846, Scone had only 14 houses; by 1851 this number 
had increased to 37, and the population numbered 180. 
A new court house was built in 1849. 

Dr John Dunmore Lang, who visited Scone in 1850, 
stated that 250,000 sheep were shorn in the neighbourhood. 
Lang wrote : — 

.... public houses, which are neither few nor far between 
and grow well in such localities, even without rain. 

*' Scone,'' said Lang, *'has always been a rather aristocratic 
neighbourhood. ' ' 

Archbishop Folding laid the foundation stone of a new 
^ Roman Catholic church on February 17, 1860,^12 and* the 
building was opened in September, 1861.^13 

A meeting concerning the establishment of a National 
school was held in March, 1858, when it was decided to 
make application for a site for the building.^^'* 

Erection of a steam flour mill was begun by John 
Burer, of Aberdeen, in 1860, and the work was completed 
in the following year. A stone store and a number of 
private houses were built in 1860. A Presbyterian church 
was opened by the Rev. J. S. White on January 13, 1861.2^^* 

210 Journal of Visitation, 1843. 

211 Sydney Morning Herald, October 1^ 1845. 

212 Maitland Mercury, February 21, 1860. 

213 Ibid, September 9, 1861. 
21^ Ibid, March 9, 1858. 
215 Ibid, Januarv 31, 1861. 

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The Hunter Valley. 193 

The town had three churches, two schools, four brick- 
yards, a flour mill, five hotels and numerous stores in 1866. 

A report in 1870 stated that there were several stores 
in the townships. Hotels were fewer in number than in 
most country towns of the same size. Schools and churches 
had not increased in number since 1866. 

The Colonial Secretary informed the Surveyor-General 
on January 16, 1840, that the Governor had approved of 
the ''plan of Merriwa'' submitted. 

There were ten houses in the village in 1846. In 
1848 an inn was erected. A National schoool was estab- 
lished in 1850. It was stated in 18512i« that the township 
was rapidly dising in importance. During the previous 
fifteen months, twenty new houses and an Anglican church 
had been erected.^^^ The church, a slab building, was 
consecrated by the Bishop on March 19, 1855.^^® 

In 1858 there were in Merriwa ''three respectable inns, 
five stores, two blacksmiths, a few bush carpenters, also 
tailors and shoemakers. ' ' The remainder of the inhabitants 
were mainly carriers who chose the place as their home on 
account of the excellent pasturage it afforded their cattle 
while spelling. A Roman Catholic church was in course 
of erection. A new court house was completed in November, 
1858, and the church referred to above finished about the 
same time.^^^ 

In 1876 it was reported that a new School of Arts, a 
public school, a parsonage and a number of buildings were 
to be built.220 

Merriwa had a population of about 200 in 1866. 

The new Roman Catholic church named St Anne's 
was opened by Bishop Torregiani on June 13, I88I.221 The 
construction of a new court house was begun in March^ 


The earliest reference I have traced to the name of 

2i6 7&td, June 5, 1850. 
2nihid, July 12, 1851. 

218 Ihidy March 31, 1855. 

219 Ibidy November 13, 1858. 

220 Town and Coimtry Journal, May 6, 1876. 

221 Ibid, June 18, 1881. 

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194 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Raymond Terrace occurs in Macquarie's Journal under 
date July 29, 1818. The Governor was on a visit to 
Newcastle, and went up the river on a journey of explora- 
tion. Macquarie writes : **At 4 p.m. landed on Raymond 
Terrace close to the entrance to the First Branch and 
encamped there for the night.'' 

From the nature of the reference, it is apparent that 
the name was already in use, but there is nothing to indi- 
cate who bestowed the name or when. 

When Henry Dangar was engaged on survey work in 
the Hunter Valley, he reserved land for a township site 
at Raymond Terrace. Writing to the Surveyor-General, 
Dangar said : — 

The land at a place called "Raymond's Terrace" coloured as a 
reserve at the suggestion of the Commandant proposed to be reserved 
to include Raymond's Terrace was section No. 45 and 39 of Township 
No. 23 and I beg leave to submit that sections No'. 44 and 38 of 
the same township as proper land to be reserved for the purposes 
of Government and to complete the necessary reservations for that 

On October 25, 1823, Dangar was instructed that 
sections 44 and 38 were considered as being necessary, in 
addition to the sections containing' Raymond's Terrace, and 
were to be marked on the map. 

In 1834, James King, of Irrawang, applied to purchase 
land at Raymond Terrace in order to establish a pottery. 
The Surveyor-General was instructed that a village sh9uld 
be laid out and a design submitted for the Governor's 
approval as soon as possible. Surveyor G. B. White was 
requested on September 15, 1834, to survey the village 
reserve and submit a report. On July 21, 1835, the 
Surveyor-General submitted a design for the ''Village of 
Irrawang Bay'' at Raymond Terrace for the approval of 
the Governor. Some delay in the matter occurred at this 
stage, and the Surveyor-General was asked to explain why 
the land applied for by one Andrew Bennett, which formed 
part of the village reserve, had been reported to the Colonial 
Secretary as being vacant. Eventually Bennett, who had 
erected a hut on the village site, was allowed to purchase 
six allotments, and the Surveyor- General was instructed 
to mark 100 acres for him. 

On July 31, 1836, the residents of the locality wrote 
to the Governor stating that they were greatly in need of 
a village where various tradesmen might permanently 

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The Hunter Valley. 195 

reside and carry on their avocation, as they were compelled 
to get work required to be done either in Maitland or 
Sydney, which caused them great inconvenience. The 
letter continued : — 

The land reserved for that purpose on the banks of tlie river 
Hunter between the grants of Mr. B. Graham and that of Mr. Bennett 
is eminently calculated for that purpose both as regards extent and 
level, dry surface, while the frontage to the river affords as good 
landing as any other part we know on the banks of the river. 

We beg therefore to solicit that allotments in that village may 
be allowed to be put up for sale with as little delay as possible. 

The Colonial Secretary informed the Surveyor-General 
on November 22, 1836, that the Council advised that the 
** Village should be called Raymond Terrace as originally 
proposed and marked. ' ' On January 5, 1837, the Surveyor- 
General was instructed that the village should be laid out 
as soon as possible, so that Bennett could select his six 
allotments. The plan was accordingly submitted to the 
Council, but it was not until November 27, 1837, that the 
Governor and Executive Council approved of the design, 
with the exception of some of the streets which were to be 
altered. The minimum price of land in the village was 
fixed at £4 per acre. 

Surveyor G. B. White was instructed on December 20, 
1837, to lay out the sections as shown on the plan. Early 
in 1838 James King applied, as agent for Bennett, to have 
the six allotments referred to above marked out, and White 
was instructed to survey them. 

James King had apparently already established his 
pottery, as specimens of brown earthenware were sent to 
Sydney in May, 1834.^^^ 

Development op the Village. 

In May, 1840, a press item stated that the town of 
Raymond Terrace was rapidly rising into importance. A 
powerful steam mill was being erected, and was expected 
to commence grinding soon. A spacious court house was 
nearly ready for the roof, and money had been subscribed 
for the erection of a church and parsonage. A clergyman 
(Rev. C. Spencer) had been appointed in 1839, and a 
surgeon was in residence. A commodious punt was being 
built to run a service across the river at this point.^^^ 

221 Sydney Herald, May 1, 1834. 
22SIhid, May 1, 1840. 

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196 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

A school was opened in 1840 with an attendance of 
24 pupils under the charge of William Johnstone. The 
1840 Census returns show that Raymond Terrace had a 
population of 364, and the number of houses was 49. The 
development of the town induced James King to subdivide 
100 acres of land in June, 1840, into building blocks.^24 

The foundation stone of a parsonage was laid by Rev. 
C. Spencer on February 18, 184i. A news item in 1842 
stated225 :_ 

There are a considerable number of houses at pi'esent erecting 
in this township; they are tenanted the moment they are finished 

In this rapidly rising village there are an English and Scotch 
clergyman, a Police Magistrate, a Doctor or two, and an unpaid 
magistrate or two. 

Improvement was noted in 1844, when it was said 
that :— 

Baymond Terrace is a very prettily situated town and one which 
has made rapid strides in improvement .... as a swamp at the 
back which covers an immense tract is in course of being drained 
by the spirited proprietor, R. Windeyer, Esq., and I am credibly 
informed this will be accomplished effectually .226 

James King 's pottery was still busy in 1844 and 
manufactured teapots, sugar boxes, flower pots, bread pans, 
etc. A report in 1846 stated a tobacco manufactory was 
to be established. 

A steam flour mill was in the course of erection in 
1848, and another public house was about to be opened. 
It was" really required because of the increase between 
New England and the town. At this stage wool was being 
carried from New England, and the road traffic gave a 
fillip to the town's business.^^^ 

The population of Eaymond Terrace was 263 in 1848, 
and it contained 53 houses. 

A news item in 1850 said^^® : — 

Raymond Terrace is the most drunken and disorderly place in 
the colony of its size 

.... the general population is on the increase. The Bishop 
of Newcastle is preparing to commence a Church of England educa- 
tional establishment in some central position on a property he has 
bought for that object. 

224 Ibid, July 8, 1840. 

225 Sydney Morning Herald, July 25, 1842. 

226 Maitland Mercury, March 16, 1844. 

227 Ibid, April 22, 1848. 
22H Ibid, January 18, 1854. 

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The Hunter Valley. 197 

The foundation stone of a Methodist church was laid 
on May 6, ISSl,^^® but the building was not completed and 
opened until January 15, 1854.^^^ 

The town was said to be ** rapidly progressing" i^ 
1853, and niuch business was being done. 

T. Whiteley, who resided in the district in the 1850 's, 
writes^^^ : — 

The town had a run of prosperity but ^let a terrible setback 

in the devastating flood of 1857 Following upon this was a 

considerable dispersion of the farming interest to the Manning and 
other districts to take up land under the new Land Act. The 
divergence in the route of traffic to New England added to the 
combination of adverse effects which it took long to recover from. 

The erection of a Roman Catholic church, long talked 
of, was begun in 1860. A news item in 1861 says^^s : 
' ' Operations in connection with the Rotnan Catholic Church 
continue to* progress satisfactorily.'' The foundation 
stone of the new building was laid on February 27, 1861. ^^^ 

In 1866 Raymond Terrace had a steam mill, a tannery 
and four hotels. There were four churches and three 
schools in the town. 

A visitor in 1870 wrote^^^ : — 
Its buildings are mostly of a substantial character, but it looks 
what it really is; in times of flood, too low to be pleasant. It has 
a school of arts, a courthouse, several hotels and inns, with a few 
stores, a tannery and some comfortable looking cottages. 


The village derived its name from the estate of Colonel 
Dumaresq, where a mansion was erected in 1828. 

A news item in 1870 referred to ''the deserted village 
of St. Hilliers/' about a mile and a half from Muswell- 
brook, which was reduced to one cottage.^^^ Formerly 
there were an inn and a butcher's shop. It had been used 
as a camping spot by teamsters. A toll gate had been 
built close by, but, as the railway was about to open, it 
was expected the gate would soon lose its large receipts. 

229 Maitland Mercury, May 10, 1851. 
2S0 Ihidy January 18, 1854. 

321 Beminiscences of the Lower Hunter : Mitchell Librar}', 

232 Maitland Mercury, January 5, 1861. 
28S Ibid, March 5, 1861. 

234 Town and Country Journal, February 12, 1870. 

235 Ibid, AuguEt 6, 1870. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

198 Royal Australian Historical Society. 


An inn stood on the site of the present town of Single- 
ton in 1827. A newspaper correspondent visited the 
locality in that year, and wrote^^^ : — 

I give you my bill of fare for a night's lodging at the Plough 
Inn, Patrick's Plains; nothing can be more moderate, yet look at 
the brandy — 

Supper, with tea, 1/3. 
Bed, 1/3. 
Horse [as much as he could eat] 1/3. 
Breakfast — eggs and pork, 1/3. 
Servants eating 1/-. 
Half pint of brandy, 3/9. 

I read over the door, ''Plough Inn," by Joseph Singleton, dealer 
in wines and spirits. 

Benjamin Singleton erected a mill at Patrick ^s Plains 
about 1829. 

'In January, 1836, a land sale was held at what the 
advertisement called ''Singleton," and this sale marks the 
beginnings of the town. Forty-five quarter-acre blocks 
were sold at an average price of £33/13/5 per acre.^^"^ 

A private school, Singleton House school, was in 
ojperation in 1839.238 

A news item in 1839 runs thus^^® :— 
Hunter Biver, at all times the most flourishing district in the 
colony, is daily becoming more and more so. Patrick's Plains is 
becoming quite a town and land is rising in value. 

Another sale of land was held in July, 1840, when 
100 lots in the town of Singleton fetched nearly £4000. 
Some of the lots sold at as high as 27/- per foot frontage. 
Early in 1841, twenty lots were sold at an average of 12/6 
per foot. 

In August, 1841, a court house built by Singleton was 
opened. Earlier the court had been held on the ground 
floor of Singleton's mill, but the noise of the industry over- 
head was rather distracting. 

The Patrick's Plains Benefit Society was established 
in 1841, the object being to afford relief to members in 
case of sickness or death.^^^ 

2SQ Australian, February 10, 1827. 

257 Sydney Gazette, January 9, 1836. 

258 Australian, December 26, 1839. 

239 Sydney Herald, November 6, 1839. 

240 Ibid-, January 13, 1842. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

The Hunter Valley, 199^ 

A hospital had been established prior to 1842, and in 
that year the building used was offered for sale.^*^ 

A boiling doym establishment was set up by J. B. 
Bossley in 1844. 

A slab church was built for the Roman Catholic com- 
munity, and opened in January, 1845, on land given by 
John Brown of Maison Dieu.^^^ 

A news item in 1844 stated that the numerous small 
settlers in the neighbourhood of Singleton had harvested 
sufficient grain to enable them to pay their rent as well as 
enabling them to lay in a stock of the necessaries of life. 
£200 had been collected for the erection of an Anglican 
church. The Rev. Cameron was much liked, and preached 
in '*two of Mr. Dangar's houses thrown into one."^^^ 

J. B. Bossley, who then owned the mill erected by 
B. Singleton, offered land in John Street for the erection 
of a church. This was accepted, and the Bishop offered 
to complete the building commenced as a schoolhouse, for 
use as a parsonage.^^^ 

Bishop Broughton visited Singleton and reported that 
on July 8 he was engaged in examining a building then 
vacant, containing a large room which he considered could 
be fitted up at small expense for use as a chapel and 
also serve as a schoolroom. The Bishop agreed to rent it 
for two years at a rental of £40 per annum. He left a 
plan for placing the desk, communion table, font, benches, 

It was reported in 1844 that All Saints', Singleton, 
was in course of erection. 

At a meeting held in April, 1845, the question of 
establishing a Mechanics' Institute was discussed, and it 
was decided to form one. 

A brewery commenced operations early in 1845.^^^ 

A news item in June, 1845, stated that house building 
seemed to have been completely suspended, and Singleton 
wore the appearance of being a '* finished town.'--^^ 

The first show of the Patrick's Plains and Upper 

2^1 Australian, May 10, 1842. 

2^2Maitland Mercury^ January 25, 1845. 

2^^ Sydney Morning Herald, February 27, 1844. 

244 Ibid, March 23, 1844. 

2^5 Journal of a Visitation. 

^^^Maitland Mercury, February 15, 1845. 

^^Tlbid, June 28, 1845. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

200 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Hunter Agricultural Association was held in March, 

The number of houses in the town in 1846 was 123, 
and the population numbered 565. The population figures 
in 1841 were 431. 

A second brewery was established in 1849. An 
Oddfellows' Lodge was opened in that year. 

It was announced in 1849 that a new Anglican church 
was to be erected. Stonework already erected was to be 
demolished. The church, designed by Edmund Blacket, 
was to be called ''All Saints V' and the foundation stone 
was laid in August.^^® The church, built by Thomas 
Turner of Sydney, was completed in November, 1850, and 
consecrated on March 19, 1851. 

It was stated in February, 1850, that the Roman 
Catholics were bestirring themselves to have a church built, 
as the existing one was not large enough. However, it 
was not until 1859 that the foundation stone was laid by 
Archbishop Vaughan.^^^ 

The town had ten inns in 1853. 

Dr. John Dunmore Lang described Singleton in 1850 
as a ''really respectable colonial town with a considerable 
number of creditable buildings.'' 

The Mechanics' Institute established in 1846 had 
closed down in 1848, and it was re-established in 1856, 
when Walter Rotton gave the use of a building rent free 
for three years.^^^ 

A branch of the Australian Joint Stock Bank was 
opened in 1860. 

The foundation stone of a Methodist church was laid 
on January 26, 1857, by the Rev. J. Pemell, minister of 
the circuit.^^^ 

In June, 1859,^^^ the foundation stone of a Free 
Presbyterian church was laid by Pearce Bowman, of Rich- 
mand. It was opened on April 29, 1860.^^^ 

It was stated in 1861 that a new Benevolent Asylum 

248 /6td, March 7, 1846. 

249 /6id, August 29, 1849. 

250 Ibid, April 2, 1859. 

251 Ibid, July 26, 1856. 

252 Ibid, January 31, 1857. 

253 Ibid, June 4, 1859. 
254 Ibid, May 5, 1860. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

The Hunter Valley. 201 

was approaching completion, and that a number of new 
cottages were being erected. The news item continues^^^ : 
Generally speaking it must be admitted that Singleton has 
greatly improved during the last few years, both as to the number 
and the style of buildings that have been erected during that period. 

A preliminary . meeting to discuss the formation of a 
municipality y^as held at the Royal Hotel on August 13, 
1861.^^^ However, the municipality was not gazetted until 

The Commercial Bank established a branch in the town 
in 1866. 

A bridge across the Hunter River was opened by Sir 
John Young on August 30, 1866, and named *'The Bridge 
of Singleton. "25T 

A visitor in 1866 wrote^^® : — 

The town of Singleton has very much improved of late years. 
.... The old style of country township house of slab and weather- 
board is fast dying out, and good brick buildings meet the eye in 
every direction. 

Singleton had two flour mills at work in 1866. Its 
public buildings consisted of a hospital, a Mechanics' 
Institute, a court houses and several churches. The town 
had nine hotels. A newspaper, the Singleton Times, was 

A Masonic Lodge called St Andrew's was opened in 

Tenders for a new court house were invited in 
February, 1867, and the building completed in November, 

A new school house for St Patrick 's church was opened 
early in I868.261 

In 1869 the court house was said to be '*a noble 
building." The School of Arts, a ''handsome and sub- 
stantial structure,'' had cost £2500. The writer of the 
news article said : ''Singleton will never, 1 think become 
a^ very large town, but will get along very well." 

The Northern Agricultural Society held its exhibitions 

255 Ihid, December 12, 1861. 

256 ibid, August 17, 1861. 

257 Sydney Morning Herald, September 1, 1866. 
258 /6id, May 3, 1866. 

259 Bailliere's Gazetteer. 

260 Sydney Morning Herald, February 21, 1867. 
2G1 Ibid, February 1, 1868. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

202 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

on the local show ground, where two large pavilions had 
been erected by Aldermen Moore and Loder at their own 
expense. The water supply of the town came mainly from 
the Hunter River, and was carried in water carts to the 

A new school building was opened in November, 1876, 
on the site of the old schoolhouse. • 

In 1881 additions to the Roman Catholic church were 
decided upon, and a neW Methodist church was being built. 
New hotels were in course of erection, and a gas works was 
nearly completed.^^^ 

The new Methodist church was opened on February 
5, 1882.2«4 

The municipality of South Singleton was proclaimed 
in December, 1884, and the first council elected in March, 

Some notes made by a visitor in 1888 are of interest : 

Those who can remember it as it was a few decades baclt are 

now at a loss to recognise in the large and daily growing place the 

Singleton of that era, with its two main thoroughfares, George and 

John streets almost destitute of any considerable buildings, and a 

few irregular lines of huts and cottages straggling from them 

There are a new Court House, several banks, new stores and innumer- 
able new houses A small park, well ordered and planted has 

been made at the head of the town, and another and larger one 
beyond it was presented to the public on Jubilee Bay, and has been 
named, after the donor, Howe Park. At every comer, and at 
frequent intervals in all the streets are still to be found the inevit- 
able public houses An entirely new suburb, called South 

Singleton, with a small temporary church .... lias sprung up in 
the vicinity' of the railway station and Showground.265 


I wish to express my appreciation of the assistance rendered 
by the staff of the Mitchell Library. I am also indebted to Mr E. 
Messer, of the Department of Soil Conservation, who permitted me 
to use many of the slides shown when the paper was read before 
the Society. Through the courtesy of the Under Secretary of the 
Department of Lands, I have been permitted to use material in his 
Department, and this assistance is gratefully acknowledged. 
( Concluded. ) 

262 Ibid, November 3, 1869. 

263 Town and Country Journal, May 28, 1881. 
2Q^Ihid, February 11, 1882. 

265 Ibid, Julv 7, 1888. 

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Recognition of Governor Phillip in England. 203 

The Recognition of Governor Arthur Phillip 
in England. 

By K. R. CRAMP, O.B.E., M.A. (Fellow). 

.When visiting England- in 1950, I was intent on 
seeing as many as possible of the historical spots in which 
Australians would be interested. Foremost in my mind 
were places connected with the name of Governor Phillip, 
particularly Bread Street, London; 19 Bennett Street, 
Bath (where Phillip resided for the last seven or eight 
years of his life) ; Bath Abbey; and St Nicholas' Church, 
Bathampton, a charming little English village two miles 
distant from Bath, and the burial place of our first 


Some years after his return from Australia, Arthur 
Phillip secured the lease of 19 Bennett Street on December 
20, 1806, and lived there till he passed away on August 31,' 
1814, in the seventy-sixth year of his life. During his 
residence in Bath he was visited by Philip Gidley King 
in 1808, who then wrote about him thus : — 

I was with Admiral Phillip a week. He is very much alteretl, 
having lost the entire use of his whole right side, arm and leg ; 
his inteUect and spirit are as good as ever. He may linger on for 
some years under his present infirmity, but from his age a great 
reprieve cannot be expected. 

The na,mes of other persons mentioned in Australian 
history are also associated with Bath, such as Mrs Grose, 
the wife of Lieutenant-Governor Grose; John Macarthur, 
during his enforced absence from New South Wales; and 
George A. Robinson, that good Methodist of Tasmania who 
was able to induce the aborigines to submit to the Govern- 
ment after its attempted drive to capture them had failed. 
Robinson lived at Prospect Hill, Widcombe Hall, Bath, 
from 1853 to 1866, • and was buried in the cemetery of 
Bath Abbey. 

An unpleasant suggestion about Phillip's death is one 
to which the people of Bath, so far as my knowledge goes, 
will not give credence. One prominent citizen. Alderman 
Sturge Cotterell, stated quite definitely : — 

There is no mystery about the death of Admiral Phillip and 
his burial in the church he loved at Batfiampton. After a long, 
lingering illness, he passed away in Bennett Street, a few yards 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

204 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

distant from the celebrated Assembly Room, then almost a new 
attraction to this famous spa. 

His funeral look place on September 7, 1814. It was 
a private funeral with but a few friends attending. 
Phillip's wife, Isabella, survived him by nine years, and 
died in 1823 in her seventy-first year. Then the Phillips 
seem to have been forgotten or unknown locally for 
eighty-three years, until an Australian official instituted 
some inquiries in 1897. 


In that year James Bonwick, an Australian historian, 
was in England seeking information for publication in the 
Historical Records of New South Wales, Numbered 
among his quests was one concerning the burial place of 
Governor Phillip and his association with Bath. He 
applied to the Alderman mentioned above, T. Sturge 
Cotterell, of Bath, who thereupon instituted a search 
. campaign for Phillip 's grave. But so forgotten was its 
location that Alderman Cotterell was for some, time baffled. 
He prosecuted his search among the churches of Bath 
itself, possibly commencing with the cemetery of Bath 
Abbey. Following this futile effort, he extended his field 
of investigations to include eight other churches in 
Somersetshire. Finally he turned his attention to St 
Nicholas' Church, Bathampton. 

When I visited that little village in 1950, I took an 
entrancing walk from Bath to Bathampton along a gently 
sloping hillside, with a track and a canal curiously enough 
half-way up the slope, and the railway below at the foot 
of the hill. The track commanded a wide panorama of 
typically beautiful very green fields, dotted here and there 
with small clusters of trees. A two miles' walk brought 
me to St Nicholas' Church, Bathampton, snugly, unosten- 
tatiously, and, one might say, religiously tucked away in 
a quiet corner. 

This was the area that Cotterell searched after his 
other previous fruitless efforts. Though accompanied 
by the Vicar, his. first day's search was just as futile as 
all the preceding ones. Fortunately he persisted, and 
on the second day two gravestones lying horizontally and 
forming a small portion of the church aisle were discovered, 
perhaps because the cleaner had lifted the carpet. On 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Recognition of Governor Phillip in England, 205 

one of these, the second within the entrance, were engraved 
the following : — 

Underneath lie the Eemains 

of Arthur Phillip, Esq., 

Admiral of the Blue, 

Who died 31st August 1814 

in his 76th year. 

Also of Isabella, 

Eelict of the above 

Admiral Phillip, 

Who died 4th March 1823 

In the 71st Year of her Age. 

Thus on either April 16 or 17, 1897, Phillip's resting, 
place was re-discovered after it had disappeared from the 
historian's ken since 1814. Why was it inside the church 
that his remains were at rest ? The present Vicar, whom 
I met, surmised that the grave was originally in the grave- 
yard close to the church, with the stone, like most such 
stones, in an upright position. Subsequently the width 
of the church was increased by the re-erection of the 
southern wall some feet out from the original position, 
thus bringing the two graves within the church, and the 
stones were laid in an horizontal position as paving stones. 

Alderman Cotterell immediately communicated with 
James Bonwick, who repaired to Bath to investigate the 
discovery for himself on November 27 in company with 
Alderman Cotterell, Alderman Simpson (Mayor of Bath), 
and General Denshaw (Churchwarden). Two days later 
Bonwick cabled the news to the New South Wales Govern- 
ment, and Cotterell received letters of thanks from the 
Governor of New South Wales (Viscount Hampden) and 
the Premier (Mr George H. Reid). 


Up to this date there had been no public memorial 
in England to Phillip, but in 1899 the Bath Corporation 
attached a metal mural tablet to his residence at 19 Bennett 
Street. The wording was simple : — 

Here lived 

Admiral Phillip 


The design was copied by Mr and Mrs A. G. Foster when 
they provided the Phillip tablet at Camp Cove in Port 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

206 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

I saw the Bath tablet in 1950, but was unable to 
enter the house, because it had been converted into 
tenements or flats. During the second World War it 
narrowly escaped destruction when an enemy bomb de- 
stroyed the architecturally beautiful Assembly Hall on the 
opposite side of Bennett Street, a few allotments lower. 

The investigations initiated by Bonwick constituted 
a sort of historical resurrection of Philip. I visited both 
Bennett Street, the Bathampton Church as well as Bath 
Abbey. At the entrance to the Bathampton Church is a 
notice for the benefit of overseas visitors. It reads thus : 
Australian Visitors. — The grave of Governor Phillip is in the 
floor of the aisle just inside the South Porch. You may remove 
the matting, if you will please replace it. i 

Other memorials now inside the Church are a picture 
of Phillip's hoisting of the flag at Sydney Cove and his 
portrait copied from the original in the National Portrait 
Gallery, London. At the rear of the Church is a tablet 
provded by Phillip's widow, worded thus : — 

Near this tablet are the remains of Arthur Phillip Esq., Admiral , 
of the Blue, First Governor and Founder of the Colony of New 
South Wales, who died the 31st August 1814 in the 76th year of 
his age. 

A picture of Sydney Cove as it was in Phillip's time 
was sent to the Church by the Royal Australian Historical 

Annual Phillip ceremonies have been held at Bathamp- 
ton and at Bennett Street. On June 3, 1937, Viscount" 
Wakefield, of London, unveiled a tablet in the Abbey, and 
then proceeded to lay a wreath on the Phillip stone at 
Bathampton. More recently, Hon. J. M. fully, Agent- 
General for New South Wales, placed a wreath on the 
Phillip tablet in Bennett Street. 


The Phillip tablet in Bath Abbey was suggested in 
the first instance by Douglas Hope Johnston in a letter 
to the Bath Chronicle in August, 1932. It was subscribed 
for by 150 citizens and unveiled by Viscount Wakefield, 
when Mrs Bruce Marriott (well known as an Australian 
historian. Miss Ida Lee), an Honorary Fellow of the Royal 
Australian Historical Society, provided a wreath on behalf 
of the Society. The wording on the tablet is as follows : 

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Recognition of Governor Phillip in England. 207 

In Memory of Admiral Arthur Phillip, R.N., Founder and First 
Governor of Australia. Bom in London 11th October 1738. 
Entered the Royal Navy 1855. Died at 19 Bennett Street, Bath, 
31st August, 1814. 

To his indomitable courage, prophetic vision, forbearance, faith, 
inspiration and wisdom, was due the success of the first settlement 
in Australia at Sydney, 26 January 1788. 

"The earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof" (1 Corinthians 
X., 26). 

The service connected with the unveiling was con- 
ducted by Archdeacon Thicknesse, and the lesson was read 
by Rev. Arthur Phillip Lancefield, a great-grand-nephew 
of the Governor. Admiral Sturge Cotterell's activity was 
largely responsible for the provision of the memorial. 

Thus, though Bath citizens from 1814 to 1897 seemed 
unaware of Phillip's association with tlieir own city and 
the foundation of New South Wales, they have paid full 
recompense with the tablet and pictures in the Church, 
the plaque at the Bennett Street residence, the memorial 
in Bath Abbey, annual pilgrimages of the civic fathers 
and other dignitaries to Bennett Street, and annual 
services at Bathampton. 


Why was Viscount Wakefield invited to perform the 
ceremony at Bath Abbey in 1937 ? I hazard the answer 
that it was because he had displayed so much active interest 
in the Phillip Commemoration in London five years earlier. 
He, in his turn, gave full credit to D. Hope Johnston for 
his initiation of the moyement which led to that com- 
memoration. Hope Johnston, while resident in Sydney, 
had effected the foundation of the Australasian Pioneers' 
Club, and was a founder of the Manly Historical Society. 
He claimed direct descent from Lieutenant George John- 
ston of the First Fleet. As a resident of London, he was 
intent on making Londoners aware of their indebtedness 
to Phillip for the establishment of a **new Britannia in 
a southern world." He found that Australia's first 
Governor was quite forgotten — unhonoured and unsung — 
even in the Ward of Bread Street,^ where he had first 

1 Bread Street was so named because in 1302, during the reign 
of Edward I., a decree required bakers to sell their bread at t!ie 
market in that street. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

208 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

seen the light of day. Johnston took steps to overcome 
this oblivion. He interviewed Sir Granville Ryrie, then 
High Commissioner for Australia, and then the Lord 
Mayor of London, who was made aware^for the first time 
of the significance of Bread Street as Governor Phillip's 
birthplace, within 200 yards of Bowbells. Johnston's next 
contact with with the City Architect and Surveyor of the 
City of London (Mr Perks), and this led to a search for 
documentary evidence of Phillip 's birth in that vicinity. 
Search was carried out in the five or six churches in or 
near Bread Street, which is but a short, narrow street 
connecting Cheapside and Queen Victoria Street, and 
intercepting Cannon Street and the historic Watling 
Street constructed in Eoman times. 

In the Harleian Society 's Register of Births, Marriages 
and Deaths, the name of Jacob Phillip was discovered. 
Jacob was the father of Arthur Phillip, who, it was then 
learnt, had been baptized by Rev. William Warneford in 
All Hallows' Church, Bread Street, one of the eighty-nine 
churches of London destroyed in the Great Fire of 1666, 
and rebuilt by Sir Christopher Wren. It was finally 
demolished in 1876, and its parish registers were removed 
to St Mary le Bow (Bowbells). Those born within the 
sound of Bowbells are real Cockneys,' and Phillip, it might 
be said, was born within the shadow of the steeple itself. 

Johnston came .across the All Hallows' Register, and 
there read the simple but historic entry under date 
November 11, 1738 :— 

Arthur, son of Jacob and Elizabeth Phillip, was baptized. 
Bom October 11th. 

This record, the only kind of church record of that 
period, had the function of a birth certificate of later 
periods. Though the registration of baptism was intro- 
duced in 1538 by the Vicar- General, Thomas Cromwell, it 
was not till 1836, i.e., three centuries later, that a general 
registration was established at Somerset House under a 

Phillip's father, Jacob, was a poorly clad teacher of 
languages from Frankfurt. His English wife, Elizabeth, 
was widow of a Captain Herbert, E.N., and her maiden 
name was Breach. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Recognition of Governor Phillip in England, 209 


Hope Johnston first suggested a memorial in the porch 
of St Mary le Bow, facing Cheapside, and a second 
memorial in Bread Street. Eventually it was decided to 
place one in front of St Mildred's Church in Bread Street. 
This church was the last of the buildings existing at the 
time of Phillip's birth in that street to disappear, as it 
was not till a German bomb hit it in 1941 that it was 

On February 22, 1932, the Rector of St Mildred's, 
Eev. Eichardson Eyre, communicated to Hope Johnston 
his approval of a Phillip Memorial in front of his church, 
expressing his sanction in the following appropriate 
fashion : — 

The church would then be linked up with living Australia, and 
be a living spiritual meeting place for Australians and ourselves, 
where the Divine Hand in the growth of our still stately and 
wonderful Empire of the Dominions across the seas would be 
reverently and gratefully acknowledged. 

A month later (March 22, 1932) Viscount Wakefield 
wrote to H#pe Johnston, stating : — 

It will give me pleasure to act on your suggestion and bear 
the cost of the memorial to him [i.e., to Phillip]. 

This memorial was thus the gift of Viscount Wakefield 
of Hythe, who was the Alderman of the Ward of Bread 
Street. It stood 16 feet in height and 12 feet in width 
on a base 6 feet by 4 feet, and weighed one ton and three- 
quarters. The Prime Minister of Australia, Mr J. A. 
Lyons, evinced interest, and requested the High Commis- 
sioner for Australia, Mr Stanley Bruce (later Lord Bruce) 
to invite a member of the Eoyal Family to perform the 
unveiling ceremony. 

Accordingly the memorial was unveiled by H.R.H. 
Prince George, Duke of Kent, on December 7, 1932. A 
procession was organized with the Lord Mayor of London, 
Sheriffs, Aldermen, Members of the Ward of Bread Street, 
the Australian Minister in London, other Dominion 
Ministers, and special representatives from overseas. The 
Lord Mayor accepted the memorial on behalf of the 
citizens at Viscount Wakefield's invitation, and Prince 
George then unveiled it. Amongst the wreaths was one 
laid by Miss Ida Lee as the representative of the Royal 
Australian Historical Society, the President (O. E. Friend) 
of which sent the cable : — 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 

210 Uoijal Australian Historical Society. 

Royal Australian Historical Society congratulates Lord Wake- 
field for providing splendid memorial so closely linking England 
with Australia. 

Mrs Hope Johnston provided another wreath as the repre- 
sentative of the Women's Pioneer Society, Sydney. 

The wording on the tablet was but slightly different 
from that subsequently inscribed at Bath 'Abbey. It read 
thus : — 

In Honour of Admiral Arthur Phillip, R.N., Citizen of London, 
and First Governor of Australia, born in the Ward of Bread Street 
11th October 1738; entered the Royal Navy 1755, and died 31st 
August 1814. 

To his indomitable courage, prophetic vision, forbearance, faith, 
inspiration and wisdom, was due the success of the first settlement 
in Australia at Sydney on Saturday, 26th January, 1788. 

"The earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof." (1 Corin- 
thians X., 26.) 

The reader will observe that the wording at Bath was 
copied from the Bread Street tablet. 

On another face of the memorial is the following 
wording : — 

This memorial to a great Londoner, due to the inspir^ition of 
Douglas Hope Johnston, M.A., a great grandson of Lieut.-Colonel 
George Johnston, A.D.C. to Governor Phillip 1788-92, was erected 
by Charles Cheers Baron Wakefield of Hythe, C.B.E., LL.D., Alder- 
man of the Ward of Bread Street, Lord Mayor of London 1915-16, 
and presented by him to the citizens of London and the people of 
Australia, as an enduring link between the Motherland and her 
children in the great Island Continent of Australia. 

"So long as blood endures, 
I shall know your good is mine, 
Ye shall know that my strength is yours." 

— Kipling. 

Holy Writ declares that ''AH is vanity and vexation 
of spirit." Alas for St Mildred's Church ! This church, 
one of London's smallest churches, dated back to the 
12th century, and was dedicated to a Saxon Princess, 
Mildred, the daughter of Merwalden, a Prince of West 
Mercia. The church was destroyed in 1666, and, when it 
was rebuilt in 1683, Sir Christopher Wren, the architect, 
included a dome for the ceiling, as a guide, it was said, to 
the subsequent planning of St Paul's Cathedral. The 
church carvings were attributed to the renowned carver- 
in-wood, Grinling Gibbons. In this church the poet 

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Recognition of Governor Phillip in England. 211 


Shelley was married to. his second wife; and John Milton's 
birth in Bread Street was also registered. A stained- 
glass window to the memory of the men of the Ward who 
fell in the First World War was presented by Viscount 

In the tragic bombing raid of April 16 and 17, 1941, 
the church was*so completely wrecked that only the bare 
shell of the tower was left standing. The Phillip Memorial 
was destroyed, except that the bust of Governor Phillip 
remained almost entirely undamaged. 

The association of the church with Australian senti- 
ment was kept alive by means of annual gatherings, one 
of which the Primate of Australia, Most Rev. Dr H. W. K. 
MowU, M.A., attended. In 1936, the retired Governor 
of South Australia, Sir Archibald Weigall, delivered an 
appropriate address, from which the following extract is 
quoted : — 

For those privileged to belong to it, our Empire is a partnership 
in sentiment, in memories, in ideals, and in habits of life — a soul 
housed in a mighty frame. The achievement of unity amongst the 
peoples of our Empire to-day demands personal devotion and faith, 
almost a religion, to give purpose to our lives if we mean what we 
say on these matters. This does not mean a displacement of our 
Christian faith by an Imperial paganism. It means that we must 
link ourselves together for practical purposes, for duties and for 
sympathies amongst those who are scattered over the Seven Seas in 
the British Empire. 

Note. — Due to the activity of Mr P. W. Gledhill, two 
stones from the ruins of St Mildred 's Church were brought 
to Sydney. One was embedded in the wall of All Saints' 
Church of England, Balgowlah, on March 22, 1953, by the 
High Commissioner for England, and the second in the 
wall of St Peter's Church, Cook's River, on May 10, 1953, 
by His Grace the Archbishop of Sydney, the Most Rev. 
H. W. K. Mowll, M.A. At the conclusion of the Divine 
Service on each occasion, a lantern lecture on *'The 
Recognition of Governor Phillip in England," illustrated 
with lantern slides, was delivered by the President (K. R. 
Cramp) of the Royal Australian Historical Society. 

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212 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

First Royal Visit to Australia. 
Dundas Church RecaUs Shooting Affray. 

By G. A. KING, Member of Council. 

Next year's visit to Australia of Her Majesty Queen 
Elizabeth II. and His Royal Highness the Duke of Edin- 
burgh may remind the curious and the historically-minded 
that in the little Methodist Church at Dundas, near Sydney, 
there is a commemoration in stone of the first Royal visit 
to Sydney 85 years ago. 

Queen Elizabeth will be the first reigning Sovereign 
to visit Australia. 

Designs in stone of the Prince of Wales' feathers 
surmount the main building and the porch of the church 
at Dundas. 

Behind the story of the decorations is an association 
with the attempted assassination of the Duke of Edinburgh 
at. Clontarf , Middle Harbour, on March 12, 1868. 

The Royal Duke, known also as Prince Alfred, was 
the second son of Queen Victoria, and brother of Prince 
Edward, afterwards Prince of Wales and, later. King 
Edward VII. The Duke of Edinburgh came to Australia 
in command of H.M.S. Galatea, and, while he was at the 
Sailors' Home picnic at Clontarf held in his honour he was 
shot in the back by a man named O'Farrell. The wound 
was not serious, but the attempt on the Duke's life aroused 
great indignation and sympathy. O 'Farrell was tried on 
March 30 and 31, and, having been found guilty of the 
shooting, was executed at Darlinghurst Gaol on April 21 
— less than six weeks after the crime was committed. 

The little church at Dundas had not long been com- 
pleted when the attempt on the Royal visitor's life was 
made. Soon after the incident, Mr John Mills, a local 
preacher of ability, preached an eloquent sermon of thanks- 
giving from the text, *'In everything give thanks." The 
theme was an expression of thanks to God for the preser- 
the Queen's son from the hand of the would-be 

►py of the manuscript of the sermon was sent to 

and was read by the Duke's brother, then Prince 

The Prince, appreciating the sermon, sent £25 

it on the church in which the sermon was preached. 

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Notes and Queries. 213 

The church trustees decided to spend part of the gift 
in placing stones, in the shape of the Prince of Wales' 
feathers, on the building, making **a permanent memorial 
of a brother's gratitude, and of a faithful preacher/' as is 
stated in the history of the church. 

Notes and Queries. 

Honorary Research Secretary. 

Question : Information is desired on the work of 
convict clearing-gangs in the 1820 's. 

Answer : The clearing-gang system was established by 
Governor Brisbane soon after he assumed control of the 
administration. On August 30, 1822, he wrote in a 
despatch^ to the Eary of Buchan : — 

No human being can or ought to hazard an opinion as to the 
resources of this vast Country, which will duly unfold itself in the 
proportion of the exertions employed in calling forth these resources, 
which has been my main object since I assumed the reins of Govern- 
ment : and in order to accomplish the first process towards improve- 
ment I have a *rhousand men employed in clearing the Country of 
the excess of its Forest timber and Brushwood. These men fell at 
least an acre a week each, and therefore your I'd'p will perceive 
a vast extent of Country will be l£ud open; and this clearing system 
is carried out by the Government in behalf of the settlers by means 
of the Convict labourers, on the settler paying for each acre, so 
cleared and stumped, five Bushels of Wheat out of his first crop 
into his Majesty's Stores; and by what means the advantage to all 
these parties are so nicely combined as to render them mutually 
beneficial to all concerned. 

In 1823, Brisbane reported that over 700 men were 
employed in this way. For totally clearing land settlers 
had to pay seven bushels per acre; for stumping only, 
three bushels; and for burning off, three bushels. Each 
gang appears to have consisted of twenty-two men, and 
they had to erect huts for themselves prior to commencing 
work on a property. 

A further report from Brisbane, dated July 23, 1824, 
states that land cleared in the colony up to 1820 was 
54,898 acres, whereas in the two years during which the 
clearing-gang system was in operation 11,503 acres had 
been cleared. Fifty clearing parties were at work, con- 
sisting of 1,150 men. From a despatch dated June 3, 

1 Historical Eecords of Australia, Vol. X., p. 723. 

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214 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

1825, it is learned that between March, 1822, and April, 
1825, 20,031 acres had been cleared. 

Each gang was allowed the ordinary ration, and, in 
addition, was entitled to i lb. tea, 6 lbs. of sugar, and 
lOf ozs. of tobacco for each acre cleared ; this was an 
incentive payment. 

The clearing-gangs made a useful contribution to the 
development of settlement in the County of Cumberland. 
Brisbane claimed that the system was appreciated by the 
land-owners, and that it reduced crime amongst the convict 

Question : Were any attempts made in the early 
history of the colony to regulate the entrance, .*or move- 
ments, of foreigners ? 

Answer : Governor King issued the following ' ' Govern- 
ment and General Order" on November 28, 1803 : — 

It is clearly to be understood that foreigners, not being His 
Majesty's subjects, leaving their ship and residing here without the 
Governor's provious permission, are subject to be put to public 
labour until an opportunity offers for their leaving the colony, or 
being sent away in the same manner as British subjects who leave 
their ship without the Governor's permission. 

A second Order was issued on August 11, 1804 : — 
His Excellency also strictly forbids any person not a natural 
born subject of His Majesty being engaged to reside or settle in 
this Territory or its Dependencies without a previous permission 
obtained from the Governor, Lieut.-Govemor, or Officer in Command 
for the time being. 

It might be mentioned that these Orders were issued 
after the news of the declaration of war between Great 
Britain and France reached Sydney in November, 1803. 


(1) The following news item from the Sydney Gazette 
of December 3, 1831, refers to the production of wine 
west of the Blue, Mountains : — 

Bathurst Wine : We have received a sample of the first wine 
made to the westward of the Blue Mountains. It was extracted 
from the sweet-water grape, grown in Mr. Hawkins' garden at 
Blackdown, and considering it is a first attempt and that that species 
of grape is the least suited of any for the making of wine, we think 
the experiment a very encouraging one. It is of the character of 
the light French wines. We shall place the bottle in our Advertise- 
ment Office where the curious will be welcome to taste for themselves. 
Thus we are creeping towards those halcyon days when Australian 

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Notes and Queries, 215 

hearts will be cheered with the sparkling produce of their own 

(2) The daily bath is a modern habit. The people 
of the 19th century do not seem to have believed that 
** cleanliness is next to godliness.'' 

The advertisement from the Sydney Gazette of June 
16, 1825, is of interest in this respect : — 

Wm. Cummings of the Sydney Hotel had added to his Accom- 
modations a Desideratum much wanted, namely a BATH capable 
of being used either hot or cold at pleasure. 

To Persons requiring such a stimulus to health, little need b3 
said, particularly when they find every attention afforded for their 
comfort, as it regards the necessary accompaniments attendant upon 
private bathing. 

The Bath has been exhibited to a most respectable Medical 

Gentleman who has highly approved of it 

For a Hot Bath, 5/-. 
„ „ Cold „ 3/6. ' 

Should a Hot or Cold Bath of Sea- Water be required, by giving 
due notice, it will be provided without extra charge. 

Captain James Cook. 
Memorial Unvefled at Norfdk Island. 


Early in 1939 the late Captain J. D. McComish, 
F.R.G.S., who until his death during 1948 was a valued 
member of the Royal Australian Historical Society, and 
his wife became greatly interested in many of the places 
in the Pacific area discovered by Captain James Cook, 
and which they themselves visited during their extensive 
travels. Captain McComish thought it very desirable and 
fitting that Cook's discovery of what he called ''Norfolk 
Isle" on October 10, 1774, should be commemorated. 

Captain and Mrs McComish resided on Norfolk Island 
for some time, and during their stay there interested the 
local residents in the idea of a memorial. An Island 
Trust Fund was established, and a sum of upwards of 
£20 was subscribed by the Islanders. 

Later on the Royal Australian Historical Society 
donated the sum of £10/10/- towards the memorial, and 
through the personal interest and enthusiasm of the Hon. 
the Minister for Territories, the Hon. Fsv^ Hasluck, M.P., 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

216 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

the Feneral Government undertook to amplify the amount 
in hand by a sufficiently large sum to cover the cost of 
the erection of a handsome stone obelisk bearing a bronze 
memorial tablet. 

The obelisk overlooks Duncombe Bay, Norfolk Island, 
and the tablet affixed to it reads as follows : — 
Captain James Cook, R.N. 
On his second voyage around the World 
Discovered and Named this Island 
'^Norfolk Isle" 
Landing in the vicinity of this Point 
On October 10th, 1774. * 

The ceremony of unveiling the memorial took place 
on July 24, 1953, the Government having extended the 
compliment to Mrs Ida McComish, F.R.G.S., by inviting 
her to carry out that task. 

Brigadier H. B. Norman, D.S.O., M.C., Administrator 
of Norfolk Island, presided, and during the course of his 
remarks said that Norfolk Island was especially honoured 
in that the widow of a man who had striven hard towards 
such a fine memorial should have been asked to unveil the 
permanent memorial to a great man in such a historic 

D. S. Ford. Printers. 44'TO Reservoir St., Sydney. 

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Royal Jhsiralfan l)f$torfcdl Society 


Vol. XXXIX. 1953! Part V. 

The Society does not hold itself responsible for statements made 
oY opinions expressed by authors of the papers published in this 

A Fleet of Hulks. 


{Read before the Society, March 31, 1953.) 

If I say, as I emphatically do, that, despite our 
dependence on wool and wheat, we are a maritime race, I 
do not intend to convey that we are necessarily all ship- 
lovers or seamen, but simply that throughout the Common- 
wealth of Australia, and living as the majority do around 
our coastline, the average person takes some sort of interest 
in the comings and goings of seaborne traffic, whether it 
be in the form of a great passenger liner or small tramp, 
straining tug or even a lowly hulk. This is a point of 
interest, in that hulks, no matter how bedraggled, barnacle- 
encrusted or time-worn, provided they have some mark of 
connexion with an earlier glory, carry with them a proud 
and romantic dignity which their up-to-date sisters cannot 
claim. Which of us has not, at some time or another, 
caught the spirit of that great painting of J. M. W. Turner 
in the National Gallery, London, The Fighting Temeraire 
— the old line-of-battle ship, her achievements a memory, 
her hull worm-eaten, and her upper yards long ago sent 
down, being towed up the Thames to the breaking-up yards ? 
Clarkson Stansfield and Turner were going to Greenwich 
by water when they saw it, and it was Stansfield who said, 
*' There's a picture for you. Turner !" and Turner could 
not take his eyes from them until tug and hulk were out of 
sight. He went home and produced his masterpiece. 

Inevitably, in a survey of this nature, some vessels 
deserving of mention will escape it, as time will only permit 
mention of those of real significance in our maritime 
progress, and — one final word of preface — I am going to 

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218 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

speak of ex-sailing ships only, and not at all of steamers — 
although several of the latter of historic importance did, in 
fact, find a last rest hulking in Australian ports. There 
have been many hulks, of course, in Australian ports from 
about the 1830 's onwards, but in most of the earlier cases 
their identities and histories are completely lost and their 
ultimate fates unrecorded. 

It may be interesting at this point to consider the uses 
to which these old vessels were put in Australia. Several 
were employed as prison and powder hulks, and some as 
lighters for one purpose or another — lightering wool from 
Geelong to Melbourne is one example of this which has 
survived until the present time. Others went for grain 
stores and grain-mill ships, but by far the largest number 
became coal hulks, both for the purpose of storing the coal 
and also of bunkering the steamers which had outrun them 
in the race of progress. The States which produce no 
steaming coal of their own suitable for firing marine boilers 
were those which had the greatest number of coal hulks, 
namely, Victoria, South Australia and Western Australia. 

And now let us consider the ships themselves. 


Launching of H.M.S. "Nelson." 

— (By courtesy of Mitchell Library, Sydney.) 

The first of a number of Nelsons^ she was launched 
from Woolwich Dockyard on the Thames on June 20, 1814, 
having been under construction on and off since 1805. 
Her launching was an occasion for full naval honours and 
one of the most distinguished assemblies seen in Woolwich 
in those troubled times. The programme set out that : — 

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A Fleet of Hulks. 219 

This beautiful ship was built in His Majesty's Dockyard at 
Woolwich and is to be launched from thence on Monday, June 20th, 
1814. She is the largest ship in England and far excels the Queen 
Charlotte which was supposed to be the finest vessel ever built on 
the River Thames 

This superb and stupendous ship having excited such admiration,, 
the Prince Eegent, part of the Boyal Family^ the Emperor Alexander, 
Field Marshal Blucher, General Count Platoff, the King of Prussia 
and other distinguished characters and most of the Nobility and 
Gentry will honour the dock with their company. 

Despite the pomp of Nelson^ s launching, her career 
was undistinguished to a degree. Her two claims to fame 
are that when launched as a 120-gun three-decker she was 
the largest vessel ever built in England; and, secondly, she 
was the first of that long and proud procession of Admiralty- 
gift ships to Australia. Once completed, Nelson was laid 
up in ' * ordinary ' ' for forty years, until the outbreak of 
war with Eussia in 1854 brought her out of retirement, and 
she was towed round to Portsmouth, dry-docked, lengthened, 
fitted with a screw propeller and indifferent steam- 
driven machinery, and pushed back into obscurity as an 
''ordinary/' This came about with the cessation of 
hostilities with Russia, but in any case the sailing warship 
was rapidly becoming an anachronism — the Battle of Lissa, 
fought only twelve years later, being the very last occasion 
on which sailing ships of war joined battle. On February 
7, 1867, she was ordered to Victoria as a ''boys' training 
ship," her refitting to the tune of £42,000 being debited 
to the Colonial Government of Victoria. The Victorian 
colonists were inordinately proud of this huge relic of 
Trafalgar days swinging at anchor off the beach at Port 
Melbourne and suffering frequent reduction in hull and 
sparring until she was transformed from a 72-gun two- 
decker to a single-deck training ship for the Naval Brigade. 
She was too cumbersome, however, and her upkeep too 
expensive, and, though a useful vessel for the purpose for 
which she was used, she was finally sold. On May 21, 
1898, the old ship, now utterly worn out aloft, wallowed 
into Sydney in the wake of the tug Eagle and was berthed 
in Kerosene Bay, where she was cut down to her line of 
ports. The oak timber from her topsides became the 
drogher Oceanic (her new owners were the Oceanic S.S. 
Co.), while the remains of her original hulk remained 
under the name Nelson. The Union S.S. Co. of N.Z. Ltd. 

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220 Royal AustraXicm Historical Society, 

purchased her in 1908, and, requiring her at Hobart as 
a coal hulk, arranged for their Kakapo to tow her down. 
They met bad weather, and eventually reached Low Head 
on July 25, 1908, seven days out, but unharmed. Nelson 
was further broken up on the Derwent and the remains 
finally blown up in- Shag Bay, where some relics of her 
are still to be seen. Her enormous figurehead of the 
Victor of Trafalgar stands at the gates of the Eushcutter 
Bay Naval Depot in Sydney, together with her wheel and 
helm indicator. 


In 1876 the Port of Glasgow gave welcome to a new 
screw sloop which took the waters of the Clyde in that year 
and was destined to make history in this country. Her 
name was Penguin, and she was classed as an unprotected 
screw sloop of 1130 tons. As originally designed, she 
mounted some 6" armament, and subsequently even 7". 
She was twice in the South- West Pacific and Indian Oceans 
be'fore being transferred here permanently — from 1877 to 
1881, and again from 1886 to 1889. In 1890 she was 
appointed to the Australian Station as a surveying vessel, 
and established a record for depth sounding of 5155 
fathoms, which I believe is the Aldrich Deep near the 
Kermadec Islands. 

On January 1, 1909, Penguin was commissioned as a 
unit of the new Australian Navy, and her first function 
was to act as depot receiving ship for the Australian Fleet 
then on its way out. After this duty, the Navy, having 
no further use for a *' wooden wall," sold her to Penguin 
Pty. Ltd., shipbreakers and heavy lifting experts, who 
transformed the old sloop into a 20-ton lifting hulk. In 
her 77th year she is still employed as such on Sydney 


was a 74-gun frigate, built of oak and employed by the 
Navy, until 1843, when she was converted to a transport 
at Sheerness at a cost of over £12,000. She was placed 
at the disposal of the Prisons Department, and sailed from 
Portsmouth for Van Diemen's Land on October 1, 1843, 
reaching Hobart Town on February 4, 1844, with 500 
convicts — the largest single shipload to that date. There 

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A Fleet of Hulks. 221 

she received 250 female prisoners, and was in continuous 
subsequent use as a prison hulk until 1850, when her 
prisoners were transferred to the Cascades Prison. Shortly- 
after this she was surveyed by the Navy to ascertain 
whether she would be capable of further trading service, 
but was found to be in. poor condition and requiring con- 
siderable expenditure on repairs. She was ultimately 
broken up in Prince of Wales Bay. 

One authority says that* a number of her beams were 
used in the construction of Ferguson's Building in Murray 
Street, Hobart, but I am unable to say whether this is 
actually so or not. 


It seems to be appropriate at this stage to refer to 
ex-whalers, as Hobart was the haunt and refuge of the 
whale-men. Indeed, the little island colony's first settlers 
came in the whaler Albion, which also carried the first 
Governor of Van Diemen's Land. She left Sydney in 
company with the famous Lady Nelson on August 31, 1803, 
but, being an indifferent sailer, did not arrive in the 
Derwent estuary until about five days after her naval 
consort. Her Commander, one Bunker, reported that the 
waters east of Tasmania were practically alive with whales, 
and Villiers records that on the way back from Hobart 
Town, and to prove his statement, he took three sperm 
whales ''without looking." The following year the 
Alexander took three Right whales in the Derwent Estuary, 
and thereafter whalemen visited the southern colony in ever- 
increasing numbers. The peak of the whaling boom was 
reached in the early 1840 's— in December, 1843, no less 
than 30 large deep sea whalers were sailing regularly out 
of Hobart, and by 1850 this had increased to 35. In the 
early days there was no need to fit out expensive ships to 
hunt the whale on the hight seas, as Black and Right whales 
were to be seen in dozens in the Derwent 's bays and havens, 
and consequently bay-whaling, as it is generally called, was 
the order of the day. As may be imagined, the whale 
gradually became scarcer and scarcer in the Derwent, and 
as bay-whaling declined deep sea Sperm whaling took on 
an added importance. By the early 1860 's the discovery 
of gold in Tasmania and a fall in the price of the oil put 
operative whalemen on the defensive, while the deep waters 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

222 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

of the Tasman were yielding less and less every day. As 
a consequence, the hunters had to go as far afield as the 
South American coast or the Behring Sea in search of the 
Sperm. It became the accepted thing for a whaling 
voyage to take a matter of a year and more rather than 
four or five months as it had been in the old days. One 
last short-lived boom in the 'seventies put the price of 
sperm oil up to about £120, but thereafter it fell, and with 
it the sail-driven Australian whaler. Some went over to 
general trading, some were broken up, and some ended 
their days as coal and powder hulks. 


was built at Mahe in the Seychelles Islands in 1840 of 
poon — a Impedes of teak — and she sailed under the French 
flag, barque rigged, until 1850, when she was bought by 
British owners and put to trade between London and 
St Helena. She. made her acquaintance with Australian 
waters in 1860 with a voyage from Mauritius to Hobart 
Town, sugar laden. Mr J. Johnstone bought her as a 
whaling barque, gave her a 3-inch sheathing of kauri as 
protection against ice, and, for the reasons just mentioned, 
sent her as far afield as the Antarctic ice and Behring Sea 
to hunt such whales as offered. One of Marie Laurels 
most picturesque commanders was a half-caste Samoan, 
Captain *^ Black Billy '^ Smith, who could neither read nor 
write, but had a most acutely developed sense of position 
and direction. Without anything but the most primitive 
navigational apparatus, he would say to the Mate, for 
instance, ''At four bells we should sight Lord Howe Island 
2 points on the port bow," and sure enough at four bells 
there would be Lord Howe on the horizon a couple of points 
on the port bow. How he did it was a standing puzzle to 
all orthodox mariners, but this sense of position, time and 
direction is frequently found to be unusually developed in 
native people of Australasia and the South Sea Islands. 

It was during the 'sixties that Marie Laure had an 
interesting experience with a whale taken near Kangaroo 
Island, off the South Australian coast. The whale was 
hauled aboard and ' ' cut in, ' ' but while the latter operation 
was in progress a harpoon was found embedded in the 
huge creature bearing the inscription, ''Barhope 1861." 
The Barhope was a New Bedford whaler. How many 

Digitized by 


A Fleet of Hulks, ^ 223 

thousands of miles the whale may have swum with this 
souvenir of a previous escape is a matter for the imagination. 
This phase of her career lasted until 1886, when, with 
no profit left in whaling, Marie Laure was put on the 
general cargo berth between New Zealand and Australia 
and between Hobart and Melbourne. Her sailing days 
were all but over, however, and in 1893 she was converted 
into a coal hulk on the Yarra, a calling which she followed 
until placed in service between Geelong and Melbourne as 
a wool lighter. While being reduced to a hulk it was 
discovered that her long high bowsprit was of rosewood 
and worth quite a sum in this country, while the rigger 
removing the main mast discovered beneath its heel a silver 
franc of 1835 — to place a coin beneath the mainmast during 
building being the traditional method of procuring a vessel 
good luck and fair winds. 

About ten years ago she was retired, badly hogged 
fore and aft, and soft, and has since been used as a 
carpenter's shop. She is the oldest Australian hulk. 

The activities of the Tasmanian whale ships, the stories 
told of them, and anecdotes regarding the men who com- 
manded and manned them, might fill whole volumes on 
their own account, but no reference here to historic hulks 
would be complete without mention of four of them : 


Although perhaps best known of all the Hobart Town 
whalers, Derwent Hunter was built in the United States 
in 1810 as the ''North America" barque. Her first visit 
to Hobart appears to have been in 1859 for repairs before 
beginning what pl'oved a thoroughly unsuccessful cruise 
in the Sea of Okhotsk. Working south, she took a large 
whale in the Tasman, but was damaged in a gale and put 
into Hobart once more to refit. In 1861 her whaling gear, 
including the boats, was sold, but no bid was forthcoming 
for the ship herself at first. Taken up eventually by the 
famous McGregor family, she was renamed Derwent Hunter 
and placed in the Trans-Tasman trade, and in 1863, the 
Maori War being under way, she did some trooping in 
New Zealand waters, but got ashore and was only refloated 
with difficulty. None the worse for this experience, the 
following year and again, 1865, found her in Puget Sound 

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224 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

loading timber for Hobart, but somewhere in the late 
sixties she was refitted for whaling, and in 1871 had a 
very successful voyage, taking 85 tons of oil in seven 
months. In 1879, however, her luck failed her; in 19 
months she took only 20 tons — the result being that she 
was laid up in 1885 and rigged down. Moored across the 
end of the Shipyard Wharf at Hobart, she formed a sort 
of T-head for the jetty until 1907, when she was burned. 

Aladdin, of 287 tons, had a very different beginning. 
She had been built as an English warship at Plymouth in 
1825, and was launched under the name of Mutine. She 
was then a 10-gun brig, and was converted into a barque 
some twenty years later, when sold by the Imperial Govern- 
ment to Bennett and Company, whalers, of London. It 
was they who renamed her Aladdin and sent her a- whaling 
in the South Seas, but while she was on her way home 
Mr Bennett died, and his ships were sold. Thus it was 
that she came into the possession of Charles Seal, of Hobart, 
one of the greatest Australian whalemen, who bought her 
in London for £500 to replace his wrecked Marie Orr. 
One of Seal's most trusted captains — J. S. McArthur — 
represented the whaler in the London negotiations, and 
took command of the new vessel for the voyage out to 
Hobart Town, where she arrived on January 17, 1847, 
129 days out, and with 30 odd tons of oil to show for the 
voyage. Captain McArthur retained command for five 
years thereafter under Charles Seal's ownership. On the 
latter 's death in 1852, Aladdin was one of six of the fieet 
retained by Mrs Seal, but in 1860 Captain McArthur 
bought her and sold her again four years later to the 
McGregor family, he himself remaining as master. She 
passed later to several other succeeding owners. 

Aladdin arrived in the Derwent in April, 1885, for 
the last time, and was repurchased by the Imperial Govern- 
ment for use as a powder hulk, being disfigured with the 
word ''Gunpowder" in five-foot capitals on each side. In 
1902, utterly neglected and leaking badly, she was turned 
over to the breakers. 

When Aladdin lay on the powder hulk moorings off 
Hobart 's Domain she usually had a companion in idleness 
— the former Emily Downing, which had been built at Port 
Arthur by convict labour in 1841 as the Lady Franklin, 
named so after the Governor's wife. The barque was built 

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A Fleet of Hulks, 225 

as a transport for stores and convicts to and from Norfolk 
Island, and in 1853 a shipload of convicts overpowered the 
crew and left the ship — the master, officers and crew being 
released by a cabin boy who had been left at large by the 
escapees. She eventually struggled back to Hobart, re- 
fitted and stored, and set out for Norfolk Island again, to 
find the garrison and convicts ^there very close to starvation 
as a result of her delay. 

In 1855 P. A. Downing bought the ship and renamed 
her after his infant daughter, at the same time fitting her 
out as a whaler. Jn the early 'sixties the ubiquitous 
McGregors had her, but the price of oil was tumbling, and 
on I'ebruary 26, 1885, Emily Downing arrived at Hobart 
on her last voyage and was converted to a hulk. Years 
of neglect thereafter took their toll, until the old ship was 
only good for the breaker's yard. 

Speaking of the Domain hulks calls to mind a ship 
which had been owned by Ben Boyd in her palmy days, 
and is best remembered under the flag of that pioneer 
Hobart whaler, Dr W. L. Crowther — namely, the brig 
Velocity^ of 140 tons. She had been built as a collier 
somewhere in the United Kingdom — in Devon, to be precise 
— in the 'thi*rties of last century, and came out to Sydney 
for Boyd in 1842. After whaling until 1877 she lay in 
complete and slothful idleness near the Domain until 1885, 
when, weary of the unequal struggle, she quietly sank at 
her moorings and was dynamited by the Marine Board to 
dispose of the wreck. 

The 343-ton barque Helen was the last of the Hobart 
whalers. Built at Greenock on the Clyde in 1864, she was 
owned by Mr Alexander McGregor and placed in the 
Australia-China trade, and later on the berth for London. 
In 1894 she was fitted as a four-boat whale ship and had 
varying success, the fact of the matter being, of course, 
that she was actually too late for the trade, and in 1900 
was converted back to a general trader. Shortly there- 
after she was badly knocked about in a gale and staggered 
into Port Philip, with the pumps going continuously, only 
to be found not worth repairing, and therefore was sold 
for a coal hulk. She was later on used as a wool lighter, 
and in 1938 was towed to sea for disposal, sent adrift and 
grounded near Cape Schanck, where she broke up. 

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226 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

As the whaler-hnlks were a link with the early colonial 
days in the south, so were the Blackwaller-hulks joined 
historically to Victorian England — solid, efficient and dis- 
tinctly English. Indeed, the Blackwaller was the direct 
descendant of, and successor to, the East India Company 
in its numerous trades and interests. It will be recalled 
that the Company had entered the fields of trading, ship- 
owning and shipbuilding in most extensive fashion prior 
to 1814, when their Indian monopoly was abolished 
altogether. Their activities in China continued until 1833 
and were then terminated, causing the company to sell as 
best they could many of the trading vessels which they 
had constructed in the preceding years. Many of these 
were extravagantly expensive to run and quite unsuitable 
for an owner in a competitive market. These were speedily 
broken up, but others, satisfactory to their new owners, 
saw years of service. 

These owners, including several East India ** ships' 
husbands, ' ^ continued to build and operate ships patterned 
in a general way on the old East India vessels, but im- 
proved in hull-form and simplified aloft, resulting in a 
more economical sailing machine. Improvement followed 
upon improvement, and in 1837 George Green launched 
the Seringapatam of 818 tons, which represented a great 
advance in size and speed on her immediate predecessors 
and also established a new standard of comfort in cabin 
arrangement. Seringapatam is therefore generally re- 
garded as the first of a new type, all connected with London 
River and called *'Blackwall Frigates," after the Black- 
wall Yard at Poplar, site of the building of so many of 
these ** London'^ ships. The new ships had little sheer 
and were inclined to look short and ''tubby," but they 
were fine-lined below and fast sailers in the majority. 
They were magnificently built of teak planking on English 
oak frames, with large quarter-galleries (even the three 
iron Blackwallers — Superb^ Carlisle Castle and Macquarie 
— had painted stern windows to adhere to the fashion and 
indicate their East India descent) and long, high-steeved 

As to the operation of these ships, it must be remem- 
bered that, in the main, they were passenger carriers, and 
the comfort and consequently the goodwill of their patrons 
was more to be valued than shattered records. As a 

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A Fleet of Hulks, 227 

result they were rarely driven, but on the few recorded 
occasions upon which they were pressed their speeds were 

Some of these ships were built at Blackwall on the 
Thames, but the capacity of that yard was limited, and 
quite a proportion of , their total rose upon the launching 
ways of the Smiths, of Newcastle, and Pile & Laing, of 


On January 24, 1953, tenders were called for the 
purchase of a mechanical coaling hulk in Sydney Harbour 
named Fortuna, and about ten days later she was bought 
by T. Carr & Co. for breaking up. This work is being 
commenced at Pyrmont, where you may see the graceful 
black hull with a high powerful stern and clipper bow 
being gradually reduced. At her bows she has the name 
Fortuna, supplemented by some irreverent wit, Leaping 
Lena (no doubt after her lively antics when loading coal), 
•while her stern still bears the pathetic remnants of the 
l)ainted and gilded -gallery of imitation windows. 

Her active career began on Saturday, June 5, 1875, at the 
Blackwall Yard of Messrs R. and H. Green, in the presence 
of a distinguished gathering, including the Lord Bishop of 
Melbourne, Bishop Perry, Mrs Perry, Lady Cooper and 
Eer daughters, and many other notables — to say nothing 
of the fact that every vantage point around was crammed 
with spectators. Miss Ellen Cooper, a daughter of the 
well-known Sydney merchant. Sir Daniel Cooper, who had 
a quarter-share in the ship, christened her Melbourne and 
let go the trigger which sent the huge black hull sliding 
majestically into the Thames. 

Her builders were also her owners, and on August 16, 
1875, they despatched her from the East India Docks for 
Melbourne. While no record-breaker in the general sense, 
she was a steady-going, reliable ship of great strength — 
probably the strongest of the iron clippers — having incor- 
porated in her much material originally stockpiled for a 
South American man-of-war, the order for which, it is said, 
was cancelled after a disagreement — she was ship-rigged, 
269 feet in registered length, and originally 1857 tons. It 
is interesting to -observe that her plans came from the 
board of Bernard JWaymouth, sometime Secretary of Lloyd's 

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228 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Register of Shipping, and designer also of those celebrated 
racing tea and wool clipper ships, Thermopylae and 
Leander. In 1876 she astonished the shipping world by 
averaging 300 miles a day for 17 consecutive days, the best 
run being 374 miles in one day — approximately 15^ knots 
— accomplished in the ** Roaring 'Forties'' running down 
her easting with half a gale behinS her, when obviously 
her strength would stand her in good stead. An 
advertisement from the Melbourne Argus of the day is 
interesting : — 


The attention of passengers is directed to the undermentioned 
HIGH CLASS clipper ships, so WELL and FAVOURABLY known 
for their SUPERIOR and COMFORTABLE accommodation, WELL 
of passages. 

Ship. Commander. Sails. 

Melbourne (New) R. Marsden January 4 

Malabar G. A. Mackerness In January 

Carlisle Castle Austin Cooper Early in Feb. 

Superb E. S. Low Early in March 

For circulars, plans and particulars, apply to J. H. WHITE and Co., 
40 William Street, north of CoUins Street. 



The magnificent new passenger ship 


1857 tons (Al at Lloyd's). 

RICHARD MARSDEN (late of Agamemnon), Commander, 

Will be despatched from the Sandridge Railway Pier' 

punctually on 


The MELBOUBNE is a new vessel on her first voyage and is 

considered by nautical judges to be one of the finest sailing merchant 

ships afloat. She has been designed by Messrs. Green, of Blackwall, 

her owners and builders, with especial regard to the comfort, safety, 

and convenience of passengers, for whom the accommodation- in edi 

the classes cannot be surpassed. 

The SALOON CABINS are of unusual size, well lighted and 
ventilated, admirably adapted for families, and are fitted with cabin 

A milch cow is carried. 

Ladies' and gentlemen's bathrooms are provided. 

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A Fleet of Hulks. 229 

For the INTERMEDIATE passengers greatly improved cabins 
and fittings are provided. 

Passage money, £16 and upwards. 

A surgeon accompanies the ship. 

For circulars, plans, and all particulars apply to J. H. WHITE 
and Co., 49 William Street, north of Collins Street. 

In order to cater for the passengers' wants, Melbourne 
carried on each voyage a considerable number of pigs, 
sheep, poultry and, of course, a milking cow, the latter 
being converted to fresh meat towards the end of the 
passage. The saloon scale of messing was considerably- 
more extensive than in the lesser lines, and was on par 
with Sohraon, to which I shall refer shortly. 

At no time was Melbourne a ** hungry ship" to her 
crew; in fact, the same men used to come down voyage 
after voyage to the East India Docks to try for a berth in 
her or one of her consorts. 

"Macquarie" in Neutral Bay. 

— (Photo from the Glassford Collection.) 

In 1887, after running regularly each year to 
Melbourne, the ship was bought by Messrs Devitt and 
Moore, who placed her on the berth for Sydney under one 
of the most celebrated commanders of that day — Captain 
William Goddard, who transferred from the Parramatta 
and who retained command until 1896, when he retired in 
Sydney as much admired as a seaman as he was beloved 
by all who had served under him. Upon her second 

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230 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

voyage to Sydney, Devitts decided upon a change of name 
and she assumed the name under which she is best known 
— Macquarie. She was a favourite from the very first, 
and the mere mention of her sighting off the Heads was 
enough to send groups of shiplovers to vantage points to 
see this proud and stately ship surging along in the tug's 
wake through the Heads and up the Harbour to Central 
Wharf. Her saloon accommodation was a great advance 
on all her sisters with the possible exception of Sohraon 
(which was almost in a class on her own), and the ship 
herself was most lavishly ornamented with gilding and 
scroll work. 

In 1897 Macquarie ' replaced Harbinger as an ocean 
training ship under Lord Brassey's scheme, and about this 
time Captain F. W. Corner succeeded to the command and 
was at once a popular, respected and most successful 
Master. Indeed, I can call to mind no other British ship 
as fortunate in her captains as Macquarie was in hers 
under Green's house flag, or that of Devitt & Moore, or 
under the Norwegian flag when commanded by Captain 
Mikkelsen. The old ship's British career ended in 1904 
when she was sold to Johann Bryde, of Sandefjord, for 
£4,500 (she had cost £46,750 to build and fit out), and 
under his flag she sailed all over the world until June 18, 
19(79, when she was sold to the Wallarah Coal Co. in 
Sydney Harbour for £3,550. She was immediately trans- 
formed into a coal-hulk, being fitted about 1920 with 
elevator-towers as a floating plant, which she has been ever 

Battered, grimy and cut about as she was in the last 
few years, the old hulk could hardly be recognized as the 
last of the Blackwall frigates and the last deep sea sailing 
ship built on the Thames. 

Of the other frigate-built ships hulked in this country, 
two are especially interesting, namely, Tyhurnia, built at 
Glasgow in 1857 by Alexander Stephen & Sons for Joseph 
Somes, and Vernon, built in 1839 at the Blackwall Yard, 
London, for the same ''Dicky" Green whose heir built 
Macquarie 36 years later. 

Tyhurnia^ which was registered as of 1021 tons, was 
the only first-class Clyde-built passenger ship trading out 
East and was of typical frigate build. This ship was built 

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A Fleet of Hulks, 231 

of 12 and 14 years material and classed *'14 years Al/' 
but in 1882 she was reclassed ''16 years Al/' Her early 
career' was spent in trooping to India in the 50 's and 60 's, 
carrying hundreds of coolies thence to Demerara on the 
voyage home. The years 1869-1873 saw her in the China 
trade under Captain Stephen, and in 1874 Captain Golder 
brought her out to Sydney. 

Thereafter she remained in the Australian trade until 
1883, and in the next year, having been reduced to a 
barque, she was chartered by the Pleasure Sailing Yacht 
Company for a cruise to ''various parts of the world" 
at a fare of one guinea a head per day — the first ocean 
cruise of which we have record and forerunner of to-day's 
luxurious affairs. Tyhumia was under the command of 
Captain Juba Kennaley, a redoubtable mariner who was 
equal to almost any situation — he had successfully run 
the American blockade thirteen times, which was no small 
qualification. On arrival at Madeira he anchored 
Tyhumia near the Loo Battery in the quarantine ground, 
and loaded cement and other commodities which might 
yield profit later in the voyage. Finally he notified the 
authorities of his approaching depa!rture. The Portu- 
guese Customs applied what then was a common practice 
with them — extortion in the shape of export charges. 
When Kennaley refused to pay, they threatened to come 
aboard and confiiscate the ship, to which the Captain made 
reply that any Portuguese official boarding him would be 
flung into the sea. The Military Governor then ordered 
the Loo Battery to fire on the ship if she moved, but 
Captain Kennaley consulted his passengers, who were 
aware of his reputation and had confidence in him. As 
a result, he weighed and stood out to sea under forecourse 
and topsails, firing two blank rounds as he did so in 
derision of the Governor. The Fort were in earnest, 
however, although their aim left much to be desired from 
a technical point, and the British passengers raised a 
-great roar of cheering each time a ball passed harmlessly 
overhead or fell short into the water. The wind was fair 
and the good Kennaley made sail as he sped seawards, 
bound towards Barbadoes. Very minor damage to rigging 
was the only casualty in the action. The remainder of 
the cruise was a dismal failure, however, the monotony 
and confined space no doubt contributing to the frayed 

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232 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

tempers, which flared into violent quarrels. Kennaley 
gave up hope of trade at Barbadoes and loaded a cargo 
of sugar for New York, where the ship was detained on 
suspicion of smuggling. The wretched passengers slunk 
away home by steamer, and on return to England the old 
ship passed to C. W. Raynton in 1885, and to Burns, 
Philp & Co. a few years later. Bums, Philp used her 
as a lumber carrier, and then, her rigging being quite 
worn out, laid her up in Mosman Bay, Sydney, and called 
for tenders for repairs. After a time she sailed up to 
Townsville, still more or less unrepaired, and was con- 
verted into a transhipment hulk. She was broken up 
in 1891. 


Vernon was of similar appearance to Tyhurnia, but 
with a good deal more of the traditional East India apple- 
cheek design in her bows. Unlike her sister, Owen 
Glendower, which was very well and favourably known 
in the Melbourne trade, Vernon was given side paddles 
and auxiliary steam at first, but the results were very 
poor, and this paraphernalia was removed before long. 
She followed the general standard of accommodation for 
ships of her day and type, with an unusual height between 
decks and special provision for families. As a matter 
of interest, the following were Messrs Greens' advertised 
fares to London in her heyday : — 

First cabin Per agreement 

Second cabin (including Steward's attendance) £35 

Third cabin (including Steward's attendance) £18-£25 

Vernon's career was more or less uneventful, and her 
performance reliable without being brilliant ; her weatherly 
qualities were demonstrated when she passed through the 
great Bay of Bengal cyclone in 1843, not to mention other 
lesser adventures of a similar nature through her life. 
In 1867 she was sold to the New South Wales Government 
as a reformatory ship, receiving the first batch of erring 
youths on May 20, 1867, and thereafter they arrived in 
ones and twos, staying a statutory minimum of twelve 
months. The boys were not all of proved criminal 
tendencies — quite a proportion were neglected youths from 
homes which offered them no future at all; others were 
committed for juvenile crimes, and the remainder for 
serious offences. The ship was well run, and the fact 

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A Fleet of Hulks. 233 

that her Commander, Captain Neitenstein, later Comp- 
troller of Prisons in New South Wales, was able to report 
in 1885 that the demand for time-expired Vernon boys 
(particularly in country work) exceeded the numbers avail- 
able for allocation, is indicative of the success of the system. 
Time wore on and the old Vernon's years were commencing 
to tell, despite the faithful workmanship which had gone 
into her hull. Sir Henry Parkes, with his genuine con- 
cern for young people even when under committal, was 
becoming worried over the frigate's condition and sea- 
worthiness, and, without telling his Cabinet colleagues 
until the matter was all but finalized, he commenced 
casting about for a suitable ship to replace her. Indeed, 
he would only be satisfied with the finest wood or composite 
hull afloat, and this took his agent unerringly to Messrs 
Devitt & Moore, owners of the great composite clipper 
Sobraon, As we shall see shortly, she was eventually 
sold to the New South Wales Government, and after dis- 
charging her outward cargo in Melbourne in December, 
1891, she came round to Sydney in ballast and was con- 
verted to be the State Reformatory ship. Vernon was 
then i>ensioned off and taken into Kerosene Bay to await 
developments, if any. In 1893 a Mr Rae purchased her 
for demolition and commenced work, but on the evening 
of May 29, while Mr Rae and six of his men were heaving 
her into shallow water for burning off (the cheapest 
method of recovering her copper fastenings), the old ship 
decided upon a better end for herself and burst into flame. 
It was no mere smouldering -fire either, but a great roaring 
inferno which drew crowds from miles around.- These 
were sufficiently awed by the spectacle as it stood, but 
sparks from the blazing Vernon soon descended on the 
old hulk Golden South} lying nearby with a quantity of 
coal aboard, and in no time at all she too was burning 
like a torch, the two lighting up the upper harbour almost 
like day. It transpired later that the windlass had proved 
immovable during the day, and a fire had been lit to burn 
it free which should have been extinguished when the men 
went ashore. Apparently this had not been done. 

1 Golden South had arrived at Maryborough, Queensland, on 
June 6, 1866, in a condition of doubtful seaworthiness. She was 
brought to Sydney and condemned in 1873, being turned into a coal 

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234 Royal Australicm. Historical Society, 


The last vessel built for Messrs T. & W. Smith, of 
Newcastle-on-Tyne, was St Lawrence, of 1094 tons con- 
struction, in their own yard in 1861, and considered at 
the time to be a great advance on all previous wooden 
construction. Lubbock has told us that she was a fine, 
dry sea-boat, and a ''beautiful ship in every way/'^ She 
spent all her early years in the Calcutta passenger trade, 
particularly with troops, but when the Suez Canal was 
opened Smiths forsook their sailing vessels and went in 
for steam. 

St Lawrence passed into the hands of M. C. Cowli- 
shaw, of Sydney, in February, 1886, a man who loved 
these windships and kept them in excellent order. He 
reduced her to barque rig and used her in the lumber 
trade between Puget Sound and Sydney for some years, 
until March, 1888, when she was sold to James B. Muir- 
head, of Onebygamba, Newcastle, New South Wales. 
St Lawrence was still owned by Mr Muirhead and com- 
manded by Captain Pow when she sailed from Newcastle 
on February 18, 1889, for Fremantle. She met bad 
weather off the south coast of Western Australia, however, 
and put into Albany on March 26, having lost her main 
and mizzen masts. Her cargo was discharged at Albany 
by order of the surveyors, and the vessel remained at 
anchor in the harbour for some time as an idle hulk. 
She was eventually condemned and broken up. 

Duncan Dunbar, owner of the tragically wrecked 
Dunhar (Sydney Heads, August 20, 1857), before suc- 
ceeding his father in 1825, made certain changes in the 
organization of the family shipping business and consoli- 
dated the company's position in the Australian and 
Eastern trades. He was closely associated with the firm 
of Devitt & Moore, for whose first principal, .Thomas 
Henry Devitt, Dunbar had the greatest regard. Some of 
Dunbar's ships were loaded out for Australia by Devitts 
with general cargo, coming home again with the produce 
of this country, while others brought out immigrants, 
sailed in ballast or with cargo to China or India, going 
home again from there. 

a The Blackwall Frigates, by Basil Lubbock. 

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A Fleet of Hulks, 235 

In order to keep down capital outlay and still use 
first-class materials, Dunbar began to advocate building 
in India or Burma for the Eastern and Australian trades, 
although until the early 19th century ships so built were 
generally .denied British registration. After the repeal 
of this law, however, he built the ship Marion in Calcutta 
in 1834, and in 1840 established his own shipyard at 
Moulmein in Burma. He called it the Howrah Yard 
after the city of Howrah, opposite Calcutta; the name 
must have had a happy association for him, because his 
great house in the East India Dock Eoad in London — 
now, I understand, a convent school — ^was called ** Howrah 
House." By 1853 Dunbar's fleet, built both at home 
and in Burma, totalled some 40,000 tons — an immense 
figure for those times, when ships of over 1000 tons were 
a great rarity. 

Dunbar named his ships after famous British battles, 
and in 1857 his Howrah Yard launched the Maida, of 520 
tons, so named after the British victory at Maida in 
Southern Italy in 1806 against the French. The districts 
of Maida Vale, both in this country and in England, draw 
their name from the same inspiration. Mwida was, of 
course, of the finest teak construction, and although owned 
by a Blackwall man and built in a yard famous for its 
frigate-built ships, she was not herself a true frigate. 
Her career was not especially remarkable, and upon 
Dunbar's death in 1862 and the disposal of his fleet, she 
was sold with the rest. In the 'eighties we find her 
owned by Mr Daniel McGregor, of Brisbane, and in 1912 
by the Chillagoe Railway and Mine Co. She ' was now 
a coal hulk, having been taken up by Mr W. R. Black, 
coal merchant, in that capacity. Her last job was as a 
coal storage hulk for Macdonald, Hamilton & Co., in 
Brisbane River until 1933 or 1934. During the following 
year she passed into the hands of Peters' Slip, who broke 
her up, the remains being towed down to Bishop's Island 
and burnt to secure the copper fiastenings. The heavy 
teak keel is still visible on the mud at low tide. 

Maida was not the only ship built at Moulmein to 
achieve notoriety in this country as a hulk, and it may 
be appropriate here to mention another — the so-called 
convict ship Success of 622 tons, built of teak in 1840 for 

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236 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

the United Kingdom-East Indies trade of Messrs Phillips, 
Shaw & Lowther, of the Exchange Buildings, London. 

In 1849 and again in 1851 she carried emigrants to 
Australia (not convicts, mark you !), and on the second 
occasion was deserted by her crew, who, following the 
custom of the time, departed for the gold diggings to try 
their luck. In the following year the Victorian Govern- 
ment found their gaols overcrowded, a state of affairs not 
unrelated to the discovery of gold, and so bought four old 
ships, including Success, to relieve the pressure. She 
received her first quota of malcontents on June 27, 1853. 
In March, 1857, the head of the Victorian Prisons Depart- 
ment was murdered and the blame laid at the door of a 
gang of men who had served sentences in the hulks. The 
spotlight of publicity now dwelt on the hulk system, and 
eventually it was decided to discontinue it. Three of the 
ships were broj^en up, but the fourth — Success — for some 
reason unspecified, secured a reprieve. Her prisoners 
left her on New Year's Day, 1858, and after a period of 
disuse she became in succession a women's prison, a 
boys' reformatory and dormitory, and an explosives hulk, 
until the late 'seventies, when she was purchased by a 
shrewd speculator and fitted up as a gruesome reminder 
of the convict transportation system. This arrangement 
proceeded for some years, and in. 1890 Harry Power, the 
ex-bushranger, joined her as showman and compere. In 
1891 she set out for Sydney in tow of the tug Eagle, and 
arrived on November 6 of that year, being placed on 
exhibition at West Circular Quay. On June 18 follow- 
ing, while she was moored in Kerosene Bay in charge of 
a shipkeeper she sank at her moorings, but was raised six 
months later after another change of ownership — this time 
to Mr J. Neil on July 8. He announced his intention of 
sailing for London, but the Customs had other ideas and 
refused. her a clearance on the grounds of unseaworthiness. 
Ultimately she sailed and reached London, where she 
remained on show for several years, and in 1912 sailed 
for New York, still equipped, with ^ leg-irons, cats-o'-nine 
tails, and all the other impedimenta of early prison life. 
In the due course of time her drawing-power waned, and 
in 1927 she set off up the Ohio River, only to be wrecked 
on an ice-floe while en route. A good deal of romantic 
nonsense has been written about Success's prison days, but 

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A Fleet of Hvlks, 237 

in point of fact her exhibition was a gross exaggeration 
of the facts of her career, which was no more extensive 
than I have indicated. 


In the mid- 'sixties of last century the Scottish firm 
of Lowther, Maxton & Co. ordered the first of a fleet of 
screw steamers to capture the cream of the tea trade with 
China, but, despite the long experience of the owners in 
this business, the project failed in its infancy, and the 
new ship named Sobraon (after the battle of 1846 in the 
Sutlej campaign) never saw Chinese waters. She was 
completed as a sailing ship of 2131 tons by Halls of Aber- 
deen, and proved to be one of the fastest ever launched. 
In addition, she was one of the most popular, both with 
the passengers and crew, and many of each made voyage 
after voyage in her. When Halls launched her in 
November, 1866, she was the largest comjwsite ship ever 
built — a record which was never surpassed; her iron 
beams and frames were clothed in teak, she was copper- 
fastened and classed *'16 years Al,'* and with all sails 
set she spread two acres of canvas ! Her first five 
voyages were to Sydney, and then from 1872 to 1891 to 
Melbourne, returning via the Cape of Good Hope and 
St Helena, this being the more comfortable route for 
passengers. Despite the fact that her owners would 
never allow their passenger ships to be driven, she was 
in the very forefront of the clippers and a worthy rival 
for the Aberdeen flyers and the London ships. Lowther, 
Maxtons only ran this vessel for a short time and then 
sold her in 1870 to Devitt & Moore, who had loaded her 
from the first. Her best known Commander — in fact, 
with the exception of her first voyage, her only one — ^was 
J. A. Elmslie, R.N.B., who had served in La Hogue and 
Parramatta on the Australian run, and had commanded 
the ill-fated Cospatrick from 1863 to 1867, being succeeded 
by his brother, who was lost in the disaster to that ship 
in 1873. In the twenty-four years he had Sobraon, 
Captain Elmslie did not have one serious accident, nor 
indeed any loss of spars or sails worth speaking of. 
During her career, Sobraon carried three Governors of 
New South Wales ((commencing with the Earl and 
Countess of Belmore on her second voyage), a Governor 

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288 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

of Queensland, and a Governor of Tasmania; and during 
the Duke of Edinburgh's visit in 1868, and on account of 
her fine appointments, Sohraon was taken up as flagship 
of the Regatta at the special request of His Royal High- 
ness. Sohraon was one of the pioneers of the new era 
in ship furnishing when something more than the bare 
necessities were to, be provided. Bedding and cabin 
furniture were provided for saloon passengers — an almost 
unheard of refinement at that date — and in port the 
saloons were carpeted, furnished with easy chairs, and 
decorated with aspidistras and pictures. In 'heavy 
weather at sea these refinements were lashed or stowed 
away — a most necessary precaution. 

As to the passengers' fare, this saloon menu for 
Christmas Day, 1890, in laitutde 42° 46' S., longitude 105° 
32' E., makes interesting reading : — 


DECEMBER 25tli, 1890 


Soup — Mock Turtle 

Mutton Cutlets a la Reform 

Stewed Oysters 

Curried Prawns 

Oxford Sausages & mashed potatoes 

Jugged Hare and jelly 

Cutlets a la Prince de Oalles 

Curried Eggs 

Roast Duck (stuffed) 

Boiled Fowl and bread sauce 

Braised Ham and sauce piquante 

Roast Haunch, Mutton and jelly 

Corned leg of Pork and peas — Pudg. 

Green Peas — French Beans 

Mashed and baked potatoes 

Plum pudding 

Mince Pies 

Gooseberry meringue 

Trifles — Jellies. 

This was only slightly more extensive than the regular 
Sunday menu. In order to provide so elaborate a menu 
in the saloon and a scale of messing in the second-class 
better than that offered by most other ships, Sohraon 
carried a regular farmyard, 3 bullocks, 90 sheep, 50 pigs, 
3 milking cows and 300 head of poultry being the tally 
for her last outward passage. 

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A Fleet of Hulks. 239 

I have already mentioned that Sir Henry Parkes was 
looking around for a suitable successor to Vernon as the 
Nautical School Ship at Sydney, and the negotiations for 
the sale of Sobraan were all but concluded when she 
arrived at Melbourne on January 4, 1891. 

Having discharged her outward cargo and disem- 
barked her passengers, Sohrami left Hobson's Bay in tow 

"Sobraon" in Rose Bay. 

—(Photo from the Glassford Collection.) 

of the tug Eagle on February 7, 1891, for Sydney, with 
some wheat as cargo and stone as ballast. The New 
South Wales Government had paid Devitt & Moore £11,500 
for the ship, and they now spent an additional £30,000 
converting her for her new job, in which she served for 
twenty years, being moored in the Upper Harbour near 
Cockatoo Island, but with changes in the organization of 
the State institutions and system of dealing with juvenile 
offenders and ''strays'' generally she became surplus to 
requirements, and was sold to the Royal Australian Navy 
for £15,000 as a boys' training ship. In this capacity 
she was a familiar sight, renamed H.M.A.S. Tingira, in 
Rose Bay, until August, 1927, when she was towed away 
to Garden Island for dismantling. It was a time of re- 

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240 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

trenchment and age was starting to tell on the old teak- 
ship 's timbers, making the expense of refitting her 
unwarranted. In addition, the Navy had established 
shore training stations for their lower-deck entries, and 
eventually Tingira was sold to Mr W. M. Ford, the well- 
known boat builder of Berry's Bay — also a lover of the 
old square-riggers. For many years she lay a neglected 
hulk in Berry's Bay, where attempts were made to pre- 
serve her for the nation, but all fell through for one reason 
or another. That '* grand old man" of Australian book- 
sellers, Mr James R. Tyrrell, in his recently published 
memoirs,^ tells of his attempt to secure the ship for a 
combined Parkes, Shiplovers' and Historical Museum 
with moorings at the Quay, but when all was arranged 
it proved impossible to go through with the plan. 

Ultimately, Mr Ford died and his estate sold the hulk 
to a Mr Silvenen in March, 1935. He commenced dis- 
mantling her on March 17, 1936, in Berry's Bay, and by 
the early part of 1942 nothing was left beyond a piece of 
the massive keel. Even this has now disappeared. 

The lion figurehead was removed by the Navy at 
Garden Island in 1927, and now stands somewhat the 
worse for wear and age in the grounds of Flijiders Naval 
Depot in Victoria. 


The lovely harbour at Albany, Western Australia, has 
held many interesting vessels as coal hiJlks over the years, 
but none surpassed in interest the ship Larkins, which 
dropped anchor in Princess Royal Harbour in 1853, carry- 
ing 1000 tons of coal for the P. & 0. Co. She was an 
old East Indiaman which had been built at the beginning 
of the 19th century, and in the meantime had spent her 
time in the Honourable Company's Eastern trade. By 
the time of her arrival in Albany, however, she was already 
on the last ring of the social scale, the P. & 0. Co. having 
bought her for their coal hulk at the port — at that time 
the only port of call in the West — and their coal hulk she 
remained for another thirty years, after which she was 
pensioned off and gradually disintegrated. When the 
P. & 0. mail steamer was signalled from Breaksea Island, 
Larkins would hoist their house flag and fire off a round 

« Old Books, Old Friends, Old Sydney— Jsmes B. TyrreU : 
Angus & Bobertson, 1952. 

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A Fleet of Hulks. 241 

from her 12-poiinder saluting cannon to the amazement 
and awe of the locals. The agent would then hoist the 
quartered flag in front of his office. Her figurehead and 
that of another old-timer, once owned by the P. & 0. Co., 
Viz., Kingfisher, are now the property of Mr H. C. Poole 
of Lower Kalgan. 


The two best passages home of the racing wool fleet 
of 1880 were those of the Aberdeen clippers Aristides 
(sailing from Melbourne) and Windsor Castle (from 
Sydney), both docking in London 79 days out — an ex- 
cellent performance, as many of the noted flyers such as 
The Tweedy Parramatta, Cirnba and Sam Mendel were 
relatively much further back. Windsor Castle, of 979 
tons, was built by W. Duthie & Co. of Aberdeen, and 
launched on December 20, 1869, for Donaldson, Eose & 
Co. of Aberdeen. The ship was christened by Mrs Cargill, 
wife of Captain William Cargill, who superintended the 
building and was to be the ship's best known Commander. 
Incidentally, Mrs Cargill was a daughter of Captain 
Robert Troup Moodie of the Marine Board, Sydney. 

This ship was a smart sailer, and, although not in 
any sense a flyer, such as was Green's ship of the same 
name, her passages were most creditable. Under Donald- 
son, Rose's flag, she was only once in any serious trouble, 
and that was when she collided with the French barque 
Costa Rica off the Isle of Wight on December 15, 1871. 
The latter sank like a stone, taking seventeen of her crew 
down with her, but in the subsequent inquiry Captain 
Cargill was completely exonerated of all suggestion of 
blame. Towards the late 'eighties Rose's sold the Windsor 
Castle to J. Rust & Son, of Footdee, Aberdeen. Captain 
Cargill had left Windsor Castle in 1874, and this grand 
old seaman died at his home in North Sydney on July 27, 
1902. I believe the family is still represented in that 
district. Windsor Castle now forsook the wool trade for 
the more prosaic life of a timber carrier, and renamed 
Lumberman's Lassie and under the command of Captain 
J. Masson, she carried hardwoods from Australian and 
New Zealand ports to the United Kingdom. On 
September 9, 1890, she had a close call after leaving the 
Kaipara, when she ran into a full gale and was thrown 
on her beam ends. To make matters worse, she com- 

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242 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

menced leaking and was making water at the rate of two 
inches per hour in the hold, but owing to her stout con- 
struction she held on to her gear and struggled through 
it all as well. In April, 1895, with Captain J. Stewart 
in command, she loaded a cargo of ironbark logs at Hobart 
for London, but sileh a deadweight cargo was too much 
for the old ship, and as soon as it started to blow she 
opened her seams and leaked like a sieve. From near 
the Snares she made across to Sydney, was put into the 
Jubilee Dock on arrival, surveyed and condemned — a 
grand old ship, but utterly worn out with years of sailing 
with heavy cargoes. On July 5, 1895, she was put up 
for auction and sold to Mr Dan Sheehy of Sydney for 
£550. Her cargo was discharged and her gear dismantled, 
and she finished her days in Sydney Harbour as a coal 
store hulk for the Southern Coal Owners' Agency, who 
passed her to Mr Einerson of Balmain for breaking up 
soon after the 1914 war. I think it is rather interesting 
to note that many of Windsor Castle's hardwood 
cargoes for London eventually became paving blocks 
in London streets. In fact, the timber was almost ^11 
shipped in her for that very purpose. Her figurehead — 
an excellent three-quarter length figure of Her Majesty 
Queen Victoria — ^was discovered in a garden at North 
Sydney by Dr E. Morris Ilumphery, and presented, after 
repair, to Garden Island Naval Dockyard, Sydney, on 
Trafalgar Day, 1932. 


Among the finest ships ever built in Britain were the 
wooden clippers of the Aberdeen White Star fleet, but 
George Thompson & Co. (their managers) were never 
over-conservative like old Dicky Green, and, when iron 
was being universally adopted as the material for ship- 
building, the Aberdeen Line, after studying results, fol- 
lowed suit. Almost all these beautiful green-hulled 
clippers came from Hood's Yard at Footdee, Aberdeen, 
and, the first iron ship Hood built for them was Patriarch. 
The second was the wet but speedy Miltiades, and the third 
was an improvement on both — Samuel Plimsoll, named 
after the famous Member of Parliament for Derby, who 
was interesting himjself in the welfare of seamen and the 
care of ships, although it was not until three years later 

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A Fleet of Ifulks. 243 

that he made his momentous speech in the House of 
Commons in support of the Merchant Shipping Bill, the 
net result of which was the introduction of the ''Plimsoll 
Mark'' on the side of every ship. Naming their finest 
ship after a political figure who was engaged in a cam- 
paign against ''coffin ships'' and their owners (and this, 
regrettably, covered quite a large proportion of the ship- 
owners of the day) caused a considerable stir in shipping 
circles and brought a volume of abuse upon Thompsons, 
which had been aimed originally at PlimsoU himself. 
The Aberdeen Line had nothing to fear from the new 
Bill, however, being always most careful of the ships and 
their crews. 

Throughout her long sea-going career Samuel PlimsoU 
carried saloon passengers, and, in addition, accommodation 
was provided in the 'tween decks for 200 emigrants — on 
some occasions she squeezed in 400, which was quite a 
crowd. Mr Frank C. Bowen has pointed out in one of 
his works that the only major weakness in the vessel was 
in the setting up of her lower rigging, and this seems 
proven by her several partial dismastings, culminating in 
her final loss of the entire main and mizzen masts and 
gear, plus the fore topgallant. 

Samuel PlimsoU was launched in 1873 by Mrs. Boaden, 
wife of Captain Boaden, who had previously made his 
reputation in command of the wooden clipper Star of 
Peace^ and who was to command the new vessel. Her 
first fifteen voyages were made to Sydney, after which 
she was put on the bearth for Melbourne, but from each 
port, she always loaded wool home. 

She was never very lucky. Her account was opened, 
as it were, in 1875, when she left Plymouth for Sydney 
with about 300 immigrants, and almost immediately 
collided with and sank the Italian barque Eurica. Her 
own thick plates were undamaged. In 1879, when out- 
ward bound to Australia, she was dismasted north of the 
Equator by a sudden tropical squall. The bowsprit broke 
off short, the fore topmast went at the cap and brought 
the main topgallant down with it, gear and spars trailing 
overside in an utter shambles. Now^ it chanced that an 
American ship was in company when all this happened, 
and the Yankee offered to take the passengers on to 
Australia in his ship. Captain Boaden thanked him, but 

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244 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

declined, and set about clearing up and effecting repairs, 
which was done so speedily and so thoroughly that he was 
on course again in no time. Meanwhile the Yankee went 
his way and duly arrived in this country, going at once to 
Samuel PlimsolVs agents to report having spoken her, 
dismasted in the North Atlantic. He did not fail to 
mention, either, how Captain Boaden had foolishly turned 
down his offer of assistance to the passengers, but at this 
point the agent took him to the next room, where Boaden 
himself was waiting for him. He had arrived, jury- 
rigged, three days before the American. 

In 1899 the famous flyer caught fire in the Thames 
and had to be scuttled, but was raised and repaired. 
Perhaps Thompson's had now had enough of her ill-luck; 
at all events, they sold her to Mr Walter Savill, and he 
loaded her for Australia and New Zealand on the Shaw, 
Savill & Albion Co.'s berth. In September, 1902, while 
passing Nugget Point, she was badly dismasted, as men- 
tioned earlier, in a howling gale, and although no one was 
hurt the ship was badly damaged aloft and on deck. She 
drifted north, but was picked up by the Union Co.'s 
Omapere and towed to Gisborne Roads and then to Port 
Chalmers. Her cargo was discharged and she was sold 
to J. & A. Brown, the Australian coal people, for a coal 
store hulk, being towed across the Tasman to Sydney and 
then to Albany and Fremantle, where she was subsequently 
bought by Mcllwraith, McEachern Ltd., who operated her 
as a coal hulk until eight years ago. 

At 5 p.m. on June 18, 1945, the Samuel Plimsoll was 
coaling a steamer at Victoria Quay in a north-west gale 
and the B.I. steamer Dalgorrm, in berthing, collided heavily 
with her, so that she broke loose and sank in the harbour. 
The coal was taken out of her and her hull cut into twelve 
pieces, each of which was lifted by the floating crane and 
dropped back in the sea outside the harbour — a sad end 
for a magnificent ship and one which, in an eventful 
career, did her share nobly and efficiently in the early 
days of Australian migration. Her original owners, the 
Aberdeen White Star Line, first owned ships in 1825, and 
from the first were in the front rank of the shipping com- 
munity. As an indication, they were one of the few firms 
recognized as safe carriers by cattle breeders, who were 
very particular. On. one occasion their old Moravian^ 

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A Fleet of Hulks, 245 

which incidentally ended her days in 1895 as a hulk at 
Sydney, landed fifteen valuable bulls in perfect condition 
beloging to Mr Isaac Ellis Ives, M.L.A., of the Argyle 
Bond, although the ship had weathered a full gale, the stalls 
having been smashed to matchwood and half the fodder 
washed overboard. The Star of Peace, to which reference 
was made in connexion with Captain Boaden, was a 
wooden ship of 1113 tons, built at Aberdeen in 1855, and 
was one of the flyers of Thompson's fleet. She is, perhaps, 
best remembered for her four consecutive passages to 
Sydney of 77, 77, 79 and 79 days respectively — no mean 
performance — and for her graceful yacht-like appearance. 
In 1884, however, Bums, Philp & Co. took her for a coal 
hulk and stationed her at Thursday Island, where she was 
broken up in 1895. 


Of all the ships employed in the days of sail in the 
trade between the United Kingdom and Australia few 
surpassed the splendid craft of the General Shipping Co. 
and Glasgow Shipping Co., sister firms, both managed by 
Aitken, Lilburn & Co., and better known as the Glasgow 
** Lochs'* as distinct from the Liverpool ''Lochs." These 
beautiful vessels, skilfully designed, superbly built and 
most ably managed, vied with the great London firmsi, 
such as Green, Devitt & Moore, Money, Wigram, and 
Gteorge Thompson's Aberdeen Line, for the Australian 
trade. Despite this, ill-luck dogged nearly all their ships, 
and when they sold their last square-rigger, Loch Torridon, 
in 1912, they ceased business as shipowners. 

Messrs Aitken & Lilburn started their venture with 
six splendid iron ships, a wealth of experience (gained 
while they were in the employ of Paddy Henderson, of 
fame in the China, Rangoon and New Zealand trades), 
and the determination to make their mark in the highest 
class of the Australian trade. The first six ships were 
Lochs Ness and Toy, built by Barclay, Curie & Co. of 
Whiteinch, Glasgow, and Lochs KatrinCy Earn, Lomond 
and Leven, all by Lawrie of Glasgow. It is with Lochs 
Ness, Tay and Katrine that we are primarily concerned, 
and they were, all three, flyers. Loch Ness was probably 
a shade faster than her sister ship, but Katrine was never 
far behind either. On their maiden voyages they arrived 
at Melbourne in the following order : — 

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246 . Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Loch Katrine, December 20, 1869 (Capt. MacCalluin). 
Loch Ness, January 13, 1870 (Capt. Meiklejohn). 
Loch Tay, February 12, 1870 (Capt. Alex Scott). 

Loch Tay's was the fastest passage^ — 73 days, 
anchorage to anchorage, a very creditable effort indeed, 
which was used to good effect to encourage wool support 
for the ship for the homeward voyage. As originally 
fitted, these ships all set stunsails, but when experienced 
crews became more difficult to engage the stunsails and 
their booms were sent ashore, and finally, after freights 
for sail bottoms began dropping away, the beautiful ships 
were cut down to barques like so many of their sisters. 
I doubt if it made much difference to their speed, although 
it was a big saving in men and material; in fact, Loch 
Ness's passages both out and home, in her old age, were 
nothing short of astonishing, for she still did her 
'^ seventies" coming out and rarely took much more than 
90 going home. 

On August 3, 1908, she was sold in Melbourne for £3,000 
to the German-Australian Line, whose steamer Itzehoe left 
Melbourne on August 27, 1908, with Loch Ness in tow 
for Adelaide. The barque broke adrift off Cape Otway 
and sailed across, herself, in the teeth of a south-westerly 
gale, arriving on September 4. She was fortunate in 
having had her full crew still aboard. The Germans 
converted her to a coal hulk, and as such she survived 
until August, 1926, first at Adelaide, and then from about 
1921 at Fremantle. Meantime the Chief Justice of New 
South Wales, Sir William Cullen, sitting in Admiralty in 
1920 heard an application by the Crown for the condem- 
nation of Loch Ness, then owned by Stevedoring and 
Shipping Co., whose shares with three exceptions were 
held in Hamburg. Against this, exemption was claimed, 
as the Peace Treaty had been signed, the defence admit- 
ting that the German- Australian S.S. Co. were the 
principal shareholders. The Chief Justice found in 
favour of the Crown, and declared the hulk a *^good and 
lawful prize." She was therefore offered for sale and 
finally passed into the hands of the Royal Australian Navy 
as their Fremantle coal hulk, but by 1926 they had no 
further use for her. In August of that year the cruiser' 
Melbourne called at Fremantle on her way back from 
Mediterranean service, and when she left on August 18 

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A Fleet of Hulks. 247 

she towed the old clipper to sea west of Rottnest Island. 
Loch Ness was turned adrift after dark, and the cruiser 
sank her by gunfire at about 11 p.m. 

Loch Tay had engaged in much the same trade as her 
sister, and had become well and favourably known to the 
Geelong wool-shippers in particular. She left Glasgow 
in 1909 for Melbourne, Sydney and Newcastle (as a sign 
of the times, note the three-port discharge range — unheard 
of. in the great days of sail), and, having completed dis- 
charge, was towed back to Sydney. She was floated into 
Woolwich Dock on August 30, 1909, for inspection by 
Messrs Huddart, Parker Ltd. — her prospective purchasers 
— and after inspection, cleaning and painting, sailed in 
ballast on September 5 for Adelaide, where she w^as dis- 
mantled and turned into a coal bunkering hulk. She is 
still there, and when last in Port Adelaide two years ago 
I found her drowsing away beside the Birkenhead Bridge 
with another one-time deep-water sailer — the Cumbrian — 
alongside her. 

Loch Katrine was a sister of the other two Lochs, and 
proved herself almost their equal in speed, as witness her 
maiden voyage when she arrived in Ilobson's Bay on 
December 20, 1869 — 81 days out from Glasgow — not in 
itself anything remarkable, but between Tuskar and Cape 
Otway she had only spent 74 days, which was commendable. 

She did better than this in 1893, going from the. 
Channel to Melbourne in 71 days, which was her best 
passage, and a good one at that, of which Thermopylae 
and Cutty Sark themselves would not have been ashamed. 
In 1907 she was nearly lost when outward bound in the 
'* Roaring 'Forties'' — in similar circumstances a less 
strongly built ship would have been lost, and indeed many 
w^ere. In a south-westerly gale she took a sea aboard 
which demolished the standard compass and smashed a 
lifeboat to matchwood. The following wave swept away 
the wheel and helmsman and the binnacle, and burst in 
the saloon skylight, allowing tons of water to get below. 
Added to this, the ship broached to and filled her main 
deck with water, so that it was only the energy and sea- 
manship of Captain Anderson, and the good work and 
courage of the crew, which got the old ship away before 
the wind again and so enabled a jurv-steering gear to be 

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248 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

The next turn of fortune's wheel came for the 40- 
years'-old ship in January, 1909, when, after reaching 
Melbourne outward bound, she was almost sold to Messrs 
Mcllwraith, McBachem Ltd. for a coal hulk, but Aitken 
& Lilburn still valued their ship highly, whereas 
Mcllwraiths were after a bargain. The sale fell through 
and the ship made another voyage, arriving in Melbourne 
under the command of that gr^nd old seaman. Captain 
T. C. Martin, in April, 1910. She left Melbourne for 
Sydney at 2 a.m. on Saturday, April 23, and passed 
Wilson's Promontory at 6 a.m. on Sunday. At 2.30 a.m. 
on Wednesday, April 27, while near Cape Howe, a sudden 
squall laid her over further and further until the main 
topmast went at the cap and the mizzen topgallant mast 
with it. While all this wreckage was sculling about in 
the water, the mainmast snapped off three feet above the 
deck and smashed the starboard boat to matchwood. The 
loss of the entire mainmast left the fore yards swinging 
wildly and aimlessly from side to side with every roll of 
the ship, until the fore upper topsail yard freed itself of 
its gear and crashed on the lower topsail yard, carrying 
that away, both yards fortunately going over the side. 
The fore yard now tore free of its truss and sling and 
crashed on deck. Left with fore topgallant and royal 
yards only aloft, Loch Katrine began to roll so violently 
and heavily that it was almost impossible to remain up- 
right on her decks. This lasted until 8 a.m., when the 
foretopmast and all the gear above went over the side 
with a tremendous din. At 10 a.m. the mizzen topmast 
went and the spanker boom fell on the starboard compass, 
smashing it like a toy. A good part of the poop rail 
went with it, but worse was to come, for at noon the 
remains of the foremast snapped four feet above the. deck 
and fell on the main hatch, which was stove in and the 
adjacent pumps broken. Captain Martin and his crew 
went to work with a will, and by 6 p.m. had the decks 
clear of wreckage, but at that moment La^h Katrine de- 
cided to plunge her bow undej* a green sea, thereby 
snapping the jib-boom off at the cap. Thursday (April 
29) was spent in clearing away wreckage, and next day 
the ship was rolling too much to work, but on the following 
days the ship's company was engaged in jury-rigging. 
On May 2 at 2.30 p.m. the chief and second officers and 

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A Fleet of Hulks. 249 

five seamen were sent away in one qf the only two remain- 
ing boats to seek assistance at Gabo, being picked up by 
the Swedish steamer Tasmanic and landed at Melbourne^ 
while their news was signalled ashore in the meantime. 
All this time Loch Kutrine was being coaxed along, now 
drifting, now sailing, until off Jervis Bay, where she re- 
mained some days and where the tug Heroic found her. 
She was brought to an anchorage in Athol Bight, Sydney, 
on May 10, subsequently surveyed, found to be not worth 
refitting, and therefore offered for sale. Nearly a year 
later Dalgety & Co. bought her for a coal hulk, and a coal 
hulk she remained for over twenty years. In the course 
of this period she changed hands again — ^this time to 
Burns, Philp & Co., who had her towed away to Rabaul 
by the steamer Trekieve on May 18, 1924. She was 
destined to be the bunker hulk for their small inter-island 
steamers based on Kabaul. 

In the early 1930 's, motor ships having replaced 
Burns, Philp & Co.'s coal-burners, the old sailer was 
towed across to the company's timber wharf at Kokopo 
and sunk there as a breakwater. She remains there 
to-day — a monument to the splendid workmanship and 
tough iron which went into her construction eighty-four 
years ago. 

Apart from anything else, these three Loch ships must 
be interesting to us for the fact that they were the very 
last sail-driven passenger ships operating a regular service 
to and from this country. 

The Port of Melbourne has kept some important 
vessels as hulks, not least among them being the composite- 
built former tea-trader Chusan, launched in February, 
1865, by Clayton of Birkenhead for J. Hossack of Liver- 
pool, and employed in the China trade — although she was 
by no means a flyer and her career was undistinguished. 
Her active life was not particularly long, and after about 
twenty years we find her owned by the Victorian Govern- 
ment and moored in the Yarra to supply coal to the port's 
barges, tugs, etc. She was replaced by the steel barge 
Mombah in the early 'thirties, however, and failed to 
weather the depression, being broken up in June, 1931, 
for firewood for the unemployed. This fate had also 

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250 Royal Aiistraliaii Historical Society, 

overtaken one of the prettiest of ^ line of ships noted for 
their excellence in design — Shaw, Savill's Elizabeth 
Graham, built by Harkess of Middlesborough in 1869. 
She was a well-known and popular passenger ship, and 
year by year took out her share of travellers and immi- 
grants to New Zealand, bringing home on holidays or 
permanently a goodly number of the earlier settlers who 
had prospered. Her passenger-carrying days were 
numbered, however, and before long she was carrying 
more timber and coal than passengers^ being owned and 
commanded in 1887 by Captain C. S. Hodge. Mr G. J. 
Robertson of Sydney bought her early in the century, and 
before long she was hulked under the name of Graham. 
In December, 1933, this old trader was also broken up to 
provide the unemployed with firewood. 

Speaking of the tea trader Chusan calls to mind that 
very remarkable vessel, City of Hankow, which was built 
on the Clyde in* 1869 for the China tea traffic to the order 
of G. Smith & Sons' ''City" Line. I say she was re- 
markable because she was the only ship ever built with 
iron topsides (i.e., the part of the hull above the water- 
line) over a teak underbody. Her frames were iron, and 
she was sheathed with yellow metal. Her best known 
Commander was Captain Napier, iron hard but tremen- 
dously popular with passengers and crew in all his ships, 
and a prodigious sail carrier, for which he had plenty of 
scope in the ''City" ship. She was given a full suit of 
extras (common enough in the China clippers, but rarely 
seen in Australian waters), including skysails, stunsails, 
watersails, Jamie Greens, and ringtails. Her maiden 
voyage was out to Calcutta and back, and was not remark- 
able, but she then loaded for Shanghai against the 
Jungfrau and the speedy Northampton commanded by 
Captain Bradley, an experienced and wily "China" bird. 
At this time, and indeed until much later, Gaspar Straits 
were very indifferently charted, and it was H<inkow's luck 
to get ashore on a reef over which the shallower 
Northampto7i passed with safety, but after waiting for a 
tide she kedged off, caught up with and passed 
Northampton, and docked at Woosung ahead of her. The 
tea trade was failing, however, as far as sail bottoms were 
concerned, and after a spell in the Calcutta and West 
Indian trades she w^as laid on the berth for Australia, in 

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A Fleet of Ilulk.^. 251 

which sphere she had some creditable races with such 
notable clippers as Thermopylae, Gutty Sa7'k and Thomas 
Stephens. In 1900 she was sold to Mr G. J. Robertson 
of Sydney and joined his well-known fleet — but for three 
years only, becoming a naval coal hulk under the name 
of Hankow, or unofficially and less reverently, just Hanky 
at Thursday Island in 1903. In 1927 the sloop H.M.A.S. 
Geranium arrived at Gladstone on October 20 from 
Thursday Island with Hankow in tow, and handed her 
over to H.M.A.S. Sydney, which brought her into Sydney 
on the morning of November 11. The technical press of 
the day was at some pains to note the way Hankow's 
58-years '-old hull stood up to the heavy weather experi- 
enced on the passage. Subsequently, she was towed back 
to Thursday Island and to Darwin, where she was emptied 
of coal. Later, the Hankow was towed away to the north- 
east of Melville Island and sunk in 41 fathoms of water 
on September 18, 1932, in position latitude 10° 12' S. and 
longitude 132° 36' E., while in use as a target for air- 
craft and gunnery exercises by H.M.A. Seaplane-Carrier 


In the beautiful Derwent River in Tasmania, at a 
place known officially as Dodge's Ferry, but more plainly 

"Otago" in Derwent River. 

— (By courtesy of John McCredie, Esq.) 

and descriptively as * ' The Wrecks, ' ' lies a little iron hull 
bearing the name Otago. Many of her plates have been 
removed, and what remains is heavily rusted, but the lines 
of the thoroughbred are still visible. She was a clipper 

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252 Royal Australictn Historical Society. 

barque of 367 tons, launched by Stephens of Glasgow in 
1869 for H. Simpson & Co. of Port Adelaide, some time 
owners of two other vessels which became Australian hulks 
r. L. Hall at Albany, and Vervlam at Melbourne. 

Otago was intended for the Mauritius sugar trade, 
but was registered in the name of Captain J. Snadden 
when in Bangkok in 1887, at which time her captain died. 
Joseph Conrad, later the famous author, was then second 
officer of S.S. Vidar, and was appointed by the British 
Consul to command Otago, a task to which he gave his 
whole heart and carried out with distinction. He took 
her to Singapore, Sydney and Melbourne, through Torres 
Strait to Mauritius and back to Adelaide, but was then, 
to his great regret, called home through family illness. 
If you are a Conrad reader, you will know his stoi^. The 
Shadow Line, which is undoubtedly written about his 
beloved Otago. 

After Conrard's time the little barque sailed under 
a number of different owners, until in 1900 we find her 
owned by Mr C. J. F. Gerber of Sydney, who sold her 
in 1903 to Huddart, Parkers as a coal hulk. She was 
towed to Melbourne in February of that year by their 
steamer Corio, and about 1912 she was taken over to 
Hobart by the tug Eagle, where she functioned as a hulk 
until January, 1931. Her owners then sold her to Captain 
H. Dodge for £1 as she lay at anchor. Captain Dodge 
had her beached in her present site with her bows almost 
in an apple orchard and within the shadow of Mount 
Direction. Her wheel, discovered in a storeroom on 
board, has been presented to the Honourable Company of 
Master Mariners, London, as a Conrad relic. 

The oil-fired boiler, the diesel engine, and now the 
gas turbine have between them rendered the coal hulk 
obsolete, while the ports of the wheatfields have built silos 
to take the place of grain hulks. As a result, the number 
of surviving hulks in Australia is dwindling rapidly, and 
very soon now there will be none left at all to recall to 
us the Great Days of Sail. In the words of the Poet 
Laureate : — 

They mark our passage as a race of men; 
Earth wiU not see such ships as those agen. 

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Letters from Germam Immigrants in N.S.W, 253 

Letters from German Immigrants in 
New South Wales. 


The immediate purpose of the following excerpts 
from letters written in 1849 is to document the history 
of a little known group of German bounty migrants to 
New South Wales.^ Their larger purpose is to invite 
attention to the history of the immigrant, as distinct from 
the history of immigration, as a field for study. 


On April 4, 1849, the three-master Beulah, a ship of 
578 tons burthen, four months out of London, dropped 
anchor in Sydney Harbour. The colonial press made 
barely a reference to the 170 German immigrants aboard. 
Amidst the news of the fall of monarchies, the assassination 
of ministers, the flight of the Pope, the Danish War, and 
all the other belatedly reported happenings of the annus 
mirabilis in Europe, immigrant ships made no news. 
They were an everyday occurrence in 1849. Next to the 
Beulah lay the Julinder with some 260 labourers from the 
Western Couhties, and the Dighy with a cargo of some 
230 Irish orphan girls. If Germany, like other countries, 
was losing tens of thousands of its oppressed inhabitants 
to places as scattered as Chicago and Johannesburg, it was 
only natural that some should come to the Australian 
colonies. Following the example of South Australia, 
Port Phillip received some thousand Germans in that year, 

1 The letters are reproduced in Wilhelm Klrchner, Attstralien 
und seine Vortheile filr Auswanderung [Australia and its advantages 
for emigration], 2nd ed. (Frankfurt, 1850), pp. 59-158. J. Lyng, 
Non-Britishers in Australia (Melbourne, 1935), p. 52j(f., knows nothing 
of this group; A. Lodewyckx, Die Deutschen in Australien (Stuttgart, 
1932), p. 72, and Die Deutschen in der Australischen Wirtschaft 
(Stuttgart, 1938), p. 26, is similjarly silent; L. L. Politzer, Bihlio- 
graphy of German Literatv/re on Australia, 1770-1947, has overlooked 
the 1850 edition of Barchner in the Mitchell Library, and quotes 
the 1848 one as 1948. The only reference found so far is in A. 
Heising, Die ^Deutschen in Australien (Berlin, 1853), p. 62 : "Accord- 
ing to reports from Frankfurt-on-the-Main, about 300 rural workers 
and vintners left their homes in 1848 and over 600 in 1849, to pursue 
sheep raising and viticulture in New South Wales. They were 
recruited specially by the efforts of the German consul Kirchner in 
Sydney. Nothing is known of their subsequent fate." 

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254 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

shipped directly from Hamburg to :\relbourne. Four 
months after the arrival of the Beulah^ on July 5, Sydney 
received 160 Germans on the Parlaiid; another 30 arrived 
on the Ilartnony on September 23, 1849. 

The Germans who arriv.ed in Sydney in 1849 consti- 
tuted a special ^roup. They came from the Rhine 
provinces; they were vintners. 

The Macarthurs were the pioneers of viticulture in 
New South Wales. There had been sporadic attempts 
from the very earliest days of settlement by German and 
French vintners to plant vines in the coloiiy, but it was 
the importation by the Macarthur family of German 
vintners from the Rhine provinces in 1836 that gave the 
industry its start. This group, arriving in the colony 
in 1837, was led by Johannes Stein. Five years later, 
Edward Macarthur recruited a further group and 
despatched them to his brothers, William and James 
Macarthur. This time another Stein brother, Jakob, 
joined the group, though a third, Joseph, had to be re- 
placed by one Stumpf, as Joseph "in the last moment 
changed his mind, having been so persuaded by his wife.'' 
It is true that the Steins, and the vintners in the employ 
of other settlers, seemed troublesome to their masters. 
They consulted lawyers about their riglits under their 
contracts, Jakob Stein turned out a "perfect little fire- 
brand," and altogether the Macarthur brothers thought 
it wise to bring out a new group once the five-year 
contract of the second group had expired.^ It was not 
Papers, Vol. 37B, p. 280 #., MS?, in the Mitchell Library, Sydney. 
Edward to William Macarthur, November 8, 1842 : Ihid, Vol. 22, 
pp. 275, 293-9. 

difficult to obtain more German workers from Brbach, the 
home town of the Steins. By 1848, Johannes, the oldest 
brother, had saved up enough to buy himself a hundred- 
acre property. His numerous relations in the small 
Rhenish villages marvelled that he should have his own 
estate, cattle, servants and coach; eagerly and enviously 
they perused his many letters from Australia. Even the 
uxurious Jakob Stein now decided to leave ; his letter from 
Camden is quoted below. 

It was not easy to persuade the British Government 
to pay bounties for the immigration of foreign labourers. 

2 William to Edward Macarthur, August 20, 1847 : Macarthur 

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Letters from German hmnig)'ants in N.S.^y. 255 

The Colonial Secretaries* f ejt that such immigration, while 
satisfying the colonial end of the Wakefieldian precept, 
was not calculated to benefit England, as colonization was 
meant to do. 

Early in 1847, after a lengthy correspondence between 
Governor FitzRoy, the New Zealand merchant Beit, James 
Macarthur and the Hamburg Consul in Sydney, Wilhelm 
Kirchner, conditional permission to import specialized 
foreign workers was granted.^ The Regulation of April 
7, 1847, permitted the immigration of workers for the 
cultivation of vine, olive and silk, and similar fields where 
British labourers were not available. A bounty of £36 
for each married couple, and £18 for each child over 18 
years of age, would be paid by the Government, but none 
for foreign imjnigrants who were not specifically employed 
in the occupations for which permission had been given.* 

The more opulent settlers, whose properties were 
situated in suitable areas, soon filed their requests to be 
permitted to import vine dressers and wine coopers. 
Charles Cowper, Andrew Lang, Henry Carmichael, the 
Coxes, Blaxland, Bowman, Windeyer and Wentworth 
appear among others on two lists granting to forty gentle- 
men the right to introduce the 119 German workers they 
applied for.^ 

The machinery was now set in motion; with the aid 
of Kirchner, the Germans were soon recruited, and by 
the ships Beulah and Parland 104 German families were 
carried to Sydney in 1849. Their reputation for industry, 
skill and thrift, made them welcome ; labour was short, and, 
even where British labour was available, contrasts as to 
sobriety and application were frequently drawn in favour 

^Historical Records of Australia, Series I., Vol. 25, pp. 493-512; 
and Grey to FitzRoy, December 11, 1847, ihid. Vol. 26, pp. 67-8. 
This is conveniently summarized in R. B. Madgwick, Immigration 
Into Eastern Australia, 1788-1851' (London, 1937), pp. 40-1. 

^New South Wales Gorernment Gazette, April 9, 1847. 

5 One list in Historical Records of Australia, Series I., Vol. 26, 
p. 10; another enclosed with FitzRoy to Grey, November 22, 1847, 
CO. 201/385 [available in Mitchell Library Typescript of Missing 
Despatches, Governor of New South Wales to Secretary of State 
(Enclosures), 1846-48, Folio 3530]. Lang's earlier attempt (1837) 
to import 250 German vine-dressers failed. The Germans mutinied 
aboard ship and disembarked at Rio : J. D. Lang, An Historical 
cmd Statistical Account of New South Wales (London, 1875, 4th ed.), 
pp. 270.2. 

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256 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

of the Germans. The colonial press was usually favour- 
ably disposed towards them. Suggestions were made that 
the South Australian practice of immediate naturalization 
instead of the cumbersome and expensive letters of 
denizenship be made available to Germans in New South 
Wales.^ Wentworth offered to settle up to 150 German 
Protestant families on his properties ; their pastor was to 
live rent-free.'^ 

Of the sixteen letters from German emigrants collected 
by Kirchner, twelve were written by arrivals from the 
Beulah, three by those from the Parland, and one from 
an outside group.® Kirchner ^s statement that he repro- 
duced the letters exactly as they were written is supported 
by internal evidence. That they were all the letters he 
succeeded in obtaining from the relatives of that group 
may also be true. His insistenqe that he would have also 
printed letters unfavourable to Australian emigration, had 
he been able to find any, must be balanced by the con- 
sideration that such letters would probably not have been 
taken to him by the relatives of the migrants in Germany. 
The letters were all written between May and October, 
1849, that is, within a few months of disembarkation. 


In some ways the reactions of this German group are 
those of most other immigrants of that period; in that 
sense their letters belong to the history of Australia. 
There are the usual tales of life aboard ship : the dreadful 
storms, the seasickness that produces a morbid fellowship 
and almost extinguishes the will to survive, the mess 
groups each with its mess-captain (a practice known 
already on the hulks), the shipboard food, the marriages, 

^People's Advocate, April 12, 1849. 

7 Kirchner, op. cit., pp. 44-6 ; cf. also Frauenf elder's letter below. 

8 The Beulah carried 47 German couples and 75 children, 1C9 
persons in all. Thirty-eight men were vine dressers and three wine 
coopers. One only is noted as illiterate among the adults. The 
Parland brought 57 German couples with 47 children, 161 in all; 
124 were Koman Catholics and 37 Protestants; 54 were vine dressers 
and three wine coopers. Two adults are classed as illiterate. The 
ages of the men ranged from 22 to 50 (the maximum permitted) ; 
most were in their early thirties. As prescribed by the bounty 
regulations, married adults only made up the group. Childless 
couples were few. New South Wales, Colonial Secretary, Immigrant 
Lists, Port Jackson, 1849-52, Vol. II. (German). 

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Letters from 6erm<m Immigrants in N.S,W. 257 

births and deaths. The tranquil beauty of Port Jackson 
is greeted with ecstatic relief; the buildings, streets and 
shops of Sydney are unexpectedly like those of civilized 
Europe, and often with pardonable exaggeration considered 
superior to anything ever remembered by the immigrant. 
The evidences of colonial well-being are admired, and even 
more so the fact that it is shared by those whose occupation 
and appearance would have denied them that share in 
older societies. The mildness of the climate, the vastness 
of holdings, the independence and resourcefulness of the 
bushman, and the imaginatively enlarged fauna invariably 
capture the attention of the newcomer. The tales of 
drink and crime, of drought, heat and flood are soon retold 
and sometimes experienced. 

But in other ways the letters of the German emigrants 
tell a special story. And since the salient points of their 
experience are described, not in one, but in almost all the 
letters, certain common factors can clearly be discerned. 

(1) They are all 'forty-eighters. The absence of 
prying officials, gendarmes, tax collectors and oppressive 
landlords is to them a testimony of the rightness of their 
action in leaving the tyranny of their homeland. Had 
they read the accounts of English and colonial radicals 
of the time, these would not have made sense in terms of 
their experience of Australia. Here was freedom for 
Britisher and foreigner alike. The worker was unmolested 
by a capricious employer. **The state,'' they wrote, *'is 
not as it is with us; here you cannot tell the master from 
the servant.'' There was no censorship, no lordly 
demeanour on the part of those of whom it could rightfully 
be expected. Moreover, the worker was not compelled to 
work hard; the produce of his own garden was his, and 
even the beasts of burden (**six oxen need not do what 
one does in Germany") were not abused. The women, 
most astonished of all, did little labour beyond their own 
housework; ^*they fare best here; they are countesses; no 
work in the field, and always lift your hat to them"; and 
**we are well and I do not even work an eighth part of 

what I work in Germany " Here were no wars, 

no tributes and no exactions. It was a land of peace and 
plenty. Thus, filtered through the consciousness of their 
homeland, their first impressions of Australia are sensitive 
only to the ease, dignity and liberty of the labouring man. 

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258 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

The fact that, unlike many other immigrants, they almost 
all continued in the occupations they had exercised at 
home, facilitated the contrasts they drew. 

(2) As a consequence, not one of them considered 
himself an exile or wished to return. That is not to say 
that they express no homesickness in their letters. They 
miss the all-pervading presence of the village, the merry- 
making, the familiar dignities of parson and schoolmaster, 
and the even more familiar faces of their friends and 
neighbours, to most of whom they are related in one way 
or another. They complain : — 

One has to do without all merry-making; not every Sunday is 
a holiday here and wine is very expensive .... We do not see 
Germans any more. 

But unlike many English immigrants, such as the 
young Henry Parkes, they did not blame economic or 
political oppression at home for an unjust or unmerited 
separation from their homeland. With some, their 
migration was a tribute to God's wisdom, and, with others, 
a tribute to their worldly wisdom; an incentive to their 
families to come and do likewise, it was with each one of 
them. Many English migrants had to reconcile them- 
selves slowly to the fact that these English colonies were 
not really English; nor were they temporary stopping 
places in which to recoup a lost or denied fortune, or 
acquire precisely that station in life from which they were 
excluded at home. It was only when the English migrant 
became conscious of the fact that his migration was a total 
and not a temporary committal that his perception of the 
new country approximated the unbridled visions of these 
Germans. To the latter it was a new birth : they now 
knew for the first time — the phrase occurs time and again — 
that **if one wants to work, one also knows why one 
works.'' Unlike Wentworth in one century, and D. H. 
Lawrence in another, they did not feel that the absence 
of blood shed in defence of Australian soil detracted from 
the inner relatedness of the inhabitants to the land. They 
write : — 

Here is God's earth, the same as in Germany, but the soil is 
fertile and the climate healthy and God's blessing still lies in the 
earth. In Germany it has risen up in smoke but here is still an 
innocent earth. Here have not yet been committed so many sins, 
not so much innocent blood has yet been shed as in Germany. 

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Letters ftom Oerman Immigrants in N.S.W. 259 

In reading these excerpts, it will become obvious that 
the fidelity of their description is limited by these visions 
as much as it is illuminated by them. Also, the letters 
reflect first impressions of men in a particular' environment, 
which many of them eventually left to follow the more 
usual colonial occupations. In translating these excerpts 
no attempt has been made to. edit the angular dignity of 
their simple style.® On the whole, the degree of literacy 
of these German rural workers, especially that of Hahn 
and Prauenfelder, is surprising. To be sure, they often 
wrote of simple things, and the observations they made are 
not profound; but the letters they wrote are the stuff of 
which such observations are made. 


Joseph Horadam, of Wiesbaden, came out on the 
Beulah with his wife and two children. He worked far 
John Farquhar [?] at Lochinvar, near Maitland. On 
August 12, 1849, he writes to his brothers and all good 
friends at Wiesbaden : — 

.... Everything I grow in the garden is mine, except that I 
have to provide the master with vegetables. All the rest is mine 
and there is no one to watch me; what I do is right. We how live 
better and more cheerfully on week-days than does the richest 
peasant in Germany on festive days, because we have meat and 
cake every day. (62) 

I think in 6 years I shall have saved enough to buy myself a 
nice property, as it is true to say here, that what one earns one 
can save. Here is no one to demand money from you, nor is it 
customary to pay taxes or other assessments. One can say here 
with reason : one is a free man. I am sorry that I did not bring 
Heinrich with me. He would live much better than in Germany, 
and would not have to work half as hard as he would here. If, 
as would seem most desirable, all my brothers and sisters and good 
friends were with me, surely nobody would think of Germany any 
more. For in Germany the worker is not a man but must be con- 
sidered as an oxen that is led by his horns every day. This is the 
truth and all I can tell you for the time being; now write soon, 
also something about Germany, how you are, and especially about 

the Eevolution I wish you all to live as well as we do now 

and greet you all heartily until we see each other &gain. (63) 

Corrections have been made only where it was necessary to 
preserve the meaning; the currency has been expressed in pounds, 
and the names of their employers have been identified where necessary. 
With one exception, the letters follow the order in which they appear 
in Earchner, op. cit.', his pagination is given in parentheses after 
each excerpt. 

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260 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Friedrich Diehl, of Oberrad, near Frankfurt, and 
his wife and child also came on the Beulah, Of all the 
adult passengers on the ship, he was the only one who 
could neither read nor write. His wife probably wrote 
for him. On May 17, 1849, he addresses his mother and 
brothers and sisters from the property of Henry Carmichael, 
Porphyry Point, Hunters River : — 

.... Thank God we are living weU now, we do not ask for 
black bread and potatoes; the bread we bake ourselves and it is 
all white bread. We have more than enough to eat and wish you 
could have everything we leave over. A dog here devours more 
meat in one day than you would probably eat in 14 days, for there 
are no poor people here. There are altogether very few people 
here as yet, because where we are there are two houses, at some 
distance another house a.s.o. We have a nice house containing two 
dwellings; it is situated in the forest and we can pick up the wood 
in front of our doorstep. We are, thank God, quite well in every 
respect and wish that my brother Hannes could be with us and 
Liese, or my old mother. She could end her days in my house 
and would not have to work, except to hold my Uttle boy in her 

arms and walk in the garden (64) 

Engelbert Hahn, a carpenter from Eltville, who 
came out as a vine dresser, travelled with his wife and two 
children on the Parland, His employer was Thomas 
Icely, of Carcoar. The letter, dated August 27, 1849, is 
addressed to his parents-in-law at Eltville : — 

.... Compared to Germany, our work is child's play. Here 
are no masters who climb up hay stacks with spy-glasses to see 
whether the workers take a breather. No I Here we work as 
human beings, and not as beasts — as the poor man with you has 
to work if he wants enough bread for himself and his family. Here 
we eat no blackbread, our bread is made from wheat and resembles 
cake. Also, here is no official, who, if a poor man bakes cake once 
a year (and we eat it daily), has inquiries made lest he should by 
any chance receive poor relief. Not here 1 Anyone with a strpng 
pair of arms can assure himself of an adequate living (70) 

Oh, there are very many Englishmen who (71) arrived here 
poor, 12 to 14 years ago and are now rich people. But the majority 
get nowhere because they waste everything on drink. We had a 
family of gardeners here on the property, a man with three grown-up 
sons, who left 14 days after our arrival. These 4 men had an 
annual wage of £105, that is £525 in 5 years, and after 5 years 
on the property left with barely £10. Now had they used up £110 
in these 5 years, seeing that like ourselves they could live free, £415 
would have remained them. How well they could have established 
themselves and would have been independent too; but so are most 
of them, the blessed brandy I Come, all of you, who can possibly 
arrange it. Leave Germany, for there you are and remain slaves; 
even if you broke the yoke of tyranny you would still be slaves of 
the aristocrats of money. There are too many in that narrow 

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Letters from Germom Immigrants in N.S.W. 261 

space to make a livelihood. Come hither, here you find ample space 
and means of making a living. What man of force and courage 
could hesitate [to choose] between here and Germany ? There, to 
be a witness to the grave death-struggle of old ideas, here, full 
freedom in the truest sense of the word. There, upheaval, religious 
hatred, partisan fury, revolution among all nations; here, peace, 
the plough, the sciences, the founding of new cities. There, you 
are under state despotism, oppression of faith and thought, oriental 
tyranny, castes and classes, war and mania for destruction; here 
man, is enthroned in his eternal right, free in faith and opinion^ as 
rich as his dilgence and as great as his worth make him. Free 
thought is not suppressed by courts, ministers, priests and censorship. 

1 ask everyone who can possibly come to bid farewell to Germany; 
not the pleasure-seeking lazy people, but industrious people with a 
desire and love for work. For the curse of perjury shall be on 
me^ if I do not wish the best of you, my German brothers. Leave 
the tyrants to their piece of land and seek here a new home and 
hearth. (72) 

.... I W0UI4 advise you to sell everything and to come. But 
dear parents, for you at your age the voyage is very difficult, though 
the old Sayer woman was quite well on the trip. 

We would be very happy if that were possible, and if you 
arrived naked and bare on Australian soil, it would still be better 
than in Germany. You could spend your old age in peace, whereas 
now you live with continual worries. And how are things now ? 
Certainly no better than when I left. The Sydney papers report 
great unrest in Germany, but it takes always 4 months to receive 
the news from Germany. (73) 

I ask you for one favour. Could, perhaps, someone be kind 
enough to put some roses on my mother's grave until next Corpus 
Christi day t God forgive all those who share in the guilt of her 
early death (74) 

Peter Norgardt, also off the Parland, joined Diehl 
at Carmiehaers property, Porphyry Point. There he 
wrote to his parents, in-laws, brothers and sisters at 
Neudorf, near Eltville, on August 26, 1849 : — 

We are well pleased and wish you were all with us; we have to 
work (87) but not the way we do in Germany by a long way. We 
eat well, every week we receive 10 lbs. of flour, 10 lbs. of meat, 

2 lbs. of sugar, ^ lb. of coffee or i lb. of tea. But still, anyone 
who does not want to work ought to stay at home because not every- 
thing is provided just to one's taste; however, one knows what one 
works for. (88) 

Sebastian Schubach, off the Beulah, expressed the 
same sentiment in a letter written on June 24, 1849, from 
William Walker's property, Kiamba. It is addressed to 
Mayor Johannes Jung and his other friends in Erbach, 
on the Rhine. His wife, Maria Eva Schubach, mother of 
four children, is quoted below : — 

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262 Royal Australian Histoncal Society. 

If one wants to work here, one also knows why one works. He 
who has plenty of children is happy. This was told us by a gentle- 
man who visited us the other day, and asked us how we were 
satisfied with our master and whether we had any troubles. This 
gentleman spoke German very well and told us we ought not to hold 
back with anything. He was a representative of the govemm^it 
and travelled around the country to make things clear to people. 
You see, people here do not look down their noses at you because 
you are an emigrant, as they would if you planted yourself in a 
place in Germany .10 

.... Thirty Englishmen travelled with us, those over 14 years 
paying £15 each, those under 14, £7, infants are carried free. There- 
fore, whoever can afford it should go to this expense. It is, how- 
ever, soon made up, as there is plenty of money in this country, 
plenty to earn and one does not owe anything all the year round. 
The state is not as it is with us; here you cannot tell the master 
from the servant. Also, one does not need a contract when arriving 
in Sydney. The masters soon come aboard and ask for Germans 
since everyone wants to have workers (97) 

I tell you here in this letter, be not afraid o*f this far journey, 
for God dwells everywhere and His providence rules from oQe end 
of the earth to the other. It is not dangerous to travel hither. 
In London it is an everyday occurrence to travel to Sydney, and in 
Sydney ships from all parts of the world arrive. It is not so far 
as Herr Pfeffer told me, when I was standing in front of my barn- 
door on those last days before my departure ; it were too far, he 
would rather travel to the moon than make this journey. We are 
here now and the moon is still as distant from us as it was in 
Germany. (98-99) 

.... Dear brother Heinrich, do not forget to write to me again 
immediately you receive this letter. Tell me also what has happened 
to German liberty since I have been away and what fruits she has 
borne you. (100) 

Joseph Stein (see above) wrote from Camden to 
Bernhard Jung, gardener, of Erbach on the Rhine, on 
September 26, 1849 :— 

.... One after the other was being fetched by his mastel", but 
how overjoyed was I when on Good Friday my brothers and Stumpf 
came along to see who had come out from Erbach. What tears of 
joy were shed I But when my brother, Johann, heard that I was 
to go to a master 300 miles further than where I am now, he 
purchased my release for £29 cash. He looked after me like a true 
brother, not for nothing had he written so often to Germany [for 
me ?]. My brother Johann, then took me to brother Jakob at 
Parramatta. There I and my family stayed for 8 days. . . .' . My 
brother Johann, went home, made a contract with my master (101) 

10 Frauenf elder (see below) comments on the same happening : 
"You see, well-beloved friends, thus does the government take care 
of us Germans. — Who looks after a new settler in Germany f No 

one, except the townwatchman, the policeman, the rate collector " 


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Letters from German Immigrants in N.S,W. 263 

and returned to fetch us on the 9th day with 2 horses. I could 
also have stayed with the master of my brother -Jakob, but that I 
would not do since my brother Johann took me to take his place, 
where he had been 12 years. I live in the same house, have the 
same garden and am superintendent of the vineyards and the cellar. 
... .11 (102) 

If you find an opportunity, oh do come. We are awaiting 
you; yes, what is good for me is good for you. 

You other brothers-in-law you are also heartily (103) welcome, 
but I say you are [unprintab).e], you have no courage. I can assure 
your old parents, as well as mine and those of my wife to be of 
good cheer. Do not spill so many tears for your children, they 
are well. I know it is painful, and even more painful at the 
departure. Forgive us all the errors we have made, with a glance 
towards heaven. I forgive you even though my father spoke of 
me with such ,ill grace in the inns. He is a feeble-minded man; 
whoever ciurses his child, curses himself. Even my sister wrote me 
a hostile letter, which was unnecessary. I have read it, forgiven 
her and send her once again my best wishes.i2 (104) 

. . . .if the master comes to the vineyard sometimes and looks 
around, he speaks of all kinds of happenings. He told me on 

11 Frauenf elder (see below) tells a different story :".... we 
were not allowed off before the government had arrived and con- 
ducted its examination as to whether the passengers had behaved 
well towards each other and their superiors, and the captain and 
his subordinates towards us. This happened on Easter Saturday. 
Then every head of the family was called out with his family one 
by one. Beginning with the father and right down to the smallest 
child that could barely speak, all were asked their name, occupation, 
whether they could read or write, how old they were and whether 
they had any complaint against anyone arising out of the voyage. 
Those with clean sheets were fortunate, as two men who had fought 
and quarrelled with one another were not taken into employ by 
their masters on that account. One had a hard time finding a 
master. The other had it easier, he had two brothers in the country, 
one resident 8 [6] and the other 11 years. The oldest took him 
to the property he had recently acquired. He is superintendent at 
Mr. Macarthur at Camden, 40 miles from Sydney, has £60 a year 
in wages. His name is Stein and he comes from Erbach in the 
Rhine province. Mr. Stein paid £29 to the captain, which the 
government had had to pay, and took his brother to his property. 
. . . ." (142-3) 

12 Eberhardt Meyer, writing to his parents-in-law at Eltville on 
August 27, 1849, also refers to the prodigal son problem : "I now 
no longer regret that we have left our fatherland and sought another 
homeland where I fare better than in Germany. I no longer have 
to nurse the thought that I have been driven out by a mother who 
prefers one child to another and lets him who was and will be her 
doom, live in her house. I do not want to know about this [now], 
I have forgiven her everything and my only consolation would be 
to have her with us. She would have to do nothing but eat and 
drink and live without care " (84) 

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264 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

18th September that thingg were very bad in Germany. That (1) 
the Boman Catholic religion was sorely troubled, yes even the Pope 
was to be, or has already been killed. That would be a grave 
happening for people young and old and for the clerical world. 
(2) That in Mannheim and in other cities the Parliament has been 
overthrown by the burghers. (3) That the Danes were completely 
crushed by the Germans, especially by those from Nassau and 
Saxony. Oh, you tortured people of Germany, if things are like 
that, then I was doubly Tight in avoiding both war an^ poverty. 
Here one lives quietly indeed, without war, and exactions are not 
thought of.18 (107) 

Maria Eva Schubach, wife of Sebastian, writing from 
Kiamba on June 24, 1849, to her parents, brothers and 
sisters, tells more personal news : — 

The Good Lord has not yet left us. He has led us upon a 
good path and we thank God daily for it. Oh, I would like to fee 
with you for only an hour to tell you everything, but I do not want 
to return to Germany. I wish you were all with me, you would 
be exempted from your drudgery. It is indeed a far voyage, and - 
a difficult one for people with small children; but for those who 
have no children yet, it is a pleasure trip. "We live (113) now in 
a country where there is still peace, where one can live without 
sorikjiw or care. One need not fret, when the end of the week 
approaches and there is no more money for buying food, how one 
will last out the week. That we need not do, dear father, we have 
no worries. Even if it rains for a whole week so that our men 
cannot do much work, our provisions and wages continue. (114) 

Our Nannchen and Kaetchen have been going to school for 6 
weeks now and we pay 12 shillings and fourpence for the two 
children. This is our biggest expense. But they must learn 
English and they are both learning it well. (115) 

Dear sister Katharina, and my dear sister Christina, my promise 
to make a code mark in my letter to indicate that we are weU is 
quite laughable in Australia; that I am well I can write you as 
openly as I can that you are my sisters (H^) 

Do not forget to purchase the Little Englishman and study it 
diligently aboard ship. We learnt no English on the ship because 
we were too many Germans, and that was not good for us. We 
learnt more on our trip inland than we did in 4 months on the ship, 
and now we know quite a bit through our children, who are learning 
diligently at school. (121) 

l» Christian Badior, writing to Eltville from William Ogilvie's 
property, Merton, Hunters River, on September 23, 1849, says of 
the war news : "You wrote me that so many people from Eltville 
wish to go to America. Yes, one cannot blame them because the 
misery in Germany is too great. We hear almost every day that 
there is war in Germany, that the city of Mainz was besieged, that 
the Russians and Cossacks were encamped in the Rhine province 
and that German soldiers fought the Danes, so that many [of military 
age] remained behind. We got out of it just in time as I have 
always had a dread of military life " (80) 

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Letters from German Immigrants in N.S,W. 265 

JoHANN Peter Prauenfelder, who at 48 was one of 
the oldest immigrants on the BevZah^ came from Greater 
Saxony. He never did things by halves. His children 
numbered seven, the pages of his letter several times that 
figure. When describing his religious emotions, he was 
perceptive. When writing shipboard gossip, he spared 
few details. His reflections on Australia's virgin soil 
are imaginative and moving. His letter, sent from 
Kiamba, is dated June 24, 1849 : — 

A further couple, the eleventh, also wanted to be wed but was 
not permitted, since the bridegroom had 8 days earlier beaten his 
bride and ill-treated her. Because of that the captain pushed and 
beat him with his fist, called him a swine [and saidl if he behaved 
like that again he would not take him to Australia, but drop him 
on an island inhabited only by pigs. However, he improved and 
15 days later on 18th February, they were married and at the same 
time their little son was christened. (138-39) 

Here Sebastian Schubach's description of a visit by 
clergy on arrival may be inserted to connect with Frauen- 
f elder's later comments : — . 

On the afternoon of Good Friday two clergymen came aboard 
and inquired whether there were any Catholics on the ship. We 
spoke with them through the interpreter and would have liked to 
have held a service. But this could not be done as we could not 
speak to the clergymen [ourselvesl. The next day we were told 
by a G-erman that these were Bishop Folding and his chaplain, such 
was the custom when a ship arrived at Easter. (92) There were 
also two Protestant clergymen wanting to show the way to heaven 
to the sailors; these, however, subscribe to a bad religion. 

We promised His Grace, Bishop Folding, that we would attend 
mass on Easter Day and he told us that he would hold it for us 
Germans at 11 o'clock. 

Bishop Folding celebrated mass himself and preached a sermon. 
The organ played a Latin "Kirian, gloria" just as we had learnt it 
from our priest at Erbach. This pleased us greatly, but lasted 
until oije thirty. Here one can still see Catholic Christians, which 
astonished us greatly. Oh Germany, how lax are thy people in 
religion. (93) 

FRAUENEFLnER writcs on the same subject : — 
In the afternoon came also a Frptestant clergyman; he reaped 
no great harvest. The sailors laughed at him and went away, and 
the few passengers were also half joking. 

Believe me, dear relatives, we were not late for church and 
there we found again our Mother. The service here is conducted 
as well as it is in Germany. Never in my life have I prayed more 
devoutly; Christ is risen. Alleluia. The Archbishop himself cele- 
brated the mass, which, musically, was performed as beautifully as 
in the foremost churches of Germany; we felt like at home. Whe" 

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266 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

we came to the Protestants after the service, they complained that 
they had understood nothing in their church and felt discouraged 
about church matters altogether. By contrast, we were no strangers. 
Already on entering the church, we emigrants were shown by- an 
appointed verger to our seats in the choir loft (143) 

As I now knew my destination, I put my four girls to service 
in the city for there was nothing they desired more than to remain 
here. They could have obtained several places, but along came 
Mr. Wentworth, a Legislative Councillor, with two married daughters, 
and on the advice of the captain, desired the services of my 3 
eldest daughters. lie offered me, without being asked, £12 for each. 
I assented at the persuasion of the captain. Eva went to Mr. 
Wentworth himself as chambermaid. She has to wash, cook and 
clean. Margareta went to one of his daughters, and Genofeva to 
the second daughter; each has to do washing and cleaning. (144) 

On Wednesday before Whitsunday, our master came from Sydney 
and led us to several beautiful places [at Kiamba]. At a distance 
of 500 yards or 5 minutes from 'the master's house, we came to a 
small hill, 15 feet high, with a spring at its foot.. There we were 

to lay out a German village (152) Wlien Mr. Walker 

came again to the place, a few days later, he asked us what we 
would like to call the village. As my two colleagues [Sebastian 
Schubach and Heinrich Rau] came from Erbach in the Bhine province, 
we called it Erbach-in-the-Country and the street Frauenfelder Street. 
He was greatly pleased with this, said he would put it into the 
papers in Sydney and if the new settlers came out they would be 
induced to settle here (153) 

All the days which I spent during the last 8 years in Germany 
with my little brood of children, to shelter and provide whom caused 
my hair to turn grey, all those sorrowful days and sleepless nights 
I shall dedicate to God, my Heavenly Father. And I shall have 
borne them for the love of Jesus Christ, our Saviour, as the Holy 
Ghost had something better intended for me than I have merited ! 
He gave me the desire to emigrate, and I wandered and wandered 
and finally left the country for another continent, the farthest 

Here is God's earth, the same as in Germany, but the soil is 
fertile . and the climate healthy and God's blessing still lies in. the 
earth. In Germany it has risen up in smoke, but here is still an 
innocent earth. Here have not yet been comjnitted so many sins, 
not so much innocent blood has yet been shed as in Germfiny^ nor 
have our fellow-creatures been. robbed of their goods and chattels. 
Here, if you plough one furrow it is not one furrow too many for 
your neighbour. If emigrants come into this land with many 
children, no one says : he and his beggarly crew will soon be a 
burden to the parish. Here is pleasure in the father of a family 
with many children; when they are small they are easily fed, when 
big they can work, be of use and have bread and good wages. The 
drudgery of working many severe days and nights, as it is in 
Germany, is not the custom here. Nature and climate themselves 
contribute; all the year the woods and the fields are green. (154-55) 

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The ''Reliance" Log-Books of Matthew Flinders. 267 
The "^Reliance" Log-Books of Matthew Flinders. 

By Commander W. E. MAY, R.N. 
The log-books of Matthew Flinders for the period 
during which he commanded the Investigator are well 
known. It is not so well known that there are in existence 
his log-books as lieutenant of the Reliance. At that time 
all lieutenants had to keep logs, as well as the captains 
and masters, and many of these are deposited in the 
National Maritime Museum at Greenwich.' The four 
Flinders logs there cover the period from November 26, 
1796, to November 8, 1800. 

When the ship was commissioned on November 1, 

1794, Charles C. Ormsby was her 2nd Lieutenant and 
Flinders was Master's Mate. Ormsby was relieved on 
December 8 by Nicholas Johnson, but the latter was dis- 
charged as unserviceable at Rio de Janeiro on May 13, 

1795. The Reliance remained without a 2nd Lieutenant 
until November 25, when Flinders -was given an order to 
act, his commission from the Admiralty confirming the 
appointment being dated January 23, 1791. The log- 
book for his first year as an Acting Lieutenant is missing, 
and, when the first which we have opens, the Reliance was 
on passage to the Cape of Good Hope, having left Port 
Jackson on September 29, 1796. During the period 
covered by the logs, the ship reached the Cape on January 
16, 1797, sailed again on April 11, and was back at Port 
Jackson on June 27. Thereafter she remained at Port 
Jackson until March 3, 1800, except for two visits to 
Norfolk Island, the first from May to July, 1798, and the 
second from November to December, 1799. These must 
have been arduous trips, as there - was no anchorage at 
Norfolk Island, and the ship had to stand off and on for 
three weeks or so while she landed her passengers and took 
off others. 

The lieutenant's log-books were often written up from 
the ship's log, and indeed in many cases the lieutenant 
employed someone to do it for him. That Flinders copied 
at least part of his log is obvious from the fact that it 
continues to record happenings in the ship even when he 
was away from her. For these absences we have the 
following entries : — 

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268 Royal Australian Historical ISociety. 

February 2nd, 17^8 — The Francis colonial schooner sailed for 
Preservation Island to bring the remainder of the late Sydney Cove's 
cargo from thence. I went in her to make some observations 
amongst Fumeaux Isles and along this coast. 

March 10th, 1798 — The Francis schooner came into the cove 
from Preservation Island. 

October 7th, 1798 — Sailed .... the Snow Nautilus for Fumeaux 
Islands, sealing; accompanied by the colonial . sloop Norfolk, com- 
manded by the 2nd Lieutt. of this ship, for the purpose of exploring 
the supposed strait between Van Diemens land and New South 
Wales and to circumnavigate the latter, by order of his Excellency, 
the first commander of this ship. 

January 12 th, 1799 — ^Arrived the Colonial sloop Nor folk, com- 
manded by. the 2nd Lieutt. From Twofold bay on this coast, which 
was surveyed, she went to Fumeaux islands with the Nautilus in 
Company, and from thence over to the coast of Van Diemens land 
to near the last part Been by Capt. Fumeaux. From thence shd 
coasted near 3° of longitude on the North coast of that country. 
The only opening found there was Port Dalrymple which Lt F. 
surveyed. The N.W. part of Van Diemens consisted of several 
islands which were named after his Excellency, the 1st Commander 
of this ship. From Hunters Isles, she found the coast trended to 
the Eastward of South, and thus determined this passage to be an 
extensive strait, separating New South Wales from Van Diemens 
land. The sloop still kept the land close on board to the S.W. 
Cape, without finding any harbour, unless there should be one about 
22' N° of the Cape, where an opening was seen of considerable width. 
She ran within the body of De Wits Isles, and along the S.E. side 
of Adventure bay island into Frederick Henry Bay, which was found 
to be very extensive. She also went up the Derwent River, but had 
not time to examine the Storm bay passage into it, being limited 
by his Excellency to 3 months, which was now expired. This also 
prevented her ascertaining whether a passage did not exist, fjrom 
the head of Fred. Henry bay out to the Eastward. The sloop kept 
the land on board, close round Cape Pillar, and passed near Schoutens 
islands, but the N.W. wind, and want of time prevented any 
examination of them, or of the East coast of Van Diemens land. 
Having made Fumeaux Isles again, and ascertained that no land 
existed due North of the Sisters, as was supposed she made the 
land about the Ram head, and with difficulty got off the coast, the 
wind being S.S.E. and South. 

July 8th, 1799 — Sailed the sloop Norfolk to examine Glass-house 
and Herveys Bays upon this coast, commanded by the second 
lieutenant of this ship. 

August 21st, 1799 — ^Arrived the colonial sloop Norfolk, from her 
expedition to Herveys and Glass-house Bays which the second 
lieutenant examined. They were neither of them fit harbours to 
shelter a ship against all winds. 

When at sea, Flinders made many notes concerning 
the navigation of the ship. It is of interest, that though 
the ship carried a timekeeper, the old name for a chrono- 
meter, references to it are but few, the longitude having 

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The ^^ Reliance' ' Log-Books of Matthew Flinders. 269 

been apparently obtained more often by lunar distances. 
The variation of the compass was frequently recorded, 
and on one occasion it is mentioned that the variations 
obtained by Walker's and the ship's azimuth compasses 
differed by 3° 48', and on another by 2° 58'. It is note- 
worthy that on both these occasions the ship's head was 
near East, and that a few years later Flinders discovered 
that the largest deviations of the compass occurred in the 
INVESTIGATOR when her head was near East or West. 
Ralph Walker, of Jamaica, had invented his meridional 
compass in 1793, and had brought it to England in the 
PROVIDENCE, Captain William Bligh, in which ship 
Flinders was also serving. Owing to the cost of this 
compass, it was only supplied to those ships whose captains 
or masters were specially qualified to use it. 

During the four years covered by the logs, there were 
nineteen floggings varying between six and eighteen lashes, 
four men being flogged twice. The most common crimes 
were various forms of disorderly conduct and absence 
without leave. There were only three cases of drunken- 
ness, all during the last few months in Australia. The 
acting boatswain was dismissed the ship by court-martial 
for insolence to Flinders. 

The Reliance was in a very bad state of repair, and 
after her return from the Cape in 1797 was leaking badly. 
Large repairs had to be carried out to make her seaworthy, 
and, with no dockyard to fall back upon, these were a long 
and painful business. The following extracts from 
Flinders' log illustrate the state of repair of the ship and 
the manner of repairing her. It will be appreciated that 
in logs of this period the day was reckoned from noon to 
noon instead of from midnight to midnight. 

May 7th, 1797 — Found the Larbd f oremt M. shroud gone — 
knotted it. 

May 8th, 1797 — Knotted the Starbd foremt M. shroud. 

June 21st, 1797 — Split the main sail in hauling it up. 

July 2nd, 1797 — Unbent the topsails, got the T. gait masts 
down on deck and unrove the running rigging — the ship continues 
to make abt 2^ in. of water pr hour; before coming in she made 
four for a few da^js. 

July 8th, 1797 — Employed landing the remainder of the guns. 

July 13th, 1797 — ^AM Sent the powder on shore to the magazine. 

July 21st, 1797 — AM at 6 slipped the best bower, (keeping a 
hawser fast to it). hauled alongside the Supply and put in bd 
5 cables and 4 hawsers. At Noon hauled off and moored as before. 

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270 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

July 22nd, 1797 — The ship still continues making above 2 inches 
an hour altho' she is lightened 2 feet. 

August Ist, 1797 — ^Employed getting up coals into old casks 
and sending them on shore. 

August 3rd, 1797 — The ship continues to make the same water 
with very little variation. 

August 19th, 1797 — ^Landed some -of the Boatswain's stores in 
casks at the storehouse. 

August 22nd, 1797 — Sent on shore the Gunner's stores, and the 
three tops. AM Launch sent to cut timber for outriggers for 
heaving down the ship. 

August 27th, 1797 — ^In sending Carpenters stores on shore the 
pinnace swamped, but got on board the Supply with the loss of 
some of them. 

August Slst, 1797 — Found a leak under one of the floor timbers, 
in the garbet strakei by the fore hatchway. AM Trimming the 
ship by the head to find if any leak was abaft. 

September 2nd, 1797 — ^Employed strapping2 purchase blocks for 
heaving down by. 

September 4th, 1797 — ^Unmoored and worked up the Cove to the 
anchors laid on the rocks for heaving down by : — moored in 4i 
f ms within a ships length of the shore. the best bower brought 
in abaft and several hawsers to anchors and stumps of trees ashore. 

September 5th, 1797 — Employed securing the ship head and 
stem. AM Carpenters and superny caulker employed on the star- 
board side. 

September 6th, 1797 — Employed fitting rigging for securing the 
M. mast. 

September 7th, 1797 — AM Employed fitting double martingales 
for the outriggers. 

September 8th, 1797 — Employed lashing the anchors to a ring 
in the rock, by which a ship had formerly hove down, and loading 
them with mooring chains. 

September 9th, 1797 — Employed strapping dead" eyes for the 
three outriggers, fitting the martingales and a belly band with a 
top chain for a preventer purchase. Otherwising loading the anchors 
with mooring chains. 

September 11th, 1797 — Got topmasts on board for shores and 
outriggers for heaving the ship down by. Employed fitting martin- 

September 12th, 1797 — Fitting shrouds (additional) to the M. 

September 13th, 1797 — Employed fitting the shrouds for the 

September 14th, 1797 — Sent all the small arms on shore. Hauled 
the ship a few fms farther off the rocks. AM got the outriggers 
in their places and rigged them. 

1 Garbet strake (Garboard streak), the plank in the ship's 
bottom next to the keel. 

2 Strap (strop), the rope band around a block by which it is 

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The ''Reliance'' Log-Books of Matthew Flinders. 271 

September 15th, 1797 — Carpenters making chocks &c for the 
outriggers. AM Employed placing anchors for the purchase falls. 

September 16th, 1797 — Employed lashing and securing the out- 
riggers. Carpenters driving bolts for the martingales into the lower 
bend, and making a floating stage. 

September 18th, 1797 — ^AM Stayed the masts, set up the fore 
rigging and began upon the Main, getting the masts over to the 
larboard partners.3 Got a shore up and lashed, to the fore mast. 

September 19th, 1797 — Fresh gales and squally with rain; 
obliged to leave the rigging unfinished. Getting lashing &c out of 
the store house. AM Employed landing Boatswains stores and 
clearing the ship. 

September 21st, 1797 — ^AM Set up the Main and Mz rigging, 
as also the additional M. shrouds to the outriggers, keeping the 
Masts over to larboard partners. 

September 22nd, 1797 — ^AM Hauled the ship closer to rocks to 
land the remr of the kentledge.4 

September 23rd, 1797 — Employed landing the kentledge. AM 
lashing the blocks and reeving the purchase for heaving down. 

September 24th, 1797 — ^AM landed the remainder of the kent- 
ledge and stores, and everything ready for heaving down. 

September 25th, 1797 — Sent the ships company, with chests & 
hammocks to remain on board the Supply whilst heaving down. 
AM Having got everytliing ready, at 9^ began to heave, but when 
the ship came to her bearing, the anchor, to wliich the purchase fall 
was led, started; and we were obliged to righten. 

September 26th, 1797 — Got another stream anchor up the bank, 
backed that which started with it and secured them both. Employed 
otherwise preparing for another heave, pumping out the ship &c. 
AM hove the ship about three fourths down, when the strap of the 
lower purchase-block gave way and the ship righted suddenly, but 
tolerably easy, and did no mischief. Employed putting new straps 
(4 parts of 7^' cable-laid) to both purchase blocks. 

September 27th, 1797 — ^Employed setting up the rigging and 
lashing the Mast head and belly shores afresh : also got up a lower 
belly shore. AM having got a gang of Convicts and some hands 
from the Supply to assist as usual, at 7^ began to heave, and brought 
the upper part of the keel out; when the two foremost main shrouds 
broke and the Mast came over to the lee partners; Tightened im- 
mediately and finding the other shrouds not very good, began un- 
rigging the masts and got the Supply's fore rigging to replace it. 

September 28th, 1797 — Employed rigging the Main mast; set up 
the stay, and the rigging hand taught. Got a pair of old M. 
shrouds in addition, over the mast. AM Set up the M. rigging. 
Employed lashing the shores &c. 

September 29th, 1797 — ^AM Set up the rigging again and began 
to heave at 8 but the strap of the lower block not rendering round 
the anchors as the mast came perpendicular over them, it slipped 

3 Partners, the strengthening pieces around the hole in the deck 
through which the mast passes. 

4 Kentledge, iron ballast. 

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272 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

through the seizing. Righted, fresh seized the strap and got a 
spar under the block to keep it upright. Everything standing 
securely, hove the keel out, belayed, and passed some turns of the 
7 in round the mast head and anchors for additional security; 
ripped off the copper and found that what had occasioned the leak 
was two butt-ends, from between which the oakum had worked out, 
as also that a piece let into the garbet-streak plank and another 
butt-end farther forward wanted caulking. Carpenters employed 
on the stage caulking the bottom round the leak. 

September 30th, 1797 — The carpenters having finished at 3 
righted the ship and pumped her out. Find the ship perfectly 

October 9th, 1797 — ^AM Carpenters .... hewing out timber 
in the rough to be brought in for riders, which are to be continued 
down to the fore timber heads fore and aft. 

The next month was occupied in working on the rig- 
ging, and by the carpenters in making and fitting the 

November 15th, 1797 — The carpenters having got all the riders 
fitted and the upper bolts drove; began to fresh lash the shores 
and get everything ready for heaving doWn to drive the lower bolts. 

November 17th, 1797 — Hove the ship down for the carpenters 
to b©lt the riders. 

November 18th, 1797 — At 3 Tightened the ship. AM Hove the 
ship down, within 4 feet of the keel and by noon the carpenters 
had got all the bolts drove and capped, when we rightened. 

November 20th, 1797 — ^AM swung the ship, in order to be ready 
for heaving down, when the Carpenters shall have completed the 
starboard riders. 

December 28th, 1797 — AM Got the topmasts out for outriggers : 
lashed and rigged them and otherwise prepared to heave down; 
the Carpenters having got the last rider on board, and nearly bolted 
above water : AM Stayed the Miz. mast, set up the rigging and 
got the foremast shored up & lashed. 

December 29th, 1797— Got the shores up for the M. mast and 
otherwise preparing to heave down. AM stayed the M.,mast; got 
it over to the starbd partners and set the rigging up. 

December 30th, 1797 — Employed lashing the main shores and 
purchase blocks, and securing everything. AM Shifted the after 
cable, under the counter to the larboard side. 

January 2nd, 1798 — -Lashing purchase blocks to the anchors 
on shore and the necessary preparations for heaving down. > 

January 3rd, 1798 — Hauled the ship closer to the rocks, rove 
the purchase fall and set up the M. rigging again. AM set up 
the outrigger shrouds, and sent everything out of the ship. At 
6^ Began to heave : the Carpenters bolting as each tier came above 
the water. 

January 4th, 1798 — Got the assistance of a gang of convicts 
(and the Supply's people as in the morning), and hove her within 
4 feet of the keel. At 2i the Carpenters finished bolting, and 
repairing the copper where it required it; when we righted the ship, 
hauled further off, unrove the purchases and pumped the ship out. 

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The ''Reliance'' Log -Books of Matthew Flinders. 273 

At other periods we read of spars, rigging and sails 
being lent by one ship to another to keep her going, ^and 
when preparing for the passage home we read, *^Got the 
quarter deck guns struck down and after hold to ease the 
ship, ' ' but they had to be got up again in a hurry at sea 
when a suspicious sail was sighted. 

At last the Reliance was ordered home, but although 
on' February 2, 1800, she ''fired a gun as a, signal for 
sailing for England,'' it .was not until a month later that 
she got away. At St Helena they altered the date for 
the second time that commission, having completed their 
second circuit of the globe. Here also the Reliance picked 
up a convoy to take hpme. During this passage much 
annoyance was caused by the master of the Favourite^ who 
showed no desire to co-operate, as the following entries 
reveal : — ♦ 

June 16th, 1800 — At 10, made the signal for the convoy to 
weigh. At lli weighed, stood off a little, and then hove to for 
the shipd of the convoy to come out and join. At noon .... the 
Mornington and Hercules in company but the Earl Howe and 
Caledonicm not yet weighed. The Favourite — oil ship from S° 
Georgia — standing off and on. 

June 17th, 1800 — At 4 bore away, with the 5 before mentioned 
ships under convoy. AM The Favourite being considerably astern, 
desired the Hercules to tow her up ... . under three topsails, 
waiting for the tow. 

June 18th, 1800 — At 4 brought to for the Hercules and her tow 
to come up and then ordered her to cast off. AM The Favourite 
not in sight at daylight. 

June 21st, 1800 — ^At dusk, made signal for convoy to close, but 
not being attended to by the HercUles fired a shot ahead of her to 
bring her to her station. 

July 12th, 1800 — Strange sail having shown some colours & 
fired a gun, gave her a shot to bring her down to us. Made the 
Favourite's signal with a gun supposing the strange sail to be her. 
Sent an officer on board to enquire why he left the convoy on the 
evening of June 17. Answer was he understood Captain Waterhouse 
when hailing that "he was sorry to be obliged to leave him." This 
was not said, or anything that could be so construed fairly : The 
Favourite however hauled two points to the northward at dusk, 
according to the masters account, and in the morning steered the 
convoys course again. He now requested to be under convoy as 

July 14th, 1800 — At sunset made signal to close & repeated it 
with the Favourite's pendant, she being considerably astern. AM 
shortened sail for the Favourite and made her signal to close with 
a gun. 

July 15th, 1800 — Ordered the Hercules to run down and see 
what was flying at the Favourite's peak and the Howe to take an 

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274 Royal Australiun Historical Society. 

intermediate station and carry a light. At daybreak the Hercules 
and Favour He 7 to 10 miles to leeward. 

July 16th, 1800 — ^Inquired of the Mercules concerning the 
Favourite's signal of the preceding evening. According to the 
Hercules' report, it was a dirty table which she had imprudently 
hoisted at the peak. At 10 made signal to close, and repeated it 
to the Caledonian and Favourite with a gun. 

July 17th, 1800 — -Desired the Howe to show a light to the 
Favourite who was considerably astern, during the night. The 
Favourite 6 br 8 miles astern at daylight. 

July 18th, 1800 — At daylight the Favourite just in sight. Sent 
on board the Howe to enquire concerning the Favourite whom she 
had spoken and who complained of being left so far astern; but 
the leaky state of the Howe and Caledonian and other circumstances 
seem to make it necessary for us to make the best of our way 
without her. 

July 19th, 1800-^The Favourite 6 miles astern. 

July 20th, 1800 — ^AM The Favourite ahead. - 

July 21st, 1800 — Informed the Favourite of the necessity there 
was for us to carry all sail. 

All things come to an end, however, and the final entry 
in this log reads : — 

November 8th, 1800 — The pendant of H.M.S. Eetiance hauled 
down at sunset, the ship being put out of commission by an order 
from the Admiralty. — Mattw Flinders 2nd Lt. 

Macquarie Portrait at Windsor* 

By G. A. KING (Member). 

There is considerable history associated with Windsor 
(N.S.W.) Court House, which was built in 1820-1821, 
although it is not the original Court House, there having 
been an earlier one prior to 1821. 

One of the most treasured possessions of the people 
of Windsor is a painting of Governor Macquarie, which 
occupies a place over the Bench in the Court House. 

This portrait of Macquarie was arranged for during 
the Governor's last visit to Windsor before his return to 

In an address of farewell, dated December 12, 1821, 
from the inhabitants of the district of the Hawkesbury, 
Macquarie was informed that it had been resolved ^Ho 
request of Governor Macquarie to sit for a half-length 
portrait in England to be put up in the n ew Court House 

* See Royal Australian Historical Society's Journal and Proceed- 
ings, Vol. XVI., p. 37. 

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Macquarie Portrait at Windsor. 275 

at Windsor/' To defray the expense ot the portrait 
the sum of seventy guineas was immediately subscribed. 

The Governor, in delightful language, replied that 
^*the resolution passed at your meeting requesting me to 
sit for a half-length portrait is highly gratifying to my 
feelings and is too flattering a mark of the personal regard 
of the inhabitants of the districts of the Hawkesbury to 
be rejected. I, therefore, with sincere pleasure and pride, 
acquiesce in your request, by agreeing to sit for my portrait 
on my return to England, and I shall ever bear in mind 
a lively recollection of the honour thus conferred upon 

A change of plans apparently occurred, as the painting 
was made by Kichard Read, senr., who, in 1814, had estab- 
lished a drawing school in Pitt Street, Sydney, and who, 
in 1821, removed to Hunter Street. In 1823, Read adver- 
tised that he had painted a number of smaller portraits of 
Macquarie, which were for sale. 

Who was "X.Y.Z." of "A Ride to 
Bathurst, 1827" ? 

Note by W. L. HAVARD (Fellow). 
In Fourteen Journeys Over the Blue Mountains of 
New South Wales, 1813-1841^ Part II., Collected Edited 
and Privately Printed by George Mackaness, the Table of 
Contents on page 5 includes this entry : — 

DUMARESQ) : "A Bide to Bathurst, 1827." 

The reader will note that although '^Anonymous*' is 
shown above and below as unquestionably identified, yet 
finally, in the annotation, uncertainty is expressed. 

On page 75, after giving the date of this ''Journey 
Across the Blue Mountains'' as ''1824" instead of 1827, 
the Editor has the following introduction :— 

Title : '*A Bide to Bathurst." Six letters. 

Author : Anonymous, but signed at foot of each "X.Y.Z." 
(Captain William John Dumaresq). 

Source : The Australian The letters appeared on 13th 

March, 1827, and in succeeding issues. 

Annotation : As suggested by my friend, Mr. Malcolm H. 
Ellis, F.R.A.H.S., these unsigned letters, entitled '*A Ride to 

Digitized by 


276 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Bathurst," may possibly have come from the pen of Captain William 
John Dumaresq, the second of three brothers who accompanied 
their sister and brother-in-law, General Sir Ralph Darling, the new 
Governor, to New South Wales in 1825. He was made provisionally 
civil engineer of the Colony, and a little later, inspector of roads 
and bridges, a position which would have given him an opportunity 
of making a journey such as that described here i 


1. It can only appear to the reader of page 5 and 
page 75 that '^Anonymous" is twice unquestionably 

2. Not a few others besides Captain Dumaresq had 
the opportunity and the need at that time of making such 
a journey. 

3. Any idea that Dumaresq was the author is extra- 
ordinary. The internal evidence of the six letters is to 
the contrary. 

''X.Y.Z." was a ** mountain traveller in search of 
land'' who found the going *'no joke to one not accus- 
tomed to the saddle'' ; at Cox's Eiver, where there were 
two dangerous fords to pass the horses over, he ''observed 
several soldiers belonging to the station enjoying them- 
selves in perfect repose on benches .... and while they 
sat lookinjj at us almost breaking our horses' legs through 
the ford, I wished that the active officer in charge of roads 
and bridges [Dumaresq himself, maybe. — ^W.L.H.] had 
been with us, on a hundred guinea horse" ; at the Fish 
River he noted "a road party stationed,'' and "it is always 
with a feeling of pleasure that I pass these useful hands. 
In my frequent excursions through the Colony, the utmost 
order and respect have been observable, in whatever direc- 
tion I have fallen in with them" ; "X.Y.Z." was critical 
of Government — "all beyond is the Government's !" — ^but 
not of "our most popular newspaper, The Australian/' 
the paper that criticised Darling, Dumaresq 's brother-in- 
law ! 

4. Bear in mind that at Springwood these travellers 
had "some cigars" from "our own stock," while at CoUits* 

1 Mr Ellis, in a note in the Sydney Bulletin, wrote that what 
he told Dr Mackaness was that the writer could not have been Captain 
Dumares'q, since the Captain, as an intimate member of Governor 
Darling's family, would scarcely have written articles in a journal 
partly controlled by the Governor's enemy, W. C. Wentworth. — 

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Notes and Queries. 277 

Inn^ '*we finished our cegars [not their stock, let's hope] 
under the verandah/' 

5. ^*X.Y.Z/' was *Hhe tobacconist' ' — THOMAS 

6. The first of the valuable letters of "A Ride to 
Bathurst" appeared in The Australian on March 13, 1827. 
Subsequently the Sydney Gazette commented : — 

(a) On March 15 : ''The Tobacconist, as soon as his 
'Ride to Bathurst' terminates, it is thought will pere- 
grinate to Western Port The Australian in the 

meantime will be conducted by the Doctor [R. Wardell], 
who will feel the deprivation of the Tobacconist much. . . . 
The Tobacconist has grown quite popular, since it is known 
he contributes so largely to The Australian,^' 

(b) On April 25 : "Is it true that the Editor of The 
Australian is in partnership with the Tobacconist ?" . . . 
"Is it true that Thomas Horton James, Esq,, is writing a 
treatise on smuggling V 

(c) On June 29 : *' Thomas Horton JameSy tobac- 
conist . . . . " 

(d) On August 8 : "THOMAS HORTON JAMES, 
the Father of Australian Tobacco .... the fertile and 
inquisitive pen of the Grower of Colonial Tobacco, has been 
industriously employed in The Australian.'' 

(e) On February 11, 1828 : "Mr T. H. JAMES . . . 
has attended to the growth of tobacco .... " 

2 The illustration given by the Editor on page 89 is not 
of "CoUit's Inn." The inn was elsewhere — below and beyond the 
foot of Mount York, where no road ever ran as seen in the 
illustration. The view shows a later building near the foot of the 
Pass of Victoria at Mount Victoria. The pass was opened by 
Bourke in 1832, to the disadvantage of Collits, whose inn was 
thereby left some miles off this new route. But a relevant 
Corrigendum is offered in Part III. of Fourteen Journeys : — 

"The Editor regrets that on page 80 [page 89] of Part II 

the illustration bearing the legend 'Collit's Inn' [Collits is the sur- 
name] was incorrectly named. It is actually that of the Inn [or 
one of them] at Little Hartley, at the foot of the Pass of Victoria. 
Collit's Inn, built in 1823 and still in existence, is some distance 
to the northward, at the bottom of the original road from Mt. 
York, built by William Cox in 1814." No,' indeed I Collits' Inn 
was built at some distance from Cox's road. Cox's road passed well 
behind the inn ; the inn faced closely a newer road — ^leading past 
the front gate and described by "X.Y.Z." — which avoided the "Big 
Hill" of Mount York, and instead came down from the Blue Moun- 
tains through Long Alley. 

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278 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Notes and Queries. 

By JAMES JERVIS, A.S.T.C. (Fellow), 
Honorary Research Secretary. 

Price fixing, with which Australians are familiar 
owing to the exigencies of war, is not new; it was intro- 
duced during Governor Hunter's term of office. Hunter 
purchased grain and pork from the settlers. The price 
paid to settlers for pork in 1799 was 1/- per pound ; later 
it was reduced to 9d. per pound. Wheat in October, 
1799, was purchased by the Government for 8/- per bushel 
and maize for 4/-. In September, 1800,^ Governor King 
issued an order informing the public that private retailers 
would not be allowed to charge more than 20 per cent, on 
the purchase price at the ship. 

In March, 1802,^ butchers were licensed, and the price 
at which they were to buy and sell meat Was fixed. 

In August, 1800,^ Governor ' Hunter was informed 
that a consignment of goods was being sent out by the 
English Government for sale to the general public. 
Hunter was instructed that these goods were to be disposed 
of to the inhabitants ''for money, or barter for grain or 
animal food supplied to His Majesty's stores." Thirty 
per cent, additional was to be charged on perishable articles 
and 20 per cent, on imperishable goods to indemnify the 
Government for freight and losses incurred in issuing the 
material in small quantities. The officers of the ship 
Earl Cornwallis were allowed to bring out a quantity of 
goods for sale on condition that they were to be such a 
price as the Governor might think proper. 

The Earl Cornwallis arrived in June, 1801, and P. 6. 
King, who was then Governor, issued instructions to John 
Palmer,* Commissary, concerning the disposal of the goods 
sent out, and he was informed that an advance of 30 per 
cent, was to be charged *'on perishable, and 20- per cent, 
on unperishable (sic.) articles." Those requiring goods 
had to obtain written permission before a sale could be 
effect(?d, and payment was to be made before delivery, 

1 Historical Hecorda of Australia, Series I., Vol. I., p. 662. 
2lhid, Vol. III., p. 477. 

« Historical liecords of Australiay Series I., Vol. II., p. 551. 
*//nJ. Vul. III., pp. 163, 164, 165. 

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Notes and Queries. 279 

except in such cases, as the Governor judged it advisable 
to give credit until the next harvest. 

The price of soap was fixed at 8^d. to 9id. per lb., 
children's shoes 19/2^ to £1/7/- per dozen, girls' shoes 
£l/17/4f to £2/8/5^ per dozen, women's shoes (''stuff and 
leather") £2/13/6 to £3/7/94 per dozen, Welsh flannel 
2/OJ to 2/5i per yard, Irish linen 2/OJ to 2/5^ per yard, 
women's black cotton worsted hose 2/8:^ to 3/- per pair, 
to quote a few of the items listed. 

The practice of selling goods by the Government at 
fixed prices continued until the arrival of Macquarie, who 
reported in April, 1810, that he was of the opinion that 
it could not be discontinued ''without great Inconvenience 
and Loss to the Settlers in general, there being no regular 
Supplies imported by private Merchants sufficient to 
answer the Demands of the Inhabitants, and the Prices 
laid on by Individuals on European Articles imported by 
them are so enormously high that the lower orders of the 
People cannot afford to purchase them, however much they 
may Stand in Need of them."^ 

In March, 1815, Macquarie reported to Earl Bathurst 
he had abolished "the bad Custom of Supplying Settlers 
and other persons with Various Articles for payment from 
the King's Stores in this Colony."^ 

Potatoes have made headline news for years, and the 
news item from the Sydmey Gazette of January 14, 1837, 
concerning this very necessary article of diet is of interest : 

The late importers of potatoes from Van Diemen's Land are 
making a very pretty thing of it ; at that place they are purchased 
at from £1/12/6 to £1/15/- per ton, and expenses in bringing them 
up amount to another pound, and they are readily disposed of here 
from £7 to £8 per ton; 

In a return of live stock made to the British Govern- 
ment on July 9, 1788, it is stated that the number of 
rabbits in the settlement was five, three of which belonged 
to the Governor and two to officers and men of the detach- 
ment serving at Sydney Cove. In 1837 rabbits again 
appeared in the news. The Sydney Gazette of January 
19, 1837, said :— 

5 Ihid, Vol. III., pp. 250, 251. 
^Ihid, Vol. VIII., p. 464. 

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280 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

Babbits are so scarce, that the 'only pair in the market on 
Tuesday were not to be had under £3; they used to be 5/- a couple. 

Much is heard of the doctrine of Socialism to-day. 
The earliest reference in the local press to this political 
faith seems to have been in 1840, when The Australia/ii 
published the following paragraph in its issue of April 
25. 1840 :— 

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Royal JIustralfdn fifsiorical Society 


Vol. XXXIX. 1953. Part VI. 

The Society does not hold itself responsible for statements made 
or opinions expressed by authors of the papers published in thta 

Early Pastoral Settlement in the Coastal District 
of Central Queensland. 

By VIVIAN VOSS, B.A. (Honours : Class I., History), 

Sydney University, 1951. 

{Read before the Society by E. C. Roiblandf in the absence 

of the author, on November 25 y 1952.) 

Note. — The broken sequence of reference numbers is in strict 

accordance with the author's manuscript. — (Editor.) 

By early 1853, with the best lands of what is now 
Southern Queensland taken up, the earlier '*floekmasters 
of the Moreton Bay District'' were turning ^perceptibly 
into the later resident ''Shepherd Kings'' of the Downs. 
Their rapid transformation into an established class of land- 
holders concerned with consolidation rather than expansion was now 
one of the features of this area of colonial evolution. . . . Within 
a decade of H. S. Russell's stocking of Burrandowan, almost every 
square mile of herbage of the Burnett lands had been enclosed within 
the erratic tree-blazed boundaries of the occupiers . . . over the 
whole of the lands watered by the Burnett and its innumerable 
tributaries to the country beyond the Dawson north of Gayndah 
the pastures were locked against invaders by Lawsons and Elliotts, 
by Lawlesses, Archers, and Haleys, Joneses, Pleydell-Bouveries, and 
McTaggarts, Strathdees, Friells, and Marjoribankses, Fumivals, 
Mocattas, and Farquaharsons. . . . With the improvements upon their 
runs, with the hard-won concession from Her Majesty's Government 
of some rights of tenure, these Crown leaseholds — for which their 
owners paid a mere ten pounds annual rental — ^had earned a market- 
able value if only for the flocks and herds which grazed upon them. 
This value, with growing infrequency, came to be realized in sales 
of pastoral properties."! 

For — although the stream of land-hungry men still 
surged on northwards (''endlessly seeking unoccupied 
country . . ."), and although "a few of the new-comers 
bought flocks with the stations nominally thrown in" — 
most, however, 

avoided such an outlay of precious capital, and pushed north to 
seek the square miles of vacant grazing lands that lay in the track 
of the unfortunate explorer, Leichhardt, in the terra incognita of 
the tropics. . . .2 

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282 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Such, simply, was the genesis of Central Queensland 
pastoral settlement : land-locked monopoly to the far South, 
and the inevitable response of a vigorously expanding, land- 
thirsty economy — the decision to trek onwards in search of 
greener (and freer) pastures further North. 

Typical of the new pioneers were the Archers, soon to 
become — in more ways than one — the first family of Central 
Queensland. In the early 'forties they had arrived in 
the Moreton Bay District, and in the next decade their 
stations blazed the trail into the North : Durundur, Emu 
Creek and Cooyar Creek in turn. By 1853 the Archer 
Brothers were at Eidsvold and Coonambula, but obviously 
they were lookinis: further afield. Colin Archer wrote to 
l)is brother David (Coonambula, March 12, 1853) : — 

. . . Don't you think Charlie has a great deal of brass in his 
composition, when he, the great pioneer of the North, has been out 
on the Dawson three several times, and has hardly found a place 
worth the trouble of putting sheep on; and here are the Leith-Hays, 
just past this with their 28,000 sheep, who, in a ten days' journey 
from Berrvs. in spit" of all his prognostications, stumbled across a 
fine, well-watered run for th'^ir sheep (i.e., Rannes), after travelling 
over the very countrv he had seen on one of his iourneys. . . .3 

Certainlv, few families liad opportunities in that 
direction such as the Archers. Ludwij^ Leichhardt, who 
stayed at Dunrudur, w'ls^ their clo -e fnend, and (as existinor 
correspondence indicates) they were able to learn from him, 
first hand, his reports on the Creat I^nknown to the North ; 
keepinsr always on the most advanced ''frontier" of settle- 
ment, they were necessarily in touch with most lesser fis:ures 
of Queensland exploration; and, perhaps enually significant, 
their intimate connexion with the powerful Walker interests 
of Sydney* must have made available to them official 
o'azettes in the Government Lands Office that were not 
open to every would-be settler. t 

* The mother of the Archer brothers, Mrs William Archer of 
Tolderodden Estate, Laurvig, Norway, had been Julia Walker, sister 
of the James Walker who had foun-dod the company in New Soutli 
Wales, and was head of the family who owned Wallerowang and 
(later) Yaralla. 

tTliis line of argument, of course, accepts as correct the thesis 
that Australian Land Exploration had more than a disinterested 
connexion with the later squatting settlement — which view seems to 
be fairly well substantiated merely on evidence available in Central 
Queensland. Tlie Archers of Gracemere were themselves explorers; 
so too was P. F. MacDonald of Yaamba, who led numerous exploring 
parties into the West, and himself took up the runs he found (besides 
Yemeappo, he lield Fernless, Marmadilla, and Columbria) ; and, of 

Digitized by 


Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 283 

Jjike most of the squatter advance guard, the Archers, 
where necessary, were explorers themselves. Thus, five 
months after his first letter, we find Colin Archer again 
writing home to David in Norway (from Coonambula, 
Augus-t 27, 1853 :— 

One of the pioneers of the 1850's. 

. . . (Muirlip and I returned last week from an expedition to 
tlie Fitzroy River, where he and Willie discovered some very good 

course, the Landsboroughs at Kaglan. (James Landsborough of 
Raglan Station was the brother of William Landsborough, the ex- 
plorer.) For the intimate connexion between Leichhanlt's discoveries 
and the grazing use the Archers later put them to, we have only to 
remember his news of the Fitzroy River and ''Peak Downs" — and 
how it prompted Charles Archer's own expeditions and the later move 
to Gracemere. (My contention here is based directly <m Leichhardt's 
letters to the Archers of Durundur — until recently in the possession 
of Mr Alister Archer of Gracemere; and C. T). Cotton's Ludirig 
Leichhardty passim, but especially page 202.) 

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284 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

country some time ago . . . the Farrig run,t which in my opinion 
is a very beautiful place for Australia. . . . 

Then, two years later (July 2, 1855), the Archer party 
set out to occupy and stock their new run. The party 
that trekked from. Coonambula Station was a fairly typical 
one, if somewhat larger than most squatters' advance 
parties : besides Charles and William Archer, it included 
17 Europeans (among them 8 German immigrant stock- 
men)? 2 native police troopers, 4 blackboys with their gins, 
8 to 10 horses, 2 waggon-teams of 12 bullocks each — and, 
most important of all, 8,000 sheep.'* On the trek North 
the Archers passed the brothers Leith-Hay at Rannes, then 

Oldest section of Gracemere Homestead, from the west side. 

the most northerly point of settlement in what was soon 
to become Queensland. The LeithHays ran 28,000 sheep, 
and after each wool-clip drove their bullock-drays across 
country to the tiny port of Gladstone, where a few men 
and huts seem to have survived Colonel Barney's ill-fated 
and premature attempt at settlement in 1846.^ But it is 
with the Archers' arrival near the site of the present city 
of Rockhampton that the actual settlement of Central 
Queensland must be dated as beginning. 

Unlike most squatters^ the Archers were destined to 

t Later "Gracemere." 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland, 285 

remain satisfied with their new home : for them, indeed, 
the farthest pastures had proved the greenest. 

We have now been located upon the run for three months, during 
which time I have gained an accurate knowledge of its extent and 
quality, and I am happy to say that my previous estimate of its 
excellence has been quite confirmed by further acquaintance. . . . 
It is the only part of New South Wales (Sydney excepted) where 
I have ever seen anything that could be called fine scenery. . . .6 
That was Charles Archer writing home in November, 1855, 
but by then the present homestead site was already singled 
out — a narrow neck of land running out into its waterlily- 
covered lagoon or **mere'' (^'Graeemere,'' after Grace, 
Mrs Tom Archer) — apparently consciously chosen for its 
resemblance to far-off Tolderodden and its Norwegian fjord. 
With all the district to choose from, the Archers' enthu- 

Aerfal view of Gracemere Homestead, at the end of a natural 
peninsula abutting into the "Mere." 

siasm for their final site 'Was nevertheless understandable ; 
and today, after nearly a century, later generations of 
Archers at Gracemere never regret Charles Archer's choice. 
Nor were more mundane considerations ever lost sight 
of by this capable family of Scotch-Norwegians : like their 
homestead site, the Archers' run ''picked the eyes out of 
the district." Even in 1855 Gracemere was an immense 
holding : from the Bajool scrub in the south, roughly fol- 

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286 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

lowing the line of the Fitzroy River, its tree-blazed boun- 
daries stretched away northward to present-day Morinish, 
a distance of about seventy miles. It included land on 
the seaward side of the river, but it was on the left bank 
that the greatest block of country lay : taking in the present 
site of Rockhampton, it stretched inland for almost thirty 
miles, finally finding its westernmost outpost at ''West- 
wood/' Even a cautious estimate must put the area of 
the original Gracemere run (of course, unsurveyed) at 
between 800 and 900 square miles : ' ' Truly a noble domain, 
which many a European prince might envy !'^^ 

But nothing about the new venture was left to chance ; 
indeed, it is the careful, detailed planning involved which 
seems most striking today. Two things had struck Charles 
Archer as auspicious : the promising grazing country for 
sheep throughout the 55,600 square miles of the Fitzroy 's 
catchment area,^ and the cheap transport offered by the 
river itself — the longest and widest, after all, on the east 
coast of Australia. Accordingly, while Charles and William 
were culling their flocks and getting together their bullock 
teams on Coonambula, Colin Archer had gone south to 
Maryborough and had built the ketch Elida, In this he 
and his men sailed along the coast and up the uncharted 
Fitzroy, arriving at the head of navigation, off the present 
site of Rockhampton (where the *' rocks'' hindered his 
passage further) on September 1, 1855. Colin Archer 
brought much-needed provisions for the Gracemere party, 
and in November he returned south again — laden with the 
wool-bales from the first Gracemere shearing, which were 
to be reshipped for Sydney at the port of Gladstone. This 
enterprising solution of every out-back squatter's dilemma 
— how to find cheap transport for his wool to market — 
continued to provide the answer to all Gracemere 's problems 
until, six years later, Rockhampton was proclaimed a port 
and the need no longer existed. . The Elida and the Jenny 
Lind — a brigantine later acquired by Archer & Co. — were 
then both disposed of. 

The Archers' achievement in their first six months at 
Gracemere had been, thus, a very real one. They had 
blazed the trail north to the Fitzroy; taken up and partly 
stocked the best sheeprun on the coast; gone far already 
with their building programme at the head station; pro- 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 287 

vided a regular means of transport, and even established — 
temporarily — their own port. Most important of all, 
Charles Archer had completed his first shearing, and written 
home to his father that he was satisfied with the progress 
made : 

. . . The sheep, although running in a flock thrice the usual 
nvimber, are doing well, so we have every reason to believe that the 
change from Eidsvold to this place will turn out very advantageous, 
looking upon it as a speculation, and it is certainly in many respects 
a far finer country to live in. . . .6 

The Archers settled in the district first, and their 
original Gracemere holding was to dwarf all later runs, 
but it was not long before other families began to arrive — 
overlanding at first with their flocks and drays, but later 
in increasing numbers — making use of marine transport as 
the struggling littlq shanty-town of Rockhampton grew into 
a rich and flourishing river-port. By the end of the 'sixties 
their runs had spread over the whole district — north to 
St Lawrence, west to the Comet River, south to the Burnett 
country, east to the sea^carrying sheep and (increasingly) 
cattle, since cattle were not vulnerable to speargrass and 
the coastal diseases which struck down sheep. By the late 
'sixties, too, most of the runs were surveyed into grazing 
blocks, and — if the age of fences had not yet come — Crown 
Land rangers, free selectors, and the ^^ farming menace" 
were already hard on the heels of the early pioneer flock- 

Generalization is, of course, dangerous in any local 
history, but without a certain amount of generalization it 
is impossible to reduce the inevitable chaos and welter of 
names to any sort of order and pattern of change. And 
a certain amount of ''order" does thus appear when 1868-9 
is taken as a dividing line : for 1868 and 1869 mark the 
end of an era in Queensland pastoral history. They were 
the years of the Crown Lands Alienation Act and the 
Pastoral Leases Act, which — with their stress on resumption 
of half a run and secure tenure for the rest — put a premium 
on ''consolidation" and improvement rather than squatting 
expansion every few years. The age of the semi-nomadic 
"Shepherd-King" was drawing to a close, and the younger 
Archer brothers at Gracemere were no longer speaking the 
language Charles Archer, the Gracemere pioneer, had 
spoken in the early 'fifties : 

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288 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

... I gathered that you did not at all approve of the pioneering 
mania which had laid hold of the family again; you will therefore 
not be over-pleased to hear that Colin and I have ferreted out "Peak 
Downs," and marked country for some 30 or 40,000 sheep there, not, 
of course, with any intention of taking immediate possession. It 
will probably be years before that can be done with advantage, but 
you know, I suppose, that Government has reserved a very large 
tract of country round Port Curtis from occupation by squatters — 
this reserve, I am sorry to say, includes Farris. We still however 
expect to get such a tenure of the country as will make it worth 
our while to occupy it and, if our present plans are carried out, I 
shall probably start with stock next March. The Downs country 
we have secured as a place to fall back upon, in case we should be 
turned out of Farris. In any event, it will in the course of a few 
years turn out a valuable piece of country. 

You express a hope in your last letter that we will be content 
with small things and leave pioneering to younger hands, but, if 
we are to remain in this country and follow squatting as a profession, 
I see nothing else for it than keeping on the move. The life would 
hardly be worth living in the humdrum routine of a settled station 
when better lands are to be had for the taking. You will readily 
believe me when I say it is not the expectation of gain that urges 
me on. . . fi 

So might have spoken any of the North Queensland 
pioneers of the 'fifties — the men who had gone 'on "ahead," 
blazing great runs with only a controversial tree or moun- 
tain top to mark their boundary, only to see the vacant 
lands about them ''filling up** as late-comers arrived with 
new ideas, more capital, and better flocks and herds. By 
1869 few of the ''old hands*' remained in Central Queens- 
land : at most homesteads there were new faces — either a 
new generation as at Gracemere, or an entirely new family 
(such as the Birkbecks at Glenmore, J. A. Macartney at 
Waverley, the Creeds at Langmorn) who had "bought in** 
after the *fifties. The old-timers, along with their bark 
gunyahs and primitive business methods — ^their "wasteful** 
notions of periodical expansion, shepherds rather than 
fences, a total reliance on surface-water and "the will of 
God*'— had largely disappeared from the district (or been 
forced to mend their ways). So closed an era in the 
pastoral settlement of Central Queensland; but it must 
never be forgotten that it was the shepherd-kings of the 
'fifties who had blazed the trail and done the spade-work 
for later "closer** settlement. Their primitive methods 
were the natural reaction to a primitive environment and 
their own time, and their story must be the first— and 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland, 289 

largest — chapter in any account of pastoral settlement in 
this district. 

Until Separation in 1859, Central Queensland's land 
system was that of New South Wales, and it is significant 
that one of the first acts of the new Queensland Legislature 
was to pass th^ Crown Lands OccVrpation Act of 1860 — 
and amendment of the "nefarious system whereby the 
fruits of the explorers' labours have been reaped from 
the drawing-rooms of Sydney/ '^^ This refers, of course, 
to city speculators who took up (by proxy) vast stretches 
of new country, forcing the advancing squatters either to 
move further out in search of unoccupied land or **buy'' 
the speculator's tender before settling — in either case, 
greatly adding to the squatter's troubles and the consequent 
dispersal of settlement. The Act was promoted by Sir 
Kobert Ramsay Mackenzie of Kinellan (himself an old 
squatter, and — perhaps equally significantly — the father-in- 
law of both James Archer and Alexander Archer ),^^ but 
it came too late to affect the early settlement of the best 
grazing areas in Central Queensland. Between 1855 and 
1860 this '* nefarious system" was given full play here 
and in the near West, and — perhaps more than any other 
single factor — helped to mould pastoral settlement here 
into the *' dispersed" form it at first took. 

Criticism of these absentee tenders for land — and re- 
sultant inconvenience to genuine squatting settlement — 
figures prominently in all the diaries and journals of the 
time. William Young, for instance — forced to go far afield 
before he found his Mount Larcombe run — leaves a bitter 
comment, quoted by Edward Palmer^^ . 

The reason for those of the advance guard pushing out so far 
was . . . the tendering system for runs then in force. By this 
system, those who marked out country could hold it unstocked, and 
unless a few hundred pounds were paid by them for the right of 
actual occupation, the pioneers in search of land had to go out 
further. Prospecting thus for new country without any intention 
of stocking it, but merely of selling the information and the claim 
to the country to anyone in search of a run for their stock, became 
a regular speculation. 

P. P. MacDonald rather more eloquently complained 
of much the same thing in his own diary (Canoona, March 
8, 1858) : 

T have iust returned from an expedition which I shall never 
forget. We left Marlborough the last week in November, with five 
weeks* rations, and travelled westward in view of Lake Salvator. . . . 

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290 Eoyal Australian Historical Society, 

I believe that 100 to 200 miles back from the coast the land is 
superior to any part of Australia, except some stations in Victoria, 
that I have yet seen, either for sheep or cattle. Nearly one-fourth 
of the country over which we travelled is unavailable for pastoral 
purposes in consequence of thick scrub, great scarcity of water, and 
innumerable native dogs and savage blacks, yet nearly the whole of 
it has already been taken up by speculative, or better known as 
"drawing-room" tenders, chiefly from Sydney gentlemen, to secure 
the river frontages by copying the descriptions taken from the 
journals of Sir Thomas Mitchell and Leichhardt. . . .* 

Legally hindered squatting perhaps was, until Sir 
Robert MacKenzie's 1860 legislation brought with it con- 
ditional security and a fourteen years' lease, but, for all 
that, pastoral expansion went on uninterruptedly in the 
'fifties. In 1855, when the Archers went north, they 
found that hitherto the two most advanced stations were 
Rannes and Rio Stations on the Dawson. Rio figures a 
year later in the diary of the explorer William Lands- 
borough ; for, alongside ''the 22nd November, 1856, '' is the 
entry : 

At 8 o'clock came to a dray track, which was followed east- 
north-east two miles to Messrs Conner and Fitz's station, where they 
gave me a most hospitable reception. This was at Eio Station, on 
the Dawson River. . . .13 

From these places as starting-points, twelve months 
later, a wave of overlanders with their flocks were to follow 
in the Archers' wake into the Fitzroy Valley — amongst 
them Dan Conner of Rio himself, bound in turn for Marl- 
borough, Princhester, Willangie, and CoUaroy. 

In the meantime, however, the Elliotts were the first 
to arrive after the Archers. William ('* Nobby'') Elliott 
and his nephew George (^'Boomer") Elliott trekked north 
in 1855 with 4,000 sheep, and until they had picked out 
a place of their own they camped on the Archers' run, four 
miles from Gracemere homestead.^® There, in January, 
1856, their camp was attacked by blacks ; one stockman was 
killed and William Elliott wounded before the '* siege" was 
raised. At Gracemere to-day there is an unfinished and 
unsigned letter, apparently written at the time by Charles 
Archer, and particularly interesting as a commentary on 
the view held by '* Exeter Hall" opinion in Melbourne and 

* P. F. MacDonald, though perhaps inconvenienced by these 
same "drawing-room tenders," nevertheless did fairly well personally. 
Of the country he describes, he himself later took up and held 
Fernlees, Marmadilla, and Columbria. 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 291 

Sydney that the Australian aborigines were peaceful and 
'* harmless'' if unprovoked — and incapable, anyway, of 
concerted action : 

I do myself the honour to inform you that upon the night of 

Tuesday the January the blacks made a most determined and 

systematic attack upon the Messrs. Elliott who are now encamped 
with their stock upon my run within four miles of my head station. 

The number of the aborigines supposed to have been present at 
the attack has been estimated at about 100. They advanced in 
several bodies upon different parts of the camp at the same time 


Son of James Archer, son of one of the pioneers, present owner of Gracemere. 

Portion of the well-known Gracennere carved fireplace (carved by Mrs. Robert 

Archer and her daughter) is shown in the illustration. 

and were not driven back until they had killed one man — and severely 
wounded W. Elliott. . . . The main body it is now ascertained is 
encamped on the North side of the Fitzroy River where the police 
cannot reach it except by a very circuitous route and where the 
strength of the Blacks is being daily increased by the arrival of 
other tribes who — I am informed by the peaceable natives upon 
my station — are assembling for the professed and undisguised purpose 

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292 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

of another attack upon either my station or upon the Messrs 
Elliott's. ... 

The Elliotts remained on Gracemere, ''beleagured/' 
until April, 1856, when they moved northward up the river 
and took up Canoona and Tilpal runs for themselves. 

Even before this .William Young had taken up his 
Mount Larcombe Station (May 29, 1855), and in 1855 
Colin Campbell Mackay, with his partner Mackenzie, arrived 
in the district and put 10,000 sheep on land they had 
taken up on the northern end of the Gracemere run, at 
Morinish. (Today, there are still Mackays on Bighouse, 
Morinish, the original holding.) But it was not until 1857 
that the first real wave of settlement arrived. Peter Fitz- 
allan MacDonald (''P.F.'') in that year went up river 
as far as Yaamba, and there the run he took up — ^Yemeappo 
— is to-day still in the hands of the MacDonald family. 

But the great majority of squatters who *' moved in'' 
during the 'fifties came with no such resolute intentions 
to settle permanently on the runs they had taken up. 
Thus Dan Conner, foimerly of Rio, took ,up in quick suc- 
cession Marlborough, Princhester, and Willangie Stations, 
and finally CoUaroy. ♦ 

Henning purchased Marlborough from him, and Van Wessem 
purchased and formed Princhester. Willangie was sold by Conner 
to Angus and George Hurst (Hurst Brothers), who were step-sons 
of Fitz. ... 13 

Soon afterwards, Willangie was again sold — this time to 
a Mr Mark Christian. 

At Canoona, meanwhile, much the same thing was 
happening : retaining Tilpal, the Elliotts had by 1858 sold 
Canoona Station to J. B. P. Hamilton-Ramsay and Harry 
Gaden, who in turn "went down" in the 1860 drought, 
and were bought out by a Mr Vicary. This same pattern 
of quickly buy and quickly sell was repeated almost every- 
where : comparatively few squatters felt, like the Archers 
and P. F. MacDonald, that they had *'come to stay.'* In 
Colin Archer ^s journaP^ there is an interesting reference 
to the contemporary wave of speculative buying and 
selling : 

July 15, 1859 : We now ran up that creek and made our out- 
ward track when we camped and next day passed Marlborough and 
reached Princhester. Here we were informed that the station had 
been sold to a Mr Radford — a stranger to us — ^who had taken 
possession but was away looking for lost sheep and that Conner was 
camped on a block of country he had on the Fitzroy. 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 293 

4th August : Princhester is we hear sold again with 15,000 
sheep @ 20/- (a head) — a rattling price. Only 13,000 sheep were 
delivered and for the deficiency — were refunded. The estimates 
of the capabilities of the run vary from 15,000 to 25,000 sheep. 
Assuming the latter as the most correct the price is unprecedented 
for an outside run with few improvements and those very indif- 
ferent. This is no doubt the way to make money. Stock and 

The same pattern of constant change, of stations 
changing hands every few years and owners ''moving on/* 
is repeated with monotonous regularity in the early history 
of the district. Thus in the Reminiscences of John Arthur 
Macartney (who arrived here at the end of 1857) we find : 
... I then returned to Gracemere; but later, in company with 
Mr Campbell, who had put in a tender for a portion of Waverley, 
I went to Broadsound. I bought his interest in the tender he had 
put in for Waverley. . . M 

''Mr Campbeir' was evidently one of these "blazers of 
the trair* who went on ahead, sold, and then moved on 
again : 

Torilla, now owned by Rogers Brothers, was originally taken, 
up by Messrs Campbell and Newman, the former being the man I 
bought out at Waverley.16 

J. A. Macartney himself remained on at Waverley until 
1896; but Glenmore had a more chequered career. J. A. 
Macartney took it up in December, 1858, only to sell two 
years later — (". . . I lived between Waverley and Glen- 
more until October, 1860, when I sold/Glenmore to Messrs. 

Ker and Clark "20)_and in July, 1861 (within another 

nine months), Ker and Clark themselves disposed of the 
place to the Birkbecks,^^ who still own Glenmore to-day. 

In 1858, also, the squatting contingent in this district 
received two important additions to its ranks. For in 
this year the Atherton family arrived in the district, over- 
landing with their drays and 1,500 head of cattle. First 
taking up Rosewood (sold in October, 1865, to Archer & 
Co.),* they then crossed the river; John Atherton there 
took up and held Mount Hedlow for many years, and James 
Atherton formed Adelaide Park, nearest the coast.^- (The 
latter to-day is the property of the Morgan family, de- 
scended maternally from the Athertons.) About the same 

* To-day, at Gracemere, Mr Alister Archer retains the Ap:reement 
of Sales for Rosewood Station. James Atherton was paid £6,557/3/9, 
the price being assessed from the number of sheep, on the basis of 
17/- a head. 

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294 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

time, too, one of this district's most colourful families 
arrived — the Rosses. Andrew Ross took up Balnagowan 
run; one of his sons, James, formed Rasberry Creek; and 
another son, Robert, took up country on Keppel Bay — the 
famous runs of Cawarral, Taranganba, and Mulambin, 
near Emu Park.^^ 

By slow stages — of which, for the most part, no records 
remain to-day, apart from chance references in more com- 
plete records such as those of the Archers, Birkbecks, and 
J. A. Macartney — the district was becoming more settled. 
. Thus, entered in an old Gracemere account book in Colin 
Archer's handwriting, is a copy of a letter to the Chief 
Commissioner of Crown Lands, Sydney (dated January 1, 
1859). It is an interesting example of how — ^before the 
1860 Act — "tenders'* could be bought and sold, the new- 
comer being obliged to ''buy'' from the man who had 
''got in first" on large areas which had been tendered for, 
never stocked, and held back for sale until the time was 
ripe : 

Having disposed of the lease of my runs named in the margin 
(Kroombit, North Kariboe, and South Kariboe), situated in the 
Port Curtis District to Mr John Landsborough of Larcom Vale, 
Port Curtis, I have the honour to request that you will allow the 
lease of the said run, and my whole interest therein, to be transferred 
from my name to his, in the books of your office. . . . Colin Archer. 

Cert'' inly, from other sources,^*^ we know that by 1860 
Mr and Mrs James Landsborough were at Raglan Station, 
dispensing hospitality with a lavish hand; and in 1862 
they took up Langmorn also. 

The property included several small holdings — Lodi, Marengo, 
and Trafalgar — and these were leased to James Clark, but in 1869 
all were consolidated into Langmorn. Raglan and Langmorn then 
became one property and taking^ in also Larcom Vale, San Jose 
and Stevenston were known as Raglan Station. . . .18 
By 1869 Thomps and Georere Creed had bought into 
Lansrmorn, which the Creed familv «till owns to-day. 

Hi^torically, it is unfortunate that we know so little 
about the remaininq: runs in Central Queensland and the 
squatters who took them up. Some of the runs themselves 
have lonsr since ''disappeared'' without leaving anv other 
records than a passing reference in the diary of some 
neighbour who has been more careful — or more fortunate : 
in many cases the run has been cut up, the homestead itself 
no longer exists, even in name, and even the site being 
nearly forgotten. Such a case is the Archers' Durundur 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland, 295 

(where a chimney-stack remains) ; but Mount Hedlow, 
Canoona, Cawarral, Mulambin are all ''names'' that have 
long since ceased to be ''stations/' In other cases — 
Princhester, Torilla, Walloon, Kianga, Rannes, to name 
but a few — the run has changed hands, which has usually 
meant that, from lack of interest, the incoming family has 
not troubled to preserve continuity of record. 

Thus, though enumeration is not history, for at least 
a quarter of the early runs one can do little but refer to 
Lands Office Lists or the Government Gazette to learn who 
held the pastoral license at any given time. Thus, in 1861 
we know^^ that Calliuugal was held by Hugh Robison, 
Banana by H. Barton, Kianga by Mrs McNab, Walloon 
by A. Ferguson, Camboon by J. Reid (who sold to the Bells 
of Coochin Coochin in 1874 ).2® At the same time, Kooingal 
(once offered to J. A. Macartney by Colin Archer — and 
refused) 2* was held by J. Fraser; Torilla (later Rogers 
Brothers') by Campbell and Newbold. From the same 
list we learn that by then the brothers Leith-Hay had sold 
Rannes to Howard St George; that the Elliotts were still 
at Tilpal, though Canoona was now held by a Mr T. Vicary ; 
and that "H. Van Wessem" was still the owner of Prin- 
chester. ^^ From a reference to Princhester and its owner 
in a Mail Route itinerary,^^ we know that Van Wessem was 
still there in 1866; and in the Gracemere accounts^"^ there 
is an entry to the effect that "Mr Van Wessem" bought 
44 steers from Archer & Co. in August of that year. In 
Alfredo Birkbeck's diary of 1870^^ there is an interesting 
(though undated) entry : 

... El padre Murley estubo aqui, Enrique volvio esta manana 
con T. Atherton. . . . Ibamos a herrar becerros cuando el senor Van 
Wessem estuba aqui pero no pudimos por la Iluvia. . . . 
Otherwise no mention at all remains of the Van Wessems : 
apart from their interesting name and the fact that they 
held Princhester for nearly a decade, we know nothing for 
certain about them — who they were, where they came from, 
and where they eventually went after leaving Princhester. 
Much of the same disappointing result must apply, far too 
often, to many of the early holders of runs in this district 
who "came and went" — among them, at least half the 
names just quoted in the list for 1861. 

The 'fifties and 'sixties — particularly the very early 
years — of course, had characteristics not found in later and 

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296 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

more settled times. But in Central Queensland the first 
stage of settlement — the '* roughneck" period of enormous 
runs and bark humpies, no fences, no windmills, and stark 
ruin when a drought came — ended rather sooner than in 
most districts. This was the effect of an artificial circum- 
stance — that proverbial **hoax" and false alarm, the 
Canoona Gold Rush of 1858 — which nevertheless had far- 
reaching results. For it left 15,000 disappointed diggers 
virtually stranded at the head of navigation of the Fitzroy 
River ; and, though many returned south, many more were 
unable to do so, and Rockhampton by 1870 had become a 
flourishing river-port of about 7,000 people.^^ In other 
words, into a rich district taken up in great estates by a 
land-holding class extremely desirous of turning itself into 
a settled squattocracy* was suddenly dropped a bustling, 
disappointed, democratic community, seething with all the 
usual ''dangerous notions" which people had come to 
connect with the disappointed miner in ''land-locked" 
pastoral, districts around the Victorian mining fields. A 
few years later the elder William Archer, manager of 
Gracemere, was to write of "the avidity with which lands 
are selected on our runs, in consequence of their proximity 
to the populous neighbourhood of Rockhampton,"^^ and in 
a subsequent interview with a Select Committee of the 
Legislative Assembly he said that 

... on the last occasion (of a resumption) applications for selections 
were five or six deep on the portion that I gave up. . . .32 
This "growth and development," which in the ordinary 
course of events might have gone on for years, came to 
Rockhampton virtually overnight, and must largely explain 
the relatively early maturity of land settlement in Central 

In a pastoral community there is of course a natural 
tendency to look back upon the "Early Days" with some 
nostalgia; rightly or wrongly, they come to be regarded as 
a "Golden Age"— "the good old days." In Central 
Queensland, with one important qualification, this is largely 
true : for the squatters of the 'fifties and 'sixties were 

* "We are ^reat aristocrats here, being the very earliest settlers 
— in fact my uncles discovered the whole country twenty years ago, 
and named the spot on which Eockhampton now stands," young 
William Archer (later the critic of Ibsen fame) wrote home rather 
naively while on a visit to his Australian uncles.30 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 297 

indeed free from many of the worries of later generations. 
Once the ten-pound depasturing license fee was paid, 
questions of land tenure did not greatly worry the early 
Archers or their neighbours ; thorny problems might trouble 
legalistic Legislative Councillors in the south (* 'Brisbane 
attorneys, ' ' as Separatist-minded Central Queenslanders 
were beginning to call them^^), but such forensic quibbling 
seldom descended into the realms of practical politics, for 
as yet the squatters of the north were not troubled by fears 
of closer settlement — as Darling Downs pastoralists already 
were. The worries of ^'diflScult'' Crown Land Rangers, 
free selectors, and a land tax all belonged to the distant 
future. The early settlers enjoyed other advantages too : 
with no leftward Liberal or Labor groups in the Legislative 
Assembly, they were free to import cheap labour at will — 
Chinese shepherds in the 'fifties, and then poverty-stricken 
Germans from Hamburg or Kanakas from the Islands. 
Connected with this laissez faire immigration policy, of 
course, was the early political dominance of the pastoral 
interest in the Brisbane Legislative Council — what an old 
pioneer, Oscar de Satge of Peak Downs, has quaintly called 
''the prominent influence of squatters in the first Queens- 
land Governments.''^^ 

But the one qualification I appended to this glowing 
picture of an earlier Golden Age is, one must admit, an 
important one. Briefly, it is that the 'fifties — ^the age of 
unrestricted squatting, great chances, and occasionally 
great returns — was (looked at from another angle) also 
the age of wasteful expansionism and shortsighted ex- 
ploitation, great hazards, no improvements and so great 
losses when the drought came, and, consequently, frequent 
bankruptcies. Few families managed to hang on to their 
old prosperity as the Archers did until late in the century, 
or even so grow steadily wealthier — as P. F. MacDonald 
continued to do. The story of Harry Gaden, of Canoona, 
was in those days a far more common one. In his book 
on Boer subsistence farming in South Africa, de Kiewiet 
has remarked that such an "unimproved agriculture" was 
in the early days the natural reaction to primitive con- 
•ditions, though not desirable in a more modern age; and 
so it was with the Australian squatter. The specialization 
and "improvement" that came with closer settlement was, 
of course, out of the question for the early flock-masters; 

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298 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

but on that account it should never be lost sight of that 
pastoral organization here in the 'fifties and 'sixties was 
primitive, wasteful, full of risks and — let us admit it — not 
very efficient (if we judge, not very fairly, by the standards 
of later times). The Archers and MacDonalds and Creeds 
of today might have more Government interference, heavier 
taxation (and therefore fewer spectacular returns) and 
far more general ''irritants" than their grand-parents did; 
but at the same time they have much more security, fewer 
risks, an incalculably greater efficiency, and consequently 
far surer returns. 

''Pastoral Settlement" in the 1850 's differed radically 
from pastoral settlement as we know it to-day, and that 
fundamental difference is nowhere more obvious than in 
the different conceptions of a grazier's "expansion." 
Then, expansion invariably meant that the squatter was 
taking up more country, which — in those days of plentiful 
land — was, after all, a more natural reaction than an 
unwonted outlay on increasing his old run's carrying 
capacity. To-day, "expansion" can equally well mean 
that the already prosperous grazier is sinking back improve- 
ments into his property and raising its former carrying 

The outstanding feature of grazing (or "depasturing") 
as then understood was, of course, the enormous areas 
comprised in each station — nearly all totally unimproved. 
The Archers at Gracemere originally held country which 
could not have been less than 900 square miles, and on that 
vast area they ran (in 1855) just 8,000 sheep. Of course, 
citing 1855 figures can hardly give a fair picture of typical 
conditions on an early run ; but bv 1868 Gracemere had 
been surveyed and "consolidated" into twelve blocks. 
This, the more historical Gracemere, then comprised 266 
square miles (170,240 acres), or 336 square miles with the 
recently purchased Rosewood and Moah runs included; 
and the annual rent paid to the Crown for that vast area 
was exactly £547.^^ From the Gracemere stock returns 
for September, 1861, we learn that 28,203 sheep and 5,748 
cattle were on the run.^^ In other words — on this rich' 
Fitzroy Valley grassland, equal to any on the coast — 
slightly over six acres went to every head of the Archers' 
stock. There were, too, virtually no improvements; for. 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland, 299 

in the same period (July 10, 1868) we find in a sworn 
valuation of the assets of Archer & Co. that 
. . . the total value of improvements of Gracemere run on which 
the pre-emptive purchases of Messrs. Archer are based is 
£1,753/14/6. ... 37 

Then follows an enumeration of these ''improvements" : 
homestead buildings, shepherds' huts, woolsheds, station 
equipment generally. But no windmills, dams, or wells. 
Gracemere — although on a larger scale — is only typical 
of a tendency observable everywhere. Five miles up the 
river from Rockhampton, Glenmore likewise took in a vast 
area : 

Glenmore . . . the country between the watershed of Alligator 
Creek and Moore's Creek . . . took in Moore's Creek, Belmont, Ramsay, 
Kalka, and other creeks, and went down practically to Lake's Creek. 
In other words, Glenmore comprised that country between Lake's 
Creek and the watershed of Alligator Creek at Mount Etna, having 
the river as a frontage and the watershed as a boundary on the 
north and east. . . .38 

The original log blockhouse erected at Glenmore by J. A. Macartney and 

Sir John Macartney, Bart., before the Birkbecks. Probably the oldest 

remaining building in Central Queensland. 

Even after beinj? partially resumed (and losinoj the area 
now built on as ''North Rockhampton"), in 1863 Glenmore 
still comprised 75 square miles.^^ Yet, when S. B. Birk- 
beck came to this district in July, 1861, he found the whole 
place ^^up'^ for just £2,000 : 

I havo therefore entered into fi })arffain to jjjive £1,000 on 
Delivery, and £1,000 at 18 nmntli on coTiditioii of tlioir securing 

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300 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

me the renewal of the lease for five years from next January. . . . 
They (i.e. the vendors, Messrs Ker and Clark) give no stock, but 
the improvements are thrown in. The annual rent will be about 
£90 depending on a valuation to be made at the end of the year, 
and any improvements will be paid for, on the station being resumed 
by Government or leased to another party. . . .40 

Elsewhere, under a stock return in the Glenmore Day 
Book,*^ we find that in June, 1864, the Birkbecks were 
running 1,890 cattle and 4,790 sheep — or just over eight 
acres to each head of stock. 

As a parallel phenomenon to this prevalence of sparsely 
stocked and imperfectly exploited **open spaces,'' one must 
expect to find a deficiency in the actual quality of the stock. 
In the fifties and early sixties the sheep introduced were of 
inferior quality. Some good specimens entered from the New 
England and other districts, but the majority were culled females 
from the large flocks of the Darling Downs.42 

The first Gracemere sheep were of course from Coon- 
ambula, and to these were added, in the 'fifties, imported 
rams of the coarse-haired Negretti type. A little further 
down in this same review is an interesting commentary on 
the whole situation : 

The present-day weight of fleece is double that produced in the 
sixties. Official figures show that in 1876 the average weight was 
5 lb. for a fairly clean greasy fleece. . . .43 
Even this estimate is apparently too generous, judging from 
Gracemere and Glenmore stock-books of the 'fifties and 

The writer of the article cited above apparently thought 
that 5 lbs. was an average ''weight of fleece" for the middle 
of the last century. Perhaps that was true of other, 
districts — even Central Queensland's own **Far West" — 
but it most certainly does not apply to the Central Queens- 
land coastal district in the neighbourhood of Rockhampton. 
Taken at random from the Gracemere books, under the 
heading '^ Specifications of Wool, 1862-3," there is the 
entry : 

Average Price 2/2 per lb. 
60,871 lbs. off 25,375 sheep or 21 lbs. 9/25 ozs. per sheep.43 

In no place does this average yield improve, but occasion- 
ally it sinks still lower. Thus in the Specification of Wool 
for 1861-2 comes the entry, ''63,859 lbs. off 27,796 sheep, 
or 2 lbs. 4 21/27 ozs. per sheep." Later, the Gracemere 
flocks nearly doubled in size — 31,230 sheep in June, 1865 ; 
43,131 in December, 1865; rising to an all-time peak of 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 301 

48,363 in March, 1866.**— but the average yield of fleece 
did not increase likewise. Only after the purchase of 
Minnie Downs by Archer & Co., and the transfer of their 
sheep from Gracemere to the new western country (which 
took place between 1872 and 1874), did the qualitij of the 
flocks materially improve ; for by the late 'seventies, when 
Tasmanian stud rams were introduced into the Archer 
flocks,*2 attention was everywhere being turned more to a 
selective breeding— the ''improved" grazing mentioned 

At Glenmore one finds much the same thing as at 
Gracemere. In J. A. McCartney's day the average yield 
was on a par with the returns from Gracemere, Rosewood, 
and all the other great, sprawling, unfenced runs of the 
'fifties.*^ But after S. B. Birkbeck came to Glenmore in 
1861 — ^with an American and Mexican tradition behind him 
of a more improved ''stock-farming'' — there is a change. 
In his diary for July, 1865 (when he was inspecting Glen- 
more prior to purchase), there is an entry which contains 
promise of future "improvement" : 

. . . The head station (i.e. Glenmore) is five miles from R'ton, 
a miserable place, but the land and its capabilities took my fancy. 
The dry ridges appear suited for sheep, and the low lands unsur- 
passed for cattle. About 25 miles river frontage, with two large 
bights by means of which large paddocks can be fenced at little 
expense. I could not examine the whole nm for want of time, 
but the neighbourhood of Eockhampton which promises to be a good 
market and a navigable river and the general high opinion of the 
Station &c have induced me to determine on the purchase. . . .40 

That strikes a new note in Central Queensland grazing 
history. Then, two months later, we find a further indi- 
cation that S. B. Birkbeck was planning for something 
better than a happy-go-lucky "frontier" stock-raising : 

... I have also contracted with Brewster for 1500 head of 
cattle from Noveena on the Barwon — 2 to 6 years old — equal sexes, 
to be selected by me or my agent and to be delivered at risk of 
seller, at Glenmore, for 40/- each. . . . Having engaged John Suther- 
land as overseer at 30/- a week I have this day dispatched him 

with Carlos to select the good breeding cattle at Noveena 46 

By 1866, in consequence, S. B. Birkbeck had raised the 
average weight of fleece to 3.73 Ibs.^^; but, after that, 
speargrass and lung-worm began to take their toll, and 
after 1867 (when S. B. Birkbeck died) the Glenmore books 
were not entered up in the same detail as before, and 
generalization becomes more difficult. 

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302 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

The same primitive conditions that prevailed on the 
early *' sheep-walks" applied largely to cattle, too. A 
pastoral review in lOSG"*" noted ''the great value of the 
now despised scrub cattle" in the early grazing history of 
this district, adding that ''pioneer cattle have played a 
most important role in the moulding of Central Queens- 
land's great cattle industry. "^^ The stud herds of Here- 
fords, Shorthorns, Redpolls all followed later — and so too 
did the markets. For in the early days by far the most 
serious limiting factor to the expansion of the beef cattle 
industry was this lack of an economic market. The limited 
Australian market could easily be oversupplied, and it was 
not until the perfection of shipboard freezing in the 1880 's 
that expansion on a great scale became practicable. In 
the early days this was always the worry. 


There was practically no market for cattle or stock other than 
the local butchers, and after a particularly good season cattle were 
sold for boiling down at Laurel Bank and Pattison's for as low 
as 5/- for bullocks and 4/6 for cows plus 1/6 for the tongues. 
Tallow and hides were shipped to London, but whale oil was a 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 303 

serious competition to tallow and there was little profit from this 
source. In the quest for an outlet for their stock Mr Creed (of 
Langmorn) recalls cattle being shipped from Gladstone to New 
Caledonia and Sydney, as far back at the 60's. . . .48 

The Golden Age of the Australian beef cattle industry 
did not of course come until after the Strathlevens 
successful voyage in 1880,*^ but, nevertheless, from the 
earliest days cattle figured largely in the stock returns 
of every large station in the Central Queensland District. 
In June, 1866, for instance, when the Birkbecks had 6,885 
sheep on Glenmore, they also ran 1,750 cattle^^; and from 
the beginning there were herds at Gracemere. One of the 
earliest ''joint'' entries is for October, 1858, when the 
Archers ran 24,781 sheep and 2,867 head of cattle ; by July, 
1859, the numbers had risen to 26,603 sheep and 4,104 
cattle.^^ Throughout the 'sixties the number of cattle 
depastured increased steadily : 6,168 in June, 1862 ; 6,939 
in June, 1865 ; 8,491 in September, 1866 ; 10,862 in June, 
1867; 11,063 in June, 1868. Apart from the numerical 
increase, there were by then other indications that in 
Central Queensland the future held brighter prospects for 
beef than for wool ; but the fact remains that in this, the 
first stage of pastoral settlement, the typical squatter was 
a man who held a large and unimproved ''mixed" run, 
carryinsf frequently a fine (and usually increasing) herd 
of "scrubby" cattle, but in the long run dependent pre- 
dominantly upon his sheep. And those sheep were almost 
invariably (judged by modern standards) of an inferior 
qualitv,^"^ with fleeces seldom rising above a third of a 
very "average" modern yield. 

Bearing in mind the comparatively "unimproved" 
nature of both flocks and runs, some of the financial returns 
may seem surprisingly large, and the dividends — at least 
from Gracemere — spectacular. Charles Archer wrote 
home to his father : 

If money continues to tumble in upon the family as it has done 
lately, I should not be surprised to see a second Tolderodden spring 
up here, with its boat harbour and other adjuncts. . . . 
For Central Queensland undoubtedly was booming in the 
'fifties.* In a report addressed to the Colonial Secretary 
and dated July, 1859, Sir Maurice 'Council (Government 
Resident at Gladstone )^^ remarked on the "great impu lse 

* "Even at the beginning of that epoch Rockhampton was thriving 
and prosperous. ... 53 

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304 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

given to the permanent pastoral occupation of the country. ' ' 
He added : 

During the present year, unoccupied runs to the northward 
have suddenly ocquired a high value; many settlers from Port Phillip 
— having been convinced, either by their own observation or from 
the reports of those who visited it last year, of the value of the 
coimtry for pastoral purposes — ^have acquired properties in it; and 
altogether there is said to be at the present moment at least one 
hundred thousand sheep arrived or arriving to occupy the country 
to the northward of the Pitzroy.*'52 

A visitor from the south, who arrived by the Archers' 
Elida on Christmas Eve, 1859, wrote soon after in a 
southern newspaper : 

. . . The business transacted during my stay must have been 
immense, for every store and hotel were continually crowded. The 
exports from Eockhampton last season were from 700 to 800 bales 
of wool,t with two shipments of cattle and sheep to New 
Caledonia. . . .58 

And in 1860, when the Governor, Sir George Bowen, visited 
Rockhampton, he commented on 

. . . the great resources and bright prospects of this district, the 
rapid progress which it has recently made, and the extraordinary 
development of its productive powers^^ notwithstanding the paucity 
of its present population. . . . 54J 

Sir Maurice O'Connell — a relative of the Archers — 
could, with good reason, speak of ''the great impulse given 
to the permanent pastoral occupation of the country. ''^^ 
Prom the Eidsvold and Coonambula days in the early 
'fifties, and well into the 'nineties, the returns of Archer 
& Co. mounted steadily. A typical Gracemere clip in the 
'fifties (1859-60) gave 38,236 lbs. of clean fleece from 21,677 
sheep at an average price of just under 24 pence a pound ; 
but by the 18612 shearing the yield was up to 63,859 lbs. 
off 27,796 sheep (or 2 lbs. 4 21/27 ozs. per sheep) at '/an 
average price of 2/1^ per lb. for the whole parcel of 137 
bales. "^^* And in the 'sixties, with the stock returns 
mounting from year to year (to 45,356 sheep in 1865 and 
48,363 in March, 1866), the wool-clip increased proportion- 

t237 of them from the Archer holdings 143 

t The international background to this "extraordinary develop, 
ment" was, of course, the steadily recovering wool market in London, 
which (if it seldom averaged more than about 2/2 per lb. for Central 
Queensland wool-clips in the 'fifties and 'sixties) at least never fell 
again to the ruinous 1843 levels — when, so the Archer brothers (then 
on the Walkers' Wallerowang Estate in New South Wales) wrote 
home to Tolderodden, sheep were "going at sixpence per head, and 
the station thrown in."56 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 305 

ately — even though, by the late 'sixties, there were increas- 
ing references to a new scourge, speargrass, and more and 
more of the wool-clip was being marked off as '* seedy/' 
But with each year the growing herds of cattle compen- 
sated for losses in the sheep, for even in 1859 Colin Archer 
had been able to write in his journal : 

Simon started this morning with his party for Moreton Bay. 
... I hope he shaU have a pleasant journey and bring out a good 
lot of cattle, which despised stock appears to me to pay remarkably 
well as we are situated here. I suppo83 we sell £35 to £40 worth 
of beef dead and alive every week. I sell fat cows @ £7 apiece 
delivered at Rockhampton. Bullocks, of which we are getting rather 
short, £9. . . .57 

Nothing illustrates better the ^ * extraordinary develop- 
ment'' to which Governor Bowen referred than references 
to contemporary figures in the Gracemere books. Through- 
out the 'fifties and 'sixties the Gracemere returns mounted 
steadily, until they reached the consistently high figures 
of the 'seventies; 1872 was the best single year, with a 
gross turnover of £23,025/8/3 for the months ending on 
December 31, and nett receipts of £20,936/17/10.^^ 

''Working expenses" seem to have been unusually 
light that year, if we compare expenses for the years June, 
1868-June, 1869 (£10,334/3/6), and June, 1870-June, 1871 
(£6,460/2/4), 59 and remember that under "Sheep Property" 
alone (without the cattle stockmen's wages) the wages lists 
for the years June, 1869--June, 1870, and June, 1870-June, 
1871, were £4,467/19/2 and £1,873/12/6.^9 The answer 
reems to be that by 1872 (when the mass transfer of the 
Archers' sheep from Gracemere to the west was well under 
way) the working expenses for sheep on Gracemere had 
dropped considerably,* for all through the 'seventies work- 
ing expenses are lower; and it also seems that there were 
many "hidden expenses" — examples of out-stations on the 
Gracemere run, such as "the heifer station" ("Nankeen") 
and "the cattle station" (Archer), paying many of their 
own expenses, under the allembracing heading of "sundries," 
before remitting the balance to the head station (Grace- 
mere). This certainly happened with the "Horse Account," 
wherein "Expenses" (wages, "equipment," etc.), along with 
the inevitable "sundries," were deducted directly from 

* Compare the similar drop from £4,467/19/2 in 1870 to 
£1,873/12/6 in 1871. 

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306 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

receipts from, the sale of horse stock. ^® At all events, the 
figure for the 1872 nett profits (£20,936/17/10) is certain, 
and must stand. 

I have cited the figures for 1872 in detail because, 
though slightly higher than most, they are fairly repre- 
sentative for the whole period. Thus in 1866 nett receipts 
from Gracemere were £14,060/1/6,^® a very "average" year 
— comparing unfavourably with even the record month 
(October, 1879), when the gross turnover was £4,344/15/9, 
yielding a clear profit of £4,095/3/5.^® In the early period 
the worst single year was 1869 (the result of the drought 
which commenced in 1868) ; but even then, with a gross 
intake of £12,347/1/6, there was a "modest profit" 
£2,219/5/-) and no deficit.^® j^ jg j^ this period that 
William Archer (then Manager for Archer & Co.) wrote 
home from Gracemere, crestfallen, to his brother Colin at 
Tolderodden : 

. . . and now comes the part of the story that will afifect you 
all most seriously; but if you have not turned a deaf ear to what 
I have before written you cannot say it comes without good warning. 
\Vhat with consolidations, land buying to protect our interests in 
some measure, and fencing, and drought, and our own inability to 
make sales almost at any price, fall in price of wool &c &c I have 
determined to reduce the interest payable to partners from 8 to 5 
pr. ct. on the capital . . . and let me tell the grumblers, if any there 
be amongst you, that if they could but see the numbers of people 
all around us that are being forced out of their stations by the 
hardness of the times after struggling for years to keep their heads 
above water they would be only too thankful to conform to the 
reduction I intend to make. . . .60 

This same prosperity is reflected in prices paid for 
stations themselves — usually a sure pointer to the prosperity 
of a settled pastoral district. In the very early days it 
had been easier, and cheaper, for newcomers to trek over- 
land and squat for themselves "further out," rather than 
"buy in" on an already settled run; but later, with all the 
good land taken up, there was no alternative, and prices 
soared accordingly. "£1 per head for every sheep on a 
property was the way they generally guaged things," wrote 
J. A. Macartney of Waverley in 1896 when describing some 
of the early station deals. ^^^ 

Roughly, that seems true, judging from evidence in 
the Archer and Birkbeck and Costello records. As early 
as May, 1858, for instance, Archibald Cameron paid the 
Archers £8,161/15/8 for 10,000 mixed sheep and the runs 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland, 307 

of Coonambula, St John's, Malmo and Mundouran, including 
£661/15/8 worth of "improvements."®^ Then, just seven 
years later (October, 1865), the Archers themselves paid 
James Atherton "£6,557/3/9 for Rosewood Station at 17/- 
per head/'®2 j^ the same period (the early 'sixties) the 
Birkbeck Papers offer similar evidence. When S. B. Birk- 
beck first came to this district (July, 1861) he found Glen 
Prairie (200 square miles) was on the market for £3,200, 
unstocked, "and improvements to be taken at a valuation" ; 
and Gogango, similarly, was "up" — "the price, or terms, 
10,000 sheep at 17/- after shearing."®^ With no previous 
Australian experience, Birkbeck turned down both these 
chances (they are still fine stations to-day) and paid instead 
£2,000 for Glenmore, unstocked, and not particularly good 
country at that. The entire business (at least on the part 
of Messrs Ker and Clark, who sold) was what a writer in 
the Rockhampton Morning Bulletin has since called "a 
rather sagacious proceeding," 

. . . for at that time it must have been evident that much of the run 
would soon be resumed for town requirements. . . M 

These prices, of course, all relate to the early days — 
before the Croum Lands Alienation Act of 1868^* and the 
Pastoral Leases Act^^ gave security of tenure and encour- 
aged higher selling prices for runs. In the later period, 
for instance, the Archers, when they sold Minnie Downs, 
received £60,000 for the whole station — almost as much as 
the entire capital of Archer & Co. twenty years before. 
And so early as 1877 the Costellos bought the Rosses' old 
station, Cawarral "(of 12,000 acres of freehold, fenced, and 
improved land carrying 3,000 cattle . . .") for £19,000.«^ 
On his Australian visit in 1876, the younger William Archer 
constantly refers to the high prices realized on even lease- 
hold pastoral holdings. 

.... To show how property increases in value in the Colony, I 
may instance the case of Peak Downs run. It is about the size 
of Berwickshire, and 20 years ago it was sold unstocked by the 
person who first took it up for £800. About five years ago, Mr 

F (of Melbourne) bought it for, I believe, £15,000, and a 

few months ago he was offered for it no less than £118,000. Of 
course, the increased quantity of stock, and the improvements etc. 
on the run have contributed to this increase in value, but it must 
be remembered that the station has been producing an enormous 
interest on the capital invested in it during the whole time. . . .68 

In the same way — and for the same reason — the valua- 
tions of Gracemere over the years throw light on contem- 

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308 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

porary values. Thus, in the 'fifties and 'sixties (before the 
age of Land Acts, resumptions, and free selectors) the value 
of Graeemere kept about the £60,000 level. The 1868 
valuation is a typical one : 41,259 sheep at 9/7f each went 
down at £19,927/13/6 ; 10,342 cattle at £27,355/16/- ; and 
horses and working oxen at £1,486 and £344 respectively. 
Eight leasehold blocks "and the right of grazing over seven 
blocks till sold" were valued at £3,500 ; the "Land Account" 
(apart from a few hundred "purchased" acres about the 
homestead itself, mostly referring to land allotments in 
Bockhampton and Gladstone "bought on speculation") stood 
at £10,250 — together with the few improvements and 
"sundries," making up a total valuation of £66,959/18/6.«» 
And in the same year, on a sworn valuation, we have 
evidence that 

. . . the total value of improvements of Graeemere Run on which 
the pre-emptive purchases of Messrs. Archer are based is 
£1,753/14/6. . . .70 

In other words, the capital of Archer & Co. in 1868 was 
almost entirely sunk in stock — running on a largely un- 
fenced and unimproved "sheepwalk" of the old type. 

Fourteen years later (by 1882) the nature of pastoral 
settlement in this district had changed. Government Land 
Acts aimed at closer settlement, and free selectors had 
stripped Graeemere of 165 square miles (half the run) 
soon after 1869,*^^ and in 1875 the lion's share of the re- 
maining ("leased") half of the run was taken too'^^ — which 
meant that the carrying capacity for stock (hitherto Grace- 
mere's main asset) was drastically cut. Yet in June, 1882, 
the Graeemere capital of the firm of Archer & Co. was still 
£68,195/1/9. The answer is that by 1882 primary emphasis 
had shifted from purely stock values to the value of freehold 
lands and general improvements as well ; so by 1882, though 
the value of stock was well under half the 1868 values,, the 
value of the run itself had been rather more than multipiied 
by four. Thus, under "Schedule of Selected (Country) 
Lands" -is entered a valuation of £31,951/4/-; under 
"Schedule of Purchased (Country) Lands," £5,354/17/9; 
and "Town Property" in Roekhampton and Gladstone came 
to another £6,248. "^^ In other words, in this fourteen-year 
span of 186882 Graeemere had become "capitalized." 

This trend towards a greater capital investment in 
pastoral holdings— so clearly indicated by the consistently 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 309 

rising prices paid for runs throughout the period — serves 
to throw into relief the previous "unimproved" order of 
things. It was not that the earlier grazing industry had 
been a retarded and poor subsistence economy, such as the 
Boer "sheep-farmers" of the veldt. Rather, Australian 
squatting had been (as Arthur Keppel- Jones remarks in 
his book on South Africa) a commercial exploitation in 
the fullest sense, with attention never for long directed 
away from the "chimneys of the new factory towns of 
industrial England" and the London wool market. It 
was simply that the Australian outback pastoral industry 
in its pioneering stage had been rather crude and perhaps 
inefficient in its methods,! and certainly rather wary of 
over-great capital investment : with the result that the 
typical out-back sheep-run in the early days had been 
almost completely unimproved. And this, in turn, meant 
that every such run, to be profitable at all, had to be 
tremendously large — which, again, added to the difficulties 
of management. It was clear to many people at the time 
— such as William and Archibald Arthur (who proposed 
the fateful 1868 Land Act) — that such a happygo-lucky 
state of affairs could not last indefinitely. But the fact 
remains that in the early days, with immense tracts of 
virgin country to open up and a demand for wool far ex- 
ceeding the limited supply of the conventionally settled 
districts, unimproved squatting on the Australian "frontier" 
was the natural reaction to the times; and it was only 
with the filling up of available land and the coming of 
closer settlement that the old ways became uneconomic. 
That stage was arrived at in the Central Queensland district 
in the early 'seventies — the years, indeed, when the whole- 
sale resumptions of Gracemere, Glenmore, Yaamba, Lang- 
morn, and the Ross estates went through. 

The Archer records illustrate perfectly the earlier 
"undercapitalized" and unimproved grazing, and then the 
transition to a more settled economy; until by the 1890's 
Gracemere had become the stud-property — and showplace 
— of an increasingly settled district. Passing over the 
very early records from the Archers' days in South Queens- 
land at Durundur, we fin d th at in 1853 at Coonambu la 

t Though it may be argued that these methods were the best 
suited to the times — *'an inevitable reaction to a primitive environ- 

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310 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

and Eidsvold not quite £5,000 was all that was required 
for David Archer to set on foot a new pastoral firm. 

Valuation of stock and other property put into the concern of 
David Archer & Co. (new firm) by David Archer on the Ist April, 
1853 : £4,634/2/8.74 

Thirty years later, following this process of gradual tran- 
sition, £68,000 would not have bought Archer & Co. out 
of a vastly reduced Gracemere.^^ 

All the records exist to allow an examination in detail 
of the everyday working of a typical run in the 'fifties 
and 'sixties. The enormous area of Gracemere was worked 
not from the head station, but from its thirty out-stations, 
any one of which would form a large pastoral holding 
to-day; the working and skilful co-ordination of these is 
all explained in James Archer's diary, and more particu- 
larly in Colin Archer's invaluable journal for 1858-59. 
Colin Archer, indeed, helpfully enumerates the Gracemere 
out-stations, and if most of the old names have been changed 
("Boorba" has, for instance, become progressively "Meadow 
Flats," and then "Broadmeadows" and "The Meadows"), 
with the aid of Charles Archer's map most of them can 
be placed. Raglan and Langmorn Stations — first the 
Landsboroughs* and then the Creeds' — ^were run in much 
the same way : Lodi, Marengo, Trafalgar, and Langmorn 
making up "Langmorn Station," and Raglan, Larcora Vale, 
San Jose and Stevenston, "Raglan Station." By a final 
consolidation, "Raglan" and "Langmorn" were united and 
run as one property J^ In the early days the Rosses' 
holdings along Keppel Bay were run along much the same 
lines : from Cawarral and Emu Park through Tanby, 
Mulambin, Taranganba, and as far north as Rasberry 
Creek, there were the same subdivisions. "Tanby Hall" 
was one such out-station. Colin Archer left full details 
of how such a run was worked : with the central woolsheds 
at the head station, where all the sheep were brought for 
shearing; the great roving flocks of sometimes several 
thousand head; above all — the main feature of this early 
organization — the shepherds and the shepherds* huts on 
the various outstations. 

Pastoral organization in such early stages was thus 
primarily practical : the typical station was less a place 
of settlement, a permanent home, than a good investment 
which was expected to pay high dividends. Later, various 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 311 

families in this district came increasingly to look upon 
their head station as permanent homes (and the surpris- 
ingly large number of properties in Central Queensland 
which have stayed in the one family since the early days 
is a sure indication of this), but it is hard to escape the 
conclusion that in the first stage of settlement this was not 
so : far too much was "taken out" of most properties in 
proportion to the amount sunk back into them. This 
undoubtedly slowed down the process of improvement and 
heavier capitalization. 

Gracemere, again, affords the best illustration of this 
tendency — obvious from the most cursory glance at the 
partnership accounts of Archer & Co.*^*^ It is no exaggera- 
tion to say that from the earliest days Gracemere supported 
seven homes — most important of them all, the beautiful 
Tolderodden Estate, set in its Norwegian fjord — as may 
be seen from the "Partnership Account." Six Archers 
(William, Thomas, Charles, David, Archibald, J. G. L., 
and Colin) and Simon Jorgensen (whose mother was the 
Archer brothers' sister) held shares ranging from William's 
and Thomas* four-sixteenths shares each to the one-sixteenth 
shares of J. G. L. Archer, Colin Archer, and Simon 
Jorgensen; the total value of these shares came to 
£52,406/6/10. In addition, there was a "Loan Account" 
consisting of dividends held back and therefore still owing 
— which included the names of William, Thomas, Charles, 
David, Archibald, J. G. L. and John Archer. The sums 
in the loan account ranged from William Archer's 
£14,658/15/11 to John Archer's £450/5/10, coming in all 
to £35,643/13/2. Added (by an amazing calculation) to 
the £52,406/6/10 in the "Partnership Account," this was 
taken as giving a total "capital" of £80,050.'^'' In later 
years the distribution of shares became even more scattered, 
for Charles Archer left his estate to his sisters and nieces : 
which meant that, later still, the accounts became still more 
complicated, and many of those holding shares were not 
even Archers. Thus, with more and more people expecting 
a dividend from Gracemere, so much more money had to 
be sent home to Norway — which, again, left the men on the 
spot (William, Colin, James, and finally R. S. Archer) 
with so much less to "sink back" into the property in im- 
provements and capital expenditure. 

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312 Royal Australicm Historical Society, 

The same thing is apparent in the great majority of 
memoirs and reminiscences of the time, with rather less 
excuse than the early managers for Archer & Co. had at 
Gracemere, since most of the other graziers in the district 
were able to live on their own runs and few were troubled 
by having the controlling interests in their property held 
by absentee shareholders — at the Archers at Gracemere 
were. Only after 1869 is there evidence in station account- 
books of much capital outlay at all in this district; and 
then, in the early stages, expenditure was mainly directed 
towards the purchase of the freehold of large blocks of the 
run, to safeguard it against free selectors. 

The one great exception to this general tendency was 
the Birkbecks* Glenmore. S. B. Birkbeck had come to 
Queensland, Rockhampton in particular, because he was 
attracted by the hope of cheap land : 

. . . There is some difference of opinion as to the eligibility of 
New Zealand or Queensland, though the great majority are in favour 
of the latter. The middle island of New Zealand is the only one 
adapted for sheep farming. The climate is cold, very windy, and 
invariable, and I think it would require more capital to begin on 
the same scale as in Queensland. Parker's elder brother has pur- 
chased a run for £19,000 consisting of 27,000 acres leased land, a 
little freehold, and 8,000 sheep in Otago near Dunedin — £6,000 cash 
and the rest in two years. I expect to do better in Queensland. 
... As Brisbane, the capital, is surrounded by a comparatively old 
settled country, consequently the prices of stations would be higher, 
while Rockhampton is the outlet of a great extent of new country 
particularly adapted for pastoral purposes. . . .78 

On this initial advantage of cheap land, S. B. Birkbeck 
planned to build up an "improved" estate, obviously on 
the lines of the Mexican haciendas with which he was so 
familiar : in Alfredo Birkbeck's diary (written in Spanish) 
Glenmore is always the "Hacienda," and in S. B. Birkbeck's 
own Mexican diaries there are full descriptions of these 
Sparish-Colonial estates.'^® One in particular — the princely 
establishment of the Marques del Tfral — tallies exactly 
with S. B. Birkbeck's own plans for Glenmore, which he 
gives later in his Glenmore diary and day-book. What he 
failed to realise was that Central Queensland's different 
climate different soil, and erratic rainfall made such a 
highly organized and complex estate, at least in the early 
days, impracticable. 

In the six years spent at Glenmore before his death 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 313 

(1867), it is surprising how many of his schemes S. B. 

Birkbeck did put into effect. Starting off with the Fitzroy 
River, and his 25-mile river frontage — ^which he utilized 
both for irrigation and wool-barge communication with 
Rockhampton — he had by 1866 completed an ingenious 
"gravitation" system of irrigation, worked with great stone 
tanks and drains. ("Agosto 1866 : Acabamos el aqueducto 
el dos de este mes. . . . ") At the same time, the labour 
of two of the Birkbeck's imported Mexican peons — 
"Dionisio Cifuentes" and "Martin Ruiz" — was employed 
in carrying out S. B. Birkbeck's plans for a great, two- 
storied limestone and adobe hom.estead complete with 
L-wings and arched patios;* part of the L — the Glenmore 
homestead of to-day — was completed before S. B. Birkbeck's 
death in 1867, when the work ceased. Further expenditure 
went on acres of irrigated farm land, terraced orchards, 
vineyards, and avenues of citrus trees; and a large outlay 
— mentioned before — on improved sheep, cattle, and horse- 
stock. Greater still was the outlay on buying freehold 
the land about the homestead — necessary for self -protection, 
but crippling nevertheless in times when Crown land had 
to be sold at auction with a minimum reserved price of £1 
per acre : a price far in excess of both the use the land 
was to be put to at the time and indeed even the actual 
'* capabilities'' of the land in the future, which S. B. Birk- 
beck (unversed in Australian conditions, and perhaps mis- 
led by the deceptively good season of 1861) seems to have 
overestimated.'*^ All this was financed mainly from the 
apparently never-failing remittances from the Birkbecks' 
Mexican holdinsrs : a $500 remittance from the silver-mine 
of San Martin in May, 1862, followed by £2,396/11/7 in 
December, 1865,®^ as well as more regular sums from the 
Sianta Helena and Comanja Mines, and the Herrera and 
Guadalupe Haciendas (the latter valued at $84,441 in 
December, 1859).®^ For Glenmore itself there is a telling 
entry in December, 1865 : "Glenmore Station. Loss in 4 
years £1071/9/3."80 Land resumptions, drousrht (in 1868 
and later years), lung- worm in the sheep, and spear grass, 
and the perhaps not so thrifty and single-minded manage- 
ment after S. B. Birkbeck's death, joined in frustrating 
his early plans. The Birkbecks are one family, at least, 

* The plan stiU exists to-day. 

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314 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

that put more into this district than they were later to 
take out. 

Allowing for individual differences — such as half- 
Spanish Glenmore, and Gracemere with its largely overseas 
ownership — ^Anthony Trollope was right in saying that 
Central Queensland station life did roughly conform to a 
pattern ;®2 for the similar environment, troubles, and 
economic interests did indeed force some sort of homo- 
geneity on the early social life in the district, however 
diverse the origins of the various station families. 

These origins are themselves interesting, and the most 
striking feature about them bears significantly on any 
social study of country life in the early days. This is the 
aristocratic tradition behind so many of them : the Archers, 
with their Tolderodden background and influential Walker 
and Mackenzie connexions; P. F. MacDonald of Yaamba, 
himself the son of a wealthy New South Wales grazier and 
King's School-educated ; the Birkbecks (with their Mexican 
"hacienda" tradition of self-contained "great estates" — so 
obviously an influence at Glenmore) ; the Creeds of Lang- 
morn (who came from a West Indian sugar-plantation 
past) ; Bonar Hamilton-Ramsay of Canoona; first the Leith- 
Hays and then Howard St George at Rannes ; Mr. and Mrs 
Campbell Praed (bom Murray-Prior) on Curtis Island 
Station ; as well as the initial tradition of "closed" squat- 
tocracy in the Burnett district — the starting-point for so 
many later settlers of Central Queensland (Archers, Elliotts, 

Sir George Bowen undoubtedly had this "tradition" in 
mind when he referred to the squatters of 1859 as 
gentlemen who live in a patriarchal style among their immense flocks 
and herds, amusing themselves with hunting, shooting, and fishing, 
and the exercise of a plentiful hospitality.83 

Anthony Trollope and young William Archer are probably 
more helpful as social historians — mainly because their 
treatment is more familiar and, therefore, more sympathetic 
than a Viceregal view could be. Both saw a great deal 
of station life while in Australia ; and they both (especially 
the older man, Trollope) saw the reverse of the medal, 
along with the fabulous "boom" prosperity and lavish, 
"open-house" hospitality. 

The verdict of Trollope on Australian bush life — we 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 315 

must ask ourselves, was it a favourable one ? Roughly, 
it was. In 1873 Trollope wrote : — 

I don't know that there can be a much happier life than that 
of a squatter, if the man be fairly prosperous, and have natural 
aptitudes for country occupations. ... He should be social — ^for he 
must entertain often and be entertained by other squatters. . . . He 
must prefer plenty to luxury, and be content to have things about 
him a little rough. ... 84 

Anthony Trollope in 1873 saw station life in Central 
Queensland at the peak of its Golden Age : the threat of 

A Spanish-American, formerly the Dona Damiana de barre Valdes. 

closer settlement from the new land legislation had just 
appeared on the horizon, wool prices had not yet started 
to fall,^^ and cattle prices were still rising.^^ By 1871 
lung-worm in the sheep and spear-grass had appeared, but 
apparently they did not react unduly on the hospitality 
and good spirits at the different homesteads. James Archer 
wrote home to his sister Jane in 1859 : — 

We have got a house full of people here (i.e. at Gracemero) 
again. Besides the seven of us belonging to the place, there is an 
old friend of Charlie's. . . . His name is Mr Crooks. . . . Besides him, 
we are continually pestered with travellers, who generally stop two 

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316 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

or three days, when they go away, but they are soon replaced by 
new arrivals. . . . Having as yet but little room to stow people 
away in . . . beds have to be made up on the floor, table, and any- 
where there is six foot of room to spare. . . .85 

Gracemere, with its old log homestead and beautiful 
landscope garden set out on a point in the mere, always 
remained the show-place of the district. But when Anthony 
TroUope saw the district there were other homesteads there, 
famous for their hospitality — Mount Hedlow, Princhester, 
Waverley, Raglan and Langmorn; and, of course, along 
the coast, the various Ross estates. Robert Ross held the 
Cawarral-Zilzie-Emu Park run, whose homestead, set on a 
hill, once had its own racetrack; and the beautiful Tarari- 
ganba homestead, sloping down over undulating grassland 
and a fringe of she-oak forest to Keppel Bay. His brother, 
James Ross, held the rather less famous Mulambin and 
Rasberry Creek runs. 

Station life in so vast a district could not, of course, 
be expected to conform exactly to one pattern. Glenmore 
especially does not fit into the picture TroUope and William 
Archer painted as typical of the Australian bush scene. 
Sfimuel B. Birkbeck himself was a Quaker of English stock 
who had gone out to America, and in Mexico married a 
Spanish- American, the Dona Damiana de Barre Valdes.*^^ 
It was this "Spanish tradition" which — especially after 
S. B. Birkbeck died, so soon after coming to the colony — 
set the tone at Glenmore. Spanish, devoutly Catholic, 
never very familiar with English, the widowed Mrs S. B. 
Birkbeck naturally mixed less with her neighbours than 
most station women. This "cultural isolation" is obvious 
from young Alfredo Birkbeck's diary — nearly all in Spanish. 
For, significantly, the Birkbeck sons — the second ^enerption 
— were much more familiar with Spanish than with English. 

That was the bright side of station life — the homestead 
picture. The other is a bitterly, often tragic, tale of 
droughts, enforced purchases of freehold to save "the eyes 
of the run" from blackmailing selectors — and overdrafts 
and crippling interest rates from which few squatters, once 
so embarrassed, never managed to free themselves. Grace- 
mere, with its excellent management, huge tracts of fine 
country, an^l enormous flocks and herds, is, of course, a 
special ca«^e ; in the early days (as William Archer's letter, 
cited earlier, proves) the worst that ever happened for 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 317 

the overseas shareholders in Archer & Co. was a temporary 
cut in dividends, and in the 1880's the Archers were even 
in a position to lend money on mortgage in Rockhampton 
itself.®® Similarly, Glenmore was saved from having tp 
"go to the bank" by capital S. B. Birkbeck brought with 
him to Australia, and the periodical remittances from 
Mexico. But Trollope's finding is borne out by the vast 
majority of cases — the Archers' and Birkbeck's less for- 
tunate neighbours : 

. . , For a squatter of the true commercial kind not to owe 
money to his merchant or his banker is an unusual circumstance — 
unless he be one who has stuck to his work till he is able to lend 
instead of borrow. The normal, and I may almost say the proper, 
condition of a squatter is indebtedness to some amount. . . .87 

Trollope goes on to say that the usual interest paid 
to "merchants and their kind" varies from 7 to 8%, a 
statement supported by an entry in S. B. Birkbeck's diary : 

Sydney (July-August, 1861) : Have arranged with Mess. Flower 
Salting & Co. to be my agents and make me advances till I can 
receive my remittances from Mexico, for which, as is the custom 
here, they will charge me S% interest and 5% on every payment 
or transaction and my purchases of stores being made through them 
will probably be unsatisfactory both in price and quality. . . .46 

The amount of debt on some stations is enormous, and the total 
interest paid, including bank charges, commission, and what not, 
frequently amounts to 20%. 88 

Substantially, that is true. The Archers, when they first 
came to Queensland in the very early days, were paying 
James Walker & Co. as much as 12% interest. 

The labour problem was the squatter's main concern 
from the earliest days : 

A considerable influx of immigrants has however relieved the 
labor market and reduced wages about 25/- within the last month. 
I have also had an importation of 10 Chinamen which I think will 
suit our purpose for shepherds and watchmen better than the class 
we have heretofore been obliged to employ.i02 

With the cessation of the convict labour supply in 
1842 and the absence of a regular flow of cheap migrants, 
this last solution did indeed seem the answer to the labour 
problem, and, by the time the Archers trekked to Gracemere 
in 1855, Chinese shepherds and shearers had become an 
integral part of the Coonambula-Eidsvold (and now Grace- 
mere) economv. The preservation of a "Wapres Bnok" — 
covering the Eidsvold, Coonambula, and Gracemere periods 
— gives an unbroken record, and provides what must be 

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318 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

a virtually unique "Labour History" of early pastoral 
settlement in Central Queensland.^^^ 

The earliest entries prove that, in the early 'fifties, 
the Archers with their Chinese shepherds and stockmen 
were employing the "cheapest" labour force they were ever 
destined to find. The great majority of entries — Lin Qua, 
Poh Tsoan, Soa Hin, Tam Leam, Wysoon, Tang Leang, 
Ube Teoo, Ney Eang, Toe — carry beside them the legend 
"£18 pr. annum"; but some — Ang Long, Chang Tsy, Goe 
What — were paid only £16. Others received different 
salaries — all slightly better th^n the average. Nor did 
this include "keep"; for the Chinamen were expected to 
pay a cook ("Nim Song — ^£26 pr. ann.") and feed them- 
selves out of their own pockets.^^^ 

But, even before the move to Gracemere, German 
migrants had begun increasingly to replace the former 
Chinese shepherds : in July, 1855, of the party of seventeen 
whites in the overlanding party eight were Germans. 
Supperelatz, Ganzel, Maurer, Juppenlaz, Scheelmeigter, 
Schulmaster, Karl Wilkin, all were receiving, in 1855 and 
1856, £20 per annum (plus keep, however) .^^^ This source 
of cheap, abundant, and willing labour remains in evidence 
in both the Gracemere^^^ and Glenmore^^^ books until well 
into the 'sixties, accounting for the thick pockets of German 
farm settlement throughout this district. 

German migration seem^ to have been a welcome 
alternative to the rising costs of employing stationhands 
with British names. For, from the gold fever days in the 
'fifties, wages seemed to rise progressively. ^^^ In 1853, at 
Coonambula, the Archers had paid Robert Pacey £20 a 
year;^^^ by 1856, at Gracemere, ordinary stockmen were 
receiving £35, and the overseer, Ned Kelly, £100.^^® In 
the days of this district's Canoona Rush, wages sky-rocketed 
— temporarily ; as J. A. Macartney and Sir John Macartney 
found to their cost, when they were left stranded with a 
flock of sheep they had brought from Berry of Rawbelle : 
I tried to ^et some of the men to join me, offering one as high 
as £4 a week; but I could not tempt any of them.iOT 

After the collapse of the Canoona rush, wages of course 
slumped; but afterwards the tendency was resumed, and 
by the 'seventies white men's wages had settled down, 
permanently, on a far higher level.^^^ This was the state 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland, 319 

of affairs that that astutest of observers — Anthony TroUope 
— remarked on in 1871 : 

I rarely found that a white man's labour could be had for less 
than 15/- a week in addition to his rations. At meat-preserving 
and sugar establishments men earn from 15/- to 20/- a week. 
Washers at sheep stations earn about 4/- a day. Shearers will earn, 
according to their skill and strength, from 7/- to 14/- a day, paying, 
however, for their own rations. These two last employments are 
only to be had during the last four months of the year. Shepherds 
on a sheep run are paid from £30 to £40 per annum, and their 
rations. Gardeners and grooms about 20/- a week and rations. . . .108 
It is obvious that, with these (comparatively) great 
wage increases, the wages bill on a property like Gracemere 
could be a very large itettiJ In the year June, 1869-June, 
1870, for instance (the last year of the old, entirely un- 
resumed Gracemere), "wages'* were entered at £4,467/19/2 
under "Sheep Property" and £1,443/3/7 under "Cattle 
Property"— a total of £5,911/2/9.i<^» No records exist to 
indicate how many men Archer & Co. employed in that 
year, but it must have been considerably more than in the 
'fifties — and in July, 1856, there had been Simon Jorgensen, 
Colin and James Archer, W. H. Risien, Ned Kelly, 15 
Chinamen, 16 Australians, and 6 Germans all employed 
at the head station itself.^^^ Nor did that list include 
the men employed on the out-stations, and certainly not 
the shearers. (In 1858-9, we know, there were 15 shearers 
permanently employed on Gracemere. )^^® Even at Glen- 
more in the same period — ^by then a much smaller station — 
besides the Birkbeck boys themselves, there were 10 men 
on the wages sheet — all but three receiving 20/- a week.^'^ 

Under these circumstances — with wool hovering at 
slightly less than 2/- a lb., and cattle periodically un- 
marketable — it is not surprising that station owners cast 
round hopefully for a means of escape from these "crippling 
charges."^^^ The solution obviously would never be sup- 
plied by future use of the local natives : then as now, the 
aborigines "were no good as stockmen, being too wild to 
train.'"^^ The answer for the squatters was, apparently, 
supplied by the enterprise of Captain the Hon. Louis Hope, 
casting round in the 'sixties for cheap labour for his pro- 
jected sugar and cotton plantations : 

... On the 27th of December, 1867, the City of Melbourne, 
barque, 175 tons, Captain Weiss, arrived in Keppel Bay with 103 
South Sea Islanders, being the first shipment of Kanakas to reach 
Rockhampton, if not also the first to reach Queensland. . . .112 

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320 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

For nearly three decades the traflSc to and from the islands 
was to continue : to Townsville, Rockhampton, Bundaberg, 
and Maryborough. In the files of the Rockhampton 
Morning Bulletin there is an interesting picture of Rock- 
hampton and the River "in the '80's" : a line of graceful, 
three-masted sailing-ships, and there is a note beneath re- 
minding readers that the white craft on the extreme right 
is a blackbirder's schooner, a "slaver." No records exist 
of the number of Kanakas landed in this district ; and there 
were, of course, no official estimates of the numbers at work 
here at any one time. The most one can do is to refer to 
private papers, station records, contemporary references; 
which means that generalization must, necessarily, be rough. 
At least a certain amount of information exists. 
"Lloviendo todo el dia," wrote Alfredo Birkbeck in 1871. 
"Fui a Rockhampton a encargar South Sea Islanders. . . ."^^^ 
Which, along with other references to "los Kanakas" in 
the diary and account books, prove that there were always 
Kanakas at Glenmore. At Gracemere, too, there are con- 
stant references in the station books to the "Polynesians," 
and young William Archer, Carl Lumholtz, and Anthony 
TroUope all described the Gracemere Kanaka huts during 
their visit. Less direct evidence indicates the presence 
of Kanaka workers at certain other station homesteads — 
in particular, of course, the Rosses' Taranganba. 

Young William Archer thus wrote in 1877 : 
What would become of Queensland without Kanaka labour I 
cannot tell. The assistance which it affords to sugar growers, 
squatters, and indeed to all employers of labour is at present incal- 
culable. The South Sea Islanders are industrious, docile, well- 
behaved, and in some cases even intelligent. The more I see of 
them, the more I am convinced that any outcry of ^'slavery" with 
regard to their employment must be absurdly unjust. They are in 
the fullest sense of the word voluntary, paid, labourers, and in the 
great majority of cases happy and contented labourers. There have 
undoubtedly been cases in which islanders have been forcibly kid- 
napped and brought to Australia, but the trade is now too well 
looked after to render such nefarious proceedings any longer possible. 
When in the colony, too, they are thoroughly protected ajyainst ill- 
usage by stringent legislation. The fact that a great number of 
them, after visiting their native land at the end of their contract 
time, return to the colony of their own free will is enough to prove 
that ill-usage and hardship are, to say the least of it, un- 
common. . . .115 

That is a full — and, I think, mainly justified — state- 
ment of the squatter's case. Except in the most isolated 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 321 

instances, there could be no question of slavery or cruelty ; 
and, besides, in this central district — always predominantly 
pastoral — sugar and cotton cultivation was at best merely 
spasmodic. The Kanakas were thus never able to be sig- 
nificant in a pastoral economy as they undoubtedly were 
in the canefields further north and south;* at best, they 
were just able to "fill the bill** for cheap, "docile** and 
"industrious" labour about the head station. At the 
Murray-Prior's Bungroopim, for example, 

. . . they were employed about the head station, never learning to 
ride, but fetching wood and water, and doing such domestic work 
as the soul of the Australian aboriginal abhors. . . M^ 
The one fact that can never be passed over in any treat- 
ment of pastoral settlement — and its connexion with "native 
exploitation" and "slave labour" in this district — is that 
at no time were imported Kanaka workers able to replace, 
in any significant numbers, the white labour force which 
always comprised the bulk of the Archers* station personnel, t 

Only when this is realized can the "Kanaka Question'* 
and pastoral development — at least in this district — ^be 
fitted into their true perspective. The essential fact re- 
mains that, with the coming of White Australia and the 
cessation of Kanaka immigration, the Queensland pastoral 
industry — unlike the sugar industry — was not faced with 
ruin. In other words, Kanaka labour, to the squatters, 
had been but an incidental — a helpful incidental, it is true 
— ^but so early as the 'sixties, Central Queensland pas- 
toralists petitioned at a public meeting (with Sir Charles 
Nicholson in the chair) "praying for ... a regular and 
systematic influx of population directed to the locality."^^® 
The influx of these State-aided European immigrants "began 
with the ship Persia in 1861 and continued until 1866, by 
which time ... it was found that the labour market was 
over-supplied. . . ^^^^ Thus the squatters* first response 
to a labour* shortage in this district — since the rest of 
Australia was already barring them from further impor- 
tation of Chinese coolie shepherds — ^had been State-assisted 
immigration of working-class migrants from the British 

• Yet the size of "K;anaka Town" on the outskirts of North 
Rockhampton — even to-day — ^would seem to indicate some considerable 
Kanaka immigration into this district. 

t Apart, of course, from the Chinese shepherds and shearers in 
the 'fifties and 'sixties. 

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322 Royal Attstralian Historical Society. 

Isles. In effect, that was always to remain the final 
solution of labour worries. 

The "Polynesian" entries in the Gracemere books, even 
if they had little final bearing on pastoral development 
itself, are interesting as a commentary on the costs of 
earlier labour groups — convicts, Chinese, Germans — ^which 
the Archers had previously depended upon. Anthony 
Trollope wrote in 1873 that a Kanaka s labour for three 
years (the usual contract time) cost his employer about 
£75 : the total of wages, rations, clothes and, of course, the 
passage out and back — which the employer himself paid 
to the blackbirding captain. 

This amounts to nearly 10/. a week for the entire time. The 
average wages of a white man on a plantation may be taken at 
about 25/- a week, including rations. . . .HT 

These figures are substantially borne out by entries 
in the Gracemere accounts; but, if anything, they err on 
the light side, for a Kanaka labourer was almost bound 
to cost his employer more than Trollope had estimated. 
The wages of "Sambo" and "Billy" in 1867-8 were each 
£4/10/-,^^^ but later entries^^ prove that the usual annual 
salary was £6, as Trollope claims. However, a week's 
rations would almost certainly cost more than the 3/9 
Trollope allows. Added together, so many petty expenses 
mean finally that Queensland Kanaka labour was neither 
so inexhaustible nor so cheap as some Left- Wing 20th 
century critics — who are seldom Queenslanders, or people 
who know the Queensland scene — would have us believe. 

Closely related to the problem of the squatter's economic 
security and the labour question (his freedom to recruit 
labour from where he desired) — in fact, of primary im- 
portance in any treatment of pastoral settlement — is the 
question of politics and the squatter's role (and influence) 
in the public life of the early colony. It is hard to escape 
the conclusion that early Queensland was, indeed, a 
"squatter's colony," as Anthony Trollope called it.^^® 

In Queensland the system which regulates a man's capacity to 
vote for a member of the Legislative Assembly is certainly not 
democratic. . . . By this (property qualification) the nomad tribes 
of wandering labourers . . . are excluded from the registers. It 
cannot be said that this young colony has shown any tendency to 
run headlong into the tempting dangers of democracy. It would 
appear that the prevailing feelings of the people lie altogether in 
the other direction. As I have said, I fear more than once before, 
the squatters are the aristocracy of the colony, and I found that 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland, 323 

a Cabinet with seven members contained six squatters. . . . The 
opposition to squatters comes of course from the towns — and chiefly 
from the metropolis, no 

TroUope was referring to the first (Herbert) Ministry, 
which was indeed dominated by the "Darling Downs" — 
Ratcliffe Pring, T. de Lacy Moffatt (succeeded by Sir 
Joshua Peter Bell of Jimbour), St George Gore, Sir Maurice 
O'Connell, J. J. Galloway, Dr Hobbs, and Sir Robert 
Ramsay Mackenzie of Kinellan. As Edward Palmer later 
wrote : 

In 1859, when the Colony of Queensland was separated from 
New South Wales, the pastoral interest was in the ascendant, and 
this is considered to have been made evident by the first land legis- 
lation of the new colony. The first consideration of the new 
government was legislation for leasing and selling land.i20 

This was the Crown Lands Occupation Act of 1860, which 
"was intended to encourage the exploration and use of new 
country for pastoral purposes. "^^^ Its main effect on 
pastoral settlement in Central Queensland was that it 
facilitated development — and effectively terminated the 
speculation in land by "Sydney gentlemen" ("drawing-room 
tenders") which P. F. MacDonald of Yaamba and William 
Young of Mount Larcombe had complained about so bitterly 
in the 'fifties. 

Throughout the 'sixties — so important to the Golden 
Age of squatting in Central Queensland — the "shepherd 
kings" (as Dr John Dunmore Lang bitterly called them) 
retained control of government in Queensland. This was 
the age of the great runs — Gracemere, Glenmore, Mount 
Hedlow, Yaamba, Langmorn, Raglan, Bannes — and the age, 
too, of great profits. Comparatively secure leases, and a 
long tenure at a nominal rental, encouraged pastoral ex- 
pansion; and so the importance of the 1860 Act is obvious 
in a study of pastoral development in this district. Under 
the provisions of the Act, 

any person who, having found an unoccupied area suitable for a 
run within the settled districts, had placed his stock upon it, could 
obtain a licence to occupy the land at a rental of 10/- per square 
mile for 12 months. Within three months of the expiration of 
this term, he might obtain a lease of the run for a period of fourteen 
years, provided in the meantime he had stocked in to the extent of 
25 sheep or 5 head of cattle per square mile.i2i 

The rent was merely nominal : 10/- per square mile for 
the first four years, then subject to re-appraisement.^^i jj^ 
October, 1861, for instance— on 336 square miles, the Grace- 

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324 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

mere and Rosewood runs — ^Archer & Co. were paying an 
annual rental of £547.^^^ 

Four years later, to encourage white immigration, the 
Immigration Act of 1864 was passed — "instructing the 
Agent-General in London to issue migrants with land order 
warrants." The land orders were only to the value of 
£30 for every person brought over 12, and £15 for every 
child under 12,^^^ but the Act is interesting as the first real 
attempt at closer settlement in Queensland — the first sop 
thrown to an increasingly vocal and land-hungry class, 
several pegs on the social and economic scale below the 
squatters, which represented "the discontented elements of 
the larger towns."^^^ Actually, the land order system 
was of very little practical effect; it probably did attract 
some humble migrants, but quite as frequently it was 
welcomed by the wealthier type of settler as an opportunity 
for land dummying. In S. B. Birkbeck's diary for July 
29, 1861, there is an interesting entry : "Procured the 
recognition of my right to Land Orders 30 acres each for 
my family and servants as immigrants." When this 
"family** consisted of himself, his wife, their ten children, 
and the Mexican servants, it is obvious that the "encourage- 
ment given to settlement"^^^ — at least in this case — was not 
inconsiderable. ^^^ 

By the end of the 'sixties, after ten years' comparative 
quiescence and maintenance of the status quo, it was obvious 
that further land legislation would have to go through, 
even with Trollope's "squatting interest" still firmly en- 
trenched in the Legislative Council and Assembly. Thus, 
in his memoirs, an old Central Queensland squatter — Oscar 
de Satge of Park Downs — naively wrote that he himself 
had been elected to the Assembly for Clermont 
in order to assist in passing the Pastoral Leases Act of 1869, which 
the Lilley Government then in power had projected for the relief 
and support of our predominant interest A^^ 

There was no question of Radicalism in the new measures, 
for the Herbert Ministry of 1866 was still a Squatters' 
Cabinet of True-Blue Tories, as were the Lilley and 
Mcll wraith administrations in the following period. Oscar 
de Satge lists them all : besides the old hands (Thomas 
de Lacy Moffatt, Arthur Macalister, Ratcliffe Pring, Sir 
Joshua Bell of Jimbour, and St George Gore), such 
influential squatters as the Hon. Louis Hope, William 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central QueensUmd, 325 

Landsborough (brother of James Landsborough of JRaglan 
Station, C.Q.), John McConnel of Cressbrook, John Donald 
McLean of Bindango, George Sandeman (Oscar de Satge's 
partner at Peak Downs, C.Q.), and Arnold Weinholt, also 
from the Central West — "names that included some of 
Queensland's foremost colonists and a welcome infusion of 
squatting blood/'^^s 

It was this Government — not very surprisingly — which 
put into effect the Pastoral Leases Act of 1869, "which has 
since formed the basis of Queensland pastoral legislation, "^^e 
A tenure of 21 years at the then low rentals was provided, 
and lessees were allowed to protect their head station or 
other improvements by pre-emptive right to buy not more 
than 2,560 acres at 10/- an acre out of every 25 square 
miles, or 16,000 acres, which was now the regulation block 
of country. ^2^ This Act, comments de Satge, gave a feel- 
ing of security, and led to improvement and stations 
changing hands at high prices. But such a measure — 
frankly designed for the areas listed as "unsettled" — 
applied to the Far West more than to Central Queensland, 
now increasingly coming under the category of "Settled 
Area." Of far more effect on Central Queensland con- 
ditions, therefore, was the Crown Lands Alienation Act 
of 1868 — proposed, indeed, by a Central Queenslander. 

By the late 'sixties, with closer settlement obviously 
on the way, it was apparent that some changes in this 
district had to come. To the east — on the "North Side" 
of the Eiver — the Birkbecks* Glenmore run hemmed in the 
townspeople ; and to the west and south, Rockhampton met 
the boundary fences of Gracemere. From now on, "Con- 
solidation" became a popular term in the Archers' letters 
home, as the emphasis began gradually to move from 
enormous blocks of virtually unimproved country and 
insecure leases to smaller ("consolidated") runs, with 
improved carrying capacity, and, above all, a more secure 
tenure — long, guaranteed leases and freehold where possible. 

Consequently, it is not altogether surprising that 
Archibald Archer — M.L.A. for Rockhampton at the time — 
moved the new Land Act of 1868. His speech in the 
Assembly is significant : 

. . . One of the main causes why the lands in the whole of 
Australia are almost in the state in which nature had left them, is 
that none of the lessees dare to risk improvement, owing to the bad 

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326 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

tenure by which they hold them. Anyone of ordinary sense can 
see the folly of improving lands which in a moment almost they 
can be deprived of . . . the immense waste and unvaried sight that 
presented itself, of miles and miles of gum trees, without the sign 
of human habitation, may be attributed to the bad tenure upon 
which public lands are held. . . .127 

Briefly, it provided that lessees of large pastoral hold- 
ings be permitted to surrender their leases and obtain a 
renewal of the lease for half the leasehold area without 
disturbance for a term of ten years at a rental proportion- 
ately equal to that paid for the whole of the leasehold area; 
this was henceforth referred to as the "leased half" of eaeJi 
run. The remaining portion ("the resumed half") re- 
mained to the former owner only under a license; he held 
occupation — all rights over it only until such time as a 
selector should appear. This change had obviously been 
coming for some years, and it was therefore accepted with- 
out much complaint, even at Gracemere homestead; but it 
was in the second part of the Act — the part really concerned 
with "the alienation of Crown lands'* — that the squatters 
as a class were most interested. 

Country land was declared open for selection by conditional 
purchase. It was divided for the purposes of the Act into (1) 
Agricultural, (2) First Class Pastoral, and (3) Second Class Pastoral 
lands. Agricultural lands could be leased (40 to 640 acres) for 
ten years. First class pastoral land (areas from 80 to 2,560 acres) 
could be obtained at an annual rental of 1/- per acre. Second class 
pastoral land, in areas of from 80 to 7,680 acres, at an annual rental 
of 6d. per acre. ... In the case of pastoral lands, the freehold could 
be obtained in a similar manner after two years' residence, and upon 
improvements being made to the value of 10/- to 5/- per acre 
respectively in the two classes.i28 

On complying with these terms, the squatter becomes the absolute 
proprietor of his run at the termination of his lease. 129 

Under this Act^ too, 
one person may select the full allowance of all the three different 
classes of land, which would enable him to hold 10,880 acres at an 
annual rental of £368. Where there are two or more persons of 
the same family, their selection might be made on lands adjoining 
each other and this would materially lessen the cost of fencing. . . .129 

In other words, the acquisition of freehold by wealthy 
pastoralists — equally well as humble agricultural selectors 
— was made easy in Queensland — still very much "the 
squatters' colony." 

The passing of the Act of 1868, which as previously shown 
permitted free selection over large proclaimed areas, at once resulted 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 32 . 

in very great quantities of the public estate being alienated when 
the requisite periods of residence had been completed. 130 
Rusden complained : 

Injurious tendencies of the (1868) law were heightened by its 
abuse. Fraudulent selections enabled speculators to grasp larger 
blocks than the spirit of the law allowed. Combinations by members 
of a family gathered into one hand tens of thousands of acres in 
coveted districts ... to over-reach the authorities of Queensland. 
Some settlers incurred heavy liabilities by purchasing at auction 
lands which, if selected by others, would have rendered it impossible 
for the settlers to follow their previous pastoral pursuits. . . .131 

Eusden's last is an interesting point : the way in which 
squatters could be virtually blackmailed into paying exorbi- 
tant prices for land the loss of which might have crippled 
the easy management of their property. Thus the Archers 
were forced to pay — at public auction — the cripplingly high 
price of £10/0/6 an acre for a vital 290 acres between the 
Gracemere homestead and their woolsheds.^^^ These are, 
however, special cases. But even on the purchase of their 
runs at normal prices, TroUope thought the Australian 
squatters were crippling themselves : — 

... I feel certain that pastoral pursuits in Queensland will not 
bear the expense of purchased land. 133 

That is probably too gloomy a view. Undoubtedly 
there were cases of squatters being forced into debt and 
ruined in an attempt to save their properties — by wholesale 
purchase, utilization of pre-emptive rights, dummying, 
"peacocking," and (especially) by being forced to buy out 
blackmailing "sham selectors." Glenmore, for instance, 
probably in the 'sixties paid out more money to the Crown 
in buying freehold than it could economically afford ; but, 
then, the Birkbecks were so close to the Rockhampton town 
boundary (which S. B. Birkbeck had once thought so 
attractive a feature of the place !), and resumption was so 
imminent, that they were really forced to do something in 
self-protection. Probably, if the letter of the law had 
been followed exactly, the purchase price of land would 
have been crippling to the pastoralist, as Trollope claimed 
it was. In the vast majority of cases, however, the effect 
was not disastrous : evasions, dummying, liberal interpre- 
tation of a squatter's pre-emptive rights, having choice 
areas declared Second Class Pastoral Land,* all contributed 
to lessen materially the final price paid by the grazier to 

* As at the Rosses' Taranganba. 

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328 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

the Government. Rusden was probably far closer to the 
mark when he observed that 

fraudulent selections enabled speculators to grasp larger blocks than 
the spirit of the law allowed. Combination by members of a family 
gathered into one hand tens of thousands of acres in coveted 
districts. . . .131 

Certainly, by the mid- 'seventies, large and naturally 
good areas of land in Central Queensland were being 
"consolidated" into fine freehold estates : most of the Rosses' 
country (in particular Cawarral, worth £19,000 in 1877), 
the remains of the formerly enormous Glenmore run, the 
MacDonalds' Yaamba — and, of course, Gracemere itself. An 
Archer & Co. valuation sheet for June, 1882, is particularly 
enlightening : by that time the Gracemere run contained 
no leasehold at all, and consisted of (1) "Selected Lands" 
— at Gracemere and Cairnfield — totalling 2,453 acres, 
bought for an average price of 40/- an acre and worth 
£4,906; (2) "Cattle Station Exchanged Lands,"! or 27,044 
acres at 20/- per acre; and (3) "Purchased Lands"! (mostly 
close to the Gracemere homestead) of 745 acx^n, and valued 
at £5,354/17/9. The total area of this "consolidated 
Gracemere" came to 30,242 acres, valued altogether at 

There was no need for TroUope to deplore this tendency. 
What he failed to realize was that this general conversion 
of insecurely held leasehold runs into freehold estates was 
all part of one essential process — the outstanding feature 
of pastoral development in this district : a gradual tran- 
sition from the large, sprawling, "unimproved" economy of 
the 'fifties and 'sixties (rapidly becoming uneconomic in an 
age of closer settlement) into the consolidated and improved 
freehold estates of a less primitively organized grazing 

Later land legislation does not seem to have affected 
Central Queensland to any marked extent — the more radical 
Homestead Areas Act of 1872 and the Crown Lands Act 
of 1884, with all its later amendments (in 1885, 1886, 1889, 
1891 and 1892)— until, in 1902, "relief" legislation was 
passed, extending leases, to save thousands of drought- 

t For leasehold lands surrendered by Archer & Go. on the West- 
wood part of the Gracemere run the Government had given "in 
exchange" the freeholds on the Gracemere Cattle Station. — (Archer.) 

t "Purchased," that is, at auction. 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 329 

stricken graziers from total ruin.* This was not a case 
of influence exerted behind the scenes by "our predominant 
interest" — ^by then there was a strong Labour and near- 
liabour opposition in the Legislative Assembly — ^but simply 
a timely recognition of the disasters brought by drought 
and floods. "God, not Man, has made Queensland the 
pastoralists* Colony."^^*^ 

Nevertheless, there can be no doubt that by the end 
of the century the intimate connexion between pastoral 
development and politics — ^which undoubtedly did exist in 
the early days — was a thing of the past. It was no longer 
possible for people to talk of a "squatter's Cabinet," and 
Oscar Satge mourned in vain for his "welcome infusion of 
squatting blood. "^^^ Alexander Archer wrote home mourn- 
fully to his mother : — 

. . . But even if he meant to stay, I am. sure Archie would not 
be tempted in that way now. It was very different when he was 
an M.P. before. I think the House has degenerated much in tone 
since then, and such a congenial measure as the Crown Lands Act 
of 1868, with which Archie's name is always associated, ca^ never 
come in his way again.l|57 ,. 

Increasingly, with a yearly more vocal working class 
and urban lower-middle class in Brisbane, "Liberal" legis- 
lators and their "Labor" supporters in the House turned 
a deaf ear to the complaints of "our predominant interest." 
Fortunately, by then, graziers in Central Queensland were 
not so reliant upon governmental benevolence, and most of 
the wealthier ones were by now "squatting" on freehold 

It is perhaps interesting that Central Queensland — 
long after the metropolitan area had swerved to the Left — 
remained to some extent a pastoralist's country. Then as 
now it continued to be predominantly a grazing district; 
also, by dint of climatic necessity, holdings were large, and 
(perhaps equally significantly in a large land-owning 
district) the Hustings — the old "open" election with its 
show of hands — was not done away with until considerably 
later than in the southern colonies.^^^ In a district where 
— even in Rockhampton — there was little industrial popu- 
lation; where squatters and other employers and their 
workers (if they could fulfil the property qualifications) 

* It was this drought — more than any man-made factors operating 
in the 19th century — which did so much to impair Gracemere's old 

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330 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

voted within sight of one another, and where homogeneity 
of interest made serious disagreements the exception to the 
rule, it is not surprising that for decades "Tories" were 
returned to the Legislative Assembly — and that these Tory 
representatives were very often squatters. A. J. Callan, 
of Columbria, for years represented Fitzroy; P. F. 
MacDonald held Blackall for five years ; Archibald Archer, 
of Gracemere, was, of course, this district's best known 
politician in the 'sixties and 'seventies, and again in the 
'nineties, as was Edward Archer in the early 1900's; and 
G. S. Curtis (another staunch "Tory" and "Separatist") 
retained a similar monopoly on his seat. 

The "squatter influence" in local politics was of great 
significance in at least one instance — the Archers' consoli- 
dation of the Gracemere run — put through, however, while 
"our predominant interest" was still at the helm in Brisbane. 
A letter from William Archer — then managing Gracemere 
—to his brother Colin at Tolderodden (September 27, 
1868) states the Archers' case : — 

... I must now tell you about a bit of a muddle we have got 
into with the station in bringing it under the Land Act for Con- 
solidation as it is called. We applied in the usual way to have 
the 12 blocks on this side of the Kiver consolidated into one for the 
purpose of division instead of dividing each block separately. All 
went well, the run was consolidated and a description of the resumed 
portion was published in the Government Gazette. There had been 
a dissolution of the House — Archie's election opposed by a clever 
Brisbane lawyer was just coming off when the cry of what has since 
figured in the Southern papers as The Gracemere J oh was made an 
election cry to oust him out of his seat for Eockhampton. You 
know that the run stands in several names — Chas. A., C. & T. A., 
David A. & Co., Archer & Co. Now, when we first applied to have 
the blocks consolidated the Secretary for Lands attention was drawn 
to this fact by the Land Commissioner of the District — stating that 
we could if necessary bring them under one name, but the Secretary 
for Lands said this was not necessary — and we thought that all was 
going on smoothly until about 10 days ago we got a telegram saying 
that the whole thing was illegal — and the worst of it is that the 
time in which, according to the Act, it could be remedied had expired 
— and now we know not how it will be settled. The Opposition of 
course say that the Secretary for Lands and the Surveyor who 
surveyed the runs has been playing into our hands and they have 
got up a cry in the South that we are twisting the Act to suit our 
own purposes — whereas as you may suppose we have gone to work 
in the most strictly legal way — and any mistake lies entirely with 
the Government in not calling upon us at the proper time to bring 
all the blocks under the same name (which we had powers of attorney 
to do) before the consolidation took place. — I should like you all 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 331 

to have heard Archie at a meeting in Rockhampton, indignantly 
demolishing the lies that had been published about us — and three 
days after he was returned again, by a large majority, as the 
member for Rockhampton — thus vindicating himself and all con. 
nected with the station from the foul aspersions that had been cast 
upon our fair family. . . . However there the matter of consolidation 
stands. We insist that it is legal — and if there is any illegality 
we say that Government is in fault and must hold us harmless from 
the illegal action of their officers. I think the whole thing will be 
put straight when all the facts of the case are explained. Archie 
thinks otherwise, and the alternative will be that every block will 
have to be divided at great additional expense and we will have bits 
of detached country all over the run, most expensive to manage, and 
bringing us into interminable collisions with the free selectors settled 
upon the portions resumed by the Crown. . . . 

The case dragged on until 1874, when Archer & Co. 
submitted a petition to the Government of the day (the 
ultra-Conservative Macalister Administration) : — 

. . . your petitioners have seen, by a Bill now before your 
Honourable House, that the leased halves* of the Gracemere . and 
Meadow Flats Runs are to be thrown open for selection and that, 
by the said Bill, your petitioners will be debarred from selecting 
lands in anything like the area required for their stock. . . .138 

Briefly, Archer & Co. claimed that the matter involved 
£10,020/15/- worth of 

improvements . . . for the purpose of carrying on their business. 
And if your petitioners are precluded from selecting land of suf- 
ficient area to depasture their stock, many of these improvements 
will be rendered valueless. . . . From the avidity with which lands 
are selected on their runs,t in consequence of their proximity to tlie 
populous neighbourhood of Rockhampton, your petitioners believe 
that their runs should be thrown open for selection; and your 
petitioners would willingly relinquish any claims they may have, 
provided your Honourable House would give your petitioners a right 
of pre-emption. . . . 

In other words, the Archer interests were so immense, 
and the property so large, that 

having consolidated his runs, the pre-emptive rights of 2,560 acres 
on each run, under Section 14 of the Crown Lands Alienation Act 
of 1868, is quite inadequate to protect the interest of your petitioner 
in his expensive improvements,i39 

and to purchase the requisite amount of land to take even 
the reduced Archer stock would likewise — if it had to ^o 

* In addition to the "resumed half" — also 165 square miles — 
which had been open to selection since 1868. 

1 1 may mention that on the last occasion applications for 
selections were five or six deep on the portion that I gave up. That 
is the reason why I wish to get pre-emptive right, instead of con- 
ditional selection, near our improvements," William Archer told tlic 
Select Committee of the Legislative Assembly in 1875.13^ 

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332 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

through ordinary channels — be ruinously expensive. What 
Archer & Co. therefore requested was the right to buy — 
pre-emptive — 13,400 acres. And the word "pre-emptive" 
meant, of course, that sale would not be by auction, but by 
private sale at fixed prices : 15/- per acre for agricultural 
land, 10/- per acre for first class pastoral land, 5/- per 
acre for second class pastoral land. Against the protests 
of the "Liberal" opposition, the "Bill to enable William 
Archer to purchase pre-emptive certain Lands on the Grace- 
mere Run in the District of Port Curtis"^^® was forced 
through both Houses in the same month (May, 1875). 
Leftward opinion in Rockhampton itself spoke of "The 
Gracemere Job"; but what really mattered was that the 
Gracemere consolidation was finalized, and — when Archibald 
Archer stood again for the Legislative Assembly — he was 
reelected triumphantly. 

It is perhaps a tribute to the Archers and the simple 
justice of their claims that six years previously the Rosses 
— also with powerful political support — were not so suc- 
cessful in their attempts to frustrate the resumption of the 
picked spots of the Emu Park property, in which Robert 
Ross had as one of his partners Sir Arthur Palmer (M.L.A. 
for Port Curtis, 1866-78, and Minister for Lands in the 
Mackenzie Ministry — 1866-8 — at the beginning of the Emu 
Park dispute). The Rosses protested that the Emu Park 
land was about to be utilized as a sugar and coffee plan- 
tation, and the Northern Argus (always the squatters' 
mouthpiece in Central Queensland — it was owned by P. F. 
MacDonald of Yaamba) supported the case. But the 
Morning Bulletin and "citizen opinion" in Rockhampton 
"championed the rights of the public"; more important, in 
Brisbane the Mackenzie Ministry fell, and the resumption 
of the most desirable 2,560 acres of the Emu Park land 
went through on January 6, 1869.^^^ 

This district does, however, provide at least one example 
of a family who, by judicious adaptation to the changing 
times, have contrived to retain most of their original hold- 
ing. Thus different Creed families to-day own Langmorn, 
Cleveden, Cecilwood, and Prior Park — which together, in 
one convenient pocket of country, make up the old Lang- 
morn run. 

The 1868 Land Act and this turbulent period of con- 
solidations, land purchases, and general acrimony which 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland, 333 

constituted the "settling down" period immediately follow- 
ing, do definitely mark a dividing line in the pastoral 
development of Central Queensland. Not merely in 
grazing methods was there now a' change, but the very 
nature of pastoral settlement henceforth was so different. 
So early as 1859 Colin Archer had commented on the 
good prospects for cattle in Central Queensland : — 

. . . cattle, which despised stock appears to me to pay remark. 
hhly weU as we are situated here. I suppose we seU £35 to £40 
worth of beef dead and. alive every week.i4i 
Regular shipments of cattle were made — from the earliest 
days — to New Caledonia and southern ports."^*^ But when 
Colin Archer was writing sheep were also doing well, and 
no one seemed to doubt the future of wool in Central 
Queensland. But so early as the 'sixties one finds constant 
complaints in the specifications of the Gracemere woolclip 
that such-and-such a bale was "seedy" or "spoiled by 
seed."^^ The answer was not far to seek. Squatters 
had declared in the 'fifties : — 

Stock-up and shear and boil-down the aged animals 1 That 
was the way to make money, secure in their faith and their boundless 

On runs which grazed few cattle, there showed patches of spear 
grass which, with lush grasses to eat, the feeding sheep ignored. 
Each year the flocks consumed more and more of the good grasses 
before they had time to seed and be replenished. The tiny pods 
dried on the spear grass, worked their way through the fleeces of 
the sheep and penetrated their flesh. A myriad pods remained on 
the grass stems to parch to brittle dryness. These the winds tossed 
far and wide to fructify, to thrive, to scatter more seeds next season. 
Few noticed the spread of the spear grass. . . .144 

Spear-grass and grass-seeds and burrs were not the only 
plagues which had begun to cut into the Central Queensland 
wool output by the late 'sixties. Lungworm especially, 
and foot-rot in damp areas — such as Glenmore — were on the 
increase; but spear-grass and grass-seed were undoubtedly 
the main scourge. James Archer wrote bitterly in his 
diary of 1871 :— 

. . . The noggets have to be shifted from the paddock as the 
grass-seed is beginning to get rampant there. Those wretched 
paddocks after all the expense they have been are very little good. 
The sheep are showing signs of battle and are looking very 
miserable. . . .148 

With their usual foresight, the Archers — with more to 
lose than anyone else — adapted themselves sooner to change. 
Looking west, they bought Minnie Downs in 1873-4, when 

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334 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

all the Gracemere sheep were either transferred to the new 
property or sold. (On April 10, 1871, for instance, there 
is an entry in James Archer's diary : "Letter from Mitchell 
announcing the sale of sheep. 10,600 @ 4/6 per head.") 
The Archers, in other words, were "unloading" their flocks 
— almost at any price. By the 1880's, when E. S. Archer 
took over the management, there were no sheep on Grace- 
mere. About the same time, Raglan and Langmorn — 
mountainous and poor sheep country in any case — also 
crossed over to cattle.^^ Those station-owners in the district 
who were not so far-seeing, clinging to their diminishing 
flocks till the end, were all but ruined; parts of Alfredo 
Birkbeck's diary are a witness to this disappointment and 
bitter disillusionment. 

Graziers in Central Queensland eventually found that 
the change over had not been altogether for the worse; 
there was, they found, more than a subsistence future in 
cattle. J. A. Macartney puts on record^^^ that he once 
"sold 100 fat bullocks at 50/- per head." But that must 
be a special case, for the Gracemere and Glenmore books 
alone prove conclusively that, from the beginning — even 
when chances of a sure market were hazardous — prices were 
not unusally so low. In December, 1862, S. B. Birkbeck 
sold "common Cows" to an Adolf Halberstnedter at £5 per 
head^^^ ; and by 1872 at Gracemere the Archers were selling 
bulls for 500/- and "select cattle" for anything between 
300/- and 160/-!^' In 1883, when R. S. Archer sold 400 
bulls to Lakes Creek meatworks at £4/4/- a head, he thought 
it "a very poor price. "^^^ 

It was not, however, until the solution of what had 
always been the one limiting factor to the expansion of the 
beef cattle industry — the lack of a sufficiently large market 
— that "cattle" could really "pay," in the sense that sheep 
once had done. From the earliest days enterprising men 
such as Thomas Sutcliffe Mort had dreamed of freezing 
carcases for shipment to Europe ; and even before "the suc- 
cessful institution of this trade," 

. . . attention was concentrated *on the possibilities of the trade in 
tinned meats and meat extracts. . . . Australian canned meat began 
to be known to the British public by the year 1867.150 

So early as 1871 the Lakes Creek Meatworks were 
established at Rockhampton. The Archers of Gracemere 
and most of the other large graziers of the district were 

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Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 335 

interested in the Company, and Thomas Archer was one 
of the early managers. But Lakes Creek — like everything 
else connected with the beef cattle industry — went through 
its vicissitudes, until 1880, when the Strathleven arrived in 
England with the first shipment of Australian frozen meat. 
By 1896 "more than a hundred steamers had been fitted 
with refrigerating machinery for the Australian and New 
Zealand trade. . . ."^^^ This rising tide of prosperity is 
nowhere better illustrated than in a comparison of the 1860 
cattle figures (4 million head) with those thirty years later 
(over 10 million). And no district in Australia profited 
more from this expansion than the coastal lands of Central 

Central Queensland grazing was, too, by now a very 
different industry to the loose-knit, haphazard "depasturing" 
that Anthony Trollope had described twenty years before; 
it is significant that by the 1880*s the very word "Squatter" 
was passing out of fashion in this district. R. S. Archer's 
letters home in the 'eighties reveal a far different economic 
set-up to that described by his uncles in the 'fifties and 
'sixties — and even the 'seventies. In 1872, thus. Archer 
& Co. made its first direct importation of stud (Shorthorn 
and Hereford bulls) from Millwall, England; and in 1885 
the Torsdale Stud was formed on another Archer holding 
(Torsdale) in the Dawson Valley. ^^^ These — and other 
similar purchases of "such expensive cattle" under E. S. 
Archer's progressive management — seem to have created a 
mild sensation among the "old hands" now home at Tolde- 

But the switch over to selective cattle breeding — from 
"the now despised scrub cattle,"^^^ the "pioneer cattle" of 
twenty years before — is not the only index to the changing 
times. Equally significant is the general process of im- 
provement on the now consolidated and securely held runs 
in the Central Queensland district. Well-sinking, dam- 
ming, draining of salt stretches,^^^ all went on apace; but 
most important, of course — and most effectively marking 
the changed order of things — were the fences that now 
enclosed every paddock in the district, making possible, 
really for the first time, an improved stock-breeding in the 
truest sense. 

In the 'seventies, as James Archer's diary shows, there 
was no alternative to the ruinously slow and expensive log 

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336 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

fences — ruinous even when put up with the cheaper labour 
of eighty years ago : — 

. . . The two bushmen have taken the contract for the fencing 
at the cattle-Btation. They are to toplog about three miles at £11 
a mile and put up about i of a mile of 3 log, chock and log to 
the range. . . .158 

But in 1880 "there began a slight improvement in the 
way 'of fencing the country. Miles of brush fences were 
erected. . , ."^^^ And then, also in the 1880*s, came barbed 
wire, and the problem was solved. R. S. Archer at Grace- 
mere and his neighbours may not have realized it at the 
time, but the coming of the fences really closed one era — 
and, as symbols of the changed order, marked the advent 
of a new. 

It is no exaggeration to say that the history of pastoral 
settlement in Central Queensland can be treated as one 
continuous process of change : a gradual transition from 
the "classical" age of squatting, characterized by immense, 
insecurely leased runs — ^unfenced and almost totally unim- 
proved^ — on which roamed stunted, half-wild "scrub cattle" 
and unwieldy flocks tended night and day by the convict 
or Chinese shepherds of the great "flockmaster," to a 
different conception of grazing, which perhaps is best de- 
scribed as "Closer Settlement" and usually entails freehold 
tenure, or at least longer leases, and an improved "stock 
farming." In Central Queensland, at least, to follow 
through this process of change is to write the history of 
pastoral settlement : "the two things are the same." If 
the pastoral history of this district over the years is re- 
garded with this phenomenon of transition in mind, the 
whole study is found to possess a surprising unity. It 
only obscured the main issue if we talk in terms of other 
concepts : to try and. connect the gradual reduction in the 
average size of properties with a more general Australian 
Leftward trend in the cities (of which White Australian 
was but a part) : to attribute an overall improvement in 
the quality of herds and flocks merely to the initiative of 
one or two men : or to connect the all-round impetus given 
to "improvements" on the run itself was a general upward 
trend in prices towards the end of the century, and the 
establishment at Eockhairipton of the Lakes Creek Meat- 
works. Actually they are all — consolidation, attention to 
the quality of the stock, improvements to the land —merely 
aspects of a general process of which Lakes Creek, for 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 337 

instance, is but a single phenomenon. "The work of the 
station," William Archer wrote home, "is now much more 
complicated than on any ordinary squatting. . . /' 



THE ARCHER PAPERS (to-day in the possession of Mr Alister 
Archer, son of James Archer, and Mrs Alister Archer, grand- 
daughter of David Archer and daughter of R. S. Archer, of 

(1) The Archer Letters, the great majority unpublished, and 
at Gracemere to-day, but some collected and published privately in 

(2) "Some Letters Mainly from Australia, written Home between 
1833 and 1855 by the Brothers Archer, later of Gracemere, Rock- 
hampton, Queensland." London, 1933 (Copyright Reserved.) [These 
are all included in the collection of original letters now bound for 
the Mitchell Library. They deal mostly, however, with the period 
before 1855, and, for the purpose of this thesis, the later letters (still 
unedited and unpublished) written from Gracemere to Tolderodden 
and preserved at Gracemere, were more useful.] 

(3) Becollections of a Bamhling Life : T. Archer. Published 
privately at th^ Japan Gazette Printing Works, Yokohama^ !l897. 

(4.) Colin Arher — A Memoir : by James Arclher (his nephew, 
not his brother). Printed by James Bellows Ltd., Gloucester, 1940. 

(5) An Account by William Archer of his Visit to Australia in 
JS76.77, written up from Notes, 1877. Published privately (type- 
written), London, October, 1936. 

(6) William Archer — Life Work and Friendships : by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Charles Archer. London, George Allen >& ITnwin Ltd., 1931. 

(7) "Gracemere, 1858-59." Journal by Colin Archer (type- 
written — copied privately — and not published.) 

(8) James Archer's Diary, Gracemere, 1871 (manuscript form). 


(9) Separate Documents : 

Sworn Valuation of Gracemere, 1868. 

Papers Relating to the Firm of Archer & Co., April 1, 1853. 

Balance Sheet, Gracemere, July 1, 1892 (including valuation, 
stock returns, and declaration of dividends.) 

(Loose sheet of paper) — ^List of Names and Interest Rates on 
sums mortgaged out by Archer & Co. to various persons in Rock- 
hampton, 1882-3. 

1882 Partnership Account. 

Documents Relating to the Purchase of Rosewood Station by 
Archer & Co., October 2, 1865. 

Liabilities and Assets of the Firm of Archer & Co., Gracemere, 
June 3, 1871. 

(10) Gracemere Petty Cash Book, July, 18651893. (Most 
valuable : this book includes valuable information on annual returns 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

338 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

— gross and nett — valuations, schedules of stock and lands, partner- 
ship details.) 

(11) Cattle Account, Gracemere, 1865-71. 

(12) Gracemere Wages Book, 1867, et seq. 

(13) Gracemere Journal, 1867-8. 

(14) Partnership Journal of Archer & Co., Gracemere. 

(15) Gracemere Cash Book, c. 1868. 

(16) Archers' Wages Book, 1853-6 — Eidsvold, Coonarabula, Grace- 

(17) Gracemere Account Book, 1869-71. 

(18) Gracemere Ledger, May, 1864-1874. 

(19) Diary, January-December, 1881 (Gracemere). 

(20) Eidsvold and Coonambula Account Book, 1852-5. 

(21) Gracemere Ledger, 1858, et seq. (Most valuable of all : 
including Specifications of Wool Clips, Stock Eetums, Land Entries, 
Copies of Letters dispatched.) 

(22) Statement of Accounts : D. Archer & Co. with W. Walker 
of Sydney. 

THE BIBKBECK PAPERS (now in the possession of Miss M. B. 
Birkbeck and Mr T. C. Birkbeck, Glenmore Homestead). 

(23) The Notebook and Pocket Diary of S. B. Birkbeck, 1860 
to his death, July, 1867. (Invaluable as a statement by a squatter 
of his hopes and prospects and the Australian scene — especially 
Central Queensland — as he saw it at the time.) 

(24) Glenmore Daybook, begun by S. B. Birkbeck in 1861. 

(25) Glenmore Ledger, begun 1861 and continued to 1874. 

(26) Glenmore Station Journal, 1861, et seq. 

(27) S. B. Birkbeck. Journal No. 3. 

(28) S. B. Birkbeck. Cash Book No. 3. 

(29) S. B. Birkbeck. Cash Book No. 4 : Glenmore Station, 
June, 1862. 

(30) Common Place Book : Samuel B. Birkbeck, Glenmore. 

(31) Diario : Alfredo E. Birkbeck, Glenmore (in Spanish). 
Enero 1863 hasta — Examinado el 30 de Marzo de 1878. (Very 
valuable for the information it gives, more personally, of the working 
of the station, and the "downhill" process after S. B. Birkbeck died, 
sheep diseases and worries, etc.) 

(32) Separate Documents : 

Letter from Flower, Salting & Co. (S. B. Birkbeck's agents) to 
A. C. Gregory, Esq., Surveyor-General, Queensland, 15/5/62. 

Document issued from the Surveyor-General's Office, Brisbane 
(31/8/63), concerning the freehold purchase of lands on Glenmore 
Run by Samuel B. Birkbeck. 

Wages Sheet for Glenmore, July, 1867. 

THE MacDONALD PAPERS (lent by Mr Harry MacDonald, of 

(33) A letter from Mr Harry MacDonald relative to the arrival 
here and taking up of Yaamba by his grandfather, P. F. MacDonald. 

Cuttings from the Queensland Quarterly Beview and other papers 
on the pioneering activities and life of P. F. MacDonald. 

Part of P. F. MacDonald's Diary, especially that written on 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland, 339 

March 8, 1858, following his return from an exploring expedition 
to the Central West. 


I have also drawn upon information supplied by Mr Alister 
Archer of Gracemere (son of the original pioneer, James Archer, 
and grandson of Sir Robert Ramsay Mackenzie of Kinellan, central 
figure in early Queensland politics and the passing of the first Land 
Bills) ; Mrs Alister Archer (herself the daughter of R. 8. Archer, 
who managed Gracemere for Archer & Co. from the early 1880's, and 
grand-daughter of one of the original pioneers, David Archer) ; 
Mrs Arthur MacDonald of Yaamba, daughter-in-law of P. F. 
MacDonald; Miss M. B. Birkbeck and Mr T. Carlos Birkbeck of 
Old Glenmore, grand-children of Samuel B. Birkbeck; Miss Evelyn 
Creed of Cleveden, grand- daughter of "Creed of Langmorn"; Mrs 
Lindsay Palmes of Glandore, daughter-in-law of B. Palmes of 
Cracow and Hainault-Glandore, and grand-daughter of Mr Morey 
of Euston, Belairs, and Banana; Mr J. Kyle-Little of Nerang (by 
correspondence), son of Captain Kyle-Little of Tanby Hall, once in 
the employ of Robert Ross of Cawarral and Taranganba; Mr H. 
Walker, son-in-law of G. S. Curtis and President of the Rockhampton 
District Historical Society; Captain F. Rhodes of the Rockhampton 
Morning Bulletin. 

Records supplied : in particular, old newspaper cuttings from 

the Rockhampton Morning Bulletin. 


In particular, the Queensland Government Gazette, with notices 
of resumptions, extensions of leases, freehold purchases. Also lists 
of licensees and lessees in the period 1860-75. 

(36) Rockhampton Morning Bulletin. (Continuous records since 

Rockhampton Morning Bulletin publications on 22/11/24, 
29/5/25, 11/3/24, especially passages from these issues directly 

Pastoral Beview (historical and economic) of Central Queens- 
land; a special issue of the Morning Bulletin, July 9, 1936. 

Also in the Bulletin files (directly used for quotation). 

The Morning Bulletin (Rockhampton), May 2, 1877. 

The Capricornian, June 21, 1924. 

The Central Queensland Herald, Rockhampton, September 8, 1949. 

(37) Australian Life, Black and White : by Mrs Campbell Praed 
of Curtis Island Station, C.Q. (born Rosa Murray-Prior). 

(38) Australia and New Zealand : by Anthony Trollope, in 
two volumes; London, Chapman & Hall, 1873. (Invaluable both 
for his general observations and the surprising insight shown into 
what were then only dimly-realized problems of the time — relating to 
Land Tenure, Squatter's Indebtedness, the Labour Problem and 
Kanakas, Politics, Homestead Social Life — as seen by an outsider 
to Central Queensland.) 

(39) Eockhampton Almanac, 1865 : by T. Wagstaif ; printed 
by Munro & Cowie, 1864. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

340 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

(40) A Visit to Queensland : by Charles H. Allen j London, 
Chapman & Hall, 1870. 

(41) Tales of Early Bockhampton : J. Grant Pattison 
(^'Battler*'); Fraser & Jenkinson Pty. Ltd., Melbourne, 1939. 

(42) Qiteensla/nd in 1908 : A Souvenir of the Franco-British 
Exhibition Old Court. Presented by the Government of Queensland. 
Outridge Printing Company Ltd., and edited by F. C. Woolsey. 

(43) Central Queensland : Intelligence and Tourist Bureau, 
Brisbane, 1908. 

(44) The Droughts and Floods of Australia, 1788-1895 : by W. 
Allen. Printed privately. 

(45) Beminisoences of Half a Century and Present-Day Politics : 
by "An Old Colonist." Printed by Cowie & Cowland, Bockhampton, 

(46) Among Cannibals : by Carl Lumholtz; London, John 
Murray, 1889. (Dr Lumholtz's headquarters were the Gracemere 
of the 'eighties.) 

(47) The Blade Police : Arthur James Vogan, 1890. 

(^48) Australasia : by W. Wilkins; London, Blackie & Son, 1888. 

(49) Early Days in North Queensland : Edward Palmer; Sydney, 
Angus & Robertson, 1903. 

(50) Forty-five Tears' Experience in North Queensland, 1861. 
1905 : W. B. O. Hill. Brisbane, H. Pole & Co. 

(51) A Journalist's Memories : Major-General B. Spencer- 
Brown© 5 Brisbane, The Bead Press, 1927. 

(52) A Son of Australia : Memoirs of W. E. Parry-Okeden, 
1840-1926, related by Harry C. Perry. 

(53) With the Big Herds in Australia : by A. J. Cotton. 
(Hidden Vale, Queensland.) 

(54) Taming the North : Hudson Fysh; Angus & Bobertson 
Ltd., 1933. 

(55) Christison of Lammermoor : by M. M. Bennett; London, 
Alston Bivers Ltd. 

(56) Memoirs of the Hon. Sir Bohert Philp, 1851.19S£ : by 
Harold C. Perry; Brisbane, 1923, Watson Ferguson & Co. Ltd. 

(57) Northmost Australia, Volume II. : Bobert Logan Jack; 
George Bobertson & Co., Melbourne, 1922. 

(58) The Early Settlement of Queensland : by John Campbell. 
The Baid of the Aborigines : by William Wilks. Published by the 
Bibliographical Society of Queensland, 1936. 


(59) Land Systems of Australasia : William Epps; London, 
Swan Sonnensehein & Co., 1894. 

(60) History of Australian Land Settlement, 1788-1920 : S. H. 
Boberts; Sydney, 1924. 

(61) The Early History of Bockhampton : dealing chiefly with 
events up till 1870. Bevistd and reprinted from articles that 
appeared in the Morning Bulletin and The Capricornian, by J. T. S. 
Bird. Printed and published at the Bockhampton Morning Bulletin 
Office, 1904. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland 341 

(62) Rockhampton and District Historical Society : Paper read 
by Mr D. Leahy on "The Ulam-Langmorn District." (Valuable 
information on the Creed family, their arrival here and settlement — 
largely based on information supplied by Mr Stephen Creed of 

(63) ''The City and District of Rockhampton" : A short history, 
by Kennedy Allen (unpublished). 

(64) The Aldine History of Queensland : Henry Stuart-Russell j 
Sydney, Turner & Henderson, 1888. 

(65) Queensland, 1900 — A Narrative of the Past : Together with 
Biographies of the Leading Men, Compiled by the Alcazar Press, 

(66) History of the Colony of Queensland from 1770 to the 
close of 1881 : Two Volumes, by William Coote; Brisbane. William 
Thome, publishers, 1882. 

(67) The Australian Race : Edward M. Curr; Melbourne. John 
Ferres, printer, 1887. 

(68) Queensland Politics During 60 Years {1859-1910) : by 
Charles Bemays; A. J. Cumming (Government Printer). 

(69) The British Empire in Australia : An Economic History, 
1834-1939, by Brian Fitzpatrick; 1941, Melbourne, O.U.P. (Valu- 
able for getting into perspective much of the above information — 
written, after all, more than fifty years ago, too soon after the 
events had taken place for the various authors to notice many of 
the trends and deeper movements.) 

(70) Rusden : History of AustrcUiaf Volume III. Printed in 
Sydney, 3rd impression (no date). 

(71) The Discovery and Settlement of Port Mackay : by H. 
Ling Roth; 1908, Halifax, England, F. King & Sons Ltd. 

(72) Southern Saga : Roy Connolly; Sydney, Dymock's, 1946. 


(73) Pages from the Journal of a Queensland Squatter : Oscar 
de Satge (of Peak Downs); London, Hurst & Blackett Ltd., 1901. 

(74) Queensland Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative 
Assembly during the Session of 1874, Volume II.; Brisbane. Beal 
publication, 1874. 

(75) Queensland Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative 
Assembly during the Session of 1875. Beal publication, Brisbane, 


(76) Then and Nov>^ : by Alexander Francis; Chapman & Hall, 

(77) A. G. L. Shaw : The Economic Development of Australia. 
Longmans, Green & Co., 1950. 

(78) Life of John Costello (at one time of Cawarral, C.Q.) : 
by Michael M. J. Costello; Sydney, 1930. 

(79) After Many Days : Reminiscences of Cuthbert Fetherston- 
haugh; E. W. Cole, Sydney, 1917. 

(80) Pioneering Days — Thrilling Incidents : by George Suther- 
land (of Kianga, C.Q.). 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

342 doyal Australian Historical Society, 

(81) The Historical Society of Queensland Journal^ February, 
1920 : "Some Old Memoir Writers," by F. \V. S. Cumbrae-Stewart. 

(82) The Gladstone Colony : J. F. Hogan; Sydney, William 
Brooks & Co. 


1. Boy Connolly : Southern Saga^ p. 282. 

2. Roy Connolly : Southern Saga, p. 283. 

3. Archer Letters (published privately, 1983), p. 221. 

4. The City and District of Bockhampton (Kennedy Allen), p. 1. 

5. The Early History of Bockhampton^ by J. T. S. Bird, p. 3. 

6. Archer Letters, p. 253 (Charles Archer, Gracemere, to his father, 
W^illiam Archer of Tolderodden, Laurvig, Norway, November 
11, 1855). 

7. J. T. S. Bird, op. cit, p. 5. 

8. Central Queensland : Intelligence and Tourist Bureau, Brisbane, 

9. Archer Letters, p. 236 : Charles Archer (Eidsvold, 28/7/1854) 
to David Archer at Tolderodden, Norway. 

10. Land Systems, of Australasia (William Epps), pp. 87-8). 

11. Early Days in North Queensland (by Edward Palmer), p. 17. 

12. Early Days in North Queensland (by Edward Palmer), p. 90. 

13. The Discovery and Settlement of Port Mackay (by H. Ling 
Roth), p. 25. 

14. Bockhampton Fifty Years Ago (J. A. Macartney's Reminiscences 
of Glenmore, Waverley, and the District) p. 2. 

15. "Gracemere, 1858-9" : Journal by Colin Archer, p. 68. 

16. Bockhampton Fifty Years Ago (J. A. Macartney), p. 21. 

17. Early Days in North Queensland (Edward Palmer), p. 90. 

18. Rockhampton District Historical Society : Paper read by Mr 
D. Leahy, 1950. 

19. The City and District of Bockhampton (Kennedy Allen), p. 2. 

20. Bockhampton Fifty Years Ago (J. A. Macartney's Reminis- 
cences), p. 6. 

21. The Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : S. E. Birkbeck's Diary, July, 

22. Tales of Early Bockhampton, by J. Grant Pattison, p. 55. 

23. J. T. S. Bird, op. cit. p. 24. 

24. Bockhampton Fifty Years Ago, pp. 2-3. 

25. J. T. S. Bird, op. cit. p. 24. 

26. The Discovery and Settlement of Port Mackay (H. Ling Roth), 
p. 65. 

27. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Ledger, 1861 et seq. 

28. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : Alfredo Birkbeck's Diary. 

29. Historical Society of Queensland Journal December, 1948 : 
*'Camboon Reminiscences," by F. M. Bell, p. 40. 

30. William Archer's Life Work and Friendship (Lieutenant-Colonel 
Charles Archer), p. 49. 

31. Queensland Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative A.ssembly 
during the Session of 1874, Volume II., Brisbane, 1874, p. 389. 
(Messrs Archer & Co.'s Petition to the Legislative Assembly.) 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queensland. 343 

32. Votes and Proceedings, 1875 : Volume II., 1875 (Brisbane), 
"The Gracemere Pre-emptive Bill." 

33. An Account hy William Archer of His Visit to Australia in 
1876-77, published privately, 1936, pp. 57-8. 

34. Pages from the Journal of an Old Squatter (Oscar de Satge, 
1901), p. 218 et seq. 

35. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Ledger, 1858 et seq. 
All the information cited is also duplicated in another docu- 
ment — **a valuation of Gracemere Blocks . . . 17th October, 1861, 
for a five years' lease" — also in Mr Alister Archer's possession. 

36. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Ledger, 1858 et seq. 
"Return of Stock" for September, 1861. 

37. Archer Papers, Gracemere. A document in the possession of 
Mr Alister Archer. 

38. Eockhampton Fifty Years Ago, p. 3. 

39. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore. A letter from the Surveyor- 
General's Office, Brisbane, to Samuel B. Birkbeck, dated 31st 
August, 1863; now in the possession of Miss M. B. Birkbeck 
and Mr T. C. Birkbeck, Glenmore Homestead. 

40. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : S. B. Birkbeck's Diary, Julv 12, 
• 1861. 

41. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : S. B. Birkbeck's Day Book. 

42. A Pastoral Review in the Eockhampton Morning Bulletin, July 
9, 1936. 

43. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Ledger, 1858 et seq. 

44. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Ledger, 1858 et seq. — 
"Returns of Stock," also "Sheep Property Accounts." 

45. Eockhampton Fifty Years Ago, by J. A. Macartney, pp. 3-4. 

46. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : S. B. Birkbeck's Diary. 

47. The Morning Bulletin, Rockhampton, July 9, 1936. 

48. Rockhampton and District Historical Society : Paper read by 
Mr D. Leahy on the Ulam-Langmorn District. 

49. The British Empire in Australia (B.' Fitzpatrick), p. 235. 

50. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : S. B. Birkbeck's Day Book — 
"Stock Returns, 30th June," 1866. 

51. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Eidsvold and Coonambula Account 
Book, 1852-5; Gracemere Ledger, 1858 et seq. 

52. The City and District of Eockhampton (Kennedy Allen), p. 6. 

53. Kennedy Allen, op. cit. p. 7. 

54. Kennedy Allen, op. cit. pp. 7-8. 

55. The Gladstone Colony, by J. F. Hogan, p. 74. 

56. Archer Letters : William Archer, N.S.W., to William Archer, 
senr., at Tolderodden, Norway,, June 30, 1842. 

56a. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Accounts and Stock Returns, 1853-56. 

57. Journal by Colin Archer, Gracemere, 1858-9, p. 45. 

58. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Petty Cash Book, July, 

59. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Account Book, 1869-71. 

60. Archer Papers, Gracemere. An unpublished letter from William 
Archer to Colin Archer, Gracemere, September 27, 1868, now in 
the possession of Mr Alister Archer. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

344 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

61. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Archers' Wages Book (Eidsvold, 
Coouambula, Gracemere), p. 94. 

62. Archer Papers, Gracemere. A document "Relating to the Sale 
of Eosewood Station," now in the possession of Mr Alister 

63. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : S. B. Birkbeck's Pocket Diary, 
July, 1861. 

64. Mockhampton Morning Bulletin, November 22, 1924. 

65. Land Systems of Australasia (William Epps), p. 92. 

66. Early Days in North Queensland (Edward Palmer), p. 17. 

67. Bockhampton Morning Bulletin, May 2, 1877. 

68. An Account by William Archer of His Visit to Australia in 
1876-77, p. 37. 

69. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Cash Book, 1868, p. 20. 

70. Archer Papers, Gracemere. From a document in the possession 
of Mr Alister Archer. 

71. Archer Papers, Gracemere. An unpublished letter from William 
to Colin Archer (Gracemere, September 27, 1868), now in the 
possession of Mr Alister Archer. 

72. Queensland Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Assembly 
during the Sessions of 1874, p. 389 et. seq, 

73. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Petty Cash Book, Gracemere, 1865. 

74. Archer Papers, Gracemere. From a document, "David Archer 
& Co.," now in possession of Mr Alister Archtr. 

75. Rockhampton District Historical Society : Paper read by Mr 
D. Leahy, 1950. 

76. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Colin Archer's Journal, 1858-9, 
p. 68. 

77. Archer Papers, Gracemere : "Partnership Account, 1881-82," 
now in the possession of Mr Alister Archer. 

78. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : S. B. Birkbeck's Pocket Diary, 
May-June, 1861. 

79. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : S. B. Birkbeck's Mexican Journal, 
No. 3. 

80. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : Station Journal, 1861, especially 
p. 35. 

81. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : S. B. Birkbeck's Cash Book, No. 8. 

82. Anthony TroUope : Australia and New Zealand, Volume II., 
p. 38. 

83. Charles Bernays : Queensland Politics During 60 Years, p. 20. 

84. Anthony Trollope, op. cit, p. 98. 

85. Archer Papers, Gracemere. From a letter dated Gracemere, 
May 27, 1858, now in the possession of Mr Alister Archer. 

86. Archer Papers, Gracemere. R. S. Archer's letters home, 1881-2, 
now in the possession of Mr Alister Archer. 

87. Anthony Trollope, op. cit. p. 96. 

88. Anthony Trollope, op. cit. p. 97. 

89. The British Empire in Australia (B. Fitzpatrick), p. 274. 

90. J. T. S. Bird : The Early History of Bockhampton, pp. 140-141. 

91. J. T. S. Bird, op. cit. p. 198 et seq. 

92. W. R. C. Hill : 45 Years' Experiences in North Queensland, 
p. 25.' 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Early Pastoral Settlement in Central Queenslan 345 

93. Archer Letters, p. 59 (John Archer to William Archer at 
Tolderodden, Norway). 

94. The City and District of Bockhampton, by Kennedy Allen, p. 2. 

95. Then and now, by Alexander Francis, p. 22. 

96. J. T. S. Bird, op. oit. p. 201. 

97. Archer Papers, Gracemere. James Archer's Diary (unpub- 
lished) February 7, 1871, now in the possession of Mr Alister 

98. The Bockhampton Morning Bulletin, March 11, 1924. 

99. The passage in inverted commas is the account as it was given 
to me by Miss Birkbeck, and at once written down. 

100. Bockhampton Morning Butletin, February 10, 1950. 

101. Kennedy Allen : The City and District of Bockhampton, p. 2. 

102. Archer Papers, Gracemere. William Archer to his mother 

(Eton Vale, March 25, 1840) ; an unpublished letter, now in 
the possession of Mr Alister Archer of Gracemere. 

103. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Wages Book, 1853 et seq, (Eidsvold, 
Coonambula, Gracemere). 

104. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : Station Journal, 1861 et seq. 

105. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Wages Book, 1853 et seq., p. 203. 

106. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Wages Book, 1863 et seq., p. 216. 

107. Bockhampton Fifty Years Ago (J. A. Macartney), p. 3. 

108. Anthony Trollope, op. cit. p. 169. 

109. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Account Book, 1869-71. 

110. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Eidsvold and Coonambula Account 
Book, 1852-5, and Gracemere, 1855 et seq. 

111. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : Wages Sheet for July, 1867 — one 
of a sheaf of such wages sheets, now in the possession of Miss 
M. Birkbeck and Miss T. C. Birkbeck at Glenmore. 

112. J. T. S. Bird, op. cit. p. 84. 

113. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : Alfredo Birkbeck's Diary, 1871, 
Enero 6. 

114. Carl Lumholtz : Among Cannibals, p. 336. 

115. An Account by William Archer of His Visit to Australia in 
1876-77, p. 43. 

116. Australian Life — Black and White (Mrs. Campbell Praed), 
p. 89. 

117. Anthony Trollope, op. cit. p. 150. 

118. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Journal, 1867-8, pp. 

119. Trollope, op. cit. p. 161. 

120. Edward Palmer : Early Days in North Queensland, p. 17. 

121. William Epps : Land Systems of Australasia, p. 88. 

122. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Ledger, 1858 et seq. 
12.'>. In the Glenmore Day Book, 1862, tjhere is a further, and much 

fuller, enumeration of the Glenmore applicants for land — ^what 
must be a fairly representative specimen of land dummying : 
"9 Land Orders dated January 21, 1862, viz. : — 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

346 Royal Australian Historical Society. 

H. D. Biikbeck 






Henry and S. Bradford 

Dicnisio Gifuentee 

Martin .Ruiz 


124. Pages from the Journal of a Queensland Squatter (Oscar de 
Satge), p. 218. 

125. Oscar de Satge, op. cit. p. 226. 
12(5. Oscar de Batge, op. en. p. 243. 

127. A Visit to Queensland, by Charles H. Allen, pp. 74-5. 

128. William lilpps, op. cit. p. 92. 

129. Charles H. Allen, op. cit. p. 72. 

130. William Epps, op. at. p. 93 

131. Rusden : History of Australia, Volume 111., pp. 606-7. 

132. Queensland Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Assembly , 
1874. Petition of Aiessrs Archer & C/O., of Gracemere, to the 
Legislative Assembly. 

133. Anthony Trollope, op. cit. p. 102. 

134. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Petty Cash Book, Gracemere, July, 

135. The Aldine History of Queensland (W. Frederic Morrison). 

136. Memoirs of the Hon. Sir Robert Philp, by Harold C. Perry. 

137. Edward Palmer : Early Days in North Queensland, p. 92. 

138. Queensland Votes and Proceedings of the Legislative Assembly, 
1874, p. 389 tt seq. 

139. Queensland Votes and Proceedings, 1875, Volume II. : "The 
Gracemere Pre-emptive Bill." ... to his mother at Tolderodden 
(Brisbane, June 3, 1878). 

140. Rockhampton Morning Bulletin, February 10, March 14, March 
16, March 22, March 29, 1950. 

j41. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Colin Archer's Journal, 1858-9. 

142. Arclier Papers, Gracemere : Gracemere Ledger, 1858 et seq. 

143. Archer Papers, Gracemere : James Archer's Diarv, Februarv 20, 

144. Roy Connolly : Southern Saga, p. 285. 

145. J. A. Macartney, op. cit. p. 22. 

146. Birkbeck Papers, Glenmore : S. B. Birkbeck's Daybook. 

147. Archer Papers, Gracemere : "1872 Balance Sheet, Gracemere," 
now in the possession of Mr Alister Archer. 

148. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Letter from R. S. Archer to his 
Fncle Archie (from Gracemere, September 13, 1885), now in 
the possession of Mr Alister Archer. 

149. A Visit to Queensland, by Charles H. Allen, pp. 85-7. 

150. The British Empire in Australia (B. Fitzpatrick), p. 236. 

151. The Rockhamjyton Morning Bulletin (Pastoral Review), Julv 9, 

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Notes and Queries. 347 

152. Archer Papers, Gracemere : R. S. Archer's letters home, 1882-3 
(mostly to his Uncle Archibald and father, David Archer), now 
at Graceinere in the possession of Mr Alister Archer. 

153. Archer Papers, Gracemere : James Archer's Diary, February 12, 

154. Archer Papers, Gracemere : A letter from William Archer to 
his mother at Tolderodden (Gracemere, September 10, 1861). 

155. Archer Papers, Gracemere : Charles Archer to his father, 
October 3, 1853. 

156. Kennedy Allen, op. cit. p. 7. 

157. Archer Papers : Letter from Alexander Archer ("Sapdy"). 

Notes and Queries. 

By JAMES JERVIS, A.S.T.C. (Fellow), 
Honorary Research Secretary. 


(1) Common salt is an important ingredient in the 
preparation of man*s food, and for a number of years the 
colonists had to depend upon imports of this commodity. 
In December, 1804, the Sydney Gazette stated that Andrew 
Thompson (the well-known resident of the Ilawkesbury) 
intended to erect salt pans at Broken Bay, and expected 
to produce 200 lbs. per week. The pans were erected on 
Scotland Island, and after his death in 1810 his executors 
advertised the plant was to be let. 

In 1804 two salt pans were brought to Sydney by the 
ship Coromandel for use by the (xovernment. One was 
set up at Newcastle and the other at Rose Bay. The 
Sydney Gazette in February, 1805, reported that some very 
fine salt had been sent down to Sydney from Newcastle, 
and a supply was received from this source for a number 
of years. The Rose Bay salt pans were purchased by 
(rarnham Blaxcell in 1810 and removed elsewhere. In 
the following year Blaxcell offered salt for sale at twopence 
per pound, and later in the year John Blaxland, who had 
establii^'hed a salt boiling plant at Newington, also adver- 
tised salt at the same price. 

A salt boiling plant was in operation at '*Cockle Bay** 
(Darling Harbour) in 1816, and it and land on which it 
stood were advertised for sale in November, 1816. Probably 
this was the works owned bv Garnham Blaxcell. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

348 Royal Australian Historical Society, 

One Matthew Bacon, who had salt pans at Middle 
Harbour, advertised the plant to let in November, 1818.^ 
Gregory Blaxland also was interested in the salt-boiling 
business, and set up salt pans on the sea-front at Newcastle 
in the early 1820*s ; his works were abandoned in 1828. 

In 1825, Blaxland had salt-boilers at Middle Harbour. 

The Sydney Gazette of November 18, 1820, referred 
to the salt-boiling industry at the Hawkesbury River. The 
repart stated that a great deal of salt was made in the 
colony, but complaint was made about its quality. The 
careful boilers recovered six per cent, of salt at each 
boiling, but the careless ones obtained a yield of eight per 
cent.; this salt contained grit, which rendered it impure. 

A Castlereagh Street baker who found grit in his bread 
examined the salt and found that one-sixteenth of it was 
grit; this was due to the boilers using sea- water from too 
close to the shore. 

(2) The drunken driver is a menace on the road to-day, 
but he is not a modern phenomenon. In August, 1821, we 
find Governor Macquarie issuing a Government Order in 
the following terms : — 

From the frequent and sometimes serious Accidents which occur 
on the Road between Sydney and Parramatta from the Drunkenness 
and Carelessness of the Drivers of Waggons and Carts, who being 
without Reins, and driving at a most furious Rate down Hills without 
having the least Management of their Horses or Bullock, never keep 
the near, or left hand side of the Road; His Excellency the Governor 
with a view to obviate this great Evil, and to protect the peaceable 
Travellers from the dangerous Consequences thereof, is pleased to 
direct, that the Pound be forthwith established at the Carters' 
Barracks adjoining the Brickfields, at Grose Farm and at the Govern- 
ment Farm at Longbottom, with orders to the Constables (who are 
to act as Pound-keepers at these three several Stations) to stop all 
Drivers of Waggons or Carts who may be detected in disobeying 
the Government and General Order 

The constables were instructed to take down the 
numbers of carts or waggons, the name of the owners of 
the vehicles, the names of the drivers and their place of 
residence. If a driver were intoxicated he was to be 
detained until he was sober. The constables were to make 
a report to the nearest Magistrate and to request him to 
summon the party offending to appear on the following 

D. S. Ford. Printers, 44-50, Reservoir Street, Sydney. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

^oyal ^stralian historical ^ocieto. 




for 1953 
With a List of Members 

Presented at the Annual Meeting, 
February 23, 1954. 

Vol. XXXIX. Part VU. 


Digitized byCjOOQlC 

Royal Australian Historical Society, 

^ogai jAustraImn Jtstortcal <^octety. 
53rd ANNUi^uT^PORT, 1953. 

Presented to the Annual Meeting on February 25, 1954. 

To THE Members, 

It is most gratifying to your Council to be able to report 
that for the first time since 1948 the Society's financial account 
discloses a small surplus. This result is largely due to the 
generous . support by members of the increased annual sub- 
cription. The receipt of a grant-in-aid from the Commonwealth 
Government, a donation of £80 from the Society' Social Group, 
and £5 from the Women 's Auxiliary were made during the year. 
In view of the satisfactory financial position it has been possible 
to carry out some very desirable improvements to History House. 
The ground floor office has been renovated, the Social Hall on 
the first floor enlarged and rendered more attractive, while a 
much-needed Journal storage room, with Steelbilt shelves, has 
provided ample accommodation for several years to come. The 
Council has made a substantial transfer to the Life Membership 

Your Council is confident that with the continued support 
of members the improvement in the Society's financial affairs can 
be maintained in 1954. 

Her Majesty's Coronation. 

On the occasion of the Coronation of Her Majesty Queen 
Elizabeth II., the Society sent an expression of loyalty and 
devotion to Her Majesty, which Her Majesty was graciously 
pleased to acknowledge. 

Loyal Address to Her Majesty the Queen. 

The Council is alive to the keen interest of the members in 
the visit to these shores by Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen 
Elizabeth. On their behalf, an address of welcome, expressive 
of the Society's love and loyalty to the Queen, has been for- 
warded to the proper authorities. 


Y9ur Council I'eluctantly reports a small decrease, slightly 
smaller than that of 1952. Commencing the year with a checked 
total membership of 1,290, the year was completed with a de- 
crease of 132, made up by deaths and resignations. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Annual Report, iii 

The strength and grade of membership are as follows : — 

Patrons ^ 2 

Benefactors 8 

Life Members 119 

Honorary Members 5 

Honorary Fellows 2 

Financial Members 954 

Unfinancial Members to January 1, 1954 68 

Total : 1158 


It is with deep regret that we announce the deaths of the 
following members : M. Ahronson, R. M. Bell, J. H. Cologon, 
Major E. H. K. Downes, Mrs L. Gill, Miss Annie M. Hall, Henry 
F. Halloran, Miss Greta McNicol, Mrs M. T. J. Moore and Dr 
R. J. Whiteman. 

Affiliated Societies. 
Australian Catholic Historical Society. 
Australian Jewish Historical Society. 
Australian Railways and Locomotive Historical Society. 
Bega Historical Society. 
Blue Mountains Historical Society. 
Brisbane Water Historical Society. 
Campbelltown and Airds Historical Society. 
Forbes Historical Society. 
Girls' Secondary Schools' Club, Sydney. 
Illawarra Historical Society. 
Nepean District Historical Society, . Penrith. 
Newcastle and Hunter District Historical Society. 
North Shore Reading Circle. 
Orange and District Historical Society. 
Parramatta and District Historical Society. 
Richmpnd River Historical Society. 
Wellington Historical Society. 


During the year the Council conferred a Fellowship pf the 
Society on Mr Wilfred J. Goold, of Newcastle, for his historical 
research in Australian history. 

Mr Goold has been President of the Newcastle and Hunter 
River Historical Society since its establishment in February, 
1936, and two years ago was elected a life member. He has 
been a member of the Royal Australian Historical Society since 

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iv Royal Australian Historical Society, 

1930. The ' Newcastle Society has been affiliated with the 
*' Royal" for many years. 

Mr Goold has written extensively on the history of New- 
castle and the northern districts generally, and has been a 
regular contributor to the Newcastle Society's excellent monthly 

A detached building at his home at Hamilton contains an 
extensive library and museum in which are housed many his- 
torical relics and records, some of which belong to the New- 
castle Historical Society. One of the most outstanding exhibits 
is a model of the Sophia Jane, the first steam vessel to trade 
between Sydney and Newcastle and M6rpeth, which service 
inaugurated steam navigation in June, 1831. 

Members' Meetings. 

Ten General Meetings, including the Annual Meeting, were 
held during the year, all of which were very well attended. 

The Annual Meeting was held at History House on 
February 24, 1953, when the retiring President (Mr J. K. S. 
Houison) presided over a large attendance. 

At the outset of the meeting the retiring President extended 
a very warm welcome to Mrs A. G. Foster (Fellow, Benefactor 
and President of the Women's Auxiliary), who held the fine 
record, Mr Houison said, of not having missed an Annual Meet- 
ing since the foundation of the Society in 1901. They all hoped, 
added Mr Houison, that Mrs Foster would long be spared to 
take an active interest in the Society. 

After the retiring President (Mr J. K. S. Houison) had 
briefly reviewed the operations of the Society during the year 
and thanked members for their support during his three years' 
presidency, the chair was taken by the incoming President (Mr 
K. R. Cramp), unopposed. 

A full report of the Annual Meeting as mentioned above 
appeared in Vol. XXXIX, Part I., of the Society's ''Journal.'' 

A number of excellent papers were read to members at 
monthly meetings during the year, as follows : — 
March 31— R. W. Glassford. '^A Fleet of Hulks'' (illustrated). 
April»28 — Will Graves Verge : ''John Verge — An Early Archi- 
tect of the 1830 's" (illustrated). 
May 26— Rev. Archibald Crowley, B.A. : ''The Life and Work 

of Sir Samuel McCaughey" (illustrated). 
June 30— E. C. Rowland, F.R.Hist.S., F.R.G.S. (Fellow) : "The 

Romance of the Western Railway Line" (illustrated) 

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Annual Report. • v 

July 28— Helen Heney, M.A., Dip.Ed., D.Soc.Sc. : ^* Towards 
a Fresh Assessment of Australian History." 

August 25— A. J. Gray, B.A. : ^'A Study of First Fleet Con- 

September 29— M. H. Ellis, F.R.A.H.S., F.R.Hist.S. : ^^The 
Huon Campaign" (illustrated). 

October 27— James Jervis, A.S.T.C, F.R.A.H.S. : ** William 
Lawson — Explorer and Pioneer" (illustrated). 

November 24— Anthony Musgrave, F.R.Z.S., F.E.S. : ^^The 
History of the Cooktown District" (illustrated). 

Members' Meetings during 1952. 
Owing to the decision of the Council, details of the ten 

(10) General Meetings held during the year 1952, were not 

included in the Annual Report for that year, but it is now 

felt that details of such meetings should be on record. The 

meetings were as under : — 

March 25— E. C. Rowland, F.R.G.S., F.R.Hist.S.. ''The Life 
and Times of Henry Dangar. " 

April 29 — Allan E. Bax : *' Australian Merchant Shipping, 

May 27— M. H. Ellis, F.R.Hist.S., F.R.A.H.S. : ^^Sir Edward 
Macarthur. ' ' 

June 24— J. K. S. Houison, F.C.A. (Aust.), F.I.C.A., 
F.R.A.H.S., F.S.A.G. : ^^The Rise of Canberra— a Capital 

July 29 — Thomas Kewley, M.A. : '*The History of Common- 
wealth Old- Age and Invalid Pensions." 

August 26— K. R. Cramp, O.B.E., M.A., F.R.A.H.S. : ^^Sir 
George Reid's Place in the Federal Movement." 

Sept. 30 — Professor John M. Ward, M.A. : ** Overseas His- 
torians — The Anglo-American Conference of Historiars, 

October 28— B. T. Dowd, F.R.A.H.S. : '^John Hubert Plunkett, 

November 25— N. R. de Vaux Vos:s, B.A. : ** Early Pastoral 
Settlement in the Coastal District of Central Queensland." 

Council Meetings. 
Eleven Council Meetings were held during the year, the 

following being the record of attendances : — 

President — K. R. Cramp 11 

Vice-Presidents — 

G. D. Blaxland (absent owing to illness) 8 

J. K. S. Houison 11 

Alfred E. Stephen 11 

Hugh Wright 11 

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vi Royal Australian Historical Society, 

Honorary Secretary — E. C. Rowland 9 

Honorary Treasurer — Allan E. Bax 11 

Honorary Research Secretary — James Jervis 6 
Councillors — 

Miss Gladys M. Blacket 10 

R. H. Clarke 10 

Miss M. B. Coombes 11 

William C. Cox 6 

George Dickinson 8 

Malcolm H. Ellis 8 

P. W. Gledhill 8 

Arthur Horner ^ ...... 10 

Mrs W. L. Havard 9 

Aubrey Halloran 10 

G. A. King 11 

Dr H. Norrie (absent owing to illness) 3 

. J. T. Prentice 11 

C. A. Swinbourne 6 

H. R. Thompson 8 

The Society's Patrons. 

The Societj^ was greatly honoured during the' year by His 
Excellency the Governor-General, Field-Marshal Sir William 
Slim, G.C.B., G.B.E., D.S.O., M.C., granting his Patronage to 
the Society. 

His Excellency Lieut-General Sir John Northcott, K.C.M.G., 
C.B., M.V.O., honoured the Society with his presence at the 
General Meeting held on September 29, 1953, when Mr M. H. 
Ellis (Fellow) addressed members on ^'The Huon Campaign." 
At the conclusion of the address. Sir John Northcott (who at 
the time of the campaign was Chief of the Australian General 
Staff) referred in eulogistic terms to Mr Ellis' work in the 
cause of Australian history generally. His Excellency sa^d that 
the address had been of very great personal interest to himself 
because of his close association with the campaign. 

Lieut-General F. IL Berryman, Officer Commanding the 
Eastern Command, also spoke and gave some most interesting 
and lighter sidelights on the campaign. Major-General W. J. 
B. Windeyer also spoke and said that Mr Ellis had given a close , 
and very comprehensive review of what had been involved in 
the Huon Campaign, in one part of which he and his brigade 
had done their best. ]\Iajor-General Windeyer pointed out that 
Mr Ellis had sketched in the complete background against which 
Australian soldiers had successfully fought and beaten the foe. 

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Anmtal Report. vii 

Historical Societies in the Country. 

Reports from affiliated Societies indicate that good work 
is being done by the country societies. The Honorary Secre- 
tary (Mr E. C. Rowland) addressed the Wellington Historical 
Society, and, as a result of an address given in the Lismore 
Town Hall by the General Secretary (Mr C. Price Conigrave), 
the Richmond River Historical Society was enthusiastically 
re-formed after having lapsed for some years. 

Honorary Research Secretary. 

Many inquiries concerning Australian history have been 
received from interested persons, and have been referred to 
the Honorary Research Secretary (Mr James Jervis). One 
inquiry came from the United States, and the desired infor- 
mation was found and sent to the inquirer. Requests also 
came from New Zealand and Western Australia, and the 
Research Secretary was able to help persons inquiring. 

Mr Jervis also did some work for affiliated Societies. As 
in previous years, outings were organized for the boys of The 
King's School, and the lads showed much interest and com- 
piled good essays for their Master (Rev. H. Baker). Mr Jervis 
visited a number of State Schools during the year, and gave 
talks on the hist6ry of the locality concerned. In each case the 
teachers were given sets of notes which will assist them in 
their work. Mr Jervis acted as guide to the Illawarra His- 
torical Society when that body visited the Dundas-Castle Hill 
area, and also when it organized an excursion to the Robertson- 
Moss Vale-Bowral district. 


Eleven monthly excursions were held during the year, the 
first— on January 24 — ^being the usual pilgrimage to Camp 
Cove, where, at the Phillip Memorial, in an address, the sig- 
nificance of Captain Arthur Phillip's arrival in Port Jackson 
in Januarv, 1788, was stressed by the retirin^^ President, Mr 
J. K. S. Houison (Fellow). 

February 21 : Fort Denison. — A very large number of 
members visited this historic island in Sydney Harbour. Various 
interesting relics in the Fort were inspected, following which 
afternoon tea was taken in most pleasant surroundings with the 
white wings of yachts adding beauty to the scene. 

March 28 : Tempe^ Bexley and Rockdale. — This was a very 
well-attended excursion, the party at the outset assembling at 
6t Magdalene's Retreat (Sisters of the Good Samaritan), Princes 
Highway; Arncliffe, on the bank of the Cook's River, which was 

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viii Royal Australian Historical Society, 

formerly the home of A. B. Sparks, when it was known as 
Tempe House. The party was graciously received by the 
Mother Superior and Sisters of the Order, and allowed to inspect 
this once beautiful old home. Prom St Magdalene 's a visit was 
made to Forest Road, where the site of the former Highbury 
Bam Inn was inspected. Thence the party proceeded to Bexley, 
where, through the kindness of the Long family, the earlier 
home of Joseph Davis was inspected, from where a sweeping 
view of Botany Bay was obtained. At the Methodist Church, 
Bay Street, Rockdale, the party was welcomed by the Rev. 
N. Kline, B.A., the church inspected and afternoon tea taken 
in the church grounds. Mr Philip Geeves (Member) added 
interest to the outing by reason of his most interesting talks 
here and there on the history of the areas traversed during the 

May 2\ Kurnell. — The usual trip to Kurnell, which, as in 
former years, had been arranged in conjunction with the 
Captain Cook Landing Place Trust, had to be abondoned owing 
to inclement weather. \ 

May 23: Dundas, Castle Hill and Dural. — A large party 
travelled from West Ryde in special 'buses to Rydalmere, where 
a historical address was given by the Honorary Research Secre- 
tary (Mr James Jervis) (Fellow). The journey was then con- 
tinued to Koala Farm, West Pennant Hills, where luncheon was 
taken. The party then proceeded to Castle Hill where lovely 
landscapes met the eye. The site of the old Governmnt Farm 
established in the early days of New South Wales by Governor 
Philip Gidley King was inspected and a further interesting talk 
given by Mr Jervis. During the afternoon a visit was made to 
the picturesque St Jude's Church of England, Dural, where 
the party was welcomed by the Rector's Warden, Mr Thomas 
Roden, and an address given by Mr. Jervis. Afternoon tea was 
taken in Galston Park nearby. 

June 27: Sydney Botanic Gardens, — This excursion was 
very well attended, the party being welcomed at the ei^trance 
to Sydney Botanic Gardens by the Curator of the Gardens and 
of the National Herbarium, Mr R. H., Anderson, B.Sc.Agric. 
Later, under the guidance of Mr R. H. Clarke (Councillor), 
members visited various parts of the Gardens, when Mr Clarke 
gave some interesting chats on the relevant history of the 

July 25: St James' Church, Sydney. — A large number of 
members, headed by the President (Mr K. R. Cramp), attended 
this historic Church on July 25, to take part in a special service 

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Annual Report. ix 

arranged by the Rector (Canon E. J. Davidson, B.A.), Church 
Wardens and members of St James' Church Restoration Com- 
mittee. His Excellency the Governor, Lieutenant-General Sir 
John Northcott, K.C.M.G., C.B., M.V.O., unveiled a stone com- 
memorating the beginning of the work of restoring the 
weathered sandstone of St James' Church. The dedication of 
the stone was performed by the Archbishop of Sydney, Most 
Rev. Dr H. W. K. MowU, M.A. At the conclusion of the cere- 
mony the company was entertained at afternoon tea in the 

August 22: The Mitchell Library, Sydney. — A large num- 
ber of our members visited the Mitchell Library on the above 
date, when the party was welcomed by Miss Phyllis Mander 
Jones, B.A. (Member), the Mitchell Librarian, who gave a most 
interesting address on some of the riches of *'The Mitchell.'^ 
The Society is most grateful to Miss Mander Jones, who 
escorted the party through the Library and the Dixson Gallery, 
for a most enjoyable excursion. 

September 26: Vaucluse and Watson's Bay. — At St Peter's 
Church of England, overlooking Watson's Bay, the Rector, Rev. 
R. F. C. Bradley, welcomed a party of members that filled the 
historic edifice, when Mr Jervis outlined the history of the 
Church and locality. Members later visited the waterfront at 
Watson's Bay, where Mr Jervis gave a further talk on the 
history of Dunbar House, which is still standing, and of Clovelly 
House, which has long since been demolished. Afternoon tea 
was taken under wide-spreading trees in the Park, where the 
Robert Watson Memorial is a prominent feature. 

October 24 : National Park and Wattamolla. — The consensus 
of opinion of a large number of members who attended this 
excursion was that it was one of the most interesting excursions 
of the year. Having travelled by train to Waterfall, the party 
proceeded from there in special 'buses by way of Lady Car- 
rington Drive through National Park. A short stop was made 
on the river bank, where the beauty of the stream and the 
adjacent timber-clad ranges impressed everyone present. 

The head of Providential Cove, Wattamolla, was reached at 
midday. The great historic interest of the locality is the fact 
that Matthew Flinders, George Bass and the boy Martin, ran 
for shelter there from tempestuous seas in the Tom Thumb on 
the night of March 29, 1798. 

Following lunch, the President (Mr K. R. Cramp) (Fellow) 
outlined the history connected with Wattamolla, and Mr James 
Jervis (Fellow) also spoke. From Wattamolla the party pro- 

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X Royal Australian Historical Society, 

ceeded over typical coastal heath country and heavily-timbered 
hills, where flowering gums gave pleasing contrast to the land- 
scape, to Allambie, where afternoon tea was taken in the 
beautiful grounds of the well-known guest house there. The 
return to Sydney was made by train from National Park station. 

Novemiber 21 : Hawkeshury River Mouth and Pittwater^ via 
Brooklyn,— A. very enjoyable excursion was held on this date, a 
very large number of members being present. The party went 
by train to Hawkesbury River Bridge (Brooklyn), and from 
there travelled on board the capacious river steamer. West Head, 
in charge of Captain Wichard, who over the steamer's public 
address system showed th^t he had much of the river history at 
his finger-tipst The party was taken under the Hawkesbury 
River Railway Bridge, and at a point near the great vehicular 
bridge the steamer proceeded downstream, passing Cowan 
Waters, Challenger Head and Patonga into Broken Bay. A very 
fresh breeze and a good xoU when the steamer rounded West 
Head into Pittwater added excitement to the proceedings, and 
ail on board greatly admired the marvellous views secured of 
Barrenjoey Headland, with its lighthouse crowning its topmost 
point. Pittwater was followed to the south past such beauty 
spots as The Basin, Newport, Bay View and Scotland Island, 
the latter having been a grant to Andrew Thompson in 1810. 
Lunch was taken at Church Point, and the steamer later pro- 
ceeded to the mouth of McCarr's Creek. Short historical 
addresses ' were given during the day by Mr P. W. Gledhill 
(Fellow), and jollity was added to the outing by whimsical 
talks by the President (Mr Cramp), Mr Aubrey Halloran 
(Fellow) nd Messrs S. A. Ravenscroft and John D. Tipper. 

Afternoon tea having been taken at Patonga, the party 
returned to Brooklyn, where they entrained for Sydney late 
in the afternoon. 

Federal Grant to Society. 

As the outcome of a conference between the President and 
Mr William Charles Wentworth, M.H.R., the latter gentle- 
man sponsored an appeal to the Federal Governmeiit for an 
annual grant-in-aid to the Society on the ground that its 'cultural 
interests covered the whole continent of Australia. We are 
particularly indebted to Mr Wentworth for his enthusiastic 
interest in the Society's activities, which has resulted in a sub- 
stantial conditional annual grant. 

Speakers from the Society. 

The President (Mr K. R. Cramp) gave several addresses 
on ''The Recognition of Governor Arthur Phillip in England'' 

Digitized by 


Annual Report, xi 

before leading organizations such as the Ex-Inspectors of Schools 
Association, the Women ^s Pioneer Society, the Genealogical So- 
ciety, the Australian Methodist Historical Society, as well as at 
All Saints' Church, Balgowlah, and St Peter's Church, Cooks 

Other addresses, all with a historical theme, were given by 
Messrs. R. H: Clarke, B. T. Dowd, M. H. Ellis, Aubrey Halloran, 
W. L. Havard, J. K. S. Houison, P. W. Gledhill, G. A. King, the 
Honorary Secretary (Mr E. C. Rowland), the Honorary 
Treasurer (Mr Allan E. Bax), the Honorary Research Secretary 
(Mr James Jervis), and the General' Secretary (Mr C. Price 
Conigravj). -*' . 

The Womens Auxiliary. 
Office-bearers of the Women's Auxiliary for 1953 were : 
President, Mrs A G. Foster (Fellow) ; Vice-Presidents, Mes- 
dames J. A. Shaw, W. J. Dellow, A. S. How and Misses F. Lowe, 
E. Seppelt and R. Suttor ; Honorary Secretary^ Mrs W. L. 
Havard ; Honorary Treasurer, Miss M. B. Coombes. 

Committee meetings have been held at History House, where 
members have been happy to see their President able to return 
to her accustomed place. Members and friends have continued 
to meet in the Foster Room for card afternoons on the first 
Wednesday of each month. Members have acted throughout 
the year as hostesses at afternoon tea. 

On September 30, the twenty-sixth anniversary of the for- 
mation of the Auxiliary was celebrated by a social afternoon, 
a musical programme being arranged by Mrs B. Lee. A cheque 
for £5/5/- was presented, as a donation to the Society, to the 
President, Mr K. R. Cramp. 

The last function of the year was the Christmas Party on 
December 2, the musical programme on this occasion being 
arranged by Mrs Bruce Abercrombie. 


The following prizes were awarded during the year : — 

(1) HuME-B ARBOUR DEBATING Trophy : Sydney Boys' 
High School versus Fort Street High School. Topic : ''That 
Unification is a more desirable form of Government than Federa- 
tion for Australia. ' ' Winning Team : Sydney Boys ' High School 
(affirmative), represented by John Hislop, Robert Bolton, Ian 

(2) The T. E. Rofe Prize for the best essay on ''Was the 
deposition of Bligh justified V Won by Jan B. Garrett, of 
Barker College, Hornsby. Six entries were received, and Mrs 

Digitized by 


xii Royal Australian Historical Society, 

"W. L. Havard, who judged the entries, reports that the entries 
were of a high standard, with the subject well covered. 

(3) The P. A. Mactier Prize for the best essay on ''An 
episode in the history of my district/' Seven entries were 
received and the winner was Janet Moncrieff Matthews, of 
**Meriden,'' Church of England Girls' Grammar School, Strath- 
field, her subject being ''The Battle of Vinegar Hill.'' Mrs 
iW. L. Havard kindly judged the entries. 

The High Schools' K. R. Cramp Junior Debating Com- 
petition was won by North Sydney High School, which com- 
peted against the Hurlstone Agricultural High School in the 
final debate. The winning school was represented by I, Bedford, 
I. Lawrence and D. Ferrars. At the request of the High 
School's Debating Committee, the adjudication was made by 
your President, as it was the first occasion that the competition 
was organized under his name. 

Public School Scholars. 

Two visits were made during the year to History House by 
scholars, both boys and girls, from public schools. The parties 
were shown over History House, and were addressed in the hall 
by the General Secretary, Mr C. Price Conigrave, who illus- 
trated his remarks with lantern slides. 

Visits to Historical Points by Public School Scholars. 

The Honorary Research Secretary, Mr James Jervis, is 
sincerely thanked for his enthusiastic work in addressing the 
scholars of various public schools, and in conducting parties of 
boys to various historical localities. This work is most valuable 
in so far that it is inculcating in the scholars a healthy interest 
in Australian history. 

"The Journal." 

Your Council is glad to report that many of -the difficulties 
in publishing thte Journal immediately prior to this, year have 
been overcome, and the lag in the publishing programme has 
been overtaken. Five Journals have been published, during the 
year, and the Council is glad to report that owing to an improve- 
ment in the financial condition of the Society, the Journal has 
been restored to 64 pages. The Editorial Committee reported 
from time to time during the year on relevant matters, and the 
Editor (Mr C. Price Conigrave), as usual, has been enthusiastic 
in his work with respect to the Journal. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Annual Report, xiii 

R.A.H5. Social Group. 

The Social Group, which was formed towards the end of 
1952, has had a very successful year. A number of social 
evenings were held on the third Saturday of each month from 
March to November, both inclusive, these gatherings being well 
attended by members and their friends. The Group was formed 
so that it could assist in raising funds for the Society, and in 
this regard it has been most successful. The Society is very 
appreciative of the donation of the sum of £80 by the Group 
to the Society, this handsome amount having been from the 
proceeds of the gatherings organized during the year. The 
cheque for the above amount was handed to the Vice-President 
(Mr Aubrey Halloran) (Fellow), in the unavoidable absence 
of the President (Mr K. R. Cramp) from the Christmas Party, 
under the auspices of the Women's Auxiliary, held on 
December 2. 

The meetings of the Group were well varied, Mr S. H. 
Ravenscroft on two occasions screening some of his beautiful 
coloured slides that illustrated his trips abroad. Mr H. R. 
Thompson (Councillor) on April 25 showed and described some 
very interesting films. 

An insight into the huge Snowy Mountains hydro-electric 
scheme was given by Colonel 6. E. Ramsay, Public Relations 
Officer of the Snowy Mountains Hydro-Electric Authority, when 
on May 16 he screened a number of splendid films which illus- 
trated the vastness of the scheme. In June a Dickens evening was 
held, at which the President (Mr K. R. Cramp) rendered several 
recitals from Dickens, these being both grave and gay, and 
character sketches from Dickens were also given by Mr Harold 
Praser. Mr Brian Chaseling was the speaker at the July 
gathering, when he told a most intriguing story of his travels 
through Asia, illustrating his remarks with a remarkable series 
of lantern slides. At the August meeting Professor Harvey 
Sutton, O.B.E., M.D., B.Sc, spoke on *'The Life and Health 
Conditions at the time of Queen Elizabeth I." 

The evening of September 19 was devoted to the recital of 
some of their experiences by New Australians and they also 
contributed some of their national songs, which greatly pleased 
the audience. October 31 was devoted to a description of New 
York by Professor J. Andrews, Ph.D., when an interesting 
address was interspersed with many excellent lantern slides! ■ 

In November, at the last gathering of the year, Mr S. H. 
Ravenscroft screened some of his beautiful coloured films taken 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

xiv Royal Australian Historical Society, 

in the United Kingdom. Opportunity was taken at this meeting 
to refer to the forthcoming departure of Mrs Beryl Lee on a 
tour abroad, and best wishes were expressed to her. 

Captain James Cook's Second Voyage — Copy of Corfc's Journal. 

During November, 1953, the President (Mr K. R. Cramp) 
visited Canberra in order to be present, ds the guest of the 
Hon. the Speaker of the House of Representatives (Hon. A. 
Cameron, M.P.), at an interesting ceremony, when his Excel- 
lency the Governor-General, Field-Marshal Sir William Slim, 
G.C.B., G.B.E., D.S.O., M.C., handed to the Prime Minister (Rt 
Hon. R. G. Menzies) a photostat of Captain James Cook's 
Journal of his second voyage round the world, for depositing 
in the National Library, Canberra. 

Captain James Cook Memorial, Norfolk Island. 

On July 24, 1953, a memorial to- Captain James Cook was 
unveiled at Buncombe, Norfolk Island, by Mrs J. D. McComish. 
A movement towards the erection of this memorial was set afoot 
years ago by the late* Captain J. D. McComish (Member), who 
had been residing on Norfolk Island. The island community 
supported the proposal, and an outstanding contribution was 
an amount of £38 raised by the Norfolk Island Public School. 
The Society had undertaken, some years ago, to contribute an 
amount towards the memorial, and eventually the Common- 
wealth jpovernment undertook to contribute an amount in 
addition to the contributions in hand, so that a fine obelisk 
might be erected. A plaque on the memorial bears the following 
inscription :-— 

Captain James Cook, R.N., 

on his 2nd voyage round the World, 

discovered and named this Island 

Norfolk Isle, 

landing in the vicinity of this point on October 10th, 1774. 


The unveiling ceremony was presided over by the Admin* 
istrator of Norfolk Island, Brigadier H. B. Normany D.S.O., M.C. 

Marking of Historical Sites. 

The London County Council sent to the Society some in- 
teresting information and photographs with respect to the 
mat-king of historical sites in London. This matter was of great 
value to the Society. 

Commemorative Stamps. 

A suggestion was made to the Postmaster-General that 
stamps to commemorate the Centenary of steam navigation on 

Digitized by 


Annual Report. xv 

the River Murray was made, but unfortunately this request 
was not granted. 

Presbyterian Church, Ebenezer. 

Early in the year, representatives of the Society attended 
the 144th Anniversary Celebrations held at the above historic 
Church on the banks of the Hawkesbury River. 

Proposed Transport Museum. 

The Society supported the proposal of the Australian Rail- 
way and Locomotive Historical Society, that the Ultimo Tram 
Depot might be set aside as a Transport Museum, but the 
Minister for Transport did not grant the request. 

Matthew Flinders Memorial, Gladstone, North Quensland. 

The Gladstone Municipal Council donated interesting photo- 
graphs of the unveiling of the above memorial. • 

Henry Parkes School, Coventry, England. 

Following on a suggestion made by Mr K. R. Cramp, when 
visiting England, the Town Clerk, Councir House, Coventry, 
informed the Society that the naming of class-rooms at the 
Henry Parkes School, Coventry, had been carried out in the 
Infants' Department as follows : Ifangaroo, Koala, Wallaby, 
Lyre Bird, and Black Swan. 

Proposed National Memorial to Sir Henry Parkes at Tenterfield. 

An invitation was extended to the- President to attend a 
memorial celebration at Tenterfield on October 24, 1953, in 
connexion with a proposed national memorial to Sir Henry 
Parkes. It was at Tenterfield that Parkes made his famous 
speech that gave birth to the Federal movement. As it 'was 
impossible for the President to attend this function, Council 
deputed the Honorary Secretary (Mr E. C. Rowland) to act 
for. him, and Mr Rowland accordingly represented the Society. 

^ The Five Islands Group off Port Kembla. 

The Society supported the Illawarra Historical Society in 
a request to the Minister for Lands, that the individual islands 
forming this group be renamed in accordance with their his- 
torical import. The request was granted. 

Restoration of Historical Churches. 

The Society supported the respective appeals by the author- 
ities of St James' Church, Sydney, Christ Church St Laurence, 
Sydney, and St Matthew's Church, Windsor, for the restoration 

Digitized by 


xvi Royal Australian Historical Society, 

of these historic Churches. In all cases the stonework had 
badly fretted with the passage of time, and, at a high cost, is 
being replaced. . 

Restorati<m of the G.P.O. Clock and Tower, Sydney. 

The Society supported a movement during the year for the 
restoration of the tower and clock of the General Post Office, 
Martin Place, Sydney, that were removed owing to the exigencies 
of war conditions. The Society was informed by the Common- 
wealth Government that, although it was sympathetic to the 
suggestion, other public works of high priority had to take pre- 
cedence before such restoration could be carried out. 
Captain Arthur Phillip Memorials. 

Consideration was given during the year to a memorial to 
Captain Phillip at Sydney Cove, reading as follows . — 

Captain Arthur Phillip, R.N. / In command of the "First Fleet" / 
Landed on the shore of this Cove / On January 26th, 1788 / And established 
the first / British Settlement in Australia. On February 7th, 1788 / The 
Royal Commission proclaiming / Captain Phillip as Captain-General / And 
Govemor-in-Chief of / New South Wales / was read. 


The Maritime Services Board had co-operated with the 
Society, and it is hoped that a commemorative obelisk will 
shortly be erected in front of the Maritime Services Board 
Building, West Circular Quay, Sydney. 

During the year the Society requested the Minister for 
Agriculture to have repairs carried out to the Captain Phillip 
Memorial in the Botanic Gardens, Sydney, the inscription upon 
which had become practically indecipherable. 

The Randwick Municipal Council, at the request of the 
Society, has generously undertaken to erect an obelisk at La 
Perouse to commemorate Captain Arthur Phillip 's landing there 
in 1788. The Randwick Council has also donated a metal 
plaque bearing the following inscription : — 

To found the Colony of New South V^ales / Captain Arthur PhiUip, R.l<r. / 

arrived / in Botany Bay / in the Ship "Supply" / which ,wa^ moored 

off this site / on January 18, 1788. 


Erected by the Municipality of Randwick. / N. J. Dwyer, Mayor. 


H.M.S. "Supply" / was anchored approximately one mile W. by N.W. 

in this direction / and off Yarra Bay. 

: >Histoncal Memorials and Plaques in New South Wales. 

On the suggestion of the Historical Memorials Committee, 
steps were taken to prepare a complete list of all historical 

Digitized by 


Anrnuil Report. xvii 

memorials and plaques throughout New South Wales. Through 
the valued assistance of municipal and shire councils through- 
out the State, a very full list of such memorials and plaques 
has been prepared. 

Court House, Berrima. 

The Society was requested by the Shire of Mittagong to 
support a movement for the preservation of the historic Court 
House at Berrima. The matter having been taken up with the 
competent State authorities, repairs have been carried out. 

The late Dr Roland J. P<^. 

Under the will of the late Dr Roland J. Pope, for many 
years an esteemed member of the Socitey, a bequest of £100 
from his estate was received during the year. 

St John the Baptist Church, Ashfield. 

Representatives of the Society attended the 113th Anni- 
versary Annual Service of Remembrance ..held at the above 
church on September 5, 1953. 

The Library. 

A number of valuable books and much historical matter 
has been added to the Library during the year. Mr Hugh 
Wright has been indefatigable in indexing and classifying 
library material, in which work he has been assisted very 
enthusiastically by Mr J. T. Prentice, and in later months by 
Mr A. J. Gray, B.A. 


Members and others have donated, during the year, a 
number of pictures, photographs, books, documents, etc., and 
the Council expresses its appreciation of such gifts. Donors 
have been duly thanked and an announcement made of each 
presentation at each mothly meeting. 

Messrs J. K. S. Houison and Allan E. Bax presented a 
facsimile copy (>f the Sydney Gazette, 1803/4-;-a most valuable 
addition to our Library. 


The best thanks of the Society are extended to members 
of the various Committees who, during the year, have given 
earnest consideration to many matters on behalf of the Council. 

To the Womens Auxiliary and the R.A.H.S. Social Group 
the Society is indebted for monetary donations. 

To the Returning Officer (Mr W. J. Dellow) and the 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

xviii Royal Australian Historical Society, 

various gentlemen who assisted him in the conduct of the annual 
elections, sincere thanks are expressed. , ' 

The Society records its great appreciation of the valuable 
work done for the Society by the Honorary Auditors, Messrs 
NormanfB. Lewis, F.C.A. (Aust.), and Mr H. W. McKisack, 
F.C.A. (Aust.) 

The Council expresses its best thanks to its Honorary 
Solicitor (Mr Aubrey Halloran) for valued advice tendered 
during the year 

The Council thanks Mr Ward L. Havard (Fellow) for his 
valuable work in continuing the card index to the Jownal. 

The Council and members are grateful to Mr James Jervis, 
Honorary Research Secretary, for the many interesting addresses 
that he gave at the year's excursions, and for his fine work in 
answering very many historical queries during the year. 

The expanding work connected with the Society has been 
carried out enthusiastically and very capably by the General 
Secretary and Editor, Mr C. Price Conigrave, Mr George 
Daniels, Mrs N. Paskin, and, after the latter 's resignation in 
August last, Miss Gay Sellin, and to these officers the Council 
expresses its thanks for so capably carrying out their many 



Addendum. . 

I wish to add an expression of thanks to the Honorary 
Secretary, Mr E. C. Rowland, whose interest in the Society's 
work has been much appreciated. During December, the 
Council learned with regret of the early departure for Tasmania 
of Mr Rowland, and his valuable work as a member of the 
Council for many years, and as Honorary Secretary for the 
past two years, is very greatly appreciated. During December 
an apropriate presentation was made to Mr Rowland at an 
afternoon tea tendered to him at History House by the Presi- 
dent and Council. 

To the Honorary Treasurer, Mr Allan E. Bax, the Society 
is greatly indebted for his most capable handling of the financial 
affairs of the Society. 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 

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Royal Australian Historical Society, 






Note. — Members are requested to inform the General Secretary of any 
omissions or errors in this list. 








Abel, Mrs M. M. H. 

Abercrombie, Mrs Bruce. 

Adam, Miss Ruth I. 

Adams, Mrs M. Hypatia. 

Adair, Mrs M. J. 

Addison, Irving L., LL.B. 
*Ahron8on, M. (L.). 

Alexander, Frank Lee. 

Alexander, Mrs F. M. 
*Allard, Sir George Mason 

Allars, Kenneth Graham, B.A., 


Allen, C. W. B. 

Allen, Miss Dorothy A. (LI). 

Allen, Mrs Norman. 

Allen, Percy S. 

Allen, Mrs A. M. (L.). 

Allen, Raymond. 

d'Alpuget, Miss Blanche. 

Anderson, A. K., M. A., 

F.R.Hist.S. (Scots College). 

Anderson, Mrs J. E. S. 

Anderson, Scott. 

Angus & Robertson Ltd. 

Antill, James Macquarie, B.E., 

M.I.E. (Aust.), A.M.Inst.M.M. 


Archer, George Lindsay 

Armstrong, Hon. Thomas, 

Arndell, R. M." 
Arndell, Mrs R. M. 
Arnott, David W. W. 
Arnott, Mrs David W. W. 
Ash, R. E. 
Atterton, Miss Beatrice S., 

B.A., Dip.Ed. 
Aubrey, Mrs K., M.A. 
Austin, A. W. 
Austin, Miss Ida Agnes. 
Australian News and Informa- 
tion Bureau, London. 


1938 Australian War Memorial, 


1947 Baalman, John. 

1945 Backhouse, Rev. Nigel a'Bec- 

kett T., B.A., Dip. Ed. 

1947 Backhouse, Robert G. 

1947 Badgery, Miss Rosalind L. 
1943 Bagot, Alan (L.). 

1939 Bailey, Mrs A. (L.). 

1945 Baldock, William J. 

1937 Bales, Richard (B. 1941). 
•1944 Balmain, Miss Yiolet. 

1951 Bampton, Mrs H. 

1951 Bampton, John D. 

1927 Barbour, Mrs E. C. (L.). 

1924 Barbour, Geoffrey Hume (L.). 

1924 Barbour Patrick Hume (L.). 

1938 Bardwell, Miss Edith A. (L.). 

1946 Barnet, Miss Mary I. McKay. 

1945 Barrett, Charles. 

1952 Barron, Mrs A. D. 

1949 Barter., John 

1952 Bassett, Mrs W. E. 

1953 Bateson, Charles Henry. 

1950 Bax, Allan Ernest. 
1952 Bax, Mrs A. E. 

1942 Bayley, Miss Lillian, G., B.A. 

1946 Bayley, W. A., J.P. (L.). 

(Fellow, 1951). 

1948 Beale, Edgar. 

1920 Bean, Dr C. E. W., M.A., 

B.C.L. (Hon. Fellow, 1937). 

1950 Bean, L. P. R. 

1942 Beanham, William H. (L.). 

1948 Beard, William. 
1945 Beattie, E. D. 

1949 Beddie, Miss Janet. 
1933 *Bell, R. M. 

1948 Benjamin, David J., LL.B. 

1950 Bennett, C. W. L. 
1942 Bennett, Miss Mary K. 

Digitized by 


Annual Report, 


1942 Bennett, Miss M. M. 

1933 Benson, Mrs H. W. 

1946 Bergner, Albert Eric (L.). 
1952 Berrick, Alan E. 

1942 Beveridge, Miss Delores. 

1920 Bezer, Mrs W. H. 

1947 Binnie, Ernest St J. 

1933 Black, John Yamala. 
1947 Black, R. Lindsay. 

1921 Black, Reginald \V. 

1943 Blacket, Miss Gladys M. 
1946 Blacket, Stirling F. (L.). 
1919 Bland, Professor F. Armand, 

M.A., LL.B., M.P. 

1918 Blaxland, Guy D; 

1944 Blaxland, Mrs Guy D. 
1944 Blomfield, Richard Geoffrey 


1944 Booth, Albert. 

1951 Booth, Miss D. 

1919 Borsdorff, Mrs L. (L.). 

1952 Bouckley, George H. 

1949 Boughton, Charles F. 

1944 Bowmaker, Robert Osboume. 
1937 Bowman, E. Kenneth. 

1943 Box, Robert G. H, 

1932 Box, Mrs R. G. H. (L.). 

1946 Bracey, Eric. 

1950 Bradbury, Miss H. M. 

1934 Bradley, F. R., A.M.I.E. 

1951 Bradshaw, Rev. Norman T. 

1949 Brennan, J. K. 

1947 Brient, Albert L. 
1947 Brient, Mrs A. L. 
1929 Broad, Arthur P. R. 

1950 Brown, Miss Agnes M. 

1945 Brown, Albert George. 

1945 Brown, Mrs Albert George. 
1947 Brown, Robert Mackav. 
1939 Brown, Miss Rosina M., B.A. 

1947 Bruce-Smith, Miss Barbara. 

1952 Bryan, Jock H. 

1946 Brydon, Walter Raymond (L.). 

1948 Buckmaster, Miss S. M. 
1945 Buesst, Tristan N. M. (L.). 
1945 Burfitt, Walter S. 

1945 Burfitt, Mrs Walter S. 

1939 Burfitt-Williams, Dr Grosvenor. 

1917 Buring, Leo. 

1954 Burke, E. Keast, B.Sc. 

1944 Burlev, Frederick Richard. 

1933 Burr,* Miss I. , 
1952 Burrows, Mrs J. W. 

1952 Burrows, Ronald G. 

1945 Busby, Mrs H. O. 
1952 Bushel], Miss Gladys P. 

1943 Bushell, Miss Patricia. 
1952 Bushell, Miss Vera M. 

1944 Butlin, Professor S. J., M.A. 
(Camb.), B.Ec. (Syd.). 

1948 Butters, Edward M. 
1934 Byrne, Miss Lily C, B.A. 

1951 Cable, F. W. 

1950 Cable, Kenneth J., B.A. 

1939 Cadwallader, John. 

1936 Callaway, Eric. 

1943 Cameron, Bertie Allan. 

1934 Cameron, Ernest. 

1943 Campbell, Arthur A. 

1943 Campbell, Mrs Arthur A. 

1952 Campbell, Mrs E. M. 

1945 Campbell, Mrs Gavin. 

1949 Campbell, Mrs Jeannette. 

1950 Campbell, Miss Sybil J. 

1944 Campbell.Brown, Miss Agnes. 
1952 Canberra University College. 
1941 Cane, Fred. J. 

1950 Cann, Mrs J. I. 

1946 Cardew, Cornelius A. 
1921 Cardew, Miss G. M. A. 
1920 Carey, Miss Hilda. 
1952 Carne, Miss L. F. 
1948 Carroll, Dalton. 

1944 Carter, Capt. Francis, F.R.G.S. 
1952 Carter, John E. 

1948 Carver, A. Havelock, LL.B. 

1948 Carver, Mrs E. I. 

1946 Cayley, Henry Francis. 

1945 Chadwick, Miss Doris, B.A., 

1919 Chambers, W. Clark. 

1951 Chambers, William. 

1947 Champion, Arthur Handasyde. 

1948 Champion, Arthur X^. 
1929 Champion, B. W., D.D.Sc. 

1949 Cliaplin, Miss Constance L. 
1916 Chilton, F. 

1949 Chisholm, Alec H. 

1938 Chisholm, Miss Elizabeth M. 


1945 Chriftie, Miss E. M. 

1934 Christie, Miss Margaret (L.). 

1952 Chudlei^rh, Miss Helen L., B.A. 
1949 Clark, Professor Charles M. H. 

1937 *Clark, Sir Marcus. 

1953 Clark, Miss M. E. 

1940 Clarke, R. H. 

1943 Clarke, Richard H. J. 

1918 Cleland, Professor John Bur- 
ton, CB.E., M.D., Ch.M. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Royal Australian Historical Society. 

1945 Clifton, Charles D. 

1931 Clune, Francis Patrick. 

1949 Clyne, Hon. Daniel, M.L.A. 
1923 Cohen, Mrs Victor I. 
1941 Cole, G. F. V., F.S.A.G. 

1950 Cole, Miss T. M. 

1949 Coles, Miss Eileen Grace. 
1941 Coles, Frederick V. 

1941 Coles, Mrs F. V. 

1953 Collett, Sister Kathleen. 
1918 Collingridge, J. 

1954 Collins, Dr A. J., D.S.O., M.C., 
M.B., Ch.M. 

1932 Collins, Clifford M. 
1941 CoUis, Arthur G. 

1945 CoUis, Rev. Thomas R. 

1946 *Cologon, J. H . 
1946 Cologon, Mrs J. H. 

1948 Conde, H. G., M.I.E. (Aust.), 


1932 Comgrave, C. Price (Fellow, 


1951 Connor, John G. 

1948 Cooke, Mrs E. A.. 

1946 Poombes, Miss M. B. (L.). 

1950 Cooper, Charles C. 

1949 Cooper, Miss Madeline. 

1951 Cooper, Raymond K. 
1932 Corrigan, E. C. 
1929 Cosh, Mrs L. 

1947 Cotter, Alfred K. 
1945 Cowhan, Miss Lucy. 
1945 Cowlishaw, George K. 

1949 Cowper, Norman L., B.A., 

1953 Cowper, J. H. B. 

1953 Cox, Miss Frances M. 

1952 Cox, Robert H. 
1916 Cox, V. D. (L.). 
1947 Cox, Miss Valerie M. 

1944 Cox, William Charles. 

1910 Cramp, Karl R., O.B.E., M.A. 
(Fellow, 1916), (L.). 

1950 Crane, Mrs C. G. 

1951 Crane, C. R. 

1945 Crawford, Professor R. M., 
B.A. (Syd.), B.A. (Oxon). 

1952 Creagh, W. J., B.A., LL.B. 

1943 Crerar, William McL. 

1922 Cridland, Frank, C.B.E. (B.). 

1944 Cripps-Clark, John H. 
1949 Crittenden, Victor. 

1932 Croft, Sir Hugh M., Bart. 

1943 Croll, Mrs L. E. 

1953 Crowley, Dr F. K. 

1949 Cubis, Capt. Richard. 
1935 Culverwell, G. E. 

1925 Currey, Dr Charles H., M.A. 
(Fellow, 1945). 

1950 Currie, Miss J. M. 

1951 Cuthbert, Miss Gwen H. 

1951 Cuthbert, Mrs Jessie H. 

1935 Daley, Bernard T. 

1953 Dally, Miss Joan E. 

1953 Dally, Mrs^ Johanna M. 

1945 Dan, George. 

1950 Dangarfield, Mrs F. 

1950 Dangar, Peter. 

1943 Daniels, George. 

1943 Daniels, Mrs George. 

1946 Darby, Evelyn Douglas, M.L.A. 

1948 Darley, Bertram. 

1922 Darley, Cecil Barrington (L.). 

1948 Davis, Dr Joseph, M.B., B.Sc, 

1944 Davis, Peter Dawson. 

1937 Dawson, Alfred C. 
1950 Dawson, William & Sons. 

1949 Deane, William Houison, B.Sc. 
1953 Deane, B. S. L., M,L.A. 
1941 Deering, H. Hastings. 

1923 Dellow, Walter J. (L.). 

1924 Dellow, Mrs Walter J. 

1938 Denneen, Dr Alan. 

1945 Denmark, Mrs H. 

1949 Dennis, Mrs H. E. 

1950 Department of Technical Edu- 
cation, Sydney. 

1933 Dey, Miss Porothv, M.A. 

1950 Dibbs, L. B. 

1948 Dickson, Mrs W. E. 

1938 Dobbie, Miss N. M. 

1948 Dodd, Joseph F. 

1946 Dodwell, Thomas. 
1921 Donaldson, R. 

1946 Donaldson, Dr ^^\ S. 

1953 Donaldson, Mrs M..M. 

1952 Donnelly, Arthur D. 

1952 Donnison, John L., B.Sc, B.Ph. 

1941 Dorph, Rev. W. P. F. 

1951 Dougherty, Mrs Mary. 
1948 Dougherty, William B. 

1951 Doughty, Miss Gladys. 

1944 Douglas, Dr John R. S., M.B., 

1952 Doust, Barton. 

1933 Dowd, Bernard T. (Fellow, 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Annual Report, 


1943 Downer, Aubrey D. G. 
1941 *Downe8, Major E. H. K. 

1952 Downing, Hon. Mr Justice 
Robert R. 

1948 Drayton, W. G. 

1939 Drummond, Hon. D. H., M.P. 
(Hon. Member). 

1943 Drummond, William D. (L.). 
1951 Dufty, John H. 

1937 Duhig, Miss Eva, B.A., B.Ec, 
Dip.Ed. (L.). 

1949 Dulhunty, Miss Beryl.. 

1944 Duncan,* A. T. 

1949 Dunlop, Eric, M.A., Dip.Ed. 
1935 Dunphy, Myles J. 

1953 Dunphy, Milo K. 

1947 Dykes, Norman Francis. 

1945 Earnshaw, John W. 

1944 Ebsworth, Austin Mitchell. 

1926 Edwards, Dr J. G. 

1947 Edwards, Mrs Lucy. 

1954 Edwafcs, Sidney. 

1947 Edye, Dr Benjamin Thomas, 
Ch.M., F.R.C.S. 

1920 Elkin, Dr A. P., M.A. (Pro- 
fessor of Anthropology, Sydney 

1947 Elliott, Miss Lily May. 

1941 Ellis, M. H. (Fellow), 
F.R.nist.S. (L.). 

1947 Ellis, Mrs M. H. 

1948 Elliss, Miss Kathleen E. 

1949 Enright, Walter A. G. 

1951 Erdos, Miss Renee F. 
1944 Evans, Miss Belt vs. 
1930 Evans, Illtyd, L.A.B. 
•1947 Evans, Robert Fitzgerald. 

1944 Evans, Silvanus G., F.R.S.A., 
A.I.A.A. (Lond.), A.R.A.I.A. 

1953 Evans, Mrs S. G. 

1943 Evatt, Hon Olive, Q.C., LL.B., 

M.L.A. (Hon. Member). 
1935 Evatt, Rt Hon. Herbert V., 

P.O., Q.C., M.P., M.A., LL.D. 

(Hon Fellow, 1943). 

1945 Everett, Thomas Arundel. 

1945 Ewart, Frank W., LL.B. (L.). 

1952 Fahy, Kevin F. 

1933 Faith full- Anderson, Miss 

Clarice V. 
1951 Farr, Lyndon. 
1949 Fegan, Miss S. M. 

1946 Ferguson, George A. 

J. A., B.A. LL.B. (Fellow, 
1927), (B., 1941). 
Fergusson, Miss Wilsie, B.A. 
Fielder, W. W. 
Fisher, Charles R. 
Fisher, Miss K. 

Fitzhardinge, Professor L. F., 
M.A., B.Litt. 
Fleming, A. P. 
Flood, L. E. L. 
Flower, Miss Monica, M.A. 
Flynn, Miss Mary C, M.A. 
Forbes, Morris Z. 
Ford, Noel Parks. 
Forster, Miss Margaret A. 
Forsyth, John Malcolm. 
Foster, Mrs A. G. Fellow, 
1924), (B., 1925). 
Foster, William Charles, M.A. 

Francis, Miss Irene I., B.A. 
Fraser, Donald J. 
Eraser, Mrs D. J. 
Fraser, J. A. 
Fraser, Mrs J. A. 
Frensham School Ltd. 
Frew, \\\ L. 
Frizelle, Mrs M. 
Frost, Miss M. 
Fulton, Miss Barbara R. 
Furness, William, M.A., Dip. 

Galley, R. M. 
Gallman, John R. 
Garden, Clarence W. Gardiner. 
Gardiner, Dr Samuel S., M.B., 
Ch.M. (L.). 

Gardiner, Miss Winifred M. 
Garling, R. W. (L.). 
Garran, Hon. Sir Robert R., 
G.C.M.G., Q.C. 
Garvan, Miss Eileen M. 
Garvan, Miss Lois K. (L.). 
Geeves, Philip. 
Geikie, Archibald H. 
Geikie, Mrs. A. H. 
General Assembly Library, 
Wellington, N.Z/ 
Gibson, Miss Margaret (L.). 
Gibsone, Eric. 
Gibsone, Mrs Eric. 
Gilbert, Lionel A. 
*Gill, Mrs L. 
Gillespie, David. 
Gillespie, Miss Margaret. 

Digitized by 



Royal Australian Historical Society, 

1937 Gillham, Miss E. M. (L.). 1916 

1934 Gillham, Miss Helen. 

1945 Ginty, John Joseph. 1934 

1935 Glass, Sydney B. 1943 
1941 Glassford, Miss J. E. 1951 
1944 Glassford, Miss Mary M. 1949 
1952 Glassford, R. W. 1952 
1934 Glasson, Robert Bruce (L.). 1945 
1949 Gledden, Mrs S. M. 1953 

1938 Gledhill, P. W., F.S.A.G. 1948 
(Fellow, 1952). I953 

1948 Glynn, Mrs Alicia. 1941 
1914 Goddard, Roy H., F.C.A. 1948 

(Aust.). 1940 

1952 Goldring, Leslie. I95I 

1952 Goode, A. C. 

1946 Goodin, V. W. E., M.A. (L.). 1952 
1951 Goodwin, Mrs N. L. ^951 
1951 Goodwin, P. R. L. 1951 
1930 Goold, Wilfred J. (Fellow, 1938 


1951 Gowlland, Miss Dorothy. 1951 

1951 Gray, A. J., B.A. 1949 

1943 Gregg, Miss Doris J. 1949 

1952 Green, Frank. 1944 

1944 Green, Judah. 1946 

1953 Green, Frederick D. 1936 

1949 Greening, Harry L. 1936 

1945 Greenwood, Joseph. 

1930 Gregory, C. A. 1936 

1949 Griffin, Miss Audrey. 

1934 Griffin, Eric F. 1952 

1923 Griffiths, Miss G. Nesta. 1952 

1941 Griffiths, Noel. 1950 

1946 Griffiths, Lieut. Owen Evans, 1953 
R.A.N.V.R. (L.). 1952 

1938 Grosse, W. F., B.A 1949 

1951 Grunseit, Mrs F. H. 1949 

1947 Gurewicz, S. B., B.A. 1947 

1941 Hackett, M. J., F.C.A.A., 
F.A.I.S., A.I.C.A. 1950 

1949 Hadley, Mrs E. B. 1948 

1950 Hadley, Miss E. L. 

1942 Haggard, Miss Violet C. B. 1952 
(L.). 1952 

1952 Hails, Maurice. 1947 

1953 Haines, Frank B. 1948 
1949 Hall, Miss A. 

1949 Hall, E. S. . 1946 

1943 Hall, Mrs Henry. 1928 
1938 Hall, Miss L. M. (L.). 1942 
1938 *Hall, Miss M. Annie (L.). 1933 
1952 Halliday, Mrs Alma L. 1948 
1929 Halligan, Mrs M. B. 1919 

HaUoran, Aubrey, B.A., LL.B. 

(Fellow, 1925), (B., 1922). 
*Halloran, Henry F. 

Hallstrom, Sir Edward (B.). 

Hamilton, Robert C. 

Hammer, Miss Kathleen C. 

Hammet, Ivo C. 

Hancox, Mrs W. G. 

Hancock, Miss E., B.A. 

Hanlon, Robert. 

Hannan, H. J. 

Harding, Dr Warren (L.). 

Hardwick, G. A. 

Harley, L. J. 

Harrington, H. R., A.M.I.E. 

(Aust.), A.M.I.LT. (Aust.). 

Harrington, Rev. Thomas. 

Harris, Dr Godfrey (L.). 

Harris, Mrs J. M. 

Harris, Miss Marion, B.A., 


Harris, Miss R. ^. 

Hart, G. Alan. 

Hart, Mrs G. Alan. 
*Hartigan, Rev. P. 

Hartman, George Sydney. 

Harvard University, U.S.A. 

Havard, Ward L. (Fellow, 


Havard, Mrs W. L., B.A., 


Haven, Miss N. 

Haven, Miss M. V. 

Hawaii University. 

Hawkins, Miss D. M. 

Healy, Mrs E. 

Heath, Harry. 

Heath, Mrs II. 

Heffron, Hon. R. J., M.L.A., 

Minister for Education (Hon. 

Member, 1947). 

Hendrie, Miss A. 

Heney, Miss Helen, M.A., 

Dip.Ed., Dip.Soc.Sc. 

Henry, Mrs M. 

Henshaw, Mrs Elsie E. 

Herbert, Thomas John. 

Herman, Morton E., B.Arch., 


Heuston, G. W. 

Heyde, Charles W^. 

Higgison, T. H. 

Hill, Frank \N.- 

Hilliar, Miss Mary. 

Hindmarsh, L. R. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Annual Report. 







Hines, Miss Evelyn A. 

Hipsley, I)r Percy L. 

Hodges, Harry Gordon. 

Hoijgkinson, Mrs H. R. 

Hohnen, Karl A. 

Hohnen, Mrs K. A. 

Hole, Mrs C. S. M. 

Holliday, Mrs R. B. 

HoUier, Mrs M. (L.). 

Hollingdale, B. A. 

Hollingworth, A. C. 

Holt, F. C. S. 

Holt, Mrs F. C. S. 

Holt, Miss M. F. G. 

Holt, Dr W. G. 

Holt, Judge Henry T. E. 

Holt, Mrs H. T. E. 

Hopton, Arthur J., O.B.E., 

M.A., Dip.Ed. (L.). 

Hordern, Anthony 

Hordern, E. D. 

Hordern, Sir Samuel (B., 


Hordern, Samuel. 

Hordern, Marsden Carr. 

Horner, Arthur. 

Houison, Miss Fanny. 

Houison, Miss Gwenda. 

Houison, Miss Isabel. 

Houison, J. K. S., F.C.A. 

(Aust.), F.I.C.A., F.S.A.G. 

(L.), (Fellow, 1935). 

Houlston, Mrs John. 

Houstone, Frederick William. 

How, A. S. 

How, Mrs A. S. 

How, Robert. 

How, Mrs. Robert. 

Howard, Rev. C. S. A., M.A., 

L.Th. (L.). 

Howe, F. O. 

Huddleston, George. 

Hughes, John. 

Hughes, Richard N. 

Hume, Ernest. 

Humphrey, Dr E. M. (L.). 

Hunter, David B., M.L.A. 

Hunter, Miss E. M. 

Hutley, Francis C. 

Tlyde, Ernest H. 

Hyde, v., B.A. (L.). 

Hyland, Frederick M., B.A. 

1917 Ilbery, Miss Mabel. 
1950 Inman, Miss D. M. 

1952 Institute of Commonwealth 

Studies, London. 

1948 Iowa, State University of, 


1945 Ireland, A. E. 

1947 Ireland, Frank. 

1947 Ireland, Mrs Frank. 
1923 Ireland, John B. 

1937 Ireland, J. F .N. 

1945 Irving, Miss Florence C. 

1943 Irving, F. H. 

1945 Irving, Miss Winifred C. 

1951 Jackaman, Alfred C. M. 
1941 Jackson, Frederick H., B.E. 

1918 Jackson, Joseph, M.L.A. 
1950 Jacobs, Miss M. G., M.A. 

1940 James, Miss Emily M. 
1929 Jamieson, Mrs Sydney. 

1941 Jeffreys, Arthur H. 

1952 Jehan, Mrs Emily. 
1952 Jehan, Eric (L.). 
1922 Jenkins, Mrs Lewis. 

1926 Jervis, James, A.S.T.C. 
(Fellow, 1935), (L.). 

1952 Johnson, Mrs Elizabeth A. 

1931 Johnston, A. D. 

1929 Johnston, Miss V. E. 

1938 Jones, Alfred V. (L.). 
1944' Jones, Charles Harold (L.). 

1922 Jones, Sir Charles Lloyd (L.). 

1923 Jones, Idrisyn F., B.A. 

1950 Jones, M. H. 

1943 Jones, Miss Phyllis Mander, 

1946 Kafer, Barry Louis. 
1952 Elar.doss, John. 

1927 Kater, Sir Norman, M.B., 
Ch.M., M.L.C. 

1937 Kaufman, Dr. Alfred F., M.A., 
D.O. (L.). 

1952 Kearne, Mrs E. I. 

1948 Keary, Mrs F. M. 
1948 Keary, Major. 

1951 Kellv, Rt Rev. Monsignor, 
K.G.'h., Ph.D., D.D. 

1944 Kennedy, Frederick H. (L.). 
1950 Kennison, G. S. 

1953 Kenny, M. J. B. 
1946 Kevans, II. D. 

1919 Kidd, Miss Mary I)., M.B.E. 

1948 King, Edwin Phillip. 

1942 King, G. A. 

1940 King, Nicholas Kelso (L.). 

1949 King, Robert K. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Royal Australian Historical Society, 

1952 King's College, London. 1941 

1952 Kirkpatrick, John F. 

1933 Knox, Lieut-Colo4el Adrian E. 1946 

1952 Knox, Arthur E. R. 

1948 Knox, Rev. David B. (L.). . 1953 

1949 Knox Grammar School. 1943 

1948 Knox, Mrs Mabel F. 1940 
1945 Koerner, Miss Muriel J. 1931 


1938 Lackey, Dr Samuel. 1943 

1936 Lambert, Miss Vera. 1943 

1949 Lamming, Miss I. - 1942 
1949 Lamming, Miss P. 1917 

1948 Langford, Frederick W. D. 1919 
1927 Larcombe, E. E. 1949 
1947 Lardner, Miss Lillian J. 1949 

1944 Larnach, Brian Mudie (L.). 1945 
1947 Last, Mrs E. G. (L.). 1918 

1945 Latham, C. E., B.A. 

1953 Lawson, Andrew. 1928 

1937 Lauchland, Miss E. S. 
1918 Law, Dr A. (L.). 

1949 Leach, Mrs. Stephen. 1945 
1951 Ledger, Mrs E. M. 

1951 Lee, Mrs Beryl. I945 

1946 Lee, Brigadier Joseph Edward. 1943 
1925 Lee, Ronald Alfred (L.). 1949 
1937 Lees, W. J. 

1949 Leonard, Francis P. 1938 

1947 Levy, Alfred Alleyne. 1947 
1949 Lewis, Mrs. G. M. 1952 

1943 Likely, Alva Charles. 1952 

1944 Lines, Keith. 

1943 Linton, Walter. 1927 
1949 Lion, Miss Hinda. 

19H2 Littlejohn, Miss Mary O. (L.) 1934 

1944 Living, Mrs G. J. (L.). 1950 

1939 Lloyd, John E. F. 1948 

1944 Long, Gavin Merrick. 1948 
1924 Lough, J. C. 1924 
1935 Lowe, Miss Florence. 1942 

1945 Lov/e, Harold. 1951 
1935 Lowe, Miss Mabel. 1945 
1951 Lowe, Robert. 1950 

1948 Lowe, Spencer. 1951 
1943 Ludowici, F. J. 1943 
1942 Lyons, Leo Allan, A.S.T.C, 1935 

A.A.C.I. 1949 

1949 Lyons, William J. 1948 


1950 MacCallum, Duncan MacM. 1944 

1951 Macarthur . Onslow, Brigadier 1934 
Denzil, C.B.E., D.S.O. 1951 

1952 Macaithur-Onslow, Richard W. 1948 
1947 Macaulay, Miss M. 1951 

McCarthy, Rev. Oswald B., 

Th.L. (L.). 

McClemens, The Hon. Mr Jus- 
tice J. H. 

McDonald, Donald I. 

McDonald, G. K. 

McDonald, Ronald G. 

McFadyen, Clifford Leigh (L.). 

McGahey, Mrs M. 

McGillivray, James W. 

McGovern, Rev. J. J. 

McGrath, Brian J., B.A., B.Sc. 

McHrath, Mrs M., M.A. (L.). 

Mcintosh, H E. 

Macintosh, H. V., B.E. 

Macintosh, Mrs H. V. 

Mclntyre, Mrs W. H. 

Mackaness, Dr George, O.B.E., 

M.A. (Fellow, 1940). 

McKell, Rt Hon. Sir William 

J., G.C.M,P, (Hon. Member, 


Mackenzie, Arthur Arundell, 


McKenzie, Ernest Joseph. 

Mackenzie, Hector K. W\ 

McKenzie, Miss Jean, B.A., 

M.Ed. (L.). 

Mackenzie, Miss Joan. 

Maokey, Edmund Cunningham. 

Mackie, Miss Nellie G. 

McLaren, Ian F., F.C.A. 


MacLaurin, E. Colin B., M.A. 

(Camb.), B.D. (Syd.). 

MacLaurin, Mrs E. E. 

McLeod, Mrs Margaret. 

McLurcan, Charles D. (L.). 

McLuckie, Professor John. 

McMaster, Sir Frederick D. 

McNally, Rev. Nicholas M. 
*McNicol, Miss Greta. 

McNiven, R. J. 

MacSween, A. M. 

MacSween, Mrs A. M. 

McSweeney, Miss Trixie. 

Mallarky, Mrs S. R. (L.). 

Malone, James J. 

Malone, Joseph. 

Manchester, Miss Kathleen. 

Maron, John Stanley (L.). 

Marshall, Mrs S. J. 

Martin, Claude M. 

Martin, L. P. 
Martvn, Mrs A. K. 

Digitized by 


Annual Report. 


1947 Mason, Keith \\V 

1926 Mathews, Francis M. 

1920 Mathews, W. W. 

1924 Mathews, Mrs. W. W. 

1944 Matthews, Miss Joan. 

1949 Maude, Henry Evans, O.B.E., 

M.A. (Cantab.). 

1947 Maundrell, E. G. 

1946 Maurice, Thelwall T. 

1946 Maurice, Mrs Thelwall T. 

1953 Maxton, Angus C. 

1953 Mayes, Miss Belle. 

1953 Mayes, Robert. 

1946 Meacle, Dr Norman H. E. D., 

Ch.M., D.L.D. (Eng.), 


1949 Mead, Miss C. 

1945 Merewether, Mrs E. R. H. 

1943 Merrington, Arthur M. 

1945 Metcalfe, John W., B.A., 
F.L.A. (Gt. Brit.). 

1944 Michigan University, U.S.A. 

1946 Middleton, Miss E. (L.). 
1949 Middleton, G. F. 

1947 Middleton, Miss Irene. 

1942 Middleton, Miss Shirley. 

1949 Milford, Arthur A. F. 
1951 Milford, Mrs A. A. F. 
1951 Miller, Miss Doris J. 
1916 Miller, Miss Tennvson. 
1924 Milne, Edmund O* 

1937 Milne, John W., B.A., LL.B. 

1948 Mitchell, Miss June M. 
1934 Mitchell Librarv, Sydney. 

1938 Mitchell, R. Else, LL.B. 

1946 Mitchell, T. W. (L.). 
1924 Moberlv, Miss L. E. (L.). 

1950 Moir, J. K., O.B.E. 
1953 Moir, W. A. 

1948 Montague, Miss Constance E. 

1947 Montague, C. H. 

1948 Mooney, Harold G. 

1949 Moore, Mrs Claudia. 
1916 Moore, Ernest (L.). 

1947 Moore, H. Hamilton. 

1948 Moore, Mrs H. Hamilton. 

1951 *Moore, Mrs M. T. J. 

1953 Morgan, Harold Arthur Mc- 


1933 Morison, Miss Annie J. 

1948 Morling, Mrs M. J. (L.). 

1943 Morris, Mrs Ada M. 
1953 Mort, Henry C. 

1942 Morton, Rev. Dr A. W. 

1937 Mosman, Irvine B. 

1935 Mowll, Most Rev. H. W. K 

D.D., M.A., Archbishop of 

1950 Mudie, G. L. 

1944 Muir, Henry Blake. 

1947 Mulholland, H. K. 

1945 Munninga, Mrs J. F. 

1953 Munday, Dr Margaret, O.B.E. 

1946 Munro, Miss E. M. 
1953 Munro, Colin C. W. 

1948 Munroe, Byron E., B.D.S. 

1945 Murray, Murray. 

1950 Musgrave, A., F.R.Z.S., 

1933 Mutch, Hon. Thomas D., 
. F.R.Hist.S., F.R.A.H.S 

(Fellow, 1943) 

1948 Myers, Miss Zara. 

1951 Myles, Miss M. 

1953 Nardi, Miss L, A. 

1924 Nathan, Venour (L.). 

1921 Neild, Mrs H. G. 

1946 Neill, Miss Frances F. 

1950 Nelson, Mrs E. M. 
1953 Newcastle City Library. 
1945 Newman, George II. 

1952 Newton, R. J. M. 

1921 New York Public Library. 

1953 Noble, Miss E. D. 

1951 Noffs, Rev. T. D. 
1921 Nolan, P. L. 

1924 Norrie, Dr Harold, M.B., Ch.M. 

1934 Norrie, Miss Irene. 

1950 Norris, William Mackray. 

1949 Norton, Miss E. Joyce. 

1949 Nutter, Miss J. 

1952 O'Brien, Mrs Anne L. 

1941 O'Brien, Most Rev. Archbishop 
Eris, M.A., D.D., Ph.D. 
F.R.Hist.S. (Fellow, 1948). 

1917 O'Brien, Miss Kathleen, B.A. 

1950 O'Connor, Miss Kathleen. 
1948 O'Connor, Miss Mildred. 
1952 Oeding, Miss Kathleen T. 
1920 O'Flynn, Rt Rev. Monsignor \V. 

1952 Ogden, Ronald E. 

1945 O'Hara, Mrs R. 

1953 O'Keefe, Miss Lorna. 

1948 O'Malley, Brother J. P. (L.). 

1951 Orr, Gilbert W. 

1946 Osborne, Mrs E. M. 
1944 Osborne, Miss Gladys C. 
1951 Owen, Alan David. 

,1947 Owen, Dr Lancelot A., M.A. 

Digitized by 


Royal Australian Historical Society, 


1952 Oxley, John. 

1942 Oxley, Miss Marion M. 
1949 Oxley Memorial Library. 


1949 Palmer, Kenneth, J.P. 

1943 Palmer, R. M. 

1943 Parker, Arthur C. 

1952 Parker, Mrs Elsie H. 

1953 Parker, Lieut. V. A., B.A.N. 
1937 Parkes, Cobden. 

1952 Parks, J. Henderson, LL.B. 

1952 Parramatta High School. 

1950 Parry, Miss J. D. 
1949 Patching, Arthur B. 
1949 Patching, Mrs Arthur B. 

1945 Paton, Mrs E. F. 
1952 Patourel, Stanley J. 1^. 

1952 Patrick, Trevor G. 

1935 Patterson, Gordon A., M.A. 

1944 Patterson, W. A. 

1945 Patterson, Mrs W. A. 

1951 Patterson, George 

1952 Paulin, Miss Sheila. 

1953 Payne, Alan K. 
1933 Peachman, John T. 

1953 Pelly, Blake R, M.L.A. 

1946 Penfold, Colonel Edwin T. 
1933 Phillips, Orwell. 

1951 Phippard, S. R. 

1949 Picton Central School. 

1949 Pierce, George W. 

1953 Pillars, Mrs Nell. 
1939 Pogonoski, Reginald C. 
1949 Polin, Herbert J. 
1951 Polin, Mrs Herbert J. 

1951 Porter, Mrs Laura. 

1946 Porter, Mrs Persia (L.). 

1948 Pottinger, Miss J. S. 

1947 Potts, Francis William. 
1917 Powell, Miss E. (L.). 

1952 Powell, Rev. Gordon, B.A. 
1921 Powell, Mrs John. 

1946 Powell, John Wallis. 

1954 Power, Mrs Elena 

1941 Pratten, Miss Gwyneth A. (L.). 

1952 Prentice, Mrs E. A. 
1941 Prentice, James T. 

1941 Prentice, Mrs James T. 

1942 Pi entice, Miss Joan T. 

1949 Presbyterian Ladies' College, 

1950 Presland, Miss Blanche E. 
1954 Preston, Allan J. 

1951 Pullen, Royal. 

1948 Punchon, Victor A. 

1953 Quincey, Mrs Joan 

1945 Rabone, Cecil G. 

1951 Rae, John D. 

1944 Ramsay, David Bruce. 

1948 Ramsay, Thomas M. 

1953 Randwick Municipal Library. 

1945 Rankin, G. H. 
1935 Rea, Malcolm. 

1946 Read, C. Hansby. 
1945 Reid, Alan Douglas. 
1943 Reid, Miss Ena F. 
1941 Reid, Dr G. R. S., M.A. 
1932 Reid, Miss Margaret (L.). 

1932 Reid, Miss Mary (L.). 
1934 Rex, G. R. 

1920 Rich, Dr Vivian. 

1943 Richardson, Hon. Mr Justice 
Athol M. 

1934 Richmond, Major G. M. 

1952 Ricketson, Staniforth. 
1937 Ridge, Walter O. 

1937 Ridge, Mrs Walter O. 
1945 Ringwood, R. A. 
1927 Ritchie, Dr Harold. 

1949 Roberts, Howard. 

1951 Robeits, Mrs W. A. 

1952 Robertson, Matthew G. 
1922 Robinson, Dr F. W., M.A. 

1951 Roderick, Colin, M.A. 

1935 Ronald, Robert B. 
1917 Rose, L. N., M.A. 

1933 Rothe, Christian W. (L.). 

1938 Rothery, Miss Emily H. 
1931 Rothery, William Barrington. 

1952 Rowe, Sydney. 

1947 Rowell, Alfred Ernest, J.P. 
1941 Rowland, Edward Carr, 

F.R.Hist.S., F.R.G.S., (FeUow, 
1952), (L.). 

1951 Rowley, Arthur, 

1947 Rumsey, Herbert J., J.P., 
F.R.IIort.S., F.S.R. (Lond.). 

1944 Russell, Peter Henry. 
1944 Rutherford, Mrs A. H. 

1948 Rutherford, Norman. 

1953 Rutherford, Mrs Norman, 

1952 Ryan, Mrs Dorothy. 
1948 Ryan, Kevin A. 
1937 Ryrie, A. 

1943 Sach, Edmund Westley. 

1950 Sach, Mrs E. W. 

1936 St Joseph's College, Hunter's 

1951 Salvia, Miss Cora. 

1953 Sampson, R. W. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

Annual Report, 


1935 Saunders, Miss Dorothy. 

1932 Savage, Clive C. 

1949 Savage, Colonel Robert W., 

O.B.E., E.D. 

1947 Schauer, Maxwell. 

1947 Schauer, Mrs Maxwell. 

1945 Schumacher, Miss Beatrice. 

1943 Scotford, Mrs H. E., B.A. 
1924 Scott, Mrs Ivor B. (L.). 

1944 Scott, James. 

1952 Scurrah, Mrs F. L. 

1942 Searson, J. E. 

1938 Seccombe, Mrs Austen. 

1949 Sedgwick, John. 

1946 Segal, Harry, M.P.S., Ph.C. 
1949 Segal, Victor Myers (L.). 
1941 Seppelt, Miss Elenora (L.). 
1938 Shaw, A. B., M.B.E., B.Ec. 

1952 Shaw, Alan G. L. 
1921 Shaw, Herbert A. (L.). 
1920 Shaw, Mrs J. A. (L.). 

1953 Shaw, Mrs O. M. 

1946 Shearman, Herbert John. 

1932 Sheldon, Miss Clara G. 
1924 Sheldon, Sir Mark. 

1947 Shepherd, Charles Arthur. 
1951 Sheppard, Wilfred J. 

1946 Shepperd, Miss A. E. B. (L.). 
1944 Sheridan, Richard C. P. 
1951 Shute, Arthur A. 

1930 Simpson, Telford. 

1944 Simpson, William George. 
1935 Singleton, C. C. 

1933 Skevington, Miss L. (L.). 

1948 Skillman, George. 
1948 Skillman, Mrs GcQrge. 
1951 Slade, Ernest R. S., F.C.A. 

(Aust.), A.C.I.S. 

1945 Small, W. M. B. 
1953 Smith, Bernard W. 
1944 Smith, Chester. 
1944 Smith, Mrs Chester. 

1948 Smith, Mrs Denis W. (L.). 

1947 Smith, K. R. Bernard (L.). 
1941 Smith, William W. (L.). 
1938 Smith, Henry Beecher. 

1946 Smith, Herbert Velvin. 

1949 Smith, Miss Jocelyn Chester. 

1948 Smith, Mrs Joan K. 

1947 Smith, Norman D. B. 

1947 Smith, Mrs N. D. B. 

1943 Sraitli, Hon. Thomas Janaurius. 

1948 Smythe, Miss Glayds. 

1950 Snow, Edward F. 
1947 Snow, Mrs Olga. 
1937 Snow, Sir Sydney. 

1949 Soper, P. V. S. 

1921 Spain, Colonel Alfred, V.D., 


1952 Stacey, Miss Ruby Ellice. 

1933 Stacy, Mrs A. L. 

1946 Sj:acy, Hon. Judge B. V., B.A. 

1950 Stafford, Miss Grace. 
1949 Stafford, Miss M. 

1945 Stammer, Archdeacon E. H. 

1945 Stanley, Vincent E. 

1948 Starkey, William J. (L.). 

1943 Stephen, Alastair E. (L.). 
1936 Stephen, Alfred E. (B., 1943). 
1941 Stephen, James F., B.E. 

1952 Stephen, Miss Janet. 

1946 Stephen, Leslie Consett (L.). 

1949 Stephens, Henry A. 
1949 Stephens, Mrs H. A. 
1949 Stephens, W. L. 
1949 Stephens, Mrs W. L. 

1949 Stevens, A. J. 

1948 Stewart, Rev. Douglas R. 
1920 Stewart, George Andrew (Hon. 


1945 Stewart, William. 

1953 Stewart, K.' R. 
1953 Stewart, Mrs K. R. 

1941 Stokes, H., F.C.A. (Aust.). 

1951 Strakosch, Henry E., B.A. 

1944 Street, John Austin. 

1924 Street, Hon. Chief Justice K. 
W., B.A., LL.B. 

1943 Strohmeier, Mrs M. 

1944 Stuart, John Wingfi^ld. 
1953 Sussmilch, Miss M. 

1950 Suttor, Miss Janet. 
1941 Suttor, Miss Kathleen. 
1918 Suttor, Miss Ruby M. 

1949 Swancott, Charles. 
1949 Swancott, Mrs C. 

1949 Sydney Church of England 

Grammar School. 

1949 Sydney Church of England 

Girls' Grammar School. 

1949 Sydney Girls' High School. 

1948 Syme, D. York. 

1951 Tait, Mrs Lilian. 
1944 Tandy, Charles (L.). 

1943 Taylor, Mrs Florence, O.B.E., 
L.K.LB.A., A.R.A.I.A. 

1951 Taylor, J. G. 

1947 Taylor, Laurence W. 
1947 Taylor, Mrs M. C. 

1944 Taylor, Robert Inglis, B.V.Sc. 

Digitized by 



Royal Australian Historical Society, 

1942 Taylour, Angus E. 

1947 Teale, Kenneth Graeme, B.A., 

1944 Terry, Charles Le Patourel. 

1948 The King's School, Parramatta. 
1935 The Scots College, Sydney. 

1943 Thomas, David. 

1945 Thomas, Mrs G..Ito88. 

1931 Thomas, Dr Ivor G., M.B., 
B.S., B.Sc, F.R.S.A. 

1945 Thomas, Mrs Leslie C. 
1951 Thi^mas, Miss L. F. S. 
1951 Thomas, Lynas W. 

1951 Thomas, Mrs. L. \V. 

1935 Thomas, Miss M., F.8.A.G. 

1947 Thompson, Harold R. 
1950 Thompson, Mrs Harold R. 

1948 Thompson, Miss Kathleen. 

1949 Thornton, Mrs B. E. 
1934 Thornton, Reginald. 

1950 Thorp, Miss O. C. 

1948 Thorpe, Sydney Thomas. 

1943 Tilghman, Douglas C. 

1946 Timms, Edward V. 

1946 Timms, Mrs Edward V. 

1947 Tinckman, Arthur R., B.E. 
(Syd.), (L.). 

1946 Tipper, John D., A.M.I.E. 

1944 Todd, Mrs J. L., B.A. 

1949 Torrey, Edward P. (L.). 

1945 Towner, Edgar T., V.C, M.C., 

1931 Townshend, Mrs Richard. 

1952 Towson, Peter G. 

1946 Trelford, Mrs Merle M. 

1950 Tulloch, Mrs E. 

1947 Tunks, Dr O. G. 

1947 Turkington, Miss M., B.A. 
1943 Turnbull, John M. 

1949 Tutty, Mrs E. J. 

1948 Uren, Malcolm J. L. 
1914 Uther, A. H., LL.B. 

1953 Vallack, R. T. 
1953 Vallack, Mrs R. T. 
1945 Veness, Miss Z. A. A. 

1950 Verge, Will Graves. 
1950 Verge, Mrs W. G. 
1952 Vernon, P. V. 

1945 Vicars, Robert. 

1946 Vickerv, Herbert Bovd. 

1947 Walker, Dudley Edwin. 
1919 Walker, Mrs Frank. 

1948 Walker, F. S. 

1949 Wallace, Mrs K. W. 

1945 Waller, Richard de B. 

1946 Walter, Edmund N. 

1942 Walter, Miss Jean. 

1928 Walton, F. 

1947 Wanless, John Noel. 
1949 Wansey, Mrs E. R. 

1949 Ward, Professor John M., M.A. 

1946 Ward, Melbourne (L.). 

1950 V\'arrick, Peter P., B.A. 

1945 Waterhouse, N. Warren, B.E. 

1949 Watkins, Miss R. 

1949 Watson, Jack Hay ward (L.). 

1944 Watson, Thomas. 

1947 Watts, Walter Norman. 

1945 Waugh, Malcolm (L.). 

1948 Webster, Robert H. 

1945 Weir, George, LL.B., M.L.A. 

1945 Welch, Roger. 

1943 Wenona Girls' School, North 

1944 Wentworth, William Charles, 
B.A., M.P. 

1947 West Maitland City Library. 

1937 Wetherill, W. H. 

1943 Wettenhall, Dr Roland (L.). 

1945 Whale, Norman O., A.C.A. 

1945 Wheeler, John S. N. 

1943 Wheen, Miss Agnes (L.). 

1939 WTiiddon, Hon. Horace W. 

M.L.C. . 

1939 \^^liddon, Mrs Horace W. 

1937 White, A. B. S. 

1950 White, A. H. 

1942 White, Frederick (L.). 

1943 White, Geoifrey M. (L.). 

1943 White, Mrs Geoffrey M. 
1922 WTiite, Miss Mary (L.). 

1944 WHiite, Dr Mervvn McAuley. 

1949 White, Miss Myra. 

1934 *Whiteman, Dr R. J. (L.). 

1952 Wliiteoak, Miss L. G., B.Sc. 

1946 Whitington, B. L. 

1929 Whitley, Gilbert P. (L.). 
1937 Willard, Miss TVIyra, M.A. 

1946 Willard, W. IL 

1945 Williams, Walter H., F.C.A. 
(Aust.), F.A.A., F.C.C.S. 

1947 Williams, Mrs Walter H. 

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