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THE LOVERES MALADYE OF HEREOS' 

It is not often that a word has dropped so completely into oblivion 
that its occurrence in two famous classics can be commented on for 
over three centuries without an inkling of its real significance, while 
an adjective whose meaning depends directly upon it is used again 
and again in another no less celebrated work without recognition by 
a single commentator or in a single dictionary. Hereos itself, so far 
as I know, has escaped all the lexicographers, with but one obscure 
exception. In the passage in Chaucer in which it occurs it has been, 
from the first comment made upon it to the last, misunderstood. In 
the Philobiblon of Richard of Bury it has been universally regarded as 
a textual corruption, and subjected by the editors to more or less 
ingenious emendation. And that the adjective heroical, as used in 
the Anatomy of Melancholy, has any other than its ordinary meaning 
seems to have occurred to no one who has expressed himself in print. 
It is the pious purpose of this article — itself the result of a happy 
accident — to rescue from the iniquity of oblivion a long-lost and 
extremely interesting word. For the lore of hereos is a mingled yarn, 
and some of the strangest fancies of two races through a thousand 
years have found a place in it. 



The passage in the Knight's Tale describing the sorrows of Arcite 
must first be quoted in full: 

His sleep, his mete, his drink is him biraft, 
That lene he wax, and drye as is a shaft. 
His eyen holwe, and grisly to biholde; 
His hewe falwe, and pale as asshen colde, 
And solitarie he was, and ever allone. 
And wailling al the night, making his mone. 
And if he herde song or instrument. 
Then wolde he wepe, he mighte nat be stent; 
So feble eek were his spirits, and so lowe. 
And chaunged so, that no man coude knowe 

> A brief preliminary statement of tlie matter of this article will be found in The 
Nation of September 11, 1913 (Vol. XCVII. No. 2515, p. 233). 
491] 1 [Modern Philology, .\piil, 1914 



2 John Livingston Lowes 

His speche nor his vois, though men it herde. 
And in his gere, for al the world he ferde 
Nat oonhj lyk the loveres maladye 
Of Hereos, but rather lyk manye 
Engendred of humour maleneolyk, 
Biforen, in his celle fantastyk.^ 

For the last four lines I append a critical text, using the Ellsmere 
manuscript as a basis: 

Nat oonly^ lik the' loueris^ maladye 
Of Hereos' but rather lyk Manye 
Engendred of humour^ malencohk 
Biforn his owene' Celle fantastik.' 

The black-letter editions of Thynne and Stow and the 1598 
Speght have Hereos,^ and it is Speght who, in 1598, makes the first 
known comment on the passage. It is found in his list of "The Hard 
Words of Chaucer Explained," and is as follows: 

.... of Hereos) Read Eros, i. Cupide; for so it seemeth rather to be: 
which I gather thus. Lucian in his second Dialogue bringeth in Cupid 
teaching Jupiter how to become amiable, and in him how louers may be made 
acceptable to their Ladies; not by weeping, watching, and fasting, nor by 
furious melaneholike fittes, but by comely behauiour. The words in the 
Greeke are thus much in Latine: Si voles amahilis esse neque concutias Aegida, 
nequefulmengeras: sed suavissimum teipsum exhibi: etvestemsumepurpureum, 
crepidas subliga aurates: ad tibiam et ad timpana composito gressu incede, et 
videbis qudd plures te sequentur, quam Bacchum Menades. So that the Louers 
of Eros, that is, Cupides seruants, doe carry themselues comely in all their 
passions; & their maladies are such, as shew no open distemperature of bodie 
or mind: which mediocritie this Arcite was farre from keeping. 

1 A 1361-76. < "louere," Cm.; "louers," Cp. Pt. Ln. HI. 

""comly," Cp. Pt. Ln. •"hereos." Cm.; "heres," Cp. Pt. Ln.; "hereos," HI. 

» "to," Cp. Pt. Ln. • "humourys," Cm. 

'Cm. "owene," Hg. Cp. Pt. Ln. The reading of HI. is: "Byforne in his selle fan- 
tastyk." 

• It is not necessary for the purposes of this article to discuss at length the variant 
readings of the passage, except to observe that the reading comlu for oonli/ (which influ- 
enced profoundly the earlier comments) persisted through Urry, and is found as late as 
the Bagster edition of 1807. It should also be noted that the reading of the Harleian 
MS for 1. 1376 affords an example of manifest improvement, as compared with the other 
MSS, which is not included in Professor Tatloclt's list (pp. 5 fl.) in his monograph on 
The Harleian Manuscript 7SSi and Revision of the Canterbury Tales (Chaucer Society), 
1909. 

» I have not been able to consult the editions of Caxton, Pynson, or Wynkyn de 
Worde. 

492 



The Loveres Maladye of Hereos 3 

To this interpretation Thynne at once took exception, in his Ani- 
maduerdons:^ 

fo: 3. pa: 2. ("noughte comelye lyke to louers maladye of hereos.") 
for whiche woorde 'hereos,' yo" reade eros, i. cupide, a very good and 
probable correctione, well gathered out of Luciane. But (salua patientia 
vestra, and reservinge to myselfe better iudgmente hereafter, yf I nowe 
mystake yt,) I wolde, for the printed 'hereos' of Chaucer, read 'heroes': 
whiche two woordes onlye differ in misplacinge of the letters; a comone thinge 
for the printer to do, and the corrector to ouerpasse. for Arcyte, in this 
furye of his love, did not shewe those courses of gouer[n]mente, whiche the 
Heroes, or valiante persons, in tymes paste vsed; for thoughe they loued, 
yet that passions did not generallye so farre ouerrule them (althoughe yt 
mighte in some one particuler personne) as that they lefte to contynewe the 
valor, and heroicke actions, whiche they before performed, for the Heroes 
sholde so love, as that they sholde not forgett, what theye were in 
place, valor, or magnanymytye, whiche Arcite, in this passione, did not 
observe "lyke to louers malady of Heroes." Whereof I colde produce six 
hundred examples, (as the prouerbe ys,) were yt not that I avoyde tedious 
proUxytye. 

In the edition of 1602 Speght changes Hereos to Eros in his text, 
and, as a result of Thynne's criticism, modifies his earlier note as 
follows: 

(Eros, fol. 3, p. 1) g. Whereas some copies haue Hereos, some Hemes, 
and some such like counterfait word, whereof can be giuen no reason; I 
haue set doune Eros, i. cupid : as most agreing in my opinion with the matter ; 
which I gather thus: [here follows the 1598 note to the end]. And whereas 
some will haue us read Heroes, i. noble men; I cannot dislike their opinion, 
for it may fitly stand with the sense of the place. 

The reading Eros and the note of 1602 reappear in the edition of 
1687, and from then until now, with (so far as I know) the single 
exception of Morell,^ Speght's equation of Hereos = Eros has been 
accepted. Urry in 1721 retains the Eros of 1602 and 1687 in his text,' 
with the note: "Eros: Cupid; Love. It is used for the Distemper of 
Love .... Gr. "Epws." 

>E(1. Furnlvall (Chaucer Society, 1875), pp. 44-45. 

■ And, it may be added, thie acceptance of the Harleian reading Hercoa in the Bell 
text of 1854 (I have not seen the 1782 Bell), and in Morris' 1867 edition of the Kniohft 
Tale. In 1869, however, Morris reads Hereos, wlilch he explains as "Eros" In his 
note. 

« His reading of 1. 1376 is: " Beforn in his Cervelle fautastilc." 

493 



4 John Livingston Lowes 

The lines in Morell' are as follows: 

Not only like the Lovere, Malady e 
Of Heroes, but rather like Manie, 
Engendrid of Humourys melancolik, 
Before his owene Sell6 fantastik.^ 

And Morell's note is in the spirit of Thynne : 

Not only like, etc. He did not behave himself like one in Love only, (to 
which Malady the bravest Heroes are subject, but are always decent and 
comely in their Passions,) but rather, etc' 

Tyrwhitt in his edition of 1775 reads Ereos* with the explanation 
in the Glossary : "Ereos for Eros, pr. n. Gr. Love." I have not been 
able to consult all the editions since Tyrwhitt, but the score or so 
that I have seen agree in an unquestioning acceptance of Speght's 
identification.* The translators with one accord follow suit. Kan- 
negiesser (1827) has: ' 'bey Eros' Qualerey "; Fiedeler (1844) : "durch 
ErosPlagen"; Herzberg (1866): "durch Eros' Glut"; von During 
(1885): "den Pfeilen Eros"; Chiarini (1897): "dal male di Eros"; 
Gomont (1847): "malade d'amour"; Le Chevalier de Chatelain 
(1857): "malades par Eros";' Morel (1908): "du mal d'Eros." 

1 The Canterbury Tales of Chaucer, in the Original, from the Most Authentic Manu- 
scripts; etc., London, 1737. 

2 P. 104. 

' Morell's text reads on(j/, but his note presupposes the reading comely. His list of 
variants is also interesting: "518. o( Hereos, C. of Eros, Ur. Sp. of Teres, D. of Hemes, 
B. of Heres, i.e.. Heroes, G." (p. 435). 

« His reading of 1. 1376 is: "Beforne his bed in liis celle tantastike." 
5 A few notes may be quoted. Professor Slieat, in Ms revision in 1878 of the BeU 
edition, comments: "Ereos, or Hereos, is a false genitive of Glc. epus, love, or 'Cupid.'" 
The note on " the lover's disease of Eros" in the Oxford Chaucer is familiar to everybody; 
the version in Skeat's modernization of the Knight's Tale in 1904 — "the lover's malady 
By Cupid caused" — is not so well known. A. W. Pollard in his edition of the Canter- 
bury Tales (1894) has the note: " Hereos, Eros, Love," which is retained in the Globe 
Chaucer. Mather's note (Riverside edition, 1899) is: " Hereos, Eros, Cupid " ; Liddell's 
(1901): "The 'disease of Eros' is, of course, a humorous expression for 'Love.'" Miss 
Bentinck Smith (1908) has: " Hereos =Eros." The commentator who (as will be seen) 
comes nearest to the mark is Carpenter, in his English of the XlVth Century (1872): 
"The 'malady of Eros' [Carpenter's text has Hereos\ is that 'heroical love which is 
proper to men and women.' The ' mania ' is a sort of melancholy or monomania. " The 
part affected, as Arnoldus supposeth, is the former part of the head, for want of moisture." 
Burton, Anat. Mel. 'All [authors] make leanness, want of appetite, want of sleep, ordi- 
nary symptoms, and by that means they [the subjects) are brought often so low, so much 
altered and changed that, as he [Terence Eun.l jested in the comedy, one scarce knew 
them to be the same men.' lb. Burton quotes tills passage, saying 'So he describes 
it— love-melancholy— aright.' " 

s The translation of Chatelain deserves quotation in full: 

Etait si dgbraille, si bizarre et sans suite, 

Non seulement comme devers Paphos 

II arrive i, ceux lil malades par Eros, 

Mais plutdt comme en proie a ce triste vertige 

Sm- le devant du front log§ par un prodige. 

494 



The Loveres Maladye of Hereos 5 

In a word, except for Thynne and his follower Morell, there has been 
no suspicion whatever of a problem. 

II 

During the last summer, in turning the leaves of Arnaldus de 
Villanova, my eye was caught by the word "heroys" in a connection 
which suggested the passage in the Knight's Tale. A search of several 
hours through all the lexicons available in the Harvard Library dis- 
closed the fact that the word was nowhere recorded.' A return to 
the context of the passage in Arnaldus, however, rendered the lexicons 
unnecessary, and the clue thus stumbled on led through devious ways 
to the results which follow.^ 

In the Ldber de parte operativa,^ Arnaldus de Villanova distin- 
guishes between five species of mental alienation (species .... 
scientiationis 6orruptae) : 

Sunt autew ipsius qm'nqMe species famosae. scilicet alienatio quam 
laeticia concomitatur: et propria stultitia dicitur: quasi stupida laetitia: 
quoniam tales in extasi velut rapti laetantur et rident sine causa exteriws 

1 Du Gauge has, to be sure, the following: "Hekois, La baronissa, in eod. Glossar. 
Vide HeToicus." Under Heboictjs we find: " Antiquus. Gloss. MS. Sangerman. n. 501. 
Aliae Gloss. Lat, Gall.: Heroicus, De Baron. Heros, Baron. Heroys, Baronesse.** But 
these are obviously not Arnaldus' words. 

5 1 wish to disclaim at the outset any intention of offering an exhaustive study of 
amor hereos in its relation to mediaeval medicine. For one thing, the necessary data 
for such a study have not been at my disposal; for another, 1 should not in any case 
venture so rash an incursion into a highly specialized and alien field. As it is, it has 
been "e'en to't like French falconers — ^fly at anytUng we see." For ffereos is uncharted 
even on the medical maps. Such obvious gaps as appear, however, from the point of 
view of the history of medicine, are relatively unimportant in establishing the literary 
bearings of the term. I may add that in what follows, instead of giving a bibliography of 
each of the medical writers cited, I shall usually refer once for all to the great Handbuch 
der Geschichte der Medizin (Jena, 1902) of Neuburger and Pagel, where full bibliographical 
data may be found. The histories of medicine by Baas, Haeser, Puccinotti, and others, 
and such bibliographical compendia as those of Eloy, Choulant, Hirsch and Gurlt may 
also be consulted. 

» Arnaldi de Villanova Opera, Lugd., 1532, f. 123-f. 130 (Harvard College Library). 
Outside the field of Chaucerian scholarship, where no attention has been paid him, 
"Arnold of the Newe Toun" is now recognized as a figure of capital importance. He is 
one of the dominant influences in the development of mediaeval medicine, and the impor- 
tance of the part he played in the affairs of church and state, especially during the first 
decade of the fourteenth century, is gaining steadily increasing recognition. He was 
already a famous physician in 1285 (the first certain date in Ms career), and more than one 
hundred printed editions of his collected or individual works, ranging from the fifteenth 
to the eighteenth century, are in the catalogue of the Biblloth6que Nationale alone. I 
have already printed (in Modern Language Notes, XXVIII, No. 7, November, 1913, p. 229) 
the brief passage from one of his alchemical works, which Chaucer quotes. Further 
consideration of his life and work will have to be reserved for fuller treatment in another 
article. It need only be added here that as an authority in his own field in his own day 
he is of the first rank. See, among others, HaurSau, in Hist, litter, de la France, XXVII, 
26-126; Pagel, in Neuburger u. Pagel, Handbuch der Geschichte der Mediiin (1902), I, 
688-94; etc. 

495 



6 John Livingston Lowes 

manifesta. q Alienatio quam coricomitatMr audacia temeraria el furiosa: 
nominaturque mania: quasi manum. id est deorum infernaliujre insania. 
q Alienatio quam concomitatur timor irrafo'onalis et soUicitudo: quae com- 
wiwniter nominatur melancolia recipiens suam denominationewi a sua causa 
materiali. q Alienatio quam cowcomitatur immewsa cowcupiscentia et ir- 
rofe'onalis: et groece dicitur heroys, idest domina raZionis. nam heroys 
est corrupta scientiatio qua iudicatur apprehewsum delectabilius aut 
excellentius esse qiiam sit: quapropter excitat vehemens desiderium ad 
quoerendum rem illam: et suam cogitationem in ea frequentius: cum 
haec species manifestatur in concupiscewtia indiuidui humani: qua indi- 
uiduum uniMS sexus complexionari desiderat indiuiduo sexus alterias. Et 
vulgariter dicitwr amor: et a medicis amor heroycus.' id est immensus: et 
irrationabilis.^ 

I have quoted this distinction at length, because it serves at once to 
give the malady its characteristic setting — a setting which we shall 
see in more detail as we go on. 

Under each of the five species, now, Arnaldus proceeds to enlarge 
upon the causes, the signs, and the cure. Since much of what is 
given under these heads is found elsewhere in other writers whom 
I wish to quote, I shall pass over, with brief mention of certain 
details,' the discussion in the Libei' de parte operatiua, and come at 

' The bearing of this upon the use of the adjective heroical in Burton will appear later. 

» Ft. 126-27. The fifth species is too interesting to pass over, and I wish it as well 
to complete the background of hereos. To save space, however. I shall reduce it to a 
note: 

"(J Alienatio quam concomitatur horror vel odium irradonabile slue immoderatum 
....£( vocatm- haec alienatio cicubus propter simlUtudinem quam habet in incessu 
cut alienatus. cicubus enim est quoddam animal paruum simile araneoe degens in 
aquis: ei super eas incedit proeter ordinem aliquem nee ante nee retro nee lateraliter. 
Similiter iste ahenatus cum omnes homines conceperit euitare: sicque adeo raptus 
ut no« percipit eos qui exterius ei praesentes donee tangant eum vel appropinquant: 
et quemlibet sic obuiantem velit fugere seu vitare nullum in fugiendo seruat ordinem 
incedendi." 

The same species of alienation is described in the Lilium medicinae (see below, p. 498) 
under the name cutubut: 

"Cutubut autem est quoddam genus araneoe quod vadit supra aquas fontium: el 
babet longas tibias: cum inciplt ire versus unam partem antequam motus sit pcrfectus 
statim incipit alterum. et ita de securedo. et ita de omnibus, et appelatur illud animal 
in vulgaricapra aquae" (Partic. II, cap. xix, De mania el melancolia). 

>The section with the rubric "Causae heroys" (f. 128) begins: "q Causoe primitiuoe 
heroys frequentia vide?idi vel sentiendi rem desideratam sub circumstantiis placentibus." 
Under "Signa hereos" (f. 128) — where the word occurs in the form used almost without 
exception by the other writers on the subject — are given, among the "signa distinctiua 
hereos," abstinence and insomnia, "siccitas et profunditas oculonun," fluttering of the 
eyelids, quickening of the pulse, disturbance of the breathing, and so on. Under " Cura 
herois specialis" (f. 129) the chief remedy suggested is the distraction of the attention 
from the object desired. The passage is quoted in part below, p. 545. 

496 



The Loveres Maladye of Hereos 7 

once to Arnaldus' fuller treatment of the theme in the Tractatus 
de amore qui heroycus nominatur} 

Two points only in this most interesting treatise may be men- 
tioned here. The first is the fact that Arnaldus takes particular 
pains to establish the position that amor heroycus is a malady} The 
second is the interpretation of the name : 

Dtet^Mr autew amor heroycws quasi dowinalis non quia solum accidat 
dominis: sed quia aut dominatur subijciendo anirwam et cordi hominis imper- 
ando aut quia taliuw amantiuw actus erga rem desideratam smiles sunt 
actibMS subditorww erga proprios dominos. quemadmoduw etenim hi timent 
domini maiestatew offendere et eisdew fideli subiectione seruire conantur vt 
gtatia,m. obtineant et fauorerw; sic ex parte alia proportionatwr circa rem 
dilectam heroyci afficiuntwr amantes.' 

The rest of the Tractatus we may not consider here. Its substance 
appears elsewhere in equally striking form, and the limitations of 
space are inexorable. 

The list of the physicians whom the Doctour of Physik knew^ 
ends with the names of "Bernard and Gatesden and Gilbertyn."* 
The first of these is the famous Bernardus Gordonius, who flourished 
at the close of the fourteenth century at the great school of 

• Ft. 215-16. The tractate falls into four chapters: 

"(J C&pitulum primum de descriptione amoris heroici et descriptionis notiflcatione 
et qualiter eiu$ proprietates ex actibus amantium colllgantur." 

"(I CSipitulum seCMndwm de origine el causa vehementis concupiscentioe; et flxoe 
imaginationis in amantibus et nominis interpretatione." 

"q C&pitulum tertlum de accidentibus et causis accidentium huius morbi." 

"Q Ca,pitulum quartum de remediis eiusdem passionis." 

> "Antea tamen est sciendum quod licet in rubricis capitulorunt superius amorem 
heroycum morbum vocauerim nequaqtte tomen morbus proprie dlcitur. Morbus etenim 
est innaturalis dispositio seu contra naturam membri existlt nocumentum; aut quod ex 
dicta mala dispositione sequitur ad actionem vtVtutis operantis in orgauo sic contra 
naturam dispostfto provenienti nomine morbi accidens appellatur. Amor igitur cum 
non sit mala dispositio membri: sed potius nociua actio seu mala virtutis operantis in 
organo" — and so on at too great length to quote. Chaucer's use of the term malady, 
however, was technically sound. 

'F. 215. Bartheiemy Haureau, in his great article on "Arnauld de Villeneuve, 
M6decln et Chimlste" (Hist, litter., XXVIII, 26-126), is apparently justified in his con- 
tention that Arnaldus did not know Greek: "Au chapitre ii, vers la fin, Arnauld dSrive 
le mot heroicus du latin herus et non du grec Ipiot; ce qui prouve clairement qu'il ignorait 
cette langue grecque" (p. 68). See also below, p. 524. On the Tractatus de amore, etc., 
HaurSau remarks: "ce que nous hSsitons 3, croire, c'est qu'on en puisse tirer quelque 
observation utile" (p. 68). But Haureau did not know Chaucer, Richard of Bury, or 
Burton! 

t A 429-34. 

* I shall have more to say of this list in another paper. 

497 



8 John Livingston Lowes 

Montpellier, where he became professor about 1285.' Bernard's chief 
work, the Lilium medicinae,- is not only in general one of the most 
remarkable of its class, but it also contains a very noteworthy account 
of the malady we are concerned with. In common with the majoritj^ 
of similar treatises the Lilium medicinae groups together a long series 
of diseases of the brain, and the list is illuminating for our purpose. 
The bead-roll of cerebral maladies, beginning with the eleventh chap- 
ter of Particula II, is as follows: 

xi, de scotomia et vertigine; xii, de litargia; xiii, de corruptione me- 
moriae; xiv, delitargianonvera; xv, decongelatione; xvi, de somno prof undo 
innaturali; xvii, de stupore; xviii, de vigiliis; xix, de mania et melancolia; 
XX, de amore qui hereos dicilur; xxi, de ebrietate; xxii, de frenesi; xxiii, de 
sternutatione; xxiv, de incubo; xxv, de epilensia; xxvi, de apoplexia; 
xxvii, deparalisi; xxviii, de spasmo; xxviiii, de tremore. 

Hereos, accordingly, is in edifying company. Nor is Gordon's 
discussion of the malady itself less instructive. In accordance, 
once more, with the set formula of treatises of the type, he follows an 
orderly procedure, and considers at length causa, signa, pronostica 
cura, clarification Gordon's treatment is not only uncommonly 
interesting, but it is also highly typical; it is drawn upon largely by 
Burton in the Anatomy; and I shall therefore quote, in this instance, 
the greater part of the chapter.^ 

I The best account of Gordon is that of Bmile Llttrg. " Bernard de Gordon, M&lecin," 
hi Hist, litter., XXV. 321-37. See also Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 694-95. Jacques Fer- 
rand, in his EPOTOMANIA (see below, p. 536), has the following: "the French have 
so great an opinion of his authority, that they have a troverbe, Que le Medecin qui va 
sans Gordon, va sons baston; the Physitian that goes without Gordon, goes without his 
stafle" (pp. 236-37). 

' I have used it in the editions of 1491 (in the Boston Medical Library) and of 1550 
(from the Pagel collection in the library of the Wasliington University Medical School) . 
Bernard's explanation of the name of his treatise and the statement of the date of its 
composition appear together at the close of the Proamium: 

"Ad honorem igitur agni celestis, qui est splendor & gloria Dei patris, hunc librum 
intitiilo Lilium medicinae. In Lilio enlm sunt multi flores & in quolibet flore sunt 
septem folia Candida & septem grana quasi aurea: Similiter liber iste continet septem 
partes, quarum prima erit aurea, rutilans & clara. Tractabit enim de morbis plurimis 
vniuersaUbus, inclpiens a febribus; alias autem sex partes erunt Candidas & trans- 
parentes, propter earum grandem manifestationem. Inchoatus autem est Uber iste. cum 
auxilio magni Dei, in prseclaro studio Montispessulani, post annum vigesimutn lecturffl 
nostrse. Anno domini 1305. Mense lulij" (ed. 1550, p. 4). 

' The significance of these rubrics in their bearing upon a question that has been 
raised regarding the source of Burton's Anatomy will appear later. See p. 541, n. 7. 

' In general, in this article, I propose to give the maximum of text and the minimum of 
comment. The material, I think, is wholly new and much of it extremely difficult of 

498 



The Loveres Maladye of Hereos 9 

Morbtw' qui hereos dicitur est soUicitudo meloncoZica propter mulieris 
amorew. 

Causa. Causa huiws passionis est corruptio existimativae^ propter 
formaw et figuraw fortiter affixam. unde cuto aliquis philocapttts est in 
amore alicuiws mulieris: ita fortiter concipit formam et figuram et modum 
qvmiiam credit el opinatur ha?ic esse meliorem. pulchriorem. magis 
venerabilem. magis speeiosam. et meliws dotatawi in naturalibus et moralibtts 
quam aliquawi aliarwrn; ei-ideo ardenter concupiscit earn, et sine modo et 
mensura opinans si posset finem attingere quod haec esset sua felicitas et 
beatitudo. et intantum corrupt uw est iudicium rationis: quod continue 
cogitat de ea: et dimittit omnes suas operationes. ita qiiod si aliquis loquatwr 
cujft eo vix intelligit aliqua alia. Et quia est in continua meditatione: ideo 
soUicitudo melancofica appelatur. Hereos dicitwr quia, hereosi et nobiles 
propter affluentiaw deliciarwrn istam passionem consueverMwi incurrere. 
quoniam sicut dicit Viatictts.' sicut felicitas est ultimum dilectionis;* ita 
hereos ultimum dilectionis et ideo intantM7« concupiscunt quod insani 
efficiuntwr. Juxta illud Ouidii. atrahe sublimi triste pependit onus. Judici- 
UOT et ipsorum corruptum est. et ideo dicebat versificator. Omnis amans 
caecus non est amor arbiter aequus. Nam deforme pectus^ iudicat esse 
decMS. et alibi. Quisquis amat ranam: ranam putat esse dianam.^ Virtus 

access, and its signiScaiice warrants as full a statement as space will allow. The citation 
from Gordon follows the edition of 1491; the few variants of any importance in the 
edition of 1550 are given in the notes. 

1 Ed. 1550, " Amor." 

» Ed. 1550, "aestimativoe." 

3 " Viaticus" long eluded me, but oBce found he proved to be of the first importance. 
See below, pp. 513-16, 522-23. 

I One thlnlcs at once of the Franklin, "That heeld opinioun, that pleyn delyt Was 
verraily felicitee parfyt" (A 337-38). 

' Ed. 1S50, "pecus." 

« I have so far been unable to identify "versificator." In at least four other places 
Gordon uses the same term in introducing a quotation. In two of these I have foimd the 
lines in the Flos medicinae, better known as the Regimen Salernitanum; the tliird is 
obviously from a versified pharmacopoeia, such as that in cap. ii. of the Regimen Salerni- 
tanum, or in the Liber de laudibus et virtutibus compontorum medicaminum of Aegidius 
CorboUensis (to whom John of Gaddesden in the Rosa anglica refers in at least one 
passage — f. 97 — as "versificator "); the fourth I have not traced. Two of these 
are also in a crude rhyming hexameter, and it is very possible that in the hereos lines, 
too, Gordon is quoting from one of the numerous versified medical treatises of his day. 
The special interest of the line is due to Burton's use of it. For in the Anatomy of Melan- 
choly, Part. III. Sec. II, Mem. Ill, Subs. I, occurs the following: "Love is blind, as 
the saying is, Cupid's blind, and so are all his followers. — Quisquis amat ranam, ranam 
putat esse Dianam." It is clear that Burton is paraphrasing the first of the three lines 
cited by Gordon, and quoting the third. Yet Shilleto (Vol. Ill, p. 178, of his edition) has 
the following note: "Is the reference in Diana to the famous Diana of Poitiers, mistress 
of Henri II, a paragon of well-preserved and lasting beauty?" Diana of Poitiers was 
born in 1499, one hundred and ninety-four years after Gordon quoted the line! One is 
accordingly not surprised to find Bernardus identified in Shilleto's index with Alexander 
Gordon. The ranam : Dianam line is also quoted by Gerardus de Solo and Michael 
Savonarola. See below, pp. 509-10, 532-33. 

499 



10 John Livingston Lowes 

igitur existimatiua' quae est altior inter sensibiles proecipit ymaginatiuoe 
et ymaginatiua eoneupiscibili: et concupiscibilis irascibili. irascibilis virtuti 
motiuae laeertorum. et tune mouetur totum corpus spreto ordine rationis. 
et currit de nocte et de die per viam et in via: spernendo calorem et frigus et 
omnia pericula cuiuscunqwe conditionis sint. cuw iam amplius non potest 
quiescere corpus, sed concupiscentia non quiescit intantum quod tristabilia 
sunt sine comparatione maiora guam assent delectabilia: dato quod haberet 
intentuw. et cum naturaliter fugiantur tristabilia: hie autem in mente 
captus est quod'' propter unam modicam et miserrimam delectationem 
omne tristabile videtur sibi delectabile. Ita recte' faciunt ribaldi qui 
propter delectationem ludi et tabernae in hieme incedunt nudi et in terra 
decumbunt. et tamen vident quod est magis"" delectabile vel tristabile : et non 
est dubium quod tristabile. et tamen eligunt maxime tristabilia propter 
modica delectabilia. ita et isti miseri philocapti. 

Signa. Signa autem sunt quando amittunt somnum et cibmn et 
potum: et maceratur totum corpus: proeterq!«a;« oculi. et habent cogita- 
tiones occultas et profundas cum suspiriis luctuosis. et si audiant cantilenas 
de separatione amoris statim incipiunt flere et tristari. et si audiant de 
coniunctiowe amoris statim incipiunt ridere et cantare. Pulsus* eorum est 
diuersus et inordinatus, sed est velox, frequens, et altus, si mulier quaw 
diligit nominetur, aut si transeat coram ipso. Et per hunc modum cog- 
nouit Gale, passionem cuiusdam iuuenis: patiens enim erat melancholicus, 
tristis, et macilentus, et pulsus erat occultus et inordinatus, et nolebat Gale, 
reuelare, tunc accidit a fortuna, ilia mulier, quam diligebat, transiuit coram 
eo, et tunc pulsus fuit subito fortiter excitatus, et cum mulier transiuisset, 
pulsus reuersus est ad naturam primam, et tunc cognouit Galen, quod 
philocaptus erat et dixit, tu es in tali passione, quia talem diligis mulierem, 
et alter fuit admiratus, quod cognouisset passionem et personam. Et ideo 
si aliquis vult scire nomen mulieris quam diligit nominet sibi multas. et 
cum nominatur ilia quam diligit statiwi pulsus excitatwr. Ilia ergo est.^ 

'Ed. 1550. "aestimatlva." » Ed. 1550. "indirecte." 

' Ed. 1550 omits. < Ed. 1.550 inserts "vel." 

' The next two sentences, whicli I failed to transcribe from the edition of 1491, are 
printed from the edition of 1550. 

'The edition of 1550 adds: "et fugiatis ab ea!" This artifice — which reads like 
some of the latest devices of the psychological laboratory for the detection of criminals — 
seems to have had wide vogue. See, for instance, the account which Ferrand gives of 
how he discovered " the foolish doating of a young Schollar .... who was desperately 
gone in Love" (EPBTOMANIA, ed. 1645, pp. 117-18), and the list of cases which 
Burton cites (with a quotation from Gordon) in his chapter on "Symptoms of Love" 
(ed. Shilleto, III, 156-57). I am indebted to my colleague. Dr. F. C. Walker, for calling 
my attention to Margaret's use of the device in the flfty-second chapter of The Cloister 
and the Hearth: "How know ye 'tis he?" "I held her hand, and with my finger did 
lightly touch her wrist; and when the others came and went 'twas as if dogs and cats 

had fared in and out! But at this Ulrich's coming her pulse did leap / tell ye all 

this hath been done before, thousands of years ere we were born." 

500 



The Lo VERES Maladye of Hereos 11 

Pronostica. Pronosticatio est talis quod nisi herosis^ succurratur in 
maniaw cadunt aut moriuntur. 

Cura. Patiens iste aut est obediens rationi aut non. Si est obediens 
remoueatur ab ilia falsa ymaginatione ab aliquo viro quern timeat: de quo 
verecundetwr cum verbis et amonitionibta ostendendo pericula seculi: diem 
iudicii: e< gaudia paradisi. Et si rationi non est obediens : et si esset iuuenis 
quod esset sub ferula, tunc frequenter et fortiter flagelletur donee totus 
incipiat fetere.^ deinde nuncietur sibi valde tristabilia: ut maior tristicia 
minorem habeat obfuscare. Aut quod nuncientur alta delectabilia: ut 
quia factus senescallws: vel bailius: vel beneficium grande est sibi coUatum. 
et ita revocabitttr; quia honores mutant mores, deinde toUatwr ocium: 
de quo Ouidius. ocia si tollas periere cupidinis actus.' Deinde occupetur 
in aliqua actione necessaria. de quo Ouidius Dat* vacuae menti quod 
teneatwr optts. Deinde distrahatwr ad longinqwos regiones ut videat varia 
et diversa. et de hoc Ouidius. Vade per urbanae splendida castra troiae.^ 
Invenies pixides et rerum mille colores. Deinde hortetur ad diligendum 
multas: ut distrahatwr amor uniws propter amorem alteriws. et de hoc 
Ouidius hortor et ut pariter binas habeatis arnicas, fortiws et plures si quis 
amare' potest. Utile igitwr est mutare regimen, et esse inter amicos et 
notos. et quod vadat per loca ubi sint prata. fontes. montes. nemora. 
odores boni. pulchri aspectus. cantus avium, instrumenta musica. cum' 
dicit Auieenna gwod aliqui plus movent ur per instrumenta musica. Et 
si aliqua materia fuerit agregata: mundificatitr sicut dictuw est in capitulo de 
mania et mslancolia, quia vere una species melancoZiae est. Finaliter autem 
cum aliud consilium non habemns: imploremus auxilium et consilium vetu- 
larwTO. ut ipsam dehonestent et difament qwantum possunt. ipsae enim 
habent artem sagacem ad hoc plus quam viri. cum' dicit Auicewna. quod 
aliqui sunt qui gaudent in audiendo fetida et illicita. Quaeratwr igitur 
vetula turpissima in aspectu cum magnis dentibus et barba : et cum turpi et 
vili habitu: et quod portet subtws gremiuw pannuw menstruatuw et adueniens 
philocapta quad incipiat dehonestare camisiam suam dicendo: quovaodo est 
tignosa et ebriosa: et quad mingit in lecto; et quod est empileptica et impudica: 
et quod in corpore suo sunt excrescentiae enormes cum fetore anhelitus. et 
aliis omnibus enormibws in quibws vetulae sunt edoctoe. Si autem ex his 
persuasionibws nolit dimittere: subito extrahat pannum menstruatum 
coram facie: portando dicendo clamando: talis est amica tua talis. Et si 
ex his non dimiserit: iam non est homo sed diabolus incarnatws. Fatuitas 
igitwr sua ulterius secum sit in perditione. 

• Ed. 1550, "hereosis." 

' Both Ferrand and Burton quote this remedy from Gordon. 
> Ed. 1550, "artes." « Ed. 1550, "habere." 

<Ed. 1550, "da." 'Ed. 1550, "tamen." 

>Ed. 1550, "togae." » Ed. 1550, "tamen." 

501 



12 John Livingston Lowes 

The Clarificatio I shall pass over, except for its last sentence:' 

Ultimo intelligenduTO qtiod ista passio pulcherrimo modo potest describi 
sic. Amor est mentis insania: quia anim?<s vagatwr per inania:^ cerebri 
doloribMs permiscens pauca gaudia. 

The next name in Chaucer's list is that of Gatesden. Gatesden, 
as is well known, is John of Gaddesden,' who died in 1361, and who 
was probably born about 1280. He was a member of Merton College, 
Oxford, and was Master of Arts, Bachelor in Theology, and Doctor 
in Medicine.'* His magnum opus was the Rosa anglica.^ Unlike 
the large majority of treatises of its type, the Rosa anglica follows 
an order of its own, and the passage we are concerned with comes 
near the end instead of toward the beginning of the volume. The 
fourth book is entitled "De morbis particular ibus," and I shall quote 
its opening paragraph for the light it throws on a characteristic com- 
mon to John of Gaddesden and Chaucer's Physician: 

Quartus liber erit breuis de prius obmissis morbis qui sunt particulares: 
quia particulariter eueniunt: non particularitate corporis tantum: sed par- 

1 .ind for the citation, without its elaboration, of the remedy wWch — along with the 
use of wine — is perhaps most uniform in its occurrence in the various discussions : " Coitus 
igitur, quia laetiflcat et calefacit, et bonam digestionem inducit, ideo bene competit quibus 
est permissum, dum tamen fiat secundum temperamentum." 

2 Ed. 1550, "maniam." 

' Not John Gatisden, as Wright and Slceat give the name. 

< The latest and fullest account of John of Gaddesden is that of H. P. Cholmeley, 
Jo!in of Gaddesden and the Rosa Medicinae, Oxford, 1912. See also Neuburger u. Pagel, 
I, 699. 

' Through tlie liindness of my colleague. Dr. George Dock, I have had the use of his 
copy (the edition of 1502) of this extremely rare work (see the paper by Dr. Dock on 
"Printed Editions of the Sosa Anglica" in Janus (n.s.), xii» ann€e, livraison viii, 1907, 
pp. 1 fl.), and I have also collated the beautifully illuminated copy of the edition of 1492 
in the John Crerar Library. The explanation of the title of the work (as in the case of 
the Lilium medicinae) is of very ciu-ious interest. I give Cholmeley's transcription (p. 24) 
of the passage : 

"Ante tamen capitulo primo Ista flant volo nomen isti libro imponere, vocando ipsum 
Rosam Medicinae propter quinque additamenta quae sunt in rosa, quasi quinque digiti 
tenentes rosam, de quibus scribitur. 

" Tres sunt barbati sine barba sunt duo nati., i.e., tres articuli vel partes circumdantes 
rosam sunt cum pllositate, duae sunt sine, et ideo erunt hie quinque libri. Primi tres 
erunt barbati barba longa, quia ad muita se extendent, quia erunt de morbis communi- 

bus Duo sequentes erunt de morbis particularibus cum declaratione aliquorum 

omissorum in precedentibus, quasi sine barba. Et sicut rosa excellit omnes Acres, ita 
iste liber excellit omnes practicas medicinae, quia," etc. 

Gaddesden's statement of the date of his work is as follows: "quae haec omnia ego 
Joannes de Gaddesden 7tmo anno lecturae meae compilavi." Cholmeley (p. 23) gives 
the date of his "Inceptio ad Lecturam" as 1307. If this is correct, the Rosa anglica 
was written about 1314, nine years after the Lilium medicinae. For a very interesting 
accoimt of the book itself see Cholmeley's second chapter. 

.502 



The Lovebes Maladye of Hereos 13 

ticularitate temporis: quia raro medicus lucratur pecuniam cum eis: et sunt 
litargia mania desipientia melancolia. et particularius de iter agentibus, 
etc.i 

In other mediaeval medical writers amor hereos is always closely 
associated with the discussion of melancolia; in John of Gaddesden, 
however, no dividing line whatever is drawn. The second chapter 
of Book IV is headed "De mania desipientia et me?ancolia,"^ and 
under Signa appears the following: 

De genere meZancoliae est amor hereos in istis mulieribus et viris qui 
inordinate diligunt. el habent isti omnes diuersas proprietates quia quidam 
putant se esse gaUos et erigunt brachia tanquam alas et volant cantare. 
qm'dam qwod sunt episcopi et volunt conferre prebendas. quidam fugiunt ne 
super eos caelum cadat.' et generale est apud omnes quod timent mortew 
et now vellent earn, et qm'dam timent omnia nigra, et cum audiunt loqui 
de diabolo passio arripit eos. Uec audent stare soli in camera tales nee ad 
loca tenebrosa aUquo modo ire propter timorem. et alia talia infinita. 
sicut de vna muliere quam habui in cura mea vidi <\uod non audebat loqwi 
de diabolo nee respicere per fenestram extra ne videret diabolum timens de 
owni homine nigris vestito ne esset ille.* 

Inasmuch, however, as "a good pitaunce" was not in such cases 
to be expected, John of Gaddesden dismisses the cure of hereos sum- 
marily: 

q Sed in amore ereos o^ortet vituperare illam quam diligit vel facere 
copulationem et dare camphorum et lactucam super renes. et confortare 
patientem ne in ethicam incidat. Ista omnia valent istis tribus passionibus. 
id est. maniae melancolioB et desipientioe. et aliqwando frenesi et amori ereos 
quo ad purgationew et balneuin. Et ideo simul posui ista capiiwla quae 
si bene inspiciantwr sunt utilissima in multis casibus: posito quod morbj 
isti raro eueniant vnde in istis amentibus et alienatis cum istis iam dictis potest 
medicus facere qwosi mirabilia. tamen cf^ortet frequenter huwores adustos 

> I shaU have something to say in a later article regarding physicians' fees, and also 
regarding the suggestion more than once made that John of Gaddesden was the model 
for Chaucer's Doctour of Physik. 

2 Ff. 132-33. 

' With these constantly recurring symptoms of melancolia in the more general sense 
I shall have to deal later in another connection. 

« The bearing of much of this — and of numerous similar passages — on the famous 
discussion of dreams in the iVun'a Priest's Tale I shall also have to leave for consideration 
another time. The commonly accepted views regarding the sources of Chaucer's dream- 
lore will, I think, have to undergo revision. It is not upon mediaeval sermon-books 
that he chiefly drew — if he drew on them at all. 

503 



14 John Livingston Lowes 

euacware sicut satis dixi in primo et 2° et aliquah'ter in 3° et ideo recurre ad 
loca ilia.* 

Before coming to the sources of the mediaeval treatment of amm 
hereos in the Arabic and Greek writers, and to the later development 
of the subject between Chaucer and Burton, I shall mention two of 
Chaucer's more immediate contemporaries. 

John of Tornamira was the physician of two popes — Gregory XI 
and Clement VII — and of the king of France; and he was twice (the 
second time about 1401) head of the school of Montpellier. His 
period of greatest activity was the last quarter of the fourteenth 
century, and his chief work was the Clarificatorium super nono alman- 
soris cum textu ipsius Rasis.^ His discussion of amor hereos is at the 
close of his long gloss on the thirteenth chapter ("De melancolia") 
of the text of Razi,' under the heading "de amore hereos." His 
most significant contribution to the subject, from our point of view, 
is his comment on the scope and application of the phrase. It has 
a very definite bearing on the passage in the Philobiblon, and I shall 
reserve it for quotation there.^ What follows is sufficiently charac- 
teristic : 

Et nota quod amor hereos cum sit vna species melancoliae ex quo est 
ibi alienatio et corruptio rationis et apud quosdam antiques dicitur sollicitudo 
melancolica: quia ultra rationem sunt soUiciti versus mulieres propter con- 
cupiscentiam carnalem conceptawj ab eis et ultimate deliciosam habendawi 

confidantes Et nota quod amor hereos est amor multuw excedens 

sine ratione : ideo dicitur amor cum insania mentis propter multum delectabile 
ab eis conceptum iam habendum, nam hereos grece est multum delectabile 
latine^ . . . proprie tamen amor hereos vertit se ad muUerem propter 
deUciam carnalew ultimate eis deliciosam habendam. Nam quibusdam 
iuuenibus Ubidinosis videtur quod participatio carnaUs cum quibusdam 
mulieribus est vltimurw deliciei et felicitatis mundanoe: nam isti ex spe 

II have been, unfortunately, unable to see the work ol "Gilbertyn" — the Com- 
pendium medicinae (sometimes known as the Rosa anglicana — not anglica) of Gilbertus 
AngUcus (thirteenth century). The book is too rare to be sent out of the few libraries 
'hat possess it, and the examination I have had made of It has tailed to disclose any treat- 
ment of hereos. I am not sure, however, that it does not contain such a discussion. It Is 
not always easy to find when it does not constitute a separate chapter. 

2 See Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 695. I have used the 1507 edition of the Clarificatorium, 
in the Pagel collection. 

» See also below, pp. 507 ft. 

» See below, p. 531, and also p. 524, n. 9. 

s For what immediately follows, see below, p. 531. 

504 



The Lo VERES Maladye of Hereos 15 

mundana sensata alicuius mwlieris infixa immemoratiua per memoriam 
frequentatawi imaginando conditiones subiacentes: etc. 

Since, as we have seen, the malady results from too great dryness 
of the brain, the following cure (in addition to others) is suggested: 

Uasis vult quod fortiter inebrientur quibusdam diebus. vt cerebm??* 
humectetur: et ipsarum obliuiscatur. quia sicut modica inebriatio incitat 
luxuriarra ita magna obfuscat propter excessiuaw humiditatem obliuiscuntwr 
talem actum dormiunt velut stupidi: de quo somno multuwi indigent. Et 
sic terminetur cura amoris hereos. 

One of the most edifying of all the mediaeval compendia is the 
Philonium of the Portuguese Valescus (or Valascus) of Taranta.^ 
Like Bernardus Gordonius and John of Tornamira, Valescus was a 
teacher at Montpellier, and the Philonium, finished in 1418, was the 
outcome of thirty-six years of experience.^ Valescus' chapter 
(lib. I, cap. 11) De amore hereos comes between those on incubus and 
mania, and it opens with a remarkable addition to our fund of ety- 
mological information: 

Hereos grece idem est qwod dominus latine. Et alemani dicunt. heer. 
id est dowifnws.' 

The definition immediately follows: 

Est autew amor hereos amor inordinatits et irraftonabilis quem aliquis 
habet erga aliquam mulierem non propter bonuw finem. Est ergo hereos 
amor cuw soUicitudine immensa propter amorem mulieris.' 

And the cause is concisely stated : 

Causa hereos est corruptio virtutts imaginatiuae falsa representantis 
virtuti raHonabili et opinatiuae. Nam imaginatio magna dowtna est: et 

1 Its title, in the edition of 1526 (Pagel collection), is Aureum ac perutile opus prac- 
ticae medicinae operam dantibus: quod Philonium appellatur. Its Prologus is a remarkable 
document. I shall have occasion elsewhere to quote its invocation of divine assistance. 
Valescus' reasons for dividing his book into seven parts are of a piece with the explana- 
tions of the titles of the Lilium medicinae and the Rosa anglica: "Primo enim septem 
verba quoe domi'nus noster iesus christus saluator noster in cruce pendens locutus fuit. 
Septem sunt gaudia virginis gloriosoe. Septem sacramenta ecclesiae. Septem petitiones 
in domtnica orattone. Septem sunt virtutes septem peccatis mortallbus resistentes. 
Alioe septem virtutes : quatuor cardinales et tres theologicales. Septem peccata mortaUa 
quoe ignorari non debent vt euitentur. Septem opera del in sex diebus facta cum requie 

septimae diei Septem candelabra Septem opera miserlcordioe. Septem 

ecclesioe quoe sunt in asia Septem sptritus qui sunt ante thronum del 

Septem planetoe. Septem dies in septimana. Septem climata tam habitabilia" — 
and so on through six more groups of seven (fol. 11). 

'"Inceptus est autem liber iste cum auxilio magni et eterni del post practicam 
usualem. 36. annorum per me Valescum anno domini. 1418" (fol. li). 
» Fol. xix. 

505 



16 John Livingston Lowes 

imperat aliis virtutibus. Quando ergo ipsa apprehendit species rei dilectae : 
tunc eas presentat aliis virtutibMS scilicet rationi et memoriae, et iterum 
isto mode sibi : et ita continue nocte dieque stant amawtium animae ita quod 
nil aliud perfecte imaginari possunt et deus scit quomodo ratio tunc operatwr.^ 

The signa may be passed over. Upon the curatio, however, Vales- 
cus lavishes all his eloquence. Of the thirteen methods of cure which 
he enumerates I shall mention only four. The first is sufficiently 
obvious and indubitably effective: "Prima est quod detur sibi ilia 
quaw diligit : sicut dicit Rasts et cura facta est." The fifth is familiar, 
but perhaps nowhere else so enticingly phrased as in the Philonium: 

Quinto iuuat incedere per prata cum sociis et dilectis viridaria et nemora: 
et -per iardinos floridos vbi cantant aues et resonent philomenae: vbi prandia 
et cenae sint bene parata cum triplici vel quadruplici specie vinorwrn.' et 
optimis ferculis et fructibus: vbi flores et serta et gaudia preparentur: vt 
unws homo saluetwr; et ista ab eius cowsortio cuw conuenientia et dei reuer- 
entia suscipiantur tarn in gurgitatione voluptatu?« quae multuw deo dis- 
plicent. Ad hoc etiaw multu/w iuuat loqui cum amicis et dilectis suis.'' 

The sixth we have met with in Gordonius, but Valescus makes 
his own addition : 

Sexto iuuat ad distractionem imaginationis ammonitio parentum et 
sapiewtum virorum: qui sibi doceant huius seculi et venturi eSectus: et 
pericula: ac scaredala quae inde possunt sequi: etsi iuuenis est: flagelletnr 
cuius eiws cum verberibws.- et si non sistit: ponatwr in fundo turris cuw 
pane et aqua donee veniam a sua insania petat.^ 

Nor is the ninth original, except perhaps in its phrasing: 

Nono ad hoc iuuat vt diligat plures et illas osculetwr et cum eis saepe 
loquatur: vt eiws amor erga earn nora sit totus: sed dividatwr. Ideo dicebat 
Ouidius. hortor vt et pariter binas habeatis arnicas. Fortior et plures 
si quis habere potest. Nam si vna dicit non: altera dicit sie.^ 

There is space for but two of the seven divisions of the Clarificatio. 
The first is a rather cynical expression of Valescus' belief in the 
passing of the malady: 

Primo sciendum quod pauci vel nuUi nunc efEciunt?«r heroici. nam 
tanta dissolutione vtuntur cum diversis mulieribus: quod eorum amor 
super unawi quetscere [sic] non valet.^ 

The second speaks with sufficient clearness for itself: 

Secundo nota quod ebrietas: gulositas: luxuria: latrocinium: hereos: 
ludus: vsura: maliloquium; mentiri: blasphemias petere: tenacitas seu 

1 Fol. xix. ' Fol. XX. 

506 



The Lovebes Maladye of Hereos 17 

aueritia: loquacitas: omnia ista iudicium rationis impediunt: et habituata 
vix recedunt.' 

It is difficult to refrain from further quotation; there are few more 
interesting human documents of the sort than the eleventh chapter 
of the Philonium.^ 

Ill 

The passages thus far cited are more than enough to establish 
the meaning of Chaucer's line. But the interest of the subject itself, 
as well as its wider implications, warrants further consideration of 
the earlier history both of the malady and of its name. And that 
history is strikingly typical. For hereos is one more embodiment of 
the passage of Greek learning by way of the Arabs into Western 
Europe. 

Perhaps the greatest of all the Arabic physicians — with the 
possible exception of Avicenna — was Rhazes or Razi (Abu Bekr 
Muhammed ben Zakarijja er-Razi), who lived from 850 to 923 or 
932.' His most extensive work, the vast compendium known as 
al-Hawi (or Haouy), was translated into Latin in the thirteenth cen- 
tury under the name of Continens.* It is a gigantic encyclopedia of 
the medical knowledge of his day, consisting largely of a mass of 

' Fol. XX. 

2 A much older treatise is the Commentarium Magislri Bernardi Provinciatis super 
tabulas Salerni (CoUectio Salernitana, 5, 269-328). It is, in large measure, a compendium 
of folk-medicine, quoting constantly the "mulieres Salernitanae " as its authorities for all 
manner of curious remedies, some of which still survive in rural communities. Master 
Bernardo flourished during the last half of the twelfth century (De Renzi, CoUectio 
Salernitana, 5, 329(1.). In his chapter "De calidis II gradu" (5, 299-300) occurs the 
oUowing: 

"Ferrugo, id est fex ferri: Si quis invenis [apparently a misreading of iuvenis] 
aggravatus sit amore alicuius mulieris quam non possit habere, vel aliqua puella in amore 
aUcuius pueri quem non possit habere, manibus post sterga [sic] positis vel etiam revinctis , 
bibat de aqua in qua ferrugo vel ferrum candens extinctum sit, ore prono, in vase ubi est 
aqua, et sic minus amore illicito torquebltur; phisicum et empiricum et rationale reme- 
dium: vel potest dici, et verum est, quod humores qui ab amore illicito vel hereos levi- 
gantur aqua ferruginea bibita gravidantur inferius et sic amor inervatur et spiritus 
animalis minus infestatur." 

The form hereos is noteworthy, since it appears also in the Harleian MS. See below, 
p. 523, n. 5. 

' See Neuburger u. Pagel, I. 598-601; Leclerc, Histoire de la medecine arabe (Paris, 
1876), I, 337-54. Razi's name is variously transmogrified in the Middle Ages as Abu- 
beter, Abubater, Bubikir, etc. I may say, once for all, that no two of the modern authori- 
ties whom I have consulted agree in their transliteration of any of the Arabic names that 
occur in this paper, and I assume no responsibility for the forms (always those given by 
reputable authorities) which I have used. 

* On its translator, Ferraguth, see Leclerc, II, 464-67. 

507 



18 John Livingston Lowes 

(often verbal) citations from his predecessors — Greek, Arabic, Per- 
sian, Indian, even Chaldean — accompanied by Razi's own comment. 
The twentieth tractatus of the first book is entitled "De coturub 
vel ereos,"^ and it falls into two chapters, of which I shall quote the 
first.^ The sheer gauntness and starkness of it is of a different world 
from the Ovidian trappings of Valescus. 

q Capituluw primum est de essentia causis signis accidentibus et pro- 
nosticatione coturub vel ereos. 

Dixit Judeus quod pacientes coturub vel ereos iracedunt de nocte tanqieaw 
canes: et eorum facies sunt croceae propter vigilias et eorum corpora dessi- 
cantwr; et continue siciunt: et hoc accidit eis post laborem. 

Dixit Alexan. quod pacientes coturub vel ereos incedunt stridendo 
alias vagando et clamando tota nocte et proprie per sepulturas mortuorMwi 
usque ad mane: et eorum color est croceus: et eorum oculi debilitantM?-; 
et siccantwr; et fiunt concaui: et non lachrymantwr; et desiccatwr eorum 
lingua: et videtur puluerizata: et habent crustulas vel ulcera quae non pos- 
SMnt consolidari: et hie morbus est de morbis melanchoUae. 

Dico Pacientes morbuw qui appellatwr corub [sic] incedunt amentes 
per sepulturas mortuorMm; et hie morbus est in capite: et eorum facies 
apparet immutata: et visus debilis: et oculi sicci et concaui: et non lachry- 
mantur: et eorum lingua est sicca: et apparent in ea pustulae: et totuOT 
corpus siccuw et duruw; et multuw siciunt: et impossi6fle est quod con- 
ualescant ex hoc morbo: propter praua accidentia quae concomitantwr 
ipsum; et mesti iacent supra eorum faciem; et videntwr in eorum facie et 
dorso vel tibiis quasi qwaedaw maneries pulueris et morsus canis: et hoc 
accidit ex melancolia: et ambulant de nocte tanquani lupi: et desiccantur 
eorum linguae: et haec species est de vsues idest birsem melancolica.' 

The second chapter — "de cura coturub vel ereos" — deals chiefly 
with phlebotomy and the use of drugs, and I shall omit it here. 

Next to the Continens the best-known work of Razi is El Mansoury 
{Liber medidnalis Almansoris). The ninth book (or tractatus) 

1 "'Coturub' (qutrub)," Professor George F. Moore informs me, "is, in tlie medical 
writers, ' a si>ecies of melancholia, disordering the intelligence, drawing up the face .... 
turning the skin ashy, the eyes sunken, body emaciated,' etc. The lexicons refer to 
Avicenna, Book iii, for a more detailed description." The reference is evidently to the 
chapter discussed below (p. 512). 

2 Continens Rasis ordinatus et coTrectus per clarrissimum artium et medicinae doctorem 
magistrum Hieronymum Surianum (Venice, 1509). I have used the copy in the John 
Crerar Library. 

' " t/swes is wiawda (Western pronunciation wiswis), 'insanity'; birsem (birsdm) is 
defined in the general dictionaries as pleurisy (or peritonitis 7), accompanied by delirium; 
while sirsdm is inflammation of the brain" (Moore). The sixth chapter of Razi's Liber 
divisionum (see below, p. 510) is entitled: " De birsen. id est. litargia et frenesi 

508 



The Lo VERES Maladye of Hereos 19 

of El Mansoury was frequently translated and commented on during 
the Middle Ages, and its text may be found in the Clarificatoriwn of 
John of Tornamira.^ It does not itself contain a discussion of hereos, 
but this lack is supplied by the commentators.^ I shall first quote a 
brief passage from the thirteenth chapter ("De melancolia") in the 
twelfth century Latin translation of El Mansoury by Gerhard of 
Cremona:' 

Rasis non nowiwauit gadob .... neqwe nominauit soUicitudinem 
quoe ex amore mulieris vel alicuius rei accidit cuius cura est ebrietas el 
mutatio de regione in regionew et coitus cum alia quam cum ea quam diligit. 

It is, however, in another commentator on the ninth tractatus 
of the Liher Almansoris that one of the most remarkable of all the 
disquisitions on amor hereos occurs. Gerardus de Solo was at the 
head of the school at Montpellier about 1320,* so that his treatise 
falls between those of Bernardus Gordonius and John of Tornamira. 
His comment on the chapter "De melancolia" in Razi contains the 
following:^ 

Sequitur de tertia specie melancolioe quae amorereos dicitur circa quam 
passionem quattuor sunt pemotawda. Primo secundum philosophnm .vi. 
ethicorwm amor triplex est quidam est propter bonum domesticum et vocatur 
amor virtuosus procedens a virtute: ita quod non patiatwr secuw illicitum. 
.... Alter est amor propter bonum utile: ut inter dominum et seruujw et 
commwniter non est talis amor, et tertiws est amor propter bonum est 
delectabile diuersificatus secundum fiens: secundum. Auicen. iij. canonis 
nam aliqwi in auro. aliqw' in diuitijs. aliqm' in mulieribus est consequens 
appetitum. et ille amor est triplex, quidam est non multum intensus. et 
ille vocatur ereos et ille non multum intrat in voluntate: sicut amor qui 
non intrat multum inter dentes: vt dicitur in prouerbiis. Alter est amor in 
mulieribus qui est multum intensus et assiduus circa mulierem principaKter 

1 See above, p. 504. The Tractatus nanus, without comment, is also accessible in 
the Articella of Petrus Hispanus (Lugd., 1533), pp. cccxxx-ccclv. 

' As we have already seen in the case of John of Tornamira. 

3 Albubetri arazi filii zachariae Liber incipit qui ah eo Almansor vocatus est . . . . 
translatus ex arabico in latinum apud toletum a Herardo cremonensi, etc. Lugd., 1510 
(John Crerar Library), fol. cxlix. Gerhard of Cremona (1114—87), whom Steinschneider 
calls "der fruchtbarste Uebersetzer des Mittelalters," ranks with Constantinus Africanus 
(.see below, p. 513) as an intermediary between the Arabs and Western Europe. See 
Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 660, and especially Leclerc, II, 398-431. 

< See Neubiu-ger u. Pagel, I, 695. 

6 Almansoris liber Nanus cum expositione Geraldi de Solo doctoris Montispessulani, 
Lugd., 1504 (John Crerar Library), foil. 39-41. 

509 



20 John Livingston Lowes 

propter actus coitus exercendos. et talis vocatitr amorereos. id est. amor 
nobilis a nobilitate dictus: quia multum fortis amor: quia milites magis 
conueneruwt habere istam passionem quam alii, ideo illi sunt coacti qui sunt 
in delitiis. et potest sic diffinire: amorereos est amor multum fortt's seruens 
et assiduus circa mulierem propter actws coitus exercendos: et talis vocatur 
amorereos. 

The remainder of the long passage has too much of the frankness 
of a medical treatise for quotation here. Its interest, apart from its 
obvious emphasis, lies in the curious distinction — peculiar to Gerard 
de Solo, so far as I know — ^between hereos and amor hereos; and in the 
fact that the phrase amor hereos is uniformly printed as a single word.* 

A third widely used work of Razi was the Liber divisionum. Its 
chapter (xi) "De amore" is succinct:^ 

Cura eius est assiduatio coytus et ieiunium et deambulatio et ebrietas 
plurima assidue.' 

Razi was followed by another noted physician whose name pre- 
cedes his in Chaucer's list. Haly (Ali ben el-Abbas el-Majusi) died 
about 994, and his "Royal Book," el-Maliki {Almaleki, Maleky), was 
translated into Latin in 1127.'' I shall quote but a brief extract 
from his treatment of our theme :^ 

q De amore. Amor autew est animae soUicitudo in id quad axnaXur et 
cogitatiowis in id ipsww perseverantia. Cuiz^s signa sunt oculorww profun- 
datio, etc. 

The rest of the treatment follows the usual course. 

Almost contemporary with Haly was Abulkasim (Abulkasim 
Chalaf ben Abbas el-Zahrawi),* best known for his contribution to 

1 Gerard de Solo also quotes the frog couplet, in the form: "Si quts amat ranam 
ranam cupit esse dianam." 

» Liber diuisionum translatus in tilero a magistro Hererdo Cremonensi de arabico 
in latinum. Verba abubetri fllii zachariae arasi. Lugd., 1510 (John Crerar Library), 
cap. xi, fol. vii. 

s There is also, in the Boston Public Library, a very beautiful fourteenth-century 
MS (formerly in the Ashburnham collection) of a treatise of Razi entitled De aegriludin- 
ibus. Its eleventh chapter, also " De amore," contains a brief description of the malady 
and a list of its symptoms, in addition to the cure. Inasmuch as Razi left behind over 
two hundred works. I have not attempted to identify the treatise. 

< See Leclerc, I, 381-88; Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 601-2; Daremberg, Notices et 
extraits des manuscrits medicaux (Paris, 1853), pp. 80-85. 

5 Haly ftUus Abha.i. Liber totius medicinae necessaria continens, etc., Lugd., 1523 
(John Crerar Library). The discussion is found in the seventh chapter of the ninth 
book, " De melancolia, et canina et amore causisque eorum et signis." 

8 Known also as Alzaharavius, Alsarabi, Bzzahraui, etc. He lived about 912-1013. 
See Leclerc, I, 437-57; Neuburger u. Pagel, I. 602-5. 

510 



The Loveres Maladye op Hereos 21 

the development of surgery. His great work was the Tesrif, or 
AUasrif, which was early translated into Latin (by whom, is not 
known). The first two books of the Tesrif (as well as other sections 
of it) were printed separately, and it is an early edition of these that I 
have used.^ The discussion of love is in the Liber pradicae, Tractatus 
primus, sectio secunda, cap. xvii : " De amore et est excessus amoris."^ 
The term hereos does not occur in the text; one of the rubrics, how- 
ever, reads, "Causae amoris hereos." A few sentences will be suffi- 
cient to indicate the character of the chapter: 

Signa dilectionis sunt, quoniam oculi sunt concaui Color vero 

faciei est citrinMS & omnia sua membra sunt sicca Curatio primae 

speciei est vti frequenter coitu cum quacumqwe poterit & cum non dilecta 
& assidue ieiunare & itinerare & inebrieare. Curatio vero secwndae speciei 
est quod adhaereat ei quam diligit, & non abstineat videre ipsam .... & 
inspicere viridaria & cursus aquarMW & lumina & potare vinum, & esse cum 
sociis & audire parabolos & hystorias quae sollicitudinew ducunt . . . . et 
elongari a rebus grauibws & horribilibus & prostrentwr sibi in domo genera 
florum & herbarum odoriferarum sicut sunt rosae folia mirtae basiUcon 
mellissa & folia citri & similia. 

We have now reached one of the greatest names in the develop- 
ment of mediaeval medicine. Avicenna (Abn Ali el-Hosein ben 
Abdallah Ibn Sina) is of perhaps equal importance with Razi as a 
physician, and of incomparably greater weight and influence in other 
fields. On his amazing fecundity and on the organizing power of 
his genius it is unnecessary to dwell here.' His great medical work — 
the bulk of which (although less than that of the vast Continens of 
Razi) is almost commensurate with its influence — is the Liber Canonis.* 

1 Liber theoricae necnon practicae Atsaharavii, Aug. Vind., 1519 (John Crerar Library). 
On this edition see Leclerc, I, 448. 

2 Fol. x.xxi. 

s Avicenna's dates are 980-1037. For brief accounts of his lite and of his contri- 
bution to medicine see Leclerc, I, 466-77; Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 605-9. 

' The Arabic text is in the edition of 1593 (Rome). It was translated into Latin, 
toward the close of the twelfth century, by Gerhard of Cremona. I have used the Latin 
text in the editions of 1490, 1556, and 1582. That Chaucer had some knowledge of the 
Liber Canouis is clear from the well-known reference in the Pardoner's Tale (C 889-91) : 

But, certes, I suppose that Avicen 
Wroot never in no canon, ne in no fen. 
Mo wonder signes of empoisoning, etc. 

But his curious use of the word "canon" (regarding which Professor Skeat's note is 
sound) seems to indicate that his acquaintance may have been at second hand. The 
same statement, however, must be made (I fear) In Professor Skeat's own case. For 
Avicenna's "De venenis" is Lib. IV, Fen VI, and not Fen /, as Skeat states. 

511 



22 John Livingston Lowes 

The passage with which we are concerned is found in Liber III, 
Fen I, Tractatus IV, cap. 23, under the title: "De alhasch id 
est Amantibus.'" And its treatment of the theme has influenced 

1 This Is the title in the editions of 1556 and 1582. In the edition of 1490 the heading 
is "De ilisci." "Ilisci" also appears in the 1582 text, and both forms are recognized by 
later writers (see pp. 532, 535, 538). The older commentators give curious expla- 
nations of the term. In the glossary of Arabic terms (" Arabicorum nominxun Bellunensis 
interpretatio") appended to the edition of 1582, alhasch is explained as follows: " alhasch 
sicut scribit Ebenesis est species volubilis quae involuitur super arbores, et exicca east, 
et ad eius similitudinem alhasch dicitur de quodam aegritudine quae exiccat patientem 
ipsam [sic], et removet ab eo colorem splendidum vitae." Further information( 7) is 
given in an extremely interesting fourteenth-century work (see more fully p. 516 below), 
Ad-Damlris Haydt al-Hayaw&u (a zoological lexicon). Under the word al-Fdkkitah 
(a certain species of collared dove), at the close of a long disquisition on the various 
stages of love, the author discusses certain differences of opinion regarding the derivation 
of the terms he has used: " As to al-ishk, it is derived from al- ashakah, which is a plant 
that twists itself round the roots of trees that grow near it, and that are hardly able to 
free themselves of it excepting through death. Some say that al-ashakah is a certain 
yellow plant changed in its leaves, and that an ardent lover is named 'ashit^ on account 
of his yellow colour and the change in his state" (Vol. II, Pt. I, 489-92). I am indebted 
to the kindness of Professor George Foot Moore of Harvard University for the following 
note: " Avicenna. in the chapter to which you refer (ed. Rome, 1593, p. 316), treats of the 
malady called al-'iSg. The name is not badly represented by ilisci (the final t is the 
Arabic case ending after the preposition fi, 'concerning'). Alhasch in the title in the 
editions of 1556 and 1582 is a less correct equivalent; the vowel a instead of » may have 
been suggested by the name of the plant al-'afaq which your 'interpretatio' defines, but 
is more probably to be accounted for by ignorance of the proper pronunciation. ' De 
amantibus ' is a free translation of the Arabic title. 

"The verb 'asiqa means 'be madly in love, wild with desire' (said, e.g., of a she- 
camel in heat) ; the affection may be honest or guilty, but, in distinction from l^abba, 
the common verb for 'love,' 'aSiqa always connotes excess. The noun 'i^g corresponds. 
(The medical use and definition you have from Avicenna himself.) The passionate 
lover is 'aiiq or 'asiq; a woman beyond measure amorous of her husband is 'diiq, etc. 

"The native etymologists give various explanations how the passionate lover comes 
to be called 'asiq. One says, 'he is so called because he withers away (literally, "loses 
his moisture, dries up") from the violence of desire.' Others connect the use in one way 
or another with 'aiaqah, the name of a plant 'which is at first green, then shrivels and 
turns yellow.' So Al-Zajjaj (died ca. 311 a.h.). Ibn Doreid (died 321 a.h.), after defin- 
ing the name of the plant, says, 'it Is thought that from this the 'asiq is so called, because 
of his withering away.' In the Lisan: 'a^iq, because he withers away as the 'aiaqah does 
when it is cut down.' 

"What plant is meant is not certain. I have not run down the botanists; the 
general dictionaries say that in ' post-classical ' authors it is the same as lablab, and this 
is now a legiunlnous plant, Dolichos lablab, often called 'Egyptian bean.' Originally, 
ioftlaft wasacUmbingplant; ivy seems to be sometimes meant. Zamakhsari (died 538 a.h.) 
in the Asas will have it that "aa is derived from 'osoa (lablab), because this plant attaches 
itself to a tree and clings to it.' The verb 'aiiga (with the preposition 60 means 'cleave, or 
stick, to a person or thing.' Climbing plants are unknown in Arabia, as are also ' Egyptian 
beans ' ; these senses are necessarily ' post-classical.' The Lisan says that the name 'aiaqah 
was given also to a thorny desert shrub (^arak) on which camels feed. 

"I have not found the explanation given in yoiu- 'interpretatio' in any of the dic- 
tionaries I have consulted; it is not plausible enough to be worth hunting. The ety- 
mologies of the Arab philologists I have quoted are the kind of thing etymologists have 
been doing since the craft existed. To take the name of the plant as the starting-point, 
and make the verb a metaphorical denominative is a mere play of ingenuity. But it is 
possible that the association in some form was known to Avicenna — the chronology 
would admit it — though in skimming the chapter I did not come upon anything that 
suggested this." 

512 



The Loverbs Maladye of Hereos 23 

profoundly the occidental authorities already quoted. Avicenna's 
definition is as follows: 

Haec aegritudo est solicitude melancholiea similis melaneholiae, in quo 
homo sibi iam induxit ineitationem seu applicationem cogitationis suae 
continuam super pulchritudine ipsius quarundam formarum, at gestuum seu 
morum, quae insunt ei. 

Among the signa are the now familiar details : 

Et signa quidem eius sunt profunditas oculorum et siccitas ipsorum 
. . . . et alteratur dispositio ipsius ad risum, et laetitiam aut ad tristitiam et 
fletum cum amoris cantilenas audit: et praecipue cum sit rememoratio 
repudii, et elongationis: et sunt omnia membra eius arefacta praeter oculos, 
etc. 

The account of the pulse, and of its use in identifying the object 
of the lover's passion, follows in due course. The usual methods of 
cure are laid down, prominent among them the recourse to beldams, 
upon which Gordonius elaborated, and which is first found, so far 
as I know, in Avicenna. And the setting of the malady is that which 
we have elsewhere seen.' 

It will be remembered that Bernardus Gordonius quoted from 
Viaticiis,^ and after following many blind trails, I at last succeeded 
in identifying the passage. A number of the medical works we have 
been considering have a chapter (or even a book) "de itinere," which 
deals with the emergencies incident to travel. And there are also 
separate medical compendia for the traveler's needs.* Among these 
perhaps the most remarkable is the Viaticum of that Constantinus 
Africanus who has achieved a bad eminence as Chaucer's "cursed 
monk Dan Constantyn."* But just this notoriety is scarcely 
deserved. He is characterized by Pagel as "ein Mann, der zu den 

' The chapters immediately preceding are "De mania etdispositionecanina" . . . . : 
*'De melancholia" . . . . ; "De insania lupina, aut canina. vel de lycanthropia." 
Those which follow are "De vertigine"; "De contorsione " ; "De epilepsia"; "De 
apoplexia"; " De paralysi " ; etc. 

' See above, p. 499. 

' See, lor instance, the tweUth-century Viaticus of Aegidius Corboliensis (ed. Valen- 
tine Rose, Leipzig, 1907) — a most interesting treatise in verse. 

< E 1810-11. Cf. also A 433, where he is included among the Arabs in Chaucer's 
list. With Chaucer's epithet compare Thaddaeus Alderottl, In Aph. Hipp, exposit., 
Venet., 1517, fol. 1: " Translatiouem Constantini persequar, non quia meUor, sed qma 
communjor; nam ipsa pessima est et defectiva et superflua; nam Me inaanus monachus 
in trauslerendo peccavlt quantitate et qualitate" (quoted by Daremberg, Notices et 
Extraits, p. 85). Thaddeiis' dates are 1215-95; see Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 667-70. 

513 



24 John Livingston Lowes 

bedeutenderen Erscheinungen des Mittelalters zahit und dem das 
Verdienst zukommt, als Hauptvermittler arabischer Weisheit im 
Occident indirekt das Studium und die Kenntnis der griechischen 
Medizin wiederbelebt und gefordert zu haben, namlich Constantinus 
Africanus, der daher auch das Ehrenpradikat eines medizinischen 
Praceptors des Abendlandes ('magister orientis et occidentis') 
erhalten hat."' Now the Viaticum is a translation of an Arabic 
work, the Zad el-Mou^afir (Provision du voyageur) of Abou Djafar 
Ahmed ben Ibrahim ben Abi Khaled,^ the date of whose death is 
variously given as 961, 1004, and 1009.^ But Constantine was not 
the only translator of the Zad el-Mougafir. It seems to have been 
almost immediately translated into Greek, for a Greek version of it 
is extant in a manuscript not later than the end of the tenth century, 
or the beginning of the eleventh.^ And the twentieth chapter (Ilapi 
iepccTos) of the first book is — on account of its references to Rufus of 
Ephesus — fortunately accessible.* It is, as Daremberg remarks, 
"curieux" to the last degree, but I shall have to content myself with 
a couple of brief extracts. The first is the beginning of the chapter : 

'O /xtv fpias virap\ti, vowos ytytwrjixivr) iv Tip lyKe<f>d\<o • t(TTi o£ VTrep^oXr) 
«p<DTos, jttcTa <TvAAo7i<T/«.ov KoL dypvTrvias, koi Sia tovto vapaKoXovuovcriv avTU) 
IxiyuXTitiTtpoi TTOvoi rfji i/t^x^s, <f>i]P-h o crtjAAoyto"/u.os koi ^ aypvTrvia. EiTre oc Tts 
Tw ^tXo<TO^o)v OTL 6 cpios wvofUKTTai dyainjs iiriTacni • 7ro\A.d(«s St yiverai rj 
avTUx Tov tpiDTos i$ dvayKaiai )(ptLa<; Trji <^ixr£a)s el's to aTnocrdcrdai to inpiTTov 
Ik tov (Tii/jiaTOi ■ 6 St <TO<^(OTaTos Poiic^os €^»/ OTi rj crwovtrta 6vLVi}<nv ets Tous 
virepvi.Ku>vTai avroiis ■^ p,e\d.Lva x°^Vi V V o.<f>pocvvr) • iTn(TTpt<f>ii, yap irpos eavT^v 
rrjv TovTwv <f>p6vr)cnv, koi SiaXvu Tr/v l(T)(vp6TriTa tov tpcoTos, Kav Ta)(a ei crvvov- 
awLO-ei TOV /Mj ipw/xevov, koI paXacrcru au^ts rr/v (TKXrjpiav.^ 

' I, 643. So Daremberg: "il a recu et il merite a tous egards le titre de Restaurateur 
des lettres midicales en Occident" (p. 86). For the salient facts in his career, which 
ended in 1087. see Leclerc. I, 539-41; II, 356-66; Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 643-45. 

2 See the valuable Recherches on the subject by Ch. Daremberg, iVotices et Eztraits 
des manuscrits mcdicaux grecs, latins et frangais des principales bibliothegues de I'Europe, 
Paris, 18.53, pp. 63-100. And compare Leclerc, II, 360-63; Pucinotti, Storia delta medi- 
cina. II'. 333 ff. The Viaticum is sometimes wrongly attributed to Gerard of Cremona, 
Isaac Judaeus, or Gerard of Berry. See Cholmeley, John of Gaddesden, pp. 171, 179; 
Collectio Salernitana, 5, 117. Ct. Bernardus Gordonius: "propter dictum .... 
Gerardi supra viaticum" (Lilium medicinae, Partic. II, cap. 10). 

» Daremberg, p. 77 < See Daremberg, p. 77, and passim. 

' It is printed entire in Daremberg et Ruelle, (Euvres de Ru/us d'Ephese (Paris, 
1879), Appendice, section iv, pp. 582-84. For the full list of chapters of the £phodcs 
see Daremberg, Notices et Exiraits, pp. Q5 ff. 

< (Euvres de Rufus, p. 582. The sentence that immediately follows I shall quote 
below in another connection. See p. 531. 

514 



The Loveres Maladye of Hereos 25 

The bulk of the chapter is a panegyric on wine-bibbing as a cure 
for love. The following must suffice as a sample: 

Kal SuiXoyL<Tfx,o)v l^aiptrai to oivottotuv /juto. TpayoiSt'os koI iJ.ov(Tovpyias kol 
SiijyrJ/xacrt <f>i\iov Kal ojcovTi^euBai jw,£Xos la/i/iiKov • Kol /iXareiv vepifioXaw, 
X\oipd, Kal TTpocrunra avOripa Kal tvOaXrj ■ <j>rj<jl yap 6 Po5<^os OTi 6 ofvos <j>dp- 
fWLKOv fjiiyixTTOv «crTi tS>v <l>oj3oviJ.ivu>v Kal ipiovriov. . ■ . *E<^rj 8c icai o PovtjxK 
oTi ov fjMvov o otvos •jTivo/XEVos crv/tju.£Tpo)S f^anXot Trjv tpv)(r]v, Kal diroSiooKti i^ 
avrij's TrjV Xmrrjv, aXXa Kal tTtpa iraXtv Troiovat to. ToiaCra, As to, iVKpara XovTpa 
Kal Ocpp,a, Kal iwl tovtiov iytipti avTovq rj 4''"X'I avrSiv, OTav tla-ep)^o)VTai iv Tul 
/3aXavi<o crfjU.j«.€Tp<os fxtXioSiiv Kal TpaywSttv.' 

And the chapter ends : 

aVTTJ B( £<TTIV IJ oSoS OipaiTiW.'S Tu)v ipu>vTu>v • Kal TaVTTjV f<j}av€puKTaix€v • Kal 
Ij.ct' avrSiv SitXOc tyjv Tpifirjv ravrrjv, KaOio's vwtStiJa/xev iv jravTi 68<u Kal tov 
StoAoyiCTjitov TOV irpoppifiivTa dn-o8i(OKu)v (cat Trjv XvTrifv i^ioOS>v? 

The question whether Constantine's Viaticum is a direct trans- 
lation from the Arabic, or is based (wholly or in part) on the Greek, is, 
for us, a somewhat important one, for Constantine's use of the word 
hereos is the earliest I have found. Daremberg pronounces definitely' 
in favor of the first view, and with his conclusion (but not with his 
method of reaching it) Leclerc seems to agree. ^ The only exception 
to Daremberg's main general argument, as he observes, is in the 
very chapter with which we are concerned.^ I shall quote at once the 
passages in the Viaticum which correspond to those I have already 
quoted from the Greek: 

Amor qui dicitwr hereos morbus est cerebro cowtiguus. est autem mag- 
num desiderium cum magna coracupiscentia et afflictione cogitationuwi.- vnde 
qm'dem philosopKi dicunt: hereos emm est nomen magnae dilectionis. 
ah7er delectationis designatiuum: sicut entm fidelitas est dilectionis ultimitas: 
ita et hereos dilectioras.^ aliter delectationis est qwocdam extremitas. Ali- 
qwondo huius amoris cattsa nimia naturae est necessitas in multa humorww 
superfluitate expelle?ida: unde ruffus coitus inqwi't valere videtwr qm'bMS 
ni^ra colera et melancoUa domnantwr; eis sensus redditMr et molestatio 
hereosis tollitur si cum dilectis loquantwr. ah'/er locantur.' 

■ P. 583. « p. 584. • Pp. 86-100. « II. 361-63. And cf. Pucinotti, as above. 

•"Dans le Vialique, je n'ai relev6 qu'un seul mot grec appartenant El la langue 
ordinaire, et qui ne soit pas une transcription de I'arabe, c'est hereos, pour amor (I, xx); 
ce mot a m6me servi a forger le barbarisms hereosus" (p. 89). 

• This is tile sentence wliicli Gordonius quotes— evidently from memory. See 
above, p. 499. 

' Breviarium Constantini dictum viaticum, Lugd., 1510 (John Crerar Library), 
Litier primus, cap. xx: "De amore qui dicitur hereos." Tiiis, and not the modernized 
text of 1536, is the authoritative edition. See Daremberg, p. 86. 



26 John Livingston Lowes 

The second passage is as follows : 

Quid meliMS hereosos adiuuat ne in cogitationes profundentwr nimias: 
vinuTO temperatuTO et odoriferuTw daradum est: et audire genera musicoruw; 
colloqui dilectts amicis : versuum recitatio : luciferos videre ortos: odoriferos 
et fructiferos: currentew haftentes aquam et claram; spatiari: seu dedueere 
cuw femina seu maribMs; pulchroe personoe. q Ruffus vinuw inqm't: est 

medicina fortis tristibws et timidis et hereosis Item ruffus now soluw 

modo vinuOT temperate bibitum aufert tristitiaw: sect et alia quidem sibi 
similia: sicut balneum tewperatuw: vnde sit vt quidam balneum ingredian- 
tur ad cantandurra aniwantur. 

And the chapter ends : 

haec est via medicinae circa hereseos exercenda. 

I do not know Arabic, and so cannot compare the two translations 
with their original. Where Daremberg does so (he appends a 
French translation of the Arabic), his argument seems to be con- 
vincing. But in this particular chapter the correspondence between 
the Latin and the Greek is closer than in any of the parallels which 
Daremberg cites, and it is almost impossible to escape the conclusion 
that in this passage at least Constantine had the Greek as well as the 
Arabic before him. I shall return to this point briefly a little later.* 

In Ad-Damiris Haydt al-Hayawdn, of which mention has already 
been made,^ occurs the fullest statement that I have found of the 
stages of the love-malady:' 

'Abd-ar Rahman b. Nasr states that physicians hold ardent and excessive 
love (al-'ishk) to be a disease arising from sight and hearing It is of 

> See below, p. 522. The only other one of Constantine's works which I have been 
able to consult is De communibus medico cognitu necessariis locis, Basle, 1539 (Boston 
Medical Library). The eighth chapter of the ninth bools is entitled, " De melancholia et 
amore ['timore' in the heading; 'amore' correctly in the Tabula] qui eros dicitur" 
(pp. 249-50). Constantine's definition is as follows: "Amor est confldentia animae 
suspiciosa in re amata, et cogitationis in eadem assiduitas." The signa and the setting 
are as usual. 

= See above, p. 512. The work is translated from the Arabic by Lt. Colonel A. S. G. 
Jayakar (London and Bombay, 1906). Ad-Damirl was born at Cairo in 1349 (or 1341). 
I am indebted to Professor Leo Wiener for calling my attention to the work as a possible 
source of information. 

' Vol. II, Pt. I. pp. 489-92. The disquisition on love, as has been noted. Is under 
the name of a certain species of dove, al-Fdkhitah, and the connection (which, to Judge 
from the method of the Lexicon in general, is a luxury rather than a necessity) seems to 
be that the bird is described by the Arabs as a liar — a view which in turn is based upon an 
engaging anecdote of Solomon, who had overheard a f&khitah msjdng a rather preposter- 
ous statement, and asked it why it said what it did. " It replied, 'O prophet of God. I am 
a lover, and a lover ought not to be blamed; the words of lovers ought to be folded up 
and not repeated.'" The "Information" given above then follows. 

516 



The Loveres Maladye of Hekeos 27 

several degrees and has several stages following one another; the first .... 
is called approval .... which arises from sight and hearing; this stage 
gains in strength by remembering for a long time the good points and beauti- 
ful qualities of the object of love, and then becomes affection 

The various stages are described, through love, sincere love, and 
passion: 

This state [passion] gains in strength, and becomes ardent and excessive 
love (al-'ishk), which is excessive love beyond bounds to such an extent 
that the imagination of the ardent lover is never free from the object of his 
ardent love, and consideration and remembrance of the object of love are 
never absent from his thoughts and mind; the mind is diverted from the 
promptings of sensual energies, and the lover is prevented from eating and 
drinking .... and also from thinking, remembering, imagining, and 

sleeping When ardent love becomes strong, it becomes love-madness 

. . . . , in which state there is no room left in the mind of the lover for 

anything but the picture of the object of his ardent love If this 

state increases, it becomes love-stupefaction . . . . , which is passing 
beyond all bounds and restraint, so that the very quality of the lover changes, 
and his state is beyond management; he mutters to himself, and does not 
know what he says and where he goes. At this stage physicians are unable 
to treat him. 

Hereupon follows a discussion of the relation of al-ishk to the 
three cells of the head,' and the discussion of its etymology already 
quoted.'' 

It is evident, accordingly, that the occidental conception of 
kereos was profoundly influenced by the Arabic doctrine of al-'isq. 
But the Arabs themselves were drawing upon another source.' 

IV 

Love as a malady was definitely recognized by the great Greek 
physicians. And it was in their pages that the Arabic writers found 
the suggestion for the doctrine, on which they soon set their own dis- 
tinctive seal.* 

1 See below, p. 527. 2 See above, p. 512, n. 1. 

' I have found no reference to hereos in lani Damasceni decapolitani summae inter 
Arabes autoritatis medici Iherapeuticae methodi, hoc est^ curandi artis Liber VII (Basle, 
1543); or in the Liber demedicina Auerroys (Venice, 1514); or in Abhomeron Abymohar, 
coUiget Auerroes (Venice, 1514) ; or in the Practica Jo. Serapionxs dicta breuiarium (Venice, 
1497). The Dissertatio de amore physico of Ibn Baddscheb ( +1138), referred to In Neu- 
burger u. Pagel, I, 613, 1 have not seen. 

* See Leclerc's discussion (I, 231-58) of the Greek medical writers translated by the 
Arabs, and compare the list of Greek physicians whom Razi cites (Leclerc, I, 342-43). 

517 



28 John Livingston Lowes 

In the vast collection of works attributed to Hippocrates' I have 
made no thorough search, and the indices available — even in the 
great edition of Littre — give little help. But before Galen (130- 
200 A.D.)^ the subject was certainly treated.' Even in Galen, how- 
ever, I know of no separate consideration of the malady. But 
specific references to it appear in a number of passages. A single 
excerpt will be sufficient for our purpose : 

.... TOVi S' r]TOi KaTaXiiTTOvoixivovi 7] a.\povvTai rj aypvirvovvTai r} 
nvpiiavrai iirl irpo<f>da't(nv fpo>TiKak iv iKiivio Tov \6yov t<Z KO^Aaio) trtptXaiJ.- 
fidvowiv 01 ■TraXaioi, ktX.* 

Elsewhere, too, Galen refers to the leanness of lovers, and espe- 
cially to the quickening of the pulse at the sight of the object of the 
lover's passion.* In the later writers, however, either in connection 
with the discussion of mania or melancholy, or as constituting a 
section by itself, the treatment of epas as one of the recognized cere- 
bral maladies becomes explicit. 

The date of Caelius Aurelianus, the translator of Sorano of 
Ephesus — whose period (probably, however, early in the second 
century a.d.) is also doubtful — is not definitely known. On Unguistic 
grounds his work is assigned to the fourth or early fifth century a.d.' 
From his treatment of mania I shall quote but a single passage, for 
the sake of its last word. The fifth chapter of the first book of the 
Chronion is entitled : " De furore sive insania, quam Graeci Manian 
vocant," and it begins as follows: 

Magna Grecorum vetustas manian appellabat, quae nunc mantice dicta 
est. Item alium, inquit, ex Libero fieri patre: alium ex amore, et appellavit 
eroticon.' 

■ Third or fourth century b.c. See Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 196-235. 
' See Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 373-402. 

• See the Quotation from Galen below. I have had no opportunity to identify ■>« 
iraAatoi. 

' Gateni camm. I. in Hipp. Prognostic, ed. Kiihn, Vol. XVIIJ, Pars ii, p. 18. The 
Latin translation reads : 

Verum eos qui prae amore vel emaciati sunt vel pallent vel vigilant vel etiain 
febrlcitant sub eo libri capite veteres comprehendunt, etc. 

' Galeni comm. II. in Hippocr. de humor., ed. KUhn, XVI, 308-10; cf. also XVIII, ii, 
40. An actual example of this method of diagnosis — the patient in this case being a 
woman — is given in the treatise De praenoHone ad Posthumum, ed. Kiihn, XTV, 631-33. 

• See Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 345. 

» Medicini Antiqui Omnes, Venice, 1547, fol. 257. 

518 



The Loveres Maladye of Hereos 29 

It is, however, in connection with Oribasius^ that we can first 
observe the curious passage of the Greek word into a barbarized 
Latin form. The ninth chapter of the eighth book of the Sweats 
is entitled Ilept rCiv ipuPTuv} Now the Latin translations of Ori- 
basius are not only very early but also of unusual linguistic interest." 
And the chapter we are concerned with is readily accessible in the 
text of two of the oldest MSS— the Paris MS lat. 10233, of the sixth 
century, and the Laon MS No. 424, of the tenth.* The sixth-century 
translation refers to the malady merely as amor} But the tenth- 
century text employs another term. Its title reads: "Ad eos qui de 
amore contristantur, quos Greci ton heroton vocant." I shall give the 
brief chapter, together with the Greek text of certain passages: 

Qui autem de amore egrotant,' et contristantur animo et insomnietatem 
nescientes patiuntur; alii balneum utentis in requiem positi .... expende- 
runt: ex his enim invenimus ton heroton, id est qui de amore consumitur, 
ex balneis et vini potionem et auditum cogitationes inposuimus;' aliis autem 
timorem indiximus, imponentes tractates super quod amabat, vix deponenda 
passionem' ad aliquas filonicias excitare et secundum hypotesis, quae prae- 
dictae sunt vitae uniuscujusque. Subsecuntur autem quidem amorem lan- 
guint, quorum sunt haec signa: oculi sunt concavi et non lacrimantur; 
videntur autem sicut qui laborem sunt pleni; moventur enim eis palpebre 
frequenter plus ab alio membro, proprium locum quiescant solis heroton.^ 

[Ilepi] Tuv ipwvTCxiv has accordingly been carried over as ton heroton 

' Born about 325 a.d. For this important writer see Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 513-21. 
" (Euvres d'Oribase, ed. Bnssemaker et Daremberg, Paris, 1873, V, 413-14. 
» See Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 519-20, and the references there given. 
< (Euvres d'Oribase, VI, 215. See Molinier, in the preface to this volume, pp. xviii- 
xix, tor an account of the MSS, and compare V, v-vil, and Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 520. 

'Its title is: " De amore aegrotantibus," and it begins: "Qui de amore aegrotant, 
tristitiam incurrentes animi insomnietatem patiuntur." 

« TOVs 6e epwl'Tas Sv<TdvfJ.0VfJ.€V0V'; 

' ei7t Siv €^€Vp6*'T€s i^jiAets TO*' cpuJTa ini T€ AovTpo Kat oivonoaiav aiwp»j<reis T€ KaX flfa/xara »ca. 

'eVi'ois 5€ ical (to^or e7r7jpT^<ra/n€c * oi yop <rxoAa^oi'T«s aei Tw IpwTt 6v<rt"icct7rT0t' cxov<7t To 



TrdBot; , 

9 jftf etTat Se aiiTols ita't To j3Ki(t>apa ^a^ttfa, Twv re aAAujr toO (rw/xaro? /xepwc trvfjuitTrTOVTiiiv, oCtoi 

Mot-oi To7^ epcoaLi/ ou irvtiTTinTovirii', What Molinier says of Laon No. 424 in general — ' ' ie latin 
de ce manuscrit est extrgmement barbare" — is certainly borne out by this particular 
chapter. That the characteristic setting of the malady which we have already observed 
goes back to the Greek writers is shown by the list of the first ten chapters of Book 

VIII of the Synopsis; 1. wepl ^x'^/atj? awajAetas; 2. Trepi €((>tdAT0V; 3-4. Jrepi en-tATji^ias; 5. jrepi 
<rjcOTta)fxaTiica»»'; 6. w€pi airoirX>j|i'as; 7. irept juieAayxoAias; 8. Trepi ^i.avias■, 9. fffpi r^v eptufTwi'; 
10. Tfepi KxiKavQpitnria^, 

519 



30 John Livingston Lowes 

(now an accusative plural), which the translator then proceeds to 
use as an accusative singular (where the Greek is t6v epoira) and 
also as a dative plural (for the Greek rots epSxnv). So far as the 
malady itself is concerned, the discussion in Oribasius, in its relation 
to the mediaeval treatises, needs no comment. 

Paul of Aegina lived during the first half of the seventh century,^ 
and his influence (like that of Oribasius), especially upon the Arabic 
physicians, was very great. Inasmuch, however, as I have had no 
opportunity to see either the Greek text or any Latin translation 
earlier than that of Guintherus Andernacus (1532), I shall confine 
myself to the statement that his chapter "De amantibus'"' is very 
similar to the treatment of Oribasius. 

We may note briefly two other passages in which the Greek form 
of the word appears. The first is from the Speculum Doctrinale 
long attributed to Vincent of Beauvais (+1264). The fifty-ninth 
chapter of the fourteenth book is entitled: "De melancholia nigra et 
canina, et amore qui dicitur eros.'" The second is from an opusculum 
— Modus acdpiendi aurum potahile — attributed to Raymond Lully 
(+1315).'* Aurum potahile, it is pointed out, is good for all diseases 
of the head — lethargy, loss of memory, stupor, etc. The tractate 
then proceeds: 

Maniam verd et melancholias, quae sunt corruptiones animi cum aqua 
boraginis, et omnes has desipientias, in eodem instanti curat, et similiter 
amorem qui dicitur 'EpMTtKos. 

The brief citations in this section make clear the fundamental 
fact that the "lover's malady" was recognized as such in Greek medi- 
cine. The significance of this recognition for the history of the word 
itself needs separate consideration. 

» See Neuburger u, Pagel, I, 548-56. 

» Lib. Ill, cap. xvii. In tlie text o( Guintherus Andernacus {Paulus Aeginetae Opus 
de re medica, Paris. 1532), pp. 22-23; cf. The Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, Sydenham 
Soc., 1844, I, 390-91. The order ol treatment is vertigo, epilepsy, melancholy, maniacs 
and demoniacs, incubus, lycanthropy, lovers, apoplexy and paralysis, spasms. 

• I have seen no earlier text than that ol the monumental Benedictine edition of 1624. 
A lew sentences from the chapter will be sufficient to indicate its tenor: ". . . . amor 
est anlmoe confldentia suspiciosa in eo quod amatur cogitatlouis in illud assiduitas. 
Hulus signa sunt oculorum concavitas, et eorum assidua motio maximeque palpebrarum," 
etc. 

< It is found in the AtHs auHferae quam chemiam vocant (Basle, 1610), III, 78. But the 
attribution is probably wrong. See p. 286 of the great article on Raimond Lulle, in Hist, 
liutr., XXIX, 1-386. 

520 



The Loverbs Maladye op Hereos 31 



I have emphasized, in the last section, the forms in which ?pwj 
and ipdiTiKos have come over into Latin, because of their bearing on 
the puzzhng form of the word hereos itself. And it may be well, 
at this point, to dwell for a moment on the facts and their 
significance.^ 

That hereos, so far as its form is concerned, is a barbarous 
derivative from tpws there can be, I think, no doubt. I shall 
summarize briefly the pertinent facts. The name of the malady 
itself appears in Latin under the form eros^ ereos,^ hereos* heroys,^ 
and hereos.^ Hereos (or ereos) appears either alone (that is, un- 
combined with amor),'' or in the phrase amor hereos.^ Whether 
alone or in combination it is always uninfiected.' The follow- 
ing adjective forms also occur: hereosus,^" herosus,^^ hereseusi-ius),^^ 

' For a definitive statement ol the evidence a study of the manuscripts of all the 
writers involved would be essential. That, however, has obviously been impossible. 

' Constantine, in the De communibus (above, p. 516, n. 1); Speculum doctrinalt 
(above, p. 520). 

' Contineni Basis (above, pp. 507-8) ; John of Gaddesden, with hereos (above, 
p. 503); Gerardus de Solo (above, pp. 509-10). 

• Constantine, in the Viaticum (above, pp. 515-16); Liber practicae Alsaharavii, 
rubric (above, pp. 510-11); Arnaldus de Villanova, with heroys (above, p. 496, n. 3); 
Bernardus Gordonius (above, pp. 497-502) ; John of Gaddesden, with ereos (above, pp. 
502-3); Valescus de Taranta (above, pp. 505-7); John of Tornamira (above, pp. 
504-5); Michael Savonarola (below, p. 532); Paracelsus (below, pp. 533-34). 

> Arnaldus de Villanova (above, p. 496). 

• Bernardus Provincialis (above, p. 507, n. 2). And cf. the Harleian MS (above, 
p. 492^, n. 5). 

' In Constantino, the Continens of Razi, Arnaldus de Villanova (whose usual form 
is heroys), Bernardus Gordonius, Gerardus de Solo (as distinguished from amorereos), 
Valescus de Taranta (who also uses amor hereos), and Savonarola. 

s In the rubric to the Liber practicae Alsaharavii, John of Gaddesden, Gerardus de 
Solo (in the form amorereos), John of Tornamira, Valescus de Taranta, and Paracelsus. 

• "de coturub vel ereos; de prognosticatioue .... ereos; pacientes ereos" {Con- 
linens)', "causa amoris hereos" (rubric. Liber practicae Alsaharavii); "signa hereos" 
(Arnaldus); "in amore ereos; amori ereos" (John of Gaddesden) ; "de amore hereos; 
amoris hereos" (John of Tornamira); "causa hereos" (Valescus de Taranta). Heroys 
in Arnaldus is commonly uninflected ("causa heroys; cura heroys"). In two pskssages 
in the Liber de parte operativa, however, Arnaldus seems to use heroy as a plural of heroys: 
"propter hoc inter virum et mulierem heroy cumulant frequentia conversationis et 
ratiocinandi " (f. 128) ; "similiter autem quorum vita aspera et penosa si heroy capiantur 
paruOT eos distrahit similis occupatio" (f. 129). 

10 Constantine, in Viaticum (e.g., "vinum .... est medicina .... hereosis"); 
Gordonius (e.g.. "hereosi et nobiles"). 
" Valescus ("herosus amor"). 

"Arnaldus ("inanitos et heresies"); Constantine ("circa hereseos exercenda"). 

521 



32 John Livingston Lowes 

and heroicus} To these must be added the uninflected ton heroton 
of the Laon MS of Oribasius; the eroticon of Caelius Aurelianus; the 
'EpcoTiKos of the pseudo-Lully; and finally the testimony of Senner- 
tus^ to the term Heroticos as used bj^ the "Barbari" for those who 
labor under Hereos? 

The earliest use of hereos that I have found is that in Constantine's 
Viaticum. Now if Constantine had before him (as I am strongly 
inclined to think that he did) the Greek text as well as the Arabic, 
the following is what happened:^ 

6 lAv Iptas VTrapx" vowos 

Amor qui dicitur hereos morbus est 



t<TTi §€ ivep^oXrj tpwTos, /n£Ta dvWoyicr fiov Kal ayprmvuii. 
est autem magnum desiderium cum magna concupiscentia et afflictione 
cogitationum. 

6 Ipcos wvo/JUXcTTai ayairrjs emcrTacns. 

hereos enim est nomen magnae dilectionis. 

TToXXaKts §€ yiviTOj. r) alrla tov tpiOTOs fi avayKacas XP«"S t^s (^utrcws ets to 
aTruxxaa-Oai to -mpiTTov Ik tov au>ixaTo^. 

Aliquando huius amoris causa nimia naturae est necessitas in multa 
humorum superfluitate expellenda. 

Kav To-xo- ci (TWOVfTiaati tov fir/ ipuip-tvov Koi SiaXva Tr)v la\vpoTr]Ta tov 

(ptOTOS. 

et molestatio liereosis toUitur si cum dilectis loquantur. 

TToXXaKts yiVcrai 17 aiTia tov epwTos. 

aliquando etiam hereos causa. 

Kal ii p-rj laTptvOrj o epo)?. 

unde si non hereosis succuratur. 

■ Arnaldus (.passim); Valescus ("pauci .... nunc efflciuntur heroici"). Of these 
tour adjectives the first two are always used substantively of those who are afflicted with 
the malady. Herosus I have found only in the phrase above. Arnaldus' usage in the 
case of heroicus is peculiar. In the Tractatus de amore qui heroycus nominatur the noun 
heroys (or hereos) does not occur at all. but instead of it the phrase amor heroycus, which 
is also employed, this time along with heroys, in the Liber de parte operativa. In the 
latter treatise (but not in the Tractatus) Arnaldus uses the adjective heroycus substan- 
tively (as Valescus regularly does) for those who suffer from heroys (e.g., "quemadmodum 
heroycis accidit"). 

« See below, p. 535. 

« Cf. Rondeletius (below, p. 534); "Hos Graeci <()wt«oCs vocant"; Forestus (below, 
p. 000): "Vocatur autem Graecis fpus. Romanis Amor." 

• For the edition of the Greek text see p. 514, n. 5; for the Latin, p. 515, n. 7. 

522 



The Lovebes Maladye of Hereos 33 

(^ijtri yap 6 Pov<^os ori o oivos fjidpiJuxKOv /xfyuTTov icrrt, tSv <f>oPtrvfi,€vti>v 
Koi ipiovTiov. 

Ruffus vinum inquit: est medicina fortis tristibus et timidis et hereosis. 

avTjj Sk i<TTiv ^ o8os flepoircuxs rmv ipiovriov, 

haec est via medicinae circa hereseos exercenda.' 

If, then, Constantine used the Greek text at all, it is obvious that 
he knew Greek well enough to employ eros (as he seemingly does else- 
where)^ as a transliteration of ipus. The barbarism hereos, that is, 
can scarcely be attributed to him. His opening words — "Amor qui 
dicitur hereos '" — point rather to his use of a term already current. In 
other words, the first use of the term hereos is to be sought, I am con- 
vinced, in some such early Latin translation of a Greek medical text 
as that which has given us, in the Laon MS of Oribasius, ton heroton. 
The initial h need offer no difficulty in any case. The freedom with 
which it was added and subtracted in vulgar Latin is a common- 
place.* As for the -eos, no confusion of cases — ^witness the amazing 
treatment of ton heroton itself — seems to have been impossible, and 
a Greek genitive form of the wrong declension used as a nominative, 
at any time between the sixth and tenth centuries, one may assume 
with modesty enough and likehhood to lead it.* 

But transmogrification of form is not the only anomaly that is 
involved. There is confusion of meaning as well. For it cannot be 
doubted that, once started on its way, hereos {ereos) came to be asso- 
ciated, in the minds of those who used it, with the Latin herus {erus). 

^ In only one instance does Constantine use hereos or hereosus (hereseua) wiiere epws 
or some form of tpi does not occur in the Greelc. 

' See above, p. 516, n. 1. ' Cf. also loD ipant =huiu3 amoria above. 

< See Grandgent, An Introduction to Vulgar Latin (Boston, 1907), J| 24»-52. with 
the references there cited — especially the list of words with an acquired aspirate in Seel- 
mann. Die Aussprache des Latein nach physiologisch-historischen Grundadtzen, p. 266; cf. 
B6nsch. Itala und Vulgata, pp. 462-63. Compare, for that matter, Chaucer's own 
Hadabrate, Helie, Herines, Hester, and Hugelyn. To which may be added the history of 
such a word as "hermit." 

' Compare, for the same sort of thing, Chaucer's own Metamorphoseos for Meta- 
morphoseon (B 93) . The form hereos in Bernardus Provincialls (see above, p. 507, n. 2) 
may easily be explained as a scribal error, since c and e might readily be confused. The 
occurrence of the same form in the Harleian MS of Chaucer (see above, p. 492) may, 
of course, be due to an independent error of the same sort. It is possible, liowever, that 
the erroneous form hereos may have persisted alongside hereos, and that the Harleian 
scribe was famiUar with that form rather than the other. It is also possible (although 
I scarcely venture to think it probable) that the original use of hereos was due, not to a 
scribal error, but to the influence of heroicus, used as Arnaldus and Valescus employ it. 

52.^ 



34 John Livingston Lowes 

I have given above the etymological attempts of Arnaldus de Villa- 
nova,' Bernardus Gordonius,^ John of Tornamira,' Valescus of Tar- 
anta,* and Gerardus de Solo,* and that of Savonarola will be found 
below.^ They are, I think, conclusive, and Haur^au's statement, 
already quoted,' that "Arnauld derive le mot heroicus du Latin herus 
et non du grec epccs,"^ is no less applicable in the case of hereos in 
general.' And it cannot be doubted that there was, especially in the 
case of Arnaldus' heroys and heroicus, a confusion with heros (^pcoi) as 
well. Just that confusion is absolutely certain later,*" and it is very 
clear that it influenced the forms, at least, which Arnaldus employs." 
What we have, then, is the Greek epus, more or less technically 
used to start with, into which by a process of transfusion there have 
passed the exotic oriental associations of the Arabic al-isq; which has 
been still further modified by confusion with the Latin herus (quite 
certainly with heros too) ; which has assumed a form that is not its 
own; which (as we have yet to see) undergoes still stranger meta- 
morphosis in the brain of Paracelsus; and which, after such vicissi- 
tudes, has slipped absolutely out of the memory of man. Chaucer's 
Hereos, then, is Eros after all — but with a difference! The commen- 
tators have guessed the Eros that they knew, but this Eros has 
traveled far, and by strange ways, from that}^ Few words, indeed, 
have had a more extraordinary history, and the tracing of it has a 
value quite apart from the light it throws on the passages in which 
it has survived, unrecognized. 

1 See above, p. 496. ' P. 504, above. ' P. 510, above. 

' P. 499, above. ' P. 505, above. • P. 533, below. ' P. 497, n. 3. 

' The sentence In the Liher de parte operativa (which EaurSau apparently had not 
observed) is even more conclusive: "et graece dicitur heroys, idest domina rationis" 
(see p. 000, above). 

• The statement of John of Tornamira is cm'ious: "nam hereos grece est muUum 
delectabile latine." I am inclined to think that John of Tornamira was drawing on the 
Viaticum (see above, p. 515, lines 3-5 of the quotation) for his suggestion. 

" See Savonarola and Ferrand, pp. 533, 538, below. If a quotation in Burton is 
correct, the form heros is used of a lover in Gulnerius, cap. 15, tract. 15: "potissima cura 
est ut heros amasi§. sua potiatur" (.Anatomy of Melancholy, Part III, Sec. II, Mem. V, 
Subs. V, ed. Shllleto, III, 263). 

" If, not knowing Greek, he found heroticus (see below, p. 535) in his authorities, the 
supposed correction to heroicus would be an easy one, and might possibly have given the 
peculiar noun form heroys. Of course, on the other hand, he may have built his adjective 
on his noun, in which case the y of heroys has probably some such origin as the e of hereos. 

" Even Thynne's guess of heroes had been made before him — but there is no indica- 
tion that he knew its real significance. 

524 



The Loveres Maladye of Hbkeos 35 

VI 

We may now come back for a moment to Chaucer. It will be 
seen at a glance that the passage in the Knight's Tale might almost 
be a paraphrase of a chapter on hereos from one of the medical treatises 
themselves.^ The fewest parallels will suffice. 

His sleep, his mete, his drink is him biraft, 

Signa autem sunt quando amittunt somnum, cibum, potum [Gordonius]; 
appetitum .... comedendi postponunt et usum negligunt comestionis 
[Arnaldus]. 

That lene he wex, 

Et maceratur totum corpus [Gordonius]; et potius maceratur [Arnal- 
dus]; et fiunt macri [Valescus]. 

and drye as is a shaft. 
Et eorum corpora desiccantur [Razi]; omnia sua membra sunt sicca 
[Albucasim]; et sunt omnia membra eius arefacta [Avicenna]. 

> It is, in all probability, not that. Chaucer lound many ol the signa already in 
the Teseide, and proceeded to rearrange and combine them in the light of his knowledge 
ol the malady. The stanzas In Boccaccio are as follows (La Teseide, Lib. IV, st. 26-29, 
Opert volgari de Giovanni Boccaccio, ed. Moutier, Vol. IX, pp. 128-29): 

26 

E benche di piO cose e'fosse afiflitto, 
E Che di viver gli giovasse poco, 
Sopra d'ogn' altra doglia era trafltto 
Da amor nel core, e non trovava loco; 
E giorno e notte senza alcim rispitto 
Sosplr gettava caldl come foco; 
E lagrimando sovente doleasi, 
E ben nel viso il suo dolor pareasi. 

27 

Egli era tutto quanto divenuto 

SI magro, che assai agevolmente 
Ciascim suo osso si sarie veduto : 
NB credo che Erisitone altrimente 
Posse nel viso, ch'era egli, paruto, 
Nel tempo della sua fame dolente: 
E non pur solamente pallid' era. 
Ma la sua peUe parea quasi nera. 

28 

E nella testa appena si vedleno 

Gli occhi dolenti, e le guance lanute 
Di f olto pelo e nuovo comparleno ; 
E le sue ciglia pilose ed agute 
A riguardare orribile il facieno, 
Le chlome tutte rigide ed irsute: 
E si era del tutto trasmutato, 
Che nullo non I'avria rafiigurato. 

29 

La voce similmente era fuggita, 
Ed ancora la f orza corporale : 
Perchg a tutti una cosa ora reddita 
Qua sft di sopra dal chiostro infemale 
Parea, piuttosto ch' altra stata in vita: 
NS la cagion, onde venia tal male, 
Nessun da lul giammai saputo avea, 
Ma una per un' altra ne dicea. 

525 



36 John Livingston Lowes 

s eyen hoi we, 
Eius oculi sunt concavi [Albucasim]; et oculi sicci et concavi [Razi]; 
et oculi concavantur [Arnaldus]; et signa .... ejus sunt profunditas 
oculorum [Avicenna]. 

His hewe falwe, 

Et eorum facies sunt croceae propter vigilias [Razi]; citrui sunt ipsorum 
colores [Constantine] ; color vero faciei est citrinus [Albucasim]; an 
ardent lover is named 'dshik on account of his yellow color [Ad-Damlrt]. 

And wailling al the night, making his mone. 

Pacientes .... ereos incedunt stridendo . . . . et clamando tota 
nocte [Razi]. 

And if he herde song or instrument. 

Then wolde he wepe. 

Alteratur dispositio ejus ... . ad tristitiam et fletum, cum amoris 
cantilenas audit [Avicenna]; et si audiant cantilenas de separatione 
amoris, statim incipiunt flere et tristari [Gordonius]. 

And chaunged so, that no man coude knowe 

His speche nor his voys. 

So that the very quality of the lover changes .... he mutters to 
himself, and does not know what he says [Ad-Dam!rt]. 

In tlie immediate connection between hereos and mania, too, 
Chaucer is sound in his diagnosis. The chapter on hereos immedi- 
ately follows the chapter on mania and melancholy in Gordonius; 
it immediately precedes the chapter on mania in Valescus; the dis- 
cussion of hereos is a part of the chapter on mania and melancholy 
in John of Gaddesden— and so on. The common prognostic of 
hereos is mania: 

Nisi hereosis succuratur, in maniam cadunt vel moriuntur [Gordonius]; 
nisi huic furiae obvietur, melancholiam parit in posterum, et, ut saepe con- 
tigit, praeparat in maniam [Arnaldus]. 

Mania, moreover, might be directly "engendred of humour 
malencolyk": 

Causa igitur immediata est humor melancholicus, corruptus inficiens 
cerebrum.' 

It might also, of course, arise from a vitium of any one of the four 
humors — " quandoque ex sanguine, quandoque ex cholera: quando- 

1 Lilium medicinae. Part. XI, cap. xix, "De mania et melanchoUa." See also the 
account of "mania accidens ex humore melancolico" In Maemonides (Aphorismi txcelUn- 
tissimi Baby Moyses secundum doctrinam Galieni medicorum principia, Bononia. 1489), 
Partic. sexta. 

526 



The Lovebes Maladye of Hereos 37 

qv£ ex flegmate: quandoque ex melancholia."^ But the closeness of 
the connection between mania engendered by melancholy humor and 
hereos itself is evinced (for example) by a comparison between 
Arnaldus' description of the symptoms of melancholy mania and the 
signs of hereos as elaborated by Razi and John of Gaddesden above.^ 
Quod si melancholia in cawsa fuerit sunt tristes et soUiciti de sepulchris 
agitant morituros qwotidie se credunt: iacent in sepulchris ossa mortuorum 

colligentes: tota die plorant Alii extendunt brachia in moduw 

gallorMm. et videntes gallos cantant sicut galli credentes se esse gaUos.' 

Chaucer's doctrine of the cells of the head, moreover, in their 
relation to hereos and mania, is both accurate and orthodox: 

Mania qm'dem est infectio anterioris cellulae capitis cum pnuatione 
imaginationis .... melancholia: est tristitia timer: e< destructio sermonis: 
ei locus eiws .... est media cellula capitis inter Tationalem et fantasticam.* 

Equally explicit is the remarkable Glosulae Quatuor Magistrorum 
super chirurgiam Rogerii et Rolandi: 

Nota prime differentiam inter maniam et melancholiam: nam mania 
fit in anteriori parte^ cerebri, melancholia vero in media, sed ambae fiunt 
ex uno et eodem humore.^ 

Even "biforen" is absolutely sound: 

Intelligendum est quod in cerebro sunt tres cellulae, prima quae est in 
parte anteriori: secunda quae est in medio, tertia quae est in postremo. 

In anteriori parte primae cellulae iacet sensus communis In postrema 

autem parte primae cellulae iacet phantasia Unde phantasia est 

thesaurus sensus communis.' 

> Arnaldus, Breviarium, Lib. primus, cap. xxvi (" De mania et melancholia"), t. 161. 

' Pp. 508, 503. ' Arnaldus, Breviarium (as above), f. 162. 

' Breviarium, I. 161. Cf. also the Viaticus of Aegidius Corbollensls (ed. Bose, 1907), 
U. 202fl.: 

Lege melancolicae conturbat mania pestls 
humanum cerebrum, sed discretiva locorum 
distinguit si)ecies. nam cellula prima noclvum 
fumum suscipiens animalis praepedit actum 
officii, lapsumque subit fantastica virtus. 
laesa melancolicum producit cella secunda, etc. 

• In the next sentence, "In anteriori cellula." 

' De Benzi, CoUectio Salernitana, 2, 658. On the Glosulae see (in addition to De Benzi) 
Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 709-12. Compare also the Tractatus de aegritudinum curatione, 
of which the part I am about to quote is ascribed to Platearius, the husband of Chaucer's 
Trotula (D 677), who lived about the middle of the eleventh century (see CoUectio Salerni- 
tana, 2, 47 fl.; Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 642): "Mania est infectio anterioris celluloe 
capitis cum prlvatione imaginationis. Melancholia est infectio mediae cellulae capitis 
cum prlvatione rationls" (.Collect. Salem., 2, 124). 

' Gordonlus, Affectus praeter naiuram curandi metkodus, Partic. quarta, cap. i (ed. 
1550, p. 667). The whole passage is extremely interesting from the point of view of 
mediaeval psychology. Cf. also Arnaldus de Villanova, Breviarium, Lib. I, cap. xxvili, 
f. 162. 

527 



38 John Livingston Lowes 

And the "Byforne in" of the Harleian MS, as against the other 
readings,' is put beyond all further question. But the comma after 
"biforen" in the modern editions should go out.^ 

Finally, one is brought back to the intimate connection between 
the doctrine of the cells and hereos in a passage from John of Torna- 
mira: 

[Hereos] est passio cerebri potissime in media et anterior! cellula: quia 
pro actione iUa laesa est nocumentu?» principaliter ipsius discretiuae per 
coUigantiam imaginatiuae quae habitat in illis cellulis: et illud discretiuae 
et imaginatiuae est passio seu nocumentuw actiuae sensus communis.' 

Chaucer's entire description, in a word, presupposes an intimate 
acquaintance on his part with certain of the prevailing medical 
views of his day, and the passage serves as another exemplification 
not only of his keen and insatiable interests, but also of the need 
and the value of reconstructing his intellectual background. Whether 
or not the Lilium medicinae and the Rosa anglica and the Liher 
Almansoris were among his "bokes old and newe" one cannot say. 
But some of their pages he had found — as I think I can assert we 
too should find them! — rather fascinating reading, and I hope at 
another time to follow him still further through these "glenings here 
and there." Meantime, we are not yet done with hereos. 

VII 

Second in interest only to the passage in Chaucer is the well- 
known crux in the Philobiblon of Richard of Bury,* which it is now 
possible to clear up once for all. The lines in question are near the 
beginning of the eleventh chapter, and I shall quote them as they 
stand in the edition of Ernest C. Thomas:^ 

Quamobrem licet mentem nostram librorum amor *hereos possideret a 

> See above, p. 493, n. 7. 

2 Arnaldus' reference above (p. 527) to the first cell as " [cellulam] faniasticam" 
gives, of course, Chaucer's exact phrase. 

> Compare the passage from Gordonius just quoted. 

< Richard d'AugerviUe was born in 1281 and died in 1345. He was, therefore, a 
contemporary of Bernardus Gordonius. The Lilium medicinae was written just forty 
years before the Philobiblon. 

» London, 1888, pp. 99-100. I am indebted to Professor Frederick Tupper, to whom 
I communicated my first suspicions about hereos, for reminding me of the passage in the 
Philobiblon, 

528 



The Loveres Maladte of Hereos 39 

puero, quorum zelo languere vice voluptatis accepimus, minus tamen 
libronmi civilium appetitus nostris adhaesit affectibus, etc.* 

How utterly at a loss the editors of the Philobibloh have been — for, 
unlike the Chaucerians, they did not have Eros to fall back on — ^may 
best be seen by quoting the notes from the last two critical editions 
of the text. 

Mr. Thomas comments as follows: 

Nearly all the MSS read hereos, a word of which no trace is to be found in 
the dictionaries. The reading of one MS herous would make sense, but the 
weight of authority is so overwhelming that it is not safe to adopt it. The 
phrase amor heroicus indeed occurs in an ecclesiastical sequence: York 
Missal, ii. 217 .^ Haerens, which would appear in the MSS as herens, might 
be supported by the common use of haereo in Cicero: cf. Ad Att. xiii. 40, 
2: "in hbris haereo." Inglis translates "master love," as though it were 
herus; Cocheris takes absolutely no notice of the word. The difficulty 
seems to be in the termination os, and I am inclined to suggest that De Bury 
may have written Scivos. The passage would then be a nearly verbatim 
reproduction of a sentence in a letter of the Emperor Julian to Ecdikios, 
Ep. 9: (/mI PiPXimv KTri<Tiioi Ik waiSapiov Savoi ivTtTrjKi iroOoi. Whether 
the Bishop can be supposed to have heard of this passage or not, he doubt- 
less knew the word Seii/os; the word Sti'vucris occurs in QuintiUan, Macrobius, 
and Martianus Capella.' 

Professor Andrew F. West, in his Grolier Club edition,^ has the 
following textual note: 

hereos codd. fere omnes, herous in margine cod. Basil., heroos in margine 
cod. Colon., haerens (id est herens) scribo. Apud Quintum Curtium (Hist. 
Alex. Magni, viii, 3, 6) perdtus haerens amor exstat} 

In the third volume Professor West comments more at length : 

amor hereos is the MSS consensus, with no exception, so far as I know, 
save herous in the margin of the Basle MS and heroos in the margin of the 
Cologne MS. Amor haerens, or herens in MS form, would be in keeping with 
the sentiment of the passage and has some encouragement from amore 
inhaereat in the fifteenth chapter (104:7). After a long search for parallels 
elsewhere, I fortunately chanced on penitus amor haerens [as above]. From 
the above-mentioned considerations I have been led to favor haerens.^ 

1 Observe the part played by such words as voluptatis and appetitus in the general 
connotation of the passage. 

2 See below, p. 532, n. 1. ' Pp. 99-100. 

* The Philobiblon of Richard de Bury, edited from the best manuscripts and translated 
into English with an introduction and notes by Andrew Fleming West, Grolier Club, 1889. 
5 1,88. •111,126. 

529 



40 John Livingston Lowes 

Professor West then discusses Mr. Thomas' conjecture, which, 
however, he is compelled to reject. The puzzle, then, has seemed 
to be a hopeless one. 

That the text is right and the editors Avrong is now clear enough.' 
Not to mention such phrases as "amor qui hereos dicitur " in Gordon- 
ius and Constantinus Africanus, the exact words amor hereos occur, 
as we have seen, in John of Gaddesden, John of Tornamira, Valescus 
de Taranta, the rubric in Albucasim, and (in the form amorereos) 
in Gerardus de Solo. Moreover, there can be no question of the 
meaning. It is not even necessary to appeal to such an admirable 
definition of Richard of Bury's phrase as one gets by isolating the 
opening words of Valescus of Taranta's statement: "est autem amor 
hereos amor inordinatus."" That the term was not confined to the 
idea of "amor inordinatus .... qiiem aliquis habet erga aliquam 
mulierem" there is abundant and indisputable evidence. The 
Arabic word 'isq itself, for which hereos stands, has a far wider sense. 
Avicenna has left a philosophical essay upon 'isq in its broader impli- 
cations; it is not, he says, peculiar to mankind, but is found in all 
nature, in the celestial bodies, the elements, plants, minerals, animals; 
it is incomprehensible, and the attempt to define it only makes it 
more obscure, as is the case with beauty and poetical form. One 
might paraphrase this sense of the word by "attraction," "afiinity" 
— ^mysterious forces which make things strive to come together.' 

' Since this article was written I have seen for the first time Professor Gollancz' 
edition of Mr. Thomas' translation of the Philobiblon m the "King's Classics" (Lon- 
don, 1907). After summarizing Thomas' note, Professor Gollancz continues: "But 
surely the MSS are correct; 'amor hereos' reminds one of Chaucer's phrase, 'the loveres 
maladye of Hereos,' i.e., the lover's disease of Eros (.Knight's Tale, 515); amor hereos = 
love-passion, 'hereos' being used in apposition to amor or adjectively" (p. 137). Pro- 
fessor GoUancz has seen what the other editors (not only of the Philobiblon but also of 
the Knight's Tale) rather amazingly failed to observe— the identity of de Bury's hereos 
with Chaucer's. Beyond that, however, his note does not go. 

»Mr. Thomas translates the phrase (p. 218): "the overmastering love of boolfs"; 
Inglis (see above, p. 529): "the master love of books"; Professor West (II, 96): "a 
deep love of books." 

> This essay — for my knowledge of which I am again indebted to Professor George 
P. Moore — may be foimd (with a faithful rendering of the substance) in A. P. Mehren, 
Traites mystiques d' Abou Alt al-^osain b. Abdalldh b. Sind, ou d'Acicenne. Troisi6me 
Fasicule. Traits sur I'amour, etc. Texte arabe accompagng de I'explication en Fran(;ais. 
Leyden: E. J. Brill, 1894. A similar reproduction of the essay was given by Mehren in 
Le Museon. T. IV, pp. 594-602 (October, 1885). The treatise is divided into seven chap- 
ters, the titles of which Mehren renders as follows: 1, "Svir I'amour en tant que sa force 
embrasse tout la crgation"; ii, "Svir I'amour comme principe essentiel des notions ab- 
straites . . . ."; iii, "Sur I'amour qui se trouve dans les ames v6g6tatives " ; iv, "Sur 

530 



The Lo VERES Maladye of Hereos 41 

The epws of the Greek translation of the Zad-el-Mougafir, which 
underHes Constantine's chapter on "amor qui dicitur hereos," 
also carries over something of this wider meaning: 

Kal troXXoLKK ■yiVcrat ^ aiTui tov epoTos, orav iparai ^ i/iv^^ 7r\)j(nd(Tai ^tos 
€vct8c<rTaT>;s fat )(o.paKTijpoi, ^ fx.op<ft7Ji v7rtp<j>vc<TTaTr)';, StoTt dwOcv rj il/v)(r] ToO 
0epatr€vt<T6ai Kal davpA^uy €5ri iravTt KaWiarw TrpdyfuiTi,, airo Tc papyapiav kox 
oiKojv ri cTcpiov opjoiiov ' iav Se Icrovrat ra roiavra KaWiara tv Tivt irpaypaTi, 
vTraLp)(ov<nv is «is to ytVos to avdpiiwivov 6 epws outos koI ^ i^vtrtK^ dyairrj, Tore 
KivctTai ij itnOvfua o'TrcuSovo'a (cai ^ "/(v^^ irpos (rvvovcriitv cKeivov toO wpaypaTOi, 
Kai 6fu\rj(Tai koj, irXripSxrai^ 

The definition of Arnaldus de Villanova is perfectly general : 

Amor .... qui dicitwr heroicMS est vehemens et assidua cogitatio supra 
rem desideratam cuwi confidentia obtinendi delectabile apprehensuw ex ea.' 

And there is, finally, unimpeachable contemporary testimony to 
the wider usage of the term in Richard of Bury's own day. John of 
Tornamira was undoubtedly born before Richard of Bury's death. 
And John of Tornamira's statement is explicit: 

Et nota quod amor hereos est amor multum excedens sine rations : ideo 
dicitur amor cum insania mentis propter multum delectabile ab eis conceptum 
iam habendum, nam hereos grece est multum delectabile latine: et licet 
talis amor excedens seu cum insania mentis se extendat apud plures homines 
ad plures res: ut ad filium ad equuw ad pecunias ad diuitias: et ad plures 
alias res estimantes illam esse ultimum deliciei et felicitatis mundanae. 
ideo ribaldi aliqui habent talem amorem ad ludum et amorem in tabema 
estimantes hoc esse ultimum deliciei et complacentioe tolerantes tales miserias 
propter talem complacentiaw habendam. proprie tamen amor hereos vertit 
se ad mulieres propter deliciam camalem ultimate eis deliciosam habendam.' 

"Librorum amor hereos," then, is simply — to paraphrase John 
of Tornamira — "amor librorum excedens, apud illos qui existimant 
libros esse ultimum deliciei et felicitatis mundanae." No better 

I'amour des ames animales"; v, "Sur I'amour ayant pour objet la beautfi extgrieure"; 
vi, "Sur I'amour des &mes divines"; vll, "Conclusion gfinSrale." The whole treatise Is 
Indeed, as Mehren points out, based on Plotlnus, and the passage of Plotlnus Into Arab 
Aristotellanism Is (as Professor Moore reminds me) a well-known chapter. Strangely 
enough the next passage I shall quote shows traces of the same Influence, now reaching 
Western Europe by way of Arab medical writers. 

' Daremberg et Ruelle, (Euvres de Bufus d'^p/iise, p. 582 (Appendice, Section IV) . 

* Tractatus de amore qui heroycus nominatuT, cap. i (f. 215). See also the very 
Interesting discussion (too long to quote) of the "causoe prlmatluae heroys" in the 
Liber de parte operativa (f. 128). 

' Clarificatorium, fl. 19-20. Compare also Savonarola's statement (see below, p. 532, 
for reference): "Ego vero feci lllschi termlnum communem." 

531 



42 John Livingston Lowes 

interpretation of the words could be desired. And if we translate 
"the passionate love of books," we shall not be far from de Bury's 
sense.* 

VIII 

There is left Burton's use of the phrase "heroical love" in the 
Anatomy of Melancholy. But before coming to that it is necessary 
to follow hereos a little farther. For its course runs through the 
sixteenth century, and over the edge of the seventeenth. 

Giovanni Michele Savonarola (1390-1472), the grandfather of 
the reformer and martyr, was born before Chaucer's death, and his 
most important work, the Practica major, remained a standard 
treatise for more than two centuries.^ The fourteenth chapter of 
Tractatus VI is entitled "De ilischi.'" It follows very closely Gor- 

« Mr. Thomas, it will be observed, was on a hot scent, when he quoted the amor 
heroicua of the York Missal. And the sequence referred to is extremely interesting as 
indicating a still further extension of the meaning of the phrase. I had occasion some years 
ago (see Publications of the Modern Language Association of America, XIX. 625) to call 
attention to the transfer to an earthly love of certain expressions commonly used of the 
heavenly love in the hymns to the Virgin. The reverse process — the transfer, that is, to 
the "love celestiall" of the terminology associated with the "love of kinde" — is no less 
familiar, and the line in the sequence seems to be a case in point. It occurs in the hymn 
beginning "Dulcis Jesus Nazarenus" in the Sequentia for the Missa de nomine Jesu 
(York Missal, ed. Surtees Soc, ii, 217). The hymn is assigned by Chevalier (Reper- 
torium. Hymnologicum, Vol. I, Louvain, 1892, p. 294— a reference which Professor Karl 
Yoimg has been kind enough to look up for me) to Bernardinus de Bustis ( +1500), 
and the earUest text is cited as of the year 1489. It belongs to the period, accordingly, 
when amor heroicus was still a well-known phrase. The stanza to which Thomas refers 
is as follows : 

Hoc (nomen) nos decet honorare, 

Area cordis inserare, 

Cogitare, peramare, 

Amore sed heroico. 

A few of the following stanzas will make clear how thoroughly steeped the hymn is in the 
pliraseology of human passion: 

TJt quid majora cupiraus, 

Quam quod Jesus sit intimus. 
Qui est praeamantissimus 
Bt quaerit nos amare. 

Amat ferventissime, 

Amat constantissime, 
Amat fidelissime, 
Et suos vuit juvare. 

Nomen suum fecit tale, 
Ut sit cunctis cordiale, 
Oapitale, principale, 
Dilectum ex intimis. 

Habent hoc naturae jura, 
Ut amantem tota cxira 
Reamemus, placitura 
Praestantes ex animis. 

' Neuburger u. Pagel, I, 677. 

' Practica Joannis Michaelis Savonarolae, Venice, 1498 (John Crerar Library). In 
the Tabula the chapter is entitled "De ilichl [sic] sine hereos." 

532 



The Loveres Maladye of Hereos 43 

donius' treatment,^ and I shall quote only its opening sentences: 

Uischi est sollicitudo meloncofica qua quis ob amorewi fortewi et inten- 
suTO sollicitat hofcere rem quam nimia auiditate concupiscit: cuit^s causa 
secundum. Tphilosophuva. est animi forte accidens. fl Et ilischi est nomen 
arabicum. apud nos vero interpretatuw amor. XJnde haec passio a midtis 
dic<a est hereos. quia herois siue nobilibMs phis contigit. nam hi ex aliis non 
impediti super alios procantwr.'' 

Savonarola's chapter was, as we shall see, well known to Burton. 

The most amazing of all the metamorphoses, however, that 
hereos has undergone is found in Paracelsus. It would have entirely 
escaped my notice, had it not been for the sole occurrence of hereos 
that I have been able to discover in a lexicon.' This is found in Amal- 
theum Castello-Brunonianum siue Lexicon medicum* and reads as 
follows: "Hereos, species amoris imaginarii apud Parac. in poUu- 
tione nocturna, 1. 3. de orig. morb. invisibil." On accoimt of its 
extremely curious interest — ^for amor hereos now becomes the fans 
et origo of the Incubi and Succubi — ^I shall quote at some length from 
the third book of Paracelsus' treatise, De origine morborum invisi- 
hilium:^ 

lam verd sperma hoc, ita productum, ex imaginatione in amore Hereos 
natum est, Quid vero iste amor est ? Nihil aliud, quam quod sibi aliquis per 
fantasiam in animo foeminam fingit, et cum hac rehabendo, amorem suum 
exsatiat. Unde surdi quoqw ac fatui spermatis exitus est, quod ad liber- 
orum generationem ineptum est. Ex illo tamen spermate Incubus et <Swc- 
cubus gignuntur. Sed adhuc unum hie notare debetis, nimirum huiusmodi 
imaginationem matrem esse las ci viae impudicae: unde fit, ut si amatores 
et amatrices tales per intentam imaginationem congrediantur, minime foecun- 
di sint. Imaginatio enim gubernat hoc sperma ita, ut natura ab extraneis 
infringatur. Quae caussa potissima est multorum sterilitatis ac molae. Ut 
vero de generatione ista incubi et succubi dicere pergam: noscendum vobia 
est spermata ilia per spiritus nocturnos asportari. Hi ilia in ea loca trans- 
ferunt, ubi excludi possint, nimirum ad serpentes, vermes, bufones, et impura 

' It includes, for example, not only the " ranam-Dianam " line, but also, with it, the 
two other passages which Gordon quotes. 

^ F. 64. Like Valescus of Taranta, Savonarola is apt to go Gordon's cures one better. 
For example : ' ' Septimus appresentetur vetula nuda cum barba longa ceruicibus barbata . " 

' I have examined all the medical dictionaries to which I have had access, and the 
list is a fairly long one. 

* Norimbegae. 1688. 

' Opera omnia, Geneva, 1658, Vol. I (Opera medlca complectens). p. 126 {Boston 
Public Library). Paracelsus' dates — it is unnecessary here to consider the man himself 
—are 1493-1541. 

5as 



44 John Livingston Lowes 

animalia similia. Ibi enim a spiritibus illis actus seu congressio cum sperma- 

tibus illis in animalia ilia fit 

Caeteram quid tandem est iUe amor Hereos de quo htc dictum est? 
Id dictum est de corpore visibili, quod huius origo est. Quemadmodum 
etiam homo naturali constitutione ad hoc opus idoneus factus est, non 
solus, sed cum altera perfectum corpus: hoc est, vir et foemina corpus unum 
sunt. Et velut agricola sine agro inutilis est, ager item vicissem sine agricola, 
sed utriqtte unum saltem sunt: talis ipse etiam homo est, non vir solus, non 
sola foemina, sed utrique ipsi unum sunt: ex quo deinde homo generatur. 
Si vero vir nolit integer esse homo, aut ipsa quoque foemina: tunc unusqui- 
libet in seipso duo corpora habet terrenum nimirum visibiliter, et coeleste 
invisibiliter. lam vero et hoc modo cuilibet sua privatim natura est ad 
naturale semen, quod tamen in agricultura similiter se non habet; sed saltem 
semen unum est. Corpora haec duo in suis operibus distincta sunt ita, ut 
utrumque vel celerius, vel tardius, vel hoc, vel illo modo sese mouere, ac 
incitare possit. Ex quo sequitur, corptis per seipsum sine omni imaginatione 
pollviiones emittere.^ Sed haec poUutio non est in potestate spirituum noc- 
turnorum. Et quemadmodum coelum suos motus habet: ita suos habet 
etiam corpus coeleste, quod omnia sua opera in imaginatione perficit, eo modo, 
quo dictum est. lam vero amor Hereos in invisibili corpore nascitur. Si 
ad operandum procedit, non est amor Hereos. Sin vero minus: tunc is est. 
Sic amor Hereos ipse pater ac mater est, eiectio spermatum, ex qua postea 
incubus et succubus naturas suas accipiunt: hoc est, alterum est spiritus noc- 
tumus mulierum, alterum virorum. 

This particular use of the term is, so far as I know, peculiar to 
Paracelsus, who has seized upon the tensely focused imagination 
ascribed to the hereosi, and has built it into the fabric of his own mon- 
strous world. But the term itself remained in the books for at least 
a century longer, and the subject was treated with even greater detail 
than before. The briefest possible summaries, however, of the later 
authorities must suffice. 

In the Methodus curandorum omnium morhorum corporis humani 
of Guilielmus Rondeletius^ is a chapter "De amantibus.'" The 
name hereos itself does not occur, but under melancholia (cap. 41) 
appears the following: "Alii perdite amant, et nihil nisi de amore 
loquuntur. Hos Graeci epwrtKouj vocant."* 

> Italics in original. 

"Paris, n.d. (Boston Medical Library). Rondelet's dates are 1507-1566. See 
Neuburger u. Pagel, II, 209. 

•Book I, cap. 45. The old setting still remains, for the chapter " De amantibus " 
follows the chapters on frenzy, insomnia, lethargy, catalepsy, apoplexy, paralysis, stupor, 
epilepsy, convulsions, melancholy, mania, and incubus. 

'P. 111. 

5.34 



The Loveres Maladye of Hebeos 45 

The treatment of Forestus (1522-97) is both fuller and more 
interesting.' His statement of the names of the malady, and a part of 
his discussion of its signs are all that I may quote: 

Scholia: Mentis quoque malum est in amore furere, et ita amorem inter 
affectus cerebri annumerant medici: qui plerumque tragico luctu, in maniam 
aut melancholiam definit. Vocatur autem Graecis ipoK, Romanis Amor. 
Unde morbus hie amoris dicitur, k Barbaris et Avicennfi, Iliscus vocatur. 
ab Arculano Passio divina. Pars igitur affecta est cerebrum ipsum, uti in 
melancholia vel mania, in quos morbos facile transit 

Amantes quoque tristes sunt, demissi et insomniculosi, longisque sus- 
piriis de amore cogitant, facie pallente, et obliti cibi cupidinis tabe intereunt.' 

As exempla Forestus cites Medea, Lucretius, Iphis, and Cephalus, 
with abundant quotation from Ovid,' and he gives at great length the 
usual cures.* 

Even fuller, however, than Forestus' discussion is the chapter 
"De amore insano" in Sennertus (1572-1637).^ He recognizes 
that Hereos = epwj : 

Amor Graecis Ipus est, unde affectum hunc Barbari Hereos, et hoc 
malo laborantes Heroticos nominant, Arabes Ilisci. Est autem Delirium 
melancholicum, ex amore nimio ortum.^ 

His long and detailed discussion is somewhat in Burton's own vein. 
For example: 

Et imprimis amoris caussa est objectum pulchrum, seu revera tale, seu 
tale apparens, visui oblatum. Unde Amor Graecis ipoK otto tov tio-petv, 
ab influendo, quod ex adspectu per oculos, quasi per fenestras, in mentem 

hominis influat, dictus putatur; et hinc illud est vulgatum Oculi 

sunt in amore duces Ita David Bersabae, Dido Aeneae conspectu 

amore accensa est.' 

The value of the pulse in diagnosis is fully treated;' he quotes 
the "Love and lordship" passage from Boethius;' he gives a 

» D. Petro Foresto, Observafionum et curafionum medicinalium libri tres, Lugd. Batav., 
1590 (Boston Medical Library). See Neuburger u. Pagel, II, 484. 

2 Observatio xxlx, "De furore ex vesano amore," pp. 227-28. 

» Pp. 229-30. 

' Pp. 230-31. 235 ff. The setting Is also the usual one — frenzy, lethargy, melan- 
choly, mania, lycanthropy, cynanthropy, love. 

s Danielus Sennertus, Praciicae medicinae (Wittenberg, 1654), Book I, Part. Ill, 
cap. X (Boston Medical Library). For Sennertus see Neuburger u. Pagel, II, 488. 

•Pp. 354-55. The ne.xt sentence is consoling: "Non equidem omnes amantes 
delirant." 

' P. 357. « P. 359. » P. 360. 

535 



46 John Livingston Lowes 

thoroughly Chaucerian list of examples — Medea, Dido, Hercules, 
Sampson, Solomon; and he discusses at great length the now well- 
known cures.^ 

The fullest treatment of the whole subject outside Burton — a 
treatment, indeed, which constitutes, when taken in connection with 
the Anatomy, one of the most remarkable coincidences in the history 
of letters — is that of Jacques Ferrand, in his EPQTOMANIA.' 
The English translation is a volume of 363 pages, in thirty-nine 
chapters.' Ferrand shows familiarity (in many instances by verbal 
citation) with the treatments of the subject in Avicenna,^ Arnaldus 

» Pp. 360-65. The setting of the chapter is the usual one. 

' The lull title of the second edition of the English translation (Oxford, 1645) — the 
only one which I have been able to examine — is as follows: EPilTOMANIA, I or, I A 
Treatise | Discoursing of the Essence, | Causes, Symptomes, Prog- | nosticks, and Cure 
of I LOVE. I or, I Erotique | Melancholy. | . According to Madan (Early Oxford Prese, 
p. 419; quoted by Professor Bensly in Notes and Queries, Ser. X, Vol. XI, p. 286) the 
first French edition is dated Toulouse, 1612; the second, Paris, 1623. 

' Since the book is rare, and its interest in connection with Burton very great, I 
append the titles of the chapters: (1) "That it is needfull to teach the Cure of Love"; 
(2) " The Symptomes of Love Melancholy" ; (3) " Of the name of Love, and Love-Melan- 
choly"; (4) "Of Melancholy, and its severall kinds"; (5) "The Definition of Love- 
Melancholy"; (6) "The Externall Causes of Love-Melancholy"; (7) "The Internal 
Causes of Love-Melancholy"; (8) " Of the Manner how Love is generated " ; (9) "Whether 
in Love-Melancholy the Heart be the seat of the Disease, or the Brain"; (10) "Whether 
Liove-Melancholy be an Hereditary disease, or no"; (11) "The different kinds of Love- 
Melancholy"; (12) "Whether that Disease in Women, called by Physitians, Furor 
Vterinua, be a species of Love-Melancholy, or no"; (13) "Whether or no, a Physitian 
may by his Art find out Love, without confession of the Patient" ; (14) " Slgnes Diagnos- 
ticke of Love-Melancholy"; (15) "The Cause of Palenesse in Lovers"; (16) "What 
manner of eyes Melancholy Lovers have"; (17) "Whether Teares be a Symptome of 
Love, or no"; (18) "The causes of Waking, and Sighes in Lovers"; (19) "During what 
Age Men and Women are subject to this disease of Love-Melancholy"; (20) "The 
Signes by which we may loiow those that are inclined to Love-Melancholy"; 
(21) " Whether or no by Astrology a Man may know such as are inclined to Love-Melan- 
choly"; (22) "Whether or no, by Physiognomy and Chiromancy a man may know one 
to be inclined to Love"; (23) "Whether or no by Oniromancy or the Interpretation of 
Dreames, one may Imow those that are in Love"; (25) "Whether or no, lealousy be a 
Diagnosticke signe of Love-Melancholy" ; (26) " The Prognisticks of Love, and Erotique 
melancholy"; (27) "Of the Incubi, and Succubi"; (28) "Whether the Love of Women 
be stronger and more dangerous than that of Men"; (29) "Of the Prevention of Love, 
and Erotique Melancholy"; (30) "Order of Diet, for the Prevention of Love-Melan- 
choly"; (31) "Ohirurgicall Bemedies, for the Prevention of Love, and Erotique Melan- 
choly"; (32) "Medicinall Bemedies, for [the samel"; (33) "The cvu-e of Erotique 
Melancholy, or Love Madnesse"; (34) "Bemedies for the Cure of Love-Melancholy in 
married Persons"; (35) "Of Philters, and PoeticaU Cures of Love"; (36) "Empiricall 
Bemedies, for the cure of Love, or Erotique Melancholy"; (37) " Methodicall Bemedies 
for thecure of Love, and Erotique Melancholy. And first of Order of Diet"; (38) " Chir- 
urgicall remedies, for the ciu'e of Love-Melancholy"; (39) "Pharmaceutical! Bemedies, 
for the cure of Love, or Erotique Melancholy." 

• See, for instance, pp. 10, 17, 28, 29, 116, 124, 205, 222, 231, 238, 243, 244, 248, 254, 
256. 258, 264, 269, 274, 277, 306, 321, 328, 330, 337, 350, 359, 360. 

536 



The Lovebes Maladye of Hereos 47 

de Villanova,^ Bernardus Gordonius,^ and Valescus de Taranta.' 
He refers to or quotes from Hippocrates, Galen, Rufus, Oribasius, 
Paul of Aegina, Razi, Haly Abbas, and Alsaravius. Like Burton, 
he intersperses his medical lore with copious citations from the 
classical poets, both Greek and Latin, and his work — which suggests 
the man of letters rather than the physician — is aptly enough char- 
acterized in one of the five sets of laudatory verses prefixed to it: 

Poetry candies the Philosophy, 

Like Galen mixt with Sidnies Arcadye. 

Which (like two Starres conjoyn'd) are so well laid, 
That it will please Stoicke, and Chambermaid. 

It is, indeed, the amazing similarity between Ferrand's treatment 
of the subject — both in general and in detail — and that of Burton, 
which constitutes (apart from our immediate interest) his chief claim 
to attention. That similarity is so marked that it led Madan* to 
the suggestion of indebtedness on Burton's part — a suggestion which 
Professor Bensly expressly rejected. And the ground of his rejec- 
tion is Burton's reiterated and explicit denial of any knowledge of 
Ferrand's work until after his own third edition.^ That denial we 
may, I think, implicitly accept. The subject, as we have seen, is one 
that had already been far more fully treated than has been hitherto 
supposed, and the similarities between the two works, striking as they 
are, are due in large measure to their common indebtedness to the 
same sources.' And, finally, we have Burton's word. For the author 
of the Anatomy could not but foresee, when he read Ferrand's work, 
the inevitable inference that would be drawn, and he deliberately 
made it a question of veracity. And even were there no further 
evidence, Burton's veracity is scarcely to be impugned. 

■ See pp. 17, 29, 112, 131, 242, 247, 248, 256, 264, 267, 270, 274, 278, 293, 296, 340. 
« See pp. 17, 39, 72, 81, 107, 131, 236-37, 239, 255, 256, 257, 274, 334. 

• See pp. 170-71, 274, 278. « See reference above. 

5 " Ferandus, a Frenchman, in his Erotique Mel. (which boob came first to my hand 
after the Third Edition) " (Part. Ill, Sec. II, Mem. II, Subs. I, ed. Shllleto, III, 67) — to 
wliich Burton appends the note: "Printed at Paris in 1624 [this is the date as it appears 
in Burton's fifth edition. Slillleto tacitly changes 1624 to 1628], seven years after my 
first edition." See aiso Part. Ill, Sec. II, Mem. V, Subs. I (ed. Shilleto, III, 223) : " Jaco- 
bus Perrandua, the Frenclmian, in his Tract de amore erotica," and Burton's note: "This 
author came to my hands since the third edition of this boolc." 

• No final refutation, of course, of any charge of undue influence can be made with- 
out a comparison of Burton's various editions with the 1612 and 1623 editions of Ferrand. 

537 



48 John Livingston Lowes 

I shall quote from Ferrand only his discussion of the name of the 
malady: 

Avicen, with the whole family of the Arabians, calls this disease, in his 
own language, Alhasch, and Iliscus: Arnoldus de Villa nova, Gordonius, and 
their contemporaries call it by the name of Heroicall Melancholy: whether 
it is, because the ancient Heroes, or Demi-gods, were often taken with this 
passion, as the fabulous Poets report: or else happily for that great per- 
sonages are more incUnable to this maladie, then the common sort of people: 
or else lastly, because that Love does as it were domineer, and exercise a 
kinde of tyranny over those that are subject to his power.' 

We may now come at once to Burton.^ 

IX 

One may grant without abatement all that has been written of 
the Anatomy of Melancholy as a piece of literature. The unique 
flavor of Burton's style and the rare and curious interest of his matter 
will never lose their fascination for his own choice audience. But 
the Anatomy is also something else than a great and original literary 
masterpiece. It is, as an authority than whom there is no higher 
has pointed out — and it is this first and foremost — "a great medical 
treatise, orderly in arrangement, serious in purpose.'" And its 
longest and most interesting section (it is now possible to add) rests 
directly on the earlier treatments of amor hereos itself. For Burton's 
fundamental statements regarding Love-Melancholy are drawn, 
often with due reference to his authorities, straight from Avicenna, 
Arnaldus de Villanova, Bernardus Gordonius, Valescus de Taranta, 
Savonarola, Forestus, Sennertus, and their contemporaries and fol- 
lowers.* It is possible to indicate here only a few of the points of 

iP. 117. 

' The authorities prior to Burton whom I have named at the close of note 4 below 
I have not seen. 

• An unpublished lecture by Sir WiUlam Osier, quoted in the Cambridge History 
of English Literature, IV. 281, Since tliis article was written. Sir William Osier's paper 
has been printed in the Yale Review, January, 1914. See p. 252 for the reference here 
given. 

' The following references, which do not pretend to be exhaustive, are (for the sake 
of brevity) to the pages of the third volume of Shilleto's edition. Burton quotes Avicenna 
on pp. 62, 153, 232, 233, 263, and refers to him on pp. 2, 156, 218, 219, 223, etc. He quotes 
Arnaldus on pp. 63, 214. with references on pp. 2, 218, 225, 295. He quotes Gordonius 
on pp. 156, 214, 220, 229. 231, 232, 236, and refers to him on pp. 2, 64, 66, etc. He 
quotes Savonarola on p. 62, with references on pp. 2, 218, 219, 229, 263, 295, etc. Vales- 
cus is quoted on p. 222, and referred to on pp. 2, 66, 156, 295, etc. Other references to 

538 



The Lovebes Maladye of Hereos 49 

contact with our immediate subject. I hope some day to come back 
to certain larger aspects of what Burton has achieved. 

Burton's use of the adjective "heroical" is the first thing that 
arrests attention. The Third Partition of the Anatomy deals with 
"Love and Love-Melancholy." Under this, in the Analysis, falls 
(together with "» Jealousy, Sect. 3") the great second section, en- 
titled: " T Heroical or Love-Melancholy." Precisely as in the case 
of the earher medical writers this is treated under the following 
heads: "Menib. 1. His pedigree, power .... name, definition, 
etc.; Memb. 2. Causes; Memb. 3. Symptoms or signs; Memb. 4- 
Prognosticks; Memb. 6. Cures." To this classification I shall 
revert later. For the moment it is the adjective alone with which 
we are concerned. And Burton three times gives his explanation of 
its use. The first I shall quote is under Part. Ill, Sec. II, Memb. I, 
Subs. I. — "Heroical love causing Melancholy": 

In the precedent Section mention was made, amongst other jrieasant 
objects, of the comeliness and beauty which proceeds from women, that 
causeth Heroical, or Love-melancholy, is more eminent above the rest, and 
properly called Love. The part affected in men is the liver, and therefore 
called Heroical, because commonly Gallants, Noblemen, and the most 
generous spirits are possessed with it.' 

The second, however, in the next Subsection (. . . . "Love, or 
Heroical Melancholy, his definition, part affected"), is more impor- 
tant. The passage occurs toward the close of the Subsection, and 
I shall quote it at some length: 

It [love] rageth with all sorts and conditions of men, yet is most evident 
among such as are young and lusty, in the flower of their years, nobly 
descended, high fed, such as hve idly, and at ease; and for that cause (which 
our Divines call burning lust) this ferinus insanus amor, this mad and 
beastly passion, as I have said, is named by our Physicians Heroical Love, 
and a more honourable title put upon it, amor nobilis, as Savonarola styles 
it, because Noble men and women make a common practice of it, and are so 
ordinarily affected with it. Ancenna, lib. S. Fen. 1. tract. 4- cap. 2S, 

authorities on amor hereos are as follows: Aelian Moutaltus, pp. 2, 153. 214, 218, 295; 
ArcvUanus, pp. 233, 263; Carolus S, Lorme, 63, 223; Porestus, 223; Frietagius, 64, 151; 
Guianerius, 67, 219, 220, 222, 263; Hercules de Saxonia, 163; Hildesheim, 220, 223; 
Jason Pratensis, 2, 64. 153, 218, 220, 222, 223, 225. 229, 233, 261, 263, 295; Langius, 
2, 63, 153, 156, 218, 222, 223, 295; Lod. Mercatus, 223, 273; Razi, 63, 71, 222, 233; 
Sennertus, 223; Valleriola, 2, 99, 153, 156, 170, 218, 223, 225, 295; Valesius, 18, 233; 
Vives, 222. 

1 Ed. Shilleto, III, 43. 

539 



50 John Livingston Lowes 

calleth this passion Ilishi, and defines it to he a disease or melancholy vexation, 
or anguish of mind, in which a man continually meditates of the beauty, gesture, 
manners of his Mistress, and troubles himself about it, desiring (as Savonarola 
adds) with all intentions and eagerness of mind to compass or enjoy her, as 
commonly Hunters trouble themselves about their sports, the covetous about their 
gold and goods, so is he tormented still about his Mistress.^ Arnoldus Villa- 
novanus, in his book of Heroical Love, defines it a continual cogitation of that 
which he desires, with a confidence or hope of compassing ifi. . . . Carolus a 
Lorme, in his Questions, makes a doubt, an amor sit morbus, whether this 
heroical love be a disease: Julius Pollux Onomast. lib. 6. cap. 44- determines 
it. They that are in love are likewise sick; lascivus, salax, lasciviens, et 
qui in venerem furit vere est aegrotus. Arnoldus will have it improperly so 
called, and a malady rather of the body than mind. Tully in his Tusculans 
defines it a furious disease of the mind, Plato madness, Ficinus, his Com- 
mentator, cap. 12, a species of madness, for many have run mad for women, 
1 Esdr. 4 ■ ^6. but Rhasis a melancholy passion, and most Physicians make it 
a species or kind of melancholy (as will appear by the Symptoms) and treat 
of it apart: whom I mean to imitate, and to discuss it in all his kinds, to 
examine his several causes, to shew his symptoms, indications, prognosticks, 
effects, so that it may be with more facility cured.' 

The third passage I shall quote is from the first volume, and it 
occurs in Burton's initial discussion of "Species of Melancholy": 

Love melancholy, which Avicenna calls ilishi, & lycanthropia, which he 
calls cucubuth, are commonly included in head melancholy: but of this last, 
which Gerardus de Solo calls amorous,* and most Knight melancholy .... 
I will speak apart by themselves in my third partition.* 

Burton's "amorous" (following Gerardus de Solo) is almost as 
remarkable as his "heroical." For it is, of course, nothing but his 
rendering of the amorereos which is Gerardus' distinctive mark.* 
How Burton escaped the use of the word hereos in the Anatomy — 

' Burton gives, in liis notes, tlie Latin text of botli Avicenna and Savonarola. 

" Latin text quoted in Biu'ton's note. 

» Ed. Shilleto, III, 62-63. See also the following passages for Burton's understand- 
ing of the term: "the last object that ties man and man, is comeliness of person, and 
beauty alone, as men love women with a wanton eye: which icar' i(oxriv is termed 
Heroical, or Love-melancholy" (III, 25J : "I come at last to that Heroical Lone, which 
is proper to men and women, is a frequent cause of melancholy, and deserves much rather 
to be called burning lust, than by such an honourable title " (III, 57) ; " As there be divers 
causes of this burning lust, or heroical love, so there be many good remedies to ease 
and help " (III, 235). For other occurrences of the phrase see III, 8, 13, 53, 64, 292, 295. 
etc. 

• I have, unfortunately, only Shilleto's text to rely on. 

> Part. I, Sec. I, Mem. III. Subs. IV, ed. Shilleto, I, 200. 

' See above, p. 510. 

.540 



The Loveres Maladye of Hereos 51 

in which case our problem would have been solved three centuries 
ago! — were a question above antiquarism, not to be resolved by man. 

In the light of the passages quoted in the earlier part of this dis- 
cussion — as well as in view of Burton's explicit reference to Arnaldus 
de Villanova — it is clear at a glance that heroical, as here used, is the 
heroicus of the older writers. Burton accepts implicitly the deriva- 
tion of the word as given by Arnaldus/ Gordonius/ Valescus de 
Taranta,' and Savonarola,^ all of whom he quotes. It is even possible 
to put our finger on the passage in Arnaldus which Burton evidently 
had in mind. For the phrase, "is named by our Physicians Heroical 
Love" corresponds exactly to the words in the Liber de parte opera- 
tiva: "Et vulgariter dicitur amor: et a medids amor heroycus."^ 
Burton's adjective, therefore, is not the heroical of the dictionaries 
at all. It is the curious derivative from heroys or hereos, and neither 
in origin nor in meaning is it the same as the word with which it has 
been tacitly identified.* There is not one "heroical" in English: 
there are two.'' 

Burton's phrase persisted for more than a hundred years after his 
first use of it, but by the end of the seventeenth century its earlier 
connotation, carried over from hereos, seems to have been lost. 
"Heroical," or "heroic," in other words, was even then taken as the 
lexicographers ever since have taken it. The title of Granville's 

■ See above, p. 496. • See above, p. 505. 

' See above, p. 499. < See above, p. 533. ' F. 127. See above, p. 496. 

• Not a single English dictionary so much as recognizes the fact that, even on the 
common assumption, Bxirton's use ol the word is peculiar. The New English Dictionary 
itself does not give a single quotation from Burton; neither does the Century or the 
Standard. No indication of any sense out of the ordinary is given in Johnson, Kersey, 
Bailey, Martin, Bellamy and Gordon, Fenning, Kenricic, Sheridan, Dyche, Richardson, 
the Imperial, the Encyclopedic, or the International. Nor does either HalUwell or Nares 
include it. Even on the common assumption of its origin, no definition in any dictionary 
quite fits Burton's use. It may be added that heroique, in this sense, does not occur in 
Littre, or in the Dictionnaire de V AcadSmie fransais. According to Hatzfeld and Darme- 
steter the word came into French in the fifteenth century. 

' I wish to emphasize very strongly, before leaving Burton, what Professor Bensly 
rather hesitatingly remarks (Modern Language Renew, IV, 233-34) in his note on the 
title of the Anatomy, in its relation to a passage in Salustius Salvianus. The categories 
enumerated on Burton's title-page — " The | Anatomy of | Melancholy : | What it is. | 
With all the Kindes, Cav- I ses, Symptomes, Prognosticks, I and Severall Cvres of it" — 
are those wliich are foimd almost uniformly in mediaeval medical works. See above, 
p. 498, and compare the rubrics in Arnaldus de Villanova, John of Gaddesden, Valescus 
of Taranta, Savonarola, Perrand (see above, p. 536), etc. There is no question whatever, 
in Burton's title, of a borrowing from this, that, or the other particular treatise. The 
divisions there enumerated are as conventional as the five acts of a play. 

541 



52 John Livingston Lowes 

ragedy — Heroick Love, or The Cruel Separation — is a case in point. 
The two passages in which the words occur in the play itself put 
the meaning attached to them by Granville beyond doubt. Pope 
used the phrase too. And this time, by a curious turn of the wheel, 
it is set in sharp contrast over against the very thing for which it 
originally stood. Caesar's infatuation for Cleopatra, as seen by those 
who elevate all actions to one plane, becomes "heroic love" in Gran- 
ville's sense: 

Ask why from Britain Caesar would retreat ? 

Caesar himself might whisper he was beat. 

Why risk the world's great empire for a Punk ? 

Caesar perhaps might answer he was drunk. 

But, sage historians! 'tis your task to prove 

One action Conduct; one, heroic Love.^ 

Within a century after Burton, then, the last vestiges of hereos, 
even in the adjective "heroic," or "heroical," seem to have dis- 
appeared. The pseudo-" heroical," with its ancestry in ?pwj and 
hems, had given place to the legitimate derivative from ^pws, and 
a career of more than a thousand years, which began before Galen, 
came to a definite end with Pope. 



I wish, finally, to call attention, with the utmost brevity, to the 
fact that, once identified, the traces of hereos meet us at every turn. 
The physical symptoms of love as one finds them in the Greek 
romances, in the Troubadours and Minnesingers, and in courtly 

> The first is in Act III, sc. i: 

Tlien wliat is Love ? Stay — ^let me tliink again. 
Is it to fix our Wislies on one Object ? 
Pleas'd only wiien the thing we love Is pleas'd; 
Partaking of Its Sorrows, seeking its good; 
Desirous more to give than to receive ; 
Willing to part with all, with Fortune, Life; 
Ohuslng all Miseries, satisfy'd, rejoyc'd 
With any Ruin that's the means of Safety 
To the man belov'd — Ay — tUs is Love, 
True Love, Heroick Love. 

The second is at the close of the play (Act V, sc. i, end) : 

O she is 
And to all Ages shall remain 
The Ijrlghtest Pattern of Heroick Love 
And perfect Virtue, that the World ere knew 

Compare also Henry St. Johns in the Prologue: 

Chiefly the softer Sex, he hopes to move. 
Those tender Judges of Heroick Love. 

' Moral Essays, I, 129-34. 

542 



The Loveres Maladte of Hekeos 53 

poetry from Chretien down will occur at once to everyone, and 
investigation of this field, I have no doubt, would yield significant 
results. It would be going to extremes to assert that the conven- 
tional treatment of the effects of love in mediaeval and Renaissance 
literature is wholly drawn from the signa of the medical books. 
There was mutual influence — a sort of osmosis — of course. That 
the medical writers levied tribute, now and again, upon the poets 
is clear enough from the use (for example) made of Ovid by Gor- 
donius and Valescus.* And that both poets and physicians drew 
alike upon the notorious truths of experience admits no question. 
But with all such allowances the outstanding fact of the clearly 
formulated and widespread medical doctrine has to be reckoned with. 
Whatever their later fate, the chapters "de amore qui hereos dicitur" 
were never born to blush unseen in their own day. They constitute 
precisely the sort of medical lore that always filters through into 
lay thought and speech, and, with due recognition of the fact that 
hereos is not the only influence involved, the mediaeval literature 
of love must none the less be re-read in its light.^ 

Chaucer, for example (as we should expect), shows the influence 
of the belief in more than the single passage in which he names the 
malady. The famous opening lines of the Book of the Duchesse, 

' The whole subject of the treatment of love-sickness in the Roman poets (especially 
Propertius and Ovid, not to mention Vergil's analysis of Dido's state) Is — as my col- 
eague. Professor Otto Heller, has reminded me — of peculiar interest in its relation to the 
medical treatment. 

' In addition to the instances which follow I shall cite but two out of many cases 
in point. There are few more important formulations of the system of courtly love than 
the De amore of Andrea Capellani flate twelfth or early thirteenth century). Its first 
chapter opens with the following definition: " Amor est passio guaedam innata procedens 
ex visione et immoderata cogitatione formae alterlus sexus, ob quam allquis super omnia 
cupit alterlus potiri amplexibus," etc. (ed. Trojel, p. 3). That is substantially (in part 
even verbally) the definition of the medical writers, and Andrea's work is full of other 
reminiscences. In the thirteenth-century poem. La Venus la deesse d'Amor, the lover 
may be recognized at once as "hereoeua": 

Lors est mes cors destrois et mornes et pensls. 
Quant ie tot si me sent, mieus aime mort que uis, 
Li boires, li manglers, 11 m'est treetot taillis, 
Dont ne puis auoir iole ne par nuis ne par dls. 

Mes cuers c'est mes prouost que ne puis iustichler. 
Mi doi oeil ce sont cil qui font destorbier, 
Li tiers ce sont mi membre qull font amaigroier. 
Dex, por coi font 11 ce, il ne sont parchonlerl 

— (Ed. Poerster, Bonn, 1880, stanzas 161-62). 

No. 37 in the Carmina Burana (ed. Schmeller, p. 125) contains interesting signa — and 
so on. 

543 



54 John Livingston Lowes 

read with what we now know of hereos in mind, reflect, at point after 
point, the conventional symptoms. Troilus shows them too: 

And fro this forth tho refte him love his sleep, 
And made his mete his f oo ; and eek his sorwe 
Gan multiplye, that, who-so toke keep, 
It shewed in his hewe, bothe eve and morwe.^ 

And as his malady grows through Creseida's loss the signa become 
more marked : 

He ne eet ne dronk, for his malencolye, 
And eek from every companye he fledde; 
This was the lyf that al the tyme he ledde. 

He so defet was, that no maner man 
Unnethe mighte him knowe there he wente ; 
So was he lene, and ther-to pale and wan. 
And feble, that he walketh by potente.'' 

Spenser knew them : 

The thought whereof empierst his hart so deepe, 

That of no worldly thing he tooke delight; 

Ne dayly food did take, ne nightly sleep, 

But pyn'd, and mourn'd, and languisht, and alone did weep. 

That in short space his wonted chearefull hew 
Gan fade, and lively spirits deaded quight: 
His cheeke-bones raw, and eie-pits hollow grew. 
And brawney armes had lost their knowen might. 
That nothing like himselfe he seem'd in sight.' 

And their significance in Shakspere would be a study in itself. I 
shall mention but two of the most familiar examples. 

Rosalind's "a lean cheek .... a blue eye and sunken,"* 
together with their context, need no comment. But the doctrine 
of love-melancholy, with the predisposition t)o madness which it 
involves, is not without interest in its bearing on Shakspere's treat- 
ment of Hamlet.' Briefly stated, it is clear that Polonius regards 

I T. and C, I, 484-87. He had earlier recognized the signa in others; see 1, 911 fl. 

»V, 1216-22. ' F. Q.. IV. xii. 19-20. 

< A. Y. L., Ill, ii, 392-93: cf. also 11. 411, 438-39. 

' There is a rich field for study in the relation of the wealth of mediaeval medical 
material which exists on the subject of melancholia in general to the embodiment of it 
which one finds particularly in Elizabethan literature outside Burton. With the aid 
of Burton, Professor StoU ("Shakspere, Marston, and the Malcontent Type," Modern 

544 



The Loveres Maladye of Hereos 55 

Hamlet as suffering from hereos; the King, from melancholia (with 
its intimate connection with mania too) of a less special type. Polo- 
nius' statement of the case (a priori though it be) is a sound prog- 
nosis of hereos (II, ii, 146-50) : 

And he, repulsed — a short tale to make — 
Fell into a sadness,' then into a fast,^ 
Thence to a watch,^ thence into a weakness,* 
Thence to a lightness, and, by this declension, 
Into the madness whereon now he raves.^ 

The King's diagnosis is more general: 

There's something in his soul 
O'er which his melancholy sits on brood.' 

And his proposed remedy — whatever his ulterior motive — is in 
accordance with the best medical practice of his day: 

.... he shall with speed to England 
For the demand of our neglected tribute. 
Haply the seas and countries different 
With variable objects shall expel 
This something-settled matter in his heart. 
Whereon his brains still beating puts him thus 
From fashion of himseK.' 

The lines, indeed, might almost be a paraphrase of a passage in 
Arnaldus de Villanova: 

Diuertatur cogitatio extraneis et insuetis objectis: sicut accidit in longa 
perigrinatione ad partes multum distantes: a loco rei desideratae occupatione 
circa diuersa negotia, etc.* 

Barring the first interview with Ophelia, however, as Ophelia 
herself reports it and Polonius interprets it,' Shakspere himself at 
no point in the play represents Hamlet as showing any of the well- 

Philology, III, 281-303) has already rendered valuable service in this direction. But 
melancholy as a literary convention and the melancholia of mediaeval psychiatry 
stand in extremely interesting relations that I hope to work out later. 

• The tristitia ol the medical boolcs. 

' See Gordonius, and the other writers passim. 

' Vigilia — another fixed symptom. ' See above, p. 526. 

' Medical writers passim. ' III, i, 172-73. ' III, ii, 177-83. 

' F. 129. It is of little significance, in its bearing on the King's contention, that 
this is a cure for hereos. The same procedure is \irged again and again as a remedy for 
melancholia in general. 

• I. ii, 77 ff. 

545 



56 John Livingston Lowes 

known signa of tofe-melancholy whatever. And even in that scene, 
the "pale as his shirt" and the "sigh so piteous and profound" are 
susceptible of explanation on other grounds. The point is not, 
perhaps, a very important one. Nobody (except Polonius) really 
supposes that Hamlet is mad for Ophelia's love. But since Polonius' 
view forms an integral part of the play, and since Shakspere shows 
knowledge of the conventional symptoms of love-madness, the appli- 
cation of the test is not wholly without value. 

We may not follow hereos farther afield. As a chapter in the 
history of psychiatry; as part of the texture of forgotten modes of 
thought; as a curious light upon dark places, the lore of the lover's 
malady has a vivid and enduring human interest. And so I leave 
the discussion of it, which — in the words of Valescus of Taranta — 
"ex antiquorum rivis scaturientium aquarum disposui componere." 

John Livingston Lowes 
Washington University 



546