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HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
VOLTJME XV APRIL, 1922 NtJMBER 2
LITERATURE ON THE NEW TESTAMENT
IN GERMANY, AUSTRIA, SWITZERLAND, HOLLAND, AND THE
SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES, 1914-1920
HANS VWNDISCH
Professor of the New Testament in Leiden, Holland
CONTENTS
I. General 118
1 . Introductions 118
2. Textual Criticism 120
3. New Testament Philology 123
4. Commentaries on the New Testament 125
IL The Synoptic Gospels.
1. Literary criticbm 127
2. Contents of the Gospels 132
A. (a) Infancy narratives 133
(6) Buddhistic influence 135
(c) Semitisms 135
(d) Length of ministry 136
(e) Geography of Palestine 137
B. (J) Baptism and temptation 138
(g) Miracles of healing 138
(h) Sermon on the Mount 139
(i) Lord's Prayer 142
0) Parables 143
{k) Death of John the Baptist 144
(I) Jesus' words to Peter 145
C. (m) Apocalyptic discourse 146
(n) Last Supper 146
(o) Passion and resurrection 147
3. Jesus Christ 150
A. Lite of Christ 151
B. Jesus' conception of himself 154
C. Jesus' ethics, and use of the Old Testament 155
III. The Johannme Writings 156
IV. Acts of the Apostles 163
116 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
V. Paul and his Epistles.
1. Chronology of the life of Paul 168
2. Chronology of the Pauline epistles 170
3. Genuineness of the Pauline epistles 174
4. Integrity of the Pauline epistles 177
5. Commentaries on the Pauline epistles 179
6. Rise of the Pauline canon 181
7. Pauline theology 181
VI. Catholic Epistles; Hebrews; Apostolic Fathers 193
VII. History of Early Christianity 194
VIII. Theology of the New Testament 199
IX. Elucidation of the New Testament from the History of Religions 206
ABBREVIATIONS
AAB Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin.
AGW Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen.
AR Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft.
BFTh Beitrage ziu- Forderung der christlichen Theologie.
BiblZ Biblische Zeitschrift.
BphW Berliner philologische Wochenschrift.
BSt Biblische Studien.
ChrW Die Christliche Welt.
DLZ Deutsche Literaturzeitung.
Exp The Expositor.
GerefThT Tijdschrift voor gereformeerde Theologie.
GGA Gettingische gelehrte Anzeigen.
HThR The Harvard Theological Review.
HZ Historische Zeitschrift.
JThSt The Journal of Theological Studies.
KRefSchw Kirchenblatt fiir die reformierte Schweiz.
LZBl Literarisches Zentralblatt.
NGW Nachrichten der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu GBttingen.
NJklA Neue Jahrbiicher fUr das klassische Altertum.
NkZ Neue kirchliche Zeitschrift.
NoTT Norsk Teologisk Tidsskrift.
NThSt Nieuwe Theologische Studien.
NThT Niew Theologisch Tijdschrift.
PalJ Palastinajahrbuch.
Pr J Preussische Jahrbiicher.
PrM Protestantische Monatshefte.
RC Revue critique.
RhM Rheinisches Museum.
SAB Sitzungsberichte der Akademie zu Berlin.
SAH Sitzungsberichte der Akademie zu Heidelberg.
SchwThZ Schweizerische Theologische Zeitschrift.
ThGg Die Theologie der Gegenwart.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 117
ThLBl Theologisches Literaturblatt.
ThLZ Theologische Literatiirzeitung.
ThB Theologische Rundschau.
ThRev Theologische Revue.
ThSt Theologische Studien.
ThStKr Theologische Studien und Kritiken.
ThT Theologisch Tijdschrift.
TT Teologisk Tidsskrift.
TU Texte und Untersuchungen.
WklPh Wochenschrift fiir klassische Philologie.
ZAW Zeitschrift fUr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft.
ZDA Zeitschrift fiir deutsches Altertum.
ZKG Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte.
ZMR Zeitschrift fiir Missionskunde und Religionswissenschaft.
ZNW Zeitschrift fiir neutestamentliche Wissenschaft.
ZThK Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche.
ZwTh Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaftliche Theologie.
If the scholars of various countries are to enter once more
into the old fellowship of a common task, which was inter-
rupted by the war, one of the first requirements is that all the
national groups should acquaint themselves with the work
done in the interval by the others. In the Zeitschrift fiir die
neutestamentliche Wissenschaft, 1921, 1 published for the benefit
of German scholars a survey of English and American litera-
ture on the New Testament from 1914 to 1920, and I have been
glad to prepare likewise for this Review, and so for American
and English colleagues, a critical account of the most impor-
tant works on the New Testament produced during these years
in Germany and the other countries named in the title of this
article.^
' In consequence of the War two important bibliographical periodicals have un-
happily been compelled to suspend publication, the Theologische Rundschau, in 1917,
and the Theologischer Jahresbericht, the last issues of which appeared in 1914 and
contain a survey of theological literature for 1913. The following are still maintained:
Theologische Literaturzeitung (Leipzig, Hinrichs); Theologisches Literaturblatt
(Leipzig, Dbrffling und Franke); Die Theologie der Gegenwart (Leipzig, Deichert), of
which one number in the year is devoted to the New Testament; Biblische Zeitschrift
(Freiburg, Herder; Roman Catholic); Theologische Revue (Mtlnster, Aschendorflf;
Rom. Cath.). For a very short survey see A. Jtllicher, Das Neue Testament (Wis-
senschaftliche Forschungsberichte VL pp. 27-45, Gotha, Perthes, 1921).
118 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
I. GENERAL
1. Introductions
Knopf, jB., EinfUhrung in das N. T. (Sammlung TSpelmaan : Die Theologie
imAbriss2). 394 pp. Giessen, Topelmann, 1919. — ^Fej'we, P., Einleitungin
dasN.T. 2. Aufl. 259pp. Leipzig, Quelle und Meyer, 1918. — Barf/s, F.,
Eialeitung in das N. T. 4. und 5. Aufl. 494 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann,
1920. — XoZmodin, Jld., Inledning till NyaTestamentets skrifter. I. viii,
432 pp. Stockholm, 1915 (see Deissner, ThGg, 1915, 330 f.; ThLZ, 1915,
463 f.). — Clemen, C, Die Entstehung des Neuen Testaments (Sammlmig
Goschen 285). 2. Aufl. 167 pp. 1919. — Sickenberger, J., Kvuzgeiasste
Eialeitung in das Neue Testament. 2. Aufl. 166 pp. Freiburg, Herder, 1920.
— Van Veldhuizen, A . , Het Nieuwe Testament (Bijbelsch-kerkelijk woor-
denboek II). 316 pp. Groningen, den Haag, Welters, 1920.
The New Testament Introduction of R. Knopf (Bonn, f 1920)
was meant primarily as a rapid survey for men in service in the
war, like the other volumes of its series. But it may well be
of use to other students and even to scholars, for it gives an
admirable untechnical and lucid exposition of the discipline
and of the present state of research, with literary references. It
covers the language of the N. T.; the text; primitive Christian
literature; the canon of the N- T.; contemporary history of
the N. T. (political and religious); and the beginnings of
Christianity. The criticism of the gospels is discussed in much
detail, and it is interesting to observe that Knopf gives the
reader his choice of various solutions of the problem of the
authorship of the Fourth Gospel, including the theory that
the unknown author himself wrote under the mask of the
Apostle John. The chapter on the text is relatively full, and
is excellent in contents, although the lack of an introduction to
von Soden's textual work is a defect. The last part (pp. 226-
388) gives a short history of early Christianity, including Jesus
and his teachings, the apostohc, and the post-apostoHc period.
In the teaching of Jesus several points, such as the kingdom of
God and Jesus' idea of his own person, are thoroughly discussed.
Knopf follows J. Weiss in his thorough-going eschatological
view of the idea of the kingdom; he believes that Jesus desig-
nated himself as messiah and Son of Man, but that it is no
longer possible for us to fix exactly the sense in which he used
the two terms. In his exposition of Pauline theology his pro-
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 119
test against a one-sided exaggeration of the difference of Paul
from Jesus is noteworthy. The book thus constitutes a very
excellent introduction — it does not pretend to be more — and
will stimulate to deeper study of the problems. See M. Dibe-
Hus, ThLZ, 1920, No. 9-10.
A new and complete critical introduction to the New Testa-
ment is much needed. Jiilicher has unfortimately been unable
to make a revision of his excellent book; the edition of 1906 is
still kept in print. Peine' s book in a new edition does not
meet the need, for it keeps too close to tradition. It has, how-
ever, its own value, and the new edition is in many respects an
improvement. That it refers to the more recent literature is
its great advantage over Jiilicher. In spite of a tendency to
moderate the concessions made to criticism in the earlier
edition, some chapters, such as that on the Synoptic question,
are very good. See Windisch, ThT, 1918, 310 ff.; Deissner,
ThGg, 1918.
The Introduction by F. Barth (professor at Bern, f 1912),
reprinted from the 2d edition (1911), with some references
(pp. 470-473) to recent literature added by his son, contributes
even less than Feine to the understanding of critical problems,
but forms a good guide to the contents of the books of the New
Testament.
Clemen's little book is a new edition with few changes, in
which only the historical books are treated in any detail.
Clemen gives solely his own views. Particularly worth reading
are the sections on the Johannine writings.
J. Sickenherger (Roman Catholic professor at Breslau)
gives a brief compendium of New Testament introduction (first
published in 1916) from the Catholic point of view by a scholar
well acquainted with Protestant literature. His solution of the
Synoptic problem is interesting. He distinguishes between the
(Aramaic and Greek) original Matthew and our canonical
Matthew; Matthew and Luke both represent combinations of
the (Greek) original Matthew with Mark.
The lexicon of van FeZdAMzsen (professor at Groningen) is
a sort of Bible dictionary of the New Testament, including a
biographical dictionary of the more important New Testa-
120 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
ment scholars, with a fuller treatment of Netherlanders. The
articles, mainly intended for the general reader, contain many
references to Netherlandish contributions to New Testament
research, which may well make it of use to English-speaking
readers.
2. Textual Criticism
Groenen, P. G. Algemeene Inleiding tot de Heilige Schrift. Geschiedenis
van den Text. 375 pp. Leiden, Theonville, 1917. — Pott, A., Der Text
des Neuen Testaments (Aus Natur und Geisteswelt 134). 2. Aufl. 116 pp.
Leipzig, Teubner, 1919. — Novum Testamentum Graece. Textum recen-
suit, apparatum criticum ex editionibus et codicibus manuscriptis collectum
addiditH. J. Vogels. xvi, 661 pp. DUsseldorf, Schwann, 1920. — Preu-
schen, E., Untersuchungen zum Diatessaron Tatians (SAH, Phil.-hist.
Klasse, 1918). 63 pp. — Pott, A., De textu evangeliorum in saeculo se-
cundo (Mnemosyne, 1920, 267-309, 339-365). Leiden, Brill. — Vogels, H.
J., Beitrage zur Geschichte des Diatessarons im Abendland (Neutestament-
liche Abhandlungen 8). viii, 152 pp. MUnster, Aschendorff, 1919. —
Harnack, A. von, Zur Revision der neutestamentlichen Textkritik. Die
Bedeutung der Vulgata fUr den Text der katholischen Briefe und der Anteil
des Hieronymus an dem tJbersetzungswerk (Beitrage zur Einleitung in das
N. T. 7). 130 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1916. — Harnack, A . von, Studien
zur Vulgata des Hebraerbriets (SAB, 1920, 179-^01). —Lietzmann, H., Die
Vorlage der gotischen Bibel (ZDA 56, n. p. 44, 249-278). — KZein, 0.,
Syrisch-griechisches Worterbuch zu den vier kanonischen Evangelien nebst
einleitenden Untersuchungen (Beihefte zur ZAW 28). 123 pp. Giessen,
Topelmann, 1916.
A general survey of the history of the text of the Old and
New Testament from the Catholic point of view is given by
Groenen. He treats the versions in special detail (pp. 132-
361; 'per contra the Hebrew text, pp. 39-58, the Greek, pp. 59-
112), and of the versions gives most space to the Latin and the
Netherlandish. These sections are also of interest to students
outside of Holland. The author confines himself mainly to
historical information and an account of what has been done
in the field.
A. Pott, who is now one of the best informed textual critics
in Germany, has published a new edition of his popular history
of the text of the New Testament, in which his discussion of
von Soden's text is of special interest.^ He entirely rejects von
Soden's hypotheses about the text of Tatian and of Marcion.
^ On von Soden's hand-edition, see H. Lietzmann, ZNW, 1914, 323-331; R.
Knopf, GGA, 1917, 385-408; E. Preuschen, BphW, 1917, No. 37.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 121
He himself has a predilection for the Western Text, which
he believes to be pre-canonical.
A new edition of the text of the New Testament is that of
H. J. Vogels, one of the ablest of the Catholic textual critics.
It is patterned after Nestle's edition; but does not indicate
Old Testament quotations by special type, and (an improve-
ment) mentions in the apparatus the most important variants
with only their ancient witnesses. In the text Vogels largely
coincides with von Soden, although he does not share the lat-
ter's methods and views. His favorable judgment of the Vul-
gate and his caution with regard to the Arabic Diatessaron are
noteworthy. See Pott, ThLZ, 1921, No. 3-4; Souter, JThSt,
1921, 174 f.
The thesis of von Soden that the ruin of the text of the gospels
was largely due to the bad influence of the Diatessaron has
necessitated a fresh investigation of Tatian. E. Preuschen
(tl920) had planned a new edition, but left the work uncom-
pleted at his death. His valuable article, 'Das Diatessaron und
seine Bedeutung fur die Textkritik der Evangelien,' draws at-
tention to a certain kinship between Tatian and Marcion, ex-
plains the method of Tatian, with various examples, and, in
opposition to Zahn, argues that the Diatessaron was originally
written in Greek. His hypothesis that Tatian first collected the
four gospels is unsatisfactory. It is to be hoped that some
scholar will soon complete Preuschen's interrupted task.
Also from the competent pen oi A. Pott von Soden's Tatian
hypothesis meets criticism. Von Soden holds that the witnesses
for the I (I»)-text (D it af sy^'') have all been influenced by
Tatian. Pott objects that von Soden is inconsistent in defining
the I-text, since in the course of his investigation he assigns
the above-named witnesses to the degenerate textual form I»,
and in actually constituting the I-text gives the preference to a
group $, to which Eusebius is closely related. He also shows
how untrustworthy is von Soden's method of determining the
readings of Tatian, so that the great influence which he ascribes
to Tatian is improbable. Equally unjustifiable is von Soden's
treatment of the readings of Marcion, which he has mainly
drawn from the above-named witnesses, but has used wrongly.
122 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Pott's view is that (Justin), Tatian, and Marcion (and likewise
D it syr.vet) attest a common second-century text, akin to the
parallel recension of Acts (this last being also mistakenly re-
garded by von Soden as related to Tatian).
H. J . Vogels supports the theory of an Old Latin Diates-
saron, relying on the Old Latin readings of the gospel harmony
of Codex Fuldensis and those of a later Latin harmony found
in two Munich manuscripts (14th century). The variants are
presented in long lists. The theory is that Victor of Capua had
a Latin harmony, which he revised, and that this harmony was
the oldest Latin version of the gospels — an hypothesis which
as yet lacks verification. Vogels agrees with von Soden that
all variants from the Greek occurring in the Old Latin and Old
Syriac texts go back to Tatian. See Hans von Soden, ThLZ,
1920, No. 15-16.1
Harnack illustrates from the Catholic Epistles and He-
brews the contention that more than in the past the text of
the Vulgate must be regarded as a reliable witness. In the
Catholic Epistles, as he tries to show, the Vulgate text rests on
a very old Latin interlinear translation, somewhat improved
in style, but well preserved. In nearly thirty cases he would
prefer the Vulgate reading to the text of the modern editors
(very remarkable, but doubtful, is the longer text found in the
Vulgate in 1 Peter 3, 22). The conclusion from this study is
that Codex Vaticanus is to be subordinated to Codex Alexan-
drinus and the versions. Harnack prints in full a Greek text in
the form which he believes to be represented by Jerome in his
Vulgate. See H. Lietzmann, ThLZ, 1916, No. 15.
The comparison of the Vulgate of Hebrews with the Old
Latin translation shows, as Harnack points out in his other
essay, that Jerome kept close to the Old Latin; he took as his
basis the exemplar of d, used r for comparison, and inserted
corrections of his own. According to Harnack it cannot be
proved that he also used a Greek text. This last point calls for
further research.
• For other contributions to the textual criticism of Vogels, see BiblZ, 1914, pp.
S69 ff.; 1915, 322 ff.; 1916. 34 ff.; 1921, 301 ff. Cf. also J. Schafers Emngelienzitate in
Ephrams des Syrers Kommentar zu dm pavlinischen Briefen (Freibiu-g, Herder, 1917).
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 123
iiefzmann's examination of the Gothic version, particularly
in the epistles of Paul, leads him to pronounce it an important
representative of the oldest Koine. Every Gothic reading, he
holds, must be treated as a Koine-reading, if it can be found in
any other representative of the old Koine. The two forms A
and B of the Gothic Bible are independent branches of a tra-
dition, and neither of them is a new redaction. The hypothesis
of Kauffmann, that the text of Ulfilas was later revised with
the Latin Bible as a basis, cannot be proved: Ulfilas may him-
self have possessed a text of the Koine which had been sub-
jected to Latin influence, or he may have consulted the Latin
Bible, just as the omission of Hebrews in his New Testament
is a sure proof of Latin influence.
The Syriac-Greek lexicon to the Gospels hy 0. Klein gives,
with translation, the Greek equivalent for every Syriac word
in the various Syriac translations. A Greek-Syriac index gives
the pages on which the Greek word stands as an equivalent.
Unfortunately the information is very unreliable, but if used
cautiously the book may be of service. See K. Brockelmann,
LZBl, 1917; E. Preuschen, ThLZ, 1917, No. 22-23; H. Gress-
mann, DLZ, 1918, No. 6; Elhorst, NThT, 1921.
3. New Testament Philology
Cremer, H., Biblisch-theologisches Wiirterbuch der neutestamentlichen
Grazitat. 10. Aufl., herausg. von J. Kogel. xx, 1230 pp. Gotha, Perthes,
1911-1915. — Blass, F.- Debrunner, A., Grammatik des neutestament-
lichen Griechisch. 5. Aufl. xviii, 336 pp. GSttingen, Vandenhoeck und
Ruprecht, 1921. — Meyer, P. M., Griechische Texte aus Aegypten. I.
Papyri des neutestamentlichen Seminars der UniversitSt Berlin; 11. Ostraka
der Sammlung Deissmann. xiii, 233 pp. Berlin, Weidmann, 1918. —
Schiitz, R., Der parallele Bau der Satzglieder im Neuen Testament und
seine Verwertung fUr die Textkritik und Exegese (Forschungen zur Religion
und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments, n. f. 11). 27 pp. GBttingen,
Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1920.
J. Kegel's very careful revision of Cremer' s lexicon was
begun in 1911 and finally completed in 1915. In this form the
lexicon is an indispensable aid to all students of the New Testa-
ment; it has no rival. Its chief defect is that the editor has
been too restrained in altering the character of Cremer's work,
has not sufficiently used non-literary texts and the Apostolic
124 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Fathers, and takes so little account of modern linguistic study
and of the history of religions. Important articles such as
(Tcorijp, <x(t>payls, are consequently unsatisfactory. The point of
view is still too much that of Biblical literalism. See Wohlen-
berg, ThLBl, 1915, No. 24; ThGg, 1915.
The new edition oi B lass's grammar has undergone no im-
portant changes, — only small additions, balanced by omis-
sions.
The Berlin Greek Texts from Egypt, which we owe to P. M.
Meyer, is a valuable addition to our knowledge of non-
literary Koine texts and yields some fruit directly applicable
to New Testament lexicography. The texts comprise docu-
ments of commercial life in Egypt, texts from the Decian perse-
cution, and some very valuable letters, besides ostraka, —
these last being mainly receipts for rent, including some Jewish
ones. The texts are provided with a detailed commentary, in
which frequent reference is made to their bearing on the New
Testament, linguistically and otherwise; Deissmann has added
important notes. See K. F. W. Schmidt, WklPh, 1916, No.
40; Windisch, ThLZ, 1917, No. 13.
R. Schiitz's study of rhythmic structure in the New Testa-
ment is unfortunately merely a torso. He shows how, follow-
ing the tendency of the Koine to introduce into prose poetic
parallelism and kindred forms, gospels and epistles show much
rhythmic structure, so that they consist of strophes and cola,
the reconstruction of which may contribute to the solution of
exegetical and critical questions. In pursuance of a suggestion
of Eduard Norden, he prints larger and smaller sections in cola,
which makes his thesis convincing. Reasons of rhythm lead
him, for instance, to excise Mk. 2, 21 f. to Kaivov rod TraXatoC
as a gloss, likewise Mk. 4, 25 /cat 6 exet. Rhythmical consider-
ations may be decisive also as to the connection of clauses, as
Schutz makes clear in 1 Cor. 7, 33 f., 36-38; 10, 16, etc. See
Dibelius, ThLZ, 1920, No. 25-26.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 125
4. Commentaries on the New Testament
In Meyer's Commentary (Gottingen, Vandenhoeck und
Ruprecht) as 7tlv edition of the volume on James a wholly new
work by M. Dibelius was published in 1921.
In Lietzmann's Handbuch zum N. T. (Tubingen, Mohr),
E. Klostermann's Luke was published in 1919, leaving only
Heitmiiller's Apocalypse to complete the work; and a second
edition oi Lietzmann' s Romans (see below, p. 179) appeared
in the same year. A supplementary volume will contain the
Apostolic Fathers, and of this the following parts have ap-
peared: iJ. Knopf, Didache, 1 and 2 Clement (pp. 1-184), 1920;
W. Bauer, Ignatius and Polycarp (pp. 185-298), 1920; H.
Windisch, Barnabas (pp. 299-413), 1920. This volume is like
those on the New Testament, with introduction, translation,
commentary, excursus, and epilogue.
The commentary on the New Testament edited by Theodor
Zahn (Leipzig, Deichert) has two new volumes: G. Wohlenberg
(tl917), 1 and 2 Peter and Jude (iv, 345 pp.), 1915, and Th.
Zahn, Acts, chaps. 1-12 (pp. 1-394), 1919; chaps, 13-28,
(pp. 395-884), 1921. Wohlenberg' s exegesis rests, as usual,
on a very careful and learned treatment of the text. He follows
the Erlangen traditions, not without new variations of his own.
1 Peter was written by Silvanus under Peter's supervision in
A.D. 64; somewhat earlier, probably originally in Hebrew
(Wohlenberg thinks he has proof for this), Peter wrote 2 Peter,
presumably for Christians in Galilee and the neighboring
country. To the convincing grounds for the later, non-apostolic
origin of 2 Peter Wohlenberg does not do justice. Jude was
written after 2 Peter.
Zahn' s new commentary shows all the merits and defects
which distinguish the works of this great scholar. The treat-
ment of the text presupposes the results reached in his " Uraus-
gabe der Apostelgeschichte " (see below p. 164). The first five
chapters are very detailed; further on the comment is often
cursory and, as often in Zahn's other commentaries, leaves
important questions untouched — particularly those of exegesis
and historical criticism.
126 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The following volumes of Zahn's series have appeared in new
editions: Th. Zahn, Luke, 3d and 4th ed. (774 pp.), 1920;
Th. Zahn, John, 5th and 6th ed. (733 pp.), 1921; Ph. Bach-
mann, 2 Corinthians, 3d ed. (435 pp.), 1918; P. Ewald, Phil-
ippians, 3d ed., brought out by G. Wohlenberg with an intro-
duction by Zahn, 237 pp., 1917.
The widely-used commentary. Die Schriften des Neuen Testa-
ments, neu ilhersetzt und fiir die Gegenwart erkldrt, edited, after
the death of J. Weiss, by W. Bousset and W. Heitmiiller, has
appeared in a third edition (Gottingen, Vandenhoeck und
Ruprecht, 1917-18). It is meant for lay readers, but is full
of suggestion for scholars. The new edition is in four volumes.
In Vol. I (Synoptics) the editors have here and there added
remarks pertaining to the history of religions. In Vol. Ill
(Acts, Hebrews, Catholic Epistles) Bousset has inserted in
James interesting explanations drawn from the history of reli-
gions. In Vol. IV (John, — Gospel, Epistles, Apocalypse; with
the Index) Heitmiiller has revised his exposition of the Gospel,
as well as that of the Apocalypse contributed by J. Weiss.
The whole work is a characteristic document of the religions-
geschichtliche Schule in Germany; it unites the point of view
of the history of religions with insistence on the religious value
of the New Testament writings.
Of the corresponding Catholic work. Die Heilige Schrift des
Neuen Testaments (Bonn, Hanstein) the following parts have
recently appeared: P. Dausch, The three older Gospels, 1918;
F. Tillmann, John, 1918; 2d ed. (292 pp.), 1921; A. Stein-
mann. Acts, 2d ed. (244 pp.), 1916; A. Steinmann, Thessa-
lonians and Galatians (124 pp.), 1921; /. Sickenberger,
Corinthians and Romans, 1919; 2d ed. (291 pp.), 1921;
M . Meinertz and F. Tillmann, Epistles of the Imprison-
ment, 1918; M. Meinertz, Pastoral Epistles (101 pp.), 1916;
J . Rohr, M . Meinertz, and W. Vrede, Hebrews, Catholic
Epistles, Revelation (385 pp.), 1918.
A new imdertaking is Tekst en Uitleg. Praktische Bijbelver-
klaring, edited by F. Bohl and A. van Veldhuizen (Groningen,
den Haag, Wolters) . The small, attractive volxunes (usually 144
pages) contain an introduction, a new translation, and a brief
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 127
interpretation (often merely a paraphrase). For the New
Testament have appeared J. A. C. van Leeuwen, Matthew,
1915; 2d ed., 1918 (very dependent on Zahn); A. van Veld-
huizen, Mark, 1914; 2d ed., 1918; J. de Zwaan, Luke, 1917
(many valuable remarks in spite of limited space; the historical
criticism is not always convincing); /. de Zwaan, Acts (154
pp.), 1920 (introduction and exegesis interesting from the point
of view of the history of religions; see Windisch, ThLZ, 1921);
A. van Veldhuizen, Paul; Romans, Corinthians, 1916; 2d
ed., 1918 (with full bibliography); H. M . van Nes, Galatians
-Philemon, 1919; J. Willemze, 2 Peter, Epistles of John,
Jude, 1919 (with detailed anti-critical introductions; defends
the genuineness of the comma johanneum) ; cf. ThLZ, 1920, No.
11/12.
n. THE SYNOPTIC GOSPELS
1. LiTEBABT Criticism
A
Cladder, H. J., Unsere Evangelien. I: Zur Literaturgeschichte der Evan-
gelien. viii, 262 pp. Freiburg im B., Herder, 1919. — Soiron, Th., DieJjOgia,
Jesu. Eine literarkritische und literaturgeschichtliclie Untersuchung zum
synoptischen Problem (Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 6). vi, 174 pp.
Miinster, Aschendorff, 1916. — Schmidt, K. L., Der Rahmen der Ge-
schichte Jesu. Literarkritische Untersucliungen zur altesten JesusUberlie-
ferung. xviii, 322 pp. Berlin, Trowitsch, 1919. — Dibelius, M., Die
Formgescliichte des Evangeliums, 108 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1919. — Bau-
ernfeind, 0.,Die literarische Form des Evangeliums (dissertation). 95 pp.
Greifswald, 1915.
B
Drescher, R., Das Markusevangelium und seine Entstehung (2!NW 17,
228-256). — Meyer, E., Das Markusevangelium und seine Quellen (SAB,
1918).
Gladder' s posthumous work on the gospels has been com-
piled from lectures prepared for Catholic theological students
at the front. He often goes his own way — as in his adoption
of the theory of a one-year ministry of Jesus, in the arrange-
ment of the contents of Matthew, the explanation of how Mark
was excerpted from Matthew, or the assumption that Luke
used Matthew and derived his special material from the Apostle
John, and that John is to be understood from Mark, whom he
interpreted and expanded in opposition to the misrepresenta-
tions of Cerinthus. See BibIZ, 15, 361.
128 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The most interesting study of the Synoptic question which
appeared during the war is the book of the Franciscan father
So iron. As is well known, the papal Biblical Commission
in 1911 condemned the theory of two sources. Hence a demon-
stration of the falsity of the hypothesis that Matthew and Luke
used a collection of Jesus' words has become a necessity for
Catholic science,^ while in Protestant circles at the same time
the theory has been under vigorous attack. Soiron's main
argument is that the relation of the groups of sayings in Mat-
thew and Luke can best be explained by the special circum-
stances of oral tradition; and he investigates the particular
fashion in which oral tradition attaches together disparate
materials by arbitrary mnemonic association. A very good
analogy is to be seen in rabbinical tradition, which developed
an astonishing virtuosity in retaining in the memory great
masses of material. Soiron shows how in the discourses of
Jesus the single words and groups of sayings are grouped by
subject-matter and by catchwords. This would have taken
place in oral instruction. It is most instructive to analyse
from this point of view the larger and smaller groups of sayings
in Matthew and Luke (and in Mark as well), and to follow the
various ways in which the catchword-method is applied.
Soiron holds that this practice makes the theory of sources
superfluous; but he overlooks the fact that the principle of
association would be equally followed in the case of the written
collection of Jesus' sayings, so that the argument has no force
against the theory of common written sources. The question
remains whether the more general order and arrangement of
the sayings in Matthew and in Luke is such that the laws and
possibilities of oral tradition explain the situation in both
gospels. The proof of this Soiron does not give.
Soiron also thinks that the doublets in Matthew and Luke
can be used as evidence against the hypothesis of the 'Logia,'
since they show how a double association could cause the same
saying to appear in two places, as for instance, Matt. 5, 29 f .,
in attachment to the word ^Xiireiv, and 18, 8 f ., to the word
• See also P. Dausch, Die Zweiquellentheorie und die GlaubwUrdigkeit der drei
alteren Evangelien (Biblische Zeitfragen 7). Milnster, Aschendorff, 1915.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 129
ffKapSaXop. This is noteworthy; but of many doublets it can
be shown that they occur once in a Markan context, the other
time in a Logia-context, and this confirms the theory of two
sources. Soiron's book deserves to be followed up, but it does
not overthrow the theory now widely accepted. See Windisch,
DLZ, 1918, No. 27-28; Bultmann, ThLZ, 1918, No. 19-20.
More interesting at present than the Synoptic problem is the
investigation of the literary character of the gospels and of
their component material. Schmidt starts from the view that
the gospel stories were originally transmitted separately as
single narratives, and that their collection in a gospel was the
work of the evangelist. By the 'frame,' is meant the scheme of
the gospel, the arrangement of material, with the consequent
view of the course of Jesus' activity and of the succession of his
deeds; but the term also includes the transitional, introductory,
and concluding formulas by which the separate stories are
joined to one another. Schmidt minutely examines these
schemes and forms, especially for Mark, as well as the evange-
lists' literary art embodied in them, with the result that in the
'frame,' taken in its widest sense, we find not so much histori-
cal tradition as a literary product, which can of course be used
for the reconstruction of history only with the greatest caution.
"The oldest tradition of Jesus is the tradition of pericopes, a
tradition of individual scenes and utterances, handed down in
the church and for the most part lacking any definite indica-
tion of time or place." The gospels aim at an itinerary, a con-
tinuous report of Jesus' deeds and journeys, but this was the
work of an author or compiler, and of the actual course of
events only a fragmentary knowledge has been preserved.
Schmidt remarks that with this understanding of the composi-
tion of our gospels we can scarcely expect to determine the
duration of Jesus' ministry or the calendar date of the single
incidents. The question also arises whether the distribution of
the traditions between a Galilean period and a short visit to
Jerusalem is right, and Schmidt discusses this, taking into
consideration the divergent scheme of John. It is interesting
to note that in the 'frame,' that is, in the transitional passages,
much textual variation is found, a fact which shows the im-
130 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
portance of the 'frame' for the composition of the whole gospel.
It is here evident afresh that the story of the passion differs
in its literary character from the great central portion of the
gospels. While the other pericopes with few exceptions were
transmitted without note of place, time, or connection, we find
in the story of the passion a closer connection between the
pericopes, and more exact statements of place and time.
Schmidt well urges that this narrative is of the type of acts of
martyrs, which ordinarily give a continuous narrative of the
martyr's sufferings. See E. Lohmeyer, DLZ, 1920, No. 19-20;
H. Windisch, Museum (Leiden), August-September, 1920;
J. Kogel, ThLBl, 1920, No. 6; R. Steck, SchwThZ, 1919, pp.
180 f.; J. de Zwaan, NThSt, 1920, pp. 119 ff.; G. A. van den
Bergh van Eysinga, NThT, 1920.
While Schmidt limits himself to the composition of the gos-
pels and the introductory and final sentences of the single
pericopes, M . Dibelius takes up the various literary types of
evangelical tradition, which he tries to define strictly and to
connect with the original use of these sections in the practice
and missionary work of the church. Mainly from the speeches
of Acts (other testimony could also be adduced) he shows how
the gospel stories were woven into the texture of apostolic
sermons as didactic and apologetic illustrations. One definite
type of gospel stories, which he thinks gained their specific
form in didactic discourse, he terms 'paradigms,' that is, brief
narratives with only the most necessary notes of situation and
occasion; in these all the emphasis is put on a doctrinal decision
or a moral rule (cf. Mark 2,1-3, 6; 11, 27 ff.). From these
are clearly distinguished stories of greater length, furnished
with much vivid picturesque detail, which may be designated
as 'novels'; this sort are of less value for instruction and
preaching, and serve rather for entertainment, to satisfy curios-
ity, and please the fancy. They contain more of the legendary
and mythical. Mark likes these 'novels,' while Matthew is
inclined to eliminate the 'novelistic' traits, and to alter the
stories into 'paradigms.' When the narratives were collected
and compiled into a gospel, the evangelist expanded them by
explanatory additions; new pericopes, too, came into being.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 131
such as the so-called Sammelberichte, and the undated and
unlocated prophecies of the passion, which stamped a pragma-
tism on the material and expressed a theological tendency.
Thus Mark gave his gospel a special character which had not
originally belonged to the stories; the history is presented as a
succession of secret epiphanies; the deeds of Jesus are imder-
stood only by the initiated. Mark has also spread over a
large part of his gospel a twilight-glow of myth; his hero has
become a god, who reveals his divine power and authority,
although the figure of the teacher and human worker of miracles
still shows beneath the retouching.
This account will make clear the fruitfulness of the definitions
and constructions employed in this book. The work is not
final; many of the definitions are too clear cut, and the author
has not fully used the analogies from Jewish rabbinical litera-
ture and Greek philosophical tradition. But he has shown a
way which later students must follow. See Bultmann, ThLZ,
1919, No. 15-16; P. Fiebig, LZBl, 1919, No. 22; Windisch,
ThT, 1919, 371 ff.
0. Bauernfeind's dissertation, while not without merit,
does not touch the real problems.
B
Of the individual gospels Mark has been studied by R.
Drescher, who finds the purpose of the author revealed in
chapter 13, and takes that chapter to reflect the confusion of
the years 66-70. Mark probably shared in the flight to Pella
and wrote his gospel there; the connections with Pauline
theology are not very close; Mark's information was highly
defective.
Eduard Meyer has prepared the way for his book, Ursprung
und Anfdnge des Christentums, of which two volumes ap-
peared in 1921, by a study of the sources of Mark. Besides
the apostolic discourse of chapter 13 he finds two main sources:
a disciple-source, in which Jesus is surrounded by an indefinite
throng of disciples, and an apostle-source, which presupposes
the college of twelve apostles.'
* Regarding the note ' Ariston eri^u' after Mk. 16, 8 in an Armenian manuscript cf.
Schafers, BiblZ, 1915. 24 f.
132 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
2. Contents of the Gospels
Sloet, A.W. H., De tijd van Christus' geboorte. 74 pp. Bussum, P.
Brand, 1919. — Clemen, C, Gressmann's Erklanmg der Weihnachtsge-
schichte (ThStKr, 1916, 237-252). — Ge//cA;ew, J., Die Hirten auf dem
Felde (Hermes, 1914, 321-351). — JSoZZ, F., Der Stern der Weisen (ZNW,
1917-18,40-4:8). — Schmiedel, P. W., Die Geburt Jesu nach Mt. 1, 16
(SchwThZ 31, 1914, 69-82; of. 32, 1915, W-Sl). — Riggenbach, E.,
Bemerkungen zum Text von Mt. 1 (SehwThZ 31, 1914, 241-249; 32, 1915,
117 f.). — Grosheide, F. W., Matt. 1, 16b (ThT, 1915, 100-105, 490-492).
— Van Kasteren, J . P., De syro-sinaietische lezing van Mt. 1, 16 (Studien
83, 1914, 458-462). — Harnack, A. von, tJber den Spruch "Ehre sei Gott
in der Hohe" und das Wort " Eudokia" (SAB, 1915, 854,-875). — Beth, K.,
Giebt es buddhistische EinflUsse in den kanonischen Evangelien.' (ThStKr,
1916, 169-227). — CZemen, C, Buddhistische EinflUsse im Neuen Testa-
ment (ZNW, 1916, l'i,8-n8). — Schulthess, F., Das Problem der Sprache
Jesu. 57 pp. Zurich, Sehulthess und Co., 1917. — Meinertz, M ., Metho-
disches und Saehliches Uber die Dauer der offentliehen Wirksamkeit Jesu
(BiblZ 14, 1916, 119-139, 236-249). — HariZ, F., Die Hypothese emer ein-
jahrigen Wirksamkeit Jesu (Neutestamentliehe Abhandlungen 7). 350 pp.
MUnehen, Aschendorff, 1917. — Dalman, G., Orte und Wege Jesu (BFTh
23). 370 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 1919.
B
Gressmann,H., Die Sage von der Taufe Jesu (ZMR, 1919, 86-90).—
Meyer , A., Die evangelisehen Beriehte Uber die Versuehung Christi (Festgabe
fUr Hugo BlUnmer, 434-468). Zurich, 1914. — Titius,A., t)ber Heilung der
Damonischen im Neuen Testament (Festschrift fUr N. Bonwetsch, 25-47).
Leipzig, Deiehert, 1918. — Jaeger, J., 1st Jesus Christus ein Suggestions-
therapeut gewesen? Eine mediziniseh-apologetisehe Studie. 78 pp. Mergen-
theim, 1918. — Nagelsbach,F,. Der SchlUsselzumVerstandnisderBergpredigt
(BFTh 20). 55 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, ldl6. — Ndgelsbach, F., Die
hohen Forderungen derBergpredigt, Matth. 5, 33-42 (NkZ, 1919, 510-532). —
Kohler, K., Die urspriingliche Form der Seligpreisungen (ThStKr, 1918, 157-
192). — Kohler, K., Der Kiptos 'Iijcrovs in den Evangelien und der Spruch vom
Herr-Herr-sagen (ThStKr, 1915,4:71-4:90).— Fiebig , P., Jesu Worte uber die
Feindesliebe (ThStKr, 1918,30-64). — Fridrichsen, Geheiligt werde dein
Name (TT 8, 1916). — Bohmer, J ., Die neutestamentliehe Gottesscheu und
die drei ersten Bitten des Vatenmsers. 211 pp. Halle, MUhlmann, 1917. —
Schmiedel, P. W., Die vierte Bitte im Vaterunser (PrM, 1914, 358-364;
1915,23-^6).- V otter, D., "Unser taglieh Bret" (PrM, 1914, 274-276;
1915, 20-23). -XwAn, G., (SchwThZ, 1919, 191-198). — Fiebig, P., Das
Wort Jesu vom Auge (ThStKr, 1916, 499-507). — FoZ<er,D., Eine vor-
kanonische Conjectur im N. T. und ihre Folgen (NThT, 1919, 22-42).—
Kogel, J ., Der Zweck der Gleichnisse Jesu im Balunen seiner VerkUndigung
(BFTh 19). 130 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 1915. — Oori, H., Lazarus
(ThT, 1919, 1-5). — Gressmann, H ., Vom reichen Mann imd armen Laza-
rus. Eine literargeschichtliche Studie mit Sgyptologischen Beitragen von G.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 133
Msller (AAB, Phil.-hist. Klasse). 90 pp. Beilin, 1918. — Windisch,H.,
Zum Gastmahl des Antipas (ZNW 18, 1917-18, 7S-S1). — Zonderv an. P.,
Het gastmaal van konmg Herodes (NThT 7, 1918, lSl-15S). — Immisck,
0., Matthaeus 16, 18 (ZNW, 1916, 18-32). — Dell,A.,ZuT Erklarung von
Matth. 16, 17-19 (ZNW, 1916, ^7-S^).—Harnack, A. von, Der Spruch
Uber Petrus als den Felsen der Kirche (Matth. 16, 17 f.) (SAB, 1918, 637-
654).
C
Corssen,P., Das apokalyptische Flugblatt in der synoptischen tJberlieferung
(WklPh, 1915, Nos. 30-31 and 33-34). — Volter, D., Die eschatologische
Rede Jesu und seine Weissagung von der Zerstorung Jerusalems (SchwThZ,
1915, 180-202). — Otto, K., Vom Abendmahl Christi (ChrW, 1917, No. 14).
— Schmiedel, P. W., Das Abendmahl und das Kiddusch (PrM, 1917,
225-239). — Goetz,K. G., Das Abendmahl eine Diatheke Jesu oder sein
letztes Gleichnis.'' (Untersuchungen zum N. T. 8). 90 pp. Leipzig, Hin-
richs, 1920. — Schlatter, 2 . , Die beiden Schwerter, Lukas 22, 35-38 (BFTh
20). 75 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 1916. — ZJtfteh'ws, M., "Herodes und
Pilatus" (ZNW 16, 1915, US-im). — Dibelius, M ., Die alttestament-
lichen Motive in der Leidensgeschichte des Petrus- und des Johannesevange-
liums (Abhandlungen zur semitischen Religionskunde und Sprachwissen-
schaft fUr W. Graf Baudissin, 126-150). Giessen, Topelmann, 1918. —
Spiifa, F. , Die Auferstehung Jesu. 133 pp. Gottingen, Vandenhoeck und
Ruprecht, 1918.
A
(a) Infancy narratives
Sloet (Roman Catholic) uses Josephus to fix the date of
Jesus' birth. Starting from the hypothesis (because of the
plural ol ^riTovvres, Matt. 2, 20) that Antipater was concerned
in the murder of the innocents at Bethlehem, he concludes that
the flight into Egypt must have taken place before Antipater
made his journey and fell into disgrace, that is, before May
A.u.c. 749. The census is dated by supposing that it was taken
in Palestine coincidently with the general oath of allegiance of
the Jews ordered by Herod in a.u.c. 748; thus Jesus was born
in 6 B.C. The difficulty that at this time either Saturninus or
Varus, and not Quirinius, was governor of Syria, Sloet solves
by the very doubtful expedient of translating irpwrr? . . .
■fiyefMvevovTos . . . Kvprjviov, 'an earher one than that made at
the time of the governorship of Quirinius.' Surely Luke would
have expressed such a note of time more clearly.
Gressmann's ingenious essay, Das Weihnachtsevangelium
(Gottingen, 1914) took as the supposed pattern for the Chris-
134 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
tian nativity narrative a Jewish messianic legend, which in its
turn was supposed to have come from the legend of Osiris as
given by Plutarch, De Iside et Osir. 12. A thorough criticism
of this construction, in which its weak sides are brought
out, is given by C. Clemen, (ThStKr, 1916, 237-252). J.
Oeffcken's supposition that in the story of the shepherds
figures and motives were taken over from the Mithras legend,
is likely to find little acceptance, since the whole underlying
notion of the analogy of the Fourth Eclogue of Virgil to the
gospel story must be rejected. See Windisch, ThR, 1917, 20 f.
In contrast to these the essay oi F. Boll is worth while. He
shows that dcrr^p must mean a single star, not a constellation,
nor a group of stars, nor even a comet. It is 'the star' of the
Messiah, which arose at his birth, as in the conception of antiqu-
ity every man was born with a star. It will not be found on any
astronomical chart.
The debate between P. W. Schmiedel and E. Riggenbach
as to the original text of Matt. 1, 16 turns chiefly on the weight
to be given to the citation of the passage by the Jew in the
Dialogue between Timothy and Aquila published by Conybeare.
Schmiedel deems this a genuine citation from the gospel, while
Riggenbach regards it as intentional Jewish perversion, and
thinks that the Christian editor accepted only the canonical
text. Schmiedel gives a good classification of all extant forms
of the text.
Grosheide discusses the text of the Sinaitic Syriac for
Matthew 1, 16, accepted by von Soden, and explains it as due
not to dogmatic tendency, but to the accidental error of a
Greek Christian scribe, whose attention flagged after the long
succession of genealogies. J. P. van Kasteren derives the
Syriac form from the text of the Ferrar-group, where by mistake
the name Joseph either was written twice or was read twice by
the Syriac translator; the actual Ferrar-text is believed to be
the result of dogmatic scruples. In his postscript Grosheide
argues against the idea of a dogmatic motive, but inconclu-
sively.
In the text of the angelic doxology of Luke 2, 14 Harnack
decides in favor of the text in two lines and the reading eiSodas.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 135
He shows that the word evSoda is generally used as a religious
term, signifying not the 'good will' of men, but the kindly
attitude of God. Harnack would connect evdoKias and eipijvr}
(as Origen did) in spite of the resulting intolerable hyperbaton.
See E. von Dobschutz, ThLZ, 1916, No. 9; J. H. Ropes, 'Good
Will toward Men,' HThR, 1917, 52-56.
(6) Buddhistic influence
On the question of Buddhistic influence on the gospel tradi-
tion, Beth lays down the general principles to be followed. He
calls for proof of actual intercourse between India and Syria
in the time of the gospels, and believes that it cannot be given.
In my opinion, greater caution is here necessary, and the possi-
bility of such influence must be taken into account. In the
next place Beth presses the question whether the gospel tradi-
tion is not more simply explained from Jewish and Palestinian
conditions. This question is certainly reasonable, and is often
neglected by Indie scholars. The same holds true of the prin-
ciple that the investigation should not be limited to Indie
material, since Egyptian or other parallels are often more
pertinent. Beth finally concludes that no gospel story need be
attributed to Indie sources. See DLZ, 1915, 893-901, 957-964.
Clemen, opposing Garbe (Indien und das Christentum) and
Edmunds, tries to prove independence of Buddhist traditions
for the material of the apocryphal as well as of the canonical
gospels.
(c) Semitisms
F. Schulthess (semitist at Basel) discusses in his inaugural
lecture the development and the documents of the Aramaic
language. He dates the extension of Aramaic to Palestine
earlier than is usual, taking the expressions 'Jewish' and
'Aramaic' in the story, 2 Kings 18, 26 ff.. Is. 36, 11 ff., not
literally, but as meaning 'Aramaic' and 'Assyrian.' On his
view Hebrew became the ecclesiastical language much earlier;
against which it may be urged that in that case it is incompre-
hensible that an Aramaic Targum should have arisen so late.
He next treats the texts from which we can reconstruct the
136 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Aramaic of Jesus' time (Palestinian Talmud, Midrashim,
Samaritan Targum, Christian Palestinian literature); of all
these new uniform editions are needed. The contrast of Judaean
and Galilean he takes to refer to the difference between the
written language (Judaean) and popular dialect, for he admits
but trifling distinctions between the Galilean and Judaean
dialects. The traces of original Aramaic in the gospels Schult-
hess assesses lower than Wellhausen. The Semitisms are for
the most part 'septuagintisms' or hebraisms. The Aramaic
tinge is due rather to the Greco-palestinian Koine. The follow-
ing interpretations are worthy of note. Boanerges is explained
as bene rehem, filii uteri, 'twins.' Iscariot, after the analogy of
(i)stratiotes, is either a different form of sicarius or a popular
adaptation to a place-name. Son of Man is 'man'; the Greek
form arose by the mistranslation of Dan. 7, 13 in the LXX.
{d) Length of ministry
To the New Testament problems at present actively dis-
cussed among Catholic scholars belongs the question of the
duration of Jesus' public ministry. Two scholars, van Bebber,
1898, and, since 1903, Belser (professor at Tubingen, f 1916)
have advocated the view of a one-year ministry, but without
thorough criticism of the tradition. Sharp opposition arose at
once and has continued. Meinertz first examines the patris-
tic tradition, here not uniform, then takes up the most impor-
tant Johannine data. He rejects Belser's excision of to iraffxa in
John 6, 4, but approves the transposition of chapters 5 and 6,
which had been adopted by other Catholic scholars; finally,
the feast of John 5, 1 is identical with the passover of 6, 4, so
that the ministry of Jesus as reported by John is reduced to two
years (so also van Kasteren, BiblZ, 1915, 177).
Hart I, a pupil of Meinertz, opposes at great length the one-
year hypothesis (now accepted by Mader); his method is to
take as basis the chronological character of John, but to aban-
don John's chronological arrangement. It is of interest that
Hartl counts the years of Tiberius (Luke 3, 1) from the begin-
ning of the joint-reign, a.d. 12 (in opposition see Dieckmann,
Klio, 15 339-375) ; also that he has been informed by the local
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 137
pastor in Nablus, that the wheat crop there begins in the mid-
dle of May, whence it follows that the event of John 4 (from
4, 35 on) took place at the beginning of February; and, finally,
that he tries to make it plausible that a Galilean was not bound
(as the representatives of the one-year theory assert) to make
the pilgrimages, from which again it follows that in the three
years Jesus may very well have failed to make some of them.
In the second part Hartl attacks various theories of dislocation
proposed by Catholic scholars, and argues for the strictly
chronological character of the Johannine presentation.
{e) Geography of Palestine
A handbook to the geography of the gospels has long been
needed. No one is better qualified to write it than G. Dalman,
who in a beautiful volume with photographs and plans has
brought together the results of his innumerable journeys and
careful research in the Holy Land. Dalman's attitude is one
of confidence in the gospel reports, although he admits minor
errors. He is disposed to accept the crypt of the Church of the
Nativity in Bethlehem as the birthplace of Jesus (in a cave),
but he does not consider authentic the mention of 'the brow
of the hiir (Luke 4, 29), since it does not agree with the situa-
tion of Nazareth. The ruins of the synagogue excavated at
Tell Hum he assigns to a new synagogue built about a.d. 200
on the site of the older one which stood there in Jesus' time.
The 'lilies of the field' he takes to refer to any large, gay wild
flowers. The tradition of a second western Bethsaida (Mark 6,
45) he rejects, as he does that of Tabor for the mount of trans-
figuration. Emmaus of Luke 24 is identical with 'Amwfi.s,
the statement that it was sixty miles distant from Jerusalem
being neglected as inaccurate. The place of the prayer in
Gethsemane he puts near the cave that is found there. The
locality of the Jewish trial of Jesus must remain uncertain;
but the palace of Pilate, where sentence was pronounced, is as-
signed to the neighborhood of the tower of David, in the western
part of the town, the traditional via dolorosa thereby becoming
impossible. Finally, with a thorough discussion, he main-
tains that the Church of the Holy Sepulchre occupies the cor-
138 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
rectly rediscovered site of the ancient Golgotha. See also C.
Sachsse, 'Golgatha und das Praetorium des Pilatus' (ZNW 19,
1919-20, 29-38), who defends the tradition, not only for the
site of Golgotha, but also in identifying the Praetorium with
the Castle Antonia.
B
(/) Baptism and temptation
Gressmann's essay on the baptism is only a sketch, now
fully elaborated in a long article which appeared in AR 20,
1921, 1-40; 323-359. The significance of the legend of the
baptism is the call of Jesus not as a prophet but as messiah.
The dove is a royal bird, the bird of Ishtar-Atargatis. Gress-
mann considers the account in John, according to which John
the Baptist saw what happened, to be the original form. The
two forms of the voice from heaven give respectively an adop-
tion-formula and a marriage-formula.
A . Meyer explains that the two accounts of the temptation,
that in Mark and that in Matthew and Luke, report two en-
tirely different events. Mark's brief mention is based on the
myth of the struggle between the hero-god and the lord of
darkness; while in Matthew and Luke Jesus debates like a
scribe. The three Old Testament citations might well have
been an earlier Jewish compilation, popularly transferred to
the individual Son of God. Meyer warns against understand-
ing the temptations too definitely as messianic. On the tempta-
tion narratives see also a Catholic dissertation, P. Ketter, Die
Versuchung Jesu nach dem Berichte der Synoptiker (Neutesta-
mentliche Abhandlungen 6), xvii, 140 pp. Munster, Aschen-
dorff, 1918.
(g) Miracles of healing
Titius has made with the assistance of technical medical
works a valuable study of the expulsion of demons in the gos-
pels. Mark and Q set a high value on the exorcisms of Jesus,
while Matthew weakens their significance (cf. 7, 23), and in
John, which mentions no cure of a demoniac, every part of
Jesus' activity is presented as a victory over death and the
devil. The physical affections in question are to be regarded as
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 139
psychoses and neuroses. In Mark 9, 14 flf. two different ac-
counts have been confused, one of epilepsy and one of dumb-
ness; in this instance epilepsy was not healed immediately,
but its cure at a later time was assured. The illness described
in Luke 13, 11 S. is scoliosis hysterica, which comes suddenly
and vanishes as suddenly; it can be cured by suggestive in-
fluence on the will. The dumbness of Luke 11, 14 ff. is similar.
The phenomenon of demon-mania is explained as depersonali-
zation, the idea of dual consciousness. The account in Mark 1,
23 ff. and parallels is entirely comprehensible and correct; on
the other hand, the result in Mark 5, 1 ff. (the Gerasene) is
improbable, since a cure usually proceeds not by a sudden dis-
charge but by a gradual recession of the symptoms. In gen-
eral Mark has made the picture conform to cruder popular
ideas, perhaps under the influence of dogmatic considerations,
and has thus caused the work of Jesus to resemble the exorcism
of an enthusiast. Jesus must have been an exorcist of un-
exampled success; his work strengthened confidence in himself
and in God.
The Catholic scholar J. Jaeger protests against such expla-
nations of the stories of healing, and shows with interesting
illustrations how elaborate and tedious is the modern pro-
cedure in cure by suggestion. But medicine is also acquainted
with sudden results due to suggestion; moreover Jesus was a
religious suggestion-healer.^
(h) Sermon on the Mount
Of the numerous essays and articles on this subject which
have appeared in Germany, as elsewhere, discussing the right
relation to war of a follower of Jesus, it is impossible here to
give a report. See my reports on 'Jesus und der Krieg' in
ThR, 1914, 1917. Studies which remain instructive since the
war are:
Eissfeldt,0., Krieg and Bibel (ReligionsgescMchtliche VolksbUcher).
84 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1915. — Peine, P., Evangelium, Krieg und Welt-
frieden. 54 pp. Leipzig, Deichert, 1915. — Ihmels, L., Der Krieg und die
' For a mytholo^cal interpretation of Mark 6, 48, see H. Windisch, 'En hij wilde
hen voorbijgaan' (NThT, 1920, 298-308).
140 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
JUnger Jesu. 64 pp. Leipzig, Deichert, 1916. — Kattenhusch, F ., tJber
Feindesliebe im Sinne des Christentums (ThStKr, 1916, 1-70). — Wernle,
P., Antimilitarismus und Evangelium. 88 pp. Basel, Helbing und Lich-
tenhahn, 1915. — Plooij, £>., Jezus en de oorlog (ThSt, 1916, 113-129).
For completeness I add two semi-popular writings which
did not appear until after the war:
Weinel, H., Die Bergpredigt, ihr Aufbau, ihr ursprtinglicher Sion und
ihre Echtheit, ihre Stellung La der Beligionsgeschichte und ihre Bedeutung
fUr die Gegenwart (Aus Natur und Geisteswelt 710). 116 pp. Leipzig, Teub-
ner, 1920. — Baumgarten, 0., Bergpredigt und Kultur der Gegenwart
(Religionsgeschichtliche Volksbticher). 119 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1921.
Turning now to the more scientific works, the present-day
problem is the scope and validity of the rigoristic teaching of
the Sermon on the Mount — a problem which burns as well
in the soul of the scientific investigator, and for which F.
Ndgelsbach offers a solution. His key is that the Sermon on
the Mount was addressed primarily to the Apostles, and set
forth the conditions of their special calling. For certain parts
of the Sermon this is acceptable; for Matthew's compilation
as a whole it breaks down. In the Sermon, as elsewhere in
Jesus' teaching, we have to distinguish between what is ad-
dressed to pious Jews and what implies a religious community
of disciples separated from Judaism, and in it those precepts
predominate which could only be given to persons occupying
an exceptional position outside of the established social and
political order. See Deissner, ThGg, 1917, 240 f.
K. Kohler reconstructs as follows the original form of the
beatitudes as they stood in Q:
Blessed are the poor, for they shall be comforted.
Blessed are the hungry, for they shall be filled.
Blessed are they that weep, for they shall laugh.
Blessed is he whom men revile, for in like manner did they unto the prophets.
Luke has thus preserved the original form best; Matthew has
added, according to Kohler, more than is usually supposed;
in particular he has introduced the kingdom as a reward.
Fiebig discusses the originality of the saying about love to
enemies in the light of the Jewish parallels. He believes the
greatness of Jesus to lie in the fact that with unexampled clear-
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 141
ness and sharpness of expression he demands a boundless love,
which oversteps national limits, a true love of mankind. By
'enemy' in Matt. 5, 43-48 is meant the national enemy; in 5,
38-42 the private enemy. In 5, 38 ff . Fiebig points out that
the formulation is in opposition to the usual interpretation of
the jus talionis, and is connected with the rabbinical tradition,
even in the choice of examples. Luke's version is less vivid,
and secondary.
Fiebig shows from rabbinical usage that the saying about
the eye. Matt. 6, 22 f., cannot be taken as a parable, since the
Jews habitually regarded the eye as aflFected with ethical
character. In the saying Jesus warns us to look out for the
eye, and remarks on its significance for the whole body.
In Matt. 7, 21, Luke 6, 46 ('Why call ye me Lord, Lord?')
K. Kohler gives precedence to Luke; Kipie there still means
'Sir.' The form of Matt. 7, 21 is a modification of Q under the
influence of Joel 3, 5 (2, 32), or more properly a protest from
the side of the earnest and strict morality of a Jewish Christian
against the moral laxity of the Pauline gentile Christians. The
essay is important in general with reference to the develop-
ment of the Kyrios- worship, the origin of which Kohler assigns
to a very late date.
The 'precanonical conjecture' in the New Testament for
which Volter argues, relates to Luke 7, 35, Matt. 11, 19, where
for the incomprehensible <ro0ia he would substitute a supposedly
original SoSojua and add awo 'lepovaaXrifi Kal before air6 tolvtuv
tS)v TfKvoiv avT^s. He appeals to the agraphon (?) ediKaiisdrj
S68o/ia iK ffov (Origen; Const. Ap. ii, 60) and to Ezekiel 16,
52. The consequences of this 'conjecture,' which belongs to
Q and introduced the idea of wisdom, can be traced, according
to Volter, in the addition here of the great logion (Matt. 11,25-
30) in which Jesus is represented as the personification of
wisdom. Volter opposes Norden and the latter's assumption
that here, as in Ecclus. 51 and Corp. Hermet. I, we have the
same threefold scheme (prayer of thanksgiving, reception of
gnosis, appeal). According to Volter the logion is made up
directly from Ecclus. 51 and 24, but has been influenced in
language by the first Hermetic tract. The whole is therefore
142 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
not a genuine utterance of Jesus, but the product of literary
reflection.^
(i) Lord's Prayer
The Norwegian scholar Fridrichsen, proceeding from the
strictly eschatological character of the Lord's Prayer, concludes
that the first petition is not a doxology but a genuine prayer.
He derives it (cf . Ezekiel) from the eschatological hallowing of
the name, which God himself brings to pass by a final miracle
of salvation, a deed of power against his enemies.
Bohmer interprets the first three petitions in almost the
same way. After giving (pp. I-I67) detailed lists to show the
influence of Jewish 'reverence,' that is, the fear of directly
pronouncing the name of God, he proceeds to controvert the
interpretation renewed by W. Neveling (PrM, 1916, 10-18) by
which the first three prayers are taken as vows: 'We will hal-
low thy name; we will help establish and extend thy kingdom;
we will execute thy will.' In opposition to this view Bohmer
proves by numerous analogies that the verb 'hallow' was origi-
nally purely religious, and had God as its sole subject. The
first petition then prays that God establish his position in the
world as God; the second, that he become manifest as king,
without reference to the cooperation of the praying worshiper;
the third relates to God's saving and gracious will, in which
man's part is purely passive.
P. W. Schmiedel (Zurich) and D. Volter (Amsterdam) have
maintained a brisk discussion of the meaning of emovcnos.
Schmiedel defends emphatically the translation 'bread for
tomorrow,' relying on the derivation from fi i-movda sc. iiixipa
and the mahar of the Gospel according to the Hebrews. On the
other hand, Volter defends the translation 'continual,' 'daily,'
as the Old Syriac and Old Latin translations understood the
word, and urges Matt. 6, 34, as well as the Lukan t6 Kad' iifxepav,
which can only mean 'daily' bread, not bread 'for tomorrow'
' Volter has contributed equally ingenious and hypothetical papers on the gospels
to almost every volume of NThT., 'Jesus am fJlberg,' 1915, 1 ff.; 'Die Taufe Jesu
durch Johannes,' 1917, 53 ff.; 'Die Versuchung Jesu,' 1917, 348 ff.; 'Die Rede Jesu
Uber Johannes den Tanfer nebst Bemerkungen zut Rede des TSufers tiber Jesus,' 1920,
76-95.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 143
(cf. also NThT, 1915, 140-143). J. Kuhn offers the happy
mediating suggestion that in Aramaic the expression was one
meaning 'destined (necessary) for the coming day,' — which
oould be interpreted to mean 'continual,' or 'daily,' or 'for to-
morrow.'
(J) Parables
Kogel tries to explain Mark 4, 12 by the formula: 'Jesus,
like Isaiah, hardens the people by making intelligible to them
through parables the preaching of the kingdom.' This is not
tenable, for to say that the people did not believe is a different
thing from saying that the parables as a mode of teaching had
the purpose of hardening. See Windisch, ThR, 1917, 28-32.
A very instructive contribution to the question of what the
materials were from which Jesus created his parables has been
made by Gressmann. With the parable of Dives and Lazarus
he compares a Jewish tradition, extant in various versions, and
an Egyptian tale of the underworld. The former describes the
death and burial of a pious man and of a publican, and the
different fate of the two in the next world; the latter tells of
the burial of a rich man and a poor man, and how Setme sees
them again on his descent into the underworld. Gressmann
thinks that the Jews heard the tale in Egypt, and that Jesus
got it from the common stock of popular legend, but that the
form of the story which the parable implies is primary as com-
pared with the Talmudic form. The peculiarity of the gospel
parable lies in the stripping off of what is fantastic and in the
distinct moralization that appears in the second part (which
Gressman considers original). See Gunkel, ThLZ, 1919, No,
9-10.
Oort explains the name Lazarus in our parable by the fact
that among the hellenistic Greeks 'Lazarus' was the type of
the oppressed and pious man (with allusion here and there to
the martyr Eleazar). The more radical hypothesis of B. W.
Bacon (Hibbert Journal, 1917), that the name specially belongs
with the feast of dedication, which was Maccabean, and which
he supposes to have been transformed by the evangelists
(John 11) into a Christian feast, is rejected by Oort. The
144 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Johannine story of Lazarus has in fact nothing to do with the
feast of dedication.
(k) Death of John the Baptist
The story of Herod's feast and the death of the Baptist has
also been re-examined in the light of new material. After
Reimarus, Die Stqffgeschichte der Salomedichtungen (1913), had
suggested the derivation of the narrative from a theme of the
rhetorical schools (execution of a man under trial at the de-
mand, and in the presence of, a girl), the present reviewer
compared it with novelistic material to be found in Athenaeus
xiii, 35 f. (the princess has to choose her husband at a feast).
My purpose was not to suggest the derivation of the Synoptic
narrative from this source, but to show that it was historically
possible that the princess should appear at a banquet. With
the same motive I have discussed the connection between the
gospel narrative and the story of the love affairs of Xerxes
(Herodotus ix, 108-113).
P. Zondervan, on the other hand, who includes a reply to
me in his article, takes the improbable view that literary influ-
ence of Herodotus upon Mark is possible, and that the novel
in Athenaeus (especially the platter motive) has aflFected our
narrative. It is possible that legendary motives have been
used in the narrative; but it is my opinion that foreign legends
have been drawn on for decoration only and not for the fabric
of the story; and further that legend was not elaborated in
books, but in oral tradition. In an article, 'De My the van de
wedergeboorte der Natuur bij Herodotus' (NThT, 1919, 205-
240), Zondervan tries to prove a mythical origin of the Herod
novel; see also D. V biter (NThT, 1921, 10 ff.), who connects
the evangelist with the book of Esther; and again in reply P.
Zondervan, 'Het boek Esther en het gastmaal van koning
Herodes' (NThT, 1921, 206-217). Dalman, 'Zum Tanz der
Tochter des Herodes ' (PalJ 14, 44-46) tries to show by modern
analogies that the dance of a princess at court was entirely
possible.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 145
(I) Jesus' words to Peter
Interesting essays are to be noted relating to the words to
Peter, Matthew 16. A. Dell (ZNW, 1914, 1-49) explains the
conceptions underlying Matt. 16, 17-19 from the point of
view of the history of religions. He concludes that the utter-
ance is the product of popular imagination occupying itself
with the figure of Peter, and that in its present form it is the
work of the evangelist. Immisch, a student of philology,
tries to prove its genuineness by showing its connections with
the physical features of Caesarea Philippi. Behind the city
rises a high wall of rock on which stood a sanctuary (the temple
of Augustus), while at the foot of the cliff was the grotto of Pan
with a spring, an entrance into the lower world ('the gates of
hell')- AH this proves nothing. The evangelist betrays no
knowledge of the location at the foot of the mountain; and the
saying itself would suit Jerusalem quite as well (cliff; entrance
to Hades). That the saying originated in the Aramaic-speak-
ing primitive church is very probable.
Harnack's study follows a different direction. He does not
undertake to trace the derivation, but to determine afresh the
original text and meaning. ' The gates of hell shall not prevail
against' means 'shall not die.' That cannot well be said of
the church, but only of a man, that is of Peter. Either avrrjs
refers to irerpa (i.e. Peter) or else the original reading must
have been crii el K.7]<f>as Kal irvXai adov ov Kariax^'^ov'^'-'' o' o v. But
that is the text of Tatian according to Ephrem. The saying
was originally a promise to Peter that he should not die be-
fore the parousia, and belongs with the similar words Mk. 9, 1 ;
13, 30 and John 21, 22. Harnack's argument on the textual
criticism seems to me open to objection, but the idea is worth
considering that the saying promises continuance until the
parousia not only to the church but also to Peter. This is, in
fact, the way in which both Origen and the heathen in Maca-
rius Magnes interpret the passages to which Harnack refers.
See Windisch, ThLZ, 1919, No. 17-18; J. Haussleiter, ThLBl,
1918, No. 25-26. The latter rejects the reference to Peter, as
well as the reconstruction, of the text, since he cannot believe
146 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
that an interpolation originating, as Harnack thinks, in Rome
could so easily have been accepted in the whole Orient. J.
Sickenberger, ThRev, 1920, No. 1-2, holds that the reference
of avTtjs to Peter is possible but less probable, and explains
the text in Ephrem as deliberate alteration. See also D. Volter,
NThT,1921, 174-205; Bultmann, ZNW, 19, 165 ff.
(to) Apocalyptic discourse
P. Corssen and D. Volter have independently made a literary
analysis of the apocalytic discourse of Mark 13 and parallels
with a view to ascertaining its historical significance. Corssen
sees in the discourse a revision of a prophetic Flugblatt, pub-
lished for the Christian community before the siege of Jeru-
salem, perhaps at the time of the Idumean massacres, and identi-
tifies it with the oracle mentioned by Eusebius, H. E. iii, 5, 3.
There was danger that the Christians would be drawn into the
whirlpool of messianic enthusiasm; for that reason the prophet
demands separation from the Jewish community. The Flug-
blatt consisted of Mk. 13, 7, 8, 12; Matt. 24, 10-12, 15-22, 23-
51. The additions made by Mark were intended to adapt the
apocalypse in some degree to the unexpected course of the actual
events.
Volter takes as the kernel of the apocalyptic discourse Mk.
13, 7 f., 14-20, 24-27; he dates it earlier, in the time of the
troubles under Caligula. Mark has combined this with real
words of Jesus; thus Volter thinks the words Mk. 13, 1 f.,
28-31 and Lk. 19, 41-44 to be a connected series of sayings in
which Jesus speaks in the consciousness of being the Son of
Man mentioned by Ezekiel.
(n) Last Supper
R. Otto explains the original character of the Lord's Supper
by a new hypothesis (although Box, JThSt, 1902, had proposed
something similar) . He connects the Last Supper not with the
passover, but with the kiddush, celebrated on the eve of the
passover, at which likewise wine and bread are blessed and
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 147
distributed. The association of ideas which prompted Jesus
started with the breaking of the bread; that suggested the
death which threatened him, a death by stoning, in which his
limbs would be broken and his blood flow.
Schmiedel in reply holds to the connection of the Last Sup-
per with the passover (emphasizing the idea of the passover
sacrifice); only after the destruction of Jerusalem was the
kiddush set on the eve of the passover. He also defends the
Synoptic account, which Otto abandons in favor of the Johan-
nine.
The controversy shows once more the great difficulty of
distinguishing the genuine from the secondary in the accounts
of the Last Supper, and of catching the thoughts of Jesus and
their occasion. See Windisch, ThR, 1917, 329-332. An at-
tempt to ascertain the original meaning of the Last Supper by
omission of certain words is made by K. Goets in his latest
book on the subject. The idea which he excises is that of
diatheke. The act of Jesus must be understood as symbol
and parable; it is to be thought of somewhat as Jlilicher put
it — as the last parable of Jesus. And it is to be observed that
Jesus does not speak of his slain body, but of body (flesh) and
blood, of his human person (compare the prayers in the Di-
dache) ; in a parable he designated his human nature as food
and drink for his disciples.
(o) Passion and resurrection
The enigmatic saying about the swords found only in Luke,
occupied many minds during the war. Schlatter has devoted
to it a remarkable essay, which on the whole, as it seems to me,
explains satisfactorily literary form and original meaning. In
opposition to most exegetes Schlatter takes the words neither
metaphorically nor ironically. It is a serious piece of advice
for the troublous times to come, to have a sword at hand not,
as the socialist exegesis insists, to fight against the Romans, but
for self-defence against bandits and assassins. Thus Schlatter
denies to the saying any connection with the story of the pas-
sion, and strips it of all relation to a possible defence of Jesus
by force. In my book, Der messianische Krieg und das Ur-
148 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
christentum, 1909, I proposed the hypothesis that on the way
to Gethsemane Jesus had been warned to watchfulness against
a threatened attack and urged to defend himself against it;
and that he was brought to the decision not to use force in his
own defence only by the struggle in Gethsemane. This view
is, of cource, only tenable if at the "Last" Supper Jesus had
not yet foreseen his death and submitted to the necessity of
it. See ThR, 1914, 311 f.
M . Dibelius has written a penetrating study of the com-
position and motives of the passion-narrative. He emphasizes
the apologetic character of these chapters and the limited
portion due to eye witnesses, in which he includes only the
Last Supper, the arrest, the denial, and the crucifixion. The
evangelists wanted to give a continuous and complete narra-
tive, and consequently had to supplement their materials by
their own combinations and arbitrary additions. If Luke gives
a more complete account than others, it is not that he can draw
on a completer and better tradition, but what we have is due
to his greater literary skill and to the growth of legends. The
scene 'Jesus before Herod' is to be considered legendary. It
contains, as Dibelius says with some exaggeration, nothing
concrete, but consists of three conventional motives — the
silence of Jesus, the accusation by the high priests, and the
mocking by Herod and the soldiers. All that Luke had heard
was that Jesus stood before Herod, and that Pilate and Herod
made common cause. Even that, however, came from the
prophecy, Ps. 2, 1 f ., which was interpreted of Herod and Pilate;
and this interpretation, as Acts 4, 25 ff. shows, first received
fixed form in a prayer used in public worship. The scene in
the passion-narrative once invented, the detailed shaping was
quite within Luke's power. Moreover, the episode is open to
the objection that the chronology of the gospels hardly provides
time for it.
In the second essay Dibelius pursues the investigation of
Old Testament influence on the tradition of the passion and of
Easter. The following narratives are derived from the theo-
logical and historical interpretation of the Old Testament:
Jesus placed on the chair of the judge (Justin, Apol. 1, 35 and
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 149
Ev. Peter 6, cf . Is. 59, 9 f .) ; the parting of the garments (Ev.
Petr. 12, Jn. 19, 24, cf. Psalm 22, 18). In a source used by
John the following points were already included: Mary Mag-
dalene informs the brethren of the appearance to her (cf . Psalm
22, 20); Jesus' body pierced, Jn. 19, 36 f. (cf. Zech. 12, 10, Ps.
34, 20) ; Jesus drinks, Jn. 19, 29 (cf . Ps. 69, 21). Dibelius points
out that the Gospel of Peter is full of new traits, and that its
author attaches his story to the Old Testament much more
closely than is the case in the canonical gospels. That means
that the later gospel still shows the more original form of the
use of the Old Testament as source for evangelical tradition.
Dibelius rejects the opinion that the Gospel of Peter used the
Acts of Pilate.
In a very original piece of work, the only one before us deal-
ing with the resurrection of Jesus, F. S pitta follows solely the
method of exegesis and literary criticism. Points of view and
deductions drawn from the history of religions he leaves un-
touched. Also the modern vision-hypothesis with its as-
sumptions (the flight of the disciples to Galilee; Peter the
first to receive a vision) is rejected. As in earlier writings,
he still prefers the accounts of Luke and John, and believes
that by means of a few omissions and by using the tradition of
the Gospel according to the Hebrews the following series of
events can be shown to be historical : By a miraculous restora-
tion to life of the body of Jesus the grave actually became
empty; Jesus was 'raised' in the same way as Lazarus or the
daughter of Jairus, and he appeared again just as before, not
in a transfigured celestial body. Of course the grave was
neither sealed nor guarded by soldiers. A priest's servant per-
haps helped him out of his grave-clothes and gave him other
garments (cf. the Gospel according to the Hebrews). He first
met James, then Mary Magdalene. Later he is with the dis-
ciples at Emmaus; but further miracles do not take place;
his disappearance is a secret departure from the room, after
which he rides back to Jerusalem. In the same manner when
he comes to the disciples there assembled he does not pass
through closed doors, but (like Peter, Acts 12, 6flP.) enters
after knocking and being admitted by the door-keeper. Thus
150 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
it is not a matter of appearances, but of the resumption of
intercourse with his friends. The only miracle is the return
to life. That had taken place during the night between Satur-
day and Sunday, not 'on the third day,' nor 'after three days,'
— these words are derived not from the cult-myths of the death
and resurrection of saviour-gods but from Hosea 6, 2 (as if
that passage itself were not the precipitate of a myth).
The advantage of this reconstruction is that Spitta tries so
far as possible to hold to the gospel tradition. But he finds it
necessary to force his texts in order to make them suit his
theory; for they imply the transfigured body of the risen Lord.
The lonely traveler who all of a sudden is walking with his
friends, and then disappears again equally at unawares, is a
strange figure. Moreover, Spitta has no discussion of the (sec-
ond) departure of Jesus. His hypothesis requires a second
miracle, a translation like that of Elijah, unless Jesus, like
Lazarus, died a second time (and in the deepest secrecy). In
a word, Spitta's attempt breaks down, and proves anew that
we must take into account visions and myths in order to explain
the Easter stories. See Bultmann, ThLZ, 1919, No. 11-12;
Deissner, ThGg, 1919, 187 flf.; Fiebig, LZBl, 1920, No. 13-14.
Fiebig proposes that we apply to the Easter stories the Bud-
dhistic theosophical experiences of the materialization and de-
materialization of the body, and so reach a solution of the
problems. Cf. also R. A. Hoffmann (professor at Vienna), Das
Geheimnis der Auferstehung Jesu. 167 pp. Leipzig, 1921.
3. Jesus Christ
A
Life of Christ
Wernle, P., Jesus, xv, 368 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1916. — Loofs, F., Wer
war Jesus Christus? xii, 255 pp. Halle, Niemeyer, 1916. — Brun, L., Jesu
Evangelium. xi, 640 pp. Christiania, Aschehoug, 1917. — Schlatter, A.,
Die Geschichte des Christus. 544 pp. Stuttgart, Calwer Vereinsbuchhand-
lung, 1920. — Lepsius, J., Das Leben Jesu. 2 Bde. 382, 380 pp. Potsdam,
Tempelverlag, 1917, 1918. — Mehlhorn, P., Wahrheit und Dichtung im
Leben Jesu (Aus Natur und Geisteswelt 137). 2. Aufl. 130 pp. Leipzig,
Teubner, 1919.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 151
B
Jestis' conception of himself
Frovig, ^., Das SelbstbewusstSein Jesu als Lehrer iind Wundertater nach
Markus und der sogenannten Redequelle untersucht. 263 pp. Leipzig,
Deichert, 1918. — Volter, D., Die Menschensohnfrage neu untersucht.
66 pp. Leiden, Brill, 1916. —Kuknert, E., 6 vidi tov avdpoyirov (ZNW 18,
1917-18, 165-176). — Bultmann, R., Die Frage nach dem messianischen
Bewusstsein Jesu und das Petnis-bekenntnis (ZNW 19, 1919-20, 165-174).
C
Jesus' ethics, and use of the Old Testament
Grimm, E., Die Ethik Jesu. 2. Aufl. 343 pp. Leipzig, Heinsius, 1917. —
Preisker, H.,Die Ethik der Evangelien und die judische ApokaJyptik (dis-
sertation). 70 pp. Breslau, 1915. — Pr ets A; er, H., Die Art und Tragweite
der Lebenslehre Jesu (ThStKr, 1919, 1-45). — Hanel, J. , Der Schriftbegriff
Jesu. Studie zur Kanonsgeschichte und religiosen BeurteUung des Alten
Testaments (BFTh 24). 224 pp. GUtersloh, Bertelsmann, 1919.
Life of Christ
The book of P. Wernle is the best detailed, scholarly, and
yet popular exposition of the teaching and character of Jesus
that we have in German. It has, as the preface explains,
two deUberate aims, — exactness of philological and historical
criticism and religious understanding. The author now puts
the main emphasis on the latter, admitting that he formerly
overestimated the value of purely scientific and technical
study in this field. It is indeed to undertake the infinite, if it
be our aim to comprehend the personality of Jesus. Wernle
has in general escaped the risk of obscuring the historical point
of view through interest in the religious understanding. He
insists that the story of Jesus is by no means 'edifying,' and
the strangeness and drastic harshness of Jesus are not con-
cealed in his portrayal.
He begins with a sketch of 'VoUcstum imd Eigenart,' which
sets forth Jesus' Old Testament faith, and his individuality in
contrast to contemporary Judaism. The teaching of Jesus is
described under the topics, belief in God, man and God's
requirements, the message of the coming kingdom of God.
152 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
In Jesus' attitude to the Jewish Law, Wemle emphasizes the
sharper, enhanced, more absolute quality shown in Jesus' re-
quirements. In discussing the source of these, not ascetic but
heroic, commands, Wernle for the most part neglects the con-
crete, eschatological situation which gave them their occasion,
and prefers to associate them with Jesus' deep experience of
God. Jesus' attitude to the Roman state is marked by two
points of view: on the one side the duty of political obedience,
with brusque rejection of everything revolutionary; on the
other, the exaltation of religious duty, of the love of God and
yearning for the kingdom of God, raised far above anything
political. Wernle's presentation of the signs of the kingdom
of God and the conditions of its coming is admirable. As to
the date of the coming of the kingdom he distinguishes neutral
utterances, sayings which represent it as near, and expressions
which indicate its present realization. He sees no reason for
denying originality to any one of these groups; although the
'catastrophic' idea may have been the interpretation of a
later day. In any case the kingdom will not come through our
efforts. Wernle's emphasis on the bearing of the one (so Mark
and Matthew) genuine word from the cross deserves mention.
In the last chapter he admits that Jesus regarded himself as
the messiah, but with a novel conception under which he pre-
sented himself as one trusted by the Father and sent to help
his brethren. Throughout the book the effort is manifest to
relieve the teaching and person of Jesus of contemporary,
human traits, and to translate them into the sphere of the
eternal. See E. TrOltsch, ThLZ, 1916, No. 3; Julicher, ChrW,
1915, No. 48; Windisch, ThR, 1917, 42 ff.; Feme, ThLBl, 1916,
No. 4.
The book of F. Loofs is a translation of his Haskell Lectures,
What is the Truth about Jesus Christ? (New York, Scribners,
1913) . Wernle's book, which Loofs does not wholly agree with,
is the occasion of the publication in German. Loofs's main
thesis, namely, that the assumption that the life of Jesus was
purely human can be proved incorrect, historically and theologi-
cally, seems to me defective. He directs his arguments only
against the antiquated 'liberal' account of Jesus and the ex-
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 153
treme eschatological Jesus; but his acute and thoughtful criti-
cism deserves attention. See Windisch, ThR, 1917, 49-58;
Knopf, ThLZ, 1917, No. 11.
The work of the Norwegian scholar L. Brun is heavily
weighted with learning. The author lays great stress on the
relation of the gospel of Jesus to later Judaism, and in every
chapter introduces a comparison of later Jewish views of the
subject in hand. He takes in general a mediating position.
Schlatter has published a new edition of the first volume
('Das Wort Jesu') of his Theology of the New Testament
(1909) . The new title, ' Geschichte des Christus,' indicates that
Schlatter aims to portray not the so-called Jesus of history but
the Christ of the four gospels; it also implies that in order to
understand this Christ the student must not limit himself to
a bare statement of his teachings but must realize the unity
of doctrine and deed. The sections of the earlier work are
largely reproduced, but in different order and generally with
considerable alteration. The spirit of the work is the same as
before; Synoptic and Johannine tradition and conception
unite to form one harmonious stream. Schlatter has a good
acquaintance with later Judaism and constantly weaves this
knowledge into his history. He is a very suggestive theologian,
although his reflections ought not to be accepted as if they
were critical historical interpretation.
F. Lepsius' romance is included here because the author is
a thoroughly trained theologian, and the book everywhere
shows his acquaintance with the critical problems. The poetic
reconstruction itself is interesting to the scholar, for the artistic
intuition of the romance-writer has infused fresh dramatic
vitality into the brief narratives of the evangelists. The writ-
er's personal knowledge of the Orient is apparent in every
chapter. See Mehlhorn, PrM, 1919, No. 7-8; Deissner, ThGg,
1919, 183 ff.
The little book of P. Mehlhorn (f), in which the author at-
tempted to distinguish sharply between truth and poetry in the
gospel tradition according to the principles of modern scholar-
ship and liberal theology, has appeared in a revised edition.
154 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
B
Jesus' conception of himself
The Norwegian A . Frovig has given a very conservative de-
tailed treatment of the ' self -consciousness ' (Selbstbewusstsein)
of Jesus. In the discussion of Jesus as teacher the word e^ovffia,
which marks his contrast to the scribes and Pharisees, is ex-
plained as the possession of a higher power which was the
source of Jesus' independent attitude toward tradition and the
Bible. Frovig conceives of Jesus' consciousness of his own
nature as prophetic, as super-prophetic, and as messianic. He
lets the eschatological expectation drop out of Jesus' circle of
ideas, although the conquest of Satan was a main element in
the messianic office as Jesus conceived it. In spite of restrict-
ing himself to the Synoptic tradition, the author is forced to
assume for that tradition a basis of what are in fact Johannine
ideas, and it is not surprising that the discussion brings up at
last not with a contrast but with a unity between Jesus' ideas
and the faith of the church. See M. Dibelius, ThLZ, 1919,
No. 19-20.
Volter's essay is a reproduction and defence of the idea
brought forward in his Jesus der Menschensohn oder das Berufs-
hewusstsein Jesu, 1914 (see also NThT, 1915), that Jesus' idea
of himself as Son of Man was derived from Ezekiel. By the
connection in the story of Zacchaeus (which is a doublet of the
calling of Levi) of the vocation of the Son of Man with for-
giveness, he establishes an analogy to the vocation of the ' Son
of Man' in Ezekiel, and he then proceeds to argue that in the
Sermon on the Mount, the parables, and the cleansing of the
temple Jesus follows the pattern of Ezekiel. The ingenious
argument is unconvincing.
E. Kuhnert quite wrongly explains the term Son of Man to
mean 'benefactor, or savioiu-, of mankind,' arguing from the
Greek inscriptions which designate a benefactor as vibs irbXeus,
vibs KaohKiwv, vios "EXXdSoj, etc. See E. Hertlein, ZNW 19,
1919-20, 46-48.
Bultmann, following and supplementing Wrede's studies,
raises anew doubts as to the soundness of the tradition of the
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 155
title Son of Man. The fact that behef in Jesus' messiahship
arose after his death has, he holds, left positive traces in the
tradition, notably in the 'messianic secret' and in Peter's con-
fession at Caesarea Philippi. The former was intended to ex-
plain why the people did not accept the apostolic preaching,
and also why the Apostles themselves had not recognized until
after the resurrection that Jesus was the messiah. In Peter's
confession the pericope in Mark is secondary, being both
prompted by partisan animosity against Peter and in its present
form mutilated. The words addressed to Peter in Matthew are
an integral part of the pericope, and Bultmann infers that the
whole scene is the invention of the early church. Using the
singular agreement between Matt. 16, 17 f. and Gal. 1, 15 f.,
he concludes that the conversation with Peter also relates to
an Easter vision and that in Mk. 8, 27-30 it is the risen Christ
who speaks, as well as in Matt. 18, 15-20, cf. also John 20,
22 f.; 21, 15-19.
Bultmann's argument is not wholly convincing, but is strik-
ing. Yet it is nowhere stated in the gospels that the messiah-
ship was directly concealed from the disciples. Moreover, in
the narrative the exact fixing of the locality remains impressive
as against the idea that the whole scene is the product of later
thought; the note of place (Mk. 8, 27a) cannot be connected
with the preceding pericope. It may well be that an historical
narrative and a resurrection-story are here combined; in any
case the full credibility of the pericope is shaken.
Jesus' ethics, and use of the Old Testament
Grimm, a liberal pastor, has written for educated laymen
with lucidity and careful thought. In this 2d edition some dis-
cussions suggested by the War have been added.
The Breslau dissertation of H. Preisker is an able investi-
gation of the relation of the ethics of the gospels to Jewish
apocalyptic. The influence of the apocalypses on Jesus is to be
seen in the effect exerted by eschatology on his moral teaching,
which is traced in a variety of aspects. Also the attitude of
156 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Jesus as to the validity of the Law is prepared for by the apo-
calyptic writers, who reject Pharisaic formalism, emphasize
such virtues as purity, humility, and love of one's neighbor,
and reflect on the origin of sin, while on the other hand they
do not touch the question of the source of power for the fulfil-
ment of the commandments. But there are also differences,
— the drastic and heroic quality of Jesus' requirements, the
setting aside of the ritual precepts, the universalism of the law
of love, the conviction that the kingdom of God is already com-
ing. Jesus purified and deepened Jewish moral teaching; in
the ethics of the later church Jewish influence grew stronger.
Preisker does not extend his inquiry to the ethics of the Old
Testament prophets or of the wisdom-literature.
In Preisker' s second essay the new and exalted elements
of Jesus' teaching are much more strongly emphasized, and
it is urged that these were due not to apocalyptic doctrine but
to the personal character of Jesus, which produced an ethical
teaching of intensified religious individualism, that took hold
of, and deepened, the eschatology.
Han el's book begins with an inquiry into the contents of
the Old Testament as implied by Jesus' sayings, followed by a
minute investigation of the text of his quotations, from which
the author concludes that he used a targumic popular Bible.
In the second part Hanel discusses at length from all possible
sides Jesus' mode of using the Scriptures, and tries, without
much success, to construct a formula which will cover both his
subjection to the Scriptures and his attitude of superiority to
them. See Deissner, ThGg, 1920, 6, 223 f .
ni. THE JOHANNINE WKITINGS
A
Erbes.P., Der JUnger, welchen Jesus lieb hatte (ZKG 36, 283-318).—
Zickendraht, K., 1st Lazarus der LieblingsjUnger des vierten Evangeliums?
(SchwThZ, 1915, 4:9-54:).— Larf eld, W., Die beiden Johannes von Ephesus.
186 pp. Munehen, Beck, 1914. — Soltau,W., Das vierte Evangelium in
seiner Entstehungsgeschichte dargelegt (SAH, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1916).
39 pp. — Stange. E,, Die Eigenart der johanneischen Produktion (disserta-
tion). 66 pp. Dresden, 1914. — ScAniei^iwcZ, J., DieParallelperikopenbei
Lukasund Johannes (Habilitationsschrift). 100 pp. Leipzig, 1914. — Har-
nack, A. von, Zur Textkritik und Christologie der Schriften des Johannes
(SAB, 1915, 534-573).
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 157
B
Wetter, G. P., "Der Sohn Gottes." Eine Untersuchimg Uber den Charakter
und die Tendenz des Johannes-Evangeliums (Forschungen zur Religion und
Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments, n. f. 9). 200 pp. Gattingen,
Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1916. — Wetter, G. P., "Ich bin es." Eine
johanneischeFonnel (ThStKr, 1915, 224-238). — fFe«er, G. P., "Ich bin das
Licht der Welt" (Beitrage zur Religionswissenschaft I, 2, 1913-14, 166-201).
— Wetter, G. P., Eine gnostische Pormel im 4. Evangelium (ZNW 18, 49-
63). — Lutgert, W., Die johanneische Christologie. 2. Aufl. xi, 270 pp.
Gutersloli, Bertelsmann, 1916. — Monse, F. X., Johannes und Paulus
(Neutestamentliche AbhandlungenS). 213 pp. Munchen, Aschendorff , 1915.
C
Apocalypse
Boll, F ., Aus der Ofifenbarung Johannis. Hellenistische Studien zum Welt-
bUd der Apocalypse (Stoicheia 1). viii, 151 pp. Leipzig, Teubner, 1914. —
Clemen, C, Die Bildlichkeit der Offenbarung Johannis (Festgabe filr J.
Kaftan, 25-43). Tubingen, Mohr, 1920. —H adorn, W., Die Zahl 666, ein
Hinweis auf Trajan (ZNW 19, 1919-20, 11-29).
Erbes, completing an earlier study (ZKG, 1912, 159 3.),
argues that the beloved disciple, whom he identifies with the
Elder John of Papias and of the Johannine epistles, was the
'rich young man' (Mk. 10, 17-22), and was, further, the same
as the 'young man' of Mk. 14, 51. He accepts the tradition of
the martyrdom of the Apostle John, and (rejecting the con-
jecture of Larfeld) holds the first mention of John in the list of
Apostles in the Papias fragment to be an interpolation.
The Swiss, K. Zickendraht, thinks that Lazarus, the other
person in the gospels of whom it is said that Jesus loved him,
is the beloved disciple. See R. Steck (SchwThZ, 1915, 91-94),
who rejects the suggestion.
Larfeld has written a very careful investigation of the notice
of Papias about the Presbyter John. His conclusion is that
since the John mentioned with Aristion is not the previously
named Apostle John, the appellation, 'the disciples of the
Lord,' cannot apply to the two former names, and he con-
jectm-es, in consideration of what is known about the ab-
breviations of nomina sacra, that KT arose from ICOT, and that
158 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
from an original K2T (i.e. 'luawov). But the Apostle probably
wrote the main gospel, the Elder John (with Aristion) chapter
21.
Soltau's analysis of the gospel is highly complicated. Like
Wendt and Spitta, he distinguishes narratives and discourses,
but the former were slowly formed into the Corpus which now
makes the foundation of our gospel, while the discoiu*ses were
not introduced before ca. 140. He emphasizes the point that
the discourses are devoid of all relation to the narratives and
are closely related to one another; their independent origin is
also indicated by Ignatius, who is acquainted with them, but
not with the gospel as a whole. Their home was therefore
Antioch. They are developed from Synoptic material, espe-
cially parables, but are differentiated from the Synoptics by
their higher christology. The share of the Apostle John is
limited to certain Johannine legends which came from him
orally. The Elders, especially the Elder John, also took part
in the composition. Soltau's division of the narrative material
into Johannine, Synoptic, and anti-synoptic (that is, legends
which were intended to correct or rival Synoptic traditions)
is instructive, also his hypothesis that the discourses, like the
Synoptic 'logia,' formed a distinct book. The study is a com-
prehensive sketch; for individual proofs see ThStKr, 1915,
371 ff. and ZNW, 1915, 24-54; 1916, 49-69.
Into the discussion of the Fourth Gospel a new point of view
is brought hy E. Stange, with his idea of a psychological
explanation of the Johannine diction. John, he says, was ex-
pressly inclined to isolative apperception. Stange describes
elaborately, and in general correctly, the Johannine style, with
its repetitions, recapitulations, fondness for definitions (posi-
tive and negative), lack of capacity for swift, logical connected
thought, and other characteristics. Bultmann, in his review
(ThLZ, 1916, 532 ff.), pomts out that certain linguistic pecu-
liarities in John pertain to vulgar usage, but are favorite phrases
with John. To Bultmann's further suggestion that all this
might apply to a school or an intellectual atmosphere, it may
be replied that while single elements of the Johannine style
recall the solemn style of hellenistic syncretism, and while the
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 159
style of John could be imitated by interpolators, yet in the
New Testament it stands unique and implies a definite individ-
ual behind it. Moreover, it is not necessary to believe that all
the discourses in John came in continuous flow from the
author's pen.
Schniewind has examined at length the parts of John which
seem parallel to Luke, and argues that the parallelisms are not
of literary origin but are due to the common use of a narrative
tradition, especially to be detected in the history of the pas-
sion. His proof is inadequate; the parallels, mostly single
traits and phrases, may often be referred to the independent
working of common apologetic and literary motives.
Harnaek studies the text and meaning of some difficult
passages in the gospel and epistles of John, with the incidental
purpose of illustrating the importance of the text of the Vul-
gate. In 1 John 5, 18, in place of the difficult 6 yevvrjdels ck
Tov d(ov (as applied to Christ a phrase without parallel), he
would read 17 yivvrjffis h tov Beov, which makes sense and is
the reading of the Vulgate (as well as of Chromatins and of at
least two Greek minuscules) . He discusses John 1, 13 with its
alleged allusion to the virgin-birth. As it stands, the sentence
can refer only to Christ, but in the present context it is awkward.
Harnaek thinks it to be an originally singular, very old, christo-
logical gloss, which was either prefixed to 1, 14 while still in
the singular and without relative pronoun, or else was appended
to 1, 13 after being changed to the plural. In John 1, 33 f . Har-
naek decides for 6 ^kX€kt6s, as a messianic appellation of Jew-
ish theology, and in 1 John 4, 2 f. for Xuei. He warns against
the omission of 1 John 2, 1 f. cos (/cai) auroj (or 6 Beds) fiivet,
els TOV axSbva., which is found in the Sahidic and in some Latin
witnesses. In 1 John 2, 20 he accepts iravTa instead of iravTes,
and in 1 John 3, 10 prefers b fxij &v SIkoioj (^ vg Orig latt syr)
to the usual 6 uri iroiwv hi.Kaio(jvv7]v. Finally, in 1 John 5, 17
he would omit oh (with vg Tert pesh arm), whereby an effective
conclusion is gained. In an appendix Harnaek argues that
the comma johanneum is the post-augustinian revision of an old
addition to the text.^
'■ On the comma johanneum cf. also A. Bludau, 'Das Comma johanneum bei den
Griechen' (BiblZ. 1915, 26-50; 130-162; 222-243).
160 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
B
Wetter has an excellent knowledge of syncretistic mythology
and piety; and of all the recent discussions of the theological
character of John his are the most important. His main thesis
is that the hellenistic syncretistic theology had a doctrine of
the Son of God, who comes down from heaven, works as teacher
of the human race, as revealer of God, as doer of miracles, as
redeemer, as restrainer and conqueror of the magi, and who
ascends into heaven; and that this figure is in John united with
that of Christ, with a polemic aim against the heathen rep-
resentatives of this doctrine. While the Johannine portrait of
Christ uses, both in general and in the discourses, many mo-
tives of the syncretistic figure of the saviour (especially in the
soteriological sayings introduced by 'I am'), at the same time
the purpose is to disparage all heathen saviour- worship and to
exalt the Christ of the church as the only true Saviour.
Wetter's book continues Bousset's work and applies his ideas
to John. He reproduces the syncretistic material more fully
than did Bousset, although he pays strangely little attention to
the saviour-gods of the mysteries. His evidence that many
traits of the Johannine Christ can be explained from the syn-
cretistic environment is convincing; but qualification is neces-
sary, for Hellenism ought not to be so sharply contrasted with
Judaism and the Old Testament. Most of the predicates in
John are connected with Old Testament and Jewish terms and
traditions; the Jewish messiah is one type of ancient faith in
a saviour, and before the time of John the messiah was occa-
sionally depicted by the aid of syncretistic motives. The same
is true of the figure of Jesus in the Synoptics, at an earlier
period than that of the Fourth Gospel. The first disciples
probably viewed Jesus in the light of syncretistic ideas of a
saviour, so that in John the process was merely carried farther,
and given a telling literary expression. As to the polemic pur-
pose of the gospel, the thought of heathen 'substitute saviours'
must have been only incidental; in general the evangelist be-
trays no consciousness of it. See M. Dibelius, DLZ, 1918, No.
20-21; Windisch, ThT, 1917, 244 fl.; W. Bauer, ThLZ, 1918,
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 161
No. 23-24; A. Loisy, RC, November 1919; Deissner, ThGg,
1917, 246 ff.
In the formula iyw eljui Wetter 6nds a 'name' hinted at which
comprehends the divinity of Christ, a view which he supports
by evidence from outside the Bible. In 'I am the light of the
world,' he sees a formula the meaning of which can be dis-
covered from the hellenistic religious literature, where 'light'
is the name for a saving and revealing religious entity, and thus
a term with a sense already established, and that could be ap-
plied to Jesus. 'I know whence I come and whither I go,'
Wetter thinks to be a gnostic formula current in mystical circles,
where knowledge of one's own origin and destiny, that is, of
one's own nature, was a constituent element in religious gnosis.
Liitgert's monograph (a thoroughly revised new edition)
follows completely the method imposed by biblical 'literalism.'
It covers the whole range of Johannine ideas, as is entirely suit-
able in view of the central importance of Christ in the doctrine
of the Fourth Gospel. In spite of his refusal to recognize any
relation of the Gospel of John to the thought of its time,
Liitgert's simple presentation of Johannine doctrine is valuable.
The Catholic chaplain Monse has not solved the problem
of 'John and Paul,' but he presents the most important material
well arranged, and puts together conveniently the Johannine
parallels to Paul and the Pauline parallels to John. See Win-
disch, ThLZ, 1916, No. 4; Peine, ThLBl, 1915, No. 24.i
C
Apocalypse
The imderstanding of the apocalyptic cosmology of the Book
of Revelation has been distinctly advanced by the philologian
F . Boll. His book was written before the War, but the failure
of R. H. Charles to use it in his Commentary will justify an
account of its contents and importance here. Boll's chief con-
tribution is the proof that the Apocalypse owes its figures and
material not to the distant Orient but to its own hellenistic
' Cf . also Rol. Schiltz, Die Vorgeschichle der johanneischen Formel 6 Beds &yi.Tii) iirTU>
(dissertation). Gettingen, Hubert, 1917.
162 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
environment, which of course was subject to strong oriental
influence. Boll's explanation of the prophecies of woes in the
Apocalypse from the catalogues of catastrophes found in the
hellenistic astrological texts seems to me to produce a series
of highly important analogies, not to point to a derivation.
More sagacious is his interpretation of the fundamental mo-
tives of the apocalyptic picture of the universe, especially in
the numbers, as due to hellenistic cosmology. In particular
he seeks to show the connection of the apocalyptic phenomena
and processes with the starry heavens and ancient astrology.
Some examples of this may be given: the sea of glass (15, 2)
may be the Milky Way; the altar (6, 9) is a constellation in
the southern heavens (his further inferences here are improb-
able); the twenty-four elders are twenty-four stars which
Diodorus Siculus ii, 31, 4 terms 'judges of the worlds'; the
four beasts are four constellations; the heavenly Jerusalem is
the cosmic heaven with the twelve signs of the zodiac and the
Milky Way, etc. In chapter 12 the virgin and the dragon are
constellations; the proximate mythical model Boll finds in Isis,
who is likewise identified with the constellation Virgo. Boll
here argues for a Christian, not a Jewish, origin for the chapter.
Boll's studies have brought him to the conclusion that the
Apocalypse is a stylistic unity and can not be analyzed into a
variety of component sources, since the same astrological
notions are carried through all parts of the book.
That all these explanations require to be tested is shown by
C. Clemen (NJklA, 1915, 26-43). Clemen would identify the
sea of glass, not with the heavenly ocean, but with the primeval
sea (Tiamat), and doubts whether the 'lamb' is the constella-
tion Aries. He is also skeptical both as to the constellation
Virgo and the figure of Isis, and in opposition to Boll holds on
to the Jewish origin of the source of chapter 12; and thinks
that Boll exaggerates the influence of hellenistic astrology on
the Apocalypse. Nevertheless Heitmiiller has done well to
include some of these suggested derivations of apocalyptic
ideas in the new edition of J. Weiss's commentary on the Book
of Revelation in 'Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments neu
ubersetzt und fiir die Gegenwart erklSrt.'
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 163
D. Volter (PrM 21, 39-51) has also broken a lance with Boll
over chapter 12 of the Apocalypse. While admitting that the
Isis-myth underlies the imagery, he contends that the combina-
tion of the mother of the messiah with Parthenos-Isis was sug-
gested by Is. 7, 14 and Micah 4, 8-10; the woman in heaven
is like the heavenly Jerusalem, Gal. 4, 26; the myth was in-
tended to deny the incarnation of Christ and hence was com-
posed by the docetist Cerinthus. See A. Meyer, ThR, 1915,
204 ff.; W. Bousset, ThLZ, 1915, No. 12 (with valuable addi-
tions to the discussion); W. Bauer, DLZ, 1915, No. 36.
C. Clemen has written also on the 'imagery' of Revelation.
He counts up all the designations and descriptions in the book
which are certainly figurative, and argues that they are all so
dependent on transmitted tradition, and in many cases are so
self -contradictory, that they must have been not 'seen' but
'invented.' But such inconsistencies and obscurities actually
occur in dreams.
H adorn (professor at Bern) proposes a new interpretation
of 666. driplov in Hebrew letters yields 666, but what did drjpiop
mean? Hadorn suggests the name (of similar sound) 'Trajan,'
or rather the family name of the emperor, OvXtlos, which also
yields (in Greek) 666. Trajan is the eighth head, if you reckon
from Nero and leave out Galba. The reference to Nero (in
Hebrew letters) may also have been in the back of the apocalyp-
tic writer's mind; in that case he would have thought that
Trajan was Nero redivivus. See HeitmuUer, ThLZ 45, 57 f .
IV. ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Zahn, Th., Die Urausgabe der Apostelgeschichte des Lucas (Forschungen
zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons 9). 401 pp. Leipzig, Dei-
chert, 1916. — Wellhausen, J., Kritische Analyse der Apostelgeschichte
(AGW, Phil.-hist. Klasse, n.f. 15). 56 pp. Berlm, Weidmann, 1914. —
Zahn, Th., Das dritte Buch des Lukas (NkZ, 1917, 373-395). — Van den
Bergh van Eysinga, G. A., De geneesherr Lucas; Lucas en Josephus; De
evangeliegeschiedenis als bron der handelingen; Lucas' doel met de uitgave
der handelingen (NThT, 1916, 228-250; 1917, 141-150; 1918, 212-222;
1919, 366-384). — Greidanus, S.,Doel vande Handelingen der Apostelen
(GerefThT 20, 1920, 345-362, 385-396). — FroZtc^z.K., Das Zeugnis der
Apostelgeschichte von Christus und das religiSse Denken in Indien (Arbeiten
fUr Missionswissenschaft 2). 74 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1918.
164 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
B
Schmidt, K. L., Die Pfingsterzahlung und das Pfingstereignis (Arbeiten zur
Religionsgeschichte des TJrchristentums 1). 36 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1919. —
Sehmiedel, P. W., Pfingsterzahlung und Pfingstereignis (PrM 24, 73-86).
— Mentz, A . , Die Zusammenkunft der Apostel in Jerusalem und die Quellen
der Apostelgeschichte (ZNW 18, 1917, 177-195). — Volter, D., Der Bericht
iiber das Apostelconcil in Act. 15 nach der AuflFassung von W. Bousset (NThT,
1915, 123-140). — Brwn, L., Apostelkonzil und Aposteldekret (NoTT,
1920, 1-52). — Venetianer, L., Die BeschlUsse zu Lydda und das Apostel-
konzil zu Jerusalem (Festschrift fUr Ad. Schwarz, 417-423). Berlin, 1917. —
WeinreichyO., De dis ignotis quaestiones selectae (AR, 1915, 1-52). —
Dolger, F. J., "Dem gemeinsamen Gott" (Missionsblatter flir Studierende
und Gebildete 6, 6-11).
The most important recent work on Acts, and a contribu-
tion of lasting value, is unquestionably Zahn's attempt to
reconstruct the oldest Latin version and then the 'Western'
Greek text. The result is far and away superior to the ' Western '
texts of Blass and Hilgenfeld. Few will agree that these texts
of Zahn represent the actual first edition of Luke himself, but
in any case Zahn has put together (though of course not in
every detail) a definite second-century recension. To the Latin
text Zahn has added detailed text-critical notes and a glossary,
and to the Greek text similar notes; both series often treat of
matters of exegesis. Each text is provided with a full apparatus,
very conveniently organized and easily used, and of extraordi-
nary accuracy, although there are occasional slips, not always
corrected later in the volume, and the amazing trustworthiness
of Tischendorf's Editio octava still holds its primacy. In some
cases in the later chapters the statements and views of the
'Urausgabe' are corrected or modified in the notes of Zahn's
Commentary on Acts, which this textual volume is designed
to accompany. For the Latin Zahn has used the newly dis-
covered 'Prophetiae ex omnibus libris collectae,' from which
he takes into the Greek as well as the Latin text the variant
(13, 2) Lucius Cyrenaeus qui manet usque adhuc; he naturally
regards this as a proof that the ' Western ' recension goes back
to Luke himself. Zahn recognizes the defects of Codex Bezae,
from which (and from the Latin) he departs in the Apostolic
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 165
decree, adopting the oriental text. He also makes justified use
of the margin of the Harclean Syriac, as representing an Old
Syriac version of Acts prior to the Peshitto; his reasons here
are open to question, but his result is probably sound. See
Leipoldt, ThLBl 37, 441-444; Hans von Soden, DLZ, 1921;
W. Bauer, TbR, 1917, 117-122 (with detailed criticism); Sick-
enberger, BiblZ, 1917, 373.
Wellhausen's analysis of Acts was the last work on the
New Testament of that great scholar (f 1917) . It was finished in
1911, but not published until 1914. His 'Noten zur Apostel-
geschichte' (1907) are embodied in the later publication. Well-
hausen pays special heed to 'seams and joints,' seeks to detect
sources, points out doublets, etc. In the chronology he follows
E. Schwartz. His theory is interesting that both in the story
of the riot at Ephesus and in the account of Paul's voyage nar-
ratives of entirely different origin have been transferred to the
history of Paul. The paper is full of acute remarks, often sea-
soned with Attic salt. See Windisch, DLZ, 1917, No. 24; W.
Bauer, ThR, 1917, 116 f.
Z a An in his article brings to bear many good arguments for
the view that Luke intended to write a third book, not so much
the use of irpQTov, Acts 1, 1, as the recountal of all the topics
omitted in Acts which could furnish the material for a third
volume, — the travels of the other Apostles, the trial of Paul
in the emperor's court, the fate of the Palestinian Christians
in the Jewish war, and the course of the divine judgment.
G. A. van den Bergh van Eysinga, the most important
follower of van Manen, and representative of the radical New
Testament school in Holland, attacks Harnack's position in
favor of the tradition, and seeks to establish the radical theory
of the origin of Acts. He explains from 2 Tim. 4, 11 the tradi-
tion that Luke wrote Acts. The notion that the author of Acts
exhibits the result of medical training he criticises keenly and
wittily, reaching the same conclusion as that to which Cad-
bury's learned discussion has since brought scholars. He also
endeavors, following Krenkel, to prove that Luke was ac-
quainted with Josephus, laying special weight upon the parallels
m Josephus to Acts 5, 36 f.; 11, 28 f.; 25, 11; 23, 22 f. In the
166 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
subsequent article (1918) he shows how Luke frequently em-
ploys motives taken from the Gospels to embellish the narra-
tive in Acts and to magnify the Apostles, as in Acts 9, 36-43;
3, 2-10; 16, 8-13; 7, 59 f.; 6, 13 f. Finally, he endeavors to
define the purpose of Acts in the line of the post-Tiibingen
criticism: Luke meant to show how Christianity came from
Jerusalem to Rome and from the Jews to the gentiles and at
the same time to prove on the one hand the political harmless-
ness of the Christians and on the other the reprobateness of the
Jews. From these motives it follows that the book was com-
posed in the time of Hadrian. See also the article by the same
author "Dubletten in Handelingen," NThT, 1921, 274-300.
In opposition to these views Greidanus tries to give a more
theological definition of the purpose of Acts : Acts described the
carrying on of the work of Jesus in the Apostolic Church and
the history of the Apostolic "testimony concerning Jesus
Christ."
The Leipzig missionary Frolich contributes to the growing
literature which aims to gain illumination on New Testament
problems from missionary experience. He treats of a large
number of significant points running through the Book of Acts,
and sets the Apostles' narratives in the light of the experiences
and conflicts of Christian missions in India. His themes are:
the office of the Apostles as witnesses; Christian and Indian
love of truth (on Acts 1) ; the history of Jesus as it is attested by
Peter and experienced in India (on Acts 2) ; the Master and the
Gurus (on Acts 3-5) ; the work of the Servant of Jehovah (on
Acts 7-8); the reality of the forgiveness of sins (on Acts 10
and 13) ; natural revelation and the gospel (on Acts 16 and 17) ;
"the words of truth and soberness" and the fulfilment of the
prophetic words (on Acts 26).
K. L. Schmidt endeavors by the aid of the psychology of re-
ligion to give grounds for a more favorable judgment on the
historical character of the narrative of the events at Pentecost,
contending that the narrative of Acts 2 is but a slightly exag-
gerated account of an occasion of ' collective ecstasy,' in which
the assembled Jews and proselytes were profoundly affected by
the glossolalia (not exactly like that of 1 Corinthians) of the
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 167
Apostles. He interprets the text as meaning not that the
speakers spoke foreign languages, but that the foreign hearers
received a miraculous impression. See Bultmann, ThLZ, 1920,
No. 17-18. Schmiedel with good reason contests Schmidt's
explanation, and shows that the legendary influences in Acts 2
are stronger then Schmidt thinks.
A. Mentz analyzes Acts 15 into two sources: (1) M, 11,
27-28; 11, 29-30; 12, 25; 13,2-14,28; (2) V, (13, 1) 15, 1; 15,
2-21; 15,22-35; 15,41-16,6, thus identifymg the two journeys
to Jerusalem of chapter 11 and chapter 15. The council took
place in a.d. 44. He has a peculiar theory that Symeon (Acts
15, 14) was not Simon Peter but Symeon Niger (Acts 13, 1).
L. Brun thinks that Paul did not feel personally bound by
the decree, although out of consideration for the authorities
and other Jewish Christians in Jerusalem he allowed it to be
issued without protesting against it. He was later embarrassed
by this attitude, and consequently is silent on the subject in
Galatians. But from Gal. 2, 3-5; 2, 6 we may infer that he
had made concessions to others, and that on these others some
requirement had been imposed.
Volter strikes out from Acts 15 the speech of Peter and the
provisos of James as later additions, and identifies the journey
of chapter 15 with that of chapter 11. He supposes that the
author deliberately inserted the journey to Asia Minor (Acts
13 and 14) in the middle of the account of the journey to Jeru-
salem which he found in his source. The latter account began
with Acts 11, 27-30, and continued in what is now Acts 15,
3 ff . The journey to Asia Minor was really subsequent to the
Apostolic Council.
L. Venetianer compares the Apostolic Council with the de-
cisions of Jewish rabbis at Lydda during the persecution imder
Hadrian, and regards as the model for the provisos of James
the rule that a Jew has the duty of accepting martrydom only
in the three cases of compulsion to idolatry, incest, or murder.
See BiblZ 14, 374.
0. Weinreick, in connection with the passage from Philos-
tratus adduced by E. Norden as source for Paul's speech on
Mars' Hill, discusses various testimonies and inscriptions con-
168 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
nected with the theme of the 'unknown gods,' namely, Pausa-
nias i, 17, 1 (on the notable piety of the Athenians) ; altars for
new gods; Jerome on Tit. 1, 12; the inscriptions with ayvcoaroi.
deoi (always in the plural); Pap. Giss. No. 3 ^kco uoi, . . . om
ayvoaros #oi/3os Beds, etc.
Dolger adds one inscription in the singular: kolvc^ deu)
(Tunis, second century), which, he thinks, assures the possi-
bility of an inscription dYi/cbo-rco dec^. The 'unknown god' may
have been a mystery-divinity which was unknown to the un-
initiated. Dolger denies dependence of Acts on Philostratus,
since the source of the biography of ApoUonius owed its origin
to the sun-worship of the third century. See BiblZ 15, 184.
V. PAUL AND fflS EPISTLES
1. Chronology of the Life of Paul
Plooij, Z) . , De Chronologic van het Leven van Paulus. vii, 195 pp. Leiden,
Brill, 1918. — Weber, v.. Die antiochenische KoUekte, die ubersehene
Hauptorientierung fiir die Paulusforschung. Grundlegende Radikalkur zur
Gesehichte des TJrehristen turns, xvi, 96 pp. Wiirzburg, Bauch, 1917.
Plooij (pastor at Leiden, conservative) has collected the
archaeological and historical material completely and admira-
bly. Particularly good is the treatment of the well known
Gallio-inscription, which provides us with a relatively certain
date for at least one important event in the life of Paid. In ac-
cordance with this, Plooij fixes Gallio's official year as May 51
to May 52, and assigns the meeting of Paul and Gallio to June
or July 51. Further, relying upon an ingenious, though scarcely
certain, hypothesis, he adopts the year 59 as the date of the
change in office in the procuratorship of Palestine (Felix-
Festus), which is so important for the chronology of Paul.
He reaches this result from the statement in the Chronicon
of Eusebius that Festus was appointed procurator in the tenth
year of Agrippa II, but he reckons the years not from the
death of Agrippa I, but from the appointment of Agrippa II
as king in the year 50. But, like others, he does not relieve
us from the difficulty that Pallas, whose intercession secured
for Felix a not unfavorable welcome from Nero, had according
to Tacitus been disgraced since 55.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 169
Plooij follows the South Galatian theory, which he dis-
cusses in detail; he identifies the proceedings in Jerusalem
described in Gal. 2 with the journey to bring the relief-fund
of Acts 11; and puts Galatians itself before Acts 15 (in the
year 48). See M. Jones, Exp. 1919; Windisch, ThT, 1919;
F. W. Grosheide, GerefThT, 1918; A. Julicher, GGA (to be
published) .
The chronology of the New Testament is a field for free
investigation which has not yet been closed to Catholic scholars
by the papal Biblical Commission. Ample use of this freedom
is made by V. Weber, professor of theology at Wiirzburg,
whose favorite theme is the chronological study of Galatians.
Like Plooij he supports the South Galatian hypothesis and
dates Galatians before the Apostolic Cotmcil (a.d. 49; Acts 15
being a.d. 50) . In his latest work he devotes himself especially
to the Antiochian relief-fimd of Acts 11, 29 f., with which he
identifies the efforts of Paul referred to in Gal. 2, 10b. While,
however, Plooij directly identifies the relief-fund journey of
Acts 11, 29 f. with that of Gal. 2, 1 ff.,i Weber thinks that the
fund was not collected until after the meeting described in
Gal. 2, Iff., and that the relief of the poor was a new point,
being the method agreed on for ratifying the missionary com-
pact then accepted.
I have expressed my objections to the exegesis of Plooij in
ThT, 1919, pp. 171 f. It is, to be sure, remarkable that the
two sentences related in meaning should have so similar a
structure: Acts 11, 30 6 Kal liroirjaav airoarelkavTes irpos
Toiis wpea^vrepovs 5tA x^'P^s Bapv&^a Kal SaiiXou; Gal. 2, 10 o
/cat iawovSaaa aird tovto woiijaai; and the question arises
whether it is possible that Luke had in mind here the language
of Galatians. Yet we must not allow ourselves to be misled
by the likeness. The execution of the agreement of Gal. 2,
10b cannot, as Plooij assumes, have preceded the compact;
the identification of the two journeys is impossible. Weber
has seen this, yet his own view creates new difficulties. Ac-
1 Under that view Gal. 2, 10 would mean: 'The men of Jerusalem asked us to keep
on remembering the poor in the future, — the very purpose for which I had actually
just come to Jerusalem.'
170 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
cording to him the relief journey of Acts 11, 29 f. was subse-
quent to the meeting of Gal. 2, 1-10. Why then did Luke
completely fail to mention this motive for the collection, and
make no reference at all to the extremely important meeting
of the Apostles (Gal. 2, 1 S.) ? Weber's argument to show that
Gal. 2 and Acts 15 are reports of two different events, is not
convincing, although he makes clear the differences of the two
accoimts. If we hold to the identity of Gal. 2, 1-10 and Acts
15, then necessarily all relation between Acts 11, 29 f. and
Gal. 2, 10 disappears, while on the other hand the trustworthi-
ness of the whole story of a relief-fund journey tmdertaken by
Paul, and not merely by Barnabas, becomes questionable.
2. Chronology of the Pauline Epistles
Peine, P., Die Abfassung des Philipperbriefs in Ephesus, mit einer Anlage
Uber JRom. 16, 3-20 als Epheserbrief (BFTh 20, 1916). 149 pp. — Hadorn,
W., Die Abfassung der Thessalonicherbriefe in der Zeit der dritten Missions-
reise des Paulus (BFTh 24, 1919). 134 pp. — Hadorn, W., Die Abfassung
der Thessalonicherbriefe auf der dritten Missionsreise and der Kanon des
Marcion (ZNW 19, 67-71).
As in the case of Galatians so with Philippians a new dating
and position in the series has for some time been under discus-
sion.i In Germany P . Peine (professor at Halle) has tried to
establish elaborately the hypothesis proposed by Lisco, Deiss-
mann, and Albertz that Philippians belongs to a period of im-
prisonment at Ephesus. (See also his Einleitung in das N. T.,
2. Aufl., 1918, pp. 142 ff.) His first argument is foimded upon
the vehement polemic of Paul in Phil. 3, which he believes to
be directed not against Jews, but against Jewish Christian
opponents, and which must therefore be assigned to the great
period of controversy with pseudo-christian Judaism. This
argument assumes that the conflict later ceased; Romans, with
its calm and well-considered exposition of the gospel, being
evidently written after a settlement had been reached. The
sharp attack of Romans 16, 17-20 must also belong to an
earlier period. Two objections suggest themselves to this view,
' See K. Lake and B. W. Bacon in Expositor (8th series), 8 and 9; Moffatt, Intro-
duction to the Literature of the N. T., 3d ed., p. 622.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 171
which in itself is not unacceptable. In the first place, it seems
to me that a reference of the polemic in Philippians to non-
christian Jews is by no means impossible. Indeed this is
rather the more natural way to take it; Paul merely contrasts
Judaism and Christianity, tertium non datur. In (carcb f^Xov
StwKWj' rijv eKKkrjaiav (3, 6) only Jews (and not Jewish Chris-
tians) could see a reason for confidence in the flesh. There is
no suggestion of an incomplete conversion or of any lack of
clearness as to the full bearing of Christian faith, no such
utterance as we read in 2 Cor. 5, 16. Again, even if the pas-
sage were directed against Jewish Christians, it is possible
that the conflict with the Judaizers lasted on or was rekin-
dled. More significant seems to me a second argument urged by
Feine; namely, the resemblance (long ago emphasized by Light-
foot) in style, contents, and theology between Philippians on
the one hand and the epistles of the earlier period (Thess.,
Gal., 1 and 2 Cor., and Rom.) on the other, while the true
'epistles of the imprisonment,' Colossians and Ephesians,
obviously present a sharp contrast to Philippians as well as to
the earlier epistles, and in any case represent in their the-
ology a later stage in the development of Pauline thought. A
third argument is found by comparing the statements about
the trial of Paul in Acts 23 ff . with the allusions in Phil. 1 f.
The strict confinement which Philippians implies is not at-
tested by Acts; and that Paul's situation grew worse after
two years Feine does not think probable. Fourthly, Feine
seeks to show that the two passages often taken to refer
directly to Rome — the mention of the praetorium and the
greeting from the imperial slaves — point to a provincial city
like Ephesus rather than to the capital. Finally, he brings
up the particular circumstances of the writing of Philippians,
especially the points that according to 1, 17-30 the founding
of the chiu-ch did not lie in the distant past, and that there had
been easy and active intercoiu'se between Paul and the church.
For these and other reasons Feine dates Philippians in the
middle of Paul's long stay at Ephesus, a.d. 54.
In the 'Appendix' Feine presents a detailed argument for
the widely held hypothesis that we have in Rom. 16, 3-20 an
172 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
epistle to the Ephesians, with special reference to the counter-
arguments of Lightfoot. There are, as he explains in an in-
teresting investigation, no conclusive reasons for believing that
the persons named in the greetings were in Rome, and Rufus
is not the Christian mentioned in Mark 15, 21, and often sup-
posed to be living in Rome. The only novelty in his treat-
ment is his mode of explaining why an epistle to the Ephesians
came to be appended to the Epistle to the Romans. Phoebe,
the bearer of the Epistle to the Romans, had to go by way of
Ephesus on business; consequently Paul added to his Epistle
to the Romans (which he wished to have read to the Ephesians)
greetings to his Ephesian friends.
The problem of Philippians is an old story, but the mono-
graph oi H adorn (professor at Bern) undertakes to overthrow
a view which seemed absolutely firm and which no one seriously
questioned. The current opinion is that the two epistles to
the Thessalonians were written at Corinth only a few months
after the formation of the church in Thessalonica. Hadom
believes that this time is too short to cover the events and
developments implied in these epistles, and for this and other
reasons he proposes to transfer both epistles to the period of the
so-called 'third missionary journey,' or rather to the long stay
at Ephesus.
Hadorn's line of argument closely resembles that of Feine
in the very important proof which he presents that the Thes-
salonian epistles give evidence of close internal kinship to 1
and 2 Corinthians. The defence of himself which the Apostle
finds it necessary to make in 1 Thess. 2 and 3 resembles in
contents and style the apologetic and polemic passages in 2
Cor., and finds its explanation in them. This accords with
the fact that the religious movement which Paul opposes in
1 Thessalonians is in many respects similar to tendencies
attested for Corinth in 1 and 2 Corinthians. In this con-
nection Hadorn adduces the doubts as to the resurrection,
the libertinistic tendencies, the advice about spiritual gifts,
the distm-bances of order, etc. In his view we might almost
regard 1 Thessalonians as a kind of extract from the epistles
to the Corinthians. On this similarity rests his main argu-
LrrERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 173
ment, outlined above. Since the tendency did not crystallize
in Corinth for a long time after Paul's first departure from
that church, a few months is not enough to account for similar
events in Thessalonica. Other circumstances, too, such as
the rapidity of the 'spiritual' development in the Thessa-
lonian church, the spread of the fame of that church through-
out the world (1 Thess. 1,7), the existence of a definite, ordered
church government, the cases of death, etc., weigh against
accepting so short an interval. To be sure, the familiar state-
ments in 1 Thess. 3, 1 ff. require that Paul should have been
in Greece in the interval since the growth of the objectionable
Thessalonian tendencies. Since this passage does not tally ver-
bally with Acts, Hadorn is able to connect it with the so-called
intermediate visit to Corinth, and supposes that Paul's purpose
to visit Thessalonica was frustrated by the disturbances at
Corinth.
The case of 2 Thessalonians is similar; but Hadorn, like
some before him, thinks that it preceded 1 Thessalonians.
Using for this inversion the same arguments as J. Weiss
(Urchristentum, pp. 217 ff.), he puts particular emphasis on
the observation that the second epistle nowhere refers to the
first, but rather has the appearance of a first epistle to the
chm-ch. In itself considered, 2 Thessalonians could well have
come from the first stay in Corinth; for Hadorn recognizes in
6 Karexcov the Emperor Claudius, and so gains the year 54 as
terminus ad quern for the epistle. But since the general situ-
ation of the second epistle is like that of the first, the second
also must be assigned to the Ephesian period, although to an
earlier stage of it.
It is easier to pass judgment on this suggestive hypothesis
than on the new date for Philippians. Much in it is attractive,
especially the proof that 1 Thessalonians reflects a situation
similar to that of the Corinthian epistles, and the explanation
that it would have been a miracle if painful disturbances, such
as took years to develop in Corinth, had arisen in Thessalonica
in a few weeks or months. Nevertheless, so late a date is im-
possible, being forbidden by the fact that in 1 Thessalonians
the impressions of the first contact are still so fresh, much
174 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
fresher than in 1 Corinthians or Philippians. Moreover, the
stay of Paul ia Beroea and Athens, and afterwards the residence
of eighteen months in Corinth, cover more than "some few
months." If the Thessalonian epistles are dated toward the
end of the Corinthian period, and not near its beginning, we
have more than a year for the development of the situation.
And if, with Hadorn, we date the epistles later, in the beginning
of the Ephesian period, we meet the objection that it is wholly
improbable that Paul should have sent no letter to the Thes-
salonians during his eighteen months in Corinth.
That the order of the two Thessalonian epistles ought to be
reversed has not been proved. '
3. Genuineness of the Pauune Epistles
Weinel, H ., Die Echtheit der Paulinischen Hauptbriefe im Lichte des anti-
gnostischen Kampfes (Festgabe fUr J. Kaftan, 376-393). Tubingen, Mohr,
1920. — Wrzol, Josef, Die Echtheit des zweiten Thessalonicherbriefes
(BSt 19). 152 pp. Freiburg i. B., Herder, 1916. — Bruckner, W. , Die Zeit-
lage der Briefe an die Kolosser und Epheser (PrM, 1918, 68-83, 130-138,
163-181). — Torm, F., tjber die Sprache in den Pastoralbriefen (ZNW 18,
1918, 225-243).
WeineV s new argument for the genuineness of the chief
Pauline epistles deals with an important point, for he brings
the question into the light of the great antignostic struggle.
The Pauline epistles show that gnostic tendencies already
existed; but the way in which Paul opposes the 'gnostic'
positions (things offered to idols, sexual life, etc.), while at the
same time representing certain gnostic ideas himself, shows
plainly that the great struggle had not yet begun. This is an
important point of view for the date of the epistles.
The book of Josef Wrzol (Catholic Religionslehrer in Aus-
trian Silesia) has as its object to dissipate the last suspicion
' In the supplementary article in ZNW Hadorn appeals to the order of the epistles
in the canon of Marcion: Gal., 1 Cor., 2 Cor., Rom., 1 Thess., 2 Thess., Eph., Col.
Philem., Phil. This argument of course proves nothing if the internal reasons are not
convincing. Julicher (ThLZ, 1919, No. 21-22) and von Dobschutz (LZBl, 1920, No. 1)
reject the argument, as well as F. W. Grosheide, ' De Methode om de volgorde der
Paulinische Brieven te bepalen, in het bijzonder in verband met de Brieven aan de
Thessalonicensen onderzocht' (GerefThT, 30, 262-270, 305-319); on the other hand
de Zwaan (NThSt, 1919, p. 259) seems on the whole to agree with it.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 175
of the genuineness of 2 Thessalonians. It is written with the
thoroughness and prolixity customary in such works. In a
history of the problem the most important arguments against
genuineness are presented in extenso: (1) the contradiction in
the eschatology (2 Thess. 2 in contrast with 1 Thess. 4-5);
(2) the literary dependence of 2 Thess. upon 1 Thess. and its
im-pauline language — Wrede's main argument; (3) the
references which betray a forger in 2 Thess. 2, 2 and 3, 17;
(4) the impersonal character of 2 Thessalonians, especially as
emphasized by Spitta. These argximents the author tries to
meet by settiag forth the historical and psychological back-
ground implied in the epistles. In 2 Thess. 2, 2 [cf. (3) above]
it has been deemed strange that Paul treats so slightly the
report of the circulation in Thessalonica of a false letter bear-
ing his name, — but Wrzol explains this on the ground that
Paul lacked sure information and wavered as to whether 1
Thess. had been misunderstood, or an epistle actually forged.
Assuming the second possibility, he wrote in a tone of criticism
3, 17. To explain the close kinship between 1 Thess. and 2
Thess. [cf. (2) above] Wrzol follows the theory of Zahn. He
supposes that the epistles of Paul were dictated, and that from
the first draft a fair copy was made, an hypothesis which is
certainly admissible for 1 Thess. Now there was a reason
which might have led Paul to study the draft of 1 Thess. in
the composition of 2 Thess., namely the suspicions mentioned
in 2 Thess. 2, 2, which made it desirable both to confirm and
supplement the assurances and admonitions given in 1 Thess.
Even if Wrzol exaggerates in details, yet his leadiag idea seems
to be correct. The contradiction in the tendency of the eschato-
logical warnings in 1 Thess. [cf. (1) above] Wrzol seeks to obvi-
ate by the remark, first, that according to 1 Thess. 5, 1 ff . only
the heathen are destined to be surprised, not the Christians,
who have been informed about times and tokens, and, secondly,
that the same difference is also foimd in the eschatological
discourses of Jesus. This reply is scarcely satisfactory. In
1 Thess. 5 there is surely no thought whatever of the contents
of 2 Thess. 2; a writer who has in mind the apocalyptic ideas
of that chapter cannot possibly shape his exhortation as it stands
176 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
in 1 Thess. 5. As for the Synoptic Gospels, these are the pro-
duct of literary compilation, and that all the elements come
from Jesus is not certain. The psychological difficulty here is,
however, hardly serious enough to make us doubt the genu-
ineness of % Thess. What Wrzol says about the supposed
impersonal character of the second epistle [cf. (4) above] has
my approval. But the whole essay seems to have been written
without reference to the more recent discussions.
A problem akin to that just discussed is presented by the
peculiar relation between Ephesians and Colossians. K. Lake
(Landmarks in the History of Early Christianity, pp. 122 f.),
referring to the difficulty of the question, has recently shown his
sympathy with Holtzmann's solution, and in any case opposed
the popular view that Colossians is genuine, Ephesians not
genuine. Meanwhile W . Bruckner (Karlsruhe) has published
in a series of articles a study moving in part on the line laid
down by Holtzmann. He gives an historical survey of the
development of the problem, here taking ground in opposition
to Dibelius, who represents the 'popular' opinion, and to
Soltau (ThStKr, 1905, 521-562), who has made still more
complicated Holtzmann's analysis by drawing into the dis-
cussion the Epistle to the Laodiceans. Bruckner dwells
especially on the doctrinal contents, and on the literary de-
pendence of Ephesians on 1 Peter. The ideas of both Colos-
sians and Ephesians are, according to Bruckner, post-pauline,
gnostic. The terminology is dependent on the language of the
mysteries. In addition a form of logos-speculation appears
which stands in an intermediate position between that of
Hebrews and of John, while the epistles differ from both these
writings in their neglect of the humanity and historical char-
acter of Jesus. (This last observation is much to the point.)
The greater simplicity of thought in 1 Peter (which Bruckner
places in the period of Trajan) proves the priority of the latter.
Unfortimately Briickner has failed to discuss in detail the
literary relation between Colossians and Ephesians. He merely
distinguishes three strata; (1) the original Colossians of Paul
(ethical exhortation, warnings against false doctrine, epistolary
sections); (2) the introduction of a cosmic christology into
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 177
Colossians; (3) the composition of Ephesians on the basis of
Colossians, the pasages being added which touch on the doctrine
of the church. Col. 1, 18 and 2, 19 are interpolations.
The difficulty, indeed, of all investigations in the history
of language and style is shown by the work of F . Torm (pro-
fessor at Copenhagen). It is in the main a discussion of
Holtzmann's criticism of the Pastoral Epistles. Torm shows
how questionable many of Holtzmann's critical judgments are.
If the use of language is to be a factor in criticism, it is not
sufficient to make lists of hapax legomena, and to show that
specifically Pauline words are lacking; we must also examine
the individual cases, seek the natural reasons for the phenom-
ena, attend to corresponding conditions in the other epistles,
and, especially, must group the phenomena in accordance with
the groups of epistles. Thus Torm succeeds in proving that a
whole series of Holtzmann's arguments are not convincing. It
is interesting that he is able to point out some fairly close con-
nections between the Pastorals and Group III (Eph., PhU., Col.) .
But many arguments of importance have not been touched
upon by Torm, and consequently have not lost their force.
4. Integrity of the Pauline Epistles
Schanze, W., Der Galaterbrief (Das Neue Testament schallanalytisch
untersucht. 1. StUck). 1. Aufl. iv, 36 pp.; 2. Aufl. xvi, 12 pp. Leipzig,
Hinriclis, 1918, 1919. — JMitcAer,^.,EiiieEpocheinderneutestanientlichen
Wissenschaft? (PrM 24, 1920, 41-56). — Lietzmann H., (GGA. 1919, 223
-229, 401^19).
Literary criticism of the N. T. would have to be placed on
an entirely new footing if we could use with certainty for the
discovery of the literary relations of ancient texts the method
of soimd-analysis, which has been elaborated by Eduard
Sievers, the well-known Germanist at Leipzig, in collaboration
with the student of phonetics, J. Rutz, and which has been
employed with much success in the field of Middle High Ger-
man literature. By soimd-analysis is meant the method of
discovering definite types of rhythm and melody, to produce
which psychological and physiological factors (posture, move-
178 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
ment of the arms) combine.^ Sievers and his pupils believe
that they can discover the individual rhythm of an author, and
thereby distinguish foreign elements as editorial or interpola-
tive. Every student of the criticism of the Pauline epistles
understands that it would be extremely important if the in-
vestigation of their unity and genuineness could be conducted
by more exact technical methods, but the study which
Schanze, a pupil of Sievers, offers as a first essay removes
for the moment any expectation here. The result is completely
useless for anyone who, though a layman in sound-analysis, is
a professional in the literary and theological investigation of
the epistles. Without regard to meaning or connection, the
method of sound-analysis applied to Galatians simply mangles
the epistle. A Pauline foimdation is indeed admitted; but
between the Pauline sections a second leading voice intrudes,
without rhyme or reason, to which especially the proof from
Scripture in chap. 3 is to be attributed; in addition smaller
passages are contributed by others (to whom belong such
characteristic fragments as 1, 10-12, 22-24; 4, 24-29; 3, 1^);
and there are interpolators. As the voice-analyst explains,
the non-pauline elements distinguish themselves, in contrast
to the peculiar fresh and vigorous rhythm of Paul, by a cool,
sensible, and didactic tone. So the dialectic passages in partic-
ular are denied to Paul, — an opinion in which no one who
is not a sound-analyst will concur. The new method might
command more attention if it enabled us to determine with
some inner verisimilitude the possible share of an 'epistolary
partner.' But, according to Schanze, even in the larger pas-
sages we have to do with a later wholesale interpolator.
In a detailed investigation Jiilicher has criticized Schanze's
analysis. He rightly emphasizes that Paul's nature was far
richer and more complicated than would appear on the basis
of the fragments which Schanze ascribes to him; that Paul often
operates with borrowed material (quotations from the LXX,
liturgical and hortatory formulas, etc.); and that the genesis
of Galatians, as Schanze puts it before us, is hard to imagine.
Lietzmann' s experiment is instructive; with a text arbitrarily
' Eduard Sievers, Metrische Studien IV, Leipzig, 1918.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 179
compounded from six or seven sources, sound-analysis failed to
analyze it correctly, though it was able to indicate some of the
interpolations.^
5. Commentaries on the Pauune Epistles
Lietzmann, H., Einf iihrung in die Textgeschichte der Paulusbrief e. An die
R6mer(HandbuchzumN. T.). 2. Aufl. 129 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1919. —
Earth, K., Der BSmerbrief. 440 pp. Bern, Bsischlin, 1919. — Koch, L.
J., Fortolkning til Paulus' andet brev til Korinthieme. 451 pp. Copenhagen,
Frimodt, 1914-1917.
Lietzmann' s Romans is the first of the commentaries of
the Handbuch to appear in a second edition. Wholly new is
his excellent introduction to the textual problems of the epistles.
From the origin of the collection of Pauline epistles, for imder-
standing which the analogy of the collection of the epistles of
Ignatius is brought into service, Lietzmaim proceeds to survey
the three groups of texts: Egyptian (B5<AC a78 sah boh, etc.);
Western (DG Ambrst Pelag vulg, etc.), and Byzantine (KLP
min pesh goth, etc.). Any use of the text of Pamphilus-Euse-
bius must await a fuller determiaation of that text than has
yet been made. In the Western text Lietzmann suspects the
influence of Marcion. For the discovery of the best text it is
necessary to eliminate the secondary Byzantine and Western
variants and take the Egyptian text as the foundation. The
commentary treats the more important variants. In the
exegesis everything of consequence published since 1906 has
been used. In Rom. 7, 24 Lietzmann has now abandoned the
change of order and the omission which he formerly defended.
The excursus on 'Flesh and Spirit' has been enlarged in view of
Reitzenstein's investigations; likewise that on 'Jesus the Lord'
(10, 9) in dependence on Bousset. An excursus on oi dyioi. (15,
25) is new. As for the textual history of the last two chapters,
the excision of chapters 15 and 16 was due to Marcion, the
doxology (16, 25-27) is perhaps from Marcionite circles.^
' Cf . also E. Sievers, H. Lietzmaim und die Schallanalyse. • Eine Kritik und eine
Se'.bstkritik (Das Neue Testament schallanalytisch untersucht. 2. Stuck). 48 pp.
1919. — For a very good review see G. Kittei, Die Schallanalyse und das Neue Testa-
ment (ThLBl, 1922, 1). — H. Lietzmann is preparing a reply.
* On this latter hypothesis see Hamack, 'Uber 1. Kor. 14, 32 ff. und Rom. 16, 25 ff.
nach der altesten "Qberlieterung imd der Marcionitischen Bibel' (SAB, 1919, 527-
180 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The elaborate exposition of Romans by the Swiss pastor,
Karl Barth, is of different cahbre from Lietzmann's com-
mentary, with the latter's constant use of philology and the
history of religions. 'Historical' exegesis is here taken for
granted, yet the book is essentially a representative of the new
religious enthusiasm which is endeavoring to emerge from the
intellectual, political, and social confusion of Central Europe,
and to create a new foundation for the life of the spirit on a
religious and Christian basis. Barth belongs to the younger
generation, which is translating the old Pauline gospel into our
language, and by means of genuine Pauline Christianity, thus
modernized, seeks to overthrow and destroy everything actu-
ally or supposedly irreconcilable with it, — religious individual-
ism, theology based on experience, intellectualism, imperialism
in every form, ecclesiasticism, socialism, bolshevism. The
shattering of all false human ideals, the outbreak of a creative
revolution, wrought by God, which shall bring to birth a new
human race and introduce a new era in human history, —
this is the great ideal, the powerful reality, which has possessed
the author and which in all its concrete applications he finds in
Paul. The book excited much attention in Switzerland and
Germany, and has evoked thoughtful discussion. See especially
Jlilicher, ChrW, 1920, Nos. 29 and 30.^
The Danish scholar, Koch, defends the unity of 2 Corin-
thians, except that 6, 14-7,1 may belong to the epistle which
preceded 1 Corinthians. He accepts the hypothesis of a letter,
but rejects that of a visit, in the interval between 1 and 2 Cor-
inthians, but holds that a second visit of Paul to Corinth took
place shortly before the composition of 1 Corinthians. The
value of the commentary lies in its detailed exegesis, and
especially in the lexicographical material.
536), where the words kuI to idipvyiia 'IijcroC XpuTTOv, dia re ypa^mp rpcxpiiTuaap, and
yyapcffShros are removed as glosses, and the original form of the doxology then at-
tributed to Marcionites. The doxology certainly could have been written by a
Marcionite, but equally well by a non-marcionite follower of Paul (cf. Eph. 3, 9 f.),
or even (to judge by 1 Cor. 2, 8) by Paul himself.
1 A second edition, with a remarkable preface, "inneuer Bearbeitung" has ap-
peared in 1922 (xvii, 523 pp., Munich, Kaiser). Since 1921 Barth has been professor
of Calvinistic (Reformed) Theology at GOttingen.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 181
6. Rise of the Pauune Canon
Hartke, W ., Die Sammlung und die Sltesten Ausgabeu der Paulusbriefe.
87 pp. Bonn, Georgi, 1917.
The work oi W. Hartke at least draws attention to the
problem it treats. On various grounds it may be assumed that
small collections of Pauline epistles were early in existence,
certainly soon after the death of Paul. The need of having the
apostolic word in written form must have been felt at once, and
somewhere and at some time a collection must have been made
which served as a model for others. Since our collection in-
cludes no letters to Antioch or other Syrian churches (although
Paul must have written to them), it may be concluded that
the standard edition came into existence in Greece, Asia Minor,
or Rome; the most probable supposition seems to be Asia
Minor. Beyond these unobjectionable conclusions it seems
hazardous to try to work out the history in further detail.
Hartke offers a great mass of fantastic speculation about one
collection made by Timothy and used by Marcion, and another
due to Silas.i
7. PAtJUNE ThEOLOGT
Weinel, H., Paulus. Der Mensch und sein Werk: Die Anfange des Christen-
tums, der Kirche, und des Dogmas (Lebensfragen). 2. Aufl. 294 pp. Tubingen,
Moia, 1915.— Heitmiiller.W., Die Bekehrung des Paulus (ZThK 27,
1917, 136-153). — Oepke, A., Die Missionspredigt des Apostels Paulus.
Eine biblisch-theologische und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchiuig (Mis-
sionswissenschaftliche Forschungen 2). 240 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1920. —
Stange, E., Paulinisclie Reiseplane (BFTh 22). 78 pp. Gutersloh, Bertels-
mann, 1918. — Mundle, W., Die Eigenart der paulrnischen Prommigkeit.
19 pp. Marburg, El wert, 1920. — Weiss, J., Die Bedeutimg des Paulus
fUr den modernen Christen (ZNW 19, 127-142). — Deissner, K., Paulus
und die Mystik seiner Zeit. 1. Aufl. 123 pp.; 2. Aufl. 148 pp. Leipzig,
Beicheit, 1918, Wn.— Deissner, K., Paulus und Seneca (BFTh 21).
44 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 1917. — Weber, E.,T>ieFoime\"ia Christo
Jesu" und die paulinische Christusmystik (NkZ SI, 213-260). — Ubbink, J.
Th., Het eeuwige leven bij Paulus. Een godsdiensthistorisch onderzoek.
viii, 174, Ixx pp. Groningen, Wolters, 1917. — Schmidt, Tr., Der Leib
1 Cf. E. Stange, 'Diktierpausen in den paulinischen Brieten' (ZNW 18, 1818, 109-
117).
182 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Christi (SS/xo XptoroO). Eine Untersuchung zum urchristlichen Gemein-
degedanken. 256 pp. Leipzig, Deichert, 1919. — Scharling, C. J ., Ek-
klesiabegrebet hos Paulus og dets forhold til jodisk religion og hellenistisk
mystik. 212 pp. Copenhagen, P. Branner Norregade, 1917. — Philippi,
F., Paulus und das Judentum nacli den Brief en und der Apostelgeschichte.
68 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1916. — Macholz, Zum Verstandnis des paulini-
schen Rechtfertigungsgedankens (ThStKr, 1915, 29-61). — Kurze, G.,Der
Engels- und Teufelsglaube des Apostels Paulus. 168 pp. Freiburg i. B.,
Herder, 1915. — Juncker, A., Die Ethik des Apostels Paulus. 11. Halfte:
Die konkrete Ethik. viii, 308 pp. Halle, Niemeyer, 1919.
B
Steck, R., Geistliche Ehen bei Paulus (1 Kor. 7, 36-38) (SchwThZ 34, 177-
189). — Jiilicher, A., Die Jungfrauen im ersten Korintherbrief (PrM 22,
97-119). — Reitzenstein, R., Die Formel "Glaube, Liebe, Hoffnung"
bei Paulus (NGW, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1916, 367-416). — Reitzenstein,
R., Die Entstehung der Formel "Glaube, Liebe, Hoflfnung" (HZ, 1916,
189-208). — Reitzenstein, R., Nachwort (NGW, Phil.-hist. Klasse,
1917, 130-151). — Harnack, A. von, tJber den Ursprung der Formel
"Glaube, Liebe, Hoffnung" (PrJ 164, 1916, 1-14); also in Aus der Friedens-
und Kriegsarbeit, 1-20, Giessen, TSpelmann, 1916. — Corssen, P., Paulus
und Porphyrios I (Sokrates 73, 18-30). — Corssen, P., Paulus und Porphy-
ries II (Zur Erklarung von 2 Kor. 3, 18) (ZNW 19, 'i.-lO). —Liitgert, W.,
Gesetz und Geist. Eine Untersuchung zur Vorgeschichte des Galaterbriefes
(BFTh 22). 106 pp. Gutersloh, Bertelsmann, 1919. — Jager, W. W., Eine
stilgeschichtliehe Studie zum PhUipperbrief (Hermes 50, 537-553). — •
Jiilicher, A . , Ein philologisches Gutachten iiber Phil. 2 , v. 6 (ZNW 17, 1916,
1-17).' — Schmidt, P. W., "Hielt es nicht fUr einen Raub, Gott gleich
sein" (PrM, 1916, 171-176). — Kittel, (?., Rabbinica. Paulus im Talmud.
Die "Macht" auf dem Haupte. Runde Zahlen (Arbeiten zur Religions-
geschichte des Urehristentums 1). 47 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1920.
No new comprehensive work on the theology and reUgion of
Paul has appeared. In the new edition oiWeinel's Paulus the
general purpose has remained the same, to make Paul intelli-
gible to the modern reader as devout man and as theologian,
and to remove misunderstandings and prejudices. Weinel tries
to translate the ideas of Paul into the language of the present
day and to bring out strongly the religious and human motives.
A few new paragraphs have been added and the arrangement
somewhat altered.
Heitmiiller has written an important and thoughtful study
of the conversion of Paul, with trenchant criticism of current
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 183
views. He insists that the moral conflict within the mind of
the miredeemed man (Romans, chapter 7) is not to be used for
an understanding of the spiritual condition of Paul before his
conversion. The €7c!j is not to be taken as personal and individ-
ual; and the point of view from which the chapter is written
is that of the Christian, who has already received purification
and who draws the picture in the light of his own experience.^
Accordingly Heitmilller entirely rejects the idea of a moral
collapse and the overthrow of legalistic moralism in connection
with Paul's conversion. All that came in question was the
messiahship of Jesus and the legitimacy of the mission to
gentiles, that is, the abrogation of Jewish prerogative. The
conversion was an ecstatic mystical experience in which the
appearance of Christ was the centre, the annulment of the
claims of the Law a secondary consequence. Heitmiiller re-
gards the doctrine of justification as a product of the later
development of Paul as Christian and missionary. See E.
Vischer, ThR, 1917, 371 flf.
A. Oepke has made a fairly successful attempt to elicit the
actual missionary preaching of Paul from the epistles, with the
aid of the narratives of Acts, and to discover its relations to
the syncretistic environment of Jewish and heathen thought
and life. On the whole he thinks that Paul adapted himself but
little to his heathen environment, and that his knowledge of
heathenism did not go beyond what he could hear and see in
ordinary intercourse. The main elements of the missionary
preaching (as distinguished from instruction of the baptized)
he finds to have been the message of redemption through Jesus
Christ, his incarnation, death, and resurrection, and the eschato-
logical expectation, together with (as propaedeutic) faith in
one God and the awakening of a consciousness of sin. Far from
supposing that this preaching may have attached itself to
heathen popular religion, a doctrine of mysteries, or philosophy,
Oepke lays stress on the novelty and originality of the Chris-
tian gospel, and on the contrast, not the analogy, which it
presented to these things. The gospel of the Son of God who
' On the problem of Romans 7 see the dissertation of H. S. Pretorius, Bijdrage tot
de exegese en de geschiedenis der exegese van Romeinen vii (Amsterdam, 1915).
184 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
lived a true human life finds there no analogy. Doubtless the
hearers were reminded of all sorts of heathen religious ideas, —
means of expiation, hope of salvation, notions of the future;
but the new message had its own peculiar character, and offered
absolute certainty.
In the Pauline speeches of Acts Oepke sees the same general
scheme. Only in the speech on Mars' Hill, which he treats in
detail and the originality of which he defends against Norden,
does the hellenistic stamp seem to him somewhat stronger, so
that in this case some embellishment by Luke must be sup-
posed. In the criticism of the inscription ('to the unknown
god') he follows Birt (RhM, n.f. 69, 342 ff.); the inscription
read dtQ (without ayvioaria) , but Paul had not seen it himself.
Oepke's work is conceived as a foundation for a constructive
history of Pauline theology in which attention is to be fixed
upon its motive forces and inner structure.^
According to E. Stange Paul's plans of travel were of two
kinds, rational and irrational. Far-reaching strategic mission-
ary plans played no great part, for Stange denies that Paul
was concerned to work at the great centres. His plans were
sometimes affected by the existence of Jewish colonies and
synagogues, whether as points of attachment or as fostering
attacks and intrigues. In his apostolic mission the exten-
sion of the gospel to cities hitherto untouched was of more
importance than the care of the churches, the effect of which
on the course of Paul's movements and on his periods of
residence Stange unduly minimizes. Irrational motives appear
in intimations of the will of God, actions of Satan, and revela-
tions of the Lord, the last being especially mentioned in Acts.
On the whole, irrational motives were rare, and were usually
accompanied by rational purpose. Stange's running compari-
son with the motives which guided the travels of ApoUonius
of Tyana and with those mentioned in the apocryphal acts of
the Apostles is highly instructive.
W. Mundle (privat-dozent at Marburg) finds the chief
peculiarity of Paul's piety in the tensions and contradictions
' See also K. Pieper, Die Missionspredigt des Paulus. Ihre Fundstellen und ihr
Inhalt (Predigtstudien 4). 126 pp., Paderborn, Scheningh, 1921.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 185
which it manifests. His conversion reUeved a certain tension,
but engendered new inner conflicts which he never succeeded
in wholly resolving, for example, regarding the Law, and in his
attitude to Sin (now the consciousness of a 'spiritual' man free
from sin, now that of the imperfect and agonizing soul).
Deissner, on the other hand (ThGg, 1920, pp. 188 f.) sees the
individuality and power of Paul's self-consciousness in the
union of apparently contradictory feelings.
The significance for the modern church of this Pauline piety,
which makes in many ways so strange an impression upon us,
is discussed by /. Weiss in a rather slight posthumous article.
The great and abiding significance resides in Paul's faith in God
(creation, providence, election, loving will), in the religious
kernel of the doctrine of justification, in the mystical union
with Christ (in which, however, many elements which were
essential for Paul have to be abandoned), and in the ethics (the
law of love).
The tendency to give great scope to the hellenistic gnostic
influences in Paul meets active opposition from the conserva-
tive side in Germany and Holland. K. Deissner treats chiefly
the views of Reitzenstein and Bousset, and is mainly occupied
with the doctrine ascribed to Paul of the double self (Paul
under the control of the Spirit a different man). He tries to
state as accurately as possible the differences between the
Pauline gnosis and that of the Hermetic literature; the former
having relation to ethics and the scheme of salvation, the latter
being mystical and enthusiastic, operating with a natural force
unrelated to the inner conflict of spirit and flesh. Hence Deiss-
ner understands by the Pauline rikeios the Christian who is
ready to be guided by the Spirit; and denies that by reXeiot
is intended a kind of elite, a body of supermen, or that Paul
preached two gospels, one for the mature, one for the immature.
The hellenistic type of gnosis is seen among the Corinthians
in their enthusiasm, lack of moral seriousness, confidence in
their own power, insistence on self-determination, and arro-
gance. This is important, but the contrast to this mysticism
which Paul exhibits is not so complete that we can deny to
Paul himself all relation to mysticism. Further, Deissner holds
186 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
that Paul did not, like the mystics, conceive the new self as
wholly separate from the old (cf . 2 Cor. 12, 1 S., and Gal. 2, 20,
discussed by Reitzenstein) ; but his criticism is here exagger-
ated. He is partly right and partly wrong in describing the
Pauline piety as not ecstatic, and Paul's mysticism as personal,
not sacramental. To the second edition a descriptive sketch
of Paul's piety has been added in which the mystical element
is again minimized. See E. Posselt, BphW, 1918, No. 37-38,
1921, No. 19.
Deissner's study of Paul and Seneca does not cover the
ground, the ideas compared being limited to the idea of eter-
nity, the doctrine of God, the doctrine of man, and ethics. His
account of the Pauline ideas in question is inadequate, and
many of the analogies he has not touched. He properly calls
attention to fundamental differences which should put us on
our guard against hastily inferring that Paul derived his ideas
from Seneca's philosophy. See J. Leipoldt, ThLBl, 1918, No. 5 ;
Posselt, BphW, 1917, 1262 ff.; TJbbink, NThSt, 1918,275-
282; C. Clemen, DLZ, 1921, No. 32-33. On the theme, 'Paul
and Seneca,' see also J. de Zwaan, 'Een broeder van Seneca
tegenover Paulus' (Stemmen des Tijds 8, 43-74) .
The merit oi E. Weber's article resides in his contention that
the formula 'in Christ Jesus' relates not only to the spiritual
Christ, but also to the exalted Lord, who rules over us, and to
the Mediator of Salvation, who brought salvation by his his-
torical appearance on earth. Furthermore, the mystical rela-
tion is established by faith; and this circumstance lends to
Paul's mysticism a unique character which distinguishes it
from heathen mysticism, tending, as that does, to dissolve the
relationships of personality. The hellenistic analogies do not
lose their value through these considerations; but we see that
Pauline mysticism, while it uses hellenistic formulas, is not
identical with that form of mysticism, but is an intimate
mingling of union with the spiritual Christ, obedient service
of the Lord, and a mysticism founded in history.
With a method similar to that of Deissner J. Th. Uhhink,
in his very learned doctor's dissertation on eternal life in Paul,
takes up chiefly the theses of Reitzenstein and Bousset con-
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 187
cerning the influence on Paul of the mystery-rehgions and of
mysticism. By the aid of grave-stones, the philosophical lit-
erature, and the documents of the mysteries, he sets forth the
ideas about the other world and the future destinies of souls
which prevailed in Paul's hellenistic environment. This section
with the accompanying notes is very full, and does not lack
value for those who reject the author's main position. That is
presented in the third chapter, where a comparison of Pauline
and hellenistic views leads to the conclusion that Paul is es-
sentially independent. In this comparison the differences are
continually exaggerated; and it is not convincingly shown
that Old Testament doctrine sufiices to explain the Pauline
anthropology, which his eschatology assumes. Ubbink can
see only contrasts to Paul in the religious ideas of the hellenis-
tic world. Besides assembling an abundance of material he
gives a great number of literary references. See ThLZ, 1918,
No. 12-13. Of similar tendency is the inaugural lecture of
Brouwer (professor at Utrecht), Paulus Mysticus? 1921. The
answer is in the negative. J. P. Bang, 'Var Paulus "Mys-
tiker'" ? (TT 4, 45-128) I have not seen.
A freer attitude toward the problems of the history of reU-
gions was that of Tr. Schmidt (who fell in the war, 1918), as
his excellent book shows. He gives an admirable exposition
of the Pauline mysticism, and its assumptions, namely, the
ideas of the aufia Xpiarov, the conception of Christ as exerting
a continued activity (in the Spirit and in the sacraments), the
relation between Christ and the Spirit, and between the exalted
Christ and the historical Jesus. To whatever criticism details
of this study may be exposed, it offers as a whole an illumina-
ting account of the relations which bind together the mystical
expressions of Paul. From the mystical relation between Christ
and the individual Schmidt turns to that between Christ and
the ecclesia. The church is the body of Christ infused with life
by the Spirit, and by virtue of its relation to the spiritual Christ
it acquires a kind of collective personality, with Christ as its
head. From the point of view of the general history of religions
significant parallels are drawn, both from Judaism — such as
the relations between Messiah and people, Christ and Adam,
188 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Christ and the Son of Man, — and on the hellenistic side from
the idea of anthropos. Schmidt rejects the notion of direct
borrowing from Hellenism, but holds to an organic kinship
between the Pauline idea of Christ and the hellenistic 'primi-
tive man.' With Reitzenstein's recent inquiries into the Iranian
origin of this figure he had no opportunity to become acquainted.
The use of the idea of the church as a 'collective individual,'
and a factor in salvation, mediating between Christ the re-
deemer and the redeemed individual, is carried still farther by
C. J. Scharling, who conceives of the church as actually the
primary object of redemption, and so as the primary recipient
of the Spirit, which has been poured out since the dawn of the
new aeon. This church is even supposed to have been identi-
fied by Paul with Christ; through this mystical unity the
church died and rose again with Christ, and forms the new
humanity, so that individuals share in redemption only as
members of the church. In support of this general view Schar-
ling refers to Jewish and hellenistic elements, especially the
idea of mystic unity between Israel and the shekinah or the
torah, and hellenistic mysticism with its dualistic assumptions
and enthusiastic, religious aims, — the difference being that
Paul has incorporated his mystical elements into a fundamen-
tally eschatological way of thinking, and united them with the
collective idea of the church. The ecclesiastical setting of
Paul's doctrines is due to his having received his mystical
experiences in connection with the act of worship. These
ideas deserve attention but require verification. It can at
least be afiirmed as certain that Paul in referring to redemption
does not habitually insert the collective idea between Christ
and the individual.
The posthumous essay of F. Philippi is a sketch by an able
young theologian who lost his life in the war. He reaches the
conclusion that in the epistles Paul appears as the inexorable
opponent of the Jewish religion but the friend of the Jewish
people, while in the Acts we see him portrayed as hostile to the
people but as revering the Jewish religion. Luke must there-
fore have distorted his portrait of the apostle. See E. Vischer,
ThR, 1917, 369 ff.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 189
Macholz's penetrating study of justification by faith deals
especially with the views of Wrede, and the latter's assertion,
in company with others, of the secondary character of this
doctrine. Paul's religious temperament required a principle
which should be exclusively theocentric. After his conversion
he was done with Judaism, and his doctrine of justification was
the fruit of his earliest Christian experience. It includes, in
Macholz's view, the whole of his experience of salvation, com-
prising both the benefits of an expiatory satisfaction and the
believer's elevation into the sphere of the risen Lord's life.
Macholz is not Pauline but Lutheran when he declares that the
justified are to be regarded as already righteous, even though
they have yet to become so. To that reflection Paul did not
attain; his view is rather that purification of character is
eflfected not in justification but in regeneration.
0. Kurze discusses from a Catholic point of view Dibelius's
Die Geisterwelt im Olauhen des Paulus (1909). He cannot admit
"disparate" elements in Paul; and will not permit later Jew-
ish sources to be treated as documents of an environment from
which Paul drew. The value of the book resides in the abun-
dant references to other literature and in the convenient collec-
tion of the various explanations and arguments.
The first volimie of A. Juncker' s'Eth.ik (1904, now in many
ways antiquated) described the principles of the new moral life
which springs up in Christians. In neither that volume nor the
present one has the author profited much from modern study
of Paul. Juncker discusses certain modern views, such as the
derivation of the catalogue of vices from hellenistic or Jewish
models, the assertion that Paul's ethical system has a world-
renouncing character, etc. He denies that in 1 Cor. 7 the
institution of virgines subintroductae is referred to, and gives
substantial arguments for his view. In general, Jewish and
hellenistic material is but sparingly introduced for comparison,
and the book has Httle breadth of grasp. See M. Dibelius,
ThLZ, 1921, No. 13-14.
B
The question of spiritual marriages in 1 Cor. 7, 36 ff. (or
25 S.) has been taken up by Steck and Jiilicher. Steck holds
190 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
that the passage refers to these marriages, but (like J. Weiss)
takes the whole section, from vs. 25 on, to refer to the same
topic (irapdevoi meaning couples of spiritually betrothed per-
sons). From this exegesis he draws the inference that this
section (like the rest of 1 Corinthians) belongs to the second
century.
Jiilicher denies that the betrothal idea extends to vss. 25 flf.;
the reference to awdcraKroi, seems to him possible, but not
proved. He is more inclined to think of a betrothed couple
who, under the impression of Paul's preaching, had given up
their determination to marry.
The idea, now accepted by Deissner, that a group at Corinth
was strongly impregnated with hellenistic notions, would re-
ceive a startling illustration if a hypothesis put forward by
Reitzenstein should ultimately stand. He first presented in
his book Historia monachorum et Historia Lausiaca, then, in
the articles named above, developed at greater length and
defended against Harnack, the theory that the way in which
Paul emphasizes in 1 Cor. 13, 13 the statement that faith, hope,
and love abide, implies a controversy. Certain Corinthians had
maintained against Paul a four-fold formula, 'knowledge,
faith, love, hope,' of hellenistic origin, as Reitzenstein thinks is
proved by Porphyrins, ad Marcellum 24, Clement of Alexan-
dria, Strom, iii, 69, 3; vii, 57, 4. Paul, he holds, adopted the
formula, but, true to his conviction of the superiority of love
over gnosis, omitted 'knowledge.'
Harnack protests vigorously against this view, and from
numerous Pauline and other early Christian passages under-
takes to prove the Christian origin of the triad. He believes
that it grew naturally out of current formulas, each having two
members, 'faith and love,' 'faith and hope.'
Corssen also doubts Reitzenstein's construction. He thinks
that the four ideas were so deeply rooted in the philosophy of
Porphyrins, that the supposition of his dependence for them on
religious literature (so Reitzenstein) or, as Harnack suggests,
on Paul himself, is superfluous. The Clement passages are to
be explained from 1 Cor. 13, 13 and from Clement's own system.
The whole sentence in 1 Cor. 13, 13 is suflBciently accounted for
by the preceding context.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 191
In his 'Nachwort,' 1917,^ Reitzenstein assembles fresh
proofs, drawn especially from the Oracula Chaldaica. It must
be admitted that a hellenistic triad or tetrad analogous to the
Christian triad may have been in existence, and there is no
reason why it may not have been known in Corinth. In that
case the language of 1 Cor. 13 would be more intelligible, but
the theory would not solve all the problems. See R. Schutz,
ThLZ, 1917, No. 26; Dibelius, WklPh, 1916, 1041; Wohlen-
berg, ThLBl, 1916, No. 17; C. Clemen, ZKG, n. f. 1, 178 f.
Reitzenstein (Historia monachorum, pp. 242 ff.) thinks he
can explain from Porphyrins, ad Marcellum 13, another Pauline
passage, 2 Cor. 3, 18. Corssen (ZNW) traverses both the
interpretation of the passage of Porphyrins and the inferences
for 2 Cor. 3, 18. He urges that the word evoirrpi^effdai is used
by Porphyrins (who twice employs it) to mean either (middle
voice) 'be reflected' or (active) 'reflect.' Accordingly the sense
'looking into the mirror of the S6^a,' which Reitzenstein gives
to the Pauline phrase, is not attested by Porphyrins. Just as
Porphyrins means that God is reflected in the human spirit,
so Paul (in Corssen's view) says that the glory of the Lord is
reflected on our face. Corssen includes an analysis of the whole
chapter.
Lutgert has now extended to the Epistle to the Galatians
his theory that a gnostic movement existed in the apostolic
age and was of equal importance with Judaism. He supposes
the polemic of the epistle to be pointed in two directions, —
now both at once, now one at a time, — namely, against the
Judaizers and against the self-styled 'spiritual' antinomians
who blame Paul for inconsistency, reproach him with his sub-
mission to the Law, declare that he preaches circumcision (Gal.
5, 11; cf. 2, 18), and owes his gospel not to revelation but to
an (unnamed) apostle, and who besides have introduced into
Christianity the elements of the worship of Cybele. On this
last account Paul affirms that these opponents had actually
reverted to heathenism, since in 4, 8 ff. he means 'revert to
the rudiments of instruction,' that is, to the Law, to which
the heathen also are subject.
^ Cf. also Reitzenstein's Hellenistische Mysterienreligionen, 2 ed. pp. 235 ff.
192 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Liltgert's detailed exegesis is often highly artificial. And it
is to be observed that in Galatians Paul nowhere indicates that
he is arguing against two extreme parties of opposite tendencies.
A heathenish libertinism he would have brought to check in a
very diflFerent way. See Deissner, ThGg 14, 1920, 205-211.
W. W. Jager has proposed a new interpretation of the difl5-
cult christological passage Phil. 2, 6. He takes the phrase ovx
apwayfwv riyqaaro to be a conmionly used idiom which regularly
had the positive meaning, 'regard as a privilege,' 'enjoy,' 'turn
to advantage.' This is chiefly on the ground of Heliodorus,
Aethiopica, iv, 6; vii, 20; Plutarch, defortuna Alex., p. 418, 22
(Bernard.). The literal translation {apiraytibv meaning 'usurpa-
tion ') and all references to the myth of Satan or of Adam he
vigorously opposes.
Jiilicher, with a retort to Jager's rather arrogant attitude,
reviews the patristic exegesis of the passage, and himself favors
the meaning, 'hold as too precious' or 'as indispensable,' 're-
fuse to yield what has been acquired with trouble and pains.'
Schmiedel will not admit 'enjoy,' but takes the phrase of
the ambitious insistence on heavenly prerogatives. All the in-
terpreters (including Dibelius, ThLZ, 1915, No. 25-26) treat
the reference of apTray/jLov to res rapienda (in contrast to rapta)
as definitely excluded; Dibelius thinks that the notion must
also be abandoned that Paul has in view any antithesis to the
events in the spirit-world.^
G. Kittel (1) thinks that Mishna Aboth iii, 11 ("who defiles
the sanctuaries," etc.) was aimed at Paul. Interesting as the
passage is, this seems to me not proved. The saying is later
than Paul's time, and can equally well have been directed
against gentile Christians in general or against gnostic Minim,
whom Philo likewise attacks. (2) Kittel's hypothesis to ex-
plain the word e^ovala in 1 Cor. 11, 10 fails to convince. He
assumes beside ^7^ 'rule' another ^h^ from a diflFerent root
meaning 'wrap,' and that thus e^ovcria came to mean 'veil' in
Jewish Greek. By the 'angels' he understands not lascivious
demons but guardians of chastity. (3) In a treatment of
'Round Numbers' Kittel argues (against Gunkel and others)
1 Cf. also K. F. Proost. ' Adam-Christus-Satan ' (ThT. 1916, 375-386).
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 193
that 'three and a half has nothing to do with mythology or
eschatological mysteries, but is merely a round number like
'five.' Even if that be granted, 'three and a half may yet
have become a definite term of an apocalyptic tradition. See
Museum (Leiden) 29, No. 5.
VI. CATHOLIC EPISTLES; HEBREWS; APOSTOUC FATHERS
Bornemann,W., Der erste Petnisbrief — eine Taufrede des Silvanus?
(ZNW 19, 143-164). — Haering, Th., Gedankengang und Grundgedanken
des Hebraerbriefs (ZNW 18, 145-164). — Ladder, W., De godsdienstige en
zedelijke denkbeelden van 1 Clemens (Groningen dissertation). 244 pp.
Leiden, van Nifterik, 1915.
The most important contribution to the study of the Catholic
Epistles is the volume of Meyer's Kommentar on James by M.
Dibelius, published in 1921 and already mentioned (p. 125).
Bornemann takes 1 Peter as originally a baptismal sermon
(1, 3-5, 11) preached by Silvanus about the year 90 in some
city of Asia Minor, and having for text Psalm 34, of which
Bornemann finds traces all through the sermon. The dedica-
tion (1, 1-2) was added because guests from other churches
asked for a copy. The name of Peter was added still later as a
conjecture. A relation to baptism is evident in 1 Peter (see
Windisch, Taufe und Sunde, pp. 227 ff.; Perdelwitz, Die
Mysterienreligion und das Problem des 1. Petrusbriefs, 1911), but
to suppose that the whole epistle is a baptismal address is
questionable, to say the least.
Th . Haering lays stress on the alternation of doctrinal state-
ment and exhortation in Hebrews. With that characteristic
in mind it becomes inappropriate (cf. among others my com-
mentary on Hebrews in Lietzmann's Handbuch) to use the
terms 'digression' and 'interruption'; and also in the parts
other than hortatory a progress of thought can be perceived.
Haering divides the epistle as follows: 1,1^,16, introduction,
which prepares for and leads up to the actual theme (4, 14-16);
5, 1-6, 20, preliminary discussion of the theme; 7, 1-10, 18,
elaborated proof of the theme as the testimony of faith to
the incomparable high-priesthood of the Son; 10, 19-13, 21,
consequent exhortation to hold fast the confession. The
analysis is made with great acuteness.
194 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The commentaries on the Apostolic Fathers (Hermas by M.
DibeUus has not yet appeared) in the supplementary volume to
Lietzmann's Handbuch have already been mentioned. Ladder
in his valuable book, although he forces the ideas of 1 Clement
into the traditional frame of Christian dogmatics, yet gives a
just account of the theology of the epistle, and does not fail
to take account of its unsystematic character. He connects
the ideas with their environment, and properly points out the
contacts of 1 Clement with philosophy (cosmological concep-
tion of God as father, anthropology, eschatology), but neglects
the preparation in Judaism for this hellenization of the religion
of the Bible. He rightly admits an influence on the doctrine of
1 Clement from Pauline theology, or at least from Pauline
formulas, side by side with a pervading moralistic piety, the
source of which he finds obscure. Clement was a gentile and
belonged to them "that are of Caesar's household" (Phil. 4,
22).
Reference should be made to the following contributions to
the volume, Harnack-Ehrung (Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1921): E.
Forster, 'Kirchenrecht vor dem 1. Clemensbrief ' ; M. Dibelius,
'Der Offenbarungstrager im "Hirten" des Hermas'; H. Win-
disch, 'Das Christentum des zweiten Clemensbrief es.' Finally
see also G. A. van den Bergh van Eysinga, 'De jongste ver-
dediging van de echtheid der Ignatiana' (NThT, 1915, 253-
269).
Vn. HISTORY OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY
A
Weiss, /..DasUrchristentum. Herausgegebenunderganzt vonR. iiCnop/.
xii, 687 pp. Gottingen, Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1917. — Bernouilli,
G. A., Johannes der TSuter und die Urgemeinde (Die Kultur des Evange-
liums I). 504 pp. Leipzig, Der neue Geist Verlag, 1918. — • De Zwaan, J.,
Imperialisme van den oudchristelijken geest. 390 pp. Haarlem, F. Bohn,
1919.
B
Kiefl, F . X., Die Theorien des modernen Sozialismus Uber den Ursprung
des Christentums. xxxii, 222 pp. MUnchen, KSsel, 1915. — Eger,0.,
Rechtsgeschichtliches zum Neuen Testament' (program). 46 pp. Basel,
Reinhardt, 1919. — Eger, 0., Rechtsworter und Rechtsbilder in den pauli-
nischenBriefen (ZNW 18, 84-108). — Boender*,F. CM., Keltische in-
vloeden op bet Nieuwe Testament (ThT, 1919, 137-144). — Windisch, H.,
Der Untergang Jerusalems (Anno 70) im Urteil der Christen und Juden
(ThT, 1914, 519-550).
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 195
No hand was more competent to write a history of early
Christianity than that of Johannes Weiss. Widely read in
hellenistic literature, he was equipped to portray the environ-
ment of early Christianity as well as the new religion which
arose therefrom; in many respects he departed from the views
of the leaders of the ' religionsgeschichtliche Schule.' But he was
permitted to finish only his account of the work of Paul and of
the further development of Christianity in Palestine and Syria.
The first part of his book was published before the war; the
remainder (pages 417-681), issued in 1917, consists partly of
matter left ready for the press at the author's death in 1914,
partly (from page 601 on) of supplementary chapters by
Rudolf Knopf, who has himself since died.
Weiss was able to complete his account of Paul as Christian
and as theologian; the section on 'hope' is succeeded by those
on Pauline ethics, on Paul's conception of the world, and on
the church. Of special note is the discussion of the Lord's
Supper, in which he makes some corrections of the exegesis given
in his commentary on 1 Corinthians. These chapters are fol-
lowed by a survey of the post-pauline period in missionary work
and the founding of churches, and by sketches of the history of
Palestinian and Syrian Christianity. The Epistle of James is
used as a document of the development of the Syrian church.
Knopf has drawn in broad outUne, and in the spirit of his
Geschichte des nachapostolischen Zeitalters, the history of Asia
Minor, of Macedonia and Achaia, and of Rome, so that the
result is at least a self-contained history of the apostolic and
post-apostolic age. See M. Dibelius, ChrW, 1916, No. 37;
1918, No. 29/30; G. A. v. d. Bergh v. Eysinga, NThT, 1918,
pp. 170 ff.; K. Lake, HThR, 1922, pp. 97 ff.
In the first volume of his Kultur des Evangeliums C. A.
Bernouilli the pupil, friend, and intellectual successor of
Franz Overbeck, has written a most suggestive work on the rise
of Christianity, and has presented the subject in a new light. He
is close to the psycho-analytic school, and writes with a diffuse
rhetoric which is often infelicitous, and the obscurity of which
196 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
is hardly dispelled by a second reading. The book, though it is
almost devoid of any method in its argumentation, has the
stimulating quality of great originality. The chief idea of the
first volume is that John the Baptist gave the real start to
Christianity. His eschatological baptism was not practised
by Jesus, but was revived by Paul in pentecostal baptism,
which took on a more cheerful tone from the spirit of Jesus,
while among the disciples of the Baptist there was a recru-
descence of religious fear. John taught repentance and self-
purification; the new element in Christianity was the Spirit,
who brings sanctification, and the enthusiasm which proceeds
from the risen Christ. The chapter on the resurrection-faith,
in which the author shows his training in psycho-analysis,
calls for mention. Following Schweitzer, from whom he has
learned much, the author emphasizes the purely Jewish origin
of Christianity, and denies all derivation from syncretistic
religion. See Dibelius, ThLZ, 1920, No. 21-22.
Under his curious title de Zwaan gives a thoughtful ac-
count, intended for the general reader, of the development of
early Christianity down to the secure establishment of the
Catholic Church. In his introduction on Faith and History,
he discusses the radical contention that the whole gospel is a
poetic rhapsody, and also the views of scholars like Troeltsch,
Harnack, Bousset, and Kirn, and urges that faith rests not on,
but in, history. The resurrection of Jesus is a fact the possi-
bility of which historical investigation leaves open, and which
faith requires in order to assert itself. Among other successive
topics de Zwaan treats of certain of the ideas of Jesus from a
point of view influenced by Tyrrell, and indicates two roots of
Christian 'imperialism,' namely, the reaction against the juris-
tic spirit of the Pharisees and that against wrong and injustice
in the world. In describing the formation of an eschatology no
longer revolutionary but purely spiritual, he remarks on the
prevalent failure in current discussions to give due weight to
non-christian, cosmic eschatology. Toward the close is a
masterly sketch of TertuUian in a few strokes; the book ends
with Athanasius.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 197
B
Next to mythology, socialism is the leading factor in the mod-
ern radical criticism of the N. T. tradition. The Catholic
theologian F . X . Kief I, who exposed the philosophical foun-
dations of the mythological theory in his book, Der geschicht-
liche Christus und die moderne Philosophie (1911), has now
undertaken to show the historical derivation of the theories of
modern socialism on the origin of Christianity, and to refute
them. He finds that these views, too, have their roots in the
Hegelian philosophy, which necessarily led to the socialistic
theory of history; and he gives a survey of the history of the
social conception of Christianity in protestant theology and
in socialism — the real antichrist, as he terms it. His refuta-
tion rests on an historical and exegetical investigation of 1 Cor.
7, 21, of which he gives a conservative interpretation in accord
with the church fathers. He explains that the emancipation
of the slaves was not a part of the program of the church, and
was prepared for by the church only in the religious and ethical
emancipation effected by the gospel. In depicting the lot of
the slaves in antiquity we must, he says, guard against exag-
geration; only so is the attitude of Paul and the church justi-
fied. The oldest Christianity was not a proletarian, but a
religious, movement. The early Christian idea of the state was
conservative, as is shown by the attitude toward slavery.
Kiefl gives a long series of illustrations and citations (not
always exact) from the church fathers. The argument is some-
times superficial, but there is much information in the book.
Eger in his program elucidates from the papyri the trials at
law described in the N. T., especially those of Paul, and shows
that narrative and terminology fully correspond to the hellen-
istic legal documents. In connection with the trial of Paul he
adduces an edict of Nero relating to the improvement of pro-
cedure in cases of provocatio to the emperor, and suggests that
Paul was released because the Jewish complainants did not put
in an appearance. He also takes up the legal words and legal
figures in Paul (briefly in the program, more in detail and with
learned material in ZNW). In Gal. 3, 17 ff.; 4, 1 f. he holds
198 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
that Paul had hellenistic (not Roman, nor Celtic) legal condi-
tions in mind, and that he was alluding to the custom of attach-
ing to a will a penal clause which protected the provisions of the
document from the attack of a third party. In Gal. 4 Paul
assumes the father to be dead, and to have appointed in his
will guardians for a fixed term, as is often found in papyri.
Eger rejects the idea of adoption by will, since that does not
occur so late as the date of the hellenistic documents. After
treating of the legal usage implied in 1 Cor. 3, 9 (the act of
undertaking the charge of buildings), he closes with a discus-
sion of the legal affairs imphed in Philemon.
Boenders argues (against Eger) that the law implied in
Gal. 4 is Celtic. Among the Celts it was customary for fathers
in their own life-time (in Galatians it is not stated that the
father is dead) to put their sons under tutors (in Gaul, Druids),
by whom they were treated as slaves until on reaching their
majority they returned as sons to their fathers' house.
In the case of so far-reaching an event in the earliest Chris-
tian period as the fall of Jerusalem, it is remarkable that no one
has gathered and compared the various testimonies from Jewish
and Christian literature as to its significance and cause. In
my Leiden inaugural lecture (1914) I have made a beginning
of this. The gospel passages comprise both genuine sayings
and others that were produced by the church after the event;
the central idea (as in later Christian feeling) was that it was
a punishment for the crucifixion of Jesus. The Jews, too, saw
in the catastrophe a punishment for national sin. Josephus
has in mind chiefly the partisan strife of the rebellion and the
profanation of the temple by the Jews themselves; the apoc-
alyptic writers, although accounting for the event by the
nation's sin, yet give comforting promises of a rebuilding; the
rabbis find the guilt of the nation in inattention to rabbinical
tradition and doctrine, but also lay weight on the retribution
that has fallen on Titus and is destined to overwhelm the Roman
empire. The pragmatic significance of the catastrophe for both
religions is clearer from the Jewish than from the Christian
testimonies. I have since collected more material and hope
later to pubhsh a monograph on the subject.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 199
Vm. THEOLOGY OP THE NEW TESTAMENT
Daubanton, F. E., Geschiedenis der beoefening van de didaktiek des Nieu-
wen Verbonds. 278 pp. Utrecht, Keminck en Zoon, 1916. — Peine, P.,
Theologie des Neuen Testaments. 3. Aufl. xv, 585 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs,
1919. — Weinel,H., Biblische Theologie des Neuen Testaments. Die
Religion Jesu und des Urchristentums. 3. Aufl. xv, 675 pp. Tubingen,
Mohr, 1921.
B
Bultmann,R., Die Bedeutung der Eschatologie f Ur die Religion des Neuen
Testaments (ZThK, 1917, 76-87) . — Pott, A.,T>aa Hoffen im Neuen Testa-
ment in seiner Beziehung zum Glauben (Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testa-
ment 7). 204 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1915. — Berkelbach van der Spren-
kel, S.F.H. J ., Vrees en Religie. Een psychologisch onderzoek toegepast
op nieuw-testamentische gegevens (dissertation). 145 pp. Utrecht, 1920.
Wernle, P., Jesus und Paulus. Antithesen zu Bousset's Kyrios Christos
(ZThK, 1915, No. 1-2); also, separately, 92 pp. Tubingen, Mohr. —
Bousset, W., Jesus der Herr. NachtrSge und Auseinandersetzungen zu
Kyrios Christos. 96 pp. G8ttingen, Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1916. —
Heitmuller, W ., Jesus und Paulus. Freundschaftliche kritische Bemer-
kungen zu P. Wemles Artikel "Jesus und Paulus" (ZThK, 1915, 156-179).—
Gotz, K., Neue Forschungen zur Geschichte des Christusglaubens (KRef
Schw 30, 1915, No. 29-33).
D
Haering, Th., Das Alte Testament im Neuen (ZNW, 1916, 213-227).—
Harnack,A.von, Die Terminologie der Wiedergeburt imd verwandter
Erlebnisse in der altesten Kirche (TU 42, 97-143). Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1918.
The book of F. E. Daubanton (f 1920, church professor at
Utrecht) is a history of the study of the BibUcal Theology of the
New Testament, conceived in the traditional fashion. Its
special value lies in the attention paid to Dutch, English, and
American work, and in the accoimts of the contents of the more
important books, while the grouping and historical criticism are
often defective, and unfortunately but little notice is taken of
anything but substantial treatises. See Windisch, ThT 51,
1917, 233 ff.
Of German textbooks of New Testament Theology that of
P. Peine is at present the most widely read. In the new edition
200 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Feine holds more aloof than ever from the point of view of the
history of religions, and insists on the freedom of Paul and John
from the influences of later Judaism and Hellenism. "Today
we have passed the crest of the wave of 'history of religions,' "
is a sentence from his preface which constitutes a kind of pro-
gram. His total aversion to the idea of foreign influences is
connected with the establishment of the divine character of the
person of Jesus. A sign of increased conservatism is his use in
the present edition (unlike the earlier ones) of the Gospel of
John as a source for the teaching of Jesus, — to confirm, ex-
plain, and complete the Synoptic tradition. With similar
tendency, in the section on the teaching of Jesus, the chapter
on Jesus' idea of his own mission now precedes those on the
kingdom of God and the moral requirements, while a new chap-
ter is added on Jesus' work in the power of the Spirit and on his
promise of the Spirit. The new edition shows some other
changes in arrangement, and many abbreviations and expan-
sions, corresponding to the progress of recent investigations
but all exhibiting the author's strong conservative bent.
The new edition of WeineVs admirable text-book has un-
dergone important modifications of the text, but none in the
point of view. It is a general presentation of early Christianity
as conceived by students of the history of religions, although
in the critical exposition he gives more prominence to religious
values than is usual. In a new chapter on the influence of
mystery-religion the thesis of Reitzenstein and Bousset is
accepted, in opposition to Schweitzer.
B
Bultmann, following out the ideas of J. Weiss and myself
(ZwTh, 1912) has tried to define more exactly the significance
of eschatology for New Testament religion by showing the part
which faith in eschatology takes in the moral and religious
utterances. The eschatological motive spurs to moral effort;
in certain fields of ethics the term 'interim ethics' holds good;
and eschatology furnishes a background for the idea of the
transcendence of God and of his superiority to the world, and
for the optimism of faith in God, as well as for the dualism of
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 201
the Christian view of things. It seems as if a more essential
significance were here assigned to eschatology than Bultmann
himself is disposed to acknowledge.
Schlatter's discussion of Faith in the N. T. and LUtgert's of
Love are now followed by a treatment of Hope, hy A. Pott,
carried out, as is right, with special reference to the relation of
hope to faith. Pott first considers hope in the later Jewish
literature, including Philo but not the Talmud. In the apoc-
alyptic writings hope is chiefly eschatological trust, while
faith includes confession and obedience as essential elements,
much as in the Psalms; Philo's idea of faith has gained more
of religious depth. In the consciousness of Jesus an unexampled
elevation and a new element are found, for in him faith is com-
pletely imbued with hope, he has God, and the future and
present are intermingled. It is due to the Synoptic writers that
faith and hope have again drawn apart, and that both have
acquired an eschatological reference. Paul is acquainted with
this eschatologically oriented hope, but in the mystical union
with Christ, and by virtue of the Spirit of Christ, faith and hope
become once more identified, although in the form of eschato-
logical hope. In the epistles from the time of persecution
eschatological hope becomes the central idea; in later writings
that place is again taken by faith, but in the form of confes-
sion. This is the case in John, with whom, however, faith is a
knowledge which unites mysticism and gnosis. It is doubtful
if all this is so, but the investigation is not without value for
the understanding of Christian piety. See the incisive criti-
cism of Bultmann, ThR, 1916, 113 ff.
With a backgroimd of discussion of general psychology and
the psychology of religion Berkelbach van der Sprenkel
presents his discussion of Fear and Religion as a kind of illus-
tration of his psychological analysis. Treating of fear as a
religious phenomenon and a religious motive, the author deals
chiefly with primitive peoples, but includes the piety of the
Old Testament. In his suggestive but incomplete sketch
(pp. 50-75) he points out that the higher the grade of the piety,
— that is, the more intimate the communion, — the more is
fear overcome by such feelings as trust and love. His thought
202 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
is often similar to the views (with which he was not acquainted)
of R. Otto in his book, Das Heilige, although he does not em-
phasize the 'sense of being a creature' as strongly as Otto.
The New Testament part (pp. 76-145) discusses anxious care
(Bezorgdheid), fear of men, of death, of demons, fear in the pres-
ence of Jesus, the sinner's fear in the presence of God, and fear
in the prospect of the Last Things, — various types of fear
which are overcome through the revelation of God in Jesus.
The work is uneven, but it is all instructive, and the book is
one of the best monographs of recent years.
In the inquiry into the origin of N. T. christology, Bousset's
Kyrios Christos still holds the centre of the stage. Of the criti-
cisms on it the most impassioned and detailed is that of Bous-
set's friend P. Wernle, who limits himself to the most impor-
tant theme, namely, Jesus and Paul. He discusses Bousset's
theses on the faith in Christ of the primitive church, on Jesus
and the messianic hope, and on Paul's faith in the Lord (Kyrios-
glaube). His view is that before Paul the church invoked Jesus
as Son of God and as Kyrios (Ps. 110; mar ana iha), and main-
tained vital communion with him as risen from the dead. He
assembles the data which testify to a messianic consciousness
on the part of Jesus (execution as king of the Jews, entry into
Jerusalem, the request of the sons of Zebedee, idea of the king-
dom of God as already present) ; and argues that the faith in
the resurrection cannot be accounted for by myths. Paul's
christology and doctrine of salvation Wernle would explain (in
opposition to Bousset) by primitive Christian tradition, Paul's
own experience, rabbinical interpretation of the O. T., and other
rabbinical traditions, with no hellenistic influence. He denies
that the primitive hellenistic church was an intermediate step
between the original Apostles and Paul (Heitmiiller), and re-
jects Bousset's thesis that the most important innovation in
christology introduced by Paul had its starting-point in the
cultus; personal mysticism is primary, cult-mysticism second-
ary. Paul's anthropology is due not to Philo and the Hermetic
literature but to the Old Testament and the doctrine of the
rabbis.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 203
In his interesting rejoinder Bousset withdraws some un-
tenable theses and furnishes a better argumentative founda-
tion for his views than hitherto. While he makes some conces-
sions with reference to the faith in Christ of the Palestinian
church, he still insists that they did not use the title Kyrios
or practise worship of the Lord. Marana tha he now explains
as a Jewish formula used in oaths and aflSrmations. In spite
of exorcism in the name of Jesus, and of the Lord's Supper, he
holds it questionable whether the primitive church had any
strong sense of the nearness of the Lord; and reaflSrms his
belief that the Kyrios-cult arose on Greek soil. Wernle, he
declares, understands Pauline Christianity according to the
scheme of the protestant reformers, an understanding incon-
sistent with the changed attitude of Paul to the sin of Chris-
tians. Bousset also adopts HeitmtlUer's thesis that Paul's
conversion did not involve the collapse of nomistic moralism;
justification and moral catastrophe were secondary to faith in
Christ and the mystic union. Paul's dualism and pessimism
can not be wholly explained as proceeding from rabbinical
Jewish som-ces but were of hellenistic origin.
Before Bousset's rejoinder appeared, Heitmuller, falling
under the same criticisms, issued his counterblast, virtually an
explanation and justification of the views criticised by Wernle
in ZNW, 1912, 320 ff., especially the thesis that the ideas of
hellenistic Christians constituted the real basis for Paul's
theological construction. He would not exclude the notion of
original experience as controlling Paul, but urges that his forms
of expression were drawn from the tradition and environment
of the gentile Christians with whom he associated almost ex-
clusively in the period from Damascus to Antioch. Like Bous-
set he denies the existence of the Kyrios-cult in Jerusalem;
only in hellenism did the conditions precedent exist. Heit-
miiller shows great caution in his inquiries.
The present reviewer, in ' Christuskult und Paulinismus,'
ThT, 1916, 216-225, is in large part, but not completely, in
accord with Bousset. The worship of Jesus as the heavenly
'Lord' must be ascribed to the primitive church, although a
'Christ-cult' could only be elaborated on gentile Christian soil.
204 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Bousset has overestimated the hellenistic factor in PauHne
theology and underestimated the Jewish element. The con-
nection between Jesus, the primitive church, and Paul is to be
sought chiefly in their eschatology. Bousset's proposed dis-
tinction (see p. 203 above) between primary and secondary
elements cannot be carried out, since the doctrine of justifica-
tion, — that is, Paul's controversy with Judaism, — is not
secondary. Jewish and hellenistic, Palestinian and hellenistic,
are everywhere intermingled.
K. Ootz's criticism of Bousset is similar to that of Wernle,
insisting even more strongly on the Jewish element in Paul.
The title of 'Lord' is inseparable, he holds, from the conception
of (royal) messiah. The Greek preference for Kyrios is to be
explained by the strangeness of the title ' Christ ' and from the
Christian hostility to oriental and hellenistic worship of rulers.
Gotz ascribes Paul's anthropological pessimism and his dualistic
doctrine of salvation rather to hellenistic gnostic traditions;
while the doctrine of vicarious suffering and the collective idea
of the second Adam are Jewish, and a Jewish analogy to the
worship of a divine mediator may be found in the legend of
Moses, cf. Ecclus. 45, 2; I Cor. 10, 1 ff.
See also P. Althaus, 'Unser Herr Jesus,' NkZ, 1915, 439-457,
513-545; and on the whole controversy E. Vischer, ThR, 1916,
294-318. Bousset left a revision of his Kyrios Christos, em-
bodying the results of the whole discussion, which was edited
by G. Kruger, 1921 (394 pp.) '
D
The chief objection to be taken to the inquiries of Bousset,
Reitzenstein, and the other students of the history of religions,
is that they have neglected the antecedents of the New Testa-
ment in the Old Testament and Judaism. In a discussion of
principles and method, with some illustrations, Th. Haering
points out the importance of recognizing that the New Testa-
ment is conditioned by the Old. We need to ask what Old
Testament ideas and materials, what books and persons, have
' The book 'Jesus der Herr' is still useful even after the appearance of the second
edition of 'Kyrios Christos.'
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 205
influenced the New Testament, and how any Old Testament
word is understood in the New. The study of the New Testa-
ment must not neglect the Old Testament passages which
underlie the New Testament passage under discussion; for
instance, for the Lord's Prayer 1 Chron. 29, 10 ff . must be ad-
duced; for Matt. 28, 18, Dan. 7, 14; for Rom. 12, 9, Ps. 97,
10; for 1 Cor. 10, 21, Mai. 1, 7, 12. Similarly with the chief
New Testament terms and Old Testament usage. Haering's
warning, in itself not unneeded, overlooks the fact that the New
Testament interpretation of an Old Testament passage often
depends on ideas which lie far from the Old Testament, and
that ideas found in the Old Testament have commonly suffered
a change of meaning when used in the New. Christianity pre-
sents a new product, and later Judaism and Hellenism both
have their share in it.
Harnack's lexicographical study on the terminology of
regeneration and kindred experiences in the early church
follows a similar tendency. From the use in the Apostolic
Fathers, and other early literature, of New Testament expres-
sions, such as TraiSta, vriinoi, avaKaivi^eadai, and its synonyms,
iKkoyt], viodeaia, ekevdepia, 0tXoi and dSeX^ot, Kaivrj Kricris and
its synonyms, Kaivds avdpwwos and its synonyms, he concludes
that these are almost completely explained from the Christian
religion and the hellenistic Jewish use of language. Down to
the end of the second century the religion of the church was no
'mystery,' but a religion of the spirit, with ideas and images, to
be sure, which were also customary in mystery-religions, and the
use of which led to the later transformation of the Christian
church into a mystery-fellowship. Harnack urges caution on
the students of the environment of early Christianity, but does
not offer a refutation of their results; his discussion of regenera-
tion is unsatisfactory, for on that point a combination of the
LXX and Christian experience is not an adequate explanation.
See Deissner, TbGg, 1919, 175 ff.
206 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
IX. ELUCIDATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT FROM
THE mSTOEY OF RELIGIONS
Vanden Berghvan Eysinga, G. A., Voorchristelijk Christendom. De
voorbereiding van het Evangelie in de Hellenistische wereld. 188 pp. Zeist,
Ploegsma, 1918. — De Zwaan, J., Antieke Cultuur om en achter het Nieuwe
Testament. Led. 141pp.; 2. ed. 149 pp. Haarlem, F. Bohn, 1916, 1918.
— ZoAweyer, £., Christuskult und Kaiserkult. 58 pp. Tubingen, Mohr,
1919. — PZooii,Z)., Kynisme en Christendom (ThSt, 1915, 1-32).—
Bugge, Chr. A., Das Christusmysterium. Studien zur Revision der
Geschichte des Urchristentums. 127 pp. Christiania, Dybwad, 1915.
B
Reitzenstein, R., Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen nach ihren
Gnmdgedanken und Wirkungen. 2. Aufl. viii, 268 pp. Leipzig, Teubner,
1920. — Reitzenstein, R., Das mandaeisehe Buch des Herrn der Grosse
und die EvangeUenilberlieferimg (SAH, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1919). 98 pp. —
Wetter, G. P., Phos. 189 pp. Upsala, Akademiska bokhandeln; Leipzig,
Harrassowitz, 1915. — Lohmeyer, E., Vom gottliehen Wolgeruch (SAH,
Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1919). 52 pp.
C
Heinrici, G., Die Hermesmystik und das Neue Testament (Arbeiten zur
Religionsgesehichte des Urchristentums 1). xx, 242 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs,
1918. — Windisch, H., Urchristentum und Hermesmystik (ThT, 1918,
186-240). — Dihelius, M .,Die Isisweihe bei Apuleius und verwandte In-
itiations-Riten (SAH, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1917). 54 pp. — Dihelius, M.,
Die Christianisierung einer hellenistischen Formel (NJklA 35, 1915, 224-
236). — Leisegang, H., Der heilige Geist. Das Wesen imd Werden der
mystisch-intuitiven Erkenntnisin der Philosophic und Religion der Griechen.
I. Band, 1. Teil: Die vorchristlichen Anschauimgen und Lehren vom Pneuma
und der mystisch-intuitiven Erkenntnis. 267 pp. Leipzig, Teubner, 1919.
D
Clemen, C, Die R«ste der primitiven Religion im altesten Christentum.
172 pp. Giessen, Topelmann, 1916.
The book of van den Bergk van Eysinga gives a compre-
hensive account of the philosophical and religious tendencies in
the hellenistic environment of Christianity, together with an
attempt to show the essential derivation of Christianity from
this environment. The title, 'Prechristian Christianity,' has
thus the force of a program, much as in the case of W. B. Smith's
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 207
Der vorchnstliche Jesus. Nevertheless the book has value apart
from its questionable conclusions. The significance of the
Cynics and the Stoa, together with the Stoic popular philosophy
and the other doctrines prevalent in the earlier imperial period,
the coming of astrology from the East and its great influence,
the mystery-religions and hellenistic mysticism, and the Jew-
ish Alexandrian philosophy, are described, and the book closes
with an 'Application,' in which the author seeks to establish
the thesis that the gospel is a metaphysical poem, the fruit of
a combination of oriental and western thought. What is
depicted in the gospels is not a noble teacher but a metaphysical
being, in the elaboration of which Orient and Hellenism wrought
in common. Of some interest is the reference to Seneca's
tragedy, Hercules Oetaeus, as a counterpart to the gospel of the
suffering and glorified Son of God (see also Tijdschrift v.
Wijsbegeerte, 1921, 161-178). The author's defect is that he
has overlooked the profound differences between Christianity
and Hellenism and the complete contrast in their general
character. He does not do justice to the eschatological, mes-
sianic character of the gospels, while the hellenistic analogies
which he adduces are trivial and beside the mark. The his-
torical figure of the human Jesus of Nazareth, imbued with the
piety of the Old Testament and animated by prophetic and
mes.sianic spirit, gave the indispensable first impulse which led
to the creation of a Christian church.
A gospel propagated by purely literary means, itself a fic-
titious invention, could never have gained credence in Palestine.
This observation of mine (ThT, 1918, 318) van den Bergh
van Eysinga tries to repel (NThT, 1919, 274 flf.) from Enoch
71, where Enoch, a mythical person, is exalted to be Son of Man,
that is, messiah. But he fails to notice (1) that the author of
the Book of Enoch certainly looked on Enoch as a real person,
imlike the creators of the Christ-myth; (2) that Enoch 71 makes
the impression of a hasty combination, not elaborated, and de-
void of effect; (3) that while it is true that Enoch is subse-
quently exalted to be Son of Man, there is no idea whatever of
his having appeared on earth as Son of Man nor any expecta-
tion of his return as Son of Man. The parallel, important in
208 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
itself, must be regarded as wholly without value for the prob-
lem of the historicity of Jesus.
For other discussions of the controversy over the Christ-
myth see ThR, 1916, 353 ff.; 1917, 315 ff. The most recent
work of the radical school is A. Drews, Das Marhusevangelium
als Zeugnis der Geschichte Jesu, with twelve astronomical charts
(326 pp., Jena, Diederichs, 1921), in which it is attempted to
derive the whole of Mark either from 0. T. types and prophecies
or from the changing positions of the constellations. K. F.
Proost, De beteekenis van Jesus Christus voor ons geloofsleven
(67 pp., Zeist, Ploegsma, 1919), relegates the historical human
figure of Jesus wholly to the background, and in its place seeks
to develop the figure of 'Christ' as symbol of our piety. For
refutation of the Christ-myth see J. Leipoldt, Hat Jesus gelebt?
(47 pp., Leipzig, DorfBing und Franke, 1920). A popular
summary of the specifically Dutch radical views is to be found
in the late H. W. Ph. E. van den Bergh van Eysinga, Het
Christusmysterie (247 pp., Zeist, Ploegsma, 1917); see ThR,
1917, 315 ff. Of lasting value is P. Zondervan, Radicale Chris-
tusheschouwingen (245 pp., Leeu warden, Meyer en Schaafsma,
1915), a critical account of the views of Strauss, B. Bauer, Lo-
man, Kalthoff, J. M. Robertson, Jensen, W. B. Smith, BoUand
(tl922), A. Drews, and A. Niemojewski.
After a diflferent fashion J . de Zwaan, the complete oppo-
site of van den Bergh van Eysinga, portrays the environment
of the New Testament. He paints a vivid and well proportioned
picture, but fails a little to see that early Christianity tended
to look only on the dark sides of the heathen state. He com-
pares with Christianity the rational religion which (in spite of
the intrusion of astrology and demonology) prevailed in Hellen-
ism of the Roman period, and describes Ptolemy and Barde-
sanes as men who exhibit strongly the impress of ancient
Gnosis, together with Ignatius as an opponent of Gnosis.
Although he unduly disparages the relative value of these
'preparatory' men and forces, and exaggerates their difference
from Christianity, these popular lectures deserve attention.
See ThT, 1917, 240 ff.; van den Bergh van Eysinga, NThT,
1917, 388 ff.
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 209
Building chiefly on Reitzenstein's work, Bugge conceives
early Christianity as a mystery-religion and the church as a
company of mystery-devotees. The most debatable aspect
of his view is his contention that the roots of all this were
planted in older Jewish mystery-circles (Essenes, Therapeutae) .
He identifies mystery-circles and prophetic circles, and so comes
to attribute the character of mysteries to the Israelitish pro-
phetic religion. From the epistles and gospels he collects the
most important 'mystery-testimonies.' The dependence on
Judaism is seen in Paul's putting Christ into the place of the
torah, and transferring to him its attributes (rule, pre-existence,
sonship to God) ; Jesus himself had given the impulse to this
in the words (Matt. 11) in which he designates himself the son
of God, as the realization (Verwirklichung) of the torah. In
Matt. 11 the mystery-preaching of Jesus begins; with the aid
of Matthew, Bugge traces its development, and goes on to as-
semble and annotate the most important mystical passages of
Paul and John. The collections are not worthless, but the
book utterly lacks critical method. With no understanding of
the problems, Jesus, Paul, and John are presented without any
idea of the differences between them or of the nature of the
evolutionary process at work.
E. Lohmeyer has given a popular account, with full and
learned notes, of the history of the worship of the emperors and
of the resistance of the Christians, with a discussion of the pos-
sible influence of the struggle on the worship of Christ. The
latter is parallel to, not derived from, the worship of the em-
perors; the influence and the resistance grew slowly, cf. Phil.
3, 20 and the greater effect perceptible in the Pastorals, the
writings of Luke, and the Apocalypse. See Windisch, ThLZ,
1920, No. 3-4.
Plooij draws an interesting comparison between Christian-
ity and the doctrine of the Cynics, not so much in order to prove
Cynic influence on Christianity as to show that Cynic doctrine
with its ascetic and atheistic tendency had prepared the ground
for Christianity. He brings into relief the contrasts, especially
the conscious attitude of the Cynics toward the gods. See also
A. Sizoo, De heteekenis der Cynisch-Stoische propaganda voor de
verhreiding van het evangelic, Amsterdam, Kirchner, 1921.
210 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
B
The most important monograph on the hellenistic mysteries
and their influence on Christianity still remains Re it z en -
stein's book. In the new edition the author has introduced
the new knowledge gained by his studies of Manichaean,
Mandaean, and Iranian texts. He now holds that the funda-
mental conceptions of hellenistic Gnosis come from the Maz-
daean religion. He has had access not only to the religious writ-
ings hitherto known but also to the texts discovered at Turfan,
including a hymn of Zarathustra. The chief point is the myth
of the god 'Man' (Mensch), who descended into matter and
having been raised again returned to his home; what befalls
the god, who is at the same time the world-soul, is also the
lot of the 'believer.' From the Iranian (instead of the Egyp-
tian) Reitzenstein now derives the New Testament d6^a (pp.
211 f.). He also (pp. 237 if.) discusses the problem of 1 Cor.
13, 13 (see above, pp. 190 f.) and now derives the formula of
Porphyrins from the Iranian. See Harnack, ThLZ, 1921, No.
3-4; O. Gruppe, BphW, 1921, 362-369.
The text of the Mandaean book 'The Lord of Greatness,' on
which Reitzenstein has written an essay, is to be found (in
two forms) translated in Brandt's Mandaische Schriften, pp.
3 S. Reitzenstein analyzes the third and fourth parts of this
book, containing the instruction of Adam and Eve and an
apocalypse which must have been composed soon after the
year 70. This apocalypse is directed against the Jews, and
tells how the Jews build Jerusalem, and how Enoch appears
in human form in Palestine and baptizes, but presently, in
revenge for the slaying of his disciples, obtains from God per-
mission for the destruction of Jerusalem. Jesus is here attacked
as a Jewish false prophet. Reitzenstein draws attention to the
parallel between this text and Matt. 23, 11, Mk. 13 and paral-
lels. As Wisdom speaks in Matt. 23, so does Enoch in the
Mandaean apocalypse. The connection of the New Testa-
ment tradition with the anthropos-myth thus receives fresh
confirmation; the Mandaean community shows itself as akin
to, and a rival of, Judaism. The gospel texts are referred to
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 211
Mandaean origin, — a conclusion which is not altogether con-
vincing; Acts. 6, 13 is also explained as going back to Mandaean
tradition, as well as the similar saying about the temple, Mk.
14, 58.
In particular Reitzenstein now attributes the tradition of the
Son of Man to Iranian sources, with the surprising result that
Jesus himself had the consciousness that he was Enoch. In
this he is in opposition to Bousset, who ascribed the origin of
all the Son of Man passages to the church. In opposition to
Brandt, Reitzenstein holds that the introduction of John the
Baptist into the Mandaean doctrine took place much earlier;
Johannine disciples who were unwilling to pass over into the
Christian church joined the Mandaean Enoch-worshippers,
affirming that John was the true foreteller of Enoch. A brief
survey of these and similar far-reaching hypotheses is given by
Reitzenstein in his article, 'Iranischer Erlosungsglaube ' (ZNW,
1921, 1-23), and further discussion in his latest book. Das
iranische Erlosungsmysterium (272 pp., Bonn, Marcus und
Weber, 1921).
In the attempt to refer hellenistic ideas to a Persian origin
Reitzenstein had a predecessor in G. P. Wetter, whose book
entitled 'Phos' is at once an inquiry into hellenistic piety, and
a contribution to the understanding of Manichaeism. Here,
too, the wide use of a common symbol is illustrated from the
whole of oriental hellenistic literature, so that New Testament
and early Christian formulas and usages find in it their ex-
planation. Wetter pays attention both to the actual use of
light in magic and ritual worship and to the symbolical and
spiritual use of the word 'light' derived therefrom. Thus
'illumination,' 'light,' is equivalent to 'gnosis,' 'salvation';
to 'become light' is to 'become God,' etc. Wetter seeks the
ultimate origin of the religious symbolism of light in Old
Babylonian astrology; Mazdaism, Mandaeism, Manichaeism
are various religious movements in which the idea of light was
propagated. In the period of syncretism and astrology it made
its way into Hellenism, to which the idea was congenial that
the redemption and knowledge conferred through the mysteries
are to be understood as illumination and as impregnation with
212 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
light-substance. Harnack, ThLZ, 1915, 523 f ., justly com-
plains that the Old Testament light-motives have been over-
looked by Wetter; of more value are the reviews by M. Dibe-
lius, DLZ, 1915, 1469-1483, and Nilsson, GGA, 1916.
Like the divine light, the divine fragrance is a perception by
the senses which betrays the nearness of the deity and sym-
bolizes the communication of divine power. E. Lohmeyer has
made a very extended collection of testimonies on this subject
from classical mythology, the Egyptian and Persian religions,
and the Israelitish and Jewish literature, with evidence of the
effect of those ideas on the oldest Christian literature. The
whole study might be called a gigantic note to 2 Cor. 2, 14 f .
Fragrance is the sign of the gods, and likewise distinguishes
the pious in paradise; it played a part in worship, especially
in Egypt; and it has soteriological significance, the aspect
which is most prominent in the Christian use of the idea. See
Gressmann, ThLZ, 1921, No. 19-20; Gruppe, DLZ, 1921, 42.
On hellenistic religion see aho W einr eich , . , Neue Urkunden zur Sara-
pis-Eeligion. 39 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1919. — Smiis, J.C.P., De Kei-
zerrogi. 38 pp. Leiden, Brill, 1915. — De Jong, K. H . E., Das antike
Mysterienwesen in religionsgeschichtlicher, ethnologischer, und psycho-
logischer Beleuchtung. 2. Aufl. 448 pp. Leiden, Brill, 1919; sharply criti-
cised by Reitzenstein, BphW, 1919, No. 40.
The Hermetic writings still present unsolved problems, but
the posthumous book of G. Heinrici (f 1915) does not con-
tribute to their solution. His purpose, indeed, was not to throw
new light on the origin of the Hermetic literattire, but to de-
termine their relation to the New Testament by analyzing the
contents of the individual documents and working out the
variety and the contrasts of their fundamental ideas. The
tables of contents which Heinrici gives are very useful, al-
though, as Reitzenstein has shown, not a few misunderstand-
ings and mistakes have crept in. The second part of the study,
on 'Hermes-mysticism and Early Christianity,' was unfor-
tunately left a torso. Heinrici had a fine sense for the differ-
ences between hellenistic mysticism and New Testament
religion. He admits contact of the New Testament books (Paul,
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 213
Hebrews, John, etc.) with the Hermetic writings, but insists
everywhere on the 'peculiarity' (Eigenart) and originality of
Christianity. In the case of specially striking resemblances he
often assumes influence from the Christian side on the Hermetic
writings (especially in Tracts I and XHI) . Heinrici's polemic,
not always to the point, is chiefly aimed at Reitzenstein and
Bousset.
The slashing criticism by Reitzenstein (GGA, 1918, 241-
274) has the value of an independent treatment of the subject.
He points out that the Egyptian origin of the Hermetic writ-
ings is now proved by Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1381. He clears
up various misunderstandings and errors of translation. In
opposition to Heinrici, who supposes a relatively late origin
of the Corpus, he brings fresh arguments to show that the lit-
erature must have been in existence in the first century after
Christ. The idea of Christian influence he decidedly rejects;
and to prove influence on early Christianity from Hermetic
mysticism he argues that differences in mode of apprehension
and nuance prove nothing, and fm-ther that the borrowing of
figurative ideas or technical words is perfectly consistent with
a sense of religious originality on the part of Christians. See
also M. Dibelius, DLZ, 1919, Nos. 11-12, 13-14, with many
noteworthy observations; Deissner, TliGg, 1918; v. d. Bergh
V. Eysinga, NThT, 1919, 389 S,; G. Honnicke, LZBl, 1920,
No. 6; Posselt, BphW, 1919, No. 49.
The present reviewer's article is an inquiry into the pos-
sibility of Christian influence on the Hermetic writings. (J. M.
Creed, 'The Hermetic Writings,' JThSt, 1914, 513-538, be-
came known to me only later.) After showing that the Her-
metica certainly show contact with the Old Testament (Gene-
sis, Psalms, wisdom-literature), I have urged that, while Hein-
rici's proofs are not strong, there are single expressions con-
nected with conversion and regeneration in which Christian
terminology might have played a part, especially in Tract IV.
In any case these parallels call for further research. On the
other hand the number of New Testament ideas which betray
hellenistic influence can be increased. I have noted parallels to
Mk. 9, 19 (and parallels), 1 Peter 2, 25, Jas. 3, 5, Mk. 10, 18,
214 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Matt. 13, 1 £f., 24 ff ., Mk. 1, 32, further to Hermas and Barna-
bas (see my commentary on Barnabas in Lietzmann's Hand-
buch). See also Deissner, ThGg, 1919, 179 if.; C. Clemen,
ZKG, N. F. 1, 173 f.
M. Dibelius has investigated the passage of Apuleius,
Metam. xi, 23, which treats of initiation into the mysteries of
Isis, and tries to prove that the well known sentence, accessi
confinium mortis, etc. is a ritual formula; he makes it clear, in
opposition to De Jong, that no occult practices or experience
of visions lie behind it, but sacramental dramatic action. Ac-
cordingly he proposes a new explanation for the teaching op-
posed in Colossians and for Col. 2, 18. By kix^areheiv in that
passage he thinks is meant the entrance into the sanctuary,
which the initiate has previously seen in his ecstasy; in any
case we must admit that he has proved the word to be a techni-
cal expression of the mysteries. The teachers opposed in Colos-
sians are, according to Dibelius, mystery-priests, who had been
initiating Christians with the result that these Christians trans-
formed their Christianity to correspond to the mysteries. See C.
Clemen, ZKG, n. f. 1, 179 f.
The hellenistic formula which Dibelius in the second article
proves to have passed into Christian use — a parallel to Reit-
zenstein's explanation of 1 Cor. 13, 13 — is the introductory
phrase of Eph. 4, 5 f. From Marcus Aurelius vii, 9 he tries to
show that the hellenistic tradition employed such introductory
formulas; possibly Josephus, c. Apion. ii, 193, where the cosmic
formula has already received an ecclesiastical significance, may
represent a preliminary stage toward the passage io Ephesians.
The book of H. Leisegang promises to be a thorough and
illuminating treatment of the rise of Hellenism as a mixture of
Greek and Oriental civilization and thought, as well as a dis-
cussion of the meaning of this syncretistic product for germinant
Christianity. The author takes the idea of the Holy Spirit
in order to portray this process, and institutes two inquiries:
first. Is the doctrine of the Holy Spirit of Greek or of oriental
origin ? and secondly, What has been the process of the inter-
weaving of Greek philosophy and oriental mysticism, and what
part has been played therein by the idea of a super-rational
LITERATURE ON NEW TESTAMENT 215
divine Spirit, superior to the human spirit? Leisegang very
felicitously takes as his point of departure Philo, who gives
the clearest indication of the problem on both its sides; and
the whole of the first volume is devoted to Philo's doctrine of
the Spirit and the proof of its complete derivation frrm the
ideas of Greek philosophy. He succeeds in disentangling the
many contradictions in Philo's doctrine and in carrying back
the various conceptions to their roots in Stoic materialism,
Platonic dualism, and Greek popular religion. Judaism is
wholly omitted, — a defect, in my opinion, and one associated
with the author's complete omission of the Israelitish and Jew-
ish doctrine from his account of the development of the idea
of the Spirit (see P. Volz, Der Geist Gottes . . . im Alien
Testament, 1910). The distinction is important which he
draws between the notion that the Spirit belongs to man by
nature and the idea that it comes by a sudden super-mimdane
irruption of power. The discussion of the specifically Hellenic
idea of prophetic inspiration is particularly good, although here,
too, the Israelitish analogies are overlooked (see G. Holscher,
Die Profeten, Leipzig, 1913). In this connection he analyzes
'ecstasy' in Philo and in the religion and philosophy of the
Greeks.
D
C. Clemen's book leads us into quite different fields of reli-
gious phenomena. In it this well-read author has made an ap-
propriate supplement to his book on the interpretation of the
New Testament from the point of view of the history of reli-
gions. He is able to point out an amazing number of survivals
in the New Testament of a primitive stage of religion. Fetish-
worship, faith in elements, the worship of the heavens and the
heavenly bodies, of animals, men, and spirits; further, religious
relation to higher powers, the maintenance and conquest of
these powers, influence exerted on them by magic, defence
against them, etc.; — all these have left their traces in the
New Testament. In his arrangement Clemen follows the sys-
tematization employed in the study of primitive religions. To
complete the work a survey would be desirable of the various
kinds of influence which these primitive ideas and usages have
216 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
exerted, for it makes a difference whether a primitive element
has been preserved in more or less concrete form or only in a
word whose original meaning had long been lost or transcended.
Also Clemen does not distinguish between ideas which have
been retained in the New Testament, either among the rank and
file of believers or by the leaders themselves, and views which
the New Testament combats; thus the opposition of Jesus to
the rabbis may be regarded as a case of opposition to primitive
usages surviving in Judaism. Another defect in an otherwise
excellent book is the failure to take account of New Testa-
ment sacramentalism and the primitive notions that lurk there.
An appendix treats of primitive myths and sagas in the New
Testament. See ThT, 1917, 248 ff.; H. Haas, ZMR, 1916,
317 ff.; Beth, DLZ, 1919, No. 22-24; Deissner, ThGg, 1917,
224 S. ; van den Bergh van Eysinga, NThT, 1917, 323 ff .