Early Journal Content on JSTOR, Free to Anyone in the World This article is one of nearly 500,000 scholarly works digitized and made freely available to everyone in the world by JSTOR. Known as the Early Journal Content, this set of works include research articles, news, letters, and other writings published in more than 200 of the oldest leading academic journals. The works date from the mid-seventeenth to the early twentieth centuries. We encourage people to read and share the Early Journal Content openly and to tell others that this resource exists. People may post this content online or redistribute in any way for non-commercial purposes. Read more about Early Journal Content at http://about.istor.org/participate-istor/individuals/early- journal-content . JSTOR is a digital library of academic journals, books, and primary source objects. JSTOR helps people discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content through a powerful research and teaching platform, and preserves this content for future generations. JSTOR is part of ITHAKA, a not-for-profit organization that also includes Ithaka S+R and Portico. For more information about JSTOR, please contact firstname.lastname@example.org. EDWARD F. DUNNE EDWARD F. DUNNE Abraham Lincoln Addeess of Edward F. Dunne, Governor of the State of Illinois, Before the Annunciation Club of Buffalo, New York, February 15, 1916. At your kind invitation I come to participate with you in the celebration of the anniversary of the birth of a great American President and statesman, Abraham Lincoln. I come from a State which is proud of its history and achievements ; from a State which although not yet a century old, has advanced into the front rank of the States of the Union. We are proud in Illinois of the fact that this comparatively young State has distanced her sister States, excepting two, in population, wealth, manufacturing and political importance; that she stands first in agricultural wealth, fertility of soil and railway development. But proud as we are of her ma- terial prosperity, we are prouder still of her history and the part she has played in the history of the Nation. We are proud that it was on the soil of Illinois that the gentle Pere Marquette made most of his important discoveries and planted the cross of Christianity in 1673, his mission being one for the salvation of souls and not the subjugation of the bodies of men. We are proud of the achievements which La Salle and Joliet, Tonti and Hennepin accomplished on Illinois soil. We are proud of the fact that the hardy pioneers who dwelt in the wilderness around Kaskaskia in what is now the State of Illinois, anticipated, in 1771, the demands of the colonists in Massachusetts, New York, Virginia and the rest of the Thir- teen colonies when they repudiated Lord Dartmouth's ^* Sketch of Government for Illinois,'' as ^'oppressive and absurd," and declared '* should a government so evidently 8 tyrannical be established, it could be of no duration. There would exist the necessity of its being abolished. ' ' This declar- ation of independence antedates that of 1776 in Philadelphia by five years. We are proud of the fact that on Illinois soil took place, on July 4, 1778, the struggle resulting in the capture from the English by George Rogers Clark of the fort of Kaskaskia, which wrested forever from the British crown all of the terri- tory west of Pennsylvania lying between the Ohio and Missis- sippi rivers. We are proud of the fact that it was on the soil of Illinois that its two intellectually gifted sons argued out before the people sitting as a jury the greatest moral issue that this country has ever faced — ^the issue as to whether this country could long endure as a republic with human slavery legally enforced in one part of it, and legally prohibited in another. We are proud of the fact that that great issue, as the result of that great debate, was finally settled right in the awful ar- bitrament of war under the leadership of the great soldier fur- nished by Illinois in the nation's crisis, backed by the valor of 125,000 sons of Illinois upon the battlefield. We are proud of the fact that Illinois produced in the na- tion's crisis a U. S. Grant to lead her soldiers to final victory, and that in the great war for the preservation of the life of the nation she produced such brilliant generals as Logan, Shields, McClernand, Oglesby, Mulligan and Lawler, and others, who have shed illustrious honor upon the State, but above and beyond all, Illinois is proud of the fact that she gave to the nation and to the world in 1861 the greatest human- itarian and statesman of the nineteenth century, one of the most wonderful men in history, in the person of Abraham Lincoln. We are celebrating tonight the natal anniversary of this great man and I am called upon to speak appropriately to the theme. I fear that in calling upon me for this purpose you have overrated my powers. Since the death of Lincoln, his name has been upon the tongues and pens of most of the great orators and writers of the world. With the single excep- tion, probably, of Napoleon, no name has so engrossed the attention of the civilized world in the last century as has that of Lincoln. Orators, poets and historians have vied with each other in doing honor to that illustrious name and yet the theme has not become threadbare nor exhausted. Four men who have reached the presidency of this great Eepublic stand out among their fellow presidents as titanic figures in American history — ^Washington, the ideal patriot; Jefferson, the ideal statesman; Jackson, the ideal citizen-sol- dier ; and Lincoln, the ideal humanitarian. We are gathered tonight to honor the last but not the least of these great men. Lincoln's character is remarkable in that it seems to grow and increase in public estimation as the years go by. I doubt that his contemporaries appreciated in his lifetime the won- derful character of the man. When one stands alongside of some great architectural triumph with his hand upon its base, he fails to drink in the symmetry and grandeur of the structure. It is only when he stands away from the base of the monument that he begins to appreciate its dignity and symmetry, and so it is with the character of Lincoln. Those who lived and worked with him, it seems to me, never appre- ciated at its full worth the marvelous character of the man. It is only as the years roll by and as we get the perspective of time that we recognize the simplicity and noblility of his character. Lincoln's personal history is one of the saddest and strang- est in all history. Born in a miserable log hut, in the direst poverty, without the education of schools, without influential friends, without physical attraction, without money or prop- erty and without antecedents, by virtue of his innate moral rectitude and intellectual ability alone, he struggled upward and onward until he died in the White House, President, Chief Executive, of the greatest Eepublic on the face of the earth. Thomas a'Kempis in his beautiful work, the ^^ Imitation of Christ," has pointed out in the choicest language how to become a follower of the Christian Eedeemer. It is a work that is written for, and appeals to Christians. Lincoln was 10 not a Christian. I doubt if he was ever aifiliated with any- church. Indeed, his biographers show that in the early days of his manhood he read much of Thomas Paine and Voltaire. He was probably a deist, a believer in the existence of an all-wise Providence, but a disbeliever in miracles, revelation, the atonement, and punishment after death. He probably never read or heard of the ^^ Imitation of Christ," and yet fate or destiny made him uncon- sciously a man who was surrounded all his life by many circumstances such as we read of in the life of Christ. He was born in a lowly cabin in the outskirts of civilization. He was the son of a rude and unlettered carpenter. He lived in the direst poverty. He preached the doctrines of human equality. He was filled with sympathy for the poor and distressed. He demanded equality before the law, and died a martyr to the cause of humanity. I will discuss his character tonight from three standpoints. First, from the standpoint of his profession as a lawyer; second, from the standpoint of statesmanship, and third, as a man of many sorrows. For twenty-three years of his life Abraham Lincoln practiced law for a living in the Springfield District of Illinois. It was known as the Eighth Judicial Circuit, and comprised one-seventh of the whole state. Without schol- astic education, or in fact any education, except that which was acquired through his own efforts, and without even examination as to his legal attainments, he was early ad- mitted to the bar. Prior to that admission his whole life had been that of a manual laborer. Despite his early handicaps, he soon discovered in himself that strength of character and mental force which makes men great. Imbued with a natural facility of speech and a lucidity of thought which found expression in the simplest of language, he felt himself quali- fied to become a pleader of the rights and demands of others. His confidence in himself was well founded. After receiving his license to practice, he commenced a professional career as a lawyer which rapidly developed into a successful practice. 11 No man in the profession in this time worked so tirelessly and incessantly. Astride a powerful horse, with his saddle bags containing his briefs and pleadings, or in a wobbling, dilapidated buggy, he followed the Circuit Judge from county seat to county seat through fourteen counties, over almost impassible roads, sleeping in impossible taverns, often sharing a bed with fellow lawyers, or sometimes with the Circuit Judge himself. For weeks at a time he was away from his home and office, constantly trying cases in the then obscure and widely separated county seats of eastern central Illinois. No farmer or mechanic of to-day did half of the physical labor performed by Lincoln in making these fearful pilgrimages. The remarkable feature of these laborious trips is the fact that throughout them all he preserved his health and good temper. The physical hardships of his early life seemed to have inured him to all kinds of harassing wear and tear, his temperate habits preserved his extraor- dinary physical strength, and the unfailing good humor and light-heartedness with which his Maker endowed him, en- abled Mm, after a hard day's work, to cast off his cares as easily as he discarded his overcoat. No lawyer in the circuit tried as many nisi prius cases as did Lincoln. For a time in his career on the circuit he was almost incessantly in court, being retained on either side of nearly every case on trial. Nor were his labors confined to the Circuit Court. The labor performed by him on briefs filed in the Supreme Court was prodigious. In the first twenty-five volumes of the Supreme Court reports his name appears as counsel 173 times. In some of these cases doubtless the briefs may have been prepared by associate counsel, but no lawyer could have had 173 cases in the Supreme Court within twenty-three years without having done an enormous amount of work on the same, both in the Circuit and Supreme Courts. The wonder of the thing grows upon us when we reflect that for many years he prepared his own pleadings in long hand; that his brief book was kept in his pocket and sometimes in 12 his hat, and that, in his early days in the profession, he was very careless and unmethodical. His industry, however, marvelous as it was, never equaled his modesty. Lincoln was not a commercial lawyer. He knew not how to capitalize anything; least of all did he know how to capitalize his own wonderful genius. The possessor of rude but convincing eloquence that persuaded juries and convinced courts, endowed by God with a nobility of character and a love of truth which shone through his every act and work, and brought success to nearly every cause he championed, this great man and this great lawyer was possessed of an instinctive modesty that refused to rate his own worth in mercenary cash. The man, who within a few years afterward gave utterance to that immortal classic at Gettysburg and penned the like- wise immortal Emancipation Proclamation, in his own esti- mation as a lawyer was not worth $25.00 a day. On one of his circuits, it is said, Lincoln only collected $5.00 in cash. On many of them, most of his fees were $5.00 a trial, and in but very few cases did he receive $50.00. His guileless and uncommercial character as a lawyer is but illustrated by his notes made preparatory to a law lecture. ^^The matter of fees is important," he wrote, ''far beyond the mere question of bread and butter involved. Properly attended to, fuller justice is done to both lawyer and client. An exorbitant fee should never be charged. As a general rule, never take your whole fee in advance, nor any more than a small retainer. When fully paid beforehand, you are more than mortal if you can feel the same interest in the case as if something was still in prospect." On one occasion, when he learned that an attorney who had retained him had charged $250.00 for their joint services, he refused to take any share of the money until the f^e had been reduced to what he deemed a reasonable amount. For this and other outrages of this character upon the legal profession, he was denounced by Judge David Davis, who said: ''Lincoln, you are impoverishing the bar by your 13 picayune charges/' and he was tried by his brother lawyers in a mock court, condemned, found guilty, and paid his fine with the utmost good nature. The lack of financial acquisitiveness, amounting at times to self-deprivation, characterized his every station in life, from grocery clerk to the presidency, and impelled him at all times to side with the under dog and to champion the cause of the poor, the lowly and the oppressed. But Lincoln, the lawyer, was not only industrious and modest; he was incorruptibly honest. He could not, and would not, lie, dissemble, pettifog or corrupt. Lincoln fought his legal battles in the open. Although a power in politics, he never maneuvered and intrigued to get a man on the bench that he could own. Although a member of the Legis- lature and of Congress, he never was a lobbyist, either during his term of office or afterwards. He never joined swell clubs or fawned upon the wealthy. He never invited judges on the bench to stretch their legs and consciences at private dinner parties. He never dosed them with Euinart and Oliquot, or furnished them with private cars and free trans- portation. He had no systematized departments in his law office, called ^^Tax Department," wherein the duties of the tax lawyer was to fix the assessor; ^'Legislative Depart- ment, '^ wherein the legislative lawyer was detailed to see the councilmen and assemblymen; '^ Publicity Department,'' wherein the publicity lawyer was employed to fix the news- papers ; ' ' Claim Department, ' ' wherein the claim lawyer was detailed to get to the hospital with a receipt in full before the injured claimant was operated upon; '^ Coroner's De- partment," wherein the deputy lawyer arranged to draft the verdict for the accommodation of the coroner's jury; nor a '^ Settlement Department," whose duty it was to settle cases with litigants behind the backs of the lawyers who had brought suits and got them in readiness for trial. Lincoln would have scorned to preside over, or be found in such a law ofece. Lincoln tried some important lawsuits for corporations, but his ability could be hired and not his conscience. He 14 could never be hired to advise a client, no matter how wealthy, how to violate the law, how to cajole or corrupt a court or jury, how to fix an assessor, or debauch a councilman or legislator. Even when retained in a case where he owed the duty of giving his best efforts to his client, he insisted that the client must act with honor. It is said that during the trial of one of his cases he detected his client acting dishonorably, whereupon he walked out of the court room, and refused to proceed with the trial. Upon the judge sending a messenger after him, directing him to return, he positively declined, saying, '^Tell the judge my hands are dirty and I've gone away to wash them.'' Nor would he accept a retainer in a case which was legally right, but morally wrong. To a prospective client, seeking his services, he once said : '*We can doubtless win your case, set a whole neighbor- hood at loggerheads, distress a widow and six fatherless children, and thereby get you six hundred dollars, to which you have a legal claim, but which rightfully belongs to the widow and her children. Some things that are legally right are not morally right. We would advise you to try your hand at making six hundred dollars some other way. ' ' Such were the principles that actuated and governed Lincoln in the practice of his profession. A remunerative practice in any profession is a laudable ambition, but too often that ambition is tainted with the '*get-rich-at-any-cost" spirit of the age. Judged by the test of the accumulation of money, Lincoln was not a great lawyer, but judged by the test of probity, integrity, loyalty to clients and adherence to the right, Lincoln was among the greatest lawyers of his day. Let us now turn to the career of Lincoln as a statesman and a leader of men. When he first appeared in public life he had many draw- backs and disadvantages to contend with. He had neither a good education nor a good personal appearance. Truth compels us to admit that Lincoln was homely in face and 15 ungainly in figure. Both his portraits and the pen descrip- tions of him by his contemporaries unite in picturing him as a very homely-faced man with a singularly awkward and ungraceful carriage. Six feet four inches in height, with long arms and long legs, when seated he did not seem to be larger than the ordinary man. His vocabulary was rude, simple and at times coarse, the natural result of his early environ- ment. Notwithstanding these drawbacks, his clear, lucid mind, backed by his facility of speech, early enabled him to discover the vital point in the discussion of any great issue, as it enabled him to discover the vital point in the trial of a lawsuit. While still a young man, as the central figure of a combination of nine energetic men in the Legislature, he succeeded in transferring the Capital of the State from Vandalia to his home city, Springfield. To accomplish this required tact, diplomacy, industry and compelling ability, the same quality that brought about his election as captain of his company in the Black Hawk War. Upon turning his attention to the general national issues of the country, he early discovered the moral weakness and untenability of human slavery as being a part of the institu- tions of the Eepublic. He early recognized the fact that the American Nation was born with a disfiguring birth-mark upon his brow and that that birth-mark must eventually be effaced before the Nation could stand perfect among the other nations of the world, and yet with the full conscious- ness that slavery must be ultimately abolished in the United States, he was practical enough to know that the time for bringing about this great change must be selected under propitious and favorable surroundings, and that a premature attempt to abolish slavery, particularly by confiscation, would be apt to be ruinous to its advocates. Therefore, while determined to abolish slavery, he refused to join the abolitionists. Lincoln preferred to bide his time and let the leaven of anti-slavery sentiment do its work in its own good time. He knew that, under the Constitution of the United States, 16 slavery was recognized and tolerated, but also that, under the same Constitution, the confiscation of property rights was illegal. He, therefore, favored a moderate policy in the firm belief that a time would come in the history of the country when slavery could be abolished by compensation. None the less, he had no patience with the devious and shifting devices resorted to by statesmen of his day for the further extension of slavery into free territory. If the abolition of slavery must await until a propitious time, nevertheless its extension to free territory, he insisted, should not be tolerated. The attempted extension of slavery to free territory he knew would be the rock upon which the party in power must be shipwrecked. There he took his stand, and there he remained in the advocacy of the opposi- tion to such extension until he found himself the leader in the Nation of those who opposed slavery. Fortunate for Lincoln was it that the great leader of the opposite doctrines of compromise and extension lived in his own State and city, where Lincoln could watch his career, analyze his mistakes and note his errors. Douglas, at heart, was not a believer in slavery, but his long career in public life, particularly in the Senate of the United States, brought him in contact with all the leaders of the pro-slavery forces. He knew their strength, power and ability. He knew the tenacity with which the slave- holders of the South had labored to preserve the institution of slavery. He was a patriot and lover of his country and he feared the power and strength of the pro-slavery people and feared that that strength and power would be utilized to rend in twain the Nation if the abolition of slavery by con- fiscation were attempted. Douglas believed he was strug- gling for the preservation of the integrity of the Union, and all his policies and all his speeches were designed and delivered with the purpose of preventing that calamity. He was possessed of the idea that the slave-holding element had strength and power enough to bring about a severance between the States, and a division of the Eepublic. He submerged the great moral issue in the interest of the 17 integrity of the Nation. Lincoln took higher and loftier ground. He believed the time must come when slavery must be abolished and that when that time came no attempt to sever the Eepublic upon such an issue could prevail with the American people. But until the time became ripe for the enunciation of the doctrine of abolition he was content to stand and fight along the line of opposing the extension of slavery to the territories of the West. He determined that the citadel of slavery must eventually be stormed, impregnable as it seemed to be at the time. Outside of that citadel and in front of the citadel the friends of slavery had advanced their troops and erected entrenchments for the extension of slavery to the free terri- tories. The citadel could not be captured until these en- trenchments were stormed. When Douglas maintained, under the specious doctrine of state sovereignty, that each state and territory had the inherent right to determine for itself within its own boun- daries whether slavery should exist, and thus aligned him- self with the slave-holders of the South in endeavoring to extend slavery into the free territories of the West in defiance of the Missouri Compromise, Lincoln was the first of American statesmen to see that a breach could be made in these entrenchments. He challenged Douglas to an open debate on the prairies of Illinois on his views of state sovereignty, and in that debate it is conceded by all historians that he unhorsed his great opponent. When he compelled Douglas to answer his adroit question in this memorable debate, the answer to which necessarily would and did commend him to the Democrats of the North, but incensed against him the Democrats of the South, he destroyed forever Douglas' prospect for the Presidency. When Lincoln's friends and adherents advised him against putting the question, pointing out that Douglas might, and probably would, answer in such a way as to strengthen his hold upon the Democrats of Illinois for the United States Senate, the answer of Lincoln was, ''I am gunning for bigger game," and his prediction proved true. Douglas' answer to 18 that celebrated question propounded by Lincoln saved him in his candidacy for the United States Senate, but lost him the Presidency of the United States, and eventually made Lincoln that President. His conduct in that marvelous joint debate between Douglas and Lincoln so enhanced Lincoln's reputation that his name was upon the tongues of most of the anti-slavery people of the United States. Up to that time Senator Seward, of New York, and Mr. Chase, of Ohio, were the leaders of anti-slavery sentiment. Both of them were men of superior education, of the highest culture and of the most powerful intellect. Both of them for years were in official positions, trained in public office, far excelling Lincoln in the usual qualities which go to make up the ordinary statesman, and yet so powerful was Lincoln's rude but convincing logic in this memorable debate that it impelled the rank and file of the Republican party to choose him as their candidate for the Presidency in the convention of 1860. Lincoln had, by his merciless logic, carried the state sovereignty entrenchments which Douglas had so cun- ningly constructed in front of the citadel of slavery. Once installed in these entrenchments by his election to the Presidency, he proceeded to construct in and upon them a fortress from which he could afterwards batter down and storm the citadel of slavery. In the selection of his cabinet Lincoln displayed extraor- dinary sagacity and acumen. To the position of Secretary of State he invited the cultured and seasoned statesman. Senator Seward, who was the best known and ablest opponent of slavery, except himself, in the United States. That great man, disappointed in his ambition for the Presidency, was reluctant to accept, but Lincoln appealed to his patriot- ism and his humanity, and would not take **no" for an answer. When he finally did accept, it was upon condition that Lincoln must disclose the names of the other members of his cabinet. Among these was Senator Chase, of Ohio, another ardent Free Soil Republican, between whom and Seward there was a violent personal antipathy. Seward refused to sit in the 19 cabinet with Chase, and again Lincoln's wonderful sagacity and diplomacy was put to the test. How he accomplished the bringing together of these men will never be fully known, but they finally yielded to Lincoln's firm demands and both were appointed. To the great astonishment of the country two Union Democrats were appointed, presumably for the purpose of assuring the South that it was not his design to commit an injustice or take from them their property without due process of law and just compensation. From thence on Lincoln's career in the White House was a marvel of ingenuity and statesmanship. Confronted with rebellion on the part of the Southern States and with constant friction in his cabinet; with threats of resignation constantly re- newed on the part of Chase ; with insubordination and brutal opposition on the part of Stanton; with contempt and inso- lence on the part of Seward; assailed by an unfair and vituperative press; afflicted with incompetence among his generals in the field, he nevertheless piloted the ship of state through the most perilous period in American history when the very life of the Nation was at stake. Men at his elbow in the cabinet intrigued against him, aspired to the position he held; obstructed his orders and nursed their own political ambitions and enmities in a way and to a degree that would have made the ordinary man lose heart and abandon the contest. Yet with a constancy, patriotism and ability but seldom if ever equaled in history, the dominant will of Lincoln prevailed. Finally, when he found himself strong enough and when the situation was opportune, he prepared and submitted to his cabinet the immortal Emancipation Proclamation, and, despite the oppo- sition of many of his most influential friends and sagest advisers, he gave the Proclamation to the world and fired the final batteries which in the end dismantled and destroyed the citadel of slavery. Nor was this done without an exhibi- tion of remarkable sagacity and exalted statesmanship. It was promulgated to the world as a war measure. It an- nounced to the people of the South that those in rebellion 20 against the Union must suffer the loss of their human chattels if they persisted in their treason, and that that property must be utilized against them on the battlefield. He was prudent enough, however, not to have the emancipation of the slaves of those in rebellion against the Nation to take effect imme- diately. He fixed a time in the proclamation in the future when the emancipation would go into effect unless those who were in rebellion laid down their arms and ceased their war of treason, and it contained the proviso that if those in resistance to the Nation would cease their rebellion they would be compensated for their property. The time and the circumstances for the abolition of slavery had arrived. The hour had struck upon the dial of time. Without violating law or the Constitution and in furtherance of the preservation of the integrity of the Union, he at last succeeded in effacing the birth-mark of slavery from the fair face of the American Eepublic. No statesman was ever so tried and so beset under trial or so triumphant in a great crisis as was Abraham Lincoln in the Presidency of the United States in the greatest crisis of its history. And now let us consider the man as the man of sorrow. His whole career, from cradle to the grave, was pathetic with its burdens, its humiliations, its privations and its sorrows. His birth was sorrowful. His boyhood days were sorrowful. His youth, his manhood, his public career and private career all through his life were filled with the strain of unending sorrow. His infancy was barefooted and ragged. He was forced to work at the coarsest manual labor from the time he was six years of age. When a mere lad he led the horses while another held the plow. His father was a shiftless, unskilled carpenter, incapable of saving, or acquiring property. As soon as he was able to earn a wage Lincoln was hired out by his father to neigh- boring farmers and woodsmen for the most exacting physical labor, doing chores, chopping wood, splitting rails, acting as a flat-boat man on the rivers, as general chore-man around 21 country stores, A more cheerless boyhood is not disclosed in liistory. In his young manhood Lincoln appears as an awkward, angular youth, ugly in face and ungainly in carriage, unlettered and untaught. He went to school but one year in all his life, and the marvel is that he acquired a vocabulary and a diction such as is disclosed in some of his speeches and State papers. His love affairs were unfor- tunate. Spurned by most young girls of his age, he had the misfortune to lose by death his first sweetheart, which af- fected him so keenly that his friends despaired of his reason. After her death, his despondency was so acute and pathetic as to develop eccentricity from which he slowly recovered. His married life was unhappy almost from its inception. So doubtful was he of the prospect of married felicity that he failed and refused to be present on the appointed day for the marriage. Later on his courtship of his future wife was renewed and he finally consummated the marriage, only to have his most gloomy fears verified by many years of acute and constant married infelicity. So unhappy was his mar- ried life that his most reliable biographers state that while on the circuit when other lawyers went home on Saturday to spend their time with their wives and children that he (Lincoln) remained in some obscure hotel rather than return to his own fireside. The most pathetic picture drawn of Lincoln's unhappiness is that given by his law partner, who states that during the lunch hour, in Springfield, Lincoln, instead of walking four or five blocks to his home for the mid-day meal, would go down to the grocery store underneath his law office and buy a few cents' worth of cheese and crackers, and munch them in his office to satisfy his hunger. Nor was his domestic infelicity alone filled with sorrow. His financial affairs were never prosperous. Scrupulously honest and desirous of paying his debts, he was for years at a time constantly in debt, and, in order to pay these debts, he was depriving himself of the necessities of life. It is said that when he was elected to the Legislature he had to borrow money to go to 22 Vandalia, and when elected to the Presidency he was so short of ready cash, although he owned his home in Springfield and a small farm, that he was compelled again to borrow money to pay the expenses of the trip to Washington. His public life, while glorious in its results, was every- where bestrewn with vexations and annoyances. A consid- erable portion of the press was vituperative and abusive towards him. Members of his cabinet obstinate and irascible and, at times, insulting; all these things leading up to the final tragedy when he fell a victim to the bullet of an assassin. Such was the life of Lincoln, the man of sorrows. His whole life and his death were a martyrdom. If the spirits of the dead can, as we believe, look down and become conscious of the affairs of this world, what a glorious consolation must the spirit of Abraham Lincoln now be receiving beyond the grave. The burdens and sorrows of his life have been glorified to him, to his children and to his country by the incomparable, magnificent name and fame that he has left in history. No agonies that a human being could endure in this world could or would be shrunk from by any man who values fame if they could acquire such a fame and such a name as has been left by this incomparable American, the greatest humanitarian of his age and country. I know of no man in profane history who has so endeared himself to men of all races, nationalities, religions or color as has the great American statesman and beloved son of Illinois, Abraham Lincoln.