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THE
JOURNAL
SACRED LITERATURE.
EDITED BY JOHN KITTO, D.D., F.S.A.
VOLUME IL
LONDON:
C. COX, 12, KING WILLIAM STREET, STRAND.
OLIYEB AND BOTD, EDmBUBGH ; AND J. ROBERTSON,
GRAFTON STREET, DUBLIN.
1848.
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^ London: Printed by William Ci.uwa* and SuNk, Stamford Street.
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THE
JOURNAL
OF
SACRED LITERATURE.
No. IIL^ULY, 1848.
AN
INTRODUCTION TO THE GOSPEL OF JOHN/
By Professor A. Tholuck, D.D.
Translated from the German by the Key. F. W. Gotcb, M.A., of Trinity College,
Dnblin.
I. Life of John the Evangelist.
The ETangelist was the son of Zebedee, a fidierman of Galilee, and
of Salome. He was probably bom at Bethsaida, a fishing village
on the sea of Galilee (rrnt IT^y locus ad piscatum apttis), which
was also the native place of Peter, Andrew, and Philip. This
appears from his inhmate acquaintance with them, and from his
bemg associated with them (Matt. iv. 18. 21 ; John i. 40). The
parents of John were probably not poor. Zebedee had hired
labourers (fjn<xQcjrot[) in nis service (Mark i. 20) ; and Salome was
one of the women who ministered to the subsistence of Jesus
(Matt, xxvii. 56), and who brought spices to embalm him (Luke
xxiii. 55) ; at his death the Redeemer charged John to take Mary
to his own home (ciV ra Xiia), That Zebedee was in a condition
of comfort and respectability may perhaps also be inferred from
the
* Dr. Tholuck i»too well known in this coontry to need to be introduced to our
readers by any prefatory remarks. His Commentcurv on John first appeared in 1827,
and has passed through six editions ; the last, which has been revised throughout,
and from which the present article is translated, was published in 1844. Almost
contemporaneously with its publication Dr. Tholuck furnished the articles on the
different Gospels to the Cyciopadia if Biblical LUmUmy and the readers of the
VOL. II. — NO. III. B article
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2 InJtroductim to tlie Gospel of John. [July,
the £BLCt that John was known to the high-priest (John xviii. 15).
Under these circumstanoes we may reaaily suppose that the
Evangelist had received some degree of instruction. In Acts iv.
13 he is, indeed, classed with ue unlearned QiuiTou)y but the
Pharisees reckoned as such all who were not devoted to the rab-
binical studies of the law, who were not DVSTT H^^il, disdples
of the Rabbins. Probably, even from an early neriod he had an
inclination for the things of God. His mother Salome appears to
have been a pious woman, so closely did she afterwards attach
herself to Jesus ; she had also probably occupied herself with hopes
relatmg to the Messiah, as we may judge^from Matt. xx. 20 ; and
from the same narrative it appears that she cherished a very strong
afiTection for her children. Such a mother mieht easily have
awakened in her children a pious disposition, whicn in the case of
John would be fostered by his mode of life as a fisherman. In
this employment he must oft;en have watched on the water through
the still mght, and that, too, in a delightful country, resembling
the neighbourhood of the lake of Locarno.^
When John the Baptist appeared and proclaimed everywhere
the near approach of the kingdom of God, it was natural tnat the
youthful Jonn, prompted by pious desire, should attach himself to
this herald of Christ. There is a tradition in Theophylact that the
son of Zebedee was a nephew of the father of the l^aptist. The
Baptist described in prophetic vision the sublime destination of
Jesus ; he pointed from nimself as the forerunner, to Him who
was the true light of the world. His obedient disciples turned to
Jesus, and amongst these was John, who, together with Andrew,
immediately on their first interview was so attracted that he
article o& * John ' wiU notice that it ib to a very great extent an abridgment of the
more extended Introduction now presented to them. The Ck>mmentary has been
translated in America from an early edition, and we belieye has been there ezten-
siyely drcnlated. The Introduction, howeyer, since that period, has been almost
entirely re-written and greatly enlarged, so as to meet the present requirements of
German theology in respect to this eyangelift Most Englisn readers unacquainted
with German theologr will, we imagine, be astonished and probably shocked at the
coolness with which these critics decide against the authenticity and credibility o.
this or that portion of the New- Testament writings; and some may, perhaps, doubt
whether there is any advantage in bringing such riews before the English public,
eren when the objections are set forth, as they are here, only for the purpose of
meeting and answering them. In reply to such a possible scruple, we would simpW
remind our readers, that German yiews aYe disseminated in this country, and win
continue to be so, and that it is needfol therefore that we should be prepared to
oppose them if ihe^ are ftilse and injurious. One of the best and most ayailable
ways of doing this is to become acauainted, by means of such articles as the present, «
botn with the objections furnished by the * negative criticism ' of our continental
neighbours, and with the answers which pious men engaged in the strife are able to
present to them.
^ See Seetsen, in Winer's Beal'Lex, s. y. Genexareth ; Clarke, in Raumer's
PalmaHnOy Snd edit p. 58.
remained
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1848.] Introduction to the Gospel of John. 3
remained with the Messiah whom he had now foimd, from the
fourth hour of the afternoon until night. Nevertheless. Jesus did
not yet bring him permanently into his society ; probably he accom-
panied him a few days (see Comm, on ch. ii. 2). It belonged to
the divine wisdom of the Redeemer's teaching to cast a serm into
the soul, and to leave this gradually to develope itseu. John
returned again to his occupation ; and some time after, as Jesus
was walking by the sea of Galilee, he called the youth, who had
been previously aroused, to constant intercourse with him. This
call John immediately obeyed (Luke v. 10 ; Matt iv. 21). Thus
this disciple is through his whole course of life the representative
of that class of Christians who have become what they are by the
gradual developement of their inner life ; as, on the other hand,
^aul is of those who have been transformed by a sudden change of
mind. In his intercourse with the Redeemer John now manifested
such tenderness of heart, a disposition so impressible, an attach-
ment so ardent, that he became especially dear to him — ^a &ct
which John himself intimates, though without mentioning his own
name (John xiii. 23 ; xix. 26 ; xx. 2 ; zxi. 7). It also appears
from some statements in the Gospels that Jesus granted a certain
degree of distinction to three of his disciples, and amongst these
to JohnfMatt. xviL 1 ; xxvi. 37 ; Mark v. 37). Afl«r tfie ascen-
sion of Christ, John took up his residence in Jerusalem, where
Paul met with him on his third journey, about the year 52 (Gal.
ii. 9), thou^ he is not mentioned on liis first visit (Gal. i. 19).
Since he took the mother of Jesus to his own house, and according
to Jesus' command fulfilled towards her the duty of a child (xix.
27), and since this house was probably in Jerusalem, tradition has
concluded that he did not leave Jerusalem before the death ot
Mary, which, according to Eusebius, took place in the forty-eighth
year after Christ. This much is certain, that at the time when
JPaul was at Ephesus, t. e, in the year 58 or 59, John was not yet
a resident in that city, the sphere of his later exertions ; for, on the
one hand, Paul was not willing to labour in places which were
already occupied by others, and therefore would not have entered
into the provmce of John ; and on the other hand, mention could
not fail to have been made of John in Actsxx. 17, if he had been
at that time in Ephesus. Also, when Paul wrote his Episties to
Timothy, addressed to him at Ephesus, John was not there. But
yet, when Paul afterwards comes to Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 18\ he
does not find John there ; his absence may probably have been
merely temporary, as in Acts viii. 14. It was probably the deaUi
of Paul that first furnished the occasion of Jonn's leaving Jeru-
salem, or at least of his going to Asia Minor, where the (Jnristian
communities were very numerous, but where, also, errors sprang
b2 up
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4 Introduction to the Oospel of John. [July,
up most critically. These regions, therefore, stood in special need
oi the oversight and care of an Apostle. This would lead ns to
the year 65 or 66 after Christ In Palestine the Apostle had a
strong tendency to the law, as is testified by Gal. ii. 9. The Apo-
calypse also has, at least in great part, an Old Testament back-
ground, and many men who sprang trom the school of John (if the
expression is allowable), Papias, Uegesippus, Irenaeus, were Mil-
lenarians ; Hegesippus was even inclined to the Ebionites. In
reference to the celebration of Easter, the Apostle, and with him his
disciples, followed the Jewish custom. If we consider the Epistles
and the Grospel of John as the peculiar type of his doctrine, then we
cannot well speak of the school of John ; since the Epistle of Pol^-
carp, the Epistles of Ignatius, the Epistle to Diognetus, are more m
accordance with Paul than with John, although accordance with the
latter is by no means wanting. How is this to be explained? Lutzel-
berger has on this ground msputed the residence of the Apostle in
Asia Minor. Schwegler (comp. § 6) and other theolopans of the
school of Dr. Baur, regarding the Apocalypse as the work of the
Apostle, think that they must look upon the Gospel and the
Epistles as supposititious. Tins is cutting the knot Perhaps we
may say that wnat is characteristic of Jomi did not find imitators
to me same extent as what is characteristic of Paul, and later times
of thechurch mightconfirm this; to this we ma^ add the lessactive
character of the Apostle externally — ^in Acts iii. 6 it is Peter who
speaks and acts ; further, that the churches of Asia Minor were not
founded but only tended by him ; that the Gospel and the Epistles
are to be ascribed to the last period of his life ; that the more
judaizing type had already become prevalent by means of the other
Apostles, for Andrew and Philip also had laboured in Asia Minor.®
During the labours of the Evangelist in these regions of Aaa Minor
he was bimiBhed by one of the emperors to the island of Patmos,
one of the Sporades in the ^gean sea, where, according to Bev. i.
9, he wrote the Apocalvpse. Irenaeus, however (Adv. Hceres. v. 30),
and Eusebius who follows him (Hist. Eccl. iu. 18), say that the
Apocalypse was revealed to John at the end of the reign of Domi-
tian ; it this report is to be received (comp. § 3), his banishment
falls under the reign of Domitian, who diea a. d. 96. Moreover,
we find in Tertullian (Prcescript. adv. Hosret. c. 36), and after him
in Jerome (Adv. Jovin. i. 14 ; in Matt. xx. 23), the accoimt that
under Domitian, John had been dragged to Rome and thrown into
a vessel of oil, but miraculously delivered, and then had been
brought to Patmos. Since, however, tlds account is given by no
ancient writer, except the not very critical Tertullian, and since
• See aUo p. 8 below.
this
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1848.] Introdudian to the Gospel of John. 5
this mode of death was unknown in Rome, no reliance can be
{placed upon the report.^ That the Apostle suffered deadi for the
aith is attested independently by the circumstance that Polycrates,
Bishop of Ephesus, about the year 200, calls him imm^tus (Euseb.
Hist. JSccL Y. 24). His return from exile has been placed in the
reign of Nerva (Euseb. Higt. Ecel, iii. 20. 23 ; Hieron. Catal.
script. EccL c. ix). In the tradition of the church he appears as
the middle point of ecdesiaslical life in Asia Minor, so that in mat-
ters of dispute, as in the question respecting Easter, and the contro-
versy with the Gnostics, ne is referred to, and frequent mention is
made of his disciples and hearers. He died at JBphesus, in the
reign of Trajan, being upwards of 90 years of age ; accoiding to
Jerome, he was 100 ; according to Suidas, 120.
n. Character of John the Evangelist.
If we take the picture which the Gospel and the Epistles of
John give us of their author, together witn some traits of his life
which antiquity has preserved to us, it appears that John possessed
a soft, affectionate, rather feminine character, as is shown indeed
in his indistinct^ undefined style, and particularly in the passages
in which with the melancholy of elegy he speaks of the unbelief of
the world, ch. L 10, 11 ; iii. 19, 32 ; xii. 37. Originally this soft-
ness was susceptible of a hasty outburst of anger, as is frequentiy
the case with feminine dispositions ; they are conscious of being
not less yiolently repelled than attracted. An instance of this
kind is mentioned by Luke ix. 54. From the stand-point of the
Old Testament, the anger of the disciple in this case was indeed
righteous, for it was an anger against the godless ; but the Lord
put him in mind that such a feeling was unbecoming in a disciple
of the New Testament* In another respect also his character in
the evangelical history appears not to be purified. Selfishness i&
discovered in the circumstance mentioned by Mark (ix. 38), in
which he expresses himself enviously as to those who had received
the miraculous gifts of the Gospel, without having left all, as the
Apostles had, to follow Christ. He appears sel&h also in Mark
X. 35 (comp. Matth. xx. 20), where, together with his brother,
he applies to Christ, through ms mother, with a request for earthly
distinction in the Messiah's kingdom. It may therefore be assumea,
^ See Moeheim, Ditf. ad Hxat. Eed, vol. L p. 497, $q.
• * Tb^ position of the word dfUis in verse 55 is to be remarked. The prevalent
Tiew that John and his brothers receiyed their surname of 'sons of thonder'
(Mark iii. 17) in oonseqaence of this circumstance has, according to oar view of the
occurrence, little probability ; for, in that case, the words of Christ do not contain
an absolute reproof, and, if not, they lose their sererity. At least the name would
then be not simply a mark of censure, but would only point out the strength of their
natural yehemence.
that
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6 Introduction to the Gospel of John. [July,
that that character of love, humility, and meekness, which is shown
in the writings and in the later history of the evangelist, was the
work of the transforming grace of God ; the influence of the q>irit
of Christ on the mind of the disciple giving himself up to him.
We are not however to imagine, that the softness of John, pene-
Vated as he was by Christ, . was at all an effeminate weakness.
With all that is indistinct in his style, a severe moral earnest-
ness is expressed in his Epistles (1 John i. 6 ; iii. 9, 20 ; v. 16 ;
- 2 John 10, 11). In the latter part of his life also, Polycarp
reports from Irenseus an expression in which we recognize the
disciple of whom Luke speaks ch. ix. 54. He fled out of a bath
in which the heretic Cerinthus was, saying, that he feared the
building would fall. But narratives are preserved also in which
the same character of love is expressed as is shown in his Gospels
and in his Epistles. Clemens Alexandrinus in his book entitled
ris o (To/^o/xsvof ^Xo</(nos, c. 42, relates the following : ^ Listen to a
legend, or rather a genuine tradition of John the Apostie, which
has been fSedthfully preserved in memory. On his return from
Patmos to Ephesus ne visited the neighbouring country to appoint
bishops, and to set in order the churdies. Li a city not £sur from
Ephesus, which some even mention by name, as he is exhorting
and comforting the brethren, he perceives a fine ardent youth, who
so attracts him that he immediately turns to the bisnop of the
church with these Vords : " This youth I most eamestlycommend
to thee before Christ and the church as witnesses." The bishop
took charge of the youth, promising to do everything for him, and
on his departure John repeated these words yet agam. The elder
received the youth into his house, took care of mm and watched
over him until at length he could admit him to baptism. But
aflter he had received this seal of the Lord, the bishop remitted
Jiis care and watchfulness. The youth, too early freed from disci-
pline, falls into bad company. At first he is drawn into dissipa-
tion, then he is led on to rob passengers by night. As a spirited
horse that leaps from the right way, throws itself suddenly into
the abyss, so also did his impetuous nature drag him into the
depth of perdition. He now despaired of the grace of God, and
vrished therefore, since he had to share the same fate as his com-
panions, to perform something sreat He collected his associates,
formed a band of robbers, and became their captain, surpassing
them all in bloodthirstiness and acts of violence. After some time
John was again called to the same city on business. When he
had arrang^ everything else, he addressed the bishop : " Now,
bishop, give us back the pledge which land the Saviour have
entrusted to thee before the church." The bishop was at first ter-
rified, and thought that he referred to money that had been em-
bezzled.
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1848.] Introduction to the Gotpel of John. 7
bezzled. But when John said, ^' I demand back the youth and the
soul of nw brother/' the old man sighed deeply, and said with
tears, **' Ue is dead." ^ Dead ?" asked the disciple of the Lord ;
** And what kind of death V " He is dead to God,'' answered the
old man ; ^^ he has forsaken God, and has become at last a robber.
Now, instead of the church, he, with his companions, occupies »
mountain." The Apostle, when he learnt this, rends his garment
with a loud cry, and smites his head and exclaims, *^ O what a
watcher have I left over the soul of my brother I" He takes a
horse and a guide, and hastens to the place where the band of
robbers maintained themselves. He is seized by those who are on
the watch ; he flies not, but exclaims, ^^ It is for this that I am
come ; bring me to your leader." He, armed, is waiting his arri-
val. But when he finds that it is John who is approaching, he
flees covered with shame. John meanwhile hastens after him with
all speed, forgetting his age, and cries, ^^ Wherefore dost thou fly
from me, my child ; from me, thy father^ unarmed, grey-headed.
Have pity on me, my child I fear not I thou hast yet a hope of
life. I will account for thee to Christ. If it is needful, I will
willingly die for thee, as Christ died for us. I will lay down my
life for thee. Stop 1 — ^believe— Christ has sent me." The young
man, when he hears these words, at first stops and looks on the
ground — then he throws away his weapons — ^then he begins to
tremble and to weep bitterly. And when the old man approaches,
he embraces his knees, and with the most vehement lamentations
implores forgiveness ; by his tears he gives himself, as it were, a
second baptism, — his ris^ht hand however he conceals. But the
Apostle pledges himself with an oath that he has obtained
forgiveness for him from the Saviour — ^he entreats — he throws
himself on his knees, and kisses the hand which has been, as
it were, cleansed by his repentance. Thus he brings him back
into the church, and here ne prays with him so earnestly, and
wrestles with him in fasting, and exhorts him by his discourses,
that at length he can return him to the church, as an example of
true change of heart and genuine regeneration.' To this narra-
tive from the life of the holy disciple, which bears so completely
the stamp of his disposition, Jerome adds the following trait : ' —
' When John had reached a very advanced age, he was too weak
to walk to the assembly ; he allowed himself to be carried in by the
disciples. He could no longer speak much, but he continually
repeated the words " Little children, love one another I" And when
he was asked why he continually repeated this one word, his answer
was, *^ Because this is the command of the Lord, and because
enough is done if only this is done." '
' Comm, ad GaL vol. iii p. 314, Mart
In
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8 * Introduction to the Ootpel of John, [July*
In modern times by Neander, and especially by Liicke, ^ impe-
tnoeity and passion' hftye been pointed out as 'the indiyidual
temperament ' of the Apostle, but crfkinly we can only under-
stand this of such impetuosity as is consistent with tenderness, and
is as it were its opposite pole. On this subject some just remarks
are made by Bruno Bauer^s and a comprehensive euibition of it
is given by Frommann.^
ni. The Language of the Gospel of John^ and the time and place
of its composition.
The unanimous testimony of antiquity declares that the Gospel
was written by the Apostle at Ephesus. To this conclusion we
are led also by internal evidence, namely, that the author has
regard to the Hellenistic-Judaic theosophy, and in general to
readers not living in Palestine (John ii. 6, 13 ; iv. 9 ; v.l, 2) ; and
also that he is versed in the Hellenistic Greek language. His
acauaintance with Hellenistic Greek is so great, in comparison
witn the style of the Apocalypse, that if the Evangelist John is
the author of the latter, the Gospel, according to all appearance,
must have been written considerably later. According to Irenseus
(Adv. HcBres, v. 30. 3.), the Apocalypse was revealed (iupadvi) to
John towards the end of the reign of Domitian, who died a. d. 96.
Supposing that it was recorded immediately after it was revealed,
the book of the Apocalypse must have been written about the
year 95. K then we place the writing of the Gospel in the year
100 (and we can scarcely put it later), there would still be only
five years between the two writings, a period which appears to be
too short to explain the great difibrence of language, if, according
to very probable internal evidence, we place the record of the
Apocalypse in the reign of Galba (a.d. 68 or 69), we have a length
of time rally sufficient^ The recent investigations of Dr. Paulus,
Hug, and Credner (1841), have made it probable that the Greek
language was very widely spread in Palestine — even James the
brother of the Lord, who never lived out of his £gither-land, wrote
his Epistle in comparatively good Greek. Thus John also may
have had some knowledge of Greek durine his residence at Jeru-
salem. If his banishment took place after nis entrance on his new
sphere of labour in Asia Minor, he would indeed have but little
practice in it ; yet the period of from ten to twenty years after his
return must, on the other hand, have exerted an essential influence.^
The style of the Gospel gives the general impression that the
■ Kritik der evangeliachen GtKhichie des Johannetj p. 400, aq.
^ Johann, Lekrhegriffy p. 22.
' Comp. Dannemann, Wer tat der Vafeuaer der Offenbaruna Johanniaf 1841.
^ See my GlaubwSrdigkeit der evangeluchen Geachickle, 2iuf edit p. 383.
author
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■■■nupv
1848.] Introduction to the Gospel of John. 9
author was not much practised as a. writer, since the structure of
the periods is deficient in an unusual degree. John stands in this
respect far below Paul, yet the reason is to be found less in his
using a language to which he was unaccustomed, than in the dif-
ference of tneir individual temperament ; for dialectic thinking is
completely foreign to John ; his mind appears to be in the highest
degree plain and simple. His discourse throughout uniformly
alternates between the particles St and oSv; it is indeed sur-
}>rising how frequently the latter is used ; thus, in ch. xix., it is
bund in ver. 20, 21, 23, 24 {his), 26, 29, 30, 31, 32, 38, 40, 42.
The simple connection by xai occurs as frequently, iii. 14 ; y. 27 ;
viii. 21, 49 ; xyii. 11. Once we find ItMis ptevroi, xii. 42 ; xairoiye,
iy. 2; /aevtoi alone, yii. 13 [iy. 27 ; xx. 5 ; xxi. 4] ; also jwti — 5i,
•yi. 51 ; yiii. 16, 17 ; xy, 27 ; si — vt)v Se, ix. 41; xviii. 36. Not
less is the uniformil^ in the use of fiskvourite words and phrases, of
which especially the three Epistles furnish instances, to be attri-
buted in great part to his mdiyidual turn of mind — a certain sim-
plicity of mind, in accordance with which all his thoughts rather
roimd a few comprehensiye terms, such as ixapruqiatj ^ witness, ^o^oe,
* glory,' iX^ideia, * truth,' ^o/r, ' light,' tntorofy * darkness,' J«ii
aitf^vfor, ^ eternal life,' /jtivciv, ^ abide ' (see ch. y. 38). Neyertheless
we must believe that John possessed less readiness of language than
is shown in the writings oi Paul, and certainly less than in the
Epistle to the Hebrews. As to verbal improprieties, there are no
examples that famish any difficulty greater than those which are
found in many expressions of Paul ; though it is frequently assumed
that there are, because Eusebius says that John wrote dvraiffTMs
(Hist. Eccl. vii. 44). As to barbarisms, we have to mention,
lyvwxav (xvii. 7), and according to Cod. B. D. L. rtnpwa^
(xvii. 6^ ; also, according to some MSS. f^xwren instead of uy^o^
(xv. 22) ; %ap'n9fitMu instead oi yj^pSi (xvi. 20, 22) ; oOJi^iws (iv.
37 ; vii. 28), if it is taken in the sense otakriHs. As to solecisms,
there are oi/ p^f in a dependent question (xi. 56), and in a direct
auestion (xviii. 11), 7v<x after the demonstrative (xv. 8 ; xvii. 3) ;
^e Hebraic construction (vii. 4, SccX To these we may add
?-TT8 instead of 5re (ch. viiL 39), it with Griesbach we adopt
the former readins. We may cite as good Greek, e. g.y the
formula oi w^p\ Mo^fiffv (xi. 19); the use of the particle vt/v
(xi. 8) ; vpo t^ w>tp£y (xii. 1) ; ^Ttsq (xii. 43) ; SfMios with
the genitive (viii. 55, and in no other passage m the N. T.) ;
'UpoijoXvfMt declined according to the Greek manner, whilst in
the Apocalypse it is *U^<raXiifju, &c. As peculiarities of the
style of John may be' noticed finrther his frequent use of the
pronoun (vi. 71 ; vii. 7 ; ix. 39) ; the demonstrative with tvct
(xv. 8 ; xvii. 3 ; 1 John iv. 17) ; the repetition of the positive
thought
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10 Introduction to the Gospel of John. [ July,
thought in a negative form (i. 23 ; xy. 6 ; 1 John ii. 27 ; 2 John
9) ; the construction with x«i — xal (yi. 36 ; ix. 379&c.); also that
the second member of the sentence extends beyond tiie thought
contained in the first (y. 41, 42 ; ix. 41 ; xiy. 10 ; 2 John i. 3).
One cannot but wish that the characteristics of the language of
the individual writers of the New Testament had been given by
Winer in his New Testament Grammar. LtLcke, too, in his
tliird edition of his Commentary on John has not given any such
account. See in reference to the style of the Gospel, Seyffiirth,
Beitrag zur Specialcharactertstik der johann, Schriften^ Leipz.
1833, and in reference to the language^ Schott, Isagoge in N, 71
p. 160.
The uniform testimony of antiquity declares this Gospel to be
the last written, and many internal marks also testify to the fact. •
It presupposes the ^noptic narrative (see below) — ^it bears the
character of completing that ; it reports the discourses of Jesua
with less verbal accuracy, &c.
IV. Obfect of the Gospel and Plan of carrying it out.
In discussing the question of the object of the Gospel of John,
we must distinguish between the general and the special object.
All who recorded the evangelical history had in view the general
object of spreading and establishing belief in Christ and in his
saving doctrine. With this view Luke prepared his account for
the benefit of Theophilus, as he says in the introduction to his
gospel. John also had this general design, as he himself says,
XX. 31. The question then is, whether beside this we have ground
to suppose that there was a special object. The construction of
this gospel might well lead to such a supposition. It has through-
out a peculiar didactic character, it brings prominently forward a
circle of truths different from thatwhich is exhibited in the syn-
optic gospels, and to this it continually returns. Thus it may
appear, that he was desirous of opposmg some definite foreign
dogmatic tendency. The arrangement also, and the matter of his
history, differ considerably from mose of the other evangelists. This
might lead us to think that his object was to complete their
accounts. A polemico-dogmatic object, besides the general one,
is supposed even by Irenaeus {Adv, Ucer, iii. 12). He says that
John 8 design was to oppose the errors of the Gnostic Cennthus.
lliis statement of the early teacher of the church has been adopted
by many ancient and modem theologians, most of whom, however,
assume a more general polemical design against the Gnostic and
Docetic opinions ; many have thought, moreover, that there is to
be discovered in the gospel a polemical aim against the sect of
the Zabeans, or disciples of John the Baptist. So tiie Socinian
writers
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mmmtmammmm
1848.] Introduction to the Gospel of John. 11
writers Schlichting and Wolzogen ; also Grotius, Herder,™ Over-
beck,° who think Uiat it is directed especially against the Zabeans ;
beside these, Michaelis, Storr, Schmidt, Hug, Kleucker, who sup-
pose a polemical aim against both the Gnostics and the Zabeans.
Some, as Kleucker, and more recently L. Lange,^ think that tliey
Srceive a polemical design against carnal Judaizing Christians,
le latest negative criticism of Liitzelberger comes back to a
polemical aim against tiie disciples of John the Baptist (p. 275),
and that of Schwegler (see § 6), who allows the gospel to have
appeared at the end of the second century, finds in it a connection
with the doctrines of the Gnostics, and likewise with those of the
Ebionites, partly irenical, partiy polemical.
If now the question is, whether expressions occur in the gospel
which may be used in opposing Gnostic, Zabean, or Judaistic er-
rors, no one will deny that this is the case. Yet a definite pole-
mical object on the part of John would not be thereby proved, for
when Christianity is brought forward in its purity, it always of itself
comes into opposition to these errors. Then only would the form
of the gospel oblige us to assume such a definite polemical object,
when its peculiar didactic character could not be explained except
from definite considerations of this kind, founded on history. This,
however, is not the case. As to the opinion of Irenseus, it is known,
that the teachers of the church in their contests with heretics were
easily led to represent even the aposties as being definite oppo-
nents of heresies. Irenseus, in tne passage referred to, assumes,
that John intended to oppose also the errors of tiie Nicolaitans,
which yet certainly is not the case ; and besides, Irenseus might
easily, witiiout being led by any historical facts, arrive at the con-
clusion, that it was the dennite design of the evangelist to come
forward polemically against the Gnostics, simply on this account,
that many expressions of John are capable of being used against
them. To this may be added, that those passages which are taken
as having a polemical aspect against Cerinthus (o Xoyos a-aq^ syivsro,
^ the word became flesh,' p) and those which are looked upon as
opposing the disciples of John the Baptist (John i. 8 ; iii. 28, seq.)
do not accurately fulfil their polemical object, as Dr. Paulus has
shown ; ^ and farther, that Cennthus might have made use of some
passages in John in his own favour (p. 112). Moreover, this po-
lemical aim cannot be shown to run tiurough the whole gospel.
Under these circumstances we cannot admit, that John in writing
» ErUui. zum iV. T. aus einer netterifffh. morgenL Quelle, p. 11.
> I^eue Vers, iib. d, Eo. Joh.
^ Beitrage zur aUesten Kirchena.
P See Storr, Ueber den Zweck dee Ev, Joh. $ 43, eq.
1 Inirod, in N, T. capita selecta, J&am, 1799.
bis
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12 Introduction to the Gospel of John. [Julyt
his gospel had a definite polemico-dogmalic object in view, much
less that this was his chief object. It is however quite probable
that here and there (xix. 34, 35), and especially in the prolome,
he incidentaUy took notice of erroneous opinions and doubts wnic^
were already current at that time.' Such an occasional I'^^gard to
the circumstances of his time belonss to every writer. Tim ap-
pears more in the first Epistle of the Apostle than in his gospel, and
on this point Liicke forms a very correct opinion in his mtroduction
to the first Epistle of John.
If there exists no polemical object running through the whole,
it may be inquired, whether John had the design of placing his
gospel in a definite relation to the other gospels. Did he aim to
S've a more spiritual representation of the te^u^ng and the life of
e Redeemer ? This thought readily occurs to any one who is
attracted by the wonderfully sublime simplici^, and the heavenly
mildness which pervades tne whole composition, as well as the
many express references to the higher nature of Christ The
Alexandrians, who in general assumed a twofold spiritual stand-
point for Christians, gave utterance to this thought Clement, in
a fragment of his lost vroru^cua-sisy preserved by Eusebius ' says :
Tov /bicSroi *Icjaiyynv %oyjxTO¥ ai/viScSyra, on ra ffcJ/jt^artKa h rois tvay^
ysKtois ieSiiXafrctty Tr^rpavivra vvo ro/y yycjplfjLOfy, ^vc^/xan dso^^«
Oivratj wvBvfjLariKov woirt^ai evayyiXiovj ' that John, the latest, per-
ceiving that that which was carnal had been set forth in the Gos-
pels, bein^ ureed by those who were acquainted with him, and
oeing inspired by the Spirit, wrote a spiritual gospel.' In a simi-
lar way Liicke has viewed the three first gospels as proceeding
from tne stand-point of faith (vions), that ofJonn from the stand-
point of knowledge {yywtns)} Again, as John for the most part
relates such speeches and miracles of Christ as the other Evange-
lists do not mention ; many, both ancient and modem writers, as-
sume that it was his intention in general, to complete the earlier
gospels, but especially to supply what was wanting in their repre-
sentation of the Divine in Cnrist (rj}> deoXo^/av). Thus Eusebius,^
and thus also Theodore of Mopsuestia,' who says, ^ But the faith-
ful in Asia, judging that the blessed John was more worthy of
r Thns Rettberg, An Jesua in exhibendaj &c., p. 9.
• Hist. EccL vi. 14, < Lucke, Conm. l8t edit pt. 1, p. 160, aq.
■ Hist. EccL iii. 24.
' Catena in Eo» Joh. ed. Corder. Ant^r. 1630, &AA' ol ircpl r^v 'Atricty Tiarot
i^imrurrSr^pop r&p \oiT&y cir r^if rov f^oyycXfov fioprvplav *ludyyriv Kpivvan^s cfnu
rhv fuuiipiov^ 7rpoa4\vrfKW fikv oJn^ rhs filfiKovs, yatBuv livriva frtpl cUnSv fx*< "^^^
96^ay Ttu>* ainov fiov?<j&fif¥ou 'O 8^ 4'r]fy€<T€ iiky t^s dKrfi^tat rovs ytyfmp6rast l^i}<r«
8^ fipax*a fi^r ainois «-apa\cXct!^ai, Koi r&y fjuAXiara dyayKOMP Xcx^foi Bavfidrttv rk
McuTKaKucii iinufra fUKpov, Efra kciI Sctv 4^kutk^ rovs ircpl r^s iv <rapKi Topowrlat
TOV Xpurrov 9w\€yofi4povs fofih rovs wtpH rijs B^^rriros \6yovs Tapa\iT€o>, ic. r. A..
trust
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1848.] Introduction to the Gospel of John. 13
trust than others, as to the testimony of the Gospel, brought to him
their books, wishing to learn from him what was his opinion about
them. And he commended those, who had written for their truth,
but said that a few things had been passed over by them, and
almost aU instruction as to the wonders that were most necessary
to be read. Then also he said that it was needful that there should
be those who told of the appearing of Christ in the flesh, but that
the doctrines of his Diyinitv ought not to be passed by,' etc. Je-
rome ' also speaks of the historical design of writing a supplement
to the other evangelists. Similarly Storr, Huff, Teilmoser. A
conscious contrast between the fourth gospel as oeing more spiri-
tual, and the Synoptic Gospels, certainly belongs only to later
times, which look upon the character of the di^rent documents
fipom their own point of view. What Herder says ■ would probably
express the view of the apostle himself — ' It may be called a Gos-
Sel of the Spirit — ^be it so, but the other Gospels are not of the
esh, they also contain living words of Christ, and are built on the
same foundation of faith.' The design also of completing the three
gospels, which were already in existence, cannot in this definite
manner be received. Tliat this cannot have been the chief end is
shown by the uniformity of its character: *This ^i^ospel is not
nmply a piece of patchwork,' says Hase ; nor can it even be re-
garded as a definite secondary object always before the mind of
tne evangelist Opposed to this view are the following circum-
stances, that so much is related in the fourth Gospel, which is
found also in the three first : that not a few at least apparent dis-
crepandes ap])ear which would have to be reconciled ; tnat, on the
other hand, discrepandes of the synoptic Gospels themselves are
not removed ; that we mi^t certainly have expected that this ob-
ject should have been mentioned in ch. xx. 30 ; and finally, that
whoever maintains strictly, that this is the object, is compelled to
think of an editorial arrangement of a more modem kind. More-
over, the churches at that time were certainly aoquunted with the
history of our Lord, less firom the three written evangelical records
than firom ora] tradition. Nevertheless, some truth lies at the
foundation of this view. If John imparted much in his instruction
which went beyond the circle of ordinary oral tradition, and there-
fore also bevond the synoptic Gospels that flowed from that source,
one cannot but think that he awakened amongst his friends the de-
sire of possessing also a history of the Lord according to hig repre-
sentation. If he yielded to this desire his gospel must of itself
acquire a supplemental charluster, and only in tnis way can it be
y Catal. de vir. illutt, c. 9.
■ Vom Gotteuohn nach JohoMneM, p. 34.
explained
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14 Introduetum to the Gospel of John. [ July,
explained that many important matters of tact are paased over,
such as the baptism of Jesus by John, the aocomit of the tempta-
tion, and of the transfiguration, die institution of the Lord's sup-
per, the agony in Gewsemane ; that his readers were acquainted
with the circle of ordinary tradition is plainly presupposed (ch. iii.
34 ; xi. 2 ; also i. 32 ; to these we may add xiii. 27 ; xriii. 2, where
the agreement of Judas with the council is presupposed ; xviiL 19,
where the chief point in the examination before Caiaphas is passed
over ; xix. 7 ; xxL 15).* That he has nevertheless commumcated
larger sections, such as the history of the passion and resurrecticm,
is not at all surprising, since without these no Gospel could be
written, and besides J^m is in these sections peculiar ; moreoyer,
ch. yi. 1-21, and xii. 1 are the only passages which a^ree with the
synoptic Gospels. The historical section, ch. yi., is connected
with the discourse that follows, although it may haye been given
on account also of the miracle ; the narrative, ch. xii., 1, sq., might
be given because of its furnishing a trait in the character of J u-
das, whose black deed John is anxious to represent ^^Y* This
view of the ori^n of the gospel, natural as it is in itself, is also
confirmed by ecclesiastical tradition ; the account siven above from
Clement is indeed by himself referred to the traidition of earlier
elders {avkna^ev ^psfffiurBpoi). The expression of the apostie him-
self (ch. xxi. 30, 31) serves at least to show that he made a selec-
tion out of the mass of materials before him with a definite object ;
what that object was, he does not say.
Since he has formed a selection, tne question is, whether he in-
tended simply to supply other matter, or whether this additional
matter is itself placed in a definite point of view. Earlier times
have scarcely at all reflected on the literary character of the Gos«
pels ; recent criticism, especially the school of Dr. Baur and his
followers, have carried this tendency to the extreme. Since
Strauss, critics find in this Gospel especially, which they consider
to be pseudonymous, the most conscious intention throughout,
definite schemes and categories according to which the discourses
and histories are presented, the following out of a definite object
even in the most insignificant details, llie result of this is natural
— ^in proportion as conscious design is assumed on the part of the
pseudonymous writer, in that same proportion there is less of his-
torical truth. Bruno Bauer, above all, proceeds arbitrarily and
unreasonably. When one comes back from the study of this latest
critic one fears to read the Evangelist with a clouded eye, ^ as
Liicke says (Comm.i.'p, 183), * ton^e him more fiiU of meaning
than he really is.' This criticism has directed attention especially
- See Hug's EinleUung, ii. § 53.
to
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^TJ^^^^ J J i . 'i i ' ^
1848.] Introducticn to the Gospel of John. 15
to the fact that this Eyangelist has made it his business to repre-
sent Jesus goinff forth into conflict with the Jewish rulers. Since
this has been brought into view, those who acknowledge the
genuineness of John have also gained a new insight into the com-
position of the Gospel as Liicke in his third edition (compare De
Wette), We might even say that the theme whiA this Gospel
pursues from its very beginning is, the eternal cov^ict between the
divine light and the corruption of man^ represented in the opposition
of the hostile Jewish party to the manifestation of the Son of Gody
and carried onward to the triumph of the light. As the opening
strain of a musical composition expresses the idea which runs
throughout it, so does the prologue of the Gospel express this
theme, inasmuch as it tells of the opposition of the world to the
Logos not yet become flesh ; and as the theme of the Epistle to
the Romans lies in ch. i. 17, so the thought which runs through
the Gospel of John is contained in ch. i. 11 — 13. Two principal
sections are clearly discoyerable. The first extends to ch. xii. It
comprehends the public ministry of Jesus, and concludes with a
risum^ of the same (xii. 44—50). Preparation is made for the
second section which contains the history of the passion and resur-
rection of Jesus, by his discourse in ch. xii. 23 — 32. The ground-
thought of this discourse is, the humiliation is necessary, since only
thus can the exaltation follow. The history of the passion com-
mences with ch. xiii., and even at the beginning, ver. 3, it points
the disciples to the final glory. The exclamation of Thomas,
' My Lord and my God,' the highest acknowledgment of the risen
Saviour, closes the second part, and, by means of the words
^ Happy are they who see not and yet believe,' forms the connect-
ing Imk with the conclusion, * This is written that ye may believe
that Jesus is the Son of God.' In the first part the gradual rise
of the opposition of the Jewish rulers is set forth up to the deci-
sive act of the raising of Lazarus and the open outbreak of their
hatred which followed it. This account closes with the official
determination of Caiaphas, ch. xi. 50, and this decree is an invo-
luntary prediction of the meaning of the death of Christ. Former
writers have remarked the practical religion {den religi&sen Prog--
matismus) of the Gospel^ how John throughout looks at the divine
arrangement and sometimes refers to the now delaying, now hur-
rying course of Providence (vii. 30, viii. 20, xiii. 1). According
to our view of the plan of the work these intimations appear not
simply as incidental expressions of relieious feeling, but as serving
the purpose which the writer had in view. Nevertheless it is our
distinct conviction that the history has presented itself to the mind
of the Evangelist according to this plan in writing it down, and
not from previous reflection. Had such a plan previously stood
before
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16 Introduction to the Gospel of John. [July,
before the mind of the Apoetle as a dbtinct scheme, would it not
have been expressed in the concluding formula, ch. xx. 31, when
the Evangelist had arrived at the termination of his history ?
V. Contents and form of the Oospel of John in relation to the three
first Gospels.
In its contents and form this Gospel is throughout peculiar, and
in this peculiarity there is a charm and a power of attraction, in
consequence of which it has not only been preferred to the other
Gospels, but by many has been placed above all the other books
of the Bible. All the leaders otthe Church are full of its praise.
Chrysostom writes thus : *If those who are spectators of the ath-
letes and those who are both spectators and hearers of rhetoricians
and flute-players sit with such readiness, how much eagerness and
readiness ought ye to aflbrd us, when it is not some flute-placer
or sophist who now comes into the arena, but a man speakmg
from heaven and uttering a voice louder than thunder, for he
occupies and seizes the whole world and fills it with his cry, not
by shouting aloud but by moving his tongue with divine grace.
And this liiily is wonderful, that though the cry is so great it is
not at all harsh or unpleasing, but sweeter than any harmony of
music, and more to be desired and more soothing : and in addition
to all this, it is most holy and most awful, full of such secrets, and
bringing such blessings as that those who receive and keep them
with diligence and readiness cannot longer be men nor continue
on the earth, but are raised above all the things of this life, and
changing their condition to that of angels they live on the earth
as thougn they lived in heaven.'*' In l^e manner Augustin says :
< In the four Gospels or rather in the four books of the one Gospel,
the holy apostle John, compared not imsuitably in respect to
spiritual understanding to an eagle, has elevated nis preacning to
a loftier and more sublime height than the other three, and in his
elevation he desires to raise our hearts also. For the other three
Evangelists, as though they were walking with the Lord as a
^ E2 8^ ^opuc&y aJbXrrriKoiy re ical iSKrrruc&v iyBp&Pj r&p fih^ Oearalt t&v 9h 6fiov
$€UfniT(d Kcd dKpoarai fierii rwrabrris ttiBtirrai r^s irpoBvfJilaSt ir6(nfw rifuv Koi <nrov6iip
iro) 7rpo$vfjdt» &y «li^c ilicmoi wtpaax^tVt oIk alfXrirucoO rivos, oM cn^orucoO yv¥ th
dy&ya KCiBihnoty <iXA' Mfi6s iiwh r&v ovpatmv ^Srfyofitwov, Ktd 0pornts XofiMporipoM
hipiiirros ^y4pf\ Totray yiip tIiv otKovfidimiy hreax^ ko) Kori?<u$€, Koi ip4ir\7iiT€ rf fioff,
ot r^ fUya hfOKporyuift d\kk r^ fierk r^s 0€ias x^*^^^ Ktyrjo'tu liir yX&rrcof. koI t^
8^ 0av/tfurT^y, tri otr^ fityd\7i ohra ^ fioh ohx t^ari rpax^td ris, oM dffiiiSf dXXh
wdtnis ftawrtic^f apftaifUa ifittty Ktd ToB^wvripa ical BiXfyu hrurrafikvti TXiotr icol vp^t
robots BfroKTip ayutrdTti koL ^iKu^fffrdrth koI roao^w y4fi<nHra Atrofifirrwyt Ktd
rocaSra KOfii(owra dyctSdj h ro^t /a«t^ dxpifi^Uts iroi TpoOvfilas \afi6yras Ktd 8xa^v\(£r-
rorras oIk tvi Xoirrhy dyOpAwovs cTvcu, ovU^ M r^f yijs fi^i^ty, «UA' dy«n4pw ToyroMf
IotcCmu t&v fiurrtKuv, ko) vpht r^y dyy^KiK^iv fuOapfioa-afiiyovs Kij^iy, KoBdntp r^
obpeiy6y, oSrof r^ y^y olvciy.— ChrysoBtom Proosm. in Homm. in JoK
man
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1848.] Introduction to the Gospel of John. 17
man on the earth, have said little about bis diyinity ; but he, as if
it grieved him to walk on the earth, has, by his utterance at the
very beginning of his discourse, raised himself not only above the
earth and all uie circle of the air and sky, but also above all the
host of angels and the whole constitution of invisible powers, and
has come to him by whom all things were made saying. In the be*
ginning was the word, &c. The rest of his preaching was in
accordance with the sublimity of such a beginning, and he has
spoken of the divinitv of the Lord as no one else has. This he
Sve forth as he had drunk it in. For it is not without reason
it it is related of him in this same gospel that at supper he
leaned upon the breast of the Lord. From that breast he drank
in secret, and what he drank in secret he gave forth open1y.'<^
And Origen savs — ^ We are bold to say, tlierefore, that of all the
Scriptures the Gospels are the chief, and that of the Gospels that
according to John is chief, whose spirit no one could have received
who had not leaned upon the breast of Jesus .... and such
must he become who will be another John, just as John appeared
to be Jesus from Jesus.'^ (Origen means that the interpreter
must so enter into the spirit of John that John filled witn the
spirit of Jesus should appear as another Jesus.) The pious £r^
nesti called this Gospel the Heart of Christ, Herder exclaims
^ The hand of an angel has written it/
This impression is as much the result of the form which the
writer has adopted as of the contents. As regards the contents
they are more free from special Judaic references than is the case
with the other Gospels, and they appeal in a more lively manner
to the feelings than the teaching of the synoptic Gospels does,
which is directed to action ; the superhuman in Christ, the neces-
sity of faith in him, the new birth, the mystical union of believers
<> In qnatnor eraogeliis "tea potios in quatuor libris nnius evangelii sanctos
Johannes ajpostolus, non immerito secondom intelligentiam spiritalem aqnilie com*
paratDS, altms maltoque snblimins aliis tribos erexit pnedictionem soam, et in ejoa
erectione etiam oorda nostra erigi voloit. Nam csteri tree evangelists tanquam
com homine domino in terra ambnlabaot, de diyinitate ejus panca dizemnt, ipsum
antem qoasi pignerit in terra ambulare, sicut ipso exordio sni sermonis intonuit,
erexit se non solum sup^ terrtun et saper omnem ambitnm aeris et cceli, sed super
omnem etiam exercitnm angelomm, omnemque constitutionem invisibilinm i>otesta-
tom, et pervenit ad enm, per quem facta sunt omnia, dicendo: In principio erat
verbum, etc Huic tantSB sublimitati principii etiam cstera congrua prsdicaTit, et
de Domini divinitate quomodo nnllus alius est locutus. Hoc ructabat, quod biberat.
Non enim sine causa de isto in illo ipso erangelio narratur, quia et in couTivio super
pectus Domini discumbebat De illo ergo pectore in secreto bibebat, sed quod in
secreto bibit, in manifesto eructaTit — Augustinus, Tract, 36 in Jok,
* rakfirtrdov roiwy c{rc7y chrapx^r fihp TcuritP ypwpSnf cTyvu rh ^borffiXia, r&v hh
tlnryytXlmp iarapx^if rb Kwrk ^Utdivrpr oS rhv vow o^Sch Hpvrok hafiup fi,^ kmarwitw
M rh orrfios 'Iijo-ou koI TiikucavTov Zik ycycVOcu 8<i rhp M/upoy &\}iav*ltidtnrnVi
AoTff 4^w€l rhy ^Imimniy 8cix^>w ^vra *Ii|d^ovy kffh *Ii}(rov. — Origen. Cdmjr. p. 6, ed,
Hoet.
VOL. II. — NO. III. c with
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18 Introduction to the Gospd of John. ['^7*
with him and with each other, the duty and the privilege of love,
these are the principal themcB of John's teaching ; and to these
many of the matters of fact related by him and peculiar to his
Gospel correspond ; the condescending, seeking love of Jesus, the
tender human relation in which he st<x>d to John ; his severe and
at the same time forbearing treatment of the betrayer, his super-
human knowledge, his majesty amidst his sufferings, the stubborn
disbelief of the world are set before us. The peculiar character
of John's mind which is clearly imprinted on ois language has
given to these contents a form which in the highest degree speaks
to the feelings. The noble simplicity of his style on the one nand,
on the other its indistinctness and mysterious obscurity, the tone
of sadness and of ardent desire with the feeling of love everywhere
apparent, impart to the Gospel a charm and an original individu-
ality to which out of the writings of John we can find no parallel.
To this we must add the plastic power of conception which is
shown in the narrative ; it points out with great exactness the
locality, i. 28, iv. 5, v. 2, ri. 59, x. 23 ; the time, iv. 6, v. 9, vi. 4,
vii. 2 ; personal circumstances, xi. 5, xii. 29, xriii. 10, vii. 25 ;
manners, ii. 6, iv. 9, xviii. 39, xix. 31 ; behariour and feelines,
xviii. 6, 8, xi. 35, 38. Further the circumstance that more of uie
discourses of CThrist are communicated than of his external actions,
and that the disciple not only has the history of the Lord before
his mind, but (as it were) takes his position in it and during its
transaction, and that, as is the nature of every work of art, he
reproduces it from a noble subjectivitjr, and accompanies it with
his own remarks (ii. 21, iii. 16, 31, vi. 64, vii. 39, x. 6, xii. 33,
35—50, xix. 35 — ^xx. 30, 31), — all this contributes to give to his
representation an extremely animated and animating character
beyond that of the other Evangelists. The impression made by
the first mentioned peculiarities is expressed in a very striking
manner by Claudius :• ' I read St. John with the greatest delight ;
in him there is something so completely wonderml— twilight and
night, and through them the quick flashing lightninj;! a soft
evening cloud and behind the cloud the large mil moon in reality !
— something so sorrowful, so sublime,^ so full of presentiment,
that one cannot be satiated with it. It is to me always in reading
John as though I saw him before me at the last supper l]^ng on
the breast of his Master, as though his angel were holding the
light to me, and at certain passages would fall on my neck and
say something in my ear. I am fisir from understanding all that
I read, but yet it is often as though what John meant were floating
before me in the distance, and even when I look into a passage
• Wandabecker Bote, pt i. p. 9.
which
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which is altogether dark, I have yet the impression that there is in
it a grand noble sense which one day I shall understand, and
therefore I seize so eagerly on every new exposition of the Gospel
of John. True, the greater part of them only curl the evenmg
cloud, and the moon behind it is left at rest What Hamann
says of him who from the tender gentle disciple of love himself
learned thus to describe him, is equally descriptive of the Gospel
of the disciple o£ love, — ' A Hght etiiereal essence which floats in
the air even when the strings have ceased to vibrate, and which
fills the heart with gentle sadness, rests upon thy harp I'
Precisely these peculiarities of the Gospel, botii in substance and
form thus celebrated by the most exalted minds of all ages, have
nevertheless in recent times afforded the principal point of attack
on its genuineness and credibility. In proportion as the fourth
Gospel deviates from the type of the nrst three, as its histories
and discourses are different both in form and substance, might
doubts the more easily arise, first, as to its credibility and then as
to its genuineness. Even thouffh the latter is left undiq>uted, the
former may be put in peril. If we reflect, for instance, in the first
place, on tne subjectivity which is so strongly iioprinted on this
narrative of the life of Christ, both as regardfs the composition of
the work and the arrangement of the matter in general, and in
particular as regards the manner of relating the discourses — ^if we
consider the late period at which it was committed to writing-*
more than forty years after the events — ^if we remember that this
John, when Paul met him in Jerusalem (Gal. ii. 9) stood forth as
a Judaist, whilst the Gospel takes a thoroughly free stand-point —
if we take into consideration the close affinity as to diction between
the Epistles of John and the discourses of Christ as given in the
Grospel — ^that there is even an appearance of John's having put his
own words into the mouth of the Baptist (ch. i. 16 ; iii. 31), may
not the thought occur that, if John is to be regarded as the author,
his Gospel is in great part a free product of imagination drawn
ftom a later period of life, when the recollection of events that had
happened, and discourses that had been heard more than forty
years before, had fiided away ; and instead there had arisen in
the mind of the disciple a freer and more ideal manner of viewing
the subject, in consequence of his intercourse with Asia Minor,
where Hellenistic and Gnostic influences prevailed? Recently,
Schweizer' has instituted an examination into those events of
which we may suppose the Apostle to have been an eye and ear
witness, and those at which he could not have been present, but
must have received his information through the medium of others ;
' Dtu Eo, Joh. aaeh mnem itmem Werthe und nach 9einer BtdmUung krUxMch
wUenuchty p. S39, §q.
c 2 such
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20 Introduction to the Gospel of John. [ July*
such as the discourse with Nicodemus and that with the Samaritan
woman, the scene in the Sanhedrim, the examination before Pilate,
&c., and this examination leads also to relative uncertainty as to
the details. What may still remain as historical after all these
deductions is the amount to which, in consequence of the attacks
of Strauss and Weisse, the authentic part of the Gospel is reduced
according to De Wette's view. And even this remainder is
brought mto question by those who think that they are justified in
rejecting the authenticity of the book ; indeed, the enthusiastic
decision of former centuries on the contents and form regarded as
a matter of taste has turned to the opposite side. The period of
enlightenment at the beginning of this century has ^ven the fol-
lowing judgment :» — * Our Gospel is adapted to the mfirmities of
those on whom the philosophical spirit had not been poured out. It
is of little' use to the Christians of our time !' Bretschneider has
sought to show in his ProbaJnlia the inferiority of the discourses
of Christ in the fourtii Gospel as compared witii those in the other
three. In this treatise complaint is made of the/ loquadty ' with
which Christ speaks respectmg the dimity of his own person ; of
the ' obscurity of the words and artificial ambiguity ;' of the ' con-
stant repetition of the same thin^ ;' of ^ a kind of sublimity foreign
to the feelings of men and frigid, repelling rather than attracting
the mind ;* ^ and, on the other hand, great praise is awarded to the
practical richness and nervousness of expression of the first evan-
gelists. The latest criticism since the time of Strauss has adopted
this iudgment — ^it has even been carried so far, that in some articles
in the Literary Journal of Halle * the representation of Christ
given by John is charged with being that of an unworthy, boastful
Thaumaturgus, which can furnish no moral ideal. It is asserted
that there is one and the same manner according to which the
histories and dialogues of Jesus are constructed by John, one and
the same tone pervading the whole, want of understanding on the
part of the hearers, the statement of sublime trutiis which lie
beyond tiie circle of vision of the parties speaking, the long and
tautological spinning out of single thoughts, altogether furnishing
a proof of the unhistorical character of the events as well as of the
discourses. We shall speak first of the everUSj then of the dis-
courses.
When such dialogues as that with Nicodemus and that with the
Samaritan woman have been pointed out as wanting the internal
« Vog«l, Joh. und seine Ausleger vor demji/nggten Gericht, Pt 1, p. 26.
*> Probabilia, ch. i. § 8. — * loquacitas— obscuritas ▼erbornm et artifidosa ambi-
guitas, — ^molta eanindem remm repetitio,— sablimitas ista a hamaiiis sensibus
alieua et frisida, animamqae magis abigens quam alliciens.'
' Hallischen LiiUraturzeitungy 1841, No6. 15, 16.
marks
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1848.] Introduciian to the Gospel of John. 21
marks of truth, it has, in the first place, arisen from exegetical
views which cannot be conceded, as though it were to be insisted
on — ^in particular this is the case with Bauer and Schwesler — that
according to the representation of John, Nicodemus really under--
stood the words of Jesus respecting the new birth in a physical and
proper sense— and the same in the other case. The true inter-
pretation of such sections will evince that thev contain the internal
marks of historical credibility. It is true John was not present at
these transactions, but did not Nicodemus after his converaon join
himself to the Apostles ? And as to the discourse with the woman
of Samaria, did not she herself, according to ch. iv. 39, tell to her
own countrymen what Jesus had said to her ? Jesus also with his
disciples remained two days at that place, so that even if Jesus did
not nimself make any communication to his disciples as to this
discourse, there was sufficient opportunity of becommg acquainted
with it That there is no ground for the assertion that a definite
manner runs through all the dialogues given by John has been
shown by Schweizer> That it was possible for tne matter to be
imprinted on the memory no proof is necessary as regards the
events; one cannot doubt that it would be so, according to the
ordinary course of things. In proof that they would in fact be
retained with great fidelity, we may appeal to the great concep-
tivity of our Evangelist. It cannot indeed be denied that what
Gibbon said of the Atiianasian creed, that ' it was rhetoric con-
strued into logic,' holds good of innumerable apologies for Chris-
tianity. It is, however, on the other hand, no more than a
rhetorical artifice on the part of Strauss'^ to attempt to meet
Heydenreich'a assertion that the indimdualization of the Gospel
history sufficiently proves its unmythical character, by saying that
in the same writer a couple of pases further on we stumble on an
ar^ment contradicting mis, namely, that in fei^ed legends every-
thmg is more detailed and more ornate. Certainly both assertions
are quite true ; and it is clear that his opponent sets these two
truths to drive each other mutually out of tne field only because
he did not feel himself strong enough to enter into conflict with
them. In the myth formed unconsciously and involuntarily from
tradition, we shall not as a general rule find indimdtializaJtion^
whilst, on the contrary, in proportion as reflection works upon
tradition designedly, individimlizatian will be found, though m a
manner premeditated^ and therefore untrue. Has it not, on the
one hand, been attempted to prove the mythic character of the
feeding of the six thousand as well as of Jesus walking on the sea
from this, that the conceptivity of matter of fact is wanting?
^ Ubi supra, p. 90, sq. "■ Leben Jesu, pt i. p. 60, 1st edit
And
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22 Introduction to ths Gotpd of John. [ Julyi
And who knows not, on the other hand, that the legends of the
Apocryphal Gospels hare a character of intentional individual!-
£ation ? Has it not, on the one hand, been brought forward as an
argument against the Pauline origin of llie Epistle to the Hebrews
that it wants individual references, and, on tne other, has not the
individual reference in 2 Pet. i. 17, 18, been brou^t forward as
an ar^ment against the genuineness of tins Epistle on account of
its bemg ' evidently intentional ? ' It may certainly be required
that we should eive the marks by which such intentional indi-
vidualizing mav be distinguished from that whidi is natural and
really historical. This demand we shall be in a condition to satisfy
up to a certain point ; but even supposing that we could not, this
would embairass us just as little as it would a painter, who, with-
out being able to give definite rules for his judgment, nevertheless
distinguishes with certain tact which is a portrait^ which a itudy^
and which an ideal picture. And we confidentlv dare to assert
that the student of history will acknowledge in John not an ideal
seized by the fancy, but a portrait drawn from the original.
The difficulties as to the discourses are greater. It is certainly
true that the discourses of the Redeemer as given by John have a
kind of indefiniteness and indistinctness^ and therefore are less easy
to be retained in the memory, so that if it would have been in
itself a difficult thing to imprint these discourses verbally on the
memory, this difficulty amounts almost to impossibility wnen one
thinks of the long intervening period. To this there is added the
difference in substance of the discourses in the other Gospels— the
diversity in form, inasmuch as here thoughts connected together,
and uttered in an indistinct manner are presented to us, there
parables and pointed sentences — further the similaritv between the
thoughts and language of John in his Epistles and the discourses
of Jesus in his Grospel, and particularly the circumstance that, as
is asserted, the Evangelist even makes the Baptist speak in his own
manner. All this seems to endai^er the certainty of these dis-
courses in the highest degree. Let us neverflieless weigh these
diflerent charges separately.
The last mentioned circumstance Strauss himself has declared
to be of ^ the highest moment in the matter ' (3rd edit. i. p. 713).
There are three passages where the Evangelist has apparently
attributed his owx. vn)rds either to the Baptist or to Jesus, ch. i.
16, seq. ; iii. 16, seq. ; iii. 31, seq.
We begin with ch. i. 16, seq. I think it will be admitted that
if the author of the fourth Gospel had with design fisilsely attri-
buted these words to the Baptist, he could not truly be considered
a man of talent, which yet nis opponents consider him. The ex-
pression, ' of Lis fulness have we all received,' points out too plainly
a member
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1848.] Iniroduetian to the Gospel of John, 23
a member of the Christian community, whilst in the month of the
Baptist it would be wholly incomprehensible. It cannot, however,
be overlooked that the 16th verse b not at all connected with the
15th, but with the last words of the 14th, mX-i^s xdpiros x^i
dkn^sMfj * full of ffrace and truth/ The historical account of the
testimony of the mptist follows in ver. 30 ; here his testimony is
introduced, just as ver. 7 is, only to strengthen the £vangeli8t's
own declaration ; and we must bear in mind that the word of the
Baptist was of double weight to him in consequence of his havinjg
been one of his disciples. The phrase, U row wXiv^oipuiTOf, ' of h£
fulness,' clearly appears to be the connecting link with wX^^r
XApiTof xai dkfidwty * full of grace and truth,' and to these words
agtun tile expression 4 x^€'^ *'^ ^ oXfi^sia, * grace and truth,' in
the 17th verse refers.
Thus we have here an indubitable proof that the Evangelist,
without distinctly marking the transition, passes from the lan-
guage of another to his own. Let us now turn to ch. iiL 16-21.
That Jesus himself could not have uttered these words can be
maintained with confidence only by those who have already laid
down theprinciple that he did not in general speak as John repre-
sents. We admit, however, that in these words the manner of
the Evangelist appears more than in other discourses of Jesus.
But what objection could be brought against the sunposition, that
the Evangelist, from ver. 16, designedly expanded tne thought of
the Redeemer, which he had just recoiled ? The example from
the first chapter has given us a proof that he does not strictly
mark the transitions ot the discourse. The first Epistle of John
testifies throughout that it was precisely one of his peculiarities,
not accurately to indicate the transitions of thought. Need
we, however, here appeal to Ae peculiarities of the Evangelist?
Would not every preacher amon^ ourselves, in a similar wav,
connect with a text of Scripture nis own expansion of it ? ° If^
however, a definite example is required, it is presented in Gal. ii.
14. After Paul has quoted, in a direct form, what he had said
to Peter at Antioch, without marking the transition, he blends
this discourse, from ver. 15 and onwardB, with what he himself has
to say to the Galatians. Indeed, every one may here and there
find similar examples. One has occurred to me in Jerome, who
III! ■ .■■■I ■■ ^.^■^■^ I 1 —— ^iMi — 1— — — — — ^-aii I ■ .1 II
• Asainst this •rgunent it ii oljected by Bauer (Kritik df Jok, p. 105. See
also what Strauis says in reply to the example dted from Jerome, i. p^ 709, 2iid edit)
that there is a difference between the two cases, inasmuch as the preacher has before
him the utterance of another wlri<^ is capable of bein^ known, and which is
distmetly ended. Oertainly : yet these utterances are more or less known. If the
oritie says that a writer mMhi not to connect anything of his own with a passage
from another whi<^ can be little known, and the ending of which is indistinct, that
may be a good rule of style ; but has John never violatM any rule of style ?
says
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24 Introduction to the Gospel of John. [July,
says : ^ ^ Clement, an apostolic man, writes to the Corinthians
thus : the sceptre of God, the Lord Jesus Christ, came not with
the boasting of pride, though he had all power, but in humility,
insomuch that being struck by the servant of the hish priest, he
answered. If I have spoken evil, bear witness of me evil,' &c.
If we were not in possession of the epistle of Clemens Romanus,
we should resard the whole of this passage as his, as, indeed,
Mardanay did ; but we learn from the text of the apostolic father,
that beginning with the words in tantum, ^insomuch,' Jerome
has annexed a reflection of his own. Add to this, that plainly
John is accustomed to annex his own reflections to our Lord s
discourses. As in ch. xii. 44-50, he briefly recapitulates the sub-
stance of Christ's discoiu-se, may he not, when the opportunity
offered, have annexed to an expression of Christ himself, in the
third person, a statement of this fundamental doctrine ?
We now come to the third passage, ch. iii. 31-36. That the
Baptist himself uttered these words is very improbable. But that
the Evangelist wished that they should be Uiought to be part of the
discourse of the Baptist is at least as inadmissible. Let this be
first of all considered. In order substantially to refute the opinion
that the Evangelist has annexed his own reflections, one must be
in a condition to show that there are mingled up with the words of
tlte Baptist sentences which as evidently belong to the Evangelist,
as verses 31 and 36 appear to do. But now the contrary is
clearly the case. That the passage, ver. 27-30, corresponds
throughout with the character of the Baptist, there can be no
dispute ; at least the Evangelist John agrees here with the synoptic
Gospels, Matt iii. 11-14. Great stress is laid on the parabolical
element bein'^g so foreign to the author of the fourth Gospel ; in
these few words of the Baptist, however, we have a gnome, ver.
27, and a parabolical sentence, ver. 29. Verse 30 also is ex-
pressed in the sententious manner of the Old Testament, not at
all spoken in the style of the Evangelist. As, in the first chapter,
after a sublime saying of the Baptist, which was connected with
Ids own preceding statements, the Evangelist could immediately
proceed with his own discourse, who can take ofience at his here
making the words of his former beloved teacher, IxcTvov $er
av^aimvy ^/:a6 $e kXarrov^^ai, ^ he must increase, but I must de-
crease;' the starting point for his yet again setting forth the
exaltation of Christ. In the first chapter, after mentioning the
Baptist, he had added, ver. 8, oi/x ^v exsTvof to ^Sfs, oXX* Iva i^aprv^
o Comm, in laai, liii. ed. Vallanii, p. 612 : — * Clemens vir apostolicas scribit ad
Corinthios : sceptnim Dei, dornimu Jesus Ghristus non venit in jaetantia snperbiiE,
quum posset omnia, sed in humilitate, in tanUtm, ut Yerberatus a miuistro saoerdotia
respondent : Si male locatas sum, argue de peccato,' &c.
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1848.] Introducticn to the Gospel of John. 25
w^ql rov pctfTos^ 'he was not the light, but that he might
ear witness of the light' In accordance with this cautionary
remark, he says here, ver. 31, 6 £v he rr^s y^r, €x xris yvis scrri x.
T. X., * he that is of the earth, is earthly,' &c. Finally, just as
in the first chapter, the foreign hand would haye too much
betrayed its awkwardness if it tmd intended to put the 16th yerse
into tne mouth of the Baptist; so also here, if after his disciples
had said, wavrsf i^ovrat wqw avrov, ^ all come to him,' which
he in his subsequent reply acknowledges and concedes, the con-
tradictory words had been put into his mouth, koI r^v fjMprvpia^
ahrov ouhU Xapi/Savei, ' and no man receiyeth his testimony.' Is
there not expressed in these words, as clearly as in ch. i. 16, the
feeling of the disciple who stands in the midst of a small commu-
nity opposed to the unbelieying world, in whose mipd the word
of the Master resounds, which we read, ch. iii. 11, y. 38 (compare
xii. 37)?
We turn now to the second point, and consider the difference
as to the contents of the discourses of Jesus, as they are giyen in
the synoptic Gospels and in that of John. ' The Christ of John
differs from the Christ of the other Eyangelists to such an extent,
that sooner might two faces be found on one head, than that this
double picture should be an equally true representation of the
same inaiyidual.' In these words of Weisse, we haye the senti*
ment expressed in the strongest manner. Now, leaying out of
consideration for the present the form, we ask whether the sub-
stance of the discourses of Jesus, recorded by John, may not be
equally authentic with that of the synoptic accounts ? The differ-
ence in the representation giyen of Socrates by Xenophon and
by Plato, has long since been brought fcnrward as a parallel case.
According to Xenophon, Socrates appears to be an unspeculatiye,
thoroughly practical man ; according to Plato, he is a penetrating
spirit, who seeks to trace back what is practical to its last elements
— ^to the necessity of the thought. Against this parallel, which
is further drawn out and established in my Credibility of the
Gospel History,? it has been recently objected by Bauer,^ that so
long as it is not proyed that Plato in his dialogues intended to
giye historical notices of Socrates, and so long as it is clear, from
existing history, that the philosophical scholar eyer acknowledges
as his teacher him whom it is admitted he surpassed, the decision
must hold cood, that Xenophon only has giyen a true picture of
Socrates. We are content here to rest on the authorities already
adduced in the work referred to. A different yiew from that
of Bauer, in reference to the partially historical character of the
P Glaubtnhrdigkeit derevaag, Ge$chichie, p. 819, Snd edit.
« UH sttprOf p. 412.
Platonic
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26 Iniroduetim to the Gapd qfJohn. [July,
Platonic Socrates, is taken by Scfaleiermacher, Brandes, Hegel.
Brandes says,' ^ It was by no means usual in ancient, as it is
in modem times, to regard the picture of Socrates whidi Xeno-
phon drew as the true portrait ; the Platonic Socrates, on the
contrary, as an ideal, which, like Plato's doctrine of ideas itself,
was entirely wanting in reality.' And yet Plato did not at all
intend to give a purely historical delineation, whilst the fourth
Evangelist did intend it We apply to the subject before us the
striking words of Bengel :' — ^ Ine same person may often relate
the same thing on diflferent occasions, in a different manner, and
yet each time with a basis of truth. Compare in the Acts of the
Apostles ch. ix. and xxvi., and also ch. x. and xi., where the con-
version of Paul and that of Cornelius are twice related. If one
man paints a dty from the east side, and another from the west,
each of them must, indeed, represent the highest and most re-
markable towers and buildings : but in the rest the two designs
may and must be verv different from each other, and yet both
have given a likeness. That the character and weight of many
expressions peculiar to John are of such a kind as that no one
could possibly consider them to be the free invention of any
Jewish Christian of that time, we will not urge ; yet even De
Wette decides for the authentic character of manv expressions
in John, on the ground that they ^ are radiant with more than
earthly lustre.' May we not suppose that amongst the twelve
Apostles one man was found of the same originality as Paul ?
Let us imagine that John was one of those mystic spirits, a ' homo
desideriorum,' as Am. Comenius expresses it, which certainly are
but seldom found, from youth withdrawn from practical life, and
turned to the invisible world — such select men would be called by
the ancients, souls of Apollo — but that the other Apostles were
just such as fishermen and tax-gatherers are still — ^then certainly
the picture of Christ which would be imprinted on John's mind,
the discourses which would be peculiarly weighty to him, must be
different from those which would be regarded by the others I We
speak here in great part hypothetically, but ^e proof that we are
justified in making such an hypothesis may evidently be produced.
To eoery thing that is peculiar in the doctrinal matter of Johne
Crospely toe find at least some parallel passages in the synoptic Cr0s~
pels and in the Epistles of the New Testament. On this argument
we lay the greatest stress. The discourses which seem most liable
to exception as to their authenticity are the many discourses of
Christ which relate to his mysterious union with the Father. Now
Orundlinien der Lekre det Socratei in the Rheinitch. MuMeum, pt 1 , p. 122. See
also Hegel » Ge»ch. der PkU^Bophicy in hii IfVAra, vol. zit. p. 124.
■ Harmonie^ p. 615.
we
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we find in Matthew (ch. xi. 25) one expression of Christ respecting
his union with the Father which even in form is so like tne lan-
ffoage of John, that those who are not rerj familiar with the
Kble are always wont to look for it in John.^ A second instance
of this kind is nowhere to be found in the synoptic Gospels. Let
it be remarked, howeyery that in his discourses in the synoptic
Grospels also, C3irist refers to Himself as the X^of that had already
operated in the Old Testament, Matth. xxiii. 37 ; Luke xiii. 34
(compared with Matth. xxiii. 34 ; the passage cannot be referred
to the firequent [presence of Jesus in Jerusalem). Of the myste-
rious communion of the Redeemer with those that believe in him,
Matthew speaks ch. xxviiL 20 ; the promise of the Paraclete seems
peculiar to John, but Luke also has it (ch. xxiv. 49\ Of love, in the
general sense in which it is found in John, Chnst does not speak
in the first Gospels ; but Paul speaks of it, and also of that mys*
tical bTvcu h XptffT&j ^ being in Christ,' which runs through the
Gospel of John. Now whether Paul were indebted fi>r this view
to traditionary expressions of Jesus, or to the immediate operation
of Christ on his mind, the doctrinal tjye of John is hereby proved
to be that of genuine Christianity. Ohi the other hand, while we
speak of their difierences as to contents, let not their agreement
be forgotten. When John is not giving doctrinal discourses, when
the discourses are connected with the history of Christ, there is an
almost literal agreement, as in the narrative of Peter's denial of
Christ, of the woman who anointed his feet /comp. ch. xii. 7, 8,
with Matth. xxn. 10-12), and of Pilate. The account of the
woman taken in adultery (ch. viii.) reminds us of the type of the
synoptic Gospels, even allowing that it has been recorded by some
one else from the report of the Apostle. We may notice the
manner of arguing witn the Pharisees^ x. 34 ; the practical manner
of opposing them, v. 39, 42, 45 ; viL 19. Add to this, moreover,
that in all probability the Evangelist had before him the contents
of the first Gospels, and principally designed to give what they had
not given — ^and the difica^ence of contents can occasion no further
scruple**'
We come now to the ybrm, and inquire how far the recording of
the discourses can be called verbal. That they should be abso-
* One expression of Matthew, in which Christ speaks of lus higher relation to
Ood in a manner as deeplj spiritual as it. is original, has not been snilLciently
noticed, tIs., chap. xrii. S6. He is not a sabject, bnt the son bom in the kingdom
of God. The expression ' aiy father * in an emphatio sense, as in John, is foond in
Lake ii. 49 ; Matt xr. 13; XTiiL 10, 19, 35 ; xx. 23 ; xxri. 29, &c.
* To this snbjeet beloD|js the treatise occasioned b^ Bretschneider^s Probainlia
by Bettberg, An Johmmes in exhibenda Jegu natura retiqui$ canonicia saiptU vere
f s ptif mif Oott 1896. Of less valne is the treatise of Reineke on the same subject
(1826) ; an essay in Heydenreich*s Zeii$chr\ft flr PrtdigtnMteMehaft^ Yol. i.
pt 1. Compare also Schott, hagoge in N, T. p. 129.
lately
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28 Introduction to the Gospel of John, [July,
lutely verbal is impoesible, since they have been transferred from
Aramaean into Greek ; even in the synoptic Gospels the difference
in the manner of relating the same discourse sometimes amounts
to a formal contradiction. What judgment is to be made respect-
ing the similarity of the languaj^e of John's Epistles and the dis-
courses of Jesus in the Gospel r Origen long since, and more
recently the treatise of Stronck,' proceed on the principle that the
disciple had exactly acquired the language of the Master. How
fi*equently this is the case in our own times I have endeavoured to
show in the Credibility of the Gospel History^ p. 337, by some
examples from modem literature. John stood precisely in such a
connection witii Christ as to make a dependence of this kind
credible ; between the disciple who leans on the Master's breast,
and the Master, a closer personal connection exists. Grotius
makes the ingenious remark, that John was more ^\tii<tws^ Peter
more (piKoxp^^ros ; as Plutarch says of the two friends of Alex*
ander, Hepfasestion and Craterus, the former was ^ikaXiiaviqoSf the
latter fiKofiaaiXsus, As, in reference to the contents, such a connec-
tion might operate to lead him to take up that which was deepest
and most essential, so, in reference to the form, it might lead him
to take up what was incidental, especially if we suppose softness
and feminineness of character. Yet we need not assert this depend-
ence in reference to those qualities of the language which render it
indistinct ; the indefiniteness and indistinctness point rather to the
character of the disciple than to that of the Master. We are,
however, fully justified in supposing that the phraseology and the
principal terms constantly recurring are to be put to the account
of the Master ; and even Strauss y has yielded more than we might
have expected in granting that the antithesis between joqii and
orvEi/pia, 'flesh ana spirit,' pSj^ and (rxoror, ^ light and darkness,'
^ofii and ^olvaror, ^ lire and death,' avu and xoro;, * above and be-
neath;' and further, the mystical expressions aqrof r^r ^a^f,
* bread of life,' viuq ^oJv, * living water ' (of which no trace is fowid
in the synoptic Gospels), are elements of the original discourses of
Christ which the author has only ' further developed in the Alex-
andrian, or generally, the Hellenistic spirit.' But how could the
disciple remember tiiese discourses forty or even sixty years
after ? And if, whilst at Jerusalem, he had been shut up m gross
Judaism, how was it consistent that at the same time ne should
have bad such discourses of Christ in his memory ? Let us grant
that the form, in respect to its indistinctness, is the peculiarity of
the disciple ; that only the thoughts lying at the foundation belong
* De doctrina ei dictione Johannis ad Je$u magistri doctrinam dictionemque
exacte componta, 1797.
7 Uln $upr<iy pt i. p. 676, 1st edit.
to
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1848.] Introduction to the Gospel of John. 29
to Chrigt ; and then the essential difficulty of this rememhranee
disappears. The more fervent his spirit, the deeper would every*
thing he impressed upon him. We are remmded that even
amongst ourselves examples are not wanting of persons who owe
their awakening to a new life to one or a few sermons, being able
to remember these with tolerable accuracy even to the latest period
of life. Irenaeus, in a passage preserved by Eusebius, and quoted at
length in the following section, assures us that he remembered very
accurately, even in old ase, the discourses which when he was a
youth he had heard from rolvcarp ; and he ^ves utterance to two
expressions, of which we may here make use — ^ for the instructions
received in youth, growing up with the soul, become united with
it ;' and ^ always, mrough tiie grace of God, I truly ruminate on
these things.' * That «^hn meAe a record for himself in earlier
times is, indeed, not in itself probable, but the possibility is cer-
tainly not to be disputed. Who would believe that the tanners
and shoemakers with whom Socrates conversed, took notes ? and yet
of Simon the shoemaker this is reported. Also it is here and there
mentioned of the disciples of tne Rabbins (DHWr)), that they
wrote down the sayings of their masters. Finally, tiie promise of
the Lord is to be borne in mind, that the Spirit should bring to
the memory of the disciples what they had neard (John xiv. 26).
Let the Spirit of the Lord, like an electric shock, touch the mind
of the disciple generally, then no single spiritual power, and there-
fore neither the remembrance of the religious truths which he had
heard, could remain without life. He, then, who believes that
Christ appears in history as the Redeemer according to the divine
counsel, oelieves also implicit^ in the handing down of his discourses
and his actions with essential fidelity. Also from the character of
the existing discourses proofs may be adduced that the disciple
has not invented them at his pleasure, and that De Wette also
says too much when he speaks of an ' intoxication of spirit,' in which
he has mixed his own with the words of Christ. Christ does not
in these discourses designate himself as the Logos, and amidst all
that is great which he declares of himself there are also precisely in
John expressions which appear to derogate from him, ch. xiv. 12.
28 ; X. 34. If it can be proved that the discourses of the Baptist
in general are reported £aithfully and in i^^ement with the synoptic
Gospels, would not this furnish ground ror a favourable conclusion
as to the discourses of Jesus ? Bnt now we find in the discourses
oftlie Baptist throuffhaut^ unth the exception of one expression (the
questionable o 6iricaf y^ov hqx6iJi,z^os efji,7rpo(rhiv (mu ysVovev, ch. i. 15),
■ al yh^ 4k tvUSw fM^atu orwad^ovam rp «^x^ ivo^yrtu oJbrg . . . . ira2 &c2 9i& r^v
Xipw rov ecov yvnifftm ohrk iafofiaipvic&fuu. — Euflebins, Hist. Eccl, v. 20.
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30 IntroductiM to the Ootpel qfJohn. [Joly*
crdy either that which the first EvangdistM also give^ or that which
can be explained from hie prophetic character as given in the Old
Testament ; comp. i. 19-36 ; iii. 27-30. We have sam)OBed an entire
discrepancj of form ; but thiB, like the discrepancy of matter, has its
Emits. In reference to the gnomologic and parabolic form, comp.
T. 85 ; iii. 8 ; iv. 34-88 ; ix. 39 ; x. 1, sea. ; xv. 1, seq. ; xvi. 21, 26.
Many sentences agree in both the Gospel narratives, John xiii. 16 ;
XT. 20 comp. with Matt x. 24 ; John xii. 24-26 comp. with Matt.
X. 38, 39 ; John iy. 44 comp. with Matt. xiii. 57 ; J(^ xiii. 20
comp. with Matt x. 40 ; John xiv. 31 comp. with Matt xxvi. 46.
Agam, the first Grospels contain expressions which, in reference to
form, remind us of John — Matt. xi. 25-30 ; viii. 22 ; vi. 22 ; xix.
17 ; xxvi. 29 ; Luke vii. 35, 45 ; comp. Matt. x. 39 with John xii.
25 ; the use of «Xifi&ivof and dXKorpiOf^ Luke xvi. 11, 12 ; vloi rov
pofrify Luke xvi. 8 comp. with John xii. 36. A proof of formal
accuracy in the recollection of the discourses of Jesus is found in
John xi. 11, where a pause in the discourse is marked ; as also ch.
yiii. 23, xal eTwiv avroTs. On the other hand, carelessness in
respect to verbal agreement is shown in a remarkable manner in
ch. xii. 34 ; xi. 40 ; x. 28 ; vi. 36. The verbal accuracy of the
record is most evident in those cases where the Evangelist explains
the words of Christ, ii. 20 ; vii. 38 ; xviii. 9 ; xii, 32, as to which
even De Wette says, ^ it must be assumed as a matter of fact that
Jesus made use of this expression.' But now the expression cL
xii. 33 ; vii. 37 has the peculiar colouring of John I
It remains for us now to discuss the last point, viz. whether the
discourses of the Lord, indicating so free a stand-point, could
have slumbered Iq him witliout producing any effect during the
time when he continued in strict Judaism ? ^ Ihe question sounds
weighty, but it supposes more than can be proved. For, wherein
consists the difference between James, John, and Peter, as compared
with Paul ? That the Gentiles were to be admitted they were
all agreed, the only question is, whetha: they were to be released
from the Mosaic law. It does not occur even to Paul forthwith
to abolish it amongst Jewish Christians. The question was, whether,
for the sake of unity amongst the Christians, the Grentiles should
not also be bound by it. An agreement is brought about at Jeru-
salem, which, in accommodation to the Jews (Acts xv. 21), imposes
on the Gentiles merely to keep themselves from the grossest
offences. Is there, in all the discoiu-ses of Jesus as given by John,
anything inconsistent with this ? Can the scruples of the disciples
otkud us, when Jesus himself, during his lifetime, submitted to
the requirements of the law ? It would indeed be quite another
• See Latselberger, UAer den Ap. Jok, p. 179.
matter
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1848.] Introduetian to the Gotpd of John. 31
matter if John had made the justification of mankind dependent
on the observance of the law. Yet the other Apostles never do
this.^
VL On the Genuineness and Credibility of John,
In the early church there was no other opposition to the Gospel of
John than that which was made to it by the sect of the Alogi^ who,
though they drew grounds of doubt from the historical differences
between the Gospel of John and the synoptic Gospels, yet nrinci-
pally, in consequence of their rejection of the doctrine of the Logos,
were prejudiced against it on dogmatic grounds. Subsequently,
doubts respecting its genuineness, taken from some aDonymous
English deists, were first expressed at the close of the preceding
and the be^nning of the present century. Itsgenuineness was
attacked by Eckennann (1793), Vogel (1801), Horst (1803), and
Ballenstedt (1812). Tlie great diversity in Jesus' manner of
teaching, and the assumed agreement with the theology of Philo,
furnished at that time the chief occasion for doubt. These assaults,
however, were without a widely extended and particularly an his-
torical foundation. This Bretschneider sought to ^ve in his
Probabilia de Evang, et Epist. Johannis ApostoU indole et orifftne^
1820, and indeed on grounds and assumptions from which much
has been borrowed in more recent times. According to Bret-
Schneider's opinion, the author of the Gospel belongs to the first half
of the second century, and is a writer of a dogmatic turn who,
with the design of propagating the metaphysical doctrine of the
deity of Christ, has composed this treatise. At that time, espe-
cially on accoimt of the preiK)Ssession of the school of Schleier-
macher in favour of John, this argument found no favour. The
anthor retracted his doubts ; the principal answers are those by
Calmberg « ([1822), Hemsen (1 823), and Crome (1824). Attach-
ment to thb GoEnpel was only the more increased ; and on the
contrary. With evident partiality, the synoptic gospels were depre-
ciated. Unexpectedly Strauss appeared, and on the principles of
internal criticism especially, the authenticity and the historical
foundation of the foinrth Gospel were yet more decidedly attacked
than those of the three first. If the three first were a dull but
naturai echo of the original history of Jesus, that of John wa^ an
artistic re~ech0y produced in part by tact and taste. One might
now have supposed that with this judgment the iron age had
come to the Gospel, but it was only the brazen age. It was the
beginning of the end ; for now the single stones of the Straussian
hypothesis were by diflerent persons differently employed, and
^ Compare on this point Schweizer, ubi tuproy p. 2dS.
« Jk antiquisi. patrum pro JBotmgdii Joh. oMcrrif UsiijmmiiM.
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32 Introduction to the Gospel of John. [July,
partly for the reariog of new edifices, or shall we rather say, castles
ID the air. Weisse ^ first appeared with the following so-called
attempt at accommodation. John himself, though with too power-
fol fancy, noted down ^ studies for a bio^aphv of Jesus ;* one or
more labourers have brought these studies mto the form of dialogue,
and have added historical data ; yet all this is so * clumsily con-
trived ' that his statement is overlaid with such predicates as the
following — ^insipid, capricious, incongruous, confused, crabbed
(geschraubt), bordering on nonsense.' The new hypothesis found
only one adherent in Schenkel f it has been opposed by From-
mann / and by Liicke, in his third edition. Gfrorer, who in his
history of primitive Christianity, gives up the authenticity and cre-
dibility of the first Gospels, refers to the fourth as * that which is
holy, and the truth.' Here we learn the following : — The Gospel
belongs to the Apostle John, but partly through his memory bemg
weakened by ace, partly through nis fancy, he has related flie his-
tory and the discourses, in great measure, falsely ; thus, e. ff.
Lazarus is no other than the young man of Nain I the history of
the man bom blind is only an embellishment of that which Mark
relates (ch. viii. 22), and so on. De Wette, as usual, fluctuates
in reference to this question between Yes and No ; but the Yes
prevails, though with strict limitation as to credibility. Liitzel-
oerger ^ thinks that he can prove that the Apostle never was in
Asia Minor, and even that he died before Paul. His examination
of the historical evidences of the genuineness contains much that
is worthy of notice, but his positive opinions are as groundless as
they possibly can be; according to him (ch. iv.) the unknown
autnor was probably a Samaritan, who, supported by the Apostle
Andrew, wrote the Gospel beyond the Euphrates. Bruno Bauer ^
has made the discovery that the Gospel is, throughout, the pious
reflection of the later church, formed upon some scarcely dis-
cernible, meagre, historical fragments, and, indeed, framed so
awkwardly, and in so irrational a manner, that, e. ^., the ' falsariuB,'
because he himself thought of Christ as having ascended up to
heaven, committed the blunder (ch. iii. 13) of making the yet living
Christ speak of himself as having already ascended up to heaven !
If, with regard to the judgment respecting the contents of the
Gospel, the iron age may be said to have come with Bruno Bauer
(for, viewed as a question of authorship, the reproach of stupidity
^ Die evang, GexkichU krititch btarbeiteif 1838, 8 vols.
• In the Stitdien u, Kriiiken, 1840, pt a
' Stud, u. Krit. 1840, pt 4.
8 Die kirkliche Tradition Hber den Apott, Joh, und ieine Schriften in ihre
Grundlosigkeit nachgewiesen, 1840.
^ Kritxk der evang ,Geachichte dea Joh, 1840.
sinks
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1848.] Introduction to the Gospel of John. 33
sinks a writer still lower than that of fraud), so, in reference to the
estimation of the external grounds of genuineness, the brazen age
seems to have come with Schwegler;* According to him the Gospel
was written about the year 170, in Asia Alinor, amongst the
adherents of the elder Apollinaris, and was attributed to John in
order to cain over its Jewish-Christian readers ; it contains allu-
sions to the disputes then existing in reference to Easter, and en-
deavours to reconcile the parties of the Ebionites and Gnostics.
Schweizer^ makes a new trial of the hypothesis of separate por-
tions. According to him the supplementary chapter (xxi.), some
single verses, and the history of the miracle of healing at Caper-
naum, the miracle at Cana, the miraculous feeding of the multi-
tude, have been inserted by another hand.
We proceed to cite the external testimonies from tradition for the
genuineness of the gospel. Here it is to be remarked, that up to
the present time it is agreed that the Gospel and the first Epistle
must have proceeded from the same author, and thus the witnesses
for the ecclesiastical use of the epistle testify also to that of the
gospel, although it does not necessarily follow that the Apostle
John is the autibor.
Respecting Papias, who must haye been contemporary with
the disciples of the Lord, Aristion, and John the Presbyter,
Eusebius says,"^ that he cited a testimony from the first Epistle
of John ; Polycarp ■ also cites 1 John iv. 3. Thus the fourth
Gospel must have been looked upon as a Christian document
in tne time immediately after the deatii of the apostle. We
might certainly expect to find in Polycarp, the disciple of the
apostie, or since his emstle is short, at least m Ignatius, another of
his disciples, from whom we have seven epistles, some citations
from, or allusions to passages of the gospel. Yet only the Epistie
of the latter to the Romans afiTords one certain allusion : ^ I desire
the bread of God, which is the flesh of Jesus Christ, and the drink
I desire [is] his blood ; ' ® compare John vi. 33, 54, 55. But we
should remember that in epistles^ in hortatory writings, there was
less occasion for making citations from the gospel history ; in the
epistles of Ignatius there are only about five citations from the
gospels, whilst there are from twenty to twenty-five from the
epistles of the New Testament ; in the epistle of Clemens Roma-
nus there are only two from the Gospels, and about twenty-three
I See the treatise on the writings of John in his work entitled Der Montanismus
und die ckriUL Kirche da zweiten Jahrhunderts, 1841.
k Das Eo. Jok, nach ieinem ifmern Werlhe und seiner Bedeutung pr das Leben Jcsu
kritisch mUertucht, 1841.
■ ffwr. EccL iii. 89. ■ Ad Philipp, c. 7. ,
o iproy ecov $4Xm, Us ieri ffitp^ *Ii7<rov XpieroO — «cai ird/ia $4?^ rh oSfui a^rod,
c vii.
vou II. — NO. III. p from
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34 Introduction to the Gospel of John. [ Juljy
from the Epistles of Paul alone ; in the nine chapters of the
Epistle of Polycarp about five from the Gospels, and about twenty
from the Epistles ; in tlie Epistle to Diognetus only one reference
to Matthew, and about nine to the EpisUes. The next witness is
Justin Martyr in the middle of the second century : he writes thus,
^ Christ says, Unless ye be bom again ye cannot enter into the king-
dom of Heaven, but that it is impossible for those who have been
once bom to enter into the wombs of those that bore them is mani-
fest to a]l;'P compare ch. iii. 3-5. The grounds on which it is
disputed that we have here a citation are insufficient. Credner and
Schwegler suppose that the passage is taken from the Kinqvy/xa IIc-
rpouj because the «m.^v a/xrii', * verily, verily,' which is character-
istic of John, is wanting ; because too avayevvyid^vxi is used instead
of avcjOsy ysyvfiBinyouj ^ being bom again,' and ^o'l'Keiet odqavwy^
* kingdom of heaven,' instep of /3. toD Oeou, * kingdom of God ; '
and further because the same passage occurs in the HomiL Clem.
ii. § 26, and in these homilies it is not John, but the KvtqvyfjM Tli-
rqou that has been used. But these homilies (3, § 52) quote also
the expression which certainly belongs to John, ra e/jla vqi^ara
AKovsi Tins €(ji.7i5 ^ft/vSf, ' my sheep hear my voice,' compare John x.
27, and in the Recognitiones (lib. vi. § 9) the passage is quoted :
amen dico vobis^ nisiquis denuo remUus frierit exaqua^ non introibit
in regna coshrum (Verily I say to you, unless one is bom a^un
of water, he shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven). Now
since here, where a citation from John is yet more undeniable, the
phrase regna coelorum is used, and not regna Dei^ it appears that
m quoting from memory, the more usual expression from the first
three gospels has been put instead of the regnum Dei which is pe-
culiar to John.
With our appeal to Justin Martyr we connect that to the Epistle
addressed to Diognetus, which at latest must be placed in this pe-
riod, if not in the Apostolic age."* Here we find (ch. x.) the ex-
presaion : ' to whom (viz. to men) he sent his only begotten son,'
and immediately after, ' how then wilt thou love him who thus first
loved thee ; ' ' just as the same ideas follow each other in 1 John iv.
9, 10, with which compare ver. 19, ^ptcTf aVasra/piEv aiJrov, on avTos
v^ojros 'nyaTmcTBv ^/xa^. The testimony of the Valentinians like-
wise to the use of the Gospel belongs to the middle of the second
century.* Irenaeus * expressly declares that the Valentinians made
^ '9 X/»t<rrbs cTrcr* hr fiii iyttytyiniOrirf, ob fiii fia4\0Trrt fls r^r fiaat\ti<ur tSov
obpw&y Sri 9k iced aiwaroy tls rhs fi'irrfMS r&y rticovcr&y rohs fiira^ ytyyvfiivovs
ififirivau ^oycp^v xouruf iorL — Apol, i. 61.
«» See Semisch, Justin der Marturer, p. 185.
' wpbs ots {Mp<iirovi) cb-cWciAc rhy vi6y uArod rhy /Moyoy^yri — 1j ireJs ay«w^€is
ray oSrw Tpoaycaniirayrd o"* ; ch. 10.
• Valentinas died a.d. 160. » Adr. Haer. iii. 11. 7.
use
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1848.] Introduction to the Gospel of John. 35
uae of the Gospel of John, in order that they might appeal to a
disciple of Jesus. That Valentmus himself made use of it is in*
deed not definitely mentioned, but his disciple Heracleon wrote a
commentary on the Gospel, and it was used by Ptolemsus and
Theodotus. Since this sect had its own gospel, * evangelium ve-
ritatis,' they could only have adopted that of John, because it was
acknowledged by the church, and m order to recommend their own
views.
After the middle of ihe second century, indubitable testimonies
continually increase. The first that is to be mentioned is that of
the Montanists.^ They declared that Christ's promise of a Para-
clete had received its fulfilment amount themselves ; Schwegler '
has indeed endeavoured to maintain, uiat this sect did not borrow
the name ' Paraclete ' from the Gospel but no one has agreed with
him hi this opinion. Even Valentinus, who enumerates the race
of iEons which have sprung from the connection of Mputwot and
ixxXriffia, viz. Ila^axXviTos, Tllcris, 'EXflTiV, 'Ayol^v}, x. r. X., has
without doubt borrowed these names from Christianity, and not, as
this critic supposes, from Philo. Also liie letter of the church
at Lyon and vienne in the year 177 contains the name vapd-
xXnTOf, used in reference to the Holy Spirit ; in the same letter
there is a quotation from John xvi. 2. Tatian, the disciple of
of Justin, is to be placed yet earlier, who undoubtedly quotes the
Gospel in his Apology, ch. ziii., rwri iffriv apa ro si^fjUitov * 4i ^xo-
ria TO ^Hs owi KaraXaixfidvu^ ^ this truly is that which is said : the
darkness comprehendeth not the light ; and in ch. xix. wivra v^'
avrov xal x^€^^ eidrov yiyowy ouH h, * all thines [were made] by
Him, and without Him was nothing made.' Tmit the Diatessaron
of Tatian commenced with the introductory words of our Grospel,
h d^ri h X^of, ^ In the beginning was the word,' Credner nas
endeavoured to render doubtful, but without success, as is shown
by Daniel.' The Apology of Atiienagoras likewise, written about
tiie year 177, contains (ch. x.) some words from John i. 3, and
allusions to John xvii. 21, 22, 23. References to this Gospel,
which can scarcely be denied, are found also after the middle of
the second century in Celsus ;' in the last of these the discourse
is concerning a cbiBdlenge given to Jesus by the Jews in the temple^
which Jesus had not satisfied by a decisive sign. It is impossible
here to mistake the reference to John ii. 1§. That none of tiie
writers hitherto quoted mention John by name, and that commonly
the words do not literally agree, is by no means strange, for it is
known that citations by name from Kblical writers first began in
the latter half of the second century, and quotations by book and
" MontanuB appeared about a.d. 160. ' VH gunra, p. 188.
' Tatianm dn Apolojftt, p. 89. * See Origen. eoiU, Cdt. ▼. 218 ; i. 66, 6?.
D 2 chapter
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36 Introduction to the Gospel of John. [July,
chapter still later. Hie first quotation from the Gospel of John
bi/ name appears in the Apology of Theophilus of Antioch, written
about the year 180 (b. ii. ch. 22). To this same period belongs
Irenaeus (who died 202 a.d.), in whose writings there are found
repeated quotations by name from the Gospel, ue Apocalypse, and
the first ^istle. His testimony acquires additional importance
from the fact, that he originally came from Asia Minor ; that he
had been acqusdnted with and had heard Polycarp, though only
as vais iv rri irpwrri rikixi^, ^ a youth at an early age,' and that the
Gospel as well on account of the use which the Valentinians made
of it, as on account of its apparent opposition to the millennarian
views favoured by Irenaeus, would less agree with his individual
inclinations. In a remarkable public document he points out to
Horinus, his friend and former companion as a disciple of Poly-
carp, that the communications made by the venerable Bishop of
Smyrna, respecting the doctrine of John, were in accordance with
the writings of the apostle. ' I saw thee in my youth with Poly-
carp in Lower Asia— ^or / remember the things which took place then
better than those which have happened lately — since what we learn in
youth grows with the soul, and is united with it so strongly that I
can even yet describe the place where the holy Polycarp sat when
he held his discourses, his going out and coming in, the peculiarity
of his way of life, his bodily form, the discourses which he held
with the people, and how he told of his intercourse with John and
the others who had seen tiae Lord ; how he reported their dis-
courses, and what he had heard from them respecting the Lord,
respecting his miracles and his doctrine — ^all which Polycarp re-
lated a£ he had received it from those who had been eye-witnesses
of the Word of Life, in accordance with the Scripture : — ^this I
listened to attentively at that time according to the compassion of
God vouchsafed to me ; I remarked it not on paper, but in my
heart, and according to God*s grace I carefully repeat this ever-
more,' *
This document has indeed been adduced by Liitzelberger in
proof not only that Irenaeus had not received from Polycarp any
testimony respecting the Gospel, but also that Polycarp knew only
of oral instructions from the apostle ; altogether the testimony
(according to him) is not to be rated at a high value, inasmuch as
Irenaeus was then a youth, Credner even says ' a child.' Dodwell
certainly goes too far in attempting to prove, that the term vais^
used by Irenaeus included the twenty-fiftti year ; but that we cannot
50 below the sixteenth year may be concluded from the fact, that a
[ad younger than this could scarcely have marked the teaching of
• Easebins, Hist, JSccL v. 20.
the
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18480 Introduction to the Gospel of John. 37
the bishop so accurately, as this father himself declares that he did.
Liitzelberger asserts that LrensBUS was under the most pressing
necessity to prove the genumeness of the Gospel, since judging
from the title which Irenseus gave to this polemical letter, Flori-
nus had become an adherent to Marcionite principles, and there-
fore also held the opinion that the Gospels had been falsified by
Judaizing Christians, instead of which there is only an appeal to
the oral teaching of Polycarp, and that too only respecting what
John orally taught. To tiiis it is to be replied, tliat Liitzelberger's
conclusion from the superscription of the letter, that Florinus was
at that tiine a Marcionite is unfomided ; ^ that he possiblv had
doubted of the genuineness of the Gospel may be conceded, though
he might even at that time, as he did afterwards when he was a
Valentinian, have availed himself of an artificial interpretation of '
it, in order to &vour his errors. But the fragment that has
been quoted would only serve to support the assertion that Ire-
nseus could have given no historical proof of the genuineness of the
Gospel, in case no other design on the part of the father were
supposable than that of convicting Florinus of his heresy from the
writings of John. According to our view this, however, was not
his design. Irenaeus reckoned rather on this, that the testimony
of his writings, which could not be completely eluded without a
consciousness of what was better, would speak more irresistiblv to
the consciousness of the heretic, if he reminded him of what he had
heard with his own ears from the aged disciple of the apostle, and
had then with the fullest confidence received. To follow the course
of tradition further than to Clemens Alexandrinus and Origen is
superfluous after the testimonies already adduced. It need only
be mentioned that the learned Origen, who commented on this
gospel about the year 222, and who mentions every objection to
ue New Testament writings, even those against the second and
third Epistles of John, treats the gospel as genuine without the
smallest scruple, and that Eusebius, the man who appears to have
been acquainted with all Christian literature existing at his time,
in the beginning of the fourth century calls it a ' Gospel known to
all the Churches that are under heaven.'
Let us yet direct our view to the testimony which is found in
ch. xxi. 24, 25. Until the time of Tittmann these words were re-
garded hy the far greater part of critics as the words of the Evan-
gelist. Theodore of Mopsuesda was the first who pointed them
out as a testimony by another hand ; then some Catholic writers
censured by Maldonatus, later Grotius, Basnage, and all modem
theologians. To John they cannot be ascribed. If they proceed
^ See Neander*8 KtrchengeKh, i. 3. p. 11, 47.
from
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88 Introduction to the Gaspd of John. [ July,
from the same author as ch. xxi., then this itself belongs to another
hand, and this is in so far a perilous concession as it would follow
that others at that time besides John himself knew how to write in
his style. But even the contrast between the simplicity character-
istic of John in the foregoing part of the diapter, and the hyperbole
in ver. 25, shows that this testimony proceeds fit>m another hand.
The word oiSapwv ' we know/ also shows that the writer gave his
testimony in the name of others as well as himself. What then does
he testify ? What do the roireify and ravra < these thin^' refer to ?
Do they relate simply to the preceding narration ? Tms is indeed
not improbable. Since this was omy a supplement, these wit-
nesses might feel prompted to attest, that it was written by the
apostle's own hand, and might therewith be led to the remark that
yery much more might have been added. Let it be noticed,
however, that the writer of this verse seems to have had before
his mind the conclusion of ch. xx. (verses 30, 31), and therefore
it is more probable that he intended to refer the roureay and ravra
to the whole Gospel ; that it was his desisn, by imitating this con-
clusion, as it were, to point out the supplement as a portion of the
whole Gospel. In this case what does he testify ? The avihen-
tieity and credibility of the Gospel. Weisse® and Liitzelberger*
however have raised the objection that a Gospel which requu^d
such a testimony by way of postscript could not have been gene-
rally acknowledged. ^ Are tne attesting words,' asks Weisse, ^ of
such weight as that by them the suspicion is removed which is
excited by the circumstance that previous to its publication the
Gospel must pass through a foreign hand ? — through such a hand
as might hope to impart to it, by a written appendix of its own, a
higher credibility than it possessed in itself?' But do these words
then suppose any €hubt as to its authenticity ? Is not the remark
of Schweizer (p. 59; much more just that tiiis attestation, just as
ch. xix. 35, has much rauther a practical object — earnestiy to urge
the readers of the Gospel to lay it to heart? Yet how very un»
frequent is such a testimony of one person coming forward in the
name of many, who yet mentions no names I I considered myself
entitled from this circumstance to draw the conclusion that this
testimony could not at any rate proceed from Kfalsarius^ * Had
any officious transcriber arfalsaritie of later times wished to affix
an apocrvphal seal to the credibility of this Go^l, would behave
appended this seal without adding a name, and tiiereby rob it of
its weight?' Can this conclusion be fairly controverted? At
any rate does not this follow with certainty, that an honest and
• JEb. Gtich, p. 100. ^ Uhi tupra, p. 187, tq,
• Olaubwurdigkeit der w. Gegehickte, p. 278, Snd edit.
conscientious
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1848.] Introduction to the Gospel of John. 39
conscientious contemporary of the Apostle has attested the credi-
bility of the Gospel? When Liitzelberger replies to this (p. 195)
* that only stupid /aZ^nt specify everything exactly, and on that
account are soonest convicted,' we might ast him whether he ever
heard of eifalsarius so * stupid' as to think that he could render
great service to his friend by a splendid testimony but without any
name to vouch for it ? No, from an honest man such a testimony
proceeds, but also from a prudent man. What purpose could such
a testimony serve ? Liitzelberger says (p. 195), * In such circum-
stances as those in which John must have been, it is useless,
futile, even inconsistent and absurd.' But how if the first readers
generally knew tlie man from whose hands they received the
Gospel, if they probably even knew his handwriting ? Even the
first Epistle of John has no precise designation of the writer either
at the beginning or end. Grotius wrows out the suggestion
whether this witness may not have been the presbyter of the
Ephesian church — ^whether indeed it may not have been John the
Presbyter. We might possibly think of a band of disciples who
were in Ephesus in me second century, Aristion, John tne Pres-
byter, Andrew.' Possibly the Gospel may have been in use at
first only in the Ephesian church, and may have been by it com-
municated at a later period to the surrounding churches, and thus
this postscript would be still more readily explained. That this
was the case is an old tradition to which Usteris gives his assent,
and recently Baumgarten-Crusius,'^ who states confidently that
the Gospel was written earlier than it was published. According
to this we have confessedly a testimony to the genuineness of the
Gospel of John from his contemporaries, and those who were knoum
to him.
Certainly we might advance stronger claims on the ground of
external testimonies. Let us, however, confine ourselves to this,
that with the exception of the Alogiy who proceeded on dogmatic
grounds, no contradiction and no difierence of opinion has appeared
from the beginning, and then it is only the strongest dogmatical
difficulties that can render the genuineness a matter of doubt. We
meet with only one point in this proof, which can at all furnish a hold
for doubt. It is the testimony of Irenasus. On the same historical
testimony, namely, that of the elders of Asia Minor,* on which he
rests his belief in the Gospel being written by John, his belief also
' See Credner, Einl. p. 2d7.
9 Commeniatio in qua ev, Joh. genuinum esse, &c. Zurich, 1823.
^ Comm. zum Joh. p. xxt.
' We commonl J hear of the ' PreBbyten ' of Asia Minor as those to whom Iremeus
owes his accoonts; the word, however, is more correctly translated by < elders' oc
seniors' (Ael teste). Conipare the expression Awofinitiovt^/AaTa &iro(rroAiJicov rurof
vptfffivrSp&v, £asebins, lust. EccL t. 8.
rests
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40 Introductim to the Oospel of John. [ Julj^
rests in the Apocalypse being written by the Apostle. If now,
nevertheless, according to the opinion of Credner, Liicke, and
Neander, this is not genuine ; if Credner, the zealous defender of
the genuineness of the Gospel, ventures »to speak in reference to
the Apocalypse, of the witnesses ^ which Irensus brags of,' what
weight can tnese declarations of the elders have in reference to
the Gospel ? The question comes to that with which Liitzelberger
lurges the defenders of the Goepel, how such a man as Irenseus
can be credited who furnishes from the tradition of these Asiatic
churches nothing else than wonderful stories and accounts which are
plainly false, such as (1) that the Apocalypse was revealed at the
end of the reien of Domitian ; (2) the wonderful announcement put
into the mouth of Jesus of the immense clusters of grapes in the
kingdom of God ; (3) the tradition that Jesus was fifty years old.'' It
is true that these circumstances require that we should cautiously
examine the historical traditions of Irenseus. To begin with the last
point, Credner^ has fi*eed the father from the charge which is made
against him. The account, attributed to John and handed down
by the Presbyters (C Htsr. v. 33) of an announcement of the Lord
that ^ The oays shall come in which there shall be vines, each of
which has ten thousand boughs, and each bough ten thousand
branches, and each branch (Sen thousand twigs,' &c., which, accord-
ing to the statement of Irenseus, Papias had also adopted in his
book, certainly cannot belong to the cbscourses of the Lord in our
Gospel — compare, however, the xanoy in Matth. xxvi. 29. May
not some such word of Christ as this in Matthew lie at the founda-
tion of the tradition, and may not those who were inclined to mil-
lennarianism have thus coarsely expanded it ? If such accounts
serve to lessen the value of orcd tradition, we ask whether, on the
other hand, the worth of what is delivered in writing, which is
free from every element of this kind, is not hereby enhanced ? As
to the composition of the Apocalypse by John, our belief rests on
another basis than simply tne testimony of the ancients. If it is
not genuine, John the P.resbyter must at any rate be regarded
as its author. This is required both on internal and external
grounds. But no one will think of referring the Gospel to this
otherwise unknown person. The author of our Gospel, says
Liicke, must have had a much greater ' personality' than this pro-
blematical presbyter possessed. That uie vision of the Apoca-
Ivpse was placed by the elders of Asia Minor in the reign of
Domitian, tnoueh internal marks appear to fix the time of §alba
as the date of the writing, is certainly very derogatory to the his-
torical authority of these witnesses ; still the exposition of the
* Liitzelberger, p. 150, 151. » Einl i. 1, p. 215.
Apocalypse
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1848.] Introductiofi to the Gospel of John. 41
Apocalypse has been carried out with so little satisfaction hitherto,
that no one can feel justified in grounding a certain conclusion on
this circumstance. We have entered into the argument against
the historical authority of the witnesses to whom Irenaeus appeals,
merely that we might not leave unnoticed the strong side of the
negative criticism. The genuineness of the Gospel is not at all
less certain even if we reject the testimony of Irensus.
VII. The mosst important Commevdaries on the Gospel,
As Introductions to the Gospel we have Dr. Wegscheider
Vollstdndiffe Eirdeiiung in das Evangelium Johannis^ Gott., 1806 ;
Bertholdt, Verosimilia de origine Ev. Joh. in his Opusc, ed. Winer,
1824.
1. Origen (ob. 253), Comm. in Ev, Joh, In the time of Jerome
there were eiitant 39 tomes or sections of Origeu's exposition ;
Eusebius says that only 22 had come down to his times. We
possess only a part, though by no means an unimportant one, of
this great work (C^. Orw. ed. De la Rue, t. iv. Opera exegetica
Orig. ed. Huet. 1. 1.). liowever important this commentary is in
reference to the dogmatic views of Origen, and however beautiful
some passages are as to their general Christian meaning, the
remarks are nevertheless few which, in a strict sense^ serve for the
exegesis of the Gospel.
2. Theodore of Monsuestia (ob. 428), Apollinaris (400), Am-
monius (250), Cyril oi Alexandria (400). Of all these impor-
tant fragments are found in the Catena Patrum in Ev. Joh. ed. Cor-
derins, Antw., 1630. They are in part valuable contributions
to the exegesis of the Gospel, particularly the remarks of Am-
monius.
3. Chrysostom (ob. 407), HomilL Ixxxvii, in Ev. Joh. (ed. Mo-
relli, t. ii., ed. Montf. t viii.). These homilies are distinguished
especially by their great richness in practical remarks. Chrysos-
tom too expounds me text according to a sound grammatico-his-
torical conception of it But the value in a purely exegetical
view is here also lessened in consequence of Chrysostom*s endea-
vouring too freely to make use of the text polemically against
heretical views.
4. Theophylact (ob. 1107), Comm. in quat. jEw., ed. Venet., 4
vols. vol. li. He brings together what is most valuable from
Chrysostom and other fathers : he combines this commonly accord-
ing to his own judgment, and follows chiefly the grammatico-his-
torical method of interpretation.
5. Eutbvmius Zigabenus (about 1118), Comm. in quat. Ew. ed.
Matthise, Lips., 1792, 4 vols., vol. iv. This commentary also is
collected from the older fathers ; much is from Chrysostom. The
collection
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42 Introduction to the Gfospel of John, [July,
collection is made with diBcrimination, and contains very much
that is useful.
6. Augustin (ob. 430), Tractatus 124 in Joh. ed. Antw. t. iii.
These are homilies in which Augustin explains the text with great
prolixity and many digressions. Tor the explanation of the Gospel
on the principles of grammaticohistorical interpretation, they
afford only here and there a ray of light, but they present an |
abundance of deep Christian thought which has not been made i
sufficient use of. |
7. Maldonatus (ob. 1583), Comm. in quat, Ew. Par. 1668, 2 |
vols. One of the best expositors of the Romish church. He i
possesses great learning, especially on patristic subjects, and much |
exegetical talent, which is unwillingly bound by the fetters of his '
church, though still it is bound by them.
8. Luther has commented on the Gospel from ch. i. to xx.,
partly however only in fragments (Walch's ed. vols. vii. and viii.).
In this commentary, when Luther does not write polemically, he
can hardlv be said to comment on Uie Gospel ; he lives in it and
brings it oefore the soul of the reader as a divine spring of life J
for him who thirsts after life. In his exposition he commonly I
seizes the right point if he does not always establish and carry out |
his exegetical view correctly. '
9. Melancthon, Enarratio in Ev, Joh, (Opp, ed. Viteb. t. iv.),
notes of lectures published by Caspar Crudger. In a dedication
to Duke Maurice, Cruciger ascribes the work to himself. The
explanations are natural. In general, dogmatic views prevail over
exegetical. The shorter Annotationes by Melancthon, which Luther
published in 1523, are a different work.
10. Calvin, Comm. in Ev, Joh, {0pp. ed. Ams. t. vi.). Calvin's
Commentaries on the four Gospels are less elaborated than those i
on the Epistles ; nevertheless the great reformer in this work also,
and especially in respect to John, is distinguished as an interpreter
by his easy, natural, and at the same time deep explanations. As to
exegetical talent we must give him the preference above his fellows.
11. Beza, Comm. in N. T. Gen. 1565, Tig. 1653. In the
Gospels Beza developes his knowledge of the language and his
exegetical tact more than in the Epistles ; though he does not
explain all the difficulties, and does not penetrate deep enough
into the spiritual meaning.
12. Zwingli Annott. in plerosque N. T. librosy Tig. 1581.
Many conceptions of his own.
The valuable collection of Marloratus {Expositio CathoKca N. T,
Viviaci, 1605) forms a kind of Catena of the reformers, in which
the best passages from Calvin, Melancthon, Bucer, Musculus,
Brentius, and others are brought together.
13. Grotius
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1848.] Introductum to the Gospel of John. 43
13. Grotius(ob. 1645), Comm. in quat. Ew. 1644. Halae, 1769,
ed. Windheim, 2 vols. His Commentary on the Gospels is cha-
racterized by its nnafiected exegesis and by the copiousness of its
antiquarian and linguistic remarks, as well as parallel passages
from profane writers, which, however, are not always apposite.
14. Lampe (ob. 1729), Comm. exeffetico-analyticus in Ev, Joh,,
Amst. 1735, 3 vol. 4to. Lampe puts this in a hu^e shell rudely
constructed of abstract logic and unaccommodatmg dogmatic,
nevertheless it has been used by following commentators as a light
to their feet. Under the panoply of syllosism there beats a feel-
ing heart, and his learning is so respectable that probably none of
those who have come after him have exercised so much indepen-
dent care on the Gospel.
15. Bencel (ob. 1752), Gnomm N. T. 1773 (republished by
Dr. SteudeT). His indications are sunbeams and his hints flashes
of lightning. Where he treads in a beaten path he compresses
into two or three words what others say in long pages, and fre-
quently he opens new views through rocks and forests.
16. Carl Christ Tittmann (ob. 1820), Mektemata Sacra sive
Comm. exegetico-critico-higtor. in Ev. Joh.^ Lips. 1816. On the
whole a very easy and natural exegesis, but it fails in depth as to
the developement of id^as and in precision.
17. Paulus, Comm. zu Evangel. Joh, in his Comm. zu den Evan--
gelienj vol. iv. 2nd ed. The Gospel of John is commented upon
only as fer as ch. xi., i. «., as far as the history of the Passion. This
Commentary is not on the whole so ample as that on the synoptical
account That which is faulty in this Commentary is probably at
the present time better known than its merits. If the commentator
were as well acquainted with the things of heaven as he is with the
concerns of earui his book would be excellent. The author would
without doubt have been more happy in explaining ihe judicial pro-
ceedings of Palestine than the life of Him m whose mouth no false-
hood was found, and who was smitten for our sins.
18. Euinoel, Comm. in Ev. Joh.^ 3rd ed. 1826. As a repertory
of the views belonging to the exegetical period from 1750 to 1820,
when the explanation of the words was just as deficient in acuteness
as that of tne matter was in depth, tms Commentary may still be
useful.
19. Liicke, Comm. zum Evang. Joh.^ 3rd ed. vol. i. 1840. In
the first edition of this work there mished forth a youthfril enthu-
siasm, which, however, like that of Herder, was not distinctly con-
scious of its own existence ; yet this was the first exegetical work
in which the believing spirit of the recent theology expressed
itself in a living manner. The second and third editions are
considerably altered, and are distinguished by the clearness and
finished
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44 Introduction to the Gospel of John. [July,
finished character of the style as well as hy profoundness of in-
vestigation.
20. Olshansen, Biblischer Comm. zu sdmmtlichen Schriften des
Neuen Teat. 5 vols. 3rd ed. 1832. The excellence of this exposition
consists in the endeavour to develope the individual manner of
thinkins of the difierent writers of the Bible, in connection with the
unity of the doctrinal views of the Bible in general. Yet it appears
to us that the exposition of the three first Gospels is more carefully
composed, and lays claim to a higher degree of ori^bality than
that of John.
21. Fikenscher, Biblisch-praktische Audegung des Ev. Joh.^
3 vols. 1831-1833. The work is a Biblical explanation for gene-
ral readers of education, but it contains many hints which are of
value to professed expositors.
22. H. A. W. Meyer, Kritiach-exeget. Commentar fiber das N. T.
Pt. 2, 1834. The Commentary of the author has improved in the
succeeding volumes. The exposition of John must be designated
as meagre.
23. Kurze Erkl&rung des Ev. Joh., by De Wette, 2nd ed. 1839.
The most important data for exposition are compressed in a judi-
cious manner and with independent judgment, yet the mass of
different notices compressed into so small a space prevents the im-
j)ression of the whole ; the brevity of his own explanations also is
not sufficient to gain an altogether satisfactory insight into the most
important passages. The Straussian criticism also has exerted an
influence on the exposition of this Gospel, although this is much
less than in the three first Gospels.
Great advantage may be gained preparatory to the study of this
Gospel from Frommann, Johanneischer Lehrhegriff^ 1831, and
Neander's Geschichte der Pflanzung der christlichen Kirche, 3rd
ed. 1841, p. 757, sq. [History of the Planting of the Christian
Church, translated by J. £. Ryland, vol. ii. p. 239, sq.]
Whilst this Commentary was in the press there have appeared
two works relating to this Gospel which deserve notice — the Com-
mentary of Baum^rten-Crusius, vol. i. pt. i. (ch. i.-viii.), Jena,
1843 ; and a treatise by Kostlin {Der Lehrbegriff des Ev. und der
Briefe Joh. und die venoandten neu-testatnentlichen Lehrhegriffe.
Berlin, 1843).
The work of the now deceased theologian of Jena presents for
the most part in the text only his own exposition of the author, and
notices otner expositions principally in the notes with great brevity,
as is the case with Liicke. It may lay claim to the merit of beins
an independent exposition, penetrating into the spirit of the Gospel
The position taken by the author, who does not decidedly belong
to
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to any of the present theological schools, in reference to the question
of the genuineness and cred^ility of the Gospel, is worthy of remark.
With n-eedom, firmness, and historical tact he presents briefly the
principal grounds which oblige us to acknowledge its genuineness ;
and as regards the credibility of the matters of fact, he maintains
in general those views which the extreme criticism of the present
day wishes to regard as antiquated, ap{)lying to them the name of
' antiauated Harmonistic and Apologetic ;' only with regard to the
miracles the deceased author assumes a negative but by no means
a clear position. He defends also the originality of the discourses
of the Kedeemer as given by John, though he does not deny the
influence of an elaborating hand. We here quote only what he
says respecting the doctrine of the Losos. This doctrine, accord-
ing to the view of the author, cannot be regarded as an expansion
and personification of the Old Testament doctrine of the word and
wisdom of God — ^it is more probably an exotic growth of Judaism
invented in Alexandria in onler to unite itself with the Grecian
philosophy. * The probability on the other hand is, that tiie doc-
trine of the Lo^ had found entrance and significance amongst
Jews and Christians beyond Alexandria in the time of the compo-
sition of John's prologue.' Individuals only had introduced it in
the immediate sphere of the Evangelist, perhaps Apollos. John
has not made it the object of his own speculation, but has received
it only to obtain an expression answering to his sublime impression
of Cmrist.
The author of the new idea of John's doctrine {Lehrhegriff des
jEv. Joh., &c.), which originally appeared in Tubingen as a prize
essay, adopts the principles of naur and Schwegler. The Gospel
(according to him) appeared in the second century, and is com-
posed with the iremco-apologetical design of reconciling the
opposite parties that existed in the Christian church. In Christ's
discourses throughout, and even when John the Baptist is intro-
duced, no one speaks except the unknown Evangelist. He has
completely disensa^d himself from the principles of Judaism.
The fundamental idea of the work lies in tne thought that
Christianity, is the absolute religion. This absolute rehgion has
appeared in a personal form in the Xoyof become man, by whom
first light and life have been imparted to the world, so that out of
him there is only deatii and darkness. The author lays claim to
having risen in his work, considered as an exhibition of objective
history, high above the stand-point of Frommann, but he has no
right to claim this, except on the supposition that Dr. Baur's view
of the history of the dogmas of the first and second century is tiie
only one that has an historical foundation.
"""""""""■ On
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( 46 ) [July,
ON THE RELATION OF SCRIPTURE TO
HUMAN INQUIRY.
By William M'Combie, author of < MotbI Agency,
and Man as a Moral Agent,' ^cc.
Truth may be viewed as objectiye or as subjectiye, and in all
inquiries which embrace the operation of human tiliouffht and
feeling, it is of importance that this distinction should be Icept in
yiew. That Being has its modes, laws, and relations, not the less
though these should not be appreliended or known by any himian
mind, will be admitted by all, save the pure idealist. While this
is what constitutes objective truth, subjective truth is the mental
perception or apprehension of these.
Truth ranges itself under various divisions, e, ^., scientific,
speculative, historical, moral. Scientific truth, whether demon-
strative or inductive, admits but of one uniform apprehension in
all minds. It is not exactly so with historical truth, and still less
so with economical, speculative, and moral. Many matters, poli-
tical, social, and intellectual, may be very variously apprehended
by diflTerent minds. Very different and even opposite views may
be entertadned of them ; in their subjective state therefore they
take the form of opinion. Moral truth, on the other hand, in its
subjective state takes the form of conviction. Whether the
former (opinion) induce to action or not is a question of expediency,
the latter must be acted on (its very object is to induce action), or
the moral sense suffers violence. Now we conceive that Revela-
tion comes in as an authority only in the latter of these — moral
truth, or what involves obligation. It binds duty, but leaves
opinion free.
On matters of natural science, of cosmogony, of history, on
wliich the sacred writers may have had occasion to speak, we con-
ceive that revelation neither precludes nor forbids- the fullest
inquiry ; and that its proper authority is not in the least affected
by whatever may be the results of such inquiry. The Bible is
not a revelation of natural or of civil history (although it embodies
the earliest observations extant in the former, and the most ancient
and trustworthy notices of the latter), far less of physical science,
but of man's relation to God as a moral being, and more especially
of his state as a sinner, and the Divine scheme of redemption.
If we inquire dispassionately, and apart from the influence of
systems, what was the nature or measure of the influence called
Inspiration,
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Inspiration, we shall find that, in entire correspondence with the
view we have just stated, it extended to the message simply as it
bore on the moral or spiritual being of man ; that the forms of
history, poetry, apologue, were merely the shell or the setting in
which the pearl of spiritual truth was conveyed. While it was
meant to enlighten the mind, it was chiefly in order that it might
reach the heart or soul, melt and subdue it by the love of God,
and transform it into his image anew. Accordingly we find
Divine truth in the Scriptures conveyed, for the most part, not in
the abstract, but in the subjective form. It comes forth as the
utterance of human hearts — ^hearts instinct with spiritual life — ^a
life which fills and subjugates the whole being. And even in
those places where God himself condescends to address men di-
rectly, his voice is but the utterance as it were of a human sub*
jectivity, expressing the hopes, the fears, the joys, the surprisals
of a limited and embodied mind. This condescension — this
anthropomorphising, is not without an aim. It has an object of
the highest importance in view — nothing less than to reach the
sympathies of the human soul.
Spiritual truth, in addition to its coming to us chiefly in the
subjective form, in contradistinction from the abstract or scientific,
is linked, to great extent, to facts — facts in the history of nations
and of individuals. Its varied and wondrous appliance of motive,
as well as its moral code, is made to agreat extent to cluster
round and spring out of those facts. The whole mechanism, if
we may so speak, of the redemptive economy, from first to last,
moves and plays amid human life and action, and is evolved by
human agency. Had belief been purely or chiefly an intellectual
state, it is probable Revelation would have come to us in the form
of abstract statement, but being more a state of the heart or soul,
it comes prevailingly in the form of interesting and afiecting facts,
and bears in its speciality not the aspect of a formula, but of a
testimony. Now testimdny is a form of communicating know-
ledge or truth, which, when it bears on matters not otherwise
ascertainable, demands confidence in him who gives it — an essential
constituent of faith.
It is the fundamental doctrine of Protestantism that the Scrip-
tures are the rule of faith. What is the domain of fidth ? Only
matters not ascertainable through experience or the exercise of
reason. Whatever becomes matter oi science is removed from
this domain. All matters then on which the sacred writers may
have had occasion to speak, coming within the region of science, or
which may be ascertainable by observation, induction, or inde-
pendent investigation of whatever kind, are not matters of faith.
Tlie Scriptures give no authoritative deliverance on them, but so
far
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48 On the Relation of Scripture to Human Inquiry. [ July*
far as they embody aay reference to them, edmply present before
us the knowledge, the modes of thinking, and the impressions of
the writers ; and it was no part of their special endowment for
their work to place them aheisul of their times in matters coming
within the spnere in question. Had it been otherwise, had that
strict scientific accuracy which so many of those who seem to re-
gard themselves as specially intrusted with the defence of Scrip-
ture, unwisely assume to be necessary in order to the vindication
of its peculiar claims, been an element in the Divine intention, or
in the qualification of the various writers — ^had it been the
Divine intention, we say, to secure such accuracy in all matters
coming within the region of science, on which they had occasion
to touch, the Bible would have been fully as much a revelation of
science as of religion ; discovery would m manv cases, perhaps in
nearly all, have been anticipated, the exercise of the human
faculties superseded, and the spirit of inquiry, with all its attend-
ant stimulus, intellectual expansion, elevation, and delight, been
laid to sleep.
God has pursued a very different course, and one more in har-
mony with the intellectual and moral constitution of man. Man's
intellect is stimulated, expanded, and invigorated by free and
earnest inquiry, and God has left open to him the whole region
where inouiry can be successful^ or attended with definite and
sure results. But intellectual activity, or vigour, or expansion,
has no necessary connection with spiritual life. All the intel-
lectual activities may be Stirred, and yet the moral sense remain
dead. It can be moved only by what addresses itself to the
emotional being — ^by what makes obligation apparent and duty
felt. In revelation this purpose is apparent from beginning to
end. It treats not abstractly of the nature of God, of the soul,
or of duty, but practically. Proceeding on the assumption that
what man chiefly needed in his fallen condition was not so much
materials for an objective apprehension (tliis he already possesses^),
but a subjective realization ; its great aim throughout is to induce
this — ^to make us feel and realize our relation to him in every
pulse and movement of our moral being. It brings him before
us not merely as the creator, sustainer, and governor of all things,
but more especially as the father of our spirits, the inspector of our
actions and our hearts, the suide of our ways, the protection of
our weakness if we trust in Him ; but our strict and awful Judge
if we violate his law, and despise his warnings. And then, m the
redeeming economy, which constitutes the peculiar and distinctive
* Rom. i. 20 : « For the invisible things of him (God) from the creation of the
world are clearly seen, being uiderstod by the tilings that are made, even his
eternal power and godhead."
glory
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glory of revelation, he is brought before our view as pitving us in
our condition of sin and ruin, as loving us so as to send nis Son to
suffer and die for our redemption, and as plying us witii every
motive which the compassion and love of his infinite mind could
put forth to induce us to return to him and obtain salvation and
peace. In a word, it is always the soul that is aimed at, though
plied through the medium of the mind or intelligence by means of
statements, facts, appeals, dehortations, promises, warnings. It is
the soul that has come under the domimon of spiritual death, and
it is there, as at the centre of the moral being, that spiritual life
must be rekindled. What is it but a condition of the soul which
the Scriptures present to us as the essence of all moral excellence
and obedience — ' love is the fulfilling of the law.' It was not an
intellectual quickening but a spiritual, that Christ came to effect
— * the words that I speak unto you, they are spirit and they are
life ;' and he gloried in the realization of this distinctive feature
of his mission — ' I thank Thee, O Father, Lord of heaven and
earth, that thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent,
and hast revealed them unto babes.' Nay, more, we are dis-
tinctly warned that the effect of the mere intellectual reception of
the facts and announcements of Revelation is the most disastrous
and fatal possible—* The letter killeth.'
Does then piety most readily ally itself to ignorance and intel-
lectual dormancy ? and is it true indeed, after all, that * ignorance
is the mother of devotion' ? Not so : but piety demands a teach-
able and submissive spirit. Intellectual vigour, refinement, and
expansion are not the less to be aspired after, valued, and ho-
noured. Nay, Revelation has been tne best stimulant to whatever
dignifies and adorns humanity ; but the most refined and expan-
sive intellect must be ready to yield when and wherever God
speaks, alike with the most lunited and uncultured. Then reason
must submit and faith come into exercise. * He that will not
receive the kingdom of heaven as a little child shall in nowise
enter therein.' This it is which renders it of so much importance
that the sphere in which the divine authority is interposed should
be rightly apprehended and well defined ; for the most disastrous
consequences have resulted, and are continuing to this hour to
result, from an undue and unwarrantable extension of it. Who
shall attempt to depict the evils which have been produced by
attempting to stretch this authority over the domain of Ihe intel-
lect, when it was intended to embrace only the spiritual being
and moral relations of man ?
Revelation then neither interdicts nor limits any inquiry legiti-
mate to the human faculties, or to which they may be competent ;
and no course could in our apprehension be more unwise xm the
VOL. II. — NO. III. E part
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50 On the Belatian of Seriphire to Human Inquiry. [July,
part of its advocates than to seem jealous of, or to frown on, any
fair scrutiny, whatever relation such scrutiny may bear to any of
the statements or facts it embodies. Rightly apprehended it
stands upon a basis secure against all assaults from such quarters.
It will hold on its course, maintain its integrity, and fulfil its
purpose, whatever may be the bearing of such inquiries, or their
results.
For let us again for a moment revert to the (question : — ^what
were the Scriptures intended to teach ? Not science, not chro-
nology, not history for itself, not even theology strictly, but re-
ligion, considered as a disposition of the heart and mind towards
God. Why demand that a book with such a purpose should in
its references to natural facts speak in the languaae of perfect
science, or that its historical sketches should be elaborate pbilo-
sophical digests ? In the countries and during the epochs in which
the Scriptures were penned, if they were to come t)^t)ugh a human
medium at all, or to be capable of taking any hold on human
sympathies, tliese conditions could not but be violated. Unless
tne entire feelings and impressions of the sacred writers in regard
to matters of social life, and natural objects and phenomena, had
been held in abeyance or overborne, it followed inevitably that
those feelines and impressions must blend with their writings.
The earlier books of Scripture were written in times and in con-
ditions of society which we can now scarcely realize — times when
the science of nature had hardly begun to lie cultivated, and when
speculative questions which have now been discussed for ages with
the greatest subtiety, had never once been stirred. Why then be
so unreasonable as to make demands of Revelation the fulfilling of
which was never embraced in its intention, and which the nature
of the case did not admit of its fulfilling? Why boggle at sup-
posed discrepancies between its statements and tlie results of
modem investigation, when it was never intended to anticipate,
embrace, or any way interfere with such results ? The cosmogony
of Moses may not readily embrace all the geological chances and
epochs : had it done so, it would certainly have been ahead of the
present condition of geological science. It is enough that in its
great lines, and in the main impression which it ms^es, it tallies
with the results of the most extended observation and the soundest
inference ; — ^that it teaches us the great truth that the universe is
th^ work of one inde})endent and Almighty Intelligence, and that
it was evolved and built up not by miracle but by labour — that it
rose through successive and ascending stages, and was not called
forth as the wonder of an instantaneous spell.
Further, why should the proper authority of Revelation be re-
garded as in the least invalidated though some historical discre-
pancies
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Sondes or chronological inaccuracies should be discovered in it ?
we deal thus in any analogous case that comes within our own
experience ? Suppose a friend should send a messenger request-
ing our immediate attendance at his house, because a serious acci-
dent had befallen one of his family ; should we neglect to comply
with his request, or treat the messaae as a fabrication, because in
the meantime we had happened to leam from another party that
the messenger had fallen mto some inaccuracy respecting ihe time
or the place at which the accident had occurred ? Clearly not :
for this, instead of afFectine, would confirm our belief in the fact
of the accident haying realW occurred.
We have no sym][>athy whatever with that spirit which cannot
rest secure in its faith so long as any difficulty remains insolved,
or any discrepancy unharmonized. We, on tne contrary, regard
the difficulties and the slight discrepancies which the Scriptures
present as among the strongest bulwarks of our fedtb ; and there
are few things we can more deeply regret than that Ibe demand
for their complete reduction should even by implication have been
ever concedea to sceptics as at all fair or even rational. What
were faith where everything was clear and no difficulty ; that
were not &ith but science — seeing, leaving no room for trust, and
precluding hope and aspiration iSier future mental advances and
enlargement
But it may be objected that the theory of inspiration for which
we are contending would introduce a painAil uncertainty as to
many questions of £sLct found in the Scriptures. Once admit that
Ae sao-ed writers were not secured against all inaccuracy and
mistake, and what guarantee have we for the correctness of many
of their statements, especially those of a supernatural kind ? In
the first place, all that we have for the trustworthiness of human
testimony generally, which we uniformly receive when it comes
from parties who evince soundness of mind, competent informa-
tion, and honesty ; unless there be some special reascms for sus-
pecting or rejectinff it And then in addition to this, there is the
important fact, which we assume to be admitted by all parties
whom we are now addresang, that Scripture constitutes the
vehicle of Grod's will and merciful intentions towards our race ;
and therefore that the Bible is on the whole just what he
intended it to be — possessed of all the fidelity and correctness
compatible with its being conveyed through a human medium, and
adapted to come within the comprehension and to enUst the sym-
pathies of every class and nation of human kind. The general
and effective but not perfunctory superintendence which we con-
ceive to have been exercised on the part of God over tiie sacred
writers, while sufihjent to sustain full confidence in their fidelity
E 2 and
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52 On the Relation of Scripture to Human Inquiry, [July^
and prevailing correctness, possesses the advantage of being free
from the serious if not insurmountable difficulties which attach to
the theory of verbal or plenary suggestion. And thus scope is
not only allowed for the taith we instinctively repose in honest and
competent human testimony, but for that which is inspired by the
fact that the writings in question are the chosen vehicle of God's
merciful intentions towards us. The lowest claim therefore which
can be preferred on behalf of the sacred writers is that their tes-
timony oe uniformly received, unless from discrepancies in the
record itself, or from independent and certain sources of evidence,
they are proved to be incorrect. As to supernatural facts: if
once the Bible is admitted to embody a divine revelation at all,
they, to our apprehension, require no greater evidence to render
them credible than any other facts ; for such a revelation being in
itself essentially and inevitably supernatural, the admission of its
being of this character removes all improbability from whatever
supernatural developments or attestations of it God may see meet
to employ.
The striking and literal fulfilment of prophecy in so many cases
constitutes in itself alone a proof of the supernatural endowment
of the sacred writers which can never be set aside. And the pro-
gress of research and discovery will go on as it has hitherto done,
to confirm increasingly the accuracy and fidelity of the Scriptures
generally, and bring out these more distinctly and impressively
to view ; at the same time we are satisfied it will evolve new points
of difficulty to those who hold the sacred penmen to have been the
subjects of an inspiration extending to all they wrote in its entire
bearings and minutest detail. Our own conviction, the reader is
ere this time aware, is that such a theory is untenable, nor can
we help feeling a deep regret fliat any such should have ever been
maintained.
Amid discusfflons respecting points of externality, or questions
of mere verbal harmony, the fact has not had sufficient importance
accorded to it, that Revelation carries the witness of its divinity in
itself. It has verified itself in human consciousness from age to
age, and would continue to do so though all external proofs were
swept away. Its moral truth and elevation have wrung a reluctant
acknowledgment from the bitterest sceptics, and it can never want
a witness so long as the human constitution remains unchanged.
And then the admission of its moral truth must lead to an acknow-
ledgment of its distinctive facts by all who fairly entertain the
question, and are capable of judging of the springs of human
action and motive.
Having thus endeavoured to evolve an answer to the question.
What
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1848.] On the Relation of Scripture to Human Inquiry. 53
What is the relation of the Scriptures to science and human in-
quiry generally, — ^it will now be expected of us to devote some
attention to the more special inquiry. What is the relation of
Scripture to theology? A satisfactory answer to this question
cannot be obtained without ascertaining both what objects theo-
logy embraces, and whence its materials are derived. As to its
objects, theology may be defined the Science of the Relations of
God to the Universe. It is usually divided into natural and re-
vealed ; the former embracing whatever may be ascertained or
inferred respecting those relations from nature, providence, and
social life ; the latter deriving its materials firom Kevelation only.
The field embraced by the former Revelation leaves of course as
open as before, although itself anticipating and giving definite-
ness to many of the results.
In any such inquiry as the present it is of the utmost importance
that it be borne in mind that theology is not one of the exact
sciences, and therefore not standing forth in any such indepen-
dence of Revelation as those sciences. The question as to the
Being of God considered as a question of pure science does not
belong to theology but to Ontology. It is the primary question
when the reason proposes to itself the task of accounting K)r JBeinq.
To those who have made mental processes their study, the reasons
of the incertitude of theology as a science merely of observation
and induction will readily present themselves. The distinctive
feature of mental action is its voluntary character; in this it
stands in contrast to physical action, and apart from the dominion
of physical law. Then there is the fact that no one has a direct
inspection of the processes of any mind but his own, and that these
processes are often very difficult both to seize and to classify — all
these elements contribute to make any branch of knowledge in
which the actines of mind form a main part exceedingly recondite
and difficult. STor will the difficulty be on the whole abated when
the inquiry respects the actings and operation of the Infinite and
Supreme Intelligence. For to other causes must in this case be
added the moral darkness and the alienation of man's heart from
his Maker. And thus it has been found that inquiries respecting
the relations sustained by God both to the phenomenal and ra-
tional universe, and more especially respecting the position and
prospects of man under such relations, when pursued apart from
a knowledge of revelation, have ever quickly merged into doubt
and uncertainty, producing, even in the hands of those most
earnestly devoted to such inauiries, and best qualified to pursue
them, very little meriting to oe regarded as true science. Deeply
conscious of such being the case, candid and enlightened vaxnoA
will receive with thanknilness whatever Revelation may supply to
them,
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54 On the RdaJtian of Scripture to Human Inquiry, [July,
them, adapted to aid or throw light on any investicationB they may
institute respecting the manifestations of God in the universe, and
the relations he sustains to its diversified existences.
If the Bible be admitted to be a revelation from God at all,
it may be expected to embody a large and peculiar repertory of
materials towards the construction of a dinne philosophy. In
taking careful account of its deliverances and facts, no £Eur mquiry
is precluded, but, on the contrary, greatly stimulated aa well as
aided. The waj in which the Scriptures treat of the relations of
God to his rational creatures presents a striking contrast to the
way in which they treat of material or physical relations ; for while
in the one case they take np the current knowledjge, impressions,
and modes of thinking, in tne other they maintain a determined
warfare against current impressions and notions ; and, indeed, the
whole drift of the Old Testament Scriptures, as well as of that
theocratic economy about which so large a portion of them is
conversant, was to withstand and repel their &tal proffress, and to
present an organised and living manifestation before tne nations of
the truth they so tended to subvert On the whole, then, in regard
to the more general relations of God to the universe, both pheno-
menal and rational, the Scriptures give a certain sound, while
beyond byt a narrow limit, that of Nature, in the ears even of the
most attentive and patient listeners, has ever been found uncertain ;
baffling even the moral reason in its most earnest efforts to draw
from it a distinct response. Yet the teaching of the former neither
traverses nor supersedes that of the latter, but only, if we may so
say, interprets its lispings, and supplements its defects.
So much for theolo^ m its more general aspect In that more
special department which embraces the relations of God to man,
considered as a sinner placed under an economy of mercy, the
Scriptures supply the whole and only materials. But in general
it is the materials only — facts and announcements, not the grounds
and relations of these. The sreat aim of the Scriptures evidently
is to teach men relision, not abstract knowledge, not even theology
(as we have already remarked) considered as a sdenoe. They
do certainly aim at making men wise, but it is with a spiritual
wisdom — it is ^ wise unto salvation.' It is a wisdom which has its
origin in spiritual emotion. * The fear of the Lord is the begin-
ning of wisdom,' and which from the centre of the moral being
. radiates in every form of virtue — ' first pure, then peaceable ....
full of mercy and good fruits.'
It hence follows that religion may flourish not only in minds
incapable of apprehending the relations in question, but in those
also who, possessmg such capability, may nevertheless, from various
causes, misconceive of them greatly, and even egregiously. The
records
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records of piety and Christian virtue in every age bear testimony
to this. It is not the views which men entertam or take up regard-
ing the relations which the facts and announcements of Scripture
bear to each other, or to the great scheme of the Divine govern-
ment, which bS&qX their spiritual condition, but the views they
entertain of their own immediate rekition to God. A serious mis-
conception has long prevailed and operated perniciously here. An
adherence to objective truth — ^to what may have been deemed by
some particular party a sound formula — has been put in thd
place of a subjective reception or realization in the individual con-
sciousness of God's testimony, or has been held as the sole instru-*
ment of inducing this. And as a natural consequence, on the
other hand, misconceptions or errors of opinion or theory have been
ag^avated into heresies demanding the exclusion from Christian
society of those entertaininff them, even though evincing the de-
voutest hearts and the holiest lives. The heresy condemned in
Scripture consists not primarily, we conceive, in error of opinion
or tneory, but, springing from a perversion of spiritual or moral
sentiment, takes the form of a practical rejection of Divine teach-
ing, or of some portion of it in the inoral error, and not in the
intellectual mistake or misconception, was its peculiar virus.
Indeed, we have vet to be convinced that the Smptures either
enjoin or exemplinr exclusion from the Church on account of in-
tellectual error, when not wilful, nor produced or stimulated by
a perversion of moral feeling. Those characterised as guilty of
here^ in Scriptures are described as ^ denying the Lord who
bought them ;' and their sin is classed with * works of the flesh,'
and takes its place among the blackest crimes. In its primary
sense, as used in Scripture indeed, heresy denoted a sect or
development of schism ; and the heretic was not a propagator of
doctrinal error, but a fomenter of division.
The Scriptmres, then, teach religion directiy — ^theoloey by im-^
plication ; and the demand which they make on any one who would
evolve a theology from them is, that whatever they contain should
be readily recognised, and carefully and candidly weighed. Pre-
senting no scheme of divine philosophy connectedly and in detail,
of course no scheme purporting to be derived from mem is entitled
to claim to be exclusively theirs ; and it must ever be an open
question whether or not they underlie and support any particular
one throughout — a question which no person or party can fairly
assume to be settled by tiie Scriptures themselves, or can appeal
to them exclusively as settiing, seeing the meaning of what may
be held to be the srounds and proofe of this must, on the funda-
mental principle of Protestantism, always be open to discussion.
No theological system indeed, however widely sanctioned, can
fiurly prefer any higher claim than this, of being an essay or
endeavour
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56 On the Relation of Scripture to Human Inquiry. [July,
endeavour towards a deyelopment of the rationale of Scripture
teaching. And that system is most entitled to reception which
evinces herein the greatest consistency and success.
That most important division of theology, then, of which the
materials are denved from Scripture alone, is thus found to be in
great measure a matter of induction and of inference ; and so far
as it partakes of this character it must, considered as a science,
be, not fixed, but progressive, capable of being advanced and
matured, both by new light thrown on the sense of Scripture, and
by patient and enlightened study and collation. The relation of
Scnpture, then, to theolo^, is analogous to the relation of the
quarry to the building, and in harmony with the relation of nature
to physical science, so that labour, research, inquiry, induction,
ana the application of a comprehensive reason, far from being
interdicted or precluded, are stimulated and called into vigorous
exercise. Thus the whole works and the word of God are found
to harmonise ; as they conspire, not to repress, but quicken and
stimulate our mental activity.
Still there will be many reclaimers ; and from such (if candid)
we would request attention to a few yet further remarks. That
the Scriptures were not meant to teach a theology so mudi as a
a life is, we conceive, evinced by what we may call the duality of
their teaching. Instead of mamfesting, like philosophy, a restless
striving after a sole universal principle, they everywhere teach and
exempufy a double asency — we divine and the human. It is the
active subject and the living divine stimulus. Its teaching, ' Work,
man, work, strive even to agony,' has running alongside of it,
* It is God that worketh in you.' Now the case is put as if on
God depended all, and now as if on man depended an : no appre-
hension of discrepancy shown — ^no care to evolve a theory, or to
save one. Let those who list account for diversity originating
out of unity, or solve the relation of the phenomenal to the
absolute, or of the finite to the infinite ; the Scriptures own no
concern with such speculations. They deal with the actual ; and
address themselves to the rational soul, on spiritual and moral
truths, which are instantly felt in every awakened consciousness,
to take hold on the immutable and eternal.
That the Scriptures embody no developed system of theology is
further evident n*om the fact, that the supporters of the two great
opposing theological schemes have each alike, and each very suc-
cessfully, claimed a foundation in them — the one taking up and
starting from the principle of the Divine agency, the other taking
up and making its starting point of the human ; each respectively
laying vehement claim to whatever declares or illustrates its appro-
priat;ed rallying truth. The adjustment of this great and long-
standing controversy it fiills not within our present pui^pose to
inquire
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1848.] On the Relation of Scripture to Human Inquiry. 57
inquire into ; though the intelligent reader will perhaps be able to
infer in what direction we would seek it. But we cannot allow
that aspect of the Scriptures which has called forth these remarks
to pass from our view without observing how completely they thus
steer clear of that onensidedness which has been to such a degree
the bane of human systems in every age.
Views like those we have been endeavouring to brine out in
this paper, while securing to the Scriptures their just place and
proper honour as the repository of God's truth and will in regard
to our spiritual being and condition, would unsting the odium
theolofficunij by preventing men from judging or pronouncing on
each other's spiritual state or future destiny on account of their
theological opinions. Then might every one come to the study of
the Scriptures in a calm dispassionate spirit, and state the results
of his honest investigation without eitner bitterness or fear ; that
keen sectarian virulence being extinguished which now so much
inflames theological discussion. And then might we ex{>ect as
near an approadi to the solution of great theological questions as
the present limitation of our faculties will permit ; at all events,
a spirit of re^ct and forbearance would cnaracterise their inge-
nuous discussion. And, above all, the avenues of the soul, now
so often stifled by rigid dogmas and sectarian feeling, would be
opened up to the direct entrance of the living word in all its
divine freshness and power.
Is there then sucn an uncertainty about the teaching of the
Scriptures, as to allow of those who profess submission to their
authority entertaining any sort of opinions notwithstanding ? There
is no uncertainty about the teaching of Scripture in relation to its
proper object. It possesses a spiritual vitality, and a moral certi->
tude and force, to which there is nothing to be compared. Nowhere
is its precision and force so well described as in tne record itself :
* The word of God is quick and powerful, sharper than any two-
edged sword, piercing to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit,
and of the joints and marrow, and is a discemer of the thoughts
and intents of the heart.' In their entire bearing, the Scriptures
go to secure the highest order of harmony ; but it is b^ commu-
nicating an identity of spiritual light and moral emotion. The
image of God is impressed on the soul, and induces not an intel-
lectual but a moral correspondence. ^ As in water face answereth
to face, so doth the heart of man to man.' Uniformity of opinion
was not enforced by apostolic autliority, nor secured by apostolic
teaching. It was not even aimed at. Matters of opinion were left
to individual persuasion, as matters of expediency were to indi-
vidual option : * Let every one be fully persuaded in his own mind.'
It is far otherwise in regard to matters of duty and faith ; no room
for doubt or uncertainty is left in anything that has a vital bearing
on
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58 On the Relatian of Scripture to Human Inquiry. [July,
on these ; the law is conspicuouB and decifflve, * that he may run
who readeth.' And then, though not the primary object of divine
teaching, the, in reality, most effectiye course is taken to secure
substantial harmony oi opinion in all ingenuous teachable minds.
All the emotions appropriate to the spiritual life are stirred and
kept aliye by a few great fects bearing the fullest attestation. Of
these the great fact that ^ Christ died for our sins' stands like the
sun in the centre, which, once revealed in its glory, irradiates the
whole system. Accordingly we find the theology of the apostles
projected from the cross ; and the divine scheme can only be seen
m its full and relative proportions from the point whence it radiates.
Delivered under the light of the Divine Sacrifice, it \b never abstract,
never addressed to the intellect primarily, but to the rational soul,
the centre and seat of the moral emotions. There quickened and
stimulated by the entire teaching of Scripture, faith works by love,
and through it reaches a substantial harmony, both subjective and
objective. It is also worthy of being noted in this connection, that
the teaching of Scripture is prevailingly in contact with social life.
The discourses of Christ were addre^d to audiences drawn from
and living in the society around him ; the greater part of the
apostolic teaching was addressed in familiar letters to bodies of
Christians, or to individuals sustaining the most important social
and officifid relations. In each case me teaching was practical,
bearing constantly on faith and duty. Replenished throughout
the Scriptures are with the most momentous truth, but it is truth
not of theory, but of obligation. It never terminates in making us
think right, but passes on directly to the seat of responsibility, in
order to make us feel risht and do right. When this is secured,
there is small danger to oe apprehended from diversity of opinion ;
and if this is missed, what is uniformity worth, though centring in
the purest scheme of orthodoxy ever devised.
All the great purposes of revelation might have been secured
though theology as a science had never been developed, as they
have been in myriads of redeemed and purified spirits who were
never capable of taking it up as such. Philosophy is a want not
of the moral but of the intellectual being, and tms bein^ has in
every age remained dormant or undeveloped in the majority of
the race. The speculative craving possesses but a small minority,
thouffh in that minority it operates with the force of destiny,
impelling them in the search axter * the reason of things.' But to
emoody the fruits of the exercise of this temperament in a dog-
matic torm, and constructing a detailed system of doctrinal results
and checks, to demand its reception of all, as the embodiment of
Scripture saving truth ; what course could betray a creater
ignorance of human nature, or greater inattention to Divine
procedure and example ?
) THE
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THE YOUTH OF DAVID, ILLUSTRATED
FROM THE PSALMS.
By The Editor.
Seeing how manifestly the Psalms of Dayid are the outpourings
of the writer's heart, and how numerous are the allusions to his
experiences and his circumstances which they afford, it has often
surprised us how little they hare been used to illustrate his cha-
. racter and history. Most judgments concerning him are deriyed
entirely from the circumstances of his career which the history
records, and little, if any, use has been made of those beautiAiI
compositions in wldch he unfolds his whole heart and character to
us, so that we may read it Uke a book. It is also very safe to say
that if the history of David had not been recorded in the books of
Samuel and Chronicles, the substance of it might be collected
from the Psalms alone, with the addition of many circumstances
which the history does not embrace. We have of late years been
furnished with very ample and interesting bio^aphies of old poets
and historians, founded on hi scantier materials than the Psalms
afford concerning Darid.
It is with the hope of illustratinff our meaning, rather than with
the intention of supplying the deficiency thus indicated, that we
here purpose to inquire what information concerning the youth of
David, and the growth of his character, may be derived from his
Psalms. We oiose this period for two reasons — ^because it is
the period in which the historical information and the biographies
founded upon it are most deficient ; and because, if it be true that
* the child is father of the man,' this part of David's career is of
importance, from the. interest we naturally feel in tracing the
formation or early developments of one of the most remamible
characters that any age has produced.
We know, historically, that David was the son of a native of
Bethlehem, named Jesse, and that this Jesse was a descendant
from that seemingly wealthy Bethlehemite named Boaz, who
figures in the history of Ruth. At the first riew it might seem
that Jesse was the heritor of his wealth, and representative of
the eldest branch of his descendants. But this is by no means
clear from the known facts, as the genealogv of Jesse is mven
merely for the sake of indicating the line dr descent whicn in
the person of David was rendered royal, and ultimately became
Messianic.
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Messianic. Jesse might be of a younger branch in the descent
from Boaz, and if he represented the eldest, the manner in
which landed heritages were divided among children with the
Hebrews, renders it unlikely that Jesse possessed the entire
heritage of Boaz. llie matter is of some interest, as the
recorded &cts and the intimations in the Psalms do not seem
to be in accordance with the prevailing impression on the
subject. It appears to us that Jesse was rather a poor than a
rich man — ^not m abject poverty, certainly, but not in such circum-
stances as to be able to keep his family entirely free fi^m
privations.
It is important to observe that Jesse appears before us not,
like Boaz, as a considerable landowner, but as a sheep-master,
and that not of extensive flocks, but of a few sheep or a small
flock, for which the care of his youngest son sufficed. This son
was David.
It will be remembered that when Samuel went to Bethlehem to
anoint one of Jesse's sons, and all the elder sons passed before
him, this youngest was not thought of by his fisither or brothers
as having anything to do in such a matter, until the prophet
pointedly asked Jesse whether these were all his childi^n, and
then Jesse answered, 'there remaineth yet the youngest, and,
behold, he keepeth the sheep' (1 Sam. xvi. 11), which seems
clearly to imply that they were his sole charge. And this is con-
firmed by what happened when David was sent to the camp of
Saul by his father to inquire after his three eldest brethren, who
were there with the army. On tliat occasion * David rose up
early in the morning, and left the sheep with a keeper ' (1 Sam.
xvii. 20), not with any of the three brothers who still remained
at Bethlehem, or who, at least, were not with the army ; and the
manner in which this is mentioned, seems to show that the keeper
was specially employed for the occasion, and was not one who
had ordinarily any charge of the flock. This interpretation is
corroborated by the surprise expressed by the elder brother
Eliab on his arrival, as to what would be done with the sheep in
his absence, — * With whom hast thou left those few sheep in the
wilderness T (1 Sam. xvii. 28). Had there been any other keeper
than David, it would have been known or guessed that the sheep
had been left in his charge during an absence intended to be
short, and the question would have been superfluous.
It appears, therefore, that Jesse's flock was small, as, indeed,
Eliab expressly says ; and that David had the full charge of it.
And by showing tne comparative humbleness of Jesse's circum-
stances, a new and interesting light may be thrown upon those
passages in which David, from his subsequent elevation, looks
back
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back upon the state from which he was taken ; as well upon those
in whicn he speaks, probably from experience, of the exigencies
and oppressions of the poor; and not less upon the allusions
which are found to pastoral afiairs, for the position was one re-
quiring much labour and constant vigilance, and was very different
from Siat of a vounff master superintending and directing his
father's shepherds. We may also trace the influence of these
circumstances upon the views which the Psalmist often takes of
the course of human life, and the contrasts which • he delights to
draw between the hopes of the poor but righteous man, and the
flourishing but evanescent prosperity of the wicked.
It will be observed that the general tenor of the quotations we
shall have to produce, sustain these impressions. Most of them
are wanted in illustration of other points ; and, to avoid repetition,
are not here produced for remark on this subject separately. We
may, however, cite the following — ^not as bemg the strongest, but
as best suited for separate production : —
' Who is like the Lord our God,
Who dwelleth on high ;
Who humbleth himself to behold
The things that are in the heaven and in the earth ?
He raised up the poor out of the dust,
And lifteth the needy out of the dunghill ;
That he may set him with princes.
Even with the princes of his people.' — ^Ps. cxiii. 5-8.
* He chose David also his servant.
And took him from the sheepfolds:
From following the ewes great with young.
He brought him to feed Jacob his people.
And Israel his inheritance.' — Ps. Ixxviii. 70, 71.
There is strong reason to suspect that David did not experience
much kind treatment in his family. It is usual for a man to
cherish, like Jacob, the son of his old age, and to prize him above
his other children, especially when the lad is handsome, as we
know was the case with David. Yet no act of tenderness or care,
or even of appreciation, on the part of Jesse, appears in the history,
under circumstances which might have seemed to reqidre his
paternal kindness, and in which it would probably have been
mentioned if it had been rendered. That Jesse did not produce
David among his other sons before Samuel, and the slight way in
which he at length, on being questioned, mentions the youngest
who was away with the sheep, are suggestive circumstances.
When Jesse sent David to the camp of Israel, there was nothing
in it of regard to him, but for flie sons who were with the army,
to
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to whom he wkhed to aend proYifflonSy and of whose welfare he
desired to be assured. The only other circumstaQoe in which
Jesse and his son are moitioned together is, that David, in the
time of his trouble from the persecutionB of Saul, took his parents
to the land of Moab for safety, showing that whateyer had been
the treatment he had received, or rather, perhapa, whatever had been
the neglect to which he had been subjected, he, on his part, was
not unmindful of his filial duties. In corroboration of the im*
mession which we have stated, it may be noted that in the Psalms
David nowhere mentions his father but once, and that once in
such a way as to sanction the impression we have been led to
entertain. Taking this as a case of omission merely, it is of itself
singularly su^estive in the case of one of so loving a temper as
David, so susceptible of kindness, and so keenly alive as he was
to all the tender influences of the paternal relation. When there
is so much allusion in the Psalms to the unkindness and neglect
of those nearest to him, and of the ingratitude of those he
cherished, we may conceive the peculiar satisfaction which he
would have felt in referring to the comfort he had found in his
father's tenderness, had there been ground on which he could
do so.
The single passage of the Psalms in which David mentions his
father is tms : —
* When my father and mother fonake me,
Then the Lord will take me up.' — ^Fs. xzvii. 10.
It has been remarked that the hypothetical form ^ven to this
verse in the Authorized Translation is not in accordance with the
original, which would be better rendered,
' For my father and mother have forsaken me,
But the Lord will take me up/
Although this may seem to have special reference to the time
when £e mad jealousy of Saul exposed all who belonged to
David to trouble on his account (as is indicated by a rerage in
the land of Moab being eventually necessary), and when he pro-
bably had to endure many cruel reflections and hard speeches
from them, yet it may seem, in connection with what has been
already produced, to show that David was not, in his youth, blessed
in any eminent degree with the comfort of a father s love. It is
willingly granted uiat this passage taken by itself does not prove
this ; but when taken with passages of a corresponding tendency,
it does as to the father ; but it does not as to tne mouier, seeins
that she is elsewhere mentioned by the son with kindness and
respect That he does in such terms mention her and not his
&ther, is a further corroboration of the conjecture we have
hazarded
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bazarded with respect to Jesse's want of strong affection towards
his son. The passage shows, however, that on the occasion to
which the text has reference, even the mother, habitually kind
and good as she seems to have been, shared in the alienation from
that seemingly unfortunate son who had brought so many troubles
upon his fawer's house. With her it could bsLYe been but a tem-
porary and anomalous state of feeling, if we rightly interpret the
intimations ; but with the fistther, if the intimations concenung him
have been rightly understood, this state of feeling was in accord*
ance with his habitual temper towards his sou.
Even with respect to the mother the allusions are not yery dis-
tinct, and are certainly very different from the warmth of language
in which Solomon speaks of himself as ' tender and only beloyed
in tiie sight of his motiier ' (Proy. iy. 3) ; but the impression they
make upon the mind is, that she was a good and pious woman,
who broi^ht up her son in the nurture and admonition of the
Lord. Ine yerses are only these : —
^ Give thy strength unto thy servant,
And save the son of thine handmaid.' — ^Ps. Ixxxvi. 16.
* O Lord, truly I am thy servant :
I am thy servant, and the.8<Hi of thine handmaid :
Thou hist loosed my bonds.'— Fs, cxvi. 16.
That David was not a fevourite with his stalwart brothers is
clear enough. Nothing can be more indicative of this than, the
disagreeable huffish numner in which the eldest of them attempts
to t^e him down when he hears him asking questions about me
state of afiairs, and the terms of the proposed reward, before he
undertook the combat with Goliah: — 'why earnest thou down
hither ? and with whom hast thou left those few sheep in the wil-
derness ? I know thy pride and the naughtiness of thine heart ;
for thou art come down that thou mightest see the battle ' (1 Sam.
xvii. 28). It will be seen that these words are not such as express
a merely temporary irritation, but indicate an habitual dislike to, or
at least an habitual misappreciation of, his youngest brother. We
ought, however, to take particular notice of them, because they may
enable us to form some notion of the qualities which, during those
youthful days, seemed in the eyes of jealous observers to dis-
tinguish his character — ^for a common knowledge of human nature
wiU suffice to reveal to us what those qualities really were which
were liable to be misconstrued by such observers. K we revert
for a moment to the case of Joseph, we shall see that his brethren
hated him, first, as his father^s favourite, and, secondly, and still
more, * because of his dreams,' which led him to believe that great
distinctions and superiority over them awaited his future life.
David's
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Dayid's brethren had not, we judge, the first of these causes for
their dislike of David ; but ijliey bad something like the second.
The characteristic which seemed to them to distinguish him, and
with which they were most ofiended, seemed to them his * pride/
This is a large word in its Scriptural use. The original word T^'Tt
zddoTiy comes from a root which signifies * to boil,* or * to boil
over,' as water ; and it signifies pride, arrogance, or haughtiness,
not concentrated, but ebullient, and theretore manifested in the
habitual tone of expression and ideas. We shall see presently
from the Psalms, that David did entertain strong impressions that
he was a special object of the Divine attention, and tnat the Lord,
who was for a refuge to his thoughts in all the crosses from which
even his early life was not free, had high destinies in store for
him. And if he expressed these convictions and sentiments in
the poetical compositions of his youth, as he did in the Psalms,
some of which were in all likelihood substantially the produc-
tions of that period, it is easy to see how this would be set down
to an overweening pride. It is not necessary to suppose that any
divine intimation was conveyed to him on this point, previous to
his anointing by Samuel. The kindlings of an ardent tempera-
ment, the internal consciousness of capacities for greater deeds
and for higher duties than those whicn now devolve upon him,
and the conviction that the Lord is able, as he often has done,
to call into the proper sphere of action the gifts he has bestowed,
are (juite sufficient to produce this result upon a man's mind ;
and if he be a young man, he is as little likely as David to leave
these conrictions and impressions undisclosed. It is just thus in
ordinary hfe ; and until such aspirations are fulfilled, he who is
imprudent enough to give utterance to them, is as likely as David
to be set down, even by his brfethren — and, indeed, perhaps more
by his brethren than by others — as an arrogant fellow, devoured
by self-esteem and pride of heart. If his aspirations are realized,
then, of course, the case is altered, and he obtains credit for the
vaticinations which brought derision or dislike upon him at the
time they were uttered. There are passages in the Psalms which
may be regarded as a protest against these misinterpretations of
his character. See, for instance, Ps. cxxxi. 1 : — .
' Lord, my heart is not haughty.
Nor mine eyes lofty ;
Neither do I exercise myself in great matters,
Nor in things too high for me.*
In returning again to the words of Eliab, it is observable that
he manifestly regards the journey of David to the camp with
provisions merely as a cover for his real object, which was * to see
the
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the battle.' Such an idea could not have occurred to him, had
not the warlike tastes of David already been well known to his
£stmily. It is more than probable, from this and other circum-
stances, that he had ardently wished to job the army in the first
instance with his brothers, but had not been allowed by his
friends to do so. But this is hardly sufficient to account for the
expressions of Eliab, which must have been founded on wider ex-
perience ; and to those who have studied the character of David,
it will appear almost certain that he had often been led to speak
of his desire to see Israel rid of the oppressors who had laid her
honour in the dust, and of his hope to take some part in the great
work of rending the Philistine yoxe from her fair neck.
In connection with these circumstances it is interesting to note
that none of the ax brothers of David are mentioned in his sub-
sequent history, when he became king, and had the means of
advancing them to honourable stations, and was encaged in great
enterprises which ^ve him need for all the faithlul services he
could command. This is the more remarkable, as the sons of
Zeruiah his sister, Joab, Abishai, and Amasa, were much attached
to his person and service, and the first of them obtained the chief
military command, and rose to be virtually the second man in the
state. This shows that David would not have been unwilling to
advance his near relations to the high places of his kingdom ; and
fi*om these facts, taken together, we may learn that the early
alienation between him and his brothers was never wholly re-
moved. That this was felt and lamented by him is clear from
Ps. Ixix. 8 :—
' I am become a stranger unto my brethren,
And an alien unto my mother's children.'
This last clause is important and emphatic. But for it, we might
be uncertain whether David might not have been the son of Jesse
by a later wife than she who gave birth to his elder sons ; or, from
the existence of polygamy amon^ the Israelites, whether he might
have been the child of another wife, while the mother of the others
still lived. In either case, the frequent jealousies between step-
brothers, and in the latter the heart-burnings between the difiTerent
mothers, imparted to their children, would have rendered the
alienation between David and his brothers but too much in the
course of nature. But we see that they were his own full
brothers, the sons of his own mother ; which rendered this aliena-
tion the more deplorable in itself and the more grievous to
David's affectionate heart
And were, then, all the children of his father's house averse to .
him ? Was there not one loving heart in which he could trust,
VOL. II. — NO. III. F and
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66 The Youth of David, [July,
and to which he oould confide his hopes and his fears ? It is
pleasant to think that there proHably was at least one. The
marked manner in which his sister Zeruiah is mentioned by name,
and the zeal with which her gallant sons devoted themselves to
the cause of David, and shared his trials and his triumphs, may
be regarded as forming a strong probabilibr that she at least re-
garded her ardent, pious, accomplished, brave, and handsome
young brother with true womanly sympathy and admiration, and
bestowed upon him the rich encouragements of a sister's love.
Precious as this must have been to him, it was not sufficient to
remove those feelings of heart-loneliness and isolation from right-
ful sympathies, in which he seems to have grown up. For this
we can easily account by remembering that Zeruiah's eldest son
Joab does not seem to have been much younger than David him-
self ; she therefore must have been considerably older than her
youngest brother, and being married away, was not a member of
the same family during the season of David's youth, if she was
such during his early childhood. There was therefore wanting in
this relation, however kind, that sustaining character which is im-
parted by the living presence of, and daily intercourse with, one of
whose sympathies and appreciation we are assured.
When David was brought into that sphere of action which
afibrded to all the fine qualities of his character their proper de-
velopment, in the presence of men capable of appreciating them,
he won the love of many Mends ; and indeed, by bis hearmdness,
exercised a kind of charm upon most of those who came within
the circle of his personal influence. But there is reason to think
that this was not the case when he was at home, among the vil-
lagers of Bethlehem, who, if we interpret rightly the allusions in
the Psalms, were incapable of appreciating the noble aspirations
of David, his fine tastes, his elevating sentiments, his love to God
and dependence upon Him, his admiration of the Divine law, and
his realized experiences in the past history of the Hebrew people ;
nor is it clear that they understood the power of his verse, or were
even subject to the diarms of his harp, of which instrument he
seems to have early made himself a master. It has alwajrs been
true, more or less, that * a prophet hath no honour in his own
country, and among those of his own house ;' and the same den-
blindness which prevented the people of Nazareth fi'om seeing
more than ^the carpenter's son' in the Lord Jesus, who had
had grown up under their eyes, doubtless indisposed the Beth-
lehemites to discover or recognise the germs of the kin^, the
conqueror, the poet, ' the man after God's own heart,' in the
shepherd boy of their own village. We may be sure that many
contemned him as an idle visionary, many pointed the finger of
scorn
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scorn at hiin as one disposed to meddle with matters beyond his
sphere, and that many, with boorish stupidity, hated him for the
MUiant qualities which they could not understand or emulate.
Birds of this feather soon grow too large for their own nest, and
they are either chased away, or of their own accord depart fiiom
the restaraining influences which prevent them from freely 'preening'
their plumage, and from spreadm^ their wings even to ' the gates
of light' From the analogies of human nature, as well as fit>m
that OYer-eacemess to visit the camp which the known temper of
David led Efiab to ascribe to him, there can be no doubt that the
son of Jesse hailed with joy the day when the mandate of the king
withdrew him bom his native place, and introduced him to the
society of like-minded men.
The circumstances which surrounded the youth of David doubts
less tended to strengthen his intercourse with heaven. The less
he had of human symnathjr to rely upon, the greater was the
earnestness of heart witn which he threw all his hopes upon God.
God was his father, God was his friend; God understood him,
pitied him, cared for him, loved him ; and God would in due time
vindicate his servant's trust and confidence.
Let us turn to the Psalms, and trace some of the indications
upon which these conclusions are founded. It is not necessary to
confine ourselves to the Psalms which may be supposed to belong
to the earlier portion of his life, for such of them, wherever com-
posed, as do not distinctly refer to particular incidents of his
later life, and even many of those that do, embody or indicate
habits of tiiought and feeling which must equally have belonged
to his youth, and were then probably in their utmost strength and
vigour. Indeed, much that a man writes or utters in middle life
and old luze is reflected frx>m the experiences of his youth, and form
images of the thoughts which filled the mind, and of the emotions
which engaged the neart when life was new. Much of one's life
is spent in keeping alive, or in entombing with monumental
honours, the feehngs and the thoughts of his early da^. We
shall not therefore pause in every instance nicely to consider the
time when this or msX Psalm fr^om which we quote was composed,
though we shall endeavour as &r as possible to keep to what ap-
pears fiiom certain indications to belong to or to refer back to the
early period of David's life.
' The Lord also will be a refuge for the oppressed,
A refrige in times of trouble.
And they that know thy name will put their trust in thee :
For thou. Lord, hast not forsaken them that seek thee.' — ^ix. 8, 9.
The feeling here indicated that the Lord would always be
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found of those that sought him — ^that he would not &il, eyen for
his own sake, to justify the confidence reposed in his protection,
and that he would never forsake any that trusted in mm, occurs
times witiiout number in the Psalms, and by showing the fixed
habit of David's mind, discloses to us the secret of his spiritual
strength. It was faith. But for this sustaining influence he could
never have sustained the inner and outer trials to which his life
had been exposed.
' I had fainted, unless I had believed to see the goodness of the Lord
In the land of the living.
Wait on the Lord ;
Be of good courage and he shall strengthen thine heart :
Wait, I say, on the Lord.' — xxvii. 13, 14.
^ The Lord is my strength and my shield :
My heart trusted in hun, and I am helped ;
Therefore my heart greatly rejoiceth,
And with my song will I praise him.' — xxviii. 7.
< Oh how great is thy goodness
Which thou hast kud up for those that fear thee ;
YHiich thou hast prepared for them that trust in thee.
Before the sons of men.
Thou shalt hide them in the secret of thy presence.
From the pride of man ;
Thou shalt keep them secretly in a pavilion,
From the strife of tongues.
Blessed be the Lord :
For he hath shewed me his marvellous kindness, (as) in a strong
city;
For I said in my haste,
I am cut off from before thine eyes :
Nevertheless thou heardest the voice of my supplication,
When I cried unto thee.
O love the Lord, ye his saints :
For the Lord preserveth the fidthful.
And plentifully rewardeth the proud doer.
Be of good courage, and he shall strengthen your heart,
All ye that hope in the Lord.'— xxxi. 19-24.
' Thou art my hiding place ;
Thou shalt preserve me from trouble ;
Thou shalt compass me about with songs of deliverance.
Many sorrows shall be to the wicked.
But he who trusteth in the Lord, mercy shall compass him about.'
xxxii. 7, 10.
* Behold the eye of the Lord is upon them that fear him.
Upon them that hope in his mercy.' — xxxiii. 18.
* I sought
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' I sought the Lord, and he heard me.
And delivered me from all my fears.
They looked unto him and were lightened ;
And their faces were not ashamed.
This poor man cried, and the Lord heard him,
And saved him out of all his troubles.
The angel of the Lord encampeth round about them that fear him,
And deuvereth them.
O taste and see that the Lord is good :
Blessed is the man that trusteth in him.
fear the Lord, ye his saints ;
For there is no want to them that fear him.
The young lions do lack and suffer hunger,
But they that fear the Lord shall want no good thing.
The eyes of the Lord are upon the righteous,
And his ears are open to their cry.
The Lord redeemeth the soul of his servants ;
And none of them that trust in him shall be desolate.' —
xxxiv. 4-10, 15, 22.
But a life of faith is a life of patient waiting for the Lord's
own time and mode of deliverance and action. We are not only
to trust to his care, but to believe that his care will be exem-
plified in the best time, and in the best way, David knew this.
< I waited patiently for the Lord,
And he inclined unto me and heard my cry.
He brought me up also out of a horrible pit,
Out of the miry clay.
And set my feet upon a rock^
And established my goings.
And he hath pu( a new song in my mouth,
Even praise unto our God :
Many shall see it, and fear, and trust in the Lord.
Blessed is the man that maketh the Lord his trust :
And respecteth not the proud.
Nor such as turn aside to lies.
Many, O Lord, are thy wonderful works which thou hast done,
And thy thoughts which are to us-ward :
Thgr cannot be reckoned up in order unto thee :
If I should declare and speak of them,
Thev are more than can be numbered.
1 ddight to do thy will, O my God :
Yea, thv law is within my heart.
Withhold not thou thy tender mercies from me, O Lord :
Let thy loving-kindness and thy truth continually preserve me.
I am poor and needy.
Yet the Lord thinketh upon me :
Thou art my help and my deliverer,
Make no tarrying, O my God.'— xl. 1-5, 8, 11, 17.
The
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The fifty-sixth Psalm, to which we now torn, belonffs appa-
rently, as the title states, to the commencing ^period of David's
wandering from the wradi of Saul, but it abounds in phrases
which mark the habitual state of feeling in the writer ; such as
these : —
< What time I am afraid, I will trust in thee.
In God I will praise his word ;
In God I have put my trust :
I will not fear what flesh can do unto me.
Thou tellest my wanderings,
Put thou my tears into thy bottle :
Are they not in thy book r
When I cry unto thee, then shall mine enemies turn back.
This I know : for God is for me.'— -Ivi. 8, 4, 8, 9.
The reader is aware that the Psalms abound in passages of
this tendency. We have not room for a third of toose which
we had marked for quotation, but cannot forbear to add a few
more : —
* My soul, wait then only upon God,
For my expectation is from him.
He only is my rock, and my salvation.
He is my defence; I shall not be moved.
In God is my salvation and my glory :
The rock of my strength and my refuge is in God.
Trust in him at all times, ye people,
Pour out your heart before him ;
God is a refuge for us.' — ^Ixii. 5-7.
^ The Lord God is a sun and a shield :
The Lord will give grace and glory :
No good thing will he withhold
From them that walk uprightly.
O Lord of hosts.
Blessed is the man that trusteth in thee,' — Ixxxiv. 11, 12.
^ Unless the Lord had been my help,
My soul had almost dwelt in silence.
TVlien I said, My foot slippeth ;
Thy mercy, O Lord, held me up.* — xciv. 17, 18.
^ Like as a father pitieth his children.
So the Lord pitie^ them that fear him.' — dii. 18.
' I love the Lord,
Because he hath heard my voice and my supplications.
Because he hath inclined his ear unto me.
Therefore will I ciJl upon him as long as I live.
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The Lord preaenreth the simple :
I was brought low and he helped me.
Return unto thy rest, O my soul,
For the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee.' — cxvi. 1, 2, 6, 7.
< Though the Lord be high, yet hath he respect unto the lowly,
But the proud he knoweth aftr off.
Though I walk in the midst of trouble, thou wilt revive me :
Thou shalt stretch forth thine hand against the wrath of mine
enemies,
And thy right hand shall save me.
The Lord will perfect that which concemeth me.' —
cxxxviii. 6, 7, 8.
It remiuos to be seen bow the same ffeneral influences are
exhibited in the views which David took of human life and human
character. The Mosaical system held forth the promise of tem-
poral prosperity, as among the rewards of a godly life. Chris-
tianity, beinff more spiritual in its sanctions, ooes not hold forth
this expectation to the faithful. It does not promise exemption
from trouble and severe privations ; but it teaches us to regard
them as fatherly discipline, designed to wean us from the world,
and to fix our affections on things above. It promises grace to
sustain them, and to profit by them ; and it pomts to a crown of
glory that fadeth not away, as reserved in heaven for those who
wage life's warfare well. Nevertheless, it is true, even under the
Christian system, that, although it does not hold forth the goods of
this life as the objects of our hope and expectation — prosperity is, in
a settled social system, the frequent concomitant or even result of a
religious life ; because with the religious character is inevitably
connected those habits of life — the sobriety, the diligence, the
perseverance, the probity, which in every well-ordered state
conduce to temporal prosperity and success. The phenomenon
which presented itself to ttie view of David in ^ contemplation
of human life, and which most exerdsed his mind, was, that the
righteous were often cast down and afflicted, while the proud and
the wicked were often seen to be prosperous and happy. He
admits, and confesses, that this tried his thoughts greatly ; but
the conclusion to which he was led was, that the proM>erity of
the wicked was all a vain show. There was nothinff real or sub-
stantial in it, nor had it any permanence ; it passed away like a
vapour, and became as a thing that had not been. But the
afloictions of the righteous were not inconsistent with happiness
so long as they trusted in God, and their desolations were sure to
be in the long run turned into prosperity, and their sorrow into
praise and joy.
The Psalms which embody these general surveys of human
life,
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72 The Youth of Damd, [July,
life, and the course of Divine Providence, are very remarkable,
and in general engage the special attention of the most cursory
readers. There are few of them which contain any allusion to
the circumstances of the author's historical life, and tnere is much
in them to suggest that, whenever set forth, they are substantially
founded upon the meditations of his early years. We may direct
particular attention to the thirty-seventh Psalm, vrfaich but for one
verse, which beautifully connects his early and late experiences,
contains nothing to suggest that it was not the result of his
youthful thoughts. We must quote a few verses from it. The
writer thus enjoins the righteous to abstain from fretfulness at
the temporary prosperity of the wicked, but patiently to abide
the course of the divine dispensations, by which they shall witness
the full and satisfisictory development of God's dealings vdth
mankind : —
* Fret not thyself because of evil doers,
Neither be thou envious against the workers of iniquity.
For they shall soon be cut down like the grass,
And wither as the green herb.
Trust in the Lord, and do good :
So shalt thou dwell in the land.
And verily thou shalt be fed.
Delight thyself also in the Lord ;
And he shall give thee the desires of thine heart.
Commit thy way unto the Lord ;
Trust also in him ; and he shall bring it to pass :
And he shall bring forth thy righteousness as the light,
And thy judgment as the noonday.
Best in the Lord, and wait patiently for him ;
Fret not thyself because of him that prospereth in his way.' —
zzzvii. 1-7.
Here, speaking frx)m his own experience — the experience of a
justified confidence — ^David expresses with great force the advan-
tage and privilege of that unhesitating reliance upon the divine
appointments, which had formed the charm and glory of his own
career. After urging this great lesson further, and insisting upon
the unsubstantial character of ungodly prosperity, he returns to
the ideas which delight him most : —
^ The steps of a good man are ordered by the Lord,
And he delighteth in his way.
Though he fill, he shall not be utterly cast down,
For the Lord upholdeth him with hb hand.
I have been young, and now am old ;
Tet have I not seen the righteous forsaken.
Nor. his seed begging bread.' — xxxvii. 23-26.
After
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After more in this strain, the Psalmist comes forth with this
noble image : —
< I have seen the wicked in great power,
And spreading himself like a green hay-tree :
Tet he passed away : and, lo, he was not :
Tea, I sought him, but he could not be found.' —
xxxvii. 36, 36.
Views of this kind resulted necessarily in that strong contempt
for the prosperity of the worldlings, wmch he forcibly expresses
in Psalm xlix. and elsewhere. He returns the scorn with which
they regarded the unprosperous with a greater scorn —
' That scorn of fools, which fools mbtake for pride ;*
Johnson.
and all men were fools in his eyes, who made not God their
troat
In one very striking Psalm, the seventy-third, the Psalmist
traces the course of one of ' those presumptuous sins,' of a tendency
to which he was well aware, and against which he has left more than
one prayer on record.* Here he acknowledges —
* I was envious at the foolish,
When I saw the prosperity of the wicked.
They are not in trouble as other men.
Neither are they plagued like other men.' — ^Ixxiii. 3, 5.
After ftuilier characterizing them, he adds : —
* Behold, these are the ungodly, who prosper in the world :
They increase in riches.'
This leads to the thought, what avail righteousness and
humiliation if the ungodly thus prosper, while tne upright suffer
affliction and contempt ?
* Verily I have cleansed my heart in vain.
And washed my hands in innocency.
For all the day long have I been plagued.
And chastened every moment.'
• It IB true that this U one of the PSalms ascribed to A8a|>h in the tide. Bat the
titles of Uie Psalms are of no canonical authority, and it is certain that many of
them are misapplied. This is particolariy the case with several of the twelve
Psalms ascribed to Asaj^h, which are Jndgeid from internal evidence not even to
belong to the age in which he lived. We cannot now enter into this question ; but
it appears to va that the present Psalm is entirely Davidic in its character, style,
and sentiments ; and this is also the case with the one quoted below (the 78th) as
David's, although the title ascribes it to Asaph.
He
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He was at first baffled in attempt to solve this great mystery : —
* When I thought to know this,
It was too painful for me.'
That is, it was too difficult, too arduous, for him to penetrate ; but
* When I went into the sanctuary of God,
Then understood I their end.'
By this he intimates, that the matter being inscrutable to his
understanding, he laid it in prayer before God, and then received
such enlightenment, that he is filled with compunction at his pre-
vious doubts and misgivings ; —
' Thus my heart was grieved,
And I was pricked in my reins.
So foolish was I, and ignorant ;
I was as a beast before thee.'
But he takes comfort : —
^ Nevertheless, I am continually with thee :
Thou bast holden me by my right hand.
Thou shalt guide me with thy counsel,
And afterward receive me to glory.
Whom have I in heaven but thee ?
And there is none upon earth that I desire besides thee.
My flesh and my heart Mleth,
But God is the strength of my heart,
And my portion for ever.' — Ixxiii. 23-26.
This Psalm, if it was not composed in early life, has all the
characters of a retrospective glance to that period when the writer's
mind was most subject to such exercises. It was surely not left
for him to learn late in life, the lesson which was thus tau^t to
him.
It is one of the favourite emplovments of youth — that period
so scant of experience, but so plentiful in hope — to picture forth
the course of the life before us, and to resolve upon the manner
of our conduct under the circumstances which we imagine to be
in store for us. How seldom real life ofiers the circumstances
which youth has imagined, need not here be told ; and the cir-
cumstances which actually arise — the various antagonist influences
which inexperience cannot take into the account, often render the
actual conduct in life woftdly difierent firom, and infinitely short of,
the purposes of our ^outli. Still these purposes are facts. When
the mind is ft^ee to ima^e and to purpose what seems best to it,
that which it does imagme and puipose, is indicative of its cha-
racter and condition. We think we have seen that David had
early
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early impreseioDS that a high and glorious career awaited him :
and if he had not, there was an interval, be it short or long, in
which royal destinies became assured to him by the anointing of
Samuel, without producing any present change in his condition.
This interval, or that period, could not but be filled with resolu-
tions and plans as to nis future conduct, under the circumstances
which he viewed m the distance ; and we think we can trace them
in the 101st Psahn. It seems to us to belong, either in fact or
retrospectively, to this period ; for in later life many sorrowful
ezpenences must have taught him the difficulty of giving full
e£kct to such purposes, and the buoyant expressions of resolute
will, must have been, after such experience, toned down by the
consciousness of many fedlures and of much abortive effort. In
the point of view which has been taken, the Psalm is uncommonly
interesting : —
' I will behave myself wisely in a perfect way.
I when wilt thou come unto me ?
1 will walk within my house with a perfect heart.
I will set no wicked thing before mine eyes :
I hate the work of them that turn aside.
It shall not cleave unto me.
A froward heart shall depart from me ;
I will not know a wicked person.
Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour, him will I cut off:
Him that hath a proud heart and high look will I not suffer.
Mine eyes shall be upon the ftithful of the land, that they may
dwell with me.
He that walketh in a perfect way, he shall serve me.
He that worketh deceit shall not dwell in my house :
He that telleth lies shall not tarry in my sight.
I will early destroy all the wicked of the land,
That I may cut off all wicked doers from the city of the Lord.'
How far David was able to effect these purposes, and how far
he found obstacles to their full accomplishment, the second book
of Samuel may enable us to guess ; but there is no doubt that his
public conduct was substanti^ly regulated by the principles which
these purposes indicate.
To a young man the means of instruction and materials for re-
flection are furnished by observations on human life and character,
by the associations suggested by the phenomena of nature and the
characteristics of animal and vegetable life, by the conversation
or instruction of others, by sdf-contemplation, by meditation
on God's dealing with man, and by reading. On most of
these points, in illustration of the youth of David, we have
touched. iWt he was a keen and careful observer of nature,
and
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and was in the habit of drawing instruction from all that
passed before his eyes, and that bis observations supplied the
numerous notices of, and images drawn from, the phenomena of
nature, and from pastoral and rural life, which enliven his writings,
it will be our pleasant task to show on some future occasion.
With respect to reading, the age of David was not a reading
age, and books of any kind must have been scarce. We cdn
think of nothing of wnich the literature of that age may have
consisted, save the few books of Scripture that then existed, with
perhaps some old chronicles, and a few collections of ancient sones,
unless the latter existed entirely in the memories of the people.
It is clear, however, that David possessed the books of Scripture,
and studied them deeply, till their contents were ever present to
his mind, and formed, as it were, part of it. When it is cond-
dered that the sacred books which existed in his time could by
the most liberal calculation have been only the books of Moses,
with those of Job, Joshua, Judges, and perhaps Ruth, forming
not more than one-third of the sacred volume which is now in our
hands, we cannot well help being conscience-stricken at our too
often comparatively lukewarm emotions in presence of the sacred
volume, in comparison with David's intense appreciation of the
value and imnortance of a Bible which lacked the Psalms, the
Prophets, the New Testament, and most of the historical books.
Yet it was of such a Bible that David speaks in many elowins
sentences, of which we can eSovA space for only a few, aU
taken fit)m one Psalm, the 119th : —
^ Wherewithal shall a young roan cleanse his way ?
By taking heed thereto according to thy word. .
With my whole heart have I sought thee :
let me not wander from thy commandments.
Thy word have I hid in mine heart,
That I might not sin against thee.
1 have rejoiced in the way of thy testimonies,
As much as in all riches.
Open thou mine eyes,
That I may behold wondrous things out of thy law.
I am a stranger in the earth ;
Hide not thy commandments from me.
Thy testimonies also are my delight,
And my counsellors.
I have chosen the way of truth :
Thy judgments have I laid before me.
I will run the way of thy commandments,
When thou shalt enlarge my heart.
Thy statutes have been my songs
In the house of my pilgrimage.
Unless
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nnlet» thy law had been my delights,
I should then have perishea in mine affliction.
I will never forget thy precepts :
For with them thou hast quickened me.
how I love thy law !
It is my meditation all the day.
Thou through thy commandments hast made me wiser than mine
enemies,
For they are ever with me.
1 have more understanding than all my teachers,
For thy testimonies are my meditation.
I understand more than the ancients (elders),
Because I keep thy precepts.
I have refrained my feet from every evil way,
That I may keep thy word.
I have not departed from thy judgments,
For thou hast taught me.
How sweet are thy words unto my taste !
Tea, sweeter than honey to my mouth I
Through thy precepts I get understanding.
Therefore I hate every false way.
Thy word is a lamp unto my feet
And a light unto my path.
Thy testimonies have I taken as my heritage for ever.
For they are the rejoicing of my heart.
The entrance of thy words giveth light.
It giveth understanding unto the simple.
Thy word is very pure,
Therefore thy servant loveth it.
Trouble and anguish have taken hold on me,
Tet thy commandments are my delights.
Mine eyes prevented the night watches.
That I might meditate in thy word.'^
It is easy to see from the Psalms that the historical portions of
the Pentateuch engaged the particular attention of David. He
had considered ana digested it well, dwelling with peculiar and
earnest attention upon those parts which mamfested the power of
God, and which evinced his care of, and his sreat pity for, his
chosen people, particularly as exemplified in their deliverance from
Egypt, and in their * march of mystery ' through the wilderness.
A glance at a few of the Psalms will enlighten us as to his mode
of viewing the historical portions of the existing Scriptures, and
will indicate the kind of encouragement his mind was in the habit
of deriving from them.
»► Psalm cxix. 9-11, 14, 18, 19, 24, 30, 32, 64, 92, 93, 97-107, 105, 111, 129,
140, 143, 148.
The
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The seventy-eighth Psalm is a rapid summary of the transac-
tions in Egypt and the wilderness, with the apparent object of
magnifying the mercies of God, by showing that often as his
people did turn away firom him and murmur asunst him, as often
on their repentance was he appeased, and agam and again had
pity upon them. After the racts are related we meet with the
followmg striking reflections upon them : —
^ For all this they sinned still,
And believed not for his wondrous works.
Therefore their days did he consume in vanity,
And their years in trouble.
When he slew them, then they sought him ;
And they returned- and inquired early after God :
And they remembered that Grod was their Rock,
And the high God their Redeemer.
Nevertheless they did flatter him with their mouth,
And they lied unto him with their tongues ;
For their heart was not right with him.
Neither were they stedfast in his covenant.
But he, being full of compassion,
Forgave their iniquity and destroyed them not :
Yea, many a time turned he his anger away,
And did not stir up all his wrath :
For he remembered they were but flesh ;
A wind that passeth away, and cometh not again.' —
Ixxviii. 32-89.
In the 105th Psalm is another survey of the same history, with
a varied selection of circumstances, the object being to pomt out
the Lord's faithfulness to the covenant which he made with Abra*
ham, to give the land of Canaan to his seed for a possession.
The whole history is thus viewed as a series of operations for the
accomplishment of that promise. David seldom mentions per-
sons in his Psalms ; but in this one he names Abraham, Isaac,
Jacob, Joseph, Moses, and Aaron. They are all, however, but
passingly mentioned, save one, on whose histoir he dwells for six
verses. And who is this one ? It is no other than Joseph, whose
Ustory presented, as we can easily see, points which must have
been m the highest degree interesting to such a mind as David's.
It must have ministered the highest encouragement to him in his
youth, and must have tended in no small degree to the formation
of that resolute confidence in the purposes of God which he so
constantly expresses. We might be assured of this, knowing he
possessed the history, even were the name of Joseph not to be
found in his writings. But since it t^ found, the manner in which
the facts struck the mind of a man like David, who must
have
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have seen in that history some analogies to his own career, be-
comes a matter of no common interest.
^ He sent a man before them,
Even Joseph, who was sold for a servant :
Whose feet they hurt with fetters :
He was laid in iron.
Until the time that his word came,
The word of the Lord tried him.
The king sent and loosed him ;
Even the ruler of the people, and let him go free.
He made him lord of his house,
And ruler of all his substance ;
To bind his princes at his pleasure,
And teach his senators wisdom.' — cv. 17-22.
David sees that it was God who in the course of his proyidence,
and to work out the fulfilment of his designs, sent Joseph down
into Egypt, where be sufiered his integrity to be exposed to many
trials, until the appointed hour came when He, who has the hearts
of all men and die course of all human events in his hand,
changed the state of afiairs in a moment, causing the imprisoned
slave to be brought forth from his dungeon, and his seat to be set
but a little lower than the throne of kings.
It is very certain that David must have been conversant with
this history in his youth ; and there can be no doubt that we may
count it among the sources of that confidence which he felt that
God would in bis own good time relieve him also from all his
troubles and brin^ to pass all Ins purposes concerning him.
Hence the disposition which he manifested to aw^dt God s own
time for the accomplishment of his promises, and his constant re-
fusal, even when opportunities offered, to hasten the accomplish-
ment of the great destinies which lay before him by any doubtful
or unrighteous deed.
REMARKS
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. ( 80 ) [July,
REMARKS ON GENESIS, CHAPTER XIV/
By Professor Fuederick Tuch, D.D., of Leipzig.
Traxttlated from the German by the Bev. Samuxl Davidson, LL J).
Although it cannot escape the observation of any that the
historical narrative in Genesis xiv., as it now lies before us, has
been principally made use of only in so far as it tends to exalt the
heroic spirit of Abraham, its onginal object being not to furnish
an account of Canaanitish afiairs in relation to the inhabitants of
the country and foreign rulers ; yet this very old historical docu-
ment contains a number of allusions which lead us to cast a willing
elance into a time whose memory is almoBt extinguished. U
IS not the purport of these lines to bring them all together, after
what we have adduced in our commentary on Genefids has received
further confirmation, corrections, and enlargements, from Bertheau,^
and especially from Ewald.*" . But perhaps there still remain a
number of questions partly relating to the geographical considera-
tions that come before us. The discussion of tnese, and, as far
as we are able, their solution, shall now be briefly attempted.
K we inquire first of all into the historical event which occa-
sioned the march of Abraham's army, it was owing to the dominion
possessed by upper-Asiatic rulers over the five cities and the
surrounding territories (v. 9), which they do not now acquire for
the first time, but, according to verse 4, establish anew ; being
thus, on the whole, a prelude to what appears in succeeding cen-
turies in manifold ways as the common efibrt of the most cuverse
dynasties. The fact of our finding such a state of things even at
this ancient period cannot, however, rest on the transference of later
occurrences to antiquity, because, on the one hand, a similar fact
— judjge as we will regarding the Assyrian name — ^runs through
historical tradition, when Ctesias, in Diodorus Sic, ii. 2, represents
Ninus as subjecting to himself Egrpt, Phoenicia, Coele-Syria, &c.,
or Manetho in Josephus c. Ap. 1. 14, makes the Hykshos that
had fled out of Egypt * for fear of the Assyrians, the rulers of
' Translated from Heft ii. of the Zeitschrift der DeuUchen morgenlSndischen Ge-
RelUchafty a new publication which we introduced to the reader's notice in our first
Number. This able and elaborate paper, which throws some new light on the very
difficult chapter of which it treats, will be of great interest to those who take plea-
sure in the class of inquiries to which it belongs. A few unimportant notes haye
been alone omitted by the translator.
^ Berthean, Gegchichtt d. Israel. « Ewald, Geachichte desVolka la-., Th. I.
Asia
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Asia at tihat time ' entrench themselyes within a fortified city :
while, on the other hand, the narrative itself contains particulars
which, aereein^ well with one another, nuinifest a completely
indiyidual relation. It is true that, as the histx>ry lies betore us
{^ 4, sq.\ the revolt of the hitherto dependent Pentapolis is put
into the tore-ground ; but it is eaqr to understand the reason of
this, inasmuch as Lot, on whose captivity the whole representa-
tion turns, had taken up his habitation in the midst of them. The
Suestion tiien arises here, whether the afikir really concerned (mly
lie Pentapolis. The thin^ itself, as well as the narrative, is de-
cidedly a^unst an affirmative reply. For even if we were to pre-
suppose that the limited tract in question presented no discoverable
interest to rulers so fitr remote as those mentioned in v. 1 ; and
were we to assume still further, that the wav to it had to be
forcibly opened by the subjugation of the free innabitants of Basan,
Gilead, and Moab Tv. 5) ; yet verses 6 and 7 annihilate every such
assumption by the met, that the confederated troops surround the
revolted Pentapolis, conquer the southern mountain and the wil-
derness bordenng it on the west, and do not put to total rout,
apparently without much trouble, the united army of the five
cibes (v. 10), till their return (». 8, sqq.). In all this the territory
to the west of Jordan, of whose dominion no trace can be discovered
in the narrative, continues completely untouched both on the march
and the return ; so that Abraham (v. 13) at Hebron, not &r dis-
tant from the scene of war (comp. xix. 27 sq.), had first to be
informed of what took place ; while (v. 7) tibe Amorites who
oppose the invadine foe, certainly at the southern declivity of what
was subsequently we mountain of Judah, where they are defeated,
are designated Dy the addition ' that dwelt in Hazezon-tamar '
(comp. 2 Chron. xx. 2), as being located near the Dead Sea, and
must therefore have been in the closest relation to the tribes on
whom war is here made. According to this, the entire expedition
was aimed at the great valley-depression north and south of the
Dead Sea, or the Arabah (in the Old Testament sense), with its
eastern mountains and western deserts, and there need scarcely be
a dispute about the matter when we find it intimated in the course
of the narrative, that all the tribes of that territory, which the
same &te overtakes, stood in the same relation to those tyrants,
and revolted fix)m them in common.
This bein^ correctly apprehended, we are in a position to under--
stand the object, for which the rulers of lands so remote seized on
the district m question. For them the rich pastures of Bashan
and Gilead (Jer. 1. 19), or the once well watered meadows of the
Jordan territory (Gen. xiii. 10), which might indeed have had the
power of alluring nomades (Numb, xxxii. 1 ; Gren. xiii. 11),
VOL. II. — NO. III. Q could
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82 Remarks on Oeiiesis, Cliopter XIV. [July,
could not possibly possess sufficient attraction to induce them
to maintain the mastery for the sake of the locality itself, while
the more blessed land to the west of Jordan remained un-
heeded. Still less can we believe that the inhospitable Edomite
mountains, the desert of deserts^ could furnish a motive strong
enough to prompt such efforts by reason of their soil, which
was regarded, even in the Old Testament, as unblest (Gen.
xxvii. 39).
If we are compelled to explain this phenomenon by other cir-
cumstances, the true reason cannot be doubtful when we remem-
ber, of what importance that extensive valley was at all times in
regard to the intercourse of tribes with one another. It always
formed (comp. Strabo xvi. 4, 18, s^.) the road marked out by
nature itself, which, from the iElanitic gulf, divides the boundless
wilderness watered by the Nile and Euphrates ; the medium of
intercourse between Arabia and Damascus, to which, it is worthy
of notice that even the allied troops smitten dv Abraham (Gen.
xiv. 15) march back. To this may oe added, that not far from
the soi|themmost borders of Canaan, and near the Edomite moun-
tains, we meet with the point of intersection of the roads which
lead from the coast of the Mediterranean to Arabia, from central
Egjnpt to Canaan, and accordingly we find those allied warriors
establishing themselves at this very place (v. 7). To have
dominion over the whole of this important locality must have
appeared of the greater consequence since, by tiie possession of it,
the great sea of sand composing the wilderness could be converted,
so to speak, into an inland sea. What shows this decisivelv is
the circumstance, that (r. 1) Chedorlaomer of Elam, and Am-
raphel of Shinar, t. 6., the rulers of the coast of the Persian Gulf,
and of the highways made by the Euphrates and Tigris, appear
as the very persons who also secure to themselves possession of
the more western road. By this occupation Arabia in particular,
with its choice productions (comp. £zek. xxvii. 19, sqq.), was
completely enclosed ; and all commerce with the southern coast,
and the bazaars in Western and Eastern Asia, came into the
hands of one and the same power ; which was a sufficient reason
for procuring these advantages by conquest, and for maintaining
them against revolt by the putting forth of force.
We pass over here, as having no necessary connection with the
historical document before us, other inferences from what has been
advanced, such as the necessary relation to Damascus, which was
the point of egress to the great continental highways to Nineveh
and nabylon, and other things relating to the nature and antiquity
of commercial intercourse. But we cannot refrain from once again
directing attention to the circumstance, that, by this antique frag-
ment,
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1848.] Remarks on Genesis, Chapter XIV. 83
ment, the narratiyes of Ctesias res{>ecting ancient Assyrian kings
and their conquests, receive a definite direction which might well
deserve the trouble of following farther in an historical method.
Here we have yet to examine individual particulars, so &r as
these are more definitely determined by the entire view of the
passage at which we have arrived, or as they serve to furnish a
more decided support of it
If we glance at the road along which the allied troops march,
they appear immediately (v. 5) at the northern boundaries of the
rebnellious territory, east of Jordan. Hence the long march from
Babylonia and Elymais thither has been passed over. But it is
otherwise known, tnat the wilderness westward of Euphrates made
the way by Damascus necessary to every army pressing forward
firom Babylonia to Canaan. Accordingly we also find here that
the march back (o. 14, sq.) is directed towards the north. The
farther progress of the march (v. 5, sq.) is plainly laid down, so
that the army proceeds from north to south through the lands
eastward of Uie vale in question, and, tuming back bv ELadesh
(i7. 7) to the Dead Sea, efiects its return through tne valley
of Jordan to Dan (t;. 14), and by forced marches by wa^ of
Damascus. Hence it traverses the subject prorinces pnnci-
pally on their eastern side at first, and then on their western
side.
K now we endeavour to present the march palpably in detail, it
cannot admit of a doubt that the hostile army followed at first the
great highway from Damascus (v. 5), when it smites the Rephaim
in Ashtaroth^kamaim. For thouffh this andent royal residence
of Bashan has not been discovered up to the present time, with
certainty,^ yet the situation in general is sufficientljr known from
the nearness oiEdreiy attested by Deut. i. 4 ; Josh. xii. 4, xiii. 31 ;
and by Eusebius {Onomast. in ^Astaroth'^ redLoned at six
Roman miles from the Edrei of the midole ages, which is
still in ruins, according to the old authorities :^ four days
journey on the leading way from Damascus, where also Ptolemy
(v. 17, 7) places his AdrOy and the Peutinger Tables (IX. F.),
^e corresponding Adraha. The fall of the metropolis decides the
fate of the territory, as the battle at Edrei does in Num. xxi.
33, s^q. ; and (1 Mace. v. 43, sq.) the destruction of the same
Earmon (equivalent to Kamaim) by Judas Maccabeus.
' The author has added a postscript, to say that the Journal rfihe Royal Geogra-
phical Society, for the year 1846 (vol. ii. p. 331), had jost made known to him
Captain Newbold*to discovery of the site of Ashtaroth Kamaim, in the rains of 7W
AiMereh, and that he regards the new fhct as a confirmation of his previoos state-
ments.
• Istakhri, p. 57, and Edrisi Syr. (ed. RoeenmOller), p. 11 ; Abulied. Oeogr.^
p. 252.
G 2 In
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84 ' Remarks on GenesiSy Chapter XI V. [July*
In relation to the progress of the march, Num. xxi. 32, sqq.
comes under consideration, except that here there is no mention
of JcucTy and just as littie as before of the Amoritish kingdoms
and the Ammonites, but the cigantic aborigines appear as pos-
sessors of those lands. It nas chiefly to do (v. 5) with the
environs of the Jabbok, where the Zuzim (the Zamzummim of
Deut. ii. 2(y) are defeated at Ham. Since Ham must be regarded
as the chief city, it is perhaps the old name of the city, for which
subsequentiy Kabbath-b'ne-Ammon, * Rabbath of the children of
Ammon,' originally a predicate (compare Rabbath-Moab), was a
proper name ; and then its locality would be indicated by Ammany
the ruins of which still exist (see Abulfeda, &c.^ on the Hadj road
from Syria. It is worthy of remark in connection with this point,
that Ptolemy (y. 7. 16) mentions in the neighbourhood of this
locality a place, Zf^a ; Abulfeda (I. c), * a pond, Ziza, about
a day 8 journey southward from Amman ' ; Khalil ap. Shahin,
Syr. (ed. Bx)senmiiller, p. 19), Zizat, as a border-place belonging
to the eparchy of Kerak : possibly a memorial, continuing to a
late penod of the expelled Zuzim, which may be compared with
the Kephaite yalley at Jerusalem. The march now enters on
the locality of the nrst conquests of Israel in succeeding times.
Num. xxi. 21, s(j. The Emim (Deut ii. 11^, so called by the
Moabites, are smitten in the yalley of Kirjathalm, a place, which,
though not yet discoyered with certainty, was still known to the
Onomasticon (in Cariatlunm\ 10 Roman miles westward of
Madeba, whose ruins, as is fiimiliar to the reader, still bear the
old name. It cannot therefore be doubted, that the battie-field in
ceneral was the same with that also chosen by Salah-ed-d!n, when
He drew up his army at Hosban (the Hebrew Heshbon, Num.
xxi. 26) and pushed forward to Maain (the Baal-meon of Num.
xxxii. 38, joined with ELiriathaim in Jer. xlyiii. 23 ; Ezek. xxy. 9)
in order to wait for the Europeans who were encamped at the
brook al-Wal.' Whether the territory southward of the Amon
was also subjected by means of this engagement ; and whether
the Amon was at that time a boundary or an interior riyer, as it
was frei^uentiy^ both in subsequent times, the narratiye is silent.
But it is certain that the allied troops could attack the Pentapolis
directly from that quarter (comp. 2 Kings iii. 8, sq.). We may
infer, howeyer, that they went round it, and first, turning to the
south (y. 6), smote the Horites (the orinnal inhabitants, expelled
by the Edomites, Gen. xxxri. 20, sq. ; Deut. ii. 12, 22) in their
mountain Seir (i. e. esh-Sherah), from the fact, that thej did not
take the way through the Arabah, into which the Edomite moun-
f See Seetsen, in Zach's Monai. Correspond^ xyiiL 431.
tains
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1$48.] Remarks an Genesis, Chapter XIV. 85
tains with their heatea-pointing perpendicular clifis, slope off; but
followed the eastern edge of the mountain, where at the same time
it was easiest to be assuled, probably pretty nearly in the way
taken by the Israelites from Ezion-geber upwards, and which in
after times the Romans made more accessible to commerce by laying
artificial roads. It is therefore of special importance, especially as
no notices respecting localities are elsewhere given, to determine
with accuracy the poation of ^ £1-Paran, which lies at (i. e., at
the commencement of) the wilderness,' yiz., the final point of the
entire warlike expedition. The desert that comes under notice
here is undoubtedly that whose name (Paran X^B\ is added to
El (^TVt) to determine it ; and the more surely we must understand
with the Septuagint and Peshito V^ el (as in Gen. xxxv. 4 and
Judg. yi. 11, 19) to be a plantation of terebinth, the more easily can
we consider ourselves justified in refierrinff that name to an oasis,
situated, on any view of the subject, to me west of the Edomite
mountahis, which one may at pleasure conceive of^ as more in the
north or the south of the long wilderness border, according as we
make the army advance to a greater or less distance. Nor can
one make a mistake in venturing to conjecture of Paran that it
was a place at that lime inhabited, after which tlie plantation of
terebinths received its appellation. All these concurring circum-
stances, however, are not sufficient to afford a clear view of the
portion of things which is certainly (mite definite ; and the picture,
which is of itself but approximative, oecomes more and more con-
fused when we try to bring the narrative into harmony with the
condition of the ground and the suppositions thence arismg. But
fortunately there is no need here of vague circuitous guessing,
since, on closer examination, it cannot admit of a doubt that
£]-Paran is identical with Ektth = Aileh, ^ on the shore of the
Red Sea' (1 Kings ix. 26), manifestlv at the extreme end of
Wadi Arabah, wnich is still definitely marked, in regard to
situation, by its ruins.'
For^ 1. The allied troops must have penetrated thus far if they
wished to attain the object of the entire expedition which was
pointed out in page 82. They had done nothing if they did not
master this point Aileh was properly the gate of Arabia. Here
the Syrian and north-western Canaamtish roads, the former coming
down firom the north, the latter leading down from the Philistine
coast and the inland parts, united with the Egyptian running
across fix)m west to east above the mount et^lih through the
desert, thence to seek the interior of Arabia firom this point on a
' Compare LAborde, Comment,, p. 124; Winer, Beal^wtfrteHmch. 3rd edit, i. 318.
way
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86 Remarks an Genesis, Chapter XIV. [Julyt
way along the east shore of the Persian gulf strongly traced
out by nature, or to gain the water-courses which begin here.^
Aileh was therefore a possession important at all times, for whidi
Edomites and Israelites fought with yarious success, which the
Romans protected with strong garrisons. Crusaders conquered,
and were compelled to gire back to the Moslems, &c. — ^yea,
necessity demanded the making of it secure even at the present
day, by establishing the fort Aqabah, though political and in-
dustrial interests are whaHy altered.
2. The identity of the name itself warrants the opinion, espe-
cially since we find it again in Gen. xxxvi. 41, under the form of
ThVk £ZaA— there the seat of an Edomite prince, and meet with it
in 1 Eangs ix. 26 ; 2 Kings xvi. 6, even under a third subordinate
form JT^V^ Eloth,
3. The addition Paran, * the wilderness Paran,* of which we
shall say more immediately, really terminated at Elath with
Aqabah Aileh, t. e. the ^lanitic Pass,' so that the place in ques-
tion lay with perfect propriety * at the entrance of the Great
Wilderness * paiDH ^), as the situation of it is described in
verse 6. All tlids is further confirmed by the fisLct, that now the
way in which the army marched is perfectly plain, inasmuch as
the route struck into Laborde's way from l^etra to Aqabah,^
at the eastern extremity of the mountain, u e. from the eastern
wilderness-plateau, in the situation of the middle-ase places
Maan and Humeimeh,'^ passing through Wadi el-I&n, ^the
only connection between Aqabah and the Eastern Desert,' ° and
descended in view of El-Paran to Arabah and the edge of the
sea. By penetrating £Builier to the south, the army would have
marched to Hedjaz, whose subjection did not come within the
desi^ of the allies, nor indeed lay in their power. Hence it is
said m the narrative, verse 7, ^ and they returned and came to Ain
Mishpat,' t. e. Kadesh, so that here, as in verse 6, nothing more
than the final pointis named at which they met with the Ama-
lekites and Amorites. A closer perception of the relations afiect-
ing the farther march of the army from the coast of the Red Sea
to the southern borders of Palestine, depends partly on the state
of the Western Desert, partly on a determination as accurate as
possible of the situatioli of E!adesh. We must here enter into an
examination of both, so far as our object requires it The
^ Compare 1 Kings xl 18, with Ibn Hankal, bj MoUer, in Itiahh, p. 128.
< Edrisi, Jaub. i. 332.
^ Voyage en Arabie Petr^, p. 62, sq., or p. 206, sq., of the English edition.
" Abolfeda, Oeogr^ p. 228, sq. > Robinson's Paiettine, i. 286.
peninsula
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1848.] Remarks an Genesis, C/tapter XIV. 87
peninsula of Sinai, enclosed by the two tongues of the Red Sea,
has for its boundary on the north, as marked out by nature, the
limestone moimtain which follows the margin of the Sea at Suez,
by the name of Jebel er-Rahah, at the distance of four to five
hours, then at Has Wady Gharandel bends towards the south-
east and east by the name of Jebel et-T!h, and running out into
several radiating chains of rocks, ends in the northern head of the
^lanitic Gulf. This mountain forms the ascent to the higher-
lying wilderness which anks down towards the east precipitously
into the Arabah ; and in the north and north-west is bounded by
the southernmost mountains of Canaan and by the Mediterranean
Sea, in the west by Ecypt. The extended tract of wilderness in
question, which generally ascends from west to east, while it sinks
considerably downwards from south tx) north, is intersected in its
whole length by Wadi el- Arish (the * brook of Esypt ' of the Old
Testament), leading to the Mediterranean Sea, ^ch commences
close by the northern declivity of Jebel et-Tlh, and is divided by
it into an eastern and western half. The latter is not at all, as
Ibn-el-Wardi (ed. Hylander, p. 76) describes this desert generally,
a horizontal plain, free from unevennesses, but is rather marked at
its northern end, not to mention specially other hills and heights,
by two mountains of no inconsiderable magnitude, Jebel Jelek
and Jebel Helal, which point out the sloping of the hisher desert
to the lower-lving wilderness-plain whicn surrounds ue plateau
from the Meoiterranean Sea to the banks of the Nile and the
coasts of the Red Sea. Yet it is distinguished from the eastern
half by greater evenness. A branch that separates from et^Tih,
viz., the mountain el-Oedshmeh, divides it from the other half at
their common southernmost extremity, in such a form as that the
Eastern Plain, interrupted by difierent heights, inclines towards
the north-east, and leads through the Arabah to the Dead Sea.
Yet this character of the wilderness, which difiers from that of
the western half only by its slope, but in other respects is entirely
sitaiilar, is suddenly altered in this respect, that about 30^ 40'
north latitude, a ndge of rocks runninff from west to east, rises
like a waU boldly from the plain, while uu-ee higher tops, the iso-
lated most westerly promontory Jebel Ikhrimm, the western Jebel
Araif en-Naqah, and the eastern cliff el-Meqr£h, situated in the
vicinity of Arabah, form the boundary of it. This mountain-wall
forms the southern border of a deft limestone mountain, which,
stretching up eastwards to the Arabah, opens towards the west
its ravines parallel to one another, and in perpendicular rocky
clifis from three to four hundred feet high slopes off into the
Western Desert, till it ends northward in the valleys Murrah and
el-Kqreh, m order to rise up again on the other side of them, in
the
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88 Remarks on GenesiSj Chapter XIV. [July
the precipitous walls of the Emorite mountains. Such is a brief
sketch of the desert, as we know it from Seetzen, Burckhardt, yon
Schubert, Robinson, and others.
If now we endeavour to recognise again in this province what
the Bible says respecting the wilderness, we glamy meet with,
first of all, the mode in wnich the Arabians designate the locality.
They strictly distinguish the desert Jifir ( \ iJ \ from * the desert
of the children of Israel' ( Ji\^1 ^ AJ). The former still
belongs to Egypt, and its boundaries run from Rafah {fJfj, the
*Pa^£ia of Ptolemy, v. 16. 6), along the bank of the Mediterranean
Sea to the sea Tennis ((jm^), from thenoe to the fruitful
meadows of the Nile-valley, alone to Kolzum, and by the edge of
the desert et-Tih, back to the Mediterranean.* Jiiar is there-
fore that deeper lying wilderness tract already mentioned, which
encloses the higher desert in the west and nor&-westP Through
it, beyond Jebel Helal, Wadi el-Arish takes a north-western
direction to the sea. On the other hand the wilderness of the
children of Israel, so called in memory of the record in the Pen-
tateuch, as beinff, according to Kazwini (MS.), ^ the place in
which Moses wandered about with the children of Israel, between
Aileh, Esypt, the gulf of Kolzum, and the mountain esh-Sherah
.... when they hesitated to penetrate into the holy land' (Num.
ch. xiv.), embraces that wilderness-plateau itself above described,
according to Istakhri, p. 28, and Abulfeda, p. 109, a desert con-
sisting in part of sand, in part of firm soil, with some palm-trees
here and there, and springs (of bad water), bounded by Jifib*,
Palestine, and the environs of Mount Sinai (t. «. Jebel et-Tih).
If we compare herewith the biblical ustis hauendi, it can admit of
no doubt that to Jifar in general, ^ Shur tnat u before Egypt '
(Gen. xxv. 18 ; 1 Sam. xv. 7), corresponds ; while, on the other
hand, the wilderness of Paran of the Old Testament coincides
with Tih-beni-Israil.
This is evident, jf?r«^ — With regard to the wilderness Shur, not
only does the above designation, ^ Shur which lies before Egypt,'
point thereto, but it is also in 1 Sam. xv. 7 ; xxvii. 8 ; Gen. xxv.
18, pointed out as the western boundary, as far as which the
« iHakhri, pp. 28, 31 ; Abolfed., Oeoa^ p. 106.
p There U an interestiDg notice in ICazwini ooncenunff the wilderness of Ji&r.
After some local description, he adds : — ' a species of birds is foand there, called
el Morgh, which come thither from the land of R(km. They rcMmble qnails, and
come at a particular time. The inhabitants catch as many of them as God wills,
and then salt them.' It is difficult to ascertain to what species these birds belong ;
bat there is no doubt that the fact of which Kazwini speaks, is the same as that
mentioned in Elx. xvi. 13 ; Nam. xu 31.
Amalekites
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ISlk.] Rmarha an Genesis, Chapter XIV. 89
Amalekites (on the south border of Canaan, 1 Sam. izvii. 8) and
the Ishmaelites in the wilderness Paran, Gen. xxi. 21, penetrated
in their nomadic wanderings. Gen. xx. 1 ; the western determining
point corresponding to the eastern, and situated still west of Gerar,
Gen. xvi. 7, on the way firom Hebron to central Egypt But Shur
is distinguished from SrSkr by this, that it, in complete accord-
ance wiui the character of the country, takes a more southern
extension alons the east coast of the bay of Suez, between the sea
and Jebel er-Kahah. For, according to Exod. xv. 22, Moses
leads the people through tiie sea to the wilderness of £3iur, ac-
cording to Num. xxxiii. 8, to the wilderness of Etham, so called
from the boundary-place situated northward of the top of the sea,
V. 6, and follows the wilderness tract till the entrance into the
^wilderness of Sin' (Exod. xvi. 1). In proportion as we can
entertain little doubt that the station *by the Bed Sea,' Num.
xxxiii. 10, at which the wilderness of Sin begins, is to be found
at the lower end of Wadi Tajjibeh,<i so much the more certainly
is the promontory Hammam Bluff, which runs out close by the
sea, and which the Israelites must necessarily have ascended, the
separating line between the deserts Shur and Sin (comp. Well-
sted, ii. 34. 19). Thus, the desert of the Old Testament sur-
rounds the higher Eastern Desert from the borders of Canaan
to its south-western extremity » The very name Shur appears
not to be entirely lost even at this day, for ^ a great chain of
mountain nmning from north to south, somewhat to the east of
the geographical length of Suez,' bears the name es-Sur in
Wilbams' Holy City, p. 489.
2. With regard to the wilderness Paran, it is first to be ob-
seryed, that no part of it lies southward of Jebel et-Tih. For if
the Israelites (Num. x. 12) march out of the wilderness of Sinai
into the wilderness of Paran, the older narrative passes over a
series of single stations^ to winch the later history, which supplies
the omissions (ch. xii. 16), appends the notice, that the congrega-
tion had arrived at Paran from Hazeroth, t. «., as is not improbably
assumed, Ain el-Hadhrah, so that consequently they passed over
the moimtain ridse. So dso Paran (1 Kings xi. 18) has nothing
in common with Feiran' in a Wadi of the same name, as even
Von Baumer' supposes. For when Hadad flees thitiier from
Midian ^incorrectiy transplanted by Laborde to the eastern coast
of the Smaitic peninsula) over Paran to Egypt, he must neces-
sarily have gone up to Aileh ; and then, accompanied by guides
"1 Kobinflon'B PaUstine. L 115.
.47.
' io]ili of Makrizi, Gttch, dor Coptai^ ed. Wostenf, p.
" Yon RMuner, Zng der Itr^ p. 3S.
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90 Remarks an Genesis^ Cftapter XIV. [July*
— ^as MoseSy ^too, required such persons in the desert (Num. x.
29, sq.) — ^have struck into the Hadj-way, which is used at the
f resent day, northward of Jebel et-'inh, throu^ the wilderness of
^aran. And that, moreover, the wilderness of Paran is bounded
on the west by Shur has been already shown above h^m Gren.
xxi. 21 ; XXV. 18. It is also obvious from Gen. xiv. 6, as well as
from Deut. i. 1 (see Robinson on the place, iii. 160), that Paran
had its boundaiy in Arabah ; and if we assume besides, that, in
Num. xiii. 3, the spies were sent forth from the wilderness of
Paran to Canaan ; that it is described m Gen. sua. 21, as lying
to the south of Beersheba ; that in 1 Sam. xxv. 1, even a part of
the southern mountains of Judah could be reckoned to Paran ;
and that in Josephus ^ too, Os^av is named as a valley in Idumaea
and Acrabatene, abounding in caverns, and contiguous to Judea ;
it is apparent that Paran is the appellation that embraces the
whole wilderness-plateau even as fiur as the borders of Canaan,
under which partictdar portions of the extended desert may have
been comprehended, with peculiar names.^ Finally, re^ardins the
^ mount Paran ' (Deut xxxiii. 2 ; repeated from it m Hab. iii.
3), the poet understands by it not a single mountain, but the
mountain-range of Paran, whether we are to refer this to Jebel
et-Tih, or to the mountainous Quarter in the north-east of the
desert Certainly, the nature ot the desert itself justifies even
this expression.
If now we turn back to the point where we left above the
army's progress at the entrance of the sreat desert, and ask, Did
the confederate troops march through ue wilderness of Paran, or
did they go round it, following the way throu^ Arabah ? the
whole question depends, as in the case of the journey of Israel
to the promised land, on the place where the common boundary
of both Kadesh (Gen. xiv. 7) and of Kadesh Bamea (Num. xxxii.
8 ; xxxiv. 4 ; Deut i. 2, 19 ; ii. 14 ; ix 23 ; Josh. x. 41) must be
Imt. Here the tradition which identifies Kadesh with Petra,
osing sight of the locality entirely, is of no use to us. The posi-
tion, therefore, can onlv be determined by means of the Old Tes-
tament itself. According to Num. xx. 16, Kadesh lay on the
borders of Edom. Thence Moses sends (ver. 14) to the kinss of
Edom to ask for himself a fi*ee passage. The eastern site which
is obtained by this means harmonises with Gen. xvi. .14, xx. 1 ;
Jos. X. 41, where Kadesh constitutes the eastern extremity over
against the western Bered, Shur, Ghazzah. Since, then, it is
said (Deut i. 2) that they came firom Horeb to Kadesh in
* BdL. Jud,, vr, 9, 4.
" Compare < the wilderness of Beersheba' of Gen. xxi. 14, and < the wilderness
of Etham' of Num. xxxiii. 8» equivalent to * the wilderness of Shur.'
eleven
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1848.] Remarks an Genesis, Chapter XIV. 91
eleren days, on the way to Mount Seir — not alanff mount Seir,
as Robinson (iii. 171) mistakes the well-known idiom (fiwald,
§ 286» b.) — Seir must be determined accordins to ver. 44;
and eh. i. 19, is dedsive as to the meaning, where, as £gtr as
Kadesh, they went through * the great and terrible wilderness
on the way to the mountain of the Amorites,' t. e., the steep
declivity ot Canaan, to the wilderness lying to the south.
Eadesh, therefore, belonged to the north-eastern quarter of the
desert above described, near the borders of the promised land,
as may be indubitably inferred also from Num. xxxiv. 4 ; Josh.
XV. 3 (see below). With this agrees the fact that the spies were
sent forth from hence (Num. xxxii. 8 ; Josh. xiv. 6, 7) ; that they
return to it (Num. xiii. 26) ; and (Deut. ix. 23) the people refuse
here to undertake the conquest of the land ; and when, moreover,
following the succession of events, it is related more accurately in
Num. XX. 1, that the congregation at Eadesh (and that, too, for a
long time, Deut i. 46) had settled down, when the first attempt
to penetrate into the land of promise had failed (Num. xiv.),
the difierence, inconsiderable in itself, leads us to perceive that
the ascent to the mountain of the Amorites (at Hormah, Num.
xiv. 44, formerly Zephath, Jud^. i. 17) and iKadesh were con*
tiguous. According to Num. xiii. 26, Kadesh is situated within
the precincts of the desert Paran ; according to ch. xx. 1, and xxvii.
14, on the contrary, it lay in the wilderness Zin (pt), which is also
directly explained (ch. xxxiii. 36) to be the same as Kadesh.
From this it manifestly follows, that Zin must have formed a part
of the more extensive wilderness Paran, and that, too, hara by
the southernmost ed^ of Canaan, since the spies sent from the
wilderness of Paran (Num. xiii. 3) search the land through (ver. 21)
' from the wUdemess of Zin unto Hamath.' Still more accurately
do we learn the relations of place from Num. xxxiv. 3, sq., and Josh.
XV. 1, so., where the southern border of Judah from the Dead Sea
to the brook of Egypt at the Mediterranean, t. ^., from east to
west, is described in such a manner as that it runs out from the
southern point of the Salt Sea, surrounds the ascent of Scorpions
/U^inp^ Tybjgp maaleh Akrabbtm\ t. ^., according to Robinson's
correct interpretation, the series of clifis which cuts across the
el-Ghor (the Valley of Salt of 2 Kings xiv. 7), in the form of an
irresular curve, forming the boundary between this valley and
the Wher Arabah — ^passes over to Zin, and goes up till southward
of Kadesh Bamea. If we put all this together strictly according
to the import of the words of Scripture, it will be clear, that Zin
embraces the tract of desert which winds from Ghor westward
about the steep sides of the Amorite mountain, a broad tract of
land.
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d2 Remarks m Genesis, Chapter XIV. [July,
land, which * runs up nearly fix)m E.N.E. to W.S.W. from the
hills around Usdum and the south end of the Dead Sea to an
indefinite extent' (Rohinson, iii. 144), bounded on the south by a
ridge runnins parallel to the northern mountain rampart ;^ and,
on visiting Uils part of the wilderness, Williams^at the most
western part surveyed it from the mountain of the Amorites,
eight hours almost due south below Beersheba, and says of
it: ^Immediately below us lay a wide valley called Wadi
Murreh,* which, some few hours to the east of this place,
divides into two at a singularly-formed mountain Moddera ^
the southernmost retaining its name, and running east into the
Arabah ; the other, called Wadi Hqreh (according to Robinson,
situated beyond the middle of this tract, nearer tne foot of die
Amorite mountain, the chief conductor of all the waters), leads
north-east to the Dead Sea.' If, now, Kadesh lies in tins tract,
el-Ghor, Ain Weibeh, and Ain Hash are necessarily excluded.
On the other hand, the Jewish border-line points much farther up
to the west ; and, at the same time, such a geographical situation
is supported by the relation of Num. xiii. 26, to en. xx. 1, which
the descriptions of places (Gen. xvi. 14 ; xx. 1), given according
to the position of Kadesh, almost necessarily required. At the
same time it should be observed, tiiat into the examination of
Kadesh the entirely ungrounded and misleading assumption has
recentiv intruded, viz., that the ascent to the mountain (Num.
xiv. 44) chosen by the Israelites, unquestionably in the vicinity of
Hormah=Ssephath (es-Sufey, diminutive of Sufeh), is tiie pass
ess-Ssafah, one of tiie three rocky ascents which render the ap-
proach from Arabah to the southern ridge of mountains possible.
However, the very condition of the country itself contradicts this
supposition. Let us hear Williams, when, unprepared, he trod
the edge of the mountain: — *We found ourselves,' says he,^
^standing on a gigantic natural rampart of lofly mountains,
which we could distinctly trace for 'several miles east and west
of the spot on which we stood, forming as it were bastions
of Cyclopean architecture, jutted forth in irregular masses
from the mountain-barrier into a fnchtfidly terrific wilderness,
stretched far before us toward the south. It was a confused chaos
> Robinson, iii. 145; Seetzen, in Zach's MonaJt. Correspond,, zyiL 134; Scha-
bert, Beiae^ ii. 443.
/ WiUiams's Holy City, p. 488.
* Described by Robinson, L 221, and Uie name given as jLi)) by Smith in Ro-
binson, iiL^ Append., 116.
• ^Xc ^7 Smith, 1. c. examined by Seetsen, and described in Zach, 1. c
k Williams's Holy City, p. 487.
of
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1848.] Remarks on Genesis^ Chapter XIV. 93
of chalk, and had the appearance of an immense iiimace, glowing
with white heat, illuminated as it now was by the fierce rays of
the sun. There did not appear to be the least particle of yegeta*
tion in all the dreary waste ; all was drought and barrenness and
desolation.'
From Schubert*s measurements, we know that this mountain-
wall rises steep from five feet below the surface of the Red Sea
to 1434 feet aboye it Seetzen, who took his way to the valley
through the pass Yemen, says, ^We reached the mountain
edge, where, on a steep rocky eminence, we ascended into a
fearfully wild, deep, and barren valley ;' and Robinson (iii. 149,
sq.) ascended the pass ess-Ssafah only with great effort ; as also
Schubert (ii. 447) reckons the ascent of it among the most toil-
some hours of his life, expressly remarking, * The pass rose so
perpendicularly, that it often appeared as thou^ it refused me
breath, like a glowing oven.' In like manner md Robinson (i.
246) hear the third more easterly pass described ; and still better
known are the steep, dangerous passes from the Dead Sea to the
land of Canaan, which do not need here to be further notified.
Though these troublesome jxasses were not insuperable obstacles
to the peaceful carrying on of trade, as Roman care had made
the pass ess-Ssafiah — ^the direct way to Petra — ^more convenient and
safe, being protected not only by fortifications, but by the erection
of steps (Scnubert) ; yet we must still justly ask, Were they also
adapted to the march of an army, to l>egin through them the con-
quest of a country — these passes, I say, which were as easily closed
by the most insignificant torce, as they were imattainable by the
greatest exertions of power? From its nature — ^fi^r 2 Chron. xx.
16, proves nothing to the contrary— C!anaan was as little assailable
from this point, as the mountain of the Edomites from the Arabah ;
and if Moses had led his people hither, expecting them to be^n
the conquest thence^ he wotdd have deserved the reproaches which
cowardice unjustly attributed to him. On the contrary, we know
that, towards the west, as the valley rises, the mountains sink
(Robinson, iii. 145), and are acouainted with the way which was
passable even in the time of the Romans, and which westward, at
Jebel Araif (see p. 87), passing Eboda ('E/3oS«, Ptol. 5, 17, 4, now
ruins of Abdeh ; Robinson, i. 316) and Elusa (^E\Qvaa,, t. e.,
Khalassah), 661 feet above the sea, rising at first gradually,
then steeper, conducts to the promontories Jebel Khalil, 1550
feet, the village Dhoharijeh, 2040 feet, and Hebron, 2842 feet.
At no other place than this could it have been Moses* design
to penetrate mto the land ; and it is worthy of notice, where a
closer examination of plan and locality is possible, that Rowlands^'
« WiUiams's iToZy C»7y, p. 488.
heard
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94 Remarks on Gemrisy Chapter XIV. [JoIy>
heard an indication of a place called Sepata, discovered hj
the usual remains of ruins, 2^ hours down (t. ^., south of
Khalassah), whose name Bobmson (i. 307) did not learn.
From this very &ct we must conclude that the Israelites did not
follow the way through the Arabah; but, as Von Ewald^
points out the march quite correctly, approached the borders
of the land at the great wilderness-way from Jebel Araif;
and Robinson's objection, viz., that this direction would have
brought them straight tp Beersheba, and not to Kadesh, is quite
inapplicable if Eadesh lav to the south of Beendieba, which follows
as a matter of course. Besides, even in Num. xiii. 22, the spies
turn back past Hebron to Paran at Eladesh (ver. 26), which this
very way appears to presuppose rather than to contradict ; and in
the whole course of the narrative Beersheba is not generally
spoken of. To Uus we may now subjoin, that very recently the
position of Kadesh has been correctly ascertained, according
to all the indications. Williams® relates how his sheikh pointea
out to him in a valley, some hours to the west of the above
described station, the situation of 'Eladdese, the Eadesh of
Scripture ;' and, according to Rowlands (in Williams, p. 489),
Hagar*s well, Muweilih, bears amons the Arabs in the neigh-
bourhood of Ghazzah the name ^Moilahhi Kadesah,' as it
is topographically determined after Kadesh in Gen. xvi. 14.
ELadesh, whose position here was already vouched for by various
authorities, has been sought out by Rowlands.' From him we
take the following accoimts, omitting all his useless combinations.
At the place where the chain of mountains which bounds the
north-eastern part of the great wilderness on the west (see
p. 87) suddenly recedes, begins a plain enclosed by limestone hills,
stretching from west to east (Robinson, i. 328), almost rectangular,
from nine to five, or ten to six English miles, large enough to form
the encampment of a wandering people. In the north-east of this
plain, over against the most northerly extremity of Jebel Helal
(see p. 87) in the east, and about twelve English nules (4^ hours
on camel) E.S.E. from Muweilih, and consequently almost due
south of Khalasaah, rises a naked rock as a single huge mass on
the edge of the moimtains that are continued directly towards the
north. At the foot of this rock a copiously flowing spring bursts
forth, which fiedls in beautiful cascades into tiie bed of a torrent,
and after from three to four hundred yards loses itself westward
in the sand. This place still bears tiie name at this day, ^ Eudes,'
t. e.y with the diminutive form (^<^!, as a great part of the names
«* Ottch. Iwr^ ii. 192. • V^illiams's flb/y Ct<y, p. 488,
' Williams's Hol^ City, p 490, sq.
in
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1848.] Remarks an Genedi^ Chapter XIV. 95
in this desert form diminutives, aooording to tiie account of the
Beduins, ten to eleven days' journey from Sinai (Deut. i. 2), and
in connection with Mount Hor by passable Wadis (Num. xx. 22) ;
at the foot of the Amorite mountain, conformably to its nature
(Deut. i. 19), and that in such a manner that the interchange of
Faran and Zin is explained witiiout violence. Accordingly, I look
on this question, as weU as that respecting the march of the
Israelites, and that of C!hedorlaomer ana his allies to the mountain
of the Amorites, as settled.
The possession of this Kadesh was also of considerable import-
ance to the peculiar purposes of the allied troops. All the roads
from the peninsula of Sinai and the iElanitic Gulf unite before
they lead past Kadesh, and do not affain divide till the other
side of it, in order tiiat they may lead apart to Hebron or
Ghazzah. In like manner^ the road from central Egypt (comp.
p. 89) to Hebron, leads quite near this main way at Kadesh ;
and idso, not far from it, the way approaches which leads from
Ghazzah over die southern mountain ridge through Wadi
Fiqreh to Arabah.8 Thus the possession of £1-Paran on one
side, and of Kadesh on the other, commanded the desert and the
traffic in it ; a sufficient reason for venturing into these wastes,
and making a secure settlement there (comp. above, p. 82).
And what way did they t^e to it? According to all preceding
investigation, not through the Arabah, but they ascended the desert
plateau from Aileh, either through the pass Akabat-Aileh (see
p. 86), or, following the subsequent Roman road, through Wadi el-
Bejaneh (see Robmson, i. 328) ; then went round Jebel Araif,
since the mountain-wall opposite blocks up the passage through
(p. 87\ and arrived on the edge of the eastern mountain at
Aadesh. Let not the horrors of the wilderness (Deut. i. 19\ of
which a single example is given in 1 Sam. xxx. 11, sq., be nere
objected. K& Saul (1 Sam. xv. 7) fought in these aeserts, so
David marched through them victoriously with his troops (1 Sam.
xxvii. 8, sq. ; xxx. 10, sq.) ; as this wilderness was formerly peopled
by Nomades, and is still so, for which reason Seetzen (in Zach,
xvii. 138) can speak of a place, ' Eschabiji, southward of Mdara
^see p. 92), about an hour distant, where traces of vineyards,
cbc, are still to be found ;' as it miffht be gone through by the
Israelites, and might possibly have oeen made their abode for
many years ; — Chedoriaomer's army could also wander through
it It should also be taken into account, that the want of water,
complained of in Num. xx. 2, is dependent on the time of year.
Moses came thither at the season of the first grapes (xiii. 20) ;
« See BotunsoDy L 327, sq. ; iii 146.
and.
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96 Remarks an Genesis^ Chapter XIV. [July,
andy therefore, at a time when the height of summer had ex-
hausted the supply of springs. At other seasons of the year,
circumstances are more favourable. Finally, the marching of an
army through this wilderness is not more unintelligible than our
seeing numerous armies, especially since the time of the Assy-
rians, going through the wilderness Jifar, between Egypt and
Canaan ; not more unintelligible than the fact, that the army of
which we are here treating must have surmounted the dangers of
the wilderness between Euphrates and Syria, before it entered
Canaanitish ground.
Arrived at this place, the confederates smite (Gen. xiv. 7) *ihe
whole country of tfie Amalekites.' These people, who were sub-
sequently the hereditary enemies of Israel, extended themselves
along the south border of Canaan, even to the vicinity of Egypt
( 1 Sam. xxvii. 8) ; and, in the time of Moses, had even a portion
within the southern mountain (Num. xiii. 29 ; xiv. 43, sq.). They
roamed as free sons of the wilderness, after the mode of the
Beduins, over the broad flats of this desert (Exod. xvii. 8, sq. ;
Dent XXV. 17, sq.). Always disposed to rob and plunder (1 Sam.
xiv. 48 ; XXX. 1, sq.), they were mainly the party who disturbed
free intercourse. Hence their subjection was required by the
object of tiie entire expedition. Further on, they turn their arms
(v. 7) against * the Amorites, who (comp. 2 Chron. xx. 2) were
settled at Engedi, at the Dead Sea,' and must have been in the
closest connection with the tribes who are here attacked, as has
been already remarked (p. 81). Since the word 3^n in Gen.
xiv. 7, means merely ' the habitation' of the Amorites^ but not the
!)lace where the confederated troops fought with the Amorites, it
bllows, in regard to the continuance of me march, that the army
ascended from Eadesh north-east to Wadi el-Murreh, and at the
foot of the Amorite mountain, following Wadi el-Fiqreh, directed
its course to el-Ghor. But what is the nature of the connection
between Kadesh and the north-eastern tract that slopes away to
the Dead Sea ? Till the present day this cannot be definitely
described, since here, at the distance of a few miles, we stumble
on a territory still entirely unknown. We only know that the plain,
at the rock ji^udes, is closed up on the east by a range of heights ;
and beyond, the above-named Wadis approach. We must, there-
fore, at present be contented with the account of the Beduins
whom Rowlands mentions, that from this Kudes there is an avail-
able communication with Mount Hor — as I conjecture through
Wadi Kqreh, on the way taken by Schubert and Robinson —
and this so much the more, since (Num. xx. 11) Moses intended to
strike into this way, and afterwards the Israelites actually turned
off into it
As
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1 848.] Remarks on (Genesis, Chapter XIV. 97
As soon as the army descends to el-Ghor, the battle of the
rebellious PentapoHs takes place. Their rulers therefore {v. 8)
forthwith drew forth the troops in array against the enemy, and
the armies meet one another in the vale of Siddim, which was
already explained in verse 3 by * the Salt Sea ;' so that this valley
belongs to the tract of land which was afterwards sunk in the
Dead Sea (ch. xix.). The geographical studies of the last ten
years have set aside the former idea, that a lake never existed in
this depression. With so much the more certainty have we to regard
the Dead Sea in its ancient extent as the northern boundary of the
vale Siddim, against which the conquering army marches from
the south-west. This valley, which, agreeably to the passage Gen.
xiii. 10, sq., was not reckoned as belonging to Canaan proper,
contained the towns named in ch. xiv. 2 ; of which Sodom (judged
from V. 17, 21, to have been the most important of them) lay
not far from Zoar (xix. 20), all situated, according to ch. xiv.
10, xix. 19, 30, to the west of the Moabite mountains. Of
these cities, there remained in later times only the one, Zoar,
designated in our narrative by the old name, wnich we may ven-
ture to place nearest the mountains, even, according to ch. xix ,
on the margin of the sea; and, inasmuch as it was the most
southern inhabited place, often employed as a boundary point over
against Jericho, corresponding to it m the north. ^ It does not
follow from this, that !6oar must have been situated exactly at the
south point of the Dead Sea. Where the utmost point to the
south IS mentioned directly, Zoar is never named (comp. Num.
xxxiv. 3; Josh. xv. 2) ; where mention is made of it, it is never
reckoned to Judea, but, according to the standard of llie times, to
Moab (Isa. xv. 5 ; Jer. xlviii. 34), to Arabia Petraea (Joseph.
Antiq., xiv. 1, 4 ; B, J., iv. 8, 4 ; Ptolem. v. 17, 5^. This leads
us to place Zoar on the east coast of the sea. There the Cru-
saders still found it after going round the south end of the Dead
Sea, in one of the entrances to the Moabite mountains, just as
Jerome in Isaiah xv. 5, designates it as the western key of Moab
(Robinson, iii. 756). In like manner the Arabs are still acquainted
with it, and that not merely by name, as Robinson supposes (lii.
758), if Edrisi {Syr., p. 2) and Abulfeda (Geogr,, pp. 39,
228) call the Dead Sea the Sea of Zoghar, and Abulfeda again
(p. 228) states that the Wadi of Hasban borders on the low
ground of Zoghar, — a fact which points more definij;ely to the
situation — but they know that it lay two days' journey from
Jericho, and three from Jerusalem ; and that, too, on the way
which led from Jericho (crossed the Jordan and) passed Zoghar
»» Deut xxxiv. 3. Comp. Jos. B. J, iv. 8. 4; Euseb. On<m. «. v, Bd^wrtra.
VOL. II. — NO. III. H to
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98 Remarks on Genesis^ Chapter XI K [July,
to Jebal, esh-Sherah, and Maan (see p. 86). Abulfeda also
refers (p. 48) the situation of it at the Dead Sea to a single loca-
lity ; and Kazwini^ in the Athar eUBiL (MS.)) expresses himself
still more circumstantially to this effect : — ^ Zoghar is a hamlet
three days* journey from Jerusalem, at the extremity of the stinking
sea. It is in an unhealthy, bad valley, in a district very incon-
venient, inhabited by a population who are visited by the plague
in many years, and who remain there only by virtue of attachment
to their native country.' Should we recognise in this language
the characteristics of the Ghor, as Robinson (iii. 31) also touches
on them, Istakhri (p. 35) says, 'At Zoar there are dates, in
Irak are none sweeter and finer than they;' and we know,
from Edrisi, p. 2, that they were once exported from Zoghar
by ship to Jericho and other places. From them *• Segor ' cot
among the Crusaders the name villa palmarum^ and is cele-
brated for its fine dates.^ Thus, there is no doubt that Arabs
and Crusaders, notwithstanding the name vallis illnstris given
by the latter, which forms so strong a contrast to the de-
scription of Kazwiui, mean the same place. But this productiveness
belonging to the locality, is only met with at the mouth of Wadi
el-Karahi, which in the so-called Ghor ess-Safieh makes the culti-
vation of wheat, barley, and dhurah possible (Robinson, ii. 489) ;
and in the plain Ghor el-Mezraah, fructified by the Wadi Kera^,
with fiTiit-trees and corn-fields (Robinson, ii. 467), the scanty
remains of the Jordan meadow, once so well cultivated in conse-
quence of its copious springs that have not yet disappeared (Gen.
xiii. 10), in contrast with the salt desert of the central and western
el-Ghor, which is destitute of all living plants, and of whose
frightful desolation older, as well as recent travellers, speak with
horror. In proportion as the improbability increasea of ever
finding the name or remains of Zoghar, at the present southern
extremity of the Dead Sea, after all the inquiries nitherto made to
discover them, and as the idea of the mountain-path to the plain
of Ghor ess-Safieh, described by Seetzen,^ being that road into
which Baldwin's army struck, becomes less and less probable,
because Wadi Kerak formed the proper gate of Moab, and
still does so; the more likely is Kobmson's view, founded on
Irby and Mangles' observations (Palestine, iii. 164, 754), that
the remains of Zoar must be looked for in the not unimportant
ruins at the running out of Wadi Kerak into the plain (comp.
with this Blazwini's words). Hence the part of the sea lying
south of the peninsula, which stretches out westwards far into the
' Von Raomer, Paltntina, p. 222.
^ Zach's Monat, Correspond.^ xyiii. 438.
sea
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1848.] Remarks on Genesis, Chapter XIV, 99
sea like a protecting bulwark, must be reckoned tbe vale of Sidditn,
which sank in Abrimam's time, in that catastrophe, with its fruitful
meadows and populous cities (ch. xix.), being ever after over-
whelmed by the Dead Sea.
The fortune of war decided in favour of the allies (v. 10\ so
that all the Pentapolitan fugitives that did not fall in the slime-
pits (which^ once visible, still throw up at the present day, from
the bottom of the sea, their ^ ^ . asphaltum, equivalent to the
1Dn),» sought for safety in the ravines of the Moabite moun-
tains. The conquerors plunder (r. 11) Sodom and Gomorrah, the
former of which, as has been shown above, lay near Zoar. Of
course, they march across the plain, and reach at Zoar the eastern
bank of the sea, at that which was then the south-east point. This
is decisive respecting the direction of the way back, that cannot
have been up to Canaan alone the western bank, which is in
various ways shut up through me steep pass Engedi (Robmson,
ii. 438), but along the east bank of the Dead Sea, probably on
the road from Jericho to Zoghar, mentioned above oy Istakhri.
Certainly, however, the march of the army in the Jordan valley
continues upwards, till it (r. 14) reaches the extreme point at the
well-known Dan; and in proof of our standing here on purely
historical ground, the remark may be made, that Hobah (v. 15),
which is not elsewhere mentioned except in Judith iv. 4, xv. 4,
lies to the left, t. e. northward of Damascus. But the great con-
tinental roads to Nineveh and Babylon came down from the north
to Damascus; and we see, from this short account, that those
smitten by Abraham fled thither, whence they had come. For the
rest see p. 83.
If we have thus far found the narrative faithful in all its parts,
and very accurate where the relative localities have been suffi-
ciently known before, the right acceptation of the whole solves, in
conclusion, the disputed question of the position of Shalem. Ac-
cording to V. 14, sq., the victor, laden with bootv, returns from
Damascus, as we suppose, along the great road wnich reached the
Jordan valley on the soutii, at the sea of Tiberias. Those fireed
by Abraham from their oppressors, and among them Melchizedek,
kin^ of Salem, come fortn (r. 17, sq.) welcoming, wishing pros-
perity to, and blessing their rescuer, at the place afterwards (ailed
The Kim's Vale. But the more certain it is that the land west
of the Jordan was wholly untouched by the march of the army
here described, the less reason is there for regarding Melchize-
dek's Shalem, in violation, at the same time, of the firmly esta-
• See Istakhri, p. 35 ; Abnlfeda, Gwgr., p. 228.
H 2 blished
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100 Remarks on Genesis^ Chapter XIV. [July,
blished historical usus loquendi {V^\ Jebus, D/tt^*1^ Jerusalem,
not being poetically abbreviated into D/ltf Salem, till Ps. Ixxvi.
3), as Jerusalem, which lies entirely out of the reach of the nar-
rative, and for transplanting the King's Vale into the neighbour-
hood of the metropolis. This combination, moreover, becomes an
impossibility, from the fact that Abraham, who did not undertake
the expedition for his own personal advantage, but nobly gave
to every one a share of the booty (r. 22, sq.), could not take the
way from Scythopolis through Samaria, but must rather have
followed the Jordan valley to Sodom, in order to bring back thither
the captives, among whom were his nearest relatives (v. 12), who
are also represented at a subsequent time (ch. xix. 1) as still
dwelling there. Even this leads to the Jordan valley, as.the locality
of Shalem and the King's Vale ; and if we combine this with
the accounts of Jerome, that the SaXeiV, mentioned in John iii.
23, in the avKw SaXiQ/x, i. e, in the Jordan meadow (Judith iv. 4),
and which still later, under the names Salem^ SalumiaSf at least
according to a partial tradition, was connected with Melchizedek,°
lay eight Roman miles south of Scythopolis, consequently on the
way which Abraham must have traversed, then all the marks of the
identity of our Salem (D^.^) with that (2aXs//x) agree so well,
that there cannot be any longer a doubt on the point. The men-
tion of the King's Valley (2 Sam. xviii. 18), where Absalom erects
his monumentd pillar, is not opposed to this ; for Absalom had
his possessions beside Ephraim.
*» See the passages in RosenmilUer, Antiq. ii. 2. 134, sq. ; Von Raamer, Pal,
p. 156, sq.
RECOLLECTIONS
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1848.] ( 101 )
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE EAST,
ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE PENTATEUCH.
By Mrs. Postans.
The subject of the present paper is one on which, I believe, that
too much cannot be said, nor to which remark and observa-
tion of the most serious kind can be too frequently drawn. The
value of all illustrations of Sacred History, as collected from the
exhaustless sources of Eastern custom, must depend of course on
the truthfulness of the facts, and their intimate connection with
ancient and holy record ; therefore the kind of evidence afforded
by an eye-witness should have pre-eminent authority : for, however
useful m their way, this authority cannot, in full force, attach to
gleanings from the works of travellers not having this especial
object in view, nor being, perhaps, very intimately conversant with
the domestic manners of the people among whom they journey.
While myself approaching tms very interesting and important
subject, I do so in all humility, yet with an earnest desire to bring
to the ever-increaang mound of human knowledge such srains of
experience as I have garnered during a long residence in tne East ;
and^ whether my joumeyings have been on the banks of the Nile,
in the city of Rameses, whence ' with a strong hand ' God brought
forth his people Israel, or on the shores of the Indus ; whether
wandering on desert plains or residing in Oriental cities, the same
fact has ever in its full power constrained my earnest observation
— the fact that, however the East may have been affected by
changes of religion and dynasties, however it may have been rifled
and enslaved by stranger powers, however its features of govern-
ment and social ordinances may have been altered or modified by
external and extraneous circumstances, yet that, to a very remark-
able and interesting degree, the manners and customs of Uie people
remain unchanged during a period of more than tiiree thousand
years, so that, even as in our day, the summit of Mount Sinai may
still be noted by the pilgrim traveller to the convent of St. Catherine,
and die great wilderness may now be trodden by the foot of the
Gentile whereon the rebellious children of Israel murmured and
wept, the traveller in the East may yet note in the ordinary life
about him, acts, customs, manners, and prejudices, in no way altered
from what they were when Abraham fed his flocks on Mamre,
when Shimei cursed David at Bahurim, and when the Saviour
and his disciples walked with men in the holy city.
The
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102 Secollections of the East, [July,
The intelligent reader, seeking the instructive evidence as such
experiences may aid him in obtaining, will not deem a fact trivial
or unimportant which tends to illustrate any of the interesting
portions of the sacred Scriptures : and in truth it is on those facts
ukely to escape the casual observer of Eastern manners that I am
disposed to lay most stress, from their peculiarly interesting cha-
racter if conffldered in reference to their prototypes in Holy Writ,
these passiages also being little likely to arrest the attention of a
careless reader. It may be the result of natural association while
writing on this subject, but I feel that my desire to awaken interest
in the comparison between ancient and modem times in the East
would be materially asasted by the reader's endeavouring to form,
as a groundwork, some general idea of Eastern scenes, climate, and
costumes ; to imagine its vast deserts, trodden only by the camel's
foot, and producing but the camel's food ; to imagme the deep
blue canopy of heaven, shining forth with the glorious lights that
Save their earliest worship to the simple shepherds watching their
ocks by night, in the vast plains of Chaldea; to imagine the
burning heats of day, all nature stilled in languid rest ; me even-
ing hour, with its refreshing breeze, its purple shadowings; the
flat-roofed houses, crowded by a turbaned population ; the kine
returning to the city, the maidens filling their vessels at the wells ;
the luxuriant foliace of a tropic clime ; the simple life of the
peasant tribes — with their little tent of goat's-hair, their loins
girded, their staff in their hand ; and this done, I would at«once
and with increased confidence proceed to draw attention to such
facts as appear to me to be worthy of remark.
In the 12th chapter of the book of Genesis, firom the 4th to the
10th verses, we read of the journeying of the patriarch Abram
from Chaldea to Canaan — ^ And Abram took Sarai his wife, and
Lot his brother's son, and all their substance that they had
gathered.' The people of the East ever thus travel, they and their
mmilies, with their substance. It has frequently occurred to me
to see movements of a similar kind, sometimes the result of
scarcity, when men have travelled from a province devastated by
famine, to eat bread ; sometimes the effect of political agitation,
when tbe possessors of great flocks and herds among the pastoral
tribes feared foray from their own military chiefe, or attack from
bodies of horse sweeping down upon them from the enemy. This
was particularly the case in Beelochistan, during the period of the
late Cabul campaign, and the Kujjuck and other shepherd tribes
of the hills brought tlieir families down to the plains and villages
of Cutchee for protection. While travelling, the head of the
family commonly rode upon a camel, his sons and brethren, armed
with sword and matchlock, following on foot and guarding the
women.
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women, who were, with their servants and children, mounted on
ponies ; bullocks bringing up the rear with tents, water-vessels,
grain bags, and all ' their substance.' And we see that at Bethel
Abram ' pitched his tent.' The tents in present general use in
the East, by Mohammedans and European travellers, whether in
Syria or India, are formed of canvas or coarse cloth, occasionally
dyed green by the Moslems, and decorated with stars and crescents
of crimson embroidery ; but the pastoral tribes and mountaineers
about the Afghan passes form their tents of goat's-hair spun by
their women, tne advantages of warmth and facility of transit being^
considerably greater than attaches to the tent of cotton-cloth ; and
as this species of movable house is supported on bamboos to be
found in every eastern forest, and may be fastened either to the
thorny shrubs of the desert or stones of the hill side, its advantages
are undeniable ; and considering the early period in which Abram
journeyed from Haran, and his patriarchal character, it is probable
that the tent he pitched at Bethel was of hair woven firom the pro-
duce of his flocks, by Sarai and her maidens.
In the 13th chapter and the 2nd verse we are told that ' Abram
was very rich in cattle, in silver, and in gold.' The whole history of
the patriarch's domestic condition is precisely similar to that wmch
mignt be given of an Afghan or Belooche pastoral chief of the pre-
sent day. 1 remember an instance in Sher Mohammed, who came to
negotiate affiiirs in the province of Shikarpoor, and pitched his tent,
with those of his wives and servants, on the desert. He was a fine
looking man, with a handsome beard descending to his girdle ; a
ponderous turban of white cotton encircled his head, and ffllver
ornaments of rude but massive workmanship adorned his neck,
arms, and hands — ^for he, like Abram, was ' very rich in cattle,
in silver, and in gold.' And he carried his wealth of metal on
the person of himself, his wives, and his children, as the custom is
with Orientals; and his flocks and. herds travelled with him with
their herdsmen, and were confined in pens about the tents, and
Sher Mohammed and his femily subsisted on the milk and ghee
they produced ; and when I quitted the tent, the chief, with true
Belooche hospitality, pressed on my acceptance a kid of the goats,
with butter in a brazen vessel.
« In the 16th chapter and 3rd verse we see that ^ Sarai, Abram's
wife, took Hagar her maid the Egyptian, after Abram had dwelt
ten years in the land of Canaan, and gave her to her husband
Abram to be his wife.' In the hareems of the East the women-
servants, whether bond or free, are entirely under the authority of
their mistresses. It may be remembered also that the desire of
ofl^rins is the paramount consideration with an Aaatic. Accord-
ing to tiie institutes of the Hindoo law^ver Menu, a man may
put
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104 Becolledums of the Ea$tj [July,
fmt away a childless wife, and she becomes a reproach to her fel-
ows. Men in the East feel, with the king of Israel, that with
many sons ' they shall not be ashamed when they speak with their
enemies in the gates ;' and the reasons for this feeling are many
and cogent. When a &ther becomes stricken in years, his sons
dwell with him — honom*, protect, and provide for him. /JThey are
as sight to his eyeB, and a staff to his steps. If he be a chieftain,
they follow him in feud and foray, and his quarrel becomes theirs
to the third and fourth generation. A native of the East is
respected as much for the number of his sons as for the array of
his armed retainers. The result of this social condition is an ea^r
desire for children; and when incantations at a neighbounng
temple by Hindu women £sdl, and vows of pilgrimages to Mecca
and Kerbela by the Musulmanis, the wives of men of rank very
usually adopt the plan pursued by Sarai, which averts repudiation
and the introduction of a stranger to the hareem circle. In all such
cases the child bom of the handmaid is recognised and spoken of,
caressed and respected, as the child of her mistress. I recollect a
fact very similar to the giving of the E^ptian maiden to Abram, in
the family of his highness the Nuwaub of tfunaffhar in western India ;
the prince, according to the privilege of Moslems, having four
wives, but being still unblessed with ofi&pring. At length the
chief wife gave her slave girl to the Nuwaub, and a son was bom.
This infant was introduced to me as the child of the Burrah
Beebee, and was always treated and spoken of in the hareem as
such by the other wives. The mother, indeed, nursed the boy,
but herself called it the son of her mistress, and it was only after
much inquiry that I discovered he was in fact the offspring of the
Beebee's bondwoman. A similar circumstance occurred in the
family of the Rao of Cutch ; but when the prince married the
daughter of a Rajpoot chieft;ain, who bore him a son, a little lad
whom I saw, like the son of Jacob, clad in a * coat of many colours,*
the bondwoman and her son were cast out, or at least the son of
the bondwoman was no longer considered as heir to the Musmud
of Cutch, with the son of the free woman.
In the 27th chapter of the book of Genesis, and the 3rd verse,
we read of the command of Isaac to his son Esau — ' Now there-
fore take, I pray thee, thy weapons, thy quiver and thy bow, and*
go out to the field, and take me some venison.'
The bow is most commonly used in the hill country of India ;
by Bheels and Mahrattas it is always so ; and these people use the
flesh of the deer as a general food. The bow is fipequently made,
like their shields, of rhinoceros hide, richly gilt and painted ; and
not alone is the bow used as a weapon to slay the krge red and
spotted deer abounding in the Dekkan, but, if the bearer of a
letter
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letter arrives after the closing of the gates of a town, the bearer
fixes it in his arrow and shoots it over the wall. The shooting an
arrow into an inhabited place is also, among the Mahrattas, a
signal for war, or hostility in various shapes, according to the size
and importance of the place, whether city, town, or village. 1
recollect being in the fort of Jooner in the Dekkan with a small
force acting in a country ravaged by a bandit chief, when an arrow
was so shot into the town, and the Mahrattas immediately strength-
ened the place, expecting attack. ' Thou shalt not shoot an arrow
there,' was commanded m old time ; and a similar charge, as we
see, would be applicable to a people of to-day, bent on the attack
of a neighbouring city. The now, directed to be the weapon used
in the taking of venison by Isaac, would be similarly used by an
Oriental of to^ay, seeking food required by his family ; and of
venison, it is worthy remark, that as the deer is a beast that
* parteth the hoof, and is cloven-footed,' it is held clean above
other beasts that chew the cud, even by Hindoos. In the 11th
chapter of Leviticus and the 6th verse, we read — ' And the hare,
because he cheweth the cud but divideth not the hoof, he is unclean
to you.* I was at one period encamped in the jungles of the
northern Koncan in western Indian, and my people, hummalls,
horsekeepers, and others, were much harassed with hard labour
and incessant marching ; still, the high-caste men ate but grain,
and drank water ; but tne lower-caste men caught small fish in the
rivers, and used them in curry with vegetables and unleavened
bread made of Jowarri flour, and baked on the hearth. We had
several sportsmen with us, and game was constantly brought into
camp. I ofiered hares and quail to the people, but saw that they
were thrown to the village dogs. On one occasion two large red
deer were shot by the wageries (huntsmen) ; and to my surprise I
observed a Purwarri hummall cooking a portion of this venison
in his brazen vessel. On inqidring why he had cast the hares
indignantly away, ' Lala ' ran, and bringing me the deer's foot,
explained that tecause the hoof was cleft, he, as a Mahratta,
was allowed to eat it ; but the hare was unclean to him, not being
cloven-footed. Neither would this man touch the wild hogs that
were frequently shot in the plains; as we read, for 'the swine,
though he divide the hoof, and be cloven-footed, yet he cheweth
not the cud ; he is unclean to you' (Levit. xi. 7).
In the 22nd verse of the same chapter it is commanded — ' Even
of these ye may eat ; the locust aft;er his kind ; and the bald locust
after his kind.' I was in the province of Cutch when a flight of lo-
custs devastated the land, and literally devoured every green thing.
The cultivators were Hindoos, and some of the richer people (Ba-
nians) were so strict that they would not suffer fishery on the coast,
holding
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106 Recollections of the East, [July,
holding even fish as unclean for food. A mighty wind at length
drave the locust band into the sea at Mandavie (an important trad&g
city on the coast), and with the flood tide the sands were strewn
with the bodies of these devastating insects ; the cultivators imme-
diately collected them in bags, and afterwards dried and salted
them for food, for ' the locust after his kind ' the priests permitted
them to eat. And throughout the East, by the Arabs, as by the
people of India, the dried locusts are constantly used as a pro-
vision, when the people travel to places where fresh vegetaoles
and fruits are not procurable ; the insect locust, I have observed, is
much more generally used than the bean of the ' locust tree,' and
to the desert traveller would be a more sustaining food. This
fact induces the belief, that it was the winged locusts, and not the
vegetable pod, which became, with wild honey, the food of John
the Baptist in the desert of Bethabara beyond Jordan.
In the 31st verse of the 11th chapter we read — * Whosoever doth
touch them when they are dead, shall be unclean until the even.'
A Hindoo, imless he be a Pariah, an outcast, can in no way touch
the body of any creature that has died, or he would be constrained
to fast, to perform ablutions, to say mantras, to make offerings to
the temples, before he could become clean ; therefore, outside all
Indian cities, and near all camps, ' Dairs,' or outcasts, reside in
little clusters of huts, whose business it is to carry forth all dead
cattle and other unclean things to a certain distance, where
they feast on some portions, and either trust to the hungry dogs
or carrion crows to clear away the refuse, or they kindle a fire
and consume it. In the 35th verse of the same chapter we read —
* Whether it be oven or ranges for pots, they shall be broken
down.' The ovens of the East are generally made of clay mixed
with chopped straw, raised with three sides and a flat roof; I re-
collect to nave seen one of this kind, of large size, in the yard of
a caravanserai near Kurrachee in Sindh, where travellers baked
the bread they required for their journey ; it was always heated,
either with charcoal or red-hot stones, and could very easily * be
broken down.' The ' pots' used in the East are circular, and of
copper tinned ; one person has generally four or five in use. The
hearth on which he uses them is flat, raised some foot from the
ground, and is formed of clay surfaced with manure, tempered
with water, which when dried is peculiarly clean and smootn ; at
the back and sides a little wall is raised, and divided by small
projections ; between each projection is the receptacle for &re, and
on each partition a circular indent is formed, the size of the cir-
cumference of the pot, which thus remains steadily fixed, while the
contents are cooking by the heat on either side ; these then are
* the ranges for pots, and it may be remarked, that if a Brahmin
18
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is cookmg his rice and pulse, when the presence or eyen the shadow
of an unclean thing comes before him, ne not only throws out the
food, carries his yessels and clothes to the river for ablution, but
he breaks down his cooking-place, the oyen, and ranges for pots,
and by and bye erects another, somewhat remoyed.
In the 23rd chapter of Leyiticus and the 10th yerse we read
the command — * When ye be come into the land which I give
unto you, and shall reap the haryest thereof, then ye shall bring a
sheaf of the first fruits of your harvest to the priest The Hindoo
cultivators uniformly observe the custom of offering the first fruits
of their fields to their temples, and in Cutch I recollect seeing
processions, in which persons bore salvers, having grain or fruits
thereon, while one or two were laden with sheaves of com. The
fields of the East produce two annual crops, the ^ rubbee' or spring
crop, and the autumnal ; thus we see in the 23rd chapter of Exo-
dus, ^ the feast of harvest ' noted, * and the feast of mgathering,
which is in the end of the year.' In the 23rd chapter of Leviticus
and the 40th verse, we read — * And ye shall take you on the first
day the boughs of goodly trees, branches of palm trees, and the
boughs of tmck trees, and the willows of the brook, and ye shall
rejoice before the Lord your God seyen days.' On the first day
of the Dewalli, a favourite festival held on the commencement of
the Hindoo lunar year, the whole of the population of an Indian
city bear branches of the sami, tulsi, and other sacred trees in
procession, and walking round all Uie temples in the vicinity, offer
salutation and prayers to the several deities to whom they are
considered sacrenl.
At the 28th verse of the 19tii chapter of Leviticus we read —
* Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh* for the dead, nor
print any marks upon you.' In all mourning ceremonies in the
East, that are conducted with any pomp, it is customar;^ to hire
persons to disfigure themselves, and make loud lamentation. At
the Mohammeoian ceremonies of the Mohurrum not only do bands
of women in green dresses follow the bier of Hoossein and Hassan,
beating their oreasts and tearing their hair, but fakirs and mad
enthusiasts dance around it, cutting themselyes with knives, and
running skewers through their tongues. Some Moslem servants
in our employment at Mandavie^ to whom we had given leave to
attend Mohurrum, returned so much wounded as to be incapable
of service for some time, so fiercely had they made cuttings in
their ^ flesh for the dead.'
Near Verawul Puttun, in the Sarastra peninsula of Western
India, I visited a sacred spot on the river Rin-Nakshee, which was
a &yourite resort of the Hindoo pastoral deity Krishna ; there
were here pilgrims and devotees from every part of India, wor-
shippers
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108 Recollections of the East, [July,
shippers of Krishua» Siva, Devi, and Vishnu ; Jogees, Gosaens, and
Gooroos, who had come hither from the Lidus and the Ganges,
and now stood in rows, while a Brahmin with a red-hot iron,
stamped with the design of a lotus flower, printed ' marks ' upon
the right arm of each. The same custom was observed at the
great temple of Dwaka, situated near the island of Bate on the
gulf of Cutch, and all pilgrims to the sacred mounts and shrines
of Western India earnestly desired to be so printed with the marks
of the sun god Heri, who, bom at Vrij on the Jumna, ruled as a
prince at Dwaka, and being deified by the Hindoos, is now held
in great reverence. Colonel Todd compares his acts and charac-
ter with those of the Apollo of the Greeks.
In the 6th chapter of Leviticus at the 11th verse we read — * And
he shall put off his garments, and put on other garments, and
carry forth the ashes without the camp unto a clean place.' This
is spoken in commandment to a priest, encased in a holy office,
and it is worthy remark, that the custom of changing garments is
common also with the Brahminical priests, when engaged in prayer,
or in the performance of any of their, to them, sacred rites. We see
also that a linen garment is spoken of. A friend of mine, the
Brahmin Vindaek Gungadhur Shastree, readent m Bombay, the
son of the late minister of Baroda, occupies a large house, crowded
with Brahmins of high caste. The Shastree, in matters of &ith,
is very strict, conscientious, and devout. The greater portion of
the day he passes in the exercises commanded by his religion, in
ablution, prayer, and contemplation of the several attributes of the
Deity. During this period, the Brahmin puts off his linen gar-
ments ; while dining he wears silk, and after renewed ablutions,
he replaces those of linen, of two parts, the one a piece of cloth
girded round the loins and falling below the knees, and the other
a ^ garment,* or body coat, called an ankrika.
In the 12th chapter of Numbers and the 10th verse we read —
* And Aaron looked upon Miriam, and, behold, she was leprous.'
And affain in the 14th verse — * Let her be shut out from the camp
seven days.' The plague of leprosy in India is lamentably com-
mon, and among the lower classes the ' reddish spot ' upon the
dark skin, showing uncleanness, may be constantly observed. I
recollect looking from my window at Anjar in Cutch, when the
door of a hut opened, and a woman came forth, whiter than a
EuropNean, to wash her cooking vessels. I imagined she might be
a soldier's wife, perhaps deserted in this miserable village, and
sent to inquire ; but in answer found that she was a Hindoo, who
had thus become * leprous, white as snow.' On the Guzerat
peninsula of Western India, I visited the temple of the ^ Datar Che-
lah.' This man had been a great priest, and enjoyed the reputa-
tion
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tion of a saint for his benevolence, which the word datar, or ffiver,
conveys. The power of the saint is supposed to be peculiarly felt
in this spot. To it those afflicted with leprosy resort, their clothes
rent and their * head bare,' to beseech heaUng from the saint. The
temple is surrounded with a dense forest, and in these wild soli-
tudes lepers firom every part of India * dwell alone,' until they
are cleai^sed, or devoured by wild beasts, with which these jungles
abound. I felt it to be a very touching sight ; these unclad
lepers, with their emaciated bodies and streaming hair, in earnest
prayer, beseeching that * the merciful and good Datar would re-
store them to their children, aUd to their beloved but far-distant
homes.' For thus, unless thev would bring a curse on their de-
scendants to the third and tour\h generation, must these poor
creatures afflicted with the plague of leprosy * dwell without the
camp ' until they are cleansed, or death relieves them from their
misery.
In the 36th chapter of Numbers and the 6th verse, we read of
the daughters of Zelophehad — * Let them marry to whom they
think best ; only to the family of the tribe of their fathers diall
they marry.' Thus is it with the Rajpoots of the present day. A
Rajpoot girl can only marry in her fatner's tribe, ani as the fami-
lies nave decreased m number, and marriage or degradation are
the alternatives of a native woman, Rajpoot fathers, to avoid the
former, became infanticides, and destroyed their female children
immediately on their birth. I saw in Kattiawar a chieftain in the
office of the Political Resident, charged with the murder of his
daughter. He had, at the prayer of ner mother, suffered her to
live to girlhood ; at this penod she became attached to one, not
of her tribe ; the father called her from the hareem, and slew her
with his own hand. In early periods, when Rajpoots were nume-
rous and powerful in the land, this law was doubtless intended by
the R^poot parent, like that ^ven to Zelophehad, ^ to keep to
himself the inheritance of the tnbe of his £a.thers ;' but as circum-
stances changed, prejudice engendered crime.
In the llUi chapter of Deuteronomy and at the 9th and 10th
verses it is written — ' For the land whitner thou goest in to possess
it, is not as the land of Egypt, from whence ye came out, where
thou sowedst thy seed and wateredst it with thy foot, as a garden
of herbs. But the land whither ye go to possess it is a land of
hills and valleys, and drinketh water of the rain of heaven.' The
minute description of the method of irrigation, in a land depend-
ing for its supply of water either on springs or the inundations of
a river, deserves attention. Neither in Egypt nor in Sindh, coun-
tries in the same latitude, can rain ever be expected to fedl, and
the crops of fine jowarree, to be found equally on the banks of the
Nile
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110 Eecollections of the East, [July,
Nile and the Indus, depend on irrigation from the river. In both
countries the cultivation forms but a belt on either side of the
stream, and beyond it the eye falls on an arid waste ; but in India
and Arabia, which are lands of hills and valleys, that drink
water of the rain of heaven, the traveller sees the whole face of
the country studded with clumps of trees, plots of cultivation,
fields of waving com. After the inundations of the Nile and
Indus, on the rich alluvial deposit, the farmers scatter their seed,
and it is then watered with the foot ^ as a carden of herbs ;' the
method pursued for this mode of irrigation 1 have seen constantly
practised in my own gardens in India. The ground sown with
seed, or planted with young plants, is divided into square plots, and
round each, as in England we might place a bordering of box or
thrift, is raised a little division of earth. Similar embankments
enclose a watercourse leading from Hie well, which every garden
possessed : at dawn, the Moat Wallah, as he is called, brin^ his
bullocks, yokes them to the machinery, and then sitting easily on
the ropes, urges and encourages by turns his well-trained beasts,
as raising the full water-bass they quickly descend the inclined
plain ; and after a brief halt, the. sparkling, gurgling, frothing
water falls over into a trough, hollowed usually from the hewn
stem of a palm-tree, and thence flows along the small channels I
have descnbed ; but, as the rush of water would otherwise wash
away and destroy the young seedlings and the tender herbs, the
gardener watches its progress, and as it flows along he unth his
foot breaks away in rotation a morsel of the embankment of each
plot, and thus suffers the water to flow gradually into it, and soak
round the roots of the plants. As each bed receives sufficient
moisture, he replaces with his foot the earth previously removed,
and the Uttle stream, turned back to its course, flows on to the next
line of plots, which in similar manner the gardener waters with his
foot, and 'the garden of herbs' looks fresh and green under the
burning sun, although the ' rain of heaven ' may not have fallen on
it for a period of eight months.
In the 20th verse of the same chapter we read — ' And thou
shalt write them upon the door-posts of thine house, and upon thy
gates.' This command concerned the statutes or 'words' given
as commandments to the children of Israel, that they should nave
them always in remembrance, and by every possible means con-
sider, speak of, and meditate on them, at all times and in all
places, as we are told in the preceding verse. While residing in
the family of Meer Jafiur AH, a Mohammedan nobleman in
Bombay, I was much struck by the manner in which the words of
the Koran, with prayers and invocations to the Deity, were con-
stantly used by the persons about me. On the books the Meer
read
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read was commonly inscribed, 'In the name of God the most
merciful.' He entered his carriage with a prayer for safety, and
descended from it, uttering a thanksgiving. For several hours
during the day, and at midnight, he read the Koran, and medi-
tated thereon. A verse of the ELoran was, in a beautifully written
character, enclosed in a golden amulet, which the Meer wore on
his arm : ' Bind them for a sign upon your hand,' was the order
to the Jews ; and though devoid of all other knowledge, a Moolah
taught the Koran earnestly day by day to the Meer's little
daughters, as we suppose a righteous Jew, by means of a Rabbi,
might have obeyed the injunction, *Ye shall teach them your
children.' On the sides of wells, over the doors of houses, on the
gates and guard-rooms of Moslem dties, we see, looking like
arabesque ornaments, verses of the Koran ; the tent of his high-
ness M!eer AU Moorad had a succession of such words wrought in
seed pearl round the interior of a tent in which I saw that chief at
Mobarickpoor in Upper Scinde. The large courtyard of the
Jumma Musjid at Ahmedabad in Guzzerat is richly painted with
such sentences ; over the door of a house they are supposed to
ward away the evil eye, and thus, instead of a ^ bell and a pome-
granate,' yery common decorations in the rich wood-carvings of
the old Hindu houses, we see in Mohammedan cities emblazoned
verses of the Koran, in blue, and gold, and scarlet, as we suppose
in the cities of Syria cunning painters may have written ^ on the
door-posts' of the Jewish houses, and upon the Agates' the ordi-
nances of the God of Jacob.
In the 27th chapter of Deuteronomy and the 5th verse it is
written — * And there thou shalt build an altar unto the Lord thy
God, an altar of stones ; thou shalt not lift up any iron tool upon
thenL' We find among the old temples of the Hindoos, and of the
earlier Arabians, that Uie habit of erecting altars and places sacred
to their deities, of piled stones, was very common, and travellers
are surprised at the skill displayed in these erections, made long
anterior to the period when architectural knowledge of the power
of the arch and its key-stone was introduced by the Mohammedan
conquerors to India. At Pooragud, a city in a very ruined con-
dition in Cutch, a city said, in the traditions of the province, to
have owed its erection to a deity, and its destruction to the curse
of a dervish, I saw several temples and altars of stones used
without mortar, or the lifting up ot any iron tool upon them. The
altars in most cases were composed of one square block of stone,
with one at its back, and one on either side of it, and the walls of
the temple and doorways were equally formed of piled stones
neatly fitted. At Castel Credi, on the island of Malta, a place
twice conquered by the Arabs, I saw altars of stones, with temples,
and
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112 Becollectians of the East^ [July,
and places in their sides, with caves that had been used for se-
Eulchres ; in the museum at Valetta may be seen the stone coffins
rought firom thence, and jewels of gold and of silver that were
found in them, rendering it probable that those so buried in them
were rich men, who could anbrd to say to the owner of the stony
field in which the temple sepulchres were foimd, as Abraham did
to Ephron before the children of Heth, ' I will give thee money
for tne field ; take it of me, and I will bury my dead there/ And
thus the cave of Macpelah, in the field of the Hittite, became the
possession of the patriarch.
In the 27th chapter of Deuteronomy and the 8th verse, we
read — ' And thou shalt write upon the stones all the words of
this law very plainly.' Connected with the writing of laws upon
stones commanded .to the Jewish people, it is most particularly
interesting to remark that the Hindoos (319 b.c.) in the same
manner published their edicts, and that these writings on stones
not only remain at tlie present day, but that learned labour
has caused their characters to be deciphered. On the granite
rocks of Gimar, of Dhauli in CuttacK, and near Delhi and
Allahabad, are graven the leading maxims of Buddism in the ver-
nacular idiom of India, when King Puyadasi, the ally of Antiochus
the Syrian, and Ptolemy Philadelphus, reigned at Palibothra, and
was converted to the Buddistical system of Deism. In Hindostan
these written stones are called Lats, but I have myself only seen
the Rock Edicts at Gimar. The characters on this rock are very
clear and distinct, and contain the enforcements of Buddistical
virtues on the people, honour to parents, charity to kindred,
humanity to animals, temperance in all things, with directions to
spread aoroad these truths ; in the words on the rock, to 'release
them from the fetters of sin, and bring them unto the salvation
which passeth understanding.' The Rock of Gimar stands on the
highway to a sacred mount, and we know that the road was ever
thus, by the mountain torrent, over which the old rulers erected
bridees written of in Sanscrit history ; and we now see the edicts
on that rock, fresh as from the chisel of the graver. The evident
object was, to give a lasting memorial of commandment to the
people, and it was placed on the highway, written on the living
rock, that it might be so; and for a similar cause might the
children of Israel have been commanded to write on stones the
commandments of the law * very plainly.'
Among the curses for disobedience in the 28th chapter of
Deuteronomy, we read, at the 40th verse — ' Thou shalt have olive-
trees throughout all thy coasts, but thou shalt not anoint thyself
with the oil.' The Hindoos always anoint themselves with fresh
oil ; they believe it to protect the skin from the heat, and also to
preserve
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presenre it from the bites of insects and stingg of mosquitoes. The
▼egetables and trees of India produce larffe quantities of berries
and fruits yielding oil ; and eyery Tillage nas its oil-mill, turned
by a camel or a bullock. The oil of the castor-tree is much' used,
and mustard-oil in large quantities ; these are perhaps most fre-
auently employed by the natives for anointing their bodies, while
lie finer cocoa-nut oil they store for lights and cooking. Sandal-
wood oil is also used for anointing the person, by men of rank,
ladies of the hareem, and dancing-women, but the anointing of
themselves with oil after ablution, by all ranks, seems so essential
to ease, health, and comfort in the East, from the beggar to the
prince, that no curse could perhaps more heavily afflict a native of
India than depriving him of the means for doing this, as it doubt-
less did afflict the Israelites when thev were toM that their olive-
trees should each * cast his fruit* And yet there came even a
heavier curse upon them, as we read in the 42nd verse--' All thy
-trees and fruit of thy land shall the locust consume.' I have
already alluded to my observation of the devastating effect of a
locust band in Cutch, which came so thickly, that the servants in
going out to the bazaar were constrained to roll their heads up in
heavy cloths, and arm themselves with staves, to avoid being hurt
and wounded by the flying of these insects against their £su3es.
During the day, by means of tomtoms and shrill trumpets, the
locusts were prevented from settling, but at night devoured
every green thing in the fields of the poor cultivators, remain-
ing as a curse on the land for three days and nights, while
the want and misery that followed were indeed great, for those
who had taken mucn jowarree seed into the field, gathered in
but few ears at harvest, for the locust had consumed it in the
blade.
In thus drawing attention to a few, and yet but a very few, of the
interesting comparisons that may be made between fricts and usages
described in the five earliest books of the Old Testament, and the
manners and usages of the people of the East, of India particidarly,
in the present day, I have . left unnoticed many prominent points,
because as such they have frequently been spoken of by various
travellers, and again to dwell on them might be considered useless
as well as tedious. I allude to the reception of the travellers by
Abraham on Mamre ; of his going forth to meet his guest, a point
of etiquette always observed in Eastern hospitalities ; his offer of
water, ' Let a little water I pray you be fetched, and wash your
feet, and rest yourselves under the tree,* the most necessary re-
freshment that can be offered to. Uie weary foot-sore traveller, and
one which always precedes that of food. The preparation, again,
of meal, and the making cakes upon the heartn by Sarai, dmilar
VOL. II. — NO. III. I domestic
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114 RecoUectioM of the East^ [July,
domestic service to which may be hourly observed by the traveller
in the East, inasmuch as the wife, whatever be her rank, must
prepare the family food ; then, the standing of Abraham by his
guests, this being the attitude of deep respect, always observed in
the East, towards those to whom honour is to be shown ; the setting
up by Jacob of a stone for a pillar before ' he poured oil upon the
top of it,' such stones, as memorials of things remarkable or un-
common, whether marking a halting-place, as in Sindh ; a foray,
as in Kattiawar ; or a suttee, as in Cutch, being of daily erection,
and always anointed with oil or ghee ; the meeting of the servants
of Isaac with Rebecca at the well of Nahor, with its kneeling
camels and Oriental groups ; of the damsels of Uie city at eventide ;
the striving of the herdsmen at the wells of Gerar ; the circum-
stances of the £Bimine that was ^ so sore in the land ' when Jacob
fled to Egypt, — ^these are passages where the comparisons are so
prominent, that they cannot have escaped notice by all travellers
m the East ; but, as I have before said, it is in the minuter points
that perhaps most interest lies : and the more we consider these
things the more are we impressed with the idea, that *• men in
parallel conditions are uniform beings;' that under a similar
climate, with similar food, and influenced by similar exterior cir-
cumstances generally, the result of a patriarchal state, and pastoral
habits, we find an agreement of usage : thus, the manners and
customs of the people of Eastern and Western Asia did not very
materially difier, and the tracing these resemblances between what
we see in the present with what we read of the past, appears to
Sive a life, a vivid portraiture, an absolute presence, to tne ind-
ents of sacred history, which seems to annihilate the mighty
interval of many thousand years, and while in no way robbing
antiquity of its majesty, but, on the contrary, awakening the dull
mind more and more to its authority, these traced resemblances
seem at once of more touching interest, and afiect more intimately
our general sympathies. Beiore closing this paper I cannot avoid
observing on the present character of the people of India, on their
ignorance, apathy, and credulity. I have seen the snake-charmers
of an Indian village, and heard the remarks of the people on their
Sower. And this has easily induced the belief, or what the con-
dence of Pharaoh may have been in the power of the magicians
of Egypt. I stood by the side of one of the best navigators on the
coast of India, when the first steamboat came into han)our against
wind and tide, and the man said he saw no reason why 'if wind
broi^ht a boat, fire might not, they were both elements.' I have
witnessed in Brahmins and princes the most stolid indifierence to
the most wonderful models of art and to their powers ; previous
experience was contradicted, but the observers were ignorant of the
laws
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1 848.] iUustrative of the Feniaieuch. 1 15
laws of nature. Were the Bun to stand still, as it did on Gibeon, or
the waters to part and stand on an heap, as at Jordan, the native
would scarcely express surprise ; and notins this characteristic in
the Oriental mind, I have been less astonisned at the hardness of
heart of the ignorant and enslaved children of Israel, who, coming
from makinff bricks under the taskmasters of Egypt, forgot the
mighty wonders wrought for them, and murmured and wept for
rest and water. As me subject of this paper is enlarged on, ex-
tended, considered, and illustrated, its matter must become more
and more interesting, more and more valuable. Truth, past and
E»ent, forms its (Uita ; facts, that meet the Eastern traveller in
ordinarv life path, form a mirror reflecting with wondrous
brightness tne mignty and most solemn things of ancient days, and
afford proof that whatever industrious, intelligent, and well-
informcMl travellers may tell us of the present condition of the
East, its manners and customs, we shall vet find the sacred Scrip-
tures to be our most certain text-book, and one which tells us
infinitely more, of all that was, and is, and ever shall be.
ON THE
DIFFERENT COMPUTATIONS OF THE FIRST
TWO PERIODS IN THE BOOK OF GENESIS,
AND 0» TBI
CHRONOLOQICAL ASSUMPTIONS ON WHICH THEY ARE BASED^
By Db. Ernst Bebtheau,
Professor of Oriental Languages in the University of Gdttingen.
Translated by John Nicholson, B.A., Ph. D.
The first two periods of history, which are very precisely defined
in our present book of Genesis — on the authority of an ancient
historical work of which it has made much use — embrace the in-
tervals from the creation of the world to the ffreat flood, and from
the flood to Abraham's immigration into Palestine. Their chro-
nolo^cal determination is almost exclusively dependent on the
■ This Essay was read at a meeting of the ** German OrienUl Society," held at
Darmstadt in 1845, and was then printed in the Society's Jahretberichijur 1845-6.
I 2 data
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116 On the Different Computations of the [July,
data given in Gen. v. and xi., although scime other passages in
the first eleven chapters, which we will enumerate further on,
must be adduced to complete t^e calculation, and to define the
compass of the periods exactly. Now it is notorious that the
statements in Gen. v. and xi. have come down to us under dif-
ferent shapes in the Hebrew and in the Samaritan texts, and in
the version of the LXX. Christian chronologists — who firom the
earliest times laid the greatest stress on the numerical statements
of the book of Genesis, because, as the data of a sacred book,
they appeared to afford a firm basis on the unstable ground of the
chronology of the whole of ancient history, and in the labyrinth
of the many chronological numbers which nations, such as the
Egyptians and Babylonians, for instance, have fixed independently
of each other — have instituted numerous inquiries into the dis-
crepancies in the different texts ; and it would be profitable to
give an account of them, but our space forbids it here. In recent
times, in which the endeavour to make the dates of the Old Tes-
tament the baas for an exact chronology of ^^e remotest periods,
has taken a subordinate place, the purely critical question as to
the superiority of the readings of one text to those of the others,
has very much engaged the attention of the learned. Most of
them, following the precedent of J. D. Mich'aelis, have decided
that the numbers in the Hebrew are the most original, and,
therefore, the most correct, on the ground that the numbers of
the Samaritan text and of the LXX. betray systematic alterations,
and do not agree with each other. Ewald is the only one who
asserts that he by no means considers the Hebrew text to be,
throughout and without exception, the preferable one,'' and
grounds his opinion — which he does not, however, further confirm
— on a deviation of the Samaritan text and LXX. from the He-
brew, which, as is generally admitted, is likewise a consequence of
systematic alteration, and which has hitherto been used as a
proof of the superior correctness of the Hebrew text. The ques-
tion which text is superior, is by no means to be decided by those
systematic alteration which have hitherto been pointed out on
tne ground of assumptions which appear at first sight correct :
and the reason why they cannot, is this, because many discrepan-
cies, and among them precisely those very important ones in the
odd numbers in the case of Methuselah and Lamech, for instance,
cannot be explained by them, as is evident to all who have studied
these matters. All that was left for a man to do, who was un-
willing arbitrarily to assume inadvertent alterations and errors in
^ Geachichte des VoUu Itrael, i. S26.
writing,
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writing, and to amend them according to his discretioli, was can-
didly* to admit that the enigma of tlie discrepancies had not yet
been solved — an admission which I have never been reluctant to
make. Nevertheless, I still entertained a hope that the problem
might be solved ; first, because the statements of numbers have
fortunately been preserved to us in three different recensions, and
indeed with scrupulous accuracy on the whole— for the testimonies
of Josephus, Julius Africanus, Eusebius, and later chronologists,
as well as the fact that all three recensions agree in most odd
numbers, are our security for the safe tradition of the numbers
for the space of nearly eighteen centuries ; — and, secondly, be-
cause the discrepancies were in part already considered to be the
effect of systematic alterations : which fostered the encouraging
presumption that a stricter investigation might succeed in ex-
plaining all discrepancies in the numbers, and in accordingly
attaining a minute and sure knowledge of the chronological data .
and systems on which they depend. It is true that, if the chro-
nological systems are discovered, the question as to the correct-
ness of the numbers in one text or the other will lose its impor-
tance, since they may all, however different they may be, be right
within their respective systems ; and the only question that would
still remain would be, which of the discovered systems deserves
to be preferred before the others — which could hardly receive a
positive answer.
The idea that the statements of numbers in the three recen-
sions are based on different chronological systems, has not only
recently occupied my mind : I am induced to pursue it at present,
partly in consequence of the chronological investigations into
whicn I have entered in my Commentary on the book of Judges,
and partly by Bunsen's excellent work on * Egypt's Position in
the History of the World,' which, like all other really important
historical mquiries, is distinguished, amidst other great merits,
also by this, that it inspires courage in him who despaired of
success in the elucidation of obscure problems, and cheers him on
to venture a fredi effort with renewed energy. The present occa-
sion only permits a brief statement of my researches : I hope it
may exhibit the results in a clear and intelligible form.
First Period.
From Adam to the Flood.
It is necessary to mve a tabular view of the numbers in the
different recensions of the fifth chapter of Genesis. The first
column constantly denotes the years before the birth of that son
who carries on the genealogical series ; the second column, the
remainder
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118 On the Differed Computations of the [July,*
remainder of the years ; the third, the sum of the years, or the
whole duration of life : —
Sun. Text. Hefar. Text. LXX.
Adam 180 800 980 130 800 980 S80 700 980
Seth 105 807 912 105 807 912 205 707 912
90
815
905
90
815
906
190
715
905
70
840
910
70
840
910
170
740
910
65
830
895
65
880
895
165
780
895
62
785
847
162
800
962 •
162
800
962
65
800
865
65
300
365
165
200
365
67
658
720
187
782
969
187
78S
969
53
600
653
182
595
777
188
566
768
500
, .
, ,
500
• •
• •
500
100
1
••
• •
100
• •
• •
100
Enosh
Ounan •
Mahalaleel
Jared • .
Enoch . .
Methuselah
Lamech
Noah . .
UntU the Flood
(GeD.T.82;vii.6.1l.).
If we disregard, first, the hundred years which the LXX. add to
the first nine members of the series, and which the Hebrew thrice
adds to the year of the age at procreation ; and, secondly, the
reduction of the remainder of the years of life which is thus pro-
duced ; we find a perfect accordance of the numbers in the first
five members, and m the seventh, Enoch. The only discrepancy
at the sixth member, Jared, is that the Samaritan text shortens
the remainder of his life to 785, and the sum of his years to 847,
instead of 800 and 862, which numbers we expect according to
the Hebrew and LXX. It was necessary to reduce the numbers
800 and 862 by 15 years, because, according to the latter num-
bers, Jared's death would, in the Samaritan text, fall 15 years
after the commencement of the flood. On the other hand, we
find extremely important discrepancies at the eighth and ninth
members, Methuselah and Lamech. In some of tnese deviations
it is at once evident that they depend on the year in which the
commencement of the flood is placed according to the assumptions
of the difierent texts respectively. For, if the Samaritan text
makes Methuselah live 653 years after the birth of Lamech, and
• With regard to the 187 years which the LXX. assign to Methuselah, Eusebins,
and, in conformity with him, Jerome (in the Chronicon), and Augustine (.De Civitaie
Dei, lib. xy. ch. 11), say that Methuselah begot Lamech in his 167th ^ear, that he
liyed 802 years afterwards, and altogether 969 years ; from which it is evident that, in
the fourth centnrjr, the Samaritan reading of 167 instead of 1 87, was the prevalent
one in the Christian church. The readmg 167 does not harmonise with the other
numbers of the LXX. ; for, according to it, Methuselah, as is at once evident,
would not have died until 14 years after the flood — an assumption which would
without doubt be totally contrary to the meaning of the book of Genesis. According
to Africanus (in the Cbronicon of Ensebius), Methuselah was 185 years old when
he begat Lamech ; that is a mistake in writing for 187, as may be prored from
Syncellus. The reading 187, which the Alexandrian Codex has, ana which was
known to Africanus and to the most ancient Fathers, even to those above named,
is the correct one, as we are enabled to evince with certainty, in what follows.
assigns
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assigns Lamech an age of 653 years, the reason for that is, that,
according to the computation of the Samaritan Pentateuch, the
flood begins 653 years after Lamech's birth. According to the
Hebrew text, the remainder of Methuselah's life is 782 years,
because, according to its data, the flood begins 782 years after
Lamech's birth. We are not yet able to assert whether other
difierences in the numbers concerning Methuselah and Lamech
are also respectively accommodations to the year in which the
flood is placed ; but we shall soon see that that is the fact.
The numerical statements of the table agree together for the
most part. We already discover that individual discrepancies
are a consequence of the different computations of the commence*
ment of the flood. It is evident, therefore, that we must turn our
attention to these different computations ; and we will now exa-
mine the. texts severally.
I. The Samaritan Pentateuch reckons 1207 years firom the
creation of Adam to the birth of Noah's three sons, who are the
progenitors of the new human race aA;er the flood ; and 1307 year9
to tne flood. If we scan the series of numbers which define the
ages at the dates of procreation— 130, 105, 90, 70, 65, 62, 65,
67, 53, 500 — ^we find that, on the whole, they decrease. The
only places where the regularity of the decrease is disturbed are :
first, with Enoch, whose 65 years exceed the preceding number by
3 — which does not surprise us, as we can at any rate conjecture
the connexion of the tradition which fixes his life at 365 years,
which may naturally be divided into 300 and 65 ;^ secondly, with
Noah, who at a very advanced age begets those sons who were
called by God to be the progenitors of the new race of men after
the flood, and whose high importance and destiny is even indicated
in the fact of their being the long-desired sons of an ased father ;
and, lastly, with Methuselah, where we are struck with the increase
to 67 in comparison with the foregoing number, and with the great
and unexpected difference between 67 and 53 in comparison wit^
the succeeding number. In the case of Enoch and Noah, the
numbers of the Samaritan Pentateuch are confirmed by the other
recenaons, but not in that of Methuselah ; it miffht, therefore, be
questioned whether the number 67 is correct. If, instead of 67,
we found 60, which number evidently harmonises better with the
general ratio of the series, then the interval from Adam to the
birth of Noah's sons would be exactly 1200 years. But the text
has 67 ; and that the Samaritan Pentateuch calculated the time
firom Adam to the birth of Noah's sons at 1207 years is evident
firom the numbers 785 and 847 with Jared, 653 and 720 with
^ See Bwald'8 Geschidite d, Volhes Israel, i. 314.
Methuselah,
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120 On the Different Computations of the [July,
Methuselah, 600 and 653 with Lamech — all of which would have
to be reduced by 7, if that interval were only computed at 1200
years. Up to this pointy therefore, we have no title whatever to
consider the number 60 to be the original one, instead of 67. This
title, however, will have to be conceded to us. We only say at
present, first, that if this series, 130, 105, 90, 70, 65, 62, 65, 60,
53, 500, did occur in the Samaritan text, the interval from Adam
to Noah's sons would be fixed at 1200 years ; secondly, that it
majr be proved from the Hebrew text and the LXX. that this
senes must have originally worn this aspect ; and, thirdly, that
the interval frt>m Adam to Noah's sons is now reckoned by the
Samaritan Pentateuch at 1207 years. This question, therefore,
arises : Why not at 1200, but at 1207 years ? We only suggest
this question here, in order to pave the way for our subsequent
attempt to answer it.
II. The SeptuoffiiU. — ^In the Greek version, the interval from
Adam to the flood is computed at 2262 years : the flood, therefore,
is placed, first, 900, and secondly, yet 55 years later than it is by
the Samaritan Pentateuch. The round number 2200 is increased
by the superadded 62 years. Now observe : 2262 lunar years of
864, or — as we may, with almost equal accuracy, and decidedly
greater convenience, say — 365 days, are equal (all but a difierence
of 10 days, which are, of course, inconsiderable in a computation
by years) to 2200 solar years. Here, then, we evidently have a
reduction of solar to lunar years, on the scale which it is notorious
the book of Genesis itself gives in the history of the flood (cf. Gen.
vii. 11, with viii. 14). He who refrises to admit such a reduction,
contends against a fact which is plainly enough deduced from tlie
numbers themselves, and one which, because it recurs again, leaves
no room whatever for doubt or hesitation. Now the 2200 years are
a round number, which no one, who has considered the character
of the chronological numbers of the book of Genesis, will scruple to
consider to be me more original one. After we have compared the
Samaritan Pentateuch, we shall be obliged to say that it would be
the result of the numbers in the LXX., if 160 years were assigned
to Methuselah instead of 187, and 153 to Lamech instead of 188.
In that case, the series for the ten members would be, 230, 205,
190, 170, 165, 162, 165, 160, 153, 500. The reduction of the
2200 solar years to 2262 lunar years renders it necessary for 62
more years to be added to the account ; the numbers of the first
seven members, and of the tenth, remain unaltered, as we learn
from the agreement in all the recensions ; only the numbers con-
cerning Methuselah and Lamech are increased, tiie former from
160 to 187, because the latter is increased from 153 to 188.
We may be surprised that the 62 years are so unequally divided
into
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into 27 and 35 years ; but we shall soon be able to indicate the reason
for it. The text, therefore, must necessarily have once assigned
to Methuselah the above-mentioned 160 years, instead of the pre-
sent 167 of the Samaritan Pentateuch, and the 187 of the LXX.
We avoid all lengthy discussion about solar and lunar years.
It is enough for .us timt, although the history of the flood calculates
according to lunar years, the existence of the solar year is neverthe-
less known, as the flood from its commencement to its end occupies
a complete solar year. It is notorious that the Jews in later times
universally reckon by lunar years. Why was the reducticm at-
tempted ? Was it, perhaps, in order to gratify a desire which is
plainly to be discerned in the LXX., and which was sure to arise,
as soon as ever the attempt to reconcile tlie numbers of the Old
Testament mth the chronological dates of other nations — as the
Egyptians, for instance — ^was prompted by the commencement of a
science of chronology ? We will not follow this any further, for
our only object is to give due prominence to the fact of the
reduction.
According to the LXX., therefore, 2200 solar years elapsed
from Adam to the flood: as 600 years are counted between
Noah's birth and the flood, there remain 1600 years for the period
from Adam to Noah's birdi. These 1600 years cannot be made
up, unless 900 years more than we find in the Samaritan Penta-
teuch are taken into the account ; therefore, 100 years are seve-
. rally added to the age of every one of the first mne members of
die ten at the date of their procreating sons — if we regard the
matter from the Samaritan point of view. The LXX. now cal-
culate the interval from Adam to Noah's birth at 1662 ^ears,
instead of 1600, because the difierence of the reduction is not
distributed among all separate numbers the sum of which is 2200,
but is only thrown upon the two numbers with Methuselah and
Lamech.
III. J%e Hebrew text reckons the time from Adam to the flood
at 1656 years. We must here remark, by anticipation, that,
according to it, the time from the flood to Abraham's immigration
into Palestine exactiy fills 400 years. According to it, therefore,
there were 2056 years from Adam to Abraham's immigration.
2056 lunar years of 365 days are equal — all but a difierence of
120 days, wmch is of no moment — ^to 2000 solar years of 365
days. The reduction makes a difierence of 56 years, which are
again not distributed among the several numbers of the series,
but put on the two numbers at Methuselah and Lamech, in almost
equal divisions ; for 27 years are added to Methuselah, and 29 to
Lamech. There must have been some objection to divide it into
twice 28. The LXX. divide their 62 years more unequally into
27
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122 On the Different Computations of the [July.
27 and 35 ; for the sake, probably, of preserving an agreement
with the Hebrew text in the case of Methuselah at least, they laid
the difference between 56 and 62 on Lamech's number exclusiyely,
and gave him, instead of the 29 years in the Hebrew text, 6 years,
therefore 35 years more on the whole. — As the Hebrew text fixes
1656 (1600^ years for the period which the Samaritan reckons at
1307 (1300), accordingly, if we take the Samaritan text for the
basis, three members out of the ten were obliged to have 100 years
added to them respectively : Jared, Methuselah, and Lamech have
all received 100 years more.
After examining the recensions separately, let us survey thQ
whole. The diversity in the numerical statements is wholly de-
pendent on the date of the flood : according to the LXX., 2200
solar years intervened between Adam and the flood ; therefore,
900 years more than the Samaritan has, and 600 more than the
Hebrew has, are here added to the account. 2200 years are equal
to 2262 lunar years ; therefore we find 187 instead of 160 with
Methuselah, and 188 instead of 153 with Lamech. The other
niunbers concerning Methuselah and Lamech were, of course, now
obliged to be altered likewise ; nevertheless, numbers of the other
recensions, which rested on other chronological theories, could still
be retained, provided the duration of Ufe came to a close before
the flood : thus tlie LXX. actually fix Methuselah's duration of
life at 969 years, in accordance with the Hebrew text (where these
969 years, as we shall see, can be easily accounted for), and, in
the case of Lamech, have retained from the Samaritan the 653
years augmented to 753, for which reason they do not fix the
remainder of Lamech's life at 600, as the Samaritan does, but at
600 — 35 = 565, as they had increased the years at procreation
not only by 100, but also by 35 more. All this tends to show
that the numbers concerning Methuselah and Lamech were origi-
nally equal. — The Hebrew text, instead of 1600 solar years, now
reckons 1656 years between Adam and the flood ; 187 instead of
160 at Methuselah ; 782 years from Lamech's birth to the flood ;
thus 782 + 187 = 969 for the duration of Methuselah's life. With
Lamech, it now reckons 182 instead of 153 ; Lamech dies at the
age of 777, five years before the flood, whereas, according to the
Samaritan, he perishes in the year of the flood, like Methuselah.
— The Samaritan text reckons 1307 years between Adam and the
flood, and 1 207 from Adam to the birth of Noah's sons : we are
now in condition, after what ha^i gone before, to say with confidence
that the superfluous 7 was not taken into the account ori^oially,
although we are not yet able to explain it.
Second
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Second Period.
From the Flood to AhrahmrCs Immigration into Palestine,
We only require to exhibit a tabular view of those numbers in
Gen. xi., which define the age of the father at the procreation of
that son which carries on the genealogical series.
Hebr.Text
Sam. Text
LXX. '
Sem
100
100
100
Arpachshad •
35
135
135
ar". : ;
(30)
(130)
130
30
130
130
Eber .
34
134
134
Peleg . .
30
130
130
Reu
. 32
132
132
Serug .
. 30
130
130
Nahor .
. 29
79
179 79 (129)
Terah .
. 70
70
70
I. The Hebrew text has not the third member Cainan, who, in
the LXX., is found here and also in chap. x. 24, and in Luke
iii. 35. He must have originally stood in the Hebrew text ; for,
first, it is only by the admission of his name that the series from
Sem to Terah is completed to the number ten, just like the
series from Adam to Noah ; secondly, the omission of the name
Cainan may be explained, because it already occurs at chap. v. 9,
and because the same number 130, or 30, is found with Cainan
and Selah ; the interpolation of the name by a corruption of the
original text is not very conceivable, since it would have been an
easy thing to disguise and to hide the corruption, by choosing
another name and another number; thirdly, the chronological
system requires Cainan and his 30 years.®
The series of numbers does not define the dxuration of the
period. We must adduce other passages. First, according to
Gen. vii. and viii., the flood comes and goes away in a year.
Secondly, according to Gen. xi. 10, Sem begets Arpachshad two
J ears after the flood, being aged 100 years ; we at once observe
ere that, as Noah, according to chap. v. 32, begot Sem, Ham,
and Japhet, when he was 500 years old, — as the flood happened
100 years subsequent, according to ch. vii. 11 (yet it is ouite
gone in the second month of the 601st year of Noah's life, Gen.
viiL 14), — and as Sem was not 100 years old until two years
after the flood : we are, therefore, obliged to say that cL v. 32
does not mean to affirm that Noah begot his three sons when he
was 500 years, but that he then began to beset sons, and that
Sem was not bom until Noah was 502 years old. Thirdly, ac-
* A different Tiew is taken of this by J. D. Michaelifl, in his Ccmmentationes per
omiof 176^1768 fMata, p. 153, sqq.
cording
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124 On the Different Coniputations of the [July,
cording to Gen. xi. 26, Tenth besot Abraham, Nahor, and
Haran, when he was aged 70 years ; uiis cannot mean, any more
than in the case of NcMih, that the three sons are begotten in the
same year ; but while we find a statement concermng Sem, by
which the year of his birth is fixed, we in yain search our present
Genesis for such a statement concerning Abraham. Neyerthe-
less, on account of the in other respects perfect parity of the series
from Adam to Noah, who has three sons, Sem, Ham, and Japhet,
and of the series from Sem to Terah, who likewise has three
sons, Abraham, Nahor, and Haran, we must say that both
Abraham and Sem, whose relatiye positions in the series of the
three brothers exactly correspond, were respectively bom two
years later than the eldest brother. This also acconls with the
whole tenor of the book of Genesis ; for, as Seth, Sem, Isaac, and
Jacob, are none of them the first-bom sons, we haye as little
reason to expect to find Abraham a first-bom son : God's fistvour
makes him, as a younger son, the recipient of revelations and
promises, and gives him the pre-eminence before his brothers.
We assert, then, that Terah was not 70 but 72 years old when he
begot Abraham : and we do not assert this arbitrarily, but obtain
the result by limiting the general statement in Gen. xi. 26, after
the precedent of the more definite restriction which ch. xi. 10
exhibits of the equally general statement in ch. v. 32 ; and, at
the same time, by leaning for support on aphenomenon which
constantly recurs in the book of Genesis. Therefore we intro-
duce two years into the account, which are not expressly men-
tioned in the Genesis ; and the result will evince that we are right
in doing so. Fourthly, according to Gen. xii. 4, Abraham mi-
grated mto Palestine when he was 75 years old.
We have now taken all the statements into consideration. The
dwation of the period is determined in the following manner : —
Tean.
Duration of the flood 1
Arpachshad bom after the flood .... 2
Arpachshad b^;ets, aged 35
Cainan 30
Selah 30
Eber 34
Teleg 80
Reu . . . . ' 32
Serug 80
Nahor 29
Terah 70
Abraham is bom later by 2
Abraham immigrates, aged . . *. .75
From the flood to Abraham . . 400
These
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1848.] Fira Two Periods in the Book of Genesis. 125
These are the data of the Hebrew text. The individual num-
bers which are brought into the account, produce in itself a satis-
factory result, the correctness of which is confirmed by the 1656
years of the first period, as the 56 years of overplus require
1600+400 years, because 2000 solar years are equal to 2056
lunar ones.
n. JTie Samaritan Pentateuch, — ^It, too, omits Cainan, whom we
have been obliged to rehabilitate in the Hebrew text The dis-
crepancies appear in these points : first, that from the second to
the eighth member (Cainan included), the date of procreation is
every time placed 100 years later, by which the duration of the
period becomes 700 years longer; secondlv, that Nahor is 79
years old when he begets Ter^, instead of 29, which produces
a difference of 50 years. If we leave these 50 years of overplus
out of the account for the present, the Samaritan text fixes the
interval from the flood to Aoraham's immigration at 1100 years ;
we remember that, for the first period, it reckoned 1307 (l300)
J ears until the flood, and 1207 (1200) years until the birtii of
foah's sons. We are, accordingly, entitled to say that it begins
the new period with the burth of the founders of ue new race of
man, that is, the sons of Noah, and that it assigns an equally
lone duration to both the first two {periods : frt>m Adam to the
birSi of Noah's sons 1207, or — omitting this supernumerary 7,
of which we will immediately treat — 1200 years ; and, from the
birth of Noah's sons to Abraham's immigration, 1200 years.
But how do we account fi^r the supernumerary 7 in the first
period, and 50 in the second? As for the latter, it is involved
m the 79 which are assigned to Nahor, instead of the 29 of the
Hebrew text, and serves to moderate the sreat leap from Seme's
130 years to Nahor's 29. ITiat it was exdusively devised for this
purpose, we are not justified, by what we have already seen, in
assuming ; but it is very possible tiiat the 50 years which had for
other reasons to be added to the account, were assigned to Nahor,
in order to lessen the distance between 130 and 29. According
to the course which our inquiry has hitherto pursued, we are now
to account for these supernumerary 7 and 50 years. We can-
didly admit that we do not find the means of accounting for them
in our present Samaritan Pentateuch. That will not surprise any
one who considers the critical character of the Samaritan text,
and the almost total want of critical auxiliaries in restoring its
genuine form. Nevertheless, we may make the matter intelligible
to us by the aid of a very difficult, but confessedly very important,
passage in Josephus,' which states that Sem begot Arpachshad 12
' ArcJuBol, i. 6. 5.
years
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186 On the Different Camputatians of the [July,
years after the flood, instead of 2 years, as the Hebrew has.
These 12 years must surely have been found in a Biblical text
somewhere ; we cannot assert that this somewhere was the Sa-
maritan Pentateuch, but we may say that they would not have
been out of place there. For, by these 12 instead of 2, we
obtain 10 more years to add to the supernumerary 7 and 50,
therefore 67 in all ; the 2400 years, which are here assigned to
both periods, are equal to 2467 lunar years. I believe that,
under existing circumstances, we may rest satisfied with this
explanation. Another solution is offered in the numbers of the
Samaritan codex, which Eusebius cites in his Chranicany by which
Arpachshad was 130 years old when he besot a son, instead of
135 ; now, as the year of the flood, and £e 2 years after the
flood to the birth of Arpachshad, and the aboYe-mentioned 2 years,
in the case of Terah, between the birth of Nahor and Abraham,
might all be easily passed over, accordingly, the 67 years might
possibly be latent in the supernumerary 57 years, and in the 10
years omitted from the account. The former explanation satisfies
me better. The reader must not, however, forget that the pre-
ceding conclusions stand on their own basis independently of this
explanation.
ill. The SeptuaginJt. — Setting aside Cainan, we find here the
following discrepancies from tlie Hebrew text : first, from the
second to the ninth member, the time of procreation is regularly
placed 100 years later, by which the whole period becomes 800
years longer; secondly, at the ninth member, Nahor, 179 is
given as the year of procreation, together with other readings :
tiius we find 79 in the Alexandrian Codex, which in a remarkable
manner fixes the remainder of Nahor's life at 129 years, and
therefore mentions that number here, which, accordmg to the
Hebrew text, we expect as that of Nahor's age at procreation. If
we consider this, and the relative position of the Samaritan text
to that of the LXX., we shall ascribe the numbers 79 and 179 to
the influence of the Samaritan text, and, in conformity with the
Hebrew text, shall consider 129 as the original and correct read-
ing. According to this, the LXX. reckon 1200 years for our
period. We find no supernumerary years ; therefore, either no
reduction to lunar years has been attempted here, or it is con-
tained in other readings of the numbers which are extant, but
which we are not able to pursue minutely.
And now for the result. Agreement m all the numbers of the
three recensions, with the exception of those 100 years which are
either re^Iarly added to, or subtracted from, the individual
members, just as the assumed compass of the period happens to
require ; and with the exception of those few augmented numbers
assigned
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1648.] First Two Periods in the Book of Genesis. 127
assiffned to Lamech and Methuselah, and perhaps to Nahor, in
which the augmentation is the efiect of the reduction of solar to
lunar years.
We have repeatedly spoken of a chronological system. The
assumptions of the Hebrew text, that the first two periods exactly
conipnse 2000 solar years (2056 lunar years), 1600 of which so
to the first period, and 400 to \he second ; the assumption of the
LXX., that the first period should be fixed at 2200 solar years
(2262 lunar years), 1600 of which elapse before the birth of
Noah, and 60O from then to the flood, and that the second period
is made up of 1200 years ; the assumptions of the Samaritan
Pentateuch, that the first period to the birth of Noah's sons em-
braces 1200 years, and the second period 1200 years likewise —
these assumptions, what are we to call them ? Are they not
actually the results of chronological systems, which supply the
deficiencies of historical tradition by general computations and
assumptions ? And these assumptions did not soon settle down
to fixed and inviolable dates in the tradition of the Israelitic
nation. Later generations must have known on what an unstable
foundation they rested ; for, had they not possessed that know-
ledge, the discrepant statements in the three recensions would
have been utterly inexplicable.
Here our investigation is at an end. We suggest the question,
which system deserves the preference, and pass over into a pro-
vince in which conjecture takes the place of demonstration. It is
possible that the original system — ^by which I only mean the one
that is easiest to fathom and to bring into harmony with other
statements — may not be found either in one text or the other.
If we consider that the historical books of the 01^ Testament, on
the authority of an ancient historical work, plainly distinguish
four ages, which, amidst manifold other characteristics, are
espedany distinguished from each other by this, that in every
prior one men attain — to speak concisely, but loosely — about
double the duration of life to what they reach in the one im-
mediately succeeding it ^ if we further consider that, in the fourth
age, from Moses onwards — as far as they still counted by
generations then — ^a generation is fixed at 40 years,^ that, there-
rore, in the first age, the generations of men who lived four times
as long may appropriately be fixed at 160 years, in the second
age at 120, and in the third at 80 ; if we take these points into
consideration, we shall be obliged to say that a chronology which
assumes 160x10=1600 years for the ten generations from Adam
to the flood, and 120x10=1200 years for the ten generations of
' See Ewald^s Geach. d. Volkea Itrael, i. 325.
^ See the Introdaedon to my CommaUarjf <m the Book rfJudget.
this
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128 The ChruHan Sabbath.'* [July,
this second period from Sem to Terah, presents us veij many
Sints of contact with other assumptions and views. In met, our
ebrew text conceals under its 1656 lunar years the assumption
of 1600 years, that is, of ten generations of 160 years, for the
duration of the first period. Tue second period is calculated at
1200 years by the LXX., tliat is, at ten generations of 120 years ;
and really we cannot disguise from ourselves that it would have
accorded better if the Hebrew text, which only reckons 400
years, had added 100 years to every one of the eight members
between Sem and Terah, and had thus increased its account by
800 years.* Unfortunately, we do not possess accurate numerical
statements for the third age, from Abraham's immigration into
Palestine to Israel's Exodus out of Egvpt ; I believe toat we must
despair of finding the key to the understanding of these chro-
nological statements. In the fourth age,* if I am not deceived,
the first period, from the Exodus out of Egypt down to Samuel,
is calculated, according to ten generations of 40 years, at 400
years.^ Soon after, from the death of Solomon, an established
chronology takes the place of computation by generations^ and of
the determination of the time when they begin by general historical
presumptions.
THE CHRISTIAN SABBATH.
By the Bev. Peter Meabns.
There are few atopics which have elicited discussion so earnest
and prolonged as the question regarding the perpetmty and
obligation of the Sabbath. Nor, perhaps, at any previous period
has this question received greater prominence among British
Christians than in the discussions of the present time. The
periodical press has warmly taken up the subject ; even writers
who are not wont to interfere with sacred themes, and who give
ample evidence of this by their want of skill in handling them.
Pamphlets and larger treatises, almost without number, have
been issued, representing both sides of the question, and every
variety of view in detail. There has been a firee and fiiU expres-
sion of sentiment, and the friends of the Sabbath have reason to
be gratified with the substantial agreement wliich is proved to
exist among the various religious denominations in this land.
> Comp. Ewald'6 Ge9ch, d. Volket ItraeU i. 326, note.
^ See the Introduction to my Commentary on Judges,
Our
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1848.] The Cfiristim Sabbath. 129
Our countrymen north of the Tweed have been long and justly
noted for then* strict observance of the Sabbath. One of their
poets has sung —
* How still the morning of the hallowed day ! '
and his sentiments may be regarded as an index of the national
mind. An external respect for this sacred day has hitherto cha-
racterized the entire population. Recent circumstances, howeyer,
have tended somewhat to diminish that respect, and have brought
more into view the line of distinction between the godly and the
godless. So far from being matter of regret, it is in some respects
well that the insincere homage of the world should be withheld
from this sacred institution ; but when it is found that many of
the truly pious entertain serious doubts regarding the sanctity of
this day, it becomes our duty to vindicate its divine authority.
The writer of this paper entertains the belief that the first day
of the week is to be distinguished in the Christian church from
the other days, that it is to be observed as a Sabbath, and to be
rt in reli^ous exercises ; and our present aim is to defend
view agamst the contrary opinion.
Just views on this subject are of great importance, as they
directly influence our practice. Where the permanent obligation
of the Sabbath is demed, we need not expect a practical recog-
nition of its sanctity ; and where its obligation is doubted, the
observance will be variable.
The Scriptures are the only source whence the materials may
be drawn for the settlement of this question ; and foreign aid is
available only in the way of directing us to a fair interpretation
and just application of the statements of the inspired volume on
whidb our decision is founded.
There are two £eu^ which lie at the foundation of our inquiry,
and which are admitted to have an important bearing on the
entire subject.
The first is, that God rested on the seventh day from the work
of creation. The inspired historian opens the second chapter of
Genesis with this statement — ^ Thus tne heavens and the earth
were finished, and all the host of them. And on the seventh day
God ended his work which he had made ; and he rested on the
seventh day from all his work which he had made.' By rest here
we are to understand mere cessation from labour. It is opposed
not to weariness, but to action. God needed not the rest of re-
freshment He might have made all things in a moment as easily
as in a week. But we have here to regard God as the Father of
his creatures, presenting an example for their imitation. God
rested on the seventh day, that he might teach us to rest from
VOL. II. — NO. III. K labour
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130 The Christian Sabbath. [July,
lab<mr a Beventh part of oar time. That bia procedure in this
case was intended to appear to us in the light of an example may
easily be inferred from the text we have quoted, and is abundantly
evident from his own language in the fourth precept of the deca-
logue. This rest was merely from creative agency, for he still
conducts the operations of providence on the Sabbath as on other
days. Admitting the obligation of the Sabbath, there is an
analogy between uiis rest and that of man. We rest merely from
secular employments to be actirely engaged in religious duties.
Nor is it mere manual labour that is prohibited in the Sabbatic
precept, but also mental exertion in regard to the things of the
1>re8ent world. It is the allotment of Providence that some men
abour with their bands, while others are employed exclieively in
mental occupations ; but the latter must have their sabbatn as
well as the former. Once a week a truce is to be proclaimed,
and the busy cares of the world are to be kept in abeyance. The
divine example of rest on the seventh day implies that all worldly
labour should be abandoned on this day.
The secoTui fru^ to which we have referred is, that God, at the
completion of the work of creation, set apart the seventh day to a
holy use. The historic record previously cited proceeds thus : —
*' And God blessed the seyenth day, and sanctified it ; because
that in it he had rested from aD his work which God created and
made.' Nothing is said of the other six days of the week, but a
peculiar blessing is connected with the seventh. The sanctifieation
here referred to is obviously setting apart to a holy use^ This is
not denied by any, nor can we conceive how any specified day
could be *' blessed ' ex<^ept bj being made the appointed time for
the oommunication of blessmes. There is here, then, a solid
foundation for the permanent obligation of the Sabbath.*^
In farther illustration of this point we remark, that this con-
secration of the Sabbath was made prior to the frdl of man.
Adam was the last and noblest of the Creator^s works, and imme-
diately after his creation God blessed and sanctified the seventh
day. He was still in innocence, and yet he needed the Sabbath.
This tad famishes in itself a sufficient answer to those who contend
that the Sabbatic law was a part only of the ceremonial polity of
the Jews, and that it isunsuited to the more spiritual dispensation
oyer which Christ pesides. It is universally admitted that the
observance of this sacred day was enjoined on the Jews, but it
must also be admitted that it was not intended that it should be
• Mr. Jordan (in hig Scriptural Views ijf the Sabbath of God, p. 7) regards the
above text 'as revealing a principle to us, rather than formally expressing a law ;'
bat contends that we * are honnd to recognise and reverence the revelation of snch
8 princitile in liie tight of a law and to obey it aceovdingly.'
confined
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1848.] The Christian Sabbath. 131
confined to that people. To deny it a place in the Christian
Bystem on account of the spiritudity of that system, implies a
mistaken idea of the true nature of the Sabbath. It was suitable
for man in paradise ere sin entered to render the scheme of re*
demption necessary. The labours of our first parents amid the
pleasant shades of Eden were easy, yet a serenth part of time was
appointed for rest, that it might be devoted to exercises exclusively
religious. If this was deemed expedient then- by Him who ' knows
our frame/ the fact is fitted to rebuke those who assert that every
day is now alike sacred, and who denounce the contrary opinion.
The Sabbath was suitable for man in innocence — it is equally
so when he is created anew — and heaven itself is a perpetual
Sabbath.
We are aware that some respectable writers advocate the
opinion that the historic record in the book of Genesis, now under
review, was made in anticipation of the prcnnulgation of the deca-
loffue at Sinai. This is intended to imply that the historian was
well acquainted with the law, and that he introduced this early
notice of the Sabbath the more to enforce the law regarding it.
^ As the seventh day was erected into a Sabbath on account of
God's resting upcm that day from the work of creation, it was
natural in the historian, when he had related the history of the
creation, and of God's ceasing from it on the seventh day, to
add, ^^And God blessed the seventh day," &c., although the
religious distinction and amnropriation of that day were not actu-
ally made till many ages afterwards.'^ Such is the view of P^dey,
the ablest opponent of the claims of the Sabbath. This view,
however, does not harmonise with the natural and obvious meaning
of the passage^ and is, m fietct, a mere gratuitotis assertion. It is
admhtra that Moses, the inspired historian, was well acquainted
with the law, but we deny that there is here any reference to the
future fact of Uie promulgation of the law at Sinai. The his-
torian simply ^ves a lustory of events as they occurred, in the
order both of connection and of time, and says nothing of a future
law. This is the natural and obvious view which an unbiassed
reader would totm of the record, and it harmonises with all the
circumstances which can be brought to bear on the case. Paley
seems to have observed that this was the most obvious view, and
he therefore adduces certain considerations that seem to oppose
it ere he brings forward his own popcteed interpretation. His
&r-fetched exphination, however, is utterly irreconcilable with
the plain and unmistakable language of the record. ^ The nature
»» PaleVs Moral attd PqlUicdl Philotophif, book v. chap. 7. The same view is
adtocat^ by Dr. Peter Heylyn in his HUiory of the Sabbaih, ed. 1636, b. i. p. 6.
K 2 ' of
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132 Th$ Christian Sabbath. [July,
of the thing, too, is all in Cayour of the simplest interpretation.
If, as is admitted, the Sabbath was a commemoration of Gods
iDorh of creation, then why should not the commemoration com*
mence fix>m the time the work to be commemorated was com-
pleted ? Was it not thus with the Passover ? Was it not thus
with the Lord's Supper ? And why not with the Sabbath ?'* Most
signally has Paley failed to thrust his unnatural interpretation on
this record. The passage will not receive it, and, after * the ne-
cessity of a theory ' has enlisted the efforts of ingenuity and high
powers of reasomng, the record refuses to change its language,
and proclaims the early origin and universal obligation of the
Sabbath. *If,' says Paley, Uhe divine command was actually
delivered at creation,' which we have seen cannot be reasonably
disputed, ^ it was addressed, no doubt, to the whole human species
alike, and continues, unless repealed by some subsequent reve-
lation, binding on aU who come to the knowledge of it' This
being decided in the affirmative, ^ precludes all debate about the
extent of the obligation.'
The fact of the Sabbath's institution immediately after the
creation of man, seems to have been alluded to by our Lord when
he said that ' the Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the
Sabbath ' (Marie ii. 21\ It was not one of the purposes for which
man was made, that he might honour this day by his religious
observance of it ; but the day was appointed immediately after
his creation, for the benefit of man, tluit is, of the race at large,
beginning from the commencement of time, and continuing till
the consummation of all things. This was no national appoint-
ment then for the Jewish people merely, but it embraced that
people as a part of the human family. It was not for Abraham
and hie descendants, nor for Moses and the Jews, but ' for man \
and the appointment was made long before the distinction of Jew
and Gentile was known.
But there are traces of the observance of the Sabbath during
the two thousand five hundred years from the creation of the world
to the giving of the law on Mount Sinai. The earliest recorded
instance of the presentation of sacrifice appears to connect it with
the observance of the Sabbath. It occurs in Genesis iv. 3, 4,
where it hs said that Cain and Abel brought ea<^h their ofierings to
the Lord, at the end of the days, that is, the last of the seven, this
being the only division of days known at that time. The drcum-
Btances are exceedingly well stated by Mr. Jordan,"^ thus : —
« WardlaVs Tractate en the Sabbatky p. 2.
^ See his Scriptural Views of the Sabbath (f Gody pp. 21, 22, in which are many
ingeniouB and interesting illustrations of the arffument for the early oriein of the
Sabbath.
*The
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1848.] Tlie Christian Sabbath. 133
' The very &ct df their coming together, and that for the purpose
of worship, would of itself lead to the supposition that the time must
have been a stated one, and well known and recognised by both ; for
otherwise we cannot conceive what could have induced the jealous
Cain to unite with the pious Abel in the worship of Jehovah. Had
there not been a special day set apart for worship, we should rather have
expected Cain to avoid that which Abel chose, from hatred and envy
of him. It is, however, plainly implied that there was a certain known
time at which they both together worshipped God. The expression
denoting this is rendered in the text of the Bible, " In process of time
it came to pass," but in the margin, '' At the end of days it came to
pass.'* Now this latter is not only preferable as a construction of the
original, but it directly points to that day which was *' the end of days,"
the last, that is, of the seven, the seventh day, on which God ended the
work that he had made, and which he had blessed and sanctified/
We insist not on the division of time into weeks, of which we
have distinct mention in the book of Genesis, and we know that it
prevailed among the heathen with the associated opinion that the
seventh was sacred. We ask, however, to what origin may this
universal practice be traced, if not to Uie tradition of the conse-
cration of the seventh day at creation ? To us it appears singu-
larly unhappy to refer this to the early adoption of lunar months
(as IS done in the Cycl&pcedia of Biblical Literature),^ the week,
or fourth part, corresponding to the phases or quarters of the moon.
The phenomena of tne moon would rather have suggested the
division of months and half-months ; and the quarter or week must
be traced to another source ; but there is no other supposition
which has even plausibility to support it except the existence of a
primitive Sabbath.
Much importance is justly attached to the historical record in
the 16th chapter of the book of Exodus, as bearing on the early
origin of the Sabbath. Dr. Paley boldly declares that, in his
opinion, the transaction recorded in this chapter ^ was the first
actual institution of the Sabbath.' Let the warmest admirer of
Paley carefully and candidly peruse the passage, and, when he
has fiuiished it, (unless we are greatly mistaken,) he will be conscious
of some abatement in the confidence he has been wont to repose
in the decisions of his favourite author. The passage contains an
account of the miraculous supply of manna to the Israelites in the
wilderness. This bread from heaven was given in daily portions,
and the first supply was found on the ground early on the morning
• I refer to the writer of the article Lord's Day, in Kitto's Cydopifdia, whose
views on the above point are introdaced in the article Sabbath. Most of the
argnments again&t the peimanent obligation of the Sabbath are given in these
articles, and some recent pamphlets on the same side are largely indebted to this
source of information.
of
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134 Tlie Christian Sabbath. [July,
of the first day of the week. On the »xth day there fell a double
quantity, the people gathered twice as much as on other days,
and the rulers — apparently apprehensive of incurring the penalty
attached to the sin of reserving any portion of the manna till the
following morning — came and told Moses of this superabundant
gathering. The reflecting reader naturally proposes the inquiry
— What induced the people to collect more on uie sixth thau on
other days ? On reviewing the narrative, he finds it recorded at
the 5th verse that l^e Lord said to Moses, the people ^ on the sixth
day shall prepare that which they bring in, and it shall be twice as
much as Uiey gather daily ;' but it is nowhere recorded that Moses
stated this fact to ttie people before the sixth day. On the con-
trary, the conduct of the rulers, recorded in the 22nd verse, plainly
implies a doubt as tjo the propriety of collecting a double quantity
on the sixth day — a doubt which could not posfflbly have existed,
had Moses made known to them this part of the divine appoints
ment It appears that the people gathered a double portion of,
their own accord,^ anticipating the Sabbath and preparing for it
It follows that at this time the Israelites were mmiliar with the
Sabbath. It is of little consequence to inquire whether this people
observed the day of sacred rest in Egypt. The probability is that
they were not allowed to do so while they were kept in l>ondage.
But if this were proved, it would be no presiunption against tne
previous existence and observance of the law, any more than the
neglect of circumcision among the Hebrews, which frequently
happened for a long course of years, could prove that the rite had
not been observed by Abraham and his family. It is abundantly
evident from the portion of history under review that the Sabbatn
was known to and observed by the Israelites ere the maona was
pven them. When Jehovah spake to Moses of the double por-
tion of the sixth day he made no mention of the Sabbath, though
its occurrence on the seventh day we know was the sole reason
why this double quantity was given, and this omission is unaccount-
able except on the supposition that the Sabbath was known to
Moses. When the elders of the congregation told him of the
conduct of the people on the sixth day, he made in reply only an
incidental allusion to the Sabbath. He did not speak of it as an
unknown institution, of the nature of which he would have had
to give a detailed account ; but he dmply alludes to the Sabbath
as an existing institution, and whose existence furnished the reason
why there would be no manna on the seventh day. ' Six days,'
said he, *ye shall gather it ; but on the seventh day, which is the
Sabbath, m it there shall be none.' It is v£dn for Paley to insist
on the absence of all mention of the Sabbath from the creation till
this transaction. It is mere negative evidence, and will not sup-
port
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port his view acainst the unquestionable evidence of a positive
kind we have adduced in &vour of ours. It is moreover com-
pletely neutralised by the fact, that no mention is made of the
Sabbfliith in the historical books of Joshua and Judges, thoujgh the
history embraced in these books ia sufficiently detailed and circum-
stantial. Beyond all question, then, the transaction in the wilder-
ness fetvours tiie opinion that the seventh day was held sacred from
the creation of man.
It is admitted on all hands that the Sabbath was observed by
the Israelites before the ^ving of the law at Sinai. The historic
record above noticed so distinctly attests this fact, that none have
ventured to deny it At the close of the first week during which
the people had received a daily portion of manna, some of tiiem
went out to gather om the sevoith day, but Jeliovah reproved them
by saying, * How long refuse ye to keep my commandments and
my laws ?' — ^referring to tibe law of the Sabbath which had been
revealed at creation. This law they are sl^>po6ed to be well
acquainted with, and the only point on which a doubt could exist
was the question as to whetlier it was consistent with this law to
Sither food on the Sabbath ; and this point Jehovah decided in
e negative by adding — ^ Let no man go out of his place on the
seventh day' (Exod. xvi. 28, 29). But the law of the Sabbath
is most distinctly and fiiUy laid down in the fourtii precept of
the decalogue, and the language of that precept imphes the ex-
istence of a primitive Sabbath. It begins with tne word ' Remem-
ber,' and concludes with an allusion to the institution at creation.
Some have sought to explain the word ^ remember ' of a future
recollection of Sie precept, and deny that it has any reference to
the past There would appear some plausibility in this explana-
tion, if they had not themselves been compelled tc^admit the pre-
vious existence of the Sabbath. There is a germ -pf truth in the
argument founded on this word ; and the fair interpretation is,
th^ the divine legislator so frames his language as to embrace an
allusion to an existing institution identical with that enjoined in
this precept — et the same time calling their attention to it as of
the utmost importance — and enfnxnng its continued and caoad-
entious observance. The w<»rds of institution, then, are not here.
They are in the 2nd chapter of Genesis, and nowhere else. Nor
is there any Jewish element in the precept The reason appended
refers back to creation — ' For in six days the Lord made heaven
and earth,' &c If anything was needed to confinn our opinion
that the Sabbath was instituted when tiie Lord ' blessed the seventh
day ' at creation, we have it here. By annexing thiiB reason God
explains his own appointment of a holy rest every seventh day,
for Adam and all nis descendants. Over a completed creation
God
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136 Tlie Christian Sabbath. [July,
God blessed the Sabbath, and from amid the awful thunders of
Sinai the proclamation was made, * Remember the Sabbath day to
keep it holy.'
When we speak of the law of the Sabbath our thoughts usually
turn to the fourth commandment. A day of rest is positively en-
{'oined here : ' Six days shalt thou labour, and do all thy work ;
)ut the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God : in it
thou shalt not do any work,' &c. The extent of the period of rest
is fixed to be one day in seven ; the cessation frt)m labour is not
to be seldomer or ofliener. This precept has its place in the very
centre of the decalogue, and is surrounded by all the sanctities
which pertain to this portion of the laws of Jenovah. With the
other nine precepts it was delivered to Moses, with awfiil solem-
nity, on Mount Sinai. It was written by the finger of God on a
table of stone ; and, with the other precepts, formed the only part
of the law deposited in tiie ark of the covenant in the Holy of
Holies. God has put no such honour on the other parts of his law
as he has done on the decalogue, and yet men have dared to muti-
late it They have gone into the very centre of this sacred sum-
mary of duty, and drawn forth the Sabbatic precept, and, holding
it up before heaven, have boldly declared that it is no longer
binding. They break, not * one of the least,' but one of the most
important of all the commandments of God, and ^ teach men so.'
The position of this precept in the decalogue is instructive. It is
the sacred centre, surrounded on each side by confessedly moral,
and permanently binding, precepts ; and its breach or observance
has an important bearing on the breach or observance of all the
other precepts. What our Saviour said of the law generally is
emphatically applicable to this command, that he came not to de-
stroy it. There is no hint in any part of the word of God that the
fourth command, or any other precept of the decalogue, is abro-
gated. The requirements of tne command, however, are suffi-
ciently met by the devotement of a seventh part of time to holy
rest ; the allotment being six days for labour, and the seventh for
rest. Admitting for the present what we shall afterwards en-
deavour to prove, that the day is changed under the Christian
dispensation, the language of this command is strictly applicable ;
for we have still six days for labour, and the seventh for rest.
The only difference is, that at first men began to count from the
day on which God rested from creation, and we begin from the
day after that, which was the day on whidi our Saviour rose from
the dead.
It is a strong and to us most conclusive evidence that the fourth
commandment is not abrogated, that it was predicted by ' the holy
prophets ' that the Sabbatn should be observed in the age of the
Gospel.
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Gospel. We have one such inspired prediction in Isaiah Ivi. 6, 7^
where Jehovah says, • The sons of the stranger ' * every one that
keepeth the Sahbath from polluting it, and taketh hold of my
covenant ; even them will I oring to my holv mountain, and make
them jovAil in my house of prayer,' &c. This passage unquestion-
ably refers to the times of the gospel^ and in the 3rd verse the
prophet alludes to the abolition of tne ceremonial law, and yet the
&ibbath is said to exist, and be observed. The eunuch and the
stranffer were to be freed from the restraint and exclusion of the
Jewisn ritual, but not from the Sabbatic law. On no principle of
figurative language can this passage be explained so as not to bear
testimony in mvour of the Christian Sabbath. It is true burnt-
offerings and sacrifices are mentioned with allusion to the grateful
homage of the penitent and believing heart Such a use of sacrifice
is not infrequent with the sacred poets, but they make no such use
of. the Sabbath. On the contrary, it appears everywhere as a
distinct and venerated institution, standmg amid the eternal
verities of that law which is unaffected by time or circumstances.
This passage, then, is quite decisive in reference to the error of
those who would exclude the Sabbath frt)m the Gospel dispensation.
It is now time that we proceed to glance at the evidence in
favour of the change of the Sabbatic season from the seventh to
the first day of the week. And we begin by observing that our
Saviour very remarkably signalized the first day. He honoured it
by rising fix>m the dead — appearing to his disciples — and sending
the Spirit on it We do not adduce these facts as direct proo^
but as circumstances havine a direct and important bearing on the
subject Were a person who knew nothing of the Sabbath to read
the inspired history of our Saviour's resurrection, and subsequent
appearances to his disciples, he could hardly fail to be struck with
the circumstance that several of these appearances took place on
the first day of the week, and that this fact is distinctly stated by
the writer as apparently important. On the seventh-day Sabbath
Christ was lying in the grave, and his work was incomplete till
the close of the Sabbath. • It was he who formerly rested from
creation on the seventh, but he had not finished the work of re-
demption till the first day of the week. Early on the morning of
the first day the women named in the gospel-narrative visited the
sepulchre. On their way they were alarmed by an earthquake,
and when they reached the tomb they found the stone rolled away,
and the grave empty, for their master had risen, five different
appearances on that same day are recorded by the inspired histo^
nans,' but there is no evidence that he appeared to any of his
' See Pralenor Bobinson's Harmony cfthe GatpeU, p. 229.
disciples
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138 The Chrutim SaUaih. [July,
disdples during the week that int^rveued between tbe day of bis
resurrectiou and tbe first day of the following week. On the other
hand, it is certain that he was not seen by Thomas when he ap-
peared to the other apostles on tbe evening of the day on which be
rose, and that the whole of that week passed away, and the Jewish
Sabbath which followed, ere be was seen by this apostle. It was
on the following first day of tbe week, when the eleven disciples
were met together, that he appeared for the first time to Thomas.
Was not this putting very special . honour on the first day ? Can
we think of any way in which our Saviour's example could be
made more distinctly or impressively to teach us to honour this
day ? And yet some deny mat our Lord's making this the chosen
day for meeting with bis disciples after bis resurrection has the
least bearing on tbe question at issue. The writer in the Cych-
pmdia says — ^ We must class with very visionary mterpreters those
who can see anything really bearing on the question, in the cir-
cumstance of our Lord's re-appearance on tbe eiffhth day after
his resurrection (John xx. 26), or in the disdples being then as-
sembled, when we know that they were all along abiding together
in concealment for fear of the Jews.' Who knows ' that they were
all along abiding together f Some may erroneously suppose ttus, but
the well-informed know that Peter was not with the rest of the
disciples when our Lord first appeared to him on tbe day of tbe
resurrection (Luke xxiv. 33, 34), and that Thomas was not with
them when he appeared to ten of them that same evening (John
XX. 24), and that it was not till the following first day (we may
say CKristian Sabbath) that Jesus found them all assembled toge-
ther. It is true that when assembled *the doors were shut for
fear of tbe Jews,' but they did not all along remain together.
More in accordance with Scripture is the view of Horsley :— ' The
alteration seems to have been made by the authority of tbe apostles,
and to have taken place on the very day in which our Lord
arose ; for on that day tbe apostles were assembled ; and on that
day sevennight we find them assembled again. Tbe celebration
of these two first Sundays was honoured with our Lord's own
presence. It was, perhaps, to set a mark of distinction upon this
day in particular, that the intervening week passed ofi^, as it should
seem, without any repetition of his first visit to the eleven apostles.
From tliat time uie Sunday was the constant Sabbath of tbe primi-
tive church.'K
But we have said that the descent of the Holy Spirit on the
apostles took place on the first day of the week. We learn firom
8 See the last of his three tennons on the Sabbath.— &niiofi«, toL ii. pp. 252»
253, ed. ISia
Levit.
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Levit xxiii. 16 tiiat the feast of Pentecost took place on ^tbe
morrow after the Sabbath,' and from the 2nd chapter of the Acts
we learn that on the day of Pentecost the disciples ^ were all
with one accord in one place/ and ' they were all filled with the
Holy Ghost, and began to speak with ouier tongues, as the Spirit
gave them utterance.' It appears then that the disciples were
assembled on this memorable occasion, though we know that they
had often been separate since their master s resurrection. But
why all this special honour to the first day rather tiban the former
Sabbath, if our Saviour meant us to pay no particular respect to
it ? There is in this surely a presumption that the first was to be
the sacred day under the new dispensation. If this does not
amount to independent proof, it is at least corroborative. The
Jewish Sabbath was the only entire day during which our
Redeemer lay in the crave, and the Sabbath is to be called by the
Christian ^ a deliffht, but how cfin be feel peculiar delight on
that day which brmgs to his recollection the affecting depth of the
Redeemer's humiliation ? A ftill measure of joy, sprineinff from
associated events of commemoration, is appropriate only tot the
day on which the Saviour rose.
On the page of ancient prophecy we read of the old creation as
parallel with the new, and it is predicted that the latter will be
especially remembered. In Isaiah Ixv. 17, 18, Jehovah says —
' Behold, I create new heavens, and a new earth ; and the former
shall not be remembered, nor come into mind ;' and it appears
that it is a spiritual renovation which is meant, for it is added,
^ Be ye glad and rejoice for ever in that which I create ; for,
behold, 1 create Jerusalem a rejoicing, and her people a joy.*
The entire passage refers to the gospel-age. Other predictions
present the same parallel, and the language of the New Tes-
tament harmonises with such prophetic announcements. ^In
Christ Jesus neither circumcision availeth anything, nor undbr-
cumcision, but a new creature' (Gal. vi. 15). * God, who com-
manded the light to shine out of darkness, hath shined in our
hearts ' (2 Cor. iv. 6). The language of the 4th chapter of the
Epistle to the Hebrews is remarkably illustrative of this point.
In this nassage there is a sort of combined illustration of two
texts, * God did rest the seventh day from all his works,' and
^ If llley shall enter into my rest ' (verses 4, 5). With allusion
to the Sabbath appointed when God rested on the seventh day
from all his works, the writer remarks, that ^ there remaineth a
rest [or rather, a Sabbatism^ lliat is, " tlie keeping of a Sabbath,"
as our translators have well-rendered in the margin] to the people
of God ' (V. 9). The reason why this Sabbath remains under the
Gospel might be stated to be its appointment at the beginning of
the
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140 The Ckrutian Sabbath. [July,
the world, its moral ^ character as not essentially affected by the
appointment or abrogation of the Jewish ritual, or its adaptation
to man's physical, mental, and moral requirements in every
variety of circumstances ; but instead of either of these aspects of
its permanence the apostle here views it in the light of a com-
memoration of the work of Christ — redemption, the groundwork
of the new creation. * For,' says he (employinff the formula of
an appended reason), ' he ^at is entered into liis rest,' that is,
Christ, ' he also hath ceased from his own works, as God did from
his' (verse 10). The writer adds, ' Let us labour to enter into
that rest,' not the Sahbatismy for this word is employed only in
the 9th verse, but the rest of the heavenly Canaan, of which the
inheritance of the earthly Canaan, referred to in the preceding
context, was the type. According to this view of the passage,
which we maintain is the correct one, we have here given, by an
inspired writer, a very definite intimation of the change of the day
of observance (since the work of Christ was finished by his resur-
rection on the first day of the week), conjoined with a distinct
announcement of the perpetuity of the Sabbath. We are aware
that this is somewhat different from the common interpretation,
the error of which does not consist in understanding a reference to
heaven, but in excluding a refei'ence to the weekly Sabbath on
earth. The view we have exhibited is amply sustained by a
careful examination of the apostle's language in its connection.
A very lucid statement and able defence of this view is made by
Dr. Wardlaw, but we cannot afford space for it here, and we
quote merely the sentence with which President Edwards concludes
his remarks on the passage : — * In this expression, tliere remainethy
it is intimated that the old Sabbatism appointed in remembrance
of God's rest from the work of creation, doth not remain, but
ceases ; and that this new rest, in commemoration of Christ's rest-
ing from his works, remains in the room of it''
Adverting again to ancient prophecy, we notice an announce-
ment that the day of the Saviour s resurrection should be sig-
^ We mean Don-oeremonial, for there is a distinction between positive enactments
and moral precepts : the former constitute an action right because it is commanded ;
and in the latter it is commanded becanse it is right. (See Whately's Difficulties of
St. Paul, Essay ▼., note b, p. 217, 5th ed.) As to the bearing of this point on the
Sabbath question, consult also Archbishop Tillotson's Works, toI. ii. pp. 601, 602,
ed. 1722; Warburton's Dtv. Leg., vol. li. pp. 405-407, 10th ed., Lond. 1846;
Bumside's Remarks on the Weekly Sabbatk, pp. 13, 14, ed. 1825; and on the other
side, Holden's Christian Sabbath, pp. 180, 181, ed. 1825; and an able article in
the Crit, Bihlica, vol. iv. pp. 429-433, A.D. 1827. We may regard the Sabbatic
law as partly moral and partly pontive. (See Dick's Lectures on Theology, vol. Iv.
pp. 419, 455, 456, ed. 1838.)
> Fifteen Sermons on Various Subjects, Sermon ziv. ; Works, vol. ii. p. 98, ed. 1834,
London. ^
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1848.] The Christian Sabbath. 141
nalized as a day of rest. We refer to the 118th Psalm, where
we read, * The stone which the builders refused is become the
head stone of the comer. This is the Lord's doing ; it is mar-
vellous in our eyes. This is the day which the Lord hath made ;
we will rejoice and be glad in it.' From the psalm itself we
might learn that it is the Lord Jesus Christ who is here said to be
rejected by the builders, but subsequently exalted by God ; and
the matter is placed beyond a doubt by the apostle Jreter's allu-
sion to the psalm. Addressing the Jewish rulers on the subject
of the impotent man who had been healed, the heaven-taught
speaker said, ' Be it known unto you all, and to all the people of
Israel, that by the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, whom ye
crucified, whom God raised from the dead, even by him doth this
man stand here before you whole. This is the stone which was
set at nought of you builders, which is become the head of the
comer' (Acts iy. 10, 11). According to this inspired comment
Christ was rejected by the Jewish mlers when he was crucified by
them, and he was made the head of the comer when he was
raised by God from the dead. Now the prophecy asserts that
this was a day (that is, the day on which he rose) appointed by
God to be celebrated with holy joy. This day of weekly rest is
the only sacred day in the Christian system.
The argument for a Christian Sabbath, founded on the fact
that the early disciples met on the first day of the week for public
worship, has received prominence from the writers on both sides
of the question. We nave seen that our Saviour met with his
assembled disciples on the evening of the day on which he rose
from the ^;rave, which was the first day of the week, and that he
met not with them again till the first day of the following week.
We have seen also that the pentecostal day of the Spirit's efiusion
was the first day of the week. It is true all these events took
place at Jerusalem, but the report of them would very soon be
extensively circulated ; and following out the chain of evidence
fiimished by the inspired record, we find that the Christian converts
at Troas — ^a great distance from Jerusalem — were in the habit of
holding a weekly religious assembly on the first day of the week.
The sacred historian informs us that Paul came to Troas, and
there ' abode seven days. And upon the first day of the week,
when the disciples came together to break bread, raul preached
unto them, ready to depart on tbe morrow ; and continued his
speech until midnight ' (Acts xx. 6, 7). This record is exceed-
ingly clear and satisfactory ; it appears from it that Paul tarried
seven days at Troas that he might have an opportunity of meeting
with the Christian brethren on their day of public worship. It
appears also that it was toeekly, and that it was just past when he
arrived,
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142 The Christiaji Sabbath. [July,
arrived, for he had to tarry seyen days ere he could enjoy it, and
it 18 called the first day of the week. The Jewish Sablmui, being
the seventh day, must have passed during his stay, but it is evi-
dent that this was not the day on whidi the Christians -met^
and no mention whatever is made of it, nor does he seem to
have at all regarded it. There is evidence in the writings
of 'the fathers' in favour of the opinion that the early
disciples, who were Jews by birthy generally kept both the
Jewish Sabbath and Christian Lord's Day ; and ' the observance
of the Jewish Sabbath as a fast — or a season of preparation for
the Christian ilrst Day — lingered through four centuries, and
gradually fell into desuetude.'^ From the passage before us,
however, it is abundantly evident that the Christians cenerally
did not observe the seventh day ; at all events, that they were
not accustomed to meet for public worship on that day, but on the
first. The Apostles often went into the Jewish synagogues on the
seventh day to reason with Jews assembled there; but they
taught the Christians to meet, and met with them, on the first day.
Our opponents admit that whatever was done by the early church
in accordance with the instructions and examples of the inspired
Apostles, was according to the mind of God, and here we nave
both in favour of observing the first day of the week as the day
for public worship. The writer in the CydoptBdia has on this
point the strange remark — * The words of this passage have
been by some considered to imply that such a weekly observance
was then the established custom; yet it is obvious thiat the mode
of expression would be just as applicable if they had been in the
pactice of assembling dail^.' Seven days are mentioned by the
historian as the period during which Paul waited at Troas, and of
these one day is distinguished from the others as the fii'st day of
the weeky and as the day on which ' the disciples came together/
and yet this writer thinks that the first day here is no way distin«
guished from the rest of the week, and that the Apostle may have
met with the disciples on each of the seven days during which he
stayed at Troas. Almost any evidence may be turned aside in
this way, but the careful interpreter will beware of the blinding
influence of the love of a theory, which, we think, is manifest
here. Every unprejudiced mind will admit the reasonableness
of the remark of Paley — *• The manner in which the historian
mentions the disciples coming tosether to break bread on the
first day of the week, shows, I think, that the practice by this
time was familiar and established.'
^ Professor Eadie. See his able review of the pamphlet entitled Sunday Trains^
ffc. (the argumentB of which are chiefly drawn from the Cyclop, of Bib. LiQ, in
UnUed Preab. Magazine, for July, 1847.
In
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In oonnection with the historical record we have now noticed
may be viewed the language of Paul in bia First l4H8tle to the
Oorintfaianfl. ^ Now, concerning the coUecdon for the saints,'
says the Apoatle, ^as I hare mven order to the churches of
Galatia, even so do ye. Upon the first day of the week let every
one of you lay t)y him in store, as God hath prospered him, that
there be no gatherings when I come * (chap. xvi. 1, 2). There
must be some reason why the Apostle specifies the first as more
appropriate than any other day of the week for making the coUec*
tion for the saints. We find an explanation in the history of the
Acts, where we are informed that it was distmguisbed as the day
of public religious worship. On that day each was to contribute a
portion of his week's earnings ; and the original may signify either
that he was to lay it up by himself, or, rather, as the concluding
clause seems to require, that he should cast it into the treasury
of the church. But it further appears from this passage that the
Christians were obserring the onj^al week — six days for labour,
and one day for religious duty — ^with the specified change of the
day of rest from the seventh to the first. Some might retain con-
scientious scruples in r^ard to the Jewish Sabbath, but the
Apostle makes no account of these^ and he takes it for granted
that all would observe the first dav. His language implies a
command to observe it, but onlv in the way of fully and distinctly
recognising it as existing and observed. The writer in the Cydo^
pcBdia here throws in the remark, that some render *• upon <me of
the day$ of the week,' instead of an the first day of tne week."^
He does not adopt this rendering, though he seems to favour it.
It cannot be proved that the phrase ever acquires this rendering
in the New Testament, but it can be proved that it will not admit
it in some passaoes (for instance, Matt, xxviii. I), and that there
it must signify tne first day of tihe week.° Such unquestionably
is its reference here. The first day of the week then was the day
on which the Corinthian converts held their weekly meetinjg for
religious worship ; and it is presumed that it was a day of rest
from their respective callings, for they cast a portion of their
weeklv profits into the treasury of the Lord. Now this day of
worship was among the things ^ delivered ' by Paul to the
Corintmans, and here its observance is sanctioned by him, and
some of its duties appointed. Nor was this enjoined only on the
Corinthians, for he ^distinctly states that he had given orders to
.the same effect to the churches of Galataa ; and he intended this
" See alio an article by the Bey. £. Weiser, in the Amencctn Bib, Reposttoryt
for 1845, p. 366.
" *For the ordinal wpSrrdSt the cardinal cfs is oonstairdy employed in designating
a day of the week.''-*Praf. Stoartfs SytUax ^the New TeaUment DitUed, Sect. 83.
letter
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144 The Christian Sabbath. [July,
letter to be extensively circulated among the early churches, for
he addressed it not only to Corinth, but also to ' all that in every
{lace call upon the name of Jesus Christ our Lord ' (chap. L 1).
t thus appears that this was generally recomised as the day of
f)ublic worship by the early Christians, and mat in this they fbl-
owed the precept and example of the Apostles.
The last argument we shall adduce in favour of the consecra-
tion of the first day of the week as a Sabbath is the fact that it is
called in Scripture * the Lord's Day.' It receives this designa-
tion in the Apocalypse, which was written by the Apostle John
very near the close of the first century of the Christian era. * I
was in the spirit,' says the Apostle, ' on the Lord's Day ' (Rev.
i. 10). The plain meaning of this statement is, that John was
under a peculiar influence of the inspiring Spirit on a day which
he here calk * the Lord's Day.' It is not questioned that the
day referred to is a natural day, and that it is named the day of
the Lord Jesus Christ. The strange opinion, however, has been
advanced, that as every day is the Lord's, we are not to under-
stand here any particular day. This view does not harmonise
with the Apostle's language. It is obvious that he meant to
mark out a particular day. It is his design to tell us when he had
the visions of which he gives an account, and he states distinctly
that it was ' on the Lord's Day.' That it is the first day of the
week which is here called the Lord's Day, does not well admit of
doubt. Any objections which have been started to this view
appear to us exceedingly feeble, and unworthy of notice. The
writer in the Cyclopcedia thinks it probable ; and Dr. Paley justly
remarks — ' I make no doubt that oy the Lord's Day was meant
the^r«f day of the week ; for we find no footsteps of any distinc-
tion of days which could entitle any other to that appellation.'
The Apostle's use of the name presupposes that the cnurches of
Asia Minor, to whom he wrote, were mmiliar with it. We have
already seen that the Apostle Paul gave orders to the churches of
Galatia, in Asia Minor, to make contributions for the poor saints
on the first day of the week — the day on which they met for social
worship ; and we are here furnished with the additional fact, that
the Christians of Asia Minor were accustomed to denominate this
* the Lord's Day.' We have now then satisfactory evidence from
the Scriptures themselves that an entire day must still be conse-
crated to the Lord's service — no part of it is ours — ^it is entirely
the Lord's Day, The Jewish Sabbath and sacred seasons have
passed away, and the weekly Christian Sabbath is all that remains
m their room. * Viewed in this light, it is easy to see that what
Paul says (Rom. xiv. 5 ; Gal. iv. 10 ; Col. ii. 16) concerning the
unimportance of observing special days, u e. new moons and
sabbaths,
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sabbaths, is said of the Jewish days of this nature ; and so the
context in all these places plainly indicates, for he is discussing
matters insisted on by Judaizers. No Christian, as he avers, is
bound to observe the Jewish holidays; although the man who
does observe them should not be dealt hardly with on this account.
What he thus says has of course no application to the proper
* LordTs Day,* • Those who were familiar with the expressions
* Lord's Supper' and 'Lord's Table,' as applied to the ordinance
appointed to commemorate the Saviour*s death, would readily see
the propriety of the name ' Lord's Day,' and soon familiarly use
it, as applied to the first day of the week, as kept holy in com-
memoration of His resurrection. The Jewish weekly sacred day
was called the ' Sabbath of the Lord,' and the Christian's corre-
sponding weekly period is denominate ' the Lord's Day.' Thus
tne one stands for the other. Whatever is called by the name of
the Lord is holy. Ip Daniel ix. 18, Jerusalem is said to be called
by this name, and hence, in verse 24th of the same chapter, it
is designated a * Holy City.* * ITbe Lord's Day,' then, is a day
of weekly recurrence, and of sacred rest — a day to be kept holy
to the Lord. It was in accordance with what we know to be His
usual mode of procedure to &vour the beloved disciple with
peculiar revelations on that day. He was an exile in the small
and barren island of Patmos, and consequently tliis aged saint
ex>uld not meet, as he was wont, with his fellow-Christians on this
sacred^ day. But God met with him in his solitude. Li this
there is an encouragement to the Christian to solicit and ex-
pect the Divine presence when necessarily and reluctantljr absent
from the weekly aisembly of the saints. The lowly contrite heart
is God's temple.
Having thus endeavoured to state the law of the Sabbath, and
to elucidate those passages of sacred Scripture which relate to it, it
would afford us pleasure to be equally explicit on the manner in
which it ought to be sanctified ; but this is not comprehended in
the object of the present paper. A sentence or two on this point
may be permitted. We ought to spend the Sabbath in religious
exercises. It is * the holy of the Lord,' and we are to call it ' a
delight,' and / honourable ' (Is. Iviii. 13). It is a ' holy dav,' and
therefore religious exercises are alone appropriate to it. Observe^
it is a day and not only part of a day. Were we in earnest
about the things of eternity, equally with those of time, we would
willingly devote at least a seventh part of our time to sacred
service. The early hours of the Sabbath should be spent in
meditation on divine things, private reading of the Scriptures, and
• Stuart's Commentary on the Apocalypwe^ at ch. i. 10.
VOL. II. — NO. III. L prayer.
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146 ThB Ckrigtian SdbbatlL [July,
prayer: Such exercises will form an excellent preparation for
the service of the sanctuary. We perceive that tnere is wisdom
in the divine appointment of public worship for the Sabbath. Sudi
worship is needml for our spiritual improvement, and it could not
be attended to unless suitable seasons — not distant from each
other — were appointed for it. The weekly return of the Lord's
Day supplies the most fitting season. Let the people of God avail
themselves of it — * not forsaking the assembling of ourselves
together, as the manner of some is ' (Heb. x. 25). Eabbath-school
tuition, and the private instruction of the junior members of
families, form an appropriate sequel to the more public services
of the day. Thus should religious activity be conjoined with
release from worldly toil and care. We are too apt to view the
Sabbatic precept exclusively in its negative aspects— giving pro-
minence to what is forbidden, and overlookinff what is required.
*'Li reading books and hearing sermons on the subject, we have
sometimes borne away a painful impression. Much was said
about the things which ought to be forborne, but not so much
about the many good and lovely thinss which we ought to do.
We carried with us the image of someudng stem, and prohibitory,
and threatening ; and if we had been asked to project upon can-
vas the Sabbatic idea surviving in our memory, it would not have
been the enraptured seer of Patmos, nor the ecstatic travellers in
sight of Emmaus, nor the weeping congregation at Troas, but the
man stoned for gathering sticks on the Sabbath day.* p
Li the course of the preceding remarks we have noticed certain
objections to our views, and virtually replied to others, but there
are a few remainmg, without some examination of which our dis-
cussion would be incomplete. It appears to us that they may all
be fairly met, and satismctorily answered ; and the following com-
prehend all that deserve consideration : —
1. It is objected that the observance of a Sabbath anumg Chris-
tians is a relic of Judaism. If by Judaism we are to under^
stand something peculiar to the Mosaic statutes — and this is the
only sense in whicn the term serves our opponents — ^then we assert
that the statement is not true, and we have already presented evi-
dence sufficient to rebut it. Much ingenuity, however, has been
displayed in attempting to prove that the SSabbath is peculiar to
the Jewish system. It is said to have been * made Known ' to
Israel— to have been * given' to that people — and to have been
appointed * for a sign ' between God and them. But God is also
said to have made known * his laws ' to Israel, which does not
mean that these laws did not previously exist, for an apostle
p North British Review^ Vol. iz.| No, xyii., art * Sabbath Obseryance/ p. 126.
reasons
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reasons that men einned, and that death, the penalty of sin^ was
inflicted from Adam to Moses, and sin is not imputed where
there is no law (Rom. v. 12, 13). So the making known of the
Sahbath may simply imply giving instructions regarding its observ-
ance, though it nad been instituted at creation. It was made
known to Adam long ere it was made known to Israel. The
rainbow, too, must hare existed before the time of Noah, for we
are not at liberty to conjecture such a marvellous change in the
immutable laws of nature as would have taken place had it ap-
peared for the first time after the deluge ; and yet it was appointed
for a siffn of the covenant with Nocm. Let the Master nimself
answer the third argument : ^ Moses gave unto you circumcision
(not because it is of Moses, but of tiie fathers),' John vii. 22. In
like manner the Sabbath may be said to have been given to the
Israelites, thoush it had existed and been observed from the crea-
tion of the world. It was enforced on the Jews by arguments
drawn from their special circumstances as a people, as well as by
those which are applicable to mankind at large. These special
arguments, however, form no foundation for tiie opinion tnat it
was exclusively a Jewish institution. The truth is, as we have
proved, that the Sabbath was instituted at creation, and will
retain its obligation to the end of tiie world.
2. But some advance a step farther, and contend that no part
of the divine law revealed in the Old Testament is binding on
Christians. Of course the decalogue, which contains a summary
of the moral law, is included ; and its precepts are supposed to be
binding only so £Bur as they are re-enacted by Christ and his
aposties : in otiier words, the fiict of their presence in the Mosaic
law does not render them obligatory. It has been usual with
theologians to divide the ancient law into ceremonial, civil, and
moral precepts, understanding the last only of these to be of per-
manent obhgation : but some contend that ' neither Christ nor
the apostles ever distinguish between the moral, the ceremonial,
and the civil law, when they speak of its establishment or its
abolition.'"! When the inspired writer of the Epistie to the He-
brews says that Ood, who ^ spake in time past unto the fathers
by the prophets, hath in these last days spoken unto us by his
Son ' (ch. i. 1, 2), these writers infer from this statement that we
have nothing to do with the Old Testament, but only with the
New, in which the Son of God speaks to us. Let Paul himself
correct their error, which he does ijhen he says to Timothy —
* From a child thou hast known the Holy Scriptures, which are
able to make thee wise unto salvation through fidth which is in
4 Dr. BiallobloCiky, in Kitto's C^clop^ art Law.
L 2 Christ
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148 The Christian Sabbath. [July,
Christ Jesus. All Scripture is given by inspiration of God, and
is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction
in righteousness ; that the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly
furnished unto all cood works' (2 Tim. iii. 15 — 17). It is the
Old Testament of which the Apostle speaks, and he asserts that
it is able to make wise unto salvation^ and is profitable for doctrine
andcoTJ-ection^ that the Christian may by it h& thoroughly famisJied
to all good works. This commendation of the study of the earlier
revelation involves a reproof to those who propose to throw it aside,
as if intended only for the generations of old, and not for us.
Whately found this passage in his way, and he feebly remarks —
* To consult a code of moral precepts for instruction is very dif-
ferent from referring to that as a standard and rule of conduct ;'^
omitting what is said of doctrine and correction^ in fact mutilating
the passage to facilitate his reply to those who adduce it, as if he
felt unable to turn it aside in its entireness. «
This view of the divine law revealed under the old economy
has been long before the church, but it has not commended itself
to general approval. It is found in the writings of the fathers and
reformers, and Heylyn strenuously advocates it in relation to the
Sabbath.' Whately,* Arnold,'' and others support the view in
our own times. The argument for the Sabbath, however, docQ
not so depend on it as to stand or fall with it ; and Baxter, who
held it,' vet wrote a treatise entitled The Divine Appointment of
the Lord s Day Proved;^ which contains an elaborate and tri-
umphant reply to Heylyn's History.*
(Jur space does not permit us to introduce here a lengthened
refutation of this erroneous principle of interpretation, which hap-
pily is not the prevailing one ; but we conscientiously and firmly
oeUeve that the New l^tament itself repudiates it, as, for in-
stance, in the text we have cited above. There is a harmony
between the earlier and later revelations, and every portion of
truth communicated by the Divine Spirit to man deserves our
study and demands our obedience. We are relieved from tha
ceremonial enactments of the Mosaic law, and obedience to itsi
moral precepts cannot form our ground of justification before
Ood, as the Apostle Paul proves at large in his epistle to the
Romans, and also in that to the Galatians ; but the moral law
' Difi". rf St. Paul, p. 192. • Hiti. of tJu &6., b. i. p. 70,
• Diy. of St. Paul Essfnr t, » Life and Corrapondencey in several letters.
■ See hig Practical Works, by Ofme, vol. xiii. p. 418.
» Practical Workt, voL xiii. pp. 86d>512.
" We natarallj expect a discQssion of this topio by Mr. Jordan in his fonrth
chapter, but instead of this we have ofiensive prominence given to the style of con-
fident assertion which abounds in his otherwise excellent volnme, and which must
impair its useftdness among opponents.
Still
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still serves as a rule of life.* We are released from it as a cove-
nant, but not as a rule.^ The law of the patriarchal and Mosaic
dispensations is recorded in the sacred volume for our * correction
and inxtrtLction* except so far as abrogated by the later inspired
writers. Now the Sabbatic precept is embraced in that law, and
is not repealed, but sanctioned by Christ and his apostles.
3. It IS further objected that, if the fourth precept of the deca^
logue is binding at all, it is so as to the particular day of the week
which it consecrates, and that is the seventh, not the first. Whately
remarks that ' throughout the whole of the Old Testament we
never hear of keepins holy some one day in every seven ; but the
seventh day ;' ^ and he presses this point, not because it is of the
least importance to him in itself, but it serves as an argumenium
ad haminem in dealing with those who contend for me divine
authority of the first-day Sabbath. Such trifling is unworthy of
this writer. Let the reader examine the precept, and he will find
that it appoints six days for labour, and the seventh for rest ; and
in so far as the strict language of the command is concerned, it is
not of the least importance, in an uninterrupted succession, whether
we regard the day of rest as preceding or following the other six.
By divine appointment, from the bemming of the world till the
resurrection of Christ, it was viewed m the aspect of posteriority ;
and by the same autbarity, from the resurrection of Christ till the
end of the world, it is to be regarded in the aspect of priority.
The Jews commenced their day when the sun of the previous day
went down, and we commence ours at midnight ; but the com-
mand to consecrate one day in seven is not afiected by these special
circumstances. Our Saviour rose probably about midnight, and
in the morning, ^ when it was yet dark,' the sepulchre was foimd
empty. The hebdomadal rest is that which nature demands, and
we can trace the harmony between this law, which God has written
on our constitutions, and that which he has written in his word.
* The Sabbath as a Sabbath is firot in the precept, and the particular
day is there but secondarily, and so mutably. ^
4. It is further objected that if the day of observance is changed,
it is incredible that the change should not have been more prominently
* The difBcnltj, hinted at by tome, of disdngnishing between moral and <
monial. Is not a jmietical one. We eaalj distinenish between essential and non-
enential; as, for instance, in the exhortation^ ' I wiU that men pray eyerrwhere,
lifting np holy hands ' (1 Tim. ii. 8) ; the dnty enjoined is prayer, bnt ' lilung op'
the hands is a matter of indifference.^
^ See this point accarately diefined by Dr. John Brown, with his nsnaf diserimina*
tlon, in his valuable Exnotitory IHacoune$ on Firtt Petei, toI. i. pp^ 400-402. See
also Hill's Lectwreg in iJimmty, toI. ii. pp. 296, 297, ed. 1837,
" ThaughU on the Sabbath, p. 8, ed. 1845.
* Baxter's Pract. WorkM, voL idiU p. 427,
noticed.
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150 The Chriaian Sabbath. [July,
noticed. There is not much force in this objection, and it has
been very satisfactorily answered by the writers on the other side.
A few considerations will show that there is propriety in this
apparent defect. There are many important subjects to which
Christ scarcely at all adverted in the hearing of his disciples, and
the fact that they were not able to bear them is the explanation
of his silence (John xvi. 12, 13). How very seldom did he advert
even to his death, the very foundation of our hope I and when he
did bring forward the subject, it was often after some remarkable
miracle, by which their faith in him as the Messiah had been con*
firmed. He spoke more freely after his resurrection, but left
much for the teaching of the Spirit. The Jews had a profound
regard for their Sabbaths. Tney were taught to regard the
Babylonish captivity as a punishment for the neglect of this sacred
day by their ancestors — God had oft^n solemmy commanded its
observance, and punished the breach of it — ^and nothing pertaining
to their religion appeared to have so solemn a sanction as this. It
is not wonderftil, then, that our Saviom* abstained from informing
his Jewish followers of the law of the New Covenant regarding
the Sabbath. If he did not instruct them respecting his vicarious
and expiatory sufferings till the sacrifice was offered, so neither
did he instruct them respecting the New Testament Sabbath till
the completion of the work it was designed to commemorate. The
Apostles imitated the example of their Master by dealing tenderly
with the Jews in relation to their sacred customs. They gradu-
ally informed them of the abolition of even the ceremonial observ-
ances. It is probable that many of the Jewish converts observed
both days, the seventh and the first The change was made
gradually, 'yet God took special care that there should be
sufficient evidence of his will, to be found out by the Christian
Church when it should be more established and settled;' and
* the mind and will of God, concerning any duty to be performed
by us, may be sufficiently revealed in his word, without apar-
ticular precept in so many express terms enjoining it.'® Christ
rose on it, chose it as his day of appearing to his disciples, sent
the Spirit on it, Ibe Apostles instructed uie early Christians to
meet, and they met witn them for public worship on it, and its
distinctive name (the Lord's Day) is given in Holy Writ
. 5. It is objected that Christ is Lard af the Sabbath. It is not
a little astonishing that this should assume the form of an objec-
tion, and yet we occasionally find it paraded as such. Our oppo-
nents who use it thus seem to think it equivalent to the statement
that Christ has abrogated the Sabbath, which is a most egregious
• Preflident Edvarde' Sermons on the Sabbath.-^ Works, voL ii. pp. 94, 100.
London, 1834.
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1848.] The Christian Sabbath. 151
blunder. It only intimates his right to regulate the Sabbatic rest,
which all admit, but it remains to be proved that he has abolished
it. The fact is, that he has taken it under his care, and made it
one of the institutions pertaining to the new order of things esta-
blished by him. * He is Lord even of the Sahbath itself' xai rot;
ezfi^rov. This certainly implies that the Sabbath was an institu-
tion of great and distinguished importance ; and may perhaps also
refer to that signal authority which Christ by the ministry of his
apostles should exert over it in changing it from the seventh to .the
first day of the weekJ We admit, then, that Christ is Lord of the
Sabbath — it is his day — ^and we keep it holy with a due regard to
his authority.
6. It is objected that tohen Christ mentions the precepts of the
deealoffue to the yowng man in the Gospel^ he omits the fourth^ im-
plying that it is no longer binding.— See Matt. xix. 17-21. This
IS a weak and foolish objection. The answer is at band. Our
Saviour specifies the commands of the second table only, but the
fourth precept is included in the first table. On the same absurd
prindple our opponents might reason that it was not the young
man's duly to love God.
7. 7%^ observance of the Sabbath was not one of the articles
evQoined on the Gentiles by the apostles and elders assembled at
Jerusalem ; and this, it is asserted, militates against the supposition
that it is of permanent obligation. See Acts xv. 29. It is not a
little remarkable to find so judicious a writer as Paley bringing
forward^ this worthless argument The answer to it is ready.
There is no evidence that the assembly at Jerusalem were con-
sulted about the Sabbath, and they limited their decree to the
points on which their dedsion was asked. Yet this is a specimen
of the sort of negative evidence to which the opponents of the
Sabbath attach so much importance.
8. The only attempt at producing the authority of an inspired
writer in favour of the views adverse to those advocated in this
article, is in the statement of Paul, that no one should judge us in
respect of *the sabbath-days * (see Col. ii. 16, 17). In our opinion
this is one of the least successAil efforts of a sinkmg cause. Hevlyn
remarks that Paul here ' layes it positively downe that the Sabbath
was now abrogated with the other ceremonies, which were to vanish
at Christ's comming ;' ' and almost every writer on the same side
since his time has referred to the statement with an air of triumph.
We think that the apostle here refers to the Jewish sacred days in
general, for he speaks of the Sabbath-^ay«, not day^ using a plural
' Doddridge's Expontor on Mark iL 8S ; Works^ vol vi. p. 270, Leeds, 1604,
« Hiii. of the Saibaihy b. ii. p. 80.
word
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152 T%e Christian Sabbath. [July,
word with a plural signification. It is well known to the readers
of the Old Testament that the Jews had days of holy rest with
which their ceremonies were connected ; but, as the sacred rites
are now abrogated, the days of their observance are no longer
binding. But even were we to admit with Baxter ^ that there is
here a special reference to the Jewish Sabbath, it would only imply
that those who observed the seventh day (as many of the Jewish
Christians observed both the seventh and the first) were not to
insist on others conforming to their practice. He does not blame
the Jewish converts who continued to consecrate the seventh day-*
he only declares that it is not obligatory. The apostle's statement,
then, is utterly irrelevant as an argument against the sanctity of
the Christian Sabbath. He does not object to a day of rest and
sacred 8er\ice in the weekly circle. His reference is certainly not
to the consecration of the nrst day of the week. * That he had no
such reference (in Col. ii. 16 ; Rom. xiv. 1-5) is still clearer from
the fajcX that we find him and the Christians whom he instructed
actually distinguishing one day from another, by consecrating the
Lord's Day to religious services. There is the same evidence,
therefore, that Paul did not mean to declare the weekly observance
of a day for the worship of God a matter of indifierence, as there
is that Christ did not mean to condemn judicial oaths when he
said, * Swear not at all.' " *
9. Finally, the authority of greed and good men in the CJiristian
church has been adduced in opposition to the consecration of the
Lord's Day. The appeal to authority is rather unfortunate for
our opponents ; for, if the matter is to be decided by authority, we
have an overwhelming majority of the great and good on our side.
The only authority we think of much importance is that of the
'apostles, and it is admitted, almost universally, tiiat we have this
in favour of the observance of one day in seven for assembling at
least for public worship. Numerous quotations from the writings
of the Christian fathers have been given by writers on both sides
of this question. Baxter finds frequent cause to blame Heylyn for
the use be makes of his authorities. There is the clearest evidence
that the fiithers understood the Lord's Day to have come in place
of the Jewish Sabbath ; and that the Christian Sabbath compre-
hended an entire day in connection with the period of public wor-
ship. Dionysius of Corinth says, T^y (nifAspov Kvpiaxriv ayiav ^im^ol^
Si9}ya7o^9)v, ' We keep the Lord^s day holy/^ Chrysostom has been
»» Prod, Works, vol. xiii. p. 386.
* Princeton's Theological Essays, Ist Series, art. 'Sunday Mails,' pp. 496, 497.
This is an able article, but its interest is diminished b^ the graye consideration of
certain singalariy feeble ar^ments in the American QuaHeriy Beview.
^ Ensebu Hist. Eccles., lib. iy. cap. zxii.
claimed
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claimed -for the other side ; but in his 10th Homily on Grenesis he
remarks that God sanctified the seventh day, ^aiSevA/y rJiv //./av
yifMAqav ev rcjf xi/xX^; r^r l/3So/xa$of ivoLOvt dvxriBivau xa! dt^opi^eiy
rri rofv wst/^arixa/y ipyatri^^ ^ teaching u« to set apart one entire
day in the weekly circle^ and to devote it to spiritual exercises.^^
The reformers of the sixteenth centurv have oflien been referred to
as adverse to the obseryance of the Christian Sabbath. Especially
has this been asserted of Calvin, the reformer of his own age, and
the theologian of every succeeding age. We do not approve of
Calvin's sentiments on this point, and from him we appeal to
Christ our Master. The reformers were disgusted with the
Popish ceremonies and numerous holidays, and they went to the
opposite extreme of declaring that no day, not even the Sabbath,
is sacred. But Calvin would be ashamed of the sentiments of
some who have quoted his as if in entire harmony with their own.
He said, ^ It is customary among us to assemble on stated days
for hearing the word, for breaking the mystic bread, and for public
pravers ; and also to allow servants and labourers a remission from
their labours. That in commanding the Sabbath the Lord had
regard to both these things cannot be doubted ;' and with respect
to assemblies on the Lord's Day, he asks, * Why should we not
obey the rule which we have imposed upon us by the will of God ?' "^
Dr. Peter Heylyn wrote a long treatise on the Sabbath in the*
form of a history, and the principal arguments produced by our
own writers on Uie same side have been drawn from his pages^ but
he used many which they have declined to endorse. In the pages
of Paley, Powell, and Whately they are more carefully guarded
and less easilv assailed than when first produced. When the
reader of Heylyn comes to a point in the history on which there
appears room for diversity of opinion, he naturally expects the
author to attempt to establish his view by a process of reasoning,
but instead of this, he finds a few quotations n*om the fathers, and
with these the point is settled. Should any one dispute the sound-
ness of his view of a passage, his answer is, virtually, — the fatherd
(or at least some of them) have thought so, therefore it is so, and
mat is an end of the matter. But even Heylyn contends that the
first day of the week is sacred ; and he errs in resting this on the
authority of the Church rather than that of the Apostles. ^ It iis
true,' says he, ^ that in some tract of time the Churchy in honour
of his resurrection^ did set apart that day on which he rose to holy
X* See also the qnotations giTen by Pearson, Expos, qf Creed, art. ▼•PP- 265, 266,
ed. 1669, and Staart's Commentary on the ApocdCvpBe^ on ch. L 10. Eosebios says
of his own time, * We assemble after an inteiral of six days, and celebrate holy and
spiritual Sabbath,' -^Comm. on Psalm xd. (xcii.).
" InstitiUes of the Ckrittian Religion, by AUen, b. ii. o. Tiii. 8. 82.
exercises.
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154 The Chridian Sabbath. [July,
exerciseB.'^ Paley admits that 'the authority of the apostolic
practice ' has imposed * an oblisation upon Christians to comply
with the religious observance of Sunday.' p Arnold and Whately
complain that their sentiments have been misrepresented, and botn
contend for the sanctification of the Lord's Day. Whately charges
with the guilt of violating at once both tables of the divine law
those who circulate the ' slanderous report ' that he is * unfavour-
able to the religious observance of Sunday ;' ^ but, as he rests its
obligation on the authority of the Church, and not of the Apostles,
(to use his own phrase) he removes ^ it from a foundation of rock
to place it on one of sand.' If the authority of a philosophical
divme has weight with the reader, let him consult President
Edwards' Sermons on the Saibathy which are admirable and
satis&ctory.'
OBSERVATIONS ON PASSAGES OF
SCRIPTURE.
(Pram Correspondents.)
THE CORNER STONE,
the Rev. J. F. Dcnham, M.A., F.R.S.
Psalm czyiii. 22, 23. — ^'The stone which the bailders reftued is become the head
stone of the comer. Thia ia the Lord'a doing [iiteraUy, Thia ia from Jehovah] ; it
b maryellooa in onr eyea.'
No text in the Old Testament is (j^uoted by the writers of the
New so often as this, which is found m six dinerent places (Matt.
xxi. 42 ; Mark xiL 10 ; Luke xx. 17 ; Acts iv. 11 ; Enh. ii. 20 ;
1 Pet. ii. 4)9 in all of which it is considered as fulfilled in Jesus
Christ. It is also admitted by R. Solom. Jarchi on Mic. v. 1,
and Abarbanel on Zach. iv. 13, that tiie Jewish Rabbins under-
stood this stone of the Messiah. The passage may originally
• Hist, of Sabbath, h. ii. p. 7. p Moral and Political Philosophy, h. y. ch. viii.
4 TTuntghts on the Sabbath, pp. 37, 88.
' Works, pp. 93-103. Since the abo^e wu written, these Sermons hare been
inoed in a neat tract form, with a pre&tory notice by the Bev. B. T. Walker,
Donfenuline.
have
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haye been founded in a literal feet. Bishop Home refers to ^ a
Jewish tradition concerning a certain stone, which, having been
by the builders of the second temple thrown aside among the
rubbish, was at last found to be exactly fitted for the honourable
place of the head of the comer/ — ( Commend, on Psalms,) MichaeUa
also understands the passage literally, and thinks it 'probable
that at the building of Solomon's temple one of those '* wrought
stones" which David prepared "to build the house of God"
(1 Chron. xxii. 2) was found fault with by the builders and
declared to be useless,. and that God, for altogether different
reasons^ commanded by a prophet that this stone should be made
the head of the comer.' * The Orientals,' he observes, * regard
the comer-stone as the one particularly holy stone in a temple,
and think that it confers sanctity upon the whole edifice. It is,
therefore, the more probable, that either by the Urim and
Thummim (the sacred lot of the Jews), or by a prophet^ God was
consulted which stone he would direct to be taken for die comer-
stone. The answer was, that which they haveperseveringly rejected
and declared to be quite unserviceable. Cfertainly it must have
been for a very important reason that God positively appointed
this stone to be the comer-stone ; but the Kew Testament dis-
closes it to us in Matt xxi. 42 and 1 Pet ii. 7. The Jewish
nation would conduct themselves towards the Messiah precisely as
the builders did towards this stone, and would reject him ; but
God would select him to be the comer-stone, which would support
and sanctify the whole church,'*
If such an occurrence took place, this stone would be vividly
associated with the tradition respecting it in the minds of the
Jewish people, and curiosity would be kept awake with regard to
it till the career of the Messiah should ultimately illustrate this
pre-arranged typical circumstance in the most strikinff maimer.
There remain, however, certain points to be yet determined
respecting this stone, which are essential in order to the full
elucidation of the Soiptural allusions to it, viz., what was its
precise jposition in tiie temple, and what were the uses it served.
Bishop Middleton observes that * it is not very plain what this stone
was ;' and it is remarked in a late valuable compilation of opinions,
that 'the common interpretations certainly do not answer the
reauisite conditions, and that so fer thej are unfounded.'^ The
following attempt to unravel the subject is submitted to the
bibhcal student : —
It seems probable, even from the original passage (Ps. cxviii.
22, 23), that this stone, in its place in the temple, was vieible,
• Vide Uebermlx, u, Aumerh. ^ TroUope^ AJMletia.
In
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In this Psalm some Jewish king appears to be approaching * thd
gates ' of the temple on a public rcstival (y. 19, 20, 24), and to
see this remarkable stone (22, 23). Our Lord and the Apostles
combine with this passage some quotations from the prophets —
comp. Luke xx. 18 ; Is. viii. 14 ; Dan. ii. 34, 35, 44, 45 ; Zech.
xii. 3 ; but the additional particular thus introduced are doubtless
in keeping with the position, etc., of this stone. From these
quotations it is plain tnat its position was such that any one mi^t
* fall on it ' (might dash himself against it, as St Peter's words
import, who calls it X/do^ ^rpoaxo/jLfxaroSf 1 Pet ii. 8), and also was
such that it might * fall upon him.' Consequently from these
two particulars, which enter into nearly all the allusions to this
stone, it appears plain that it was not what we understand by a
foundation-stone, which is laid deep in the ground, nor yet the
coping-stone at the comer, which lies on theupper tier of masonry.
Indeed the distinction is clearly indicated in £ph. ii. 20, ^ and
are built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus
Christ himself being the chief corner-stone ' — hxpoyannouos (which
is the Septuagint word for comer-stone, Isa. xxviii. 16, quoted by
St Peter, 1 ret ii. 6, and Symmachus's version of Psalm cxviii,
22) : and that this axpoymiaias could not have been the foundation-
stone is clear from St. Peter's representing it as possible for any
one to have stumbled at it or dasn himselfagainst it. This stone
must also have been of great size to satisfy our Lord's description
of it, that if it fell upon any person it would 'grind him to
powder/ literally smash him to atoms (comp. Luke xx.' 18,
Greek, and Dan. ii. 44, Sept.) It would also seem from Eph. ii.
21, that the circumjacent masonry was^ compacted with it —
fTvyapfAoXoyov/xiim ; and the whole complexion of this passa^ inti>.
mates that this stone not only sustained, but united toe biulding ;
and such is the interpretation of its office bjr Chrjrsostom, Theo-
phylact, (Ecumenius, Theodoret, and of Epiphanius (de Hcsres.
E. 324\ As far then as we have gone we find this stone to have
een single, of vast size, visible^ perhaps partly projecting like a
buttress^ its lower end reaching nearly or entirely to the ground,
jsituate at a comer of the temple, forming a large portion of the
wall in which it stood, into and upon which the adjacent portion
of that wall was built, as also the altemate portion of the wall
forming the angle, and serving to unite both. We next find pre-
sumptions that this stone served also the use of a sanctuary^
asylum^ or refuge. Thus Isa. viii. 14, * For he shall be for a
sanctuary ; but for a stone of stumbling and for a rock of ofience
to both tne houses of Israel.' Here a holy stone is clearly meant,
and the remaining portion of the passage closely agrees with the
other chief particulars of the stone in question. Ine connection
between
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between a temple, altar, consecrated statue, etc., and a sanctuary
through all antiquity, is well known. Nor is further reference
wanting to this connection in Scripture, for in Isa. xxviii. 16, a
passage whose true meaning is obscured in our translation, but
which is eminently concerned in this inquiry, it is said of this
comer-stone, ^ he that believeth (trusteth to it) shall not make
haste' (to seek another asylum or refuge, or, as St. Peter and
St Paul render it, ^ he that believeth in him shall not be ashamed
or confounded,' Rom. ix. 33 ; 1 Pet. ii. 6). A still clearer refe-
rence to the refiigial use of this stone occurs in St Peter's re-
markable use of the Psalmist's words (Acts iv. 11, 12), 'This is
the stone which was set at nought of you builders, which is
become the head-stone of the comer. Neither is there salvation
in any other.' If the word be rendered, as it may justly be,
* neither is there safety in any other,' the reference to this use of
the stone becomes plain, and the difficul^ so generally complained
of, which attends the precise import ot the word * salvation ' in
this passiage, is removed. Jesus Christ then appears as the
corner-stone, the sanctuary or asylum in whom only safety is
attmnable. Eypke also shows that the phrase h nvi aur^qiay ^Ivai
is used by Aristophanes, Demosthenes, and Josephus for safety's
being placed or lodged in a person or thing. The word a-wmpU is
certainly used in this sense (Heb. xi. 7 ; Acts xxvii. 34).
There are possibly other allusions, both in the Old and New
Testament, more or less direct, to the several points included in
this prolific subject The meaning of one passage already adduced
is overlaid in our translation, and the verbiage employed in it has
doubtless contributed to perplex the subject : ' Behold, I lay in
Zion/or a foundation a stone, a tried stone, a precious comer-
stone, a sure foundation : he that believeth shall not make haste '
(Isa. xxviii. 16). The exact rendering is, ' Behold, I establish or
appoint in Zion a stone, an approved stone, a comer stone, pre-
cious, immovably jixedy — as Lowth renders the latter portion. The
word "ID^, though primarily meaning to lay b. foundation^ is meta-
phorically used in the sense of appointing or ordaining, as in Ps.
viii. 3. St. Peter in his quotation of this passage (1 Ep. ii. 6) so
understands the word. But the introduction of the word foundation
in the English version contributes to the impression that this
corner-stone lay in the foundation.
THE
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158 Observationi en Pcusages of Scripture. [July,
THE HORSE-LEECH.
By the Bey. J. F. Denham, M.A., F.B.S.
'The hone-leech hath two daughttm, crying, Giye, give.' — Ptoy. xxx. 15.
This passage is well known for the perplexity it has occasioned to
commentators, ancient and modem. The question is, what we are
to understand by the * two daughters ' of the leech^ for there is no
ground for the distinction of species introduced into the English
yersion. Heb. n^T? ; Sept. BSsXXa ; Vul. Sanguisuga. 'fiiese
two daughters cannot mean daughters in the sense of ofispiing,
for the leech brings forth but one, of either sex, at a time. Every
resource of criticism has been employed by Bochart,* who
concludes by deriving the Hebrew word alukah, leech, from
the Arabic alvk^ which means fate^ heayy misfortune, or im-
pending destiny; whence he would infer that aliikah here
means the &te of death attached to every man by the
decree of God, and explains its two insatiable daughters as
signifying hades and the grave. He endeavours to fortify this
interpretation by some semblable terms of thought and language
in the Scriptures, and in modem use, and shows that it was
adopted by the Rabbinical vmters. The great objection to
this solution is, that it involves a very unlikely mistake on the
part of all the ancient translators who unquestionably understood
the leech to be meant, and which creature is appropriately intro-
duced into the passage among other emblems of avarice and
rapacity.
The solution we have to offer is, that the ^ two daughters ' of
the leech mean its two lips, for these it has, and most regularly
formed, as the extemai parts of its complicated mouth. We
found this explanation on those many instances in which the
Hebrew word daughter is used in the sense of instrument^ process,
adfunctj or any conjunction whatever. In the well known aescrip-
tion of old age (Ecc. xii. 4), * and all the daughters of music,' or
rather of song, ^ shall be brought low,' the word evidently refers
to the lips, front teeth, and other instruments of pronunciation.
The word daughter is also applied to the ^ apple of the eye,' or
pupil (Ps. xvii. 8), literally the daughter of the eye, in re^urd to
its appearance as a protuberant portion of that organ (compare
the use of the Greek word xSpn^ and of the Latin pupa, pupilla^
and pupula). It is also applied to the branches of trees : Gen.
* Hieroxoiam, & BosenmOller, iii 7S5, &c
xlix.
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zlix. 22, ' Joseph is a froitfiil bou^, whose branches,* literally
daughters, * run over the wall/ The phrase, * daughters of cities,'
eyidently means the excrescent villages or towns belonging to the
metropolis or another city (Num. xxi. 25, 82 ; Judges xi. 26 ;
Josh. XV. 45 : Heb.). The analogical sense of the word might
be pursued, as it appears in the various derivative senses of the
word p, a son, sucn as a structure. It occurs in several Arabic
words. Nor is it without a distant resemblance even in our own
lanffua^, as for instance in the word keelson, the next piece of
timber m a ship to her keel.
Should this explanation of the ^ two daughters of the leech ' be
correct, it will afford one case out of many of the utility of an
immediate examination of nature in aid of biblical interpretation.
This obvious method has hitherto been neglected in regard to tiie
ant^ among other objects, and with reference to a passage found
in die same chapter (v. 25), and which, in our translation, appa-
rently favours the old and now exploded notion, at least in regard
to die ants of this country, that the ant lays up stores of rood.
The question in regard, however, to the ants ot Palestine is still
left open to the dmdence expressed by Kirby and Spence, re-
spectmg the inference that no exotic ants have magazines of pro-
visions till their habits shall have been ^ more accurately explored.'^
For of all the persons who, in this age of^mprovements in science,
have visited or resided in Palestine, we have not yet heard of any
who has had the curiosity to test the question by examining an
ant's nest during the winter.
THE BAPTISM OF FIRE.
By the Bev. W. Niblock, M.A.
* He (Christ) ahaU baptise yoa with the Holy Ghort and fire.'
It is well known that the phrase * with fire,' as it is in the Authorized
Version, has been variously understood by Biblical expositors. I
do not intend, however, on this occasion, to trouble the readers of
Jour Journal with an account of the different interpretations which
ave been g^ven of it ; but simply with your permission to submit
to the consideration of your readers what I conceive to be its
^ LUrodvetioH to Entomology^ ii. 46.
genuine
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160 ObservaHons on Passages of Scripture. [July»
genuine meaning according to the usns loqnendi of the Sacred
writers.
In order to understand the grammatical construction of this and
similar passages, it is necessary to be intimately acquainted with
the phraseology and style of tne Hebrew Scriptures, The pen-
men of the New Testament were all Jews, and in writing Greek
they occasionally employed the idioms and peculiarities of their
natiye ton^e. It is absolutely impossible to be intimately ac-
quainted with the niceties of the New Testament syntax without
being familiar with the language of the Old. The phrase under
consideration I regard as a hendiadys, a form of grammatical
construction in which two nouns are put in the same case, and
connected by a copulatiye conjunction, while in respect to sense
one of them must be taken as a genitiye following the other, or as
an adjective qualifying it.
Any one at all acquainted with the original of the Old Testa-
ment Scriptures must have frequently (^served that there is a
creat want of adjectives in the Hebrew language in proportion to
its substantives — ^indeed, so much so, that adjectives denoting the
material of which a thing is made are not often to be met with.
This deficiency in their language the Hebrews supply principally
in two ways. First, when they wish to express some quality in a
substantive which we wpuld express in English by means of an
adjective, they employ another noun, and put the (qualifying sub-
stantive in the genitive, after the one which it is designed to
qualify. Thus, instead of saying a wpoden ark, thejr say an ark
of wood, and for silver vessels tney say vessels of silver. This
formula of expression having once become Seuniliar, it is retained
even in cases where the language supplies adjectives, and it is
frequently adopted by the New Testament writers in imitation of
the Hebrew.
The second plan which the Hebrews adopted for supplying a
lack of adjectives, is the connecting together of two nouns in the
same case by a copulative conjunction, while in respect of sense
one of them must be regarded as an adjective qualifying the
other.
Examples of this mode of construction are numerous in the Old
Testament Scriptures, and by no means seldom to be met with in
the New Testament writers.
In Zech. ix. 9, we have the expression * riding upon an ass, and
upon a colt the foal of an ass.* The same phraseology is adopted
Matt xxi. 5-7, where it is said 'thy kingcometh unto thee sitting
upon an ass, and a colt the foal of an ass ;* and in verse 7, * they
brought the ass, and the colt, and set him thereon.' This language
means, as the same action is expressed John xii. 15, that toe
disciples
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disciples put their master upon an ass's colt. Both in Zeoh. and
Matt, we have decided examples of the mode of expression which
we have been explaining. In Gen. xix. 24, ^ brimstone and fire '
agnify ignited brimstone ; 1 Chron. xxii. 5, * of fame and of glory *
mean of glorious fieune ; Jer. xxii. 3, ^ judgment and righteousness '
signify righteous judgment. In Acts xiv. 14, * oxen and garlands *
import garlanded oxen ; and in Acts i. 25, ^ ministry andapostleship '
mean apostolic ministry. These are but a few of the examples
that might be adduced to show the firequency of the occurrence
both in the Old and New Testament writings of the idiomatic
peculiarity under consideration.
I am satisfied it is on this principle of exposition, the language
^ he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and fire ' must be mter-
preted. The phrase ^ and fire ' must be understood 8imi>ly as qua-
lifying the baptism of the Holy Ghost — ^it is expressiye of the
appearance and effects of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost
particularly. Accordingly we are informed in Acts ii. 1-3, that
* when the day of Pentecost was fully come, there appeared to the
apostles cloyen tongues, like as of fire ; and it sat upon each of
them, and they all began to speak with tongues, as the Spirit gave
them utterance.'
The meaninff of the term * fire ' used in connection with the bap-
tism of the Hcny Ghost appears to signify that the apostles would
on the day of Pentecost be baptized with the Holy Ghost in the
shape of &^, and that this fiery baptism would effect a grand revo-
lution in their understandings and hearts and lives. As fire
purifies jzold and silver when submitted to its action, so the baptism
of the Spirit and fire illuminated tiie minds and cleansed and
purified the hearts of the apostles, and enabled them to speak
with tongues and prophesy.
According to the same principle of interpretation, we must, I
thinkf understand John iii. 5, sav /x^i ns yvnm^ i^ viaros xai
TviUfAotTos, Except a man be bom of water and Spirit ^ Bom of
water and of Sipirit,' according to the form of hendiadys above
explained, will signify ' bom of the water of the Spirit, or of
Spiritual water ;' toat is, * bom ag^n or regenerated.' The words
appear to me to be simply a description of the new birth, or of the
regenerating and sanctifying influences of the Holy Spirit, without
containing any allusion whatever to Christian baptism. Water is
a usual symbol employed by the Sacred writers as an illustration
of the free and refreshing effects of the Spirit of God which the
Saviour has promised to them that love him. In John iv. 14,
CSbristsays, * whosoever drinketh of the water that I shall give him,
shall never thirst, but the water which I shall ^ve him shall be
in him a well of water springing up into everlastmg life/ There
VOL. II. — MO. III. M is
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162 Observations on Fassoffes of Scripture. l^^Yi
is no way, in my humble opinion, of understanding the exureasion
i^ v^cLTor ttal vyiu/jLaros SO agreeably to the analogy of the doc-
trines of the Bible as to regard it as a hendiadys, and signif^iuj;
regeneration. It is a strong presumptive argument in fiiTOur of thifl
mode of interpretation, that Christian baptism was not at this time
instituted — ^that faith in the apostolic age was required as a con*
dition for baptism, and that the whole current of revelation goes
to establish tne fact that the word of God, and not baptism, is the
Sand medium through which tiie Holy Spirit translates sinners
>m darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God.
It is on the same principle that the phrase Titus iii. 5 is explained ;
the language to which i refer runs thus in the English translation,
which is quite good for my purpose — ' the washing of regeneration
and the renewing of the Holy Ghost.' The phrase, * the rene^ring
of the Holy Ghost ' is employed as explanatory of the preceding
one, namely, washing of regeneration. That the language under
consideration does not signify baptism, but regeneration, is, I think,
manifest from the use of the phrase ' wasliing of regeneration,' that
is the washing or cleansing which regeneration effects. If the
phrase had been ' the regeneration of washing,' then it might be
argued with some degree of plausibility that it means baptism ;
but as it is, it must be regarded as denoting regeneration.
DanegaJL
TRANSLATIONS IN SOLOMON'S SONG.
By George J. Walkeb.
The following re-translations of some words and passages in the
Song of Solomon may not be new to many of your readers ; but
they may, perhaps, be of use to some who have paid less attention
to the original, and are interested in anything tnat contributes to
the elucidation of the sacred text : and they may, at any rate,
serve to direct attention to one of its richest portions.
Chap. 1.-4. 'The upright love thee,' they love thee sincerely
(i. e., the virgins, yer. 3). 7. 'Tumeth aside,' is veiled, marg. ;
comp. Gen. xxxviii. 14, 15. The bride desires to avoid all ap-
pearance of inconstancy. Gesenius follows Alb. Schultius in
rendering 'as one who faints ;' but there is no passage where the
word has this sense, and it does not seem required here.
II.— 1. « Rose,' probablv narcissus. See Kitto's Biblic. Cyclop.,
art. ' Chabazzeueth.' * Lily,' probably lotus or water-lily. Ibid.,
art. * Shttshan.' 5. * Flagons,' cakes ; specially those made of
grapes, dried and pressed together. 7. * He please,' she please ;
so
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so ch. iii. 5, and viii. 4, a correction important to the expositor of
this book. 14. ' Of the stairs/ of the cra^ (or clift). 17. * The
day-break/ or, the day breathes Tor blows) ; the evening is meant
according to Gesenius, Rosenmiiller^ &C.9 but I prefer with others
to understand the morning (the U^^b of the Persians). In
Jerem. vi. 4, ^ the shadows are stretched out ' describes the even-
ing ; here it is said, * the shadows flee away,' which fitly desig-
nates the morning. Perhaps ch. iii. 1, favours this view, if the ,
close connection of the two chapters be admitted. See also ch.
iv. 6. * Mountains' of Bether :' in the art. * Bether/ Kitto's
Cyclop. y this word is mentioned as occurring again, ch. viii. 14,
which is a mistake. There seems little reason for rendering it as
a proper name.
ill. — 6. This verse may afibrd an illustration of the importance
to the interpreter of consulting the original lan^ages of Scrip-
ture. The JSnglish reader mignt easily be led mto the error of
referring it to the same person as ver. 7. It can only refer to
the bride. 9. * Chariot,* litter^ or palanquin. See Gesen. 10.
^ The bottom ;' the back part seems meant, on which the head
reclines. * Covering,' seat ; i, e,y cushions covered with purple.
The last words of this verse are very obscure ; I would render,
paved with love from (or by) the daughters of Jerusalem. I ap-
f>rehend it is a metaphor (like ch. ii. 4, ^ his banner over me was
ove '), expressive of the affection of these daughters to the king,
whom, in the next verse, they are called upon to behold crowned
with his nuptial chaplet. To the rendering ' totum intus amabi-
liter exomatum a virginibus Hierosolomitanis,' which Rosen-
miiller, without being satisfied with it, adopts from Schelling, may
be objected that such tesselated or paved work was not likely to
have been executed by women.
IV. — 1. * Locks,' veil; so ver. 3, * appear from,' lie down on;
so vi. 5. 3. ' Speech,' mouth. 16. Some assicn the whole verse
to the bride ; but I think the latter half only belongs to her,
< Let my beloved come,' &c., and the verse should properly have
made two.
V. — 1. * O beloved,' O beloved ones. 8. The vehement tone
of this address is much better preserved by Rosenmiiller : — If ye
find my beloved^ what will ye tell him? That lam sick of love.
Its abruptness well expresses the impatient eagerness of love. 11.
* Bushy, better rendered ,/fotmny. 13. * Sweet flowers,* mounds
of balsams^ or, beds of perfumes. 14. *BeryV topaz. 15. •Coun-
tenance,' aspect,
VI.— 13. * Shulamite,' Shulamith. It is probably the femi-
nine of Shelomoh (Solomon). The latter part of this verse seems
correctly assigned by Rosenmiiller to the bride : — Why do ye look
M 2 upon
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164 Observations on Passages of Scripture. [J^Jy
upon SkuJamith as upon a dance of two hosts 9 It is the expres-
sion of modesty and basbfiilness^
VIL — 5. ' Galleries/ ringlets or tresses. 6. * For delights,' or,
among delights. 9. Rosenmiiller supposes the first part of this
Terse to be an unfinished sentence of the bridegroom, whom sleep
has surprised. And the roof of thy mouth like the best wine — (the
bride nnishes the sentence thus interrupted) — that goeth down
sweetly to my beloved, flowing gently between the lips of those that
are asleep; with allusion to sleep haying overtaken him — ^not
perceiving the change of person has made translators often miss
the ^eat beauty and elegant playfulness of this verse. No other
version I have seen preserves it.
VIII. — 1. ' As my brother/ as a brotlier tome: un mio firatello,
Diodati. 2. The verbs should be rendered in the future tense —
I will lead thee ; thou shalt instruct me ; I will cause thee. That
is, since public familiarity cannot be, ^ I will lead thee, and bring
thee into my mother's house,' &c. 3. We shall, probably, not be
wrong in rendering this verse exactly as in ch. li. 6 ; or, it may
be, 'His left hand shall be,' &c ; ' His right hand shall embrace,'
&c. ; or thus, ^ Let his left hand be,' &c. 5. ' I raised thee up,'
I aroused thee. This ought to begin a fresh verse ; the former
part appears to be spoken by the daughters of Jerusalem. 6.
' Cruel as the grave,' hard^ mars, (or inflexible), as hades,
* Which hath a most vehement flame/ (like) the flame of Jehovah;
i. e.f lightning. 7. ' For love,' for this love. 12. ^ A thousand,'
the thousand.
Teignmouth,
THE DIVISION OF THE EARTH IN THE DAYS OF
tELEG.
By Joseph Tompson.
A BRIEF consideration of the text (Gen. x. 25), * For in the
days of Peleg was the earth divided,' may perhaps enable us to
account for the apparent mystery of finding manxind in islands
remote from continents, which fact I conceive to be but very ill
accounted for by the supposition of men being driven adverse by
winds or carried by currents.
In New South Wales, the islands of the Pacific, and most
others, the European navigators found men — men in make, men
in mind, men in instinct, men in spirituality ; in fine, all evidently
of one family, possessing language and that peculiar feature of
man's nature — progression.
Now,
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Now, men neither drop from above, nor spring from beneath,^
but are the ofisprinff of the two sexes — a fact I particularly note
for the purpose of observing that, admitting the possibility of
winds or currents bearing a frail uncompassed bark some hundreds'
of leagues without sails, there must have been both sexes in the
boat, which, from known habits of aborigines, is highly improbable,
and, taking all casesj imposable ; for it would show a compact in
attempting a desperate enterprise uncongenial with man in a state
of nature, where ease is far before adventure.
But supposing the inhabitants of the continents had resolved to
emigrate, there being no charts, they would have had to steer
without di fixed destination^ which is an absurdity, considering that
known principle of selfish interest which is the more apparent as
men are the more rude.
I would now come to a geological reason, which is, that fossil
remains of the same species are round in the new and old worlds,
especially of the elepnantine specimens : now, from their being
evidently and most unquestionably ^ramm2t?(?r(m«, it becomes a
matter of fact that the beasts^when in existence could not have
traversed from one continent to the other bv the Arctic re^ons,
where alone a communication exists, vegetation not there existing
on which they could subsist during their migration.
The existence in remote islands or on continents of birds of the
same species, and beasts, incapable of long flight in the first
instance, and swimming in the second, and too numerous in their
genera for mere importation, may be deduced as another evidence
tending to the same conclusions, against which the existence of
native species does not militate, inasmuch as the latitudes and
longitudes to which specific species are native are defined by very
fine lines, and on wmch lines the disruption in some cases may
have taken place.
That man is of one common stock is proved, I think, by the fact
of the uniformity of anatomical arrangement (whereas beasts,
birds, ftc^ of the same genus difier in this particular in the most
remarkable manner^ ; by the principle of progression and power
of voice, as before aUuded to ; by the tsjct of corresponding vulues
and vices ; by a reli^on and tne particidar of sacrifice, and by
the hopes and fears of a future state.
The foregoing arguments appear to me conclusive that man did
not emigrate to the remote isiands from the continents, and that
the islands were originally not disjoined from the main land, but
that some great disruption at some remote period ipust have pro-
duced those efiects and appearances which are now so obvious.
This disruption I conceive to have been in the form of our
modem landdips, which carry the cattle, etc., with them, leaving
a chasm
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166 CarreqHmdenee. * [J^^y*
a chasm that intercepts their transition. But as great means were
necessary for great ends, it is easy to suppose the power which
created could increase — nor is it entirely impossible but that
natural causes may have been adequate to the purpose — ^that the
trembling continent may have cracked and fled asunder upheaved
by forces firom beneath, and the ^ mountains may have been carried
into the midst of the sea ' with all that was thereon.
To these arguments of a purely philosophical character, I may
add one reason more from the Bible, in whose first chapter we
find it recorded that the waters were ^ gathered together mto one
place,* which statement "would ill have applied to the gul& and
mland seas of the modem world. The conjecture may further
be hazarded, that the confusion of tpngues at Shinar not having
accomplished its purpose of destroying the combinations of men
for evU purposes, God in his wisdom of vengeance, which com-
bined with mercy, determined to place those extreme barriers
which we now behold with wonder and awe, and which was accom-
plished when we are infi>rmed ^ In the days of Peleg was the
earth divided.'
Islington.
CORRESPONDENCE.
From communications which have reached the Editor, it appears that
bis statement respecting the state and prospects of the Jourual, which
was given in the ' Correspondence * of the last number, has not in all
quarters been rightly understood. It seems to be his duty to correct
any erroneous impressions which may thus have been caused, and he
knows not that this can be done better than by inserting the principal
portion of a letter lately addressed by him to a friend on this very
subject : —
« Mt dear , Wokinffy May lOth, 1848.
I am obliged by your congratulations respecting the Journal of
Sacred Literature ; and I accept them the more cordially from the
conviction of the strong interest you take in the success of this attempt
to establish on so wide a basis an organ expressly devoted to Sacred
literature. But I fear you have too sanguinely interpreted the
expressions employed by me in the intimation given in the * Corre-
spondence ' of the April number. That notification was written under
the influence of the satis&ction which I felt in contemplating the fact
that I had at length succeeded in working out a plan which, as you are
so well aware, has been the cherbhed object of many years, and to
which I have looked forward, not only as to the proper sphere of my
own future usefhlness in this my day and generation, but as an impm^ant
instrument
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1848.] Corr$9pondence. 167
instrument for bringing into operation the means of rendering useful
services to Biblical literature which exist in many quarters, but which
lie dormant for want of an appropriate medium for their exhibition.
You will not fail to perceive that it is not only the object of such a
work to register exertions in the great cause of Biblical literature — in
which every minister of God's word, and every intelligent student of
the Sacred Book, is interested — but to exeiie exertion in every one who
is capable of affording useful contributions to Biblical science, by the
stimulus which the presence of an organ specially adapted to his com-
munications with the public cannot ^1 to afford. That I have not
miscalculated in this is shown by the fact that I already possess^
and the Journal has already contained,^ contributions to Biblical
literature, which would probably never have been produced had the
publication not existed ; as well as many others which, although
written, would either not have been published, or would have been
lost to the general notice of the Biblical public in sectional pub-
lications.
Well, in contemplation of these facts — considering that I had been
enabled to get over the great difficulties, commercial and literaiy, which
exist in bringing forth a Quarterly Journal ; that all the machinery had
come into fine working order much sooner than I had ventured to
expect ; and that all the means for its progressive improvement were in
full operation, I thanked God, and took courage. Perhaps I took too
much courage; though it seemed to me that the statement which was
drawn from me, and to which your letter refers, was sufficiently
guarded in its expressions.
You will see now that the source of my satisfaction — the exciting
cause of my * song of triumph,' as you are pleased to call it, was that I
had been enabled, by the blessing of God upon the means which had
been taken, and by the vigorous aid of the contributors, to lay this my
tribute fsirly before the public. This was a great matter ; and, which
was asgpreat a matter, that tribute seemed to liave been well received.
This is still more clear ito«7, since the appearance of the second number,
if I may venture to judge not merely from the notices which have
appeared in contemporary publications, but from the encouragement
with which many of the most competent judges have, by their letters,
cheered my heart and strengthened my hands.
What I meant therefore to say was, that we, the Editor and Con-
tributors, had pretty well done our part. Our offering has been
brought up to the very horns of the altar ; the priests have pronounced
it a fit offering ; and we have left it there. An attempt has therefore
been made in which even failure were no disgprace to us, though there
lire those to whom our failure would do no honour. This was the
only matter on which we could take credit, or from which any just
satis&ction could be derived. The rest remained, and remains, with
the public ; and I cherish the hope that the public will now do its
part. Considering the difficulties of the times, I am not prepared to
say that it has not. We have made a Mr beginning, as times go ; and
if we can but hold on long enough, while the work gets known, and
while
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168 * Corrupandenee. [July,
while the times mend, there can be no doubt of the result. But this
* holding on' is difficult. The present sale is not enough to defiray
the first commercial expenses, and at least double the circulation is at
aneey or very soon, necessary to make us safe. This being realized,
the publication would be sufficiently well known to ensure its further
progress, and time would be given us to develop all our resources.
£ut lam not $o circumstanced as to be able to carry on this enterprise
long at a loss. My bread, as you well know, is not so abundant that
I can find much to cast even upon these pleasant waters. I cast what
I can — ^more, some say, than I ought ; but I do it in faith — the fiuth
of finding it after some days, be they many or few, in some shape of
advantage to the cause to which I have been enabled to devote the
labours of my life, and which can hardly fail to be promoted by this
attempt, whatever be its result.
I know there are many who, like yourself, would be loth to see me
brought into peril in the attempt to accomplish a useful service to
Biblical literature, and to employ the resources at my disposal in the
way which may, as I conceive, most efficiently advance the glory of
Goid, and the knowledge of His word. I know there are many more,
on whose consideration I have no personal claims, who would be
anxious to see such a work succeed, in the conviction that it supplies a
want in our theological literature, and that the precedent of its failure
would for many years to come discourage any like attempt to supply
that want. On such of either of these classes as are known to you, I
must b^ you to exert your influence, to induce them to employ
theirs in the present and efficient support of this undertaking. Those
who intend to take the Journal in * next year,' or * when times mend,' or
* when they have seen more of it,' must be reminded that their present
support is ess^itial to the success of the undertaking ; and those who
feel the Journal to be an advantage or a necessity to them, must be
made to understand that their continued possession of it depends very
much upon their exertions in making it known, and in promoting its
eireulation. There arcj I am surCy very many who could induce
several persons within their circles of influence to support this publi-
cation ; but it is clear thai if every one of the present subscribers
were to induce even one more to take it tn, the present object^ of safety y
would be secured. You will do much more than your proper share of
tills task ; and if others will do theirs, either as a &vour, a firiendship,
or a duty, all will be well.'
To this Letter we have only to add the information-^which may per-
haps impart a further sttmtdus to the exertions of the friends of this
enterprise — that the Journal of Sacred Literature is no bookseller^ s
speculation^ but is entirely undertaken at the Editor* s own personal risk.
Dr. Dobbin has sent us the following communication in reply to
Mr. Robertson's letter contained in our last Number. We have just
veceived, from another quarter, an article on the typical import of the
ordinanoes of the Day of Atonement, in which the signification of the
ordinance
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oidinaiioe of * the scape-goat ' is considered among tlie rest This we
expect to print in the next Number : —
SiB,-*I am obliged to Mr. Robertson, of Middleton in Teesdale, for
his candid and courteous observations on my paper in the first Number
of the Journal of Sacred LUerature^ and must crave space for a veiy
few and brief remarks on his communication.
1. Mr. B. waves the real point of discussion in suggesting a patri-
archal origin for the ordinance of the scape-goat ; the real question
being, Did the Jews adopt it from Egypt or not ? Dr. Hengstenberg
elaborately maintains the affirmative ; and in his statements in support
of that view lays himself open, as I think, to g^ve censure.
2. The ground Dr. Hengstenberg takes in defence of its Egyptian
origin, that it ^ could scarcely spring up ' in Israel, from Its palpable
reference to devil-worship, ma!kes very decidedly against its being a re-
institution of a patriarchal rite, because in this latter case it would be
unexceptionable in its aspect, innocent and divine.
3. While I fully acquiesce in Mr. Robertson's commendation of the
article Scape-Goat in Kitto's Ct^elopacUa, as a carefully prepared
paper, it is important to observe that it professes to be only a resum^
of Dr. Hengstenberg^s article on the subject in his book on Moses and
Egypt The ability of the compend is only equalled by the candour
of the writer, who, unconvinced by the reasonings he has taken the
pains to present to his readers, thus modestly records his dissent :^-
* The subject is one of the most curious and interesting in Biblical
literature ; but it in also one on which it seems scarcely possible to
realize an implicit conviction: and the present writer, in reporting
the views of another ^ must admit that he^for himself^ has not bwn able
to do so.^ The italics are mine ; but does not the sentiment entitle me
to claim the writer for my side, quite as much as Mr. R. for Dr. Heng-
stenberg's ?
4. I needed not to be told that Azazel is emplc^ed by Jewish writers
to signify the evil spirit or demon of the desert. I had read with some
care Spencer's learned treatise in his book De Legibus Hebrteorum
BituaUbuSj vol. ii. 4to. pp. 450-504, ed. Hagft Comitum, 1686 : nor
did I fidl to make myself thoroughly acquainted with the Jewish tra-
ditions, as given in the Mischna Surenhusii, vol. ii. fol. 226-250,
Amsteladami, 1699, before I sent you my contribution. This latter
so interested me, that I had some intention to translate it, with its
voluminous notes, if thought admissible in the Journal, nor have I yet
given up the idea.
5. Assuming that my interpretation of the dead and scape goats is
correct, as indicating remission by bloodshedding, it by no means
follows that it excludes Mr. Robertson's view, if I apprehend it dis-
tinctly, which I doubt. The ordinance of the goats, in my opinion,
refers to the following parties : —
1 . To the Israelites ; and expresses the sin of the people pmiished
in the slain, and forgiven in the released animal.
2. To the Messiah ; who was delivered for our offences, and raised
again
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170 N€tim<fBo<*8. [July,
agiin fi>r our jwdfieatioD, t. «., the hnmiliarimi» rteurrectioii, and
triumph of Christ. And,
3. To the entire church ; sin reigning unto death, the death of our
surety, and the dese r ve d death of ourselves, and grace reigning unto
eternal life, in our pardon, acceptance, and salvation.
I hope the studied brevity of these remarks has not interfered with
the clearness of my meaning ; but in truth I have as little time as you
have of space for a controversy that I fear will interest few of your
leaders. I am almost apprehensive I shall have to leave any future
notices my papers may be honoured with in reluctant silence, unless
they should be of such a nature as to enforce a public and honourable
recantation of published opinions.
HttU CUUge. Orlaitdo T. DoBBiir.
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
T%e Atmlytieal Hebrew and Chaidee Lexicon : anuMng of tm
Alphabetical arrangement of every Word and Inflection contained
in the Old Testament Scriptures^ precisefy as they occur in the
Sacred Text^ with a Grammatical Analysis of each Word and
Lexicographical Illustration o/* the Meanings. A complete series of
Hebrew and Chaldee Paradigms, with Grammatical Memarhs and
ExpUmations. Bagster and Sons, London, 1848 ; 4to., pp. 874.
Wk cannot look at this book and reflect upon the amount of very pre-
cious time it would once have saved us, while acquiring />rac^<?e in the
Hebrew language, without a pang of regret that it was not many years
ago produced, allayed by the joy that the new generation should possess
so important an addition to the fiicilities aflbrded to it for the acqui-
sition of the sacred language. Mr. Bagster's undertakings in this line
have rendered him a public benefactor ; and with the aids which he
alone has afforded, even if there were no others, it must ere long
become impossible for any minister of God's word, or for any real
student of Scripture, to remain ignorant of the Hebrew tongue, with
any credit or comfort to himself. It is true that the Hebrew is not so
^ easy ' a language, to be thoroughly acquired, as is sometimes idly said.
But although more difficult tlian some langtiages, it is easier than some
others, and, with the present and other helps, which are such as no
other language possesses, the Hebrew offers no difficulties which a very
reasonable degree of persevering attention may not in due time
overcome*
As the study of Hebrew, unlike that of the classical tongues, is
usually taken up in the busies^ period of life, students can hence
rarely secure the advantage of oral instruction long enough to obtain a
complete knowledge of Hebrew; and the entire body of words in the
Hebrew
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Hebrew Scriptures, exactly as they are found in tiw test, an gmn in
alphabetical order, with the usual lexicographical explanations. The
word being thus explained, it is there exhibited with aH its suffixes,
prefixes, and every modification of form it receives in Scripture, with
references to the texts in which they occur. Every word thus laid out
is concisely but fully parsed, its composition explained, and its simple
form and root given. When we add to this that every word is so
arranged as to be found with the utmost fiieility, some idea may be
formed of the great advanti^es it offers to the student of the Hebrew
language. No one need, however, be afraid that it will make the study
* too easy ' to him. There is no royal road to the thorough mastery of
the Hebrew or any other language.
Those especially who seek to qualify themselves for the ministry, too
frequently find their College terms expire without having attained pro-
ficiency. Now experience has shown that multitudes of Hebrew
students, after having overcome the first difficulties under the instruction
of a living teacher, abandon further study for lack of a guide through
the yet untrodden intricacies of the language. The present work,
which embodies the seven years' labour of Mr. Benjamin Davidson, of
the Jews Society's Hebrew College, is designed to meet this state of
things, by supplying the student with the means of making speedy and
sure after-progress. * Its object is to assist him in his practice of the
sacred text, by enabling him to apply the rules he has learned and may
be learning ; and by supplying him with an analysis of every single
word in the entire language, under every form it can assume, it pro-
mises him exemption from the tedium and disappointment of uncer-
tainty in his investigations.' We are bound to say that this object has
been most ably, and satisfiu^torily accomplished.
A Wayfarer^$ Notes on the Shores of the Levant j and the VaUey of
the £f tie : with a I Sketch of the Meligious Feaiwes o/* Syria^ and
an Appendix on the Site ef the Holy Sepulchre, dj Cuthbbrt
G. Young, B.A. Edinburgh, H. Kennedy, 1848. 12mo. pp. xv.
616,
We may recommend this book as furnishing the reader, at a small
expense, with a sensible and clear account of the places visited and
countries traversed during an extensive journey. We have accounts
more or less full, of Malta, Greece, and its isles, Asia Minor, Syria
and Palestine, £gypt, Nubia and Italy. Books of this kind — though
they may not be able to furnish much that is new in the description
of countries so well trodden — are necessary to bring down our informa-
tion to the latest date ; and it is much to our advantage when we are
enabled to secure this benefit at a small cost ; for a rapid succession of
works on Palestine, at from one to two guineas each, is somewhat of
a severe exaction upon the resourcee of the persons for wlKHn such
productions are intended.
The author of the present work is a thoughtful and pious person,
who associates much with the missionaries of the places to which he
came, and is hence enabled to impart much information with regard
to
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172 Notices of BoM. [July,
to their religious state and prospects, in which he obviously takes a
stropg interest He possessed an advantage in travelling of which he
does not appear to have been himself conscious, and which, therefore,
he has not turned to such good account as we should have desired.
This vras in the time of the year in which the journey was made, which
enabled him to see the country under an aspect — ^with respect to
climate and vegetation — in which it is seldom witnessed by travellers.
The time generally chosen for a journey in Palestine ib the spring or
early summer ; but Mr. Young was there in ^November ; and, to the
best of our recollection, is the only traveller besides Cotovic, Gum-
penberg, Des Hayes, and Burckhardt, who have been there in that
mouth-»and of these the last only is a modem traveller. We think
we may therefore pronounce that Mr. Young is the only British
traveller who has spent any part of the month of November in
Palestine. We have, therefore, looked through his pages with the
express view of noting the aspects under which the country presented
itself to his notice at that time of the year. This is a matter of some
importance ; for we have often thought that the impressions concerning
the appearance and vegetation of the country which travellers have
conveyed, are to be re^uded as merely the points of view in which it
was beheld at the season of the traveller's visit ; and that it is only by
balancing the accounts rendered by those who were in the land at
different seasons that a correct notion of the general aspect of the
country can be formed. Thus, for instance, in our country the sum-
mer is glorified by the crops of standing grain — ^but in Palestine the
latest of the harvest is over by June, and the country being denuded of
its crops, and the herbage parched and dried up by the heat and
drought of the summer, a traveller who then traversed the country
would see little to admire or cheer him, and would be inclined to pro-
nounce that all was barren, from Dan even to Beersheba. But very
diflRsrent is the aspect which the same country presents in spring, before
the crops are gathered in, and while the herbage still retains the ver-
dure which the rains of winter and early spring have imparted — or in
autumn, when the return of rain has mollified the earth, and given
life to the root and seeds which it held in its parched bosom. Those
who have visited the country at these seasons will marvel greatly at
the accounts of the blasting and sterility which the summer travellers
describe as having fidlen upon the land.
Mr. Young was at Damascus on the 1st of November, 1846, and
having in the meanwhile passed through the Holy Land, was at el-
Arish, on his way to Egypt, at the beginning of December. Turning
over the one hundred and seventy pages devoted to this month in
Palestine, the following particulars are those that, for the point of
view we have taken, engage our attention. The traveller repeatedly
speaks of heavy drenching rains. In the north, hill and dale are rich
in foliage — ^and the Jordan, when its stream is plainly heard^ is hidden
from view by the Muxuriant foliage' of its banks (pp. 180, 181).
Between Safed and Tiberias heath and furze were abundant, besides
trees of larger growth (p. 185). This, as regards heaih^ is a &ct of
some
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some importance, as it has been ^nerally understood that no heath
{erica) grew in Asia. We trust that Mr. Young was botanist enoueh
to know that wliat he saw was really heath, and not something eue
like it. On the 10th of November the traveller was at Tiberias,
and he finds that the day, Uhough cool for Syria, was like the
English July ' (p. 192). On the lake he saw ^ swallows, which,
like us, had' left Europe to spend the winter in this warm clime'
(p. 193). Between Tiberias and Mount Tabor he < passed through
many fields of tall rank tares, thistles, hemlocks, and dandelions,
all parched and crackling; the new green crop of com was just
above the ground.' The same day, * ^fe tied our horses to a wide
spreading fif^ tree, and under its grateful shade we lunched and reposed.
There were some figs on this tree, and another near it was overloaded
with multitudes of a small size, but none were ripe, for '' the time of
figs was not yet" ' (p. 195). Of Mount Tabor it is said, < the whole
mountain, as well as those near it, was covered with the richest con-
ceivable luxuriance of wild foliage. The rocks were overgrown by
clumps of myrtle and the low valonias' (p. 195). So at Carmel,
' the rocks which abound there were covered with a profusion of myrtle
and other shrubs, which gave a pleasant perfume ' (p. 205). This
was after much rain bad fallen. At the same place, in the middle of
the month, * the day was beautiful, the heat by no means oppressive^ and
I felt the influence of the delightfully mild and soothing air ' (p. 207).
At Jenin, < the cactuses formed hedges for the olive gardens, and there
were a few majestic plane trees ' (p. 210). Notices such as the last are
oi frequent occurrence, though we do not repeat them. At Nablous
(Shechem), ' olives on the hills and in the valleys, and a few light-green
fig-trees surrounded the city ' (p. 212). In the bazaar, at the same
place, * figs old and new were offered for sale, and unripe oranges. I
bought two immense strings for three paras. This land is still the
land of the fig and the pomegranate, the olive and the vine, and hands
alone are wanted to till the soil, and restore it to its former fertility
(p. 214). The valleys of £phraim were found abounding in olives
and fig-trees planted in terraces : ^ The fig-leaves were fiist falling
(Nov. 19), and the fruit of the olive was thickly strewn around them.
The women and children were shaking the trees, and others were
eathering the berries and carrying them off in baskets' (p. 217). At
Jerusalem the valley of the son of Hinnom, * that dreadful Grehenna,'
now < abounds in olive-trees, and did not appear so savagely wild as I
had anticipated ' (p. 236). Near the Pool of Siloam, < the smiling
green of the gardens, in which are cabbages, salads, and other v^;etables,
as well as fruit-trees, olives, and a species of tamarind, from which a
delightful jelly is made, were more than we expected ' (p. 238). At
the Dead Sea, near the end of November (27th), 'The day was such
as is known only in the East There was a sky of the brightest blue ;
fleecy white clouds, settling on the Moab mountains, produced the
richest purple tinge \ the plain of Jordan, extended to the north as far
as the eye could reach, and the long green line of verdure by that
river's banks was refreshing and delightful to look upon. The Dead
Sea,
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174 Notices of Boohs. [July,
Sea, partly fiitoaied by the weather perhaps, looked anything bvit
gloomy ' (p. 251). On the Jordan the traveller ' was not prepared for
such fresh green, and so much of it, along the banks' (p. 261). The
valley of Jer^niah, leading to the plain of Bamleh, was ^ luxuriant in
wild wood, carob trees, and myrtles, which were in flower.' Bamleh
itself *■ is surrounded by olive-yards in the midst of a wide plain, and
there was a delicious freshness in the green carpet around us for miles
on all sides.' The immediate approach thereto was * among thick
hedges of the cactus, through a field of poppies just above the gp^und '
(p. 275). The plains of Philbtia, near Ekeer (Ekron), ' began to be
studded with crocuses, which continued to smile on us all day ' (p. 276).
They were therefore in flower at the beginning of December. At
Ascalon large flg-trees were seen laden with fruit, though at that
season small and green (p. 278). In the southern plain towards el-
Arish, on December 5, the heat was found to be very great from 11
to 3 o'clock ; ^ the crocuses disappeared, wild heaths taking their
place' (p. 284). Then there had been crocuses all through the
Philistian plains at this season, and now approaching the ' so-called
desert,' heaths are found. At el-Arish quarantine was performed
from December 6th to 10th < on the arid sand, under a burning sun
and brazen sky ' (p. 285). Here < there is a noble palm-grove near
the shore, a miniature forest in extent. The dates were ripening in
thick clusters ' (p. 287). At the same time and place — ^ The heat by
day was intense, as in our July, or greater ; and the weather was very
cold at night, accompanied by heavy dews and damp mists until the
sun dispersed them.' During the first two days' journey through the
desert from el- Arish, heaths grew luxuriantly, with occasional clumps
of palm-trees. On the third day's journey the desert was without
heaths, but one or two palm-groves were seen. The desert passed, the
flat country near the Damietta canal ' looked beautiful with its
thousand patches covered with luxuriant verdure ; indeed the fresh-
ness of the green was rich beyond anything that I have seen in
England after spring rains, and yet not a drop of rain had fallen here
for months' (p, 298). This was on the border of Egypt, in the
jniddle of December. In Palestine rain had been plentiful.
The notices we have thus brought together seem to us to form an
interesting series of &ct8, illustrative of the physical condition of
Palestine during a season in which it has been most rarely visited ;
and it will be observed that they extend over the whole length of the
country, from the * waters of Merom ' to the southern wilderness.
The Gospel in Advance of the Age : being a Homily for the Times.
By the Rev. Robert Montgomery, M.A. Third Edition : Edin-
burgh, T.and T. Clark, 1848; 8vo. pp. 508, 250 pages of new
matter.
This work begins with an analysis of < the spirit of the Bible,' which
is a more extensive subject than is announced in the title, and of ' the
spirit of the age,' Each of these topics aflbrds a task of no ordinary
magnitude.
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magnitude. The former involves the philosophy of Revelation, and the
latter an exact acquaintance with the national character. In the state-
ment of the spirit of the Bible, the author devotes Section iv. to the
establishment of the position that ' the Bible proclaims the entire cor-
ruption and total depravity of human nature ;' and adduces in proof of
it the following passages, which we give literatim, ^ God saw that
the wickedness of man was great in the earthy and that evert
IMAGINATION OF THE THOUGHTS OF HIS HKABT WAS ONLT EYIIi
coNTiNUAiiLY.* * JSvery one of them is gone back^ they are ajlto-
OBTHEE BECOME FILTHY, there is none that doeth goody noy not one.'
^ Both Jews and Gentiles are all under sin.' * The heart is deceitful
ABOVE ALL THINGS, and DESPERATELY WICKED : JVko Can know it V
* Tke carnal mind is enmity against god.' The whole world lieth
IN WICKEDNESS.' ^ By NATURE the children of wrathy even as
OTHERS.' ' Ye must be born again.' < If any man be in Christ, he
is a NEW creature.' These Mr. Montgomery gives as ' some of the
attestations of Scripture to the radical corruption of the entire human
race, without one solitary exception/ by which ^ the complexional dif-
ferences of relative character and secular morality which* this world
respects, are melted down into one black identity of our common guilt
and pollution, as we stand in our relation unto I)eity ' (p. 35).
The second part of the volume is devoted to the doctrine of regenera-
tion, which the author thus defines : ^ Hence in principle Hb words,
^* £xcEPT A MAN be bom again," &c. &c., imply and include the
transforming omnipotence of the Holy Ghost, as officially applying
His own REDEMPTIVE WORE, Until the last of the elected is gathered
into his kingdom ' (p. 198). This view of the doctrine pervades the
whole volume, and the passage in St. John's Gospel, from which the
author derives it, is divided into as many heads nearly as it consists of
words (p. 182, &c.), and is discussed * negatively and positively,' and
illustrated by quotations from the wprks of Charnock, Jonathan Ed-
wards, Bishop Hopkins, Truman, &c.
The third part of the volume is entitled, < The principle of Divine
regeneration applied to the character of the age ;' in which the author
says, ' Perhaps we shall find that under the simple but sublime theology
of the words except a maN be born again, &c., there is at once
the wisdom that can alone interpret the real want of the age, and at
the same time suggest the only manner in which that want can be
adequately supplied ' (p. 256). He considers that * our true remedy
exists in the saving action of the church ' (part^3, chap. iv.). He says,
' Now the position we take is this, that man's entire corruption by sin,
and his entire renewal by grace, such as Christ preaches to Nicodemus,
are the two great truths which the officers of our church are bound,
by every mode, means, and instrumentality in their power, to apply
to the festering sores of political excitement, as well as unto all the
teeming miseries and social horrors that are at work around ' (p. 274).
The preceding particulars will convey to our readers an intimation
of the theological doctrines propounded and applied by Mr. Mont-
gomery, but upon the propriety of wKich it is inconsistent with the
plan of this Journal to offer any opinion. •**
HOTiB
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Hora Hebraicee, Critical Observations on the Prophecy of the
Messiah in Isaiah^ chapter IX.^ and on other Passages of the Holy
Scriptures. By Wiluam Selwtn, M.A., Canon of Ely, &c.
London, John W. Parker; Cambridge, Deighton. 1848. 4to.
pp. 130.
This is a specimen of Scriptural criticism, highly creditable to
British research and scholarship ; and those who enter into the spirit
of the author's motto, ' Every particle of gold is gold,' wUl not be dis-
posed to regard the criticism as too minute, or the results as un-
important. The glorious prophecy (Isa. viii. 22; ix. 1-7) has been
viewed with much interest from the high Messianic importance of its
contents ; and hence the gpreat difficulties which some portions of it
offer, have attracted the more attention. Some of these we conceive
that Mr. Selwyn has cleared up, and of others he declares his own
mind undecided— in a spirit of true Christian scholarship, by which we
should like to see such inquiries more generally characterized. So of
the first clause of Isa. ix. 1, which the Auth. Vers, renders ^ Never-
theless the dimness shall not be such as was in her vexation,' he says,—
' It is with great regret I am compelled to leave this danse still slmmded in
obscarity. I have thought mach upon jt, bat cannot yet see light .... I have a
thought respectiug it, but it is far fjrom being sufficiently matured for public
view ' (p. 63).
This is the true reverent mode of dealing with God's word, which
it does one's heart good to witness.
The crowning point of this piece of criticism is to be found in the
conclusions which have been arrived at respecting the first clause of
Isa. ix. 1 : the first two lines read thus in the received text-
ile n^a-jn
which Mr, Selwyn proposes to read
The whole verse is given by the Authorized Version thus : —
' Thou hast multiplied the nation.
And not increased the joy :
They joy before thee according to the joy in harvest,
Or as men rejoice when they divide the spoil.'
It is, as the writer remarks, very evident that there is something
very unsatis&ctory in the received text of this passage and in our own
and the other versions which are founded upon it. * it runs counter to .
the sense of the preceding verse, and of the latter part of the verse itself;
it contradicts the general scope of the prophecy ; it interrupts the full
flow of the prophetic spirit Does not every reader feel that
the
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the word not mars the harmony and consistency and spirit of the
passage?'
His attention being thus drawn to the subject, he perceives that
there b much uncertainty about this very word. Although the
received text has VO noty the keri or marginal reading has v to him^
which also our public version puts into the margin. Some of the
ancient versions follow the one and some the other. But although the
second letter of this word is thus shown to be uncertain, the ^ remains
fixed; and it struck Mr. Selwyn whether it might not once have
belonged to the preceding word, from which it had been separated by
some heedless transcriber; for if we affix it to that word, we not only
remove the embarrassing not^ but obtain a word which makes the
whole beautifully clear and consistent. It then affords the meaning
thus expressed by the writer : —
< Tboa hast maltiplied the gladness^
Thou hast iocreafied the joy ;
They joy before thee aooorduig to the joy in liarVest,
As men are glad when they divide the spoil.'
Those who have paid any attention to the principles of Hebrew
parallelism will see that the text may be said to require the sense thus
produced, seeing that it gives to the first and fourth clauses that rela-
tion to each other, which the corresponding relation between the second
and third clauses shows that they ought to possess, but for which a
perfect discordance is presented by the received text and versions.
We are exceedingly averse to adopt conjectural emendations in the
absence of any MS. authority for them ; but in this case, where the
current reading is not only insuperably difficult, but uncertain, an ex*
planation which has a good foundation in the text as it stands, and
which has the merit of giving a crystal-like clearness to one of the
obscurest passages of sacred prophecy, is well worthy of respectful
attention.
The Mystery of the Gentile Dispensation^ and the Worh of the Mes-
siah, By RiDLET H. Hebschell. London, Aylott and Jones,
1848. 12mo. pp. 319.
This is a well-considered and thoughtful book, by a well-known and
devoted servant of the Lord Jesus, whcx*«e approved labours and tried
earnestness, not less than his abilities and sound judgment, entitle him
to respectful attention, and do honour both to his Hebrew birth and
his Christian profession^ There is much matter for the serious reader
to ponder over in this book.
The title indicates two Dissertations, of which the latter, on the
Work of the Messiah, occupies about four-fifths of the volume. The
first, < The Mystery of the Gentile Dispensation,' is devoted to a con-
sideration of Eph. iii. 1 — 11, in which the Apostle speaks of a ' mys-
tery ' that had been specially revealed to him. If the reader examines
the whole passage, he will see that the arrangement of the words in the
authorized English version seems necessarily to imply that the mystery
VOL. II. — NO. III. N revealed
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178 Notices of Books. [July,
revealed to Paul was — ^ That the Gentiles should be fellow-heirs, and
of the same body, and partakers of his promise in Christ by the Gospel.'
But Mr. Herschell ur^^ that this oould not be the ^ mystery ' alluded
to, because the participation of the Gentiles in the spiritual blessings
of Israel was revealed from the very beginning. The most generally
received explanation is — ^that the mystery consists in the admission of
the G«ntiles into the church of God without submitting to Jewish rites.
But our author conceives that the mystery must be the same to which
the same Apostle alludes in Bom. xvi. 26 ; 1 Cor. ii. 7 ; Col. i. 26*
He sees Uiat the subject which chiefly occupies the prophetic Scriptures
is the glory that was to follow the advent of the Messiah.
There are, it ii tnie, distinct intimations of ^ his coining in humility ;
of his being despised and reiected of men ; a man of sorrows, and
acquainted with griefs ;* but it is not until we are enlightened fay the
Holy Spirit that we see the full devdopement of this * dispensation of
humility,' into which our Lord first entered, and into which his Church
must follow him. This, * in other ages was not nude known unto the
sons of men ;' and it is still hidden from the Jews who believe not in
that further revelation of God's will which came by Jesus Christ ;
who, ^ having received gifts of men,' shed forth the gift of the Holy
Spirit on his disciples, to guide them into all truth. Under the teach-
ing of the heavenly Guide, we perceive how that which at first seems
but a feature of individual chanoter, expands into the characteristic of
a dispensation. We see that previous to the time wh0n Christ is to be
^a great king over all the earth, he is to be the leader and com-
mander of a chosen band, who are to follow in the footstqis of his
humiliation,' to be * planted in the likeness of his death,' and ' buried
with him in baptism.' The chosen band, this Church, is to be, like its
leader, 'despised and rejected of men;' it is to be * hated of all
nations ;' in the world it is to have tribulation ; it is to be in this dis-
pensation as unlike the glorious church of the prophets as his leader, at
his advent in humility, was unlike the mighty Conqueror predicted by
them, who was to subdue all thinss under his feet.
This intermediate state of time, discipline, and education to the Church,
between the first and second advents of its Lord, is, as Mr. Herschell
maintains, the mystery to which the Apostle refers ; and that it was a
mystery is shown by the general expectation of the Apostles them-
selves, that Christ was, at his first coming, to bring in a glorious sove-
reignty ; and by, we may add, those expectations in the early church
respecting the Lord's speedy return in glory, to which the second epistle
to the Thessalonians particularly refers. The author considers that
these expectations were justified by the manner in which the Old Testa-
ment prophets generally overieap the intermediate dispensation, and
* speak of the time when the redemption wrought by Christ shall be
manifested not in the few but in the many.' He shows at length how
inapplicable these representations are to the state in which the Church,
has long subsisted. He will not allow tliat they have been spiritually
accomplished. Indeed he raises a strong protest against the system of
interpretation prevalent in this country (and indicated in the headings
of
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of the chapters and pages of the aathorized Bibles), which refers to the
Christian church all those passages which will not fit into the p<ni
history of the Jews, under the impression that the Jewish national his-
tory is at an end. Many forcible reasons are produced by the author
to show that this impr e s s ion is erroneous.
The larser treatise of the two, that on « The Work of the Messiah '
is in the leading idea less new and striking than the other— «s it
travels over more frequented ground ; but it is interesting and useful,
and sets firm many such original suggestions as indicate the presence
of one of those not very common charac te r s a man prepared by his
attainments, gifts, and habits of mind, to exercise with vigour the good
Protestant right of thinking for himself. We have already, as th^
writer remarlu, many books on the person and work of the Messiah.
These may be divided into two chisses: those addressed to Jews,
which have been chiefly occupied in proving Jesus of Nazareth to be
the Messiah ; and those addressed to Gentiles, the subject of which
has generally been the vicarious atouement of Christ for sin, and the
consequent pardon and acceptance of those who believe in him. The
present work is of wider scope, ^ including not only the deliverance of
the Jews, and the justification of believers, but the redemption of
creation from the curse ; thus embracing the whole work of the -
Messiah as the Saviour of the world (1 John iv. 14), when he delivers
creation from <* the bondage of corruption into the glorious liberty of
the children of Grod." ' Bom. viii. 21. In executing this design the
author glides us pleasantly and intelligently through the Scriptures,
to point out what they teach of Christ and of his work«^not only of his
completed work, but of that which still lies before him. This delicate
part of his subject Mr. Herschell handles in the right spirit— speaking
boldly where his own views are fixed, and caudidly avowing his uncer-
tainty where he feels it. It will have been seen that the second
coming of Christ, to reign on earth over a heavenly and happy king*
dom, is firmly believed by the author. Much that he says throughout
the book has reference to this, and towards the close he solemnly
declares his persuasion that ' the hope and expectation of the coming
kingdom is the best safeguard from all error.'
The Rise and PaU of Rome Papal. By Robcbt Flemino. Be-
printed from the first Edition in 1701 ; with Notes, Prefiice, and a
Memoir of the Author. Houlston and Stoneman, London, 1848.
Robert Fleming was a man weU known and much respected in his
day. His fiither, being ejected from his Scottish living by the operation
of the Glasgow Act, repaired eventually to Hollud, and became
minister of the Scottish church at Rotterdam, in which charge he was,
on his death in 1694, succeeded by his son Robert, who had previously
been in charge of the English Presbyterian church at Leyden. From
this he was in three years induced to remove to London, being chosen
by the Scottish church meeting in Founders' Hall, Lothbury, to be their
minister. In this charge he remained, eigoying the peculiar confidence
n2 of
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180 Notices of Books. [July
of King William, and the friendship of Dr. Tillotson and other persons
of note, of different denominations. The present is one of several
works which he produced, all indicating a powerful and very original
mind ; and the reader who may not be able to enter into all his views,
will nevertheless be constrained to admire his vigour and independence
of thinking.
The principal object of the present work is to give a new solution
of the gprand Apocalyptical question concerning the rise and fall of the
great Antichrist, which he regards as represented by the Soman
Papacy. Mr. Fleming supposes its rise to be announced by the sound*
ing of the fifth trumpet, the consequent &11 of the star from heaven
being an emblem of the departure of the Bishop of Borne from the
heaven of his primitive glory and purity. This first rise of Antichrist
he dates in a.d. 606, when the Pope first received the title of supreme
and universal bishop ; firom which he computes that his reig^, of 1260
prophetic years' duration, will expire in the present year 1848. But
as he reckons that its full rise did not take place till 758, when he
became a temporal prince also, he, by the application of the same num-
ber of prophetic years to that date, computes that the papal kingdom
will continue till the year 2000.
The date 1848, with the present precarious state of the Pope's tem-
poral power, has led to this republication, and has created something
like a sensation with respect to this particular interpretation. But in
point of £ict, what Fleming really means is, that it is the spiritual
authority of the Pope as universal bishop which should be affected in
1848, but that his temporal authority as prince of the Roman state
would remain till 2000. Now it does not appear that the spiritual power
of the papacy, or rather the influence of the papal system, is in a state of
decline, or is in instant danger of any fatal blow ; nor would this power be
much afiected by the loss of the small principality which constitutes the
Pope's temporal state ; but if he did lose that temporal state, which is
all that is in present danger, and if the Pope were actually deposed and
Rome proclaimed a republic, as was lately rumoured, this, so far from
confirming, would falsify Fleming's calculation, seeing that it allows
the temporal power to stand till the year 2000.
We have before us a volume composed of various treatises of Robert
Fleming, some of which are now difficult to obtain : one of them is the
reprint, in 1793, of the present treatise. That reprint was occasioned
by a conjecture as to something that might happen to the French
monarchy before 1794, just as the present reprint is occasioned by the
intimation respecting 1848. What he says on this subject is, that the
fourth vial, poured out upon the sun, so that men were burned with
fire« and instead of being thereby turned to God, blasphemed his name
the more, must be understood of the humiliation of some eminent
powers in the Romish interest, produced by wars between themselves ;
and as these powers are those of France and Austria, he looks chiefly,
but not exclusively, to them, and sees the fulfilment of the first part
in the wars in Flanders, about the middle of the seventeenth century —
for this vial, he thinks, commences in 1648. The powers were to tor-
ment
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ment one another ; and as, therefore, France had tormented Austria,
Fleming expected that France would be tormented in her turn. He
had, he thought, seen the beginnings of this in the humiliations consum*
mated by the then recent peace of Ryswick, which obliged France to
resign all her acquisitions in Flanders. He considers that the doom of
this vial was to reach its highest pitch in 1717 (no very remarkable
year, as it happened), and ' will run out about the year 1794.' On this
system, which appears to us as fanciful as many other Apocalyptic cal-
culations, Fleming says : ' I cannot but hope that some new mortifica-
tion of the chief supporters of Antichrist will then happen ; and
perhaps the French monarchy may begin to be considerably humbled
about that time.' As he explains his meaning, he clearly intends that
by contests between the chief supporters of the papal system, the
strength of France would be so broken that it would sink below the
level of the neighbouring states, and cease to be * a first-rate power in
Europe.* But people caught at the words * The French monarchy
may begin to be considerably humbled,' and fiincied that, as Louis XVI.
was about to suffer on the scaffold, all had come to pass as he predicted.
But he had looked to something very different. By Uhe French
monarchy ' he meant the state or power of France as a nation, without
a thought as to its form of government ; and the humiliation he con-
templated was to the nation by the action of foreign nations, which would,
as we should now phrase it, reduce France to the rank of a third-rate
power. The conjecture with respect to 1794 has therefore been no
more fulfilled than that respecting 1848 is likely to be; for although
France has thrice cast off her kings, she has not ceased to be a first-rate
power, and there have perhaps been fiew periods of her history in
which that power has been relatively more formidable for defence or
for aggression than at this moment.
Sermons by the late Bev, Nathaniel Morren^ A.M.^ Minister of the
First Charge, Brechin ; to which is prefixed a Memoir of the
Author. Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh, 1848. 12mo. pp.
xxxvi. 286.
This volume comprises thirteen sermons, prefixed by a memoir of
the learned and excellent author, whom we had occasion to mentioif
in the first number of this Journal. The memoir is a pleasing notice
of the uneventful life of a scholar and minister, and has certainly not
the common &ult of being disproportionately large for the subject — on
the contrary, we judge that it might have been made larger with advan-
tage. Mr. Morren, as appears from this memoir, accomplished the
following literary labours : a work (not completed) on Biblical Theo-
loay ; translations of Rosenmiiller's Biblical Geography of Central
Asia, and part of the same author's Biblical Botany^ for Clark's
Edinburgh Cabinet Library ; Annals of the Assembly {pi the Scottish
Church); articles in the Cyclopcedia of Biblical Literature ; contri-
butions to M'Phail's Ecclesiastical Journal ; a portion of the notes of
the Imperial Family Bible ; the notes of Blackie's Pocket Bible;
a work
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H work on Church Politics, with reference to the questions which
agitated the Scottish Church at the time of its appearance ; and some
tracts on the same subject, in which he seems to have interested him-
self very much. 'This seems a good deal of work for a man having
a pastond charge, and who died at the comparatively early age of
forty-nine (March 28, 1847) ; but it seemingly bears but a small
proportion to what he had designed to execute — ^for men of his cast,
however great have been their labours, usually die--at whatever age —
with the somewhat reg^retful impression that they leave a great part
of the intended lat>our of their lives unaccomplished.
The sermons are very good ; and, without any parade of learning or
quotation, are full of substantial biblical knowledge, as well as of
ripened Christian experience. All will see their informing ciiaracter,
though only the biblical student will detect that this arises from the
quiet way in which the author has fused down with the mass of his
own thoughts the results of extensive reading and of elaborate critical
investigations. We were prepared for this, but not for the fine imagi-
nations, expressed in elegant words, which these pages occasionally
embody.
Sacro-PoUHca, The Rights and Relations, Civil and Spiritual^ of
the Anglican Church, examined toith and tested hy the Laws of
England and the Principles of the British Constitution. By
R. C. Sewell, D.C.L., Barrister-at-Law, Fellow of St. Mary Mag-
dalene College, Oxford. London, Bell, 1848. 8vo. pp. 91.
The subject treated of in this masterly work, by a learned civilian,
though always of great abstract imp<Nrtance, is rendered especially
interesting by the present position of most countries of Europe.
The inquiry into the foundations of Government, both in Church and
State, which hais hitherto been the occupation of learned leisure, is now
called for by the grave emergency of forming or improving systems of
legislation. The reader will find in this pamphlet a lucid account of
the immense change in our system which took place at the Reforma-
tion, and a comprehensive history of all the legal bearings of that event,
with many curious anecdotes of that memorable period, together with
specimens of the opinions and reasonings of its principal actors. It
will be read with peculiar advantage by those who are interested in
the g^duai re-ascendancy of the Romish church in this country. *^*
Lectures on the Acts of the Apostles. By John Dick, D.D. Third
Edition, corrected. Glasgow, Ogle and Son. 12mo. pp. 452.
We are glad to see a third edition of a work so well known and so
highly appreciated as Dr. Dick's Lectures on the Acts, which has
been for some time out of print. Works of this kind, and so ably
executed as this, deserve all encouragement, and indeed never fail to
obtain it ; for we have always found them to be most acceptable to all
religious readers, and we believe that few descriptions of theological
books
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books are better calculated to create and foster a taste for Biblical
Literature. The present work is one of the best of its class, and were
it not already so wellJLnown we should feel it a duty to direct particular
attention to its great merits. .
Lectures on the Bible to the Young ; for their Instruction and Ex-
citement. By John Eadis, LL.D. Edinburgh, Oliphant and
Son. 12mo. pp. 152.
This it a yery intefesting and iDstructiTe Kttle book, by the talented
successor of Dr. Dick, in the chair of Biblical Literature of the
United Presbyterian Church. The Lectures bear the titles of Read
the Bible— Understand the Bible— Believe the Bible— Remember
the Bible— Practise the Bible— Circulate the Bible. It is stated
that —
* Though written £>r the risinff generation, these plain addre«e8 are not neant
for mere children, ffinplicity has indeed been aimed at in their style and arrange-
ment, in order to adapt theon to a class of juvenile readers whose minds hsTS
already emoyed tome previons training and discipline. They ase desicned to
stimulate thought, as well as impart information. The object of their publication
is not only to promote present improTement, but also to foster in the youthfU spirit
a hallowed taste for further study in the best of all the sciences. As conducive in
some measure to the same desirable aid, brief quotations of sanctified genius, from a
few authors not nsnally fiuniliar to the young, have been occasionally introduced.'
These quotations are very interesting ; and the work may be recom-
mended as an excellent speciment of a very superior class of books for
religious youth, which the advanced cultivation of the age demands,
and which we hope to see greatly increased.
The Pastor's Gift ; or^ A Manual of Pastoral Instruction. In Letters
from a Pastor to his Flock. By Auexardeb Gordon, M.A,
London. Snow, 1848. 16mo. pp. 126.
The * Listniction ' of this little book is of a practical nature ; and as
tlie subjects embrace the whole range of Christian duty and privilege,
are of universal concernment. They .are suited to be useful and profit-
able far beyond the range of the circle of the author's own flock, for
whose benefit they are primarily intended. We cordially recommend
this ' Manual ' as a useful and interesting addition to any fiunily library.
The letters are sixteen. The whole are pervaded by a fine catholic
spirit and genial temper, which it is cheering to' witness, and which it
is our duty to encourage. The following passages from the tenth letter,
' On the Way to promote Unity among Christians,' will show this.
After lamenting the divisions into which the Church is rent, the author
gives the following useful ^ hints ' as to the course it behoves a Christian
to take : —
< 1. Tbk€ care always when coiled to expreae difference (^opinion, that it be done
with aelf'diffidewt modesty, ^^llm is no proof that you are unsettled in your Tiews.
The greatest selfdiflfideuce is perfectly compatible with the most enlightened and
firmly held sentiments. It merely proves that you do not regard yourselyes, what
indeed none upon earth are— as in&llible. Truth and modesty are twin sisters.
Self-confidence
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184 Notices of Books. [July,
Self-KX>Dfideiice is % proof of self-ignorance, but is no CTidence of tmth. Whoever
states his opinions, how much soever they may differ from those eutertuned and
cherished by others, firmly, but modestly, precludes offence, paves the way for
their candid consideration, and in the end, perhaps joyM reception.
' 2. Concede readily to others the privilege you claim for yourselues^-that of Judging
for themselves. — You think they are in error on some points, but they have the very
same right to think you are in error. In the exercise of the right of private judg-
ment you and they have come perhaps to different conclusions on the same subject
While, therefore, you may regret thb want of unanimity, you are bound to honour
the principle of independent thought which has led to it.
' 3. Beware of exalting your peculiar views above others of greater importance on
which there is a perfect agreement, — Men are naturally apt to forget their agree-
ments in looking at their differences. This is to manifest more concern about the
top-stone in the building — than either the chief corner stone or the foundation.
Concern for the feet ana inferior members of the body must not be suffered to
absorb attention to the neglect of the head, the bosom, or the right arm. Let
agreement, therefore, on the great leading points of the Christian faith, which must
exist among all true Christians, always have its due weight It affords a broad
foundation for Christian love. Let not the people of God, bought with the blood
of Christ, and sanctified by His spirit, holding with equal firmness the doctrines of
his incarnation, supreme divinity, atonement, justification by fiiith — partakers of the
same hope, and ripening for the same heavenly inheritance, lose signt of, or forget
in their zeal for some mmor peculiarities, that agreement by which they are all one
in Christ Jesus.
'4. Never depreciate or appear to overlook the excellencies tf brethren who differ
from you. — These are sometimes both numerous and very considerable. Are they
zealous? Honour them for it Are they generous ? Commend them for it Are
they active? Let them have all due praise. Some professors of religion seem
almost blind to every form of excellence beyond the precincts of their own party.
Away with such sectarian meanness. Wherein others excel, strive ye to excel also ;
and let them have all due honour for what is truly honourable. No man can ever
add to his own laurels, by attempting to undervalue or pluck those of another. True
greatness of soul, while it refnses to flatter, is too magnanimous to hide or depreciate
real excellence in whomsoever it appears.
* 5. Be ever ready to co-operate with Christians holding different sentiments in
every good work. — ft is wonderful what happy effect such co-operation frequently
has. Working together, aiming at the same ends, and guided by similar motives,
men naturally become assimilated in their habits, conformed in feeling, one in
heart as well as in action. Thus their hearts become knit together in love. Besides
they get to know each other better, and this is of great consequence. Much of the
alienation of heart amonff Christians arises from ignorance of each other's feeling
and character: kept asunder through the influence of their respective prejudices, and
looking at each otiier through the medium of sectarian distinctions, they are apt to
entertain views of each other very different from what they find to have been true
on more intimate acquaintance.'
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BIBLICAL INTELLIQENCE.
Dr. Samuel Datidson sends ns the following partionlars of a Hebrew manascript,
the property of a lady in Liyerpool, which he has recently examined. It is a MS.
of the Pentateach, very beautifully and correctly written on skins. The length is
fifty -two yards, and the breadth a little more than two feet Dr. D. thinks it pro-
bable that it was a synagogue roll. As to the aire, it is known to be extremely
difficult from the shape of Uie letters, the nature of the skins, &c., to judge of the
age of a Hebrew manuscript ; but Dr. D. thinks it certainly above 100 years old,
but would not like to vouch for its being more than 200. By some, however, it
has been considered 800 years old. It is, at any rate, a beautiful codex, admirably
written, in excellent preservation, and would be a valuable acquisition to any col-
legiate or biblical library.
As we know that not a few of our readers take interest in the late Dr. Traill's
translation of Josephus, the publication of which was interrupted by the death of
the translator, we are glad to be able to state, on the authority of the editor (Isaac
Taylor), that the next following Part, being the first of the second volume, will
speedily appear. This volume will complete the History of the Jewish War.
Mr. Barker, formerly British consul at Tarsus, has written a history of Cilicia,
which is soon to be printed. It is said to be of no consequence as to the ancient
history, but that it contains much important matter with respect to the history of
the country in modem times, and its present condition.
There is a prospect that Col. Chesney's long-expected history of his Euphrates
expedition will ere long be produced. The delay has been occasioned by his ap-
pointment to China, and by the loss of many of his manuscripts.
We have received from Professof Bush, of New York, his new periodical 7%€
New Church Repository and Monthly Review. It is, as the second title expresses^
and as the existing views of the editor might lead us to expect, ' devoted to the ex-
position of the philosophy and theology taught in the writings of Emmanuel Sweden-
borg ;' but from the known abilities and attainments of the editor, is likely to contain
matter of general Biblical interest. The second (February) number contains a
curious paper on the Druidism of Ancient Britain ; its doctrines, rites, correspond-
ences, &c., reviewed and compared with those of the ancient church.
In the United States (Boston) a Bible has been published by Israel Alga, M.A.,
called the Pronouncing ^ible, * containing the Old and New Testaments, the proper
names of which, and numerous other words, are accurately accented in the text, and
divided according to the system of John Walker.' This is a useful idea, and it is
a matter of wonder that it has not been earlier executed.
At New York a new quarterly theological journal is to make its appearance on
the 1st of July under the title of the Tlieoloaical and Literary JovamaL The editor
is David N. Lord ; and it will be devoted chiefly, but not exclusively, to the inter-
pretation of prophecy.
At Montreal, Canada, a new magazine was commenced in January, entitled The
Colonial Protestant^ and Journal of Ziterature and Science, edited by the Rev. J.
M. Crump and Rev. F. Bosworth, assisted by ministers of various denominations.
It is in 8vo., 32 pages. The first number is edited with much ability, oontaininff
an unusual amount of valuable matter. It is, as its title indicates, specially designed
as a bulwark of Protestantism against the assaults of Popery.
Among the new periodicals in the United States is the Church Review and
Ecclesiastical Register, a Quarterly, issued at New Haven. It is devoted to the
interests of Protestant episcopacy, and promises to be conducted with taste and ability.
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A monthly publication, of 64 octaTo pages, has been commenced in the United
States, by the American Evangelical Alliance, called The Christian Union and
Religious Memorial,
Another monthly publication, called The Family Chaplain and Church Chronicle,
edited by the Ber. David Brown, is announced.
A work, from the German of Tholuck, is announced for puUication in the United
States, under the tiUe of Festal Chimes and Sabbath Musings, or the Circle of the
Christian Year.
A single Index to the subjects treated of in the principal Reviews and M acannes^
English and American, would be much prised by literary men and stu&nts, to
whom it would render a vast body of important research and disquisition available
without the immense expenditure of time and labour which the attempt to trace
such materials at present involves. We therefore are truly glad to learn that some
gentiemen of Yale College, in the United States, have prepared such an Index,
which is now actually in tiie press. It will be confined to those publications which
have not issued complete indices of their own ; and these are numerous and im-
portant We shall be much disappointed if the principal theological publications
are not included. We are not oware that any of these has provided its readers with
a general index except the American BibUcal Repository.
The proprietors of the Publisher's Circular have in preparation a Greneral Cata-
logue G« all the books published in the United Kingdom since 1837, with a useAil
Appendix, comprehending a Classification or Index. A good catalogue of modem
books, arranged so as to be practically of easy reference, would be regarded by
students and literary men as a valuable acquisition.
We have received, firom the author, a most erudite and remarkable work which
must be regarded as indispensable to all who take interest in chronological in-
quiries. It is entided Ueber den Altenjudischen Kalender, zunSchst in seiner Bezie*
hung zur Neutestamenlichen Geschichte, &c, von Johannes von Gumpach. Maqoardt,
Briissel und Leipzig, 1848 — * On the Ancient Jewish Calendar, principally in its
relation to New Testament History, a Chronological, Critical Investigation, and
aid to Gospel Harmony.' There is no matter of difficulty within the scope of his
subject which the author does not investigate and in many cases illustrate. The
title will, however, convey no idea of the multifarious knowledge which this work
embodies, and the numerous biblical questions which the author finds occasion to
illustrate. We find, for instance, an interesting view of Joshua's miracle, on which
subject the author has &voured us with a more detailed statement, for which we
shall find room in the next number of the Journal. The book itself we hope to
notice more fully on another occasion, and think it right meanwhile thus to record
its appearance.
We have received a most elaborate and learned work on Solomon*s Temple, in its
Relations to Sacred Architecture, an octavo volume of 355 pages, by Dr. fiihr, of
Karlsruhe, which appears to us far to surpass all the works on this subject which
have yet appeared. The author j^pples manfblly with all the real difficulties of
the subject, and succeeds in throwing light upon many of its obscurities. The title
of the book is Der Salomonische Tempel mit Berucksichtigung seines Verhaltnisses
zur heiligen Architectur vberhaupt, Karlsruhe, 1848. The scope of the work and
the fulness of its investigations may be seen from a brief synopsis of the contents of
the four chapters of which it is composed. 1. Introduction. — Subject of inqniry---
End and aim of the inquiry— Summary statement of earlier inquiries. 2. The
Temple generaUv. — General description of the temple— General importance of the
temple — Critical view of the most recent explanations of the temple generally.
3. The Temple, particularly in its principal divisions. — The house with its adjacent
buildings— The two divisions of the building^-^The fore-court. 4. The Utensils ^
the TempU.— The utensils of the holy of holies— The utensils of the holy— The
columns Jachin and Boaz*— The utensils in the fore-court 5. Solomon's Thnple
confronted with the Sacred Buildings ^ other Nations. — Belation to Egyptian and
JPhosnician temples — Relation to heathen temple architecture generally — Belation
to Christian church architecture. The last chapter is of peculiar antiquarian inte*
resti,
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rest, and we shall perhaps find an eariy opportnnity of making our readers ao-
qoamted with its contents.
We haTe received, from the editor, the Rer. Ew W. Kmmmacher, of Dnisbnrg^
one yearns issue of a periodical of some standing, with which we had no prerions
acquaintance, but which we think likely to be aooeptable to manT in this coontry
who are acquainted with the German language. It bears the title of ManeherUi
Gabem wid ein Geist—^Mtoiy Gifts and One Spirit;' — b^§[, it is added, * A Col*
lection of Evangelical Testimonies, chiefly frcmi the Pmsuan Rhine Provinces.'
Each monthly number, which is not bulky or dear, contains three sermons, mostlr
of a practical nature, and calculated to give a much more favourable notion than if
asuaUy entertained in this countrv of the style and spirit of modem German preach-
ing. The authors are esteemed German pastors, and the names of some of them
have reached this country. The great proportion are furnished by the five Krum-
machers, Ball of Elberfeld, Graber of Gemarke, Hermann of Elberfeld, Keller of
Mnltheim, Maas of Neuwied, Roffhack of Gemarke, Rudolf of WulArath, Wortmann
of Ruhroth, &c The agent for this country is Mr. Frans Timms, of 88, New Bond
Street.
There has been recently pablished at Berlin a work called the Handbook qf
Eccienasiical Oeoortq>hy aiut Statistics, Jrom the tiwie (f this Apostles to the bogimning
3r the Sixteenth Century, by J. E. Th. Wiltsch, from the best anthorilies. It w
ivided into two parts: the first, fh>m the death of Christ to the pontificate of
Gregory VII., or fh>m ▲ jk S3 to 1073 ; the second, from the pontiticate of Gregory
yil. to that of Leo X., or firom a.d. 1073 to 1521. Such a work was mnoh wa^ed.
We have not yet seen it ; but if we find it well exeooted, we shall fiimish a further
account of it
Austrian Universitiss, — The nine Austrian nniverslties, Vienna, Prague, Padua,
Pesth, Pavia, Lemberg, Gratz, Innspmck, and Ohnlitz, contained, aecording to the
last published accounts, 419 professors and assistants, and 15,794 students. The
state expenditure for these seminaries is about 670,000 ffulden per annum. The
sum of 33,072 gulden is given to 446 students as stipends. Besides these universitiea
there are in Austria six mstitntions for the study of medioine, twelve for sorgical
and veterinary studies, twenty-six for juridical, 114 for theological, and 124 Ibr
philosophical.— ^t&/to(A0oa Sacra, Feb. 1848.
Bv recent letters fh>m Syria we learn that a societr, mainly composed of young
Arab scholars, lately fbrmed in Beirut, have purchased, in one erilection, 500
Arabic MSS. They are nearly all Moslem, and many of them very old ; some of
them between 700 and 800 years. The character is extremely bieautifbl. The
library belonged to a noble family, so reduced as to be obliged to sell it. It is par*
ticularly rich in Moslem theoloffy, law, grammar, rhetoric, and logic, with a fkir
proportion of mathematics, medicme^ history, and philosophical works. The society
m eight months have procured 700 volumes. — BibUothsca Sacra, Feb. 1848.
The second edition of the second and last volume of the dictionarjr, French and
Turkish, of M. Bianchi, for the use of travellers, consular agents, &c., in the Levant,
has been published. Both volumes comprise 2300 pases. The work is said to be
very satisfactorily done. The price is 60 francs. — Bimiotheca Sacra, Feb. 1848.
A valuable grammar of Hindoui was published in 1847, entitled Rudiments de
la Langue Hindoui, by M. Garein de Tassy, 8vo., price 10 fhmcs. The Hindoui
is one of the languages which were fbrmed in India at the era when the Sanscrit
ceased to be spoken. It is the language of the middle ages of those countries. It
forms the transition between the Sanscnt and the modem Hindoustani, somewhat as
the Romance langua^ signalised the passage fh>m the Latin to the French. The
Hindoustani is the mixed laa^|;uage which was formed towards the begiiming of the
eleventh century, in the tram of the Moslem invasion. The conquerors, having
established themselves in the provinces where Hindoui was spoken, were necessarily
compelled, in adopting the idiom of the conquered, to modify the grammar some-
what, to soften the forms, and to bring in a great number of Arabic and Persian
terms. Besides, faithfbl to a system universally followed by them in all the coun-
tries where they have the preponderance, the^ compelled the use of the Arabic
alphabet The Hindi is the Hindoustani vmtten in Sanscrit characters. The
Hindoui
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188 Biblical InteUigence. [July,
Hindoai was the idiom of the Hindoos before the Moslem iDvasion, used in many
countries ; the Hindoustani is spoken by the Moslems of India, and the Hindi by
the Hindoo Brahmans. The Hindoustani is in India what the French is in Europe.
The Chinese excepted, it is spoken by more people than any other language. But
the Hindoui is of greater importance for the philologist, the archseologist, the theo-
logian, and the philosopher. It is of this language that M. Garcin de Tassy has
prepared a grammar, which may be regarded as an entirely new work. It is pre-
ceded by a yery interesting introduction. — Bibliolheca Sacra, Feb. 1848.
The Frankincense Tree, — In the eleyenth number of the Journal of the Bombay
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, the fourth article is 'A Description of
the Frankincense Tree of Arabia, with remarks on the Misplacement of the Libano-
p borons Region in Ptolemy's Geography.' By Assistant-Surgeon H. J. Carter,
Bombay B^tablishment Of this the Cfriental Christian Spectator states : —
' Dr. Carter finds by actual observation and inquiry that the thuriferous district
of Arabia is situated in the middle part of the south-east coast We are not
certain, however, that he has convicted old Ptolemy of a blunder. He has, we
think, been partly misled by Mercator's map. That of Dr. Vincent makes Ptolemy
at one with our author. Ptolemy himself does not place the thuriferous district in
Oman, like Mercator, but under the mountains of the Asabi, near the Cattabani.
Ptolemy's district of the Omanits is obviously much more restricted than that of
the modem Oman (vid. Ptol. Geog. p. 154). We are inclined to think, with Dr.
Carter, that it may have extended &rther to the west than the modern province.
* Of the Frankincense Tree Dr. Carter gives us the following account : — " In
addition to India, and that part of Arabia which I shall presently point out, the
Frankincense Tree is found in great abundance in Eastern Africa, on the lime-
stone mountains which extend westward from Cape Gardafui through the country
of the Somalis ; I have seen a living specimen in foliage brought from thence, and
large quantities of the gum which is imported at Makalla for re-exportation to India :
both the produce and the tree of Africa and Arabia appear to be the same, and I
have BO doubt from Rumph's description of the Canarium hirsutum in Am^yna,
we may also Rifely extend its geographical distribution eastward to the Molucca
Islands. Ibn Batuta calls the tree al kanduru .Jodt* '^^ &"^ '^ called by the
Arabs laban ^^UJ. The Mahras call the tree maghratft (Tshehazj^t^ *> (Jl^jk^
and the gum ahedaz •^s^ » ^*** *^« ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^"^ ^^^^ "* *>^^y ««°®-
rally understood among the inhabitants of that part of Arabia in which the tree
grows. The gum is procured by making longitudinal incisions through the bark
m the months of May and December, when the cuticle glistens with intumescence
from the distended state of the parts beneath : the operation is simple, and requires
no skill on the part of the operator. On its first appearance the gum comes forth
white as milk; and, according to its degree of fluidity, finds its way to the ground,
or concretes on the branch near the place from which it first issued, from whence
it is collected by men and boys employed to look after the trees by the different
families who possess the land in which they grow. It is curious to observe how
correct the ancients were in many of their remarks concerning the Frankincense
Tree, and in their description of that part of Arabia' in which it grew ; curious,
because in our days no one thinks it worth his while to go beyond the bare coast-
line of Southern Arabia. Theophrastus and Pliny have written, that it was only
to be found in a particular part of Arabia, and that the name of the country in
which it grew was Saba, the capital Sahota, which was eight days' journey from
the thuriferous region. The tree was about five cubits high and much branched,
with leaves like those of the Acacia, and of an herbaceous green colour ;— a de-
scription almost sufficient to enable one at the present day to fix immediately upon
the tree in that part of Arabia where it grows. It grew on the mountains ana in
the valleys beneath, and from the former small streams flowed into the plains.
The soil was sub-argillaceous, sandy, and of a red colour inclining to white. To
obtain the gum, slits were made in the bark, but no portion was cut away ; that
part of the incense which adhered to the tree when taken off, carried with it por-
tions
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tioDB of the bark. The moontains and woods where it grew were divided among
the Sabians, and there was a strict fhith observed towards each other respecting the
parts they severally possessed ; bat for the disappearance of the Sabians and their
towns I coold not offer a more correct description." '
The Jordan and the Dead Sea. — A paper on this subject, by the late Lieutenant
Molyneux, of H.M.S. Spartan, was read at the meeting of the Geographical Society,
on May 27. The following account of it is from the Athenoeum of April 1 : —
' On the 20th of August last, Lieutenant Molyneux landed at Acre, taking with
him three volunteer seamen and an interpreter ; and havine hired camels, horses,
and attendants, he started early the next morning with the ship's dingey en route to
Tiberais. For the two first hours the road was excellent On nearing the village
of Abilin its character altered : the country became hilly, and some awkward passes
were encountered. The village of Taran was reached the same nisht, after ten
consecutive hours of travelling. On the following day the party arrived at Tibe-
rais, where they encamped outside the walls of the town, and near the edge of the
lake. Immense herds of camels were seen feeding in different directions. From
the hills overlooking Tiberais the prospect was magnificent ; Djebel Sheikh,
smothered in clouds, was distinctly seen to the left, beannff N.N.E. ; in front were
the blue waters of Tiberais, surrounded by fine ranges of hills ; and to the left of
Djibel Sheikh the white ruins of Szafed. On the 23rd they embarked on the lake,
which is described as being larger than generally laid down : from Tiberais to the
eastern shore, not less than eight or nine, and nt>m the entrance of the Jordan on
the north to its exit at the south end, eighteen miles ; the latitude of the northern
extremity of the lake is 82° 49^ 9" about three and a half miles to the south of the
point usually marked. The Jordan is described as shallow, and crossed by numerous
weirs, which greatly obstructed the passage of the boat In many places it might
have been crossed bv stepping from stone to stone, without wetting the shoes ; its
waters are muddy and fUll of fish ; its coarse tortuous in the extreme, and some
waterfidls were found. Great reluctance was manii^ted by the natives towards
the proposed descent of the river, and every possible obstacle thrown in the way.
The Sheikhs demanded in some cases exorbitant sums for permission to pass through
their provinces ; and altercations, annoying and incessant, were generally terminated
by a display of fire-arms, and the thr^t to shoot them, anless they allowed the
party to proceed.
* On the 3rd of September, Lieutenant Molyneux embarked on the Dead Sea.
The breeze gradually ft-eshened, till there was ^uite enouffh sea for the dingey.
Steering about south by west, large patches of white frothy foam were several times
passed, and as the sea got up, there was heard a most unusual noise, something like
breakers a-head. At 2 a.m. on the 4th, considering they must be approaching
the south end of the sea, they hauled to the wind, and stood over towards the
western mountains, and at daylight were about five miles from the peninsula.
From Ras-el-Feshkah to the north, nearly down to the peninsula to the south, the
mountains on the western side rise, almost like a perpendicular wall, to the height
of 1,20() or 1,500 feet The peninsula is connected with the mainland by a low
neck, so that at a distance it would be considered an island. Having arrived at
what was thought to be the deepest water, soundings were obtained at 225 fathoms ;
the arming of me lead was clean, with some pieces of rock-salt attached to it Two
other casts of the lead were taken at different times: one gave 178, the second 183
fiithoms, with bluish mud or clay. The water throughout the Dead Sea is of a
dirty, sandy colour, resembling that of the Jordan ; it is extremely destructive to
everytliing which comet in contact with it, particularly metals, and produces a very
unpleasant, greasv feel, when allowed to remain on the skin ; it has also an ob-
noxious smell. At noon on the 5th, they returned to the tent whence they had
embarked, thoroughly done up and thankftd for having escaped. Every thing and
body in the boat was covered with a nastj slimy substance from the water; iron
was corroded, and looked as if covered with coal-tar. No fish or any living thing
-WBB found in the water of the Dead Sea. A broad strip of white foam, running
nearly north and south, throughout the whole length of the sea, was observed, not
commencing where the Jordan empties itself, but some miles to the westward ; it
appeared to be constantly babbling and in motion, and over this, on both nights,
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WM a white line of dood. hx alwre Ae sarftee. HaTing difembarked, the dingey
was aecared apon the backs of two camels, and the party proceeded to Jenualem —
within the wsJls of wlueh town entered the boat of a British ship of war. liea-
tenant Molyneox returned by way of Jaffii, and died shortly after his retom to his
ship.'
Sacaed Gboobaphy. — ^At a late meeting of that praiseworthy institution the Ame-
rican Ethnographical Society, lately established, a letter was read from the eminent
geographer Dr. Carl Bitter to Dr. Robinson. The letter is printed in the American
JMerarjf Worlds but is too long for as to insert here. The following is the part likelj
to interest our readers from its reference to Palestine : — * It appears to me that this
Holy City (Jemsalem) will yet, for a long time to come, offer a rich field for inves-
tigation, to which you yonrself first opened the way, showing the plan on which
fatare operations most be oonducted, and awakening the dry bones of antiquity to
a new Ufe. It seems that absolutely certain results, in researches of thb nature,
can be reached only with great difficulty, because one may set out with such differ-
ent points of view ; thou|^ here, as elsewhere, the calculation of probabilities will
produce a constantly nearer approximation to the truth ; and the inyestieations are
always prodactiTe of fhiit, eren where the main object cannot be attained. To the
Poseyism of Williams and the levity of Schnlts, you have doubtless administered a
prober rebuke. Another opponent, however, has arisen against you in the person
of Dr. Kraflt, of Bonn, and, as I hope, in a more worthy manner ; him you must
not leave unnoticed. His production also 1 have not yet been able to read ; but I
hear from joung Strange, his fellow-traveller, that he will issue a suf^lement to
his work, with refisrence to your last publication. He has been made instructor in
the Bhenish University, and is a nephew of Strangs, the Court preacher. Tou
have found still another opponent in Lepsius, of Berlin, but he has occupied him-
self less with contesting your views respecting Sinai, than advocating his own
opinion that Serb&l is Mount Sinai. To this opmion I cannot assign the slightest
probability, when I consider it in connecdon with ail the fiicts. It contains, to be
sure, much that is plausible, owing to the modem condition of Wady Feiran, as
contrasted with the other valleys of the Peninsula ; but it seems to me that the
later condition of these valleys must differ very materially from their earlier one.
Lepsius has made many new and interesting observations respecting the localities
of tiie Sinaitic inscriptions, to which, chiefly in the north-western parts, be devoted
special atteutbn. As he allowed me the use of his very accurately kept diary for
the preparation of the part of my work which relates to the peninsula of Sinai (he
himself being too much occupied at present with his ^yptiaca\ you will find
something frhfoi it in mv next volume. For the extraordinary treasure contained
in your (Sservations on this region, I cannot sufficientiy express mv thanks. You
will recognise in the volume the f^oit of your labours, without which it would have
been impossible, in my estimation, to compose a geographical description of these
parts ; but with such assistance it is a real mental recreation. The unworthy man-
ner in which the light-minded Frenchman, Laborde, has made mention of you in
his Commentary, I was able to exhibit in all its deformity and injustice, although
he also presents some fiivourable points, which should not, on that account, pass
without aue acknowledgment Among these I reckon, as respects the Sinai group,
his now, for the first time, established plun of Wady Sebaiyeh, at the southern base
of Sinai, although he has inserted it in his outline map, together with the Wady of
the same name, in a very fiuitastic and erroneous manner. This plain, equal to
er-Raha in extent, which lies at the southern foot of Sinai, and was partly hidden
from you when on the summit by gravel-hills, has been measured by Krafft and
Strangs, and also by others. It seems to me that it certainly furnishes an important
point for the eluridation of the giving of the law.
' Your doubts with respect to the depression of the Dead Sea, when viewed in
oonnection with the Jordan's course, I am obliged to share. Nevertheless I enclose
another series of levels, sent me by Von Hildenbruch. That of the British survey,
from official data, I have not been able to obtain firom the Admiralty. I admire
your courage in wishing again to go to Palestine.'
jBRnBALCM.— The fbllowing letter from the Rev. O. B. Whiting, American mis-
sionary in Syria, to the Bev. Dr. Bobinson, was read at a late meeting of the same So-
ciety,
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dety, and has sinee been pnblislied in the New York Obterver newspaper, whence we
reprint it Mr. Whiting has been raanj years resident in Jemsalem, and at the pre-
sent mmnent its statements have an important bearing npon the qaestion as to the
ancient topomphy of the Holy C^. We do not see how the facts produced can be
gainsaid, ana they must, in onr judgment, be regarded as conclnsive on the points to
which they refer. The establishment of the true course of ihe Tyropoeon 'valley is
of so mnch importanee for the settlement of manv questions in the topography of
ancient Jemsakn, that we rejoice in the confirmation of the positions laiddown by
Dr. Robmaon, which had of late been so seriously impugned.
' Abeih, Motmi Lebanon, 2Znd August, 1847.
' Mt dkab Sir, — A few months ago I read with deep interest, and, I may add,
with entire ntisfiMtion, your two articles in the Bihliciheca Sacra on the Topography
of Jerusalem. Being then about to revisit the Holy City, I resolved to examine
anew some points on which much stress is laid by Mr. Williams in his attempt to
oivcrtiirow the position nuuntained in the Biblical Researches, in respect to the
Tyropoeon valley, and the course of the Second Wall.
' One of these points, and perhaps the most plausible one in Mr. Williams' argu-
ment, is the alleged filet that, alouff the street running eastward from the Jafik
sate at tibe northern baae of Mount Zion, where you find the commencement of the
Tyropoeon, there are no traces of a valley to be fi>ond ; and that the street called
** Harat-en-Nosara," or Christian-street, which leads out of the street last named
towards the north, is perfectly level. Now it must be conceded that this '* Chris-
tian-street" is, at the point where it leaves the other (the Jafla-gate street), nearly
or quite level ; and yet as you go northward there certainly is a gradual ascent
through almost the whole length of the street. And if, as you suggest, the
course of the street were turned a few points westward, the ascent would be more
rapid.
* But a more conclusive answer to the argument of Mr. W. is the fact, also sug-
gested by you, that there is undoubtedly a large accumulation of rubbish all along
die northern base of Mount Zion, by which the old valle}^ has been filled up. This
fkct is not onlv rendered extremely probable by the existence of a great depth of
rubbish and old buildings on all the northern parts of Zion, as was found to be the
case in digging fbr the foundations of the English church, and fbr those of the
barracks erected by Ibrahim Pasha ; but it is now proved by excavations actually
made at different pointe in the valUy itself. So that the argument upon the j^resent
level appearance of the ground in question, is literally an argument resting upon
rubbish. It has no solid foondation.
' But I am detaining you too long from the information which it is the object of
ibis letter to communicate, and which clearly establishes the important fiict in
question. While walking, in company with the late Professor Fiske, through the
enclosure once occupied by the mat palace or hospital of the Knights of St John,
our attention was arrested l>y a large heap of rubbish f^hly thrown up, lying near
by the little Greek church in the south-west corner of the enclosure. On entering
the yard of this church, we found people digging fbr foundations on which to erect
additional buildings. They had already excavated to the depth of some fifteen or
twenty feet (as we estimated), through nothing but rubbish, and had just then
oome upon the top of a vaulted room, the depth of which could not yet be seen.
The men said it was understood there was an ancient chapel there, long since
buried beneath the ruins and rubbish of other buildings. Whether the vaulted
room, the top of which we saw, was the said chapel or not, or whether It belonged
to the first, or the second, or the third story of a structure long since buried and
lost, we of course could not tell. But supposing it to have been on the first or
lower story, Ae original foundations must have been at least thirty or forty fieet
below the present surface. They may have been much deeper than that. Now,
this spot is within a few yards if the ** Jaffat-QoU** street — precisely where, on your
theory, we should look for the T^roposon valley^ filled up with rublnsh. 1 need
not tell you how much we were interested in this discovery, which we instantly
resolved to make you acquainted with.
* I proceed to mention another fact of the same sort. On this same " JaflGa-gate "
street, at a point further up towards the gate, a large new building has lately been
erected.
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192 Biblical LUelliffence. [July,
erected. It stands opooote the castle, on the comer of the street leading north fit>m
the main street towards the Latin convent Of course, then, this building stands
directly over the bed of yoar T7ro]>(Bon Vallej ; and here also we should look for a
considerable accumulation of rubbish. I inquired of a European merchant, who
occupies a part of the building, and who said he was present when it was erected,
whether, in digging to lay the foundations, much depth of rubbish was found.
" A very great depth" he replied. ** How deep do yon think the excayations
were ?" *< O, I don't know," he said, " but very deep. Look at the height of that
castle wall ; the depth of our excavations was equal to that." The part of the
castle wall to which he pointed cannot be less than forty or fifty feet high. " Are
you sure," I said, ** your foundations were so deep ?" " Yes," he answered with
confidence, '* quite as deep ae the height (fthai waU'*
' Our English friends in Jerusalem, like ourselves, were much interested in these
&cts ; and regarded them as proving beyond all controversy, that there was for-
merly a deep vallcjjr or ravine along the course of this street. And it seems to me,
that no unbiased mind can doubt, afier reading your very lucid reply to Williams
and Schultz, that that valley was the TyropcBon.
' The new building above referred to is perhaps not more than one hundred or
one hundred and fifVy yards from the Jafia-gate. Is it not probable that the valley
ori^nally extended quite through to the valley of Hinnom, leaving Mount Zion
entirely surrounded b^ the two valleys ?
' Much has been said by Mr. Williams and others about some supposed ancient
remains, near the comer formed by the Jaiia-gate street and the street running
north through the Bazars ; as also about a supposed ** Pier of an aucient gateway,"
in the open grounds on the west of the Bazars. Both of these points I took some
pains to examine, in company with Professor Fiske. The remains first mentioned
are nothing more nor less than a square comer, in a good state of preservation, of
the celebrated palace uj the Knight* of St. John. You may recollect a row of arches
almost entire, along the north side of this Jaffii-gate street, extending from near
the Bazars almost up to the '* Christian-street" This row of arches, I believe, it is
on all hands admitted, belongs to the Crusades, and evidently formed the south
basement of the great palace of the Knights. The tquare comer alluded to, is a con-
tinuation, or more correctly, tiie termination of tiiis row of arches. It is exactly on
a line with them, and built in the very same style, the stones being of the same
shape and size with those of the arches and buttresses.
^ ' Looking northward from this corner of the old palace, we noticed, exactly on a
line with the eastern face of it, and about midway between it and the north side of
the palace enclosure, Mr. Williams' " pier of a gateway," which he says is, in its
st^le of architecture, di£ferent fh>m anything he had seen in Jerusalem, and, as he
thinks, of high antiquity. Now, if Mr. W. had carefully compared this relic with
the row of arches above mentioned, he would have found that the style of archi-
tecture is precisely the same in both. Even the shape and dimensions of the stones
are the same in both. The stones are mostly of an oblong form, three or four feet
in lengrth, as I should think, and perhaps a little less than two feet in breadth and
thickness. And further, if he had looked from the top of the comer, already de-
scribed, across the open ground to this " pier of a gateway," he would have been
satisfied that both the ** pier *' and the " comer " are part and parcel of one and the
same building, and that the old palace of the Knights of St. John. I think you
have suggested in your review that this was one of the gates of the said palace ; and
it seems to me that no one who carefully compares the several remains now alluded
to can doubt for a moment that such is the fiM;t'
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ENGLISH.
Analytical Hebrew and Chaldee Lexicon; consisting of an Alphabetical
Arrangement of every Word and Inflection contained in the OldTeitament ScriptuKs, precisely
aa they occur in the Sacred Text, with the Orammatlcal Analyaia of each Word, and l^xico>
graphical Illuatration of the Meaning*, a complete Seriea of Hebrew and Chaldee Paradigms,
&c. 4to. pp. 874. 4Sr.
An Essay on Beatification, Canonization, and the Processes of the Congrega-
tion of Rite*. By the Rev. W. F. Faber. 8to. pp. 140. 3t.
Apocalypse : Analysis of the Book of the Revelation of St. John the Divine :
with an Addreaa to all Christians. By the Rey. J. Whitwell. Svo. pp. 90. If.
A Critical Catalogue of all printed Sanscrit Books, Texts, Translations, and
Commentariet, printed in India and Europe. ]2mo. pp. SOO. 6«.
An Exposition of the Epistle to the Galatians, showing that the present
Divisions among Oiristians originate in blending the Ordinances of the Old and New Gove>
nants. By J. A. Haldane. Svo. (Edlnborgh), pp. 880. Sf. Od.
Apostolical Succession and Apostolical Successors. By William Mushett, Esq.
ISmo. pp. 46. 6d,
A Manual of Prayers for the Young. By the Rev. E. Bickersteth. l2mo.
pp.818. S«.6<i.
A Treatise on the Special Providence of God. Also Two Dissertations upon
—1. Prophecy ; 8. Inspiration, &e. By the late Rev. Edmund Dewdney, M.A. 18mo. pp.
S36. A«. 6d.
A Brief Commentary on the Epistles of St Paul to Timothy and Titus. By
the Rev. Alex. Peterson. 1 8mo. (Edinbnrgh). pp. 184. St.
An Answer to Dr. Strauss' Life of Christ. By Athanasius Coquerel. Trans*
lated ftom the French. ISmo. pp. 68. If.
An Attempt to show that Claudia, mentioned in St Paul's Second Epistle to
Timothy, was a British Princess. By the Rev. J. Williams. Svo. pp. 58. 2s. M,
Annotations on St Paul's First Epistle to the Corinthians, designed chiefly
for the nse of StndeuU of the Greek Text. By Thomas Williamsun PeUe, D.D. Svo. pp. 180.
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Architectural Parallels, or the Progress of Ecclesiastical Architecture traced
through the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, exhibited in a Series of Parallel Examples.
Polio, 121 tinted plates. IS/. ISr.
Calvin on the Jewish Sabbath, or Seventh Day of the Week ; and Sunday,
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Christian Consolation : or. Discourses on Reliefs afforded by the Gospel under
different States and Trials of the Christian Life. By the Rev. Daniel Moore, M.A. Svo. pp.
SSS. 5f. M.
Calvinism the Doctrine of the Scriptures. By Thomas M'Culloch. 12mo.
pp. SSS. 3$.6d,
Discourses on some Peculiar and Unusual Texts of Scripture. By the Rev.
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Expository Lectures on the Epistle to the Ephesians. By the Rev. Robert
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Female Examples, selected from the Holy Scriptures, for Young Persons. By
a Clergyman's Daughter. 18mo. pp. 184. f*.
Familiar Letters by the Rev. Robert Murray M*Cheyne; containing an
Aocoont of his Travels as one of the Deputation sent out by the Church of Scotland on a Biuasion
of Inquiry to the Jews in 18S8. Svo. pp. 178. 8f. M.
Five Sermons on the Nature of Christianity, preached in the Advent and
Christmas Tide, 1846, befoie the University of Cambridge. By W. H. Mill. Svo.to.17«. 7f.
VOL. II. — NO. III. O Glimpses
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Glimpses of Measiah^s Glory ; being Lectures delivered during Lent 1848, at
St. Qeorge% Bloonubury, by Tiirelv« Clergymen of the Cbiixeh of England : with « Pkelkee
by the Ber. Alexander Dallaa, M.A. ISmo. pp. 460. U.
Hand-book of Bengal Missions in connexion with the Church of England.
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Holy Baptism: a Dissertation. By the Rev. William Maskell. 8vo. pp.
890. Iftt.
Israers Journeys and Stations in the Wilderness, considered as illustrative of
the Chriatian Pilgrimage. By the Rev. WUliam CardaU, M.A. Sto. pp. 860. &f. 9d.
Life in Action ; or, the Grace of God manifested in the Zeal, Labours, Suflfer-
inga,and Aehierementa of William Farel,one of the Refonnera, and Contemporary with Martin
Luther. Tranalated from the Fkench. By Philoa. ISmo. (Thirak), pp. 116. U.
Lectures on the Bible to the Young, for their Instruction and Excitement.
By John Eadie. ISmo. (Edinburgh), pp. 160. 8f.
Lectures Doctrinal, Explanatory, and Practical, on the English Liturgy. By
the Rer. H. Hntton. 18mo. (Wobum), pp. 858. 4s.
Last Vials (The) ; being a Series of Essays upon the Subject of the Second
Advent ; pabUahed aeparalely in 1847. By a Clergyman. 8d edition. Vol. 8, 18mo. pp.
888. At.
Lord's Prayer (The). Nine Sermons preached in the Chapel of Lincoln's
Inn, in the Mentha of Fefamary, Mareh, and April. By Fkederiek Deniaon BCaoriee. 18mo.
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Memoranda Parochialia ; or, the Parish Priest's Guide. By Francis E. Paget,
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New Testament Pocket Commentary ; compiled from Henry, Soott, Dod-
dridge, BurlKitt, and other wrltera ; with nnmeroua explanatory and iUuatiatiTe Notea. 18mo.
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Noctes Dominicse ; or, Sunday Night Reading made applicable to the Proper
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On the Canon of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, and on the
Apocrypha : Eleven Diicouiaea pieaehed befwe the Univenity of Cambridge ; being the Hul-
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Posthumous Works of the late Rev. John Ely. With an Introductory Me-
moir. 8vo. pp. 598. lOf. 6d.
Recollections of the History of the Kings of Judah. Svo. pp. 474. lOs. 6d,
Remarks on the Marginal Notes and References in the Authorised Version of
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Sacro-politica : the Rights and Rektions, Civil and Spiritual, of the Anelicaa
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Scriptural Communion with God ; or, the Holy Bible arranged in Historical
and Chronological Order. By the Rer. George Townaend, D.D. Part V. 8vo. pp. 830. Is. 6tf.
Sermons on many of the leading Doctrines and Duties taught by the Church
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Sermons Doctrinal and Practical. By the late Venerable William Dealtry,
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Spiritual Reflections for Every Day in the Month ; with Morning and Evening
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Sermons suggested by the Miracles of Our Lord and Sariour Jesus Christ.
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Sermons. By the late Rev. Nathaniel Morren, A.M. To which b prefixed
a Memoir of the Aathor. 8to. pp. 884. 6f. 6d.
The Gathering of Israel, or the Patriarchal Blessing, as contained in the 49th
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The Harmony of the Apocalypse with other Prophecies of Holy Scripture.
With Notes, and an Outline of the yarioaalntarnetationa. By the Rer. William Henry Hoare.
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The Great Continental Revolution marking the Expiration of the Times of
the Gentilea, A.D. 1847-8. By Jamea Hatley Frere, Em). 8to. pp. 184. St. M.
The Prophecies of Isaiah, earlier and later. By Joseph Addison Alexander.
Reprinted under the editorial mperintandenee of John Eadie. 8ifo. pp. 968. 18«.
The
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Now first printed from » contemporary MS. ftmnerly in the Monaatery of Son, Middleaez ; late
in the Collectioa of Lea Wilaoo, F.3.A. Small 4to. black letter, pp. 504. 42«.
The History of the Formation of the Free Church of the Canton de Vaud,
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Theocracy ; or, tlie Principles of the Jewish Religion and Polity adapted to
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The Jewish Nation ; containing an Account of their Manners and Customs,
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The Gospel of Christ the Power of God unto Salvation exemplified in the
Preaching and WriUnga of the Apoatle PanL By the Rev. W. A. Newman. 18mo. pp. 808. 4«.
The Life and Writings of Solomon, King of Israel. With a frontispiece,
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The Works of the Rev. John Howe, as published during his Life. With a
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The Divine Law of the Ten Commandments explained according to both its
Literal and Spiritual Senae ; in a Scriea of Sermona. By the Re<v. S. Noble. Sto. pp. 560. 7<.
The Egyptian Chronology analysed : its Theory developed, and practically
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numenta and the Scripture Chronology. By Frederick Ntuan, LL.D. F.R.S. Svo. pp. 514. 14«.
Vindicise Symbolicae : or, a Treatise on Creeds, Articles of Faith, and Articles
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Agardh (C. A.), Von der Zeitrechnung der Lebensgesch. des Apostels Paulus.
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Antonini Augusti Ituierarium et Hierosolymitanum. Ex Libris MSS. edid.
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Baehr (W. F.). Der Salomonische Tempel mit Beriicksichtigung seines Verhalt-
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Bibliothecee Sanscritse Specimen concianavit F. Gildemeister. Svo. Bonn. 5«.
Boethlingk (O.). und Ch. Rieu. Hemakandrss Abhidh&nakintamani. £in
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Chetardie : Homilies pour les Dimanches de I'Ann^e. S vols. Svo. 148.
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Erdmann (K.), Populiire (Seschichte und Charakteristik der Bibel. Svo.
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Guillemin : Memorandum des Libert^ et des Servitudes de I'Eglise Gallicane.
8vo. It.
Hahn
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Hahn (Dr. U.), Geschichte der^Eetzer im Mittelalter, nach den Qaellen
bearbeftefc. VoL n. Oeachichte der Waldeuwr. Blap. 8to. Stettg. \U* (Vol. I. a. U.
1/. 6«.)
Hoffinann ( W.), MiflsionB-Fngen. Vol. I. Ist ee Zeit zur Evangelbchen
MiMdoiu-TbiUgkeit. «f.
Holwerda (Dr. J. H.), Emendationum Flavianarum specimen. Scripsit et de
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Juatini Martyr. Opera. Ed. Otto. New Edit. Vol. I., part 1. 8vo. Jena,
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P«t6 D^en^n *1BD Rabbi Davidia Kimchi Radicum Liber a. Hebraeum
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F. Lebreeht. 4to. BeroUni. 1S«.
Eromm (Dr. J. J.) Prakt. Commentar Uber die hifltorifichen Schriflen dea
Neaen TestamentM. Vol. I., part 1. 8to. Altanborg, 4»,
Lassen (Ciir.), Indische Alterthumakunde. Vol. L, part 2. 870. Bonn. da.
liber JoeuaOi Chronioon Samaritanom, Arabice conscriptum. Ex unico cod.
Soaligeri nanc primom edit., Latine -vertit, annotatlone inatmx. et diiMrtationein de cod. de
chronico, &c. praemis. T. C. JuynboU. Addito Ub. lith. 4to. pp. 4S4. Logdoni Batav. SU.
Maier (Dr. A.), Commentar Uber den Brief Pauli an die Romer. 8vo.
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Schumann, Ad., Die Unsterblichkeitslehre des alten und neuen Testaments,
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THE
JOURNAL
OF
SACRED LITERATURE.
No. 1V.-0CT0BER, 1848-
ON THE CITATIONS FROM THE OLD
TESTAMENT IN THE NEW.
By Dk. J. T. Gbat.
rwM^rit «hi^ oldrtr iirrt r^ Oc^ wdrra t& Mpya ainov, Acti XT. 18.
* Known nnto God are all his works from the be^mng of the
world.' We have not transcribed this declaration of the divine
prescience so much on account of any importance it possesses in
itself, as with a view to the connection in wnich it occurs. It will
be seen, on reference, immediately to follow a citation by the
Apostle James from ancient Scripture, which he applies to the
novel circumstances of the Christian churdi. Thus mtroduced, it
seems to claim our regard as the principle on which the proprietv
of such applications is to be vindicated. The coincidences which
are observable from time to time between the events of actual
history and the terms of prophetical description are not casual
coincidences. The events were foreseen by one who ^ knows the
end from the beginning,' and in such proportions as pleased him,
pre-recorded.
The strict letter of the preceding text would confine these
remarks to such , events as are direct results of divine causation,
epya @sov. Little objection, however, will, we presume, be made
to widening somewhat the applicability of this phrase. Human
YOL. II. — NO. IV. p actions
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actions being absolutely subject to the divine control, may be
regarded as, permissivelyy divine ordinations : in this sense —
Quicquid agunt homines, votum, timor, ira, voluptas,
Gaudia, discursus
all the events to which these various and often contending passions
give rise, may, without any very violent straining of Tangua^,
be styled 2/>y« @eov. They are, at all events, equally with tbe
former class, objects of the divine prescience, and the appli-
cations of propnetic descriptions to them stand on an equal
basis of credibilibr and reason. Be the actors in such historical
scenes more or less disposed to subserve the ends of a gracious
providence, be the actions themselves of more or less interest and
complexity. He to whom all varieties of event are * known from
the oeginning,' can have had no difficulty in putting on previous
record such particulars as may have pleased Him.
It is, however, to applications of Scripture of a somewhat dif-
ferent nature that we propose devoting a few remarks in the
present paper. Certain of the coincidences which are remarked
on in the New Testament between occurrences then taking place,
and passages of ancient prophecy, may be considered as rather
verbal than real — as rather circumstantial than essential. The
case is this : — out of an apparently connected portion of prophetical
Scripture, some detached expressions may be cited which nave an
appearance of parallelism to New Testament events. The New
Testament writers then speak of such events as * fulfilments ' of
the prophecy. Can the propriety of such applications be sustained ?
To adopt the turn of expression used by the Apostle (Gal. iii. 8)
in a somewhat different instance of citation, can it be said that
these desmptions of prophecy were penned in view of the Christian
events ? Tfpo'iiovffa ti ypatpy^ • . . ^posurryye^io-aTo, If the question
were one of mere naked possibility, the allegation of the divine
prescience would, of course, as before, dispose of every difficulty
aridng. We have, however, to consider not simply what the
natural divine perfections, but what the moral also, will allow.
In the discussion thus brought before us, is virtually involved
the whole question of Scripture Hermeneutics. The question is
involved whether any unity can be said to belong to prophetical
Scripture, or whether it must be subdivided into a number of
infinitesimal fragments, each a sort of Sibylline leaf. The question
is involved, so often raised by the Romanists, (raised, too, not
seldom with a triumphant insinuation, or rather proclamation of its
negative,) of the intelligibility of Scripture — of the sufficiency, at
least, of private judgment for its exposition. We must beware, in
considering these questions, of accepting any conclusion which
may
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may eyen remotely seem to implicate reyelation in a charge of
mystif)ring the subjects of which it treats. An inspired interpreter
of Scripture disclaims most solemnly the * imputation (2 Cor. iy. 2)
of using the word of God deceitfully ;* we may be, at least, as
sure that in the inroired authorship of Scripture there is no
similar use of the word of man.
The grand principle which has been laid as the comer-stone
of natural theology, yiz., that ^adaptation infers desiffn^* will be
found of most seryice, we apprehend, in guiding to a present deci-
sion : but before proceeding to its application, it may be as well, by
producing one or two of the citations which we haye remarked
on, to obeerye more particularly the nature of the difficulties
which we haye to meet. We will take, then, as fiur specimens
of these difficulties, the quotations which occur in the two opening
chapters of the New Testament. We find no less than fiye such
examples within this compass. Of these the original of one
(Matt. ii. 23) is nowhere to be met with ; another (ii. 6) deyiates
considerably from yerbal fidelity; the remaining three are applied
to facts, to which, in their original connection^ the passages quoted
appear to haye little or no relation.
Dismissing from present consideration the two former passages,
let us now look somewliat more minutely at the three latter. The
first of these (ch. i. 28), being also the first citation in the New
Testament of any kind, is the well-known prophecy by Isaiah
(ch. yii. 14) respecting the conception and parturition of a yirgin^
which the eyangelist applies to the circumstances of our Sayiour's
birth. Very serious objections, it must be confessed, present
themselyes to this application. If we examine the connection of
the original passage, it seems plain that its direct reference is to
some contemporaneous eyent. The preceding context, e. g.^ speaks
of the birth as to be a sign to the then veneration, its professed
object being to reassure the confidence of Ahaz and his subjects.
This yiew is strengthened almost to certainty by the succeeding
context In y. 15, 16, the space of a few years is named as, so to
speak, the range of the prophecy : * Butter and honey shall be
eat, that he may know to refuse the eyil and choose the good.
For before the child shall know to refuse the eyil and choose the
food, the land which thou abhorrest shall be forsaken of both her
in^.' It appears here as clear as language can make it, that
the Immanuel just before promised was to be a contemporary per-
sonage. A difficulty exists in determining who is the yirgin
alluded to, whether the bride of the monarch, or the prophetess
{vide ch. yiii. 3), or some priyate female ; but this cannot afiect
the yalidity of the other inferences.
The two remuning citations which we haye referred to, are
P 2 those
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those which are made by the evangelist in verses 15 and 18 of the
2nd chapter re?pectively. The first, * out of Egypt have I called
my son/ is from the 11th chapter of Hosea, being the latter clause
of the first verse. The second is from Jeremiah xxxi. 15, and is
as follows : — ^ In Rama was there a voice heard, lamentation and
weeping and great mourning : Rachel weeping for her children
and would not be comforted, oecause they are not.'
Both these texts of ancient Scripture are said by the evangelist
to have received their fulfilment in the early life of Jesus : the one
in his return with his parents from his temporary sojourn in
Egypt, the other in the distress occasioned to the mothers of Beth-
lehem by Herod*s barbarous massacre of their infants.
Now, when we turn to the original connection of these passages
in the Old Testament, it seems undeniable that their reference is
to events in the Old Testament history. The one appears plainly
a retrospective reference to the national Exodus ; the other a pro^
spective one to the national captivity. It will be almost impossible,
we conceive, for any reader to escape these conclusions who shall
examine the original passages with a due attention to their con-
text and historical parallels.
It will be observed further, that in two out of three of the pas-
sages thus noticed, the important events related are stated to have
occurred for the purpose of fuljilling the prophecy. Thus the in-
carnation of our Lord, with all its circumstances (toDto 8xov), took
place, we are told, that what had been spoken by Isaiah mi^ht be
fulfilled, and similarly his return from Egypt. This is a sufficiently
startling view, it must be owned, of the mutual relations of fact
and prediction. According to our ordinary notions of things, the
rtieam are altogether of inferior importance to the end ; but here
we have the most stupendous event which either earth or heaven
had ever witnessed placed in the former position^ the credit of
prophetic Scripture being assigned the latter.
We shall not, however, embarrass ourselves seriously with this
additional difficulty. It has been shown satisfactorily, we think,
by Tittmann and others, that the particle ha has often an ^ ecbatic'
as well as a *■ telic ' force ; that it denotes often a simple result,
such as we express by the conjunction ^ so that ;' but, independently
of this, we consider every requirement of passages like the above
answered by supposing in each case a secondary design to be the
one intended. It is by no means unusual with Uie sacred writers,
whether of the Old or of the New Testament, thus to bring forward
secondary reasons as if they were the sole ones. They sometimes
do this in enforcing preceptive trutii. ' Be not forgetnil,' says the
apostle^ ' to entertain strangers : for thereby some have entertained
angels unawares ' (Heb. xiii. 2). We are not to suppose that the
obligation
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obligation of hospitality rests on the chances of an angelic visita-
tion ; we are to do this sort of good, as every other, hoping for
nothing again; but considerations of duty may be legitimately
strengthened by considerations of interest, and sometimes the one
class of motives made prominent, sometimes the other. Obedi-
ence to parents in the jLord is, we know, right (see Eph. vi. 1),
but in the decalogue the motive held out to this obedience is solely
temporal reward (v. 2) ; and the preceding commandment is, as
everv one may notice, enjoined on one ground in one passage, on
another in another (comp. Exodus xz. 11 ; Deut. v. 15). It is
thus we explain, then, the specification of purpose in the passage
before us. Undoubtedly the primary object of the Most High
in the marvellous providence nere spoken of was, as explained in
the verse preceding, the redemption of his people ; but a subor-
dinate object was also (assuming, for the present, the evangelic
reference of the original passage) the redemption of his own pro-
mise. This latter aim, though subordinate, is not to be regarded
as unimportant, nor the corresponding motive feeble. The ob-
ligation arising out of a divine promise amounts, in point of Ssict,
to the strongest necessity. It is such a necessity apparently of which
the Apostle Peter speaks in introducing a different citation (Acts
i. 16)5 a necessity embracing both means and end. "Avlqi^s aSsXfoi
eSci 7rXt}§a/d^vai rtiv y^a(^m ravrviv. We may consider the sub-
junctive formula in the text of Matthew as importing that the
obligation thus arising was borne in mind. The promise once
given; the divine honour and veracity were alike committed to its
fulfilment
To return, however, to the question of the proper application of
prophecy : in estimating any examples of seeming misapplication,
there are one or two general considerations which ought not to be
lost sight of. In the first place, the purposely, and, to an extent,
necessarily enigmatical character of prophetical language should
not be forgotten. The design of. ancient prophecy was rather to
excite curiosity than to ^o^i^ it ; no wonder, then, if, in examining
its particular disclosures, even sanctified skill and industry should
often be at a fault. Many undoubted instances may be produced
from the New Testament in which the obvious sense, as it must at
the time have been thought, of a prophecy was yet proved by events
•to be erroneous. We will quote two of the single predictions
uttered on diflerent occasions by our Lord, each recorded by the
evangelist John ^see ch. ii. 19, xxi. 23). ' Destroy this temple, and
in three days I will raise it up.' * Kl will that he tarry till 1 come,
what is that to thee ? ' So much was the former of these predic-
tions misunderstood by those who heard it, that it was even after-
wards, as will be recollected, perverted into the materials of a charge
against
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against its author (see Matt. xxvi. 61^. The illusive expectation
which was founded on the other is noticed by the evangelist in the
same passage in which he gives the prediction itself: ' Then went
this saying abroad among the brethren, that that disciple should
not die ; yet Jesus said not unto him, He shall not die, but, if I
will,' &c. Our Saviour himself on a previous occasion found it
necessary to rectify a misconception which prevailed respecting
the purport of an ancient prophecy. It was the belief of the
Jews, grounded on a passage m Malachi (ch. iv. 5), that Elijah
would precede the appearance of their Messiah ; the real object
of the prediction was, nowever, as our Lord explained (see Matt,
xvii. 12^ also Luke i. 17), one who should come in 'the spirit and
power of Elijah.* The most memorable example of all is, per-
naps, that which occasioned the composition of the second epistle
to the Thessalonians. From certain expressions in the first epistle
(see especially ch. iv. 15, 17)$ the Thessalonian Christians had
arrived at the conclusion that the day of Christ was at hand. No
one who now reads those expressions will say that this was an
unnatural or unreasonable inference. The Apostle speaks of him-
self as one who would survive till the general resurrection, dis-
tinguishing himself, as one belonging to this class of believers,
from those previously dead in Christ. He places, apparently, those
whom he was addressing in the same company. ^HfAelf ol ^o/vtes
01 wegiXfiTTo/xevoi. Yet had he no design to convey this expectation,
and found it necessary to remind his converts subsequently, that
they had overpressed the import of his words : * We beseech
you, brethren, — be not soon shaken in mind, or troubled, — ^by letter
as fi*om us, as that the day of Christ is at hand ' (2 Thess. ii. 1, 2).
What is the practical lesson which we are to derive from ex-
amples of this nature ? Not certainly the duty of affixing a non-
natural sense to prophetical expressions, but, first, generally, the
need of caution in interpreting tiiem, and next, more particularly,
a willingness sometimes to accept the ' minimum ' of significance
which such expressions may convey.*
There is no inspired author, we may next remark, for whose
language a more lioeral construction of this sort is needed than
the distinguished apostle just referred to. Almost equally at
home in Jewish and in general literature, the disciple of Gama-
liel, the champion of the cross, St. Paul is, of all writers, the last
* In otherplaces we are equally wafranted in conteDdinff for a 'maximum' of
meaning. Tne Apostle's exiraction of the doctrine of justification by ftiith from
the passage ih Habakkuk (ch. ii. 4) may be considered an instance of this sort
The amount of inference which he draws from the employment of <nr4pfM in the
alngohir (see Gal. iii. 16) is a second instance,
to
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to be sacrificed to the pruderies of a verbal commentator. In one
instance (Heb. vii. 9) he himself claims the benefit of an its Ivor
ilcrETv ; we must not, in any instance, * make him an offender for a
word/ We haye, it is singular, in the New Testament, two criti-
cisms, if they may be so called, on his compositions, the one fur-
nished by an adversary, the other by a fellow apostle ; the one of the
nature of a compliment^ the other of an apoloffy. The following is
the former briet testimony, or rather concession, quoted (2 Cor. z.
10) in the course of argument by the aposUe himself — ^ His letters
are weighty and powerful' (/SfltgeTai xai i<Txv$ai). St Peter, the
other witness, while recommending the study of his writings (2 Pet
iii. 16), is yet obliged to admit that there are in them many things
* hard to be understood ' (lv<n(mra) which such as were ^ unlearned
and unstable ' {o^Aa^^Xs %at da^iipirtroi) wrested to their own de-
struction. Our object, in bringing these extracts together side
by side, b to observe that the quaJities which they respectively
attribute to the Pauline epistles are not altogether perhaps un-
connected. The two former epithets are fiilly sustamed by the
rhetorical force which marks every page of these epistles, and of
which even the single words and phrases which the writer uses
are sufficient evidence. What more sublime than some of the
apostle*s paradoxes ! He speaks of himself as less than the least
(k>Mx^(^oTeqos) of all saints (Epb. iii. 8). He professes a desire
to know the dimensions of a love which he acknowledges to pass
knowledge (v. 19). He describes himself ^ as having nothing and
yet possessing all things ' (2 Cor. vi. 10). In such expressions as
these we discover the traces of a noble impetuosity of spirit which
led the writer, especially when dilating on evangelic themes, to
kindle as he wrote, uttering strong thought in strong language.
The same vehemence, however, applied to the course of thought,
is sometimes productive of obscurity, occasioning a neglect of the
ordinary steps of logical progress. Paley observes {Horce Pau^
lincs^ chap. vi. No. 3) on a particular form of this impetuosity
whidi, in his own homely style, he calls ^ going off at a word.'
We think this going-cff tendency of the apostle, or, to speak more
philosophically, this vivacity of the power of association in his
mind, will account for some of the difficulties which we meet with
in his citations of inspired passages. These difficulties, for the
most part, attach, if we mistake not, to the latter of a series of
texts adduced together rather than to the former. Such appears
the case with the two texts quoted at the close of Heb. ch. i., and
such also with the three occurring from v. 11 to 14 of ch. ii.
There can be little doubt that the Tatter of these texts were sug-
gested on the sudden to the writer's mind by the turn of expression
in the former. It is observable that they are connected with the
preceding
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preceding texts by a simple x«i or xai iraXiv. What precise kind
of addition to the argument these particles, in each case, indicate,
it is somewhat difficult to determine ; their true force and propriety,
we apprehend, must be sought less in any objective coherence of
the surrounding truths than in the subjectiye process of associa-
tion. In Hebrews ii. 11, the image exhibited is the appropriate
one of brethren ; in t. 13 it is the more general one of family
relationship ; but the transition was easy from the former of these
to the latter, and we conceive that in the transition the apostle
insensibly passes from the use of proof to that of illustration. We
agree with Tholuck in regarding the two quotations v. 13 as a
logical hendiadys. The whole construction may be regarded as
in part pleonastic, and in part elliptical. As a further example
of a habit of ellipsis in the writer, and of damage thereby to the
apparent fairness of his ar^ments, we may quote two otner pas-
sages from preceding epistles. We transcribe first the question
and answer contained m 1 Cor. ix. 9, 10. Afler quoting the
prohibition respecting muzzling the ox (Deut. xx. 6), the writer
asks, * Doth God take care of oxen ? or saith he it altogether
for our sakes ? For our sakes, no doubt, this is written ; that he
who plougheth should plough in hope, and that he who thresheth
in hope should be partaker of his hope?'— Now unless we may
supply to the former of the above queries the adverb wdy^ and to
the latter with its reply * as well as theirs,' or some similar
combination, what but a most harsh, and might we not say, in-
humane construction should we have of a divine precept ! It is
just such an addition which we should propose making to the
same writer's celebrated version of Old Testament history in Gal.
iv. 22 — 30. * Which things,* says the apostle, after reodling to
the recollection of his readers the cases of Hagar and Sarah and
their children, ^ which things are an allegory' — that is, are an
allegory, cls well as a real historical ac>count ; have an allegorical as
well as an historical significance. ^ For this Hagar/ he continues,
^ is Moimt Sinai in Arabia,' i. e. is representative of it, (is toell as
a real personage in past history. The mutual relations which were
sustained b^ Hagar and her mistress are significant of two higher
relations, viz., those of the ancient and present churches. Even if
we should object to allow that the expression of the apostle is
elliptical throughout this passage, the substantive verbs which
he uses will bear us out in the explanation adopted. Speaking
(1 Cor. X. 4) of the rock which was smitten in the wilderness,
he says, concisely, ' That rock was Christ' In the preceding
part of the verse he had been calling the rock a spiritucu
rock {TntBUfMLTixi), i, e. a typical one, symbolical of a spiritual
reality, and the brief clause which follows is clearly designed as
an
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an explanation of the type» Why may we not then suppoee a like
latitude of phraseology in the previous instances ? Tne only dif-
ference discernible between the constructions of the two passages
is in the tenses which serve as copulae, the present verb being used
in the one epistle, the past in the other. This difference is, how-
ever, only the natural effect of the different points of view from
which in the respective cases the two objects were regarded. In
the Epistle to the Corinthians, the rock spoken of is contemplated
by the writer as existing in the wilderness, an obfect of nature ;
Hagar in the Epistle to the Galatians, on the other hand, is con-
teinplated only as a Scripture character, an o^ect in inspired history.
Even with all the aid which such distinctions and figures of
speech can yield us, the apostolic version of this history must be
confessed to be sufficiently startling. From the incredidity which
would summarily and sneeringly reject it, we must take refuge
in the axiom previously noticed, viz., that adaptation infers de*
sign. The felicitous illustration which the facts adduced by the
apostle afford to the truths he was enforcing will be scarcely ques-
tioned. To the supposition of design the overruling providence
to which the whole nistorical passage testifies, and which turned
aside, as will be remembered, the natural course of events, may
be thought to lend some weight. The dismissory order, ' Cast
out,' &c., with which the apostle s quotations on the subject ter-
minate, was, it will be recollected, contrary, in the first instance,
to Abraham's wishes (see Gen. xxi. 12). It required indeed an
express intervention on the part of God to procure his consent to
the dismissal.
We are fully prepared to admit that nothing whatever evangelical
appears on the race of this narrative. The two matrons, if types
01 Judaism and Christianity, may be said to be silent types ; but so
also was Jonah of the head of Christianity himself. In the account
which we have of Jonah nothing more appears than an instructive
moral narrative ; in the circumstances of his submersion nothing
more than a judgment tempered with mercy : yet was this sub-
mersion, we know on the best authority, a sign of the burial of
our Lord (see Matt. xii. 39, 40). b it less credible that the
triumph of Sarah may have betokened the future supremacy of
Christianity ? ' This organic conception,' says Bilroth, * and ex-
position of historical phenomena (which, in a historical and philo-
logical respect, is entirely free from the &ult of attributing a con-
scious knowledge to times and men which could not take place
till a later period) is capable of universal application, even in the
scientific representations of mythology. Applied to the relation
between the Old and the New Testaments, it at once puts an end
to all the misunderstandings which have prevailed on this subject,
and
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and have given occasion to many complaints, and too often to
spiteful witticisma.*
Not to anticipate, however, a strain of remark which will find
a place more suitably onward in the discussion, we are entitled to
conclude from both the instances just named — and we mention
this as a third consideration to abate the surprise which our evan-
gelist's ^ fulfilments' must occasion — that the danger is rather of
unc^l^rrating than of overrating the Messianic element in andent
Scripture. ^ The testimony of Jesus,' says the author of the Reve-
lation, ^ is the spirit of prophecy ' (ch. xix. 10). We take the
word ^ spirit' here in what may be termed, perhaps, its chemical
sense, to signify the essence or most important part. The decla-
ration cannot mean less than that the testimony of Jesus pervades
prophetical Scripture^ a view, we may observe, with which other
and frequent statements of die New Testament are quite in ac-
cordance (see Luke xxiv. 27 ; John v. 46 ; Acts iii. 24 ; x. 43 ;
xxvi. 22). Let us now reduce these statements to the test of nu-
merical proportion. A striking frequency of Messianic references
in the books of the Old Testament can scarcely be said to satisfy
the strength of the language employed ; we might expect a de-
cided preponderance of such references. How is this expectation
borne out ? Of the larger number of the ancient propnets and
other inspired writers no such preponderance is certainly predi-
cable. A solitary Messianic prediction is all we find in some entire
{)rophetical books : in others, not even this. What plain predic-
tion of the sort, for example, can be extracted from the prophecies
of Obadiah ? what from Nahum ? we might almost add, what
from Habakkuk ? The map of prophecy has, in an evangelic re-
spect, its ^ loca inculta et deserta,' just as ordinary maps of terri-
tory have, in a physical. The inference we draw from such
comparisons is — not that references to Messianic times are wanting
from the prophetical books under remark, but that they are not
patent to a cursory perusal. Such an inference seems even sug-
gested to us by the comparative ignorance on the subject exhibited
on difiTerent occasions by our Lord's own disciples (see especiallv
Luke xxiv.). Passages, which after being expounded by himself,
clearly discovered to their minds either -the sufierings hereafter
appointed him, or the glory which should follow, had yet escaped
their notice. The superior illumination which we now enjoy does
not render it impossible that we may be in a similar predicament
Ancient Scripture is a mine whidi not only contains riches obvious
to a first inspection, but which will continue to repay a more stu-
dious search. It is a field in which are hid treasures of evangelic
wisdom and knowledge.
Our
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Our last observation of a eeneral Dature will respect the pro-
priety, where the opportunity is given us, of allowing the later parts
of ancient Scripture to be a commentary on the earlier. It is
evident that the later prophets and other inspired writers, in giving
a Messianic turn to previous predictions, could be under no bias
from personal partialities — ^under no reflex influence from events
themselves. Where they discover, then, in the language of their
predecessors a testimony to the Messiah, there can bs little hazard
m inferring that such testimony was designed. We will only pro-
duce, by way of instance of the confirmation we are pointing out, an
apparent reference which occurs in another prophet to a former
f)rediction of Isaiah. We have, then, in Micah, chap, v., the fol-
owing remarkable language respecting an unusual birth which
was then in expectation, it occurs in the immediate connection
of the well-known prophecy respecting the birth-place of our
Saviour. ' Therefore will he give them up until the time that she
who travaileth hath brought forth : then tne remnant of his bre-
thren shall return unto the children of Israel. And he shall stand
and feed in the strength of the Lord, in the majesty of the name of
the Lord his God ; and they shall abide ; for now shall he be
great unto the ends of the earth. And this man shall be the peace
when the Assyrian shall come into the land,' &c. (Micah v. 3-6).
Micah was a prophet contemporary with Isaiah ; in the preceding
chapter he repeats, almost totidem verbis^ a prediction delivered by
Isaiah : little reasonable doubt can be entertained that in the
above words his allusion is to the birth of * Immanuel,' already
foretold by him. If this be admitted, it amounts to a very deci-
sive vindication of the evangelist in his appropriation of that name ;
the evangelical reference of the passage in Micah is self-evident.
In approaching now the more direct consideration of the diflB-
culties of the subject, we may mention that there are three
principal hypotheses which have been instituted as to the kind of
fulfilment which the evangelist intends. According to the first,
we are to regard the apphcation which he makes of the passages
quoted as the true and sole reference of those passages : accordmg
to the second, as a typical reference only ; according to the third,
as simply an accommodation.
We are not aware that any other than moral reasons have been
assigned in support of the first of these opinions. ' On points of
interpretation,' it is said, ^ as well as on points of doctrine and duty,
the sacred writers must be our authorities. Whatever our views
might otherwise be of the scope of an inspired passage, it becomes
us to accept their decision as conclusive.' True : but the question
is whether in the case before us we have any opinion of theirs on
the
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the point ; whether we have anything more than* an apparent deci-
sion. The New Testament writers being in the habit of using
\/&rvaa figuratively, like other writers, it is possible they may have
so used the term ' fulfilled ' in the present instance, and we are
not to assume it as a self-evident matter that they have not done
so. There are moral reasons which may be urged on both sides
of the question.
It will readily occur, as one great diflSculty in the way of the
acceptance of this first hypothesis, that it forthwith negatives any
profitable or intelligent use of the Old Testament. If this is not
amenable to the laws which regulate the interpretation of ordinary
writings, we are completely *out at sea' amid its contents; 'we
cannot read it, because it is sealed' (Isa. xxix. 11). It is plain
that, if we are at liberty to set aside the obvious sense ot the
language employed in one passage of ancient Scripture, we may do
so in another, and are left without the means of certainty as to the
signification of any passage. The value of the Old Testament
revelation thus becomes to us a nullity. Except in the scanty
portions of it, on which we are provided with a New Testament
comment, it is little more than a collection of riddles, its pro-
Ehetical oracles, in particular, becoming as ambiguous as those of
eathenism. As Bishop Hurd justly observes, tne sasacity of a
second prophet is needed to remove the obscurities of we first
To remind us of the peculiarity which belongs to prophecy from
its very nature, to be ambiguous till the time of its fulfilment, is
not satis&ctory, for more than one reason. It greatly exaggerates,
in the first place, the degree of this ambiguity. Obscurity may
often hang over particular parts of a prediction which shall not
afiect its general scope or bearing at all. The ancient church, we
know from both Testaments, were successful in their exposition of
various prophecies. They gathered truly, e. g. that Christ would
be a descendant of David (see Matt. xxii. 42). They deciphered
with sufficient accuracy the place and proximate time of his birth
(Matt. ii. 5 ; Luke iii. 15 ; John vii. 42). They had been right
in their calculations of some previous dates (Dan. ix. 2). Ancient
prophesying, indeed, like the difierent gifb so called in the
apostle's days (see 1 Cor. xiv. 22\ was very much for the use of
those who believed. Unless it nad been intelligible enough to
direct and sustain expectation, on their part, we may greatly doubt
whether it would at all have engaged the attention of those who
believed not.
Besides, not a few, it should be remembered, of the passages
said to be fulfilled in the life of Christ are not strictly prophetical
in their character. The expression in Hosea is no further pro-
phetical than as it is found in a prophetical book ; the same may
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be said of the sentence from Jeremiah ; both are historical descrip-
tions or allusions. The picture of patriarchal life in Genesis, on
which the Ai>ostle raises ms doctrinal allegory, is part of an historic
record. If it is absolutely unsafe to yield ourselves up to the
images and ideas which such passages suggest, why attempt to
study them in any way ? Why not shut up the Old Testament
altogether, and confine ourselves at once to tlie perusal of the
New ? Other parts of the former, in which we have hitherto only
seen historic, didactic, or devotional truth, may have high evangelic
mysteries in them also. What limit can we set to this need of
transmutation ? The spiritualizers who proceed throughout Scrip-
ture with a systematic purpose of discardmg the letter everywhere,
have really, on this hypothesis, the most reason on their side.
It has been said, by way of obviating the difficulty thus arising,
that we are not authorised to make any evangelical expositions of
prophecy which have not already been made in the New Testament ;
that whatever is not thus appropriated is open eround for common
hermeneutics. This remark, it is evident, taciUy assumes that the
New Testament writers have professedly exhausted all that is
Messianic in the Old ; on what ground is this assumption made ?
The evangelists not having given us a complete history of their
Master, it is difficult to see how they could have opportunity to
extract all prophetical reference to him ; in the Epistles quotations
are made as occasion arises. It is observable, as to the mode of
introducing these quotations, that they are much less frequently used
in the way of authority than of reasoning. Our Saviour was in the
habit of appealing to his auditors whether the testimony of their
ancient oracles was not as he stated : his apostles, in this respect,
follow his example. They reason with their countrymen out of the
Scriptures, bestowing a special commendation on those who bring
their own judgment to tne study of its records (see Acts xvii. 2,
11). In a word, numerous as are the actual quotations in the New
Testament from the Old* — ^no fewer than two hundred and fifty-
five — we have to consider that they present us rather with
principles thwi particulars. They set us in the track of interpreta-
tion ourselves, holding out a reward to our vigilance and industry.
It is matter of fact accordingly that many applications of inspired
prophecy are current in tne Christian church which are not
examples inserted in the New Testament. Who can quarrel with
our thus applying the description of the ' covert from the storm '
f Isa. xxxii. 1) ; or of the conqueror, * mighty to save, from Bozrah '
{ixiii. 1) ; or of ' the fountain set open for sin and undeanness,'
which toe prophet Zechariah saw (ch. xiii. 1). As an example of
• See Dayison's Sacred Hermateuiic*, ohap. zi.
an
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an entire prophetical composure the Messianic exposition of which
is thus traditional, and traditional only, we may mention Psalm
Ixxii. If it be said, that in each of the former instances the con-
text of the passage directs us to an evangelic reference, we remark
that there is no lesson so emphatically taught us by the hypothesis
which we are now discussing as an utter disregard of context.
No doubt the motive with many for accepting the literal inter-
S rotation which this hypothesis recommends, has been the laudable
esire to honour the &viour — the wish that in all parts of Scrip-
ture * he should have the pre-eminence.' The sense so elidted is
the true one, because it is a more evangelical sense than what
appears on a first examination. That this will not, however,
explain the language of Matthew, is easily shown from the appli-
cations which he makes of other prophetical texts. In chap. viii.
17, for example, we have a passage cited- from Isaiah, the sense
assigned to which by the evangelist is decidedly less spiritual and
evangelical than that ordinarily put upon it. The words are,
^ Surely he hath borne our griefe, and carried our sorrows ' (Isa.
liii. 4). And it is surely a more evangelical exposition of these
words to imderstand them of a substitutionary or piactdar interpo-
sition, on the part of our Lord, for our good, tnan of a merely
miraculous, or, so to speak, medical interposition. Yet is the
latter the application of them which Matthew makes. ' When the
evening was come, they brought unto him many that were possessed
with devils ; and he cast out the spirits with his word, and healed
all that were sick : that it might be fulfilled which teas spoken by
Esaias the prophet^ saying. Himself took our infirmities, and bare
our sicknesses.' A similar descent, if the expression may be
allowed, fi^m the spiritual to the corporeal, may be observed in a
case of alleged fulfilment, by the evangelist John. Our allusion
is to John xviii. 9 : ' Jesus answered, I have told you that I am
he ; if, therefore, ye seek me, let these go their way ; that the
saying might be fulfilled which he spake, Of those whom thou gavest
me, I have lost none.* The original reference of the declaration
of our Lord here cited was plainly retrospective. We infer this
with certainty from the limitation which, as seen in the preceding
chapter, he attaches to the words * None of them is lost, but the
son of perdition' (ch. xvii. 12). It is obviously the spiritual pre-
servation of his disciples for which our Lord here expresses thank-
fulness. The evangelist, notwithstanding, makes no scruple of
applying the language to his care of their temporal safety. What
is the advantage then obtained by taking such cases of ^ fulfilment'
in the strict fiteraUty of their terms? It is, after all, only a
balance of gain which is realised to the evangelic cause. As it
respects the reverence felt for Scripture in general, we conceive
that
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that this rather suffers than eaiiis by such interpretation.
Whatever is saved to the credit of the ^lew Testament is at the
greater expense of that of the Old. For one knot which is sum-
marily cut, a hundred others are produced equaUy complicated.
The consideration of the second solution which has been pro-
posed of the difficulties in our quotations brings before us, at once,
the question of a double sense in prophecy. In the minds of many,
the idea of a double sense is associated mdissolubly with the idea
of collusion — ^with the idea of phrases which palter with ex-
pectation :
* Which keep the word of promise to the ear,
But break it to the hope.'
Such unquestionably was a species of the verbal jugglery with
which the ministers of ancient divination amused inquirers into
futurity. The ^ duality ' of signification which belonged to their
responses may be distinguished, if we may borrow a logical phrase,
as a disjunctive duality ; the two senses were commonly discordant
senses — often such that, whatever the event might prove, one of
them should be applicable. A Delphic oracle, e.g,^ warned Sparta
to beware of a maimed royalty :
Mil cie^v aprlvoiof fiX^ X*'^^ /Boto'iActa.
Now the lameness against which the Spartans are here cautioned
mi^ht intend either a physical or a lineal defect — ^might respect
eitner bodily infirmity or defective title. In the times of Lysander,
it so happened that both these sorts of defect in the royal line co-
existed ; the one in the person of Agesilaus, the other in that of
Leotychidas ; and the consequence was a competition of claims.
It is well known that, in the event, the physical carried the day
over the genealogical ; but had the decision been the reverse, the
credit of the oracle would not probably have been affected. Is it,
now, a plural significance of this kind which the advocates of a
double sense challenge for inspired prophecy ? Less a disjunctive
we answer, than a successive duality. As the Hebrew gram-
marians speak of a prcegnans construction we would similarly con-
tend here for a prcegnans sensus. There are expressions in various
distinct prophecies of Scripture which a merely temporal signifi-
cance will not satisfy. The prophetical * dictum,' so to speak,
overlays the merely temporal * factum.' As the prophet says, ' the
temporal frame is shorter than that the dictum can stretch itself
upon it, and the covering narrower than tbat it can wrap itself in
it ' f Isa. xxviii. 20). It is, if we may use a typographical simile,
as if these portions of the prophetical oracle were printed in larger
letters
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letters than the remaining — ^in capital Idjterg. There is a promi-
nency and magnitude about them whi^ itself invites the mind
onward to some remote and ulterior fulfilment.
To impute an antecedent want of credibility to this hypothesis
can only arise from a forgetfulness of the real authorship of pro-
phecy, and only, therefore, be excused in a sceptic. The difficulty
cannot be greater to a being who ' knows the end from the begin-
ninff ' of framing a prediction which shall embrace a twofold fu-
tunty, than that of framing a providence with a twofold end. If
it be thought that the former result would imply verbal con-
trivances, it is worthy of notice that in various parts of prophetical
Scripture the marks of such contrivance are to be seen. We
specify, in proof and illustration, the verbatim recurrence, already
noticed in one instance, of the same formulae of expression in dif-
ferent places.
See, additional to
Isaiah ii. 2, 3, 4, compared with Micah iv. 1, 2, 3.
Jeremiah xlix. 16 , , , , Obadiah 3, 4.
X. 12-17 , , , , Jeremiah li. 15-20.
When we discover verbal accordances like these we may be
almost induced to believe, conformably with the intimation of
our Saviour (Matt. v. 18), that not an iota or apex in ancient
Scripture but has been inserted advisedly.
The passage in which the peculiarity in the authorship of pro-
Scripture is of any private interpretation ' (vaaa v^ofiorcia ypa^y^s
\ll»s hifiKva^Ms ou yiverai). Dr. £. Henderson {Divine Inspiration^
pp. 485, 486) enumerates no less than eight different principal
interpretations which have been offered of this verse, comprising the
celebrated one of Bishop Horsley, * No prophecy is of self-solution.'
The last of the eight, to which the learned author adds his own
8uffi*age, * No prophecy is the result of private or uninspired dis-
closure,' i. e., of the divine purposes^ appears defective chiefly in
the sense attached to eviXvuif^ the force of which, as far as analogy
can ascertain it (for the substantive is an iva^ Xsyo/xsvoy in Scrip-
ture^, is much better expressed by the term in the common
version, ^ interpretation.' It is also our feeling that, to sustain
the above rendering, the tense of the verb employed should
have been different (lyevsro, not y/verai). We agree, however,
fully with the author (whicii is the more important point) in
his eloss on the word T^ios-, considering it as nearly tantamount
to * human.' * No prophecy is of human interpretation,' t. «., is
to be interpreted as if of human authorship, the term tiw rather
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than &v6pciirivof being used, as of more specific reference to indi-
vidual authors.
Now this character of prophecy, which is accounted for in the
following verse, must be taken as distinguishing it not merely
irom human compositions generally, but even from other inspired
compositions. Tne highest form of inspiratipn presided over the
production of prophecy. In the historical or in the didactic por-
tions of Scripture it was sufficient for the sacred penmen to be
under guidance and supervision — such supervision as should pre-
serve them from error. Here, on the contrary, for the most part,
direct dictation was necessary ; and we are to consider not the
sentiments only, but even the diction as of divine origin. The
omniscient Spirit, as in the case of Balaam (Num. xxii. 38 ; xxiii.
5), put the very words into the mouth of its ministers, or suggested '
them to them when writing. It is plain that the subjects of pro-
phetical announcement, speaking generally, were such as made
this direct suggestion a matter of necessity. Events in the distant
futurity far beyond any human ken — combinations in the great
lottery, as to us it seems, of the world iar exceeding any finite
powers of calculation— on such subjects the writers could have no
opinion of their own. We know from good authority (see 1 Pet
i. 11) that they derived only general impressions from the revela-
tions of which they were the * medii :'
' Visions of glory filled their aching sight,
And unboru ages crowded on their soul.'
But it was not given them so to master these phenomena as to
present them in the order of their own preference. The frequent
abruptness- of their transitions shows the constraint which was lying
on their &cultie8 — an abruptness, one would think, almost as
painful to themselves as it is emburassing to their readers. The
objects of prophecy are brought before us, accordingly, rather in
pictorial than narratory connection. Distinct trains of events
appear on the same canvass, and the precise lines of separation
of the foreground from the background are often obsciu'e.
It must be confessed that the discovery of these boundary lines
is one of the most difficult problems in theological science. That
there is a fore and a background in prophecy — in other words,
that it has oflen a double sense — ^we are siurprised that any who
are familiar with the nature of the New Testament citations
should question. The application made by the apostle (Heb. i. 5)
of the well-known promise to David* appears to us decisive of the
point That the primary reference of this promise is to Solomon
»» See 2 Sam. vii. 12-16, particularly ver. 14, * I will be his father and he shall
be my son.'
VOL. II. — NO. IV. Q and
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and his immediate descetadants, none, we presume, will doubt.
The Hebrew monarch himself expressly speaks of it as having
receiYed fulfilment in his own person. This he does not in a single
dubious expression, but once and again (see 1 Kings yiii. 15-20).
Notwithstanding, we are given to understand, and that by the
concurrent voice of the Old and New Testaments, that ' a greater
than Solomon is here.' The testimony of the ancient church we
may collect with sufficient certainty from Ps. Ixxxix. and cxxxii. ;
we have the testimony of Peter in his Pentecostal sermon (see Acts
ii. 29, 30) ; the testimony of Paul in the passage above. It may
be observed that both the latter references are professedly of an
argumentative nature ; but the evidence from the Psalms, though
indirect, is not the less valuable.
Another indisputable instance, as we cannot but think, of a
double reference in prophecy may be found in the prediction of
the virgin and her miraculous ofispring (Isa. vii.), so often already
referred to. We have given our reasons for understanding a tem-
Kral reference in this prediction already ; for its spiritual and
essianic reference we may again quote the united authority of
Old and New Testament. As to the latter, passing by, as our
argument requires us, any evidence furnished by the citations in
Matt. i. 22, and Hebrews ii. 13, we would point to the additional
citation from Isa. ix. in Matt. iv. 15, 16. The passage thus quoted,
though distant by a chapter from the one in which our prediction
occurs, is yet plainly a part of the same entire prophecy. When
we examine other parts of this prophecy, the most cogent reasons
present themselves for regarding the * Immanuel ' of the prediction
as fiir more than an ordinary cnild. In chap. viii. 8, he is recog-
nized as the indubitable iJord and Sovereign of the kingdom ;
and in the succeeding chapter, ver. 6, 7, the prophet breaks out
into the following impassioned strain of utterance respecting him :
* Unto us a child is bom, unto us a son is given ; and the govern-
ment shall be upon his shoulder ; and his name shall be called
Wonderful, Counsellor, the mighty God, the everlasting Father,
the Prince of Peace. Of the increase of his government and
peace there shall be no end, upon the throne of David, and upon
his kingdom, to order it and to establish it with judgment and
justice, from henceforth even for ever.' Is it necessary that we
should stay to examine the exposition which would restrict ex-
pressions like these to a son of Ahaz or of Isaiah ? If to notice
such an opinion is to reftite it, we not only have forced upon us
the idea of a double fulfilment of prophecy, but see that the
secondary fulfilment may be an object of expectation even prior to
the completion of the primary.
The question now natiu-ally arises, What is the relation of
these
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these two fiilfilments to each other? Will the distinction of
typical and antitypical, as some have thought, explain it ? Ac-
cording to the commonly received notion, the relation of type and
antitype is not unlike that of two concentric circles; the one
differs in magnitude from the other, but in magnitude only. It
is thus conceived by many, that a typical prophecy will apply, as
a whole, equally to a type and its antitype, the sole difierence
being in emphasis and degree. Taking a prophetical description,
such interpreters will explain the expressions throughout, first in
a lower and then in a higher sense ; they consider each expression
of double applicability. If it were not beneath the dignity of the
subject to represent a prophecy as a theological equation, it
would be argued by such divines that each fulfilment must satisfy
all the data of the equation. Are examples of such prophecy
to be met with ? We feel compelled ourselves, after much ex-
amination, to express our entire disbelief of their existence. So
far from a perfect parallelism existing between the two references
of a prophecy, the &uii rather is that both the nearer and more
remote objects of reference have each important points to which
nothing corresponds in the other. We would not a£5rm abiso^
lutely, that no prophecy as |i whole is applicable either to type or
antitype ; but we have yet to learn that there is any applicable
throughout to both. It is commonly a few only of the expressions
which obstinately demand a secondary and hi^er fulfilment ; the-
remaining expressions as obstinately refuse it. To take the two
examples on which we were recently commenting, what could
we make, if attempting to pursue the evangelic application of
the prophecy in 2 Samuel vii., of such language as that in ver. 14,
latter part, and of ver. 15 : — * If he commit iniquity, I will
chasten him with the rod of men, and with the stripes of the
children of men. But my mercy, shall not depart from him, as
I took it from Saul, whom I put away before thee.' A case is
here supposed as of probable occurrence, which could by no
possibility arise in relation to the Messiah. In the prophecy of
Isaiah, ch. vii., if the Virffin and child of ver. 14 have their true
originals in the facts of the Christian incarnation, the butter and
honey of ver. 15 have no less theirs in those of the Jewish
history. Particulars of want of applicability to the Messiah,
simikur to the one just noticed in 2 Samuel, may be observed
in the prophetic Psalms xl. and Ixix. (See Ps. xl. 12, Ixix. 5.)
We are of opinion that the correspondences of typical theology
have been built up into a system by some divines. Tar more than
Scripture will warrant ror the technical sense which is now
attached to the word type, the Greek substantive <rxia seems
rather the Scripture equivalent (see Col. ii. 17; Heb. x. I).
q2 The
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The term ri^aros, if we mistake not, is only once so applied in
the New Testament, viz., to our first parent (see Rom. v. 14) : —
* Who is a figure {rinroi) of him that was to come.' It is ob-
servable that in the illustration by the apostle of this typical
relation, for one particular of resemblance which is given, there
are two of contrariety. A like proportion may be noticed else-
where (see Heb. iii. 1-5) in his comparison of Christ and Moses.
We presume that the proprieties of systematic typology would
reganl the two patriarchs mentioned, as bein^, in the latter
respect, not types. Be this as it may, the partial nature of the
resemblance (which, properly considered, will be found only the
necessary result of human imperfection) may be allowed to throw
some lignt on the but partial applicabilitjr of prophetic descriptions.
Whether prophetic or historical, it was impossible that any single
description of human actors sdiould adequately represent him,
whose person and character were aUke ^ wonderAil * — who was at
once the root and the cffspriiig of David, the ^ Son of Man ' and
the ^ Son of God,' the Lion and the Lamb, rich vet poor, the
man of sorrows and the Lord of glory — in a word, m wnom cha-
racters of subordination of all kinds were combined with characters
of supremacy.
The determination of the nature of the unity belonging to
the double prophecies, we have admitted, is yet a desideratum
to be fumisned. In professing our own adhesion to what may
be styled the ' complemental ' hypothesis, to which, in our judg-
ment, the language of the apostle respecting a veil (2 Cor. iii. 15)
affords some countenance^ we have no wish to disguise that it is a
mitigation of difficulties only which must thus be noped for. The
effect of the veil on Moses' face was rather to obscure hia features
than to conceal tliem ; and thus there are many portions of ancient
prophecy, the meaning of which an ignorance of Christian revela-
tions will not so much ntAtVise as reduce and dilute. We may
compare a prophecy of this description to a chamber with an
exterior and an interior compartment, with double doors there-
fore, and double locks. A key, simple in construction, shall
open the exterior of these doors. We have then access into
the outer sanctuary. But beyond this there is an inner cabinet,
a holy of holies, replenished with far higher mysteries and far
more costly furniture. To admit into this cabinet is needed,
as was fitting, a key of far different workmanship and greater
complicity. Such a key, however, is Christ io the intricacies
of the ancient prophetic oracles. Whether these oracles respect
the fortunes of the * house of David,' or other similar futurities,
only the circumstances of his life, only the glories of his reign,
will give them their just significance. After applying them to
events
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events in the then approaching future, there is still a residuum
of meaning in them requiring to be filled up. Without some
further and higher fulfilment, not a few of the expressions
which they contain must be pronounced hyperbolic, and of the
figures turgid. It is this camplemental fulfilment, then, which
the gospel economy, with its wondrous occurrences, supplies.
Exaggeration here becomes sobriety, and figures melt into facts ;
the prose of the narrative outdoes the poetry of the prophecy.
We must add, that we see no propriety in applying any of the
above remarks to such quotations of prophetical Scripture as those
in Hosea and Jeremiah, before noticed. How will any considera-
tions of type and antitypes, for example, aid us in explaining the
application of the former's language respecting the Exodus, to the
return of our Lord from Egypt ? Israel, as a nation, was not so
much a type of Christ as of the Christian church. This is an
analogy recognized in almost every book of the New Testament,
and than which there is none more certain. If language allusive
to the Exodus could adumbrate, therefore, anything, it would be
the spiritual deliverance obtained for Christians from the efiects
of sins. The iron furnace of Egypt has its counterpart in the
worse than iron bondage of Satan, himself the true antitype of
the Egyptian king. Dr. Pye Smith pleads,^^ that the Exodus,
with its whole preceding train of miracles, or succeeding, was, in
order, to the manifestation in the fulness of time, of a future
Redeemer ; that the one liberation would not have taken place,
but with a view to the other. This remark, however, is obviously
equally applicable to the whole series of acts of power and of merit,
of which the Christian redemption is made up. There is no
special relation in the Jewish deliverance — i. e., conddored as a
means to an end — to the particular incident of our Lord's depar-
ture fipom Egypt. It was equally necessary, in tiiis point of view,
to his birth at Bethlehem, his sojourn at Nazareth, and to his
visits to Capernaum. It was, in feet, not less related to his journey
into Egypt than to his return from it
There remains, then, no oUier resource to explain the nature of
quotations like the present, but the third hypothesis which we
mentioned — ^that of accommodation. The practice of accommo-
dation has been so common in writers and speakers of every age,
that a temperate resort to it in the books of the New Testament
ought to occasion no surprise. Our Lord himself may be con-
sidered to have set an example of it to his disciples. His appli-
cation of the proverb which he quoted at Nazareth, ' Physician, neal
thyself,' can scarcely be conadered as quite agreeable to its original
• Scrip. Teii., vol. i., p. 369»e<tit. 1829.
purpor
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imrport. The use made by the apostle Paul of the Psalmist^s
anguage respecting the heavenly bodies (see Rom. x. 18> com-
pared with Psalm xix. 3), is agam a plain instance of accommo-
dation. No Israelite of ancient times, we are confident, in reading
the above passage, could have, for a moment, in his thoughts the
travels and progress of the future missionaries of the gospel. The
quotation is of the nature of an extract from a classical author ;
tne application of a familiar form of wof ds to a new subject As
a further clear example of accommodation, we may cite from the
same chapter the use made by the apostle of the energetic lan-
guage of Moses, formerly addressed to his countrymen (see Rom.
X. 6-8, compared with Deut xxx. 12-14).
The diflSculty which is felt by many in regarding any of the
evangelists' quotations as simple accommodations arises, probably,
from their almost uniform use of the term ' fulfilment ' in intro-
ducing them. Enemies to evangelical theology have not hesitated
to connect with their application of this term the imputation of
either ignorance or fraud. Their insinuation is, that the evan-
gelists either believed themselves, or wished their readers to
believe, in the Messianic character of such quotation. The first
part of the alternative may be considered as the Unitarian version
of the charge ; the latter as the infidel version. Now in judging
of the fairness of this imputation, some weight, we think, is due to
the fact that the books in which this term is most freely used were
not written with a professed probative aim. Tlie readers for whom
Matthew's Gospel was designed did not need to be convinced of
Jesus's Messiahship, being already believers. We prefer, how-
ever, relying chiefly on internal evidence. Let us recur to the
case of alleged fulfilment before noticed in John xviii. 9 : ' Jesus
answered, I have told you that I am he : if therefore ye seek me,
let these go their way, that the saying midit be fulfilled which he
spake, '* Of those whom thou gayest me 1 have lost none.*' ' In
what other light can we i*eg8^i^ this quotation than as a case of
avowed accommodation ? The words, it will be recollected, are
cited from only the preceding chapter. To suppose that within
this brief interval, the evangelist wished to steal a conclusion on
his readers, is really ridiculous. It would be no less so to seek
any typical relation between the two passages. To represent the
retrospective aspect of the words as typical of the prospective would
be to make our Saviour a type of himself; it would be to make
one event in his life typical of another event in his life ; nay, fur-
ther, it would be to make the more important typical of tne less
important, the spiritual of the carnal. For such an inversion of
the understood laws of typical theology no one surely will contend.
Another instance of alleged fulfilment to which we think it well
to
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1848.] Old Testament in the New. 2 1 9
to inyite renewed attention is that of the descriptive language —
Isaiah liii. 4 quoted Matthew viii. 17. The same passage we find
afterwards quoted by another inspired writer (1 Peter ii. 24) in the
sense usually attached to the words. What unworthy motive then,
we would ask, can we conceive to have prompted the evangelist's
departure from the received meaning ? As to any theological bias
which some may suppose to have influenced him, this would lead
him surely rather to find evangelical applications where they were
not, than to neglect them where they were. The Messiahship of
Jesus would Qot suffer or gain either by one application or the
other. We cannot but regard, then, the figurative use of the
term fulfilment in this passage as of transparent perspicuity. The
accommodation, as in tne previous instance, is undisguised.
It may be said that if we accept a diluted sense of the term
fulfilment in one instance we can have no certainty of its natural
and proper use in any ; or we may be asked, sceptically. What
criterion we have to propose for distinguishing the two ? Our
answer to this query will be, that adaptation in every case must
be held conclusive proof of design. The principles of revealed
theology wesuppose those of natural, and it is sufficient defence of
the New Testament writers, in allowing themselves such a licence
of diction, that they have ftimished their readers with the means
of discovering and correcting it Not studious to block up every
posfflble avenue to misunderstanding, they speak as to wise men,
capable of exercising judgment on what they say.
We are not aware that the descent from the idea of proper ful-
filment in vXripicj and its cognates to that of accommodation is
greater than may be observed in the usage of some other Scripture
terms. The wide divergence of the meanings of the particle ha
from one another we have already glanced at. We properly
understand, in general, by the phrase, ' the day of the Lord,' a
phrase so often occurring in the New Testament, the day of final
judgment ; but its manifest reference is frequently to the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem. A similar observation is applicable to the
descriptions given us of the coming of Christ Even the idiomatic
expressions of Scripture, expressions commonly so precise and
dennite in their i^^rt, are not without shades of difference in
different places. Tne formula xar avd^A/vov, e. a. {as a man^ or
after the manner of men) is used both with and without the implied
idea of imperfection ; it is applied sometimes to human exampk^
sometimes to human authority (see Romans iii. 5 ; vi. 19 ; 1 Cor*
ix. 8 ; XV. 32). Where is the wonder, then, if a stiff uniformibr
has not been observed in the use of the term fulfilment ? We
must claim the same liberty for the evangelists and apostles as
writers which they claimed for themselves as men : * Have we not
power,'
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power,' &c. (see 1 Cor. ix. 4). A r\gid adhesion to the law of
literality was no more to be exacted of them in composition than a
rigid adhesion to the law of necessity when they ate or drank.
The question of the moral utility of quotations like those which
have been before us — a di£Sculty which, perhaps, will still be felt
to belong to the accommodation hypothesis — must not, we think,
be pressed too nicely. In the Epistles it is easy to see that they
often subserve the forcible expression of diought, on which prin-
ciple we would account for botn the instances found in Romans x.
Sometimes they appear employed as convenient formula of tran-
sition from one thought to another — itiserviunt cantinuandce orationi.
It is thus we would explain the quotation, respecting which expo-
sitors have so much differed, in Hebrews ii. 6, 7, 8, taken from
Psalm viii, : ' But one in a certain place testified, saying, " Lord,
what is man that thou art mindful of him ? or the son of man/' '
^. We have never been able to persuade ourselves that the
apostle is here interpreting the Psalm of the Messiah ; in our
view, he simply introduces the extract from it, for the convenience
of several phrases in it, which he afterwards uses. A clear instance
of his introduction of a quotation with such an aim we have in
2 Cor. vi. 2, not to mention other passages.
We are well aware that neither of these explanations will apply
to the texts quoted as fulfilled by the evangelists, these quotations
being plainly related to the preceding matter rather than to the
succeedinff. Why may we not, however, trace such quotations
backwards to an instinctive feeling? We would beg here to
transcribe, and with a view to no ludicrous effect, the account
given by the immortal Bunyan of the composition of his Pilgrim.
< It came from mine own heart ; so to my head,
And thence into my fingers trickled ;
Then to my pen : from whence immediately
On paper I did dribble it daintily.'
In a somewhat similar process we fancy we see the whole ra-
tionale of our evangelist's quotations. It is artlessly remarked
by the evangelist John, after relating an interesting incident in
our Lord's life, that his disciples remembered that it was written,
* The zeal of thy house hath eaten me up.' What more than such
a law of memory is required to account for the quotations of Mat-
thew ? As the striking applicability of the passage in Hosea, for
example, was the cause oi its recurrence to the evangelist's mind,
so was his confidence in the sympathetic approval of his readers the
cause of his insertion of it. tt does not condemn this insertion that
it appears to answer no purpose either of * doctrine, or reproof, or
correction, or instruction in righteousness ' (see 2 Tim. iii. 16).
The
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The apostle's previous remark respecting the universal utility of
Scripture can scarcely be extended to every single Scripture ex-
pression ; there is a possibility of utilitarian excess in religious as
well as in other inquiries. Our Saviour on one occasion (see
Matt xxvi. 8-10) found it necessary to rebuke a tendency of
this kind in his disciples ; and it appears to us that, as in that
instance, a cui-bano scrupulosity is never more pitiful than
when it would grudge contributions of respect to him. * Nihil
est incommodi/ says Calvin, in relation to another quoted passage,
*si allusiones in verbis [scriptor] qu^rat, ad omandam praesentem
causam.' Whether the evangelist (which is doubtful) designed
in his quotations any use of ornament or not, we may be sure that
he would regard such deflections of Scripture words from their
original purport, less as ververstans than as, so to speak, conse^
crations of them. * Wortny is the Lamb that was slain to receive
riches — and honour and glory and blessing.' The riches of revela-
tion no less than of nature are most appropriately his. Adapta-
tions of prophetical poetry to evangelical narrative resemble the
beautiful setting of a costly gem, ITiey are the wise man's
* apples of gold in pictures of silver ' (^pD iTTDttrM 351? TPSil)
Prov. XXV. 11. For ourselves, we confess, in reading a dry
polemic treatise, such as that of Pearson on the Creed, we have
felt the refreshment of an occasional happy adaptation of this kind
to be like that of an oasis in the wilderness. We conclude by
quoting one of the Bishop's best * This,' says he, * is the great
hope of a Christian, — that Christ rising from the dead hath ob-
tained the power and is become the pattern of the resurrection.'
* The breaker is come up before them : they have broken up and
passed through the gate^ and are gone out by it, and their king
shall pass before them, and the Lord on the head of them.' ^
<■ Pearson on the Creed, Dobson's edition, page 404. A still more felicitous
application is that of Ezekiel xliv. 2 to the Catholic tenet of the yirginity. * As if/
says the Bishop, * the gate of the sauctaary in the prophet Esekiel were to be under-
stood of her/ This gate, &c., page 263.
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( 222 ) [Oct
THE COMMENTATORS/
No. I.
MATTHEW HENRY.
By Wiu^iAM Lindsay Alkxandsb, D.D., Edinburgh.
Among the Commentaries which have been written in the English
language upon the whole, or the greater portion of the Bible, The
Exposition of the Old and New Testament^ by Matthew Henrj,
must be allowed to occupy a high, if not the highest place. Tms
work has now been before the public for considerably more than
a century; it has been widely circulated and extensively read
wherever tibe English language prevails ; it has been the store-
house whence many a profitable sermon and many a felicitous
illustration of sacred truth has been drawn ; and it has formed the
favourite closet-book of pious individuals, from the monarch ^ to
the peasant. Of the high estimation in which it has been held by
the most competent judges it would be easy to fill many pages
with testimonials. It may suffice, however, to quote here me
opinion of two distinguished divines, one of whom has himself pro-
duced a Commentary upon the Scriptures^ and the other of wnom
enjoys the highest reputation as a man of sound judgment, ex-
quisite taste, and accurate scholarship, whilst both possessed the
advantage of forming their opinion from amidst the advanced
biblical science and improved exegesis of recent times. The
former of these, Dr. Adam Clarke, says of Mr. Henry's Exposition,
* it is always orthodox, generally judicious, and truly pious and
practical, and has contriouted much to difiuse the knowledge of
the Scriptures among the common people — for whose sakes it was
chiefly written.'* A still higher estimate of it was formed by the
other individual to whom I have alluded, the late Robert Hall, of
whom his bioerapher records, that * for the last two years [of his
life] he read daily two chapters of Nf atthew Henry's Commentary.
As ne proceeded, he felt increasing interest and pleasure, admiring
the copiousness, variety, and pious ingenuity of the thoughts ; the
simplicity, strength, and pregnancy of the expressions.'^ To
• This is the first of an intended series of papers on the • Commentators,' British
and Foreign, by different contributors. — ^Editor.
^ The attachment of His Migesty George III. to Henry's Commentary is weU
known.
« General Preface to his Commentary, p. 9, edit 1836.
<* Works, vol. vi., Sto. edit, p. 101.
these
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these testimonies may be added that of one of the most learned
and thoughtful theologians of the present day, the Venerable
Archdeacon Hare, who, referring to Henry's note on John vii. 39,
says ^ it has the genial freshness and the richness in scriptural
illustration which characterise his excellent Commentary.'* Of a
work so widely esteemed, and by the most competent judges so
highly valued, it may be worth while to attempt a brief historical
and critical notice.
Matthew Henir commenced his Exposition in the closing part
of the year 1704, whilst he was minister at Chester ; and two
years afterwards (Nov. 1706) the first part of it, comprismg the
!rentateuch, was published in one volume folio. A second volume,
extending to the close of the historical bdoks, was ready by the
middle of 1708 ; a third, comprising the poetical books, was pub-
lished in March, 1710 ; a fourth, including the Prophets, and thus
finishing the Old Testament, appeared in the middle of 1712,
after he had settled at Hackney ; a fifth volume, embracing the
Gospels and Acts, was ready by the end of April, 1714; and
some progress had been made by him in preparing a sixth, which
was designed to include the Epistles, when his valuable life was
cut short by death on the 22nd of June, 1714. The notes which
he had written on the Romans were so complete as to need only
to be epitomized and arranged, which was done by Dr. John
Evans; and his design was carried out to completion by the
labours of others of his friends and admirers, who took each one of
the remaining books of the New Testament^ and endeavoured to
write a commentary on it in Henry's style and method, and in
some cases with the help of notes which he had left behind or
wluch had been taken down in short-hand from his pulpit exposi-
tions. The parties thus employed, with the portion executed by
each, were tne following: — Mr. Simon Browne, 1 Cor.; Mr.
Daniel Mayo, 2 Cor. ; Mr. Joshua Bayes, Galatians ; Mr.
Samuel Rosewell, Ephesians; Dr. William Harris, Philippians
and Colossians ; Mr. Daniel Mayo, 1 and 2 Thessalonians ; Mr.
Benjamin Andrews Atkinson, 1 and 2 Timothy ; Mr. Jeremiah
Smith, Titus and Philemon ; Mr. William Tong, Hebrews ; Dr.
S. Wridbt, James ; Mr. Zech. Merrill, 1 Peter ; Mr. Joseph
Hill, 2 reter ; Mr. John Revnolds, 1, 2, and 3 John ; Mr. Jonn
Billingsby, Jude; Mr. W. long, Revelations.
From the above statement it appears that the part of the Com-
mentary executed by Mr. Henry was the work of somewhat less
than ten years, during which time he was also laboriously occupied
as a pastor, first in the country, afterwards in the metropolis. It
* Mission of (be Comforter, vol. ii., p. 467.
was
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224 The Commentators : [Oct
was during this interval also that he published the greater part of
his minor works, consisting chiefly of sermons and devotional
pieces. As the entire MS. of his Exposition was in his autograph,
and was printed as ori^nally written, without transcription or any
corrector s revisal, the amount of steady, patient, and deliberative
labom* expended upon it by the author in preparing it must have
been proaigious ; and were there nothing else to signalise the
book we might well point to it as a remarkable monument of how
much a resolute purpose and an economical arrangement of time
may enable a man to accomplish in the way of literary composition
even amid the pressure or many other duties/ Such diligence
forms an excellent commentary on his own exhortation addressed
to young ministers, * Whatever you do, take heed of idleness.
That is the devil's anvil on which he hammers out many tempta-
tions.' And we can easily believe such a man to have been per-
fectly in earnest when he prayed thus, — * God by his grace help
me tojill up time — ^to be busy while working-time lasts. «
When Matthew Henry devoted himself to the work of an expo-
sition of Scripture he undertook a task for the successful accom-
plishment of which a combination of several qualifications — ^literary,
mtellectual, and spiritual — ^is requisite. Of these he happily
possessed no slender amount.
Without being what could be called a profound or extensive
scholar, his literary attainments were highly respectable. He
had been in early youth introduced to the study of the classical
languages, and was, even in those days of vast scholar^p, reputed
more than an average proficient in Greek and Roman literature.
This department of study he does not appear to have prosecuted
to any extent after he entered upon the duties of the ministry, but
his writings bear everywhere traces of his early familiarity with
the ancient authors, and in his Exposition he frequently applies
his classical reminiscences with much feUcity to the elucidation of
a passage of Scripture. At a very early period also he became
acquainted with the Hebrew, and during his career of preparatory
study he made himself also master of the French. From the first
he was a great reader, and being possessed of a capacious and
retentive memory he was enabled to lay up a vast store of profit-
able materials upon which he could at all times draw for illus-
tration or proof. His knowledge of human nature also was
' From a roagh calculation I conclade that he mnst have prodaced on an average
every day, during these 9) years, matter sufficient to fill a folio page of letter-press.
This, from a man who had other and onerous duties to discharge, who was often
leaving home on duty, who was continually printing something else, and whose
work was of a kind that required him to occupy time by consulting a number of
books at every stage, is a feat of no ordinary magnitude.
B Life of Williams, p. 175, 176.
remarkably
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remarkably extenriye and exact; he had closely observed the
phenomena of individual and social life, for which (in addition to
what he learned as a Christian pastor) his residence in the metro-
polis at an early period of his career, as a student at Gray's Inn,
and his frequenting of the courts of law whilst there, had afforded
him important opportunities ; he had stored up the result of these
observations ; he had condensed them into many a pithy gnome
and apophthegm ready to be enunciated whenever occasion de-
manded ; and he thus came to the exposition of that Book which
more than any other unfolds the peculiarities and deals with the
necessities of man's nature, furnished with an invaluable key to
the meaning and index to the application of many of its state-
ments. Perhaps in nothing does his Exposition more highly com-
mend itself to the reader than in the innumerable felicitous
elucidations which it supplies of the bearing of passages of
Scripture upon the feelings, experience, and conduct of men.
Henry's prosecution of the study of the law, to which he de-
voted rather more than a year (from April, 1685, to June, 1686),
was of advantage to him in reference to his great work in another
way besides that just mentioned. It trained him to the work of
documentary exposition, and it put him in possession of many
important principles capable of being advantageously applied to
the elucidation of Scripture. The study of law is, chiefly tne study
of the meaning of written documents — prepared for the purpose of
being understood, but frequently involved in obscurity in conse-
cj^uence of obsolete phraseology, allusions to past customs, assump-
tions the grounds of which do not readily appear, and other such
like causes. The work of the student in sucn a case is principally
one of interpretation. His task is to get at the exposition oi the
statute upon grounds which will bear examination ; and the highest
achievement of his science is to evolve from the words of the edict
the sense wliich the framers of that edict meant that these words
should involve. Now this is exactly, mutatis mutandis^ the busi-
ness of the BibUcal expositor. His duty is to bring out the sense
of Scripture, so as to put the reader in possession of exactly the
idea wnich liie writer meant to convey ; and the highest effort of
his skill must be expended upon this. For such an office it is
easy to see that experience in the interpretation of legal docu-
ments must form a valuable preliminary training, especially as the
case of the legal student is not one which admits of that hasty
dogmatism, into which the undisciplined student of Biblical inter-
pretation is apt from various causes to be betrayed. That Mr.
Henry's early legal studies were of advantage to him in the way
of preparing him for his duties as a Biblical expositor, may be
justly mferred from the clearness of statement, the precision of
arrangement,
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226 TTie Commentators : [Oct.
arrangement, and the skilful management of details by which his
Exposition is marked.
besides this, the knowledge he acquired of the general principles
of law proved of service to him in his studies of Scripture. Much
of the phraseology of the Bible^is legal, and it is full of allusions
to forensic usages ; so that the expositor who comes to the study
of it possessed of a familiarity witn legal formulae and practices,
enjoys an important advantage over others for the due under-
standing of it. In the case of Henir, it is hardly possible to
avoid noticing the frequency with which he draws upon his know-
ledge of law for the elucddation of passages of Scripture. Thus,
for instance, on Matt, xviii. 23-27, ne commences his remarks in
these words : ^ Every sin we commit is a debt to God ; not like
a debt to an equal, contracted by buying or borrowing, but to a
superior ; like a debt to a prince when a recognizance is forfeited,
or a penalty incurred by a breach of the law or a breach of the
peace ; like the debt of a servant to his master by withholding his
service, wasting his lord's goods, breaking his indentures, and in-
curring die penalty. We are all debtors ; we owe satisfaction,
and are liable to the process of the law.' Again, on the same
passage, he observes that ' sinners are insolvent debtors ; the
Scripture, which concludeth all under sin, is a statute of bank-
ruptcy against us.' So also on chap. xxii. 15, he says of the
attempt of the Jews to * entangle ' our Lord by their questions,
that their ^ design was to bring him into such a dilemma tliat he
must make himself liable to the displeasure, either of the Jewish
multitude or of the Romish magistrate ; let him take which side
of the question he will, he shall run himself into a praemunire ;
and so they will gain their point and make his own tongue to fall
upon him.' Once more, on Matt. xxiv. 51, he has the following
striking elucidation of the expression, * Appoint him his portion
¥Fith the hypocrites :' — • Hell is the proper place of hypocrites.
They are, as it were, the freeholders ; other sinners are but inmates
with them, and have but a portion of their misery.' AH these
instances of legal allusion and phraseology are hastily culled from
the notes upon a few consecutive chapters, and may therefore
serve to support what I have said above as to the frequency with
which Mr. Henry drew upon his recollection of what he had
learned at Gray's Inn in his subsequent labours as an expodtor
of Scripture.
There was much also in Henry's intellectual endowments which
fitted him for the task of expounding the Bible. He possessed
great natural acuteness and discrimination ; his memory, as
already observed, was singularly capacious and ready; his judg-
ment was sound and practical ; his apprehenaon was quick ; and
he
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he had enough of fan<^ to aid him in the tracing of analogies,
and the application oi passages to illustrate cases, without so
much as might have seduced him into extravagance or reverie.
Hence his Commentary is pervaded by a vein of good sense and
practical utility, which has proved one of its principal attractions
to readers of intelligence and piety. Though abounding with
quaint remarks, and combinations of thought which provoke a
smile — the efflux of a quiet but copious foimtain of humour that
welled forth in the more hidden regions of his intellectual deve-
lopment — ^his pages contain no idle conceits, no far-fetched hypo-
theses, no visionary and fantastic dreams ; all is clear, simple,
judicious, and practical. The reader has never to search for the
author's meam'ng ; though entirely unadorned, nothing can be more
perspicacious than his style. Nor is there the slightest confusion
apparent in his thoughts ; whether we aeree with him or not, we
know exactly what his ideas were, and leel that we are dealing .
with one who, before he attempted to instruct others, took all due
pains to present to his own mind a distinct and definite conception
of what ne meant to convey.
But, perhaps, it was in his spiritual endowments that Henry's
great and peculiar qualification as a Biblical expositor lay. He
was a man of deep devotion and sincere piety^ ooth of which he
had imbibed, and was in the habit of sustaining, from the treasures
of Scripture. He was not only eminently religious, but his reli-
gion was altogether of a Biblical cast. A stranger alike to that
religion which is merely sentimental, and to that which deals only
in cold speculation, he soueht to sustain his spiritual life by that
rich and substantial food which the All-wise Master has provided
in the storehouse of his word for the members of the household of
faith. He ^ obeyed from the heart that mould of doctrine into
which he had been delivered.' Scriptural truth and feeling had
become incorporated with his entire inner life. The phraseology
of the Bible was to him not so much a lesson he had to study, as
the highest and forciblest utterance of thoughts and emotions that
dwelt continually in his own bosom. Hence he came to the ex-
pounding of it to others with a sort of congeniality of mind which
was of admirable service to him in enabhng him to set forth the
sentiments it contains. He considered the statements of the
sacred writers firom the same spiritual stand-point with themselves.
He was, as it were, already ^joined with them in one spirit ;' he
had a strong and pervading sympathy with them which wonderfully
opened to him their meaning. They and he had associated so long
and so intimately, that he could catch their intention from sisns
which others either did not notice or could not understand. He
bad thus, to a large extent, that exegetical tact for which Calvin
has
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has been so much and so justly lauded as an expositor of Scrip-
ture ; which is to be traced in the latter principally to the same
source as in the former, viz., his sincere, enhghtened, and tho-
roughly biblical piety. No qualification is of more value to the
inter{>reter than this. Sympathy with the writer is a guide to his
meaning, for the want of which nothing can iiilly compensate. It
is to this we are to ascribe tlie undoubted success of many un-
learned men as biblical interpreters ; and the fact that on many
difficult passages such men as Henry and others whose learning
was not remarkable, cast a flood of light, where a Gesenius or a
Hitzig, with all their prodigious reading, only succeed in making
darkness visible.
In connection with this part of the subject I must not omit to
mention tliat Henry devoutly acted upon the maxim of Wiclif,
that the interpreter of Scripture ' must be a man of prayer.'** He
believed, with one whose writings he greatly admired and studied,
that ' for a man solemnly to undertake the interpretation of any
portion of Scripture without invocation of God, to be taught and
instructed by liis Spirit, is a high provocation of Him.'^ It is
interesting to observe how in recording the progress of his work in
his private Diary, he continually carries along with him the con-
sciousness that it is by divine aid alone that he can hope to succeed,
and that it is by the grace of God alone that he had been enabled
to accomplish what he records as finished. It was ' after many
thoughts of heart, and many prayers concerning it,' that he first
entered upon this large undertaking ; and, as he advances, it is in
such terms as these that he records his progress and his anticipa-
tions:— 'July 19 [1705]. Through the good hand of my God
upon me I finished Genesis; the Lord still go on with me.'
' Dec. 7. Finished Leviticus xix ; the Lord make me learned in
his laws.' * Dec. 31. Having obtained help from Grod, I go on
with much comfort in my Notes on the Pentateuch.' ' May 27
[1706]. Studied, preparing to begin Joshua in the strength of
God.' *Dec. 13. Christo auspice pergo.' 'Feb. 10 [1707-8].
I began Ezra, trirt JgaJ ; God go along with me.' ' Jime 1. After
earnest prayer to God for his presence, I this morning began the
third volume of Expositions.' 'April 10 [1710]. Began the
fourth volume. Christo auspice pergo. I humbly begged the
divine assistance, and go forth in the strength of the Lord God.'
* Jan. 1 [1711]. What work I have to do for thee O God this
year ; I depend upon thy grace thoroughly to assist me for it, and
to work all my works in me ; particularly to assist me in the great
work of my Expositions that I may ^rite nothing that is frivolous,
•» Milner's Church History ^ vol. iv., p. 134.
1 Owen, Pneumatologyt p. 332. London, 1808. 8vo.
or
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or foreign, or foolish, or flat, that may give juat oflence, or lead
any into mistakes ; but that all may be clear, and pertinent, and
affecting : that I may find out genuine expositions, useful observa-
tions, profitable matter, and acceptable words ; if it shall please
God to spare me to go on with it. * ^F^^ ^^ t^^^jS' ^i"^'^®^
Acts, and mth it ue fifth volume, blessed be Grod that has
helped me and spared me. All the praise be to God.' This was
almost the last entry he made in his Diary : in less than ten weeks
firom this date he had rested firom his labours. I have given
only a selection of the devout utterances with which he accom-
panied the record of his labours in that private journal ; at almost
every stage they drop from his pen, so that ms course through
Scripture may be compared to the joumeyines of the ancient pa-
triarch, who at every place where he pitchea his tent * built an
altar and called upon the name of the Lord.' Surely if there be
any truth in the remark of Luther, * Bene precasse est bene
studuisse,' we may confidently anticipate in a work, every section
of which was thus prepared amid the incense of devotion, a large
amount of instructive and successful investigation of the lessons of
Holy Scripture.
Mother circumstance in Henry's favour, when addressing him-
self to this work, was that the practice of expounding, the Bible
was one in which he was no novice. It was one in which, both in
the family circle and from the pidpit, he had much exercised him-
self for many years. He may, indeed, be almost said to have
been trained in it from his youth up, and to have been an ex-
pounder of Scripture by a sort of hereditary prerogative ; his
venerable &ther, the excellent Philip Henry, having been so much
attached to it that he made a point of regularly expounding the
chapter read at family prayers, and requiring his children who
were present to take notes of what he said.^ Of the notes taken
by his son from these domiciliary expositions, the latter is said to
have made ' full but judicious use ' in his own comment upon
Scripture."^ Matthew Henry was also in the habit of expouncLing
the chapter he read at family worship, and during his mmistry at
Chester this exercise formed invariably, both morning and even-
^^gj & pcu^ of the public services of the Lord's day ; so that before
^ An interesting specimen of these Notes, taken from a MS. in the writing of
Matthew Henry, was published some years ago onder the title of * An Exposition,
with practical observadons upon the first eleven chapters of the book of Genesis.
By Philip Henry, M.A. London, 1839.' Henry, in referring to his own love for
the study of Scripture, says, in the preface to the first volume of his Exposition,
* It is that learning which it was my happiness from a child to be trained up in by
my ever honoured fiither whose memory must always be verv dear and precious
unto me : he often reminded me that a good textuary is a good divine.'
" Williams's Life, p. 236.
VOL. II. — NO. IV. B he
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he left that sphere of labour he had more than once explained to
his congregation the whole of the sacred oracles." It anpears
also that before commencing his exposition of the entire Biole, he
had been long in the practice of committing to wridng explana-
tory notes on different parts of the sacred volume. ^ If any desire
to know/ says he,^ * how so mean and obscure a person as I am . •
.... came to venture upon so great a work, I can give no other
account of it than this: It has long been my practice, what little
time I had to spare in ray study from the constant preparations
for the pulpit, to spend it in drawing up expositions upon some
parts of the New Testament, not so much for my own use as
purely for my own entertainment, because I knew not how to
employ my thoughts and lime more to my satisSeustion. TrakU
ma qybemque voluptas — Every man that studies hath some belaoed
study J which is his delight above any atlisr; and this is mine/ He
seems even to have gone the length of preparing some of them for
the press, as appears from some extracts of letters ^ven by his
bio^pher, and from the state of the MSS. which are still
extantP
Before engaging in his onerous undertaking Mr.^ Henry had
thus laid up a copious stock of materials upon which to draw.
He did not, however, neglect on that account the help which was
to be obtained from the writings of those who had preceded him in
this department of sacred literature. Of these, on the contrary, he
made oiligent use, especially his friend Matthew Poole's Synopsis
Criticorum^ the Notes of ratrick, Hammond and Whitby, the
Expositions of Calvin, and the learned researches of licntfoot,
Ainsworth, aAd Cradock. The English Annotations of Poole
apnear also to haye been c(»itinually under his eye, and to these,
indeed, he seems to have regarded ms own work as in some degree
supnlementary.
Tins latter circumstance is one which ought to be borne in mind
in judging of the merits of Henry's work. Complaints have been
sometimes made of it as containing too much sermonizing and too
little exposition. For this there is, in point of frict, no small
ground as Henry seldom puts forth any great effort of exegiesis,
usually contenting himself with stating in a few words the mean-
ing of the passage which he adopts, or intimating that it may have
more meanings than one, and then passing on to the practical
application which it contains. But, howeyer much the absence of
exegetical research in his Exposition may be regretted, it is
hardly just to make this the subject of compliant against that
work, inasmud) as the author distinctly disavows his intention of
- Ibid. p. 112. • General Preftoe, p. 3, edit 18i4. p Willitfu, p. d02.
attempting
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attempting anything of this kind. Assuming that the annotations
of Poole nad ' got into most hands/ and iSlieving that for the
purpose of explanation they were of ' admirable use,' he deter-
mined * industriously to decline, as much as he could,' what is to
be found there ; * for I would not,' he adds, ' actum agere— do
what is done ; nor (if I may be allowed to borrow the Apostle's
words) boast of things made ready to our hand,^ As an expositor,
therefore, he rarely dwells on the meaning of phrases, or the
clearing of difficulties ; and though he occasionaDy refers to dif-
ferent yiews haying been taken of a passage, he hardly eyer
attempts to decide, upon any other than tne most general grounds,
which is to be preferred. His principal aim as an interpreter of
Scripture is directed to the analysis under distinct heads of the
train of thought or narratiye furnished by the sacred writers. He
sedulously endeayours to ascertain the connection of each passage
with the preceding context, to gather the general scope of it, and
to present the whole under such an arrangement as sliall convey
to the reader an adequate yiew of the intention and purport of
the passage. In this, it must be acknowledged that he occa-
sionally fails, and that his minute subdivisions, as well as his
transpositions of the writer's statements, sometimes obscure or
Eervert rather than explain the meaning. In general, however,
e succeeds in his dedgn, and after all that has been said of his
want of exegesis, we beueve there are few commentaries firom the
perusal of wnich we shall carry away a more distinct and correct
view of the general design and purport of a passage than from
his.
After explanation came, in Henry's estimation, the application
of the truths educed. ^ When the stone is rolled away from the
well's mouth,' says he, ^ by a critical explication of the text, still
there are those who would botii drink tnemselves and water their
flocks ; but they complain that the well is deep, and they have
nothing to draw ; how then shall they come by this living water?
Some such,' he adds, ' may, perhaps, find a bucket here, or water
drawn to their hands; and pleased enough shall I be with this
office of the Gibeonites, to draw water for the congregation of the
Lord out of these wells of salvation.' These are not the words of
a ^ feigned humility.' No one can peruse his Exposition without
perceiving that they express the genuine feeling of his heart, and
that in the humbler office of suggesting the practical application
of Scripture to the circumstances and wants of the reader, he
enjoys tar more of liberty and delight than in the higher duties of
the expositor. The passage we have quoted may be taken also
as a characteristic specimen of the style in which his practical
obseiTations are for the most part presented ; its point, its quaint-
R 2 nessy
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nessy its interweaving of the language of Scripture with that of
the author, its transient and allusory spiritualizations of Scripture
incident — so diflPerent from the minute, heavy, and fantastic per-
versions of the word of God to which this name is often applied—
and its homely, yet not ungraceful, phraseology are all eminently
characteristic of those practical observations, the use of which it
is designed to explain and defend.
I have no doubt that it is to the practical department of his
work that Henry has been principally indebted for the extenrive
and permanent popularity it has enjoyed. That it contains much
valuable elucidation of Scripture I have already asserted; but
without prejudice to that assertion, it may be nevertheless added
that its chief charm and worth lie in the felicity and sagacity witli
which the truths of Scripture are applied to the interests and
emergencies of the Christian life. Li this department Henry's
acquaintance with human nature, with the chan^n^ phases of
the human heart, and with the peculiarities of Chnstian expe-
rience admirably fitted him to excel ; and, as might be inferred
from his own words already quoted, he threw ail his energies
into it. The result has been the production of a work which,
viewed as a homiletical commentary upon Scripture, is without
a rival in any language — a work which has found a response
in the bosom of Christians of every grade in society and cou*
dition of life — a work to which the believer may betake himself
under whatever emergency, secure of finding something suited to
his case.
Complaints have sometimes been made of the style of Henry in
this work as deficient in dignity and good taste. These com-
plaints, however, belong chiefly to a past ase, when a stiff and
measured balancing of periods was deemed the acme of all
rhetorical excellence, ana when the use of a homely simile, a
quaint expression, or an obsolete word, was enough to spoil, in the
estimation of the connoisseur, the best reasoning or the pro-
foundest thought. To the sounder taste of the present day
Henry's style will not appear to requure any great apolocy. That
it is msfiffured by occasional instances of carelessness, uiat some-
times it descends below the dignity of the subject, that frequently
its quaintnesses are over-quaint, and may provoke a smile when a
smile is not to be desired ; are admissions which we suppose his
greatest admirers would feel constrained to make ; but at tne same
time it must be admitted that his style has many excellencies ; that
in plainness and perspicuity it has never been surpassed ; that it is
often marked by exquisite pathos and sweetness ; that frequently
it rises into vigorous eloquence ; that in its very quaintness there
is a point and pungency which it would be a pity to lose ; and
that
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that above all, it is the genuine and unaffected symbol of the
author's thoughts, and secures that greatest of all adyantages, of
being at once easy to peruse, easy to understand, and easy to
recollect. That Henry could when he chose command a much
more dignified and imposing style is evident from several passages
in the Pre&ces to the different volumes.
The continuation of the Exposition by those individuals who
undertook this duty after Henry's death is, as a whole, very
inferior to the original work. Tne authors write evidently under
constraint from the effort they make, not only to adhere to the
general plan, but also to imitate the manner and style of their
Eredecessor. It is, however, uncertain how Henry himself would
ave succeeded with the doctrinal epistles, and it is, perhaps,
hardlv fair to compare the performances of his friends upon these
with ms own upon departments of Scripture of a very difierent
character, and requiring for the successful elucidation of them
talents of a different order.
In finishing this notice of Henry's Exposition, the writer has
performed a task which to himself has been a labour of love. He
highly values the book, and the memory of the author is dear to
him — thouffh not exclusively yet — chiefly for this book's sake.
His own obligations to it for instruction, refreshment, and edifi-
cation be feels to be immense. Without being blind to its fisiults,
he ventures to aflSrm that taken as a whole, a richer legacy was
never bequeathed to the Church of God by the learning, piety,
iand diligence of any one of her members.
SKETCHES OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF
FRANCIS QUARLES.
By the Rev. F. A. Cox, D.D., LL.D.
Hail to the memory of Quarles— the quaint, the sprightiy, the
irious and instructive Francis Quarles ! Why, have not our m-and-
athers and grandmothers in bygone times spent many a nappy
hour in his fescinating society, and handed down his well-thumbed
and worm-eaten pages as a kind of heirloom to their posterity ?
Have we not, as they were wont to do, sat poring and palpitating
again and again over the magic volumes ? Have we not, in the
period of wondering infancy and youth— yea, even in riper age —
preferred many of his beautiful conceits and racy descriptions —
spite
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234 Sketches of the Life and [Oct
spite of all the talk about taste and so forth — to the level smooth-
ness and ¥dre-drawn prolixity of many a modem poetaster?
Have we not in childhood clapped our little hands at ttie curious
pictorial mimicries presented to the eye (albeit then we knew not
of the borrowing), and the explanatory stanzas which accompany
them ? Have we not again and again looked sympathizingly at
the poor'^heart — stricken, bleeding and oppressed in the vanous
contortions of strange similitudes ? And shall we not honour the
man, re-examine his writings^ and invite the reader to take a
pleasing ramble into his wilderness of fact and fancy ? Yes ; it
18 even yet enchanted ground ; the riches of genius are there ;
the light of reliffion shines upon it.
Pope and otners have denounced Quarles; and the writer
regrets to imite the name of Henry Neele ■ with the number of
his depreciators. Referring to the times of the Commonwealth,
he writes^ with an unmerited sneer, ^Chaucer, Spenser, and
Shakspeare were exiled from the libraries of the orthodox to make
way for Withers, Quarles, and Herbert 1' Poor Neele knew not
how to appreciate the relipious feeling of the times. Pope, how-
ever, in a letter to Bishop Atterbury, says, * Tinnit^ inane est^
with the picture of one ringing on the globe with his finger, is the
best thing that I have the luck to remember in that great poet
Quarles — ^not that I forget the Devil at Bowls, which I know to
be your Lordship's fevourite cut as well as favourite diversion.'
But in the true spirit of self-contradiction, when alluding to the
merit of the prints engraved by Marshall and Simpson in the
first edition, he writes, —
* Here the pictures for the page atone,
And Quarles is sav'd by beauties not his own.'
It is probable that this sweeping censure materially damaged the
reputation of Quarles. Pope deserved to be put into his own
Dunciad for its severity.^ It is curious how another poet, and a
better jud^e, in later times, has precisely Veversed the two parts
of this critical sentence. Southey calls the pictures ^ the most
ridiculous prints that ever excited merriment,' while Pope desig-
nates them ^ beauties ' which redeemed the versification ; while,
on the other hand, Southey denominates as 'fine poems' the
very compositions which Pope represents as saved fix>m contempt
by the pictures.^: Thus is poor Quarles crucified between these
* Lectares on EhiglUh Poetry. This distingniflhed yoniiff man was among my
early acquaintances, and, in common with all who knew ana never can forget him,
I throw the wreath of a sad remembrance upon his early tomb.
^ Pope also cenimres Benlowes for being his patron.
« Vide Critical Beriew for September, ISOl.
two
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two poets, each labouring under the influence of his particular
prejudices. In the view of a refined taste, the prints may, indeed,
appear ridiculous ; but they must be taken in connection with the
religious ideas suggested and illustrated by them ; and such is
their united charm, that at the hazard of being exhibited in some
new Dunciad, poetical or critical, the writer is not ashamed to
say of Quarles as Cowper did of £ngland, * with all thy faults I
km thee stilV
Of his personal history little has survived to satisfy inauiry,
and nothing to enable us to trace the growth of his mind. A brief,
but very interesting portrait of his character was given afiier his
decease by his surviving widow Ursula, which is introduced in
the following modest and attractive manner : —
^ Though it be inconsistent with the duty of a wife to be injurious in
any respect to her husband, yet, in this, my bold undertaking, I fear I
shall be 80 to mine, which I doubt not but he would have forgiven if
he had been living, as proceeding firom love, and I hope his friends
will pardon now he is d«Eui, as being the last duty I can perform to a
loving husband. Those that see with what pen his works are written
will say his life deserved a more skilful artist to set it forth, which
office, though many might have been procured to undertake, and to
which I doubt not but some would have voluntarily offered themselves
if they had known that such a thing had been intended, yet have I
(with much zeal, though small discretion) adventured upon it myself,
as being fully assured that none can be more sensible of the loss of
him thui I, though thousands might have expressed that loss to the
world with more art and better judgment.'
Frauds Quarles was bom at Rumford, in Essex, in the year
1592, being tiie son of James Quarles, Clerk of the Green
Cloth and Purveyor of the Navy in the reim of Queen EliaabetL
He was educated at Christ's College, Canobridge, and aifterwards
entered a student in the law at Lincoln's Inn. Subsequently he
became cup-bearer to the Queen of Bohemia, daughter or James I.,
and on his return from that country was appointed secretai^ to
Archbishop Ussher in Ireland. The rebelhon of 1641 involved
him in the loss of all his property and endangered his person, but
he was happy enough to make his escape. He also held the post
of chronologer to the City of London till his death, which occurred
at the age of 52, in the year 1644. Not long before he gave
great oronce to the Parliamibnt by a work entitled The Loyal
Convert; and taking part in the civil war, by joining the King at
Oxford, he suffered the loss of his possessions, library, and
manuscripts.
His wife has recorded that he had eighteen children, bjdA
* how £Bdthfal and loving he was,' she adds, * my pen and their
tears
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tears are not able to express.' He was reli^ous, loyal, and
studious ; an early riser, even at three o*clock m the morning ;
observant of all family duties and obligations ; courteous and
affable to all. The description which l^ula Quarles ^yes of
his last stage in life is yery interesting.
' The blessed end of my dear husband was every way answerable to
his godly life, or rather surpassed it : for as gold is purified in the
lire, so were all his Christian virtues more refined and remarkable
during the time of his sickness.
^ His patience was wonderful, insomuch as he would confess no
pain, even then when all his friends perceived his disease to be mortal,
but still rendered thanks to God for his special love to him, in
taking him into his own hands to chastise, while others were exposed
to the fury of their enemies, the power of pistols, and the trampling of
horses.
^ He expressed great sorrow for his sins ; and when it was told him
that his friends conceived he did thereby much harm to himself, he
answered they were not his friends that would not give him leave to
be penitent.
* His exhortations to his friends that came to visit him were most
divine ; wishing them to have a care of the expense of their time, and
every day to call themselves to an account, that so when they come to
their bed of sickness they might lie upon it with a rejoicing heart.
And, doubtless, such an one was his, insomuch as he thanked God
that, whereas he might justly have expected that his conscience should
look him in the fiice like a lion, it rather looked upon him like a lamb ;
and that God had forgiven him his sins, and that night sealed him his
])ardon : and many other heavenly expressions to the like effect. I
might here add what blessed advice he gave to me in particular still to
trust in God, whose promise is to provide for the widow and father*
less, &c. ; but this is already imprinted in my heart, and therefore I
shall not need here again to insert it.
' His charity was extraordinary in freely forgiving his greatest ene-
mies, even tliose who were the cause of his sickness, and by consequence
of his death. For, whereas a petition full of unjust aspersions was
preferred against him by eight men (whereof he knew not any two,
nor they him, save only by sight), the first news of it struck him so to
the heart, that he never recovered it, but said plainly it would be his
death. And when his friends, to comfort him, told him that Mr. J. S.
(the chief promoter thereof) was called to an account for it, and
was near to be punished, his answer was, '' God forbid I I seek not
revenge ; I freely forgive him and th^ rest ; only I desire to be vindi-
cated from their unjust aspersions, especially that for aught they know
I may be a Papist, whereas I never spake a word to any of them in my
life/' Which imputation, how slanderous it was, may easily be dis-
covered by a passage in his greatest extremity, wherein his discretion
may perhaps be taxed by some, but his religion cannot be questioned
by any : for a very able doctor of the Romish religion being' sent
unto
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unto him by a friend, he would not take what he had prescribed only
because he was a Papist/
' These were the remarkable passages in him during his sickness.
The rest of the time he spent in contemplation of God, and meditating
upon his word ; especially upon Christ's sufferings, and what a benefit
those have that by faith could lay hold on him, and what virtue there
was in the least drop of his precious blood ; intermingling here and
there many devout prayers and ejaculations, which continued with him
as long as his speech, and after, as we could perceive by some imperfect
expressions. At which time a friend of his exhorting him to apply
himself to finish his course here, and prepare himself for the world to
come, he spake in Latin to this effect (as I am told) : '^ O dulcis Sal-
vator mundi, sint tua ultima verba in cruce, mea ultima verba in luce —
In manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum meum. Et quae ore meo
fitri non possint, ab animo et corde sint k te accepta." (O sweet Sa-
viour of the world, let thy last words upon the cross be my last words
in this world — Into thy hands. Lord, I commend my spirit; and
what I cannot utter with my mouth, accept from my heart and soul.)
Which words being uttered distinctly to the understanding of his friend,
he fell again into his former contemplations and prayers ; and so quietly
gave up his soul to God, the 8th day of September, 1644, after he had
lived two-and-fifty years; and lieth buried in the parish church of
S. Foster, London.
^ Thus departed that blessed soul whose loss I have great reason to
bewail, and many others in time will be sensible of. But my particular
comfort is in hi« dying words that God will be a husband to the widow ;
and that which may comfort others as well as me is what a reverend
divine wrote to a friend concerning his death, that our loss is gain to
Mm, who could not live in a worse age^ nor die in a bHter time.
In noticing a very few of the voluminous writings of Quarles,
the first place is due to the work by which he is most generally
Imown, entitled Emblems Divine and Moral. The plan upon
which it is constructed is to ^ve a Latin motto, briefly explained
in verse, under an illustrative print or {)icture, to prefix an appro-
priate text of Scripture to some poetical stanzas^ to furmsn a
significant quotation from one or more of the Fathers, and to sum
up the whole in the epigrammatic form. Whatever is discover-
able of originality is in the poetry, not in the plan nor in the
tictures, wnich are, in many instances, as Pope alleges, ^not
b own.'
One of the earliest emblematical writers since the period of the
Reformation was Andreas Alciatus, a Milanese law^^er, whose,
ingenious ' Libellus Emblematum ' was printed at Pans in 1533.
They consist generally of illustrations ot moral truths and pru-
^ This passage illustrates the character of the times, and the absard prcgudiees
•f some of the best of men.
dential
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dential principles. Each emblem occupies but a small page,
including the print and the explanatory lines or mottos. l^is
little book was subsequently republished in 1618 with a life of the
author, and in a greatly enlarged form. From a mere pamphlet
it then swelled into a venr stout octavo, having the foUowmg title :
^ Omnia Andres Alciati V. C. Emblemata, cum Commentariis,
quibus emblematum defecta origine, dubia omnia et obscura illus^
trantur. Per Claud. Minoemy J. C. Accesserunt huic editioni
Fred. Morelliy Profess. Reg. Decani CoroUaria et Monita. Pa*
risiis, 1618.'*
Subsequently Hermannus Hugo publisbed Emblems in a Latin
work of moderate pretensions/ called ^ Pia Desideria.' It consists
of three books under the following divisions : —
I. Sighs of the Penitent Soul ;
n. D^ires of the Religious Soul ;
III. Ecstaaes of the Enamoured Soul.
There are occasional flashes of merit, but grievously intermingled
with legends of saints and martvrs, and erroneous sentiments.
These, and other productions of the same school, paved the way
for our author.
The poetical illustrations of the ^ Emblems' of Quarles bespeak
a mind of quick perception, imaginative, and imbued with pious
sentiments ; yet tending to an exaggerated view of the evils of
life. The exaggeration, however, is perhaps rather in the mode
of expression, representing positively what is intended compara-
tively, than in the conception. The sparkle on his countenance,
if the portraitures prefixed to some of his writings be correct^
* From the original ' Ldbellni ' of Alciatns the learned reader may be gratified to
see a spedmen or two. A female is represented with a bridle in ner hands ; the
following lines being sabscribed :«-
' ABseqnitor, Nemensque Tirftm vestigia serrat,
Continet, et cnbitum doraqoe ftena mann
Ne mal^ quid facias, n^e improba verba loquaris;
Et jabet in conctis rebos aaesse modom/
In another, entitled * Mntnal Help,' we have a blind man with a stick in his hand
to grope his waj, and, with strong legs and firm ftet, carrying another who can see,
bat whose legs have been amputated : —
' Loripedem sublatam hnmeris fert lamine captns
Et socii hsee oonlis mnnera retribnit;
Qao caret alteruter, coucors sic prestat nterque
Mutoat hie ocolos, mntoat ille pedes.'
In a third, with a representation of Neptnne encircled by a serpent holding hit
tall, we read as a titie, ' Ex literaram stadiis immortalitatem acqoiri :' —
' Neptnni tabicen, enjns pars ultima oetnm
.£qaoream fkcies inmoat esse Demn,
Serpentis medio Triton comprenditar orbe
Qui caadam inserto mordicos ore tenet ;
Fama viros animo insignes predaraqne gesta
Prosequitur, toto mandat et orbe legi.'
forbios
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forbids the thoaght that he could be the subject of hypochoudriacal
gloominess ; and it is a sparkle which seems to be transmitted
through his pen to his page, and makes his very quaintness an
element of delightful companionship. As criticism is not always
conjoined with religion, we are not to be surprised that a worldly
prejudice should prevent a due estimate of the neculiarities of
a writer who is conversant with no refinements to adorn or mystify
unwelcome truths, who dives without hesitation into the recesses
of the human heart to drag forth its most low and vicious feel-
ings, and who takes his reader amidst the pomps and vanities
of the world, not to admire their glory, but to deprecate their
emptiness. As a sentiment chastened by gratitude for acknow-
ledged merdes, we say this is just, and eminently true when
the panorama of this earthly scene is beheld in the light of
etermty.
Quarles ' too often, no doubt, mistook the enthusiasm of de-
votion for the inspiration of fancy. To mix the waters of Jordan
and Helicon in the same cup was reserved for the hand of Milton,
and for him, and him only, to find the bays of Mount Olivet
equally verdant with those of Parnassus. Yet, as the efiusions of a
really poetical mind, however thwarted by untowardness of subject,
will be seldom rendered totally abortive, we find in Quarles
original imagery, striking sentiment, fertility of expression, and
happy combinations ; together with a compression of style that
ments the observation of the writers of verse.' '
In his three principal works, namely. Emblems Divine and
Moral — Hieroglyphics of the Life of Man and The School of
the Hearty a direct appeal is made to the eye as well as the mind.
This is philosophical ; for while abstractions are littie adapted to
produce a permanent effect upon mankind in general, and even
simple truth may derive an advantage from pictorial representa-
tions, it is a method of procedure wnich accords with the consti«
tution of man, as a being not only of intellect, but of sense. The
earliest impressions we receive are from the external world — our
physical relations thus coming in aid of our moral impressions.
The infant is first entranced by the light — ^then learns to distin-
guish tiie objects presented to view — then comes with expanded
mculties to reason upon and rejoice in the natural theology of the
universe — then acquires information on subjects of intellectual or
moral research, and then becomes prepared for the unfoldings of
wisdom through the fine analogies of nature and Scripture — a
species of instruction of which the Saviour of the world especially
availed himself, and through which he poured the stream of his
Headley's BeauOes rf Early Engluh Poetry.
divine
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240 Sketches of the Life and [Oct
divine communicatioDS. This method has often been found to
surpass in power the utmost force of words and of eloquence :
' Segnii)i8 irritant animos demissa per aurem,
Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus, et quae
Ipse sibi tradit spectator.'
When a hearer is pointed to a vine, a fig-tree, a sheepfold, or
to the operations of a sower, a fisherman, a drawer of water, the
same kind of method is substantially adopted as when the reader
is called to survey apicture as the embodiment or reflection of
important truths. The imperfection of the art or the deficiencies
of the description may in some instances expose to ridicule what is
meant to be the accessory of conviction, but this does not afiect
the value of the principle or the general utility of the procedure.
Say, if you will, there is much rubbish, many mere conceits,
and various far-fetched analogies in these productions ; their truth
to nature and experience, with their intermingled originalities of
thought and diction, cannot fiiil to give them vitality ; and we mi^t
almost say, in reference to the ocean of contempt that in some
ages has overwhelmed them — chiefly, as we believe, from the
irreligion of the critics —
* Menses profundo, pulchrior evenit.'
The plunge has not destroyed these curious works, but they will,
we trust, excite fresh attention and come forth to public view
fiedrer and brighter than before.
Some of the pieces consist of a dialogue, and though perhaps
they are not the best, they are nevertheless full of right sentiment
and ingenuity in the construction. Others may rimcule, but we
must acknowledge that we read the following beautiful specimen
with the deepest impression of the truths insinuated, and feel as
much attracted by the lively manner of the writer as when our
littie fingers pointed out to our own and the glistening eyes of our
infant companions. Justice with her scales, the Sinner with his
clasped hands and downcast eyes, and Jesus with his pen in hand
and glory round his head, sittmg in the seat of judgment.
• Ps. cxliii. 2 : Enter not into judgment with thy servant; for in thy
eight shall no man living be justified,
Jesvs. Justice. Sinneb.
Jes, Bring forth the prisoner, Justice.
Just. Thy commands
Are done, just Judge : see, here the prisoner stands.
Jes. What has the prisoner done ? Say what 's the cause
Of his commitment ?
Just.
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Just* He hath broke the laws
Of his too gracious God ; conspired the death
Of that great Majesty that gave him breath,
And heaps transgressioni Lord, upon transgression*
Jes. How know'st thou this ?
Just. Ev'n by his own confession
His sins are crying, and they cried aloud ;
Thgr cried to heaven — they cried to heaven for blood.
Jes. What say'st thou, sinner ? Hast thou aught to plead
That sentence should not pass ? Hold up thy head.
And show thy brazen, thy rebellious face.
Sin. Ah me ! I daore not : I 'm too vile and base.
To tread upon the earth ; much more to lift
Mine eyes to heaven : I need no other shrift '
Than mine own conscience. Lord, I must confess
I am no more than dust, and no whit less
Than my indictment styles me. Ah, if thou
Search too severe, with too severe a brow.
What flesh can stand ? I have transgressed thy laws :
My merits plead thy vengeance, not my cause.
Just. Lord, shall I strike the blow ?
Jes. Hold, Justice, stay !
Sinner, speak on ; what hast thou more to say ?
Sin. Vile as I am, and of myself abhorr'd,
I am thy handywork, thy creature, Lord ;
Stampt with thy glorious image, and at first
Most like to thee, though now a poor accurst.
Convicted caitiff, and degenerate creature,
Here, trembling at thy hsa.
Just. Thy fault 's the greater.
Lord, shall I strike the blow ?
Jes. Hold, Justice, stay I
Speak, sinner ; hast thou nothing else to say ?
Sin. Nothing but mercy y mercy ^ Lord I My state
Is miserably poor and desperate.
I quite renounce myself, the world, and flee
From Lord to Jesus — ^from myself to thee.
Just. Cease thy vain hopes : my angry God has vow'd
Abused mercy must have blood for blood.
Shall I yet strike the blow ?
Jes. Stay, Justice, hold I
My bowels yearn, my fainting blcKxl g^ws cold.
To view the trembling wretch. Methinks I spy
My Father's image in the prisoner's eye.
Just. I cannot hold I
Jes. Then turn thy thirsty blade
Into my sides — ^let there the wound be made.
« Shrif^ i. e,y WDtemfm ; an old word for amicalar oonletrion with Pspislt.
Cheer,
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Cheer up, dear soul ; redeem thy life with mine :
My soul shall smart, my heart shall bleed for thine.
Sin, O groundless ^ deeps ! O love beyond degree !
Th' offended dies to set th' offender free I'
We do not so much plead in behalf of the poetry of the above
extract, as for its truth, ingenuity, earnestness, and vivacity.
Quarles, however, has produced passages which deserve to be
ranked with the highest order of composition. Seyeral of these
have long ago been searched out by Jackson of Exeter, in his
* Thirty Letters on various Subjects,' and they are such as lustify
a eidogy for which he has been unjustly blamed. While the
excellences of some of oiu' first writers have blinded the critic's
eye to their faults, the faults of others (and Quarles is one of
these) have hidden from view their ments. The probability is
that most of his denouncers have only read him in part, while tney
have ill-understood his general drift ; acting towards him as we
may suppose a casual observer to do who should condemn an old
solid ecclesiastical structure for the grinning images at its angles
and buttresses.
No one can deny that the following verses, to which many
others are equal, contain genuine poetry. They are written on
Cant. iii. 2 : ^ lunJl rise and go about the citt/j and will seek him
whom my soul loveth : I sought him^ but I found him not ;' —
^ O how my disappointed soul 's perplext !
How restless thoughts swarm in my troubled breast I
How vainly pleas'd with hopes, then crossly vext
With fears I And how betwixt them both distrest I
What place is left unransack'd ? Oh, where next
Shall I go seek the author of my rest ?
Of what blest angel shaU my lips inquire
The undiscover'd way to that entire
And everlasting solace of my heart's desire ?
Look how the stricken hart that wounded flies
O'er hills and dales, and seeks the lower grounds
For running streams, the whilst his weeping eyes
Beg silent mercy from the following hounds ;
At length embost,'^ he droops, drops down, and lies
Beneath the burden of his bleeding wounds :
Ev'n so my gasping soul, dissolved in tears.
Doth search for thee, my God, whose deafen'd ears
Leave me, the unransom'd prisoner, to my panic fears.'
The weeping of the stag when he finds himself successfully
pursued is constantly affirmed by spoi*tsmen; but the mode of
putting it is admirable — ^ His weeping eyes beg silent mercy.'
^ Groundless, t. e^ without bottom. ' Embost, t. e., taking to nfner.
You
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You see him too flying over the hills wounded and bleeding,
and at length drooping — dropping down and lying — ^so graphi-
cally represents the scene, that it assumes almost the character of
a visible reality. In many celebrated passages of the poets the
vividness of the description compels your sjrmpathy with the pro-
ceeding, as for example in Bloomfield — ^whose rusticity is more
than redeemed by his genius :-— -describing Crazy Jane missing the
pleasures of life which others of her age participate, the poet
writes —
' Joys, which the gay companions of her prime
Sip, as they drift along the stream of time.'
The word sip and its position force you to see and sympathize
with the action. So here, it is impossible that the reader should
not see the poor wounded animal at the successive points of his
downfall. He is wounded — ^he flies to the water-brook — he weeps
and begs silently for mercy from his fierce pursuers— he hangs
hb head 'he drops down under a gradual exhaustion — ^he lies
bleeding and dying.
It is no small compliment to say, and no uniust one, that this
passage is not unwortny of a comparison with Shakspeare's allu-
sion in As You Like It —
^ To the which place a poor sequestered stag.
That from the hunter's aim bad ta'en a hurt,
Did come to languish ; and, indeed, my lord.
The wretched animal heavM forth such groans,
That their discharge did stretch his leathern coat
Almost to bursting ; and the big round tears
Cours'd one another down his innocent nose
In piteous chase : and thus the hairy fool,
Much marked of the melancholy Jaques,
Stood on th' extremest verge of the swift brook,
Augmenting it with tears.*
If this were not Shakspeare, a critic might offer some objection
to Mnnocent nose,' though literally true ; he misht also intimate
that the ^augmenting of the brook with tears bordered on a
conceit, and sacrilegiously miuntain that the ^ big round tears in
piteous chase,' though fine, does not equal *the weeping eyes
bcffging silent mercy?
xfor was this a lucky hit for once, like the happy dash of a
painter's pencil, or the efibrt of 'single-speech Hamilton:'
various passages of similar merit might be culled. You may
open on almost any of the similes as beautiful. Thus> in the
be^nning of the third emblem of the fifth book,, on the words of
Cant ii. 16, * Mv beloved is mine^ and lam his * —
•Ev'n
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^ Ev'n like two little banlt-dividing brooks.
That wash the pebbles with their wanton streams,
And having ranged and searched a thousand nooks,
Meet both at length in silver-breasted Thames,
Where in a greater current they conjoin ;
So I my best beloved's am, so he is mine.
Ev'n so we met ; and after long pursuit,
Ev'n so we join'd, we both became entire ;
TSo need for either to renew a suit.
For I was flax, and he was flames of fire :
Our firm united souls did more than twine ;
So I my best beloved's am, so he is mine.'
It should be borne in mind that the allusions must be interpreted
in the same manner as we interpret those of Solomon's Song — in a
spiritual sense, as expressive of a holy and enthusiastic devotion :
so that what in a literal sense might be deemed exaggeration and
inflatedyt£r(?r, in this view partakes of a character ofpious rapture
and sublimity. Hence the glow of such verses as the following
in &e same emblem is both admissible and poetical —
' N^, more ; if the fidr Thespian ladies all
Should heap together their diviner treasure,
That treasure should be deem'd a price too small
To buy a minute's lease of half my pleasure :
'Tis not the sacred wealth of all the Nine
Can buy my heart from him, or his from being mine/
In the twelfth emblem of the fourth book we have this verse —
^ Mark how the widow'd turtle, having lost
The fidthful partner of her loyal heart,
Stretches her feeble wings from coast to coast ;
Hunts every path ; thinks every shade doth part
Her absent love and her : at length, unsped.
She re-betakes her to her lonely bed,
And there bewails her everlasting widow-hed.'
This, remarks Mr. Jackson, is very original in the expression.
Tlie circumstance
* Thinks every shade doth part
Her absent love and her ' —
is new, and exquisitely tender. The last line too is exceedingly
poetic and impressive.
We cannot, however, agree in the dispraise bestowed by that
critic on a verse in the sixth emblem of the first book, and which,
as characteristic of another peculiarity of Quarles's style, may here
be cited —
•Let
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' Let Wit and all her studied plots effect
The best they can ;
Let smiling Fortune prosper and perfect
What Wit b^an ;
Let Earth advise with both, and so project ,
A happy man ;
Let Wit or &wning Fortune vie their best ;
He may be blest
With all that Earth can give ; but Earth
Can give no rest/
Is this, as it is termed, *an outrageous abuse of the world?'
Certainly not The idea is common alike to the theologians and
the pious poets ; and what is more, it is consistent with the uni-
versal experience of mankind. Will any one take the affirmative,
and maintain that wealth and worldly wisdom, with whatever else
a transient life may bestow, are sufficient to make a happy man ?
Will any one say that the multiplication of possessions and
pleasures is the true means of happiness, or that m point of tajc^
earth, that is, temporal enjoyment, apart from religion, has ever,
given rest to the mind ? If not, this assertion is not only not
* outrageous,' but strictly true, as it is forcibly put.
Nor can we agree witn the praise of the eulogist in comparing
a passage of Quarles with that of Young —
' See how the latter trumpet's dreadful blast
Affrights stout Mars, his trembling son I
See how he startles I how he stands aghast,
And scrambles from his melting throne I
Hark ! how the direful hand of vengeance tears
The swelt'ring clouds ; whilst heav'n appears
A circle fiU'd with flame, and centred with lus fears.'
* Dr. Young,' says Jackson, ' has some lines on this subject
which are much admired.' But though the subject be the same,
it is differently circumstanced. Young's is a general description
of the Last Judgment ; Quarles describes its effect on a single being
who is supposed to have lived fearless of such an event : —
' At the destined hour,
By the load trumpet summon'd to the charge.
See all the formidable sons of fire,
Eruptions, earthquakes, comets, %htning8, play
Their various engines ; all at once disgorge
Their blazing magazines ; and take by storm
This poor terrestnal citadel of man.
Amazing period I when each mountain height
VOL. II. NO. IV. 8 Out-
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Out-burns Vesuvius ! — rocks eternal pour
Their melted mass, as rivers once they pour'd ;
Stars rush, and final JSutn fiercely drives
Her ploughshare o'er creation/
^ Now to me,' observes Mr. Jackson, ' all this is a pestilent
congregation of vapour. The formidable sons of fire spewing out
blazing magazines — and Buiriy like a ploughman (or rather plough-
woman), driving her ploughshare — are mean, incoherent images.
How much more sublimely Quarles expresses the same, and
indeed some additional ones, in the last three lines I' If this be
not hypercritical, let the reader determine. It would only be
necessary to change the terms a little, or alter the collocation of
words, to render some of the finest of human productions ridi-
culous. Take for example the very passage of Shakspeare
recently quoted, and ask whether even his genius could resist the
following alterations — * the wretched animal heaved forth such
groans that the belching them out made his tou^h skin almost
burst ;' and then, might the cold critic say, how absurd to make
his ' tears run a race over his nose I' It may be taste, or a want
of it, but truly it seems difficult to apprehend the contrasted
sublimity of ' scrawblina Irom his throne,' and the ' hand of ven-
geance tearing the stoeltring clouds.' It has been sometimes said
the sublime and the ridiculous are nearly allied ; it is at any rate
evident that a just discrimination is requisite to prevent the
sublime from appearing ridiculous, and the ridiculous sublime.
In oiu* judgment the two verses which follow the former one might
have been quoted as more picturesque and more powerful : —
' This is that day whose oft report hath worn
Neglected tongues of prophets bare ;
The faithless subject of the worldling's scorn.
The sum of men and angels' prayer ;
This, this the day whose all-discerning light
Bansacks the secret dens of night,
And severs g^ood from bad — true joys from false delight.
You grov'lling worldlings — you, wliose wisdom trades
Where Light ne'er shot his golden ray,
That hide your actions in Cimmerian shades —
How will your eyes endure this day ?
Hills wUl be dead, and mountains will not hear ;
There be no caves, no comers there,
To shade your souls from fire, to shield your hearts firom fear.'
Hieroglyphics^ or the Life of Man, is less various in its
subjects, and briefer as a whole, than the Emblems, but not in-
ferior in point of ingenuity. One theme is greatly diversified.
Life
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Life is a taper lighted by * an unknown flame which quickens his
organs ;' it is then blown upon by the wind — wasted by trimming
— guarded by angels, etc., each representation having its appro-
priate motto and passage of Scripture, and its old-fashioned
illustrative cut Every one is aware that the hicroglyphical
method of communicatmg ideas was antecedent to the invention
of letters, and as Warburton, in his * Divine Legation of Moses,'
has stated, arose in its several species from nature and necessity.
The first kind of hieroglyphics consisted of pictures; a moae
adopted by the Mexicans for their laws and history. By what
other means, indeed, could abstract ideas be intercommunicated
in the ruder ages of the world ? Visible objects would naturally
be employed to aid the conception of invisible things, and awaken
the mutual sympathies of social beings. If it were desired to
express strength and fortitude, the representation of a lion would
be apposite and forcible ; or if docility and meekness, that of a
lamb. Thus all creation might become a kind of symbolical
chamber, replete with amusing and instructive delineations, while
images of truth would reach the mental tabula as the figures of
surrounding objects are reflected in the eye. By the combination
of enigmatical symbols a variety of scenes may be presented to
the mind ; and by making a principal circumstance illustrative of a
combined mass of ideas, the power of picture-writing was greatly
enhanced and extended. Thus in the hieroglyphics of Hora-
poUo a battle is described by exhibiting two hands, one holding
a shield, the other a bow; the imagination being led to con-
ceive of the conflict of hostile forces, and thus representing
something by the instrument of it, or one thing metaphorically for
another : a sceptre suggests the notion of a xing, and a serpent
in a circle, with variegated spots, the universe and its numberless
stars.
It is believed that Hermes Trismegistus fiinit introduced hiero-
glyphics into the heathen theology, whence they became associated
m uie Jewish and Christian ; and on the ground stated by Hippo-
crates, that sacred things should only be communicated to sacred
persons, the Egyptians imparted their literary and religious secrets
only to kings and priests. Warburton states that the Egyptians
used their hieroglypliics two ways — the one more simple, by put-
ting the part for tlie whole^ which was the curiologic hieroglypnic ;
and the other more artificial, by putting one thing of resembling
qualities for another, called the tropical hieroglyphic : thus the
moon was sometimes represented by a half-circle, and sometimes
by a cynocephalus. They employed tlieir proper hieroglyphics to
record opemy and plainly their laws, politics, public morals,
history, and all kiads of civil matters. Tnis is evident from their
8 2 obelisks.
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obelisks, which are fiill of hieroglyphic characters. The tropical
hieroglyphics were used to divulge gradually produced symbols
intended to conceal and wrap in mystery. Thus Egypt was
sometimes expressed by a crocodile, sometimes by a burning
censer with a heart upon it ; where the simplicity of the first
representation and the abstruseness of the latter show that the
one was a tropica] hieroglyphic for communication, the other a
tropical symbol for secresy.
it may be supposed as the invention of letters, which seem to
have been in their first rude sketches imitations of external objects,
superseded the use of symbols, and ideas became more fully and
variously expressed through the refinements of language, that to
adopt meroglyphical forms, as Quarles has done, to illustrate or
enforce religious sentiment, was a retracing of the steps of im-
provement, a return to the mere elements of knowledge, and the
rudeness of barbarous ages. This, however, cannot be fairly
alleged. The antiquity of pictorial representations shows they
are true to nature and accordant vdth the earliest propensities and
tastes of mankind, and consequeutlv adapted to produce permanent
impressions. Besides, if we closely analyse the operations of the
mind, it vdll be found that most ol our conceptions are connected
with figurative representations, and that we are compelled to call
in the aid of imagination to embody abstract ideas, and to fix our
argumentative decisions. Scarcely any of our notions are, strictly
speaking, abstract. The very blowing of the wind must be con-
ceived of, as it aflects objects around us, ruffling the stream or
bending the forest. Power, greatness, goodness, all suppose a
being tnat is possessed of sudi Qualities, and that they exist as
the manifestations of his agency. The invisibility of such a being,
or of beings exhibiting these or other faculties, mcreases the diffi-
culty of the conception, though it may have a tendency to purify
and exalt it. But a condescending spirit of accommodation to
human infirmity seems to have led to the primary revelations of
Deity to man m the glory of external flame, the instrumentality
of a rod, the towering magnificence of a pillar of cloud by day
and fire by night, with other and successive demonstrations during
the theocracy, and to the splendid adumbrations of the Apocalypse,
displaying as in hieroglyphical scenery the future history of the
world. The adoption of tnis method, therefore, is not the turning
back to barbarism, but rather a happy combination of two modes
of instruction, each having its separate advantages, and both
together calculated, by bringing at once the mind and the senses
into action, to give intensity to our moral and religious thoughts.
This is the rather to be remarked since the taste of the present
day, which is presumed to be in intellectual advance upon the
past,
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past, decidedly favours pictorial representations, and has intro-
duced them into every department oi literature.
The School of the Heart is intended to expose the nature
of those disorders which sin has introduced, and to point out the
cure. It is full of excellent sentiment, chiefly conveyed in dia-
logue, Christ and the Sinner being sometimes the interlocutors.
Generally, however, the heart utters its own feelings of repent-
ance, humility, desire, and faith. There are no fewer than rorty-
seven odes, mostly in the most restrained and quaint metres,
bearing the titles of the Infection of the Heart, the Taking away of
the Heart, the Darkness of the Heart, the Vanity of the Ifcart, and
kindred subjects. The cutSy it must be admitted, are often ludi-
crous ; and the poetry is, in oiu* opinion, generally inferior both to
the Emblems and the Hieroglypnics. It required all Quarles's
ingenuity to prolong one idea through so many pages, and to
secure an instructive diversity. Still it possesses uie general
character of his other productions sufficiently to render it worthy
of preservation and perusal. A few verses selected from The
Giving of tlie Heart will furnish an adequate idea of the style
and manner of this production : —
' Give thee mine heart ? Lord, so 1 would,
And there 's great reason that I should,
If it were worth the having ;
Yet sure thou wilt esteem that good
Which thou hast purchas'd with thy blood,
And thought it worth the craving.
* • * • « *
Lord of my life, methinks I hear
Thee say, that thee alone to fear,
And thee alone to love,
Is to bestow mine heart on thee ;
That other giving none can be
Whereof thou wilt approve.
• « « « •
Should I not love thee, blessed Lord,
Who freely of thine own accord
Laid*st down thy life for me ?
For me, that was not dead alone,
But desperately transcendent grown
In enmity to thee ?
« * » « «
Lord, had I hearts a milHon,
And myriads in every one
Of choicest loves and fears ;
They were too little to bestow
On thee, to whom I all things owe —
I should be in arrears. '
Grainger
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Grainger remarks that Solomon's Recantation^ entitled Ecelesi*
astes Paraphrased^ with a Soliloquy or Meditation upon every
Chapter^ is the best piece of poetry that Quarles wrote. It is
undoubtedly in a considerable degree exempt from the conceits
that abound in his other compositions, excepting in a few instances
in the soliloquies, which are distinct from the paraphrase, and
founded on its sentiments ; but it is also undistinguished by many
of his brilliant touches. The nature of the work, indeed, scarcely
admitted of either the one or the other. Its chief merit ought to
be its adherence to the general sense of the original, expressed in
harmonious versification, and such in truth it is ; harmonious,
considering the time and disadvantages under which he wrote.
The sense of the original is throughout well maintained ; it will
always be worthy of perusal. Opening the book casually, the
reader may light almost anywhere upon paraphrases as good as
the following, which may be regarded as an average specimen of
its excellence : —
* A good reputed name is sweeter far
Than breaths of aromatic ointments are ;
And that sad day when first we drew our breath
Is not so happy as the day of death.
Better it is to be a funeral guest
Than find the welcomes of a frolic feast.
There may'st thou view thine end, and take occasion
T* enrich thy thoughts with fruitful contemplation.
Better to cloud thy fece with grief, than show
The lavish wrinkles of a laughing brow ;
For by the sad demeanour of thine eyes
The heart 's instructed, and becomes more wise.
The wise man's sober heart is always turning
His wary footsteps to the house of mourning ;
But fools consume and revel out the night
In dalliance, and the day in loose delight.'
Chap. vii. 1-4.
The volume entitled Divine Fancies^ digested into Epigrams,
Meditations^ and Observations, possesses great merit of the kind
peculiar to Quarles and writers of his class. The sentiment is
never-failingly good, but the maimer of its development is as
usual curious enough : for mstance : —
' On the Sacraments.
^ The loaves of bread were five, the fishes two.
Whereof the multitude was made partaker.
Who made the fishes? God.— But tell me who
Gave being to the loaves of bread ? The baker.
Ev'n 80 these sacraments, which some call seven :
Five were ordain'd by man, and two by Heaven.'
* On
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' On the Hypocrite.
^ No man's condition is so base as his ;
None more accurs'd than he ; for man esteems
Him hateful, 'cause he seems not what he is ;
God hates him, 'cause he is not what he seems :
What grief is absent, or what mischief can
Be added to the hate of God and man ? '
One might cull innumerable little gems from this interesting
cabinet, such aa —
' We rail at Judas — him that did betray
The Lord of life — ^yet do it day by day.*
The mind of Quarles seemed to flow into poetry as naturally
as the fountain into streams ; yet when he did write in prose, it
was with power and pathos. In 1641 he produced a work of
didactic morality, of the greatest merit. It is in reality full of
practical wisdom, and perhaps merits the eulogium of Mr.
Headley,'' ' Had this little piece been written at Athens or Rome,
its author would have been classed with the wise men of his
country.' In point of fact it has acquired much and lasting cele-
brity, and, although several times reprinted, is now scarce. The
first edition is in the British Museum ; and, as a matter of curiosity,
it will not be displeasing to the reader to see the title-page in its
original form.
' ENCHYRIDION :
Institutions .
GONTAIKTNO
DiYiNE J Contemplative.
IPracticall.
rETHYCALL.
MOBALL •|0£CONOMICALI«.
IPOLITICAIiL.
WRIITSM BT
Fra. Quables.
Printed at London by T. Coles, for 6. Huttov, in Ttame-stile-AlIey
in Holbourae, 1641.'
One or two extracts may suffice to show the nature of the
work : —
*• When the humours of the people are stirred by discontent or
popular gprief, it is wisdom in a prince to give them moderate liberty
to evaporate. Ue that turns the humour back too hastily makes the
wound bleed inwardly, and fills the body with malignity.' — Cap. 67.
' So long as thou art ignorant, be not ashamed to learn. He that is
so fondly modest, not to acknowledge his own defects of knowledge,
fc Lect. on Early Eng. Poetry.
shall,
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252 Life and Writings of Francis Quarles. [Oct
shall, in time, be so foully impudent to justify his own ignorance.
Ignorance is the greatest of all infirmities ; and justified, the chiefest
of all follies/— Cap. 92.
^ Let the end of thy argument be rather to discover a doubtful truth
than a commanding wit. In the one thou shalt gain substance ; in the
other froth. That flint strikes the steel in vain that propagates no
sparkles. Covet to be Truth's champion ; at least to hold her colours.
He that pleads against the truth, takes pains to be overthrown ; or, if a
conqueror, gains but &lse glory by the conquest.' — Cap. 22 {Cent, 2).
' If thou hide thy treasure upon the earth, how canst thou expect to
find it in heaven ? Canst thou hope to be a sharer where thou hast
reposed no stock ? What thou givest to Grod's glory, and thy soul's
h^th, is laid up in heaven, and is only thine ; that alone which thou
exchangest, or hidest upon earth, is lost.' — Cap. 29.
It must not be concealed that Quarles wrote some absurd
pieces. Let them be assigned to a merited oblivion, but let not
nis name be scoffed at on their account. There are many precious
stones, as has been shown, among the pebbles; and they had
better be gathered than thrown away. Whether his writings be,
in connection with others of a similar cast, regarded as indicative
or creative of the spirit of the age in which toey were produced,
thej possess alike an intrinsic and historical interest. Li a word,
if just and pious sentiment disgust, because clothed in an anti-
quated dress or tinged with a religious enthusiasm — ^if it be not
deemed worth while to traverse a region of rude rhymes and
curious, perchance monstrous analogies, even though abundantly
variesateid with the lilies and roses of a beaubful fancy, let
Quarles be laid aside and forgotten ; but if the service he has
rendered to sacred literature ought to be remembered, — ^if enter-
tainment and instruction be desired for forthcoming generations
calculated, however oddly expressed, to awaken their attention to
important truths ; and if honour should be civen to whom honour
is due, — then let Quarles (in a well-selected edition of his
writings) never want a defender, nor a shelf to stand upon in our
choicest libraries.
ON
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ON THE APPLICATION AND MISAPPLICATION
OF SCRIPTURE.
By the Rev. Badbn Powell, M.A., F.R.S.,
Samlian Professor of Geometry in the University of Orford,
The great principle of all Protestantism, the sufficiency of Scrip-
ture^ or that it alone contains all things necessary to salyation,
while it has been by some undervalued or rejected, by others has
been stretched beyond all reasonable bounds ; and, while one party
would reduce the office of Scripture to a mere confirmation or pre-
viously-framed dogmas, another has been prone to find in it a
species of literal authority which overrules all rational consi-
derations.
In venturing to think for themselves in opposition to the pre-
scriptive authority of the body calling itself the Church, the appeal
of the Reformers necessarily was to me written Word alone as the
sole authoritative or authentic depository of doctrines and precepts.
Its decisions were to be received as final, and nothing insisted on
as necessary truth but what was directly and distinctly delivered
in the Divine Word according to its right sense and reasonable
construction.
But this would of course imply some discriminating study of the
sacred volume, and might involve considerable labour and be
encompassed with many obstacles requiring much perseverance to
surmount, and, after all, must (from the very nature of the prin-
ciple) admit of endless diversity in the interpretation of Scripture
doctrine. To have no other resource than an authority surrounded
by so many difficulties^ would obriously but ill supply the loss of
that comfortable certamty and undisturbed repose which the minds
and consciences of men had been accustomed to enjoy in the bosom
of an infallible church. And accordingly teachers were not long
wanting professing to remedy this deficiency, and prej^ed wit£
methocb of religious assurance not less oracular in their preten-
sions, and even more easy of application.
The actual text of the Bible, it was contended, was wholly and
entirely the very dictation of the Holy Spirit— every sentence —
every expression — every word — the very breathing of inspiration :
the entire volume one systematic complete scheme of truth, reli-
gious, civil, and social — nay, even political, historical, and scien-
tific—delivered into the hands of the faithful, who, at the same
time
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time endowed with supernatural illumination, were enabled at
once to see and to understand the whole compass and meaning of
its contents : every part of which had its du*ect and immediate
application, for nothmg was to be supposed written by inspiration,
but what was addressed alike to readers in all ages and under all
circumstances — not a sentence, not a word was to be overlooked —
not a passage, however apparently barren of instruction, which was
not to be made fruitful — not an expression, however apparently
trivial, which had not its hidden and mystical meaning discover-
able at once by the pfted reader. Discrepancies were not to be
regarded, for each part must needs harmonize with every other part ;
and the notion of orawing any distinction as to the different object^
design^ or application of different parts of Scripture — of regardinff
any diversities of time, place, or circumstances, was accounted
Kttle less than profane ; to question the rigidly literal sense of
every passage or its immediate application in all particulars to men
in all times, was looked upon as equivalent to little. less than ques*
tioning its divine character altogether. If a doctrine was to be
maintained, it sufficed to find anywhere within the limits of the
sacred volume, any passage, the words of which, abstractedly taken,
might apparently contain or imply it : to think of connection with
the context, or of any other considerations which might limit or
elucidate the meaning, was unnecessary, and in fact little less than
impious. If a duty was to be enforced, a precept anywhere
extracted from the sacred writings was held equally applicable to
all persons under all circumstances, and in all ages.
That such should be the view tsJcen by illiterate fanatics is no
more than might be expected ; but that a mode of proceeding,
little different from this in principle, has been common even among
the superior class of divines, will hardly be disputed by any one
at all versed in theological writings. And that it prevails widely,
even at the present day, is as little questionable by any one who
canvasses with but common precision the language and argument
of hundreds of ordinary religious discourses and publications. But
it will not be surprising that such notions should find ready accept^
ance with a lar^e portion of mankind; for, without going the
lengths of fanaticism, even for the individual to have open before
him an unerring oracle, every word and sentence of which he may
take without further examination or consideration, as propounded
immediately to himself from above, is an easy resource, which
relieves him at once from all labour and perplexity in searching
the Scriptures ; an object of all things the most desirable to human
infirmity.
And in thus adopting without inquiry the first sense which
appears on the surface, or which his imagination sees there, the
reader
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reader comforts himself with the reflection that he is discharging a
duty of reverence to the divine word, and claims ground of self-
commendation for the exercise of much spiritual humility in thus
placing his trust in the inspired text, and not presuming to be wise
above that which is written : and assures himself that he is at least
adopting a safe mode of interpretation. It would seem as if the
theologian, in entering upon the field of sacred research, thought
it not only allowable, but necessary, to discard all those principles
of interpretation which he would in common reason have adopted
in the exposition of any secular writings : and that the distinc-
tions which in other cases are forced upon the attention, between
fact and metaphor — between history and poetry — between local
and national allusions, and truths of universal application, were all
to be laid aside when the volume of Scripture was opened : that its
contents were to be examined by some other rule : peculiarities
and allusions, allegory and matter of fact, the connection of argu-
ment, and the rererence to times, places, persons, and circum-
stances, were all to be lost sight of in one undistinguishing blind
adherence to the mere letter of texts : that the divine will was to be
recognised in the mere letter of any single passage taken promis-
cuously anywhere out of the multifarious writings contained in the
volume of the Scriptures, new or old, Jewish or Christian, and
applied with equal disregard of the context from which it was
'wrested, or the conditions of the case to which it was to be
tortured.
A mass, of heterogeneous testimonies were thus strangely
brought together to mix in a dogmatic system ; or, as an eminent
writer has expressed it, ' They made an anagram of Scripture.'
Instead of the rational, humble, and patient endeavour to discover
the meaning probably designed in the *mind of the writer,' it
seemed to be supposed that the sense of the text was rather to be
disclosed by some mystical power in its mere letter, acting on the
mind of the privileged reader.
The belief in the iiispired character of Scripture majr of course
impose peculiar restrictions on the course to be pursued in examin-
ing its contents ; but allowing for considerable difference of opinion
as to the meaning and extent of inspiration, it yet by no means
follows that this consideration should make a difference so entire
in kind, as that often supposed, in the way by which we are to seek
to arrive at the meaning, or make our applications of the contents
of the sacred books, whose instructions were all conveyed in human
language and addressed through the medium of human ideas.
The extreme doctrine of the enthusiast who rests in the mere
letter of every detached text, as a direct message from on high to
himself, extravagant as it may appear when broadly avowed, is no
more-
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more than what, a little modified and softened down, coincides with
impressions much more generally adopted. And we commonly
find, too, the mass of mere worldly-minded nominal ChristiaDS
most forward to pay this sort of blind, but easy, homage to Scrip-
ture. The ^eat majority of ordinary professing believers follow
' without inquiry the same mdiscriminate devotion to the mere letter
of the sacred text, as a conventional and established point of reli-
gion, without a thought as to its real purport, and even with a
feeling of ofience and disgust at any attempt to break in upon the
illusion, and to supply views of the subject more accordant with
truth and reason, which they condemn as unsettling men's minds,
hazarding the stability of established systems, and endangering the
cause of religion ana all social obligations, and which the more
zealous dogmatists no less anathematize as subverting the Word
of God and undermining the Gospel of Christ
That such ideas should prevail among the many is, indeed, not
surprising, when we consider the fearful deficiency of all habits of
reflection or inquiry on the subject. But that the same ignorant
notions should also be commonly avowed or betrayed among
those of better information, and even among the ministers of reli-
gion, might excite surprise, did we not remark that, as this mode
of referring to Scripture afibrds on the one hand (as we have
already observed) an easy means of satisfying an uninquiring faith
among the many ; so, on tne other hand, among the better instructed
and instructors, it supplies a scarcely less ready mode of support-
ing the cause of a party, of defending a peculiar dogmatic system,
or of retaining a powerful and convenient hold on the minds of the
multitude. But even honestly these ideas are almost unconsciously
adopted in very many instances : where fi*om long habit no suspi-
cion of their reasonableness has ever crossed the mind. Yet there
can surely be few of the most ordinary discernment who do not,
the moment it is simply stated, admit the imreasonableness of
appealing to the isolated letter of a Scripture text in a way which
they would reject as utterly puerile if it applied to any other
work.
' It shall greately helpe ye to understande Scripture, yf thou
marke not onely what is spoken or wrytten, but of whom, and to
whom, with what wordes, at what time, where, to what intent, with
what circumstance, consyderynge what goeth before, and what fol-
loweth ' (Myles Coverdale's Prologue unto the Christian Reader,
Trans, of Bible, 15351
Such is the simple out pithy advice of the Reformer. Its home-
liness may be despised by some, but its importance may be better
estimated from the continual errors into which some fall from the
neglect of it. To show that the authority we quote was really
designed
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designed to apply to the question in hand, were it not so, often
overlooked, woula form a rule too obvious to require formally
adverting to. The assertion of the inspiration of Scriijture is one
thing : tne consideration of the purposes for which it is inspired,
is another: while it is difficult to see how any one, in these
obvious distinctions, can find ground of disparagement to the
value of any portion of the Bible, or to the religious use which
may be made of it by the discerning and enlightened Christian
who * rightly divides the word of truth.'
About the period of the Reformation, we perceive, in the preva-
lence of this extreme worship of the mere letter of Scripture, the
strong reaction of the emancipated spirit of Biblical inquiry, not
as yet exercised in the more comprehensive and rational principles
of interpretation ; but even to later times a similar spirit has been
propagated, when the advance of intelligence, and the comparative
cessation of those stirring causes of high excitement which accom-
panied that great movement, might, in some degree, have been
expected to be favourable to more calm and rational views.
The literal application of texts has been the stronghold of theo-
logical doffmatism in all schools ; and though, at the present day,
we cannot but hope that a better spirit is manifesting itself among
enlightened divines of all communions, yet if we look back at
many of the harsh and almost revolting schemes of narrow doc-
trine and illiberal exclusiveness which have characterized various
parties, we may trace their strength to the predominance of this
blind and bigoted adherence to a literal immediate application of
Scripture, without distinction of times or circumstances. Never-
theless, it must be owned that such systems have often had a con-
sistency and completeness within themselves, which has formed
their recommendation to acceptance with many. This first prin-
cipje once admitted, they have appeared to stand on unassailable
ground : fenced about with an array of texts, they defy the attacks
of opponents.
Thus, e, ff.y the system of Antinomianism has found many
supporters. Built upon the literal application of peculiar Scrip-
tural expressions, a system assailing the foundations of morality
triumphed. Referring everything to the Divine counsels, irrespec-
tively of their just interpretation, the most revolting conclusions
appeared obvious inferences. Laying hold of certain detached
texts, without regard to the grand characteristics evinced in the
progressive development of the Divine dispensations, the advo-
cates of these views discarded all moral considerations as carnal,
and thence contended that all moral obedience is mere bondage ;
the letter of the Divine law is merely the sentence of our condem-
nation. In a word^ all distinction of goodness and wickedness is
purely
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purely arbitrary ; all notion of moral right or wrong, moral merit
or demerit in our actions, results merely from the corrupt standard
of our natural reason. Hence the denial of moral distinctions
or responsibility in the carnal sense of the term. Hence men
may sm without any conscious ill intention. Hence the most
immoral profligate, and the man of the most heroic moral virtue,
may be equally reprobates ; or, as Augustine said, ' the highest
virtues of the heatnen were but splendid sins.'
Extravagant and portentous as tnese and some other closely allied
systems, followed out to their legitimate consequences, may appear,
still, so long as the first principle of Scripture literalism is admitted^
they are unassailable. They have, as bishop Warburton once ob-
served, no weak side of common sense on which they can be attacked.
The way, and the only way, by which we can escape these re-
volting inferences, is by the unhesitathig adoption of the simple
ground of ratiorial interpretation^ the admission of an appeal to
reason, the preference of the obvious and natiu*al to the hidden
and mystical sense. The recognition of the conclusions of natural
theology and morality, to correct and guide our conception of the
declarations of revelation; the allowance of critical, historical,
and philological aid in determining the sense of passages according
to the context, and the general design of the composition, and
tenor of the argument, of wliich they may form a part ; the re-
ference to distinctions of time, place, and circumstances; of
manners, prejudices, and opinions-; the due perception of meta-
phor and allegory ; and the broad rule of qualifying particular
assertions by the general tenor of Scripture.
Let us but look into the works of those divines who are esteemed
as the ^ most orthodox ' opponents of fanatical doctrines of these
and other kinds here glanced at ; and what are their arguments
throughout, but a continual exemplification and practical ac-
knowledgment of the justice of the rules and principles here
advocated ?
The texts alleged by the ultra-predestinarian, the antinomian,
and the like religionists, are examined and found to bear no real
testimony of the kind supposed, because in one the expression is
properly metaphorical ; in another it refers to some peculiarity
of the Jewish dispensation ; in a third, it is not to be strained too
literally, or is to be explained and modified by the context : or it
is merely an accommodation of a passage in the Old Testament
to the subject in hand, or containing particular declarations which
are not to be unduly and exclusively dwelt upon ; but we are to
be guided by the general tenor of divine revelation, and, above all,
by the reference to what is consistent with the divine perfections,
the moral nature of man, and his relation to his Creator.
Such
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Such is the universal tenor of the writings of this respectable
class of divines ; but it is remarkable how little they often seem
to apprehend the force of their own principles — how readily they
condemn as most dangerous neologism and heresy, opinions of
other kinds, supported by the very same modes of interpretation
and criticism on which they take their stand against the fanatical
opinions alluded to. If the appeal to the same primary truths or
rational rules of interpretation be allowed, then any other doctrine
to which such principles may be applicable, though supported by
the most formidable array of texts, may on such grounds be equally
set aside ; that is, the texts will require a modified interpretation.
Thus, e, ^., it is on no other ground than that on which some reject
the tenet of reprobation, that others discard the eternity of future
punishments altogether, or the theories of imputed sin and the
divine satisfaction.
Again, if we are to follow a slavish adherence to the letter of
textSy we must unavoidably adopt the tenets of transubstantiation
and unction of the sick. And when we hear some Protestant
divines attacking those tenets, as superstitious or repugnant to
reason^ we cannot but observe tliat they seem to forget the con-
cessions involved.
Gibbon relates that at one period of his life, he rejoiced at
discovering a philosophical argument against transubstantiation ;
as if in one sense it needed it, or in another could be affected by
it. If the mere letter of divine dogmas (whether written or
traditional) is to be impUcitly followed, then the real presence,
though at once a miracle and a mystery, is not more at variance
with reason than other miracles or mysteries ; on the other hand,
the same arguments by which it is commonly set aside, would
equally condemn some doctrines retained by Protestants, not per-
haps intrinsically more level to the comprehension, or consistent
with the theories which human imagination may suggest.
But in another class of opinions very widely entertained at the
present day, we may find further and important illustration of the
principles here imder examination.
Obligations of a practical kind have been supposed to arise out
of passages even in the earliest and most obscure portions of 4he
Old Testament ; and in what are represented in them as intima-
tions of the divine will to individuals or nations (however pecu-
liarly circumstanced, or in however remote an age), rules of more
lasting, and even universal, application have been believed to have
been intended. And some notions of this kind have become so
generally prevalent, as even to lead to the impression, that the
very basis of religious and moral duty is involved in these distant
and imperfect announcements of the divine commands, delivered
under
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under such widely different circumstances to those at present
prevailing. Thus (as has been already in some de^e noticed)
theories have been largely adopted, in accordance with which the
authority and obligations of the Jewish law haye been mixed up
with those of the universal gospel, the precepts of the Old Testa-
ment with those of the New, the religion of the Hebrew nation
with the cathoUc religion of Christ, in ways which, to an unpre-
possessed mind, would appear very extraordinary. If we profess
to receive the New Testament as the record of Christianity, it
must be apparent that on this subject we can obttdn information
from no other source than the recorded declarations of the autho-
rized teachers of Christianity. But even these, under the influ-
ence of some of the theories already referred to, have been often
interpreted in a sense widely remote from that which a due con-
sideration of the circumstances under which they were delivered
would seem to warrant.
We know nothing of the Old Testament, of its precepts, or of
its doctrines, except from the reference to it which is made by our
teachers in ttie New. We can understand and apply it solely as
they have represented its. claims; or be guided by it only so tax^
and in such a sense, as Uiey have taught us to apply it The
frequent practice adopted both by Jesus Christ himself, the evan-
gelists, and apostles, of appropriating to the pur[>ose immediately
m hand passages from die Old Testament, which, except from
such application, would not appear to have any, or at most only
some verbal or accidental resemblance to the case, is one which
cannot warrant such a practice among us at the present day,
much less support the authority which some would give to the
Old Testament law as applying to Gentile Christians.
Christ and his apostles, in fact, refer to the Old Testament solely
as argument potent with those they addressed^ and calculated
to confirm some more extended Christian precept, as an illustration
of some Christian truth, or as suggesting some analoey by which
a Christian sense may be put upon the expressions or mcidents of
the Mosaic or prophetical writings.*
In doing so, however, the apostles doubtless make use of these
allusions as a vehicle of much real and Christian instruction. But
■ * Hoc prsBcipne consilio scimus et Christum et Apostolos ssepe adhibnifise e libris
hebndcis sacris, aliqnas sententias aut historias ; non vero id egisse at cseteri omDes
homines Jadsorum cunctas opiniones domesticas studiosissime arriperent, qnibus
populi hujus omnis historia non sine superstitione solebat consecrari,^ atque religio
lUa wwfjLoros kou a\ri0€ias per reverentiam in «t«xa <rrotxcxa impediri
Ista qnas hie breviter observamas si quis omnia neglexerit commiBcebit in-
spirationem atque oiKwofuay divinam com ipsa catholic^, revelatione : atqae non
solum difficilis atqae 'molestns ad alios interpres, sed etiam impotens religionis
ChristiazuB defensor fuerit'— Semler, Irutit. Breo. § ix. : see also § zxxii., p. 7, 8.
the
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the essential truths must not be confounded with the peculiar forms
of adaptation in which the religion and laws of a particular dispen-
sation were conyeyed. Real instruction may be dedudble, indeed,
but it is not always that which lies on the surface. In seeking it,
we can only be guided by the teaching of the apostles, as in Kom.
XV., 1 Cor. X. If we would make tiie Old Testament applicable,
it must only be in the way and in the sense taught by the New.
Such are a few remarkable instances which distinctly evince the
necessity for more rational considerations, and more enlightened
principles of interpretation than many seem inclined to allow in
the process of applying Scripture. In these instances every in-
quirer of common discernment cannot but see and own the
necessity for such use of reason in elucidating the true meaning
of revelation. There are, nevertheless, those who exclaim against
all such views as rationalistic. Yet, when closely examined, it is
found that the broad principles referred to are no others than
those which no theology beyond the lowest fanaticism can possibly
dispense with.
The legitimate use of the ruks of reasonable criticism can
never be foreign to the investigation of truths professedly depend-
ent on the right understanding of written records. It can only
be the abuse and perversion of such criticism which can be fairly
open to suspicion or reproach.
But so wholly unreflecting is the ordinary mode of regarding
the sacred volume, so little are professing believers given to think
on or examine the pounds of their reception of its contents, and
so narrow the prejudice on which, ratner than on any rational
conviction, their veneration for the divine word is too commonly
cherished ; and we must add, so great the ignorance in which the
young (and not OTily the young) are often studiously kept on these
points, and on whidi our divines are too often unwilling to allow
others or even themselves the privilege of further enlightenment,
— that upon the whole we can hardly be surprised at the preva-
lence at once of narrow and unworthy views of Christianity, and
the dread felt by the many at any attempt to inquire into its real
doctrines in a more liberal spirit of free mquiry ; or that the very
agitation of any question tending in the least to impugn what has
received the sanction of established authority and admitted con-
sent, should be denounced as dangerous and heretical.
But the views thus combated as to the immediate and literal
application of Scripture, whether in the more extreme or in the
more modified sense, have been often defended on the plea, doubt-
less, in a certain sense, most true and just, that the Bible altogether
is one harmonious whole ; — that all its parts being no less than
the dictation of one And the same Divine spirit, cannot but con-
voL. II. — NO. IV. T spire
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spire together to one end and purport, and thns eveiy part must
be -taken in connection with the rest, and from the close combina-
tion of them all, one system of truth and duty must result. Now
without in the least disparaging the general assertion, we may yet
view this connected whole with a due reference to the mbordina-
tion and distinctness of its several parts — and it will in no way
follow from this view that a precept or institution delivered under
one dispensation or one state of things will at all apply under
another and a different stage of the deyelopment of the divine
economy of grace. It is from the neglect of this conaderaticm
that most of the allegations as to the moral law, the obligations of
primeval institutions, the Sabbath, and other ordinances, take
their origin.
In a former article * On the Law and the Gospel' (No. U.) I
have exemplified at large those views of the Christian dispensation
which appear to me to result from duly taking into account those
more reasonable principles of Scripture-application, which are here
more specially aavert^ to. I have there noticed many opinions
which are at present widely prevalent among British and American
divines, as not a little at variance with such rational interpretation
of Scripture. What I am anxious now to innst on is, that in all
these cases^ the question really at isstte is^ Icanceivej a question of
FIRST PRINCIPLES. If the literolist principle be granted even in
its more modified form, those opinions with r^pird to the law and
the Sabbath will no doubt follow as direct consequences. Into the
various minor points of difference, such as the verbal int^retation
of particular passages and the like, I do not now pretend to enter.
My reasons in support of those interpretations ¥nll be suflSciently
apparent from the remarks made in that article, as well as in
others therein referred to. At present my object is to recall
attention solely to the broad principles on which any such inquiries
must be conducted ; and this more particularly from the appearance
in the last number (III.) of this Journal of an article ' On the
Christian Sabbatii,' by the Rev. P. Meams, in which that divine
has with much zeal, diligence, and eloquence reproduced and
enforced all the standard arguments (induding I believe all that
can be urged) on the side of the question he has eqioused. It is
not my intention to enter on any controversial details on the subject
I merely wish here to observe that (as appears by the note ap-
pended to my article in No. II.), Mr. Meams' paper was in the
Editor's hands before mine appeared. Hence though we have
each touched on nearly all the same topics, and though we each
take for the most part totalljr opposite views of each point fi-om
the fiu^ts of the case just mentioned, we both stand relieved from
the otherwise unpleasant appearance of assuming an attitude of
hostility.
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hostility. Our several views of each particular text or authority
referred to are before the readers of this Journal, and to their
candid judgment may be confidently left.
I merely wish here to repeat my conviction that the whole is a
question of first principles. The entire fabric and structure of the
popular argument in support of the law and of the Sabbath is
entirely buut up on the supposition of the amalgamation of all
parts of Scripture into one, and the neglect of these distinctions
which appear to me so essential between the different conditions
implied m the successive portions of the divine dispensations.
The advocates of these opinions seem to disregard altogether such
considerations as these ; — ^that religious institutions anterior to the
law of Moses are not therefore of any obligation at a later period,
or designed for general adoption anymore than that law itself;
that the predictions of the prophets as to the spread of the worship
and kingdom of Jehovah must taivlj and consistently be inter-
preted either as referring literally to the spread of proeelytism and
the literal observance of the Sabbatiis and other ordinances of the
law, or else spiritually to the spread of the Gospel, and by conse-
quence to the Sabbaths and offerings interpreted in a figurative
sense, as meaning typically the perpetual and spiritual Christian
service and the future rest reserved for the faithful : — that the
precepts and admonitions of our Lord respecting the law and the
Sabbath were all addressed to the Jews as yet living under the law
then in force : — ^while on the otiier hand the declarations of the
aposties are explicit and unreserved, without ambiguity or excep-
tion as to the emancipation even of the Jew from the terms of the
old covenant, and as to the total absence of all such obligations
in the case of the Gentiles— obligations whicli, as they had never
existed^ could not be now imposed. Lastiy, that as to the apostolic
authority for any observances in the Christian church, such as 'the
Lord's f)ay, we have no right to form any conclusions beyond
what the positive evidence of the New Testament history warrants,
and from which it cannot possibly be mixed up with the Sabbath.
These are a few of the General Considerations to which I would
refer as those on which the views of any person ought to be pre-
viously made up before he enters on the mere discussioii of particular
authorities and passages in detail.
There is only one point to which I would advert more parti-
cularly, viz., it surprises me to find a writer of evidently so ex-
tended reading and information as Mr. Mearos assuming, as if
wholly unaware of the progress of opinion on the point, the literal
authority of the Hebrew cosmogony, and in fact mainly grounding
his argument on the narrative of the creation and the primseyal
sanctincation of the seventh day: whereas no competentiy in-
T 2 formed
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formed person at the present day, I should have thought, could he
ignorant that the now firmly established inductive tnittis of geology
entirely overthrow the historical character of the narrative of the
six days, and, by consequence, that respecting the seventh along
with it. I need not here press this point farther, as I have already
in other places gone faUy into the subject.**
But apart from these considerations, this is in fact one of those
eases which afibrd the most striking illustration of the general
argument of the present essay. It is a remarkable instance, which
shows the absolute necessity for more rational and discriminating
views of the purport of Scripture than are commonly adopted, if we
would avoid the only alternative, that of discrediting its truth alto-
gether. No one competently informed on tiie subject can seriously
reflect on the remarkable and notorious contradiction existing
between the facts disclosed at the present iisLyhj geological research^
and the representations given of the creation in certain passages of the
Old Testament, as literally understood, without perceiving that it is
a subject which directly involves a train of consequences, bearing
on the entire view we must take of the nature and tenor of revela-
tion, and the discussion of which, the more we consider it, must be
admitted to form a remarkable epoch in the history of theological
opinions. Yet there are many who, whatever particular view of
the subject they adopt, do not seem as yet disposed to assign it
this degree of importance; but think the difiiculty sufficiently
solved by the general remark that revelation cannot really be in-
consistent with physical truth : and then to leave it without farther
question or examination. Here, however, a distinct point not of
abstract doctrine, but connected with tangible matter offact^ is
brought to light, by which a positive renunciation is demanded of
much which has been hitherto held sacred. Here the disclosing is
not) and cannot be misrepresented as, mere matter of speculation
and theory, but comes with the claim of evidence and certainty ;
and when on the strength of such disclosure an unanswerable con-
tradiction is made out, it is of material import : the case is not
one which involves merely the question of the literal acceptation of
a word or phrase ; it is not a parallel case with that {e. g,) of the
incidental iScriptural expressions, implying the motion of the sun,
or the existence of a solid firmament ; nor is it of the nature of
any sceptical objection to a miraculous narrative ; but is an appeal
to existing monuments of the process of the formation of the crust
^ See my Connection of Natural and Divine TVuth, and article Creation, Kitto'8
Cyclopadia if Biblical Literature, — ^Author.
Among the Ohseryationg on Scripture in the present Number of the Journal, the
reader will' find an interesting letter from an esteemed contributor, vith reference
to ^e same view which is here advanced. — Editob.
of
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of the earth ; and this stands in obvious contradiction to what is
recorded as the divine declaration from Mount Sinai in the form
of a circumstantial narrative of the origin of the world. The dis-*
crepancy is not one with any theory or partial discovery of science
which future investigations may set aside, but with those primary
facts which involve nothing hypothetical, about which no difference
of opinion exists, and whicn are mixed up with the first principles
not only of geology but of all inductive truth. Various interpreta-
tions 01 the passages were once in vogue, suggested with a view of
softening down the difficulty, but which recdly do no more than
gloss it over rather than in any degree remove it. But these various
expositions, however unsatisfactory in themselves, have yet been so
far useful that they have in some measure prepared the public
mind for more full and honest disclosures of tlie truth. And it is
now generally allowed that as the only rational course, we are
driven to confess that ux cannot regard the letter of the representa-
tion as designed for a positive history of facts : our only alternative
is to regard that which is not history aa poetry , if we would avoid
impugning the truth of these accounts altogew£r.«
The theological objections and the religious difficulties felt by
many at the avowal of this consideration arise wholly from the
adoption of those peculiar views with regard to the connection of
the Old Testament dispensations with Christianity to which we
have above referred. Difficulties of this kind therefore can only
be removed bv those wider views to which the more careful study
of the New Testament leads as to the limited design of the
judaical revelation, whether as delivered from Sinai or afterwards
amplified in the books of Moses. And the more the genius and
spirit of Christianity is studied as a religion designed for all
nations, and under which the peculiar institutions of older dis-
pensations have no place, the more clearly will the topics so
closely involved in the narrative of the creation be acknowledged
as forming no part of the Gospel : and, in consequence, the con-
templation of the contradiction in question will be regarded as
even eminently useful and valuable, and, instead of injuring, as
tending rather to enhance and uphold the purity of Cmistianity,
by palpably reminding us of the distinction.
But to return : I would only further observe that the discussion
of questions relative to the law and the Sabbath seems to excite
too commonly a far more violently polemical spirit than almost any
others, — an evil, surely, to be strongly deprecated. Again, apart
<> Josephus says (Pref, to Antiq.) that Moses wrote many thlogs enigmatically
and metaphoricallyr
from
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from this, such discussions are too often carried on in the manner of a
mere conflict, in which ^ther combatant is merely bent upon urging
such topics as may make most strongly for his own side : bandyinff
arguments and parading a host of texts. I do not think the truth
in any case likely to be promoted by such a mode of proceeding.
In the present instance especially I conceive the subject is one in-
Tolvine those broader prindples which must be collected from a
candid and rational inquiry into the historical characteristics of the
several portions of the divine dispensations recorded in the Bible,
and b^ looking at passages in accordance with the entire argument
of which they form a part. The question ou^ht not to oe ap«
proached in a polemical spirit, but will receive its solution to each
inquirer's mind in proportion as he endeavours to look at Chris-
tianity as a whole, in its purely evangelical character as elicited
by a rational examination of the New Testament. Its historical
peculiarities are precisely those which involve in a very prominent
place the class of questions here referred to. It no doubt appeared
to the world in the first instance imder a sort of Jewish guise, but
it was soon seen by the intelligent Gentile inquirer that any such
seeming appendages were only the results of a temporary adherence
to Jewish prejudices and national peculiarities on the part of a
section of its first teachers and professors. It was soon seen to
possess a more extended and catholic spirit, and to be a system of
spiritual reli^on and enlightened trutii, setting men free from the
bondage to ' beggarly elements,' especially to * times and seasons,
days and years.' In the conception of the enlightened Gentile
convert there neither was nor could be any reference to what
might be recorded in the earliest portion of the Hebrew Scriptures
as in the slightest degree revived under the Gospel^ or as m any
way difierent in its application fit)m what was contained more spe-
cifically in the law. The Gentile knew nothing of any such earlier
or general obligations : he embraced the Gospel as standing on its
own ground, and in essential independence of all previaiu di^
pensationsj though from its Jewish origin the language of its an-
nouncement mi^t be unavoidably mixed up with some references
to Jewish peculiarities.
In the course of a few centuries corruptions abounded ; and not
the least of them were the increasing admixture of Jewish ideas
and Old Testament views with the pure spiritualism of Apostolic,
and especially of Pauline, Christianity. It is only astonishing
that in the advance of such corruptions there was not evinced
a greater disposition than we actually find, for introducing Sab-
batism. But even the nearest approaches to it, in the expressions
of Chrysostom, Dionysius and a few more, and in the decrees of
the
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the LaodicBBan and other ComicilB, are characterized by expreseioDs
preserving a broad and marked distinction as to the ground and
nature of any such observance.
But the opinions of the &AeirBy and the decisions of councils,
are of no authority to the Scriptural protestant He will be satis-
fied to look only to the recorded doctrines of the apostles, and in
every page of the writings of the great apostle of tne Gentiles, at
least, he will find in their simple historical interpretation the most
unequivocal declarations of the independence of Christian prin-
ciples, and the simple character of that scheme of religious service
by which the enlightened follower of Christ ^ worships the Father
in spirit and in truth,' without distinctbn of days or places, without
relation to those forms which may have been ordained in times past,
and for other parties, as no doubt suitable to their position, but with
whidi the Grospel owns no connection, — since ^ old things are passed
away, behold, all things are become new I' 2 Cor. v. 17.
ON THE ABUNDANCE OF THE PRECIOUS
METALS IN ANCIENT TIMES.
By 6. M. Bell,
Author of ' The Country Banks and the Curreney/ &e.
In the prinntire ages of the world the wants of man were not
only simple in themselres, bnt readily satisfied by the exyberant
productions of nature around him. The Nimrclds of antiquity
captured in the chase the venison for their daily repast, and in
later times the flocks upon a thousand hills afforded supplies
more than adequate to every demand. So long as men were only
hunters or shepherds, subsbting on the produce of the chase or
of the fold, their social wants were few and speedily gratified.
The simplicity of tilieir food, clothing, and dwellings, was by no
means greater than the fadlities with which they were surrounded.
It is a diaracteristic of the primitive condition of man, in what*
ever part of the world he is found, that his tastes, his desires, his
wants, are simple and few ; they are also such as can be readily
gratified by the means witldn his reach. The Esquimaux are at
the present day one amons numerous instances of the truth of
this remark. Their condition is not more primitive and simple
than the means which Providence has provided for their sustenance
and
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and enjoyment. Althon^ these are indeed few, yet they are
adequate to a state in which man is, no doubt, quite as happy as
the most prosperous European in the plenitude of his wealtn and
power. It is only when men increase in number, when society
spreads out and extends its boundaries and its desires, that the
necessity of more activity, of greater intercourse with others, of
an interchange of commodities, as well as of thought and of
action, is forced upon the attention, and gradually develops the
energies of all.
As society progressed and extended in the early ages, men
found out tliat they could not subsist altogether by the chase> or
by attendance upon their flocks. To the occupation of hunters
and of shepherds was therefore gradually added those of builders,
artiGcers, and traders. The mighty hunters and the nomade
shepherds s&w rising aroimd them the towns and villages which
marked the prosress of civilizatioQ and of enterprise ; and in course
of time the produce of the chase and of the fold, instead of being
merely the means of their own subsistence, became the objects
of barter and of sale.
Every extension of society brings with it a subdivision of in-
terest and of labour, and the reward of one man is supplied from
the skill and the industry of another. All men could not con-
tinue hunters and shepherds. Hence, ip the progress of events,
those talents which were ori^nally directed only to providing the
means of daily subsistence, became exerted to discover new
sources of enjoyment and new modes of occupation. A town, a
stronghold or fort, gradually crowned the surroimding eminence.
This afforded greater opportunities for the cultivation of art It
afforded also, what was perhaps of equal importance in those
times,, a refuge and a defence from the nomade tribes of the
plain. Cain built a city, and in process of time the hammer of
Tubal-Cain resounded within its walls. In the succeeding days
of the patriarchs, Palestine boasted of its * fenced cities.' Then
came the workers in iron and in brass, artificers of every class
and degree, and men who traded to all parts of the Known
world.
In the primitive aces to which we have alluded, what is now
called money was litfle if at all required. It is only after men
be^n to trade or exchange commodities with each other that
something is found necessary to represent what is understood by
money, some common medium of exchange. Originally traffic
would be carried on by barter, one thing would be exchanged for
another. In the course of time, a certain value being attached to
one article, it would be considered equivalent to so many other
articles, or a certain quantity of something else. Even in the
present
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present day^ wilih soiiie of the North American Indians, the skins
of animals killed in hunting are used as money ."^ In a pastoral
state of society, cattle are used as money. According to Homer
the armour of Diomedes cost nine oxen, and tibat of Glaucus one
hundred.^ Cattle were the first money of the Romans, and also
of the Germans.*^ A species of cyprtBa called the cowry ^ gathered
on the shores of the Maldive Islands, is at the present £iy used
in making small payments throughout India, and is the chief
money in certain districts of Africa. The operations of trade
would no doubt be carried on for a loDg perioa before the pre-
cious metals were introduced as money. The peculiar quahties
which so eminently fit them for this purpose would only be gradu-
ally discovered. A sheep, an ox, a certain quantity of com, or
any other article, would afterwards be barter^ or exchanged for
pieces of gold or silver, in bars or ingots, in the same manner as
they would formerly have been exchanged for iron, copper, cloth,
or other commodities. The merchants, in efiecting exchanges,
would probably first agree upon the quality of the metal to be
E'yen, and then the quantity which its possessor had become
>und.to pay would be ascertained by weight. According to
Plmy and Aristotle this is tlie manner in which the preaous
metals were originally exchanged in Greece and Italy.
The large quantity of the precious metals possessed by the
nations of antiquity, is to be ascribed to the gradual extension of
their trade and commerce.
The quantity of money in circulation in ancient Egypt is sup-
posed not to have been great, for as every man raised his own
food, and prepared his own clothing, he had no occasion to make
purchases, and therefore would not require money. It seems
probable also from the history of Joseph, that the tax or rent paid
to the sovereign was paid in the produce of the land, and not in
money. There is every reason, however, to suppose, that al-
though money, as such, was not much required for circulation,
there was, nevertheless, a large accumulation of silver and gold
in Egypt, even at a very early period. That country carried on
a considerable commerce, and what is now called the balance of
trade must have been greatly in her favour. The value of the
exports must have greatly exceeded the imports, and the balance
would be paid in the precious metals. In the days of Joseph
com was sold for ready money. Other circumstances lead to the
conclusdon that Egypt was a wealthy country. When the Israelites
departed out of Egypt, every teaman borrowed of her neighbour
jewels of silver and jewels of gold, and raiment, and as Aaron
• Storch, TraUitEcommie PolUiqut. ^ Iliad, vi. 235. « Storch, 1. c.
soon
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soon afterwards made a ^Iden calf in imitation of the Egyptians,
it has been inferred that m Egypt the idols were made of cold.
Nearly a thousand years afterwards the prophet Daniel speaSs of
thegold, and the dlyer, and the precious thmgs of Egypt'
The Carthaginians ccmducted a sort of carrying trade among
nations. They might take from Britain tin, which they might
exchange in Egypt for Unen cloth; they might take com from
Egypt to Spidn, and gold from Spain to Egypt They appear to
haye possessed a perfect knowledge of the working of metals.
They employed about 40,000 men in the mines of Spain, from
which they obtained gold, silyer, copper, and tin ; afterwards they
obtained tin in greater abundance from the mines of Cornwall.
They Ire^ularly yisited Britain, taking thence tin, skins, and wool,
and leavmg in exchange salt, earthenware, and utensils made of
brass. It is a singular circumstance, that although the county of
Cornwall contains copper in as great quantities as tin, yet this
appears to haye been quite unknown at the time of the Cartha-
gmians ; the Britons, actually imported all the brass instruments
they used. The people were probably unacquainted with the
method of smelting copper, especi^ly as the coimty of Cornwall
produces neither coals nor wood. The extraction of copper from
the ore is a much more seyere process than the extraction of tin ;
and copper, again, is extracted with less difficulty than iron. The
Tynans are said in Ezekiel to haye obtained from Tarshish silyer,
iron, tin, and lead. They obtained iron also from Dan and
Jayan.*
Commerce, strictly speaking, was the occupation of the Cariha-
^ians. It formed the strength and support of their common- <
wealth. Their power, their conquests, tneir credit, their glory,
all flowed from this source. Situated in the centre of the Medi-
terranean, Carthage stretched out her arms to the east and to the
west. Her commerce embraced all the known world, including
especially the coast of Spain, of Mauritania, of Gaul, and beyond
the pillars of Hercules. Her merchants sailed to all countries,
to buy at a cheap rate those superfluities which the demands of
others made necessary, and whicn were sold by them at a higher
rate. They carried into practice what has been enunciated in
modem times as the true principles of commerce, ' buying in the
cheapest market and selling in the dearest.' From Egypt they
brought fine flax, paper, com, sails, and cables for ships ; from the
coast of the Red Sea, spices, frankincense, perfumes, gold, pearls,
and precious stones ; from Tjrre and Phoenicia, purple and scarlet,
rich stufls, tapestry, costly fiuTjiture, and curious works of art.
<* Gil bait's Lectures on Ancient Commerce, * GUbart, vt mtpra.
Whatever
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Whateyer could minister to the necessities, or gratify the desires
and luxuries of life, formed the objects of their traffic. They
brought home from the western parts of the world, in return for
the articles they had carried thither, iron, tin, lead, and copper.
By the sale of these various commodities, they enriched themselves
at the expense of all nations. They became the factors and agents
of every people, the lords of the sea, holding the east, west, and
south under their commercial sway. Carthage rose to be the
common city and centre of trade for all those nations which were
separated from each other by the sea. The most important per-
sonages in Carthage were engaged in trade, and prosecuted it
with as much eagerness and industry as the meanest citizen. To
this they were indebted for their immense wealth, their empire
over the sea, the splendour of their republic, and that exalted
power which enabled them for upwards ot a hundred years to resist
the pretensions and the might of the Roman commonwealth.
It must not be overlooked that the ancient gold and silver mines
of &>ain were an almost inexhaustible source of wealth to the
Cartnaginians. According to Diodorus,' the labour employed to
come at these mines, and dig the gold and silver out of tnem, was
incredible. The veins of these metals seldom appeared on the
surface, but were obtained at great depths, where floods of water
often interrupted the operations of the miners, and seemed to
frustrate furmer attempts. By pumps, invented in Egypt by
Archimedes, the Romans afterwards threw up the waters out of
these pits, by which means they were completely drained. Innu-
merable multitudes of slaves perished in these mines, which were
dug to enrich their masters, by whom they were treated with great
barbarity, and forced by heav^ stripes to labour and carry on the
works day and night Polybius, as quoted by Strabo,^ mentions
that in his time upwards of 40,000 men were employed in the
mines near Neva Carthago^ and furnished the Romans every day
with 25,000 drachmas, or 859^ Is. 6d. of our money. It is not,
then, a matter of surprise that, even soon afler the greatest defeats,
the Carthaginians were able to send fresh and numerous armies
into the field, fit out immense fleets, and support at a great expense
for many years the wars Uiey carried on in far distant countnes.
The Carthaginians were indebted to the Tyrians for their great
application to commerce, as well as for their origin, their manners,
language, customs, laws, reli^on. They spoke the same language
with the Tyrians ; and these, again, the same with the Canaanites
and Israelites ; that is, the Hebrew tongue, or at least a languajge
related to the Hebrew. From a spirit of reli^on, they likewise
f I. IT. 812. » Ub. iii. 147.
joined
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272 On t/ie Abundance of the [Oct
joined the name of God to iheir own, in conformity to the genius
of the Hebrews^ They also sent annually to Tyre a ship laden
with presents, as a quit-rent or acknowledgment of their ancient
country, and an annual sacrifice was offered to the tutelar gods of
Tyre. They never failed to send to Tyre the first-fruits of their
revenues, nor the tithe of the spoils taken firom their enemies,
as offerings to Hercules, one of the chief gods of Tyre and
Carthage.*
Phoenicia, of which Tyre was the chief city, comprised also
the cities Ptolemais, Sidon, and Berytus, in the Mediterranean.
Phoenicia was distin^ished by the variety of its vegetable pro-
ductions, and the fertility of its soil, which was to some consider-
able extent increased by the artificial assistance rendered by the
dense masses of population which occupied its large mercantile
towns. Its productions, according to Ammianus Marcellinus, were
wheat, rye, and barley, besides the more ordinary fruits ; also
apricots, peaches, pomegranates, almonds, citrons, oranges, figs,
dates, sugar-cane, and grapes. It yielded cotton, silk, and tobacco ;
and was adorned by the variegated flowers of oleander and cactus.
The higher re^ons were distinguished from the bare mountains of
Palestine in being covered with oaks, pines, cypress-trees, acacias,
and tamarisks, and, above all, by majestic cedars. It also produced
flocks of sheep and ^oats, and abundance of excellent honey ; and
the sea abounded with fish.
Phcenicia was eminently a mercantile nation, and the whole of
the territory belonged to the various towns. Each of these had
its own constitution, and generally its own king. Thus we have
mention of the kin^ of Sidon, of Tyre, of Aradus, and of Byblus.
It was favourably situated for trade, and for the exchange of the
Jjroductions of the East and West. Libanus abounded in excel-
ent timber for slup ; com was imported from Palestine, and wine
was exported to Egypt. Purple garments were manufactured in
Tyre, and glass in didon and Sarepta. Fleets were fitted out by
them to In£a and to Ophir, and returned laden with the produer
tions and the gpld of those respective regions. The names of some
of the mercantile establishments of the Phoenicians on the coasts
of Arabia, along the Persian Gulf, have been partly preserved to
this day. In these places they exchanged the produce of the West
for that of India, Arabia, and Ethiopia. From Palestine, and
especially Judaea, they imported wheat, ivory, oil, and balm, and
wool from the wandering Arabs. From Damascus they obtained
wine, and fi-om the mountains of Syria wood. The tribes on the
shores of the Caspian Sea furnished slaves and iron ; and the
^ Bochart, I. iL c. 16. > Polybius, 944.
Armenians
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Armenians horsemen, horses, and mules. From Spain they im-
ported gold, silver, tin, iron, and lead ; fruit, wine, oil, wax,- fish,
and wool. They also imported tin trom the British Isles, and am-
ber from tiie coasts of Prussia, The chief wealth of the Phoenicians,
however, was no doubt derived from their Spanish colonies, which
appear to have been founded at a very early period of histoiy.
Phcenicia was at its greatest prosperity in the time from David
to Cyrus, b.c. 1050-550. During this period were founded the
African colonies, Carthage, Utica, and Leptis. The civilization
of the Phoenicians had a powerful influence upon other nations.
Their voyages are mentioned in the Greek mytholoCT as the ex-
peditions of the Tyrian Hercules. They planted flouridiing colonies,
prosecuted agriculture and commerce, amassed immense wealth,
and cultivated the arts of peace.''
We have stated that the period of the greatest prosperity of
Phoenicia was at the time from David to Cyrus, B.C. 1050-550.
From the time of Tubal-Cain there is frequent mention of the
precious metals in Scripture, — iron, copper, silver, and gold. The
mountains of Palestine contained metals. Of this the Jews were
aware, but they do not appnear to have understood the art of
mining. The metals named in the Old Testament are iron and
steel, copper or copper ore, silver, gold, and tin ; and these were
wrought into articles for domestic use, weapons of war, and objects
of ornament. The trade in these metals was almost entirely in
the hands of the Phoenicians, who obtained them chieflv from their
colonies in Spain (Jer. x. 9 ; Ezek. xxvii. 12), some from Arabia
(Ezek. xxvii. 19), and some from the coimtries of the Caucasus
The money of the ancient Hebrews, as in fact is the case in all
new countries, was originally paid by weight. Abraham weighed
unto Ephron 400 shekels of silver, current money with the mer-
chant This seems to indicate a distinction from the money in
ordinary use. It is supposed to have been silver in bars or pieces,
bearing a stamp to denote its fineness and quantity, probably placed
upon it by tiie Phoenician merchants. * The various particulars,'
remarks tiie late Dr. Chalmers, ' of the transaction between
Abraham and the children of Heth, evince very considerable pro-
gress at that early period in economics, in commerce, in law.
There is money, and of a given denomination or coin — ^balances
for weighing it — a standard thereof, such as was current with the
merchant — a superiority, therefore, in the metiiods of trade above
the way of barter — forms in the conveyance and exchange of pro-
perty before witnesses, as here in the audience of the people of
^ Heeren's ReBearches,
Heth
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274 On the Abundance of the [Oct
Hetb — ^the terms and specifications of a bargain, by whicb its
several particulars were made sure to Abraham in the presence
of and before many witnesses.' ™ The practice of weighing money
continued from the time of Abraham to the days of Jeremiah. It
is also to be observed that, in ancient times, silver, not gold, was
usually employed as money. We do not read of gold being
employed as money until the time of David, when that monar<£
purchased the thrashing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite (1 Chron.
xxi. 25 ; 2 Sam. xxiv. 24). Gold is often mentioned, but only as
jewels and ornaments.
The position of the Israelites, as inhabitants of Syria, in the
close neighbourhood of the commercial settlements of the Phoe-
nicians, led them gradually to increased communication with their
neighbours, and, through that intercourse, to the possession of
considerable quantities of the precious metals. But it was not
until the reigns of David and Solomon that any thing like a syste-
matic commercial intercourse existed between them. The com-
merce of the Egyptians and Phoenicians had been Ions successfully
prosecuted to all parts of the then known world. It was to the
merchants travelling with caravans between Arabia and Egypt
that Joseph was sold by his brethren. Their wealth, however,
consisted chiefly of flocks and herds ; and it is presumed tiiat the
ornaments of silver and • gold which they possessed, and which
were not brought with them from Egypt, were obtained principally
from the neighbouring merchants.
In the reign of David, the power, the bravery, and the wisdom
of that monarch, tended so far to consolidate his kingdom, and to
establish the security of his people, that a greater inducement was
held out to them for enlarging their agricultural pursuits, and for
engaging in commercial enterprise. Accordingly, during his reign
the condition of the Jews is found to be characterized by greater
wealth and commercial prosperity than in any previous period of
their history. The king himself, although a man- of war from his
youtii, and more or less constantly embroued in warlike adventures,
took every means to promote the wealth and prosperity of his
people. Much of the ^eat riches he accumulated was the spoil
taken in his numerous victories, and the contributions of dependent
or subjugated powers. The commercial intercourse of his people
with the Phoenician merchants would also tend to promote the
national wealth ; but it was reserved for his successor, Solomon,
to display the splendour and success of commercial enterprise.
David cultivated a friendly intercourse with Hiram, king of Tyre,
at that time the most prosperous commercial city in the world,
"* Dailv Scripture Readings*
He
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He employed Tynan workmen, and purchased large quantities of
cedar from Hiram.
The career of Solomon was one of surpassing luxury and mas-
nificence. He employed the wealth collected by his £Bither in works
of architecture, and in strengtheuing and improving his kingdom.
He built the famous temple and fortifications of Jerusalem ; and
many citiei» among which was the celebrated Tadmor or Palmyra.
From the king of Tyre he obtained cedar, and fir or cypress timber,
and large stones hewn and prepared for building, which the Tyrians
conveyed by water. Great numbers of workmen were also sent
from Tyre to assist in the works carried on by Solomon, and to
instruct his people in the difierent arts, none of whom had skill
even to ^ hew timber like the Sidonians.' Some of the arts for
which the Phoenicians were at that time remarkable are enumerated
in the letter addressed by Solomon to the king of Tyre : — * Send
me now therefore a man cunning to work in gold and in silver,
and in brass, and in iron, and in purple, and crimson, and blue ;
and that can skill to grave with the cunning men that are with
me in Judah and in Jerusalem, whom David my &ther did pro-
vide. Send me also cedar-trees, fir-trees, and algum-trees out of
Lebanon, for I know that thy servants can skill to cut timber in
Lebanon ' (2 Chron. ii. 7, 8). Solomon, in exchange, furnished
the Tyrians with com, wine, and oil, tiie produce of Palestine,
and received a balance in gold. He also entered into a trading
speculation with the king of Tyre ; and accordingly Tyrian ship-
wrights were employed to build sUps for both kings at Ezion^ber,
Solomon's port on the Red Sea. There he himself went to ammate
them with nb presence (2 Chron. viii. 17). These ships, managed
by Tyrian navigators, sailed in company upon trading voyages to
those rich countries called Ophir and T^rshish, regarding the
position of which the learned have multiplied conjectures to little
purpose. They traded on both sides of the Red Sea, to the coasts
of Arabia and Ethiopia, and the Persian Gulf, and might possibly
run up the Tigris and the Euphrates, as fSeir as these rivers were
navigable. The voyages occupied three years, but appear to have
been uniformly eminently prosperous. The ships returned laden
with gold, ebony, apes, parrots, and peacocks. There does not
seem any reason to believe that these fleets penetrated to India ;
on the contrary, it is more than probable that the Jews obtained
all the Indian productions they required from the Ph€enician&
We are indeed expressly informed that the Jews traded in the
fam of Tyre (Ezek. xxvii.) ; and we know that all the produc-
tions of India were exposed for sale in those fidrs. The chief
Indian productions for which the Jews seem to have had occasion
were spices and frankincense, to bum in the temple.
The
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The immense quantity of ihe precious metals accumulated by
Solomon, the splendour and magnificence of the famous temple
wliich he built, of his own palaces, and of his personal retinue, are
recorded in the sacred volume in language calculated to impress
the reader with the most enlarged ideas of his wealth and dignity.
There is indeed every reason to believe that his riches and splen-
dour far exceeded those of any previous monarch. The sources
from whence this immense wealth was derived appear to have been
various. In the first place, a large amount of treasure had been
collected by his father David, partly as the spoils taken in his
numerous idctories, and as subsidies from his enemies ; partly as
presents from his own people and from other nations. M udi of
this treasure David had reserved for the purpose of assisting in
the building of the temple. In the second place, the reign of
Solomon was one of peace. The tribes beyond Jordan had
become enriched by the plunder of the Hagarenes, and inhabited
an extensive district where their cattle were fed and multiplied.
Those tribes which followed agriculture inhabited a soil and
climate in most respects eminently fruitful, rewarding the toil of
the husbandman with abundance and to spare. Nothing was
required to develop the resources of the country but markets for
the disposal of its various productions. Their exports consisted of
wheat, barley, oil, and wine, which are supposed to have been
chiefly in demand ; and to these may perhaps be added wool,
ludes, and other raw materials. This tra£Bc contributed to the
wealth of the people. In addition to his patrimony, the revenues
of the king were increased partly by contributions in kind from
his own people, and from the subject nations, and partly from his
commercial pursuits. He had no doubt large tracts of country,
and extensive flocks and herds of his own. Some of his numerous
matrimonial alliances, particularly that with the daughter of
Pharaoh, king of Egypt, would also augment the sources of his
wealth. There is every reason to believe that his exactions from
his own people were heavy and severe, not merely as regarded
their contributions to him in produce, but in the great numbers
that were compelled to work at the various buildings and under-
takings which ne carried on, Justifying the subsequent complaint
of tiie people to his son : — ' Thy father made our yoke grievous ;
now therefore make thou the grievous service of thy father, and
his heavy yoke, which he put upon us, lighter, and we will serve
thee ' (1 Kings xii. 4). Kin^ and governments have in all ages
been extremely expert in devising means for drawing into their
own cofiers a large portion of the wealth of their subjects, and
tiiere is no reason to infer from his history that Solomon was at all
deficient in this branch of worldly wisdom.
The
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The great source of the wealth of Solomon, however, undoubt-
edly lay in his trading speculations. As a monarch he j^ossessed
advantages and enjoyed facilities for entering into trade, mfinitely
superior to any of his subjects. It is not difficult to see that his
trade, as regarded the people of his own country, must have been
entirely a monopoly, and aided by the skill, the enterprise, and the
experience of the l^rians, b»;ked by the authority and assistance
of Hiram, king of Tyre, it was impossible it could be otherwise
than eminently successful. His vessels traded to the richest
shores, and returned laden with the gold and the treasures of
every land. Tyre, whose merchants were princes, and whose
traffickers were the honourable of the earth, had a king whose ffreat
business seemed to be to extend and increase his commercial re-
lations, and having entered into a commercial league with the
wise and wealthy king of Israel, their united argosies swept every
sea, and visited every shore in their search after those immense
treasures which ministered to the power and greatness of the one,
and to the vanity and magnificence of the other.
It is impossible to form anything like a correct idea of the
wealth possessed by Solomon from tne accounts which are ffiven
in Scripture, as they are deficient in that precision whi<£ in
modem times is essential to eluddate any financial statement.
Thus the money prepared for the temple by David, is computed
in 1 Chron. xxix. 4, at 3000 talents of sold and 7000 of silver,
while in chap. xxii. 14, it is called 100,000 6f gold and 1,000,000
of silver. Again, the sum fi>r which Darid buys the floor of
Araunah, is in 2 Sam. xxiv. 24, 50 shekels of silver, but this in
1 Chron. xxi. 25, is become 600 shekels of gold. Efibrts are
made to resolve the former difficulty, but they are superseded
by the latter, and by numerous other 'manifestly exaggerated
figures.'"
There is no question that the precious metals abounded in large
quantities long even before the days of Solomon. They were
used partly for the manufacture of jewels and ornaments, and
vessels for domestic use, and partly as money. Those nations
appear to have possessed the largest quantity of them which
were engaged ii} trade and commerce. In met, the quantity
in existence in any country will generally be found to bear
some correqK>ndence to the internal or external trade that is
carried on.
The precious metals have in all ages been more or less articles
of mercnandise. We have seen that they were so in the days of
• Kitlo's Cjrc2op. i^Bib. LUeraiun, art. ' Solomon.'
VOL. II. — NO. IV. u Solomon,
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Solomon, and lon^ previous to his time ; they were so among the
Esyptians, Phoemcians, Carthaginians, and all the people with
whom they traded ; they were exchanged for com, wine, oil, wool,
purple, and other materials of traffic. The demand for them
usually increases with the wealth and prosperity of every country,
for the purposes of ornament and use, as well as for money. The
acquidtion of wealth is indeed essential to the advancement of
society in civilization and refinement. No people have ever been
distinguished in philosophv or the fine arts without having been
at the same time celebrated for their riches and industry, rericles
and Phidias, Petrarch and Raphael, adorned the flourishing ages
of Grecian and Italian commerce. The influence of wealth is in
this respect almost omnipotent. It raised Venice from the bosom
of the deep, and made tne desert and sandy islands on which she
is built, and the unhealthy swamps of Holland, the favoured abodes
of literature, science, and art In our own country its efiects
have been equally striking. The numl)er and eminence of our
philosophers, poets, scholars, and artists, have always increased
proportionally to the increase of the public wealth, or to the means
of rewarding and honouring their labours.®
It will be observed that the supplies of gold and silver in an-
cient times were obtained principally from the mines of Spain,
from the coasts of Africa, and from those countries to which the
Phoenidans and Carthaginians traded. They were articles of
commerce, and in the days of Solomon gold, chiefly for the
purposes of ornament, was so much in demand, and obtained
m such large quantities in exchange for other commodities,
that silver, thougn vastly more abundant, was in a great measure
superseded ; it was a metal little accounted of or esteemed in
his day.
In modem times the use of these metals has been more gene-
rally difiused among the nations of the earth, and owe their abun-
dance chiefly to the same causes which operated in the days of
old, the extension and influence of trade and commerce. Since
the discovery of America the principal supplies of gold and silver
have been derived from that continent. M. Humboldt's estimate
of the total annual produce of the mines of the new world at the
beginning of the present century, taking the dollar at 4«. 3<f., b
9,243,750/. The annual produce of the European mines of Hun-
gary, Saxony, and other parts, and those of Northem Asia, at the
same period, he valued at about 1,000,000/. more. The quantity
of gold produced in America, compared with the quantity of
» Smith's Weaith qfNtUiotu, Introd. Bis.,
silver,
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silver, was as 1 to 46, and in Europe as 1 to 40. The value of
equal quantities of gold and silver was in the proportion of 15 or
15^ to 1. From 1810 to 1829 the total produce of the South
American mines was estimated hy M. Jacob at 65,372,615/. The
average amiual supply of the American and Russian mines during
the ten years ending with 1829 is estimated at about 3,146,000/.
The total estimated produce of the American, European, and
Russo- Asiatic mines in 1834 was about 6,000,000/. Since that
period the supplies have greatly increased. Within the last few
years, indeed, an unusual quantity of gold has been steadily im-
ported into Great Britain. Among the many reasons assigned for
the increased importation is the increased productiveness of the
g>ld mines and washings of Siberia and the Ural Mountains in
ussia. Large quantities of gold were imported into England
from St. Petersburg in 1846, and the statistical returns of the
Russian mines show that their productiveness has increased im-
mensely during the last ten years. In a recent article in the
Mining Journal, on the progress of French mining, the value of
the gold extracted in five years from the Russian mines is esti-
mated to amount to 12,792,000/. The value of the precious
metals applied to mere purposes of ornament and luxury in
Europe and America has been estimated by M. Jacob to be about
5,900,000/. annually.
The advantages of trade and commerce in ancient times were
not more striking and more enriching than they are at the present
day. Nature seems to have taught us that the natives of different
portions of the globe ought to exercise a kind of dependence upon
each other, and be united by one common interest. In the words
of Addison, almost every degree produces something peculiar to
itself. The food often crows in one country and the sauce in
another. The fruits of Portugal are corrected by the productions
of Barbadoes ; the infusion ofa Chinese plant is sweetened with
the juice of an Indian cane. The Philippme Isles give a flavour to
our European bowls ; while the single dress of a gentlewoman may
be the production of an hundred climates. The muff and the fan
are brought together from the different ends of the earth ; the
scarf firom the torrid zone, the tippet from beneath the pole. The
brocade petticoat rises out of the mines of Peru, and the diamond
necklace from the bowels of Hindostan. Our ships are laden
with the gold and the harvests of every land ; our tables stored
with spices, oil, and wine; our rooms filled with pyramids of
China, and adorned with the workmanship of Japan. Our morn-
ing's draught is brought to us from the remotest comers of the
earth; we repair our bodies with the drugs of America, and
u 2 repose
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280 Precious Metals in Ancient Times. [Oct.
repose under Indian canopies. The vineyards of France are our
gardens, the Spice Islands our hotbeds, the Persians our silk-
weavers, the Cbnese our potters. * The earth is the Lord's and
the fidness thereof.' p
P As pertinent to the subject of this article, we add the fbllowing paMase from an
old book which has now become yery scarce. The title is, 7%e State ^ the Greatett
King, aet forth in the Greatneea of Solomon and the Glon/ cf hie Reign, By G.
Benolds, Professor of the Mathematics, Bristol, 1721. * To some it may seem in-
credible that David and a few of his subjects should giye such immense sums
towards the building of the house of the Lord in Jerusalem, because at this time
there is not so much money to be found in all the kingdoms and republics in Europe ;
ibr six of the greatest kingdoms in it would reckon themselTes pT^atly oppressed,
if, for once only, they were obliged to pay an annual tax, amounting but to as much
as only a few of the subjects of King David gaye freely and willingly towards the
building of the Lord's house in Jerasalem. uoX to such it will seem to be more
creditable (credible) if they consider that firom the time of David and Solomon, and
fbr above a thousand years afterwards gold and silver was in much greater plenty
in the world than either of them is at present.
( The immense riches which Solomon had in silver and gold ; the prodigious quan-
tities of both thste which Alexander found in the treasuries of Darius, the vast
quantity expended upon Shnshan, the chief city of Persia, where Tithonus and his
son Memnon, when they built it, caused the stones of the building to be joined to-
gether with gold, as Caasidorus writeth, and the vast loads of them which we find
often to have been carried in triumph before Boman generals when they returned
from conquered provinces, and the excessive sums some of the Boman emperors
expended in their luxurious and fantastical enjoyments, and in donations to their
armies, and many other, with what private persons bad and expended (some of
which shall be mentioned afterwards), sufficiently prove this. But at length, the
mines which fhmished this plenty, especially those of the Southern Arabia (where
it is supposed the Ophir of the ancients was) being exhausted ; and the buminff of
cities, and great devastations of countries, which after foUowed from the eruptions
of the Goths, Vandals, Huns, and other barbarous nations in the west, and of the
Saracens, Turks, and Tartars in the east, having wasted and destroyed a great part
of the gold and diver which the world afbre abounded with : this introduced that
great scarcity of both which afterwards ensued, and which the mines of Bfexioo^
Peru, and BrazU, have not as yet been able fblly to repur.'
THE
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THE INFLUENCE OF MODERN PHILOSOPHY UPON
CHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY.'
By the Bev. O. T. Dobbin, LL.D., of Trinity College, Dublin.
We shall not succeed in giving a full and fair vievr of die causes
which have contributed to the corruption of Christianity in Ger*
many, unless we take into account tne influence of the Teutonic
philosophies upon religion. We shall scarcely say too much if we
aflSrm that the Germans are a peculiarly thou^html and refl^tive
people, and that metaphysical disquisition, with the processes of
investigation it implies, must have for them an especial charm.
Nor again would it be going beyond the warranty of facts to
allege that, among a people to whom philosophy was so germane,
it would produce a very ooservable effect upon Uieir theology, and
give it a complexion ot subtlety and idealism such as it would not
exhibit under other circumstances. In fact, the theology of the
schools in any country or age will be very much as the philosophy
of the place or period may be ; and Christianity from the first nas
felt and had to deplore the undue but very natural influence that
human philosophy has exercised over the doctrines of revealed
truth. The facts are patent to the eye of every observer, and do
not need the weighty authority of Locke to win them belief. Our
English philosopher, however, says : —
' He that shall attentively read the writers after the age of the
Apostles will easily find how much the philosophy they were tinctured
with influenced them in their understanding of the books of the Old
and New Testament. In the ages wherein Platonism prevailed, the
converts to Christianity of that school on all occasions interpreted
Holy Writ according to the notions they had imbibed from that philo-
sophy. Aristotle's doctrine had the same effect in its turn ; and when
it degenerated into the peripateticism of the schools, that too brought
its notions and distinctions into divinity, and afiixed them to the terms of
the Sacred Scripture. And we may see still how at this day every one's
philosophy i^gulates every one's interpretation of the Word of God.'
But this will be pre-eminently the case in a region where a
speculative philosophy has made her abode, and where the minds
of the learned are more than ordinarily subject to her sway. The
honour put upon philosophy in the simple fact that one of the
most exalted University degrees in Germany takes its designa-
• This article must be regarded as supplementary to those on German Ba-
tionalism which have appearod in the preceding nambers of 'The Joamal of
Sacred Literature.'
tion
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282 Influence of Modem Philosophy upon [Oct
tion from that branch of science, and the array of professors devoted
to this study in the schools counting by hundreds, are sufficient
to show that while with us philosophy is a mere appendage or a
very subordinate part of a good education, with our Teutonic
neighbours it is a large, essential, and very important portion.
A good share of the student's curriculum is devoted to it, and in
modem days at least the profession of attachment to some pre-
vailing form of philosophy is almost essential to the reputation of
a literary man.
With Leibnitz, the independent disciple of Des Cartes and
opponent of Locke, may be said to have commenced the career of
modem philosophy in Germany. But this man of most compre-
hensive genius and all but universal attainments either had not
sufficient time or had too little concern to expound his system,
and give it that elaboration and expansion which were requisite in
one whose qualifications might make him the head of a school of
philosophy. He flung his thoughts forth on this subject, as he did
upon a multiplicity of others, liKe a shower of fireworks, all lumi-
nous, all desultory, while he seemed regardless of their future
fate — the mere ebullitions of an ever active mind. His chief work
in answer to Locke is posthumous. But what circumstances for-
bade him to do, allowing him indeed to be a constant creator, but
rarely a methodizer and harmonist, his follower. Wolf, did for his
philosophy. The disciple, however, while he reduced his master's
ineenious and grand thoughts to system, erred upon the other
side, of being too systematic ; and while by his logical arrange-
ments he did Leibnitz service, and made him intelligible and com-
plete, he did at the same time lay bare the faults that a looser
arrangement had partially concealed. His system was geometry
applied to the human mind, forgetting that the mind is neither
square nor circle, neither marble tablet nor plastic clay. He
fjuled in his attempt to subject spirit to the laws of matter, and
Logic retired dispirited from a field where she displayed her weak-
ness as well as her strength. ITie incongruity is still more observ-
able in its application to sacred science, though Wolf and his
enthusiastic followers for half a century thought not so. By
means of his philosophy all difficulties of revelation were to be
removed, all doctrines expounded, all precepts enforced, all mys-
teries comprehended, and the hard skeleton of a logico-philoso-
phical methodism was to become the mate of the warm, living,
inspired spiritualism of the Bible. To no mistake are the words
of the poet more applicable than to that of John Christopher
Wolf and his clerical disciples —
< There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio,
Than are dreamed of in our philosophy V
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1848.] Christianity in Germany. 283
It may not be superfluous to say that the common sense of the
da^ looked on with amazement and distrust at this invasion by
philosophy of a domain hitherto deemed too sacred for the intru-
sion of metaphysical speculation, while infidelism jeered at this
"mongrel compound of philosophy and theology. Wolf was a
devout man, relied in his dyins hour professedly upon the atone-
ment of the Son of God, and m his divinity system never forsook
the grand outlines and substantial verities of the Christian faith ;
but by seeking to prove everything, demonstrate everything, and
by figiiling, as lie necessarily must, to do so, he did more damage
to the religion of the Saviour incUrectly than his direct efforts to
accredit it could ever repair.
His system, his learmng, his character, had fascination for the
leading theologians of that age, and gave shape to their repre-
sentations of revealed truth. Baumgarten or Halle, Bibov of
GSttingen, Carpzov of Weimar — Reusch and Toellner, Reinbeck,
Canz and Schubert, addicted themselves to this philosophisiDg of
Christianity ; and while none perhaps would decline the name of
rationalists more pertinaciously than most of these, it cannot be
doubted that its morning twilight rays gleam out here and there
in their writings. They shift uie basis of Christianity altogether,
and build upon a sandy foundation. Logic, reason, with aU their
apparatus of process and nomenclature, are put in the place of
divine revelation and human testimony ; and when their insuffi-
ciency for the work they were employed to do is proved by the
results, then, by an unhappy confusion of their pretensions with
the object of their labours, the Bible shares in the reproach that
follows their ill-success.
But there have been more recent and also more celebrated and
influential philosophies in Germany than that of Leibnitz matured
by Wolf. The first claiming to be named is that of the distin-
guished Prussian metaphysician, Lnmanuel Kant, with its strongly
subjective tendencies ; next, its modifications by Reinholdt and
Fidite, which leaned still more than even their master's toward
subjectivity ; that of Schelling, with his intellectual intuition and
absolute identification of God with the subjective and the objective
worlds ; and finally that of Hegel, with its absolute idealism, and
its resolution of Deity into a dialectic process, a logical formula,
a mode of thought. We should not be wide of the mark were
we to aver that even the most novel of these theories had its coun-
terpart centuries back, in the schools of the pagan philosophers of
•Egypt* Greece, and Rome — ^nor have the specmations of the older
Brahmans failed to take some one or other of these directions.
We cannot reflect upon the subjects of inquiry amon^ the philo-
soj^ers of all ages, (jrod^ the world, man and his destinies, without
seeing
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284 Influence of Modern Philosophy upon [Oct.
seeing in modern speculation the mere repetition of world-old
theories, divertimenti upon themes that have been played on for
three thousand years, and with the disadvantage to the modems
. that there is a poative revelation against which the sin of lese-
Majeste is done whenever philosophy determines in unbelief. It *
were mere waste of time to attempt to show how evangelical
Christianity must have been undermined by the successful attempt
to mould it after the fashion of any of these philosophies. Tief-
trunk, Heydenreich, and Krug distinguished themselves by tiieir
efforts to maintain the dominion of Kantism in the region of
theology. Fries was a connecting link between Kant and the
more fully developed idealism of Fichte. Schleiermacher and
De Wette, who have variously modified it, have all given extreme
unchristian prominence to the notion that the Christ of our ap-
prehension is all in all to us in religion, while the historical Christ,
as he cannot well become a link in a chain of abstract reasoning,
is of no essential moment to our creed — ^that whether he existed
or not is a question comparatively indifferent to us, since the
record of his life is of more value as a symbol of certain ideas
than as a narrative of facts — that the ideas exist as the necessary
product of 'a certain stace of civilization, essential links in the
philosophy of religion, independent of the symbols furnished by
the career of the great Bemrmer of Nazareth, and that if those
symbols were destroyed the ideas would nevertheless remain.
Those symbols had a use in the state of feeling of the early
Christian church ; they were the appropriate teaching for the child ;
but we have got beyond the state of pupilage, and can dispense
with the picture-book and the chamber of imagery.** Philosophy
in &ct usurps the place of theolog;^, whereas in the earlier stages
of its intrusion into her domain, it came with offers to trim her
robe and do her homage. Philosophy is now the mistress and
theology the hand-maid, the latter being patronized only on the
condition of good behaviour, and compliance with the behests of
the former. Philosophy can now do without theology in Germany,
because all the desirable results we have been accustomed to trace
to positive revelation have been sained by reasoning alone,
whereas poor theology cannot do without philosophy, it requiring
all the ingenuity of modem logic to reconcile the legendary and
^ * La philosophie ne Ait plus pour elle [la th^logie] une alH^ ni one eoDemie ;
eUe se fit th^logie, en adoptant son langage, et en ne c<fdant aucune de ses an-
ciennes pretentions ; de sorte que Ton pent appeler le rationalisme modeme, la
th^ologie absorb^ par la philosophie. 11 est Trai qne les th^logiens ne Tont pas
ayou^; ilfl ont toujoars eu Tair de faire servir la philosophie d'&ppui aux d^isions
de lenr esprit sp^cnlatif ; en r^lit^ cependant c'est la philosophie qni a dict^ leurs
d^isions, et qui, malgx^ eux, a doming tous leurs nouveaux syst^es.' — Histoire
du Roimuditme, p. 828.
fabulous
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1848.] Christianity in Germany. 285
fabulous aspect of documental Christiamty with enlightened reason.
Hence white we hear of Schleiermacher and Marheinecke, of De
Wette and Bretschneider, of Baur and Strauss as developing
rationalistic or infidel tendencies on the Continent^ we hear a great
deal more, and justly so, of Leibnitz and Wolf, of Kant and
Fichte, of Schelling and Hegel, of Jacobi and Herbart, their
philosophic masters. The process all modem theologians seem to
haye pursued is this : they have adopted severally the tenets of
some particular school of philosophy — ^whether one that reasons from
without to within, or from within to without, or a combination of
both ; and upon this favourite system, like a Procrustes' bed, they
have laid the fair form of God's revealed religion, and they have
chopped off this undue development here, and pruned away that
anomalous excrescence there, and curtailed the other unmanage-
able elongation elsewhere, until that lovely being, God's daughter
and mans immortal friend, who looked forth upon the world
dear as the morning, beautiful and benign as the daysprin^ from
on high, has been made a mockery and a mutilation — a pitiable
torso — ttie relic of man's remorseless ravage — a tacit rebuke of the
bungliuff Frankensteins that would invade the province of Heaven,
whose alone it is to create a religion — a melancholy desecration of
all that is divine, worshipful, and good. Truly ^ this is a sorry siffht ! '
But in what, it will be asked, has this daring, yet false j^lo-
sophy issued — what good has it effected — w&at previous un-
certainty has it rendered certain — ^what of the mysterious has it
revealed — what of the perplexed disentangled ; where has it
satisfied scepticism, and where established faith ; where has it
comforted sorrow, and where solved doubt ? These interrogatories
are fairly put, because that which professes to explain, to modify,
to correct, and accredit the faith of universal Christendom, chal-
lenges the severest ordeal and courts the final test. So far from
establishing religion, it cannot establish itself. Philosophy itself
has been disintegrated into some fifty different schools ; the greater
part of the men of any mark on the Continent, while they range
themselves under some very few distinguished philosophers, being
each master of some modified or subordinate system shooting out
in endless ramifications, all as eager in the cry as ever — ^What is
faith ? and confessedly as far as ever from the object of their
quest. And the effect of philosophy upon revealed religion has
been one of subversion, not construction. It can build nothing
but syllogisms or hypotheses ; it is all negation ; it has no posi-
tiveness except positive nihility ; it is an ignoble thief, not a
splendid beneractor ; it can pilfer and rob, not award and bestow ;
it is a liar and a murderer, as its author was from the be^nning ;
it promises the wisdom of a God which it cannot give, and it filches
away
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286 Infhence of Modern Philosophy upon [Oct
away the life of the soul which it cannot restore ; it has, it is true,
its ad captandum jargon for the ear, its polylogies and logo-
machies, its kenophonies and antitheses, but it has nothing for the
heart but disappointment, corrosion, and woe ; it is, in the words
of God's own book, a '^wIwwims yva/(nf, 'a sdence falsely so
called.' Nay, to apply die coarser, but not less deserved rebuke
of the Homily concerning the idolatry of the Church of Rome, it
is ^ a foul, filthy, old, withered harlot ; the foulest and filthiest
harlot that ever was seen,' not fit in verity to be the mate of
the immortal mind of man : no perfumes can make her sweet, no
dizening render the Jezebel attractive. None may rightly win
man's best affections and control his heart but that Christianity
which visits the abode of our nature, alike blessing and blest, with
' Grace in all her steps, Heaven in her eye —
In every gesture dignity and love !'
pure as the heart of angels, faithful as the compassions of God,
* without spot or blemish, or any such thing.' What is a con-
sistent logic to us without God, the most faultless philosophy,
the most recondite lore ? I may admit that Hegel has reasoned
God out of the universe, or Schelling imprisoned him in it ; but
my heart and my common sense cannot be satisfied with series of
ratiocination or tne enumeration of categories. I want somethins
greater, wiser, and better than myself on which to rely, in whi(£
to confide, and which to love and reverence with all my conscious
being ; the very yearning of my soul after it is the strongest
evidence that it exists. I find tins in God. Can a perverse loffic
extinguish God — chains of argumentation affect him — atheism, with
its cry *' no God,' annihilate him ? We feel that there is a God ;
a feeling that demonstration cannot strengthen, just as no reason-
ing can remove it. It is an instinct that precede ratiocination,
just as a mother's love antedates precept and supererogates duty.
Cease then, vain man, that wouldst be wise at the expense of
piety and at the risk of thine eternal peace— cease from thy fruitless
endeavour ; darken not counsel with words without knowledge ;
* Be not overmuch wicked, neither be thou foolish : why shouldest
thou destroy thyself?' Neither Sophdom nor Satandom can
prevail against the Most High. ^ Hast thou an arm like God,
or canst thou thunder with a voice like him ? Lay thy hand
upon thy mouth, and thy mouth in the dust, before the presence of
the Lord and tiie glory of his majesty ; and repent of this thy
sreat wickedness, and pray that the thought of thy heart may be
rorgiven thee.' Nor despair of forgiveness, for he is of ereat piti-
fiilness and of tender mercy, not willing tiiat any shoidd pensh ;
his goodness endureth for ever.
The
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The identification of God with thought, one creature, is not very
distant from identifying Him with all creatures, the direct tendency
of both being to atheism. Schelling has been the most influentiid
professor of the one in modem days, followed with sundry modifi-
cations by such men as Blasche, Troxler, Eschenmayer, Stefiens,
Daub, Schwartz, Schleiermacher, Twesten, and Nitsch. Of the
other, flchte has been the unquestioned master, followed by a
goodly number of disciples ; but his system has run up into a
higher species of development than its master gaye it, and has
identified itself with other names. And the combination of these
two is Hegel, who outnumbers in zealous and gifted yotaries
them both — votaries, however, who have diverged from each other,
some few to the maintenance of Christian truth, the great body
to rank unbelief.® Marheinecke, Ganz, Schulze, Von Henning,
Rosenkranz, Michelet, Forster, Bruno Bauer, and Strauss, profess
to be Hegelians.
The philosophies of the modem schools of Germany it is not
our province here to expound, nevertheless we cannot acquit our-
selves of the self-imposed task of sketching the prominent features
of the continental theology without naming a few of the writers and
schemes to which they have given birth. Philosophy had a ten-
dency to develop itself chiefly in two directions, sufficiently distinct
within certain limits, but ultimately one — the Pantheistic and
Idealistic. Spinoza might represent me earlier source of the one,
while Leibnitz may be regarded as the father of the other. They
constitute obviously two very distinct classes of philosophy, yet,
pushed to extremes, closely verge upon each other, fichteism run-
ning into Spinozaism without difficulty. These philosophies have
ripened into bitter fruit in the region of theology. The garden of
God ha£ been devastated, and every wholesome plant has been in
turn rooted up and thrown aside. * The boar out of the wood
doth waste it, and the wild beast of the field doth devour it.'
The weeds of error have grown rank and luxuriant in the soil
from which evangelical truth has been excluded. Planck, Stai&d-
lin, Gabler, Ammon, Krag, Scbott, Nitsch, R5hr, Tzschumer,
Augusti, Zimmermann, Bohme, Baumgarten-Crusius, Lofter,
Henke, Wegscheider, — ^these, with a host of others, have been
philosophising and theorising upon Divine truth, some in the
<> Can the impie^ and folly of subjectivism go ftirther than in Hegel who aTen
explicitly ransdriicklich) that God does not know himself at all, has no existence
at all, until he arriyes at a consciousness of himself in men ?
' Gott kenne sich selbst gar nieht, sey gar nicht Yorhanden, sondem komme erst
in den Menschen sich selber znm Bewusstseyn,' &c — DU DevUcha LUeratur yon
W. Menzel, i. 316.
We detest the strle of scorn and banter in which Menzers book is written, bat
haye been indebted to his four fhll little Tolumes for much information.
department
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department of criticism, and some in that of dogma, until of the
seamless robe of revealed religion scarce one &agment remains
which has not suffered from their violence.
The latest form of infidelity, and that which bids fidrest for a
wide acceptance, is doubtless that denominated the mythic, from
its professing to find in the superhuman machinery of the Scrip-
tures, not the interposition of a God, but fabulous representations
of long past incidents, made, it may be, with entire good faith on
the part of the chronicler, but nevertheless having no claim to
historical reality. The idea is not a new one, but its systematic
application to the Old and New Testaments is, it must be owned,
a melancholy phenomenon reserved for the * scoffers ' of these
* last days ' to show.^ Its connection not remotely with the philo-
sophies we have named, and the unprecedented development it
has received in the remarkable volumes of Dr. D. F. Strauss, on
the Life of Christy will justify a little amplification. The prin-
ciple received as an axiom in reference to profane literature and
history which Heyne has so tersely expressed — * A mythis omnis
priscorum hominum cum historia tum philosophia procedit'* — has
been forced into the service of interpreters of the Bible ; nor is
there room to complain that it has not been vigorously worked.
If the knowledge oi the infidel party were equal to their industry
d The strangest form of the Mvth with which we are acqaainted presenti itself
in a work bearing the lofty title *La V€rit^,' and published neariy a century
back. Its language, its scholarship, and its infiimy proclaim its natal soil to be
France, and its author from among the servants of the beast The full title is
' Les Mysteres du Christianisme approfondis radicalement et reoonnus physique-
ment yrais.' ' Le nom de la verity declarera sur chaque fenillet de ce liyre, qn'elle
seule en a dict^ le contenu li oelui qui le met an jour : il deyoit ce tribut k sa
gloire. L'ordre que demandoit cet ouvrage a n^cessit^ sa division en deux parties :
Siaqne parde forme un volume.
' La Ire developpe THistoire Genesiale du monde ; base des saints livres qui
constituent TAncien Testament des Chretiens.
< La 2de eclaircit les 3 grands mysteres, ainsi que les 4 evangiles de Jesus ; base
de nos 7 sacremens, de tons nos dogmes theologaux et de toutes les ceremonies de
notre Loi nouvelle.'
In this work the whole evangelical history is resolved into a generative myth, by
the adoption of a philological cabbala — ^to whose unscrupulous legerdemam as to
the almightiness or God * all things are possible/ The ingenuity this scheme dis-
plays is contemptible, its profaneness palpable— but its opposition to the historic
truth of the Gospels no greater than that of Strauss and his compeers. We shall
furnish a sample of the insane etymologies on which the myth is built, the applica*
tion of which is to be surmised rather than to be explained :
7%« Virgin Mtwy — M^ Xa — ^manus unica; also fHaprlpwyta — testium vis et
vox.
Jesus^lil^rt oio-fo— mittit existentiam.
Christ — XpKrrhs tarhs — ^unctum malum.
Galilee — ra-XiA-aTo — Generandi cnpidinis terra.
Bethlehem — as a place has only a mythic existence. Its true meaning is found
in its elements $ia, robnr,Jf6of, domicilium, \4as fi|CM»y— lapidis jaculator.
• Ad ApeUod. Athen. Biblioth^ note, p. 3.
and
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and zeal, they had turned the world upside down long ago. The
children of this world are wiser in their generation l£an the chil-
dren of light. They are as diligent in their vocation to overthrow
the religion of Jesus as their means 'are unscrupulous, unrelaxing
effort thrusting home the point which hatrea employs. From
different motives in a few cases, hut from dislike to revelation in
most, various writers of modem Germany have found myths or
legendary recitals from the beginning of the Old Testament to
the close of the New. As the philosophers used to defend their
assailed heathenism by declaring its fables instructive allegories
or pious legends, so some conceived they were defending the cha-
racter of Holy Writ when they patronized an allegorical or
mythical interpretation of its wonders ; but the greater part have
been scarcely concealed enemies of the truth. Amiough Eichhom
interpreted the Scriptures on other principles, yet even he found
a mythic element in the narrative of the fall, and discerned under
the garb of fable the philosophic truth, that the longing for undis-
covered good is the bane of man and the source of aU evil in the
world.'
Semler had already regarded the histories of Samson and
Esther as myths. Gabler,^ formerly joint editor, with Haenlein,
Paulus, and Ammon, of the Neuestes Theolag. Journal^ and after-
wards conducting the same periodical alone, patronized the mythic
view. Schelling ^ was a mythist ; Wegscheider ^ a mythist ;
Ammon ^ a mythist; Kayser a mythist; Vater"^ a mythist;
Bauer ^ a mythist; Krug ^ a mythist ; De Vatke ^ a mythist ; De
Wette a mythist ; Bertholdt and Sieffert mythists ; and above and
beyond all, David Frederick Strauss a mythist. The myth has
been distributed into various kinds and called by different names,
the philosophical, the historical, the etymological, the poetical, and
so forth, in order that it may accommodate itself to the various
exigencies of hermeneusis, and unravel every knot of the marvel-
lous in the book of God. The Bible is thus a book of fsLbles, but
not like iEsop or the Hitdpadesa ; not like its parables or pro-
verbs, allegorical fables curiously constructed to convey moral
lessons in an interesting guise ; no, but philosophical and poetical
fables, the natural grow% of the human mind under the given
circumstances that produced them. The actual personal history
of Jesus of Nazareth developed itself into the forms in which we
now receive it through the four Evangelists, when it came to be
' Allgemeine BxbliuK EifdeUung in das A. T,
s Mecefu. vcn Pauhu Commentar. W. T. L 1801.
b Uebar M^hen, in Paulus Memorabilien. > Institutiones Theol. Chr. Dogmat.
^ Ammon in Pott and Raperti's Syllogs, ^ Vater, Uthet den Pent.
> Baner, Ueher Mytheu. « Krng. Henke's Museum, p Mnleii, in d, iV. T,
looked
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looked back upon through the haze of the generations that must
have elapsed before it was committed to writing. As objects
seem large, or appalling, or sublime, in proportion to the mistmess
of the intervening air ; so the wonderful teacher of Galilee, who
awakened so much interest by his life, and still more by his death,
filled the field of vision of the Christians of the second century
with marvels, the creations of their wondering and loving minds,
rather than with simple facts and moral doctrines. That this is a
sufficient account of the character of our Gosnels Strauss contends,
and holds himself exempt firom the task or separating the real
firom the fictitious in the history of Christ. And in support of his
general view that much of the basis of the Christian reli^on is
mythical, he alleges that all existing religions are mythical ; and
it were contrary to analogy to suppose Christianity alone free from
myth. We acknowledge neathenism to have its myths relating to
its deities, and Islamism in regard to its prophet ; why then not
Christianity in regard to its founder ? But it is urged in reply,
the documents of the Christian religion have been written by eye-
witnesses of the events which tiiey record, consequently legend had
not sufficient time to wrap them in its folds or tamper with their
historical fidelity : to which he rejoins, the date of the sacred
books is an open question, still unsettled ; and their early date is
a mere assumption. Could their early date be demonstrated, he
concedes that it might alter his position.
' It would most unquestionably be an argument of decisive weight
in favour of the credibility of the Biblical history could it be indeed
shown that it was written by eye-witnesses, or even by persons nearly
contemporaneous with the events narrated.*^ But this alleged ocular
testimony or proximity in point of time of the sacred historians to the
events recorded is mere assumption.'
By the ground Strauss here takes he reduces his mythic theory
to the test of ordinary Biblical criticism, and rests its tenableness
on the later or earlier date of the evangelical books. But in
point of fact no concession is made, as the closing words of the
quotation prove. He prejudges the whole Question, and leaves
no room to believe that ever so early a date oi the Gospels would
alter his opinion as to their mythical character. For instance, he
lays down rules whereby we may ascertain the presence of the
myth in any narration of the life of Jesus — rules that would
exclude miracle from an autograph of our Lord just as well as
from a memoir. His starting-point, like that of the naturalists,
is * THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF MIRACLES,*' wheucc it is casy to con-
jecture what will be the nature of the rules which shall indicate
4 Strauss, L\fe ofJwu, Introd. § IS. ' Introductioii, § IS.
the
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the intrusioQ of myth into history. They are in brief these, and
these are the clew to his whole elaborate work : —
1 . When the narration is irreeoncileable with the known and
universal laws which govern the course of events : e. g. When
we meet with an account of certain phenomena or events of which
it is either expressly stated or implied that they were produced
immediately oy God himself (divine apparitions, voices from
heaven, and the like), or by human beings possessed of super-
natural powers (miracles, prophecies), such an account is in so Jar
to be considered as not histoncal. And inasmuch as the inter-
mingling of the spiritual world with the human is found only in
unauthentic records, and is irreeoncileable with all just concep-
tions ; so narratives of angels and of devils, of their appearing m
human shape, and interfering with human concerns, cannot pos-
sibly be received as historical.
2. When the law which controls the succession of events is
violated : e. g. If we are told of a celebrated individual that he
attracted as much notice at his birth and during his childhood as
in his manhood ; if his followers in a moment recognise him for
all that his extraordinary pretensions claim, and pass in an hour
from the extreme of despondency to the height of joy— this is not
to be regarded as history, — ^this is opposed to all psychological
laws ; as also that the Sanhedrim should believe tne story of
Christ's resurrection and not punish the sleeping guards, and that
long discourses should be retained in memory and recorded as
those of Jesus in the evangelical narrative. Tnese tests, however,
that regard the laws of mental action must be cautiously applied,
as men of genius and vivid minds possess idiosyncrasies that may
account for almost any inconsistencies.
3. A positive historical contradiction will evidence the presence
of legend. Or
4. When the differences in sundry circumstances are so great
in the narration of the same account, such as time, place, number,
names, etc., that both cannot be true, legend may be supposed to
have been busy there.
5. If the form of narration be poetical, and the actors con-
verse in hymns, or in a more diffuse and elevated strain than
persons in their situation might be expected to do, that cannot be
regarded as historical.
6. If the contents of the narrative strikingly accord with ideas
pre-existing in the minds of the people from whom it proceeded,
such ideas being rather the fruit of their conceptions than tlieir
experience, it is more or less probable that it will be found of
mythical origin : e. g. If the Jews are known to have been fond
of representing their great men as bom of parents who had been
long
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long childless, one is led thereby to suspect the historical truth
of the narrative of John the Baptist's birth ; and again, when it
is known that the same people saw predictions in all the writings
of their poets and religious teachers, and in the lives of their
holiest men types of the Messiah — when we read in the life of
Jesus incidents evidently shaped after these prototypes, we cannot
but believe there is more of poetical than historical truth present
here/
Under the guidance of such premises as these, it will be readily
conceived that Dr. Strauss finds little difficulty in almost wiping
away the evangelical narrative altogether ; for it consists in a sreat
decree — ^in every substantial sense — of those very elements of mi-
racle which he denounces as myth. Never was such wholesale
demolition as he perpetrates. The besom he employs is * the besom
of destruction ' — destructive of historical Christianity, destructive
of revelation, for if there was no later, there certainly was no
earlier revelation — destructive of faith, hope, immortality, and
heaven. What must we think of a theologian and professor of
divinity who writes thus — * A life beyond the grave is the last
enemy which speculative criticism has to oppose, and if possible
to vanquish' ?^ i et, sinning as he has done against God, we should
not wonder that he sins also against his kind, and filches with
Promethean craft the fire of immortality from his brother man,
who amid the sorrows of life finds this his consolation, that
^ Bound to the earth, he lifts his eye to heaven I'
Applied to the Gospels, Strauss's system destroys the historical
verity of the accounts of the Annunciation of John the Baptist,
the Davidical descent of Jesus according to the genealogies, the
supernatural conception and its attendant circumstances, his birth
and early years, his visit to the temple and education, the rela-
tions between Jesus and John the Baptist, the baptism and temp-
tation, the locality and chronology of his public life, the Messiamc
office of Jesus, the disciples of Jesus, his discourses in the three
svnoptic Gospels and in the fourtb respectively, the events of his
life exclusive of the miracles, the miracles themselves, the trans-
figuration, the«^iscourses in anticipation of suflering, treachery of
Judas, last supper, agony in the garden, arrest, trial, condemna-
tion, and crucinxion, prodigies attendant on the death and resur-
rection of Jesus, the ascension with all that precedes and attends
it. All these are shown to be so completely impregnated with
the mythic that the merest shadow of a shade of truth may lie at
the bottom of these legendary tales, at the same time they possess
* Ixfe ofJeauB, IntroductioD, § 16.
' ChrMiehe GUutbeiulehret &o. Sec, 1S40.
the
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the secondary truthfulness of correctly representing the idea the
early Church entertained of Christ To call such a system Chris-
tian, or such an expositor a believer, would be an abuse of either
term. Unconcerned about that allegiance to Christianity which
his garb and profession might exact, Strauss voluntarily assigns
himself a place amongst its enemies. He thus speaks of
himself in another work : * With the conviction that ihp truth
of the evangelical history is neither altogether nor in part
tenable with philosophy, but must be entirely left free to the
scrutiny of historical criticism, I would take my post upon the
extreme left of the Hegelian School.'^ After this spontaneous
abnega^on of Christianity in the sense in which it is generally
held, it were waste of words to discuss where we shall put him.
Here, therefore, we must leave him.*
After the survey we have just taken of the state of reli^on in
Germanv and the serious deterioration it has undergone in the
hands of certain of its professed teachers, 'it may be thought not
unsuitable to inquire wnat have been the causes that have issued
in this deplorable condition of affairs. How comes it that true
religion, which in all other countries wears but one aspect, one of
conscious progress and cheerful anticipation, should appear to
have been losing cround in the birthplace of the Reformation and
gradualljr failing in its hold upon the general regard and esteem ?
Is Christianity dying out, and will Germany be its place of inter-
ment, the cave of Macpelah for the lifelong companion of our
pilgrimage ? Far from it, we deny the premisses and dissent
from the conclusion. We record our solemn conviction, upon a
review of the whole case of continental religion, that it is not on
the wane, that it is not putting on ^the sere, the yellow leaf;'
nay, are assured that the religion of the Lord Jesus in Protestant
Germany is buoyant with vigour and rife with promise, never more
than, never so much as, now.
At the same time we must allow that the portrait we have
" From Dr. Beard's Stramm^ Hegd, and thnr Opiniona.
* We cannot bat regret that any competent person should have taken the pains
to translate Stranss's work into English, and that any respectable pablisher should
have brought it out in this country. Not that it has not been and wiU not be snf-
ficienUy answered, but it wiU do mischief in quarters where the answers to it will
neyer reach. It is an abase of the ftvedom of the press to employ it in writing
down reyealed religion, robbing man of his sustaining hopes, and morality of its
firmest stay. We could not, indeed, bring ourselves to the dopotism of fettering
that freedom, nor to the barbarism ot denouncing the Phcenician mvention, letters —
* PhcBuices primi, fiuwe si creditur, ausi^
Mansnram rudibus Yocem signare figuris ;*
but we should have been proud of the good feeling and good sense of our country-
men if they had left the patronage of Strauss to the low infidel party whose claim
to learning and honesty, good sense and good feeling, are about upon a par.
VOL. II.— NO. IV. X drawn
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294 Influence of Modem Phihs&phy upon [Oct
drawn of treachery and unfuihfulness in the high places of
theology and literature in that land is sudi as should awaken pain
and c3i to exertion. We cannot reiterate our indignation in
tones sufficiently loud that the betrayers of the ark to the Philis-
tines should be the men specially intrusted with its defence.
Eichhom, Semler, Emesti, Gabler and his colleague Griesbach^
Micha^lis, Gesenius, Paulus, Bretscbneider, Henke, De Wette,
Wegscheider, and a host besides, down to Strauss, were of the
clerical order, and most of them professors cS diyinity. Our hope
is in the masses, who are yet sound in the faith. They yet
belieye that ^ God spake in times past unto the fathers by the
prophets,' and that these holy men of God spake ^ as they were
moved by the Holy Ghost* They yet believe that * for us men
and for our salvation' the Son ol God wa« bmn in Bethlehem,
* a Saviour — Christ the Lord !' They yet believe that there is
something more than trope and metaphor, allegory and parable,
accommodation and exaggeration, legend and myth, in the
miracles and doctrines of the Bible. They are reasonable without
rationalism, unsophisticated without naturalism, believers in the
Most High without deism, and true philosophers without Pan-*
theism. There must be religious life to a vast amount amongst
those who have been so visibly and extensively moved by tne
recent attempt at a reformation from Rome. The language of
the Bible has established — the invaluable Jewish books have esta-
blished, to the heart and conscience of the world, what philosophy
never could enunciate and philosophy never can overttirow— the
distinct individual personality and aeency of God. It is confessed
that the Old Testament Scriptures have done so at the sacrifice
of a philosophical terminology ; they have not been solicitous to
express their marvellous doctrines concerning the divine nature in
the language of abstractions, but it is their glory that they have
just done what it was most important they should do— marked the
individuality, creative power, and controlling providence of God
in such terms as made it impossible to confound him with his
works, to reduce him to an ideal conception or a lo^cal expres-
sion, or, in any moment or mood to forget Him. In the Bible
Grod stands out distinct from all, beyond all, over all the agents
and objects in the universe, —
< The Maker and Monarch and Ruler of all ! '
He appears the creator of all creation, the causer of all causes,
the enectuator of all effects, but as remote from these, as incapable
of confusion with them, as the motive power with the body moved,
as the hand that turns the wheel with the helm that guides the
ship. The thunder awakes our wonder, but that is not God ;
and
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1848.] Christianity in Germany. 295
and at the blast we stand appalled, but that is not God ; He is
something more and higher than these : but at the still small voice
our hearts are glad, for there is God (1 Kings xix. 11-13). No
natural agent, great or snudl, is God. The fire and the wind,
light and electricity, are his mmisterB that do his pleasure, but
they bear no resemblance to Him, who is Lord of them all. God
is a spirit, whom no eye hath seen or can see, the blessed and only
Potentate, King of Kin^ and Lord of Lords. How ^andly and
how properly is the distinct objectiye existence of this spiritual
God, and his omni])otent energy brought out in that lofty strain
of Isaiah, in this point but the counterpart of the other inspired
authora (Isa. xl.) : —
* To whom then will ye liken me, or shall I be equal, saith the Holy
One?
Lift up your eyed on high, and behold who hath created these things,
that bringeth out their hosts by number ; he calleth them all by names,
by the greatness of his might, for that he is strong in power ; not one
iaileth.
Why sayest thou, O Jacob, and speakest, O Israel, my way is hid
from the Lord, and my judgment is passed over from my God ?
Hast thoo not known, hut thou not heard, that the everlasting God,
the Lord, the creator of the ends of the earth, fiiintetk not, neither is
weary ? there is no searching %3& his understaadiiig.
He giveth power to the fiunt ; and to them that have no might he
increaseth strength.
Even the youths shall faint and be weary and the young men shall
utterly &11: but they that wait upon the Lord shall renew their
strength ; they shall mount up with wings as eagles ; they shall run
and not be weary,, and they shall walk and not faint.'
This style of biblical instruction has been too long and deeply
imbedded in the heart of the German nation to be either under-
mined by the stealthy advances of a philoBophieal idealism or torn
up by the violent assault of an unscrupulous iufidehty. We
repeat it, our hope under Grod is in the masses of the people.
Nor must we leave out of the account of our encouragement
derived from them, the new agencies which modem times have set
to work for the religious amelioration of the people of that in-
teresting country. Originating with ourselves, Bible and Tract
Sodeties have not been confined to Great Britain, but have trans-
ported their simple yet most efiective machinery beyond the
German Ocean, and are turning there, as with ourselves, the raw
material of a fallen nature into a fabric fit for the master's use.
It cannot be that nearly ten millions of comes of the Holy
Scriptures, in whole or in part» have been issued on the continent
of Lurope within the last thirty years without desnrable results
X 2 ensuing;
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296 Influence of Modem Philosophy upon [Oct
ensuing ;.nor will the other seed of a more directly evangelical kind
fail to produce its expected fipuit. We look with most hopeful eye to
the ingathering of a large harvest at some coming day in return
for the labour and faith and prayer now expended upon the evan-
gelization of the world. From many causes Germany mav not be
flie earliest field to repay our toil. Nevertheless, even there the
corn will ripen beneath the sun, and there the wain will reel
beneath its load, and there the heart of the husbandman will
dance with * the joy of harvest.' But * here is the patience of tlie
saints.'
Having emphatically denied, and attempted to show some
reason for denying, that reli^on is running a backward course in
the Protestant kingdoms on the Continent, a conclusion seemingly
inconfflstent with the revelations of this paper, we now resume our
purpose of observing upon theprobable causes of the wide de-
parture from the feith of the Gospel on the part of those who
nave been here reflected on. And as it will clear the ground for
what we have to say on this head to state what we deem not the
causes of it, we will at once proceed to our deliverance upon that
point.
We differ, then, toto cosloy at first starting and throughout our
whole career, with Mr. Dewar and all of his school, who allege
the Protestant principle of the private judgment of Scripture to
be the pregnant cause of all the rationalism of Germany, putting
the tradition of the Church instead of the Scriptures of God.
Thus writes this divine : —
^ With the philosophy of Wolff commenced that series of systems
and theories which have continued in rapid succession to arise and to
be exploded ; each of which in its turn has been made, what Catholic
consent alone ought to be, the guide and the rule by wJiich the faith ot
Christians is to be framed, according to which the sense of the Bible,
nay, the authority and the truth of the Bible, is to be judged and deter-
mined.' — p. 87.
Again : ^ There are doubtless very few among those who in £ng«
land contend for the right of exercising their own judgment in tiie
interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, who would not shrink from a
system of which they saw a denial of their inspiration forming a part ;
and yet how will they prove this doctrine ? Will Scripture prove its
own inspiration ? Does it anywhere claim to be inspired ? It would,
I think, be difficult for them to prove either of these positions.
« We have seen how difficult it is to maintain the doctrine of the
inspiration of Holy Scripture without appealing to the proof afforded
by the concurrent testimony of the Catholic Church. We have found
that there are two principal objections raised by the Rationalists of Ger-
many, which, it must be confessed, are unanswerable. The first is, that
there is no passage of Scripture which distinctly asserts the whole to be
inspired ;
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inspired ; there is not even a single book of the New Testament, ex-
cept perhaps the Revelation of St. John, which professes to emanate
directly from God. The second objection is, that if there were such
assertions in Scripture — if the meaning of such passages as may seem
to bear upon the question were clear and distinct — ^yet it would be a
proof which is logically inadmissible.' — pp. ll?, 118.
^ We cannot be surprised at these practical results of the principles
of Rationalism. We cannot be surprised that every pure and noble
feeling was blunted by the cold sceptical nature of that religious be-
lief, or rather unbelief, which is, and ever will be, the ultimate conse-
quence of the exercise of the boasted right of private judgment. And
can we wonder that there were some among the sons of Germany who
saw and acknowledged the utter hopelessness of anything but evil
springing from this evil principle ? '— p. 146.
And so on, ad nauseam^ in repudiation of the only principle
which justifies his own Protestantism, and in imitation of the
unholy tactique of the Romish church, whose incurable scepticism
invalidates all evidence whatsoever, in order to induce the implicit
submission of the understanding to her sway. On the self-asserted
inspiration of the Scriptures we could say much, and might defend
at length the right of private judmient, were this * an occasion
meet'— but must confine our rarther notice of Mr. DeWar's in-
teresting enough little compilation to one remark, corrective of a
sophism or mistake running through the whole of his statements,
concerning those who hold the principle he abhors. He maintains
that they reject altogether the testimony to the doctrines and text
of the Holy Scriptures furnished by the consent of the Catholic
Church. Mr. Dewar must have read our faith upon this point in
difierent manuals from anv which we have studied, for all the
Protestant divines, with whose works we are familiar, distinctly
declare that the voice of the Church is invaluable in the settlement
of many points, especially of the canon ; but then we only receive
it in any case as an evidence, and nowhere as an authority. The
Church witnesses, but the reason enlightened by Scripture decides.
This surely, and not Mr. Dewar's caricature, is the correct repre-
sentation of the matter.
Nor, again, is the application of reason to the solution of re-
ligious questions the cause of Rationalism, nor the critical study
of the Scriptures, nor philosophy — ^no, not one, nor all — reason is
good, criticism good, and philosophy good — therefore we must
seek elsewhere for the origin of this monster Rationalism — and we
find it in infidelity. This is the remote and primary cause. It is
infidelity in one form or other making its way into every profes-
sion, and at last finding admission into the theological. There
are proximate causes, or predispodng ones, afiecting this particular
dass. May we name two. The one is professional femiliarity
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298 Influence of Modem Philoeopby vjHjn [Oct.
with the sacred records, and tke other is the iotmsicHi of unooii-
▼erted men into the mimstry.
Germany is the hind which save the Kbie to the people of
Eorope, by the work of die Rerormation, and the leanuw and
labour of Dr. Lnther. Like a powerful angel, the cooTerted Monk
came down and released not only Peter from the prison in which
Anti-christ had bound him, but all the evangelistB and apostles
of our Lord, bidding them be for ever free, and no more stay
their tongues from proclaiming the words of eternal life. Ever
since that pmod the Bible has oeen not only the text^book of the
preacher, and the common standard of appeal for himself and the
nearer, but also a household guest with ev^ fomily, a piece of
furniture as essential to domestic comfiurt as the bed or board. It
is the breast from which the babe has drawn its early nurture —
the unadulterated milk (1 Peter iL 2) : it is the fiduntain into
whose placid bosom the aged man has gazed, and seen mirrored
there the purity, the peace, the joy of heaven. It is all this to the
minister of the Gospel and the theolodical professor, and something
more. It is his tool, his implement, his instrumentuin artis, without
which his voice has no charm, his hand no power. His occupa-
tion throws him into a more than ordinary umiliarity with it, not
for the purpose of edifyixig himself but instmctinff otiiers, and the
danger *to be apprehended is, that he may come uways to scan it
with a critical eye, to the complete abrogation of the devotional.
If ever he be led to do so, his ministry is ruined, and his ^fessorial
teachings become pernicious. There is more in the KUe than
vocables and various readings, than rhetoric and poetry, than the
lower or faiffher criticism ; and he who forgets, because be no longer
feels, its qmckenin^ and moral power, beneath whidi the livmg
tendon of the sensitive soul thruls, — he is a paralyzed and lost
man as a leader of others. The belief is fifteen centuries old at
least, but not the less true for its antiquity, that God does not
reveal himself as Father and Son by the Divine Spirit, to those
who only know him by modes of syllogistic reasoning.^ The
teacher may be learned, graceful, eloquent^ but he is bund, and
leads the blind astray, aoid the highest purpose of Scripture teach*
ing is abandoned, which is to make the man of God ^perfect,
throughly furnished unto all good woriis.' And where such a
process as this is perpetuated through two or three generations,
each succeeding one oeing worse than its predecessor, is it to be
wondered at that Bationalism, which has gone parip^ away all
that is beyond the grasp of its intellect and the frigidity of its
feelmgs, til at last the entire superhuman element has been cut
^ Ejdph. filer. adT. Aetium.
« off
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1848.] Christianity in Germany.
off from the records of the Qiristian faith, should at length settle
down in mere infidelity ? To ns the process seems so natural, that
it could not be otherwise. First, the olade, Rationalism ; secondly,
the ear, Naturalism ; and thirdly, the fall com in the ear. In-
fidelity. The Bible could not become other than these have made
it in the hands of such men. Approached coldly, dogmatically,
perhaps reluctantly, for the purpose of critic^ue or homily, it be-
came to them a dry bone, the marrow of a divine origin or divine
signification having been long sucked out, and being thus left to
their rationalistic mandibles, ' very diy.' Nay, the book, though
robbed of its divineness, scarcely retains with diem the credit of
a respectable human composition. It is contradictory, fabulous,
childish, a thing to move one's mirth in certain moods ; the in-
fallibility of the writers, a jest, a play upon one's credulity ; the
whole might be described, as to their sentiment respecting it, and
its influence on their life, as
vivrot yi\Q)ft xat vdvra xovir, xal vivra to m^Scv.
The second cause which has contributed to the amazing growth
and iNrevidenoe ai Rationalism in Protestant Germany has been
the intrusion of unconverted men into the ministry of the Gospel.
Where a competent share of leanung and subscription to a
formulary of fiiitn is the cheap and ready means of aamission to
public service in the church, that service nimishing a profession of
respectability, and a humble, it may be, yet sufficient maintenance,
many will enter by the open door who should not, and 'the
abomination that maketh desolate' will enter with them. No
truth is so intimately interwoven with the pro^rity of reli^on,
nay, none so essential to its very esistence, as that the ministers
of its sanctuary should be, each in his order, ' Holiness unto the
Lord !' Only to the clean are all things clean : to all besides
their v^ heart and conscience will be defiled. To such persons
there will be always objects of greater moment and interests of
dearer appredation than the ministry they desecrate by their in-
trusion, and the souls for whom they watch not, but will have to
give account Literature especially will have charms for them
as men of education, either in the depth of its sdence or in the
attractiveness of its fascination. The literature of the Bible will
probably become their prindjpal study from their professional bias
and the nature of their position, but they know nothing of that
sacred and awfiod spirit that should attend the contemplation of
sacred things. They loose not tlie shoes of their worldliness
from their feet when they tread on holy ground, ^ intruding into
those things which ' they have ' not seen, vainly puffed up by '
their * fleshly mind.' The most trivial, as well as the most weighty,
questions
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300 Influence of Modem Philosophy upon [Oct
questions will attract their attention and engage their research,
and a positively exhaustive erudition will be expended upon * trifles
light as air.' No one not conversant with the many voluminous
Bibliothecse published in Germany, could conceive the immense
range of topics, small and great, embraced within their discussion,
or the multifarious learning that has unworthily employed itself in
the elucidation of some. Now, men thus minded and busied, are
not the men to resist the onslaught of infidelity. These are not
the teachers to inspire the people with an earnest and practical
devotion, the surest safeguard of the &ith, since they have it not
themselves. "^The spirit of the Lord is to raise the standard
against the enemy coming in like a flood, but tliese men, destitute
of that spirit, the Canutes of the Gospel, sit in their ea^ chair and
enjoy their literary leisure, while the tide of infidehty rises in
terror around them, or their people are sinking in the deep of in-
diflerence.
Nay, some of tiiese professed ministers become themselves the
preacners of infidelity and apostles of Antichrist. How many a
name that writes D.D. after it has been linked with the enemies
of the cross of Christ ! We have sufficiently guarded what we
have said in a previous page against the belief that all whom we
have quoted and condemned have been divines : too many have been
such, but some have been unprofesrional laymen and schoolmasters.
But where they have been ministers of tne sanctuary who have
sacrilegiously lent their hand to its demolition, what tongue may
tell the mischief they have done, the souls they have destroyed ?
Like Samson, they themselves perii^ in the ruin they occasion ;
but while they render this reluctant compensation to justice, it
goes but a little way to repair the monstrous wrong they do.
Compare their course with their supposed determination when in-
vested with the holy office thev have sought, and with their openly
expressed vows at the altar of God, and who does not shudder at
the fmpiety of their procedure, and cry aloud in condemnation of
their enormous sin ?
But to the sin of infidelity, some, as if unconscious of the base-
ness of the act, as if their infidelity had robbed them of their
moral sense, have sought to cloak their unbelief under the garb of
conformity to the formularies of the Lutheran church, that they
might receive its pay as orthodox, while no more than deists or
infidels in fact. Strauss would eat the church's bread, while stealthily
yet strenuously labouring to vitiate the church's faith. He con-
tends that a man may preach a Supematuralist creed in compliance
with the prejudices of the vulgar, and yet indulge himself in the
utmost licence of speculation m private, nay, settle down in con-
firmed imbelief. When Rohr, superintendent of the clergy of
Weimar,
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1848.] Christianity in Crermany. 301
Weimar, recommended the open declaration of infidelity on tlie
part of the Naturalists, and their separation into a new sect distinct
nrom the existing Christian churches, of his numerous abettors in
his unbelief he found only one ready to pursue the honest track he
prescribed. Temporal considerations, it were scarcely uncharitable
to allege, hare had some weight with Bretschneider, in inducing a
recantation of the strange surmises of his Probabilia, when they,
on his own confession, prompted his defence of German theology
against the attack of Rose in nis Cambridge Lecture. Persons may
take advantage of the English clergyman's publication, he says,
* To misrepresent the German theology, and also to cry down many
respectable and highly esteemed divines as corrupters of religion, and
thus do them much injury with statesmen, ministers of government,
and princes, who usually learn such matters through the medium of
other persons."
WTiat have ministers of government, statesmen, or princes to do
with opinions orthodox or otherwise in Protestant Germany?
Nothing whatever, save to give or withhold the emolument attach-
ing to parochial tenures. But it was the same at Geneva, it is
the same all over the world : the broad shield of subscription and
ritual conformity is allowed to cover any deviation from truth and
righteousness. Our impression of the morality of those who avail
themselves of this disingenuous subterfuge is low indeed. The
mystery of iniquity was long at work in the bosom of the Genevan
clergy ere their Unitariamsm was avowed, and their change of
sentiment was zealously guarded from the detection of the sister
communions of Europe as a * secret which, if revealed at certain
epochs, would have revolted the minds of men.' " So, too, the
Congregational ministers of Massachusetts, whose sentiments had
become Unitarian, owed their detection to the indiscretion of an
Englishman, and not to their own candour. Over them and over
then* sleeping churches an angel of death had been silentiy passing
during the night of their presumed orthodoxy, and ' when tney arose
early in the mominc,' at the bidding of a sympathizing observer,
* behold, they were sSl dead corpses,' bereft of the life of evangelical
religion, bereft moreover of the soul of integrity and honour.
But ascribing, as even the best* of the Kationalists do not
hesitate to do, without even seeming conscious that they are doing
dishonour to them, unmanly compliances and deliberate and con«
tinned deceptions to the apostles of our Lord and to our Lord
himself, we need not be surprised if their rule of personal honesty
and duty be very circumscribed or seriously defective. The tree
is bad, how then can the fruit be good ?
' Geneve MeUgieuse, by Ami Boet. " Wegscheider, InstU. Tkeal.
The
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302 Influmce of Modem Phih$ophy upon [Oct
The task we prescribed ourselves is nearly done, our ' dieme*
will shortly die * into an echo.* We have travo'sed with some
pains a land of little promise ; have dipped somewhat deeply into
the history of an unprofitable literature, although want of space
rather than want of matter has prescribed the present limits to our
researdbesy yet we neither regret the pains we have taken nor de-
plore the efiect of the survey on our own mind. We will not say that
all Bretscfaneider's probalnlia are improbable, we have not found
them so ; nor Strauss's legends all golden clouds, indd>ted for
their brightness to his imagination, i(x such they are not ; we will
not say uiat tlie Rationalists in tlieir various orders, from the de-
clared infidel up through the grade of Naturalism to the hi^er
Rationalism that receives Christianity as a positive revelatioo,
although not fiillv in the sense of the Supematuralist divines, have
not learning and loffic, science and reason, for this were untrue.
They are amply eqmpped with all that can contribute to form the
accomplished scholar and divine, if we except the humility of
children and the teaching of the Holy Ghost They are in good
sooth and in all verity richly furnished with all wisdom except
that ' which is from above.' But the want of the moral qualificar
tions is the greatest want we are bound to deplore in the religious
teacher, and their misapplied learning and carnal wisdom nave
made them the spoilers oi God's church. The plaint of Tertnl-
lian's day is ours : ' Philosophi patriarchse hsreticorum, eoclesis
puritatem perversa maculavere doctrina.' The pride of intellect
and a false philosophy have led themselves astray, and made their
errors and tneir innuence pernicious to others.
But the deluge is subsiding, and has been for the last twenty
! rears. The devastating tide nas reached its spring, and the dry
and of hope and purity, and truth and promise, has been showing
itself higher and clearer every succeeding day, to the gladdening
of the heart of God's people and to the dismay of the unbeliever.
The sun of vital religion is traversing Germany with a heaUng
warmth in his beams unfelt since the era of the Reformation. The
separate and collected works of Luther and Calvin are published
in that country with an amazing acceptance. Students of theology
are be&^nning to doubt whether they can do much better than sit
at the feet of the great Gamaliel of the Reformation, their own
magnificent Luther, or fire themselves with divine science at the
altar of its Paul, the unequalled Calvin, who so much and so
divinely
* ID brevissimo curriculo
Didicit, preestitit, docuit.*
The influence of the metropolitan university, with its fine corps of
Christian professors, is widely felt, together with that of those,
such
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1848.3 Christianity in Germany, 303
such as Halle and Bonn, where healthy influences prevail ; while
the neologian universities are on the decline in reputation and
seneral regard. The doctrines of grace are proclaimed with a
mlness unknown for centuries ; and to this more than even to the
powerful apologies for Christianity, which the assailants of it have
provoked, do we look for the conversion of the bulk of the people
to the religion of Jesus. Hie work of defence is well, is necessary
m its way, but the use of the sword must never supersede the
operation of building. To expose, to confute error, is unques-
tionably the teacher's duty, but to inculcate truth is his office.
This oueht to be the ' one thing he does.' Seeing then that tbe
philosophy and infidelity of Germany have nearly discharged all
their venom, exhausted- their strengui, and are on their decline,
while the true church of Christ is only awaking firom the sleep of
ages, to a sense of her responsibility, the discharge of her duty,
the imminency of her danger, and the omnipotence of her re-
sources, — ^as she girds herself for the conflict, we look most hope-
fully on, knowing that the victory is secured to ha* by covenant
and oath ; that ^ He who sitteth in the heavens will laugh ' at
every device of the enemy; that 'the Lord will hold them in
derision.' Disasters of a minor class may occur, but not defeat.
The scale of success may appear for a time to fluctuate, but the
ultimate decision is fixed. Individuals may be sucked away into
the vortex, destroyed by the violence or deceived by the smooth
appearance of the waters, but the Church oannot be hurt. For
amid all these seeming changes of fortune there is no chance dis-
tribution of good (X bad ; and under the many-coloured coat of
vicissitude one purpose is being wrought out in favour of the child
beloved.
' The foundation of the Lord staadeth sure, having this seal. The
Lord knoweth them that are his.' 2 Tim. ii. J 9.
^ The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice ; let the multitude of isles
be glad thereof. Clouds and darkness are round about him : righte-
ousness and judgment are the habitation of his throne. A fire goeth
before him, and bameth up his enemies round about His lightnings
enlightened the world ; the earth saw and trembled. The hilLs meltod
like wax at the presence of the Lord, at the presence of the Lord of
the whole earth. The heavens declare his righteousness, and all the
people see his glory.* Ps. xcviL
ON
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( 304 ) [Oct
ON THE BURNING OF THE WORLD
SPOKEN OF IN 2 Peter iii. 3—18.
Translated from the Latin of Camfbgius Vitbinga,* by the
Bey. Chables Wiu^ B.A .
2 Peter iu. 3-13, tcfOto irpdrov yan&ffKwrtSj 8ri ^Xc^rovrw iff itrxdrov tSaw
4ifitp&y iv ifiinuyfwy^ ifjorcuKraif Koerii riis lUica ubr&v imBvfiias 'rop9v6ti€wn KtH \4yoy
TfS' iroS iariy ^ hrayytXia rqs irapawrias ahrov ; c!^* {s yap ol irarrip^s ixoifiiiOriffcaf,
irdyra oUt» Ziofihu At^ <2f>X^9 ncrfirewj. XwBdy^i yap airrobs rovro OtXorraSt JJrt
oifpayol ^aop tianXai icol yn i^ SSoros iced Hi* C^aros avvtffr&ira r^ rod 0€ov XjSy^j it
&y 6 r6r€ K6(rfios ffSort KoreucKucrB^U dwAXero. ol 9h vw ovjpoyoi ical 4 tyrj t^ ccur^
XSyt^ TtBTia-ttvpurfUifoi €la\ wp2, nypov/icyot ctf jifidpay Kpiatws K<d AvwAc/os rwi^ Afft^v
iifQpAirmv, tv Z\ ToGro /i^ XofOoMiru ifuis, dyamjrolf Uri fua ^t*^pa irapii Kvpi^ &s
X/Aia fn} Koi x^^^ ^"^ ^' ^m4^ M^ ^^ fipaJ^^u 6 K&ptos r^s iwayytXlaSt &s rw^s
fipaZvTTJra 4iyovirrcu, dXXa /JUucpoBv/itT us ^/ms, fiii fiovkoft^s rufos dwo\4ffOaif dXXii
irdtrnu tls furdyoMy X"^^"^ ^{** ^^ ^ Vf^P<* icxtplou &s K\4wrris, 4y p ol ovpayol ^t-
(flUhy mptXt^aoyrai, aroix^Ta 8c Rawroifjutva XvOiiffovrm icol yrj jcol rh 4v airrp tpya
MaroKo^o'ertu. ro&rtty ovv itdyrttv \vofi4iwy irorairobs Set Ihrdpx^''^ ^fMS ; iy aytais
ivaarpotpats jcal €6<rc^cfalt irpo<r8oicwKras koI <nrcv8ovrat rj^i' mpowriay r^s rov^ 0€ov
rifi4past St* ^y ovpayol wpovfi^yoi Kud^orrai koX vtoixml Kcaxroinimra r^fccroi. imiyobs
t\ ovpayohs Kcd y^y Koiv^y Karii rh hcdyy^Xfta uJbroQ irpoalioKWfity, iy ofs Zutcuoaivii
tuvroiK^Z
Common Version. — Knowing this first, that there shall come in the last days
scoffers, walking after their own lasts, and saying : Where is the promise of his
coming? for since the fkthers fell asleep, all things continue as they were from the
beginning of the creation. For this they willingly are ignorant of, that by the
word of God the heavens were of old, and the eanh standing out of the water and
in the water : whereby the world that then was, being overflowed with water,
Eerished ; bat the heavens and the earth, which are now, by the same word are
ept in store, reserved anto fire agunst the day of judgment and perdition of un-
godly men. But, beloved, be not ignorant of this one thing, that one day u with
the Lord as a thousand years, and a thousand year^ as one day. The Lord is not
slack concerning his promise, as some men count slackness ; but is loug-sufiering
to us-ward, not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repcul-
ance. But Uie day of the Lord will come as a thief [in the night] ; in the which
the heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the elements shall mdt with
fervent heat, the earth also and the works that are therein shall be burnt up. See-
ing then that all these things shall be dissolved, what manner ^persons ought ye to
be, in all holy conversation and godliness, looking for and hasting unto the coming
of the day of God, wherein the heavens being on fire shall be £ssolved, and the
elements shall melt with fervent heat ? Nevertheless, we, according to his promise,
look for new heavens and a new earth, wherein dwelletii righteousness.
The
* From his ObeervaHones Sacrae, Book iv. chapter 16. The full title of this
dissertation contains the words : * Wherein is shown by solid reasons, that the
apostle Peter, in the third chapter of his Second Epistle, where he mentions the
coming of the Lord for the punishment of the godless bv fire, is not to be under-
stood of the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, which is the opinion of some
British theologians ; but of the last coming of Christ to judge all mortals, and of
the baming of the visible world that shall follow.' The Ooservationes Sacrae of
the
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1848.] On the Burning of the World. 305
The apostle Peter, towards the end of the second Epistle which
bears his name as the author, very clearly speaks of a certain
coming of the Lord to punish godless men, and to shake the whole
fabric of heaven and earth wiu a great noise, and destroy it with
the force of fire. The heavens^ according to the apostle, in that
last time he speaks of, ^ sliall pass away with a great noise, and
the elements shall melt unth fervent heat, the earth also, and the
' works that are therein, shall be humt up ; ' — m all which language
his belief is expressed in chap. iii. 10, besides many other passages
on that matter in the same context, which we shall cite presently.
The ancient fathers everywhere suppose that the iipostle in this
discourse graphically delineates the state of things in the last age,
— and the coming of the Lord thus spoken of, and the fire accom-
panying the Lord's coming, they interpret concerning the last and
' glorious coming of Christ Jesus, when he will appear from heaven
as Judge of the dead and living, and inflict the last punishment'
i on the wicked, fresh-fisishioning at the same time this imiverse.
Of the fethers of the earlier age, this opinion was held by Ter-
tullian,** and especially Augustin, who treats largely of this matter
in the books of the City of God."^ Of commentators on the Scrip-
tures
the elder Vitringa, the great commentator, must not be confounded with the />i»-
sertatioRes Sacrae of his accomplished son, the heir of his learning and virtues.
They are sometimes confounded, as both bore the Christian name of Campegins.
Our Vitrinffa (the elder) was bom in 1659 and died in 1722, and was professor of
divinity ana ecclesiastical historr in the University of Franeker. He was one of
I the most learned and elaborate of the Dutch theoloffians. Of the work fh>m which
I this dissertation has been translated, Orme in his Bibliotheca Biblica says : < The
I ObaarvatioMg have been frequentl^r reprinted, and contain an immense mass of
miscellaneous and learned dissertation on difficult passages of Scripture, and on
i questions of sacred criticism, theology, and antiquities. Even a list of the subjects
would occupy more room tluui can be spared in this work ; but they are all treated
1 with great learning, and often with considerable originality. Some of the senti-
I ments, however, are not strictly correct ; and perhaps prepared the way for the
greater aberrations of the modem German theologians. Walch commends the Oh-
servatiomei as specimens of exquisite erudition/ It is our intention to have a few
of the most interesting of these dissertations translated for the Journal of Sacred
lAteraiure. — ^Editob.
p ^ Advert. Marc. lib. iiL c. xvii.
* When they are judged who are not written in the book of life, and are sent into
I everlasting fire (what sort of fire this is, or in what part of the world or of the uni-
( verse it is to be, I think no man knoirs, unless it nas happened that the Divine
Spirit has taught him), then the fkshion of this world shaU pass away by the burn-
ing of the fires of the world, as the flood was made by the overflow of the waters of
the world. Therefore, as I have said, by that burning of the world, the qualities of
the conruptible principles which were meet for our conruptible bodies, shall alto-
gether pass away in the heat ; and matter itself shall have those qualities, which by
wonderful change shall be meet for deathless bodies; so that indeed the world
made new and better, shall be well meetened for men even in the flesh made new
and better.— City cf God. Book xx. ch. xvi.
Peter has here said nothing of the rising of the dead, but much indeed of the ruin
' of this world. Also when commemorating the ancient flood, he seems in a manner
to teach how fiur we most believe that the world will perish in the end of Uiis age.
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tores in more recent times, I may here mention only Calvin,^
PiBcator, and amonsst the Remonstrants (the Dutch Arminiaiis.k
Vorstius. For to cite more would be superfluous.
This
For he says, that at that time, the world which then was» perished ; Dot only tk
glohe of earth, but also the heaTena, whidi howerer, w« vndentaiid to he those
aerial hearena, the plaee and space of which was then eneroMhed oa hj the watef's
increase. Therefbre all, or nearly all that air subject to wind (wluch he calk
heaven or rather heavens, but those of coarse that are lowest, not those hi^KS,
where the son and moon and stars are established), was changed to a moist natorr;
and in this way perished with the earth, the former &ce of whidi earth was of
coarse obliterated by the flood. * Bat,' he says, ' the heavens and the earth, wUA
are now, by the same word are kept in store, reserved onto fire against the day of
jadgment and perdition of angodly men.' Therefore the heavens and eutfa, that is,
the world, which instead of that world which perished by the flood is kepit in stcre
fk-om the same water, is itself reserved for the last fire against the day of judgmait
and perdition of angodly men. For he hesitates not to say that there will be a p^
dition of men also by reason of some great change $ when, however, tkcm^ ia
everlasting ponishment, their natore will reauun. Perhtqw some one may ask, if
after jadgment is done, that world will be consamed, until a new heaven and earth
be prodnoed instead hereof, even daring its burning, where will be the saints, sanoe,
baring bodies, they most be in some corporeal place. We may answer, that tfaty
will be in the higher regions, whither the flame of that fire will not reach, as neither
did the wave of the flood. For they will have such bodies, that where they wish
there they will be. Bat made deathless and incorraptible, neitiier win t&ey be
mtnid of the fire of that baming, — like as the corruptible and mortal bodies of the
three men could live unhurt in die fiery fomace. — Id. ch. zviii.
' Calvin on verses 5, 6. With one argument only he reftites the aooff of the
godless, to wit, that the worid once perished by a flood of waters, when notwith-
standing it stood by the water. Bat stnee the history was snfikleDtly known and
celebrated, he says that they erred willingly, that is, of their own accord. For they
who infer the perpetuity of the worid fh>m its long-continued, state, wickedly shot
their eves, lest they should pereeive so manifest a judgment of God. Tke world
certainly derived its origm from the waten ; for chaos, from which the eardi was
produced, is called waters by Moses, Gen. i. 2. Then it was upheld by the waten;
but the Lord employed the waters for its destruction. Whence it appears that the
force of nature is not therefore of itself sufBcient to cherish and preserve the world.
as there is rather included therein the means of destruction, as oflen as it may
please God. For we most always think that the world stands by no other power
than of the word of God, and therefore that inferior causes borrow thence their
virtue, and are in a manner acted on, so as to produce divers eflfeeta. Thus the
world stood by the water ; but the water by itself could do nothing, but vras rmther
subject as an inferior instrument to the word of God. Therefore when onoe it
S leased God to destroy the earth, the same water rendered its service as a deadly
elage. Now we see how greatly they err, who tely on die mere elements, as
though perpetuity belonged to them, and their natore was not rather to be bent
according to the Divine nod. With these few words, their perversenesa is abos-
dantlv refuted, who arm themiselves with argoments flt>m nature to oppose God.
For the history of the fiood, Geu. vii. 17, is a sufficient witoess that die whole coder
of nature is governed only by the command of God. It, however, seems nnrensoo-
able that he says, the world perished by the flood, when he had before mentioned
heaven and earth. I answer, that heaven also was then drowned (submersom^t
that is, the region of the air, which is spread out empty between the two waters
For that distinction which Moses speaks of, Gen. i. 6, was destroyed ;->and the
name Aeooens is often taken in this sense. If any one wish forther infonnntion, let
him read Aneustin's City of Ood, Book zx.
Verse 7. He does not draw this as an inference. Nor had he any other object
than to refhte the subtietyof the soofiers concerning the lasting state of nature, snch
as we see many at Ibis day, who with a slight sprinklmg oi the rodimenls of phi-
losophy.
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This hypothesis, so certainly true, has been approved by the
Rev. Dr. Thomas Buniet, who has lately composed with learning
and ingenuity, * The Sacred Theory of the Earth,^ forasmuch as
while fully treating of the burning of the world, he has nowhere,
so far as 1 could observe, even questioned whether this passage of
Peter is to be understood of that last burning of the whole of this
globe of earth, but has everywhere supposed this a» a ground of
unassailable truth to his dissertation, especially where he expounds
in the work this portion of Peter's Epistle.*
And
losophy, for wliich thev give themseWes out u great philosophers, only seek for
proone specnlations. Bat this, however, is clearly apparent from the abore, that
there is nothing unreasonable when the Lord foretells that the heaven and earth will
one day be oonsomed by fire, since there is one rule for water and fire. For it was
a fkmiliar doctrine with the aneients that from these two great principles ail things
sprang.
Verse 10. What IbUowt ooaceminff the hnmiDg of heaven and earth, needs not
a long exposition, if we eonsider its CMsign. For ne does not here mean to treat
snbtilel^ of fire and storm, and other things, but only thence to infer an exhorta-
tion which he presently adds, to wit, that we also should strive after newness of
life. For be reasons thus, that heaven and earth will be purified with fire, that
they may be sattable to the retgn of Christ : therefbre it is far more necessary that
men should be renewed. Those interpreters are therefore wrong who spend much
laboar on sabtile speculations, when the apostle accommodates this entire teaching
to pious exhortations. Heaven, be says, and earth will pass away for our sakes ;
does it then become as to be overwhelmed in the world, and not rather to aim at a
holy and godly lifb ? The defilement of heaven and earth will be purified with fire,
though they be pure creatures of God : what then nrast we do» who are filled with
80 many pollutions? In the word t^^fitUus, godlinesses, he uses the plural for the
singular, unless we tahe it for acts of godliness. Of the elements of the world, I
will say this one word, that they will be consumed only to acquire a new nature,
while the substance remains, as may be easily gathered from Rom. viii. 81, and
other places.
• Thomas Burnet, LL.D. bom 16S5, died 1716. The curiout and now obsc^ete
work above l e fferred to has the following passage : —
We suppose that the conflagration will end in a dissolution and liquefieustion of
the elements and all the exterior region of the earth ; so as to become a tree deluge
of fire, or a sea of fire overspreading the wlK>le globe of the earth. This state of
the eoaflagratioii, I think, may be plainly proved, IMTtly by the expressions of
Scripture concerning it, and ^rtly fh>m the JUmovatum of the earth that is to fol-
low upon it St. Peter who m our chief guide in the doctrine of the coofiagratiou,
says, 2 Pet iii. 10, 1 1, < The elements will be melted with fervent heat;* besides
burning up the works of the earth. Then adds, ' Seeing all these things shall be
dissolved,' &c These terms of tiquefaction and dia$oluitm cannot, without violence,
be restrained to simple devastation and superficial scorching. Such expressions
carry the work a great deal fhrther, even to that fhll sense which we propose.
Besides, the prophets often speak of the melting of the earth, or of the hills and
mountains, at the presence of the Lord, in the day of his wrath. Isaiah xxxiv. 3,
4 ; Ixiv. 1,2; Nahum i. 5 ; Pndm xevii. 5. And St John, Apocal. xv. 2, tells
OS of a 400 of^laa»j mingUd with fire ; where the saints stood, singing the song of
Moses, and triumphing over their enemies, the i^ritual Pharaoh and nis host, that
vrere swallowed up in it The sea ofgUtu must be a seaof aiobea glass ; it must be
fluid, not solid, if a sea; neither can a solid substance be said to be wangled with
Jire, as this was. And to this answers the * lake of fire and brimstone,' which the
Beast and fUse prophet were thrown into alive, Apocal. xix. 20. These all refer
to the end of the world and the last fire, and also plainly imply, or express rather,
that state of liqadhetioa which we suppose and assert
Furthermore,
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And yet there have not been wanting in this age, and there
may be found now, those who ai*e learned and skilled in Sacred
Literature, who are far from understanding this digres^on of the
apostle Peter of the last illustrious coming of Christ Jesus, to
pass sentence concerning the life and character of all men, and
either to destroy or change this our world, so long subject to
vanity and the godlessness of mankind ; but rather understand it
of the particular judgment to be inflicted by God pn the unbe-
lieving and godless Jews, and the coming of the Lord to overthrow
their commonwealth, or ecclesiastical polity, which was done by
the Romans. Thus among English divines, openly favouring and
maintaining this opinion, are Lightfoot,' Owen,^ and Cave ; ^ and
even
Farthermore, the RenooaSiom of Uie world, or the new htavau and new earth,
which St Peter, out of the prophets, tells us shaU spring oot of these that are hamt
and dissolved, do suppose tbis earth reduced into a fluid chaos, that it may lay a
foondation for a second world. If you take such a skeleton of an earth, as your
scorching fire would leave behind it; where the flesh is torn firom the bones, and
the rocks and mountains stand naked and staring upon you -, the sea, half empty,
gaping at the sun, and the cities all in ruins and in rubbish ; how would you raise
a new world from this ? and a world fit to be a habitation for the righteoue ; for so
St Peter makes that to be, which is to succeed after the conflagration, S Peter iiL
13, and a world also without a tea; so St John describes the new earth he saw,
Apocal. xzi. I. As these characters do not agree to the present earth, so neither
would they a^ree to your foture one ; for if that dead lump could revive and become
habitable again, it would however retain all the imperfections of the former earth,
besides some scars and deformities of its own. Wherefore, if you would cast the
earth into a new and better mould, you must first melt it down ; and the last fire,
being as a R^nei'e fire, will make an improvement in it, both as to matter and
form. To conclude, it must be reduced into a fluid mass, in the nature of a chaos,
as it was at first ; but this last will be a fiery chaos, as that was watery ; and from
this state it will emerge again into a paradisaical world. — Sacred Ineorif of the
EaHh, Book iii. ch. iz.
Burnet afterwards explains the passa^ thus:— < The apostle answers to the
scoffers, that they willingly forget or are ignorant, that there were heavens of old,
and an earth, so and so constituted ; consisting of water and by water; by reason
whereof that world, or those heavens and that earth, perished in a deluge of water.
But saith he, the heavens and the earth that are now, are of another constitution,
fitted and reserved to another fiite. And after these are perished, there will be new
heavens and a new earth, according to God's promise.' He expounds the passage
at length, and argues for its reference to the * natural world.' He says, * The sacred
basis upon which the whole theory stands, is the doctrine of St Peter, delivered in
his second epistle and third chapter, concerning the triple order and succession of
the heavens and the earth. That comprehends the whole extent of our theory ;
which indeed is but a large commentary upon St Peter's text' — iv. 10, T^ns.
' Work on Chronology, Part ii. p. 116, « Theoloff. Lib. iii cap. i. § 1, 2.
^ Peter teUs us of these scoffers that should come in the last days ; that is, before
the destruction of Jerusalem (as that phrase is often used in the New Testament),
that they should say, * Where is the promise of his coming ?* Which clearly respects
their making light of those threatenmgs of our Lord, whereby he had foretold, that
he would shortly come in judgment for the destruction of Jerusalem and the Jewish
nation. This he now puta^ them in mind of, as what probably he had before told
them of, vivft voce, when he was amongst them. For so we find he did elsewhere.
Lactantius assuring us, B. iv. ch. xxi.,' That amongst miinv strange and won-
derful things which Peter and Paul preached at Rome, and left upon record, this
was one, that within a short time, God would send a prince who should destroy the
Jews
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' even Hammond, who however holds the following opinion peculiar
to himself.
Hammond ' supposes that there is in this chapter a direct men-
tion of the destruction of Jerusalem. For that judicial coming of
Christ was mocked at by the profene of that time, v. 4, which
therefore Peter proceeds with from v. 8, to the end of the chapter.
In the verses between, however, the 5th, 6th, and 7th, he thinks
that Peter indirectly mentions that last burning of the world.
For Peter, in those clauses, ai^ Hammond thinks, refutes as
by parenthesis the argument with which the profane scoffers,
V. 4, had endeavoured to confirm their godlessness : to wit, ^ since
the fathers fell asleep, all things continue cls they were,^ This
profane supposition, Peter, in Hammond's opinion, refutes, first by
the flood, then by the burning of the world ; when he returns to
the subject itself, and maintams the hope of believers concerning
the overturning of the Jewish commonwealth. But this is an
evident wresting of Peter's language in a plain and clear
matter, which has been carefully examined, and learnedly and
solidly refuted by Le Clerc*' on this passage, so that we need
say no more. Peter speaks in this chapter of a coming of Christ
Jesus, one and of one kind, to punish his enemies, and to chanse
the face of heaven and earth. This coming must be either the
coming of Christ to destroy the religious polity of the Jews, by
punishing them through the Romans ; or the coming of the last
day to judge and severely pimish all godless and wicked men, his
enemies, and purify this world wherein we dwell, from the defile-
ment of wickedness and evil. The latter opinion seems to me
most true, which by leave of those who think differently, we will
now strive according to our strength to confirm, that henceforth
the meaning of this celebrated passage may be clearly settled
amonest the lovers of truth.
I think sojjirgty because Peter plainly says of those scoffers who
mock at the hope of believers concerning the coming of the
Jews, and lay their cities level with the ground, straightly besiege them, destroy
them with fitmine, so that they should feed npon one another : that their wives and
daughters should be ravished, and their children's brains dashed out before their
faces. That all things should be laid waste by fire and sword, and themselves per-
petually banished from their own country : and this for their insolent and merciless
usage of the innocent and dear Son of Uod/ All which, as he observes, came to
pass soon after their death, when Vespasian came npon the Jews, and extinguished
both their name and nation. And what Peter here foretold at Rome, we need not
question, but he had done before to those Jews to whom he wrote this epistle,
Wherein he especially antidotes them against those corrupt and poisonous |>rinciples,
-wherewith many, and especially the followers of Simon Macns, began to infect the
church of Christ. And this but a little time before his deaSi, as appears from that
passage in it, where he teils them, i. 14, that he knew he must shortly put off his
earthly tabernacle.— Cave's Life of Peter, x. 6.
' Commentary on the passage. ^ Annotations on Hammond.
VOL. II. — NO. IV. Y Lord,
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310 On tlie Burning of the World. [Oct.
Lord, not that they have comsj but that they will come at last, f v*
liTxji^ou Tft?v ifjispwv^ in the last days ; since surely if Peter by to
If^X^rov r&y V«c^' the last time, luul intended the last time of the
old economy, he ought to have said, that those soofiers had already
come, because the apostle doubtless wrote this Epistle a few years
before the overthrow of the Jewish state by the Romans, at which
time those scoffers must have already come, if any were to be
looked for at all before the destruction of the Jewish common-
wealth. For the Jews at that *time either were already or were
presently to be involved in that war with the Romans, which
proved mournful and Csital to their commonwealth.
I Rrant, therefore, here that ro itrxotrof rwv 4/uk€/>a)v, ' the last
days, if taken indefinitely, may mean what the advocates of the
other opinion wish, to wit, the last time of the old economy^ which
ended at the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans ; or in
general, even the time of the new economy, when the old economy
IS ended : bnt I deny that in this place that interpretation can be
admitted, because by such an exposition Peter's discourse would
not be consistent with itself. Peter wrote this Epistle not long
before that death which awaited himself. He underwent it two
(or four) years, according to the opinion of the more learned, before
the overUirow of the Jewish commonwealth by the Romans, at
which time Jewish aflbirs either had been or would presently be
in disorder. How then could he write at that time that scoffers
would come in the last times f Peter manifestly speaks of a thing
to come after an intervening delay of no small time.
What I have here stated, that Peter wrote this Epistle a short
time before the overthrow of the Jewish state, may be re^irded as
most certain. For it is evident in this very Epistle that reter has
foretold his death as something already near. ^ I know,' he says,
ch. i. 14, Sti TA^i^ri lariv i diroQsais tov (ncnwfJMTOf /AOUf that I
must shortly put off P^iB] ^y tabernacle^ as our Lord Jesus Christ
hath showed me. Therefore this epistle was written not long
before his death. Moreover that Peter suffered crucifixion,
according to Christ the Lord's prediction, John xxi. 19, in the
latter years of Nero's reign, is an assertion in which the best
chronologists^ ancient and modem, agree, whether on the ground
of the tradition of the andent church, or of the comparison
of history. Eusebius indeed refers the martyrdom of Peter
to the fourteenth or last year of Nero's reign, which corre-
sponds to 67 and 68 of Christ, according to the vulgar sera of
his birth. This opinion is followed by Onuphrius, Baronius, and
among others by Cestriensis, a most competent judge in such
matters. But Epiphanius places Peter's death in the twelfth year
of Nero, during the consulship of Nerva Silianus and Vestinus
Atticus :
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Atticus : which is favoured by the catalogue of the ancient Pon-
tifices, and amount the scholars of our day by Henschenius,
Papebrochius, Pagius, and Toynard. This year corresponds to
A.D. 65. It is certain that by Clirist's prediction, Peter would
die old. "Oray yeqdariff says the I^ord, ' when thou shalt be old^
thou shalt stretch forth thine hands, and another shall gird thee/
(the hands doubtless being bound to the transverse beam of the
cross, when the cross was about to be carried by him to the place
destined for his execution,"* as already remarked by the learned,)
*and carry thee whither thou wouldest not.' The probability
therefore is, that his life was prolonged until the latest part of
Nero's reign. And besides, when it is known both from the
epistle of Clement (to the Corinthians, v."), and especially from
the prediction of the Lord, and its interpretation added by the
evanselist John, %si. 19, that Peter, like his Lord, really ended
his life on the cross, who could be reasonably induced to believe
that that was done before the persecution of the Christians by
Nero ? This indeed, according to the conjectures of the learned,
resting on probable argument (which cannot be rehearsed here,
through fear of greater prolixity in this argument than is fit), did
not happen before tlie tenth year of Nero. If any one chooses^
with the Rev. W. Cave, to place the death of Peter also in the
same year, it would amount to almost the same in my argument ;
although the middle opinion, which throws the death of Peter to
the twelfth year of Nero, pleases me the best.
It may now be considered, as has been well proved by Pagius,
that the warlike movements which proved fatal to the tJews,
occurred in the thirteenth year of Nero, a.d. 66, and that Jerusa*
lem was assailed by Titus, and overthrown witii the Temple in
70 of the vulgar sera ; then, according to the reckoning of Eusebiua,
that Peter wrote this epistle in the very torch of that ruinous war
already fired among the Jews ; but according to Epiphanius,
Peter wrote it one year, according to Cave, three years before
that pernicious war. If this be true, how could Peter speak in
this his epistle, of ^ scofiers of the last time,' as if about to be mani-
fested long after this time f Peter doubtless wishes believers to
" Another explanation is, that in crucifixion itself the limbs and even the body
were sometimes girt or bound to the cross. * The feet were occasionally boond to
the cross by cor&, and Xenophon asserts that it was usual among the Egyptians to
bind in this manner, not only the feet but the hands.' — Dr. Kitto's C^cl^^csdia, art.
* Crucifixion/ — Tramslatob.
* The criminal was nailed or bound to the cross. The latter was the more pain-
Ail method, as the sufferer was left to die of hunger. Instances are recorded of
persons who survived nine days.'^Dr. Wm. Smith's JHctionary qf Greek and Boman
Antimtities, art ' Crux.' — ^TaAMSLATOB.
" Peter, by unjust envy, underwent not one or two only, but many travails, and
having thus witnessed, departed to the destined place of glory,
y 2 * know.
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312 On the Burning of the World. [Oct.
' know, first, on sXec/^vrai sir* k^irov ta/v ifAsqSy i/MVaXKracif thai
there shall come in the last days scoffers^ saying, sroi; cerriv %
6Votyys\ta nrhs va^ovaias abrov ; where is the promise of his coming V
Doubtless there were already, and had been a long time among
the Jews, many □''it^ scomersy Ps. i. 1, who mocked at the hope of
Christians, and lived in unrestrained godlessness. There were
among the Christians themselves those wno had departed from the
faith of Christ Jesus, and yielded themselves to lusts, an example
of whom already began to appear in the Gnostics, who, as time ad-
vanced, would be more openly discovered. But in that space of
two, four, or, if you please, six years, which preceded the ruin of
the Jewidi commonwealth, no new persons of that kind were, as I
think, about to appear ; and therefore if Peter had intended the
scoffers and the godless of that time, he would have rather said,
that scoffers of that kind tjoere already in the world, and had come
according to the prediction of Christ and the apostles, than that
they \oould cane in the last days. Nor had there been any mean-
ing in these scoffers asking, ^ where is the promise of his coming Y
for the overthrow of the Jewish state, when Judaea was already
heated by those movements, which all the wise easily saw would
bring ruin on the commonwealth. And yet, which is especially
to be noticed here, not only in this passage, but also in the context
following, Peter speaks or the day of this judgment as something
by no means near, but which as yet was subject to a long delay.
For what else can be the meaning of what he says in v. 8 ? ' But
beloved, be not ignorant of this one thing, that one day [is] with
the Lord as a thousand yearsy and a thousand years as one day.'
What need had Peter of producing as an example the delay of a
thousand years, for the sake doubtless of sustaining the fainting
hope of believers, if he knew what, as Christ's apostle, he could
know and take for granted, that the ruin of the Jewish common-
wealth was to be looked for in a very short space of time ? Why
does he not rather plainly say, that there is no place for mockers
to deride that expectation oi believers from the so great delay of
that Divine judgment, since that coming of the Lord is now in-
deed near at hand, and those mockers will within a few years
experience God's avenging hand ? The celebrated Cocceius, by
whom everywhere the same opinion which I am maintaining in this
dissertation is stated and defended in his commentary on this
epistle (and truly I may not conceal the pleasure this affords me),
well writes on this matter, that Peter, verses 8, 9, * hints that a
long delay vnll take place ;' and that * he intends that day in which
God's longsuffering will cease.' That is precisely what we assert
and enforce.
To this first of my reasons, which has, I think, been sufficiently
illustrated,
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illustrated, another may succeed, to wit, that the objection which
these profane mockers brought against believers, and the answer
f provided for it by Peter, does not agree to the hypothesis of those
earned men who here differ from the received opinion, nor can it
be easily reconciled therewith. This we must prove in order.
The objection which these profane scofiers brought against tlie
hope of believers concerning the Lord's coming to execute judg-
ment and change the system (<rx>iM«) of heaven and earth, is ex-
pressed by Peter nearly in these words : — * Where is the promise
of his coming ? a(p' ^s ya^ ol Trariqis iKOifjiriBviffay, vdi/ra oStw he^jjysi
dv dpxris KTio'iojf.for since the fathers fell asleep, all things continue
thus (in the same state) from the b^inning of the creation^ By
the &thers who are said to have fallen asleep, are doubtless to be
understood the patriarchs (especially Enoch and Noah), and the
prophets (especially David and Isaiah, whose words Peter quotes
in tne succeedinj^ context of his discourse), who were thought to
have predicted God's future general judgment of all men, and the
destruction of the present fiishion of the world. But these
mockers say, since tne time that the fathers died, even from the
earliest days of the world, the universal nature of things remains
in the same position and order ; and therefore vain is the hope of
believers concerning any such great change of things, or extraor-
dinary judgment, as godly Christians looked for for their benefit
and salvation. Let us now see whether this objection agrees more
to our own or the opposite hypothesis.
To proceed : wnat appearance does this objection make, if we
suppose that Peter in this chapter speaks de fAepixu, or of a par-
ticular judgment, such as was God's judgment to i)e executed on
the Jews, and of the overthrow of a certain particular state, such
as the Jewish state of course was, although formed by God in a
manner peculiar to itself? Have * all thmgs continued as they
were from the beginning of the world,' with regard to the civil or
sacred existence of the greater number of the more important of
commonwealths, which the world, from the time of the founders of
empires, has seen as the most flourishing ? So far is that trom
the truth, that, on the contrary, no one but a child can deny that
there have appeared in the world very many and dreadful examples
of God's judgments in overthrowing the largest and most powerful
empires, besides lesser polities and states, as the Jewish, and
cities, as Jerusalem. Did not Nineveh, Tyre, Capua, Saguntum,
Thebes, Carthage, sustain a &te most similar to that of Jerusa-
lem, in the fall of which city was iilvolved the overthrow of the
Jewish ecclesiastical polity ? Yea, who of those scoffers, even of
the most profane mind, could be ignorant of or deny, that the
Jewish polity was founded by MoBe8,a]id had been once already
overthrown
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overthrown by the Babylonians ? Could they then say with re-
gard to this polity, that * all things continaed as they were from
file beginning of the creation ? ' Could it seem a new thing to
them for the Jewish commonwealth to be destroyed by the Romans,
which had been already overthrown by the mbylonians ? Yea,
did not the wiser of the Jews, even those of profane minds, fear,
and easily foresee what was shown by the event to have been im-
pending r But if it is supposed with us that Peter speaks in this
chapter of a general judgment to be brought by God in the last
time, and a future change of the sy8tem(<rxriAta) of the world, not
figuratively but properly so called, the force of this objection is
evident to ever^ one. i e Christians, said the scofiers, preach and
look for a burning of the (sublunary) heaven and earth, t(^ether
with a coming oi Christ trom heaven to pronounce judgment
solemnly on aU men. But those thines hardly deserve belief, as
the world has remained in the same place and order for so many
years and ages, without difierence or remarkable change, and it is
now a long time since the patriarchs and prophets who predicted
those things, departed this life. Since their predictions have not
Jet met with tlieir fulfilment, it is not likely to happen in the
iiture.
Let us now see what Peter answers to the difficulty thus brought.
* For this,' he says, • they willingly are ignorant of, that by the
word of God the heavens were of old, and the earth standing out of
the water and in the water : 'Si' arv 5 rort xiff/j^s vSart KaTakKvaBus
dTciXero ; by which (the lower as well as higher waters, as Hammond
rightly here observes) * the world that then was, being overflowed
with water, perished.' As if Peter had said, — ^why do uiose scofiers
object to us, that the nature of things has always preserved its
own order, witiiout any extraordinary and remarkable change :
when truly it is known from both sacred and profane history, that
the globe of earth itself whereon we dwell, was of old, even all of
it, overwhelmed in water by God's dreadful and memorable judg-
ment, that God might punish all the godless and wicked dwellers
on earth ? Who thereiore can reasonably wonder much, that we
believe and declare that this earthly globe will in the last time
undergo some such destruction hjjire as it has already experienced
by uxiter f
But if it is supposed that Peter speaks of the destruction of the
figurative heavenly and earthly system {ayfif^) which is the dis-
annulment of the ecclesiastical economy which Moses founded by
Divine command ; then truly these words of Peter will have far
less force and emphasis. For Peter will say, according to that
hypothesis, that it is not an absurd belief diat God wilfdisannul
the economy of the law founded by Moses, and overthrow the
commonwealth
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commonwealth of the impious Jews, gince already, of old, thetcorld
overflou>ed with toater has perished. If indeed here by v)orld be
especially understood, men themselves, inhabitants of we world ;
what need had the hoi y apostle to seek so far for what was obvious
and plain ? For first, toere was no reason or shadow of reason to
render it absurd to believe that the Romans would destroy the
Jewish, common wealth, or that God would severely chastise the
profane and godless Jews. Then, if notwithstanding, any one
should, with no reason whatever, think that a thing improper for
belief, what would have been easier for Peter tlmn to seek an
example in the former overthrow of the Jewish polity by the
Babylonians? Why have recourse to the flood, in which, although
God severely punished godless and wicked men (in which respect
I acknowledge it bore a resemblance to the judgment executed on
the Jews) ; were was, however, no ecclesiastic^ polity, which is
equivalent to the figurative system of heaven and earth, overthrown
or destroyed. But it is uncertain whether )c6<rM0f, * world,' does
not here really mean the frame of the sublunary world, and
especially this our earth itself, which he had spoken of. This,
Peter says, passed away, for at the time it really seemed to have
^ perished, overflowed with water,' and it appeared with a new and
difierent face after the flood. If this was tne meaning of Peter in
this passage, then trvlj these words of his can in no way be recon-
ciled with the opposite hypothesLs. For what has the destruction
of a figurative neaven and earth in common with the ruin of a
sublunary heaven and earth, properly so called ?
But tins itself suggests the third argument for the support of
our opinion. Doubtless the apostle Peter speaks of a ' heaven and
earth ' of the same kind as were the heavens preserved by the
word of God, and- the earth overflowed by the waters of the flood ;
and therefore by heaven and earth here he does not intend us to
understand the ecclesiastical system {<rxi/JM) of the Jewish people.
Peter's words in the following context are, 61 Se vuv ovqa^ol xal i 7^,
but the heavens and the eartn which are now, by the same word
* are kept in store, reserved unto fire against the day of judgment
and perdition of ungodly men.' Here evidently, * the heavens
and earth which are now,' are by Peter distinguished from and
opposed to the heaven and earth which were of old. But the
heaven and earth which were of old, are that very fabric of the
world of heaven and earth, as, preserved by tbe word of God, it
appeared before the flood. This indeed is evident from verse 5 :
* For this they willingly are ignorant oi^ that by the word of God
the heavens were SxvaXai, ofold^ and the earth standing out of the
water and in the water.' If this is true and certain, as indeed it
is most certain, how will this antithesis of the apostle be consistent
with
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with itself? How will the heavens and earth mystically so called,
be opposed to heavens and earth properly and truly so called ?
For opposition ought to take place between things of the same kind.
Nor, moreover, could I easily persuade myself, that Peter in the
simple and epstolary style, such as is and ought to be the diction
of tnis Epistle, would, without at all warning us of a distinction,
call the Mosaic economy^ heaven and earth. In prophecy, whose
adornment agrees with tiie construction of figures, that properly
diction perspicuous, plain and easy to be understood, unless any
one might choose to call certain ApostoHc Epistles, as those of
James and John, by the name of prophecies, rehearsing in order
the destinies of the New Testament church, as thus certain ge-
niuses of our time loye to play with the interpretation of God's
word. But that, as I for my part think, is plainly viri^^wy v%q
o ^sr^^ovfiTv, thinking more mgnly [of themselves] than they ought
to think.
However, not to mention more which might be referred to here,
we observe, /bttr^A/y, that Peter the apostle speaks in this context
of that commg of Christ the Lord, before which those who are
chosen in God's counsel to be led to salvation, will have been
called to a fellowship of gracious benefits, and will have obeyed
that their calling ; which werefore cannot be the coming of Christ
to destroy the «^wish polity, but must be the last coming of Christ
Jesus topass judgment concerning the state and character of all
men« Tnat this is altogether the truth, we are taught by Peter's
words in verse d : *' The Lord is not slack concerning his promise,
as some men count sladcness ; but is longsuffering to us-ward, /i^
. ^vXotiA^os rivar xvokMai kWa vavraf sit pieravoiffv %oj^(Tau^ not
willinff tliat any should perish^ but that all should come to repent-
ance.^ There were those who blamed the Lord's long delay of
that His bright coming, to bring salvation to the godly, ruin to
the godless. For many Christians of that time were tinctured
with an opinion that the Lord's coming was near : and the soofiers
pretended there was no reason wheretore the Lord should delay
that coming of his. There is a reason, says Peter. * God willeth
not that anv should perish, but He wishes to lead vditras, all to
repentance. Hiese words of Peter agree so well and exactly to
the hypothesis of the last coming of the Lord for the general
judgment of all men, as not at all to the opposite opinion. For I
beseech consideration, whether Peter^s language would be consist-
ent thus : Christ has hitherto not executed judgment on the un-
righteous Jew«, because he willeth no one to perish, but to lead
all
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all by repentance to salvation. For after the godless Jews were
punished, were not many other men led to salvation by the preach-
ing of the Gospel ? In what way then could the accomplishment
of God's counsel concerning the chosen who were to be called,
occasion delay to Christ's coming for punishing the Jews ? But
it may be said, Peter does not here speak generally of all men as
to be led to salvation by God's counsel, but of Jews alone. Peter's
meaning therefore is, that Christ delayed to come for the chas-
tisement of the Jews, because he was unwilling that any of the
Jews who were destined to salvation should pensh, but wished to
lead all to salvation. Well, be it so, although it is true that
Peter's language is by no means restricted, but will admit the
widest interpretation. But let us try whether Peter's declaration
will hold good ; to wit, that God delays inflicting punishment on
the faithless Jews, because He willeth not any Jews to perish, but
to lead all (Jews effectually called according to God's counsel)
by repentance to salvation. Can, I ask, this declaration of Peter's
hold good ? After the example of tiie Divine severity that was
given in the overthrow of the Jewish commonwealth, were there
no Jews converted to Christ Jesus, or after conversion, could they
not be led to salvation ? Did not many thousands of Jews, about
the time tiiat the Romans chastised the rebellion of the Jews of
Canaan, settle in Egypt, Asia, and Greece ? Were none of these,
after the destruction of the Jewish commonwealth in Canaan,
brought to repentance ? On the contrary, it is likely that there
were Jews, who when they beheld that hope fail them, which had
hitherto rested in the Temple and Jerusalem, the citadel, as it
were, of their relinon, were by this very reason induced to era-
brace the faith of Christ Jesus. The words of Peter cannot theu
be properly harmonized with tiie hypothesis of the opposite opinion.
But with ours they can exceedingly well. For it is sufficiently
evident, that after that last and general judgment which Christians
look for, there will be no more place for repentance. All those
who are chosen by the decree of God's counsel, will then have
been already called and brought to repentance. The reason
therefore that the Lord delays His coming for a longer time,
surely is, that His counsel concerning bringing all the chosen to
salvation, mav be fulfilled. This is Peter's clear and plain mean-
ing. After that time, ^ God's longsuffering will have been finished,'
as we have seen is well said by Cocceius.
We have adduced sufficient arguments in &vour of our hypo-
thesis, although it would be easy to add others. Let us now
briefly see what can be brought by learned men against it. But
these are not all of one kind. Some are brought from Peter's
language itself, of which we have treated above ; others from the
subject
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subject itself, which, to those who are regardful of human reason,
may seem more difficult to be apprehended and explained.
With Peter's langua^ two difficulties are connected by the
learned John Owen ; which shall be given entire in his own words,
lest they should lose any of their force from me : —
< The apostle here speaks,' says he, ' of a twofold world, the old one
which had perished by water, and the present one to be consumed by
fire ; after whose destruction he foretells the introduction of a third,
in the thirteenth verse, xaiyovc 2c ovfMivovc Koi yfiv Katviiy^ Kara to
hr6,yytkfta aitrov^ vpoffhoK&fUPy ir olc hucaio^yri icaro<xci--^Neverthe-
less we, according to his promise, look for new heavens and a new
earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness. In neither place does the
apostle treat of a visible heaven and earth with regard to substance.
For when the old world was destroyed by water, there remained never-
theless the frame of the heavens and earth. That u^orU therefore was
the men living in the world. When they were extirpated by the flood,
another world must be raised for the right discharge of the service oi
God. Moreover God laid the foundations of this world in Noah's
family : the building and adornment of the Jewish church completed
the whole structure. And therefore that was the world which Peter
foretold should be destroyed by fire ; that is, in the prophetic style.
So we read in Isaiah li. 15, 16, 1 am the Lord thy God, that divided the
sea, whose waves roared : the Lord of Hosts is his name. And I have
put my words in thy mouth, and I have covered thee in the shadow of
mine hand, that I may plant the heavens, and lay the foundations of
Ihe earth, and say unto Zion, Thou fart] my people.' — OeoXoyov/ieva,
sive de Naiurd^ brtu^ Progressu et Studio vercB TheohguBy iii. v. 2.
The force of the argument by whidi the learned man supports
his opinion, we see rests on this, that Peter speaks of the world
that perished, by which worlds he says, cannot be understood the
frame itself of heaven and earth, which indeed was not destroyed
by the flood, but rather men themselves, who perished in the
flood, and after that time would be punished by fire. Respectitie
this we observe, i. That the consequence drawn bv the learned
man, to wit, that Peter by the world which perished b^ the flood
understands men ; therefore he does not speak of the visible world,
— by no means follows, nor is admitted by me. For Peter, in
treating of the flood that happened to the old world, does not use
here the word u)orld only, (which perhap could here be taken so
widely as to include men also,) but speaks plainly of the * heavens,
which were of old, existing by the word of God, 9fA of the earth
standing out of the water and in tibe water,' which was overflowed
in the flood. Owen has willingly past this over ; which ought
not to have been done. For what are those heavens produced of
old, and existing by the word of God ? And what is that earthy
which ' of old stood out of the water and in the water V Are not
these
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these the frame itself of heayen and earth ? By those heavens
and earth can we possibly understand either men who perished in
the flood, or the church system before the flood ? ^o Mend of
reason, I think, would say so ; nor durst Owen say so plainly.
Why then does he say that ' die apostle does not treat of the
visible heaven and earth V Yea, surely, the apostle does plainly
and clearly speak of the visible heaven and earth, ii. Althougn
without injury to our argument, it could be quite granted, to take
the word world so widely here as to include men likewise, de-
stroyed by the flood, yet it is indeed my opinion that Peter does
not here mtend that word to be taken so widely. With me it is
a settled matter, that Peter by toorld intends here that frame of
the sublunary world which in the preceding verse he had called
heavens and earth. But, says the learned man, that frame of
heaven and earth did not perish by the flood. But I reply, yea it
did truly perish, according to Peter's meaning and opinion. For
Peter means simply to say, that the order of nature was then
disturbed, and the frame of this sublunary world also as it were
dissolved. The waters^ which had hitherto kept within the bounds
marked for them by God at the first creation of this world, broke
forth with great strength from the depUis of earth, and brought
ruin far and ?ride. The clouds^ which had hitherto taken and
held waters gathered from mists, with great meetness to mankind,
outpoured them so largely on the earth, that the expanse of heayen
seemed destroyed and broken to pieces. The earthy which had
heretofore by God's law lifted her head above the waters, now
seemed wholly to have perilled, as indeed it had perished. Thus
the order of nature was altogether as it were overturned and dis-
turbed, until God had satisfied His severity ; which godless men,
living in Noah's age, thought would never by any means happen.
Tfie substance qf the sublunary heaven and earth did notperish^ I
acknowledge. But that is what Peter neither means nor cares
for. Neither will that take place hjjire in the last time. For it
is most certain, that the substance itself, or matter of heaven and
earth, cannot be eflaced or destroyed by fire. If God wished to
destroy it, he would not employ fire. But what Peter means is
this, tiiat what God once determined on doing by uxiter^ that He
might destroy the wicked, and fresh-fashion the earth cleansed
from evil, even th^ same will be done hy Jire in the last time, and
the order of nature be almost in the same way as it were dis-
turbed. Flames will then enwrap all things, and blaze to the
terror of the godless. Other things in this passage of the cele-
brated Owen, which might be observed and discussed, concern-
ing the new world and its foundations, as I study to be brief,
I will here pass over.
Owen
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320 On the Burning of the World. [Oct
Owen proceeds to seek a new argument for his own opinion
from the words of Isaiah, quoted by Peter, in which God pro-
mises to the church new heavens and a new earthy which, he con-
tends, cannot be understood of the heavens and earth properly so
called, but manifestly refer to the state of the church under the
new economy. He says :
* The Apostle exhorts the fisuthful, since the consummation of the
age (tov aiwro^ a-vrriketa) had not yet arrived, to look for another
world, new heavens and a new earth, according to God's promise.
That promise exists in Isaiah Ixv. 17, and in the same words in Ixvi.
22. " Behold," he says, ^' I create new heavens and a new earth ;
and the former shall not be remembered, nor come into mind." In
these passages the prophet describes the state of the church afler Christ's
coming, when God would '' take of the Gentiles for priests and for
Levites," as the words are, Ixvi. 21, that is, would found the Grospel
ministry. Whence the state of the church, after the burning of that
second world, was called ^^ the age to come,'* and '^ the world to come "
(Heb. ii. 5 ; vi. 5). Thus then, the^^r^ or old world perished by the
flood of water ; the second, then existing, the Apostle foretells shall
perish by flre ; but asserts that the coming one shall last even until the
consummation of the age.' — Theolog. iii. v. 3.
Yea, Peter does indeed say, that he, with the truly believing
Christians, after that coming of the Lord to destroy Uie godless
by fire at the last day, * looked for new heavens and a new earth
wnerein dwelleth righteousness,' and this indeed, Kara to ivayyiKt^a
rov deot), according to God's promise, to wit, in the passages of
Isaiah quoted above, which does not seem capable of reconciliation
with our hypothesis. For, first, Is^ah does not speak in those
places of a state of things which shall follow the last judgment,
out rather of the state of the diurch under the new economy,
whence it seems to follow that the coming of the Lord, here de-
scribed by Peter, which must precede the new heavens and earth
produced by God, is not that coming of the last time to judge all
men, but some coming of the Lord before that. Further, it does
not seem as if it could be said of the earth, destroyed and laid
waste by fire in the last time, that therein righteotisness should
dicelL For this earth is not the place wherein God's glory and
the salvation of His chosen will be consummated. The raised
saints will be * caught up with Christ into the air,' and carried to
that place which Scripture calls tov t^iVov ov^avov, the third heaven,
and vaqaietaov, paradise. This is the hope of believers. If then
the earth is to be dwelt in by righteousy it would seem that
righteous and saints are to be produced therein afresh by God,
which is by no means likely.
I do not deny that this objection has force and plausibility,
which,
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which, therefore, if we overcome, we shall not he easily hindered
elsewhere. I would therefore observe concerning it : — I. From
the connection of the whole of Peter's discourse it is suflBciently
evident, that the passage in Isaiah concerning the new heaven and
earth to be hereailer produced by God, is understood by Peter of
such a change of things hereafter to happen, as would involve,
that heaven and earth shall at some time oe entirely purged from
wickedness and wicked men. I mean, that Peter understood
those passages of Isaiah, so that the force and emphasis of the
Divine promise therein contained should include an abolition
of all codlessness, and that new and better construction of the
state of this world, which should see the good and holy masters
of all things, and the heavens and earth no longer subject to
vanity on account of sin, which will not happen until the last
time. In the mean time I do not deny that those passages of
Isaiah are to be understood first of some economy, or state of the
church in this world, to be changed for a diflTerent and better one ;
whether this be the legal economy^ as Owen understands these
passages, or the Romish papacy, as Cocceius. But this must be
noticed, that Peter, acconiing to the usual manner of New
Testament writers, regards the blessing promised to the church
in these passages, in the light of his own perfection, without
which pertection that blessing could not hold good, and without
regard to which, that could not have been promised to the
church in that fulness and richness of words wnich is found in
Isaiah. Doubtless all blessings which God grants to His church
in this world for perfecting and consummating its state, will
receive their complement^ in that most perfect and consummate
state of the church which is to be revealed in the last time.
Therefore whatever is promised to the church in this world
with great fulness and majesty of words, is really promised to
it with regard to that state of perfection : and it thus seems
to me that the Holy Ghost would not have used phrases so
full and emphatic in the description of those blessings, as He does
both in these chapters and in chapters xxxii., xxxv., xlix., Ix., Ixi.,
and in many other passages in the prophecies both of the Old and
New Testament, unless He had referred to this perfection
of the church. Which when Peter perceived, much more
clearly of course than we now understand it, it is not to be
wondered at that he refers tliis oracle to the complement of
that state, to whose rudiments this oracle, according to the mind
of Isaiah, is properly to be referred. I will illustrate with a
single example what I have here laid down. John, in the
Revelation, near the begbning, writes thus of Christ : ^ Behold
he Cometh with clouds ; and every eye shall see him, and they
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322 On the Burning of the World. [Oct
[also] which pierced him : and all kindreds of the earth shall
wail because of him ' (\, 7). It is certain that John speaks here
of the last coming of tne Lord, It is not less certain that John
borrowed these words from Zechariah (xii. 10). That passage of
Zechariah is, however, by no means to be referred to the last day
of judgment, but to some time of the new economy coming before
it What then ? Does John in alleging this passage transcend
the meaning of Zechariah ? I would not readily say so : although
a certain very learned mau,^ who has excellently commented oa
the Revelation, plausibly argues that John uses Zechariah's words
in another sense than that prophet We have no need to say that
It is enough, according to our hypothesis, to say, that John refers
to his own ivorsXeafjiay complement^ what the prophet Zechariah
affirms of the preceding time or state of the church, which would
receive its complement in that last state. 11. That which Peter
adds here, iv ols ^Matotjiyn narotKeT^ wherein (the new heavens and
earth) dwelleth righteousness, is thus plainly to be taken, as I
judge ; that in the new heaven and eartn no unrig fUeaumessohoxxH
have place ; that thev should no longer be subject to vanity ;
that tney should be freed from all defilement of wickedness, and
of godless and profane men ; which Paul, treating of the same
subject, says in the Epistle to the Romans (viii. 21). That is
expressed affirmatively^ which is to be understood negatively ; as
is well remarked by 6]a8sius,P < some expressions are to be under-
stood as denying their opposites in an affirmative form.' I will
^ve a sinffle instance in the words of Jehovah to Satan, in Job
li. 6. ^ And Jehovah said unto Satan, behold he is in thine
hand ; but his life *^tt^, watch over^ or preserve,^ that is, as
Glassius well observes, touch not, or take not ^ from him his life.
That is expressed by an affirmative sentence, which must be
taken negatively. The (sublunary) heavens and earth will no
longer suffer the vanity tS^ $9og«j, of corruption. These things
we know for certain, and they here ought to, and can satisfy us,
although more may be thought and said by those who here wish
to indulge their ingenuity : and it is sufficiently clear that the
apostles could have known and affirmed concerning the economy
ot things to follow the last day, little more than we, who are to
so great an extent hedged in by ignorance.
Finally, III. It is brought by some learned men against the
common interpretation, that it seems a new thing, and removed
from common apprehension, that heaven and earth, properly so
called, will perisn by fire in the way we maintain ; neither does
Scripture in other places favour this hypothesis. To which a few
o Launeans. p Thiciat. Hi. C«n. xix. Thictat. y. Can. xx.
words.
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words. First : That the hypothesis oonceming that last burning
of this earth by no means disagrees with argument, not probable
merely, but also unquestionable, has been already fully proved
by the celebrated Burnet. Certainly the constant tradition and
belief of all antiquity has held that it will at some time so
take place, which has been already proyed by Grotius,** and we
might mention others,' were the matter douWul or uncertain.
Secondly : That so flEir from this hypothesis being a stranger to
other parts of God's word, on the contrary, it is very clearly and
plainly contained in the most ancient monument of the Mosaic
nistory. A little after the flood, doubtiess, God said. Gen. yiii.
22, T^^VT^}^, All the days of the eaHh, ^seed time and
harvest, and cold and heat, and summer and winter, and day and
night, cdiall not cease.' To the earth here, its own days, its own
time is appointed, which, as is always remarked by interpreters
of this passage, certainly indicates some destruction of tiie earth,
and some other change of things in this sublunary world, to be
expected in the last time. But when God, just after the flood
(Gen. ix. Ill signified, by Noah's rainbow, His long sufiering
to be hereaner exercised towards them, God plainly instructed
and informed them, that He would no more destroy tne earth by
the waters of a general flood, in which very words the indication
is not obscure, that it would one day happen \>yfire. This belief
was preserved by tradition in the ancient church,' and confirmed
by Christ Jesus our Lord himself,*
9 De VeritaU JUl. Chr. Lib. i. Aniiot. etJLib. it
' Senecse Consolatio, ad Polybiam, xx., aii Marciam^ xx^i. Now if the common
lot can be any relief to thy longing, know that nothing shall remain as it is : eld
will overthrow all, and bear it away with her; nor wUl she make sport with men
only, for how small a nart is that of the foroe of fortune I bat with places, and with
countries, and with diTisions of the world ; sink many mountains, and elsewhere
force flresh rocks to heaven; suck up seas, drive, away rivers; and breaking the
dealing of nations, melt away the fellowship and the meetings of mankind. Else-
where she will draw cities into yawning gulft, shake with fears, and from the depth
send forth pestilential breaths, and cover with overflowings every dwelling : more-
over she will slay bv the drowning of the world all which lives, and with huge fires
scorch and burn all that can die. And when the time is come for the world to
perish, that shall renew itself; dying by their own strength, stars will rush on stars,
and as all things glow, whatsoever now shines in order will bum in one fire.
• Job xiv. 12. Ps, cii. 26. Is. li. 6, « Matth. v. IS.
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( 324 ) [Oct
ON THE SUPPOSED SAMARITAN TEXT OF
THE SEPTUAQINT.
By the Rev. W. Fitzgebai.d, M.A.,
Professor of Moral Philosophy in the Uniyersitj of Dublin.
The question which has been raised, Wliether the translation of
the Pentateuch by the Seventy was made from MSS. in the Sa-
maritan character, and belonging, in general, to the Samaritan
recension, or from our present Hebrew text ? is one which it is
very difficult to answer precisely either way. The more prevalent
modem opinion is in favour of the hypothesis that the translation
was made from MSS. of the Samaritan recension.*
The evidence upon which this opinion rests is partly external
and partly internal.
i. Jerome, in his Prohgtte to the Books of Kings^ thinking it
necessary to prove that there are but twenty-two letters in the
Hebrew alphabet^ observes^ that the Samaritans have the same
number, whose letters, he goes on to say, are indeed the original
Hebrew character, the figures, but not the number, of which
were changed by Ezra. And *even still,' he adds, 'we find
the name of God, the Tetragrammaton, in some Greek MSS.
expressed in the andent letters.' The context, and his use
elsewhere of the term antiquce litterce in this sense, seetn to place
it beyond all doubt, though not unfortunately beyond all question
(for what will not the impudence of such men as Tychsen*^ call
in question?) that Jerome is here speaking of the Samaritan
• Postellos (in his Tabvla duodecim Linguarum) appeftrs to have been the first
to hold this opinion. The resemblance between the Septnagint and Samaritan
readings was also observed by De Dieu {Commera. on Matt, xix. 5) who had
intended to publish notes upon the Samaritan Pentateuch; and by Selden {Mare
Clausum, p. 37J. The whole question was very carefully examined by Hottinger
(TAes. Philol 1. 1. c. 3. sect 3, quast. 4.) who inclines, though with much hesi-
tation, to Postellus's theory. It was maintained with considerable acuteness by
Whiston {Essay towards restoring the true text of the O, T,, p. 48, and Appendix) ;
but most successfully by Hassencamp (in his Endeckte wahre Urspruna der alien
Bibel'Uebersetzungen^ Minden, 1775, 8vo.; and Dissertatio Hist, Cnt, de Pent.
LXX. Ittterpretum Graco non ex Hthrao aed Samaritano textu converao, Marp. 1 765,
4to.)
b Samaritani etiam Pentateachum Moysi totidem Uteris scriptitant, fignris
tantum et apicibos discrepantes : oertumque est Esdram Scribam, legisque doctorem,
post captam Jerosolymam et instanrationem tempi i snb Zorobabel, alias literas
reperisse quibns nunc utimnr : qnnm ad illud usque tempus iidem Samaritanorum
et Hebrseomm characteres fuennt Et nomen Dei Tetragrammaton, in qui-
busdam Grsecis voluminibus usque hodie antiquis expressnm Uteris invenimus.
« Tentamen de codd. V. T. p 159, note.
characters.
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1848.] Samaritan Text of the Septuagint. 325
characters, and hence it is argued that the MSS. from which this
version was taken must have heen in that character: for we
can hardly, it is said, ascribe this peculiarity to later transcribers,
who were either too ignorant of the original languages to attempt
it, or, if not, would certainly have introduced the square cha-
racter rather than the Samaritan : as indeed it is not improbable
that some of them did. For the same Jerome elsewhere* tells us
that *the Tetragrammaton is written with these letters JDIT,
which, through a confusion of them with the Greek characters,
some, when tney found them in Greek MSS., were accustomed to
read ^ivi.' It has been indeed suggested that the mistake here
spoken of arose not from the square letters in iDiT, but from the con-
tracted way of expressing the ineffable name by two jods, which
was certainly used by the later Jews, and whicn it is supposed
may have bien used by the old Samaritans.* If we were at
Kberty to assume the existence of such a practice, it would indeed
account very well for the thins to be accounted for, since two
Samaritan jods, rrt at , are as like mm as could be wished. But
I do not think that we have any right to make such an assump-
tion, especially when Jerome distmctly speaks of the four letters
of tiie name nVT. Nor does this circumstance necessarily esta-
blish the evidence (such as it is), which Jerome's other statement
affords of the Septuagint being originally derived from MSS. in
the Samaritan character : since, as I liave said, nothing would be
more natural than that the transcribers should occasionally have
exchanged the less known and more awkward for the more fami-
liar and facile characters. There is a passage, however, in a
fragment of Origen's, published by Montfaucon in his Hexapla^
which — if understood in the sense which was put upon it by
Montfaucon himself and Kennicott after him— would greatly
detract from the weight of this evidence. Those learned men
understood Origen to mean tTiat in the more accurate Hebrew
MSS. the tetragrammaton was expressed in the Samaritan letters.
If this were so, the expression of this name in those letters would
prove nothing as to the general text of the MSS. from which the
Septuagint version was made. But for my part, I think that
Ongen speaks of the same thing as Jerome, and means Greek,
^ Epist 136 ad Marcellum, opp. T. 2. p. 704. ed. Bened, * Nomen rerpteypdi*-
fAorop, qaod A^fir^nrroy id est iiM&bile pataYerniit ; <^Qod his Uteris scribitur niH^ ;
qaod qaidem non iDteUigentes, propter elementorom similitadinem, cum in GrcecU
tibru reperirent^ Pipi (irwi) legere ooDsueyemiit.'
• Nouveau TraiUde iHplomatiqae^ P. ii. 8. 2. c 6. pp. 599, 600.
' in Aneodotis e cod. Reg. 1818. rh ds^K^Artrrov rerpaypdfifurroi^ ^r '>';"
dKpi$4(ri rmv dyriypd/^w 'EfipaSKOis ifxoiots ypdfiftMTt yiyptewraij dw* o^x^ rois v^-
^m\ yiip T^ "Y^rZpw Mpots xM<ra<rOoi fierit r^v oixjjiaXwriav. Cf. Montfaucon
Palasogr. Graec p. 120, and Kennicott, cited by Tychsen, Tentamen. p. 161.
VOL. II. — NO. IV. Z "^
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32S On the sfuppoted Samaritan [Oct
not Hebrew, MSS. Yet still I am not so perfectly satisfied as
most modem critics seem to be, that this {Mractice must have origi-
nated with the translators themselTes. It might be, perhaps, not
unreasonably contended that it was introduoed by tbe superstition
of Jewish and Samaritan transcribers, who, following their several
prejudices, made use, eadi party, of their owa peculiar letters to
express the Divine name. For I do not know why it should be
assumed that all the scribes were too ignorant to spell that word
in the original, or that none of them could have been Samaritans.'
ii. Another argument much insisted upon by the supp<»rters of
this opinion is derived from those peculiar mistranslatioDS in the
Septuaffint wUch seem to presuppose a confusion of letters which
resembte esxAk other in the Samaritan, but not in the present
Hebrew alphabet This has been strongty urged by Hassencamp,
from whom Eichhom selects the following matances as some of the
most striking.
1- A (^) is supposed to have been confounded with JS* (i1),
Genu xlvi. 16, where for P2tt< the 70 have ©«(T/Sav.
But the use of the present yy for Jl in the Samaritan alphabet
is of modem date ; and we know from the express testimonies of
Origen and Jerome, as well as from the <dd coins of the Maoca*
bees, that the Thau in the time of the Seventy was written in the
figure of a cross -f •
2. ^ n) confounded with 2 P> Gmi. xxxvi 36^ TUCm, LXX.,
"LaiMLlx. Numb. iii. 24, bvh, LXX., Aa^X.
But here, not to mention that the Samaritan are hardly more
alike than the Hebrew letters, the mistake is most likely to be in
the Greek — ^the uncial A and A being, as all critics know, per-
petually confounded in Greek MSS.^
3. m C) with ^ W- Deut xxxii. 26, DrWBH ; LXX., $««-
ojFipw avrovs, reading it as two words, DiT ySM.
But here the mistake may have been of the square ^N for ^ — a
mistake often made in MSS. So^ in another instance, JllTH for
Jn2inrT, the mistake may have occurred in the Hebrew MS. by
the transcriber's first confusing the "V with 2J, and, after he had
copied it so, recognizing the 1.
4. i6 p>witii:Sa.(0). Deut xxxiii. 14,1300; LXX., xcrd'
&pxy. i:iDD.
But it is very doubtful what the LXX. read here ; and, at any
rate, the square 3 and D are sufficiently alike to account for the
confusion.
K The Samaritans were numeroiis not onlj in Syria, bat in Egypt also. Joseph.
Antiq. xi. 8 ; xii. I ; xiii. 3.
■^ Thus, in the Book of Judges, Dalilah's name is written AoAiSd; and 1 Sam. i.
5, tlie Alexandrian Ma has 'HM for'HAel.
5.
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1848.] Text of the Septuagiivt. 827
5. :i (:)) with :s (S>). Gen. iv. 7, nnsh\ LXX., JieX-rir, HnA;
cf. Lev. i. 17 ; V. 8.
This seems a reasonably &ir instance.
6. V (y) with Y (p). Gen. xiv. 2, ;r^3 ; LXX., B«X«c ; xxiii.
2, WIK ; LXX., A/>/Sox.
But here the square characters may have been confounded ; not
to mention that we know too litUe of the old pronunciation of 3^
to be very positive about it
7. <1 0) with y (p). Lev. v. 2, rw^ ; LXX., /SJeXt^y/xa yp».
But the words seem like enough in the square letter also to
account for the confusion, though I think this, on the whole, rather
a cood instance.
However, this general answer may certainly be ffiven to these
and similar instances — ihat^ even assuming them all good, they
may be accounted for by supposing that the mistakes which they
imply existed in the Hebrew MS. from which the Septuagint was
made, and which must have been taken either directly or in^rectly
from one in the Samaritan character.
iii. Another argument is derived from the probable cireunv-
stances of this version. The Jews who settled in Egypt probably
carried copies of the Law with them ; which, having been made
before the return from Babylon, would not exhibit the traces of
Babylonian influence, nor in general the peculiar marks of what
is called the Esdrine recension. Lxdeed, the &buIous Aristeas
relates that Eleazar sent not only interpreters, but a Hebrew copy
of the Law, to king Ptolemy : but none of the more respectable
authorities appear to go so &r. Yet this seems to be the cuiTent
opinion amongst the Jewish Rabbins, which Azarias. has en-
deavoured to reconcile with the hypothesis of a Samaritan text.
^ In the time of the second temple,' says he,* ^ the Jews had two
MSS. of the Pentateuch ; one in Assyrian letters (e. «. the square)
and the holy tongue, agreeing with the conceet books which we
have now. And this is that which Ezra the scribe arranged and
corrected, perceiving that the copies had been corrupted and dis-
ordered, partly through the faulty negligence of our Fathers under
> Tempore tempi! II. faernnt Judseis bini Pent MSS. — ^anuB Uteris Assyiiauis et
lingua sancta, secundum libros rectos qui sunt apud uos ; hicque est quern disposuit
et correxit Esdras scriba, yidens quod comipta vel confnsa Aierint exemplaria,
partim culpa et negligentia patrum nostrorum templi I^ de quibus dictum est, 6l
oblitus a Legis Dei tut, partim bb seiasuras qnas in illas irrepseruut in eaptivitaCe
Babylonicd^ Huncque librum rectum, quern ille scripsit, dedit sacerdotibns et Tins
Synedrii pertractantibus Legem ut nos perdocerent Alter yero Pent, liber paullu-
tum hie vel illic diversus, qui spargebatur in plebe,et seriptos erat literi» Hebraicist'
seu transfluvialibus, qufls relicta sunt idiotis, translatus autem lin^^ Arameea vel
ChaldsBa, quse erat tune sermo eomm commimis. LXX semores qui vocati
fuerunt ad Ptolemseum existimarant bonum, et eonsultum ipsis visum fiiit, ut
transferrent Legem ex illo exemplari. — Imre Binahf cap. v. fol. 38.
z2 the
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328 On the supposed Samaritan [Oct.
the Krst Temple .... and partly, by reason of the injuries
which they sustained in the Babylonian Captivity. This correct
book which he wrote out, he gave to the pnests and ministers of
the Sanhedrim, who explained and administered the Law, to teach
us. But the other book of the Pentateuch, here and there slightly
differing from this, was commonly used by the people, and was
written in Hebrew (Sam.^ letters, which were left to the unlearned.
It was translated too mto the Aramaean or Chaldee tongue,
which was then their common language, .... and the 70 elders
who were called in by King Ptolemy thought proper to translate
the Law from that copy.*
The truth is, that we know too little of the history of the sub-
stitution of the modem for the ancient Hebrew character, to be
positively certain that, even if the MS. which the Greek trans-
lators used were sent from the archives of Jerusalem, it could not
have been written in the Samaritan letters. Those letters were
certainly used by the Maccabees upon their coins, and we have
little better than very suspicious Rabbinical testimony to assure
us that they were not used in the sacred books also. Arguing
upon the mere probabilities of the case, one would be apt to come
to an opposite conclusion to that of R. Azarias : for it would
seem likely that the Samaritan letter was retained in the sacer-
dotal copies longer than in the popular ones, since the change was
most probably made in consequence of the people's greater fami-
liarity with the square character which they nad been used to
in Babvlon.
iv. But far the most important argument upon this side of the
question is derived from the frequent agreement of the Septuagint
with the peculiar readings of me Samaritan Pentateuch. Has-
sencamp nas urged this point strongly, and I do not deny that
there is great real weight m the evidence which he has adduced ;
but, at the same time, I must not conceal my conviction that its
weight has been sometimes estimated too highly. A correct
judgment of its value can only be formed by a fair estimate of
the whole phenomena ; and those who look only on the points of
agreement between the Greek and Hebrew on one side, or the
Greek and Samaritan on the other, will form a very imperfect
notion of the true state of the case. I have examined this matter
myself with some care, and I think it must be allowed that in
several minute particularities — such as, for instance, the insertion
or omission of the copula^ — the text which the LXX. used agreed
^ Hassencamp observes that there are more than 300 places in the book of
Genesis alone in which the Septaagint affrees with the Samaritan against the
Hebrew in adding or omitting the Tau. This is tnie ; but there are alao many
places in which it disagrees with the Snmaritan.
more
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1848.] Text of the Septuagint. 329
more with that upon which the Samaritan recension is based
than with our present Masoretic recension. Probably the agree-
ment would be closer if it were not for the tampenng of tran-
scribers, who used the Hebrew text, or Aquila's version of it, as
a kind of standard to determine the value of various readings
in the MSS. of the Septua^nt. But in the more important cases,
it appears to me most prooable that the agreement between the
Septua^nt and Samaritan is the result (not of the former
being copied from the latter, but) of the operation of similar false
principles of criticism — principles adopted equally by the framers
of the Samaril^m text, and by the makers or moulders of the
Septuagint translation.
That these principles, though often applied with similar results,
were independently applied by the Alexandrian and Samaritan
Aia^KBuaa-rai, will appear, I think, upon an impartial examination.
Gen. i. 6. The Alexandrian Critic, perceiving awantof concin-
nity in his text, in order that the accomplishment of the Divine
command might be related immediately after it was said to be
issued, transposed the clause xaJ lyevcTo oSreas from v. 7 to the
end of this verse. This did not strike the Samaritan, and therefore
he let the text stand as he found it. For the same reason the
Greek added xai ifSsv o deor Sn xaXov at v. 8, and the clause xal
a-uvinx,^ ^' '*'• ^» in v. 9, which are precisely of the same character
as several of the Samaritan's emendations in other places, but
which did not happen to occur to him here. But in Gen. ii. 2 the
difficulty of the Hebrew lection was too manifest not to strike
both, and the remedy of reading the sixth day instead of the
seventh too easy not to be adopted by both. In the same way
Gen. iv. 8, they have both filled up the apparent gap in the same
manner, and, as I think, fix)m the same source — the apocryphal
traditions of the Jews. This seems plainly intimated in the Greek
Scholia™ upon the place, which I have transcribed in the margin.
The clause is found also in some Hebrew MSS.,and, withfurtiner
embellishments, in the Targums of Jerusalem, and the Pseudo-
Jonathan. In Gen. v. 3 — 28 the Alexandrian and the Samaritan
follow each a method of his own. The common object of both
seems to have been to produce a greater uniformity than they
"» The first is from Origen— ^y ry *E0patK^ rh Afx^^v ^h tow Koir irp^f t^
"AfitK oh yiyptarrtur koL ot ir^pX 'Ak^^jw in^t^av 8ti h t^ *Aroicp^^ ^aalr ot 'Efipatoi
Kua6tu rovro. This is sabstantiaUy th« same as the note in Dr. Holmes's Moscow
MS. 127 : — rovra ix rou iaroKpv^wv 96k€i &wh r&v 6 clA^^cu* ix^iv [1. ^x«] '^ ^^^
itai T^ 'XattapttriK6ir hf y^ ry *I.0patK^ w ytypcarrat, 5v8^ 4w ro7s wX rhy 'Ax^Aoy.
So another Scholiam -which Morinns mutilated and falsely ascribea to Cyrill. I
gi^e it as restored by Hottinger : — ira^ M^yi r&v KoiirSiy Ktsrai rit piifiara rov Katv
wp^s rhy "AfitXf &AA ob9k iraf 'BfipaloiSt ^^^ ^^ 'AwoKpi^ ^xurL irapa 8^ rots 6
KM-tUf tx^i di ci^r^ fcol T^ Saftafvctrtjc^y. Cf. Fabriclos Ck>d. Pseadep. 1. p. 104.
found
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830 On the mpposed Samaritan [Oct.
found in the Hebrew text ; but they went to work independently,
and chanced upon different ways of effecting their object." The
Samaritan proceeds by subtractimi, the Greek by addition, as will
appear by tne following scheme : —
Years before the Birth of a Son.
Heb.
Sam.
LXX.
Adam
IdO
130
280
Seth
105
105
205
Eoos
90
90
190
Caioan .
70
70
170
Mafaaleel
es
65
165
Jared
162
62
162
Enoch .
65
65
165
Methusela
187
67
167
Lomech .
182
£3
188
The Samaritan's is certainly the more ingenious plan of the two ;
and 1 have no doubt that if tne Greek had seen it, he would have
preferred it to his own.
It will be worth while to compare with this the other patriarchal
genealogy in Gen. xi. 10 — 26. Here the same false criticism is
applied with greater uniformity of effects ; yet there are also suffi-
cient differences to show the independence of the two applications
of it. The Samaritan has shaped this genealogy into a perfect
conformity with that in chap. v. by adding at each link the total
sum of the years of each patriarch's life, and the notice of his
death. The Greek is satisfied with interpolating only the latter,
in the clause Koti dmQxve. The object of both is to gain a longer
extent of time than the Hebrew text allowed, in order to make
room for the events of profane chronology ; and this they both
seek to compass by adding 100 years to the true numbers. But
in this process the Samaritan stops sibort at Nahor — ^the Alexan-
drian not till Tera. The Greek text also exhibits a second
Cainan by whom it gains a full 130 years, whom the Samaritan
knows as little as the Hebrew.
Again, Gen. 7, the Alexandrian, being struck as itwould seem by
the curious interchanges of the names HVP and D wK throughout
the narrative, has endeavoured to compound matters by generally
reading* Kiqios 6 ©coy. The Samaritan is satisfied with correcting a
remarkable irregularity in ver. 9, by reading mrP for DT6>^, which
the other had suffered to escape his notice. At ver. 2 they both
agree in the obvious correction Jio, iuo ; but in the next verse the
■ The ingenious conjecture of George Synoellns, who is incUned to suspect Ae
integrity of the Hebrew text, is worth preserving i—ictyoS/iai fffyieort Iou8a/wv fftyw
lir rovro To\fAJi<rdinofy awrruKcu kvSl hriraxvvtu rohs xp6 t^j iraiSoroitos j(p6vws Ari-
rpowf TAXTFAMIAS. Chronic, p. 84. Paris. 1652.
Samaritan
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1 848.] Text of the Septmgint. 331
Samaritan is satisfied with adding the limitation which seemed to
be required by the preceding verse of clean animals, while the
Greek not only coincides in £is, but adds the further safeguard
of the clause jus! duo ^rarrw rwn w^ruuSh rSw fJLfi KaOaqwy ivo iua,
Elsewhere, howerer, the Samaritan's critical sagacity is more
wakeful than the Greek's (Gen. x. 19^ He changes the text
entirely, giving the more extensive limits as assigned in Deute*
ronomy, * firom the river of Egypt to the great riv^r, the river
Euphnttes, and to the western sea.' But the Greek is satisfied
with the Hebrew. Again, in xii. 16, the Samaritan's delicacy is
hurt at the odd arrangement, ^ he-masses and men-servants, and
maid-servants, and she-asses, and camels,' which he alters to
' men-servants, and raaid-fiervants, and he-asses,' &c, but the
Greek lets it stand.
But XX. 2, the Alexandrian has thought it necessary to imeit
from xxvi. 7, the explanatory clause I^j8iid« yap £iwcry Srt ywi fjLou
69X1, ftr7}«orE dwoKnivofffn aurii oi avipss 'As ft^tws Si* ft^ijv, which
the Samaritan omits : and xlvi. 20 he has filled up the genealogy
of Manasseh (fi*om 1 Cfaron.vii. 14, SO, 31), which the Samaritan
leaves as he found it.
In dealing with the book of Exodus both editors allow them-
selves considerable liberties. But the Ghreek is, on the whole, by
much the more modest of the two. He scarcely ever recognizes
the bold transpositions and supplements which we have elsewhere
noticed in the Samaritan, but, (Hi the other hand^ in the last four
chapters of the book he has re-cast And abridged the narrative in
a way peculiar to himself. He observes a more regular order of
classification than the Hebrew, ^ving an account first of the
priestly vestments, then an inventory of the furniture of the
tabernacle, and lastly, a specification of the whole expense —
everywhere clearing away superfluous redundancies, and bringing
all into a clear and compendious abstract of the original.
It is worth while noticing some ndnor marks of independent
criticism in this book.
In the famous passage Exod. xii. 40, the Greek and the Sama-
ritan both perceive the chronological difficulty, and both endeavour
to rectify it in the same way ; but the Greek's attempt is the
more timid and imperfect of die two. He reads, *H il xaroUnaif
Tfl/v via/y 'la-p^viK ^v xaTaJxr)(yav Iv y^ Alyvvru [xat Iv yp Xavaav]
It9) T^rpaxotrioc rpiaxovra. The Samaritan's is bolder and more
complete,
This reaches the desired point efiectually, and is so necessary
for
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332 On the guppoaed Samaritan Text of the Septuagint. [Oct.
for perfecting the criticism of the Greek text tiiat, as appears
from the AlexaiDdrian MS., some scholiast or transcriber after-
wards took the hint, and remoulded the reading of the Septuagint
thus, ^y xara)xy}9av £V y^ PCtyintrca xai cv y^ Xavaav, OLvroX xai oi
varipis avriy. Yet even here, the marks of independence are
distinct enough. For, in the Samaritan we have DJ112R) placed
regularly after ^KllC^, while in the Greek it is introduced as a
kind of aft;erthought out of its natural position ; in the Sama-
ritan, the order is — ^the land of Canaan and the land of
Egypt — ^in the Greek, the land of Egypt and the land of
Canaan. Is it pos^ble, then, that the Alexandrian translator
could have had the Samaritan text before him ? Is it not rather
evident that they both had a text before them substantially
agreeing with the present Hebrew, which both endeavoured to
correct upon the same principles, but with difierent degrees of
success?
In Exod. xxiii. 19, the Samaritan introduces an odd interpola-
tion, of which the Greek presents no trace ; but at verse 22, the
Greek inserts a long period equally unknown to the Samaritan ;
and so in many other instances throughout the Pentateuch.
PROPOSAL OF AN INTERPRETATION OF THE WORD
(mi^N) ELOHIM/
By the Rev. Gbobok Bai^debston Kidd. Scarborough.
The following researches concerning the meaning of this remark-
able and very important word were privately communicated to a
confidential friend in the year 1825, and have since been men-
tioned to a few others : but they have not until now been laid
before the public. The paper written in 1825 is as follows : —
I think it may be deduced from the nature of language, and the
cases wherein the plural form is used with more or less of a sin-
gular meaning, in the ancient languages, and in ours, that the
■ Since this raper was copied oat for insertion here, the writer has read with
much pleasare Dr. W. L. Alexander's paper in the second number of this Journal,
' On certain Idiomatic Usages of the Plural in Hebrew ;' but he does not find that .
it requires either the suppression or the alteration of any thing he had written.
Most of Dr. A.'s views agree very well with what is advanced here ; the brief dis-
crepances which may be discerned by a careful reader, may be left to his unaided
Judgment
plural
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1848.] Proposal of an Interpretation of the icord Elohim. • 333
plural form of D^Tpi^ would be immeasurably more likely to
suggest or perpetuate the idea of some plurality in the object of
Israelitish worsnip, than not to do this. And the use of plural
verbs, &c., in connection with W^V{ when put for the true God,
sufficiently proves, I think, that an idea of plurality did exist.
On this part of the subject the reader is referred to the Rev. Dr.
J. Pye Smith's Scripture Testimony to the Messiah, Book ii.
ch. iv. sec. 33, in the third edition (1837), sec. 34.
The question now is, Of what kind was the plurality associated
in the tnoughts of the ancient worshippers with the use of the
word Wlbl^ for Jehovah ?
It was used by the serpent and by Eve in paradise : for it is
not very likely that the sound of the name given to the Deity in
that fatal conversation should be altered or lost in the course of
a few generations. Its insertion by Moses in the speeches (Gen.
iii. 1, 3, 5), without any other name of the Deity, is the more re-
markable, as in the narrative from Gen. ii. 4 to iii. 23. Moses,
speaking in his own person, mentions the Deity twenty times, in
every one of which he calls him DVl/K J1)T\**, And that Eve was
not unacquainted with the name rrtiT appears from Gen. iv. 1.
The name DTt^M seems therefore to have been more suitable to
the ideas of tliat conversation, than any other known title of the
Creator. But so little is said of the revelations to our first
parents, and indeed of subsequent ones, down to the times of Job
and Abram, that it seems difficult to gather the meaning of the
word DTl/K with any certainly from those brief records.
There is more hope from the history of Abraham, He was in
ignorance and idolatry before Grod called him out of this darkness
(Josh. xxiv. 2), that divine knowledge might be perpetuated and
increased in his descendants. He was taught tnis name by the
Deity himself. Will the records of his life mtimate the meaning
he would probably affix to it ?
It is remarkable that from Gen. ix. 27 to Gen. xvii. 3, the
word DTt^N is not once used. Moses calls the Deity simply
rrtrr ; or m Gen. xvi. 7, 9, 10, 11, TtfT "^Vibo ; and the dif-
ferent speakers whose words he introduces in Gen. x. 9 ; xii.
8 ; xiv. 19, 20, 22 ; xv. 2, 7, 8 ; xn. 2, 5, 11, 13, 14, make no
use of the word DV6k, though in all those verses the Deity is
mentioned. These facts suggest the inquiry. Had the word
DTt^h^ as a name of the One &ipreme Being gone into disuse a
few centuries after the flood 7
It
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334 PrapOBol of an Interpretation cfthe word Ebhim. [Oet
It ifl thought, I snppoBe on good gronnds, that the zpeechti m
the book of Job give a lively representatioD of the style and
religious sentiments of the most pious persons in an age prior to
the call of Abram. In that book the word OTbN occurs in the
speeches of mortals only eight times : ch. i. 5, 16 ; iL 9, 10 ;
Y. 8 ; XX. 29 ; xxviiL 23 ; xxxiv. 9 ; in speeches of the Deity,
three times, cL i. 8 ; ii. 3 ; xxxviii. 7. And it is once used by
Satan, ch. i. 9. Other divine names, aflten^ards but seldom usec^
occur in this ancient book yery frequently ; and the name 0T6k
afterwards so common, is used but sparingly. It may be said, it
was unpoetical in Job's time, and the wss immediately following.
But we find it in the poetry of Noah (Gen. ix. 26, 27), of Moses
(ExoduB xy. 2 ; Deut xxxii. 3« Vl\ and of Dayid in yery many
places. We eannot suppose thai any awkwardness of sound was
the reason of its sparing use in Job ; nor was it in the times of
Noah, Mosee, and David, destitute of that dignity and solemnity
which made it proper for sacred poetry. If it were in Job's time
less comnMm as a name of the One Supreme, or less dignified
than in other ages, this will aceount for its unfrequent use. But
our curioaitj is excited respecting the cause of this difierence.
Though m Abram*s time the word was little used, if at all, as
a title of Jehorah, we haye some reason to think it was coming
into use as a name for image$. Both Laban and Jacob, in the
second century after Abram's call, apply the word DVI^K to
the images stolen \s^ Rachel, Gkfh. xxxi. 30, 82. Moses calls
them TOU^n. And some years after, Jacob calls the images
in his family, probably the same that Rachel stole, ^33n Vl^K»
Gen. xxxy. 2. Joshua, too, mentioning the objects to which the
ancestors of Isaac and of Laban had paid their worship in Meso-
potamia, calls them DHH^ OVt^h^, Josh. xxiv. 2 ; see also tn?. 14,
15,16,20,23.
It may desenre notice that Laban only imee used the word
DVTTO put absolutely, for the Supreme rieing ; Gen. xxxi. 50,
and that is on a peculiar occasion, in swearing a y^ solemn oath ;
also, he seems anxious to enumerate all the titles of the Deity he
could remember. He used the word DNT^N in a relative sense
for the true God, in Gen. xxxi. 29; DD'»n»^rlV» and v. 53,
.OTO» VI^K JO^JU 5KD9tt^ iVra Tt^KI DmnK Vft»
It is not certain, howeyer, that he did not, in the last quoted
yerse, mean to include all the deities Terah and his sons had
worshipped in Mesopotamia. If he did, we at once see why
Jacob
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Jacob swore ^ by the fear of hie father Isaac,' making no mention
of Abraham. For Isaac had never worshipped any but Jehovah.
When Laban mentions the Deity absolutely, ne calls him Jehovah,
GexL xxiy. 31, 50, 51 ; xxx. 27 ; xxxL 49. His dau^ters indeed
use OwM put absohitely for God: but whether they had
learned this m>m their father or their husband does not appear.
Perhaps the latter is the more probable ; as Leah in Gen. xxix.
32, 33, 35, uses Tf\rV^'
* To return : — ^it seems not unlikely that, in Mesopotamia, during
Abram's residence there, the word UTD^ was used for visible
representations of the powers that were believed to protect or
afflict mankind: and that Jehovah^ a word seldom pnmouncod
perhaps, was not wholly lost as the name of the Supreme Deity,
whatever might be their notions concerning his essence or govern-
ment And if D^rPM really had this idolatrous meaning while
Abram dwelt in what was long after called the land of graven
images (Jer. 1. 38), it is not wonderful that for more than twenty
years after he left it, the use of a word which had been so de-
graded should be avoided both in divine commimications, and in
tbepatriarch's conversation. . .
During this period he was fiivoured with at least five very sur-
jnising communieations from the Deity ; the^r^^ recorded in Acts
vii. 2, 3, and perhaps rrferred to in Gen. xii. 1-4; the second in
the last-named verses ; the third in Gen. xii. 7 ; the fourth in
Gen. xiii. 14-17; and the fifth in Gen. xv. 1-21 ; beside a sixth
communication granted to Hagar, Gen. xvi. 7-14.
In the firsts thirds and ffth of these communications, we are
expressly told, a visible and glorious appearance was perceived by
Abram ; whether the effect on his nund were produced by means
of material lisht reaching his eye, or by the Divine Spirit influ-
encing, or rather inspiring^ his souL And it is highly probable
there was a visible appearance in the second^ fourth^ ana sixth of
those communications. I imagine it is certain that the Israelites
in the wildenien, to whom the book of Genesis was addressed by
Moses, would think so. In all these interviews mcious promises
had been pronounced ; and the beginning of their fulfilment in
Abram*s safety and happiness exdited his daily gratitude. Such
visits from the Most High he reckoned unspeakable favours, and
probably in their intervals, wlndi mi^it be Icmg, was extremely
desirous of another visit. They re-assured his fiaiith, and fortified
him against any temptation to relapse into idolatry. His former
neighbours, and many perhaps in Palestine, might please or terrify
themselves with worthless images ; it was his suolime happiness
occasionally to see^ and daily to remember, glorious representations
of
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336 Proposal of an Interpretation of the word Elohim. [Oct
of the Deity, such as no creature might imitate. That it was
One Jehovah who appeared to him, he knew from the divine
words ; and possibly it might be intimated by some observable
similarity of the appearances. That he firmly believed Jehovah
to be present with mm when he did not appear, is proved both by
his expressions {e,ff. Gen. xiv. 22, 23) and his conduct, which
showed firm faith in the divine promises, whereof God's presence
with him was an article most strongly implied, if not expressed
in Gen. xv. 1, &c. .
These direct revelations to Abram were not the only means he
had of increasing his knowledge of God. Not to mention the
operations of nature, it must be remembered that he was now in
the neighbourhood of Melchisedec ; and from him he would pro-
bably leam the substance^ though perhaps not all the peculiar
phrases, of the book of Job. One very important use of that
venerable document seems to be, to show us how much (or it
might be better to say how little) there was of divine knowledge
wiw the most pious men before Abram was called. The solemn
gloom that hangs over that sublime book was much of it dissipated
by the promises to Abram at his call, from the minds of the pious
few that believed them. Before, the Deity had appeared to be ,
withdrawing his manifestations, and retirmg in anger from an
apostate world. Now, he re-entered in a new character, unequi-
vocally engaging to bless each one who should bless Abram, and
at length to spread happiness, by means of his seed, through the
whole world. Thus Abram and Melchisedec might each instruct
the other ; though to the latter, as an aged worshipper of the true
God, was given the precedency.
We come now to notice the occasion on which the Deity first
used the word DwK in speaking to Abram. The relation is
in Gen. xvii. As if to intimate that something of this kind is to
be mentioned, Moses calls the Deity, in ver. 3, DTPh> ; having
said in ver. 1, D*OirbK rrtiT ^1^ ; and in the course of the
chapter he names the Deity by the single word DTPK six other
times, ver. 9, 16, 18, 19, 22, 23 ; but doses the narrative of that
day without inserting the word TTHiV once more ; as if by this
frequent use of the word D^H^K, after having penned the seven
preceding chapters without inserting it once, he would fix the
attention of his readers on the introduction of it into the language
of the church. The interview was distinguished by the change of
Abram's name and Sarai's, and the institution of circumcision.
These circumstances gave the strongest security conceivable,
against its being forgotten ; and may justify its being accounted of
peculiar importance in the illustration of the word D^H^M.
On
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On that memorable day, the Deity, among other promises of
amazing kindness, tells Abraham he engages D'^ribh^p ^ ^"^
T30^ ^^H^j and ill ver. 8 tKl!?H^ BT^ ^-P^- The question
is, ^Yhat meaning would Abraham probably affix to the word
DTOH in these clauses ?
It is very easy to assert, but I think impossible to prove, that
while God pronounced this mysterious word, by his Spirit he sent
into the patriarch's mind some knowledge of a plurality of persons
in Jehovah. Of this there is no evidence. There seems to be
evidence against it, in the very turn of the expression. If God
had designed the word WTVlk to be primarily a memorial of
plurality in his essence, it would have been more natural for
Him to say, DVt^J^ ^ilj, or D^rt^h^H ^DiHt, according to the
form of speech in Gen. xv. 7, xvii. 1 ; Exod. xx. 2, &c. In the
clauses in question, Dwl^ has evidently a relative sense. God
declares, not what he is in himself from etemi^, but what he will
be to Abraham and his posterity. The revelation was intended
for the use of the patriarch's family, and his dependents (Gen.
xvii. 10-14, 23-27), as well as for his own ; which increases the
difficulty of supposing the plural form of DVhl^ to be primarily
an intimation or memorial of the Trinity. And stronger reasons
will, I apprehend, be found against such a supposition, in reviewing,
by a cautious and comprehensive examination of Scripture, the
recorded methods whereoy God trained his church gradually as
fipom infancy (Gal. iii. 23 to iv. 5), imparting ever-brighteninff
intimations and proofs of this sublime truth in successive ages, till
all that may be Known of it on earth was completely revealed in
the apostolic instructions.
To return. — The word DTPK in these clauses had a relative
sense. It is all but certain that in a relative sense, it was already
in common use ; for it was employed both before (Gen. ix. .26)
and after (Gen. xxxi. 29, 53, 30, 32^ in a relative sense. How
far was tiiat established sense applicaole to the clause in question ?
The Chaldean and Syriac elohim were the heavenly bodies,
images, or imaginary beings. The former two classes were visible
substances ; the last, though usually invisible, were supposed to
be seen occasionally, and to have constantly a form and parts ; as
it was imagined there was a real resemblance between the images
and the deities they represented. Thus, visibleness in a greater or
less degree belonged to the heathen elohim, Poioer also over
human affairs was universally ascribed to them. It was attributed
even to lifeless images ; for, when the emigrants of the tribe of
Dan had stolen Micah's gods, both he and they thought that by
this
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338 Proposal of an Interpretation of the word Ehhim. [Oct
thifl forcible transfer of a little silrer from one party to the other,
the cnae had lost and the other had gained the surest means of
Srospentv (Judges xviL and xyiiL, particularly xviiL 24V Oba
esign of tnat narratiye seems to be, to show the gradual way in
whicn idolatry insnares and besots the human mind ; and it may
be applied to the explanation of the idolatry prevalent in AbrsH
ham 8 time. He talismans and charms of later ages betray
similar stupidity, I aj^rehend that a careful attention to the
laws and the strength of the associatinff principle in the human
mind, yiewed in comiection with man's aeprayed disposition, might
folly explain all the phenomena of idolatry; but the attempt
would be out of place here.
As idols were property as much as implements of husbandry or
weapons, it was as natural to say * my elohim^' as * my bow,' ' my
plou^ ;' and * their elohim/ as ' their city.' Those who wor-
shipped the heavenly bodies, called these * their ehhim^ in contra-
distmction to the idols of others. IKfferent nations had their
different objects of worship ; &niiHes had their family deities ; and
the same individual had often more than one guairdian Avinity.
Thus between the objects of worship and their worshippers, there
was a relation as familiar to laen's thoughts as that between master
and servant. Tbb relation implied reciprocal expectations : the
worshippers looked for protection ; the deity was believed to locdt
for homage.
The ehhim of the heathen, then, were objects frequently seen
by them^ or at least imagined through the influ/ence of visible
representations — objects from which they looked for health, victory,,
and riches, and whereto they paid rehgious honours in hope of
these benefits.
K we should take the liberty of rendering the particle / in
Gen. xvii. 7, 8, instead of, according to its sense in Gen. xi. 3. 3,
Exod. ii. 10, Ezek. iv. 6. 6., &c., and understand the word UTh\k
exactly in the popular heathen sense, I think the clauses of Getu
xvii. 7, 8, would yield a meaning quite consistent with all the
rest of Scripture, but not so comprehensive as I imagine the real
meaning is. In that case it is as if God had said, ' Other families
and nations have their * elohim,' whereto they pay their worship
and look for protection ; but I myself will be to thee and thine
instead of all sudi imagined or manufactured deities. Such mani-
festations of myself as will be useful I will give, with ample pro-
tection ; and I claim that none but myself be worshipped.'
The clauses contidning the word DV6k when separated from
the other promises of that day, might very naturally be under-
stood in this sense ; in which they imply a strong prohibttion of
idolatry. If servants who had been idolaters were mtroduced into
Abraham's
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Abraham's estabtisfamenty or other persons were instmcted by him,
it is ¥erv probable that at first tbey would put tibis seuse upon
them. They haye.8(»ne reseiohhaice to those clauses in which
Jehovah is said to be the inheritanee of the Levites, Num. xyiii.
20, Deut. X. 9, xyiiL 2.
But this interpretation does not show us what pluratity was
implied in the word D^K when put by itself for the One
Supreme. It is grounded oat facts recorded of idolatersy scattered
vp and down in Scripture ; not stated by Mooes in tiie immediate
connection. And it gives a meaning to the particle b (which was
employed by God in his communicatioaa of ttmt day in a similar
situation no less than eight times) quite difierent firom that it must
be allowed to haTe in those places, and unsanctiooed by the
version rf the LXX. For when God says ». 4, D^ l[^ll2in 2K^i
t?. 6, D^:i^ T(^rai r. 8, dfw rmvfb, v. u, nn:a rSt^b, w. is, 19,
ri?*iy nnnS n. ie, u^ib rurm and ». 20, Vriij ^ i>ivi»> the
meaning is that the suliject of each clause shall be, not instead
OF that before which 7 is prefixed, but that very thing : so when
God said he would be to Abraham and his seed d^vht it must
in fair interpretetion be taken to mean that he would be to them,
not instead of ttrhn^y but really D^Wt-
Let it now be supposed that Abraham made no use whatever
of his knowledge of the sense wherm the word was used by
idolaters ; and aouriit its exi^anation only in the certain know*
ledge he had alrea^ gained of Jehovak What meaning would
he probably attach to the word CKV^M, and how would be account
for its plural form ?
He would at once perceive it was a name for Ant rtlaium. m
which God stood to hunself, and was jHromising to stand to his
posterity. This interview was not the commencement of that
relation ; it had continued now four and twenty years, and Abra-
ham had ecmsideraUe knowledge of its nature and its blessedness.
But before this day, no name had been given to that ration*
God had called himself nvf, Gen. xv. 7, xvi. 11, and Httf btff
xvii. 1 ; but these names had no reHative signification. God had
promised to be his ' shiekl ' and his * exceeding great reward ;*
Dut these expressions were %ures, not names (or the relation.
The titles found m Gen. xiv. 19^ 20^ 22 ; xvi. 13, 14, did not
express God's peculiar relation to Abraham. The patriarch had
indeed in prayer used the relative term ^3*7H before this inter-
view (Gen. XV. 2, 8), as he did after it. Gen. xviii. 27, 30, 31, 32.
But the very extensive use of that term made it less fit to repre-
sent
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340 Proposal of an Interpretation of the toord Ehhim, [Oct.
sent this peculiar relation ; and the Deity had not hitherto sanc-
tioned it by his own use. God's relation to Abraham was before
this day without a name. Wh^ was to be that name. Its
meaning, of course, was whatever God had been, or had promised
to be, to Abraham and his posterity. Instruction and command,
protection, blessing, and conditionally punishment, were all im-
plied in it
The laws of association teach us that if Abraham was not so
amazed and overpowered by the present object, when Jehovah
appeared to him, that he could not for a moment look back on
past events^ no parts of his history, nor indeed of his whole fund of
ideas, were so likely to occur to him, as the appearances of Je-
hovah. Abraham's conduct shows that though he was awed, he
was not confounded. We may, I think, sa^ly conclude that it
was impossible for him not to remember, though transiently, past
divine appearances ; and, of course, their plurality. Those ap-
pearances were the most remarkable, and not the least valued
part of that relation whereto a name was now given. The plural
form of the name might very naturally be supposed to commemo-
rate the plurality of the manifestations of the Deity. If so,
manifestation^ whether by visible appearances or otherwise, must
be accounted a leading idea in the meaning of WVH.
It must not, however, be supposed, that if this position should
be established, it will prove that the plural form of Dv6k bad
never any reference to a plurality of persons in Jehovah. On the
contrary, it may perhaps appear that the manifestations themselves
were so arranged as necessarily to suggest this idea.
To return: — ^we find that whether Abraham employed as a
medium of interpretation, the idolatrous ideas of his neighbours,
and of his own youthful days, or the sound theology which he had
been taught in his age, he would arrive at conclusions concerning
the meaning of the word DVI7K that differ only as the second is
much more compreheneive than the first. It is probable that
both trains of thought had their influence in teaching him its
meaning. Long before the memorable day when the covenant
was seflJed, he had probably often thought that the Deity himself
was to him instead of WT?H ; and he hesitated to call Him his
Elohim, only because the Deity had not done it, and the word
had been degraded. If so, his mind was prepared at once to
seize the meaning of the term as soon as he heard it.
Before the studious reader is left to bring this hypothesis of tlie
meanins of DVI7K to the decisive test, by examining all the pas-
sages where it is found, it may be convenient to notice two diffi-
culties. 1. The word ffH^K is by some (as Parkhurst, etc.)
thought
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thought to have been derived from n7K ' to threaten, to de-
nounce a conditional curse :' it does not therefore seem very fit to
commemorate manifestations in which few threatehings (Gen. xii.
3 ; XV. 14 ; and perhaps Gen. xvii. 14, and xv. 18-21, compared
with V. 16) were pronounced, but which are remarkable for the
most extensive promises of amazing blessings. 2. The word was
used in Paradise. It cannot easily be supposed that its plural
form and peculiarity of construction had there no significancy ; or
that it was afterwards introduced into the language of the church
in a different sense. Its meaning, therefore, must have been
fixed at first by circumstances before the fall, and not by others
more than 400 vears after the flood.
Both these difficulties may be removed by adverting to the
recorded fact, that before the fall there were at least tioo mani-
festations of the will of the Creator, in both of which a solemn
threatening was pronounced. The first was before the formation
of Eve, in which the style is, ^ thou shalt not eat of it,' ' thou shalt
surely die;' the second was after she was formed, when her
Maker says to her and her husband, ^ ye shall not eat of it, neither
shall ye touch it, lest ye die.' Gen. ii. 16, 17; iii. 3. There
may have been more warnings than these ; but it is not necessary
to suppose them. The declaration of their danger would be
reckoned before the fall, and aft;er that dreadful event, by the
pious, perhaps by all, a friendly and kind interference. It is not
easy to imagine how our first parents could express the interesting
idea, * He who loamed tu more than once/ more readily than
by such a word as 1Tn?H used in construction with a sinffular verb*
The former of these difficulties will not be felt by sudi as adopt
the derivation of the word from an Arabic root meaning to strike
with awej according to Gesenius, and *a host of the most eminent
Orientalists.' Dr. J. Pye Smith cives it in English letters, * alaha^
to adore.' * Hence the noun will signify the object of adorationJ ^
The studious reader who is disposed to bring the hvpothesis
here proposed to the decisive test, is advised to consiaer every
instance in which the word Dt6k occurs in Scripture, in tfie order
of time in which the passages were spoken or written ; and to pay
particular attention to the more unusual constructions, such as
those collected by Dr. Smith in the section above referred to.
All this was done by the writer twenty-two years ago ; and the
result was a satisfactory confirmation of the theory, w\nch has not
been shaken by any subsequent observations or reflections. It is
now proposed for the examination of others.
* Seripture Tuiinumy to the Meuiahy Ist edit, p. 879, toI. t ; 8rd edit, p. 465,
note 2.
VOL. n.-so. IV. 2 A DAVIDSON'S
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( 342 ) [Oct
DAVIDSON^S INTRODUCTION TO THE NEW
TESTAMENT.
Bt the Editor.
An Introduction to the New Testament ; containing an Examination
of the most important Qtiestions relating to the Authority^ Inter-
pretation and Integrity of the Canonicci Books of Scripture^ with
reference to the latest Inquiries, By Samuel Davidson, LL.D.
Yol. I. The Four Gospels. London, S. Bagster and Sous, 1848.
Pp. xxvi. 430.
Here, at last, we have a book on what is called the Introduction to
the New Testament, calculated to meet the wants of the age, and the
sight of which will make the heart of every real Biblical student glad.
It is the work we were enabled to announce to our readers in the first
Number, and the appearance of which has since been eagerly expected
by those who take interest in that most important branch of Biblical
learning to which it is devoted — and particularly by those whose know-
ledge of the eminent qualifications of the writer enabled them to anti-
cipate the thorough and exhaustive treatment the subject was likely to
receive at his hands. The performances of the most competent and
able men so oflen fiill short of their design, and even of their resources,
that it is not always safe to awaken large expectations. But we are
bound to say that, in this instance, the expectations entertained have
been iully reedized. There is no other work by an English scholar like
or comparable to this, or any which, by its breadth of view and elabo-
rateness of investigation, affords an idea of what the Germans under-
stand by Biblical introduction^ which is with them a study of primary
* importance in theological science. It is indeed true that the Englbh
scholar is not altogether without the means of forming some notion of this
study in its continental significance, as we possess translations of the
Introductions of Michael is and Hug, the study of which — although they
are now somewhat antiquated — may have prepared some readers for
the mode of treatment exhibited in the present work.
We earnestly hope to see this branch of Biblical study much better
cultivated here than it has been ; and it is among the sources of the
satisfaction with which we hail the present production, that it seems to
us well calculated to give an impulse in this class of investigations, to
which we greatly desire to see the practical good sense of the English
intellect applied in fashioning to becoming and holy uses the vast mate-
rials which the fecundity and minute research of our Teutonic brethren
have accumulated and are continually increasing. Little more than this
candor many years be done among us ; for original conclusions seem to
be precluded by the thorough manner in which every conceivable point
and
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1848.] DavidsarCs Introduction to the New Testament. 843
and difficulty — under that view of the Sacred Books which Introduction
takes — has over and over again been stated, impugned, and vindicated
by the scholars of the continent. But although to say any thing new
seems next to impossible, fresh effects may be produced by the exercise
of independent thought in analyzing and in passing judgment upon the
conflicting views thus presented to attention. And this is what our
author has done. There is much here, very much, that will be new to
the English reader, but little with which one who has been enabled to
follow the course of recent continental investigations is not fiuniliar —
though even he will rejoice to see the most important arguments and
conclusions exhibited in an immense number of German books, here
brought together, classified, and subjected to a most searching examina-
tion. Only one who knows the marvellous fertility of the German
theological press in this branch of literature, can well form an adequate
notion of the vast labour the production of this volume has cost its
author, when he assures us that ' no available source of information has
been neglected.' Such will also understand in its full force the reason —
which will seem curious to others — why he sends forth the first volume,
containing the GU)6pels, by itself. ' Chiefly because the author foresaw,
that if he waited till the entire work were completed, he should be
obliged, in accordance with his plan, to change a goodly part of his
manuscript, in consequence of the numerous works on the Gospels which
issue daily from the German press. He felt that by the time he should
have finished his observations on the Apocalypse, his manuscript on the
Gospels would be partially antiquated.' It will be seen from this that
the author is not of those who profess to write for all time. He is
content to know — he takes pleasure in hoping — ^that in the course of years
the advance of Biblical investigation will place his work among the
things that are old, and the use of which has passed away ; and he finds
sufficient reward and encouragement in the hope of being enabled to
help on that advancing tide of knowledge by which he believes that hb
own work will be submerged. There are few authors who can look
at such results steadily, and with the perfect contentment Dr. Davidson
manifests. But it is the right and true spirit It is the Christian spirit.
It is the spirit of one who says, < Let my werks and my name pass away,
if but Thy works and Thy great name be glorified.' This is, however,
a book which must always fill a high and honourable place in the
history of our theological literature.
In his pre&ce our author says truly that there is no English book
which gives a fiur or adequate idea of the present state of opinion in
this department. It is therefore to supply a want, which he thinks has
been felt by many, that this work was undertaken :->-
' It is matter of congrttiilatioD that the class of ioqairing Bible students is nfndlv
increasiiig. Amid the conflict of opinioni tmtfa must luways eventoally prevail.
The ScriptnreB will bear and repay tlie doeest inveBtiffatioD. In the liffht of a tme
philoeophy guided by an hnmble spirit, they will shme ont with a &rer lustre.
And yet there are many well-meaning men who entirely disooarage the reading of
snch books as contain new researches into the renon of theological science, especially
those written in the German langnage. They denoonce them as dangerons. They
S A 2 sound
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344 DavidspvCs Introduction to [Oct
loand the alami of heresy. They raise the ay of an infallihU^ anathtmatinng
ignorance. Bat in the mean time cnriority is excited. Men^ sympathies are drawn
in the direction of the accused. The depreciated books are read in spite cf denonnce-
ments, or rather all the more eagerly oecaxM ff them ; and their essence is repro-
duced in English works. On tins account it seems to be the wiser coarse to prepare
for all the o^ectious that may be urged against the New Testament. It is better
CYcn to anticipate the difiusion of certain subtie cavils in the field of Christianity
than to decry them at a distance, or to be oyerwhelmed by their noyelty when they
are fidrly imported from other lands.' — pp. t. vi.
The writer then decltfreB hiB belief that the books of the New Testa-
ment are destined ere long to pass through a severe ordeal : — '
* The translations of Tarious oontinentBl works which haye reoentiy appeared in
England, and the tendency of certain speculations in philosophy, indicate a refined
scepticism or a Mntheistic spirit which confounds ths objeehue and the subjective^
or unduly suborainaies the former to the latter. Many are disposed to exalt
their intuitions too*highly, to the detriment of the historical, as Aant did in his
" Pure Reason."
* These observations will serve fo show why the Author has gone with considerable
fblness into objections that have been urged in modem times against the New Tes-
tament booln, and es^ially against the Gospels. He thinks it highly probable
that such objections will appear in one shape or other in this country. Hence he
has partially anticipated their currency. It is true that they are known to a few
English scholars even now ; but they are destined to be more widely circulated.
Peniaps most of those who are at present aoouainted with them are able to set a
right value on them without having their minds injured ; but the circumstances of
the case must change in proportion as the sceptical considerations in question are
revealed to a wider circle, unless puns be taken to send a sufficient antidote along
with them.' — pp. vi. viL
Dr. Davidson is not unaware that many may think he has given too
much space to arguments in themselves worthless or trifling. He admits
the difficulty of selecting the arguments most fit to be noticed ; but
he begs us to remember that it is his purpose to compose an Introduc-
tion which should have a comprehensive aspect — * a work on the New
Testament, having regard to the progress of investigation not merely
in one country but in many ;' and he feels that ' he shall then be excul-
pated from the charge of having had too much respect to the weak
arguments of recent writers. This plan could not luive been carried
out without noticing in a greater or less degree the phases through
which the sacred books have passed, amid the scrutiny to which they
have been subjected by those who entered into the field occupied by
Introduction.'
The author is aware, as already intimated, that his work ' may not
be acceptable to those who are averse to thorough inquiry, or scared
by the very appearance of heresy ; or to such as are willing to float
unreflectingly along the current of common notions. But he trusts that
the real students of the Bible will find in it some assistance to their
inquiries ; and that they will be guided along a safe path by the aid of
its light. If it obtain the approbation of competent judges ^ his time
will not be spent in vain. If it tend to place the foundation of our
holy religion in a strong and impr^nable aspect, he will be sufi^ciently
rewarded.'
We now proceed to the body of the work. It would be easy for us
to
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to select a few points from its contents, and make them the subject of
discussion and remark ; that is an agreeable mode of treating some
books : but with one like thiB it consists more with our plan and with
the edification of our readers to go carefully through it, noting and
reporting the arguments and conclusions which strike our attention as
we proceed, or which appear to us likely to be useful or interesting to
the reader.
In treating of the Gospel according to Matthew, Dr. Davidson ex-
hibits the results of his investigations under the following heads : —
1. Some notices of the writer. 2. The persons for whose use it was
designed in the first instance. 8. The language in which it was
written. 4. Its characteristic peculiarities. 5. Apostolic origin or
authenticity. 6. Integrity. 7. Time and place of composition. 8.
Contents.
The first two topics are soon disposed of ; but the third requires
greater breadth of investigation, and for it the prepared scholar comes
forth in all his well-appointed armour. In &ct this head obtains for
its discussion about one-half of the whole space allowed to this Gospel.
We are not acquainted with any English work in which the whole
subject is so thoroughly and searchingly investigated ; and even the
student who may be unable to assent to all the writer's conclusions,
will at least find very satisfactory materials for the formation of his
own judgment. It is the quality of Dr. Davidson's mind in most sub-
jects of Biblical investigation to take a side — and to take that side very
resolutely. Mean opinions, or opinions which go to reconcile or ex-
plain extreme opinions or diverse alternatives, receive but little favour
at his hands. Hence, in the vexed question. Whether Matthew wrote
his Gospel in Hebrew ( Aramsean) or in Greek ? he treats, as it ap-
pears to us, with undue ^'scorn the hypothesis of a twofold Gospel by
Matthew, the one in Aramaean and the other in Greek ; or a double
publication of the one Gospel in two languages —which hypothesis has
appeared to very many foreign and English Biblical scholars of high
name, to be the only satis&ctory mode of settling the difliculties of the
question. Dr. Davidson not only refrains from stating with his usual
fulness and precision the reasons of those who entertain this view —
which is certainly gaining ground — but he calls it, without enabling
the reader to form his own judgment, ^ a clumsy expedient, devised for
the purpose of uniting two conflicting opinions — ^for saving the credit
of ancient testimony, which is on the side of a Hebrew original, and
of meeting at the same time the difficulties supposed to arise from the
early circulation of the Greek ;' and after giving one poor paragraph
to lU he pronounces, somewhat too magisterially, ' In short, the hypo-
thesis is wholly untenable, and we are surprised that it should have
foimd so many advocates.' Now, that any hypothesis has ' many '
scholarly advocates, and these of good orthodoxy and high critical
reputation, argues that it is not so ^ wholly untenable ' as our learned
author so sovereignly declares, or so absurd as lie insinuates. We do
not know that we should like to be regarded as absolutely advocating
this opinion ; but we must protest against this summary handling of an
explanation
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346 Davidtovis Introductum to [Oct
explanation which has seemed probable, at least, to many ripe and
true scholars, and by which many difficulties, scarcely superable with-
out it, appear to be satisfiictorily solved. We have elsewhere had
occasion to state that ^ The circumstances which may have required
two editions certainly admit of easy and probable explanation, and
may be supported and illustrated by the &ct that Josephus set forth
his history of the Jewish War in both the Hebrew and Greek tongues.
In that case it may be assumed that the Hebrew copy was set forth
the earliest, before Matthew had quitted Palestine to labour in other
regions, to which the language in which it was written did not extend,
and when therefore a Greek copy of it became necessary. Or it may
be rather, that the Hebrew was written while the Jews were still a
people, and the Greek when their polity was broken up and they had
ceased to be a nation, or in the immediate prospect of that event.
This, while it reconciles conflicting authorities on the point, also ad-
justs the difficulties which have been felt with regard to the date ; for
the considerations which seem to assign an early date for the Gospel
will then cease to beat variance with those which appear to require for
it a later publication.*
This explanation has also the merit of enabling us to believe that
we possess in the present Greek copies of the Gospel the original
writing of St Matthew, which cannot be urged by those who contend,
as Dr. Davidson does, that the Gospel was originally written by St.
Matthew in Hebrew, and that the present Greek is a translation
therefrom by a later and unknown hand. In fact, it appears to us
that there are scarcely any of the arguments by which the author
supports this hypothesis which are not equally and more strongly ap-
plicable to that which he designates * a clumsy contrivance.' Why
should not Matthew himself, after having produced his Gospel in
Hebrew, do at a subsequent period and under altered circumstances —
and do it better and with more authority — all that the unknown trans*
later is here described a? having done. For our own part, we are
not pr^Mred to relinquish the belief that we possess in the present
Greek copies — the Gospel as written under in&llible guidance (which
toe should have no assurance in claiming, as our author does, for the
unknown translator), whether there did or did not — but we think there
did-— exist a previous copy in Hebrew. .Indeed, under the head of
AuthenHeityj Dr. Davidson admits that the view which he has taken
of the Gospel as a free translation from the Hebrew, not made by
Matthew himself, deprives it of a claim to be regarded ^ as imme-
diately and directly authentic,' though, as he contends, ' it may be
properly styled authentic, because it is a free translation of Matthew's
Hebrew document.' He adds, ' The words are not the Apostle's, but
those of the translator, but the matter of it belongs to Matthew. The
substance of it is his, even though the translator did probably depart
in several instances from the letter of the Aramsean Gospel.' Al-
though this is the highest measure of authenticity which his hypothesis
will permit him to claim for the present copies of Matthew's Gospel,
it is fiur too low to satisfy us, and might, however unintentionally,
open
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open the door for doabts reelecting some portions, ^ hard to be under*
stood,* of this most important part of the Divine word.
In fiict, it seems to us that in the section on the Authenticity of the
Gospel the respected author is somewhat embarrassed by his own
hypothesis. His quotations go to show that the Greek Gospel was,
from the earliest iiistorical testimony, universally received as the pro-
duction of Matthew, and of equal authority with the Hebrew, and
with any of the other Gospels. Tet how this could have been the
case had it been a free translation from the Hebrew, by a later, a dif-
ferent, and an unknown hand, is not veiy apparent. In ^t it is
partly upon such grounds that the canonical authority of this Gospel
has been impugned by some continental writers ; for as the alleged
Hebrew original does not exist for comparison with the Greek, we, by
such admissions, which deprive the existing text of the authority of an
apostolical autograph, leave room to the neologian to assail the whole
or any part of it without being able to charge him with, or convict him
of, an irreverent handling of God s word.
2 A considerable portion of this section is indeed applied to the refu-
tation of the special objections of those writers, who, the door of offence
being thus unadvisedly opened, impugn the authenticity of the Greek
Gospel by denying its identity with the Aramasan original written by
Matthew, and apply themselves to the discovery of interpolations and
spurious additions, which, as they urge, militate against its apostolical
origin, and prove ^ that it is not properly a version, but the independent
work of some unknown author, who incorporated with the Ajumsean
original traditionary stories and myths uuworthy of an apostle, or
accounts contradictory to those of John/
Although, from the nature of the hypothesis he has adopted. Dr.
Davidson battles with these objections with his right hand tied up, he
does, nevertheless, contend against them very vigorously, and with most
signal success. Thb part of the book is very valuable and interesting ;
and the reader will here find most able and satis&ctory answers to sJl
the objections he can ever have met with to the authenticity of par-
ticular parts of this Gospel from alleged internal evidence. We give
a specimen : —
* In relation to the credibility of the transaction narrated in zxvii. 68-66, and
xxviii. 11-15, strong doubts of it have been entertained by many, such as Stroth,
Kusswnrm, Paulas, Scbultbess, Strauss, Kern, Weisse, Hase, Meyer, De Wette.
The following grounds of suspicion are given by the last named wnter as the most
tenable : (1.) The difficulty observable in zxvii 63. (2.) The circumstance of
the women who go to the grave knowing nothing of the watch. (3.) The impro-
bability of the members of Sanhedrim making such a request to Pilate, and of the
latter acceding to it ; particularly of the former having been so crednlotts, and
having come to a decision so unworthy of them in a meeting of council where men
like Gamaliel sat
* To these we offer the following replies : —
< (1.) ** Sir, we remember that that deceiver sud while he was yet alive : < After
three days I will rise again.' " The difficulty is supposed to consist in the &ct,
that Jesus did not say so publicly and before strangers. In John ii. 19, the Jews
gave another interpretation to his words, and Matth. xii. 39, is doubtful. Now it
cannot at once be inferred from the silence of all the evangelists, much less from
the silence of one, that Jesus did not state publicly and before strangers the fact that
he
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348 Davidsons Introduction to [Oct.
he should rise again after three days. Again, thongh the Jews did not understand
many of Christ's utterances when spoken, yet it is not unreasonable to suppose that
several of his expressions were particularly impressed on their minds, and either
explained by his subsequent teachings, or unfolded by the course of events. When
he was put to death, thmgs which he had spoken would be recalled to their recol-
lection, and seen in a new liffht Those who heard him speak figuratively of his
body, as it is recorded in John ii. 19, did not comprehend the true nature of his
statement ; but when that body had been conugned to the grave, amid a series of
extraordinary occurrences, the statement might readily sug^st itself to the memory,
and be ftillv intelli^ble in the light of recent events. Smiilar reasoning may be
applied to Matth. xii. 39. But ajMut from all this, it is (^uite possible to explain the
language of the chief priests and Pharisees to Pilate, without supposing that they
had heard Jesus speak of his own resurrection after three daj^s. He had intimated
the &ct to his disciples more tlum once (Matth. xvi. 21. xvii. 22), and hence the
knowledge of it may have reached the ears of his enemies. Thev learned this to
be one of his statements that, after being put to death, he should rise again the
third day.
' (2.) The ienorance of the women who visited the sepulchre in relation to the
watch that had been set, furnishes no ground for doubting the truth of the fact ; for
it is highly probable, that they knew nothing of the entire proceedings of the past
sabbath. While they were occupied witii the services of the sabbath, the pro-
ceedings of the Sanhedrists had been privately transacted, and the guard stationed.
' (3.) We are unable to discover the improbability of the members composing the
Sanhedrim repairing to Pilate even on the Sabbath, to prefer their request Doubt-
less their consciences were uneasy. Thev had done a deed of which they could not
but think ; and the possibility of that deed with all its fearfhl accompaniments being
frustrated, was sufficient to excite their most painful anxiety. What would become
of them, were Jesus after all to appear alive again ? How could thev dare to think
of their guilt, if it should be demonstrated, that they had been fighting against a
Being on whom heaven had impressed the seal of approbation ? The thought was
most unwelcome : it made them restless even on their holy day of rest Hence
arose their application to Pilate. The application will appear still more appronriate
and natural in their case, even on the Sabbath, if it be thought that they heard but
recently the assertion of Jesus concerning his resurrection. The crucifixion was
the great theme of conversation at Jerusalem ; and, amid current reports, the doc-
trine of his resurrection, passing from one to another, may have alarmed the chief
priests. They would therefore lose no time in applying for a watch. The very
possibility of such an event as that of Jesus coming to life again would terrify their
guilty consciences, and urge them to any measure likely to allay their fears.
* It is impossible to discover the motive that prom{>ted Pilate to accede to their
request Perhaps he was actuated by an uneasiness similar to that which brought
the chief priests before him. He had been seized with a superstitious fear, chiefly
in consequence of the dreams of his wife ; and he was willing to have releiised the
prisoner. He had been anxious to clear himself of the guilt of shedding innocent
blood. Whether the fact of his taking water before the multitude and washing his
hands — sinring, " I am innocent of the blood of this just person ; see ye to it," gave
repose to nis guilty conscience, may be fairly questioned. But he that could yield
to the chief priests and elders,, by delivering up Jesus to death, when he would
otherwise have released him, could hardly resist the simple request of allowing a
watch.
* It is further said, tiiat the members of the Sanhedrim were credulous. They
believed the soldiers who brought tiiem information; and even held a formal
council at which it was resolved to bribe the guard. Is this consistent, it is asked,
with the decorum of such a college ; or, could men like Gamaliel, Joseph of Ari-
mathea, and Nicodemus sanction it? Could the fiilsehood have escaped Pilate?
And is it probable, that he would have concealed it, considering the relation he
bore to the Pharisees ? These circumstances have so much plausibility, that even
Olshausen confesses himself at a loss to deal with them.
' There is no foundation for charging the Sanhedrim with credulity, because they
listened to the report of the soldiers who kept watch. They knew that the soldiers
could
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could not fiibiicate it, except at the risk of their lives. The drcumstances were of
a kind to demand belief, however relactantly that belief may have been entertained.
Every thing connected with the appearance of the watch tended at once to impress
the minds of the chief priests and scribes with the truthfulness of the account We
are surprised at the notions of dignity attached by some commentators to the col-
lege of chief priests and elders. In the unjust and cruel measures they took
against the Saviour, they little consulted their dignity. Determined to crush the
Nazarene and his cause, they did not hesitate about the means by which their pur-
pose mi^ht be accomplished. Dt^ty, decorum, propriety, weighed nothing in
their estioaation, when set over against any proceeding which presented a pnossibility
of success. The phrase wfifio^Xtoy \afi6yrts (xxviii. 12) does not necessarily imply
the idea of SLformalf deliberate sitting. The circumstances were such as to bnng
them together hastily ; and the resolution to bribe the soldiers was the only one
they could have adopted consistently with the exigency of the case. To affirm that
the fklsehood could not have escaped Pilate, is to assume that he took more interest
in the matter than his whole character justifies. All his anxiethr must have coin-
cided with the measures already taken against the person of Christ, in which he
had reluctantly involved himself. And as the story told him by the chief priests
and scribes must have been more welcome than the real account of the case would
have been, he naturally believed it, and took no further trouble. Had he heard Uie
true circumstances attendant on Jesus rising fh>m the dead, his ftars Would have
been excited, and his consdence rendered doubly uneasy. Such tidings must have
beeu disagreeable to his agitated spirit But when he learned that Die body had
been stolen bv the disciples at night, his fears had not been allayed, nor were his
superstitious feelings to be quieted. He felt that the part he had taken in putting
Christ to death was unattended b;^ the guilt and impiety in which it must have
presented itself, had Jesus proved Mmself the Son of God by rising from the dead.
Thus the information given by the Sanhedrim to Pilate, false though it was, found
a welcome reception. Had he even suspected its truth, he would not have instituted
a process of inquiry. Whether Joseph of Arimathea, Nicodemus, and Gamaliel
were present at the meeting of the Sannedrim, is a point that cannot be ascertained.
They may or may not have been there. The record is silent on the matter. And
if they were present, had they the moral courage to object ? Did thr^ possess the
boldness necessary to confront the body of the chief priests and elders? And sup-
pose they did protest against the unworthy resolution, was it incumbent on the
historian to relate the nict? The decision of the majority is the decision of a
council. The dissent of a small minority is not usually given. Hence the record
is perfectly consistent with the idea of a few persons refusing to sanction the open
dissemination of a felsehood.'— pp. 79-83.
The linguistic peculiarities of Matthew's Gospel are learnedly and
clearly pointed out by Dr. Davidson, in his section Characteristic
Peculiarities. From this section we make the following extract re-
specting Matthew's Made of Narration .^—
' We do not affirm that Matthew's Gospel is always irregular, nor even the
greater part of it A considerable portion of it appears, ttom a comparison with
the Gospels of Mark and Luke, to stand in proper order, agreeably to the natural
consecution of events. But the writer haa an important object in view, which
could not be accomplished in the best manner by confining himself throughout to
the re^lar series of succession. He has therefore neglected chronological arrange-
ment m various places. Henoe his Gospel should not be made the basis of a
harmony, as is done bv Kaiser. Mark and Luke should not be brought into rigid
conformity with Matthew, else violence will be done them.
' But it is argued by Marsh, that Matthew ** being an apostle and eye-witness of the
facts he has recorded, must in general have known the time in which each of them
happened, but which St Mark and St Luke, who were not eye-witnesses, could
not always know." In answer to this it may be remarked, that chronological-
arrangement may not have been of so much importance in the eyes of Matthew as
to induce him to follow it, when the chief purpose for which he wrote might be
better
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350 Damdaon'M Lttvduetim to [Oct
better ftilfiUed \ry neglactiiiff H. Bender m GMwdl wril iimmIi, «om lOke
St. Luke or St Biark, wbo^ tEoagli not aa efe-witnea of Ae evcnti leeovded hj St
Matthew, yet proposed to write an aoooont of them, it mig^ aatnnlly be snpobaBd,
•▼en biunanly speaking, would take so moch the greater pains to remedy this
defect, both by acquiring a perfect knowledge of his subject, and by veriff mg in
every instance the order of his ftcts."
' The manner of narration peculiar to the apostle is such as might be expeded
from an eye-witness, or from one deriTtng his tnfonnation from eye-witnesses.
The imprewions made upon his mind by scenes and dreumstanoes, are recorded
with artlessocH — without any apparent aim at effect His sentences are constructed
without the roundness which bespeaks reflection and research. There is a want
of picturesqueneis and riyid painting. The writer does not go into circumstantial
details, except in the discourses and moral instructions of Christ which are
described wiUi great distinctness and particularity. But he narrates with unstudied
clearness things which he saw, or of which be had been informed hj others,
placing them in such order as might best exhibit the greatness of the Redeemer as
a teacher and prophet The hi^er and more spiritual aspects of the Sariour's
penon are not presented. Here that distinguished Being is depicted as the great
descendant of David, on whom Jewish expectation was centered — as the subsSmce
of type and prophecy in the andent dispensation. We see a marvellous character,
whose perfect acquaintance with the Jewish economy, and striking power of
attesting his mission, announce the nrof^ut greater than Moses. Still, however, he
is invoked with the temporal ana tiie Jewish, rather than the divine and the
eternal.
'The diction of Matthew partakes of a strongly Hebraiaed character. The
Hebraisms of it are more marked than those of the other Gospels. It is unneces-
sary to adduce yrooi& of this assertion, because they are so abundant The style
bears some similarity to that of B^rk, as was long since remarked by Erasmus, so
that Greswell ventures to infer, that Mark was the translator of the Hebrew
Gospel. But the occurrence of Latin terms in the Gospel of Matthew will be
reckoned no presumption that it was translated at Rome when it is remembered,
that Matthew, as a tax-gatherer for the Roman govanmeot, must have come in
contact, by the very nature of his office, with persons usinff the Latin lanpmpe.
Neither does the coincidence between the Gospels of Matmew and Mark, in toe
use of such remarkable words as ipYyapwcat — ^paycXA»<rai — KoKofiAffaif afford any
argument, bv which it is rendered probable that the translator of the one, and the
author of the other, were the same person ; because this phenomenon may be
equallv explained by the drcumstanoe, that the Greek translator of Matthew's
Gospel made use of Mark's, retaining his^very words in some instances.'— pp. 54-56.
Next to the question of the original language of St. Matthew's Gospel^
there is perhaps none of greater interest and importance than that which
has been raised with regard to the authenticity of its first two chapters.
As our author states, these chapters were considered as an int^^al part
of the Gospel till the middle of the eighteenth century, when Williams
attacked their authenticity. He was followed by Stroth, Hess, Ammon,
Eichhorn, Schleiermacher, Bertholdt, Priestley, Norton, etc, who,
if they did not absolutely reject, threw out doubts at least of the apos-
tolic origin of the two chapters. The portion, however, has not wanted
advocates, such as Fleming, Yelthusen, Theiss, Rau, Geo. Ph.
Schmidt, Piper, Greisbach, Schubert, Miiller, Hug, Credner, Paulus,
Fritzsche, Kuinoel, and others. It was to be expected that this was
a question on which Dr. Davidson would put forth the strength of his
great resources, and we therefore turned with some eagerness to his
section on the Integrity of Matthew*s Gospel. We were not disap-
pointed ; the subject is very thoroughly examined, and upon the whole
we scarcely know where the reader can find a more complete explana-^
tion
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tion of all the principal difRculties which these chapters have been
thought to present. The author admits that most, if not all, the posi-
tive arguments in favour of the authenticity of this portion of Mat-
thew's Gospel ' prove nothing more than that they always formed a
part of the Greek document ;' and he is aware that ^ hence some au-
thors, as Norton and Kuhn, oppose the authenticity as r^ards the
Hebrew Gospel of Matthew, while they allow it as r^;ard8 the present
Greek Gospel.' He somewhat curtly disposes of this by the remark :
*' We have already endeavoured to prove that the Greek Gospel has all
the claims to our reverent attention which the Hebrew document could
ever have presented, so that it is sufficient for our purpose to show that
the Greek had always the two chapters in question.' In fact the au-
thor must, here and elsewhere, have felt encumbered by his own hypo-
thesis as to the origin of the Greek document, for which, nevertheless,
he is constrained to claim a d^ree of authority which every one will
not be prepared to concede to a document which according to that
hypothesis is a free trauslation by an unknown and later hand from the
original Hebrew, and which, on that ground, he is obliged to allow is
^ not immediately and directly authentic'
This hypothesis, it must be seen, presents difficulties in dealing with
the question of the authenticity of the first two chapters, which are not
felt by either those who uphold the present Greek text as the original,
or by those who think there were two originals — the lost Hebrew and
the existing Greek.
Apart from this, the pages devoted by Dr. Davidson to the examina-
tion of this question form one of the most interesting portions of this
highly interesting and most important volume.
In answer to the argument derived from the all^d discrepancies
between the genealogies of Matthew and Luke, the author remarks
that this alignment derives all its force from the assumption that these
genealogies are absolutely irreconcileable :-*
< We admit that there are perplexing difficulties connected with them, which can*
not perhaps be satisftctoiily solVed at the present day ; bat an absolute and direct
contradiction between them cannot be allowed. The assertion has been frequently
made, hut never proved. The two genealogies are different, arranged on different
principles, and written for different purposes ; bat they are not on that aooouut
contradictoiy and irreconcilable. Tne fisust that Iiuke, suppoung him to have
written after Matthew, did not add some explanatory statement which might serve
to render the contrariety less apparent, so mr from militating agunst the anostolic
origin of the first Gospel, is rather confirmatory of it, as showing that no dimcnlties
were felt at that time. No contradiction was then thought ot The Jews brought
no objection against Jesus' descent from Darid while he was on earth ; and yet it
is the object ofthe genealogies to show that he did spring fix>m that illustrious king,
as had been foretold in the Old Testament In the hearing of his adrersaries he
was frequentiy called the Son of Darid, and they never disputed the fiust Neither
was any objection made to the aposties when they referred his origin to the same
personage. Our ignorimce of the genealo^cal principles and rules of the Hebrews,
and the remoteness of the period in which we liTe, create perplexity^ when there
was none to Christ's contemporaries, or to his apostles.' — pp. 115, 116.
The objections drawn from the allied differences between the ac-
counts ofthe Lord's nativity in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke, are
very satisfiictorily disposed of: —
*The
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352 DavidsorCs Introduction to [Oct
* The first oontradiction, it if affirmed, consists in the aoooants of Joseph's ptaee
of abode. ** According to Matthew, Joseph dweUs at first in Bethlehem. This,
indeed, he does not state expressly, bat in relating that Jesos was bom at Bethlehem
(ii. 1), and that Joseph, on his return from Egypt, had been divinely warned not to
go to Judea, but into Galilee, and had therefore settled in Nazareth (ii. 22 f.)» the
historian obTiously takes it fbr granted. According to Luke, on the contrarjr,
Joseph, as well as Mary (i. 26), dwells in Nazareth, comes to Bethlehem only ind-
denUdly, and returns to his place of residence. Here every attempt to reconcile
the accounts is imposnble." These are the words of De Wetie, coinciding very
nearly with those of Schleiermacher.
' It will be observed, that Matthew, who was less attentive to chronology and
geographical circumstances, omits whatever was not conducive to his leading pur-
pose in writing the Gospel. The parents of Jesus taking him from Bethlehem to
the temple, and performing the rites prescribed by the law of Moses, returned fh>m
Jerusalem to Bethlehem, where the Magi visited the newly-born child ; thence
they fled into Ec^pt, and after their return dwelt in NazareUi. In the account of
Joseph's return from Egypt, the writer of the two chapters supposes Bethlehem to
have been his previous habitation, whereas Luke wntes : *' when they had per*
formed all thinss according to the law of the Lord, the^ returned into Galilee to
their own city, Nazareth." These words of the evangelist, in connection with his
previous statements, exclude, it is said, the idea of Joseph returning to Bethlehem.
He went to Bethlehem solely on account of the registry. Mary was subjected there
to much ioconvenience, and both must have been reluctant to undergo &e fatigues
of a double journey. Schleiermacher ^oes so far as to say, that " no ground for
the supposition, either of employment m Bethlehem or of an intention to settle
there, is afforded by Luke's narrative, or even consistent with it ; and all his vivid-
ness is destroyed if we imagine that Joseph's return to Bethlehem was merely
omitted."
< We are unable to perceive the propriety or force of these remarks. Too much
stress is laid on the inconveniences to which Mary and Joseph were subjected at
Bethlehem. It is not said or implied that they were obliged to sufler them during
the entire time of their stay, but only before and at the birth of Jesus. Luke^
narrative does not presuppose that they could find no aocommodation in the inn
until they set out for Jerusalem, forty days after the child had been bom. If it
were possible to extract fidrly finom the account, that their situation was so uncom-
fortable for forty days, Schleiermacher's statement might be probable ; but as there
is nothing to indicate th€U, there is room for supposing that Joseph's temporary
visit to Bethlehem may have led him to select it as his future abode in prercrence
to Nazareth, especially as the dreumstances of Mary^s situation must have caused
him to remain in the place for a time. He was bound to Nazareth by no special
tie. He was poor, and would readily take up his abode where he found the best
means of employment During his visit to JBethlebem, it is highly probable he
resolved to make it the place of his permanent abode. That he obtained employ-
ment during the time of^his second residence there, may be inferred firom his being
found in an otxla (Matt ii. 11). When he first went to Bethlehem to be taxed, he
lodged in an inn, or rather in the stable connected with it ; but when visited by the
Magi, he was in an ohcla, not a KardKvfjLO. On the contrary, it is never hinted that
he had been the possessor of a house at Nazareth. Indeed, all the circumstances of
the case, as related by the writer of the first Gospel, unite in rendering it probable
that Joseph, according to his own purpose, had permanentiy settled in Bethlehem,
although he may have gone to it oriflpnally with no other intention than that of
retammg to Nazareth. Hence he tpotud have returned thither, after leaving Egypt,
had he not been divinely warned of danger. The reason why Matthew passes over
the previous abode at Nazareth obviously is, because mention of it would have
contributed nothing to his object in writing for tike Jews; whereas the birth of
Jesus at Bethlehem was a fkct of importance to him, because it had been predicted
in the Old Testament that Messiah should be bom there. Luke begins at a point
of time prior to that with which Matthew commences. It lay directly in the way
of his leading design to specify the abode of the child's parents ; but he omits the
sojourn of Joseph and Mary in Bethlehem, the visit of the Magi, the flight into
Egypt, the sanguinary proceedings of Herod, and tiie return from Ggypt. Hence
he
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he might the more readily oondude hi« general and rapid sarrey of the in&ncy of
Christ, by characterising the settlement of Joseph at Nazareth as a return to the
place ; especially as his description appears to haye been composed without respect
to that of Matthew, and without the appearance of solicitude in regard to dis-
crepancy. The abode at Bethlehem became eventvally brief, haying been inter-
rupted by the flight into Egypt ; and therefore the words in question might properly
be employed as a concluding formula to the narrative of Luke. Those wno press
the words of the historian, understand immediate succession, as though the return
to Nazareth followed the presentation of the child in the temple immMxately, But
the words should be understood generally. They need not be insisted on as rigidly
accurate. As well might it be inferred from Acts ix. 26, 27, that Saul went im-
mediately ftom Damascus to Jerusulem ; whereas it is known from the Epistle to
the Galatians, that he went first into Arabia, and abode there three years.'— pp.
116-119.
Dr. Davidson then proceeds to investigate the difficulties connected
with the appearance of the star, and the visit of the Eastern magi to
Jerusalem. He is not insensible of these difficulties, but believing as
he does in the supernatural and the miraculous, he leaves the attempt
at precise explanation to those who take the g^und of the rational :
* The whole matter appears to contain something extraordinary. It
lies in part beyond the common course of events. Many perplexing
questions may be raised concerning it which we are utterly unable to
solve. What was the nature of the aariip ? Was it an angel, as some
&thers imagined ; or a meteor, or a constellation, or a comet ? How
did the magi know that it had reference to the Messiah ? Was it by
astrology, or by its appearance in the quarter of the heavens above
Judea, or by a divine intimation ?'
Without underrating or pretending to solve the difficulties involved
in these questions, our author apprehends that the air of the entire
narrative does not accord with an ordinary fixed star, or a comet as
adjunct of a conjunction of planets, or with a mere conjunction itself.
He is therefore disposed to think that the iLoriip was a meteor or lumi-
nous appearance ; and ' if this be correct, it was created for a certain
purpose, — ^important indeed, but transitory.' He supposes that the
magi shared in the expectation which prevailed about this time, that a
mighty temporal prince was about to appear. When the extraordinary
star was seen in the heavens, their attention would immediately be
drawn to it, especially if they were addicted to astrology. * And in
referring it to the Messiah with so much certainty, we may well sup-
pose them to have been influenced by a higher agency than their own.
Other circumstances combined to induce them to associate the pheno-
menon with the Messiah; but these circumstances would probably
have been insufficient, without supernatural influence, to create a settled
convictioa of the connection, whence these wise men were led to
undertake a lengthened journey to Judea. This is in accordance with
the fiict that they were afterwards divinely warned (xpi^fcariffdcKrec
Kar orao) to return to their own country by another way.'
It is justly urged by our author, that there is no reason for asserting
that the magi distrusted the guidance of the star because they asked at
Jerusalem, ^ Where is he that is bom king of the Jews ?' They had
travelled to Judea, and its capital Jerusalem, in consequence of the
remarkable
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354 Davidson's Introduction to [Oct
remarkable phenomenon, and now they wished to discover the place
in Judea where the Messiah should be bom. The narrative does not
even sanction the idea of the star being a general guide to them, by
retaining the appearance, and probably the locality, which it had when
they first perceived it; to say nothing of its moving before them
during a long journey. On their leaving Jerusalem, it became a
specific index to the place which they were directed to visit, in con«
formity with a prediction contained in the Old Testament Scriptures.
Even after coming to Jerusalem, they did not mistrust the appearance ;
for they are reported to have said, * We have seen His star in the
East,' eto.
Another contradiction has been found in this — that in Luke's Gospel
an angel is said to have appeared before the conception, while in
Matthew a similar phenomenon took place after it. The former was
made to Mary, the latter to Joseph. * But surely,' it is urged, ' the
angel's visit to Mary was not concealed from Joseph her husband.
She must have communicated the purport of the celestial message, and
so his scruples, and the angel's second visit for the purpose of removing
them were rendered unnecessary.'
To this Dr. Davidson well answers :—
' We should be cautious in arguing from modem ideas of propriety and feelings
of delicacy to those which characterised the inhabitants of Judea when our Saviour
appeared on earth. Persons placed in unusual circumstances^ and fiiTOured with
extraordinary manifestations, can scarcely be judged by an ordinary standard.
The whole force of the observations just dted depends on the naturalness of the
assumption that Mary would inform Joseph of the circumstance revealed to her by
the angel. But at the time of the Annunciation she was living by herself, being
only espoused to Joseph as his wife ; and even after returning from her visit to
Elizabeth, she was in her own home apart It will be perceived from the narrative,
that she set out for the house of her cousin veiy soon after the Annunciation.
Having abode with her, her pregnancy was visible to Joseph on the return to
Nazareth. The Virgin was of a thoughtful disposition. She loved retirement.
She was given to m«iitation on the wonderfhl circumstances connected with her
person. Why she should inform Joseph of the angePs visit and prediction to her,
does not appear from the history, whatever our ideas of the propriety of the matter
may be. When the nature of the Annunciation is considered, she might have no
solicitude about Joseph's suspicions, being wholly absorbed in the marvellous object
of the angers visit, and having ample pledge in it of her fViture husband's satidko-
tion, even though a direct communication were deemed desirable or necessary to
remove his scruples.*— p. 123.
In the section on the Time and Place at which the Gospel of Matthew
was written, Dr. Davidson, after stating the various views which have
been taken as to the time, concludes that the external evidence on the
subject is so discordant as to be of little value, and that there is no
internal evidence for the settlement of the exact period. All is con*
jecture on the subject. But he is inclined to adopt a.d. 41, 42, op
48, as most probable. The place where the Gospel was written is
uniformly said to have been Judea. Whether it was written at Jem-
salem cannot be certainly known, though it is generally believed to
have originated there.
In treating of the Gospel according to St. Mark, Dr. Davidson
follows
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follows the same arrangement as in considering that of Matthew ; but
there is an additional section discussing the relation of the Gospel to
Peter,
After supplying the usual collection of ancient testimonies respecting
Mark and his Gospel, our author notes that these testimonies unani*
mously assert a close connection between the Apostle Peter and Mark,
They apply to the latter the term ep/i]|vcvri)c) or inierpres. What,
then, it will be asked, is the import of this word ?
* The answer to this question is exceedingly difficult. In the opinion of Eichhorn,
Bertholdt, and Kainoel, the tenn chiefly relates to lanavagej Peter being sapposed
unacquainted with Greek, and Mark ezplaming his teachings in that language. But
the apostles appear to hare been endowed with the gift of tongues, so uat, for this
reason alone, were there no other, ignorance of Greek can hardly be attributed to
any of the apostles. Fritzche thinks that the term interpreter applies to the evan-
^list because he wrote down the sum of what Peter orally taught. Tholnck con-
jectures that it is nearly e<iuiyalent to aeoretary, a person who develops and puts
into style, either orally or in writing, the discourses of another. Perhaps it means
the'ijerson who explams in another language the discourses of a second party, not
by giving a bare version of them, but by unfolding and expanding them m a style
adapted to their contents, so that they shall be readily apprehendra, and produce a
more vivid impression.
* The character of the Gospel itself coincides with the tesdmcoy of andquity, in
inferring a connection between the writer and Peter. Thus we find an especial
reference to the person of the latter, by the insertion of his name where no reason
for it can be discovered in the event related, and where no light is thrown by it on
the event itself. His presence is marked in the Gospel, where the recording of it is
apparently of no importance, and might have been omitted with equal propriety.
Doubtless this peculiarity was owing to a desire, on the part of Mark, to bring out
the apostle into pre-eminence as his authority, while it evinces an intimate know-
ledge of circumstances respecting Peter, unnoticed by the other evangelists. Ex-
amples of this are ftimished by chap. i. 36, where Simon is mentioned as being
with Jesus, a drcumstance omitted by Luke. . In the account of the raising of
Jairus' daughter, Peter, John, and James are mentioned as the only witnesses of
the occurrence ; whereas in Matthew's Gospel there is no allusion to them (Mark
V. 37), In relaUng the story of the withered fiff-tree, Peter is introduced as giving
rise to a moral connected with the occurrence ; but Matthew has no allusion to him
(Mark xi. 20-86, compared with Matt xxi. 20-22). Again, when Jesus on the
Mount of Olives foretold the destrucdon of the temple, there is express mention of
Peter, James, John, and Andrew, as bdng with him ; whereas Matthew has simply
the disciples (Mark xiiL 3). Peter's name is also expressly singled out in the met-
sage sent by the angels to the apostles on the morning of the resurrecdon (xvi. 7).
< On the other hand, there are passages in the Gospel, fh>m which it may seeni at
first dght that Mark knew less of Peter's personal history than the other writers of
GospeS. There are varioos omissions. Thus in Matt xv. 15, Peter is introduced
requesting the explanation of a certain parable, whereas Mark has the disciples
generally. The met of the aposde's walking on the sea is omitted; so also the re-
markable blessing pronounced upon him, recorded by Matthew alone Txvi. 17- 1 9).
In like manner, the promise made to the apostles in answer to a question of Peter
(Matt xix. 28) b unnoticed. Although he was one of the two disciples sent to pre-
pare for the passover, his name is not given by Mark. The intenseness of his re-
pentance, expressed by wucp&s in Matthew and Luke, is also omitted. It is some-
what remarkable, too, that the name Peter is not employed by Mark till the time
our Lord bestowed it upon the apostle.
* The ancients accounted for these omissions chiefly by means of the modesty of
Peter, who did not wish in his teachings to introduce circnmstanoes that might seem
to exalt or honour himself; and therefore Mark's Gospel, as a fiiithful abstract of
his teacher's discourses, wants them. This explanation is probable enough. Re-
prooft are inserted ; but promises and blessings having peculiar reference to the
apostle
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356 Davidsons Introduction to [Oct
apostle are omitted. Tims the remarkable reproof adnunistered to him by Jesos ia
giYen (Mark Tiii. 33) ; while the blessing pronouDced npon him immediately before
(Matt xvi. 17-20) is omitted. Besides, diere ia a peculiar circumstantiality in hia
acootrnt of the denials of Christ, as foretold and sabseqnently fhlfilled ; and yet the
bitternesi of the repentance is passed by/— pp. 145-147.
It is shown by production of the instances in which localities in
Palestine, as well as Jewish rites and usages, are explained in this
Gospel, that although written by a Jew, or at least by one familiarly
acquainted with Judea, it was intended for Gentile believers, not for
Jewish Christians ; and by further instances, that there are appearances
of its particular adaptation to the use of Roman Christians. Yet he
does not think that the allied Latinisms of Mark do necessarily de-
monstrate the locality of those for whom the Gospel was composed.
Most of the expressions adduced are used by the other evangelists,
even those which are manifestly Latin. The object of Mark in
writing his Gospel does not appear to be a specific one. Nothing in
the document itself shows that he wished to accomplish by it any de-
finite purpose, further than the instruction of the converts to whom it
was originally addressed.
The observations on Mark's mode of narration, and his diction, are
interesting and useful, being supported by a most elaborate collection
of instances. In regard to the linguistic peculiarities, the author
follows Credner ; and since the conclusion is, that there is more resem-
blance to Matthew than to Luke, we wish that the evidence, which b
very distinct to our minds — to show that this Gospel is not, as some
have fiincied, little more than an abridgment of Matthew's, had been
more fully produced. We note this as a defect to be remedied in a
new edition.
Most readers know that the earliest testimony respecting Mark's
Gospel is that of John the Presbyter, as reported by Papias, and pre-
served by Eusebius.
' Papias, or John the Presbyter, according to the relation of Papias, says :
'O rp€ff$&rtpos Qlttdpvris) IXeyc* MdpKOS fi^y ipfirivtvT^s Uerpov y€y6fi€yoSt $<ra ifumf
fi6y€wr€y, dxptfi&s typaf^tPf o& fi4tn-oi rd^ti rk ^h rov xpurrw ^ K^x^ima ^ wpaxOtrra'
o6t9 yhp ^Kowr9 rod Kvpiovy o(h-€ irapiiKo\o6&ri<r€y ahr^^ fhrrtpov 8i, &i ^^Vy Hcr^,
ts vphf rits xp*^ iwoittro riis SiScuriccA/ay, cUX' o&x* ^^*>^fp vdrra^iv rStv Kvpicuc&y
iroio6fi§yof xiycty A<rrc oMr lifioprt MdpKos, ofk»s tyia ypda^fos &s duttfunifUytwrw.
'Ei^t yhp lirot'tiiraro rpSyoiayf rov firfi^y &y fficouirc vapdKiKtiPy ff ^t^aoBai ri ck
ovTois. Tavra fiky ody I<rr6p7rr<u r^ Uoirlif wtpl rw MdpKov,
*'*The presbyter (John) said: Mark being the interpreter of Peter, wrote
exactly whatever he remembered ; bat he did not write in order the things which
were spoken or done by Christ. For he was neither a hearer nor a follower of
the Lord, bnt, as I said, afterward^ followed Peter, who made his discourses to suit
what was required, widiout the view of giving a connected digest of the discourses
of our Lord. Mark therefore committed no mistake when he wrote down circum-
stances as he recollected them. For he was very careful of one thing, to omit
nothing of what he heard, and to say nothing false in what he related. Thus
Papias writes of Mark."'— pp. 141, 142.
A great question has been lately raised with respect to the passage
in which this authority says, that Mark did * not write in order the
things that were said and done by Christ.' The question turns, in a
great degree, upon the meaning of the word to^iq in this passage.
Credner
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Credner assumes that it denotes arrangement generally — every kind of
sequence or order, whether it be chronological or a concatenation of
facts, like that presented by Matthew's Gospel, where they are grouped
together so as to form a m/vra^ic* AU arrangement^ he thinks^ ia
excluded by the phrase 06 rd£ec, whereas in reality the evangelist has
the same trvvrcii^ with Matthew and Luke. If, therefore, the phrase
be referred to Mark's present Grospel, the credit of the other synoptists
is destroyed. Taking advantage of the alleged inapplicability of the
phrase to the canonical Grospel of Mark, Schleiermacher, Credner, and
others, have maintained that a succeeding writer composed the pre^nt
Gospel of St. Mark, taking the imperfect work described by John as
the basis, and employing both oral and written sources. But this, as
Dr. Davidson remarks, is a hazardous course in the face of all ancient
historical testimony, in which there is not the least hint of any other
writer than Mark, or of a second author of the same name.
The result of the examination which Dr. Davidson gives to this
question is, that he inclines to agree with those who consider the
phrase ov rd£e« unsuitable to the present Gospel it St. Mark. But
naturally shrinking from the consequence deduced by Schleiermacher,
he takes the only other course;: — that of disputing the accuracy of John
the Presbyter's testimony : —
' We presame that John the presbyter was not in&Uible ; and nothing bat a
virtnal assuniption of his infallibility ooold induce ns to resort to the expedient
suggested by Schleiermacher. In the present instance, he appears to have been
mistaken in his opinion. His power of perception was feeble, else he would
have seen, that the Gospel which he describes as being written oh r^«i, does not
differ materially in arrangement from that of Lnke. Like Papias, the presbyter
was apparently destitute of critical ability and good judgment^ else he could not
have entertained an idea so much at variance with fieust' — p. 159.
This seems to us a most sound conclusion. Nothing is more dan-
gerous and delusive than the disproportionate weight we are, from
undue veneration for antiquity, disposed to attach to every word in an
ancient ecclesiastical writer ; and which we should refuse to concede
to the words of any late writer, however learned and accurate. And
yet it would be easy to show that many of these writers wrote with
a degree of carelessness, and lack of critical deliberation, which no
scholar of the present time would venture to manifest.
The relation which the Gospel of Mark bears to Peter, is a somewhat
difficult question. The internal evidence, as our author shows in
detail, is fiivourable to the ancient accounts which describe the Gospel
as being composed under Peter's influence. The question is, whether
it was composed during Peter's lifetime, and under his immediate
direction and dictation, or, after his death, from recollection of hia
statements and discourses. The two moat ancient authorities seem to
contradict each other on this subject; and our author, mere tuo^
deciding against all attempts to reconcile their statements, takes his
stand upon the authority of Ireuseus, which seems to place the compo-
sition after Peter's death. We are not so well satisfied of this ; for, as
the testimony of Clement is clear on the other side, and as that of
IrensBus is not clear on this side—- the word he employs (c{odoc) being
VOL. II. — NO. IV. 2 B equivocal —
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858 Davidsons Introduction to [Oct
equivocal — ^that is, applicable to either Peter's d^ariure or to his de-
cease^ the balance of authority, cu between these ttoo, seems rather to
incline the other way ; and the balance of all useful testimony seems
very greatly to preponderate for the conclusion that the Gospel was
written during the lifetime and with the sanction of Peter, if not under
his immediate superintendence. Supposing even that other evidence
than that of Clement and Irenseus has no original value, it is of great
secondary value as showing that if their testimonies were understood to
be at all different— which is not clear — ^the testimony of Clement was
the one generally accepted.
The last eleven verses of the Gospel have been thought not
to belong to it, or at least not to have been written by St. Mark.
On this subject Dr. Davidson brings together the external and internal
evidence, and concludes that the external arguments in &vonr of the
paragraph outweigh those on the other side ; but he apprehends the
internal evidence to bear the other way; the manner, style, and
phraseology being; foreign to Marie. Thus, upon the whole, he inclines
to the opinion that the termination was added by another person, after
Mark's death.
We now come to the Gospel of Luke.
As the author was, as appears from the New Testament, the com-
panion and favourite, if not the spiritual son of Paul, an opinion arose,
which has been uniformly handed down, that this Gospel was written
under the superintending influence of the Apostle ; and is virtualfy the
Gospel of St. P^ul. On this notion oar author is not disposed to lay
much stress. He says —
< It most be candidly admitted, that the tradition in 'question rests on no good
ibnndation. Lake himself has said nothing in the pre&ee respecting the Pauline
crigin of his GospeL He speaks sunply of the facts and doctrines oonstitating
the evangelical histoiy being orally handed down to himself and contemporary
Christians by eye-witnesses and ministers of the word. As &r as this oral
tradition was employed by him, it could scarcely be attributed specifically to Paul
as its author. It must have been distributed among other apostles and disciples of
Christ The prooft of aocordanoe between Pauline sentiments and certain peeu-
liarities observable in Luke's writings, are no evidenoe of the fiiet that the apostle
was the principal author of the Gomel, or that he was in any sense the author of
it. All that can be legitimately inferred from them is, that Luke was Paul's dis-
ciple — that he had been instructed in the truth by the apostle of the Gentiles. The
Gospel, however, does not rest on die apostolic basis of Paul, for it cannot be shown
that he superintended the composition of it, muck less that he direoled the evangelist
in writia^ it or dictated any part Historical criticism repudiates these assumptions
as gratuitous. Hence the tradition we have been considering wants a solid
foundation. The New Testament, so fkr from fkvouring, is rather adverse to it ;
while the Pauline sentiments in the Gospel, to which allusion has been made,
proves at most, that Luke had been instmcted by Paul, perhaps no more than that
his ideas of the evangelical history coindded with those of the great apoc^e.
< On the whole, Luke's Gospel is not of canonical authority because of the special
influence which Paul had upon it Its credibility and authority must be placed on
another basis equally secure. That it fully deserves its present position among the
Gospels is unquestionable ; but it does not deserve it by Tirtne of any truth in llie
ancient tradition/— pp. 184» 185.
The linguistic peooliarities of this Gospel are stated with much fblnen
and
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and precnaion after Credner, who has given great attention to this sub-
ject. Passing this by, as unsuited for quotation, we give the following
statement rejecting the charaaeristics of Luke's GospeL
'Apart from the langaase, die Gospel oi Luke' has no characteristics which do
not appear in a greater or leas d^ree of prominence in Matthew and Mark. It
presents, iadeed, diversities from both; bat these can scarcely be said (o cha-
racterise it throughout. Its fandamental plan coincides with that of Matthew and
Mark, more closely approximating to the fatter.
* In Luke we find circumstantiality, <
iity, exactness, and graphic power. His circum-
stantiality and exactness are seen m the separation of particulars and incidents
which Matthew has grouped toother, and the placing of them in their proper
lelatioas. That he is also concise in his accounts is manifest; but conciseness
cannot well be called a prominent feature, as it is in Mark.
* As examples of his pictorial power we may select yii. 1-10; yiiL 41-56. But
Luke's graphic ability is scarcely equal to that of Mark, idthough it is greatly
superior to Matthew*^ In recording the discourses and parables of our Lora, his
aocounlB are much briefer than Matthew's. Here his Gospel is fiur inferior to that
of the apostle. He was more intent on the narration of fects and eyents than of
sermons and parables. In general, his narratiye partakes of a loose and uncon-
nected character. One eyent is related after another without any definite mark of
time or exact formnla of transition. .... This feature, however, u by no means
peculiar to Luke, though it is not what might be expected by those who maintam
that he wrote in strictly chronological succession. The Gowel bears the impress
of one who had searched and examined. It shows a man of education— a careful,
critical writer— actuated, doubtless, by a conscientious loye of truth, and influenced
by theSjpiritofGod.
< The diction of Luke is nibriaiUidUy the same as that of the otiber eyangelists,
though it is considerably purer and less Hebraised. The proem is remi^kably
pure, presenting a considerable contrast not only to the first chapter in particular,
which abounds with Hebraisms, but to the remainder of the Gospel. Hence it may
be inferred, that the Gospel itself would haye been written in more dassiciu
* Greek, had the author been at perfect liberty to follow his own inclination or
Judgment. The freedom and indiyidnality of his style was somewhat limited by
adherence to oral tradition, or preyionsly written documents, or both together ;
although the freedom and indiyidnality of the writer are still marked with suificient
distmctness.'— pp. 188, 189.
Further on (p. 198) our author concludes that, * on the whole, Luke's
lang^uage approaches more nearly to classical Greek than that of any
other Evangelist. It is purer and more correct than that of the other
apostles. The number of turns and modes of expression peculiar
to himself is great. Awkward and unusual constructions, such as are
found in Matthew and Mark, are generally avoided. Hence the com-
parative ease and elegance of the diction.'
Dr. Davidson is of opinion that it is impossible to ascertain the time
and place at which Luke's Gospel was written, but is disposed to sub-
scribe to the prevailing notion that it \ras composed at Rome, during
the time of Paul's imprisonment ; and that, as it preceded the compo-
sition of the Acts at the same place, about the commencement of the
year 63, the writing of the Gospel may with reasonable probability be
ascribed to the year 61. No di£Biculty is found in overturning the sin-
gular opinion of Kaiser, De Wette, and Credner — that it was written
after the destruction of Jerusalem.
In the remaining pages devoted to this Gospel, our author very
elaborately and ably Tindicates the first two chapters from some of the
2 B 2 exceptions
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360 DavidsorCs Introduction to [Oct
exceptions which have been taken to their contents by several German
writers, confining himself, however, to those in which chronological
discrepancies are allied. The 'first of these is that noted passage.
Lake ii. 1, 2, in which the journey of Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem
is ascribed to the necessity that every one should go to his own city by
reason of the taxing— which taxing, it is stated, * was first made wlien
Cyrenius [Quirinus] was governor of Syria.* It is first assumed that the
dicoypa^ily or ' taxing,' in question was a general census commanded by
Augustus, embracing the whole Roman empire ; and it is objected that
no such census is mentioned by contemporary historians. Dr. Davidson
concedes — we think unnecessarily — that the &iroypa^4 trcu a general
census ; and he refuses to attach much importance to the argumentum
e silentio, * By a similar mode of rtwsoning,' he urges, * it might be
denied that no geometrical survey of the empire took place in the
reign of Aus^stus. Such a survey is unnoticed in all contemporary
authors ; yet, that it did take place, there can be little doubt.' The
evidence for this geometrical survey is then produced, and our author
conceives that it may have beeu connected with the census mentioned
by the Evangelist
It is further urged that the census to which the evangelist refers
must have taken place in the reign of Herod, or early in that of Arche-
laus. But this is extremely improbable, seeing* that in countries not
yet reduced to the form of a Roman province, but governed by reges
joott, those princes themselves collected the taxes. The same usage
prevailed in Judea previously to the deposition of Archelaus ; and it is
asked whether it be at all probable that Augustus would think of ex-
posing Herod to a mark of subjection and dependence so humiliating
as that of a census of Judea? To this Dr. Davidson replies that the
reges socii were not generally so independent as has been represented ;
and that Herod himself was in a state of peculiar dependence upon
Augustus, and at times laboured under his displeasure. Facts seem to
indicate that the idea of rendering Judea a Roman province had
occurred before the death of Herod, with a latent view to which it
appears to have been included in the general census. But from mo-
tives of policy the emperor would wish to have the census conducted as
mildly as possible.
*■ Hence he contented himself with a simple enrolment of names, reserving the
actual valuation of property to another time. He neither wished to humble Herod,
nor to excite the opposition of the people, but caJmly to prepare the way for a
measure which he might have foreseen as expedient or desirable, viz., the reduction
of Judea to a Roman province. It is probable therefore that he committed the affair
to Herod the Great himself, who was well acc^uainted with the disposidon of the
Jews. He would manage it as mildly as possible, in accordance with the desire of
Augustus, and afker the Jewish method. Thus it would be a Jewish, not a Boman
census ; and the people would be less liable to rebel.'— p. 211.
Now we come to the great difficulty, which is, that Josephus takes
no notice of any census under Herod, but he does notice that under
Quirinus, which, by his account, took place ten years after our Lord's
death. This difficulty Dr. Davidson meets by producing the view of
Le Glerc, Tholucky Wieseler and others, who urge that £uke himself^
in
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in the passage under notice, expressly distinguishes the census under
Herod from that of Quirinus. He contends, with them, that the super*
lative itpwni stands for the comparative itporipay the words ^yc/iovcv"^
oKTOc Kvptfylov being dependent on it ; and the right translation of the
sentence therefore being, < this enrolment was made before Quirinus
became president of Syria.*
The remaining objection is, that a Roman census after Archelaus'
banishment could not possibly require the parents of Jesus to travel
from Nazareth in Gralilee to Bethlehem in Judea ; least of all was the
appearance of females necessary. To this it b answered —
* The idea of a proper Roman oenmu mnst be abandoned. The census was
conducted by Herod in the Jewish form. And the reason of Joseph's jonme^ to
Bethlehem is given by Luke, ** because he was of the house and lineage of David."
It, as we think probable, it was a census capitum^ and not an actual valoation of
property at the same time, then the public records had to be consulted in order to
acilitate the enrolment. Joseph's genealogical registers would be kept at Bethlehem,
the city of David, But why, it is asked, should Mary have undertaken the journey
along with her husband ? In a census of Roman citizens the women were not re*
quired to appear in person. But the present census was Jewish. The chief reason
seems to have been her critical position. In the agitation of the period she did not
wish to be left alone, oikra fyKvos. It was not the enrolment which induced her to
accompany Joseph, but rather her own situation, as the historian himself indicates.
She may not have been in a very fit state for travelling ; yet she preferred the in«
conveniences of it ratherthan being so long without her natural protector. In die
meanwhile a higher influence controlled her movements ; for it had been foretold
that the Messiah should be bom in Bethlehem.' — p. 214.
Such is the view our author takes of this difficult question. We
cannot say that we altogether concur in it, or that the statements and
arguments produced have weakened in our mind the reasons which long
ago induced us to think that the explanation formerly given by Beza,
Grotius, Ussher, and many others, and in recent times adopted by Ideler,
Munter, Hug, and Hales was the most satisfiictory. ITiis hypothesis
does not seem to us to be adequately stated by our author, and is dis-
missed by him more slightly than its importance deserves. This view
assumes that the enrolment was executed at the time Herod had,
towards the close of his reign, incurred the deep displeasure of
Augustus ; and was made with a view to its settlement as a Roman pro-
vince ; that Cyrenius, who was then much employed in high commissions,
was the person to whom the business was intrusted ; that, the wrath of
the emperor having been meanwhile appeased, the afiair at that time pro->
ceeded no further than the enrolment — the further measure, the taxing
itself, for which this was a preparation, not taking place till ten years
after, when the same Cyrenius heul become governor of Syria. This final
settlement of the assessment seems to supply the allusion contained in
the parenthetical remark of the Evangelist. The explanation is equally
ffood if we suppose that, as the other explanation supposes, Cyrenius
had no hand in the first enrolment, but that it was left entirely to Herod,
and conducted with a regard to Jewish customs. It has the advantage
of also dispensing with the somewhat hazardous assumption that * the
superlative irpifrti stands for the comparative frparipaj* respecting which
we remain unsatisfied ; for although without doubt the superlative may
be
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362 Davtdion's Introdvcticn to [Oct
be used fbr the eorapftnttive, especially in ihe case of trpw-oc, we veiy
much questioii that the construction ean be admitted in the present text.
Under the view we hare indicated, the text, with Hales' parenthetioal
elucidations, would read thus— < It came to past in those das^ [that is,
a few days before our Sanoui^s birth], thai there went forth a decree
from CtBsar Augustus that all the Icmd [of Judaea, Galilee, Idumsea,
etc. under Herod's dominion] should he enrolled^* preparatory to a
census for taxing ; (' the taxing itself was first made when Cyrenius was
goeemor of Syria ;) as^ all went to be enroUed^ every one to his own
city:
The other chronological difficulty to which Dr. Davidson addresses
himself is that in Luke iii. I, where Lysaniasis stated to be tetrarch of
Abilene ; but it is urged that, according to Josephus, Lysanias ruled
OTer Abilene sixty years previously to the date given by the Evan-
gelist. In answer to this our author works out, with much skill and
care, the explanation which we owe to the ingenuity of Wineri by which
it appears in the highest degree probable that the Lysanias <2r Luke
was the grandson or son of this other Lysanias, and inherited part of
his possessions. It is the same view which has been given concisely,
ailer Winer, in the Cyclopiedia of Biblical Literature ; but we regret
that we cannot cite, in the fulness which is here given, the remarkable
combination of minute critical evidence by which the accuracy of the
Evangelist is vindicated in a matter wherein it has been so vigorously
assailed.
The 43rd and 44th verses of chap. xxii. of Luke's Gospel have
been regarded by several writers as a spurious interpolation. Dr.
Davidson thinks that, 'judging from critical authority, they cannot be
called actually genuine, but ihej probably are so ;' and he conceives it
likely that they were omitted by some of the orthodox (whence their
absence in some MSS.), as Epiphanius asserts, from doctrinal prepos-
sessions ; because the strengthening of tFesus by an angel, and his bloody
sweat, appeared unsuitable to his divinity. The internal evidence
against those verses, as stated by Norton, is briefly but satbfactorily
met* To the prominent objection — 'The Uoody sweat described is
such as we have no authority for believing was ever produced by mere
distress of mind ' — this is the answer :-—
* Was the bloody sweatphyraologically impossible ? The tme mterpTetation of
tfie words is doobtfol. lliey may mean either that the sweat itself was bloody
whoUff or in part, or tiuKt the penpiratioQ wis like drops of blood deseendiDg to tin
groaod. The latter exposition seems to ns the preferable one* Aooording to k,
Jesns's distress of mind is described as most intense. It was such as to force oat
fk'om his body a copious perspiration of a viscous nature, which fell down to the
rround in large drops like blood. Even on the other view of the passage, viz., that
ttie sweat was sangmneons, the statement conld be defended on phytu>logical grounds,
as Griiner has shown ; but it is unnecessary to cite examples from the region of phy-
siology, since the text speaks of the drops being like bl(X)d, ratiber than being <f it.'
—p. 223.
We now come to the Gospel of John, our author's treatment of
wliich abounds with matter of high interest and importance. But
our glance over the contents must be more rapid than it imght other*
wise
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wise be, from the &ct that we have traversed much of the same ground
in the company of Tholuck in the last Number of this Journal.
To the discussion of the authenticity of John's Gospel our author
has devoted unusually large space — ^nearly one-fifth of his book — and he
has here put forth his utmost strength^ and manifested the wealth of
his resources. Nothing more satisfi^tory on this subject ever has been,
or, as &r as we can surmise^ ever can be produced. After carefully
exhibiting the external evidence in detail, he applies himself with much
zeal, and with his usual ability and entire possession of the subject, to
meet the objections of Liitzelberger, who has carried out the opposition
to the historic evidence to a greater length than any preceding writer ;
and in whose hands external testimony loses all its value in &vour of
the canonical authority of John's Gospel. The gist of this writer's
argument is that the apostle John could not have been living when this
Gospel was written, and that consequently it was not written by him.
Af1;er demolishing with the ease which the perfect mastery of his in-
struments insures, the whole of this elaborately built up argument, from
foundation to coping-stone, Dr. Davidson proceeds with even greater
facility to meet the objections which various writers have urged to the
authenticity of the Gospel from external sources. Our space does not
allow us to enter into these matters ; and we pass them by, after ten-
dering to him, on the behalf of all those to whom evangelical truth is
dear, our earnest thanks for the satis&ctory manner in which he has
accomplished the task — easy to few but him— of unravelling and ex-
posing to the light of truth the tangled maze of sophistry and
error.
In his examination of the relation which the fourth Gospel bears to
the first three, our author takes nearly the same view as that developed
by Tholuck in the Introduction translated in our last Number. We
therefore abstain from stating the contents ; but it is a portion of the
work which will be. read with interest and satis&ction.
It has been urged that there is in this Gospel a certain vagueness
and indistinctness — with geographical and archaeological mistakes, and
traditional reminiscences inserted in improper places, from all which
it has been inferred that the author was a Gentile Christian who lived
subsequently to the apostolic age. In respect of the geographical and
archsBological difficulties of the book, our author justly observes that
they are of no moment :—
' The writer of the Gospel evinces ao accurate acquaintanoe with the localities,
customs, and circainstanoes of Palestine on all oUier occasions ; nor has his general
accaraoy in regaxd to Bach points been called in qoestioa. Amid this prevailing
correctness, a row passages occur presenting some difficulty ; and they are forthwith
seized on for the purpose of showing that the Gospel was not written by a native of
Palestine. In this manner the exception is made to overpower the rale, contrary
to all sound principles of reasoning. In every andent historical book difficulties of
this kind occur. They are not unusual in Greek and Roman writers. They are
to be expected in our remoteness from the scenes and times spoken of. They arise
from our imperfect knowledge of the thin^ described. But m the case of profkne
authors they are not employed to invalidate the authenticity of books. They
exercise the patience and ingenuity of critics, who endeavour to explain them as
they are able, without converting them into weapons of destructive criticism. Le^
the
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364 DavidMOiCs Introdnctian to [Oct
the writer of the fimrth Gospel be dealt with on the same ftdr and equitable prin-
ciples as heathen historians. In that case he will stand honoorabl^ before an
impartial tribunal, a native Jew of Palestine, to whom ignorance of lus oountrj's
geography and cnstoms cannot be ascribed with justice.' —p. 289.
To this we may add the expression of our own belief that taking
into account the large size of the sacred volume as a whole, there is no
ancient book which presents so few geographical and archseological
difficulties as the Bible ; and the few that remain are so rapidly giving
way before the vigour of modern research and comparison, that it is
not too much to expect that ere this generation has passed away,
scarcely any difficulties of this kind will remain. Many even of our
well informed readers would be astonished were any one to sit down
and draw up a list of the difficulties of this description by which the
old commentators were perplexed, but which are now perfectly clear and
intelligible to us.
The writer winds up his long and interesting discussion of the
Authenticity of John's Gospel by a masterly summary of the considera-
tions he has adduced, converting them into positive circumstances in
fiivour of the Gospel's authenticity. He then proceeds to investigate
the immediate occasion and object of the Gospel. Here he agrees
with Tholuck and some other recent German writers in distrusting the
polemiccU object which has been so generally and so long ascribed to
this Gospel ; after glancing at all the hypotheses under which a pole*
mical view has been maintained, they are all pronounced to be impro-
bable. No clear, indubitable evidence in &vour of any of them, or
of several together, has yet been furnished by their advocates. They
reduce the scope of the evangelical narrative to a point too insigni-
ficant. Each one of them is too narrow a bed to stretch the evangelical
document on it.
The other principal hypothesis is, that John wrote with the view of
supplying things wanting in the other three evangelists — ^to complete
the evangelical history by furnishing many additional events in the life
of our Lord, and especially by relating many discourses omitted by the
synoptists. This is an old opinion ; but, upon the whole, our author
considers himself justified in pronouncmg it unsupported either by ex-
ternal tradition or on internal grounds. Some truth lies at the basis
of it ; but when propounded as a specific object it must be rejected.
He is satbfied with the account which the evangelist himself gives of
his object : ' These things are written that ye might believe that Jesus
is the Christ, the Son of God ; and that, believing, ye might have life
through his name.' He meant to prove that Jesus is the Messiah, the
Son of God, and at the same time to convince his readers that &ith in
the person and doctrine of Jesus is the source of true happiness.' But
while his design was thus to promote a living faith in Jesus, it is ad-
mitted that there are perceptible indications of his having done so with
occasional reference to the state of Christianity in Asia Minor. He
presents the Messiah in another aspect than that in which he appears
in the synoptists — an* aspect elicited by and adapted to the wants of the
age.
Dr.
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Dr. Davidson has a very instnictive section on the Characteristics of
John's Gospel, in the course of which he indulges the learned reader
with Credners valuable synopsis of the chief peculiarities of the style.
But as this subject has been somewhat fully brought before our own
readers in the translation of Tholuck's Introduction to this Gospel,
given in the last Number, we pass on to the section on the Integprity of
the Gospel. Here our author elaborately discusses the claims of the
passages which have been suspected of being supposititious, such as the
twenty-first chapter ; the first eleven verses of the eighth preceded by
the last verse of the seventh chapter ; and a small portion of the fifth
chapter.
In regard to the twenty-fifth chapter, the author difi^rs from those
who suppose that chapter an appendix added by some other hand. It
is admitted that the Gospel has a proper close at the end of the twenty-
fourth chapter, and that the twenty-fifth is indeed an appendix ; but
external evidence shows that it is an appendix written by John himself
fer the Gospel. The real difficulty is confined to the last two verses,
careful examination of these verses, and of the evidence upon which
they rest, leads our author to the conclusion that the authenticity of the
Gospel's termination, as it stands in our modern copies, cannot be main-
tained. ^ It is incredible that John, after concluding the Gospel with
the words, '' And many other signs truly did Jesus in the presence of
his disciples which are not written in this book,'* should revive and
repeat the same thing in the exaggerated statement, '^ There are also
many other things which Jesus did, the which, if they should be written
every one, I suppose that even the world itself could not contain tlie
books that should be written." The hyperbolical amplification points to
another person.' Yet the appendix, as thus curtailed, wants an appro-
priate termination. * But that termination is not necessarily the whole
of the 24th verse ; the first half of it is sufiOicient ; and here we believe
the writer to have finished his work. '^ This is the disciple which
testifieth of these things, and wrote these things," is language charac-
teristic of John ; whereas the next words, ^' and we know that his testi-
mony is true," etc., betray another hand. Hence we divide the 24th
verse, attaching the first part of it to the* preceding paragraph, and
putting the latter part with the 25th verse, in the rank of an adven*
titious appendage.'
The story of the woman taken in adultery is next investigated.
The conclusions reached are in accordance with the current of modem
opinion — that the passage is spurious. On reviewing the external
evidence for and against the paragraph, the latter is believed to pre-
ponderate, and so furnishes a reason for entertaining suspicions of its
spurious character. ' The internal evidence strengthens the suspicion
against the apostolic composition of the piece. Its language and style,
the difidculties inherent in the fifth and following verses, the disjointed
character of the preceding and succeeding contexts, combine with ex-*
temal authorities in disproving its authenticity.' Yet although not
an authentic part of John's Gospel — and the author cannot be con-
jectured— Dr. Davidson considers that its simplicity and intrinsic
character
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S66 Davidson's htroductim to [Octr
ehaxacter of trathfulne» Btamp it with credibUityy pointing to evan-
gelical tradition as its source. ' The truth of the account/ he adds,
' cannot be reasonably questioned.'
The verses which, in the account of the miracle at the pool of
Bethesda (John v. 3, 4), describe the water as being occasionally
* troubled,' and rendered sanative by an angel, labours under the sus-
picion of spuriousness. The numerous variations in the MSS. which
have the passage are veir remarkable and strengthen the suspicion
against it ; the great majority of critics and commentators expunge
them ; Tischendorf has even expunged it from the text, but Lachmann
retains it. Our author hesitates. He admits there is strong suspicion
against the words before us, being wanting in very old MSS. He will
not, however, say so decidedly as some that they are supposititious^
neither will he admit them as authentic. This is well. A true scholar^
when he cannot make up his mind, should say so, and must not
allow the credit which flows £rom the expression of decided critical
opinion to induce the expression of stronger convictions than are
entertained. There are signs among the wise by which a scholar of
the right sort is known, and this is one of them.
The admirable volume which we have thus brought under the
reader's notice^ and for which every Biblical student must feel under
the deepest obligations to the learned author, closes with a consideration
of the Correspondences of the first three Gospels. The mutual coin-
cidences of the synoptical Gospels cannot fidl to strike the most
superficial observer, though it is impossible to have a just conception
of them without the actual inspection of a Greek harmony. Not
only b the general outlines of these Gospels remarkably similar, but
the very words and phrases are frequently alike. Even rare and sin-
gular expressions are identical, showing that the agreement could not
be accidental. But in the midst of this minute verbal coincidence,
there is so much difierence, not only in the materials selected and the
general treatment to which they are sul^ected, but in the expressions
and the mode of transition from topic to topic, that each writer pre*
serves his own individuality.
Various hypotheses have been proposed to account for these corre-
spondences.
i. That these Gospels were derived from a common written source
or sources,
ii. That the. earlier Gospels were consulted in the composition of
the latter.
liL That they were derived from oral tradition,
iv. Some have combined the last two opinions, making a composite
view out of them.
After examining these hypotheses, Dr. Davidson sets forth his own
view of the subject, which he states is prepared after much reflection,
but to which, from the inevitable difficulties of the subject, he does
not exact or expect universal consent. It is briefly thus : —
* We believe, then, that the component portions of the historj of Jesos* life on
earfli were often narrated by the apostles. These aathorised teaehefs dwelt on
them.
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ibem, reTolTuig them lu the eoorae of iMt holiest feelings and lafjkeelL coitfriatkni*
Their own thoughts turned to them with an interest intense and permanent. They
loYed to muse on them. They loved to make them known to any who woold
listen to the communication. They narrated them to donbters and deniers, as well
as to the sincere inonirer. They were often called upon to s^eak of them in dif-
ferent situationsy to mfiemt hearers. Thus the haJbit of repetition tended to aonld
the teaching in a certun determinate form — the most correct form possible — so
that they nught be accurately related by others who should go forth as evangelists
and missionaries, agreeably to the type formed by the apKstles. In this way we
acooant, in part A>r the remarkable eoineidenees <^ the written Gospels embodying
oral aooounts.'— p. 408.
Our author proceeds to point out other circumstances which contri-
buted to produce and perpetuate a stereotype form of the evangelical
history. The habits of the apostles — the character of their education —
the poverty of the Alexandrian dialect — the mode of oral interpretation
to which they had been accustomed as Jews, the age in which they
lived — conspired to bring the oral narratives into an archetypal form,
which was subsequently transferred to the written Gospels. In addi«
tion to these considerations, producing the uniformity in question, the
author admits the probable existence of written documents before the
evangelists began to write : —
*It is highly probable thai such memorials, composed by well-tteaning men*
were accessible to the sacred writers, when we look to the preface of Luke» where
their existence is affirmed ; and although the historian does not say that he used
them himself, yet he would scarcely have failed to avail himself of theen in his
inquiries. AbA if ther^ existed in tiie time of Luke, we nay eoneeive of tksm as
prior to Matthew. It is hishly probable then, that in addition to the iriipryfMi— the
oral Gospel first preached by the apostles and their disciples— written Gospels or
records were consulted by the sacrea penmen. And that these memoranda partook
themselves of uniformity there can be littie doubt, because they were derivM from
eye-witnesses. Attentive hearers* struck with what they heaffd fhun the imme"
dlate disciples of Jeeos* noted down tho varions particulars with which their minds
had been affected, which they afterwards arranged themselves, or were assisted by
others in arranging. Thus the unaccredited Gospels preceding our canonical ones,
contributed both to produce and perpetuate a determinate type of the oral traditions
delivered at first by the persons whom Jesus selected.'
' Tet with all its uniformity, the oral tradition was not wholly fixed. It ooiild
not possibly have been so in minute particulars, as well as the more important
portions, except by intentional adaptation. To some extent it was fluctuating.
The portions considered to be of less moment were less firequentiy repeated ; and
remamed therefore less assimilated in form. Personal peculiarities alone would
produce a diversity in the written Gospels, thoush the evangelists drew fh>m a
stereotyped oral tradition, unless they were acted on as macMnes by the Holy
Spirit so that their very words were always dictated or controlled.' — p. 409, 410.
This last expression reminds us to notice the pain and discomfort
which one experiences in reading works of this class, at the little notice
which is taken of the part of the Holy Spirit in the production of the
sacred books. In the present work, Dr. Davidson has found no occa-
sion to declare his opinions as to the inspiration of Scripture. It may
not, however, be difficult to collect his views from particular expres-
sions ; and they are, indeed, known from the opportunities he has had
of announcing them elsewhere. He believes in the inspiration of the
Gospels — ^not as to the plenary inspiration, irrespective of the means
of human knowledge, of every word and sentiment in these books — but
as
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368 DarndsovCs InJtroduction to the New Testament. [Oct
as to the guidance of the writers from all error by a divine influence,
while they set forth what they knew, in their own language and in
accordance with their own habits of thought
This is a question we have not room here to discuss ; it is too large for
incidental notice. But what we feel is that absence of all notice of any
kind of inspiration, which this kind of writing is supposed to exact, in
order that we may meet, on equal terms, those who will not allow us
to assume the inspiration of the books ; but who require us to prove
their authority and credibility, as of any other ancient books, by the
common rules of critical evidence. Perhaps this necessity may exist ;-^
we cannot say : but we wish it did not, and that some means oould be
devised for making such researches as profitable spiritually, as they are
interesting to the intellect.
We now quit this volume with great reluctance. We have forborne
even to notice many topics of great interest, which are discussed in its
pages. But this is of the less consequence, as the work which contains
it is sure to take a place in the nearest shelf of every collection of
solid Biblical books. We take credit for no particular foresight in
predicting that the work which this volume so auspiciously com-
mences, is destined to be regarded as the one upon the Introduction
to the New Testament from which the Biblical scholarship of this
country and g^eration will hereafter derive most credit ; and no per-
son can open the pages of the present volume, without being even
by the first glance assured that be has before him a work destined,
beyond most others, to exercise a powerful influence in raising the
standard of Biblical attainment, and in advancing the cause of Biblical
literature in this land. Our consciousness of the want of such a work
is so strong and active, that we feel urged by the sympathies of a
common object, to pray very earnestly that the accomplished author
may be spared to complete a task requiring peculiar attainments, which
few besides himself have had the opportunity or inclination to realize.
Meanwhile, we rest thankful for the important and deeply interesting
portion which is here given to us.
COBB£SPOND£NC£.
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CORRESPONDENCE.
In deference to the judgment of several friends and correspondents, it
is intended in future to enlarge the Review department of the Journal —
confining it, however, to books bearing on the classes of subjects to
which this publication is devoted. It is hoped that, ere long, no work
in Sacred Literature will fail to obtain in this publication the degree of
notice which its merits may demand. The select List of Books at the
end of each Number will sufficiently indicate to publishers the kind of
works which are likely to be noticed in our pages.
In answer to many anxious inquiries, we have to state that the appeal
to the Biblical public for support which the last Number of this Journal
contained, has called forth many public and private expressions of
interest in its existence and success. The direct effect upon the circu-
lation of the publication cannot as yet be clearly seen ; but it is certainly
not yet found to bo such as to relieve us from the necessity of renewing
that appeal, and of calling upon all the friends of the undertaking to
exert themselves manfully in its behalf. We render very earnest
thanks to those who have already laboured in this cause, and who have
encouraged us by the expression of their sympathy and the assurance of
their support It is a great comfort to us to find that no one seems to
entertain any doubt that the Journal will find adequate support, if we
are enabled to keep it long enough before the public view. Thus
encouraged, and feeling much of the confidence and fiiith which the
consciousness of a great task and an important duty ought always to
inspire, we trust not to be daunted or to give way to weakening dis-
trusts; but we must anxiously impress it upon every one who feels
interest in this matter, to exert himself in that particular way in which
he sees that he can render the most service to the undertaking.
At the suggestion of some friends, we reprint here a letter with
respect to the Journal, from the pen of the Rev. £. Kennedy, of Leith,
which appeared in the number for July 20, of the Glasgow ChrUHan
News. Its insertion will spare us the unpleasantness of recapitulating
the main points of the previous statement ; and the example of generous
zeal which it offers may furnish an encouragement and stimulus to
others. The objections we have felt to the insertion of private letters
which have reached us, do not apply to a letter like this, which has
been already published ; but the too partial estimate which is taken of
our humble services in Biblical Literature may render it needful to
explain that the writer was wholly unknown to the Editor, even by
name, until the paper containing this letter was forwarded to him.
The ' JoDBNAi. or Sacbed Litebatdbb.'
To the Editor if the Chrietian Neum.
* Beloved Brotheb,— Would yoa allow me, throDgh your calnmin, to call the
attention of soch of yonr readers as may feel an interest m it, to the above-named
periodical ? As many of them, doabtlets, are aware, this is a quarterly Journal, of
about
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370 Correspondence. [Oct
about two hundred pages, edited by that most distinffokhed Biblical scholar. Dr.
Kitto, author of the *' Pictorial Bible," &c., and Editor of the " Cyclopedia of Biblical
Literature." Dr. Kitto is a man who has kept himself almost entirely aloof from
all party or sectarian strife, devoted himself to the elucidation of Biblical questions
of universal interest among Christians, and has gained the esteem and the con-
fidence of the intelligent, the worthy, and the learned amongst all denominations.
It was with no small degree of p|leasure that we first observd the anuonncemient of
this " Journal," nnder the editorial care of such a man. It was to be open to con-
tributions of able articles from able men in different sections of the Christian church.
We anxiously waited for the appearance of the first number in the beginning of
this year— we pored eagerly over its pa^— and our ezpeetatioiis were more than
realized. The second nomber, for the interest and the ability of its articles, if
possible, surpassed the first. All this while it never occurred to us but that this
quarteriy would be nnmerouslpr subscribed for — liberally supported. On the ap-
pearance of the third number, m the beginning of tins monik, by a letter from the
Editor, we discovered we were greatiy mistuea. Its present circulation la not
such as to defray the first commercial expenses ; and the number of subscribers
must at least be doobled to secure its continuance ; besides all which, it is to be
borne in mind that the periodical is not a bookseller's concern, but is carried on
entirely at the excellent Editor's own risk : and, if not properly supported, is likely
to involve him in a heavy pecuniary loss. Should this Journal not succeed. Dr.
Kitto wiU be the only pecuniary loser ; but not the only loser, — it will be a heavy
loss to the ministry — ^to the most intelllffent members of churches — and to the
church at large. Such a repository of v^uable productions has been long felt as
a great desideratum in this country, and, it is hojjed, needs only to be known in
oi^er to be countenanced by those who can appreciate it
' There are a few of the articles tibat require a knowledge of the Hebrew and
the Greek in order to their fiill appreciation ; but the vast majority of the contri-
butions are such as are fraujght witn Kreat interest to every one that wishes to under-
stand the mind of the Spirit as developed in the Scriptures. I need only specify
a few aftbe articles in tiie different numbers to show uis. No. I. The Philosophy
of Anthropomonhism (t. e, aseribing eyes, hands, jealousy, «Dger, &e., to G<mL) ;
Introduction to Esekiel ; Free Inquiry in Theology the Basis of Truth and Libe-
rality; Dissertation on the Resurrection of the Saints who arose with Christ;
German Rationalism in its Early Indications ; Moslem Traditionary Customs Illus-
trative of the Mosaical Distinction of Meats; Hebrew Poetrv, and Hebrew Cri-
ticism; and Physical Death as Connected with the Fall.~No. II. Life of Ghry-
sostom; Milton's Paradise Lost Considered with reference to its Theological
Sentiments and Moral Influence; German Rationalism in its Recent Develop-
ments; the Law and the Gospel, &c — No. III. Tholuck's Introduction to the
Gospel of John ; Relation of Scripture to Human Inquiry ; The Youth of David
Illustrated from the Psalms; Recollections of the East; the Christian Sabbatib,
&c These articles are by some of the most eminent theologians and scholars of
the age ; amd will be as valuable some twenty or a hundred years after this, as at
S resent. In addition to all this, there is in every number am outiine of what is
oing in this country, and in other countries, in the exposition ojT Scripture ; and
fer the promotion of sound prineijples of interpretation.
'Every minister's library will be incomplete without this, and intelligent
Christians would do well to supply themselves with it ; for, in the course of a few
vears, we doubt not but it will become invaluable not only from the light which its
leading articles will throw upon many portions of Scripture, and questions in
philosophy and divinity, but also from its containing a history of the progress of
theological and Biblical science during the age in which we live.
* Glad, indeed, would I be if any of your readers should be induced, by these
recommendatory remarks, to subscribe for tiiis most valuable Journal. — I remain,
beloved brother, yours very truly,
* Ebemezsb Kbnmedt.
< 12, AJbanif Street, Leith, 6M July, 1848.'
In reply to our acknowledgmeDts for the kind interest this letter ex-
presses, Mr* Kennedy writes — ' As stated in ray letter to the editor of
the
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the ChrUtian News, I took for granted the fiict that your Journal was
numerously subscribed for from the first. In consequence of my
labouring under this idea, I did not subscribe for it myself st its com-
mencement, because a friend of mine was taking it, whose Number I
got, and was at liberty to make what use of it I pleased. But when
the third Number came to hand, and when I saw your emergency, I
instantly returned my friend's Numbers, and got the work myself from
the commencement. Knowing that many of the readers of the
ChruHan News are able to appreciate the merits of your Journal, it
occurred to me that it might be well to write to the Editor the letter
which you have seen. In addition to that, I got the printer to throw
off fifty slips, and sent thirty of them, by post, to different individuals
throughout the country ; and I have received notes from the following
[here follow ten names], cordially consenting to subscribe for it from
the first.'
It having been represented by subscribers in remote places thai they
experience difficulty and delay in obtaining their clumbers of the
Journal, the ptdflisner desires us to state that the four Numbers now
published will be sent to any place, post free, on the receipt of a money-
order for one pound; and that the lihe payment will ensure its regular
transmission by post during the four quarters of the next year.
The Bev. Edward Wilton, of Broseley, Salop, writes to us with re-
ference to the article on * The Touth of David ' ia the last Number of
this JouriiaL We are obliged to him for the correction of our inad-
vertence as to Abishai ; and with respect to the remarks upon our
conclusion respecting Jesse's condition in life, we wish, before stating
our own views more at lai^, to obtain from some of our readers or
contributors a paper upon Ske Hebrew law of inheritance and its prac-
tical operation. We cannot say that we ever saw this subject satis-
&ctorily handled, and shall gladly insert a good article thereon. In
regard to Jesse, it must not be forgotten UmlI more generations than
are recorded appear to have intervened between him and his ancestor
Boaz ; and we did not, as Mr. Wilton apprehends, urge that Jesse had
^' no landed possessions," but that they were not necessarily consider-
able on account of his descent from the wealthy Boaz. We believe he
had some land, and know he had some sheep. The following is the
substance of Mr. Wilton's letter : —
' I venture to point out a slight inaccuracy into which you have
fallen, in your interesting and suegestive paper on the ^^ Youth of
David illustrated from the Psalms.^' I am happy, however, to add
that your argument is strengthened rathor than weakened by Uie alter-
ation which will be neoessaiT. I allude to that part of the paper
(p. 65) in which you speak of Joab, Abisiiai, and Amasoj as the sons
of Zeruiah, David's sister, whereas Asakel was the name of Zeruiah's
third son, and Amasa was the son of David's other sister, AbigaiL
This is at once apparent from 1 Chron. iL 16, 17. Still your argu-
ment, drawn from the remarkable ftct that none of David's brothers
appear to have been employed by him when he came to the throne,
holds
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holds good ; and the only difference will be, that David found refoge
from the cold indifference of hb parents and brothers in the fiympatby
and affection of both his sisters.
* May I be allowed to observe that though ^' none of the six (or seven,
1 Sam. xvi. 10 ; zvii. 12) brothers of David are mentioned in his sub-
sequent history, when he became king, and had the means of advancing
them to honourable stations,'' yet a son of one of them is represented
in 2 Sam. ziii. 3, 35, as holding a situation at court of no little im-
portance. This circumstance may, however, be referred to the natural
benevolence of David's character, which would lead him, while for-
bearing to employ or honour those who in his youth and obscurity had
treated him with unkindness and contempt, to extend his fostering
patronage to their unoffending children.
' Will you pardon me if I venture to call in question the conclusion
at which you arrive from the absence of any direct allusion in Scripture
to Jesse's landed property ? Does it necessarily follow from the cir-
cumstance that he appears before us only as the possessor of a '' few
sheep " (an expression occurring but once, and then employed con-
temptuously by Eliab^ whose pride and jealousy would naturally
prompt him to underviUe the importance of David's charge), that
Jesse was therefore a poor man, or that he had no landed possessions ?
If so, then the question arises, how were his other sons employed?
What so natural as to suppose that the iiock which David tended was
but an inconsiderable part of Jesse^s property, and that the cultivation
of his lands, inherited from Boaz (for there appears no evidence that
he was not the sole heritor of his wealth), would devolve upon the elder
sons ? In the absence of more direct proof, may we not allege the re-
markable words in 1 Sam. xvii. 12, '^and the man went among men for
an old man in the days of Saul," and the manner in which he is men-
tioned (1 Sam. xvi. 4, 5) in close connection with the elders of Beth-
lehem, as no slight indications that Jesse was a man of wealth and
estimation ?'
NOTICES OF BOOKS.
EocposUory Discourses on the First Epistle oj the Apostle Peter.
By John Bbown, D.D., Professor of Exegetical Theology to the
United Presbyterian Church. Edinburgh^ Oliphant and Sons,
1848. 3 vols. 8vo.
The author of these Discourses is well known as an able and learned
expounder of Scripture. He was ordained to the office of the holy
ministry in 1806, and after the lengthened period of more than for^
years, he yet enjoys great popularity as a preacher. He has been
especially celebrated for his expository lectures on several of the
Apostolical Epistles ; and many occupants of the pulpit of different
denominations in Scotland availed themselves, when students, of the
opportunity of hearing a number of these lectures, and have since,
honourably to both parties, gratefully acknowledged their obligations
to
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to their diatingubhed author. It will be no small gratification to such,
to receive the above volumes.
It is now upwards of thirty yean since Dr. Brown appeared before
the Christian public as an author. To these volumes is appended a list
of his works, amounting to thirty-seven in number ; but two of them
are selections, three introductory essays, and several others are small.
The present is by far the most important work he has yet published ;
and its appearance will add intensity to the ofl-expressed desire to
obtain his lectures on other Epistles.
Dr. Brown occupies a prominent place in the denomination to which
he belongs. As one of the theological professors his influence is incal-
culable. With the highest admiration of his attainments as an inter-
preter of the sacred oracles, his students unconsciously imbibe the spirit
of calm and earnest investigation of the precise meaiiing of the inspired
writerK which he so remarkably exemplifies. By the erection of the
chair of Exegetical Theology in 1834, to which he was appointed, an
improvement was made in the constitution of the Theological Seminary
which has proved of the utmost importance to the church. Without
detriment to systematic theology, which had hitherto received chief
prominence in the academic lectures, and which was now in the able
hands of the late Dr. Balmer, there was a considerable modification of
the course of study. The critical examination of the inspired originals
of both Testaments was raised to merited prominence. In his aints
to Students^ published in 1841, Dr. Brown enumerates certain works
on Biblical criticism and hermeneutics as indispensable ^ implements of
study' in the seminary. A good text, lexicon, grammar, and con-
cordance for both Testaments, and a copy of the Septuagint with its
concordance, must be the groundwork, and be ever beside the student,
if he would satisfactorily conduct an examination of any passage of
Scrjpture. With suitable exegetical aids, and the admirable applica-
tion of hermeneutical principles Hi the lectures of Dr. Br6wn, the
young men under his tuition would merit the severest censure if they
did not acquire such a taste for exegesis as would be of the utmost
importance to them in their public ministrations.
Beyond the pulpit and the academic chair, Dr. Brown is little known ;
but aher the present evidence of his distinguished ability as a commen-
tator, the Christian public will be unwilling that he should withhold
those other contributions which he is so well able to supply. The
work before us is substantially a Commentaiy, though in the form of
Expository Discourses. Each subject in the Epistle is considered in a
separate discourse ; and each clause in the paragraph which contains
this subject, is carefully examined and lucidly explained. The writer
invariably inquires what was the Apostle's object in making the various
statements contained in the Epistle, and shows how his statements were
fitted to gain this object. The doctrines more formally stated or more
casually adverted to by the Apostle, are fully elucidated by the lecturer,
and the thoroughly practical character of the Epistle has its counter-
part in the discourses. We have been particularly pleased with the
remarkable felicity with which some of the paragraphs are divided for
VOL. II. — ^NO. IV. 2 C discussion.
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374 . NaticeM of Books. [Oct
discassioD. His divigioQ sometimes throws more light oo a paragntph
than a whole page of commentary with some writers. In twc^ or three
instances it is a single verse that forms the subject of discourse, and
then the discussion assumes the form of a sermon, with a stricter
adherence to the text than we generally find in sermons, and retaining
strictly the character of an exposition. The most usual division is two«
fold — the d uty enjoined , and motives to enforce it. The fourth Discourse
(ch. i. 10-12) has an instance of very successful division — ' The Final
happiness of Christians the subject of — 1. Old Testament Prediction;
2. New Testament Revelation ; and 3. Angelic Study.' Sometimes
the analysis of a paragraph is so masterly as strongly to excite the
reader's interest in regard to the succeeding discussion, and to produce
the conviction that none but the hand that sketched can adequately fill
up the outline. Dr. Brown's view of several clauses is materially dif-
ferent from the common one. For instance, the clause — ' The Suffer-
ings of Christ' (ch. i. 11), is interpreted as ^The SuflTerings of
Christians ;' * Suffering in Reference to Christ ' (vol. i. p. 77) ; * To
you that believe, he is precious ' (ch. ii. 7), is rendered * To you who
believe, there is honour ' (vol. i. p. 247) ; * Who bare our sins on the
tree' (ch. ii. 24) is rendered * To the tree ' (vol. ii. p. 97) ; « The end
of all things ' (ch. iv. 7) is understood to denote ^ The entire and final
end of the Jewish economy in the destruction of the temple and city of
Jerusalem, and tiie dispersion of the holy people' (vol. iii. p. 14). But
the discussion which displays most originality and power is that regard-
ing ' The spirits in prison ' (ch. iii. 19). It appears to us a very satis-
£ictory elucidation of a very difficult passage. The author published
his view in a long article in the Bibliotheca SacrOy for November,
1847, and it is probably known to many of our readers. The following
extracts will serve to indicate his opinion : —
' If outf^eDeral scheme of interpretation is well founded, there can be no doubt
as to who those " spirits in prison are." They are not human spirits confined
in bodies like so many prisons, as a punishment for sin in some previous state of
being ; that is a heathenish doctrine, to which Scripture, rightly interpreted, gives
no sanction : but sinful men righteously condemned, the sUltcs and captives of
Satan, shackled with the fetters of sin. These are the captives to whom Messiah,
" anointed by the Spirit of the Lord," that is, just in other words, " quickened
in the Spirit," was to proclaim liberty, the bound ones to whom he was to announce
tiie opening of the prison. This is no uncommon mode of representing the work
of the Messiah. Thus saith the Lord God, '* He that spread forth the earth, and
that which cometh out of it ; he that giveth breath unto the people upon it, and
spirit to them that walk therein : I the Lord have called thee m righteousness,
and will hold thy hand, and will keep thee, and will ^ve thee for a covenant of
the people, for a light to the Gentiles : to open the blind eyes ; to bring out the
prisoners from the prison, and them that sit in darkness out of the prison^iouse." '
— ii. 3.52.
' But then it seems as if the spirits in prison, to whom our Lord, quickened in spirit,
is represented as coming and preaching, were the unbelieving generation who lived
before the flood, " the spirits m prison, who aforetime were disobedient ; when once
the long-suffering of God waited in the days of Noah." This stumbling-block may
easily be removed. ** Spirits in prison " is a phrase characteristic of men in all
ages. We see nothing peiplexiog in the statement, <' God sent the Gospel to the
Britons, who, in the days or Caesar, were paimted savages :" the persons to whom
God sent the Gospel were not the same individuals who were painted savages in
the
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the days of CsMar^ bat they belonged to the same race. Neither should ve find
anything perplexing in the statement, Jesus Christ came and preached to
spiriuialiy captive men,Twho were bard to be convinced in former times, eqiecially
in the days of Noah.*->ii. 354.
Where all is bo excellent, specification la difficult ; but we have been
particularly delighted with Discourses 11th and 16th— the former
being on Christians, ^ As Free, yet as the Servants of God ;* and the
latter on < The Sufferings of Christ an encouragement to Christians
suffering for his cause.' The 2Ist Discourse, on ' The Ecclesiastical
Duties of Christiaas,' is also of great value. Not the least interesting,
in a practical point of view, are the discourses on ^ The Itelative Duties
of Husbands and Wives, Masters and Servants.'
Six sermons are given in the third volume, as the portion of the com-
men tary for that volume was shor t of the requisite n umber of pages. The
first two are on the same text, and were preached on sacramental occa-
sions — the subject of the former being *' The Origin and Signification of
the appellation Son of Man, as applied to Christ ;' and the latter con-
taining a most interesting and instructive narrative of the trial and
crucifixion of Christ The remaining four are also on one text (Jude
20, 21), and are strictly exegetical, being a carefully conducted ex-
position of each of the four clauses of the text, each clause having
a separate sermon devoted to its consideration. The lecture, which
concludes this volume, was delivered at the opening of the session of
the Theological Seminaiy of the United Presbyterian Church, Aug. 3,
1847. It is strictly expository, being on John v. 37-50. It is worthy
of the professor and the occasion, though not quite so appropriate as
that delivered and published by him in 1841.
Prefixed to the commentary is a new translation of the epistle, with
some useful notes vindicating the author's departure, in some instances,
from the common v«rdon.
Our estimate of the value of this work is very high. It is com''
mentary in the highest, sense of that term. By commentary we mean
the exhibition of the precise* meaning which the sacred writer, in any
passage, intended to convey. It hi not the utterance of thoughts or
reflections suggested by the passage, nor does it consist merely of
critical, philological, and grammatical remarks on the words and
phrases. Like the public instructors in the time of Esra, the com-
-mentator must give ^ the sense and cause to understand the reading.'
The conviction is becoming general among well-informed Christians,
that no man is competent to write a commentary on the whole Bible.
The multiplication of solid commentaries on distinct books of Scrip-
ture is a demand of the times. The volumes before us belong to the
precise kind of works that are most needed.
Since the days of Campbell and Macknight, no good specimen of -
commentary (if, indeed, their brief notes deserve the name) has been
produced in Scotland. There have been excellent lectures by distin-
guished writers on detached portions of the inspired record, but their
authors never meant them to be viewed as commentaries. The present
work appears to us the very best specimen of Scotch commentary that
2 c 2 has
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376 Nctieer of Books. [Od.
has ever been produced. The doctriual and the practical, the critical
and the popular, are admirably combined. In philological and philo-
sophic power the author is not inferior to Okhausen, Tholuck, Ueng-
stenberg, or Stuart); and he is &r superior to any of them in tlie
fulness of his doctrinal and practical discussions. It is an important
characteristic of all his expositions — and we have heard that it is so
of his pulpit discourses generally — that he takes frequent occasion,
from the topic in hand, to give a brief, but striking and satisfactory,
statement of the scheme of salvation, the saving truth, without the
knowledge and belief of which no sinner can enter heaven.
The most remarkable characteristic of these volumes is clear-
ness. The author's meaning cannot ^be mistaken, and one seldom
fails to have a full conviction that he has given the true sense of the
record.
His remarkable tact in the use of parallel passages is also a promi-
nent feature of this work. He is ' mighty in the Scriptures.' Some
of the texts quoted for illustration are so admirably explained that an
index of them becomes of great service, and this has been considerately
supplied by the author.
Histori^ allusions to the Old Testament are amply illustrated, but
geographical and archaeological allusions are entirely overlooked.
This is not a serious defect in an exposition of the First Epistle of Peter ;
but there is room for such remarks in one or two places. For instance,
instead of giving an account of the countries mentioned in ver. 1
of the epistle, or even intimating that they belonged to Asia Minor,
he only remarks in a note, — ^ For a particular account of the countries
here referred to, vide Steiger, Exp. of the First Epistle of Peter,' — a
commentary that hundreds of his readers may have never seen. When
remarlcing on * the chief shepherd ' (ch. v. 4), nothing is said of the
immense flocks of the nomadic tribes, to whom^his office was peculiar,
and which office explains the apostle's allusion. Perhaps the author
agrees with Professor Davidson's view of works on Biblical antiquities
— that ' the amount of positive information directly bearing on exegesis
which can be collected from them is exceedingly small ' — an opinion in
which we cannot coincide.
The form of pulpit discourses, which this commentary has assumed,
causes some repetition of former statements in entering on a new sub-
ject, but this serves admirably to bring out the connection between the
paragraphs. There is also some repetition in the body of the discourses,
which would not be observed by the hearers from the distant intervals
at which they were delivered (some of them nearly twenty years ago),
and to have remedied this in the publication would have caused con-
siderable remodelling. The discourses seem to have been printed
verbatim as they were delivered or read from the pulpit, and the 19th
being given on the afternoon of a communion sabbath, contains an
allusion to the preceding service, though this has no necessary con-
nection with the discourse.
When viewed simply as lectures there is a fulness and finish in these
discourses which is seldom equalled. Some object to division in lec-
turing.
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turing, but they can hardly fail to admit its utility as exemplified in
these lectures. It is not the fact of division, but the badness of it,
that should be objected to. There is here a strict adherence to the
historico-grammatical interpretation so rare in sermons and lectures ;
and the extensive circulation of these volumes among Christian minis-
ters of all denominations would tend to bring about an entire change
for the better in the style of lecturing.
But it may be objected that the lecture-form will destroy the utility
of this work as a commentary, which we use as a book of reference.
This objection is entirely obviated by a table prefixed to each volume,
in which every clause of the epistle, explained in the volume, is
put down in the order of our version, with the page annexed on
which it is explained ; so that though the two clauses of a verse may
be separated in the conunentary by twelve or twenty pages, we can at
once find from thb table on what page to seek for the exposition of
each. This is an admirable device. The index of principal matters
indicates the page on which every topic is discussed, and the index of
tiexts shows that we have here a commentary on many other passages
besides those in the First Epistle of Peter.
We have noticed a few unimportant errata, besides these indicated
by the author for correction. We specify only two which occur in
places where they were not to be expected. On the title-page of each
volume we have AA£A«0Y2 for AA£A«0Y2 ; and, in the notifica-
tion of errata in vol. iii., a false correction is proposed for a sentence
on p. 129, which is much involved but g^mmatically accurate.
Dr. Brown is grandson of the late Rev. John Brown, of Haddington,
Professor of .Divinity under the Associate Synod, and has acquired
greater eminence than either that distinguished individual or any of
his other descendants. The Rev. John Brown Patterson, of Falkirk,
another grandson of the venerable divine of Haddington, inserted in
the margin of the self-interpreting Bible numerous notes of considerable
value (extending from Genesis to Jeremiah), which indicate what
might have been expected from him in the way of commentary, had
the Sovereign Ruler been pleased to spare him to conduct those studies
and labours in the midst of which he was cut down in the prime of
life.
The production of such a work as that before us and the demand for it
are &yourable indications of the state of Biblical interpretation among
us. Our religious instructors are no longer satisfied with a single com-
mentary on the entire Scriptures. The annotations of the Criiici Sacri
are very valuable, but the demands of modern criticism will not be
satisfied with these. The Scholia of the younger Roeenmuller, on the
greater part of the Old Testament, supplies abundant materials for
aiding our investigation of the most difficult passages. Bush, on the
first three books of the Pentateuch ; Umbreit and Barnes, on Job ;
Hengsten berg and De Wette, on the Psalms ; Gesenius, Henderson, and
Alexander, on Isaiah ; Havernick, on Ezekiel and Daniel ; and Hen-
derson, on the minor Prophets, are now being introduced into clergy-
men's libraries, and their influence must be considerable in giving a
healthier
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378 Notices of Boohs. [Oct
healthier tone to Biblical interpretation. Good commentaries on the
separate books of the New Testament are numerous. Of Olshausen's
very valuable commentary, a portion (embracing the Gospels) has been
translated in Clark's Foreign Theological Library, and this translation
will help to make the author better known among us. Of the Editio
Koppiana the two volumes prepared by Eoppe are by far the best.
The most complete commentary on any book of the New Testament
is perhaps that of Lampe, on John. Very important recent contribu-
tions to the interpretation of separate books have been made by Kuinoel,
Tittmann, Tholuck, De Wette, Hodge, Stnart, Billroth, Harless, Storr,
B&hr, Lucke, Steiger, and Ewald.
The limited field of investigation chosen by these writers has enabled
them to grapple successfully with many difficulties that were either
entirely overlooked, or only hastily glanced at, by the commentators
on the whole Bible; and this circumstance greatly enhances their
value to the student of Holy Writ. P. M,
The Number and Names of the Apocalyptic Beasts : with an Expla^
nation and Application, In Two Parts, Part I, The Number
and Names. By David Thom, Ph. D. A.M. Heidelberg,
Minister of Bold Street Chapel, Liverpool. 8vo. pp. xxxix. 398.
Lewis, London, 1848.
The passage of Holy Writ, towards the elucidation of which
the present work has been written, constitutes, in many respects, the
most remarkable in the whole compass of the sacred volume. ' Here
is wisdom. Let him that hath understanding count the number of the
beast : for it is the number of a fnan ; and his number is six hundred
three score and six* (Rev. xiii. 18). That the infinite Jehovah should
propose a problem to mankind in such terms as these, is very myste-
rious. Had it not constituted the purpose of the Almighty that this
enigma should be explained by men, it is quite inconceivable that He
should have furnished us with so many data for its solution, and have
invited us to attempt this. On the other hand, the utter failure, as
we consider^ of every attempt hitherto made to interpret the myste-
rious number, clearly proves that it was not the will of God that it
should be known, until, at least, nearly two thousand years should
have elapsed. The only explanation of which these &cts will admit,
appears to us to be^ that from the nature of a prophecy such as that
of the two wild beasts, it was absolutely necessary to withhold the
knowledge of their names; but that ultimately the cause of truth
would require the powerful assistance which the discovery of the long-
hidden mystery would most opportunely afford. * A man can receive
nothing except it be given him from above i and when the proper time
is come, the darkness which now envelopes this subject will pass away,
and some second Daniel raised up by that great Being, whose it is to
reveal secrets^ will ' read the writing, mid make known the interpret
tation,*
The work now before ub forms the latest attettipt to discover the
number
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number of the Apocalyptic monster. Although a goodly octavo
volume of four hundred pages, it is chiefly occupied in examining the
thousand and one solutions of the difficulty which have already been
given to the world since the time of the apostle ; many of which are
ridiculous in the extreme. This was the more unnecessary, as a very
complete list of these conjectures had already been furnished in other
works, particularly in the valuable and ingenious work of Mr. Clarke,
entitled A Dissertation on the Dragon^ the Beast^ and False Pro-
phet of the Apocalypse ; in which the number 666 is satisfactorily
explained. By J. £. Clarke. Lond., 1814.
The discovery of the mysterious number which it was ' the object
of this work to proclaim,' is most strangely kept back by the author until
the very close of the volume. In the pre&ce, Dr. Tbom says, * The
spring of 1 837 was the sera of my discovery of the name of the second beast.
On Monday, the 1 2th *day of December, 1846, 1 unexpectedly stumbled
on the knowledge of the first-mentioned of the two symbolic monsters.
Somewhat extraordinary were the circumstances connected with the
former event. To a few private friends they have long been familiar ;
but in so far as the public is concerned, they are suppressed.' In the
Introdttction the author again refers to his discovery, in the following
language : — ' The solution given at the end of this volume shuns no
investigation. So £sir from deprecating, it courts inquiry .... It chal-
lenges acceptance. Instead of coming in the attitude of a probable
conjecture — instead of supplicating on bended knees, and in the guise
of an humble suitor, that the shafts of criticism may be spared, it sets
all opposition, from whatever quarter, at defiance. It is true, and it
claims to be acquiesced in as what it is ' (p. ^S),
Accordingly, at the very close of the volume, we are, at length,
favoured with the following meagre statement of the author's discovery,
which we shall g^ve in his own words : —
' Thb true solutions.
Without aDj commentary, ezposition or jostification of what I am aboat to sabmit
— every thing of that sort being reserved by me, if s^red, for the second port of
this work • . • . I proceed to the statement of the solutions themselves.
< The first Beast.
' And I stood upon the sand <if the sea, and saw a beast rise up out of the sea, having
seven heads and ten horns,* &c. Rev. ziii. 1.
' By sea we understand : —
' 1. Peoples, and multitudes, and nations, and tongues. Rev. xvii. 15. • That is more
limitedly, the Gentile world, as distinguished from the Jewish nation ; and in a
more enlarged sense, human beings in general.
'2. Themtemal.
' 3. The principle of the indefinite or the ereaturely internal, as distinguished, on
the one hand, from the finite, or definite, that is the ereaturely external, and on the
other, from the infinite, or the divinely internal,
* The connection subsisting among these three definitions of the sea, or abyss
(for sea and abyss have the same meaning in Apocalyptic language), will fiill to be
afterwards pointed out.
* Bearing in mmd what I have said, we discover the first beast in
*'H*PHN, The Mind.
That is, not the mind of man with reference to any of its faculties separately
considered, or viewed as a mere abstraction ; but that mind considered as a whole,
or
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380 Notices of Boohs. [Oct
or u comprehensiye of all its facalties of iensation, intellect, and Tolition» and as
at once the shadow of spirit, and dependent upon flesh for its nature and mani-
festations.
«H = 8,^=500,p = 100,i| = 8,r = 50. Total 666.
* Thb Sboond Beast.
< And I beheld another beast coming up out of the earth, and he had two horns like
a lamb, and he spake as a dragon, yer. 11.
' By earth or land ve onderBtand : —
' 1. The people of Israel, or the Old Testament Church Dispensation.
*2. The external.
' S. The principle of the finite or definite.
' The connection subsisting between these three may aftenrards be the snbject-
matter of explanation.
*The second beast is
'EKKAUIAI SAPKI^I, FussHLY Chubches.
•'E = 5, K = 20, «c = 20,X = 30, 9}=:8,<r = 200, ( ^ 10, a = 1, t s 10, <r=200
a =2 l,p=:100, K=r 20, 1=10, <K = 20, o= 1, i = 10. Total 666.
' Thus is the number of both beasts the same : a circumstance which serres to
account for the ambiguity of the language of Rev. xiii. \8, and which has materially
added to the difficulty of finding out the true solution.'
With these words the work abruptly closes.
Such is the wild, unmeaning, and absurd rhapsody which the learned
doctor announces as ^ the true solution,' and of which he elsewhere
says, ' the grand value of the discovery is, that it opens up an entirely
new principle of Biblical interpretation !' We can easily understand
now why this conjecture is unaccompanied with any explanation, or
application to the several parts of the inspired prediction. All this
Dr. Tliom has reserved for future publication, he informs us ; we doubt
not for the best possible reasons.
We presume our readers will agree with us in thinking that the
labours of Dr. Thorn have contributed nothing towards the discovery
of the long'sought name of the beast, and that this subject is still as
much shrouded in darkness as ever. We desire now to add a few ob-
servations in reference to this mysterious enigma.
It lias long been our impression that the universal failure which has
attended the labours of the wisest of men in this department, has been
owing chiefly to the fact that the connection, or rather identity of the
mark of the beast, with his name and numbery appears to have been
quite overlooked. This, however, is in part accounted for by an
error in the textus recepttu of Rev. xiii. 17, the passage in which the
number is first announced. Our English version reads, ' iJiat no mem
might buy or sell, save he that had the mark, or the name of the beast ^
or the number of his name,' which is a ftir translation of the Greek.
But the text adopted by Griesbach, and all the more recent editors of
the Greek Testament, is, ^ 6 e\uy to yapay/xa, to orofJia rov drfpiov ^
Toy hpi^fioy tov ovofMiToc aWov ' — ^ Hie who had the mark^ the name
of the beast, or the number of his name,' This reading, of the cor-
rectness of whibh there exists no doubt, represents the mark of the
beast as identical with his name and number. This circumstance we
deem a most important addition to the data already possessed, for the
discovery of the beast's name. Its truth also is strikingly confirmed
by a passage in ch. xiv., ver. il, where the mark is descnbed as being
the mark of his name. * And they have no rest, day ttor night, who
worship
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worship the beast and his imager and whosoever receiveth the mark op
HIS NAME.' We think, then, that this evident identity of the mark of
the beast, with his name and number, claims (he serious consideration
of all who devote themselves to the elucidation of this difficult sub-
ject ; and whenever the problem to * count the number 666 * is solved,
we venture to express our conviction that it will Jbe done by first asoer-
tainihg the nature of the mark.
It is also, we think, deserving of notice, that the word XofNiy/ia,
translated mark in our version, more properly means sl4imp or impress.
It does not denote simply a mark, sign, or badge, by which things or
persons are distinguished. It has a much more specific and particular
signification — namely, an impression or stamp taken from something
else (Pas80w*s Lexicon), The word occurs in only one other place in
the New Testament, and there means a sculptured image — * Ihat the
Godhead is like unio silver and goldj and stone graven by art and
marCs device * (Acts xvii. 29). The sacred writers use veiy difierent
words, mifitioy and orlyfM^ to signify a mark or sign. See, for in-
stance, Matt. xziv. 3; Luke xxi. 7; Gal. vi. 17; 2 Thes. iii. 17.
There can be little doubt, then, we think, that the word x^apaypa
signifies something more than a mere mark or badge ; in short, that
when it is said ' he caused all , . . . to receive a mark tn their right
hand or in their foreheads,* it means that that which was assumed by
the adherents of the beast, was the impress or stamp of something else.
Now, a passage which occurs only two verses onward, at the com-
mencement of the next chapter, renders it almost conclusive that this
stamp is the impress of the beast himself. John there beholds ^ a hun^
dred and forty and four thousand, having the Fathef^s name written
on their foreheads^ which is clearly an allusion to the mark of the
beast in the right hand and forehead of his followers. The name of
God is, throughout the Scriptures, a common expression for His cAa-
racter. Hence, the fact of this being inscribed on theur foreheads,
denotes, unquestionably, that the divine image was most conspicuously
traced in the character of these eminent servaaU of God. The in-
ference we conceive, then, is obvious, that in the parallel case the mark
of the beast is the stamp or impress of his chiuracter ; in accordance
with which it b elsewhere called, in this same chapter, ' the mark rf
his name * (ver. 1 1).
We have thus taken occasion, from the work before us, to direct the
reader's attention' to one or two points intimately connected with the
interesting subject on which it treats — the number and names of the
Apocalyptic b^ts. It is too common, in the present day, to denounce
such inquiries as useless and vain. The failure of so many wise and
learned men, in attempting to discover the name of the beast, has
also been used as an argument against all further investigation of so
mysterious a subject. But the call of the Spirit of God outweighs all
such considerations with us. * Let him that hath understandino
COUNT THE number OF THE BEAST : FOR IT 18 THE NUMBER OF A
man; and his number is six HUNDRED THREE SCORE AND SIX.'
W. KT.
Our
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382 Noiiees itf Books. [Oct.
Our Scottish Clergy : Fifty-two Sketches, Biographical, Theological,
and Critical, including Clei^men of all Denominations. Edited
by John Smith, A.M., Author of ^ Sacred Biography.* London,
SSmpkin, Marshall, and Co.
The relation of the 4)ulpit to our modern intellectual and social state
—the causes of its waning influence, confessed by impartial parties
on all hands — ^the measure of influence exerted by the press, especially,
among those causes : whether, in existing circumstances, its influence
is capable of being restored, and if so, by what means, are questions of
g^eat and immediate importance ; questions which publications like the
present are adapted to suggest, and which we should have liked to have
taken up in connection with the volume . before us, as we feel that at
the present hour they much demand to be revolved and discussed.
But of this for the present neither our time nor our space admit. On
one main point, however, and in reference to a recent practical discus-
sion of one branch of the subject,* we agree with a writer in one of
our best popular periodicals,^ tliat in order to its greater efliciency
there is one thing which the Christian ministry wants in our time fblly
as much as increased earnestness, viz., adaptation — general adaptation
to the prevailing intellectual, moral and social character of the times,
and adaptation in individual instances to local circumstances and
exigencies. It is an inquiry which much concerns all who are
interested in the prosperi^ and extension of real religion, how far
existing modes of training for the ministry, and of appointment or
election to it, are adapted to promote these great objects. We wish to
see such questions taken up in earnest in influential quarters. To this
end we thus emphatically invite attention to them. If with a com-
petent authority,'' we come to the conclusion that the influence of all
existing sects is nearly worn out, it surely becomes a momentous
inquiry what, for spiritual and moral influence, is to supply their
place.
In inquiries such aa^we are here indicating, a book like that before
us is of considerable value, as it discusses the intellectual, moral, and
other qualifications of a great number of clergymen of different com-
munions ; at the same time that an epitome of their ordinary ministra*
tions on some particular day is usually presented to the reader. The
sketches are generally executed with ability ; and though it is only of
a few that we can speak from personal acquaintance with the subjects
of them, respecting these few we bear our willing testimony that they
are characterized by prevailing fidelity as well as graphic power.
Then the sketches are executed in a kindly spirit, excellencies being
dwelt on rather than defects. Were it otherwise, such a publication
would be altogether unjustifiable. As many of the sketches must be
• By the Rev. J. A. James, in his * Earnest Ministry.'
^ I^ogg's Instructor, Art * Lite of Oberlin.*
• The Rev. Thomas Binney, in his opening address as Chairman of the Annual
Assembly of the Conrngatiooal Union, 1848— a weighty address, evincing wide
observation and candid oonstrucdon.
got
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1848.] Notices of Books. 383
got up firom a very imperfect acquaintance with their subjects compared
with others, it would be altogether unwarrantable to found a severe
criticism on perhaps one or two hearings. To many of the clergymen
here sketched more probably has not been afforded.
The sketches appeared originally in the Glasgow Examiner ; they
are chiefly occupied with ministers in and around Glasgow and Edin-
burgh, embracing such names as those of the late Dr. Chalmers, Dr.
Wardlaw, Dr. John Brown, Dr. Candlish, Dr. King, the late Dr.
Bennie, Mr. Guthrie, &c.
We give an extract or two : the first embraces some particulars
which may not be uninteresting to our readers — in the early history
one who for many years has occupied a conspicuous place in the public
eye : —
' Aboat the beginDing of the present centary, in a town then comparatively
small, an humble and honest coaple were gladdened by the birth of a son. Though
his appearance was not promising, nor particularly prepossessiDg, his parents—
like all parents — ^viewed aim with hope. For a time there was nothing to dis-
tinguish their son from other children, unless, indeed, a feebler person. By and
by, however, others, besides his parents, saw that a mind of superior mould iu-
habited that frail tenement, and kindly yielded their aid and encouragement to
secure for him a liberal education. Having attended the usual classical and theo-
logical curriculum, where signs of superiority were not few, he was licensed as a
probationer in the church of Scotland, and was located— about the year 16^2 — for
a time in a humble town in the west of Scotland. Oocasionally he then officiated
in Glasgow, and some saw in the young man gifts of a high order, but the mass
considered his presence weak and his speech contemptible. Among his audience,
in St Enoch's, on a Sabbath, was one of the most eminent lords of the Council and
Session. At a public occasion, on the following Monday, his lordship took occasion
to refer to the' discourse he had heard on Sabbath, and expressed his surprise that,
instead of a scantily filled church, there was not a crowded congregation, for, in
his opinion, the sermon was one of the ablest he had ever heard. From that day
forward our young preacher, who had hitherto been unnoticed and unknown, ob-
tained a name and a fame. The person thus alluded to is Dr. Robert Smith
Candlish, of Free St George's, Edinburgh.'— pp. 113, 114.
To this we subjoin the following paragraphs respecting Dr. John
Brown, whose Discourses on the First Epistle of Peter have elsewhere
been noticed in this number : —
' In these days of superficial thinking, and of a wild and unbridled imagination.
Dr. Brown stands at the top of his profession as a patient and persevering investi-
Sitor — as a calm and profound philologist— and as a correct and severe logician,
e brings from his texts not what he would wish them to teach, nor what they
might be supposed to imply, but what, from their position — what from comparison
with others — what from the terms of the original — ^and what from their general
tenor thev most naturallv and unezce^tionally contain. Like all profound
scholars, he gives the results, not the details, of his research. The polpit pedant
is astmished that the Bible is so miserably translated, and quotes as his own the
speculations of some flimsy bibliographer. He can trace the simplest word back
through half-a-dozen languages to its Hebrew, Greek, or Gaelic root ; and after
givii^ a hundred and fifty meanings, which it might, could, would, or should have
had ouring the lapse of linguistic a^es, fixes on one, because it is the right meanine.
To rebuke all this pedantry. Dr. Brown, the prince of Scripture critics, conceals
the process, and unostentatiously states the finding; he deals in ideas more than in
words, and shows his acquaintance with the principles of language and henneneutics
more than with the mere details of grammar and the business of the class-room.* —
pp. 276, 277.
* Dr. Brown was born in Whitburn, where his fhther was long pastor of the
Songry
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Songry chnreh. He was ordained in 1806» and is now in the Ibrty-fint year of
his ministry. His first charge was in Biggar, whence he was remoYed to Rose-
street church, Edinburgh, and was afterwards translated to Broaghton-street
church, where he still laoonrs with acceptance and success. About four [now five]
years ago, Mr. A. Thomson was appointed his assistant and successor, and now he
seldom preaches more than once on Sabbath. His department in the Divinity
flail is fczepeticai Theology, which he has taught during the tweWe last Sessions.
In priyate life he is amiable and communicatiTe. Being a living cyclopedia, he
pours fttMn his treasures things new and old. Thoogh nearly seventy years of age^
his eye is not dim, nor his natural strength weakened. He reads occasionallr
without spectacles, and his fresh healthful appearance gives promise that the church
may yet n>r a considerable time enjoy his services. If ardent wishes prolong life
Dr. Brown will see many days.'— p. 280.
For clergymen these sketches must possess a special interest, and to
them they may prove useful both in the way of example and stimulus.
W. M.
1. H Kacvif Aui6i|n| ec nfc IlaXcuac AcaOiicifc Kara rove "Efi^fjiPiKoyTa
Bupfiriyevoueyfi. Novum Testamentum GrrtBcum. JSdUio Helle-
nistica. Edidit Edvardub Gulisuius Grinfield. Loudini:
G. Pickering. 1843. 2 tomis, 8vo.
2. Scholia HeUenittica in Novum Te^amenium, Philone et Josepho^
Patribus Apostoiicis aliisq, JScclesue antiques Scriptonbus,
necnon Libris Apocryphis deprompta^ instruxit atque omavii
Novi Testamenti HelUnisiice Ulustrati recens editor [Edyardus
GuLiELMus Grinfield]. Londini: G. Pickering. 1848. 2
tomis, 8vo.
We bring these two works together before our readers, although the
Hellenistic edition of the ISew Testament was published before the
commencement of our Journal ; because they form, in fiict, one body
of Hellenistic interpretation. At the same time the ^ Scholia ' may
be regarded as a distinct work, which may be advantageously used
with any edition of the Greek text of the New Testament.
* The notion ' (it has been ob8er%'ed by tlie late Dr. Marsh, bishop
of Peterborough, in an unpublished letter, which we are permitted
to lay before our readers) ' that the Greek Testament was written
in pure and classic Greek, has long been exploded. It is obviously
written in the same kind of Hebrew-Greek as that which appears
in the Septuagint. There are portions, indeed, of the Greek Tes-
tament which may be quoted as exceptions, such as tlie preface to
St. Luke's Gospel and parts of St Paul's writings. But the general
style of the Greek Testament resembles that of the Septuagint, which
is written in a peculiar Greek dialect, originating in the circumstance
tliat it is a translation from the Hebrew made by the Greek Jews
of Alexandria. Such a translation would necessarily exhibit Hebrew
forms of speech, arising from a closeness of translation, the sacred
character of the work inducing the translators to adhere more closely
to the original than they would have done in the translation of an
ordinary work. But besides the influence which the Hebrew original
must have had on the Greek translation, the translators themselves,
though
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though they were born in Alexandria and spake Greek as their
native language, spake it probably with a mixture of Oriental idioms,
which their ancestors had brought from Palestine. And as the Sep-
tuagint became the Bible of the Greek Jews throughout the Roman
empire, its peculiar dialect could not &0 to affect the dialect of those
who constantly used it ; especially as the Bible was to the Jews in
general (for Pbilo and Josephus form exceptions) the principal, if not
the only book which was the object of their study. That the writers
of the Greek Testament formed their Greek on the model of the Sep-
tuagint, was a thing to be expected : and hence we may infer that the
modes of expression, in the Greek Testament, may be better illustrated
from the Septuagint than from any other source.'
The opinion thus delivered by Dr. Marsh was in effect announced
before him by Ernest! and by Michaelis ; and it is now, we believe,
generally admitted by Biblical scholars. But it was reserved for Mr.
Grinfield to demonstrate the correctness of this q>inion in the valuable
and -important Hellenistical works, of which we now offer a concise
account to our readers; and which we trust will prove a valuable
critical aid in the interpretation of the New Testament, to those who
are willing to ' dig more than for hid treasures.' (Job iii. 21.)
1. In his Hellenistical edition of the Greek Testament, Mr. Grin-
field has collated almost every word and phrase which is to be found
in the Septuagint Version ; and he has placed it under each separate
verse, so that the illustration may be instantly perceived. Where a
word or phrase does not occur in the Septuagint, he has had recourse
to the Apocryphal books of the Old Testament, which Kuinoel bad
applied to the elucidation of some passages of the New Testament in a
thin octavo volume published in 1794 ; but Mr. Grinfield's researches
have completely superseded those of the German commentator. Where
the Septuagint and the Greek Apocryphal books fiiiled to afford any
aid, Mr. Grinfield has sought assistance from the works of Philo and
Josephus. Occasionally he has inserted an Ulustration from the
writings of the Apostolic fathers, or from some of the earliest Helle-
nistic remains; these last quotations are inserted between brackets, to
show that they are comparatively of less importance, and that they are
adduced merely for the purpose of philological elucidation. A table
of the quotations from the Old Testament in the New appropriately .
terminates this elaborate edition of the New Testament.
2. The ' Scholia Hellenistica ' are derived from Philo and Josephus,
from the Apostolic Fathers, and other ancient ecclesiastical authors, as
well as from the apocryphal books of the Old and New Testament.
Very many passages are thus happily elucidated. This work concludes
with a very copious collection of quotations from the Septuagint version
in the New Testament, with the parallel passages of the Septuagint.
We cannot conclude this necessarily brief notice of these two valuable
and beautifblly executed works without stating that we have rarely
seen so much Greek printed with such accuracy as in these volumes.
We congratulate Mr. Grinfield on the termination of this arduous
undertaking, to which he has devoted the untiring and unremitting
labour
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386 Notices of Books. [Oct
labour of more than twenty years, in the hope of fiicilitating the accu-
rate understanding of the best of books. T. H. H.
The VoycLge and Shipwreck of St. Paul; with Dissertations on the
Sources of the Writings of St. Luke^ and the Ships and Naviga-
tion of tn^ Ancients, fiy Jambs Smith, Esq., of Jordan Hill,
F.R.S. London, Longmans, 1848. 8vo. pp. 307.
The resources of critical, antiquarian, and geographical learning,
may seem to have been already well nigh exhausted upon the subject
to which this volume is devoted. But its author has had very peculiar
advantages, which have certainly enabled him to throw much new light
upon the subject, and to produce a truly interesting and valuable trea-
tise. It, in hcty affords a very fine example of what may be done by
concentrating one's attention and resources upon a congenial topic of
this description. So strongly do we feel the great merits of this
work, that although at present constrained to be content with briefly
directing the attention of our readers to it, as among the best things
the year has produced, we hope to discuss its cont^its more thoroughly
at no distant day.
The plan of the writer b not to assume the authenticity of the
narrative of the voyage and shipwreck contained in the Acts of the
Apostles, but to scrutinize St. Luke's account of the voyage precisely
as he would those of BaflSn or M iddleton, or of any ancient voyage of
doubtful authority, or involving points on which controversies have
been raised. A searching comparison of the narrative, with the
localities where the events so circumstantially related are said to have
taken place, with the aids of which recent advances in our knowledge
of the geography and navigation of the eastern part of the Mediter-
ranean supply, IB made to account for every transaction, to clear up
every difficulty, and to exhibit an arrangement so perfect in all its
parts, as to admit but of one explanation — ^namely, that it is a narrative
of real events, written by one personally engaged in them, and that
the tradition respecting the locality of the shipwreck at St. Paul's Bay,
Malta, is true.
Among the many volumes which have been written on the subject,
no such comparison as this has before been made, and, indeed, could
not be made with success in the hitherto imperfect state of our know-
ledge of the geog^phy of the Levant, and of the ships and seamanship
of the ancients. For^ill purposes of minute comparison, our acquaint*
ance with either of these subjects was, as the author sh'ows, worse than
useless, and only calculated to mislead. The peculiar advantages which
have enabled Mr. Smith to accomplish this task with such signal success,
are modestly stated by himself. A winter's residence in Malta afforded
him ample (Opportunities for a personal examination of the localities.
In the ships of war stationed there, he could consult with skilfui and
scientific seamen, familiar with the navigation of the Levant ; in the
Knights' library he had access to an extensive collection of works,
printed and manuscript, on the controversy as to the scene of the
shipwreck.
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shipwreck, on the hydrognphy of the Mediterranean, and on local and
classical antiquities. The following summer he spent on the continent,
and devoted his time almost exclusively to the investigation, with the
advantages which the museums and libraries of Naples, Florence,
Lausanne, and Paris afibrded. Since his return, he has continued it
with the advant^ies our own country possesses, particularly in the
libraries and medal rooms of the British Museum and the records of
the Admiralty, and with a private library rich in early sea voyases,
formed in a great measure for the purpose of illustrating geographical
and nautical antiquities, and with the means of testing experimentally
the soundness of his conjectures respecting the internal arrangements
of ancient ships. An attempt to identify the locality of a shipwreck
which occurred eighteen centuries ago would be of little value, unless
the geological changes to which sea -coasts are liable could be taken
into account ; and this happens to have been a department of geology
which the author has been engaged many years in investigating.
Again, it would be hardly possible to reconstruct the history of a
sea-voyage out of such scattered and fragmentary notices as we find in
the narrative of St. Luke, without some practical knowledge of navi-
gation and seamanship. The author achnits that his knowledge of
these subjects is only that of an amateur ; ' yet a yacht sailor of more
than thirty years* standing can scarcely fail to have acquired some
skill in those principles of nautical science which are common to all
times, although he may not always express them in the appropriate
l&nguage of the quarter-deck. But even nautical skill will not tell us
how Greek and Roman vessels, so different from the modern in rigging
and construction, could be managed under given circumstances. And
here, also, former pursuits came to the aid of the author. Nautical
antiquities have long been a favourite study with him, and not a little
practical experience in planning, building, and altering vessels, had
given him definite notions both of external form and internal capa-
bilities ; whilst the opportunity of testing his conclusions by experi-
ment, and the success of those he has made, gives him confidence in
their accuracy.'
To this we may add, on our own part, that all these advantages are
applied to the subject with quite as much classical leaniing and Biblical
scholarship as it requires. In fsict, the author, with the view of being
better able to go into the spirit of Luke's narrative, entered into minute
preliminary investigations respecting the characteristics of his style,
which led him into some peculiar views respecting the sources of
Luke's writings, the results of which he gives to the public in this
volume. This will be read with much interest ; and though we cannot
assent to aU the conclusions, we bear witness to the labour, learning,
and ingenuity with which they are elaborated. But we may return
to this subject another time. There are things here worthy of
Paley.
The work is profusely illustrated with plans, cuts, and engravings
of much use and value. The plans are from recent surveys, the cuts
from ancient coins, e:c., and the engravings from original drawings,
representing
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388 Notices of Books. [Oct
representing the scenes of the events. The frontispiece is a very
curious and interesting picture of the situation of the ship on the
fifteenth morning.
The Way of Faith ; or the Abridged Bible : containing seleciions from
all the Books of Holy Writ. By Dr. M. Budingbb. Translated
from the fifth German edition by David Aflher. Specially sanc-
tioned by the Rev. Dr. Adler, Chief Rabbi of the United Con-
gregations of the British Empire. Intended for the use of Jewish
Schools and Families. London, Royster, 1848 ; 8vo., pp. 374.
This is a somewhat singular book, comprising a selection of Scrip-
ture originally produced in German, and now reproduced by a foreigner
in the English language. Yet it is not altogether a translation of a
translation. The editor seems rather to have adopted Dr. Bddinger's
arrangement, but to have taken the matter substantially from the
Authorized Version, with occasional alterations from the original
Hebrew. The author states that the selection was made chiefly for
the use of Jewish females, to whom the sacred volumes had been sealed
up as it were, especially to the youthful portion of them. ' This is
owing partly to the difficulty of making them understand the original
language of the text, and partly to other circumstances which cannot
here be detailed.' The present editor says that whatever is here
stated respecting the want of such a work ' among his German co-
religionists, applies with much g^reater force among my English
brethren in the faith, who as yet have no version of their own of the
sacred Scriptures to place in the hands of their children.' From this
we learn, that although the German Jews had a version of their own.
Dr. Bddinger did not judge it fit that females and young people should
have the use of it entire ; and that the English Jews having no version
of their own is held to be a still stronger reason for presenting them
with this selection. This implies that there is a repugnance to the use
of our authorized English version — ^perhaps not so much from intrinsic
objections as from the difficulty of obtaining it separate from the New,
and still more probably from the objections which Jews may naturally
entertain to the running heads and contents of chapters in most if
not all the editions. Of that version the present editor says, speak-
ing chiefly of the historical books, * It appeared to me, and indeed
must be admitted by all who are conversant with the Hebrew language
and its spirit, that the authorized English version, though even here*
scrupulously literal, has sometimes mistaken the sense of the text, or
from that very close adherence to it, left it unintelligible.' There is
considerable truth in this. He thinks that thb is still more frequently
the case in the non -historical books, where, on that account, he mainly
follows his author, as in the hbtorical books he is mainly guided by the
common version.
The book is chiefly interesting to Christians for its illustration of
Jewish views. Although this is ostensibly only * a class book, com-
prising select portions from the Scriptures, and pointing out to the
young the beauties and holiness of the Book of books,' it must, both
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in its original shape and that which it here bears, be regarded as in-
dicating an aversion on the part of the Jewish scholars to the free use
of the entire Bible by the great body of this people. As the book
stands, the selection is, for a class-book, judicious. There are two
things in it to excite curiosity^ namely, the priuciple of selection, and
the renderings different from the Authorized Version. .As to the
selection, the basis of it is historical, little but the historical portions of
the books of Moses being given, and only specimens of the Prophets and
the Hagiographa, and also of the Apocryphal books. Of some books no
specimens are given, as of Solomon's Song and Chronicles. All the
passages regarded by Christians as applying to Jesus Christ are omitted
— scarcely an undesigned circumstance. In the historical narratives
there are many omissions, partly for the sake of condensation, partly to
avoid the description of unseemly crime, or of doubtful conduct, and
sometimes the matter is condensed. But this is not always so done as
to preserve the relation of cause and effect. In avoiding the literal-
ness which is objected to in the Authorized Version, and of which one
would think that Jews would be the last to complain, a very tame effect
is often produced. Thus ^ Cursed be the man that trusteth in man,
that relieth on human power,' is a glo&s, not a translation, and is to our
ears less poetically emphatic and striking than the literal Authorized
Version — ^ Cursed be the man that trusteth in man, and maketh flesh •
his arm.' Upon the whole, the version, from the abundant omissions
and from the mode of handling, is of little use for the purposes of com-
parison, which would constitute its chief value to a Christian reader ;
and regarding the work, as we do — as an offering by educated to
uneducated Jews, of so much of the Old Testament as they like them,
to possess in place of the entire volume, we fear that it may prove to
the great body of the Jews more of a lock than a key to the full know-
ledge of their own Scriptures. This character, as an intended if not an
ostensible substitute for the whole volume, will disappear, and the book
will take its proper place as a class-book, when the English Jews shall
be provided with a version of the entire Old Testament for themselves ;
but while that is wanting, and exceptions to a Christian version
are made a ground for limiting its use, the present work cannot be
regarded without some misgivings. We wish that this or any other
consideration we could offer, might induce the Revds. D. A. De Sola,
Lndenthal and Baphall to resume their labours on the Old Testament.
They published some time ago a very acceptable version of Genesis,
with the text and a large body of curious and interesting notes. This
attempt, so highly creditable to Jewish literature, does not appear to
have been received with all the favour it deserved — owing, perhaps, to
the expensive form of publication ; but, should the undertaking be
ever resumed and brought to a close, the version printed separately
from the text and notes, would be suited for circulation among the
Jews, while the fuller work would be of use and interest both to Jewish
and Christian students.
There are a few explanatory and practical notes ; the latter somewhat
frigid to the Christian reader.
VOL. II. — NO. IV. 2d The
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390 Notices of Books. [Oct.
The Psalms in Hebrew; with a Critical, Exegetical, and Philo-
logical Commentary. By the Rev. Gxoroe Philips, B.D.
London, John W. Parker, 1846. 2 vols. 8vo., pp. Izzii., ^2*
'We have had this work some time before us, hoping to be able to make
it the basis of a somewhat discursive survey of British and Foreign
Psalm-literature. Being constrained to postpone this design to 'a
more convenient season,' we deem it right to direct the attention of our
readers meanwhile to this particular work, which must be pronounced
not merely the principal, but the only critical Commentary on the
Psalms which the English language can furnish. This is a surprising
circumstance, considering the number of such works the Continent has
produced, and considering the great prominence given in this country
to that most important and invaluable portion of Grod's word. We
have many new versions of the Psalms, with notes so fiir critical as to
be justificatory of particular points of these versions ; we have also
practical commentaries thereon of no common merit and value ; but we
have hitherto wanted a Conmientary on the whole book of Psalms, ex-
plaining in detail the terms and construction of the Hebrew text, and
so eliciting for the edification of the English reader, the theology which
the text contains. Sensible of this want, the present author was induced
some years ago to undertake the Conmientary which he here presents
' to the reader. He also felt that the student of Hebrew in this country
stood especially in need of such assistance as a work on this plan is cal-
culated to afford. He says —
' I have been greatly stimiilated by a confident hope that it will prove beneficial
to those young persons who are ensaged in the acquisition of Hebrew learning ;
that it will lighten their hibours ; that they will find in it mnch useful and in-
teresdng matter, and that thus it may be the means of leading them to the reflo-
lution of continuing the studjr they have commenced, and of giving the subject the
earnest attention its immense importance demands.'
Here, again, we come upon the known disposition of the English
student to drop the study of Hebrew after he has reached a certain
point, for the want of proper aid in going on by himself when he has
done with the Hebrew teacher. One work, eminently calculated to
encourage him to go on, was noticed in our last Number (Bagster's
Analytical Hdnrew Lexicon)^ and the present is another of a different
kind. In the promotion of this object the original text of the Psalms
is supplied, and of the first ten Psalms a grammatical analysis of almost
every word is given ; the Commentary itself being, besides, interspersed
with many observations which the student will find serviceable in the
early stages of his progress. The present work is therefore important
not only as a critical commentary, but as an aid to the student of the
sacred tongue.
The au^or introduces such doctrinal and practical remarks as were
naturally suggested by the criticisms; but he has not indulged in
practical remarks of any other kind, thinking that an Exposition which
is critical should not be mixed up with what is general and practical.
In the desire to render his work useful even to those who possess little
or no acquaintance with the Hebrew language, the author has given,
immediately
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immediately after the text of the Psalms, an outline of what appeared
to him. to be the argument pursued by the Psalmist, and states in a few
words the character of the poem, as well as its age, author, and subject,
so far as they could be ascertained. Keeping the same end in view, he
gives for the most part, after the criticisms made upon the different
verses, the paraphrases and explanations to which the criticisms lead ;
and these will be mainly intelligible to the general reader.
In proceeding with this g^eat work — for such it is — the author
wisely availed himself of such helps as he could command. It does
not clearly appear whether he could or not avail himself of the import-
ant helps existing in the German language. We think not ; because
we do not recognise in his references the names of German writers on
the Psalms (unless they have written in Latin, or have been translated),
by whose profound philological investigations his own labours woukd
have been much aided ; and because he indulges in those reflections
upon German writers which we always find the readiest among those
who know the least of German literature — ^and by which, in a few
rounded words of abhorrence or fear, they find or offer an excuse for
their indolence in neglecting to acquire a language, rich beyond all
comparison or expression in Biblical criticism and exegesis. Mr*
Philips, however, makes a free use of the Jewish commentators, who
now, even in England, begin to be better understood and valued than
they once were. He says, most justly, —
< If ir« regard them simoly as works of erificism, there is no doobt that they
are in a high degree valuable. Their aothon were men of distinguished ability,
and eminently skilled in Hebrew learning ; so that passages whore no Judaism
was called forth to prejudice their understanding, uey often deal with it in a
masterly manner. I ftreouently found, when engaged m the consideration of a
passage, which, from its elliptical character or sin^lar construction was beset with
difficulties, that the best solution was to be met with in these works.'
The author also derives much assistance in his progress from the
cognate dialects. Whenever a word occurs but once or very rarely in
the Old Testament, there is scarcely any other mode to determine its
signification, but to consult some one of these dialects, and notice the
sense which it there obtains, and then to ascertain whether such sense
is consistent with the passage in which it is found. Aware of this, Mr.
Philips gives good proof that in his progress through this work he has
consulted with great benefit the various grammars, lexicons, and con-
cordances which the press of Germany, and also of England lias, during
the last few years, sent forth.
The entire result, as exhibited in this learned and important work
before us, is one which we hail with much satisfaction. The volumes
are indispensable to every Hebrew student, and there is no Biblical
library which will not be enriched by their poesession.
Parallel References, By Samuei. H. Turner, D.D. New York,
Stanford and Swords, 1848. 8vo. pp. 80.
This collection of references was originally undertaken by the author '
—the learned Professor of Biblical Learning in the General Theological
2 D 2 Seminary
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392 Notices of Books. [Oct
Seminary of the Protestant Episcopal Church (U.S.) — for the use of
the theological students under his care. His object was to avoid the
inconvenience and loss of time attendant upon dictation in the lecture-
room, and also to obtain greater completeness than can usually be
attained by taking notes. Soon, however, after the undertaking was
begun, it occurred to him that such a publication, if properly prepared,
might be made more extensively useful in aiding the efforts of teachers
in Sunday schools and Bible classes, and even of Christians in general,
who in compliance with their Lord's direction, and in imitation of the
* Qoble Bereans, search the Scriptures daily.' He therefore endeavoured
to combine these objects, by referring occasionally to the originals for
further information to the scholar ; and by frequently giving in English
the word or phrase intended to be illustrated by the immediately suc-
ceeding texts. The author assures hb readers he has not employed
himself in copying long series of references out of some of the various
Bibles, the margins of which are plentifully at least, if not well, stored
with them. By such a course the collection might easily have been
swelled into a considerable volume ; but care has been taken not to
multiply unnecessaiy references, or to introduce them where the text
itself is simple and intelligible.
We can testify that this task — one of greater labour than some may
imagine — ^has been well and judiciously executed, and that a very choice
and singularly appropriate selection of references has been produced ;
and as the book can be easily obtained through the booksellers who deal
in American publications, we recommend it to the notice of our readers,
to many of whom it may prove of much service. We give as a speci-
men the references under —
Matt. xvL 4— xii. 39, 40.
„ f, 6— Markviii. 15.
„ „ 14 — Jeremias; 2 Maca iL 7, 8; xv. 12-16.
„ „ 17— Gal. L 16.
„ „ IS^If Christ be meant, Isa. xxviiL 16; if the confession, I Cor. iii.
10, 11 ; if Peter, Acts ii. 14-41 ; x. ; xv. 7. Bat see Eph. ii. 20;
Isa. xxxiii. 10 ; Ps. ix. 13.
„ „ 19— Isa. xxii. 22 ; Ber. iii. 7 ; Matt xviii. 18 ; John xx. 21-23.
„ „ 22—2 SanL 20, Sept. and Heb.
„ „ 23— Satan, meaning adversary ; 1 Sam. xxix. 4 ; 2 Sam. xix. 23 (E. T.,
22); H.
„ „ 27, 28— To illnstrate the oonnection. Matt. xxiv. ; Dan. xii. 1-3.
The Four Gospels and Acts of the Apostles in Greek. With English
Notesy Critical^ Philological^ and Exegetical; Maps, Indexes, etc.
Together with the Epistles and the Apocalypse. The whole forming
the complete Text of the New Testament. For the Use of Schools^
Colleges, and Theological Seminaries. By the Bev. J. A. Sfen-
CBB, A.M. New York, Harper and Brothers, 1847.
This volume is an attempt to supply a want which has long been
seriously felt, and which, considering the nature and importance of the
subject, it may appear surprising has not before been supplied. There
is no lack of editions of the New Testament prepared for theologians
and
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1848.] Notices of Books. 393
and students of divinity. There i^i, in fact, no topic connected with
either the history, the literature, the interpretation, the illustration of
the New Testament, which has not received the most careful study
and the most thorough examination; so that there is an immense
amount of valuable material within reach of the scholar, for arriving
at the knowledge of the truth and meaning of God's holy word. The
very abundance of material, however, has interfered with, and in a
great measure prevented, the general use of the Greek Testament in
the higher literary institutions of the United States.
' This very fact of the numerous critical editions with notes, oopioasly illns*
trating the language and hermeneuUcs of the New Testament, has effectually
deterred the general scholar and professional man from entering into the study of
that volume which exceeds in importance and value all other books in existence.
Both on the score of expense, and the discussion of topics not essential or im-
portant for all to be acquainted with, the English and continental critical editions
and notes are unsuited to the wants of a large portion of the oommuni^, more
especially of the younger part of those who are engaged in the pursuit of learning
and wisdom.
' Doubtless, this ought not so to be. There ought to be placed within the reach
of the general student such and so much matter relating to the Gospel of oar Lord
Jesus Christ, as will enable them to become acquainted with the principles on which
tiie New Testament is interpreted, the nature and character of the languaae in
which it is composed, the difference between it and the Greek language of Xeno-
phon's or Demosthenes' da^^s, the meaning of the more important passages, as well
as the geography, antiquities, history, manners, and customs of the countries and
people of whom it more particularly treats.*
It was this conviction that the study of the Greek Testament should
form a part of general classical education, and the perception that
there existed among the English or continental issues no edition suited
to be used as the instrument of such instruction, that the editor was
induced to devote his spare time to the present undertaking. The
volume he has produced is, upon the whole, well suited to supply the
want he has indicated. It comprises the text of the whole New Tes-
tament, but the historical books alone exhibit annotations ; and it is
intended, in a future volume, to furnish the epistles and the apocalypse
with a similar apparatus. The text is printed compactly, but with
admirable clearness and correctness. In the notes nothing more is to
be souffht than a judicious selection and condensation from ample
materials, for the purpose in view. This, however, must have been a
more arduous and delicate task than many might suppose ; and we are
happy to be able to commend the discretion and skill with which it
has been accomplished. The book cannot fidl to be useful.
Popery Delineaiedy in a Brief Examination and CorUutaiion of the
Urucriptural and Antiscripiural Doctrines and Practices main'
tained and inculcated by Uie Modem Church of Rome^ in the ten-
rescinded Decrees of the Councils and Canon Law, and in her
Authorized and acknowledged Pormtdaries of Faith and Worship.
London, Painter, 1848. 16mo. pp. 216.
This small volume is a reprint, by particular request, of an article
which appeared in the Church of England Quarterly Review for
January,
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394 Notices of Book*, [Oct
January, 1848. These pages, in which many readers will be able to
recognise the pen of a well known and highJy respected writer, con-
tains a very masterly exposd of the Roman Catholic practice and
opinion upon those points in which the Protestant churches hold her to
be in error. It is, as stated by the present author, the practice — and
that an old one— of the Romanists to assert that their religion has been
misrepresented and traduced by the reformers in the sixteenth century,
and by subsequent controversialists ; and they have also been in the habit
of explaining away the peculiarities of their system, and have some-
times had recourse to a bold denial of its unscriptural or antiscriptural
tenets. As unWary or ill- informed Protestants are thus often misled or
seduced, our author, with great industry and skill, brings together in
comparatively small ^)ace, a large body of closely-packed evidence,
from their own books and from modern &ct8, in confirmation of the
Protestant charges against the Roman Church. This evidence cannot
be gainsaid ; and the production of it, at this time, in a compact and
accessible shape, will not be reckoned among the least of the eminent
services which the distinguished author has in his time rendered to the
cause of Scriptural truth.
Coptic and Arabic Edition of the Four Gospels, London. Printed at
the expense of the Christian Knowledge Society. 1847. Large 4to.
One of the objects originally contemplated, at the institution of this
Society one hundred and fifly years since, was the assisting of the
decayed Oriental churches, without interfering with their Christian
liberty. In pursuance of this design, the Society has sent five hundred
copies to the Coptic patriarch, printed in a large and legible type well
fitted to the sight of the Copts, which is none of the best from their
frequent liability to attacks of ophthalmia. The Coptic and Arabic
texts, it appears, from No. 103 of the Christian Knowledge Society's
Monthly Papers, were collated by the Rev. J. R. T. Lieder, of the
Church Missionary Society, Cairo. The printing, in this country, has
been superintended by distinguished Oriental scholars ; for the Coptic,
more particularly, by the Rev. Dr. Tattam, of Bedford, editor of the
edition of the twelve prophetical books of the Old Testament in the
Coptic Language, published at Oxford in 1836, and author of the
valuable grammar of the Coptic and Sahidic dialects of the Egyptian
Language, publbhed at London in 1830, and of the Lexicon Aegyptiaco-
Latinum, published at Oxford in 1835 ; and, for the ArabiCy by the
Rev. William Cureton, M.A., of the Manuscript Department in the
British Museum. We need scarcely add that this noble present to the
Coptic church has been most g^tefully received and acknowledged by
the Coptic patriarch. The remaining books of the New Testament
are in the press. T. H. H.
Edition of the Septuagint Version of the Old Testament, Vols. 1, 2.
Athens. Printed at the expense of the Christian Knowledge So-
ciety. 8vo.
This edition also originated in the benevolent Christian design an-
nounced in the preceding paragraph. So long ago as 1705 the l^iety
is
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is said to have printed in 18mo. five thousand copies of the Romaic or
modern Greek New Testament, for the Greek churches in the East ;
copies of which are rare in this country, nearly the whole of the im*
pression having been sent into Turkey. This edition was reprinted from
one printed at London in 1703 under the superintendence of Seraphin,
a monk of Mitylene, but without his preface to that edition, which had
given great offence to the Greek bishops. The edition of the Septua*
gint version will form three or four handsome volumes in Svo. It is
intended for distribution among the clergy of the Greek church in the
independent kingdom of Greece, who regard that version as inspired.
It is handsomely printed at Athens, principallv under the superinten-
dence of the learned Dr. Bambas, Professor of Rhetoric and of Ethics
in the University of Athens, and with the express sanction of the arch-
bishop of that city and diocese. Two volumes have been completed at
the expense of the Christian Knowledge Society : when bound at Athens,
each volume will have on one side the device of the Synod of the
Greek church in Greece, and on the other side that of the London
Society for Promoting Christian £[nowledge. T. H. H.
Ko Nga WaiaJta a Hatviri, hataht hi te JReo Maori. Ranana
Ma te Peritihi me te Poreni Paipera hohaieti. f 'l^ Booh of Psalms
translated into the Maori (or N^ew Zealand) Language. London :
Printed for the British and Foreign Bible Society.] 1848. 12mo.
We have much gratification in announcing this beautifully printed
edition of the Book of Psalms in the New Zealand language, because
it exhibits the Christian co-operation of two Societies in promoting
the translation and diffusion of the Holy Scriptures ; which we (and
probably many of our readers also) are old enough to remember as
having been represented by some over zealous individuals as antago-
nistic—we mean the London Society for Promoting Christian Know-
ledge, instituted in 1699, and the British and Foreign Bible Society,
instituted in 1805. We have the pleasure of knowing from private
information on which we can depend, that these two Societies have for
some years past been amicably prosecuting their several objects of
Christian benevolence.
This version of the Book of Psalms has been made directly from the
Hebrew by the missionaries of the Church Missionary Society in New
Zealand, for their translation of the Book of Common Prayer in the
New Zealand language ; which has been printed in this country at the
expense of the Christian Knowledge Society. The Wesleyan mission-
aries in that island, being engaged in revising their translation of the
Old Testament, were desirous of including this version of the Psalms
in their edition, to avoid the appearance of two rival translations. On
the application of their Missionary Committee in London, the Com-
mittee of the British and Foreign Bible Society requested the permis-
sion of the Foreign Translation Committee of the Christian Knowledge
Society to reprint this version of the Book of Psalms. . Permission
(we have been informed) was instantly and kindly given ; and hence
has proceeded the present edition of the New Z^land Psalms ; in
which
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396 Biblical InieUigenee. [Oct
which the ^eiw words, necesearily supplied to complete the sense, have
been printed in Italics, as in the editions of the authorized English
translation of the Bible. We subjoin the hundred and seventeenth
Psalm, as a brief specimen of the New Zealand version and language :
* Wbakamoemiiida a Ihowa, e Dga taoiiri katoa: whakamoemititia in, e nga
iwikatoA.
* 2. E uni ana hoki mahi toha ki a tatoa : a e man ana te pono o Ibowa ake ake.
Whakamoemititia a Ihowa.' T. H. H.
BIBLICAL INTELLIGENCE.
We he^ to call attention to an exceedingly important work on the Hebrew and
Rabbinical Manoscripta belonging to the Historical and Antiquarian Society at
Odessa, which has been pablished by Dr. Pinner. {PronpedviB der Odeuaer
GetelUchaft fir Geschickte und AlUrthumer aMrenden Sltuten hebrSitchen und
rabbinischen Manuacripte, Ein Beitrag xur hihlischen Exegete, von Dr. Pinner.
Odessa, 1845. 4to.] The chief interest of this work centres in the accoont there
rendered (p. 18-28) of the oldest Hebrew MS. which has ever been discovered. ^ It
contains the greater and lesser Prophets, with the Masora. An apparently gennine
inscription fixes its date at the year 1228 of the Syro-liacedonian era, which is
equivalent to a.d. 916. This venerable MS. presents a text which differs in many
respects from onr ordinary one, and fixmishes some important various readings, of
which Dr. Pinner has given a very mioate statement. But, to crown all, this MS.
is pointed with vowel-points and accents which are totally different from those
already known to ns, both in form and in position, for they are all placed edxwe
the consonants. A lithographed &o-simile of the whole text of the prophet Ha-
bakkuk accompanies the work, and thns enables the reader to form his own opinion
of the many novelties which this MS. displays. It originally belonged to Persian
and Tartar Jews. It is not easy to dirine how much light the discovery of this
very ancient MS. may throw on the whole history of the punctuation, and of the
Masora. Those who are interested in this subject may be glad to learn that a cor-
respondence (in modem Hebrew) between the celebrated Rabbi Samuel Luzzatto,
of Padua, and Polak, which treats of this very mode of pnnctnation, and illustrates
its nature by a fiic-dmile of a passage from a Karaite Hebrew MS., is to be found,
at p. 22-32, in Oostersche WandeUngeUj hevattende Gedichten en Brirfwistelingen
met aeleerde Vrienden, onUrent beUuuijke archaslogitche Onderwerfen, door G. J.
Polak. Amsterdam, 1846. 8vo.
We have seen the first two Numbers of the American publication mentioned in
our last Number — Tlie Church Review and Ecclesiastical Register. An editorial
notice in No. 2 intimates that * the circulation exceeds the most sanguine expect-
ations, extending to every diocese in the United States, except one, and also to
England and her North American colonies, and \s sufficient to render its permanent
establishment scarcely a matter of doubt' The publication b thoroughly epis-
copal ; and its success is probably owing to the fact that it is the only Quarterly
organ of the American Episcopal Church. In the United States all the leading
denominations have had for a long time their quarterlies ; and it is a matter of
surprise that a body so powerftil and so rapidly increasing as the Episcopalians in
America have not before secured the same advantage. They have done so at last ;
and the publication seems likely to equal the best of its contemporaries (we will
not say * rivals ') : and this is no mean praise, for some of tEem are conducted with
eminent ability. The notice above-cited declares that it is not the intention of the
work to wage religious controversy, and that it will * never stoop to petty bickering
with any party, sect, or school whatever.' It is well if this determination is main-
tained. The publication is substantially a Review, as its title imports, and under
the
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the head of < Eodeslasdcal Register ' there is a kind of Appendix in smaller type,
relating chiefly, bat notezclosiTely, to matters concerning the Episcopal chnrch, and
in which the Church of England receives a large share of attention.
We perceive fW>m the July Number of the American Biblical Repository that it
has once more changed hands — ^beinff, we think, the seventh change since its found-
ation in 1831. The Rev. W. H. Biowell, who has conducted it for the last three
years, now resigns it into the hands of the Rev. J. M. Sherwood, alleging that ' a
prudent regard to health renders it imperative to abrid^ his labours as the con-
ductor of two other Journals.' The present editor promises to conduct the publica-
tion on the same principles as his predecessors, and 'hopes and means to sustain
its present high character. ... It can be, and on^t to be made, every way worthy
of its past reputation and the name it bears.' This work, which has occupied a
high and useful place in Biblical literature, was stsrted by Professor Robinson in
1831, and remained under his management four years, when he resigned it into
other hands, finding that it exacted a degree of time and labour for which it
afforded no adequate remuneration ' beyond the consciousness that he had not
laboured in vun.^ It then mssed into the hands of the Rev. B. B. Edwards ; and
it is a sinffular fhet that wnen, after his return from Palestine in 1840, Professor
Robinson founded a similar Journal, the Bibliotheca Sacra, and resigned it in like
manner after a short time, the same person ^then Professor Edwards) became his
successor in the management of that publication. The Repoaitory remained under
Mr. Edwards's care till 1838, when it came into the editorship of Dr. Ab-
salom Peters, with whom in 1840 the Rev. Selah B. Treat became associated
in the editorship, but was succeeded in 1842 by the Rev. J. Holmes Agnew, who
became sole editor in 1843, and retained the management till 1846, when he gave
it up to the Rev. W. H. Bidwell, who now in torn resigns it to the Rev. J. M. Sher-
wood. We are not in the secret of all these changes, and should not divulge it if
we were; but they seem not of good omen for the Repository , which in the course
of them has lost much of its distinctively Biblical character, and has indeed
assumed a second titie of Classical Review,' There is still seldom a Number of
this publication which does not contain articles of great ability, although it is
^nerally felt that, as a whole, it has iallen considerably below the standing which
It took under Robinson and maintained under Edwards.
The last Number of the Zeitxhrijl der Deultchen nwrgeidandischen Gesellsehqft
contains a letter from the Rev. Eli Smith, the American Missionary at Beirut, in
which he states — ' You will be interested to learn that we have a litUe Society of
Arts and Sciences at Beirut It was formed a year ago, and has now reached a'
position which seems to promise it permanency. It was formed in consequence of
the urgent solicitations of intelligent natives, chiefly young men, desirous of know-
ledge. We readily promised what assistance we could render, and the result has
more than answered our expectations. We meet semi-monthly, when literary
information is communicated, pi^rs are read, and questions discussed. We have
also occasionally public lectures. Our expectation is to publish before long the
first Number of our TVansactions, when 1 will send you a copy. In the mean time
allow me to inclose you a MS. copy of the Constitution, and the Report made at tiie
annual meeting on the state of tiie librar^r. I am inclined also to send you some of
the papers that are presented at our meetings from time to time. I trust your large
and learned body will not consider this little child of science, in this now dark but
once enlightened land, unworthy of its notice and sympathy. Should any of your
Oriental scholars or publishers be inclined to make contributions to our library of
such works as are published among you, they would confer on our littie Society a
great fiivour.'
It will be seen by the List at the end of ibis Number that Continental publica-
tions in theology— and, we may add, in all high literature — are now very scanty.
Politics absorb all other interests, and the German and French presses teem with
political pamphlets. Even many of the theological journals have caught the infec-
tion, and their pages are occupied in the discussion of questions more or less
political.
We have seen with much satisfaction a * Prospectus of a Critical Edition of the
Greek New Testament, witii an Historical Sketch of tiie Printed Text,' by Mr. S.
Prideaux
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398 B%bli4xil hdeUigmoe. [Oct
Prideaaz Tregelles of Pljmoath. Thu work has been in pmantion for many
yean, and the Prospectus givee an interesting aoconnt of the learned editor's
labours, and enables the reader to trace how the plan has grown upon him during
his progress. He now proposes, 1. To give the text on the anthonty of the oldest
MS& and versions, so as to present, as far as posnble, the text commonly received
in the fourth centnir ; — always stating what authorities support, and what oppose
the text given. 2. In cases m which we have certain proqfa which carry us still
nearer to the apostolic age, to use the data so afforded. 3. In cases in which the
oldest documents agree in certain undoubted transcriptural error, to state the read-
ing supported, but not to follow it; and to give the grounds on which another
reading is preferred. 4. In matters altogether doubtful to state distinctly the conr
Jlicting evidence, and thus to approximate towards a true text 5. To give the
various readings of all the uncial MSS. and ancient versions very correctly, so that
it ma^ be clearly seen what readiu|;s possess any ancient authority. To these the
more miportaut dtations of the earliest writers will be added. The places are also
to be indicated in which the received text departs from the ancieot readings. Mr.
Tregelles states that this work has been ten years in progress, and that in the course
of the labours connected with it he has traversed the continent for die collection of
MSS. He cannot say when his work will be completed, but he trusts that through
the Lord's blessing the time may not be very distant when his long continued toil
will produce the desired result. The great importance of this undertaking will be
obvious to biblical students even from this concise statement
The Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge has in progress a
Spanish Version from the Hebrew. The Committee of the British and Foreign
Bible Society has lent for the purpose of collation a copy of the Amsterdam (1702)
edition of Cyprian de Valera's Spanish Protestant Version, which is rarer than gold.
The committee have also made a contract with a French printer at Paris for
printing a new French translation of the Scriptures from the original text
It has long been felt and acknowledged as a desideratum b^ all those who take
interest in the dissemination of Divine truth in all its purity m the regions of the
East, that there should be a complete and uniform version of the Scriptures into
Arabic from the original Hebrew and Greek texts. The great difficulty was to
obtain the assistance of a competent native scholar, it being felt that without such
co-operation the work could not be satisfiustorily undertaken. The Society for
Promoting Christian ICnowledge, which has taken up this object had made an ex-
cellent beginning by obtaining from Earl Grey two years leave of absence for Mr.
Fares, wi^out prejudice to his appointment as Professor of Arabic in the Govern-
ment College at Malta. The work is, it would appear, to be under tiie super-
iotendenoe of Dr. S. Lee, with the co-operation of other learned and experienced
Oriental scholars. We feel uncommon pleasure in this announcement; for we
certainly do not know of any Oriental version of the Scriptures which has ever
been executed with the same advantages which the very peculiar qualifications of
Mr. Fares will give to this.
The Rev. Moses Stuart, Professor of Sacred Literature in the Theolc^cal
Seminary of Andover, has resigned on account of ill-health, and the Bev. B. B.
Edwards has been elected to the office made vacant by his resignation. — Ameruxm
Literary World. This probably led to the report of Professor Stuart's decease
which reached this country, but which is contradicted by our latest letters from
America.
The last Number of the American Bibliotheea Sacra contains a paper from the
pen of Professor Robinson respecting the Depression of the Dead Sea and of the
Valley of the Jordan, drawn up in April, 1847, and read before the New York
Historical Society. The result of the survey made by Lieutenant Symonds of the
Royal Enffineers, gives 1311*9 feet for the depression of the Dead Sea, and 328 feet
for that of tiie Lake of Tiberias below the sea level of the Mediterranean. Seeing
that the distance between the two lakes does not exceed one degree, this would give
to the river Jordan, which passes from the one to the other, a descent of 16*4 feet
per mile. Of several rapid rivers whose course is stated, the lower part of the
Orontes, ' roaring over its rocky bed,' and unnavigable, and the Missouri at the
Great
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Great Falls, are the only ones whoM rapidity of descent can eompare with this.
But the Jordan, so far as Icnown, has neither cataracts nor rapids, and its flow,
thoagh swift, is silent Yet in the 984 feet of its descent in 60 geographical miles,
diere is room for three cataracts, each equal in height to Niagara ; and Siere would still
be left to the river an average fall equal to the swiftest portion of the Rhine, including
the cataract of Schaffhansen ! This is a most remarkable phenomenon, and ought
ere this to have been investigated by the geographers of Europe. In the absence of
all further observations, and in view of the striking anomaly thus presented by the
Jordan as respects all other like rapid streams, Dr. Robinson sugoests whether,
after all, there may not be a possibility that some slight element of defect or in-
accuracy has entered into the observations or calculations, and thus have affected
the correctness of the result? The question would seem to be a fair one between
the possibili^ of some such error on the one side, and the probability of so immense
a contrast with all similkr ph^ical phenomena, as far as known, on the other.
Hius seeing ground for sugg^tinff a doubt whether the problem of the depression
of the Dead Sea and^the Jordan valley is yet fully solved, we are glad to learn
that Dr. Robinson pointed out this amon^^ other matters, to the special attention of
Lieutenants L^ch and Dale of the United States Navy, after these officers had
received permission from their government to make an excursion to the Dead Sea,
in order to examine its remarkable phenomena, as well as to survey its shores, and
the whole valley of the Jordan. That this excursion has been tak^ we know, but
no results bearing on the points in question have yet transpired.
The Dead Sea Expedition. — ^We are pleased to learn fVom private letters that
the Dead Sea exploring party have successAilIy and satisfhctoruy completed their
task, and returned to Jerusalem, where thev were on the 19th of May. They have
sounded the sea in all its parts, to the depth of 600 fkthoms, and found the bottom
crusted with crystallized salt. The pestilential e£Pects attributed to the waters turn
out to be fkbulous. Ducks were seen skimming over the surfhce, and partridges
abounded along the shore. The party were upon the sea in their boats or encamped
on the borders for some two months, and their researches and estimates have been
of the most thorough and interesting character. All were in excellent health and
spirits, no sickness or accident having occurred. By the Arabs they had been
received and uniformly treated with the utmost kindness and attention. The
Syrians consider ' the men of the Jordan/ as they call them, the greatest heroes of
the day. Lieutenants Lynch and Dale will visit under the most favourable circum-
stances all the places made memorable in Scripture history ; and we may expect
from them a hi(^hly interesting account of the explorations of the pead Sea and
their adventures m the Holy Land. — Bottim TVanscript, July 27th.
LIST OF PUBLICATIONS.
ENGLISH.
A Short Paraphrase on the Song of Solomon. By John Westwood. 1 2mo.
(Huntingdon), pp. 60.
A Translation of PauFs Epistie to the Romans ; with an Introduction and
Note*. By Wm. A« Whitwell. Fcp. Svo. (Borton), pp. 1 1 ««
Alphabetical Index to Subjects treated in the Reviews and other Periodicals
to which no Indexes have been published. Svo. (New York), pp. 154.
An enUrely New Metrical Version of the Psalms, written for the Music of
that in common use. By W. H. B. 12mo. pp. 518.
An Outline of the History of the British Church to the Period of the
Reformation ; showing bv an Appeal to Historical Facts, her AnMquity, and Independence of
the Church of Rome. 4th edit. l8mo. pp. 1 10.
An
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400 Lid of PnblicaHoru. [Oct.
An Introduction to tbe New Testament : containing an Examination of the
most important Questions relating to the Authority, Interpretation* and Integrity of the Canon-
ical Books. By Sunuel Davidson, LL.D. Vol. I.^The Poor Gospels. 8vo. pp. 449.
Baptismal Regeneration is not the Doctrine of the Holy Scriptures nor of the
Church of England. By the Kev. Thomas Brooke. 12mo. (Chester), pp. S02.
Biblical Commentary on the Gospels ; adapted especially for Preachers and
Students. By Hermann Olshansen. Tftmslated from the German, with additional Notca, by
the Rev. Thomas Brown. Vol. II. (Edinburgh), pp. 388.
Canons and Decrees of the Sacred and CEcumenical Council of Trent, cele-
brated nnder the wveml Pontiffs Paul HI., Julius III., and Pius IV. Translated by the ReT.
J. Waterwtnth. To which aie prefixed, Essays on the external and internal History of the
Council. 8vo. pp. ftSO.
Christ's Intercessory Prayer : Six Discourses on the Seventeenth Chapter of
St. John. By the Rev. Edward Soobell. ISmo. pp. S04.
Christ the End of the Law ; being the Preface to the Geneva Bible of 1550.
By John Calvin. Now first rendered into &igUsh, by Thomaa Weedon, Esq. 4to. pp. 4S.
Contributions towards a Harmony of the Gospela 8vo. pp. 244.
Discourses on Heavenly Knowledge and Heavenly Love. 'By Francis
Garden, M.A. Sto. (Edinburgh), pp. 14S.
Discourses on the Song of Solomon. By the Rev. Alexander W. Brown.
Put I. ISmo. pp. 224.
Ecclesiastical Architectural Topography of England — Bedfordshire. 8vo.
pp. 68.
Ex|>ositions on the Book of Psalms. By S. Augustine, Bishop of Hippo.
Translated, with Notes and Indices, in 6 vols. Vol. II. — Psalm xxxvili. to lii. Svo.
pp. 40S.
Faith and Infidelity. The 1260 Years of the Apocalypse. A Short Dis-
sertation on the Hme of the Testimony of the Two Witnesses. Part I. Svo. pp. 80.
Hints on the Art of Catechising ; being a Posthumous Work of the Yen.
Edward Bather, M.A. Fcp. Svo. pp. 840.
History of the Church of Scotland, from the Reformation to the present time.
By T. Stephen. 4 vols. 8vo. pp. 8704, with 84 portraits.
Homilies on the Gospel according to St. John and his First Epistle. By
S. Augustine. T^nanslated, with Notes and Indices, in 8 vols. Vol. I. Svo. pp. 594.
Infant Baptism a Scriptural Service, and Dipping unnecessary to its right
Administration ; containing a Critical Survey and Digest of the leading Evidence, Qaarical,
Biblical, and Patristic. By the Rev. Robert Wilson. Svo. pp. 549.
Laws and Polity of the Jews. ISmo. pfS. 174, with engravings.
Lectures on Subjects connected with the Second Coming of our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ. By Clergymen of the Church of England. 18mo. pp. 176.
Lectures illustrating the Contrast between True Christianity and various other
Systems. By W. B. Sprague, D.D. 12mo. pp. 310.
Life of Jesus Christ, in his Historical Connexion and Historical Development.
By Augustus Neander. Tianslated from the 4th German Edition, by Ptosessors M'Clintock
and Blumenthal. Royal Svo. pp. 498.
Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister. Report of the Commissioners
appointed by Her Mi^esty to inquire into the State and Operation of the Law of Marriage as
relating to the Prohibited Degrees of Affinity ; with an Appendix containing the Evidence
taken before the Commissioners.
Memoir of the Rev. Henry Duncan, Minister of Ruth well. By his Son, the
Rev. O. J. C. Duncan. 12mo. (Edinburgh), pp. 39S.
Memoir of the Life and Ministry of the Rev. William Bramwell: with
Extracts flrom his Letters, and Letters hitherto unpublished, and other Original Matter. Poet
Svo. pp. 81 2, with Portrait.
Original Thoughts on various Passages of Scripture ; being the Substance of
Sermons jneached by the late Rev. Richard Cecil, never before poblbhed. Taken down by
some of his hearers, and now edited by Cntberine Cecil. Svo. pp. 718.
Popular Lectures on the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England. By
W. Orger, M.A. Vol. IL 8 vo. pp. 516.
Presbytery Examined ; an Essay, Critical and Historical, on the Ecclesiastical
History of Scotlmd sinoo the Reformation. By the Duke of Argyle. Post Svo. pp. 346.
Principles
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1848.] List of Publications. 401
Principles of Textaal Ciiticisin, with their Application to the Old and New
Testunents. By John Scott Porter. 8vo. pp. 515. PUtes.
Salvation is of the Jews : a View of the Revelation made to the Jews ; with
an Inqoiry into the Prophetic Writings respecting the Nature and Character of the Messiah.
By the late Rev. Richara Shepherd, D.D., Archdeacon of Bedford. ISmo. pp. 80.
Selwyn's Chart of Prophecy. On a Sheet
Sermons by the Rev. J. O. W. Haweis, Morning Preacher at the Magdalen
Hospital. ISmo. pp. 250.
Sermons preached before the University of Oxford, in the Cathedral of
Christ Church, ftom 18S6 to 1847. By R. D. Hampden. Sto. pp. 552.
Sermons on the Asiatic Churches, with Perorations applicable to the Present
Times. By the Rev. Edward Thompson. Post Svo. pp. 8SS.
Sermons proached at the Chapels Royal of St. James's and of Whitehall. By
Baptist W. Noel. Pep. Svo. pp. SOS.
State of Man before the Promulgation of Christianity. Svo. pp. 156.
Talmon and Hadassah ; a Tale of the First Captivity and Destruction of Jeru-
salem. Also, a Metrical Version of the Lamentations or Jeremiah. By the Rev. Henry Spencer
Slight. 12mo. pp. 450.
Testimony to the Truth ; or, the Autobiography of an Atheist. 8vo. pp. 328.
The Anglo-Saxon Version of the Hexameron of St. Basil ; and the Saxon
Remains of St. Basil's Admonitlo ad Filium Spiritnalem. Now ftrrt printed fVom MSS. in the
Bodleian Library, with a Translation and some Aooount of the Author. By Henry W. Nomutn,
M .A. Svo. pp. 66.
The Gospel Narratives; their Origin, Peculiarities, and Transmission. By
Henry A. Miles. Fcp. Svo. (Boston), pp. 176.
The Kalpa Siltra and Nava Tatva : two Works illustrative of the Jain Religion
and Philosophy. Translated ftom M^adlii, with an Appendix containing Remarks on the
Language or the Original, by the Rev. J. Stevenson, D.D. Svo. pp. 172.
The Life of Michael Servetus, the Spanish Physician. By W. H. Drummond.
ISmo. pp. 214.
The Ministry of St. John the Baptist, and the Baptism and Temptation of the
Lord Jesns Christ ; an Exegetical Eany upon the flist three Gospels. By the Rev. Edgar Hax-
table, M.A. Svo. pp. 103.
The Norrisian Prize Essay for 1848.— The Fitness of the Times in which the
Promises of the Messiah were severally given to the Church under the Old Testament Dis-
pensation. By John Haviland, M.A. Svo. pp. 64.
The Number and Narn^es of the Apocalyptic Beasts, with an Explanation and
Application. PkrtL ^y the Rev. David Thom. Svo. pp. 438.
The Presbyter, the Prelate, and the People ; or, Presbytery, Prelacy, and
Independency, as practically developed in England. By a Clergyman. 12mo. pp. 852.
The Revolutions of 1848 a Recommencement of the Judgments upon the
Papacy. By C. R. Cameron. ISmo. pp. 106.
The Roman Martyrology, set forth by the command of Pone Gregory XIII.
and revised by authority of Pope Urban VIIL Translated out of the Latin into the English,
by O. K., of the Society of Jesus, and printed at St. Omer^s, by Thomas Qeubels, a.d. 1667,
and now re-edited by William Nugent Skelly, Esq. Fcp. Svo. pp. 308.
The Seventh Vial ; being an Exposition of the Apocalypse, and in particular
of the pouring out of the Seventh Vial, with especial reference to the present Revolution in
Eurofw. Post Svo. pp. 398.
The Seventh Vial, 1848 1 or, the Casting out of Satan from Heaven and the
Epiphany of Christ in the Circumambient Air of the Earth ; being an Attempt to Demonstrate
these Momentous EvenU in the Spiritual World from the EarUiquake of the Seventh Vial.
Svo. (Oxfiwd), pp. 80.
The Temple of Solomon, and Poems on Scriptural and other Subjects. By
the Rev. C. J. Champneys, D.C.L. Svo. (Glasgow), pp. 116.
The Unveiling of the Everlasting Gospel, with the Scriptural Philosophy of
Happiness, Holiness, and Spiritual Power. 18mo. (Edinb.), pp. 2S8.
The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul ; with Dissertations on the Sources of
the Writrngs of St. Luke, and on the Ships and Navigation of the Antients. Bv James Smith,
of Jordan Hill, Esq., Sec. Svo. pp. 336, with illustrative views, charts, and woodcuts.
The
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402 List of Publications. [Oct. 1848.
The Words from the Cross : in a Series of Lent Sermons. Bj W. H. Anderdon.
12ino. (Leicester), pp. ISS.
Two Lectures on die Final and Universal Triumph of the Gospel ; including
a Defence of the Pra-Millennial AdToat^ mnd an EaaminatioQ of the Signs of the Times. Bjr
James Bateman, Esq., M.A. F.R.S. &e. Sto. pp. 08.
University Extension and the Poor Scholar Question. A Letter U^ the Provost
of Woxeester College, by the Rev. B. C. Woolloombe, H.A. 8vo. pp. 84.
FOREIGN.
Aboulfeda. — G^graphie d'Aboulfeda, traduite de TArabe en Francis, et
aooompegn^e de notes et d'^Iaireiseements. Par M. Relnaud. S vols. 4to.
Acta Apostolorum ab Sancto Luca. Conscripta ad Codicis Cantabrigiensis
mnnium pnastantiasiml reliqaioramque monnmentorom ftdem post Griesbachiam, Lachman-
num, alios ita recensnit et interpretatos est P. A. Boraemann. Ut nunc demnm diTinl libri
primordia elaceant. Pais I. Textiun cum select, lect. variet, (Groasenbain), pp. S64.
Delitisch (F.) u. C. P. Caspari, Biblisch-theolog. und apologetisch-krit.
Stadien. Vol. II. Beitnige lojr Einleitung In das Buch Jesaia a. sur GescUchte der Jesatania-
dien Zeit ▼. C. P. Caspari. Svo. Berl.
Ewald (H.), Geshichte d. Volkes Israel bis Christus. In 3 Bdn. Anhang
sam S. Bd. ; Die Alterthamer d. Volkes Israel. Svo. Gotting.
Gerhard (E.), Ueber die Kunst der Phonicier. 4to. 7 plates. Berlin.
Gumpach (J. v.), Ueber den altiiidischen Kalender, zunachst in seiner
Besiehong nir neutestamentliriien Geschichte. Eine chronologische Unterauchang. Royal
Sto. Brnas.
Justini Martvris (St.) et Philosophi Opera quae ferantur omnia. Recens. pro-
leg. not. ind. ac^ec. J. a T. otto. Tom. I. Opera indabita. Ed. II. Sro. Jena.
Kiepert (H.), Karte d. Nillander od. Aegypten, Nubien u. Habesch. Folio.
Weim.
Lange (J. P.), Das Leben Jesu nach den Evangelien dargestellt. 3 Parts in
5 vols. 8vo. Heidelb. 1844-47.
Luther (Martin), der deutsche Reformator. In bildl. Darstellungen y. G.
Konig. In geschichtl. Umrissen v. H. Gelzer. Part 2, 4to. 10 plates. Hamb.
Cbristliche Symbolik
J sodnian. u. d. Lehrbegrifls der
„. kleineren ocddental. Religions*
eien. 8vo. Berlin.
Montandon.— Etude des rdcits de TAncien et du Nouveau Testament en forme
d'instnietions, pour ecule du Dimanche. Plremi^ partie. JSmo.
Neander (A.), Der glorreiche Einzug Christi in Jerusalem. Eine Palmsonn-
tagbetraehtg. Svo. Berlin.
Overbeck (F.), Darstellunecn aus den Evangelien nach 40 Originalzeichnungen
gestochen von B. Bartoocini, J. Keller, F. Lndy, &c. lAetg. I, folio. Duaeld.
Hitter (C), Die Erdkunde v. Asien. Vol. VIII. Part 2 : Die Sinai-IIalb-
insel. Svo. BerUn.
Stier (R.), Die Gemeinde in Christo Jesu. Auslegung des Briefes an die
Epbeser. VoL I. Svo. Berlin. ,'
Vetus Testamentum, ex Versione Septuaginta Interpretum secundum Exemplar
Vaticanum Roma, editum } aocedit potior Varietas Codicis Alexandrini. 3 vols. l2mo. pp.
S060. •
Wicseler (K.), Chronologic d. apostol. Zeitalters bis zum Tode d. Apostel
Paulus u. Petrus. Ein Vrrsach fiber die Clironologie und AblksHungsxeit der Apostelgesehichte
u. der paulin. Briefe. Mit e. Anluwg ub. den Brief an die Hebraeer u. Escunen nb. den
Aufenthalt d. Apostel Paulus u. Petrus in Rom. Svo. Gotting. Plates.
.a&vuig. AAA |gv«b*iabuu. viuaia^u t. a*. \xvuKCk. a asi. »p itw.
Marheineke's (P^ theolog. Vorlesungen. Vol. III.
od. comparative Intrstellg. des kathol., Inther., reformirten, sc
sriecb. Kireho; nebst e. Abrias der Lehre u. Verfg. der kl<
The Title-page and Index of the Second Volume will be given with
the next Number,
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INDEX
TOTHE
SECOND VOLUME OF THE JOURNAL OF SACRED LITERATURE.
Abbabam a yonnger son of Terah,
124 ; illastratioDS of hu history, 102
Adam to the Flood, the chronological
difficulties of this period examined,
117-122.
Afghan or Belochee chiefi^ their patri-
archal habits, 103.
Alexander, Rev. Dr. W. Lindsay, <m
Matthew Henry, 222-233.
Altars of unhewn stones, 111.
AniinomianisDi built upon the literal in-
terpretation of certain passages of
Scripture, 257, 258.
Arabic version of the Scriptures, intend-
ed, 398.
Ashtaroth-kamaim, 83.
Bell, G. M., on the Abundance of the
Precious Metals in Ancient Times,
267-280.
Bebtheau, Professor, on the different
ComputallDns of First Two Periods in
the Book of Genesis, translated by Dr.
John Nicholson, 115-128.
Bethsaida, I.
Biblical Imiblliobmce, 185-192; 396-
399.
Bretschneider, view of John*s GospeL 31.
«* Brook of Eft^pt," the, 87.
Brown, Rev. Dr., Expository Diacourtes
on the First Epistle <f Peter, noticed,
372-378,
Burning of the World, on the (by
Vitringa, translated by the Rev. C.
Wills). 2 Peter iii. 3-13 quoted, 305 ;
the passage usually applied to the
future coming of Christ in glory to
judge the world, 305-307; this yiew
resisted by certain Englu»h divines,
who refer the passage to the overthrow
of Jerusalem by the Romans, 308 ; but
the old opinion is preferable, because
*'the last times" must in this text
mean a distant future, 310-312 ; because
the objecdon of *' the mockers " does
not agree with that supposition, but
does with the other, 313-315; because
"heayen and earth" cannot in this
place denote the ecclesiastical system
of the Jewish people, 315, 316; be-
cause the reason assigned for the delay
does not agree with the notion, 316.
7%e objections to the general opinion
answered, ib.; Owen's allegation that
the apostle does not speak of visible
VOL. II. — NO. II. 2 E
heaven and earth, 318, 319; his argu-
ment from Isaiah Ixy. 17, 320-323;
the hypothesis of the final burning of
the world probable in itself, and has
other support in Scripture, 323.
Caiuan, name found in the Septuagint
and in Luke x. 24, but wanting in the
Hebrew text, in which it must once
have existed, 123; wanting also in the
Samaritan, 125.
Calyin, his view of the Sabbatic ques-
tion, 153.
Cave, his notice of 2 Pet iii. 3-13, 305.
Chedorlaomer, his expedition considered,
80-100.
Chbistianitt IK Germany, the Influ-
ence of Modem Philosophy upon, 281-
303. Germany the peculiar home of
speculative philosophy, 282 ; the career
of modern philosophy in Germany
commenced with Leibnits, i6. ; his
yiews reduced by Wolf into a system
which brooffht philosophy into the
domain of theology, ib, ; hence many
addicted themselves to tiw philoso-
phising of Christianity, 283; philo-
sophies of some fame and influence
have more recentiy arisen, as of Kant,
Reinholdt, Fichte, Schelling, Hegel,
ib. ; under the influence of such sys-
tems Christ becomes an idea in
the mind, and the historical circum-
stances of his life mere symbols of
ideas, 284 ; theology made the hand-
maid of philosophy, 285 ; and Christi-
anity variously tortured into an adapt-
ation to philosophical systems, it.;
What has philosophy wrouffht? ib,i
its futility, 286; its Pantheistic and
Idealistic tendendes, 287; the latest
and most prevalent form of infidelity
is the mythic, 288 ; developed in
Strauss's Life of Christ, ib, ; tne my-
thic view of the Gospels, 289*296; the
state of Continental religion not hope-
less, yital Christianity reviving, and
rationalism on the wane, 293 ; salotanr
agencies at work, 295 ; Mr. Dewars
notion that the prindple of priyate
judgment has been the cause of ra-
tionalism, controverted, 296; profes-
sional familiarity with Scripture a
cause of rationalism, 298 ; the ministry
of unconverted men another, 299-301 ;
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infidelity and philofiopfay in Germany
have exhausted their streugtli, and the
future is full of hope, 302, 303.
Citations from the Old Testament
IN THE New (sr Dr. J. T. Gray),
197-221 ; considerations resulting from
the fact that all the works of God are
known to him from the beginning,
197, 198; certain coincidence between
occurrences described in the New Tes-
tament as " fulfilment" of passages of
prophecy are rather verbal than real,
198 ; the difficulties which attend the
subject instanced by Matt. ii. 23, ii. 6,
i. 23, vii. 14, 15, 16, viii. 3, 199; in
Matt. ii. 15, 18, 200; the enigmatical
character of ancient prophecy^ framed
to excite, not to |^tify, curiosity, 201 ;
New Testament instances in which the
obvious sense of prophecies was erro-
neous, i.e. John ii. 19, xxi. 23, 1 Thess.
iv. 15, 17, 201, 202 ; characteristics of
St. Paul's style with reference to this
iuquiry, 203-205; instanced in the
** allegory " of Hagar and Sarah, 205 ;
the &nger is of underrating rather
than overrating the Messianic elements
of ancient Scripture, 206; the later
parts of ancient Scripture a commen-
tary' upon the earlier, 207; Are the
applications of ancient prophecy in the
New Testament the true and sole re-
ference of tliese passages? 207-211;
Are they typical ? 211-217 ; Are they
used by accommodation ? this affirmed
as the only resource, 21 7-220 ; use and
fitness of such accommodation, 220.
Claudius, his description of John's Go-
spel, 18, 19.
Commentaries on John's Gospel, 41-45.
Commentators, the. No. I., 222-233.
Commerce, its advantages, 279, 280.
Correspondence: the Editor's letter
respecting the State and Prospects of
the Journal, 166-168; Rev. Dr. Dob-
bin's letter respecting the Scape-Goat,
168-170; the Rev. E. Kennedy's letter
respecting the Journal, 369-371 ; the
Rev. Edward Wilton's letter respect-
ing • the Youth of David,' 371, 372.
Coverdale, his advice on the study of
Scripture, 256.
Cox, Rev. Dr. F. A., Sketches of the
Life and Writings of Francis Quarles,
233-252.
David, the Youth op. Illustrated
FROM THE Psalms (by the Editor), 59-
79. How the Psalms may be made
available for illustrating the life and
character of David, 59; evidence,
chiefly from the Psalms, rendering the
supposed wealth of David's father
questionable, 59-61 ; evidence that
David did not experience much kind-
ness in his family, 62-66; scarcely
the object of his father's love, 62;
perhaps of his mother's, 63 ; certainly
not of his brothers, 63-65 ; but proba-
bly of his sister Zeruiah's, 66 ; his
position in youth at Bethlehem con-
trasted with that in after life, 66, 67 ;
influence of these circumstances upon
his spiritual life, 67 ; passages firom
the Psalms showing bis faith in God,
and his confidence in the destinies
which awaited him, 67-71 ; how his
peculiar experiences influenced his
views of human life and character, 71-
74; his plans of future conduct in
life, 75 ; his studies of nature, 75 ; his
studies in and appreciation of the
Scriptures, 76, 77 ; his delight in the
historical portions, 78, 79.
David, the abundance of precious metals
acquired by him, 274, 275.
Davidson, Rev. Samuel, LL.D., hia
Translation of Tuch's Remarks on
Genesis, 80-100. See Genesis.
Damascus, the way by, necessary to
every army passing from Babylonia to
Canaan, 83.
Dead Sea, in time of Abmham, 97 ;
called by Arabs the Sea of Zoghar, 97 ;
alleged depression of its level, 398, 399 ;
American'exploring expedition to, 399.
Denham, Rev. John, M.A^ F.R.S., Ob-
servations on " the Corner Stone," and
on "the Horse-Leech," 154-159.
Dobbin, Kev. Dr. O. T., on the influence
of Modem Philosophy upon Chris-
tianity in Germany, 281-304.
Eadie, Rev. John, LL.D., Lectures on tht
Bible to the Youngy noticed, 183. \
Editor, his article on the youth of
David illustrated from the Psalms,
59-80 ; his review of Davidson's Intro-
duction to the Aew TeiUameni, 342-3G8.
Edrei, 83.
Egypt, the precious metals seem anciently
not to have been much in demand for
money, but largely possessed for orna-
ment, 269, 270.
Elohim, proposal of aw ihterpreta-
TioN OP THE WORD (by the Rcv. G. B.
Kidd), 332-341 ; it is from analogy
more probable than not that the plural
form of the word should suggest the
idea of some plurality in the object of
worship, 332 ; what was the kind of
plurality it did suggest? 333; used as
a name of God in the primeval his-
tory, t6.; not once used from Gen.
ix. 27 to Gen. xvii. 3: only eight
times in the Book of Job, 334 ; but in
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the time of Jacob seems to have been
coming into use as a name for images,
lb, ; probable reason of its disuse, 335 ;
divine communication to Abraham,
ib. ; paucity of divine knowledge be-
ibre Lis call, 336 ; the word first used
to Abraham in Gen. xvii. ib.; what
meaning would Abrabaan affix to the
Lord's promises to be to him *for
Elohim ' ? 337 ; what ideas of plurality
it might there suggest to him. 339 ;
he s^w that it was a name for the
relation in which God stood to him,
ib. ; the derivation of tiie word by
Park hurst and others inappropriate,
that of Gesenius and others preferable,
341 ; advice for the investigation of
this subject, ib.
El-Parau, identical with Elath— Aileh,
the gate of Arabia, 85.
Emim, the, smitten at Kirjathaim, 84.
Fichte, his philosophy, 283.
First fruits, Hindu offerings of, 107.
Fitzgerald, Rev. Professor, on the sup-
posed Samaritan text of the Septuagint,
324-<J32.
Flood, the, to Abraham's immigration
into Palestine, chronological difficulties
of this period examined, 123-127.
Foot, watering by the, illustrated, 109.
Frankincense, a description of the tree,
188, 189.
Genesis xiv., Kemabxs on (by Pro-
fessor Tuch, translated by Dr. David-
son), 80-100 ; difficulties of the chapter,
80 ; view of the circumstances which
rendered the dominion of the valley
of the Jordan, Sec. important to the
eastern potentates, 80-83 ; the way by
Damascus necessary to every army
passing from Babylon to Canaan, 83 ;
the invading army follows the great
highway from Damascus to Ashtaroth
Karnaim, ib. ; thence to Ham, where
the Zuzim were defeated, probably
the old name of Rabbath Ammon,
84; and to Kiijathaim, where the
Emim were beaten, ib. ; the invaders
then proceeded to smite the Horites,
along the eastern ridge of Mount Seir,
ib. ; rounding these mountains on the
south, and reversing the coarse after^
wards taken by the Israelites, they
proceedid northward from Aileh. 85 ;
pausing at Ain Misphat, or Kadesh,
86 ; consideration of the state of the
western desert, 87 ; the wilderness of
Shur, 88 ; the wilderness of Paran, 89 ;
Did the confederates return through the
wilderness of Paran, or round it, fol-
lowing the Arabah ? 90 ; the position of
Kadesh most determine this qoestion,
91 ; investi^tion of the site of Kadesh,
the possession of which was of much
importance to the allies, 91-95; the
determination of this site shows that
they did not march through the Ara-
bah, but ascended to and crossed the
desert plateau from Ailoh, 95; pos-
sessed of Kadesh, thev smite the land
of the Amalekites, and turn their army
again on the Amontes, 96; and at
length descend into el-Ghor, where
the battle with the rebellions Penta-
Klis is fought, 97 ; condition of the
iad St'a valley, 97-99; the victo-
rious allies proceed from the Penta-
polis to Zoar, and return northward
up the eastern border, and throuah
the Jordan's valley to Dan, 99; the
country west of the Jordan wholly
untouched b^ this expedition, ib. ; facts
connected with the return of Abraham
from the pursuit, 99, 100.
Genesis, Different Computations of
THE First Two Periods in the Book
of Genesis, 1 1 5-1 28 ; these two periods
are from the Creation to the Flood,
and from the Flood to Abraham's
migration into Palestine, 115; the
computation dependent on the state-
ments in Gen. v. and xi., which differ
in the Hebrew and Samaritan texts,
and in the Septuagint version, 115,
1 1 ti ; general preference of the Hebrew
numbers and grounds thereof, tl6 ; the
difficulty of the discrepancy admitted —
grounds of hope that the problem may
be solved, 117; First Period, tabular
view according to the three different
recensions, 118; their agreements and
discrepancies, ib. ; wherein the num-
bers of the Ssmaritan differ fh>m the
two others, 119; wherein the Sep-
tuagint diners fh>m the two others,
120; wherein the Hebrew differs from
the two others, 121; results of the
whole, 122; Second Period, tabular
view of the numbers in the three re-
censions, 123; want of the secouil
Cainan in the Hebrew, 123; the dura-
tion of the period not defined in the
Hebrew text, how collected, 123-125 ;
differences of the Samaritan from the
Hebrew and Septoagint, 125, 126;
differences of the Septuagint from the
Hebrew and Samaritan, 126; results,
126, 127; assumptions in the recen-
sions which show that different chro-
nological systems were consistently
followed in each, bat it remains to be
seen which of these systems is correct,
127, 128; no exact numerical state-
ments for the period from Abraham's
immigration to the Bsodns, 128*
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INDEX TO VOL. II.
Gnostics, John*8 Gospel caonotbe shoioi
to be levelled at their doctrines, 11.
Gold first appears as money in the time of
David, 274. See Metals.
GoTCH, Rev. F. W., M.A., his trans-
lation of Tholack*s Introduction to the
Gospel of St. John, 1-45.
Gbat, Dr. J. T., on the Citations from
the Old Testament in the New,
197-221.
Greek lansna^ widely spread in Pales-
tine in the time of Chnst, 8.
Hagar, her social and domestic position
illostrated, 183.
Hammond, his notice of 2 Peter iii. 3-13,
309 ; refoted by Le Clerc, ib,
Hase, his view of John's Gospel, 13.
Hbnrt, Matthew, as a commentator,
222-233; general character of bis
Commentary, 222, 223; commence-
ment and progress of the work, 223 ;
names of those vbo completed it after
his death, ib. ; time spent upon it by
Henry, ib,; calculation of his daiftf
labour, 224, note; Henry's literary
qualifications for the task, 224-226;
his intellectual (Qualifications, 226;
his spiritual qualifications, 227, 228 ;
his prayerful ness, 228 ; his practice in
exposition, 229 ; his materials, 230 ;
the commentary designed as a tupple-
ment to Poole's, and, therefore, not
exegitical, 230, 231 : his explanations,
231 ; his applications, ib, ; the popu-
larity of the exposition due to its proc-
ticiU character, 232 ; Henry's style
characterised, 233 ; the writer's esti-
mate of the exposition, ib,
Hegel, his philosophy, 283.
Heylyn, his Historif of the Sabbath, 153.
Introduction to the Gospel of St.
John (by Professor Tholuck, trans-
lated by the Rev. F. W. Gotch, M.A.),
1-46— Life of John, 1-6 ; his iktiier
probably m good circumstances, I ; his
mother a pious woman, 2 ; becomes a
disciple of the Baptist, 2; follows
Jesus, and becomes his disciple, 8;
his temper, ib. ; siffnally forewarned by
his Lord, ib, ; after wCose death he
resides at Jerusalem, ib, ; goes to live
herein probably not till after Paul's
death, 4 ; banished to Patmos, 4 ; dies
at Ephesus, 5. Character of the Evan-
gelist, 5-8; distinguished apparentiy
by feminine softness, 5 ; traits of anser
and selfishness, 5, 6; love, humility,
and meekness shown in his later
writings and history, 6 ; exemplified
in a l^^end preserved by Clement
Alexan&nuSy'C* 7; impetuous and
passion not justly ascribed to him by
Neander and Lucke, 8. Language of
the Gospel, and time and place of
its composition, 8-10; written at
Ephesus^ 8 ; not later than a.d. 100,
9; stifle not that of a practised writer,
ib. ; m this respect fkr below tliat of
Paul, ib.f characteristics, favourite
words and phrases, barbarisms, 9, 10.
Object of the Gospel ami plan cf carry-
ing it out, 10-16 ; a special polemico-
dogmatic object usually ascribed to
the writer, 10; this questioned, 11;
supposed to -have lived at a more spi-
ritual representation of the Redeemer's
litis than the other Gospels afibrded
1 2 ; or to supply what they had omitted,
ib,; both points questioned, 13; yet
the Gospel does partake of a supple-
mental character, ib, ; whether the
selection had a definite object or not,
14 ; theme is the eternal confiict be-
tween the divine light and man's cor-
ruption, 15. Contrasts and form of
the Gospel with respect to the three
first Gospels, 16-31 ; contents and form
of the Gospel peculiar, 16 ; the charm
of that peculiarity, 17-19; yet the
peculiarities form the ground on which
chiefly the authenticity of the Gospel
has been in our own time assailed, 19;
instanced in the dialogues, 20-25 ; in
the discourses, 25-27 ; the form of
these observances, whether verbally
recorded, 29, 80. Seriousness and ere-
dnliiy of John, 31-41 ; in the early
Church opposed only by the Alogi, 31 ;
modem doubts first suggested by
English deists, and taken up and
extended by German writers, ib, ;
objections of Bretschneider, Strauss,
Weisse, Gfrorer, Lutselberger, Bauer,
and Schwegler, 31-33 ; external testi-
monies in mvour of the Gospel, 33-37 ;
internal evidence, 37-39; the testi-
mony of Iremens open to assault, 39,
40 ; but the genuineness of the Gospel
not the less certain if his testimonv be
waived, 41. The most important Comr
mentaries on the Gospel, 41-45.
Introduction to the New Testa-
ment, by Dr. Davidson, reviewed. by
the Editoi^, 342-^68; an important
want ably supplied by this work,
342 ; thorough wvestigatKMliCs «hamc-
teristic, 343; knowledge and labour
its production exacted, 341; author's
reason fbr brinjgring fofth at onoethe
completed portion, 343 ; his feprobation
of "anathematising ignorance," ib.;
^ his work is for real students, 344 ; mode
of investigation, 345. — Matthew.
The author's opinion that Matthew's
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INDEX TO VOL. II.
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Gospel vas originally written in He-
brew, and translated into Greek by
another hand, 345; circamstances in
Matthew's history of the resarrection
cleared from objection, 347 ; Matthew's
mode of narvation, 349; the authen-
ticity of his two first chapters yindi-
cated, 350 ; the genealogies <>f Matthew
and Luke, 351 ; the alleged difference
between the accounts of our Lord's
natiyity by Matthew and Luke ex-
plained, lb. ; the star in the East, 353 ;
alleged contradiction as to the yisit of
the angel to Mary, 354; time and
place where Matthew's Gospel was
written, ib, — Mark. What was the
connection between Peter and Mark ?
355 ; his Gospel manifestly written by
a Jew for Gentile belieyers, 356;
objection deriyed by Credner and
others from John the Presbyter's state-
ment respecting this Gospel, 357;
author adopts the yiew that this Gospel
was not written durine Peter's life-
time, ib. ; and that the last eleyen
yerses of it were added by another
hand after Mark's own death, 358. —
Luke. Not much stre^ to be laid on
the tradition that his Gospel was
written under Paul's influence, 358;
the characteristics of this Gospel, 369 ;
its Greek more nearly classical than
the others ib,i time and place not
ascertainable, i6.; the first chapters
yindicated from exceptions, 360 ; the
taxing under C^ renins, ib.; the te-
trarcby of Lysanius, 362 ; chap. xxii.
43-45, recording •* the bloody sweat,*'
regarded as probably spurious, 362.—
John. Important and fhll treatment
of this Gosjpel by the author, 362 ; the
question of its authenticity occupies
nearly a fifth of his work, 363 ; the
geo^aphical and archseologiod diffi-
culties of the book, ib.\ the Bible
difficulties of this sort fewer than of
other ancient books, 364 ; John's ob-
ject not polemical, nor to supply what
the other Evangelists had omitted, ib. ;
chap. xxi. an appendix, not by a dif-
ferent hand, but by the author himself,
365 ; yet the latter half of v. 24, and
the whole of v. 86, probably spurious,
ib.; the parajgraph relating to the
woman taken in adultery in chap. yiii.
probably an interpolation, but the story
probably true, ibl; on chapw y. 3, 4
(pool of Bethssda), the author -hesi-
tates, praised fi>r this, 366; on the
correspondences of the synoptical Gos-
pels, the author's yiew, 366 ; uBefiilncss
and importance of this work, 368.
Ireneufl, his yiew of the polemic object
of John's Gospel controyerted, 10, 11 ;
his testimony to John's Gospel, 36, 37.
Jebel et-Tih, 87, 88.
Jesse, not probably so wealthy as usoally
supposea, 59, 60 ; appears not to haye
lieen attached to his son Dayid, 61, 62.
Jerusalem, not the Shalem of Melchize-
dek, 100 ; Carl Bitter's Letter to Dr.
Robinson, concerning, 190 ; Rey. G. B.
Whiting's Letter to Dr. Robinson,
190-192.
Jordan and the Dead Sea, Lieut Moly-
neux's exploration of, 189, 190.
Kadesh, its site determined, 90-96.
Kant, his philosophy, 283, 284.
King's Vale, not near Jerusalem, but by
the Jordan y alley, 100.
Leibnitz, the founder of modem philo-
sophy in Germany, 283.
Leprosy in the East, 108. 109.
Lightfoot, his notice of, 2 Pet. iii. 3-13.
List op publications in Sacred Litb-
RATITRE, English and Foreign, 193-
19«, 399-402.
Locusts, used as fbod, 106.
Liitzelburger, his yiew of John's Gospel,
82, 38, 39.
Luther, his influence reviying in Ger-
many, 298.
Manuscript, Hebrew, notice of tiie oldest
extant, 396.
Mearms, Rey. Peter, on the Christian
Sabbatii, 128-154.
Metals, On tbb Abundance of, in
ancient times, 267-280; interchange
of commodities not sought in the
primitiye ages, and money therefore
not required, 267-269; traffic, when it
first arose, was carried on by barter,
268; then by a determinate yalne'
. being affixed to certain commodities,
which thus became money, 269;
whence it was eyeutually found that
the qualities of the precious metals
fitted them for this use better than
actual commodities, ib. ; the quantity
of money drculated in ancient Egypt
not probably great, though the pre-
cioQS metals seem to haye been abund-
ant, ib. ; Carthajrinians had the metals
in abundance from oommeroe, and
from the Spanish mines, 270; how
the mines were worked, and their
produce, 271; Carthaginians derived
their commercial principles from the
Phcenicians, who were also enriched
by commerce, t6. ; notice of Uieir
traffic, 272; their highest proraerity
in the time from Dayid to Cyrus,
during which the trade in metals was
in their hands, 273; whence obtained.
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INDEX TO VOL. IL
t^. ; the money of the ancient He-
brewB» silver, veighed, not gold, 274 ;
gold not mentioned as money till
tiie time of David, ib,; the Is-
raelites eventually obtained consider-
able quantities of the metals through
their increased intercourse with the
PhflBnicians, ib. ; especially in the
time of David and of Solomon, 274,
275 ; the abundance of gold and silver
possessed by the latter considered,'
276; its sources indicated — chiefly
commerce, 277; exact estimates im-
possible, 278; the quantity possessed
by any country, proportioned to its
trade, 277 ; in modem timi>s the metals
have, through that influt'iice, become
more generally diffused, 278 ; modem
supplies chiefly from America, ib. ;
the produce of the American and
other mines, 278; the advantages of
trade and commerce indicated, 279 ;
extract ft*om an old book on the sub-
ject of this article, 280, note.
Morgh, el, a bird, 88.
Morren, Rev. Nathaniel, Sermons, no-
ticed, 181, 182.
Observations on Passages of Scrip-
ture. — On Uie Corner Stone, and on
7^« Hor$e4eech, by the Rev. J. F.
Denham, M.A., F.R.S. ; on The Ban-
tiam rf Fire, by the Rev. W. Niblock,
M.A. ; TVanslcUions in Solomons
Song, by George J. Walker ; on
7%« Division of the Earth in the days
ofPeleg, by Joseph Tompson, 1 54-166.
Oil, anointing the person with, 112, 113.
Oracles, plural significance of the an-
cient, 21.
Origeu, his view of John's Gospel, 17.
Owen, Dr. John, his views of 2 Peter iii.
3-13 stated and controverted. 318-
821.
Papias, his testimony respecting John's
Gospel, 33.
Paran, the wildemess of, 8C-90.
Paul, the peculiar qualities of his style,
202, 205.
PentapoKs, the battle of, 97.
Peter (2) iii. 3-13 considered, 304-323.
Peter, date of his death, 310.
Phoenicians, their trade, possession of
metals, and connection with the
Israelites, 271-273.
Polycarp, his supposed allusion to John's
Gospel, 33, 34.
Pope, his depreciation of Quarles, 234.
Prophecy, double sense of, 213, 214.
Psalms, the Youth of David illustrated
from, 59-80.
Quail, a bird answering to, 88.
Quarles, Francis, Sketches of his
Life and Writings, 233-252; his
memory unjustly bandied by Pope and
others, 234 ; his personal character by
his wife, 235 ; his history, ib. ; his death,
236; his Emblems — the plan not his
own, his predecessors, 237; character
of the EMlems, 238 ; the pictures in
this and his other principal works, 239 ;
admitted faults, but essential poetical
vitality of the poems. 240; those in
dialogue, instanced in Justice and the
Sinner, 240-242; Quarles has pro-
duced passages in the highest order of
poetical composition, 242; instanced
from the Emblems, 242-246. Hieroglg-
phicsjof the Life <f Man, less various,
but not inferior to theEmblims 246 ; re-
marks on pictorial representations,
247, 248 ; the School of the Heart,
not poetically e<^ual to the Emblems
and Hieroglyphics, 249; Solomon's
Jiecant€Uion, fewer fiuilts and beauties
than the preceding, 250 ; Divine Fan-
cies characterized, ib. ; his prose work
Enchyridion of great merit and wis-
dom, 251 ; estimate of Quarles* general
merits, 252.
Recollections of the East, illus-
trative OF the Pentateuch, 101-
115; permanency of Eastern habits and
customs, 101 ; Gen. xii. 10 illustrated
by customs of Eastern travel, 102 ;
Gen. xii. 8 illustrated bv description of
Eastern te&H^ ib.; Abraham's domestic
establishment, as described in Gen. xiii.
3, similar to that of an A%han, or
Belochee chief, 103; Hagar's condi-
tion (Gen. xvi. 3) illustrated by that
of servants in Eastern hareems. ib, ;
Eastern desire of o£&pring, ib.; the
bow still used in Eastern hunting
(Gen. xxvii. 3), 104, 105; locusts
eaten, 106 ; ceremonial pollutions for
the dead (Lev. xxxi. 11), ib. ; Hindoo
first-frait .offerings, 107 ; Hindoo fes-
tival of green boughs (Lev. xxiii. 40),
107 ; cuttings for the dead, ib. ; priests
changing garments (Lev. vi. 11), 108 ;
Eastern leprosy, 108 ; order to the
daughters of Zelophebad illustrated
by a Rajpoot custom, 109; watering
by the foot (Dent. xi. 9» 10), t6.,;
writing on door-posts (Deut. xi. 20),
110; altars of unhewn stone (Deut.
xxvii. 5), 111; writing on stones
(Dent, xxvii. 8), 112; anointing the
person with oil (Deut. xxviii. 40), ib. ;
reception of travellers, 113; stones of
memorial, 114; snake-charmers, i6.
BwiEws AND Notices of BodKs — I'he
Analytical Hebrew and Chaldee Lexi-
con, 170; Young's Wayfarer's Notes
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INDEX TO VOL. II.
405
on the Shores of the Levant^ 171 ; Mont-
gomery's Gospel in Advance qf the
Age, 174 ; Selwyn's Hora Hebraica,
1 76 ; Herecbers Mysteru of the Gog-
pel Dispensation^ 177 ; FIcmiDg's Rise
and Fall of Home Papal, 179 ; Ser-
mons bif the late Rev. iv. Morren, 181 ;
Sewells ScLcro-Polilica, ib.; Dick's
Lectures on the Acts of the Apostles f
182 ; Eadie's Lecture$ on the Bible to
the Yomg, 183; Gordon's Pastor's
Gift, ib.\ Davidsop's Introduction to
the New Testament, 342; Brown's
Expository Discourses on Xst Peter,
372 ; Thorn's Number and Names <f
the Apocalyptic Beast, 378 ; Our
Scottish Clergy, 382-384; Griufield's
Novum Test. Gracum, 384 ; Griu-
field's Scholia HeUewistica, 384;
Smith's Voyage and Shipwreck cf St,
Paul, 386 ; Budinger's Way of Faith,
388; Pbilips's Psalms in Hebrew,
390; Turner's Parallel References,
391 ; Spencer's Four Chspelsand Acts
in Greek, 392 ; Popery Delineated,
393; Coptic and Arabic Edition of
the Four Gospels, 394; Septuagint
Version of the Old Testament, 394 ;
lite Book of Psalms in the New Zea-
land Language, 39 5»
Sabbath, the Christian, 128-154:
general interest of the subject, 128,
129 ; intention to defend the view that
the first day of the week is to be ob-
served as a babbath by this, l^ ;
two facts atthe foundation of the ii^uiry
— the first God's res^on thesevenlE day
from the work of creation, t6. ; the
second,that he set apart that day to holy
use, 130 ; this institution prior to the
Fall, 1*6. ; this historic record not in an-
ticipation of the promulgadon of the
Decalogue at Sinai, 131 ; the o^iser-
vance traced in the history of Cain
and Abel, 1 33 ; also in the division of
time by weeks, ib,; Paley's notion
that the first actual institution of the
Sabbath is recorded in Ezod. xvi.
controverted, 133-135; the Sabbath
observed by the Israelites before the
Law, 135; the fourth commandment
not abrogated, 136 ; evidence in favour
of the change from the seyenth to the
first day, from the fad that the early
disciples met together on that day,
137, 138, 141-144 ; reasons for a Sab-
bath being maintained under the Goir
pel, 139; argument from prophecy,
140; argnment from the first day
l>ciiig called the Lord's Day, \4^
bow the day ought to be sanctified,
145; Objections anstoered, 1. that the
observance is a relic of Judaism, 146 ;
2. that no part of the Old I^aw is
binding on Christians, 147-149; 3.
that if the commandment is binding,
it binds as to the seventh, not the first
. daj, 149 ; 4. that had a change been
intended, it would have been more
explicitly declared, 149, 150; 6. that
Christ is the Lord of the Sabbath, ih. ;
6. that the fourth ooouttaiidment is not
mentioned in Matt. xix. 17-21, 151 ;
7. that the obsatprance was not enjoined
on the Gentiles bv the council at
Jerusalem, ib, ; 8. that Paul declares
against tlie observance in Col. ii. 16,
1 7, ib, ; 9. that great authorities are
against the consecration of the day,
151-154 ; Professor Powell's notice
to this article, 262-264. See Scrip-
ture.
Salome, mother of John, 1, 2.
Samaritan woman, the record of Christ's
conversation with her, impugned and
vindicated, 20, 21.
Samaritan Text of the Septuagint^
ON the supposed (by the Rev. Profes-
sor Fitzgerald), 324-332 ; the question,
whether the Septuagint translation of
the Pentateuch was made from the
Samaritan or Hebrew text, 324 ; the
external evidence for #ie former
opinion in Jerome's testimony that the
name of God was still written in some
Greek MSS. in ancient (meaning Sa-
maritan) letters, ib, ; mistranslations
in the Septuagint, seeming to arise from
a confusion of letters which resemble
each other in the Samaritan, but not
in the Hebrew alphabet, 326 ; from
the circumstances of the Septuagint
Version, 327 ; from the agreement of
the Septuagint with the peculiar read-
ings of the Samaritan, 328; yet it
may be doubted whether these coin-
cidences are not the results of inde-
pendent criticism rather than of tran-
scription, 329; instanced by differ-
ences, 330-332.
Schelliog, his philosophy, 283.
Schwegler, view of John's Gospel, 33.
Scripture, on the Application and
Misapplication of, 253-267; Uie
great Protestant principle of Uie suf-
ficiency of the Scnptures alone, under-
valued by some, by others pressed
beyond all reasonable bounds, 253,
254 ; the ^erence of the first sense,
on t^e suAce of the sacred text, not
altmrs safe nor reasonable, 254, 255 ;
the' iQipired character of the Scrip-
tures imposes peculiar restrictions on
the interpreter, but cannot subvert
tins ordinary rules of interpretation to
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406
INDEX TO VOL. II.
the extent generally assomed, 255,
S56; the literal interpretation too
indiscriminately pressed, 256; col-
lateral drcttmstances to be considered,
256, 257 ; the invariably literalness of
interpretation the stronghold of dogma-
titm, 257 ; instanced in the Antinomiau
oontroversj, 257-259; Popish doc-
trines, which a blind adherence to the
letter of tbeSerfptare would sanction,
259 ; obligations o^ a practical kind
which have been supposed to arise
from the 4iteral application of pas-
sages in the earliest portions of the Old
Testament, 259; this not in accordance
with the Christian view of the Old
Testament, 260; a more consistent
view of the subject required, bat
generally disoonraged, 261 ; althouffh
Scriptnre be one harmonious whole,
yet it must be viewed with reference
to the subordination and ilistinctness
of its various parts, 262 ; the question
is one of first principles, ib. ; if the
rigid literalist plan be granted, the
continued obligation of tiie Sabbath
and of the Old Law follows of course,
262; and also of the Hebrew cos-
mogony, the iiteral interpretation of
which geological research disproves,
263, 264 ; the subject of these questions
ought not to be approached in a
polemical spirit, 265 ; the solution to
be found by looking at Christianity
as a whole, as presentedio the ancient
Gentiles, 266, 267.
ScRiFTURi^ Relation of, to Hitman
Inquirt (bylWilliam M*Combie), 46-
58 ; truth objectivepr subjective ; sci-
entific truth in HI subjective stste
takes the fbrm of opinum, moral truth
that of convietioH, 46 ; in matters of
natural science, &c„ revelation leaves
inquiry free, and is unaffected by its
results, its chief ooncem being with
man's relation to God as a moral
being, 46, 47; this is the region of
faith, but the whole re|;ion in which
inquiry can reach definite results is
left open to man*s intellect, 48 ; reve-
lation limits no inquiry legitimate to our
faculties, 49 ; the object of Scripture
being to teach religion, reasons why
Its refbrences to material fiu^ts should
not Jbe clothed in the language of
exact science, 50 ; and why its autho-
rity would not be inyaljdtted by even
historical discrepancies ol chronologi-
cal inaccuracies, 50, 51; fancied dan-
gers of this admission met, fij ; Iblfil-
ntent of prophecy a sufficient proof of
the divine authority of the sacred
writers, 52 ; how revelation bears the
witness of its divinity in itself, 53;
> What iff the relation of Scripture to
theology ? ifr. ; what theology is, i6. ;
in its sfiecial department, embracing
the relations of God to man, the Bible
is the only source of information, 54 ;
religion may flourish in minds incapa-
ble ot apprehending these relations,
54; the Scriptures teach religion
directiy, theology by implication, 55-
57 ; tendency and result of these con-
siderations, 57, 58.
Septuacint, differences between it and
the Hebrew snd Samaritan texts in
computing the two first .periods of
Genesis, 120, 121, 126; supposed Sa-
maritan text of the Pentateuch,324-3.$2.
Shalem, of Melchisedek, not Jebos (Je-
rusalem\ but on the Jordan, 100.
Shur, wilaemess of, 88, 89.
Siddim, vale of, represented by the pre-
sent back-water at south end of the
Dead Sea, 99.
Snake-charmers, 114.
Solomon, his greatness, the abundance
of his gold and silver, 275-277.
Ssafah, ess-, a great pass into Palestine
from the Arabah, 92, 93.
Stones of memorial, 104; writing on, 112.
Strauss, Dr. D. P., his Lifi of ChrtBl,
288, 293, note ; the mythic system of
him and others, 289-292; his attack
on John's Gospel, 31, 32.
Teats, eastern, 102.
Travdilers, reception of, In the East,
113, 114.
•Tregellcs, S. P., his intended Critical
Edition of the Greek New Test, 397.
Types built up into a system beyond
what Scriptnre warrants, 215, 216.
Walker, George J., Translations in
Solomon's Song, 162-164.
Weisse, his view of John's Gospel, 32.
WiLL8> Rev. C., his translation of Vi-
tringa on the Burning of the World,
304-324.
Wolf, reduced Leibnitz's philosophy to a
8>'8tem, 282.
. Zabeans, many think John's Gospel
I levelled at them, 11.
Zebedee, father of John, probably not in
poor circumstances, 1.
Zelophehad, daughters of, their ease
illustrated, 109.
^ruiah, sister of David, and probably
attached to him, 65, 66.
Zoar, its site, now Zoghar, 97.
fluzim, the, defeated at Ham, 84.
London : William CLowxw and Soir<, SUmrord Street.
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