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Professor of the New Testament in Leiden, Holland 


I. General 118 

1 . Introductions 118 

2. Textual Criticism 120 

3. New Testament Philology 123 

4. Commentaries on the New Testament 125 

IL The Synoptic Gospels. 

1. Literary criticbm 127 

2. Contents of the Gospels 132 

A. (a) Infancy narratives 133 

(6) Buddhistic influence 135 

(c) Semitisms 135 

(d) Length of ministry 136 

(e) Geography of Palestine 137 

B. (J) Baptism and temptation 138 

(g) Miracles of healing 138 

(h) Sermon on the Mount 139 

(i) Lord's Prayer 142 

0) Parables 143 

{k) Death of John the Baptist 144 

(I) Jesus' words to Peter 145 

C. (m) Apocalyptic discourse 146 

(n) Last Supper 146 

(o) Passion and resurrection 147 

3. Jesus Christ 150 

A. Lite of Christ 151 

B. Jesus' conception of himself 154 

C. Jesus' ethics, and use of the Old Testament 155 

III. The Johannme Writings 156 

IV. Acts of the Apostles 163 


V. Paul and his Epistles. 

1. Chronology of the life of Paul 168 

2. Chronology of the Pauline epistles 170 

3. Genuineness of the Pauline epistles 174 

4. Integrity of the Pauline epistles 177 

5. Commentaries on the Pauline epistles 179 

6. Rise of the Pauline canon 181 

7. Pauline theology 181 

VI. Catholic Epistles; Hebrews; Apostolic Fathers 193 

VII. History of Early Christianity 194 

VIII. Theology of the New Testament 199 

IX. Elucidation of the New Testament from the History of Religions 206 


AAB Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. 

AGW Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen. 

AR Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft. 

BFTh Beitrage ziu- Forderung der christlichen Theologie. 

BiblZ Biblische Zeitschrift. 

BphW Berliner philologische Wochenschrift. 

BSt Biblische Studien. 

ChrW Die Christliche Welt. 

DLZ Deutsche Literaturzeitung. 

Exp The Expositor. 

GerefThT Tijdschrift voor gereformeerde Theologie. 

GGA Gettingische gelehrte Anzeigen. 

HThR The Harvard Theological Review. 

HZ Historische Zeitschrift. 

JThSt The Journal of Theological Studies. 

KRefSchw Kirchenblatt fiir die reformierte Schweiz. 

LZBl Literarisches Zentralblatt. 

NGW Nachrichten der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu GBttingen. 

NJklA Neue Jahrbiicher fUr das klassische Altertum. 

NkZ Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift. 

NoTT Norsk Teologisk Tidsskrift. 

NThSt Nieuwe Theologische Studien. 

NThT Niew Theologisch Tijdschrift. 

PalJ Palastinajahrbuch. 

Pr J Preussische Jahrbiicher. 

PrM Protestantische Monatshefte. 

RC Revue critique. 

RhM Rheinisches Museum. 

SAB Sitzungsberichte der Akademie zu Berlin. 

SAH Sitzungsberichte der Akademie zu Heidelberg. 

SchwThZ Schweizerische Theologische Zeitschrift. 

ThGg Die Theologie der Gegenwart. 


ThLBl Theologisches Literaturblatt. 

ThLZ Theologische Literatiirzeitung. 

ThB Theologische Rundschau. 

ThRev Theologische Revue. 

ThSt Theologische Studien. 

ThStKr Theologische Studien und Kritiken. 

ThT Theologisch Tijdschrift. 

TT Teologisk Tidsskrift. 

TU Texte und Untersuchungen. 

WklPh Wochenschrift fiir klassische Philologie. 

ZAW Zeitschrift fUr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft. 

ZDA Zeitschrift fiir deutsches Altertum. 

ZKG Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte. 

ZMR Zeitschrift fiir Missionskunde und Religionswissenschaft. 

ZNW Zeitschrift fiir neutestamentliche Wissenschaft. 

ZThK Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche. 

ZwTh Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaftliche Theologie. 

If the scholars of various countries are to enter once more 
into the old fellowship of a common task, which was inter- 
rupted by the war, one of the first requirements is that all the 
national groups should acquaint themselves with the work 
done in the interval by the others. In the Zeitschrift fiir die 
neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, 1921, 1 published for the benefit 
of German scholars a survey of English and American litera- 
ture on the New Testament from 1914 to 1920, and I have been 
glad to prepare likewise for this Review, and so for American 
and English colleagues, a critical account of the most impor- 
tant works on the New Testament produced during these years 
in Germany and the other countries named in the title of this 

' In consequence of the War two important bibliographical periodicals have un- 
happily been compelled to suspend publication, the Theologische Rundschau, in 1917, 
and the Theologischer Jahresbericht, the last issues of which appeared in 1914 and 
contain a survey of theological literature for 1913. The following are still maintained: 
Theologische Literaturzeitung (Leipzig, Hinrichs); Theologisches Literaturblatt 
(Leipzig, Dbrffling und Franke); Die Theologie der Gegenwart (Leipzig, Deichert), of 
which one number in the year is devoted to the New Testament; Biblische Zeitschrift 
(Freiburg, Herder; Roman Catholic); Theologische Revue (Mtlnster, Aschendorflf; 
Rom. Cath.). For a very short survey see A. Jtllicher, Das Neue Testament (Wis- 
senschaftliche Forschungsberichte VL pp. 27-45, Gotha, Perthes, 1921). 



1. Introductions 

Knopf, jB., EinfUhrung in das N. T. (Sammlung TSpelmaan : Die Theologie 
imAbriss2). 394 pp. Giessen, Topelmann, 1919. — ^Fej'we, P., Einleitungin 
dasN.T. 2. Aufl. 259pp. Leipzig, Quelle und Meyer, 1918. — Barf/s, F., 
Eialeitung in das N. T. 4. und 5. Aufl. 494 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 
1920. — XoZmodin, Jld., Inledning till NyaTestamentets skrifter. I. viii, 
432 pp. Stockholm, 1915 (see Deissner, ThGg, 1915, 330 f.; ThLZ, 1915, 
463 f.). — Clemen, C, Die Entstehung des Neuen Testaments (Sammlmig 
Goschen 285). 2. Aufl. 167 pp. 1919. — Sickenberger, J., Kvuzgeiasste 
Eialeitung in das Neue Testament. 2. Aufl. 166 pp. Freiburg, Herder, 1920. 
— Van Veldhuizen, A . , Het Nieuwe Testament (Bijbelsch-kerkelijk woor- 
denboek II). 316 pp. Groningen, den Haag, Welters, 1920. 

The New Testament Introduction of R. Knopf (Bonn, f 1920) 
was meant primarily as a rapid survey for men in service in the 
war, like the other volumes of its series. But it may well be 
of use to other students and even to scholars, for it gives an 
admirable untechnical and lucid exposition of the discipline 
and of the present state of research, with literary references. It 
covers the language of the N. T.; the text; primitive Christian 
literature; the canon of the N- T.; contemporary history of 
the N. T. (political and religious); and the beginnings of 
Christianity. The criticism of the gospels is discussed in much 
detail, and it is interesting to observe that Knopf gives the 
reader his choice of various solutions of the problem of the 
authorship of the Fourth Gospel, including the theory that 
the unknown author himself wrote under the mask of the 
Apostle John. The chapter on the text is relatively full, and 
is excellent in contents, although the lack of an introduction to 
von Soden's textual work is a defect. The last part (pp. 226- 
388) gives a short history of early Christianity, including Jesus 
and his teachings, the apostohc, and the post-apostoHc period. 
In the teaching of Jesus several points, such as the kingdom of 
God and Jesus' idea of his own person, are thoroughly discussed. 
Knopf follows J. Weiss in his thorough-going eschatological 
view of the idea of the kingdom; he believes that Jesus desig- 
nated himself as messiah and Son of Man, but that it is no 
longer possible for us to fix exactly the sense in which he used 
the two terms. In his exposition of Pauline theology his pro- 


test against a one-sided exaggeration of the difference of Paul 
from Jesus is noteworthy. The book thus constitutes a very 
excellent introduction — it does not pretend to be more — and 
will stimulate to deeper study of the problems. See M. Dibe- 
Hus, ThLZ, 1920, No. 9-10. 

A new and complete critical introduction to the New Testa- 
ment is much needed. Jiilicher has unfortimately been unable 
to make a revision of his excellent book; the edition of 1906 is 
still kept in print. Peine' s book in a new edition does not 
meet the need, for it keeps too close to tradition. It has, how- 
ever, its own value, and the new edition is in many respects an 
improvement. That it refers to the more recent literature is 
its great advantage over Jiilicher. In spite of a tendency to 
moderate the concessions made to criticism in the earlier 
edition, some chapters, such as that on the Synoptic question, 
are very good. See Windisch, ThT, 1918, 310 ff.; Deissner, 
ThGg, 1918. 

The Introduction by F. Barth (professor at Bern, f 1912), 
reprinted from the 2d edition (1911), with some references 
(pp. 470-473) to recent literature added by his son, contributes 
even less than Feine to the understanding of critical problems, 
but forms a good guide to the contents of the books of the New 

Clemen's little book is a new edition with few changes, in 
which only the historical books are treated in any detail. 
Clemen gives solely his own views. Particularly worth reading 
are the sections on the Johannine writings. 

J. Sickenherger (Roman Catholic professor at Breslau) 
gives a brief compendium of New Testament introduction (first 
published in 1916) from the Catholic point of view by a scholar 
well acquainted with Protestant literature. His solution of the 
Synoptic problem is interesting. He distinguishes between the 
(Aramaic and Greek) original Matthew and our canonical 
Matthew; Matthew and Luke both represent combinations of 
the (Greek) original Matthew with Mark. 

The lexicon of van FeZdAMzsen (professor at Groningen) is 
a sort of Bible dictionary of the New Testament, including a 
biographical dictionary of the more important New Testa- 


ment scholars, with a fuller treatment of Netherlanders. The 
articles, mainly intended for the general reader, contain many 
references to Netherlandish contributions to New Testament 
research, which may well make it of use to English-speaking 

2. Textual Criticism 

Groenen, P. G. Algemeene Inleiding tot de Heilige Schrift. Geschiedenis 
van den Text. 375 pp. Leiden, Theonville, 1917. — Pott, A., Der Text 
des Neuen Testaments (Aus Natur und Geisteswelt 134). 2. Aufl. 116 pp. 
Leipzig, Teubner, 1919. — Novum Testamentum Graece. Textum recen- 
suit, apparatum criticum ex editionibus et codicibus manuscriptis collectum 
addiditH. J. Vogels. xvi, 661 pp. DUsseldorf, Schwann, 1920. — Preu- 
schen, E., Untersuchungen zum Diatessaron Tatians (SAH, Phil.-hist. 
Klasse, 1918). 63 pp. — Pott, A., De textu evangeliorum in saeculo se- 
cundo (Mnemosyne, 1920, 267-309, 339-365). Leiden, Brill. — Vogels, H. 
J., Beitrage zur Geschichte des Diatessarons im Abendland (Neutestament- 
liche Abhandlungen 8). viii, 152 pp. MUnster, Aschendorff, 1919. — 
Harnack, A. von, Zur Revision der neutestamentlichen Textkritik. Die 
Bedeutung der Vulgata fUr den Text der katholischen Briefe und der Anteil 
des Hieronymus an dem tJbersetzungswerk (Beitrage zur Einleitung in das 
N. T. 7). 130 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1916. — Harnack, A . von, Studien 
zur Vulgata des Hebraerbriets (SAB, 1920, 179-^01). —Lietzmann, H., Die 
Vorlage der gotischen Bibel (ZDA 56, n. p. 44, 249-278). — KZein, 0., 
Syrisch-griechisches Worterbuch zu den vier kanonischen Evangelien nebst 
einleitenden Untersuchungen (Beihefte zur ZAW 28). 123 pp. Giessen, 
Topelmann, 1916. 

A general survey of the history of the text of the Old and 
New Testament from the Catholic point of view is given by 
Groenen. He treats the versions in special detail (pp. 132- 
361; 'per contra the Hebrew text, pp. 39-58, the Greek, pp. 59- 
112), and of the versions gives most space to the Latin and the 
Netherlandish. These sections are also of interest to students 
outside of Holland. The author confines himself mainly to 
historical information and an account of what has been done 
in the field. 

A. Pott, who is now one of the best informed textual critics 
in Germany, has published a new edition of his popular history 
of the text of the New Testament, in which his discussion of 
von Soden's text is of special interest.^ He entirely rejects von 
Soden's hypotheses about the text of Tatian and of Marcion. 

^ On von Soden's hand-edition, see H. Lietzmann, ZNW, 1914, 323-331; R. 
Knopf, GGA, 1917, 385-408; E. Preuschen, BphW, 1917, No. 37. 


He himself has a predilection for the Western Text, which 
he believes to be pre-canonical. 

A new edition of the text of the New Testament is that of 
H. J. Vogels, one of the ablest of the Catholic textual critics. 
It is patterned after Nestle's edition; but does not indicate 
Old Testament quotations by special type, and (an improve- 
ment) mentions in the apparatus the most important variants 
with only their ancient witnesses. In the text Vogels largely 
coincides with von Soden, although he does not share the lat- 
ter's methods and views. His favorable judgment of the Vul- 
gate and his caution with regard to the Arabic Diatessaron are 
noteworthy. See Pott, ThLZ, 1921, No. 3-4; Souter, JThSt, 
1921, 174 f. 

The thesis of von Soden that the ruin of the text of the gospels 
was largely due to the bad influence of the Diatessaron has 
necessitated a fresh investigation of Tatian. E. Preuschen 
(tl920) had planned a new edition, but left the work uncom- 
pleted at his death. His valuable article, 'Das Diatessaron und 
seine Bedeutung fur die Textkritik der Evangelien,' draws at- 
tention to a certain kinship between Tatian and Marcion, ex- 
plains the method of Tatian, with various examples, and, in 
opposition to Zahn, argues that the Diatessaron was originally 
written in Greek. His hypothesis that Tatian first collected the 
four gospels is unsatisfactory. It is to be hoped that some 
scholar will soon complete Preuschen's interrupted task. 

Also from the competent pen oi A. Pott von Soden's Tatian 
hypothesis meets criticism. Von Soden holds that the witnesses 
for the I (I»)-text (D it af sy^'') have all been influenced by 
Tatian. Pott objects that von Soden is inconsistent in defining 
the I-text, since in the course of his investigation he assigns 
the above-named witnesses to the degenerate textual form I», 
and in actually constituting the I-text gives the preference to a 
group $, to which Eusebius is closely related. He also shows 
how untrustworthy is von Soden's method of determining the 
readings of Tatian, so that the great influence which he ascribes 
to Tatian is improbable. Equally unjustifiable is von Soden's 
treatment of the readings of Marcion, which he has mainly 
drawn from the above-named witnesses, but has used wrongly. 


Pott's view is that (Justin), Tatian, and Marcion (and likewise 
D it attest a common second-century text, akin to the 
parallel recension of Acts (this last being also mistakenly re- 
garded by von Soden as related to Tatian). 

H. J . Vogels supports the theory of an Old Latin Diates- 
saron, relying on the Old Latin readings of the gospel harmony 
of Codex Fuldensis and those of a later Latin harmony found 
in two Munich manuscripts (14th century). The variants are 
presented in long lists. The theory is that Victor of Capua had 
a Latin harmony, which he revised, and that this harmony was 
the oldest Latin version of the gospels — an hypothesis which 
as yet lacks verification. Vogels agrees with von Soden that 
all variants from the Greek occurring in the Old Latin and Old 
Syriac texts go back to Tatian. See Hans von Soden, ThLZ, 
1920, No. 15-16.1 

Harnack illustrates from the Catholic Epistles and He- 
brews the contention that more than in the past the text of 
the Vulgate must be regarded as a reliable witness. In the 
Catholic Epistles, as he tries to show, the Vulgate text rests on 
a very old Latin interlinear translation, somewhat improved 
in style, but well preserved. In nearly thirty cases he would 
prefer the Vulgate reading to the text of the modern editors 
(very remarkable, but doubtful, is the longer text found in the 
Vulgate in 1 Peter 3, 22). The conclusion from this study is 
that Codex Vaticanus is to be subordinated to Codex Alexan- 
drinus and the versions. Harnack prints in full a Greek text in 
the form which he believes to be represented by Jerome in his 
Vulgate. See H. Lietzmann, ThLZ, 1916, No. 15. 

The comparison of the Vulgate of Hebrews with the Old 
Latin translation shows, as Harnack points out in his other 
essay, that Jerome kept close to the Old Latin; he took as his 
basis the exemplar of d, used r for comparison, and inserted 
corrections of his own. According to Harnack it cannot be 
proved that he also used a Greek text. This last point calls for 
further research. 

• For other contributions to the textual criticism of Vogels, see BiblZ, 1914, pp. 
S69 ff.; 1915, 322 ff.; 1916. 34 ff.; 1921, 301 ff. Cf. also J. Schafers Emngelienzitate in 
Ephrams des Syrers Kommentar zu dm pavlinischen Briefen (Freibiu-g, Herder, 1917). 


iiefzmann's examination of the Gothic version, particularly 
in the epistles of Paul, leads him to pronounce it an important 
representative of the oldest Koine. Every Gothic reading, he 
holds, must be treated as a Koine-reading, if it can be found in 
any other representative of the old Koine. The two forms A 
and B of the Gothic Bible are independent branches of a tra- 
dition, and neither of them is a new redaction. The hypothesis 
of Kauffmann, that the text of Ulfilas was later revised with 
the Latin Bible as a basis, cannot be proved: Ulfilas may him- 
self have possessed a text of the Koine which had been sub- 
jected to Latin influence, or he may have consulted the Latin 
Bible, just as the omission of Hebrews in his New Testament 
is a sure proof of Latin influence. 

The Syriac-Greek lexicon to the Gospels hy 0. Klein gives, 
with translation, the Greek equivalent for every Syriac word 
in the various Syriac translations. A Greek-Syriac index gives 
the pages on which the Greek word stands as an equivalent. 
Unfortunately the information is very unreliable, but if used 
cautiously the book may be of service. See K. Brockelmann, 
LZBl, 1917; E. Preuschen, ThLZ, 1917, No. 22-23; H. Gress- 
mann, DLZ, 1918, No. 6; Elhorst, NThT, 1921. 

3. New Testament Philology 

Cremer, H., Biblisch-theologisches Wiirterbuch der neutestamentlichen 
Grazitat. 10. Aufl., herausg. von J. Kogel. xx, 1230 pp. Gotha, Perthes, 
1911-1915. — Blass, F.- Debrunner, A., Grammatik des neutestament- 
lichen Griechisch. 5. Aufl. xviii, 336 pp. GSttingen, Vandenhoeck und 
Ruprecht, 1921. — Meyer, P. M., Griechische Texte aus Aegypten. I. 
Papyri des neutestamentlichen Seminars der UniversitSt Berlin; 11. Ostraka 
der Sammlung Deissmann. xiii, 233 pp. Berlin, Weidmann, 1918. — 
Schiitz, R., Der parallele Bau der Satzglieder im Neuen Testament und 
seine Verwertung fUr die Textkritik und Exegese (Forschungen zur Religion 
und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments, n. f. 11). 27 pp. GBttingen, 
Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1920. 

J. Kegel's very careful revision of Cremer' s lexicon was 
begun in 1911 and finally completed in 1915. In this form the 
lexicon is an indispensable aid to all students of the New Testa- 
ment; it has no rival. Its chief defect is that the editor has 
been too restrained in altering the character of Cremer's work, 
has not sufficiently used non-literary texts and the Apostolic 


Fathers, and takes so little account of modern linguistic study 
and of the history of religions. Important articles such as 
(Tcorijp, <x(t>payls, are consequently unsatisfactory. The point of 
view is still too much that of Biblical literalism. See Wohlen- 
berg, ThLBl, 1915, No. 24; ThGg, 1915. 

The new edition oi B lass's grammar has undergone no im- 
portant changes, — only small additions, balanced by omis- 

The Berlin Greek Texts from Egypt, which we owe to P. M. 
Meyer, is a valuable addition to our knowledge of non- 
literary Koine texts and yields some fruit directly applicable 
to New Testament lexicography. The texts comprise docu- 
ments of commercial life in Egypt, texts from the Decian perse- 
cution, and some very valuable letters, besides ostraka, — 
these last being mainly receipts for rent, including some Jewish 
ones. The texts are provided with a detailed commentary, in 
which frequent reference is made to their bearing on the New 
Testament, linguistically and otherwise; Deissmann has added 
important notes. See K. F. W. Schmidt, WklPh, 1916, No. 
40; Windisch, ThLZ, 1917, No. 13. 

R. Schiitz's study of rhythmic structure in the New Testa- 
ment is unfortunately merely a torso. He shows how, follow- 
ing the tendency of the Koine to introduce into prose poetic 
parallelism and kindred forms, gospels and epistles show much 
rhythmic structure, so that they consist of strophes and cola, 
the reconstruction of which may contribute to the solution of 
exegetical and critical questions. In pursuance of a suggestion 
of Eduard Norden, he prints larger and smaller sections in cola, 
which makes his thesis convincing. Reasons of rhythm lead 
him, for instance, to excise Mk. 2, 21 f. to Kaivov rod TraXatoC 
as a gloss, likewise Mk. 4, 25 /cat 6 exet. Rhythmical consider- 
ations may be decisive also as to the connection of clauses, as 
Schutz makes clear in 1 Cor. 7, 33 f., 36-38; 10, 16, etc. See 
Dibelius, ThLZ, 1920, No. 25-26. 


4. Commentaries on the New Testament 

In Meyer's Commentary (Gottingen, Vandenhoeck und 
Ruprecht) as 7tlv edition of the volume on James a wholly new 
work by M. Dibelius was published in 1921. 

In Lietzmann's Handbuch zum N. T. (Tubingen, Mohr), 
E. Klostermann's Luke was published in 1919, leaving only 
Heitmiiller's Apocalypse to complete the work; and a second 
edition oi Lietzmann' s Romans (see below, p. 179) appeared 
in the same year. A supplementary volume will contain the 
Apostolic Fathers, and of this the following parts have ap- 
peared: iJ. Knopf, Didache, 1 and 2 Clement (pp. 1-184), 1920; 
W. Bauer, Ignatius and Polycarp (pp. 185-298), 1920; H. 
Windisch, Barnabas (pp. 299-413), 1920. This volume is like 
those on the New Testament, with introduction, translation, 
commentary, excursus, and epilogue. 

The commentary on the New Testament edited by Theodor 
Zahn (Leipzig, Deichert) has two new volumes: G. Wohlenberg 
(tl917), 1 and 2 Peter and Jude (iv, 345 pp.), 1915, and Th. 
Zahn, Acts, chaps. 1-12 (pp. 1-394), 1919; chaps, 13-28, 
(pp. 395-884), 1921. Wohlenberg' s exegesis rests, as usual, 
on a very careful and learned treatment of the text. He follows 
the Erlangen traditions, not without new variations of his own. 
1 Peter was written by Silvanus under Peter's supervision in 
A.D. 64; somewhat earlier, probably originally in Hebrew 
(Wohlenberg thinks he has proof for this), Peter wrote 2 Peter, 
presumably for Christians in Galilee and the neighboring 
country. To the convincing grounds for the later, non-apostolic 
origin of 2 Peter Wohlenberg does not do justice. Jude was 
written after 2 Peter. 

Zahn' s new commentary shows all the merits and defects 
which distinguish the works of this great scholar. The treat- 
ment of the text presupposes the results reached in his " Uraus- 
gabe der Apostelgeschichte " (see below p. 164). The first five 
chapters are very detailed; further on the comment is often 
cursory and, as often in Zahn's other commentaries, leaves 
important questions untouched — particularly those of exegesis 
and historical criticism. 


The following volumes of Zahn's series have appeared in new 
editions: Th. Zahn, Luke, 3d and 4th ed. (774 pp.), 1920; 
Th. Zahn, John, 5th and 6th ed. (733 pp.), 1921; Ph. Bach- 
mann, 2 Corinthians, 3d ed. (435 pp.), 1918; P. Ewald, Phil- 
ippians, 3d ed., brought out by G. Wohlenberg with an intro- 
duction by Zahn, 237 pp., 1917. 

The widely-used commentary. Die Schriften des Neuen Testa- 
ments, neu ilhersetzt und fiir die Gegenwart erkldrt, edited, after 
the death of J. Weiss, by W. Bousset and W. Heitmiiller, has 
appeared in a third edition (Gottingen, Vandenhoeck und 
Ruprecht, 1917-18). It is meant for lay readers, but is full 
of suggestion for scholars. The new edition is in four volumes. 
In Vol. I (Synoptics) the editors have here and there added 
remarks pertaining to the history of religions. In Vol. Ill 
(Acts, Hebrews, Catholic Epistles) Bousset has inserted in 
James interesting explanations drawn from the history of reli- 
gions. In Vol. IV (John, — Gospel, Epistles, Apocalypse; with 
the Index) Heitmiiller has revised his exposition of the Gospel, 
as well as that of the Apocalypse contributed by J. Weiss. 
The whole work is a characteristic document of the religions- 
geschichtliche Schule in Germany; it unites the point of view 
of the history of religions with insistence on the religious value 
of the New Testament writings. 

Of the corresponding Catholic work. Die Heilige Schrift des 
Neuen Testaments (Bonn, Hanstein) the following parts have 
recently appeared: P. Dausch, The three older Gospels, 1918; 
F. Tillmann, John, 1918; 2d ed. (292 pp.), 1921; A. Stein- 
mann. Acts, 2d ed. (244 pp.), 1916; A. Steinmann, Thessa- 
lonians and Galatians (124 pp.), 1921; /. Sickenberger, 
Corinthians and Romans, 1919; 2d ed. (291 pp.), 1921; 
M . Meinertz and F. Tillmann, Epistles of the Imprison- 
ment, 1918; M. Meinertz, Pastoral Epistles (101 pp.), 1916; 
J . Rohr, M . Meinertz, and W. Vrede, Hebrews, Catholic 
Epistles, Revelation (385 pp.), 1918. 

A new imdertaking is Tekst en Uitleg. Praktische Bijbelver- 
klaring, edited by F. Bohl and A. van Veldhuizen (Groningen, 
den Haag, Wolters) . The small, attractive volxunes (usually 144 
pages) contain an introduction, a new translation, and a brief 


interpretation (often merely a paraphrase). For the New 

Testament have appeared J. A. C. van Leeuwen, Matthew, 

1915; 2d ed., 1918 (very dependent on Zahn); A. van Veld- 

huizen, Mark, 1914; 2d ed., 1918; J. de Zwaan, Luke, 1917 

(many valuable remarks in spite of limited space; the historical 

criticism is not always convincing); /. de Zwaan, Acts (154 

pp.), 1920 (introduction and exegesis interesting from the point 

of view of the history of religions; see Windisch, ThLZ, 1921); 

A. van Veldhuizen, Paul; Romans, Corinthians, 1916; 2d 

ed., 1918 (with full bibliography); H. M . van Nes, Galatians 

-Philemon, 1919; J. Willemze, 2 Peter, Epistles of John, 

Jude, 1919 (with detailed anti-critical introductions; defends 

the genuineness of the comma johanneum) ; cf. ThLZ, 1920, No. 



1. LiTEBABT Criticism 


Cladder, H. J., Unsere Evangelien. I: Zur Literaturgeschichte der Evan- 
gelien. viii, 262 pp. Freiburg im B., Herder, 1919. — Soiron, Th., DieJjOgia, 
Jesu. Eine literarkritische und literaturgeschichtliclie Untersuchung zum 
synoptischen Problem (Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 6). vi, 174 pp. 
Miinster, Aschendorff, 1916. — Schmidt, K. L., Der Rahmen der Ge- 
schichte Jesu. Literarkritische Untersucliungen zur altesten JesusUberlie- 
ferung. xviii, 322 pp. Berlin, Trowitsch, 1919. — Dibelius, M., Die 
Formgescliichte des Evangeliums, 108 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1919. — Bau- 
ernfeind, 0.,Die literarische Form des Evangeliums (dissertation). 95 pp. 
Greifswald, 1915. 


Drescher, R., Das Markusevangelium und seine Entstehung (2!NW 17, 
228-256). — Meyer, E., Das Markusevangelium und seine Quellen (SAB, 

Gladder' s posthumous work on the gospels has been com- 
piled from lectures prepared for Catholic theological students 
at the front. He often goes his own way — as in his adoption 
of the theory of a one-year ministry of Jesus, in the arrange- 
ment of the contents of Matthew, the explanation of how Mark 
was excerpted from Matthew, or the assumption that Luke 
used Matthew and derived his special material from the Apostle 
John, and that John is to be understood from Mark, whom he 
interpreted and expanded in opposition to the misrepresenta- 
tions of Cerinthus. See BibIZ, 15, 361. 


The most interesting study of the Synoptic question which 
appeared during the war is the book of the Franciscan father 
So iron. As is well known, the papal Biblical Commission 
in 1911 condemned the theory of two sources. Hence a demon- 
stration of the falsity of the hypothesis that Matthew and Luke 
used a collection of Jesus' words has become a necessity for 
Catholic science,^ while in Protestant circles at the same time 
the theory has been under vigorous attack. Soiron's main 
argument is that the relation of the groups of sayings in Mat- 
thew and Luke can best be explained by the special circum- 
stances of oral tradition; and he investigates the particular 
fashion in which oral tradition attaches together disparate 
materials by arbitrary mnemonic association. A very good 
analogy is to be seen in rabbinical tradition, which developed 
an astonishing virtuosity in retaining in the memory great 
masses of material. Soiron shows how in the discourses of 
Jesus the single words and groups of sayings are grouped by 
subject-matter and by catchwords. This would have taken 
place in oral instruction. It is most instructive to analyse 
from this point of view the larger and smaller groups of sayings 
in Matthew and Luke (and in Mark as well), and to follow the 
various ways in which the catchword-method is applied. 
Soiron holds that this practice makes the theory of sources 
superfluous; but he overlooks the fact that the principle of 
association would be equally followed in the case of the written 
collection of Jesus' sayings, so that the argument has no force 
against the theory of common written sources. The question 
remains whether the more general order and arrangement of 
the sayings in Matthew and in Luke is such that the laws and 
possibilities of oral tradition explain the situation in both 
gospels. The proof of this Soiron does not give. 

Soiron also thinks that the doublets in Matthew and Luke 
can be used as evidence against the hypothesis of the 'Logia,' 
since they show how a double association could cause the same 
saying to appear in two places, as for instance, Matt. 5, 29 f ., 
in attachment to the word ^Xiireiv, and 18, 8 f ., to the word 

• See also P. Dausch, Die Zweiquellentheorie und die GlaubwUrdigkeit der drei 
alteren Evangelien (Biblische Zeitfragen 7). Milnster, Aschendorff, 1915. 


ffKapSaXop. This is noteworthy; but of many doublets it can 
be shown that they occur once in a Markan context, the other 
time in a Logia-context, and this confirms the theory of two 
sources. Soiron's book deserves to be followed up, but it does 
not overthrow the theory now widely accepted. See Windisch, 
DLZ, 1918, No. 27-28; Bultmann, ThLZ, 1918, No. 19-20. 

More interesting at present than the Synoptic problem is the 
investigation of the literary character of the gospels and of 
their component material. Schmidt starts from the view that 
the gospel stories were originally transmitted separately as 
single narratives, and that their collection in a gospel was the 
work of the evangelist. By the 'frame,' is meant the scheme of 
the gospel, the arrangement of material, with the consequent 
view of the course of Jesus' activity and of the succession of his 
deeds; but the term also includes the transitional, introductory, 
and concluding formulas by which the separate stories are 
joined to one another. Schmidt minutely examines these 
schemes and forms, especially for Mark, as well as the evange- 
lists' literary art embodied in them, with the result that in the 
'frame,' taken in its widest sense, we find not so much histori- 
cal tradition as a literary product, which can of course be used 
for the reconstruction of history only with the greatest caution. 
"The oldest tradition of Jesus is the tradition of pericopes, a 
tradition of individual scenes and utterances, handed down in 
the church and for the most part lacking any definite indica- 
tion of time or place." The gospels aim at an itinerary, a con- 
tinuous report of Jesus' deeds and journeys, but this was the 
work of an author or compiler, and of the actual course of 
events only a fragmentary knowledge has been preserved. 
Schmidt remarks that with this understanding of the composi- 
tion of our gospels we can scarcely expect to determine the 
duration of Jesus' ministry or the calendar date of the single 
incidents. The question also arises whether the distribution of 
the traditions between a Galilean period and a short visit to 
Jerusalem is right, and Schmidt discusses this, taking into 
consideration the divergent scheme of John. It is interesting 
to note that in the 'frame,' that is, in the transitional passages, 
much textual variation is found, a fact which shows the im- 


portance of the 'frame' for the composition of the whole gospel. 
It is here evident afresh that the story of the passion differs 
in its literary character from the great central portion of the 
gospels. While the other pericopes with few exceptions were 
transmitted without note of place, time, or connection, we find 
in the story of the passion a closer connection between the 
pericopes, and more exact statements of place and time. 
Schmidt well urges that this narrative is of the type of acts of 
martyrs, which ordinarily give a continuous narrative of the 
martyr's sufferings. See E. Lohmeyer, DLZ, 1920, No. 19-20; 
H. Windisch, Museum (Leiden), August-September, 1920; 
J. Kogel, ThLBl, 1920, No. 6; R. Steck, SchwThZ, 1919, pp. 
180 f.; J. de Zwaan, NThSt, 1920, pp. 119 ff.; G. A. van den 
Bergh van Eysinga, NThT, 1920. 

While Schmidt limits himself to the composition of the gos- 
pels and the introductory and final sentences of the single 
pericopes, M . Dibelius takes up the various literary types of 
evangelical tradition, which he tries to define strictly and to 
connect with the original use of these sections in the practice 
and missionary work of the church. Mainly from the speeches 
of Acts (other testimony could also be adduced) he shows how 
the gospel stories were woven into the texture of apostolic 
sermons as didactic and apologetic illustrations. One definite 
type of gospel stories, which he thinks gained their specific 
form in didactic discourse, he terms 'paradigms,' that is, brief 
narratives with only the most necessary notes of situation and 
occasion; in these all the emphasis is put on a doctrinal decision 
or a moral rule (cf. Mark 2,1-3, 6; 11, 27 ff.). From these 
are clearly distinguished stories of greater length, furnished 
with much vivid picturesque detail, which may be designated 
as 'novels'; this sort are of less value for instruction and 
preaching, and serve rather for entertainment, to satisfy curios- 
ity, and please the fancy. They contain more of the legendary 
and mythical. Mark likes these 'novels,' while Matthew is 
inclined to eliminate the 'novelistic' traits, and to alter the 
stories into 'paradigms.' When the narratives were collected 
and compiled into a gospel, the evangelist expanded them by 
explanatory additions; new pericopes, too, came into being. 


such as the so-called Sammelberichte, and the undated and 
unlocated prophecies of the passion, which stamped a pragma- 
tism on the material and expressed a theological tendency. 
Thus Mark gave his gospel a special character which had not 
originally belonged to the stories; the history is presented as a 
succession of secret epiphanies; the deeds of Jesus are imder- 
stood only by the initiated. Mark has also spread over a 
large part of his gospel a twilight-glow of myth; his hero has 
become a god, who reveals his divine power and authority, 
although the figure of the teacher and human worker of miracles 
still shows beneath the retouching. 

This account will make clear the fruitfulness of the definitions 
and constructions employed in this book. The work is not 
final; many of the definitions are too clear cut, and the author 
has not fully used the analogies from Jewish rabbinical litera- 
ture and Greek philosophical tradition. But he has shown a 
way which later students must follow. See Bultmann, ThLZ, 
1919, No. 15-16; P. Fiebig, LZBl, 1919, No. 22; Windisch, 
ThT, 1919, 371 ff. 

0. Bauernfeind's dissertation, while not without merit, 
does not touch the real problems. 


Of the individual gospels Mark has been studied by R. 
Drescher, who finds the purpose of the author revealed in 
chapter 13, and takes that chapter to reflect the confusion of 
the years 66-70. Mark probably shared in the flight to Pella 
and wrote his gospel there; the connections with Pauline 
theology are not very close; Mark's information was highly 

Eduard Meyer has prepared the way for his book, Ursprung 
und Anfdnge des Christentums, of which two volumes ap- 
peared in 1921, by a study of the sources of Mark. Besides 
the apostolic discourse of chapter 13 he finds two main sources: 
a disciple-source, in which Jesus is surrounded by an indefinite 
throng of disciples, and an apostle-source, which presupposes 
the college of twelve apostles.' 

* Regarding the note ' Ariston eri^u' after Mk. 16, 8 in an Armenian manuscript cf. 
Schafers, BiblZ, 1915. 24 f. 


2. Contents of the Gospels 

Sloet, A.W. H., De tijd van Christus' geboorte. 74 pp. Bussum, P. 
Brand, 1919. — Clemen, C, Gressmann's Erklanmg der Weihnachtsge- 
schichte (ThStKr, 1916, 237-252). — Ge//cA;ew, J., Die Hirten auf dem 
Felde (Hermes, 1914, 321-351). — JSoZZ, F., Der Stern der Weisen (ZNW, 
1917-18,40-4:8). — Schmiedel, P. W., Die Geburt Jesu nach Mt. 1, 16 
(SchwThZ 31, 1914, 69-82; of. 32, 1915, W-Sl). — Riggenbach, E., 
Bemerkungen zum Text von Mt. 1 (SehwThZ 31, 1914, 241-249; 32, 1915, 
117 f.). — Grosheide, F. W., Matt. 1, 16b (ThT, 1915, 100-105, 490-492). 
— Van Kasteren, J . P., De syro-sinaietische lezing van Mt. 1, 16 (Studien 
83, 1914, 458-462). — Harnack, A. von, tJber den Spruch "Ehre sei Gott 
in der Hohe" und das Wort " Eudokia" (SAB, 1915, 854,-875). — Beth, K., 
Giebt es buddhistische EinflUsse in den kanonischen Evangelien.' (ThStKr, 
1916, 169-227). — CZemen, C, Buddhistische EinflUsse im Neuen Testa- 
ment (ZNW, 1916, l'i,8-n8). — Schulthess, F., Das Problem der Sprache 
Jesu. 57 pp. Zurich, Sehulthess und Co., 1917. — Meinertz, M ., Metho- 
disches und Saehliches Uber die Dauer der offentliehen Wirksamkeit Jesu 
(BiblZ 14, 1916, 119-139, 236-249). — HariZ, F., Die Hypothese emer ein- 
jahrigen Wirksamkeit Jesu (Neutestamentliehe Abhandlungen 7). 350 pp. 
MUnehen, Aschendorff, 1917. — Dalman, G., Orte und Wege Jesu (BFTh 
23). 370 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 1919. 


Gressmann,H., Die Sage von der Taufe Jesu (ZMR, 1919, 86-90).— 
Meyer , A., Die evangelisehen Beriehte Uber die Versuehung Christi (Festgabe 
fUr Hugo BlUnmer, 434-468). Zurich, 1914. — Titius,A., t)ber Heilung der 
Damonischen im Neuen Testament (Festschrift fUr N. Bonwetsch, 25-47). 
Leipzig, Deiehert, 1918. — Jaeger, J., 1st Jesus Christus ein Suggestions- 
therapeut gewesen? Eine mediziniseh-apologetisehe Studie. 78 pp. Mergen- 
theim, 1918. — Nagelsbach,F,. Der SchlUsselzumVerstandnisderBergpredigt 
(BFTh 20). 55 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, ldl6. — Ndgelsbach, F., Die 
hohen Forderungen derBergpredigt, Matth. 5, 33-42 (NkZ, 1919, 510-532). — 
Kohler, K., Die urspriingliche Form der Seligpreisungen (ThStKr, 1918, 157- 
192). — Kohler, K., Der Kiptos 'Iijcrovs in den Evangelien und der Spruch vom 
Herr-Herr-sagen (ThStKr, 1915,4:71-4:90).— Fiebig , P., Jesu Worte uber die 
Feindesliebe (ThStKr, 1918,30-64). — Fridrichsen, Geheiligt werde dein 
Name (TT 8, 1916). — Bohmer, J ., Die neutestamentliehe Gottesscheu und 
die drei ersten Bitten des Vatenmsers. 211 pp. Halle, MUhlmann, 1917. — 
Schmiedel, P. W., Die vierte Bitte im Vaterunser (PrM, 1914, 358-364; 
1915,23-^6).- V otter, D., "Unser taglieh Bret" (PrM, 1914, 274-276; 
1915, 20-23). -XwAn, G., (SchwThZ, 1919, 191-198). — Fiebig, P., Das 
Wort Jesu vom Auge (ThStKr, 1916, 499-507). — FoZ<er,D., Eine vor- 
kanonische Conjectur im N. T. und ihre Folgen (NThT, 1919, 22-42).— 
Kogel, J ., Der Zweck der Gleichnisse Jesu im Balunen seiner VerkUndigung 
(BFTh 19). 130 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 1915. — Oori, H., Lazarus 
(ThT, 1919, 1-5). — Gressmann, H ., Vom reichen Mann imd armen Laza- 
rus. Eine literargeschichtliche Studie mit Sgyptologischen Beitragen von G. 


Msller (AAB, Phil.-hist. Klasse). 90 pp. Beilin, 1918. — Windisch,H., 
Zum Gastmahl des Antipas (ZNW 18, 1917-18, 7S-S1). — Zonderv an. P., 
Het gastmaal van konmg Herodes (NThT 7, 1918, lSl-15S). — Immisck, 
0., Matthaeus 16, 18 (ZNW, 1916, 18-32). — Dell,A.,ZuT Erklarung von 
Matth. 16, 17-19 (ZNW, 1916, ^7-S^).—Harnack, A. von, Der Spruch 
Uber Petrus als den Felsen der Kirche (Matth. 16, 17 f.) (SAB, 1918, 637- 


Corssen,P., Das apokalyptische Flugblatt in der synoptischen tJberlieferung 
(WklPh, 1915, Nos. 30-31 and 33-34). — Volter, D., Die eschatologische 
Rede Jesu und seine Weissagung von der Zerstorung Jerusalems (SchwThZ, 
1915, 180-202). — Otto, K., Vom Abendmahl Christi (ChrW, 1917, No. 14). 
— Schmiedel, P. W., Das Abendmahl und das Kiddusch (PrM, 1917, 
225-239). — Goetz,K. G., Das Abendmahl eine Diatheke Jesu oder sein 
letztes Gleichnis.'' (Untersuchungen zum N. T. 8). 90 pp. Leipzig, Hin- 
richs, 1920. — Schlatter, 2 . , Die beiden Schwerter, Lukas 22, 35-38 (BFTh 
20). 75 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 1916. — ZJtfteh'ws, M., "Herodes und 
Pilatus" (ZNW 16, 1915, US-im). — Dibelius, M ., Die alttestament- 
lichen Motive in der Leidensgeschichte des Petrus- und des Johannesevange- 
liums (Abhandlungen zur semitischen Religionskunde und Sprachwissen- 
schaft fUr W. Graf Baudissin, 126-150). Giessen, Topelmann, 1918. — 
Spiifa, F. , Die Auferstehung Jesu. 133 pp. Gottingen, Vandenhoeck und 
Ruprecht, 1918. 


(a) Infancy narratives 

Sloet (Roman Catholic) uses Josephus to fix the date of 
Jesus' birth. Starting from the hypothesis (because of the 
plural ol ^riTovvres, Matt. 2, 20) that Antipater was concerned 
in the murder of the innocents at Bethlehem, he concludes that 
the flight into Egypt must have taken place before Antipater 
made his journey and fell into disgrace, that is, before May 
A.u.c. 749. The census is dated by supposing that it was taken 
in Palestine coincidently with the general oath of allegiance of 
the Jews ordered by Herod in a.u.c. 748; thus Jesus was born 
in 6 B.C. The difficulty that at this time either Saturninus or 
Varus, and not Quirinius, was governor of Syria, Sloet solves 
by the very doubtful expedient of translating irpwrr? . . . 
■fiyefMvevovTos . . . Kvprjviov, 'an earher one than that made at 
the time of the governorship of Quirinius.' Surely Luke would 
have expressed such a note of time more clearly. 

Gressmann's ingenious essay, Das Weihnachtsevangelium 
(Gottingen, 1914) took as the supposed pattern for the Chris- 


tian nativity narrative a Jewish messianic legend, which in its 
turn was supposed to have come from the legend of Osiris as 
given by Plutarch, De Iside et Osir. 12. A thorough criticism 
of this construction, in which its weak sides are brought 
out, is given by C. Clemen, (ThStKr, 1916, 237-252). J. 
Oeffcken's supposition that in the story of the shepherds 
figures and motives were taken over from the Mithras legend, 
is likely to find little acceptance, since the whole underlying 
notion of the analogy of the Fourth Eclogue of Virgil to the 
gospel story must be rejected. See Windisch, ThR, 1917, 20 f. 

In contrast to these the essay oi F. Boll is worth while. He 
shows that dcrr^p must mean a single star, not a constellation, 
nor a group of stars, nor even a comet. It is 'the star' of the 
Messiah, which arose at his birth, as in the conception of antiqu- 
ity every man was born with a star. It will not be found on any 
astronomical chart. 

The debate between P. W. Schmiedel and E. Riggenbach 
as to the original text of Matt. 1, 16 turns chiefly on the weight 
to be given to the citation of the passage by the Jew in the 
Dialogue between Timothy and Aquila published by Conybeare. 
Schmiedel deems this a genuine citation from the gospel, while 
Riggenbach regards it as intentional Jewish perversion, and 
thinks that the Christian editor accepted only the canonical 
text. Schmiedel gives a good classification of all extant forms 
of the text. 

Grosheide discusses the text of the Sinaitic Syriac for 
Matthew 1, 16, accepted by von Soden, and explains it as due 
not to dogmatic tendency, but to the accidental error of a 
Greek Christian scribe, whose attention flagged after the long 
succession of genealogies. J. P. van Kasteren derives the 
Syriac form from the text of the Ferrar-group, where by mistake 
the name Joseph either was written twice or was read twice by 
the Syriac translator; the actual Ferrar-text is believed to be 
the result of dogmatic scruples. In his postscript Grosheide 
argues against the idea of a dogmatic motive, but inconclu- 

In the text of the angelic doxology of Luke 2, 14 Harnack 
decides in favor of the text in two lines and the reading eiSodas. 


He shows that the word evSoda is generally used as a religious 
term, signifying not the 'good will' of men, but the kindly 
attitude of God. Harnack would connect evdoKias and eipijvr} 
(as Origen did) in spite of the resulting intolerable hyperbaton. 
See E. von Dobschutz, ThLZ, 1916, No. 9; J. H. Ropes, 'Good 
Will toward Men,' HThR, 1917, 52-56. 

(6) Buddhistic influence 

On the question of Buddhistic influence on the gospel tradi- 
tion, Beth lays down the general principles to be followed. He 
calls for proof of actual intercourse between India and Syria 
in the time of the gospels, and believes that it cannot be given. 
In my opinion, greater caution is here necessary, and the possi- 
bility of such influence must be taken into account. In the 
next place Beth presses the question whether the gospel tradi- 
tion is not more simply explained from Jewish and Palestinian 
conditions. This question is certainly reasonable, and is often 
neglected by Indie scholars. The same holds true of the prin- 
ciple that the investigation should not be limited to Indie 
material, since Egyptian or other parallels are often more 
pertinent. Beth finally concludes that no gospel story need be 
attributed to Indie sources. See DLZ, 1915, 893-901, 957-964. 

Clemen, opposing Garbe (Indien und das Christentum) and 
Edmunds, tries to prove independence of Buddhist traditions 
for the material of the apocryphal as well as of the canonical 

(c) Semitisms 

F. Schulthess (semitist at Basel) discusses in his inaugural 
lecture the development and the documents of the Aramaic 
language. He dates the extension of Aramaic to Palestine 
earlier than is usual, taking the expressions 'Jewish' and 
'Aramaic' in the story, 2 Kings 18, 26 ff.. Is. 36, 11 ff., not 
literally, but as meaning 'Aramaic' and 'Assyrian.' On his 
view Hebrew became the ecclesiastical language much earlier; 
against which it may be urged that in that case it is incompre- 
hensible that an Aramaic Targum should have arisen so late. 
He next treats the texts from which we can reconstruct the 


Aramaic of Jesus' time (Palestinian Talmud, Midrashim, 
Samaritan Targum, Christian Palestinian literature); of all 
these new uniform editions are needed. The contrast of Judaean 
and Galilean he takes to refer to the difference between the 
written language (Judaean) and popular dialect, for he admits 
but trifling distinctions between the Galilean and Judaean 
dialects. The traces of original Aramaic in the gospels Schult- 
hess assesses lower than Wellhausen. The Semitisms are for 
the most part 'septuagintisms' or hebraisms. The Aramaic 
tinge is due rather to the Greco-palestinian Koine. The follow- 
ing interpretations are worthy of note. Boanerges is explained 
as bene rehem, filii uteri, 'twins.' Iscariot, after the analogy of 
(i)stratiotes, is either a different form of sicarius or a popular 
adaptation to a place-name. Son of Man is 'man'; the Greek 
form arose by the mistranslation of Dan. 7, 13 in the LXX. 

{d) Length of ministry 

To the New Testament problems at present actively dis- 
cussed among Catholic scholars belongs the question of the 
duration of Jesus' public ministry. Two scholars, van Bebber, 
1898, and, since 1903, Belser (professor at Tubingen, f 1916) 
have advocated the view of a one-year ministry, but without 
thorough criticism of the tradition. Sharp opposition arose at 
once and has continued. Meinertz first examines the patris- 
tic tradition, here not uniform, then takes up the most impor- 
tant Johannine data. He rejects Belser's excision of to iraffxa in 
John 6, 4, but approves the transposition of chapters 5 and 6, 
which had been adopted by other Catholic scholars; finally, 
the feast of John 5, 1 is identical with the passover of 6, 4, so 
that the ministry of Jesus as reported by John is reduced to two 
years (so also van Kasteren, BiblZ, 1915, 177). 

Hart I, a pupil of Meinertz, opposes at great length the one- 
year hypothesis (now accepted by Mader); his method is to 
take as basis the chronological character of John, but to aban- 
don John's chronological arrangement. It is of interest that 
Hartl counts the years of Tiberius (Luke 3, 1) from the begin- 
ning of the joint-reign, a.d. 12 (in opposition see Dieckmann, 
Klio, 15 339-375) ; also that he has been informed by the local 


pastor in Nablus, that the wheat crop there begins in the mid- 
dle of May, whence it follows that the event of John 4 (from 
4, 35 on) took place at the beginning of February; and, finally, 
that he tries to make it plausible that a Galilean was not bound 
(as the representatives of the one-year theory assert) to make 
the pilgrimages, from which again it follows that in the three 
years Jesus may very well have failed to make some of them. 
In the second part Hartl attacks various theories of dislocation 
proposed by Catholic scholars, and argues for the strictly 
chronological character of the Johannine presentation. 

{e) Geography of Palestine 

A handbook to the geography of the gospels has long been 
needed. No one is better qualified to write it than G. Dalman, 
who in a beautiful volume with photographs and plans has 
brought together the results of his innumerable journeys and 
careful research in the Holy Land. Dalman's attitude is one 
of confidence in the gospel reports, although he admits minor 
errors. He is disposed to accept the crypt of the Church of the 
Nativity in Bethlehem as the birthplace of Jesus (in a cave), 
but he does not consider authentic the mention of 'the brow 
of the hiir (Luke 4, 29), since it does not agree with the situa- 
tion of Nazareth. The ruins of the synagogue excavated at 
Tell Hum he assigns to a new synagogue built about a.d. 200 
on the site of the older one which stood there in Jesus' time. 
The 'lilies of the field' he takes to refer to any large, gay wild 
flowers. The tradition of a second western Bethsaida (Mark 6, 
45) he rejects, as he does that of Tabor for the mount of trans- 
figuration. Emmaus of Luke 24 is identical with 'Amwfi.s, 
the statement that it was sixty miles distant from Jerusalem 
being neglected as inaccurate. The place of the prayer in 
Gethsemane he puts near the cave that is found there. The 
locality of the Jewish trial of Jesus must remain uncertain; 
but the palace of Pilate, where sentence was pronounced, is as- 
signed to the neighborhood of the tower of David, in the western 
part of the town, the traditional via dolorosa thereby becoming 
impossible. Finally, with a thorough discussion, he main- 
tains that the Church of the Holy Sepulchre occupies the cor- 


rectly rediscovered site of the ancient Golgotha. See also C. 
Sachsse, 'Golgatha und das Praetorium des Pilatus' (ZNW 19, 
1919-20, 29-38), who defends the tradition, not only for the 
site of Golgotha, but also in identifying the Praetorium with 
the Castle Antonia. 


(/) Baptism and temptation 

Gressmann's essay on the baptism is only a sketch, now 
fully elaborated in a long article which appeared in AR 20, 
1921, 1-40; 323-359. The significance of the legend of the 
baptism is the call of Jesus not as a prophet but as messiah. 
The dove is a royal bird, the bird of Ishtar-Atargatis. Gress- 
mann considers the account in John, according to which John 
the Baptist saw what happened, to be the original form. The 
two forms of the voice from heaven give respectively an adop- 
tion-formula and a marriage-formula. 

A . Meyer explains that the two accounts of the temptation, 
that in Mark and that in Matthew and Luke, report two en- 
tirely different events. Mark's brief mention is based on the 
myth of the struggle between the hero-god and the lord of 
darkness; while in Matthew and Luke Jesus debates like a 
scribe. The three Old Testament citations might well have 
been an earlier Jewish compilation, popularly transferred to 
the individual Son of God. Meyer warns against understand- 
ing the temptations too definitely as messianic. On the tempta- 
tion narratives see also a Catholic dissertation, P. Ketter, Die 
Versuchung Jesu nach dem Berichte der Synoptiker (Neutesta- 
mentliche Abhandlungen 6), xvii, 140 pp. Munster, Aschen- 
dorff, 1918. 

(g) Miracles of healing 

Titius has made with the assistance of technical medical 
works a valuable study of the expulsion of demons in the gos- 
pels. Mark and Q set a high value on the exorcisms of Jesus, 
while Matthew weakens their significance (cf. 7, 23), and in 
John, which mentions no cure of a demoniac, every part of 
Jesus' activity is presented as a victory over death and the 
devil. The physical affections in question are to be regarded as 


psychoses and neuroses. In Mark 9, 14 flf. two different ac- 
counts have been confused, one of epilepsy and one of dumb- 
ness; in this instance epilepsy was not healed immediately, 
but its cure at a later time was assured. The illness described 
in Luke 13, 11 S. is scoliosis hysterica, which comes suddenly 
and vanishes as suddenly; it can be cured by suggestive in- 
fluence on the will. The dumbness of Luke 11, 14 ff. is similar. 
The phenomenon of demon-mania is explained as depersonali- 
zation, the idea of dual consciousness. The account in Mark 1, 
23 ff. and parallels is entirely comprehensible and correct; on 
the other hand, the result in Mark 5, 1 ff. (the Gerasene) is 
improbable, since a cure usually proceeds not by a sudden dis- 
charge but by a gradual recession of the symptoms. In gen- 
eral Mark has made the picture conform to cruder popular 
ideas, perhaps under the influence of dogmatic considerations, 
and has thus caused the work of Jesus to resemble the exorcism 
of an enthusiast. Jesus must have been an exorcist of un- 
exampled success; his work strengthened confidence in himself 
and in God. 

The Catholic scholar J. Jaeger protests against such expla- 
nations of the stories of healing, and shows with interesting 
illustrations how elaborate and tedious is the modern pro- 
cedure in cure by suggestion. But medicine is also acquainted 
with sudden results due to suggestion; moreover Jesus was a 
religious suggestion-healer.^ 

(h) Sermon on the Mount 

Of the numerous essays and articles on this subject which 
have appeared in Germany, as elsewhere, discussing the right 
relation to war of a follower of Jesus, it is impossible here to 
give a report. See my reports on 'Jesus und der Krieg' in 
ThR, 1914, 1917. Studies which remain instructive since the 
war are: 

Eissfeldt,0., Krieg and Bibel (ReligionsgescMchtliche VolksbUcher). 
84 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1915. — Peine, P., Evangelium, Krieg und Welt- 
frieden. 54 pp. Leipzig, Deichert, 1915. — Ihmels, L., Der Krieg und die 

' For a mytholo^cal interpretation of Mark 6, 48, see H. Windisch, 'En hij wilde 
hen voorbijgaan' (NThT, 1920, 298-308). 


JUnger Jesu. 64 pp. Leipzig, Deichert, 1916. — Kattenhusch, F ., tJber 
Feindesliebe im Sinne des Christentums (ThStKr, 1916, 1-70). — Wernle, 
P., Antimilitarismus und Evangelium. 88 pp. Basel, Helbing und Lich- 
tenhahn, 1915. — Plooij, £>., Jezus en de oorlog (ThSt, 1916, 113-129). 

For completeness I add two semi-popular writings which 
did not appear until after the war: 

Weinel, H., Die Bergpredigt, ihr Aufbau, ihr ursprtinglicher Sion und 
ihre Echtheit, ihre Stellung La der Beligionsgeschichte und ihre Bedeutung 
fUr die Gegenwart (Aus Natur und Geisteswelt 710). 116 pp. Leipzig, Teub- 
ner, 1920. — Baumgarten, 0., Bergpredigt und Kultur der Gegenwart 
(Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbticher). 119 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1921. 

Turning now to the more scientific works, the present-day 
problem is the scope and validity of the rigoristic teaching of 
the Sermon on the Mount — a problem which burns as well 
in the soul of the scientific investigator, and for which F. 
Ndgelsbach offers a solution. His key is that the Sermon on 
the Mount was addressed primarily to the Apostles, and set 
forth the conditions of their special calling. For certain parts 
of the Sermon this is acceptable; for Matthew's compilation 
as a whole it breaks down. In the Sermon, as elsewhere in 
Jesus' teaching, we have to distinguish between what is ad- 
dressed to pious Jews and what implies a religious community 
of disciples separated from Judaism, and in it those precepts 
predominate which could only be given to persons occupying 
an exceptional position outside of the established social and 
political order. See Deissner, ThGg, 1917, 240 f. 

K. Kohler reconstructs as follows the original form of the 
beatitudes as they stood in Q: 

Blessed are the poor, for they shall be comforted. 

Blessed are the hungry, for they shall be filled. 

Blessed are they that weep, for they shall laugh. 

Blessed is he whom men revile, for in like manner did they unto the prophets. 

Luke has thus preserved the original form best; Matthew has 
added, according to Kohler, more than is usually supposed; 
in particular he has introduced the kingdom as a reward. 

Fiebig discusses the originality of the saying about love to 
enemies in the light of the Jewish parallels. He believes the 
greatness of Jesus to lie in the fact that with unexampled clear- 


ness and sharpness of expression he demands a boundless love, 
which oversteps national limits, a true love of mankind. By 
'enemy' in Matt. 5, 43-48 is meant the national enemy; in 5, 
38-42 the private enemy. In 5, 38 ff . Fiebig points out that 
the formulation is in opposition to the usual interpretation of 
the jus talionis, and is connected with the rabbinical tradition, 
even in the choice of examples. Luke's version is less vivid, 
and secondary. 

Fiebig shows from rabbinical usage that the saying about 
the eye. Matt. 6, 22 f., cannot be taken as a parable, since the 
Jews habitually regarded the eye as aflFected with ethical 
character. In the saying Jesus warns us to look out for the 
eye, and remarks on its significance for the whole body. 

In Matt. 7, 21, Luke 6, 46 ('Why call ye me Lord, Lord?') 
K. Kohler gives precedence to Luke; Kipie there still means 
'Sir.' The form of Matt. 7, 21 is a modification of Q under the 
influence of Joel 3, 5 (2, 32), or more properly a protest from 
the side of the earnest and strict morality of a Jewish Christian 
against the moral laxity of the Pauline gentile Christians. The 
essay is important in general with reference to the develop- 
ment of the Kyrios- worship, the origin of which Kohler assigns 
to a very late date. 

The 'precanonical conjecture' in the New Testament for 
which Volter argues, relates to Luke 7, 35, Matt. 11, 19, where 
for the incomprehensible <ro0ia he would substitute a supposedly 
original SoSojua and add awo 'lepovaaXrifi Kal before air6 tolvtuv 
tS)v TfKvoiv avT^s. He appeals to the agraphon (?) ediKaiisdrj 
S68o/ia iK ffov (Origen; Const. Ap. ii, 60) and to Ezekiel 16, 
52. The consequences of this 'conjecture,' which belongs to 
Q and introduced the idea of wisdom, can be traced, according 
to Volter, in the addition here of the great logion (Matt. 11,25- 
30) in which Jesus is represented as the personification of 
wisdom. Volter opposes Norden and the latter's assumption 
that here, as in Ecclus. 51 and Corp. Hermet. I, we have the 
same threefold scheme (prayer of thanksgiving, reception of 
gnosis, appeal). According to Volter the logion is made up 
directly from Ecclus. 51 and 24, but has been influenced in 
language by the first Hermetic tract. The whole is therefore 


not a genuine utterance of Jesus, but the product of literary 

(i) Lord's Prayer 

The Norwegian scholar Fridrichsen, proceeding from the 
strictly eschatological character of the Lord's Prayer, concludes 
that the first petition is not a doxology but a genuine prayer. 
He derives it (cf . Ezekiel) from the eschatological hallowing of 
the name, which God himself brings to pass by a final miracle 
of salvation, a deed of power against his enemies. 

Bohmer interprets the first three petitions in almost the 
same way. After giving (pp. I-I67) detailed lists to show the 
influence of Jewish 'reverence,' that is, the fear of directly 
pronouncing the name of God, he proceeds to controvert the 
interpretation renewed by W. Neveling (PrM, 1916, 10-18) by 
which the first three prayers are taken as vows: 'We will hal- 
low thy name; we will help establish and extend thy kingdom; 
we will execute thy will.' In opposition to this view Bohmer 
proves by numerous analogies that the verb 'hallow' was origi- 
nally purely religious, and had God as its sole subject. The 
first petition then prays that God establish his position in the 
world as God; the second, that he become manifest as king, 
without reference to the cooperation of the praying worshiper; 
the third relates to God's saving and gracious will, in which 
man's part is purely passive. 

P. W. Schmiedel (Zurich) and D. Volter (Amsterdam) have 
maintained a brisk discussion of the meaning of emovcnos. 
Schmiedel defends emphatically the translation 'bread for 
tomorrow,' relying on the derivation from fi i-movda sc. iiixipa 
and the mahar of the Gospel according to the Hebrews. On the 
other hand, Volter defends the translation 'continual,' 'daily,' 
as the Old Syriac and Old Latin translations understood the 
word, and urges Matt. 6, 34, as well as the Lukan t6 Kad' iifxepav, 
which can only mean 'daily' bread, not bread 'for tomorrow' 

' Volter has contributed equally ingenious and hypothetical papers on the gospels 
to almost every volume of NThT., 'Jesus am fJlberg,' 1915, 1 ff.; 'Die Taufe Jesu 
durch Johannes,' 1917, 53 ff.; 'Die Versuchung Jesu,' 1917, 348 ff.; 'Die Rede Jesu 
Uber Johannes den Tanfer nebst Bemerkungen zut Rede des TSufers tiber Jesus,' 1920, 


(cf. also NThT, 1915, 140-143). J. Kuhn offers the happy 
mediating suggestion that in Aramaic the expression was one 
meaning 'destined (necessary) for the coming day,' — which 
oould be interpreted to mean 'continual,' or 'daily,' or 'for to- 

(J) Parables 

Kogel tries to explain Mark 4, 12 by the formula: 'Jesus, 
like Isaiah, hardens the people by making intelligible to them 
through parables the preaching of the kingdom.' This is not 
tenable, for to say that the people did not believe is a different 
thing from saying that the parables as a mode of teaching had 
the purpose of hardening. See Windisch, ThR, 1917, 28-32. 

A very instructive contribution to the question of what the 
materials were from which Jesus created his parables has been 
made by Gressmann. With the parable of Dives and Lazarus 
he compares a Jewish tradition, extant in various versions, and 
an Egyptian tale of the underworld. The former describes the 
death and burial of a pious man and of a publican, and the 
different fate of the two in the next world; the latter tells of 
the burial of a rich man and a poor man, and how Setme sees 
them again on his descent into the underworld. Gressmann 
thinks that the Jews heard the tale in Egypt, and that Jesus 
got it from the common stock of popular legend, but that the 
form of the story which the parable implies is primary as com- 
pared with the Talmudic form. The peculiarity of the gospel 
parable lies in the stripping off of what is fantastic and in the 
distinct moralization that appears in the second part (which 
Gressman considers original). See Gunkel, ThLZ, 1919, No, 

Oort explains the name Lazarus in our parable by the fact 
that among the hellenistic Greeks 'Lazarus' was the type of 
the oppressed and pious man (with allusion here and there to 
the martyr Eleazar). The more radical hypothesis of B. W. 
Bacon (Hibbert Journal, 1917), that the name specially belongs 
with the feast of dedication, which was Maccabean, and which 
he supposes to have been transformed by the evangelists 
(John 11) into a Christian feast, is rejected by Oort. The 


Johannine story of Lazarus has in fact nothing to do with the 
feast of dedication. 

(k) Death of John the Baptist 

The story of Herod's feast and the death of the Baptist has 
also been re-examined in the light of new material. After 
Reimarus, Die Stqffgeschichte der Salomedichtungen (1913), had 
suggested the derivation of the narrative from a theme of the 
rhetorical schools (execution of a man under trial at the de- 
mand, and in the presence of, a girl), the present reviewer 
compared it with novelistic material to be found in Athenaeus 
xiii, 35 f. (the princess has to choose her husband at a feast). 
My purpose was not to suggest the derivation of the Synoptic 
narrative from this source, but to show that it was historically 
possible that the princess should appear at a banquet. With 
the same motive I have discussed the connection between the 
gospel narrative and the story of the love affairs of Xerxes 
(Herodotus ix, 108-113). 

P. Zondervan, on the other hand, who includes a reply to 
me in his article, takes the improbable view that literary influ- 
ence of Herodotus upon Mark is possible, and that the novel 
in Athenaeus (especially the platter motive) has aflFected our 
narrative. It is possible that legendary motives have been 
used in the narrative; but it is my opinion that foreign legends 
have been drawn on for decoration only and not for the fabric 
of the story; and further that legend was not elaborated in 
books, but in oral tradition. In an article, 'De My the van de 
wedergeboorte der Natuur bij Herodotus' (NThT, 1919, 205- 
240), Zondervan tries to prove a mythical origin of the Herod 
novel; see also D. V biter (NThT, 1921, 10 ff.), who connects 
the evangelist with the book of Esther; and again in reply P. 
Zondervan, 'Het boek Esther en het gastmaal van koning 
Herodes' (NThT, 1921, 206-217). Dalman, 'Zum Tanz der 
Tochter des Herodes ' (PalJ 14, 44-46) tries to show by modern 
analogies that the dance of a princess at court was entirely 


(I) Jesus' words to Peter 

Interesting essays are to be noted relating to the words to 
Peter, Matthew 16. A. Dell (ZNW, 1914, 1-49) explains the 
conceptions underlying Matt. 16, 17-19 from the point of 
view of the history of religions. He concludes that the utter- 
ance is the product of popular imagination occupying itself 
with the figure of Peter, and that in its present form it is the 
work of the evangelist. Immisch, a student of philology, 
tries to prove its genuineness by showing its connections with 
the physical features of Caesarea Philippi. Behind the city 
rises a high wall of rock on which stood a sanctuary (the temple 
of Augustus), while at the foot of the cliff was the grotto of Pan 
with a spring, an entrance into the lower world ('the gates of 
hell')- AH this proves nothing. The evangelist betrays no 
knowledge of the location at the foot of the mountain; and the 
saying itself would suit Jerusalem quite as well (cliff; entrance 
to Hades). That the saying originated in the Aramaic-speak- 
ing primitive church is very probable. 

Harnack's study follows a different direction. He does not 
undertake to trace the derivation, but to determine afresh the 
original text and meaning. ' The gates of hell shall not prevail 
against' means 'shall not die.' That cannot well be said of 
the church, but only of a man, that is of Peter. Either avrrjs 
refers to irerpa (i.e. Peter) or else the original reading must 
have been crii el K.7]<f>as Kal irvXai adov ov Kariax^'^ov'^'-'' o' o v. But 
that is the text of Tatian according to Ephrem. The saying 
was originally a promise to Peter that he should not die be- 
fore the parousia, and belongs with the similar words Mk. 9, 1 ; 
13, 30 and John 21, 22. Harnack's argument on the textual 
criticism seems to me open to objection, but the idea is worth 
considering that the saying promises continuance until the 
parousia not only to the church but also to Peter. This is, in 
fact, the way in which both Origen and the heathen in Maca- 
rius Magnes interpret the passages to which Harnack refers. 
See Windisch, ThLZ, 1919, No. 17-18; J. Haussleiter, ThLBl, 
1918, No. 25-26. The latter rejects the reference to Peter, as 
well as the reconstruction, of the text, since he cannot believe 


that an interpolation originating, as Harnack thinks, in Rome 
could so easily have been accepted in the whole Orient. J. 
Sickenberger, ThRev, 1920, No. 1-2, holds that the reference 
of avTtjs to Peter is possible but less probable, and explains 
the text in Ephrem as deliberate alteration. See also D. Volter, 
NThT,1921, 174-205; Bultmann, ZNW, 19, 165 ff. 

(to) Apocalyptic discourse 

P. Corssen and D. Volter have independently made a literary 
analysis of the apocalytic discourse of Mark 13 and parallels 
with a view to ascertaining its historical significance. Corssen 
sees in the discourse a revision of a prophetic Flugblatt, pub- 
lished for the Christian community before the siege of Jeru- 
salem, perhaps at the time of the Idumean massacres, and identi- 
tifies it with the oracle mentioned by Eusebius, H. E. iii, 5, 3. 
There was danger that the Christians would be drawn into the 
whirlpool of messianic enthusiasm; for that reason the prophet 
demands separation from the Jewish community. The Flug- 
blatt consisted of Mk. 13, 7, 8, 12; Matt. 24, 10-12, 15-22, 23- 
51. The additions made by Mark were intended to adapt the 
apocalypse in some degree to the unexpected course of the actual 

Volter takes as the kernel of the apocalyptic discourse Mk. 
13, 7 f., 14-20, 24-27; he dates it earlier, in the time of the 
troubles under Caligula. Mark has combined this with real 
words of Jesus; thus Volter thinks the words Mk. 13, 1 f., 
28-31 and Lk. 19, 41-44 to be a connected series of sayings in 
which Jesus speaks in the consciousness of being the Son of 
Man mentioned by Ezekiel. 

(n) Last Supper 

R. Otto explains the original character of the Lord's Supper 
by a new hypothesis (although Box, JThSt, 1902, had proposed 
something similar) . He connects the Last Supper not with the 
passover, but with the kiddush, celebrated on the eve of the 
passover, at which likewise wine and bread are blessed and 


distributed. The association of ideas which prompted Jesus 
started with the breaking of the bread; that suggested the 
death which threatened him, a death by stoning, in which his 
limbs would be broken and his blood flow. 

Schmiedel in reply holds to the connection of the Last Sup- 
per with the passover (emphasizing the idea of the passover 
sacrifice); only after the destruction of Jerusalem was the 
kiddush set on the eve of the passover. He also defends the 
Synoptic account, which Otto abandons in favor of the Johan- 

The controversy shows once more the great difficulty of 
distinguishing the genuine from the secondary in the accounts 
of the Last Supper, and of catching the thoughts of Jesus and 
their occasion. See Windisch, ThR, 1917, 329-332. An at- 
tempt to ascertain the original meaning of the Last Supper by 
omission of certain words is made by K. Goets in his latest 
book on the subject. The idea which he excises is that of 
diatheke. The act of Jesus must be understood as symbol 
and parable; it is to be thought of somewhat as Jlilicher put 
it — as the last parable of Jesus. And it is to be observed that 
Jesus does not speak of his slain body, but of body (flesh) and 
blood, of his human person (compare the prayers in the Di- 
dache) ; in a parable he designated his human nature as food 
and drink for his disciples. 

(o) Passion and resurrection 

The enigmatic saying about the swords found only in Luke, 
occupied many minds during the war. Schlatter has devoted 
to it a remarkable essay, which on the whole, as it seems to me, 
explains satisfactorily literary form and original meaning. In 
opposition to most exegetes Schlatter takes the words neither 
metaphorically nor ironically. It is a serious piece of advice 
for the troublous times to come, to have a sword at hand not, 
as the socialist exegesis insists, to fight against the Romans, but 
for self-defence against bandits and assassins. Thus Schlatter 
denies to the saying any connection with the story of the pas- 
sion, and strips it of all relation to a possible defence of Jesus 
by force. In my book, Der messianische Krieg und das Ur- 


christentum, 1909, I proposed the hypothesis that on the way 
to Gethsemane Jesus had been warned to watchfulness against 
a threatened attack and urged to defend himself against it; 
and that he was brought to the decision not to use force in his 
own defence only by the struggle in Gethsemane. This view 
is, of cource, only tenable if at the "Last" Supper Jesus had 
not yet foreseen his death and submitted to the necessity of 
it. See ThR, 1914, 311 f. 

M . Dibelius has written a penetrating study of the com- 
position and motives of the passion-narrative. He emphasizes 
the apologetic character of these chapters and the limited 
portion due to eye witnesses, in which he includes only the 
Last Supper, the arrest, the denial, and the crucifixion. The 
evangelists wanted to give a continuous and complete narra- 
tive, and consequently had to supplement their materials by 
their own combinations and arbitrary additions. If Luke gives 
a more complete account than others, it is not that he can draw 
on a completer and better tradition, but what we have is due 
to his greater literary skill and to the growth of legends. The 
scene 'Jesus before Herod' is to be considered legendary. It 
contains, as Dibelius says with some exaggeration, nothing 
concrete, but consists of three conventional motives — the 
silence of Jesus, the accusation by the high priests, and the 
mocking by Herod and the soldiers. All that Luke had heard 
was that Jesus stood before Herod, and that Pilate and Herod 
made common cause. Even that, however, came from the 
prophecy, Ps. 2, 1 f ., which was interpreted of Herod and Pilate; 
and this interpretation, as Acts 4, 25 ff. shows, first received 
fixed form in a prayer used in public worship. The scene in 
the passion-narrative once invented, the detailed shaping was 
quite within Luke's power. Moreover, the episode is open to 
the objection that the chronology of the gospels hardly provides 
time for it. 

In the second essay Dibelius pursues the investigation of 
Old Testament influence on the tradition of the passion and of 
Easter. The following narratives are derived from the theo- 
logical and historical interpretation of the Old Testament: 
Jesus placed on the chair of the judge (Justin, Apol. 1, 35 and 


Ev. Peter 6, cf . Is. 59, 9 f .) ; the parting of the garments (Ev. 
Petr. 12, Jn. 19, 24, cf. Psalm 22, 18). In a source used by 
John the following points were already included: Mary Mag- 
dalene informs the brethren of the appearance to her (cf . Psalm 
22, 20); Jesus' body pierced, Jn. 19, 36 f. (cf. Zech. 12, 10, Ps. 
34, 20) ; Jesus drinks, Jn. 19, 29 (cf . Ps. 69, 21). Dibelius points 
out that the Gospel of Peter is full of new traits, and that its 
author attaches his story to the Old Testament much more 
closely than is the case in the canonical gospels. That means 
that the later gospel still shows the more original form of the 
use of the Old Testament as source for evangelical tradition. 
Dibelius rejects the opinion that the Gospel of Peter used the 
Acts of Pilate. 

In a very original piece of work, the only one before us deal- 
ing with the resurrection of Jesus, F. S pitta follows solely the 
method of exegesis and literary criticism. Points of view and 
deductions drawn from the history of religions he leaves un- 
touched. Also the modern vision-hypothesis with its as- 
sumptions (the flight of the disciples to Galilee; Peter the 
first to receive a vision) is rejected. As in earlier writings, 
he still prefers the accounts of Luke and John, and believes 
that by means of a few omissions and by using the tradition of 
the Gospel according to the Hebrews the following series of 
events can be shown to be historical : By a miraculous restora- 
tion to life of the body of Jesus the grave actually became 
empty; Jesus was 'raised' in the same way as Lazarus or the 
daughter of Jairus, and he appeared again just as before, not 
in a transfigured celestial body. Of course the grave was 
neither sealed nor guarded by soldiers. A priest's servant per- 
haps helped him out of his grave-clothes and gave him other 
garments (cf. the Gospel according to the Hebrews). He first 
met James, then Mary Magdalene. Later he is with the dis- 
ciples at Emmaus; but further miracles do not take place; 
his disappearance is a secret departure from the room, after 
which he rides back to Jerusalem. In the same manner when 
he comes to the disciples there assembled he does not pass 
through closed doors, but (like Peter, Acts 12, 6flP.) enters 
after knocking and being admitted by the door-keeper. Thus 


it is not a matter of appearances, but of the resumption of 
intercourse with his friends. The only miracle is the return 
to life. That had taken place during the night between Satur- 
day and Sunday, not 'on the third day,' nor 'after three days,' 
— these words are derived not from the cult-myths of the death 
and resurrection of saviour-gods but from Hosea 6, 2 (as if 
that passage itself were not the precipitate of a myth). 

The advantage of this reconstruction is that Spitta tries so 
far as possible to hold to the gospel tradition. But he finds it 
necessary to force his texts in order to make them suit his 
theory; for they imply the transfigured body of the risen Lord. 
The lonely traveler who all of a sudden is walking with his 
friends, and then disappears again equally at unawares, is a 
strange figure. Moreover, Spitta has no discussion of the (sec- 
ond) departure of Jesus. His hypothesis requires a second 
miracle, a translation like that of Elijah, unless Jesus, like 
Lazarus, died a second time (and in the deepest secrecy). In 
a word, Spitta's attempt breaks down, and proves anew that 
we must take into account visions and myths in order to explain 
the Easter stories. See Bultmann, ThLZ, 1919, No. 11-12; 
Deissner, ThGg, 1919, 187 flf.; Fiebig, LZBl, 1920, No. 13-14. 
Fiebig proposes that we apply to the Easter stories the Bud- 
dhistic theosophical experiences of the materialization and de- 
materialization of the body, and so reach a solution of the 
problems. Cf. also R. A. Hoffmann (professor at Vienna), Das 
Geheimnis der Auferstehung Jesu. 167 pp. Leipzig, 1921. 

3. Jesus Christ 

Life of Christ 

Wernle, P., Jesus, xv, 368 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1916. — Loofs, F., Wer 
war Jesus Christus? xii, 255 pp. Halle, Niemeyer, 1916. — Brun, L., Jesu 
Evangelium. xi, 640 pp. Christiania, Aschehoug, 1917. — Schlatter, A., 
Die Geschichte des Christus. 544 pp. Stuttgart, Calwer Vereinsbuchhand- 
lung, 1920. — Lepsius, J., Das Leben Jesu. 2 Bde. 382, 380 pp. Potsdam, 
Tempelverlag, 1917, 1918. — Mehlhorn, P., Wahrheit und Dichtung im 
Leben Jesu (Aus Natur und Geisteswelt 137). 2. Aufl. 130 pp. Leipzig, 
Teubner, 1919. 



Jestis' conception of himself 

Frovig, ^., Das SelbstbewusstSein Jesu als Lehrer iind Wundertater nach 
Markus und der sogenannten Redequelle untersucht. 263 pp. Leipzig, 
Deichert, 1918. — Volter, D., Die Menschensohnfrage neu untersucht. 
66 pp. Leiden, Brill, 1916. —Kuknert, E., 6 vidi tov avdpoyirov (ZNW 18, 
1917-18, 165-176). — Bultmann, R., Die Frage nach dem messianischen 
Bewusstsein Jesu und das Petnis-bekenntnis (ZNW 19, 1919-20, 165-174). 


Jesus' ethics, and use of the Old Testament 

Grimm, E., Die Ethik Jesu. 2. Aufl. 343 pp. Leipzig, Heinsius, 1917. — 
Preisker, H.,Die Ethik der Evangelien und die judische ApokaJyptik (dis- 
sertation). 70 pp. Breslau, 1915. — Pr ets A; er, H., Die Art und Tragweite 
der Lebenslehre Jesu (ThStKr, 1919, 1-45). — Hanel, J. , Der Schriftbegriff 
Jesu. Studie zur Kanonsgeschichte und religiosen BeurteUung des Alten 
Testaments (BFTh 24). 224 pp. GUtersloh, Bertelsmann, 1919. 

Life of Christ 

The book of P. Wernle is the best detailed, scholarly, and 
yet popular exposition of the teaching and character of Jesus 
that we have in German. It has, as the preface explains, 
two deUberate aims, — exactness of philological and historical 
criticism and religious understanding. The author now puts 
the main emphasis on the latter, admitting that he formerly 
overestimated the value of purely scientific and technical 
study in this field. It is indeed to undertake the infinite, if it 
be our aim to comprehend the personality of Jesus. Wernle 
has in general escaped the risk of obscuring the historical point 
of view through interest in the religious understanding. He 
insists that the story of Jesus is by no means 'edifying,' and 
the strangeness and drastic harshness of Jesus are not con- 
cealed in his portrayal. 

He begins with a sketch of 'VoUcstum imd Eigenart,' which 
sets forth Jesus' Old Testament faith, and his individuality in 
contrast to contemporary Judaism. The teaching of Jesus is 
described under the topics, belief in God, man and God's 
requirements, the message of the coming kingdom of God. 


In Jesus' attitude to the Jewish Law, Wemle emphasizes the 
sharper, enhanced, more absolute quality shown in Jesus' re- 
quirements. In discussing the source of these, not ascetic but 
heroic, commands, Wernle for the most part neglects the con- 
crete, eschatological situation which gave them their occasion, 
and prefers to associate them with Jesus' deep experience of 
God. Jesus' attitude to the Roman state is marked by two 
points of view: on the one side the duty of political obedience, 
with brusque rejection of everything revolutionary; on the 
other, the exaltation of religious duty, of the love of God and 
yearning for the kingdom of God, raised far above anything 
political. Wernle's presentation of the signs of the kingdom 
of God and the conditions of its coming is admirable. As to 
the date of the coming of the kingdom he distinguishes neutral 
utterances, sayings which represent it as near, and expressions 
which indicate its present realization. He sees no reason for 
denying originality to any one of these groups; although the 
'catastrophic' idea may have been the interpretation of a 
later day. In any case the kingdom will not come through our 
efforts. Wernle's emphasis on the bearing of the one (so Mark 
and Matthew) genuine word from the cross deserves mention. 
In the last chapter he admits that Jesus regarded himself as 
the messiah, but with a novel conception under which he pre- 
sented himself as one trusted by the Father and sent to help 
his brethren. Throughout the book the effort is manifest to 
relieve the teaching and person of Jesus of contemporary, 
human traits, and to translate them into the sphere of the 
eternal. See E. TrOltsch, ThLZ, 1916, No. 3; Julicher, ChrW, 
1915, No. 48; Windisch, ThR, 1917, 42 ff.; Feme, ThLBl, 1916, 
No. 4. 

The book of F. Loofs is a translation of his Haskell Lectures, 
What is the Truth about Jesus Christ? (New York, Scribners, 
1913) . Wernle's book, which Loofs does not wholly agree with, 
is the occasion of the publication in German. Loofs's main 
thesis, namely, that the assumption that the life of Jesus was 
purely human can be proved incorrect, historically and theologi- 
cally, seems to me defective. He directs his arguments only 
against the antiquated 'liberal' account of Jesus and the ex- 


treme eschatological Jesus; but his acute and thoughtful criti- 
cism deserves attention. See Windisch, ThR, 1917, 49-58; 
Knopf, ThLZ, 1917, No. 11. 

The work of the Norwegian scholar L. Brun is heavily 
weighted with learning. The author lays great stress on the 
relation of the gospel of Jesus to later Judaism, and in every 
chapter introduces a comparison of later Jewish views of the 
subject in hand. He takes in general a mediating position. 

Schlatter has published a new edition of the first volume 
('Das Wort Jesu') of his Theology of the New Testament 
(1909) . The new title, ' Geschichte des Christus,' indicates that 
Schlatter aims to portray not the so-called Jesus of history but 
the Christ of the four gospels; it also implies that in order to 
understand this Christ the student must not limit himself to 
a bare statement of his teachings but must realize the unity 
of doctrine and deed. The sections of the earlier work are 
largely reproduced, but in different order and generally with 
considerable alteration. The spirit of the work is the same as 
before; Synoptic and Johannine tradition and conception 
unite to form one harmonious stream. Schlatter has a good 
acquaintance with later Judaism and constantly weaves this 
knowledge into his history. He is a very suggestive theologian, 
although his reflections ought not to be accepted as if they 
were critical historical interpretation. 

F. Lepsius' romance is included here because the author is 
a thoroughly trained theologian, and the book everywhere 
shows his acquaintance with the critical problems. The poetic 
reconstruction itself is interesting to the scholar, for the artistic 
intuition of the romance-writer has infused fresh dramatic 
vitality into the brief narratives of the evangelists. The writ- 
er's personal knowledge of the Orient is apparent in every 
chapter. See Mehlhorn, PrM, 1919, No. 7-8; Deissner, ThGg, 
1919, 183 ff. 

The little book of P. Mehlhorn (f), in which the author at- 
tempted to distinguish sharply between truth and poetry in the 
gospel tradition according to the principles of modern scholar- 
ship and liberal theology, has appeared in a revised edition. 



Jesus' conception of himself 

The Norwegian A . Frovig has given a very conservative de- 
tailed treatment of the ' self -consciousness ' (Selbstbewusstsein) 
of Jesus. In the discussion of Jesus as teacher the word e^ovffia, 
which marks his contrast to the scribes and Pharisees, is ex- 
plained as the possession of a higher power which was the 
source of Jesus' independent attitude toward tradition and the 
Bible. Frovig conceives of Jesus' consciousness of his own 
nature as prophetic, as super-prophetic, and as messianic. He 
lets the eschatological expectation drop out of Jesus' circle of 
ideas, although the conquest of Satan was a main element in 
the messianic office as Jesus conceived it. In spite of restrict- 
ing himself to the Synoptic tradition, the author is forced to 
assume for that tradition a basis of what are in fact Johannine 
ideas, and it is not surprising that the discussion brings up at 
last not with a contrast but with a unity between Jesus' ideas 
and the faith of the church. See M. Dibelius, ThLZ, 1919, 
No. 19-20. 

Volter's essay is a reproduction and defence of the idea 
brought forward in his Jesus der Menschensohn oder das Berufs- 
hewusstsein Jesu, 1914 (see also NThT, 1915), that Jesus' idea 
of himself as Son of Man was derived from Ezekiel. By the 
connection in the story of Zacchaeus (which is a doublet of the 
calling of Levi) of the vocation of the Son of Man with for- 
giveness, he establishes an analogy to the vocation of the ' Son 
of Man' in Ezekiel, and he then proceeds to argue that in the 
Sermon on the Mount, the parables, and the cleansing of the 
temple Jesus follows the pattern of Ezekiel. The ingenious 
argument is unconvincing. 

E. Kuhnert quite wrongly explains the term Son of Man to 
mean 'benefactor, or savioiu-, of mankind,' arguing from the 
Greek inscriptions which designate a benefactor as vibs irbXeus, 
vibs KaohKiwv, vios "EXXdSoj, etc. See E. Hertlein, ZNW 19, 
1919-20, 46-48. 

Bultmann, following and supplementing Wrede's studies, 
raises anew doubts as to the soundness of the tradition of the 


title Son of Man. The fact that behef in Jesus' messiahship 
arose after his death has, he holds, left positive traces in the 
tradition, notably in the 'messianic secret' and in Peter's con- 
fession at Caesarea Philippi. The former was intended to ex- 
plain why the people did not accept the apostolic preaching, 
and also why the Apostles themselves had not recognized until 
after the resurrection that Jesus was the messiah. In Peter's 
confession the pericope in Mark is secondary, being both 
prompted by partisan animosity against Peter and in its present 
form mutilated. The words addressed to Peter in Matthew are 
an integral part of the pericope, and Bultmann infers that the 
whole scene is the invention of the early church. Using the 
singular agreement between Matt. 16, 17 f. and Gal. 1, 15 f., 
he concludes that the conversation with Peter also relates to 
an Easter vision and that in Mk. 8, 27-30 it is the risen Christ 
who speaks, as well as in Matt. 18, 15-20, cf. also John 20, 
22 f.; 21, 15-19. 

Bultmann's argument is not wholly convincing, but is strik- 
ing. Yet it is nowhere stated in the gospels that the messiah- 
ship was directly concealed from the disciples. Moreover, in 
the narrative the exact fixing of the locality remains impressive 
as against the idea that the whole scene is the product of later 
thought; the note of place (Mk. 8, 27a) cannot be connected 
with the preceding pericope. It may well be that an historical 
narrative and a resurrection-story are here combined; in any 
case the full credibility of the pericope is shaken. 

Jesus' ethics, and use of the Old Testament 

Grimm, a liberal pastor, has written for educated laymen 
with lucidity and careful thought. In this 2d edition some dis- 
cussions suggested by the War have been added. 

The Breslau dissertation of H. Preisker is an able investi- 
gation of the relation of the ethics of the gospels to Jewish 
apocalyptic. The influence of the apocalypses on Jesus is to be 
seen in the effect exerted by eschatology on his moral teaching, 
which is traced in a variety of aspects. Also the attitude of 


Jesus as to the validity of the Law is prepared for by the apo- 
calyptic writers, who reject Pharisaic formalism, emphasize 
such virtues as purity, humility, and love of one's neighbor, 
and reflect on the origin of sin, while on the other hand they 
do not touch the question of the source of power for the fulfil- 
ment of the commandments. But there are also differences, 
— the drastic and heroic quality of Jesus' requirements, the 
setting aside of the ritual precepts, the universalism of the law 
of love, the conviction that the kingdom of God is already com- 
ing. Jesus purified and deepened Jewish moral teaching; in 
the ethics of the later church Jewish influence grew stronger. 
Preisker does not extend his inquiry to the ethics of the Old 
Testament prophets or of the wisdom-literature. 

In Preisker' s second essay the new and exalted elements 
of Jesus' teaching are much more strongly emphasized, and 
it is urged that these were due not to apocalyptic doctrine but 
to the personal character of Jesus, which produced an ethical 
teaching of intensified religious individualism, that took hold 
of, and deepened, the eschatology. 

Han el's book begins with an inquiry into the contents of 
the Old Testament as implied by Jesus' sayings, followed by a 
minute investigation of the text of his quotations, from which 
the author concludes that he used a targumic popular Bible. 
In the second part Hanel discusses at length from all possible 
sides Jesus' mode of using the Scriptures, and tries, without 
much success, to construct a formula which will cover both his 
subjection to the Scriptures and his attitude of superiority to 
them. See Deissner, ThGg, 1920, 6, 223 f . 



Erbes.P., Der JUnger, welchen Jesus lieb hatte (ZKG 36, 283-318).— 
Zickendraht, K., 1st Lazarus der LieblingsjUnger des vierten Evangeliums? 
(SchwThZ, 1915, 4:9-54:).— Larf eld, W., Die beiden Johannes von Ephesus. 
186 pp. Munehen, Beck, 1914. — Soltau,W., Das vierte Evangelium in 
seiner Entstehungsgeschichte dargelegt (SAH, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1916). 
39 pp. — Stange. E,, Die Eigenart der johanneischen Produktion (disserta- 
tion). 66 pp. Dresden, 1914. — ScAniei^iwcZ, J., DieParallelperikopenbei 
Lukasund Johannes (Habilitationsschrift). 100 pp. Leipzig, 1914. — Har- 
nack, A. von, Zur Textkritik und Christologie der Schriften des Johannes 
(SAB, 1915, 534-573). 



Wetter, G. P., "Der Sohn Gottes." Eine Untersuchimg Uber den Charakter 
und die Tendenz des Johannes-Evangeliums (Forschungen zur Religion und 
Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments, n. f. 9). 200 pp. Gattingen, 
Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1916. — Wetter, G. P., "Ich bin es." Eine 
johanneischeFonnel (ThStKr, 1915, 224-238). — fFe«er, G. P., "Ich bin das 
Licht der Welt" (Beitrage zur Religionswissenschaft I, 2, 1913-14, 166-201). 
— Wetter, G. P., Eine gnostische Pormel im 4. Evangelium (ZNW 18, 49- 
63). — Lutgert, W., Die johanneische Christologie. 2. Aufl. xi, 270 pp. 
Gutersloli, Bertelsmann, 1916. — Monse, F. X., Johannes und Paulus 
(Neutestamentliche AbhandlungenS). 213 pp. Munchen, Aschendorff , 1915. 



Boll, F ., Aus der Ofifenbarung Johannis. Hellenistische Studien zum Welt- 
bUd der Apocalypse (Stoicheia 1). viii, 151 pp. Leipzig, Teubner, 1914. — 
Clemen, C, Die Bildlichkeit der Offenbarung Johannis (Festgabe filr J. 
Kaftan, 25-43). Tubingen, Mohr, 1920. —H adorn, W., Die Zahl 666, ein 
Hinweis auf Trajan (ZNW 19, 1919-20, 11-29). 

Erbes, completing an earlier study (ZKG, 1912, 159 3.), 
argues that the beloved disciple, whom he identifies with the 
Elder John of Papias and of the Johannine epistles, was the 
'rich young man' (Mk. 10, 17-22), and was, further, the same 
as the 'young man' of Mk. 14, 51. He accepts the tradition of 
the martyrdom of the Apostle John, and (rejecting the con- 
jecture of Larfeld) holds the first mention of John in the list of 
Apostles in the Papias fragment to be an interpolation. 

The Swiss, K. Zickendraht, thinks that Lazarus, the other 
person in the gospels of whom it is said that Jesus loved him, 
is the beloved disciple. See R. Steck (SchwThZ, 1915, 91-94), 
who rejects the suggestion. 

Larfeld has written a very careful investigation of the notice 
of Papias about the Presbyter John. His conclusion is that 
since the John mentioned with Aristion is not the previously 
named Apostle John, the appellation, 'the disciples of the 
Lord,' cannot apply to the two former names, and he con- 
jectm-es, in consideration of what is known about the ab- 
breviations of nomina sacra, that KT arose from ICOT, and that 


from an original K2T (i.e. 'luawov). But the Apostle probably 
wrote the main gospel, the Elder John (with Aristion) chapter 

Soltau's analysis of the gospel is highly complicated. Like 
Wendt and Spitta, he distinguishes narratives and discourses, 
but the former were slowly formed into the Corpus which now 
makes the foundation of our gospel, while the discoiu*ses were 
not introduced before ca. 140. He emphasizes the point that 
the discourses are devoid of all relation to the narratives and 
are closely related to one another; their independent origin is 
also indicated by Ignatius, who is acquainted with them, but 
not with the gospel as a whole. Their home was therefore 
Antioch. They are developed from Synoptic material, espe- 
cially parables, but are differentiated from the Synoptics by 
their higher christology. The share of the Apostle John is 
limited to certain Johannine legends which came from him 
orally. The Elders, especially the Elder John, also took part 
in the composition. Soltau's division of the narrative material 
into Johannine, Synoptic, and anti-synoptic (that is, legends 
which were intended to correct or rival Synoptic traditions) 
is instructive, also his hypothesis that the discourses, like the 
Synoptic 'logia,' formed a distinct book. The study is a com- 
prehensive sketch; for individual proofs see ThStKr, 1915, 
371 ff. and ZNW, 1915, 24-54; 1916, 49-69. 

Into the discussion of the Fourth Gospel a new point of view 
is brought hy E. Stange, with his idea of a psychological 
explanation of the Johannine diction. John, he says, was ex- 
pressly inclined to isolative apperception. Stange describes 
elaborately, and in general correctly, the Johannine style, with 
its repetitions, recapitulations, fondness for definitions (posi- 
tive and negative), lack of capacity for swift, logical connected 
thought, and other characteristics. Bultmann, in his review 
(ThLZ, 1916, 532 ff.), pomts out that certain linguistic pecu- 
liarities in John pertain to vulgar usage, but are favorite phrases 
with John. To Bultmann's further suggestion that all this 
might apply to a school or an intellectual atmosphere, it may 
be replied that while single elements of the Johannine style 
recall the solemn style of hellenistic syncretism, and while the 


style of John could be imitated by interpolators, yet in the 
New Testament it stands unique and implies a definite individ- 
ual behind it. Moreover, it is not necessary to believe that all 
the discourses in John came in continuous flow from the 
author's pen. 

Schniewind has examined at length the parts of John which 
seem parallel to Luke, and argues that the parallelisms are not 
of literary origin but are due to the common use of a narrative 
tradition, especially to be detected in the history of the pas- 
sion. His proof is inadequate; the parallels, mostly single 
traits and phrases, may often be referred to the independent 
working of common apologetic and literary motives. 

Harnaek studies the text and meaning of some difficult 
passages in the gospel and epistles of John, with the incidental 
purpose of illustrating the importance of the text of the Vul- 
gate. In 1 John 5, 18, in place of the difficult 6 yevvrjdels ck 
Tov d(ov (as applied to Christ a phrase without parallel), he 
would read 17 yivvrjffis h tov Beov, which makes sense and is 
the reading of the Vulgate (as well as of Chromatins and of at 
least two Greek minuscules) . He discusses John 1, 13 with its 
alleged allusion to the virgin-birth. As it stands, the sentence 
can refer only to Christ, but in the present context it is awkward. 
Harnaek thinks it to be an originally singular, very old, christo- 
logical gloss, which was either prefixed to 1, 14 while still in 
the singular and without relative pronoun, or else was appended 
to 1, 13 after being changed to the plural. In John 1, 33 f . Har- 
naek decides for 6 ^kX€kt6s, as a messianic appellation of Jew- 
ish theology, and in 1 John 4, 2 f. for Xuei. He warns against 
the omission of 1 John 2, 1 f. cos (/cai) auroj (or 6 Beds) fiivet, 
els TOV axSbva., which is found in the Sahidic and in some Latin 
witnesses. In 1 John 2, 20 he accepts iravTa instead of iravTes, 
and in 1 John 3, 10 prefers b fxij &v SIkoioj (^ vg Orig latt syr) 
to the usual 6 uri iroiwv hi.Kaio(jvv7]v. Finally, in 1 John 5, 17 
he would omit oh (with vg Tert pesh arm), whereby an effective 
conclusion is gained. In an appendix Harnaek argues that 
the comma johanneum is the post-augustinian revision of an old 
addition to the text.^ 

'■ On the comma johanneum cf. also A. Bludau, 'Das Comma johanneum bei den 
Griechen' (BiblZ. 1915, 26-50; 130-162; 222-243). 



Wetter has an excellent knowledge of syncretistic mythology 
and piety; and of all the recent discussions of the theological 
character of John his are the most important. His main thesis 
is that the hellenistic syncretistic theology had a doctrine of 
the Son of God, who comes down from heaven, works as teacher 
of the human race, as revealer of God, as doer of miracles, as 
redeemer, as restrainer and conqueror of the magi, and who 
ascends into heaven; and that this figure is in John united with 
that of Christ, with a polemic aim against the heathen rep- 
resentatives of this doctrine. While the Johannine portrait of 
Christ uses, both in general and in the discourses, many mo- 
tives of the syncretistic figure of the saviour (especially in the 
soteriological sayings introduced by 'I am'), at the same time 
the purpose is to disparage all heathen saviour- worship and to 
exalt the Christ of the church as the only true Saviour. 

Wetter's book continues Bousset's work and applies his ideas 
to John. He reproduces the syncretistic material more fully 
than did Bousset, although he pays strangely little attention to 
the saviour-gods of the mysteries. His evidence that many 
traits of the Johannine Christ can be explained from the syn- 
cretistic environment is convincing; but qualification is neces- 
sary, for Hellenism ought not to be so sharply contrasted with 
Judaism and the Old Testament. Most of the predicates in 
John are connected with Old Testament and Jewish terms and 
traditions; the Jewish messiah is one type of ancient faith in 
a saviour, and before the time of John the messiah was occa- 
sionally depicted by the aid of syncretistic motives. The same 
is true of the figure of Jesus in the Synoptics, at an earlier 
period than that of the Fourth Gospel. The first disciples 
probably viewed Jesus in the light of syncretistic ideas of a 
saviour, so that in John the process was merely carried farther, 
and given a telling literary expression. As to the polemic pur- 
pose of the gospel, the thought of heathen 'substitute saviours' 
must have been only incidental; in general the evangelist be- 
trays no consciousness of it. See M. Dibelius, DLZ, 1918, No. 
20-21; Windisch, ThT, 1917, 244 fl.; W. Bauer, ThLZ, 1918, 


No. 23-24; A. Loisy, RC, November 1919; Deissner, ThGg, 
1917, 246 ff. 

In the formula iyw eljui Wetter 6nds a 'name' hinted at which 
comprehends the divinity of Christ, a view which he supports 
by evidence from outside the Bible. In 'I am the light of the 
world,' he sees a formula the meaning of which can be dis- 
covered from the hellenistic religious literature, where 'light' 
is the name for a saving and revealing religious entity, and thus 
a term with a sense already established, and that could be ap- 
plied to Jesus. 'I know whence I come and whither I go,' 
Wetter thinks to be a gnostic formula current in mystical circles, 
where knowledge of one's own origin and destiny, that is, of 
one's own nature, was a constituent element in religious gnosis. 

Liitgert's monograph (a thoroughly revised new edition) 
follows completely the method imposed by biblical 'literalism.' 
It covers the whole range of Johannine ideas, as is entirely suit- 
able in view of the central importance of Christ in the doctrine 
of the Fourth Gospel. In spite of his refusal to recognize any 
relation of the Gospel of John to the thought of its time, 
Liitgert's simple presentation of Johannine doctrine is valuable. 

The Catholic chaplain Monse has not solved the problem 
of 'John and Paul,' but he presents the most important material 
well arranged, and puts together conveniently the Johannine 
parallels to Paul and the Pauline parallels to John. See Win- 
disch, ThLZ, 1916, No. 4; Peine, ThLBl, 1915, No. 24.i 



The imderstanding of the apocalyptic cosmology of the Book 
of Revelation has been distinctly advanced by the philologian 
F . Boll. His book was written before the War, but the failure 
of R. H. Charles to use it in his Commentary will justify an 
account of its contents and importance here. Boll's chief con- 
tribution is the proof that the Apocalypse owes its figures and 
material not to the distant Orient but to its own hellenistic 

' Cf . also Rol. Schiltz, Die Vorgeschichle der johanneischen Formel 6 Beds &yi.Tii) iirTU> 
(dissertation). Gettingen, Hubert, 1917. 


environment, which of course was subject to strong oriental 
influence. Boll's explanation of the prophecies of woes in the 
Apocalypse from the catalogues of catastrophes found in the 
hellenistic astrological texts seems to me to produce a series 
of highly important analogies, not to point to a derivation. 
More sagacious is his interpretation of the fundamental mo- 
tives of the apocalyptic picture of the universe, especially in 
the numbers, as due to hellenistic cosmology. In particular 
he seeks to show the connection of the apocalyptic phenomena 
and processes with the starry heavens and ancient astrology. 
Some examples of this may be given: the sea of glass (15, 2) 
may be the Milky Way; the altar (6, 9) is a constellation in 
the southern heavens (his further inferences here are improb- 
able); the twenty-four elders are twenty-four stars which 
Diodorus Siculus ii, 31, 4 terms 'judges of the worlds'; the 
four beasts are four constellations; the heavenly Jerusalem is 
the cosmic heaven with the twelve signs of the zodiac and the 
Milky Way, etc. In chapter 12 the virgin and the dragon are 
constellations; the proximate mythical model Boll finds in Isis, 
who is likewise identified with the constellation Virgo. Boll 
here argues for a Christian, not a Jewish, origin for the chapter. 
Boll's studies have brought him to the conclusion that the 
Apocalypse is a stylistic unity and can not be analyzed into a 
variety of component sources, since the same astrological 
notions are carried through all parts of the book. 

That all these explanations require to be tested is shown by 
C. Clemen (NJklA, 1915, 26-43). Clemen would identify the 
sea of glass, not with the heavenly ocean, but with the primeval 
sea (Tiamat), and doubts whether the 'lamb' is the constella- 
tion Aries. He is also skeptical both as to the constellation 
Virgo and the figure of Isis, and in opposition to Boll holds on 
to the Jewish origin of the source of chapter 12; and thinks 
that Boll exaggerates the influence of hellenistic astrology on 
the Apocalypse. Nevertheless Heitmiiller has done well to 
include some of these suggested derivations of apocalyptic 
ideas in the new edition of J. Weiss's commentary on the Book 
of Revelation in 'Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments neu 
ubersetzt und fiir die Gegenwart erklSrt.' 


D. Volter (PrM 21, 39-51) has also broken a lance with Boll 
over chapter 12 of the Apocalypse. While admitting that the 
Isis-myth underlies the imagery, he contends that the combina- 
tion of the mother of the messiah with Parthenos-Isis was sug- 
gested by Is. 7, 14 and Micah 4, 8-10; the woman in heaven 
is like the heavenly Jerusalem, Gal. 4, 26; the myth was in- 
tended to deny the incarnation of Christ and hence was com- 
posed by the docetist Cerinthus. See A. Meyer, ThR, 1915, 
204 ff.; W. Bousset, ThLZ, 1915, No. 12 (with valuable addi- 
tions to the discussion); W. Bauer, DLZ, 1915, No. 36. 

C. Clemen has written also on the 'imagery' of Revelation. 
He counts up all the designations and descriptions in the book 
which are certainly figurative, and argues that they are all so 
dependent on transmitted tradition, and in many cases are so 
self -contradictory, that they must have been not 'seen' but 
'invented.' But such inconsistencies and obscurities actually 
occur in dreams. 

H adorn (professor at Bern) proposes a new interpretation 
of 666. driplov in Hebrew letters yields 666, but what did drjpiop 
mean? Hadorn suggests the name (of similar sound) 'Trajan,' 
or rather the family name of the emperor, OvXtlos, which also 
yields (in Greek) 666. Trajan is the eighth head, if you reckon 
from Nero and leave out Galba. The reference to Nero (in 
Hebrew letters) may also have been in the back of the apocalyp- 
tic writer's mind; in that case he would have thought that 
Trajan was Nero redivivus. See HeitmuUer, ThLZ 45, 57 f . 


Zahn, Th., Die Urausgabe der Apostelgeschichte des Lucas (Forschungen 
zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons 9). 401 pp. Leipzig, Dei- 
chert, 1916. — Wellhausen, J., Kritische Analyse der Apostelgeschichte 
(AGW, Phil.-hist. Klasse, n.f. 15). 56 pp. Berlm, Weidmann, 1914. — 
Zahn, Th., Das dritte Buch des Lukas (NkZ, 1917, 373-395). — Van den 
Bergh van Eysinga, G. A., De geneesherr Lucas; Lucas en Josephus; De 
evangeliegeschiedenis als bron der handelingen; Lucas' doel met de uitgave 
der handelingen (NThT, 1916, 228-250; 1917, 141-150; 1918, 212-222; 
1919, 366-384). — Greidanus, S.,Doel vande Handelingen der Apostelen 
(GerefThT 20, 1920, 345-362, 385-396). — FroZtc^z.K., Das Zeugnis der 
Apostelgeschichte von Christus und das religiSse Denken in Indien (Arbeiten 
fUr Missionswissenschaft 2). 74 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1918. 



Schmidt, K. L., Die Pfingsterzahlung und das Pfingstereignis (Arbeiten zur 
Religionsgeschichte des TJrchristentums 1). 36 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1919. — 
Sehmiedel, P. W., Pfingsterzahlung und Pfingstereignis (PrM 24, 73-86). 
— Mentz, A . , Die Zusammenkunft der Apostel in Jerusalem und die Quellen 
der Apostelgeschichte (ZNW 18, 1917, 177-195). — Volter, D., Der Bericht 
iiber das Apostelconcil in Act. 15 nach der AuflFassung von W. Bousset (NThT, 
1915, 123-140). — Brwn, L., Apostelkonzil und Aposteldekret (NoTT, 
1920, 1-52). — Venetianer, L., Die BeschlUsse zu Lydda und das Apostel- 
konzil zu Jerusalem (Festschrift fUr Ad. Schwarz, 417-423). Berlin, 1917. — 
WeinreichyO., De dis ignotis quaestiones selectae (AR, 1915, 1-52). — 
Dolger, F. J., "Dem gemeinsamen Gott" (Missionsblatter flir Studierende 
und Gebildete 6, 6-11). 

The most important recent work on Acts, and a contribu- 
tion of lasting value, is unquestionably Zahn's attempt to 
reconstruct the oldest Latin version and then the 'Western' 
Greek text. The result is far and away superior to the ' Western ' 
texts of Blass and Hilgenfeld. Few will agree that these texts 
of Zahn represent the actual first edition of Luke himself, but 
in any case Zahn has put together (though of course not in 
every detail) a definite second-century recension. To the Latin 
text Zahn has added detailed text-critical notes and a glossary, 
and to the Greek text similar notes; both series often treat of 
matters of exegesis. Each text is provided with a full apparatus, 
very conveniently organized and easily used, and of extraordi- 
nary accuracy, although there are occasional slips, not always 
corrected later in the volume, and the amazing trustworthiness 
of Tischendorf's Editio octava still holds its primacy. In some 
cases in the later chapters the statements and views of the 
'Urausgabe' are corrected or modified in the notes of Zahn's 
Commentary on Acts, which this textual volume is designed 
to accompany. For the Latin Zahn has used the newly dis- 
covered 'Prophetiae ex omnibus libris collectae,' from which 
he takes into the Greek as well as the Latin text the variant 
(13, 2) Lucius Cyrenaeus qui manet usque adhuc; he naturally 
regards this as a proof that the ' Western ' recension goes back 
to Luke himself. Zahn recognizes the defects of Codex Bezae, 
from which (and from the Latin) he departs in the Apostolic 


decree, adopting the oriental text. He also makes justified use 
of the margin of the Harclean Syriac, as representing an Old 
Syriac version of Acts prior to the Peshitto; his reasons here 
are open to question, but his result is probably sound. See 
Leipoldt, ThLBl 37, 441-444; Hans von Soden, DLZ, 1921; 
W. Bauer, TbR, 1917, 117-122 (with detailed criticism); Sick- 
enberger, BiblZ, 1917, 373. 

Wellhausen's analysis of Acts was the last work on the 
New Testament of that great scholar (f 1917) . It was finished in 
1911, but not published until 1914. His 'Noten zur Apostel- 
geschichte' (1907) are embodied in the later publication. Well- 
hausen pays special heed to 'seams and joints,' seeks to detect 
sources, points out doublets, etc. In the chronology he follows 
E. Schwartz. His theory is interesting that both in the story 
of the riot at Ephesus and in the account of Paul's voyage nar- 
ratives of entirely different origin have been transferred to the 
history of Paul. The paper is full of acute remarks, often sea- 
soned with Attic salt. See Windisch, DLZ, 1917, No. 24; W. 
Bauer, ThR, 1917, 116 f. 

Z a An in his article brings to bear many good arguments for 
the view that Luke intended to write a third book, not so much 
the use of irpQTov, Acts 1, 1, as the recountal of all the topics 
omitted in Acts which could furnish the material for a third 
volume, — the travels of the other Apostles, the trial of Paul 
in the emperor's court, the fate of the Palestinian Christians 
in the Jewish war, and the course of the divine judgment. 

G. A. van den Bergh van Eysinga, the most important 
follower of van Manen, and representative of the radical New 
Testament school in Holland, attacks Harnack's position in 
favor of the tradition, and seeks to establish the radical theory 
of the origin of Acts. He explains from 2 Tim. 4, 11 the tradi- 
tion that Luke wrote Acts. The notion that the author of Acts 
exhibits the result of medical training he criticises keenly and 
wittily, reaching the same conclusion as that to which Cad- 
bury's learned discussion has since brought scholars. He also 
endeavors, following Krenkel, to prove that Luke was ac- 
quainted with Josephus, laying special weight upon the parallels 
m Josephus to Acts 5, 36 f.; 11, 28 f.; 25, 11; 23, 22 f. In the 


subsequent article (1918) he shows how Luke frequently em- 
ploys motives taken from the Gospels to embellish the narra- 
tive in Acts and to magnify the Apostles, as in Acts 9, 36-43; 
3, 2-10; 16, 8-13; 7, 59 f.; 6, 13 f. Finally, he endeavors to 
define the purpose of Acts in the line of the post-Tiibingen 
criticism: Luke meant to show how Christianity came from 
Jerusalem to Rome and from the Jews to the gentiles and at 
the same time to prove on the one hand the political harmless- 
ness of the Christians and on the other the reprobateness of the 
Jews. From these motives it follows that the book was com- 
posed in the time of Hadrian. See also the article by the same 
author "Dubletten in Handelingen," NThT, 1921, 274-300. 

In opposition to these views Greidanus tries to give a more 
theological definition of the purpose of Acts : Acts described the 
carrying on of the work of Jesus in the Apostolic Church and 
the history of the Apostolic "testimony concerning Jesus 

The Leipzig missionary Frolich contributes to the growing 
literature which aims to gain illumination on New Testament 
problems from missionary experience. He treats of a large 
number of significant points running through the Book of Acts, 
and sets the Apostles' narratives in the light of the experiences 
and conflicts of Christian missions in India. His themes are: 
the office of the Apostles as witnesses; Christian and Indian 
love of truth (on Acts 1) ; the history of Jesus as it is attested by 
Peter and experienced in India (on Acts 2) ; the Master and the 
Gurus (on Acts 3-5) ; the work of the Servant of Jehovah (on 
Acts 7-8); the reality of the forgiveness of sins (on Acts 10 
and 13) ; natural revelation and the gospel (on Acts 16 and 17) ; 
"the words of truth and soberness" and the fulfilment of the 
prophetic words (on Acts 26). 

K. L. Schmidt endeavors by the aid of the psychology of re- 
ligion to give grounds for a more favorable judgment on the 
historical character of the narrative of the events at Pentecost, 
contending that the narrative of Acts 2 is but a slightly exag- 
gerated account of an occasion of ' collective ecstasy,' in which 
the assembled Jews and proselytes were profoundly affected by 
the glossolalia (not exactly like that of 1 Corinthians) of the 


Apostles. He interprets the text as meaning not that the 
speakers spoke foreign languages, but that the foreign hearers 
received a miraculous impression. See Bultmann, ThLZ, 1920, 
No. 17-18. Schmiedel with good reason contests Schmidt's 
explanation, and shows that the legendary influences in Acts 2 
are stronger then Schmidt thinks. 

A. Mentz analyzes Acts 15 into two sources: (1) M, 11, 
27-28; 11, 29-30; 12, 25; 13,2-14,28; (2) V, (13, 1) 15, 1; 15, 
2-21; 15,22-35; 15,41-16,6, thus identifymg the two journeys 
to Jerusalem of chapter 11 and chapter 15. The council took 
place in a.d. 44. He has a peculiar theory that Symeon (Acts 
15, 14) was not Simon Peter but Symeon Niger (Acts 13, 1). 

L. Brun thinks that Paul did not feel personally bound by 
the decree, although out of consideration for the authorities 
and other Jewish Christians in Jerusalem he allowed it to be 
issued without protesting against it. He was later embarrassed 
by this attitude, and consequently is silent on the subject in 
Galatians. But from Gal. 2, 3-5; 2, 6 we may infer that he 
had made concessions to others, and that on these others some 
requirement had been imposed. 

Volter strikes out from Acts 15 the speech of Peter and the 
provisos of James as later additions, and identifies the journey 
of chapter 15 with that of chapter 11. He supposes that the 
author deliberately inserted the journey to Asia Minor (Acts 
13 and 14) in the middle of the account of the journey to Jeru- 
salem which he found in his source. The latter account began 
with Acts 11, 27-30, and continued in what is now Acts 15, 
3 ff . The journey to Asia Minor was really subsequent to the 
Apostolic Council. 

L. Venetianer compares the Apostolic Council with the de- 
cisions of Jewish rabbis at Lydda during the persecution imder 
Hadrian, and regards as the model for the provisos of James 
the rule that a Jew has the duty of accepting martrydom only 
in the three cases of compulsion to idolatry, incest, or murder. 
See BiblZ 14, 374. 

0. Weinreick, in connection with the passage from Philos- 
tratus adduced by E. Norden as source for Paul's speech on 
Mars' Hill, discusses various testimonies and inscriptions con- 


nected with the theme of the 'unknown gods,' namely, Pausa- 
nias i, 17, 1 (on the notable piety of the Athenians) ; altars for 
new gods; Jerome on Tit. 1, 12; the inscriptions with ayvcoaroi. 
deoi (always in the plural); Pap. Giss. No. 3 ^kco uoi, . . . om 
ayvoaros #oi/3os Beds, etc. 

Dolger adds one inscription in the singular: kolvc^ deu) 
(Tunis, second century), which, he thinks, assures the possi- 
bility of an inscription dYi/cbo-rco dec^. The 'unknown god' may 
have been a mystery-divinity which was unknown to the un- 
initiated. Dolger denies dependence of Acts on Philostratus, 
since the source of the biography of ApoUonius owed its origin 
to the sun-worship of the third century. See BiblZ 15, 184. 


1. Chronology of the Life of Paul 

Plooij, Z) . , De Chronologic van het Leven van Paulus. vii, 195 pp. Leiden, 
Brill, 1918. — Weber, v.. Die antiochenische KoUekte, die ubersehene 
Hauptorientierung fiir die Paulusforschung. Grundlegende Radikalkur zur 
Gesehichte des TJrehristen turns, xvi, 96 pp. Wiirzburg, Bauch, 1917. 

Plooij (pastor at Leiden, conservative) has collected the 
archaeological and historical material completely and admira- 
bly. Particularly good is the treatment of the well known 
Gallio-inscription, which provides us with a relatively certain 
date for at least one important event in the life of Paid. In ac- 
cordance with this, Plooij fixes Gallio's official year as May 51 
to May 52, and assigns the meeting of Paul and Gallio to June 
or July 51. Further, relying upon an ingenious, though scarcely 
certain, hypothesis, he adopts the year 59 as the date of the 
change in office in the procuratorship of Palestine (Felix- 
Festus), which is so important for the chronology of Paul. 
He reaches this result from the statement in the Chronicon 
of Eusebius that Festus was appointed procurator in the tenth 
year of Agrippa II, but he reckons the years not from the 
death of Agrippa I, but from the appointment of Agrippa II 
as king in the year 50. But, like others, he does not relieve 
us from the difficulty that Pallas, whose intercession secured 
for Felix a not unfavorable welcome from Nero, had according 
to Tacitus been disgraced since 55. 


Plooij follows the South Galatian theory, which he dis- 
cusses in detail; he identifies the proceedings in Jerusalem 
described in Gal. 2 with the journey to bring the relief-fund 
of Acts 11; and puts Galatians itself before Acts 15 (in the 
year 48). See M. Jones, Exp. 1919; Windisch, ThT, 1919; 
F. W. Grosheide, GerefThT, 1918; A. Julicher, GGA (to be 
published) . 

The chronology of the New Testament is a field for free 
investigation which has not yet been closed to Catholic scholars 
by the papal Biblical Commission. Ample use of this freedom 
is made by V. Weber, professor of theology at Wiirzburg, 
whose favorite theme is the chronological study of Galatians. 
Like Plooij he supports the South Galatian hypothesis and 
dates Galatians before the Apostolic Cotmcil (a.d. 49; Acts 15 
being a.d. 50) . In his latest work he devotes himself especially 
to the Antiochian relief-fimd of Acts 11, 29 f., with which he 
identifies the efforts of Paul referred to in Gal. 2, 10b. While, 
however, Plooij directly identifies the relief-fund journey of 
Acts 11, 29 f. with that of Gal. 2, 1 ff.,i Weber thinks that the 
fund was not collected until after the meeting described in 
Gal. 2, Iff., and that the relief of the poor was a new point, 
being the method agreed on for ratifying the missionary com- 
pact then accepted. 

I have expressed my objections to the exegesis of Plooij in 
ThT, 1919, pp. 171 f. It is, to be sure, remarkable that the 
two sentences related in meaning should have so similar a 
structure: Acts 11, 30 6 Kal liroirjaav airoarelkavTes irpos 
Toiis wpea^vrepovs 5tA x^'P^s Bapv&^a Kal SaiiXou; Gal. 2, 10 o 
/cat iawovSaaa aird tovto woiijaai; and the question arises 
whether it is possible that Luke had in mind here the language 
of Galatians. Yet we must not allow ourselves to be misled 
by the likeness. The execution of the agreement of Gal. 2, 
10b cannot, as Plooij assumes, have preceded the compact; 
the identification of the two journeys is impossible. Weber 
has seen this, yet his own view creates new difficulties. Ac- 

1 Under that view Gal. 2, 10 would mean: 'The men of Jerusalem asked us to keep 
on remembering the poor in the future, — the very purpose for which I had actually 
just come to Jerusalem.' 


cording to him the relief journey of Acts 11, 29 f. was subse- 
quent to the meeting of Gal. 2, 1-10. Why then did Luke 
completely fail to mention this motive for the collection, and 
make no reference at all to the extremely important meeting 
of the Apostles (Gal. 2, 1 S.) ? Weber's argument to show that 
Gal. 2 and Acts 15 are reports of two different events, is not 
convincing, although he makes clear the differences of the two 
accoimts. If we hold to the identity of Gal. 2, 1-10 and Acts 
15, then necessarily all relation between Acts 11, 29 f. and 
Gal. 2, 10 disappears, while on the other hand the trustworthi- 
ness of the whole story of a relief-fund journey tmdertaken by 
Paul, and not merely by Barnabas, becomes questionable. 

2. Chronology of the Pauline Epistles 

Peine, P., Die Abfassung des Philipperbriefs in Ephesus, mit einer Anlage 
Uber JRom. 16, 3-20 als Epheserbrief (BFTh 20, 1916). 149 pp. — Hadorn, 
W., Die Abfassung der Thessalonicherbriefe in der Zeit der dritten Missions- 
reise des Paulus (BFTh 24, 1919). 134 pp. — Hadorn, W., Die Abfassung 
der Thessalonicherbriefe auf der dritten Missionsreise and der Kanon des 
Marcion (ZNW 19, 67-71). 

As in the case of Galatians so with Philippians a new dating 
and position in the series has for some time been under discus- 
sion.i In Germany P . Peine (professor at Halle) has tried to 
establish elaborately the hypothesis proposed by Lisco, Deiss- 
mann, and Albertz that Philippians belongs to a period of im- 
prisonment at Ephesus. (See also his Einleitung in das N. T., 
2. Aufl., 1918, pp. 142 ff.) His first argument is foimded upon 
the vehement polemic of Paul in Phil. 3, which he believes to 
be directed not against Jews, but against Jewish Christian 
opponents, and which must therefore be assigned to the great 
period of controversy with pseudo-christian Judaism. This 
argument assumes that the conflict later ceased; Romans, with 
its calm and well-considered exposition of the gospel, being 
evidently written after a settlement had been reached. The 
sharp attack of Romans 16, 17-20 must also belong to an 
earlier period. Two objections suggest themselves to this view, 

' See K. Lake and B. W. Bacon in Expositor (8th series), 8 and 9; Moffatt, Intro- 
duction to the Literature of the N. T., 3d ed., p. 622. 


which in itself is not unacceptable. In the first place, it seems 
to me that a reference of the polemic in Philippians to non- 
christian Jews is by no means impossible. Indeed this is 
rather the more natural way to take it; Paul merely contrasts 
Judaism and Christianity, tertium non datur. In (carcb f^Xov 
StwKWj' rijv eKKkrjaiav (3, 6) only Jews (and not Jewish Chris- 
tians) could see a reason for confidence in the flesh. There is 
no suggestion of an incomplete conversion or of any lack of 
clearness as to the full bearing of Christian faith, no such 
utterance as we read in 2 Cor. 5, 16. Again, even if the pas- 
sage were directed against Jewish Christians, it is possible 
that the conflict with the Judaizers lasted on or was rekin- 
dled. More significant seems to me a second argument urged by 
Feine; namely, the resemblance (long ago emphasized by Light- 
foot) in style, contents, and theology between Philippians on 
the one hand and the epistles of the earlier period (Thess., 
Gal., 1 and 2 Cor., and Rom.) on the other, while the true 
'epistles of the imprisonment,' Colossians and Ephesians, 
obviously present a sharp contrast to Philippians as well as to 
the earlier epistles, and in any case represent in their the- 
ology a later stage in the development of Pauline thought. A 
third argument is found by comparing the statements about 
the trial of Paul in Acts 23 ff . with the allusions in Phil. 1 f. 
The strict confinement which Philippians implies is not at- 
tested by Acts; and that Paul's situation grew worse after 
two years Feine does not think probable. Fourthly, Feine 
seeks to show that the two passages often taken to refer 
directly to Rome — the mention of the praetorium and the 
greeting from the imperial slaves — point to a provincial city 
like Ephesus rather than to the capital. Finally, he brings 
up the particular circumstances of the writing of Philippians, 
especially the points that according to 1, 17-30 the founding 
of the chiu-ch did not lie in the distant past, and that there had 
been easy and active intercoiu'se between Paul and the church. 
For these and other reasons Feine dates Philippians in the 
middle of Paul's long stay at Ephesus, a.d. 54. 

In the 'Appendix' Feine presents a detailed argument for 
the widely held hypothesis that we have in Rom. 16, 3-20 an 


epistle to the Ephesians, with special reference to the counter- 
arguments of Lightfoot. There are, as he explains in an in- 
teresting investigation, no conclusive reasons for believing that 
the persons named in the greetings were in Rome, and Rufus 
is not the Christian mentioned in Mark 15, 21, and often sup- 
posed to be living in Rome. The only novelty in his treat- 
ment is his mode of explaining why an epistle to the Ephesians 
came to be appended to the Epistle to the Romans. Phoebe, 
the bearer of the Epistle to the Romans, had to go by way of 
Ephesus on business; consequently Paul added to his Epistle 
to the Romans (which he wished to have read to the Ephesians) 
greetings to his Ephesian friends. 

The problem of Philippians is an old story, but the mono- 
graph oi H adorn (professor at Bern) undertakes to overthrow 
a view which seemed absolutely firm and which no one seriously 
questioned. The current opinion is that the two epistles to 
the Thessalonians were written at Corinth only a few months 
after the formation of the church in Thessalonica. Hadom 
believes that this time is too short to cover the events and 
developments implied in these epistles, and for this and other 
reasons he proposes to transfer both epistles to the period of the 
so-called 'third missionary journey,' or rather to the long stay 
at Ephesus. 

Hadorn's line of argument closely resembles that of Feine 
in the very important proof which he presents that the Thes- 
salonian epistles give evidence of close internal kinship to 1 
and 2 Corinthians. The defence of himself which the Apostle 
finds it necessary to make in 1 Thess. 2 and 3 resembles in 
contents and style the apologetic and polemic passages in 2 
Cor., and finds its explanation in them. This accords with 
the fact that the religious movement which Paul opposes in 
1 Thessalonians is in many respects similar to tendencies 
attested for Corinth in 1 and 2 Corinthians. In this con- 
nection Hadorn adduces the doubts as to the resurrection, 
the libertinistic tendencies, the advice about spiritual gifts, 
the distm-bances of order, etc. In his view we might almost 
regard 1 Thessalonians as a kind of extract from the epistles 
to the Corinthians. On this similarity rests his main argu- 


ment, outlined above. Since the tendency did not crystallize 
in Corinth for a long time after Paul's first departure from 
that church, a few months is not enough to account for similar 
events in Thessalonica. Other circumstances, too, such as 
the rapidity of the 'spiritual' development in the Thessa- 
lonian church, the spread of the fame of that church through- 
out the world (1 Thess. 1,7), the existence of a definite, ordered 
church government, the cases of death, etc., weigh against 
accepting so short an interval. To be sure, the familiar state- 
ments in 1 Thess. 3, 1 ff. require that Paul should have been 
in Greece in the interval since the growth of the objectionable 
Thessalonian tendencies. Since this passage does not tally ver- 
bally with Acts, Hadorn is able to connect it with the so-called 
intermediate visit to Corinth, and supposes that Paul's purpose 
to visit Thessalonica was frustrated by the disturbances at 

The case of 2 Thessalonians is similar; but Hadorn, like 
some before him, thinks that it preceded 1 Thessalonians. 
Using for this inversion the same arguments as J. Weiss 
(Urchristentum, pp. 217 ff.), he puts particular emphasis on 
the observation that the second epistle nowhere refers to the 
first, but rather has the appearance of a first epistle to the 
chm-ch. In itself considered, 2 Thessalonians could well have 
come from the first stay in Corinth; for Hadorn recognizes in 
6 Karexcov the Emperor Claudius, and so gains the year 54 as 
terminus ad quern for the epistle. But since the general situ- 
ation of the second epistle is like that of the first, the second 
also must be assigned to the Ephesian period, although to an 
earlier stage of it. 

It is easier to pass judgment on this suggestive hypothesis 
than on the new date for Philippians. Much in it is attractive, 
especially the proof that 1 Thessalonians reflects a situation 
similar to that of the Corinthian epistles, and the explanation 
that it would have been a miracle if painful disturbances, such 
as took years to develop in Corinth, had arisen in Thessalonica 
in a few weeks or months. Nevertheless, so late a date is im- 
possible, being forbidden by the fact that in 1 Thessalonians 
the impressions of the first contact are still so fresh, much 


fresher than in 1 Corinthians or Philippians. Moreover, the 
stay of Paul ia Beroea and Athens, and afterwards the residence 
of eighteen months in Corinth, cover more than "some few 
months." If the Thessalonian epistles are dated toward the 
end of the Corinthian period, and not near its beginning, we 
have more than a year for the development of the situation. 
And if, with Hadorn, we date the epistles later, in the beginning 
of the Ephesian period, we meet the objection that it is wholly 
improbable that Paul should have sent no letter to the Thes- 
salonians during his eighteen months in Corinth. 

That the order of the two Thessalonian epistles ought to be 
reversed has not been proved. ' 

3. Genuineness of the Pauune Epistles 

Weinel, H ., Die Echtheit der Paulinischen Hauptbriefe im Lichte des anti- 
gnostischen Kampfes (Festgabe fUr J. Kaftan, 376-393). Tubingen, Mohr, 
1920. — Wrzol, Josef, Die Echtheit des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefes 
(BSt 19). 152 pp. Freiburg i. B., Herder, 1916. — Bruckner, W. , Die Zeit- 
lage der Briefe an die Kolosser und Epheser (PrM, 1918, 68-83, 130-138, 
163-181). — Torm, F., tjber die Sprache in den Pastoralbriefen (ZNW 18, 
1918, 225-243). 

WeineV s new argument for the genuineness of the chief 
Pauline epistles deals with an important point, for he brings 
the question into the light of the great antignostic struggle. 
The Pauline epistles show that gnostic tendencies already 
existed; but the way in which Paul opposes the 'gnostic' 
positions (things offered to idols, sexual life, etc.), while at the 
same time representing certain gnostic ideas himself, shows 
plainly that the great struggle had not yet begun. This is an 
important point of view for the date of the epistles. 

The book of Josef Wrzol (Catholic Religionslehrer in Aus- 
trian Silesia) has as its object to dissipate the last suspicion 

' In the supplementary article in ZNW Hadorn appeals to the order of the epistles 
in the canon of Marcion: Gal., 1 Cor., 2 Cor., Rom., 1 Thess., 2 Thess., Eph., Col. 
Philem., Phil. This argument of course proves nothing if the internal reasons are not 
convincing. Julicher (ThLZ, 1919, No. 21-22) and von Dobschutz (LZBl, 1920, No. 1) 
reject the argument, as well as F. W. Grosheide, ' De Methode om de volgorde der 
Paulinische Brieven te bepalen, in het bijzonder in verband met de Brieven aan de 
Thessalonicensen onderzocht' (GerefThT, 30, 262-270, 305-319); on the other hand 
de Zwaan (NThSt, 1919, p. 259) seems on the whole to agree with it. 


of the genuineness of 2 Thessalonians. It is written with the 
thoroughness and prolixity customary in such works. In a 
history of the problem the most important arguments against 
genuineness are presented in extenso: (1) the contradiction in 
the eschatology (2 Thess. 2 in contrast with 1 Thess. 4-5); 
(2) the literary dependence of 2 Thess. upon 1 Thess. and its 
im-pauline language — Wrede's main argument; (3) the 
references which betray a forger in 2 Thess. 2, 2 and 3, 17; 
(4) the impersonal character of 2 Thessalonians, especially as 
emphasized by Spitta. These argximents the author tries to 
meet by settiag forth the historical and psychological back- 
ground implied in the epistles. In 2 Thess. 2, 2 [cf. (3) above] 
it has been deemed strange that Paul treats so slightly the 
report of the circulation in Thessalonica of a false letter bear- 
ing his name, — but Wrzol explains this on the ground that 
Paul lacked sure information and wavered as to whether 1 
Thess. had been misunderstood, or an epistle actually forged. 
Assuming the second possibility, he wrote in a tone of criticism 
3, 17. To explain the close kinship between 1 Thess. and 2 
Thess. [cf. (2) above] Wrzol follows the theory of Zahn. He 
supposes that the epistles of Paul were dictated, and that from 
the first draft a fair copy was made, an hypothesis which is 
certainly admissible for 1 Thess. Now there was a reason 
which might have led Paul to study the draft of 1 Thess. in 
the composition of 2 Thess., namely the suspicions mentioned 
in 2 Thess. 2, 2, which made it desirable both to confirm and 
supplement the assurances and admonitions given in 1 Thess. 
Even if Wrzol exaggerates in details, yet his leadiag idea seems 
to be correct. The contradiction in the tendency of the eschato- 
logical warnings in 1 Thess. [cf. (1) above] Wrzol seeks to obvi- 
ate by the remark, first, that according to 1 Thess. 5, 1 ff . only 
the heathen are destined to be surprised, not the Christians, 
who have been informed about times and tokens, and, secondly, 
that the same difference is also foimd in the eschatological 
discourses of Jesus. This reply is scarcely satisfactory. In 
1 Thess. 5 there is surely no thought whatever of the contents 
of 2 Thess. 2; a writer who has in mind the apocalyptic ideas 
of that chapter cannot possibly shape his exhortation as it stands 


in 1 Thess. 5. As for the Synoptic Gospels, these are the pro- 
duct of literary compilation, and that all the elements come 
from Jesus is not certain. The psychological difficulty here is, 
however, hardly serious enough to make us doubt the genu- 
ineness of % Thess. What Wrzol says about the supposed 
impersonal character of the second epistle [cf. (4) above] has 
my approval. But the whole essay seems to have been written 
without reference to the more recent discussions. 

A problem akin to that just discussed is presented by the 
peculiar relation between Ephesians and Colossians. K. Lake 
(Landmarks in the History of Early Christianity, pp. 122 f.), 
referring to the difficulty of the question, has recently shown his 
sympathy with Holtzmann's solution, and in any case opposed 
the popular view that Colossians is genuine, Ephesians not 
genuine. Meanwhile W . Bruckner (Karlsruhe) has published 
in a series of articles a study moving in part on the line laid 
down by Holtzmann. He gives an historical survey of the 
development of the problem, here taking ground in opposition 
to Dibelius, who represents the 'popular' opinion, and to 
Soltau (ThStKr, 1905, 521-562), who has made still more 
complicated Holtzmann's analysis by drawing into the dis- 
cussion the Epistle to the Laodiceans. Bruckner dwells 
especially on the doctrinal contents, and on the literary de- 
pendence of Ephesians on 1 Peter. The ideas of both Colos- 
sians and Ephesians are, according to Bruckner, post-pauline, 
gnostic. The terminology is dependent on the language of the 
mysteries. In addition a form of logos-speculation appears 
which stands in an intermediate position between that of 
Hebrews and of John, while the epistles differ from both these 
writings in their neglect of the humanity and historical char- 
acter of Jesus. (This last observation is much to the point.) 
The greater simplicity of thought in 1 Peter (which Bruckner 
places in the period of Trajan) proves the priority of the latter. 
Unfortimately Briickner has failed to discuss in detail the 
literary relation between Colossians and Ephesians. He merely 
distinguishes three strata; (1) the original Colossians of Paul 
(ethical exhortation, warnings against false doctrine, epistolary 
sections); (2) the introduction of a cosmic christology into 


Colossians; (3) the composition of Ephesians on the basis of 
Colossians, the pasages being added which touch on the doctrine 
of the church. Col. 1, 18 and 2, 19 are interpolations. 

The difficulty, indeed, of all investigations in the history 
of language and style is shown by the work of F . Torm (pro- 
fessor at Copenhagen). It is in the main a discussion of 
Holtzmann's criticism of the Pastoral Epistles. Torm shows 
how questionable many of Holtzmann's critical judgments are. 
If the use of language is to be a factor in criticism, it is not 
sufficient to make lists of hapax legomena, and to show that 
specifically Pauline words are lacking; we must also examine 
the individual cases, seek the natural reasons for the phenom- 
ena, attend to corresponding conditions in the other epistles, 
and, especially, must group the phenomena in accordance with 
the groups of epistles. Thus Torm succeeds in proving that a 
whole series of Holtzmann's arguments are not convincing. It 
is interesting that he is able to point out some fairly close con- 
nections between the Pastorals and Group III (Eph., PhU., Col.) . 
But many arguments of importance have not been touched 
upon by Torm, and consequently have not lost their force. 

4. Integrity of the Pauline Epistles 

Schanze, W., Der Galaterbrief (Das Neue Testament schallanalytisch 
untersucht. 1. StUck). 1. Aufl. iv, 36 pp.; 2. Aufl. xvi, 12 pp. Leipzig, 
Hinriclis, 1918, 1919. — JMitcAer,^.,EiiieEpocheinderneutestanientlichen 
Wissenschaft? (PrM 24, 1920, 41-56). — Lietzmann H., (GGA. 1919, 223 
-229, 401^19). 

Literary criticism of the N. T. would have to be placed on 
an entirely new footing if we could use with certainty for the 
discovery of the literary relations of ancient texts the method 
of soimd-analysis, which has been elaborated by Eduard 
Sievers, the well-known Germanist at Leipzig, in collaboration 
with the student of phonetics, J. Rutz, and which has been 
employed with much success in the field of Middle High Ger- 
man literature. By soimd-analysis is meant the method of 
discovering definite types of rhythm and melody, to produce 
which psychological and physiological factors (posture, move- 


ment of the arms) combine.^ Sievers and his pupils believe 
that they can discover the individual rhythm of an author, and 
thereby distinguish foreign elements as editorial or interpola- 
tive. Every student of the criticism of the Pauline epistles 
understands that it would be extremely important if the in- 
vestigation of their unity and genuineness could be conducted 
by more exact technical methods, but the study which 
Schanze, a pupil of Sievers, offers as a first essay removes 
for the moment any expectation here. The result is completely 
useless for anyone who, though a layman in sound-analysis, is 
a professional in the literary and theological investigation of 
the epistles. Without regard to meaning or connection, the 
method of sound-analysis applied to Galatians simply mangles 
the epistle. A Pauline foimdation is indeed admitted; but 
between the Pauline sections a second leading voice intrudes, 
without rhyme or reason, to which especially the proof from 
Scripture in chap. 3 is to be attributed; in addition smaller 
passages are contributed by others (to whom belong such 
characteristic fragments as 1, 10-12, 22-24; 4, 24-29; 3, 1^); 
and there are interpolators. As the voice-analyst explains, 
the non-pauline elements distinguish themselves, in contrast 
to the peculiar fresh and vigorous rhythm of Paul, by a cool, 
sensible, and didactic tone. So the dialectic passages in partic- 
ular are denied to Paul, — an opinion in which no one who 
is not a sound-analyst will concur. The new method might 
command more attention if it enabled us to determine with 
some inner verisimilitude the possible share of an 'epistolary 
partner.' But, according to Schanze, even in the larger pas- 
sages we have to do with a later wholesale interpolator. 

In a detailed investigation Jiilicher has criticized Schanze's 
analysis. He rightly emphasizes that Paul's nature was far 
richer and more complicated than would appear on the basis 
of the fragments which Schanze ascribes to him; that Paul often 
operates with borrowed material (quotations from the LXX, 
liturgical and hortatory formulas, etc.); and that the genesis 
of Galatians, as Schanze puts it before us, is hard to imagine. 
Lietzmann' s experiment is instructive; with a text arbitrarily 

' Eduard Sievers, Metrische Studien IV, Leipzig, 1918. 


compounded from six or seven sources, sound-analysis failed to 
analyze it correctly, though it was able to indicate some of the 

5. Commentaries on the Pauune Epistles 

Lietzmann, H., Einf iihrung in die Textgeschichte der Paulusbrief e. An die 
R6mer(HandbuchzumN. T.). 2. Aufl. 129 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1919. — 
Earth, K., Der BSmerbrief. 440 pp. Bern, Bsischlin, 1919. — Koch, L. 
J., Fortolkning til Paulus' andet brev til Korinthieme. 451 pp. Copenhagen, 
Frimodt, 1914-1917. 

Lietzmann' s Romans is the first of the commentaries of 
the Handbuch to appear in a second edition. Wholly new is 
his excellent introduction to the textual problems of the epistles. 
From the origin of the collection of Pauline epistles, for imder- 
standing which the analogy of the collection of the epistles of 
Ignatius is brought into service, Lietzmaim proceeds to survey 
the three groups of texts: Egyptian (B5<AC a78 sah boh, etc.); 
Western (DG Ambrst Pelag vulg, etc.), and Byzantine (KLP 
min pesh goth, etc.). Any use of the text of Pamphilus-Euse- 
bius must await a fuller determiaation of that text than has 
yet been made. In the Western text Lietzmann suspects the 
influence of Marcion. For the discovery of the best text it is 
necessary to eliminate the secondary Byzantine and Western 
variants and take the Egyptian text as the foundation. The 
commentary treats the more important variants. In the 
exegesis everything of consequence published since 1906 has 
been used. In Rom. 7, 24 Lietzmann has now abandoned the 
change of order and the omission which he formerly defended. 
The excursus on 'Flesh and Spirit' has been enlarged in view of 
Reitzenstein's investigations; likewise that on 'Jesus the Lord' 
(10, 9) in dependence on Bousset. An excursus on oi dyioi. (15, 
25) is new. As for the textual history of the last two chapters, 
the excision of chapters 15 and 16 was due to Marcion, the 
doxology (16, 25-27) is perhaps from Marcionite circles.^ 

' Cf . also E. Sievers, H. Lietzmaim und die Schallanalyse. • Eine Kritik und eine 
Se'.bstkritik (Das Neue Testament schallanalytisch untersucht. 2. Stuck). 48 pp. 
1919. — For a very good review see G. Kittei, Die Schallanalyse und das Neue Testa- 
ment (ThLBl, 1922, 1). — H. Lietzmann is preparing a reply. 

* On this latter hypothesis see Hamack, 'Uber 1. Kor. 14, 32 ff. und Rom. 16, 25 ff. 
nach der altesten "Qberlieterung imd der Marcionitischen Bibel' (SAB, 1919, 527- 


The elaborate exposition of Romans by the Swiss pastor, 
Karl Barth, is of different cahbre from Lietzmann's com- 
mentary, with the latter's constant use of philology and the 
history of religions. 'Historical' exegesis is here taken for 
granted, yet the book is essentially a representative of the new 
religious enthusiasm which is endeavoring to emerge from the 
intellectual, political, and social confusion of Central Europe, 
and to create a new foundation for the life of the spirit on a 
religious and Christian basis. Barth belongs to the younger 
generation, which is translating the old Pauline gospel into our 
language, and by means of genuine Pauline Christianity, thus 
modernized, seeks to overthrow and destroy everything actu- 
ally or supposedly irreconcilable with it, — religious individual- 
ism, theology based on experience, intellectualism, imperialism 
in every form, ecclesiasticism, socialism, bolshevism. The 
shattering of all false human ideals, the outbreak of a creative 
revolution, wrought by God, which shall bring to birth a new 
human race and introduce a new era in human history, — 
this is the great ideal, the powerful reality, which has possessed 
the author and which in all its concrete applications he finds in 
Paul. The book excited much attention in Switzerland and 
Germany, and has evoked thoughtful discussion. See especially 
Jlilicher, ChrW, 1920, Nos. 29 and 30.^ 

The Danish scholar, Koch, defends the unity of 2 Corin- 
thians, except that 6, 14-7,1 may belong to the epistle which 
preceded 1 Corinthians. He accepts the hypothesis of a letter, 
but rejects that of a visit, in the interval between 1 and 2 Cor- 
inthians, but holds that a second visit of Paul to Corinth took 
place shortly before the composition of 1 Corinthians. The 
value of the commentary lies in its detailed exegesis, and 
especially in the lexicographical material. 

536), where the words kuI to idipvyiia 'IijcroC XpuTTOv, dia re ypa^mp rpcxpiiTuaap, and 
yyapcffShros are removed as glosses, and the original form of the doxology then at- 
tributed to Marcionites. The doxology certainly could have been written by a 
Marcionite, but equally well by a non-marcionite follower of Paul (cf. Eph. 3, 9 f.), 
or even (to judge by 1 Cor. 2, 8) by Paul himself. 

1 A second edition, with a remarkable preface, "inneuer Bearbeitung" has ap- 
peared in 1922 (xvii, 523 pp., Munich, Kaiser). Since 1921 Barth has been professor 
of Calvinistic (Reformed) Theology at GOttingen. 


6. Rise of the Pauune Canon 

Hartke, W ., Die Sammlung und die Sltesten Ausgabeu der Paulusbriefe. 
87 pp. Bonn, Georgi, 1917. 

The work oi W. Hartke at least draws attention to the 
problem it treats. On various grounds it may be assumed that 
small collections of Pauline epistles were early in existence, 
certainly soon after the death of Paul. The need of having the 
apostolic word in written form must have been felt at once, and 
somewhere and at some time a collection must have been made 
which served as a model for others. Since our collection in- 
cludes no letters to Antioch or other Syrian churches (although 
Paul must have written to them), it may be concluded that 
the standard edition came into existence in Greece, Asia Minor, 
or Rome; the most probable supposition seems to be Asia 
Minor. Beyond these unobjectionable conclusions it seems 
hazardous to try to work out the history in further detail. 
Hartke offers a great mass of fantastic speculation about one 
collection made by Timothy and used by Marcion, and another 
due to Silas.i 


Weinel, H., Paulus. Der Mensch und sein Werk: Die Anfange des Christen- 
tums, der Kirche, und des Dogmas (Lebensfragen). 2. Aufl. 294 pp. Tubingen, 
Moia, 1915.— Heitmiiller.W., Die Bekehrung des Paulus (ZThK 27, 
1917, 136-153). — Oepke, A., Die Missionspredigt des Apostels Paulus. 
Eine biblisch-theologische und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchiuig (Mis- 
sionswissenschaftliche Forschungen 2). 240 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1920. — 
Stange, E., Paulinisclie Reiseplane (BFTh 22). 78 pp. Gutersloh, Bertels- 
mann, 1918. — Mundle, W., Die Eigenart der paulrnischen Prommigkeit. 
19 pp. Marburg, El wert, 1920. — Weiss, J., Die Bedeutimg des Paulus 
fUr den modernen Christen (ZNW 19, 127-142). — Deissner, K., Paulus 
und die Mystik seiner Zeit. 1. Aufl. 123 pp.; 2. Aufl. 148 pp. Leipzig, 
Beicheit, 1918, Wn.— Deissner, K., Paulus und Seneca (BFTh 21). 
44 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 1917. — Weber, E.,T>ieFoime\"ia Christo 
Jesu" und die paulinische Christusmystik (NkZ SI, 213-260). — Ubbink, J. 
Th., Het eeuwige leven bij Paulus. Een godsdiensthistorisch onderzoek. 
viii, 174, Ixx pp. Groningen, Wolters, 1917. — Schmidt, Tr., Der Leib 

1 Cf. E. Stange, 'Diktierpausen in den paulinischen Brieten' (ZNW 18, 1818, 109- 


Christi (SS/xo XptoroO). Eine Untersuchung zum urchristlichen Gemein- 
degedanken. 256 pp. Leipzig, Deichert, 1919. — Scharling, C. J ., Ek- 
klesiabegrebet hos Paulus og dets forhold til jodisk religion og hellenistisk 
mystik. 212 pp. Copenhagen, P. Branner Norregade, 1917. — Philippi, 
F., Paulus und das Judentum nacli den Brief en und der Apostelgeschichte. 
68 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1916. — Macholz, Zum Verstandnis des paulini- 
schen Rechtfertigungsgedankens (ThStKr, 1915, 29-61). — Kurze, G.,Der 
Engels- und Teufelsglaube des Apostels Paulus. 168 pp. Freiburg i. B., 
Herder, 1915. — Juncker, A., Die Ethik des Apostels Paulus. 11. Halfte: 
Die konkrete Ethik. viii, 308 pp. Halle, Niemeyer, 1919. 


Steck, R., Geistliche Ehen bei Paulus (1 Kor. 7, 36-38) (SchwThZ 34, 177- 
189). — Jiilicher, A., Die Jungfrauen im ersten Korintherbrief (PrM 22, 
97-119). — Reitzenstein, R., Die Formel "Glaube, Liebe, Hoffnung" 
bei Paulus (NGW, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1916, 367-416). — Reitzenstein, 
R., Die Entstehung der Formel "Glaube, Liebe, Hoflfnung" (HZ, 1916, 
189-208). — Reitzenstein, R., Nachwort (NGW, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 
1917, 130-151). — Harnack, A. von, tJber den Ursprung der Formel 
"Glaube, Liebe, Hoffnung" (PrJ 164, 1916, 1-14); also in Aus der Friedens- 
und Kriegsarbeit, 1-20, Giessen, TSpelmann, 1916. — Corssen, P., Paulus 
und Porphyrios I (Sokrates 73, 18-30). — Corssen, P., Paulus und Porphy- 
ries II (Zur Erklarung von 2 Kor. 3, 18) (ZNW 19, 'i.-lO). —Liitgert, W., 
Gesetz und Geist. Eine Untersuchung zur Vorgeschichte des Galaterbriefes 
(BFTh 22). 106 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 1919. — Jager, W. W., Eine 
stilgeschichtliehe Studie zum PhUipperbrief (Hermes 50, 537-553). — • 
Jiilicher, A . , Ein philologisches Gutachten iiber Phil. 2 , v. 6 (ZNW 17, 1916, 
1-17).' — Schmidt, P. W., "Hielt es nicht fUr einen Raub, Gott gleich 
sein" (PrM, 1916, 171-176). — Kittel, (?., Rabbinica. Paulus im Talmud. 
Die "Macht" auf dem Haupte. Runde Zahlen (Arbeiten zur Religions- 
geschichte des Urehristentums 1). 47 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1920. 

No new comprehensive work on the theology and reUgion of 
Paul has appeared. In the new edition oiWeinel's Paulus the 
general purpose has remained the same, to make Paul intelli- 
gible to the modern reader as devout man and as theologian, 
and to remove misunderstandings and prejudices. Weinel tries 
to translate the ideas of Paul into the language of the present 
day and to bring out strongly the religious and human motives. 
A few new paragraphs have been added and the arrangement 
somewhat altered. 

Heitmiiller has written an important and thoughtful study 
of the conversion of Paul, with trenchant criticism of current 


views. He insists that the moral conflict within the mind of 
the miredeemed man (Romans, chapter 7) is not to be used for 
an understanding of the spiritual condition of Paul before his 
conversion. The €7c!j is not to be taken as personal and individ- 
ual; and the point of view from which the chapter is written 
is that of the Christian, who has already received purification 
and who draws the picture in the light of his own experience.^ 
Accordingly Heitmilller entirely rejects the idea of a moral 
collapse and the overthrow of legalistic moralism in connection 
with Paul's conversion. All that came in question was the 
messiahship of Jesus and the legitimacy of the mission to 
gentiles, that is, the abrogation of Jewish prerogative. The 
conversion was an ecstatic mystical experience in which the 
appearance of Christ was the centre, the annulment of the 
claims of the Law a secondary consequence. Heitmiiller re- 
gards the doctrine of justification as a product of the later 
development of Paul as Christian and missionary. See E. 
Vischer, ThR, 1917, 371 flf. 

A. Oepke has made a fairly successful attempt to elicit the 
actual missionary preaching of Paul from the epistles, with the 
aid of the narratives of Acts, and to discover its relations to 
the syncretistic environment of Jewish and heathen thought 
and life. On the whole he thinks that Paul adapted himself but 
little to his heathen environment, and that his knowledge of 
heathenism did not go beyond what he could hear and see in 
ordinary intercourse. The main elements of the missionary 
preaching (as distinguished from instruction of the baptized) 
he finds to have been the message of redemption through Jesus 
Christ, his incarnation, death, and resurrection, and the eschato- 
logical expectation, together with (as propaedeutic) faith in 
one God and the awakening of a consciousness of sin. Far from 
supposing that this preaching may have attached itself to 
heathen popular religion, a doctrine of mysteries, or philosophy, 
Oepke lays stress on the novelty and originality of the Chris- 
tian gospel, and on the contrast, not the analogy, which it 
presented to these things. The gospel of the Son of God who 

' On the problem of Romans 7 see the dissertation of H. S. Pretorius, Bijdrage tot 
de exegese en de geschiedenis der exegese van Romeinen vii (Amsterdam, 1915). 


lived a true human life finds there no analogy. Doubtless the 
hearers were reminded of all sorts of heathen religious ideas, — 
means of expiation, hope of salvation, notions of the future; 
but the new message had its own peculiar character, and offered 
absolute certainty. 

In the Pauline speeches of Acts Oepke sees the same general 
scheme. Only in the speech on Mars' Hill, which he treats in 
detail and the originality of which he defends against Norden, 
does the hellenistic stamp seem to him somewhat stronger, so 
that in this case some embellishment by Luke must be sup- 
posed. In the criticism of the inscription ('to the unknown 
god') he follows Birt (RhM, n.f. 69, 342 ff.); the inscription 
read dtQ (without ayvioaria) , but Paul had not seen it himself. 
Oepke's work is conceived as a foundation for a constructive 
history of Pauline theology in which attention is to be fixed 
upon its motive forces and inner structure.^ 

According to E. Stange Paul's plans of travel were of two 
kinds, rational and irrational. Far-reaching strategic mission- 
ary plans played no great part, for Stange denies that Paul 
was concerned to work at the great centres. His plans were 
sometimes affected by the existence of Jewish colonies and 
synagogues, whether as points of attachment or as fostering 
attacks and intrigues. In his apostolic mission the exten- 
sion of the gospel to cities hitherto untouched was of more 
importance than the care of the churches, the effect of which 
on the course of Paul's movements and on his periods of 
residence Stange unduly minimizes. Irrational motives appear 
in intimations of the will of God, actions of Satan, and revela- 
tions of the Lord, the last being especially mentioned in Acts. 
On the whole, irrational motives were rare, and were usually 
accompanied by rational purpose. Stange's running compari- 
son with the motives which guided the travels of ApoUonius 
of Tyana and with those mentioned in the apocryphal acts of 
the Apostles is highly instructive. 

W. Mundle (privat-dozent at Marburg) finds the chief 
peculiarity of Paul's piety in the tensions and contradictions 

' See also K. Pieper, Die Missionspredigt des Paulus. Ihre Fundstellen und ihr 
Inhalt (Predigtstudien 4). 126 pp., Paderborn, Scheningh, 1921. 


which it manifests. His conversion reUeved a certain tension, 
but engendered new inner conflicts which he never succeeded 
in wholly resolving, for example, regarding the Law, and in his 
attitude to Sin (now the consciousness of a 'spiritual' man free 
from sin, now that of the imperfect and agonizing soul). 
Deissner, on the other hand (ThGg, 1920, pp. 188 f.) sees the 
individuality and power of Paul's self-consciousness in the 
union of apparently contradictory feelings. 

The significance for the modern church of this Pauline piety, 
which makes in many ways so strange an impression upon us, 
is discussed by /. Weiss in a rather slight posthumous article. 
The great and abiding significance resides in Paul's faith in God 
(creation, providence, election, loving will), in the religious 
kernel of the doctrine of justification, in the mystical union 
with Christ (in which, however, many elements which were 
essential for Paul have to be abandoned), and in the ethics (the 
law of love). 

The tendency to give great scope to the hellenistic gnostic 
influences in Paul meets active opposition from the conserva- 
tive side in Germany and Holland. K. Deissner treats chiefly 
the views of Reitzenstein and Bousset, and is mainly occupied 
with the doctrine ascribed to Paul of the double self (Paul 
under the control of the Spirit a different man). He tries to 
state as accurately as possible the differences between the 
Pauline gnosis and that of the Hermetic literature; the former 
having relation to ethics and the scheme of salvation, the latter 
being mystical and enthusiastic, operating with a natural force 
unrelated to the inner conflict of spirit and flesh. Hence Deiss- 
ner understands by the Pauline rikeios the Christian who is 
ready to be guided by the Spirit; and denies that by reXeiot 
is intended a kind of elite, a body of supermen, or that Paul 
preached two gospels, one for the mature, one for the immature. 
The hellenistic type of gnosis is seen among the Corinthians 
in their enthusiasm, lack of moral seriousness, confidence in 
their own power, insistence on self-determination, and arro- 
gance. This is important, but the contrast to this mysticism 
which Paul exhibits is not so complete that we can deny to 
Paul himself all relation to mysticism. Further, Deissner holds 


that Paul did not, like the mystics, conceive the new self as 
wholly separate from the old (cf . 2 Cor. 12, 1 S., and Gal. 2, 20, 
discussed by Reitzenstein) ; but his criticism is here exagger- 
ated. He is partly right and partly wrong in describing the 
Pauline piety as not ecstatic, and Paul's mysticism as personal, 
not sacramental. To the second edition a descriptive sketch 
of Paul's piety has been added in which the mystical element 
is again minimized. See E. Posselt, BphW, 1918, No. 37-38, 
1921, No. 19. 

Deissner's study of Paul and Seneca does not cover the 
ground, the ideas compared being limited to the idea of eter- 
nity, the doctrine of God, the doctrine of man, and ethics. His 
account of the Pauline ideas in question is inadequate, and 
many of the analogies he has not touched. He properly calls 
attention to fundamental differences which should put us on 
our guard against hastily inferring that Paul derived his ideas 
from Seneca's philosophy. See J. Leipoldt, ThLBl, 1918, No. 5 ; 
Posselt, BphW, 1917, 1262 ff.; TJbbink, NThSt, 1918,275- 
282; C. Clemen, DLZ, 1921, No. 32-33. On the theme, 'Paul 
and Seneca,' see also J. de Zwaan, 'Een broeder van Seneca 
tegenover Paulus' (Stemmen des Tijds 8, 43-74) . 

The merit oi E. Weber's article resides in his contention that 
the formula 'in Christ Jesus' relates not only to the spiritual 
Christ, but also to the exalted Lord, who rules over us, and to 
the Mediator of Salvation, who brought salvation by his his- 
torical appearance on earth. Furthermore, the mystical rela- 
tion is established by faith; and this circumstance lends to 
Paul's mysticism a unique character which distinguishes it 
from heathen mysticism, tending, as that does, to dissolve the 
relationships of personality. The hellenistic analogies do not 
lose their value through these considerations; but we see that 
Pauline mysticism, while it uses hellenistic formulas, is not 
identical with that form of mysticism, but is an intimate 
mingling of union with the spiritual Christ, obedient service 
of the Lord, and a mysticism founded in history. 

With a method similar to that of Deissner J. Th. Uhhink, 
in his very learned doctor's dissertation on eternal life in Paul, 
takes up chiefly the theses of Reitzenstein and Bousset con- 


cerning the influence on Paul of the mystery-rehgions and of 
mysticism. By the aid of grave-stones, the philosophical lit- 
erature, and the documents of the mysteries, he sets forth the 
ideas about the other world and the future destinies of souls 
which prevailed in Paul's hellenistic environment. This section 
with the accompanying notes is very full, and does not lack 
value for those who reject the author's main position. That is 
presented in the third chapter, where a comparison of Pauline 
and hellenistic views leads to the conclusion that Paul is es- 
sentially independent. In this comparison the differences are 
continually exaggerated; and it is not convincingly shown 
that Old Testament doctrine sufiices to explain the Pauline 
anthropology, which his eschatology assumes. Ubbink can 
see only contrasts to Paul in the religious ideas of the hellenis- 
tic world. Besides assembling an abundance of material he 
gives a great number of literary references. See ThLZ, 1918, 
No. 12-13. Of similar tendency is the inaugural lecture of 
Brouwer (professor at Utrecht), Paulus Mysticus? 1921. The 
answer is in the negative. J. P. Bang, 'Var Paulus "Mys- 
tiker'" ? (TT 4, 45-128) I have not seen. 

A freer attitude toward the problems of the history of reU- 
gions was that of Tr. Schmidt (who fell in the war, 1918), as 
his excellent book shows. He gives an admirable exposition 
of the Pauline mysticism, and its assumptions, namely, the 
ideas of the aufia Xpiarov, the conception of Christ as exerting 
a continued activity (in the Spirit and in the sacraments), the 
relation between Christ and the Spirit, and between the exalted 
Christ and the historical Jesus. To whatever criticism details 
of this study may be exposed, it offers as a whole an illumina- 
ting account of the relations which bind together the mystical 
expressions of Paul. From the mystical relation between Christ 
and the individual Schmidt turns to that between Christ and 
the ecclesia. The church is the body of Christ infused with life 
by the Spirit, and by virtue of its relation to the spiritual Christ 
it acquires a kind of collective personality, with Christ as its 
head. From the point of view of the general history of religions 
significant parallels are drawn, both from Judaism — such as 
the relations between Messiah and people, Christ and Adam, 


Christ and the Son of Man, — and on the hellenistic side from 
the idea of anthropos. Schmidt rejects the notion of direct 
borrowing from Hellenism, but holds to an organic kinship 
between the Pauline idea of Christ and the hellenistic 'primi- 
tive man.' With Reitzenstein's recent inquiries into the Iranian 
origin of this figure he had no opportunity to become acquainted. 
The use of the idea of the church as a 'collective individual,' 
and a factor in salvation, mediating between Christ the re- 
deemer and the redeemed individual, is carried still farther by 
C. J. Scharling, who conceives of the church as actually the 
primary object of redemption, and so as the primary recipient 
of the Spirit, which has been poured out since the dawn of the 
new aeon. This church is even supposed to have been identi- 
fied by Paul with Christ; through this mystical unity the 
church died and rose again with Christ, and forms the new 
humanity, so that individuals share in redemption only as 
members of the church. In support of this general view Schar- 
ling refers to Jewish and hellenistic elements, especially the 
idea of mystic unity between Israel and the shekinah or the 
torah, and hellenistic mysticism with its dualistic assumptions 
and enthusiastic, religious aims, — the difference being that 
Paul has incorporated his mystical elements into a fundamen- 
tally eschatological way of thinking, and united them with the 
collective idea of the church. The ecclesiastical setting of 
Paul's doctrines is due to his having received his mystical 
experiences in connection with the act of worship. These 
ideas deserve attention but require verification. It can at 
least be afiirmed as certain that Paul in referring to redemption 
does not habitually insert the collective idea between Christ 
and the individual. 

The posthumous essay of F. Philippi is a sketch by an able 
young theologian who lost his life in the war. He reaches the 
conclusion that in the epistles Paul appears as the inexorable 
opponent of the Jewish religion but the friend of the Jewish 
people, while in the Acts we see him portrayed as hostile to the 
people but as revering the Jewish religion. Luke must there- 
fore have distorted his portrait of the apostle. See E. Vischer, 
ThR, 1917, 369 ff. 


Macholz's penetrating study of justification by faith deals 
especially with the views of Wrede, and the latter's assertion, 
in company with others, of the secondary character of this 
doctrine. Paul's religious temperament required a principle 
which should be exclusively theocentric. After his conversion 
he was done with Judaism, and his doctrine of justification was 
the fruit of his earliest Christian experience. It includes, in 
Macholz's view, the whole of his experience of salvation, com- 
prising both the benefits of an expiatory satisfaction and the 
believer's elevation into the sphere of the risen Lord's life. 
Macholz is not Pauline but Lutheran when he declares that the 
justified are to be regarded as already righteous, even though 
they have yet to become so. To that reflection Paul did not 
attain; his view is rather that purification of character is 
eflfected not in justification but in regeneration. 

0. Kurze discusses from a Catholic point of view Dibelius's 
Die Geisterwelt im Olauhen des Paulus (1909). He cannot admit 
"disparate" elements in Paul; and will not permit later Jew- 
ish sources to be treated as documents of an environment from 
which Paul drew. The value of the book resides in the abun- 
dant references to other literature and in the convenient collec- 
tion of the various explanations and arguments. 

The first volimie of A. Juncker' s'Eth.ik (1904, now in many 
ways antiquated) described the principles of the new moral life 
which springs up in Christians. In neither that volume nor the 
present one has the author profited much from modern study 
of Paul. Juncker discusses certain modern views, such as the 
derivation of the catalogue of vices from hellenistic or Jewish 
models, the assertion that Paul's ethical system has a world- 
renouncing character, etc. He denies that in 1 Cor. 7 the 
institution of virgines subintroductae is referred to, and gives 
substantial arguments for his view. In general, Jewish and 
hellenistic material is but sparingly introduced for comparison, 
and the book has Httle breadth of grasp. See M. Dibelius, 
ThLZ, 1921, No. 13-14. 


The question of spiritual marriages in 1 Cor. 7, 36 ff. (or 
25 S.) has been taken up by Steck and Jiilicher. Steck holds 


that the passage refers to these marriages, but (like J. Weiss) 
takes the whole section, from vs. 25 on, to refer to the same 
topic (irapdevoi meaning couples of spiritually betrothed per- 
sons). From this exegesis he draws the inference that this 
section (like the rest of 1 Corinthians) belongs to the second 

Jiilicher denies that the betrothal idea extends to vss. 25 flf.; 
the reference to awdcraKroi, seems to him possible, but not 
proved. He is more inclined to think of a betrothed couple 
who, under the impression of Paul's preaching, had given up 
their determination to marry. 

The idea, now accepted by Deissner, that a group at Corinth 
was strongly impregnated with hellenistic notions, would re- 
ceive a startling illustration if a hypothesis put forward by 
Reitzenstein should ultimately stand. He first presented in 
his book Historia monachorum et Historia Lausiaca, then, in 
the articles named above, developed at greater length and 
defended against Harnack, the theory that the way in which 
Paul emphasizes in 1 Cor. 13, 13 the statement that faith, hope, 
and love abide, implies a controversy. Certain Corinthians had 
maintained against Paul a four-fold formula, 'knowledge, 
faith, love, hope,' of hellenistic origin, as Reitzenstein thinks is 
proved by Porphyrins, ad Marcellum 24, Clement of Alexan- 
dria, Strom, iii, 69, 3; vii, 57, 4. Paul, he holds, adopted the 
formula, but, true to his conviction of the superiority of love 
over gnosis, omitted 'knowledge.' 

Harnack protests vigorously against this view, and from 
numerous Pauline and other early Christian passages under- 
takes to prove the Christian origin of the triad. He believes 
that it grew naturally out of current formulas, each having two 
members, 'faith and love,' 'faith and hope.' 

Corssen also doubts Reitzenstein's construction. He thinks 
that the four ideas were so deeply rooted in the philosophy of 
Porphyrins, that the supposition of his dependence for them on 
religious literature (so Reitzenstein) or, as Harnack suggests, 
on Paul himself, is superfluous. The Clement passages are to 
be explained from 1 Cor. 13, 13 and from Clement's own system. 
The whole sentence in 1 Cor. 13, 13 is suflBciently accounted for 
by the preceding context. 


In his 'Nachwort,' 1917,^ Reitzenstein assembles fresh 
proofs, drawn especially from the Oracula Chaldaica. It must 
be admitted that a hellenistic triad or tetrad analogous to the 
Christian triad may have been in existence, and there is no 
reason why it may not have been known in Corinth. In that 
case the language of 1 Cor. 13 would be more intelligible, but 
the theory would not solve all the problems. See R. Schutz, 
ThLZ, 1917, No. 26; Dibelius, WklPh, 1916, 1041; Wohlen- 
berg, ThLBl, 1916, No. 17; C. Clemen, ZKG, n. f. 1, 178 f. 

Reitzenstein (Historia monachorum, pp. 242 ff.) thinks he 
can explain from Porphyrins, ad Marcellum 13, another Pauline 
passage, 2 Cor. 3, 18. Corssen (ZNW) traverses both the 
interpretation of the passage of Porphyrins and the inferences 
for 2 Cor. 3, 18. He urges that the word evoirrpi^effdai is used 
by Porphyrins (who twice employs it) to mean either (middle 
voice) 'be reflected' or (active) 'reflect.' Accordingly the sense 
'looking into the mirror of the S6^a,' which Reitzenstein gives 
to the Pauline phrase, is not attested by Porphyrins. Just as 
Porphyrins means that God is reflected in the human spirit, 
so Paul (in Corssen's view) says that the glory of the Lord is 
reflected on our face. Corssen includes an analysis of the whole 

Lutgert has now extended to the Epistle to the Galatians 
his theory that a gnostic movement existed in the apostolic 
age and was of equal importance with Judaism. He supposes 
the polemic of the epistle to be pointed in two directions, — 
now both at once, now one at a time, — namely, against the 
Judaizers and against the self-styled 'spiritual' antinomians 
who blame Paul for inconsistency, reproach him with his sub- 
mission to the Law, declare that he preaches circumcision (Gal. 
5, 11; cf. 2, 18), and owes his gospel not to revelation but to 
an (unnamed) apostle, and who besides have introduced into 
Christianity the elements of the worship of Cybele. On this 
last account Paul affirms that these opponents had actually 
reverted to heathenism, since in 4, 8 ff. he means 'revert to 
the rudiments of instruction,' that is, to the Law, to which 
the heathen also are subject. 

^ Cf. also Reitzenstein's Hellenistische Mysterienreligionen, 2 ed. pp. 235 ff. 


Liltgert's detailed exegesis is often highly artificial. And it 
is to be observed that in Galatians Paul nowhere indicates that 
he is arguing against two extreme parties of opposite tendencies. 
A heathenish libertinism he would have brought to check in a 
very diflFerent way. See Deissner, ThGg 14, 1920, 205-211. 

W. W. Jager has proposed a new interpretation of the difl5- 
cult christological passage Phil. 2, 6. He takes the phrase ovx 
apwayfwv riyqaaro to be a conmionly used idiom which regularly 
had the positive meaning, 'regard as a privilege,' 'enjoy,' 'turn 
to advantage.' This is chiefly on the ground of Heliodorus, 
Aethiopica, iv, 6; vii, 20; Plutarch, defortuna Alex., p. 418, 22 
(Bernard.). The literal translation {apiraytibv meaning 'usurpa- 
tion ') and all references to the myth of Satan or of Adam he 
vigorously opposes. 

Jiilicher, with a retort to Jager's rather arrogant attitude, 
reviews the patristic exegesis of the passage, and himself favors 
the meaning, 'hold as too precious' or 'as indispensable,' 're- 
fuse to yield what has been acquired with trouble and pains.' 

Schmiedel will not admit 'enjoy,' but takes the phrase of 
the ambitious insistence on heavenly prerogatives. All the in- 
terpreters (including Dibelius, ThLZ, 1915, No. 25-26) treat 
the reference of apTray/jLov to res rapienda (in contrast to rapta) 
as definitely excluded; Dibelius thinks that the notion must 
also be abandoned that Paul has in view any antithesis to the 
events in the spirit-world.^ 

G. Kittel (1) thinks that Mishna Aboth iii, 11 ("who defiles 
the sanctuaries," etc.) was aimed at Paul. Interesting as the 
passage is, this seems to me not proved. The saying is later 
than Paul's time, and can equally well have been directed 
against gentile Christians in general or against gnostic Minim, 
whom Philo likewise attacks. (2) Kittel's hypothesis to ex- 
plain the word e^ovala in 1 Cor. 11, 10 fails to convince. He 
assumes beside ^7^ 'rule' another ^h^ from a diflFerent root 
meaning 'wrap,' and that thus e^ovcria came to mean 'veil' in 
Jewish Greek. By the 'angels' he understands not lascivious 
demons but guardians of chastity. (3) In a treatment of 
'Round Numbers' Kittel argues (against Gunkel and others) 

1 Cf. also K. F. Proost. ' Adam-Christus-Satan ' (ThT. 1916, 375-386). 


that 'three and a half has nothing to do with mythology or 
eschatological mysteries, but is merely a round number like 
'five.' Even if that be granted, 'three and a half may yet 
have become a definite term of an apocalyptic tradition. See 
Museum (Leiden) 29, No. 5. 


Bornemann,W., Der erste Petnisbrief — eine Taufrede des Silvanus? 
(ZNW 19, 143-164). — Haering, Th., Gedankengang und Grundgedanken 
des Hebraerbriefs (ZNW 18, 145-164). — Ladder, W., De godsdienstige en 
zedelijke denkbeelden van 1 Clemens (Groningen dissertation). 244 pp. 
Leiden, van Nifterik, 1915. 

The most important contribution to the study of the Catholic 
Epistles is the volume of Meyer's Kommentar on James by M. 
Dibelius, published in 1921 and already mentioned (p. 125). 

Bornemann takes 1 Peter as originally a baptismal sermon 
(1, 3-5, 11) preached by Silvanus about the year 90 in some 
city of Asia Minor, and having for text Psalm 34, of which 
Bornemann finds traces all through the sermon. The dedica- 
tion (1, 1-2) was added because guests from other churches 
asked for a copy. The name of Peter was added still later as a 
conjecture. A relation to baptism is evident in 1 Peter (see 
Windisch, Taufe und Sunde, pp. 227 ff.; Perdelwitz, Die 
Mysterienreligion und das Problem des 1. Petrusbriefs, 1911), but 
to suppose that the whole epistle is a baptismal address is 
questionable, to say the least. 

Th . Haering lays stress on the alternation of doctrinal state- 
ment and exhortation in Hebrews. With that characteristic 
in mind it becomes inappropriate (cf. among others my com- 
mentary on Hebrews in Lietzmann's Handbuch) to use the 
terms 'digression' and 'interruption'; and also in the parts 
other than hortatory a progress of thought can be perceived. 
Haering divides the epistle as follows: 1,1^,16, introduction, 
which prepares for and leads up to the actual theme (4, 14-16); 
5, 1-6, 20, preliminary discussion of the theme; 7, 1-10, 18, 
elaborated proof of the theme as the testimony of faith to 
the incomparable high-priesthood of the Son; 10, 19-13, 21, 
consequent exhortation to hold fast the confession. The 
analysis is made with great acuteness. 


The commentaries on the Apostolic Fathers (Hermas by M. 
DibeUus has not yet appeared) in the supplementary volume to 
Lietzmann's Handbuch have already been mentioned. Ladder 
in his valuable book, although he forces the ideas of 1 Clement 
into the traditional frame of Christian dogmatics, yet gives a 
just account of the theology of the epistle, and does not fail 
to take account of its unsystematic character. He connects 
the ideas with their environment, and properly points out the 
contacts of 1 Clement with philosophy (cosmological concep- 
tion of God as father, anthropology, eschatology), but neglects 
the preparation in Judaism for this hellenization of the religion 
of the Bible. He rightly admits an influence on the doctrine of 
1 Clement from Pauline theology, or at least from Pauline 
formulas, side by side with a pervading moralistic piety, the 
source of which he finds obscure. Clement was a gentile and 
belonged to them "that are of Caesar's household" (Phil. 4, 

Reference should be made to the following contributions to 
the volume, Harnack-Ehrung (Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1921): E. 
Forster, 'Kirchenrecht vor dem 1. Clemensbrief ' ; M. Dibelius, 
'Der Offenbarungstrager im "Hirten" des Hermas'; H. Win- 
disch, 'Das Christentum des zweiten Clemensbrief es.' Finally 
see also G. A. van den Bergh van Eysinga, 'De jongste ver- 
dediging van de echtheid der Ignatiana' (NThT, 1915, 253- 


Weiss, /..DasUrchristentum. Herausgegebenunderganzt vonR. iiCnop/. 
xii, 687 pp. Gottingen, Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1917. — Bernouilli, 
G. A., Johannes der TSuter und die Urgemeinde (Die Kultur des Evange- 
liums I). 504 pp. Leipzig, Der neue Geist Verlag, 1918. — • De Zwaan, J., 
Imperialisme van den oudchristelijken geest. 390 pp. Haarlem, F. Bohn, 

Kiefl, F . X., Die Theorien des modernen Sozialismus Uber den Ursprung 
des Christentums. xxxii, 222 pp. MUnchen, KSsel, 1915. — Eger,0., 
Rechtsgeschichtliches zum Neuen Testament' (program). 46 pp. Basel, 
Reinhardt, 1919. — Eger, 0., Rechtsworter und Rechtsbilder in den pauli- 
nischenBriefen (ZNW 18, 84-108). — Boender*,F. CM., Keltische in- 
vloeden op bet Nieuwe Testament (ThT, 1919, 137-144). — Windisch, H., 
Der Untergang Jerusalems (Anno 70) im Urteil der Christen und Juden 
(ThT, 1914, 519-550). 


No hand was more competent to write a history of early 
Christianity than that of Johannes Weiss. Widely read in 
hellenistic literature, he was equipped to portray the environ- 
ment of early Christianity as well as the new religion which 
arose therefrom; in many respects he departed from the views 
of the leaders of the ' religionsgeschichtliche Schule.' But he was 
permitted to finish only his account of the work of Paul and of 
the further development of Christianity in Palestine and Syria. 
The first part of his book was published before the war; the 
remainder (pages 417-681), issued in 1917, consists partly of 
matter left ready for the press at the author's death in 1914, 
partly (from page 601 on) of supplementary chapters by 
Rudolf Knopf, who has himself since died. 

Weiss was able to complete his account of Paul as Christian 
and as theologian; the section on 'hope' is succeeded by those 
on Pauline ethics, on Paul's conception of the world, and on 
the church. Of special note is the discussion of the Lord's 
Supper, in which he makes some corrections of the exegesis given 
in his commentary on 1 Corinthians. These chapters are fol- 
lowed by a survey of the post-pauline period in missionary work 
and the founding of churches, and by sketches of the history of 
Palestinian and Syrian Christianity. The Epistle of James is 
used as a document of the development of the Syrian church. 
Knopf has drawn in broad outUne, and in the spirit of his 
Geschichte des nachapostolischen Zeitalters, the history of Asia 
Minor, of Macedonia and Achaia, and of Rome, so that the 
result is at least a self-contained history of the apostolic and 
post-apostolic age. See M. Dibelius, ChrW, 1916, No. 37; 
1918, No. 29/30; G. A. v. d. Bergh v. Eysinga, NThT, 1918, 
pp. 170 ff.; K. Lake, HThR, 1922, pp. 97 ff. 

In the first volume of his Kultur des Evangeliums C. A. 
Bernouilli the pupil, friend, and intellectual successor of 
Franz Overbeck, has written a most suggestive work on the rise 
of Christianity, and has presented the subject in a new light. He 
is close to the psycho-analytic school, and writes with a diffuse 
rhetoric which is often infelicitous, and the obscurity of which 


is hardly dispelled by a second reading. The book, though it is 
almost devoid of any method in its argumentation, has the 
stimulating quality of great originality. The chief idea of the 
first volume is that John the Baptist gave the real start to 
Christianity. His eschatological baptism was not practised 
by Jesus, but was revived by Paul in pentecostal baptism, 
which took on a more cheerful tone from the spirit of Jesus, 
while among the disciples of the Baptist there was a recru- 
descence of religious fear. John taught repentance and self- 
purification; the new element in Christianity was the Spirit, 
who brings sanctification, and the enthusiasm which proceeds 
from the risen Christ. The chapter on the resurrection-faith, 
in which the author shows his training in psycho-analysis, 
calls for mention. Following Schweitzer, from whom he has 
learned much, the author emphasizes the purely Jewish origin 
of Christianity, and denies all derivation from syncretistic 
religion. See Dibelius, ThLZ, 1920, No. 21-22. 

Under his curious title de Zwaan gives a thoughtful ac- 
count, intended for the general reader, of the development of 
early Christianity down to the secure establishment of the 
Catholic Church. In his introduction on Faith and History, 
he discusses the radical contention that the whole gospel is a 
poetic rhapsody, and also the views of scholars like Troeltsch, 
Harnack, Bousset, and Kirn, and urges that faith rests not on, 
but in, history. The resurrection of Jesus is a fact the possi- 
bility of which historical investigation leaves open, and which 
faith requires in order to assert itself. Among other successive 
topics de Zwaan treats of certain of the ideas of Jesus from a 
point of view influenced by Tyrrell, and indicates two roots of 
Christian 'imperialism,' namely, the reaction against the juris- 
tic spirit of the Pharisees and that against wrong and injustice 
in the world. In describing the formation of an eschatology no 
longer revolutionary but purely spiritual, he remarks on the 
prevalent failure in current discussions to give due weight to 
non-christian, cosmic eschatology. Toward the close is a 
masterly sketch of TertuUian in a few strokes; the book ends 
with Athanasius. 



Next to mythology, socialism is the leading factor in the mod- 
ern radical criticism of the N. T. tradition. The Catholic 
theologian F . X . Kief I, who exposed the philosophical foun- 
dations of the mythological theory in his book, Der geschicht- 
liche Christus und die moderne Philosophie (1911), has now 
undertaken to show the historical derivation of the theories of 
modern socialism on the origin of Christianity, and to refute 
them. He finds that these views, too, have their roots in the 
Hegelian philosophy, which necessarily led to the socialistic 
theory of history; and he gives a survey of the history of the 
social conception of Christianity in protestant theology and 
in socialism — the real antichrist, as he terms it. His refuta- 
tion rests on an historical and exegetical investigation of 1 Cor. 
7, 21, of which he gives a conservative interpretation in accord 
with the church fathers. He explains that the emancipation 
of the slaves was not a part of the program of the church, and 
was prepared for by the church only in the religious and ethical 
emancipation effected by the gospel. In depicting the lot of 
the slaves in antiquity we must, he says, guard against exag- 
geration; only so is the attitude of Paul and the church justi- 
fied. The oldest Christianity was not a proletarian, but a 
religious, movement. The early Christian idea of the state was 
conservative, as is shown by the attitude toward slavery. 
Kiefl gives a long series of illustrations and citations (not 
always exact) from the church fathers. The argument is some- 
times superficial, but there is much information in the book. 

Eger in his program elucidates from the papyri the trials at 
law described in the N. T., especially those of Paul, and shows 
that narrative and terminology fully correspond to the hellen- 
istic legal documents. In connection with the trial of Paul he 
adduces an edict of Nero relating to the improvement of pro- 
cedure in cases of provocatio to the emperor, and suggests that 
Paul was released because the Jewish complainants did not put 
in an appearance. He also takes up the legal words and legal 
figures in Paul (briefly in the program, more in detail and with 
learned material in ZNW). In Gal. 3, 17 ff.; 4, 1 f. he holds 


that Paul had hellenistic (not Roman, nor Celtic) legal condi- 
tions in mind, and that he was alluding to the custom of attach- 
ing to a will a penal clause which protected the provisions of the 
document from the attack of a third party. In Gal. 4 Paul 
assumes the father to be dead, and to have appointed in his 
will guardians for a fixed term, as is often found in papyri. 
Eger rejects the idea of adoption by will, since that does not 
occur so late as the date of the hellenistic documents. After 
treating of the legal usage implied in 1 Cor. 3, 9 (the act of 
undertaking the charge of buildings), he closes with a discus- 
sion of the legal affairs imphed in Philemon. 

Boenders argues (against Eger) that the law implied in 
Gal. 4 is Celtic. Among the Celts it was customary for fathers 
in their own life-time (in Galatians it is not stated that the 
father is dead) to put their sons under tutors (in Gaul, Druids), 
by whom they were treated as slaves until on reaching their 
majority they returned as sons to their fathers' house. 

In the case of so far-reaching an event in the earliest Chris- 
tian period as the fall of Jerusalem, it is remarkable that no one 
has gathered and compared the various testimonies from Jewish 
and Christian literature as to its significance and cause. In 
my Leiden inaugural lecture (1914) I have made a beginning 
of this. The gospel passages comprise both genuine sayings 
and others that were produced by the church after the event; 
the central idea (as in later Christian feeling) was that it was 
a punishment for the crucifixion of Jesus. The Jews, too, saw 
in the catastrophe a punishment for national sin. Josephus 
has in mind chiefly the partisan strife of the rebellion and the 
profanation of the temple by the Jews themselves; the apoc- 
alyptic writers, although accounting for the event by the 
nation's sin, yet give comforting promises of a rebuilding; the 
rabbis find the guilt of the nation in inattention to rabbinical 
tradition and doctrine, but also lay weight on the retribution 
that has fallen on Titus and is destined to overwhelm the Roman 
empire. The pragmatic significance of the catastrophe for both 
religions is clearer from the Jewish than from the Christian 
testimonies. I have since collected more material and hope 
later to pubhsh a monograph on the subject. 



Daubanton, F. E., Geschiedenis der beoefening van de didaktiek des Nieu- 
wen Verbonds. 278 pp. Utrecht, Keminck en Zoon, 1916. — Peine, P., 
Theologie des Neuen Testaments. 3. Aufl. xv, 585 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 
1919. — Weinel,H., Biblische Theologie des Neuen Testaments. Die 
Religion Jesu und des Urchristentums. 3. Aufl. xv, 675 pp. Tubingen, 
Mohr, 1921. 


Bultmann,R., Die Bedeutung der Eschatologie f Ur die Religion des Neuen 
Testaments (ZThK, 1917, 76-87) . — Pott, A.,T>aa Hoffen im Neuen Testa- 
ment in seiner Beziehung zum Glauben (Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testa- 
ment 7). 204 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1915. — Berkelbach van der Spren- 
kel, S.F.H. J ., Vrees en Religie. Een psychologisch onderzoek toegepast 
op nieuw-testamentische gegevens (dissertation). 145 pp. Utrecht, 1920. 

Wernle, P., Jesus und Paulus. Antithesen zu Bousset's Kyrios Christos 
(ZThK, 1915, No. 1-2); also, separately, 92 pp. Tubingen, Mohr. — 
Bousset, W., Jesus der Herr. NachtrSge und Auseinandersetzungen zu 
Kyrios Christos. 96 pp. G8ttingen, Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1916. — 
Heitmuller, W ., Jesus und Paulus. Freundschaftliche kritische Bemer- 
kungen zu P. Wemles Artikel "Jesus und Paulus" (ZThK, 1915, 156-179).— 
Gotz, K., Neue Forschungen zur Geschichte des Christusglaubens (KRef 
Schw 30, 1915, No. 29-33). 


Haering, Th., Das Alte Testament im Neuen (ZNW, 1916, 213-227).— 
Harnack,A.von, Die Terminologie der Wiedergeburt imd verwandter 
Erlebnisse in der altesten Kirche (TU 42, 97-143). Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1918. 

The book of F. E. Daubanton (f 1920, church professor at 
Utrecht) is a history of the study of the BibUcal Theology of the 
New Testament, conceived in the traditional fashion. Its 
special value lies in the attention paid to Dutch, English, and 
American work, and in the accoimts of the contents of the more 
important books, while the grouping and historical criticism are 
often defective, and unfortunately but little notice is taken of 
anything but substantial treatises. See Windisch, ThT 51, 
1917, 233 ff. 

Of German textbooks of New Testament Theology that of 
P. Peine is at present the most widely read. In the new edition 


Feine holds more aloof than ever from the point of view of the 
history of religions, and insists on the freedom of Paul and John 
from the influences of later Judaism and Hellenism. "Today 
we have passed the crest of the wave of 'history of religions,' " 
is a sentence from his preface which constitutes a kind of pro- 
gram. His total aversion to the idea of foreign influences is 
connected with the establishment of the divine character of the 
person of Jesus. A sign of increased conservatism is his use in 
the present edition (unlike the earlier ones) of the Gospel of 
John as a source for the teaching of Jesus, — to confirm, ex- 
plain, and complete the Synoptic tradition. With similar 
tendency, in the section on the teaching of Jesus, the chapter 
on Jesus' idea of his own mission now precedes those on the 
kingdom of God and the moral requirements, while a new chap- 
ter is added on Jesus' work in the power of the Spirit and on his 
promise of the Spirit. The new edition shows some other 
changes in arrangement, and many abbreviations and expan- 
sions, corresponding to the progress of recent investigations 
but all exhibiting the author's strong conservative bent. 

The new edition of WeineVs admirable text-book has un- 
dergone important modifications of the text, but none in the 
point of view. It is a general presentation of early Christianity 
as conceived by students of the history of religions, although 
in the critical exposition he gives more prominence to religious 
values than is usual. In a new chapter on the influence of 
mystery-religion the thesis of Reitzenstein and Bousset is 
accepted, in opposition to Schweitzer. 


Bultmann, following out the ideas of J. Weiss and myself 
(ZwTh, 1912) has tried to define more exactly the significance 
of eschatology for New Testament religion by showing the part 
which faith in eschatology takes in the moral and religious 
utterances. The eschatological motive spurs to moral effort; 
in certain fields of ethics the term 'interim ethics' holds good; 
and eschatology furnishes a background for the idea of the 
transcendence of God and of his superiority to the world, and 
for the optimism of faith in God, as well as for the dualism of 


the Christian view of things. It seems as if a more essential 
significance were here assigned to eschatology than Bultmann 
himself is disposed to acknowledge. 

Schlatter's discussion of Faith in the N. T. and LUtgert's of 
Love are now followed by a treatment of Hope, hy A. Pott, 
carried out, as is right, with special reference to the relation of 
hope to faith. Pott first considers hope in the later Jewish 
literature, including Philo but not the Talmud. In the apoc- 
alyptic writings hope is chiefly eschatological trust, while 
faith includes confession and obedience as essential elements, 
much as in the Psalms; Philo's idea of faith has gained more 
of religious depth. In the consciousness of Jesus an unexampled 
elevation and a new element are found, for in him faith is com- 
pletely imbued with hope, he has God, and the future and 
present are intermingled. It is due to the Synoptic writers that 
faith and hope have again drawn apart, and that both have 
acquired an eschatological reference. Paul is acquainted with 
this eschatologically oriented hope, but in the mystical union 
with Christ, and by virtue of the Spirit of Christ, faith and hope 
become once more identified, although in the form of eschato- 
logical hope. In the epistles from the time of persecution 
eschatological hope becomes the central idea; in later writings 
that place is again taken by faith, but in the form of confes- 
sion. This is the case in John, with whom, however, faith is a 
knowledge which unites mysticism and gnosis. It is doubtful 
if all this is so, but the investigation is not without value for 
the understanding of Christian piety. See the incisive criti- 
cism of Bultmann, ThR, 1916, 113 ff. 

With a backgroimd of discussion of general psychology and 
the psychology of religion Berkelbach van der Sprenkel 
presents his discussion of Fear and Religion as a kind of illus- 
tration of his psychological analysis. Treating of fear as a 
religious phenomenon and a religious motive, the author deals 
chiefly with primitive peoples, but includes the piety of the 
Old Testament. In his suggestive but incomplete sketch 
(pp. 50-75) he points out that the higher the grade of the piety, 
— that is, the more intimate the communion, — the more is 
fear overcome by such feelings as trust and love. His thought 


is often similar to the views (with which he was not acquainted) 
of R. Otto in his book, Das Heilige, although he does not em- 
phasize the 'sense of being a creature' as strongly as Otto. 
The New Testament part (pp. 76-145) discusses anxious care 
(Bezorgdheid), fear of men, of death, of demons, fear in the pres- 
ence of Jesus, the sinner's fear in the presence of God, and fear 
in the prospect of the Last Things, — various types of fear 
which are overcome through the revelation of God in Jesus. 
The work is uneven, but it is all instructive, and the book is 
one of the best monographs of recent years. 

In the inquiry into the origin of N. T. christology, Bousset's 
Kyrios Christos still holds the centre of the stage. Of the criti- 
cisms on it the most impassioned and detailed is that of Bous- 
set's friend P. Wernle, who limits himself to the most impor- 
tant theme, namely, Jesus and Paul. He discusses Bousset's 
theses on the faith in Christ of the primitive church, on Jesus 
and the messianic hope, and on Paul's faith in the Lord (Kyrios- 
glaube). His view is that before Paul the church invoked Jesus 
as Son of God and as Kyrios (Ps. 110; mar ana iha), and main- 
tained vital communion with him as risen from the dead. He 
assembles the data which testify to a messianic consciousness 
on the part of Jesus (execution as king of the Jews, entry into 
Jerusalem, the request of the sons of Zebedee, idea of the king- 
dom of God as already present) ; and argues that the faith in 
the resurrection cannot be accounted for by myths. Paul's 
christology and doctrine of salvation Wernle would explain (in 
opposition to Bousset) by primitive Christian tradition, Paul's 
own experience, rabbinical interpretation of the O. T., and other 
rabbinical traditions, with no hellenistic influence. He denies 
that the primitive hellenistic church was an intermediate step 
between the original Apostles and Paul (Heitmiiller), and re- 
jects Bousset's thesis that the most important innovation in 
christology introduced by Paul had its starting-point in the 
cultus; personal mysticism is primary, cult-mysticism second- 
ary. Paul's anthropology is due not to Philo and the Hermetic 
literature but to the Old Testament and the doctrine of the 


In his interesting rejoinder Bousset withdraws some un- 
tenable theses and furnishes a better argumentative founda- 
tion for his views than hitherto. While he makes some conces- 
sions with reference to the faith in Christ of the Palestinian 
church, he still insists that they did not use the title Kyrios 
or practise worship of the Lord. Marana tha he now explains 
as a Jewish formula used in oaths and aflSrmations. In spite 
of exorcism in the name of Jesus, and of the Lord's Supper, he 
holds it questionable whether the primitive church had any 
strong sense of the nearness of the Lord; and reaflSrms his 
belief that the Kyrios-cult arose on Greek soil. Wernle, he 
declares, understands Pauline Christianity according to the 
scheme of the protestant reformers, an understanding incon- 
sistent with the changed attitude of Paul to the sin of Chris- 
tians. Bousset also adopts HeitmtlUer's thesis that Paul's 
conversion did not involve the collapse of nomistic moralism; 
justification and moral catastrophe were secondary to faith in 
Christ and the mystic union. Paul's dualism and pessimism 
can not be wholly explained as proceeding from rabbinical 
Jewish som-ces but were of hellenistic origin. 

Before Bousset's rejoinder appeared, Heitmuller, falling 
under the same criticisms, issued his counterblast, virtually an 
explanation and justification of the views criticised by Wernle 
in ZNW, 1912, 320 ff., especially the thesis that the ideas of 
hellenistic Christians constituted the real basis for Paul's 
theological construction. He would not exclude the notion of 
original experience as controlling Paul, but urges that his forms 
of expression were drawn from the tradition and environment 
of the gentile Christians with whom he associated almost ex- 
clusively in the period from Damascus to Antioch. Like Bous- 
set he denies the existence of the Kyrios-cult in Jerusalem; 
only in hellenism did the conditions precedent exist. Heit- 
miiller shows great caution in his inquiries. 

The present reviewer, in ' Christuskult und Paulinismus,' 
ThT, 1916, 216-225, is in large part, but not completely, in 
accord with Bousset. The worship of Jesus as the heavenly 
'Lord' must be ascribed to the primitive church, although a 
'Christ-cult' could only be elaborated on gentile Christian soil. 


Bousset has overestimated the hellenistic factor in PauHne 
theology and underestimated the Jewish element. The con- 
nection between Jesus, the primitive church, and Paul is to be 
sought chiefly in their eschatology. Bousset's proposed dis- 
tinction (see p. 203 above) between primary and secondary 
elements cannot be carried out, since the doctrine of justifica- 
tion, — that is, Paul's controversy with Judaism, — is not 
secondary. Jewish and hellenistic, Palestinian and hellenistic, 
are everywhere intermingled. 

K. Ootz's criticism of Bousset is similar to that of Wernle, 
insisting even more strongly on the Jewish element in Paul. 
The title of 'Lord' is inseparable, he holds, from the conception 
of (royal) messiah. The Greek preference for Kyrios is to be 
explained by the strangeness of the title ' Christ ' and from the 
Christian hostility to oriental and hellenistic worship of rulers. 
Gotz ascribes Paul's anthropological pessimism and his dualistic 
doctrine of salvation rather to hellenistic gnostic traditions; 
while the doctrine of vicarious suffering and the collective idea 
of the second Adam are Jewish, and a Jewish analogy to the 
worship of a divine mediator may be found in the legend of 
Moses, cf. Ecclus. 45, 2; I Cor. 10, 1 ff. 

See also P. Althaus, 'Unser Herr Jesus,' NkZ, 1915, 439-457, 
513-545; and on the whole controversy E. Vischer, ThR, 1916, 
294-318. Bousset left a revision of his Kyrios Christos, em- 
bodying the results of the whole discussion, which was edited 
by G. Kruger, 1921 (394 pp.) ' 


The chief objection to be taken to the inquiries of Bousset, 
Reitzenstein, and the other students of the history of religions, 
is that they have neglected the antecedents of the New Testa- 
ment in the Old Testament and Judaism. In a discussion of 
principles and method, with some illustrations, Th. Haering 
points out the importance of recognizing that the New Testa- 
ment is conditioned by the Old. We need to ask what Old 
Testament ideas and materials, what books and persons, have 

' The book 'Jesus der Herr' is still useful even after the appearance of the second 
edition of 'Kyrios Christos.' 


influenced the New Testament, and how any Old Testament 
word is understood in the New. The study of the New Testa- 
ment must not neglect the Old Testament passages which 
underlie the New Testament passage under discussion; for 
instance, for the Lord's Prayer 1 Chron. 29, 10 ff . must be ad- 
duced; for Matt. 28, 18, Dan. 7, 14; for Rom. 12, 9, Ps. 97, 
10; for 1 Cor. 10, 21, Mai. 1, 7, 12. Similarly with the chief 
New Testament terms and Old Testament usage. Haering's 
warning, in itself not unneeded, overlooks the fact that the New 
Testament interpretation of an Old Testament passage often 
depends on ideas which lie far from the Old Testament, and 
that ideas found in the Old Testament have commonly suffered 
a change of meaning when used in the New. Christianity pre- 
sents a new product, and later Judaism and Hellenism both 
have their share in it. 

Harnack's lexicographical study on the terminology of 
regeneration and kindred experiences in the early church 
follows a similar tendency. From the use in the Apostolic 
Fathers, and other early literature, of New Testament expres- 
sions, such as TraiSta, vriinoi, avaKaivi^eadai, and its synonyms, 
iKkoyt], viodeaia, ekevdepia, 0tXoi and dSeX^ot, Kaivrj Kricris and 
its synonyms, Kaivds avdpwwos and its synonyms, he concludes 
that these are almost completely explained from the Christian 
religion and the hellenistic Jewish use of language. Down to 
the end of the second century the religion of the church was no 
'mystery,' but a religion of the spirit, with ideas and images, to 
be sure, which were also customary in mystery-religions, and the 
use of which led to the later transformation of the Christian 
church into a mystery-fellowship. Harnack urges caution on 
the students of the environment of early Christianity, but does 
not offer a refutation of their results; his discussion of regenera- 
tion is unsatisfactory, for on that point a combination of the 
LXX and Christian experience is not an adequate explanation. 
See Deissner, TbGg, 1919, 175 ff. 



Vanden Berghvan Eysinga, G. A., Voorchristelijk Christendom. De 
voorbereiding van het Evangelie in de Hellenistische wereld. 188 pp. Zeist, 
Ploegsma, 1918. — De Zwaan, J., Antieke Cultuur om en achter het Nieuwe 
Testament. Led. 141pp.; 2. ed. 149 pp. Haarlem, F. Bohn, 1916, 1918. 
— ZoAweyer, £., Christuskult und Kaiserkult. 58 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 

1919. — PZooii,Z)., Kynisme en Christendom (ThSt, 1915, 1-32).— 
Bugge, Chr. A., Das Christusmysterium. Studien zur Revision der 
Geschichte des Urchristentums. 127 pp. Christiania, Dybwad, 1915. 


Reitzenstein, R., Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen nach ihren 
Gnmdgedanken und Wirkungen. 2. Aufl. viii, 268 pp. Leipzig, Teubner, 

1920. — Reitzenstein, R., Das mandaeisehe Buch des Herrn der Grosse 
und die EvangeUenilberlieferimg (SAH, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1919). 98 pp. — 
Wetter, G. P., Phos. 189 pp. Upsala, Akademiska bokhandeln; Leipzig, 
Harrassowitz, 1915. — Lohmeyer, E., Vom gottliehen Wolgeruch (SAH, 
Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1919). 52 pp. 


Heinrici, G., Die Hermesmystik und das Neue Testament (Arbeiten zur 
Religionsgesehichte des Urchristentums 1). xx, 242 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 
1918. — Windisch, H., Urchristentum und Hermesmystik (ThT, 1918, 
186-240). — Dihelius, M .,Die Isisweihe bei Apuleius und verwandte In- 
itiations-Riten (SAH, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1917). 54 pp. — Dihelius, M., 
Die Christianisierung einer hellenistischen Formel (NJklA 35, 1915, 224- 
236). — Leisegang, H., Der heilige Geist. Das Wesen imd Werden der 
mystisch-intuitiven Erkenntnisin der Philosophic und Religion der Griechen. 
I. Band, 1. Teil: Die vorchristlichen Anschauimgen und Lehren vom Pneuma 
und der mystisch-intuitiven Erkenntnis. 267 pp. Leipzig, Teubner, 1919. 


Clemen, C, Die R«ste der primitiven Religion im altesten Christentum. 
172 pp. Giessen, Topelmann, 1916. 

The book of van den Bergk van Eysinga gives a compre- 
hensive account of the philosophical and religious tendencies in 
the hellenistic environment of Christianity, together with an 
attempt to show the essential derivation of Christianity from 
this environment. The title, 'Prechristian Christianity,' has 
thus the force of a program, much as in the case of W. B. Smith's 


Der vorchnstliche Jesus. Nevertheless the book has value apart 
from its questionable conclusions. The significance of the 
Cynics and the Stoa, together with the Stoic popular philosophy 
and the other doctrines prevalent in the earlier imperial period, 
the coming of astrology from the East and its great influence, 
the mystery-religions and hellenistic mysticism, and the Jew- 
ish Alexandrian philosophy, are described, and the book closes 
with an 'Application,' in which the author seeks to establish 
the thesis that the gospel is a metaphysical poem, the fruit of 
a combination of oriental and western thought. What is 
depicted in the gospels is not a noble teacher but a metaphysical 
being, in the elaboration of which Orient and Hellenism wrought 
in common. Of some interest is the reference to Seneca's 
tragedy, Hercules Oetaeus, as a counterpart to the gospel of the 
suffering and glorified Son of God (see also Tijdschrift v. 
Wijsbegeerte, 1921, 161-178). The author's defect is that he 
has overlooked the profound differences between Christianity 
and Hellenism and the complete contrast in their general 
character. He does not do justice to the eschatological, mes- 
sianic character of the gospels, while the hellenistic analogies 
which he adduces are trivial and beside the mark. The his- 
torical figure of the human Jesus of Nazareth, imbued with the 
piety of the Old Testament and animated by prophetic and 
mes.sianic spirit, gave the indispensable first impulse which led 
to the creation of a Christian church. 

A gospel propagated by purely literary means, itself a fic- 
titious invention, could never have gained credence in Palestine. 
This observation of mine (ThT, 1918, 318) van den Bergh 
van Eysinga tries to repel (NThT, 1919, 274 flf.) from Enoch 
71, where Enoch, a mythical person, is exalted to be Son of Man, 
that is, messiah. But he fails to notice (1) that the author of 
the Book of Enoch certainly looked on Enoch as a real person, 
imlike the creators of the Christ-myth; (2) that Enoch 71 makes 
the impression of a hasty combination, not elaborated, and de- 
void of effect; (3) that while it is true that Enoch is subse- 
quently exalted to be Son of Man, there is no idea whatever of 
his having appeared on earth as Son of Man nor any expecta- 
tion of his return as Son of Man. The parallel, important in 


itself, must be regarded as wholly without value for the prob- 
lem of the historicity of Jesus. 

For other discussions of the controversy over the Christ- 
myth see ThR, 1916, 353 ff.; 1917, 315 ff. The most recent 
work of the radical school is A. Drews, Das Marhusevangelium 
als Zeugnis der Geschichte Jesu, with twelve astronomical charts 
(326 pp., Jena, Diederichs, 1921), in which it is attempted to 
derive the whole of Mark either from 0. T. types and prophecies 
or from the changing positions of the constellations. K. F. 
Proost, De beteekenis van Jesus Christus voor ons geloofsleven 
(67 pp., Zeist, Ploegsma, 1919), relegates the historical human 
figure of Jesus wholly to the background, and in its place seeks 
to develop the figure of 'Christ' as symbol of our piety. For 
refutation of the Christ-myth see J. Leipoldt, Hat Jesus gelebt? 
(47 pp., Leipzig, DorfBing und Franke, 1920). A popular 
summary of the specifically Dutch radical views is to be found 
in the late H. W. Ph. E. van den Bergh van Eysinga, Het 
Christusmysterie (247 pp., Zeist, Ploegsma, 1917); see ThR, 
1917, 315 ff. Of lasting value is P. Zondervan, Radicale Chris- 
tusheschouwingen (245 pp., Leeu warden, Meyer en Schaafsma, 
1915), a critical account of the views of Strauss, B. Bauer, Lo- 
man, Kalthoff, J. M. Robertson, Jensen, W. B. Smith, BoUand 
(tl922), A. Drews, and A. Niemojewski. 

After a diflferent fashion J . de Zwaan, the complete oppo- 
site of van den Bergh van Eysinga, portrays the environment 
of the New Testament. He paints a vivid and well proportioned 
picture, but fails a little to see that early Christianity tended 
to look only on the dark sides of the heathen state. He com- 
pares with Christianity the rational religion which (in spite of 
the intrusion of astrology and demonology) prevailed in Hellen- 
ism of the Roman period, and describes Ptolemy and Barde- 
sanes as men who exhibit strongly the impress of ancient 
Gnosis, together with Ignatius as an opponent of Gnosis. 
Although he unduly disparages the relative value of these 
'preparatory' men and forces, and exaggerates their difference 
from Christianity, these popular lectures deserve attention. 
See ThT, 1917, 240 ff.; van den Bergh van Eysinga, NThT, 
1917, 388 ff. 


Building chiefly on Reitzenstein's work, Bugge conceives 
early Christianity as a mystery-religion and the church as a 
company of mystery-devotees. The most debatable aspect 
of his view is his contention that the roots of all this were 
planted in older Jewish mystery-circles (Essenes, Therapeutae) . 
He identifies mystery-circles and prophetic circles, and so comes 
to attribute the character of mysteries to the Israelitish pro- 
phetic religion. From the epistles and gospels he collects the 
most important 'mystery-testimonies.' The dependence on 
Judaism is seen in Paul's putting Christ into the place of the 
torah, and transferring to him its attributes (rule, pre-existence, 
sonship to God) ; Jesus himself had given the impulse to this 
in the words (Matt. 11) in which he designates himself the son 
of God, as the realization (Verwirklichung) of the torah. In 
Matt. 11 the mystery-preaching of Jesus begins; with the aid 
of Matthew, Bugge traces its development, and goes on to as- 
semble and annotate the most important mystical passages of 
Paul and John. The collections are not worthless, but the 
book utterly lacks critical method. With no understanding of 
the problems, Jesus, Paul, and John are presented without any 
idea of the differences between them or of the nature of the 
evolutionary process at work. 

E. Lohmeyer has given a popular account, with full and 
learned notes, of the history of the worship of the emperors and 
of the resistance of the Christians, with a discussion of the pos- 
sible influence of the struggle on the worship of Christ. The 
latter is parallel to, not derived from, the worship of the em- 
perors; the influence and the resistance grew slowly, cf. Phil. 
3, 20 and the greater effect perceptible in the Pastorals, the 
writings of Luke, and the Apocalypse. See Windisch, ThLZ, 
1920, No. 3-4. 

Plooij draws an interesting comparison between Christian- 
ity and the doctrine of the Cynics, not so much in order to prove 
Cynic influence on Christianity as to show that Cynic doctrine 
with its ascetic and atheistic tendency had prepared the ground 
for Christianity. He brings into relief the contrasts, especially 
the conscious attitude of the Cynics toward the gods. See also 
A. Sizoo, De heteekenis der Cynisch-Stoische propaganda voor de 
verhreiding van het evangelic, Amsterdam, Kirchner, 1921. 



The most important monograph on the hellenistic mysteries 
and their influence on Christianity still remains Re it z en - 
stein's book. In the new edition the author has introduced 
the new knowledge gained by his studies of Manichaean, 
Mandaean, and Iranian texts. He now holds that the funda- 
mental conceptions of hellenistic Gnosis come from the Maz- 
daean religion. He has had access not only to the religious writ- 
ings hitherto known but also to the texts discovered at Turfan, 
including a hymn of Zarathustra. The chief point is the myth 
of the god 'Man' (Mensch), who descended into matter and 
having been raised again returned to his home; what befalls 
the god, who is at the same time the world-soul, is also the 
lot of the 'believer.' From the Iranian (instead of the Egyp- 
tian) Reitzenstein now derives the New Testament d6^a (pp. 

211 f.). He also (pp. 237 if.) discusses the problem of 1 Cor. 
13, 13 (see above, pp. 190 f.) and now derives the formula of 
Porphyrins from the Iranian. See Harnack, ThLZ, 1921, No. 
3-4; O. Gruppe, BphW, 1921, 362-369. 

The text of the Mandaean book 'The Lord of Greatness,' on 
which Reitzenstein has written an essay, is to be found (in 
two forms) translated in Brandt's Mandaische Schriften, pp. 
3 S. Reitzenstein analyzes the third and fourth parts of this 
book, containing the instruction of Adam and Eve and an 
apocalypse which must have been composed soon after the 
year 70. This apocalypse is directed against the Jews, and 
tells how the Jews build Jerusalem, and how Enoch appears 
in human form in Palestine and baptizes, but presently, in 
revenge for the slaying of his disciples, obtains from God per- 
mission for the destruction of Jerusalem. Jesus is here attacked 
as a Jewish false prophet. Reitzenstein draws attention to the 
parallel between this text and Matt. 23, 11, Mk. 13 and paral- 
lels. As Wisdom speaks in Matt. 23, so does Enoch in the 
Mandaean apocalypse. The connection of the New Testa- 
ment tradition with the anthropos-myth thus receives fresh 
confirmation; the Mandaean community shows itself as akin 
to, and a rival of, Judaism. The gospel texts are referred to 


Mandaean origin, — a conclusion which is not altogether con- 
vincing; Acts. 6, 13 is also explained as going back to Mandaean 
tradition, as well as the similar saying about the temple, Mk. 
14, 58. 

In particular Reitzenstein now attributes the tradition of the 
Son of Man to Iranian sources, with the surprising result that 
Jesus himself had the consciousness that he was Enoch. In 
this he is in opposition to Bousset, who ascribed the origin of 
all the Son of Man passages to the church. In opposition to 
Brandt, Reitzenstein holds that the introduction of John the 
Baptist into the Mandaean doctrine took place much earlier; 
Johannine disciples who were unwilling to pass over into the 
Christian church joined the Mandaean Enoch-worshippers, 
affirming that John was the true foreteller of Enoch. A brief 
survey of these and similar far-reaching hypotheses is given by 
Reitzenstein in his article, 'Iranischer Erlosungsglaube ' (ZNW, 
1921, 1-23), and further discussion in his latest book. Das 
iranische Erlosungsmysterium (272 pp., Bonn, Marcus und 
Weber, 1921). 

In the attempt to refer hellenistic ideas to a Persian origin 
Reitzenstein had a predecessor in G. P. Wetter, whose book 
entitled 'Phos' is at once an inquiry into hellenistic piety, and 
a contribution to the understanding of Manichaeism. Here, 
too, the wide use of a common symbol is illustrated from the 
whole of oriental hellenistic literature, so that New Testament 
and early Christian formulas and usages find in it their ex- 
planation. Wetter pays attention both to the actual use of 
light in magic and ritual worship and to the symbolical and 
spiritual use of the word 'light' derived therefrom. Thus 
'illumination,' 'light,' is equivalent to 'gnosis,' 'salvation'; 
to 'become light' is to 'become God,' etc. Wetter seeks the 
ultimate origin of the religious symbolism of light in Old 
Babylonian astrology; Mazdaism, Mandaeism, Manichaeism 
are various religious movements in which the idea of light was 
propagated. In the period of syncretism and astrology it made 
its way into Hellenism, to which the idea was congenial that 
the redemption and knowledge conferred through the mysteries 
are to be understood as illumination and as impregnation with 


light-substance. Harnack, ThLZ, 1915, 523 f ., justly com- 
plains that the Old Testament light-motives have been over- 
looked by Wetter; of more value are the reviews by M. Dibe- 
lius, DLZ, 1915, 1469-1483, and Nilsson, GGA, 1916. 

Like the divine light, the divine fragrance is a perception by 
the senses which betrays the nearness of the deity and sym- 
bolizes the communication of divine power. E. Lohmeyer has 
made a very extended collection of testimonies on this subject 
from classical mythology, the Egyptian and Persian religions, 
and the Israelitish and Jewish literature, with evidence of the 
effect of those ideas on the oldest Christian literature. The 
whole study might be called a gigantic note to 2 Cor. 2, 14 f . 
Fragrance is the sign of the gods, and likewise distinguishes 
the pious in paradise; it played a part in worship, especially 
in Egypt; and it has soteriological significance, the aspect 
which is most prominent in the Christian use of the idea. See 
Gressmann, ThLZ, 1921, No. 19-20; Gruppe, DLZ, 1921, 42. 

On hellenistic religion see aho W einr eich , . , Neue Urkunden zur Sara- 
pis-Eeligion. 39 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1919. — Smiis, J.C.P., De Kei- 
zerrogi. 38 pp. Leiden, Brill, 1915. — De Jong, K. H . E., Das antike 
Mysterienwesen in religionsgeschichtlicher, ethnologischer, und psycho- 
logischer Beleuchtung. 2. Aufl. 448 pp. Leiden, Brill, 1919; sharply criti- 
cised by Reitzenstein, BphW, 1919, No. 40. 

The Hermetic writings still present unsolved problems, but 
the posthumous book of G. Heinrici (f 1915) does not con- 
tribute to their solution. His purpose, indeed, was not to throw 
new light on the origin of the Hermetic literattire, but to de- 
termine their relation to the New Testament by analyzing the 
contents of the individual documents and working out the 
variety and the contrasts of their fundamental ideas. The 
tables of contents which Heinrici gives are very useful, al- 
though, as Reitzenstein has shown, not a few misunderstand- 
ings and mistakes have crept in. The second part of the study, 
on 'Hermes-mysticism and Early Christianity,' was unfor- 
tunately left a torso. Heinrici had a fine sense for the differ- 
ences between hellenistic mysticism and New Testament 
religion. He admits contact of the New Testament books (Paul, 


Hebrews, John, etc.) with the Hermetic writings, but insists 
everywhere on the 'peculiarity' (Eigenart) and originality of 
Christianity. In the case of specially striking resemblances he 
often assumes influence from the Christian side on the Hermetic 
writings (especially in Tracts I and XHI) . Heinrici's polemic, 
not always to the point, is chiefly aimed at Reitzenstein and 

The slashing criticism by Reitzenstein (GGA, 1918, 241- 
274) has the value of an independent treatment of the subject. 
He points out that the Egyptian origin of the Hermetic writ- 
ings is now proved by Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1381. He clears 
up various misunderstandings and errors of translation. In 
opposition to Heinrici, who supposes a relatively late origin 
of the Corpus, he brings fresh arguments to show that the lit- 
erature must have been in existence in the first century after 
Christ. The idea of Christian influence he decidedly rejects; 
and to prove influence on early Christianity from Hermetic 
mysticism he argues that differences in mode of apprehension 
and nuance prove nothing, and fm-ther that the borrowing of 
figurative ideas or technical words is perfectly consistent with 
a sense of religious originality on the part of Christians. See 
also M. Dibelius, DLZ, 1919, Nos. 11-12, 13-14, with many 
noteworthy observations; Deissner, TliGg, 1918; v. d. Bergh 
V. Eysinga, NThT, 1919, 389 S,; G. Honnicke, LZBl, 1920, 
No. 6; Posselt, BphW, 1919, No. 49. 

The present reviewer's article is an inquiry into the pos- 
sibility of Christian influence on the Hermetic writings. (J. M. 
Creed, 'The Hermetic Writings,' JThSt, 1914, 513-538, be- 
came known to me only later.) After showing that the Her- 
metica certainly show contact with the Old Testament (Gene- 
sis, Psalms, wisdom-literature), I have urged that, while Hein- 
rici's proofs are not strong, there are single expressions con- 
nected with conversion and regeneration in which Christian 
terminology might have played a part, especially in Tract IV. 
In any case these parallels call for further research. On the 
other hand the number of New Testament ideas which betray 
hellenistic influence can be increased. I have noted parallels to 
Mk. 9, 19 (and parallels), 1 Peter 2, 25, Jas. 3, 5, Mk. 10, 18, 


Matt. 13, 1 £f., 24 ff ., Mk. 1, 32, further to Hermas and Barna- 
bas (see my commentary on Barnabas in Lietzmann's Hand- 
buch). See also Deissner, ThGg, 1919, 179 if.; C. Clemen, 
ZKG, N. F. 1, 173 f. 

M. Dibelius has investigated the passage of Apuleius, 
Metam. xi, 23, which treats of initiation into the mysteries of 
Isis, and tries to prove that the well known sentence, accessi 
confinium mortis, etc. is a ritual formula; he makes it clear, in 
opposition to De Jong, that no occult practices or experience 
of visions lie behind it, but sacramental dramatic action. Ac- 
cordingly he proposes a new explanation for the teaching op- 
posed in Colossians and for Col. 2, 18. By kix^areheiv in that 
passage he thinks is meant the entrance into the sanctuary, 
which the initiate has previously seen in his ecstasy; in any 
case we must admit that he has proved the word to be a techni- 
cal expression of the mysteries. The teachers opposed in Colos- 
sians are, according to Dibelius, mystery-priests, who had been 
initiating Christians with the result that these Christians trans- 
formed their Christianity to correspond to the mysteries. See C. 
Clemen, ZKG, n. f. 1, 179 f. 

The hellenistic formula which Dibelius in the second article 
proves to have passed into Christian use — a parallel to Reit- 
zenstein's explanation of 1 Cor. 13, 13 — is the introductory 
phrase of Eph. 4, 5 f. From Marcus Aurelius vii, 9 he tries to 
show that the hellenistic tradition employed such introductory 
formulas; possibly Josephus, c. Apion. ii, 193, where the cosmic 
formula has already received an ecclesiastical significance, may 
represent a preliminary stage toward the passage io Ephesians. 
The book of H. Leisegang promises to be a thorough and 
illuminating treatment of the rise of Hellenism as a mixture of 
Greek and Oriental civilization and thought, as well as a dis- 
cussion of the meaning of this syncretistic product for germinant 
Christianity. The author takes the idea of the Holy Spirit 
in order to portray this process, and institutes two inquiries: 
first. Is the doctrine of the Holy Spirit of Greek or of oriental 
origin ? and secondly, What has been the process of the inter- 
weaving of Greek philosophy and oriental mysticism, and what 
part has been played therein by the idea of a super-rational 


divine Spirit, superior to the human spirit? Leisegang very 
felicitously takes as his point of departure Philo, who gives 
the clearest indication of the problem on both its sides; and 
the whole of the first volume is devoted to Philo's doctrine of 
the Spirit and the proof of its complete derivation frrm the 
ideas of Greek philosophy. He succeeds in disentangling the 
many contradictions in Philo's doctrine and in carrying back 
the various conceptions to their roots in Stoic materialism, 
Platonic dualism, and Greek popular religion. Judaism is 
wholly omitted, — a defect, in my opinion, and one associated 
with the author's complete omission of the Israelitish and Jew- 
ish doctrine from his account of the development of the idea 
of the Spirit (see P. Volz, Der Geist Gottes . . . im Alien 
Testament, 1910). The distinction is important which he 
draws between the notion that the Spirit belongs to man by 
nature and the idea that it comes by a sudden super-mimdane 
irruption of power. The discussion of the specifically Hellenic 
idea of prophetic inspiration is particularly good, although here, 
too, the Israelitish analogies are overlooked (see G. Holscher, 
Die Profeten, Leipzig, 1913). In this connection he analyzes 
'ecstasy' in Philo and in the religion and philosophy of the 


C. Clemen's book leads us into quite different fields of reli- 
gious phenomena. In it this well-read author has made an ap- 
propriate supplement to his book on the interpretation of the 
New Testament from the point of view of the history of reli- 
gions. He is able to point out an amazing number of survivals 
in the New Testament of a primitive stage of religion. Fetish- 
worship, faith in elements, the worship of the heavens and the 
heavenly bodies, of animals, men, and spirits; further, religious 
relation to higher powers, the maintenance and conquest of 
these powers, influence exerted on them by magic, defence 
against them, etc.; — all these have left their traces in the 
New Testament. In his arrangement Clemen follows the sys- 
tematization employed in the study of primitive religions. To 
complete the work a survey would be desirable of the various 
kinds of influence which these primitive ideas and usages have 


exerted, for it makes a difference whether a primitive element 
has been preserved in more or less concrete form or only in a 
word whose original meaning had long been lost or transcended. 
Also Clemen does not distinguish between ideas which have 
been retained in the New Testament, either among the rank and 
file of believers or by the leaders themselves, and views which 
the New Testament combats; thus the opposition of Jesus to 
the rabbis may be regarded as a case of opposition to primitive 
usages surviving in Judaism. Another defect in an otherwise 
excellent book is the failure to take account of New Testa- 
ment sacramentalism and the primitive notions that lurk there. 
An appendix treats of primitive myths and sagas in the New 
Testament. See ThT, 1917, 248 ff.; H. Haas, ZMR, 1916, 
317 ff.; Beth, DLZ, 1919, No. 22-24; Deissner, ThGg, 1917, 
224 S. ; van den Bergh van Eysinga, NThT, 1917, 323 ff .