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JUDAISTIC CHRISTIANITY.
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JUDAISTIC CHRISTIANITY
A COURSE OF LECTURES
FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT D.D.
SOMETIME HULSEAN PROFESSOR AND LADY MARGARET'S READER
IN DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
C.tmbvtocjr auD TionUou
MACMILLAN AND CO.
AND NEW YORK
1894
All rights reserved
PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, II. A. & SONS,
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
PREFACE.
TOURING the last few years of Dr Hort's life he
' regularly chose as one of the subjects for his
professorial lectures some special aspect of the
history of the Apostolic and post-Apostolic age.
In this way he traced at one time the various stages
in the emancipation of the Church from the trammels
of Judaism, and at another the gradual evolution
of the conception of an Universal Ecclesia and of
ecclesiastical organization. These lectures were not,
I believe, primarily designed for publication, but they
afforded a convenient opportunity for summarizing
and bringing to a focus the results of a lifetime
devoted to the patient and single-minded considera
tion of these fundamental questions. This volume
contains the two courses which were devoted to the
first of these subjects.
When the end of the academic term brought the
first course to a conclusion far short of the goal which
he had originally contemplated, he had just reached
the discussion of the evidence to be derived from
the Epistle to the Romans. As he had recently
delivered a full course of lectures on the introduction
to that Epistle, he had no occasion to do more than
indicate the main conclusions at which he had arrived
with regard to it.
vl PREFACE
The second course, after a careful recapitulation
of the points already discussed, carried the treatment
of the subject as far as the rise of Helxaism. Here
again he reached a topic which he had already
discussed in detail in a course of lectures on the
Clementine Recognitions, and a brief reference to
results already established sufficed, not indeed to fill
in the whole of the outline sketched in the opening
lecture of the first course, but at least to indicate
his conclusions on every point of primary importance
in relation to his main subject.
These lectures cover ground which has been for
the last fifty years the chosen battlefield of contro
versialists. Yet they are not, at least in any partisan
sense, controversial. They are constructive. Their
object is simply to review the facts of the Apostolic
history in relation to a single clearly defined issue,
and to restate them in the fresh light shed on them by
fifty years of free and fearless discussion.
Dr Hort had a genuine admiration for the genius
of F. C. Baur, from whom the whole discussion
started, and a generous appreciation of the debt
that modern theology owes him for leading the
way in the effort to interpret Christian documents
in the light of the historical situation out of which
they sprang. But he was very far from accepting
Baur's conclusions. His own judgement was formed
in each case independently after patient consideration
of the whole evidence, and with intimate knowledge
PREFACE vii
of the whole course that discussion had taken both
in England and on the Continent.
His ultimate verdict, as these lectures shew, was
entirely in favour of the genuineness and the histori
cal accuracy of all the leading Christian documents.
Accordingly, though he recognized frankly the force
of the objections urged against the generally received
tradition with regard to some of the New Testament
writings, and indicated with scrupulous accuracy the
different degrees of confidence with which he held
particular propositions, his reconstruction follows in
the main the lines with which Englishmen are tradi
tionally familiar. What is unique in this reconstruc
tion is the clearness with which he grasps the problem
set before the Gentile Church by its relation to the
Law, and his sympathetic insight into the parts
played by the Apostolic leaders during the period
of transition before the Old Order had finally given
place to the New.
It is enough in this connexion to call attention to
his analysis of the grounds of St Peter's conduct in
the famous altercation at Antioch (p. 77), to his
account of the incidents connected with St Paul's last
visit to Jerusalem (p. 105), and above all to his subtle
and masterly investigation of the character and sources
of the false teaching attacked in the Epistle to the
Colossians and in the Pastoral Epistles, questions on
which, at least in England, Bishop Lightfoot's conclu
sions have perhaps too readily been accepted as final.
viii PREFACE
The views indicated in these Lectures (p. 115)
with regard to the enemies of the Cross of Christ at
Philippi, and to the date of the Pseudo-Clementine
literature (p. 202) must await their justification in
the publication of the lectures on the Introduction
to the Romans, and on the Clementine Recognitions.
My work as editor has been simple. The lectures
were written out in full before they were delivered,
and they are printed here substantially as they stand
in the manuscript. It proved unnecessary to print the
recapitulation with which the second course began, but
a few amplifications have been introduced from it into
the text of the original lectures. I am responsible for
all the divisions and subdivisions introduced into the
text, for the titles of the separate 'lectures', and for
the marginal analysis. I have verified the references,
and have for the convenience of the reader printed at
full length in the Appendix any that were not likely
to be readily accessible.
My best thanks are due to the Rev. J. B. Mayor
for kind advice and criticism during the passage of
the work through the Press, and to Mr F. G. Masters,
Scholar of Corpus Christi College, for help in the
revision of the proof-sheets and for the compilation
of the Index.
J. O. F. MURRAY.
EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
St Luke's Day, 1894.
CONTENTS.
I.
INTRODUCTORY LECTURE.
The subject defined. Its importance in view of the Tubingen
hypothesis. Divisions of subject. Books for English Students.
PP- i 12 -
II.
CHRIST AND THE LAW.
The Sermon on the Mount. The Golden Rule. The Great Com
mandment. Christ and the Baptist. Christ and the Scribes. The
House of Israel. Summary pp. 13 38.
III.
THE EARLY CHURCH AT JERUSALEM.
Its worldwide commission. The Day of Pentecost. Manner of
life in the earliest days. The growth of the community. Who were
the Hellenists? St Stephen. The Gospel in Samaria. The conver
sion of St Paul. Cornelius. Converts at Antioch. . pp. 3960.
x CONTENTS
IV.
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH.
Relations with Jerusalem. St Paul's first Missionary Journey.
"Behold we turn to the Gentiles." The Conference at Jerusalem. St
Paul and the Three. The decision of the Conference. Its purpose
and influence. St Peter at Antioch. No antagonism in principle with
St Paul. The attitude of St James. The results of the contro
versy. pp. 6183.
V.
THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY OF ST PAUL.
The circumcision of Timothy. St Paul's advance into Europe.
The Epistles to the Thessalonians. From Corinth to Ephesus. St
Paul at Ephesus. I. Corinthians and the 'Cephas' party. II. Corinth
ians. The Epistle to the Galatians. The Epistle to the Romans.
PP- 84103.
VI.
ST PAUL AT JERUSALEM AND THE EPISTLES OF THE
ROMAN CAPTIVITY.
From Corinth to Jerusalem. Reception at Jerusalem. St Paul in
the Temple. His arrest and defence. St Paul at Rome. Attitude of
the Jews and of the Christian Church towards him. Results of his
imprisonment. The Epistle to the Philippians. The Epistles to the
'Ephesians' and to the Colossians. The Colossian Heresy Ethical,
not Theosophic. Its relation to the doctrine of the Person of Christ.
Contrast with the Judaism of Palestine, and of Rome. Supposed con
nexion with Essenism. Possibility of Greek influence.
pp. 104 129.
CONTENTS xi
VII.
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES.
Their genuineness. Weiss on the teaching condemned in the
Epistles. No specifically Gnostic terms. 'Genealogies.' 'Question
ings.' 'Profane Babblings.' 'Oppositions.' 'Knowledge falsely so
called.' Jewish Gnosis not Gnostic. Traces of Dualism. Practical
not speculative. Possibly Judaic. . pp. 130 146.
VIII.
JAMES, i PETER, HEBREWS, APOCALYPSE.
The Epistle of St James. Date and Authorship. Recipients.
Characteristics of Teaching. Traditions of Asceticism. The First
Epistle of St Peter. His relation to Gentiles. The Epistle to the
Hebrews. Its Address. Dangers to faith in Palestine. The transitori-
ness of the Law. The Apocalypse. Harmony of St John and St
Paul. . pp. 147163.
IX.
THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN.
Hegesippus. Was he a Judaizer? Certainly a Palestinian. His
reception at Rome conclusive as to his own position. Extracts from
his work in Eusebius. The election of Symeon. List of the Bishops
of the Circumcision. The migration to Pella in 66 A.D. Ariston of
Pella. Subsequent history of the Church at Jerusalem.
...... pp. 164-180.
X.
THE JUDATZERS OF THE TGNATIAN EPISTLES.
Distinct from Docetoe. Polemic confined to Epistles to Magnesians
and Philadelphians. Judaism of Pharisaic type. Docetism not neces
sarily Gnostic , pp. 181 187.
xii CONTENTS
XI.
CERINTHUS, 'BARNABAS,' JUSTIN MARTYR.
Date of Cerinthus. His doctrine. A Judaizing Christian at last.
The Epistle of ' Barnabas \ No sympathy with Jewish thought.
Justin Martyr. Hellenizing rather than Judaizing. . pp. 188 193.
XII.
PALESTINIAN EBIONITES.
The Dialogue with Trypho. No evidence in Justin of division into
sects. History of the names Ebionite and Nazarsean Not connoting
distinct communities. Origin of Ebionism. Essene Ebionism a later
development. pp. 194 202.
APPENDIX pp. 203 214.
INDEX pp. 215 222.
INTRODUCTORY LECTURE.
THE subject on which I propose to lecture this The Sub-
Term is the History of Judaistic Christianity in course
the Apostolic and following Ages. The phrase
'Judaistic Christianity' is more ambiguous than
might be wished ; but it is difficult to find another
more precise. To prevent any misunderstanding as
to the sense in which I propose to use it, it will
be well to begin with explaining what are the senses
which might not unnaturally be attributed to this
phrase, but which lie outside the purpose of these
lectures.
First, by Judaistic Christianity I do not mean Christian-
, .^, . . . itynotju-
such Christianity as is Judaistic in tone and spirit Jaistie in
only. The whole course of Church History is full '/' >
of beliefs, practices, institutions, and the like, which
rest on misconceptions of the true nature of the
Gospel dispensation, and are in effect a falling back
H. J. C. I
2 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE
after the coming of Christ to a state of things
which His coming was intended to supersede, a
return, as St Paul would have said, to the weak
and beggarly elements. Such a Christianity how
ever, though strictly analogous to the Judaistic
Christianity of the apostolic age, is not itself strictly,
i.e. historically, Judaistic. It has its origin in per-
/ manent tendencies of human nature, not chiefly or
I directly in imitation of Judaism, though it may
borrow this or that detail from Jewish precedent.
nor by Again, by Judaistic Christianity I do not mean
'o"rf * sucn assimilations to Judaism on the part of Chris
tians as arise from a recognition of the authority
of the Old Testament unaccompanied by a clear
perception of the true relation of the Old Testament
to the New. A couple of comprehensive examples
from different ages may be given of such assimila
tions resting on a crude and mechanical use of
Scripture. Of this character is the eclectic appro
priation of Levitical laws for the regulation of the
customs of Christians, and eventually for the
positive legislation of churches. This process began
in the third century, and went forward with great
activity after the Empire had become Christian ;
and we are still surrounded by its results. This
was one of the elements of the mediaeval system
least touched by the Reformation, the obvious reason
being that the leading Reformers had themselves but
an imperfect sense of the progress within Scripture,
INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 3
and of the different kinds of instruction which are
provided for us in its several parts in accordance
with God's own dispensation of times and seasons
as expounded by the apostles. Thus we come to
the second example of which I spoke, the appeal
by the Puritans to the Jewish law and to Jewish
precedents on such points as sabbath observance and
the treatment of idolatry and idolaters. This was
in fact a natural application of the general appeal
of the Reformers from custom and tradition to
Scripture, when that treatment of all Scripture as
in the same sense and the same manner authori
tative, was carried out consistently. This whole
subject deserves much fuller investigation than i
has ever received, more especially as regards th
early ages of the Church; and its interest is by
no means of a merely antiquarian nature. But,
important as it is, it does not lie within the
limits of Judaistic Christianity in the proper sense
of the term. The authority so claimed was not
claimed for Jewish privilege in any sense of the
word, but simply for what was assumed to be
absolutely Divine, and therefore of perpetual va
lidity. Moreover, as far as our information goes,
there was no historical continuity between that
Christianity which as a whole was Judaistic in
origin and in principle, and that crude adoption of
laws recorded in the Old Testament on the part
of Christians which began in the third century.
i 2
4 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE
nor by de- Thirdly, we may put aside that sense of the
on O^T. term " Judaistic Christianity " according to which
nearly all Christianity may be loosely and inac
curately called Judaistic ; as indeed it may with
more propriety be called Judaic, though that too
is not a happy designation. In this sense the
term can be legitimately used by none but by
those to whom the ideal Christianity is what is
called Christianity without Judaism. In ancient
times this conception of Christianity was carried
out deliberately and consistently by Marcion and
his school, and by no others. Unconsciously and
inconsistently it has had a tolerably widespread
influence, both in ancient and in modern times.
The power by which, humanly speaking, it has
been chiefly restrained from the earliest days to
the present has been the inheritance of the ancient
Scriptures. Endlessly misinterpreted and misused
as the Old Testament has been in all ages, its
mere presence at the head of the sacred book
of the Church has remained throughout a priceless
safeguard against the tendency to falsify Chris
tianity by detaching it from the history of the
Divine office of the earlier Israel. From that
erroneous point of view Judaism and Christianity
are two distinct religions ; and in so far as Chris
tianity retains elements derived from its prede
cessor it might consistently be called Judaistic.
According to the apostles on the other hand the
INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 5
faith of Christians is but the ripening and perfection
of the faith of the Old Covenant, and the Church
or assembly of Christians is but the expansion of
the original Israel of God, constituted by faith in
Him who was Israel's Messiah.
Briefly then we are not now concerned either but by
with such Christianity as is Judaistic in spirit ^^ersai
only, or secondly with such Christianity as arises vdMtyto
J J national
from a misuse of the Old Testament due to a ordinance*
neglect of the order of God's Providence, or thirdly
with the main stream of Christianity as resting on
the basis of God's dealings with His ancient people.
The only Christianity which can properly be called
Judaistic is that which falls back to the Jewish
point of view, belonging naturally to the time before
Christ came, and still practically maintained by
those Jews of subsequent ages who are not merely
unbelieving members of a caste. It ascribes per
petuity to the Jewish Law, with more or less
modification ; thus confounding the conditions Provi
dentially imposed for a time on the people of God
when it was only a single nation, the people inhabit
ing Palestine, confounding these Providential con
ditions with God's government of His people after
its national limits were broken down and it had
become universal. Judaistic Christianity, in this
the true sense of the term, might with at least
equal propriety be called Christian Judaism. Its
position is not fundamentally or generically different
6 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE
from that of Mahometanism, though Jesus, not
Mahomet, is its last great prophet.
Subject Judaistic Christianity, thus defined, is a difficult
extent subject on account of the scantiness of the evidence
still extant, but at the same time it is not of over
whelming extent. For the most part its existence is
confined to the first ages of the Church ; nor do I
propose to say anything of such limited and ob
scure forms of it as have appeared in later ages.
My wish is simply to give some account of one
great and interesting element in early Church
history, a natural product of the circumstances of
the Apostolic Age, living on for some generations,
and that probably not without times of revival,
but becoming more and more evidently a futile
anachronism as the main body of the Church grew
up into a stately tree in the eyes of all men : and at
length dying naturally away.
but of spe- The subject would indeed be not only more
"st owin'-~ extensive but very much more important, if Juda-
istic Christianity had really in the first and second
Tubingen
hypothesis centuries included all the Christianity which twenty
or thirty years ago was so described by a great
critical school on the Continent. If what is known
as the Tubingen theory were true, the Christianity
of the Twelve remained always Judaistic, and so
also all that Christianity of the Apostolic Age
which was governed by their influence. It was
further a part of this theory that the Roman
INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 7
Church of the second century was Judaistic in
doctrine and custom, and that to this source is to
be traced that organisation of the several churches,
and ultimately of the Church at large, which grew
up in the latter part of the second and in the third
centuries. To discuss this theory in detail and
with reference to all the grounds on which it has
been made to rest would evidently carry us much
too far away from our proper subject. But it will
be worth our while to give some little attention to
the supposed indications of a powerful Judaistic
leaven in Christian writings other than those
which came really from a Judaistic source. The
reason for so doing is not strictly speaking a
controversial one. The theory itself, though it
has by no means lost all its indirect influence,
finds much less acceptance on the Continent than
it did a few years ago, and the few eminent men
who still profess to uphold it have now come to
clog it with so many reservations that its direct
force is virtually lost. But it is difficult to under
stand rightly much of the biblical and historical
criticism with which every one must come in
contact who makes a serious study of Apostolic
and early Christianity, unless we have some know
ledge of the more important suppositions which
have within present memory affected the interpre
tation of books and events, and of the grounds on
which such suppositions have rested. Moreover
8 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE
the evidence alleged for this supposed extension
of a Judaistic type of Christianity is interesting
in itself, and an examination of it affords useful
illustration of some important elements of ancient
Christianity.
The neces- The central part of our subject is that which
conimenc- with good reason is best known the conflict of
ing with j u daistic Christianity with St Paul. The evidence
the Gospels J
for it lies in St Paul's own Epistles, and partly also
in the Acts. To understand the nature of this
conflict and the circumstances which led up to it,
we must go back to that rudimentary state of the
Church, so to speak, in the years immediately
following the Ascension, when the brotherhood
around the Apostles was confined to Jerusalem.
This however is not enough. If we were to stop
here, we should gain not merely a very imperfect
but a very ill-proportioned view of the antecedents
out of which the Christianity of the middle period
of the Apostolic Age arose, and the antagonisms
which it included. In other words, we must go
back to the Gospels themselves, and endeavour to
gather from them what evidence we can respecting
our Lord's own attitude towards the institutions of
the Jewish people.
Divisions To keep exact chronological order throughout
j ect e ' will hardly be possible consistently with clearness
in the treatment of the subject. But at the out
set there is every reason why we should not
INTRODUCTORY LECTURE g
depart from it. The first stage then in the history
will be constituted by what may be briefly
called " Christ and the Law." Then will follow
the relations of the Church to Judaism before
the appearance of Stephen, St Stephen himself and
the movement associated with his name, and the
relations of the Church to Judaism between his
death and the mission of Barnabas to Antioch
described in Acts xi. 22 26. The Conference at
Jerusalem which followed what is called St Paul's
First Missionary Journey, and which is reported in
Acts xv. i 29, will occupy us next ; and then the
Judaizers in antagonism to St Paul stimulated by
the results of his missionary labours; together with
the other traces which the New Testament affords
of Judaistic Christianity of a similar type. This
will probably be the most convenient place for
considering those books of the New Testament
which have been wrongly regarded as having a
Judaistic character. To complete our subject in
so far as it comes within the limits of the New
Testament it will then be well to examine those
speculative forms of Judaistic Christianity which are
condemned within its pages, that is, for the most
part the doctrines of this class against which parts
of the Epistle to the Colossians and of the Pastoral
Epistles are directed. Returning to the main stream,
if we may so call it, we shall naturally be led to the
Fall of Jerusalem, and to the chief effects which it
io INTRODUCTORY LECTURE
produced on Jewish Christians, not passing over
altogether its effect on other Christians ; and with
this subject we may take what is known of immedi
ately subsequent events in Palestine, so far as they
have a bearing on Christianity. Launched on the
second century, we have to deal with what some
of the Fathers called Ebionism, taking account
(to begin with) of the extant ancient authorities
respecting it. Next will come what is known of the
simpler forms of Judaistic Christianity of that period,
and of its literature ; and then by way of appendix
the principal Christian books which have been
wrongly called Judaistic, and other historical phe
nomena which have received attention in the same
connexion. After the simpler forms of Judaistic
Christianity will come, as in the case of the
Apostolic Age, the speculative systems of doctrine
which were in some sense Jewish or at least
Samaritan, and in some sense Christian, chiefly as
connected with the names of Cerinthus and Simon
Magus or the Simonians. Then, and not till then,
it will be time to give some brief account of the
remarkable Judaistic revival called Helxaism, and
of the still partially preserved Clementine literature
to which it gave birth, and the Essenism from
which in part it sprang. After that there will
be little to detain us till we reach such evidence
respecting the Jewish Christianity of the latter part
of the Fourth Century and of the early part of the
INTRODUCTORY LECTURE 11
Fifth as can be gathered from the ecclesiastical
writers of that time. It is from them too that
most of our extant evidence comes on the subject
of the Gospels used by Jewish Christians of various
types ; and perhaps we shall find no better oppor
tunity for trying to gather up the principal results
to be obtained on this subject than this late stage
of the history.
In the matter of books recommendation is not easy. Book; for
They are innumerable, and also sadly few. The book
which on the whole has done most in the way of point
ing towards a true understanding of the First and
Second Centuries, in spite of many drawbacks, is the
second edition of Ritschl's EntstcJiung der altkatholi-
schen KircJie published in 1857. It has not been trans
lated. We are fortunate in having his work carried
on in England with thorough independence and great
improvements by Bp. Lightfoot in wellknown essays
in his edition of the Epistles of St Paul. The only
comprehensive book accessible in English which it
seems worth while to mention is the translation of
Lechler's Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Times (2 vols.,
i6s., Clark). In German an important and very
suggestive, but as regards the N.T. unsatisfactory,
book by one of the ablest of Ritschl's younger
disciples is Vol. I. of Harnack's Dogmengeschichte.
The same may be said of Weizsacker's Apostolischcs
Zeitalter published within the last year (1887). It is
also always instructive to read Ewald's History of the
12 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE
Jewish People, i.e. for our purpose Vols. VI. and VII.
translated by J. Frederick Smith. An invaluable
book of reference for all kinds of illustrative facts on
the Jewish side of the history is Schiirer's History of
the Jewish People in the time of our Lord. [Of this
T. and T. Clark have now published a complete
translation. A translation of Weizsacker has also
just appeared, and the translation of Harnack's
Grundriss published by Hodder and Stoughton
under the title of The History of Dogma may give
English readers an outline of the contents of the
more elaborate work to which allusion is made in
the text]
LECTURE II.
CHRIST AND THE L.-uv.
WE begin with the foundation of the early relations
of Christians and their faith and practices to Judaism
as laid in the relations of their Lord and Head to the
Law. For our purpose it will not be necessary to
examine all the passages of the Gospels which have a
direct or indirect bearing on this subject ; or again to
consider every detail and every attendant difficulty in
those passages which will come before us. It will be
enough to consider the most salient points in so far as
they throw light on the subsequent history.
At the outset we may pass over with a bare
mention those events bringing our Lord in contact
with the Jewish Law, in which others than Himself
were the agents. They are the Circumcision, the Lk ii
Presentation in the Temple, the keeping the Passover
at Jerusalem when He was twelve years old : all
three related by St Luke, and by him alone.
H CHRIST AND THE LA W
The authority of the Law.
The Scr- It will be best to begin with that portion of our
n Mo U nt the Lord's teaching which deals the most explicitly with
this subject 1 , the second section of the Sermon on the
Mount as given by St Matthew.
The prin- " Think not that I came to destroy the law or the
prophets: I came not to destroy, but to fulfil. For
relation to verily I say unto you, Till heaven and earth pass
the Law ,
Mtv 17-20 away, one jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass away
from the law, till all things be accomplished. Whoso
ever therefore shall break one of these least command
ments, and shall teach men so, shall be called least in
the kingdom of heaven : but whosoever shall do and
teach them, he shall be called great in the kingdom of
heaven. For I say unto you, that except your right
eousness shall exceed the righteousness of the scribes
and Pharisees, ye shall in no wise enter into the
kingdom of heaven."
is not an- The opening words suggest the motive from
which these verses take their start. "Think not"
(repeated somewhat similarly in Matt. x. 34) was
not likely to have been said unless there was some
real probability that without the warning the disciples
might think as they are here bidden not to think. It
was easy to misunderstand the true purpose of the
new prophet who had appeared going about Galilee,
teaching in the synagogues, proclaiming the Gospel
1 Cf. Ewald, Die drei ersten Evangelien, pp 263 f. See Appendix.
CHRIST AND THE LAW 15
of the kingdom, and healing all manner of sickness
and infirmity. Signs of His coming antagonism to
Scribes and Pharisees, the jealous guardians of the
Law, had possibly already appeared. At all events
the tone and drift of His teaching was manifestly
unlike theirs. Thus it was not unnatural to assume
hastily that it was a purpose of His mission simply to
break down restraints, to lift from men's shoulders
the duties which they felt as burdens. The Law was
full of commandments which claimed to be obeyed.
The Prophets were full of rebukes of transgressors,
and warnings of coming doom. Might not the mild
new Rabbi be welcomed as one come to break down
the Law and the Prophets, and so lead the way to
easier and less exacting ways of life ?
This is the delusion which our Lord set Himself but fulfil-
to crush. The Gospel of the kingdom was not a "'
Gospel of indulgence. "Think not that I came to
destroy the Law or the Prophets (to pull them down,
undo them : both these shades of meaning meet in
Kara\va-ai) : I came not to destroy but to fulfil."
These last two verbs are doubtless absolute: not as
regards Law and Prophets only, but as regards all
things, not destruction but fulfilment was His charac
teristic work. But this was especially true for the
Law and the Prophets. About the word " fulfil"
(TT\r)pa)<Tai) there is a certain ambiguity. But we may
safely neglect the meaning which perhaps comes first
to mind, that of personal obedience or performance,
16 CHRIST AND THE
as we speak of the fulfilment of an injunction. The
true meaning answers much more exactly to that
destroying or undoing to which it is here formally
opposed. It is to bring to fulness or completion,
involving therefore a progress : it is not to keep a
thing as it was. In the same sense, with reference to
RomxiiiS.the same subject, St Paul says 6 yap dyairwv rov
erepov vdpov TreTrXijpwKev, and TrXijpfDfia ovv VO/JLOV
Gal v 14 17 dyd-Trr) ; and again 6 yap ird<i vo/io? ev evl \6y<a
ai, ev rut 'A.ya,7rrj(ri<> rov Tr\r)criov crov eo<?
What kind of bringing to fulness or com
pletion was meant would appear shortly after.
of an eter- The next verse goes back behind Christ's own
naipurpose p resen ^ p Ur p O se to the eternal purpose of His Father.
It would have been monstrous that He should have
set Himself to destroy or undo that which was
destined to live as long as heaven and earth. " For
Mt v 18 verily I say unto you, Till heaven and earth pass
away, one jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass
away till all be come to pass." The precise force of
these last words (eo><? av jrdvra yevrjrai) is not quite
clear : they probably mean " till all has come to pass
that is involved in the purpose of the Law", cf. the
Lk xvi 17 form given to the saying in St Luke " It is easier for
heaven and earth to pass away, than for one tittle of
the law to fall."
TheTeach- Next our Lord warns His disciples "Whosoever
'sibUity therefore shall loose one of these least command-
Mt v 19 men t s> and shall teach men so, shall be called least in
CHRIST AND THE LAW 17
the kingdom of heaven : but whosoever shall do and
teach them, he shall be called great in the kingdom
of heaven." Ava-y probably does not mean ' break'
here, if indeed it ever does, but rather ' loose', i.e. relax,
weaken and dissolve the hold which a commandment
has on men's consciences and wills. Of course per
sonal violation of a commandment would be one way of
loosing. While Kara\vaai stands for what might have
been the powerful and decisive purpose of a prophet
or reformer, \va-rj stands for the lesser acts of disciples
tending in the same direction. In many ways the
commandments might be weakened by more or less
indirect disparagement through word or deed, and
then there might come also the deliberate teaching
("and teach men so"). He who does this was to be
called least in the kingdom of heaven. This cannot
mean exclusion from the kingdom of heaven ; and so
the only reasonable inference is that such disparage
ment of a commandment might be compatible with
general loyalty to the Law ; that is, that it might find
some seeming' justification in the true meaning of
Christ's teaching; though only the disciple who did
perfect homage in both act and word was to be called
great in the kingdom of heaven. Then came the
tremendous warning which winds up these intro
ductory verses, " For I say unto you that except your Mt v 20
righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the
Scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no wise enter into
the kingdom of heaven". That is, the Gospel calls
H. J. C. 2
1 8 CHRIST AND THE LAW
not for less righteousness, but for more righteousness
than was practised by the professed devotees of the
Law. Not, that is, that it heaps on more precepts,
making itself a Law of multiplied and minuter
enactments, but that it demands another order of
| righteousness, as it were penetrating deeper and
(rising higher.
' Fulfil- Then come instances by which the more abounding
ultrated righteousness of the Gospel is illustrated. "Ye have
Mtvii ff. heard that it was said to them of old time" is the
usual formula which introduces some precept of the
Law, with or without modification or addition supplied
by tradition. In each case a new teaching "But I
say unto you" is set up over against the ancient
teaching. These examples and the introductory
verses explain each other, as they were evidently
meant to do. What was said to them of old time
was not to be destroyed but fulfilled. It remained
binding within its own limits, but it was to be filled
out and deepened by a new spirit, the prohibition of
murder for instance being fulfilled by the prohibition
of anger against a brother. What is here implied is
that behind the Law in its original form there lay a
Divine purpose for the Law, and that the fulfilment of
the Law, in this pregnant sense of the word fulfilment,
was an accomplishment of that Divine purpose.
after the The last of the six examples in particular carries
fhTfather us up to God Himself. The very commandment to
Mtv 43-48 love one's neighbour is here set forth as needing to
CHRIST AND THE LAW 19
be fulfilled by a more comprehensive love, including
even enemies, after the likeness of the Father in
heaven, Who maketh His sun to rise on the evil and
the good. The concluding verse of this example,
rising naturally out of that reference to the Father's
impartial grace, makes also a deeply instructive con
clusion to the whole of this section on the Law.
"Ye therefore shall be perfect, as your heavenly
Father is perfect." Not only is the true foundation
indicated for the truer and more perfect type of love
which is our Lord's immediate subject here ; but the
principle is set forth which gives the Gospel right
eousness its pre-eminence as compared with the
righteousness prescribed of old time. From what I
God commands it rises to what God is: His own*
perfection, so far as human faculties can behold it, is
the standard and the power of human perfection.
This is the fulfilment of the Law.
Here then we have the principle of Christ's relation The appli-
to the Law. Some of the difficulties connected with ( / ie p rinc i.
its application and some instances of its application^
will next come before us.
Before we leave the Sermon on the Mount it is The Gold-
well to notice one verse in its later part, which is in en
effect an application of the principle already laid
down. The section which begins "Judge not that ye
be not judged", after travelling over various ground,
the connexion of the parts of which we need not
now discuss, ends with the broad commandment
2 2
20
CHRIST AND THE LA W
"All things therefore whatsoever ye would that
men should do unto you, even so do ye also unto
them, for this is the Law and the Prophets."
verse contains two parts, the precept and the reason
given for it. The precept without the reason occurs
again with slightly modified language in Luke vi. 31,
there too as part of the Sermon on the Mount but in
a somewhat different connexion, the preceding verse
answering to Matthew v. 42. A negative precept
answering to this, but differing essentially in being
only negative, a prohibition of evil doing, not a
positive principle of well doing, seems to have been
already current among the Jews at least from the
time when Tobit was written, and indeed among the
Greeks ; and in this form was added by the Western
Ac xv M , text to the letter from the Jewish Conference to the
39 Gentile converts. Nay, it is attributed to the
Hillel 1 , who lived just before the Christian era, in a
form which includes an idea corresponding to the
reason given in the second clause. "A foreigner came
to Shammai to be converted provided that he could
be taught the whole Thorah whilst he stood on one
foot" Shammai beat him away, and he went to
Hillel, who said "What is hateful to thyself do
not to thy fellow: this is the whole Thorah, and
the rest is commentary: go, study." Our Lord's
words, addressed not to an impatient would-be
proselyte, but to His own Jewish disciples, were
i Cf. C. Taylor in Pirqe Aboth L 16' n. 33.
CHRIST AND THE LAW 21
doubtless intended not merely to teach the precept
but to teach it as a fulfilment of the Law and the
Prophets, not as at once superseding them. In this
connexion notice the double phrase " Law and
Prophets." The two are taken together as together
making up the inherited Divine instrument of teach
ing and guidance, whereas before they were divided
by 'or', and thus each separately received from
Christ its own sanction. He was no champion of
the Law against the Prophets, or of the Prophets
against the Law. The ground on which He declared
Himself their fulfiller was common to both alike.
Once more, at a later period of the Ministry, when The Great
Command-
our Lord, in answer to the lawyer s question as to a men e
first or great commandment in the Law (to which we
shall have to return presently for another purpose),
named the love of God and the love of neighbour, He
added, " On these two commandments the whole Law Mt xxii 4 o
hangeth and the Prophets." The question had been
on the Law, and to that the answer was primarily ad
dressed, but the Prophets were significantly added after
wards. Here the word o\o<? carries us a step beyond
the former conclusion, and that in two ways. Doing to
others as we would have them do to us is after all no
more than a rule of conduct, the Golden Rule, as it is
sometimes called. But love of neighbour goes deeper,
to a principle below the rule, to a permanent attitude
of mind. And again this comprehensive statement
is made not of love of neighbour alone but of that
22 CHRIST AND THE LA W
and love of God conjointly. Here then we find laid
down in all its completeness that fulfilling of the Law
and the Prophets of which Christ spoke at the outset.
John tJie Baptist.
Next we may take some of our Lord's language
Relation- respecting John the Baptist. His relation to John is
- a ver y peculiar one. In the New Testament John
nexionand occupies a much more prominent place than he does
contrast
in our ordinary thoughts about the Gospel history.
We must not linger over the Baptism, or the witness
Jn i 30 f. of John recorded in the opening chapter of the Fourth
Gospel, or his other testimony given on the occasion
Jnih 22-30 of the dispute of his disciples with a Jew about puri
fication. But we must not forget the double aspect
which our Lord's relation to John presents through
out these records : the close connexion on the one hand,
not of kinship only but of office, in which our Lord is
in some sense a receiver at the hands of John, and on
the other hand the deep line of demarcation, not of
nature or of office only, but, as growing out of these,
of the periods or dispensations to which they respec
tively belong ; the one the end of the past, the Other
the Beginning of the future.
Discussion The first utterance of Christ which we need
with c ,'ii
y h n ' s examine arose out of a question asked or comment
disciples made on the fact that His disciples were not fasting
at some particular time (probably one of the fasts
CHRIST AND THE LAW 23
occurring twice a week according to Jewish tradition),
although the Baptist's disciples agreed with the
Pharisees in keeping this fast. The immediate
answer justifies Christ's disciples without condemning
John's disciples. The practice of Christ's own dis- Mt 1x14, 15
. , . , , i r .. . . . . Mkii 18-20
ciples is deduced from their own special position as Lkv 33-35
sons of the bridechamber, not from any universal
duty. Around the bridegroom, the living embodiment
of the new communion between God and man (on
which designation cf. John's own words in John iii.
29), were gathered his chosen friends, the sons of the
bridechamber, as they were called. Apparently by
Rabbinic custom 1 all in attendance on the bride
groom were dispensed from certain religious ob
servances in consideration of their duty to increase
his joy. And so the special new joy of the kingdom
of heaven in which they were ministers made the
present time a time unfit for fasting, in so far as it
was an expression of sorrow, though days of bereave
ment were coming in which it would be appropriate
enough. Here then we have the kingdom of heaven
exhibited as of higher authority than sacred custom ;
but this is not laid down as holding good except for
those who had personally received the kingdom.
Then come two well-known but very difficult para- Mt 1x16,17
. Mkii2i,2i
bolic sayings, that of the piece of undressed cloth on 0^-36-38
an old garment, and of the new wine in old wine-skins.
1 Cf. Meuschen p. 80 f. Novum Testamentum ex Talmude et
antiquitatibus Hebraeorum illustratum. Lipsiae 1736. Appendix.
24 CHRIST AND THE LA fT
The most probable interpretation is I think that of
Weiss, viz. that having justified His own disciples,
our Lord goes on to explain why He does not thereby
condemn John's disciples. They still belonged to the
old order of things preceding the coming of the
kingdom of heaven ; and it would be incongruous and
unprofitable if, while so remaining, they borrowed some
practice fitting only for the sons of the new kingdom,
or still more some new spirit such as was expressed
in the new practice. Thus far all three evangelists
use substantially the same language. An additional
saying is however preserved by St Luke (v. 39), [if,
as is possible, though not likely, it is not his own,
being omitted by the chief Western documents, it is
evidently at least a relic of a very early and trustworthy
tradition,] "And no man having drunk old [wine]
desireth new, for he saith The old is good ". Here
the probable meaning comes out still more clearly.
It was no mere unbelief that kept John's disciples from
drinking the new wine of the Gospel. They did not
deliberately set the one against the other (%/3^o r T09,
not xp-tyo-Torepo?, is certainly the true reading) ; but
in the revival and repentance due to John's preaching
they had found the old order good, as indeed it was,
and so they craved nothing more.
The result Thus the whole incident and comment on it bring
before us another aspect of our Lord's position.
The new here is not the fulfilment of the old, but
its advancing successor, while yet adhesion to the old
CHRIST AND THE LAW 25
is set forth as not in itself blameable, nor the old itself
as otherwise than good. Again, we cannot safely say
that the old is here identical with the Law; for the
fasting which gave rise to the incident was not com
manded by the Law but by a later tradition. On
the other hand we read here no condemnation of
this tradition, as we do elsewhere of some other
analogous traditions. Its precise relation to the Law
in our Lord's estimation remains undefined.
Next comes the passage which contains the fullest
and most express statement respecting the Baptist.
John hears in the prison concerning those acts of our ('/' .
Mt xi 2-19
Lord which were in the truest sense, whether John Lk vii 18-
at this time recognised them as such or not, ra epya
rov XPICTTOV, the characteristic works of the Messiah.
He sends disciples to ask Jesus about Himself, and
the answer is given by a recital of these works, ending
with the significant warning in the form of a beati
tude, " And happy is he who shall find none occasion
of stumbling in me." Then, as the messengers depart,
Christ questions and instructs the multitudes about
the Baptist. For our purpose we need notice only
the latter words : " A prophet, yea I say unto you
and much more than a prophet : this is he of whom
it is written ' Behold I send my messenger before
thy face, who shall prepare thy way before thee '."
A moment's reflection on what is involved in these
words will show to what a singularly high position
they lift the Baptist, and how in the same breath
26 CHRIST AND THE LAW
they exhibit his office as a wholly subsidiary and
preparatory one, making but a way for the coming
of the Being whom (in this form of the quotation)
Jehovah addresses as pre-eminently " coming ". Then
the same sharp antithesis is repeated in a totally
different form. None greater than the Baptist hath
been raised up among them born of women, yet great
though he be, he is less than the least in the kingdom
of heaven.
A new Here the two records diverge for a few lines.
period now <-.-,.,,, ... ... . T
begun bt Matthew (xi. I2f.) continues our Lords words
with two closely connected sayings which reappear
in inverted order in a different context of St
Luke (xvi. 16). "But from the days of John the
Baptist until now the kingdom of heaven suffereth
violence, and men of violence take it by force " (or,
in Luke's report, " from that time [the time of John]
the Gospel of the kingdom of God is preached, and
every man entereth violently into it"). Whatever
else these difficult words contain, at least they express
that a new period, that of the kingdom of heaven,
had set in after what are called the days of John
the Baptist, and that his preaching had led to a
violent and impetuous thronging to gather round
Jesus and His disciples, a thronging in which our
Lord apparently saw as much unhealthy excitement
as true conviction.
John the Then He goes on " For all the Prophets and the
fine of t e j^ aw pj-ophesied until John". The word ' prophesied '.
CHRIST AND THE LA W 27
which is omitted in Luke's report, may be variously
understood. What concerns us now is common to both
Gospels, that John is distinctly marked as closing
the age of all the Prophets and of the Law, which for
this purpose is treated as itself "prophetic". The
same is implied in yet another sentence added in
Matthew alone (xi. 14), "And if ye are willing to
receive [it], this is Elijah which is (or was) to come",
as also in the fuller saying uttered soon after the
Transfiguration, on Elijah coming first, i.e. as being Mtxviho-
the immediate precursor of the Coming of the Lord. Mk ix u-
And to return to the passage in Matthew xi. 16 19, 13
Luke vii. 31 35, the rebuke to "the men of this
generation " for their impartial rejection of John the
abstinent recluse and of Christ who companied with
men is indirectly a vindication of John in relation to
his appointed place. A similar vindication of both
missions is virtually contained in the question
asked of the high priests, scribes, and elders, " The
baptism of John, whence was it? from heaven orMtxxi23-
from men ? " more especially in connexion with our iN j k xi 2 __
Lord's comment on the parable of the two sons, 33^ ^
which follows immediately in Matthew (xxi. 28 32).
To gather up briefly the substance of these Summary
passages of the Gospels on the Baptist : they agree
with the passages on the Law and Prophets in
testifying to a divinely appointed function of the
Forerunner himself, and indirectly of the whole old
dispensation which was represented by him : and they
28 CHRIST AND THE LAW
exhibit the new order as a better order succeeding
an order which was good though far less good. On
the other hand they are silent on the fulfilment of
the old by the new, and therefore they are also silent
on what goes along with that idea of fulfilment,
the ideal perpetuity of the Old, the indestructibility of
the Law and the Prophets.
The Interpretation of the Law.
Scribes and The subject is so large that we must hasten
rapidly on now. As John the Baptist stands for the
worthy representative of the Law and the Prophets
under the old order, so the Scribes and Pharisees
stand for its unworthy representatives. The picture
of them in the Gospels is a complex one, and some
important elements of it are too indirectly con
nected with our subject to occupy us. The moral
and religious faults charged against them must
not be confounded with their relations to the Law
or even to tradition as teachers : but we must also
remember that our Lord's words point to their
casuistry, their exaggerated insistance on trifles
of formality, and their preference of tradition as such
to the original Law, as being only other fruits of the
same corrupt tree which produced their hypocrisy
and hardness of heart. This explains the apparent
the au- inconsistency of His language respecting them.
Speaking to the multitudes and to the dis-
CHRIST AND THE LAW 29
ciples, He emphatically sanctions their authority :
"The Scribes and the Pharisees sit (rather, have Mt xxiii *
taken their seat, i.e. as judges) on Moses' seat :
all things therefore whatsoever they bid you, [these]
do and observe" ; while He proceeds " but do not ye
after their works, for they say and do not". There
is here probably a reference to Deut. xvii. 10 f., which
was we know 1 quoted against disobedience to what
were called the precepts of the elders. At all events
Christ here inculcates deference to their oral teaching,
while elsewhere He charges them with making void Mt xv 3. 6
the Word (or Law or Commandment) of God because
of their tradition ; and said in reference to them
"Every plant which My Heavenly Father hath notMtxvi3f.
planted shall be rooted up", calling them also "blind
guides". He taught no rebellion against their pre- and thtir
cepts as positive rules, but He condemned the spirit
of their teaching as contradictory to the Law and the
Prophets. It is apparently from this point of view
that He not only defends His disciples for eating
bread with unwashed hands, but lays down broadly
the impossibility of real defilement through anything
which enters into a man, though such a principle
would be applicable to various Levitical laws as well
as to later traditions. He condemned neither the
washings nor the differences of meats, but He did
strenuously condemn the confusion of such mere
rules with principles of religion and morality, i.e.
1 See Tatichuma, fol. 63, i, apud Schottgen, Hor. IJebr. p. 136.
30 CHRIST AND THE LA W
with the substance of the Law and the Prophets, and
He defended the violation of such rules, not as a
habit but when the cause was adequate.
Distances It was therefore no inconsistency when He bade
^ e c i eanse( j leper shew himself to the priest and
ma k e the offering prescribed by the Law. Here
Lk v 14 there was no perverse teaching intervening to confuse
the issue. A man still under the Law, though he had
approached in faith, was simply instructed to obey
the Law, and thereby at the same time to carry his
gratitude to the supreme Author of his healing.
Mtxvii24- Similarly He directed St Peter to pay on behalf
of both of them the half shekel levied for the temple
service, " lest ", He said, "we cause them to stumble" ;
while He instructed the apostle privately that the
new relations created by the kingdom of heaven had
abolished for its children the occasion of the claim
for payment That is, He deliberately conformed to
the obligations of the old order, though He taught a
chosen disciple that their truest allegiance was now
due to a different order, an order which set them
free from this particular obligation, though only to
claim them for a more comprehensive service.
Relative It is sometimes said that Christ abolished the
ceremonial part of the Law, while He maintained
parts of the fa e moral part of it, i.e. either the Ten Command-
Law
ments, or these Ten together with the other moral
prohibitions contained in it. But this view is by no
CHRIST AND THE LAW 31
means borne out by the testimony of the Gospels.
The second table (to use our phrase) of what we call
the Ten Commandments (properly the Ten 'Words/
according to both Old Testament and Jewish usage) is
once cited by our Lord in reply to the young ruler, who Mtxix iSf.
seems to have expected to learn from Him some pecu- Lk^af M
liar single secret for attaining eternal life, but in a
manner which indicates only a special adaptation to
the circumstances of his case. Nothing of the kind
occurs in the passages of wider bearing respecting the
Law which we have been considering, or elsewhere.
Nay, in the Sermon on the Mount the first two Mtv 31,27
examples of what was said to them of old time,
in contrast to the fulfilment brought by Christ Him
self, are the Commandments against murder and
against adultery. The difference which Christ does
lay down within the Law is wholly different from-,
this supposed difference of ceremonial and moral
precepts. He opposes the tithing of mint, anise, and Mtxxiiiaj
cummin to leaving undone the weightier matters of
the Law, judgment and mercy and faith, not, be it
observed, prohibitions at all, whether taken from the
Ten Commandments or from any other legal source,
but three positive habits of mind and conduct which
had been singled out by two prophets. Hosea had Hos xii 6
said " Therefore turn thou to thy God : keep mercy
and judgment and wait on thy God continually", and
Micah" He hath shewed thee, O man, what is good ; Mic vi 8
and what doth the Lord require of thee but to do justly
32 CHRIST AND THE LA W
and to love mercy and to walk humbly with thy
God ?" Still more significant perhaps is the manner
in which one of these three weightier matters
of the Law was singled out on two occasions, as it
stands embodied in the trenchant prophetic words
of Hosea vi. 6, " I desire mercy and not sacrifice ".
Mtixis Our Lord quoted it first in vindication of His own
eating with publicans and sinners, as forbidding
Him to shrink from ceremonial defilement if such
shrinking would restrain Him from coming nigh to
the spiritually sick as their physician. He quoted it
Mt xii 7 again in vindication of His disciples' eating the ears
of corn in their hunger while passing through the
cornfields on the Sabbath, as sanctioning the breach
of a traditional mode of observance to relieve a real
human need. In neither case was a literal sacrifice
set aside for the sake of mercy : but the principle
asserted by the prophet in relative disparagement
of even the most sacred of all ceremonial or legal
acts was reaffirmed by our Lord as applying to other
customs or laws.
The It would take us too long to examine the series
MtxU?-i f our Lord ' s words and deeds in reference to the
Mk ii 23- Sabbath, itself, be it remembered, an institution
Lk 5 vii-ii embodied with special solemnity in the Decalogue.
xlv I5' 7 Assuredly He taught no abolition of it. The authority
Jn v 9 18 w hich He claimed when He declared the Son of Man
to be Lord of the Sabbath was not, we may be sure,
CHRIST AND THE LAW 33
authority to abolish or to retain it ; but authority to
follow its true meaning in contravention, if necessary,
of traditional rules for its observance. He seeks to
associate it with the beneficent work of healing and
restoration, because this was to give it new life in
accordance with its proper meaning. His Sabbath
acts are so many fulfillings, to use His own word,
of the Sabbath law.
Once more, we have an example of the same Marriage
principle, differing in form rather than in substance, Divorce
in His treatment of another sacred and fundamental Mt Y3 lf -
xix 3-1:
law, the law of marriage. He pronounced the Mkx2 ~ 13
Levitical regulation of divorce to have been given
for the hardness of men's hearts ; a pregnant judg
ment, doubtless intended to be extended to many
other subjects ; but He did not abolish it. What
He did was to go back to the underlying principle
of marriage as actually expressed at the ideal be-Ceniin
ginning of human society, and to point to that
principle, apart from all human or divine legis
lation, as supplying the only true answer to the
question of the Pharisees.
The House of Israel.
We have now considered the most important T.huita-
passages of the Gospels bearing on our Lord's relation earthly
to the Law. But we must not altogether pass over inimstr y
the evidence as to His relation to the Jewish nation
II. J. c. 3
34 CHRIST AND THE LA W
and to other nations. The starting-point is the com
prehensive fact that, so far as we know, His work
was almost wholly confined within the limits of the
Jewish land and the Jewish population, and therefore
subject to the conditions naturally arising from this
limitation. To think of His position or His mission
as promiscuously cosmopolitan is to cut Him off not
only from the Old Testament but from all the
historical circumstances of His Incarnation. This
consideration gives fresh force to His injunc-
Mt x 5 f. tion to the Twelve, " Go not into any way of
the Gentiles, and enter not into any city of the
Samaritans; but go rather to the lost sheep of the
house of Israel". We might have thought the in-
^ ^ junction not necessary, but the absence of a practical
*~*i&, | need of it throws only the more stress on it as
conveying a thought with which it was well to charge
the Apostles' minds. In the healing of the daughter
of the Canaanite woman in the region of Tyre, we
listen to the Lord's account of His own mission
(Matthew xv. 24), in the words " I was not sent but
unto the lost sheep of the house of Israel" ; nor is
there any ground for regarding these and the following
words as merely intended for a trial of the woman's
faith, though they served that purpose likewise.
When at length the boon is granted her, nothing is
said to take away from its exceptional and as it were
extraneous character: it remains a crumb from the
children's table. The true view is admirably expressed
CHRIST AND THE LAW 35
by Ewald, "In this Jesus shewed Himself doubly Drd erst.
great, first in the deliberate firm limitation to
His immediate calling, then in the equally de
liberate overstepping of these limits so soon as
this was recommended by a higher consideration,
and as by way of previous indication for a more
distant future, in which the present limits may
become extinct".
But along with this resolute concentration upon Hints of a
Jewish ground, the Gospels bear ample testimony to ?,"",-" *"*
the intended extension of the kingdom of heaven
hereafter. Our thoughts naturally turn to such
passages in St John's Gospel as " Other sheep I }\\ x 16
have, which are not of this fold : them also I must
bring, and they shall hear my voice ", a saying sug
gested by the thought of the Passion, " I lay down jn x is
my life for the sheep" : and again to the coming
of Greeks through Philip to our Lord leading to j n xii 20 ft",
some specially solemn words, including the saying,
again referring to the Passion, " I, if I be lifted up
from the earth, will draw all men unto myself".
But teaching to the same general effect is recorded
in the other Gospels, as "Many shall come from Mtviiiiif.
the East and from the West, and shall sit down with .^
Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the kingdom of
heaven", being in Matthew suggested by the Cen
turion's faith, pronounced to be such as our Lord
had not found " even in Israel ". And similar lan
guage is to be found in a series of the later parables,
32
36 CHRIST AND THE LA W
Mtxxi43 as in 'the Vineyard and the Husbandmen' "The
kingdom of God shall be taken away from you, and
shall be given to a nation bringing forth the fruits
Mt xxii 9 thereof", in 'the Marriage Feast', and most emphati-
Mt xxv 32 cally of all, in ' the Sheep and the Goats ', according
to its true interpretation as a judgment of the nations.
So also the great apocalyptic discourse in all three
Mt xxiy 2 Synoptic Gospels is introduced by a prediction of the
Lk xxi 6 destruction of the temple, and further on Christ
Mt xxiv 14 declares that "this Gospel of the kingdom shall be
jo proclaimed in all the world for a testimony to all the
nations, and then shall come the end". The words
about the temple must be taken in connexion with
Jn ii 19 the utterance " Destroy (\vcrare) this temple, and in
three days I will raise it up ", and with the accusation
Mtxxvi6i doubtless a perversion of real words "This man
^ said, I am able to destroy (rearaXvcrai,) the temple of
God, and to build it up in three days ", or as St Mark
Mk xivsS gives it, "We heard him say, I will destroy (eyeo fcara-
29 \vaoj) this temple that is made with hands, and in
three days I will build another made without hands "
the first person of the rebuilding being in the accu
sation transferred likewise to the destruction.
Summary Thus, to put in few words the chief deductions
p el evidence ^ rom tne Gospel evidence, our Lord declared Himself
not the destroyer of the Law and the Prophets but
their fulfiller, in that He sought to give effect to their
CHRIST AND THE LA W 37
true purpose and inner meaning. He indicated that
for Himself and His true disciples the old form of the
Law had ceased to be binding : but He did not
disobey its precepts or even the precepts of tradition,
or encourage His disciples to do so, except in so far
as obedience would have promoted that Pharisaic
misuse of the Law and of tradition alike, which called
forth His warmest denunciations. Nay, He did homage
to that (for its time) right service of the old order
which was represented by John the Baptist, though
He at the same time proclaimed its entirely lower and
transitory character. Again, Christ deliberately con
fined His own ministry and that of His Apostles within
Jewish limits, except in a case or two distinctly excep
tional ; while He clearly made known that the privileges
of the people of God were to be extended to mankind.
This twofold character of our Lord's action" and teach
ing, recurring under different forms, specially attested
in Matthew, the most Judaic of all the Gospels, fore
shadows the only way in which the Divine purpose,
humanly speaking, could be accomplished ; while it
was inevitably open to much misunderstanding on the
one side and on the other. The fundamental point,
a fulfilment of the Law which was not a literal reten
tion of it as a code of commandments was as it is still
a conception hard to grasp : it was easier either to
perpetuate the conditions of the old covenant or else
to blaspheme them. Again there was ample matter
for apparent contradictions in the necessity for a time
38 CHRIST AND THE LAW
of transition during which the old order would live on
by the side of the new, not Divinely deprived of its an
cient sanctity, and yet laid under a Divine warning of
not distant extinction. This period of transition was
Jn iii 30 prefigured in the Baptist's own testimony : " He must
increase, but I must decrease " decrease, not simply
give way and be gone ; the end of the old order and
the beginning of the new were to overlap, not to be
divided by an abrupt succession. Hence part of our
Lord's action and teaching had reference to what was
permanent in the new order of which He was the
Head and Foundation ; part of it had reference to
temporary requirements of present circumstances, but
it was easy to confound the one with the other, and
not easy to distinguish them in due proportion. The
great point to remember is that it was hardly possible
for either aspect to be forgotten in men's recollections
of the original Gospel at any period of the Apostolic
age, however vaguely and confusedly both might be
apprehended.
LECTURE III.
THE EARLY CHURCH AT JERUSALEM.
Two of the Gospels in their genuine texts record The final
in jit tic -
final injunctions of our Lord to the Eleven, with or tionsofthe
without other disciples, with explicit reference to the
universality of their mission. In St Matthew we read
"All authority is given Me in heaven and on earth : Mt xxviii
i8f.
go ye therefore (since the authority of Messiah on
earth was not partial or national only, but universal),
go ye therefore and bring all the nations into dis-
cipleship (fMaOr^-revaare Travra ra edvr))". And an
echo of this form of the command is preserved in
the appendix to St Mark, "Go ye (iropevOevTes, as[Mk]xvii5
in St Matthew) into all the world and proclaim the
Gospel to the whole creation". In St Luke the
charge is developed further, "And that repentance i.kxxiv 4 7,
and remission of sins should be preached in His 4S
name unto all the nations, beginning from Jerusalem.
Ye are witnesses of these things", and again " but
tarry ye in the city until ye be clothed with power
from on high". Here the ultimate sphere, all the
nations, and the immediate sphere, sphere as well
as starting-place, as dpgd/jievoi implies, viz. Jerusalem,
40 THE EARLY CHURCH
are brought out with equal distinctness. The only
condition for the transition from the one sphere to
the other is the having been clothed with power from
on high. In the last words of the Gospel we read
Lk xxiv 52 that as the Lord parted from the disciples, " they
worshipped Him, and returned to Jerusalem with
great joy, and were continually in the temple, blessing
God". The same twofold charge recurs in the open-
Ac 14 f. ing verses of the Acts. "He charged them (the
Apostles) not to depart from Jerusalem but to wait
for the promise of the Father", which He explained
as 'baptism with the Holy Ghost' not many days
Ac i 8 hence. And again, " but ye shall receive power,
when the Holy Ghost is come upon you (or, by the
coming of the Holy Ghost upon you), and ye shall be
my witnesses both in Jerusalem and in all Judea and
Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth"
AC i 12 To Jerusalem then they returned after the Ascen
sion, and there awaited the next national feast. At
Ac i 14 this time their perseverance in prayer is spoken of,
but nothing is said of any preaching.
The Day of Then came the great event of the Day of Pente-
cost, the outpouring of the Spirit as manifested by
wondrous typical gifts. The description of the various
classes of spectators here at the outset of the history
reminds us of the vast extent of the Jewish dispersion,
and of the consequent multiplicity of channels through
which the Gospel was hereafter to make its way
among the nations. The presence of hearers of many
AT JERUSALEM 41
names from a wide extent of Asia, besides two from
the Hellenized N.E. of Africa (Egypt and Cyrene), and
one, but that one from the mother-city of the Empire,
from Europe, could not but be a living reminder
of the future apostolic work, though, as was natural,
none apparently were there but Jews settled away
from Judea, or proselytes, whom they had made from
the Gentiles, not Gentiles in creed as well as race.
It might perhaps have been expected that when once
this miraculous inauguration, as it were,- of the
apostolic mission had taken place, some steps would
immediately be taken for going forth into other lands,
as some at least of our Lord's words might seem to e.g. Lk
direct. But no sign of any such movement is re- x3
corded by St Luke ; and the reason of the delay was
probably the duty of proclaiming the Gospel sys
tematically and strenuously to the Jewish people, as the
first and most necessary step of the impending work.
The full range of future recipients of the Gospel st Peters
is distinctly recognised by St Peter in the exhorta
tion to repentance and baptism which he addressed
to the Jews who had been pricked to the heart by
his discourse on that great day, addressed, we arc
told, to the Jews and to all the inhabitants of Jeru- Ac ii 14
salem. " The promise is to you and to your children AC ii 39
and to all that are afar off, even as many as the Lord
our God shall call unto Him". But the exhortation
is not " Come out of Israel ", as though the people or
the city had become an obsolete or an evil thing.
42 THE EARLY CHURCH
Acii 4 o "Save yourselves", St Peter says, "from this crooked
generation", i.e. from the present unworthy represen
tatives of Israel ; the phrase being taken 1 from the
Deut xxxii description of the rebellious Israelites in the desert,
Mtxviiij partially used also by our Lord Himself. About
Lk ix 4 i 2000 souls, we read, were added on that day ; the
same by no means obvious verb, Trpoa-ridefjiai, being
cf. Acvi 4 , used (here and elsewhere in Acts) which the LXX.
has in Is. xiv. I for a proselyte who is joined to Israel.
TJieman- The next verse, describing their manner of life,
Rfffe very important, but not free from ambiguity.
" An d they were continuing steadfastly with the
teaching of the Apostles and with the communion,
with the breaking of the bread and with the prayers".
Among these four terms there is none which directly
suggests any Jewish observance, while the first,
the teaching of the Apostles, is obviously Chris
tian. The only natural interpretation of the four is
as together constituting the characteristic marks of
the new Christian life which they had taken up.
Respecting the continued adherence to Jewish ob
servances, nothing is said which implies either its
'The teach- presence or its absence. 'The teaching of the Apostles'
was the necessary instrumentality for bringing the
new converts to full discipleship. Their rudimentary
faith needed a careful and continuous instruction, an
instruction which replaced that which the scribes
were in the habit of giving, so that in the most
1 Cf. Lightfoot on Phil. ii. 15.
A T JERUSALEM 43
literal sense the Apostles might now be called scribes Mt xiii 52
become disciples to the kingdom, bringing out of
their treasure things new and old, the new tale of
the ministry and glory of Jesus, the old promises and
signs by which Law and Prophets had pointed onward
to Him and His kingdom.
The next term, 'the communion' (rfj KOIVWVIO) ' The com
munion
is less clear. The order of the words excludes
the connexion with rwv aTroa-ToXajv adopted by
the Authorised Version and the Revised Version
(text), which is also unnatural here in sense. Yet
something more external and concrete than a spirit }
of communion is required by parallelism with the
other three terms. It must be some outward ex
pression of the new fellowship 1 with the general body
of Christian believers, answering to the special relation
to the Apostles. The form which this fellowship
took was doubtless the treatment of property as a
thing not to be held without reference to the needs of
the destitute among the community, and a consequent
contribution to their maintenance. The help thus
given was apparently not in money but in public AC vi i
meals, such as from another point of view are called ^ pa ^ ats
'the daily ministration'.
The 'breaking of the bread' is of course what
we call the Holy Communion in its primitive l ^ e
form as an Agape or Supper of Communion.
1 For analogous and equally concrete senses of Koivwvia cf. e.g. Rom.
xv. 26, Heb. xiii. 16, and Lightfoot's note on Phil. i. 5.
44 THE EARLY CHURCH
1 The pray- 'The prayers are probably Christian prayers at
stated hours, answering to Jewish prayers. If we
knew more of the synagogue services in Palestine
as they were before the Fall of Jerusalem, we should
perhaps find that these Christian prayers replaced
synagogue prayers, (which it must be remembered
are not recognised in the Law,) as the Apostles'
teaching may be supposed to have replaced that of
the scribes.
Life in the What is said in the next verses is said not of the
church new converts only, but of "all that believed". Their
Ac n 44- uf e towards each other was exhibited in the qualified
and guarded community of goods which they prac
tised. Their life towards God was exhibited in their
continuing steadfastly with one accord in the temple
and breaking bread in private houses (icar oltcov), both
of them acts of fellowship with men as well as with
God. How far their participation in the use of the
temple went, we are not told. With the single very
peculiar exception of the ceremonies and oblations
Ac xxi 26 with which St Paul accompanied 'the four men having
a vow' at his last visit to Jerusalem, there is no record
of any kind of connexion between the Apostles or
any other Christians and any kind of sacrificial act.
Yet that incident seems to imply that similar acts
were not uncommon among the Christians of Jeru
salem, and indeed it is difficult to understand how
they could have been omitted at Jerusalem without
a deliberate breach with the Jewish people. But at
AT JERUSALEM 45
all events we have distinct evidence that Christian
Jews like other Jews frequented the temple, the
sanctuary of the nation, and thereby maintained
their claim to be Jews in a true sense. Accordingly
as the last words of St Luke's Gospel spoke of the
disciples as continually in the temple, blessing God,
so we read of St Peter and St John going up to Ac in i
the temple at the hour of prayer, the ninth hour ;
and again of all (apparently, all the Christians) AC v 12
being with one accord in Solomon's porch. So also,
when the imprisoned Apostles were released by an
angel, he bid them go and stand and speak in t/ie AC v 20
temple to the people all the words of this life,
and there they shortly were found standing and Ac v 25
teaching the people. Finally, the last verse before
the episode of St Stephen tells us that every day,
in the temple and icar olicov, they ceased not to Ac v 42
teach and to preach Jesus as the Christ.
For one other indication of the state of things Hope of a
during this period we must go back to St Peter's conversion
address in Solomon's porch. After denouncing inAciiii2ff.
plain language the crime of the Crucifixion he es
declares his knowledge that both people and rulers
had perpetrated it in ignorance, and he calls on
these murderers of the Righteous One to repent.
In other words, the doom of the old Israel was
not yet sealed till not the Lord only but His
faithful servants had been rejected. The leading
Apostle could still cherish the hope that the nation
46 THE EARLY CHURCH
at large might be brought to turn and bow the knee
to its true Messiah. Nor, so far as appears, was
there anything in St Peter's preaching to provoke
plausible antagonism. Its great theme is Jesus the
Messiah, crucified and raised to the right hand of
God, the present object of faith, the present outpourer
of spiritual gifts from above. The far-reaching con
sequences which might have to flow from these
premisses are left for the present unexpressed.
Steps in the It is worth while to notice briefly the steps in the
^he^com- growth of the Christian community and its relations
mumty ^o the people at this time, so far as they are known
to us. The body who return to Jerusalem after
Acii^f. the Ascension are the eleven Apostles, certain
women, Mary the mother of Jesus, and His brethren.
Matthias is added to the Eleven in an assembly of
Aciio the brethren, about 120 in number "in those days".
After St Peter's discourse on the Day of Pente-
Ac ii 41 cost 3000 are added. The following time is one
Acii 4 6f. of exultation and simplicity of heart, "praising
God and having favour with all the people", and
every day added to their number. The first colli
sion comes on St Peter's address to the wondering
multitudes after the miracle on the lame man. The
Ac iv 1-4 chief priests (v. I. priests), the captain of the temple
and the Sadducees come upon the Apostles and
imprison them ; but of the hearers about 5000
are converted. Then follows the hearing before
AT JERUSALEM 47
the rulers and elders and scribes (four names being
given and " all that were of high priestly family"), Ac iv 5, 6
and the Apostles are released with a warning, for Ac iv 16-21
fear of the people. Their report to the brethren Ac ^23-31
and solemn prayer give special force to this re
cognition of the beginning of persecution. Then
follows the story of Ananias and Sapphira. The
popularity continues and multitudes of men and
women join, but there is some holding off of out-Acvis, 14
siders. Meanwhile the cities round Jerusalem send
their sick to be healed. Once more the high priest
and his Sadducee friends intervene to imprison the Ac v 17 f.
Apostles. Released by an angel, they are again
found teaching in the temple, and again brought
before the Sanhedrin and "all the senate of the sons Ac v 21
of Israel". The incipient purpose of slaying them is
stopped by Gamaliel. The result is a compromise.
They are scourged and again discharged with a
caution, to which again they give no heed. Their
evangelic teaching continues in temple and houses
alike. It is at this point that the preaching of St
Stephen opens new horizons, and leads to a new
course of events.
St Stephen.
How long an interval had passed since the The Date
Ascension, is hard to determine, and very different
48 THE EARLY CHURCH
views have been taken. There are however some safe
limits. The accession of Festus to office in place of
Felix took place in, or nearly in, A.D. 60, and the in
dications supplied by the Acts and Gal. i. ii. carry us
back from that year to A.D. 35 or 36 as the probable
date of St Paul's conversion, which apparently took
place shortly after Stephen's death. At the other end
of the interval the date of the Crucifixion is still
uncertain, but must at all events have been early
enough to leave at least three or four years before
St Stephen's death: the few incidents recorded in
Acts i. v. must not therefore be taken as anything
like a complete history of what was probably the
quiet growth of the Church at Jerusalem.
Who were The first new fact which meets us is the division
ists? ' of the Church at Jerusalem into a Hebrew and a
c vi i tf. Hellenistic portion. The meaning of the term Hellenist
was a matter of conjecture in Chrysostom's day, and
so it is still. But it is fixed with reasonable certainty,
by the meaning of 'EXXyvifa, to be simply a Greek-
speaking Jew. It must therefore on no account be
confused with a proselyte, though possibly a proselyte
might also be called a Hellenist with reference to his
language. Evidently there was no lack of spiritual
energy in the Hellenistic section of the community,
and it was from this section that the impulse was to
proceed which was to lead to the first important
changes in the primitive Judaic, I do not say Judaistic,
character of the Church.
A T JERUSALEM 49
We are not told of the proportion between the two Jealousy of
elements, but evidently both were considerable. The
complaint made by the Hellenists suggests that the
Hebrew Christians looked on their Hellenist brethren
as having only a secondary claim on their care when
the increasing numbers of the disciples rendered the
eleemosynary arrangements of the community more
difficult to work. We have thus here a forewarning
of the troubles afterwards to arise in respect of the
treatment of Gentile Christians. The Apostles recog
nise the need of organisation to meet the difficulty,
and call on the community to provide seven men
7r\t'ipei<; TrvevpaTos KOI cro</Ha<?, whom they themselves
would set over this business, which they did by
laying on of hands. It has been often noticed that
all the names were Greek, which affords some pre
sumption that all the seven, including Stephen, were
Hellenists. As the last of the seven, Xicolaus, is called
a proselyte of Antioch, it is probable that the others
were not proselytes. Stephen was apparently already
marked out as one full of faith teal Trvevp-aTos dyiov.
Then comes a fresh statement of the growth of
the Church. The former statement as to the grow
ing numbers of Christians is repeated more empha
tically than before with the remarkable addition that
a great multitude of the priests "hearkened to the
faith ", i.e. (probably) no longer believed secretly only AC vi 7
but obeyed the call of their faith by an open profes
sion.
H. J. c. 4
50 THE EARLY CPIURCH
Theopp'osi- What we are told of the miracles wrought by
Stephen Stephen, and of the preaching which was confirmed
by these, had probably nothing to do with his
office as one of the Seven. He simply exercised
after his appointment the gifts which had distin-
Ac vi Q guished him before it. He was resisted by certain
men, described in a long compound phrase, which
has been supposed to mean that they came from
two or else from five synagogues in Jerusalem.
The existence of synagogues called by these names
would not be improbable in itself, but the Greek,
though not smooth and correct on any interpretation,
suggests only the one synagogue of the Libertines, pro
bably freedmen of Rome, and the other names simply
as descriptive of origin. They are, from the South,
Cyrene and Alexandria, from the North, Cilicia and
Proconsular Asia. It is natural to suppose that
prominent among the Cilician antagonists would be
St Paul. It is remarkable that the opposition here
mentioned came not from Hebrews but from Jews of
the Dispersion, though they in their turn stirred
Acvii2 up against Stephen the people and the elders and
the scribes ; and all alike were responsible for his
death. As we shall see presently, it was with
Ac ix 29 the Hellenists alone that St Paul is described as
coming into conflict at Jerusalem at his first visit
there after his conversion. These men, probably old
associates of Stephen before his conversion, found
Ac vi jo themselves overborne by the wisdom and the spirit
A T JER USALEM 5 1
with which he spoke. They therefore suborned
witnesses to attest his having spoken blasphemous
words against Moses and God (i.e. with having vilified
the Law). He spoke unceasingly, they said, against
the holy place and the Law, declaring that Jesus
would destroy (/taraXucret) the temple and change the
customs left by Moses.
To these charges Stephen's discourse is an indirect Stephen's
answer. What he had actually said we cannot tell AC vif
with certainty. Doubtless, as in our Lord's case,
there was distortion of real words. It is probable
enough that Stephen saw that sooner or later the
process of fulfilment of the Law in the spirit must
involve its becoming obsolete in the letter, and that
the conception of worship involved in this fulfilment cf. Jnivat
must render unmeaning the exclusive sanctity of the
temple. But his defence does not suggest that he
uttered any such prediction, which indeed, as far as
we can see, would have been an unprofitable act of
defiance ; while it is likely enough that he did plainly
set forth a higher authority than that of the Law, a
truer sanctity than that of the temple. His defence
is in the main a vindication of himself on these lines,
chiefly by indicating the anticipations of similar
teaching to be found in the events of sacred history
and laid down by the prophets, and on the other
hand the anticipations which they likewise contained
of the present Jewish unbelief. The starting-point is Ac vii 2 flf.
Abraham and his departure from Mesopotamia for a g
42
52 THE EARLY CHURCH
land which God was to shew him, a true parallel of
the position taken up by the accused Christian Jews.
Ac vii 20 ff. Further on he speaks at great length of Moses, the
forerunner of Christ, dwelling especially on the
rejection of him as a self-made ruler and judge in
contrast to his actual mission by God as a ruler and
a redeemer: and dwelling again on his having re
ceived living oracles to give to the Jews ; but all in
vain, since they refused to obey them, and turned back
in their hearts unto Egypt. Then he points out how
Acvii 4 4ff. till the days of David their fathers had not had the
temple, but the tabernacle made by Moses from a
Divine pattern, the temple being built at last only at
the king's desire. There is here no condemnation of
the building of the temple, as some have supposed,
but there is a suggestion that its holiness was really
derived from what it inherited from its predecessor,
cf. Hebviii the tabernacle, a Divine pattern still abiding ; that
it was in fact merely one mutable phase in the mani
festation of God's dwelling among men ; while he
quotes Is. Ixvi. I f. to shew that God cannot dwell in
any human building in the exclusive sense assumed
Ac vii 51 by the Jews. He ends with a rebuke in biblical
language, pointing out that the stiffneckedness and
Is kiii 10 hardness of heart rebuked in their fathers was re
peated in them, both alike setting themselves against
the Holy Spirit. He foreshadows his already clearly
Mt xxiii 34 anticipated doom by speaking, as Christ had done,
of the slaying of the prophets. The last words are
A T JER US ALE M 53
not a rejection of the Law but a rebuke to the Jews
for not keeping it. When he declared his vision of
the Son of Man standing at the right hand of God,
they drove him out of the city, and there, without
the camp, as the Epistle to the Hebrews says ofHebxiiin
Christ Himself, they stoned him.
The Extension of the Church.
The varied issues of that day were the beginning Tkeresnlts
of the end for the Law and the Temple. Words death "
of such far-reaching purport, carefully guarded as
they had been from denunciation of any present
sanctity, could not but make a deep impression,
more especially when spoken by an eloquent and
zealous Hellenist who had suffered martyrdom for
uttering them. But further the young man Saul Ac viii i f.
was present and consenting, and for him the sights
and sounds were not to be in vain. And thirdly,
the general persecution which ensued drove all except
the Apostles from the city, scattering them over Judea
and Samaria. How the Apostles were able to stay
and yet escape destruction, we know not. To the
stay itself they may have held themselves to be
pledged if no clear intimation from above came
to them to bid them leave their primary work in
the city.
~ ' . ,. ., . c The Gospel
Two short narratives that follow exhibit some of a t Samaria
54
Ac viii 4- the immediate results of that scattering. Philip, the
second on the list of the Seven, preaches at Samaria
and has Simon Magus for one of his converts. The
Apostles, though they had not originated this preach
ing, recognise its results, and send down Peter and
John, who pray for the bestowal of the Spirit, with its
wondrous signs, upon the converts, and the prayer is
granted. On their way back to Jerusalem they
themselves carry on the work, preaching in many
Samaritan villages. Thus, while the barriers between
Mt x 5 Jew and Samaritan recognised by our Lord had been
for a while maintained, they were now deliberately
let go, and this peculiar semi-Jewish people was
placed within the Church on the same footing as the
purest Hebrew Jews.
Baptism of Again Philip is divinely guided to meet, instruct,
Ac vfiiTe- anc ^ baptize the Ethiopian eunuch of Candace's court,
4 a member of another race, apparently one of the God-
fearers, as they were called, followers of the less
distinctive parts of Jewish religion. He is then
carried away to Azotus, and thence traverses all the
The sea- towns of the coast northwards till he reaches Caesarea,
Palestine preaching all the way. Caesarea, you will remember,
was the political capital of Palestine at this time, and
a place of great importance. Here then another
great step is taken. We are still within the ancient
limits of the Holy Land. But in the Apostolic age
these cities of the coast were much more Greek than
Jewish. At the same time there is no evidence that
AT JERUSALEM 55
Philip's preaching was addressed to others than Jews,
whether Hebrews or Hellenists.
Momentous as were the consequences of St Paul's 77^ re
conversion for the future part of our subject, its ^7/W
details do not concern us now, beyond the fact that Ac 1X
there were already Christians at Damascus. In St
Luke's own record St Paul's sphere is defined by
the Lord speaking to Hananiah as " to bear my AC i\- 15
name before [TOJJ/] iOvwv re KCU /3aai\0)v vlwv re ^iVxiii'o
'lo-panX" ; where it is to be observed that the sons of Lk XX1 I2
cf. xii 1 1
Israel are added as an appendix at the end, and that AC i\- 26
J>^ [j 2
not only nations but kings are mentioned. In St
Paul's own accounts we have, "Thou shalt be a wit- AC xxii 15
ness to Him 7rpo<? Trdvras avOpwTrovs " and "delivering
thee from the people and from the nations ; unto whom Ac xxvi i -
[apparently the nations by what follows] I send thee
to open their eyes, that they may turn from darkness
to light, and from the power of Satan unto God, that
they may receive remission of sins and an inheritance
among them that are sanctified by faith in Me." But
it is noteworthy that as soon as St Paul began an
active Christian ministry, (i.e. apparently as soon as
he had returned to Damascus from that visit to
Arabia mentioned by himself, Gal. i. 17, though
passed over by St Luke,) he did not depart from
the line of conduct followed by the other Apostles,
of speaking to the Jews first. It was in the
56 THE EARLY CHURCH
synagogues of Damascus that his preaching as a
Christian began (ix. 20): they were Jews whom he
confounded by his discourses at Damascus (ix. 22),
thus early provoking their deadly enmity.
His visit to For his first visit to Jerusalem as a Christian, three
years after his conversion, we have to compare the
accounts 1 in Acts ix. 26 30 and Gal. i. 18 20.
He went up io-roprja-ai Kijtpav, to 'explore' St
Peter, to find out how he would be disposed to
treat the persecutor now become a champion.
Barnabas, who as a Cyprian may have known
him in the neighbouring Tarsus, and who must
have stood high with the Apostles who gave him
Ac iv 36 his significant name, introduced him to St Peter,
with whom he stayed fifteen days, during which
he also saw James the Lord's brother. At this
time he boldly shewed himself in public as a
Christian champion, disputing with the Hellenists,
i.e. doubtless with those of them who had already
taken the lead in the proceedings against Stephen.
On their attempting to kill him, he was conveyed
away by the brethren and went home to Tarsus,
where he remains out of sight for some time. St
Luke closes this piece of narrative with the fact that
Ac ix 31 through all Judea, Galilee, and (now) Samaria the
Church had peace (i.e. for some reason persecution
had ceased), and went forward in quiet growth and
enlargement.
1 See Lightfoot, Gal. 91 f.
AT JERUSALEM 57
Cornelius.
We now come almost immediately to an incident The bap-
... . . I, ,1 t-i i > i ii tism of a
even more decisive in its results than Stephen s death. p rose i yie
The Apostles evidently now took the whole land, and
not merely Jerusalem, as their sphere of work. There
were Christians at Lydda, and there Peter went to
visit them, and his presence and miracles caused
fresh conversions in the whole Sharon ; and the same Ac ix 35
thing happens at Joppa by the sea-coast, to which he Ac 1x36 ff
was led on. Then comes the story of Cornelius, the Ac x i ff.
Roman centurion of Caesarea, who enjoyed the respect
of all the Jews. At the hour of prayer Peter sees the Ac x gff.
thrice repeated vision of the sheet full of all manner
of living things and hears the voice pronouncing that
God had cleansed what he supposed to be profane.
Then come in the messengers from Cornelius relating Ac x 17 fl".
his vision ; Peter accepts the one vision as interpreting
for him the other, and "opening his mouth" (the Ac x 34 f.
words always have special force) declares his percep
tion that God is no respecter of persons, but in every
nation he that feareth Him and worketh righteousness
is acceptable to Him. He then repeats afresh the Ac x 36 ff.
Gospel as declared in the first instance to the Sons of
Israel ; and is on the other hand in the act of citing Ac x 43 f.
the prophets as testifying remission of sins through
Messiah's name to Trdvra rov iriarevovra et? CLVTOV,
when the wondrous tongues are heard as a sign of
the descent of the Holy Spirit on the hearers, and ot
53 THE EARLY CHURCH
Ac x 45 etc 7repiTo/j,r]s iri<rro\ who had accompanied Peter, at
once recognise the sanction given from heaven to the
reception of Gentiles, though as yet only Gentiles
already associated with Judaism in faith and partly
in practice. St Peter accordingly seals the acknow
ledgment by bestowing baptism.
ratified at Thus far the act was his alone, though it was that
Jerusalem
Ac xi i ff. of the foremost Apostle. The tidings soon reached
Jerusalem and did not please all there. Circumcised
Christians complained of Peter for sitting at meat
with men that were uncircumcised. In reply he
briefly told the whole story, appealing specially to
our Lord's words about baptism with the Holy
Spirit in connexion with the visible manifestation of
the Spirit as fallen on those Gentiles. And this
Ac xi 18 explanation satisfied the objectors, who joined in
glorifying God for having given the Gentiles as well
as themselves the repentance unto life.
The Preaching to tJie Hellenists at Antioch.
The evan- The scene now changes to Antioch, still in Syria,
but far beyond any limits of the Holy Land. To
this point, and to the neighbouring Cyprus, the
fugitives from the persecution following Stephen's
death had penetrated along the Phoenician seaboard.
Ac xi 19 They preached as they went, but, we are told, they
spoke the word to no one save only to Jews. " But
AT JERUSALEM 59
there were some of them", St Luke goes on, " men of Ac xi 20
Cyprus and Gyrene, who when they were come to
Antioch, spake unto the Hellenists also, preaching
glad tidings of the Lord Jesus". It is a common
fashion here to read 'Greeks' for 'Hellenists', with a 'Greeks' or
few MSS., not including the best. It is practically ^'7"
assumed that we have here a sharp antithesis between
Jews in the most comprehensive sense and mere
heathens. If this, however, were the case, we should
expect much more significant language to accompany
the statement, and the solemn turning of Paul and Ac xiii 46
Barnabas to the Gentiles at Antioch of Pisidia
would be robbed of much of its meaning. More than
one explanation of the words is possible. It is at
least curious that eXaXouf KOI 7rpo9 rou? 'EXX^^o-ras Ac xi 20
resembles so closely the phrase describing St Paul's
controversial preaching at Jerusalem, e'XaXet re Ac 1x29
Kal crvvefy'jrei Trpo? TOU? 'EXX?7i> terra?, where TT/SC?
must have an adversative sense. So too it might
well be here " spake against the Hellenists ", if
antagonists were found among the Hellenists at
Antioch as well as at Jerusalem. But the absence
of any further indication of opposition on their part
renders this less likely than other explanations. It
is again possible that the Hellenists are included in
the 'lovSaioi, but had also a separate organisation, Ac xi 19
and that what is meant is, so to speak, a special
mission to them by Cyprians and Cyrenians, them
selves Hellenists, as part of the general evangelisation.
60 THE EARLY CHURCH AT JERUSALEM
But more probably 'louSato? is meant in the narrower
sense of Jews proper, such as are called 'E/3patot in
vi. I (a word not used elsewhere in Acts). This, or
some similarly limited sense, is the only natural sense
of 'lovSaloi in xiv. I, xviii. 4, where the associated
"E/VX^e? cannot be heathens, being frequenters of
synagogues. Doubtless then the persons generally
addressed at Antioch, and on the way there, were
Hebrews, while the Cyprians and Cyrenians went
further and addressed Hellenists, perhaps including
the fearers of God or proselytes of the less strict sort
(wrongly called 'proselytes of the gate' in modern
books), such as Cornelius and probably the eunuch
had been: but no one as yet preached to men entirely
heathens.
Barnabas Both the preaching and the conversions that fol
lowed were reported to the Church at Jerusalem,
Acxi22ff. and Barnabas being sent down to inspect was entirely
satisfied, and went to Tarsus to fetch Saul, evidently
seeing that a work specially suited to him was now
begun. In truth, though heathens were not yet
addressed, the step taken was a great one. The
Gospel was now established in a great capital beyond
Palestine, surrounded by heathens, a specially im
portant centre of the Dispersion. And now first it
Ac xi 26 was that the disciples were called Christians, a name
apparently given them by others.
LECTURE IV.
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH.
THE principal work of the Church of Jerusalem Thecontri-
was now done. Henceforward we hear of it only j- rom ^ n .
incidentally, in so far as it had an influence on the tl
expanding Church beyond Palestine. The transition
is formed by a mission of Barnabas and Saul from Ac xi 79 f.
Antioch to Jerusalem to carry a contribution to the
brethren of Judea who were suffering from famine.
This visit of St Paul to Jerusalem is passed over in
his own recital in Galatians, but a sufficient expla
nation is given by Dr Lightfoot, and is indeed suggest- Lightfoot,
ed by the structure of the narrative in Acts.
At the same time, doubtless before Barnabas and Herod's
Saul arrived, a new form of persecution broke out.
This time it came neither from people, nor from
priests, nor scribes, nor elders, but from the king,
from Herod. He slew James the son of Zebedee and Ac xii 2
imprisoned Peter, who was released by an angel, and
withdrew, apparently for a time only, to another Ac xii ^
place.
62 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
James the The death of James probably led to the substi-
Lord s
brother tution of James the Lord's brother in his place. He
has not been named in the Acts till now, when he
Ac xii 17 suddenly appears as the person to whom, in con
junction with the brethren, Peter sends the message
with the account of his delivery from prison. From
this time forward he is apparently the head of the
Church of Jerusalem, and thus assumes a position of
great interest in relation to our subject. It seems to
me by no means improbable that he was counted
henceforward as one of the Twelve in place of his
namesake. But this is not at all certain.
Tkesigni- If Barnabas and Saul arrived at Jerusalem
ficance of
ission early in the persecution, it might easily happen
that Saul would have no opportunity of speaking
to either Peter or any other of the Twelve, for it
must have been a time of confusion and probably
of scattering. But the mission was accomplished :
Church greeted Church with substantial tokens of
Ac xii 25 brotherhood and communion, and the envoys re
turned to Antioch. It was no mere charitable
act that they had been performing. It was the
practical exhibition of fellowship with the Church
of Jerusalem on the part of the young and pro
bably to a great extent Hellenistic Church of
Antioch, a recognition of the mother city by the
Christians of the Jewish Dispersion, analogous to the
half shekel which came from Jews scattered in all
lands for the support of the temple service.
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 63
St Paul's first Missionary Journey.
After this mission of brotherhood from the Church Antioch
of Antioch to that of Jerusalem in the persons oft!3
Paul and Barnabas, the first missionary journey for- m . an s el f sa -
mally and officially undertaken begins. How St Paul
occupied himself during the long interval which he
had spent in Cilicia, we learn neither from himself nor od i 2I
from St Luke. The last two verses of Gal. i. evidently
refer not merely to the time just described but to the
whole time between St Paul's conversion and the visit
to Jerusalem described in Gal. ii., and thus are too gen- Gal ii
eral to be evidence on this point. It is not likely how
ever that St Paul would refrain from preaching to his
own countrymen : but if he did so preach, it was as
an individual, and such preaching was not part of the
Apostolic work properly so called which is narrated
in the Acts. On the other hand the first missionary
journey of Paul and Barnabas is begun under circum
stances of peculiar solemnity. Five prophets and AC xiii i ff.
teachers are named as at this time in the Church of
Antioch. While the Church is engaged in worship
the Holy Spirit, doubtless speaking through a prophet,
bids the Church set apart Barnabas and Saul, the
first and the last on the list, for the work to which ' I
have called them'. With fasting, prayers and laying
on of hands they are then set on their way. Thus they
received a twofold authority, that of the Divine
intimation, and that of the human recognition and, as
64 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
it were, sealing. During- this journey, and this alone,
Acxiv 4) i 4 they are called by St Luke 'apostles,' i.e. envoys, not
of Jesus Christ as the Twelve were and as St Paul
independently was, but envoys of the Church ofj
Antioch. This language is precisely similar to that]
used by St Paul respecting certain brethren when he
2 Cor viii calls them aTTocrroXot KK\T](7Lwv. After this journey
2 ^
and the ratification which followed at Jerusalem, there
was no need to emphasise the authoritative commis
sion. For this occasion it was needful to lay stress
on the Divine sanction given to the independent action
of the Church of Antioch.
On the journey Paul and Barnabas keep on the
to the Gen- . . .
tues old lines as long as they are allowed. In Cyprus
Ac xiii 5 they preach only in synagogues of the Jews. So it
Ac xiii 14 is at first at the Pisidian Antioch. But on the second
Sabbath, when nearly all the city is gathered together
Acxiii 4 4ff. to hear their preaching, the Jews set themselves in
opposition, and then Paul and Barnabas wax bold and
say " To you it was necessary that the Word of God
should first be spoken: since ye thrust it from you
and judge yourselves not worthy of the eternal life,
behold we turn to the Gentiles : for so hath the Lord
commanded us, I have set thee for a light of the
Gentiles, that thou shouldst be for salvation unto the
Ac xiii 4 8 uttermost part of the earth". The Gentiles hearing
these words rejoice, and many believe, and the Word of
the Lord spreads through all that region. This inci
dent in the synagogue at Pisidian Antioch is the true
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 65
turning point at which a Gentile Christianity formally
and definitely begins, and so a Judaistic Christianity
becomes possible. The year was either A.D. 50 or
thereabouts. Persecution followed, the Jews stirring
up the chief men of the city, apparently through ladies, Ac xifi 50
probably of their own families, who hung on to the
Jewish community as God-fearers. The same order of
things recurs at Iconium, where again the Jewish syna- AC xiv i
gogue is first visited : whether it was the same at other
places, we are not told. Finally the envoys on their
return to Antioch assemble the Church, and tell them
how God had opened to the Gentiles a door of Ac xiv 27
faith". There they stayed "no small time". Ac xiv 28
The Conference at Jerusalem.
News of such momentous events could not fail to Disquiet at
reach Jerusalem before long, and there much disquiet Jerusalc " 1
arose. Gentiles had been admitted on a large scale
as members of Christian communities without cir
cumcision, and apparently the Church of Antioch, or
at least a large part of it, accepted and ratified this
policy. If such a state of things were tolerated, a
new conception of what it was to be a Christian
would be established, and many accustomed ways of
thought and action would lose their justification. It
is not surprising that, as we read, certain men came
down from Judea and taught the brethren, If ye be AC xv r
not circumcised after the custom of Moses, ye cannot
H. J. c.
66 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
be saved". Much controversy ensuing, they corn-
Ac xv 2 mission Paul and Barnabas with others of their
number to go up to the Apostles and elders at
Jerusalem on this question. It may be that St Paul
had at first hesitated, for he says he went up by
Gal ii 2 revelation. From himself we receive, according to
the best explanation, the account of the confi
dential conferences with the leading people behind
Ac xv 4 ff. the scenes ; from St Luke, the account of the larger
assembly at which the results so arranged were
formally ratified.
St Paul To the original Apostles, or the chief of them,
Three * St Paul communicated what he calls ' The gospel
Gal a 2 which he preached among the Gentiles', explaining
i.e. the principles on which he acted in admitting
Gentiles to Christian fellowship ; his position to
wards them in the matter was a peculiar one, as
we may see by the restraints which he felt in writing
to the Galatians. On the one hand he asked from
them no authority, as though they had a right
to decide the matter against him : on the other he
felt that a difference between him and them on such
a matter would involve a fatal schism between Gentile
and Judean Christianity " lest I should be running or
Gal ii 2 had already been running in vain". This feeling was
in fact the same as that which made him lay so much
Rom xv 25 stress on the acceptance of the Gentile offering by
the Judean Churches at the end of the Epistle to the
Romans.
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 67
Towards the aggressive Jewish Christians on the Was Titus
other hand, " the intruded false brethren " as he calls %%?'
them, i.e. intruded into the Church of Antioch, a Gal " 4
sphere which did not concern them, he used very
different conduct. He refused to let Titus, who had Gal ii 3
come with him from Antioch, be circumcised, as they
demanded, and as even the Jerusalem Apostles
apparently suggested his doing for the sake of easing
difficulties. Such at least in both respects (non-
circumcision and Apostolic advice) is Lightfoot's very
probable interpretation. Some years ago I was
inclined to think that what St Paul denies was not A PP to N.
Titus's circumcision, but his compulsory circumcision. ?'_ on Ga *
The words will bear this meaning : but it does not fit "
so well into the context or into St Paul's singularly
careful and circumspect policy. To the Apostles
themselves, when this was their advice, he would not
yield even for an hour. But he did not thereby Terms of
forfeit the support of James, Peter and John. They a s>^unt
recognised St Paul's Divine commission to an in
dependent Apostleship of the Gentiles and the grace
of God which had attested it, and gave them right
hands of fellowship on these terms of different Gal ii
spheres; only begging them to keep the poor of
Judea in mind, ' a thing', says St Paul (for this the
words really mean) which I also made it a point for Gal ii
this very reason to do '; how sedulously, his later
words and acts attest.
52
,
68 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
The Decision of the Conference.
The public We need not go into the details of the larger
Ac xvTff. assembly when the apostles and elders met together:
indeed we know nothing of the long discussion
(TroXX??? f^T^'o-ect)?), only of Peter's speech, the nar
rative of Barnabas and Paul, and James's final speech,
in which he ended by giving his opinion in favour of
not troubling converts from the Gentiles, but enjoining
Ac xv 20 on them four special abstinences ; from food offered
to idols, fornication, things strangled, and blood. This
Ac xv 22 ff. was accepted by the whole Church, and a letter
written to this effect in the name of the apostles and
elder brethren, disclaiming the intrusive brethren, and
speaking warmly of Barnabas and Paul.
The spedal This important decision is obscure in some points.
tions not The negative aspect of it is clear enough, and speaks
<Noachid vo i umes N o t on jy circumcision disappears, but the
Sabbath and all other sacred seasons, distinctions of
clean and unclean meats with special exceptions, and
the Levitical legislation generally : nor again is any
thing said about the Ten Commandments. On what
ground were these four particular abstinences pre
scribed ? It will not be wasting time to consider this
question, though it must be very briefly. A very
plausible view, widely held since the seventeenth cen
tury, when Christian scholars began to study post-
biblical Jewish literature in earnest, is that they repre
sent what the later Jews called the Seven Command-
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 69
mcnts of the Sons of Noah, ideally ordained by God
for the non-Jewish descendants of Noah. It was
held 1 that these seven precepts were binding on every
Ger Toshav, or stranger sojourning in the land
of Israel, and modern critics have without any
evidence assumed the identity of a Ger Toshav
with a cre/3o/iefo9, and inferred that the purpose of the
Jerusalem decision was to admit Gentiles on the
footing of o-/36/j,evot,. This would be in fact making
them a kind of associates, not full members, of the
Christian Community. If this was to be their
position, while Jewish Christians stood on a different
footing, none but Jews could be Christians in the
fullest sense. But apart from the want of evidence
for any connexion between the a-eftofj-evoi and the
Noachid Commandments, the coincidence between
these Commandments and the Jerusalem precepts is
very imperfect. They are in fact applications of five
or six of the Ten Commandments (the ist, 4th, 9th,
and loth and perhaps the 5th being omitted), with one
or perhaps two additions. They are I, against
profanation of God's Name (ill) ; 2, against idolatry
(II); 3, against fornication or perhaps incest (the phrase
is ambiguous) (vil) ; 4, against murder (vi); 5, against
theft (vill); 6, enjoins respect for judges, i.e. civil
authority ; perhaps an application of V. These six
were said to have been given to Adam, a /th being
added and given to Noah, against " a piece from the
1 Sehurer II. ii. 318 Eng. Tr.
70 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
living " i.e. the live ox or other animal, one form of
the prohibition of eating blood. Now at least three
of the four Jerusalem precepts, and perhaps all four,
have something answering to them in these seven
Noachid Commandments, but the correspondence is
not exact, and at all events four are absent. So that
identification would be very difficult even if we had
any reason to believe these rabbinical Commandments
to have been formally imposed on the
nor 'Levi- This difficulty has led of late to an inclination to
ttcal
trace the Jerusalem precepts rather to those Levitical
injunctions which the Pentateuch itself makes binding
on strangers or sojourners. Here however the want
of correspondence is still greater ; and if the written
letter of the Law was to furnish the precepts, the
variation from them in both matter and number would
be inexplicable.
nor'casuaF Another suggestion is that the precepts answer
to points which happened to be put forward by
scrupulously minded Jewish Christians, and which
the Apostles thought might be conceded without
breach of principle. This is of course possible,
and it supersedes the necessity of trying to explain
the selection; but it does not seem to me to tally
Ac xv 28 naturally with the language actually used in the
Epistle to Antioch.
nor even All these three explanations take for granted
'to'judaic ^ iat t ^ ie f ur P rece P ts are simply concessions to
spirit the Judaic side. It seems more natural however
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 7*
to suppose that they were meant as concrete in
dications of pure and true religion, not of Judaism
in the exclusive sense. There was a real risk that
Gentile converts admitted freely into full commu
nion without having to submit to a painful and in
many eyes disgraceful rite, as Jewish proselytes had,
might misinterpret and misuse their liberty, just as
we see afterwards at Corinth. There was much to
be said for laying this emphatic stress on certain well
chosen abstinences or restraints held to have a close
connexion with purity of religion, and they were none
the worse for being coincident with hallowed Jewish
laws or traditions, though this was not the source of
their authority. It was a clear gain that their agree
ment with the inherited moral associations of Jews
should make the whole arrangement more acceptable
to the Jewish party in the Church, since they were
not of a nature to suggest any kind of obligation on
Gentile converts to obey any part of the Mosaic Law.
They were no doubt biblical, but they were of pre-
Mosaic origin 1 .
Three of the four answer to three great myste- idolatry
ries of human life or experience, and to three corre-
spending forms of reverence. Two of these are
obvious. It is by no fanciful or accidental association
that idolatry and uncleanness stand so often together.
Apart from the familiar association of impure rites
with certain forms of idolatrous worship, (a connexion
on which too much stress ought not in fairness to be
1 Cf. Aug. c. Faust. 32, 13. See Appendix.
72 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
laid, considering how many forms of idolatry were
and are free from that particular stain), both are
profanations as well as disloyalties. In all com
munion with God, in the most intimate form of
communion with man, the sense of being on holy
ground is the most essential condition ; and to lay
stress on this at the outset of a Christian profession
might naturally be thought a salutary safeguard
for new converts. From our present English point of
view it might be urged that uncleanness and even an
indirect participation in idolatry can be safely
assumed to be rejected in principle by every one who
claimed to be a Christian at all : but the moral
atmosphere of Syria in the first century doubtless
made startling combinations of moral ideas possible, if
indeed we may not say that they have existed and do
exist in every Christian century.
'Blocd' The precept about blood is at first sight more
difficult to explain, the explanation lies, I doubt
not, in the feeling of mystery entertained by various
peoples of antiquity with respect to blood 1 . Absti
nence from blood was in fact an outward expression
of reverence for what Gen. i. 30 calls ' the living soul '
in every animal of the warm-blooded races, a myste
rious tabernacling of life in the lower creation, life
being that element or phenomenon of the visible
world which seemed the most closely akin to the
Divine nature, a third mystery below the mysteries
of God and of man. On the one hand this feeling
1 Cf. Ewald, Antiquities of Israel, Eng. Tr. p. 37. See Appendix.
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 73
received special consecration from Jewish law and
usage, on the other it was not exclusively Jewish.
The subject of the fourth precept, things strangled, Things
is much harder to explain. There is, I believe, no J
evidence of any exactly corresponding usage either
in the first or in any earlier century, though the-
passage in Acts naturally had some influence on
Christian practice in later times. The attempts to
find it in the Pentateuch (e.g. Lev. xvii. 13) quite fail.
It is on the other hand very conceivable that the
flesh of strangled animals, not having the blood let
out when they were killed, would be counted unlawful
food by the Jews 1 , though strange to say we nowhere
read that it actually was so. The difficulty is that in
that case we should have a separate fourth precept
referring only to a particular case of the third precept.
This difficulty remains the same, however we under
stand the intention of the precepts as a whole. It
must I fear at present be left unsolved. It was very
early found so perplexing that the " Western " text
omitted the words in both places.
Two or three general remarks must be made These pre-
before we leave the subject. First, these substitutes ^ otts to
for circumcision were intrinsically by no means ba P tlsmal
J J renuncia-
cjusdem generis. That was a physical operation which
could be absolutely enforced before admission to
fellowship, and which then in the natural course of
1 Cf. Orig. c. Cels.. viii. 30. See Appendix.
74 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
things remained permanently. The four precepts
were precepts only. As conditions they could be
imposed in the form of promises only, and would
thus answer to the renunciations which early became
a condition of baptism. But even this much was
Ac xv 20 perhaps not enforced, for we read only of "enjoining",
Ac xv 28 and of " not laying on a burden ", ending with the
Ac xv 29 assurance " from which things if ye keep yourselves,
it shall be well with you " (eu Trpa^ere).
and lim- Again the precepts were not addressed, as is often
alfoRw* assumed, to all heathens whom St Paul or others
might at any time convert, but very definitely to the
Ac xv 23 brethren that were in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia.
Nor must it be supposed that the mention of Cilicia
carries us into an altogether new region, which might
be supposed to represent the rest of what we call
Asia Minor. At this time Cilicia was practically
part of Syria, as indeed other passages of the New
Testament indirectly bear witness. Further the
mention of Antioch as well as Syria, of which it was
the capital, shews that it was the special destination
of the epistle, though scattered congregations of
Syria and Cilicia were likewise addressed by it. But
no account was taken of future converts in other
more distant lands. It was a local determination for
a special emergency.
Later This being the case, we need not, thirdly, be
tr T?l e - s t fth - e surprised that it left such faint traces behind. We
Jiptstles in ~
the Acts read indeed that Paul and Silas in going through the
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 75
cities in the region of Derbe and Lystra " delivered Ac xvi 4
them the decrees for to keep, which had been
ordained of the apostles and elders that were at
Jerusalem." In other words, on the first missionary
journey after the Jerusalem conference they loyally
gave currency to the precepts in a region which*,
though not within the address of the epistle, had
been already visited by them when it was written,
and which they were now visiting a second time to
stablish the infant congregations. But St Luke is
silent about any similar proceeding in the new
regions to which they then penetrated, and in all
subsequent journeys. Again St James and the elders
at Jerusalem make allusion to the precepts, but Ac xxi 25
that is a different matter. The silence is not con
clusive evidence : but we might reasonably have
expected to find some traces of the precepts
somewhere, had St Paul continued to promulgate
them. In his epistles St Paul himself is wholly but not i
silent on the subject. This would be strange as
regards his account of the visit to Jerusalem in Gal. ii.,
were it not that he is describing that visit solely from
the point of view of his own relation to the Twelve
and with reference to the failure to enforce circum
cision : and there was no real reason why he should
confuse his very rapid sketch by a reference to a
measure the importance of which had probably long
already passed away. The difference which some
insist on between the absolute prohibition of eiSa>-
76 .x THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
\o6vra in the Jerusalem precept and Paul's much
i Corviii more guarded directions in I Cor. is just the difference
between a broad rule laid down antecedently for
general practice and the discrimination in its appli
cation which a wise spiritual guide, eager to lead his
disciples behind the rule to the principle, would
naturally inculcate on his disciples when cases of
conscience had already arisen. The precepts about
blood and things strangled, however sound in
principle, may easily have been found liable to do
more harm than good in practice, and so have been
let fall by St Paul.
St Peter at Antiock.
St Peter A remarkable sequel to the decision of the
!s* "paul y Jerusalem conference is the incident at Antioch
briefly described in Gal. ii. n 14. Apparently the
return of Paul and Barnabas from Jerusalem with
Judas and Silas had been followed pretty soon by a
visit from St Peter to Antioch. Nothing was more
natural than that he should be anxious to lose little
time before making personal acquaintance with the
vigorous young community which had just received
such emphatic recognition. On his arrival he joined,
as others did, in sitting at table with uncircumcised
Acxis converts, just as we saw him doing spontaneously
at Caesarea a long time before. When however
Galiiia "certain" came down from James, he withdrew
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 77
himself from this public converse with Gentile
converts, for fear of giving offence to these men, who
were circumcised Christians of Jerusalem. Not only
this: his example and perhaps advice induced "the Gal ii 13
rest of the Jews", St Paul says, i.e. among the
converts, to do the same, including even Barnabas.,
St Paul stood alone apparently, and found himself
compelled to rebuke Peter publicly for his dis
simulation in thus shewing practical disloyalty to the
principles which, when all seemed prospering, he not
only had accepted, but had just been putting into
practice.
Thus a new crisis had suddenly arisen. If St Peter's
policy due
St Peter s present policy were continued, St Paul saw to no an-
that the Gentile converts would feel that they had *%??
been admitted under false pretences, and " the truth ci P le
of the Gospel ", as St Paul significantly calls it, would Gal ii 14
7
be gravely imperilled. It is astonishing that any one
should ever have thought this passage evidence of
antagonism in principle between the two Apostles,
though no doubt the proportion of conviction as to
the force of different claims to authority was not
identical. What St Paul rebuked was not a doctrinal but to fahe
but a moral aberration of St Peter : he was simply nisni "
unfaithful to his own convictions. The temptation
was doubtless a strong one : the whole story shews
that the decision made at Jerusalem had not really
satisfied a considerable party in the Church of
Jerusalem. What is not so easy to understand with
78 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
certainty is the ground taken up by St Peter in
inducing others to follow him. It cannot have been
any subtle distinction about this or that form of
Gal ii 14 intercourse, for St Paul called it broadly " a com
pelling of the Gentiles to Judaize ". Probably it was
a plea of inopportuneness : " more important to keep
our Jerusalem friends in good humour than to avoid
every possible risk of estranging your new Gentile
converts : no need to reject them or to tell them to
be circumcised, but no need either for us Jews to be
publicly fraternising with them, now that we know
what offence that will give at Jerusalem : better wait
awhile and see whether things do not come right of
themselves if only we are not in too great a hurry".
Plausible reasoning this would have been, and some
sort of plausible reasoning there must have been to
ensnare Barnabas and indeed to delude St Peter
depriving himself. But what it amounted to was that multi-
Christians tudes of baptized Gentile Christians, hitherto treated
l , on terms of perfect equality, were now to be
member- practically exhibited as unfit company for the
circumcised Apostles of the Lord who died for them.
Such judiciousness, St Paul might well say, was at
bottom only moral cowardice ; and such conduct,
though in form it was not an expulsion of the Gentile
converts, but only a self-withdrawal from their
company, was in effect a summons to them to become
Jews if they wished to remain in the fullest sense
Christians. St Paul does not tell us how the dispute
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 79
ended: but, as he continued on excellent terms with s
the Jerusalem Apostles and yet went forward with an i eage j to
unencumbered Gospel in his hand, it is reasonable to be rl ^ lt
suppose that St Peter and the rest acknowledged him
to be in the right. Otherwise the history of the
Church must have taken a very different turn.
The attitude of St James.
One question remains, slightly touched upon KO evidence
above, What was James's part in the matter ? tionm"
" Before that certain came from James". St Paul says. &?fl e
J Gal 11 12
These words do at first sight suggest that the line
followed at this time by James may be safely inferred
from the line which these men took, as reflected in
St Peter's conduct after their arrival. A second by
no means identical inference would be that St James's
habitual attitude towards Gentile Christianity may be
safely inferred from the line which he followed at
this time ; in other words, that he did in principle
insist that a man must become a Jew in order to
become a Christian, and accordingly insisted on the
universal need of circumcision. If this were true, we
should have evidence here of a fundamental difference '
between the leaders of the Apostolic Church. As
there is no other evidence whatever in the New
Testament to this effect (for St Paul's language
about 01 SOKOVVTCS elvai ri has manifestly reference Galii 5-9
to the kind of adverse authority which others ascribed
So THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH
to the pillar-apostles), the point is important For if
the fact were true, we should expect some other
indications of it in St Paul's epistles (waiving the
Galiig Acts). But further, St Paul here places St James
on exactly the same footing as St Peter, nay, places
him first, as cordially accepting the mission of Bar
nabas and himself, and thus confirms the repre
sentations of the Acts.
yet in some On the other hand, as St Paul speaks of the
way direct- .. r , . e
lyrespon- men as coming "from James , we cannot in fair-
Gat ii 12 ness su PP ose that he meant only "from Jerusalem",
which it would have been quite easy and in that
case much more natural to say. Some personal
relation to James must be assumed, though cer
tainly not the meaning "some of James's party",
which would have been rtvd? TWV diro 'la/etw/Sou.
One common view, well defended by Lightfoot, is
that they had a real mission from James but took a
line of their own. This is certainly possible ; but the
language does rather suggest some direct respon
sibility on James's part. The rives ef; r^^wv erdpa^av
vfj.d<; of Acts xv. 24 (i.e. some of the many members of
the Jerusalem Church) is not an exact parallel to
e\0eiv rivds aVo Ta/aw/3ov, a single definitely named
man in authority. Nor is there the slightest reason
to suppose that these men of Acts xv. 24 had any com
mission whatever, used or not used, from the Jerusalem
authorities. This need not however imply anything
more than a present policy, as distinguished, from a
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 81
permanent principle. If I am right in supposing that and
St Peter must have had a plausible defence to make orinnat-
which beguiled the rest and himself.it may well be '*/**'
J pleas of
that the suggestion of it came from James, and oppor-
T TT tunism
ultimately from others at Jerusalem. uneasiness
may well have been felt, after St Peter had started,
about his possible conduct at Antioch, especially if
his conduct at Csesarea were remembered ; a dis
content at first latent may have presently come to
the surface, and James may have thought it most
prudent to send cautions to Peter. That St Paul
does not involve him directly in the rebuke is
sufficiently explained by the fact that he had not
committed himself, as Peter by this time had done,
by companying personally with the Gentile converts.
There would thus be in his case no exhibition of
tnTo/cpiai*;, though there might be retrogression. Gal ii 13
St Paul would be able to do full justice to difficulties
in the way of a consistently comprehensive view within
the horizon of Jerusalem, while it was impossible for
him to extend the same indulgence to St Peter, who
had come within the horizon of Antioch, and had at
first acted as St Paul himself did.
T/te results of the controversy.
It is evident that this incident at Antioch, which Confirma-
at first seemed full of danger to the spread of the *&"
Gospel, must eventually have powerfully confirmed f th f e
conference
H. J. C. 6
32 THE CHURCH OF ANJIOCH
the decisiveness of the letter written from Jerusalem.
If the Jerusalem authorities were weak-kneed in
carrying out the policy which they had accepted, and
then, when resisted by St Paul, confessed him to be in
the right, as apparently they must have done, they
were thenceforth doubly committed to concur heartily
with the character of St Paul's work.
The Thus from this time forward the two sides of our
Lord's teaching and action in respect of the Lav/
Gentile were both for a while embodied in living societies of
church
men. The fulfilment of the Law, as distinguished
from the observance of its letter, was now the
exclusive ideal of the Gentile Church, which in most
places had doubtless in the first age a kernel of
Jewish converts, and which in all ages was to rest on
the old foundations of Israel and to find guidance in
its Scriptures, but was henceforth not under a law
but under grace. How this was to be done was a
terribly difficult problem, never perhaps distinctly
contemplated by any large body of Christians, and
still but partially solved. But a recognition of the
existence and the vital nature of the problem throws
great light on the failures and the successes of which
Church History is the record ; and still more on the
vast work which still lies before the Christian com-
jewisk munity in the future. But the crisis was not equally
Christians important f or t h e Jewish portion of the Church. To
not tmnie- r *
diately have recognised the equal validity of a Christianity
affected
not bound by the Law could not indeed but react on
THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH 83
men's thoughts on their own relation to the Law, and
on Him who was the common object of faith to Jewish
and to Gentile Christians : the legal question led up
to questions of the highest theology. It was a grave
reminder that Stephen's teaching was either true
or false; and that, if true, it could not remain
inoperative for any baptized Christian. But the
recognition of the Gentiles as Christians without the
Law did not in itself change the position of those
who had been born under the Law, or warn them to
abandon at once the observances which they had
hitherto followed. Till the voice of God was heard
in quite other accents, a Palestinian Church could not
but be more or less a Judaic Church. This temporary The
duality within Christendom is constantly overlooked ^uatisni
or misunderstood : but, if we think a little on the iem P rar y
circumstances of the case, we must see that it was
inevitable. Moreover the dualism can never have and
been sharp and absolute, on account of the existence "T^
of the Diaspora. Little as we know in detail of the ' Dls P* r -
sion
religious life of ordinary circumcised Jews of the
Dispersion, it is plain that when they became
Christians, their manner of life must have been
intermediate between that of Palestinian Christians
and Gentile Christians.
62
LECTURE V.
THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY OF Sr PAUL.
The circumcision of Timothy.
Timothy IT was under the new and encouraging sanction
'everything afforded by the ratification of Gentile freedom at
except ar- Jerusalem that what is called the second missionary
cumctston '
journey of St Paul was undertaken. With most of
its details we are not now concerned. But it is of
Ac xvi 3 special interest to note that at Lystra he caused
Timothy to be circumcised. The statement has been
much questioned as at variance with St Paul's conduct
Gal ii 3 as regards Titus, for which (however we understand
it) we have his own authority. But in truth the
difference of the two cases admirably illustrates the
precise position of things. Titus was wholly a
Gentile : to circumcise him would not have been to
follow any principle, but merely to accept what if
allowable at all would have been nothing better than
a prudential concession to temporary difficulties.
But what was Timothy? He was notoriously the
Ac xvi 3 son of a Gentile father : everyone would therefore
know that he had not been circumcised in childhood :
THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY OF ST PAUL 85
the father would never have tolerated what would
have been in his eyes such a degradation as that. But
except in this physical sense Timothy was not a Gen
tile at all. His mother was a Jewess, and this of itself Ac x\-i i
made it impossible for Jews to regard him as falling
under a rule laid down for pure Gentiles. But further,
as we learn in St Paul's letters to him, he had been
brought up by a mother with whom devout faith was s.Tim i 5 ;
both personal and inherited, and from a babe had drunk
the milk of the Jewish Scriptures. Thus brought up,
he could not count either as a proselyte in the strict
sense or as a veftopevos. He was a Jew in every
thing but circumcision, and what amount of exclusion
from Jewish religious observances that would involve
at this time in Lycaonia, we know not. At every
turn we are reminded at once of the enormous
distinctive historical importance of the Jewish Dis
persion and of the exceeding slenderness of our own
knowledge of it. Having then been brought up as a drcum-
Jew, he had become a Christian, as well as his mother simply as a
ClovSaias Trio-?), probably on St Paul's former visit Chrislian
Ac xvi i
to Lycaonia, as may be reasonably inferred from
various allusions. It is at least clear from St Luke's
language that he had been a Christian for some time.
Was it then simply as a Christian of Jewish education
and partly Jewish birth that St Paul circumcised
him ? That on this supposition he should do so was
I think neither clearly probable nor clearly impro
bable. He might think it best that the one flaw
86 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY
in Timothy's complete position as a Jew should be
corrected, for fear he should seem to be taking
advantage on merely technical grounds of the liberty
conceded to Gentiles who became Christians. In
this case the same would hold good of any other
convert who had a similar family history. On the
other hand St Paul might as naturally regard
circumcision performed in manhood under these
circumstances as merely a pedantic observance of a
law that had lost its significance for one who had
lut with a now for some time been a Christian convert. But
""mission the truth is that St Luke distinctly indicates the act
to have arisen out of a quite special circumstance.
Ac xvi 3 St Paul was proposing to take Timothy with him on
his missionary journey, (virtually, as it would seem, in
Ac xv 39 place of Barnabas who had just separated from him,)
Timothy being in high repute among the Christians
in those parts; and this ministry to which St Paul
was destining him was the reason for his circumcision.
As a private person it might not be necessary to
decide whether Timothy was to count as a Jewish or as
a Gentile convert : as a missionary he must in practice
choose, and the choice could not be doubtful. If by
the side of the Pharisee of Tarsus he stood as a
Gentile convert on the strength of being uncircum-
cised, he would throw away every chance of in
fluencing Jews without any corresponding gain of
Gentiles, for his true history would soon be well
known. Yet if he went forth to preach as a Jew
OF SAINT PAUL 87
without circumcision, he would scandalise the Jews
even more : he would be regarded as the thin end of
a Pauline wedge for casting a slight on circumcision
for Jews no less than for Gentiles. If on the other
hand he took the bold and striking step of submitting
in manhood to an operation of such severity and a
rite so significant, he was giving the most emphatic
pledge possible that he claimed his place unreservedly
as a child of Israel, and thereby gave fresh and
striking confirmation to St Paul's perseveringly
followed policy "to the Jew first and also to Roir. i 16
the Greek." It matters little whether the Jews in
those regions of whom St Luke speaks as the Ac xvi 3
persons on whose account St Paul did this were
unbelieving or Christian Jews. The act could not
but favourably impress both classes alike; while its
chief importance would be for those Jews who had
not yet heard the Gospel.
If this explanation be the right one, and it seems
to me that which the circumstances and St Luke's
language suggest, this matter of Timothy is in
perfect harmony with St Paul's refusal to circumcise
Titus, while it also leads naturally to that indication
of loyalty to the Jerusalem precepts which we have Ac xvi 4
already had occasion to notice.
88
THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY
Through
Phrygia
and
Galatia
to Troas
Ac xvi 5
Ac xvi 6
Gal iv 1 3
Ac xvi 7
Ac xvi 9
From
Philippi
to Corinth
The advance into Europe.
The next verse seems intended to shew that
the work thus begun was at once prospered,
"the Churches were strengthened in the faith, and
increased in number daily." It would seem that
St Paul's intention had been to take the great
frequented road which ran westward through
Lycaonia to Proconsular Asia, doubtless with the
idea of striking at once at its capital, the capital of
the whole peninsula, Ephesus. But this was not to
be for some time to come. Under Divine guidance
the missionaries took a slanting north-west course
through the interior, through Phrygia and Galatia
proper 1 , though St Paul's words 81 daOeveiav T?}<?
erap/co9 seem to imply that his preaching there was
due to a detention on account of illness. At all events
this was the time when the Galatians first received the
Gospel from him ; and to them we shall presently
have to return. Having been forbidden to enter Asia
now, he seems to have aimed at Bithynia, perhaps
intending to go on further east to the Pontic sea-
coast. But here again his course was changed by a
Divine intimation. At Alexandria Troas the vision
of the man of Macedonia invited him to cross the
water, and so the first apostolic mission to Europe
began.
At Philippi we need notice only the preaching to
1 See Lightfoot, Gal. p. 22, Col, pp. 24-a8. -
OF SAINT PAUL 89
the women at the proseucha by the river side ; evi- Ac xvi 13
dently in St Luke's intention (though Schurer 1 now
thinks otherwise) a different place of worship from
a synagogue, though synagogues are doubtless (as he
shews) called by this name. At Thessalonica they
preach in the synagogue on three sabbaths. They Ac xvii 2ff.
convert some Jews, many o-e/3d/iei>ot, and not a few
ladies of rank, apparently as before Jewish wives of
heathen men of distinction. But the main body of
the Jews stir up the heathen against them on the
pretext of sedition, and they think it wiser to escape
to Beroea. There they have a better reception from AC xvii 10
the Jews till envoys come from Thessalonica, on
which St Paul is again urged to depart and conducted
to Athens. We are all familiar with what took place Ac xvii 16
there: there is no mention of Jews. From the
literary St Paul now passes to the commercial capital
of Greece proper, to Corinth, and so comes at once Ac xviii i
among Jews again. He finds there Aquila, a Jew of
Pontus, who was apparently destined to play an im
portant part in his work afterwards. Every sabbath
St Paul preaches in the synagogue, and converts both AC xviii 4
Jews and Greeks, i.e., as we have seen, probably
The Epistles to the Thessalonians.
It was during the year and a half spent at Corinth
that the two Epistles were written to the Thessalonian
1 History of Jr<vish People n. ii. 69 f. Eng. Tr.
90 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY
Church, that Church which he had founded on the
same journey in passing through Macedonia.
Traces of The first Epistle contains one vehement passage
opposition written with keen experience after the dangers and
i Thess ii sufferings of the last few months. It begins re
markably, after a praise of the Thessalonians for the
manner in which the word of God which they had
received had been carried into act in their lives, with
comparing this active faith of theirs to that of the
Christian Churches of Judea (i/yLtet? yap /u//,?/Tal
ejevyjO^re), for this Gentile Church, he says, had
suffered the same treatment from its own countrymen
that the Christians of Judea had from the Jews,
"who both killed the Lord Jesus and the prophets,
and drave out us, and please not God, and are
contrary to all men ; forbidding us to speak to
i Thess ii the Gentiles." In this connexion the
avrwv r9 a/uapr/a? recalls the tremendous words of
Matthew xxiii. 32, and the iravrore recalls Stephen's
Ac vii 51 f, 'Ye do always (aet) resist.'
This outburst was certainly not without a motive.
It doubtless has more to do with the greater part of
the Epistle than appears at first sight. Much of it
is best understood as an indirect reply to insinu
ations against St Paul which had been whispered
into Thessalonian ears. The accusers were evidently
Jews, possibly unbelievers, possibly Christian Jews of
the stamp of the intrusive brethren who came to
Antioch. Both classes were in different ways hostile
OF SAINT PAUL 91
to St Paul. But the absence of doctrinal warnings
points rather to unbelieving Jews.
They too are doubtless the aroTroi teal Trovrjpol
avdpcoTToi of the second Epistle, from whom he
would have the Thessalonians pray that he may be
delivered, men who though they had inherited the
worship of the one true God were yet devoid of r/
TriVrt?, that true faith in Him which rested on the
recognition of His Son. Another clear reference to
them is in 2 Thess. i. 8, where the criminal ignorance
of God among heathens and the criminal refusal to
hearken to the Gospel of the Lord Jesus stand side
by side as alike objects of God's just judgment.
From Corinth to Ephcsus.
The departure from Corinth is again due to AC xviii
Jewish accusations, and now St Paul decides to ''
return to Palestine. About the vow on the com- St r.mfs
pletion of which he shaved his head at Cenchreae
before sailing we know nothing in detail. It was Ac xviii 18
of course not the performance of an appointed ordi
nance, but a voluntary religious act, evidently a
Jewish act, (cf. one of the forms of the Nazirite vow). Nu \i 9 is
It is of special interest as an indication of St Paul's
personal relation to the Levitical institutions in con
nexion with the vow of Acts xxi. 23.
He permitted himself before going on to Judea to The new
carry out the intention with which he had left "'
92 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY
Ac xviii 19 Lycaonia so far as to make an entrance, as it were, at
Ephesus, and preached there in the synagogue, but
apparently once only. Resisting an appeal to him
to stay, but promising to return if God permitted, he
took ship to Csesarea, the scene of Cornelius's vision,
went up to Jerusalem and greeted the Church there,
thus joining afresh the old bonds of goodwill, and
then returned to the Church which had first sent him
Ac xviii 2 3 forth, to Antioch. St Luke intimates that he stayed
there some time, but there is no pause in the
narrative. The centre of activity, formerly at Jeru
salem, then at Antioch, is now about to be shifted to
Ephesus, and here we find ourselves at the transition.
From Antioch St Paul proceeded through the Phrygian
and Galatian Churches founded on the preceding
journey, in order to stablish them, as on that
journey he had in like manner stablished the Lycaon-
ian Churches, and so he reached Ephesus. There he
Ac xix 2 came in contact with a curious, immature form of
Christianity, representing apparently such a faith in
our Lord as belonged to the time after the Baptist's
preaching, before the Crucifixion and Ascension.
Ac xviii Apollos had shortly before been led by Priscilla and
Aquila to advance from a similar position to full
Christianity, and was now preaching at Corinth
according to his riper faith.
OF SAINT PAUL 93
St Paul at EpJiesus.
These two incidents concern our subject by Separation
shewing what transitional forms of belief between synagogue
mere Judaism and the faith of the Gospel were still
possible, though only as survivals from an earlier time.
At Ephesus St Paul preached in the synagogue for
three months. But when the old spirit shewed itself
among the Jews, " when some," St Luke says, " were Ac xix 9
hardened and disobedient, speaking evil of the Way
before the multitude, he departed from them
air 1 avT&v) and separated the disciples (d
reasoning daily in the cr^oA,?? or lecture-hall of
Tyrannus," not improbably a building at Ephesus
then known by that name. The whole statement
is very instructive. At first St Paul does his best
to treat the Jews as simply imperfect Christians.
Their synagogue is not merely a place where he
preaches, but the place where he and all the Christians
of Ephesus worship. This was virtually a claim on
their behalf to be the truest Israelites. But a sepa
ration, not of his making, comes at last, and he is
constrained to form a separate Christian congregation,
though we are not told where they met, for the
0-^0X77 of Tyrannus was apparently only the place
for his public preaching, probably visited by Gentiles
at least as freely as by Jews. We have however no Growth of
reason to conclude that the congregation thus formed church
was exclusively Gentile ; and this negative fact is of
94 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY
consequence, as bearing on the assumptions frequently
made about sharp divisions between the two classes
of converts. St Luke merely says roi)? ftadrjTds, i.e.
doubtless the Christian believers, whether Jews or
Gentiles. This state of things continued for two
Ac six 10 years " so that all that dwelt in Asia heard the word
of the Lord, both Jews and Gentiles." This short
and quiet verse sums up a time fruitful in after
results, the firm planting and spreading of the Church
in Ephesus and Proconsular Asia generally. It may
have included various journeyings. It may also have
included dangerous conflicts, if we may apply to this
iCorxvsi time the allusion to a 'fight with beasts' at Ephesus.
At all events the words refer to what happened
at some time in this long stay at Ephesus, though
possibly in its later months. We may gather from
his words to the Ephesian elders a few months
Ac xx 19 later that the Jews were the instigators. For the
evangelisation of the empire it was not less important
than the consolidation of the Church of Antioch, for
Ephesus held a central position in the Greek world.
Here then another great stage is reached. No such
break in the Acts occurs again to the end, when
Rome, the centre of the whole world, is reached at
last
Plans for St Paul's purpose of going to Rome is recorded in
the future Distinct language in the very next verse ; but it is as
Ac xix 21
clearly intimated that first he must visit Jerusalem,
and before setting out for Jerusalem he must revisit
OF SAINT PAUL 95
Macedonia and Achaia, evidently to stablish the
Churches there, as in the case of Lycaonia first, and
Phrygia and Galatia afterwards. Yet there was a
difference too. In this case more than stablishing
was wanted, for news had now come of disorders in
the Corinthian Church. A vivid picture of this time
and the following months, drawn from a combination
of the Acts with the Epistles, is given by Lightfoot,
Gal. 38 ff.
The Epistles to the Corinthians.
Here come in the two Epistles to Corinthians, The
separated from each other by a few months. Neither p a rty>
in their case nor in that of other Epistles can I do
more than glance at some of the more important
passages bearing on our subject Thus it would
be unprofitable to discuss the controversies about
the supposed party of Christ (eyw 8e Xpio-rov), as i Cor i 12
a Judaistic party, in i. 12. On the other hand the
words ey<w 6e KT/C^O. seem to imply that there were
already some at Corinth who at least looked up to
the Jerusalem Apostles in preference to St Paul.
But to what lengths this partisanship went, we do
not know. It is at least remarkable that the Epistle
is to all appearance free from direct or indirect
warnings against Judaistic limitations of the Gospel.
The passage in i. 22 25 on the various ways in The
which the idea of a crucified Messiah gave umbrage the Cross
96
THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY
to Jews and to Greeks respectively, is instructive as
to St Paul's habit of setting the two pre-Christian
lines as parallel, but not identical ; and the context
shews that he meant to suggest that the characteristic
temptations of Jews and Gentiles still lingered on,
though in a modified form, in Jewish Christians and
Gentile Christians.
Christ orir The well-known passage on leaven and the Pass-
i Corv 6-8 over illustrates well the point of view from which
St Paul writes throughout. In the midst of an
anxious exhortation on serious moral disorder he
makes his appeal to the idea of the Jewish
Passover as in one sense authoritative for these
Gentile converts, coupling them with himself in
'Christ our Passover' and 'Let us keep the feast,'
while on the other hand he as clearly indicates that
as an institution the Passover had no bindingness
for them, having been perfectly fulfilled in Messiah's
death; and on this death he founds the appeal for
entire newness of life; nor is it unlikely that eV
ZV/AD TraTuua was meant to include Jewish as well
as Gentile leaven.
One passage in c. vii. deserves special attention.
^ * s oi ^ ten taken q uite erroneously, as part of the
discussion on marriage which occupies the rest of the
chapter. It is really a digression to a much wider
principle, laid down both for its own sake and for the
sake of the special application to marriage which
suggests the exposition. Among the examples of a
Circum-
17-24
OF SAINT PAUL. 97
man remaining before God in that state in which iCorvii 24
(not unto which) he was called are the cases of
the circumcised and the uncircumcised. They are
bidden to seek no change in this respect. Each
state in itself is nothing, but not so is "keeping of
God's commandments " : for the Jew, he means to
suggest, circumcision had been included under God's
commandments, and this and only this had been
binding, while the principle of obedience to God's
commandments lay equally on all.
St Paul's dealing with ' meats offered to idols ' i Cor viii
has already come before us.
In a later chapter we have a striking description of
his own policy, if one may so call it " Being free, he
says, I brought myself under bondage by all occasions i Corix 19
to all men" (e'/c l JrdvTO)v...eSov\(o<ra not e\evdepo$ etc
as commonly taken).
On the other hand the wonderful close of the
fifteenth chapter contains one startling phrase, "the iCorxv=6
power of sin is the law," which we could hardly
interpret without the aid of the Anti-Judaic argu
ments in Rom. iv., v., vii., and which shews how deeply
St Paul felt the stress of the great controversy.
When we enter the second Epistle we find the posi- Judaizing
tion changed. The enquiry into the relations between ^""
the two Epistles bristles with difficult questions Q>{ s r ccond ,
, . Epistle
history and of interpretation of language which we must
simply leave on one side. What is at once pertinent
H. J. C. 7
9 8
to our subject and perfectly clear is the presence of a
leaven in the Corinthian Church which is at least con
nected with Palestinian Judaizing. Its most prominent
characteristic is rather personal than doctrinal, and so
far reminds us of what we found in the Epistles to
the Thessalonians. We have nothing of circumcision,
nothing expressly of the law; but we have St Paul re
peatedly vindicating his authority and his conduct
against traducers who evidently are not representatives
of a libertine party, and who must have set up against
him the authority of the Palestinian apostles, the
1 Corxis; v7rep\iav aTrocrroXoi, as he twice calls them 1 , who
had held converse with the Lord before His Death
and Ascension.
The spirit In one chapter the principle itself for which he
"letter * was contending comes to the surface for many verses
2 Cor Hi together, in the references to the new covenant of the
spirit and the covenant of the letter, the ministration
of righteousness with its abiding glory and the
ministration of death with its transitory glory on the
face of Moses, the unveiling in the spirit and the
veil resting on the hearts of the hearers of Moses.
And there are other passages where the same tone
is more or less distinctly heard. But while the
Epistle glows with an intenser heat of fervid life than
any other in the New Testament, unless it be the
first Epistle of St John, the heat is not that of con-
1 Compare xi. 22, apparently on the claims of the traducers them
selves as Hebrews and Israelites and a seed of Abraham.
OF SAINT PA UL. 99
troversy. We should hardly know what these flashes of
the Pauline Gospel meant if they were not interpreted
for us by other Epistles.
The Epistle to the Galatians.
In the Epistle to the Galatians the question at issue Date not
comes to the front vividly and nakedly. I speak im ^ or
of Galatians here partly because this is the most
convenient place, partly because Lightfoot has given
good reasons though not all equally good reasons
for fixing Galatians after the second, rather than
before the first Epistle to the Corinthians, the order
most commonly adopted, especially on the Continent.
But this is a point more interesting than important.
It is undoubtedly true that we have no right to
assume the Judaistic controversy to have proceeded
part passu in Asia Minor and in European Greece.
On the other hand if the circumstances which gave
rise to the Epistle to the Galatians had taken place
before the second Epistle to the Corinthians was
written, we might have expected them to colour
St Paul's language about the Corinthian Judaizcrs.
As we all know, this Epistle was written in con- The
sequence of a retrogression among the Galatians due to q c ""^". J
the seductions of Tudaizing missionaries, who not only Confer
J Gentiles
attacked the apostolic authority of St Paul as invalid
beside that of the Jerusalem apostles, as men of the
same spirit had done at Corinth, but were preaching,
7-2
ioo THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY
and apparently successfully preaching, to the Galatians
the necessity of circumcision. Concession to this
demand St Paul denounces as virtual apostasy from
Galvaf. the Gospel. "Behold I Paul say to you that if ye
receive circumcision, Christ will profit you nothing.
Yea, I protest again to every man that receiveth
circumcision, that he is a debtor to do the whole law."
This is the negative side of the exhortation : but
its force rests on the positive side. St Paul was no
heated partisan, intolerant of a lesser good through
ill-regulated zeal for a greater. No one who in the
least understands either his Epistles or the Acts
could for a moment conceive St Paul using this
language to born Jews. The question at issue was
whether heathens, having become Christians, were to
be required to become Jews likewise, and that as a
matter of essential principle. To concede this was
to make void the grace of God and the faith of man :
it was to take all the meaning out of such words as
Galiv6f. these, "Because ye are sons, God sent forth the
Spirit of His Son into our hearts, crying Abba
Father. So that thou art no longer a bondservant,
but a son : and if a son, then an heir through God."
The Epistle to tJie Romans.
The second Epistle to the Corinthians and the
Epistle to the Galatians were apparently written on
the way from Ephesus through Macedonia round to
OF SAINT PAUL, 101
Achaia and Corinth. At length St Paul reached
Greece and spent there three months, and then AC xx 3
prepared to carry out the intention formed at
Ephesus of proceeding to Jerusalem, hoping if allAcxix:.
went well to return then to the West and make his
way to Rome. But before he sailed, the discovery of
a plot of the Jews compelled him to change his AC xx 3
course, and again traverse Macedonia. Before sailin^
o"
he wrote the Epistle to the Romans.
Last term 1 I lectured on some of the principal The
historical questions suggested by that great Epistle.
It must be enough now to say that it sums up
the Judaistic controversy in a calm and deliberate
manner, not for the confutation of present false
teachers, but for the stablishment and forewarning
o
of trusted, but only partially instructed, Christians
not of the writer's own converting, with a view to
the probable future arrival of false teachers amonci
o
them. It includes the topics of the Epistle to the
Galatians, but treats them as parts of a larger whole,
and lifts them to a higher level. It exhibits Jew and
Gentile as alike condemned by their own shortcomings,
* o *
and alike saved by the free mercy of God in Christ.
The union of both in God's new universal people is
the ideal which it presupposes. With this union is
associated in St Paul's mind his own contemplated
journey to Jerusalem to carry the offering of the
Gentile Churches to their Jewish brethren. He is
1 These lectures are now (1894) in the press.
102 THE INDEPENDENT ACTIVITY
fully conscious of the dangers that await him there from
the hatred of the Jews, and this consciousness gives
special solemnity to his mission. But if the offering
is accepted and if his life is preserved, he hopes to
Ro xv 32 arrive at Rome the representative of a united Church,
and thus with the best of omens to carry his Gospel
in person to the centre of the whole civilised world.
And meanwhile his apostleship to the Gentiles, to
which his main efforts are subservient, has done
nothing to make him abhor the unbelieving Jews,
whom he knows to be plotting his death, and of
whom he might now with ampler experience use the
old language of the first Epistle to the Thessalonians.
His present language carries on the Lord's own prayer
Lk xxiii 34 on the Cross, " Father, forgive them, for they know
not what they do." For their sakes he could wish
Ro ix 3 to be himself anathema from Him who was his
Messiah and theirs. Though their unbelief and
consequent alienation from God grows more'invete-
Ro xi 29 rate day by day, he believes firmly that the gifts and
the calling of God are without repentance, and has
faith that the distant future will vindicate the un
searchable resources of God's wisdom and mercy.
Close of At this point we must leave both St Paul and
* Lectures * tne g reat issue which we have been throughout con
sidering. The subject has proved far too large for the
time allotted to it, if it was to be examined in any
fruitful detail. We have had to leave untouched not
OF SAINT PAUL. 103
only the whole of post-apostolic Judaistic Christianity,
but the records of the latter part of the apostolic age,
nay, even St Paul's own later writings and later years.
But we can now see that the crisis of Apostolic
Christianity was virtually over when St Paul wrote
that letter from Corinth or Cenchreae to Rome, and
started for his perilous mission to Jerusalem. At
every stage he had vindicated the universality of the
new faith and the new covenant ; and at every stage
he had been implicitly teaching the Gentiles the
fulfilment of the Law and the Prophets. In one
sense the things of old time had simply passed away:
in another sense they had passed away only by
becoming new.
LECTURE VI.
ST PAUL AT JERUSALEM
AND THE EPISTLES
OF THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY.
From Corinth to Jerusalem.
No dear THE narrative which occupies the last nine
^"udaizers chapters of the Acts, comprising St Paul's journey
from Corinth to Jerusalem, his imprisonment, and his
transportation to Rome, contains but little matter
bearing directly on the history of Judaistic Christi
anity. At two points alone does it manifestly meet
us : on the arrival at Jerusalem, and on the arrival at
Rome. It is indeed probable enough that the
"grievous wolves" of whom St Paul spoke at Miletus
to the Ephesian elders as destined after his departure
Ac xx 29 to enter in " not sparing the flock " (perhaps in
allusion to our Lord's words about false prophets
Mt vii 15 in sheep's clothing) were chiefly or even wholly
Judaizing emissaries. But St Luke gives us no
indication to this effect. They are clearly different
from the men of the Ephesian Church itself, .spoken
SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 105
of in the next verse ; who should speak perverse
things to draw away the disciples after themselves.
On the other hand, throughout that part of the Bitter
narrative which precedes the final embarcation for theVews
Italy, we are continually coming across signs of the
bitter hostility of the unbelieving Jews to St Paul
and his work. A plot of theirs diverts him from his
intended course at the outset, intimations of im- AC xx 3
pending danger from their malice are given at Miletus Ac xx 23
and at Cassarea, and then come the actual perils of Acxxin
Jerusalem. While this persecution of St Paul by
unbelieving Judaism has to be steadily distinguished
from the invasion of the Pauline Gospel by the
doctrines and practices of Judaistic Christianity, it is
morally certain, as we shall see immediately, that the
one must have exercised a strong practical influence
over the other.
Reception at Jerusalem.
On the arrival of St Paul and his company at Welcomed
Jerusalem, they were joyfully (aoy/,e/'<y?), not grudg- Brethren '
ingly, welcomed by "the brethren". When we read Ac xxi 17
what follows, we cannot but pause at the apparent
vagueness of the phrase " the brethren ". It evidently
can mean nothing like the whole body of Christians
at Jerusalem, and it could not with any propriety be
applied to a mere single set of Pauline Christians.
Apparently it means those who had the best right, of
106 SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM.
one kind or another, to be regarded as legitimate
representatives of the whole body. If the Apostles
were in Jerusalem, they (or some of them) would
naturally be included, but nothing whatever is said of
the Apostles or any one of them in the narrative of
these eventful days at Jerusalem. On the other hand
after the language used suggests that the city was entered
C fntry" S with much precaution and avoidance of observation.
Ac xxi 1 6 What is said of Mnason, the early disciple from
Cyprus, as the destined host of St Paul's company,
and his being brought up expressly from Caesarea to
lodge them, implies that it was not thought advisable
for St Paul to go to his usual quarters. The next day,
Ac xxi 18 we read, he went in with his travelling companions
(<rvv 77/LUf) to James ; and all the elders were present.
The officers Whether the other Apostles were in Jerusalem
Church or not, he would naturally put himself in the frankest
and most direct relations with St James, who
(whether we call him 'bishop' or not the name
is of little consequence) was evidently at the head of
the local Church, the Church of Jerusalem.
Similarly the elders are doubtless the zekenim or
elders who were the officers of the community of
Christian Jews at Jerusalem like the zekenim of the
original Jewish community of Jerusalem. They have
been previously mentioned in connexion with two
Ac xi 30 events. They stand alone, quite naturally, as the
recipients of the contribution sent by the Church of
Antioch for the relief of their famishing brethren in
SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 107
Judaea. Again, they have a definite place and re
sponsibility by the side of the Apostles in the great Acxv6etc.
conference on the question of the circumcision of
Gentile converts.
To this, the whole staff of officers of the local Acxxi^f.
Church, St Paul speaks. He greets them, and then
describes his successful missionary labours, doubtless
those of the last four years. When they had
heard the tale, they glorified God. As far as we
can tell, they had nothing to blame in the course
taken by St Paul ; for them the question of the
circumcision of Gentiles had ceased, and become a
thing of the past. But at the same time they warned Warnings
him that their own friendliness was not shared by the prejudice
bulk of the local Church. There were multitudes of Acxxiaoff.
Christian Jews living mixed among the general body
of Jews, and they had all been led into a state of
profound distrust, to say the least, against St Paul, by
the assiduous talking and lecturing (Kar^^O^aav) of
others to the effect that St Paul had been striving to
make all Jews of the Dispersion apostates from the
Law, urging them not to circumcise their children or
follow the traditional Jewish customs. The statement
is shown by all our evidence to have been wholly
false, a transference to Jewish converts in the Dis
persion, of what was true only in respect of Gentile
converts.
The speakers who dinned this calumny \ntOf rom
the ears of the Jewish Christians of Jerusalem were
io8 SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM.
of course their unbelieving neighbours, who hated
St Paul for doing anything- to open the fold of
God to heathens (jeos>\v6vrtov ^/ta? rot? eOvecriv \a\rj-
iThesii 16 o~ai "va a-codaxriv). How easily they would obtain
what they could put forward plausibly as authentic
confirmation of the statement, we may see a few
verses on, when the Jews from Asia recognised St
AcxxiaSf. Paul, and stirred up a tumult against him by declaring
that he had brought Greeks into the Temple : on the
ground, as St Luke explains, that they had recognised
Trophimus the Ephesian as accompanying him in
the city. The misrepresentation that St Paul had
brought him into the Temple, is exactly analogous to
the misrepresentation of St Paul's policy towards
Gentile converts, as though he followed it towards
Jewish converts likewise.
St Paul in the Temple.
The To mollify the enmity of the unbelieving Jews
suggestion was evidently out of the question. But James and the
elders might well think it worth while for St Paul to
set himself right, if possible, with the multitude of
Christian Jews. To have them estranged in feeling
either from the great apostle himself, or from the
growing Gentile Churches, would be a grievous
calamity for the Church as a whole. In such a
matter a single significant act would have tenfold
greater weight than any number of words ; and so
SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM. 109
James and the elders suggested that St Paul should Acxxi23f.
join with four Jewish Christians of Jerusalem in the
solemn public rites performed in execution of a vow
in the Temple, furnishing them with the means of
providing the necessary sacrifices, as we know from
other sources to have been often done. However
little we may know of the details of the proceeding
thus suggested, it would clearly contain two important
elements : St Paul would be seen performing a
Jewish act of religion in the Temple, and he would
be seen doing it in company with known Jewish
Christians, placing himself on the same level with
them, and evidently contributing to their expenses.
It is an interesting but a difficult question what st Paul's
part he took himself in this matter, beyond ac-
companying the four votaries and supplying their
sacrifices. The words dyvicrdijTi, crvv aurot?, ayvia-- Ac xxi 14,
#e/9, and qyvta-fjievov, are hard to explain if St Paul
took no part in the sacred rites on his own account.
Yet the time spoken of appears too short for him to
begin and complete a vow in. It is therefore more
probable, though not mentioned in Acts, that he was
already proposing to offer sacrifice in the Temple on
his own account, possibly in connexion with a
previous vow, possibly also, I cannot but suspect, in
connexion with the Gentile contribution to the
Jewish Christians, not mentioned in c. xxi., but clearly
mentioned in xxiv. 17 (eXe^/zoo-i^i/a? TTOIIJCTWV ei<? TO
e#ro9 JJLOV) as well as in his own Epistles. The
no
SAINT PAUL AT JERUSALEM.
Effect on
local
Church
unknown
contribution was probably presented at the meeting
with James, and then and there gratefully accepted.
On such an occasion it may well be that St Paul
proposed to celebrate this happy event by a solemn
peace-offering in the Temple. This would account
Acxxivi7for the /cat Trpoa-fyopas (hardly to be explained
by the four votaries' offerings alone) ; and it gives
Ro xv 16 additional point to what is said of f) irpoa^opa rwv
IQvwv in the Epistle to the Romans.
Howsoever this may be, St Paul at once acted
on the advice of St James ; with what results
towards the discontented part of the Christian
community at Jerusalem we know not, for the
attack made upon him by Jews before the close of
the acts of purification is the subject of St Luke's
next section, and we hear no more of St James
or his Church in the Acts.
The act here ascribed to St Paul is the subject of
much doubt to many critics. They cannot believe
that the uncompromising Apostle of the Gentiles
could behave so like a mere Jew. I do not know
however of any evidence that makes it in the least
improbable : on the contrary it throws a clear light
on St Paul's own position, and thus on the true
nature of the differences between Judaistic Christian
ity proper and the transitional states liable to be
confounded with it, which were a necessity of the
Apostolic age. We shall look in vain in St Paul's
words or acts for any sign that he took advantage for
St PauTs
SAINT PAUL AT JER USALEM. 1 1 r
himself of the kind of liberty which he so passionately cf. Mt xvii
claimed for Gentile Christians. Little as we know 2?
about the vows in which he on this occasion made
himself a participator, it so happens that we have
already learned casually of a similar vow taken upon Acxviii 18
him independently, characterised in the same way by
the shaving of the head which took place at Cen-
chreae. This precedent shews how little likely it is
that he would be merely acting a part, in adopting
the advice given him at Jerusalem.
Similarly, when he stood before the high priests Before the
and Sanhedrin, however little we may know how he
failed to recognise the High Priest Hananiah, he was
but true to his own principles when he acknowledged
him as the ruler of his people, of whom, by Divine
command, he was not to speak evil. What followed Ac xxiii 5
was more open to misunderstanding, his proclaiming
himself to be a " Pharisee, a son of Pharisees". But Ac xxiii 6
here too he gave truthful utterance to his own
purposes and convictions. From Pharisaism, in so far
as it meant zeal for the highest objects of Jewish
faith, he had never departed and never could depart, Ac xxvi 5
though he had learned to cherish fresh objects of
faith. His quarrel with Pharisaism was on the means
which it upheld and adopted for carrying out the
high ends which it professed to value ; on its prin
ciples of action, not on its consecrated watchwords.
His opening words indeed contain a claim which
H2 THE EPISTLES OF
includes all the rest : it is not a virtuous life but a
loyally Jewish life that he professes to have lived
Ac xxiii r when he says " with all good conscience -Tre-TroXtVefyuat
T&> 6ea> till this day", the reference being to the
Jewish TToXtrei'/ia, the commonwealth of God.
St Paul at Rome.
Attitude of We now pass to the last chapter of the Acts, and
%ome n St Paul's interview with the leading men of the Jews at
Rome. To them he uses language much like the lan
guage which he had used at Jerusalem. He addresses
them as brethren, declaring that he had "done nothing
Ac xxviii contrary to the people or to the customs of the fathers,"
J 7 ff- and that it was " for the sake of the hope of Israel that
he had to wear those chains." They on their part state
Ac xxviii that they knew the Christian aipea-is to be everywhere
spoken against ; but they had received neither letters
nor envoys from Jerusalem about Paul himself.
Hence it is clear that the emissaries sent from the
Pharisaic party to stir up opposition to St Paul in
Asia Minor and Greece had not gone as far as Rome.
Possibly his long imprisonment had seemed to make
such a step unnecessary.
Apparent- Respecting the existence or non-existence of an
Judaizers anti-Pauline Jewish party among the Christians of
Rome we learn nothing directly. It is however
most unlikely that any such movement could have
arisen at Rome without the knowledge of the lead-
THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 113
ing Jews of Rome; and no difference among the
brethren who greeted St Paul on his arrival is in
any way indicated by St Luke: nay, there is not
improbably a pregnant significance in his words that
when St Paul saw them come to meet him at Appii
Forum and the Three Taverns, he thanked God and AC xxviii
took courage, as though he had feared the possibility I5
of an unfriendly or at least divided reception.
Three years had passed since the Epistle to the
Romans was written. At that time he had apparently
no information of the existence of a Judaizing party
among Roman Christians, though one of the post
scripts to the Epistle, written in peculiarly guarded R O X vi 17-
and reticent language, seems intended as a warning 2C
with a view to the probable contingency of the arrival
of such disturbers of their peace. But, as far as we
can see, the foreboding had not been fulfilled.
In this too we may once more reasonably trace Thegood
the operation of St Paul's imprisonment. It was st PauTt
not unnatural for Jews and Judaizers to suppose im P rison '
that, now that he was shut up safe at Caesarea, the
Pauline movement in the West would languish for
want of the impetus given by his personal force,
and might safely be left to itself: nor were the
circumstances of his transportation Romewards
likely to give rise to apprehensions of future
triumphs at Rome. These are in truth but in
stances of what we may well suspect to be widely
extended results of that imprisonment. In the
H. J. C. 8
114 THE EPISTLES OF
eyes of men, probably of Christians themselves, it
might well seem that the progress of the Gospel had
received a dangerous check when the Apostle was
thus violently snatched away from his ever advancing
labours. But the Providence of God ruled it other
wise. Not only was St Paul himself thus rescued
from imminent perils of death and reserved for fresh
work in a fresh sphere, but his disappearance can
hardly have failed to cause some slackening of the
fierce antagonisms which had arisen, and thus to give
the newly founded Churches better opportunities for
quiet growth. Such a state of things had dangers of
its own, and it afforded no real security against
Judaistic or other doctrinal propaganda : but it may
well have been a necessary stage in the infancy of
the Gentile Churches.
TJte Epistle to the Philippians.
Judaizers If however the Judaistic propaganda became, at
Phluppi l eas t f r a time, less active, the Epistle to the Philip
pians, the first Epistle of St Paul's captivity, shews
how much reason St Paul still had to fear its
operations in Macedonia. When the Epistle is ap-
Phil iii i parently drawing to its close with the same almost
unbroken serenity which rests on it from the begin
ning, it suddenly launches forth into a vehement
warning against those who falsely prided themselves
on their circumcision and high Jewish privileges, in
THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 115
which the Apostle might himself have boasted had he
not set himself to pursue an altogether different ideal.
The last portion of this passage, which I feel sure
has the same false teaching in view, not that of an
antinomian tendency, uses even stronger language,
calling the Judaizers the enemies of the cross of Philiiiiyff.
Christ, contrasting the earthly elements of external \'^ ,*
observance involved in the visible TrcX/rety^a, to which
they clung, with the true invisible Christian TroXi-
in the heavens.
The later Epistles of the First Captivity.
When we pass on to the remaining group of three
Epistles belonging to the first Roman captivity, we
encounter what is apparently a new or at least a
different phase of Judaistic Christianity.
The short private letter to Philemon naturally is
silent about it.
The general Epistle which from its primary address The
we call the Epistle to the Ephesians is equally silent s i a n s '~f ree
about it, though for a different reason. Its purpose/'" con '
troversy
is wholly positive. It may well be that some of the
Churches addressed were free from the evil leaven :
but at all events, for one and all it was important to
have this exposition of the heights and depths of the
Gospel set before them undisturbed by any vein of
controversial writing.
We see from the first Epistle to the Corinthians
82
Il6 THE EPISTLES OF
that St Paul was at a much earlier time anxious lest
the Gospel should be thought to consist exclusively of
those simpler elements of it to which he deliberately
confined himself in the teaching of Churches still in
their infancy ; and that he was likely, if opportunity
offered, in due time to give utterance to those other
elements of it which he called 'strong meat' as
distinguished from that 'milk for babes'. The Asiatic
Churches had now apparently reached a stage when
in carrying out this wish, he would be best providing
for their practical needs at the time. This applies to
both ' Ephesians ' and Colossians. But in the Epistle
to the Colossians the positive teaching is intermingled
with definitely controversial warnings. Even these
warnings however leave room for much uncertainty,
both as to the precise nature of the false teaching,
and as to its origin; and it is important to distinguish
between distinct evidence and more or less conjectural
inferences.
T/ie Colossian Heresy.
The The definite warnings are contained in two
crucial n ,.. ^ .. ^ _ 1--
passages passages, n. 8 and n. 10 23, n. 10 being in reality
Col n 8; a resum ption of ii. 8 after the positive exposition
into which ii. 8 passes. In other words, the one
verse ii. 8 is a somewhat general description of the
danger spoken of afterwards in detail. It will be
best to begin with this more detailed second passage.
The opening words M?; ovv rt? ty*a9 tcpivera)
THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 117
suggest the presence of teachers who were striving to The
impose on the Colossians certain precepts as matters p"ft
of conscience. They are the subject first (i'v. 16 19)
of direct admonition, then (vv. 20 23) of expostula
tion and argument.
We have, to begin with, two forms of observance, Signs of
the observance of a difference of foods, " in meat and influence
(or "or") in drink," and again the observance of
sacred seasons " in the matter of a feast or new
moon or sabbath." The first of these, the difference
of foods, might, as we shall see, or might not, be
Jewish: the second can be only Jewish (a-afifidrwv being
decisive): while all three words together are a Jewish
phrase. The added comment that these things are
a shadow of the things to come, the true body
corresponding to them being found only in the Christ
(almost the language of the Epistle to the Hebrews), Heb x i
is equally decisive; and the form of the sentence
shews that the comment covers all five heads. It is
urged on the other hand that though ftpwvei might
have a Jewish reference, troa-ei could not : to which
it is a sufficient answer to point to Heb. ix I (eVt Hebix i
j3pa)fj,a<Tiv teal Tro/iaa-iv), where, account being taken
of the Rabbinical developments and extensions of
the Levitical precepts, the Jewish reference is un
deniable.
In the next verse we have a quite fresh point. Angel
Whatever be the meaning of OeXwv eV TaTreivo<f>po-
r), the phrase dp^aiceia TUV dyyeXtov is sufficiently
ii8 THE EPISTLES OF
distinct. Worship of angels must have been one
characteristic of the false teaching; and though it
is not directly referred to elsewhere in the Epistle,
its indirect influence may be traced in the various
passages which set forth the Son of God as holding
the supreme place in the economy of creation and
history, far above all invisible, as well as visible
created beings.
The In the following verses we have more than one
' sign that we are still on Jewish ground. The " ele-
Coliiio ments of the world" of -v. 20 can hardly be other
Gal iv 3, 9 than the Jewish " elements " of the Epistle to the
Galatians : and the precepts of abstinence referred
Col ii 11 f. to in v. 21 are said to be "according to the commands
and teachings of men ", a phrase borrowed from
Mtxv9 Is. xxix. 13, and applied by the Lord Himself to
Mk vii 7 ., T,.
the Pharisees.
Col ii 23 The very difficult next verse need not delay us,
as its points come chiefly from vv. 16, 18.
The Going back to the general terms used in v. 8, we
'!/%%" find as in v - 20 " the elements of the world", and
also, "the tradition of men", a phrase evidently-
answering to "the teachings and commands of men,"
Mk vii 8 and similarly used of the Pharisees in the Gospel in
close juxtaposition with the quotation from Isaiah.
The phrase is the more remarkable because this is
the only place where St Paul speaks disparagingly of
" tradition " or " traditions ".
sophyand g ut we iik ew i se find these two phrases combined
vain deceit
THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 119
with the apparently very different phrase TI)<? <f>i\o- Col it 8
(roffrias teal icev^s aTrdrrj^. There cannot be a doubt
of the identity of the subject matter throughout : i.e.
the supposition that St Paul is dealing with the
teaching of two independent sets of men, the one
philosophic and the other Judaic, is absolutely un
tenable 1 . But the phrase itself is extremely difficult.
What is the force of the article before <t\o- The force
Go^ias? It is certainly not otiose: the words do not article
mean what they would have meant with no article,
i.e. simply 'philosophy'.
If again the TT}? were meant to couple <f>i\o<ro<f>ia<f
and tcevijs aTrar?;? together, the meaning would be 'that
which is at once philosophy and vain deceit,' which
gives no real sense here. The coupling could not be
meant to express "that philosophy (as distinguished
from more solid philosophy) which is vain deceit ".
It only remains to take TT}<? with </>/Xoo-o</'a<? alone,
as having the normal individualising force of the
article, " that philosophy," which we may fill up either
as "that philosophy of his" or "that philosophy
which you know of" or best as both together "that
philosophy of his which you know of ".
1 Cf. Lightfoot's Colossians, pp. 74 ff.
8 Somewhat similar is i Cor i 21 firftSrj yd.p iv TTJ aocfriq. rov dtov OVK
tyvu 6 Ktofiios SiA TTJS ffo^/as T&V 0f6v (preceded however by ovxi tfua-
pavev 6 Oebt TT]V ffo<f>iai> rov Kbffpov), where the simple article doubtless
hints that the wisdom spoken of was not only the wisdom of the world
of old but also similar in character to the wisdom affected by the Corin
thians. Cf. von Soden Jahrb.f. Prot. Th. 1885 p. 366.
120 THE EPISTLES OF
This But then what was the nature of this particular
Ethical not <j>iho(7o<j)ia ? The form of the sentence seems to me
Theosophu to snew t h a t it was not merely taught by the same
men who taught subservience to human tradition and
the rudiments of the world, but that its own subject
matter was this very subservience. If so, the common
assumption that some sort of theosophic speculation
is intended falls to the ground.
Thenanu Such phrases as f) 'lovSai/cr) <}>i\oa-o(f>i,a in Philo
P rove nothing, the distinctive force of the phrase
Jewish lying in the adjective or other qualifying words, and
character * J 3 &
<f>t,\oao(f)ia being used with the utmost generality for
the sake of Hellenic readers, whereas in the Epistle
to the Colossians -nfc (f>i\ocro<f>ia<; is itself the distinc
tive term. It seems probable therefore that the par
ticular movement in favour of these particular Jewish
observances at Colossae laid claim by the mouth of its
leaders to be preeminently founded on philosophy ;
they may even have called it " the philosophy ". This
would be merely a fresh example of a widely spread
tendency of that age to disarm Western prejudice
against things Jewish by giving them a quasi-Hellenic
varnish.
Esoteric Moreover, ' angel-worship ' might easily be treated
as an esoteric lore, and distinctions of foods and
days as the perfection of a refined morality above
the level of the common multitude. This latter
representation would indeed find a kind of found
ation in the increasing stress laid on ethics as
121
distinguished from other branches of philosophy in
those late days, and that in the Greek-speaking East
hardly less than among the Romans.
Moreover, this disposition to treat ethics as the Ascetic
true substantial philosophy was often 1 accompanied
by a further disposition to lay special stress on the
negative and as it were abstinential side of ethics
(to which the Colossian distinctions belong). At a
later time <f>i\oa-o<f)ia and the cognate words are found
used almost technically for the anchorite life and prin
ciples. I do not know of a distinct instance before the
Apologia Origenis of Pamphilus (p. 298 Lomm.) ; but
the usage is very common in Eusebius and in later
Greek Fathers. This late usage, if not descended
from an earlier mode of speech exemplified in the
Colossian (/uXocro^t'a, is at least illustrative of it.
The addition of KCVJJ aTrdrrj was a natural way of Specious
. ,. ,. ,, . ,, attractive-
indicating that there was a real speciousness in the ^^
claim set up for this <f)i\o<TO(f>ia, this professed love of
wisdom. It is interesting to observe that in the
cognate Epistle to the Ephesians similar language is Eph v 6
used ((jLtjSeis v/j.a<? CLTT ar aria tcevots \6yois) in refer
ence to the opposite exhibition of a licentious
antinomianism as a high kind of wisdom.
In interpreting rfjs ^tXoo-o^i'a? not as a speculative
1 Illustrations on Jewish ground occur in the Greek Jewish tract, or
homily, beginning <t>i\o<ro<f>u>Tarov \6yov 4iri$(iicvvff6a.i. /j.t\\uv, called
4 Maccabees, see especially i. i 9; v. 6 23; vii. 7 9; and in Philo
Cong, erttd. grat. 14 (M. i. 530 sub fin.); Of if. mnn. 43 (M. i. 30); de
Sefien. 6 (M. ii. 282).
122 THE EPISTLES OF
theosophy lying outside of Jewish usages but as
embodying the plea put forward on their behalf, we
are further supported by the fact that <ro(f>ia is the
word chosen further on, in v. 23, (arivd ecmv
Col ii 23 \6<yov p,ev e^ovra tro^tW) to express the nature of
the plausibility of the usages in question.
New Apart from this phrase there is no indication that
the Colossian Judaism included a philosophy, in the
sense of a speculative doctrine. The worship of
angels was assuredly a widely spread Jewish habit of
mind at this time : the Epistle to the Hebrews shews
Hebi, ii how prevalent it was where there. is no sign of what
we should call a philosophy. At the same time it is
true that this Colossian Judaism is not identical with
what we have encountered in earlier epistles. Not
only is the angel-worship a new element, but the
principle of the whole is to a great extent changed.
The question of the permanent bindingness of the
Law on all men admitted to covenant with God
passes out of sight, and with it the question as to the
necessity of circumcision. Circumcision is indeed
prominent in the remarkable doctrinal passage ii.
Col ii 1 1- 1 1 i^ where the nailing to the Cross is repre
sented as itself, so to speak, a complete and
final circumcision ; and this suggests that at Colossae
the Mosaic rite of circumcision was still invested with
a dignity which no longer rightly belonged to it.
Again, in the singular language of iii. 5, which describes
THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 123
vices as " the members upon the earth " which are to Col Hi 5
be done to death, a latent reference to circumcision
may be traced with fair probability. But in both
passages the language used is hardly such as would
be used of what was then and there a burning
question of practice.
The questions directly dealt with are not such
matters as the function of the Law, and the relation
of the Old Covenant to the New, but practical
questions, questions of difference of foods and differ
ence of days and angel-worship, dealt with to a great
extent on universal grounds. At the outset indeed
the ceremonial distinctions do not appear to be
condemned in themselves : the Colossians are simply
warned in a strain hardly different from that of
Rom. xiv. not to allow any one to "judge" them in
such. But the next section implies that the Colos- Col a -o-
sians were actually carried away by the spirit in which * 3
these observances were advocated, and indeed rebukes
them for it.
In the whole passage it would be too much to The
say that the old arguments from the transitory
nature of the Law are entirely absent : they survive
in the language about "the shadow of the things
to come", and about "dying with Christ from the
elements of the world": but at least equal stress is
laid on grounds of general religious morality, and
on the practical inconsistency of the Colossian ways
124 THE EPISTLES OF
with full recognition of the Lord's person and
work.
It is probably in this sense that we must under
stand the enigmatical Taireivofypoa-vvr) of ii. 18 and 23,
which seems to mean a grovelling habit of mind,
choosing lower things as the primary sphere of re-
Col iii i ligion, and not TO, dvca, the region in which Christ is
seated at God's right hand.
Its relation A question may be raised whether St Paul meant
doctrine of by this word to impute to the Colossians only (i) a
**??"? habit of mind which made it difficult for them to see
of Lnrtst
what was involved in the full belief concerning Christ's
nature as really held by them, or (2) a defectiveness in
the belief itself. The language of the controversial
passage ii. 6 iii. 4 would be sufficiently explained by
the former supposition, an explanation favoured by
its opening sentence, and especially by the choice of
such a word as TrepiTrareiTe. On the other hand the
connexion in which the warning of ii. 4 stands (rovro
\eya) tva /i^Set? tyia? "jrapaXoyi^ijrat ev vridavoXoyta
following upon Xpia-rov, ez> a> ela-iv iravTes ol 6r)<ravpoi)
implies that St Paul's chief fear was of doctrinal error
respecting Christ Himself. The truth probably is that
St Paul had no evidence that the Colossians had
actually given up the belief in which they had been
cf Col i 6 originally instructed, but that he did fear their
falling back from it under alien influences, when
they ought to have been rather advancing in the
knowledge and application of it. Thus ii. 7 (fteficuov-
THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 125
Tj7 TrtVret tcadcas eSiBd^drjre) obtains full force :
see also i. 23 (/XT} f*,TaKivov/j,evoi airo T?;? e'\7nSo<? TOV
et/ayyeAiou ov r/KovcraTe). The alien influence thus
dreaded is such as might naturally be found in
any form of Judaistic Christianity. To accept Jesus
as the Christ without any adequate enlargement of
current Jewish conceptions as to what was included
in Messiahship could hardly fail to involve either a
limitation of His nature to the human sphere, or
at most a counting of Him among the angels.
This is all, I think, that can be ascertained with
reasonable probability from the Epistle as to the
special form of Judaistic Christianity which was
gaining ground among the Colossians. In enquiring
about its origin, we are thus dispensed from the need
of trying to discover for it any peculiar or extraneous
sources. We are apparently on common Jewish
ground. The points actually condemned among the
Colossians are to be found in the Epistle to the Hebrews,
i.e. among the Palestinian Jewish Christians. The dif
ferences between the Judaistic Christianity of Colossae
and of Palestine are two, negative and positive. Nega
tively, as we have seen, Colossae does not seem to have
been troubled about the permanent bindingness of the
Law and all that is involved in this, while in Palestine
this idea had naturally great force. Positively, at
Colossae the Jewish ways were commended to Chris
tians by the specious names of wisdom and philosophy,
126 THE EPISTLES OF
of which in this connexion we hear nothing in
Palestine. The two differences are not independent
but complementary : they consist merely in the
substitution of one authority for another. Both
differences need no further explanation than the one
obvious difference of external position. In Palestine,
as also in regions invaded by Palestinian emissaries(e.g.
Antioch and Galatia), the Christian belief and practice
are affected by the central or Pharisaic Judaism of
Jerusalem; in Colossae they are affected by the
Judaism of the Dispersion.
Campari- This conclusion is confirmed by comparison with
S he^Roman Rom. xiv. That chapter (and indirectly xv. i 13)
Judaism j s apparently called forth by disputes in the
Roman Church about differences of foods and
differences of days.
Now it is a remarkable fact respecting this
Epistle to the Romans, as I have before had
occasion to point out, that while it discusses the
question of the Law with great emphasis and fulness,
it does so without the slightest sign that there is a
reference to a controversy then actually existing in
the Roman Church. St Paul is most anxious to
instruct the Romans carefully on this great question
(especially in the earlier part of the Epistle), but it is
with reference, as far as we can see, to a possible
future invasion of aggressive Judaizers. To such
persons there is probably a reference in the short
passage xvi. 1 7 20, but it is only in one of the post-
THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY 127
scripts to the Epistle, and the language used, with all
its vehemence, is most carefully guarded. And again,
as we saw the other day, the last chapter of Acts p. 113
attests that even at that later time the Roman Church
was unmolested by the emissaries from Jerusalem.
Thus the state of things noticed in c. xiv., if (as
seems probable) of Jewish origin, must come from the,
so to speak, primitive conditions of the Roman
Church, antecedent to any invasion from without :
in other words, from the Judaism of the Dispersion
out of which at least a large proportion of the original
members of the Roman Church must have come. In
this chapter not only is there no reference to a
burning controversy, but no reference to Judaism in
relation to Christianity in any form. The matter is
dealt with simply as one of individual conscience, the
conscience on the side of the restrictions spoken of
being doubtless due to a survival of inherited custom.
But the contrast in tone between the two epistles is The
most interesting and instructive. To the Romans St 0>t J or
Paul pleads for tolerance and gentleness towards "the
weak ones", as he calls them, who conscientiously
clung to the differences of foods and days. At
Colossae it was no question of retaining customs, but
of introducing new practices among people who had
originally received a purer faith, such practices more
over being valued for the sake of a false principle, to
say nothing of being associated with an angel-worship
which dishonoured the Lord Himself.
128 THE EPISTLES OF
Supposed There is much and high modern authority for
'with** ? tracing the teaching condemned by St Paul at Colossae
Essemsm to ssene influences ; and in lecturing on the Epistle
to the Romans, I spoke of that as the most probable
origin. But further examination has convinced me
that this is too much to say.
There is no tangible evidence for Essemsm
out of Palestine, (i) The problem of the tract De
vita contemplativa attributed to Philo and of the so-
called Therapentae described in it, is as yet unsolved.
(2) As regards Asia Minor in particular, the two
supposed pieces of evidence for Essenism break down
completely : (a) Magic, which we find common in this
region (as probably in all others), is said to have been
practised by the Essenes, but it is nowise a prominent
feature of their life, and there is no sign of it at
Colossse : (b) The fourth book of the Sibylline
Oracles, apparently written in S. W. Asia Minor,
though supposed by some to have been written by
a Christian and by others by an ordinary Jew seems
(though confident speaking would be misplaced) to
belong, as Ewald and others have supposed, to a
Hemerobaptist. Now to judge by the very little that
we really know of Hemerobaptism, it does offer some
analogies to Essenism, but no clear signs of actual
affinity can be made out : nor again is there anything
to connect it with the Colossian tendencies.
If we knew more of the Judaism of the Dispersion,
we might conceivably be able to find some definite form
THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY. 129
of influence at work, here and also in a lesser degree
at Rome : but there is no need to postulate anything
more than the concurrence of the most obvious
influences.
As regards the pretensions to " wisdom " and Possible
"philosophy" it is needless to think of outlying we i
outlandish sects of philosophy or religion, or anything
except the commonest Greek influences which would
act upon many members of the Jewish Dispersion in
towns of Asia Minor. An excellent illustration is
afforded by the Corinthian Church. Among them
a pride of wisdom proved, by the side of a pride of
eloquence, a special snare, and had party spirit
and factiousness for its practical outcome, and this,
as we may gather from Col. iii. 12 15, was likewise
becoming the case at Colossae. But with all this
glorification of " wisdom" (so called) at Corinth, there
is no sign of what is popularly called Gnosticism,
thouh knowlede (vwa-is as well as " wisdom " was
a catchword there : whether it was a catchword also at i Cor vjii
Colossae, we have no means of knowing. The truth is, x jjj ,, 3
the claim to be adopting a more highly cultivated form
of religion, and the application to it of the common
catchwords of Greek eulogy, might easily take many
different forms. Whether in this case there was also an
accessory influence from some kind of popular Greek
ethical philosophy, it is impossible to say : the
presence of such an influence is undeniably possible,
but there is no need to assume it.
H. J. c. 9
LECTURE VII.
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES.
The WE come now to the Pastoral Epistles. On the
e- critical question of their genuineness I must say very
little. The case of the Pastoral Epistles is by no
means like that of other Epistles of St Paul which
have been pronounced by critics to come from another
hand on grounds which it is difficult to discuss
seriously. There are features of the Pastoral Epistles
which legitimately provoke suspicion. To the best of
my belief, however, they are genuine, and that not
merely in parts : the theory of large early interpola
tions does not work out at all well in detail.
Some While they present some difficulties which still
await explanation, there is, I think, no real force
in some of the objections which have been most
strongly felt. Thus, (i) it is true that the Pastoral
Epistles imply a period of activity in St Paul's
life of which we have no other evidence: but
neither is there any evidence against it, our igno-
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 131
ranee being here complete. (2) The ecclesiastical
arrangements are said to be the fiction of a later time :
but this is mainly owing to misunderstanding of the
ecclesiastical arrangements really implied ; partly also
to arbitrary assumptions as to the date of institutions.
(3) The doctrines condemned are said to belong to no
earlier time than the Second Century ; but this, as we
shall see, is due to a misunderstanding of what the
doctrines really are.
The real difficulties lie in the field of language.
difficulties
and of ideas as embodied in language. The
differences, however, in this respect from St Paul's
other epistles, become much less significant when
we notice similar differences between the Epistles
of the captivity and those of earlier date. Much
of them may be reasonably taken to be due to
changed circumstances, and especially to the fact that
the recipients were trusted individual disciples and
deputies, not miscellaneous churches. The main
points connected with this subject have been dis
cussed, and for the most part admirably discussed, by
Bernhard Weiss of Berlin in the edition which he
substituted last year for Huther's edition of the
Pastoral Epistles in the New Testament Commentary
begun by Meyer.
As regards the erroneous teaching condemned in /'' on
the
the Pastoral Epistles, which is the only part of the sub- inching
ject which directly concerns us now, Weiss (pp. 17 29)
clears the ground by some important distinctions. He Epistles
9 -
132 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
points out, (i) that we must distinguish prophecies
about future false teachers from warnings about the
present. He admits, however, and this has to be
remembered, that prophecies of this kind imply that
the germs, to say the least, of the future evils are
already perceptible. The passages under this head
are I Tim. iv. I 3 ; 2 Tim. iii. i 5 ; with its sequel
iv. 3f. (2) The perversities of individuals must not
be taken as direct evidence for the general streams of
false teaching. So perhaps i Tim. i. 20 (Hymenaeus
and Alexander); certainly 2 Tim. ii. 17 f. (Hymen
aeus and Philetus). Here again, however, it may
well be that the individual aberrations are regarded
as extreme cases of the natural outcome of more
widely spread tendencies. (3) Non-Christian teachers,
the corrupters of Christian belief, must not be con
founded with misguided Christians. So probably
Titus i. 1 5 f.
On the other hand, there is no indication, any
more than in the Epistle to the Colossians, that there
were, so to speak, different schools of error among
Christians. The various tendencies spoken of were to
all appearance combined in the same persons, and
they were members of the Church, though the sug
gestions to which they lent too ready an ear may
have come from without.
Again, just as in the Epistle to the Colossians,
several obvious marks of Judaism are present : yet it
cannot be a Pharisaic Judaism such as had. previously
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 133
confronted St Paul, there being again no debate
about circumcision or the prerogatives of Israel, and
St Paul's treatment of the matter being again quite
unlike what we find in the Epistles to the Galatians
and to the Romans.
On the other hand it was not unnatural that the
phrase fyevSwvvpos yvweis should lead some Fathers Gnostic
of the latter part of the Second Century to see a
reference to the heretics of their own or immediately
preceding times who prided themselves on a VVUHTIS.
Still more natural was it that the same identification
should be made in modern times when the term
' Gnostic ' had lost its original narrow reference and
become inclusive of a wide range of teachers and
schools. But there is no other evidence.
There is not the faintest sign that such words as
a<f)6apTo<}, alaiv, 7ri(f)dvia have any reference to what
we call Gnostic terms. The yevea\ojiai, whatever they
may be, cannot conceivably in this connexion (see
especially Tit. iii. 9 where the word is preceded by
fiwpaf ^T/T^'crei? and followed by epiv KOI fj,d-%a<$
i>o/u/ea<?) be long strings of emanations of aeons or
angels, which must moreover in that case have been
expressly indicated.
One phrase in the Epistle to Titus, Qeov 6/ioXo- Tit i 16
<yov<rtv el&evai, spoken of the external seducers of the
Christians, is, as Weiss points out, by itself almost
sufficient to make the reference impossible: o/*oXo-
could never have been used of men whose
134 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
characteristic it was to profess to have a peculiar
and superlative knowledge of God.
Most decisive of all is the fact on which Weiss
justly insists, that the duty laid on Timothy and
Titus is not that of refuting deadly errors, but of
keeping themselves clear, and warning others to keep
clear, of barren and mischievous trivialities usurping
the office of religion.
The curious word erepoSiBaa-Ka\ei in I Tim. i. 3 ;
vi. 3 must certainly not be interpreted by the associa
tions adhering to the element erepo- as derived from
the later ecclesiastical, not classical, sense of erepo-
Sofo?. It points rather to unfitness and irrelevance
of teaching, the sense of ere/309 being substantially as
in the Trvevpa erepov, evayye\t,ov erepov of 2 Cor. xi. 4
and evajye\iov erepov of Gal. i. 6, with which we may
compare the 8iSa%ai<; TroiiciXais /cal gevai? (evidently
about Jewish observances) of Heb. xiii. g.
It does not follow that these considerations are
"uncertain equally fatal to the supposition that the influences
spoken of at Ephesus and in Crete were connected
with a speculative form of Judaism out of which some
forms of "Gnosticism" may later have been developed.
Cerinthus must clearly be left out of account, for
want of tangible points of identity : but it would
be rash in our ignorance to assume that no other
representatives of Gnosticizing Judaism have existed.
As regards Essenism there is again a want of identical
characteristics ; Weiss, who here is very guarded in his
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 135
language, points to the growing inclination to attribute
the tendencies spoken of in Colossians and Romans
xiv. to an Essene origin as the most attractive feature
of the supposition that the Pastoral Epistles likewise
imply Essene origination.
But it seems to me that there is a total want of
.. , . . . ,. were 'the
evidence for anything pointing to even rudimentary
Gnosticism or Essenism. First, as regards the yeveaXo- "
yiat referred to just now. The phrase is undoubtedly
obscure to us, and cannot well be explained, as
Weiss explains it, by 'allegorisings of genealogies';
nor by the bare text of such genealogies ; any more
than by genealogies of aeons, angels, or other invisible
beings. What seems to be the true explanation is
suggested by the similarity between the combination
fivOois KOI yeveaXoyiaK} airepavro^ in I Tim. i. 4 and
the combination Trepl ra? <yeva\oyias KOI /AV^OU? in
Polyb. ix. 2. i. In the preceding chapter (ix. I. 4)
Polybius, apparently quoting Ephorus, takes credit to
himself for his 'austere' (or, as we should say, 'dry')
narrative, which refrained from enticing the reader by
o yeva\oyiKo<; T/>OTTO?. This language is rightly ex
plained by his editors to refer to the Greek historians
before Ephorus whose histories of early times were
full of the mythologies of early legend, and the stories
of the births of the demigod founders of states. So
Diodorus Siculus iv. I, referring repeatedly to ra?
TraXcua? pv8o\oyia<t, includes in them 77 iroiKi\ia /cat
TO 7r\i}0o<; TU>V < yei>a\o r yovfjiei>a)v rjpaxov re Ka\ r)p.ide<ov
136 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
teal TWV a\\a)v av&pwv. Several of these early his
torians 1 or ' logographers ' are known to have written
books of this kind entitled TeveaXoyiai, or Tevea\o-
ytKa. Thus, though the term doubtless in the first
instance meant genealogies proper, it came to include
all the early tales adherent, as it were, to the births
of founders etc. This probably explains how it is
that Philo* divides the Pentateuch first into history
and law (commands and prohibitions) ; and then sub
divides the history into the account of creation and
TO yeveaXoyiicov, of which, he says, part refers to the
punishment of the impious, part to the honour of
the righteous. That is, he includes under TO yevea-
\OJIKOV all the primitive human history in the Penta
teuch, without special reference to the contained
genealogies ; though these 8 helped the analogy with
the works of the Greek <yevea\6yoi. He uses the
term in no depreciatory sense ; but otherwise with
apparently the same inclusiveness as ordinary Greek
writers. Now if Philo could apply this term to the
historical part of the Pentateuch, it would a fortiori
be applicable to the rank growth of legend respecting
the patriarchs and other heroes of early Mosaic
history which had grown up among the Jews, both
in Hebrew and in Greek, before the time of the
1 So Hecataeus (Miiller Fragm. Hist. Grac. i. 25 30), Acusilaus
(ibid. 100 103), Simonides the younger (ibid. ii. 43), who bore the
title 6 Tevea\6yos, as did also Pherecydes. Cf. Josephus Ap. i. 3.
2 De Vita Mays. ii. 8 [ii. 141].
3 Cf. Gen. ii. 4, v. i, x. i, xxxviii. 2.
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 137
Apostles. Technically, this legendary matter would
be included in the Haggada, or illustrative element
of commentary on the Old Testament, one branch of
which was of a historical or legendary character 1 .
So far as it is extant still, it is to be found compara
tively little in the Talmud, much more in the Midrash,
partly also in Philo and Josephus. But we can perhaps
form a still better conception of it from the book of
Jubilees (extant only in translations), the legends of
which are strung upon a basis of numbered genera
tions. Interesting as matter of this kind is for us as
a religious and literary phenomenon, it might with
good reason be condemned by St Paul as trashy and
unwholesome stuff, when he found it creeping from
the Jewish into the Christian communities of Asia
Minor and Crete, and occupying men's minds to the
exclusion of solid and lifegiving nutriment.
In I Tim. i. 4 the <yevea\oyiai are said to afford 'Question-
I ftP
matter for e/c^r^o-et? rather than for Divine steward- ethical not
ship exercised in faith, the wise apportionment Q { s P ecillatlve
religious truth, and in the list in Tit. iii. 9 they are
preceded by juopas ^T^o-et? : these words might no
doubt mean speculations such as e.g. we associate
with Gnosticism : but they may just as well mean
simply the exercise of idle curiosity. In I Tim. i. 7 it is
apparently implied that the persons spoken of aspired
to be vofjio&i&a&KaXoi : in Titus the yevea\oyiai are
followed by eptv teal ^a\a^ vop-ixd^, all alike being
1 Sec Schiirer, 15, 2, pp. 278 183 Germ. II. i. 339350 Eng.
138 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
pronounced to be unprofitable and vain as opposed to
things Ka\a KOI w<f>\ifj,a. Here then we seem to
have a reference to the trivial casuistry which con
stituted no small part of the Halacha, the other great
province of Jewish teaching, the province of precept
and external observance. Thus all hangs together if
yevedXoyiai has here the meaning suggested by the
language of Polybius and Philo.
1 Profane Another phrase has with still greater plausibility
babblings b een supposed to refer to Gnosticism, ra9
KevofywvLas ical avTt0<rei<; TT}? -^fevBcovvf^ov
against which St Paul warns Timothy at the end of
his first Epistle.
The single adjective ySe/S^Xo? has occurred already
in iv. 7 in conjunction with the fj,vOot(rovf8e j3e/3ij\ov<i
teal ypaat&eis jj,v6ov<f TrapaiTov) : it expresses not so
much profanity in the modern sense as the absence
of any Divine or sacred character.
The full phrase ra<? fiefir/Xovs icevocfxavifv; recurs
in 2 Tim. ii. 16, where the evil fruits of such speech
are evidently distinguished from its own less heinous
evil : out of it proceeds a downward progress to a
lower level of ao-e/3eta, no longer merely the absence
of a religious spirit, but positive impiety : and of this
ultimate result the error of Hymenaeus and Philetus
respecting the Resurrection is given as an example in
the matter of faith.
'Opposi- Then come the avridea-eis rfjs tyevScovvfjiov fyz/&j<re&>?.
Mardonite It was not unnatural to think of Marcion's book of
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 139
'Ai/Tt#e'o-e<?, ' Oppositions ' of the Old and New Testa
ments. But the reference is really inconceivable.
Such a work with such a purpose would never have
been designated by the author of the Epistle by a
mere word like this as part of a larger phrase, without
further designation of its character. Again Marcion,
as far as we know, made no particular claim to 7i>eo<n<?;
and a word less characteristic of his teaching could
hardly have been chosen. Once more, it is impossible
to refer this phrase to Marcion and also other lan
guage of these Epistles to Valentinian or other similar
teaching: the two suppositions exclude each other,
but are in truth alike groundless. This seductive
verbal coincidence being given up, there is nothing in
what we know of Gnosticism, or of other speculative
systems of the first two centuries, for which the term
dvTi8e(ri<; has any special appropriateness.
'Aim#eo-et<? has various possible meanings. The froi>u/>fy
casuistical
most obvious here would be one of those belonging
to Greek rhetoric, ' objections ' almost ' cavils ' *. So
Chrysostom here apa elcrlv dvTi0e<rei<; 77730? a<? ovSe
aTTOKpiveo-Oai Set, and apparently Theodore of Mop-
suestia. But the most probable is the simplest, nearly
equivalent to our antitheses, the setting of one point
against another. If we are still even here dealing
with Jewish matter, a question which must wait till
we come to rf/t -fy-evSwvv pov yi/akre<u<?, di'Ti0e<rei<;,
oppositiones, would seem an appropriate word to
1 Cf. e.g. Philo, Fragm. ii. 634 Mang.
HO THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
describe the endless contrasts of decisions 1 , founded
on endless distinctions, which played so large a part
in the casuistry of the Scribes as interpreters of the
Law. It would thus designate frivolities of what was
called the Halacha, as the fivdoi and yeveaXoytai,
designate frivolities of the other great department of
Jewish learning, the Haggada.
'Knew- But how about the tyevSwvvfjioi; yvwa-is ? What is
falsely so the most natural interpretation of this famous phrase ?
called' Gnosis. in the sense of esoteric lore, was no doubt
(jnostic use
of'Gnosis' a favourite word and idea among the various sects
whom we are accustomed to call Gnostics (jvoxrriKoi
being however historically of much narrower appli
cation), though the application of it as a descriptive
title of the whole movement, apart from this passage
of i Tim., is modern only.
Pre-gnosiic Again, there are various traces of a similar use of
the word before the Gnostics properly so called. In
e.g. vi 9 the Epistle of Barnabas it has an analogous sense,
specially as a method of mystical interpretation of
language and rites. So also Justin Martyr (Dial.
112, 339 C) writes, "There is nothing of what has
been said or done by all the prophets without
exception which can be justly plainer eav rrjv yvwo-tv
rr)v ev avrols e'^re." The reference is to the Brazen
Serpent as a sign of Christ on the Cross.
Scriptural But the truth doubtless is that it was a natural
designation of any kind of lore that went below the
1 See Weber, Syst. d. alt. Syn. Pal. TheoL 101 f. See Appendix.
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 141
surface of things, whatever might be the nature of
the subject matter. The word itself is of tolerably
frequent occurrence in LXX. (almost always for
HSn), Apocrypha, and New Testament.
While then, taken by itself, it might be easily indirect
understood in various different ways, the question ^^'/
we have to ask is whether it would naturally be .'#"***
' cannot a-
used of any Jewish lore not Gnostic in character, in tion
accordance with the other indications in this Epistle.
Now the New Testament contains two or three from N. T.
places which at least indirectly bear on this question.
In Luke xi. 52 our Lord accuses the lawyers (rot?
vofju/cots) of having taken away the key of knowledge
(T7<? yva>(re(i)<;). Here, as so often, He seems to be
putting the true primary sense of a phrase in
place of its conventional sense. It was their proper
duty to open the door of knowledge for the people,
that knowledge of realities human and Divine by
which a man could be fitted for entrance into the
kingdom of heaven. That true key however they
took away by the barren traditionalism which they
called knowledge, and of which they boasted them
selves to hold the key 1 .
So again in Rom. ii. 2of. the boastful Jew is one
who is confident that he is an instructor of the foolish.
1 Cf. Rec. Clem. i. 54 Sed hi [Scribae et Pharisaei], baptizati a
Johanne, et velut clavem regni caelorum verbum veritatis tenentes ex
Moysis traditione susceptum, occultarunt auribus populi. Cf. ii. 30.
46; also Horn. Clem, xviii. 15 f.
142 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
a teacher of babes, which hath "the form of knowledge
and of the truth in the law," where again St Paul
seems to speak at once of a counterfeit yvw<ris and a
true 7i/<wcrt9 which had its fioptfxoa-i^ in the Law 1 .
from Another indirect piece of evidence in the same
LXX
direction is afforded by the way in which knowledge
(yvaxn? LXX.) and Law correspond to each other
in parallel clauses, cf. Hos. iv. 6 ; Mai. ii. 7.
1 The Wise Lastly, a strong justification of this reference of
is to be found in the common Jewish designa
tion of the Scribes or Teachers of the Law. They
were called the D^D!"! or wise ones ; and it is note
worthy that while in Biblical Hebrew the verb DDH
- T
is always neuter, to be wise, in Rabbinical Hebrew
and in Aramaic it is often transitive, answering exactly
to 7'<wo7ca>, even in secondary senses of ytvcaa-Ka). If
we could say for certain that the abstract substantive
PlJb^n (or other substantival form) were likewise used
for yvooo-is in the corresponding sense, the proof would
be obviously complete. I cannot however find
evidence that such was the case. But since the
common designation of the Scribes implied that they
were men having knowledge quite as much as men
having wisdom, the step to St Paul's presumed use of
the word is but a small one. It is also worth notice
that HSn which in the Old Testament is almost the
1 Cf. 4 Mac. i. 16 f., 2o(/>a 5rj rolvvv yvutris Oelwv Ka.1
ruv /ecu rdv TOIJTUV alrltav. aflrr) drj rolvvv Iffrlv }} TOV v6fj.ov
61 ys TO. deta. ffffwus Kal TO. dvOpwirtva ffVfi.<f>ep6t>Tus
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 143
only original of the LXX. <yv(a<ri<;, in the Talmud
sometimes means the sense of the Law in a particular
case, or the opinion of this or that Rabbi on the sense
of the Law 1 . Here again we have an easy transition,
viz. from the single yvcaaeis to their sum, the collective
A little reflexion will shew that this would be
quite a natural and legitimate application of the term
yvdoo-is. The distinctive lore of a class of canonists
and casuists was in the strictest sense a special
knowledge, a knowledge limited to experts or in
itiated persons ; and this is the fundamental idea of
7i/&5(7t<? in the quasi-technical sense with which we are
concerned. It lies behind the familiar exclamation
" This multitude which knoweth not the law (o /*/; jn vii 49
yivaxTKwv rbv vofiov) are accursed " ; an exclamation
which has often been illustrated by Rabbinical
language about the sharp line of demarcation be
tween the Wise Ones and the Am Haaretz.
One other point remains to be noticed. A Traces of
speculative dualism, a reluctance to recognise any
contact between God and things divine on the one
hand, and material and corporeal things on the other,
is an important element both of Gnosticism and of
other speculative systems ; and it is said that i Tim.
betrays the presence of a similar teaching at Ephesus.
1 See examples in Levy-Fleischer i. 416. See illustrative Rabbini
cal examples of njn in Weber, u. s. p. 24.
144 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
Future The most telling piece of evidence is of course the
i Tim v 23 . . . ,
warning against giving heed to deceiving spirits and
to teachings of demons uttered by men speaking
falsely in hypocrisy, having their own conscience
branded, forbidding to marry or to partake of certain
foods." As however we saw before, the teaching here
spoken of is not present but future.
Practical Again five verses lower St Paul addresses Timothy
himself in a very different tone respecting bodily
exercise, i.e. aaKyvis, of which he speaks slightingly
but not in condemnation.
i Tim v 23 Similarly in the next chapter the injunction to
him to be no longer a water-drinker is evidently,
in the context in which it stands, not merely a
sanitary but quite as much a moral precept, and
thus implies that Timothy had himself begun to
abjure wine on grounds of personal sanctity.
Met by Once more, despite the striking contrast in tone
positive
teaching between the first passage and the second and third,
there is unquestionably a real connexion between the
first and the second. The positive teaching in iv. 4, 5
is evidently not simply laid down beforehand for a
future time, but put forward as a necessary doctrine
for the present, and thus implies that, as was to be
expected, the germs of what would hereafter amount
to a revolt from the faith (the faith of the Incar
nation) (to be taught apparently by heathen oracles
or other authorities of heathen religion, for such
seems to be the meaning of " teachings of demons ")
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 145
were already to be found lurking under plausible
forms ; nay, that apparently Timothy himself had
some need to be warned against them, at least so far
as the matter of foods was concerned. The Christian
teaching set up in vv. 4, 5 against the anticipated i Tim iv
errors is itself according to v. 6 to be at once put 4
before the brethren.
In all this there is no sign of a speculative kind of But not
dualism. We have before us a practical ethical or s ^ c>
religious teaching, a crude and hasty way of trans
lating into action the true perception that for man in
his present state all virtuous or godly life involves
orderly restraint of the natural bodily desires. Such
a rule of life may either rest on a speculative basis, as
it did in much Platonic philosophy and in the Persian
religion and Manicheism, or it may be independent
of all such theoretical foundations. In the absence
of more distinctive characteristics it is vain to try to
determine the source of the tendencies here described.
For our purpose, however, it is natural to ask Possibly
Judaic in
whether they came from the Judaism of Ephesus. <,,-/,,/
Contempt for marriage was certainly not what we
should look for in a Jewish community \ Simon Ben
Azai's(Cent. II.) seclusion from his wife was evidently
regarded 2 by the Rabbis as altogether exceptional.
Yet it may have been otherwise with Jews of the
1 Yet cf. Hebr. xiii. 4 [Ed.].
3 Jost, Gesck. d. Juduith. ii. 97 ff. ; Gra'.z, Gnostidsmiis tt.
Jitdcnthitm 71 ff.
H. J. C. 10
146 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES
Dispersion, peculiarly exposed to various foreign
influences. It is remarkable that in the midst of
this context St Paul bids Timothy avoid the profane
and old wives' fables. In Titus i. 13 we hear distinctly
of " Jewish fables " and that in connexion with " com
mandments of men ". It cannot be proved that the
pvOoi, in the two Epistles are of the same kind : but
the presumption is that they are, more especially when
Tim i 4 the [jivdoi, of an earlier place in this same Epistle
had every appearance of being Jewish.
On the whole then in the Pastoral Epistles, no less
than in Colossians, it seems impossible to find clear
evidence of speculative or Gnosticising tendencies.
We do find however a dangerous fondness for Jewish
trifling, both of the legendary and of the legal or
casuistical kind. We find also indications, but much
less prominent, of some such abstinences in the
matter of foods (probably chiefly animal food and
wine) as at Colossae and Rome, with a probability
that marriage would before long come likewise under
a religious ban. But of circumcision and the per
petual validity of the law we have nothing.
LECTURE VIII.
JAMES, i PETER, HEBREWS, APOCALYPSE.
FROM St Paul and the churches which he founded
or to which he wrote we come back to the East. Of
the remaining books of the New Testament, at least
four belong to the decade preceding the Fall of
Jerusalem. These four are the Epistles bearing the
names of James, I Peter, Hebrews, and the Apoca
lypse embodying the Epistles to the seven Churches.
All of them have some bearing, direct or indirect, on
our subject, though in unequal degrees. They do
not claim however more than a small part of our
remaining time.
The Epistle of St James.
The Epistle bearing the name of James is still the Author-
subject of endless discussions. My own belief is first, /^.
that it is not the work of a late writer assuming
wrongly the name of James but a true and authentic
product of the apostolic age ; and secondly that the
10 2
148 THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES
James who wrote it was the James of the latter part
of the Acts, he who was known as the Lord's brother,
not himself of the original Twelve but specially
associated with them at Jerusalem, and the head of
the local Church there. The apparent immaturity,
as it were, of its teaching, together with other sub
ordinate considerations, leads many who accept its
genuineness to place it very early, at least as early
as any Epistle of the New Testament. They are
then obliged to assume that the whole of the famous
passage on faith and works in ii. 14 26 has nothing
to do with St Paul, and is to be explained by
language found in Jewish writers. The passages
hitherto adduced, however, do not appear to me to be
adequate to support this theory so far as vv. 21 25
are concerned, and it seems more natural to suppose
that a misuse or misunderstanding of St Paul's
teaching on the part of others gave rise to St James's
carefully guarded language. It follows that St Paul's
controversy with the Judaizers, which for us is
summed up permanently in Romans i viii, must
have preceded ; and there is no tangible evidence at
variance with this conclusion. Nay, the state of
things which could lead to the writing of such a
letter does not seem likely to have arisen very
quickly. On the other hand, the latest limit is fixed
by St James's death. Assuming the genuineness of
Ant. xx. the passage relating to him in Josephus, and I see no
good reason to question it, the events associated with
THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES 149
it in Josephus's narrative fix it to the year 62 ; and
though the vaguer language of Hegesippus, if it Fus. H.E.
i '' 2 3-
stood alone, would suggest a time nearer to the siege
of Jerusalem by the Romans, it is not really at
variance with this date. How long before St James's
death the Epistle was written, we cannot tell : but
the evident growth of persecution implied in the first e.g. i , \-
and last sections suggests a late rather than a IC
relatively early year.
The recipients of the Epistle according to i. i are Recipients
"the twelve tribes that are in the Dispersion," and
this very full phrase unaccompanied by words
suggesting another than the literal meaning cannot
naturally be understood except of Jews ; while other
passages shew Christian Jews, and apparently these |
alone, to be intended. Here and everywhere in the
Epistle the Gentiles are neither included nor ex
cluded ; they are simply left out of account. If it
was true to say that they were equal members of the
new Israel of God, it was no less true to say, as
St Paul and y. John likewise virtually say, that
Christian Jews were now the only true and adequate
members of the ancient Israel, the faithful remnant,
in prophetic language, in the midst of ' faithless and
disobedient' members of the same people. Ad
ditional emphasis is given to this conception by rat?
8&)8e/ca <j>v\al<;, which signifies the ideal unbroken
unity of the people 1 . The geographical compre-
1 Cf. TO 8w5fK<i<j>v\oi> in Acts xxvi. 7 ; Clem. Rom. 55 ; Prottv. Jcu. i.
ISO THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES
hensiveness of the address would in the full doubt
less be hardly carried out in the actual destin
ation of the Epistle. But the homeward return of
Jews, probably including Jewish Christians, who had
come from distant lands to Jerusalem for the Pente
costal or another feast, would afford St James an
opportunity of diffusing his letter widely enough ;
and it was natural and fitting that he, as the acknow
ledged head of the Church of Jerusalem, should send
this word of exhortation and encouragement under
trying circumstances to those Christians throughout
the empire whose earlier religion had been not
heathen but Jewish. It does not follow however that
we can learn much respecting Jewish Christians of
the Dispersion from the Epistle. It is not even safe
to assume that they formed distinct congregations
from those of Gentile Christians. Thus in ii. 2 (lav
jap ela-eXOrj ei9 a-vvaywyrjv V/JLWV dvrjp xpvcro$aKTv\io<;
etc.) St James's appeal would have none the less force
if Gentile Christians were worshippers in the same
congregation ; and the term a-vvaywyij is that which
St James from his Palestinian experience would
naturally and rightly use even if some or all of the
congregations to which the recipients of the letter
belonged were called not a-vvaywyai but KK\ij(riai.
In v. 14 Tot>9 Trpea-ftvTepovs r^9 eKKXycrias is even a
less distinctive phrase. Again, as regards the social
conditions and moral evils to which the Epistle
refers, it is not necessary to suppose that St James
THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES 151
had an exact knowledge of the condition of the
various Christian Churches of the Dispersion, which
doubtless differed much from each other in important
circumstances. The primary picture seems rather to
be reflected from his own experience of the state of
things at Jerusalem, which he knew was likely in one
form or another to reproduce itself wherever Jews
were to be found, whether they had become Christian
Jews or not.
For our purpose it is sufficient to cast a glance at Ckarac-
some features of St James's own teaching. Unlike Teaching
as it is on the surface to that of the other books of
the New Testament, it chiefly illustrates Judaistic
Christianity by total freedom from it. We find not
a word breathing the spirit which chafed at St Paul's
gospel to the Gentiles. We do not find even a
temporary veneration for the as yet unabolished
sanctities of Jewish ritual or polity. The echoes
of the Sermon on the Mount have been often noticed:
but what .especially concerns us to observe is how
deeply St James has entered into that part of the
Sermon on the Mount which we examined at the
outset, the true manner of the fulfilment of the Law.
The Law itself in a true sense stands fast : but this Ja ii 10 f.
permanence belongs to that in it which has the
nature of a perfect law, a law of liberty, a royal law.
Nay, just as our Lord appealed from the Mosaic Mt xix 8
legislation to the Divine word spoken " from the
beginning," as the utterance as it were of the Law
152 THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES
within and behind the Law, so various sayings of
eg- i 23 St James, rightly understood, carry us back to the
primary creation in the Divine image as the true
standard of a right life; and thus implicitly lead the
way to the restoration of the Divine image which is
made possible by the Gospel.
The doctrinal position thus assumed involves
His
traditional however no necessary contradiction to the position
which he is said to have held among the Jews at the
time of his death. It is likely enough that recent
critics are right in conjecturing that some features
in the well-known striking narrative of Hegesippus
Eus. H.E. preserved by Eusebius were borrowed from the Ebio-
nite book called 'Am/3a#/uot 'Ia&)/3ou mentioned
. xxx. by Epiphanius, from which parts of the first book of
the Clementine Recognitions were also apparently
borrowed. This identification indeed presupposes
that the dvajSaO/jiot meant are the steps of the
temple ; whereas Epiphanius seems to me to un
derstand the word figuratively, as it were steps
in teaching, instructions: but it is not at all clear
that he had ever seen the book himself, so that he
may easily have misunderstood the title. Now it
is likely enough that its contents were either largely
or wholly fictitious. But we have no right to assume
that this was the only source of information respecting
St James used by Hegesippus, though it is difficult or
impossible to distinguish precisely whence each of his
statements came. But the general picture which he
THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES 153
draws of St James's sanctity after a Jewish pattern,
and of the veneration felt for him by his countrymen,
is practically supported by the testimony of Josephus,
assuming the passage from the last book of his
Antiquities to be genuine. Most of the details merely
go to shew that St James lived under a permanent
Nazirite vow. This is not more surprising than
St Paul's temporary vow or vows : and this whole
representation of the life of the most prominent
Christian Jew in Jerusalem is, to say the least, fully
consistent with what might be expected in one
holding that position while the Jewish commonwealth
remained apparently unshaken. Nothing had yet
occurred to make it an anachronism. The progress
of the Pauline Gospel among the Gentiles, however
heartily it might be welcomed by St James and his
wiser associates, was but an additional reason why
he should conspicuously maintain that retrospective
aspect of the whole truth of God of which he was by
his very position the appointed representative.
The First Epistle of St Peter.
We come next to St Peter and his great Epistle.
In Gal. ii. 7 he is said to have been recognised as
entrusted with the Gospel of the Circumcision as
St Paul was of the Uncircumcision. This was ap
parently, as we have seen, at the private conversations
which preceded the great public conference at Jeru
salem about the circumcision of Gentile converts.
154
THE FIRST EPISTLE OF ST PETER
Commis- The same is virtually repeated two verses on, when
S Umitdto Peter (as ' Cephas ') stands between James and John.
'the Cir- This passage however gives us but one side of St
cumciston
Peter's function. In St Luke's account of the public
Ac xv 7 conference he stands forward to commend Paul
and Barnabas and their mission to the assembly,
avowedly as being himself the man, through whom
the Gentile Cornelius had been Divinely admitted
into fellowship. The actual counsel adopted by the
assembly, whoever may have privately suggested it
beforehand, comes formally from the mouth of St
Ac xv 14 James, who begins by ratifying St Peter's significant
appeal to the past. After that verse St Peter's name
disappears from the Acts. The New Testament gives
us no information about the transition in the work of
the Twelve between that day at Jerusalem and the
much later times when we find St Peter writing
his Epistle and St John his Apocalypse. As
however we saw at the outset, the Twelve were from
the first Divinely commanded to preach to the
Gentiles. Through long years they felt it their duty,
equally in obedience to Divine commands, to make
the Holy City and Land their sphere of labour : but
after a while they were bound to go forth. St Paul's
intervening work may well have changed their whole
horizon; but it had not superseded their own duty.
Under what circumstances the great change took
place, we have unfortunately no knowledge.
To this latter period of the work of the Twelve,
THE FIRST EPISTLE OF ST PETER 155
having its predominant character inexorably deter- Treats
mined by the work and life of St Paul, as well as ^'"^^
by our Lord's monitions, St Peter's Epistle belongs. tlu ff~
rogattve
He writes as one whose commission is universal : of Israel
the local circumstances of the Church of Jerusalem
or of any other Church cannot limit his action or
his view. Nay, writing, as I believe he does, from
Rome, the centre of the Empire, his momentary
local position itself gives additional power to the
universality of his teaching. Like St James, and yet
more than St James, he writes to admonish and
encourage Christians suffering under persecution.
Their Churches were doubtless predominantly formed
from heathen converts : yet he treats them as sharers
in the ancestral prerogatives of Israel ; and that not
by an afterthought, as it were, of the Divine Will, j p e t i 2
but in accordance with the Divine purpose as it
existed before the beginning of things. He teaches
them the truth of the meaning of suffering in the
person of Messiah, first suffering and then glorified; i Pet i u
the object of anticipation to the Old Testament pro- i Pet i 10
phets who had likewise declared God's coming grace
to reach to all mankind; the true Paschal Lamb i Pet i i8f.
whose blood had purchased their deliverance from
old heathen bondage. He teaches them likewise to
regard themselves as belonging to a people which
inherits the ancient promises and glories of Israel, i p e t ii 9
an elect race, a royal priesthood. Here therefore,
as in the Epistle to the Ephesians, all that Palestinian
156 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS
Christianity represented is entirely out of sight.
There is no trace of transitional conditions, in which
the letter of the old Law and Covenant has still a
certain legitimacy. The Israel of the future is the
only Israel in view.
The Epistle to the Hebrews.
The With the Epistle to the Hebrews we return again
Address to Palestine. Such at least is I feel sure the true
of the
Letter address of this mysterious epistle. There was a time
when Egypt, with the temple of Leontopolis for a
sacred centre, was regarded by many critics as the
land for which it was written, and this view has
eminent defenders still. Just now, Rome is still more
a favourite, and that with excellent critics of very
different schools. But, in spite of the difficulties
suggested by the language of some individual verses,
it seems to me morally impossible that the circum
stances of the Jewish Christians addressed were the
circumstances of any part of the Dispersion : in other
words the great part of the Epistle would have been,
as far as our knowledge goes, beside the mark if
written to any region but Jerusalem and Judea. The
Epistle of St James and that to the Hebrews are
full of striking contrasts, in part no doubt owing to
differences of temperament and position between the
two writers; but owing likewise to the fact that the
one was written to Christian Jews of the Dispersion
and the other to Christian Jews of Palestine.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS 157
The religious condition of these Jewish Christians Dangers to
shews plainly the dangers to faith which inevitably ra/L't'L-
beset that form of Jewish Christianity which we have
seen to have been legitimate in Palestine, the adoption
of the Gospel without any disuse of the Law. It was
only for a time that such a combination could be
legitimate, and now the hour was at hand when it
could be legitimate no longer. Meanwhile, before
the announcement of the hour by the trumpet of
Divine judgments, the mere force of long-continued
custom had rendered possible a state of things which
threatened to destroy all reality in men's allegiance
to the Gospel. The freshness of power with which
it had at first laid hold on ^hem had died away, while
the deep-seated instincts of ancestral custom pre
served all their tenacious influence, and were aided
by the corresponding spiritual degeneracy which
made a religion of sight easier, and apparently more
substantial, than a religion of faith. Then it would
seem that Uie pressure of the unbelieving Jews, in
the midst or\vhom the Jewish Christians were living,
was now becoming heavier and more intolerable, in
great measure, doubtless, owing to the unrest caused
by the signs of approaching Roman invasion. Thus,
without abjuring the name of Jesus, His professed
followers in Palestine were to a large extent coming
to treat their relation to Him as trivial and secondary
compared with their relation to the customs of
their forefathers and their living countrymen, and to
158 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS
Heb x 25 give up that gathering together in Christian congre
gations which gave outward expression and inward
reality to membership in the true people of God and
of His Christ. We hear nothing about circumcision,
and nothing about Gentile Christians. The Chris
tianity here rising may be justly called a Judaistic
Christianity; but it was rather the product of a
degeneracy in heart and mind than the expression
of a conscious doctrine or theory.
The If we compare the course followed by the author
transitor* f the E p i st i e w j t h t h e lines of thought which we have
ness oj tne *
Law already met with in the Gospels and in the Apostolic
age, it is remarkable that we find nothing of that idea
of an essential permanence of the Law in virtue of the
fulfilment of its Divine purpose which is laid down in
the Sermon on the Mount. Though the writer has
given Levitical observances a kind of prominence
entirely absent in the rest of the New Testament,
the Law is to him a thing that passes away altogether
and is succeeded by something wholly better, the
Heb x i substance of which the Law was but the shadow. In
other words, his teaching resembles that of the second
set of passages in the Gospels, that set to which the
language used respecting John the Baptist belongs.
Twice indeed he quotes the great passage of Jeremiah
on the new covenant which includes among other
things the promise that God will give His laws in
men's hearts and write them on their minds. But,
though, like St James, he never uses the word Gospel
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS 159
or the verb connected with it, he is not for that
reason led to use such language as St James's about a
Law which is in fact one aspect of the Gospel under
another name, a glorified and evangelic Law. His
choice of subjects for arguments is apparently guided
not by any theoretical considerations, but by a sense
of the influences which were as a matter of fact most
potent with the Hebrew Christians. Priesthood,
sacrifices, ancient covenant, commonwealth, these
were the chief things that seemed substantial and
solid beside the Christian realities that were losing
their power of attraction ; and therefore he dwells on
their inexorably transitory nature, while he points
out that each would pass away only to give place to
something better than itself. To what extent the
writer invites the Hebrew Christians to separate
themselves by their own act from their unbelieving
countrymen is not clear, even from xiii. 13. But at
least he bids them accept the position without the
camp. To be joined to Him who was the Author Heb xii
and FinisheF Of their faith was primary and essential ;
to be joined to priesthood and sacrifices, to ancient
covenant and commonwealth, was secondary and not
essential : before long it would be impossible, already
it might be becoming wrong.
l5o THE APOCALYPSE
The Apocalypse.
The day of the Lord which the writer to the
Hebrews saw drawing nigh had already begun to
break in blood and fire when St John sent his Apoca
lypse to the Gentile Churches of Asia. It is to be
hoped that the drastic criticism which this difficult
book has lately been receiving will have the indirect
effect of ultimately throwing light on the still obscure
historical circumstances under which it was written ;
and on the question whether events specially affecting
the Palestinian Church, in addition to the Fall of
Jerusalem, are to be included among the historical
circumstances implied in its language. Meanwhile
its special interest for our purpose is the testimony
which, when carefully read, it bears to that Apostolic
view of the relations of the Christian Church to
Judaism which we have found in St Paul, St Peter,
and in the Epistle to the Hebrews.
No traces The j^a? of i. 5, 6 (and again v. 10) can be none
exclusive- Dut Christians. Of these St John says that "Jesus
Hf " Christ, the witness (or Martyr) who is true, the first
born of the dead and the ruler of the kings of earth,
who loveth them and had ransomed them from their
sins at the price of His own blood, had also made
them to be a kingdom, priests to His God and
Father." Here the words "a kingdom, priests" are
taken from the words which Moses at Sinai was
Ex xix 6 to speak on the part of Jehovah to the people of
THE APOCALYPSE j6i
Israel, and which in another (the LXX) translation
are applied by St Peter to the new Israel of Asia i Pet ii 9
Minor.
So also in chap. xxi. the vision of New Jerusalem in the New
recalls the language of the last chapters of Hebrews, &ebS?
as well as of Gal. iv. 26, cf. Phil. Hi. 20.
The inscription of the names of the twelve
tribes on the portals, and of the names of theA P xxi, 2
twelve apostles of the Lamb on the foundations of A pxxi l4
the wall must not mislead us into fancying that we
have here a Judaistic dream. This city without a A P xxi
temple bears no sign of Jewish limitation. The
recurring twelve is but a sign that under the Old and
New Covenants alike, God had His one people, His
true Israel, at first limited to one nation, afterwards
bought out of every tribe and tongue and people and
nation. The twelve apostles had of course reference
in the first instance to the theoretical twelve tribes of
the earthly Israel : but their original function, as we
have seen tojiave been ordained by our Lord Himself,
extended to" the Gentiles likewise; and in actual
history St Peter and St John, the only two of the
twelve of whom we have any clear knowledge in the
later Apostolic age, became at last teachers of the
Gentiles. Thus as a band of twelve the apostles are
specially significant representatives of the continuity
between the old and the new Israel.
If then we turn back to the double vision of ch. vii,
the voice of the angel respecting the sealing of the
H.J.C.
162 THE APOCALYPSE
I2,OOO out of every tribe, and then the sight of the
great multitude whom no one could number, out of
every nation and tribes and peoples and tongues, we
cannot but feel the incongruity introduced by the
plausible interpretation which makes the 144,000 to
be Jewish Christians, and the great multitude Gentile
Christians. The difficulty is increased by the total
absence of any other sign of prerogatives ascribed to
Jewish Christians as such in the book, directly or by
implication, to say nothing of the absence of any
signs of a corresponding difference of status in other
books of the New Testament. Whatever then be the
true interpretation, this one at least can hardly be
true. When however we observe that in the first
vision nothing is described as seen except the angel,
his cry of prohibition to the other four angels, and
the number of the sealed, being only heard, not seen,
one cannot but suspect that the 144,000 spoken of
and the great multitude seen may be one and the
same body, Jewish Christians and Gentile Christians
alike. As spoken of by the angel, they may be
described under an exact ideal numeration 1 as making
up the ideal Israel : as seen by the prophet they may
be presented in accordance with external fact as a
vast mixed multitude. But however this may be, the
sealing of the twelve tribes cannot be recognised as a
or in the . c T . , .
Epistles mark of Jewish exclusiveness.
Churches These are for our purpose the most important
1 Cf. Hennas Sim. ix. 17. if. See Appendix.
THE APOCALYPSE 163
passages of the book. But it is worth while to notice
in the Epistles to Smyrna and Philadelphia theApU 9i
language about " them who say that they themselves '" 9
are Jews, and are not, but they lie," evidently aimed
at unbelieving Jews, whom by reason of their unbelief
the apostle regards as having forfeited the glories of
their race. This is precisely the idea which St Paul
expresses in Rom. ii. 28, 29. Less clear is the
analogous sentence in the Epistle to Ephesus, about A P ii 3
" them who call themselves apostles, and they are not,
and thou didst find them false". It would be un
profitable to waste words on the strange theory that
St Paul is meant by these false apostles : and it is
very doubtful whether from any other point of view
the interpretation of the words falls within our subject.
We have now come to the end of the evidence of
the New Testament, so far as it seems profitable to
pursue it. It is better to keep clear of the faint and
disputable illustrations of our subject which might
conceivably be obtained from enquiries into the
origin and purpose of each of the four Gospels and
of the Acts ; nor is anything substantial for our
purpose to be gained from the remaining Epistles.
It is on the other hand full time to enter on the history
which lies outside the New Testament.
ii
LECTURE IX.
THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM FROM TITUS TO
HADRIAN.
St James's Epistle took us just now to St James's
death and the picture of him preserved by Eusebius
Eus.jy.. from Hegesippus, partly to all appearance derived
" * 3> from the lost Ebionite book called the Steps of James.
Hegesippus is likewise our authority for nearly all
of the little that we know of the fortunes of the
Palestinian Church for a generation or two longer.
Hegesippus.
Was he a Hegesippus, who belongs to the latter half of the
judaizer? Second Century, stands in an interesting relation to
our subject both in modern theory and in undoubted
historical fact. Not long ago in the eyes of a
powerful body of critics he was the most striking
representative of the Judaistic Christianity of the
Second Century, and this view is still in substance
upheld by some. In this instance a plausible case
THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM 165
undoubtedly existed, and it was only by a more
comprehensive view of the facts and probabilities
that it could be set aside. It rested not only on the
ample evidence that he had special knowledge of
Palestinian Christianity but also on the telling fact
that he was apparently recorded as having exclaimed
against words of St Paul, viz. "Eye hath not seen nor , Cor ii 9
ear heard," etc. Since however it is credibly attested
that similar words occurred in an apocryphal writing,
now lost, it is but reasonable to suppose that this,
not i Corinthians, is the source of the quotation to
which Hegesippus opposed the Lord's words "Blessed
are the eyes that see, etc.," since otherwise there is a
hopeless contradiction with known facts about Hege
sippus. Moreover Stephen Gobar, the Sixth Century
writer who mentions the criticism, does not give
St Paul's name, but uses a vague plural (roi)? ravra
The evidence that he had a special acquaintance His knmv-
with PalestThTan Christianity is of several kinds. ,
(i) The various particulars of its history which
Eusebius recounts on his authority; (2) the statement
of Eusebius that " he makes citations from the Eus. H. R.
Gospel according to the Hebrews and the Syriac ' V
Gospel, and specially (or separately, iSfo?) from the
Hebrew language (i.e. apparently detached Hebrew
words), thereby shewing himself to have been a
believer of Hebrew origin, and moreover he mentions
other matters as derived from Jewish unwritten
166 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM
tradition " ; and we may add (3) a bit of local know
ledge apparently of an ocular kind, a statement at
the end of his account of St James's martyrdom,
" and they buried him on the spot beside the sanc
tuary, and his O-T^\IJ (monumental stone) still remains
beside the sanctuary." It is not necessary to assume
that a stele had been there ever since St James's
death : but there was one in Hegesippus's time, and
apparently he had seen it
His visit l<y What seems to be the best account of Hegesippus
Corinth to . _ Tr , , .
R ome is Weizsacker s rewritten article for the second edition
of Herzog's Encyclopddie. He there points out the
improbability of the common assumption based on
Jerome's misunderstanding of Eusebius, that Hege
sippus was an historian, and shews that his book
(called vTTOnvrjuara, ' Notes ' or ' Memoirs '), was appar
ently a somewhat discursive controversial work against
the heresies of his day 1 . The account of St James
was, we learn, in the fifth or last book, which would
be impossible if the work were a consecutive narrative
of events. The only event that we know of in his
Eus. H. E. life is a journey by Corinth to Rome : but what is
said of these two places suffices to stamp his eccle
siastical character. For the purpose, it would seem, of
his argument, he quoted much from Clement of
Rome's Epistle to the Corinthians, and then in that
connexion spoke of his own visit to Corinth. " And
the Church of the Corinthians," he says, " continued
1 Cf.Westcott, N. T, Canon, p. 207 f. '
FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 167
in the right doctrine (TCO opd<p \6<yqy) down to the time
when Primus was Bishop in Corinth; with whom
(plural) I had intercourse on a voyage to Rome, and
spent with the Corinthians several days, during which
we had restful sympathy with the right doctrine
(a-vvaveTrdTj/jiev 1 TW opdaj \6>y<i))." This " right doctrine"
must of course have been in harmony with that of
Clement's Epistle, which we can see for ourselves to
have had nothing Judaistic in it. Then he goes
on to say how after his arrival at Rome he made
out or procured a BiaSo^, apparently a list 2 of
the successive bishops, down to Anicetus, who was
apparently bishop at the time. " And in every
succession," he says, "and in every city there is
such a state of things as the Law proclaims and
the Prophets and the Lord."
This last phrase used to be cited as evidence of conclusive
i t " i / t-> i 1 1 against
Hegesippuss legalism ; but (as Ritschl pointed out j,,daizing
long ago) it is no more than the usual Second Century
formula of Church writers to express the harmony
of Old and New Testament against such heretics
as rejected the Old Testament. It is true "the
Apostles" are generally added, but their testimony
1 It is possible that ev may have been lost after ffwaveTrdrj/j-fv. In
any case the verb is from Rom. xv. 32.
- This list, as Lightfoot shewed in a letter to the Academy of May 21,
1887, is probably the list followed by Epiphanius (Hares, xxvii. 6)
who seems in this passage to be citing loosely from Hegesippus. See
Epp. ofS. Clem. I. p. 327 ff.
3 Ents. d. Alt. A'ir. p. 268.
168 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM
might easily be regarded as included in that of the
Lord ; and indeed, as Westcott 1 has pointed out,
the probably contemporary Epistles to Virgins which
bear Clement's name have exactly the same form.
Thus certainly at Corinth and at Rome and in other
Churches, if he visited other Churches (eicdo-Trj above
is ambiguous), Hegesippus found himself in harmony
with the authorities of the Church ; and what is
said of Clement's Epistle makes it impossible to
suppose that this was a harmony in Judaistic doctrine
or practice.
How can a How then are we to explain Hegesippus's special
acquaintance with Palestinian Christianity ? If he
escapedju- was brought U p in it, should we not expect him, it
might be asked, to shew at least some Judaistic
tendency? No certain answer is possible for want of
knowledge about Palestinian Christianity and for
want of knowledge about Hegesippus. Whether
Palestinian Christianity a generation or two before
him was of necessity Judaistic, we shall have to ask
just now. And again, we know, and evidently Euse-
bius knew, nothing about Hegesippus except what
has been already mentioned : even his Jewish origin
is apparently a matter of inference to Eusebius
(ejji,(f>alvi), not of knowledge. It is no doubt con
ceivable that long before he wrote he had passed
from one form of the Christian faith to another.
But it is to be remembered that the Church of Aelia,
1 N. T. Canon, p. 187.
FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 169
the Jerusalem of his day, was a Gentile Church,
evidently in communion with other great Churches,
as is shewn by the references to its Bishop Narcissus, Eus. H. E.
his contemporary. Even if the continuity of local v ' 23 '
tradition was broken by the results of the war of
Barcochba, to which we must soon come, some
traditions of the earlier time were likely to survive
among the descendants of the earlier Church on the
other side of Jordan, not very many hours distant
from Jerusalem, and an Aelian Christian of active
mind would have little difficulty in gathering them
up. The use of the native languages attested by Eus. H.E.
Eusebius is not quite so easily explained in this
way, though the example of Jerome shews that the
supposition would not be extravagant. We shall
come presently to a third explanation of the way in
which Hegesippus may have become acquainted with
the Palestinian traditions which have to be considered
next. Howsoever they may have reached him, there
is no reason to doubt that he faithfully reproduced
them.
Extracts from Hegesippus preserved in Eusebius.
Eusebius H. E. iii. 5 10 is taken up with an
account of the siege and fall of Jerusalem, expressly
derived from Josephus, and then with an account
of Josephus's writings and Canon.
Then in ch. 1 1 he proceeds :
THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM
The elec
tion of Sy-
meon
"After the martyrdom of James and the immediately suc
ceeding capture of Jerusalem it is recorded (Xoyos xare^ei)
that the survivors among the Apostles and the Lord's
disciples met together from all quarters, along with those who
were related to the Lord by blood, for many of these too were
still alive : and that the whole number took counsel together as
to whom they should adjudge worthy to succeed to James, and
then that with one mind they all approved Symeon the son of
Clopas, who is also mentioned by the Scripture of the Gospel,
to be worthy of the throne of that see, being, as they say, a
cousin of the Saviour. That is (yap ovv), Hegesippus relates
that Clopas was a brother of Joseph. And further, that Vespa
sian gave orders after the capture of Jerusalem for inquisition
to be made for all of the kindred of David, to the end that no
one of the blood royal might be left alive among the Jews ; and
that the Jews on that account underwent yet another severe
persecution."
A<yyo5 tfare^ei is in itself a vague phrase ; but as
used by Eusebius, it by no means indicates that
he had no precise authority. Thus in ch. 18 after
using it he shews that he was following Irenaeus.
So here I feel sure that he is following Hegesippus,
whom he does actually quote in a parenthesis at the
end of ch. n for the fact of Clopas's relationship.
In a modern writer we might suppose that this one
accessory fact alone came from Hegesippus ; but
that is not Eusebius's manner. The description of
the capture of Jerusalem as 'immediately succeeding'
the martyrdom of James is probably due to the
phrase, that not improbably came just before in
Hegesippus, ' KOI ev0v$ Ovea-Tracriavbs TroXiop/eet av-
TOU?.' This phrase (preserved by Eusebius ii. 23, 18)
was used (as we have seen) in a rhetorical way by
FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 171
Hegesippus, but it has been taken literally by
Eusebius, who is thus misled into the incredible
statement that the appointment of Symeon to succeed
James took place after the fall of the city.
The narrative is then, as often, interrupted by Jnd<?s
successions of Emperors (Titus succeeding Vespasian, children
Domitian Titus) and of Bishops. The mention of
Clement as Bishop of Rome leads to an allusion
(ch. 16) to Hegesippus's notice of the disturbance in
the Church of Corinth in Clement's time. Domitian's
reign leads to Domitian's persecution and St John's
alleged banishment in it, and then (ch. 19) to an
account by Hegesippus (introduced at first by TraXcwo?
tcare'xet \6yos), carrying on the former account of
Vespasian's policy, how Domitian ordered the destruc
tion of David's descendants. Then follows (ch. 20),
doubly attested as from Hegesippus, the touching
story of Jude's grandchildren, who were accused by
'certain heretics' to Domitian as coming under this
description, and their release after his interview with
them : after which they are said rjyrjcraa-Qat TWV
eKK\Tj<Tia>v, as being at once martyrs and of the
Lord's kindred, and that, peace then coming and
lasting till the reign of Trajan they survived till
that time ( 8). Heresies
Having reached the reign of Trajan in ch. 2l,
Eusebius is led to speak of St John's old age, and Martyr -
J dom
then, after some natural digressions, returns m EUS. #.
ch. 32 to the ordinary course of his narrative, and m- **'
172 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM
on the authority of Hegesippus (preluded by Acare'%et
\o7o?) mentions various local and popular per
secutions of Christians in Trajan's reign, in one of
which Bishop Symeon suffered martyrdom: here
again ' certain heretics ' appear ( 3) as the accusers,
and the accusation is twofold, of Davidic origin and of
being a Christian. The accusers themselves in their
turn are said ( 4) to have been taken, as being
of the tribe of Judah. Further on in the chapter
after a repetition at somewhat greater length of the
story of Jude's grandchildren we read ( 7) that Hege
sippus marks this as the time when the Church,
hitherto free and inviolate, began to suffer from the
open injury of those who endeavoured to corrupt
" the sound rule of the saving message," any previous
heretics having been secret and obscure. The allusion
Eus. H. E. here is probably to Thebuthis, mentioned by
Hegesippus as having begun to cause corruption
because he had not been made bishop when Symeon
was. He is said 1 to have been "of the seven sects,"
apparently not the sects next mentioned ( 5), but
the seven Jewish sects mentioned a little further on
( 6). Apparently (ch. 32 8) he regarded the death
of Symeon as the passing away of the last survivor
of eye-witnesses of the Lord during whose lifetime
The succes- error could not openly hold up its head.
sion of On the other hand, three chapters on, Pliny's
Justus
1 The passage is corrupt, but the MSS. are certainly right in wv )( uv
of the editors.
FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 173
correspondence and an episcopal succession having Eus. H.E,
intervened, we read, that at this time a vast number '"' 35 '
(jMvpiwv oa-wv} of the circumcision believed in Christ
(the perfect TreTrto-TevtcoTwv is ambiguous, but hardly
the context), one of whom Justus (called 'louSato?
rt?) succeeded to Symeon. No authority is given,
but it can be only Hegesippus.
With iv. 3 a new reign begins, that of Hadrian. List of
After a few lines we come to episcopal successions at Jerusalem
Rome and Alexandria.
" But of the Bishops in Jerusalem," says Eusebius, " I have
quite failed to find the dates preserved in writing ; it is in fact
(yap ovv) barely recorded (Xc/yoj *eaT\fi) that they were short
lived, but this much I have received from written sources, that
till the siege of the Jews under Hadrian there had been fifteen
Bishops in succession there, who, they say, were all Hebrews
and had from the first received the knowledge of the Christ in
its genuine form, so that they had been already approved by
those who were competent to decide on such points as worthy
of the Episcopal office ; for their whole Church was composed of
believing Hebrews, survivors from the time of Apostles even to
that siege in which the Jews were overcome after severe fighting
in their second revolt against Rome. Seeing then that the
succession of Bishops of the Circumcision came to an end at
that time it will be right to give a list of them from the
beginning."
Then after the list 1 he continues:
"Such then is the number of the Bishops of the city of
Jerusalem, extending from the time of the Apostles to the time
indicated. All of these were of the Circumcision."
1 This list is perhaps not from Hegesippus, but from Jerusalem
registers. Cf. Eus. Dem. Evang. IV. 5. 124 D wv Kal TO. ovo^ara Js
frt vvv Trapa TOJJ
174 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM
We have thus reached a point little if at all inferior
in interest for our purpose to the Capture of Jerusalem
by Titus, viz. the disastrous end of the war of
Barcochba arising out of the substitution of the
Gentile Aelia for the Jewish Jerusalem. Up to this
time, we are told, there had been a quick succession
of bishops from the circumcision, while they were
also men whose faith in the opinion of Hegesippus
was of the right stamp. The two facts have to be
taken together.
The migration to Pella.
Before considering this point further, let us leave
the Jerusalem Bishops and retrace our steps to the
Eus H. E. time of the first Roman conquest. In the chapter
in which Eusebius describes the beginning of the
great war entrusted to Titus, after enumerating the
Jewish assaults on the Christian Community, es
pecially the deaths of Stephen, James the son of
Zebedee, and James "the Lord's brother, and the
departure of the other apostles to go forth among the
Gentiles, because, he says, they were driven forth by
plots against their life, he mentions further ( 3) that
" the people of the church in Jerusalem, by a certain
oracle given by revelation rot? avrodt, So/d^ois, had
been ordered to remove before the war and inhabit
Pella, a city of Peraea." He speaks of " those who had
believed in Christ" having migrated from Jerusalem,
FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 175
and of " holy men having entirely abandoned both
the very royal metropolis of the Jews and the whole
land of Judea." Then after this exordium he pro
ceeds to the Divine judgment which fell on the guilty
nation. Here there is no direct or indirect indication
of authorship : but the contents suggest that at least
the fact came from Hegesippus. It is difficult and
not important to decide whether the time intended The time
is at some pause between the first beginning of
the war in May 66 A.D. and Titus's gathering of
his army at Caesarea in the spring of 70 A.D. or
at that last crisis itself. Probably, however, it was
at least late in the time. The country in which
Pella lies was occupied by Vespasian in the spring of
68 A.D., a little before Nero's death, and the Christian
colony, if then there, must have been swept away.
The migration was doubtless connected with the
supremacy gained by the Zealot party in Jerusalem
and the tyranny which they exercised over the city.
The natural effect of those terrible days would be Thereligi-
that many of those Christians whose attachment to
the Jewish state was stronger than their faith in the
Gospel would become separated from the Church and
lost in the mass of their countrymen. Thus the body
which migrated to Pella would probably consist
mainly of those who best represented the position
formerly taken by St James, and those whom the
teaching of the Epistle to the Hebrews had persuaded
to loosen their hold on the ancient observances.
176 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM
iiiis This going forth was indeed literally a going forth
without the camp, and the feelings with which the
emigrants went forth must have been peculiarly in
harmony with the Epistle; though the Epistle must
have been written before so acute a crisis as this had
been reached. The fact of the migration is nearly
all that we really know about it. That Ebionite
communities existed in that region in the Fourth
Century is no evidence that they were descended
from the fugitives from Jerusalem. Various other
circumstances of less remote date might easily give
rise to such communities.
Ariston's One not improbable memorial of the time is
position the name of a writer whom Eusebius cites for a
H.E. iv. 6, decree of Hadrian respecting the Jews, 'Apia-rmv o
3,
IleXXato?. The same name is given by Maximus
the Confessor (VII. Cent.) to the author of a Dia
logue between Papiscus and Jason, a controversial
work against the Jews which other ancient writers
cite anonymously. Harnack 1 has shewn that there
is every reason to suppose the same Ariston
to be meant, and that the account of Hadrian's
edict probably occurred in the Dialogue. It is
of interest for our subject to note that Jason, the
interlocutor who represents the author in this Dia
logue, is called a Hebrew Christian, and yet that he
is said to have vindicated dispositionem [olfcovoftiav]
et plenitudinem Christi, and that his interpretation
1 Texte und Unters. Vol. I. pp. 115 130.
FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 177
of Gen. i. I as preserved by Jerome, shews him to
have held the Son of God to be pre-existent to the
Creation ; so that Ariston, the Christian of Pella,
cannot have been a mere Ebionite.
Epiphanius 1 speaks of the Christians as having TJu return
returned from Pella to Jerusalem. It is in a paren
thetic sentence in a long and curious story about
Aquila the translator : but it is not required for
the story, and was probably a conjectural addition
by Epiphanius himself. Sooner or later, however, a
more or less complete return from Pella to Jerusalem
must have taken place, unless Hegesippus's whole
account of the death of Symeon, and of the later
bishops is a fiction, which is most unlikely.
Subsequent History.
According to the story in Epiphanius 2 in Hadrian's
time, doubtless his early time, nothing was standing
in Jerusalem except a few houses, the little Christian
Church occupying the site of the room to which
the apostles withdrew after the Ascension, parts of
houses about Sion, and seven synagogues standing
alone on Sion. Aquila also is said to have seen
"the disciples of the disciples 3 of the apostles
flourishing in the faith and working great signs of
healings and other marvels." But the account has
a very fantastic sound.
1 DC metis, et pond. c. 15. 2 loc. fit. c. 14.
3 TOI>S /j.a.6rjTa.s rwv /j.adr}ruv. This is the reading of the Syriac. See
P. de Lagarde, Philologtis, xviii. p. 352.
H. J. C. 12
178 THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM
Eusebius 1 seems at first sight to say that half the
city only had been destroyed : but this apparently
is only his deduction (et'/co?) from what he took to be
a prophecy of the fate of Jerusalem in Zech. xiv. 2.
Relations Allusions in Jewish literature shew that at this
bcPwcdt
jews and time controversies between Jews and Christians
were Common2 > a Christian named Jacob (James)
of Caphar Secania being oftenest named : but the
quotations are strangely disappointing both as to
their contents and as to geographical indication.
One thing however is certain, that in this period
the great seat of Jewish learning and mental activity
was not Jerusalem but Jamnia near Joppa.
But there were other ways in which the Christians
of Palestine must have been affected by the presence
of their Jewish neighbours. Forty-six years after the
destruction of Jerusalem by Titus a terrible insurrec
tion of the Jews broke out, which included Palestine,
though its chief rage was expended in Egypt, Cyrene,
and Cyprus. In Cyprus alone 240,000 men are said
to have been massacred by the Jews. A contest of
this kind must, even more than the state of things
during Titus's siege, have made an impassable chasm
between the Jews and the Christians of Palestine, and
made intermediate forms of belief and practice almost
impossible. Then came the final war of Barcochba,
when, exasperated by Hadrian's building up of
1 Dem. Evang. vi. 18, 286 B.
3 See Derenbourg, EssaisurFhist. et lageog. dela Palestine, ch. xxi.
FROM TITUS TO HADRIAN 179
Jerusalem as a pagan city, and doubtless by other
grievances, the Jewish martial frenzy burst out
once more in a struggle which, says Mommsen 1 ,
through its intensity and duration has no equal in the
history of the Roman imperial period.
That one effect of the consequent sentence of ex- Expulsion
of the
pulsion against all Jews should lead to the banishment Church of
of the Christian community at Jerusalem is not strange,
even if the old confusion between Christians and f rom Aelia
Jews had ceased. It was a church of the circum
cision, and probably observed other Jewish rites, and
so to the eye of a Roman it was a Jewish community.
It may seem strange that these Jewish customs (not
temple services) should be observed by Christians
after Jerusalem had once fallen ; and their retention
was doubtless not only in spirit adverse to the Epistle
to the Hebrews, but a real and really mischievous
anachronism, not less at variance with the principles
laid down by still greater authorities of the Apostolic
age. But it may well have been that the cherished
memory of St James may have led to an unintelligent
copying of his policy under changed conditions ; and
Judaism itself was rapidly transforming the Law into
a system of observances independent of temple or
Holy City.
That the Doctrine current in such a church would its dogma-
fall far short of that of any of the great apostles is
probable enough : but the same may be said of every
1 The Provinces of the Roman Empire, Eng. Tr. ii. 224.
12 2
i8o THE CHURCH OF JERUSALEM
church of that time of which we have any knowledge.
This however would not justify our treating it as an
essentially Ebionite Church, in the teeth of the
reasonable interpretation of Hegesippus's words.
What became of it after its expulsion by Hadrian,
we know not. Probably 'enough it found some new
Pella, one or many; and this seems to be on the
whole the most probable solution of the question
about Hegesippus's education. He may well have
sprung from some city which harboured a part of the
Jerusalem Church, and thus by birth, though not by
locality, he would have its traditions for his own.
And again, we have no reason to imagine that such a
Christian society, holding fast the old Jerusalem
faith, would be out of communion with the Church of
Aelia, itself in communion with the other great
Churches of Christendom : and if so, there is nothing
anomalous in the ecclesiastical position implied in the
extracts preserved by Eusebius. Such a supposition
is fully in harmony with the language used by Justin
Martyr in his Dialogue. Thus the general conclusion
is that the Christianity of the Church of Jerusalem
during the whole time between the unknown return
from Pella and the war of Barcochba, and of the
same Church in its probable subsequent transplant
ation to remoter parts of Judea, and of Hegesippus
himself, were probably not Judaistic except to a
certain extent in practice as distinguished from
principle. The Ebionite or properly Judaistic bodies
of Palestine will require separate consideration.
LECTURE X.
THE JUDAIZERS OF THE I GNAT I AN EPISTLES.
BEFORE we pass to the consideration, indicated at
the close of the last lecture, of the Ebionite or pro
perly Judaistic bodies of Palestine, this is the most
convenient place for saying a word on the Judaizers
of the Ignatian Epistles, as a necessary appendix to
our consideration of the Judaizers of the Epistles to
the Colossians and the Pastoral Epistles. It is usual
to treat the three subjects as forming a closely
connected series, each illustrating and confirming the
traditional interpretation of the others. As I have
found myself constrained to question the Gnosticizing
character of the two sets of teachers belonging to the
apostolic age, it becomes incumbent on me not to
pass over the corroborative evidence for it which is
supposed to be afforded by the language of Ignatius.
The facts are simply these. It is allowed on all Are the
hands that Ignatius refers to Docetic error and that 7 ttdaizer!i
here
he refers to Judaistic error. The question is whether Docetic?
1 82 THE JUDAIZERS OF
these two forms of error were independent of each
other or were held simultaneously by the same
persons ; on the latter supposition we have evidence
here of a Docetic form of Judaistic Christianity ; in
the former we have none. Most critics, of different
schools, believe the two forms of error to have been
combined. In reading Zahn's admirable monograph
on Ignatius some years ago, long before it had
occurred to me that the current views as to the false
teaching spoken of in the Epistle to the Colossians
and the Pastoral Epistles rested on precarious grounds,
I was struck with what seemed to me the weakness
of Zahn's advocacy of this interpretation, and even
Bishop Lightfoot's 1 clearer and more vigorous exposi
tion of it has not convinced me to the contrary.
Harnack 2 , I am glad to see, likewise signifies (in a
single sentence) that the Judaizers in Ignatius are
distinct from the other false teachers. The polemic
against Docetism is chiefly to be found in the
Epistles to the Ephesians, and still more the
Smyrnaeans and Trallians : that against Judaizing is
confined to two, those to the Magnesians and
Philadelphians.
Theju- The doctrinal warnings to the Magnesians begin
d Ma^nella. M ^ Tr\ava(T0e rat? erepoSogiais firjSe pvOevfiaa-iv rot?
Magn. viii. TraXcuots avco(f>e\e<ri,v OIHTIV. Here erepoSofuw? is an
ambiguous word. If, as is quite possible, Ignatius is
thinking of his Docetic antagonists, the prjSe is to say
1 Epp. of Ign, i. 359375. 2 Dogmengesch,.'\. 225.
THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES 183
the least compatible with a transition to another
party, in the next words, " Be not deceived by the
erepoSoftcu, nor yet by the old fables which are
unprofitable." ' Unprofitable ' (apparently from Tit.
iii. 9) would be a strangely weak word for grave
doctrinal errors : nor could the term ' old '
be applied in any intelligible sense to the
if, as is supposed, they were 'myths', relating to
cosmogony and angelology : Jewish legendary lore is
at least a more likely meaning, as in the Pastoral
Epistles, from which however the phrase may be
loosely borrowed in a vague way. He goes on
" For if to this day we live in accordance with
Judaism (or Jewish Law), we confess that we have
not received grace."
Then comes a praise of the Prophets as having
" lived in accordance with Christ Jesus ; men who ev ch. i.\.
TraXcuot? 7rpdy/j,a<riv dvacrTpafyevTes came to a new
ness of possession, no longer keeping sabbath but
living according to the Lord's [day], on which also
our life arose [out of death] through Him and His
death, which [sc. the death] some deny." (This is
doubtless a brief allusion to Docetic teachers, but
it may as easily be a passing allusion as part of the
polemic of these chapters.)
After a few lines on discipleship to Jesus Christ
(ch. x.) he bids them put away the evil leaven which
has grown old (7ra\aia)0eiaav) and sour, and turn to a
fresh leaven, which is Jesus Christ. It is monstrous to
1 84 THE JUDAIZERS OF
"speak Jesus Christ" and to Judaize, for Christianism
did not believe on Judaism, but Judaism on Christ
ianism, which every tongue believing " was gathered
unto God."
ch. xi. Finally, he says he had been warning them
lest they should fall into the hooks of tcevoSogia (a
quite ambiguous word, cf. the icevofywvla of I and
2 Tim.), but " be ye fulfilled (Treifk^po^op^aOe, i.e. as
matured Christians) in the generation (yevvrja-is) and
the passion and the resurrection which took place in
the time when Pontius Pilate was governor : things
done truly and securely by Jesus Christ our hope."
This last sentence is taken as proof that the Judaizing
here spoken of was combined with Docetism : but it
is just as likely that Ignatius in winding up with a
description of the full ripe Christian faith falls
naturally into his usual language about it.
Judaizers So also in writing to the Philadelphians, having
delphia sa ^ that he has taken refuge with the Gospel as the
Philad. v. fl es h of Jesus, he goes on to associate with the Gospel
Magn. viii. the Prophets (somewhat as in the other Epistle), and
then in ch. vi. he contrasts with this true interpretation
of the Prophets a false interpretation which some
might bring before them. " But if any one interpret
to you Judaism, hearken not to him, for it is better to
hear Christianism from a circumcised man than Ju
daism from an uncircumcised " (implying, I suppose,
by this curious antithesis, that a Jew might without
inconsistency add to his Judaism Christianity, but
THE IGNA TIAN EPISTLES 185
that a Gentile Christian could not consistently adopt cf. Magn.
X
Jewish ways).
Further on, in the course of the next two chapters,
he apparently implies that these teachers had caused
divisions, and it is to them that he probably refers
as men who say " If I find it not in the archives Philad.
viii.
[apparently the Old Testament] I believe not in the
Gospel." "But to me," he replies "Jesus Christ is
archives ; His cross and Death and His resurrection
and the faith that is through Him are the inviolable
archives." " Good also," he adds (c. ix.) " are the [i.e.
Jewish] priests, but better is the High Priest, who
has been entrusted with the Holy of Holies, to whom
alone have been entrusted the secrets of God, being
Himself the Gate of the Father, through which enter in
Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and the prophets and
the Apostles and the Church. All these [sc. old
and new] are unto the unity of God. But the Gospel
has a certain special advantage, the Trapovaia of our
Saviour Lord Jesus Christ, His passion, His resur
rection. For, the beloved Prophets KartjyyeiXav elf
avrov ; but the Gospel is a completion (dtrdpr^^a :
cf. Tre7r\'r)po<f>6pT)<T(}e in Magn. xi.) of incorruption."
This climax shews the real primary force of the
Magnesian climax, as in the first instance a contrast
to the imperfection of the Old Dispensation.
These are apparently the only passages in the
Epistles which refer to Judaizing ; and the only
shadow of intermixture with the other form of error
1 86 THE JUDAIZERS OF
is in the two climaxes, already commented on, and
the one allusion to the denial of Christ's death.
They are both tolerably compact blocks, as it were, in
the text. On the other hand the Docetic negations
and the truth which they denied, the truth of the
flesh and perfect humanity of Christ, haunt Ignatius
almost incessantly. This fact amply accounts for
that one reference to the denial of the Death, and
likewise for some other references to Docetism in the
first four chapters of the Epistle to the Philadelphians,
which by no means overlap or intertwine with the sub
sequent language about Judaizing.
The The Law, Circumcision, and Sabbath, these are
Pharisaic ^ e on ^y distinct marks of what Ignatius meant by
'Ioy8at(7/io? in this connexion ; that is, it appears to
have been of the old simple Pharisaic type against
which St Paul had to contend in Galatia, a region at
no great distance from Philadelphia or even from
Magnesia. If there be another element it is con
tained in that short phrase p,v6evna(rw rot? I 7ra\aioi<;
Magn. viii. dvco(f>\e<Tiv ovaiv, which may either be, as the matter
of the Pastoral Epistles would suggest, Haggadic
legends of the patriarchs and the like ; or else, by a
verbal application of Tit. i. 14, 'lovSa'ifcois pvdoi,<; ical
ei>TO\at<? dv0pci)Tra>v cnroa-Tpefyoiievwv rrjv d\rj0eiai>, a
vague description of old-world Jewish precepts.
Docetism ^ * s likewise worth notice that the other false
iiotneces- doctrine which Ignatius so persistently assails is
Gnostic simply Docetism ; and that the common description
THE IGNATIAN EPISTLES 187
of it as Gnosticism involves a large assumption. It
is true that Docetism was an important element in
various "Gnostic" systems, e.g. in that of Saturnilus
of Antioch, with whose teaching Ignatius might
easily have come in contact. But it is very doubtful
whether conversely all Docetism had Gnostic ac
companiments. We have in fact in the Apocryphal
Acts of Apostles a large Docetic literature, to which
the name " Gnostic " is with similar but more de
fensible looseness applied, and, in spite of the
expurgated condition in which most of it has come
down to us, we can see that the principal and perhaps
only constant doctrinal accompaniment is a pseudo-
asceticism especially condemnatory of marriage.
Here no doubt we are reminded of the predictive
passage of I Tim. : but then the Pastoral Epistles iv
apparently know nothing of Docetism ; just as with
the solitary exception of the pvdevpara, the Ignatian
Epistles know nothing of the supposed marks of
Gnosticizing influences in the Pastoral Epistles. Even
therefore if the two Ignatian forms of error met in
the same teachers, we should doubtless have before
us a very interesting, if startling, combination, but we
should have in it no evidence illustrative of the
Epistle to the Colossians or the Pastoral Epistles.
LECTURE XL
CERINTHUS. ' BARNABAS' JUSTIN MARTYR.
Cerinthus.
IF we were to include under Judaistic Christianity
every ancient scheme of doctrine which comprised
both Christian and Jewish elements, we should have
to examine what can be known of Samaritan systems
associated with the names of Simon Magus, Dositheus,
Cleobius, and Menander. They are however of too
eclectic a nature to fall properly under our subject.
In another shape, as reflected in late fiction, Simon
will come before us presently in connexion with the
Clementine literature : but that is quite another
matter. On the other hand we can hardly pass over
Cerinthus, in spite of the difficulty of gaining a clear
conception of his position ; for he stands, to say the
least, in closer relations to forms of belief strictly
Judaistic.
His date His age, to start with, is curiously involved in
CERINTHUS 189
contradictions. According to the well known saying
of Polycarp reported by Irenasus, twice quoted by Iren. Hi. 3.
Eusebius, he must have lived in St John's time, ;. '.^ "
for St John was said to have fled out of the bath cf- lv ' I4>
where he was. This early date would be supported or
made earlier by the story which Epiphanius repeats, H<* r .:.
apparently from Hippolytus, that Cerinthus was the
ringleader of St Paul's Judaizing antagonists at Jeru- Ac xxi 18
salem, if there were the slightest probability of its truth.
On the other hand he stands by no means at the be
ginning in those lists of heretics which contain his
name ; and he is not mentioned at all by the earlier
writers on heresies, Justin or Hegesippus (as far as
we know), though the force of their silence is some
what weakened by the equal silence of Clement and
Tertullian later on. On the whole there is no suffi
cient reason to doubt the statement of Polycarp.
The earlier accounts, in accordance with this story,
make Asia (i.e. the Roman province) the region of
Cerinthus's activity : Hippolytus in his later work Hipp.
' Against All Heretics ' is silent about Asia, but makes ^'
him to have been trained in Egyptian lore, without cf - x< "
however speaking of him as of Egyptian origin.
With the exception of a single point, all that we
know of his doctrines seems to come from two sources,
Irenneus 1 and the Syntagma of Hippolytus 2 , and the
two accounts do not altogether tally, even when we
1 Cf. Irenaeus i. 26, i; iii. n, i.
2 Cf. Lipsius, Quellenkritik des Epiphanios pp. 115 122.
igo CERINTHUS
iii. ii. have set aside one passage of Irenaeus (p. 188), in
which Valentinian and Cerinthian doctrines are mixed
up together.
His Our Lord, he taught, was the son of Mary
and Joseph, born like other men. He incul
cated circumcision and the sabbath. He rejected
St Paul, the Acts, and all the Gospels except
St Matthew's, which however he did not retain
in its integrity. Thus far we have a type of
Judaizing Christianity which was common enough.
But with it he united Gnostic thoughts. According
to Irenaeus he said that Christ descended from above
at the baptism on the Man Jesus (not however the
aeon Christ, a designation which as regards Cerinthus
is, I believe, a modern fiction), and revealed to Him
the unknown Father and enabled Him to work
miracles; and parted from him and flew up again
before the Passion : according to the other account 1 a
power from above (or the Holy Ghost) came similarly
down on Christ.
He said that the Resurrection of Christ was still
future. He taught that the world was made by
angels, one of whom, the God of the Jews, gave the
Jews their Law, which was not wholly good.
Kv&.H.E. Last comes his strong and material form of Chi-
liasm, noticed by the Roman presbyter Gaius at the
end of the third century, and by Dionysius of Alexan-
Eus. H. .
vii. 25. dria half a century later. Chiliasm was however too
1 Hipp. Omn. Hczr. Ref. vii. 33; Epiph. fftzr. xxviii. i.
THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS 191
widely accepted in the Second and Third Centuries
among Christians quite free from Judaizing, for i
to be safe to treat this as certainly coming from
the Jewish side of Cerinthus's creed, even if it were
certain that his doctrine was exceptionally material
in character.
Here then we have at last a real instance
Judaizing Christian, if indeed he can rightly be called
a Christian, who was at the same time in the con
ventional sense a Gnostic. One can only regret
we know so little of so peculiarly interesting a
phenomenon. The combination of zeal for the legal
observances with bold criticism on the Law as a
whole and on its origin reminds us of the Clementines,
though it must remain doubtful whether there is any
historical connexion.
TJie Epistle of Barnabas.
A word must suffice on two or three books which
in one way or another bear on our subject.
Epistle of Barnabas, probably written in Hadrians
reign, is a striking example of what the apostolic
teaching about the old covenant is not. Ignoring
progressive method of God's dealings with mankind,
it treats the Jewish practices and beliefs of old time
as having always been mere errors, and thus makes
the Old Testament into a mere fantastic forestalment
of the New Testament. At times we might almos
fancy that we hear the teaching of the Sermon on the
192 JUSTIN MARTYR
Mount or the Epistle of St James, for undeniably the
true conception of a law within the Law is there.
But all is spoiled by want of sympathy with the true
Jewish history and life. If such teaching was
common, it could hardly fail to provoke a reaction in
favour of Judaistic teaching.
Jtistin Martyr.
More Hel- Hennas and Justin Martyr, with whom we may
than Ju- associate the nameless author of the Didache, occupy
daizmg prominent places as examples of Judaizing Christians
in that imaginary reconstruction of the history of the
Second Century which is required as a basis for those
critics who are determined to assign some of the
more important books of the New Testament to a
late date. In reality nothing could be further from
the truth respecting them. The supposition is pos
sible only on the assumption that what was not
purely Pauline in the Second Century was either
purely Judaistic or else due to an attempt to
amalgamate the two tendencies. In reality the great
mass of Gentile Christianity, the ancestor of all
subsequent Christianities, was none of these things.
It accepted and honoured St Paul and his writings,
but it understood him very imperfectly, while it was
influenced but unconsciously by surrounding ideas
and instincts, especially those which soaked in from
the Greek world. Not to speak of other such
influences, it is worth while to mention the tendency
JUSTIN MARTYR 193
to convert religion into ethics clothed with super
natural sanctions; this being a tendency evidently
analogous to Jewish legalism. In a word there was
infinitely more Hellenizing than Judaizing. Various
writers have seen this of late, but Harnack with
especial clearness. Another fact which may mislead
is the presence in all three writers of language or
ideas which do seem ultimately to be of Jewish
origin, but which have no dominating force as regards
their views of the relation between the Law and the
Gospel, and therefore are in no practical sense
Judaistic. The probable source of such accessory
tinges of a Jewish or semi-Jewish character is
probably to be found in the Jewish Dispersion, which
could not fail to furnish many members to the
growing Church. Justin Martyr too, as being by
birth a Samaritan, must doubtless have come much
in contact with the Jewish thought of Palestine, as
indeed his Dialogue shews.
H. J. C. 13
LECTURE XII.
PALESTINIAN EBIONITES.
JUSTIN MARTYR'S account 1 of Jewish Christians
brings us to a fresh stage in our investigation.
The rela- Trypho. the Jewish interlocutor, asks him whether
tions be- JC J
tween Jew- a man accepting Jesus as Christ, but desiring to keep
^Gentile the legal ordinances (defined in ch. xlvi. as sabbath-
Chrutians l cee pi n g ) circumcision, observance of ra enfirjva, pro
bably New Moons, and certain ceremonial washings),
shall be saved.
In my opinion, says Justin, he will, unless he labours
to persuade Gentile converts to keep the same ordi
nances, declaring that they will not otherwise be
saved.
Trypho asking why he says " In my opinion," he
replies "There are some who do not venture even
to share speech or hospitality with such men : with
whom I do not agree." He repeats that Christian
keepers of the Law who do not try to force their own
1 Dialogue with Trypho, cc. 47 48.
PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 195
ways on Gentile Christians ought, he thinks, to be
admitted to fellowship &>? oftoa-TrXdyxyocs KOI aSe\-
</>o4<? : but Christian Jews who do exercise such
constraint, and refuse fellowship on other terms,
"these also in like manner OVK a7roSe^;o/zat " ; while
those who, remaining Christians, are persuaded by
them to adopt the Law, " I suppose shall perhaps
also be saved;" but those Christians who for any
reason adopt it but deny Jesus to be the Christ, if
they do not repent before death, " ovS" oXw? a-adrja-e-
<r6ai a,7ro(f>aivofjt,ai" The same is also his judgment
on Jews who before death do not believe on this
Messiah, especially if in their synagogues they curse
those who have so believed.
Here the subject changes, but an important Traces of a
passage soon follows. Trypho calls it a paradoxi- christology
cal statement of Justin's, and incapable of proof, that
this Christ pre-existed being God, before the ages,
and then was born and became man, without being
born avdptoiros e avdpovTrtov.
Justin recognises the difficulty for Jews ; but
argues that even if it were so as Trypho said, it
might still be true that Jesus was the Christ
" For there are some," he proceeds, " of our (leg.
your) race who confess Him to be Christ, yet pro
nounce Him to be born avdpcoTrov ef avdpwTrwv ; with
whom I do not agree : nor would most if they think
the same as I do say so, since we have been bidden
by the Christ Himself to yield our assent to no merely
132
196 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES
human teachings, but to truths proclaimed by the
blessed prophets and taught by Himself."
The use of 6/^0X0701)^69, as many have seen,
makes vperepov morally certain (it goes best with
<yevovs) : so that there is here a clear reference to
Christians of Jewish birth who acknowledged our
Lord's Messiahship but denied His Divine Nature.
It would however be rash to assign them positively,
except on external grounds, to any one of the previous
classes rather than to another.
No certain There is nothing to shew that those classes were of
Separate the nature of sects or in any way separate bodies as
sects multitudes of critics have assumed. This may or
may not have been the case. Justin does no more
than speak of some Christian keepers of the Law as
exclusive, others as not exclusive. The latter would
consist of men who simply perpetuated the position
of St James : it was probably among such that
Hegesippus was brought up. It may be that the
intolerant Jewish keepers of the Law formed a
distinct community: it may be also that they are
identical with those who did not recognise our Lord's
Deity : but we have no evidence in Justin that it was
so. Unhappily also Justin tells us nothing more
about either class : it was not pertinent to his subject
to do so. This sentence about the Christology is due
as Engelhardt 1 has pointed out to the method of
argument which Justin is pursuing, intending in due
1 Moritz von Engelhardt Das Christenthum Justins; p. 275 f.
PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 197
course to make the argument about Messiahship a
stepping stone to a future argument on the higher
truth.
The Ebionites.
With Irenaeus 1 we come to a new name, 'E/3to>- CJiarac-
vatoi. They confess, he says, that the world was
made by the true God, but in what relates to our
Lord they think with Cerinthus and Carpocrates
[i.e. doubtless that He was a mere man, without
reference to the Gnostic additions]. They use only
the Gospel according to Matthew, and reject the
Apostle Paul, calling him an apostate from the Law.
They endeavour to give curious expositions and
prophecies, and they are circumcised and persevere in
the customs which are according to the Law and in
the Jewish stamp of life, so that they even adore
Jerusalem as being the House of God. Of their
origin Irenaeus says nothing.
Thence forward the name Ebionasan is of pretty
frequent occurrence.
Irenaeus's scholar Hippolytus has much the same /fer.vii.35
account, but invents a founder named Ebion.
Passing over slight notices in Tertullian and the Origin
mere title of a lost book of Clement of Alexandria classes
KK\r)cria(TTiKO<> rj Trpos rot"? 'IovSaiovras, we
Eus. H. .
come to Origen 2 who interprets an obscure phrase of
1 Adv. H<zr. i. 16, 2. 2 Contra Ctlsum v. 61.
198 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES
Celsus about Christian sects as probably meaning
" the two kinds of Ebionaeans, either like us confessing
Jesus to have been born of a Virgin, or [maintaining]
that He was not so born, but as other men": in ch. Ixv.
he says that both kinds rejected St Paul's Epistles.
The distinction is made clearer in a comment on
Matthew 1 where of Jews believing on Jesus the same
two kinds are mentioned, with the addition ov fjirjv
d\\a teal fjiera r^9 Trepl avrov 0o\o<yias in the case
of those who accepted the miraculous conception.
H. E. iii. The distinction is carried further still by Eusebius,
27.
probably following some lost passage of Origen. He
says explicitly that these less heterodox Ebionites
did not accept the Lord's pre-existence, as 0eb$ \6yos
and tro<j)ia. He repeats that they likewise rejected
St Paul and his Epistles, and adds that they used
only the Gospel according to the Hebrews (probably
a correct statement of what Irenaeus loosely calls
St Matthew), and that, while like the others they
kept the sabbath and other Jewish usages (dy&yrfv),
they likewise observed the memory of the Resur
rection on the Lord's Day like other Christians.
The two In the latter part of the Fourth Century two writers
names
tell us much, Epiphanius and Jerome, not a little
from personal acquaintance.
Epiphanius, always a confused writer, here sur
passes himself; and his materials have to be picked
1 In Mat. Tom. xvi. 12. Vol. iv. p. 37 f. Lorn.
PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 199
out with the greatest caution. Perhaps he has con
tributed most to modern confusions by making two
separate sects, Ebionaeans and Nazaraeans.
Both names occur likewise in Jerome's works, and
in one famous passage 1 he has been wrongly supposed
to distinguish them.
The truth seems to be that Nazaraeans was a
name used by the Jewish Christians of Syria as a
description of themselves in the Fourth Century and
probably long before, either taken or inherited from Ac xxiv 5
the designation of the Apostolic age ; while Ebionaeans,
originally an equally genuine popular name (of course
representing the Hebrew Ebionim, the Poor Men) had
become the traditional name for them in Church litera
ture, being either misunderstood to be a proper name,
or else (as by Origen) misinterpreted.
That there were at least two grades, so to speak, |
of Christological doctrine among them is clear from
Origen and Eusebius, and perhaps Justin.
But there is no evidence of two distinct com
munities, much less of the designation of the one as
Ebionaeans, the other as Nazaraeans.
On the other hand it is also clear that one
set of them whether divided ecclesiastically from
the rest or not, did work out a peculiar system of
doctrine and usage. These are the Helxaites, the
men of the Clementines, now for the last few years
with good reason called Essene Ebionites.
1 Ep. in, 13.
200 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES
Probable But to return to the early part of the Second
Century. The origin of the main body, whether we
call them Ebionaeans or Nazaraeans, is totally without
a record. What seems to me most probable is that
they came into existence through the scattering of
the old Jerusalem Church by Hadrian's edict, say a
third through that century. Besides men of the same
mind and position as Hegesippus, men of whom we
seem to catch a glimpse also in Justin, it was likely
enough that others would be driven into antagonism
to the Gentile Church of Asia, and become Judaistic
in principle as well as practice. The men like
Hegesippus, the maintainers of St James's tradition,
when once they had become detached from the Holy
City, itself no longer visibly holy, might easily in a
generation or two become merged in the great
Church without. But this would only the more drive
the Judaizers into isolation. It may have been then
that they called themselves the Poor Men, probably
as claiming to be the true representatives of those
who had been blessed in the Sermon on the Mount,
but possibly adding to the name other associations.
This isolation would diminish the doctrinal influence
of other Churches; and the Judaistic position was
likely in itself to lead to lower views of our Lord's
person, though not necessarily in all cases to the
same extent. In this manner the origin and, as far
as we know it, the history of Ebionism is, I think,
best explained.
PALESTINIAN EBIONITES 201
Essene Ebionism.
The much debated question of the date and origin TAe'Cle-
of the Essene form of Ebionism, that of the Cle-^"J^
mentines, cannot be properly examined except in t f otwritten
r r J before
connexion with a minute study partly of the extant 200 A.D.
literature, and still more of the quotations and
references in the Fathers. There is, as far as I can
see, nothing whatever to connect it with the apostolic
age or even the greater part of the second century.
The existing works, the Clementine Homilies (ex
tant in Greek), and the Recognitions (Latin and
partly Syriac only), are apparently independent
abridgements, for very different purposes, of a vo
luminous book TLepioBoi Herpov, which was current
early in the third century. But of earlier (it is said,
much earlier) K^pvy/^ara Herpov there is no trace at
all ; nor does the borrowing of matter from the Steps
of James by the Clementine writer afford any
evidence that these Steps were themselves what we
may call Clementine (Ebionite they certainly were) ;
so that the date implied in their presumed use by
Hegesippus proves little. It is now generally agreed
that the book of Helxai, which was brought to the
West early in the third century, proceeded from the
same body of men. There is a statement that this
book professed to be written in the third year of
Trajan : but this seems to be due to a misunder-
202 PALESTINIAN EBIONITES
standing of an extant passage 1 , which however obscure
and corrupt has nothing to do with the date of the
book. There is in fact not a vestige of evidence for
either this or the Clementine romance before the
third century, and it is probably little if at all older.
This literature seems to have proceeded from some
great revival among the Ebionites of Eastern Pales
tine, and its marvellous energy sufficiently attests the
force of the movement which gave it birth. The
influence of Judaistic Christianity of the ordinary type
or types after the apostolic age, as far as our evidence
goes, must have been small on the contemporary
Church, and almost nothing on posterity. But the
strange Clementine literature, whatever may have
been its influence, at least found countless readers in
East and West. Doubtless it lost some of its most
striking features in the various manipulations and
adaptations which it underwent : but in one form
or another it must from century to century have
obtained such a hearing as was given to very few
other remains of Antenicene literature.
1 Hipp. Omn. Hezr. Ref. ix. 13.
APPENDIX.
To page 14.
EWALD. Die drei ersten Evangelien (2nd Ed.),
Vol. i. pp. 263 f.
After commenting on S. Matt. v. I 16, and
noticing how suitably the striking figures of salt
and light are there introduced he proceeds:
"This introductory passage fully describes the
lofty and unique destiny to which the Twelve are
called, and to which they must before all things re
main true. It contains also an implicit reference to a
Truth, which through the human instruments which
propagate it, is to become the salt and light of the
earth. It is time therefore to expound this funda
mental principle of the New Covenant.
" This fundamental principle, seeing that the atti
tude in which the New Covenant is to stand to the
Old is the all-important question, must be determined
essentially by the relation of the New to the Old.
" It might easily be supposed that Christ came to
204 APPENDIX
destroy, i.e. to represent as invalid or of no obligation
one of the two parts of the Old Covenant, either the
Law or the Prophets, to cancel either the duties
prescribed by the Law, or the promises and warnings
uttered by the Prophets.
" But the reverse of this is true. He came to fulfil
the whole of the Old Covenant (v. 17), to bring about
the fulfilment required by its innermost meaning and
purpose, with a view to which the germ had been
originally implanted in it. So that the New is simply
the fulfilment of the Old, and it is in this fulfilment,
without any suppression or denial of the Old in the
New as though it were something in itself perverted
and intolerable, that the New finds its true commence
ment. Not even the seemingly least significant truth
in the O. C. must be sacrificed : nay rather, the pre
cepts of the O. C. are to be far more truly understood
and more strictly applied, so that there is nothing
more reprehensible than to weaken their obligation
by any kind of ingenuity and false interpretation
(v. 19) (v. 43 supplies an illustration of this).
"And so it shall be till 'all things are accom
plished,' that is till the end of this world, before
which event very much that has been prophesied in
the O. T. has yet to come to pass (v. 18, to which
xxiv. 35 is but partly parallel, while Luke xxi. 32 is
merely an epitome of Matt. xxiv. 35).
" It is of course obvious that the imagery in v. 18
(repeated Luke xvi. 17) must be interpreted on the
APPENDIX 205
analogy of other great images in the utterances of
Jesus.
" Now such a fundamental conception makes two
assumptions. First, that Jesus found ready to hand
in the O. C. the main outlines of all true religion ; he
would not therefore himself maintain anything which
would contradict them, as indeed we find him
constantly stating elsewhere.
" Secondly, that in direct opposition to the tra
ditional method of understanding and applying the
O. T. he had formed a., entirely different conception
of that same perfect religion which, though actually
taught by the O. T. had not till then been truly
fulfilled and brought into life. As had been already
stated (v. 20) an infinitely higher righteousness than
that which had been hitherto held to be sufficient
must be made to prevail in life.
" In practice however it was evident that if the
O. T. either in itself or as it was then legally ex
pounded, contained anything scarcely suited to the
spirit of the absolutely true religion, it must be
regarded as something that could only receive Divine
sanction for its own time and for temporary purposes.
This protects Christ from having recourse to the
allegorical method which was even then so great a
power, and which alas was in later times revived in
Christendom after Christ's death."
206 APPENDIX
To page 23.
MEUSCHEN. Nov. Test, ex Talmude...illus-
tratum, p. 80.
Matth. ix. vers. 1 5. Numquid filii thalami lugere
possunt quamdiu Sponsus cum illis?
Propter summum eorum gaudium Talmudici eos
liberos esse statuunt ab eis rebus, quae ullo modo
gaudium illud impedire possent. Unde in Suca
fol. 25, 2. Tradiderunt Rabbini : Sponsus, et pro-
nubi, et omnes filii thalami (h. e. hospites nuptiales),
liberi sunt ab oratione (Glossa: quia ea requirit
attentionem), et a locis Oratoriis sibi applicandis
(Glossa: quia vulgo apud eos reperitur ebrietas et
protervia).
To page 71.
S. AUG. c. Faust, xxxii. 13.
Et in Actibus Apostolorum hoc lege praeceptum
ab Apostolis, ut abstinerent gentes tantum a fornica-
tione et ab immolatis et a sanguine {Act. xv. 29), id
est, ne quidquam ederent carnis, cujus sanguis non
esset effusus. Quod alii non sic intelligunt, sed a
sanguine praeceptum esse abstinendum, ne quis
homicidio se contaminet. Hoc nunc discutere Ion-
gum est, et non necessarium : quia et si hoc tune
APPENDIX 207
Apostoli praeceperunt, ut ab animalium sanguine
abstinerent Christian!, ne praefocatis carnibus ves-
cerentur, elegisse mihi videntur pro tempore rem
facilem, et nequaquam observantibus onerosam, in
qua cum Israelites etiam Gentes, propter angularem
ilium lapidem duos in se condentem (EpJies. ii. 1 1 22),
aliquid communiter observarent ; simul et admone-
rentur, in ipsa area Noe, quando Deus hoc jussit,
Ecclesiam omnium gentium fuisse figuratam, cujus
facti prophetia jam Gentibus ad fidem accedentibus
incipiebat impleri. Transacto vero illo tempore, quo
illi duo parietes, unus ex circumcisione, alter ex prae-
putio venientes, quamvis in angulari lapide concorda-
rent, tamen suis quibusdam proprietatibus distinctius
eminebant, ac ubi Ecclesia Gentium talis effecta est,
ut in ea nullus Israelita carnalis appareat ; quis jam
hoc Christianus observat, ut turdos vel minutiores
aviculas non attingat, nisi quarum sanguis effusus est,
aut leporem non edat, si manu a cervice percussus,
nullo cruento vulnere occisus est? Et qui forte
pauci adhuc tangere ista formidant, a caeteris irri-
dentur: ita omnium animos in hac re tenuit ilia
sententia veritatis, Non quod intrat in os vestrum, vos
coinquinat, sed quod exit {Matt. xv. u); nullam cibi
naturam, quam societas admittit humana, sed quae
iniquitas committit peccata, condemnans.
2 o8 APPENDIX
To page 72.
EWALD. Antiquities of Israel, pp. 37 f.
(Alterth. ill. 51 f -)
"This symbol [for bringing clearly before the
senses the awfulness of the whole proceeding in the
case of an animal sacrifice] was furnished by the
blood, which to a great portion of remote Antiquity
appeared to have about it something so utterly
mysterious, so divinely sacred, that a belief became
deeply rooted that true sacrifice could be carried out
perfectly only by means of its intervention. A strong
feeling of this had already completely transformed
the whole department of sacrifice among the people
of Israel, in times which we must consider as relatively
very early; and the Book of Origins still depicts for
us vividly enough the feeling in this matter which for
many centuries penetrated the ancient nation.
" Indeed the warm blood of men, and of quadru
peds and birds, seemed to contain the very soul or
life of the living earthly creature to be almost
identical with its soul. The Book of Origins hardly
knows how to put this sufficiently strongly in the
passages devoted to it [Levit. xvii. u, Gen. ix. 5].
Now when the life and the soul were held to be
something sacred, and the more tender feelings of
certain nations took this view very early, it would
follow that the blood too must be considered a sacred
APPENDIX
209
thing, and be regarded quite differently from the rest
of the body. The sight of that which was held to be
the soul itself, carried the mind immediately to
thoughts of God, placed directly before it something
full of mystery, and filled it with that immeasurably
profound awe which overpowers man whenever he
sees any rent in the veil between him and the Divine.
In accordance with such feelings, blood could be
scarcely touched, still less eaten by pious men ; and
ancient Jahveism impressed its immunity in every
way as deeply as possible. Even the inviolability of
human life received support from the sanctity of the
blood. To taste the minutest portion of animal
blood was something horrible; even the blood of
such animals as were allowed for eating, but not for
sacrifice, was to be poured 'like water' upon the
ground, and covered over with earth."
To page 73.
ORIG. c. Cels. viii. 30.
To n\v yap eiSa)\60vToi> Overai Saipoviom- Kal ov
XPV TOV rov 0eov av6p(arrov KOIVWVOV rpatre^ Saipovtwv
yiveadaL- ra Se TTVIKTO. rov aiparos M eW/jttf
orrep (f>ao-lv elvai rpo<f>r)v Saipovw, rpe^o^evwv
air avTov avadv^idacatv, cnra^opevei o \6ycx;, Iva
f, Sai/j,6va)v ra^a TIVWV TOIOVTWV TTVCV-
H.J.C.
2IO APPENDIX
irvvrr&v. 'E* ^ r&v elpr,^<*v irepi z>
c> irepl a9
70
WEBER. Syst. d. alt. Syn. Pal Theol 101 f.
The doctrine contained in the Thora cannot be
elicited (herausgestellf) until in the conflict with con
tradictions it unfolds itself and declares that the Wise
fie the Scribes] lay down mutually contradictory
decisions. The Jewish theology solves this difficulty
in the way of the Divine authoritative character of
oral tradition by referring the contradictions to
multiplicity of sense in the written Thora
We read Erubin 13' 'Three years did the school
of Shammai and Hillel strive together, and wher
both sides declared that their interpretation mus
rank as Halacha, there came a Revelation from
heaven and said: Both are God's word; but the
doctrine of the school of Hillel ranks as Halacha
The school of Hillel were according to Jebamot
14- the more numerous and the more popular school,
and therefore their doctrinal system prevailed. An
old oft-repeated aphorism occurs Tosefta Sofa c_ 7 :
-All words are given from one shepherd, One God
has supplied them all, One Shepherd has given them,
the Lord of all that is made, blessed be He, 1
spoken them. Do thou also make thine heart many
APPENDIX 211
chambers and store therein the words of Hillel and of
Shammai, the words of those who declare clean and
of those who declare unclean."
The Midrash often says the same, e.g. Bammidbar
rabba c. 14, cf. Chagiga 3" : " They all (these contra
dictory doctrines of the Wise) have been given by
One God, and one Pastor (Moses) uttered them from
the mouth of the Lord."
Tanchuma, Behaalothecha 15 explains the facts
more precisely : ' All the utterances of the Wise are
derived from the one Moses and the One God ; the
one hath this decree, the other that ; i.e., one Wise
man can appeal for his interpretation to this passage
of Scripture, the other to that. These differences
of doctrine do not on that account produce any
disunion. The schools of Hillel and of Shammai,
though they took very different views on questions
connected with marriage, did not refuse to intermarry,
and though they took very different lines on questions
of clean and unclean they suffered no inconvenience
on that account in the intercourse of life.' JebamotJi 14*.
The BatJi Kol is introduced with a view to the
final solution of particular disputes but as an ex
ception to the rule, and only in specially important
questions. In other cases the decision whether an
opinion was or was not in accordance with prevailing
views was ruled by the principle 'there is no Halaclia
but according to the decision of the majority.'
In the days of Messiah Elijah will come to finally
14 2
APPENDIX
212
adjust the controversies that remain undetermined.
learn the Law ? , from
The teaching says, All 01 UK
j r Tod ?ave them, one pasto
L them from the mouth of the Lord of all that
, ui A v^ He for it is written, ' and God
APPENDIX 213
clean, the words of those who bind and the words of
those who loose, the words of those who disqualify
and the words of those who pronounce ceremonially
pure."
To page 162.
HERMAE Pastor. Sim. ix. 17.
' Now then, Sir, explain to me concerning the
mountains. Wherefore are their forms diverse the
one from the other, and various?' ' Listen,' saith he.
'These twelve mountains are [twelve] tribes that
inhabit the whole world. To these (tribes) then the
Son of God was preached by the Apostles.' ' But
explain to me, Sir, why these are various these
mountains and each has a different appearance.'
' Listen,' saith he. ' These twelve tribes which inhabit
the whole world are twelve nations ; and they are
various in understanding and in mind. As various,
then, as thou sawest these mountains to be, such also
are the varieties in the mind of these nations, and
such their understanding. And I will show unto thce
the conduct of each.' 'First, Sir,' say I, 'show me
this, why the mountains being so various, yet, when
their stones were set into the building, became bright
and of one colour, just like the stones that had come
up from the deep.' 'Because,' saith he, 'all the
nations that dwell under heaven, when they heard
and believed, were called by the one name of [the
214 APPENDIX
Son of] God. So having received the seal, they had
one understanding and one mind, and one faith
became theirs and [one] love, and they bore the
spirits of the virgins along with the Name ; therefore
the building of the tower became of one colour, even
bright as the sun. But after they entered in together,
and became one body, some of them defiled them
selves, and were cast out from the society of the
righteous, and became again such as they were before,
or rather even worse.'
(From LIGHTFOOT and HARMER. Apostolic Fathers^)
INDEX OF PASSAGES QUOTED.
OLD TESTAMENT.
Genesis i. i
ii. 24
Exodus xix. 6
Leviticus xvii. 13
Numbers vi. 9,
Deuteronomy xvi
xxxii 5
PAGE
... 177
Isaiah xxix. 13 ....
PAGE
118
...33
Ixiii. 10
^3
160
Hosea iv. 6
... 142
7?
vi. 6
...3.2
18 91
xii. 6
...?I
i. 10 f 29
Micah vi. 8
...^1
1
Zectiariah xiv. i
...178
Psalms ii. 2
...f,f,
Malachi ii. 7
...14.2
Isaiah xiv. i
A.1
4 Maccabees i. i6f ....
...IJ.2
Matthew
v. 17 20 .
NEW TES
14
TAMENT.
Matthew
ix. 13
52
17 .
... 14
r 4 f...
32
18
16
i6f
. 2?
10 .,
16
x. 5 f
...34.
20
5 ...
21 ff ....
18
18
11. "'I
3 I
3.4 .
*lf...
...33
xi. 2 19
...2^
4.2 .
20
I2f
26
4^48 .
18
14 .
,. 27
vii. i 12 ....
IQ
ifi IO .
1 5 ...
104 xii. i 13
3.2
viii. 4
...3.O
7 .
uf...
....i.s
xiii. 52 .
..A?
2l6
INDEX
Matthew
xv. 3, 6
PAGE i Mark
...29 xin. 10
118 xiv. 58
PAGE
36
36
9
xv. 29
36
xvii. 10 13
27
[xvi. 15]
39
i7
42 Luke
^ . 2 j
30
11
in
v. 14
3
27
xix. 3 12
i8f
, 33
3 1
33-35
36-38
23
23
xxi. 23 27
27
39
24
2832
,
vi. i ii
...20
43
xxii. 9
36
36
...21
vii. 18 35
3135
25
27
4
i
xxiii. 2 .\
29
ix. 41
4
3 1
xi. 42
3 1
23
3 2
34
9
52
52
xii. ii
141
55
xxiv. 2
36
xiii. 10 17
3
14
xxv. 32
xxvi. 61
36
,.; 36
36
29
xiv. i 6
xvi. 16
35
32
26
16
xxvii. 40
36
17
xxviii. i8f
39
XVlll. 2O
1*1
Mark
i- 44
ii. 1820
3
, 23
xxi. 6
12
36
55
1 02
21 f
23
xxm. 34
23-iii- 5
vii. 7
8
32
118
118
xxiv. 47
49
52f
39
39 4'
4
O, 13
29
John
22
ix. 1113
27
* 3 QI
X. 212
33
ii. 19
22
19
xi. 2733
3 1
23
29
xin. 2
36
30
51
9
, 55
INDEX
217
John
Acts
Acts
V.
918
...32
vi. i
60
vii.
40 ...
...14-1
4O
X.
Ifi .
..
...SO
16 ;.
10
...fO
xii.
20 ff.
12
s
vii
SI
.
f
2 ff
.J
8
..4O
2off
It
12 . ..
J.O
44 ff
'
...46
51
S3
14 .
4O
....go
I :
46
viii. if
ii.
4O
sj4
14
41
26 40 ..
54
ix
4O
ie .
...ss
41 .
46
20
56
42
...42
22
44 47
...44
26?0
.. 56
4 6f
2O...,
^o, *>o
iii.
i
...4^
21 .
...56
I2ff
2C .
...f 7
17 .
...4^
iv.
I 4 .
... 4 6
X. I ff
ef
...47
off .
...^7
16 21
...47
J7ff
... 57
23 31
47
26
36 IT
57
36 .,
V
12
s8
13 f
47
\i. i ff
8
14
42
i
...76
..-47
18
2O
...45
10
8 L
21
...47
20
' IQ
22 ff .. ..
... . o 60
42 .
24
42
VI.
iff .,
...4.?, 48
26 .,
....60
213
INDEX
Acts
xi. 2of
PAGE
61
Acts
xvi. o
PAGE
88
2.0 ...
1 06
12 .
,...8o
xii. 2 . ...
61
xvii. 2 ff
80
17...
61, 62
10
....80
2?
. 62
16
80
xiii. j (T
....63
xviii. i
,...8o
,...64
4
60, 89
14
64
I2ff
,...01
44 ff .
....64
18
gi, in
46 .
...CO
10 ..
O2
48
64
23 .
...02
S>Q ..
65
24ff
O2
xiv. i
...60, 65
xix. 2
O2
,...64
Q ...
O3
14- .
,...64
IO
OJ.
27 .
.. 6s
21
2 8
,...6s
xx. 3
.... IOI, IDS
XV. I 20 ....
10 ..
..04
I
,...6;
23
...lO^
2
66
2Q ...
. IOA
4ff ...
66
xxi. ii
IO^
6ff
68
16
. ... 106
6
...to?
17 ...
IOC
7 .
...1*4.
18
. . . 106
14. ...
... I 4.
xof
FO7
20
...20, 68, 74
2off
IO7
22 ff
68
i\i
23,
...74
2?
* y
24. .
80
2J. ...
28
...7O. 74.
2S .
7e
2O
....2O. 74
26
A A inn
3,0
86
28
...i8q
xvi. i
,...8<;
28f
108
a
...84., 86, 87
xxii. 15
...W
...7<5, 87
xxiii. i
112
e,
88
5
6
88
6
Ill
1 ...
,...88
xxiv. .5 .
...100
INDEX
219
ActS
xxv. 17
18
xxv.
7
PAGE
109, no
109
in
'49
i?f ........................ 55
22f ..................... in
xxviii. 15 ........................ 113
lyff ..................... 112
2lf ..................... 112
James
i. i ........................ 149
ii. 2 f ........................ 150
lof ..................... 151
14 2') ................. 148
v. 14 ........................ 150
1 Peter
i. 2 ........................ 155
Jo ........................ 155
" ........................ 155
i8f ..................... 155
ii- 9 .................. i55> 161
Romans
i. 16 ........................ 87
ii. 28f ..................... 163
iv., v., vii ...................... 97
ix. 3 ........................ 102
xi. 29 ........................ 102
xiii. 8, 10 ..................... 16
xiv ............. 126, 127, 135
xv. i 13 .................. 126
16 ........................ no
ssff ..................... 66
*<5 ........................ 43
32 .................. IO2, 167
xvi. 17 20 ............ 113, 126
1 Corinthians
i- 5 ........................ 129
" ........................ 95
1 Corinthians PAGE
i, 21 119
22 2=; 95
ii. 9 165
iii. 2 116
v. 6-8 96
vii. 17 24 96
24 97
viii. x 76
viii 97
i n 129
i*- '9 97
xiii. 2 129
8 129
xv. 32 94
56 97
2 Corinthians
iii 98
viii. 23 64
xi- 4 134
5 98
22 98
xii. ii 98
Galatians
i- 6 134
17 55
iS 20 36
21 63
ii 63
2 66
3 67, 84
4 6 7
5-9 79
5 67
7 153
9 67, 80
10 67
1114 76
12 7 6 79. 80
22O
INDEX
Galatians PAGE
ii. 13 77. 8t
14 77. 78
iv. 3 118
6f 100
9, 10 118
13 88
26 161
V. 2f 1OO
14 16
vi. 12, 14 115
Ephesians
iv. 22 121
V. 6 121
Philippians
i. 5 43
15 42
iii. i 114
i7 ff "5
20 161
Colossians
i. 6 124
23 125
ii. 4 124
6 iii. 4 124
7 "4
8 1 15, 119
II 15 122
1623 n6f
18 117
2023 123
20 Il8
21 Il8
23 122
iii. i 124
5 123
12 15 129
1 Thessalonians
ii. 14 16 90
1 Thessalonians PAGE
ii. 16 .................. 90, 108
2 Thessalonians
i. 8 ........................... 91
iii. 2 ........................... 91
Hebrews
i., ii ............................ 122
viii. 5 .................. ......... 52
ix. i ........................ riy
x. i .................. 1 17, 158
25 ........................ 158
xi. 8 ........................... 51
xii. 2 ........................ 159
22 ........................ 161
xiii. 4 ........................ 145
9 ........................ 134
" ........................ 53
13 .................. 159. i?6
16 ........................ 43
1 Timothy
i- 3 ........................ 134
4 .................. 135, 137
7 ........................ 137
20 ........................ 132
i v - i3 ............... f 32, 187
4<" ........................ 144
7 ........................ 138
v - 2 3 ........................ 144
vi- 3 ........................ 134
20 .................. 133, 138
2 Timothy
i. 5 ........................... 85
ii. 16 ........................ 138
i7f ..................... 132
iii. i5 ..................... 132
15 ........................ 85
Titus
i- 13 ...... ................. 146
INDEX
221
TltUS PAGE
Apocalypse
PAGE
163
Hf
132
r 33
183
1 60
163
163
ANT
..71
V. I o
160
16
vii
161
iii. ...133, 137,
xxi
161
Apocalypse
i. sf...
12
161
14
161
2 **
.. .161
..
HELLENISTIC.
Eusebius
Hist. Eccl. iii. n ..
... 1 60
PATRISTIC
Augustine
c . fattsl. 32
Barnabas
vi. o
140
140
'4 1
141
141
149
J 5 2
167
190
189
'77
177
173
.178
170
169
.174.
16
...171
19 21
... 171
ix. 8
27
...108
Clem. Horn,
xviii. 15 f
28
...i8of
32 ...
...171
Clem. Rec.
i. 54
3^
... 1 73
iv. 3
17^
ii. 30. 46 ..
6
...176
Clemens Bomanus
e,^
14. ...
...189
22
. . 1 6 ^ f , 172
Epiphanius
1400
vi. 1 3
...107
vii. " ^
... I QO
xxvii. 6
Hernias
Sim. ix. 1 7. i f
162
xxviii. i
Hippolytus
vii. 33 .
...iSgf
De metis, el pond.
15
vii. 3- ...
...107
ij. ...
...180
Eusebius
Dem. Evan. iv. 5
Ignatius
Afatfn. viii. i
182
vi. 18
i\
...183
Hist,Eccl.\\. 23... 1 5 2, 164,
iii. 5 10
x
...183
xi
...184
s .
viii. .
...184.
222
INDEX
Ignatius PAGE
Magn.-x. 185
xi 185
viii 186
Philad.
v 184
vi 184
viii 185
ix 185
Irenseus
Adv. ffaer.
i. 26. i 189
i. 26. 2 197
iii. 3 l8 9
iii. n iSgf
Jerome
Ep. 112, 13 199
Joseplius PAGE
c. Ap. i. 3 136
Just. Mart.
Died, c. 47 f. 194
c. 112 140
Origen
c. Cels.v. 61 197
v. 65 198
vii- 3 73
in Mat. xvi. 12 198
PMlo
df vit. con 128
de vit. Mo. ii. 8 136
Protev. lac.
i H9
Sib. Or.
iv. . ...128
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