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^^J^F^7~$^ 




Journal 

Royal Anthropological Institute of 
Great Britain and Ireland 




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THE JOURNAL 



OP THE 



ANTHROPOLOQICAL INSTITUTE 



OF 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



VOL. XXXI. 



PUBLISHED BY THE 

tf^nt^topotoeitut 3netifttfe of ^ttai fgtiUin ond 3Yefond. 

3, HANOVER SQUAEE, LONDON, W. 



AU RightM Reserved. 
1901. 



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Drily 



Library, Univ. CoUf,Sar^Cn.t 



NOTICE. 

Each volume of the Joui^nal published since 1899 contains the papers 
presented to the Institute between January and December of the calendar year ; 
the minutes of the Annual Meeting in January, with the Pi-esident's Address, and 
the Eeports of the Treasurer and Council forming the introduction to each volume. 
The present volume, therefore, contains those papers which were presented between 
January and December, 1901 ; and opens with the President's Address delivered in 
January, 1901. 

For convenience of reference, greater prominence is given to the number of a 
volume in continuation of the old demy octavo series, Vols. I-XXVII, than to its 
number in the new (royal octavo) series which began in 1898 : Thus i.e. New 
Series Vol. I=Vol. XXVIII of the old series; and the current volume 
(Vol. XXXI) corresponds to N.S. VoL IV. 



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CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

ProceediDgs of the Annnal Meeting of the Institate, with the Reports 

of Council and Treasurer 1 

I. Presidential Address. By C. H. Read, F.S.A 9 

II. On the Ruins of Dhlo-Dhlo, in Rhodesia. By Franklin White, Esq. 

(With Plates I-V) 21 

III. Maori Tatu and Moko. By H. Ling Roth 29 

IV. The Yakuts. Abridged from the Russian of Sieroshevski, by 

W. G. Sumner, Professor of Political and Social Science in Yale 

University, New Hayen, Conn., U.S.A., and reyised and completed 

by M. SiBROSHivsKi 65 

V. Cephalometric Instruments and Cephalograms. By J. Gray, B.Sc. 

(With Plates VI, VII, VIII) Ill 

VI. Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda. By the 

Rev. John Rosgoe. [Communicated by J. G. Frazir, 23rd April, 

1901] 117 

VI I. The Japanese Oohei and the Ainu Inao. By W. G. Aston, C.M.G. 

(With Plate IX) 131 

VIII. Note upon the Natives of Savage Island, or Nine. By Basil 

Thomson 137 

IX. Stories from the Southern New Hebrides, with Introduction and 

Notes. By Sidney H. Ray 147 

X. Note on some American Parallels to European Agricultural Customs. 

ByN.W. Thomas, M. A 155 

XI. The Spirit of Vegetation. By E. Trigbar. Communicated by 

J. G. Frazer 157 

XJI. Notes on Malay Metal-Work. By Walter Rosenhain, B.A., 

St. John's College, Cambridge. (With Plates X, XI) 161 

XIII. Trephining in the South Seas. By the Rev. J. A. Crump. (With 

Plates XII, XIII) 167 

XIV. The Relations between Men and Animals in Sarawak. By Charles 

Hose, Resident of the Baram District, and W. McDougall, Fellow 
of St. John's College, Cambridge. (With Plates XIV, XV) ... 173 

XV. Memorandum on the Languages of the Philippines. By Williau 

E. W. MacKinlay 2U 

XVI. A Provisional Classification of the Swords of the Sarawak Tribes. 

By R. Shelford, M.A., C.M.Z.S. (With Plates XVI, XVII) ... 219 
XVII. The Colour Vision of the Natives of Upper Egypt. By W. H. R. 

Rivers, M.D 229 

a 2 






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IV CONTENTS. 



PAGE 



XVIII. The Races of Early Egypt. By W. M. Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., 
Edwards Professor of Egyptology at University College, London. 

(With Plates XVIII-XX) ... 248 

XIX. Notes on Crania from the Nile-Welle Watershed. By P. C. Shrubsall 256 

XX. Measurements of Papuan Sknlls. By J. Gray, B.Sc 261 

XXI. Irish Copper Celts. By George Copfet, M.R.LA. (With Plates 

XXI-XXXIV) 265 

XXII. The Lengaa Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco. By Seymour H. C. 

Hawtrby. (With Plates XXXV-XLI) 280 

XXIIL The Native Tribes of Manipnr. By T. C. Hodson 300 

XXIY. On a Collection of PalsBolitliie Implements from Savemake. By 

Edgar WiLLETT, M.B. (With Plates XLII, XLIII) 310 



Note. — The Anthropological Notes and Miscellanea which formerly concluded the annual 
volumes of the Journal, are replaced until further notice by the contents of the Institute's 
monthly periodical **Man^* {see Joitm, Anthrop. Inst. XZX, Miscellanea^ No. 1) which will be 
found, with its own title page and table of contents, at the end of the current volume 
(pp. viii. 192 with Plates A to M.) 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PLATES. to face page 

I. Ruins of Dhlo-Dhlo, or Mambo 28 

n. Ruins of Dhlo-Dhlo :—l. North^East Side; 2. Enlarged Portion of 

No. 1 ; 3. Western Face 28 

III. Ruins of Dhlo-Dhlo :— 1. North- Western Side ; 2. Enlarged Portion 

of No. 1 ; 3. North- West Comer from East 28 

IV. Ruins of Dhlo-Dhlo :— 1. Portion of North- West Side ; 2. Square 

Corner in North- West Side ; 3. Entrance in North Face 28 

V. Ruins of Dhlo-Dhlo:— 1. Outer Enclosure (G) ; 2. Entrance to 

Outer Enclosure (H) ; 3. Outer Enclosure or Guard House (H) 28 

VI. -, 

Vn. VCepbalometric Instruments and Cephalograms ... 116 

VIII. J 

IX. Gohei and Inao: — 1. Iwai-Gi; 2. Oho-Nusa ; 3. Gohei; 4. Inao; 

5. Gobei of Copper Cash 134 

^' ) Malay Metal Work 161 

XII. 1. Skull of Toara, of Kabakada, in New Britain ; 2. SkuU of 
Tororuke, of Kabakada, in New Britain ; 3. Skull of Tighan, of 
Ololai, in New Ireland 167 

XIII. 1. Skull of Toara; 2. Skull of Tororuke; 3. Skull of Tighan ... 167 

XIV. 1. Wooden Model of a Hombill, made by Ibans, and used in Peace- 

making Ceremonies ; 2. Tama Bulan Sprinkling Images of Balli 
Penyalong with the Blood of a Fowl 1 73 



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CONTENTS. 



to face page 
XV. 1. Marik Tomb, Surmounted by a Small Human Image to which 
a Live Fowl is usually Tied; 2. Sprinkling Images of Balli 

Penyalong with the Blood of a Fowl 

XVI. Pandat (Type 10) ; Niabor (Type 2) ; Parang Hang (Type 1) ; 

Bayu (Type 5) ; Jimpul (Type 4) 

X-VII. Pakayun (Type 6) ; Langgai Tinggang (Type 3) ; Parang Pedang 

(Typo 7) ; Latok (Type 8) ; Buko (Type 9) 

XVIII. The Races of Early Egypt :— i. The AquiHne Type (1-10) 
XIX. The Races of Early Egypt :— ii. The Plaited Beard Type (11-12) ; 
iii. The Pointed Nose Type (13-16) ; iv. The Tilted Nose Type 

(16-19) ; V. The Forward Beard Typo (20-22) 

XX. The Races of Early Egypt:— vi. The Straight Bridged Type of 
the Dynastic Race (23-27) ; vii. The Mixed Race of the Fourth 
Dynasty (28-30) 



XXI. 
to 
XXXIV. 
XXXV. 



} 



Irish Copper Celts 

A Lengna — A Common Type ; Lengua Boy. Mangweam-ai ; 
Lengua Boy. Metegyak (i.e., " Born when Father was on a 

Journey'*); Lengua Face Painting ... 

XXXVI. A Lengua Village 

XXXVII. 1. Lengua Women Dressed for a Dance; 2. Pottery-making .. 
XXXVIII. 1. Lenguas Playing the Chime ** Hastawa " ; 2. Women's Dance 

at a Lengua Feast 

XXXIX. 1. Lengua Boys with Pellet Bows ; 2. Lengua Boy Using Blunt- 
headed Arrow; 3. Lengna Indian Hoeing Mandioca 

XL. Miscellaneous Objects of Lengua Manufacture : — 1. Clay 
Tobacco Pipe of Primitive Form; 2. Suhin Tobacco Pipe 
of Carved Wood : Back and Front ; 3. Fishing Basket ; 4. Doll 
of Rags and Bone ; 5. Lengua Method of Making Fire ; 6. Blunt- 
headed Arrow ; 7. Iron-tipped Arrow ; 8. Wooden Arrow ; 
9. Clay Water Jar ; 10. Clay Vessel (T66thli), Painted 
XLl. Miscellaneous Objects of Lengua Manufacture : — 1. One-stringed 
Fiddle ; 2. Wooden Whistle ; 3. Wooden Whistle (another 
form) Ornamented with Strips of Polished Tin. (T6<5thli) ; 

4. Wind Instrument of Cow-horn, with Reed Mouthpiece; 

5. String Bag 

XLII. Flint Implements from Knowle Farm Quarry, Savernake .*, 

XLIII. 1-7. Flints from Knowle Farm Quairy, Savernake; 8. Flint 
Implements from Abydos, Egypt (in Pitt Rivers Museum) ... 



173 

219 

219 
248 



248 



248 



265 



280 
280 
280 

280 

280 



280 



280 
310 

310 



BLOCKS. 



PA6« 



Moko Instrument presented to British Musuem by Sir George Grey, 1854 

(Fig. 1) 36 

Maori Tatu Instruments, after Craik (New Zea]andei*s) (Figs. 2-7) 36 

„ Polack (Figs. 8-12) 36 



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VI CONTENTS. 



PAGE 



Mallets and Methods of holding them: — Fig. 14 after Earle; Fig. 15 after 

Pollock ; Fig. 16 after Robley (Figs. 14, J5, 16) 39 

The Meoko Professional, Aranghie, at Work. After Earle (Fig. 17) 40 

Maori head in Museam, Royal College of Snrgeons (No. 1,010) (Fig. 18) ... 45 

Seven Patterns 54 

Portrait taken at Poverty Bay (Fig. 19) 55 

Tatu Marks (Fig. 20) 55 

Portrait taken at Gape Brett, Bay of Islands (Fig. 22) 55 

Wooden Effigy in British Museum (Fig. 21) 56 

Moko on face of Tangieri, a chief of Maungakaia (Fig. 23) 57 

Carved wooden panel from a house in Botorua, British Museum (Fig. 24) ... 57 

Maketu House, Otawhao, Pah (Figs. 27 and 28) 58 

Honse at Raroera, Pah (Fig. 29) 58 

Patterns on Maori house rafters (Figs. 30, 31, 32) 58 

Design on the end of a Storehouse at Papaitonga (Fig. 25) 59 

Pattern on Motu Motu Torrifi (New Guinea) shield, British Museum (Fig. 26) 59 

Pattern on Maori Bullroarer, British Museum (Fig. 33) 59 

Portion of the decoration on a Maori flute (Fig. 34) 60 

Decoration on a coconut from Dutch New Guinea (Fig. 35) 60 

Patterns on scarabs developed from a wavy line (Figs. 36 and 37) 61 

Tatu Mark oil Back of Hand of Maori Chief, Tamaroa (Fig. 38) 61 

Scroll Pattern on Danish Bronze Celt (Fig. 39) 61 

„ Stele (Fig. 40) 61 

Faces of Bu-shilange with Keloid Patterns on Face (Figs. 41 and 42) 62 

Carved Maori Box (Fig. 43) 63 

Tatued Face of a Vengam of Senua, Naga Hills (Fig. 44) 63 

Cephalograms (Fig. 1) 115 

Tatu Ma^ks of Baganda Women 121 

Cori'elation Diagram 264 

Irish Copper Celts :— 59 (w. 199) ; 60 ; 63 (1897, 289, North of Ireland) ... 274 

„ „ „ 55 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .•• 276 

Sketch Map of the Paraguayan Chaco (Fig. 1) 280 

Lengua Indian, showing Headdress, Scalplock, and Whistle, suspended round 

the Neck (Fig. 2) 282 

Lengua Ear-disc (Fig. 3) 283 

Lengua Beadwork Bracelet (Fig. 4)... 283 



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LIST OF THE FELLOWS 



OP THE 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 



OK 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



HONORARY FELLOWS. 



Anuchin, Professor. Imperial Univer- 
sity, Moscow. 
Bastian, Professor Adolf. Director of 

the Ethnological Masenm, Berlin. (%) 
Benedikt, Prof. University, Vienna, 

Austria. 
Bertillon, Mons. Alphonne. Paris. 
Bonaparte, H. H. Prince Roland. 10 

Avenne d'lena, Paris. 
Cartailhac, M. Emile. Toulonse, France. 
Chantre, M. Ernest. Lyons, France. 
Collignon, Dr. Ben^. 6 Rue de la 

Marine, Cherbourg, Manche, France. 
Dareste, Prof. Gamille. 37 Rue de 

Flenros, Paris. 
Deniker, Dr. J. 2 Rne de Bnffon, 

Paris. 
Dabois, Prof. Eugene. 46 Zijlweg, 

Haarlem, Holland. 
Dupont, Dr. E. 31 Rue Van tier, 

Brussels. 
Fison, Rev. Lorimer. Essenden, Mel- 
bourne. {%) 
Gerland, Prof. University, Strasburg, 

Alsace. 
Giglioli, Professor E. H. Florence. 
Hamy, Dr. E. T. Museum du Troca- 

dero, Paris. 
Heger, Dr. F. Vienna. 
Holmes, Prof. W. H. Chicago. 
Jones, Professor T. Rupert, F.R.S. 

17 Parsons Gbeen, Fnlham, S.W. 
Kollmann, Professor J. Basle. 
Lacassagne, Professor. Lyons, France. 
Livi, Cavaliere Dr. Ridolfo. Rome. 



Lombroso, Prof. University, Turin, 
Italy. 

Manouvrier, Dr. L. Paris. 

Mautegazza, Professor Paolo. Florence. 

Martin, Prof. Rudolf. University of 
Zurich. 

Mason, Professor Otis T. Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington, U.S.A. 

Meyer, Dr. A. B. Dresden, (f) 

Montelius, Dr. Oscar. Stockholm. (%) 

Moreno, Dr. F. P. Bnenos Ayres. 

Nadaillac, Marquis de. Paris. 

Nicolucci, Prof. Giustiniano. Isola di 
Sora, Italy. 

Powell, The Hon. J. W. Burean of 
Ethnology, Washington, U.S.A. 

Putnam, Professor F. W. Harvard 
University. 

Ranke, Professor J. Munich, Bavaria. 

Schmeltz, Dr. J. D. E. 69 Rapenburg, 
Leiden, Netherlands. 

Sergi, Prof. G. Director of Royal Uni- 
versity, Rome. 

Spencer, Professor Baldwin. Uni- 
versity, Melbourne. 

Stirling, Dr. E. C, C.M.G., M.A., 
F.R.C.S. Director of South Aus- 
tralian Museum. 

Stolpe, Dr. K. H. Royal Historical 
Museum, Stockholm. 

Topinard, Dr. Paul. 105 Rue de 
Rennes, Paris. (If) 

Troncoso, Signer F. del Paso y. 61 
Via Ricasoli, Florence, Italy. 

Virchow, Professor Rudolph. Berlin. 

a 



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ZAat of the Fettows 



CORRESPONDING FELLOWS. 



Applejard, Rev. W. Dewsbnry. 
Bonsdorff, Professor E. J. Finland. 
Carr, Lncien, Esq. Cambridge, Mass., 

U.S.A. 
Daa, Professor. Norway. 
DnhoQsset, Colonel Emile. Paris. 
His, Professor W. Leipzig. 
Hoffman, Dr. W. J. Washington, 

D.C., U.S.A. 
Howitt, Alfred W., Esq. Melbourne, 

Victoria. 
Letoumeaa, Prof. Paris. 



Oliver, Captain S. P. Gosport. (t) 
Ricarde-Seaver, Major F. I. AthenaBum 

Clnb, S.W. 
Rage, Dr. Sopbns. Dresden. 
Sannders, Trelawney W., Esq. Newton 

Abbot. 
Scherzer, Dr. Charles Chevalier 

Genoa. 
Steinhauer, Dr. Karl. Stockholm. 
Weisbach, Dr. Augnstin. Vienna. 
Wilson, T., Esq. Smithsonian 

stitution, Washington. {%) 



de. 



In- 



N.B. — The name of any Honoi'ary or Corresponding Fellow whose address, or 
that of his agent, shall not be known for the space of two years shall be removed from 
the List, bnt may be restored again by the Council. 



LOCAL CORRESPONDENTS. 



Bertholon, Dr. R. Tunis. 

Boyle, D., Esq. Curator of the ArcheBO- 

logical Museum, Toronto. {%) 
Cheesman, A., Esq. Auckland, N.Z. 
Fawcett, F., Esq. Calicut, India. 
Oillen, F. J., Esq. South Australia. 
Hamilton, A., Esq. Dunedin, N.Z. 
Hobley, C. W.,'Esq. Uganda. 
Hose, C, Esq. Sarawak. 



Latcham, R. T., Esq. Chile. 
Myers, C. S., Esq. Cairo. 
Orsi, Dr. P. Syracuse, Sicily. 
Roscoe, Rev. J. Uganda. 
Temple, Col. R. C. Andaman Islands. 
White, Franklin, Esq. Buluwayo. 
Wray, C, Esq. Perak. 
Wray, L., Esq. Perak. 



It 18 particularly requested that Fellows mill give notice to the Secretary of the 
Society, 3, Ranover Square, W,, of any error in their addresses or descriptions, in 
order that it may he immediately corrected in the hooks. 

The names with ♦ attached to them are those of Fellows who have compounded 
for the Annual Siihscriptions. 

f These Fellows have contributed Papers to the Institute. 

§ These Fellows are Members of Council. 



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of the Anthropological Institute, 3 

Year of ORDINARY FELLOWS. 

Election. 

1883 Abercromby, The Hon. John, 62 FcUmerston Place, Ediriburgk, (*) 

1862 Amherst, of Hackney, The Eight Hon. Lord, F.S.A., 8 Qrosvenor Square^ W. ; 

and JDidlington Hall, Brandon. 
1874 Atkinson, G. M., Esq., 28 St. Oswald Road, West Bwmpton, S.W. (ir§) 

1863 Avebury, The Eight Hon. Lord, F.E.S., Vice-President, 2 St. James' Square, 

8. W. ; High Mms, Beckenham, Kent, (f §*) 

1895 Backhouse, W. A., Esq., St. John's, Wolsingham, Darlington. (*) 

1888 Balfour, Henry, Esq., M.A., Anthropological Department, Museum, Oxford; 

11 Norham Gardens, Oxford, (f §) 
1894 Barclay, Edwyn, Esq., Urie Lodge, Ridgway, Wimbledon. 
1865 Barrett, Thomas Squire, Esq., F.Z.S., F.S.S., F.EB.S., F.E.Hist.S., Rose 

Cottage, Millfleld Road, Appleton, Widnes. (*) 
1876 Barron, E. J., Esq., F.S.A, 10 Endsleigh Street, Tavistock Sqiuire, W.C. (*) 
1882 Baye, Baron de, 58 Avenue de la Gfrcmde Annie, Paris. (*"> 
1901 Beadnell, C. Marsh, Esq., Staflf Surgeon, EN. 
1884 Beaufort, W. Morris, Esq., F.RG.S., 18 Piccadilly, W. (*§) 
1854 Beddoe, John, Esq., M.D., F.RS., F.RC.R, Vice-President, Foreign Associate 

of the Anthropological Society of Paris ; Corresponding Member of the 

Anthropological Society of Berlin ; Hon. Member of the Anthropological 

Societies of Brussels and Washington ; The CharUry, Bradford-on-Avon, 

WUts. (f §) 
1899 Bennett, Albert L., Esq., M.D., F.E.S., 34 Denison Buildings, I4tth Street, 

Denver, Colorado, U.S. A. 
1899 Bennett, Mrs. G. Nevitt, 15 Hanover Terrace, Regent's Park, N.W. 

1899 Berry, R J. A., Esq., M.D., F.RG.S., F.RS., Edinburgh School of Medicine; 

Royal College, Edinburgh ; 4 Howard Place, Edinburgh. 

1896 Blackett, Spencer, Esq., Paternoster House, Charing Cross Road. 
1896 Blundell, Herbert Weld, Esq., Brooks's Club, S. W. 

1869 Bonwick, James, Esq., F.RG.S., Yarra Yarra, South Vale, Upper Norwood, 

S.E. (f ) 
1872 Bowly, Christopher, Esq., Siddington House, Cirencester, 

1864 Brabrook, E. W., Esq., C.B., F.S.A., F.RS.N.A. Copenhagen, Vice-President, 

Corr. Member of the Anthropological Society of Paris ; 178 Bedfcyrd Hilly 
Balham, S. W. ; 28 A Ungdon Street, S. W. (n§) 

1865 Braby, F., Esq., F.G.S., Bmhey Lodge, Tcddington. 
1901 Brant-Sero, J. 0., 93 Shirland Gardens, N.W. 

1900 Breton, Miss A. C, c/o CoL H. Breton, E.K, St. Margaret's Hotise, Rochester. 
1894 Breyer, Dr. H. G., Professor of Natural History, Gymnasium Box, Pretoria, 

South Africa. 
1889 Brown, J. Allen, Esq., F.G.S., 7 Kent Gardens, Ealing. (1I> 

2 



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4 List of the Fellows 

Tear of 
Election. 

1864 Brown, JAmes Eoberts, Esq., F.RG.S., F.RS.KA. Copenhagen, 44 Tregunter 

Boad, South Kensington, S. W. (♦) 
1895 Brown, William, Esq., J.P., President Fowler Phrenological Institute, 

Hazeltaood, WellingborotLgh. 
1885 Browne, John, Esq., Chertsey Sotise, Parkhill Rise, Croydon, Surrey. 
1901 Bruce, J., Esq., M.B., Larriston, Town HaU Square, Orimsby. 

1900 Bryce, Victor F., Esq., F.R.G.S., By stock, near Eocnumth, and 7 Little St, James 

Street, S. W, 
1867 Bull, William, Esq., F.L.S., 536 Kin^s Rood, Chelsea, S,W. 
1895 Bumard, Eobert, Esq., 3 Hillsborough, MiUley, Plymouth. 
1894 Bushe, Col. Charles Kendal, F.G.S., 19 Cromwell Boad, S, Kensington. 

1901 Bushell, Stephen Wootten, Esq., M.D., C.M.G., Shirley, Harold Boad, Upper 

Norwood. 
1867 Busteed, W. J., Esq., M.D., Brigade-Surgeon. (*) 



1893 Caldecott, Percy, Esq., Constitutionai Club, Northuuiberland Avenue, S.W. 
1872 Cammiade, Gilbert Henry, Esq., Madras. (*) 

1892 Campbell, C. W., Esq., H.B.M. Consular Service, Shangliai, China. 
1865 Carey, Major-General W. D., RA., 22 Archers Boad, Southampton. (♦) 
1865 Cavafy, J., Esq., M.D., 10 Fourth Avenue, Hove, Sussex. (♦) 

1901 Chalmers, Albert J., M.D., F.RC.S., Medical College, Colombo, Ceylon. 
1899 Christian, F. W., Esq., 60 Clyde Boad, Addiscombe, E. Croydon, (f ) 

1874 Church, Sir W. Selby, Bart., M.D., President RC.R, 130 Harley Street, 

Cavendish Square, W. 
1877 Clapham, Crochley, Esq., M.D., The Gables, Mayfidd, Sussex. (♦! ) 
1885 Clarke, C. F., Esq., M.RC.S., 24 Park Boad, Plumstead. 

1875 Claudet, Frederic, Esq., F.C.S., 10 Oak Hill, Frognal, Hampstead, N. W. 
1864 Clerk, Major-General H., R.A., F.RS., Mountfield, 5 Upper Maze Hill, St. 

Leonards, Sussex. 

1895 aodd, Edward, Esq., 19 Carleton Boad, Tufndl Park, N. 

1898 Codrington, Robert, Esq., F.RG.S., Government House, Fort Jameson, Bhodesia. 

1884 Coffin, Walter H., Esq., F.L.S., F.C.S., 94 Cornwall Gardens, South Kensington, 
S. W. ; and Villa Passaic, Kew, Surrey. 

1863 Collingwood, J. Frederick, Esq., F.(J.S., Foreign Associate of the Anthropo- 
logical Society of Paris, 5 Irene Boad, Parson's Green, S.W. (♦If) 

1888 CoUyer, Henry C, Esq., Breakhurst, Beddington, near Croydon. 

1896 Connolly, R M., Esq., B.A., LRC.S. Edin., Taiping, State of Perak. (1) 
1895 Comer, Frank, Esq., M.RC.S., Manor House, Poplar, E. (f ) 

1861 Crawfurd, 0. J., Esq., C.M.G., Oporto. (♦) 

1893 Crombie, James Edward, Esq., Inverdon, Aberdeen. (H) 

1892 Crooke, William, Esq., B.A., Langton House, Charlton Kings, Cheltenham,, (f §) 



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of the Anthropological InsHttUe. 5 

Year of 
Slecfcion. 

1900 Crowfoot, J. W., Esq., M.A., Mason University College, Birmingham, (f ) 
1883 Cunningham, Professor D. J., M.D., D.C.L, F.RS. L. and E., 43 FitzWilliam 

Place, Dublin. (ITg) 
1896 Cost, Miss M. E. V., F.RG.S., M.E.A.S., 127 Victoria Street, Westminster. 
1875 Czamikow, C, Esq., 29 Mincing Lane, E.C. 

1892 Dallas, James, Esq., F.L.S., Cantralees, Lympstone, Devon. (IT) 

1895 Dalton, Ormonde Maddock, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., British Musema^ BloomAmry, 

W.C. (IT) 
1885 Darwin, W. Erasmus, Esq., F.G.S., Ridgemount, Basset, North Stoneham, 
Southampton. 

1893 Davies, Eev. T. Witton, B.A. (Lond.), Ph.D. (Leipzig), Baptist College, Bangor, 

Nm^th Wales. (♦) 
1869 Dawkins, W. Boyd, Esq., M.A., D.Se., F.RS., F.S.A., F.G.S., Professor of 
Geology and Palseontology in Victoria University, Owens Collie, 
Manchester, Woodhurst, Fallowfield, MancJiester. (%) 

1899 Duckworth, W. L H., Esq., M.A., Jesus College, Cambridge. (*f §) 
1885 Duncombe, Captain the Hon. Cecil, The Gh^ange, Nawton, Yorks. 
1901 Durnan, T., Esq., 35 Harcourt Road, Sheffield. 

1862 Eastwood, J. W., Esq., M.D., Dinsdale Park, Darlington. 

1893 Ebbels, Arthur, Esq., 6 Zavendei* Gardens, Clapliam Common, S. W. 

1890 Edwards, Stanley, Esq., F.Z.S., Kidbrooke Lodge, Blackheath, SB. 

1896 Elliott, R, Esq., 161 Camberwell Road, S.E. 

1888 Ellis, H. Havelock, Esq., CarUs Water, Lelant, Cornwall. 
1901 Elworthy, Frederick T., Foxdovm, Wellington, Somerset. 

1891 Evans, Arthur J., Esq., M.A., F.RS., F.S.A., Vice-President, Keeper of the 

Ashmolean Museum, Youlbury, Oxford, (f §) 

1863 Evans, Sir John, K.C.B., D.C.L, LLD., F.RS., V.P.S.A., F.LS., F.G.S., 

Vice-President ; President of the Numismatic Society of London ; 

Nash Mills, Hem^l Hempstead, Herts, (f §) 
1887 Evans, Sebastian, Esq., LLD., Abbott Barton, Canterbury. 
1901 Eyles, F., P.O. Box 580, Bvltmayo, Rhodesia. 

1896 Falconer, Thomas Wentworth, Esq., Foxholes, Christch^crch, Hants. 

1900 Famell, Lewis R, Esq., M.A., Bxeter College, Oxford. 

1901 Farquharson of Haughton, Mrs., F.RA.S., Netherton, Meigle, N.B. 

1880 Felkin, Eobert William, Esq., M.D., F.RG.S., 48 Westbourne Gardens, W. 

1897 Ffeimell, Miss M. C, 172 The Grove, Hammersmith, W. 
1883 Finzi, John, Esq., 53 Hamilton Terrace, N.W. 

1866 Fischer, R)bert, Esq., B.L, Madura, Madras. (♦) 

1901 Fisher, Mrs., Yqfpoon, Queensland, Australia; and Vectis Lodge Bembridge^ 
I.W. 



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6 List of the Fellows 

Year of 
BleotioD. 

1901 Flower, Stanley S., Captain 5th Fusiliers, Ghizeh, Egypt. 

1883 Forbes, H. 0., Esq., LL.D., Director of Museums, The Museum, William 

Broume Street, IdverpooL (§1f) 
1875 Forlong, Major-General J. G. R, F.RG.S., F.RS.K, 11 Douglas Orescent, 

Edinhurgh. 
1889 Fraser, Professor A., M.B., 18 Northhrook Road, Dublin, 
1885 Frazer, James G, Esq., M.A., D.Sc., Trinity College, Camh^ge, (If) 
1871 Fry, Danby R, Esq., 166 ffaverstock Hill, K W. 

1862 Galton, Francis, Esq., M.A., D.C.L, F.RS., F.G.S., F.RG.S. ; Vice-President, 
42 Rutland Gate, S. W. (ir§) 

1901 Gardiner, A. H., Esq., 25 Tavistock Square, W. 

1881 Garson, John George, Esq., M.D., Foreign Associate Anthropological Society 
of Paris; Corresponding Member Society for Anthropology, Ethnology 
and Primitive Hist, of Berlin ; Corresponding Member of Anthropological 
Society of Moscow; Corresponding Member of Anthropological Society 
of Eome ; Adviser jtnd Instructor on the Metric System of Identification 
Home Office, 14 Stratford Place, W. (1I§) 

1901 Greorge, E. C. S., Esq., C.I.E., Deputy Commissioner, Meiktila, Burmah. 

1880 Gladstone, J. Hall, Esq., Ph.D., F.RS., F.C.S., 17 Pemhridge Square, W. (IT) 

1901 Gladstone, R J., Esq., 1 Gloucester Gate, Regent's Park, N. W. 

1896 Goddon, Miss G. M., Ridgfield, Wimbledon. (IT) 

1879 Godman, F. Du Cane, Esq., F.RS., South Lodge, Horsham. (♦) 
1895 Gomme, G. L., Esq., F.S.A, 24 Dorset Square, W. (§ir) 
1901 Gordon, Thomas H., Esq., B.A., Ivy Bank, Tarporley. 
1885 Gosselin, Hellier E. H., Esq., Bengeo Hall, Hertford. 

1887 Gowland, W., Esq., F.S.A, F.C.S., Vice-President, 13 Russell Road, 

Kensington, W. (§*ir) 
1894 Gray, John, Esq., B.Sc., 351 Coldharbou/r Lane, Brixtm, S.W. (IT) 

1888 Greatheed, William, Esq., 67 Chancery Lane, W.C. 

1901 Green, F W. Edridge, Esq., M.D., Hendon Grove, Hendon. 

1892 Green, Upfield, Esq., F.G.S., TenUr Street, Moorjields, E.C. 

1899 Greg, Thos. Tylston, Esq., M.A, F.S.A., 7 Campden Hill Square, Kensington, W. 
1899 Griffith, F. Llewellyn, Esq., RiversvcUe, Ashton-under-Lyne. (%) 

1889 Haddon, Alfred Cort, Esq., M.A., Sc.D., F.RS., M.RI.A., F.Z.S., President, 

Professor of Zoology in the Eoyal College of Science. Dublin, Inisfail, 
Hills Road, Cambridge. (ir§*) 

1893 Hale, Charles George, Esq., 16 Dryhill Road, Tonbridge, Kent. 
1901 Hall, H. R H., Esq., British Museum, Bloomdniry, W.C. 

1890 Hardy, Norman, Esq., 294 King's Road, Chelsea. 

1884 Hargreaves, Miss H. M., OaJchurst, Waterloo Road, Birkdale. 

1897 Hartland, E. S., Esq., F.S.A, HighgaHh, Gloucester. (*§) 



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of the Anthropological InsttttUe, 7 

Year of 
Eleotion. 

1866 Haserick, F. Augustus, Esq., 35 Johann Georgm AlUe, Dresden, Qermany, (♦) 
1893 Haswell, George Handel, Esq., Cornwall Works, Birmingham. 
1889 Haverfield, F., Esq., M.A., Christ Church, Oxford. (♦) 
1864 Healey, Edward C, Esq., Wyphurst, Cranleigh, ChwUdford. 

1885 Heape, C, Esq., Hartley, High Lane, near Stockport. 
1901 Henderson, G. J., St, Katherine's, Oxted, Surrey. 

1886 Hervey, Hon. D. F. A., C.M.G., Westfidd, Aldeburgh. 

1901 Hewitt, Eev. Canon, e/o F. Philipson Stow, Esq., Blaekdovm House, 

Femhwrst, Sussex. 
1863 Hewlett, Alfred, Esq., F.G.S., Haseley Manor, Warwick. 
1895 Hickson, Prof. S. J., D.Sc, F.R.S., Owens College, Manchester. (♦) 

1899 Hobson, Mrs. M. A., 5 Beaumont Crescent, West Kensirigton, W. 

1900 Hodgson, T. V., Esq., 147 Tachbrook Street, S. W. 

1899 Holdich, Col. Sir T. Hungerford, R.E., K.C.I.E, C.B., 23 Zansdowne Crescent, 
NoUing BUI, W. (f §) 

1887 Hollander, Bernard, Esq., M.D., M.R.C.S., 62 Queen Anne Street, Cavendish 

Square, W. 

1901 Holies, A. C, Dartmouth House, Dartmouth Park, N.W. 

1881 Holmes, T. V., Esq., F.G.S., 28 Croom's Hill, Greenwich, SB. (ITg) 

1876 Horniman, Frederick John, Esq., M.P., F.LS., F.R.G.S., F.Z.S., F.S.A. Scot., 

20 Hyde Park Terrace, W. (*) 
1894 Horsley, Victor, Esq., F.RS., F.K.C.S., 25 Cavendish Square, W. 
1893 Hose, Charles, Esq., Resident of the Baram, Sarawak, Borneo; and cfo Borneo 

Co., 28 Fmchurch Street, B.C. (f ) 
1891 Howarth, 0. H., Esq., 209 Gresham House, Old Broad Street, B.C. (IT) 
1889 Howden, Robert, Esq., M.A., M.B., F.RS.E., Prof, of Anatomy, Durham 

University, 24 Burdon Terrace, Newcastle-on-Tyne. 
1887 Howes, G. B., Esq., LL.D., F.RS., F.LS., Viob-President, Boyal College of 

Science, South Kensington, S. W. (§) 
1896 Howorth, Sir Henry H., K.C.I.E, M.P., F.R.S., F.S.A., 30 Collingliam Place, 

EarVs Court, (f §) 
1879 Hugel, Baron A. von, 53 Barton Road, Cambridge. 
1885 Hurst, Walter, Esq., B.Sc., Kirkgate, Tadcaster, Yorks; a/nd 17 Doughty Street, 

W.C. 
1898 Hutchinson, Rev. H. Neville, 39 Bedford Gardens, Campden HiU, Kensington, W. 

1898 lies, Gteorge, Esq., 6 Brunswick Street j Montreal, Canada. (♦) 

1863 Jackson, Henry, Esq., Litt.D., M.A., Trinity College, Cambridge. (*) 

1872 Jeaffireson, W. J., Esq., M.A., Savage Club, Adelphi. (*) 

1869 Jeffery, F. J., Esq. (♦) 

1898 Jevons, Frank Byron, Esq., M.A., LL.D., Principal of Hatfield Hall, Durham. 



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8 List of the Fellows 

Year of 
Eleotion. 
1885 Johnston, Sir H. H., KC.B., H.M. Special Commissioner, Uganda, 27 

Chester Terrace, MegerU's Park, N, W. (1) 
1902 Johnstone, N. B., British Vice-CormUate, Twrvis. 

1879 Keane, A. H., Esq., B.A., Corresponding Member of the Italian Society of 

Anthropology, 79 Broadhurst Gardens, South Hampstead, iV. JV. (IT) 
1896 Keith, A., Esq., M.D., F.RC.S., 40 Leigh Boad, Highbury Park, N. {%%) 
1891 Kennedy, George A., Esq., 76 Seedley Boad, Pendleton, Manchester, 

1865 Kincaid, Major-General W., Messrs, Alexander Fletcher & Co,, St, Helen's 

Place, Bishopsgate Street, B.C. 
1891 Kitts, Eustace John, Esq., Gorakhpu/r, N,W,P, (♦) 
1895 Klein, Eev. L. De Beaumont, D.Sc, MorUford House, Alexandra Drive, 

Liverpool. 
1881 Knowles, W. J., Esq., Floxton Place, Ballymena, Co. Antrim, (1) 

1893 Ko, Taw Sein, Esq., 2 Latter Street, Bangoon, Burmah, 

1894 Klrauss, J. S., Esq., B.A., Smedlei/s Bstailishment, Matlock, 

1863 La Barte, Rev. W. W., M.A., 9 Creffield Boad, Colchester, 

1895 Lancaster, G. G, Esq., Marton Hail, Baschurch, Shrewsbwry, (*) 
1899 Lang, Andrew, Esq., 1 Marloes Boad, Kensington, W. 

1888 Law, Walter W., Esq., Scarborough, Nm York, U,S,A, (♦) 

1885 Lawrence, E., Esq., 56 Blenheim Boad, Blackhorse Boad, WaJthamstow, 

Essex, (*) 

1899 Lawrence, George Fabeau, Esq., 7 West Hill, Wandsworth, S. W. 

1901 Lee, D. Carton, The Bed House, Tunbridge Wells, 

1899 Lee, Mrs. Kate, 8 Victoria Boad, Kensington, W, 
1901 Lendon-Bennett, M., The Granite Hoiise, Putney, 

1901 Letts, C, Esq., 8 Bartlett's Buildings, Holbom Circus, E, 

1866 Lewis, A. L, Esq., F.C.A., Trbasurer, 54 Highbury Hill, N, (*T§) 
1893 Longman, Charles James, Esq., M.A., 27 Norfolk Square, W, (♦) 

1891 Low, Sir Hugh, G.C.M.G, F.LS., F.G.S., 23 De Vere Gardens, Kensington, W. 

1884 Macalister, Alexander, Esq., M.D., F.R.S., Professor of Anatomy in the 

University of Cambridge, Vice-President, Torrisdale, Cambridge. (ir§) 

1900 McDougall, William, Esq., St. John's College, Cambridge, (H) 

1901 Mace, A., Esq., All Saints* Lodge, Hawley, Hants. 

1899 Maclver, David, Esq., M.A., Wolverton House, Clifton, near Bristol, (IT) 

1899 Maclagan, E. C, Esq., M.D., 5 Coaies Crescent, Edinburgh, 

1900 Macnamara, N. C, Esq., 13 Grosvenor Street, W. 

1885 MacEitchie, David, Esq., F.S.A. Scot., 4 Archibald Place, Edinburgh, {%) 
1855 Malcolm, W. K, Esq., M.A., Bumfoot, Lam^hdm, Dumfries. (♦) 

1881 Man, E. H., Esq., CLE, 2 Palace Boad, Kingston-on-Thames, (%) 



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of iht Anth/ropologieal Institute. 9 

Y«arof 
Election. 

1892 March, H. CoUey, Esq., M.D., Partesham, Dorchester. (*%) 

1896 Marett, R R, Esq., Hxeter College, Oxford. (*) 

1868 Martin, Kichard Biddulph, Esq., M.P., M.A., F.RaS., 10 HUl Street, W. 

1894 Maudslay, A. R, Esq., F.RG.S., 32 Montpelier Square, KniglU^bridge, S.W. 

1881 Meldola, Eaphael, Esq., F.RS., RRA.S. F.C.S., RLC, Professor of Chemistiy 

in the Finsbury Technical College, City and Guilds of London Institute, 

6 Brunswick Square, W.C. {^%) 
1877 Messer, A. B., Esq., M.D., Inspector-General of Hospitals and Fleet, Kinglune, 

Carlisle Road, Eastbourne. (*f ) 
1901 Mills, H. V,, Kev., Greenside, Kendal. 
1901 Mitchell, A., Esq.', M.D., M.C., 87 Begent Street, W. 
1885 Mocatta, R D., Esq., 9 ConnaugM Place, W. (*) 
1883 Moloney, H.E. Sir C. Alfred, KCJM.G., F.RG.S., Governor of the Windward 

Islands, Government House, St. George's, Chenada, West Indies. 

1870 Morrison, Walter, Esq., M.A., M.P., 77 Cromwell Hood, S.W. (*) 
1894 Mortimer, J. R, Esq., Driffield, Yorks. 

1897 Mullen, Ben H., Esq., M.A. (Dub.), F.RS.A.L, Royal Museum, Peel Park, 

Salftyrd. 
1885 Munro, R, Esq., M.A., M.D., F.RS.E., 48 MarK/r Place, EdinJmrgh. (n) 

1871 Murray, Adam, Esq., F.G.S. (♦) 

1875 Muspratt, Edmund K., Esq., F.C.S., Seaforth HaU, Seaforth, near Liverpool. 

1896 Myers, C. S., Esq., M.A., 62 Holland Park, W. (f ) 

1893 Myres, J. L, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., F.RG.S., Secretary, Corresponding Member 

of the Anthropological Society of Paris, Christ Church, Oxford. (*f§) 

1898 Nazar, M. H., Esq., Representative of Indians in South Africa, P.O. Box 182, 

Durban, Natal. 
1898 Newton, Wm.M., Esq., 96 Wood Street, B.C. 
1858 Nicholson, Sir Charles, Bart, D.C.L., LLD., F.RG.S., F.RA.S., Tlie Grange, 

Totteridge, Heists. (T) 

1869 Oppert, Dr. G., Professor of Sanscrit, Biilowstrasse 55, Berlin, (f ) 

1870 Parker, W. M., Esq. (♦) 

1898 Parkin, Whl, Esq., The Mount, Sheffield. 

1897 Parkinson, R, Esq., Ralvm, Bismarck Archipelago. 

1891 Partington, J. Edge, Esq., Park Hall, Great Bardjield, Essex, (f ) 
1891 Paterson, Professor A. M., Esq., M.D., Anatomy Department, University 
College, Liverpool 

1899 Paul, John Dennis, Esq., F.G.S., Tovm End Close, Ratcliffe Road, Knighton, 

Leicester. 



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10 List of (he Fellows 

Year of 
EleotioD. 

1891 Peek, The Hon. Lady, 22 Belgrave Square, S. W. 

1894 Pengelly, Miss Hester, LamorTui, Torquay, c/o Rev. Prof. Harley, F.R.S., 15 

Westhov/me Road, Forest Hill, S,E. 

1900 Petrie, W. M. Flinders, Esq., D.C.L., LL.D., Professor of Egyptology, Univer- 

sity College, Oower Street, W.C, (f ) 

1898 Plowden, Sir H. Meredyth, Leintwardine, Herefordshire. 

1895 Portman, M. V., Esq., 4 Clements Inn, Strand, W.C. 

1896 Praetorius, C. J., Esq., Pomona House, New King's Rood, Fulham. 

1901 Preen, Ernest A., Esq., ConeUan^ Malvern Link. 

1868 Price, F. G. Hilton, Esq., F.S.A., F.G.S., F.R.G.S., 17 Collingham Gardens, 

S.W.(%) 
1863 Pusey, S. E. B. Bouverie, Esq., F.R.G.S., 35a South Audley Street ; and Pusey 

House, FaHngdon, Berks. 
1891 Pye, Randall H., Esq., SeUxmme, 15 Castle Bar Rood, Ealing. (§) 

1899 Quick, Arthur, Esq., 33 Brixton Hill, S. W. 

1868 Ransom, Edwin, Esq., F.RG.S., 24 Ashbu^mltam Road, Bedford. (*) 
1866 Rao, The Hon. Rajah Sir Goday Naraen Gftjapati, Vizagapatam^ India. 
1883 Ravenstein, Ernest G., Esq., F.R.G.S., 2 York Mansions, Battersea Park, 

sjv.m) 

1890 Ray, Sidney H., Esq., 218 Balfour Road, Ilford, Essex. (T) 

1875 Read, Charles H., Esq., F.S.A., Vice-President, Keeper of British and 
Mediaeval Antiquities and Ethnc^raphy, British Museum, 22 Carlyle 
Square, Chelsea. (§f ) 

1886 Reid, Robert William, Esq., M.D., Professor of Anatomy in the University of 
Aberdeen, 37 Albyn Place, Aberdeen. 

1863 Renshaw, Charles J., Esq., M.D., Ashton-on-Mersey, Manchester. (*) 

1901 Ridgeway, W., Esq., Disney Professor of Archseology, Caiv^ College, Cam- 
bridge. (§) 

1893 Rigg, Herbert, Esq., 13 Queen's Gate Place, S.W.; and Walhurst Manor 
Horsham. 

1850 Ripon, The Most Hon. the Marquis of, K.G., G.C.S.L, C.I.E., D.C.L, F.R.S., 
9 Chelsea Embankment, S. W. ; and Studley Royal, Ripon. 

1889 Risley, H. H., Esq., C.I.E., M.A., Bengal Secretariat, Calcutta, (f ) 

1900 Rivers, W. H. R., Esq., M.D., St. John's College, Cambridge. 

1901 Rose, H. A., Census Superintendent, Simla, India. 
1882 Roth, Henry ling, Esq., 32 Prescott Street, Halifax, (f ) 
1882 Rothschild, Hon. Nathaniel C, Tnng Park, Tring, Herts. (♦) 
1899 Riicker, Miss S. C, 4 Vanbrugh Terrace, Blackheath, S.E. 

1871 Rudler, F. W., Esq., F.G.S., Vice-President, Corresponding Member of the 
Anthropological Society of Paris, 25 Momington Crescent, N. W. (f §) 



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of the AnthropologiccU Institute. II 

Year of 
Meotion. 

1863 Salting, W. S., Esq., F.RG.S., 40 Berkd^ Square, W. (♦) 

1864 Sanders, Alfred, Esq., F.LS., F.Z.S., The Hawthorns, Caterham Valley, Surrey. 

1886 Sarawak, H.H. the Banee of, Kuching, Borneo, vid Singapore. 
1876 Sayce, Professor A. H., MA., LLC, Queen's College, Oxford. (*f ) 

1900 Seligmann, Charles G., Esq., 23 Vincent Square, S. W. 

1885 Seton-Karr, H. W., Esq., 31 Lingfield Road, Wimbledon, (f ) 

1866 Shaw, Lieut-Colonel F. G., Heathbum Hall, Carrtgaline, Co. Cork. (♦) 

1901 Shelford, S. H., Sarawak vid Singapore. 

1898 Shrubsall, Frank Charles, Esq., M.A., 34 Lime Grove, Uxbridge Road. (*! §) 
1901 Skeat, W. W., Esq., M.A., 2 Salisbury Villas, Cambridge. 

1866 Skues, F. M., Esq., M.D., Brigade Surgeon-Major, 51 Kingstead Road, Catfard. 

(*) 

1898 Small, James Willoughby, Esq., Principal Victoria CoU^, Jaffna, Ceylon. 

1865 Smith, Worthington G., Esq., F.L.S., 121 High Street, Dvmtable. (If) 
1893 Somerville, Lieutenant Boyle T., E.N., H.M.S. " Triton;' Chatham, (f ) 

1867 Southby, Philip, Esq., F.Z.S., Barrister-at-Law, Bampton, Faringdon. (*) 

1889 Southesk, The Right Hon. the Earl of, K.T., Kinnaird Castle, Brechin, N.B. 

1886 Stanley, W. F., Esq., F.G.S., Cumierlow, South Nonvood, SJS. (1) 

1873 Stanmore, The Right Hon. Lord, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., D.C.L., Red House, Ascot. 

1880 Stephens, Henry Charles, Esq., M.P., F.L.S., F.G.S., F.C.S., Avenue Hmm, 

Church End, Finchley, N. ; and 4 Carlton Gardens, S. W. (*) 
1892 Stephenson, Miss Rose. 

1881 Stopes, H., Esq., 11 Queen Victoria Street, B.C. (♦IT) 

1887 Straker, Joseph, Esq., Dipton Home, Riding Mill, Northumberland. 

1883 Streeter, E. W., Esq., F.RG.S., F.Z.S., 2 Park Crescmt, W. (♦) 
1865 Swinburne, Algernon Charles, Esq., The Pines, Putney Hill, S.W. 

1899 Swynnerton, Fred., Esq., Oakwood Place, Simla, India. 

1899 Tabor, Charles James, Esq., White House, Knotfs Green, Leyton, Essex. 
1901 Tate, H. R., Hampton Court Palace. 

1892 Taylor, Frederick, Esq., 250 JVest 76th Street, New York City, U.SjL. (♦) 
1879 Temple, Lieut.-Colonel R. C, CLE., Chief Commissioner Andaman and 

Nicobar Islands, Government House, Port Blair, An^man Island; c/o 

H. S King ^ Co. (f ) 
1881 Thane, George Dancer, Esq., Professor of Anatomy in University College, 

London, University College, Gower Street, W.C. (♦IT) 

1884 Thomas, Oldfield, Esq., F.Z.S., 9 St. Petersburg Place, Bayswater Hill, W. (MT ) 
1873 Thompson, J. Barclay, Esq., M.A., Lee's Reader in Anatomy, 39 St. Margaret's 

Road, Oxford. (♦) 

1890 Thomson, Arthur, Esq., M.A., M.B., Professor of Human Anatomy in the 

University of Oxford, The Museum, Oxford. (IT) 



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12 List of the Fellows of the Anthropological InstittUe, 

Year of 
Election. 

1901 Thorn, W, W., Hillmorton, Wallington, Surrey. 
1882 Thum, Everard F. im, Esq., C.B., C.M.G., 1 Hast India Avenue, E.C. (f §) 

1896 Tims, H. W. Marett, Esq., M.D., 19 Lyndewood Road, Cambridge. 
1899 Tocher, James F., Esq., F.I.C., Chapel Street, Peterhead, N.B. (f ) 

1895 ToUey, Eichard Mentz, Esq., F.H.S., Oriel Lodge, Rushbury, Wolverhampton, 

1901 Travers, Major John A., Field Place, Hordtam, Sun*ey, 

1885 Tregear, Edward, Esq., Secretary, Department of Labour, Tivuikon Road, 

Wellin^on, New Zealand, (f ) 
1879 Trotter, Coutts, Esq., F.G.S., 10 Randolf Crescent, Edinburgh. 
1891 Tsuboi, S., Esq., Science College, Imperial Institute, Tokyo, Japan, (♦) 
1889 Turner, Sir Wiffiam, M.B., LLD., D.C.L., F.E.S. Lond. and Edin., Professor 

of Anatomy in the University of Edinburgh, 6 Eton Tei^ace, Edinburgh. (%) 
1867 Tylor, Edward Burnett, Esq., D.C.L., LLC, F.RS., Vice-President, Professor 

of Anthropology, Keeper of the University Museum, Oxford, The Museum 

House, Oxford, (f §) 
1891 Tylor, Mrs. E. B., TJie Museum House, Oxford, 

1891 Waddell, Lt.-CoL L A., LL.D., 36 Dartmouth Park Road, Highgate Road, 

1901 Waddington, S., Esq., B.A., 47 Connaught Street, Hyde Park, W. 

1863 Wake, C. S., Esq., Foreign Member of the Anthropological Institute of New 

York, 411 East 45^A Street, Chicago, Illinois, U.S,A. 
1874 Walhouse, M. J., Esq., 28 Hamilton Terrace, St. John's Wood, N. JV. (1) 
1866 Wallace, A. R, Esq., D.C.L., F.RS., F.L.S., F.RG.S., F.Z.S., Corfe View, 

Parkeston, Dorset, (f ) 
1891 Ward, Herbert, Esq., 53 Chester Square, S. W. (IT) 

1897 Webster, John Aplin, Esq., 21 Castle Street East, Oxford Street, W. 
1901 Webster, W. D., Esq., HoToe Court, Palace Road, Streatham Hill. 
1895 Wells, Samuel, Esq., F.RG.S., Richmond, Yorks, 

1901 White, Franklin, Esq., P.O. Box 669, Buluwayo. 

1901 Williams, J. W., Esq., M.RC.S., L.RC.P. Lond., F.L.S., 128 Mansfield Road, 

Gospel Oak, N, W. 
1901 Williams, S. Herbert, Stedman House, Surbiton Hill. 
1869 Winwood, Eev. H. H., M.A., F.G.S., 11 Cavendish Crescent, Bath. 
1901 Withers, A. Delisle, Esq., Ewhurst, 21 Lichfield Road, Keio Gardens, 
1881 Wolfe, Miss K S., High Broom, Crowborough, Sussex. (*) 



Subscribers to the Publications of the Institute. 
The Library Committee of the Corpoi*ation of the City of London. 



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( 13 ) 
SOCIETIES, Etc., EXCHANGING PUBLICATIONS 

WITH THl 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE. 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



Du&Zin... Royal Dablin Societj. 

— Royal Irish Academy. 
Edinburgh.. BojbI College of Physicians. 

— Royal Society of Edinburgh. 

— Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. 
6to^ot(;... Philosophical Society. 
i/cm({on... British Medical Association. 

— Egypt Exploration Fund. 

— Folklore Society. 

— Geologists' Association. 

— Hellenic Society. 

-^ India Office, Whitehall. 

— Japan Society. 

— Journal of Mental Science. 

— Nature. 



Xonc^... Palestine Exploration Fund. 

— Quatuor Coronati Lodge, No. 2076. 

— Royal ArchflBological Institute. 

— Royal Asiatic Society. 

— Royal Colonial Institute. 

— Royal Geographical Society. 

— Royal Society. 

— Royal Society of Literature. 

— Royal Statistical Society. 

— Royal United Service Institution. 

— Society of Antiquaries. 

— Society of Biblical ArchiBology. 
Taunton ... The Somersetshire Archado- 

logical Society. 
Trwro... Royal Institution of Cornwall. 



EUROPE. 



AUSTEO-HUNGARY. 

Agram... Kroatische Archaologische Qe- 

sellschafb. 
Budapest... Magyar Tndom&nyos Aka- 

demia. 

— Magyar Nemzeti N^prajzi Ostdlya. 
Cracoto... Akademija Umiejetndsci. 
Vienna... Anthropologische Gesellschaft. 

— K. Akademie der Wissenschaften. 
Sa/rajevo... Landesmuseum (Wissen- 

schaf tliohe Mittheilungen aus Bosnien). 

Bblgium. 
Brusseh . . . Academic Royale des Sciences, 
etc. de Belgique. 

— Sod^t^ d' Anthropologic de Bruxelles. 

— Sooi^t6 d'Arch6ologie de Bruxelles. 

Denmark. 
Copenhagen... Soci^t^ des Antiquaires du 
Nord. 

France. 
Lyons... Soci6t6 d* Anthropologic de 

Lyon. 
Paris... L'Anthropologie. 

— ficole d'Anthropologie. 



Pon'^... Revaede THistoiredes Religions. 

— Soci^t^ d' Anthropologic. 

— Annie Sociologique. 

Germany. 

Berlin... Berliner Gesellschaft fdr An- 
thropologie, Ethnologic, und Urges- 
chichte. 

— K. Museum fur Volkerkunde. 

— Seminar fur Orientalische Sprachen. 
Breslau... Centralblatt fur Anthro- 

pologie, etc. 
Gotha... Petermann's Mittheilungen. 
HaUe-ord' Saale . . . Kaiserliche Leopol- 

dina Carolina Akademie der Deutschen 

Nfvturforscher. 

— Deutsche Morgenlandische Gesell- 
schaft. 

Kiel... Anthropologischer Vcrein 

Schleswig-Holstein. 
Leipzig... Verein fur Erdkunde. 
Munich... Deutsche Gesellschaft 

Anthropologic, Ethnologie, 

Urgeschichte. 



fur 



fiir 
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14 



Societies, etc., Eocchanging Pvhlicatione 



Stuttgart,,. Zeitsohrift fur Morphologic 
and Anthropologie. 

Oreece. 
Athens.,. Ephemeris Archaiologikd. 

— Annual of the British School of 
Arcbsdologj. 

Italy. 

Florence,,, Sooiet& Italiana di Antropo- 
logia, Etnologia, e Psicologia Com- 
parata. 

Borne.,, Bullettino di Paletnologia 
Italiana. 

— SooietJL Bomana di Antropologia. 
Borne,,, Aocademia dei Lincei. 
Turin,,, Archivio di Psichiatria. 

Netherlands. 
Amsterdam.,, Eoninklijke Akademie van 
Wetenschappen. 



Leuien... Internationales Archiv' fiir 

Ethuographie. 
The Hague,,. Koninklijk Instituut voor 

de Taal-, Land-, en Yolkenkunde van 

Nederlandsch Indie. 
Portugal. 
Lisbon.,, Portugal em Africa. 
Porto,,, Portugalia. 

Russia. 
Moscow... Imper. Obshchestvo Lubitelei 

lestestvoznania, Antropologii, i Etno- 

grafii. 
St, Petersburg,,. Imper. Akademia Nauk. 

Sweden. 
Stockholm,.. Academy of Antiquities, 
National Museum. 

— Nordbka Mnseet. 

— Tmer. 



AFRICA. 

Cape Town,,. S. African Philosophical Society. 



AMERICA. 



Brazil. 
Bio de Janeiro.,, Museu Nacional. 

Canada. 

Montreal,,, Royal Society of Canada. 
Toronto,,, Canadian Institute. 

United States. 
Cambridge, Mass,,,, Peabody Museum, 

Science. 
Chicago . . . American Antiquarian . 
— Field Columbian Museum. 



New York,.. American Museum of 
Natural History. 

Philadelphia,.. Free Museum of Science 
and Art (University of Philadelphia, 
Department of Archesology). 

Washington.,, American Anthropologist. 

— Bureau of Ethnology. 

— Smithsonian Institution. 

— United States Geological Survey. 

— United States National Museum. 
Worcester, Mass.... American Journal of 

Psychology. 



ASIA. 



China. 



Shanghai . , . Royal 
(China branch). 



Asiatic Society 



India. 

Bombay... Anthropological Society. 
— Indian Antiquary. 
Calcutta... Bengal Asiatic Society. 
Colombo,,. Royal Asiatic Society (Cey- 
lon branch). 



Japan. 
Tokio.,, Asiatic Society of Japan. 
— Tokio-Daigaku (Imperial Univer- 
sity). 

Java. 

Batavia... Bataviaasche Genootschap van 
Kunsten en Wetenschappen. 

Straits Settlements. 
Singapore... Royal Asiatic Society 
(Straits Branch). 



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with the Anthropological Institute, 



15 



AUSTRALIA AND PACIFIC. 



Honolulu,,, Bemioe Pauahi Bishop 
Maseum. 

Melhowme,,. Bojal Society of Vic- 
toria. 

Sydney,., Australian Mnseum. 



Sydney,,. Australasian Association for 
the Advancement of Science. 

— Bojal Society of New Sonth 
Wales. 

Wellington, N,Z,., Polynesian Society. 



PUBLICATIONS RECEIVED IN EXCHANGE FOR "MAN.'' 



England. 
London.,, Chorch Missionary Intelli- 
gencer. 

— Journal of the East India Association. 

— Lancet. 

— Sonth American Missionary Society. 

Austria. 
Prog... Cesky Lid. 

Belgium. 
Brusseli... Mission Beige. 
Ghent,,. Volkskxmde. 

France. 
Dax,,. Soci^t6 de Borda. 
Paris,, . Re vne des Traditions Popnlaires. 

— Melnsine. 

Germany. 
Brunswick,., Globus. 
Danzig,,. West Preossiches Provincial- 

Mnsenm. 
Dresden... Bericht des Vereins fiir 

Erdkunde. 
Ouhen.., Niederlanzitzer Mittheilangen. 
Munich. , . Eorrespondenzblatt. 

— Geographische G^sellschaft. 



Niimberg.,. Bericht der Natar-historis- 
ohen Gesellschaft. 

New South Wales. 
Sydney... Science of Man. 

Portugal. 

Lisbon... Archeologo Portngn^s. 
Serpa,,. A Tradi9ao. 

SERYLi. 

Alexinatz... Earadjitch. 

Svhtzbrland. 

Zurich... Schweizerisohes Arohiv fiir 
Volksknnde. 

United States. 

Boston.,, American Journal of ArchsB- 

ology. 
Ohicago,.. Open Court. 
Meriden... Biblia. 
New York.,. Appleton's Popular Science 

Monthly. 
Philadelphia,,, Proceedings of American 

Philosophical Society. 



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6T. KABTIV'S LAVB. 



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JOURNAL 



OF THE 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 

OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING. 

FEBEUARY 4th, 1901. 

C. H. Read, Esq., F.S.A, President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the last Annual (Jeaeral Meeting were read and confirmed. 

The Election of the following new Fellows was announced : 
Mr. J. Brucb, M.B., Town Hall Square, Grimsby. 
Mr. A. H. Gardiner, Queen's College, Oxford. 

The pREsroENT declared the ballot open, and appointed, as Scrutineers, Mr. J. 
Gray and Mr. T. V. Hodgson. 

The Treasurer presented his Report for the year 1900 ; the adoption was 
moved by Mr. Gowland, seconded by Prof. Howes. 

The Secretary read the Report of the Council for 1900 ; the adoption was 
moved by Mr. Brabrook, and seconded by Mr. Waxhouse. After some remarks 
by Dr. Garson, the Reports were accepted rum, can. 

The President delivered his Annual Address. 

The Scrutineers gave in their Report, and the following were declared 
to be duly elected, to serve as Officers and Council for the year 1901 : — 
President.— Vrot. A C. Haddon, M.A., ScD., F.R.S. 

Vice-Presidents. 
A J. Evans, Esq., M.A, F.S.A | Wm. Gowland, Esq, F.S.A. 

Prof. G. B. Howes, LL.D., F.R.S. 
ffon. Secretary.—^. L. Myres, Esq., M.A, F.S.A., F.R.G.S. 
Hon. Treasurer. — ^A L. Lewis, Esq., F.C.A. 
Vol. XXXI (N.S. IV). B 



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Report of the GouncU for the year beginning ZQth January ^ 1900. 

Council, 



G. M. Atkinson, Esq. 

H. Balfour, Esq., M.A. 

Wm. Crooke, Esq., B.A 

Prof. D. J. Cunningham, M.D., RK.S. 

W. L. H. Duckworth, Esq., M.A. 

E. W. Felkin, Esq., M.D., F.RG.S. 

H. 0. Forbes, Esq., LL.D. 

J. G. Garson, Esq., M.A. 

E. Sidney Hartland, Esq., F.S.A. 

CoL Sir T. H. Holdich, K.C.I.E., C.B. 



T. V. Holmes, Esq., F.G.S. 

E. P. im Thurn, Esq., C.B., C.M.G. 

A. Keith, Esq., M.D. 

R. Biddulph Martin, Esq., M.P. 

Sir C. E. Peek, Bart., M.A., F.S.A. 

R. H. Pye, Esq. 

E. G. Ravenstein, Esq., F.RG.S. 
Prof. W. Ridgeway, M.A. 

W. H. R. Rivers, Esq., M.D. 

F. C. Shrubsall, Esq., M.A 



Assistant Secretary, — N. W. Thomas, Esq., M.A. 

Prof. A. C. Haddon, having taken the Chair, proposed that a cordial vote of 
thanks be given to Mr. C. H. Read, the outgoing President, and that he be 
requested to allow his address to be printed in the Journal of this Institute. The 
motion was seconded by the Treasurer, and carried unanimously. 

Votes of thanks to outgoing Council, and to the Treasurer, Secretary, and 
Assistant Secretary were also passed. 

REPORT OF THE COUNCIL FOR THE YEAR BEGINNING 
30th JANUARY, 1900. 

The Council is able to report very satisfactory progress during the ycsr under 
review, which is shown not only in an increased number of fellows elected,, and of 
meetings held, but in wider activity and usefulness in many directions. 

The number of fellows continues to show steady increase ; for the loss of two 
honorary fellows by death, and of ten ordinary fellows by death or i-esignation, has 
been more than balanced by the election of twenty ordinary fellows, and nine 
local correspondents under the By-law to which further reference will be made 
later on (p. 4). There has thus been a net increase of seventeen ; leading to a 
total membership to-day of 356. 

Among the losses which the Council has with regret to announce are Miss 
Mary Kingsley, Lord Armstrong, Sir William Hunter, Lieutenant-General Pitt- 
Rivers, and Professor Max MuUer. 

During the year under report, eleven ordinary meetings were held, and two 
special meetings in June and November for the reception of communications 
which could not be presented on the ordinary days of meeting ; while the Huxley 
Memorial Lecture, of which more is said below, took the place of the first ordinary 
meeting of the autumn session. In addition to these, an extraordinary meeting was 
held in Oxford on July 3rd, to enable the members to study the archaeological and 
ethnographical collections of the Ashmolean and Pitt-Rivers Museums. 



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Report of the Council for the year beginning 30^A January y 1900. 3 

In the month of June the rooms of the Institute were utilised for an exhibition 
of specimens of Kabyle and Chawia pottery, jewellery and other industrial arts, 
collected by our fellows Mr. D. Eandall-Maclver and Mr. Anthony Wilkin. The 
exhibition was visited by a number of fellows and others, and set a precedent 
which it is hoped may be followed in future years. 

The proposal to found a Huxley Memorial Lecture, which has long occupied 
the attention of the Council, has at last been realised, and the first lecture was 
delivered on the 13th of November, by the first President of the Institute, the 
Right Honourable Lord Avebury, D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., who took for his subject 
" Huxley, the Man and his Work." The lecture was delivered in the theatre of 
the Museum of Practical Geology, the scene of many of Huxley's best-remembered 
discourses, and attracted a large and distinguished audience. The thanks of the 
Institute are due to the Director of the Geological Survey, Sir Archibald Geikie, 
LL.D., D.Sc, F.RS., for his courteous grant of so appropriate a place of meeting. 
A Huxley Memorial Medal was struck in silver to commemorate the occasion, and 
was presented to Lord Avebury at the close of his address. 

One double-number of the Jotirnal has been issued during the year, completing 
Volume II of the new series, and Volume XXIX of the old numbering, which it 
has been found more convenient to revive. 

To facilitate reference to the Journal, and to make it ja more convenient record 
of the work of the Institute, the Council has authorised the following modifications 
in its form and mode of appearance. 

1. From Volume XXX (= N.S. Ill) onwards, the annual volume contains the 
papers pi'esented to the Institute between January and December of the calendar 
year. The first half of the volume thus contains the report of the Annual Meeting 
and the President's Address, together with the other proceedings of the Institute 
from January to June, and will be published as soon as possible after the end of 
the summer session: the second half contains the proceedings of the autumn 
session, and will be published as soon as possible after the end of the calendar 
year. 

2. The arrangement of the cover is changed so as to bring the table of 
contents on to the front page, and make room on the third and back page for 
notices and other matter ; and the cover itself is printed on paper of more durable 
texture than hitherto, and of a shade of green which is found less liable to fade. 

3. The Miscellanea of Volume XXX are printed with separate pagination, so 
as to permit the whole of the Miscellanea of the annual volume to be bound up 
together at the end, and so to leave only one place where short articles are to be 
sought, instead of two, as heretofore. At the same time, to minimise the risk of 
confusion between two paginations, each item of Miscellanea is provided with a 
reference number in the margin, by which it should be quoted, instead of by the 
page number. For further convenience of reference each item is also provided 
with catch-titles of the subject, and of the author's name. 

4. The separate pagination of the Miscellanea, above described, makes it 

B 2 



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4 Report of the CouncUfor the year beginning 30^A January ^ 1900. 

possible for the future to issue short, copies of each sixteen page sheet of this part 
of the Journxil in advance, to every one who may desire to have early information 
of its contents ; and after careful deliberation, the Council has decided to extend 
the scope of the Miscellanea still further on the same lines, by issuing such advance 
copies in a separate cover to fellows and others monthly. The Institute thus 
comes into possession of a valuable instrument for the furtherance of its work, in 
the shape of a monthly magazine, the publication of which, under the title " Man ; 
a Monthly Record of Anthropological Science,* was begun in January, 1901. Man 
consists of sixteen pages of text monthly, together with a full-page plate ; and is 
sold to fellows at an annual subscription of 6s., and to the public at IO5., or Is. for 
the single number. Every fellow, however, whether a subscriber to the monthly 
issue or not, will receive in the place of the Miscellanea of the half-yearly volume 
of the Journal a complete copy of Man for the preceding six months. 

So far as it is possible to judge at present, the prospects of this new departure 
are most favourable ; the January number has been well received by the public 
press, and has achieved a steady sale. 

5. After mature consideration also the Council has resolved to terminate the 
long standing agreement with its publishers, Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner 
and Co., and to take the publication of the Journal into its own hands. While 
taking this step, of which the importance is sufficiently obvious, the Council 
desires to place on record its sense of the continual courtesy of Messrs. Kegan 
Paul and Co., during the long period of their association with the Institute and 
with the previous Societies. 

In the general administration of the affairs of the Institute, two or three 
points seem worthy of separate mention. The long delayed revision of the 
By-laws was brought to a satisfactory termination early in the year, and a printed 
copy of them was issued to every fellow enclosed in the latter part of Volume XXIX 
of the Journal. The Council desires to call the attention of the fellows to the 
provision for an Executive Committee, which has relieved the Council of much 
routine work, and enabled it to devote its limited time to weightier matters ; to 
the revised Librain/ Regulations, which are working well ; and to the establishment 
of a new class of Local Correspondents, which is already securing the closer 
co-operation of working anthropologists in the remoter parts of the world. 

The simplification of the routine-work above mentioned, and the rearrange- 
ment of the duties of the Institute's staff, have enabled the Council to 
dispense with the services of a Collector. The fellows have therefore been 
requested to pay their subscriptions for 1901 either direct to the Institute or 
to the Institute's account with Messrs. Eobarts, Lubbock, and Co., and to adopt as 
far as possible the common and convenient practice of making their payments 
by a standing banker's order. 

It is also mainly in consequence of the readjustment of the office work, and 
of the greatly increased activity of the Institute in every department, that the 
Council has to announce the resignation by Mr. Webster of the post of Assistant 



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Itepw^t of the Council fm* the year beginning SOth J'anuary, lOOO. 6 

Secretary which he has held for the past five years. Mr. Webster has served the 
Institute with unfailing goodwill and courtesy during a difficult period of its 
history, and the Council desires to put on record its sense of his constant devotion 
to its welfare. The vacant post has been filled by the appointment of Mr. K W. 
Thomas, M.A. (Trinity College, Cambridge), who is already known to students of 
comparative religion by his investigation of animal superstitions, and to whose 
energy and resource the Institute is already greatly indebted for a further increase 
of activity, and for the marked progress that has been made in the revision and 
reorganisation of the library. 

At the invitation of the Eoyal Society the Council has resolved to become 
responsible for the compilation of the British part of the section of Anthropology 
in the new International Catalogue of Scientific Literature. The Institute is 
lepresented on the British Eegional Bureau by its President and by Professor 
Tylor; and has secured the adoption of important amendments of the original 
schedule. As, however, the schedule of Physical Anthropology even as finally 
adopted does not by any means cover the whole of the field of the Institute's 
activity, it has been resolved to supplement the titles required for the International 
Catalogue by a further list of anthropological literature which will be maintained 
in the office of the Institute and published as occasion serves. 

Turning from general administration to the management of the library, the 
Council has to record substantial progress in several directions. The periodicals 
received in exchange have risen in number from 93 to 109 (34 British, 15 Colonial, 
60 Foreign), and the number of books and pamphlets presented, from 76 to 180. 
With the very small sum (£10) which was available for the purpose, the 
current binding has been completed and some arrears made up ; and something 
has been done to complete imperfect sets of periodicals by the purchase of missing 
numbers. The unbound pamphlets have been catalogued and put away in stout 
cardboard cases ; and a large part of the library was rearranged in the course of 
the vacation so as to make the most of the available space. The great inci-ease of 
acquisitions, however, and the prospect of even greater increase in the immediate 
future — more than half of the acquisitions having been made in the last quarter 
of the year — make the question of additional space more pressing even than it 
appeared when last year's Eeport was written ; and the Council has abeady 
thought it well to empower the officers to make the necessary enquiries and to 
report during the current session. 

The collection of photographs still grows steadily, and an important step has 
been taken by the formation of a loan-collection of lantern slides for the use of 
lecturers. In this matter, the Institute has had the good fortune to secure the 
co-operation of the Folklore Society; the loan collection of slides being placed 
under the management of a joint committee of the two institutions, and 
incorporating the small collections which were already in the possession of each. 
A full account of the working of the loan-collection will be found in the Jownial, 
Volume XXX {Miscellanea^ No. 11). 



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6 Treasure'^ s Eepo-rtfor the year 1900. 

In another department also the Council is glad to record co-operation between 
the Anthropological Institute and the Folklore Society. Early in June, 1900, the 
then President of the Folklore Society brought to the notice of the Council of the 
Institute the urgent question of determining by special enquiry the status, laws, 
and social customs of the native races of the Transvaal and the Orange River 
Colony. After full discussion a detailed memorial was drawn •Up and submitted 
jointly by the Anthropological Institute and the Folklore Society to the Secretary 
of State for the Colonies, and from the terms of the reply it may be inferred that 
the necessary investigations will be undertaken, so soon as the condition of the 
new Colonies may permit. 

Turning finally from the present to the future the Council recommends to the 
fellows the adoption of a definite policy in regard to some of the most important 
sections of the Institute's work. The rapid growth of the library is a source of 
continual anxiety; at the same time the usefulness of a library depends. more than 
anything upon the extent to which it can be kept up to date by systematic 
accessions. The rapidly changing conditions of higher education may make it 
necessary before long to act promptly and vigorously if the "proper study of 
Mankind " is to secure due recognition in revised curricula, and in new educational 
centres. And the continuous and rapid destruction of non-European civilisations, 
and of the evidence for earlier stages of culture calls more imperiously than ever 
for organised and effectual effort for their preservation, or at least for observation 
of them before their inevitable disappearance. To all these points the Council has 
given its careful attention, as opportunity has served ; and appeals confidently to 
the fellows for their cordial support in carrying out the great objects of the 
Institute on the lines laid down in this Report. 

Treasurer's Report for the Year 1900. 

The income of the Institute for the year 1900 was £534 lOs. lid., being 
£10 2s, lOd. more than the income for 1899. The subscriptions received during 
tlie year show an increase of £75 105. Orf., consisting mainly of two life 
subscriptions amounting to £42, against none in 1899 ; and of arrears £37 I65., as 
against £6 85. in 1899. In consequence of our having published only one double 
number of the Journal in 1900, instead of two as usual, the sales of publications 
have produced only £63 19s. 5rf. as against £127 lis. Id, m 1899, and £92 4s. 2d. 
in 1898. 

The expenditure during the year 1900 was £588 7s. against £590 3s. lid. in 
1899, and has exceeded the income by £53 16s. Irf., and in consequence of this 
and previous deficits in our revenue account, £100 of our invested stock has been 
sold, the produce of which, £108 10s., has been placed to our credit with our 
Bankers. The expenditure on the Journal has been £43 less in 1900 than in 1899, 
but miscellaneous printing and stationery, and also stamps and parcels, have 
increased, as a result of increased activity in the Secretary's department. More 



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8 Treasurer's Repcn-tfor the Year 1900. 

has been spent on the library, and it has been supplied with the electric light. 
The Huxley Medal and Lecture also appear for the first time in the accounts. 
These various increases in expenditure nearly balance the reduction in tiie cost of 
the Journal, which latter, moreover, is only due to the temporary delay in 
publication. In order to have paore money to spend on the library and secretarial 
department the Council has dispensed with the services of its Collector, and trusts 
that the members will pay their subscriptions direct, without requiring many 
reminders; for the same reason the Council has resolved to promote "plain living" 
by the suppression of refreshments before the meetings, while " high thinking " 
will, on the other hand, be encouraged by the issue of a monthly publication called 
Man. What the effect of these alterations may be on the receipts and expenditure 
will be seen in two or three years' time, but it is hoped that it will on the whole 
be beneficial. 

The liabilities at the end of 1899 (other than the moral liability to life 
members) were : — 



£ 8. 


d. 


33 15 





10 9 


8 



Eent, etc., for one quarter 

Notes and Qiieries 

Printing, Collector's commission, and 
sundries, including work on double 
number of Journal not completed, say 175 15 4 



£220 



The assets at the same date were: — £500 Metropolitan 3 J per cent. Con- 
solidated Stock (worth about £540), cash in hand and at the Bankers, £119 10s. 6d., 
some unpaid subscriptions, and the library, furniture, and stock of publications, 
blocks, and copyrights. 

A. L.XKWIS, Treasurer. 



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( 9 ) 



PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS 

DELIVERED AT THE ANNIVERSARY MEETING OF THE 

ANTHEOPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF GREAT BEITAIN AND 

IRELAND. 

4th February, 1901. 

By C. H. Read, F.S.A. 

No public function in any part of our Empire can take place at this time without 
an allusion to the grievous loss that has befallen us in the death of our beloved 
sovereign Queen Victoria. While I do not feel that the occasion calls for many 
words, I am sure that the members of this Institute would desire that I should 
express their deep sense of the calamity that has come upon us all. The effect of 
so long a reign as was vouchsafed to the Queen is that every one of us feels that 
we are entering upon a new epoch, a feeling that has no doubt some foundation in 
fact One remarkable feature of the past few days has stmck me forcibly, as it 
must have struck others, and that is the eminently personal nature of the public 
mourning, every pei'son one meets has the feeling of having lost a near friend or 
relation, essentially different from the impression produced by the death of one 
who was only a great personage in the state. The reason of this intense devotion 
of her people to the Queen's person is assuredly to be found in that rare womanly 
sympathy and tactful behaviour that she invariably showed in times of national 
trouble or disaster — her heart was always with her people, whether in times of 
mourning or of joy. May it be that her high standard of a royal life has become a 
firm heritage of the crown of England. In our King Edward VII, a name so 
entirely grateful to English ears, we have a man who for many years past has 
devoted himself with singular self-denial to the many and varied duties that fell to 
his lot, while his more recent utterances have been so full of judgment and royal 
dignity as to leave no doubt in our minds that he fully recognises the great 
responsibilities of his unique position, and is ready to bear them in a manner 
befitting the son of such parents, and worthy of the best traditions of the royal 
house of England. Long may he reign. 

In this the first address from the chair in the twentieth century, it is a real 
pleasure to me to be able to say that our own branch of science seems to be on the 
upward road. I ventured at this time last year to foreshadow such an improving 
tendency, but found somewhat to my surprise that my forecast was not received 



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10 President's Address, 

with the unanimous assent that I had hoped. This year, in place of vague 
generalities, I am fortunately able to point to substantial facts in proof of my 
assertion, facts that admit of no question. 

In the first place I wish to call special attention to our own domestic affairs, 
which concern us very nearly. The report of the Council which you have just 
heard read, contains much that I consider distinctly cheering. The increase in the 
number of Ordinary Fellows elected compares very favourably with previous years, 
and I would point out that the importance this year is not so much in the mere 
number, for among our new Fellows are some names that stand highest in this 
country in the study of anthropology and primitive civilisation. Thus we may 
fairly look forward to finding at our meetings and in our publications the very best 
material that the country can produce. 

Another incident in the past year that I hope may prove fruitful of good 
things is the inauguration of the Huxley lecture. This lecture was probably the 
most popular function in the annals of the Institute ; and I see no reason why 
every succeeding lecture should not be equally so. From the nature of the case 
the first lecture was introductory and general, and no more fitting lecturer could 
have been chosen than Lord Avebury, whose eminently sympathetic character lent 
a charm to the subject, which, though full of incident as well as of human interest, 
might well have been turned into a dry and somewhat academic discourse. That 
it was nothing of this kind we have to thank Lord Avebury, who thus started this 
most important connection between the Institute and the general public. With a 
moderate exercise of judgment, the Huxley lectures may be made a most valuable 
means of obtaining recruits for anthropology. 

I will now allude to another means of attaining the same desirable end, though 
as far as publication is concerned it belongs to the current year. This is the 
monthly journal called ''Man" of which the firat number has appeared. This 
departure from ancient methods we owe to the restless energy and resource of our 
talented Secretary, Mr. Myres, to whom we owe much in other directions also. It 
may at first sight seem wasteful to duplicate the matter that ultimately appears in 
the pages of our Journal, but in reality it is not so. It had long been felt a draw- 
back to oflering current matter to the Institute that an interval of six months or 
more would probably intervene before it would see the light in print. For many 
things it may be that this is no disadvantage, but it will not be disputed that 
prompt publication has many merits, and perhaps even more for the Institute than 
for the writer of a paper. Such a journal even of the modest dimensions of our 
present venture, serves as a medium of communication between students both at 
home and abroad ; it attracts far more material than a quarterly or half-yearly 
journal can possibly do, and material n\oreover of a kind that, though of high 
importance, would be quite out of place in a publication appearing less frequently. 

It has another virtue that must not be overlooked, in that it brings into notice 
at the beginning of every month the useful work that the Institute is doing, a 
form, of advertisement of great practical value. We have reasonable grounds for 



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President's Address. 11 

hoping that this modest sheet will have such success during the current year that 
the Council may feel justified in continuing its issue as a regular part of the 
publications of the Institute. 

Another new departure from our ancient procedure that has marked the last 
year is the appointment of a number of gentlemen located in many parts of the 
world, as Local Correspondents of the Institute. Here again we think that useful 
material for our meetings and publications will be forthcoming as a result. These 
correspondents are invited to contribute notes and papers relating to the peoples 
with whom they are in daily contact, and their contributions, which will have 
special value as being first hand, will appear in the Journal or in " Man " as their 
nature may demand. 

An undertaking in which we propose to play our part is the International 
Catalogue of Scientific Literature. This vast and comprehensive scheme has at 
last been brought into something like system and begins its universal work this 
year. The Eoyal Society Committee has had no light task in reducing the various 
and often conflicting interests into a working scheme, and it is no secret that even 
now there is dissatisfaction among the representatives of the different branches of 
science with regard to the schedules that form the basis of their contributions. 
Some overlapping of work there must of necessity be, having regard to the intimate 
relations of the work of many societies one with another, but to a certain extent 
the useless duplication of work has been foreseen and prevented by the instruc- 
tions of the Committee. With regard to the schedule for our own section we 
ventured to protest against parts of it that we regarded as illogical or unpractical, 
as well as against its limited character. In great part our protest met with 
success, and the result was a modification of some parts and to some degree an 
extension of its scope. The exclusion from such a scheme of every branch of 
anthropology except that dealing with the physical characters of man reveals, 
however, a state of mind in English science that can scarcely be called scientific, 
and differs widely from that prevailing on the Continent or in America. There 
can be little doubt that it will be found in practice impossible to deal with physical 
anthropology, which on another side comes very near to comparative anatomy, 
without taking in the vast amount of important literature dealing with man as a 
social being and something more than an animal. Thus we have reason to hope 
that the inherent difficulties of the present arrangement will work for us in 
bringing about the complete acceptance of all sides of anthropology as coming 
under the denomination of scientific literature. 

I now come to what I think is the most signal step that has been made in the 
recognition of anthropology as a useful branch of science, and it came about in this 
wise. Some two years ago I had a conversation with Mr. Risley, who has done 
such excellent work in India, with regard to the coming Indian census, with the 
result that the aid of the British Association was invoked, and the India Office 
appealed to, that some ethnographical material might be collected by the census 
officers. The scheme as it came from the British Association Committee was in 



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12 President* s Address, 

truth of somewhat formidable dimensions, and it could scarcely be expected that 
trained photographers and officers competent to take measurements should be 
attached to the staff of the census, over the whole area of India. But the India 
Office and the Indian Government were both sympathetic, and the following letter 
from Sir Arthur Godley to Sir Michael Foster shows exactly what is proposed : — 

" India Office, 

" Whitehall, London, S.W. 
"Sir, " December, 1900. 

" With referenqe to your letter of December, 1899, and my reply No. R and 
S. 3539, of the 16th January, 1900, 1 am directed to inform you that the Secretary 
of State for India in Council has now received the remarks of the Government of 
India on the suggestion of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 
that opportunity should be taken to collect ethnographical information by means 
of the Indian Census of 1901. 

"2. The Government of India entirely agree with the Secretary of State's 
recognition of the importance of the investigations which the Association 
suggested, but find themselves constrained to say that it is impossible (except 
to the limited ^^tgnt indicated in paragraph 4 of this letter) to make these 
investigations by means of, or in connection with, the Census. They consider that 
the addition to the Census Schedule of Columns relating to even a small number 
of ethnographic facts would expand it to unwieldy dimensions ; the enumerating 
agency is wholly unfitted to conduct such an inquiry, and the facts recorded by 
it would be worthless ; and they apprehend that there would be grave risk not 
only that the accuracy of the entries in the essential columns would be impaired 
by the additional burden imposed on the enumei-ators, but also that the unusual 
nature of the questions asked would give rise to rumours and excite apprehensions 
which would seriously interfere with the ordinary operations of the Census. 

'* 3. The Government of India also deem it impracticable to carry out the 
suggestion that photographers should be placed at the disposal of the Census 
officers, as this, besides being very expensive, would hinder the officers' proper 
duties, and would delay the submission of the reports which it is desired to 
complete as soon as possible. 

" 4. With the view, however, of taking action, as far as may be practicable, 
in the direction of collecting ethnographical information, the Census Commissioner 
has instructed the Census Superintendents to endeavour, in the districts which 
they visit, to obtain, from the most trustworthy sources, particulars under uniform 
headings regarding the history, structure, traditions, and religious and social 
usages of the various tribes and castes. The Commissioner considers that nothing 
beyond this can be undertaken in connexion with the Census operations, and the 
Government of India accept his opinion ; but they have considered the question 
how far it is possible and advisable apart from the Census to encourage and assist 
ethnographic investigations in India, and have submitted a scheme by which it is 



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President's Address. 13 

hoped that in the course of a few years a fairly complete account of the 
ethnography of the larger provinces may be obtained. 

" This scheme has received Lord George Hamilton's approval. 

" I am, Sir. 

" Your obedient Servant, 

"(Signed) A. GOD LEY. 
"Sir Michael Foster, K.C.B,, F.RS., 
" Burlington House, 

"Piccadilly, W." 

Thus it will be seen that in connection with the Cefisus we may expect to 
have a considerable amount of ethnographical material; but there is a larger 
matter indicated in the closing words of the letter, where it is stated that the 
Government of India have "submitted a scheme by which it is hoped that in the 
course of a few years a fairly complete account of the ethnography of the larger 
provinces may be obtained." It is to this scheme that I look for something on a 
scale worthy of the Indian Government. Mr. Eisley wrote in the autumn of last 
year to tell me of the progress that had been made in carrying out the British 
Association proposals, and explained how considerable delay had been caused by 
the necessity of dealing with the very severe famine. 

I should like in passing to point out the high value of men of the knowledge 
and experience of Lord Curzon in such a position as Viceroy of India, when a 
question of this character arises. Lord Curzon has read much and travelled much, 
and has constantly been brought into contact with the natives of many parts of 
the world. To a man of his varied experience it is not necessary to bring forward 
many arguments to show the value in India of such a thing as an ethnographic 
survey. He already fully realises the importance of it, and must, I am sure, have 
been of the greatest help to Mr. Risley in carrying the scheme through. What 
this scheme is may be described in a few words. It will be a regular survey 
embracing ethnography and anthropometry, and extending over five years. In 
every province a selected man will be paid to superintend the work, and special 
monographs on particular tribes will be written by various authorities. Mr. Eisley, 
I am pleased to say, will control the whole as Director of Ethnography for India. 
No one is better qualified by his previous experience and talents for such a post, 
and I do not doubt that the results of the five years' work will be found of such 
value in the administration of the various provinces that ethnography will be 
recognised as an essential part of the administrative machine. Mr. Eisley has 
asked the help of the Institute in preparing his sets of questions, and this we 
have arranged that he shall have ; but in a general way his plan of operations 
will be the same as he pursued in Bengal fourteen years ago. Here, again, I think 
I am justified in claiming an advance in the official recognition of anthropology. 

Yet another step has been made in the favourable reception accorded by the 
Colonial Office to the memorial on the natives of South Africa sent in by the 



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14 Presidents Address. 

Folklore Society and ourselves to Mr. Chamberlain. The state of the natives in 
South Africa, when the time comes for peaceful government, is not easy to foresee. 
They have experienced in the past the benefits of British nile, and if our oflBcers 
ai'e allowed a fair field, there will probably be few difiiculties. But it is quite on 
the cards that it will not be easy in some quarters to obtain a fair hearing, and it 
is in such cases that the thorough understanding of native laws and customs 
becomes a matter of the first importance. We may be sure that the emissaries 
working against British influence will be well informed in such matters, and will 
be ready to take advantage of every superstitious turn in the native mind. Much 
waste of valuable time, money, and even human lives, will be avoided if the 
Government takes this matter in hand; the men capable of dealing with the 
various African tribes will not be hard to find, and I trust that no time may be 
lost in securing their services well in advance of the actual time when they are 
needed. 

Such are some of the events of the past year upon which I rely to prove my 
contention that there is a marked advance in the recognition of anthropology ; and 
I think you will agree that they are import-ant enough to justify me in making the 
claim. 

We now have to consider what this all means and the duties it entails on us. 
So far as the Government or official point of view is concerned, it is a commonplace 
that routine is apt to control all official action, and that a new departure, while it 
may come from within, more generally, and in some ways beneficially, has its 
origin outside a Government department. The ethnographic survey of India, of 
which I have just spoken, is a case in point. I think it possible, in this case, that 
we have obtained a greater concession from the scheme having been put forward 
through the British Association than would have been the case if it had originated 
entirely with the Government of India, though at the same time I fully recognise that 
it is to the enlightened foresight of Lord Curzon that we owe nearly the whole of 
the power we possess. 

Whether this is the case or no, it certainly behoves the Council of this 
Institute to keep now a watchful eye on the current of public events, so that no 
opportunity is lost of placing in an obvious light the utility of anthropological 
methods. The concessions in this direction that we have obtained of late from 
ministers and other public men should be used with judgment and assiduity in 
obtaining constant, instead of occasional, recognition of the value of our work. I 
have always found that, properly approached, the officers of the higher branches of 
the civil service are quite ready to listen to and forward any scheme that has a 
reasonable chance of success and is not too costly. 

So many great undertakings in this country are, however, the outcome of 
private enterprise that it must be borne in mind that fully as much energy is 
engaged in private ventures among primitive peoples as can be found in official 
cu'cles. I need only instance the Niger Company and others of the kind on the 
African Continent, without going back to the East India or Hudson's Bay 



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President's Address, 15 

Companies, one of which has long been Imperial as the other is gradually becoming 
absorbed in the Empire. We should in time, if circumstances continue to favour 
us, be in a position to give the officers of such companies valuable information for 
the conduct of their affairs with natives, and thus be of distinct value to 
commercial enterprise. It is only by such measures that the real utility of 
scientific methods can be brought home to the public mmd ; and when I say that 
we must see to this, I do not of course mean that this Institute is to do the work 
alone, though 1 tnist that it will be always in the forefront, but that all who are 
working at, or interested in, anthropology must lose no chance of forwarding the 
study, and of putting before both the official and commercial world the money 
value of its results. In order to anticipate possible criticism it may be well to 
say definitely that I have no wish to regard this or any other branch of science 
as primarily a money -getting business. There are many discoveries and methods 
in science that have conferred an immense boon on humanity without putting a 
penny into anyone's pocket. It is well that it is so, for I am inclined to think 
that a branch of science that is essentially commercial is veiy apt to some 
extent to lose caste from this very fact. My point is that anthropology can 
confer benefits on the State and on the commercial world, and may, therefore, 
fairly demand the corresponding reward. The reward may in some cases take 
the form of public recognition, or it may be something more substantial and 
tangible ; but in either case it would be a benefit that we cannot afford to overlook, 
and, in my judgment, is worth trying for. 

There is one other matter that I have more than once publicly advocated, and 
that is the more definite recognition of anthropology in our teaching centres. This 
really is closely connected with my previous argument, and thus may well follow 
it. I say definite recognition, for in most Universities there is a kind of half- 
hearted course into which anthropology enters to a d^ree ; but the way, if not the 
will, seems wanting to put the teaching on its proper footing and to let it stand on 
its own merits. At Cambridge the way is slowly opening, and I trust that within 
a few years there will be a chair of anthropology filled by one of the competent 
and energetic men now working there at the subject. Here, again, it is at this 
moment the want of means that blocks the way, and I would venture to suggest 
that a beginning should be made by one or more of the many wealthy men 
interested in Cambridge or in science or in both. I believe a first-rate man would 
be forthcoming if only an income of say £300 a year were ensured for a limited 
term of five to ten years. If this could be done it would be beneficial in two ways. 
It would secure a good man for the University, and he would then have the 
opportunity of proving to the University that anthropology really was a branch 
of science and that there was no need to mask it as part of a medical degree, or to 
call it by anything but its real name. If at the end of the time the unlikely event 
happened and it was found to be a redundancy and useless, then the course to be 
taken by the University would be simple and nobody could say a word of reproach. 
I speak of Cambridge particularly, because the strides made there in this direction 



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16 PresideiU's Address. 

during the last few years are most remarkable, and I think the scheme I propose 
would be received with favour, as well as give them at the same time a helping 
hand in the direction in which they are now going vigorously. But I would by no 
means wish to limit the chairs of anthropology to the two great Universities. 
Primd facie it might be thought that some of the others would be more likely to 
take up the subject, say for instance Birmingham, where the scope of the new 
University has been the subject of a good deal of consultation. Here would be a 
chance ready to hand of putting into practice the useful side of anthropology. 

With regard to the newly constituted University of London I have already 
stated my view, but difficulties stand in the way of what I still think is a 
practicable scheme. One part of it, though not an essential one, was the installa- 
tion by the side of the University of the anthropological collections now belonging 
to the nation. This would provide a concrete centre for anthropological study, 
such as seems beyond the possibility of realisation within any reasonable time. 
Speaking entirely as one of the public, and not as an officer of the British Museum, 
for I have no information, it certainly seems unlikely that any addition to the 
Museum of a useful size will be made during the next few years. The enormous 
cost of the South African campaign will be held a sufficient excuse for any 
Chancellor of the Exchequer for some time to come, and meanwhile what is to be 
done? 

I have recently received from Dr. von Luschan, one of the directors of the 
Museum fur Volkerkunde in Berlin, a strong statement that he has recently 
printed in "Die K. Knorrsche Sammlung von Benin-AltertUmern ... in 
Stuttgart," 1901 (p. 3), in which he comments in very forcible terms on the neglect 
of our opportunities that is so common in England with regard to matters ethno- 
graphical. He points out how in Berlin the colonial officials are constantly helping 
the national museums, and calls especial attention to the way in which the spoils 
of British blood and treasure obtained at Benin were sold to foreign museums.* 

1 Zunacbst waren natUrlich die BemUhungen der Fachleute mehr darauf gerichtet^ den 
einzelnen Sammlungen einen mOglicbst grossen Anteil an dem Funde zu sichem, als daranf, 
die Stucke selbst ernsthaft zu studieren. So begann ein Jagen und Preietreiben, wie es in 
der Geschichte der ethnograpbischen Museen unerhOrt ist und sich wohl niemals wiederholen 
wird. Dabei zeigte sich die merkwurdige Erscheinung, dass England selbst nicht im stande 
war, den in einer britischen Kolonie entdeckteu und mit britischem Geld und Blut gehobenen 
Schatz auch ganz allein fUr das britische Museum zu sicbern. Das stebt mit der unbegreiflicben 
und nabezu frevelbaften Geringscbatzung im Zusammenbang, welcbe der Volkerkunde und 
der ethnograpbischen Abteiiung des Britischen Museums gegenwartig seitens der Britischen 
Regierung zu teil wird. Die Mabnrufe eines so ausgezeicbneten Forscbers und so 
bocbverdienten Beam ten wie C. H. Bead werden in den Wind gescblagen und die oberste 
Leitung des Britischen Museums selbst scbeint die etbnograpbiscbe Abtbeilung nur als ein 
lastiges Anbangsel zu betracbten, das in jeder Weise niedergedruckt und klein erbalten 
werden muss. So feblt es jetzt in London nicht nur an Geld zum Erwerben und an Baum 
zum Aufstellen von ethnograpbischen Sammlungen, sondern aucb an jenem barmoniscben 
Zusammenarbeiten der Kolonialverwaltung mit den wissenscbaftlichen Instituten, das 
z. B. in Berlin so scbOne und wicbtige Besultate zeitigt Desbalb entsprecbeu die kolonialen 
Sammlungen im Britischen Museum aucb nicht entfernt der politischen Bedeutung des 



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President's Address, 17 

He says that the Ethnographical Museum in Berlin is now seven times as 
extensive as the collection in the British Museum, and will in a few years be ten 
times as large, while every year that passes sensibly diminishes the stock of 
available specimens, not so much by destruction as by the change in the habits of 
the natives. This is not pleasant reading for one in my position, nor should it be 
any more pleasant for any Englishman interested in the all-round progress of his 
country. How can it be bettered ? For my own part I do not think that any 
marked improvement can take place until a proper home is found for the 
anthropological collections where they can be set out in a useful and scientific 
manner, instead of being considered an excrescence on the national library and 
archaeological collections. As I before suggested, if they could be set down in the 
Imperial Institute they would be conveniently near the students of the London 
University and would be appropriately placed in the vicinity of the Natural 
History Branch of the British Museum, to which latter institution they would of 
course continue to belong. 

On the score of popularity the ethnographical collections of the British 
Museum have no need to complain — with the public they come next in interest to 
the Egyptian mummies — but I feel sure that in sufficiently large galleries to admit 
of their proper display the popularity would be far greater, while the advantage 
to the collections themselves would be incalculable, both in the greater facilities for 
study and — what I am sure would follow — much more numerous accessions. 

I can think of no better solution of the difficulty than this, and I therefore 
venture to repeat it here, at the risk of being tedious. What I have put together 
here is little more than an amplification of the Council's report. But I have 

Weltreiches, und so gehen der Wissenschaft Jahr um Jahr kostbare Schatze uberhaupt ganz 
verioren, weil in dem Augenbiick, in dem allein sie gehoben werden konnten, der richtige 
Mann an der richtigen Stelle fehlt 

Ich wtirde keinerlei Veranlassung haben, britische Verhaltnisse liier zu beleuchten, und 
es wurde mir vielleicht mehr zustehen, stillschweigend mich dariiber zu freuen, daas die 
Berliner Sammlung jetzt siebenmal so gross ist, als die Londoner, und in einigen Jahren 
vielleicht schon zehnmal so gross seiu wird— aber uber das lokale Interesse hinaus giebt es ein 
allgemein menschliches, und dieses erfordert, dass auch in England selbst endlich begonnen 
wirdjder ethnographischen Erforschung wenigstens der eigenen Schutzgebiete jenen Grad von 
amtlichem Wohlwollen entgegenzubringen, der dxu*ch den Ernst der Lage geboten ist. 
Denn ethnographische Sammlungen und Beobachtungen konnen entweder jetzt, in zwolfter 
Stunde noch gemacht werden, oder Uberhaupt nicht Alte Kupferstiche und Biider wird man 
auch in hundert Jahren noch kaufen oder wenigstens studieren k5nnen, genau wie heute, 
weil sie im Kunsthandel und in allerhand Sammlungen sorgfaltig konserviert werden — der 
ethnographische Besitz der Naturvolker schwindet aber unrettbar dahin vor dem zersetzenden 
Einflusa einer fremden Kultur. Handel und Verkehr, Missionare und Beamte arbeiten heute 
alle gleichmassig an dieser Zertruromerung dee Alten, und je energischer die materielle 
Besitzergreifung, um so griindlicher und schonungsloeer ist auch die ZerstQrung der alten 
Sitten und Gebrauche. Diese miissen jetzt studiert und fUr die Nachwelt festgehalten werden 
oder sie bleiben der Wissenschaft fUr ewig verioren. In diesem Sinne schien mir dieser 
Ezcurs im allgemein en ein nobile officium^ dem ich mich nicht entziehen diu^te, auch wenn 
ich voraussehe, hier und dort bei kleinen Geistem anzustoasen, aber er schien mir auch im 
besondereu nOtig, um zu zeigen, wie es Uberhaupt m6glich ist, dass auch nur ein einziges 
Stuck der englischcn Ejriegsbeute von Benin in eine kontinentale Sammlung gelangen konnte. 

Vol. XXXI (N.a IV). C 



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18 President's Address, 

felfe strongly for many years, past the urgent necessity for some action in the 
various directions indicated that I think my duty on this my last appearance in 
the Presidential chair cannot be better performed than by pressing home by other 
arguments the recommendations the Council have put before you. 

I cannot pass by the list of our losses during the year without a reference to 
at least two of the names in it. 

I need scarcely say many words about a man of the distinction and world- 
wide reputation of Professor Max Miiller. His contributions to the history of 
language have secured for him an assured place in the temple of literature. 

General Pitt-Eivers is for us in this room a much more familiar figure, and 
his death makes a gap that will scarcely ever be entirely filled. Endowed by 
nature with talents of no mean order, he was untiring in his investigations into 
the problems of early archaeology and anthropology. It is to him that we owe 
the application of the theory of evolution to ethnological objects, which, even if 
it was at times strained in the application, was without doubt in the main justified. 
He had for many years been a collector and explorer of prehistoric sites, when by 
a singular chance he inherited the Rivers estates in Dorset and Wiltshire, which 
were full of ancient remains of just the character that was to him of such interest. 
There, within the limits of his own park, he found enough to give him occupation 
for the remaining twenty years of his life. His methods of exploration were 
most thorough and scientific, and the possession of ample means enabled him to 
print full accounts of all his work in a minute and accurate style that would be 
difficult to surpass. These volumes alone would be a sufficient monument for any 
man, but they were only a part of the work that he laid upon himself. In his 
museum at Famham in Dorset is to be seen a large-scale model of every 
excavation he undertook, showing with the utmost precision the exact position of 
every object found, while the objects themselves were shown in cases near by. 
The museum contained many other things, however, besides the local relics, and it 
was always fascinating to hear the General explain his reasons for gathering 
together, in the heart of the country, collections of such variety and extent. By 
a recent judgment of the Court of Chancery it is now clear that the museum is to 
be kept up in the same way as during the GreneraVs lifetime. This, I may say, 
was his intention, but the Court ruled that some of his provisions were impossible. 
I have made no mention of the Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford, a gift from the 
General to the University, for this, under the charge of my friend Mr. Balfour, is 
now so well known as scarcely to need a reference. It differs from other museums 
not so much in its contents as in the method of arrangement This certainly 
adds greatly to the interest of the objects, and is at the same time a fresh 
testimony to the originality of the General's ideas. 

To many of us his commanding figure and somewhat masterful ways were 
very familiar; while as President of the Institute he imported something of 
military methods into the procedure. His enthusiasm, his energy, even when in 
very poor health, and his versatile talents compelled one's admiration, and for my 



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Presidents Address. 19 

own part I may say that I had a great regard for him. He was of a type rarely 
found, and now that he is gone there is no one to take his plswje. 

In Miss Mary Kingsley we have a very different personage. Kindly, sensible, 
observant, with a cleverness that was not of a common sort, it was impossible not 
to like her. If her genial face and smile were not a suflBcient passport, her 
common sense would certainly hit the mark. Apparently frail even to delicacy, it 
is marvellous to think of the endurance she showed in her West African journeys. 
Her influence was no less wonderful, and will long survive her short but well filled 
life. The "Mary Kingsley Society," founded by her friends and admirers in the 
hope of carrying out some of her plans for the bettering of the state of men, black 
and white, in West Africa, will assuredly last until it has done its work. A part 
of the general fund raised in memory of Mary Kingsley will be given to the 
Hospital for Tropical Diseases in Liverpool, while another part is to be devoted to 
the collection of native history tradition and religious or superstitious ideas. With 
this latter scheme the Institute must necessarily be in entire sympathy, and we 
will hope that it may begin its work soon under the best auspices. 

This is the burden of what I have to say in my last appearance as your 
President. In leaving this dignified post, to which you were good enough to elect 
me two years ago, I must ask you to accept my gratitude for the kind way in 
which you have borne with my short-comings. There is only one merit that I can 
honestly lay claim to, and that is that I have been a good attendant at the 
meetings. Otherwise I fear I have not been able to give as much time to the 
work of the Institute as I could have wished, but that was entirely beyond my own 
control — a very small part of my time is my own. 

Here I should like also to express my thanks to the various officers of the 
Institute, who have helped me through many difficulties during the past two 
years. 

I now leave you with the greatest confidence under the guidance of my 
distinguished friend and yours. Professor Haddon. In him the Institute has a 
man equally conversant with the theory and practice of anthropology. His wide 
experience of travel, joined to assiduous study and practice in teaching at home, 
make him in many ways an ideal President of such a society as this. That he 
has the interests of the Institute at heart I am quite sure, and I am equally sure 
that he will be loyally and ably supported by the officers in every step that may 
lead to advancement or improvement. 



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( 21 ) 



ON THE RUINS OF DHLO-DHLO, IN RHODESIA. 

By Franklin White. 

[Presented April 23rd, 1901. With Plates I-V.] 

In the central portion of Rhodesia there are numerous stone constructions, now 
more or less in ruins, scattered over a considerable area. So little is accurately 
known about them that it is not possible to say definitely with what object they 
were built. The native races of the present day attribute to them mysterious 
origin of the class which usually appeals to the ignorant imagination. 

The occupants most certainly not only possessed but also smelted and worked 
gold. 

The ruins are generally found on or near granite knolls or bosses, not as a rule 
actually in the gold-bearing districts, although auriferous veins are often found at 
no great distance away. The builders seem to have selected in preference an 
agricultural country with positions easily defended. The granite areas, with their 
numerous streams, bare knolls, and scattered boulders, would best comply with 
these requirements. 

In his Ruined Cities of Mashonaland Mr. Theodore Bent records the 
results of his exploration of the Zimbabwe ruin, the most extensive yet discovered, 
and it is to be regretted that such systematic research has not been continued. 
Now, additional knowledge can only be gained from occasional visits of travellers 
to ruins lying near their routes or from work carried on chiefly in search for gold 
and ornaments. The latter is fortimately conducted in such a way as to do the 
least damage compatible with the treasure-hunting, but it naturally is not done 
with the object of collecting information or of investigating points of interest. 

General Description. 

The Dhlo-Dhlo or Mambo ruins, the subject of this paper, are located some 
50 miles north-east of Bulawayo, or say 19| degrees south and 29J degrees east 

The level above sea is about 4,500 feet. 

They occupy a commanding position on a granite plateau between two streams 
forming part of the head waters of the Inciza River, a tributary of the Limpopo. 

The name " Mambo " is derived from the designation of the tribe of Kaflto 
who occupied this country before the Matabeles conquered it. 

I was able to make a fairly accurate plan of the most important part of these 
ruins and to take some photographs which show the construction of the walls and 
the different styles of ornamentation used by the buildera 



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22 F. White. — (hi the Ruins of Dhlo-D/Uo, in Rhodesia. 

Some prominent bosses of bare granite were made use of as base for the walls, 
and the builders were fully aware of the tendency of granite to peel off in slabs 
under atmospheric influences, perhaps assisted by fire. They thus obtained a large 
supply of material well suited for their purpose and close at hand. From the hills 
a few miles away they brought slabs of banded ironstones, which were ingeniously 
used to form a contrast with the grey of the granite. 

A reference to the plan (PL I) will show that the main building is of a 
rough egg-shaped form 350 feet long and 200 feet wide, the longer axis running 
north-west and south-east. There are two outer enclosures attached to the main 
building, one being on the north-eastern and the other on the south-western side. 

The northern and south-western sides of the ruin show the finest as well as 
the highest walls. The main entrance was undoubtedly on the north side. There 
are several isolated buildings surrounding the main ruin, of inferior construction 

Style of Construction. 

The buildings are made of blocks or small slabs of granite varying generally 
from 7 to 11 inches in length and 2^ to 5 inches in thickness. The lower courses 
are generally made of larger blocks. Smaller pieces are used for the ornamental 
work. 

There are no real foundations to the walls ; they just begin on any ground firm 
enough to carry them. As they are seldom more than 8 feet high in any one 
face the weight is not great. Where additional height was required the walls were 
raised in tiers, the upper one being stepped back, leaving a ledge varying from 1 
to 12 feet in width, widening and narrowing without any apparent reason. No 
mortar or clay was used in the wall proper, but the top was covered with a layer 
of clay and ground-up granite. 

Although curves and rounded endings-off to the walls were apparently 
preferred, still angular comers and straight lines could be made when considered 
advisable. 

The batter of the walls varies, but is generally slight. At one point the top 
actually overhangs the base. 

Some walls were made with two faces, the intervening space being filled up 
with rubble. 

The courses preserve their thickness fairly well. In some cases a course 
widens, and in others disappears. 

Boulders of granite lying on the surface were made use of as part of the wall 
whenever possible. 

The most striking feature of the walls is the attempt made to introduce some 
style of ornamentation. In these ruins the following variations can be seen : — 

1st. Lines of a different coloured rock (PI. II, fig. 2 ; V, fig. 1.) 
2nd. The chess board, or chequered pattern. 

This varies (PL V, fig. 3) from the ordinary gap and stone in 



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F. White. — On the Rmns of Dhlo-DMo, in Rhodesia. 23 

one to eight courses, and groups of three spaces with thin blocks in 

two courses, separated by two thicker blocks. 
3rd. The zigzag pattern (PI. Ill, figs. 2, 3 ; IV, fig. 2). 
4th. The sloping block (PL II, fig. 2 ; III, fig. 2 : IV, fig. 1 ; V, figs. 1, 3) 

varied by alternating granite with red banded ironstone slabs. 
5th. The chevron or fish-bone pattern (PI. II, fig. 2 ; IV, fig. 1) varied 

by alternating red and grey blocks, either in patches (PI. II, fig. 2) 

or singly and in patches separated by thick granite blocks. 

It will be noticed (in PL II, fig. 2 ; IV, fig. 1) that the sloping 

blocks incline respectively to the west and to the east, or in different 

ways on each side of the main entrance. 

As far as I have been able to observe the ornamented patches commence and 
finish oflf in an arbitrary or capricious manner and are not confined to any one part 
of the walls. 

Description of Ruins. 

To the south and south-west of the main ruin there are numerous and 
extensive enclosures, the walls of which seldom exceeded 6 feet in height and 
were of somewhat inferior construction. As the grass was high no careful 
examination could be made. They were probably cattle pens or locations for 
slaves. 

The large enclosure (E) on the western side of the ruin is surrounded by a 
wall considerably destroyed, but in parts still showing a height of 7 feet. It 
was well built and was ornamented with a band of red stone and also with a course 
of sloping blocks (PL V, fig. 1). 

About 100 feet*to the north of the main entrance is a roughly built enclosure 
(M) 75 feet by 90 feet with one entrance on the east side (PL I, fig. 2.) 

To the north-east of the main entrance and about 155 feet away is a 
circular platform (N) considerably destroyed, but apparently 4^ feet high and 
30 feet in diameter. Behind this there is another enclosure (0) some 80 
feet by 60 feet, with two entrances, one on the north-east and one on the south- 
west. 

On the south-west side of the main ruin there is a well built enclosure or 
platform (P) 95 feet wide by 100 feet long. It is built up on a rather steep 
slope strewed with granite boulders, some of which have been utilised as part 
of the walls. Only one entrance can now be seen, outside the main wall. There 
may. have been a communication with the main ruin, but the wall at this point has 
been pretty thoroughly broken down, and no signs of a doorway can be seen. 

About 100 feet from P is the large area (R) 300 feet long by 190 feet wide. 
It had clearly a main entrance at D, and others may have existed in the parts of 
wall now broken down. The ground here is flat and good, and this enclosure was 
probably a garden or cattle pen. 



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24 F. White. — On the RwLtis of Dhlo-Dhlo, in Rhodena. 

Between P and R there is a mound of ashes, broken bones, potsherds, etc. It 
is evidently the refuse heap of the later Kaffir occupants of the ruins and is now 
higher than the top of the wall of platform P. It probably lies over a small ridge 
or granite boss. 

Some 300 feet north-west from the main entrance is another stone construction 
(H) perched in a commanding position on the precipitous northern face of a granite 
boss which slopes gradually southwards (PL I, fig. 1). The waU is well made, but 
it apparently did not form a complete enclosure. There is a rather elaborate 
entrance at H, and some very regular ornamental work (PL V, fig. 3). 

On the east side of the main ruin there is a large enclosure 120 feet along 
the wall and 95 feet in depth. It had apparently one . gateway on the south- 
east side. There are indications of interior divisions or walls, but the whole is too 
much destroyed and grown over by bushes to be properly examined without 
considerable labour. 

Description of the Outer Walls. 

The main approach was evidently on the north side, where there is an 
arrangement of roughly built slopes and platforms leading up to what is certainly 
the main entrance (C). This is seen in PL II, fig. 1, as a dark gap, and one side is 
represented in PL IV, fig. 3. A long narrow passage running to the centre of the 
ruin attracted our attention, and a little work spent in clearing away the fallen 
stones and rubbish showed the remains of two stout posts of hard red wood b\ feet 
apart on the west side. The tops of the posts are burnt. They lie partly 
in recesses carefully built in the wall. On the east side can be seen similar 
recesses. The opening is 11 feet in width, and goes back 15 feet, where there 
are signs of another pair of posts, and the passage commences 7 feet in 
width. 

The wall to the east of the entrance is still 8 feet high and is apparently 
nearly its original height. About 25 feet from the main entrance a chess- 
board pattern of seven courses commences (PL II, fig. 2) in a somewhat irregular 
manner. Over this and separated from the top by three courses runs a line of 
dark ironstone, and three courses above this there is another row of dark stones 
changing suddenly into a course of chevron pattern formed of white and dark 
stones in patches, the points being to the east. Three courses above the chevron 
and commencing over the western end is a row of sloping blocks dipping to the 
west. Four courses above this and more or less over it is a three-course line of 
chess-board pattern also commencing at the end of a line of dark stones. Two of 
these bands of dark stones run nearly to the main entrance, but this portion of 
the wall is built in a somewhat slovenly manner, although it cannot be said that 
there is distinct evidence that it has been pulled down and rebuilt. The 
ornamentation cannot be traced eastwards, as the wall is partially destroyed and 
partly hidden by the fallen stones. 

On the western side the walls attain greater height, being in three tiers, the 



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F. Whitb. — On the Ruins of Dhlo-Dhlo, in Rhodesia. 26 

top being some 16 feet above the base. At about 16 feet from the side of 
the entrance the walls turn outwards for say 5 feet and then run west for 30 
feet to a carefully constructed corner (PL III, fig. 2). The first corner is partially 
filled up by a diagonal wall roughly built. 

This section of the wall is ornamented as follows : — At the base of the lower 
tier there is a row of chevrons spaced off by thicker blocks. The chevrons are 
formed of alternate dark and white blocks and point to the west. Eight courses 
above this is a row of sloping blocks (white and dark) dipping to the east. Three 
courses over this runs a three-course line of chequers. 

The upper tiers were no doubt ornamented, but the faces are much damaged 
now. 

To the west of the second comer (PL III, fig. 2) we see the first piece of the 
zigzag pattern commencing near the top and about 3 feet from the comer. It 
can be traced westwards as far as the wall is intact, but does not appear to have 
continued right round to the western face (PL II, fig. 3). Three courses below the 
zigzag is a line of sloping blocks dipping east, and three courses below this is a 
two-course chequer pattern. There is, therefore, no continuity of pattern to be 
seen in the lower tier. The chevron pattern is also missing to the west of the 
corner. 

The two upper tiers were ornamented, the upper one with a zigzag pattern 
apparently corresponding to that on the westem face. There ai*e patches of 
zigzag pattern in the middle tier, but the walls are too much destroyed for me to 
be able to trace if the patches on the upper and lower walls correspond at all. 

The westem face (PL II, fig. 3) is very fine, the tiers being 7 feet, 5 feet 
and 4^ feet high, standing back each from 12 to 5 feet at the widest part, 
thus leaving broad platforms or ledges, which, however, narrow considerably 
at the turn (D). 

The upper tier finishes off at a corner, where there were probably steps leading 
to the top platform. The ornamented courses finish about 3 feet from this 
comer. 

The patches of ornamentation follow more or less regularly along the north 
and west wall of the building, and are most abundant where the walls are most 
bold. 

The high westem wall gi*adually alters beyond the corner. The upper tier 
apparently turned eastwards, enclosing the upper platform, about 80 feet in 
diameter. 

The second tier continues southwards for about 50 feet, then turning 
eastwards to form the second platform. 

The bottom tier runs on for about 120 feet, then a part turns east at right 
angles and forms another platform and part of the inner line of defence. An 
extension of it ran some 100 feet to the south-west, finisliing off at a huge granite 
boulder which forms one side of the southern entranca 

At the westem side of this entrance a well built wall commences. It is 



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26 F. Whitk. — On the Ruins of Dhlo-Dhlo, in Rhodesia, 

6 to 8 feet high and about 5 feet wide at the top. It runs without a break 
round the south and eastern side until it butts up s^ainst the continuation of the 
north-eastern wall. Inside the wall is a passage or ditch 8 to 15 feet in 
width, blocked at both ends. Apparently the idea was to catch the enemy between 
the outer and the inner walls. 

Centeal Passage. 

This commences at the northern or main entrance and runs about due south 
(magnetic) for 100 feet with a width of 5 feet to 7 feet. It then turns 
off a short distance to the south-east. The two walls finish with well made 
square ends. 

The walls of the passage are now about 6 feet high, but there is some rubbish 
on the bottom. 

A large heap of stones blocks the main entrance. It is possible that it was 
originally covered over with wooden beams carrying a stone parapet. 

The recesses in the wall in which the posts are partially imbedded may 
correspond to what Mr. Bent saw at Zimbabwe and considered as grooves for a 
portcullis. 

Platforms. 

The top of the main platform was evidently covered over with cement or fine 
concrete made of clay and ground-up granite. Treasure seekers have dug a hole 
near the centre, exposing chiefly loose stones. On the top of the platfoim are 
several raised ledges or benches of concrete. 

On the platform east of the main entrance there are indications of a large 
circular dwelling which evidently had hard wood posts built in a cement wall. 
The same thing can be seen on the platform to the south. 

In the enclosure P are the remains of a circular clay wall 10 feet in diameter, 
with a small hole about 2 feet in diameter in the centre. 

On the top of the granite boss at H are remains of three circular clay walls 
or floors. 

It is impossible to say whether these clay or cement structures belong to the 
same age as the stone walls. Some are of much better construction than others, 
the better being probably older KaflSr work. The stone wall builders may have 
used circular dwellings, and the idea would be copied by the natives of the country, 
although in an inferior class of work. 

In the Ehami ruins, near Bulawayo, are remains of a superior class of circular 
dwellings which I am told are similar in character to huts in use at the present 
day by EafiSrs living near Lake Ngami ; on the granite hills near Khami can be 
seen remains of very inferior circular mud huts built by natives of the present 
day. 

There is a notable absence in the Dhlo-Dhlo ruins (as in all others) of the 
remains of dwellings and of places of burial corresponding to the number of 
persons who must have been employed in their erection and occupation. 



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F. White. — On the Ruins of DUo-Dhlo, in Rhodesia. 27 



Indications of Occupation. 

I was not fortunate to find anything of note in these ruins, except a piece of 
thin silver plate with an embossed pattern and a few pieces of broken glass, 
possibly parts of the widely distributed gin bottle partly calcined by the grass 
firea I am informed that two small Portuguese cannon and a considerable 
quantity of silver articles such as would be used by the Jesuit Fathers who would 
accompany an early Portuguese expedition were also found here, chiefly round the 
enclosure H. No doubt these ruins were used as a convenient resting-place, but 
it can be inferred that the expedition left hurriedly. 

In the large ash heap I was only able to find pieces of pottery of inferior 
manufacture, pieces of bones, and teeth of animals, chiefly of the antelope tribe. 

I am not aware that any emblems have been found such as those which Mr. 
Bent discovered at Zimbabwe. The Dhlo-Dhlo ruin, therefore, seems to have been 
a fortress rather than a temple, and was probably one of a chain of strongholds 
connected with the main route from the east coast. Sofala Bay was probably the 
port of entry, as Portuguese records refer to it as being occupied by " Moors," a 
term which is equivalent to " inhabitants of Africa." 

But even if sacred emblems are wanting, it seems that if people of Phoenician 
origin built these structures the pronounced characteristics of style of building, of 
general de^gn, and also of the ornamentation used will be suflicient as points of 
identification with such work in other parts of Africa or of Asia. 

One thing is clear, and that is that this class of building is only found in 
South Africa in the vicinity of gold-bearing districts. Also worked gold is found 
about them. 

There are no definite indications that the occupants were destroyed and any 
deliberate attempt made to pull down their buildings. The harm that has been 
done may be fairly ascribed to the ordinary Kaffir in search of material to make 
his cattle kraal or base of his huts. If the Phoenicians were the builders they 
may have abandoned the country in the same manner as the Bomans left Britain 
when their mother-country was in the last stages of its existence. If this theory 
is correct these ruins would be at least 2,300 years old. 

It is quite possible that the native occupants of the country would retain some 
of the ideas of building, of pottery work, and of working the gold mines, but these 
would gradually die out. 

In the Khami ruins are found numerous flakes of quartzitic rock, agate, etc., 
and roughly formed stone implements, indicating that this locality had been 
inhabited by an early race before the time of the wall builders. These latter were 
the workers in gold. There are edso foimd remains of iron assegais and bangles 
which may be considered as corresponding to the work of the natives of the 
present day. Considerable care is required to discriminate between these records 
of different periods. 



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28 F. White.— Ow- the Ruins of Dhlo-Dhlo, in Ehodeda. 

Mr. Bent in his Ruined Cities of Mashoncdand attaches great importance 
to the following points as seen in the Zimbabwe and other ruins : — 

a. That the patterns on the walls were constructed with a special purpose, 

having always the same aspect, viz., south-east (page 103). 

b. The south-eastern wall is much better built (page 105). 

c. The chevron pattern coincides with the sacred enclosure inside (page 

110). 

d. The wall in front of the sacred enclosure was decorated with courses 

of black slate omitted in the inferior continuation (page 112). 

e. Special attention was paid by the constructors to the curves (page 

130). 

At the Dhlo-Dhlo ruins we find : — 

a and b. The most ornamented and better constructed portion of the 
building was on the north and north-west. 

c. The chevron pattern runs all round this portion, probably in patches. 

d. Black slate courses are to be seen in all the main walls and also in the 

wall of the outer enclosure. 

e. The curves of the walls are apparently chiefly influenced by the desire 

to take full advantage of the ground on which they are built, and 
by the proximity of boulders. 

It seems, therefore, that before any theory can be definitely put forward as to 
the special significance of any of these points the characteristics of a number of 
different ruins should be carefully studied and recorded. 

Discussion. 

The President congratulated Mr. Franklin White on having made such 
an excellent survey of these interesting ruins while he was engaged on other 
work. If the secret of their origin is ever to be wrested from the remarkable 
stone structures that appear to be so widely distributed in South Africa, it 
will be necessary that systematic surveying and excavating should be organised 
before it is too late. The operations of irresponsible treasure seekers must 
inevitably destroy or falsify much of that evidence upon which accurate 
conclusions can alone be based. It is, to say the least of it, unfortunate that the 
gold ornaments which the treasure-hunter discovers are melted down without 
any record being kept of the finds, or without the curators of museums 
and other collectors having an opportunity of securing specimens. It is 
also most probable that other objects which have no obvious money value are 
passed by or destroyed, and in any case the evidence is lost of the 
association of objects in any one find. The various Governments in 
South Africa should take all these ruins under their protection and the rifling 
of treasure should be prohibited. Antiquities such as these are national 
assets, and they should not be allowed to be frittered away by private 
exploitation. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute j Vol. XXXI ^ Plate I. 






s 

sq 

Q 
I 

s 

o 
m 

25 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute^ Vol, XXXI ^ Plate II. 



1. NORTFI-EAST SIDE. 



2. ENLARGED PORTION OF NO. 1. 



3. WESTERN FACE. 
RUINS OF DIILO-DHLO. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Tnstitute, Vol. XXXI^ Plate III. 



1. NORTH-WESTERN SIDE. 



2. ENLARGED PORTION OF NO. 1. 



3. NORTH-WEST CORNER FROM EAST. 
RUINS OF DIILO-DULO. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institutet Vol. XXXI, Plate IV, 



1. PORTION OF NORTH-WEST SIDE. 



2. SQUARE CORKER IN NORTH-WEST SIDE. 3. ENTRANCE IN NORTH FACE. 

RUINS OF DHLO-DHLO. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate V. 



1. OUTER ENCLOSURE. (o) 



2. ENTRANCE TO OUTER ENCLOSURE. (h) 



3. OUTER ENCLOSURE OR GUARD HOUSE, (h) 
RUINS OF DIILO-DHLO. 



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( 29 ) 



MAORI TATU AND MOKO. 
By H. Ling Roth. 





PAGE 


1. The words Tata and Moko 


29 


2. General Description 


30 


•3. Regularity of Lines 


32 


4. Women's Tatu 


32 


5. Depilation of Beard 


34 


6. Instruments Used and Origin of 




Moko 


35 


7. Age at Commencement of Operation 


38 


8. The Operator 


39 


9. Position of Patient 


39 


10. The Operation 


41 


11. Pigment Employed 


42 



12. Pain and Swelling 

13. Tabu 

14. Post-mortem Moko .... 

15. Renewal of Moko 

16. The Object of Tatu and Moko 

17. Variety in Face-Design .... 

18. Origin of Tatu and Moko (Native 

Statements) 

19. Papuan Element in New Zealand 

20. The Patterns and their Origin 

21. Comparison with Other Peoples 



PAGE 

43 
43 

44 
47 
47 
50 

51 
51 
54 
62 



1. The Words Ta.tu and Moko. 

Bougainville does not appear to mention the word tatu, although he must have 
known the art, for he wrote as follows : — ** Men and women dye their loins and 
buttocks of a deep blue. ... I cannot say how they do to impress these 
indelible marks, imless it is by puncturing the skin and pouring the juice of 
certain herbs upon it as I have seen it practiced by the natives of Canada."^ The 
word tatu appears to be first mentioned by Cook and Banks in their respective 
journals when at Tahiti in 1769, and is to be found in its original form tattow in 
Wharton's transcript of Cook's Jminud of his First Voyage,^ and Hooker's 
transcript of Banks's Journal? Parkinson spells the word with an a after the t, 
thus taiaowed and tataowing^ and Ellis spells it tatau,^ The Maories called the 
operation or design arrwca,^ Joest says the English originally wrote tattaw or 
tcUtouj/ but the former spelling was certainly not used by Cook nor by Banks. 
According to Hale, " The word tau, or tatau, from which ' tattoo ' is derived [he 

* Voyage Round the World, 4to, Lond., 1776, p. 251 

' p. 93. For Cook's First Voyage I have used Wharton only, Lond., 1893 ; for his 
Second and Third Voyages I have used Hawksworth. It is a curious fact that in many 
descriptions of the people met with. Cook and Banks have used almost identical phrases and 
frequently exactly the same words. 

» Lond., 1896, p. 124. * Journal, Lond., 1773, pp. 25, 90, 96, and 97. 

» Tour in Hawaii Lond., 1830. • Banks, op. cit,, p. 203. 

' TUtowiren^ Berlin, 1887, p. 8. 



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30 H. Ling Eoth. — Maori Tain and Moko. 

says it means marking, p. 354] is applied to it in most of the islands." In New 
Zealand, however, mokOy meaning properly "lizard,'* or "serpent," is used — 
perhaps in reference to the peculiar curves and spirals of which their tattooing 
consists* ; but in his vocabulary at the end of the volume he states : " Moko, mo's, 
ubiq. lizard, reptile," and then, " Moko N.Z., the tattooing, probably from its spiral 
and curving figures."^ For this Joest takes him to task, on the ground that the 
curved lines {ScMaivgerdinien) were of late origin.^ 

2. General Description. 

Cook gives *but a veiy short account of the Maories amoco, while on the 
other hand Banks devotes considerable space to its description. His accounts are 
not only the first, but are also very good, and as such are well worth reproducing. 
At Poverty Bay he writes* : " Their lips were stained with something put under 
the skin (as in the Otahite tattow), and their faces marked with deeply engraved 
furrows, also coloured black, and formed in regular spirals. Of these the oldest 
people had much the greatest quantity, and most deeply channelled, in some not 
less than one-sixteenth part of an inch." On the Thames River,* he writes, the 
people " had a much larger quantity of amoca or black stains upon their bodies and 
faces. They had almost universally a broad spiral on each buttock, and many 
had their thighs almost entirely black, small lines only being left untouched, 
so that they looked like striped breeches. In this particular, I mean the use of 
ainoca, almost every tribe seems to have a different custom ; we have on some days 
seen canoes where every man was almost covered with it, and at the same time 
others, where scarcely a man had a spot, except on his lips, which seems to be 
always essential."^ Three days later at Taoneroa, he says® : " One of the old men 
here showed us the instrument with which they stain their bodies ; it was exactly 
like that used at Otahite." Banks sums up his descriptions as follows* : — *' Both 
sexes stain themselves in the same maimer with the colour of black, and somewhat 
in the same way as the South Sea Islanders, introducing it under the skin by a 
sharp instrument furnished with many teeth. The men carry this custom to 
much greater lengths; the women are generally content with having their lips 
blacked, but sometimes have little patches of black on different parts of the body. 
The man, on the contrary, seems to add to the quantity every year of his life, so 
that some of the elders were almost covered with it. Their faces are the most 
remarkable ; on them, by some art unknown to me, they dig furrows a line deep at 
least, and as broad, the edges of which are oft«n again indented, and absolutely 
black. This may be done to make them look frightful in war ; indeed, it has the 
effect of making them most enormously ugly — the old ones especially, whose faces are 

» Ethnology^ Philadelphia, 1846, 4to, p. 39. 

« Op, cit, p. 316. » Op. cit, p. 63. 

• Wharton, p. 219. * Op. cii.^ p. 186. 

• Jhid., p. 203. ' Ihid.y p. 204. 

• Ibid., p. 205. • Ibid., p. 231. 



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H. Ling Eoth. — Maori Tatn and Moko. 31 

entirely covered with it. The young, again, often have a small patch on one cheek 
or over one eye, and those under a certain s^e (maybe twenty-five or twenty-six) 
have no more than their lips black. Yet ugly as this certainly looks, it is 
impossible to avoid admiring the extreme elegance and justness of the figures 
traced, which on the face are always different spirals, and upon the body generally 
different figures, resembling somewhat the foliages of old chasing upon gold or 
silver. All these are finished with a masterly taste and execution, for of a 
hundred which at first sight would be judged to be exactly the same, no two, on 
close examination, prove alike, nor do I remember ever to have seen any two alike. 
Their wild imagination scorns to copy, as appears in almost all their works. In 
different parts of the coast they varied very much in the quantity and parts of 
the body on which this amocay as they call it, was placed ; but they generally 
agreed in having the spirals upon the face. I have generally observed that the 
more populous a country the greater was the qucmtity of amoca used ; possibly in 
populous countries the emulation of bearing pain with fortitude may be carried to 
greater lengths than where there are fewer people, and consequently fewer 
examples to encourage. The buttocks, which in the islands [Society Islands] were 
the principal seat of this ornament, in general here escape untouched ; in one place 
only we saw the contrary." It is curious that at so early a date it was observed 
that the methods of marking varied in different parts of the coimtry. Crozet^ 
agrees with Banks as regards the face spirals, but he continues : " The designs on 
the buttocks are always the same ; on these parts they trace in equally indelible 
marks a very neat spiral line, of which the first point is on the centre of the most 
fleshy part, and successively embraces the whole circumference." Crozet had, 
however, not seen so much of the coimtry as Banks. According to Maning,' 
" every man almost without exception is covered with tattooing from the knees 
to the waist." 

The deep furrows mentioned by Banks seem almost to be peculiar to New 
Zealand, so that we have in these islands two methods of permanent skin-marking. 
This is specially mentioned by Yate' : " There is a remarkable difference in the 
tattoo of the New ZeaJanders, and that of the Navigators', Fiigee, or Friendly 
Islanders. In the latter, the skin is but just perforated with a small pointed 
instrument, and the staining-matter introduced ; so that, in passing the hand over 
the part that has been tattooed, the skin feels as smooth, and the surface as fair, 
as before the operation took place ; whilst in the latter, the incision is very deep, 
and leaves furrows and ridges so uneven, that in some places, when long enough, 
it would be possible to lay in a pin, which would be nearly buried in them." 
Bidwill* also refers to this peculiar difference between the moko and tatu, but 
according to him the rump would appear to have been furrowed likewise, for, in 

* English translation by H. Ling Roth, Lond., 1891, p. 39. 
< Old New Zealand, Lond., 1863, p. 46. 

* Account of New Zealand, Lond., 1835, p. 148. 
« Ra/mhle9 in New Zealand, Lond., 1841, p. 80. 



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32 H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu amd Moko. 

speaking of the women's tatu, he says : " This might be called tattooing in England. 
It is of the same kind as sailors are so fond of pricking into their arms ; but it is a 
totally different thing from the elaborate engraving on a New Zealander's face or 
rump, inasmuch as in one case the skin is cut and remains in the same pattern 
as the stains, and in the other the marks do not at all affect the smoothness of the 
skin." As we shall see later on, the difference between Tnoko and tatu is brought 
about by the use of different instruments. 

3. Begulartty of Lines. 

Several travellers refer to the regularity of the lines of the moko. Thus 
Banks^ says of a Poverty Bay native : " He was a middle-sized man, tattowed on 
the face on one cheek only, in spiral lines very regularly formed." Yate* reports : 
" Nothing can exceed the beautiful regularity with which the faces and thighs of 
the New Zealanders are tattooed; the volutes are perfect specimens, and the 
regularity is mechanically correct." While Polack tells us* : " The nice exactitude of 
the lines represented in the moTco is scarcely to be surpassed, displaying the femcy 
and taste of the artist." These statements, judged by the results attained on 
specimens of preserved mokoed heads in our museums, are somewhat overdrawn. 
Taking into consideration the diflBculty of operating on an uneven surface of 
various resistance (according as there is bone near the surface or not), the lines 
may be considered tolerably regular. 

4. Women's Tatu. 

The tatu on the women was not extensive and therefore considerably less than 
on the men. In Queen Charlotte's Sound in February, 1777, Anderson reported 
of the women that they " have the puncture only on their lips or a small spot on 
their chins,* which is practically identical with what Banks and Cook* said seven 
years before. Angas^ and Jno. Savage^ also speak of the small amount of tcUu 
on the women's faces. Eutherford's account® is, " that they have a figure tattooed 
on the chin, resembling a crown turned upside down ; that the inside of their lips 
is also tattooed, the figures here appearing of a blue colour, and that they have 

> Op, city p. 184. « Op, city p. 148. 

» Manners and Customs of the New ZealanderSy Lond., 8vo, 2 vols., 1840, II, p. 46. 

* Cook (Hawksworth), Third Voyagey book I, chapter viii. 

* Op, cU,y p. 219. 

* Savage Lifcy Lond., 1850, 1, p. 316. 
' New Zealand, Lond., 1807, p. 48. 

» p. 144. The account of Rutherford's adventures is incorporated in the well known 
little work entitled The New Zealanders (Lond„ 1830, 12mo), now said to have been written by 
Professor G. L. Craik. Rutherford fell among the Maories in 1816. Archdeacon Williams 
{Trans, N.Z, Insty XXIII, 1890, p. 460) throws doubt on Rutherford's story, apparently because 
he, the Archdeacon, is unable to trace any vessel named Agnes from which Rutherford 
states he was captured. It is not at all improbable that Rutherford was a runaway sailor, and 
if so, he would naturally try to hide the manner of his flight, but that is not sufficient to 
invahdate the correctness of his itory. 



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H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu and Moko. 33 

also a mark on each side' of the mouth resembling a candlestick, as well as two 
stripes about an inch long on the forehead, and one on each side of the nose." 
Bidwill, writing in 1838,* reports that he saw a woman " tattooed behind like the 
men. It is a very rare thing for women to be tattooed anywhei^ but about the 
lips arid chins, and this was quite a curiosity. I used to think it rather orna- 
mental in the men ; what its use can be in a woman I cannot imagine, as they are 
always covered. The women are often quite covered with blue marks. ... I 
have seen the arms and bodies of the New Zealand women so covered with these 
powerful blue marks, that they looked as if they had on them a tight-fitting 
chintz dress." At Banks Peninsula, Shortland* gives a description of a funnily 
tatued woman : " One half of her face was tattooed in every respect like that of a 
man, while the other had no more marks than her sex entitled her to ; so that 
two persons, who stood opposite each other, each viewing a different side of the 
face in profile, while she, perhaps, sat wrapped in her blanket, with a pipe in her 
mouth, would have pronounced the object to be a man or a woman, according to 
the circumstance of his position. I afterwards met with several other old women 
of this tribe, who had similarly engraved on their faces many of the marks, which 
in the north island I had never seen but on males." However, he adds * : " The 
women have usually merely the lines on the lips, and a scroll depending ftom the 
angles of the mouth, the fine blue lines, or scratches, which are often to be seen' 
on their cheeks, arms, and breasts, being the offspring of each person's fancy." 
According to Dieifenbach* : " The girls, as soon as they arrive at puberty, have 
their lips tattooed with horizontal lines ; to have red lips is a great reproach to a 
woman. With females, in many cases, the operation ceases here, but more 
frequently the chin is tattooed, especially in the Waikato tribe, and the space 
between the eyebrows, much resembling the tattoo of the modem Egyptians. In 
some rare cases it extends over the angles of the mouth. I have, indeed, seen a 
woman whose whole face was tattooed." From this it would appear that in 
woman the tatu was a sign of marriageableness, and in fact Colenso* affirms this 
to be the case. He says to have a husband a woman must have the lips tatued, 
as red lips are abhori'ed and black ones considered the perfection of feminine 
beauty : " In the female it was confined to the lids, chin, between the eyes, and a 
little up the forehead, and on the back part of the leg from the heel to the calf ; 
the three last-mentioned being always indicative of rank. The women, also, often 
got themselves irregularly marked on the hands, arms, breasts, and face with 
small crosses, short lines, and dots. A very few women the writer has seen with 
tattooed faces just as a man ; these belong to southern tribes, some of whom had 
a very different style of tattooing (such as is shown in Coolers VoyageSy plate 13, 

» New Zealandy Lond., 1807, p. 80. 

* Sovthem Districts of New Zealandy Lond., 8vo, 1851, p. 16. 
» Ibid,, p. 18. 

* Travels in Neio Zealand, Lond., 8vo, 2 vols., 1843, II, p. 36. 

* Trans. N,Z. Inst., I, 2nd edition, 187o, p. 356. 

Vol. XXXI (N.S. IV). P 



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34 H. LiNa Both. — Mhoin Tatu and. Moho, 

4to ed.)." This leg tatuing was observed by Kerry Nicliolls^ among the Tapur- 
vacharuru women, who " follow the peculiar custom, which I have not seen 
elsewhere, of tattooing the legs as well as the lips in thin cross lines of a dark blue 
colour." It is also mentioned by Angas : " In a very few instances I have 
observed women, whose ankles, from the heel upwards, have been tattooed with 
ornamental spiral lines."* . There was also some body tatuing or perhaps moko on 
the women, for D'Urville relates* that " Tuao showed me his wife, who was being 
further mokoed on her shoulders. One half of her back was already furrowed 
with deep designs similar to those which ornamented the face of the parents of 
Koro Koro, and a slave was decorating the other half in the same style." Women 
evidently considered it essential to be tatued, for, as Darwin relates,* at Waimata 
" the wives of the missionaries tried to persuade them [the women] not to be 
tattooed ; but a famous operator having arrived from the south, they said, * We 
really must just have a few lines on our lips ; else when we grow old our lips 
will shrivel, and we shall be so very ugly.' " This reminds one of the papeeta or 
white face mentioned by Taylor. According to De Blosseville the women of the 
southern portions of New Zealand looked upon tatuing as a prerogative of nobility.* 
Scherzer" gives some stanzas of a song showing that a red-lipped and therefore 
untatued woman was considered ugly. With regard to Bidwill's account of body 
tatuing we may here quote Taylor,'^ who says : " The ladies had their lips and 
chins operated upon, with a little curl at the comer of the eye. Frequently their 
persons also were covered with small strokes of tattooing ; these might be called 
beauty patches, such as the ladies used to wear on the face made of a bit of court 
plaster, wliich were once thought ornamental." Is Taylor referring to the tangi, 
as does Angas® when he says : " With the women the tattooing of the face only 
extends to the lips and chin ; but they disfigure their breasts and arms with blue 
lines, which are the marks of their tangiy or lamentations for their deceased 
relations. These incisions frequently run in parallel lines, about a couple of inches 
in length, and are cut with sharp shells, and dyed, in a similar manner to the 
lines upon the face, with a mixture of carbonised Kauri resin." Have the blue 
marks covering the women's body, mentioned by Bidwill, anything to do with 
tangi, or has the tangi been at the bottom of the whole system of Maori tatu and 
moko ? 

5. Depilation of Beard. 

" To set off the moko to advantage, it was necessary to give up the beard, which 
was not considered in the light of an ornament. In former days, a pair of mussel 
shells were generally employed, but since their acquaintance with Europeans, a 
pair of large tweezers, an inch and a half wide, and three or four inches long, will 

» King Country, Lond., 1884, p. 137. « Op. cit, I, p. 316. 

» Astrolabe, II, p. 450. * Journal, Lond., 1839, p. 609. 

» Astrolabe, III, p. 693. 

« Voyage of the " Novara,'' Lond., 1860, III, p. 113. 

7 Op. cit., p. 160. » Op. cit., I, p, 316, 



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H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu arul Moko, 35 

generally be seen hanging from the garment or neck ; and whenever the gentleman 
can find no other employment, he will occupy himself with them."^ Kerry 
Nicholls also mentions that depilation was practised before tatuing, and Robley 
relates that in 1864-66 he " took several sketches of natives showing moko on the 
face with hair, for though the practice of moko was then fairly vigorous, yet the 
growth of beard and moustache was common among the natives, with the 
exception of the older men. The older men being well tattooed never used to 
wear hair on the face."* Cruise, who published his book in 1823, gives a portrait 
of the chief Tetoro, whose face is fully tatued with a full-grown beard. 

6. Instruments Used. 

When Banks says, as we have seen above, that he was shown a tatuing 
instrument and that it was exactly like that in use in Otahite, he was obviously 
unaware that the Maories used a variety of instruments, and also that to obtain 
the deep furrows described quite a diflTerent instrument was necessary from the 
one provided with a series of sharp points or teeth. Our first authority for a 
description of this special instrument is John Rutherford. He describes it as 
" made of bone, having a sharp edge like a chisel and shaped in the fashion of a 
garden hoe."* He adds* : " They employed, however, various instruments in the 
course of the operation, one which they sometimes used being made of a shark's 
tooth, and another having teeth like a saw. They had them also of different sizes 
to suit the different parts of the work." Marsden,* writing in 1819, says the 
operation " was performed with a small chisel-made of the wing-bone of a pigeon 
or wild fowl. This chisel was about a quarter of an inch broad, and was fixed in 
a handle, four inches long, so as to form an acute angle at the head ; something 
like a little pick, with one end." Next we have Cruise,* who tells us: "The 
point of the tattooing chisel was about half a quarter of an inch wide ; it was 
made of the wing-bone of an albatross, and fastened in a transverse wooden 
handle. ... As the lines of the amoco become conti-acted, a narrower 
instrument was used." D'Urville,^ writing in 1827, tells us : " The instrument is 
composed of the bone of an albatross set at right angles to a small wooden handle 
3 or 4 inches long, having the shape of a veterinary's lancet. The bone has some- 
times simply a cutting edge, at other times flattened and furnished with several 
sharp teeth like a comb." Yate, writing eleven years after Cruise, merely refers* to 
the instrument as a " small chisel of very rough workmanship." But he also tells 
us' an interesting fact : " At the southward, when you come as far as Waiapu, or 
the East Cape, you find the cuts much deeper on the nose and forehead, and in all 
parts of the face much broader. The reason they assign for this is that theirs 

» Taylor, op. cU,, p. 151. « MoJco, Lond., 4to, 1890, p. 30. 

» Op, cit, p. 135. * Ibid.y p. 136. 

* Missionari/ Register^ Lond., 1822, p. 252. 

• J(mrn,y 2nd edition, Lond., 1824, p. 136. ' Op, ciU^ II, p. 448. 
» Op, cit., p. 149. • /6ic?., p. 151. 

P 2 



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36 



H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu and Moko. 



Fig. 1.— Moko Instrument presented to Brit. Mus. by Sir Geo. Grey, 1864, 
4{-in. (121 mm.) long. 





Fioa 2-7. — Maori Tatu Instruments, after Craik (New Zealand era). They bear a close 
resemblance to those from Tahiti (see Banks' remarks above). Compare Fig. 7 with the 
mallets Figs. 14 and 16. 





Figs. 8-12.— Moko and 
Tatu Instruments 
after Polack (I, 
p. 45). 



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H. Lino Uotn. — Maon fcdu and Moko, 37 

are purely native instruments, made of stone ; whilst the Bay-of-Islanders have 
latterly introduced iron, which is capable of being made much sharper, and conse- 
quently of inflicting a wound without striking so hard a blow, or causing so deep 
or broad a furrow." Polack, who was in New Zealand from 1831 to 1837,^ says the 
instniment is formed of bone or hard wood, fashioned like a chisel" Farther on^ 
he depicts five instruments ; two are chisel adzes, while three are toothed adzes 
similar to instruments used in Tahiti, etc. Shortland, writing in 1843-4 near 
Banks Peninsula, mei-ely refers to the instrument as " a very small chisel "^ ; while 
Dieflenbach* appears to be the first to give the native name of the instrument, 
describing it as " the sharp bone of a bird," or " a small chisel called uhi!' As a 
last authority we may quote Taylor, who, when he had been about fifteen years in 
New Zealand, wrote : " The uhi or instrument used was a small chisel made of the 
bone of an albatross, very narrow and sharp." 

It is curious that not one of the above writers, excepting Banks and Ruther- 
ford, refers to the instruments provided with pricks for making real tatu similarly 
to that in vogue elsewhere in the Pacific. It is very curious that all these writers 
refer to the instrument as a chisel, and while one can hardly suppose that the 
earlier writers copied one from another, yet one cannot but think that the later 
writers had in their minds what the earlier ones had written, for with the exception 
of the vertical cutting portion (i.e., vertical when in operation), the instrument 
does not look like a chisel at all . nor is it held like a chisel, although, on the other 
hand, it is driven like a chisel. To compare the instrument with a garden hoe (in 
miniature, of course), as Eutherford does, or to a model of an adze would be more 
correct than comparing it to a chisel The only reason for calling it a chisel is 
that another tool, the mallet, was necessary for using it. A chisel has not a series 
of sharp points. With regard to Yate*s statement as to the introduction of iron 
Robley remarks* : " When iron tools were introduced much finer work became 
possible than with the bone or tooth instruments " ; but he adds : " In the earliest 
days chisel work was the only method employed in tatuing ; but later on, the 
system of pricking was introduced, and allowed the artist far more scope for his 
elaboration of detail" Whether the introduction of iron tools would make finer 
work possible would depend largely upon the fineness of the iron tool, and as to 
the priority of introduction of either the chisel or the pricker, this would not be 
easy to prove. The earliest describers, Banks and Crozet, mention practically 
both tatu and amoko, for Banks speaks of the pricking instruments, which, how- 
ever, do not make the tatu, and of the furrows (moko), which are, however, not 
made by the prickers, and Crozet speaks of the engraved faces made by means of 
pricking ! If the Maories brought with them the tatuing from the east they had 
prickers in all probability, and as the art developed their vain desire to show how 
they could bear pain might have been the cause of the introduction of a more 

> Jaum,, 2nd edition, Lond., 1824, II, p. 44. « Ibid,y II, p. 46. 

» Op. cU., p. 18< * Op, city II, p. 33 

• C^, cU,y p. 60. 



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38 



H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu and Afoko. 



lacerating instrument — that is, if the chisel cause more agony than the pricker. 
If, on the other hand, tatu developed from 7)iokOj which developed from taiigi, tho 
possibility of which was suggested on p. 34, then Robley would be correct. 

7. Age at Commencemknt of Operation. 

As mentioned above by Cruise,^ the young men were commenced to be 
operated upon at about twenty years of age. Polack merely states* it was " at an 

early age." In Middle Island " the 
people submit to this operation at 
a much earlier age; and many of 
them are fully tattooed about the 
face before they have arrived near 
the prime of life."* Sir Walter 
Buller, however, told Eobley* that 
it was the universal rule amongst 
Maories never to commence moko 
until a subject was adult, and that, 
as a matter of fact, he had never 
seen a Maori boy or girl with a 
tatued face. In commencing the 
operation " the first attempt is 
applied to the lips, then the fore- 
head, cheeks, etc., are submitted to 
the same process."* "There were 
regular rules for tattooing, and the 
artist always went systematically 
to work, beginning at one spot and 
gradually proceeding to another, 
Fig. 13.— Moko pattern from Banks' Peninsula, each particular part having its dis- 
tinguishing name."** Taylor gives 
a list of nineteen such names, 
DiefTenbach seventeen, and Short- 
land twelve such names from 
Middle Island ; the names are 
almost identical. As Sidney H. Kay writes me about them : " Names like ngu, 
wero, repa, seem to suggest that the patterns were named from animals, or else 
merely descriptive of their location, as pu-karu, pu4aringa, kauvxie^ etc." 



-Moko pattern from Banks' Peninsula, 
after Shortland, to show nomenclatiu^. 
In the original No. 10 is not placed so 
I have indicated it according to Dieffen- 
bach's description " on the lower maxilla 
where the masseter lies." For explanation, 
see p. 64. 



> Journ,y 2nd edition, Lond., 1824, p 264. 
» Yate, op. ciLy p. 151. 
* Polack, op. cit»j p. 144. 



« Op. cit., p. 45. 

* Op. cit.j p. 38. 

• taylor, op. cit, p. 163 



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H. Ling Roth. — Maori TcUu and Moko. 3& 



8. The Operator. 



Earle describes a professor of tatuing as follows^ : " He was considered by his 
countrymen a perfect master in the art of tattooing, and men of the highest rank 
and importance were in the habit of travelling long journeys in order to put their 
skins under his skilful hands. . . . This * professor ' was merely a Kooky or 
slave, but by skill and industry he raised himself to an equality with the greatest 
men of the country." He seems to have been handsomely paid. According to 
Yate* : " There are persons in New 2fealand whoso time is principally occupied in 





Fios. 14, 15, 16. — Mallets and methods of holding them. Fig. 14 after Earle ; there appeai-s 
to be some cloth wrapped round the handle to give it a timier grip ; in shape it is very 
like a Tahitian mallet illustrated by Parkinson. Fig. 15 after Polack ; the woodcut is 
very poor and does not show the pricker ; the mallet is of European form. Fig. 16 after 
Robley. 

performing this painful operation. They go about from village to village for the 
purpose, and are most amply rewarded for their services." " The natives of the 
East Cape are accounted ets particularly clever in this art, and when slaves have 
been acquainted with it, their advancement from bondage has been immediate."' 
Referring to a youth being tatiicd, DieflFenbach* says : " The Tohunga (priest) is 
charged with this function ; but it is not everyone that is able to perform the 
operation. Some of the chief masters of the art are slaves, and the Waikato tribe 
are celebrated for their skill in the perfection of the designs." According to 
Angas* : " The Tohunga, or priest, is most generally the operator in the ceremony 
of tattooing, he being supposed to excel in the art of carving both on wood and 
on flesh." But, strange to say, according to Savage® these tohunga themselves 
" have only a square patch of tattooing over the right eye/* 

9. Position of Patient. 

Rutherford and his companions, when operated upon, were held dot\rn by five 
or six men each, and appeared to have two operators each, but then theirs was 
probably an exceptional case, the Maories not knowing how the Europeans would 

» Narr. of Nine Month£ Residence in N,Z. in 1827, Lond., 8vo, 1832, pp. 137-^. 

» Op. cit.^ p. 149. » Polack, op. cti., II, p. 60. 

* Op. cit.j II, p. 33. * Op. ciL, p. 314. • Op, cit., p. 47. 



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40 H. i^iNG UotH.-^Maori Tatu arid MoJco. 

take to the operation. According to Yate : " When anyone is desirous of being 
tattooed, he lies down, with his head between the legs of the operator, and his feet 
against something firm, for the purpose of pressure. The lines upon his face are 
then traced out with a piece of cliarcoal ; these marks are, however, soon effaced 
by the streams of blood flowing from the wounds." Cruise thus describes the 
preparations of a native about to be mokoed : " He lay upon his back, with his head 
resting upon the knees of the operator, who sat upon the ground, and for whose 
guidance the intended form of the avioco had been previously traced in black lines 
upon the patient's face."^ Polack's testimony is similar :* " The head of the 
patient rests for convenience on the knees of the artist. The pattern about to be 



Fig. 17. — The nioko professional, Arangliie, at work. After Earle* 

engraved is painted in lines, by a small piece of stick dipped in powdered charcoal 
and water." According to Savage' the device was marked out with a piece of 
burnt stick or red earth. D'Urville* speaks of a preparatory design. "The 
pattern was first drawn either with charcoal or scratched in with a sharp-pointed 
instrument," says Taylor,* and he continues: "The person operated upon was 
stretched all his length on the ground, and to encourage him manfully to endure 
the pain, songs were continually sung to him. . . . This song was chiefly to 
remind the gentleman of the duty he owed to the operator, who, not having any 
regular professional charges, chiefly depended on the liberality of his patient, who 

• Op. cit., p. 136. « Op. ciL, II, p. 44. 

* Op. dt.i p. 46. * Op. cit.y II, p. 448. » Op. cit., p. 152. 



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H. Ling 'RotH.—Maari^attc and MoJco, 41 

was expected not only to feed him with the best, but to make him a very 
handsome present as well. And when the operator suspected that he should not 
be remembered, he frequently became very careless in his work, and rendered the 
person an object for life. Some of the moJcas are very coarsely done, whilst others 
are finished with an artist's touch, by which we are able to judge of the way they 
have severally paid the owner of the sounding chisel.** As mentioned above, 
however, the coarseness and fineness depended much upon the tools used. Earle 
gives an illustration of a patient lying comfortably on the ground leaning on one 
elbow, while his thigh is being tatued. Polack^ illustrates a patient with 
his head similarly on the operator's lap, and Robley* shows a very like group. 
When D'Urville* went to see the shoulder viohoing of Tuao*s wife she was lying on 
her belly. 

10. The Operation. 

The flow of blood, naturally very great, the operators " kept wiping oflF with 
the side of the hand, in order tx) see if the impression was sufficiently clear. 
When it Was not they applied the bone a second time to the same plac6."* During 
the operation on Eutherford, Aimy's (the chiefs) eldest daughter several times 
wiped the blood from his face with some dressed flax. According to Marsden :* 
" One end of this stick {uhi) was cut flat like a knife, to scrape off the blood as it 
gushed from the cuts ; " while, according to Yate,® " the blood is constantly wiped 
away with a little dressed flax, tied upon the forefinger of the left hand." Some- 
times the puncturer carefully wipes away the blood with a " piece of scraped flax 
or the end of his garment."^ " One can undei-stand," writes D'Urville,* " that 
blood must flow in abundance, but the operator takes care to wipe it off with the 
back of his hand or with a small wooden spatula. According as the skin is 
gashed the colour or the moko is introduced into the cut by means of a small 
brush." But the brush was of course a European innovation. There were thus 
different methods in use to get the pigment inserted into the skin or flesh. When 
Rutherford was mokoed the instrument was dipped into the liquid, and then 
applied ; Maraden, Cruise, Yate, and Dieffenbach all speak of this dipping ; but 
Polack^ says : " Charcoal is afterwards [i.e., after the striking] powdered and let into 
the wounds;" while, according to Taylor:^* "The operator held in his hand a piece 
of mvka (flax) dipped in the pigment, which he drew over the incision 
immediately it was made." Angas'^ likewise says the charcoal was rubbed in after 
the pricking had brought forth blood. All accounts agree as to the method of 
holding the mokq instrument in the one hand while it was struck " with a small 
piece of wood "" or " with a stick about one foot long, in the same manner as a 

> Polack, II, p. 43. « Op, city p. 61. 

» Op. cit, II, p. 451. « Rutherford, op. cU., p. 136. 

» Op. cit., p. 251. • Op. cit., p. 149. 

' Polack, op. cit., II, p. 44. » Op. cit., II, p. 448. 

• Op. cit.^ II, p 44 ^^ Op. cit.j p 161. 

" Op. cit., p. 316. " Rutherford, op. cit., p. 135. 



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42 H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu and Moko. 

farrier opens the vein of a horse with a fleam/'^ or " a bit of stick not longer tlian 
a common pencil,"* or "a light tap is given it with a small mallet, maJioe"^ 
Dieflfenbach, however, says the chisel was driven into the skin by the hand.* The 
tapping makes the tool cut into the flesh as a knife would do,^ or in the words of 
Marsden,^ "the chisel appeared to pass through the skin at every stroke, and cut 
it as a carver cuts a piece of wood." Polack^ merely says the tool cuts deep into 
the flesh ; and D'Urville tells us : " The instrument is applied against the skin, and 
struck with a small stick on the back of the chisel to make it penetrate into the 
epidermis, and to gash sufficiently in following the prepared design"®; while 
Taylor makes the following extraordinary statement, namely, that the tool is 
driven " quite through the skin, and sometimes completely through the cheek as 
well, so that when the person undergoing the operation took his pipe, the -smoke 
found its way out through the cuttings."® 

11. Pigment Employed. 

There is considerable difference in the records as regards the material of the 
pigment used. When Rutherford was mokoed, a piece of charcoal was rubbed upon 
a stone with a little water until a thickish liquid had been produced.*'* According 
to Marsden" " the liquid was made from a particular tree, and afterwards mixed 
with water, which communicates the blackness " ; Cruise speaks" " only of charcoal 
and water " ; according to Yate*' the pigment " is merely the root of the flax burnt 
to charcoal, reduced to powder and mixed with water " ; according to Dieffenbach** 
the pigment, called narahu, is prepared by carbonising the resin of the Kauri pine. 
Gunpowder appears to have been substituted in Polack's time.** Colenso" says : 
" For the purposes of tattooing they used various kinds of charcoal, both animal and 
vegetable, obtained from several peculiar sources, and manufactured in a highly 
curious manner with much labour and skill," the peculiar sources being described 
by Taylor as follows*' : " The substance generally used as colouring matter is the 
resin of the kauri or rimu, which, when burnt, is pounded and converted to a 
fine powder. At Taupo, I went to see the place where this pigment was 
manufactured. A narrow pit was sunk at a little distance from a precipice, and 
from the face of the cliff a passage was cut to the bottom of it, over the mouth of 
which pieces of wood containing the resin were burnt, and the residuum, falling 
within, was taken away by means of the passage." Scherzer's description gives us 

» Marsden, op, cit., p. 251. « Cruise, op, cit.^ p. 136. 
» Yate, op. cit,y p. 149 and Taylor, op, ciLy p. 151. 

* Op, cU,y II, p. 33. « Rutherford, op. ciL^ p. 135. 
« Op, cU., p. 251. ' Polack, op, cit,^ II, p. 44. 

• D'Urville, op, cit, II, p. 448. » Op, cU,, p. 151. 
»• Op. cU., p. 135. " Op. cit., p. 252. 
»« Op. cU.y p. 136. " Op. cit, 

»* Op. cit.^ p. 34. " Op, city II, p. 44. 

w Trans, N,Z, Inst., XIV, 1881, p. 61. " Cjp. cH., p. 151. 



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H. LiKG Roth. — Maori Tatu and Moko. 43 

another method of preparation^ : " The necessary colouring stuflF, tigardhuy is made 
from the soot of the wood, when burnt, of the Kauri fir (Dammara Australis)^ 
which is collected in the leaves of the Ti-reed {Cordylive Australis), and is 
prepared with an infusion of the bark of the Hinau (Mosocarpus Sinau) in the 
form of small cones." Edge-Partington,* in describing the pumice stone boxes 
in which the pigment was kept, says : " The pigment was a mixture of lampblack 
and either milk or fat. A dog starved for the purpose was fed upon this. His 
excreta were re-mixed and buried in these boxes until wanted." Mr. Chas. 
Smith Wangauni was his informant. 

12. Pain and Swelling. 

We can well believe Rutherford when he says the pain was very acute ; but he 
says he neither moved nor uttered a sound, while his comrades moaned dreadfully.' 
Cruise tells us* that the pain was borne by the natives " with surprising fortitude " 
and " with perfect composure." Marsden,* Yate,^ Cruise,' and Polack^ ascribe the 
incompleteness of the mokoing to the intense pain and inflammation, which 
necessitate considerable intervals of repose. Rutherford, who was four hours under 
the operation, was, in consequence, blind for three days, and did not wholly recover 
for six weeks, while Marsden observed® " proud-flesh rising in some parts which 
had been cut almost a month before." According to DieflFenbach^'* : " The persons 
opemted upon never allow the slightest expression of pain to escape them. . . . 
The tattooing of .the Hps is the most painful part of the operation." And Polack 
says" : " The victim to this curious fashion lies recumbent, wincing and writhing at 
every stroke given by tlie operator, the body quivering under the torments 
inflicted." " Tuao's wife seemed to suffer very much, and the blood streamed 
abundantly from her wounds ; nevertheless she did not even sigh, merely looked 
at me with a smile without disturbing herself or the woman carrying out the 
important operation."^^ " To tattoo a person fully is therefore a work of time, and 
to attempt to do too much at once endangered the life. I remember a poor 
porangi, or insane person, who, during the war, was tattooed most unmercifully by 
some young scoundrels. The poor man's wounds were so dreadfully inflamed that 
they occasioned his death."^* 

13. Tabu. 

When Rutherford and his comrades were mokoed they were tabued also.^* 
" During the time that anyone was being tattooed, all persons in the pa were tapu, 

. « Trans. N.Z. Inst, XIV, 1881, II, p. 111. « Album, Series III, No. 173. 

* It may in a considerable measure have been dae to his iiardiuess tliat Rutherford was 
the only one of the European party who ultimately eitcaped from the Maories. 

* Op. cit, pp. 136, 264. » Op. ctt, p. 262. 

* Op. cU.y p. 149. » Op. cit.y p. 264. 
" Op. cit.j II, p. 46. » Op. cit.y p. 262. 

»• Op. cit.y II, p. 34. " Op. cit., 11, p. 43. 

" lyUrviUe, Op. cU., Ill, p. 461. " Taylor, op. cU., p. 142. 

" Op. cU.y p. 137. 



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44 H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu and MoJco, 

until the termination of the work, lest any evil should befall them/'^ Best tells 
us of the Tuhoe or Urewera tribe* : " When the daughter of an important chief 
had her lips and chin tatued, a day was set apart on which the tribe would 
assemble to view the work of the artist. A party would be sent forth some time 
before to secure a member of another tribe * for sacrifice and to give strength to 
the tribe by eating.'" Earle remarks* on this tabu that one evening strolling 
through a village where many chiefs were being mokoed, " it appeared as though 
some dreadful disease had suddenly struck the greater part of the inhabitants and 
deprived them of the use of their limbs," for being all " under the law, they could 
not feed themselves with their hands/' Many museums possess one or more 
specimens of the funnel by which men were fed when undergoing the operation of 
moko. 

14. PoST-MORTEM MOKO. 

I have not been able to trace any reference to post-mortem tatuing by any 
early traveller in New Zealand, although it is hardly likely that its occurrence 
should not be recorded somewhere. In so far as my studies have carried me, the 
first mention of it at all was made by (Jarrick Mallory,* where, describing two 
New Zealand preserved heads, he remarks : " Whether any mechanical work was 
performed upon the heads after death is not positively known, tliough from the 
general appearance of the work it would be suggested that the shai*p ci'eases or 
grooves was [sic] done subsequent to the death of the individual." It must be 
remembered, however, that Banks noticed the grooves on the living in 1769. 
Eobley gives a good many illustrations of post-mortem moko and says* : " Post- 
mortem moko is easily distinguished by the non-appearance of the subcutaneous 
colour, and where moko was incomplete at the time of deatli Uie pattern was often 
added to. But tlie diflference of the cuts on the live and on the hardened flesh is 
easily recognised. Again, sometimes the pattern scored in life has been recut 
deeper into the leatheiy surface after death. These new marks on the old 
lines are also readily distinguished. In one of the British Museum specimens 
this post-mortem tracing is of a totally diflferent pattern from that cut during 
life, and this is the more regrettable as the original pattern was not only good and 
complete and well preserved, but the new one is carelessly worked or scratched, 
and looks pale over the blue of the older and real moko." In answer to my 
inquiries General Eobley informs me: "There are heads that were tatued in 
life, and then these real lines with [subcutaneous colour in them which need not 
have been touched were incised to make patterns appear deep as in life, for the 
stretched and dried skin would cause the grooves to flatten out." While in some 
cases the post-mortem cuts are clearly distinguishable in the leathery surface, in 
other cases where they are not cut so deep it is not easy to distinguish them, and 

» "Taylor, op. dt., p. 152. « Trans, N.Z. Inst., XXX, 1897, p. 38. 

• Op. cU.j pp. 144-5. 

* Fourth Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, p. 76. 
» Op. cU.y p. 189. 



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H. Ling Roth. — Maw^i Tatu arid Moko. 45 

when all is said the examination can only be a superficial one and therefore not 
wholly reliable. 

To make an attempt to get the question settled whether there was any post- 
mortem moko, with the kind permission of Professor Chas. Stewart, I asked 
Mr. Samuel 6. Shattock, the pathological curator of the Museum of the Royal 
College of Surgeons and Joint Lecturer on Pathology and Bacteriology at St. 
Thomas's Medical School, London, to examine what appeared to be post-mortem 
moko on a portion of the skin of the forehead of a New Zealander's head (No. 
1010) in the Museum. Mr. Shattock reports as follows : — 

" With the object of endeavouring to determine whether the moko in this 



Fio. 18. — Maori head in Museum Royal College of Surgeons (No. lOlOX showing post-mortem 
clear incised work overlapping original moko. Mr. Shattock's examination was 
made from this specimen. 

region had been done after death, a microscopic examination was made of a portion 
of the skin by means of sections cut at right angles to the direction of one of the 
gaping sharply edged incisions. The dried skin was first soaked in water and after- 
wards passed through increasing strengths of alcohol ; the sections were cut upon 
a freezing microtome and stained with Ehrlich*s Hsemataxylin and eosin. In 



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46 H. Ling Eoth. — Mam^ Tatu and Moko, 

these sections all the chief structures of the skin are easily recognisable; the 
epidermis, however, is wanting. 

" On either edge of the incision the fibrous bundles of the corium terminate 
quite abruptly ; there is no trace whatever of repair in the form of exudation or 
granulation-tissue. Blood has escaped into the incision, and the extravasation 
extends a considerable distance laterally between the bundles of fibrous tissue, and 
even amongst the cells of fat. 

*^ Is the amount of extravasation compatible with a post-mortem moko, or 
does it prove that the process was carried out during life ? In order to test this 
question I made the following observations: — Dec. 2, 1899; weather mild I 
lightly struck a sharp chisel, a quarter of an inch broad, into the scalp (a little 
way above the ear) of a well-developed man who had died sixteen hours previously. 
The scalp and parts about the neck were congested. Blood at once oosed freely 
out of the wound and continued to do so. I pressed and manipulated the parts 
without using violence, and then excised the piece with the incision in its centi-e, 
pinned it on filter paper and allowed it to dry in a warm room. When dry it 
was placed in alcohol, and some days afterwards cut and stedned as in the other 
case. 

" In another body in which there was no visible congestion I made a similar 
injury in the same position. Blood welled up from the wound, but did not flow out 
to the same extent as in tlie first case. Such injuries when made over the malleoli 
gave exit to no blood, even on pressing the parts. The differences in result depend 
obviously upon the amount of blood in the tissue selected. 

" Microscopic examination of the post-mortem injury made in case 1 : There 
is a zone of blood in the course of the incision, and blood has been displaced 
laterally between the bundles of fibrous tissue, in places for a considerable 
distance, as well as between the fat cells, the entire result being precisely like 
that in the moko. 

"The microscopic examiniition of the New Zealander*s wound shows quite 
clearly that it has been produced by a sharp chisel-like instrument, and not by a 
series of punctures. No artificial colouring matter was detectable either on the 
faces of the incision or between the divided bundles of fibre. There is no sign of 
any inflammation having taken place. 

"The conclusions arrived at are: The absence of histological changes, 
whether of active inflammation or repair, in the section of the Maori skin shows 
that the moko must have been done either shortly before or after death. But 
against the first supposition is the wide extent of tliat part of the moko having 
the same naked eye characters as the piece selected for examination, and 
obviously done at one and the same time. It is too extensive to have been 
carried out at a single sitting, covering as it does the whole of the forehead and 
both the malar regions, and it may be safely concluded therefore that it was 
done after death." 

Mr, Shattock's opinion may be confirmed by the probability that if the 



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H. Ling Roth. — Maoj'i TcUu and Moko, 47 

moko had been done before death colouring matter would have been inserted 
as usual. That the operation was done soon after death is also probable, as at 
that period the skin would be easier to operate upon than later, when the head 
would have hardened under the process of preservation. 

15. Renewal of Moko. 

" Tatuing by the Maori is renewed occasionally, as the lines become fainter by 
time, to the latest period of his life. Tetoro, who returned to New Zealand in the 
Dromedm^, was re-tattooed soon after his arrival."^ Polack* also says: " After a 
series of years, some cliiefs have had the courage and patience to be retouched and 
renovated." But as to D'Urville's statement' that Cook mentions repeated 
tatuings, I have not been able to trace this remark in that discoverer's records. 

16. The Object of Tatu and Moko. 

Marsden,* referring to an agreement regarding the alienation of some land at 

Ranghee Ho in February, 1815, says: "The chief has signed the grant in a 

manner extremely curious and perfectly original. He has displayed the ingenuity 

which is characteristic of his countrymen, in a minute and laborious copy of the 

tattooed lines upon his own face." The lines as illustmted by Marsden are very 

roughly drawn and resemble very closely the design of an amokoed face published 

by Shortland* from Banks Peninsula ih Middle Island, and the Maori witness has 

given a signature which appears to be part only of face tatu or moko. Scherzer 

was informed authoritatively^ " that on the occasion of the chiefs ratifying the 

treaty with the English they superscribed the various documents with the lines 

upon their faces, like so much heraldic blazonry, instead of writing their names." 

The custom first referred to by Marsden had apparently become popular, but there 

appears to be no reason for Polack's statement' that " tattooing is the sign-manual 

and crest of a native chief. In title-deeds of land-purchases, or receipts of any 

description, the molco or fac-similes on the face of a chief are correctly represented 

by him on paper. The initials or crest on the seal attached to the watch or ring 

of a European is accounted by a native as the * molco ' of its owner." In fact, 

DiefiFenbach states plainly the " moko does not form what might be called the arms 

of an individual,"^ and adds that the affixing of their moko or some other figure 

as their signature by the natives seems a " modern invention " — which, of course, 

it must have been. "Slaves, if they have been taken when children, are not 

tattooed, nor is the operation completed in those cases where it has already been 

partly perfoimed upon them.''® ** Slaves are tattooed as well as the chiefs, but 

there are various forms which the former are not permitted to use."^** This fact 

» Cruise, op. cit., p. 264. « Op. city II, p. 45. 

« Op. cit. III, p. 460. * Mi99, Register, 1816, p. 328. 

» Op. cii.y p. 16. • Novaroy Lond., 1863, III, p. 114. 

• Op. ctt., II, p. 48. • Op. cit.y II, p. 34. 

• Op. city II, p. 34. 

»• Prown, N.Z. and its Aborigines, Lond., 1845, p. 31, 



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48 H. Ling HoTFi.—MacH Tatu and Moko. 

probably led Darwin to write when at Waimata that '' as it is a badge of dis-. 
tinction between the chief and the slave, it will probably long be practised." 
P'Urville's information was to the effect that mokoing "is not allowed to the 
Kukies (slaves), to the general public, and even to those who dare not join in 
combats unless they are authorised to wear them on account of high birth. Tuai 
assured me that the general public acquire the right of moko by means of exploits 
of war, and after an honourable campaign, the chiefs generally added some new 
design in token thereof. He also told me that the same designs were gone over 
several times in the course of one's life, sometimes even four or five different 
occasions. He told me that Shongui had received all his mokos, as his face had 
been subjected to five tatuings. As for himself he had only got as far as his 
second tatuing, but he counted on obtaining his third on the return of an 
expedition which he was then meditating. Perhaps these honour d^rees in moko 
are not so precise as Tuai wished me to believe, anyhow it is certain that the 
privileges of moko are limited to men of distinguished birth or to warriors 
celebrated for their grand deeds, and that a rangatira considers himself the more 
honoured the more his face is mokoed'* To D'Urville, moko " seemed to be the 
exact equivalent to the armorial bearings of Europeans, with this difference, that 
the armorial bearings simply proved the individual merit of him who had first 
been able to obtain them without in any way proving any merit in his children, 
while the decoration of the New Zealanders proves in an authentic way that in 
order to have tlie right of wearing it he has had to show proof of extraordinary 
personal courage and patience. Nothiug demonstrates better these ideas which 
the New Zealanders attach to their moko designs and their analogy with our 
armorial bearings than the following observations: — Tuai one day, with great 
pride, called my attention to some bizarre designs engraved on his forehead, and as I 
asked him what there was so remarkable about them, he replied : ' The Koro Koro 
family is the ouly one in New Zealand which lias the right to wear these designs ; 
Shongui, powerful as he is, could not take them, for the family of Koro Koix) is 
much more illustrious than his.'^ In fact, tlie strange decorations have the 
advantage of announcing at the outset and in an authentic manner the rank of 
every individual, and to assure him of the consideration to which he is entitled."* 
In his short reference to mokoing, Anderson' says, " but it is doubtful if this be 
ornamental, or intended as a mark of particular distinction," and we are informed 
by Crozet that " the chiefs were very pleased to show us all the tatuings on their 
bodies, and several were proud and conceited about them."* Savage at the time of 
his visit, found the men still proud of their marks. He says : " The pantaloons, 
particularly the posterior part, are in general very highly embroidered, and of which 
they are not a little vain."* D'Urville** found the natives of Cook's Straits as vain 
of their mokoing as those of the northern portion of Ika na maui. If a youth 

> Op. cit.^ pp. 461-3. - D'Urville, ihid.y p. 453. 

» Cooky Third Voyage^ book I, chapter vii, ♦ Op. cit., p. 39. 

* Op. Cit., p. 47. • Op. cit., p. 449, 



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H. Ling IIotii. — Maori Tatu and Moko, 49 

twenty years of age be not mokoed " he is considered unmanly if he has not endured 
part of this painful process. . . . When Wheety, who was half anglicised 
by a long residence amongst us, was told that he ought not to adopt this frightful 
custom of his countrymen, he said if he did not he should be despised, and 
perhaps taken for a woman."* Similarly "Tool informed us [Marsden] that 
Korrokorro wished him to be tattooed. We told him that it was a very foolish 
and ridiculous custom ; and, as he had seen so much of civilised life, he should 
now lay aside the barbarous customs of his country, and adopt those of civilised 
nations. Tooi replied that he wished to do so himself ; but his brother urged him 
to be tattooed, as otherwise he could not support his rank and character as a 
gentleman, among his countrymen, and they would consider him timid and 
efleminate."* Although Dieflfenbach* tells us that '' moko is not an enforced 
cereraojiy, but any one may have it done, or not, according to his wishes," we 
have Taylor's statement* that a '^papatea or plain face was a term of reproach," 
thereby supporting Marsden. According to Yate " the tattoo is not a special mark 
of chieftainship, as has been stated by almost all [sic\ writers on New Zealand ; 
for many chiefs, of the first rank, are without a single line ; others, even to old 
age, are only partially covered ; and many a slave has had the greatest pains 
taken, to give this ornamental operation the greatest effect upon his plebeian face. 
Nor do the peculiar marks on the faces of different people denote their rank, or 
the tribe to which they belong ; it all depends upon the taste of the aitist, or upon 
the direction of the person operated upon."* " Each man thinks himself, and is 
thought by others, to be more brave if he submits boldly and unflinchingly 
to the taps of the tattooing instrument ; and not a few imagine that it adds to 
their beauty, and submit to it that they may be followed and admired by the 
women."® " Persons at all ages and of all ranks who possess means or influence to 
obtain it, get tattooed, chiefs, freedmen, hereditary bondsmen, and slaves. Though 
often a distinctive insignia for a tribe, yet it is no sign of rank, as warriors are 
captured at all ages, marked or otherwise.**' "The moko is neither intended to 
constitute a distinctive mark between different tribes, nor to denote rank, as haa 
been variously stated. It is, in fact, only a mark of manhood, and a fashionable 
mode of adornment, by which the young men seek to gain the good graces of the 
young women. It only so far denotes rank, that the poor may not have the means 
of paying the artist, whose skill is necessary."* " To have fine tattooed faces was 
the great ambition of young men, both to render themselves attractive to the 
ladies and conspicuous in war ; for even if killed by the enemy, whilst the heads 
of the untattooed were treated with indignity, and kicked on one side, those which 
were conspicuous by their beautiful moko were carefully cut off, stuck on the 
tm^uturu, a pole with a cross on it, and then preserved ; all which was highly 

» Cruise, op. cit., p. 264. « Op. cit., 1822, p. 252. 

> Op. cit, II, p. 34. * Op. cit.y p. 150. 

» C$9. cU.y p. 148. • Ibid.y p. 149. 

' Polack, op. cU.y II, p. 47. • Shortland, op. cit, pp. 16-17 

Vol. XXXI (N.S. IV). K 



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50 H. Ling Kotii. — MaoH Tatu aTid Moko, 

gratifying to the survivors and the spirits of their late possessors."* In the early 
days Marsden wrote* : *' In time of war, great honour is paid to the head of a 
warrior, when killed in battle, if he is properly tattooed." 

17. Variety in Face Design. 

As we have seen above, Banks remarked on the fact that no two individuals 
had the same moko. Sliortland in describing some scrolls, one of which 
occasionally replaces another, continues : " This is the only notable variation I have 
ever seen, and this is merely a matter of taste. As a general rule, two fully 
marked faces selected at hazard from distant parts of the country would, on 
comparison, manifest merely some slight dissimilarities, attributable to the 
difference of skill or taste of the artists who had executed the work."' It must 
be remembered, liowever, that the greater part of Shortland's experience was limited 
to a small portion of the soutliern districts. Brown* differs from the above 
opinions with regard to the nioko not being distinctive of a tribe or individual, and 
in speaking of the great sameness exhibited by the lines continues : " Notwith- 
standing that they are positively different in each individual, being varied to suit 
the peculiar formation of his countenance. Tatooing appears almost reduced to a 
system, as each tribe possesses some peculiarity in the form of the tatoo ; so much 
so, that, by its means, membei-s of one tribe at once recognise that to which a 
stranger belongs." Similarly Yate* : " With respect to all fully-marked faces, there 
is in the marks a great similarity ; and it lequires a person to observe them very 
minutely to detect the difference." This is in accordance with Polack, who says 
the stains and incisions are so far from being confined to one fashion or pattern, 
that tribes are known by such distinctive marks, and many chiefs whose 
countenances have never been seen by a distant tribe are known simply by the 
distinguishing mark which has been peculiarly engraved on their countenances."^ 
Joest, when considering the circumstance that tatu (? moko) served wherewith to 
recognise individuals, says such fact " proves moat conclusively that every man bore 
on his face his specific maik."' fiobley likewise says : " No two Maories were alike 
in their markings."® The foundation patterns appear to be seven in number, so that 
with allowance for individual taste and artist's fancy it is quite possible the adult 
males of a population numbering, at the first arrival of the Europeans according to 
R^clus, one hundred thousand, can have found sufficient variety to give every one 
a design sufficiently differentiated to be quickly and appreciably noticed. To 
obtain a fairly conclusive answer to the question as to whether there was this 
variety a comparison might be made of the designs on every head, of which there 
must be a few hundreds in our museums. 

» Taylor, op. cit.y p. 152. « Op. cit.^ 1822, p. 252. 

» Op. cit.y p. 18. * Op. cit., p. 30. 

» Op. cit., p. 151. • Op. cit., ii, p. 42. 

' Op. cit., p. 29. • Op. cit., p. 91. 



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H. Ling Both. ^ Maori Tatu arid Moko, 51 



18. The Origin of Tatu and Moko. 

As regards the origin of moko, Taylor^ tells us : " Before they went to fight, the 
youths were accustomed to mark their countenance with charcoal in different lines, 
and their traditions state that this was the beginning of the tattoo, for their wars 
became so continuous that to save the trouble of thus continually painting the face, 
they made the lines permanent by the moko ; " but in the second edition of his 
book, published in 1870,* he adds : " It is, however, a question whether it did not 
arise from a different cause ; formerly the grand mass of men who went to fight 
were the black slaves, and when they fought side by side with their lighter-coloured 
masters, the latter on those occasions used charcoal to make it appear they were 
all one," an explanation difficult to accept. All the same, Taylor* was told in 1840 
by an old native that originally his people were not warlike, that charcoal was 
used to mark the faces, and that mokoiTig was a late invention. 

19. The Papuan Element in New Zealand. 

We must now make a slight discursion and examine into the question of a 
pre-Maori black population in New Zealand. 

Crozet, writing in 1770, expresses his astonishment at seeing three varieties of 
men in the Bay of Islands, one with yellowish white, with black hair, another more 
swarthy, not so tall, with hair slightly frizzled [? curled], and a third kind the men 
of whom consisted of " true negroes with woolly heads, and shorter than the other 
two." He speaks of aU three kinds being handsome and well formed men."* I 
cannot find that either Cook or Banks refer to this black people, but Banks* says : 
" A few [natives] had on their faces or arms regular scars, as if made with a sharp 
instrument, such as I have seen on the faces of negroes." These may be merely 
the marks left by the tangi, or they may have been those we now call keloids, which 
the negroid races are so fond of marking on their bodies, and which are widespread 
amongst the Melanesians. If, however, either Banks or Cook had seen these true 
negroes they would probably have recorded the fact. D*Urville" describes in fairly 
conclusive terms the peculiarities of two varieties of people in New Zealand, one 
variety of which, according to these descriptions, was decidedly negioid. It must, 
however, be remembered that D'Urville kept no proper journal and his accounts 
were almost wholly written from memory, which detracts from the value of his 
statements. Lieutenant Charles Hamilton Smith^ supports the opinion of the 
existence of Papuan and Polynesian races in New Zealand on linguistic and 
legendary evidence neither of which as given by him can be considered by 
themselves very satisfactory. He refers on p. 460 to Plate XX in his book, one 

» Op. ciV., p. 151. « Jhid,y p. 320. 

> 6$t>. cit.y p. 194. ^ Op. cit., p. 28. 

* Op. city p. 186. • Op. cit., II, p. 387. 

' NcU. Hi9t. of the Human Species, Edin., 1848, p. 231. 

E 2 



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52 H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu and MoJco, 

figure on which he describes as a Polynesian Maori and the other a Papuan Maori, 
and adds : "The two figures confirm that two distinct races existed there anterior to 
the European discovery." But in both figures the hair is shown curly although 
the physiognomies are quite distinct; however, neither of the portraits can be 
considered sufi&ciently accurate in order to base an opinion thereon. DieflTenbach* 
enters fairly fully into the characteristics of alleged two distinct peoples and adds 
that the black race, " which is mixed in insensible gradations with the former, is 
far less numerous, and does not predominate in any one part of the island, nor does 
it occupy any particular station in a tribe, and there is no difference made between 
the two races amongst themselves, but I must observe that I never met any man 
of consequence belonging to this race, and that, although free men, they occupied 
the lower grades." He further gives it as his opinion that it is very doubtful 
whether those differences which we observe amongst the natives of New Zealand 
are due to the previous existence in the country of a darker race afterwards 
conquered and nearly exterminated by the arriving Polynesians. He remarks on 
the absence of any trace of blending in the language and no trace of it " in the 
traditions, which certainly would have mentioned the conquest of one race by the 
other if it had really happened." Finally, as regards Crozet*s discovery of the 
darker race at North Cape, he could on visiting the place seventy years later find 
no trace of such blacks there, and adds : " Nor are these darker-coloured individuals 
more common in the interior ; I should say even less so." Polack* draws a clear 
distinction between the two peoples : " The nation consists of two aboriginal and 
distinct races. . . . The first may be known by a dark brown complexion, well 
formed and prominent features, erect muscular proportions, and lank hair, with a 
boldness in the gait of a warrior, wholly different from that of the second and 
inferior race, who have a dark complexion, brown-black hair, hair inclining to the 
wool like the Eastern African, stature short, and skin exceedingly soft. In 
physical character the two castes differ in a great degree." Taylor* tells us : " The 
remains of this race [the Melanesian] are to be seen in every part of New Zealand, 
especially among the Nga-ti-ka-hunu, to which the derisive name of Pokerekahu — 
Black Kumaru — is applied." Quatrefages and Hamy* call attention to the fact 
that although many travellers speak of the existence of blacks among the Maories 
their interpretations of their observations are extremely varied, nor are they 
based on anatomical investigations. They say Dieffenbach's description of a male 
skull tallies exactly with that of a Papuan.* They also maintain that a New 
Zealand skull presented by Amoux in 1847 to the Mus. Nat. Hist, Paris, as a good 
type of the skull of the New Zealand black race, has decided Papuan characteristics. 
They assert that the skull described by Huxley" cannot be distinguished from those 
from Melanesia, and especially from those from the New Hebrides. They say the 
Paris Museum contains two prepared heads brought home by Freycinet and Lesson, 

• Op, cit,, pp. 7-11. » Op. cit.y I, p. 6. 

» Op, city 2nd edition, p. 18. * Crania Ethnicay 1882, p. 293. 

* Op, city II, p. 7. • Joum, Anat, and Phya,, 1, 1867, pp. 60-77. 



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H. Ling Bora,— Maori Tatu and Moho. 53 

the woolly hair on which completely recalls that of pure Melanesians. They assert 
that the Museum recently received a large collection of skulls from New Zealand, 
amongst which it was not difficult to find several which showed a certain number 
of changes of type in a Melanesian direction. They are evidently convinced there 
was a pre-Polynesian black population in New Zealand, and that there was at one 
time a black element in New Zealand. But they omit to mention that Huxley in 
describing the skull referred to expi-essed considerable doubt as to its New Zealand 
origin, while Carter Blake considered it came from New Caledonia.* If it did 
come from New Zealand it would only support the contention that Melanesians 
formed part of the aboriginal population, to the limited degree of one specimen. 
In the map to his paper on " The Distribution of the Principal Modifications of 
Mankind " Huxley gives the New Zealand islands one colour, thereby indicating a 
pure and not a mixed race.* This is perhaps due to the fact later on mentioned by 
Flower* that though the Melanesian element in its wider sense is present in New 
Zealand " it is completely overlaid by the Polynesian." Quatrefages and Hamy 
also call in the aid of Hochstetter, Cook at Cape Brett, Nicholas, and Earle, 
but in none of these authora can I find any confirmation. Hochstetter* says 
nothing about the presence of Melanesians in New Zealand ; Cook does not refer to 
the question at all either at Cape Brett or elsewhere ; Nicholas* merely mixes up 
Polynesians and Fijians ; while Earle indulges in some unimportant comparisons. 
Hursthouse's New Zealand, also referred to by Quatrefages and Hamy, I have not 
seen. Sir W. Turner, writing two years after Quatrefages and Hamy, points out 
that in the crania of the Maori there is a tendency " to assume dolichocephalic 
proportions and thns to depart from a pure Polynesian type, much more strongly 
than is the case with the Samoans, the Marquesas Islandera, or even the Sandwich 
Islanders,® and he comes to the conclusion that New Zealand had been occupied 
by a dolichocephalic and probably a Melanesian race, before the Polynesian 
element was introduced to it."' This priority of local existence he extends to 
other islands, for he adds,® he is led to " a conclusion similar to that arrived at by 
W. L. Eanken from a consideration of other data, viz., that the South Sea Islands 
had been inhabited by Papuans prior to the Mahori colonisation." Sir W. Turner 
is, however, apparently not quite satisfied on account of other ethnological data 
as to whether the two races, Melanesians and Polynesians, were the " only races 
which have ever occupied these islands."* In opposition to these views we 
find Hale writing in 1846'*^ : " Some voyagers have believed that they saw 
in the natives of New Zealand at least two distinct races of men, of which one 
approached the yellow Polynesian and the other the black Papuan family 

> Anth. Rev., IV, p. 407. « Joum. Ethn. SoCy N.S. II. 

» J<mm. AntL Insty XIV, p. 384. 

* New Zealand^ English edition, Stuttgart, 1867. 

* Narrative, II, p. 267. 

« ''Challenger" Reports, Part XXIX, "Human Crania," p. 108. 

' Ibid,, p. 109. « Ibt^,, p. 110. 

* Ibid., p 113. " Op. cit., p. 11. 



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54 H. Ling Both. — Maori Tatu and Moko, 

The latter, they say, are distinguished by their shorter stature, darker 
eomplexiou, and frizzled hair. Our observations did not confirm the correctness 
of these statements. It appeared to us that the physical differences were no 
greater than are seen in every country between different classes of people — 
between the well-fed, luxurious idler, and the half-starved, ill-clad labouring 
man. We saw many stunted forms and dark complexions among them, but no 
instance of what could properly be termed frizzled or woolly hair." Deniker* 
ignores the question altogether. To obtain linguistic evidence as to whether 
there existed or did not exist any Melanesian or Papuan element in the Maori 
dialects I applied to Mr. Sydney H. Ray, who kindly replied as follows: — "The 
Maori and other Polynesian languages seem to be the modern representatives 
of an ancient language which was cognate to certain Melanesian languages, but 
not to all. The present Melanesian languages most closely related to Polynesian 
are those of the South Solomon Islands (perhaps also New Guinea), Fiji, Banks 
Islands, and North New Hebrides. In parts of the Polynesian region, especially 
in Paumotu and Tahiti, and to a less extent in Earotonga and New Zealand, there 
are traces of an older stock, of which words only have survived without 
appreciably affecting the grammar. This strange element is not Melanesian (for 
Polynesian and Melanesian vocabulary and grammar are mainly the same but are 
distinct). For want of a better name it may be called Papuan." This opinion 
places the Maories on the same footing as other Polynesians, and practically 
supports the theory of some pre-Polynesian race or races. The evidence of 
European eye-witnesses is, as we have seen, meagre and vague, and hence of 
itself not of sufficient value as a factor of determination, but added to the 
cranial and linguistic evidence, the three together must be accepted as proving 
a Melanesian element to have once existed in New Zealand. 

20. The Patterns and Their Origin. 

There appear to be seven patterns made use of by the Maories in their tatic 
and moko : — 

— 1. The line of dots or strokes. 

' ^ //\ /2l pvN /^>^ 2. The mat- or plait-work pattern. 

/ ' ' /^A 6. I I ^1) ^- ^^^ ^^^^^^ pattern. 

II', >///^ 4. The chevron. 



I I /^^^^ u \5X^ ^* ^'^^ circinate coil, 

i I = I 1 1 ^ f(^ ^^^^^ 6. The anchor. 

7. The trilateral scroll 
The first pattern is shown by S. Parkinson and consists of consecutive short 
vertical lines dropping down over or following the contour of the forehead or of 
dotted lines following somewhat the contour of the face (Fig. 19). 

» The Races of MaUy London, 1890. 



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H. Ling Eoth. — Maori Tatu and Moko. 



55 



The second pattern is shown by Tregear^ in a sketch of a tatued native whose 
face, but for a solitary letter-S-shaped line (Fig. 20), is covered with parallel lines 
in groups of three, each set more or less alternately in such 
a way that if extended to their full they would make the 
common basket-, mat- work, or plait pattern. Of tliis he 
says : " In New Zealand the curves of the modern tattooing 
(the tattooing of Mataora) are said by Mr. White (whose 
knowledge of the Maori is very great), to have superseded a 
different fashion for marking called mokokuri. From the 
description given to Mr. White by the old priests I drew the 
picture forming the frontispiece of his new work The Ancient 
History of the Maori, It can be seen by this that a peculiar 
system of marking existed: horizontal and vertical lines 
arranged in sets of threes." Scherzer, who must have 
obtained his information from White or some old resident, 
for he did not stay long enough in the islands to investi- 
gate for himself, unfortunately turns this statement^ into 
one that this early stage had only been reached when Cook visited the islands, 
which, with Cook's, Banks's, and Parkinson's descriptions before us, we know 



Fig. 20.— Tatu marks 
according to White as 
depicted by Tregear 
{NewZeal,In8t.,XX)y 
to show No. 2, or 
plait- work pattern. 



Fig. 19. — Portrait taken at Poverty Bay 
(Gisbume) by S. Parkinson, showiug No. 1 
pattern on forehead and cheeks and under 
eyes ; No. 3, or ladder, pattern across nose ; 
and No. 5, or simple circinate coil, on 
cheeks, nose, etc 

» Trans. New Zealand Inst^ XX. 



Fig. 22.--Portrait taken at Cape Brott, Bay 
of Islands, by S. Parkinso *, showing 
No. 1 pattern on forehead ; No, 3, or 
ladder, pattern ; and No. 7, or trilateral 
scroll, pattern on nose and cheek. 



« Op. cit., Ill, p. 110. 



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56 



H. Ling Eotii. — Maori Tatu and Moko, 



must be incorrect A small wooden efBgy in 
the British Museum has similar lines, but in 
sets of two, arranged in the same way (Fig. 
21). This form reminds us of the mat-work 
carved patterns so common in Polynesia, and 
especially of the tatu in Hawai^ as depicted by 
Choris as late as 1822. 

The third or ladder pattern is shown in 
Sydney Parkinson's portrait of a chief* (Fig. 22) 
taken at Cape Brett, Bay of Islands, on Cook's 
first voyage, and makes as it were a background 
to the curious trilateral scrolls. Choris shows 
this ladder-like form in tatu marks in the 
Sandwich Islands, and it is found as decoration 
on utensils in Fiji, Tonga, and elsewhere. It 
may have resulted as an elongation of the 
lines of the first pattern. D'Urville shows the 
thigh tatuhig of a Maori man in which the 
rungs have disappeared so that only parallel 
lines remain, and Robley* shows the ladder 
pattern with the rungs close together. » 

The fourth pattern is the chevron, not 
very common (Fig. 23). Eobley shows it on 
tattled lips,* and it is to be seen on the left 
cheek of a well preserved moko head in the 
Bankfield Museum, under my care in Halifax. 

1 *' Artificial Skin Marking in the Sandwich 
Islands," by H. Ling Both. Internationales Archiv 
fiir Ethnographies Leiden, 1900, p. 198 et seq. In 
connection with this coincidence I may mention 
Frank's opinion, referred to by Moseley, that '' as far 
as regards the special development of art, and forms 
of implements of use amongst the New Zealanders, 
that people are nearly allied to the Hawaiians, certainly 
more nearly so than to the Samoans, from colonists of 
which race ;Hall supposed that the Maories were 
sprung. The stone adzes of the New Zealanders are 
of the same form as those of the Hawaiians, and both 
differ for example from those of Tahiti. Naturalist 
on the Challenger y London, 1879, p. 510." Dieffenbach 
(II, p. 91) seems to have held a similar opinion in 
regard to language, custom, and relationship He 
says : " There is such affinity between the dialects of 
the natives of Hawai and those of New Zealand, and to a far greater extent than that common 
tie which unites all Polynesians." Buchner, too, found great similarity between the Maories 
and Hawaiians. Reise d, d. stiUen Ozeaiiy Munich, 1878, p. 326. 

' Op. cit., Plate XXI. Op, cit., p. 20. * Ihid,, p. 74. 



Fig. 21. — Wooden effigy in Brit Mus. 

jj-lfrj inches (0*394 m.) high, showing 
No. 2 pattern on chest. No. 5 simple 

^. circinate coil on face and return 
circinate coil on face and abdomen, 
also line pattern based on this coil ; 
No. 6, or anchor pattern ; and No. 7, 
or trilateral scroll pattern on thighs, 
etc. 



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H. Ling 'Rote.— Maori Tatu and Moko. 57 

This pattern may possibly have originated amongst the Maories as follows: — 

The spaces under the tails of the coil are filled in with slant parallel lines, generally 

concave towards the coil, and diminishing in length; when two such coils are 

placed back to back, without a dividing line, we have as a 

result a series of Vs fitting into one another, and these when 

extended would give the chevron. 

The fifth pattern. — With the introduction of this, the 

circinate coil, as shown by Parkinson in the portrait of a cliief^ 

taken at Poverty Bay (Gisborne), appears to have come an 

adaptation of the moko lines to the contour of the face, 

somewhat similar to the lines adopted in the first pattern. 

For instance, wavy lines start from the centre of the foreliead yiq, 23. — Moko on 

following the shape to the head, a series of lines curl round face of Tangieri, a 

from the nostrils to the chin, which lines are made to pass *^^|®^ ^^ Maunga- 

Icaia. .^£t6r Polaclc 

round the mouth in a more or less parallel form. At least so m , ., , ' 

^ To show possible 

far as my investigations have carried me I have not seen any origia of Maori 
moko faces with the coil and at the same time without these chevrons, 
lines. Not infrequently the large coils are supplied with spokes, perhaps due 
to the mere desire to fill in space, or they may have originated as follows : — On 
plank end and canoe heads it lias not been possible to carve the coils without 
supports (Fig. 24) or spokes, and from this design the spokes may have been copied 



Fio. 24.— Carved wooden panel from a house in Rotorua, Brit. Mus., 78^ in. x 15 in. (1*994 m. 
X 0*381 m.). To show return circinate coil with spokes adapted from moko pattern. 

back on to the m^ko pattern. Herbert Williams^ tells us : " The circinate fern 
fronds or pitau are acknowledged in the beautiful carved scrolls on rapa (head) of 
the war canoe."' 

The sirth or " anchor " pattern, from its resemblance to an anclior, owes its 
name to Schurtz, who says of it^- "There can be no doubt as to its motif: it is 

» Op, city Plate XVI. t Hamilton, Maori Art, Wellington, p. 118. 

» Tregear states very rashly {Joum, Anthrop, Inst, XIX, p. 101), "I believe that I can 
prove etymologically that the curves of Maori tattooing are snake coils, which they must have 
learnt far away from Polynesia." Later on {Tram. N.Z, Inst, 1890, XXXII), having forgotten 
this statement, he endeavours to prove that the spiral or coil was intimately connected with 
Maori sun worship. 

GUMs LXXVII 27 Jan. 1900, p. 53. 



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58 



H. Ijng Eoth. — Maori Tatu and Molco. 



Fig. 27. 



Fig. 28. 



Fig. 29. 



Effigies after Angas. Figs. 27 and 28, Plate XXV, MakeLu House, Otawhao Pah ; Fig. 29, 
Plate XXXVIII, House at Karoera Pah. To sliow obliteration of nose and prominence of 
tongue, from which anchor pattern could not have been developed. 



Fig. 30. 




Fig. 31. 



Fig. 32. 



Patterns on Maori house rafters. After Herbert Williams in Hamilton's Maori Art^ Part II, 
Coloured Plates, Nos. 18, 26, and 5. To show partial later development of anchor pattern 
according to Williams (p. 118). 



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H. Ling Both. — Maori Tatu and Moko. 



59 



nothing else than a crude drawing of a face with nose, mouth, and outline of 
the cheeks," etc. (Figs. 25, 26). In its double form (Fig. 25) it may suggest a 





Fio. 25.— Design on the end of a storehouse 
at Papaitonga. After Hamilton {Maori 
Arty Part II, Plate XV), to show No. 6 
or anchor pattern. 



Fig. 26.— Pattern on Motu Motu Toarifi 
(New Guinea) sliield, Brit. Mus. To 
show concentric lines round human 
mouth for comparison with Fig. 25. 



human face, all the more so when compared with a conventionalised face from 
New Guinea (Fig. 26). But I doubt whether the pattern be what Schurtz 
^ appears to maintain, that is, a conventionalised Maori face, 

because wherever we see a carved Maori face in course of 
devolution the tendency is for the tongue to hang below 
the mouth, so that the characteristic featui'e is no longer 
the nose ; hence, instead of the anchor pattern, we should 
have a pattern like this Y- The accompanying illustrations 
from Angas show this (Figs. 27-29). The anchor may 
however be and probably is a survival of the face of pre- 
Maori Melanesians of New Zealand. Herbert Williams,^ 
who has studied the scroll patterns, of which this forms one, 
on the spot and with native assistance, tells us the midribs 
are a " modem invention " (Figs. 30-32), and he points out^ 
how the sweep of the outer curve of the scroll got broken. 
But this requires further proof. 

The seventh or trilateral scroll, which is apparently 
not as rare as tlie chevrons, is made up of return curves. 
Fia. 33.— Pattern on These return curves aie by Willinms' considered to owe 
Maori Bullroaier, their origin to the flower of the CliaiUlius puniceiis (Fig. 33). 

, , , ' .. The interest in Maori ait as distinq:uished from that of 

probable connection '^ 

between anchor and the rest of Polynesia lies in the preponderance of curves 

trilateral scroll pat- and especially of spirals, the latter of which are almost 

^^'""^ entirely wanting among Polynesians outside New Zealand. 

The Marquesans, who carried tatuing to its extreme and considerably surpassed 

the Maories, had a design on the back of the hand which may possibly be a 



» Op. cit.y p. 119. 
» Ibid., p. 118. 



» /6m/,, p. 118. 



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60 H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu and Moko. 

spiral, while a not uncommon design on their incised work is a small and double 

spiral* On the other hand, the Papuan branch of the Melanesians, if we are to 

distinguish between them, revel in the spiral in its various developments. The 

indications would therefore be that there has been some considerable contact 

between the Papuans and the Maories. This view appears to be strengthened 

by the strong resemblance between some of the Maori and New Guinea scrolls. 

For instance, if we compare the excised portion of Haddon's illustration of the 

decoration of a Maori nose flute. with the decoration of the coco-nut from Dutch 

New Guinea we find a very close resemblance. Looking at the joined coils (Figs. 34 

and 35) A B, we find in both cases A has an arm miming out in the direction 

C, the filling-in being likewise similar in both cases. These resemblances may 

possibly be coincidences due to the 

extreme variability to which the 

scroll or connected coil lends itself, 

but I doubt it. Haddon remarks 

that these resemblances^ are more or 

A less superficial, that there is more 

interlocking in the Papuan than in 

the Maori patterns, the bird element 

is entirely wanting, etc., etc. Schurtz,' 

in discussing Maori carving, considers 

„ „ «^ that in the spiral tatu (moko) and 

Fig. 34. Fig. 35. . , ^ , , . , 

T^ «>. x» ^- r i.1. 1 *• XT • carvmg "we have to deal with a new 

Fig. 34. — Portion of the decoration on a Maon ° 

flute. After Haddon {Evolution in Art, p. 72). fashion, which has SO much in common 
Fig. 36.— Decoration on a coconut from Dutch with Melanesian art that it can hardly 
New Guinea. After Preuss {Internationales ^ independent origin {Erfindung) ; 

^rcAiV/t/r ^/AnoflrrocAie, Leiden, XII, p. 178). . . , , i -.*- i 

To show resemblance between the two decora- P^^l^^P^ 1^ belongs to the Mclanesian 
tions. element in the Maori population and 

had by chance after long neglect become 
fashionable again." This is not at all improbable : Pitt-Eivers has shown an 
example of revival in ornamentation on Solomon Island spears.* Mention has 
been made above of a wavy line or a letter-S-shaped figure on a face covered 
with an early form of tatu, Robley gives a drawing (Fig. 20) of this face 
reproduced from White's Ancient History of the Maori^ but in the text his 
engraver has mutated the form of the letter S into that of the Greek sigma. 
This letter S is mentioned by Crozet in 1772^ : " They have also on both hands 
two little black engravings drawn very correctly in the form of an S." Polack 

» An illustration in U.S. National Museum Report, 1888-9 (Plate LII), of an Easter Island 
paddle in the National Museum, Smithsonian Institution, appears to be ornamented with 
spirals, but a close examination shows this not to be the case. 

' Evolution in Art, London, 1895, p. 72. » Op. cit., p. 53. 

Nature, 1881, XXIV, p. 238. Vol. i, frontispiece. 

Op. cit., p. 39. 



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H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu and Moho, 



61 



Wip 



Fig. 38.— Tatu mark on 
back of hand of Maori 
chief Tamaroa, whose 
face bears the usual coil 
and other moko pat- 
terns. After Polack (I 
p. 67). 




gives an illustration of a hand with a curious design which may have developed 
from the S form (Fig. 38). That a wavy or S line could have developed into 
trilateral spirals or coils has been shown by Flinders 
Petrie to have been the case with some ornamentation 
on scarabs^ (Figs. 36 and 37). There is no reason why 
the almost infinite variety of spirals and scrolls as 
depicted in Maori art could not have had an independent 
origin, the circinate coil being the basis, with a natural 
motif in the bracken, as mentioned by Williams and 
already referred to. If a topographical survey of the 
distribution of ornament in New Zealand could be made 
it would probably throw considerable light on the origin 
and development of the patterns under discussion, for the records of Cook and 
Banks show that in different localities different patterns prevailed. If we Avere 
shown that in localities where the Melanesian element existed the spiral was 
originally more prominent either as moko or other 
decorative design than elsewhere we could fairly con- 
clude that the spiral in New Zealand was of pre-Poly- 
nesian or of Melanesian origin. But so far as I can find 
while spirals were met with by Europeans in the early 
times in the moko at Bay of Islands and Poverty Bay in 
the North Island and on Banks Peninsula in Middle 
Island, there is as yet nothing to show that the Maories 
in these parts were more or less pure Polynesians than 
elsewhere, although Sir W. Turner found that the cephalic 
index varied occasionally in the same tribe. 

I am inclined to adopt a non-local origin for the spiral patterns for which there 
appears to be also possible support in the fact that the Maories who have a com- 
paratively large amount of Melanesian mixture 
make use of the spiral to an unlimited extent 
while the Marquesans, who have less of this 
mixture, show very little of the spiral. The 
Sandwich Islanders with about an equal 
amount of mixture appear to be without any 
spiral at aU in their decorative art, and a 
branch of the Melanesians, i.e., the Fijians, 
appear to be equally wanting in the spiral. 
But as the decorative arts of both Fijians and 
Hawaians are in about an equally low stage, 
they can be left out of consideration. 

In a question of this sort we are bound to 
consider the race elements, and the Melanesian 



Fio. 36. Fig. 37. 
Fioa 36 and 37.— Patterns 
on scarabs developed 
from a wavy line. After 
Flinders Petrie {Egyp- 
tian Decorative Ari, 
Lond., 1895, pp. 26, 27). 





Fig. 39. Fig. 40. 

Fig. 39.— Scroll pattern on Danish 
bronze celt from Mem. d. Anliquaires 
du Nord, 1887, p. 258, quoted by G. 
Coffey {Jour. Roy. Soc. Ant., Ireland, 
1896). Fig. 40.— Scroll pattern on 
Stele from Qrav. V. Mycene, after 
Schliemann, quoted by Coffey, ibid. 
To show existence of trilateral scroll 
and anchor pattern in countries with 
improbable connection with New 
Zealand. 



» Egyptian Decorative Art, London, 1895, pp. 17 et seq. 



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62 H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu and Moko. 

element (though hidden) is probably not so far distant that it has no influence 
on the decorative art, and if this view is correct we may all the more reasonably 
arrive at the conclusion that the spiral pattern in Maori tatu and moko was of 
Melanesian origin. 

In his tentative thought that the style of carving was altered to suit tlie new 
tatu {moko) patterns, Schurtz comes to the same conclusion as Haddon, who records 
his impression^ " that the carved designs have been mainly derived from tattooing," 
etc. Both Haddon and Schurtz, therefore, would not agree with Joest' that the 
tatu patterns of a people always correspond to those on the utensils in daily use, 
for in the case of the Maories it is the carvings which correspond to the tatu 
marks. 

21. Comparison with other Peoples. 

Eatzel,* in speaking of African tattbs (really keloids, as his text shows), says : 
"But the tatuing of the Tushilange has been compared with that of the New 
Zealanders ; it is certainly the most complete of all African ta^us. Even Virchow 
has compared the patterns (Linienfuhrunff) with that of the Maories." As Eatzel 
gives no reference for this statement, it is impossible to verify it, but in all 
probability Virchow's reference is merely to some superficial resemblance between 



Fio. 41. Fig. 42. 

Faces of Ba-shilange with keloid patterns on face. After Biichner quoted by Frobenius. To 

show superficial resemblances with Maori moko pattern. 

the two. Frobenius* gives two portraits of Bashilange whose iatus (? keloids) he 
compares with those of the New Zealanders. I cannot trace any such marks on 
Maori faces, but there are somewhat similar patterns on the carved feather-box 
(Fig. 43). The curved lines on the lower cheek (Fig. 42), from the upper lip to 

» Op. etc., p. 72. * Op. cit.y pp. ^8 and 121. 

' Volkerhunde^ second edition, Leipsig, 1895, 11, p. 79. 
^ Ursprung der KvltuVy Berlin, 1898, p. 338. 



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H. Ling Roth. — Maori Tatu and Moko. 63 



Fio. 43. Carved Maori box. Brit. Mus. To show mperficial resemblances with Bashilange 

keloid patterns. 

the chin and back to nose, are quite different from the similarly placed lines on the 
Maori, and the conventional exaggerated snake form (Fig. 41) is not found in the 
Maori.^ The range and developments of the coil are 
infinite ; we find them in the decorative art of the Celts, 
Saxons, Egyptians, Americans, etc., but superficial 
resemblances of this sort can have no ethnographical 
meaning. If individual lines such as those round the 
mouth are to be of any value for determination of 
affinity, then we must find relationship between some 
of the Naga hill tribes (Fig. 44) and the West Africans 
and Maories. Such comparisons are not reasonable. In y 
their straight line stages Maori nioko and tatu had prob- 
ably close connection with other Polynesian designs, ^^^- 44.— Tatutd face of a 
and possibly closest with those of Hawai, but through hii*^* Aft W dth 
the adoption of the Melanesian circinate coil, they {Joum. Anth, Imt.yXl), To 
obtained a series of designs quite different from that of show tatu lines following 
any other people. On the other hand, the operation "^^^^'^^ ^^ *^^ features, 
of moko, as opposed to that of tatu, has its counterpart in other countries. 

Discussion. 

Mr. Bead observed that the most important point to determine was the 
original purpose of the practice of moko. He thought that the reasons adduced 
by Mr. Ling Roth and by others were scarcely adequate. There was an intimate 
connection between the painting of the face or body and the habit of tattooing, 
and in his judgment a strong motive was required before a man would undergo 
such a painful operation. Painting was a simple process, and could readily be 
done for a special occasion. The virtue of moko was its permanent character. 

Mr. Edge-Partington said that in his opinion the tattooing implements 
shown on the screen were with the exception of the one at the extreme top from 
either Tahiti or Tonga ; he differed from the opinion expressed by Mr. Ling Eoth 

* Bateman gives a portrait of a woman of the same tribe, with scroll patt^^m tatut 
(? keloids), which is very different from any Maori pattern. Firtt Ascent of the Kasai, London, 
1889, p. 20. 



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64 H. Ling Both. — Maori Tatu and Moko. 

that the variations in the designs on the tattooed head were simply due to the 
fancy of the artist, and pointed out that Maori carvers in wood were subjected to 
severe penalties if they deviated in the slightest degree from the traditional 
pattern. He agreed with the view of Taylor (N.Z. and its Inhabitants, 1855, p. 151), 
namely, that the tattooing of the face originated from the old custom so common 
all over the Pacific of painting the face before going into battle. 

The President gave a demonstration illustrated by lantern slides on the 
scroll patterns of the Massim District of British New Guinea (i.e., Lousiades, 
d'Entrecasteaux Group, etc.), and showed that they were derived from the 
frigate-bird motive. The Maori spiral differs in character from that of British 
New Guinea, and there is no evidence that it is derived from the head of the 
frigate-bird. Several years ago he had published the opinion that the Maori 
spiral was derived from linear tattooing following the contours of certain parts 
of the body, such as tlie cheeks, the alae nasi, and the buttocks. The carvings 
recently published by Mr. Edge -Partington {Joui*n, Anth. Inst,, xxx, MisceL, 
Nos. 40, 41, Plate E) had caused him somewhat to modify this opinion (Man, 
May, 1901, No. 55), although he still believed that the influence of body contours 
was potent in retaining and emphasising the scroll designs even if it was not 
actually responsible for their origin. He also alluded to a considerable amount 
of evidence there was for the view that a large portion of Oceania was inhabited 
by Melanesians before the Polynesian migrations, and that some of the anomalies 
to be met with among populations supposed to be of pure Polynesian origin 
could be accounted for on this hypothesis. Volz even believes that in Melanesia 
and New Zealand there was an Australoid population prior to the expansion of 
the Melanesians. 

Explanation of ShorilancPs NomendoUure to Fig, 13, Page 38. By SmNBT H. Rat. 

1. Tiwhana '= to be curved like a bow, whana = to recoil (Samoau, fa^ia = shoot with a 

bow). 

2. Repjia =: (?) repa =: belly of a shark (in Hawaiian, repa ^ border, fringe or hem of a 

garment). 

3. Ngu ^ cuttle fish. 

4. Pongiangia ^ pongi = nostrils, angi = to blow gently (in Samoan, pongai-isu = nostrils, 

i.e., pogai = stump, isu = nose). 
6. WaJcatara = (0 waka =: canoe, tatara =: untied, loose. 

6. Kumikumi =: beard under chin. Samoan, umi =: to lengthen out, umi = long. 

7. Rerepehi = (?) rere = a waterfall, running of water, to flee, sail, or leap, etc., pehi = to 

weigh down, press, lie down. Tahiti and Hawaiian, to throw stones, 
etc. ^ pel, 

8. Wero = to stab, cf. Samoan, velo = the horns of a cray-fish, also to cast a spear, etc 

9. Pukaru ^ {pu probably = spot or mark, knob), pukoro ^ surround with halo, karu = 

head or eye, koro = noose. 

10. Koroaha = koro = noose. 

11. Paepae = may be from pae = horizon, paepae = threshold. In other Polynesian 

languages, e.g., Tahiti, paepae = a pavement of stones, Hawaiian, pat = 
to stamp or print pattern on cloth. 

12. Putannga = cf. pukaru = above, tannga = ear. 

13. Kautoae = chin. 

14. Titi = a peg, pin or nail, bird. 



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( 65 ) 



THE YAKUTS. 

Abridged from the Eussian of Sieroshevski/ by W. G. Sumner, Professor 
of Political and Social Science in Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A., 
and revised and completed by M. SieroshevskL 



I. — Societal and Industrial Organisation. 

The Yakuts inhabit a territory in North-east Siberia which is roughly 1,300,000 
square miles in area, equal to about two -fifths of the ai^ea of the United States 
without Alaska. It all lies north of the parallel of 60 and is colder than any other 
part of the inhabited globe. The Yakuts number a little over 220,000. (See 
note A, p. 108.) 

[p. 415.] The economic unit amongst the Yakuts, taking the whole territory 
into iEiccount, consists of four pei^sons — two grown labourers, one youth, and one 
boy or old man incompetent to do full work. Ten head of cattle are r^arded as 
indispensable for the maintenance of such a group. Above that norm the Yakuts 
think that comfort begins, and below it, poverty. In those districts where fish can 
be obtained as an adjunct, those who have ten head of cattle are well off; but 
where neither hunting nor fishing offers additional resources, fifteen or twenty 
head of cattle are indispensable to secure the existence of a family. The latter is 
the case in the north, on account of the duration of the winter and the badness 
of tlie meadows (see note B, p. 108). In the south, where tillage is available 
a8 an important subsidiary industry to maintain life, and where it is easy 
to find wages occupations in winter, the limit of independent means of 
existence falls to one and a half head of cattle per souL In spite, therefore, 
of the wide difference between the absolute amounts of wealth indicated by 
these limits — from six to twenty head of cattle, i.c, from 120 to 400 ruble.s 
(|60 to $200) of capital — all the households that are at the limit stand on 
the verge of distress. The least accident overthrows the security of their 
existence, and the least subsidiary resource gives them a chance to live and grow. 
Such households constitute the great mass of the population. In one Nadeg taken 
as a specimen, of 248 households, 101 are at the limit; 10 have no cattle; 74 have 
one head, or one and a fraction, per soul ; 54 have from 3 to 9 head per soul, that 
is, are well-to-do in different grades; one has 12 and one has 18 head for each soul 

' YahUy^ published by the Imperial Buasian Geographical Society, St. Petersburg, 1896, 
vol. i, pp. 720. The author, a Pole, was sent as a political exile to the land of the Yakutii, 
where he remained more than 12 years. 

Vol. XXXI (N.S. IV). F 



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66 W. G. SaMNER.— 7^6 Tahuta. 

in the household. The author knows only one man in the whole Yakut territory 
who has 500 head of cattle. There are but two or three persons in the whole 
country who have at their disposition from 100,000 to 200,000 rubles of capital. 
Such persons have won their wealth by trade, and their capital consists in wares, 
money, and various credits. 

The limit is set to the growth of households which depend on herding alone, 
in the first place by the small supply of wages-labourers, and secondly by the 
communal ownership of land. The point is that the family consisting of four or 
five souls, of whom three are productive labourere, with a subsistence capital of 
three head of cattle per soul, constitutes an organisation which can maintain itself 
with hired labour. The best Yakut mower and two female rakers can make in a 
summer from 1 ,200 to 1 ,800 jnid^<i (22 to 32 tons) of hay, according to the season. 
Tliis amount is sufficient to carry through the winter from twelve to fifteen head 
of cattle. Any household in which the above-described organisation is incomplete 
must hire labourers, or buy hay, or keep its cattle in a half-starved condition. On 
the other hand, those who have less than one head of cattle per soul must hire 
themselves out for wages. Under this organisation the most common and striking 
phenomenon is that the more independent ones get a higher price for their time 
and their products than those who are in distress. 

The rate of w«^es is almost everywhere nominally the same. The men get 
from 35 to 40 rubles per annum with board, if they are able-bodied mowers ; and 
women who rake, or tend cows, get from 20 to 24 rubles, with board. The rations 
are determined by custom ; those of the men are better than those of the women. 
Only a small part of the wages is paid in money ; generally the employers give 
wares, sometimes such as the employ^ does not need and which he must sell at a loss. 
It is still more customary to pay with cattle, especially with horses, either slaughtered 
or living. The employers try to keep the employed in debt to themselves, and to 
this end even encourage them in vice — for instance, in gambling. Often an 
employer retains a portion of the wages and threatens not to pay it at all if the 
lal)Ourer does not consent to work for him still another year. It is not difficult 
for rich men to execute such an injustice as this, on account of the power which 
they posse^ss in all Yakut communities. The scarcity of labourers is the cause of 
this conduct of the employers, but it also causes them, when once they have hired 
persons, to treat them well. In families in mo<lerate circumstances, employt^s are 
taken in on an equal footing. In the north, even in the richest households, if no 
strangers are present, the employ^ sits at table with the family. He takes part in 
the conversation and in household proceedings. His intercourse with the members 
of the family is simple and free from constraint. The Yakuts are generally 
polite in their intercourse, and do not like haughtiness. Employes expect the 
customary courtesy. 

The favourite form of labour contract, from the side of the labourers, is piece- 
work with payment in advance, although the rate of discount for this advance is 
very excessive. They think it a disgrace to lend money on interest. Prol)ably 



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W. G. Sumner— 7%« YaJcutfi, 67 

these prejudices are due to ancient customs touching economic relations, such as 
lending out cattle to be fattened upon a contract, or lending out milch cows and 
mares for a milk return. 

The Yakuts dislike to hire themselves out for wages. They return to 
independence if the least possibility offers. For those who are poor the struggle 
for independence is so hard that it is useless to talk about their laziness or lack of 
forethought. If they have less than one and a half head of cattle per soul, they 
suffer from hunger nearly all their lives. When dying of hunger, they refrain 
from slaughtering an animal, from fear of losing their independence. Tlie author 
knows of cases in which the authorities have forced people to slaughter their cattle 
that they might be saved from death by starvation. Hunger periods occur in 
every year, during which two-thirds of the Yakut population suffers from semi- 
starvation for a longer or shorter time. This period is not longer than a few weeks 
for those whose cattle during the winter were tolerably well nourished, so that in 
spring they quickly recovered their vigour, or for those who have such a number 
of cows that the latter pix)duce calves at dififerent times. The poor, however, 
suffer hunger for months, during which they live by the alms of their more 
fortunate neighbours. For them the most interesting subject of conversation is, 
Whose cow has calved ? or. Whose cow will soon do so ? Sometimes it happens 
that all the cows in a certain neighbourhood calve at the same time ; then, if there 
is in that district no tillage, or if the grain harvest has failed, famine ensues. 
I^oor people when asked how they manage to live through those frightful months 
said, " We go to bed and cover ourselves with the coverlet." They drink brick-tea 
and a decoction of various herbs, and eat splinters of larch or pine, if they still 
have a stock of them. They cannot obtain them in winter. No axe could then 
split the wood, which is frozen to the hardness of stone. Where they plant grain, 
and the harvest is fair, the circumstances are less stringent. On the whole 
tlierefore, the dependence on chance is almost tragical. If things that nmst be 
purchased rise in price to the slightest degree, if one neighbour has deceived 
another, or the merchant has cheated in weight, or if calves have died, any of 
these incidents come as heavy blows upon the barely established equilibrium of the 
family budget. A few such blows throw the household into the abyss of debt, 
from which it rarely, or with great exertion, emerges. Two-thirds of the families 
are in debt ; one half of them for small amounts which can be repaid, but the other 
half are hopelessly indebted, the debts consuming the income year by year. Even 
ainongst those who are called rich, the expenditure rarely surpasses two or three 
hundred rubles per year, and this they cannot win without hired labour, because the 
care of the herds which are large enough to produce this net amount far surpasses 
the power of an average Yakut family; therefore, only a large one, with well 
combined forces, can get along without hired labour. There are but few such 
families, and any co-opemtive organisation is strange to the Yakuts. They prefer 
to work individually at their personal risk and chances. Even individual 
handicraftsmen do not organise regular artels on the Russian type. 

F 2 



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68 W. G. Sumner.— 7%e YaMts. 

[p. 436.] Economic Bond of the Sib Ormip. Common Participatuyn in 
Goods. — The size of the sib group has always been determined by economic facts. 
I^y virtue of an economic shock only does the sib begin to split up, and then first 
do the notions about blood tie make themselves felt to an appreciable degree. 
This they do in the following manner : — Two brothers, and still more, a father and 
son, cannot fall into two dififerent sibs ; nor can grandfather and grandson, or uncle 
and nephew in the male line and the first degree, do so during the life of the 
elder. But grandsons in the male line may belong to different sibs, especially if 
the grandfather is dead. We have an especially good opportunity to observe the 
significance of economic motives in dividing up the sibs, and also to observe the 
insignificance of kin motives in the case of the sibs that are still complete, but in 
which new sib centres can already be perceived. These new centres are defined 
by the relations which are forming about them, although they have not yet 
acquired new names. They are all separated from each other by greater or less 
distances in space, and their territorial advantages vary. Also an important part 
of the property in these new group centres (house, garden, stock of hay, petty 
household wares and furniture), in case of the death of the owners, have no value 
except for members of the group in which they are. It is impossible, or not worth 
while, to transport them, and it is not possible to sell them, since there is no 
market. 

In former times, when the chief wealth of the Yakuts consisted in droves of 
hoi-ses, the size and the conditions of subdivision or combination of the sib groups 
were entirely different. In that distant time we must believe that the consumption 
on the spot of products which had been obtained from the droves, or from hunting, 
served as the external condition of the existence and size of a sib group. Many 
traditions point to this fact. For instance, they tell us that if a Yakut slaughters 
an animal, the viscera, fat, and entrails are divided into portions of different size 
and worth, and distributed to the neighbours, who, having learned that the 
slaughtering was to take place, generally take turns in visiting the owner. To 
fail to give any neighbour a share is to make an enemy. To pass anyone 
over purposely is equivalent to a challenge, and will put an end to friendly 
relations between families. We are convinced of the antiquity of this custom by 
tradition, and by its dying out nowadays. In the places where civilisation has 
advanced the most it has lost much of its power. That it was a sib custom, we are 
convinced by certain usages at marriages and ceremonies of reconciliation. 
Distributions of meat are now a part of marriage ceremonies, and the chief 
dishes seized at marriages consist of meat. The formulas of language employed 
in connection with this use of meat are reminders that the ceremony has created 
relationships between the participants. 

The strength of this custom was proved by a case observed by the author, 
who saw the gladness of a good-for-nothing fellow, who up to that time had done 
nothing but receive large shares, but who suddenly, by chance, drove a fat wild 
reindeer into a swamp, and so in his turn was enabled to make presents to his 



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W. G. Sumner.— rAe Yahats. 69 

iieighboui*s of portions of meat. No comparisou would do justice to the self- 
satisfaction of this individual, when he at last served up the game which he had 
won. He reserved for himself almost nothing. Other things which are subject to 
immediate consumption, and can be distributed into small portions, are shared in 
the same way, especially dainties, like sugar, cookies, or other rarity. Vodka is 
always divided amongst all who are present, even the children getting a drop. 
Tobacco also is subject to this custom. It is not degrading but honoumble to 
receive a gift of food from one who is eating, especially if he is an honoured 
person. It is a violation of etiquette to give little to a lich man and much to a 
poor man. The opposite is the rule. If one man*s cow calves earlier than those 
of tlie others, custom requires that he shall share cream and milk with those 
neighbours who at that time have none. This explains the interest with whicli, in 
the spring time, when the cows give no milk, the Yakuts calculate and distribute 
information about anyone of the rich whose cow is about to calve. This also 
explains how the poorest people live through the starvation months. When the 
population is substantially equal, it is evident that these customs are not 
burdensome, and this is why they prevail especially amongst people of a middle 
class. The Yakuts would not believe the author when he told them that, in his 
country, there were rich and populous cities in which people sometimes died of 
starvation. They asked why anyone should die when he could go to eat with his 
neighbours ? 

Tlie circumstances are in all respects more archaic in the northern provinces 
and more advanced in point of culture in the southem. In the latter the custom 
is already coming in to sell food to travellei-s, and oven to neighlK)ur8, but in many 
parts of the noith they consider it a shame to trade with food. Even the poorest 
think it an offence if it is proposed to them to take money for lodgings or food. 
Travellers m winter take hay from the stacks on the meadows, with which to feed 
their animals, and it is regarded as right. These customs all give some coherence 
and pennanence to the petty groups of the Yakuts which wander in the woods. 
When travelling, so long as they are in inhabited districts, they need not fear 
hunger, though they take no provisions with them. The custom constitutes a 
system of mutual insurance against the misfortunes of life. 

Paupei^s. — Care for the poor and unfortunate has always been regarded as an 
obligation of the 8ib, Impoverished families are cared for in their houses, whiie 
the helpless and paupers go about amongst the householders and take their places 
at the table with the members. Trifling tasks are given them to perform. Tfie 
author found that the poor and middle class people treated them better than the 
rich did. According to the notions of the i>eople, it is sinful to despise the 
unfortunate, who are, however, distinguished from professional beggars living on 
alms. The latter often are not poor, and it is the belief of the people that the 
beggars often beg out of greed. The provision for the poor, however, is of a very 
wretched kind, for the object of the sih is to organise persons of equal power au<l 
equal right, and not to provide charity. 



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70 W. a Sumner.— r/t(; YakutH, 

Philosophy of Conunon Participation. — The custom of distributing fresli meat,' 
and other things, which has been described, was convenient and perhaps necessary 
in a certain state of the society. Tlie groups remained in close neighbourhood in 
order to realise those advantages. (See note C, p. 108.) 

The kumiss is spoiled in winter by the frost and in summer by the heat, 
and it does not Ijear transportation. Tlie Yakuts have never known how to 
preserve meat by drying or smoking. Hence it was in the highest degree 
convenient for them to live in groups of such a size that the kumiss and the 
mejit obtained from the cattle and horses could be used as soon as possible. 
They even have a tradition that horse thieves in ancient times tried to organise 
themselves into bands large enough to divide and eat up, ui a night, the animals 
they had stolen. We must believe that in ancient times the fundamental 
groupmg of the people consisted of bodies constituted upon the basis of a 
convenient consumption of the product of a proportionate number of animals. 
(See note D, p. 108.) Hence the distribution of kumiss and meat served as a 
symbol of peace, friendship, and union in the sib. 

T/ie Notion of Property. — Right of private property in the house evidently did 
not exist amongst the ancient Yakuts. Even now they ai*e inclined to regard the 
dwelling as a common good. Anyone who enters may stay as long as he will. A 
traveller has a right, according to their notions, to enter any house at any hour of 
the day or niglit, and establish himself so as to drink tea or cook food, or pass the 
night. The master of the house does not dare to drive out, without some 
imporUmt and adequate reason, even one who is offensive to him. In former 
times they had scarcely any i>emianent dwellings. They were nomadic, and 
carried with them all of the house but the friunework, which later comers, in their 
turn, might use. The land belonged to nobody. The herds were considered the 
proi>erty of each separate nomadic group. The nominal owner was the head of the 
group. 

[p. 444.] When the Russians first came in contact with the Yakuts, the sib 
organisation had reached its highest development, and the headship of the sib was 
a dignity exclusively for war and the administration of justice. The groups were 
then just about what we now see. The elected government was even more 
nominal than it is now. All questions, as well economic as jural, were decided 
by a council of the elders. Even now the most independent individuals avoid 
making any important changes in their industry or sales or expenditures, without 
taking the ad\dce of older relatives. Such conduct is approved. 

Liviitatimis of horsc-herdivg. — The subdivision of property, and its con- 
sequence, the internal subdivision of the sib groups, became possible with the 



' We are not surprised to be told that canes occur in which attempts are made to conceal 
the time of slaughtering, in order to escape from tlie custom of distribution. These ai*e 
mentioned especially in the southern provinces, and are consistent with the advance of 
civilisation there. 



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W. G. SUMNEIJ.— r/wj Yahuts, 71 

gradual intrudiictiou of horiietl cattle, which could be kept independently and in 
small groups. A drove of two or three head of hoi^ses had no sense ; horses must 
lie uiuted into droves which could roam about the neighbourhood. No distance 
and no care could prevent them from roaming. Tlierefore no Yakut family of four 
individuals, at the minimum, could tend a drove of ten horses, which we may 
regard as the minimum. Moreover, the time necessaiy for the constant changes of 
position, protection, and care of such a petty drove is not a bit less than for one, 
two or three times as large. We may take it as a rule that the larger the drove, 
the more the power of the group whicli owns it is set free for subsidiaiy 
occui>ations, hunting, fishing, and handicraft, and the better they are provided 
with toinl and implements. The social habits of the horses, which love to live 
in laige droves, were a natural ciiuse of the union of their keepers. The size of 
the droves depends at last on the size of the pastures, which vary much in these 
districts. Hence the differences in size of the sib groups amongst the Yakuts, 
as they are described in the traditions, consequences of which are now to be found, 
and whicli astonish us by their apparent arbitraiiuess. The case was changed 
when they moved from the grand and unbroken steppes to the small expanses 
broken by forests, their dwelling of to-day. In the latter places, the dix»ves are 
comparatively broken up. Hence the unions of the men cannot endui-e. This 
difficulty is intensified by the necessity of speed in changing ^Hisition, and of 
frequency in movement from meadow to meadow, when the henls are laige. 
Consequently the economic arrangements come into strife with the traditional 
instincts of the b^ib and the community. We may take a drove of ten or fifteen 
head, consisting of five mares, one stallion, one two-year-old, one one-year-old, and 
two suckling colts, for the minimum unit herd of horses. We may take for the 
maximum Iiei*d, for a district amongst the Yakuts, from thi-ee hundred to five 
hundred head. Tlie minimum would hardly suffice to keep from distress a family 
of four souls. Tlie maximum would allow a community of fifty souls to live in 
comparative ease. Within these limits, the effort of the Yakuts to sub-divide and 
scatter over ttie country must be bounded. Some of their traditions and customs 
lead us to think that once there was a much greater concentration of people and 
accumulation of wealth amongst them than now, and that they were spread over 
the country even less regularly than they are now. In their legends, large 
expanses of territory are spoken of as being empty, while in others large numbei-s 
of people, with their cattle, are descrilied as existing. 

Out of the minimum unit drove of horses consisting of five mares, one 
stallion, one two-year-old, one one-year-old, and two suckling colts, only one grown 
horse could be killed per annum, and the kumiss would not suffice for four souls 
The requirement of kumiss is from 15 to 20 litres per person per day ; one mare 
gives that quantity only in summer, and then she is considered a very select 
specimen ; a middling one gives only half so much. In winter many are for a 
time not milked, and older ones, even if the food is adecj[uate, give in winter not 
more than 3 or 4 litres, a day. Consequently each person needs in a year from 



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72 W. G. SUMNEU.— rAc' YakiUs. 

5,475 to 7,3U0 liti-cs of kumiss. Oue mare gives in a year from 2,000 to 2,500 
litres, if she is milked the whole year around. Hence there is needed tbr^ii4;i*own 
l>ersou two and a half milch mares, and for the three grown persons in a Yakut 
family, seven and a half milch mares. 

The largest number of settlements contain four or five huts, with twenty or 
thirty souls. Occasionally one is met with in which there are forty or fifty huts, 
and some hundreds of souls. The winter houses for the most part stand 
separately, and at some distance from each other, but near to the hay-stacks. In 
this detail the influence of the later economic system dependent upon hay is to be 
seen. The summer dwellings, on the other hand, seem to represent moi-e nearly 
the ancient motle of life. The summer group consists of many huts which stand 
quite close together, although not apparently in order, but distributed according to 
the convenience of water and the pleasantness of the place. They are distributed 
so that the fdbs stand together, which is probably an ancient feature. 

In the populous nomadic settlements of ancient times, whether in the south 
or the north, the Yakuts arrived at the basis on which their civil existence is 
based. This basis was the breeding of horses. There their best instincts were 
nourished ; arts and handicrafts took their oiigin ; songs and legends were 
composed; the system of their group-life was developed and strengthened. 
There they acquired the custom of enduring misfortune and conquering hardships 
in friendship and in common. 

In everything that they did in those times we seem to see a reflection of 
the character of the powerful animals which then constituted their chief wealth 
and the basis of their existence. The breeding of horses demands special qualities 
of mind and special knowledge, esi)ecially knowledge of geography Jind physio- 
graphy, very careful power of observation, and sagacity in the selection of 
places and in the regulation of the wanderings, so as to secure good adaptation 
to the facts of climate, season of the year, distribution of water, and depth of 
snow. It demands of the dix)vers cleverness, courage, decision, and a knowledge 
how to execute quick and complicated evolutions, so as to direct, arrest, or 
drive on to the proper place the obstreperous herds. Hence the custom of 
discipline and of group-wise action, which is to this day observable amongst the 
Yakuts. 

Wa7' and Blood-revenge. — In all their legends and traditions, the stealing of 
women and cattle is pi'esented as the cause of war. Not less frequently the 
occasion was the obligation of blood-revenge. The blood of a man, if spilt, 
required atonement. The childi-en of the murdered took vengeance on the 
children of the murderer to the ninth generation. (See note E, p. 108.) In 
ancient times the responsible person having been captured, was not killed at 
once, but horribly tortured. 

The Yakut meeting, with ceremonies for reconciling quarrels, has to 
this day a sib character. Gifts are made for the entertainment of the 
blood relatives, a small part of which, comes into the hands of the injured 



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W. G. SuMNEic— ?%^ YakiUs. 73 

jmrty. Mauy sui*viviug customs show how strong was once the solidarity 
of the sibs, and how deeply the feeling of responsibility for the conduct 
of its members had penetrated into the sentiments of the sib. The Yakuts are 
very zealous for the honour of their sib comrades. They like to hear the praises of 
their tribe, sub-tribe, or sib. When they hear blame of the same, they feel 
sorrow. Hence the wonderful righteousness of the Yakuts within the sib, which 
often excites the astonishment of the observer. A man who is entirely indiflferent 
when he sees quarrelling, cheating, robbery, oppression and extortion, will take 
them very seriously to heart if he sees them happen within the sib, or so that a 
sib comrade is the victim, especially if the guilty person belongs to another »ib ; 
on the other hand, they will often shield evident wrong-doing by sib comrades. 
Their tribunals are comparatively just in sib affairs, but between members of their 
own and another sib they decide on behalf of their comrade. One of them 
explained this very easily by saying that, in a certain case, the thing at stake 
should have been divided equally, but that one of the parties belonged to another 
tribe : " Could we, for his sake, hann one of our own ? " Id modern times, 
however, in the same measure as the sib groups have broken up the convenience 
of tending herds, and have scattered themselves more widely, the active exchange 
of mutual services between the members has declined. The need of mutuality 
has disappeared ; they have come in contact more rarely ; their feelings have 
become hardened, and there remains only a dim reminiscence of a common origin. 

[p. 464] Political and Civil Usages. — Mass meetings, or popular assemblies, 
are held, in summer, in the open air, not far from the meeting-house of 
the sib. The oldest and most influential sit in the first rank, on the bare 
ground, with their legs crossed under them. In the second rank sit or kneel the 
independent but less wealthy heads of households. In the tliii-d rank are the youth, 
children, poor men, and often women, for the most part standing, in oixler the 
better to see and hear. In general it is the fii-st row which decides aftaire ; the 
second row sometunes offers its remarks and amendments, but no more. The third 
rank listens in silence. Sometimes the passions are aroused, and they all scream 
at once ; but the decision of the question is always submitted to the first rank. It 
conducts the deliberation. The orators come from its ranks. Omtory is highly 
esteemed, and they have some talented orators. The first rank are distinguished 
for riches and energy. They can submit or withhold questions ; but decisions are 
never considered binding until confirmed by a mass meeting. According to their 
traditions, in ancient times, a prominent role in these assemblies was played by 
old men, who must, however, have distinguished themselves, and won prestige, by 
good sense, knowledge, and experience. They decided questions according to the 
customs, and gave advice when the sib was in any difficulty. 

[p. 478.] The divisions of the Yakuts are the Uhis, the Nasleg, and the aga- 
vjisii^ (= sib). Taking into account three provinces or districts, the author shows 

» Af/U'Ussa means iu Yakut father {aga)'-sib (ussa) ; Rod also meaus sib (umi). 



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74 W. G. Sumner.— r/tc YakiUs. 

that two Naskya eoiinist of only one ajja-u^nm, fourteen of two, fifty-eiglit of thi-ee, 
lifty-nine of four, seventeen of five. Tfie numljer of those that contain xaovQ aga- 
usad is small, but there is one each containing thirteen, fourteen, nineteen, thirty- 
i'our, and forty-three. 

[p. 485.] Land'systcm. — Ke-allotnients of laud between the Naslcya within the 
same Ulm, occur frec[uently ; between the ayn-nssa of the same Nasleg, still more 
frequently ; and between the allotments of the same aya-ussa., almost every year, 
with the purpose of equalisation. There is in every aya-ussa a sworn functionary, 
chosen for a number of years, whose name is a corruption of the word deputy. 
Anyone, rich or poor, may be deputy, if he is a just and sensible man. He 
must understand all about the advantages and disadvantages of land. He luis 
the difficult task of equalising the allotments. If he is incompetent, he maken 
mistakes. Sometimes he cheats intentionally, whence arise quarrels and tighty. 
Sometimes the deputies fight, if they meet to decide a question between the 
aya-ussa of a Nasley, Each Nasley selects an officei*, who has the oversight over 
the deputies in order to allay their disputes. The Yakuts say that the allotments 
to the Nadeys, within a UluHy ought to be readjusted every forty yeai-s. The 
allotment is made by an assembly of all the officers and head men. Within 
the Nadeys the re-allotment takes place at undefined periods, when some new 
necessity arises; for instance, from the necessity of setting oft* a glebe for the 
church, or when meadows have been spoiled by a freshet. Nowadays the 
deputies act only administratively to execute the decisions of the sih assembly. 
Individuals are constantly asking for a readjustment of allotments, upon all 
sorts of pleas. Leaving out of account the bits thus added or subtracted, it may 
be said in general that individuals dispose of their allotments without limit 
of time, and even give them in inheritance. In the north, a certain jiart of 
the meadows is apportioned to certain homesteads. Tliese are regaixled as the 
inalienable property of the householder. Oidy gores and strips which lie further 
oft* or are purposely left for that purpose, are subject to division. By means of 
them equalisation is brought about 

[p. 489.] Pastures and woods almost everywhere are in the undivided use of 
all the inhabitants of a locality, without regard to the aya-^tssa or Nasley to which 
they belong. It is true that rich men in many places have divided amongst them- 
selves separate cattle ranges out of the common lands, and have fenced them, but their 
alh comrades look upon such land-grabbing with disfavour, and if the rich man dies 
or loses influence, they tiy to break down his enclosures and throw open, the land 
again. Thei'e is a strife of interest between cattle owners and tillers ; the latter 
enclose their lalids ; the former drive their cows home three times in the day. 
The enclosures make this journey longer. In general the aib group reconciles 
itself to the individual disposal of a plot of land which has l)een won by clearing 
woods or meadows, or of mowing lauds obtained by drying up swamps and ponds, 
wlien it has been established by prescription, and even if the appropriateil land is 
made inheritable, provided that the plot is not large and is all utilised by tiie 



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W. G. Hvmm.—The YcJiuts. 75 

owner. lUit if the size is great, or the owner reuts any of it, the sib asserts its 
rights. The only question then is whether the owner lias won back from the land 
a remuneration for the labour and capital exi)ended by him upon it. Often they 
undertake lai-ge clearings or drainages communally. Those who have a share in 
the land thus won are, first, those who lived there before ; tlien all the agaussa of a 
Naslvy in proportion to their share in the work, and their need of land. 

II. — Marriage and the Familv. 

[p. 507.] Aiicient Type of the Family, — It is established beyond a doubt that 
when the Russians came in contact with the Yakuts, polygamy existed amongst 
the latter. (See note F, p. 108.) They had a word for all the offspring of one man, 
and another for his offspring by a particular wife, if the interpretation is correct 
If it is it would entail the inference that once the mother family existed 
amongst the Yakuts. This is confirmed by the tradition that many sibs with 
father descent, and even whole Nadcys, got their names from women. The Yakuts 
liave no special word for the precise designation of a family group consisting of 
a man, with his wife and his children. The current word is Kcrgen, but this is 
an ambiguous word ; most probably it means diccllei^s. In answer to inquiries, 
the most various statements were given. The author heard this word used in the 
sense of all those whom the head of a household was bound to maintain, including 
temporary inmates. 

The son of the house was no longer considered a Keryen when he married and 
established a house of his own, but all inmates and labourers, no matter what 
their status or relationship, are considered Kergen, [The author so uses the 
wonl; he does not say members of the Xeryen.] The marriage customs and 
legends in which there is reference to the stealing of wives in no distant past, seem 
to point to an origin of this house-group from slavery. There are even direct 
evidences of this, for an ancient word, synonym of Keryen-Glvaltar, meant slave 
or cowboy, and seems to have gone out of use on that account. In the Kerycn, 
the younger are subjected to the elder, and all are subject to the head, whether 
it be a father, older brother, grown up son, or, in rare cases, a mother, if she is 
a clever and enei'getic widow. Custom does not seem to admit sistei's or aunts. 
The head can give away and squander everything, if he chooses. He can even 
give away his children as labourei-s to outside persons. 

Eo^ploUatian of the Weak by tlie Strong. — Such is the declamtion of all Yakuts; 
nevertheless, at the present time, these statements describe only a fictitious 
system. In fact, the Yakut family presents now a different picture. The 
subjection of the young and of women comes under a more general law; the 
subjection of the weak to the strong, and of those-who-have-not to those-who-have. 
The author knows of many cases in which the father, older brother, or the uncle 
forced the yoimger meml)ei*s of the family into marriage, or put them out to work 
for others under very hard conditions, takiug to himself all the jmyment, and also 



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76 W. G. SDMNEit— 2%e Vahtts. 

other -cases in which the father disposed of the property of the son, took away 
fi-oni him his axe and canoe, and sold hay, mown and saved by him, com- 
pletely independently. The son complained of his haixl fate, but could do nothing. 
He also knows of a case in which parents sold their eight-year-old daughter to a 
Kussian official who was travelling through. He saw and heard of many cases in 
which elders cruelly beat members of the household, especially women and 
children, yet he knows of an ec^ual number of cases of an opposite character, — cases 
in which younger brothers played a more important role in the family than older 
brothers, in which a wife, unrestrained by the presence of strangers, behaved rudely 
to her sick husband, even beat him, and openly kept a lover in the house; in which 
a daughter, knowing that she was the only one in the house able to labour, 
did not obey her parents, did whatever she chose, refused an advantageous 
marriage, and went about with the young men before the eyes of all ; in which old 
people did not dare to sell a pound of butter or a load of hay, or to buy anything 
for themselves, without asking the consent of a grown son. All these cases were 
not considered by anybody unusual, and did not call forth from the comnmnity 
any more condemnation than cruel or unjust treatment of children. 

TIu Old, — ^There is no such thing as any strictly patriarchal relationships, or 
any deep-rooted or cultivated feeling of respect for the old, amongst the Yakuts. 
A young Yakut said, " They not only do not feed, nor honour, nor obey, but they 
scold and often beat the old people. With my own eyes, I have more than 
once seen Yakuts, poor and rich, bad and good, beat their fathers and their 
mothers." They behave especially badly with decrepit and feeble-minded parents. 
Their chief object in dealing with such is to wrest from them any bits of property 
they may still retain. Thus, as the old people become more and more defenceless, 
they are treated worse and worse. It was no better in ancient times. Force, the 
coarse force of the fist, or the force of hunger, rules in the modern Yakut family, 
and seems to indicate the servile origin of that family. Once the author saw how 
a weak old man of seventy beat with a stick his forty-year old son, who was in 
good health, rich, and a completely independent householder, who had just been 
elected to an office in the sib. The son stood quietly and did not dare even to 
evade the blows, but that old man still had an important amount of property at 
his disposition, and he ruled the family by the fear that he could deprive any 
recalcitrant one of a share in the inheritance. 

Antagonism between Parents and Children. — In well-to-do families, where there 
is a great quantity of cattle, or where the right to large advantages from land, or 
the possession of well-established trade, provides an opportunity to wm from 
hired laljour, and so an important revenue is obtained, independently of personal 
labour the rule of the father and mother as proprietors, especially the nde of the 
father, is strengthened and maintained for a long time, namely, to the moment 
when the old people become decrepit and lose the capacity to comprehend the 
simplest things. Generally they die before that time. This state of things is 
maintained by the spread of Kussian ideas and laws. In the old-fashioned Yakut 



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W. G. Sumner.— rA^ YdhUs. 77 

family, the economy of which is founded almost entirely on cattle-breoding, and in 
which constant personal supervision is required, thus making personal strength and 
initiative indispensable, the moment of the transfer of rule into the hands of the 
son is reached much earlier. It occui-s still earlier in poor families which live 
exclusively by hand-labour and by the industry of the strongest and best endowed. 
The old people strive against this tendency in vain. The young people naturally 
strive to avail themselves as fully as possible of the results of their labour, and as 
soon as they feel strong enough, they begin to struggle for their rights. The 
parents are dependent on the sons, who could go away to earn wages. Hence they 
say : " It is more advantageous for us Yakuts, in this frozen country of ours, to 
have many children than to have much money and cattle. Children are our 
capital, if they are good. It is hard to get good labourers, even for large wages, 
but a son, when he grows up, is a labourer who costs nothing ; nevertheless, it is 
hard to rear children." The author knew of cases in which wives put up with 
the presence of mistresses in the house, considering that an inevitable consequence 
of their own childlessness. The death of children is accepted coldly in populous 
districts, but in the thinly settled ones is sincerely bewailed. Sometimes they 
take to drink or to idleness when they have lost their children. 

The greatest number of suicides are old people who fear a lonely old age. 
The treatment they receive fully accounts for this. 

If the parents, on account of their own deficiencies, or the exceptional hard- 
heartedness of a son, have not been able to discipline him, then sooner or later a 
strife arises in the family. The women are in such cases more yielding. They 
are physically weaker and have scarcely any rights. As members of the dhy they 
have no rights to land, property, or independent existence. They surrender 
very soon. Most frequently they make no attempt to resist : there is no place for 
them outside of the family. It is another matter for the boys. They accustom 
themselves to form judgments on communal questions ; they quickly acquire a 
knowledge of the rights of men, and become saturated with the communal spirit 
which refuses to acknowledge any privileges except personal superiority and work. 
In proportion as the quantity of labour accomplished by them increases, and in 
that way their cleverness and skill in the arts of life are proved, they demand 
more confidently and persistently that attention shall be given to their voices in 
the family, and that their wishes shall be fulfilled. If not they are not willing to 
perform the labour which is required of them, or do it so negligently, while 
tormenting their elders with constant reproaches, that the latter gradually 
yield. As soon as a father perceives this disposition in his son, he hastens to give 
him a separate allotment, if his own circumstances will possibly admit of it ; 
otherwise the power inevitably goes over to the son. Sometimes the elders con- 
tinue to hold a nominal authority : sometimes the son allows this consolation, as 
long as they live ; but nothing is really done without the sanction of the actual 
sovereign of the family. The young man takes the place of the old one as the 
object of attention and obedience, and he makes himself master, as well of the 



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78 W. G. Sumner.— 77<« Yahits, 

parents as of the labourers who are without rights or voice in the family. A man 
who was reproached for his behaviour to his mother, said : " Let her cry ; let her 
go hungry. She made me cry more than once, and she begiiidged me my food. 
She used to beat me for trifles." 

[p. 517.] Prerogatives of the Heml of the Family. Worrmi. — In a family in 
which the rights and powers have been reduced to equilibrium, so that all the 
relations of the members are established, the dominion of the head, whoever he is, 
over the labour and the property of the members is unlimited. The oi'ganisation 
is really servile. Especially pitifid is the position of the women, who play no role 
in the sib, and therefore can expect no protection from anybody. The author 
advised a woman to appeal to the sih, when she complained that her husband 
exploited her labour and that of her half-grown sou : that he wds extravagant and 
wasteful, so that he was likely to reduce them to pauperism. " The head ! " said 
she, ** how often I have complained to him ! he listens and says nothing, and after 
that my husband is still more (quarrelsome and more perverse." Anotlier woman 
said : " The man is the master ; it is necessary to obey him ; he works abroad and 
we at home.'' This work abroad consists for the most ^mrt in taking part in the 
village assemblies and in constant loafing from hoiise to house. It is true that the 
man acquires information about wages and prices ; but he also keeps to himself 
the monopoly of all extei-nal relations, and even for the absence of any of the 
housemates without his consent he demands a strict account. To acquire an 
extra gain, win food or money, or earn something by outside work is considered 
more desirable than to follow heavy daily labour which would maintain the life of 
the family from day to day. If the head of a household has grown-up children, 
the amount of work which he does is very insignificant. He works like the others 
only at the hay-harvest ; the rest of the time he wanders about, looking out, it is 
true, for the external interests of the family to which his care is now restricted, 
although formerly it extended to the sih. Inside the house he is treated 
with almost slavish respect and considemtion. His presence puts an end to 
cheerfulness, the excuse for which is that he must maintain respect. 

It is a custom, the rejison for which seems to be the desire of the father not 
to lose power in the house, that he often gives allotments to his sons and takes 
into the house in their place a grandson, or a nephew, or a hired man. These 
persons, after they have lived some years in the house, and worked in the family 
acquire the same right to a part of the inheritance as if they had been children. 
The Yakuts say that a father may deprive a son of his inheritance, but the author 
never knew an example of it. He knew of cases in which sons sued fathers, 
alleging that the allotments which they received after many years* labour were 
not as large as they should have been. 

[p. 520.] The Descent of PropertiJ, — A Yakut declared that a father would 
give equal shares of his property during his lifetime to his sons and his 
daughters, or that he would give larger shares to his daughters because they need 
more, since they go as wives to live among strangers, where, if they bring little 



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W. G, SuMNKR.— 7%^ YakaU. 79 

they meet with little respect. In fact, however, it is most frequently the reverse ; 
the sons get more. Houses and land go to them. These cannot be alienated into 
another «iJ, and are therefore excluded from female inheritance. When the 
parents die, all which was reserved for them during life goes to the sons. The 
married daughters get no part in it. Unmarried daughters rank as little children, 
and pass, until they are married, under the tutelage of their brothers, uncles, 
or other relatives of the father in the male line. If there are none such, the sib 
becomes the guardian, but even near relatives on the side of the mother are in no 
case permitted to be guardians. 

Wills were unknown amongst the ancient Yakuts. The wishes of a dying 
person were sacredly executed, but they consisted chiefly of directions how and 
where the grave should be made, and what horse should be killed in order that it 
might be buried with the dying man, and what, chattels should be buried with 
him. Nowadays the rich make wills, but their validity is not recognised unless 
they ai'e written by a functionary, the scribe or the clergyman of the »ih. This 
costs not less than a horse or a cow. 

From the point of view of the dh, uncles, nephews, and male cx)usin8 of nil 
degrees have a l)etter right to the inheritance than a married daughter. A widow, 
if she is married a second time into a second sib, loses rights even to her children. 
The author knows of cases in which fellow-members of the «tJ, in no direct 
relation to the deceased, inherited his property for lack of relatives of his in the 
male line, while his own sister, who had married into another sib, received 
nothing at all. He mentions another case in which a man, having paid the 
marriage price for a bride, died. His sib comrades demanded back a part of the 
bride-price and divided it amongst themselves, on the ground that the man had 
never been her husband. Even if a father has given property to a married 
daughter during his life, or by will, it has not been done without suits and 
reproaches, because the property went into another sib. If there is no collision 
l>etween family affaii-s and sib right, the sfih unwillingly interferes with the former. 

[p. 525.] Birth Bate. In/ant Mortality. — According to the assertions of 
the Yakuts, the fecundity of their women is, on the average, ten children for one 
husband ; sometimes they bear twenty, or even moi'C, and that is by no means so 
i-are as amongst the Russians. The author knew of one case of twenty-two births, 
another of twenty, and another of nineteen. In most cases the number varies 
between five and ten. 

The author gives a case of a woman married at twenty, who lived with her 
husband thirty years. She bore nine childi'en, of whom seven died in childhood, 
one was born dead, and one daughter grew up. Another woman had nine 
children, all of whom died ; another woman had eight and lost them all. Another 
woman, out of ten, brought up two; another brought up five out of twenty; 
another brought up seven out of nineteen ; another, one out of six ; another, out 
of five, brought up all. Another woman, eighty years old, who could not tell at 
what age she was man-ied, but thought that it was at fifteen, bore twenty-two 



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80 W. G. SuMNRR.— 7!S>c YahUs. 

children, the last one when she was sixty years old. Eleven of them died in 
childhood. 

The men, especially the rich, marry very young. The author knew a man of 
fourteen, who had been married two years. The ceremony had not yet been 
performed, but he lived with his wife in the home of her father, because the 
bride-price had been paid for her. They think that early marriages are unfruit- 
ful. Infant mortality amongst them is frightful, as the above statements show. 
This is due to the misery in which they live, on account of which they cannot 
give care to their children, even when they are rich. 

[p. 527.] Childbirth, InfaTwy. — According to the ideas of the Yakuts, the 
woman has the greater share in procreation. A man whose wife gave birth to a 
monstrosity refused any responsibility for it, saying that he had had twenty-two 
children by his seven wives ; this was the first by his eighth wife. 

An old woman takes a new-born child and carries it immediately before the 
blazing fire. She sprinkles it with water from her mouth, the water sometimes 
being warm and sometimes cold, and then quickly washes it. Then she smears it 
with fresh cream. Generally the child never receives any other bath. If it does, 
it is at long intervals. They think that bathing exposes the child to take cold. 
They are not in the habit of bathing themselves. They often smear a child with 
cream, thinking this very advantageous to it. The Yakut mothers have not much 
milk. Not a child grows up without using a sucking horn. The mothers suckle 
the children long. The author saw five-year-old boys who demanded the breast 
when they saw their little brothers enjoying it. Children are often suckled at 
night to keep them quiet, but in the daytime they lie cold, damp, and neglected, 
while their uproar fills the house, the mother being employed in her household 
work. Some mothers employ a means of putting their okildren to sleep, especially 
if they are fretful boys, which often causes spermatorrhea. 

[p. 529.] When a child begins to sit up, which takes place at the end of 
three months, it is no longer called a baby, but has another class-name. In ancient 
times they gave it its first name at this point of time ; it got a second one when 
it could draw a bow. Their babies creep at six months, and stand and walk 
at a year. So after they are six months old, they crawl all over the floor of 
the house. The Yakuts think that a child which does not yet understand human 
language understands the talk of the fire, the singing of birds, the language of 
beasts, lifeless objects and spirits ; but that he loses this gift when he acquires 
human speech. This superstition may be due to the habit of children to stay 
about the fire, the warmest and pleasantest place in the house, and also the most 
interesting, where a child stands staring at the flames with his big black eyes and 
listening to the hissing and snapping of the fire. Their children look the prettiest 
to Eui-opeans when they are from five to ten years old, because then they are most 
like our children ; but then they are by no means sprightly or enterprising, and 
they are excessively obedient. Even when playing, they do not make half the 
noise and movement which our children make. When there are several in a 



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W. G. Sumner.— TV YahiUs. 81 

family, you may not notice their presence for a long time. They hide themselves 
away in the comers, or sit in a ring on the floor, busy with something or other, 
talking, quarrelling, telling stories, singing, — but all of it only half aloud. They 
are hardly ever so far carried away as to cry aloud or to sing aloud. At a 
threatening shout of a grown person, they come to silence and scatter. Only when 
they are alone do they become lively. This happens in summer, in the woods and 
groves, and in the fields. They are very fond of assembling to play there. 

[p. 536.] Weddiiig Ceremonies. — On the occasion of a wedding at which the 
author was present, the bridegroom's procession arranged to i*each the house of the 
bride at dawn of day. At that hour the guests were assembled at the house. The 
groom and the go-between each led a horse loaded with fresh meat. A lad on 
horseback, without saddle, galloped out at full speed to meet the groom's 
procession ; but when he was al)out forty fathoms from them, he suddenly stopped 
his horse, turned, and rode back again. One of the groomsmen followed him, but 
not being able to overtake him, turned and rejoined his own party. When the 
groom's pai'ty rode into the court, the father of the bride held the stirrup for the 
fatlier of the groom ; the others of the bride's party, according to rank and order, 
performed the same office for the members of the groom's party. The young people 
carried into the house the meat and other things brought by the groom's party, but 
the groom remained at the gate, turning his face to the east, and looking at the 
spreading dawn. He crossed himself zealously and made obeisance. When all 
had taken their places, the cousin of the groom, with a whip in his hand, which he 
had not laid aside at all, went out and conducted the groom into the house. The 
latter came in with his head bent down and his eyes covered. He was very young, 
and deep emotion was visible on his face. The father and mother of the bride met 
him with the sacred images in their hands. They blessed him. At the same time 
the one who was conducting him, seized him by the neck from behind and bent 
him down three times at the feet of the parents of the bride. After that, the 
groom with his cousin brought in still more packages of meat and laid them there 
before the fire. The groom uncovered one of the packages, in which was enclosed 
the head of a horse cooked whole ; he picked out from benea'.Ii the eyes three bits 
of fat and cast them one by one on the fire. After that they carried the horse's 
head away and laid it in the chief comer on the ground ; but they led the groom 
into the comer on the right, where they caused him to be seated with his face to 
the wall, and his back to the people, on what they called the last bunk to the right. 
On the corresponding one to the left, behind a curtain, sat the bride. They both 
i^emained in these places the whole time, in their best garments, including cap and 
gloves, and he even never laid his whip out of his hand. All the groom's party in 
like manner kept on their best out-of-door garments, in spite of the heat of the 
blazing fire. The parents of the bride were dressed in the same manner. The 
rest of those present a little later laid aside their out-of-door garments. 

The entertainment b^an. The feasters were all seated in an established order 
which never varied to the end of the entertainment. A distant relative oT the 
Vol. XXXI (N.S. IV). G 



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82 W. G. Sl'mner.— 7%^ YdktUs, 

bride, in full out-of-door dress, acting as servant, gave to the father of the groom 
a wooden cup full of kumiss ; then he gave one to each of the companions of the 
groom. Having held the cups a little while, they gave them back to him, that he 
might pour out a little on the fire. Then they received the cups again and drank 
a little. The father of the groom then gave his cup to the father of the bride, who 
drank a little and gave it to his wife, who passed it on to their other relatives. 
Then the uncle of the groom gave his cup to the father of the groom. He gave it 
to the father of the bride, and so it went the rounds. Then they served breakfast 
of cold boiled meat and tea with milk and sugar, and a piece of rye bread for 
selected ones amongst the guests. Soon after that they killed an ox and a horse. 
Wliile some of the young people dressed these, others prepared the kettles, and 
brought wood and water, and melted ice in the neighbouring hut They boiled 
the meat in the presence of the guests, in big iron kettles ; then they laid it on 
trestles before the tire. First of all, of course, they boiled the viscera, the entrails 
infused with blood, the heart, the stomach, etc. In cutting up the animals, they 
took care that the shin bones should remain unbroken. (See note G, p. 108.) 
When the meal was ready, the young people of the st6 of the bride, although 
they were persons of entirely independent position, undertook the service of the 
guests. They spread hay on the ground before the visitors, and spread on this 
the skins of the mare and ox which had just l)een slaughtered. " Such was the 
table of the ancient Yakuts," they said in explanation. 

The author, when he saw the immense pile of fresh meat, which was laid 
before each one, asked, " Do they expect them to eat all that themselves ? " He 
was answered with a merry laugh. 

Women were not admitted to the table at alL They took their portions off 
into the corners, where they ate them. At the beginning of the meal, the master 
of the house gave to each one a glass of vodka. The young and the poor got less, 
sometimes very little indeed, but the intention was to pass by nobody. Then at a 
signal given by the master of the house, each one drew his knife and set to work 
to eat, which they did with a uniformity of movement as if they had been drilled 
to it. After a while, the father of the groom, rising with a choice bit of meat in his 
hand, made an appropriate speech and gave the meat to the father of the bride. 
This he repeated a little later with the mother of the bride, then with her other 
relatives, and then with the most important members of her sib. Then the other 
companions of the groom complimented the parents and relatives of the bride in 
the same manner. The point of all the speeches was, " We are now related to 
each oilier ; we will hereafter live in friendship and concord." This exchange of 
compliments became noisy and irregular. The meat which they could not eat 
was made into packages by the women, to be taken home as gifts for those who 
had not come to the wedding. In the evening, the supper was conducted in the 
same manner. Pieces of meat were exchanged with speeches and good wishes. 
After supper, tlie ceremony with the kumiss was repeated. Before supper, they 
drank vodka together. One would drink a little from his cup and then give the 



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W. G. SuMNEK.— 7%e Yahil<<. 83 

rest to another whom he desired to compliment. On the second day, all was 
repeated. They slaughtered a cow. All was the same except that at supper a 
blind singer sang, whereupon one and another made gifts to him of pieces of meat 
just like the treatment of a bard, of which we find a description in the Odyssey. 
Then the young people played games and practised feats of strength and skill. 

On the third day the dinner was served early. The bridegroom's party bad 
thrown open their out-of-door garments, on account of the stifling heat produced 
in the hut by the number of persons, the blazing fire, and the steam from the 
kettles. They had not been invited to do so, but the circumstances fully excused 
them. They now re-fastened these garments and went away. The bundles of 
meat were brought in, cut up, and divided amongst tlie relatives of the bride so 
that everyone should have at least a small portion. This was the meat which the 
groom's party had brought with them, and which had l)een stored in the store- 
house. It was carefully examined and valued. In the evening the groom's 
companions came back. Duiing this absence they had l)een entertained in a 
neighbouring hut to whicli the mistress of th'e bride's house had previously sent 
the necessary supplies. They w^ere met in the court upon their return with the 
same ceremony as at first. After supper games were played f^in by the young 
people, and at last a long legend was recited by the blind bard. 

It was not until the fourth day, after dinner, that the relatives of the groom 
prepared to depart for good. When they had mounted their hoi-ses, a big wooden 
cup of kumiss was served to each one of them, and then the whole corUge, in the 
same order in which it had arrived, the father of the groom at the head, and the 
groom last, were escorted by the relatives of the bride around the three hitching 
posts for horses, which were set in the middle of the court They went about 
these posts three times in the course of the sun. Each time, when they had 
completed a circuit, they stopped, and each horseman poured out kumiss from his 
cup on the mane of his horse. When they had drunk the remainder of the kumiss 
and returned the cups to the escort, they departed at a gallop through the open 
gateway. The solemn ceremony was then considered ended, yet this was only 
half of the wedding. It is true that from that time the bride and groom 
considered themselves man and wife, but not until the whole bride-price had been 
paid, i.e,y sometimes after two or three years, did the husband conduct his wife 
to his own house. Then they again celebrated the same feasts three days long, in 
the same manner, the giXK)m sitting again for the w^hole time in one corner, 
with his face to the wall, and the bride in another, behind a curtain of soft 
leather. 

A Yakut wedding nowadays strikes us as remarkable on account of the 
silence, and the poverty of the ceremonies. There is no singing, no allegorical 
representation, and no dancing. They say that foimerly a shaman was present, 
who invoked on the pair the blessing of the heavenly spirits. In the southern 
districts the wedding has undergone Russian influence. The elements that were 
connected with horse-breeding have disappeared. Among the poor, the mare's 

Q 2 



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84 W. G. SuMNKR.— 7%« Yahits. 

head, which in old times was worshipped by the young people, has disappeared 
also the kiuniss and all the ceremonies connected with it Brandy and vodka 
have taken its place ; tables have taken the place of the skins spread on the floor; 
instead of the exchange of meat, they touch their drinking cups and kiss. In 
some places they even try to bring out the bride and groom from their corners to 
sit at the table. This last feature as yet makes way slowly, and one of the most 
characteristic features still is the non-participation of the bride and groom, as if 
the others wanted to forget tliem. A share of the food is served to them, but 
the others do not talk with them, do not mention their names, and the bride 
is carefully shut away, while the groom tries to escape attention as much as 
possible. 

Bride-price. — The greatest part of the expense of a wedding falls on the 
groom. It is an essential part of the payment for the bride. The exi>ense varies 
from a few rubles to two thousand rubles ; the average is perhaps one hundred 
rubles. This expenditure would be beyond the means of the majority, if it were 
not that a large part of it comes back under the form of the bride's dower. If the 
total payment made by the groom be divided into its parts, the part spent for 
entertainment is spent by the groom without return ; but the payment to the 
parents of the bride, and the gifts to her relatives, are restored in the gift with her. 
She brings household furniture, garments, silver articles, the stipulated nimiber of 
mares and cows, corresponding to the number of animals contributed by the groom. 
She also brings colts and calves voluntarily contributed by her parents and not 
mentioned in the contract. She also brings gifts in the shape of meat and butter. 
Each wooden cup which she brings ought to contain a little butter. She also 
brings one fox skin and nine ermine skins, or at least one ermine skin. This is 
hung up over the bed where the unmarried women sleep. Later it is carried 
into the store-house, where it is carefully preserved until the first child is 
born ; then they carry it into the wood or give it to the shaman. At any rate it 
disappears. 

Either under pretence of getting ready the bride's outfit, or on account of her 
youth and inexperience, the parents do not give their daughter to her husband 
immediately after the marriage, even if there has been a religious marriage, and 
the bride-price has been paid, and they have agreed to do this soon. Formerly the 
delay was often four or five years, and the custom of marrying children, even when 
very young, existed still earlier. During all the delay, the husband visits liis wife 
at his leisure, but every time he ought to bring a gift to the wife's parents, a 
quarter or two of meat, a fox skin, or some other present. These gifts are a very 
unwelcome addition to the bride-price. When the time comes for the bride to go 
to her husband's house, she is very coldly received by his relatives if she brings 
less than was expected. If she brings less than was agreed upon, quarrels 
arise. Often there is a complete rupture, if the marriage has not taken place 
in church. In the latter case, they boycott her and she suffers all kinds of 
ptty household persecutions which poison her existence. 



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W. G. SuMNEU.— y/^<; YakiUs, 85 

[p. 549.] The bride-price is shared by the parents, older brothers, uncles, and 
guardians of the bride, and, in tlie case of oi-phan working girls, by the master. 
Each gets something, be it ever so little, as a recognition of surrender by hira of 
a claim on the woman. Not a single well-bred Yakut girl would consent to go to 
her husband without a bride-price. She would be degraded in her own eyes and 
according to the views of her people. It would mean that she was not worth any 
price, was friendless, or an outcast. It can be understood, therefore, that the 
Yakut women look down upon the Russian women, who, as they say, pay 
somebody to take them. Even young widows who have returned to their families 
are paid for, though at a low^er rate tlian maidens. Older widows who have lived 
for a time independently witli a minor son, or as work-women, man-y without a 
bride-price ; but the Yakuts have an original comment on this. They say tliat 
" she wanted to exploit herself," or they say that she has been paid for once, and 
that if she marries again, nobody loses anything. The autlior asked one of them, 
"Who lost anything when a maiden was married?" "The parents," said he. 
*' They had the trouble and expense of rearing her. They ought to obtain an 
tH^uivaleut for that. Besides that, they lose a worker out of the house. How is it 
that you Russians do not understand that ? " " But," said the author, " if a son 
is manied, they get nothing, and even give him something." " The son is anotlier 
thing," was the reply. " In the first place, liis labour produces more for his parents 
before his marriage, and then he doesn't go away ; he remains in the same sib ; he 
is our man; he will bear his shai-e of Uvxes and burdens." This presents the 
current view of tliis matter amongst them. " We fed and reared," they say, " and 
others are to get tlie benefit. We will take sometlung for the expendituix3." 

III. — Marital Usages. The Status of Women. 

[p. 552.] War Captives and Stolen Women as Bndes, — In ancient times, the 
Yakuts had a name for a man whom a defeated hero gave to his conqueror as a 
compensation for sparing his own life. Such pei-sons later were in fact slaves, 
and were included in the gifts with a bride. If they were females, they became 
concubines of the master. Such a slave person was called an ennCt and this word 
has now come to be used as an adjective for whatever is given with a bride. In 
the legends, the ancient heroes are represented as coming home, after their 
adventiures, with a wife and a rich dower {cnne) ; but this dower took its origin 
probably in very ancient tunes, when the present system of exogamic marriage 
began first among the Yakuts. All the evidence goes to show that foreign-born 
wives were originally captives in war, in connection with whom, of course, there 
could be no dower. Their own tradition is that formerly, if a man who was 
hunting in the forest with others saw a handsome woman, they watched to see 
where her husband went to hunt. Then they fell upon him, killed him, and took 
away his wife. If they could not take her by force they took her by stratagem, 
enticing her out of her house by a call to help her husband bring home his game. 



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80 W. G. Sumner.— 77ic I'^idfUs, 

Then they auried her oft" by force, in the same manner in which they brought 
home war captives. In their epic ix)etry, the stealing of women appears as a 
constant motive. The heroes help each other to find women outside the tribe, 
and they obtain them as payment for their heix»ic deeds, ot for help given to 
others. In all the nanutives about wars, maidens fall to the victors as prize or 
ransom {cmie). A legend is mentioned in which three Yakuts, being offended by 
Tunguses, undertook war against them. The latter b^ged for mercy and offered 
a choice of three maidens. The Yakuts came to terms with them and made a 
wedding. The author thinks that in the wedding ceremonies of the Yakuts we 
must recognise a survival of a line of conduct which was once a completely 
consistent and well rounded ceremony for the conclusion of peace. Whether the 
stealing of women was the cause of the preceding hostilities, or the relatives gave 
the woman voluntarily in compensation for a man who had been killed, or for 
stolen cattle, is immaterial. In any case she was regarded as booty y and the 
wedding resembled a peace negotiation aiul comlusioii. To this day, both the 
parties who come into relations with each other at a wedding behave to each 
other during the feast with respect, yet still with a certain concealed distrust and 
jealousy. They are constantly on the look-out lest the others get the better of 
them in the gifts, or cheat them. The groom's party do not move at all ; their 
hbi-ses are saddled, as are also those of the bride's relatives who have come to the 
wedding. A Yakut who was asked why he did not unsaddle his horse at a 
wedding answered, " Differences are apt to arise at a wedding." 

The more unequal are the powers of the families, or more properly, the sibs, 
which are united by a wedding, the more the material interests of the weaker 
party suffer. The payment to overcome the opposition of the bride, that is to 
say, her love to her blood relatives, is increased. It is noteworthy that during 
the wedding, custom strictly forbids the bride and groom to see each other. Tlie 
bride is permitted, indeed, being hidden herself, to look at the groom when he 
goes to water his horse ; but it is regarded as improper for the groom to even 
make an attempt to see the bride. Neither ought his companions and blood 
relatives to see her. 

If the weddmg has much in it that is parallel to the conclusion of a peace, 
the demand in marriage, and the " investigation " which precedes it, remind us at 
all points of a military recognisance. A man who goes about looking for a wife 
keeps silence, and enters into no relations, even of conversation, with those he 
visits. The girls Jaugh at him and the young men (her friends) ti-eat him with 
jealous satii-c. 

In ancient times, the parents often paid a bride-inice for a girl thi-ee or four 
years old to Ije the wife of a son. They took her and brought her up that she 
might become accustomed to the family of her husband. Sometimes they became 
attached to her and the couple lived happily together. They slept together from 
childhood, considering each other husband and wife ; but often they regarded etich 



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W. G. SuMmvL-'The Yakuts. 87 

other " like the devil." If either one died before the marriage, an endless quari-el 
began about tlie return of the bride-price. The Eussian clergy now refuse to 
celebrate these marriages. 

Betrothal, — To accomplish a betrothal, three male relatives of the groom go 
on horaeback to the house of the desired girl. Upon entering tliis, they sit down 
in the place of honour, where they sit talking about indifferent matters, and 
watching what goes on in the house for one or two days. Tlien they pack up 
their things and place them on their horses, and when quite ready to leave on 
their journey, they return into the house. If the groom has come with them, he 
now stays outside. The go-betweens sit down again and wait awhile. Then the 
oldest of them, in silence, throws upon the table the skin of a fox. Then the 
father of the bride puts on his cap and sits down behind the table in the place 
where he sits at the wedding, and asks them what they want. They in turn, 
calling the bride a young mare, or a valuable beast, conduct a negotiation, asking 
whether she is for sale. When they get an affirmative reply, they agree upon the 
amount of the bride-price, the dower, the time of the wedding, the time when 
the groom sliall have his wife, the mode of paying the bride-price, and all tlie 
details. All is negotiated with great pains in order to avoid future disputes. 
Then the guests speedily depart. Sometimes fox skins, vodka, and money are 
left on the table when they go out for the first time ; and if, when they return, 
they see that these things have been taken away, they proceed to negotiate the 
terms. The bride has a very small share in this negotiation. Sometimes they 
ask her whether she is willing, but this is a modern innovation. If a man meets 
with a refusal of the girl he asks for, he usually insists that another shall be 
given to him in the same house, if there is another there. The Yakuts consider 
it an injury to meet with a refusal, and especially in the case of a proposal of 
marriage. They think it improper to send the go-betweens, under any circum- 
stances whatsoever, within a year to a girl who has given a refusal to a man. 

[p. 558.] Exogamy. — A wife is always taken from another sib. Even in the 
south, until the present time, this custom is strictly observed. In the north, the 
author knows of but one case of a marriage within the sib ; but all condemned 
that marriage, and when the new-made wife, after the wedding, became blind, they 
ascribed this calamity to the breach of the ancient custom. Well-to-do men will 
not take a wife even within the Nasleg. Custom is even unfavourable to the 
arrangement when the brother of the wife is near at hand, even though he belongs 
to another sib. They say, " A girl, if she lives in her own birth-place (after her 
marriage), is not happy ; " also, " A happy daughter marries far away from her birth- 
place ; " also, " It is well to have water near by, but relatives far ofif.'* If we may 
take it for established that the first wives from abroad were war captives, then the 
custom to take wives from afar is easily understood. Wives could not well be 
stolen within the circle of connected sibs within which the ancient nomadic 
wanderings took place. The author thinks that the notion of any peaceful 
evolution of exogamic marriage amongst the Yakuts, out of a more primitive 



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88 W. G. SUMNEIL— yA^ Valcvis. 

form, must be absolutely rejected. Tlieir sayings and traditions, and the survivals 
of wedding cei-emouie^, agree in proving the closest relation of marriage with 
war and the stealing of women. Yet whether the effort to find wivas outside 
arose as a contingent consequence of war, or was a cause of war, or a thing which 
arose indei>endently in its own good season, under the influence of physiological 
or economic motives, is hard to decide. The Yakuts engaged in breeding animals 
could observe in their animals the advantages of crossing with females of another 
blood-gi-oup. Such unions were more fruitful and the progeny were stronger. 
IJeside^ that, the stallions, when they chased out of the herds the young rivals 
bom there, and very eagerly introduced into the herds mares from outside, must 
have incited the Yakuts to imitation. The economic motives, such as the 
gratuitous labour of slaves, and the introduction of horned cattle, which made 
jjossible tha existence of smaller societal groups with a denser i)opulation at 
pivrticular spots, encouraged the tendency to maintain exogamy. 

Ancient Endogamy. — The author is convinced by all his means of information 
that there was formerly an altogether different organisation of the family and 
system of marriage, from those which he at present finds in existence. It is 
possible that both forms existed for a long time, and tlie more ancient one 
disappeared so recently that the people have still a fresh recollection of it A 
Yakut said, " In ancient times the Yakuts had many wives, and long before that, 
your younger sister was your wife ; your mother possibly ; the wife of your 
brother possibly." 

Some, when asked, knew nothing of this; others asserted that sisters 
formerly were wives, but mothei-s never. Other testimony also was obtained that 
formerly marriages took place, not only within the sib, but even between very near 
relatives. They say that when God made Adam and his wife, the latter bore 
seven girls and eight boys. Each man, except the youngest, had a wifa The 
latter asked God what he should do for a wife. God answered, " If you cannot 
get along without one, sleep secretly with the wives of your brothers." This is a 
current legend amongst them, and agrees with other current sayings and notions. 
We may suppose that, even if it is borrowed, it took root in the memory of the 
people because it corresponded with dim reminiscences out of their own antiquity. 
They say, "When the migration took place from the south, the Yakuts took 
their own sisters to wife, since there were no women of other tribes at hand." 
" The ancient Yakuts took wives in this way : if one of two brothers had a daughter 
and another a son, the children l)ecame man and wife." "In ancient times, when 
a youth was able to draw the bow, he took one of his younger sisters to wife and 
went afar off, where he built a house." " In ancient times, if a sister, whether 
older or younger, was married to a man of another sib, her brothers never let her 
depart as a virgin. If she went away as a virgin, they considered that they had 
lost their * luck.' " The expression which they use here for the treatment accorded 
to the sister is the one now in use in the sense of sex-intercourse, but it means 
exactly " to make one a mistress of the house." 



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W. G. Sumner.— TA^ Yiiknts. 89 

Incest, which according to the notions of Kussians, is such an abominable 
thing, mther causes laughter than horror amongst the Yakuts. Cases of such 
unions are met with more frequently amongst them tlian amongst Russians. The 
author knows of two cases in which brother and sister lived together in wedlock, 
about which everybody knew. The authorities of the sib, frightened by the 
outcry about another case, made it known to the local Russian clergyman. In one 
ease, children were born. He also knows of a case of wedlock between mother 
and son, and of another in which two brothel's lived with the same wife. In their 
legends and folk tales, we see that in ancient times the feeling of attachment in 
the brother and sister tie was far more strongly developed than in the marriage tie, 
or even in the parent and child tie. The first of these prevailed over all others. 
They often call the wives of the legendary heroes " sisters," using a distinct name 
for older sister, and another for yoimger sister. Almost every hero, whether good 
or bad, has by his side sisters, who act as his protectors and comrades. The folk 
tales contain many cases of the devoted service of sisters to brothers. It is a 
custom of long standing, which still exists, that two brothers of one sib marry two 
sisters of another. It is noteworthy tliat now at a wedding the sister of the 
bride keeps her head carefully covered all the time. It is considered a gi-eat 
impropriety that the groom or one of his comrades should see her hair. 

[p. 562.] Terviinology for Family Relatimiships. — Among the many difficulties 
of describing the ancient marriage system, one arises from the fact that the 
ancient words for family relationships had different senses from what the same 
words have now.* For instance, the Yakuts have no word for the general sense 
of brother or sister. If they must have such a word, they use the Russian woixl. 
They have special names for older brothers, younger brothers, older sisters, and 
younger sisters. These words, with some attributives which are generally omitted 
in vituperative speech, are used to address uncles, nephews, aunts, grandchildren 
of different grades, and even step-fathers and step-mothers, although the two latter 
are commonly called father and mother. It follows from this that the family falls 
into two groups — those who were born earlier and those who were born later. 
These groups form the background of the terminology for family relationships. 
The majority of other words for relationship are constructed out of these. As far 
as the author has observed, the names derived from the denominatives for the 
younger group are given only to blood relatives and sil> comrades. For the 
relatives by marriage, there are special denominatives, amongst which the division 
into those born earlier and those born later is not so strictly carried out. He 
thinks that in the beginning, the Yakuts had no words at all for brother or for 
sister, and that the words now used for younger brother, younger sister, etc., 
were terms, not so much for family relationships, as for sib relationships, and 
meant sunply older or younger »ib comrades. It is impossible now t,o 
determine whether a certain word ought to be translated "older bmther," 
"older uncle "or "older nephew,'* and so of the others. If now a certain 

> See the note on p. 109. 



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90 W. G. SUMNfiB.— ne Yakuts. 

denominative may be interpreted in the sense of a sib comrade of earlier birth, 
tlien the tradition that brotliers married sisters, with especial emphasis on the 
fact that they were younger sisters, loses the apparent preciseness of its meaning. 
The tradition would then refer, not so much to incest as, in a general way, to 
endogamy. It woidd then indicate that at a certain moment in the development 
of endogamy, the custom existed that men should marry women bom later than 
themselves. We have no hope of finding out in view of the uncertainty in the 
sense of the tenns of relationship, whether there was any limitation in respect to 
sisters or daughters of the full blood. In many denominatives, we seem to find 
indirect evidence that such further limitations existed. 

Boys ten or twelve years of age do not eat with their sisters ; they do not 
lie down to sleep with them on the same bed. The boy is given a separate bed, 
which involves a special expense. They do it apparently not from modesty, but 
in oljedience to an ancient prohibition in the nature of a taboo. These very 
sistei-s, however, may go completely naked, entirely untroubled by the presence of 
their grown brothers, and they carry on with the latter sometimes conversations 
and jests which would cover with emlmrrassment the most cynical European 
man. It is possible that these restrictions arose later, for the sake of protecthig 
vii^inity, the loss of which, when exogamy came to be established, began to have 
influence on the amount of the bride-price. However that may be, they prove 
that a necessity was felt, at a more or less remote time, of adopting this with 
other measures to establish a physical separation between brother and sisters, 
80 that we must regard any union of the two, which may at one time have 
existed, as a passing phenomenon. It is needless to speak about youth of the 
same sib but another family. Irregular unions between these are even now an 
ordinary phenomenon. 

An analysis of the terms of relationship amongst the Yakuts does not show 
who might, or who might not, under endogamy, be husband and wife. It would 
be interesting, with a view to this question, to examine the mistakes in the 
application by the Yakuts to S'ib comrades of the denominative which means tliose 
persons whom one might marry. Some of them said that this denominative could 
not be employed within the sii; others would not allow it any place in the 
genealogical schedule, although they admitted that such a term of relationship 
began to be applicable, as some said, in the ninth generation, and others, in the 
fourth. Othere of them constantly confused this term with another, by which 
they indicate the third degree of blood relationship, corresponding to our grand- 
child. The Yakuts employ the term " child " or " my child " not only to their own 
proper children, but also to the children of brothers, or of sisters, or even to 
brothers and sisters themselves, if they are very much younger. They have not, 
therefore, in their genealogical terminology any words for son and daughter which 
testify directly to a blood relationship between specific persons. The word which 
we translate "son" strictly means "boy," "youth," "young person." It was 
formerly used as a collective for the body of warriors, or the young men of the 



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W. G. SUMNKU.— tAc VaJctUs. 91 

tribe or sik With the addition of the possessive " my," this term is addressed 
vitui^eratively by okl men not only to their own sons by blood, but also to any 
young males who stand in any relationship to them. In a narrow sense, it may 
l)e addi-essed to one's own son, or, with a prefix, to one's grandson, and then with 
other proper prefixes, to grandnephews of the second and third degree. Tlie 
terras for females are entirely parallel in sense and use. 

The lack of words to distinguish between "son" and " boy," "daughter" and 
"girl," is not due to the poverty of the language; on the contrary, their 
genealogical terms astonish us by their abundance and variety. Not only do they 
distinguish those of earlier and later birth, but they have a special denominative 
for younger brothers, which is used only by women. They have a special name 
for the wife of a husband's older brother, and another for the wife of the husband's 
younger brother, and other similar peculiarities which seem incomprehensible, not 
only to us, but also to the Yakuts of to-day. 

In view of the great abundance of the denominatives for relationships which 
we should regard as relatively remote, of the lack of special terms for " son " and 
' daughter," and of the confusion of these with more remote degrees of relationshii» 
and likewise with the expressions " boy " and " girl," which they use to indicate 
especially sex and point of growth, we infer beyond a doubt that, at the time when 
the present system of genealogical relationships took its origin amongst the 
Yakuts, Hie precise genetic connection of any given hoy vrith his j)(trents had no especial 
denomination. All the old people in the sih called all the young people in the siJ, 
up to a certain point of growth, by the same denominatives. The notion of the 
immediate relationship of the children of a given pair to that pair was not sharply 
defined until a later point of time ; then first was there a denominative for it. It 
is impossible that this was a consequence of the education in the same place and 
in the same manner, by the whole horde or sib, of all its children ; and also that it 
proceeiled from, or accompanied, the extremely unsettled and unclear marriage 
relationships. In favour of the former conjecture is the fact that the sih still 
considers itself in some sense the proprietor of its children. For instance, it does 
not allow the immeiliate parents to alienate a child, especially a boy, into another 
sib, without its express consent ; also, when a widow mames a second time into a 
second sib, the grandfathers, uncles, and even more remote relatives take away her 
boy, if not at once, then at least when he grows up and becomes able to lalK)ur, and 
still again, the strange custom of a fictitious stealing of children in these families 
in which several successively die, and of giving them to others to bring up, seems 
to manifest a notion as if the appropriation to one's self of one's children was an 
indawful act, worthy of punishment.* 

> The Hteaiiug of children is accompliahed with certain ceremonies. Tlie mother, although 
she herself asks her friends to do the stealing, ought not to know the moment when it ie 
executed. In the place of the stolen child they put a puppy or a doll. It is required that the 
child should be taken out through a window, and that the Htory should then be set afloat that 
he was stolen by passing ti-avellei's. (See table of relationships in the Polish edition.) 



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02 W. G. SuMKER.— r//c Yakuts, 

[p. 567.] In favour of the explanation of tlie vague relationship between a 
cliild and its parents by the vagueness of the marriage relationship is the analysis 
of the terms " father," " mother," " husband " and " wife," and also some ancient 
customs and existing vKyt'es. There is no name for " father " amongst the Yakuts, 
which admits of a natural and simple explanation, like the word for " mother." 
The word for " mother " means " the procreatress," but the word for " father " 
f hould be translated " older man." When the author asked questions to clear up 
this point, the persons inquired of asked him to indicate more precisely whether 
the person he meant was born earlier or later than the one named ; and this they 
did with respect to women as well as men. They explained that the word in 
question meant " father," but that in some phrases it was necessary to understand 
it as " elder." They have a corresponding word for " older sister " or " older aunt " ; 
yet when the phrase i-efers to the point of growth, this word means only "a 
woman who was born earlier." The lack of a special name for " father " is the 
more strange because the Yakuts have special terms for more remote relatives up 
OS far as the great grandfather, although even then the female origin is moi-e 
clearly expressed than the male origin. This vagueness in regard to the male 
blood tie, side by side with the definiteness of the female connection with the 
offspring, is very significant. If, in connection with this, we also remember that 
the familia, in the Latin sense of the word, bears a name which means " mother-^6 " 
(f/e-usm), and that many " father-siJ " (aga-^tssa) of the present time, and even Naalcys, 
according to tradition, take their origin from women, and that one of the favourite 
motives of the Yakut folk tales, on a line with the search for a wife, is the search 
for a "father," then we have reason to devote particular attention to this class of 
facts. It is a current fact in the legends that the heroes do not know who their 
fathers were. 

The author does not venture to draw more positive conclusions with resi)ect 
to the ancient marriage institution, but he thinks it safe to assume that it was, in 
its origin, entirely different from the present one, not only by virtue of the fact 
that endogamy then prevailed, but also on account of the peculiar relations 
between the sexes. Unions between them, inside of the st6, were exceedingly free 
and non-permanent. The children could know only their mothers, and they coidd 
know them only up to a certain point of their own age ; after that they forgot this 
relationsliip. It was supplanted by a feeling of belonging to a certain group. 
Within that group there were only " men " and " women," older or younger than 
the person in question. There are out-of-the-way places amongst them now where 
the current word of the language for "wife" is unknown; they meet it with 
laughter. The words they use mean " woman " or " old woman " or " mistress of 
the house." A word for "husband" exists nowhere amongst the Yakuts. The 
current word means properly " man." They have no words for " divorce," " widow," 
or " widower." The first is entirely unknown to them. They have adopted the 
Kussian word for " widow," but they apply it to every bereaved person. One of 
their proverbs is: — "A woman without a man is the same as a herd of cattle 



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W. G. Sumner.— TA^ Yahits. 93 

without a master." A widow with her property and her little children passes over 
to the brothers, uncles, or nephews of the husband, and in all probability, in 
ancient times, she not infrequently became the concubine of one of them. There 
is proof in tlie customs that there was a time when, even during the life of the 
husband, it was demanded that measures should be taken against eventual claims 
of tlie nearest relatives of the men upon wives who had come from abroad. 

RelativeS'in-law. — There was a well known custom according to which a bride 
should avoid showing heraelf or her uncovered body to her father-in-law. In 
ancient times, they say, a bride concealed herself for seven years from her father- 
in-law, and from the brothers and other masculine relatives of her husband. The 
young people lived in the left, or women's half of the house, and behind the screen, 
which was always found in the ancient houses. Looking through a crack in this, 
she watched until her husband's male relatives were busy, and then, concealing 
herself carefully behind the chimney [which stood free in the middle of the house], 
she went out into the yard, rarely through the door of the house, more frequently 
through the stable. The men also tried not to meet her, saying, "The poor 
child will be ashamed." If a meeting cx)uld not be avoided, the young woman put 
a mask on her face. Sometimes she died before her father-in-law had seen her 
face. Not until then was it proper for him to look at her so as to know whether 
she was pretty or what she was like. Nowadays the young wives only avoid 
showing to their male relatives-in-law the imcovered body. Amongst the rich, 
they avoid going about in the presence of these in the chemise alone. They put 
on a short gown. In some places, they lay especial emphasis on the fact that it is a 
shame for young wives to show their uncovered hair and feet to the male relatives 
of their husbands. On the other side, the male relatives of the husband ought to 
avoid showing to the young wife the body uncovered above the elbow or the sole 
of the foot, and they ought to avoid indecent expressions and vulgar vitupemtives 
in her presence. Nevertheless, the author heard nothing amongst them about the 
status of the daughter-in-law. That the whole custom which has just been 
described is not a manifestation of respect for the husband's relatives, but a 
prudential device, is to be see.n from the fact that nothing of the kind is observed 
in presence of the mother-in-law and old women. Also that those observances are 
not the result of a specially delicate modesty is proved by the fact that even 
young girls constantly twist thread upon the naked thigh, unembarrassed by the 
presence of men who do not belong to the household ; nor do they show any 
embarrassment if a strange man comes upon them when uncovered to the waist 
The one thing which they do not like, and at which thoy show anger, is that such 
persons look carefully at their uncovered feet. The former custom of peculiar 
behaviour towards male relatives-in-law is gradually being abandoned. Also the 
former simplicity of their mores, with lack of shame in uncovering the body, is 
disappearing. 

In all probability, endogamy did not at once give way to exogamy. Both 
forms long existed f^nd competed with each other for exclusive validity. It may 



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94 W. G. SOMNER.— 7%6 Yakuts. 

be that the first captive or slave wives were a violation of some customs of the stfe, 
and that they concealed themselves in the beginning from all the sih relatives of 
the husband, since these only endured them and did not recognise them. 
Unfriendly behaviour toward the wives within the bounds of the sib undoubtedly 
occurred. 

Reasons for Polygamy. — ^The Yakuts gave up polygamy at the beginning of 
the last century on their conversion to Christianity. They petitioned the govern- 
ment against the abolition of polygamy in the following terms : " Rich Yakuts had 
many wives for oversight of the numerous houses and cattle which ordinarily were 
in different places ; for wives took more zealous care of property than indifferent 
hired persons. Hence the housekeeping was improved and the property was 
increased under polygamy." The Christianised Chukches gave a similar justification 
for polygamy. They said that they could not get on without a plurality of wives, 
because, for fear of contagious diseases, they were compelled to break up and scatter 
their herds of reindeer. [A wife was required for the care of each sub-division.] 

According to the official figures of 1889, there were amongst the Yakuts 
110,982 men and 110,221 women. Hence polygamy was impossible for the gi*eat 
mass of tlio people. 

The price of a bride was formerly not less than ten head of cattle. Midden- 
dorf says that in his time the price was ten head of cattle of each kind, ten mares, 
ten cows, ten stallions, and ten bulls, from 500 to 5,000 rubles in value. Hence to 
have more than one wife was a privilege of the richest. 

Statics of Women. — A wife, according to the notion of the Yakuts, is above all 
things a household labourer ; she guards and increases the property ; she has no 
rights in the family ; she can punish a disobedient child, and that is aU. She has 
no property ; her husband has the right to squander even her dower to the last 
head of cattle and the last chemise. They more often beat women than 
children. Outside of tlie family, the rights of the wife are still less than in 
it. Civil right she has absolutely none. In ancient times the husband has 
the right of life and death over her. Once a war captive, she is now a purchased 
slave. Exogamy and permanent marriage have completely put an end to the 
independence of the Yakut woman. Those customs have excluded her from 
membership in the sib. Outside of the family, there remains no place for 
her, and at the head of the new form of the family stands her husband. If a 
Yakut woman is not married, her position after the death of her parents becomes 
still harder ; she is delivered over to a permanent inferiority ; to the reproaches 
and the exploitation of all her relatives, brother, uncles, nephews, and, worst of all, 
their wives and children. This is why the Yakut women are very anxious to be 
married, and sincerely mourn in case of the death of even ill-natured and cruel 
husbands. An orphan girl, or a young childless widow, is compelled to nin about 
from one guardian to anothei', or to live with some one of them in the capacity 
of a permanent and unconditional labourer. Her possessions such a guardian 
considers as his own property, and if she should marry, it is mrely the case that 



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W. G. Sumner.— 7%^ YakiUs. 95 

she can recover them at his hands. No one has any desire to take her part, or to 
enter into a quarrel with her guardian, wlio is sure to be a man of importance in 
the sib. The men zealously guard their own privilege of exclusive participation in 
the meetings of the sib. Women who cannot endure the cruel usage of their 
husbands rarely complain to the sib of the husband, but prefer to take refuge 
under the protection of their own ; the latter generally sends them back. 
Nevertheless, the flight of a wife brings so much unpleasant experience upon 
the husband, and gives occasion for so much ridicule, that husbands avoid 
provoking their wives to this point. Cases in which wives ran away from their 
husbands were especially numerous just at the time when Christianity was 
preached amongst the Yakuts. Conversion to Christianity and marriage with 
Christians freed the women from prosecution by the authorities of the siK Great 
numbers of women took advantage of this. After Christianity had been estab- 
lished, the device ceased to be available. 

A wife can expect no protection in the sib of her husband, and in his 
immediate household all unite heartily against her, since she is an outsider from 
another sib. Tiie maiden sisters of the husband enjoy an especially bad repute 
amongst Yakut women. Evidently there is here a traditional enmity, but often it 
is founded in the nature of things. The author gives a case known to him, in 
which a woman of exceptional merit and ability was persecuted by the maiden 
sisters of her husband, who spoke ill of her to him and stimulated him to harsh- 
ness against her. He also knows cases of suicide by young wives under the 
persecution of the husband and his relatives. Neither law nor customary right 
offers any protection against these persecutions. If anything restrains them, it is 
the trouble and expense of buying another wife. In this way the protection of 
the sib of the woman, translated now into a large ransom, has done the women a 
good service. It has softened the family mw^es, and taught their masters to give 
them some protection. Their position has been little changed up to the present 
time. Of course there are exceptions. There are women who rule their husbands 
as European women do ; there are disobedient daughters, and there are energetic 
widows, wlio keep large households in terror ; but this can be tlie case amongst 
the Yakuts only when the circumstances are favourable to a far greater degree 
than amongst Russians. Everything is against the women ; the conditions of 
labour, which require a family organisation, and the land tenure which recognises 
the men only as having a share ; and traditions and education. 

A boy almost from the cradle hears that he is the master, the worker, the 
future support and hope of the family. They feed and clothe him better than 
they do the girls ; they compel his sisters to give way to him in a quarrel ; and 
they inspire liim with contempt for his sisters and in general for feminine 
occupations. Amongst their proverbs are : "A woman's mind is shorter than her 
hair " ; " Women, though they have long hair, are narrow-minded." Amongst their 
sayings are : " We consider our daughters as outsiders ; they will be obliged to go 
away to other people." " Whatever work a woman may do, there is no profit from 



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96 W. G. Sumner.— 7%€ Yahu^. 

her." " If a woman passes between me and my fire, she can spoil for me both my 
handicraft and my hick." "We Yakuts in old times despised women. We 
thought them unclean." Various epithets for " womanish," in a contemptuous 
sense, are met with at every step. In the folk tales women are objects of ridicule, 
and in the traditions the heroes call each other " women " in vituperation. 

Women, especially when they are pregnant, are forbidden by custom to eat 
some dishes and to touch some things. They are considered in some sense 
unclean. They spoil the gun of a hunter, and lessen the good fortune of a handi- 
craftsman. All this has brought the women to recognise from childhood their 
own worthlessness and rightlessness, and has made them servile and cringing. 
Yakut women are in general far more obedient and humble than Russian women. 
You will hear any well-bred Yakut woman say with conviction : " The husband is 
our lord ; he feeds us ; he gets us what we need, and protects us." This is the 
current opinion. The author has more than once heard hard-working women 
express it, although tliey did not only their own work, but that of their huslmnds ; 
and also clever women, who far surpassed in cultivation their stupid husbands. 
When such a husband beat such a wife, she was asked why she did not give 
him a good thrashing, and then he would let her alone. " It's impossible," she 
a^iswered with a smile, " he is the husband. If I should beat liim, people would 
cease to respect him, and that would be bad for both of us, and for our children." 

[p. 578.] Sejj Mm^es. — The Yakuts see nothing immoral in illicit love, 
provided only that nobody suffers material loss by it. It is true that parents will 
scold a daughter, if her conduct threatens to deprive them of their gain from 
the bride-price ; but if once they have lost hope of marrying her off, or if the 
bride-price has been spent, then they manifest complete indifference to her 
conduct. Tlie time which young wives spend with their parents after the wedding 
is the merriest and freest time they ever know. The young men hover about 
them like flies, but the parents pretend to take no notice, and even in most cases 
take advantage in their household work of the serviceability of these aspirants. 
They only strive that these connections may not be long continued, and may not 
become notorious ; for this might bring upon them unpleasant consequences Ivoxw 
the family of the husband, and might lessen the quantity of gifts which they might 
expect later. Maidens who no longer expect marriage are not restrained at all, 
and if they observe decorum, it is only from habit and out of respect to custom. 
Tlie young women of the community in which the author lived, in autumn, with 
the knowledge of the old people, went out to live in a separate house, on the bank 
of a lake, where every evening young men of the neighbourhood went to join 
them. They spent the evening in singing, story-telling and witty conversation. 
The author having chanced upon them one evening, they entertained him with 
food and tea, and when he started to leave, the twenty-two year old sister of the 
man with whom he lived, who at home was ordinarily very modest and reserved, 
openly proposed herself to him for the night. At the time of weddings, and at the 
festivity of the sib (esseah) the oversight over the maidens is exceedingly weakened. 



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W. G. Sumner.— 7%e YakifM 97 

The current opinion does not approve of mothers who take their young daughters 
with them to those places. In games the young men are free with their hands 
and the girls do not especially defend themselves. The author was a witness of 
proceedings which fully confirmed the statement above made that sisters are never 
allowed to depart in marriage as virgins. [This shows that exogamy cannot be 
due to horror of incest] The birth of an illegitimate child, and illegitimacy, are 
not regarded as a disgrace. If such children are vigorous and active they are 
treated in the family with the same affection as lawful children, or even with more. 

[p. 581.] Love in Marriage. — The author devoted attention to the question, 
what place is occupied in marriage, and in the life of the people, by love ? 
Evidently in marriage they consider it superfluous. They esteem more highly a 
peaceful status, founded on friendship, esteem, and recognition of the solidarity of 
interests, than any passionate attraction. Previous acquaintance between bride 
and groom is regarded as superfluous. Most marriages are brought about without 
the participation or consent of the young people. Only an extreme repugnance 
to each other on the part of the two, as a consequence of which a passionate and 
stubborn protest is manifested, may sometimes win attention. If such a protest is 
made by the man, it more frequently is respected, but they compel daughters, 
even grown women and widows, by force, and without discussion, to ent^r into 
marrif^e against their will. For this purpose they beat them, or threaten to drive 
them out destitute from the house. The author mentions a case in which a 
man compelled the widow of his brother to take as her husband a man whom she 
did not like, by the threat to take away her children and property from her. 
She was living at the time in open union with the brother of the husband who 
was forced upon her. It must not be understood that the feeling of love is 
unknown to the Yakuts, or that they do not know how to value it. In their 
popular songs, which the boys and girls sing under their voices when sitting at 
work, there is manifested a well-defined ideal of beauty. In these songs, just 
as in European love songs, black eyebrows, an erect figure, rounded hips, flashing 
eyes, silvery tones of the voice, etc., are praised. Sometimes they also speak 
in honour of mental and moral qualities, such as a pure heart, cleverness, 
accessibility, industry on the part of men, and on the pait of women, tenderness, 
self-sacrifice, and modesty. 

[p. 614.] Notion of the other World. — The Yakuts feel the joy of life, but 
trouble themselves little about the morrow, especially about the morrow of death. 
The notion of the purpose of existence, and of the futurity of all living things, of 
the end of the world, and of all tliat which happens to men after the end of life is 
very weakly developed amongst them ; and even that little about these subjects 
which they borrowed with Christianity from the Eussians has faded into the 
backgro und of their minds. With the exception of some shadowy conceptions of 
the Biblical paradise and hell, they have scarcely any beliefs about the connection 
between this life and the other life, in the way of rewards and punishments. The 
author quotes a description of Hades and of the souls living there as follows : 
Vol. XXXI (N.S. IV). H 



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98 W. G. Sumner.— rA« Yakuts, 

" Beyond the eight grades of heaven, on the west side, where there is no day, but 
constant, gloomy night, where there is no summer, but only the winter wind 
whistles, with a reversed, wretched, and irregular course of the gloomy, nocturnal 
sun turned upside down, with a reversed circuit of the crooked moon, with 
maidens who never get husbands, with youths who never take wives, with 
stallions whom the mares never accept, with bulls whom the cows never accept, 
consisting of a house of stone and iron, so built that the top part of it is narrow, 
the bottom part flattened out, and the middle bulging." 

Mortuary and Furwary Usages. — The Yakuts have a custom of making 
presents to their acquaintances before death. They give away cattle, chattels, and 
more rarely, clothing and money. They think that washing the corpse is 
obligatory ; but they put it off till the last thing in order to avoid superfluous 
trouble and busying themselves unpleasantly with the corpse. The dying person 
is often dressed in his grave-clothes while still alive. These clothes, even amongst 
the poorest people, are kept in store for this purpose ; so that they are new or 
scarcely worn at all. One thing about which the dying Yakut really cares is that 
some domestic animal may be slaughtered immediately after his death, in order 
that, riding on it, or with it, he may accomplish his journey into the lower world. 
With this purpose for men, they slaughter oxen and horses, and for women, cows, 
young ones if the wealth of the deceased admits of a choice, and of course they 
select by preference beasts of burden on which one can ride, and above all, fat 
ones. The spirits of the dead will have to drive before them cows and calves with 
a switch ; or to lead them by ropes tied around the horns, which is attended with 
some inconvenience. Poor people kill the most worthless of the animals which 
they have. In the north, they often kill reindeer, but whether they kill sledge- 
dogs, the author does not know : he thinks not. The labourers who make the 
coffins and dig the graves, the literary persons who read the Psalter over the 
deceased, and the neighbours who visit the house at this time, are fed with the 
meat of the slaughtered animals. In the north, where in general all their customs 
have been better preserved, and where now they are observed with greater 
accuracy, even the very poorest families try to provide for the funeral feast of a 
member some animal, even if it is only a sucking calf. Sometimes they sacrifice 
for this purpose the last miserable cow. A Russian soldier at a military station 
wanted a monument set up on the grave of his brother who had died at that 
place while on a journey. " If you want to hire us for that purpose," said the 
Yakuts to him, " then you must kill an animal, a calf or a reindeer. No blood 
has been poured out on tlie grave of your brother, and we are afraid." If a well- 
to-do householder dies, and his relatives offer only a miserable funeral feast, then 
in the other world, the demons will pursue and torment his spirit, saying to him : 
*•' Is that your cattle ? It is miserable. Is tliat your funeral feast ? " 

When the soul, in spite of the feast before death, and the expected funeral 
feast, and the other consolations, does not want to depart, and the dying man is 
tormented in a prolonged agony, then they place by the bed a cup of water, in 



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W. G. Sumner.— rAe Yahtts. 99 

order that the soul before its departure may have the possibility of bathing itself. 
The corpse, when dressed, is placed in the chief comer of the house, on the bench, 
where it lies three days. The rites of the Eussian church are performed over it, 
reading the Psalter, burning candles, incense, etc. The grave should be dug down 
a fathom or more to the ground which never thaws, in order that the body and 
the clothing may remain intact as long as possible. If there is not upon the 
grave elevation a cross and monument, then the angel of the resurrection will not 
know that a human being is buried there. The angel does not like a bad odour, 
and would avoid the place. It would be a mistake also to make the grave too 
deep, for the voice of the angel cannot be heard more than three fathoms down. 
All metallic ornaments are carefully removed from the grave clothes. Strings of 
leather or fibre are used in place of buttons and clasps. They leave only the cross 
hung from the neck and the betrothal ring, and in the case of women, the 
ear-rings ; but these must in no case be of silver, but of brass. Poor people even 
make them of wood. 

When the coflBn is ready, they put the body in it and cover it over with white 
cotton cloth. In the left hand they place a passport [they use this word], in order 
that the ghost may be received into paradise, where it will live as it did on earth. 
If it had no passport, those of the other world would say to it, " Friend, you have 
gone astray," and it would have to go on beyond the forty-four lands where the 
demons live. On the third day, in the morning, they either carry the coffin, or 
place it on an ox, never on a horse, in order to bring it to the grave. Nobody 
accompanies it but the bearers and the grave-digger, and these make haste to 
finish their task as quickly as possible and hurry away home. When returning 
they would not for anything look backwards, but when they come into the gateway 
of the enclosure, or the door of the house, they themselves go, and they lead the 
beasts by which the corpse was carried, across a bonfire, lighted by them, built of 
the chips and shavings left over from the coffin, and also of the straw on which the 
corpse had lain. The spades, sleigh, and in general all that which was used in any 
way whatever for the interment, they break up and leave on the grave elevation. If 
they bury a child, then they hang up there on a tree his cradle, and they leave 
there his playthings. Formerly they left on the grave food, furniture, tools, dishes, 
and other objects indispensable in life. Now that custom has died out. In the 
north, on ancient graves, the author often found rusted and broken kettles, knives, 
spear-points, arrow- points, stirrups, and rings from harnesses and saddles, — all 
broken, punctured, and spoiled, with the purpose, as the natives explain, that the 
dead might not be able with them to harm the living. 

Shamans and shamanesses are buried in just the same manner as ordinary 
people, but without the ceremonies of the church, somewhere in a remote nook in 
a grove or in a forest opening, which latter place is especially beloved by spirits 
and shamans. On a tree near the grave, they hang up the drum and magical dress 
of the deceased. They bury those persons with great haste by night, or at 
evening, and always afterwards carefully avoid the places where they are buried. 

H 3 



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100 W. G. SuMNEK.— J%e YakuU. 

Superstitions cibout the Dead. — In general, the remains of a deceased person, 
wherever buried, inspire a Yakut with great fear. Such remains cause great 
interferences with nature, arousing winds, blizzards, and bad weather. The 
remains of a shaman produce all these phenomena in a very extraordinary degree. 
Tf, after a burial, the wind blows, that is a good thing, because the wind blows 
away all traces left by the deceased ; otherwise upon these traces it is possible that 
many more living souls might go away into the lower world. In ancient times 
the Yakuts disposed of their dead on the branches of trees, or on narrow wooden 
platforms raised upon two posts. Even now such structures may be found in 
places in the woods. This was a foreign custom borrowed by the Yakuts from the 
Tunguses and the Yukagirs. In some districts the people who are a little well-to- 
do, in the case of a death, at once abandon the house, if not forever, at least for 
a time. They say there (in the Kolymsk district) that in ancient times, when 
anyone died, the inhabitants fled from the house, leaving in it the corpse with aU 
the goods which belonged to the person when he was alive. 

[p. 621.] The Old and the Helpless, — A local tradition is met with that in 
ancient times, if an old person became extremely decrepit, or if anyone became 
ill beyond hope of recovery, such person generally be^ed his beloved children or 
relatives to bury him. Then the neighbours were called together, the best and 
fattest cattle were slaughtered, and they feasted for three days, during which 
time the one who was to die, dressed in his best travelling clothes, sat in the 
foremost place and received from all who were present marks of respect and the 
best pieces of food. On the third day the relative chosen by him led him into 
the wood and unexpectedly thrust him into a hole previously prepared. They 
then left him together with vessels, tools, and food, to die of hunger. Sometimes 
an old man and wife were buried together; sometimes an ox or horse was buried 
alive with them ; and sometimes a saddled horse was tied up to a post set in 
the ground near by, and left there to die of hunger. This tradition is met with 
on the Aldan Eiver. 

A fine tree attracts the attention of the Yakut A Yakut will charge his 
friends to bury him under such a tree. Gmelia (II, 447) says that formerly they 
burned their dead, or placed them in trees, or left them in the huts where they 
died, and which dl others left. There was also a custom to burn, on a separate 
fire, a beloved slave of the deceased, in order that he might serve his master in the 
other world. This custom was brought to an end by the Eussian conquest 

Goblinism and Demonism, — During the time that the corpse is unburied, now 
not more than three days, the spirit does not leave the earth ; the demons drive it 
about in all the places where it was accustomed to be during life, which makes it 
hard for anyone who had travelled much while alive. During that time, the ghost 
makes its presence known to the living by difTerent knocks and sounds. 
Sometimes it can be heard to weep and complain ; sometimes it is possible to see 
how it is trying to carry on its former household tasks. It gives hay to the cattle, 
or washes dishes, or handles straps, or rummages in the boxes in the store-room. 



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W. G. SUMNKR.— 7%« YaktOs. 101 

Once in a house in which the authoi: was, all with the exception of himself heard 
the rustling and knocking of the ghosts of two old people recently deceased, in the 
walls. When the head of the animal which had constituted the funeral feast was 
eaten, the old people went away and became quiet. Some ghosts never come to 
rest ; such a ghost is called a yor. Any ghost may become a yor if, when he is 
asked in the other world what he left on earth, he answers, "House, cattle, 
husband or wife, children, father, mother, relatives," and, when asked if he wants 
to go back to them, answers "Yes." That is why a yor most frequently 
torments his own nearest relatives. He hinders them from living their own 
lives, and from taking any pleasure, by constantly reminding them of himself. 
The relationships which surrounded the deceased during life also have influence on 
the question whether he will turn into a yor, but the most frequent case is that 
some ceremony has not been accurately performed ; that some piece of meat or fat 
has not been completely eaten up. In a certain case they said that on the day 
after a wedding, the deceased brother and sister of the bride began to torment her 
by the pranks of a yor, because the wedding party had forgotten to make a libation 
of vodka, and to cast a bit of the fat or butter or meat on the fire. It was 
necessary then to call a shaman, or the bride would suflfer from the yors all 
her life. 

An aged Yakut woman told the author that when she was a child, she 
once became very ill. Her father called in a shaman, who went through his 
performances for seven days, calling on all the demons ; but they all answered, 
" We are not the ones," — and her life was despaired of. Then by chance there 
came to the hut a person who saw predictive dreams ; he lay down and dreamed. 
When he awoke, he told that he saw in his dream how the decefiwed grandfather 
of the child, on the mother's side, sat by the chimney, and having put his feet on 
the hearth, warmed them while he stirred up with his stick the ashes and talked 
to himself, saying, " They do not see me with their eyes ; they do not hear me 
with their ears ; from the beloved child I will never depart. I will sit here to get 
something ; to eat something." As soon as they knew this, the shavian began his 
arts again, and finally compelled the old man to acknowledge his presence. He 
was stubborn for a long time, saying, " I will not go. I will not go. I will not 
eat the child, I love her very much. That is why I caress her, but she does not 
endure that." Finally the mother and father begged the old man to go away, and 
he went. The child recovered. 

All who die in childhood, all who do not live out their appointed term, all 
who are murdei'ed or die suddenly, suicides and drowned persons, all who are 
buried and go to eternity without the rites of the church, become yors. In ancient 
times everyone who died became a yor, but with the introduction of Christianity, 
their number has been greatly diminished. The souls of sJuimans and shaTuanesses, 
of witches and sorcerers, of evil and envious persons, and of those who are hot- 
tempered, or are out of the ordinary kind, by virtue of something or other, become 
yors. They serve the higher powers as labourers. Having entered into living 



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102 W. G. Sumner.— ^Ae YakUs. 

persons, they cripple their bodies, spoil their eyes and their entrails, break their 
bones, make theni hysterical, throw them out of their senses ; but sometimes endow 
them with magical powers and so make slmmaTis of them. 

SJiamaiis UTid SJiamaTiesses, — A shainan whose name meant " The-man-who- 
fell-from-heaven," told the author about his career as a shaman. He was sixty 
years old, of middle stature, a dried up, muscular old man, although it was evident 
that he had once been vigorous and active. Even when seen, he could still 
perform shamanistic rites, jump and dance the whole night through without 
becoming weary. He had travelled from the northern to the southern extremities 
of the Yakut territory. His countenance was dark and full of active expression. 
His features resembled the Tungus type. The pupil of his eye was surrounded by 
a double ring of a dull green colour. When he was practising his magic, his eyes 
took on a peculiar, unpleasant dull glare, and an expression of idiocy, and their 
persistent stare, as the author observed, excited and disturbed those upon whom 
he fixed it. Another sliaman who was observed had the same peculiarities ot the 
eyes. In general, there is in the appearance of a shavian something peculiar, 
which enabled the author, after some practice, to distinguish them with great 
certainty in the midst of a number of persons who were present. They are 
distinguished by a certain energy and mobility of the muscles of the face, which 
generally amongst the Yakuts are immobile. There is also in their movements a 
noticeable spryness. Besides this, in the north, they all without exception wear 
their hair long enough to fall on their shoulders. Generally they braid it behind 
the head into a queue, or tie it into a tuft. In the south, near the city of Yakutsk, 
where the clergy and government persecute them, and where they are compelled 
to hide, long hair is rare. " The-man-who-fell-from-heaven " declared that he did 
not like long hair because the little yors frisk about in it and torment him. He 
could not get rid of them without cutting it ofiF. Some shamans are as passionately 
devoted to their calling as drunkards to drink. This man had several times been 
condemned to punishment ; his professional dress and drum had been burned ; his 
hair had been cut off, and he had been compelled to make a number of obeisances 
and to fast. He told the author, " We do not carry on this calling without paying 
for it. Our masters (the spirits) keep a zealous watch over us, and woe betide us 
afterwards if we do not satisfy them ! But we cannot quit it ; we cannot cease 
to practice sliaman rites. Yet we do no evil." 

The amount of payment given to a shavian differs. He is paid only in case 
his sorcery produces the desired result. Then he sometimes gets twenty-five 
rubles, or even more. Generally he is paid one ruble and his entertainment 
Besides that he eats, and in some places takes home with him, a part of the meat of 
the animal sacrificed at the ceremony. The shamanistic gift is not hereditary, 
although there are some popular sayings which indicate a notion of some blood 
relationship between shamans. His guardian spirit is believed, at the death of a 
sha7nan, to seek a new residence in one of his blood relatives. This guardian spirit 
is essential to every shavian. Even the greater sAawiaTW nmst have a tutelary spirit 



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W. G. SviAjmu—The Takuts. 103 

(amagat). This animal form is the one which the shaman assumes in the spirit- 
world. It may be compared with the Manito of the Red Indian, and is known in 
Yakut as ye-ie«/a (= mother-animal). All sharjians hide their ye-keela cai^fuUy. 
(See the Polish edition, p. 396.) Only once in the year, when the last snow melts 
and the whole ground becomes black, do these animal forms of the shamans 
show themselves on earth. Then the spirits of the shamans embodied in them 
rush hither and thither. Ordinary people do not perceive them, but only the eyes 
of the soi-cerera. The strong and bold ye-keela fly about with noise and with 
zealous activity, but the weak ones creep about timidly. The yc-keela of the 
sliamanesses are remarkable for excessive jealousy and quarrelsomeness, and if a 
real sorceress is found amongst them, she will give way to no one. Inexperienced 
or jealous shamans often get into fights. The consequence is disease or death 
for the one whose familiar spirit has been slain. 

It does not depend on the will of the shaman whether he will obtain a 
guardian and protecting spirit (amagat) and ye-keela, that is to say, the qualities 
which belong to such. It either comes to pass accidentally, or is predestinated 
from above. " The-man-who-fell-from-heaven " told how he got a guardian amagat 
as follows: "Once when I was travelling in the north, I had gathered on the mountain 
a pile of wood. It was necessary for me to cook my dinner at once, so 1 set fire to 
the pile of wood. It happened, however, that a distinguished Tungus shaman had 
been buried beneath the place where the wood pile was. His spirit took possession 
of me." When this man performs his rites, the Tungus origin of his am<igat is 
shown by the fact that he mutters TunguS words and makes Tungus gestures. 
Dififerent spirits come to him when performing ; for instance, a Eussian devil, the 
daughter of a demon, with a demon youth, as well as the Tungus spirit. The first 
shows Russian characteristics. He asks for vodka, and a maiden. The second and 
third behave themselves in an extremely free and easy manner, and, without 
ceremony, they ask those who are present whether they have pudenda. It will 
not do at all to answer these questions affirmatively. He who does so will become 
impotent The demon youth mutilates the females, and the girl demon the 
malea 

The mightiest sorcerers are those whose guardian spirits are sent by Ulutoyon, 
the great deity himself. Of such there could be, they said, in the whole land of 
the Yakuts, only four at a time, corresponding to the four Ulnses of the Yakuts 
which were first formed. In each of these Uluses there are special sihs which are 
distinguished for strength in sorcery, in the midst of which, from time to time, a 
great shamun appears. 

[p. 631.] The further north we go, the greater ability do the shamnns 
manifest. The shamanesses have greater might than the men. In general the 
feminine element has a very prominent rdle in sorcery amongst the Yakuts. In 
the Kolmyck district the shamunSy for want of any special di-ess, put on women*B 
dress. They wear their hair long and comb and braid it as women do. According 
to the popular belief, any shaman of moie than ordinary power can bear children 



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104 W. G. Sumner.— 7%^ YakiUs. 

like a woman. It is narrated of one of them that he gave birth several times ; 
amongst the rest, to a fox. Another gave birth to a raven, and the birth was so 
difficult that he nearly died. They give birth also to gulls, ducks and puppies. 
The whole proceeding, in sorcery, has a fantastic character. The songs are richly 
embellished with suggestions and parallels chiefly borrowed from the domain of 
sex functions. The dances constantly pass over into indecent gestures and 
movements. 

Siniths. — Smiths stand in a close and peculiar relation to shamans. Popular 
sayings are ; " Smiths and shamans come out of one nest." " Smit/is and shamans 
stand on the same plane." " The wife of a shaman is to be respected ; the wife of 
a smith is worthy of honour." Smiths also are able to cure diseases, to give counsel 
and to make predictions ; yet their dexterities lack any magical character ; they 
are only clever men who know a great deal, and whose fingers are expert. Smiths, 
especially in the north, generally transmit the craft from father to son. In the 
ninth generation a smith obtains almost supernatural qualities, and the more of a 
man's ancestors were smiths, the more real these qualities are. In the legends, 
mention is often made of sniitJis ; they are called an honoured band. Spirits are, 
above aU, afraid of the clink of iron and of the roar of the bellows in activity. In 
the Kolymsk Ultis, a shamun was not wilUng to perform until the author should 
take out from the hut his box of instruments, and after the shaman had failed, he 
explained to tlie bystanders that the spirits are afraid of the smith (the author), 
and therefore will not come at the call. Only in the ninth generation can a smith 
without danger for himself forge the iron ornaments of the shaman*s professional 
dress and drum, or the brazen breastplate with the figure of a man, which 
represents the tutelary spirit of the shaman and is put on when he is about to per- 
form. The saying is : " If a smith who has forged the decorations of a sHiamxin has 
not enough of the qualities of his own sTJw^A-ancestors, if the sound of their hammers 
and the flash of their fires do not surround him on every side, then birds with 
crooked claws and beaks will tear his heart." Amongst such venerated hereditary 
smiths, the tools have acquired souls, so that they can give out sounds of them- 
selves. On a fine professional dress of a shamun, there will be fiom thirty to 
forty pounds of iron. The dress costs from three to fifteen rubles, [p. 635.] 
According to the common belief, the metallic attachments of the shammCs dress 
have the peculiarity that they do not rust ; they have a soul. 

Leechc^raft. — The shamxins cure all diseases, but especially such as are 
mysterious, being nervous affections, such as hysterics, mental derangement, 
convulsions, and St. Vitus* dance ; also impotence, sterility, puerperal fever, etc. ; 
then diseases of the internal organs, especially such as cause the patient to groan, 
scream, and toss about ; then also wounds, broken and decayed bones, headache, 
inflammation of the eyes, rheumatic fever ; besides these also all epidemic diseases 
and consumption; but this last they treat only with a view to alleviation, 
considering it incurable. They refuse to treat diarrhoea, scarlet fever, measles, 
small-pox, syphilis, scrofula, and leprosy, which they call "the great disease." 



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W. G. SvMNEii,— The Yakuts. 105 

They are especially afraid of small-pox, and take care not to perform their rites 
in a house where a case of it has recently occurred. They call small-pox and 
measles "old women," and say that they are two Eussian sisters dressed in 
Russian fashion, who go to visit in person those houses where they have marked 
their victims. All diseases come from evil spirits who have taken possession of 
men. Methods of cure are always of the same kind, and consist in propitiating 
or driving away the uninvited guest. The simplest method of cure is by fire. 
A boy whose woimded finger became inflamed, came to the conclusion, which the 
bystanders shared, that a yor had established itself in the finger. Desiring' to 
drive it out, he took a burning coal and began to apply it around the place while 
blowing upon it. When the burned flesh began to blister, and then burst with a 
little crackle, then the curious group which had crowded around him flew back 
with a cry of terror, and the wounded boy, with a smile of self-satisfaction, 
said : — " You saw how he jumped out." A man who had the rheumatism had his 
body marked all over with deep burnings. As soon as he had any pain, he applied 
fire to the seat of it. 

[p. 637.] Exorcism, — In order to drive out demons which torment people in 
sleep, it is a good plan to put any iron cutting instruments under the bed ; or to 
put near by any iron rod, axe, or other tool. The most trustworthy thing of all, 
although not always applicable, is fire, placed between the victim and his 
tormentor. An expiring fire-brand cast down by the threshold of the house door 
is often used by the Yakuts to prevent evil spirits from getting into the house. 
Often when they first bring into the s£able beasts which they have newly 
obtained, they lead them through fire. Not only sounds and objects, but people 
possess the power, some of them temporarily, others permanently, without 
exertion, to infuse terror into the invisible powers. For instance, a man who has 
killed a bear can cure some diseases. 

Observation justifies the division of shamans into great, middling, and petty. 
Some of them dispose of light and darkness in such a masterly manner, also of 
silence and incantation ; the modulation of the voice is so flexible ; the gestures so 
peculiar and expressive ; the blows of the drum and the tone of them correspond 
so well to the moment : and all is intertwined with such an original series of 
unexpected words, witty observations, artistic and often elegant metaphors, that 
involuntarily you give yourself up to the charm of watching, this wild and free 
evocation of a wild and free spirit. 

In the northern part of the Yakut territory, when the shaman is about to 
perform under the auspices of some householder, the latter having selected the 
best straps he possesses, ties a kind of double noose, which is then put around the 
shoulders of the shaman in order to hold him by the free end of this strap while 
he is dancing, so that the spirits may not steal him away. 

[p. 645.] The dance of the shaman figures the journey to heaven in company 
with the spirits and the sacrificed cattle. In ancient times there were shamans 
who actually went to heaven and saw those who were there. There were some 



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106 W. G. SuBiNEK.— 5%e YaJ(nU8. 

even who were so clever that instetwi of I'eal cattle they took to heaven a fictitious 
" shadowy " mare ; but such shamans are not received in heaven. A cow offered 
in sacrifice is tied to the first of a series of posts ; a rope is tied to this post, and 
then to each of the others in the series, rising higher and higher from the groimd 
as it goes on. A rag is tied to this line between each pair of posts. 

[p. 654.] Deities. — Ai-toyon is the personification of existence in general. 
That part of existence which is manifested in each living thing is personified in a 
spiBcial deity called Ulu-toyon. The latter manifests himself sometimes as a • 
powerful, and angry chastiser. Then he gives commands to his subordinates, or 
himself, incarnated in an animal or something else appears on the earth. All 
calamities, torments, and unhappiness, all diseases and sufiferings, are gods of his 
household, and related, subordinates of his mighty hand. However he by no 
means wishes the annihilation of the living; on the contrary, by his mighty 
power he restrains all these calamities, which if he did not do so, would submerge 
the earth and in a moment wash away everything living from its face. 

Swperstitions ahmit Fire. — The spirit of fire is a grey-haired, garrulous, restless 
eternally fussy old man. What he is whispering and shuffling about so 
perpetually few understand. The shaman understands it, and also the little child 
whose ear has not yet learned to distinguish human speech. The fire understands 
well what they are saying and doing round about it ; therefore it is dangerous to 
hurt the feelings of the fire, to scold it, to spit upon it, to urinate on it. It will 
not do to cast into the fire rubbish which adheres to the shoes, for that would 
cause headache. It is sinful to poke *the fire with an iron instrument; and the 
wooden poker with which they do stir it up must be burned every week, or there 
will be bad luck in the house. A good house-mistress always takes care that the 
fire may be satisfied with her, and she casts into it a bit of everything which is 
prepared by its aid. No one ever knows what kind of a fire is burning on the 
hearth in his house ; therefore it is well to conciliate it from time to time, by 
little gifts. The fire loves, above all, fat, butter, and cream. They sprinkle these 
often upon it. They told the author, in the northern region, about a people who 
were said to live on the islands of the Arctic Ocean and who had no knowledge of 
fire. 

[p. 665.] Fire is often presented as a protector and as a symbol of the family 
and the sih, A youth who comes to find a wife dare not pass beyond the strip of 
light, which falls from the household fire, to go over on the women's side of the 
house. This would be improper. The same is true for any other person who does 
not belong to the family. A betrothed man, until he has paid the whole of the 
bride-price, has no right even to light bis pipe at the fire of his affianced ; but a 
wife brought home to the house of her husband, and taking her place in his family 
ought first of all to go around behind the fire and cast into it a little butter or fat, 
to put three splinters into it, and to blow them to a blaze. In general women 
ought not, as far as they can avoid it, to pass over the strip of light in front of the 
fire-place ; their domain is behind it. In the southern districts the cultus of the 



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W. G. Svmm.—The Yakuts. 107 

fire is (lying away year by year ; but in the north it is in full force. Besides the 
domestic fires, there are also wild and wandering fires. If these are lighted by 
the spirit of the place, when enjoying itself, then they are good fires; but if they 
are the work of the devil, then it is a bad sign to meet with them. There are also 
heavenly fires, such as the lightning, which was formerly considered a symbol of 
Ai'toyon, but this notion is undergoing change and^nnot now be defined. 

SJuxdows. — The shadow thrown by objects is considered a peculiar, real, and 
inseparable part of the object. It has some connection with the soul of the object, 
and also some connection with fire as a spirit. (See note H, p. 108.) In the 
incantations, phrases are often met with of this kind : " The shadow of the fire." 
" The fire shadow." " The shadow of the spirit," etc. The shaman in one of his 
rites says : " C«ist all thy diseases into the shadow of the fire." It is possible to 
lose one's shadow. Then misfortune threatens the man. They say: "A man 
has three shadows ; it is possible to lose the first two, although then a man 
becomes inactive, diseased, and flaccid. When he loses all three, ho perishes." 

Every object may have at its disposition a soul (ichchi), as well as a shadow. 
All objects which bear traces of human handiwork have souls (ichchi). Cliffs, 
mountains, rivers, and woods have souls (ichchi). The wind is also a spirit. It 
sleeps in tlie mountains ; it is not hard to call it from thence by a whistle. (See 
note H, p. 108.) 

Some of them think that the milky way is a seam in the heavens. The 
heavenly bodies in general influence the fate of men and the changes of the 
weather. They foretell the future. 

Wlien a man dies it is not permitted to his household to execute any work 
until after the next new moon. The moon itself has a soul and human attributes. 
It stole an orphan girl who was tormented by her step-mother, who sent her for 
water in winter bare- footed. This girl is now in the moon, with a shoulder yoke 
and pails on her shoulders, and around her grow sand-willows which were stolen 
at the same time with her. As she grows the moon grows. 

Divination, — They have a system of divination as follows. They draw two 
concentric rings on the table, and mark the north, north-e«u3t, east, south-east, 
south, south-west, and west points on the exterior circle. The northern point is 
called the chief road; the north-eastern point, being the point of the summer 
solstice, is the road for getting horned cattle ; the east is the road of good luck ; 
the south-east, the winter solstice, is the road for obtaining horses ; the south is 
the chief road ; the south-west is the road into the woods, and means death ; the 
west is the dark road of the devils. The diviner sits down at the table, rests his 
elbows on it, and his forehead on his hands. A string with a weight on the end 
hangs from his little finger. Having recited an incantation, he waits until the 
pendulum comes to rest. After a time it begins to quiver and wave, and falls into 
a line of movement corresponding to one of those in the figure. They are very 
eager to discern the future, and have a number of methods for it. They divine by 
the falling of a spoon. A shaman does it by the falling of his drumstick. The 



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108 W. G. SUMNEK.— ?%e Yakuts. 

girls do it by the falling of a coal. They split a stick and insert in the split a splinter 
lengthwise, so that it holds the split open. They set fire to the splinter in the 
middle. When the coal flies off, on account of the pressure of the split stick, then 
the person finds out whether his wish is to be fulfilled or not. 

Notes by the author, M. Sieroshevski, embodied in the Polish edition : Twelve years in the 
land of the Yakuts^ Warsaw, 1900, F. Karpinski ; (Dwanas^de lat w kraju Yakutany 
Warszawa, 1900, nakladem F. Karpinskiego.) 

A. Selon toute probabilit6, les Yacouts menaicnt autrefois une vie nomade dans la 
Mongolie et faisaient part des tribus qui dans les premiers temps de notre ^re formaient les 
grands 6tats turaniens nomades, connus aux historiens chinois sous des noms diff6rents : 
Hmi-nu, Groa-giu, Tu-qiu, Uj-gur, etc. (Voir I'^dition polonaise, page 90.) 

B. Dans les Ulus du centre, oh Tagriculture ne s'est pas encore developp^e, les conditions 
sont aussi d^favorables h, le p^he et les animauz pouvant faire I'objet de chasses fructueuses 
sont presque totalement extermin^s. 

C. C^taient des coutumes trds anciennes provenant sans doute du temps, oii le sib com- 
men9ait a s'organiser. Pendant les migrations des Yacouts du midi au nord la perte du petit 
b^tail (moutons, chdvres) ainsi que Pamoindrissement des troupeaux de bdtes k comes furent la 
cause d'une r^trogradation 6conomique, du retour aux troupeaux de chevaux. Les Yacouts 
jusqu'a Farriv^e des Russes, ne savaient pas s^cher le foin et le tasser en meules. Les chevaux 
du pays n'en ont pas besoin m^me en hiver. lis savent trouver leur nourriture en 4cartant 
la neige avec leurs sabots. Mais, pai' contre, ces troupeaux exigent un changement continuel 
de place et donnent une nourriture de quality inf6rieure, facilement gat^ et impropre k 
conserver. 

D. Les groupes qui se d^veloppaient le mieux ^taient ceux, qui pouvaient manger h. la f ois 
toute une bfite tu6e. Leur facility de mouvement 6tait plus grande, car ils n'avaient pas 
besoin de trainer avec eux des fardeaux ct la nourriture n'6tait pas exposir a se g&ter. 

E. Le code moral des Yakouts n'^vait pas pr^vu le meurtre au dedans du dh. On doit 
supposer, que le meurtrier 6tait oblig6 de quitter le n5, la vengeance cessait en cas de paix 
conclue entre les sihs avec paiement du wergdd, 

F. Chez les Yakouts nous trouvons un groupe familial encore bieu mal connu par les 
savants : on le nomme ye-usaa {ye = mdre, VLSsa = n6). Maintenant c'est la denomination du 
groupe diduit de la ligne mftle et qui a quelque ressemblance avec la /amt^ta romaine. Autre- 
fois il semble, que ye-VMa 6tait le nom g^u^ral donn6 k tons les descendants d'une mdme 
femme. (Voir r6dition polonaise, pag. 293.) 

G. Lea Yakouts emploient Tos du p^ron6 comme symbole de la Concorde, de la v6n6ration et 
de la paix pendant la calibration des manages, pendant les meetings du eib et les pratiques des 
ehamanes. " Partageons entre nous les os des animaux conmie la vodka (^ Teau-de-vie) ** 
disent-ils. Des os semblables ne doivent pas 6tre cassis. Celui qui Fa re^u, le caflse lui-m6me 
et en mange la graisse. (Voir Fedition polonaise, pag. 242.) 

H. Mais F&me 6Mmentaire de Fobjet en g6n6ral (tcAcAt), qui, k ce qu'il semble, exprime 
tout simplement son action d'exister, diff^re de F&me des objets vivants {mr). La vie 
commence od commence la respiration {ty), Les objets vivants auraient done comme une 
double &me ; (1) Fexistence (ichcJii) et " le mouvement" (sur) ; les animaux morts ou souvent 
malades perdent leur sur et con ser vent seulement leur ichckt qui disparait aussi en cas de 
inort. L'homme et parmi les animaux le cheval seul ont une &me triple : le tchchiy le sur et le 
" kutJ^ La kut humaine est petite, pas plus grande qu'un petit morceau de charbon. Quelquefois 
le chamane 6voque de par-dessous la terre dans la partie gauche (feminine) de la maison la ktU 
des malades. Elle s'agite pos6e sur la main et est tr^ lourde. La kut abandonne quelquefois 
Fhomme pendant son sommeil et erre au loin. Si par hasard il lui arrive malheur pendant son 
voyage, son propri6taire tombe malade. La hit est comme Fimage indecise, comme Fombre. 
Ck)mme Fombre a 3 parties : une grande et p^e, une petite et plus fonc6e et le centre tout 
sombre, ainsi Fhomme poss^de 3 fimes. Quand il en perd une il souffre de malaise, deux il est 
malade, trois il meurt (Voir Fedition polonaise, pag. 382. 



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W. G. Sumner.— 7%d Yakuts, 109 



Additional Note by W. G. Sumner. 



The passage on terms of relationship and address having been entirely 
re-written in the Polish edition, a literal translation is here appended. 

The most primitive and strictly defined term of relationship is ie^ " mother;' 
the exact sense of which is, " case," " matrix," " place of birth." The term for 
" father," aga, is not so distinct. It means " an elderly man," i,e,, an adult. 
When a Yakut wants to know whether a certain person, without regard to sex, 
was born before or after himself, he asks whether that person is aga or halys 
(French, ain^ or puinS). The term for " child," ogo, is entirely indefinite. Its 
sense is " young one." It is employed for the young of beasts, birds, and even 
trees (sprigs, sprouts, ofiFshoots). Ogoin, " my child," which is formed by adding 
the possessive pronoun ?/i, does not imply at all that the person addressed was 
procreated by the speaker. It is addressed equally to grandson, son, or even 
younger brother. In the current vernacular, older persons use ogom in addressing 
younger persons without regard to blood relationship. " The ancient Yakuts, even 
when very angry, did not address young persons otherwise than * my child.' " Vol, 
"lad," and kys, "maid," express primarily "male" and "female," but they are 
used nowadays, with the possessive m, for " son " and " daughter." The Yakuts 
have no special terms for son and daughter. Nor have they any tenn to express 
** husband," since erim {er man, and im the possessive) means properly " my man." 
For " wife " they always say, in the current speech, " my woman," or " my old 
woman," although they have a special term, ojoch, for " wife." From all this we 
may infer that when, amongst the ancient Yakuts, a number of related persons 
were living together, the relations of " mother " and " wife " were the first ones 
which called for expression, " mother " meaning a woman who had children. Tiiis 
inference would support the belief that the matriarchate once existed among the 
Yakuts. The children belonged to the whole horde. Any one of the adult men 
might be the father of a certain child since the sex relations were undefined and 
perhaps unregulated. It is a curious circumstance that the heroes in the ancient 
folk tales often set out to find their fathers. We see, further, that the terras of 
relationship amongst the Yakuts express, first of all, the distinction between 
younger and older than the speaker. There is one word for older brother and 
another for younger brother ; one word for older sister ajid another for younger 
sister, but there is no general term for brother or sister, since all were brothers 
and sisters within the compass of a sib. Hence nowadays tibaj means not only 
" older brother " but also " older male cousin," " older nephew," — in short " older 
member of the sib " than the speaker. /?ii expresses not only " younger brother," 
but also "younger male cousin," "younger nephew," and in geneml "younger 
member of the sib." The case was the same as to female relations. In current 
speech, especially in personal address, the Yakuts use no other terms than these. 
Yet the proper terms exist, for the Yakuts have a nomenclature of relationsliip 



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110 W. G. SuMNER.—T'A^ Yakuts. 

which is even very rich and complicated. For some degrees they have two names, 
one used by males, the other by females — a feature of what Morgan calls the 
Turanian system. Thus : the younger brother whom males call ini, females call 
sur2is or surdzja ; the wife of a younger brother is called by his brothers kinit, but 
by their wives badzja ; similarly younger brothers and their wives have dififerent 
names for the wife of the former's elder brother. This shows that the jural 
relations between these classes of persons were once different from what they 
are now, since we find that terms of relationship are indications of jural 
relations. The last mentioned terms of relationship have now lost their special 
signification. It would be too bold to build inferences on these terms only, since 
there is no tradition of any conjugal relation between brothers and sisters, and 
since special terms for father and husband are not lacking. It is a noteworthy 
detail that the older sisters and female cousins of one's father bear the same name, 
mngcts, as the wives of one's older brothers ; and that the older brothers of one's 
father bear the same name as the father of one's mother and his older brothers, 
ohaga. Consequently the (older) sisters of one's father together with the wive.s of 
one's (older) brothers form one gi'oup, but one's paternal uncles (older than one's 
father), and one's mother's paternal uncles form another. The division into such 
groups is characteristic of the narrower man family, and the confusion of sisters 
and wives, maternal great uncles and paternal uncles in one concept is a proof of 
the relation of affinity between those groups. Therefore before the Yakuts went 
over to the man family based on pair marriage or polygamy, they practised, for a 
time, group mamage of sisters and brothers allotted according to age strata. 

[In an Appendix to the Polish version the author gives a list of Yakut terms 
of relationship with definitions.] 



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( 111 ) 



CEPHALOMETEIC INSTRUMENTS AND CEPHALOGRAMS. 

By J. Gray B.Sc. 

[PaBMtNTRD MA.BCH 12th, 1901. WiTfl Platrs VI, VII, VIII.] 

In most countries on the continent of Europe, the collection of statistics of the 
physical characteristics of the population is greatly facilitated by the conscription ; 
and this, to a great extent, accounts for the fact that our neighboui*s are so far 
ahead of us in the ethnographical survey of the people. In this country we have 
to make use of less efficient means ; since we cannot bring the people to us, we 
must go to the people. 

I have found it a very good plan to attend some assembly composed of natives 
of the district, such as a meeting for sports, or a fair. In order to get a satisfactory 
sample of the people of a district, it is necessary to measure at least from 100 to 
200. The time available for doing this at such meetings is usually not more than 
three or four hours, and measurements have therefore to be very rapidly performed. 
The head measurements should preferably all be performed by one person, and the 
only measurements possible, if one is to measure large numbers, are measurements 
of the length and breadth of the head. The callipers used must be such as to 
require the minimum time for adjustment. 

Callipers. 

A callipers (Plate VI) which I have designed for this purpose is constructed 
on the sliding principle. Callipers on this principle have the advantage over the 
compass callipers, that the readings from the scale are more accurate, because 
the scale is larger, and also lies parallel to the line to be measured. In the 
compass callipers, the scale lies nearer the pivot of the callipers than the 
measuring points, and divisions of the scale must necessarily be smaller than the 
standard size. Another objection to this kind of callipers is that the scale is 
an arc of a circle, while the line to be measured is a chord, and equal divisions 
on an arc cannot possibly be used to measure a chord. 

There is, however, a great objection to the sliding callipers as usually 
constructed. It will not, like the compass callipers, open automatically when 
pressed on the head, and this property is most essential for the rapid measurement 
necessary in field anthropology. 



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112 J. Gkay. — Cephalometric Instmrnents and CephcUograms. 

My object was to design a sliding callipers that would open automatically, 
and thus combine the advantages of both types. A little mathematical calculation 
will show that this can be done if the slide to which the movable 1^ of the 
callipers is attached is made greater than a certain minimimi length.^ This 
minimum possible length is still further reduced when friction rollers are used, as 
in the instrument shown (Plate VI). 

Instead of using a slide fitting everywhere closely to the beam of the callipers, 
only two pins with friction rollers are used. Since the strain coming on the leg of 
the callipers always tends to produce rotation in one direction, two pins at the 
extreme ends of the slide are all that is necessary to take the thrust. This reduces 
the cost of construction and prevents any jamming due to bad fitting. 

The friction of the bearings of the slide having been reduced to a minimum, 
it is necessary to introduce an artificial resistance to the movement of the slide 
which can be regulated in amount. A callipers which is suited for measuring a 
skull or other rigid body is not necessarily the best suited for measuring the living 
head, which, owing to the presence of the skin, is elastic ; resembling, say, an 
india-rubber ball. To get uniform measurements of the diameter of an india-rubber 
ball with the same or different instruments, it is necessary that the points of the 
callipers should always press on the ball with some pressure. This I have 
endeavoured to secure by fitting on the slide a brake whose friction can be adjusted 
by a screw. 

To standardise the callipers it is placed on a standard bar ; the index line on 
the slide is then set on the scale to the length of the standard bar, by slackening 
the screws by which it is clamped to the slide. Then the pressure on the brake 
is adjusted till the force required to separate the points of the callipers is equal 
to the required amount,* a spring balance being used to measure the force. 

Friction rollers are mounted at the points of the callipers to make the operation 
of measuring more pleasant for the person operated upon. 

To measure the length of the head, the fixed point of the callipers is placed 
on the glabella, and the other end of the beam is pressed down. The movable 
limb of the callipers will then be opened automatically by the pressure of the back 
of the head till the maximum length is reached, when the callipers is removed 
from the head and the reading taken. 

I have had a callipers made in which the limbs are pressed together by a 
spring, but this is not so satisfactory as the brake, because the reading must be 
taken when the callipers is on the head, and the slightest movement causes a 
variation of the reading. 



» If a: is the distance between the contact points of the slide along the centre line, a is the 
perpendicular distance from the centre line of the slide to the point of the leg, and / is the 
coefficient of friction of the contact points ; x must be greater than St/a to ensure automatic 
opening. 

^ I have found that a convenient pressure is 14 oz. or 400 grammes. 



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J. Gkay. — Cephalonietric Instruments and Cephalograms, 113 

Cephalogeaphs. 

It has been proposed by several anthropologists to take diagrams of the whole 
contour of the head instead of merely measuring the length and breadth. Sergi 
has strongly advocated this method ; he points out that the maximum breadth 
which is measured by the caUipers may be at very different distances from the 
terminals of the maximum length in two heads of different contour, so that the 
same measurements by the callipers might be obtained on two heads of very 
different type. 

Many instruments have been designed with the view of obtaining these 
diagrams. They do not appear, however, to be in general use. I have here two 
instruments which I have designed for this purpose. There are several details in 
which I can see they require improvement, but I have found that they work fairly 
well 

The first instrument (Plate VII) is constructed on the principle of the pitch 
chain. The pins or pivots of a pitch chain such as the driving chain of a bicycle 
always remain parallel to each other, however the shape of the chain may vary. 
These pivots are prolonged on one side of the chain in the instrument, so that when 
placed on a head they lie in contact with it ; at the other ends they are pointed. 
The pins are pressed in contact with the head by spiral springs wound on the pins 
between the links of the chain. The diagram is obtained by pressing a sheet of 
paper on the pointed upper ends of the pins. The objections to this instnmient 
are that it is inconvenient to handle, and the operation of taking a diagram is 
somewhat unplea^sant for the person being operated upon. 

To get over some of these objections, I have devised another instrument 
(Plate VIII), in which contact plates are pressed against the head by radial 
pistons actuated by compressed air. Fig. 1 is a sectional elevation and Fig. 2 
is a half plan. 

The framework of the apparatus is a ring, A, of aluminium alloy (such as 
Bowenite) which can be cast. In this ring are bored 48 radial holes, B, all of which 
on each half of the ring commimicate with a channel, C, in the periphery of the 
ring. This channel is closed so as to form a tube, by shrinking on a ring, D, of 
the alimiiniimi alloy on the turned periphery of the main ring. If the aluminium 
alloy is not strong enough to stand the shrinkage, brass may be used. In each of 
the radial holes is fitted a piston, £, with double cupped leather packing, which 
must work with very little friction, and yet be quite air-tight. I have made 
packing out of old kid gloves which is perfectly satisfactory. The leather is 
soaked in water for a day and then pressed into a cup mould. 

The piston rods, F, are thin plates of brass lying in the vertical diameter of 
the cylinder, and kept vertical by a notched ring, G, covering half the mouth of 
the cylinders. The section of this ring is L shaped, and it is recessed and fastened 
by screws on to the main ring. Eivetted to the ends of the piston rods are 
vertical plates, some shaped like the legs of callipers, H, and some like combs, /, 
Vol. XXXI (N.S. IV). I 



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114 J. Gray. — Cephalometric Instruments and Cephalograms. 

which press against the head when the pistons are forced forward simultaneously 
by air pressure.^ At the upper end of each plate is a sharp point, t/", lying in 
the same vertical line as the point of contact with the head. This is to enable 
a sheet of paper to be pressed on the points, to receive a projection of the outline 
of the head. The sheet of paper is placed on a cork board, K, which is hinged 
at one end to the main ring. The hinge is fitted with a spring, Z, which causes 
the board with the paper to turn down on the points when a spring latch, Jf, has 
been released. 

A self-centring device is fitted to bring the centre of the main ring always 
over the centre of the head. For centring sideways two bell crank levers, N, 
are used geared together by toothed segments, 0, and pressed against the sides of 
the head by springs (omitted in the drawing). For centring lengthways two 
inclined planes, P, fixed to a ring, C> running round the periphery of the main ring, 
are used. These inclined planes 6tct on studs, R, on the two extreme pistons which 
pass through slots underneath the cylinder. These two end cylinders are cut 
ofiF from the air pressure applied to the other cylinders. 

The two end pistons are pulled outwards by spiral springs, S, and are pushed 
inwards by the inclined planes. The ring of the inclined planes will have a few 
plain studs, T, for turning it, these being forced up to the fixed studs, U, After 
each operation the inclined planes are retracted by two springs, V. 

Cephalograms. 

Instruments such as have been described for obtaining the contour of the 
head, have been called cephalographs ; the diagrams may be called cephalograms 
by those who have no objection to an addition to our already extensive scientific 
terminology. 

I have shown in the illustration (fig. 1) a few of the diagrams I have obtained 
with these instruments, all being from living heads. The persons have been taken 
at random, and I have no means of ascertaining whether they are typical 
specimens of their people or district. 

The results, however, show a considerable resemblance between persons of the 
same people and habitat The three Parsees are about exactly alike and are very 
different from the Brahmin. Persons from the same districts of England and 
Scotland appear to resemble each other more than they do persons from different 
districts. 

I think these cephalograms promise to furnish us with a powerful means of 
analysing people into their racial elements. The callipers, however, is likely to 
remain the principal instrument for the preliminary work of an ethnographical 
survey. 

I The calliper legs are used on the forehead and at the back of the head^ and the oombs ar& 
used at the sides of the head, the object being to get a diagram whose length and breadth shall 
he equal to those measured by the ordinary callipers. 



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J. Gbay. — Cephalometi*ic Imtncments and Cephalograms, 115 



front 



/ Ruwe \ /E^Mvlia j |B.Ai«liaj ( Kent j 1 Hants j /Lancash] 


1 ParsMj 1 Derbyj fsiiro(Mhr| /Hereford^ ls.Wales| (LancaahA 
fntneel [Lancashl |Dunrfrle8\ lEdlnboid fAberdeenj Uberde^ 


iBrahinlJ | Nesrro | /M.OemnJ fAberdeenj f Dublin j lAberdeeil 



Fig. 1. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Inttitute, Vol, XXXI^ Plate VI, 




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Journal of the Anthropological In^titutey Vol. XXXI, Plate VIL 




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Journal of fhe Anthropological Institute^ Vol, XXXJy "Plate VIII, 




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( 117 ) 



NOTES ON THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE BAGANDA. 

By the Rev. John Roscoe. 

[Communicated by J. G. Fkazek, 23rd April, 1901.] 

The Reverend John Roscoe is an energetic member of the Church Missionary 
Society who for many years has laboured in Uganda. Despite ill-health and 
overwork he has made time to write out the following answers to the list of 
questions issued by Dr. J. G. Frazer (cf. Jowmal AnthropologicaZ Institute^ 
xviii, 431). 

We trust that we are not committing any breach of faith in printing the 
following interesting extracts from his letters to Dr. Frazer. 

On the 10th December, 1899, Mr. Roscoe wrote: — "Had the work been done 
twelve years earlier it would have been much easier ; we should have been able to 
get old people who would have given reasons for some of the customs ; now I may 
question twenty people without gaining the point I require." 

" Just before leaving Toro, I heard there are some men who say they have 
the labour pains for their wives. I was asking about the midwifery customs, and 
this was told me. The men are said to have all the pains, whilst the women go on 
with their regular duties, perfectly happy until the time of delivery. The 
relatives too go to the men and ask for the child." 

" All I have just written [January 8th, 1900] on the matter of the spirits is 
quite new to me. I was told they had no such customs, and it was quite 
accidentally I found a little bit of information which has thrown a flood of light 
on some of them. All burial customs are closely connected with their ideas of 
the spirits, and if a corpse is not decently interred the spirit will haimt the 
relatives and bring sickness or calamity upon the house. Even the people I 
think I can trust often mislead me through carelessness, or allow some importcmt 
thing to pass over and thus give wrong impressions. It is strange how the 
women were ignored in all the old customs ; they did not take part in any of 
the ceremonies, and only in the case of an aunt does the spirit seem to be 
feared." 

"For a month past [April 27th, 1900] I have been unable to get any 
assistance with the verifying of my notes, owing to all the chiefs being so busy 
framing new laws. The British Government has just introduced quite a new 
system of governing the country and abolished the Baganda system and laws. 



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118 Eev. J. EoscOE, — Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda. 

This has taken up all of the time of my helpers and also their thoughts for a time. 
It was well you put me up to making notes of the old customs before all this came 
in and thus gave me a little time to get the main facts down. Now all of what 
was so very interesting is being swept away at one stroke by the Government, 
in the name of civilisation. It is creating a good deal of ill-feeling amongst the 
people, especially the peasants, who do not understand what to expect next If 
only our (Jovemment had been able to go just a little more quietly, they would 
have gained their end without creating all the ill-feeling there now is." 

" Some of the questions I do not answer as they do not apply to the Baganda, 
and some I can only partially answer because the men I ask either do not know 
or are not agreed. It is most remarkable how soon they forget their old customs, 
and how little they know of the reasons for the things they do." 

1. Tribes and Clans, 

Kibe, or fox. Enkeje, small fish ; sprats. 

Nkima, monkey. Fumbe. 

Maviba, a large fish. Ngonge. 

Nsinene, a small green locust. Namungona, crows. 

Lugavwe, kind of lizard. Nyama, meat 

Ngeycy squirrel. Kasimba, small wild cat 

Mtcsu, a large rat Nkebvka, 

Mpindi, beans like dwarf beans. Ntonyeza, rain drops from the roof. 

Endiga, sheep. Ntalagangya, zebra. 

Nkobe, a monkey. Ngo, leopard. 

Mbogo, bufifalo. Ndegea, kind of tailor bird. 

Njovu, elephant. Mpisi, hyena. 

Mpeo, gazelle. Nkenda. 

Ngdbi, antelope. Mvuma, 

Nyony% birds. Emhwa, dogs. 

Btdiko, a small mushroom. Nyange, kind of white water bird. 

Mvubu, hippopotamus. 

2. There is no distinctive dress, but the children are named by names peculiar 
to the clan to which they belong. 

3. The names may be of animals as 3fbizi, the pig, or of natuml objects as 
Msoke, a rainbow, or after one of the deities as Mukasa, god of the lake, or for 
some peculiarity, Lubutokyoto, literally hot stomach or Micsenzalanda, the slave who 
sits by the door and gradually works his way into the family. 

4. The totem, or muziro as it is called by the Baganda, is not regarded by 
them as sacred, but may not be killed or eaten by any of the clan, though other 
clans may do so with impunity. They do not freely speak of their muziro, nor 
will they tell you what it is, but refer you to someone else to do so. 



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Eev. J. EOSCOE. — Notes on the Manners and Cicstoms of the Baganda, 119 

5. They believe anyone eating or killing their totem will either die or fall ill 
or have sores break out all over his body. 

The only origin they have of the totems is that one of their forefathers 
partook of that animal or bird, etc., and fell ill, and from that time it was looked 
upon as injurious to them, and they took it as their totem. 

Birth^ Descent, Adoption, 

7. During pregnancy a woman is not allowed to eat salt or hot food, but 
periodically she is given a special kind of salt which acts as a mild aperient A 
few days before she is confined she is secluded and daily rubbed with oil to make 
all the parts soft and supple. If she is delivered during the day she is taken out 
into an enclosure at the back of the house and stripped. She then holds on to a 
post in the ground which is firmly planted for the purpose and is delivered 
stooping, from behind. If she is confined during the night it takes place in the 
house. 

In the case of a chief who has many wives he does not cohabit with one 
who is nursing a baby. 

9. The husband is free from any ceremony. 

Baptism. 

10. When a child or children are to be baptised, two or more families may 
join in the ceremony. The children may be baptised at any time between the 
ages of two and eight years old. The ceremony takes place in one of the houses 
of one of the parties whose child is to be baptised, and in the presence of a goodly 
gathering of the relatives. A feast is given according to the position and wealth 
of those concerned ; if poor only a fowl will be cooked, but if wealthy an: ox or 
goats will be cooked. The mothers of those to be baptised would have a girdle of 
plantain fibre to distinguish them from the other women present. The children 
are brought out of the house and sit on mats in front of the people. The food is 
then served and the guests and relatives partake, the latter eating theirs in the 
house. The mothers, however, are not allowed to partake until after the children 
have been proved to be legitimate. This is done as follows : — each mother at birth 
preserves the umbilical cord until after baptism ; this is now produced well greased, 
a bowl containing a mixture of milk, beer, and water is brought, and the cord is 
dropped into it ; if it floats the child is legitimate, but if it sinks the child is said ' 
to be illegitimate. This process is watched with great interest, and when it is seen 
to float a cry of " Eh ! Eh ! " is uttered by all in a shrill tone, and the grandfather 
then goes through the genealogy of the child, mentioning the male relatives for 
some generations back. If, however, the child is proved to be illegitimate, the 
mother is dragged out and severely flogged. A strong girl, a relative of one of 
those to be baptised, is now brought out and one child is placed on her back ; it 
clings there by its legs round her and its arms passed under her arms and on to 
her shoulders ; a second child is placed on the back of the first, and if there is a 



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120 Ebv. J. ROSCOB. — Notes on the Manners and Gtistoms of the Baganda. 

third, that is placed on the back of the second. When thus arranged the bowl 
with the mixture is brought out and poured over their heads by the grandfather. 
The baptism over, they can resume their seats. The mothers now sit on a mat 
with their legs straight before them, and the gi'andfather takes a piece of the food 
in a banana leaf in his right hand and a piece of fish in the left hand, and rests 
his hands on the woman's feet, then goes through the child's genealogy, beginning 
with his own name, not the father's, and moves the food up nearer and nearer the 
woman's mouth as he mentions each name imtil he ends by putting it to her lips. 
The woman then takes a little of each and is allowed to eat her meal. All the 
food that is left is divided among the children. Next morning the children are 
named by their grandfathers. The custom of royalty is to choose for the first-bom 
the name of the great-grandfather, but the peasants may choose any name of a 
relative. The spirit of the person after whom the child is named is supposed to 
enter into the child, and according to the prowess of the ancestor so will be the 
bravery of the child. The children then have their heads shaved and the ceremony 
is ended. 

12. Should the first child bom to a chief or a king be a boy it is killed at 
the birth because it is said to be the heir, and the father will surely die if it is left 
alive. The father is not told of the sex of the child but simply that it was a still- 
bom one ; this saves the wife from any ill-feeling from her husband, who might 
accuse her of wanting a child to succeed him. 

Children bom feet first are also killed, as they are said to be the cause of 
death and the parents will die if they are allowed to live. The bodies of those 
thus killed are buried in one of the thoroughfares, as are the bodies of witches and 
outcasts. 

13. A child always takes the muziro of the father and is reckoned as one of 
his clan. 

14. Adoption is practised, but there is no ceremony. The child is usually 
sent secretly to the people who adopt it. The reason for this practice was to 
save the children in case the father did anything wrong and displeased the king, 
who would at once send and capture the man with his wives and all his children 
and put them to death. The girls were as a rule taken to be slaves or wives of 
the king or to whom he chose to give them. The above rule, therefore, applied 
only to boys. The friend who adopted the child brought it up as his own, but in 
case he fell into disgrace the child was claimed by the parents and thus saved. 

Skin markings, 

18. The only marks or tatuing the Baganda have are what they call njola. 
There is among them no filing or cutting of the teeth, but on the shores of the lake 
near the Buvumu Islands there are a few women who pierce the lower lip. These 
are said to be more Bavumu than Baganda. 

19. Many of the women have on their stomachs a large W-shaped figure ; it 
extends from each breast to the pit of the stomach, and the point comes to the 



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Ebv. J. RoscoE. — Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda. 121 

centre of the chest. None of the king's wives were allowed to have njola, because 
the women who could bear the pain were said to be capable of killing him. The 
tatuing was performed by one of the native doctors, ^ du 

who received a small fee which the husband paid. When Co) &• 

the woman was well she brought her husband a fowl. ^^ ^/^^ ,W 
The njola is said to have been done to please the husband, ^'^\\/^^'^ ■ ^^/z 

who could feel it on his body when he had connection ^\nj^ . O \V 

with his wife. tatu-marks op baganda 

21. Only women are tatued among the Baganda. women. 

^ _ _ . _ . 1 ., , , , .a.a, represent the breasts. 

22. It IS only performed for beauty and that only 

by the married women. No princess nor wife of the king or of the Nsenene 

clan may be tatued. 

Women. 

23. Girls not yet married have a feast, and are not allowed to walk until 
they are well. Married girls have a present of a bark-cloth and a feast. There is 
no other ceremony such as that among the Wamegi near the coast, where the girls 
are deflowered by certain old women. 

24. They are not secluded but may not come near a man or touch anything of 
his or sit on his bed or mat. 

25. No woman is secluded during the time of menstruation, but is not 
allowed to touch anything belonging to her husband or even cook for him until 
perfectly recovered. If she touches anything of his he will surely fall ill, or if it 
is his weapons he will surely be killed in the next battle. 

26. Menstruation is supposed to be caused by the moon either when new or 
waning. A woman who does not menstruate is said to be one who kills her 
husband, and if he goes to war he first spears her sufficiently to draw blood to 
ensure a safe return. 

27. A man is forbidden to marry a woman belonging to the same clan as 
himself except in the case of the Mamba clan and one or two other very large 
clans. 

28. No man was allowed to have sexual intercourse with any woman of the 
same clan ; the infringement of the custom was punishable by death. All women 
of the same clan as a man are regarded as his sisters. 

29. In a case of the breach of the custom the man would be sure to fall ill or 
if married his children would fall ill and the guilt become known and then 
punishment would follow. 

30. A man may not marry into the clans of either of his parents, with the 
exception of the Mamba clan, and in that no nearer relatives than second cousins 
may intermarry. 

31. Polygamy has for many years been imiversal ; in the early days of the 
Baganda it is stated a man was only allowed one wife, then two were allowed, and 
later a third. For years no more were allowed until the people became lax with 
regard to the old customs, and introduced reasons for the increase of wives until it 



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122 Rev. J. Eoscoe. — Notes on the Manners and Customs of the BagancUt. 

was regarded as a sign of gi^eat wealth to have many women or wives. But even 
then three women were always chosen out to be the true wives of the chief or king, 
and all the others were regarded as their assistants. 

32. Princesses, who were never allowed to marry, but were regarded as the 
king's wives, constantly committed adultery, but if found out were put to death. 
However one princess, who was given the title of Lubuga (" king sister ") and was 
looked upon as a king, or as we should say queen, took as many men as she liked, 
and though she was not officially allowed to marry it was commonly said that all 
Baganda was her husband. The dowager queen also did the same thing, but these 
were the only two whom the king and people allowed to have more than one 
husband. 

33. Polygamy was the outcome of wealth ; a man might not be able to conceal 
cattle but he could get women and hide them away and not excite the envy of the 
king or chief. A chief feared the king and therefore instead of collecting numbers 
of cattle he bought women. 

34. In the case of a chief a messenger is sent and sounds the parents to see if 
they are agreeable to the match ; if they consent then the girl is asked. In some 
cases the girl is first consulted, but this is not the usual form. If both parties 
agree a quantity of beer is sent to the parents as a token of the betrothal, and 
later the marriage dowry is discussed, and the amoimt settled by the parents and 
the relatives. The beer is a most important part in the betrothal and legalises it ; 
in after years if any dispute arises and the legality of the marriage is questioned it 
is always sufficient to say beer was given and accepted. 

Peasants often obtained wives from their masters as tokens of favour, or as a 
gift for service. Not infrequently they got them by capture during war. 

35. The usual custom is for each man to have his own house and take his 
wife there at once. Few women care to marry a man who has no house and 
garden, the latter being looked upon as the woman's right, and in fact being the 
chief cause for a man marrying that he should get food well cooked. 

36. The bride is the only one to make any preparations for marriage ; she is 
for six days well oiled all over. The oil is rubbed in to make the skin soft 
and smooth. On the day of the marriage and the following day the bride does not 
eat much food but does not fast. 

37. When the dowry has been paid and the relatives are satisfied the friends 
of the bride gather at the parents* house and those of the bridegroom at his house, 
and after dark, about eight o'clock at night, the bride is carried off to her husband. 
She is bedecked with beads, bracelets, anklets, etc, many of them being borrowed 
from her friends for the occasion. When half-way the party is met by a deputa- 
tion from the husband, his sister being his representative, the other party stop 
and the bride's brother comes forward and takes the bride by the right hand, and 
gives her over to the bridegroom's sister. Presents are then given to the bride's 
party according to their rank, and they return home, leaving her to be taken 
on by the bridegroom's party. One girl accompanies the bride who is called 



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Rev. J. BOSCOE. — Notes ooi the Manners and Oustovis of the Baganda, 123 

the Mperekezi ; she remains three days and then returns home. When the bride 
reaches the door of the house in which her husband is, she refuses to enter it 
until she receives a few cowrie shells ; she then enters the room but will not sit 
until she receives another five or six cowries. Food is next served, but the bride, 
will not eat until five more cowries are given her by her husband. The cowrie 
shells are a token of his love to her, and if he refuse to give them she is free to 
return home. There is no promise made by the husband that day, though the 
sister has made a promise to the bride's brother that his sister will be well treated 
and proper care taken of her. 

38. The bride is veiled when she goes to her husband and continues to wear 
the veil for a month after marriage. There appears to be no ceremony either 
when she is veiled or unveiled. 

40. The little girl who accompanies the bride may be regarded as a brides- 
maid. She remains with the bride for four days and seldom goes out of her 
presence, and during the time she remains the husband and wife sleep in separate 
parts of the house, as the Mperekezi sleeps with the bride. The object of the girFs 
presence is said to be to prove the bride is not a slave who has no one to care for 
her or defend her rights. At the end of four days the Mperekezi returns home 
taking with her all the armlets, anklets, necklets, etc., and is given a present of 
100 shells. When she leaves the place she goes out as the bride, returning to her 
old home, and is welcomed by the relatives as the bride who left them. At the end 
of a month or sometimes two months the bridegroom chooses four men, who come 
. to his house, and he promises in their presence, and before his wife, to care for her 
and treat her with all due consideration. These men are then regarded by both 
parties as the guardians of the marriage rights, and if there is in the future 
any unpleasantness, or if either wrongs the other, or if the wife commits adultery, 
they are called in to settle the matter, and if possible to reconcile them. After 
the promises are made there is a second marriage feast and the wife takes her 
place as the mistress of the house. 

In the case of peasants the bride only remains in seclusion from two to four 
days. Her relatives then bring her presents of food and fowls, eta She cooks 
these and they have a feast in honour of her coming out of her seclusion. She 
afterwards goes about her regular duties. 

42. The man may not cohabit with his wife during the time the Mperekezi is 
present, that is for four days. 

44. No one but the husband was ever allowed to deflower a girl ; and girls 
were carefully guarded lest any one should do so. There was an old custom of 
sending to the parents a present of meat wrapped up in the bark-cloth with the 
blood from the girl which had flowed during her first connection with her husband. 
The meat and bark-cloth were a token she had remained pure to the time her 
husband took her. The girl was given the remainder of the meat from the animal 
killed in honour of the event, and was also given a bark-cloth. 

45. The only time they abstain from their wives is during the menstruation, 



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124 Rev. J. Roscoe. — Notes on the Manners and CvMoms of the Baganda, 

and if a man has a good number of wives he will also do so during pregnancy and 
whilst she is nursing ; during the time of mourning it is customary to abstain from 
sexual intercourse. 

46. For a time during the reign of Mutesa, wives were exchanged among the 
greater chiefs, and they also sent them to the king, but this appears to have been 
introduced by Arabs. 

46a. The widows of a chief were divided up into four lots : — 

1. Thos^ to guard the tomb. 

2. Those the heir took. 

3. Those who were given to the king. 

4. Those who were given to the clan. 

Those for guarding the tomb were the ones who had borne children to the 
deceased. Those for the king were the pick of the virgins who had never known 
a man. The heir then took his pick of those who were left In his case those 
chosen were at liberty to refuse him if they liked ; in such a case the relatives had 
to refund the dowry which had been given. 

There was a custom for all the widows after the funeral to gather together in 
the house, and the centre post was taken out and put into the fire and all round it 
sat there warming themselves. Those who had relatives were then taken from 
the fire by those who claimed to be relatives, and those who were left were slaves 
because there was no one who claimed them. If a relative on those occasions was 
left at the fire she could not afterwards be reclaimed ; she was for ever a slave. 
The taking down and burning the main post was to show the owner was dead and 
the house broken up, and the widows sat there in sorrow, being left desolate until 
reclaimed by their relatives. 

47. No man may see his mother-in-law, or speak to her face to face. If he 
wants to have any communication with her it must be done by a third person or 
through a wall or closed door. If he breaks this rule he will be sure to be seized 
with shaking of the hands and general debility. 

They may not see or speak to one another, because of the relations in which 
they stand to the wife ; it is said to be like looking upon the mother's nakedness. 

The woman may speak to her father-in-law, but may not take his hand or 
touch him or even hand him anything. 

48. Brothers and sisters may speak to one another ; there is no restriction 
whatever on their intercourse. 

Disease and death. 

Death is attributed to Walumbe, a spirit which came from Katonda (Grod) 
when Kintu the father of the Baganda and their great ancestor came from heaven. 
They say when Kintu first came to the earth Katonda gave him a parting feast 
and then commemded him to go to the earth and inhabit it. He gave him one of 
each thing he was likely to require, a cow, a goat, sheep, fowl, a plantain, grain of 
maize, etc. His parting word was to start in the morning early and by no means 



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Eev. J. EoscoE. — Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda. 125 

to let his brother Walumbe know he was gomg, and if he forgot anything he was 
not to return for it. Next morning Kintu and his wife Nambi Natutulnlu set oflF 
to the earth, and as they were descending Nambi remembered she had forgotten the 
bulo (a small grain, the food for the fowl). She told her husband, but he refused 
to give her permission to return and reminded her of the parting word of their 
father. She however would not listen to Kintu, but ran back and soatched up the 
grain which was at the door of the house, but as she was huiTying back to rejoin 
her husband Walumbe met her and asked, " Where are you going, my sister, so early, 
and leaving me behind ? " Her efforts to shake him off were in vain, and she had 
to go on to her husband Kintu with Walumbe. Kintu was very angry and rated 
her soundly, but the mischief was done and Walumbe went with them. In the 
process of time when they had children Walumbe killed them, and Kintu then 
tried to catch him and put him to death, but he fled to a deep ravine in which is a 
cave and remained there to the present time. The place is called Ntanda ; it is in 
the province of Singo. To the present day if a person dies from any complaint 
not understood they say he died of Lumbe. 

50. As disease is caused by witchcraft or from the direct influence of some 
spirit the Mandwa (priest) is called in to divine the cause and tell the people. 
If he says the disease is caused by some evil- disposed person then that person is 
caught and fined or in some cases killed. If it is the influence of an evil spirit 
then they have to try to propitiate the spirit, a goat if it is a chief, or a fowl if 
it is a poor person, or if too poor for this then a goat skin or a fowl's feather 
may be employed. The person if possessed may thus be freed ; but if the spirit 
is not thus expelled then they get some kind of herbs which smell very strongly 
and bum these in the house, and the spirit (which cannot bear the smoke) is 
driven away. Women seem to be the ones who are mostly spirit-possessed. 
Men may be made ill by some spirit or the children killed either at birth or soon 
after ; in such a case it may be the man has not interred some relative in a 
becoming manner, and the spirit is haunting him for this cause ; or if it is his 
children who are being killed then it is his aunt who has some grudge against 
him. 

51. These spirits do not possess the people, but take up their abode in the huts 
at the top of the centre-pole, and from there they do all the mischief. The Mandwa 
is in this case called in to tell the cause, and he first finds the abode of the spirit 
and commands an offering to be made to it ; either a goat or a fowl according to the 
rank of the individuals ; these are kept alive and are never allowed to be killed or 
sold, and if they die they must be replaced at once. In case the spirit is not then 
satisfied a second Mandwa, of greater skill than the first, is called in, and he says 
the spirit must be caught. To do this he brings a horn either of a cow or of a 
buffalo, and in it he places a cowrie shell and either a snail shell or a seed of the 
wild plantain in the small end, and puts the horn on a long stick and raises it up 
the post. During the whole process the house has to be in darkness and only a 
few people in the room. When the Mandwa has reached the top of the pole with 



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126 Rev. J. Eoscoe. — Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda, 

the hom he shakes it about until the friction of the shells inside make a squeaking 
noise. This he declares to be the spirit in the horn, and it is quickly lowered and 
a piece of bark-cloth thrown over it, and the hom put in a water pot or gourd and 
carried off to the river, wherein it is thrown, and the troublesome spirit drowned, 
or it is taken to the forest and thrown there and left bottled up, to be burned 
next time the grass fires take place. 

52. There are other methods of curing sickness, however ; in case of a chief 
who has some evil attached to him he may be advised to bring a cow which is 
killed near the house, and the blood is caught and some of it is sprinkled on the 
door posts, and a stout stick on to which some grass is fastened is also besprinkled 
and placed across the doorway ; the sick man who has been brought out to witness 
this is then besprinkled on the forehead and on either shoulder and on his legs below 
the knees. When he is besprinkled he has to jump over the stick in the doorway, 
and as he does so he lets his bark-cloth fall off; he must not look behind him at all 
but go straight on. The Mandwa then takes up the meat and the bark-cloth 
and goes the opposite way, never looking behind. The meat he eats with his 
friends in the open space before the chiefs house. The evil is then atoned for and 
clings to the bark-cloth. In other cases he is taken into the garden after the door- 
posts have been sprinkled, and the Mandwa takes a plantain stem some six feet 
long and makes a long cut down it, and opens it wide enough for the man to pass 
through it. As he passes he leaves behind his bark-cloth and walks straight on into 
the house. The Mandwa then takes the plantain stem and carries it into the road 
and throws it there. The meat of the animal, cow, or goat, he takes and eats in 
the open space before the house. In the case of peasants who cannot afford a goat 
for the blood, they make a mixture of wood ashes and water with which the 
door-posts and the man are sprinkled. When the person recovers it is customary 
to give a goat or fowl to be kept aUve as the property of the spirit. 

54. The ghost is greatly feared ; it is thought it takes up its abode in the hut 
on the longest pole, but only the spirit of the aunt or of some relative not 
properly interred, that is not with sufficient pomp or honour, is feared. These 
latter are greatly feared; they are said to wander about for a few days, 
perhaps a couple of weeks, then they come and take up their abode in the house 
and begin to make the inmates suffer. Usually the head of the house is stricken 
with some disease and the Mandwa has to divine what is the cause ; if it is not 
some person who has bewitched him then it is supposed to be a spirit, and the 
offended spirit has to be found. This is done by gathering all the information 
he can from every source. When they are satisfied as to the cause of illness they 
first try to propitiate the spirit by offerings, and if the person recovers then they 
say the spirit has gone and is satisfied, and the grave is carefully repaired and 
kept for tlie future. Should liowever the spirit continue to trouble the man then 
they have to apply to some other Mandwa to come. 

The spirit of a relative resents very strongly the corpse being thrown into the 
grass and not being buried, and even a slave will haunt a house for this offence. 



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Kev. J. EOSCOE. — Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda, 127 

There are stories told of two chiefs who threw out the corpses of their slaves and 
left them to the wild beasts in the grass ; the spirits came to them and would not 
be propitiated until in the case of the Katambala he consented to have his own 
body buried only in a cow hide and near the forest and not in the family grave. 
For years the Katambala has been thus buried, each successive chief has from 
feai* agreed to this mode of dishonourable burial. The Kaira, a chief in Singo, 
has also for some years not been allowed to be buried owing to one of the 
former chiefs throwing out a slave's corpse; these chiefs are taken to a hill 
called Mugulu and the body, which is tied up in a cow hide, thrown over a 
precipice and left there. 

55. The late King Mutesa also had a spirit which haunted him for some years ; 
this was said to be the spirit of one of his wives ; she was the favourite and he 
had some words with her and ordered her to be cut up. This was done and her 
spirit then refused to permit the remains to be buried ; it appeared to the king by 
night and made hims have them removed from one place to another, and when 
he built a laro;e house in Jionour of the spirit it demanded firat one slave, then 
another, or cattle until it became very wealthy. The remains were never buried 
but placed in the tomb built for their reception. Then the spirit would not 
allow the king to take any other woman to wife, and also told him he would 
suflfer from certain diseases, all of which is said to have come about, and the 
spirit at last told him when he was going to die. 

56. When a person dies the corpse is laid in state in his principal house. 
The widows and mourners all stand around and the eldest son is brought in. One 

. of the relatives places in the right hand of the corpse the seeds of the Nsuju (a kind 
of vegetable marrow), and the son takes them out with his lips and chews them; he 
then spits out part of them over the corpse and the rest over one of the widows 
who has either borne no children or only girls. This woman then becomes his 
wife. This ceremony is to show to all the mourners the deceased has a son, for no 
one but his son may perform the above ceremony. This ceremony is called 
Kulumira Mpambo. When the corpse is being interred if the deceased has a 
grandson he comes and cuts off a comer of one of the bark-clothes which has 
been left unfolded purposely, and takes it away with him; he then throws 
the knife with which he cut the cloth at one of the widows, who becomes his 
wife. This woman must also be one who has borne no male children to the 
deceased. 

During the time of mourning there is no sexual connection allowed among 
the mourners; the period of mourning may be from ten days to a month according 
to the rank of the dead person. When it is over the relatives bring large pots of 
beer and place them at the door of the house in which the mourning is held, then 
some plantains are cooked and with them are mixed some of the kind only used 
for making beer to show it is the food of sorrow. Each of the mourners take a 
little of this food and the remainder is thrown down and trodden under foot in the 
fiance which then takes place. The dance goes on all night, and early next morning, 



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128 Rev. J. Eoscoe. — Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Bayanda, 

when it begins to get light, the mourners cut down the main post which is in the 
centre of the house and put it on the fira This shows the mainstay is gone. 
Round the fire sitting on the post gather all the widows who have no relatives or 
who are of another tribe. All the widows who have relatives stand round the 
room ; should one of the widows who has a relative present go there and sit on 
the post he would at once remove her or otherwise she would be regarded as the 
sole property of the heir. A fowl is cooked and divided up and each man eats a 
little and the widows eat a small kind of fish like a sprat ; some only smell it and 
throw it down. When this ceremony is over the heir is brought and stands at the 
door of the house, and his uncle (a brother of the deceased) comes and throws over 
him a bark-cloth, and announces to all those present: "This is the heir of the 
deceased." Each person then comes and ties on his right wrist a few cowrie shells, 
and all those who have unpaid debts come to him and announce the amount the 
deceased owed to them. The heir is next presented with a shield, a spear, and a 
large knife, and a girl is also given to him as a wife ; she carries a smaller knife. 
They next go to the garden and cut a bunch of plantains of the kind from which 
beer is made, and this is sent to be made into beer for the people to drink, who 
rejoice that the mourning is ended. When they return a bark-cloth is placed 
inside the house in the place of the master of the house, and the heir goes and 
sits on it. All who come to call and condole with him in the loss of his parent 
give him a few shells which they place on the bark-cloth. 

In the evening a goat is killed and cooked. The liver is cooked separately 
and given to the orphans and the widows; all the mourners who are clean, 
that is, have not had sexual relations, are allowed to partake of the feast If any 
one, however, who has had sexual relations, eats of the meat, he will be sure to die. 
During the mourning the hair is unkempt and the finger nails left to grow long and 
ashes mixed with water are rubbed on the chest. A girdle of dry plantain leaves 
is worn and plantain fibre placed on the floor and the plantains peeled at the door 
of the house and the skins left there. All the partitions of the house are also 
removed and the whole house thrown open. When the mourning is over the heads 
of all are shaved and the nails trimmed and the house cleaned and renovated. 
The mourning is then at an end. 

The Death ami Burial of the Kinjg, 
When the king becomes seriously ill few people are allowed to visit him, nor 
are the ordinary people told the nature of the illness ; it is always called influenza. 
Formerly all the wives were allowed to wait on the sick king but on one occasion 
the wives in their sorrow fell upon the sick man and killed him outright, and after 
that only a few to act as nurses and the Katikiro were present during the last days 
of the king. Directly after death the body is washed and the limbs straightened 
out and the body wrapped in bark-clothes and placed in one of the large houses in 
the king's enclosure. The king's sister, who holds the oflBce of Nalinya (king's 
sister), is the guardian with some of the executioners. The large drums kept for 



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Eev. J. ROSCOE. — Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Bago.nda. 129 

the purpose then beat out the news of the death and the fire at the entrance to 
the palace, which is hghted every night when the king is in the capital and in 
health, is extinguished ; these are the signs for the people to put on nM)urniug. 
They at once nish to the bananas for the dried leaves and put on old bark-clothes 
with a girdle of the dried leaves as the national sign of sorrow and mourning for 
the king. Then all rush to the king's enclosure, where they remain all night. 
In the meantime the Katikiro has called up Kasuju, who is the guardian of the 
princes and together they choose a new king. Should they differ about the 
prince to be chosen they fight it out, and the stronger party places their prince 
upon the throne. When the new king is chosen he chooses a new Kago and with 
the Mugema (keeper of the king's tombs) and the Sebaganzi (brother of the king's 
mother) the king's uncle, go to the house where the body is lying in state and 
the king takes a piece of bark-cloth and covers the late king's face. He then 
with all the people except the Mugema and Kago who remain to guard and look 
after the dead, goes to Busiro to a place called Budo where there is a large stone 
on which the new king sits to be crowned. 

The body of the late king is taken to Busiro the Mugema's province to be 
embalmed and is kept there for two months for this purpose. When this period 
has elapsed it is taken to a hill which has been chosen for the tomb and a house 
built there for its reception. In this hut a kind of bedstead is built on which a 
number of bark-clothes are spread and on these the corpse is placed, more bark- 
clothes are put on the top to cover it and then the door is closed. Around the 
house a strong fence is made and a number of men and women who held ofiBce 
under the late king are put to death, the men on the right side and the women on 
the left. They are the Kauta the king's cook, the Seruti the brewer, Sebalija 
the chief of the herdsmen, and Kalinda the head of the men who tended at 
the entrance of the enclosure. The women are, Omufumbiro cook, Omusibika 
keeper of the king's bed, Omusenero drawer of the king's wine, Omulidamazi the 
keeper of the water. These are brought to the door of the tomb with their hands 
tied behind them and are clubbed to death ; their bodies are not removed but left 
where they fell, and the strong fence is to keep off the wild beasts. A second fence 
is then made to enclose all the houses of the keepers of the tomb ; these may be 
fifty or more, all of them women who have been the late king's wives. When the 
fence is completed a number of prisoners who have been imprisoned for various 
crimes by the late king, are brought and killed within the second fence and their 
bodies left as the former were. 

After a period of five months the tomb is visited by the new king's uncle and 
three chiefs Kago, Mugema, and Sebata with a few soldiers, and Gunju, one of the 
party, enters the tomb and severs the head from the late king's body and brings 
it out and puts it into an ant heap for the insects to eat off all the flesh. The 
skull is then taken and washed in a special river Ndyabuworu. The door-posts 
of the hut are taken out directly the skull has been removed, and the roof allowed 
to come down so as to prevent anyone else from going into the tomb. The skull 

Vol. XXXI (N.S. IV). K 



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130 Ebv. J. ROSCOE. — Notes on the Manners and Chistoms of the Baganda. 

after being cleaned is filled, first, with wine which Kalogo, one of the late king's 
priests, drinks, and then with milk. This man is especially marked out for the 
spirit of the late king to possess. Up to this time the spirit has not entered any 
dwelling but now is to have a place of its own. The skull is then taken to the 
new king and after he has been told they have brought the king he sends away 
the skull to the tomb, but the lower jaw is placed in a jar made for the purpose, 
and this is covered with bark-clothes, and these are made up into the shape of a 
man and decorated with beads, etc. The skull is taken and put back in the tomb, 
but the jaw-bone represents the king as still alive and a house is built for its 
reception. 

In this house, which is also bee-hive shaped, there are two rooms, the outer one 
in which the ordinary people may come and an inner one where the spirit of the 
departed king is said to dwell In front of the partition is a throne set and 
covered with lion and leopard skins, and again in front of this is a rail of spears 
and shields and knives, most of them of copper and brass and beautifully worked. 
These keep the entrance to the throne sacred. When the Mandwa who is to be 
possessed of the king's spirit wants to hold converse with the people in the king's 
name, he first comes to this throne and speaks to the spirit inside the inner room 
and tells the business of the people ; he then smokes one or two pipes, and after 
a few moments he b^ns to rave and is then possessed with the spirit, and speaks 
in the tone of the late king and speaks in the manner as he would have done. 
The spirit after making known its wishes returns to the inner room and the 
man can go away as before. The possession is only periodical 

In this house all the king's wives who bore him children live, and in houses 
all around it in a large enclosure are other women who were his wives. Their 
duties are to keep the place in order and look after the large reception room in 
which there is a carpet of grass which is of a scented kind and so laid that not 
one blade of grass is out of order. Near the enclosure is the old Nalinya or queen 
sister who has control of all the place, and with her are several of the late king's 
chiefs, who now have been pensioned off and hold a piece of land and bear the 
same title as of old. This place is kept in repair by the new king and all the 
fences kept in good order. If any of the women die they are replaced by the 
relatives of the deceased from their clan. 



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( 131 ) 



THE JAPANESE GOHEI AND THE AINU INAO, 

By W. G. Aston, C.M.G. 

[Head at the Meeting, June 19th. With Plate IX.] 

Shinto, the old native religion of Japan, though it contains other elements, 
is substantially a nature- worship, the chief deities of which are the Sun-goddess, 
the Moon-god, the Thunder-god, the Wind-gods, and various gods associated with 
growth and the production of food. These natural powers are conceived of as 
having human sentiments, and their worship comprises the oflfering of such objects 
as would be acceptable to human beings, in order to testify the gratitude of the 
donor or with the object of bringing down future blessings. Probably the more 
enlightened worshipper is well aware that the gods make no use of the things 
presented to them. But this does not affect the real object which he has in view, 
namely, to make his hopes or gratitude visible to gods and men. 

Shinto offerings are of the most varied character. They include weapons, 
mirrors, tools, agricultural implements, lands, temples, slaves, riding-horses, 
jewellery, food and liquor, and wearing apparel, whether in the form of pieces of 
cloth or of the raw material for their manufacture. It was out of this last 
description of offerings (called nusa by the Japanese) that the gohei were 
developed. The clotliing of the ancient Japanese consisted of silk, hempen fabrics, 
and yufUy a stuff woven from the inner bark of the paper-mulberry. At first the 
offerings consisted of so many ounces of hemp or bark-fibre or so many pieces of 
cloth. But later they assumed a more specialised and conventional form, of which 
the accompanying drawing (Fig. 2) will give an idea.^ These wei*e called Oho-nusa 
or " great offerings," and are still in use on important occasions, though for ordinary 
purposes they have been superseded by the simplified form (Fig. 3), known to us 
as gohei. The Oho-mim consist of two wands, placed side by side, from the ends of 
which depend a quantity of hempen fibre* and a number of strips of paper. One 
of the wands is of the cleyera japonica, or evergreen sacred tree. The other is of 
bamboo. Their use is connected with an old Japanese rule of etiquette that 
presents to a superior should be delivered attached to a branch of a tree, the 

» A slightly different form of Oho-nusa is figured on p. 35 of a valuable paper on " Ancient 
Japanese Rituals," contributed by Dr. Karl Florenz to the 7Va)isactions of the Asiatic Society of 
Japan^ December, 1899. 

* Reminding us of Homer's orc/ifui Ofoioy which was of tufted wool attached to a wand 
(o-jc^irrpov), Iliad^ I, 28. 

K 2 



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132 W. G. Aston. — The Japanese Grohei and the Ainu Inao, 

object of which was no doubt to mark a respectful aloofness of the giver from the 
receiver. The paper-strips represent the yufu, or mulberry-bark fabric. The use 
of yufu for clothing having become obsolete, owing to the introduction of cotton, 
paper, which in Japan is made of the same material, was substituted for it. In the 
Goheij the hemp and one of the wands are omitted. Another form of nicm, called 
Ko-misa (little nusa), or Kiri-nusa (cut nusa)^ consists of paper, with leaves of the 
sacred tree, chopped up and mixed with rice. Travellers in ancient times carried 
this mixture with them in a bag, and made offerings of it to the local deities along 
their way. It was also used when in danger from shipwreck. 

The reason for the prominence given to the gohei almost to the exclusion of 
other kinds of offerings is to be looked for in the fact that the materials for 
clothing which they represent were the currency of ancient Japan, in which all 
values were estimated. They have therefore a representative character. We are 
told, for example, that in a.d. 1151 a wild boar for offering at a certain Shinto 
festival being unprocurable, eight pieces of cloth (its estimated value) were 
substituted. The representative quality of the gohci is further illustrated by the 
circumstance that gohei made of copper cash (Fig. 5) were known in later time& 

Along with the alteration in the form of the mtsa to the present gohei, there 
came a change in the mental attitude of the worshipper. Originally mere offerings, 
they were at length by virtue of long association looked upon as representatives of 
the deity. Scholars like Motoori and Hirata denounce this view as a corruption of 
later times, but it is no doubt at present the prevailing conception. Hepburn's 
Japanese dictionary knows no other. It is illustrated by the fact that instead of 
the worshipper bringing gohei to the shrine, these objects are now given out by the 
priest to the worshipper, who takes them home and sets them up in his private 
Kami'dana (god-shelf) or domestic altar. 

A further step, is taken when it is believed that on festival occasions the god, 
on a certain formula, called the Kami-oroshi or " bringing down the god," being 
pronounced, descends into the gohei and remains there during the ceremony, 
taking his departure at its close. In the vulgar Shinto of the present day this 
belief in a real presence of the god is associated with hypnotism. The subject or 
practitioner holds a gohci in his hands, and the violent, unintentional wobbling of 
the gohei, as well as the hypnotic, inspired condition of the subject which ensue, 
are attributed to the presence of the god, which enters his body by this channel. 
Mr. Percival Lowell has given an interesting account of this and associated 
practices in his Occult Japan, 

Associated with the belief in an actual presence of a deity in the goJid is 
their use in the Harai or purification ceremony, when they were flourished over 
or rubbed against the person to be absolved of ritual uncleanness. It is stated by 
Mr. Fukuzawa, in his recently published autobiography, that when the late Duke 
of Edinburgh visited Japan in 1870 he was subjected to this ceremony before 
being admitted to the Imperial presence. No such ceremony could possibly have 
been peimitted in their presence by the British officials concerned; but at a 



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W. G. Aston. — The Japanese Gohei and the Ainu Inao. 133 

convenient distance, rites with gohd and other Shinto appliances were performed 
in order to exorcise any evil spirits or influences which might have accompanied 
the Prince from abroad. 

There is a still further stage of belief, not, in so far as I am aware, illustrated 
by the goheiy in which the object which has begun by being an offering ends by 
being a distinct god. The gohei, however, are not the only material receptacles 
for the Shinto divinities. Almost every shrine contains a Shintai or "god-body," 
also called a Tama-shiro or "spirit-representative." The Shintai has points 
of resemblance to the Greek ayaXfia, which was originally, as its derivation 
shows, a votive offering. It is usually packed away in a box, the contents of 
which are sometimes unknown even to the priest, and may consist of a mirror, 
a sword, a string of beads, a curious stone, a pot, a bow and arrows, etc. Some of 
these objects, which it is clear were originally merely offerings, have attained to 
the rank of independent deities. Thus the mirror, which is the Shintai of 
the Sun-goddess, figures in the ancient mythical records not only as an offering 
suspended to a branch of the sacred tree but as an emblem or representative of the 
goddess and even as " the great deity worshipped at Ise." It is also the object 
of a separate cult under the name Ame Kakasu no Kami, The sword Futsunushi, 
presented by the Sun-goddess to the first Mikado, Jimmu Tenno, has numerous 
shrines dedicated to it. Another sword, called Kusanagi or "the herb- mower,*' 
has been worshipped for centuries at Atsuta, near Nagoya. It was this sword 
which Sum no wo found in the tail of the great serpent slain by him 
to rescue a Japanese Andromeda, and sent as an offering to his sister, the 
Sun-goddess. 

The history of the gohd and Shintai lends strong confirmation to Mr. Herbert 
Spencer's view that fetishism is a later religious development. 

May we not trace some sort of analogy between these Japanese ide.as and the 
Christian conceptions of the eucharistic bread or wafer as a sacrificial offering, an 
emblem, the seat of a divine presence, or as le bon Dieu Himself ? The history of 
the Indian god Soma also presents points of analogy. 

The inao are to the Ainus of Yezo what the goJiei are to the Japanese. They 
are made of willow wands whittled at the top into a mass of shavings in the 
manner shown in the illustration (Fig. 4). If they ai*e compared with the 
Oho-nusa (Fig. 2), it will be seen that there is a general resemblance of form, the 
differences being attributable to the different material used. The inao no doubt 
had their origin among a ruder and poorer people, with whom paper was difficult 
to procure. That they are directly traceable to Japan is further shown by the 
fact that the alternative Ainu name for inao is the Japanese word nma. This is 
by no means the only evidence of a close relation between the Ainu religion and 
Shinto. The important Ainu words Kamui (god) and ongami (prayer) are also of 
Japanese origin. Another point of agreement is the pre-eminent position given 
in both religions to the Sun-goddess and the recognition by both of a dual 
principle in the pairs of spirits — the aratama (rough spirit) and nigitama (gentle 



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134 W. G. Aston. — The Japanese Gohei and the Ainu Inao, 

spirit) of the Japanese, the shi acha (rough uncle) and mo axiha (uncle of peace) of 
the Ainus. 

There is, moreover, another curious link between the Ainu iimo and the 
Japanese gohei or nvsa which has a special interest of its own. We learn from 
the Makura no Soshi, a work written about A.D. 1000, that it was then the custom, 
during the spring festival, for the boys in the Imperial Palace to go about striking 
the young women on the loins with the potsticks used for making gruel* on that 
occasion. This was supposed to ensure fertility. It reminds us of the Boman 
practice at the spring festival of Lupercalia, alluded to by Shakespeare in his 
Julius Ccesar — 

"Forget not in your speed, Antonius, 
To touch Calphurnia ; for our elders say 
The barren, touched in this holy chase, 
Shake o£f their steril curse." 

Now the Japanese antiquary and novelist Kioden, in his work entitled 
KottoshiUy written about a century ago, informs us that this custom was at that 
time still in vogue in the northern province of Echigo. He gives a dmwing 
(Fig. 5) of the sticks used for the purpose, which, it will be observed, are in every 
way similar to the Ainu iTuw. For the explanation of this coincidence we are 
left to conjecture. It seems possible that the persons who first used these objects 
instead of the older potsticks were familiar with them as cheaper substitutes for 
the hemp or paper gohei or nusa^ and that the practice dates from a time when 
they were no longer considered as offerings but as embodiments of a divine 
presence, and therefore naturally possessed of greater potency than common 
potsticks. One name for them is iwai-gi Iwai means taboo, religious abstinence, 
worship, sacred, holy, congratulation, blessing; and gi is for ki, wood or stick. 
Another name is Kedzuri-kake, which means " part-shaven." A Japanese book of 
the early eighteenth century informs us that sticks resembling the wands used for 
offerings at the pmification ceremony were part-shaven, and set up in bundles at 
the four corners of the Gion shrine in Kioto on the last day of the year. The 
priests, after prayers were recited, broke up the bundles and set fire to the sticks, 
which the people then carried home to light their household fires with for the new 
year. The object of this ceremony was to avert pestilence. These sticks were 
also called Kedzuri-kake. 

Authorities are not agreed as to the precise character of the inao. Most 
travellers, including Miss Bird, usually an accurate observer, describe them as 
household gods. On the other hand, the Eev. John Batchelor, who resided for 
eight years among the Ainus and was well acquainted with their language, says 
in his Ainu of Japan : " It is no matter for surprise that travellers have taken 

» The gruel was of small red beans. Eed is a masculine colour and is calculated to correct 
the feminine (or gloomy) influences remaining over from the winter season. But this is perhaps 
a later hypothesis only. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute^ Vol, XXXI, Plate IX, 



, „„., , 2. OHO-NUSA. 3. GOHEl. 

1. IWAl-OI. 

4. INAO. 5. GOHEI OF COPPER CASH. 

GOIIEI AND INAO. 



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W. G. Aston. — The Japanese Gohei and the Ainu Inao, 135 

the inao to be gods ; in fact, it would have been a great wonder had they not done 
so. But enough has been said to show that in no sense can the willow- wands be 
called gods. They are merely offerings to the various deities."^ Mr. Batchelor's 
view is doubtless in the main correct At the same time, when we remember the 
craving of some humanity for a tangible, visible, concrete object of worship, and 
the fact that in Japan and elsewhere the offering has been known to pass into 
the god, we may suspect that the contrary opinion held by Miss Bird is 
something more than mere surmise. It would not be suiprising to find that there 
are some Ainus to whom the inao are actually gods. 

' In a paper contributed by Mr. Batchelor to the TVaiisactions of the Japan Asiatic Society in 
1895, he modifies the statement quoted above, and admits that in some cases the inao are direct 
objects of worship, or, to use his own words, " genuine fetiches." 



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( 137 ) 



NOTE UPON THE NATIVES OF SAVAGE ISLAND, OE NlUfi. 

By Basil Thomson. 

When Cook discovered Savage Island, he found it impossible to establish 
communication with the natives : " the endeavours we used to bring them to a 
parley were to no purpose ; for they came with the ferocity of wild boars, and 
threw their darts." The Eev. John Williams, during his memorable voyage in the 
Messenger of Peace, in 1 830, recruited two Niud boys, and subsequently sent them 
back to the island as teachers, but, after a time, influenza having broken out 
among the natives, and the two youths being accused of bringing it from Tahiti, 
one was killed together with his father. The other escaped in company with the 
boy who returned as a Christian teacher in 1848. Dr. Turner, who visited the 
island in 1848 and in 1859, writes, " Natives of other islands who drifted there in 
distress, whethier from Tonga, Samoa, or elsewhere, were invariably killed. Any 
of their own people who went away in a ship, and came back, were killed, and all 
this was occasioned by a dread of disease. For yea,rs after they began to venture 
out to ships they would not immediately use anything obtained, but hung it in the 
bush in quarantine for weeks." 

Dr. Turner had great difiBculty in landing the Niud teacher trained in Samoa ; 
armed crowds rushed down to kill him ; they wanted to send his canoe and his 
chest back to the mission ship as soon as they were landed, saying that the foreign 
wood would cause disease among them. It is possible that an epidemic following 
the Tongan invasion, or the arrival of castaways from other islands, had engendered 
this dread of disease that led to so murderous a system of quarantine. The only 
tradition of a visit from foreigners that seems to have an historical basis, is that 
recording the inva,sion of the Tongans. According to the Nine tradition, the 
natives awaited the Tongan attack behind a chasm, a rent in the limestone roof of 
a cave near Alofi, which they had cunningly concealed with boughs. The Tongans, 
ignorant of the pitfall, attacked desperately, and were precipitated into the cave 
and killed. The cave was shown to me, and some human bones were unearthed in 
proof of the story, but seeing that until recently caves were the usual places of 
burial, they were not convincing evidence. A Tongan tradition evidently refers to 
the same event. 

At a date that may be computed by generations as about 1535, Takalaua, 
the King of Tonga, was assassinated, and his son, Kau-ulu-fonua, pursued the 
murderers from island to island until he caught and slew them at Futuna. Among 



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138 Basil Thomson. — Note upon the Natives of Savage Island, or Niui, 

the islands in which the murderers took refuge was Savage Island, and here the 
pursuers landed upon a rock separated from the mainland by a narrow chasm, 
across which the enemy had laid boughs. But in this version, as might be 
expected from a Tongan narrator, they overleapt the chasm, and put the native 
army to flight — a more probable result of the battle when the relative prowess of 
the two peoples is compared. There is another Tongan tradition of a canoe 
belonging to the.King of Tonga drifting to Savage Island, but the tradition is too 
fragmentary to warrant any attempt to fix the date. But the facts that the 
Savage Islanders use the word '* Tonga " to denote all foreign countries, and that 
"Tui Tonga" was the title of the best known of their kings, point to an 
intercourse with Tonga in comparatively remote times. 

On the other hand, it is quite clear that the Savage Islanders are not a mere 
offshoot from the Tongan stock, nor even pure Polynesians. The institutions of 
Tonga are a dominant aristocracy ; those of Niu^ are republican. In Tonga every 
public ceremony was accompanied by a highly elaborate ritual ; in Niu^ dignity 
and gentle manners were unknown. The Tongan mode of warfare was frontal 
attack by desperate charges ; the Niu^an, a series of feints intended to frighten 
the enemy, and entice him into ambush. The physiognomy of the people is not 
pure Polynesian ; there seem to be two types, the one Polynesian, and the other 
Micronesian, with all the gradations of hybrids between the two races, and I 
question whether the island was not originally peopled from the Line Islands, 
and the population modified by successive immigrations from Tonga, Earatonga, 
Aitutaki and Samoa. The language, it is true, appears to be very much like the 
Tongan, for I was able to understand the gist of everything that was said, but 
the immigration of a superior race has often had the eflfect of impressing its 
language and laws upon the inferior long before any change takes place in the 
physical type. In Ongtong Java, for instance, there is a Melanesian race speaking 
a Polynesian tongue, the result of intercourse with the crew of a single canoe 
which drifted thither from Tonga, in the latter half of the eighteenth century. 

The institutions of Niu^ seem always to have been republican. In ancient 
times the ruling power was held by the " toa," or fighting men, and the party that 
happened for the moment to be in the ascendant elected a king to be their mouth- 
piece. It was a dignity that cost its holder dearly, for the object of the opposition 
party was invariably to kill the king, and a violent death had come to be so often 
the appanage of royalty that for eighty years before the introduction of Christianity, 
and the consequent cessation of warfare, no one could be found willing to 
undertake the office. Since the missionaries have controlled the island there have 
been three kings; they were elected by the chiefs of villages, who had been 
themselves elected by the people. They governed with the consent of a council 
of these chiefs which met in the open air once a month, and they carried out their 
decrees by the force of public opinion. There were no taxes beyond the obligation 
to provide feasts for these councils, and occasionally to carry food to the king, or 
to the chiefs of villages. 



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Basil Thomson. — Note upon the Natives of Savage Island, or Niv4. 139 

The following is a list of the kings as far back as their names are recorded : — 

Punimata, of Halafualangi, reigned at Fatuaua. (Died.) 

Ngalianga, of PulakL (Killed.) 

Patuavalu, of Puato. (Died.) 

Fokimata, of Pulaki. (Died.) 

Pakieto, of Utavavau. (Starved to death.) 

Interregnum of eighty years. 
Tuitonga. (Succeeded 1876.) 
Fataaiki (Succeeded 1888.) 
Tongia. (Succeeded 1898 after interregnum of two years.) 

Religion, — ^There were no idols in Niud. The two great deities were, as in 
New Zealand and in Tonga, Tangaloa and Mau'i. There is no tradition of them as 
living men. Mau'i pushed up the island by successive efforts, first as high as a 
reef, awash at low tide, and then as high as Tonga, and then, by a final heave, to its 
present height. The Niu^ story of the peopling of the earth is almost identical 
with the Maori tradition. The earth lay locked in the embraces of her spouse, 
the heaven, and man, their progeny, lying between them, panted for air. Uniting 
their strength, men tore their parents apart, and the rain-drops are the tears shed 
by Heaven at being sundered from his bride. 

Every tribe had its tutelary deity, who was probably a deified ancestor. The 
belief in an after-existence was shadowy. The virtuous passed into Ahonoa 
(Everlasting Light) ; evildoers into Po (Darkness). The virtues were kindness, 
chastity, theft from another tribe, and the slaughter of an enemy ; the vices, theft 
from a member of one's own tribe, breaking an agreement or a tabu, cowardice, 
and homicide in time of peace. 

That the dead reappear is believed even now after many years of mission 
teaching. When a man is dying his friends take food to him, and say " Be good ; 
if you leave us, go altogether." When they buried the body they threw heavy 
stones upon the grave to keep the " Aitu " down, and wailed forty nights. Only 
three years ago a woman burned her daughter's grave, because she said that the 
spirit was afflicting her with sickness. They spread a piece of white Seapo 
(bark-cloth) beside the body, and the insect that first crawls upon it is carefully 
wrapped up, and buried with the body ; it is the Mo'ui, the Soul. 

The dead cannot be summoned to answer questions, but even now widows go 
to the graves of their dead husbands, and call upon them to help them when they 
are oppressed. 

The office of priest, Taula'atua, was hereditary. Priests were inspired by 
a draught of kava {piper m^thysticum) which was not drunk at other times. The 
offerings made to the gods were the priests' perquisites. There were no temples ; 
the gods visited their priests in sacred mounds or clearings. In late heathen times 
the gods did not take animal fomu», but there is a trace of totemism in the 
tabu of certain animals to particular tribes. The moko lizard peculiar to the 



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140 Basil Thomson. — Note upon the Natives of Savage Idand, or NivA, 

island was sacred throughout Niu^ ; the Lulu owl was tabu to the people of 
Alofi. 

The priests, both male and female, had much political influence, and the 
" toa " found it to their advantage to be on good terms with them, although 
they themselves had the power of invoking the gods without the intermediary 
of a priest. 

There was no festival for initiation, though a feast was always held when a 
boy assumed the maro, the girdle of males. Ceremonial purification was necessary 
for those who had touched a dead body, or infringed a tabu. These were forbidden 
for a period to lift food to their mouths ; they were fed by others, and drank as 
animals do. Human sacrifice was unknown. 

There is a very curious survival of circumcision, a rite which, the natives say, 
has never been actually practised since they can remember, though it is almost 
universal in Tonga, Samoa and Fiji. The child is laid on the ground under an 
awning of native cloth, and an old man makes the sign of circumcision round the 
foreskin with his forefinger. A child not so initiated is never regarded as a full- 
born member of the tribe. Tattooing was not practised in ancient times, but it is 
now being introduced by men who have been to Samoa or Tonga as labourers. 

Witchcraft. — There is a prevailing belief that people can be hag-ridden. Not 
long ago a woman of Alofi was so affected. She rushed madly about the country, 
and seemed to be incapable of sleeping. When sisked whose spirit had entered 
into her, she readily gave his name, and though her friends knew no way of 
exorcising the evil spirit, she eventually recovered. Exorcism by secret invocation 
is practised to neutralise curses. The ordinary form of witchcraft was to take the 
soil on which an enemy had set his footprint to a sacred place, and curse it in 
order that he might be afflicted with lameness. In preparing for war a piece of 
green kava was bound on either side of the spear to strike the enemy with blind- 
ness. Nowadays the commonest form of witchcraft is to put a live lizard in a 
bottle and bury it under a cocoanut tree ; any person who drinks the water of the 
cocoanuts is destroyed. I asked King Tongia whether the priests had the power 
of making warriors invulnerable. He replied that they all claimed to have this 
power, but that, so far as his observation went, it was unwise to trust only 
to their skill: he had observed that the foolhardy got killed all the same. 

Diseases. — Mr. W. H. Head, who has been more than 30 years on the 
island, stated that yaws (Tona) and phthisis were quite unknown before the 
arrival of the Samoan teachers. The natives, when he first arrived, generally 
seemed to die of old age. Coughs and colds were then unknown. The diseases 
of that time were Makulokuli (a difficulty in passing water), lupus and 
scrofula. Since the intercourse with ships, the policy which earned for the Niu^ 
people from Cook the name of ** Savage Islanders," has been amply justified. In 
these days every child has yaws as a matter of course, though the disease might 
easily be stamped out by isolation. Whooping-cough has never left the island 
since its introduction. Measles, introduced in 1898 by a returning labourer. 



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Basil Thomson. — Note upon the Natives of Savage Islamd, or Niii6, 141 

occasioned about 100 deaths, but, though it lasted twelve months, so efficient was 
the natives* quarantine of infected villages, that the village of Tuapa escaped it 
altogether. Syphilis, unknown 34 years ago, is said to be very prevalent in the 
tertiary form, especially among infants: as its native name, "Tona Tahiti," indicates 
it was brought from Tahiti. There is not much ophthalmia, which is strange, in 
view of the enormous number of flies that used to infest the island. It is a 
remarkable fact that the flies completely disappeared early in the present year 
1900. Not one was seen during my visit. Deformities are rare. There are a few 
cases of insanity, and the people are disposed to treat them unkindly. Even in 
these days serious illness is always regarded as possession by an evil spirit. 

Medical Treatment. — Nearly all the old women are medical practitioners, and 
the number of herbal decoctions that they administer to a sick person is incredible. 
The best known of these native doctors take heavy fees in kind, but their faith 
in their own nostrums must be slender, for they themselves have recourse to 
the dispensaries of the Mission and Mr. Head whenever they are ill. Mr. Head 
told me that he finds that the natives require smaller doses of drugs than 
Europeans. 

Infanticide used to be common in the cases of illegitimate children, and 
children born in time of war. In the latter case the child was disposed of by 
Fakafolau, that is to say, it was put into an ornamented cradle, and, with many 
tears, set adrift upon the sea. Mothers are very affectionate to their children. 

Midwifery. — A professional midwife attends at delivery, and the husband 
may, or may not, be present. The woman is delivered in a sitting posture. The 
midwife assists the labour by squeezing the abdomen : if the afterbirth is slow in 
coming away she becomes frightened, and tries to hasten it by treading on the 
abdomen. The umbilical cord was formerly severed with the teeth rather near 
the child : it is now cut long with scissors, and coiled down without tying. Feasts 
were held at various stages in the infant's growth. 

Mal-presentations are very rare, and the women suffer but little in childbirth. 
Mr. Head has seen women walk four or five miles the day following their delivery. 
The child was usually suckled about twelve months, during which period there was 
strict sexual abstention between the parents. It was weaned upon taro, chewed 
by the mother, who now, unfortunately, is addicted to smoking the rankest tobacco 
in a pipe. 

Abortion was formerly common, because if a couple did not come together 
with the consent of the girl's relations, they were punished. Drugs and trampling 
on the abdomen were the usual methods employed. Abortion seems to be less 
common now since the law against seduction is administered with caprice, and 
influence can generally be brought to screen those who offend against it. An 
illegitimate child has no disabilities, and its parents do not suffer in public 
estimation. The absence of so many of the men, and the consequent predominance 
of women, are sufiicient to account for a large increase in illegitimacy. 

The marriage of first cousins is not popular as in Fiji. The offspring of two 



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142 Basil Thomson. — Note upon the Natives of Savage Islanct, or Niu4, 

sisters are absolutely forbidden to many, but the children of two brothers, or of a 
brother and sister, may do so without being held guilty of incest In the old days 
a young man took a present to the parents of the girl, and, if it was accepted, a 
feast fulfilled all the formalities. If he took the girl without the leave of her 
parents, and could not command the influence of the " toas," he was clubbed. The 
abduction of married women into the bush has lately become common. 

Native families are large. Families of five and six are frequently met with, 
and there is more than one woman on the island who has given birth to sixteen 
children. There used to be no barren women, but now, owing perhaps to sexual 
excesses at an early age, childless women are not uncommon. These generally 
adopt children, to whom they behave in all respects as if they had borne them. 

Funeral customs, — Before a man is dead his shroud is unfolded, and the funeral 
feast prepared, all these preparations being made before his eyes. Food is presented 
to him as an inducement not to leave his wraith behind him, and his relations 
trouble his last moments with questions regarding the disposition of his property. 
His wishes on this subject are held to be as binding as a will. That curious power 
of self-abandonment, which enables a sick man to foretell the hour of his death, is 
as common here as it is in other parts of the Pacific. As soon as life is extinct, 
the body is oiled and wrapped in its shroud, and the mourners agree upon a time 
for wailing, which they do with every semblance of frantic grief. The feast is 
eaten, and on the following day the body is carried to a shallow grave, dug in the 
coral rock somewhere between the public road emd the edge of the cliff. Before 
Christian times it was simply laid upon the floor of one of the burying caves. 
Stones are laid upon it to keep the " Aitu " down, and a neat grave of coloured 
pebbles, or a rounded vault of white concrete, lettered in relief, is built over it. 
The side of the road which skirts the western coast is full of such graves. The 
acquisitive character of the people is sometimes shown disagreeably in their 
determination that the most precious of their possessions should be buried with 
them, lest their relations should benefit by them. Quite lately, an old woman 
tried to extort a promise from Mr. Head that he would throw her favourite axe 
into her grave. On the other hand the relations tend the grave for a long time 
after death, laying garlands and valuables, such as sewing machines, upon it. The 
old custom of Fakalilifi, or cutting down the fruit trees of the deceased with the 
idea of doing him honour in preventing lesser men from using what has been his, 
is dying out, but most of the personal chattels are still destroyed. 

Warfare, — The Savage Islanders were not so impetuous as the Tongans and 
Samoans. They avoided frontal attacks, and trusted rather to terrifying the 
enemy by a series of feints. Some of these manoeuvres were shown to us at an 
entertainment given in our honour. The warriors, brandishing either a spear, or 
a two-handed paddle-club, drew their tangled hair over their eyes, and chewed 
their beards with the most horrible grimaces. They advanced upon one another 
with a remarkable pantomime of battle-fury, always on the ace of striking, but 
always retiring before the fatal blow was struck. The king, Tongia, in relating 



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Basil Thomson. — Note upon the Natives of Savage Island, or NiuA, 143 

the prowess of his forefather, "the greatest warrior in the world," showed Mr. 
Lawes the spot where he had met his match in the " second greatest warrior." 
Mr. Lawes, seeing that the space was confined, asked which of them was killed. 
" Oh, neither of them," the king replied. This historic duel was probably a fair 
example of Savage Island warfare. Cannibalism was never practised. 

Land, — ^The land belongs to clans represented by their heads. In fighting 
times the braves {toa) ignored all rights and seized upon any land that they were 
strong enough to hold. At present there is land enough for all, and the junior 
members of the clan come to the headman whenever they want land to plant upon. 
Titles can be acquired by cultivation. The planting of yams or plantains by 
permission confers no title, but the planting of cocoanuts does so. Thus, there 
being no boundary marks, encroachment by planting these trees is a continual 
cause of friction. It presses particularly hard upon widows and orphans, who are 
frequently robbed of the land inherited from their dead husbands and fathers. 
The excuse given for this injustice is that the child belongs to its mother's clan, 
and that the mother and child should seek land from its mother's kin, but the 
majority of natives condemn the practice. The Pacific Islands Company have 
recently applied for a lease of 200 acres, and though the land for which they have 
applied is not in occupation, they have failed because there is no one whose 
individual interest is sufficient to warrant him in granting a lease. The headman 
receives a sort of rent in the form of service and produce, and the first-fruits, 
formerly oflfered to the gods, are sometimes presented to him. 

Relationships are traced back four or five generations. The people seem to 
be in a transition state between patriarchy and matriarchy. A grown son succeeds 
to his father's house and land, but daughters appear to have greater claims upon 
their maternal uncle. Though these claims are universally recognised, there is 
nothing approaching the rights of the Fijian Vasu. The testamentary power of a 
dying man related to his house, his land, and such of his personal effects as ought 
not rightfully to be destroyed out of respect to his memory. 

Justice, — In ancient times the only tribunal was the Pulangi tau, or Council 
of War. There was no principle of procedure, and the accused was never present. 
The code was the Lex talionis, except when the personal influence of the accused 
screened him from the consequences of his crime. Murder — that is, the killing of 
a member of the tribe, for the slaying of an enemy was a virtue rather than a 
crime — was punished by death. The sentence was carried out by the Kopenga : a 
man was told off to afo (betray) the doomed person by making friends with him, and 
then enticing him into the bush on the pretence of taking him to an assignation : 
there warriors lay in wait and fell upon him unawares. Adultery was punished by 
fine or by the club according to the importance of the offender, and there were 
instances of persons being condemned to be the slaves of their accusers. The 
gratification of private revenge was recognised, and justice was administered 
capriciously as must always be the case in a society that tolerates might as right. 
From the whalers that visited the island the natives first heard of the stocks as a 



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144 Basil Thomson. — Note upon the Natives of Savage Island^ or Niu6, 

punishment, and in a deep cave near Tuapa, from which all light is excluded, 
some of these instruments may still be seen. 

At present there is a judge in each viUage. A message is sent to the accused 
ordering him to appear, and if lie refuses the court adjourns until such time as the 
importunities of his neighbours worry him into surrendering to the charge, for 
there are no paid police. The main object of the trial is to induce the accused to 
confess. Sometimes he is allowed to swear his innocence on the Bible, for perjury, 
so committed, weighs heavily on the conscience, and produces illness and 
consequent confession. When there is no clue to the perpetrator of a crime it 
is not unusual to curse him on the Bible, and confessions due to fear of the 
consequences of such a curse are common. The ordinary punishments are 
labour on the roads, making limekilns (calculated at two weeks' labour each), and 
fines ; but the difficulty of enforcing the two first have led to a preference for fines 
for all offences, and, as the fines are usually paid by the relations, crime may be 
said to go unpunished. The commonest offences at the present time are adultery 
and encroachment on land, the adultery being generally abduction into the bush. 
For theft and housebreaking restitution is ordered in addition to any other punish- 
ment, and it is owing to this wise rule that there are so few complaints against the 
native government on the part of Europeans. Justice is powerless to deal with 
great crimes. In 1887 a man named Koteka murdered his brother. He was 
condemned to perpetual labour on the roads, but, shortly after, a ship coming in, 
he boarded her without opposition and escaped to Manahiki to the great relief of 
the native authorities. There is a primitive but veiy efficacious way of dealing 
with sedition : the monthly council sends a message to the suspected village that 
they intend to meet there, and that they expect a lavish entertainment, knowing 
that, in order to escape this tax, the majority of the villagers will be in favour 
of law and order, and will enforce it. 

The emigration of the young men as labourers is a purely modern development, 
and it is difficult to explain. Their early experience of recruiters could not have 
been favourable. In 1867 the notorious pirate. Bully Hayes, called at the island, 
and, choosing a moment when his vessel was crowded with natives, he made sail. 
Having landed his 80 unwilling passengers on an uninhabited island, he returned 
to Niu^ with the excuse that they had refused to leave his vessel, and, his native 
crew having enticed some 70 girls on board during the night, he set his course for 
Tahiti, picking up the 80 men on the way. At Tahiti he sold his passengers as 
labourers on the plantations, and very few of them ever returned to their homes. 

In their industry and energy the Savage Islands are a great contrast to the 
other Polynesian races. Whether at home or abroad, they do a full day's labour. 
In Niue men carry loads of copra of 150 lbs. weight nine miles to sell to a store- 
keeper. They are now attempting to cut through a limestone bluff to grade the 
road for wheel-traffic. This work, which could easily have been accomplished by 
blasting, they were laboriously doing by lighting fires on the rock to convert it 
into lime, and chipping it off with hammers. They earn 4s. a day from the traders 



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Basil Thomson. — Note upon the Natives of Savage Island, or NiiU, 145 

for shipping copra, and lately they have shown a disposition to strike for 85., which 
is the smallest advance they seem capable of understanding. The ordinary wages 
oh plantations abroad are £2 a month, but on the steamers they make as much as 
£3 IO5. Within a few days of his return a labourer has parted with all his acquired 
property to his friends, and is as poor as when he left home, and in a few weeks he 
is ready to re-engage with the first recruiting vessel that calls at the island. 

While their industry shows no symptom of abatement, there is a marked 
deterioration in their morality. Mr. Lawes thinks that the absence of so many 
of the young men leads to the corruption of young boys by the women whose 
husbands are away, or who can find no husbands. Seduction, which was severely 
punished in heathen times, is no longer resented, but, strangely enough, married 
men are very jealous of their wives, and never leave them out of their sight, except 
when they are absent on night-fishing, and then they confide them to the guardian- 
ship of their sisters, who are pledged to sleep by their sides. Tlie outward 
demeanour of the women, however, is modest. 

Dress, — The former dress was, for males the Maro, or perineal bandage 
assumed at puberty, and for females a petticoat of fibre. The men now wear 
European clothes, and the women the flowing saqm worn by the women of Samoa 
and Tahiti Both sexes wear hats plaited on the island. Whatever has been 
gained in decency has been lost in picturesqueness. 

The villages are the cleanest and neatest in the Pacific. Every native house- 
holder has a hut on his plantation, emd a neatly built concrete house in the village. 
The roof is thatched, the walls whitewashed, the windows closed with a sort of 
rough Venetian of wood smoothed with the adze, and pivoted on the centre of each 
slat so as to exclude the sun while admitting the air. These houses are sometimes 
floored with rough planks cut from the log with the adze. But the older natives 
seem to keep these houses for show, using in preference little native-built hovels 
behind, which they burn down when too ruinous for occupation. 

There is a marked decline in the influence of the mission, which formerly held 
absolute sway, and a consequent recrudescence of heathen superstition. Mr. Bell, 
who was seven years on the island, says that incantations are now constantly sung 
over the sick by professional wizards. The mission still wields some authority, 
through its power of expelling offenders from the church membership, which 
entails some social ostracism, but Mr. Lawes thinks that his personal influence is 
declining, especially with those who have been abroad, and have associated with the 
lower sort of European. With all their faults, however, it is impossible not to like 
a people who, if they do not respect their own chiefs, pay heed to the opinion of 
white men ; who, with the keenest trading instinct, are honest in their dealings, and 
exact honesty from others ; who, while so excitable that a mere domestic quarrel 
will drive them to suicide, are energetic, friendly and good-tempered ; and who 
promise, under English control, to be the most contented and prosperous little 
community in the Pacific. 

Vol. XXXI (N.S. IV). L 



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( 147 ) 



STORIES FROM THE SOUTHERN NEW HEBRIDES, WITH 
INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. 

By Sidney H. Ray. 

These Btories, with the exception of the last, were sent to me some years 
ago by the Presbyterian missionaries in the Southern New Hebrides, the Rev. 
W. Gray and Rev. Dr. Gunn. They come from a most interesting region of 
Melanesia, from the islands of Tanna, Aniwa, and Futuna, where the Polynesian 
and Melanesian people have met and mingled to such an extent that, except in 
language, they are indistinguishable from each other. The people of the three 
islands belong to the darkest and most frizzly-haired section of the Melanesian 
race, but whilst the language of Tanna, differing in some respects from the 
languages of the northern and central parts of the Melanesian Archipelago, is still 
to be classed with them as essentially a Melanesian language, the languages of 
Aniwa and Futuna are in vocabulary and grammar closely related to the tongues 
of Eastern Polynesia. 

The names of the islands of Aniwa and Futuna are decidedly Polynesian, the 
former meaning " a place abounding in coconuts," and the latter recalling the 
name of an island of the Tonga group (Horn Island) also called Futuna. The 
relations of the New Hebrides Futuna and that of Horn Island need not be 
discussed here, but it may suffice to state that there is no decided evidence of any 
migration from the eastern island to the western. 

The first four stories originated through inquiries being made of the natives 
as to whether they knew anything about Tangaloa and Mauitikitiki, who are by 
far the most prominent persons in the folk-tales and myths of Eastern Polynesia. 
Inquiries were also made regarding various other persons, places, and objects 
referred to in the Eastern legends. These may form the subject of another 
communication. In Futuna and Aniwa, Mauitikitiki is called Moshikishiki ; in 
other islands of the New Hebrides (Aneitynm, Efate, and Nguna) he is called by 
his Polynesian name Mauitikitiki. In Tanna the name becomes Motikitiki or 
Matiktiki. Summaries of the actions of Mauitikitiki in various islands of the 
east are given by Tregear,^ but none of them correspond to the Futuna and Tanna 
exploits related here. The Futuna people also credit Moshikishiki with forbidding 
the introduction of sorcery into the island. A partially sunken rock at some 
distance from the shore is pointed out as the canoe which was bringing it. 

> Maori-Polpieiian Comparative Dictuniary. Wellington, 1891 ; article "Maui." 

L 2 



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148 Sidney H. Eay. — Stories from the Southern New Hebrides, 

1. — MosniKiSHiKi and Taposiesi. Fntuna. Rev. Dr. Ghinn. 

Taposiesi^ was a devourer of men, who devoured all the big people, and kept 
the children in the mdrae^ in Pan* until they were big, and then he ate them. 
One day he went up Kirisavini* and met Moshikishiki, who had made himself young 
like a boy, and had been sharpening a stone axe. Taposiesi asked him, " Whence 
came you ? " "I was playing," he answered. " Come down to your brothers in the 
marae.'* They both went down, and heard the noise of the boys playing inside. 
Moshikishiki was put inside too. Taposiesi went away to his plantation. When 
he was away Moshikishiki asked the children what they were doing. " Playing, 
just waiting until our grandfather returns." "He is just deceiving you," said 
Moshikishiki ; " he is feeding you up until you are big, and then he will eat you." 
He then took them away down to Tavesua.* Taposiesi, hearing no sound from 
the house in the marae, came down and found no one inside. " What has become 
of my grandchildren ? " he said. He went down to the cliflf, and saw them on the 
beach below. "What are you doing down there, my grandchildren?" and he 
went down after them, hoping to enclose them inside the rocks. But Moshikishiki 
cut the rocks at Masuataga,** and he and the boys went out towards the sea. 
Taposiesi followed. They went on with Moshikishiki at Taringakasi, and went on^ 
to Sia, and climbed up Feiava, and went on towards Mounga.' They climbed 
iaTnakopu.^ The boys became the seeds and Moshikishiki the core of the 
breadfruit. Taposiesi said, " This is my breadfruit," and went to get firewood to 
cook it. When he was making the fire the boys watered it (urinated) and put it 
out. He went away to get more food. When he was away they left the 
tamakopu and climbed by means of the tarie^ up into the sky. When Taposiesi 
returned he found no one in the breadfruit tree, but saw them in the sky. " How 
did you get up there, my grandchildren ? Give me the vine (or creeper) that I 
may climb up." They threw it down to him and pulled him up some distance and 
then let go. " How did you let me fall ? " asked Taposiesi. " You did not take a 
good ho]d." He tried again, and fell, and laid down. One of the boys came down 
like a fly {tarangdy^ and examined him. He went up and said, " He is dead." 
Another came down like a large black ant {taroataf} and examined hiuL He 
passed through him, entering at the mouth. "He is dead," he said. The other 
boys came down. " Where do you stay ? " asked Moshikishiki of one. " I am a 
man of Mounga." " You will stay in Mounga." " What is your land ? " he asked 
of another. " Sia." " Then you will stay in Sia." " What is your land ? " "1 am 
a man of Asoa." "You will go to Asoa." "What is your land?" "Akana." 
"Go." "What is your land?" "Matangi." "Go." "What is your land?" 
" Ptaro." " Go." " What is your land ? " " Pau." " Then we two will go." And 
thus Moshikishiki took up his stay in Pau.'* 



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vrUh IrUroduction and Notes. 149 

2.— MatiktIkI and TeramsImOs. Tanna, JRev. W. Gray. 

Teramsamus,* having eaten all the inhabitants, goes and looks for black people, 
eats them, then looks for white people (this does not mean Europeans), and takes 
them and throws them into a hole of a rock and shuts them up, and says to them, 
that they are to wait for him till he goes and makes nikasl neri^ for their food. 
They remain in the cave and sing and dance. 

Matiktiki goes past and knows that he hears dancing. He says, " Ho ! who 
ai-e you?" They dance, but say, "We here." But he says, "Who are you?" 
But they say, " We here, our ancestor goes to make nika^ neri for our food." 
But he says, " They say he goes to make nika^i neri for your food, whereas he kills 
you and goes to make niparara^ with you." But one says, " Alas ! my father-in- 
law ! " But another says, " Alas ! my father ! " Matiktiki stands and holds a 
/ufau* and breaks in pieces the rock. They come out, and going up, run until 
they come to a place and see a row of fish shorewards. They eat and leave none 
of Teramsamxis' food. 

TSramsamus runs and runs and cleans nikad neri and goes back to the hole 
of the rock and sees they are gone. But he says (with bad language), " I have 
spoilt all my food!" He runs and runs, holding his head down westward 
and feels it cold; he runs eastward till he feels it hot; he runs and eats his 
fish. 

Matiktiki and the children (the fellows out of the cave) run and feel they are 
tired (?), and look up and see a makopo^ hanging. They go up and pull out its 
core. The children go in and fill up the space (a hole about six inches long and 
one inch and a half in diameter). Matiktiki sits on the edge of the core hole and 
puts in again the core. 

Teramsamus runs and runs, and feels hunger biting him greatly, and looks up 
at that makopo and sees it hanging. He says, " Let me pluck the makopo and cook 
and eat it, and be satisfied, and search for my food " (i.e., for those who had escaped 
from the cave). He goes and takes wood, and heaps it together and climbs and 
plucks the makopo and comes down and lays it on the fire and cooks it. The 
youngsters feel the steam which is killing them. Matiktiki tells them to put out 
the fire (as in previous story), and the fire goes out. Terams&mus takes away the 
breadfruit and lays it down and goes and looks again for wood. They pull out the 
core and come out and put the core in again and run and run, and look up at a 
she-oak tree, and see it standing inland.* They run inland. Matiktiki says, 
" Hasten for the she-oak." They hasten and hasten, and come just there below. 
Climbing up, they all go to the top. Matiktiki has already seated himself in the 
fork of the tree. 

Teramsamiis looks for them, and was going hither and thither, and goes up 
and looks down into a pool of water. Matiktiki tosses frequently his crest of 
feathers. TSramsamiis (seeing Matiktiki reflected in the pool) springs down and 
splashes in the water-hole and comes up and was standing. Matiktiki says, 



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150 Sidney H. Ray. — Stories from the Southern New Rebrides, 

*' Youngsters ! laugh." The youngsters laugh, and say " Ho ! whflt are you doing 
there after having run hither and thither ? " He says, " Alas ! my children. 
How do they manage to go there ? " They say, " We went on the palms of our 
hands." He goes there on his hands and splits them, and says, " Alas 1 I have 
split and spoiled my hands. How do you always do it ? " They say, " We went 
on the soles of our feet" (The same thing hefalls his feet, his head, and his 
knees.) Matikttki says, " We went on this thing," and lets down a small rope, to 
which Terams&miis hangs on, and goes up, and cannot make the fork of the tree, 
and says, " Alas ! my food 1 You do tease me." Matiktlkt takes Q,fufau and cut« 
in two the small rope, and he falls down and strikes on the ground. 

They send forth a black dove. It goes and shouts into his ear, and finds that 
he lies and is silent. They send a bronze-wing dove, and it wails and finds 
that he lies and is silent. They send a miahV It bites him and sees that he lies 
and is silent. They send a kauyaTruta} It goes and stoops and passes right 
through the body. They see blood stains upon it. (Hence its red breast) They 
exclaim, " He is dead verily." They come down and go and behold. Matiktlki 
takes a bamboo fishing-rod (from which he makes a knife) that he may lance 
the body. One by one they rise till every one who had been eaten came 
toUfe. 

3. Tangaroa, the Origin of Coconuts. Aniwa, Rev, Dr, Chinn. 

Tangaroa^ lived in Tavakosura in Aniwa. There was a woman, named Keke, 
in the district of Kavaru. Tangaroa was one day following the course of the 
vine of a keire^ and Keke met him. He took her for his wife, and they had a 
son, and they lived in Tavakosura. Tangaroa now and again left Aniwa and went 
over to Rupapu* and to Nahabusima* and to Namera* and to other parts of 
Tanna. When he went away, he left part of him behind as he was big and long 
like a house.*^ Once he went away altogether, and then the woman took her 
child and returned to Eavaru. When Tangaroa returned to Tavakosura, he found 
that his wife and child were gone. " Where are they two gone to ? " and he blew 
a Pan's pipe. " What is that ? " asked his wife of those round about " Oh ! it is 
only the wind blowing through the too' leaves." The whistling continued, and 
she began to clean up the premises, and swept it all round Then he came in 
gradually and filled up the whole space. She got some hava,^ and some other 
roots, and chewed them for him to drink. He said, " If, when I drink it, I live, 
then we three shall stay together, if not, you will cut off my head, and bury me." 
He drank the kava and died at once. She cut off the head and buried the body, 
and then planted the head in a heap of rubbish in the premises. It grew and 
became a nabuau? A fence was made round it. It grew larger and became a 
niUy^^ and a larger fence was put round it Keke gave her son the coconuts that 
grew on it, but gave none to others. 

Others ate the fruit of the/a^a^," and the pau}^ His mother told him not to 
give any of his food to othera One day he was out with other children, and he 



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ivith Introduction and Notes, lol 

saw them eating puddings of these fruits. He asked them to give him one, but 
they refused. He said, " I have a very good pudding myself." " Let us see it '\ '* 
they asked. He returned to his premises, brought the coconut made into a 
pudding, and gave it to them. Each one took a bite of it, and they ate, and ate, 
until they ate off his hand. He went back to his premises crying. When his 
mother saw that his hand was bitten oflF, she was angry and pulled off the leaves 
of the coconut tree. She threw away tanqjiro^^ and they fell in Samoa, 
Rarotonga, Nine (Savage Island), and thus these islands have large good coconuts, 
while the bad ones have been left for Aniwa.^* 

4. Tangalua and Seimata. Tanna. Rev, W. Gray, 

Tangalua^ had an Aniwan woman, Seimata, as his wife. She had a little boy. 
The Aniwans hated Tangalua, because, as they said, he was not a man but only a 
ghost.* So they killed him with a big dose of kava. Before he died he told 
Seimata to watch the place where he was buried, for something would grow there 
that would be food for her and her child. As Tangalua lay drunk with kava he 
wagged his tail' again and again, and died and was buried. Out of his two eyes 
grew a coconut tree.* But only Seimata and her child knew that its nuts were 
good to eat. One day Seimata left her little boy alone, eating a nut, and told him 
not to tell anyone where he got it. Some boys got him to show them the tree. 
They pulled nuts and ate them. One boy in his greed ate the points of his 
fingers. Seimata was very angry, and pulled up the tree and tore it to fragments. 
The wind scattered these among all the islands, so they all have coconuts now. 

5. The Origin of Death. Tanna. Rev. W. Gray, 

Munganeiveiva, having become an old woman, goes and takes her grandchild 
in her arms, and walks with the aid of a stick and goes down seawards in order 
that she shall bathe. She sets down her grandchild in a cavity of a white coral 
rock, and sheds her skin and bathes. Then she takes a different skin and becomes 
a young woman and puts on a kwanmari,^ and goes in order that she may take 
her grandchild in her arms. She says, ** My grandchild ! let me take thee up in 
my arms." But her grandchild says, " Thou art a different person ; my grandmother 
is not here.'^ But her grandmother says, " I speak good, but thou sayest evil." 
She goes and takis again the old-woman-skin, and goes toward her, and takes her 
up in her arms. 

It happens like this that we always die, and always die indeed. If she had 
not hindered her grandmother from taking her in her arras, we would have 
remained (i,e., lived) and always have been casting our skin and would not 
indeed have died.* 



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152 Sidney H. Ray. — Stories from the Southern New Hebrides, 

1. This story is told with very slight variations by the people of Aniwa. 
They give more details of the attempts of Taposiesi to reach the sky. 

^ Taposiesi. I have been unable to trace this person in the eastern legends. 
^ The tiiarae is the open space in the centre of a Polynesian village. ^ Pan is a 
place in Futuna. * Kirisavini is a path leading to the great hill which forms the 
centre of Futuna. * Tavesua is the landing-place near the mission station. 
° Masuataga is near the landing-place. ^ Tarmgakasi and Feiava are near the 
mission station and landing-place ; Mounga is the central hill of Futuna. ® In 
these and similar words ta is the definite article. Makopo is the breadfruit tree ; 
Samoan, maopo. ^ Tarie, the almond tree. *° Tarango, the common house-fly ; 
Samoan, etc., lango. ^^ Taroata, Samoan loata, a large venomous ant. ^' Mounga^ 
Sia, Asoa, Akana, Matangi, Earo, and Pan are the seven districts into which the 
island of Futuna is divided. Sometimes the locative particle i is prefixed — 
Imounga, ImataDgi, at Mounga, at Matangi. 

2. In Tanna a story of this kind is called Kwanangei, 

^ Teramsamiis is not traced elsewhere in Polynesian or Melanesian myth. 
^ Nikasi is unexplained ; nert is the Taro esculentum. ' Niparara is animal food 
eaten with taro or yam as a seasoning. Those in the cave understood tliat 
Tcramsamus had gone to get taro for their food, but his intention was to get taro 
to cook with them. * The fufau is an axe of white stone used for cutting out 
canoes. ^ Makopo, a variety of breadfruit tree. Cf previous story. ^ The she-oak 
or iron-wood tree (Casuarina), nil in Tanna, is called toa in Futuna and the 
Polynesian islands. This story may be compared with that of Qat (Codrington's 
Melanesians, p. 165). Qat and his brothers escape from the cannibal Qasavara by 
climbing an am (Casuarina). Qasavara is dashed to pieces against the sky. ' The 
rihiahi is an ant with a very painful bite, the roata of the previous story. ® The 
kauyanieta is a small black bird with a bright scarlet breast. Kauya is a prefix 
to other bird names, e.^., kauyamit, an owl. The Kaicyanietamin are the people 
of the north and west of Tanna, who decorate their bodies with red paint; the 
Nummkvjenimin, people of the opposite side of the island, do not so paint 
themselves. Meta is the adjective " bloody," from nita, blood ; min is the sign of 
the plural. 

3. ^ Tangaroa is also called Teirauma or Lakeirea. ' Keire is a tuberous plant 
with a trailing stem, similar to the yam. * Rupapu, Port Eesolution, Tanna. 
^ Nahabusima, Weasisi, Tanna. * Namera, Kwamera, Tanna. ^ Tangaroa was a 
gigantic eel or sea snake. ' Toa, iron- wood (Casuarina). ^ Kava, Piper methysticum. 
" Nuhxiau, the sago palnu ^® Niu, the coconut palm. " FaJtau is described as a tree 
like the tomarw tree. What the latter is I do not know. " The pau is a tree 
with a pear-like fruit, containing a hard inedible seed. ^* Tanojiro, the central 
leaves of the coco-palm ; ta7io, its, belonging to it, Jiro, innermost sprout ; Samoan, 
tilo. ^* In Earotonga, coconuts are said to have sprung from the head of Tuna. 
He assumed the shape of an eel, and his head was cut off by his lover, Ina moe 



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with Introduction and Notes, 153 

aitu. Twin coco-palms sprang from the two halves of his brain ; one red, sacred 
to Tangaroa, the other gi-een, sacred to Eongo. The white kernel of a coconut, 
which was not to be eaten by a woman, was te roro a Tuna, Tuna's brain. (Gill, 
Mytlis and Songs, p. 77.) The conception of Tangaroa as a snake or eel does not 
seem to occur in Eastern Polynesia. 

4. ^ Tangalua is the Tanna form of the word Tangaroa. ^ Because of his eel 
or snake-like form. * C/. the Aniwa and Earotongan versions. 

5. ^ KuKinnuiH, a young woman's apron. * This story may be compared with 
a similar one in Codrington's Melanesians, from Omba, Lepers Island, north of 
Tanna. 



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( 155 ) 



NOTE ON SOME AMERICAN PARALLELS TO EUROPEAN 
AGRICULTURAL CUSTOMS. 

By N. W. Thomas, M.A. 

In his works on the agricultural customs of the European peasants, Mannhardt 
only appeals occasionally, and more or less by accident, as it were, to savage 
parallels. His investigations seldom led him to books which dealt with countries 
outside Europe, and he was thus debarred from citing testimony, which would 
not only have told in favour of his views, but also afiforded a striking proof that 
coincidences in custom are not necessarily due to transmission. 

There are, no doubt, at the present day many cases of European agricultural 
ceremonies having been taken over by the Indian tribea This solution will, 
however, hardly hold good in the case of the following parallels to the customs 
of Europe. It was the custom at the end of February to take as large a deer hide 
as could be procured, and, leaving the horns on it, to fill it with all manner of 
herbs, and sew it together. The best fruits were fastened to the horns, and 
other parts fastened to a ring or piece of stuff. They then proceeded to an open 
space, and fastened the skin to a high tree, turning the head towards the east. 
Thereupon they offered a prayer to the sun, asking it to give them in the 
future these same fruits. The king and the magician stood nearest the tree 
and officiated, and the remainder of the people stood further off. The hide was 
left up until the following year.* The account seems to refer to Florida. 

A custom exists or existed until recently in the west of America which may 
perhaps be regarded as analogous. The Papago performed a rain dance in July, 
at which a deer's head was fixed on a pole and its flesh underneath ; the dancers 
were unmarried boys and girls who always faced the moon, and bathed when 
it set." There is, it is true, no explicit assertion of any connection with agri- 
culture, but it may be inferred. A rain dance performed at a fixed season 
can hardly have been anything else than a rite to promote the growth of 
v^etation. 

The Pawnees in their religious ceremonies dance, sing, and pray before a 
bird stuffed with all kinds of roots and herbs ; they have a fabulous tradition 
that the morning star sent this bird to their ancestors as its representative.* 

» De Bry, Die Newe Welty PI. XXXV, Frankfurt : 1591 : foL, quoting some early traveller 
whom I have not yet identified. 
« Am, Anthr,, O.S. vii, 295. 
* De Smet, Missioni of Oreyon^ p. 357. 



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156 K W. Thomas. — Note on some American Parallels, etc 

According to an account taken by Mannhardt from Praetorius/ the Prussian 
Slavs used to kill a goat when they sowed their winter com, and consumed 
its flesh with many superstitious ceremonies. They then himg its skin upon 
a high pole near an oak, and it remained there until harvest. Then a bunch 
of all sorts of com and herbs was fastened over it, and after prayer had been 
offered by a peasant who officiated as priest, the younger portion of the assembly 
joined hands and danced round the pole. The corn and herbs were then divided 
among them. 

A somewhat similar custom seems to have prevailed among the Wogules. 
When a reindeer was sacrificed and eaten, the skin with the horns was left as 
an offering, and sometimes filled with rice.* 

The parallelism between the American and European customs is therefore 
very complete. This does not of course imply that the explanation of the facts is 
the same. But we may infer that this is the case. The corn-spirit which we 
know in Europe reappears almost unchanged in America. The Mandan belief 
on the subject of the animal corn-spirit was very explicit. They said that 
the "old woman who never dies" sent geese in the spring, and the geese 
represented her; if eleven wild geese were foimd, it was expected corn would 
be plentiful ; both com and the birds were called the " Old Woman." Besides 
geese the stag seems to have been regarded as a form of the com-spirit. A 
great stag or a white-tailed stag was said to keep patches of com for the " Old 
Woman."* 

Among the Mandans, as with the Pawnees, the com-spirit was thus mainly 
identified with birds of various sorts. Among other tribes the corn-spirit seems 
to have been regarded as incorporate in deer, as in the Florida example. 
In New England there was a harvest festival, at which new com and buck's 
flesh were eaten.* The Cherokees celebrated a similar festival* The Delawares 
had a feast of first-fruits ; before any corn was eaten twelve of their old men met, 
and a deer and new corn were provided ; the venison was divided into twelve 
parts, and the com made into cakes. The twelve men held the venison and corn 
tx)wards the east, and then consumed them ; after this the people were at liberty 
to eat corn and other fruits freely.* 

These facts seem to show that there was a parallelism between European and 

Indian belief as well as custom. They also have a bearing upon a recent theory. 

It has been argued that the feast of first-fruits was merely intended as a sign that 

the taboo was removed, and that it was not sacramental. If this is so, it is singular 

that an animal, which seems to be the representative of this com-spirit, was also 

eaten. 

> DelidoB Frussiooey p. 23ff. (ed. Pierson). 

« Bidrag till kdnnedom af Firdandi Natur och Folk, 1891, p. xlv. 

a Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied, Travels in the Interior of N. America^ p. STSff. 

* Rupp, History of Berksy p. 23. 

» Miuiomuy Herald, xiv, p. 416. 

• Beatty, Journal of a two-month^ Tour, p. 84. 



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( 157 ) 



THE SPIRIT OF VEGETATION. 

By E. Tregear. Communicated by J. G. Frazer. 

[Read at Meeting, June 95th.] 

At the time the Maoris of New Zealand were first visited by European voyagers 
they had no knowledge of cereal crops. Food was abundant, but it consisted 
almost wholly of cultivated roots such as Kumara (sweet potato), taro (the edible 
arum), gourds, etc., largely supplemented by wild plants such as fern-root and by 
the natural produce of sea and river, forest and plain, birds, fish, etc. The crop on 
which they most depended was the Kumara^ a plant not to be confounded with 
the yam, for the former is a variety of convolvulus. It needed immense care 
in its cultivation, almost religious care, for every step in its planting and 
development was attended with elaborate ceremonial. The fields in which it grew 
were a beautiful sight, now, alas ! seldom seen, for it has been almost superseded 
by "the soul-destroying potato." Kumara were planted with great regularity, 
the tiny hillocks being arranged in lines almost mathematically true from 
whatever position they were viewed. The fields were manured every season 
with fresh gravel from the river-beds, the plants were picked over carefully for 
the destruction of insect pests, and not the tiniest weed was allowed to break the 
spotless surface of the soil. The Kumara was itself a god, not to be cooked with 
common food, nor handled except with restriction and deference. The houses in 
which it was stored were tapu or sacred (tabooed), and perhaps no food in the 
world was regarded with such reverence unless it may be some holy plant grown 
for priestly use alone or for temple-worship. 

What were the particulars of the ceremonial by which the culture of the 
Kumara was approached ? They differed slightly as to locality, but those 
practised with antique strictness in one of the most famous places of the plant's 
growth, viz., Mokoia Island in Lake Eotorua, were as follows : — 

The priests went forth to the forest to cut and collect boughs of the sacred 
Ttiapou tree. On that day the people fasted, for that day and the day following 
were very sacred. The waters of the lake were tapu (prohibited), the fish were 
not to be caught, nor might a canoe put forth on the lake. The priests carried 
the mapou boughs to the altar of the god named " The Father of the South" and 
recited the incantations reserved for that occasion, laying the boughs upon the 
stone image until the sacredness had been imbibed by them. In the evening of 
that day the priests went into the fields, made ready for the Kumara to be planted. 



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158 R Tregear. — The Spirit of Vegetation. 

and stuck the branches into the ground, repeating another incantation and 
entreating the gods to send a fertile crop. In the morning of the next day they 
went again and recited channs while the seed-tubers of Kumara were being 
planted in the little hills which had been measured and set off by sacred cords. 
If the cultivation was that of a chief, the skull of that chiefs father or ancestor 
was disinterred (i.e., brought from the burial-cave), and placed beside the viapoxc 
boughs to ensure a good crop. The Arawa tribe, however, at the particular place 
in question (Mokoia Island) used for this purpose the time-honoured skull and 
bones of their giant ancestor Tuhourangi, but in many other places the skulls of 
vanquished enemies were set up round the sides of the fields to promote a large 
supply of roots. 

Everyone connected with the planting or harvesting of Kumara was very 
sacred. All the men, chief and followers, who worked at the planting did so 
absolutely naked. They kept perfect time as they toiled, giving loud cries at 
intervals, a shout when the ground was first broken by digging, another when 
taking the young shoots from the tubers, another when the tubers were set in the 
little mounds. The Kumara sets were addressed as if they were animate objects ; 
they were reminded how they ought to behave to grow well, how the best effects 
were to be obtained from sun, wind, and rain, how the little roots were to hold 
on, nor were reminders of the heavenly origin of the plant forgotten. 

The favourite hymn was an address to the hero-god Mauiy beseeching his 
favour, and by some tribes three stakes or pillars were set up in the cultivation. 
Each pillar represented a god, these being Kahuhita (the Rainbow), Mauiy and 
Marihaka, Offerings were made to them, and then the priests went to consult 
the image of Kahukura that stood in the temple of the tribe. Kahukura 
was particularly a god to be propitiated, for it is said that it was through 
him that the ancestors of the Maori first acquired the holy root. If the 
deity was prepared to send a good crop his image would shake or tremble, and 
this was accepted as a sign that the Kumara fields would be protected by the 
heavenly powers from human or natural foes. The most learned priest to be 
procured was obtained, often with immense difficulty, for the slightest mistake or 
omission made in the ceremonial provoked the anger of the gods and the priest 
would die. 

The above-written description is that of the procedure which took place at 
the beginning of this century, but if we learn from tradition we shall find that the 
ceremony of bringing out skulls and skeletons to promote fecundity of crops had 
a darker origin. Legend says that the Kumara was brought to New Zealand from 
Hawaiki, by two men named Taukata and Hoake. Hoake returned to his own 
country as a guide to the canoes which started to get more of the roots, but 
Taukata was sacrificed and his blood sprinkled upon the door-posts of the 
store-house in which the first crop of Kumara was placed, lest the spirit or 
essence (mauri) of the root should vanish and return no more. Hoake did not 
come back from Hawaiki, but his descendants in the sixth generation arrived in 



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E. Trbgear. — The Spirit of Vegetation. 159 

New Zealand with their canoes loaded with Knmara. The skull of Taukata was 
taken from its burial-cave and was set up on the edge of the plantation, a seed 
Kumara being placed in each eye-socket of the skull. From that time on, one of 
Taukata's descendants was slain each time the Kumara ceremonial was observed 
and the blood of the victim sprinkled on the door-posts of the -ff'wmara-store. 

All readers of Mr. Frazer's books are aware of the wide-spread ceremonies 
attending the planting and harvesting of crops. We cannot, of course, expect to 
find among a people like the Maoris (to whom com was unknown) any ceremony 
resembling " the Corn Mother," etc., but it appears to me that those older and 
more terrible rites connected with the worship of " the Spirit of Vegetation " were 
once as fully practised by the Polynesians as by the better known peoples of the 
ancient world. 



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Journal of the Anthropological InaUtuie Vol. XXXI, Plate X. 



9 



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Journal of the Anthropological IwtWute, Vol, XXXI, Plate XI. I 

I 



3. 





2. 4. 6. 6. 



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7. 8, 



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( 161 ) 



NOTES ON MALAY METAL-WOEK. 

By Walter Kosbnhain, B.A,, St. John's College, Cambridge. 

[Prbsentbd February 12th, 190], With Plates X, XI.] 

Mr. W. W. Skeat recently asked me to examine a number of specimens of 
Malay metal-work, in the hope that the use of the microscope would enable me to 
settle all doubts as to the nature of some of the metals used by the Malays. The 
present notes embody the results of the microscopic examination but in all 
other respects are based on Mr. Skeat's account of processes which he has himself 
witnessed. The experimental work described below was carried out in the 
Engineering Laboratory at Cambridge by the kind permission of Professor J. A. 
Ewing, F.RS. 

I. The Making of a Malay Kris. 

The most interesting specimen is a damascened Malay ^ris-blade, illustrated in 
PL X, 1, XI, 3. It was made for Mr. Skeat near Trengganu by a Malay smith 
who spent four days on the work. The tools of the Malay smith are simple and of 
somewhat primitive construction, but do not differ very much from those to be 
found in a European smithy ; forge, anvils, hammers, tongs, chisels and files are all 
in use, but the European " cold and hot setts " used for cutting oflF pieces of iron 
are replaced in the Malay smithy by a tool called I6pa, This is simply a small 
"cold chisel," but it is fixed in a long wooden handle from which the chisel 
projects at right-angles, and in use the head of the chisel is struck with a hammer 
while the handle merely serves to hold it in place. Another peculiar feature of 
the Malay smithy are the bellows, which are made on the cylinder-and-piston 
principle. 

The Malay smith begins the manufacture of a kris by making a pile of short 
bars, as shown in PI. X, 2. In this pile it will be seen that the bars are alternately 
thick and thin, and according to the Malay smith, the thick bars are made of a 
different metal from that of the thin bars. In fact, one set of bars had been made 
by cutting up and forging down a rod of wrought-iron obtained, presumably, from 
Singapore, while the others were made by straightening and drawing down the 
blade of a weeding-instrument called k)4. The smith called the wrought-iron 
hesi swe, while he called the metal of the hoe-blade VHd pamor, so that he seems 
to have regarded them as two different kinds cflE iron ; on the other hand the Malay 
name for the steel of their tools is &&i hdja — so that the smith must have known 
that the hoe-blade he used was not made of the same steel as his tools. The 
Vol. XXXI. M 



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162 W. RosENHAiN. — Notes on Malay Metal- Woi^h 

microscopic examination of specimens of these metals has, I think, settled the 
question of the nature of the 6&i swe and bisipdmor used in Mr. Skeat*s specimen. 

The pile of nine bars as seen in PI. X, 2, is then heated, welded together and 
drawn down to a considerable length ; but the welding process is very primitive : — 
the pile is heated, dipped in water mixed with clay, re-heated, and then hammered 
together. The long bar so formed is heated again, and is then bent into the form 
of the scroll seen at (a) and (b) in PI. X, 3. It should be remembered, however, 
that in making this scroll, the long bar is so held that the bending takes place in 
the plane of the welds, so that, in the scrolls as we see them in Fig. 3, we have 
nine laminae standing on edge next to- one another, but of course welded together. 
Two such scrolls are used for each kris. 

In the next step of the process, bisi bdja — i.e., steel derived from old tools — ^is 
forged into three pieces, shown at (c), (d) and (e) in Fig. 3, con-esponding in shape 
to the two scrolls (a) and (b). The central layer (d) is much thicker than the 
others and ultimately forms the body of the blade. Finally two small pieces are 
cut from the laminated bar of which the scrolls have been made, and are bent to 
form the pieces shown at (/) and (g) in Fig. 3. Tlie seven pieces shown in Fig. 
3 are then welded together, being placed in the order in which they are shown in 
the figure, the result being a bar having a central layer of tool-steel, with a layer 
of laminated scroll on either side of it, and that again covered by a thin layer of 
steel. When this pile has been welded it is forged down to the length and 
thickness required to give a blade of the desired size. This is done with some care, 
as the Malays believe that the dimensions of the finished kris are of great 
importance in bringing good luck or misfortune to the wearer. 

The *•' haft " of the kris is then formed by notching the edge of the blade close 
to its base and gradually drawing the portion between the notches down to the 
form of a thin spike which is intended to enter the hilt. The next step in the 
making of the kris is the production of the waves or sinuosities of the edge. 
Where these are small and numerous, they are produced by grinding and filing, but 
where they are fairly long they are made by forging. In this operation the entire 
blade is bent alternately to one side and then to the other; this is done by 
supporting its ends upon two anvils and holding it edge up while it is struck with 
a hammer. But the bending is localised at each successive spot reqilired, by first 
heating the blade and then cooling it with water, leaving only that part red-hot 
where the bending is to occur. Each wave thus represents a separate operation of 
heating and bending. 

When the waves are finished, the kris is driven into the groimd for about 
two-thirds of its length and thus held fiimly while the dagu or " chin " of the blade 
is formed. Two notches are cut in one edge of the blade, the notches are filed out 
and the small tongues of metal left are tlien bent as indicated in PL XI, where 
(4), (5) and (6) represent three successive stages of the process. 

The blade is then withdrawn from the ground and its cutting edges are 
roughed out with a file, the blade being held in V-blocks. In tliis operation the 



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W. RoSBNHAiN. — Notes on Maloy Meted' Work. 163 

thick central portion of the blade is carefully left untouched. The next step is to 
heat the haft and twist it in a way which is believed by the Malays to give it a 
better hold on the hilt. Then the collar or guard is welded on the blade at the 
haft end. This collar is made of a piece cut off from the end of the blade in the 
rough state and therefore consists of alternate layers of steel and " laminated scroll 
The piece is forged to the proper shape, punched to receive the haft, and notched on 
the under side so as to form a sort of " mortice and tenon " joint with the blade 
when pushed down upon it. Some indentations are also punched on the sides of 
this collar and it is claimed that they cause the pattern to appear more clearly at a 
later stage. 

The blade being now completed, is hardened by first heating in the forge and 
then quenching in water, the temper attained being a mere matter of accident or 
guess-work. The blade is then ground to its final shape on a grindstone hung in a 
frame ; the stone is driven by a string which is pulled and released in such a way 
as to alternately wind and unwind itself on the spindle of the stone. When such 
a grindstone becomes eccentric through wear, the Malay smith "trues" it by 
turning, much as an English smith would do. 

The central portion of the blade has been ground down a little in the last 
operation, but now the whole blade is filed down and is then ready for " pickling " 
or etching. The blade is laid in a wooden trough containing a mixture of sulphur, 
salt and boiling rice-water, some of this mixture being rubbed all over the hris with 
a spatula. The blade is left in this liquid for two or three days, when the 
damascened pattern appears on the surface, and it only remains to clean the blade 
with limes. 

Two questions arise in connection with this process of Arts-making : — 

What are the metals used, and what is the nature of the action that produces 
the damask pattern? I hoped that the microscope would enable me to throw 
some light on these questions, and I accordingly examined sections of metal cut 
from the layers of the final pile shown at (rf), (c), and {a) in Fig. 3. The specimens 
were cut from the ends of the pieces {d), (c) and (a) respectively, and a surface of 
each was polished and etched with dilute nitric acid in the manner customary for 
microscopic examination. As was to be expected, the specimens (c) and (d) were 
both found to consist of the same metal, a "high carbon steel" such as is 
commonly used for tools and cutlery; in the specimen it was in the soft or 
" annealed " state. In this case the evidence of the microscope bears out exactly 
the statements of the Malay workman as to the nature of the material 

With specimen (a) the result was rather diflferent. From Mr. Skeat's account 
of its manufacture, from alternate layers of pdmor and swe iron, I expected a trans- 
verse section of the scroll to show alternating bands of two diflferent metals such as 
wrought-iron and mild steel. The actual section simply shows a series of layers of 
common wrought-iron, differentiated by no peculiarities of structure or composition, 
and only marked out by the lines of the very imperfect welds between the layers. 
The imperfection of these welds is very marked, and is due to the Malay's neglect 

M 2 



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164 W. RosENHAiN.— i\r(?^es on Malay Mdal- Worh 

to clean the welding surfaces adequately, and the imperfection of the welds plays 
a most important part in the formation of the damask pattern. PL XI, 1 and 2 
are photographs of sections of the laminated scroll, seen under normally reflected 
light, with a magnification of 80 diameters. The micro-structure is typical of 
common wrought-iron ; some of the black bands seen in the photographs are traces 
of slag-bands which have been eroded by the acid used in etching; the most 
marked bands, however, are due to the imperfection of the welds between the 
laminae, where oxide and other impurities have been imprisoned. 

The microscope then first of all shows that the laminated scroll is made up of 
layers of one kind of metal only ; in this specimen, at any rate, the hisi swe and the 
68si pdmor of the Malay smith differ only in name. It is of course quite possible 
that Malay tradition requires the smith to use iron from two different sources 
although it seems probable that the smith believed he was dealing with two 
different kinds of metal It is also just possible that in the specimen I have 
examined, the scroll was accidentally made of one metal only ; but this is unlikely, 
particularly as I believe the damask pattern can be produced with a scroll made of 
iron only. According to this view the whole process depends upon the imperfection 
of the welds between the laminae of the scroll — an imperfection which is very 
clearly shown by the microscope. This scroll is placed between two layers of steel 
and subjected to prolonged hanmiering at a high temperature, the blows falling 
edgewise on the welded laminae. No better treatment could be designed for the 
purpose of opening the welds and spreading the individual layers, and at the same 
time driving the steel into the interstices from above and below. At the temper- 
ature of working, the steel is softer and more nearly fluid than the iron, and will 
therefore force its way into any opening that may occur. For the later stages 
of the process the outer layer of steel is entirely ground away, and the pickling or 
etching process brings out the pattern by attacking and corroding the steel while 
leaving the iron untouched. It is a well-known fact that steel can be stained and 
corroded by many organic substances — such, for instance, as the juice of the 
liquorice-root — which do not attack iron, and the active element of the Malay's 
pickling-bath is probably a substance of this kind. 

Final confirmation of the correctness of this view could only have been 
obtained by cutting a section through the finished kris, but as this would have 
destroyed the specimen, I was not able to do it. Careful examination of the 
pattern on the surface, however, strongly confirms the view stated above ; the 
pattern is seen to consist of bright uncorroded veins of iron, embedded in, and 
slightly projecting from a matrix of blackened and corroded steel. Taken with the 
microscopic evidence showing that the scroll consists of one metal only, I think 
these facts justify the conclusion that this theory of the production of the pattern 
is correct 



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W. KosBNHAiN. — Notes on Malay Metal- Work. 165 

II. Malay Goldsmith's Tools. 

The next specimens with which I had to deal were a set of tools and implements 
used by Malay gold .and silversmiths. These, it should be remembered, are used 
for working purer, and therefore softer, metal than is used in Europe. The Malays 
melt their gold in very small clay crucibles, on a charcoal fire, in a portable 
hearth, with bellows attached ; but much of their work is wrought — i.e., done by 
hammering, filing, chiselling and embossing. Some of the more interesting tools 
are shown in Plate X, A-D. A is a conical piece of hardwood used for forming 
rings by bending and hammering gold and silver wire. The hammer is shown at 
B ; its head is made of the tip of a bullock's horn. This very light hammer is also 
used with the set of punches and chisels seen at C. These chisels have a great 
variety of points and edges, and they are made from a metal which is almost 
white, with a slight yellow tinge ; this metal is also used for making gongs. An 
analysis shows it to consist of 708 per cent, copper and 29*2 per cent, tin ; it is 
thus a hard bronze not very different from speculum-metal. Its microstructure 
which I have examined, is fairly characteristic of bronzes containing about 30 per 
cent, of tin; the microstructure further shows that the metal hfus not been 
wrought, but cast in its present shape and finished by cutting and filing. The 
metal has in fact been cast in a chill mould, and is consequently hard but brittle. 

Plate X, D, illustrates the slab moulds used by Malay goldsmiths; these 
moulds bear ornamental impressions into which gold sheet or wire can be hammered 
or punched. The impressions in the mould itself are produced while the material 
of the mould is still soft and plastic. According to the Malay account these slabs 
are made of a substance called pandang which is made by boiling a stiflf mixture of 
finely powdered laterite or limonite, " rock rosin," and cocoanut oil. Mr. Skeat's 
specimen, however, proved on examination to be a slab of practically pure tin. 
Mr. Skeat supposes that this is an exceptional example and that the Malays as a 
rule do use pandang. 

III. Vessels of Copper and White Metal : Cera perduta Process : Malay 

Lathe. 

Mr. Skeat's specimens further include a number of hollow vessels of copper 
and white metal. The white metal is called by the Malays " white copper," but 
it consists of 95 per cent tin and 5 per cent, copper. These hollow vessels are 
produced by casting, and the method used by the Malays is similar to the ancient 
European cera perduta process. First, a wax model of the object to be cast is made. 
The model is then bedded in clay, put on in successive layers alternately with 
layers of sand. The entire mould when small enough is attached to a stick which 
serves as a handle ; as soon as it is dry the mould is heated and the melted wax 
is allowed to flow out by a small hole pierced through the clay for that purpose. 
The mould then contains a cavity of the precise shape of the original wax model, 
and an article of that shape can be cast by pouring the molten metal in through 



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166 W. RoSKNHAJN. — Notes on Malay Metal- Work. 

the hole through which the melted wax had run out. The articles cast in this 
way have a rough surface which the Malays remove by turning the article in a 
lathe. The Malay lathe is always a simple affair, and in one form of it the work 
is made to rotate in alternating directions by means of a cord which is attached 
to a flexible rod and passes round part of the work on the lathe to a treadle. 
When the treadle is pressed the string is pulled and the work rotates in one 
sense while the flexible rod becomes bent ; the treadle and cord are then released 
and the bent rod straightens itself, driving the work in the opposite sense. This 
appliance has also been in use in Europe. 

IV. Chains madb by Casting. 

Another striking feat in metal-work is the production of chains by casting 
which is practised by the Malays. These chains are used to weight and strengthen 
their casting-nets, and they consist of jointless rings about | inch in diameter as 
at u in Fig. 8 ; the material is a fusible alloy of lead and tin. Jointless chains, 
produced by casting, are made by European and other goldsmiths, but their 
production by the Malays is evidence of very high development of metallurgical 
arts, particularly if the ingenious and well-made moulds are of Malay design and 
workmanship ; and this, I have reason to believe, is the case. The mould itself 
consists of four separate pieces of brass which fit well together ; each piece is 
attached to a wooden handle by means of which it can be attached to its 
fellows or removed from them. PL XI, 7 and 8 show the mould in two positions, 
with portions of a chain in place. Each length of chain is produced in two 
stages. First, a set of rings are cast, attached to one another in pairs {u\ by 
using the mould as shown at x, only without the three loose rings. These pairs 
of rings are then cut off from the " tags " which hold them together ; then the 
mould is opened as seen in Fig. 7, and the separate rings are inserted into the 
recesses provided for them, dA bX w (lower part). Their position now, relatively 
to the other portion of the mould, is shown at v in Fig. 8. From this figure it 
will be seen that if, when with these rings in position, the mould is closed and 
another cast is made the new set of attached rings will be linked through those 
placed in the mould, as at t^ (upper part) in Fig. 7, and at x in Fig. 8 ; the result, 
when released from the mould, being shown at y in Fig. 8. It now only remains 
to detach the " tags " resulting from the second casting, and the finished chain is 
obtained as at 2; in Fig. 7. It is obvious that by placing the last ring of one chfidn 
in the first recess of the mould when the next chain is being made, successive 
lengths of chain may be joined up ; so that endless chains can readily be made. 
This process is very simple in practice, so that it is commonly carried out by 
the Malay women ; but the design and workmanship of the mould are proofs of 
gre^t mechanical skill and ingenuity. 



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Journal of the Anthropoloffical Imtfitufe, Vol. XXX f, PJa/i- XIT. 



II I u 



a b r 

2. SKULL OF TORORUKE, OF KABAKAPA, IX NEW BRITAIN : HE LIVED SEVEN VEARS AFTER OPE1?ATION, 







tt h r 

1. SKULL OF TOARA, OF KABAKADA, IN NEW BKITAIN : HE DIED TWO HOURS AFTER OPERATION. 



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3. SKUIX OF TIGHAN, OF OLOlJVl, IN NEW IRKLAKD: Ol'KltATION TO CURE HEADACHE. 

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2. BKULL OF TOROJtUKE : SHOWING SUBSEQUENT GROWTH OF NEW BONK. 



I. SKULL OF TOAKA: SHOWING UNHEALED WOUND WITH FUESH SCRATCHES. 



3. SKULL OF TIGHAN: SHOWING SLIGHT OPENING WITH 



EDGES I^MB^^eOgle 



( 167 ) 



TREPHINING IN THE SOUTH SEAS. 

By the Rev. J. A. Crump. 
[Presented March 12th, 1901. With Plates XII, XIII.] 

About eighteen months ago I wrote a short article on " Native Surgery in New 
Pommern " (New Britain) to the small monthly periodical issued by the Missionary 
Society of which I am an agent That article has excited so much interest in the 
colonies— and even in Europe — that perhaps I am right in assuming that a more 
detailed account, containing the results of my further research, may be found of 
value to the cause of science and acceptable to the Anthropological Institute. 

My previous inquiry was limited to New Britain itself, and in that part of 
the district the operation of trephining is practised on the skull solely in cases of 
fracture. 

In the native fights the sling is the most formidable weapon used, a smooth 
stone as large as a pullet's egg being thrown with moderate accuracy but 
considerable force. A blow from a sling-stone is generally the cause of the 
fracture for which the operation is found necessary ; the depressed portions of bone 
or haemorrhage beneath the skull causing compression, and death almost invariably 
results if the injury is not attended to. Injury caused by the stone-headed club is 
almost instantly fatal, but the flat two-edged club is not so deadly and permits of 
an occasional operation. 

The man who performs the operation is the wizard or " tena-papait " of the 
tribe or district, using a piece of shell or a flake of obsidian for a trephine. 

An incision is made over the seat of the fracture generally in the shape of a 
Y or V, and then perhaps some loose fragment is picked out with the finger nail, 
and while assistants hold back the scalp, tlie fractured bone is scraped, cut and 
picked away, leaving the brain exposed to the size of half-a-crown. Then, all loose 
pieces having been removed, the scalp is carefully laid down and the wound 
bandaged with strips of the banana stalk about 4 inches wide. These strips are 
when dry of a spongy nature, the water which formerly filled the cells being 
replaced by air. Moreover the inner surface is silky to the touch and forms an 
admirable dressing for tender surfaces. It is astringent in its action and non- 
absorbent, all discharge escaping below the bandage. Sometimes a few bruised 
leaves are applied before bandaging. The patient is generally insensible from the 
time of the injury, and, if consciousness returns during the operation, soon faints 
away again. 

In five or six days the bandages are renewed and in two or three weeks a 
complete recovery is the residt The number of deaths is about 20 per cent, most 



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168 Rev. J. A. Crump. — Trephining in the SoiUh Seas. 

of these resulting from the first injury and not from any complication after the 
operation. Nearly all the deaths take place during or immediately after the 
operation, and I am assured that if a patient once becomes conscious he never fails 
to make a good recovery. 

I have recently discovered that on New Ireland (Neu Mecklenburg) the 
operation is performed not only in the case of fracture but where there is epilepsy 
and certain forms of insanity as the result of pressure on the brain. I have in 
my possession a skull which has been successfully trephined in no less than five 
places, the man meeting his death some years after the last operation by a blow 
from an axe. This man suffered from severe headache with local throbbing. The 
operation was performed each time in the region of the pain, and though no cure 
seems to have been effected, the operation was at any rate perfectly successful. 

The most common form trephining takes on G^rrit Demp Island and the central 
part of New Ireland is cutting two or three channels down the forehead 3 to 
4 inches long. This is done for headache and what is described as a beating or 
plucking sensation. 

There seems to be some benefit in cases of trephining for epilepsy at least for 
a time. One native at Falabog on the west coast of New Ireland with whom 
I conversed had been trephined on the top of the skull for this malady and had 
had no recurrence since the operation. In no case is it thought necessary to avoid 
the course of the sutures in performing this operation. 

After trephining has been performed there is frequent partial temporary 
pamlysis which almost invariably passes away, though in a few cases it is 
permanent. Idiocy is an occasional result also. But the natives aflBrm that while 
the cures of insanity and epilepsy are many, the instances where either malady 
supervenes after the operation are exceedingly few. 

I have pleasure in forwarding herewith three skulls bearing indisputable 
evidence of the performance of the operation and its success. 

No. 1 is the skull of Toara, a native of Kabakada on the north coast of New 
Britain, who was struck with a sling-stone and trephined. He never became 
conscious, and died two hours after the operation had been performed. The man 
who threw the sling -stone is still living as is also the " tena-papait " who 
performed the operation. From the latter I got my information. The marks of 
the instrument are easily visible. 

No. 2 is the skull of Toruruke, a native of Kabakada, and shows the growth of 
new bone. He was trephined about seven years before his death. 

No. 3 is the skull of Tighan, from the village of Olotai, situated about six miles 
inland from Palabog on the west coast of New Ireland. This operation was 
performed to cure headache. There are many people in this village who have been 
trephined. It has become fashionable, and a handsome girl or boy is generally 
persuaded to submit to the operation as aii aid to longevity, there being no absolute 
need for its performance, 



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Eev. J. A. Crump. — Trephining in the South Sects. 169 



Discussion. 

Mr. Victor Horsley, after having read Mr. Crump's paper to the Fellows 
of the Institute present, said : — The paper by Mr. Crump which I have had the 
honour of reading to you is descriptive of the three skulls which are here before 
you. They are skulls of Melanesian natives. We are informed also that the 
individual natives from whom these specimens were obtained have been operated 
on by the wizard or high priest ; further the history of e«ich of these three cases 
is known to Mr. Crump. When I received this paper together with the specimens 
I recognised at once its great importance to anthropology, important because, as 
far as I know of such surgical operations of the Pacific Islanders, these are the 
first specimens of which we have absolutely reliable clinical histories. Mr. Crump's 
paper is of very great value because among these clinical histories there is evidence 
that the opening of the skull was done for the condition of headache. From the 
time of the original publication on the subject of neolithic skulls by Broca 
this possibility of the operation having been done for headache has been discussed 
and has been rejected by many anthropologists. To-night we are in the position 
of being able to discuss this question with much more certainty than we could do 
before to illustrate this point in regard to headache. I venture to show to you 
some lantern slides of Peruvian skulls which I have collected, in which the 
operation of trephining has been performed in the same region as in these skulls. 
As you will not be able to see at a distance the points in the specimens I have 
made photographs of each, and we will now put them on the screen (Plates XII, 
XIII). 

No. 1 is the skull of Toara, a native of Kabakada on the north coast of New 
Pommem, who was struck with a sling-stone and trephined. He never became 
conscious, and died two hours after the operation had been performed. The man 
who threw the sling-stone is still living, as is also the " tena-papait '* who performed 
the operation. From the latter Mr. Crump got his information. The marks of the 
instrument are easily visible. 

PI. XII, Ic, is the front view of the skull ; XII, la, is the side view showing 
the opening. It is obvious from the modified photograph that the edges of the hole 
are sharp and imhealed. The relation of the opening to the coronal and sagittal 
sutures indicates that in this case the injury was over the motor region. A patient 
with a depressed fracture in that spot, if the fracture is severe, would be unconscious 
and paralysed on the opposite side of the body. 

I show j^ain on the screen under more favourable conditions of light the 
photograph of the opening. (Plate XIII, 1.) You see now the slips made by the 
wizard, using a sharp shell or flake of obsidian for a trephine. The opening has 
been deliberately made by sawing out, and the same slips can be seen on some of 
the neolithic skulls. This is the best of the three specimens as regards showing the 
purposive nature of the operation. There is no indication of the opening having 
been healed, and the patient, no doubt, as Mr. Crump describes, died two hours 
after the operation. 

No. 2 is the skull of Toruruke, a Kabakada native, and shows the growth of 
new bone. He was trephined about seven years before his death. 



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170 Rev. J. A. Ckump.— TrepMning in the Smith Seas, 

This is another sling-stone case, but it is in a particular part of the skull. 
You see in front view (PL XII, 2c) that the ridge of the superciliary ridge has been 
depressed towards the orbit, and the suture between the frontal and lachrymal bone 
has been started downwards. There has been a fissured fracture running along the 
line I have shown you. The region is exactly over the frontal sinus. The front 
wall of the sinus has been destroyed and in its place we have a saucer-shaped 
cavity. 

The patient suffered from a depressed fracture of the frontal sinus which has 
been partly operated on, viz., by picking out the fragments of the anterior walL 
This is not trephining in the proper sense of the word ; there is no indication of 
scratches or sawcuts. 

I would like to point out that in the Broca Museum at Paris there is a 
parallel example of a Peruvian skull where, however, in the region of the frontal 
sinus there has been a deliberate trephining by boring. Evidently the operator 
had bored through the anterior wall with the intention of breaking down the bone, 
but he found himself in a new part of the world as far as he was concerned, for he 
saw that he was not through the skull but had bone still beyond. Under these 
circumstances he abandoned the operation. That is an instance of distinct 
trephining. This case here is a mere treatment of depressed fracture of the 
anterior wall of the frontal sinuses, and by using the electric light you can see 
that the inner table here is intaxjt. Here is the lateral view of the skull and here 
is another view of it. The last photograph is simply a magnified view of the 
opening. 

I will now give you the details of the third case. 

No. 3 is the skull of Tighan from the village of Olotai, situated about six 
miles inland from Palabog on the west coast of New Ireland. This operation was 
performed to cure headache. 

Here, you see, as I said just now, surgical ethics do not appear to enter into 
the matter. It is a very interesting specimen. It is an ordinary case of making 
an excavation like a gutter into the skull, almost an exaggeration of a linear 
osteotomy, that is to say, cutting into the bone in a line in order to relieve the 
so-called tension. In this case there has been an opening made of the inner table 
in a slight degree, to alleviate the sense of pressure from which patients suffering 
from all varieties of headache are so apt to complain of so persistently. The 
operation in this case has been over the frontal eminence where people usually 
refer all forms of generalized headache. 

Plate XII, 3a, is a lateral view showing the opening. In Plate XII, 36, I 
show you it as seen from above. 

In PI. XIII, 3, which is the magnified photograph of the opening, I simply 
want to show that this is a healed case. You notice that the edges of the opening 
are rounded, and that the whole site of the operation is smoothed over. 

With that I bring to an end my remarks on Mr. Crump's paper. It is quite 
obvious that he has a wondeiful knowledge of this operation being performed in 
this island by the islanders, and it is a great loss to the Institute that he has not 
given us more facts to go upon. 

We are now in a position to explain the neolithic skulls better. This photo- 



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Rev. J. A. Crump. — Trephining in the South Seas. 171 

graph I now show I made of all the cases of neolithic trephining which were 
known to me, and in which I had the opportunity of verifying the site of the 
operations. I have pointed out that the field of the operations fell within what is 
called the motor area of the brain, the portion of the brain, irritation of which by 
a depressed fracture of a limited area would cause epilepsy, and epilepsy as you 
know among all untutored people, is apt to be ascribed to the influence of a spirit. 
Further we know that all such fractures are sources of headache and finally we 
recognise that if the injured part of the skull is trephined and the depressed 
portions of the bone removed that the headache will be cured and possibly the 
epilepsy if the damaged portion of the brain is also removed. But the mere 
cessation of pressure sufiBces sometimes to cure the epilepsy. Broca's explanation 
that the operations were done for epilepsy was, we may reasonably suppose, 
justified by this consideration, but it was necessary to support this view by 
evidence from the savage races, and here we find the operation is performed 
exactly under the circumstances which I have described, viz., the condition of 
depressed fractui-e leading to epilepsy. 

This is one of the neolithic skulls showing scratches on the margin of the 
opening, and is a parallel to Mr. Crump's first skulL 

Coming now to the question of trephining for headache I find that in the 
Peruvian prehistoric skulls, which I examined most of, the trephinings seemed to 
have been performed in the frontal region. 

I show a photograph taken from Squier's Peru, and probably from a case that 
terminated fatally. 

A portion of the skull has been removed by very neat saw-cuts, but there is 
an indication of altered bone round the site of operation undergoing suppuration, 
and from the sharpness of the edges it is reasonable to suppose that there was a 
fatal infection of the wound. 

The next photographs are of two specimens from America; in one you see 
there is a healed saw-cut, and in the other we have what may be a healed 
depressed fracture. 

Both these instances you see are in the frontal region. If now, as appears 
from Mr. Crump's paper, we have definite absolute evidence that the operation is 
done for headache and is done in the frontal region, then I think we have reason- 
able ground for believing that the Peruvian operation was probably done for head- 
ache. 

On the question of this form of gutter operation for headache both the 
photograph I showed you on the screen and the specimen demonstrate it. You will 
see that in such cases we have a gutter with symmetrical sides, symmetrical in 
depth and steepness suggesting that it was made by deliberate sawing out first of 
one side and then of the other. 

A skull found in this country shows an opening simulating a trephine hole. The 
photograph of the skull is now on the screen, and I have also brought the original 
with me. It is a skull which Mr. Henty found in the British camp near Worthing. 
I was present at the excavation and as he handed me the skidl I recognized the 
character of the specimen. I showed the skull to the Society of Antiquaries when 
all the finds were described. In this particular case we have an oval opening with 



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172 Rev. J. A. d^ViAV." Trephining in the Scndh Seas, 

ledge- like sides leading down to an opening in the inner tabla On examination 
internally there is no injury to the inner table whatsoever, it suggests, therefore, 
that this opening of the skull was scraped out. It was done before the man's 
death because the bone is healed. In front of this is a longer mark produced 
obviously by a sword or some similar instrument. What is the nature of the hole ? 
On looking at the opening veiy closely you see there is an indication, as if one 
side was a little steeper than the other. I think that skull No, 3 of Mr. Crump's 
will help us to determine whether this was a trephine opening or not. At present 
I think the evidence is against it. You must take it from me that one side does 
seem smooth and the other seems a little more broken. This side of the opening is 
steeper and smoother than the other which is rougher and shades ofiF more gradually 
on to the skull. Before this, when I was examining this skull, and imable to make 
up my mind definitely, I found in the Blandford Museum at Salisbury the skull of 
a New Zealander who had been killed by the well-known horizontal cut with a 
stone axe behind the ears at the occipital protuberance. But before he had been 
killed he had been cut at and had avoided a fatal blow ; the edge of the 
weapon, however, had cut down to the bone, and produced a smooth edge on one 
side, and on the other the rough edge like this Saxon skull. I would like to draw 
your attention to the fact that Mr. BuUeid found, on one of the two skulk in the 
pile dwelling at Glastonbury, a glancing cut which had removed a portion of the 
skull, but the man had been killed by a blow at the back of the skull near the 
respiratory centre, which the savages long ago have found out to be the fatal spot, 
and which Professor Haddon has fully described for the Torres Straits. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XIV, 



WOODEN MODEL OF A HORNBILL, MADE BV IBANS, AND USED IN PEA.CK-MAKING 
CEREMONIES. {From a photograph h/ A. G, Haddon.) 



TAMA BULAN SPRINKLING IMAGES OF BALLI PENYALONG WITH THE BLOOD 

OF A FOWL (p. 176). {From a j>hotograph by C. S. Myers.) 



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Journal of the Anthropological Tntfitute, Vol. XXXI, Plat* XF, 



1. MUUIK TOMR, SURMOUNTED BY A SMALL HUMAN IMAGE TO AVHICII A LIVE FOWL 

IS USUALLY TIED. F/iofof/raph hj 0. G, Sclujmann. 



SPRINKLING IMAGES OF BALLI PENYALONG AVITH THE BLOOD OF A FOWL 

(p. 183, cf, PI. XIV, 2). Photograpli hij C. S. Myers. 



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( 173 ) 



THE RELATIONS BETWEEN MEN AND ANIMALS IN SARAWAK. 

By Charles Hose, Resident of the Baram District, and W. McDougall, 
Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. 

[Presented Mat 28th, 1901. With Plates XIV, XV.] 

When in the year 1898 we travelled together through every part of the Baram 
District and began to put together the materials for this paper, one of us had 
already lived for more than fourteen years among the tribes of the district, and by 
constant observation and inquiry had become familiar with and had written down 
from time to time careful notes of many of their customs and beliefs. Among 
these were a large number that showed how all the various tribes hold certain 
animals and plants in peculiar regard, how the conduct of the people is to a great 
extent guided by well-established systems of augury, and how their relations to 
many of the creatures among which they live are regulated by strict rules and 
prohibitions. We determined, therefore, to make as complete as possible our 
knowledge of the animal- and plant-superstitions of the various tribes, and 
believing that by so doing we should find evidence that many of them are 
survivals from a system of totem-worship now decayed, we kept this possibility 
constantly in mind. In making these more systematic inquiries we enjoyed the 
great advantage of being guided in our work by that very considerable mass of 
information previously collected by one of us with a mind entirely free from 
preconceived ideas as to what should be expected. We would point out that, since 
one of us has lived for so long on terms of intimacy and friendship with members 
of most of the tribes and is familiar with the various languages spoken by them, 
and since the people seldom showed any reluctance to exhibit and explain their 
customs to us and were usually pleased to allow us to take part in the 
ceremonies and rites, a considerable weight, as negative evidence, must be allowec 
to our failure to find traces of any particular custom or institution. 

We shall first describe in some detail all that we have been able to learn of 
the animal-superstitions of the Kenyahs, the tribe with which we are most 
familiar. We shall then give a condensed account of similar customs and beliefs 
as they occur among other tribes of the district, describing more particularly those 
peculiar to the different tribes, and especially those connected with the " Nyarong " 
or Spirit-helper of the Sea-Dayaks. We shall conclude with a short discussion of 
the problems suggested by our observations, the problems of the origin and 
meaning of the various customs. 



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174 Charles Hose and W. McDougall. — The Belatiom hettveen 

The Kenyahs. 

The Kenyahs inhabit a district far inland among the head-waters of the 
Baram river. According to their own tradition they came into the basin of the 
Baram from the east some hundred and fifty years ago. From that time until 
the last few years they, in conjunction with tlie Kayans, an allied tribe, which 
seems to have migrated to the Baram a little later than the Kenyahs, had 
maintained a dominion of terror over all the neighbouring peoples, and they have 
had extremely little intercourse of a friendly nature with any more civilised 
folk, whether Malay, Chinese, or European. 

At the present time they are settled in village-communities thinly scattered 
on the banks of the tributaries and upper parts of the Baram river. Each 
community, consisting of thirty, forty, fifty or more families, lives in a single long 
house massively built of hewn timber, and raised on great piles of iron-wood twenty 
or thirty feet above the river bank on which it stands. Each community is ruled 
over by a chief whose authority is usually very considerable, and in the case of 
a chief of ability and strong character is always very great. Their principal food 
is rice, which they cultivate assiduously. Their domestic animals are the pig, the 
fowl and the dog, and the two former they eat not infrequently. By hunting and 
fishing they add to the variety of their food, but these pursuits are r^arded as 
sports rather than as means to obtain the necessaries of life. They are skilful 
and artistic handicraftsmen in ironwork, basket-making, wood-carving and rattan- 
lashing, and they make rude earthen vessels for cooking. Their clothing was 
chiefly, and still is in many cases, of bark-cloth. Their weapons are the sword 
and spear and blow-pipe with poisoned darts. 

They are an extremely warlike people, and are ever ready to defend themselves 
against attack or to make war on others, either in following up some blood-feud or 
in order to secure the human heads that play an essential part in some of their rites. 

They believe in a beneficent Supreme Being and in a great number of less 
powerful spirits. In fact, they may be said to attribute a soul or spirit to almost 
every natural agent and to all living things, and they pay especial regard to those 
that seem most capable of aflecting their welfare for good or ill. They feel 
themselves to be surrounded on every hand by spiritual powers, which appear to 
them to be concentrated in those objects to which their attention is directed by 
practical needs ; adapting a mode of expression familiar to psychologists we may 
say that they have differentiated from a "continuum" of spiritual powers a 
number of spiritual agents with very various degrees of definiteness. Of these 
the less important are extremely vaguely conceived, but are regarded as being 
able to bring harm to men, who must therefore avoid giving ofiFence to them and 
must propitiate them if they should by ill-chance have been offended. The more 
important, assuming individualised and anthropomorphic forms and definite 
functions, receive proper names, and axe in some cases represented by rude images, 
and become the recipients of prayer and sacrifice. The spirit of any object or 



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Men and Animals in Sarawak, 175 

agent, or perhaps we should rather say the thing in its spiritual aspect, is usually 
denominated by prefixing the word "Balli" to the ordinary name. Thus Balli 
Sungei (Sungei = river) is the spirit or god of the river, Balli Atap 
(Atap =r roof) is the spirit or god who protects the household from harm of all 
sorts ; a wooden image of him generally stands before the main entrance to the 
house. Ballingo is the god of thunder ; Balli Bouin (bouin = pig) is the form of 
address to the spirit of any pig about to be sacrificed. More important than any 
of these is Balli Penyalong, the Supreme Being. To him the Kenyahs pray for 
guidance in important undertakings, while the women pray to Doh Penyalong, his 
wife. 

The Cult of the Hawk. 

Of the many animals that the Kenyahs dare not eat or kill those which 
most influence their conduct are the omen-birds, and among the omen-birds the 
common white-headed carrion-hawk {HaHaster intermediics) is by far the most 
important. The Kenyahs always observe the movements of this hawk with keen 
interest, for by a well-established code of rules, they interpret his movements in the 
heavens as signs by whicli they must be guided in many matters of moment, 
especially in the conduct of warlike or any other dangerous expeditions.^ The 
hawk is always spoken of and addressed as Balli Flaki, and is formally consulted 
before any party of Kenyahs sets out from home for distant parts. 

To illustrate the formalities with which they read the omens we will transcribe 
here a passage from a journal kept by one of us. The occasion of the incidents 
described was the setting out of a large body of Kenyahs from the house of Tama 
Bulan, a chief who by his personal merits has attained to a position of great 
influence among the other Kenyah chiefsi and who has been confirmed in his 
authority by His Highness the Eajah of Sarawak. The object of the 
expedition was to visit and make peace with another great fighting tribe, the 
Madangs, who live in the remotest interior of Borneo. Tama Bulan, whose 
belief in the value of the omens has been slightly shaken, was willing to stail; 
without ceremonies and to make those powers, which he believed to protect us, 
responsible for himself and his people also. But the people had begged him not 
to neglect the traditional rites, and he had yielded to their wishes. 

" At break of day, before I was up, Tama Bulan was washed by the women 
at the river's brink with water and the blood of pigs to purify him for his journey, 
and later in the morning the people set to work to seek omens and a guarantee of 
their safety on the journey from the hawks that are so numerous here. A small 
shelter of sticks and leaves was made on the river-bank before the house, and the 

» We find that the practices of these people in connection with omens or auspices so 
closely resemble those of tie early Romans that it seems worth while to draw attention to 
these resemblances, and we therefore quote in footnotes some passages fiom Dr. Smith's 
Dictionary of Classical Antiquities^ referring to the practice of the Romans: "in the most 
ancient times no transaction, whether private or public, was performed without consulting the 
auspices, and hence arose the distinction of auspicia privaia and axvspUna publtca." 



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176 Charles Hosb and W. McDougall. — Ths Relations between 

women having been sent to their rooms, three men of the upper class^ sat under 
this leaf -shelter beside a small fire, and searched the sky for hawks. After sitting 
there silently for about an hour, the three men suddenly became animated ; one of 
them took in his right hand a small chick and a stick frayed by many deep cuts 
with a knife and waved them repeatedly from left to right, at the same time 
pouring out a rapid flood of words. They had caught sight of a hawk high up 
and far away before them, and they were trying to persuade it to fly towards the 
right. Presently the hawk, a tiny speck in the sky, sailed slowly out of sight 
behind a hill on the right, and the men settled themselves to watch for a second 
hawk which must fly towards the left, and a third which must circle round and 
round. In the course of about half an hour, two hawks had obligingly put in an 
appearance and behaved just as it was hoped and desired that they should behave ; 
and so this part of this business was finished, and about a score of men bustled 
about preparing for the next act. They brought many fowls and several young 
pigs, and a bundle of long poles pointed at either end. Before the house stand 
upright two great boles of timber, and of either one the upper end is carved into 
a rude face and crowned with a brass gong (PL XIV, 2). These are two images 
of the one Supreme Being, Balli Penyalong, and they seem to be at the same time 
the altars of the god. A tall young tree stripped of all but its topmost twigs, stands 
beside one of them, and is supposed to reach to heaven, or at least, by its greater 
proximity to the regions above, to facilitate intercourse. As to the meaning of 
this and many other features of these rites, it is impossible to form any exact ide^, 
for the opinions of these people in such matters are hardly less vague and 
diversified than those of more civilized worshippers. Tama Bulan, in his 
character of high priest,* took his stand before one of these images, while a 
nephew, one of the three men who had watched the hawks, ofl&ciated before the 
other and went through exactly the same ceremonies as his uncle, at the same 
time with him. Tama Bulan held a small bamboo water- vessel in his left hand 
and with a frayed stick in his right hand sprinkled some of the water on the 
image, all the time looking up into its face and rapidly repeating a set fonn of 
words. Presently he took a fowl, snipped off* its head and sprinkled its blood upon 
the image, and so again with another and another fowl. Then he held a young pig 
while a follower gashed its throat, and, as the blood leapt out, he scattered it too 
on the image, while the score of men standing round about put their hands, some 
on him, some on one another, so that all were in contact, and joined in the prayer 
or incantation which he kept pouring forth in the same rapid mechanical fashion 
in which many a curate at home reads the church service. In the house, 
meanwhile, four boys were pounding at two big drums to keep away from 
the worshippers all sounds but the words of their own prayers.^ Then 

» " No one but a patrician could take the auspices.** 

* '* Eomulus is represented to have been the best of augurs, and from him all succeeding 
augurs received the chief mark of their office." 

s « Hence devices were adopted so that no ill-omened sound should be heard, such aji 
blowing a trumpet during the sacrifice." 



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Mm and Animals in Snratmh 177 

another fowl and another pig were sacrificed in similar fashion at either altar, and 
the second part of the rite was finished by the men sticking the carcases of the 
slaughtered beasts each one on the point of a pole, and fixing the poles upright in 
the earth before the images. 

" Tama Bulan now came up into the house to perform the third and last act. A 
pig was brought and laid bound upon the floor, and Tama Bulan, stooping, with a 
sword in his right hand, kept punching the pig gently behind the shoulder as 
though to keep its attention, and addressed it with a rapid flow of words, each phrase 
beginning ' Balli Bouin.' The pig's throat was then cut by an attendant, and 
Tama Bulan, standing up, diluted its blood with water and scattered it abroad over 
all of us as we stood round about him, while he still kept up the rapid patter of 
words. Then he pulled off the head of a fowl and concluded the rites by once more 
sprinkling us all with blood and water. Everyone seemed relieved and well satisfied 
to have got through this important busineas and to have secured protectors for all 
the party during the forthcoming journey. For the three hawks will watch over 
them and are held to have given them explicit guarantees of safety. The frayed 
stick that had figured so largely in the rites was stuck under the rafters of the roof 
among a row of others previously used, and there it will remain, a sign and a 
pledge of the piety of the people, as long as the house shall stand. And then as 
Tama Bulan, pretty well covered with blood, went away to wash himself, I felt as 
though I had just lived through a book of the JEneid, and was about to follow 
Father -^neas to the shores of Latium." 

This elaborate rite, so well fitted to set agoing the speculative fancy of 
anyone acquainted with the writings of Robertson Smith and Messrs. Jevons and 
Frazer, was one of the first that we witnessed together. After giving all our facts 
we shall return to discuss some of the interesting questions raised by it, but it 
will be seen that we are far from having discovered satisfactory explanations of all 
its features. Obscure featiu*es to which we would direct attention are the use of 
the fire and the frayed stick, for these figure in almost all rites in which the omen- 
birds are consulted, or prayers and sacrifices made. The Kenyahs seem to feel 
that the purpose of fire is to carry up the prayers to heaven by means of the 
ascending flame and smoke, in somewhat the same way as the tall pole planted by 
the side of the image of Balli Penyalong facilitates communion with the spirit ; 
for they conceive him as dwelling somewhere above the earth. 

Omens are always sought in the way we have described before going out to attack 
an enemy, and if the expedition is successful the warriors bring home not only the 
heads of the slain enemy but also pieces of their flesh, which they fix upon poles 
before the house, one for each family, as a thank-offering to Balli Flaki for his 
guidance and protection. It seldom occurs that a hawk actually takes or eats these 
pieces of flesh, and that does not seem to be expected. Without favourable omens 
from the hawks, Kenyahs will not set out on any expedition, and even when they 
have secured them they still anxiously look out for further guidance and may be 
stopped or turned back at any time by imfavourable omens. Thus, should a hawk 
Vol. XXXI. ^• 



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178 Charles Hose and W. McDougall. — The Relations between 

fly over their boat going in the same direction as themselves this is a good omen, 
but if one should fly towards them as they travel, and especially if it should 
scream as it does so, this is a terribly bad omen, and only in case they can obtain 
other very favourable omens to counteract the impression made by it will they 
continue their journey. If one of a party dies on the journey, they will stop for 
one whole day for fear of ofiending Balli Flaki If a hawk should scream just as 
they are about to deliver an attack, that means that some of the elder men will be 
killed in the battle. 

Balli Flaki is also consulted before sowing and harvesting the rice crop, but 
besides being appealed to publicly on behalf of the whole community, his aid may 
be sought privately by any man who wishes to injure another. For tliis purpose 
a man makes a rough wooden image in human form and retires to some quiet spot 
on the river bank, where he sets up a " tegulum," a horizontal pole supported about 
a yard above the groimd by a pair of vertical polea He lights a small fire beside 
the " tegulum," and taking a fowl in one hand, he sits on the ground behind it 
so as to see through it a square patch of sky^ and so waits until a hawk becomes 
visible upon this patch. As soon as a hawk appears he kills the fowl and with a 
frayed stick smears its blood on the wooden image, saying, " Put fat in his mouth " 
(which means " Let his head be taken and fed with fat in the usual way "), and he 
puts a bit of fat in the mouth of the image. Then he strikes at the breast of the 
image with a small wooden spear and throws it into a pool of water reddened with 
red earth, and then takes it out and buries it in the ground. While the hawk is 
visible he waves it towards the left, for he knows that if it flies to the left he will 
prevail over his enemy, but that if it goes to the right his enemy is too strong 
for him. 

When a new house is built a wooden image of Balli Flaki with wings 
extended is put up before it and an offering of mixed food is put on a little shelf 
before the image, and at times, especially after getting good omens from the 
hawks, it is offered bits of flesh and is smeared with pig*s blood. If the people 
have good luck in their new house they renew the image, but if not they usually 
allow it to fall into decay. If when a man is sitting down to a meal he espies a 
hawk in the heavens he will throw a morsel of food towards it, exclaiming, 
"BalK Flaki!" 

We have seen that during the formal consultation of the hawks the women 
are sent to their rooms. Nevertheless many women keep in the cupboards in which 
they sleep a wooden image of the hawk with a few hawk's feathers stuck upon it. 
If the woman falls sick she will take one of these feathers and waving it to and 
fro will say, " Tell the bad spirit that is making me sick that I have a feather of 
Balli Flaki," and when she recovers her health Balli Flaki has the credit of it. 

Although Kenyahs will not kill a hawk, they would not prevent us from 

' " The person who has to take them (the auspices) first marked out with a wand . . . 
a division of the heavens called * templum,' . , . within which he intended to make hia 
observations." 



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Men and Animals in Sarawak, 179 

shooting one if it stole their chickens, for they say that a hawk who will do that 
is a low-class fellow, a cad, in fact, for there are social grades among the hawks just 
as there are among themselves. 

Although the Kenyahs thus look to Balli Flaki to guide them and help them 
in many ways and express gratitude towards him, we do not think that they 
conceive of him as a single great spirit as some of the other tribes tend to do ; 
they rather look upon the hawks as messengers and intermediators between 
themselves and Balli Penyalong,^ to which a certain undefined amoimt of power 
is delegated. No doubt it is a vulgar error with them, as in the case of professors 
of other forms of belief, to forget in some degree the Supreme Being and to direct 
their prayers and thanks almost exclusively to the subordinate power, which, 
having concrete forms, they can more easily keep before their minds. They regard 
favourable omens as given for their encouragement and bad omens as friendly 
warnings.^ We were told by one very intelligent Kenyah that he supposed that 
the hawks, having been so frequently sent by Balli Penyalong to give them 
warnings, had learnt how to do this of their own will, and that sometimes they 
probably do give them warning or encouragement independently without being sent 
by him. 

All Kenyahs hold Balli Flaki in the same peculiar regard, and no individuals 
or sections of them claim to be especially favoured by him or claim to be related 
to him by blood or descent. 

Ot?ier Omen-Birds. 
Kenyahs obtain omens of less importance from several other birds. When 
favourable omens have been given by the hawks some prominent man is always 
sent out to sit on the river bank beside a small fire and watch and listen for these 
other birds. Their movements and cries are the signs which he interprets as 
omens confirming or weakening the import of those given by the hawks. Of 
these other omens the most regarded are those given by the three varieties of the 
spider-himter {ArachTwthera Chrysogenys, A. modesta, and A. Longirostris). All 
three varieties are known as " Sit^' or " Isit.'* When travelling on the river the 
Kenyahs hope to see " Sit " fly across from left to right as they sit facing the bow of 
the canoe. When this happens they call out loudly, saying, " 0, Sit on the left 
hand ! Give us long life, help us in our undertaking, help us to find what we are 
seeking, make our enemies feeble." They usually stop their canoes, land on the 
bank, and after making a small fire, say to it, " Tell Sit to help us." Each man of 
the party will light a cigarette in ordeir that he may have his own small fire, and 
will murmur some part at least of the usual formulas. After seeing " Sit " on 
their left, they like to see him again on their right side. 

» " It was from Jupiter mainly that the future was learnt, and the birds were regarded as 
his messengers." 

' "The Roman auspices were essentially of a practical nature ; they gave no information 
respecting the course of fature events, they did not inform men what was to happen, but 
simply taught them whether they were to do or not to do the matter purposed ; they assigned 
no reason for the decision of Jupiter, they simply announced — yes or no." 

K 2 



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180 Chaules Hose and W. McDougall.— TA^ Relations between 

Next in importance to the spider-hunters are the three varieties of the trogan 
{Harpactes Diardi, H. Duvancelii, and JT. hammba). They like to hear the 
trogan calling quietly and sitting on a tree to their left, but if he is on their right 
the omen is only a little less favourable.^ On hearing the trogan's cry they own 
it, as they say, by shouting to it and stopping to light a fire just as in the case of 
" Sit." 

Kieng, the woodpecker (Lepocestes poiyhyro mdas), has two notes, one of 
which is of good, the other of bad omen. If they have secured good omens from 
the birds already mentioned they will then try to avoid hearing Kieng lest he should 
utter the note of evil omen, so they sing and talk and rattle their paddles on the 
sides of the boat. 

Other omen birds of less importance are Asi (CarciiwiUes melanops), whose 
note warns them of difficulties in their path, and Ukang {Sasia abnormis), whose 
note means good luck for them. Telajan, the crested rain-bird {Platylophus 
coronatus), announces good luck by its call and warns of serious diflSculties also. 

Kong, the hombill {Anorrhinus comatus) gives omens of minor importance 
by his strange deep cry. His handsome feathers, with their bold bars of black 
and white, are worn on war-coats and stuck in the war-caps by men who are 
tried warriors, but may not be worn by mere youths. The substance of the 
beak of the hombill is sometimes carved into the form of the canine tooth of 
the tiger-cat, and a pair of these is the most valued kind of ear-ornament for 
men. Only elderly men or men who have taken heads with their own hands 
may wear them. One of the popular dances consists in a comical imitation 
of the movements of the hornbill, but no special significance attaches to the 
dance; it seems to be done purely in a spirit of fun. Young hombills are 
occasionally kept in the house as pets (cf. Plate XIV, 1). 

We know of no other bird that plays any part in the religious life of the 
Kenyahs or afiFects them in any peculiar manner. 

TJve Pig. * 

All Kenyahs keep numerous domestic pigs, which roam beneath and alK)ut 
the house, picking up what garbage they can find to eke out the scanty meals 
of rice-dust and chaff given them by the women. It seems that they seldom 
or never take to the jungle and become feral, although they are not confined 
in any way. 

These domestic pigs are not treated with any show of reverence, but rather 
with the greatest contumely, and yet the pig plays a part in almost all religious 
ceremonies, and before it is slaughtered apologies are always offered to it, and 

* " It was only a few birds which could give auguries among the Romans. They were 
divided into two classes, Oscines, those which gave auguries by singing or their voice ; and 
Alites, those which gave auguries by their flight." " There were considerable varieties of omen 
according to the note of the Oscines or the place from which they uttered the note ; and 
nimilarlv among the Alites, according to the nature of their flight/' 



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Men and Anwmb in Sarawak, 181 

it is assured that it is not to be eaten. We have seen that, in the rites 
preparatory to an important and dangerous expedition, the chief was washed 
with pig's blood and water, and that young pigs were slain before the altar-post 
of Balli Penyalong and their blood was sprinkled on the post and afterwards 
upon all or most of the men of the household. It is probably true that Balli 
Penyalong is never addressed without the slaughter of one or more pigs, and 
ako that no domestic pig is ever slaughtered without being charged beforehand 
with some message or prayer to Balli Penyalong which its spirit may carry up to 
him. But the most important function of the pig is the giving of information 
as to the future course of events by means of the markings on its liver.^ 

Whenever it becomes specially interesting or important to ascertain the 
future course of events, when for example a household proposes to make war, or 
two parties are about to go through a peace-making ceremony, a pig is caught by 
the young men from among those beneath the house, and is brought and laid 
with its feet lashed together before the chief in the great verandah of the house. 
And it would seem that the more important the ceremony the larger and the 
more numerous should be the pigs selected as victims. An attendant hands a 
burning brand to the chief, and he, stooping over the pig, singes a few of its 
hairs, and then addressing the pig as " Balli Bouin," and gently punching it behind 
the shoulder as we have already depicted him, he pours out a rapid flood of 
words. The substance of his address is a prayer to Balli Penyalong for guidance 
and knowledge as to the future course of the business in hand and an injunction 
to the soul of the pig to carry the prayer to Balli Penyalong. 

Sometimes more than one chief will address one pig in this way, and then, as 
soon as these prayers are concluded, some follower plunges a spear into the heart 
or throat of the pig, and then rapidly opens its belly in the middle line, drags out 
the liver and lays it on a leaf or platter with the underside uppermost, and so 
carries it to the chief or chiefs. Then all the elderly men crowd round and 
consult as to the significance of the appearances presented by the underside of 
the liver. The various lobes and lobules are taken to represent the various 
districts concerned in the question on which light is desired, and according to 
the strength and intimacy of the connections between these lobes, the people 
of the districts represented are held to be bound in more or less lasting 
friendship; while spots and nodules in any part betoken future evils for the 
people of that part, a clean healthy liver means good fortune and happiness for 
all concerned. The omens thus obtained are held to be the answer vouchsafed 
by Balli Penyalong to the prayers which have been carried to him by the 
spirit of the pig. 

Tf the answer obtained in this way from one pig is unsatisfactory they will 
often kill a second, and on important occasions even a third or fourth in order 

» "They endeavoured to learn the future, especially in war, by consultiDg tlie entrail» of 
victims." 



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182 Charles Hose and W. McDougall.— -?%e Bclatiom between 

to obtain a favourable answer. Unless they can thus obtain a favourable forecast 
they will not set out upon Any undertaking of importance. 

After any ceremony of this kind the body of the pig is usually divided' among 
the people, and by them cooked and eaten without further ceremony. But we 
have seen that after the ceremony in preparation for an expedition the bodies 
of the young pigs, whose blood was scattered on the altar-post of Balli Penyalong, 
were fixed upon tall poles beside this altar-post and there left, and this seems 
to be the rule in ceremonies of this sort, though it is not clear whether the 
carcases are left there as ofiFerings to the hawks or to Balli Penyalong, or because 
they are in some sense too holy to be used as food after being used in such rites. 

Probably Kenyahs never give to the spirits in this way the whole body 
of a large pig, but only of quite small pigs, and in this they are probably 
influenced by economical considerations. 

It may be said generally that Kenyahs do not kill domestic pigs simply and 
solely for the sake of food. The killing of a pig is always the occasion for, or 
occasioned by, some religious rite. It is true that on the arrival of honoured 
guests a pig is usually killed and given to them for food, but its spirit is then 
always charged with some message to Balli Penyalong. It is said that, when 
the pig's spirit comes to Balli Penyalong, he is offended if it brings no message 
from those who killed the pig, and he sends it back to carry off their souls. 

On many other occasions also pigs are killed; thus, on returning from a 
successful attack on enemies a pig is usually killed for each family of the 
household, and a piece of its flesh is put up on a pole before the house; and 
during the severe illness of any person of high social standing, pigs are usually 
killed, and friendly chiefs may come from distant parts bringing with them 
pigs and fowls that they may sacrifice them, and so aid in restoring the sick 
man to health. On the death of a chief too a great feast is made, and many 
pigs are slaughtered, and their jaw bones are hung up on the tomb. A pig is 
sometimes used in the ceremony by which a newly-made peace is sealed between 
tribes hitherto at blood-feud, but a fowl is more commonly used. 

The wild pig which abounds in the forest is hunted by the Kenyahs, and 
killed with spears when brought to bay by the dogs, and he is killed and eaten 
without ceremony or compimction by all classes. 

The lower jaws of all wild pigs that are killed are cleaned and hung up 
together in the house, and it is believed that if these should be lost or in any 
way destroyed the dogs would cease to hunt. 

The Domestic Fowl. 

Every Kenyah household has a large number of fowls which compete eagerly 
with the pigs for the scraps of grain and garbage that fall from the house or 
paddy-stores. 

The sitting hen and the young chickens are always kept in a basket in 
the house to prevent the chicks or eggs being eaten by pigs or dogs. But 



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Men and Animals in Sarawak. l8o 

beyond this very little attention is given to them. They are seldom killed 
for food, and their eggs too can hardly be reckoned as a regular article of food, 
though the people have no prejudice against eating them. 

Fowls are killed on many of the occasions on which pigs are sacrificed, 
and as we have seen in the description of the ceremony at Tama Bulan's house 
their blood may be poured upon the altar-posts of Balli Penyalong, and it 
would seem that fowls and pigs are to some extent interchangeable equivalents 
for sacrificial purposes. Perhaps the most important occasion on which the 
fowl plays a part is the performance of the rite by which a blood-feud is finally 
wiped away. The following extract from the journal previously quoted describes 
an incident of this kind : — 

" In the evening there was serious business on hand. Two chiefs, who 
some years ago were burned out of their homes in the Eejang district by the 
government, have settled themselves with their people in the Baram district. 
They had made a provisional peace with the Kayans some years ago, but the 
final ceremony was to be performed this evening. The two chiefs of the 
immigrants, who had remained hitherto in a remote part of the house, seated 
themselves at one side, and the Kayan chiefs at the other, and Tama Bulan and 
oiirselves between the two parties. First, presents of iron were exchanged. 
In the old days costly presents of metal-work used to be given, but as 
this led sometimes to renewed disputes, the government has forbidden the 
giving of presents of a greater value than two dollars. So now old parang 
(sword) blades are given, and the other essential part of the present has been 
proportionately reduced from a full-grown fowl to a tiny chick. After much 
preliminary talking, two chicks were brought, and a bundle of old parang- 
blades which Tama Bulan, in his character of peace-maker, carries with him 
whenever he travels abroad. A chief of either party took a chick and a 
parang and presented them to the other. Then one led his men a little apart 
and began to rattle off an invocation beginning 'O sacred (Balli) chick,' and 
then snipped off its head with the parang, and with the bloody blade smeared 
the right arms of his followers as they crowded round him. The old fellow 
kept up the stream of words imtil every man was smeared, and then all stamped 
together on the floor and raised a great shout. Then the other party repeated 
the performance, and the peace being thus formally ratified we sat down to 
cement it still further by a friendly drinking bout." 

Another ceremony in which the fowl plays a prominent part is that by which 
the wandering soul of a sick person is foimd and led back to his body by the 
medicine-man. 

Such a performance is described in the following extract from the same 
journal : — 

" In the evening we strolled along the great verandah and came upon a soul- 
catching performance in full swing. In the midst of a crowd of young men 
sitting in a semi-circle about a small lamp, stood Oyong Ian (a slave whose 



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184 Charles Hose and W. McBougall. — The Relations bettveen 

merits have raised him to a very good position, but who is not by any means a 
professional medicine-man). He was chanting loudly with closed eyes, and he was 
supposed to be unconscious of all that was going on about hinL The people 
talked and came and went, but he took no notice and went on with his 
chant, the men joining in with a deep-voiced chorus at the end of each 
phrase. An assistant physician handed to him a war-coat, shield, and parang, 
which he took with a distant air as of one in a half-dream. Then the patients 
were brought and set in a row on a mat, five children, the eldest a girl of 
about fourteen years, the youngest a baby in the arms of the anxious mother. 
One of the children was sick, that is to say, his soul had wandered away towards 
that other land whither it is destined to travel on the death of the body, and it 
was Oyong lan's task to go forth in spirit, to find the wandering soul and to lead 
it back to the body of the sick child. The other children were not sick, and it 
seemed a little illogical to have their souls caught when there was no reason to 
suppose that they were straying, but then, if one must have the doctor to one child, 
to let him see the other children hardly increases the expense, and they may get 
some good from the treatment. Oyong took a short wand, and with it sprinkled 
sugared water on his parang, addressing his chant to the weapon and then he 
sprinkled each child. A young fowl was handed to him and he took it in his right 
hand and sang, * spirit (Balli) of this bird, ask Balli Penyalong to take away all 
sickness from us and to keep us from all harm.' Then, after waving the feebly 
protesting bird over the head of each child, chanting the while a formula in 
antique words whose meaning was unknown to the young man beside me, he 
snipped off its head and sprinkled its blood on the children. Then he took a 
second fowl and charged its spirit with prayers to both Penyalong and his wife 
for the boys and girls respectively, and his song described how his spirit had 
crossed a great river and had found the wandering souls and was leading them 
back. Six pieces of specially prepared string were produced by the assistant, and 
taking one in his right hand he put the finger-tips of that hand on the cro>\'n 
of the head of one of the children (at that moment the child's soul is supposed 
to pass back into his body through the spot touched) ; then, as the little fellow- 
held out his arm very solemnly, he tied one of the strings round his right wrist. 
This process he repeated with each child, the baby resisting violently, but the 
others all very serious and deeply impressed. The assistant now snipped 
off the head of the second fowl and with the bloody parang Oyong Ian cut 
short the ends of the strings and smeared a little blood on the arm of each 
child. Thus the children's souls are tied into their bodies and are not likely to 
escape again for a long time to come. Lastly, a string was tied round Oyong's 
wrist by the assistant, a third fowl was- killed, and its blood smeared on his arm, 
and the soul-catching was over. The children were led away and Oyong, still in 
his trance or dream state, strutted to and fro still chanting, until suddenly he 
staggered, opened his eyes widely, and then sat down beside me and lit a cigarette 
in the most every -day sort of way, saying, * White man's medicine is good, but 



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Men a7id Animals in Sarawak. 185 

Kenyah medicine is good too ' ; and there was no trace of anything but the most 
transparent frankness on his honest face." 

It will be seen from this account that the fowl, like the pig, is used in many 
cases as a messenger sent by man to the Supreme Spirit. In most cases when a 
fowl is slaughtered in the course of a ceremony it is first waved over the heads of 
the people taking part in it, and its blood is afterwards sprinkled upon them. 

In the blood-brotherhood ceremony, when e^ch of the two men drinks or 
smokes in a cigarette a little of the other's blood drawn with a bamboo-knife, a 
fowl is in many cases waved over them and then killed, and occasionally a pig also 
is killed. In such a case the man who has killed the fowl will carry its carcase to 
the door of the house and there will wave towards the heavens a frayed stick 
moistened with its blood and announce the facts of the ceremony to Balli 
Penyalong. So that here again the fowl seems to play the part of a messenger. 
The caixjase and the bloody stick are afterwards put up together on a tall pole 
before the house. After going through this ceremony a man is safe from all the 
members of the household to which his blood-brother belongs, and in the case 
of two chiefs all the members of either household are bound to those of the other 
by a sacred tie. 

Fowls* eggs are sometimes put up on cleft poles as sacrifices. In one instance 
when we were engaged in fishing a lake with a large party in boats we came upon 
a row of eight poles stuck upright at the edge of the lake, each cleft at its upper 
end and holding a fowl's egg. These had just been put there by the crew of one of 
the canoes as an offering to the crocodiles, which were regarded as the most 
influential of the powers of the lake and able to ensure us good sport. 

In such cases the eggs are probably economical substitutes for fowls, as seems 
to be indicated by the following facts : — ^Wlien Kenyah boys enter a strange branch 
of the river for the first time, they go, each 'one taking a fowl's egg in his hand, 
into the jungle with some old man, who takes the eggs, puts them into the cleft 
ends of poles fixed upright in the earth, and thus addresses all the omen-birds 
collectively, " Don't let any harm happen to these children who are coming for the 
first time to this river ; they give you these eggs." And sometimes instead of eggs 
the feathers of a fowl are used, and both the eggs and feathers would seem to be 
substituted for fowls as being good enough in the case of mere children performing 
a minor rite. 

When the belly of a fowl is opened there are prominent two curved portions 
of the gut. The state of these is examined in some cases before the planting of 
paddy, and sometimes before attempting to catch the soul of a sick man. If the 
parts are much curved it is a good omen ; if straight or but slightly curved it is a 
bad omen. 



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186 Charles Hose and W. McDougall. — The Relations between 

The Crocodile. 

like all other races of Sarawak, the Kenyahs regard the crocodiles that infest 
their rivers as more or less friendly creatures. They fear the crocodile and do not 
like to mention it by name, especially if one be in sight, and refer to it as *' the old 
grandfather." But the fear is rather a superstitious fear than the fear of being 
seized by the beast. They regard those of their own neighbourhood as more 
especially friendly, in spite of the fact that members of their households are 
occasionally taken by crocodiles, either while standing incautiously on the bank of 
the river or while floating quietly at evening time in a small canoe. When this 
happens it is believed either that the person taken has in some way offended or 
injured one or all of the crocodiles, or that he has been taken by a stranger 
crocodile that haa come from a distant part of the river and therefore did not 
share in the friendly understanding usually subsisting between the people and the 
local crocodiles. But in any case it is considered that the crocodiles have 
committed an unjustifiable aggression and set up a blood-feud which can only be 
abolished by the slaying of one or more of the aggressors. Now it is the habit of 
the crocodile to hold the body of his victim for several days before devouring it, and 
to drag it for this purpose into some muddy creek opening into the main river. 
A party is therefore organized to search all the neighbouring creeks, «md the first 
measure taken is to prevent the guilty crocodile escaping to some other part of 
the river. To achieve this they take long poles, frayed with many cuts, and set 
them up on the river bank at some distance above and below the scene of the 
crime and at the mouths of all the neighbouring creeks and streamlets ; and they 
kill fowls and pray that the guilty crocodile may be prevented from passing the 
spots thus marked. They then search the creeks, and if they find the criminal 
with the body of his victim they kill him, and the feud is at an end. But, if they 
fail to find him thus, they go out on the part of the river included between 
their charmed poles, and, with their spears tied to long poles, prod all the bed of 
this part of the river, and thus generally succeed in killing one or more crocodiles. 
They then usually search its entrails for the bones and hair of the victim so as to 
make sure that they have caught the offending beast. But even if they do not 
obtain conclusive evidence of this kind they seem to feel that justice is satisfied 
and that the beast killed is probably the guilty one. 

Except in the meting out of a just vengeance in this way, no Kenyah will 
kill a crocodile, and they will not eat its flesh under any circumstances. But 
there is no evidence to show that they regard themselves as related by blood or 
descent to the crocodiles or that their ancestors ever did so. 

When Kenyahs go on a journey into strange rivers or to the lower part of 
the main river they fear the crocodiles of these strange waters, because they are 
unknown to them, and any one of them might easily be mistaken by the crocodiles 
for someone who has done them an injury. Some Kenyahs tie the red leaves of 
the Droecina below the prow of their boat whenever they go far from home, 
believing that this protects them from all danger of attack by ciocodiles. 



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Men and Anintals in Sarawak, 187 

The Dog, 

In all Kenyah houses are large numbers of dog's, which vary a good deal in 
size and colour, but roughly resemble large, mongrel-bred, smooth-haired terriers. 
Each family owns several, and they are fed with rice usually in the evening, but 
seem to be always hungry. The best of them are used for hunting, but besides 
these there is always a number of quite useless, ill-fed, ill-tempered curs, for no 
Kenyah dare kill a dog, however much he may wish to be rid of it. Still less, of 
course, will he eat the flesh of a dog. The dogs prowl about, in and around the 
house, much as they please, and are not treated with any particular respect, but are 
rarely kicked or struck. When a dog intrudes where he is not wanted it is usual 
to click with the tongue at him, and this is usually enough to make him pass on. 

One young Kenyah chief, on being questioned, said that the reason they will not 
kill dogs is that they are like children and eat and sleep together with men in the 
same house, and he added that if a man should kill a dog he would go mad. 

If a dog dies in the house the men push the carcase out of the house and 
into the river with long poles and will on no account touch it with their hands. 
The spot on the floor on which the dog died is fenced round with mats for some 
few days in order to prevent the children walking over it. 

It is usual for the Kenyah men to have one or more designs tattooed on their 
forearms and shoulders. Among the commonest of these designs are those known 
as the scorpion, the prawn, and the dog. They seem to be conventionahsed 
derivatives from these animal forms. It is said that the dog*s head design was 
formerly much more in fashion than it is at the present time. 

Deer and Cattle, 

Kenyahs of the upper class will not kill or eat deer and wild cattle. They 
believe that if they should eat their flesh they would vomit violently and spit out 
blood. They have no domestic cattle, and the buffalo does not occiu* in their 
districts. Lower-class Kenyahs and slaves, taken as war-captives from other 
tribes, may eat deer and horned cattle, but they must take the flesh some little 
distance fiom the house to cook it. A woman who is pregnant, or for any other 
reason is in the hands of a physician, has to observe the restrictions with regard 
to deer and cattle more strictly than other people, and she will not touch or allow 
to be brought near her any article of leather or horn. 

The war-coats of the men are often made of goat or deer skin, and any man 
may wear such a war-coat. But when a man has a young son he is particularly 
careful to avoid contact with any part of a deer lest through such contact he 
should transmit to his son in any degree the timidity of the deer. On one 
occasion when we had killed a deer, a Kenyah chief resolutely refused to allow 
its skin to be carried in his boat, alleging the above reason. 

The cry or bark of the deer {Germdus muntjac) is a warning of danj^^er, and 
the seeing or hearing of the plandok {Tragulas napii) has a like significance. 



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188 Charles Hose and W. McDougall.— I%^ Relations bettoeen 

The Tiger- Cat. 

The only large species of the Felidw that occurs in Borneo is the tiger-cat 
(Fclis ivehdosa). Kenyahs will not eat it as men of some tribes do, but will kill 
it, and they fashion its handsome spotted skin into war-coats. Such coats are 
worn only by men who have been on the warpath. The canine-teeth of the 
tiger-cat are much prized as ornaments ; they are worn thrust through holes in 
tlie upper part of the shell of the ear, but only by full-grown men. Ktdeh, 
the name of this beast, is sometimes given to a boy. 

The true tiger does not now occur in Borneo, and it is doubtful whether it 
ever was a native of the island. Nevertheless the Kenyahs know it by name 
{Linjav) and by reputation, and a few skins are in the possession of chiefs. No 
ordinary man but only a distinguished and elderly chief will venture to touch 
such a skin, much less wear it as a war-coat. These skins have been brought 
from other lands by Malay traders, and it is probable that whatever knowledge of 
the tiger the Kenyahs possess has come from the same source. 

A chief will sometimes name his son Linjau, that is, the Tiger. 

A carnivore {Arctogale leucotis) allied to the civet cat warns of danger when 
seen or heard. 

Othe7' Animals, 

There is a certain large lizard {yaranus) that is eaten freely by other tribes, 
but Kenyahs may not eat it, though they will kill it. 

They regard the seeing of any snake as an unfavourable omen and will not 
kill any snake gratuitously. 

Kenyahs, like all, or almost all, the other natives of Borneo, are more or less 
afraid of the Maias (the orang-utan) and of the long-nosed monkey, and will not 
look one in the face or laugh at one. 

In one Kenyah house a fantastic figure of the gibbon is carved on the ends 
of all the main cross-beams of the house, and the chief says that this has been 
their custom for many generations. He tells us that when these beams are 
being put up it is the custom to kill a pig and divide its flesh among the men 
who are working, and no woman is allowed to come into the house until this 
lias been done. None of his people will kill a gibbon, though other Kenyahs will 
kill and probably eat it. They claim that he helps them as a friend, and the 
carvings on the beams seem to symbolize his supporting of the house. 

In other parts of the same house are carvings of Semnopitliecus ffasei, but 
the old chief regards the^se as much less important and as recent innovations. 

We do not know of any other animals to which especial respect or attention 
is paid by the Kenyahs, and we will now describe the corresponding customs of 
the Kayans. 

The Kayans. 

Like the Kenyahs, the Kayans seem to have come £rom the east about 
150 years ago, pi-obably a little later than the Kenyahs, and are now settled in 



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ifeii and Animals in Sarawak. 189 

large villages, consisting usually of three or four long houses, on the banks of the 
Baram about the middle of its course. In the state of their culture and the 
character of their customs the Kayans closely resemble the Kenyahs. Individually 
they are less attractive than the Kenyahs and the difference may be described in 
one word, — there is in the Kenyah character something Hellenic that is wanting 
in the Kayans. Since the customs of the Kayans in regard to animals are so 
similar to those of the Kenyahs it will only be necessary to mention those points 
in which they differ and to bring out some differences in the mental attitude of 
the Kayans. 

Kayans like Kenyahs worship the Supreme Being imder the name Laki 
Tenangan, i,e., Grandfather Tenangan, and the women pray to his wife Do 
Tenangan. They also reverence a number of departmental deities. Thus there 
are four gods of life, Buring Katingai, Laki Ju Urip, Laki Makatan Urip, 
Laki Kalisai Urip, a harvest god Anyi Lawang and Abong Do his wife, a fire-god 
Laki Pesong, a spirit of madness Balanan, a spirit who causes fear Toh Kiho, the 
creator of the world Laki Kalira Murei, a god of the waters Orai Uka, and lastly, 
Laki Jup Urip the deity or spirit who ferries souls across the river of death to 
Apo Lagan, the Kayan Hades. 

The white-headed hawk (Balli Flaki) of the Kenyahs has its equivalent 
among the Kayans in the large dark-brown hawk, which they call Laki Neho. 
But as it is not possible to distinguish these two kinds of hawks when seen flying 
at some distance, they address and accept all large hawks seen in the distance 
as Laid Neho. 

The functions and powers of Laki Neho seem to be almost identical with those 
of Balli Flaki. He is a giver of omens and a bringer of messages from Laki 
Tenangan. The following notes of a conversation with an intelligent Kayan chief 
will give some idea of his attitude towards Laki Neho. It must be remembered 
that these people have no priesthood and no dogmatic theologians to define and 
formulate beliefs, so that their ideas as to the natui^ of their gods and their abodes 
and powers are, though perhaps more concrete, at least as various in the minds of 
different individuals as are the corresponding ideas among the average adherents 
of more highly developed forms of religion ; and perhaps no two men will 
agree exactly on these matters, and any one man will freely contradict his own 
statements. 

Laki Tenangan is an old man with long white hair who speaks Kayan and 
has a wife, Do Tenangan. They sometimes see him in dreams, and if fortunate 
they then see his face, but if unlucky they see his back only. In olden times 
powerful men sometimes spoke with him, but now this never occurs. He dwells in 
a house far away. Laki Neho also has a house that is covered with palm leaves 
and frayed sticks. It is in a tree top, yet it is beside a river, and has a landing 
place before it like every Kayan house. This house is sometimes seen in dreams. 
It is not so far away as the house of Laki Tenangan. At first our informant said 
that help is asked directly of Laki Neho, but when pressed he said that Laki Neho 



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190 Chables Hose and W. McDougall. — ne Belaiions hetwcen 

may carry the message to Laki Tenangan. Some things Laki Neho does of his own 

will and power, for example, if a branch were likely to fall on a Kayaii boat he 

would prevent it, for Laki Tenangan long ago taught him how to do such things. 

When a man is sick Kayans appeal to Laki Neho, but if he does not make the 

patient well, they then appeal to Laki Tenangan directly, killing a pig whose spirit 

goes first to the house of Laki Neho, and then on to the more distant house of Laki 

Tenangan. For they believe that in such a case the patient has somehow offended 

Laki Neho by disregarding or misreading his omens. A man suflfering from 

chronic disease may himself pray to Laki Tenangan. He lights a fire and kills a 

fowl and perhaps a pig also, and calls upon Laki Neho to be his witness and 

messenger. He holds an egg in one hand and says, "This is for you to eat, 

carry my message direct to Laki Tenangan that I may get well and live and bring 

up my children, who shall be taught my occupations and the true customs " ; and 

he will say to T^ki Neho, " You I put on the top of my head, when you are with 

me men look up to me as to a high cliflf," The fire is lighted to make Laki Neho 

warm and energetic. 

It will be seen from the above account that the Kayans have formed a concept 

of the power of the hawks in general, and have given it a semi-anthropomorphic 

character, and we shall see below that the Sea-Dayaks have carried this process 

still further. 

Crocodiles, 

The Kayan's attitude towards the crocodile is practically the same as the 
Kenyah's. We append the following notes of a conversation with a young Kayan 
chief, Usong, and his cousin Wan : — ^There are but very few Kayans who will kill a 
crocodile except in revenge. But if one of their people has been taken by a 
crocodile, they go out together to kill the criminal, and they begin by saying, 
*' Don't run away, youVe got to be killed, why don't you come to the surface ? 
You won't come out on the land because you have done wrong and are afraid." 
After this he wUl perhaps come on to the land, and if he does not he will at least 
float to the surface of the water and is then killed with spears. In olden days 
Kayans used to make a crocodile of clay and ask it to drive away evil spirits, but 
now this is not done. A crocodile may become a man just like themselves. 
Sometimes a man dreams that a crocodile calls him to become his blood-brother 
and after they have gone through the regular ceremony and exchanged namies (in 
the dream) the man is quite safe from crocodiles, Usong's uncle has in this way 
become blood-brother to a crocodile and is now called " Baiya " (the generic name 
for the crocodile) while some crocodile unknown is called Jok, and Usong considers 
himself the nephew of the crocodile Jok. Usong's father has also become 
blood-brother to a crocodile, and Usong calls himself a son of this particular 
unknown crocodile. Sometimes he asks these two, his uncle- and his father- 
crocodiles, to give him a pig when he is out hunting, and once they did give him 
one. After relating this Usong added, " But who knows if this be true ? " 

Wan's great-great-grandfather became blood-brother to a crocodile, and was 



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Men and Animals in Sarawdk. 191 

called "Klieng Baiya." Wan has several times met this crocodile in dreams. 
Thus in one dream he fell into the river when there were many crocodiles about. 
He climbed on to the head of one which said to him, " Don't be afraid," and carried 
him to the bank. Wan's father had charms given him by a crocodile and would 
not on any account kill one, and Wan clearly regards himself as being intimately 
related to crocodiles in general. 

The KAyans regard the pig and the fowl in much the same way as the 
Kenyahs do, and put them to just the same uses. Their beliefs and customs 
with regard to deer, horned cattle, dogs and the tiger-cat, are similar to those of 
the Kenyahs save that they will not kill the last of these. They are perhaps 
more strict in the avoidance of deer and cattle. One old chief who had been 
ailing for a long time hesitated to enter the Kesident's house because he saw 
a pair of horns hanging up there. When he entered he asked for a piece of 
iron and on returning home he killed a fowl and a pig, and submitted to the 
process of having his soul caught by a medicine-man lest it should have remained 
in the dangerous neighbourhood of the horns. 

Like the Kenyahs the Kayans entertain a superstitious dread of the Maias 
and the long-nosed monkey, but the Dok {Macacus Ttemesirinus), the coco-nut 
monkey of the Malay States, has special relations to them. It is very common in 
their district and they wiU kill it only when it is stealing their rice-crop, and 
they will never eat it as other peoples do. There is a somewhat uncertain belief 
that it is a blood-relative, and the following myth is told to account for 
this : — A Kayan woman of high class was reaping paddy with her daughter. 
Now it is against custom to eat any of the rice during reaping, and when the 
mother went away for a short time leaving the girl at work she told her on no 
account to eat any of the rice. But no sooner was the mother gone than the 
girl began to husk some paddy and nibble at it. Then at once her body began 
to itch and hair began to grow on her arms like the hair of a Dok. Soon 
the mother returned and the girl said, " Why am I itching so ? " and the mother 
answered, ** You have done some wicked thing, you have eaten some rice." Then 
hair grew all over her body except her head and face, and the mother said, 
" Ah, this is what I feared, now you must go iuto the jungle and eat only what 
haa been planted by human hands." So the girl went into the jungle and her 
head became like a DoJ(fs and she ceased to be able to speak. 

The Dok does not help them in any way but only spoils their crops. 

A very popular dance is the Dok dance, in which a man imitates very 
cleverly the behaviour of the Dok, It is a very ludicrous performance, and 
excites boisterous mirth. They say it is done merely in fun. 

In one Kayan house the ends of all the main cross-beams that support 
the roof are ornamented with fretwork designs which are clearly animal 
derivatives and apparently all of the same animal Its form suggests a crocodile, 
and some of the men agreed that that was its meaning, wliile others asserted 
that it was a dog. It was doubtless originally one or other of these, but 



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192 Charles Hose and W. McDougall. — Tlu Relations between 

has now become a conventional design merely, and its true origin has been 
forgotten (cf. Plate XV, 1). 

Neither Kayans nor Kenyahs make much use of snakes of any kind, but 
there is one snake with red head and tail which, when they see it in the course 
of a journey, they must kill, else harm will befall them. And again if they 
see a certain snake just as they are about to enter a strange river or a strange 
village they will stop and light a fire on the bank in order to communicate 
with Laki Neho. Kayans will not eat any species of turtle or tortoise. 

Kalamantans. 

The Kalamantans is the name by which we propose to denote the people 
of the scattered communities that seem to be descendants of the tribe that 
inhabited the interior of the Baram district at the time when the Kenyahs and 
Kayans first invaded it from the eastward. Their general modes of life and 
thought are very similar to those of the Kayans and Kenyahs, especially those 
of the latter, but they present a greater variety of customs than either of those 
tribes, owing no doubt to their widely scattered distribution. We will describe 
the main points of interest in which theii* relations to the animals differ from 
those of the Kenyahs and Kayans. 

The following notes of a conversation with the Orang Kaya Tummonggong, 
the distinguished chief of the Long Pata people (one of the many groups of 
Kalamantans), show that these people regard the hawk in much the same way 
as the Kenyahs do : — The hawk, " Balli Flaki," is the messenger of " Balli Utong " 
the Supreme Being. When a party is about to set out on any expedition, they 
explain their intentions to Balli Flaki and then observe the movements of the 
hawks. If a hawk circles round over their heads some of the party will fall 
sick on the journey and probably die. If the hawk flies to the right when near 
at hand it is a good omen, but if it flies to the right when at a distance or to 
the left, whether near or far, that is a bad omen. The people then light a 
fire and entreat the hawk to give a more favourable sign, and if it persists in 
going to the left they give up the expedition. If while the omens are being 
read the hawk flaps his wings, or screams, or swoops down and settles on a tree 
the omens ai-e bad. But if it swoops down and up again that is good. If 
two or three hawks are visible at the same time, and especially if they all fly 
to the right that is very good, but if many are visible and especially if they 
fly off in different directions that is ver}' bad, for it means that the enemy will 
scatter the attacking force. If the hawk should capture a small bird while they 
are watching it, that means that they will be made captives if they persist in 
their undertaking. The hawk is not claimed as a relative by Kalamantans. 
They take omens from various other birds in matters of minor importance. 

Kalamantans use the domestic pig and fowl as sacrificial animals just as 
the Kenyahs and Kayans do, and they have the same superstitious dread of 



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Men and Animals in Sarawak 193 

killing a dog. One group of them, the Malanaus, use a dog in taking a very 
solemn oath, and sometimes the dog is killed in the course of this ceremony. 
Or instead of the dog being killed, its tail may be cut off, and the man taking the 
oath licks the blood from the stump, and this is considered a most binding 
and solemn form of oath. The ceremony is spoken of as "makan asu," i.e., 
" the eating of the dog." 

Most Kalamantans will kill and eat deer and cattle freely. But there are 
exceptions to this rule. Thus Damong, the chief of a Malanau household, together 
with all his people, will not kill or eat the deer Cervnlus muntjac, alleging that an 
ancestor had become a deer of this kind, and that, since they cannot distinguish this 
incarnation of his ancestor from other deer, they must abstain from killing all deer 
of this species. We know of one instance in which one of these people refused to 
use again his cooking-pot which a Malay had bori'owed and used for cooking the 
flesh of this deer. This superstition is still rigidly adhered to, although these 
people have been converted to Islam of recent years. 

On one occasion another chief resolutely refused to proceed on a journey 
through the jungle when a mouse deer (FlandoJc) crossed his path, and he will not 
eat this deer at any time.^ 

The people of Miri, who also are Mohammedan Malanaus, claim to be related 
to the large deer (Cerviis eqtcintis) and some of them to the muntjac deer also. 
Now these people live in a country in which deer of all kinds abound, and they 
always make a clearing in the jungle around a tomb. On such a clearing grass 
grows up rapidly, and so the spot becomes attractive to deer as a grazing ground ; 
and it seems not improbable that it is through frequently seeing deer about 
the tombs that the people have come to entertain the belief that their dead 
relatives become deer or that they are in some other way closely related to 
the deer. 

The Bakongs, another group of Malanaus, hold a similar belief with regard to 
the bear-cat {Artidis) and the various species of Paradoxionis, and in this case the 
origin of the belief is admitted by them to be the fact that on going to their grave- 
yards they often see one of these beasts coming out of a tomb. These tombs are 
roughly constructed wooden coffins raised a few feet only from the ground, and it is 
probable that these carnivores make their way into them in the first place' to devour 
the corpse, and that they then make use of them as lairs. 

The relations of the Kalamantans to the crocodiles seem to be more intimate 
than those of other tribes. One group, the Long Patas, claim the crocodile as a 
relative. The story goes that a certain man named Silau became a crocodile. 
First he became covered with itch, and he scratched himself till he bled and became 
rough all over. Then his feet l>egan to look like a crocodile's tail, and as the 
change crept up from his feet to his body he called out to his relatives that he was 

• Of the Bomans it is said : "When a fox, a wolf, a serpent, a horse, a dog, or any other 
kind of quadruped ran across a person's path or appeared in an unusual place, it formed an 
augury." 

Vol. XXXI. 



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194 Charles Hose and W. McDougall.— 7%e Relations betimm 

becoming a crocodile, and made them swear that they would never kill any 
crocodile. Many of the people in olden days knew that Silau became a crocodile 
because they saw him at times and spoke to him, and his teeth and tongue were 
always like those of a man. Many stories are told of his meeting with people by 
the river-side. On one occasion a man was roasting a pig on the river-bank, and 
when he left it for a moment Silau took it and divided it among the other crocodiles, 
who greatly enjoyed it. Silau then arranged with them that he would give a sign 
to his human relatives by which the crocodiles might always be able to recognize 
them when travelling on the rivers. He told his human friends that they must 
tie leaves of the Dracoena below the bows of their boats, and this they always do 
when they go far from home, so that the crocodiles may recognise them and so 
abstain from attacking them. 

If a man of the Long Patas is taken by a crocodile they attribute this to the 
fact that they have intermarried to some extent with Kayans. "WTien they come 
upon a crocodile lying on the river-bank they say, " Be easy, grandfather, don't 
mind us, you are one of us." Some of the Kalamantans will not even eat anything 
that has been cooked in a vessel previously used for cooking crocodile's flesh, and 
it is said that if a man should do so unwittingly his body would become covered 
with sores. 

If a crocodile is seen on their left hand by Long Patas on a war expedition 
that is a bad omen, but if on their right hand that is the best possible omen. 

The Orang Kaya Tummonggong tells us that in the olden timers the crocodiles 
used to speak to his people, warning them of danger, but that now they never 
speak, and he supposes that their silence is due to the fact that his people have 
intermarried with other tribes. The Long Patas frequently carve a crocodile's 
head as the figure-head for a war canoe. 

The Batu Blah people (Kalamantans) on returning from the war-path make a 
huge effigy of a crocodile with cooked rice, and put fowl's eggs in its head for eyes 
and bananas for teeth, and cover it with scales made from the stem of the banana 
plant. When all is ready it is transfixed with a wooden spear and the chief cuts 
off its head with a wooden sword. Then pigs and fowls are slaughtei'ed and 
cooked and eaten with the rice from the rice-crocodile, the chiefs eating the head 
and the common people the body. The chief of these people could give us no 
explanation of the meaning of this ceremony ; he merely says they do it because it 
is " adat " (custom). 

One community of Kalamantans, the Lelak people, lived recently on the banks 
of a lake much infested with crocodiles. Their chief had the reputation of being 
able to induce them to leave the lake. To achieve this he would stand in his 
boat waving a bundle of charms, which included among other things teeth of the 
real tiger and boars* tusks, and then address the crocodiles politely in their own 
language. He would then allow his boat to float out of the lake into the river, and 
the crocodiles would follow him and pass on down the river. 

Many, probably all, Kalamantans put up wooden images of the crocodile 



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Men and Aniinals in Sarawak. 195 

before their houses, and many of them carve the prow of their war-canoes into 
the form of a crocodile's head with gaping jaws. 

The Punans. 

We regard the Punans as being in all probability closely allied on the one 
hand to the group of tribes which we have called the Kalamantans and to the 
Kenyahs on the other, but their mode of life and general customs are so different 
from those of the other peoples that we describe them separately here. They 
are a nomadic people who build no permanent houses of any kind and do not 
cultivate rice, and they live by hunting and gathering of wild fruits and jungle 
produce such as camphor, which they exchange for rice, salt, and iron with the 
people of other tribes. Since their mode of life is so very much more primitive 
than that of the other tribes, we hoped that their relations to the animals might 
throw light upon the significance of many customs that we have described above. 
In this respect what we have been able to learn of the Punan beliefs and customs 
is disappointing, but it must be confessed that our failure to discover any 
particular belief or custom is, in their case, of far less value as negative evidence 
than in the case of any of the other tribes, because the Punans are very timid 
and reserved people ; and we have little doubt that much remains to be learnt 
of their customs and beliefs. We hope to be able to complete our account of 
them at some future date. 

Punans reverence the Supreme Being as the Kenyahs do, and they address 
him as Balli Lutong. They have similar ideas with regard to the soul of man 
and its behaviour and destination after the death of the body, and like all the 
other peoples they believe themselves to be surrounded by spirits which may 
be hurtful to them. Their medicine men are sometimes called in by people of 
other tribes, and enjoy a high reputation. 

The Punans make use of all the omen-bii'ds that are used by the Kenyahs, 
and they regard them as in some degree sacred, and not to be killed and eaten. 
They seem to read the omens in much the same way as the Kenyahs do, but 
they are not so constant in their cult of the omen-birds, and Punans of different 
districts differ a good deal from one another in this respect. In fact, it is doubtful 
whether those that have mixed least with the other peoples pay any attention 
to the omen-birds, and it seems not unlikely that the cult of the omen-birds is 
in process of being adopted by them. 

With the exception of these birds there is probably no wild animal of the 
jungle that the Punans do not kill and eat. They refuse to eat the domestic 
pig, but this, they say, is because they know nothing of it, it is strange to them. 
Having no domestic pigs and fowls, they of course do not sacrifice them to their 
gods, nor do they seem to practise the rite of sacrifice in any form. 

They give the names of various animals to their children, and use these 
names in the ordinary way. 

2 



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196 Charles Hose and W. McDougall. — The Relations between 

The crocodile seems to be regarded as a god by the Punans — they speak 
of it as Balli Penyalong. (This, as we have already said, is the name of the 
Supreme Spirit of the Kenyahs.) They sometimes make a wooden image of it, 
and hang it before the leaf shelter or hut in which they may be living at any 
time, and if one of their party should fall ill they hang the blossom of the betel- 
nut tree on the figure, and the medicine man addresses it when he seeks to call 
back the wandering soul of his patient. 

Punans certainly ascribe significance to the behaviour of a few animals 
other than those observed by the other peoples. Thus if they see a lizard of 
any kind upon a branch before the shelter in which they are encamped, and 
especially if it utters its note, they regard this as a sign that enemies are near. 

The Sea Dayaks or Ibans. 

These people, who have been a good deal confused with the Land Dayaks 
(whom we regard as belonging to the group of scattered communities that we 
have classed together as Kalamantans), we propose to call Ibans in order to avoid 
this confusion. This name, which means the immigrants, has been given them 
by the Kayans because they have migrated from the Saribas and Lemanak rivers 
in the Eejang, and they have adopted it for themselves.^ 

They inhabited a small district only at the time of the advent of Sir James 
Brooke, but since that time they have spread, under the protection of the Sarawak 
government, over a much wider area, and have made settlements in most of the 
main rivers of Sarawak. We regard them, for reasons which it would take too 
long to give here, as people of Malay stock who, like the Malays, have come 
to Borneo from the west. They have had much more intercourse with Malays, 
Chinamen, and all the other peoples of the country than have the tribes with 
which we have hitherto dealt, and they are a very imitative j^eople, readily 
adopting the fashions, customs, and beliefs of those with whom their roving 
natures bring them into relations of any kind. The result is that their beliefs 
and customs are much mixed, and present unusually great inconsistencies and 
extravagances. Since, then, we regard the customs of the Ibans as of less 
anthropological value than those of the tribes with which we have dealt above, 
and since various writers have already described many of them at length, we 
shall describe in this paper only some features of their animal superstitions that 
seem to us especially interesting. 

The Ibans do not seem to have any conception that corresponds closely to the 
Supreme Spirit of the races with which we have already dealt. Archdeacon 
Perham* has given an account of the Petara of these people, showing how it is a 
conception of one god having very many manifestations and functions, each special 
function being conceived vaguely as an anthropomorphic deity. He has described 

> We believe that Dr. A. C. Haddon also proposes to use the name Iban for these people. 
« Joum, of Strait* Amtic Socieiy, Nos. 8, 10, and 14. 



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Men and Animals in Saravjak. 197 

also the mythical warrior-hero and demi-god Klieng, and the god of war, Singalang 
Burong. As Archdeacon Perham has said, this last deity has a material animal 
form, namely, the white-headed hawk, which is the Balli Flaki of the Kenyahs, 
and plays a somewhat similar part in their lives. But Singalang Burong is 
decidedly more anthropomorphic than Balli Flaki and is probably generally 
conceived as a single being of human form living in a house such as the Ibans 
themselves inhabit; whereas Balli Flaki, even if sometimes conceived in the 
singular as the great Balli Flaki, is very bird-like. We have seen that the 
Kayans describe their hawk -god, Laki Neho, as dwelling in a house, which, though 
in the top of a tree, has a landing-stage before it on the river-bank. In the case of 
the Kayans the conception is only half-way on the road to a full anthropomorph, 
whereas with the Ibans the change has been completed and the hawk-god is 
completely anthropomorphic. And corresponding with tliis increased importance 
and definition of the anthropomorphic hawk-god, we find that for the Ibans the 
vii'tue has departed out of the individual hawks and they are no longer consulted 
for omens, for they say that Singalang Burong never leaves his house, and 
therefore they do not take omens from the hawks when going on the warpath. 
Nevertheless, he is the chief or ruler over all the other omen-birds, who are merely 
his messengers. He thus seems to have come to occupy almost the position of 
Balli Penyalong among the Kenyahs. The following notes are the statements made 
upon this subject by a very intelligent I ban of the Undup district: — Once a year 
they make a big feast for Singalang Burong and sing for about twelve hours, 
calling him and Klieng and all the Petara to the feast. (This is the ceremony 
known as Gawai Burong. It is a most tedious and monotonous performance after 
the first few hours.) Singalang Burong in older days used to come to these feasts 
iu person as a man just like an Iban in appearance and behaviour. At the end of 
the feast he would go out, take off his coat, and fly away in the form of the 
white-headed hawk. Now they are not sure that he comes to their feast, because 
they never see him. Singalang Burong is greater than Klieng, although it is 
Klieng that gives them heads in war. Singalang Burong married an Iban woman, 
Kachimdai Lanai Pantak Girak, and he gave all his daughters in marriage to the 
omen-birds. Dara Inchin Tembaga Monghok Chelabok married Katupong (Sasia 
abnormis), Dara Selaka Ulih Nujut married Manbuus (Carkurentis), Pingai Tuai 
Ncwiai Mertas Indu Moa Puchang Penabas married Bragai {Harpactes), Indu Langgu 
Katungsong Ngumbai Dayang Katupang Bungah Nketai married Papan {Harpactes 
diardi), and lastly Indu Bentok Tinchin Mas Ndu Pungai Lelatan Pulas married 
Kotok {Lepocestes), He had also one son, Agi Melieng, etc., who married the 
daughter of Pulang Gana, the god of eigriculture, her name being Indu Kachanggut 
Eumput Melieng Capian. 

It was amusing and instructive to hear this Iban rattle ofif these enormous 
names without any hesitation, while another Iban sitting beside him guaranteed 
their accuracy. 

In the olden days, it is said, there were only thirty-three individuals of each 



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198 Chakles Hose and W McDougall. — The Relations between 

kind of omen-bird (including Singalang Burong). But although these thirty-three 
of each kind still exist, there are many others which cannot be certainly 
distinguished from them, and these do not give true omens. It would be quite 
impossible to kill any one of these thirty-three true representatives of each kind, 
however much a man might try. 

Nevertheless, if an Iban kills an omen-bird by mistake, he wraps it in a 
piece of cloth and buries it carefully in the earth, and with it he buries rice and 
flesh and money, entreating it not to be vexed and to forgive him because it was 
all an accident. He then goes home and will speak to no one on the way, and 
stays in the house for the rest of that day at least. 

The Ibans read omens not only from the birds mentioned above as the 
sons-in-law of Singalang Burong, but also from some other animals. And 
it is interesting to note that they have made a verb from the substantive 
"burong," a bird, namely, "beburong," to bird, t.e., to take omens of any kind, 
whether from bird or beast. An excellent account of the part played by 
omens in the life of the Ibans has been given by Archdeacon Perham in the 
paper referred to above, and we have nothing further to add to that 
account. 

The hombill must be included among the sacred birds of the Iban, although 
it does not give omens. On the occasion of making peace between hostile tribes, 
the Ibans sometimes make a large wooden image of the hombill and hang great 
numbers of cigarettes upon it, and these are taken from it during the ceremony 
and smoked by all the men taking part in it. On the occasion of the great 
peace-making at Baram in March, 1899, at which thousands of Kenyahs, Kayans 
Kalamantans, and Ibans were present, the Ibans made an elaborate image of the 
hombill some nine feet in height and hung upon it many thousands of cigarettes, 
and these were smoked by the men of the different tribes with apparently full 
understanding of the value of the act. 

A special deity, Pulang Gana, presides over the rice-culture of the Ibans, but 
the crocodile also is intimately concerned with their rice-culture. The following 
account was given us by an intelligent Iban from the Batang Lupar : — 

Klieng first advised the Ibans to make friends with Pulang Gana, who is a 
Petara and the grandfather (" aki ") of paddy. Pulang Gana first taught them to 
plant paddy and instructed them in the following rites : 

On going to a new district Ibans always make a life-size image of a crocodile 
in clay on the land chosen for the paddy-farm. The image is made chiefly by some 
elderly man of good repute and noted for skilful farming. Then for seven days 
the house is " mali," i,e,, under special restrictions — no one may enter the house or 
do anything in it except eat and sleep. At the end of the seven days they go to 
see the clay crocodile and give it cloth and food and rice-spirit and kill a fowl and 
a pig before it. The ground round about the image is kept carefully cleared and 
is held sacred for the next three years, and if this be not done there will be poor 
crops on the other farms. When the rites are duly performed this clay crocodile 



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Men and Animals in Sarawak. 199 

destroys all the pests which eat the rice. If in a district where Ibans have been 
long settled the farm-pests become very noxious, the people pass three days 'rnali'* 
and then make a tiny boat of bark, which they call " utap " (a shield). They then 
catch one specimen of each kind of pest — one sparrow, one grasshopper, etc. — and 
put them into the small boat together with all they need for food and set the boat 
free to float away down the river. If this does not drive away the pests they then 
resort to the more thorough and certainly effectual process of making the clay 
crocodile. 

Many Ibans claim the live crocodile as a relative, and like almost all the other 
peoples will not eat the flesh of crocodiles nor kill them, save in revenge when a 
crocodile has taken one of their household. They say that the spirit of the 
crocodile sometimes becomes a man just like an Iban, but better and more 
powerful in every way, and sometimes he is met and spoken with in this form. 

Another reason given for their fear of killing crocodiles is that Eibai, the 
river-god, sometimes becomes a crocodile ; and he may become also a tiger or a 
be€U'. Klieng. too, may become any one of five beasts, namely, the python, the 
maias, the crocodile, the bear, or the tiger, and it is for this reason that Ibans will 
not kill these animals. For if a man should kill one which was really either 
Eibai or Klieng he would go mad. 

The Ibans are by nature a less serious-minded and less religious people 
than the Kenyahs and Kayans, and they have a greater variety of myths and 
extravagant superstitions ; nevertheless, they use the fowl and the pig as sacrificial 
animals in much the same way as the other tribes. They eat the fowl and both 
the wild and domestic pig freely, except in so far as they are restrained by 
somewhat rigid notions of economy in such matters. The fowl plays a larger 
part than the pig in their religious practices, and its heart is sometimes consulted 
for omens. Ibans will kill add eat all kinds of deer, but there are exceptions to 
this rule. The deer are of some slight value to them as omen-givers. Horned 
cattle they will kill and eat, but they are not accustomed to the flesh of them, and 
most do not relish it. 

Ibans have nimierous animal fables that remind one strongly of ^Esop's fables 

and the Brer Babbit stories of the Africans. In these " Tekora " the land-tortoise 

and " pelandok," the tiny mouse-deer, figure largely as cunning and unprincipled 

thieves and vagabonds that turn the laugh always against the bigger animals and 

man. 

The " Nyarong " or Spirit-helper. 

An important institution among the Ibans, which occurs but in rare instances 
among the other peoples, is the " Nyarong " or Spirit-helper. The " Nyarong " is 
OBC of the very few topics in regard to which the Ibans display any reluctance to 
speak freely. So great is their reserve in this connection that one of us lived 
for fourteen years on friendly terms with Ibans of various districts without 
ascertaining the meaning of the word "Nyarong" or suspecting the great 
importance of the part played by it in the lives of many of these people. It 



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200 Charles Hose and W. McDougall. — The Relations between 

seems to be usually the spirit of some ancestor or dead relative, but not always 
so, and it is not clear that it is always conceived as the spirit of a deceased 
human being. This spirit becomes the special protector of some individual Iban, 
to whom in a dream he manifests himself, in the first place in human form, and 
announces that he will be his "Nyarong," and apparently he may or may not 
inform the dreamer in what form he will appear in future. On the day after 
such a dream the Iban wanders through the jimgle looking for signs by which 
he may recognize his " Nyarong," and if an animal behaves in a manner at all 
imusual, if a startled deer stops a moment to gaze at him before bounding away, 
if a gibbon gambols about persistently in the trees near him, if he comes upon 
a bright quartz-crystal or a strangely contorted root or creeper, that animal or 
object is for him full of a mysterious significance and is the abode of his 
" Nyarong." Sometimes the " Nyarong " then assumes the form of an Iban and 
speaks with him, promising all kinds of help and good fortune. If this occurs the 
Iban usually faints away, and when he comes to himself again the " Nyarong " will 
have disappeared. Or, again, a man may be told in his dream that if he will go into 
the jungle he will meet his " Nyarong " as a wild boar. He will then of course 
go to seek it, and if by chance other men of his house should kill a wild boar that 
day he will go to them and beg for its head or buy it at a great price if need be, 
carry it home to his bed-place, offer it cooked rice and kill a fowl before it, 
smearing the blood on the head and on himself and humbly begging for pardon. 
Or he may leave the corpse in the jungle and sacrifice a fowl before it there. Ou 
the following night he hopes to dream of the " Nyarong " again, and perhaps he is 
told to take the tusks from the dead boar and that they will bring him good luck. 
Unless he dreams something of this sort he feels that he has been mistaken and 
that the boar was not really his " Nyarong." 

Perhaps only one in fifty or a hundred men is fortunate enough to have a 
" Nyarong," though all ardently desire it. Many a young man goes out to sleep 
on the grave of some distinguished person or in some wild and lonely spot and 
lives for some days on a very restricted diet, hoping that a " Nyarong " will come 
to him in his dreams. 

When, as is most commonly the ease, the " Nyarong " takes on the form of 
some animal, all individuals of that species become objects of especial regard to 
the fortunate Iban, and he of course will not kill or eat any such animal, and he 
will as far as possible restrain others from doing so. A " Nyarong '' may change 
the form in which it manifests itself, but even then the Iban will continue to 
respect the animal-form in which it first appeared. 

In some cases the cult of a *' Nyarong " will spread through a whole family 
or household. The children and grandchildren will usually respect the species of 
animal to which a man's " Nyarong " belongs and perhaps sacrifice fowls or pigs to 
it occasionally. But it does not do anything for them ; whereas it is asserted that, 
if the great-grandchildren of a man behave well to his " Nyarong," it will often 
befriend them just as much as its original protegd. 



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Men and Animals in Saraicak. 201 

The above general account of the " Nyarong " is founded on the descriptions 
of many different Ibans, and we will now supplement it by describing several 
particular instances. 

Angus (a Bataug Lupar Iban) says that every Iban who has no " Nyarong " 
hopes to get some bird or beast as his helper at the " begawai," the feast given to 
the Petara. He himself has none, but he will not kill the gibbon because the 
" Nyarong " of his grandfather, who died twenty years ago, was a gibbon. Once a 
man came to his grandfatlier in a dream and said to him, " Don't you kill ths 
gibbon,*' and then turned into a grey gibbon. This gibbon helped him to become 
rich and to take heads and in all possible ways. On one occasion when he was 
about to go on the warpath his " Nyarong " came to him in a dream and said, " Go 
on, I will help you," and the next day he saw in the jungle a grey gibbon which 
was undoubtedly his " Nyarong." AVhen he died he said to his sons, " Don't ycu 
kill the gibbon," and his sons and grandsons have obeyed him in this ever since. 
Angus adds that when a man dreams of a " Nyarong " for the first time he does 
not believe it and will still kill animals of that kind; nor is a second dream 
enough, but when he dreams the same dream a third time, then his scepticism is 
overcome and he can no longer doubt his good fortune. 

Angus himself once shot a gibbon when told to do so by one of us. He 
first said to it, "I don't want to kill you, but the Tuan who is giving me 
wages expects me to, and the blame is his. But if you are really the 
* Nyarong ' of my grandfather, make the shot miss you." He then shot and 
missed three times, and on shooting a fourth time he killed a gibbon, but not 
the one he had ?poken to. Angus does not think the gibbon helps either his 
father or himi*elf. 

Payang, an old Kati])as Iban, tells us that he has been helped by a python 
ever since he was a young man, when a man came to him in a dretmi and said, 
" Sometimes 1 become a python and sometimes a cobra, and I will always help you." 
It has certainly helped him very much, but he does not know whether it has 
helped his children ; nevertheless, he has forbidden them to kill it. He does not 
like to speak of it, but he does so at our request. Payang concluded by saying 
that he had no doubt that we white men have " Nyarongs " very much more 
powerful than the Iban's, and that to them we owe our ability to do so many 
wonderful things. 

Imban, an Iban who had recently moved to the Baram river from the Eejang, 
had once when sick seen in a dream the Labi-Labi, the large river-turtle {Trionyr. 
sviplaniis), and made a promise that if he should recover he would never kill it. 
So when he settled on the Baram river as head of a household he attempted to 
imi)Ose a fine on his people for killing the Labi-Labi. They appealed to one of us 
as the resident magistrate, and it was decided that if Imban wished to insist; on 
this observance he must remove to a small tributary stream. This he has done, 
and a few of his people have followed him and on them he enforces a strict 
observance of his cult of the Labi-Labi. 



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202 Chahles Hose and W. McDocjgall. — The Belaiions between 

A still more interesting case is the following one : — A community of Ibans 
were building a new house on the Dabai river some years ago, and one day, while 
they were at work, a porcupine ran out of a hole in the ground near by. During 
the following night one of the party was told by the porcupine in a dream to join 
their new house with his (the porcupine's). So they completed their house, and 
ever since have made yearly feasts in honour of the porcupines that live below the 
house, and no one in the house dare injure one of them, though they will still 
kill and eat other porcupines in the jungle. They have had no death in the house 
during the seven years that it has been built, and this they attribute to the 
protecting power of the porcupines, and when anyone is sick they offer food to 
them and regard their good ofl&ces as far more important than the ministrations of 
the *' manang," the medicine man. Last year some relatives of these Ibans moved 
to this village, and for three months the knowledge of the part played by the 
porcupines was hid from them as a mysterious secret. At the end of that time 
this precious mystery was disclosed to the new-comers, and the porcupines were 
feasted with every variety of cooked rice, some of it being made into a rude image 
of a porcupine, and with rice-spirit and cakes of sugar and rice-flour, salt and 
dried fish, oil, betel-nut, and tobacco. Several fowls were slain, and their blood 
was daubed on the chin of each person in the house. The heart of one fowl was 
carefully taken out and put with the food offered to the porcupines, that they 
might read the omens from it, and they were then informed of the arrival of 
the new-comers. The fowls were waved over the heads of the people by the old 
men while they prayed the porcupines to give them long life and health and a 
token of their goodwill in the form of a smooth, rounded peeble. On an occasion 
of this sort it is highly probable that the required token will be found, for the 
spirit-helper would no doubt be surreptitiously helped by some member of the 
household who, being deficient in faith, prefers to make a certainty of so 
importtmt a matter rather than leave it entirely to the " Nyarong." 

Conclusion. 

We have now to discuss some problems suggested by a review of the facts 
set forth above and to bring forward a few additional facts that seem to throw 
light on these questions. 

The question that we will first discuss in this — Are all or any of the instances 
of peculiar regard paid to animals, or of animals sacrificed to gods or spirits, or of 
the ceremonial use of their blood, to be regarded as institutions surviving from a 
fully developed system of totem- worship now fallen into decay? It will have been 
noticed that a large number of the features of totem- worship, as it occurs in its 
best developed forms, occur among the people of one or other of the tribes of 
Sarawak. We have in the first place numerous cases in which a whole community 
refuses to kill or eat an animal which is believed to protect and aid them by 
omens and warnings and in other ways, and in which the animal is worshipped 



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Men and Animals in Sarawak, 2 

with prayer and sacrifice (the hawk among various tribes) ; we have at least one 
nstance of a community claiming to be related to a friendly species (Long Patas and 
the crocodile), and having as usual an extravagant myth to account for the belief ; 
we have the domestic animal that is sacrificially slain, its blood being sprinkled 
on the worshippers and its flesh eaten by them, and that is never slain without 
religious rites (pig of the Kenyahs and Kayans); we have the animal that 
must not be killed tattooed on the skin of the men (the dog), or its skin worn by 
fully grown men only (the tiger-cat), or images of it meuie of clay or carved in 
wood and set up before the house (the hawk and crocodile) ; we have the animal 
that is claimed as a relative imitated in popular dances (the Dok-mqnkey of the 
Kayans), the belief that the souls of men assume the form of some animal that 
must not be killed or eaten (deer and the arctogale among Kalamantans), the 
observance by invalids of a very strict avoidance of contact with any part of an 
animal that must not be killed or eaten in any case (homed cattle among Kenyahs 
and Kayans). 

Not only do we see these various customs, that in other parts of the World 
have been observed as living elements of totem-worship, and that in other parts 
have been accepted as evidence of totem-worship in the past, but in the 
agricultural habits of the people we may see an eflBcient cause of the decay of 
totem-worship if at some time in the past it has flourished among them. For it 
has been pointed out, especially by Mr. Jevons in his Iniroduction to the History 
of JReligion^ that totemism seems to flourish most naturally among tribes of 
hunters, and that the introduction of agriculture must tend towards its decay. 
Now there is some reason to suppose that the introduction to Borneo of rice 
and of the art of cultivating it is of comparatively recent date. Crawford 
reckoned that the cultivation of paddy was introduced to the southern parts of 
Borneo from Java some three hundred years ago, and into the northern parts from 
the Philippine Islands about one hundred and fifty years ago. But whatever the 
date of the occurrence may have been, it seems to be certain that, by the 
introduction of paddy-cultivation from some other country, most of the tribes of 
Sarawak were converted, probably very rapidly, from hunting to agriculture. This 
conversion must have caused great changas in their social conditions and in their 
customs and superstitions, and if totemism flourished among them while they 
were still simple hunters, its decay may well have been one of the chief of these 
changes. 

A second factor that would have tended to bring about this change is the 
prevalence of a belief in a god or beneficent spirit more powerful than all others 
and more directly concerned with the welfare of his worshippers, however this 
belief may have come into being. And a third factor that may have tended in 
the same direction is the custom of head-hunting, and the important part played 
by the heads in the religious life of the people. For there is some re€kson to think 
that head-hunting is a comparatively young institution among the tribes of 
Sarawak. 



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204 Charles Hose and W. McDougall.— r/^e Relations between 

But in spite of all this and although we do not think it is possible completely 
to disprove the truth of this hypothesis, we are inclined to reject it. We are led 
to do so by four considerations. In the first place, if by totemism we mean a 
social organisation consisting in the division of a people into groups or clans, each 
of which worships or holds in superstitious regard one or more kinds of animal or 
plant or other natural objects to which the members of the group claim to be related 
by blood or by descent, then it seems to us sufficiently wonderful that this system 
should have existed among peoples so remote from one another in all things, save 
certain of the external conditions of life, as the Indians of North America and the 
indigenes of Australia. And it seems to us that to invoke the aid of the 
hypothesis of totemism in the past to explain the existence of a set of animal or 
plant superstitions in any particular case is but to increase the mystery that 
shrouds their origin ; for unless it can be shown that the adoption or development 
of totemism by any people brings with it immense advantages for them in the 
struggle for existence, every fresh case in which the evidence compels us to admit 
its occurrence, whether in the past or as a still flourishing institution, can but 
increase the wonder with which we have to regard its wide distribution. 

Secondly, we have in the total absence of totemism among the Punans very 
stiong ground, for rejecting the su^estion of its previous existence among the 
Kenyahs. For in physical characters, in language, and, as far as the diflference in 
the mode of life permits, in customs and beliefs the Punans resemble the 
Kenyahs so closely that we must assume them to be closely allied by blood, and 
it seems probable that the Punans have merely persisted in the social condition 
from which the Kenyahs and other tribes have been raised by the adoption of 
agriculture and the practice of building substantial houses. Yet, as we have said, 
the Punans, although in that condition of nomadic hunters which is probably the 
most favourable to the development and persistence of totemism, observe hardly 
any restrictions in their hjinting, and in fact seem to kill and eat with equal 
freedom almost every bird and beast of the jungle, shooting them with the 
blowpipe and poisoned darts with consummate skill. The only exceptions to this 
rule are, as far as we know, the omen-birds, and as we have said, it seems doubtful 
whether even these are excepted in the case of Punans who have not had much 
intercourse with other peoples. 

Thirdly, although it may be said that even at the present time many of the 
features of the religious side of totemism are present, we have not been able to 
discover any traces of a social organisation based upon totemism. There is no 
trace of any general division of the people of any tribe into groups which claim 
specially intimate relations with different animals, except in the case of the 
Kalamantans ; and in their case such special relations seem to be the result 
merely of the different conditions under which the various scattered groups now 
live. There are no restrictions in the choice of a wife that might indicate a rule 
of endogamy or exogamy. There are no ceremonies to initiate youths into tribal 
mysteries ; certain ceremonies in which the youths take a leading part are directed 



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Men and Animals in Sarawak, 205 

exclusively to training them for war and the taking of heads in battle. We know 
of no instance of any group of people being named after an animal or plant 
which is claimed as a relative and in the case of the more homogeneous tribes, 
such as the Kenyahs and Kayans, all prohibitions with regard to animals and all 
benefits conferred by them are shared equally by all the members of any one 
community and, with but very few exceptions, are the same for all the communities 
of the tribe. 

Lastly, we think it unnecessary to regard the animal superstitions of tliese 
tribes as survivals of totemism, because it seems possible to find a more direct and 
natural explanation of almost every case. The numerous cases seem to fall into 
two groups, the superstitious practices concerned with the sacrificial animals, the 
pig and fowl, on the one hand, and all those concerned with the various other 
animals on the other hand. These latter may, we think, be regarded as the 
expression of the direct and logical reaction of the mind of the savage to the 
impression made upon it by the behaviour of the animals. 

It has been admirably shown by Professor Lloyd Morgan^ how we ourselves, 
and even professed psychologists among us, rend to overestimate the coxnplexity of 
the mental processes of animals, and there can be no doubt that savages generally 
are subject to this error in a veiy much greater degree, that, in fact, they make, 
without questioning and in most cases without explicit statement even to 
themselves, the practical assumption that the mental processes of animals, their 
passions, desires and motives, and powers of reasoning are of the same order as and 
in fact extremely similar to their own. That the Kenyahs entertain this belief in a 
veiy practical manner is shown by their conduct when preparing for a hunting or 
fishing excursion. If, for example, they are preparing to poison the fish of a 
section of the river with the " tuba " root, they always speak of the matter as 
little as possible and use the most indirect and fanciful modes of expression ; thus 
they will say, '* There are many leaves fallen here," meaning, " There are plenty of 
fish in this part of the river." And these elaborate precautions are taken lest the 
birds should overhear their remarks and inform the fish of their intentions when 
of course the fish would not stay to be caught but would swim away to some 
other part of the river. 

Since this belief seems to be common to all or almost all savages and 
primitive peoples, it would be a strange thing if prohibitions against killing and 
eating certain animals and various superstitious practices in regard to animals 
were not practically universal among them. 

Bearing in mind the reality of this belief in the minds of these people, it 
is easy to understand why they should shrink from killing any creature so 
malignant-looking and powerful for harm as a snake, and why they should feel 
uneasy in the presence of, and to some extent dread, the maias and the 
long-nosed monkey, creatures whose resemblance to man seems even to us 
somewhat uncanny. Their objection to killing their troublesome dogs seems 
' Introduction to Comparative PBi/chology, and elsewhere. 



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206 Chablbs Hose and W. McDotjgall. — The Belations between 

to .be due to a somewhat similai* feeling, a recognition of intelligence and 
emotions not unlike their own, but mysteriously hidden from them by the 
dumbness of the animals. In the same way it is clear that it is but a very 
simple and logical inference that the* crocodiles are a friendly race, and but the 
clearest dictate of prudence to avoid ofifending creatures so powerful and agile ; 
for if they were possessed of the mental powers attributed to them by the 
imagination of the people, they might easily make it impossible for men to 
travel upon the rivers and dwell on their banks. A similar process would lead 
to the prohibition against the eating of the tiger-cat, the only large and 
dangerous carnivore. 

The origin of the proliibitions against killing and eating deer and homed 
cattle is perhaps not so clear. But it must be remembered that until very 
recently the only homed cattle known to the tribes of the interior were the 
wild cattle (the Saladang of the Malay peninsula), very fierce and powerful 
creatures. These wild cattle hide themselves in the remotest recesses of the 
forests, and as they are but very rarely seen, they may well be r^arded as 
somewhat mysterious and awful. Deer, on the other hand, abound in the forests 
and like most deer are very timid, and it is perhaps their timidity that has led 
in some cases to the prohibition against their flesh, for we have seen how a 
Kenyah chief feared lest his little son, safe at home a hundred miles away, 
should be infected with the deer's timidity if he should come in contact with 
the skin of one. In another case we have seen that by the people of one 
community deer are regarded as relatives or as containing the souls of their 
ancestors, and that this belief probably had its origin in the fact that deer are 
in the habit of frequenting the grassy clearings made about the tombs by the 
people. And we saw that a similar belief in the case of certain carnivores 
probably had a similar origin. 

We think that even the elaborate cult of the hawk and of the other omen- 
birds is to be explained on these lines. If we think of his erratic behaviour, 
how he will come suddenly rushing down out of the remotest blue of the sky 
to hover overhead and then perhaps to circle hither and thither in an apparently 
aimless manner, or will keep flying on before a boat on the river or come 
swiftly to meet it screaming as he comes, — if we think of this, it is easy to 
understand how a people whose whole world consists of dense forests and 
dangerous rivers, a people extremely ignorant, yet intelligent and speculative 
and always looking out for signs that shall guide them among the mystery and 
dangers that surround them, may have come to see in the hawk a messenger 
sent to them by the beneficent Supreme Being. For tliis Being is vaguely 
conceived by them as dwelling in the skies, whence the hawk comes, and 
whither he so often returns. And then we may suppose that the messenger 
himself has come to be an object of worship in various degrees with the different 
tribes, as seems to be the rule in all religions systems in which servants of a 
deity mediate between him and man. 



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Men and Animals in Sa/rawaJc. 207 

The origin of the various rites in which the fowl and pig are sacrificed, and 
their blood smeared or sprinkled on men or on the altar-posts of gods, or on the 
image of the hawk, and their souls charged with messages to the Supreme Being — 
the origin of this group of customs must be sought in a different direction. 

To anyone acquainted with Eobertson Smith's Religion of the Semites, and 
with Mr. Jevons's Introduction to the History of Beligion, the idea naturally suggests 
itself that these animals are or were true totems, of which the cult has passed 
into a late stage of decay. It might be supposed that, being originally totem 
animals, they thereby became domesticated by their worshippers, that they were 
occasionally slain as a rite for the renewal of the bond between them and their 
worshippers, their blood being smeared or sprinkled on the latter, and their flesh, 
ceremonially eaten by them, and that the eating of them has become more and 
more frequent, until now every religious rite, of however small importance, is made 
the occasion for the killing and eating of them. It might also be supposed that, 
with the development or the adoption of the conception of a Supreme Being, the 
original purpose and character of the rites had become obscure, so that the 
slaughtered animals are now regarded in some cases as sacrifices offered to the 
deity. 

But we do not think that this tempting hypothesis as to the origin of the 
rites can be upheld in this case. In the first place the wild pig of the jungle is 
hunted in sport and killed and eaten freely by all the various tribes, and is, in fact, 
treated on the whole with less respect and ceremony than perhaps any other animal. 
Secondly, the domestic pig differs so much from the wild pig that Mr. Oldfield 
Thomas has pronounced it to be of a different species, and it seems likely that 
it has been introduced to Borneo by the Chinese at a comparatively recent date. 
Further, there is reason to suppose that the custom of sacrificing pigs and fowls 
arose through the substitution of them for human beings in certain rites. For 
there is a number of rites, of which it is admitted by the people that the slaughter of 
human beings was formerly a central feature ; of these, the most important and the 
most widely spread are the funeral rites of a great chief, the rites at the building 
of a new house, and those on returning from a successful war expedition. In 
all these, fowls or pigs are now substituted as a rule, but we know of instances 
in which in recent years human beings were the victims. Thus some six years 
ago, on the death of the chief of a community of Kalamantans (the Orang Bukit), 
a slave was bought by his son, and a feast was made, and the slave was killed 
through each man of the community giving him a slight cut with his parang. 
This was said to be the revival of an old and almost obsolete custom. In another 
recent case, when a mixed party of Kayans and Kenyahs returned from a 
successful war expedition, only the Kenyahs had secured heads. The Kayans 
therefore took an old woman, one of the captives, and killed her by driving a 
long pole against her abdomen, as many of them as possible taking part by holding 
and helping to thrust the pole. The head was then divided among the parties 
of Kayans, and pieces of the flesh were hung on poles beside the river, just as is 



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208 Charles Hose and W. McDougall.— I%c Relatiom between 

done with the flesh of slain enemies and with the flesh of the pigs that are 
always slaughtered on such occasions. It was said that this killing of a human 
being was equivalent to killing a pig, only much finer. 

Kayans tell us that they used to kill slaves at the death of a cliief, usually 
three, but at least one, and that they nailed them to the tomb, in order that 
they might accompany the chief on his long journey to the other world and 
paddle the canoe in which he must travel. This is no longer done, but a wooden 
figure of a man is put up at the head and another of a woman at the foot of 
the coftin of a chief as it lies in state before the funeral. And a small wooden 
figure of a man is usually fixed on the top of the tomb, and it is said that this 
is to row the canoe for the chief. A live fowl is usually tied to this figure, and 
although it is said to be put there merely to eat the grubs, we think there can 
be no doubt that we see here going on the process of substitution of fowl for 
slave. 

In building a new house it is customary among almost all these tribes to put 
a fowl into the hole dug to receive the first of the piles which are to support the 
house, and to allow the end of the pile to fall upon the fowl so as to kill it. The 
Kenyahs admit that formerly a girl was usually killed in this way, and there is 
reason to believe that in all cases a human victim was formerly the rule, and that 
the fowl is a substitute merely. In the following cases, too, tve see the idea of 
substitution of fowls or pigs for men. 

It is customary with the Malanaus of Niah to kill fowls and put them together 
with eggs on poles in the caves in which the swifts build the edible nests, in order 
to secure a good crop of nests. One year when the nests were scanty they bought 
a slave in Brunei and killed liim in the cave in the hope of increasing the number 
of nests. 

It was formerly the custom to exact a fine of one or more slaves as punish- 
ment for certain ofiTences, e.g,y the accidental setting fire to a house. At the present 
time, when slaves are scarcer than of yore, slaves are rarely given in such cases, 
but usually brass gongs, always accompanied by a pig. 

JTow when slaves were killed and nailed to the tomb of a chief the purpose 
was perfectly clear and simple. It was done in just the same spirit in which the 
weapons and shield and clothing are still always hung on the tomb of a deceased 
warrior in order that his soul may not be without them on the journey to the 
other world. On the introduction of the domestic pig it may well have become 
customary for the poorer classes, who could not afford to kill a slave, or for families 
which owned no slaves, to kill a pig as in some degree a compensation for the want 
of human victims. If such a custom were once hitroduced it may well have spread 
rapidly from motives of both economy and humanity, for slaves are as a rule very 
kindly treated by their masters, and in many cases come to be rcgaixied as members 
of their family. 

We may suppose, too, that formerly it was the custom to kill a slave when 
prayers of public importance were made to the Supreme Being in order that the 



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Jf<m and Animals in Sarawak. 209 

soul of the slave might carry the prayer to him. • If this was the case, the substitu- 
tion of pig for slave, on the introduction of the domestic pig, may be even more 
readily conceived to have become customary, when we remember that these people 
regard the souls of animals as essentially similar to their own. If such a custom 
of substitution once gained a footing it would naturally become usual to take the 
opportunity of communicating with the higher powers whenever a pig was to be 
slaughtered. This view, that in all sacrifices the pig and fowl are but substitutes 
for human victims, finds very strong support in the following facts : — ^The Kalabits, a 
tribe inhabiting the north-western comer of the Baram district, breed the water- 
bufiFalo and use it in cultivating their land. It has probably been introduced to 
this area from North Borneo at a recent date. The religious rites of these people 
closely resemble those of the tribes with which we have been dealing above, but in 
all cases in which pigs are sacrificed by the latter buffaloes are used by the 
Kalabits. 

The rite of sprinkling the blood of pigs and fowls on men and on the altar- 
posts and images may, we think, be an extension or adaptation of the blood- 
brotherhood ceremony. We have seen that with the Kayans and Kenyahs the 
essential feature of this ceremony is the drawing of a little blood from the arm of 
the two men, either of whom then drinks or consumes in a cigarette the blood of 
the other one. Such a rite calls for no remote explanation ; it seems to have 
suggested itself naturally to the minds of primitive people all the world over, as a 
process for the cementing of friendship. When two hostile communities wished to 
make a permanent peace with one another it would be natural that they shoidd 
wish to perform a ceremony similar to the rite of blood-brotherhood. But the 
interchange of drops of blood between large numbers of persons would obviously be 
inconvenient, and if the idea of substituting fowls and pigs for human victims had 
once taken root in their minds, it would have been but a small step to substitute 
their blood for himian blood in the peace-making ceremonies. We have seen above 
(p. 183) that in such a ceremony fowls are exchanged by the two parties, so that the 
men of either party are smeared with the blood of the fowl originally belonging 
to the other party. It may be that here, too, the blood of slaves was formerly 
used, but of this we have no evidence. The custom of smearing the blood of fowls 
and pigs on the two parties to a friendly compact having been arrived at in this way, 
the rite might readily be extended to the cases in which the hawk, represented by 
his wooden imatge, or the Supreme Being, also represented by an image, is invoked as 
one of the parties to the compact. We are inclined to think that in some such 
way as we have here suggested, namely, by the substitution of pigs and fowls for 
human victims, and of their blood for himian blood, the origin of the customs of 
sacrificing fowls and pigs, and of ceremonially sprinkling their blood, may be 
explained. 

We conclude, then, that the various superstitions entertained by these tribes 
in regard to animals are not to be looked upon as survivals of totem- worship, but 
that they may all be explained in a simpler and more satisfactory manner. But 

Vol. XXXI. P 



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210 Charles Hore and W. McDougall. — The Relations between 

before bringing our paper to an end we would point out that among the facts we 
have described there are some which seem to suggest a possible and indeed, as it 
seems to us, a very natural and probable mode of origin of totem-worship. We 
refer to the varieties of the " Nyarong " of the Ibans and sporadic analogous cases 
among the other tribes. We have seen that the " Nyarong " may assume the form 
of some curious natural object or of some one animal, distinguished from its 
fellows by some slight peculiarity, which receives the attentions of some one man 
only. In such cases the "Nyarong" is hardly distinguishable from ia fetish. In 
other cases the man, being unable to distinguish the particular animal which he 
believes to be animated by his " Nyarong," extends his re^jard and gratitude to the 
whole species. In such a case it seems difficult to deny the name "individual 
totem " to the species if the term is to be used eft all. In other cases, again, aU 
the members of a man's family and all his descendants, and if he be a chief all 
the members of the community over which he rules, may come to share in the 
benefits conferred by the "Nyarong," and in the feeling of respect for and in 
performing rites in honour of the species of animal in one individual of which it 
is supposed to reside. In such cases the species approaches very closely the 
clan-totem in some of its varieties. (In speaking of the "Kobong" of certain 
natives of Western Australia, Sir Gr. Grey^ says, "This arises from the family 
belief that some one individual of the species is their nearest friend to kill whom 
would be a great crime, and to be carefully avoided.") 

Of similar cases among other tribes of guardian-animals appearing to men 
in dreams and claiming their respect and gratitude, we must mention the case of 
Aban Jau, a powerful chief of the Sebops, a sub-tribe of Kenyahs. He had 
hunted and eaten the wild pig freely like all other Kenyahs, until once in a dream 
a wild boar appeared to him and told him that he had always helped him in his 
fighting. Thereafter Aban Jau refused, until the day of his death, to kill or eat 
both the wild and the domestic pig, although he would still consult for omens the 
livers of pigs killed by others. 

We have described above (p. 190) how a Kayan may become blood-brother 
to a crocodile in a dream, and may thereafter be called Baiya (crocodile), and how 
in this way one Kayan chief had come to regard himself as both son and nephew 
to crocodiles, and how he believed that they brought him success in hunting and 
carried him ashore when (in a dream) he had fallen into the river. The cousin 
of this chief, too, regarded himself as specially befriended by crocodiles because 
his great-grandfather had become blood-brother to one in a dream. So it is clear 
that the members of the family to which these young men belong are likely to 
continue to regard themselves as related by blood to the crocodiles and bound to 
them by special ties of gratitude. 

In another case we saw how all the people of one household regard 
themselves as related to the crocodiles and specially favoured by them, explaining 
the relation as due to one of their ancestors having become a crocodile. In 
» Quoted in Mr. Frazer's Totemism, p. 8. 



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Meii and Animals in Sarawak, 211 

another case we saw that some ill-definecT relation to the gibbon is claimed by a 
commmiity of Kenyahs, whose house is decorated with carvings of the form 
of the gibbon, and whose members will not kill the gibbon. And in yet 
another case we saw that a Kayan house is decorated with conventionalised 
carvings of some animal whose species has been forgotten by the community. 
In each of these last three cases it seems highly probable that the special relation 
to the animal was established by some such process as we see going on in the 
preceding case, so that we seem to have in this series of cases one of incipient 
totemism and others illustrating various stages of decay of abortive beginnings of 
totemism. And it is easy to imagine how in the absence of unfavourable 
conditions such beginnings might grow to a fully developed totem-system. For 
suppose that in any one commimity there happened to be at one time two or more 
prosperous families, each claiming to be related with and protected by some 
species of animal as the result of friendly overtures made by the animals to 
members of the families in their dreams ; it would then be highly probable that 
members of other families, envious of the good fortune of these, would have 
similar dream-experiences and so come to claim a similar protection, until very 
soon the members of any family that could cleiim no such protection would come 
to be regarded as unfortunate and even somewhat disreputable beings, while the 
faith of one family in its guardian-animal would react upon and strengthen the 
faith of others in theirs. So a system of clan-totems woidd be established, around 
which would grow up various myths of origin, various magical practices, and 
various religious rites. 

It is well known that such dreams as convince the Iban, the Kayan, and the 
Kenyah of the reality of his special relation to some animal and lead him to 
respect all animals of some one species produce similar residts in other parts of 
the world. We quote the following passages from Mr. Frazer's remarks on 
individual totems in his book on totemism : — " An Australian seems usually to get 
his individual totem by dreaming that he has been transformed into an animal of 
that species." " In America the individual totem is usually the first animal 
of which a youth dreams during the long and generally solitary fasts which 
American Indians observe at puberty." Such dream experiences are, then, 
the vera causa of the inception of faith in individual totems among the 
peoples in which totemism is most highly developed, and among the tribes 
of Sarawak we find cases which illustrate how a similar faith, strengthened by 
further dreams and by the good fortune of its possessor, may spread to all the 
members of his family or of his household and to his descendants, imtil in some 
cases the guardian-animal becomes almost, though not quite, a clan-totem. The 
further development of such incipient totems among these tribes is probably 
prevented at the present time, not only by their agricultural habits, but also by 
their passionate addiction to war and fighting and head-hunting; for these 
pursuits necessitate the strict subordination of each community to its chief and 
compel all families to unite in the cult of the hawk to the detriment of all other 

P 2 



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2A2 Chakles Hose and W. McDougall. — The Bdations hetwem 

animal-cults, because the hawk is, by its habits, so much better suited than any 
other animal to be a guide to them on warlike expeditions.^ 

The, prevalence of the belief in a Supreme Being must also tend to 
prevent, the development of totemism, and we cannot conclude without saying 
something as to the possible origin of this -conception of a beneficent Being more 
powerful than all others, who sends guidance and warnings by the omen-birds, 
and receives and answers the prayers carried to him by the souls of the fowls and 
pigs. . It might be thought that this conception of a beneficent Supreme Being has 
been borrowed directly or indirectly from the Malays. But we do not think that 
this view is tenable in face of the fact that while the conception is a living- belief 
among tlie Madangs, a tribe closely allied to the Kenyahs that inhabits a district 
in the remotest interior and has had no intercourse with Malays, the Ibans, who 
have had far more intercourse with the Malays than have the Kayans and 
Kenyahs, yet show least trac« of this conception. As Archdeacon Perham has 
written of the Ibans, there are traces of the belief in one supreme God which 
suggest that the idea is one that has been prevalent, but has now abnost died out 
We are inclined rather to suppose that the tribes of the interior, such as the 
Kenyahs and Kayans, have evolved the conception for themselves, and that in fact 
Balli Penyalong of the Kenyahs is their god of war exalted above all others by the 
importance of the department of human activity over which he presides ; for we 
have seen that they have conceived other gods, Ballingo, the god of thunder, Balli 
Sungei, the god of the rivers, whose anger is shown by the boiling flood, and Balli 
Atap, who keeps harm from the house, while the Kayans have gods of life, a creator 
of the world, Laki Kalira Murei, a god of harvesting, and others. It seems to us 
that the only difficult step in such a simple and direct evolution of the idea of a 
beneficent Supreme Being is the conception of gods or spirits that perform definite 
functions, such £ts Balli Atap, who guards the house, and the gods that preside over 
harvesting and war, as distinct from such gods or spirits as Ballingo and Balli 
Sungei. But there seems to be no doubt that this step has been taken by these 
peoples and that these various gods of abstract function have been evolved by them. 
And it seems to us that were a god of war once conceived it would be inevitable 
that, among communities whose chief interest is war and whose prosperity and 
very existence depend upon success in battle, such a god of battles should come to 
predominate over all others and to claim the almost exclusive regard of his 
worshippei-s. Such a predominance would be given the more easily to one god by 
these people because the necessity for strict subordination to their chiefs has 
familiarised them with the principle of obedience of subjects to a single ruler ; 

1 Dr. Boas is of the opinion that the totems of the Indians of British Columbia have been 
developed from the personal *' manitous," the guardian animals acquired by youths in dreams. 
Miss A. C. Fletcher is led to a similar conclusion by a study of the totems of the Omaha 
tribe of Indians {Import of the Totem, Salem, Mass., 1897). The facts described above in 
connection with the " Nyarong " of the Ibans and similar allied institutions among other tribes 
of Sarawak would seem, then, to support th6 views of these authors as to the origin of 
totemism. 



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Men and Animals in Sarawak. 213 

while the beneficence of the Supreme Being thus evolved would inevitably result, 
for the god of battles must seem beneficent to the victors, and among these people 
only the victors survive. Again, this conception is one that imdoubtedly makes 
for righteousness, because it reflects the character of the people, who, within the 
community and the tribe, are decent, humane, and honest folk. 

We are conscious of presumption in venturing to adopt the view that the 
conception of a beneficent Supreme Being may possibly be neither the end nor 
the beginning of religion, neither the final result of an evolution, euhemeristic, 
totemistic, or other, prolonged through coimtless ages and generations, nor part of 
the stock-in-trade of primitive man mysteriously given, as Mr. Lang^ seems to wish 
to make believe. Yet we are disposed to regard this conception as one that, amid 
the perpetual flux of opinion and belief which obtains among peoples destitute of 
written records, may be comparatively rapidly and easily arrived at under favour- 
able conditions, such as seem to be afiforded by tribes like the Keuyahs an(J Kayans, 
war-like, prosperous trib^ subordinated to strong chiefs, and may as rapidly fall 
into neglect with change of social conditions, atid may then remain as a vestige 
only to be discerned by curious research in the minds of a few individuals, as 
among the Ibans or the Australian blacks, until another turn of Fortune's wheel, 
perhaps the birth of some overmastering personality oi* a revival of national or 
tribal vigour, gives it a new period of life and power. 

We hope to give some account of the superstitions of these people in regard to 
plants in a separate paper. Here we will only mention that none of the facts of 
this kind known to us seem to make against the views we have taken of the mean- 
ing and origin of some of the animal-cults. 

» The Making of Rdigion and MyiJiy Ritual and Religion^ 2nd edition. 



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214 ) 



MEMORANDUM ON THE LANGUAGES OF THE PHILIPPINES. 

By William E. W. MacKinlay. 

The Philippines cannot be properly spoken of as Spanish-speaking territories. 
Within the confines of the Magellanic Archipelago the language of its ancient 
rulers has never been more than an exotic, spoken only by Spaniards and a 
comparatively few educated natives. A much larger number of natives, especially 
in the city of Manila, have acquired a smattering of Castilian, but by far the 
greater majority of the inhabitants of the islands do not understand it at alL 
Even within ten miles of Manila, natives can be foxmd who do not speak a word 
of it, although the city has been the centre of Spanish learning in the Orient for 
more than three centuriea 

The statement so often repeated in articles about the Philippines that there 
are anywhere from two hundred to three hundred "languages" spoken in the 
islands is so far from the truth that it refutes itself. The truth is that there are 
eight tongues spoken by the civilized races of the country, and about sixty dialects 
of the savage mountain tribes. A large number of these latter have never been 
reduced to writing, and but few have received any scientific study whatever. 
A dialect of Spanish is spoken in and around Zamboanga (Mindanao), and there 
are two or three dialects spoken by small half -civilized tribes. Besides the above 
mentioned languages and dialects, there are Negrito dialects, so far almost 
utterly unknown, spoken in the remotest mountains of many provinces. 

By far the most cultured and advanced language of the Philippines is Tagalo, 
spoken in the eight provinces of Manila, Cavite, Bataan, Bulacan, Morong, Laguna, 
Bataugas and Tayabas, and parts of Nueva Ecija, Mindoro, and Camarines, and at 
a few points of smaller importance. Like all the Philippine languages (N^rito 
dialects excepted), Tagalo belongs to the widely spread Malay family, which with 
its allied congeners of Polynesia and Micronesia, extends from Madagascar to 
Hawaii and from New Zealand to Formosa, as well as to the far off Easter Island 
west of Chili 

Compared with an Aryan language, Tagalo is deficient in many qualities 
which have made European tongues the vehicle of civilization. It is deficient in 
the expression of the verb " to be," and in the comparative and superlative of the 
adjective, and has no grammatical gender. The plural of nouns and pronouns is 
also very simple, the word mailed being prefixed to the word pluralized. The 
aiticle is also unvarying, as in English. In the conjugation of the verb it is also 



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William R W. MacKinlay. — Meinorariduvi mi the Languages of the Philippmes. 216 

somewhat imperfect, as only a few tenses are clearly distinguished, and the 
moods are nebulous. The latter are the infinitive, imperative, indicative and 
subjunctive. The tenses are the present, past, future, perfect, future perfect and 
pluperfect. The past is expressed like the present, the sense being indicated by 
the context. There are two voices, the active and the passive. The complexity 
of the Tagalo verb, however, arises from the fact that there are seventeen classes 
of verbs, each with its prefix for the active and passive voices. The first plural 
personal pronoun ^^we," also has the peculiarity of having a double form. The 
first includes both the speaker and the addressed, but the second excludes the 
latter. Thus Angdting hdhay (Our house), includes both, but Angdming h&hay 
(Our house), excludes the party addressed. The article also has two forms, one 
used with proper, and the other used with common nouns. The adverb greatly 
resembles the verb in usage, and in form the adjective. The other forms of 
speech do not greatly vary from those of European languages in their usage. A 
striking feature of the language are the "ties" (?, NG, Na, and Ay, which are 
inserted between discordant words, and also serve to indicate the genitive in 
the case of the three first, while the last is a substitute for the verb " to be." 
Tagalo lacks the English F, Thy «/", Sh, and Z, but has Ng, a peculiar guttural- 
nasal. 

Second to Tagalo in importance is the Visaya language, which, however, 
is divided into several districts, known as Cebuano, Boholcmo, Panayano, Halay, 
and Halagueina, all mutually intelligible. The centre of the Visayan race is 
at Iloilo, with a large subcentre at Cebii. The maritime tendencies of the 
Visayans have carried their tongue far beyond its original limits, and it is 
now spoken on the islands of Panay, Bohol, Cebii, Leyte, Masbate, Ticao, 
Romblon, Samar, and the districts of Butuan, Dapitan, Davao, Mati, Misdmis, 
and Surigap in Mindanao, as well as in a part of the island of Mindoro. 

Visaya greatly resembles Tagalo, but is a more virile and expressive 
tongue. It has also preserved more of the original vocabulary of the primitive 
language, being less affected by contact with Spanish. It has substantially 
the same structure as the more northern speech, but is blunter as befits a 
race of sailors. For example, the expression for "our house," using the 
exclusive form, is Ang earning balay, Tagalo, Ang dming bdhay. The 
numerals in several languages of the islands at the close of this article will 
more clearly show their differences and resemblances. 

Bicol is the third most important language, and is spoken in the great 
hemp-producing peninsula at the south-east extremity of Luzon, comprising 
the provinces of Ambos Camarines, Albay, and Sorsogon, as well as in the 
large island of Catanduanes. It is an intermediate tongue between Tagalo and 
Visaya, and has preserved a large number of archaic words now disused in 
those tongues. With the same general grammar, it differs much in vocabulary 
from both in the everyday words of life, and the language as spoken in the 
interior differs a little from the same as spoken in the seaport towns. Bicol 



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216 WiLLUM E. W. MacKinlay. — Memorarutum on the Languages of the Philippine 

is also much less euphonious and of harder pronunciation than either of the 
above mentioned. From both languages it can be said to differ as English 
and Scottish do. 

The next four languages, Ilocano, Cagayan, or Ibto^, Pampango, and 
PangasinAii, are spoken in the north-western part of Luzon ; from the south line 
of Pampanga Province to the northern point of the island, along a strip of 
seaboard from ten to twenty or more miles in breadth. Tliis district includes the 
Provinces of Pampanga and Tarlac, where Pampango is spoken ; PangasinAn and 
a part of Zambales, in which PangasinAn is used ; the northern part of Cagayan 
(Cagayan) ; and Union, Ilocos Sur and Ilocos Norte (Ilocano). Some parts of 
Tarlac and Nueva Ecija also belong to the Pcunpanga area. 

These languages closely resemble each other and axe still more archaic in 
vocabulary and syntax than the more southern tongues. Ilocano has been 
reduced to writing since the early part of the seventeenth century, and this has 
undoubtedly preserved it from change. 

The eighth "civilised" tongue is Calamiano, spoken by the people of that 
small group, which is situated between the islands of Mindoro and Palawan. It 
is really a dialect of Tagbanua, the language of a great part of Palawan. 

The savage tribes are found in three large groups, with another isolated group 
in an outlying island (Negros), and one tribe in the islands of Mindoro and 
Bombloui The first large aggregation is found in the mountains and more hilly 
regions of the northern part of Luzon^ the second occupies the greater part of 
the little known Mindanao, and the third is in the islands of Palawan and 
Calamianes. These tongues are little known, but are all of the Malay family. 
Those of Luzon resemble very primitive Ilocano or Tagalo, while those of Mindanao 
have more likeness to the dialects of Celebes and Borneo. Jolodno, the speech of 
the Morosi is the best known of these languages, and is almost like the Malay of 
Singapore. The great group of savage tribes in Northern Luzon is known 
ooUectively to the Spaniards as Igorrote, and is as yet almost completely unknown 
philologically. 

The first great group, roughly speaking, occupies a large part of Luzon, north 
of the Gulf of Lingayen and east of the Ilocanos. It also embraces part of the 
Province of Zambales. The tongues spoken are Apayao, Banao, Catalangan, 
Cataon, Caucanay, Dadaya, Egongot, Gaddan, Guinaan, Ibilao, Idayan, Ifuga, 
Inabaloy, Isinay, Iraya, Itaves, Itetepan, Malauag, Tiguian, Tino, and Yogat. The 
provinces embraced either in whole or in part by this linguistic region, are those of 
Abra, Benguet, Bontoc, Cagayan, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Isabela, Nueva Vizcaya, 
Principe, and Zambales, together with the districts of Amburayan, Binatangan and 
Cayapa. In the Batanes Islands, north of this region, Batan is also spoken. 
These tribes are very little affected by civilization, and the majority are yet 
pagans. 

The second great group encountered in the island of Mindanao and its 
smaller dependencies of Jol6, Siasi, Taui-Taui, and Basilan, is constituted of the 



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William E. W. MacKinlay. — Menwmndum on the Langvxiges of the Philippines, 217 

tribes who use Atd, Bagobo, Bilstn, Calagan, Guianga, Dulangan, Iliano, Jolodno, 
Maguindiuao, Malanao, Mandaya, Manobo, Mamanua, Samal^s, Samal-laut, Sanguil, 
Subano, Tagabili, Tagcalao, Tagbaua, and Tiruray. These peoples are pagans and 
Mohammedans, with a sprmkling of Catholics. As has been noted above, some 
parts of Mindanao are inhabited by Visayans, and the peninsula and town of 
Zamboanga by semi-civilised natives, who alone among Filipinos have adopted 
the language of their former rulers, Spanish. Buquidnon, which must not be 
confoimded with a language of Negros, is also spoken in Mindanao. 

In the island of Negros, the hill tongues are known as Carolano and 
Buquitnon, both allied to the speech of the other tribes to the south. 

Manguian is spoken in Mindoro and Komblon, islands to the south-west of 
Luzon, and a little further on are the islets known as the Calamianes, where 
Coyn6o and Agutaino yet linger. 

Still further to the south-west lies the long and narrow Palawan or Paragua, 
with its satellite of Basilan at its south-west point. Tagbanua, Tandolano, Batac 
and Jolodno are the dialects of these islands, which is more unexplored 
linguistically than any other. Tagbanua is remarkable from the fact that the 
ancient semi-syllabic alphabet used in ante-Spanish days, is used in its written 
communications. It has sixteen characters, and to the writer's recollection greatly 
resembles Siamese or Burmese writing. Batac is an exotic in the Philippines, 
and is used by the descendants of quite recent immigrants from Sumatra, 
which is believed by the leading native philologers to be the original home of all 
the Malay race. 

The eight leading languages are written in Eomsui letters, while Joloano and 
many other dialects of Mindanao use the Arabic alphabet. 

Among the leading workers in this field have been Professor Blumentritt, of 
Austro-Hungary, Mr. de Los Keyes of Manila, and many others, among them the 
distinguished Frenchman, de la Couperie, who died in despair, because his work 
was not, as he thought, appreciated just on the eve of success. 

The foregoing is a brief rimmi of the linguistic field in the Philippines, and 
it is to be hoped that work and research in this line will go on, a credit to the 
investigators and an aid to the officers and employes of the United States, under 
whose banner this medley of races shall find peace, prosperity and true liberty. 



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218 WiLTJAM E. W. M AcKiNLAY. ---Memaranduin on the Lan^ica/j/esofthe Philippines. 



The first ten cardintiU in, TagcUo, Visaya, Bicol , Pampanga, Malay, Pangasi^ian, 
Hocano, Maguindanao, Ibanag (Cagayan) and Bagobo. 





Tagalo. 


Vimya. 


Bicol 


Pampango, 


Ibanag, 


1 


Isd. 


Isd; Usd. 


Sar6. 


Metung. 


Adde. 


2 


Dalaud. 


Daroa; Duha. 


Dua. 


Adud. 


Dua. 


:i 


Tatld 


Tatlo; told 


Tol6. 


Atlii. 


Tallu. 


4 


Apat. 


Apat; opdt. 


Ap4t. 


Apat. 


Appat. 


5 


Limd. 


Lima. 


Lima. 


Lima. 


Lima. 


6 


Anim. 


Aniim; uniim. 


Anom. 


Anam. 


Annam. 


7 


Pit<5. 


Pito. 


Pito. 


Pitii. 


Pitu. 


8 


Ual6. 


Ual6. 


Ual6. 


UaM. 


Ualii. 


9 


Siydm. 


Siam. 


Siam. 


Siam. 


Siam. 


10 


Sangp6uo. 


Napolo; polo. 


Sangpolo. 


Apiilu. 


Mafulu. 





Malay, 


Pangasinan. 


Bocano. 


Maguindanao, 


Bagobo. 


1 


Satu. 


Saguey. 


Meysa. 


Isa. 


Sab-bad. 


2 


Duwa. 


Dua. 


Dua. 


Diia. 


Dud. 


3 


Tiga. 


Tallo. 


TaU6. 


Telu. 


Tatlo. 


4 


Ampat. 


Apat. 


Uppat. 


Apat. 


Appat. 


5 


Lima. 


Lima. 


Lima. 


Lima. 


Lima. 


6 


Anam. 


Anim. 


Innim. 


Anem. 


Annam. 


7 


Tujuh. 


Pito. 


Pito. 


Pitti. 


Pit-to. 


8 


Delapan. 


Ualo. 


Ualo. 


Ualu. 


Ualo. 


9 


Sembilan. 


Siam. 


Siam. 


Siau. 


Sio. 


10 


Sapuluh. 


Sampuo. 


Saugapol-lo. 


Sapulu. 


Sapolo. 



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Jouruai of the Aufhropoloj/irai Instituie, Vol. -VA'AV, Plate Xl'I. 



PANDAT (TYPK 10). 



NIABOK (TYPE '1). 



PAllANG ILANG (TYPE 1). 



BAYU (TYPE 5). JIMPUL (TYPE 4). 



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Journal of the Anthropological Intiilufe, Vol, XXXI, Plate XVII. 



PAKAYUX (type 6). 



LANGGAI TINGGAXG (TYPE 3). 



PAKAKG PEDANG (TYPE 7). 



UTOK (TYPE 8). UUKO (TYPE U). 



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( 219 



A PROVISIONAL CLASSIFICATION OF THE SWORDS OF THE 

SARAWAK TRIBES. 

By R. Shklford, M.A. C.M.Z.S. 

[Prbsbntbd 12th Novkmbbb, 1901. With Platbs XVI, XVII.] 

The great majority of Bornean swords found in the ethnographical collections of 
European museums bear on their labels merely the vaguest and most insufficient 
data as to place of origin, nature, function, etc., a matter of little surprise seeing 
that practically no literature relating to these weapons exists. The following 
paper, treating of the swords of the Sarawak tribes, seeks in part to remedy this. 
I have drawn up brief diagnostic descriptions of all the varieties of swords from 
Sarawak with which I am acquainted, have briefly classified them and given their 
tribal distribution ; the synoptical key at the end of the paper, though perhaps as 
artificial as such keys usually are, will, I hope, enable museum curators to identify 
readily and correctly most of the specimens of Bornean swords in the collections 
under their charge. The paper is the result of researches and inquiries extending 
over a period of three yeare, and though I have no doubt that further researches 
along the same lines will bring to light fresh information, I have no reason to 
believe that the classification that I have adopted will be altered in any important 
detail,^ at the same time it is capable of extension and must therefore be looked 
on as provisional only. The illustrations are taken from specimens in my own 
collection, but the specimens in the Sarawak Museum collection have, through the 
mouths of reliable natives, yielded much valuable information, and I have also seen 
many examples in the possession of various officers of the Sarawak service. 

The kris, a double-edged dagger, essentially a Malay weapon, and the 
kompUan, a long two-handed sword, used by the Ilanun pirates, who frequent the 
coasts of many of the Malayan Islands, are not discussed here, although met with 
in Borneo. 

It should be noted that though some of the swords here described are intended 
primarily for use in warfare, they may also serve as agricultural implements or as 
carpentering tools or vice versd. 

Terminology employed.'^Parang is the Malay and Sea-Dyak word for these 
weapons, and will be used in preference to the English word sivord. 

The blade of a parang measures from 50 to 100 centimetres in length ; it has a 
back, an edge, and two sides. When held in the right hand with the back 

* A few swords from Dutch Borneo that I have seen since this paper was written do not 
differ at all markedly from those from Sarawak. 



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220 R. Shelford. — A Provisional Clasdfication of the Swords of the Saravxck Tribes. 

upwards, that side on which the thumb is placed on the handle is the inner side. 
The edge is aivterior and the back is posterior ; any pattern which is nearer to the 
one or the other is respectively anterior or posterior. The back may be straight 
or with a concave curvature, it never has a convex curvature. The edge similarly 
may be straight or with a convex curvature, it never has a concave curvature. 
The blade may also have a slight outward curvature. The sides of the blade may 
be flat or as in the parang Hang the inner side is concave and the outer convex in an 
antero-posterior direction (in left-handed parang Hang these aspects are of course 
reversed). The edge rarely reaches up to the handle, the intervening portion may 
be termed the slwidder. The back and the edge may pass insensibly into the point 
of the blade, but most frequently the back is much shorter than the edge, so that 
the blade appears as if it had been obliquely truncated ; this truncate edge may be 
termed the slope) the angle and consequently the length of the slope vary 
considerably in the different varieties of pa/rangs. The handle, which is made 
either of stag's horn, bone or wood, is always carved and frequently decorated with 
tufts of dyed hair. The blade is inserted into a hoUowed-out part of the handle 
and secured by a stopping of stick-lac. That part of the handle which is held in 
the hand is served with plaited rattan, wire, or metal rings, and is termed the 
grip. The decorated part of the handle is not held in the hand, and is termed the 
head. 

The sheath is invariably composed of two grooved slats of wood roughly of the 
shape of the blade, and bound together by plaited rattan or wire ; along the inner 
side of the sheath there is generally lashed a bark pocket containing a small knife 
with a long, angled handle. 

The parang is worn strapped to the left hip, with the edge directed upwards. 

The following is a list of the varieties of parangs known to me, with their 
tribal distribution : — 

1. P&rang Uan^g r Kayans, Kenyahs, Kajdmans. 

Kyan name, Mdlat or Mdndau < Kanowits, Kaldbits, Punans. 

Keuyahname, Baien^ ... ^IJldts and allied tribes. 

2. Mdbor ... Sea-l)yaks. 

3. Zdnggdi thiggang Sea-Dyaka. 

4. JimpiU Sea-Dyaks. 

5. Bdyu Sea*Dyaks. 

6. PMidyiin ... Miinits* 

7. Pdrang pMdn^ Malays, Milanos. 

8. Ldtdk ... ... Malays, Milanos. 

9. Buko Land-Dyaks.. 

10. Pdndat Land-Dyaks. 

1. Pa/rang Uai^g.—Thia is the term applied by Malays and Sea-Dyaks to the 
weapon of the Kayans and allied tribes mentioned above ; the meaning of the word 
Hang I have not been able to ascertain. The blade of this weapon (Plat© XVI, 



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R ShkLFOED. — A Provisional Clasaification of the Swords of the Sarawak Tribes. 221 

lower left), which varies in length from 50-70 centimetree, diflfere from that of all 
others in being concave on the inner side and convex on the outer side in an 
antero-posterior direction ; the blade also curves slightly outwards. At the greatest 
breadth of the blade, the back ceases and there is a slope which varies much in 
length. The edge of the blade ceases at about 8 centimetres from the handle, 
resulting in the formation of a shoulder, A pattern generally occupies the shoulder 
and runs along the posterior part of the blade on its outer aspect only till it reaches 
the slope. The pattern may be either incised or fretted, or made up of silver and 
brass hammered into the body of the blade, or a combination of all three of these 
methods may be employed ; less frequently the blade is quite plain. The elements 
of the patterns with which I am acquainted are as follows : — vdoh asu, a dragon 
design ; ulai nipa, or snake design, being a continuous scroll pattern ; karan, short 
incised lines, arranged in groups of two or three ; merkiUau, brass or silver studs 
hammered into the blade, sometimes completely perforating it ; lukut, a brass stud 
enclosed in a brass circle, supposed to represent a valuable and ancient bead, 
strings of which are worn by chiefs. All these elements may occur on one blade. 
The slope of the blade is veiy variable, both in length, curvature and orna- 
mentation, and by virtue of these differences, and of variations in pattern, the 
natives subdivide the parang Hang into numerous varieties; the schemes of 
classification of the various tribes do not coincide, and the names of identically 
similar varieties interchange in the most bewildering manner, as one travels from 
one district to another. 

The following is the classification of the Kajamans of the Belaga district. Upper 
Rejang river, Sarawak. The generic term song means end or termination, as e,g, : — 
song irang — shoots of bamboo. 

1. Song bila — a fret-work pattern on the slope. 

2. SoTig ikang — ^hooks or projections on the slope. 

3. Song bang — slope not fretted nor produced into hooks and projections 

but perfectly plain, or excised into a series of short concave curves. 

4. Son^i bid — slope rounded and sometimes sharpened into a cutting edge. 

5. Song batong — fret-work at intervals all along the blade. 

6. Song belubong — an identical pattern on both sides of the blade. 

Of the Wo parang Hang illustrated, that on the left (a) is by this classification 
a song ikang, the other (6) is a song bang of simple type. The Peng Kayan (a tribe 
of the Mahakkam river, Dutch Borneo) name for this however is song apong, 
whilst the Leppu Tau Kenyahs of the Batang Kayan river, Dutch Borneo, give a 
name to the more ornate type of song ban^g, which means swallow's wings. 

The varieties song bila and song ikang are not always readily distinguishable. 
In the Baram district the word bila seems to be used instead of song. 

The Sarawak Museum has a fine series of these weapons, illustrating all the 
above-noted variations. 

The anterior edge of the shoulder is frequently provided with a pair of 
hook-like projections (ikang), constituting a sort of rudimentary finger-guard, the 



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222 R Shelfokd. — A Provisional Claatificciiion of the Swords of the SarawcJ^ Trtb^4. 

hooks when present are part of a dragon design incised on the shoulder and 
represent the horns of the dragon. 

The handle is usually made of stag's horn, but occasionally of wood; the 
stag's antler is cut through at the burr, the beam and the brow tine are cut short ; 
the cut ends are then hollowed out, and the blade of the parang is inserted into 
the beam, and a long tuft of dyed goat's-hair (?y cA) is fastened with dammar in the 
cut end of the burr, which is smoothed down, and a shorter tuft in that of the 
brow tine ; both burr and brow tine are elaborately carved with a complicated 
dragon and anthropomorphic design, and constitute the head of the handle. The 
beam forms the grip of the handle and is served with plaited rattan or wire ; the 
insertion of the blade into the handle is concealed by a thick ring of dammar, into 
which is frequently stuck a silver coin or stud. The head is further decorated 
with short tufts of hair inserted into small holes which are bored for the purpose. 
Such a type of handle is shown in specimen (a). In the Mahakkam river another 
type of handle is more frequently met with ; in this, the blade is inserted into the 
smoothed-down burr, and the cut ends of the beam and of the brow tine form a 
Y-shaped head, carved and decorated with hair : specimen (6). In a third type of 
handle, confined also to Dutch Borneo, the blade is inserted into the beam, but the 
burr and brow tine are so carved as to form a right-angled crutch. 

The sheath, which corresponds roughly in shape to the blade, is made of two 
grooved slabs of wood tightly bound together by four or five lashings of rattan or 
wire : the rattan lashings are generally plaited in a very complicated manner, and 
the term " Katong evok" meaning the twistings of a whirlpool, is applied to them ; 
under the lashings are inserted tufts of hair generally red and white arranged 
alternately (bok say). Between the first and second lashings on the outer side of 
the sheath there is almost invariably a pointed plaque of wood, cut out from the 
body of the sheath, or if of bone, lashed to the sheath ; this is known as the helilap, 
and is either elaborately carved with the dragon design or decorated with hair ; a 
strip of skin covered with hair passes under it round the sheath. The interspaces 
between the other lashings are sometimes occupied by carvings, or carved pieces of 
bone are let into the sheath. Sometimes the point of the sheath is closed by a 
stop of bone, the sibong. The inner side of the sheath, which is quite plain, has a 
bark pocket, the apis, attached to it ; the apis contains a small knife, the nyiu, 
with a long handle ; to the outer side of the apis is frequently sewn a strip of 
bead-work. Threaded through the apis and under the strip of skin encircling the 
sheath is the sword-belt or blavit of plaited rattan covered with cloth or bead- work ; 
one end of the blavit terminates in a loop, the other end is knotted to form a 
toggle, the skabat. Sometimes the toggle is elaborately carved from a piece of 
rhinoceros horn or from the casque of the solid-casqued hornbill Bhinoplax vigil, 

2. Niabo7\ — This is the characteristic Sea-Dyak parang, the others mentioned 
below are of quite recent origin and owe their shape to Kayan or Kenyah influences. 
The blade of the niabor (Plate XVI, upper right) is generally about 60 centimetres 
long, but a specimen in the Sarawak Museum measures 90 centimetres. The 



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R Sbblford. — A Provisional Clamficaiion of the Svxyrds of the Sarawak Tribes, 228 

back and edge both have a pronounced anterior curvature and pass insensibly to 
the point ; the blade is broadest near the point, and gradually tapers proximally 
until the edge suddenly ceases at some distance from the handle ; midway between 
this point and the insertion of the handle projects a large finger-guard, the hmdieng, 
a feature which is entirely diagnostic of this type of weapon. Distal of this 
finger-guard, the anterior border of the blade is squarely emarginate, and the space 
is known as the sangau; proximal of the finger-guard the blade is rounded or 
polygonal in section, and in reality constitutes part of the handle ; this part of it is 
known as the tamporian. 

The blade is rarely ornamented, occasionally however a groove runs along the 
posterior border on both sides, from the tamporian to near the point. The handle 
is carved from stag's horn or wood; in the former case the same part of the 
antler is used as in the parang Hang, and the blade is inserted into the cut end of 
the beam ; the head of the handle is much flattened laterally, and the brow tine 
is whittled away and forms a very acute angle with the beam ; the burr is carved 
into a small knob. A phyllomorphic pattern is carved on the head of the handle. 
The following are the names of the usual patterns : — Cantok resam (shoots of 
Oleichenia dichotoma), telingai (scorpion), entadok kaul (caterpillars interlocking). 
The grip is served with rings of metal known as grunieng. No hair is ever 
attached to the handle or sheath. The sheath calls for no special notice. 

3. Langgai tinggang. — This, another Sea-Dyak parang (PI. XVII, upper r.), is 
practically a niabor with the handle of a parang ilang. The term langgai tinggang, 
meaning the longest tail-feather of a hombill,is appUed to this weapon by reason of 
a broad groove which runs along the posterior part of the blade on each side, and 
which is fancifully supposed to be feather-like in appearance ; this groove runs 
across to the anterior border just below the rudimentary finger-guard. This finger- 
guard is not a derivative of the kundieng of the niabor, but is a copy of the ikang 
of the parang ilang, which, as already shown, constituted part of a dragon design ; 
the Sea-Dyak term crotvit or hooks shows that this has no connection with the 
hindieng} Each side of the shoulder is incised with a phyllomorphic design, such 
as those given on the preceding page. The sides of the broad groove running 
along the blade may be bordered with a simple scroll pattern, entadok, or 
caterpillar. 

The handle of a langgai tinggang differs in nowise from that of ^parang ila/ng. 
The sheath is also similar except in shape. 

4. Jimpul, — The jimpul is of quite recent origin, ie., within the last thirty 
years, and may be considered as a hybrid between the parang ilang and the langgai 
tinggang. The blade (PL XVI, lower r.) has flat sides and both back and edge have 
a strong anterior curvature, thus resembling the two preceding types of parangs. 
The back and edge however do not pass insensibly to a point, but there is a short 

* I have, liowever, a drawing by Dr. Hiller, of Philadelphia, of a langgai tinggang with a 
ktmdieng instead of crowU, but it is the only example of such a variation that has ever come to 
my knowledge. 



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224 R Shelfokd. — A Provisional Clamfication of the Swo^'ds of the Sarawdk Tribes, 

and abrupt elope. The blade at the commencement of the slope is very broad, the 
difference in breadth between this point and at a point near the handle being as 
much as 2*5 centimetres. Hooks and projections {krowit) or a fret design occur 
on the slope, and sometimes for a short distance along the back ; two or three grooves 
run along the posterior part of the blade on each side, and each side of the shoulder 
is incised with a phyllomorphic pattern. A rudimentary finger-guard (hrovnt) of 
the same natui'e as those of the parang Hang and langgai tinggang is generally 
present; in the specimen illustrated the hooks constituting this finger-guard 
constitute part of the phyllomorphic design (telingai) incised on the shoulder of the 
blade, but this is unusual, for as a rule the finger-guard being slavishly copied 
from a Kayan model as in the langgai tinggang, bears no sort of relation to the 
design on the shoulder of the blade which is not copied from a Kayan model. 

As the Sea-Dyaks have now taken to making the parang Hang themselves, 
embellished with degraded copies of Eayan designs, it is not surprising to meet 
with specimens of the jimpvl similarly ornamented, but it should be remembered 
that phyllomorphic designs are essentially the characteristic designs of the 
Sea-Dyak men,^ and a foreign influence is to be suspected when a zoomorphic or 
anthropomorphic design is encountered in the decoration of their parangs. 

The handle of the jimpid needs no description, being a direct copy of the 
parang Hang handle. The sheath similarly is copied from that of the parang 
Hang. 

5. Bayu, — The Bayu is also a Sea-Dyak parang of modem origin. It is a 
modification of the type of parang Hang, known by the Kajamans as song hut ; 
in the song htU (p. 221) the slope is rounded and frequently sharpened into a 
cutting edge ; the inner side of the blade is, however, concave and unomamented 
the outer side is convex and ornamented with a pattern along the posterior border. 
The bayu (PI. XVI, lower r.) is sharpened along the back as far as the shoulder, so 
that the blade in section is oval, the pattern is identical on both outer and inner 
aspects and runs down the centre of the blade, not along the posterior border only. 
In the specimen illustrated, the ornamentation of the blade consists of two broad 
and two narrow grooves running from the shoulder nearly to the point, and on 
the shoulder of incised lines and brass studs. The edge is nearly straight, but the 
sharpened back has a slight convex curvature near the point, and the blade is here 
broader than at any other point. 

The handle and sheath are of the usual parang Hang type. 

The following are the Sea-Dyak terms for the various parts of a parang : — 
Handle, iM; ring of dammar concealing insertion of hlB.de, baiut ; finger-guard, 
krovrit ; incised lines on blade (Kyan, karan), kowal ; triangular panel on outer side 
of sheath (Kyan, belilap), tandup ; bone stop at end of sheath, sakum ; laahings of 
sheath, koivit \ hair, jahor ; belt, supei 

» The women weave zoomorphic designs into their cloth, but the men do not even know 
the names of the patterns, much less how to reproduce them. 



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R Shelfokd. — A Provimnal Classificatioii of the Swords of the Sarawak Tinbes. 225 

6. Pakayun, — This is the very characteristic parang of the Muruts, a tribe 
inhabiting parts of Northern Borneo, The long, curved, cutlass-like blade 
(PI. XVII, upper 1.) measures 60-65 centimetres^ in length and about 3 centi- 
metres in breadth ; it is of almost uniform diameter throughout. The back is 
slightly shorter than the edge, so that there is a short slope. The back near its 
termination is occasionally bevelled for a short distance. The blade is never 
ornamented. The handle is invariably made of wood, and the head is peculiar and 
distinctive in shape. It may be compared with the Y-shaped handle of stag's horn 
of the Mahakkam river parang Hang ; the blade is inserted into the stalk of the 
Y, corresponding to the burr of the antler, and the limbs of the Y, corresponding 
to the beam and brow tines of the antler, and forming the head of the handle, are 
curved forwards (i.e., downwards, if the parang is held in the natural way with 
the back of the blade uppermost) ; the space between the limbs of the Y is filled 
in with a carving which may extend, as in the specimen exhibited, far beyond the 
ends of the limbs of the Y. The handle of the specimen illustrated is of rather an 
ornate nature, more usually the carving is simpler and less extensive. The grip of 
the handle is supplied by a cylinder of brass expanding at the insertion of the 
blade into a circular lip, the urabOy which serves as a finger-guard. This cylinder 
rarely extends up to the point of divarication of the limbs of the Y, and the 
interspace is covered by plaited rattan. 

The sheath as usual is made of two slats of wood bound together by rattan, 
wire, or strips of tin ; the spaces between these bindings are occupied on the outer 
side by geometrical designs. To the inner side is attached a bark pocket decorated 
with hair. 

7. Parang pedang. — The para/ng pedang or pedang is used by the Malays and 
Milanos (a coastal tribe that has embraced Islam), chiefly for such purposes as 
the felling of jungle or the splitting-up of the logs of the sago palm. The blade 
(PL XVII, lower L), which measures in length about 60 centimetres,^ is very 
strongly curved, very broad in the distal third, measuring as much as 6*5 
centimetres, and tapering rapidly to the point of insertion into the handle. The 
back passes insensibly to the point so that there is no slope, and the edge runs 
up almost to the handle, so that a shoulder is not distinguishable. The blade is 
quite free from ornamentation. The handle, the shape of which is characteristic 
of this and of the two parangs described below, is invariably made of wood. 
The head of the handle is formed by a forwardly directed knob; the under 
surface of the knob is concavely curved, and runs into the grip; the upper 
surface is convexly curved, and is transversely grooved, so that a varied moulding 
is produced ; the sides of the knob are flattened. The grip is served with plaited 
rattan. The sheath is quite simple in character. 

8. Latok — Used chiefly by Malays and Milanos, though introduced into other 

tribes comparatively recently. 

> These meaturementB refer to llie specimens figured, which are all deposited at present in 
the Pitt-Rivers Moseam, Oxford, 

Vol. XXXI, Q 



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226 R Shelforp. — A Provisional Clcmification of the Stoords of the Saratmk Tribes. 

The chief characteristic of this parang is the open angle which the shoulder 
of the hlade and the handle form with the rest of the bletde. In the specimen 
illustrated (PL XVII, lower r.), the blade measures from its tip to the distal point 
of the shoulder 52 centimetres, and the length of the shoulder is 6 centimetres. 
The greatest breadth, 5*5 centimetres, is near the point, the smallest 2*5 centimetres 
at the angle of the shoulder. The back is a trifle shorter than the edge, and runs 
in a very steep and curved slope to the point ; the back is very thick so that in its 
middle the bletde is wedge-shaped in section. The shoulder is cut square, but may 
be polygonal in section or even rounded ; in the Milano sadap, a variety of kUok, 
the shoulder is octagonal in section. The handle is of the same type as in the 
parang pedang, i.e., the head is formed by a forwardly projecting knob of wood, 
and the upper border of this knob is " moulded " by transverse grooves. The grip 
is usually served by wire or plaited rattan, but sometimes, as in ihe specimen 
illustrated, by silver rings elaborately decorated with geometrical and phyllo- 
morphic designs worked in repoussi. 

The sheath, which is quite straight, does not enclose the angled shoulder ; the 
end is usually cut square. 

The parang^ which is used largely for agricultural purposes, is grasped by the 
handle and shoulder of the blade in both hands, and is then a highly effective 
chopping implement. 

9. Bitko. — This is the parang used by the Land-Dyaks ; it differs principally 
from the laiok, by its smaller size and elaborately carved handle. The blade 
(PI. XVII, lower r.) measures from tip to distal point of shoulder about 45 centi- 
metres, the shoulder is 7 centimetres long and rectangular in section ; the greatest 
breadth of the blade is 4 to 4-5 centimetres; otherwise the blade is exactly 
similar to the latoh The handle is of the type described for the two preceding 
parangs, but the head is elaborately carved in deep relief ; the pattern is supposed 
to represent the leaves of a wild mango, graium. The handle of the specimen 
exhibited is characteristic of the Betah Land-Dyaks of the Quop river, a branch 
of the Sarawak river ; the Bennah of the head- waters of the Sarawak river make 
a much smaller handle, the Sempok a much larger handle, whilst the Pinyawa 
of the Samarahan river do not carve the head of the handle at all, and shave down 
the upper border of the projecting knob till in side view the head appears 
triangular. The grip is served with rattan. 

The sheath is straight and does not enclose the angled shoulder ; the mouth 
of the sheath is carved in deep relief with a phyllomorphic design, and the end of 
the sheath is perforated mth small holes into which are fixed, by wedges of wood, 
tufts of hair. The two slats of wood composing the sheath are bound together by 
loops of plaited rattan — hc7*ad ; lurad patung is a 5-ply loop, burad kiring a 7-ply 
loop, hirad tipiris a 9-ply loop, burad brad bodad a 11-, 13-, 15-, or 19-ply loop. 
The belt known as ta^^, is made of the lining of the sheathing leaves of a palmu 

10. Pandat — The pandat is the war parang of the Land-Dyaks ; it is never 
^sed in agriculture or handicrafts as is the buko. It is characterised (PI. XVI, 



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E. Shelford. — A Provisional Classification of the Stcords of the Sarawak Triles. 227 

upper 1.) by the lack of a proper handle, the elongate and angled shoidder serving 
the purpose : a hole is bored through the shoulder of the blade in an antero- 
posterior direction nearly in the middle, and through this is inserted a short iron 
bar, the sekaTc, forming a cross-piece; the shoulder terminates in a sharp point, 
capped by a piece of horn ; the surface of the shoulder, which is rectangular in 
section, is covered with tin-foil or with brass, and some hair is attached to the 
back. The portion of the shoulder proximal of the sekak is grasped, the forefinger 
passing over the anterior half of the sekak. The back of the blade in the specimen 
exhibited is longer than the edge, and the oblique end so formed is cut with a 
V-shaped notch forming a re-entering angle ; this arrangement is chttracteristic of 
the Sidin Land-Dyaks; sometimes the blade and edge are of equal length, in 
which case the limbs of the re-entering angle are equal in length ; or the limbs of 
the re-entering angle may be produced into short hooks or projections, and brass 
studs driven into the blade near its termination ; this arrangement is characteristic 
of the Bennah Land-Dyaks. The sheath is straight and doea not enclose the angled 
shoulder; its outer aspect is decorated with grooves in low relief forming 
geometrical designs, and with phyllomorphic designs ; the designs may or may not 
be filled up with tin-foil; the phyllomorphic design at the end of the sheath 
occurs on both sides. 

Synoptical Key of Parangs, 





Description. 


Name. 


Plate. 


A. 


Sides of blade not flat 


Parang Hang 


XVI, lower 1. 


B. 


Sides of blade flat. 








a. Blade double-edged 


Bayu. 


XVI, lower r. 




h. Blade not double-edged nor angled. 








a\ Blade without slope. 








a". Handle not ornamented with a 


Parang pedang 


XVII, lower 1. 




design. 








b'\ Handle elaborately ornamented. 








a'". Blade with prominent finger- 


Niabor, 


XVI, upper r. 




guard. 








6.'^' Blade without prominent 


Lan^ggai 






finger-guard. 


tinggang. 


XVII, upper r. 




b\ Blade with slope. 








a'^ Blade long and narrow 


Pakayun, 


XVII, upper L 




V\ Blade broader 


Jimpvl, 


XVI, lower r. 


C. 


Blade angled, 
a'. A wooden handle. 








a''. Greatest breadth of blade exceeding 

5 cm. 
b'\ Greatest breadth of blade not 


Latok. 


XVII, lower r. 




Buko. 


XVII, lower r. 




exceeding 5 cm. 








h\ No handle 


PandaL 


XVI, upper 1. 



9 2 



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228 Ik. Shklfokd. — A Provisional Cl(i8dficatioii of tfu Sum^ds of the Sarawak Tribes, 

Discussion. 

Mr. H. Balfour said: — ^Anthropologists will feel much indebted to Mr. Shelford 
for having laid down this classification of Bomean swords. In addition to the 
interest attaching to the subject, there will be practical application for his 
classification, since the curators of museums will now be able to label and 
describe correctly the weapons from this region. Too often one sees in museums 
such labels as "Dyak sword from Borneo" attached to specimens as the only 
information offered to the public, and too frequently the weapon is neither a Dyak 
one nor a sword, and moreover Borneo is an extensive region in which marked local 
distinctions are apparent, which should be specified. It is not always the fault 
of the curator, who very frequently has none but the vaguest information sent 
to him. Mr. Shelford's scientific classification will, I am sure, be welcomed by 
all who aim at the proper systematic arrangement of collections comprising the 
particular weapons and tools with which he deals. I should like to ask 
Mr. Shelford to what extent the parang Hang is used as a weapon, and what 
are the peculiar cuts which render this unique form of blade efl&cient. It seems 
as though a direct cut at right angles to a surface would not be very eflTective, 
and a diagonal cut would tend to glance off if the concave surface of the blade 
were towards the object slashed at. On the other hand, it would seem that 
such a cut with the concave side towards the object would be dangerous and 
effective, as the tendency of the blade would be to bury itself deeply in this 
case. Similarly, I should like to be informed as to the correct use of the very 
awkward-looking latok and pandat. For a downward cut these appear to be 
highly ineflBcient, as the balance seems to be all wrong, throwing a great strain 
upon the wrist. They are well balanced for an upward cut, but this would 
perhaps not be a very effective form of attack. In regard to the forms of 
decoration, I should wish to ask Mr. Shelford whether it can be ascertained to 
what extent the patterns were originally intended to represent, the objects whose 
name is associated with the designs, or, on the other hand, whether those names 
have been given to the patterns merely because of a fancied resemblance to 
natural objects arrived at accidentally in the process of making variations upon 
existing designs, which in the first instance were not intended to represent those 
objects. Patterns may acquire names in either manner, and it is important to 
record when possible the manner in which a particular name has become 
associated with a given pattern. 

Mr. Shblfoed replied that the parang Uang is used with a glancing cut with 
the concave surface towards the object, and makes in this manner a deep and 
effective cut. The laiok and pandat are not used for an upward cut, but for a 
downward one, in which both hands ftf-e used. It is impossible to determine for 
certain whether the names of the patterns are derived from an original attempt 
to represent the objects whose names they bear now, or whether the names have 
been given in consequence of real or fancied resemblances arrived at accidentally 
during the process of varying existing patterns, 



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( 229 ) 



THE COLOUR VISION OF THE NATIVES OF UPPER EGYIT. 

By W. H. R Rivers, M.U. 

[Prbsbntbd 25th June, 1901.] 

The st€U'ting point of the work to be described in this paper was an investigation 
carried out by Mr. D. Randall-Maclver in the winter of 1899-1900. Fifty natives 
of Upper Egypt were tested by Holmgren's method. Wools were used, to each of 
which a numbered label had been attached, so that a record could be kept of those 
chosen. A system of recording was adopted by means of which not only the wools 
actually matched, but also those compared even transiently with the test-wool 
were noted. Thus, a record would read e^ follows : — 

Red test, p. 102, pp. 104, m. 20, 2, 16, pp. 9, 102. 

This would mean that the native under examination had first picked up, and 
transiently compared with the test, the wool numbered 102; he had then 
deliberately compared No. 104 with the test but had rejected it as not matching ; 
he had then matched three wools numbered 20, 2 and 16 respectively, and had 
finally compared and rejected the two wools numbered 9 and 102. 

By means of a record of this kind, I was able to reproduce in England in 
detail the behaviour of natives who had been tested by Mr. Randall-Maclver in 

Egypt 

The same seven test-wools were used as in my work in Torres Straits^ and 
elsewhere, viz., bright red, bright green, Holmgren's pink test, Holmgren's pale 
green test, yellow, blue and violet, usually in the order named. 

On going through Mr. Randall-Mtw^Iver's records, it was obvious that many of 
tlie natives were perfectly normal while others showed exactly the same kind 
of behaviour which I had found in Torres Straits, viz., they tended to confuse 
green with blue and blue with violet, and Holmgren's pale green test was matched 
or compared, not only with yellowish-green or bluish wools of the same degree of 
saturation, but occasionally even with faintly pinkish wools. They tended to 
match wools according to their similarity in saturation rather than according to 
their similarity in coloui'-tone. 

Among the fifty natives there were two or three individuals who appeared 

almost certainly to be examples of the ordinary form of red-green blindness, their 

matches and comparisons being typical of this condition, or of considerable 

weakness of the red-green sense. There were a number of other natives who, 

* Rep. Comb. AtUhrop. Expedition to Torrei Strcuts^ voL ii^ p. 40, 1001. 



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230 W. H. R. RiVEKS.— 7%c Colom Vision o/tJie Natives of Upper Egypt. 

if they had been Europeans, would almost certainly have been regarded as 
examples of weakness of the red-green sense. These individuals matched or 
compared pink, violet and purple wools, and they also put brown wools with the 
bright red test. They did not, however, confuse pink and blue wools nor did they 
ever confuse red and green, and, taking their matches and comparisons as a whole 
they did not seem to me to be of the kind made by people with defective red-green 
sense. It seemed to me possible that the mistakes of these people might have 
been due to an exaggeration of a tendency of which I had observed traces in Torres 
Straits and elsewhere ; a tendency to put together wools to which the same name 
would be applied. It seemed desirable to supplement Holmgren's method by other 
tests for colour blindness and also to study the colour-matches made by these 
people side by side with an investigation of the colour-nomenclature. 

By the kindness of Mr. Randall-Maclver and the late Mr. Anthony Wilkin, I 
was enabled to do this in December, 1900, and January, 1901, at El Amrah close 
to Abydos in Upper Egypt. The natives examined were all peasants of Upper 
Egypt employed in the excavations in which Mr. Randall-Maclver and Mr. Wilkin 
were engaged. They nearly all came from the villages of Quft, BaUas and Sheikh 
Ali, a few natives of the village of El Amrah being also examined. They were 
typical fellahln from the same district of Upper Egypt and were fairly homo- 
geneous, though a few probably had some strain of Sudani blood. 

I first tested the natives with Holmgren's wools. I then obtained the names 
for colours in various ways. This was followed by the test for colour-blindness 
which has been recently recommended by Nagel.^ This consists of cards on which 
are printed circles of dots in various colours, especially chosen to deceive the 
colour-blini The methoids recommended by Nagel were somewhat too complicated 
to allow me to use them with these people, and I was obliged to be content with 
asking the names of the variously coloured dots. 

I then used Lovibond's Tintometer, which I have found to be a valuable means 
of detecting colour-blindness, and I also used this instrument to determine the 
thresholds for red, yellow and blue as in my work in Torres Straits.* 

In examination of the colour sense I am always careful to test with 
Holmgren's wools before dealing with the names of colours, in order that the 
influence of language on the process of matching may be minimized as much as 
possible, but for purposes of exposition it will be convenient to begin with an 
account of the language employed for colour. 

Colour NoTnenddture. 

I obtained the names of thirteen coloured, bltw^k and white papers sold by 
Rothe of Leipzig, supplemented by dark and light grey papers and six brown 
papers. I also asked the names of various wools, especially in the search for names 



» Arch, of Ophthalmology y vol. xxi, p. 154, 1900. 
• Op. cU., p. 70. 



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W. H. li. Rivers. — The Colour Vision of the Natives of Upper Egypt 231 

for brown, and I occasionally inquired the names of the colours of natural objects, 
articles of clothing, etc. 

My thanks are due for much help in this part of my work to Mr. Eandall- 
Maclver and to Mr. J. E. Quibell. Prof. A. A. Bevan has also kindly looked 
through my list of colour names, and I am indebted to him for several suggestions. 

I have adopted with one exception the method of writing the Arabic words 
which is used in Vollers' Gh'ammar of the Modem Egyptian dialect of Arabic, 
translated by Mr. F. C. Burkitt. The exception is in the use of the letter Q&f, for 
which VoUers uses the sign m. As pronounced by the natives with whom I had 
to do, this consonant was like a very hard " g,'* and I have expressed it by the 
letter "q." 

On asking the names of the various coloured papers and wools, I was very 
frequently given the names of garments or materials, such as harir, silk ; g4khy 
cloth ; ^abaiyd, cloak ; qomdsh, cloth ; tdb, women's dress ; baftd, linen cloth ; quftdn^ 
gown ; §ediriy waistcoat-like garment ; libdd, felt. 

Often these words were given alone, but they were also frequently combined 
with colour names, the papers or wools being called harir ahmar, giiJch iswid, 
'abaiye fafra, tdb abjad, haftd samra, quftdn dkhdar, etc. 

In addition to the recognized terms for colour of the Arabic language, 
numerous other words were used. The former may be given first 

Ahmar, fem. hamra, W6W used for red and for colours containing a red 
component, thus it was used for all shades of red and purple, 6Uid occasionally for 
orange and violet. In the case of the latter colours, it was sometimes qualified as 
in the expressions hamra rrmsh hamra qatoi (not very red), hamra bu fafar (red 
with yellow), ahmar dbj'ad shwiyd (a slightly white red), ahmar fatah (light red) 
in the case of orange and hamra dbjad (white red) and Idbdni ahmar shwiyd 
(slightly milk red or blue red) in the case of violet. Ahmar or ahmar shwiyd were 
also used for reddish browns. Ahmar was never used for colours which had not 
an element of red in them. 

-4?/^^, ?a/r«, was used somewhat less definitely. Yellow was nearly always 
called by this name which was also often used for orange. Asfar was also used for 
green by one or two individuals who were certainly not colour-blind. It was very 
frequently used for brown either alone or in such forms as a^ar shwiyd, nv^§ a§far 
(half yellow) and a^ar mtcsh ketir (not very yellow). It was also often used for 
faint reds, thus, in Card III of Nagel's test, about half the individuals called the 
more saturated pink hamra, and the less saturated §afra ; in these cases I covered 
up the card so that only one of the less saturated discs could be seen and most 
then called this disc hamra, but when a less saturated pink was seen together with 
a more saturated disc of the same colour, there was a very strong tendency to call 
the former §afra^ The same happened with a few individuals in the case of 
Card XIL A^ar was also used for Holmgren's pale green test wool There 
seemed to be a tendency to use the word a^far as a term for light, unsaturated 
colours, especially in contrast to red. 



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232 W. H. R RiVEES.— ?%« Colour Vision of the Natives of Upper Hgypt, 

Akhdar, hhadra^ was used less definitely than a^far. It was the common 
term applied to green of all shades. It was used for Eothe's blue-green paper by 
about half the individuals questioned, and it was very often applied to blue and 
occasionally to indigo. It was also used several times for browns which had no 
element of green in them, and by a few individuals for dull black and dark grey. 
There seemed to be a distinct tendency to use this word for all darkish colours 
other than red and yellow. 

Azraq^ zarqa, was used most often for black. Eothe's indigo and violet 
papers were occasionally given this nwne, which was never applied to the light 
blue paper or to a blue wool. Blue-green was only once called azraq, but this word 
was used by six individuals for brown. With Nagel's cards azraq was used for 
the darkest dots and seems to have been regarded as a term for black and for very 
dark colours. Black was once called azraq fami, charcoal blue or charcoal black. 

Istoid,^ sdda, was used for black, dark grey, dark brown, indigo, and violet, and 
occasionally for fairly light blues. By one individual Rothe's indigo paper was 
called sdda khdlis (perfect black). From the way in which they were employed 
by the people in question, this word and a^sraq might be r^arded as synonyms. 
It almost seemed as if azraq were used for darker colours and shades than 
isTvid, for in Nagel's Card IX, some individuals called the darker dots " azraq " 
and the lighter dots " iswidJ* 

Abjaiji, bSda, was only used for white, light grey, and for very light colours. 
It was often used for Holmgren's light green test wool, and still more often for 
the violet test wool. Light browns were also given this name. 

Asniar, samra, occurred very rarely. One man called blue, *'as7nar," and 
three gave this name to dark grey or bltw^k. It was not used for brown by a 
single individual 

In addition to the above colour terms, a large number of others were used 
which were formed by adding " i " to the names of various objects. I will give 
these as nearly as possible in the order of the frequency with which they occurred. 

Kohali, derived from KoU, the antimony dye with which the eyes are painted, 
was very commonly used for black, indigo, violet, and also for dark grey and dark 
brown. It was used in exactly the same way as iswid and azraq. Iklkal, applied 
to the same colours is, no doubt, another form of the same word. 

•Ldbdnt,* derived from Idbdn, milk, was the word most often applied to blue. 
It was used by about half the people tested for blue-green and occasionally for 
green. It was also appUed to both indigo and violet and less frequently to 
brovm and grey. It was twice used for pink by individuals who were not colour- 
blind. It was often used for the blue, grey, and light green dots in Nagel's cards 

Ighbash, or more commonly ghaishi, was very frequently used for grey and for 
light colours, especially for those of Nagel's cards. 

> This word was pronounced very diversely. I heard it called tsicid, tswad, aswad, cuividy 
eiiffod. The feminine was also called gddt, quite as often as idda. 

* This word was perhaps more often pronounced lebSni^ lihini^ or Ubinu 



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W. H. R. Rivers. — The Col(mr Vision of the Natives of Upper Egypt 233 

Ighbar and ghabri, derived from ghubvy dust, were also frequently used in the 
same way. 

EtrdM, derived from turdh, dust, was given for grey, black, and brown, and 
rarely for blue and blue-green. 

Bunni, derived from bimn^ coflfee bean, was often used for brown. It was also 
applied to grey and violet. 

Safi or 9dfi, meaning clear or transparent, was occasionally given for blue, 
green, and grey, and once for brown. It was also used to qucdify other words as 
labdnt fafi for blue-green. 

SamAioi^ derived from saiviA, sky, was used by a few men for light blue and 
once for indigo. Brown was once called samdwi ghdmid or *amiq, 'amiq (dark 
sky colour). 

^Asali, from 'asaJ, honey, was rarely used for orange, brown, and pink. 

Ghttdi (? derivation) was used occasionally for red, orange, and violet. 

Qahivi, from qahwd, coffee, was used occasionally for red, orange, and yellow. 
It was not applied to brown. 

TardMsM, from t^f-'^Mish, fez cap, was used occasionally for red, sometimes 
alone and sometimes combined with ahmar. It was once applied to grey. 

Manawishi was used by a few individuals for both pink and blue. 

Khoshaq was used occasionally for brown and once or twice for pink. 

JRufd^, from rufdf, lead, was used for brown and grey and once for green. 

Hadidt, from hadid, iron, was used once for grey. 

Zibdt, from zibda^ butter, was used twice for grey. 

QiUali, from qulla, pL qtUcU, earthen waterbottle, was used for yellow. 

JRamlij from raml^ sand, was once used for brown. 

Other words were occasionally used which may be corruptions of foreign 
words ; thus, brown was once called $nianti, probably from cement, and grey was 
once called shagelat, possibly chocolate. Yellow was once called karantina offar, 
quarantine yellow, by a man who had worked on the Suez CanaL White and 
black were occasionally qualified by Madrad and the words Malakan or ManaJcan 
(American) were occasionally used, as when a grey paper was called Manakan 
a^mar. Two men called blue ^ni, Chinese. 

In the language employed for colour by these peasants of Upper Egypt, we 
find exactly the same features as those which characterize primitive colour 
nomenclature in other parts of the world. There was a very definite word for red, 
a^mar, which was not only applied to objects which we should definitely distinguish 
as red, but also to coloui's such as orange, purple, violet, and brown, which contain 
a red element. There was a somewhat less definite term for yellow, offar, which 
was also used for orange and brown and was occasionally applied to green and 
to faint red. The word for green, akhdar, was still less definite, being very 
often applied to blue, violet, grey, and brown. There was no definite word 

* Magnus states (Untenueh. iL d. Farhmuinn d, Naturvdlket) that this word has been 
borrowed fiooi Arabic by the Berbers, who use it as a term for blue. 



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234 W. H. R. EiVERS. — The Colour Vision of the Natives of Upper Egypt. 

for blue. The word, (Kjraj, usually regarded as the Arabic term for blue, was 
never used by these people for light blue and was applied by them more frequently 
to black than to an indigo blue.* This word and the proper Arabic term for black, 
isfioid, were used indiscriminately for black, blue, and violet, and also for dark 
brown. Other words as kohalt, ighbar, and etrdbij were used both for black and 
blue or for grey and blue. The nearest approach to a word for blue was Idbdni 
milk colour, which was, however, often used also for green, grey, and brown. The 
word samdivi, derived from the colour of the sky, was only used by two or three 
individuals and was also used for brown. 

The decreasing definiteness in the nomenclature for colour as one goes from 
red through yellow and green to blue, was as marked in these peasants of Upper 
"Egypt as it is in the Papuans of Torres Straits and in so many other savage and 
semi-civilized races. 

Another feature of the Egyptian language for colour is the absence of a word 
for brown. The proper Arabic term for brown, asmar, was never once used for 
this colour, though occasionally applied to blue and grey. It is interesting that 
Mile, de Claury* found that the natives of Algeria seemed also to be unacquainted 
with " asmar " as a word for brown and applied to brown objects the words for 
black or yellow. 

As I have found in other languages, there was more variety in the temm 
applied to brown than to any other colour, over twenty different terms being 
given to brown papers and wools. The word most commonly used was ahmar, 
Affar had the second place. The word which came third in order of frequency 
was hunni, coffee-berry colour. This word is given as meaning brown in Voller's 
Glossary y and is certainly the nearest approach to a word for brown among the 
people with whom I had to do, but it was very far from being generally used as a 
term for brown in the way that ahviar was used for red and offar for yellow, and 
only by one man was it used with any consistency for all browns, most people 
calling one brown bunni, another akmar, a third iswid^ and so on. Bunni was also 
applied to grey and violet as well as to bi-own, and cannot be r^arded as a 
distinctive nemie for the l6wt colour. 

A feature of which I have observed indications in other languages, came out in 
a very marked way in the nomenclature of these people, viz., the tendency to use 
words denoting differences of colour-tone for differences of shade, i.e., of luminosity. 
There was a tendency to use aJchdar not only for green, but also for all colours 
(except red and yellow) of a certain degree of darkness. There was a similar 
tendency to use a>z7*aq and isitrid for all very dark colours.* 

» It is probable that " Bohr el azraq " should properly be translated " the dark Nile," and 
that when we speak of " the Blue Nile/' we are employing a term which is due to the tendency 
to confuse blue and dark in Arabic colour nomenclature. 

« Bufl, de la Sac. cPAntkropol, de Paris, t ix, p. 698, 1886. 

* This tendency is shown in the epithets commonly applied to donkeys. Thus very dark 
donkeys may be called " cwrogr/' while lighter donkeys ai-e spoken of as " akhdar,'' 



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W. H. K. Rivers. — The Colour Vision 0/ the Natives of Upper Egypt 235 

The tendency to use names for different colours to denote differences of 
brightness was most marked with Nagel's cards. In card No. V, there are three 
dots of the same greenish colour-tone which differ from one another in brightness, 
giving three shades of one colour. . These three dots were verj'* commonly 
denoted by three different words as Idbdni, akhdar, iswid, or ighbash, akhdar^ azraq. 
In card No. Ill, very many individuals called the more saturated pink, ahmary 
and the less saturated, a^far^ although most, when shown the latter alone, 
recognized it also as ahinar. Nagel's test is especially adapted to bring out this 
feature of colour nomenclature, and it is possible that I have found this tendency 
more marked in the Arabic of the Egyptian peasant than in other languages 
because I was using this test for the first time. 

The existence of this tendency to use names of different colours to denote 
differences of shade is of considerable interest in connection with the colour 
nomenclature of ancient literature. Gladstone^ and others have pointed out that 
Homer used colour-names, or words which became later colour-names, to denote 
differences of brightness, and supposed in consequence that the colour sense of 
Homer was undeveloped, but that he had a highly developed degree of sensibility 
for difference of brightness. The colour nomenclature of the fellslhin of Upper 
Egypt appears to show exactly the same kind of peculiarity as that noted by 
Gladstone in Homer, a peculiarity which is far from being associated in them 
with absence of the colour sense. 

Examination for Colour Blindness. 

I examined f orty-tliree men and boys at El Amrah. Some of them were abso- 
lutely normal in their behaviour with Holmgren's wools. Others made the same 
kind of matches with which I had become familiar in Torres Straits and elsewhere, 
i.e., they behaved normally with the red, pink, and yellow test-wools, but compared 
green with blue, and blue with violet. With Holmgren's pale green test-wool 
they were inclined to put wools of any colour, even pink, if very faintly coloured, 
i.e,y they tended to match according to saturation rather than according to colour 
tone, and the same tendency was found in the matches made with a pale violet 
test- wool. Owing to the fact that I first met with this mode of matching in 
Torres Straits, I am accustomed to speak of it as the Torres Straits type. 

Two men were definite examples of the common form of colour blindness. 
One, Ali Ibrahim, began by matching green wools with the red test. He matched 
Holmgren's pink test with blue and violet; he matched yellow with greenish 
yellows, blue with greenish blues and violets, and violet with blue and pink 
wools. On repeating the tests, the same kind of errors were made. He called 
Rothe's yellow-green paper hamra, the red test wool §afray and green and yellow 
wools hamra. In Nagel's test-cards, he consistently called the pink dots kohali, 
and the yellow dots hamra. He called the 1'5 red glass of Lovibond's Tintometer 
kha4ra, the 1*0 red glass §afra, and the 1*0 blue glass liamra, 

> Studies on ffanier and the Homerio Age 1858, vol. ill, p. 457. 



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236 W. H. R. Riyms.—Tfie Colour Vision of the Natives of Upjyer Egypt 

Another man^ Ali Ayab, matched red with green, green with brown, pink with 
blue and violet, Holmgren's green with pink, blue with purple and violet with 
pink. He made characteristic mistakes in naming the colour of papers, wools, 
NageFs test dots, and the tintometer glasses. 

Nine other individuals resembled many of those tested by Mr. Bandall- 
Maclver, and made matches or comparisons which, if made by a European, would 
strongly suggest defectiveness of the colour sense. 

Three of these, Mohammed Smain Birias, Smain Hassan and Ahmed Bukr, 
definitely matched the pink test with violet or purple wools and two of them also 
matched red and brown. Their other matches were, however, good or of the 
Torres Straits type, and were not of the kind made by red-green blind individuals. 
They were able to name all the pink dots of Nagel's test-cards correctly, and none 
of the names used were suggestive of red-green blindness. They were able to 
distinguish the glasses of the tintometer readily, the thresholds for red being '40, 
•40, and 20 respectively as compared with 1*20, 1-20, and 80, the thresholds for blue.* 

Five others did not actually match the pink test with violet wools but only 
compared the two colours. One of them also compared violet and brown. Their 
other matches were of the Torres Straits type, and their behaviour with Nagel's 
test and the tintometer was absolutely normal 

One other individual, Ali Hassan, was more doubtful. His actual matches 
were normal, but he compared the pink test with the blue and violet wools in a 
very suspicious manner. He was, however, able to name NageVs dots correctly. I 
put his threshold for red somewhat high, viz. -50, but he almost passed at '30 
(7 times in 10). He was one of those who had been tested a year previously 
by Mr. Randall-Maclver, and from the results of this examination I had put him 
down as probably having weakness of the red-green sense. 

There are several possibilities in connection with these nine individuals. It is 
possible that they were in some slight degree colour-blind. This seems, however, to 
me very unlikely ; they were able to recognize correctly the colours of the dots in 
Nagel's test, colours especially chosen to deceive the colour-blind. Further, they 
were able to recognize very faint glasses in the tintometer, far below the limit at 
which Europeans with weakness of the colour sense go wrong. I have found that 
this test is a very delicate means of detecting weakness of the red-green sense ; 
individuals who are able to match Holmgren's wools and to pass Nagel's test, 
fail to distinguish the red from the blue glasses of the tintometer at certain 
intensities depending on the degree of weakness of colour vision. 

Another possibility is that the defective matches and comparisons were due 
to the influence of language. The wools they tended especially to confuse were 
red with brown and pink with violet They also occasionally matched pink and 
violet with brown. There is no doubt that all these wools were often given the 
same name, viz., ahmar, not only by the individuals in question but by others 

> See p. 241. 



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W. H. R. EiVERS. — Tlic Colour Vision of the Ntvtives of Upper Egypt 237 

whose matches were in no way suspicious, and I believe that the fact that these 
colours were confused was largely due to the influence of language, to the tendency 
to put together wools which the people would be in the habit of associating together 
on the ground of similarity of nomenclature. 

In working elsewhere, I have met with a similar tendency to put together 
wools which would receive the same name. Thus in Torres Straits, as I have 
already mentioned, men would often match wools of any colour, but of faint 
saturation, with Holmgren's pale green test, and on these occasions I have 
heard them saying to themselves their word for "white" as they picked up 
the wools. In order to diminish the influence of language as much as possible, 
it is always my custom to examine with Holmgren's wools before entering 
on the investigation of the colour vocabulary, and I always scrupulously 
avoid mentioning the names of colours while explaining the test; but in spite 
of all precautions, it is impossible to prevent people from thinking of the 
names of the colours they are choosing and from being influenced thereby. 

There is another reason why pink and violet should tend to be matched more 
readily by these people than by Europeans. I have shown^ that there is reason 
to believe that some races have a certain degree of insensibility to blue, and I 
shall presently endeavour to show that these natives of Upper i^pt have a 
similar degree of insensitiveness to this colour. Each of the colours, pink and 
violet, contain both red and blue. They are confused by individuals with weakness 
of the red-green sense, because being insensitive to the red element in each, these 
individuals only see the blue component of each colour. In red-green blindness, 
the two wools probably appear as two shades or tints of blue. It is obvious that 
insensitiveness to blue would produce the same tendency to confusion. Both 
colours would appear more red, and would resemble one another more closely than 
to the normal eye, and I think it probable that this is a subsidiary factor, or 
possibly as important a factor as the influence of language, in leading these people 
to confuse pink and violet. 

Whatever may be the true explanation of these defective matches, there is 
one practical conclusion about which there can be no doubt, viz., that Holmgren's 
wool test may, in the case of some races at any rate, be wholly insufiicient as a 
means of diagnosing colour blindness. There is little doubt that among ourselves 
the test sometimes fails to detect the slighter degrees of colour blindness. In 
savage or semi-civilized races, I believe that Holmgren's test will probably always 
enable one to detect colour blindness when it exists, chiefly because the con- 
comitant insensitiveness to (or lack of interest in) blue, which is so frequently 
found in such races, increases the difficulty of matching. 

The defect of Holmgren's test, as an ethnographical method, is firstly that a 
confusion of colours which in a European certainly means insensitiveness to red, 
may in other races be due to insensitiveness to (or lack of interest in) blue 

» /Jtfo. Camh. Anthrop. Exp,^ voL ii, p. 73. 



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238 W. H. R. EiVERS.— T»« Colour Vision of the Natives of Upper Fgypf. 

Secondly, the peculiar defects which characterize the language for colour in nearly 
all savage and semi-civilized races may be of influence in the process of matching, 
and may lead to confusions in this process which are in Europeans characteristic 
of colour blindness. 

In addition to the forty-three individuals examined at El Amrah, I was also 
able, by the kindness of Professor Flinders Petrie and Mr. Mace, to examine at El 
Arabah ten men who had been tested a year previously by Mr. Randall-Maclver, 
and had been found to be suspicious. Two of these men were certainly colour blind. 
One, Erfai, matched red with browns and greens, pink with violets and blues, 
Holmgren's green test with brownish and pinkish wools, and blue with pink and 
violets. He called most of the red dots in Nagel's test akhdar, and called the 
darker dots of any colour ahmar. 

The other, Hamdan Yusuf, made matches which were perfectly characteristic 
of colour blindness of the ordinary form, but succeeded in naming most of Nagel's 
dots correctly, though he called one pink azraq and another §afra. 

A third man, Smain ab Amad, made matches which were in the highest degree 
suggestive of red-green blindness. He began by matching reds and greens, but I 
came to the conclusion that he did not properly understand what he had to do, 
and on a later trial he matched red correctly. He confused pink, however, with 
blue and blue-green. He matched Holmgren's green test with both yellow and 
blueish wools, and matched a blue wool with violet and brown. The latter 
confusion is not in any way characteristic of red-green blindness, but is of the 
kind that might be due to the influence of language. He called a pink wool 
labdniy but was able to name all the dots of Nagel's cards correctly. I was not able 
to test him with the tintometer, and in the absence of this test I was quite unable 
to make up my mind whether he was colour blind or whether his defective 
matches were due, partly to the influence of language, partly to misunderstanding 
of the method. Six of the others made the same kind of matches which I have 
already fully considered in connection with the people tested at El Amrah. They 
confused red with brown or pink with violet, or both, and I believe that their 
confusions were due to the causes I have already considered. One of them, 
Abadeh Musi, was rather more suspicious than the rest, picking up and comparing 
a blue wool with the pink test and a pink wool with the blue test, but he only 
definitely matched pink with violet, and was able to name papers, wools and 
Nagel's dots perfectly correctly. 

The remaining two men tested at El Arabah were normaL 

The people examined were too few in number to allow one to say anything 
definite as to the percentage of colour-blind individuals. At El Amrah I tested 
forty-three individuals, of whom two were certainly colour blind. Of the fifty 
individuals, tested by Mr. Randall-Maclver, two were certainly colour blind, while 
others had possibly some weakness of the red-green sense. Altogether eighty 
natives of Upper Egypt were tested by Mr. Randall-Maclver and myself, of whom 
twenty-two were tested by both of us. Of tliese eighty individuals, four were 



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W. H. R RiVEliS. — The Colour Virion of the Natives of Upper Egypt 239 

certainly colour blind while others were doubtful This proportion of 5 per cent, 
is larger than that existing in most European populations, viz., about 4 per cent., 
and if one takes into account the doubtful individuals, the results seem to indicate 
that there is a somewhat larger percentage of colour blindness in Upper Egypt 
than in European races. I have elsewhere* shown that colour blindness may be 
absent, or almost absent, in some races while in others it may apparently be more 
frequent than in Europe, and I have suggested that the existence or absence of 
colour blindness may possibly be a guide to ethnic aflBnities. If future researches 
show that colour blindness is relatively common in the race of Upper Egypt, one 
will have advanced one step further in the study of this problem.' I am not 
aware of any other researches on the colour vision of Egyptian races, though a 
number of observations have been recorded on Nubians.* Eabl-Euckhard* quotes 
de la Renoudi^re as having examined six hundred apd ninety-three Algerian 
adults of whom 3*4 per cent, were colour blind. This observer only tested by 
asking the names of colours, and his results must therefore be accepted with 
caution. 

Colour Thresholds. 

I used Lovibond's Tintometer to determine the thresholds for red, yellow and 
blue, as I had previously done in Murray Island.* This apparatus consists of a 
long box at the end of which are two apertures either of which may be given any 
degree of coloration by placing before it one of three series of glasses very 
delicately graded in the three colours, red, yellow and blue. The method was 
exactly the seune as that employed in Murray Island, with one exception, viz., that 
I began by showing the natives glasses of a high degree of coloration. In this 
way one began by giving them a good idea of the colours for which they 
were to look and the strengths of the glasses were then diminished till the 
colours could no longer be recognized. The threshold was determined when 
the colour of a glass was correctly recognized four times in five, though very often 
ten observations were made with the final glass, in which case two mistakes were 
allowed. 

I give the record of one man, Ahmed Aissa, to illustrate the procedure. This 
man recognized '20 red four times in five, but was only right seven times in ten 
observations with the '15 glass. He was right every time with -30 yellow, but was 
quite unable to recognize the '20 glass of this colour. The blue glass I'O he called 
isvjid (black) three times, akhdar (green) once, and the fifth time did not recognize 
that there was any colour on the side in which the glass had been put, but called 

» Op, city p. 94. 

* It is, perhaps, worth mention in this connection that colour blindness has been found to 
be somewhat more common among Jews than among the general population of Europe. See 
Trans. Ophthalmol. Soc.^ voL i, p. 191, 1881. 

» Zeitich, /. EthnoL, Bd. xand xi. 

* Ibid., Bd. Xn, S. 210, 1880, 
» Op. cU., p. 70t 



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240 W. H. B. Rivers.— J%« Colour Vision of the Natives of Upper Egypt. 

the opposite hole dbjad (white). Sinoe pronounced blues were often ealled both 
iswid and akhdar, I passed these answers and proceeded to test with '80, which he 
recognized as l&b&nt four times in five observations. The -60 glass he twice called 
white and the '70 glass was also called ahjad (white) five times in ten observations, 
and I therefore put down his threshold at '80. If I had rejected isvrid and akhdar 



Ahmed Aissa. 



Eed. 


YeUow. 


Blue. 


10 ahmar 


10 . 


Qw/ar 


1-00 Idbdni 


•50 „ 


•50 akhdar 


•50 dbjad 


•50 „ 


•50 labani 


•70 ikhal 


•40 „ 


•60 akhdar 


•70 aijad 


•40 „ 


•60 


it 


1-0 dbjad (W) 


•30 ahjad 


•50 


u^ar 


1-0 iswid 


•40 ahmar 


•50 


» 


1-0 tt 


•40 ■„ 


•50 


» 


1-0 „ 


•30 „ 


•40 


it 


1*0 akhdar 


•30 „ 


•40 


tt 


•80 labani 


•30 „ 


•40 


»» 


•80 dbjad 


•30 „ 


•40 


)i 


•80 Idbdni 


•20 algad 


•30 


»> 


•80 „ 


•20 ahmar 


•30 


»» 


•80 „ 


•20 „ 


•30 


tt 


•60 „ 


•20 „ 


•30 


■ ti 


•60 dbjad 


•20 „ 


•30 


tt 


'60 i^wid 


•15 „ 


•20 


dbjad 


•60 „ 


•15 „ 


•20 


a^ar 


•60 abjad 


•15 dbjad 


•20 ahmar 


•70 Idbdni 


•15 ahmar 


•20 


dbjad 


•70 dbfad 


•15 „ 






•70 Idbdni 


•15 aJ^ad 






•70 „ 


•15 ahmar 






•70 abjad 


•15 „ 






•70 „ 


•15 „ 






•70 akhdar 


•15 aJ^ad 






•70 Idbdni 
•70 abjad 
•70 „ 


Eed -20. 


Yellow 30. 


Blue -80. 



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W. H. R. KiVEKS.— 7%r Colour Vision of (he Natives of Upper E^ypt 241 

as correct names for blue, I should have had to i)ut the thresholds of these people 
for blue very much higher than I have done. In Table I, therefore, the figures 
given indicate the glass next above that which was called white more often than 
once in five observations. There was a general tendency to call the stronger blue 

Table I. 



Name. 



Red. 



Mahmud Mohammed . . 
Mohammed Khudir . . 
Mohammed Smam Birias 

Ahmed Aissa 

Mohammed Aissa 
Mohammed Ahmed . . 
Abdullah abd el MuU.. 
Mohammed abd el Mul 
Mursi abd el Muli 
Sadik ... 
Mohammed Hassan . . 

Hassan Yusuf 

Hassan Abderahim . . 
Mohammed Hamed . . 

All Agiadi 

Ahmed Bukr 

All Hassan 

Mohammed abu Selim 
Mohammed Ali 
Mohammed Said 
Ibrahim Ibrahim 
Mohammed Musi 
Mohammed Hamed . . 
Mohammed Bamdan . . 
Abdullah Mohammed. . 
SmainHassan 

Average 

Maximum 
Minimum 

M.V 

M.V. 



A. 



Yellow. 



Blue- 





10 


10 


60 




60 


40 


150 




40 


30 


120 




20 


30 


80 


...i 20 


30 


120 


...i 10 


10 


30 


...' 10 


20 


30 


...i 15 


10 


20 


...' 15 


10 


20 


40 


30 


80 




10 


20 


150 




10 


20 


30 




40 


30 


90 


40 


30 


90 


40 


30 


120 




20 


20 


80 




50 


15 


80 




10 


5 


60 




40 


40 


100 




30 


50 


90 




40 


40 


50 




60 


50 


200 




40 


20 


120 


...i 20 


15 


60 




15 


30 


70 




40 


40 


120 




28-65 


25-96 


85-4 




60 


50 


200 




10 


5 


20 




14-42 


10-5 


34-26 


... 


'503 


•404 


•401 



Vol. XXXI. 



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242 W. H. K. Rivers.— ?%<? Colour Vuion of the Natives of Upper Egypt, 



glasses mrnd or kohali, and to call the fainter glasses labdnL The extreme 
indefiniteness of nomenclature for blue makes it very difficult to know how 
much importance to attach to these observations, but I think one is justified in 
supposing that when a glass was called white by these people, the colour was not 
recognized. 

In Table I, I have omitted the decimal points before the numbere of the 
glasses, so that a threshold of 10 means that the man in question could distinguish 
10 according to Lovibond's graduation. 

It will be seen from this table that, on the average, yeUow was recognized 
at a slightly lower strength than red. The difference is very slight, but is 
present in both maximum and minimum, as well as in the average. Blue had 
to be much more intense than either red or yellow in order to be recognized. 
I have ab-eady said that I only rejected the answers for this colour, either when 
they failed to recognize that there was any glass at all in the instrument, or 
when they called the glass dbjad. If I had also regarded the names iswid and 
kohali (black) as incorrect, the thresholds for this colour would have been very 
nmch higher. 

The figures in the last line but one give tlie mean variations of the results 
for the different individuals from the average result. The figures show that the 
twenty-six individuals examined differed from each other least in the case of 
yellow, the colour for which they were most sensitive, and differed most in the 
case of blue, the colour for which they were least sensitive. 

The mean variation may be taken as an index of the degree of variability 
of the individuals of a group, and in this case it is probably most satisfactory 
to take the mean variation in relation to the average, and in the last line I 

have given the figures representing this relation, - '— ' In the case of red, 

the mean variation was rather more than half the average, in the case of yellow 
and blue rather more than 40 per cent, of the average. 

In the following comparative table I have given the results for the twenty- 
six natives of Upper Egypt together with those for eighteen natives of Muiray 
Island in Torres Straits and eighteen English men and boys, all being tested by 
the same instrument in the same manner : — 

Table II. 
Comparative Kesults. 



Race. 


Red. 


M.V. 


M.V. 

A. 


1 
Yellow. M.V. 


M.V. 
A. 


Blue. 


M.V. 


M.V. 
A. 


Eg>'ptian 


28-6 


14-42 


•503 


26^0 


10-5 


•404 


85-4 


34*3 


•401 


Murray Island 


17-6 


7-66 


•435 


26-5 


9-71 


•366 


60-0 


16-5 


•275 


Euglisli 


31-7 


22*5 


•710 


20-5 1 8-11 

! 


•396 


36-4 


15-1 


•415 



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W. H. E. KiVERS. — The Colmr Vision of the Natives of Upper Egypt 243 

It will be seen from this compai^ative table that the fdldhin of Upper 
Egypt resembled the English observers in being less sensitive to red than to 
yellow. They diflPered from the Murray Islanders in this respect, but agreed 
with these people in their marked insensitiveness to blue. The Egyptians 
seem to occupy an intermediate position between the Englishmen and the 
Papuans, resembling the former in one respect and the latter in another. 
The behaviour as regards red acquires some significance in connection with the 
fact that the cases of marked insensitiveness to red (red-green blindness or 
red-green weakness) which occur in both England and Egypt were absent in 
Torres Straits.* The existence of colour-blindness in both I^ptians and 
Englishmen appears to be accompanied by a certain degree of general insensitive- 
ness to red as compared with Papuans. 

The Egyptian and Murray Island records for blue ai-e not exactly comparable 
in one respect. The Murray Islanders had no native word for blue, but they 
had adopted the English word in the form of btUukdu, and most of the natives 
used this word consistently for blue. These people had a woi*d which they 
used definitely and consistently for blue, and therefore one had every reason to 
believe that when they saw blue in the tintometer they were able to express 
the fact. 

The use of a " loan " word for blue has made the colour vocabulary of the 
Murray Islander distinctly superior to that of the i^yptian peasant, and the 
fact that so many designations were given to blue by the latter makes it very 
difficult to assign a proper value to their results. I have assumed that these 
people failed to see the colour when they called it white, but I fully recognize 
that this assumption does not rest on a very secure basis, and that the results may 
possibly have been due to lack of interest in, rather than to true insensitiveness to 
blue. Still the fact remains that the felldhin of Upper Egypt and the Papuans of 
Murray Island, who have closely similar defects of colour language, also behave 
ill the same way when tested with the tintometer and call a blue glass " white " 
wliich to the European eye is strongly coloured, while they ai-e able to give 
suitable names to red and yellow glasses of aljout the same degree of coloration, 
or even lower degrees of coloration, than those at which English observers 
recognize these colours. 

The behaviour of the natives of Upper Egypt, both with Holmgren's wools 
and with the tintometer, illustrates very well the difficulties which defective 
colour nomenclature introduces into the objective examination of the colour 
sense. The observations, however, as a whole point with considerable probability 
to the existence of a certain d^ree of defective sensibility to blue as compared 
with red and yellow and tend to confirm the conclusions at which I have arrived 
from observations elsewhere, that defective nomenclature for blue may be 
associated with a certain degree of defective sensibility for this colour. 

• No case waa found iii 100 iudividuala. 



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244 W. H. Ii. RiVKES. — Tlie Colour Vision of the Natives of Upper Sgypt. 

The defective nomenclature for colour employed by these peasants of Upper 
Egypt is of considerable interest in j-elation to the problem of the connection 
between colour language and colour sense. I have elsewhere^ pointed out 
that any defect of colour sense which has so far been found in savage and 
semi-civilized races can only partially explain the great defects of colour 
nomenclature which are found so widely throughout the world. These defects, 
especially in the nomenclature for green and blue, are found not only in the 
languages of savage and barbarous people, but in some of the languages spoken 
in civilized countries. 

One of the factors which has been brought forward to explain the defective 
nomenclature for blue is the absence of blue pigments and of blue objects of 
interest among many races, and it is probable that this is one of the causes which 
have contributed to produce the defect. In the case of these Egyptian peasants 
we have, however, to do with people who are well acquainted with blue objects, 
and who were often, at the time that I examined them, wearing blue clothes. 
Further, they are the inhabitants of a country in the ancient history of which 
blue occupied the most prominent position in decorative art, and yet among 
these people one finds exactly the same defects of colour nomenclature which 
are found among the lowest savages and in races totally unacquainted with blue 
pigments. 

In the case of these Egyptian peasants we have also an example of people 
speaking a language in which there is a recognized term for blue, and yet tliis 
term is used by them indiscriminately for both dark blue and black. I have not 
had the opportunity of discovering whether defects of language similar to those 
which I have described would be found among educated Egyptians. It is 
probable that such defects may survive among the peasants of a country long after 
they have disappeared from the speech of the more cultivated classes, and 
Kirchhoff gives a very good illustration of this from Germany,* where in some 
parts there is still evidence of the confusion between violet and brown which 
is very common in more primitive races. It is among the peasants of a civilized 
country that one should look for the features of colour language which I have 
described* 

In the ancient language of Egypt it is said that there were definite words 
for both green and blue, and the decorative art of ancient Egypt can leave no 
doubt in the mind of anyone that there was a comparatively high degree of 
development of the colour sense corresponding to this high degree of development 
of colour nomenclature. The Egyptian peasant may have lost this highly 
developed colour vocabulary, and possibly to some extent also may have 
degenerated in his colour sense. It is, on the other hand, possible, and there 
seem to be other reasons in favour of the possibility, that the various civilizations 



» Popular Science Monthly^ vol. lix, p. 44, 1901, 
« Dm AuAland, S. 546, 1883. 



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W. H. R. Rivers. — The Colour Vision of the Natircfi of Upper Egypi, 245 

of Eg3rpt may have passed 6ver the heads of the felldhin without affecting their 
mental development in any marked degree, and that they continue to have the 
same primitive ideas of colour which their ancestors had several thousand years 
ago, just as they continue to use the 8hdd4f to irrigate their fields. It is 
possible that when the native of Egypt began to use the Arabic language he 
carried over into this the same features which characterized his previous tongue, 
whatever that may have been. 

Discussion.^ 

Professor Ritllv, after paying a tribute to the interesting and valuable line 
of work undertaken by Dr. Rivers, suggested that in testing the colour sense of 
savages the element of uncertainty introduced by nomenclature might bo 
eliminated by the use of a supplementary method. Young children might be 
selected, and a definite tint, e.g,y a blue, set before them as a standard tint, and 
carefully observed and named. Then the tinted glasses might be employed, 
and the point determined at which the child was able to recognize the colour 
as the same as the standard tint. This last should be kept before the child and 
be referred to if necessary. He would have been glad to hear from Dr. Rivers 
whether the savages examined by him employed different names for bright and 
dark shades of the same colour. From his observations of children, and from the 
reasonable hypothesis that colour discrimination developed in the race out of 
discrimination of light intensities, he should exj^ect to find that this was a 
characteristic of the nomenclatures of savage races. 

Mr. McDouGALL! Dr. Riveis* very interesting observations seem to fall 
into line with and indeed to form by far the most important part of a considerable 
mass of evidence drawn from very various sources. From this mass of evidence 
some authors have drawn the conclusion that our capacity of experiencing the 
sensation of blue is a comparatively modem accomplishment, that it has befen 
much more recently acquired than the sensations given by the light of the other 
end of the spectrum. Dr. Rivers seems inclined to accept this conclusion as 
in some degree true. I happen to be interested in maintaining a different view 
of the course of evolution of our colour sense, and I wish therefore to point out 
that all the evidence from which this conclusion has been drawn is possibly 
capable of bearing a different interpretation. If we compare our colour sensations 
introspectively, I think most of us wUl admit that there attaches to the warm 
colours a more emotional interest, a greater affective value, than to the cold tones. 
Both Mr. Havelock Ellis and the late Mr. Grant Allen have brought together from 
various sources, largely from the examination of works of art, conclusive evidence 
of this greater emotional or aesthetic value of the warm colours. I would suggest 
that in this fact we may perhaps have the key to the true explanation of the 
apparent indifference of primitive folk to blue tones and their lack of names for 
them, and possibly even to the results of Dr. Rivers' exact observations. Savage 
and primitive men will naturally give their attention to the more emotional 

» Some of the points raised in the discussion refer to n-roarks on the general problem of 
the colour sense with which Dr. Rivers concluded his paper. 



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246 W. H. R. Rivers.— 7%r Colour Vmon of the Natives of Uppm* Egypt 

colours, neglecting others, and so will educate their sense of red, while neglecting 
their sense of blue. We know that their pigments are mostly reds and yellows, 
and so were Sir Joshua Reynolds*. I do not think, however, that the less affective 
value of blue is a valid ground for regarding the sense for blue as a more recent 
growth. The converse might, perhaps, be argued with greater force from analogy 
with other senses. Thus it seems fairly certain that the hearing of noises is a 
more primitive faculty than the appreciation of tones, tliat simple touch is older 
than the sense of temperature, and so on. My own work on colour vision has 
led me to suggest the view that primitive vision corresponded to our sense of 
grey, that our senses for l)lue and yellow became differentiated as the affections 
produced by the light of the two ends of. the spectrum, and that at a later period 
the senses of red and green became differentiated in a similar way from the sense 
of yellow. The facts of colour blindness and the distribution of colour sense in 
the periphery of the retina (as generally accepted) fit well with this scheme of 
development. The evidence from children is very mixed, but Professor Baldwin, 
whose results are at least as trustworthy as any others, and refer to a chUd of 
only nine months old (an age earlier than others have attempted to deal with), 
finds that i-ed, blue, and white seemed to be almost equally attractive, while green 
was very much less so. The chief objection to this scheme seems to be e\adence 
of the kind that Dr. Rivers has brought forward this evening, and it was for this 
reason that I wished to point out a possible mode of escape from the conclusion 
that he seems inclined to accept. 

Dr. C. S. Mykrs offered a further example of the independence of defective 
nomenclature and sensation gathered from his experiments upon the sense of 
taste among the Murray Islanders. These people possessed names for sweet, 
acid, and salt tastes, but evidently knew no word to describe the bitterness of 
quinine, while their extreme dislike of it was no less obvious. 

Dr. Edridge-Green said that, in his opinion, the only reliable method for 
scientific purposes of ascertaining the colour perception of an individual was the 
spectroscope, and he would like to know whether Dr. Rivers had employed this 
method. He had pointed out the defects of the Holmgren test in a paper read 
before the Royal Society more than ten years ago, and that Society appointed a 
committee who recommended this test, though at the present time the defects 
of the test were well known and acknowledged even by those who had previously 
supported it most strongly. In addition to the fact that a large number of 
normal sighted persons had been rejected by the test (over 38 per cent, one year 
and 42 per cent, another of those who appealed from the decision of the Board 
of Trade examiners were found to be normal sighted), six distinct varieties of 
colour blindness might escape detection. Three of these six varieties were 
dangerously colour blind. Extraordinary as it might seem the test was still the 
official one of the Board of Trade, but few would credit, unless they had tried, 
how difficult it was to convince men of a perfectly obvious and easily ascertained 
fact, when that fact was opposed to their preconceived notions. 

Mr. W. H. Winch : Dr. Rivers' investigations from the linguistic side and 
his more objective tests seem to give harmonious results. But it has often been 
objected that investigations from the linguistic side do not necessarily throw light 
upon colour sensibility, since it is asserted — 



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W. H. R. Rivers. — The Colcncr Vision of the Natives oj Upper Egypt 247 

1. The sensibility may be there, though the name may not be known to the 

language y 

2. Names may be wrongly applied, even though there is a sensible distinction 

between the colours named. 
Admitting to a limited extent the force of these objections, it seems 
advisable to endeavour to remove, or at least minimise, the language diflSculty 
by taking a large number of cases in which there is no doubt that the names of 
the various colours have every chance of being equally known from every point 
of view, except that of developing sensibility. If in these cases there seems a 
growth and order of development in colour appreciation, it would appear hardly 
possible to explain it by defect of language. I have examined a large number of 
children in infant schools, and hope, as opportunity arises, to test many more, 
using the coloured balls and beads which are used in the infant schools of the 
London School Board. The colour names for these are taught equally, but 
experiment shows that the following, taking a general result from a large number 
of cases, is the order of development : — white, black (equal), red, blue, green, 
yellow. 



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( 248 ) 



THE RACES OF EARLY EGYPT. 

By W. M. Funders Petrie, D.C.L, Edwards Professor of i^ptology at 
University College, London. 

^ [With Platbs XVIII-XX.] 

As very various opinions have been expressed lately about the type of the early 
Egyptians, it is desirable to place together the best data that we yet have for 
observation. In two respects this subject may yet be amplified : (1) it is hoped 
that more material of the early dynasties may be forthcoming from the clearance 
of the early temple site of Abydos, which it is intended shall be done in the 
next three years ; and (2) the comparisons with the types figured on the Egj^tian 
monuments of later ages, with localities stated, may help in connecting the early 
races with those known otherwise. To undertake stage (2) while stage (1) is 
yet unaccomplished would be in some cases premature; but to postpone all 
observation of the variety of race till stage (1) is fulfilled would hinder knowledge. 
We have enough now to make a first classification, and that is what is brought 
forward here. 

We must disabuse our minds of the prevalent feeling that stepping back 
a few thousand years will lead us to a simpler condition of races, and that at 
the present beginning of our information we deal with " purer " races than those 
around us in the present day. On the contrary, before man was tied down to 
the permanent possessions of domestication and agiiculture he probably roamed 
and mingled more widely than in historic times. We must expect to deal witli 
mixture of origin as much in 5000 B.C. as in 1900 a.d. 

It is unfortunate that the appreciation of portraiture is so blunted at present. 
The ancient artists showed a keener discrimination than is to be found in most 
people of intelligence now. Nothing is commoner when differences of features 
are pointed out to educated people than to see a blank look of distaste, followed 
by the honest remark that *' they all look very much alike, and I can't see where 
you find the difference." That these differences are not mere accidents of work 
is shown by the same hand on the same stone, carefully figuring marked 
'differences in one part, and an exact identity of type in another part. It really 
needs a training of the eye and judgment to make any use of the figures, or to 
give any opinion worth hearing about them. No one can be an authority on 



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Journal of the Anthropological Ivstltule, Vol. XXXI, Plate XVIII. 




8 



THE KACES OF EARLY EGYPT. 1. THE AQUIUNE TYPE (l-lO.) 



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Journal of the Anfhropohgical In^titafe, Vol, XXXI, Flate XIX. 



11 



ii. THE PLATTED BEARD TYPE (11-12). 



14 U 



iii. THE POINTED NOSE TYPE (13-15;. 

16 " 



17 



8 



iv. THE TILTED NOSE TYPE (iH-li)). 





V. THE FORWAUD BEAIJD TYPE (20-22). 




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26 




JoMrnal of the Anthropological Inttitute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XX. 



26 



vi. THE STRAIGHT-BRIDGED TYPE OF THE DYNASTIC RACE (23-27). 



vii. THE MIXKl) RACE OF THE FOURTH DYNASTY (28-30). 

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W. M. Flinders Petrie. — The Ra^xs of Early Egypt. 249 

modem pictures and historical portraits without insight and experience; and 
ancient art and portraiture need at least as much preparation, as they are further 
from our common knowledge. 

SoUROES. — ^The material for our observations on the early races has all come 
to light in the last few years. Of the prehistoric age there are several rude 
figures (see Naqctda, lix ; Ix, 21 ; Ixiv, 81 ; and here Figs. 1 to 5) which all agree 
in a general type. There are also figures of a very different and steatopygous 
form (Naqada, vi) ; this probably became mixed with the other type. Of the 
earliest dynastic times there are the invaluable slate carvings, of which retouched 
photographs were published in Joui^n, Anthrop, Inst, xxx. Pis. B, C, D. There 
. are also the ivory carvings, stone figures, and sculptured mace heads from 
Hierakonpolis (see Hierakonpolis, Pis. I, III, V-XII, XV, XXI, XXVI, A, B, C, 
XXIX, XXXIX). Of the first dynasty there are the ivory carvings from Abydos 
{Royal 7Vw«6s, vol. i, Pis. XII, XIV; vol. ii, Pla. Ill, A, IV). With later times 
we do not attempt to deal at present ; though it would be highly desirable to 
have a complete cmpvs of photographs of every head of importance throughout 
Egyptian history. The references to the figures here given is as follows : — 1 to 4, in 
University College, London ; 5, Naqada, lix, 5 ; 6, Hiei^akonpoliSy vi, 4 ; 7 to 9, 
Racial Portraits'^ 10, Hierakonpolis, vi, 1 ; 11, Jonrn. AiUhrop. Inst., xxx, D; 12, 
Joui^. Anthrop, Inst, xxx, C ; 13, Royal Tonibs, vol. ii, PI. IV, 5 ; 14, Hierakonpolis, 
XX vi A ; 15, Royal Tombs, vol. ii, III A, 2 ; 16, Hierakonpolis, xxix ; 17, Joui^. 
Anthrop, Inst,, xxx, B ; 18, Hierakonpolis, xxix ; 19, Hierakonpolis, xxvi, C ; 20 to 
22, Hierakonpolis, xxix ; 23, Hierakonpolis, xxvi, C ; 24 to 27, Hierakonpolis, xxix ; 
28, Petrie, Hutoiy, i, Fig. 20 ; 29, Petine, History, i, Fig. 33 ; 30, Racial Portraits. 
I'hese are only stated to show the position of the originals ; in many cases the 
actual heads shown here are taken from casts. 

Dates. — It is essential to observe the relative ages of the various heads, as 
the condition of the peoples represented was changing from hostility to captivity, 
and lastly to union with the spreading government of Egypt. The system of 
sequence dates (described Joum. Anthrop. Inst,, xxix, 295, and Diospolis, 4-12) 
is best suited for this, as there will be but one number to observa But this 
system must be extended into the early history ; and happily the junction of the 
sequence numbers 30-80 with the history is now fixed ; the cylinder jars of King 
Ka are of the form dated s.d. 78, and those of King Mena are of s.d. 80. Nar-mer 
therefore between Ka and Mena must be dated s.d. 79. The oixJer of the carved 
slates (see Joum, Anthrop. Inst., xxx, B, C, D) hsis not yet been studied ; but 
from the art, and its connection with that of the first dynasty, I believe the order 
should be (referring to Pis. B, C, D, above) : — 

IV. Louvre fragment, wiry, over-detailed style 75 

V. Gizeh fragment, similar 76 

II. Louvre and British Museum, more free and active. . . 77 

VI. British Museum and Oxford, fine style arising ... 78 

I. Gizeh, elaboration of anatomy 79 



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250 W. M. Fltndeks Pktrte.— 7%^ Ram of Early Egypt 

Purely provisionally, in order to distinguish the sequence quickly, I shall give 
these the sequence dates last named, 75 to 79, though very likely they may really 
all belong to 78-79. 

The sequence dates of the prehistoric heads are probably about as follows : — 
No. 2, S.D. 40, and Nos. 3, 4, s.D. 43, judging from similar examples already dated ; 
and No. 5 is about 52. No. 6 was from the great find of ivory at Hierakonpolis, 
S.D. 79. Nos. 7, 8, 9 are from sculptures of the nineteenth dynasty ; No. 10 is 
probably of s.D. 79. 

The Races. — In dividing the various types as follows it must not be supposed 
that they are all separate peoples ; some may well be mixtures of others, but the 
first step is to classify the forms. 

1. The aquiline type. — Setting aside the steatopygous race, which is only 
found modelled in the earliest known graves, and which appeara to have been 
early extinct as a separate people in Egypt, there is but one type seen in all the 
prehistoric figures. Some examples of it are given. Figs. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 ; and others 
in slate, paste, ivory, etc., ai'e only poorer variants. All come from Upper Egypt. 
The characteristics of this type ai^e the high domed head and pointed beard, the 
profile being too slight to give much indication. Though this inartistic people 
did not leave any fine images, yet luckily their artistic conquerors made some 
excellent ivory carvings, one of which (Fig. 6) is clearly of a man of the usual 
prehistoric type. There is the same high domed head and pointed beard, with 
a long nose, which is clearly indicated in the prehistoric head, Fig. 2. The growth 
of the beard and the high head both mark off these examples from all the other 
types in Figs. 11 to 30. 

Now it so happens that this type is very well known already on later 
Egyptian monuments. The precise resemblance of Figure 6 to Figures 7 and 8 is 
beyond question ; and the latter represent (7) the Tahennu and (8) the western 
race in general. For popular convenience we may call them Libyans, a term 
which covers many allied races. The closely similar physiognomy of tho Amorites, 
Figure 9, points to a common origin ; and as these Amorites were a fair people (by 
the remains of colour on the monuments) they join well with the fair Libyan race. 
So far, from physiognomy we reach the simple conclusion that North Africa, 
I^pt, and Syria were occupied by allied tribes of a European character. The 
head, Figure 10, is apparently of the same race crossed ^vith negro, which has made 
the hair curly, the lips weak, the beard short, and the outline less orthognathous. 

Beside this strong resemblance of type, and the presumption that a race that 
was on each side of i^ypt probably occupied that land at one time, there are 
still remaining, especially in the pottery and decoration, very strong cultural 
resemblances between the prehistoric Egyptian and the present Kabyle of Algiers. 
These have been already detailed by me in Ncujada, p. 63, and are so generally 
accepted that we need not re-state the case here. 

But lately it has been asserted emphatically that the prehistoric Egyptians 
were not Libyans, on the ground of asserted differences in the cephalic, the 



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W. M. Fltnpehs rKTRlE.— The Races of Early Egypt. 



251 



alveolar, and tlie nasal index. As this is based on the comparison of two peoples 
who are over 1,500 miles apart, and with over 7,000 years interval between them, one 
in mountains, the other in a plain ; one by living heads, the other by dead skulls, 
it is clear that many unstudied data are involved. The fixity of cranial characters 
is yet quite unknown, and all we can do is to compare a few cases. The alveolar 
index it is however agreed is similar, both prehistoric Egyptians and modem 
Kabyles* being orthognathous. The nasal index is quite ambiguous, the values 
being : — 





Nasal In. 


.Years ago. 


Prehistoric Egyptian 


540 


7,000 


Algerian skulls 


490 


2,000? 


Living Kabyles 


680 






Thus the Egyptian is between the ancient and modern Algerian. The sole 
question left therefore is that of the cephalic index. This ranges thus : — 



Prehistoric Egyptian 
Algerian (Dolmens and Biskra) 
Living Kabyles 




Years ago. 
7,000 
2,000 




Here is at once a suggestion of change in Algeria alone. The index has 
shifted 15 per 1,000 years (from 740 to 770); and the difference of 4 per 
1,000 years (from 720 to 740) between Egypt and Algiera is only a quarter of the 
rate of change shown in Algiers itself. 

Is this change comparable with that in other lands, apart from any serious 
change of race ? In Middle Italy we have a fair case, in one region, not much 



disturbed by invasions so far south. 



From Flower's Catalogue we find : — 





Ceph. In. 


Years ago. 


Aquinum 


790 


2,000 


Middle Italy, general 


794 


2,000 


Middle Italy, modem 


802 






Here there is a change of 5 per 1,000 years, as determined entirely by skulls or 
a greater rate of change than that between Egj'ptian and Algerian skulls. 

But when we compare skulls and living persons we find much larger differences, 
which suggest that measurements on the living are not comparable with those on 
skulls. For instance — 

» The word Berber should be avoideil, au it m used for totally different races, the Kabyle 
and the Nubian, fair and black. 



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252 



W. M. FUNPEIJS PETRiE.-r-7%r Raees of Early Egypt. 



Skulls. Dififereiice. j Living. 



Anglo-Saxon, 1,200 years 
old. 

Whitechapel, 200 years 
old. 

Modern English, all 

Ancient Algerian 



750 

747 

770 
740 



40 

47 

21 
30 



790 
794 

791 

770 



South England. 

South-east England. 

All England. 
Living Kabyles. 



Here we see that the diflGerence of ancient and living Algeria is of the same 
character as that between skulls and living heads in other instances at home, even 
where there is no lapse of time. Hence the only difference we need consider as 
regards the Egyptians is that between the prehistoric Egyptian and ancient 
Algerian ; a change of only 20, or 4 per 1,000 years, which is far within the scope 
of likely variation in any one race. Moreover no one has ever asserted that the 
two races were united by direct descent, but only that they were akin. The 
differences produced by amalgamation with other peoples, by the lapse of 7,000 
years, by the life in a hot plain and on cold mountains, by the distance as much 
as from England to the Crimea ; — all these will well account for a difference of 20 
when the human range of racial averages is as much as 170. 

On one other point of the Libyan connection a mistaken statement has been 
made, owing to trusting entirely to a modern transliteration of Egyptian. The 
royal bee in i^ptian had the phonetic value written with the leg J, the reed 
which the Greeks transliterated a, as in -4 men and -4nubis, and the drill-cap t, 
reading hat, or hyti as some prefer it. The resemblance of this royal title hat in 
ancient Egypt,' to the Libyan hattos, a king, as stated by Greeks, is as close as could 
be expected. To deny that the Greek value of the reed sign might be a, is 
impossible when we see the examples that I name above. 

I fail to see that craniometry has any serious evidence to bring against the 
connection of the prehistoric people of Upper Egypt with those of ancient (or 
even modem) Algiers. It is only when ignoring all the many causes of variation 
that the amount of difference seems of importance. But the physiognomy gives 
a decisive proof of connection between prehistoric Egypt and ancient Libya, and 
thus anthropology fully supports the many evidences which archaeology has given 
for a close connection between Egypt and Libya. 

We now turn to the other types found on the early monuments. 

2. The plaited-heard type. — See Figures 11, 12. This is extremely different 
from the prehistoric aquiline type. The characteristics are close curly hair, a 
plaited hanging beard, thick straight nose rounded at the end, rather thick lips, 
and receding chin. The examples are only on the carved slates, dating about 
75 and 78 s.d. ; both are conquered peoples. On one slate they are seen to be 
circumcised, on the other a sheath is worn with a belt, but no other clothing 



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W. ]\I. Flinders Petuie. — The Races of Early Egypt, 253 

appears. Occurring so early, they seem to be not far from Upper Egypt ; but no 
such people recur on later monuments. They may then have been an invading 
race from a distance, which was exterminated in Egypt ; or possibly they may 
belong to the Eed Sea coast. The nearest instance of this type is that of the 
deity and worshipper on the relief at Ibrlz. 

3. The painted'iwse type, — See Figs. 13, 14, 15. This is a well-marked 
type, with a large slender nose sharply pointed, a somewhat projecting beard, 
and the hair tied up in a thick pigtail from the crown of the head in Figs. 13, 14, 
showing that the hair was long and lank. In two cases the figures wear a loin 
cloth, and in the other case a long spotted robe from the neck to the calf of the 
leg. A figure with the same peculiar robe appeal's as conqueror on Slate VI 
{J,A,I, XXX, PI. D) date 78 ; the robe then being trimmed with an edging all round. 
A similarly robed figure, nearly life size, in limestone, was found at Hierakonpolis 
(not yet published). The huts of these people are shown on an ivory slip (JRoyal 
Tombs, ii, iv, 11 ; see p. 22) as being circular, made of reeds or stems bound 
together, witli a dome top of interlacing palm branches (?). In no case do they 
appear as cuptives, so they must have been early united to the conquering tribe ; 
but yet tJiey were tributaries. Fig. 13 bearing a branch and bowing, Fig. 14 bearing 
a stone vase and a palm spatlie (?), Fig. 15 bearing also a vase. From the 
substantial long robe we must suppose that they came from a colder and elevated 
land ; the highlands of the eastern desert (Gebel Dokhan, Gebel Ataka, etc.) are 
the nearest such region, and the tribute of stone vases, and early union with the 
conquerors who came fix)m the Red Sea, agree with this placing. 

4. The tilted'Twse type, — See Figs. 16, 17, 18, 19. The characteristics are a 
short thick nose, projecting and sloped upward below ; the chin short and rather 
receding; the brow well marked. The hair is wavy (Figs. 16, 19), like the 
prehistoric and later Egyptians, or curly as in Figs. 17, 18. Figs. 16 and 19 
wear a belt and tie in front ; 17 a kilt with an animal's tail hanging behind ; 
18 a waist-cloth and sheath ; the slain figures on the slate are shown as circum- 
cised. The weapons used by this type are spear, bow and arrows, double axe, 
throw-stick, and mace ; they also used the lasso {J, A. I, xxx, PI. B). They carry the 
hawk standard and the eastern standard. The title or name of Fig. 16 appears 
above him as ua s/^e, which may probably mean " chief of the lake," t.e., Fayum 
district. These people appear a« conquerors at s.D. 77 and 79 ; but yet conquered 
in 79. As, however, there are some diflferences (especially in beard and hair) 
between each of the examples given, it is likely that they were a wide-spread 
people which were conquered in sections. I should be inclined to s^ in these 
the general type of middle Egypt at the time of the dynastic invasion. 

5. The forward-heard type. — See Figs. 20, 21, 22. These seem different from 
the preceding by the horizontal base to the nose, and the very forward growth of 
the beard, like that on early Greek vases {Defenrieh xxx, 1). These heads are 
those of the standard bearers of King Narmer (20, 21), and that of the people 
over which they triumph (22). There is a diflerence also in 20 and 22 having 



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254 W. M. Flinders Petrik. — The Races of Early Egypt 

moderate liair, and 21 having long hair. The dress of 20 is a ioin cloth, that 
of 21 a belt and hanging tie ; 22, being a slain figure, is stripped, but the other 
heads along with it wear the skin and horns of an ox. As all of these heads 
are very small I have drawn them larger for clearness. This type must belong to 
a district partly conquered and incorporated before Narmer, and partly conquered 
by him. The standards borne in procession are the piece of flesh (Letopolis, 
north of the pyramids) carried by No. 25 ; the jackal (Cynopolis, 100 miles above 
Cairo) carried by 20; and two hawk standards borne by two men of type 21. 
As these have conquered similar men, it suggests that they extended further on 
down the west of the Delta. If the standard be that of Cynopolis it might be due 
to a conquering settlement of these people among the type 4 which seems likely 
to belong to the Fayum and Middle Egypt. 

6. The straight-bridged type. — See Figs. 23, 24, 26, 27. Tliis is unquestion- 
ably the conquering dynastic race. Fig. 23 is a king, apparently designated by a 
scorpion, who came probably just before Narmer. Fig. 24 is Naimer himself : 
26 is his high priest : 27 is his servant. All of these have the straight bridge 
to the nose, with a very slight frontal swell in Narmer, but otherwise the 
forehead and nose in one line. The face is orthognathous, the jaw large, lips well 
formed ; beard slight, and the hair long and wavy ending in ringlets, but generally 
shaven. This type of royal race lasted to the end of the second dynasty, as the 
straight bridge appears on the statue of King Khasekhem, of which the nose and 
chin are \mfortunately lost. The dress was the loin cloth, with a tail 
of an animal hanging behind, for the king; a girdle with long ends for the 
servant ; and a plain loin cloth (of the form usual in historic Egypt) for the 
common people, e,g., the servants on Fig. 23, who are of the same type. As the 
conquering race appear to have started at Abydos it seems most likely that they 
came into Egypt from the Eed Sea, along the Kosier road. 

7. Lastly, at the end are some examples of the mixed race of the fourth dynasty. 
The head of Hesy, Fig. 28, shows much of the prehistoric type, the high domed 
head and long aquiline nose. The head of Khafra, Fig. 29, is of much the same 
type, and shows little or no trace of the early dynastic type. The head, 
Fig. 30, of a noble of the fourth dynasty, Sem-nefer, shows how a little of the 
old dynastic type remained in the mouth and chin (see Fig. 27), but the nose 
seems more like the Figs. 20, 21, which appear to belong to the west of the 
Delta. Altogether the lapse of eight or ten centuries seems to have fused the 
varieties, and enabled the old prehistoric type of Upper Egypt to reassert itself. 

These notes will serve to show how many dififerent strains and mixtures have 
to be dealt with, and how needful it is to know more of the locality and age of 
each t3rpe from further examples. 

The table opposite shows the principal results. 



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W. M. Flinders Petrie. — The Races of Early Egypt, 



255 



t>0 

.3 






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( 256 ) 



NOTES ON CEANIA FKOM THE NILE-WELLE WATERSHED. 

By F. C. Shrubsall, M.A., M.B. 

Skulls from the Zereiba country, the Upper Nile, and the dense forest between 
that river and the tributaries of the Congo, are very rare in English museums. Six 
only are in that of the Eoyal College of Surgeons ; the cranium of a negro of the 
Bari tribe obtained near Eagaff ; two skulls of members of the Monbottu (Mang- 
battu) nation, and three of Azandeh people of the Niam-Niam country. 

The chief accounts we possess of the natives of this district are found in 
Schweinfurth's Heart of Africa and in Junker's Travels, Schweinfurth describes 
the Monbottu as being of a lighter tint than any other people of Central Africa. 
Compared with the Azandeh they have less fulness of muscle, without however any 
appearance of debility, a better developed beard, and much the same growth of hair. 
He also says : " The physiognomical form of the skull of the Monbottu in many 
ways recalls the type of the Semitic tribes, and they differ from the ordinary run 
of negroes in the gi-eater length and curve of the nose. All these characteristics 
betoken an affinity with the Fulbe, and as such the Monbottu may probably be 
included among the * Pyrrhi -^thiopes ' of Ptolemy." 

Materials for a detaUed comparison of the crania of these groups ai-e at present 
lacking, but the specimens in the College of Surgeons Museum show very close 
resemblances between the Monbuttu and the more southern Bantu peoples. During 
the ten years which elapsed between the visits of Schweinfurth and Junker the 
Monbottu nation seen by the former had been practically erased by the incursions 
of Arab slave dealers from the I^yptian Sudan. 

The Azandeh nation form a part of the negro family on the Nile-Congo water- 
shed. Leo Eeinisch connects their language i-ather with the Bantu than the 
Sudanese group. The term Niam-Niam, which means cannibal, seems to be some- 
what indiscriminately ajpplied to t heae tribes by their northern neighbours. Sub- 
joined are detailed notes on these skulls, and brief comparisons with those of allied 
races. The cranial capacity of these skulls ascertained by Broca's method shows 
them to be of medium size, the Azandeh crania being more capacious than those 
of the Monbottu, and the one female cranium much smaller than either of the 
four males. The Bari skull was too damaged to allow of measurements being 
taken. 



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F. C. Shrubsall. — Notes on Crania from the NUe- Welle Watershed. 257 



Tribe. 


Catalogue 
number. 


Sex. 


Capacity 
in e.c. 


Monbottu — 








Mangheri 


1257B 


S 


1320 


Akossi 


1257C 


S 


1390 


Azandeh 


1257D 


(? 


1485 




1257E 


(? 


1445 




1257F 


? 


1225 



With these we may compare the following average capacities of male 
skulls : — 

Masai (Virchow) 1350 



Kaffirs 


1540 


Abautu of the Central Lake district ... 


1430 


Ashanti 


1340 


Dahoman (Virchow) ... 


1400 


Arabs 


1480 



The crania of the Nilotic negroes described in this note are of good dimensions, 
the greatest transverse diameter being bi-parietal. Viewed in norma verticalis they 
must be included in the ellipsoidal group of SergL Relatively the Monbottu skulls 
are broader than those of the Azandeh, the former being mesaticephalic, and the 
latter very dolichocephalic. The small number under consideration renders any 
attempt at an average impossible, but it might be noted that while the former have 
a higher, the latter have a lower cephalic index than the average of any Abantu 
skulls I have measured.^ 

Virchow tabulates the distribution of the cephalic indices of skulls from this 
part of Africa which he has examined, as follows : — 





Masai. 


Dwarfs. 


Wanyamwesi 


Abantu. 


Hyperdolichocephalic 

Dolichocephalic 

Mesocephalic 

Brachycephalic 


7 
6 
3 


3 4 

4 4 

1 


17 
73 
30 

1 



To Virchow's table I add a corresponding column derived from all the Abantu 
crania I have had any opportunity of studying, so that, if the skulls in the College 



> See table, Jvurn. Anthrop. Inst, vol. xxviii, p. 91. 



Vol. XXXI. 



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258 F. C. Shbubsall, — Notes (m Crania from the Nile- Welle Watershed, 

of Surgeons collection may be regarded as typical, the Azandeh in this respect would 
seem more closely allied to the Masai than to their Abantu neighbours ; whereas 
the Monbottu exhibit the reverse characters. This suggestion receives some 
confirmation from the general appearance of the crania.^ 

The altitudinal and breadth-height indices point in the same direction, but 
reveal no features of special interest. The parietal eminences are not prominent, 
but the usual flattening of the vertex between them is to be observed. 

The sagittal curve slopes gradually and uniformly back over a fairly full 
forehead to reach its highest point at the bregma, behind which it runs horizontally 
for a short distance, and then bends round, almost as the segment of a circle, to the 
hinder border of the foramen magnum. In the Azandeh skulls there is a slight 
occipital fulness not seen in the Monbottu. 

The glabella and superciliary ridges are conspicuously absent in the Monbottu 
and Bari crania, and are only slight in the Azandeh. The tempoi-al crest is well 
marked, and its double nature is very distinct. The zygomatic processes are strong, 
well arched, so that the crania are phsenozygous, and terminate in a distinct supra- 
mastoid ridge which runs up on to the posterior inferior angle of the parietal bone. 
The temporal squama is flattened and relatively small, the pterion is of the normal 
H form, and in the female skull there is a slight degree of steno-crotaphy. As is 
commonly the case in African negro skulls, the conceptaculae cerebelli are full and 
prominent, and the mastoid processes small though rough. 

Viewed from behind, the crania are pentagonal in outline with rounded 
angles. All the sutures are simple and wormian bones the exception. The face is 
square and massive with projecting maxilla and mandible ; the cheek bones are 
very solid and prominent. The facial indices of all the skulls, except the female 
Azandeh, fall in the leptoprosopic division of Kollmann, while the flatness of the 
upper face renders them platyopic. 

The orbits are square with ill-defined rounded margins ; those of the Monbuttu 
are megaseme, of the Azandeh and Bari mesoseme ; but if the Grerman classification 
be adopted in all cases they would be hypsikonche. In this character they agree 
more with the Masai, the natives of the lake district, and the negi-oes of the 
Western Sudan, than with the southern Abantu, The nose is broad and flat with 
a small spine and ill-defined lower border to the apertura pyriformis. The nasal 
bones themselves have a distinct retrousse curve as seen in profile. The nasal 
index indicates a somewhat greater degree of platyrhiny than is usual among either 
the Masai or the Abantu, agreeing with the average for the Ashanti and other 
tribes of the western littoral. 

The Azandeh and Bari somewhat xmexpectedly present a lower index than 
the Monbottu, but in view of the paucity of material no conclusion can be drawn 
from this fact. The palate is parabolic or hypsiloid, leptostaphylinic in index, 
while the teeth are large, strong and in a good state of preservation. 

* Cf. Joum, Anthrop, List,, vol. xxviii, p. 35, and Plate Y, Figs. 1, 2 and 3. 



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F. C. Seuvbsall.— Notes on Crania from the NiU^Welle Watershed. 259 

The lower jaws are strong with deep sigmoid notches, high alveolar arch and 
somewhat square chin. As might be anticipated, the alveolar arch shows a much 
higher degree of prognathism in the case of the Monbottu than in that of either the 
Azandeh or Bari. Possibly this fact, coupled with the diminished stature, smaller 
cranial capacity, broader skull and more megaseme orbits, might suggest some 
intermbcture with the dwarf races of the forest zone constituting the Welle-Nile 
watershed. 

Measurements of Mandibles in Millimetres. 



Race. 


Monbottu. 


AZANDBH. 


Bambute. 


Museum 


K.C.S. 
1257B. 


R.C.S. 
I257C. 


RC.S. 
1257D. 


RC.S. 
1257E. 


RCS. 
1257F. 


RM. 

1/8/9/1 


Sox 


S 


c? 


(? 


S 


? 


(J 


Bi-condylar breadth 

Maximum bi-gonial breadth 

SymphvBial height 

Molar height 

Bi-goniai arc 

Bamua height 

Bamus breadth 


112 
82 
33 
27 

180 
49 
34 


109 
85 
39 
28 

192 
51 
38 


123 
103 
35 
32 
205 
43 
44 


113 
93 
34 
28 

203 
53 
37 


119 
93 
26 
27 

171 
42 
32. 


112 
80 
32 
23 

198 
42 
40 


Indice)^, 














Collignon'8 

€k>nio-zygomatic 


81-8 
633 


71-8 
63 


91-4 
76-3 


82-4 
727 


103-8 
721 


71-9 
64-0 



Measurements of Crania in Millimetres. 








Monbottu. 




Azandeh. 








Race. 












Bari. 


Bambute. 


Mangheri 
tribe. 


Akossi 


Niam 


Niam 


Niam 




tribe. 


Niam. 


Niam. 


Niam. 






Museum 


RC.S. 


RC.S. 


RC.S. 


RC.S. 


RC.S. 


RC.S. 


B.M. 


Catalogue Number 


1257B. 


1257C. 


I257D. 


1257E. 


1257F. 


1257. 


1/8/9/1 


Sex 


(? 


c? 


^ 


(? 


? 


(f 


(f 


Maximum length 


178 


176 


189 


185 


168 


___ 


178 


Maximum breadth 


136 


137 


130 


124 


127 


— 


141 


Basi-breffmatic height 
£i-maxilkry breadth 


\U 


134 


131 


138 


122 





125 


101 


103 


104 


98 


94 


103 


92 


Bi-zygomatic breadth 


129-5 


135 


135 


128 


129 


130 


125 


Naso-alveolar height ... 


65 


75 


68 


67 


55 


67 


67 


Orbital breadth : Right orbit 
Orbital breadth.— Left orbit 


37 


38 


37 


38 


38 


39 


40 


37 


38 


37 


37 


38 


38 


39 


Orbital height. — Eight orbit 
Orbital height.— Left orbit ... 


35 


34 


33 


33 


33 


34 


33 


35 


34 


32 


33 


33 


33 


32 


Bi-dacryc breadth 


26 


28 


27 


27 


21 


25 


22 


Nasal height 


47 


50 


49 


44 


44 


44 


46 


Nasal breadth 


24 


28 


29 


23 


26 


26 


27 


Internal bi-orbital breadth .... 


98 


101 


99 


100 


95 


99 


95 


Basi-nasal length 


95 


99 


104-5 


101 


90 


— 


94 



s 2 



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260 F. C. Shrubsall. — Notes on Crania from the NUe- Welle Watershed. 





Monbottu. 




Azandeh. 








Race. 












Bari. 


Barabute. 














Mangheii 
tribe. 


Akossi 


Niam 


Niam 


Niam 








tribe. 


Niam. 


Niam. 


Niam. 






Basi-alveolar lenffth 

Internal palatal length 


103 


105 


104 


104 


91 


_ 


101 


51 


66 


55 


66 


49 


47 


54 


Internal palatal breadth 


38 


41 


37 


36 


38 


39 


31 


Dental length 


45 


43 


42 


44 


40 


42 


42 


Naao-malar curve 


103 


108 


108 


106 


100 


106 


106 


Frontal curve 


128 


115 


132 


126 


129 


134 


126 


Parietal curve 


112 


130 


114 


136 


119 


135 


115 


Occipital curve 

Total sagittal curve 


107 


113 


129 





108 





110 


347 


358 


375 


— 


356 


— 


350 


Total horizontal curve 


495 


500 


520 


512 


477 


— 


505 


Total coronal bi-auricular 


292 


305 


305 


300 


290 


321 


286 


curve. 
















Indices, 
















Length-breadth 


76-4 


77-8 


68-8 


67 


75-6 





79-2 


Length-height 


69-7 


761 


69-3 


74-6 


72-6 


— 


70-2 


Breadth-heiffht 

Maxillary— racial 


91-2 


97-8 


100-8 


111-3 


961 


— 


88-7 


64-4 


72-8 


65-4 


68-4 


58-6 


65 


72-8 


Upper facial (KoUmann) 
Orbital.— Right orbit 


50-2 


55-5 


50-4 


52-3 


42-6 


51-5 


53-6 


94-6 


89-5- 


89-2 


86-8 


86-8 


87-2 


82-5 


Orbital— Left orbit 


94*6 


89-5 


86-5 


89-2 


868 


868 


82^ 


Nasal 


511 


56 


59-2 


52-3 


591 


591 


58-7 


Alveolar 


108-4 


1061 


99-5 


103 


101-1 





107*4 


Palatal (Virchow) Staphylinic 


74-5 


73-2 


67-3 


64-3 


77-6 


83 


57-4 


Dental 


47-4 


43-4 


40-2 


41-6 


44-4 


— 


44-7 




1051 


106-9 


109-1 


106 


106 3 


107-1 


111-6 


Relation of Curves :— 
















Frontal-total sagittal 


36-9 


32-1 


35-2 


— 


36-2 


— 


38-7 


Parietal-total sagittal 


32-3 


36-3 


30-4 


— 


33-4 


— 


32-9 


Occipital-total sagittal 
Cranial capacity in cc. 


30-8 


31-6 


34-4 


— 


30-3 


— 


31-4 


1320 


1390 


1485 


1445 


1225 


^~ 


-~~ 



Since writing the above I have been able to examine the skull of a Bambiite 
pigmy from the Congo forest on the frontier of Uganda, sent to the British 
Museum by Sir H. H. Johnston. I have appended its measurements to the table 
for the sake of comparison. The chief features to note are the increased cephalic 
index, microseme orbits, long very narrow palate, broad nose and small mastoid 
processes, in all of which respects it agrees with the Akka skulls sent to the 
museum by Emin Pasha from the adjacent territory and described by the late 
Professor Flower. Jmtrn. Anthrop. Inst, xviii, 3-19. 



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( 261 ) 



mp:asueements of Papuan skulls. 

By J. Gray, B.Sc. 
[Presented May 28th, 1901.] 

I HAD recently the opportunity of measuring a number of Papuan skulls in the 
collection of Mr. W. D. Webster, of Streatham. There is reason to believe that 
these skulls came from the Purari delta and other places on the shores of the Gulf 
of Papua, except the last six in Table I, which came from German New Guinea. 
All the skulls were carved and blackened, except those from German New Guinea. 

Table I gives the maximum length and breetdth, and the basi-bregmatic height 
of each of the 124 skulls measured. The breadth and height indices calculated 
from the measurements are also given in Table I. 

Table II gives the frequencies of the lengths, breadths, heights, and of the 
breadth and height indices. From this table it may be seen that there are two 
modal lengths, namely, 175 and 178 ; also two modal breadths, 125 and 130 ; 
probably also two modal heights, 132 and 136.^ 

All this appears to point to the presence of two racial elements among these 
skulls, but on the other hand one of the maxima may be due to the presence of a 
certain number of female skulls among the C/oUection. 

The range of variation of the lengths (41 mm.) is considerably greater than 
the range of the breadths and heights (33 and 32). 

The frequency diagrams of the indices also show indications of two maxima. 
The modal breadth indices may be taken as 71 and 76 and the modal height 
indices as 76 and 72; the first index in each case being decidedly the most 
frequent. The range of the indices is very great ; from 64 to 83 for the breadth 
index, and from 67 to 82 for the height index. 

The frequency diagram of breadths (p. 264) shows two principal well marked 
groups near the middle and smaller groups at each end. With a view of 
ascertaining whether these groups really represent racial elements or only 
variations of a single race, I have calculated the average length, height and 
breadth of each group. The results are given in Table III. It is evident that 
there is no constant correlation between the breadths and the lengths and heights 
in the four groups. This would also point to the conclusion that there is more 
than one racial type among the skulls. 

■ The actual maximum points are at 135 and 137, but the average 136 is probably more 
correct. 



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262 



J. Gray. — Measurements of Paptuin Skulls. 



Table I. 











B. 


^• 










B. 


H. 


No. 


Length. 


Breadth. 


Height 


index. 


L. 
index. 


No. 


Length. 


Breadth. 


Height 


L. 

index. 


L. 

index. 


1 


180 


121 


132 


67-2 


73-3 


63 


171 


125 


130 


73-2 


76-0 


2 


180 


126 


127 


70-0 


70-5 


64 


175 


131 


133 


750 


761 


3 


167 


118 


127 


70-7 


76-0 


65 


176 


142 


126 


80-8 


71-6 


4 


176 


125 


126 


71-1 


71-6 


66 


178 


126 


125 


70-2 


70-2 


5 


179 


127 


132 


71-0 


73-7 


67 


189 


134 


138 


70-9 


73-0 


6 


17 


130 


129 


74-7 


74-2 


68 


169 


133 


135 


78-7 


79-9 


7 


157 


130 


124 


82-9 


791 


69 


176 


128 


133 


72-7 


75-6 


8 


170 


121 


131 


71-2 


77-1 


70 


175 


135 


128 


77-1 


73-2 


9 


178 


124 


126 


69-7 


70-8 


71 


175 


131 


132 


75-0 


75-5 


10 


168 


119 


118 


70-9 


70-3 


72 


177 


127 


132 


71-8 


74-6 


11 


160 


121 


124 


75-7 


77-5 


73 


168 


128 


133 


76-2 


79-2 


12 


173 


123 


129 


71-1 


74-6 


74 


169 


131 


130 


77*5 


76-9 


13 


189 


144 


141 


76-7 


74-6 


75 


188 


129 


134 


78-7 


71-3 


14 


177 


133 


132 


751 


74-6 


76 


175 


120 


136 


68-6 


77-8 


15 


189 


126 


136 


66-7 


72-0 


77 


191 


131 


130 


68-7 


681 


16 


165 


136 


128 


82-4 


77-6 


78 


179 


134 


127 


74-9 


71-0 


17 


180 


132 


135 


73-3 


75-0 


79 


186 


124 


137 


66-7 


73-7 


18 


179 


130 


125 


72-6 


70-0 


80 


167 


121 


125 


72-6 


74-9 


19 


167 


131 


127 


78-5 


760 


81 


168 


129 


132 


76-8 


78-6 


20 


185 


132 


132 


71-5 


71-5 


82 


168 


132 


128 


78-6 


76-2 


21 


157 


121 


118 


771 


75-3 


83 


176 


126 


136 


71-6 


77-3 


22 


187 


125 


141 


66-8 


75-5 


84 


185 


130 


136 


70-3 


73-6 


23 


183 


133 


1?9 


71-9 


70-5 


85 


195 


131 


137 


67-2 


70-3 


24 


162 


131 


129 


80-9 


79-6 


86 


186 


132 


133 


710 


71-5 


25 


182 


130 


134 


71-5 


73-6 


87 


167 


122 


128 


731 


76-7 


26 


184 


132 


130 


71-7 


70-6 


88 


181 


128 


131 


70-8 


72-4 


27 


174 


129 


131 


74-2 


75-3 


89 


175 


123 


126 


70-3 


72-0 


28 


161 


131 


137 


81^ 


85-0 


90 


194 


130 


134 


670 


691 


29 


178 


121 


127 


680 


71-4 


91 


162 


133 


131 


82-1 


80-9 


30 


174 


125 


136 


71-9 


77-6 


92 


177 


137 


135 


77-4 


76-3 


31 


186 


139^ 


141 


74-7 


75-8 


93 


167 


134 


125 


80-2 


74-9 


32 


185 


120 


135 


64-9 


73-0 


94 


169 


129 


138 


71-7 


81-7 


33 


189 


131 


137 


69-3 


72-5 


95 


181 


123 


137 


680 


75-8 


34 


171 


123 


130 


720 


760 


96 


184 


129 


130 


70-2 


70*6 


35 


196 


129 


130 


65-8 


66-4 


97 


185 


129 


138 


69-8 


74-6 


36 


177 


128 


137 


72-4 


77-4 


98 


190 


139 


137 


73*2 


72-2 


37 


174 


129 


129 


74-2 


74-2 


99 


182 


143 


132 


78-5 


72-5 


38 


181 


120 


132 


66-4 


73-0 


100 


175 


134 


132 


76-6 


75-5 


39 


190 


125 


133 


65-8 


70-0 


101 


188 


132 


137 


70-3 


72-9 


40 


180 


124 


132 


690 


73-3 


102 


180 


125 


137 


69-5 


76-2 


41 


169 


135 


136 


79-9 


80-5 


103 


180 


125 


123 


69-5 


68*3 


42 


173 


125 


138 


72-3 


79-9 


104 


170 


126 


127 


74-2 


74-8 


43 


177 


121 


135 


68-4 


76-3 


105 


184 


143 


149 


77-7 


81-0 


44 


178 


120 


131 


67-5 


73-7 


106 


180 


122 


129 


67-8 


71-7 


45 


188 


136 


135 


72-4 


71-9 


107 


170 


129 


135 


76-0 


79-5 


46 


173 


130 


131 


75-3 


75-8 


108 


163 


129 


130 


79-2 


79-8 


47 


184 


119 


126 


64-7 


68-5 


109 


181 


123 


134 


680 


74-1 


48 


178 


125 


125 


70-2 


7C-2 


110 


177 


125 


133 


70-7 


75-1 


49 


177 


122 


135 


690 


76-3 


111 


168 


130 


133 


77-4 


79-2 


60 


175 


130 


131 


74-3 


75-0 


112 


171 


122 


130 


71-4 


76-0 


51 


173 


123 


125 


71-1 


72-3 


113 


173 


122 


126 


70-6 


72-9 


52 


197 


129 


134 


65-5 


680 


114 


174 


123 


131 


70-7 


76-3 


53 


162 


133 


131 


821 


80-9 


115 


176 


140 


140 


79-6 


79-6 


54 


184 


126 


133 


68-5 


72-4 


116 


179 


122 


133 


68-2 


74-3 


55 


183 


134 


144 


73-6 


78-7 


117 


175 


112 


123 


64-0 


70-3 


56 


191 


130 


135 


681 


70-7 


118 


178 


133 


132 


74-8 


74-2 


57 


167 


117 


119 


701 


71-3 


'119 


179 


128 


137 


71-5 


76-6 


58 


183 


131 


131 


71-6 


71-6 


n20 


185 


135 


143 


73-0 


77-4 


59 


170 


125 


134 


73-5 


78-8 


U21 


178 


134 


135 


75-4 


76^ 


60 


181 


137 


129 


75-8 


71-4 


'122 


174 


130 


133 


74-7 


76'5 


61 


160 


126 


129 


781 


80-7 


'123 


173 


120 


128 


69*4 


74-0 


62 


168 


130 


129 


77-4 


76-8 


'124 


178 


130 


138 


731 


77-6 



German New Guinea. 



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J. Gray. — Measicrements of Paptuin Skulls. 
Table II. 



263 

















Frequency. 




i^ 




g» 




s» 






^ 


a 


g 


J2 


a 


a 








1 




1 




1 


B. 
L. 


H. 
L. 














f 63-5 


1 




157 


2 


112 


1 


118 


2 


. 64-5 
I 65-5 


2 
4 




160 


2 


117 


1 


119 


1 


66-5 


6 


1 


161 


1 


118 


1 


123 


2 


67-5 


8 


3 


162 


3 


119 


2 


124 


2 


68-5 


6 


2 


163 


1 


120 


5 


126 


6 


69-5 


13 


8 


165 


1 


121 


7 


126 


6 


70-5 


15 


11 


167 


6 


122 


6 


127 


6 


71-6 


13 


13 


168 


6 


123 


7 


128 


5 


72-5 


10 


9 


169 


4 


124 


13 


129 


9 


73-5 


5 


11 


170 


4 


125 


3 


130 


9 


74-5 


10 


15 


171 


3 


126 


5 


131 


10 


75-5 


4 


18 


173 


6 


127 


2 


132 


12 


76-5 


8 


10 


174 


6 


128 


15 


133 


10 


77-5 


3 


4 


175 


8 


129 


11 


134 


6 


78-5 


6 


7 


176 


5 


130 


13 


135 


11 


79-5 


4 


5 


177 


. 7 


131 





136 


5 


80-5 


3 


6 


178 


8 


132 


6 


137 


10 


81-5 


2 


1 


179 


5 


133 


6 


138 


5 


82-5 


1 




180 


7 


134 


6 


140 


1 


83-5 






181 


5 


135 


3 


in 


3 


84-5 




1 


182 


2 


136 


2 


143 


1 


85-5 






183 


3 


137 


2 


144 


1 








184 


5 


139 


2 


149 


1 








185 


6 


140 


1 












186 


3 


142 


1 












187 


1 


143 


2 












188 


3 


144 


1 












189 


4 
















190 


2 
















191 


2 
















194 


1 
















195 


1 
















196 


1 


1 














197 


1 


1 















Average length, 177 ; ayerage breadth, 128 ; average height, 132. 
Table III. 





Number 








Groups of breadths. 


of 
persons. 


Lengths. 


Heights. 


Breadths. 


Greneral averages 


124 


177 


132 


128 


Group I (112-123) ... 


29 


174 


129 


121 


„ II (123-127) ... 


23 


177 


131 


125 


„ III (127-132) ... 


46 


178 


132 


130 


„ IV (132-144) ... 


26 


178 


134 


136 



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264 



J. Gray. — Meamreinents of Papuan Skulls, 



Table IV. 

This diagram represents the correlations of the average lengths, heights and 
breadths of the four groups in Table III. 

































































^^.^ — 




BRi 


ADT 


18 








^^ 


^ 


'^ 


"^ 


^^^ 


^^^ 


4^^ 




BRE) ^DTH 


S 


IS 


10 






^ y 


/ 


ms 


»-• 


,«•* 


»"' 




180 








US 










^ 


<-■ 


,^^ 






























^ 





































































Table V. 





Height 
Breadth 


No. 


Height 
Breadth 


No.j 


Height 
Breadth 


No. 


Height 


1 
No. 


Height 
Breadth 1 


No. 


Height 


l<lo. 


Breadth 


Breadth 




index. 




index. 


1 


index. 




index. 




index. 




index. 


1 


109-0 


22 


112-7 


43 


111-6 


64 


101-6 


85 


104-6 


106 


106-7 


2 


100-8 


23 


970 


44 


1091 


65 


88-7 


86 


100-8 


107 


104-7 


3 


107-7 


24 


98-6 


45 


99-3 


66 


100-0 


87 


104-9 


108 


100-9 


4 


100-8 


25 


103-0 


46 


100-8 


67 


1030 


88 


102-3 


109 


108-9 


5 


104-0 


26 


98-5 


47 


105-8 


68 


101-5 


89 


102-5 


110 


106-4 


6 


99-3 


27 


101-7 


48 


100-0 


69 


103-8 


90 


103-0 


111 


102-2 


7 


96-5 


28 


104-6 


49 


110-7 


70 


74-8 


91 


98-5 


112 


106-5 


8 


108-2 


29 


105-0 


50 


100-8 


71 


100-8 


92 


98-6 


113 


103-3 


9 


101-6 


30 


108-0 


51 


101-7 


72 


104-0 


93 


93-3 


114 


106-4 


10 


99-2 


31 


101-5 


52 


103-9 


73 


103-8 


94 


107-0 


115 


100-0 


11 


102-5 


32 


112-5 


53 


98-5 


74 


99-2 


95 


111-4 


116 


108-9 


12 


104-9 


33 


104-6 


54 


105-6 


75 


103-9 


96 


100-9 


117 


109-9 


13 


98-0 


34 


105-6 


55 


107-5 


76 


113-3 


97 


107-0 


118 


99-2 


14 


99-2 


35 


100-9 


56 


103-8 


77 


99-2 


98 


98-5 


119 


107-0 


15 


107-9 


36 


107-0 


57 


101-8 


78 


94-8 


99 


91-5 


120 


106-0 


16 


106-2 


37 


1000 


58 


100-0 


79 


110-4 


100 


98-5 


121 


100-7 


17 


102-2 


38 


110-0 


59 


107-2 


80 


103-3 


101 


103-8 


122 


102-2 


18 


96-2 


39 


106-4 


60 


106-3 


81 


102-4 


102 


109-6 


123 


106-6 


19 


103-2 


40 


106-5 


61 


103-2 


82 


97-0 


103 


98-5 


124 


106-2 


20 


100-0 


41 


100-8 


62 


99-2 


83 


107-9 


104 


100-8 






21 


97-5 


42 


110-3 


63 


1040 


84 


104-6 


105 


104-2 







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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XXI. 



2 .♦ (1897, 1313.) 



1. (w. 5.) 



3. (1897, 111), CO. ANTRIM. 




e. (1885, 348.) 




7. (w. 1, QQ.) 
IRISH COPPER CELTS. 



4. (w. 1.) 




6. (w. 10, QQ.) 

G.C. I linear. 



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Journal of the Anthropological InttHute, Vol. XXX T, Plate XXII. 




8. JEiiPOiNT, CO. KILKENNY, Day Collection. 








f\ 






0. BALLTHENA, CO. ANTRIM, KnowU* Collection. 




10 (w. 691.) 






H 






M 



4\ -" 



^^ 






4'^^. 



V^. 




"• (^- 1«) 12. 2)ay Cdlectum. 

IKISH COPPER CELTS. G.C. % linear. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Inttitute, Vol. XXXI^ Plate XXI II. 



16* (W. 3.) CO. LONDOKDEBBT. 



18. DUNMANWAY, CO. CORK {Day Collectwn), 
Ground at edge, and sharp. 






/^-'^ I, ' 



.^^'^■r^;^ 









;^^ 



,J v'^. 






14*. (1881, 136.) CO. CORK. 



16a. (w. 6 QQ.) 



16. (w. 23.) 



IRISH COPPER CELTS, 



G.C. § linear. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XXI F. 



17. (R. 2294.) 



18. (r. 2063.) 



hi'!] 



19. (1881, 137. 



20. (w. 7, QQ.) 



G.C. § linear. 



IRISH COPPER CELTS. TYPE I. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XXV. 




CO 
CO 

CO 



09 
0) 







IRISH COPPEIi CELTS. 



G.C 3 linear. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXL Plate XXVI. 




i 







09 
01 



IRISH COPPER CliLTS, 



G.C. f Unear. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, rot. XX KI, Plate XXV 11. 



.^iSH COPPER CELTS. ^'^' t linear. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XX2CI, Plate J:JCVIII, 



29. (w. 21.) 80*. (1897 112), co Tyrone. 



31. (w. 19.) 32. CO. ANTRIM, Knoicl^ Collection, 



G.C. I linear. 
IRISH COPPER CELTS. TYPE II. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XXIX. 




CO 

x; 



I 



CO 

CO 



G C. 5 linear. 



IRISH COPPER CELTS. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol, XXXI, Plate XXX. 



85. (1897, 29.) 86 (1896, 8.) 



87. (18V6, 26.) 88. (w. 603.) 

IRISH COPPER CELTS. G.C. § linear. 



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Journal of % Anthropological InatittUe, rol. XXXI, Plate XXXI. 



40. (w. 76.) 



39 * (1875, 20.) 




42. BAILLYBEG, CO. CORF. (Bay Collecturti,) 



G.C, J linear. 41*. (w. 96.) 



I 

V 



43. Day Collection, 



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Journ. Anthrop. Inst, Vol. XXXI, Plate XXXII. 



46 




» 








49. (1900, (?.) V^ / «1. (w. 175.) 60. \ : ^ /(w. 172.) 
No8 44-48 were found together in co. Galway {%ee p. 276). G.C. | linear. 



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Journ. Antkrop. Itut., Vol. XXXI, Plate XXXllI. 



H X 






.*■" V ' II 






i}\m 



'rmm 



icrj^ 



'''^V^# 



G.C. \ linear. Nos. 54-57 found together, Birr, King's co. {Lay Collection), See p. 276 

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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XXXI V, 




68. (1878, 14, CO. FBRMANAGH.) 



62. (r. 1862), CO. MBATH 







61. (1899, 49), CO. LONDONDERRY. 




64. (1876, 1065.) 



IRISH STONE CELTS FOR COMPARISON. 



G.C. t linear. 



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( 265 ) 



IRISH COPPER CELTS. 

By Georgb Coffey, MRLA. 
[With Plates XXI-XXXIV.] 

The late Sir William Wilde was, I believe, the first to make a separate classification 
of the copper celts found in Ireland as distinguished from those of bronze. In his 
Catalogue of the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy^ he describes or mentions 
thirty specimens. The collection of copper celts in the Dublin Museum now 
numbers 84* At the date of Wilde's Catalogtce, 1861, only one specimen had been 
analyzed. No. 16, analyzed by J. W. Mallet about 1853,* the rest were classified by 
" the physical properties and ostensible colour of the metal." The appearance of 
the metal will seem a doubtful method of classification, but the yellow glint of 
bronze is very noticeable when contrasted with the red lustre of copper. It may 
be of interest to mention that in arranging the Dublin collection of celts, I selected 
those of copper in the first instance by the copper look of the metal. The subse- 
quent analyses of eleven specimens in no case showed the selection at fault. 
Some of the specimens approach tlie type of the flat celt of bronze, and I fully 
expected from type considerations that in these instances a considerable percentage 
of tin would be found, notwithstanding their copper look. This did not prove to 
be the case, showing that the colour and lustre of the metal was a fairly safe 
guide, and that the selection had not been unconsciously directed by type. 

The distribution of copper celts in Ireland is not confined to particular 
localities. Specimens have been found in the following counties : Donegal, London- 
derry. Antrim, Tyrone, Sligo, Mayo, Galway, Fermanagh, Cavan, Louth, King's, 
Kilkenny, Tipperary, Limerick, Waterford, Cork, Kerry, counties which embrace 
the extreme north and south, and east and west of the Island, and include 
inland and central counties.* 

1 Mr. Day, Cork, has 24 ; the Museum of the Nat Hist and Phil. Soc., Belfast, 10 ; the 
Public Museum, Belfast (Grainger Collection), 6 ; Mr. Knowles, Ballymena, 6 ; the Murray 
Collection (now at Cambridge), 8. The number found in Ireland up to the present is probably, 
therefore, not short of 150. 

« Trans. KLA.^ vol. xxii, p. 326. 

• Dublin Collection — Donegal, 1 ; Londonderry, I ; Antrim, I ; Tyrone, 1 ; Mayo, 1 ; 
Galway, 4 ; Cavan, 2 ; Loath, 1 ; Tipperary, 1 ; Waterford, 1 ; Cork, 1. 

Day Collection (Cork)— Fermanagh, 1 ; Kilkenny, 1 ; King's, 6 ; Limerick, 2 ; Cork, 4 ; 
Kerry, 3. 

Knowles Collection (Ballymena)— Antrim, 3. 

Evans's "Bronze Implements" — Fermanagh, 1 ; Cork, I. 

Sir John Leslie (Glaslough, oo. Armagh)— Sligo, 2. 



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266 George Coffey. — Irish Copper Celts, 

Before proceeding to the description of types, it will be convenient to discuss 
the analyses. 

In 1899 Mr. J. Holms Pollok, B.Sc., Assistant Chemist, Eoyal College of 
Science, Ireland, kindly analyzed eight specimens for me, the results were 
communicated to the British Association, at the Dover meeting in that year.* 
Mr. Pollok unfortunately did not separate the tin and antimony. When I 
subsequently drew his attention to this, it was found that the residues containing 
the tin and antimony had been thrown together, so that it was not possible to 
determine the tin and antimony separately for each specimen without fresh 
analyses. It was thought preferable to analyze three additional specimens, 
selected from the beginning, middle, and end of the type series, as giving as 
well as the separate determination of the tin and antimony in these specimens, 
a larger range of analyses for comparison. Two of the specimens were analyzed 
by Mr. Pollok, the third by Mr. D. S. Jardin, A.R C.S.I. 

In addition to the eleven specimens mentioned and that analyzed by Mallet, 
a flat copper celt from Ireland, in the British Museum, has been analyzed by Mr. 
W. Growland, F.S.A., F.S.C. In all therefore, thirteen specimens have been 
analyzed. The analyses are set out in the following table — the Museum 
reference is given, and the locality, when known. (See p. 267.)* 

Making the maximimi assumption that the determinations returned by Mr. 
Pollok as "Tin and Antimony" are wholly tin, it will be seen that in ten 
specimens out of the thirteen the percentage of tin does not exceed 0*51. In 
seven specimens it does not exceed 01 per cent. In one specimen only (W. 16, 
Mallet) does it exceed (by a small fraction) 1 per cent. 

The analyses, as will be seen from the table, agree substantially among 
themselves and with those of copper celts from other parts of Europe.^ 

The presence of a small percentage of tin in these celts, as also frequently 
found in examples from other parts of Europe, raises the question whether the tin 
is to be regarded as intentionally added or as derived from the copper ore ? In 
other words, whether such celts are to be classed as copper or poor bronze ? A 
good deal of doubt still exists among archaeologists on this point. 

» Proceedings of the British AssocioUion^ 1899 (Dover), p. 872-a 

' With the exception of the specimens analyzed by Mallet and Gowland (sulphur, nil and 
trace), the sulphur has not been estimated. It has been supposed that the presence of sulphur 
indicated chat the copper liad been obtained from sulphide ores. Mr. Gowland has, however, 
shown that this is not necessarily so ; the most oxidized ores contain small proportions of iron 
and copper sulphides, and when reduced, the copper will contain quite as much sulphur as 
analyses of copper implements show. No point, therefore, turns on the sulphur. ArchcBologia^ 
vol. Ivi, p. 275. 

» See Montelius, Die Chronologie der (Utesten Bronze-zeit in Nord-Deutechland, The only 
specimen out of line is Fig. 26 {W 10 Waterford), which contains an unusual amount of lead (2-74). 
Lead is frequently associated with copper, and the copper deposits in the district from which 
this celt comes are penetrated in many places by lodes and strings of lead. The celt is well 
shaped and finished, but the metal is noticeably soft compared with the other specimens 
analyzed. It is, therefore, probable that the high percentage of lead is accidental 



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Gbobge Coffey. — Irisfi Copper Celts. 



267 

















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268 George Coffky. — Irish Copper* Celts, 

The chemists do not venture to decide the question. Dr. Gladstone, writing 
in this Journal in i-eference to the presence of small quantities of tin in some 
Egyptian implements, observes : " There can be little doubt that the admixture of 
tin was made for the purpose of hardening the copper, like the arsenic and 
antimony, and small as it is would have an appreciable effect That so little was 
employed in these very early days was probably due to its costliness. It is 
possible also that it existed originally in small quantities in some copper ores ; 
which would in consequence be much sought after as producing a good hard 
metal." 1 

Without discussing the particular case of i^pt, it appears to me, from the 
analyses available, that, as regards Europe, the presence of a small percentage of 
tin is a more common impurity in copper ores than is generally supposed. The 
analyses of coarse coppers, both as regards tin and other impurities (arsenic, 
antimony, etc.), agree closely in many instances with the analyses of the copper 
celts. In the case of the coarse coppers it is known that the tin and other 
impurities are derived from the ore. A prima fads case is, therefore, I think, 
made out for the derivation of the tin from the ore, and I do not see that there is 
a sufficient reason to differentiate the tin from the other impurities in the copper 
celts. Arsenic and antimony are common impurities in copper ore, and the 
question of their intentional addition cannot arise unless the quantities are larger 
than may be expected from the ore. Of two explanations we should accept the 
simpler, and only when it has been shown that the local ores, from which it may 
be presumed the copper was obtained, are free from tin, does it seem allowable to 
argue that the tin has been added, and even then the possibility that the coppers 
or implements were imported has to be considered. 

It has been stated that the copper ores of Europe do not contain tin, at least, 
those which do not come from tin districts.' What is a tin district is a question 
of degree. Outside Cornwall tin is found in paying quantities, or is known to 
have been worked in former times in the north-west of Spain, Saxony and 
Bohemia, near Limoges in France, and in more than one locality in Brittany. 
In addition to these localities it is known to occur in Silesia and at Findbo in 
Sweden.* The list could be extended, we may add Wicklow in Ireland. 

In reference to the presence of tin in copper ores from non-tin districts, Dr. 
W. K. Sullivan observes : " Even in districts where tin ores are not found, at least 
in any quantity, some tin may occur in copper ores, such as Gray Copper. 
According to an analysis made by Herr G. vom Eath, the Fahlerz of Kotterbach 
contains 064 to 0-75 of tin."* 

> Jovrn, Antkrop, Inst.y xxvi, p. 312. 

« Morlot, Mem, Soc, Anttquaires du Nord^ vol. v, p. 25. 

* I take these localities from Sullivan's chapter on tlie " Sources and Composition of the 
Ancient Bronzes of Europe," in his Introduction to O'Curry's Manner* and Chutomi of the 
Ancient Irishy p. 419. 

* p. 414. An analysis of fredricite, a variety of tennantite, ja^ives tin 1*41. This mineral 
occurs at Falu, Sweden. Dana's Mineralogy^ Appendix III. 



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George Coffey. — Irish Copper Celts. 



269 



As instances of tin in copper, Sullivan quotes an analysis by Genth of refined 
Norway copper containing 027 tin, and an analysis of Swedish black copper, 
analyzed at the Mining School of Fahlun, containing 007 tin.^ 

The investigations of the brothers Siret have established the presence of tin 
to the extent of 0*4 to 0*5 per cent, in copper ore from the south-east of Spain. 
This is not a tin district, and, though searched for, no tin ore was found in the 
localities from which the copper ores were taken. This case is of the first 
importance, as the evidence is full and definite. 

At Parazuelos, ore collected for smelting by the prehistoric inhabitants of the 
site was identified by analysis with the local ore, chiefly blue and green carbonate 
of copper. Analyses of the ore and slag left by the ancient smelters gave the 
following results : — 



! 

Ore. 


Slag. 


Copper (CuO) 




25-93 


15-32 


Tiu(SnO) 








010 


0-06 


Lead (PbO) 








0-60 


1-84 


Arsenic (As,Oj) 








1-86 


0-25 


Antimony (Sb,Oj) . . 








0-62 


0-20 


Gold 








trace 


— 


Silver 








trace 


trace 


Sulphur 








trace 


0-64 


Iron (Fe,0,) 








39-56 


56-73 


Nickel (NiO) 








0-40 


0-61 


Non-metallic elements (details, see Sirets) 


31-43 


24-35 










100-00 


10000 



At another station, Campos, the ore and slag gave- 



Copper (CuO) 
Tin(SnO) ... 
Lead (PbO)... 



Ore. 



55-58 
0-29 
trace 



Slag. 



30-56 
0-28 
trace 



These analyses are also set out in Percy's Mttallurgy, and other works on metallurgy. 



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270 George Coffey. — Irish Copper Celts. 

Isolating the copper and tin, the figures correspond to — 





Parazoelos. 


Cahpo& 


Metallic copper 

tin 


Ore. 

2072 

008 


Slag. 

12-24 

005 


Ore. 

44-44 

0-25 


Slag. 

24-42 

0-25 



These figures indicate that the process of smelting was primitive and 
imperfect. Allowing 10 per cent, for volatilization of other substances in the 
ore, the Sirets estimate, as the figures show, that the prehistoric smelters were 
only able to extract about 52 per cent, of the metal from the ore. 

The figures further show that at Parazuelos these metals form an alloy in 
the ore containing 0*38 tin, and in the slag 0*41 tin. It follows from this that 
the copper resulting from the reduction of the ore should contain about 0*40 
tin. In the same way, the ore from Campos should yield a copper containing up 
to 0-5 Mn} 

As regards the absence of tin ore in the district the Sirets state : — 

"Du moins aujourd'hui n'en connalt-on aucun gisement. M. Moldenhauer, 
qui depuis de longues ann^es a fait un nombre considerable d'analyses des roches 
et minerais les plus divers, nous assure que jamais il n*a rencontr^ un seal 
fragment contenant de retain dans des proportions tant soit peu importantes. 
Nous-m§mes avons parcouru le pays en tons sens, visits presque tons les gisements 
m^tallifires analyst un grand nombre de minerais, nous n'avons jamais rencontrd 
d'^tain."* 

In Cornwall, as is well known, tin occurs in considerable quantities in some 
of the copper ores. They are distinguished by the smelters as tinny ores. The 
following quotation from Napier may be recalled in this connection. Many of the 
distinguishing characters of an ore " depend more upon the foreign matters mixed 
mechanically with the copper mineral than forming a chemical constituent of it. 
. . . The minerals composing a vein are generally of a great variety of kinds, 
containing often copper, tin, antimony, bismuth, iron, nickel, cobalt, arsenic, 
manganese, silver, etc., besides what are termed the earthy minerals or matrix, 
such as quartz, lime, slate, etc. In mining, the contents of the vein are taken out, 
so far' as it contains any of the metal or metals sought after; so that what is 
technically termed a copper ore is often a mixture of everything that the vein 
contains." * 



Let Premiers Ages du M4tal dam le sud-est de PEspagne, p. 215. 

p. 217. 

Napier on Copper Smelting, PhiL Mctg,, iv (lb62X p. 47. 



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Gborge Coffey. — Irish Copper Celts. 



271 



Refined English copper often contains a small percentage of tin. But it is 
with unrefined coppers that we should compare the celts. The following nine 
analyses of coarse and blistered coppers are taken from Napier.^ Blistered copper 
is the purest form of copper obtained by smelting and requires no further treat- 
ment but refining. Re-fusion of coarse copper brings it to the quality of blistered 
copper. 









Coarse 


copper. 






Blistered copper. 


Copper 


95-6 


92-6 


900 


93-4 


94-8 


89-4 


97-4 


98-0 


98-6 


Iron 


0-3 


1-2 


1-4 


2-4 


20 


2-0 


0-7 


0-5 


0-8 


Sulphur 


0-4 


2-6 


1-6 


0-6 


0-6 


2-4 


0-2 


0-3 


0-1 


Silica 


0-2 


0-4 


2-6 


0-7 


0-3 


2-4 


— 


— 


— 


Tin and antimony 


2-1 


20 


0-3 


0-6 


1-1 


1-3 


1-0 


0-7 


— 


Lead 


— 


— 


— 


0-6 


— 


— 


— 


— 


— 


Oxygen and I088 


1-4 


1-4 


4*2 


2-9 


1-2 


2-6 


0-6 


0-6 


0-6 




100-0 


100-0 


100-0 


100-0 


100-0 


100-0 


100-0 


100-0 


100-0 



The tin and antimony are not separated in these analyses, but we may 
presume that an appreciable percentage of tin is present.* 

In the south-east of Spain, as we have seen, the primitive smelters were not 
able to extract more than 52 per cent, of the copper and tin in the ore. The loss 
of tin in the smelting, it will be observed, was comparatively smalL It appeared 
to me, therefore, desirable to ascertain the percentage of tin which might occur 
in copper ore from a rich tin district I accordingly wrote to Messrs. Vivian, 
of Swansea, on the subject in October,* 1899. The Messrs. Vivian most kindly 
ofiFered to have their next consignment of Cornish ores tested for tin. 
Subsequently, under date January 17th, 1900, Mr. Odo Vivian wrote to me : — 

"A shoiii time ago we promised to let you have a few facts with regard 
to the. contents of tin found in the Cornish ores which we used to treat.*' 
Mr. Vivian then sets out the following table of wet assays : — 



» Vol. V, p. 361. 

* An analysis by Le Play of black copper smelted at Swansea gives : Copper, 86*5 ; iron, 
manganese and nickel, 3*2 ; tin, 0*7 ; arsenic, 1*8 ; sulphur, 6*9. Two samples of blistered 
copper also by Le Play : (1) Copper, 98*4 ; iron, 0*7 ; nickel, cobalt, manganese, 0*3 ; tin and 
arsenic, 0*4 ; sulphur, 0*2. (2) Copper, 97*5 ; iron, 0*7 ; nickel, cobalt, manganese, 0*9 ; tin 
and arsenic, 0*8 ; sulphur, 0*1. (The tin possibly includes antimony.) Annals des MineSy 
4 S6r. XIII, pp. 463 and 486. See also Percy. 



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272 



George Coffey. — Irish Copper Celts. 





Tons. 


Capper. 


Tin. 






per cent. 


per cent. 


1. Mixture of Levant 


54, 55, 56; 68, 
69,70 


12-3 


0-94 


^« >» >i » • • • 


20, 41, 42 


10-4 


trace 


3. C. B. and Tin Croft ... 


55 


7-4 


trace 


4. Devon Great Consols ... 


50 


6-4 


0-75 


5. Dolcoath 


6 


11-9 


trace 



Mr. Vivian adds, from Nos. 1 and 4: "It will appear that the tin may have 
been left in the metal after the smelting operations, and not necessarily added 
in the form of alloy." 

It will be observed that tin is present in all these assays. Isolating the 
copper and tin in Nos. 1 and 4 it will be found that the proportions of copper 
to tin are, in the first case, 92*76 copper to 7*24 tin, and in the second, 89*52 
copper to 10*48 tin. 

If we can apply to these figures the results of the analyses of ores and 
slag obtained by the Sirets; that is, if the presence of a large proportion of 
tin and the character of the ore do not seriously affect the conditions ; it follows 
from the figures for the Cornish ores that the copper obtained by primitive 
methods of smelting from the ores of a rich tin district might contain a 
considerable proportion of tin, a proportion in fact greater than that found in 
the copper celts. The copper ores of Saxony and Bohemia would probably yield 
results comparable as r^ards tin to the Cornish ores. 

I am not at present able to offer direct evidence as regards the presence of 
tin in Irish copper ores. The Irish copper mines have not been worked for 
some years, and I have found diflBculties in prosecuting that portion of the 
inquiry. I hope, however, before long, to be able to complete this branch of 
the subject 

Copper is found in many parts of Ireland. The chief mining districts are 
on the south-east and south coasts, in the counties of Wicklow, Waterford, Cork 
and Kerry. It has also been mined on a small scale in Clare, Limerick, Galway, 
Leitrim, etc. 

Tin has been found in considerable quantity in the Goldmines Kiver, Ovoca, 
in the copper district of Wicklow. Mallet says : " The occurrence of this mineral 
(tin) in the sand is mentioned by Weaver in his reports on the gold stream- works, 
but he does not seem to have been at all aware of the large quantities in which 
it exists." He adds that he obtained 3^ lbs. of tin from about 150 lbs. of sand.^ 

» Joum. Oeol Soc, Dublin, vol. iv (1848- 50), p. 272. W. W. Smyth, RecorcU of the School 
vf Mines, vol. i, p. 404. 



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George Coffey.— /rt«^ Coppei* Celts, 273 

This is a very high return, and if at all general would have placed the Wicklow 
tin in the first rank of stream-works. Tin has also been found at Dalkey in the 
CO. Dublin, where it occurs in a lode with lead and zinc. The lode has been 
worked for lead and is now exhausted.^ 

Nennius mentions tin at Killamey (Loch Leane), co. Kerry, and Dr. Smith, 
author of the History of Kerry, states that he picked up small specimens of ore 
at Killamey which contained some tin,' but this locality requires confirmation. 

From what has already been established as to the occurrence of tin in copper 
ore, and from the fact that tin has been found in quantity in at least one 
locality in Ireland, it is I think more than probable that it will be found 
in some of the Irish copper ores. Indeed, the presumption from the general 
evidence appears to be so strong, that a few negative analyses would not 
upset it* 

Mr. Gowland has pointed out that the ores which would be first sought for 
copper, would be the oxidized ores — oxides and carbonates. This he infers from the 
fact that they are surface ores, and are more easily reduced than the sulphides. 
The oxidized ores require only the single operation of smelting, whereas the 
sulphides must be first calcined. Malachite occurs at Tinnehely in Wicklow, 
close to the tin, and carbonate and black oxide of copper at Bamavore. In the 
Upper Cronbane and the Connary mines, in the same county, the principal 
deposits of copper consist largely of black oxide, of which the portions near the 
surface chiefly consist* Large deposits of the carbonates of copper occur in the 
Cork and Kerry mines.* 

Types. 

Figs. 1 to 10 represent the rudest forms of copper celts. They closely 
resemble the stone celt forms found in Ireland. A few of the latter are 
illustrated for comparison (Figs. 59, 60, 63 (p. 274) and Plate XXXIV). Fig. 1 
furnishes particular evidence on this head, the pointed butt being distinctive of a 
class of stone celts, an example of which is shown in Fig. 62. This is the only 

» Kinaban, "Irish Metal Mining," Joum, Roy, Oeol, Soc Ireland^ voL viii, p. 11. 

« History of Kerry ^ p. 125. 

» Gray copper ore is frequently mentioned in the Geological Survey Memoirs, especially for 
the Cork and Kerry districts, but this appears to be chiefly vitreous copper (chalcocite, Cu,S), 
and not true Gray Copper. For this use of the term see Kane, Industrial Resources of Ireland, 
2nd Edition, p. 185, and Percy, p. 310. Kane mentions a large deposit of this ore neai 
Dungannon, co. Tyrone (a northern locality), p. 200. True Gray Copper, arsenical variety, 
occurs in quantity in the ArdtuUy lode, Kenmare VaUey, co. Cork. An analysis of the ore 
from this lode does not contain tin, hut it is not clear that it was looked for. Joum, Oeol. Soc. 
Dublin, voL vi, p. 212. 

* Smylh, Records of the School of Mines, vol. i, pp. 362, 380, 383. 

* Geological Survey Memoirs, Sheets 197 and 198, "Green carhonate of copper occurs 
abundantly between the dark purple slates and yellow shales of whai may be called the 
passage beds between the old red and yellow sandstones, in a vast number of localities in the 
south of Ireland" Sheet 184, p. 37. 

Vol. XXXI. T 



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274 



George Coffey. — Iridi Copper Celts. 



instance of a copper celt of this form which I know of from Ireland. The majority 
of the other examples resemble common forms of Irish celts, more or less ovate 
and thinned down to both ends. 

It may seem doubtful whether these stone celt forms are to be regarded as 
ingots cast in the traditional form of the stone celt, or unfinished implements. 
In several instances no attempt has been made to grind them to an edge (Figs. 1, 
2, 3, and 8). In other cases, however, the celt has been rubbed down more or less 
over the body and the edge ground for use (Figs. 4 to 7). The range in size, 
moreover, appears to support the intention of their being implements. Figs. 6 
and 7 may be compared with the small stone celt (Fig. 59). In Figs. 11 to 13 
we see the beginning of the development of the metal type, with expanded cutting 
edge. These three examples must, I think, be regarded as unfinished implements, 
the edge of Fig. 13 is ground and sharp, while the marks of casting have been 
left untouched over the body of the celt, so that in this respect it resembles the 
stone celt types. This tends to support the view that the rude celts (Figs. 1 to 8) 
are implements cast in the prevailing types of the stone celts, rather than ingots 
cast in a traditional form. In fact, the examples referred to (Figa 11-13) show 
a departure in form. Fig. 10 may be compared with the small highly polished 




59. (w. 199.) 60. (w. 194) 68. (1897, 289) north of Ireland. 

STONE CELTS FROM IRELAND (cf. PLATE XXXIV) FOR COMPARISON WITH PRIMITIVE COPPER CELTS. 

stone celt (Fig. 60), a type not uncommon in Ireland. Copper celts of the stone 
type are relatively rara The Dublin collection contains ten of this class. 

The developed metal form is seen in the examples beginning with Fig. 15. 
I have placed this celt at the head of the series as it retains the proportions of 
the stone form. It is of nearly pure copper containing only a trace of tin, and 
has been rubbed down to an even surface, to which may be attributed the sharp 
and irregular form of the butt end. 

In the development of the metal form, the most distinctive feature of which 
is the expanded cutting edge, two types appear, diverging gradually one from 
the other. The thick, square, rectangular butt end is common to both, and is the 
normal form of butt of the developed copper celt. 



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George Coffey. — Irish Copper CeUs. 275 

Type I is relatively broad compared with the length (Figs. 16 to 28). The 
expansion or flare of the cutting edge in some of the larger examples is a very 
noticeable feature, and the concave curves of the sides are correspondingly marked, 
giving the celt a broad battle-axe appearance. This type would seem to lead up 
through examples such as Figs. 24 and 25 to the broad bronze celts with widely 
expanded cutting edge. (Wilde, Fig. 247). 

Type II. The cutting edge is relatively narrower and the sides straighter, 
the form as a whole presenting a longer and more slender appearance (Figs. 29 to 
42). This tjrpe appears to lead up to the common flat celt type of bronze. (Wilde, 
Fig. 248). 

In many specimens types I and II over-lap, so that it is not possible to make 
a strict classification, but taking the series as a whole, the tendency to evolve 
the two types, as described, is, I think, apparent. 

As the copper celts approach the type of the flat bronze celts, it will be 
noticed that there is a tendency to thin down the butt end and also to round 
it oflF, instead of the straight-across termination of the middle members of the 
series. This is better represented in type II than in type I. 

The nearly equal thickness and flat faces of the middle members of the 
series also gives way to a gradual swelling of the body of the celt from both 
ends (in section), the thickest part of the celt at the same time moving up from 
the cutting edge towards the centre. These features mark the transition in the 
section from the stone to the metal form. In stone the thickest part of a celt is 
generally below the middle line, it being necessary, owing to the nature of the 
material, to allow as much substance as practicable at the cutting edge. In 
metal the thickest part of a blade is the back, corresponding, in a celt, to the 
middle of the implement ; the thinning oflF from the middle line to the butt end 
being for the purpose of hafting, need not be taken into account. In a few 
instances indications of rudimentary flanges will be noticed (Figs. 40, 43, 44 and 
54). These can, indeed, hardly be [called flanges, being only a slight upsetting of 
the sides, afterwards rubbed flat. It is usually only noticeable on one face. 
Thus in Figs. 44 and 54 there is hardly any trace of an upset on the faces 
which are not shown in the figures. 

Keviewing the evidence of type, it may, I think, be claimed that a 
development of form is found within the copper series. At one end are rude and 
heavy forms which look backward to the stone axe, at the other forms which 
approach more and more closely the early bronze celts. If this is granted, it 
excludes an explanation which has often been put forward to account for the 
copper celts, namely, that they represent merely local or temporary scarcity of tin. 
We are compelled by type-reasons to place them at the head of the metal series. 

Collateral evidence supports this conclusion, (a) The expanded cutting edge is 
essentially a metal form. It has reacted on the stone celt, presumably in the period 
of transition between stone and metal. Figs. 63 and 64 illustrate two specimens 
of stone celts in the Dublin collection in which this is apparent. There are other 

T 3 



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276 



George Coffey. — Irish Copper Celts. 



examples in the collection. Considering the series of stone celts apart, celts of 
this class must be placed typologically at the close of the series. We thus 
have on the one hand the evidence of the stone celts in which the form has been 
influenced by the metal type, and, on the other, the evidence of the copper celts 
in which the influence of the stone form has survived. Prom both sides, 
therefore, evidence of transition is forthcoming. 

(6) The copper celts never show any trace of a stop-ridge. This feature 
first appears, in a rudimentary form, in the bronze celts frequently accompanied 
by rudimentary flanges. 

(c) The copper celts are never ornamented, whereas the flat bronze celts are 
often richly decorated with simple punched patterns.^ 

Finds. 

The greater number of the copper celts in the Dublin collection were 
acquired at a time when little attention was paid to the circumstances of the finds 
and association of objects, or formed part of private collections, bought from 
time to time, to which the same remark applies. 

The following are the only finds of which I have been able to obtain 
information:— 

(1) Three copper celts, three copper awls, and a copper knife, found in 1874, 

in a bog at Knocknague, Kilbannon, co. Galway. Purchased by Eoyal 
Irish Academy from the finder, Michael Eafferty. Figs. 44-48. One of 
the celts (Fig. 45) has been analyzed (tin and antimony 0'79). The 
metal of all the implements in this find is identical in colour and 
surface lustre, and there can be no doubt that it is of the same quality. 

(2) Three copper celts, a fragment of a fourth (butt end), a copper halberd, 

and a short blade of copper of somewhat similar form, found in 1892, 

near Birr, King's Co. (Figs. 52-57). They were brought to a Mr. 

Morrison of Birr, from whom they were obtained by Mr. Robert Day 

of Cork, in whose collection they now are. 

The finder stated that they were found 

under the bog in the white clay. The 

metal of these six objects is red copper, and 

appears to be of the same quality in all the 

specimens. None of them have been 

analyzed, but the following extract from 

Mr. Morrison's letter to Mr. Day, at the 

time they were discovered, may be given as 

an independent opinion: "They are certainly not bronze but seem 

» lliis applies generally to copper celts. The only exceptions to the contrary, with which 
I am acquainted, are six copper celts found near MalmO, Sweden, the faces of which are 
decorated with concentric lines. These celts were portion of a large find which included 
bronze celts and other bronze objects. The celts in question are of advanced early bronze 
type, with well marked flanges (Montelius, Chronologie der Ultesten Bronze^eit^ p. 55). How 




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CrEORGE COFFEY. — Irish Gopper Celts. i*7^ 

to be all copper." The fragment (Fig. 55) has been rubbed down to a 
sharp edge at the butt, apparently for use as a small implement. 

(3) Three copper celts (of type Figs. 23 and 24), found in 1868, when ploughing 
at Cullinagh, near Beaufort, Killamey, co. Kerry. Day collection, 
obtained through a friend from the finder. 

The evidence of these finds is very consistent. They do not include any 
object of a late type. The celts in No. 1 are of good copper type, the awls are 
of an early form, and the knife I consider also to be an early type. It was 
evidently secured in the handle by a whipping of some sort of cord. This form 
of hafting may be r^arded as derived from the stone age. Two other copper 
knives of this type have been found in Ireland (Fig. 49, found in a bog at 
Boho, CO. Fermanagh, and Fig. 50, the locality of which is not known). The 
copper knife or dagger with single rivet-hole, Fig. 51 (locality not known), may 
perhaps be placed in the same class. These four examples are the only blades 
of copper, exclusive of halberds, in the Dublin collection. 

The halberd in find No. 2 is admittedly an early foi-m. It probably belongs 
to the close of the copper or beginning of the bronze period. Only one halberd 
in Dublin collection has been analyzed. It contained 2*78 per cent, of tin. 
Until a sufficient number of specimens have been analyzed we cannot draw a 
conclusion. It will be observed, however, that the celts in this find are of late 
copper type, compare Fig. 39 of the type series. 

The remaining find calls for no special remark. But it is important in 
conjunction with the other finds as evidence of a number of copper implements 
having been found together without any association of bronze in widely separated 
localities. 

In conclusion, reverting to the distribution of copper celts mentioned at 
the beginning of this paper, it will now be seen that the fact that they 
have been found over, we may say, the whole of Ireland, is significant. 

Only three explanations are possible : — 

(1) The copper celts were made of copper for a special purpose. The 

development of type within the celt series negatives this explanation. 

(2) They represent local costliness or want of tin. The type series negatives 

this explanation also. 

(3) They represent a period in which copper was in general use throughout 

Ireland, before bronze was known. This explanation meets the facts, 
and is enforced by the finds of associated copper implements. 
I should perhaps note that all the figures in the text and the plates are 
reduced from my own full-sized drawings to one-half natural size, or approximately 
f h'near. The specimens with asterisk have been analyzed. Museum references 
are given in each case. My thanks are due to Messrs. Day and Enowles for 
kindly placing their rich collections at my disposal. 

these celts come to be of copper (tin 0*04 and 0*31) we cannot say, but they cannot be held to 
impair the general statement^ whidi is absolutely true for copper celU of copper type. 



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278 George Coffey. — Irisk Copper Odts, 

Note A. 

The high percentage of tin in some of the Cornish copper ores (no doubt also 
to be found in some of the copper ores of Central Europe) may have a bearing 
on the question of the origin of bronze. In Prehistoric Tivies (Appendix) Lord 
Avebury quotes the opinions of experts against the probability, if not possibility, 
of bronze having been produced from a mixture of copper and tin ores, or from a 
mixed ore. These opinions, however, are chiefly directed to the question of how 
the ancient bronze was produced (what we may call the normal bronze of the 
Bronze Age), and not to the question of its discovery, which is a diflferent question. 
The opinions of experts based on the experience of modern smelting, the object of 
which is to obtain a clean sl^, are of doubtful value on that point. As far as I 
can see, the question turns on whether the loss of tin in the more or less open 
furnace of a primitive smelter would be compensated for, and to what extent, by 
its retention in the metal due to the low temperature of the furnace ; and by the 
impossibility, therefore, of extracting more than about 50 per cent, of the metal 
from the ore by a primitive process of smelting. We require direct experiments on 
this point. 

Note B. 

As far as I am aware, no copper celts have been published from England or 
Scotland. I am able to place the following on record. (1) A copper celt in the 
British Museum (copper 98-67, tin 0*05) stated {Archceologia, vol. vii, p. 283) to be 
Irish: Mr. Gowland has since ascertained that the locality is incorrect; the 
specimen is from Durham. (2) Cambridge Museum, two specimens in local collection, 
from the Fens. (3) Taunton Museum, a flat triangular copper celt from Staple 
Fitzpaine, Somei-set ; noted by Hon. John Abercromby, F.S.A.S. (4-7) National 
Museum, Edinburgh, four examples : Da. 1 (Wigtownshire), 14 (no locality), 43 
(Colonsay), 58 (Perthshire). Also some other specimens of which I am doubtful 
without closer examination. None of above, with the exception of the specimen 
from Durham, have been analyzed, but I feel confident, from the appearance of the 
metal, and from the type, that they belong to the copper series. Other specimens 
will probably be found in local and private collections if looked for. 

Discussion. 

Mr. Myres referred briefly to the confirmation of Mr. Cofifey's conclusions which 
is supplied by the series of early copper and bronze implements in the Eastern 
Mediterranean. He laid special emphasis on the necessity, within the latter area, 
of noting the occurrence of rivetless haf ted knives, which he had occasionally 
observed in Cypriote examples, but which had too often been put aside as imperfect 
or corroded specimens. An analogous example of a stone celt (from Melos) which 
shows clear traces of the influence of metallic types, will be found in Jaitm. Anthr. 
ImL, XXVII, PL xi, 2. 

Mr. Balfour : Mr. Coffey's interesting paper deals in a practical and scientific 
manner with a very important problem in the study of the development of human 



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George Coffey.— /r/sA. Capper Celts. 279 

culture, and the evidence which he brings forward tends greatly to confirm the 
belief in the existence of a definite Copper Age in Europe, bridging over the gap 
separating the Neolithic and Bronze Ages. On logical grounds it has long been 
assumed that such an intermediate period must have existed, as through such a 
stage alone would there be evidence of that continuity in the development of the 
human arts which there is reason to believe in great measure occurred from 
neolithic times onward. A certain amount of direct evidence in support of this 
view has been steadily accumulating, and, although not as yet conclusive, must 
command the serious attention of archaeologists. It seems likely that we may look 
forward to a time in the near future when all doubt as to this continuity in the 
advancement from the Stone to the Metal Ages will be set at rest. Mr. Coftey, no 
doubt through an oversight, made no reference to a paper of the first importance 
which, although read before a learned society so long ago as 1869, clearly fore- 
shadowed, in no uncertain terms, the views which Mr. Coffey has so ably expressed. 
I refer to the lecture delivered by General Pitt Eivers on June 18th, 1869, before 
the Koyal United Service Institution, being the second of his classical series of 
lectures on " Primitive Warfare." In this General Pitt Eivers deals at length with 
the development of the " celts " of the Bronze Age, and the successive stages 
through which the highest and latest forms were gradually evolved from the 
primitive and simple ones. He made a strong point of the fact of the most 
primitive types, whose resemblance to and probable derivation from typical 
neolithic shapes he drew attention to, being of pure or nearly pure copper. From 
the specimens and information which he possessed he was able to make this clear, 
particularly in regard to Irish bronze " celts," but such evidence as he had from 
other countries supported his views. He published an ingenious and most valuable 
diagram-table illustrating his remarks, and I venture to think that in dealing with 
this subject tlie researches of General Pitt Eivers, eminently characteristic as they 
are of that brilliant investigator, should on no account be overlooked. It is greatly 
to his credit that the views expressed in a lecture delivered over thirty years 
ago should practically hold good at the present day, and are supported by the 
most recent investigations. 

Dr. Gladstone expressed his admiration of the manner in which Mr. 
Coffey had worked out his research into the composition and probable source 
of these very ancient Irish celts. He has greatly strengthened our reasons for 
considering that the small amounts of tin which are found in ancient metallic 
tools in the countries of antiquity were not added intentionally, but were 
derived from the ores. If these very small quantities of tin, antimony or 
arsenic do really increase the hardness of copper, the employers of such weapons 
would find out where the best article came from, and thus these most valuable 
implements would be in the greatest demand among the ancient nations. 



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( 280 ) 



THE LENGUA INDIANS OF THE PARAGUAYAN CHACO. 

By Seymour H. C. Hawtrey. 
[Presented December 10th, 1901. With Plates XXXV-XLL] 

Before proceeding to the study of the Indians of the Chaco we must consider the 
geographical conditions of the land in which they live. 

The Grand Chaco extends from latitude 20° S. to latitude 28° S., south of the 
watershed between the head waters of the Paraguay Eiver and those of the 
Amazon's tributaries. It extends southwards and south-westwards till it merges 
into the cultivated plains of the Argentine Republic j it thus embraces parts of 
three Eepublics, the Argentine, Paraguayan, and Bolivijm. This country is 
extremely flat, cmd several rivers flow from the Andes mountains right across 
the Chaco, 6md empty themselves into the Paraguay River, the two most worthy 
of notice being the Vermejo and the Pilcomayo, which last forms the boundary 
between the Paraguayan 6md the Argentine Chaco, and is further described on 
p. 289. 

66* W. Bolivian Oliaco. 60' W. 



25° S. 




2;VS 



66" W. 60° W. 

FIG. 1. SKETCH MAP OF THE PARAGUAYAN CHACO. 



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Journal of the Anihropological Institute, Vol, XXXL Plate XXXV. 



I>.XGUA boy: MANGWEAM-Af. LENGUA FACE PAINTING. 

The tree is that which is used for makiiigfire sticks. With the aid of a small round mirror. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XXXVI. 



o 



o 

1^ 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute^ Vol, XXXI, Plate XXXVIL 



2. POTTERY-MAKING. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XXXVIII. 



1. LEXGUA8 PLAYING THE GAME " HASTAwA." 



2. WOMEN S DANCE AT A LENGUA FEAST. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XXXIX. 



2. LENGU\ BOY USING BLUNT-HEADED ARROW. 3. LENGUA INDIAN HOEING MANDIOCA, 



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Jowrnalofthe Anthropological Institute^ Vol. XXXI ^ Plate XL, 




1. Clay Tobacco Pipe of 
primitive form (^). 



2. 8uliin tolwcco pipe of carved wood : l^ack ami front (i). 



3. Fishing basket (i\,). 






4. Doll of rags and 
bone (i). 



5. Lengiia method of making 
fire {^\ 



6. Blunt- 7. Iron- 8. Wooden 

headed tipped arrow 
arrow (J), arrow(i). (J). 



9. Clay Water Jar : no ornament {-^, 10. Clay vessel (T66thli), painted (^). 

MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS OF LENGUA MANUFACTURE. 

Hedravm by C, Praetorius from water-colour draidngs by Miss A. E* Donkin. The originaU were 
collected by the author, and are in the British Mamm?)}, 



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Journal of the Anthropological Insiiiuiey Vol, XXXI^ Plate XLI. 




1. One-stringed fiddle : tlie boily is hollow. 



2. Wooden whistle. 




3. Wooden whistle (another form) ornamented with strips of polished tin. (T66thli 



4. Wind instrument of cow-horn, with reed mouthpiece. 



6. String bag. 

MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS OF LENGUA MANUFACTURE. 

Redrawn hy C, Praetoriun from water-colour drawings by Miss A, E. Do7ikiiu The originals were 
collected by the author, and are in the British Museum, 



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Skymour H. C. Hawtrby. — The Lmgua Indians of the Paragimyan Chaco. 281 

It is with the district lying on the 23^ parallel of S. latitude, between the 
Pilcomayo and the Paraguay River, that we have to deal In studying native life 
it is often found that the country makes the man, so that it will not be amiss to 
glance at a few of the principal features regarding the climate and the natural 
products of the Chaco. The Chaco being flat, as I have stated, there is very little 
chance for a heavy rainfall to drain quickly away. The rivers ^.re extremely 
tortuous and sluggish, though, for their volume, some of them are much longer 
than would have been expected. The consequence is that with a prolonged 
drought water is extremely scarce, while on the other hand, after a heavy rainfall, 
which is as common as the drought, the water lies ankle deep on the open plains. 
During a period of five years (1895-1900) careful notes have been kept of the 
temperature and rainfall, the average temperature being 75° Fahr. night and day 
— maximum, 110°; minimum, 27°. The rainfall is extremely variable, the one 
noticeable point being that August is almost always a dry month ; the rain in fact 
seems rather to go by cycles than by seasons, a period of three years of excessive 
wet having been followed by four years of moderate drought. More rain usually 
falls in summer than in winter. 

Tlie Indians of that part of the Chaco which is to be described are composed 
of three different tribes, the Lengua, the Tddthli, and the Suhin, The name Lengua 
comes from the Spanish and means " a tongue," the other two are native names 
given by the Lenguas to neighbouring tribes. These Lenguas lie on the western 
bank of the Paraguay River, from latitude 22^® S. to latitude 24° S., and extend 
inland a distance of 150 miles. Beyond them to the west lie the Suhin, whose 
limits have yet to be determined and between these two in the south-west are the 
T66thli, a small tribe who present slightly different characteristics to those of their 
neighbours. The Lenguas are essentially a nomadic and a peaceful tribe; the 
Suhin are more agriciiltural, and in consequence less nomadic ; while the T66thli, 
being somewhat pushed in the struggle for existence by a neighbouring tribe in 
the south, are more warlike than either, though they still depend upon agriculture 
and the chase for their food supply. It was amongst the Lenguas that I have lately 
spent a period of four years, and have had ample opportunity for studying their 
manners and customs. I have, however, unfortunately, made no definite 
observations of an anthropographical character ; regarding the Indians, as I did, 
rather as friends and companions than with a scientific interest. 

Physical Type (cf. Anthropologiccd Notes and Qaeries, Part I).— The Lenguas do 
not belong to the Guarani family, who inhabit such an extensive tract of country 
in South America, nor to the Quichua family of Bolivia. From their language, 
customs, and disposition, they evidently are of the same stock as the Toba, 
Mataco, and kindred tribes who occupy the greater part of the Argentine 
territory still unsettled, and extend northward into the low-lying lands of 
Bolivia. 

As a general rule they are of middle height, well built, with a smooth, 
healthy, reddish-copper brown skin (between tints 4 and 5, A'§., PL III) and 



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282 Seymour H. C. HAWTREr. — The Lerujua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco. 



straight black hair, which is usually cut across tlie shoulders. Their teeth, of 
course, are remarkably sound, their hair plentiful, and not turning white till a 
great age, their eyes strong, their hearing reasonably acute, and their perceptions 
remarkably so. The facial type presents occasional similarity to the North 
American or even to the Mongolian type (Plate XXXV, 1). 

To a newcomer all Indians appear very much alike, but on closer acquaintance 
a certain variety of feature will be observed, and even sections of the same 
tribe may be found to present some differences. Also, though a strange Indian 
may at first sight seem to have an ugly and forbidding face, yet on nearer 
acquaintance, and after a certain degree of friendship has been established, his 
features will often appear to be characterized by pleasantness and openness. 

Clothing (N,Q. (Part II), Sec. i). — The natives are well clothed. The men 
wear blankets woven from wool by the women, and dyed by them (N.Q, vii, 
below) ; a variation of this is the loose sleeveless shirt, likewise made of wool. 
The women wear skins carefully prepared, cut and sewn by themselves into 
petticoats, and they are more careful than the men in the matter of keeping 

themselves covered. The men never wear 
skin petticoats or kilts, with the excep- 
tion of a skin belt cut into strips and 
hanging about a foot deep. The women 
also use, in the cold weather, a cloak 
made of deer or goat skins with the hair 
on. Usually the natives do not wear any 
head covering, though, as they feel fhe 
heat in summer, they are glad to get hold 
of imported hats, but on special occasions 
the men wear a net over the head, made 
of red wool, and trimmed with beads, and 
they often wear feather head-dresses. A 
common head ornament is a feather of 
the " rhea " {Bhea Arnericana) or " South 
American ostrich," stuck into the scalp 
lock, which is formed by drawing over 
the forehead the hair of the centre of the 
top of the head, and binding it tightly 
round with red wool till it looks like a 
Fig. 2. Lengua Indian, showing headdiess, shaving brush (Fig. 2). They usuaUy 

have their feet bare, but on long journeys 
they often provide themselves with sandals 
of liide. 

Personal Ornaments {N.Q, ii). — ^At their feasts they usually dress in the height 
of their fashion, and put on all the ornaments they possess. Both men and women 
wear strings of beads ; the men wear red feather head-dresses, wliich ai'e occasion- 



Lengua Indian, showing headdi'ess, 
scalplock, and whistle suspended 
round the neck : from a water- 
colour drawing by Miss A. E, 
Donkiiu 



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Seymour H. C. Hawtrey. — The Lengtui Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco, 283 

ally borrowed by the younger women. Armlets of lambs' wool are often worn by 
men, and anklets of twisted rhea feathers (Plate XXXIX), which, besides being 
ornamental, are supposed to be a safeguard against snakes, for the snake bites at 
the moving frill and does not touch the foot. Bracelets of woven wool are 




FIO. 3. LENOUA EAR-DISC. 



DLOC-H 



worn as in PI. XXXV, and are ornamented with beads (Fig. 4), and hanging 
beadwork is at times attached to the scalp lock, or hung round the neck. The 
lobes of the ear are perforated, and distended by thick discs of wood or other 
material, which in rare cases are as much as 3 inches in diameter. (Fig. 3.) 

Woollen girdles are always in use to secure the blanket or petticoat ; leather 
belts cut into hanging strips are also prized by the men, and a common way of 
fastening the blanket is with the little " aiin," or string bag, which all the men 
carry. This bag (Plate XLI, 5) contains all the little necessaries of life, such as 
matches, fire-sticks (Plate XL, 5), tobacco, ear-discs (Fig. 3), bone implements, 
claws of animals, and so on, and finishes in two long strings, which are tied round 
the waist, outside the blanket. 

Fainting {N.Q. iii). — On grand occasions red paint is used lavishly. It is 
made from the pounded seeds of a shrub, and is much valued; sometimes the 
entire face is covered with the red paint ; sometimes the paint is put on in broad 
angular lines. A dark blue-black paint is also used, but it is much more carefully 
applied, in narrow lines and patterns, while the same paint carelessly applied in 
broad lines indicates mourning. On one occfwion, however, at a Suhin feast, two 
or three of the principal chiefs had their faces entirely black with charcoal for 
days together, and this was not intended to indicate mourning. Except in 
mourning, painting as a rule seems to be for the purpose of increasing the charms 
of the individual (cf. Plate XXXV). Black paint marks are often noticed on the 
chest and arms ; these are not permanent, and are made roughly with the fingers. 
A black chequered paint pattern has been noticed on a woman's cheeks. 

Tattooing (iV.$. iii) is known among the T66thli, and the Suhin ; and rarely 
among the Lenguas ; it is confined to the f 6tce, and is more noticeable with the 
women than the men. The actual process has not been observed. 

HabUations {KQ. iv). — The T66thli and the Suhin, on account of their more 
agricultural habits, are better house-builders than the Lenguas, and their villages 



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284 Seymour H. C. Hawtrey. — Tlie Lengua iTidiam of the Paraguayan Chaco. 

are composed of a cluster of separate houses. The general principle, however, of 
all the buildings, is to use branches of trees, stuck in the ground, bent over, and 
meeting at the top without any ridge-pole, and with grass thatch thrown on. Near 
the river the natives have built better houses for themselves, on the ridge-pole- 
and-rafter principle. They are usually built in a slight curve, the two ends facing 
north by way of protection from the cold south wind and storms. The natives 
cannot draw straight lines, nor can they put posts in straight 

Among the Lenguas the house (PL XXXVI) is open through its entire length, 
and usually at the sides as well ; and seeing that the rain often comes through the 
roof, it will be easily understood that these natives are not well housed, but they 
endure their discomfort with the utmost philosophy, and contentedly accept what- 
ever weather prevails. For their needs their houses are sufficient, dependent as 
they are upon an inferior supply of water and food, which necessitates a constant 
change of abode. Moreover, when one member of a family dies, the house is 
demolished and another one is built, often at a distance of some mile^, by the 
survivors. One of these houses will accommodate from forty to sixty souls. No 
special arrangement is made for comfort, or superiority of position in the houses. 
Skins are always used to sit upon, with the hairy side invariably underneath, so as 
not to attract insects. Under the low roof of interlaced twigs are hung rhea-skin 
bags, or nets containing the women's wool, twine, etc., earthen pots, and other 
household necessaries. Into the thatch are stuck the man's bows and arrows ; and 
on the floor are the water jars (Plate XL, 9) and cooking pots, both Of clay and 
iron (the latter, of course, imported), and roUed-up skins, rhea-feathers, and half- 
gourds which are used as cups and beders. Goats and sheep disport themselves 
around and through the houses ; and lean, hungry dogs are in evidence everywhei'e, 
eagerly snatching at every bit of food which the natives are imable to eat. 

Weaving (N.Q. vii). — This is done by all the women, and though their tools 
are rude, they can turn out a remarkably well-made blanket, with stripes and 
patterns. Of these blankets when new, the men are very proud, especially if 
dyed with the dark red dye (see below N.Q. xii), and it is hard to induce them 
to sell one of these except in exchange for a horse. The patterns are often of a 
diamond or triangular shape ; and sometimes the triangle is worked in with small 
spots. The usual class of pattern may be seen in the woven belts which are about 
5 feet long by 3 inches wide. In their patterns they are conservative, and not 
inventive enough to produce new ones. So much is this apparent that it is not 
unlikely that their knowledge of weaving was derived from the time of the Incas, 
who spread a certain degree of civilization over a large area. 

The loom is formed by two upright forked posts with a pole across 
the top, and another tied at the bottom. As the woman sits on the ground she 
can just reach up to drop the ball of wool over the top pole and catch it and pass 
it underneath the lower one, till the waip is finished. Then by an ingenious 
contrivance of cotton string, crossing the whole width, and picking up each alter- 
nate strand of wool, she is able to separate them, and to pass the hank of wool. 



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Seymoub H. C HaWTRBY.— The Lengua Indiniis of the Paraguayan Chaco, 285 

which takes the place of the shuttle, between the warp threads. The woof thread 
is then pressed down into place by a kind of long wooden stiletto, smtirtly drawn 
along between the waip threads two or three times ; this is done in sections of 
about 12 inches at a time. When finished a good blanket is usually about 7 ft. x 6 ft. 

In a neighbouring tribe I have seen a woman sitting on the warp threads to 
keep them tight, the blanket being about 4 inches from the ground, and stretched 
horizontally ; with a stick of wood in use to help to separate the warp threads, and 
a shuttle for the wool. This wfiU3 probably a Mataco woman, and the improved 
method may have been derived from the Argentine Chtwjo. 

Basket-work {N.Q, viii). See below {N,Q, xxv and Plate XL, 3) for a description 
of the rude baskets used in catching fish. 

Stmng {N.Q. ix) is extensively made and used both by men and women. The 
fibre is procured from the " caraguata " (a species of wild pineapple) by scraping 
a leaf of the plant against a stick placed upright in the ground or through a fixed 
loop of string, with the two ends of the leaf held at an acute angle. It is worked 
up into string, from the size of thread to that of a half-inch rope, and is chiefly used 
in the manufacture of nets and string bags (Plate XLI, 5). A hank of string ready 
for use is often used as a belt. 

With string puzzles, after the fashion of " cat's cradles," they are very clever, 
and can make representations, with more or less faithfulness, of most common 
objects, a gourd, a rhea or a star, a pumpkin, a bird, some being very complicated 
and requiring four hands. 

Leather (N.Q. x) is not tanned, but is worked soft by creasing or folding the 
scraped skin in diagonal lines like the " crushed " leather of Western Asia, and 
accentuating the crease by passing the smooth lip of a large snail shell firmly 
along it The skin is then rubbed on the lap with a simultaneous wringing motion. 
The sewing of the women's petticoats is often very fine'. 

Pottery (N,Q. xi) is not used extensively, and more attention is paid to usefulness 
than to ornament Water pots (PL XL, 9), and cooking pots deep and rather 
conical in shape, for standing upright among the ashes, are maide by first rolling 
the clay between the hands in rolls about 9 inches long, and adding on piece by 
piece in the requisite shape (PL XXXVII). When halt dry the pots are scraped, 
and polished with the smooth rim of a shell, and then left in the sun for a day or 
two till quite (Jry, when they are baked in open fires made by piling wood around 
and over the pot. This method of firing is, of course, not good, and the clay is not 
baked evenly through. The earliest form of tobacco-pipe here was probably a 
rough bent cylinder of clay (Plate XL, 1). These, however, are but seldom seen 
now, for since the introduction of iron and steel knives, it is found more economical 
to make wooden pipes which will not break (Plate XL, 2). For painted pottery 
see N.Q. xxiv, below. 

Dyeing (N.Q. xii). — The bark of various trees is used for dye, but a small 
bulbous root with a fast dark-red dye is very much prized, and the cocliineal 
insect is also used. 



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286 Seymour H. C. Hawtrey. — The Lengrm Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco. 

The substances chiefly dyed are sheep's wool and cotton, which latter, like the 
former, is sometimes woven into blankets ; the wool is dyed, after being twisted, 
by steeping. String also is frequently dyed with bark to be made up into net bags. 

Fire {N.Q. xvi) is still obtained by friction ; though flint and steel, and even 
matches, are now becoming common. The method of friction which is employed 
is represented in Plate XL, 5. The upright stick is twirled between the palms of 
the hands. To produce the desired efifect firm pressure downwards is required, and 
quick recovery when the hands reach the bottom. Smoke comes quickly, but the 
spark takes a comparatively long time. When it does come, it ignites on the 
little heap of brown dust which is produced by the friction of the two woods, and 
is caught on the arrow head laid athwart beneath the horizontal fire-stick. The 
Lengua name of the wood for fire-sticks is hapin. The tree itself is shown in 
the background of Plate XXXV, lower, left. 

Coiiserva^ism {N,Q. xx). — I have mentioned that these Indians are conservative ; 
this is shown by their reluctance to adopt any new custom. When they are shown 
a new and better way of working, a common reply is, " It isn't better, our way is 
the best," or else, " That way may be good enough for you, you are accustomed to 
it, but our way suits us best." For instance, after we had endeavoured to teach 
them to shear their sheep with shears, the women still preferred to cut the wool 
otf with a knife as required, which apparently has always been their custom. 

Writing (If.Q. xxii). — Though there is no knowledge of writing among the 
Indians yet they can keep a diary, for as much as three weeks or a month, by 
means of a stick, about the size of a pencil, closely notched all round. Producing 
this from his bag, an Indian can retail the events of the past few weeks with 
accuracy. When on the march they are cw^customed to make certain signs wliich 
their friends following may understand. Where two paths branch off, a wisp of 
grass laid across the one means that the party in front has gone cm by the other. 
At an abandoned village a sign may sometimes be seen : a piece of stick or bamboo 
is planted in the ground and inclined in the direction which the natives have 
taken. In this case distance is also indicated by a slight hollow scooped out 
behind the stick, either long or short, and the purpose of their departure is shown 
by a wisp of rhea-feather, or a small gourd on the top, to show that they have 
gone hunting or to a feast. In cases such as these an Indian shows remarkably 
acute perception in reading what his friends wish to say. In hailing a friend 
from a distance, also, though the sounds to an onlooker may be but a confused 
noise, yet the Indian will understand. 

They appear to have no knowledge of the quipu system of keeping a record 
of historical events by knotted cords. 

Dravnng, etc. {N,Q, xxiii). — See above {N,Q, ix) for the representation of living 
objects by means of string puzzles of the type of our ** cat's cradles." 

Oi-nameiit (N,Q. xxiv). — All their ingenuity in the decorative arts is brought 
to bear on their pipes, and it is rare to find two pipes identically the same (cf. 
Plate XL, 2). A pipe with two bowls is occasionally seen but not much used. 



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Skymour H. C. Hawtrey. — The Lengim Indmns of the Paragu^ayan Chaco. 287 

Freaks in the wood are often used to make an original looking pipe. For textile 
ornament see above in section on Weaving {N,Q. vii). The decorated T66thli 
pottery shown in PL XL, 10, is painted with bits of resinous " paolo santo," and 
ornamented with flat pieces of shell stuck on with wax. 

Food {N.Q, XX v). — With regard io food they are dependent to a great extent upon 
what they can find in the open country. Deer of several varieties are abundant 
as also is the rhea. Different species of armadillo are also common, and fish, 
crocodiles, and otters are met with in the streams, along with nutria and 
carpincho. Fish are obtained generally by following the water in the swamps, 
where they often lie so thick in the stagnant pools that they can easily be caught 
by hand. Indians also make a little conical wicker basket about 2 feet high 
(Plate XL, 3), open at base and apex, which when placed over the fish easily enables 
the fisherman to catch it by putting his hand through the hole at the top. In the 
swamps and shallow streams " LolSch " or " mud-fish " (Lepidosire^i) are commonly 
found. In the deeper streams, bow and arrow is often used, and the T66thli 
Indians, after making weirs in the stream above and below some deep hole, catch 
the fish by diving after them with a narrow net fixed between two long sticks, 
stringing the fish on to a cord round the waist when caught Spears of pointed 
wire are used for eels and mud-fish. 

The leguminous aigardba or " caroub " (Prosopis dvlds) and similar tree-beans 
are common ; their fruit is pounded in wooden mortars, mixed with water, and 
handed round in gourds ; a handful is taken out, sucked, and put back again ; 
this is continued till all the hard seeds have been divested of their sweet covering, 
and the refuse is then thrown away. It is not at all a pleasant operation to watch, 
but it is said that this method of mastication helps the digestion. 

Meat is eaten either roasted or boiled, and well cooked. 

Milk the native will not touch, nor mushrooms, considering them unfit for 
food. For other superstitions with regard to food see (N,Q. xxxvii) below. 

Salt is sometimes made from a fleshy plant growing in salt, marshy spots. 
It is burnt, and the grey ashes pressed into a lump like a stone. A specimen may 
be seen in the British Museum. 

Tobacco (cf. N.Q. Part I, Sec. 10) is grown in small quantities in the gardens, 
which are generally unfenced, and a mile or two away from the village, in order 
that the flocks of goats and sheep may not trample and destroy them. It is in 
general use both with men and women, though occasionally an Indian is met with 
who does not smoke ; it is not prepared by being hung up to dry in the usual way, 
but is picked, pounded in a mortar, spread out to partly dry, and then pressed 
between the hands into small cakes, which are threaded on a string and hung up 
in the house. It never turns brown, but remains a dark brownish green, and has 
a different and softer flavour when compared with properly cured tobacco. 

In keeping with his socialistic ideas (see below N.Q, xxxii) an Indian never 
smokes his pipe out, but passes it from one to another. It is quite usual for one 
man to produce a pipe, another to fill it, and a third to light it, and pass it on. 



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288 Sbymour H. C. Hawtrby. — The Lengua Ijidiam of the Paraguayan Chaw. 

The pipes were formerly of clay (N,Q. xi above), but are now more commonly of 
wood. They are usually decorated elaborately (N.Q. xxiv above and Plate XL, 1, 2). 

Cannibalism (N.Q, xxwiyh not practised. For traditions on the subject, «6'-c 
below (KQ. xxvii, ad fin.). 

Religious Beliefs {N.Q. xxvii). — It lias been said that no aboriginal race is 
absolutely devoid of a knowledge or idea of some supernatural being or higher 
power ; but after ten years' residence among the Chaco Indians, and an intimate 
acquaintance with their language and customs, one is forced to the conclusion that 
they have no conception of a God. There is, however, a marked fear of what are 
called KUyikhaTna or spirits. These are supposed to be most generally seen at 
night, and are practically the same as the ghosts of civilized countries. No doubt 
the Indians sometimes persuade themselves into the belief that they see the shades 
of dead people, and it is certain that they are strongly influenced by suggestion ; 
but more often, since ghosts are seen at night, they are probably deluded by a 
chance effect of moonlight, or by a startled animal such as the rhea, which 
would vanish almost as soon as seen. When a person dies, his spirit is supposed 
to haunt his old home, and for this reason his relations and friends invariably pull 
down the house and in a few hours build a fresh one at a respectful distance. 

The dances described below, under the heading of " Games " {N,Q, Ixvii), do not 
seem to have any religious significance. 

Mythology {N.Q, xxviii). — There is a tradition of the creation that from a hole in 
the ground caused by a beetle, a witch doctor commanded that a man and a woman 
shoTild come forth, and they did so. In this tradition it is difficult to explain 
the presence of the witch doctor himself ; but the story may be incorrectly stated. 

I have heard that when the sun sets it is supposed to pass inside the earth, 
where there is another country somewhat similar to this one, of which the sky or 
roof is the ground that we tread on, and where the spirits of dead people live. 
The entrance to this place was described to me as being far in the west, a dark 
hole leading downwards, the approach to which was very stony and painful to the 
feet. It is possible that, if this story is true, it may embody some dim recollection 
of the shafts or galleries of the silver mines at Potosi or elsewhere, which would 
naturally make a deep impression on an Indian's mind, but they are so reticent 
with regard to their inner life and thoughts, that it is very seldom they can be 
persuaded to speak on these matters, and when they do, one has to discriminate 
between the palpably foolish stories and those in which there may be some 
truth. 

To give another instance of what I mean, there is a story that beyond the 
Northern Lenguas there is a tribe of Indians who have only three toes and go by 
the name of ** Like-rhea's-feet," and who can run with more than human speed. 
This I believe to be simply, as one might call it, a " fairy tale." At about the 
same time I heard a story, that away in the north-west a section of the Lenguas in 
that part were in the habit of digging, on rising ground, wells so deep that they 
used a bucket and a rope. This, at the time, I put down to be very possibly a 



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Seymour H. C. Hawtrey. — The Le^gua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco, 289 

fabrication, for our Indians almost always dig broad and shallow wells, but after- 
wards, in travelling to the north-west, I found it to be true in every particular. 
The wells were on rising ground in a sandy soil, about 15 or 20 feet deep, with a 
hole at the top only 2 feet by 2 feet 6 inches in diameter, and so made that a man 
could go down by foot holes on either side (as I myself went down to see how it 
was made), and a bucket and rope were used. 

They also have a story that the Indians who live on the old river beds running 
east and west, and dry for the greater part of the year, when they get hungry for 
fish, as they say, are accustomed to send a specially good blanket by a messenger 
to the far west with the request that the water should be sent down to them. 
Upon this the people there make a fence or dam in the big river with the tnmks 
of trees and so turn the water into the required channel, and in due time the 
hungry Indians see their fish. It would be interesting to try and probe the truth 
of this story. Certainly, on the foothills of the Andes, the practice of damming is 
well known, and was extensively resorted to even before the Spanish Conquest ; so 
that it would not be altogether surprising if it were used on a larger scale in the 
way described. 

The Pilcomayo River, also, which bounds the Paraguayan Chaco on the west 
and south, has been an object of tantalizing interest to geographers for many years, 
on account of the apparent impossibility of following its course, for it is blocked by 
a water-weed where it spreads out into the Patifio swamp (after the manner of the 
sudd on the Nile), and also, because there is a greater volume of water in its upper 
reaches than is found at its mouth where it flows into the Paraguay River. This 
strange phenomenon has been accounted for in various ways, as being due to 
evaporation in the great PatiHo swamp, or to the water being lost in the great 
sandy desert of the Chaco, both of which explanations are inadequate. The real 
reason is, as I believe, that the Pilcomayo (Fig. 1) has a delta which comprises a 
large proportion of the streams flowing into the Paraguay between latitude 22° S. 
and latitude 24J° S. Therefore, the flood waters of the Pilcomayo, sent down by 
the melting snows of the Andes, find their slow and tortuous way through many 
channels to the Paraguay River. Every year, therefore, the Indians on these old 
river beds look forward to the flowering time of the grass, because then they expect 
the water to come down from the unknown west, bringing with it the big fat 
fish which are only found in the deep, freshwater rivers. 

One other interesting story these Indians have, namely, that there is a pigmy 
tribe living in the forests in the west, shy, and easily frightened, but good little 
people, and hard workers. They are described as about the size of boys of nine or 
ten years old, but full grown. I believe this story has been met with in the 
Argentine territory, and, if so, it is likely that there is some truth in it, for our 
Indians do not easily communicate with the Argentine people. 

There are traditions or rumours, but possibly with slight foundation, of a 
cannibal race in the west, and the practice of scalping, though not in vogue, is still 
not unknown to tradition. 

Vol. XXXI. V 



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290 Seymour H. C. Hawtrey. — The Lengiut Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco. 

Superstitions {KQ. xxix). — There is deep-rooted superstition with regard to 
heetles^ over which insects the witch-doctors are supposed to have a peculiar power 
(cf. N.Q, xxviii above, and xxx below). 

The night before an Indian goes out hunting he may be sometimes heard 
chanting alone, with his rattle for an accompaniment, for several hours. This is 
called yabinyoa. After a time of rain and wet, when the sun comes through the 
clouds for a moment, I have seen an old native pick up a fire brand and point it at 
the sun with an exclamation ; by way of encouragement to the sun, as it was 
explained. 

When weary of a wet day and when it has cleared up slightly, should 
they see another rain cloud coming up, one Indian will say to another, 
" Iwatakdp," blow ! or pufif ! and the other will say " Schwa," and motion with the 
hand as if to push back the rain cloud. 

Great faith is placed in dreams. It would seem that the spirit really is 
believed to be absent from the body, and engaged in acting what is being dreamt. 
But with regard to all the class of beliefs or superatitions which may fall under the 
head of mythology, it is almost impossible to determine accurately what is in the 
native's mind, for they are very reticent in these matters, and their reticence has 
been heightened by the knowledge that the superstition is regarded with disfavour 
by the missionaries. Moreover, a noticeable point is that a native after telling 
about his customs will not bear being questioned or cross-examined. If he tell his 
story one day, and be asked about it the next, he either will have forgotten it, or 
else will so skilfully steer clear of the subject that no satisfaction can be got, and 
one is left to wonder if there was any truth in it in the first instance. 

Magic and Witchcraft {KQ, xxx). — Witch-doctors are numerous and powerful. 
Most Indians believe that they make the potatoes, pumpkins, and other plants to 
grow in the gardens ; yet although while they live these witch-doctors are endowed 
with supernatural powers, they are believed to die as ordinary men, and are not 
credited with any exceptional powers after death. There is probably a ceremony 
of initiation but the secret is jealously guarded. The witch-doctor is supposed to 
have the power of introducing beetles into a man's stomach for the purpose of 
killing him, therefore when a man feels his stomach ache, he often inu^ines that 
beetles are inside him, and he appeals to the witch-doctor of his particular family 
to cast them out. The curing is generally done at night. The man is laid on the 
ground, the witch-doctor sits by his side, and a ring of men sit round. The doctor 
then begins to spit on and to suck the man's stomach over the painful part, to the 
accompaniment of an excited though monotonous chant from his assistants. 
Eattles are also used. After some time the doctor produces, as he is sucking, 
a beetle, or a palm nut, or a fish bone. If the patient is semi-conscious it is 
supposed that his spirit has escaped and is wandering round waiting to be recalled. 
This is done in the manner before described, and the symptoms of returning 
consciousness are hailed with cheerful reUef. A spirit may also be driven out 
of a patient in th^ same way. The ear-discij of witch-doctors are generally fac^ 



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Seymour H, C. Hawtrey. — The Lengua Indians of the Pararpiayan Ch4ico, 291 

with bright pieces of glass or bits of polished tin, and these are said to have some- 
thing to do with the " shadows " or pis-chische. As the doctor leans over his 
patient the glittering glass may catch and reflect some faint light, enough to give 
him the clue to his statement that the spirit has gone this way or that. Some of 
the witch-doctors probably really believe in their power to cure, though the more 
intelligent among them must know that they practise conjuring tricks, and work on 
the feelings of the people. It must be i*emembered also that faith helps largely in 
a cure. 

Customs {KQ, xxxv). — Etiquette is strictly observed in the reception of 
visitors. A string of visitors advancing in Indian file is seen from a distance, 
winding towards the village along the narrow Indian path. Discussion immediately 
arises as to who they are, and where they come from ; and £is they get nearer, 
they may be identified as friends or comparative strangers ; if the former, their 
particular friends in the village prepare to welcome them; in any case should 
there be any food in the village, such as potatoes or pumpkins, or mandioca, fires 
are stirred up and pots put on. As the strangers come near, the dogs rush out 
and bark, the women chide them or beat them off with sticks ; and the visitors 
halt a few yards from the house. A chief man goes forward and says a few words 
of welcome or enquiry, such as "Do you wish to rest?" the leading women 
of the village then approach, and each woman relieves two or three of the men of 
their bows and arrows, returning with them to their respective parts of the long 
open house; the visitors follow their bows and arrows, and are soon seated 
on freshly dusted skins under the shade of the roof, while a pipe is filled, lighted, 
and handed round ; and the newcomers proceed to answer questions as to whence 
they come, where they slept the previous night, how many days they have been 
travelling, and what they have had to eat on the journey. A stranger is not 
expected to be too effusive, it is quite the correct thing for him to sit almost silent 
for hours at a time. The men are often accompanied by their wives and children 
on these visits. 

A noticeable and curious habit is the repetition of speech by the listener, 
especially in leave-taking, which is invariably formal and polite. An Indian 
ready to leave, with his blanket carefully girded up, and his bundle of arrows 
stuck through the belt at his side, will come and stand in front of where the chief 
is sitting by his house, and lean carelessly on his bow, while a conversation such 
as the following may take place, not in a hurried manner, but slowly and 
deliberately : — 

A. I am going to leave. 

B. You are going to leave. 

A. I am going home by the straight road. 

B. You are going home by the straight road. 

A. I shall sleep at so and so. 

B. You will sleep at so and so. 

A. We shall see fish there in the streams. 

B. You will see fish there in the streams, the savalOf fine and fat, my word ! 

V 2 



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292 Sbymour H. C. Hawtrby. — T/te Lengua Indians of the Paragiiayan CJiaco. 

A. Fine and fat, my word ! 

B. You will see pumpkins at the village beyond. 

A. We shall see, eta, etc. 

B. You will arriye home by the full of the moon. 

A. I shall arrive, eta Perhaps we shall kill a deer on the sandy patch. 

B. Perhaps you will kill a deer on the sandy patch. 

A. ( With a siidden air of " wdl, I must be going ") I am going away. 

B. Go! 



Government {N.Q, xxxvi). — We may here glance at the principles of socialism 
which are so deeply instilled in the minds of these Indians. Unlike many other 
native tribes who have their chiefs and head men, the Lengua natives rale theii- 
lives almost exclusively by public opinion. So-called chiefs there are, certainly, 
but a better name for them would be " Father of the Family." As far as I know 
there are no rites or ceremonies in this connexion, the most influential man 
naturally taking his place as spokesman or head of the little gathering. The 
chief is also expected to provide for his followers, and in tins respect he is more 
like the father of a family than a chief, in the recognized sense of the word. 
A young chief once said to the Superintendent of the South American Mission, 
" Why do you not give me presents ? My followers expect me to give them 
things, and I do so; you are my chief, but I find you do not give me any presents." 
The more intelligence a chief has, the better he is able to provide for his followers 
and to work for their welfare. Should an important question be discussed a chief 
would hardly venture to lay down the law or any particular point where his views 
were likely to be at variance with those of his followers, though he might wish to 
do so ; he would find out, by listening to conversation, the wishes of the majority, 
and then carry the matter through a^ if it was entirely his own idea. A heated 
discussion is almost unknown ; in really serious matters they are very quiet Only 
twice in four years have I seen what in England would be called " a row," and in 
each case a woman was the subject of dispute. The natives are very much 
attached to each other and to their own country ; in telling the story of " the 
Prodigal Son " to a Christian native, so that he might tell his friends, I found, in 
spite of repeated explanations, that it was impossible to mttke him understand 
that the elder brother could have been aggrieved by the return of the Prodigal ; 
such an idea would hardly find room in a native's mind ; it would be considered 
such "bad form" by public opinion, that he would not be able to bear the 
disapprobation of his fellows. This feeling is so ingrained in them, that it is 
difficult to get an Indian to compete against others for a prize which is to be 
received by only one. Those who lose feel hurt because they lose, and he who wins 
feels grieved because the others are hurt. Anger there may be, but it is usually 
cloaked over with smooth words ; backbiting and slander come afterwards, as for 
instance with the Northern Lenguas or Sanapana who occasionally visit the 
station to trade. They are courteously treated while they stay, but after they 
have gone it is common for an Indian of the district to come in with the tale thi^t 



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Seymour H. C. Hawtrey. — The Lemgvxi Indians of the Paragtuiyan OIuico. 293 

" the Sanapancis have been stealing the mandioca or pumpkins out of your garden 
as they passed by." 

These Indians are a reasoning and reasonable people, if they are treated as 
such. Though one may be angry with them, experience teaches that it is wise to 
keep one's temper, and a quiet reply with a dash of sarcasm in it has more effect 
than a blustering command ; in the latter case the native would properly make 
no open reply, but subsequently would remark to his friends, perhaps with a 
smile, "he is cross, he is angry," and he would probably be advised to 
visit the next village for a day or two. Should a native be dismissed for 
incapacity it is always well to give him a comforting reason for it ; to suggest 
that his garden at home needs weeding, or that his father and mother are longing 
to see him again. 

Mtisic {N.Q. xli). — Chaco Indians are decidedly unmusical as we understand 
music, being quite unable to follow the simplest tunes. They have, however, 
droning chants of their own,* and a few instnmients with a range of only two or 
three notes. One is a round flat whistle (Plate XLI, 2, 3), which is worn around the 
neck (Fig. 1) ; it has a hole at the top which is held to the lips, while the thumb 
and fore-finger make the notes from two side holes. A kind of flute is also used, 
made of bamboo or bone ; as well as a small rough kind of violin, made from a 
single block of wood, with one string of horse-hairs and a bow (Plate XLI, 1). 

The wind instrument of cow's horn, figured in Plate XLI, 4, is used mostly by 
the Suhin, T66thli, and Western Lenguas, and either with or without the reed 
mouth-piece which is shown in the figure. Some Indians can blow the horn, 
which is used for signalling in the open country, without inserting a reed. Those, 
on the other hand, who cannot manage the horn by itself, insert the reed in order 
to produce the sound. To the Indian, therefore, the reed seems to be rather a 
makeshift than an improvement. 

Language (N.Q. xliii). — The Lengua language is of the polysynthetic order and 
is of the same general formation and character of expression as the above 



^ In the two examples which follow I can vouch for the words ; for I have often recited 
them to the natives to their satisfaction. The chant has its musical intervals, but they are 
too vague and irregular to be reproduced in our notation. 

1. Lengua chanty at Maning dance (from a 2. Lengua chanty at the Manxng dance, 

Suhin source). The word luuerkla^ upon from a Suhin, or T66thli source, 

which much stress is laid, means " moon ^ in H6-nl-a-d 

Suhin. H6-ni-a-d 

H6 e nl H6-nl-a-4i-i 

H6 a h6ni y4 H6-ni-a-^-i 

H6 a Mm y4 Ha-6e-nl-a-&i-i 

H6 a 1 nl He-6-ni-a-tis-a-d 

H6 a him yd H6-nf-a-d 

H6 a hdni hiuerkla H6-nf-a-4 

H4 a h&ni h6 i a Hd-e-ni-a-al-i 

H6 a hdni h6 i a Ha-6-nf-a-(is-a-4 

{Repeat.^ {Repeat.) 



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294 Seymour H. C. Ha.wtrey. — The Lenffua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaeo. 

mentioned tribes, though in all of them the tongue itself is different, and it 
is impossible to class them as dialects one of the other. They do not readily 
incorporate foreign words into their language, being in this respect imlike other 
native races, who with a turn of the tongue will make an English word their own. 
To a New Zealander, for instance, a kettle immediately becomes a ketara, but to a 
Lengua it always remains mithiifig chischama-yingmin, " a thing to boil water in." 
To a Maori, horse is h^iho, but a Lengua calls it yatnaiUing or yat-napothling, " like 
a tapir," this animal being the nearest approach to a horse that he had known 
before its importation by the Spaniards. 

For the numerals see below {Arithmetic, N.Q, Ix). 

Histoy {li.Q. xlv). — With regard to the origin of these Indians, they 
themselves say that they come from the north-west, and their superstitions rather 
point in that direction, for the witch-doctors in the West are said to be more 
powerful than their own. And in the wearing of their blankets and string bags 
some connection may be found with those Indians who were known to be 
subject to the dominion of the Incas four hundred years ago, for bags almost 
identical in pattern and texture have been found in ancient graves in Peru ; and 
the Indians in the West, at least the two tribes there with whom I have come in 
contact, are able to weave much better blankets than the Lenguas. But any 
statement with regard to their origin must of necessity be most indefinite, for they 
have no tradition of the past for more than a man's lifetime ; and leave no 
monuments by which to trace their history. 

Archaeology {N,Q, xlvi). — It is said that a part of the district now inhabited 
by the Lenguas was at one time occupied by another race called Paiagua, or 
" people of the river," and this is corroborated by the discovery of stone axes and 
pottery, the presence of which can only be accounted for by the natives, by the 
theory that the pottery belongs to spirits or ghost people, and that the stones fell 
from Heaven. 

Hunting {N,Q. xlviii). — The bow and arrow are the principal weapons ; and 
since civilization has brought hoop-iron within their reach, iron arrow-heads are 
common ; these, with their stiff bows, which require a strong arm to use with 
proper effect, have great penetration. The iron arrow-head (PI. XL, 7) is fixed into 
a wooden socket (b) which in its turn has a point to be inserted into a bamboo 
shaft (c) bound to prevent splitting. The old wooden barbed arrow-heads (PL XL, 
8) which are still extensively made and used, need, of course, no socket The two 
feathers are always fixed with a slight curve, which gives the effect of a screw, 
and is quite sufficient to make the arrow spin in its passage through the air. It is 
difficult to say if this is done purposely, or whether the idea has been handed 
down till it has become an invariable custom. Most arrows have barbs, but I met 
an Indian who was travelling in a part of the country where he thought he might 
chance to meet an enemy and he had provided himself with a bundle of arrows 
without barbs, sajdng they were for his enemies. If this proves to be the usual 
custom, as it well may be, it speaks well for their considerate dispositions. Blunt 



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Seymour H. C. Hawtrey. — The Lengua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco. 295 

headed arrows (Plate XXX*IX, 2 ; XL, 6) are also used, for small birds, by the 
boys, who begin to handle their little bows and ari'ows at three or four years of age. 

The boys also use a kind of sling-bow, or pellet-bow (Plate XXXIX, 1). 

Traps are sometimes used for foxes, and string snares for the rhea. 

In hunting the rhea, the natives almost always provide themselves witli 
a large bundle of grass or creepers with which they envelop their head and 
shoulders. Without this precaution they could seldom get near enough for an 
accurate shot, but with it the ostrich appears not to notice the approach of the 
hunter. Dogs are much used in hunting. 

Poison for arrows may be known, but is not in general use. 

Training of Animals (N,Q, Ixii). — ^All kinds of wild animals are tamed when 
caught young, but generally revert to their wild state at maturity. 

Infanticide {KQ. Ivi) is quite common among the Lenguas ; an interval of 
seven or eight years being always observable between children of the same family. 
Not only are babies, which are born in this interval, immediately killed, but 
abortion is also practised. The reasons for this are obvious from the Indian's 
point of view. 

The woman has the hard work of carrying food from garden and field, and all 
the transport to do ; the Lenguas are a nomadic race (p. 281), and their frequent 
moves often entail journeys of from ten to twenty miles a day, the woman carrying 
all the household furniture, pots, water jars, wool and skins in a large net bag on 
her back with a supporting string round the forehead. In one hand she carries a 
palm-digger (which is a bar of iron sharpened at one end, used for getting at the 
tops of young palms), sometimes a reed mat, which is used as a roof, occasionally a 
cat, a fowl, or some other tame animal, and seated on the top, the baby. The man 
walks in front, carrying nothing but his bow and arrows, for he is the food 
provider on the journey, and custom allows his freedom from all impedimenta, 
although he sometimes gives his little boy a lift. Travelling with natives under 
these circumstances, one is forced to the conclusion that it would be impossible for 
a mother to have more than one young child to carry and to care for. 

The Lenguas are also extremely socialistic, and public opinion on the subject 
of a screaming child at night is very much the same as among civilized races : 
while it is customary to suckle children till five or six years of age. 

Again, the child of a girl whose first marriage is not a success, and whose 
husband deserts her, is generally killed at birth, the mother feeling that it is the 
man's part of married life to provide meat for them both, and fsdling the food 
provider she does not care to be burdened with a child, who may also prevent her 
from procuring a second husband. 

It is also possible that medicine men and the head men of a family may have 
some idea of regulating the population to suit the existing food supply of their 
particular district. These are the probable reasons for infanticide, though there may 
be more remote causes of which the Indians prefer to keep strangers in ignorance. 

Burials (iV.^. Iviii). — As death approaches, a kind of stupor seems generally 



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296 Seymour H. C. Hawteby. — The Le^ngica Indians of the Paroffuayan Chaco. 

DO overcome the sufferer, and as Indians are unwilling that death should actually 
take place after dark, the dying man's end is sometimes purposely hastened by 
suffocation. This seems cruel, but I believe it is done out of supposed kindness to 
the victim. When death is due to causes which they cannot understand, and 
which they therefore attribute to some foreign witch-doctor or yihothma, the body is 
mutilated at death ; the stomach being cut open, and a stone being inserted, 
together with some charred bones. This is supposed to secure the victim's revenge, 
by killing the offending witch-doctor. 

I have only seen one burial, that of a little girl nine or ten yeara' old. 
Dysentery was the cause of death, which took place about midday. I was away 
at the time, and though she was mutilated in the manner described, I did not see 
the process. She had been carried by her father to a shady spot under some trees 
about half-a-mile from the house, and when I arrived, was laid down on her right 
side, covered over with a new apron of red- and- white check-pattern. I uncovered 
the face for a moment to see if she were really dead, but made no further exami- 
nation, for I did not wish to hurt the feelings of the parents, who— especially the 
father — had been very kind to her during her illness, and I am quite sure that 
anything they may have done to her was done according to their ideas of kindness. 
I was surprised that they should have buried her with the new cotton wrapper, for 
they must have valued it considerably. The ground was very hard, and the grave 
was dug under a tree, 18 inches or 2 feet deep, with room enough for the 
child to lie on her side in a slightly doubled-up position with the knees drawn up. 
When they had filled in some of the earth, there was evidently a proposal to kill 
the child's favourite dog for interment above her, but in deference to my presence 
it was not done. I believe it was not killed afterwards. A woman who was 
sitting near produced a ball of wax, and stuck a few snake's teeth in it, with the 
remark, " We will take care of our friends " ; this was placed by the grave-side, 
but whether it was put in afterwards or not I am unable to say. The child's skins, 
petticoats, and other effects were afterwards burnt close by, and no mound or mark 
was made to show the position of the grave. 

AHihmetic (N.Q, Ix). — The Lenguas can count without much difficulty up to 
twenty, using, of course, their fingers and toes. Beyond that comes " many," and 
if a very large number is required, " the hairs of the head " are called into requi- 
sition. TMama " one," and anit " two," are apparently root words ; the rest appear 
to depend upon them, and on the Lands. AntantJUaDia, for " three," appears to be 
made by these two words joined (3 = 2 -h 1). Four is " two sides alike." 

Five:— ** One hsind:' 

Six : — '* Arrived at the other hand one." 

Seven : — *' Arrived at the other hand two," and so on. 

Ten:~"'Funahed the hands." 

Eleven : — " Arrived at the foot one." 

Sixteen : — " Arrived at the other foot one." 

Twenty : — " Finished the feet" 



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Seymour H. C. Hawtrey. — The Lenffua Indians of the Paraguayan Chaco, 297 

Oame8(If.Q. Ixvii). — Several games appear to be universal among these tribes. 
A characteristic game, represented in Plate XXXVIII, 1, is called " H&stdufa" and 
is much on the same principle as our race-games played with dice. About twenty 
holes are scooped out in a semi-circle on the ground, about 4 to 6 inches long and 
4 inches apart. One round hole deeper than the rest is in the centre, and this 
repi-esents a well or deep stream of water, in which the players may be " drowned " 
and so put out of the game. The dice are four pieces of wood, round on one side 
and flat on the other. Two are held in each hand, and brought smartly together, and 
then are swept ofl* the under hand on to a smooth piece of hide. Even numbers, 
flat or round, score variously, and allow another throw ; odd numbers give the next 
man his turn. The scoring is done by means of arrows stuck in the holes, and as 
they are not good at counting, this part of the game appears rather complicated to 
an observer. But to the players it appears fascinating (though only indulged in at 
one season of the year) for the sibilant " hds- " of the players and the click of the 
dice as they toss them down may be heard for hours together. An element of 
gambling is apparent in this game, for beads, and other small articles of apparel, 
frequently change hands. I believe that this game is meant to represent a war 
party on a raiding expedition, for little bits of wood or stick, placed in several of 
the small holes, are said to be " gardens *' or patches of mandioca, pumpkins, or 
potatoes, which are supposed to be destroyed by the enemy, who plays himself into 
one of the holes and throws out the contents. The players take sides, and the rule 
is to proceed from one end to the other of the row of holes and back again. 

The game of hockey appears to be indigenous amongst them, but it is hard to 
discover any rules in the general scramble for the ball I have seen a goal at each 
end, composed of a pile of sticks heaped up, and as many as forty men playing in 
one game, among the Suhin. 

With their turn of thought, one could hardly expect complicated rules among 
these Indians, for the idea of keen rivalry or competition seems to find no place in 
their ideas except in wrestling, at which boys and men are very adept 

A sort of battledore-and-shuttlecock is played by the children, who use their 
hands for the bat ; the shuttlecock is a doubled-up wisp of corn-cob leaves, tightly 
tied round to form a knob, with the loose ends cut square, and two or three long 
rhea feathers inserted. These will carry a longer distance than our Badminton 
shuttlecock. 

Tops are known and used, but whether they are indigenous or not it is hard 
to say. The doll shown in PL XL, 4, is merely a small unaltered bone dressed up 
in rags. 

Chaco Indians are very fond of feasts, and any occasional abundance in their 
food supply is eagerly welcomed as an excuse for one. 

Dances form a prominent part in these feasts, and of these dances there are 
four or five different classes — 

(1) That called Kyaiya is the most common. It generally commences at sun* 
set, lasting through the night, and the next day and night, and concluding at the 



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298 Seymour H. C. Hawtbey. — The Zengna Indians of the Paragvxiyan Chaco. 

followiDg dawn. The Kyaiya, which gives the name to the feast, is a gourd rattle. 
When once started the rattle is supposed not to stop till the feast is over. Mere 
amusement is connected with this feast, and no superstition, as far as is known. 
The men stand round in a ring and sway their bodies with a slight motion, as they 
beat time with the rattles, while the chanting chorus rises and falls. The women 
join in occasionally, dancing behind with their hands on the men's belts. 

(2) The women also have a separate dance of their own, where they appear 
to protect a young girl from evil spirits, who twine in and out, in line, uttering 
shrill cries (PL XXXVII, 1 ; XXXVIII, 2). The boys who represent these evil 
spirits are dressed up in rhea-feathers, and wear a bag over their head. 

(3) The Yanmana is a long feast at which marriages are contracted and 
during which all the other dances may take place. 

(4) The Wainkya is so called from the " JFainkya,'* or pot, which, converted 
into a drum by means of a piece of leather tightly stretched over it, is beaten like 
a drum throughout this particular feast. 

(5) The Maning (= " circle ") is a series of shoi-t song-dances which may take 
place at either of the above. For the songs at the inaning dance, see above 
p. 293 n. 

Contact with Civilized Baces {N,Q, Ixxiv). — It is too soon yet to conmient 
definitely on the effect of civilization on the Lengua Indians. In many ways 
they are undoubtedly open to good influences. Morality, for instance, which 
is generally so low in native razees, is with them so high that they compare favour- 
ably with all but the higher class of the civilized Spanish-speaking population, 
their neighbours over the river. Of course there is room for improvement, but in 
teaching, for instance, that a man should only have one wife, we are emphasizing 
their own unwritten law or custom. At the station of the South American 
Missionary Society, a marked improvement is observed in the manners and 
behaviour of the Indians who are resident there. They become open and frank, 
clean and smart in their dress, quick to learn and dependable. 

It is not to be expected that their nomadic habits would be cast off in a day : 
a generation would be short iu which to effect such a change, and it is found wise 
when they get restless, or dull, after a month or so of continued settled occupation, 
to change their work, or to let them visit their friends for a time. They are not 
encouraged at the mission stations to alter their style of dress, though they them- 
selves are delighted to throw off their heavy woollen blankets, and to don 
European shirts and trousers. Yet these do not become them so well, and are less 
healthy. Indeed, the wearing of the left-oflf clothing of Paraguayans becomes a 
source of actual danger to them, on account of infectious diseases, from which, 
among themselves, they are remarkably free. Tliose Indians who go and live at 
the " Coast," as the banks of the great Paraguay River are called, are brought in 
contact with that debased form of civilization which everywhere obtains on the 
borders of a new coimtry, and rapidly give way before its evil influence. Drink, 
of course, in the form of the common cane-nun, plays havoc amongst them. 



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Sbymour H. C. Hawtrey. — Hie Lengtut Indiam of the Paraguayan Chaco. 299 

Missionaries are sometimes blamed for penetrating into new countries, but 
their influence for good on the natives amongst whom they have settled in the 
Chaco, when these are compared with the raw material, or with those who are often 
met with in the town, cannot for one moment be doubted. Yet at the same time 
it must be confessed that by their very good works they have placed an obstacle in 
their own path, and in that of the future welfare of their converts. Fifteen years 
ago no Paraguayans would enter the Chaco, unless well armed and in large 
numbers. Now you may travel in all parts unarmed, and alone, if you wish it, 
with only native companions. In consequence of this, which is the eflect of the 
British missions, the country is now being filled up rapidly with Paraguayan 
settlers, who have but a poor influence on the native life and character. 

The Paraguayan Government having sold every acre of land in their part of 
the Chaco, there is no provision whatever for Indian reserves, and an Indian has 
no more social rights, until he is baptized, than a tiger or other wild beast, and tliis 
is the light in which he is generally looked upon in South America. 

The British public does not appear to sympathize with the combination of 
Industrial with Missionary work, and seems to consider that the Gospel alone 
should be sufficient enlightenment to enable an Indian to find his level in the daily 
increasing strife of race and creed. But to an unbiassed observer it is evident 
that if no means can be taken to prevent the increasing influx of a debased form 
of civilization whose chief agent is rum, it will not be many generations before 
there are no more Chaco Indians to discuss. 



V Plates XXXV, XXXVI, XXXVII, XXXVIII and XXXIX, 1, are fi-om blocks 
kindly lent by the South American Missionary Society. 



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( 300 ) 

THE NATIVE TRIBES OF MANIPUR 

By T. C. Hodson. 

[Presented 10th December, 1901.] 

Manipur is the foreign, the Hindustani name for the country which the people 
themselves call the Meithei Lei-pak, the broad laud of the Meitheis. The Burmese 
call it Kattiay or Kassay, while the Bengalis and Assamese call it Moglai — 
a variant on its Naga name MeUi or Mekri. 

The Meitheis themselves have — since their conversion to Hinduism — ^put 
forward a claim to descent from Arjun, one of the Pandavas, who once visited 
the valley and, like many a foreigner since, married a woman of the coimtry 
who became the ancestress of the race. In support of this claim they point to 
an obscure passage in the Mahabharat. We may safely reject this claim because 
their own records prove that prior to the advent of Hindu missionaries in the 
beginning of the eighteenth century the Meitheis were very much what the 
hillmen are to-day, only with a greater amount of material civilization and 
culture. The language is unmistakably allied, and that closely, to the Chin, 
Lusei, Kuki ditdects. The people are in feature of the Mongoloid type and in 
no way resemble the Aryan or Aryanised peoples of Hindustan.^ Among all the 
hill tribes in State is current a tradition which declares the Kuki to be descended 
from the eldest of three brothers. The youngest brother is the ancestor of the 
Manipuris and the descendants of the middle brother are the Nagas. In one or 
two Tangkhul villages, side by side with this tradition, I have heard a story 
which brings the Nagas from the valley whence they emigrated to the hills 
because they found the heat and the mosquitoes quite unbearable. 

Among all primitive peoples the holder of the kingly office is a person of 
the greatest importance and interest. I hope to show that Manipur is no 
exception to this rule, and my notes will mainly deal with the mysterious and 
interesting ideas and ceremonies connected with the position of the king in 
Manipur. The word for king itself {Niiigthou) seems to mean " the person who 
may do the thing he wiD, and is a very apt word to use of a being who is regarded 
and addressed as one but little inferior to the gods themselves. 

I do not know, and I have not been able to discover, when or by whom was 
started the belief that the rule of succession to the throne of Manipur was that 
of brother succeeding to brother. The records disclose a very different state of 
things. If there was any rule at all, it was that of primogeniture, modified very 
considerably by the theory that might is right. There, is, however, a good deal of 
interesting mystery about the succession of Garib Nawaz or Pamheiba, whose 

» For physical measurements of the Meitheis (Mitais, Maithais) see Waddell, Jowm. As. 
Soc Bengalj Ixix, Pt iii, p. 114 (Calcutta, 1901).— [Ed.] 



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T. C. HODSON.— J%e Native Tribes of Manipn/r. 301 

predecessor was Churai Rongba, who coquetted with Hinduism and finally reverted 
to his pristine creed. It is said that in a dream or from a prophecy Churai 
Bongba learnt that he was destined to be slain by his own son. He determined 
to avoid his fate if possible, and therefore whenever one of his wives presented 
him with a son and heir, the babe was promptly put out of the way. It fell out 
that the principal Rani was delivered of a son at a time when the Raja was away 
on an expedition. A stillborn child — a boy — the son of one of the Raja's slaves, 
was shown to the world as the royal babe, and the living infant was stealthily 
conveyed by night to a Naga village in the hills, where it was reared. In the course 
of time, Churai Rongba discovered that he had a living heir. He then invited all 
the Naga children of the age of his son, to look on at some boat races. They 
were treacherously massacred, but the young prince somehow managed to 
escape. A little later, Churai Rongba came across his son, and, struck by the 
lad*s intelligence and courage, all unwittingly made him one of his personal 
attendants. Pamheiba then heard of the prophecy and of his royal origin, and 
succeeded in killing or some say accidentally and in ignorance killed his father 
when they were out hunting together. Pamheiba, too, was in his turn killed by 
his son Ugut Shah. The Naga village Maikel, which in this tradition is said to 
have afforded shelter to the prince, was given the privilege of precedence above 
all other Naga villages on the day when the great annual Naga sports are held, as 
a reward for their protection and help. This village has a monumental stone 
which they say marks the place whence the common ancestor of the Nagas, the 
Manipuris and the Kukis, emerged from the darkness below. 

An educated Manipuii once told me when we were discussing this story that 
there was another legend that the son of Pakhongba, the snake king, the semi- 
divine ancestor of the royal clan, unwittingly killed his father, mistaking him for 
a snake. For this reason, the taint of parricide clings ever to the royal house of 
Manipur. Among the Tangkhul Nagas, when a son marries, his parents and the 
rest of the family have to move out from the old house and build themselves a 
house somewhere else. This rule too applies to the succession of certain hereditary 
village ofl&ces which are now-a-days sacerdotal rather than regal. 

On the restoration of Gurusham, the representative of the lineage of Garib 
Nawaz, it was found necessary to associate with him in the kingly oflBce his 
younger brother Jai Singh, because, so tradition says, Gurusham was a cripple and 
therefore not altogether fit to exercise royal functions which then as now include 
a good deal which in more elaborate societies are reserved for the priest. 

The coronation of the Raja of Manipur is by all accounts an imposing and 
interesting affair. There are in Manipur seven clans, four of which own kings, 
titles even now of considerable dignity but historically survivals from the time 
when these clans still preserved their independence. The Angom Ningthou, or 
king of the Angoms, is generally, by some accounts he must be, a relative by 
marriage of the Meithei Ningthou, and custom demands that his coronation shall 
precede that of the Raja by a few days. 



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802 T. C. HODSON. — TJic Native Tribes of Manipur, 

The Raja and his Rani go to their coronation clad in a costume which, but for 
the greater sumptuousness of the royal apparel, is that of the Kabul Nagas. The 
Raja is always attended by one or two Manipuris wearing Naga costume, and in 
the royal enclosure is a house built in Naga fashion. The state head-dress is 
adorned with a protuberance somewhat like the curious horn into which the 
Marring Nagas wind their hair. Wrestlers, too, when performing before the Raja 
(and only then) wear a p<igri done up in this curious way. 

To return to the coronation ceremony. With great solemnity the Raja 
passes between two massive stone dragons which stood (they stand no more) in 
front of the coronation house. Somewhere inside this building was a mysterious 
chamber containing a pipe which led, so men said, to the depths of a cavern 
below where dwells the snake god, the deified ancestor of the royal family. The 
prosperity and length of the Raja's reign were believed to depend upon the 
length of time he could manage to sit upon the pipe enduring the fiery breath of 
his forefather in the place below. His troubles were not over with this ordeal, 
for outside were gathered the soothsayers and wise men of the country, who 
carefully watched where and on what stones he trod as he passed out. Thus they 
knew the fortune of the reign. 

In Manipur they have a noteworthy system of keeping count of the years. 
Each year is named after some man, who— for a consideration — undertakes to bear 
the fortune good or bad of the year. If the year be good, if there be no pestilence 
and a good harvest, he gets presents from all sorts of people, and I remember 
hearing that in 1898, when the cholera was at its worst, a deputation came to the 
Political Agent and asked him to punish the name giver, as it was obvious that he 
was responsible for the epidemic. In former times he would have got into trouble. 
Sometimes a special ceremony was observed by which a criminal obtained a 
remission of his punishment by taking upon himself the sins of the Raja. A large 
scaffold was erected and on the upper story the Raja and Rani bathed. Below sat 
the criminal and his wife receiving the royal ablutions. After the bathing 
operations were finished the pair below were given the old soiled raiment of the 
purified people above, and these carried with them the sins and the guilt of the 
royal consciences. 

In Manipur the prosperity of all classes depends on the strength and the 
regularity of the rainfall, and we find, therefore, that in the valley and in the hills 
there are many rites and ceremonies to secure a proper rainfall In Manipur 
where Hinduism prevails, despite the prolonged existence of the earlier religious 
system, we find rain ceremonies with Brahmins as the chief agents, and other more 
primitive ceremonies at which the representatives of the primitive religion preside. 
Indeed, I have found that whenever we find a ceremony exclusively in the hands 
of the Tnaibas or pibas, the ministrants of the earlier system, we have to deal with 
a survival from pre-Hindu times. Where rain is wanted, 108 girls milk 108 cows 
in the temple of Govindji, the incarnation of Krishna most popular in Manipur. 
If this fails, the women throw their dhaU'-poundexB into tlie nearest pool, and at the 



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T. C. HODSON.— 77w? Native Tribes of Manipur. 303 

dead of night take their clothes off and plough. These are ceremonies known in 
India, in Behar, where too, as in Manipur and among the Kabui Kagas, men 
perfectly nude wander about at night allowing themselves the widest extravagance 
in the way of abusive language that oriental imagination can run to. 

Surely the rain-gods that sleep or are careless of mankind will listen to these 
tales of woe ; but if these artifices fail, the Eaja, almost a deified person himself, 
and the descendant of a semi-divine hero king, must play his part and save his 
people. He may, like the common herd, attempt to move the obdurate powers to 
pity his sorrow and inglorious nakedness. He may lead a procession to Nong- 
maiching, the grea^t hill that rises sheer and steep from the plains east of the 
capital, where he must perform a magic rain-compelling rite, transferring water 
from one spot to another and worshipping a quaint stone which is believed to have 
a mysterious connection with the rain, and according to imaginative people is 
shaped like an umbrella. Every year a great procession worships at this hill, but 
its special efl&cacy depends upon the presence of the Eajti. Etiquette requires that 
a special vocabulary should be used in addressing the Eaja, who is in all matters 
r^arded as semi-divine. His children are all called sena or golden, an adjective of 
great sanctity, and even his grand-children are called the god-like. 

The Meitheis are divided into seven exogamous clans, and there is a good deal 
of evidence to show that at least three clans have disappeared. The head of the 
clan enjoys a peculiar position. He performs acts of worship on behalf of the clan, 
and represents it in all matters that pertain to the jurisdiction of the greater gods, 
not Hindu deities, but the great nature gods of the older religion. The head of the 
family manages the relations with the lesser deities, while the head of the house 
looks after the interests of the house god. Before a sacrifice of any sort the piba, 
or head of the clan, must become spiritually pure. Vexatious, indeed, are the 
many restrictions to which he must submit. All the clans worship a tribal deity 
who is very obviously the eponymous ancestor. Each of these tribal deities has 
his special flower, fruit, fish, and animal, which (and no others of their kind) are 
acceptable offerings. 

There is a tabu object to each clan. In one case only is it an animal In two 
crises each it is a fish or a bird or a vegetable object. Should any member of the 
clan touch the forbidden object, he is supposed to become speedily afflicted with 
some mysterious disease. Special tabus can be created. A man once fell from 
a mango tree and was killed. The piba of his clan then declared that particular 
tree to be " sacred " to his clansmen, and none of them ever now come near it. 
Near Imphal, the capital, are two fine peepul trees, beneath which, according to 
tradition, lie the bones of the Moirang tribesmen who fell in the great decisive 
battle which nearly five centuries ago terminated their struggle with the Meitheis. 
No man of the Moirang tribe will, to this day, dare to walk between them. 

All the passes over the hills to Manipur are crowned with abodes of the 
hill-spirits, who protect and help the weary traveller. Manipuris as well as Nagas 
deem it wrong to pass these spots without laying an offering of rice, or occasionally 



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304 T. C. H0DS0N.-'7%e Native Tribes of Manipur. 

a pice or two, upon the stone which marks the abode of the spirit. They regard as 
very sacred the groves of trees, which here and there are found on the top of bare 
knolls. Many a tale is told of the malignant spirits that dwell in the deep pools 
of rivers. There is a profound belief in vampires — hiTig cAaJis— things that, as the 
name shows, eat live people, and dwell in dark secluded glades. The Manipuris 
attach great importance to omens, dreams, and soothsaying of all sorts. Great 
reverence is paid to the Maibis, women who are specially devoted to the worship of 
Pakhongba, the snake personification of the apotheosised ancestor of the royal clan. 
When the snake appears in a tiny shape, all is well with the State. His head is 
golden in colour and is shaped like that of a bird. 

Excluding the Brahmins as the priests of a foreign cult, we find that the 
sphere of influence of the piba, the head of the clan, is strictly religious and sharply 
separated from that of the maibay who deals only with the magical side of the 
supernatural and is often a specialist, having become the doctor of the community. 
I regard it as probable that in former times some form of ancestor worship was 
practised in Manipur. The records say that the conversion of Garib Nawaz to 
Hinduism was followed by the exhumation and cremation of the bones of his 
ancestors. Is it possible that the Manipuris are, in a way, right when they say he 
did this because he revered his ancestors, and was convinced that, although they 
had not known Hinduism in their lives, they had yet a chance of immortality in 
the Hindu heaven if their pious descendant were to dispose of their remains in the 
Hindu fashion. 

The Naga tribes in Manipur are all divided into exogamous groups wliich are 
said to derive their origin from brothers or near relatives, the eponymous ancestors 
• of the hhel or group. Eelationship is reckoned by male agnatic descent and the 
rule of exogamy is strictly followed. 

When a child is bom, both parents remain in seclusion and are considered 
unclean for a period which varies from five days to a month. Some tribes insist 
on a longer period of seclusion when the child is a boy or for the first-bom child 
whatever its sex. It is generally usual to give a child a name, some sort of a 
name (not necessarily or by any means the name which it is to bear through life), 
as soon as it is bom, because a child without a name is particularly liable to be 
annexed by some wandering homeless spirit, of which there are plenty about. 
One tribe, the Marrings, does not give individual or particular names to the 
children, but has a rule by which the eldest son is called Moba, the second son 
Tewa and so on, girls as well as boys having names fixed for them by the priority 
of their birth. Nicknames from some personal peculiarity serve to distinguish 
them, but if at any time in later life the parents fancy a special name for a child, 
they may change the name if they can afford to provide a mithun and thirty jars 
of rice beer with free rations of salt and rice for the entertainment of the whole 
community. Sometimes the luck of the name proposed for a child is ascertained 
by consulting omens or by having regard to the parent's dreams. 

Among all the tribes, it is customary for the husband to pay a price for his 



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T. C. HoDSON. — The Native Tribes of Manipur. 305 

bride to her parents. Sometimes the price is fixed by custom, but among the 
Kukis the rank and status of the bride's family are factors of considerable 
importance in fixing the lady's price. Should a couple run away together, some, 
but not many tribes, insist on turning them out of the village altogether, but in 
most cases they are only forbidden to enter the house of the girl's parents until 
the price has been paid together with something extra by way of fine. 

Among the Kukis and Tangkhul Nagas is found what may be regarded as a 
survival from the times when women were systematically captured and made the 
wives of their captors. The bride is escorted to the bridegroom's village by a 
posse of young men of her clan or tribe. They meet and wrestle with the 
champions of the bridegroom's village. They believe that the longevity of the 
bride and bridegroom depends on the success of their friends in this friendly 
contest. There are other villages which observe this custom, but only when the 
bride comes from another village, never when she comes from a different group in 
the same village. In the case of the Kukis and the Kabul Nagas, when a man's 
wife dies, h^ has to pay her parents or their heirs a fixed sum which is called the 
price of her bones. This price is the same in amount as that originally given at 
the time of the marriage. 

When the eldest of a family of brothers dies, leaving a widow, the Kukis 
make the younger brother marry her, but the elder brother may not take the 
widow of his younger brother. 

All the hill tribes bury their dead, but in the case of a Raja or specially great 
and influential man, the Kukis have a rather unusual method of disposing of the 
body. They place the body in a hoDowed trunk of a tree, plaster it carefully 
with mud, then carry it thrice round the village, and then, amid the wailings of 
the women, the noise of gongs, cymbals, horns and guns, deposit the box upon a 
machan or raised stage. To dispose of the products of decomposition, they insert 
a bamboo pipe leading from the box to the earth. After a month or so, they 
wrap the bones and skull in a new cloth and bury them. Provision has always to 
be made for the comfort of the deceased in the world hereafter. In earlier times 
slaves were put to death, nowadays fat animals only are slain. The clothes worn 
by the man in life, his weapons and implements, are buried with him. There is 
never the same degree of elaboration in the funeral ceremonies of women as in 
those of the men. 

Special rules exist for the burial of special cases of death. Women who die 
in, or from the effects of childbirth, those who are slain by an enemy, or are 
killed by a wild beast, or who die far from their home, of cholera or some disease 
or who chance to fall from a tree and are killed, are regarded as peculiarly 
unfortunate in their deaths as the manner of their end betokens that they owe 
their fate to the hostility of some powerful and malignant spirit. The graves of 
the dead who die in the ways I have enumerated, are dug by a special class of 
people, sometimes only by the oldest men and women, and in some cases only by 
the near male relatives. Their graves, too, are nearly always apart and away from 

Vol. XXXI. X 



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306 T. 0. HODSOX.— r/i^^ Native TrUm of Manipur, 

the graves of the ordinary dead. Among the Tangkhuls, when a man is killed by 
a tiger, they kill a hunting dog and put a sharpened thorn and a strong spear in 
the grave, that the deceased may have a helper and weapons to defend himself if 
he should chance to meet with a spirit tiger on his way to heaven. In another 
case, for three nights after the burial of a man who has been killed by a tiger, his 
brother or some near male relative keeps watch and ward over the grave, lest the 
tiger come. A man, too, who has been killed in war is buried outside the village 
on the side opposite that where his enemies live. 

If a woman dies in childbirth, and the child survives, it is or was customary 
among the Kabui Nagas and among the Kuki Lusei tribes to bury the living 
infant with the mother because the child is so obviously possessed by an evil spirit 
that its instant removal is necessary. 

Among several of these tribes is found the custom of secluding for a period the 
inmates of a house where an animal has had young or has died. The period of 
seclusion varies greatly, as a rule it is most for a cow and least for a dog. Nearly 
all of them treat the cat with some respect, at least when a cat dies, it is wrapped 
up in a cloth and buried amid lamentations in a grave dug for it by the old 
women. 

There are many interesting prohibitions, ordinances, and i-egulations among 
the hill-folk. There is one village, once the powerful head of a very large group, 
which believes itself to be descended from a lady of a porcine figure. It, and the 
villages subordinate to it, are therefore forbidden to eat of the pig. The Tangkhuls 
never eat goat in their own villages, because they think they would run the. 
imminent risk of madness, and all sorts of illness. Indeed, more than once have 
I been told that they look on goats and their kids as very human. These are 
general prohibitions, but there are special rules for classes of persons, and for 
individual cases as well. The scale of diet allowed by custom to the ghennabura or 
religious head of the village is always extremely limited. The savoury dog, the 
tomato, the viurghi, are forbidden to him. Unmarried girls are not allowed to eat 
dog, or in some cases the male of any kind of animal, while nobody knows the 
awful misfortunes that await the woman who when about to become a mother 
should eat bear. If a man is wealthy enough to feast his whole village, and erect 
a memorial stone, he is entitled to become subject to the same dietary disabilities 
as the ghennabura. He wears the same special clothes, and for the sp«ice of a year 
at least he must not use a drinking horn, but must take his daily drink from a 
bamboo cup. So is it that there, as here, there are penalties on gi^atness. 

All sorts of things cause these periods of seclusion to occur. If the viUage is 
burnt, if they lose a member of the village in some remarkable way, if a woman 
dies in childbirth, or if there be an epidemic of sickness, the ghennabura orders the 
village gates to be shut. In fact, whenever an event occurs which interests or 
alarms the community as a whole, especially if it be explicable only as a 
manifestation of some supernatural influence, a period of seclusion is necessary. 
The village gates are shut and all strangers, who at the time happen to be inside 



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T. C. 'EODQm.—The Naiwe Tribes t>f Manipur. 307 

the village, are necessarily refused egress. If by inadvertence a man should 
violate any one of the many rules that must be observed on these occasions, he has 
to pay a fine, generally to provide a substantial repast for the village elders. 

The gJiennahu/ra of a Naga village has a good deal of indirect authority, in 
virtue of his power to close the village . and to declare a ghenna. There are of 
course annual festivals, when the stranger that is within the gates may not go 
forth, and the friend that is without must stay outside. These are festivals 
connected with the crops— before the rice is sown, when the blades appear, and as 
harvest thanksgiving. Drunkenness and unusual licence characterize these scenes. 
Among the Tangkhuls we find a curious custom. Before the crop is sown, and 
when it is reaped, the boys and girls have a tug-of-war with a tough rope of twisted 
creeper. Great jars of rice beer are set ready, and the severity of their ordinary 
morality is broken by a night of unbridled licence. The Kabuis, however, insist 
upon the strictest chastity on these occasions, most especially from the gliennaburaSy 
who as among the other tribes have to sow first, to reap first, and always take the 
omens on behalf of tbe village. The Kabuis, I may explain, live in permanent 
villages, but subsist on jhum cultivation. There is a regular sequence which 
determines the fields and areas to be cultivated year by year, but in spite of this 
the omens are always carefully taken. 

The two gJieuTialncras in clean clothes sit opposite one another holding twigs of 
crane in their hands. When the twigs begin to turn, they declare where and in 
what direction the cultivation is to be. There are many ways of taking omens. 
Some people break eggs, and from the resultant mess declare the prospects of the 
harvest. Others kill a fowl and watch the convulsive struggles of its feet in its 
death agony. If the right foot crosses over the left all will be well. I have seen 
omens taken by splitting a leaf, and by cutting chips off a piece of bamboo. Some 
N^as foretell the success of an intended hunting expedition by their success in 
kicking small flat stones on to the top of a bigger stone. There is of course a 
profound belief in dreams as affording distinct unerring indications of the intentions 
of Providence. 

In general they regard the future world as very similar to this. The 
Tangkhul who can afford it always kills a buffalo at his father's funeral because 
th^ God who keeps the gates of Heaven appears to have had enough of the 
amiable Tangkhul, and endeavours to keep the gates shut against them. The 
buffalo, of course, butts the gates open and lets the deceased and the expectant 
crowd of other souls in. That explains why they never or very rarely kill a pig 
at a funeral It is a tiresome animal to manage, and is as likely as not to wander 
off with its master and owner to some very undesirable spot. They say that if a 
man has been brave and courageous in this life, he is welcomed in the after world 
by those who have gone before, but the coward is met with groans and jeers. The 
Tangkhuls are most precise in the localisation of their heaven. The way to it 
leada up the steep spurs and over the mighty crest of Sirohi-furar, a peak that 
dominates the scenery of their countrj'. 

^ 2 



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308 T. C. HobsON.— 1%^ Native Tribes of Manipur. 

They are particular to see that the cloth that is buried with the body 
intended as a present for the God of Heaven is not torn and is thus distinguished 
from the property of the deceased. If a Tangkhul's parents predecease him, 
when he dies, in his grave are put a flask of rice beer and a plate of rice to be 
given to his parents when he meets them. 

The Eastern Angamis, however, regard heaven as a place with a number of 
compartments, one reserved for the worthy dead, another for those who fall on 
the field of battle. All the women who die in childbirth congregate together. 
The men whose ears are split or torn have a place set apart for them. I may add 
by way of explanation that nearly all the hill tribes regard a split or torn ear as 
a mark of special disfavour of some superior being. 

There is a very common belief in the idea of re-incarnation, but they all 
strenuously maintain that no man can return to this world whose death shows 
him to have incurred the hostility of the powerful spirits. 

Each tribe has its own method of inducing a regular and plentiful supply of 
rain. The Tangkhuls cut a pig up into eleven portions, and the women make 
eleven rice cakes. The head of the village, with five men and five women, goes 
outside the village and offers these delicacies to the powers that be upon one of the 
memorial stones. Sometimes he has to gather eleven water-worn stones from a 
river-bed and wraps them up in river-weed. 

Other tribes practise a ceremony of symbolical transference of water, as if they 
wished to explain to the powers in charge of the rain that they desire him to 
imitate exactly what they are doing. In some cases a pig, with its feet tied 
securely together, is drowned in a pool near the village. I have come across a fish 
hung up on the village gate as a rain-making rite, and was in one case told that it 
was usual to cut a fish, generally an eel, into small bits which were scattered on 
the irrigation cut, and on the river bank. 

The Chirus catch a crab, tie a thread to a claw and put it in an earthen pot 
filled with water. The head of the village goes to the village gate, and keeps on 
lifting the crab out of the water, and lowering it into the pot again until tired. 

In an interesting Eastern Angami village I was told that when they wanted 
rain the head of the village takes a brand burning from the fire, puts it on the 
grave of a man who has died of bums, quenches the brand with water, and prays 
for rain. 

While the crops are on the ground, no hunting or fishing is allowed. They 
may not trade, they may not perform on their bamboo bugles, nor indulge in any 
pastime. Grass and trees must not be cut, nor may the women weave. 

I hope at some future time to publish a full account, historical and ethno- 
graphical, of these people. 

Discussion. 

Mr. GoMME congratulated the Institute upon getting observations on a people, 
unmixed with any theories of the observer. This is what the Institute desires more 



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T. C. HoDSON.— rA« Native Tribes ofManipur. 309 

than anything else. He would venture to ask the author if he would preface Ms 
paper by a note of definition of the series of terms used to describe the social 
features of the people. The terms were, if he remembered rightly, tribe, clan, 
house, village, community, and what wjis wanted was some information as to the 
relationship of the social unit these terms connoted to each other. In particular, 
what was the relationship of the clan to the village ? Was the village composed of 
several clans, and if so, would tribe mean a group of villages or a group of clans 
which would be spread over many villages ? In short, how are locality and kinship 
related ? It would, he ventured to add, be extremely useful if a prefatory note 
explaining these points could be given. One further query, which he would like 
to put, had relationship to terrace-cultivation — did it begin from the top of the 
hill or from the valley ? 

Mr. HoDSON, in reply, said: — I use the word tribe to denote a number of 
people speaking closely allied dialects. The term is therefore partly linguistic, 
but it also connotes a certain amount of geogiaphical propinquity as well as a 
high degree of general resemblance of dress, coiffure and customs. The clan is a 
term connoting in theory, community of descent ; and in every Naga village there 
are several, sometimes many clans — constituent units — living each in its own 
area, between which there may be hostility as between villages hostility may 
exist. Very seldom does it occur that^ a cIjuq, or sagei as it is called in Manipuri, 
in one village will consider itself related to, and therefore forbidden to marry 
with, a similarly named clan in another village. 

These remarks do not apply to the Kukis, among whom the belief in a 
common descent is strong, so strong that most of them know their pedigree up to 
Thado, the ancestor of the Kukis, whose sons are the eponymous progenitors of 
the various clans. A Kuki village is generally composed of members of ono 
clan. Sometimes we have mixed villages, but then we find some historical event 
in the past to explain its formation. A Mangvung village, a village with a 
Mangvimg chief, will as a rule have only Mangvungs in it, people who pretend 
to be able to trace their descent from Mangvung, a son of Thado. The 
Kukis are migratory, from the force of circumstances, and possess a strong 
fissiparous instinct which is in no way checked by the Fax Britannica, The 
Nagas live in permanent villages, and the power of the head of the village 
depends mainly on his exercise of the sacerdotal functions, while among the 
Kukis, the house or head of the village is a secular authority whose interference 
in religious matters is limited to certain formal occasions. 

A word or two about the terrace-cultivation. Such cultivation is only 
possible when the hills have an easy slope to the valley. The best and oldest 
fields are, I think, those half-way up the hill, and the worst and most recently 
formed fields are at the extreme top and bottom, which mark the margins of 
cultivation. The lower margin is capable of more extension than the upper, 
because it is, generally speaking, easier to irrigate fields at a lower than at a higher 
level. They cultivate the valleys in very much the same way with excellent 
results. I know irrigation channels which come at least three miles from some 
ravine or gorge before the water reaches the fields. 



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( 310 ) 



ON A COLLECTION OF PALAEOLITHIC IMPLEMENTS FROM 

SAVERNAKE. 

By Edgar Willett, M.B. 

[Prbsbntbd 26th November, 1901. With Plates XLII, XLIIL] 

To begin with, I wish to disclaim all pretension to have discovered this find, the 
credit of which entii-ely belongs to Mr. J. B. Dixon of Pewsey. Early in September 
I heard that a large number of palaeolithic implements had been found near 
Savemake and I saw several specimens. In consequence I went to Savemake and 
succeeded in securing some specimens, and it is at the suggestion of Professor 
Boyd Dawkins that I now exhibit them to the Anthropological Institute. 
Besides Mr. Dixon, Mr. Brooke of Marlborough, Dr. Hedley Visick of London, 
and Mr. H. S. Toms of the Brighton Museum had all secured specimens, which are 
now being exhibited. 

The reasons why I have brought the subject before the Institute are two : — 
(1) the number and consequent importance of the find, and, (2) the fact that, so far 
as I have been able to ascertain, no pahcolithic implements have been previously 
discovered anywhere in this locality nearer than Salisbury which is distant about 
twenty miles. The history of the find, so far as I can ascertain it, is as follows. 
Early in the present year Mr. Dixon found several good specimens in the heaps 
of stones by the side of the road leading from Burbage to Marlborough, rather 
nearer the former place, and about a mile from the Savemake Station. On 
inquiry, it was found that all these flint« came from a particular gravel pit, 
situated near Knowle Farm in the north-east part of Savemake Park, and about 
lialf a mile from the Marlborough and Hungerford Road. 

As to the locality: Knowle Farm and its gi'avel pit are situated on an 
outlying deposit of the River Drift, and are about three miles south of the 
Kennet, one of the largest tributaries of the Thames; it comes well within 
the catchment basin of the Thames, but hitherto, or so far as I have been 
able to discover, no palaeoliths have been previously recorded from any locaUity in 
the Thames Valley farther west than Wallingfoi'd.^ Bemerton and Milford Hill 
near Salisbury are of course well known localities, but they are in the valley of 
the Avon running south. Further, neither in Sir John Evans' book on Stojw 
Implements, nor in the carefully prepared map at the British Museum, .is the 
locality notified. 

I Mr. A. M. Bell (p. 31 5) notes specimens from Oxford) and from BroadwelL->£o. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXXI, Plate XL II. 



r 



FLINT IMPLEMENTS FROM KNOWLE FAKM QUARRY, SAVEItNAKE. 



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Journal of the Anthropological Institute^ Vol. XXXIy Plate XLIIT, 



1-7. FONTS FROM KNOWLE FARM QUARRY, SAVERNAKE ; SHOWING GLASSY SURFACE. 

8. FLINT IMPLEMENT FROM ABYDOS, EGYPT (iN PITT RIVERS MUSEUM) ; 
SHOWING SIMILAR SURFACK 



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E. WiLLETT. — Oil a Collection of Palceolithic Implements from Savemake. 311 

The pit, which I have aeen, is situated on the side of a hill which looks 
towards the upper part of the Kennet Valley, the river being aboijt three miles to 
the north. The contents of the pit consist of a rather fine sandy gravel of a greyish 
<jolour containing at first sight few stones large enough for use as road metal ; it 
is largely owing to this fact that so many worked stones have recently been saved. 
In Consequence of its small size, all the gravel is sifted by hand twice before it is 
carted away for use on the roads ; the finest is used as sand for building, the next 
size is used for garden paths, and the laigest and coarsest is used for the roads, 
for which purposes the larger stones are finally broken up. 

The pit is only worked by two labourers, one of whom is a very intelligent man 
with a very good eye for stones, and few implements worth saving now escape 
him. Earlier in the year, however, before his attention had been called to the 
subject, all the large stones (i.e., after the sifting), comprising literally many 
hundreds of very good specunens, were carted down to the road near Savemakfs, 
where so recently as last September and October, on the occasion of twp visits, I 
was fortunate enough, as I have already said, to secure some very good specimens 
which are among those now shown. 

My friend Dr. Hedley A^'isick, who has kindly lent me some of his specimens 
to make the series more complete, was staying at Marlborough during the summer, 
and visited the gravel pit on one or two occasions, taking part in and watching the 
digging; he tells me that nearly every wheelbarrow-full of the gravel contained 
a flint worth keeping. A barrow contains five or six sieves full ; this will give 
some idea of the enormous quantity that exist in the pit. I am further told that 
the largest and best shaped implements (Type A 1) are usually found at a depth 
of 10 or 12 feet from the surface. 

The series shown to the Institute has been made up of selected specimens 
from three sources; (1) my own collection consists of about 60 well marked 
implements ; (2) Dr. Visick has considerably over 100 ; (3) there are over 250 
belonging to the Brighton Museum and collected by its curator, Mr. H. S. Toms. 
I have thus been fortunate enough to have had over 400 from which to make a 
choice, and I am much indebted to Dr. Visick and the Corpoiution of Brighton 
for the loan of many interesting examples. 

The specimens group themselves into several types. 

A. The oval or flat ovals. This is much the most important group, and may 
be subdivided into three or four sub-groups. 

1. The long ovals, measuring about 6 inches in the long diameter by 3 or 

3i inches across ; of these I can show two good specimens. 

2. The short ovals with a less pointed end, measuring from 2^ to 3 inches 

in length by about 2 inches in width ; this is a fairly common 
type ; one small specimen of this shape is of chert and not flint 

3. Short ovals vrUh a point Of these there is a graduated penes, 5 in 

number, the largest measuring 4 inches by 3, the smallest 2 by IJ ; 
they aie all very similar in ^hape, and are noticeable in that they, aU 



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312 E. WiLLETT. — On a Volledion of Palaeolithic tmplements from Savemake. 

have a sharp point at the smaller end. All the above are completely 
worked at both ends and all round, leaving very little of the original 
flint surface. 
4 Next to these are three specimens very similar in general outline, but 
oTily worked at the edges ; these three all come from Dr. Visick's 
collection. 

B. Hamnwi' stones, I do not use this name in the sense that these implements 
were used to hammer other stones exclusively, though some of them show signs at 
the thicker and less worked end that they have been used for this pm*pose. These 
are all of a much rougher character than type A ; in fact, in looking at any single 
stone, doubts might well be entertained as to whether it had been worked or not, 
but it seems quite impossible that the shape of the eight or nine specimens shown 
can be accidentally so nearly alike; they are all more or less pointed at one end, 
while at the thicker and blunter end part of the natural surface of the flint still 
remains. 

C. Wedge-shaped stones. This type follows closely on the former, the one 
almost merging into the other in some cases ; some of these show very well the 
" shoe shape " described by others. 

D. Bymers or borers. Of these again there are one or two varieties: 
(1) Sickle shaped, of which Dr. Visick lends me three almost identical in size and 
shape ; (2) A remarkable type with a large unworked base ; (3) A third variety 
with a double edge. 

K Throwing stoves. This again is a very rough t)rpe, and it is only by 
comparing a number [ten were shown] that the conclusion is arrived at that their 
shape is not accidental. Many of them [E^] have one broad end and one narrow 
forming a kind of tail ; they may be only scrapers. 

On looking over the series several points will be noticed : (1) There is an 
absence of the usual triangular common paleeolithic type, such, I mean, as is shown 
in most of the specimens from the lower part of the Thames Valley ; (2) Most of 
the short ovals have a peculiar mottled appearance, while many of type B are black 
or nearly so, and very few show the usual reddish-brown staining by iron. 

As to the surface, and amount of weathering. There are four specimens 
[labelled H 1, 2, 3, 4] which are worthy of comparison ; they are all very similar in 
size and shape ; one [1] is hardly worn at all, the edges and surface being fresh and 
sharp ; one [2] is much worn by water ; [3] is stained of an earthy-brown or rusty 
colour; [4] is apparently composed of chert not flint, and is nearly white. They 
all belong more or less to what I have called type A^. Another specimen [labelled 
G] is interesting as being almost neolithic in shape, while yet another approaches 
the type of implement found near the mouth of the Thames, except that its surfaces 
are not equal, one being much flatter than the other ; this shape is, as I have said, 
rare ; it is worked at the broader end, an unusual feature in the common palaeolithic 
type. I should like to draw attention to five specimens [labelled L 1, 2, 3, 4, and 
5] which do not readily come under any particular type ; they are all very rough, 



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E. WiLLBTT. — On a Collection of Palceolithie Implements from Savemake. 318 

but to my mind are exceedingly interesting, partly from their rough and unfinished 
character and their possible connection with the so-called " Eoliths " ; some of 
them are notched, which I believe is characteristic of many Eoliths, but they do 
not show the general rusty-iron discoloration over the worked edges and surfaces. 
It is quite possible that some members may be of opinion that these are not 
worked at all. I can also show a few typical flakes [labelled M]. 

The series as a whole certainly has a marked individuality of its own, but this 
is nothing unusual. At a recent visit to the Blackmore Museum, it was pointed 
out to me that the specimens found at Bemerton, a few miles to the west of 
Salisbury, have a character of their own, different fi-om those found at Milford Hill, 
a few miles to the east, and a practised eye can tell pretty certainly in which of 
these two localities any particular implement was found. 

In a general way the Savernake type approaches more nearly to those found 
at Bemerton than to the Milford Hill specimens. 

Another point to which I should like to draw attention is the peculiar polished 
or vitreous appearance shown by some of the implements. This appearance is 
often if not generally confined to a portion of the flint only, and is also seen in 
many flints from the pit which show no signs whatever of man's handiwork. Till 
recently this peculiarity has been explained as having been caused by the fact that 
the part affected was exposed to the influence of blotvn sand, from the analogy, I 
believe, of certain specimens, with a somewhat similar appearance, which have 
undoubtedly been exposed to sand blown about in the desert in Egypt and 
elsewhere. 

This " blown sand " theory has never seemed to me a good one from the fact 
that most of the flints which have this glossy appearance still retain their dark or 
other natural colour on their polished surface, whereas, if they had been exposed 
to the atmosphere long enough to have become polished by the sand, the surface 
would certainly have been oxidized and shown the usual appearances of exposure ; 
this is not the case. 

A much better and more satisfactory explanation seems to be that offered by 
Dr. Roberts, of Cambridge, to whom some specimens were shown. He suggests 
that this polish or gloss is due to a thin film of silica deposited by water. As the 
gravel pit at Savemake is still damp, this film may well have been deposited by 
the action of water running or percolating through the bed. Dr. Roberts, I am 
informed, had noticed a similar appearance in America, where the Geyser Springs 
coat the neighbouring rocks with silica. Another deduction which Dr. Roberts 
made is one bearing on the age of the Knowle Farm flints, and is this, that imless 
deposited by water at a very high temperature, when I suppose the solubility of 
the silica is increased, such a gloss as some of these flints show would take a very 
long time to appear, and it certainly occurs in varying degrees. There is no ground 
for supposing that the temperature of the water percolating the Savemake gravel 
pits was ever raised to any great extent, therefore the time required for the 
deposition Of the silica must have been very great. 



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314 E. WiLLETT. — On a Collection of PaJwolithic Impiements from Saverndke, 

We have already seen that other flints from the pit, which certainly have not' 
bdefi worked at all by man, show this peculiarity, as well as the worked stones, so 
that it seems certain that the result is accidental and in no way connected with the 
manufacture of the implements. So far as I know, and I have inquired into the 
subject, no bones have been discovered in the pit. 

Discussion. 

Mr. A. M. Bell said that he had listened to the account of this important 
find with great interest, and regretted that he had not visited the spot to exanune 
the character of the deposit and lie of the country. It was not clear to him whether 
the bed in which the implements lay was a true river deposit, or a drift of some 
other character. These were the two classes of implementiferouQ beds, and it was 
important to distinguish them. At Wolvercote, near Oxford, for example, there is 
^ distinct river bed, containing a number of finely worked large implements, which 
(Ire but little altered by patination. Adjoining it there is an older drift, also con- 
taining implements, all of which are ochreous. This distinction in the age of 
palieolithic flints had first, the speaker believed, been pointed out by Mr. W. G-. 
Smith ; it was confirmed by all his own observations and was in his opinion a 
generalization of high value. Consequently on seeing a new group his first 
question was " To which age do they belong ? Are they early or late ? " From his 
examination he considered that they had before them relics of a drift, which was 
itself found in the later or river valley period, to which the majority of flints 
shown probably belonged. There were also among them a few rolled and weather- 
beaten examples which he considered belonged to another, and an earlier stage. 
There were none, however, of the very rolled and stained examples placed by 
Mr. Smith as tlie earliest period. Such examples were rare ; at Oxford he had 
found none ; at Limpsfield only one among hundreds of a later date. 

To the statement of Mr. Willett (p. 310) that the nearest palaeolithic find- 
spots were round Salisbury, he would add that a number of palaeoliths have been 
recorded from Oxford and several adjoining localities; and also from Broad- 
well on the border of Gloucestershire, the latter being the most westerly station in 
the Thames Valley. 

The speaker was much struck by the polish or glaze visible on many of the 
examples. He had never seen anything similar in implements from any locality, 
and he had seen collections from many places. He could not accept the explana- 
tion of Dr. Eoberts, that it was due to a deposition of silica in solution. The 
condition which Dr. Roberts asked for as the cause of the phenomenon, rain- 
water perpetually running through sand, was common to every implementiferons 
deposit that he had ever seen. The result was peculiar and unique ; he therefore 
could not attribute it to a cause which was at work in all cases. Nor could he 
think that the analogy of the Geyser Springs, referred to by Dr. Roberts, was a 
fortunate one. Silica, as is well known, is soluble in heated water containing an 
alkali. Both of these conditions are present in the water of the Geyser Springs, 
but, granting the alkali, for which there is no obvious cause, the presence of 
heated water in a surface deposit on the Wiltshire dowps is incomprehensible. 



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E. WiLLErr. — On n CoUeetion of Palceolithic Implem-entsi from Savemake. 315 

The glaze might be natural or artificial. As it was usually, but not always 
partial, and not always on the same part of the tool, it seemed to him due to a 
natural cause. He knew none more likely than the cause rejected by the author 
the action of sand before the wind ; he had seen a very high polish produced in 
this way on neolithic flints in the sand-heaths of Norfolk and also on the Aber- 
deenshire coast. At the same time he could not say that either these flints, or 
the well-known drev-lanters, or such flints as he had seen polished by the sand- 
blast of the I^yptian desert, had so high a polish as the examples before him. In 
two cases only had he seen a similar polish produced on stone by natural causes ; 
the first was by glacial action, the second was by animals brushing against the 
side of a limestone cave. Neither of these causes were in this case applicable ; ice 
would have polished away slight waves of fracture which were always retained — 
and he would gladly hear other attempts at solution of a very peculiar 
phenomenon. 

Mr. Stopes said that it was clear to him that the polished surface was due to 
the friction of passing worms. 

Note A. 

After a subsequent visit to Savemake Mr. A. M. Bell writes further as 
follows : — " It is a most interesting find. The pit is in a hill-slope, but close to 
the great central watershed of south-west England; i.e.y in an nnwastcd area. 
Hence something old may be expected. In the pit ai'e found (1) unrolled, fresh 
stones ; (2) rolled and worn stones ; (3) thickly patinated stones. The unrolled lie 
at the base ; that is, there is probably a floor of palaeolithic workmen. The rolled 
and patinated stones come from the central watershed, and may be much older 
than the first. 

" The ' sand-blown * theory will not do for the ' glazing ' ; it is, I think, a deposit 
of silica." 

Note B. 

The long narrow implement on Plate XLIII is in the Pitt Eivers Museum, and 
is kindly lent for comparison by Mr. Balfour. It was foimd by Mr. J. Garstang at 
El Mehesna near Abydos in i^ypt (reference number M. 2. S.), and is of 
pre-dynastic date. In Mr. Balfour's opinion the "glaze," which resembles very 
closely that on the Savemake stones, is due to the rubbing of gritty soil upon the 
implement which seems to have been used as a hoe. 

Note C. 
Mr. H. Wood-Hill, of St. Bartholomew's Hospital, has submitted to the 
Institute a memorandum on a chemical explanation of the "glazing" of the 
Savemake flints, which it has not been found possible to include in this volimie of 
the Journal. 



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INDEX. 



Note. — Tke numbers in ordinary iype refer to the papers ; the numbers in Clarendon 
type are the reference numbers of Man, 1901, For collected references, see especially 
Africa, America, Archceology, Art, Asia, Europe, Folklore, Oceania, Physical Anthro- 
pology, Religion, Sociology, Technology. 



A. 



Abydos (Egypt), 248. 

^gean Script in Kos, 52. 

Africa: — Algeria, Libyan Notes (rev.), 
62; On the Libyan- Notes, 69; 
Asbanti (rev.), 101; Bishari, 74; 
Congo, Ethnography, 116; Lake 
Nyassa, 111; Libya, 252; Morocco, 
Shlnh Language (rev.), 45 ; Nile 
WeUe watershed, 256; Tunis, 109. 
Uganda, Notes on Baganda (Roscoe), 
117ff; Problems of Early Religion, 
21; Rhodesia, 82, 83; Totemisra, 
117£f. Africa East, 112 ; Stool, gong, 
etc., 39. Africa, North, 83. Africa, 
South : Bushman Skull, 58 ; Dhlo- 
Dhlo, Ruins of, 21fE ; Mambo, 
Ruins of, 21fE; Natal, Native pipes, 
10; Natives of South Africa (rev.), 
111. Africa, West. Carved Door- 
posts, 57; (rev.) 100. Egypt, 61, 
109, 127, 141 ; Copper Ore, 268 ; Early 
Egypt, 248; Physical type, 127; 
Grabfunde des Mittleren Reichs (rev.), 
91; El Amrah, 230, 235; El Amrah 
Cemetery, 40; El Khargeh, 91; 
Egypt, Upper, 229 sqq. 

Akka Skulls, 259. 

Alphabet, Philippines, 217. 

Alveolar Index, Egypt, 251. 



( 



• America (North) — California, Basket- 
work, 17; Ethnography, 133; Folk- 
lore frei?.),118; Iroquois, 131; **North 
Americans of Yesterday'* (rev,), 97; 
Ontario, Archeeological Report (rev.), 
33 ; Red Indian Agricultural Cus- 
toms, 155 ; Totemism, 134. America 
(South) : — Lengua Indians, 281 sqq. ; 
Divergence of Sexes in Language, 
Chiquitos, 129. 

Amorites, 250. 

Ancestor Worship, Manipur, 304. 

Andr6e, R., "Braunschweiger Volks- 
kunde" (rev.), 115. 

Animals, Lengua Indians, 288 ; Cult of, 
Sarawak : Crocodile, 196 ; Deer, 200 ; 
Gibbon, 200; Hawk, 175-9, 194, 206; 
Porcupine, 200; Python, 200; River 
Turtle, 201 ; Swift, 218. 

Animals, forms of, assumed by Deities, 
198 ; in tatuing, 202 ; training of, 
295. 

Annual Meeting of the Institute, I. 

Anthropology, Teaching of, 15. 

Anthropometry, 144; India, 113. 

Anthropomorphism, 174, 197. 

Apologies, to pig before slaughter, 180. 

Archeology : — Africa : Cemetery, El 
Amrah, 40; Ehami Ruins, 82; 
Monuments of Persian Dynasty, 
Egypt, 91; Ruins of Dhlo-Dhlo 
1) 



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21 sqq, ; Tol el Amama Period (rev,), 
141. America : Lengua Indians, 294 ; 
Middens, Canada, 133. Asia : Tombs, 
Chinese, 54. Europe: Bronze Age, 
85 ; Cretan Exploration Fnnd, Report, 
2; Crete, 145, 146; Excavations, 
Crete, 148; Greece, 138; Greece 
(rev.), 136 ; Megalithic Tombs, 88 ; 
Mycenean Cyprus, 130, 138, 139; 
Prehistoric Pottery, Maltese, 71 » 
Pre-Mycenean Athens, 70; Stone 
Figures, Crete, 148; Stone Age, 
Crete, 146 ; Stonehenge, 18. Oceania : 
Stone Figures, Easter Island, 7. 

Arctogale Leucotis as omen, 196. 

Arithmetic, Lengua Indians, 296. 

Arrow, Lengua Indians, 294. 

Arrowheads, Stone, Ehami Bains, 82. 

Abt : — Africa : Carved Doorposts, 57 ; 
Egyptian Statuette, 107; North 
Africa, 83 ; Ornaments, Architectural, 
Ashanti, 101 ; Ornamentation, Khami 
Buins, 82 ; Ornamentation, Dhlo- 
Dhlo, 24 sqq. ; Painting, El Khargeb, 
91 ; Patterns, 82 ; Sculpture, Kuraasi, 
101 ; Tatuing, Ashanti, 101. America : 
Drawing, Lengua Indians, 294 ; 
Ornaments, Lengua Indians, 287 ; 
Patterns, Lengua Indians, 284; 
Savage Music (rev.), 118 ; Tatuing, 
Lengua Indians, 282. Asia: Orna- 
ments, Animal Derivatives, 191 ; 
Patterns, Tatuing, 29 ; Patterns, 
Women's, Sarawak, 224; Patterns, 
Malay House, 142 ; Wheel of Life, 
1. Europe: Guilloche Pattern, 4; 
Ornaments, Crete, 146 ; Pottery, 
Crete, 82, 146, 147; Sculpture, 
Crete, 148. Oceania : Maori Motives, 
57 ; Maori Scroll Pattern, 55 ; New 
Guinea, 64 ; Solomon Isles, 81 ; 
Tatuing, Maori, 98 ; Tatu Pat- 
terns, 31; Tatuing Patterns (tW.), 
50, 54, etc. 

Aryan Race (rev,), 88. 

Ashanti, 101. 

Asia : — Ainu Inao, 131 ; Asia Minor, 
Religion, 122 ; Assam. Dafla Lan- 
guage (rev.), 46 ; Burma, 77 ; Upper, 
150 ; Chinese Tombs, Relics from, 16, 



54; India. Among the Himalayas 
(rev.), 49 ; Ethnographical Survey, 
11, 113 ; Madras, Ddmbs of Jeypnr, 
29. Japan. Wheel of Life, 1; 
Japanese Gohei and Ainu Inao, 131. 
Malay Peninsula, 192 ; Metalwork, 
161 ; Manipur, 300 sqq. ; Papuan 
Skulls, 261 ; Philippines, 149 ; Lan- 
guage, 214 sqq. ; Sarawak, Swords of, 
219 sqq. ; Siam, 99 ; Celadon Ware, 
41 ; Yakuts, 65ff. 

Aston, W. G. Gohei and Inao, 131. 

Auspicia (footnotes), 175, 176, 179, 193. 

Australia, 143 ; Strangling Cords, 94. 

Authority, Chief, 174 ; Dependent on 
Sacerdotal P unctions, 309; Ghenna- 
bura, Manipur, 307 ; King, Manipur, 
300. 

Axe. Lake Nyassa, 112 ; Stone, Lengua 
Indians, 294. 



B. 



Balfour, H., • M.A., 228, 278, 315; 
Bambu Trumpets, 28 ; Guilloche 
Pattern, 4 ; Memorial Heads, 51 ; 
Native smoking Pipes from Natal, 
10; On a Spear Head and Socketed 
Celt of Bronze from the Shan States, 
77; Strangling Cords from the 
Murray River, 94 ; Swan-neck 
Boomerang, 27. 

Balli, Use of the word, to denote 
spiritual aspect, 175. 

Bantu Tribes, Totemism among. 111. 

Baram District, 173. 

Basket Work, Lengua Indians, 284. 

Bastian, Dr. A., 135. 

Beard, Early Egyptian, 250 sqq. ; 
Depilation, 34. 

Beddoe, Dr. J. Bushman Skull, 58; 
Crania Suecica, Review of, 59. 

Bell, A. M., 314. 

Bent, T. " Southern Arabia " (ret?.), 23. 

Bevan, Prof. A., 231. 

Bibliography, International, 108 ; 
India, 35. 

Bicol Language, 215. 

Blackmore Museum, 313. 



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Index. 



Blandford Mnseam, Skoll of New 

Zealander, 172. 
Blood-Brotherliood, 185, 190, 209; to 

Animals, 210. 
Bine (colour-sense) in Egypt, com- 
parison with Murray Islanders, 239. 
Boas, Dr. F., 133. 

Booth, C, 132. 

Bosse, K. K., and W. A. Holden. " The 
Order and Development of Colonr 
Perception and Colonr Preference in 
a Child ''(rev.), 87. 

Borneo. Kalamantans, 192«gg.; Kayans, 
188 sqq. ; Kenyahs, 174 sqq. ; Nyarong, 
173«ggr.; Punans, 195-6, 204; Rela- 
tions between Men and Animals in 
Sarawak, 173 ; Sarawak, Swords, 
219-228 ; Sea Dyaks, 173, 196. 

Bosanqnet, R. C, Excavations at Praesos, 
146, 148. 

Bow and Pellet-bow, Lengna Indians, 
294. 

Brain, 126. 

Brant-Sero (Ra-onha) J. C, " Dekana- 
wideh ; the Law- Giver of the Canien- 
gahakas,'' 134. 

Bronze Age, Schleswig-Holstein (ret;.), 
85. 

Bronze Celts, Ireland, 265. 

Brigham, W., Index to Islands of 
Pacific {rev.), 103. 

Brighton Mnseam, 310, 311. 

Brooke, Mr., of Marlborongh, 310. 

Brunswick, Folklore (rev.), 115. 

Buddhism in Siam, 99. 

Burials, Manipur, 295, 305. 

Burial of living infants, 306. 

Burkitt, P. C, 231. 

Burma, 77; Upper (ret;.), 180. 



C. 



Odk^jdca or Ibaneg Language, 216. 
Cannibalism, Lengna Indians, 288. 
Cambridge Anthropological Expedition 

to Torres Strait, 87 ; to British New 

Guinea, 121. 
Campbell, Rev. J., 133. 
Campbell, J. G., "Superstitions of the 



Highlands and Islands of Scotland'* 
(rer.), 104. 
Campbell, Index Catalogue of Indian 
official publications in the British 
Museum (ret;.), 35. 
Canada, Ethnography, 133. 
Capart, J. On " Libyan Notes," 69, cf. 

62. 
Carved Slates, Egypt, 249, 252. 
Cats' Cradles, Lengua Indians, 285. 
Cattle, Sarawak, 193, 197; as Omens, 

199. 
Celamiano Language, 216. 
Celt, Burma, socketed, 77; Tonga, 
110; Bronze, 265; Copper, Distribution 
of, in Ireland, 265 ; Copper, finds of, 
276 ; Gen. Pitt-Rivers on, 279 ; Analy- 
sis of, 266 ; Stone, Types of, 273. 
Cephalic Index, Egypt, 251 ; Libya, 251 ; 

Mid-Italy, 251 ; England, 252. 
Cephalographs, 113. 
Cephalometric Instruments, 111. 
Cera Perduta process, 165. 
Ceremonies, Malay, 142 ; to secure rain* 

fall, 302. 
Chaco, the Lengua Indians of the, Para- 
guayan, by Seymour H. C. Haw trey, 
281. 
Chains, making of, by casting, 165. 
Chalmers, Rev. J., 121. 
Chantre, E., " Les Bicharieh " (rer.), 74. 
Chants, Lengua Indians, 293. 
Charms, Tusks of Wild Boar as, 200. 
Chief, Authority of, 174. 
Chiefs and tatuing, 49. 
Chin Hills and Shan States Reports, 

1899 (rev.), 13. 
Chronology, Cretan, 146. 
Circumcision, 140. 
Clans, tendency to maintain Physical 

Characteristics, Scotland, 128. 
Cloth-making, Malay Peninsula, 142. 
Clothing, Sarawak, 174. 
Club, New Britain, 167. 
Coffey, G., Irish Copper Celts, 265ff. 
Collections, Ethnographical, 16. 
Colour Blindness, 87, 236; Nomen- 
clature, Upper Egypt, 230 ; Sense, 
Animals, 87 ; Thresholds, 239 ; Vision 
(rev.), 87. 



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Index, 



Colour Vision, of the Natives of Upper 
Egypt, by W. H. R. Rivers, M.D., 
229. 

Conservatism, Lengaa Indians, 286. 

Congo, Ethnography (rev,). 116. 

Contact with Civilized Races, Lengaa 
Indians, 298. 

Conventionalized Derivatives, 187. 

Copper and White Metal, 165 ; Bohemia, 
271 ; Saxony, 271 ; Celts, Irish, 265 ; 
analysis of, 266^; tin, admixture of, 
with copper, Egypt, 268; Ores, 
European, 268 ; Spanish, Parazuelos, 
analysis, 269. 

Cornwall, Tin in Copper, 270, 271. 

Coronation Ceremony, Manipnr, 301. 

Council, Report of, 2. 

Crania, cf. Skull. 

Crania from the Nile- Welle watershed. 
Notes on, by F. C. Shrubsall, M.A., 
M.B., 256. 

Craniometry, 251-2, 256-260, 261-264. 

Cretan Exploration Fund, 2, 146. 

Crete, 147; Excavations, 148; My- 
cenaean, 148; Prehistoric, 145, 146; 
Prehistoric relations with B^ypt* 
138. 

Crocodile, 186, 190, 196; Carving of, 
as a charm, 196 ; connection of, with 
rice culture, 198; Sacrifice before. 
Image of, 198. 

Crossbeams, 191. 

Crowfoot, J. W., " A Yezidi Rite," 122. 

Crump, Rev. J. A., " Trephining in the 
South Seas," 167. 

Cumont, P., "Acts of St. Dasius," 53. 

Cup Markings on Stones, 97. 

Cutting Tools, Egypt, 123. 

Cyprus, Mycenean, 130, 138. 



D. 



Dagger and Beer Ladle, Lake Nyassa, 

112. 
Dal ton, 0. M., Carved Doorposts, West 

Africa, 57; California Basket-work, 

17. 
Damascening, Malay, 163. 
Dances, 180, 297. 



Davies, Dr. C. Consanguinity (rev.), 8 

Dawkins, Prof. Boyd, 310. 

Dawson, Dr. G. M., 133. 

Day, R., 276. 

Dayaks, Sea, 173; or Ibans, 196. 

Death, hastening of, 295 ; Mutilations 
at, 295; Origin of, myth, 151. 

Deer, 187, 193, 197; as Omens, 187, 
199. 

Deities, distinct for men and for women, 
Sarawak, 175. 

Dellenbaugh, P. S., " The North Ameri- 
cans of Yesterday " (rev.)^ 97. 

Depilation, 29. 

Diseases, Nia6, 140. 

Dixon, J. B., 310. 

Dog, 174, 187, 193, 195, 306; Buried 
with dead, Manipur, 306. 

Domestic Animals, Cattle, 187, 193, 
197 ; Dog, 174 sqq. ; Fowl, 174, 182-6, 
195, 209, 307 ; Goat, 301 ; Pig, 174, 
180-2, 195, 307, 808 ; Sacrifice of, 205. 

Dok (Macacus Nemestrinus), 191 ; Dance, 
191. 

D'Orbigny, 129. 

Drawing, Lengaa Indians, 286. 

Dreams, 290, 301, 307. 

Dress, Early Egypt, 253, 254; Sarawak, 
174. 

Du Bois, "The Philadelphia N^ro " 
(ret;.), 14. 

Dyeing, Lengua Indians, 286. 

Dynastic Race, Early Egypt, 252. 



E. 



Edge- Partington, J., An Object of Un- 
known Use and Locality, 80, 92 
(reu.), 117(ret;.), 143; Easter Island 
Tablets, 7; Feathered Arrows, 32; 
Forged Ethnographical Specimens, 
56; Matuatonga, Note on, 30; Orna- 
ments from the Solomon Islannds, 89. 

Edridge-Green, Dr., 246. 

Eggs, 307 ; As OfEerings, 185. 

Egypt, 107 (rev.), 141 ; Admixtures 
of Tin and Copper, 268 ; Egypt and 
Ancient Libya, connection between, 
252; Bones of Hen Nekht, 127; 



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Indea\ 



Cutting Tools, 123; El KhavKeli, 91: 

The Early Races of, by W. M. Flinders 

Petrie, D.C.L., 248. 
Egyptians, Colour Sense, 87, 229 fB. ; 

Physical Tjpe of Early, 127. 
Egyptian Research Account, 127. 
El Amrah, 230, 235. 
English Cephalic Index, 252. 
Eoliths, 313. 

Eponymus as Scapegoat, 302. 
Eponymous Ancestor Worship, 303; 

Tribal Deities, 303. 
Ethnographical Survey of India, 11, 

113. 
Ethnography, Congo (rev.), 116. 
Etiquette, Lengua Indians, 291. 
Evans. A. J., 138, 145 ; " The Neolithic 

Settlement at Knossos," 146 ; Cretan 

Exploration, 2. 
Evans, Sir John, 77, 310. 
Exogamy, Manipur, 303 ; Sarawak, 204. 
Extispicia, 181, 185, 198, 199. 



Farnell, L. R. (rev.), 87. 

Pawcett, P., " D6mbs of Jeypur," 29. 

Feathers as offerings, 1 85. 

Felkin, Dr. R. W., "A collection of 

objects from Lake Nyassa," 112. 
Pellahin, 230. 
Festivals, reaping, Manipur, 307 ; sowing, 

Manipur, 307. 
Fetish, 210. 

Fiji, " vasu," institution, 136. 
Finds, of Copper Celts, 276. 
Fire, by Friction, Lengua Indian, 206, 

208. 
Fimiss-Malerei, 78. 
Fishing, Lengua Indians, 287, 289. 
Fleam, Bow and Arrow, New Guinea, 

121. 
Flet<;her, Alice C, " Indian Story and 

Song" (rev.), 118. 
Flints, Glazed, 313, 314; Distinction 

in Age of, 310; Paleolithic, 310; 

Polished by Sand Blast, 313, 315; 

Chemical Explanaiion of, 315. 



FOLKLORK : — 

America : — Dreams, Lengua Indians^ 
290 ; Iroquois, 134 ; Magic, Lengua 
Indians, 290; North America, 118 ; 
Witchcraft, Lengua Indians, 290 ; 
Witch doctor, 288. 
Asia : — -Annexation of Unnamed Child 
by Spirit, 304 ; Blood Brotherhood, 
185, 190, 209; to Animals, 210; 
Ceremonies to Secure Rainfall, 302 ; 
Connection of Crocodile with Rice 
Culture, 198; Crocodile, Carving of 
as Charm, 196 ; Divination with 
Twigs, Manipur, 308; Eponymus 
as Scapegoat, 302 ; Forms of 
Animals assumed by Deities, 198 ; 
Land Tortoise and Mouse-Deer in 
fable, 199 ; Magic, Manipur, 301 ; 
Omens, 162 sqq., 302 ; Snake God, 
302; Snake King, 301; Snake 
Personification, 304 ; Soothsaying, 
304; Soul-Catching, 185; Tusks 
of Wild Boar as Charms, 200; 
Use of Fire to procure Rain, 308 ; 
Vampires, 304. 
Europe : — Animal Superstitions, 5 
Brunswick, 115 ; France (rev.), 140 
Norway, 79 ; Scotland (rev.), 104 
Singing Games (rev.), 48; Verg6- 
dend^l, 115; Wells, Irish, 11, 19. 
Oceania : — Stories from S. New 
Hebrides, 147. 
Food, Lengua Indians, 287. 
Forgeries, Fijian, 56 ; New Zealand, 92 ; 

Pacific, 93. 
Fowl, 177, 195, 182-186; Blood of. 

Sprinkled on Altar, 209, 307. 
Foy, W., Tanz-objekte (rev.), 47. 
Fraternities or Orders resembling 

Thiasoi, Asia Minor, 122. 
Eraser River, Lower, Early Inhabitants 

of, 133. 
Prazer, Dr. J. G., 177, 211, HI; Golden 
Bough (rev.), 43 ; Men's language 
and Women's language, 129. 
Freeman, R. Austin, " Travels and Life 

in Ashanti and Jaman " (rev.), 101. 
Funeral Ceremonies, 305. 
Futterer, " Durch Asien" (rev.), 34. 
Future World, Belief in, Manipur, 307. 



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G. 



Oalton, F. " The possible improvement 
of the Hnman Breed under existing 
conditions of Law and Sentiment," 
132. 

Games, Lengua Indians, 297. 

Garstang, J., 127, 316. 

Geiger's views on Col oar- vis ion, 87. 

Geographical Congress, Seventh Inter- 
national, at Berlin, 119. 

Gerin, Leon, 133. 

Qerrit Demp Island, 168. 

Ghosts, Belief in, 100. 

Gibbon as Omen, 188. 

Giranx, M. The proposed Monnment to 
G. de Mortillet, 114. 

Girod, P., " L'age du Renne " (rev.), 37. 

Gladstone, Dr. J. H., 279. 

Gladstone, W. E., Views on Colonr- 
vision, 87. 

Glaze (pottery), 78 ; Flint, 313. 

Goat, Manipur, 301. 

Goldsmith^s Tools, Malay, 165. 

Gomme, G. L., 308. 

Gomme, Mrs., " Singing Gbmes " (rev.), 
48. 

Good Lnck, see Omens. 

Government, Lengua Indians, 291. 

Gowland, W., 266. 

Grand Chaco, the, Physical Chai^acters 
of, 281, 282. 

Gray, J. Cephalometric Instruments 
(t7Z.), Ill ; Measurement of Papuan 
Skulls, 261, 128. 

Great Britain, Ethnology (rev,), 151. 

Greece, Prehistoric (rev.), 130, 138, 
139 ; Religion (rev.), 86. 

Grey, Sir G., 210. 



Habitations, Early Egypt, 253 ; Lengua 

Indians, 283 ; Sarawak, 174. 
Haddon, A. C, 95, 124; A Papuan 
' bow-and-arrow Fleam, 121, 124 ; 
Notes on two letters published in the 
Times, 1901, The origin of the Maori 
Scroll Pattern, 55. 



Hair. Early Egyptians, 252, 263, 254 ; 
Lengua Indians, 282. 

Hall, H. R., " The Oldest Civilization of 
Greece" (rev.), 130, 139. 

Handle, Parang, 220. 

Hardy, 94. 

Bartland, E. S., " On certain Wells in 
Ireland," 19 ; 118, cf. (ret;.), 135 ; 
" On Some Problems of Early Religion 
in the Light of South African Folk- 
lore,'* 21. 

Hawk, Cult of, 175, 194, 206. 

Hawtrey, Seymour H. C, " The Lengua 
Indians of the Parguayan Chaco," 
280. 

Headache, Cure of, 168. 

Head-dress, Manipur, 202. 

Head-hunting, 203. 

Hen Nekht, bones of, 127. 

Heraldry, Tatoo and, 47. 

Herbert, Hon. Auberon, 124. 

Herzog, R., " ^gean Script in Kos„" 
52. 

Hieroglyphic, Oldest Known Egyptian, 
40. 

Hill-Tout, Chas., "The Ethnographic 
Survey of Canada," 133. 

Hinde, Mrs., "The Masai Language'* 
(rev.), 73. 

History, Lengua Indians, 294. 

Hochstetter, views on the Cerebral 
Hemispheres, 126. 

Hodson, T. C, The Native Tribes of 
]&£ anipur, 300. 

Hogarth, D. G., 145, 147; "Explora- 
tions at Zakro in Eastern Crete," 148. 

Holden, W. A., and K. K. Bosse, " The 
Order cf Development of Colour Per- 
ception and of Colour Preference in 
the Child " (rey.), 87. 

Holdich, Sir T. H., 150. 

Holmgren's Method of Testing Colour 
Vision, 229 sqq. 

Horse, among Yakuts, 71. 

Horsley, Dr. V., 169. 

Hose, C., and W. McDougall, " Relations 
Between Men and Animals in Sara- 
wak," 173. 

Houses, Demolition of, Lengua Indians, 
284, 



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HuntiDg, Lengaa Indians, 294. 
Huxley Lecture, 3, 132. 

I. 

Igorotte Language, 216. 
Ilocano Language, 216. 
Implementiferous Beds, Classes of, 314. 
Index Catalogue of Indian Official 

Publications in the Library of the 

British Museum (rct\), 35. 
India, Bibliography of Official Papers, 

35; Ethnographic Survey, 113; 

Among the Himalayas (rev.)^ 49 ; 

Madras, The Ddmbs of Jeypur, 29. 
Infanticide, 295, 301. 
Intermixture with Dwarf Races, Affect- 
ing Size of Skull, 259. 
International Catalogue of Scientific 

Literature, 5, 11. 
Irish Copper Celts, by Oeorge Coffey, 

265. 
Iron, 161. 
Irrigation, 309. 
Italy, Mid., Cephalic Index, 251. 

J. 

Jaggery, or Coconut Sugar, Making of, 

142. 
Jardin, 0. S., 266. 
Jevons, F. B., 177, 203. 
Joloano language, 216. 



K. 



Eabyle, 250. 
Kajaman sword, 221. 
Kalamantans, 192-195, 204, 207. 
Kayans, 188-192, 203, 207, 208, 210, 

212. 
Keith, Dr. A., Palmistry, 20. 
Kenyahs, 174^188, 203 sqq, 
Khami Ruins, 82. 
King, Position of, Manipur, 300. 
Elingsley, Miss Mary H., *' West African 

Studies " (rev.), 100. 
Knife, Egypt, 123. 
Knossos, 145, 146. 
Knowle Farm, flints from, 310. 



Koetze, G. A. " Crania Ethnica Philip- 

pinica " (rev.), 149. 
Konow, Dr. Sten, 79. 
Kris, Malay, 161 ; manufacture of, 161. 



L. 



Lang, Andrew, 135 ; " Making of 
Religion " (rev.)^ 3 ; " Martyrdom of 
St. Dasius," 68. 

Language, Divergence of the Sexes, 
South America (rev.), 129 ; Lengua 
Indians, 293 ; Manipur, 300. 

Languages, Malay family of, 214. 

Languages of the Philippines, Memo- 
randum on the, by W. E. W. MacKin- 
lay, 214. 

Layard, Miss Nina, " Notes on a Human 
Skull found in the bed of the River 
Orwell,** 125, 

Leather, Lengua Indians, 285. 

Lefthandedness (ret;.), 84. 

Legitimacy, Test of, 119. 

Lengua Indians of the Paraguayan 
CLaco, The. By Seymour H. C. 
Hawtrey, 280; Physical tjpe, 281; 
Meaning of Name, 281. 

Leptis Magna (Lebda or Khoms), 83. 

Lewis, A. L. Stonehenge, 18. 

Libyans, 260. 

Libyan title " Battos," 262. 

Linguistics, Bicol Language, 216 ; 
Cagayan Language, 216; Celamiano 
Language, 216 ; Dafla Language, 46 ; 
Divergence in Language between 
Sexes S. America (rev.), 129; 
History of Language (rev.), 50 ; 
Ilocano Language, 216 ; Language of 
Philippines, 214; Lengua Indians, 
293; Joloano Language, 216; Malay 
Family of Languages, 214; Manipur, 
300; Masai Language (rev.), 73; 
Pampango Language, 216; Pan- 
gasindn Language, 216; S. America 
(rev.), 129; Schlah Language (rev.). 
45 ; Tagalo Language, 214, 215 ; 
Yisaya Language, 216. 

Lizard, 188 ; as Omen, 196. 

Loom, Lengua Indians, 284. 



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FncUx, 



Lovibond's Tintometer, 230 sqq. 
Laeddeckens, Dr. Fritz. *' Rechts- und 

Linksliandigkeit '* (rev.), 84. 
LuBchan, Professor F. von. " Vorschlftge 

zur Geographischen Nomenklatar der 

Sudsee " (rer.), 119. 
Lustre, 78. 
Luzon, 216. 
Lyle, T. H. " Celadon Ware," 41. 



M. 
Mace, A., 238. 
Macdonell, Prof. A., "The late Prof. 

Max Muller," 16. 
MacKinlay, W. B. W., Memorandum 

on the Language of the Philippines, 

214. 
Macnamara, N. C. ** Origin and 

Character of the British People'* 

(rev.), 151. 
Madangs, 212. 
Magic, Sarawak, 178; Lengua Indians, 

290. 
Malay, Damascening, 163; Family of 

Languages, 214; Goldsmith's Tools, 

165 ; Goldsmith's Moulds, 165 ; Kris, 

161 ; Metalwork, Notes on, by 

Walter Rosenhain, B.A., 161 sqq. 
Mallet, J. W., 265. 

Man, Preliminary Announcement of, 4. 
Manipur, The Native Tribes of, by T. C. 

Hodson, 300. 
Manguian, 217. 
Maories, 98. 
Marriages, by Capture, Manipur, 305; 

of Elder Brother's Widow, 305; by 

Purchase, Manipur, 305. 
Masonry, Tunis, 109. 
Matt-Malerei, 78. 
Maui, 148. 
McCarthy, J., " Surveying in Siam " 

(rev.), 12. 
McDougall, W., and C. Hose. ** Rela- 
tions between Men and Animals in 

Sarawak," 173. 
Measurement of Papuan Skulls, by 

J. Gray, 261. 
Medicine Man, Malay Peninsula, 143; 

New Britain, 167 ; Sarawak, 202. 



Meitheis, Manipur, 300. 

Melek Taus, 122. 

Metal work. Notes on Malay, by W. 

Rosenhain, 161. 
Metallurgy, Copper Celts, 265 ; Copper 

Celts, analysis of, 266 ; Cornish 

Copper Ore, 270, 271; European 

Copper Ores, 268 ; Irish Copper, 265 ; 

Spanish and Parazuelos Copper Ore, 

269 ; Tin in Irish Copper Ore, 272 ; 

Tin in Egyptian Copper Ore, 268. 
Meyer, A.B., and Parkinson, R., " Papua, 

Album ii" (rev.), 117. 
Middens, Canada, 133. 
Migration, Polynesian, 110. 
Milanos, swords of, 225. 
Mitchell, P. C, Life of Huxley (rev.), 

63. 
Moko, Amoco, 29. 
Monkey, Long-nosed, 191. 
Montelius, Dr. 0., 88. 
Monuments of Persian dynasty in 

Egypt, El Khargeh, 91. 
Mortillet, G. de, 114. 
Moulds, Malay, 165. 
Miiller, Dr. Sophus, 88. 
Murray Island, Colour Sense, 87. 
Murray Islanders, Taste, 246. 
Murray River, Strangling Cords from, 

94. 
Miinits, Parang of, 225. 
Museums. Additions to British Museum, 

17, 39, 57; Blackmore, 313 ; Dublin, 

265 sqq. ; Pitt-Rivers, 315. 
Music, Savage (rev,), 118 ; Lengua 

Indians, 293. 
Musical Instruments, Lengua Indians, 

293. 
Mutilations at death, 295. 
Mycen»an Age, 139 ; Athens, 70 ; Crete, 

148 ; Cyprus, 130, 138. 
Myers, Dr. C. S., ** On Four Photographs 

from the Oasis of El Khargeh," 91 ; 

"The Bones of Hen-Nekht," 127, 

246. 
Myres, J. L., 139 ; Contemporary Sur- 
vival of successive styles of Art, N. 

Africa, 83; Early Masonry, Tunis, 

109 ; Glaze or Varnish, 78 ; Maltese 

Pottery, 71 ; Notes on Myceniean 



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Chronology, 139 ; Pre-MjcensBan 

Athens, 70. 
Mythology, Troqnois, 134; Lengua 

Indians, 288; Sarawak, 191, 193, 197. 
Myths, New Hebrides, 148. 

N. 
Nagas, 300. 
Nagel's test for colour blindness, 230 

sqq. 
Names, Ashanti, 101 ; Manipur, 304 ; 

Sarawak, 195; Boas, Dr., 212. 
Nasal Index, Egypt, 251. 
Native Tribes of Manipur, The, by T. C. 

Hodson, 300. 
Nature Deities, 212 ; Manipur, 303. 
Necropolis, El Khargeh, 91. 
Neolithic Trephining, 171. 
New Britain (Neu Pommern), 167; 

Medicine Man, 167. 
New Guinea, Bow-and-arrow Fleam, 

121; German, 261; 117. 
New Ireland (Neu Mecklenberg), 168. 
New Zealand {rev.), 98 ; Forgeries, 92. 
Newton, W. M., Flint Implements, 66. 
Niabor, Sea Dyak Parang, 222. 
Nicknames, 304. 
Niebuhr, C, "The Tel-el-Amarna 

Period" (rev.), 141. 
Nile Welle Watershed, Notes on Crania 

from, by F. C. Shrubsall, M.A , M.B., 

256. 
Nomenclature, Glaze or Varnish, 78; 

of peoples of Manipur, 300. 
Norway, Folklore, 79. 
Numerals, 296. 
Nyarong or Spirit Helper, 173, 199-202, 

210. 
Nyassa, Lake, 112. 

0. 
Obituaries, 18ff. 

Obituary, Max Miiller, 16 ; Sir 0. Peek, 
96. 

OCEANU — 

Australia, 143 ; Strangling Cords, 
94; Swan-neck boomerang, 27; 
Ethnological Expedition, 67, 143 ; 
Bismarck Archipelago, Tanz-objecte 



{rev.\ 47 ; Bow and Arrow Fleam, 
121 ; Bugi tribe, 36 ; Despatches 
(rer.), 36; Eafeter Island Tablets, 
7, 7 ; Feathered arrows, 32 ; Fijian 
forgeries, 56; Fiji, " vasu,'* 136; Fri- 
gate bird as art motive, 64 ; Kiriwina 
gi'oup, 36 ; Lord Howe's Island, 
Tatu patterns, 31 ; Maori Tatu, 
Moko (i7Z.), 29ff; Measurements of 
Papuan skulls, 261 ; Morehead R. 
tribes, 36 ; Murray Islands, 239, 
246, 87; New Guinea, 117; 121; 
New Hebrides, Memorial Heads, 
51 ; New Zealand, vegetation spirit, 
157; Niue, natives, 137; Papuan 
element in Nev7 Zealand, 51 ; 
Polynesian Migration, 111; Savage 
Island, natives of, 137; Solomon 
Isles, 81 ; S., Bambu Mimpels, 28 ; 
S., Stories from, 147; Tonga, 110; 
Torres Straits, 136, 137. 
Odour, Racial, 29. 
Omens, 162, 177, 178, 192, 200, 302. 

804, 307. 
Omen Birds, 179, 195, 197, 198; 
Arachnothera chrysogenys, 179 ; A. 
Modesta, 179; H. Duvancelii, 180; 
H. Kasumba, 180; Hawk, 175-9; 
killing of, 198 ; Hombill (Anorrhinus 
comatus), 180, 198; Spider-hunter, 
179 ; Woodpecker (Lapocestes por- 
phyro Melas), 180. 
Orang-utang as omen, 188. 
Ornament, animal derivatives as, on 
crossbeams, 191; Kumasi, architec- 
tural, 101 ; Lengua Indians, 287 ; Pat- 
terns, Lengua Indians, 284 ; Malay 
House, 142 ; on Pottery, Khami 
ruins, 82; Women's, Sarawak, 224; 
Solomon Isles, 81. 
On amentation, Sarawak, 191 ; celts, 
2V6; swords, Land Dyaks, 226; 
sword blades, Sarawak, 219-228; 
Crete, 146 ; of Walls, Khami ruins, 
Rhodesia, 82. 



Pacific, 80 ; Forgeries, 93 ; Nomen- 
clature (rer.), 119; Ocean, Islands 
of (ret'.}, 103. 



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Painting, Lengna Indians, 283 ; El 
Ehargeli, 91. 

Palaeolithio Implements from Savemake, 
a collection of, 810. 

Pampango, Language, 216. 

Pangasindn Language, 216. 

Papua, Gulf of, 261. 

Papuan Skulls, Measurement of, 261. 

Parang, 219-228. 

Parkinson, R., and Meyer, A. B. " Papua, 
Album, ii" (rev.), 117. 

Peek, Sir C. E., 96. 

Pelandok (Mouse-deer), and Tekora 
(Land tortoise). Character of, in 
Fable (Sarawak), 199. 

Penka, Dr., "Die Ethnologiscb-Ethno- 
grapbische Bcdentung der Mega- 
lithiscben Grabbalen" (rev.), 88. 

Perbam, Archdeacon, 196, 197, 212. 

Personal Ornaments, Lengua Indians, 
282 ; Sarawak, 188. 

Pests, prevention of, by Clay Image of 
Crocodile, Sarawak, 199. 

Petara, 196. 

Petras, site in E. Crete, 148. 

Petrie, W. M. F., 123, 138, 139, 238; 
An Egyptian Ebony Statuette of a 
Negress, 107; Egyptian Cutting 
Tools, 120; The Races of Early 
Egypt, 248. 

Philippines (rev.), 149. 

Philippines, Memorandum on the 
Language of, by William E. W. 
MacKinlay, 214^217. 

Physical Anthropology : — Algeria, 
Libyan Notes, 62 ; Anthropometrical 
Observations of D6mbs, 29; Birth 
Bate, Yakut, 79 ; Bones of Hen Nekt, 
127; Brain, 126; Bushman Skull, 
58; Cephalographs, 113; Childbirth, 
80 ; Crania, cf . Skull, Craniometry ; 
Crania Ethnica Philippinica (rev.), 
149 ; D6mb8 of Jeypur, 29 ; 
Egypt, Physical Type, 248-265; 
Fertility of D6mbs, 29 ; Instruments, 
Cephalometric, 111; Lefthandedness 
(rev,)^ 84 ; Lengua Indians, Physical 
Characteristics, 281 ; Measurement of 
Inhabitants of El Ehargeh, 91 ; Nile 
Welle Watershed, Crania from, 256- 



260; Palmistry, 20; Pi^nan SknlU, 
Measurement of, 261-264; Physical 
Type, Manipur, 300; Early Egypt, 
127; Pigmentation of D6mb8, 29; 
Scotland, 128; Uace Improvement, 
132 ; Racial Types, Malay Peninsula, 
142; Retzius, G., Crania Suecica(rer.), 
59; Savoy (rev,), 38; Skulls, from 
Azandeh, 256; Akka, 259; of Bam- 
bute Pigmy, 260 ; of Bari Tribe, 266 ; 
English, 125; Niam-Niam, 256; 
Monbottu, 256; Intermixture mth 
Dwarf Baccs affecting size of, 259 ; 
Stone Age, etc., 59 ; Sweden, Crania 
Suecica, 59; Tendency of dans to 
retain physical characteristics, Scot- 
land, 128; Trepanning, 65. 

Pig, 174, 180-2, 195. 307, 308; Wild, 
207 ; jaw of, as charms, 182, 210. 

Pilcomayo River, 289. 

Pigmentation, 128 ; for Tatoo, 42. 

Pigmy Tribes, traditions of, Lengua 
Indians, 289; Central Africa, 259- 
60. 

Pitt-Rivers, Gen., on Celts, 279; 
Museum, 315. 

Pittard, Trepanation Prehistorique, 65 ; 
Ethnologie de la Savoie (ret?.), 38. 

Pollok, J. H., 266. 

Poltergeist, 101. 

Portraiture, ancient, 248. 

Post-mortem Moko, 44. 

Pottery, Arab, 83 ; Arabized Berber, 
made by hand, 83 ; Crete, 146, 147 ; 
Khami Ruins, 82 ; Late Grseco- 
Roman Type, North Africa, 83 ; 
Lengua Indians, 285 ; Malay Penin- 
sula, 142; Painted, 78, Process of 
Decorating; Torres Straits, 95. 

Praesos, 146. 

Presents, exchange of, 68. 

Primogeniture, Manipur, 300. 

Proceedings of the Anthropological 
Institute, 1, 76, 89, 90, 106, 152, 
British Association, 131 ; Soci6te 
d 'Anthropologic de Paris, 75, 89, 90, 
105, 120. 

Prohibitions, Manipur, 306, 308. 

Pulang Gana, Deity of rice culture, 198. 

Punans, 195-6, 204. 



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Puran Delta, 261. 
Purification, Spiritual, 303. 
Pyrrhi uEthiopes of Ptolemy, 266. 



Q. 



Quibell, J. E., 231. 



R. 



Race Improvement, 132. 

Races of Early Egypt, The, by W. M. 

Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., 248. 
Rainfall, Ceremonies to Procure, 302; 

Use of Fire to Procure, 308. 
Randall-Maclver, D., 127, 229, 230, 
231, 238; El Amrah Cemetery, 40 >' 
Libyan Notes (rav.), 62. 
Ray, S. H., Stories from Southern New 

Hebrides, 147. 
Read, C. H., Relics from Chinese Tombs, 
15 ; Presidential Address, 9 (rer.), 
116. 
Rechts und Linkshandigheit (rev.), 84. 
Reeves, W. P., The Long White Cloud 

(rw.), 98. 
Reincarnation, 308. 
Religious Beliefs, Lengua Indians, 288. 
Religion. — 

Africa : — Baptism, Baganda, 119 ; 
Burial, 127; Burial Customs, 
Egyptian, 40; Customs, Baganda, 
117 ; Disease, Ideas of, 124 ; Fear of 
Dead, 126; King, skull of, dried, 
129 ; King, Death of, 129 ; Leech- 
craft, 126; Sacrifice, human, 129; 
Soul, Animal form of, 139; South 
Africa, 21 ; Spirits, evil, 125 ; Spirit 
of King, 130 ; Tabu, 134 ; of tatuing, 
121 ; as to Women, 121 ; between 
Relatives, 124; Tabus, mourning, 
127; Tabus of pregnancy, 119; 
Totems, Baganda, 117 ; Bantas, 
111 ; Wedding Customs, Baganda, 
122; Witchcraft, 125; Women, 
superstitions as to, 121. 
America : — Animal Cults, Lengua 
Indians, 288; Ancestors and Agri- 
culture, 158; Com spirit, 155; 



Lengua Indians, 288; Sacrifice, 
Human, and Agriculture, 158; 
Totems in America, 134; White 
Dog sacrifice, 33. 
Asia : — Animal Cults, Sarawak, 175-9, 
194, 196, 198, 200, 201, 206, 208 ; 
Anthropomorphism, Sarawak, 175 ; 
Ancestor Worship, 303, 304; Asia 
Minor, 122; Astronomical Super- 
stitions, 107; Auspioia, 175 8qq,\ 
Balli, 175 ; Beating, Magical Prac- 
tice, 134 ; Buddhism, Siam, 99 ; 
Buddhist Wheel of Life, 1 ; Buffalo, 
Sacrifice of, at a father's Burial, 
307 ; Burial Customs of D6mbs, 29 ; 
Burial Customs, Yakut, 98 ; Mani- 
pur, 305 ; Lengua Indians, 295 ; 
Childhood, Superstitions as to, 80 ; 
Deities, Yakut, 106 ; Dead, Fear of, 
100; Distinction between Deities 
for Men and Women, 175; Divi- 
nation, 107 ; D6mb8 of Jeypnr, 29 ; 
Eggs as Offerings, 1 85 ;